«
THE WORKS
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
THE WORKS
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
V
. 3 •
VOLUME VIII
^ HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA/
Vol. III. 1801-1887.
:UNI7EIISIT
SAN FRANCISCO:
THE HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1887.
^
3
^'^M.
Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1887, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
All Rigliis Reserved.
CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RFLE.
1801-1818.
PAGE
Popular Feeling in Central America — Effect of Events in Spain — Recog-
nition of American Equality — Representation in the Spanish Cortes
— Delusive Reforms — End of Saravia's Rule — President Jose Busta-
mante — His Despotic Course — Demands in the Cortes — Constitu-
tional Guarantees — Official Hostility — Campaign in Oajaca — Revolu-
tionary Movements in Salvador — War in Nicaragua — Conspiracy in ,
Guatemala — Treatment of the Insurgents — Disrespect to the Diputa-
cion — The Constitution Revoked — Royal Decrees . 1
CHAPTER II.
INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
1818-1821.
President Carlos Urrutia — His Liberal Views — Colombian Assaults —
Spanish Constitution Restored — The Gazistas, or Bacos — The Cacos
— Jos6 del Valle — Pedro Molina — Liberal Institutions — Extent of
the Political Government — Ecclesiastical Administration — Work of
American Deputies — Party Excitement in Guatemala — Urrutia Dele-
gates his Powers — Substitute President Gavino Gainza — Chiapas and
her Government — She Secedes from Spain and Joins the Mexican _
Empire — Guatemala Declares for Independence — Junta Gubernativa
— Convocation of a Congress 23
CHAPTER III.
UNION WITH MEXICO.
1821-1822.
First Acts of Guatemalan Rulers— Intrigues of Parties— Their Evil Con- —
sequences — Gainza's Intrigues — Independence in the Other Prov-
inces— Rewards to Gainza — Troubles in Salvador — Dissensions in
Honduras — Local Squabbles in Nicaragua — Predilection for Imperial-
ism— Costa Rica Neutral — Condition of Various Sections — Seceding
Districts of Guatemala — Perplexities of the Junta Consultiva — Itur-
bide's Devices — Military Pressure — His Proposals Accepted — Illegal
Annexation — Protests and Resistance — War Begins 42
(V)
yn CONTENTS.
♦
CHAPTER IV.
CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
1822-1825.
PAGE
Secession from Mexico — Arzii's Campaign — Prevarication of Salvador —
Filisola's Victory — His Subsequent Course — Liberal Triumph in
Costa Rica — Honduras Favors Union — National Independence Se-
cured— Labors to Organize a Nation — The Constituent Assembly —
Provincias Unidas del Centro de America — Abolition of African
Slavery — Provisional Government — Moderados or Serviles — Libe-
rales or Fiebres — Principles and Aims of Parties — Mexican Forces
Retire — Seditions Begin — Salvadoran Force in Guatemala — Confed-
eracion de Centro America — Fundamental Law — Finances — Adjourn-
ment of the Constituent Assembly 60
CHAPTER V.
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
1825-1830.
(leneral Elections — Meeting of the First Congress — Manuel Jos6 Arce,
First President of the Republic — Foreign Relations — Arce's Pre-
varications— Conflict with Guatemala — Party Bickerings — Liberals
Quarrel with Arce — He Joins their Opponents — Bitterness Engen-
dered— President versus Guatemalan Rulers — Arrest of Jefe Juan
~~ Barrundia — Riots at Quezaltenango — Murder of Vice -jefe Cirilo
Flores — Arce as Dictator in Guatemala — War against Salvador — Arce
Defeated — He Gives up the Presidency, and Cannot Recover- It —
Bloody War of 1826-9 — Morazan the Victor — Jose Francisco Bar-
rundia, Acting President — Liberal Measures — Peace Restored —
Spanish Schemes 79
CHAPTER VI.
CIVIL WAR.
1829-1838.
Revolution in Honduras — Conservatives Invade the State — Second Gen-
eral Elections — Francisco Morazan Chosen President — Plots of the
Serviles — Arce's Invasion from Mexico — Occupation of Honduras
Ports by Exiled Rebels — Spanish Flag Hoisted in Omoa, and Aid
from Cuba — Salvadoran Authorities in Rebellion — Third General
Elections — Morazan Reelected — Failure of Colonization Plans — Rav-
ages of Cholera — Indian Revolt under Carrera — His Early Life 108
CHAPTER VII.
DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
1837-1840.
Campaign against Carrera — Several Departments of Guatemala in Re-
bellion— Jefe Galvez Deposed — Carrera Takes Guatemala — Murder
CONTENTS. vii
of Salazar — Carrera Accepts Money to Leave the City — Dictatorship
OflFered Morazan by the Aristocrats and Refused — Carrera's Second
Rebellion — The Republic in Peril — Morazan 's Efiforts to Save It —
Nicaragua and Honduras Forces Invade Salvador — Morazan Defeats
Them — His Retreat to San Salvador — He Embarks— Is Refused
Hospitality in Costa Rica — Goes to South America — The Republic is
Dead — Salvador at the Mercy of Carrera 127
CHAPTER VIII.
GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
1824-1840.
State Government of Guatemala — Barrundia's Radicalism — His Over-
throw— Vice-jefe Flores Assassinated in Quezaltenango — Downfall of
the Liberals in Guatemala — Aristocratic Leaders Exiled — Jefe Mo-
lina— His Differences, Impeachment, and Acquittals — Rivera Ca-
beza's Reforms — Earthquakes— Galvez' Rule and its Benefits — Party
Opposition to Him — Indian Outbreaks — Carrera Captures Guatemala
— Galvez Resigns — Subsequent Rule of the Aristocrats— Guatemala
again Independent — Honduras' State Government — Jefe Dionisio
Herrera — Early Dissensions — Comayagua Assaulted by Rebels —
Morazan in the Field — Honduras Secedes from the Central American
Confederation — Federalism Rooted out of her Territory 145
CHAPTER IX.
SALVADOR, MICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
1824-1840.
Salvador State Government — Liberals Overthrown — Secession from the
Union— San Salvador as the Federal Seat of Government — Guate-
mala Imposes her Will — Jefe Cauas and Comandante Malespin — Nic-
aragua's Early Troubles — Siege and Bombardment of Leon — Organ-
ization of State Government — Dissensions and Warfare— Eruption of
Cosigiiina — Secession from the Confederation — Costa Rica as a Con-
federated State— Juan Mora's Administration— Towns' Bickerings
Settled— Braulio Carrillo's Rule— Final Secession from the Central
American Republic — Prosperity of the State 165
CHAPTER X.
DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
1839-1852.
Interstate Dissensions— Pacto de Chinandega — Confederacion Centre
Americana — Supremo Delegado Chamorro — Hostility of Guatemala
and British Oflacials— Arce Invades Salvador— War of the Confeder-
acy against Guatemala — Helplessness of Chamorro — End of the
Pacto de Chinandega— Condition of the States— Ferrera's Bad Faith
viii CONTENTS.
PAGE
— Salvador and Honduras against Nicaragua — Horrors of Leon —
Vice-president Joaquin E. Guzma^ — Honduras and Salvador at War
— Guardiola's Vandalism — Malespin Overthrown — Renewed Efforts
to Confederate — Guatemala an Independent Republic — Costa Rica
Follows — Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras a Confederacy — Its
Short Life — Further Unsuccessful Attempts 186
CHAPTER XI.
REPUBLIC OF COSTA KICA.
1841-1856.
Rule of Carrillo Continued — Plots for its Overthrow — Invasion of Mora-
zan — Change of Government — Morazan's Policy — Opposition — Re-
volts— Morazan's Defeat and Death — Satisfaction of the Oligarchs —
Measures of the Victors — New Constitution — Subsequent Amend-
ments— Sedition — Castro's Administration — Costa Rica Declared a
Republic — Recognition by Spain — Relations with Other Powers —
Boundary Questions with Nicaragua and Colombia — President Juan
Rafael Mora — His Repressive Measures 215
CHAPTER XII.
REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
1838-1855.
State Government — Director Buitrago's Conservatism — British Aggres-
sion— Director Sandoval's Rule — Internal Troubles — Guerrero's Ad-
ministration— The Mosquito Kingdom — Its Origin and History —
Bubbles — British Pretensions — Seizure of San Juan del Norte — Dip-
lomatic Complications — Clayton -Bui wer Treaty — Nicaragua Recovers
her Own — Relations with Foreign Powers — An American War Ship
Bombards San Juan del Norte — Pineda's Government — Establish-
ment of the Republic — Party Dissensions — Legitimists versus Demo-
crats— Chamorro and Castellon — Civil War — Death of Chamorro —
Estrada Succeeds Him ^38
CHAPTER XIII.
REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
1840-1865.
President Rivera Paz — Carrera's Course — Pretended Sedition — Dissolu-
tion of the Assembly — A Consejo Constituyente Created — Carrera
Becomes President — Attempt against his Life — Revolt of Monter-
irosa — Carrera's Despotism — The Republic Established — Relations
with Other Powers — Revolution of the Mountain — Constituent As-
sembly Convened — Carrera's Forced Resignation and Exile — Liberals
Triumphant — Their Squabbles and Disintegration — The Moderado
Party — ^Revolution of Los Altos — Intrigues of the Serviles — Presi-
CONTENTS. ix
PAGE
dencies of Martinez and Escobar — Causes of their Resignations —
Paredes — Recall of Carrera — Deeds of Vengeance — Carrera again
President — Partial Restoration of Peace 264
CHAPTER XIV.
REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
1839-1865.
Malespin's Acts — Lindo's Coup d'Etat and Deposal — Jefe Guzman —
Revolt at Santa Ana — President Aguilar — The Bishop Expelled —
Viteri's Alliance with Malespin and Honduran Oligarchs — President
Vasconcelos — British Hostilities — Salvador's Relations with Foreign
Powers— San Martin's Administration — Destruction of San Salvador
— President Campo — Campaign against Walker in Nicaragua — Estab-
lishment of the Republic — Santin's Overthrow — Presidency of Ge-
rardo Barrios — War of Salvador and Honduras against Guatemala
and Nicaragua — The Latter Victorious — Barrios' Flight — Restoration
of Peace — Duenas as President — Barrios' Subsequent Return — His
Capture and Surrender by Nicaragua — His Execution in San Salva-
dor 285
CHAPTER XV.
REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
1840-1865. '
President Ferrera — Revolutionary Movements — Political Executions —
Presidency of Juan Lindo — New Constitution — Lindo Overthrown —
Belize — Honduras' Troubles with Great Britain — British Occupation
of Tiger Island — Bombardment of Omoa — Bay Islands — President
Cabanas — War with Guatemala — Guardiola's Assassination — Pro-
visional Rules of Castellanos and Montes — Alliance with Barrios —
Unsuccessful War with Guatemala and Nicaragua — Montes Deposed
— Establishment of the Republic — Jose M. Medina Chosen President
— Amendment of the Constitution 309
CHAPTER XVI.
walker's CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
1855-1856,
Kinney's Expedition — William Walker Joins the Democrats — Failure of
his Expedition to Rivas — Cholera Decimates the Legitimists at Ma-
nagua— Death of Muiioz — Walker's Victories at La Virgen and Gra-
nada— Execution of Minister Mayorga — Walker's Convention with
Corral — Provisional Government Organized — President Patricio
Rivas— Commander of the Forces, Walker— Minister of War Corral
Put to Death for Treason — Recognition by Salvador and Honduras
— Seizure of the Transit Company's Steamers — Costa Ricans on the
War-path — Havoc of Cholera 327
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XVII.
END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
1856-1867.
PAGE
Recognition of President Rivas by the United States — Walker's Hostile
Attitude — Flight of Rivas — Walker Makes Himself President — Alli-
ance against Him — Death of Estrada — The Legitimists Accept Rivas
— Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans in Rivas — Destruction of Granada
— It is Occupied by Allied Forces — Walker Reoccupies Rivas — Where
He is Besieged — Successes of the Costa Ricans — Failure of Lock-
ridge's Expedition — Surrender of Walker — War of Nicaragua and
Costa Rica — Commodore Paulding and Walker's Second Attempt-
Walker's Invasion of Honduras, Capture, and Execution — Govern-
ment Reorganized — President Martinez' Administrations ^7
CHAPTER XVIII.
POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
1856-1886.
Rewards to Walker's Conquerors — Reelection of Mora — His Downfall and
Exile — His Return, Capture, and Execution — Montealegre's Admin-
istration— Violence of Parties — Compromise on Jesus Jimenez — His
Peaceful Rule — President Jose M. Castro — Charges against Him —
His Overthrow — Sevesal New Constitutions — Jimenez again Presi-
dent— His Arbitrary Acts — How He was Deposed — President Car-
ranza — Other Temporary Rulers — President Guardia's Despotism —
Failure of his Warlike Plans — His Death — Administration of Prds-
pero Fernandez — Preparations to Defend Independence — His Sudden
Death — Bernardo Soto's Peaceful Rule .371
CHAPTER XIX.
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
1865-1885.
Rule of President Duenas — His Conservatism — Quarrel with Honduras —
The Latter Allied with Salvadoran Liberals — Battle of Santa Ana —
Duenas Deposed — His Impeachment, Release, and Temporary Exile
— Santiaga Gonzalez Provisional President — Gonzalez Elected Chief
Magistrate — Guatemala and Salvador at War with Honduras —
Murder of Vice-president Mendez — Earthquakes — President Valle —
Trouble with Guatemala — Exeunt Valle and Gonzalez — Zaldivar's
Long Rule — Constitutional Changes — Alliance with Nicaragua and
Costa Rica — Resistance to Barrios' Plan of Conquest — Salvador Vic-
torious — Restored Peace — Zaldlvar Eliminated — Revolution — F.
Menendez Made President 392
CONTENTS. xi
CHAPTER XX.
DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
1865-1873.
PAGE
President Cerna's Rule — Partial Revolts — Liberals in the Assembly —
Cerna's Reelection — Riots in the Capital — Zavala's Course — Cruz'
Rebellion, Defeat, and Death — Arrests of Liberals — Moderation of
the Government — Revolution of Garcia Granados and Barrios —
Plan of Patzicia — Cerna Defeated and Overthrown — Granados as
Presidente Provisorio — Seditious Movements Quelled — Abolition of
Priestly Privileges — Prelates, Jesuits, and Capuchins Expelled —
War with Honduras — Barrios as Substitute President — His Sever-
ity— Elections — Barrios Chosen Constitutional President 413
CHAPTER XXI.
RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
1873-1885.
President Barrios of Guatemala — End of Reactionary War — Guatemalan
Progress — War with Salvador and Honduras — Barrios' Successes
and Generosity to the Vanquished — Constitutional Regime in Guate-
mala— Barrios' Reelections — His Visit to the United States — Peace-
ful Effort to Unite Central America — Resort to Arms — Alliance of
Guatemala and Honduras — Barrios Attacks Salvador — His Defeat
and Death — His Plan Abandoned — M. L. Barillas, Provisional Presi-
dent of Guatemala — Restoration of Peace 431
CHAPTER XXII.
HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
1865-1886.
National Flag and Escutcheon— Order of Santa Rosa — Medina's Long
Rule — His Differences with Duefias, and Triumph — War with Salva-
dor and Guatemala — Medina Defeated and Overthrown — Celeo Arias
Succeeds Him — His Liberal Policy — He is Beset by the Conserva-
tives— His Former Supporters Depose Him — Ponciano Leiva Becomes
President — His Course Displeases Barrios, Who Sets Medina against
Him — He is Forced to Resign — Marco Aurelio Soto Made President
by Barrios — Attempted Revolt of Ex -president Medina — His Trial
and Execution — Soto's Administration — He Goes Abroad — His Quar-
rel with Barrios, and Resignation — President Bogran — Filibustering
Schemes 453
CHAPTER XXIII.
POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
1867-1885.
President Fernando Guzman — Insurrection — Misconduct of Priests — ■
Defeats of the Insurgents — Foreign Mediation — Generosity of the
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Government — President Vicente Quadra — Inception of the Jesuits —
Aims of Parties — Internal and Foreign Complications — Costa Kica's
Hostility and Tinoco's Invasion — Presidents Chamorro and Zavala —
More Political Troubles — Jesuits the Promoters — Their Expulsion —
Peace Restored — Progress of the Country — President Adan Car-
denas— Resistance to President Barrios' Plan of Forced Reconstruc-
tion 470
CHAPTER XXIV.
INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
1801-1822.
Administration under Spain — Influence of Events in Europe and Spanish
America on the Isthmus — Hostilities in Nueva Granada — Constitu-
tional Government — General Hore's Measures to Hold the Isthmus
for Spain — MacGregor's Insurgent Expedition at Portobello — Re-
establishment of the Constitution — Captain-general Murgeon's Rule
— The Isthmus is Declared Independent — Its Incorporation with
Colombia — Jose Fabrega in Temporary Command — Jose Maria Car-
reno Appointed Intendente and Comandante General — Abolition of
African Slavery , 488
CHAPTER XXV.
DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
1819-1863.
Panam^ Congress — Provincial Organizations — Alzuru's Rebellion and
Execution — Secession from Colombia and Reincorporation — Differ-
ences with Foreign Governments — Crime Rampant — Summary
Treatment of Criminals — Riots and Massacre of Foreign Passengers
— Attempts to Rob Treasure Trains — Neutrality Treaties — Estab-
lishment of Federal System — Panama as a State — Revolutionary Era
Begins — A Succession of Governors — Seditious Character of the
Negro Population — Revolution against Governor Guardia and his
Death — Another Political Organization — Estado Soberano de Pana-
ma— Liberal Party in Full Control— Stringent Measures 510
CHAPTER XXVI.
FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
1863-1885.
Presidents Goitia, Santa Coloma, and Calancha — Undue Interference of
Federal OflBcials — Colunje's Administration — President Olarte's En-
ergy— Enmity of the Arrabal's Negroes — Short and Disturbed Rules
of Diaz and Ponce — President Correoso — Negro Element in the
Ascendent — Conservatives Rebel, and are Discomfited — Armed Peace
CONTENTS. xiii
PAGE
for a Time — Feverish Rules of Neira, Mird, Aizpuru, Correoso, and
Casorla — Cervera's Long Tenure — Temporary Rule of Vives Leon —
President Santodomingo Vila — Obtains Leave of Absence — Is Suc-
ceeded by Pablo Arosemena — Aizpuru 's Revolution — Arosemena
Flees and Resigns — Outrages at Colon — American Forces Protect
Panama — Collapse of the Revolution — Aizpuru and Correoso Im-
prisoned— Chief Causes of Disturbances on the Isthmus 532
CHAPTER XXVII.
CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
1886.
Extent of the Country — Climate — Mountains and Volcanoes — Earth-
quakes— Rivers and Lakes — Costa Rica's Area, Possessions, and
Political Division and Government — Her Chief Cities — Nicaragua,
her Territory, Towns, and Municipal Administration — Honduras'
Extent, Islands, Cities, and Local Government — Salvador, her Posi-
tion, Area, Towns, and Civil Rule — Guatemala's Extent and Posses-
sions— Her Cities and Towns — Internal Administration — Isthmus of
Panama — Area, Bays, Rivers, and Islands — Department and District
Rule — The Capital and Other Towns — Population — Character and
Customs — Education — Epidemics and Other Calamities 560
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE PEOPLE OF COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
1800-1887.
Central American Population — Its Divisions — General Characteristics and
Occupations — Land Grants — Eflforts at Colonization — Failure of For-
eign Schemes — Rejection of American Negroes — Character of the
Costa Rican People — Dwellings — Dress — Food — Amusements — Nica-
raguan Men and Women — Their Domestic Life — How They Amuse
Themselves — People of Salvador — Their Character and Mode of
Living 587
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE PEOPLE OF HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
1800-1887.
Amalgamation in Honduras — Possible War of Races — Xicaques and Payas
— Zambos or Mosquitos — Pure and Black Caribs — Distinguishing
Traits — Ladinos — Their Mode of Life — Guatemala and her People —
Different Classes — Their Vocations — Improved Condition of the
Lower Classes — Mestizos — Pure Indians — Lacandones — White and
Upper Class — Manners and Customs — Prevailing Diseases — Epi-
demics— Provision for the Indigent 608
xiv CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXX.
INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
1800-1887.
PAGE
Public Education — Early EjBForts at Development — Costa Rica's Measures
— Small Success — Education in Nicaragua — Schools and Colleges —
Nicaraguan Writers — Progress in Salvador and Honduras — Brilliant
Results in Guatemala — Polytechnic School — Schools of Science, Arts,
and Trades — Institute for the Deaf, Dumb, and Blind — University —
Public Writers — Absence of Public Libraries — Church History in
Central America and Panama — Creation of Dioceses of Salvador and
Costa Rica — Immorality of Priests — Their Struggles for Supremacy
— Efforts to Break their Power — Banishments of Prelates — Expulsion
of Jesuits — Suppression of Monastic Orders — Separation of Church
and State — Religious Freedom 621
CHAPTER XXXI.
JUDICIAL AND MILITARY.
1887.
Judicial System of Guatemala — Jury Trials in the Several States — Courts
of Honduras — Absence of Codes in the Republic — Dilatory Justice —
Impunity of Crime in Honduras and Nicaragua — Salvador's Judiciary
— Dilatory Procedure — Codification of Laws in Nicaragua — Costa
Rican Administration — Improved Codes — Panama Courts — Good
Codes — Punishments for Crime in the Six States — Jails and Peniten-
tiaries— Military Service — Available Force of Each State — How
Organized — Naval — Expenditures — Military Schools — Improve-
ments 638
CHAPTER XXXII.
INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.
1800-1887.
Early Agriculture — Protection of the Industry — Great Progress Attained
— Communal Lands — Agricultural Wealth — Decay of Cochineal —
Development of Other Staples— Indigo, Coffee, Sugar, Cacao, and
Tobacco — Food and Other Products — Precious Woods and Medicinal
Plants — Live-stock — Value of Annual Production in Each State —
Natural Products of Panama — Neglect of Agriculture — Mineral
Wealth — Yield of Precious Metals — Mining in Honduras, Salvador,
and Nicaragua — Deposits of Guatemala and Costa Rica — Mints —
Former Yield of Panama — Mining Neglected on the Isthmus — In-
cipieucy of Manufactures — Products for Domestic Use 650
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXXIIL
COMMERCE AND FINANCE,
1801-1887.
PAGE
Early State of Trade — Continued Stagnation after Independence — Steam
on the Coasts— Its Beneficial Effects — Variety of Staples— Ports of
Entry and Tariffs — Imports and Exports — Fairs — Accessory Transit
Company — Internal Navigation — Highways — Money — Banking —
Postal Service — Panama Railway Traffic — Local Trade of the Isth-
mus— Pearl Fishery — Colonial Revenue in Finances of the Federa-
tion— Sources of Revenue of Each State — Their Receipts and
Expenditures — Foreign and Internal Debts 663
CHAPTER XXXIV.
INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
1801-1887.
Ancient Ideas on the North-west Passage — From Peru to La Plata —
Cape Horn Discovered — Arctic Regions — McClure's Successful
Voyage — Crozier's Discovery — Franklin's Attempts — Finding by
Nordenskiold of the North-east Passage — Projects to Unite the At-
lantic and Pacific Oceans across the Isthmuses — Plans about Tehuan-
tepec — Explorations for a Ship -canal Route in Nicaragua, Panama,
and Darien — The Nicaragua Accessory Transit Company — Construc-
tion of the Panama Railway, and its Great Benefits — Further Efforts
for a Canal — Organization of a French Company — A Ship-canal under
Construction across the Isthmus of Panama — Difficulties and Expec-
tations— Central American Railroads and Telegraphs — Submarine
Cables 688
HISTORY .
OF
CENTRAL AMERICA.
CHAPTER I. {(UNIVERSITY]
LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RUES^ZlpQU'^^b;^
1801-1818.
Popular Feeling in Central America — Effect of Events in Spain-
Recognition OF American Equality— Representation in the Spanish
C6rtes — Delusive Reforms — End of Saravia's Rule — President
Josi: BusTAMANTE— His Despotic Course — Demands in the C6rtes—
Constitutional Guarantees— Official Hostility — Campaign in Oa-
JACA — Revolutionary Movements in Salvador — War in Nicaragua
— Conspiracy in Guatemala — Treatment of the Insurgents — Dis-
respect TO the Diputaoion — The Constitution Revoked — Royal
Decrees.
The opening century was pregnant with important
events both in Europe and America. By 1808 afeirs
in Spain culminated in the French emperor's deten-
tion of the king and other members of the royal
family at Bayonne, where he forced them finally to
resTgn in his favor their rights to the Spanish crown.
The circle surrounding the captain-general, audien-
cia, and archbishop of Guatemala was made up, not
only of European Spaniards, but of Guatemalans
belonging to the so-called noble families. Popular
displeasure was manifested both against the Span-
iards and against the provincial aristocracy.^ The
* See History of Mexico^ this series. The masses of the people were kept
HiBT. Obnt* Am., Vol. HI. 1
2 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
oligarchy was hated throughout the province of Gua-
temala proper, and still more in the other provinces
of the presidency.
However; when the news of Napoleon's usurpation
reached; tj&i^ierica, it caused a strong revulsion of
feeling^ in Central America, as well as elsewhere in
ti^e Sp4ui^^H \d9iminions, even among the large class
which had hitherto secretly fostered a warm desire
for independent national existence. Creoles of pure
Spanish descent, though yearning to be free from the
old thraldom, could not bring themselves to discard
the country which gave them blood, religion, and
civilization. As to the educated Indians, who were
also among the wishers for independence, like all of
their race, they looked up to the ruling power with
reverence and fear. Thus arose a struggle between
the old veneration and the love of freedom; a strug-
gle which was to last in Central America a few years
longer, though the people were becoming more and
more impatient, while leaning to the side of indepen-
dent nationality. Circumstances seemed to demand
that the old connection should not be ruptured till
1821, when decisive results in New Spain brought on
the final crisis here. When the news of Napoleon s
acts of violence and usurpations reached Guatemala,
popular loyalty was aroused, and showed itself in
various ways. Manifestations by the authorities, ex-
pressive of fealty to the mother country and the royal
family, met with an apparently hearty response from
the people.
Advices came on the 30th of June, 1808, of the
occurrences at Aranjuez of March 1 9th.^ July passed
amid much anxiety about affairs in Spain, and the
public mind became depressed by unfavorable news
received on the 13th of August. Next day, at a
in utter ignorance, to be used, if necessary, as the blind tools of the ruling
oligarchy. Mont'ofar^ Reseila Hist. , i. 6.
2 1 have told in my Histojy of Mexico how Cdrlos IV. was forced to abdi-
cate, and his son Fernando raised to the throne.
SARA VIA AND FERNANDO VII. 3
meeting of the authorities,^ the state of aifairs was
anxiously discussed. The mariscal de campo, An-
tonio Gonzalez Mollinedo y Saravia, had succeeded
Dolmas on the 28th of July, 1801, in the offices of
governor, captain -general, and president of the au-
diencia. He had seen forty years of service in the
royal armies,* and had with him his wife, Micaela Co-
larte, and offspring.®
President Saravia read to the meeting a despatch
from the viceroy of Mexico, and a copy of the Gaceta
giving an account of the^bdication of Fernando VII.,
and of the surrender by^ther members of the royal
family of their rights to the Spanish crown. After
due consideration, the meeting declared these acts to
have resulted from"vioIehce, being therefore illegal
and unjust, and not entitled to recognition. It was y.^^,,,
further resolved that the authorities and people should y>^^^^„
renew their allegiance to the legitimate sovereign,
continue upholding the laws hitherto in force, and '
maintain unity of action, for the sake of religion,
peace, and good order. Instructions were received^
to raise the standard of Fernando VII., and swear
allegiance to him, which were duly carried out/
The opportunity has now arrived for a radical
change in the political status of Spanish America.
The colonies have hitherto had no government, save
'There were the governor, archbishop, oidores of the real audiencia,
Marquds de Aycinena, high oflBciala of the treasury, dean and chapter of the
archdiocese, alcaldes and regidores of the *muy noble ayuntamiento,' officers
of the university, prelates of the religious orders, prior and consuls of the
real consulado, intendente of Comayagua, temporarily sojourning in the city,
secretary of the audiencia, commandant of the artillery, and colonels of the
militia regiments. Diario M6x.y ix. 316-18; Chmt. jpor Fern. VII., 2-6, 83-94;
Saravia, Manif.
* His last position in Europe had been that of teniente de rey of Palma, in
the island of Majorca. Juarros, Guat., i. 273.
^Chiat. por Fern. VII., 60. In 1866 their descendants were living in
Guatemala.
«Dec. 13, 1808.
^ The acts were performed with great solenmity and magnificence, the peo-
ple manifesting much joy. This evidence of loyalty was warmly acknowl-
edged. May 27, 1809, by the Junta Suprema Gubernativa of Spain, sitting at
Seville and acting for the imprisoned king. Most glowing descriptions of the
ceremonies appear in Diario M6x., xi. 279-80; Ouat. por Fern. VII., 7-82,
94-101, 158-9.
4 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
that of Tulexs set over them by a monarch whose will
was absolute, whose edicts constituted their code of
laws; the subject being allowed no voice in public
affairs, save occasionally as a timid petitioner. But
troubles beset Spain at this time. Her king is pow-
erless; the friends of constitutional government have
now the control, and proceed to establish the desired
liberal regime. In order to be consistent, and to some
extent satisfy the aspirations of their fellow- subjects
in America, the provisional government decrees, and
the c6rtes upon assembling confirm, all the rights
claimed for Spaniards dwelling in Spain, together
with representation in the c6rtes and other national
councils.
The^ Junta Suprema Central Gubernativa in the
king's name declares on the 22d of January, 1809, the
Spanish possessions in America to be, in fact, integral
parts of the monarchy,^ and, approving the report of
the council of the Indies of November 21, 1808, in
favor of granting to the American dominions repre-
sentation near the sovereign, and the privilege of
forming by deputies a part of the aforesaid junta,
issues to the president of Guatemala an order to invite
the people of the provinces to choose their deputy to
reside at court as a member of the governing junta.^
^ *No son propiamente colonias, 6 factorias, como los de otras naciones,
sino una parte esencial 6 integrants de la Monarqufa Espanola.' QucU, por
Fern. VII., 163-6; Diiblan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 326-7.
• Ayuntamientos of head towns were to choose three honorable and compe-
tent men, from among whom each ayuntamiento had to draw by lot one elec-
tor, whose name, country, age, profession, and political and moral qualifications
must be at once made known to the president of the audiencia. After the
names of all the nominees were in his possession, he, jointly with the electors,
had to select by secret ballot three candidates of the highest recognized char-
acter and ability, out of which three the audiencia, presided over by the
governor-general, was to choose the deputy, to whom all the ayuntamientos
must forthwith send their powers and instructions. The deputy, duly pro-
vided with means to journey decorously, was required to embark for Spain,
his yearly pay being fixed at ^6,000. Alaman, Hist. M6j., i. 291-2. A later
order of Oct. 6, 1S09, required the deputy to be a native of Spanish America
and a resident of the province choosing him; he was not to be the holder of
an / of the chief offices therein, such as governor, intendente, oidor, etc., nor
a debtor to the royal treasury. The right of election was also given to minor
ayuntamientos; and for the choice by plurality from among the candidates of
cities a board was constituted, with two members of the audiencia, two
12
DIPUTACION AMERICANA, 5
On the 3d of March, 1810, the electors assembled in
Guatemala and chose for deputy the colonel of militia,
Manuel Jose Pavon y Munoz.^^ The powers given
him by his constituents were general, but enjoined
allegiance to the king and permanent connection with
the mother country."
The supreme government, early in 1810, in its anx-
iety to be surrounded by the representatives of the
people, hastened the convocation of cortes extraor-
dinary. Fearing, however, that there might not be
a sufficient number chosen for their timely attendance
at the opening of the session, it apprised the provin
cial authorities, reiterating the decree a little later,
that deficiencies would be temporarily supplied until
regularly elected deputies presented themselves to
occupy their seats in the chamber. Guatemala, in
common with the rest of America, w^as unable to send
her deputies in time, and had to be represented at
the inauguration by suplentes, or proxies. These ^^
were Andres del Llano, a post-captain, and Colonel
Manuel del Llano. One_of the first acts of the c6r-
tes^* was to confirm the principle that all the Spanish
dominions possessed the same rights, promising to
enact at an early day laws conducive to the welfare
of the American portion, and to fix the number and
form of national representation in both continents.
At the suggestion of the diputacion americana, as
the body of American members was called, a general
amnesty for political offences was decreed, with the
canons, and two citizens named by the ayuntamiento. Guat, por Fern. VII.,
165-6.
^® His competitors were Jos6 de Aycinena and Lieut-col Antonio Juarros.
^^ He was not to give assent to the transfer of the Spanish dominions to
any foreign power; the nation's rights must be upheld at all hazards; and
the last drop of blood shed for the catholic religion, and for king and country.
12 Feb. 14 and June 26, 1810. Diario M6x., xiii. 549-51.
^' The American suplentes were lawyers or ecclesiastics seeking preferment
at court, or military officers with a long residence there. AlamaUy Hist. M^j.y
iii.,<ap. 4; Bustamante, Defensa, 16; Dispos. Varias, ii. fol. 10; Zamacois,
Hist. Mej., viii. 450-1. The second named proxy in Nov. 1811 gave up his
seat to the regularly chosen deputy. Cdrtes, DiariOy 1811, 93.
. 1* October 15, 1810. Alaman, Hist. M6j.y iii. 10; Zamacois, Hist. Mij.,
viii. 458-9.
6 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
expectation of its yielding the best results in favor of
peace and conciliation. Promises of reform, and of
better days for Central America, were held out, but
• the provincial government paid little attention to
them. Meanwhile a jealous and restless police con-
stantly watched the movements of suspected persons.
Informers and spies lurked everywhere^ seeking for
some one against whom to bring charges.
The promised blessings proved delusive. Instead
!l^ of reforms, the people witnessed the installatfon oFa
^ tribunal de fidelidad, with large powers, for the trial
and punishment of suspected persons. ^^ This court
was short lived, however, being suppressed about the
middle of the following year, under the order of the
supreme government, dated February 20, 1811. And
thus Guatemala was kept quiet and apparently loyal,
when the greater part of Spanish America was in
open revolt.
Saravia's rule came to an end on the 14th of March,
1811. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-
general, and appointed by the government at Cd,diz
to the command in chief of the forces in Mexico. On
his arrival in Oajaca, the viceroy, who was chagrined
at his powers having been thus curtailed, detained
him at that place. In November 1812, the city be-
ing captured by the independents, Sara via was taken
prisoner and shot.^^
The successor of Saravia was Lieutenant-general
' Jose Bustamante y Guerra, appointed by the supreme
council of regency, and soon after confirmed by the
c6rtes generales extraordinarias. He was a naval
** Listalled June 9, 1810. Its first members were the Spaniards Jos6
Mendez, an artillery officer, Oidor Joaquin Bernardo Campuzano, and Auditor
de Guerra Joaquin Ibaflez. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 5.
^ ^* Saravia died like a soldier, and his fate was deplored even by the ene-
mies of his cause. Hist. Mex., iv. 486, this series. The Mexican writer Bus-
tamante, who was not prone to praise Spanish officers, said of Saravia, ' hom-
bre de bien, humano, religioso, de un corazon recto, digno de mejor fortuna.*
Cuadro Hist., ii. 217; Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 325. He was accused, how-
ever, though it is believed the charge was slanderous, of having connived at
smuggling by the treasury officials. The charge appears in Cancelada, Td.
Mex., 107-9.
BUSTAMANTE Y GUERRA. 7
officer, and had made several important cruises in the
cause of science/^ and latterly had been civil and mili-
tary governor of Montevideo, a position that he filled
efficiently. His zeal against the independents in that
country pointed him out as the one best fitted to re- /^
tard the independence of Central America. On his^^' '^
return to Spain from South America he refused to
recognize Joseph Bonaparte.
Bustamante is represented to have been an inflex-
ible, vigilant, and reticent ruler. He lost no time in
adopting stringent measures to check insurrections,
and displayed much tact in choosing his agents and
spies. No intelligent native of the country was free
from mistrust, slight suspicion too often bringing upon
the subject search of domicile, imprisonment, or exile.
He never hesitated to set aside any lenient measures
emanating from the home government in favor of the
suspected, and spared no means that would enable
him, at the expiration of his term, to surrender the
country entire and at peace to his superiors. He was
successful, notwithstanding there were several at-
tempts at secession.
Meanwhile the American representatives had been\-^
permitted to lift their voice in the national councils, f
They had called attention to the grievances of their /
people. In a long memorial of August 1, 1811, to i
the c6rtes, they had refuted the oft-repeated charge
that the friends of independence in America were or
had been under Napoleonic influence. They set forth
the^causes of discontent/^ which they declared was of
long standing, and called for a remedy. ^ Keference— '
was made to Macanar's memorial to Felipe V.,^^ where-
in he stated that the Americans were displeased, not
" One was a cruise round the world under Malaspina, being the next in
rank and commanding the corvette Atrevida. Juarros, GiLcU.f ii., adv. ix.;
Marure, Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., i. 6; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 134; viii. 569;
Los Anales, Sept. 1872, 30; Salv., DiarioOJic., 1874, ap. 1.
^^ These were restrictions enforced by the crown against agriculture, min-
ing, fisheries, manufactures, and commerce, despotism of rulers, and disre-
gard of the merits of Americans, in keeping them out of public of&ces. See
Hist. Mex., iv. 441-67, this series.
^'In the first half of the 18th century.
6 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
SO much because they were under subjection to Spain,
as because they were debased and enslaved by the
men sent out by the crown to fill the judicial and
other offices.^^
The organic code was finally adopted on the 18th
of March, 1812.^^ The instrument consisted of ten
titles, divided into chapters, in their turn subdivided
into sections, and might be considered in two parts:
1st, general form of government for the whole nation,
namely, a constitutional monarchy; 2d, special plan
for the administration of the Indies.^
In lieu of the old ayuntamientos, which were made
up of hereditary regidores, whose oflSces might be
transferred or sold, others were created, their mem-
bers to be chosen by electors who had been in their
turn chosen by popular vote. The ayuntamientos
were to control the internal police of their towns,
their funds, public instruction within their respective
localities, benevolent establishments, and local im-
provements. They were to be under the inspection
of a diputacion provincial, formed of seven members,
elected by the above-mentioned electors, in each prov-
ince, under the presidency of the chief civil officer ap-
** In the matter of appointments to office, an early royal order prescribed
that American descendants of Spaniards should have the preference for the
position of curate; and yet, during the last thirty years, the most lucrative
curacies were given to European Spaniards, i Of the 170 viceroys that ruled
in America, four only were of American birth, and those were reared or edu-
cated in Spain. Out of 602 captain-generals, governors, and presidents, only
14 were Americans. Of 982 bishops and archbishops, 703 were Europeans,
and 279 Creoles. Most of the latter were nominated in early times, when
Europeans were few, navigation difficult, and mitres afforded more work than
money. Ouerra, Rev. N. mp.y i. 278-85.
'* We are assured that Antonio Larrazdbal, a clergyman, Antonio Juarros,
and Jos6 M. Peinado were the chief authors of the instructions for Central
American deputies in Spain. The Central American deputies whose names
were appended to the constitution were: Larrazdbal for Guatemala; Jos6
Ignacio Avila for Salvador; Jos6 Francisco Morejon for Honduras; Jos6 Anto-
nio Lopez de la Plata for Nicaragua; and Florencio Castillo for Costa Rica.
G6rte8, Col. Dec, ii. 158-62; iii. 201-2; Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xvii. 240; Pap.
Var.y ccx. no. 1, 109-17; Const. Polit. Monarq., 1-134. Larrazdbal ably de-
fended in the c6rte3 the rights of the Americans, specially of the aborigines,
and above all, the national sovereignty. For this, after Fernando VII. re-
turned to Spain in 1814, he was denounced by the absolutists, Conde de
Torre Muzquiz and Marques de Mata Florida, and confined in a fort in Spain.
Pineda de Mont., in Ouat. Recop. Leyes, iii. 348.
**M6x., Col. Ley. Fund, 34-91.
NEW ORGANIC CODE. 9
pointed by the king; the chief and the diputacion
were jointly to have the direction of the economical
affairs of the province. No act of either corporation
was final till approved by the national cortes. In
America and Asia, however, owing to great distances,
moneys lawfully appropriated might be used w^ith the
assent of the chief civil authority; but a timely re-
port was to be made to the supreme government for
the consideration of the cortes. Such were the chief
wheels in the machinery of provincial and municipal
administration. Now, as to popular rights, equality
of representation in the provinces of the Spanish
peninsula, Asia^ and America was fully recognized.
The descendants of Africans were alone deprived of
the rights of citizenship. This exclusion was combated
with forcible arguments by many of the American
deputies setting forth the faithful, efficient services
colored men had repeatedly rendered and were still
rendering to the nation, and their fitness for almost
every position. Many of them, they said, had re-
ceived sacred orders, or had been engaged in other
honorable callings, in which they had made good rec-
ords; besides which, they comprised a considerable
portion of the useful mining and agricultural popula-
tion. Unfortunately for the negro race, the American
deputies were not all of one mind. Larrazd-bal, from
Guatemala, probably acting both on his own judgment
and on the opinion expressed in 1810 by the real con-
sulado, asserted the black man's incapacity, advocat-
ing that persons of African blood should be conceded
only the privilege of voting at elections. This motion
was supported by a Peruvian deputy. The peninsular
members favored the admission to full rights of colored
priests, and all colored men serving in the royalist
armies. The measure was lost, however; but the
article as passed authorized the admission to full
political rights, by special acts of the c6rtes, of colored
men proving themselves worthy by a remarkably vir-
tuous life, good service to the country, talents, or in-
10 LAST DAYS OP SPANISH RULE.
dustriousness, provided they were born in wedlock,
of fathers who had been born free, married to free-
born wives, and were residents of Spanish possessions,
practising some useful profession and owning property.
Pursuant to the constitution, the c6rtes ordered.
May 23, 1812, elections for members to the ordinary
cdrtes of 1813.'^
The constitution was received at Guatemala on
the 10th of September, 1812, proclaimed on the 24th,
and its support solemnly sworn to by the authorities
and people on the 3d of November, with great satis-
faction and evidences of loyalty. Gold and silver
medals were struck off to commemorate the event. ^
The installation of the c6rtes took place, with the
apparent"approval~'of Guatemala. The president,
members of the audiencia, and other dignitaries who
Mv V had thriven under absolutism, looking on Americans
/ — ^as *our colonists,' became at once liberals and con-
'^^ stitutionalists, pretending to recognize the wisdom of
the national congress in declaring that the Americans
were no longer colonists, but citizens of one common
country. Their manifestation of September 15, 1812,
was followed three days after by one from the ayun-
tamiento of Guatemala to Deputy Larrazdbal, in the
same strain, suggesting the creation of a board ad-
^The junta preparatoria, Nov. 12, 1812, designated only 12 deputies to the
Spanish c6rtes from Central America (Chiapas included), based on the inac-
curate census of 1778, which gave the whole country — with 101,506 for Chia-
pas— 949,015 inhabitants in 881 towns. It was fixed that the 12 provinces of
Guatemala, Chimaltenango, Quezaltenango, Ciudad Real de Chiapas, Vera
Paz, San Salvador, San Miguel, Chiquimula, Sonsonate, Leon, Costa Rica,
and Comayagua should each choose one deputy; and Guatemala, Ciudad Real,
Leon, and Comayagua the four suplentes. Only two diputaciones provin-
ciales were at first established, one in Guatemala and one in Leon. Cdrtes^
Act. ord.y i. 1813, Oct. 12, 62j Mendez, Mem. in Pap. Var.^ ccxv. no. 17, 16-
17; Conder*s Mex. and Guat, ii. 310; Modem Traveller's Mex. and Chiat.^ ii.
309-10. Later, under the constitutional regime, Chiapas was represented in
the Spanish c6rtes, and had a diputacion provincial. Larrainzary Discurso,
12. In 1812 a census was formed to ascertain how many deputies Chiapas
should have in the c6rtes. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Oeog. Boletin, iii. 400.
"^^ Quezaltenango had already, by its ayuntamiento of Aug. 12, 1812, ex-
pressed approval of the provisions of the instrument, promising loyal obedience
to it. In Honduras Gov. Juan Antonio Tornos granted leave for the erection
of a monument in the plaza of Comayagua, which was carried out. Cdrtes
Diario, ii., March 17, 18, 1822.
EXPEDITION TO OAJACA. H
visory to the cdrtes, on the reino de Guatemala legis-
lation.
After the fall of Oajaca during the Mexican war of
independence, the patriot chief Morelos regarded the
rear of his military operations as secure. Sympathiz-
ing messages had reached him from men of weight in
Guatemala, which lulled him into the belief that at-
tack need not be apprehended from this quarter. To
Ignacio Rayon he wrote: ''Good news from Guate-
mala; they have asked for the plan of government,
and I'll send them the requisite information." It was
all a mistake. His cause had friends in Central
America, and enemies likewise. Among the most
prominent of the latter were Captain-general Busta-
mante and Archbishop Casaus. The ecclesiastic, with
a number of Spanish merchants from Oajaca who had
sought refuge in Guatemala, prompted the general,
then anxious to avenge the execution of his pre-
decessor, to fit out an expedition, invade Oajaca, and
harass the insurgents even at the gates of the city.
About 700 men, mostly raw recruits, were accord-
ingly put in the field, early in 1813, under the com-
mand of Lieutenant-colonel Dambrini, a man of
little ability and unsavory record, and crossed the
line into Tehuantepec. Dambrini could not aban-
don his money- making propensities; and having been
led to believe he would encounter but little or no
resistance, took along a large quantity of merchandise
for trading. On the 25th of February a small in-
surgent force was captured in Niltepec, and Dambrini
had its commander, together with a Dominican priest
and twenty-eight others, shot the next day. This was
the usual treatment of prisoners by both belligerents.
But on April 20th the Guatemalans were flanked and
routed at Tonald by the enemy under Matamoros.
Dambrini fled, and his men dispersed, leaving in the
victors' possession their arms, ammunition, and Dam-
12 LAST DAYS OP SPANISH RULE.
brini's trading goods. The fugitives were pursued
some distance into Guatemalan territory.
25
Germs of independence, as I have said, were fos-
tered in secret by the more intelligent, and slowly
began to develop, the movement being hastened by a
few enthusiasts who were blind to the foolhardiness
p-^f their attempt. The government tried all means to
y keep the people in ignorance of the state of affairs in
/ Mexico and South America, and when unsuccessful,
/ would represent the royalist army as victorious. Other
/ more questionable devices were also resorted to.^^
-^=^ Undue restraint and ill treatment, as practised un-
der the stringent policy of Bustamante, soon began
to produce effects. Restiveness and despair seized a
portion of the people; the hopes for a government
more consonant with the spirit of the age, which had
been held out from Spain, evaporated. Men were
unwilling to live longer under the heel of despotism;
and the more high-spirited in Salvador and Nicaragua
resolved to stake their fortunes upon a bold stroke
for freedom. It was, indeed, a rash step, undertaken
without concert, and almost without resources. It
could but end as it did at every place where a revo-
lutionary movement was initiated.
Matfas Delgado and Nicolds Aguilar, curates of
San Salvador, Manuel and Vicente Aguilar, Juan
^Some authors give the 19th as the date of this defeat. Alaman, Hist.
Mij.y iii. 343-4; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 269-73; Zamucois, Hist. M4j.,
ix. 9-10, 110-11. The last-named authority asserts that Dambrini again
invaded and took the town of Tehuantepec, February 1814. During the
revolutionary wars of Mexico, Chiapas, owing to her isolated position, was
not a seat of war; and even when Morelos' troops from Oajaca visited TonaU,
as above stated, there was no resistance. This country enjoyed peace during
the struggle in New Spain. Larrainzar, Chiapas, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin,
iii. 100.
^^ Letters were constantly sent to the Spanish government, and to private
persons, which were published in the newspapers friendly to the Spanish
cause, representing the independents as banditti and murderers, and the
Spaniards as exemplars of moderation. It was the emissaries of Bonaparte
who had induced the Americans to rebel, they said. Trumped-up miracles
and punishments from heaven, anathemas, and every means suggested by foul
fanaticism were used to make the friends of freedom odious. Archbishop
Casaus granted 80 days' indulgences to Guatemalans not participating ia the
revolutionary movements of Mexico. Puerto, Convite, pt iii., 2-3.
AYCINENA IN SALVADOR.
UNIVERSITY
Manuel Rodriguez, and Manuel Jose Arce were the
first to strike the blow for Central American indepen-
dence. Their plan was carried into execution on the
5th of November, 1811, by the capture of 3,000 new
muskets, and upwards of $200,000 from the royal
treasury at San Salvador. They were supported by
a large portion of the people of the city, and in
Metapan, Zacatecoluca, Usulutan, and Chalatenango.
But other places in the province of Salvador, namely,
San Miguel, Santa Ana, San Vicente, and Sonsonate,
renewed their pledges of fealty to the government,
declaring the movement for freedom a sacrilege.^^
The promoters of the revolt, which" had been started
in the king's name, became disheartened and gave up
further ejffort, and with the dismissal of the intendente,
Antonio Gutierrez UUoa, and other officials, peace w^as
soon restored. San Salvador had been quiet without
other government than that of alcaldes during the
disturbance.
Upon the receipt of the news of these occurrences,
Bustamante despatched Colonel Jose de Aycinena
with ample powers to take charge of the intendencia,
and restore quiet. He had been getting troops ready
to send down, but by the mediation of the ayunta-
miento of Guatemala he had suspended preparations,
and had adopted the former course. A member of
that body, Jose Maria Peinado, was associated w^ith
Ayc'uena.^^ They reached San Salvador on the 3d
of December, amid the acclamations of the fickle pop-
*^ The invitations sent the people of San Miguel to cooperate were burned
in the plaza by the hands of the public executioner. Nor were these towns
left without the usual cheap reward of monarchs. San Miguel received the
title of ' muy noble y leal ; ' Sau Vicente was made a city, which title was con-
firmed Jan. 15, 1812. According to Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed., 1823), 257,
many noble families dwelt in the place, and among its founders were some
descendants of Gonzalo and Jorge Alvarado, brothers of Pedro, the conqueror.
Santa Ana was raised to the rank of villa. The parish priests of the several
places were promoted to be canons of the chapter of Guatemala. C6rtes,
Diario, 1812, xiv. 38, 167; Marure, Bosq. Ilist. Gent. Am., i. 8.
'^^ The archbishop sent priests to preach against the insurgents. Marure,
Bosq. Hist. Cant. Am., i. 9. Bustamante, Guadro Hist., ii. 270, says that
the whole country would have been driven into rebellion but for the advice of
the able secretary of government, Alejandro Ramirez.
14 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
ulace; their presence and the exhortations of the
missionaries checked all revolutionary symptoms.
The authors of the revolt were leniently treated
under a general amnest}^^^ Peinado was a short time
after appointed Aycinena's successor as acting inten-
dente.^
Another and a still more serious attempt at revo-
lution, which may be called a sequel to that of Salva-
dor, had its beginning in the town of Leon, Nicaragua,
on the 13th of December,, 1811, when the people
deposed the intendente, Jose Salvador. This action
was seconded on the 2 2d at Granada, where the
inhabitants, at a meeting in the municipal hall, de-
manded the retirement of all the Spanish officials.
The insurgents, on the 8th of January, 1812, by a
coup-de-main captured Fort San Cdrlos. The officials
fled to Masaya. Villa de Nicaragua — the city of
Rivas in later times — and other towns at once adopted
the same course.
Early in 1812, after the first excitement had be-
come somewhat allayed, a board of government was
organized in Leon, the members of which were Fran-
cisco Quinones, Domingo Galarza, Cdrmen Salazar,
and Basilio Carrillo. Bishop Fray Nicolds Garcia
Jerez was recognized as gobernador intendente by
all the towns, and his authority w^as only limited in
one point, namely, he was in no way to favor the de-
posed officials. The people of Granada resolved to
send two deputies to the board. ^^
2*Aycmena was, on the 7th of Feb., 1812, made by the Spanish c6rtea a
councillor of state, and in Aug. 1813, entered upon his duties at Cddiz. Cdrtes,
DiariOy 1812, xvi. 16; 1813, xxii. 216. According to Zamacois, the appoint-
ment was made only after the adoption of the constitution; it is possible that
the appointment was then renewed or confirmed. Hist. M6j., viii. 557; Ayon^
Apuntes, 15-16; Bev. Cent. Am., 2-3; Salv., Diario OJk., Feb. 11, 1875;
Valois, Mex., 213-16.
^°Iu 1813 he was elected a deputy to the Spanish c<5rtes, but declined the
position on account of ill health. Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xxii. 216.
^^ A person writing from Guatemala, and referring to a document issued
August 1811, in secret session held in London by 33 Spanish Americans,
after registering his disapproval of its purpose, positively asserted that the
masses were well disposed, fond of peace, and respectful to authority, if some
agent of Satan did not turn their heads and make them believe they were
superior beings, who needed no ruler over them. Cancelada, Td. Hex., 438.
REVOLUTION IN NICARAGUA. 15
The royal officials at Masaya having called for
assistance from Guatemala, Bustamante had 1,000
or more troops placed there under command of Sar-
gento Mayor Pedro Gutierrez. The people of Leon
had ere this accepted an amnesty from Bishop Jerez,
and thereafter took no part in movements against the
crown. Granada, more firm of purpose, resolved upon
defence; caused intrenchments to be built to guard
all avenues leading to the plaza, and mounted thereon
twelve heavy cannon. A royalist force, under Jose
M. Palomar, on the 21st of April approached Granada
to reconnoitre, and reached the plazuela de Jalteva.^^
Early in the morning he opened a brisk fire on the
town, and kept it up for several hours. After a par-
ley, next day the citizens agreed to surrender, on Gu-
tierrez solemnly pledging the names of the king and
Bustamante, as well as his own, that they should in
no wise be molested. But after the royal troops were
allowed to enter the city on the 28th, Bustamante,
ignoring the solemn guarantees pledged by his subor-
dinate, ordered the arrest and prosecution of the
leaders. The governor accordingly named Alejandro
Carrascosa fiscal to prosecute the conspirators of
Granada. The proceedings occupied two years, at
the end of which the fiscal called for, and the court
granted, the confiscation of the estates, in addition to
the penalties awarded to those found guilty. Sixteen
of the prisoners, as heads of the rebellion, were sen-
tenced to be shot, nine were doomed to the chain-
gang for life, and 133 to various terms of hard labor. ^^
'2 Before the attack the city was visited by Father Benito Soto, as pacifi-
cator and commissioner from the bishop governor. He tried to fulfil his
mission without degrading his countrymen; but seeing the object of the war
was to crush liberal Americans, he made common cause with the Granadinos.
Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 11-12. Ayon, Ajmntes, 17, gives the at-
tack as occurring in August, which is an error.
^'Miguel Lacayo, Tel6sforo and Juan Arguello, Manuel Antonio de la
Cerda, Joaquin Chamorro, Juan Cerda, Francisco Cordero, Jos6 D. Espinosa,
Leon Molina, Cleto Bendaua, Vicente Castillo, Gregorio Eobledo, Gregorio
Bracaraonte, Juan D. Eobledo, Francisco Gomez, and Manuel Parrilla were
to suffer death. Among those sentenced to hard labor for^iife were Juan Es-
pinosa, the adelantado of Costa Rica, Diego Montiel, and Pio Argiiello. Ai/on,
Apuntesy 17-18j Manage, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 12-14} Ilev. Cent. Am., 3.
16 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
The sentence of death was not carried out, however.
The condemned were taken to Guatemala, and thence
transported to Spain, where the majority died as ex-
iles. Four others were removed as convicts to Omoa
and Trujillo. The survivors were finally released by
a royal order of June 25, 1817.^
The conduct of the Leonese in leaving Granada to
bear alone the consequences of the revolution had, as
I remarked, a bad effect upon the country.^^ From
that time dates a bitter feeling between Leon and
Granada, and between Managua and Masaya on the
one part and Granada on the other.^^
Notwithstanding the existing grievances and the
generally depressed condition of business, the people
did not fail to respond to the calls from the home gov-
ernment upon all parts of the Spanish dominions for
pecuniary aid to meet the enormous expenses of the
•* One of them, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, refused to accept the pardon
unless coupled with leave to prefer charges against Bustamante. But an
influential friend of the general's prevented its being granted, and Cerda, to
get out of the country, escaped on a vessel bound to Sweden; thence he went
to Cuba, and lived there several years under an assumed name. Los Anales,
Sept. 1, 1872, 30. The noted Nicaraguan statesman, Tomas Ayon, justly
bewails the seeming ingratitude of some of his country's writers in saying
that Nicaragua's independence had cost nothing. The history of that period,
1811-21, it is true, records no bloody fields, no brilliant feats of arms; but it
presents an array of victims to the cause, of men who sacrificed their lives,
liberty, and fortunes to secure their country's freedom; and these sacrifices,
Ayon claims, should be remembered, and the sufferers' memory held in rev-
erence. Apuntes, 18. Squier, in Travels, ii. 378, speaks of a suppressed
revolution in Leon in 1815, giving that city the whole credit of the first im-
pulse to liberal sentiment in Central America. There was no such movement
in that year, and he probably had reference to that of 181 Ij though to Salva-
dor certainly belongs the honor of the first attempt for independence. Pirn's
Gate of the Pac, 38, prints the same error.
'5 More empty rewards for Leon. In 1812 the c6rtes acceded to the bishop's
Eetition for the creation of a university in this town. It was long delayed,
owever. The ayuntamiento had conferred on it the title of ' muy noble y leal; '
and that of Nueva Segovia was similarly honored. The dean of Nicaragua
was much commended in the cdrtes, Aug. 1813, for his loyal and judicious
conduct. Cdrtes, Diario, 1811-12, xi. 198; 1813, xvii. 247, xxi. 45-6; Cdrtes,
Col. Dec, ii. 47-8, iii. 177; Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed., 1823), 335-8; Belly,
Nic, i. 227; Conders' Mex. and Guat., ii. 309. Bishop Jerez had written the
captain-general a warm letter on behalf of the Leonese, for whom he had a
special predilection, and said, 'Si me desterrasen un Leones dejo de ser obispo.'
Perez, Biog. Saca^a, 7.
'^ This bitterness originated bloody wars, and did much harm to Nicara-
gua. Rev. Cent. Am., 3; Ayon, Apuntes, 15, 18-19; Registro Qfic, Nov. 21,
1846, 381.
FANATICISM. 17
war against Napoleon's forces, and other pressing de-
mands. In 1812 there were collected and remitted
as donations $43,538. The citizens of San Salvador
also agreed to give $12,000 for 1812, and an equal
sum in 1813, if they could obtain a certain reform for
the benefit of indigo-planters.^^
We have seen how the first steps toward indepen-
dence failed. Nor could any other result have been
expected from the degraded condition, socially*)^ and
intellectually, of the masses. The people were ct:^-
troUed by fanaticism, in abject submission to king and
clergy. Absurd doctrines and miracles were impli-
citly believed in; and every effort made to draw the
ignorant people out of that slough was in their judg-
ment treason and sacrilege, a violation of the laws of
God, an attempt to rob the king of his rights; certain
to bring on a disruption of social ties, and the wrath
of heaven. The lower orders had been taught that
freedom signified the reign of immorality and crime,
while fealty to the sovereign was held a high virtue.
Hence the daily exhibitions of humble faithfulness,
the kneeling before the images of the monarch and
before their bishops, and the more substantial proof
of money gifts to both church and crown.^^
•^ The $43,538 went on the ship Venganza to Cd,diz, and the arrival was
announced, Feb. 15, 1813, to the c6rtes by the deputies of Guatemala. Cdrtes,
Diario, 1813, xvii. 239-40.
^^Marure, on the authority of the Gaceta de Guatemala, xiii. no. 112, and
xiv. no. 191, assures us that nearly one and a half million dollars had been
remitted by Central America to Spain, from donations and other sources, to
cancel royal warrants. Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 18. This work, that I have
occasion to quote so often, bears the title Bosquejo Histdrico de las Revolu-
ciones de Gentro America desde 1811 hasta 1834- Its author, Alejandro Marure,
who was a professor of history and geography in the university of Guatemala,
and otherwise a prominent citizen, issued in Guatemala his 1st volume, sm.
4to, 295 pp., with designs on the frontispiece, in 1837; containing events to
1826 only. The publication of the other two volumes, it is understood, he
was obliged to withhold by order of his government. Montiifar, Resena,
Hist. Cent. Am.,i., preface pp. iii. and iv., tells us the circulation of the 2d
vol. was not allowed; 'un solemne auto de i6 devor6 la edicion entera.' One
copy escaped, however, from which another edition was printed in later years.
It scathes the so-called conservative party, more properly entitled to the
appellations of fanatical and servile, for the infamous acts of its men that for
many years misgoverned the country. Its contents have been fully used by
Montiifar. The 3d volume has not been published, and the author's heirs
Hist. Okkt. Ax.. Yoi.. III. 2
18 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
The first efforts on behalf of emancipation were not
wholly lost, as they led to definitive results in the near
future. The next attempts also met with failure, and
brought upon their authors the heavy hand of Busta-
mante. The first one, in 1813, was known as the
Betlen conspiracy, which derived its name from the
convent where the conspirators usually assembled.
Much importance was given- to this affair by the gov-
ernment and the loyalists. The meetings were pre-
sided over by the sub-prior Fray Ramon de la Con-
cepcion, and were sometimes held in his cell, and at
others in the house of Cayetano Bedoya, under the
direction of Tomds Ruiz, an Indian.^^ All were sworn
to secrecy, and yet the government suspected the
plot, and arrested some persons who had the weakness
to divulge the plan and the names of their associates.*^
The conspirators, all of whom were men of charac-
ter and good standing, soon found themselves in prison,
excepting Jose Francisco Barrundia, who remained
concealed six years, and afterward was one of the
most prominent statesmen of Central America. Ma-
jor Antonio del Villar was commissioned fiscal to
prosecute the prisoners. He spared no one in his
charges, and managed to bring into the meshes of the
long refused to allow any one to see the manuscript. This work furnishes
an interesting account of political affairs in Guatemala from the first attempt
at separation from the mother country in 1811 to its accomplishment in 1821,
from an American standpoint; the intrigues by which Central America .was
yoked to Iturbide's Mexican empire, and subsequent events culminating in
the second and final enforcement of independence, followed by the organiza-
tion of the federal government; rupture between Guatemala and the general
government, and Victory of the latter; church and military affairs; intrigues
of parties; authorities being freely quoted to sustain statements. The author
does not enter into much detail on military operations, but is quite full in his
description of party workings, which affords a clear understanding of their
antagonistic interests. Under the title of Efem^rides de los hechos notables . . .
de Centro America, the same writer gave to the press at Guatemala, in 1844,
a 12mo of 77 pp., furnishing a very brief synopsis of the chief events that
occurred from 1821 to 1842, with tabular lists; quite useful as a chronology.
^* Among the implicated were a number of military officers whose role was
to win over the troops, and gain possession of their arms.
*° The plan was to seize Bustamante, Auditor de Guerra Ibafiez, Archbishop
Casaus, and all the high military officers; after which the Granadan prisoners
were to be liberated, and the country's independence proclaimed. The royal
officials chose to add that the parties had harbored 'incendiary and horriole
schemes of plunder and devastation.'
THE PLOT OF BETLEN. 19
prosecution several persons who were innocent.*^ On
the 18th of September, 1814, he asked the miUtary
court for the penalty of death, by garrote, against
Ruiz, Victor Castrillo, Josd Francisco Barrundia pro
contumacia, and Joaquin Yiidice, who were hidalgos;
and the same penalty, by hanging, against the sub-
prior and ten others who were plebeians.*^ Ten years
of hard labor in the chain-gang of the African posses-
sions, and a life exile from America, were pronounced
upon others against whom no guilt was proved. The
prisoners were all set free, however, in 1819, under a
royal order of the 28th of July, 1817.
Among the men regarded as the most dangerous,
and strongly suspected of being the real managers of
the Betlen plot, was Mateo Antonio Marure, who
had been confined two years in a dungeon for the
part he took in the disturbances of 1811.*^ Busta-
tamante dreaded his presence in Guatemala, and in
1814 despatched him as a prisoner to the supreme
council of regency in Spain, with his reasons for this
measure. After recounting the Betlen affair, and
naming Marure as the real instigator and manager of
*^ Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 16; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 42; Mem.
Hist. Cent. Am., 2, 3.
^'^ Julian Ibarra, Andres Dardon, Manuel de San Jos6, Manuel Yot. The
names of the other six do not appear. Pineda de Mont. , in Guat. , Eecop. Leyes,
iii. 347-8; Rodriguez, Problema Hist., in Salv., Diario OJlc., 1875, Apr. 1 and
May 23. The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 7, who was evidently blinded
by prejudice against Barrundia and against the cause, says that the latter
lost credit for being mixed up in the Betlen affair with 'hombres sin luces,
sin cr^dito, y sin costumbres;' and forfeited the character for firmness he
had held in public estimation by needlessly petitioning for a pardon when he
had not been imprisoned, and could at any time have left the country with-
out risk. Lorenzo Montiifar, a statesman and writer, tells us, in rebuttal,
that these men were of good intelligence and position; that Barrundia's peril
was imminent all the time of his concealment, and as only Spanish vessels
visited the ports, it would have been risky to attempt escape upon one of
them. Moreover, it was impossible to foresee when independence would be
attained. Under the circumstances, Barrundia had to ask for pardon when
he could get it. Costa R., Gaceta, Sept. 2, 1854. Villar, the prosecuting offi-
cer, became notorious in 1817 for cruelties and wanton murders of unfortunate
inhabitants of Peten-Itza, when he was commandant there. Fajardo, Inf. . .
al Min. de Rel., Campeche, 1828, sm. 4to, 17 pp.
*' He was the father of Alejandro Marure, born in Guatemala, and one
who had attained a respectable rank in letters, at a very early age, in his coun-
try. At the time he began to figure in its political affairs he was a master of
philosophy. Bosq. Hist, Cent. Am., i. 14-15.
20 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
it, he adds that the conspirators counted on him as a
fearless man to carry it out, and that his bold language
and writings rendered his sojourn in America a con-
stant menace to Spanish interests.
Another and a worse planned attempt at revolution
than the one of 1811 occurred in Salvador in 1814.
The government quelled it, and the promoters were
arrested, Manuel Josd Arce suffering an imprisonment
of several years.**
The reader's attention is now called to matters con-
cerning the capitanfa general of Guatemala, which
occupied the government both here and in Europe
immediately before King Fernando's coup-d'etat.
Bustamante, evidently hostile to constitutional gov-
ernment, and loath to suffer readily any curtailment
of his quasi-autocratic powers, proclaimed, under the
pressure of necessity, the national constitution, and
permitted elections under it; but between this and
allowing the diputaciones provinciales and ayunta-
mientos free action under the fundamental law, there
was a wide chasm. He had no intention of tamely
submitting to such innovations, whatever might be
said of their merits in the abstract. In the first
place, he postponed for three whole months the in-
stallation of the diputacion, and when it was installed,
refused to honor the event with a high mass and te
deum, which would have been the proper thing to do.
Such a recognition of the importance of the diputa-
cion might have shaken the faith of the populace in a
one-man power. He next insisted on the diputacion
having its sittings at the government house, where it
would be at his mercy. He treated the body disre-
spectfully in several ways,*^ and as he could not make
** Arce began to figure in the rebellion of 1811. After the organization of
the federal regime he was the first constitutional president of the republic.
Bev. Cent. Am., 3; Salv., Diario Ofic, 1875, Feb. 13.
*^In disregard of the rank and standing of the 'excelentlsima diputacion,*
he would append only his media firma, or surname, to its decrees and docu-
ments, when he should have used his name and surname — a serious breach of
etiquette in those times.
END OF BUSTAMANTE'S RULE. 21
it subservient to his will, tried by all means in his
power to destroy its influence and usefulness. In fact,
he looked upon it as a mere consultative corporation,
whose advice he might ask for or not, as suited his
fancy. Lastly, he would not permit the acts of the
diputacion to be published; and for the matter of
that, there was no liberty of the press.
These complaints were laid before the national
cortes*^ for redress, coupled with a petition that the
royal authority should remove Bustamante from office.
But grievances were unredressed, and their author
continued wielding power in the country several years
more. Indeed, this was not to be wondered at. The
Spanish government had rarely, if ever, shown incl>'
natioji to do justice to the ruled against the high
rulers it placed over them, or. to punish the despotic
acts of the latter. Residencias had of late become
mere matters of form. If the complainants had
wealth and influence at court, they might obtain the
recall of the ruler obnoxious to them, but no other
punishment. The prestige of authority must be up-
held; such was the principle acted upon.^^ Guate-
mala was finally relieved of Bustamante's hated rule
on the 28th of March, 1818.
The people of Central America, like the rest of the
Spanish dominions, were soon invited to another view
in the political kaleidoscope. Fernando VII., upon
*^ The chamber now had but a short time to live. Manuel Micheo had
presented his credentials in Jan. 1814, and been admitted to his seat as dep-
uty from Ohimaltenango, Guatemala. Luis Aguirre's claim to admission was
referred back on the petition of citizens of Chiquimula for his election to be
declared null. Cdrtes, Act. ord., 1814, Jan. 21, i. 487, March 20, ii. 121.
*^ Several accusations had been preferred hitherto against Bustamante; all
remainedliin^eeded, so far as it ever became known. One more was that oF
Juan Argiiello of Granada, in Nicaragua, who charged the governor with un-
just treatment of him in 1814, and demanded his trial and punishment. This
case was before the c6rtes Oct. 20, 1820. But as the second constitutional
epoch was so short-lived, Arguello's demand for justice had no better result
than preceding ones. A memorial of the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the
political condition of the province, expressing fear that the harshness ex-
tended to men for political opinions might lead to evil consequences, and
asking for the pardon of prisoners, was presented March 24, 1814, to the
c6rtes. It was referred to a committee, and that was all the action taken,
till the king in 1817 granted an amnesty. Cdrtes, Act. ord., March 24, 1814,
ii. 152; Id.y Diario, Oct. 20, 1820, ix. 4.
^
22 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
his release by Napoleon a few months after the treaty
of Valengay,*^ returned to Spain without delay, and
on arriving at Valencia, issued his manifesto of May
^. 4, 1814, setting aside the constitution, and assuming
T^^^^ the authority of an absolute sovereign. He did this
with fair promises, which he carried out when and
how it suited him.*^ Among many decrees issued by
the monarch soon after, which were of interest to
Central America, was one enjoining on the archbishop
and bishops to see that their subordinates did their
duty faithfully, and entertained only wholesome
opinions. No associations or leagues were to be
tolerated which might lead to a disturbance of the
public peace; in other words, liberty and constitutional
government were not to be thought oV^ Another
decree of June I7th, demanded of the deputies from
America having in their possession petitions from
their constituents to lay them before the royal gov-
ernment, in order that they might be acted upon.
Several measures for the protection of morals and the
advancement of civilization were also enacted.
« Concluded Dec. 11, 1813.
*' Upon the news of the king's acts becoming known in Guatemala, the
archbishop and his clergy, and the other authorities, ofifered thanks to God for
his release and restoration to the throne. Juarros, Guat, ii., adv. xii.
^®The pope lent his support with an encyclical letter of Aug. 15, 1814,
against freemasonry and other secret societies, which was published June 2,
1815. All persons afl&liating in such organi2ations were required to sever
their connection with them. Fern. VII. ^ DecretoSf 27-Z2.
CHAPTER II,
INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
1818-1821.
PRESIDBHfT CIrLOS UeRUTIA — HiS LIBERAL V'lEWS — COLOMBIAN ASSAULTS
— Spanish Constitution Restored — The Gazistas, or Bacos — The
Cacos — Josi: del Valle—Pedro Molina— Liberal Institutions —
Extent of the Political Government — Ecclesiastical Administra-
tion— ^WoRK OF American Deputies — Party Excitement in Guate-
mala— Urrutia Delegates his Powers — Substitute President
Gavino Gainza — Chiapas and her Government — She Secedes from
Spain and Joins the Mexican Empire — Guatemala Declares for
Independence — Junta Gubernativa — Convocation op a Congress.
Successor to Bustamante in the position of gov-
ernor, president, and captain-general, in March 1818,
was Lieutenant-general Cdrlos Urrutia,^ knight grand
cross of the military order of San Hermenegildo,
which entitled him to be called excelentisimo senor.
It was a difficult position. The country was at peace,
it is true, but a political volcano was at work, and r>o
one could foretell when the upheaval of revolution
might occur ,^ letting loose the elements of destruction,
as had happened in other parts of Spanish America.
However, another constitutional term under the
Spanish monarch was about being inaugurated, and
this fact helped to bring on definitive results.
^ A native of Habana, Cuba. He had filled several high offices, the last
being that of governor of Santo Domingo. JuarroSy Guat., ii., adv. ix.-x. ; Salv.y
Diario Ofic.y Apr. 1, 1875, 4.
^ Convulsions of nature had been constantly occurring in Quezaltenango
during two months, which greatly alarmed the population. On the 17th of
Jan., 1818, a hill on the south of the town burst open and threw out enormous
quantities of ashes, covering the whole country, even to the distance of 35
leagues, and flames were occasionally seen. Cdzar, Carta, in Noticioso Oen.y
March 16, 1818, 4
(23)
24 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
Urrutia was a man of experience, with a well-bal-
anced mind, whose political opinions leaned, to the^
side of progress. He would have been well adapted
to guide the course of events in Central America had
it not been for the infirmities of old age. Guatemala,
being as yet under the sway of Spain, was open to
attack from the enemies of that government, or at
least, to such action as they might adopt in aid of the
disaffected portion of the people to secure their coun-
try's independence. The latter was the plan of the
Colombian insurgents in fitting out a combined sea
and land expedition to operate against the ports of
Omoa and Trujillo in 1820.^
On the 21st of April the watch-tower at Capiro,
in Trujillo, announced the approach of a Colombian
flotilla of small vessels from the windward. The gar-
rison, commanded by Josd M. Palomar, at once made
preparations for emergencies. The flotilla, consisting
of two brigantines, four large and as many small
schooners, one felucca, and one sloop, under Com-
modore Aury, sailed in at two o'clock,* and despatched
a boat to shore to demand the surrender of the place
within one hour. Nothing further was done on that
day, however; but early the next morning the flotilla
moved toward the mouth of the Guaimoreto, and after
raconnoitering the defences, opened a bombardment
with ball and grape-shot on the intrenchment and
demolished it, which compelled the defenders to fall
back. The assailants landed 400 men and 15 horses,
and advanced against the garrison, meeting with a
repulse at the fourth parapet. The garrison retreated
to the fifth line, at which the enemy was a second
time driven back. The vessels fired broadside upon
broadside on the shore batteries, which were warmly
returned. The bombardment was kept up from nine
' The Spanish official acconnt published by the government of Guatemala,
May 1 and 13, 1820, and copied m the Gaceta of Mex. of June 17th, same
year, has it that the attempt resulted in the discomfiture of the assailants.
* The commander's ship hoisted a flag with two blue bars and a white one
between them showing an escutcheon.
ATTACK ON TRUJILLO. 25
A- M. till two P. M., when the flotilla retired out of reach
of the batteries. A portion of the land force then
attempted to enter the town by the rear of it, but
was detected and compelled to retire. Early in the
morning of the 23d, the invading troops returned to
the vessels, leaving their horses; and soon afterward
the flotilla put to sea, each vessel firing a broadside,
on passing Point Castilla, against the watch-tower.
During the night of the 24th the Colombian vessels
dropped out of sight.^ On the 25th the flotilla ap-
peared ofl* Omoa, and for several days was making
attempts to effect a landing, which being unsuccessful,
it retired on the 6th of May, after setting fire to the
larger brig, which had been damaged by the fire from
the town.
Fernando yiL, under compulsion, restored the con-
stitution of 1812 throughout his dominions. On the
9th of March, 1820, he swore to support it, and the
next day issued a manifesto conveying an apology for
having set it aside in 1814, and giving plausible reasons
for his present change of mind. On the 1 1th of April
he issued another manifesto, addressed to the people
of America, expressing sorrow at not having sooner
reinstated the constitutional government. In another
decree of April 15th he restores to full force and vigor
all decrees of the cdrtes, both the extraordinary and
ordinary, for the better government and progress of
the provinces in America.
It seems that Brigadier Gavino Gainza, appointed
sub-inspector-general of the forces in Central America,
was commissioned to bring out the royal proclamations
and decrees for the reinstatement of the constitution,
and of the laws which were passed under it by the
c6rtes. There is nothing to show the precise time of
his arrival in Guatemala, but it will suffice to state
* The Spanish official account sets the enemy's casualties at 40 killed and
woundad on shore; those on board could not be ascertained. The Spanish
loss is given a>t one killed and two wounded.
26 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
that the diputacion provincial was installed at the
capital on the 13th of July.
At a preparatory sitting of the c6rtes, on the 26th
of June, 1820, Juan N. San Juan and Jose Sacasa
were present as representatives from Guatemala, and
on the 2d of August Juan N. Tuero, or Puero, pre-
sented his credentials as a deputy elected from Chi-
apas for the c6rtes of 1815-16, which body he found
closed on arriving in Spain at the end of 1814.^ The
necessity of such a diputacion was ably discussed in
the c6rtes on the 30th of April, 1821, by Deputy
Hermosilla, seconded by Deputy Milla, both support-
ing the report of the committee on the subject. On
the 17th of June the chamber was officially informed
of the installation of the diputacion, and commended
its patriotic labors/
The * junta suprema de censura,' created to adjudi-
cate upon alleged oflfences against the law regulating
the press, had, on the 9th of August, 1820, nomi-
nated, and the c6rtes confirmed, the members of the
junta de censura for Guatemala.^
The reestablishment of the constitutional regime
under such favorable circumstances soon brought into
life two great parties that for a long time bore the re
spective names of Gazista, or Baco, and Caco. The
gazista, with Jos^ del Valle as its leader,' was made
^Cdrtes, Diario, 1820, ii. 19; Apr. 30, 1821, extra, xvL 15-16; Id., Act.
Pi&b., i., June 26, 1820, 6; Aug. 2, 1820, 2.
'A congratulatory address from the newly created corporation was re-
ceived with marks of satisfaction. Gdrtea, Biario, June 17, 1821, xxii. 6.
*From the ecclesiastic state, Juan Jos6 Batres and Jos6 Maria Alvarez,
with Pedro Ruiz de Bustamante for a substitute. From the secular class,
Pedro Molina, Jos6 Barrundia, and Lie. Venancio Lopez. Secular substi-
tutes, licenciados Francisco Javier Barrutia, Felipe Neri del Barrio. Cdrtes,
£>iariOy 1820, ii. 228-9.
• A native of Choluteca, in Honduras. Rev. Cent. Am.,1. He was auditor
de guerra. Valle was undoubtedly an able man; a speech of his on equality
before the law is spoken of with high commendation. Observ. de la Bep.
Mex.y ii., Oct. 3, 1827, 128-33. Subsequently was a deputy to the imperial
congress of Mexico, and when Iturbide was on the eve of succumbing under
the dIows of the republicans, he appointed Valle his minister of state, which
office ceased with the fall of the empire. Valle returned to Guatemala and
figured prominently in the government. Li 1826-29 he was a federal deputy,
and died on the 2d of March, 1834, soon after being elected president of the
republic. The assembly on the 21st of March of the same year decreed honors
BACOS AND CACOS. 27
up of Spaniards and artisans. The cacos recognized
as their chieftain Jose Maria Delgado/^ Their party-
was composed of members of the nobility^ and of the
men calling themselves independents. This party
from the first aspired to independence, and its candi-
dates were taken from the independent wing at the
election of deputies and other officials.
The ,gazistas, or bacos, were numerous and strong,
for they had in their ranks the rulers, many wealthy
merchants, and the artisans, and abundant funds at
command, which were scattered without stint among
the needy and ignorant, who were ready enough to
sell their votes. ^^ They -likewise strengthened their
influence with the lower class by means of a pre-
tended hostility to the aristocracy, or to what from
that time went by the name of *espiritu de familia.'
They won the elections, but their triumph proved to
be far from a solid one.
The cacos now resolved to use every endeavor to
accomplish independence. The connection with the
aristocratic element was a drawback; and the abso-
lute necessity of winning over the mechanics being
recognized, a ^ddle_party_jyiras at_once_orgam
which attached itself to the independents, and would
have no connection with the nobles. This arrange-
ment facilitated the accomplishment of the object in
view.
The political struggle was now fairly inaugurated.
Pedro Molina ^^ began the publication of El Editor
to his memory. Oiuit.t Recop. Ley., iii. 338-9, 348. Salvador did the same in
April. A likeness of Valle is given in Mont'dfar, Besena Hist. Cent. Am., ii.
16iD. Valle had been honored with the friendship of Bentham and other
European savans; and he was a member of the French Academy of Sciences.
MarurCf EfemirideSt 35.
^°The same man who afterward appointed himself bishop of Salvador.
Suarez y Navarro, Hist. M6j., 386.
^^They cajoled the artisans with the promise of checking the trade with
Belize, and of prohibiting the importation of foreign manufactures.
" He was born in Guatemala on the 29th of Apr., 1777; studied humani-
ties under Father Goicoechea, one of the lights of his time, and received his
diploma of a licentiate of medicine and surgery at the age of 22; served in
Nicaragua as surgeon of the batallon fijo early in the century, and returned
with it to his native city in 1811. He afterward filled the position of professor
28 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
Constitucional, to defend American rights. The Amiga
de la Patria appeared at the same time, and often
opposed Molina's radical doctrines. Urrutia, now
styling himself jefe politico y capitan general, made
an address to the people, congratulating them and
himself on the happy termination of the election in
the several parishes, and giving assurances that every
voter should have full liberty to cast his vote for repre-
sentative in the general congress, the diputacion, and
the ayuntamiento.^^ A portion of his address was
specially devoted to artisans and laboring men, whom
he warned not to allow themselves to be tampered
with to the discredit of the government on the ques-
tion of trade in cotton goods; for, he told them, it was
a positive misconception that the government had it
in view to decree freedom of foreign trade; on the
contrary, it had endeavored to check illegal traflSc,
which had been carried on to the detriment of national
interests and the royal treasury.
The measures adopted by him had to some extent
corrected that evil. By making the traders pay im-
port dues, the treasury had profited, and the people
had been saved from new taxes. Formerly, English
goods were paid for wholly in coin; now, only one
sixth of their cost was covered with money, and the
remainder with the produce of the country.^*
The gobierno politico de Guatemala had jurisdic-
tion over the same extent of country as the metro-
of medicine in the university. The degree of doctor was given him in 1817,
and the office of protom6dico, or head physician of the province of Guate-
mala. Scdv., Qaceta, Oct. 12, 1854.
" He adjured all to free themselves from party influences, and to give their
suffrages only to men who had their country's interests at heart. He de-
manded of aU citizens to love their country, to be true to the constitution,
and to respect the legitimate authorities.
" ITmUiay Modeh, 2-3. Constant complaints had been made to the' na-
tional government since 1813 against the foreign trade. The regulations of
1778 had been made to appear advantageous to Spain and her American colo-
nies. Foreign trade was declared a means of corruption which placed arms
in the hands of Spain's foes. In the report now before me, the mechanics of
the county are represented as hostile to the foreign trade. AnrUlagat In-
form^ in CeduUurio, 66-7.
ARCHBISHOPS. 29
politan,^'* namely, 214 leagues from the ejidos of
Motocinta on the west, and 116 leagues from Golfo
Dulce on the Atlantic, to the Pacific coast ^®
The first archbishop of Guatemala appointed by
the Spanish crown in the present century was Luis
Penal ver y Cdrdenas,^^ who reached his see the 3d of
June, 1802, and on the 26th took possession. During
his brief incumbency he founded several rectorships,
and two primary schools for girls. His sight be-
coming seriously affected, he relinquished the mitre,
and returned to his native city, secretly departing
March 1, 1806.^'
Rafael de la Vara de la Madrid, Penalver's succes-
sor, arrived in Acajutla on the 13th of December,
1807; in Guatemala city on the 4th of January, 1808 ;
and on the 3d of February took possession of his
oflSce. In April 1809 he visited the province of Vera
Paz, where he died on the 31st of December, much
regretted, as he had endeared himself by his peace-
able disposition and afiability.^^
Antonio Bergoza y Jordan, bishop of Oajaca, was
nominated for the succession, but declined the po-
sition.
The next and eighth archbishop of the diocese was
*5 The latter had three suffragans — Leon, Comayagua, and Ciudad Eeal
de Chiapas. It had also 20 vicars, 161 curacies in 424 towns, 85 valleys, 23
doctrinas under missionaries, of which 16 were in charge of Dominicauo, 4 of
Franciscans, and 3 of the order of Mercy.
^® Deputy Jos6 Mariano Mendez, from Sonsonate, gave the province of
Guatemala 116 leagues from the Pacific to Santo Tomds, and a width of 100
leagues in some parts, and less in others, with two cities and about 294
towns. Mem., 12-13, 20; Memoria del estado politico y eclesidstico de la capi-
tania general de Cfuatemala, Mad., 1821, sm. 4to, 30 pp., gives data on the
economical, political, and ecclesiastical condition of Central America in gen-
eral, and of each of the divisions or provinces, including Chiapas in particu-
lar, and proposing to the Spanish government reforms deemed advisable.
^'^A native of Habana, at which university he received the degree of doc-
tor. JuarroSy Ouat. , i. 296-7.
^^ He consecrated in his cathedral, on the 12th of Sept., 1802, the treasurer
of the diocese, the licentiate of theology, Ambrosio Llano, as bishop of
Ciudad Real de Chiapas.
^*He had been bishop of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, in Peru. At the time of
his death he was 55 years old. The remains were interred in the cathedral.
Juarros, Gnat., i. 297; Diario Mix,, xii., Jan. 26, 1810, 104.
30 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED
Ramon Casaus y Torres, nominated by the supreme
council of regency on the 30th of March, 1811; who
entered the capital on the 30th of July, and being a con-
secrated bishop, at once began to perform episcopal
functions. ^^ His nomination was ratified by the king
on the 27th of August, 1814; the papal bulls of con-
firmation were issued on the 15th of March, 1815, and
Casaus received the pallium on the 28th of Septem-
ber of the same year.
At the sitting of the Spanish c6rtes on the 25th
of June, 1^21, the American deputies laid before that
body a memorial setting forth the condition oiP their
provinces, and the measures which, in their opinion,
would lead to a definitive peace. They not only
assured their Spanish colleagues that Americans were
fully conscious of their rights as freemen, but also
of their determination and ability to defend them;
nevertheless, if those rights were respected, and jus-
tice was done, existing diflSculties might be obliterated.
They believed, however, that a constitutional system
would be impracticable in America, unless new and
eflScacious measures were adopted to enable the
three branches of government to act freely within
their respective bounds, and likewise to make effective
the responsibility of public officials for thep:_ acts.
Another point upon which they laid stress was "Ehe
inutility of American deputies at the Spanish c6rtes
unless they were effectively upheld from their respect-
ive countries. They found other faults with the exist-
ing government, and declared that the solution i>f. the
great problem would be found in the. establishment
of autonomic governments in America.
'"He was a native of Jacsa, in Aragonj took the Dominican habit in Zara-
goza, and completed there his education; joined the province of Santiago in
Mexico at the a^e of 23; became a lecturer in Porta Coeli college, and a pro-
fessor in the university of Mexico, by which he was made a doctor, and by
his order a maestro. On the 9th of Nov., 1806, as bishop of Rosen in partibus
infidelium, he was made bishop-coadjutor of Oajaca, and consecrated on the
2d of Aug., 1807. Juarros, Guat., ii., adv. p. xi.-xii.; Cdries, DiariOy xviii.
396; Puerto, Convite, p, iii. 1.
RIPE FOR INDEPENDENCR 81
Commerce between Spanish America and the
mother country should be treated as internal trade,
the Americans having equal rights and privileges with
their brethren of Europe. The same equality in
respect to civil rights and appointment to office was
likewise to exist between the natives of America and
Spain. If such demands were conceded, Mexico and
Central America would pay to Spain ten million dol-
lars within six years, in yearly installments from Jan-
uary 1, 1823, to be applied to the cancelling of the
national debt. They would also allow Spain two
million dollars yearly for the support of the royal
navy.^^
It was now too late, however^ for conciliatory eflforts
to be successful. Events crowded upon each other,
and were beyond the control even of the men who
made them. Central America was at peace, but the
constitutional system recently established, with its
popular elections and a free press, after the spirit of na- '
tionality had gained so much ground, naturally tended
to excite the public mind, emboldening the timid, and
increasing the number of the friends of independence.
Party spirit controlled everything; it was felt even in
the domestic circle. The people were prepared and
anxious for a change, when vague rumors were set
afloat of renewed revolutionary effi)rts in Mexico.^^
Party leaders were of one- mind on the desirability of
separation. It was generally admitted that the sub-
jection of the country to Spain could no longer be
maintained. Only a few high officials and Spaniards
dissented. Now was the time, if ever, for a sound
head and strong hand to helm the ship of state. Ur-
rutia, owing to age and physical ailings, was not t^
man for the occasion; nor was he, though opposed to
the scheme of secession, able to retarcTit. U^nder the^
^ The payments were to begin no later than one year after the installation
of the autonomic government. The allowance was to be increased when the
condition of the two countries should become improved.
^'^ Positive news of Iturbide'a defection had not yet reached Guatemala.
Mem. Rev, Cent. Am., 2.
32 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
circumstances, the diputacion provincial prevailed on
the jefe superior politico to delegate his powers to the
sub-inspector of the troops, Gavino Gainza.^^ This
oflScer at first tried to stem the torrent of revolution,
to act as the agent of Spain, disapproving the plan of
separation, but at the same time maintained intimate
relations with the independents and aided their efforts.
This party publicly circulated a paper for signatures
to ask Gainza to proclaim independence himself. He
pretended to be indignant; and upon the receipt
of the plan of Iguala, formed in Mexico by Iturbide
and Guerrero,^* he issued a manifesto depicting it in
the blackest colors, and ordered that all who had
called on him to declare independence should be
prosecuted.^'^ The independents became disgusted, but
had to make the best of the situation. They then
resolved to play upon his personal ambition, assuring
him that for his cooperation in their plans he would
be retained in command, and afterward chosen the
first chief magistrate of the young nation. While he
still hesitated, they despatched Cayetano Bedoya to
Oajaca for military aid from General Bravo. But on
the messenger's arrival at Ciudad Real de Chiapas,
he found that the place had followed the example of
Oajaca and Tehuantepec, accepting the plan of Iguala.
This step hastened events in Guatemala, and Bedoya
had no need of going farther.
The act of Ciudad Real, received September 13th,
caused the greatest excitement in the city of Guate-
mala, and the government had to give way. Urged
by the diputacion, Gainza summoned, on the 14th, the
^ He is represented as a fickle man, one easily influenced, and likely to
act under the impressions of the moment. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.y i.
21; Salv.y Diario Qfic, 1875, Apr. 1, 4. Events showed he was a man of no
settled principles or character, who proved himself, first a traitor to his king
and country, and next, for self-aggrandizement, betrayed the men that in an
evil hour placed their trust in him.
2* This plan is described in Hist. Mex.y iv. 709-10, this series.
2* The order was a dead letter, however. Gainza evidently issued it to
cover his responsibility in Madrid; at any rate, no one was arrested, and the
manifesto was soon after retired, public affairs being allowed to take their
eoorse. Mem. Rev. Cent, Am.f 4; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 21-2.
GAINZA'S MEETING. 33
high officials and other notables to a meeting next
day to resolve on some action responsive to the de-
mands of the people.^^
During the night of the 14th Molina and the cacos
scattered their agents throughout the wards to stir
up the masses, and at the same time to awe the es-
panolistas, or royal partisans. At 8 a. m. on the 15th
a throng of independents filled the porticos, court-yard,
halls, and ante-chambers of the government house.
Among them and instructing the crowds were Molina,
Barrundia, Basilio Porras, and other leaders. Soon
after began to arrive at the government house the
officials called to take part in the deliberations of the
meeting, namely, two members of each corporation
deputized therefor; the archbishop and prelates of
the religious orders ; the chief officers of the army and
treasury; who, together with the diputacion provin-
cial, and under the presidency of the acting jefe supe-
rior politico, Gainza,^^ at once proceeded to business.
After reading the declarations in Chiapas, several mem-
bers briefly expressed their views. The first speaker
was Valle, leader of the gazistas, who eloquently ad-
vocated independence as necessary and just, but ended 0
advising that it should not be proclaimed till the other '
sections had formally declared in its favor. The
motion was seconded. The anti-independents'^^ op-
posed all action until final results in Mexico should be
received. Every attempt at a vacillating policy was-
defeated by the energetic efibrts of the independents^
who voted for an immediate declaration of indepen-
^"Gainza on the 13th had exacted of all the superior military officers ai
renewal of their oath of fidelity to the king. Id.^ i. 23.
^^ The diputacion, on motion of Simeon Canas, had acted at the instance!
of the ayuntamiento, whose sindico, Mariano de Aycinena, had called for am
extra session to petition for immediate independence. Gainza, with the vie\^
of averting auch a declaration, attended personally to preside over the meet-
ing; but he finally submitted to the inevitable, and weakly assented to tho
convocation of the authorities, without first obtaining Urrutia's approbation.
He thus ignored the real chief authority in the country. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.,
4-5; Ayon, Apuntes, 21.
^^8 Archbishop Casaus, oidores Miguel Moreno and Jos6 Valdez, Luis Es-
coto, prelate of the Dominicans, F6lix Lagrava, Juan Bautista Jduregui, Jos4
Villafane, and others of less note. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 23-7.
HiBX. Cent. Am., Vol. IH. 3
34 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
dence.^^ Every vote favorable to independence was
received by the people with loud applause, and every
one against it with groans. The popular preference
became so marked and boisterous that the anti-inde-
pendents, fearing for their lives, retired from the
palace.
The diputacion and ayuntamiento then, as the legiti-
mate organs to express the public will, drew up the
Acta de Independencia, w4iich was adopted, signed,
and sworn to by all the members present. ^^ This
instrument, after declaring the aspiration of Guate-
malans to be a free and independent people,^^ invited
all citizens of the provinces to choose without delay
representatives, on the basis of one for every 15,000
2* The supporters of this resolution were: Canon Doctor Jos6 Maria Cas-
tilla, Dean Doctor Antonio Garcia Redondo; Regents of the audiencia Fran-
cisco Vilches, oidores Miguel Larreinaga and Tomds O'Horan; deputies from
the university, doctors Mariano Galvez and Serapio Sanchez; deputies from
the college of lawyers, Jos6 Francisco C6rdoba and Santiago Milla; Antonio
Rivera Cabezas, Mariano Beltranena, J. Mariano Calderon, Rev. Doctor J.
Matias Delgado, M. A. Molina, members of the diputacion provincial; Ma-
riano and J. Antonio Larrave, Isidoro Castriciones, Pedro Arroyave, and
Mariano de Aycinena, members of the ayuntamiento; Lorenzo Romana, gov-
ernment secretary; Domingo Dieguez, secretary of the meeting; Friars Ma-
riano Perez and Jos^ Antonio Taboada, prelates respectively of the Recollects
And Franciscans. Some Spaniards also recorded their names in favor of such
.action. Ih. The Memorias de las Revoluciones de Centro America give among
.the members of the diputacion Jos^ Vald^s, and leave out M. A. Molina, 5.
2*^297 years, 3 months, and 19 days from June 24, 1524, when Pedro de
-Alvarado arrived with his 300 conquistadores.
^^ Article 2d, speaking of the congress, says: It is to decide upon the point
•of 'independencia general y absoluta, y fijar, en caso de acordarla, la forma de
,gobierno y ley fundamental que deba regir.' Marure, who gives the text of
the acta, asserts that the declaration actually was for an 'independencia ab-
isoluta de M^jico y de cualquiera otra nacion;' and that Gainza, who favored
annexation to Mexico, had beforehand prepared an oath to support it. Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am., i. 27, and ap. ii., iii.; Alaman, Hist. M6j., v. 346-8; Ayon,
Apuiites, 21; Squier^s Trav.y ii. 378; Squier's Cent. Am., 67; Cuevas, Porvenir
de M4x., 252. Another vital clause in the instrument was that the Roman
catholic religion which the Central Americans had professed in past centuries,
'y profesaremos en los siglos venideros, ' must be preserved 'pura 6 inalterable,'
its ministers respected, and protected in their persons and property. The
prelates of the various religious communities were invited to cooperate in be-
half of peace and harmony, endeavoring to do away with personal passions.
The whole proceeding was novel, this of Spanish officials, presided over by
the chief agent of the king, meeting with natives of the country to decide
whether Guatemala should cast off the old mother country or not. Several
other things worthy of notice happened then among them. Canon Castilla,
though a friend of the archbishop, his prelate, who had advocated anti-iude-
pendence, favored the separation. Many of the officials declared for secession,
chief among their number the gazista leader Jos6 del Valle, who held the high
office of auditor de guerra. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.^ b^.
PROCLAMATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 35
inhabitants, to a national congress that was to meet
March 1, 1822. In the mean time the Spanish laws,
courts of justice, and public functionaries were to con-
tinue as heretofore. The representatives were to be
chosen by the same juntas electorales that had lately,
since the restoration of the constitution, elected depu-
ties to the c6rtes, without excluding, as the constitu-
tion did, men of African descent from the rights of
full citizenship.^^ The clause giving the last electoral
college, with its majority of Valle's partisans, the
power to choose the members of the constituent con-
gress, is said to have been inserted in the acta by
himself^^
On the I7th Gainza issued a proclamation formally
placing before the people the resolutions adopted on
the 15th, and enjoining on all the duty of abiding by
them, and of respecting the laws and authorities
recognized by them. Any attempt, by word or deed,
to restore Spanish domination was declared high
treason, punishable with death. ^* The powers of the
congress would be constituent to adopt a form of gov-
ernment and frame the national constitution. Mean-
time Gainza held civil and military authority, acting
with the advice of a provisional junta consultiva,
formed with the diputacion provincial and seven
additional members, representing respectively Leon,
Comayagua, Costa Kica, Quezaltenango, SoloU, Chi-
maltenango, Sonsonate, and Ciudad Keal.^^ Neither
'^The following names appear in the acta: Gavino Gainza, Mariano de
Beltranena, Jos6 Mariano Calderon, Jos6 Matias Delgado, Manuel Antonio
Molina, Mariano de Larrave, Antonio de Rivera, Jos^ Antonio de Larrave,
Isidoro de Valle y Castriciones, Pedro de Arroyave, Mariano de Aycinena.
Secretaries, Lorenzo de Romana, Domingo Dieguez. Pineda de Mont. , JRecop.
Ley. GuaL, i. 1-14. The news of this declaration reached Spain, and mention
was made of it in the c6rtes Dec. 15, 1821, by Deputy Navarrete. CdrteSy
Diario extraord., vl, 1821, Dec. 15, 34; Cdrtes, Diario, viiL, 1822, Feb. 12,
5; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 43-4, 66-130; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 6-9.
^^ This clause gave rise to much trouble afterward.
^* The authorities were to be apprised of any plots against the new regime
by persons becoming aware of them, or the latter would be held as aiders
and abettors of treason. Carrying concealed weapons, ringing of bells other
than for religious service, and injuring or destroying public or private prop-
erty, under any pretext, would be severely punished. M^x., Oac. Imp., Dec.
1, 1821, 260-3.
'^ The additional members were Miguel de Larreinaga, Jos6 del Valle, J.
36 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
the people at large nor the meeting of the 15th created
such a body. It was the creation of the men who
remained behind in the hall, including Yalle, who
drew up the acta.^^ Continuing his double dealing,
Gainza had issued his proclamation, on the 16th, for
the election of representatives to congress. He spoke
therein of the longing for independence since 1810, of
the popular love for the cause which had been so
forcibly sustained at the meeting of the preceding day,
and concluded by inviting the whole people to approve
the plan, and to appoint their deputies to complete
the work.
Before proceeding further with the political situa-
tion at the capital of Guatemala, I will devote a little
space to laying before the reader some information on
one of its most important sections, namely, Chiapas.
The population was computed in 1813 at over 100,000
inhabitants, of whom 70,000 were Indians; the re-
mainder were Spaniards and mixed breeds, with a
few negroes.^^
As a reward for good services and generous pecu-
niary contributions to the nation, the Spanish cortes
passed, October 29, 1813, a decree bestowing the title
of city on the town of Comitan, and that of villa on
those of Tusta, Tonald, Tapachula, and Palenque.^^
Antonio Alvarado, Marques de Aycinena, 3os6 Yald6s, Jos6 M. Candina, and
Antonio Robles. Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Oalvez were made the sec-
retaries. Marure, Ufem^rides, 59.
''^The acta was signed at Gainza's house on the 16th, and the extra mem-
bers were appointed. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 6.
'^ Ciudad Real, the capital, had in the city proper 6,000, chiefly Spaniards;
the outside districts and suburbs swelled the population to 14,000. Mazarie-
gos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 51. The canon of Chiapas Mariano Robles Domin-
guez de Mazariegos, being the deputy from his province in the Spanish c6rtes
in 1813, laid before the chamber an interesting memorial, which was after-
ward given to the press at Cddiz, in one volume, 18mo, of 71 pages, under the
title of Memoria Bistdrica de la Provincia de Chiapa. He suggested means
to develop the commerce of the province on its navigable rivers, and particu-
larly with Guatemala and Vera Cruz. His recommendations were heeded,
and several ports and rivers were opened to trade. Id., 33-4, 54-9; Cdrtes,
Diario, 1813, xix. 392; Noticioso Oen., Aug. 30, 1816. Mazariegos' successor
was also a clergyman, Fernando Antonio Ddvila, who took his seat in Novem-
ber, 1813. Cdrtes, Act. ord., i. 275.
'8 From the time of the conquest there existed in all Indian towns ayunta-
THE SUBDELEGADOS. 37
In contravention of law, the first name of the three
proposed by the intendente to the president of Guate-
mala, for chief of each of the eleven subdelegaciones,
was that of some creature of the intendente. Unfit-
ness for the place or immorality counted for nothing
if the nomination suited the proposer or the confirm-
ing power. These subdelegados, by means of their
comisarios, collected the tribute and speculated with
it; each being a tyrant who oppressed the Indians at
his will.
Education was neglected; ignorance prevailed to
such an extent that a large portion of the inhabitants
did not know even the first rudiments of their reli-
gion. The poorer Spaniards and the mixed breeds
were entirely without education. Indeed, in nearly
three centuries, not only had the Indians not learned
to speak Spanish, but the native Spaniards spoke
the six Indian tongues of the province better than
their own.^^
Chiapas, it is well known, had been an episcopal see,
with its cathedral at Ciudad Heal, since the first years
of the conquest.*^ The country is fertile and well
mientos called cabildos, and composed as follows: a gobernador, who was a
caciqne or noble Indian, generally for life, though *sin jurisdiccion,' appointed
formally in writing by the principal executive of the province; two alcaldes;
four, six, or eight regidores, according to population; and some officers called
in some places mayores, and in others alguaciles, who aided the regidores,
took care of the cabildos' houses, and furnished supplies to travellers going
through their towns. They were elected on the first day of January of each
year, and were subject to the alcalde mayor and the teniente of each town,
by whom they were too frequently badly treated. Mazariegos, Mem. Hist.
Chiapa, 28-29.
2^ In some Indian towns, so-called maestros were salaried from the com-
munity funds of the inhabitants. Such maestros could scarcely read and
write, and most of them were immoral and given to drunkenness. Of course
no good results could be obtained from such teachers. The Spanish cdrtes in
1813 decreed the adoption of measures for promoting public instruction, and
on the 24th of October enacted the establishment of a university iu the prov-
ince. Miizanegos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 51-53; Cdrtes^ DiariOy 1813, xix. 392;
Id., Act. ord., 1813, i. 113, 141.
*°The cathedral chapter was composed of four dignitaries, one simple
canon, six choir chaplains. The revenue of the diocese was limited. The
number of its parishes was forty-seven, which included the eleven of the capi-
tal and suburbs. Mazariegos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 48. From 1819 to 1836,
according to Larrainzar, religious, educational, and general affairs had at-
tained much improvement. In the diocese there were, besides the cathedral.
38 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
watered. Its agricultural products were wheat — of
which there was a surplus for exportation — maize,
beans, rice, coffee, and cacao."*^ A variety of vegeta-
ables in abundance, and the fruits of all climes, could
also be obtained. The maguey was extensively culti-
vated for pulque and aguardiente. A great deal of
sugar-cane and good tobacco were grown. Indigo
and cochineal were cultivated to some extent. The
country had likewise excellent grazing. Cattle, sheep,
goats, horses, and mules abounded. The mines of
gold, silver, lead, copper, and iron were not worked,
owing to the poverty of the inhabitants. The gov-
ernor-intendente of Chiapas in 1817, Carlos Cas-
tanon, as appears in the records, was a confirmed
royalist.*^
From the time that Iturbide proclaimed the inde-
pendence of Mexico, the canons of the chapter in the
diocese of Ciudad Real — bitterly hostile, like thema-
jority of the Mexican and Central American clergy,
to the reforms of the Spanish cortes respecting the
church*^ — had been in communication with that chief-
tain's auditor de guerra, Fernandez Almansa, who
kept them informed on the progress of the revolution.
The clericals looked upon the Mexican chief as the
savior of their ancient prerogatives and monopo-
three convents of friars and one of nuns; a hospital, founded by Bishop Juan
^_lvarez de Toledo; an ecclesiastic' college, founded by Bishop Bravo de la
Serna; primary schools and a university. Since 1819 existed the Sociedad
de Amigos del Pais, to develop agriculture, industry, and learning. The
inhabitants of the capital were quite cultured. Discurso, 17-18. In 1813 the
Spanish c6rtes, among other measures for the benefit of Chiapas, decreed that
the friars of Guatemala should undertake the conversion of the Indians of
Palenque. Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 392.
*' Soconusco cacao being considered the best of America, some loads of it
were sent every year to Spain for the use of the royal family.
*2 On the 20th of Dec, 1817, he congratulated the viceroy of Mexico on the
triumphs of the royal arms. The capture of Mina and other successes were
enthusiastically celebrated in Ciudad Real. Noticioso Gen., Feb. 14, 1818, 4;
Gaz. deM6x., 1818, ix. 141-2.
*3The bishop of Chiapas, Salvador San Martin, incurred the wrath of the
c6rtes, when he was acting as deputy from Porto E,ico, for his support of the
royal decree of 1814, that overthrew the national constitution. San Martin
was dead when Chiapas followed the example of Mexico in 1821. Alaman^
Hist. Mij., V. 344; Mex., Gaceta Imp., i. 11, 173.
CHIAPAS ACCEPTS ITURBIDE.
39
lies, and with this end in view, prepared public opin-
ion for setting aside the authority of Fernando VII.
and his c6rtes.**
The governor-intendente, Juan N. Batres, together
with the ayuntamiento of Ciudad Real, proclaimed,
on the 3d of September, 1821, the separation of Chiapas
from Spain, and her acceptance of Iturbide's plan of
Iguala. On the 8th all the authorities and officers,
''/^as
%bcoci
Chiapas.
civil and military, took the oath to support that act,
which was administered by the governor of the dio-
cese; after which they had high mass and a sermon
in the cathedral, where the secular clergy and the
" In Ciudad Real, Iturbide was called 'padre Salvador de la religion y de
la patria.' Id., 10-12.
40 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
people took the same oath^^ before the aforesaid ec-
clesiastic authority. The obligations assumed were
to support the Roman catholic apostolic religion; to
secure the independence of the empire, preserving to
that end peace and union between Europeans and
Americans; and to obey Fernando VII., should he
adopt and swear to support the constitution to be
enacted by the c6rtes of the Mexican empire, ^hiapas
was, therefore, the first province of the captain-gen^
eralcy of Guatemala to throw off the Spanish yoke;
she at the same time separated herself from Guate-
mala, and manifested her determination to link her
future with Mexico. All this was made known Sep-
tember 21st by the comandante-general of Oajaca to
Iturbide. The example of Ciudad Real was unhesi-
tatingly followed by the other towns in the province.
We have seen that Guatemala, at her declaration of
independence, did not at once accept annexation to
the Mexican empire. This course did not suit the
rulers and notables of Ciudad Real, who hastened
to manifest their displeasure at a meeting held Sep-
tember 20th, and attended by the intendente, ayun-
tamiento, and other official bodies, prelates, and a
large number of citizens.
As a matter of fact, the desire of Chiapas to be
detached from Guatemala and annexed to Mexico
existed with some strength even before the declara-
tion of independence;*^ and Guatemala having failed
to return an answer to the letter from the authorities
of Chiapas, announcing her action of the 3d, this
neglect had strengthened the notables of the latter
in their resolution to recognize no other government
than that of the Mexican empire under the treaties of
Cordoba. It was also resolved at the meeting not to
circulate the declaration of independence which the
*5The act of independence was signed by Juan N. Batres, Jos6 Ignacio
Larrainzar, Jos6 Diego Lara, Julio Jos6 Flores, Jos6 Nicolds Osuna, Est6vaa
Gordiilo, and Lie. Jos6 Vives.
*'*Soon after this act that desire began to assume proportions. Larrainzar,
Notk. Hist. Soconmco, 28.
CHIAPAS A PART OF MEXICO.
41
jefe politico of Guatemala had sent. These senti-
ments were duly seconded by the other cities and
towns.
In order to guard against any action Guatemala
might take because of the course of Chiapas, at a
formal session of the diputacion, presided over by the
jefe politico, and held on the 2 2d of October, it was
resolved to send to Mexico a commissioner to take the
necessary steps, and procure his province's separation
from Guatemala, even if the latter should come to be
thereafter a part of the Mexican empire.*''
*^For particulars on the final separation of Chiapas, and incorporation as a
state of the Mexican confederation, see Hist. Mex., v. 22-4, this series. The
clergyman Pedro Sol5rzano was the agent appointed under the resolution
referred to in the text, and he accordingly repaired to the city of Mexico.
Larrainzar, JSotic. Hist. Soconusco, 29j M6x. Gacetalmp., i. 169-73, 270-1,
319-23, 337-9.
'university;
CHAPTER III.
UNION WITH MEXICO.
1821-1822.
FiEST Acts of Guatemalan Rulers— Intrigues of Parties— Their Evil
Consequences — Gainza's Intrigues — Independence in the Other
Provinces — Rewards to Gainza — Troubles in Salvador— Dissen^
SIGNS in Honduras — ^Local Squabbles in Nicaragua— Predilection
FOR Imperialism — Costa Rica Neutral — Condition of Various
Sections — Seceding Districts of Guatemala — Perplexities of the
Junta Consultiva — Iturbidb's Devices — Military Pressure— His
Proposals Accepted— Illegal Annexation — Protests and Resist-
ance— War Begins.
Among the first acts of the junta at Guatemala
was the promotion of two officers who were supposed
to be reHable supporters of the late movement.^ Both
proved themselves afterward recreant to their pledges,
by their hostility to the republican cause.
The cacos were republicans. They strove to rid
the country of the antiquated errors and practices,
including in their plans the abolishment of the priv-
ileges of the clergy, and the restriction of their power,
which had been a constant source of injury to the
people at large. They wanted the adoption of demo-
cratic institutions, in order to place the masses on the
level heretofore occupied only by the ruling class.
They succeeded in prevailing on the people to take an
interest and a direct intervention in public affairs.
Barrundia, Molina, and C6rdoba led them to the gal-
^ They were Lorenzo Romana, who was made colonel of the battalion of reg-
ulars, superseding the Spaniard F6lix Lagrava, and Manuel Arzii, who obtained
the command of the artillery, with the same rank. Marurey Bosq. Hist. Gent,
Am., i. 28.
PARTY STRIFE. 43
leries of the junta chamber to witness its acts, and
even take part in its deliberations.^ Thej attacked
Valle for the clause he inserted in the acta of the
15th, to which I have alluded in the preceding chap-
ter. On that point they certainly had a well-founded
grievance, but their manner of presenting it resulted
in a loss of confidence in the junta, the organization
of new parties, and general distraction. The point
taken by them, however, was decided in their favor
by the junta. But the latter held secret sessions
after the 29th of September, significant of sinister
purposes.
The other party — formerly constituting the ruling
class — scouted the idea of equality. Most of the
churchmen had the same feeling; for in joining the
movement for separation from Spain their motive had
been to shield their menaced prerogatives, rather than
love for America or freedom.
On the 18th of September Gainza wrote Iturbide,
generalissimo of the so-called empire of Mexico, that
his course had been hailed with joy, and that political
parties had consolidated on the proposition of inde-
pendence from Spain; hence he had proclaimed it.
And that, since then, amid the transition from one
system to another, the minds of the people of Gua-
temala had been fixed on Iturbide, and they had
desired to tender him their congratulations as the
liberator of New Spain.^
^ A writer of the opposite party asserts that the practice caused much con-
fusion, arising from ignorance. The populace abused the privilege, and
had finally to be excluded from the chamber. The same author speaks dis-
paragingly of the three leaders. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 7. It is said of them
that they often addressed from the gallery petitions to the junta, demanded
removals of officials, and had disputes with its members or with Gainza. I
have already given some account of Barrundia and Molina. C6rdoba had
sufifered imprisonment and prosecution for being concerned in the revolution-
ary movements of 1811.
' ' Acorde al fin en sus sentimientos, se reuni6 liltimamente en la opinion
que debi6 siempre ser el vinculo estrecho de su voluntad. Asi consta del tes-
timonio que acompano d V. E. ' The last sentence must refer to a copy of the
acta de independencia. Mex., Gaceta Imp., i. 60-2. And yet, another journal
of Mexico, alluding to that letter, after erroneously giving the writer's name
as Gabriel Quinia, actually asserted its contents to be that Guatemala, like
Chiapas, had submitted to Mexico, party spirit having been powerless to dis-
44 UNION WITH MEXICO.
The junta consultiva passed a number of decrees,
which were sanctioned by Gainza. Urrutia, the ex-
captain-general, was tendered his salary and the con-
siderations due his rank and former office if he would
formally recognize the independence.* He declined
with thanks, departing for Habana soon after. At
the time of the adoption of the acta, peaceable persons
were assured of protection to their persons and
property, which pledge was faithfully fulfilled. No
opponent of independence was molested. Officials
desirous of returning to their country were allowed
to do so.^
The junta, which bore the compellation of excelen-
tisima, unanimously appointed Gainza captain-general,
with the salary of $10,000 a year, decorating him also
with a three-colored scarf, commemorative of the
three guarantees. A gold medal was voted to the
members of the ayuntamiento, who made the solemn
declaration of independence on the 23d of September.^
Committees were next appointed to study and report
to the junta on public instruction, safety and de-
fences, statistics, industry, and finances. Jose del
Valle was instructed to form a plan of government.''
Several financial measures engaged the attention
of the junta. One of them proposed to levy a duty
of ten per centum on gold and silver exported to
Spain. This was never strictly enforced. Restric-
tions to foreign commerce, and monopolies existing
under the Spanish government, were abolished. Lib-
eral principles were introduced, including freedom of
turb the peace or general will of the inhabitants ! Mex., Noticioso Gen., Oct.
19, 1821.
* Decree of Sept 20, 1821.
^Decrees of Sept. 26 and 27, 1821. They were given two months' extra
pay. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 6-7.
^ Tills act was effected amidst great enthusiasm, and rejoicing at its ac-
complishment without bloodshed. Persons then residing in the city who had
favored the movement had their names inserted in a book. MarurCy Bosq.
Iliat. Cent. Am.,i. 27-30.
' Another committee was to count the population in order to apportion the
deputies to congress. Gracias, Guad. Estad., 28.
SALVADOR INDEPENDENT. 45
the press, which had been guaranteed by the Spanish
constitution, and was now continued in force.^
In Salvador absolute independence had been de-
clared by the ayuntamiento on the 21st of September,
and proclaimed eight days after. Pedro Barriere,
who as teniente letrado was temporarily acting as chief
civil authority, together with the ayuntamiento of
San Salvador, decreed the election of seven persons
to form a "junta subalterna econ6mica y consultiva."
There was great commotion stirred on the one hand
by the vicar Ignacio Saldana, and on the other by the
liberals, Arce, Ramirez, and others. The next day,
the people being assembled to effect the election,
Barriere, pretending that his friends, the so-called
serviles, were in peril, retracted his former action.
His words enraged the populace. Then he called
out the troops to disperse the crowds, and arrested the
republican leaders Arce, Rodriguez, and Domingo
Lara.^ But on the news of his course reaching Guate-
mala, Delgado was despatched to Salvador as a peace-
maker, clothed with ample powers. On his way to
the capital he liberated prisoners, all of whom joined
his following and entered the city with him. Bar-
riere was sent out of the province; the troops were
disarmed; peace was restored; a subordinate junta
consultiva was installed, and Delgado continued at
the head of the government.^^
® Before the news reached Spain of the change in Guatemala, Deputy Milla
spoke, on the 18th of Nov., in the c6rtes of the insuflficiency of Spanish bot-
toms for the transportation of American produce, and demanded the privilege
of using foreign vessels therefor. He alluded also to the inability of the royal
navy to protect Spanish merchantmen, in proof of which he stated the fact
that five vessels had been carried off by insurgent privateers from Nicaraguan
ports. Cdrtes, Diario Extraord., Nov. 18, 1821, iv. 12-13.
' Men who had relations with Delgado, one of the junta in Guatemala.
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 9-10.
^•^ Delgado assumed authority on his arrival at Santa Ana, and used it
effectively, though without violence. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 36-7.
The extent of the province of Salvador was 50 leagues long and 30 wide; it
was divided into the partidos of Santa Ana, San Salvador, San Vicente, and
San Miguel, with three cities, five villas, and 140 pueblos. Mendez, Mem., 9-
10. The following were the signers of independence: Pedro Barriere, Casi-
miro Garcia Valdeavellano, Jos6 Ignacio Saldaiia, Jos6 Rosi, Millan Bustos,
46 UNION WITH MEXICO.
In Honduras, on the receipt at Comayagua of. the
news that Guatemala had seceded from the Spanish
crown, the governor-intendente, Brigadier Josd Ti-
noco de Contreras, and the diputacion^^ refused to
recognize the government constituted in that city, and
took an oath to support the plan of Iguala. This
was a virtual annexation of Honduras to the Mexican
empire. The partidos of Tegucigalpa and Gracias,
and the ports of Omoa and Trujillo, would not accept
as valid the act of the authorities at Comayagua, and
maintained relations with those in Guatemala. The
independence from Spain had been declared on the
16th of October.
Tinoco took the two ports above named, which were
treacherously surrendered to him.^^ He also fitted
out a force to march on Tegucigalpa. A counter-
revolution, however, on the 1st of December, sup-
ported by an approaching Guatemalan liberal force,
set aside Tinoco's control and restored that of the
junta consultiva.^^
Gerdnimo de Ajuria, Francisco del Duque, Santiago Rosi, Trinidad Estupinian,
Juan B. de Otonto, Francisco Ignacio de Urrutia, Narciso Ortega, and Pedro
Miguel Lopez, secretary. Euiz, Calend. Salv., 67-8; Salv., Diario OJic.y Jan.
20, 1875, 5; Bustamante, Cuad. HisL, vi., no. 187, 1-29; Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am., 2, 9-10. Alaman has it that Delgado seized the government by a revo-
lution in 1822. Hist. M^j., v. 474-5.
^^In the Spanish cortes, March 29, 1813, was read and passed to a com-
mittee a petition of the ayuntamiento of Comayagua, objecting to the limited
scope of the decree of May 24, 1812, which authorized the establishment of
only two diputaciones in the whole of Guatemala, and asked for one in Coma-
yagua with Omoa, Trujillo, and the partido of Tegucigalpa, and that of San
Miguel in Salvador, within its jurisdiction, which would give the new dipu-
tacion a territory of 140 leagues from N. to S., and as many from E. to W.
Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xviii. 61. I have no evidence as to when Honduras
was granted the diputacion, but the fact appears that it had such a corpora-
tion in September 1821. The province was larger than Nicaragua, and divided
into the partidos of Comayagua and Tegucigalpa, and the nine sub-delegations
of Gracias d Dios, San Pedro Zula, Teucoa, Yoro, Olanehito, Olancho Viejo,
Tegucigalpa, Choluteca, and Trujillo, having within it the ports of Omoa,
Puerto Caballos, Puerto Sal, Triunfo de la Cruz, Trujillo, and Cartago. The
bishopric of Comayagua embraced the whole intendencia, with 35 parishes,
one mission, and 145 churches. Mendez, Mem., 8, 21. In 1821 there lived in
Trujillo about 2,500 Caribs, the original inhabitants of Saint Viucent, later
occupying the island of Eoatan, whence they removed to Trujillo. They
were a rather industrious, honest people. CoggeshaU's Voy., 2d ser., 161-3.
^ ^■■^ Omoa by Captain Bernardo Caballero, P. Pedro Brito, and others, who
seized and imprisoned the commandant, Antonio Prado. Marure, Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am., i. 35.
^'The junta in Guatemala passed an act on the 11th of Dec. to reward the
LIBERTY m NICARAGUA. 47
Nicaragua had, since 1813, a diputacion provincial,
under the decree of the Spanish c6rtes of May 24,
1812. Its jurisdiction extended over the districts of
Leon, Granada, Segovia, Nicaragua, and Matagalpa.
Under the new system, estabhshed in 1821, and since
TJrrutia's retirement, constant questions of jurisdic-
tion arose between the intendente and the superior
jefe politico.^*
On the 3d of October Colonel Crisanto Sacasa,
commandant at Granada, issued a general order to
the officers to report with their troops next morning,
and take the oath to support national independence,
pursuant to the instructions he had received from
Captain-general Gainza. Intendente Saravia had
been at enmity with Gainza, and when the first steps
were taken in Guatemala for independence, he threw
off his authority. In this he had the aid of Bishop
Jerez and Colonel Joaquin Arechavala, commander
of the militia, all three being natives of old Spain.
They induced the diputacion and the ayuntamiento,
by an act of the 11th of October, to declare Nicara-
gua seceded from Guatemala.^^ This action occurred
in Leon. But Granada refused to concur, and sent
its representatives to the congress called to meet in
Guatemala. Later, October 21st, the authorities in
Leon formally accepted the Iguala plan, thereby an-
nexing the whole province to the Mexican empire.
villa of Tegucigalpa, raising it to the rank of a city, and bestowing on its
ayuntamiento the title of 'patri6tico.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.., i. 35.
^* As a matter of fact, ill feeling had always existed in the provinces against
the capital. This hatred was intensified by the respective intendentes in
forwarding their ambitious purposes. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.., 2. Lieut-col
Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, son of the old lieut-gen. shot in Oajaca, was the
gov. -intendente of Nicaragua since 1818. Naturally he hated the indepen-
dents for his father's execution. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 34; Ay on,
Apuntes, 22; Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed. 1823), 337-8.
^^ They would remain independent of the Spanish crown, they said, until
the clouds disappeared. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 8; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am., i. 34; Ay on, Apuntes, 22; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mej., 387; Biista-
mante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29; Alaman, Hist. Mdj., v. 346-8; Wells'
Hond., 468. Tomds Ayon, Apuntes sobre algunos de los acontecimientos poli-
ticos de Nicaragua, Leon, 1875, 8vo, 50 pp., gives a few important memoranda
on the political events of Nicaragua in 1811-24, in a clear, concise, and ap-
parently impartial manner.
48 UNION WITH MEXICO.
The country was accordingly divided into two antag-
onistic parties, the imperiahst and the republican.^^
Gainza said to the diputacion at Leon, on the 2 2d
of October, that neither they nor the junta consultiva,
nor any other body of men then existing, could decide
upon the future of the country; none had a legal right
to declare for or aofainst annexation to Mexico. This
could be arrived at only by the representatives of the
people in the general congress. ^"^ He appointed Colonel
Sacasa comandante general of the forces in Nicaragua,
and directed him to install in Granada a subordinate
junta gubernativa of five members, clothed with the
functions of a jefe politico, and which was to continue
in power till the status of the country should be
fixed.^^ Sacasa frankly notified the rulers in Leon of
what he was to do, and took steps to carry his orders
into execution. But Saravia, with the bishop and
the diputacion, determined that no such junta should
be installed. The diputacion, on the 1st of Decem-
ber, by a special act, forbade its organization, declar-
ing all attempts toward it subversive of good order
and hostile to the Mexican empire, to which they
owed allegiance; and warning all citizens to abstain
from such efforts.
^^ Saravia kept up a sort of underhanded war against Granada, obstructing
her relations with Guatemala. Mature, Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., i. 35. The
extent of the province of Nicaragua was 85 leagues long by 75 wide; detach-
ing Nicoya, there were four partidos, Leon, Realejo, Sutiaba, and Matagalpa,
with 88 towns in all. Menclez, Mem., 7. According to Miguel G. Saravia,
Bosquejo politico estadistico de Nicaragua, its population in 1813 was of 149,-
751, a very imperfect census. Squier's States Cent. Am., 50. The bishopric
of Leon comprised all the intendencia of Costa Rica, with 40 parishes, 3
missions, and 88 churches. Mendez, Mem., 20. A considerable military force
had been, since 1796, kept at San Juan del Norte; and in 1821 additional de-
fences were erected, by government order of May 2d. This force was expelled
after the declaration of independence by the patriots. Sqtiiers Trav. , i. 83.
^^ On the 11th of Nov. he answered in similar terms the diputacion at Co-
mayagua. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., i. 44-6.
^^ Its members were to be chosen by electors appointed by the ayunta-
mientos supporting the Granada regime. These members to choose every
month from their own number the president. Perez, Biog. Sacasa, 5-6. Perez,
Jerdnimo, Biografia del coronel Don Crisanto Sacasa, 1875, fol., 18 pp., fur-
nishes important data on the origin and life of a man who figured prom-
inently and honorably in the affairs of Nicaragua from 1821 to his death in
1824. In connection with them appear several official letters on events during
the period between secession from Spain and annexation to Mexico.
COSTA EICA NEUTRAL. 49
Sacasa had every right to expect that Gainza would
support him against attacks from Leon, but he was
disappointed. The captain-general wrote him, on the
2 2d of December, that it was doubtful if Central
America could maintain a government separate from
Mexico, many towns having already attached them-
selves to the empire; and that he had expressed the
same opinion to Saravia. Whereupon Sacasa, though
a republican, made no further opposition to the powers
at Leon.
Costa Rica was privileged by distance to keep aloof
from political troubles threatening the other provinces. ]
She had seceded from Spain on the 27th of October,
and set aside the governor, Juan Canas; but when
called upon to adopt the plan of the capital or that of
Leon, she declined both, preferring a neutral attitude^.^^
A meeting of notables confirmed the act of secession,
and set up a provisional government entirely detached
from that at Leon, which was to reside alternately in
Cartage, San Jose, Heredia, and Alajuela. But this
was found inconvenient, owing to rivalries between
the two first-named towns; and finally it was decided,
on the 27th of November, to place public affairs in
the hands of Manuel Peralta, Rafael Osejo, and Her-
menegildo Bonilla, who were to reside at the provin-
cial capital, Cartage. Under this arrangement peace
was preserved, and the province never was really under
the imperial rule.^°
^® The people acted prudently; they could but reap trouble from the polit-
ical complications. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.^ 2; Molina^ Bosq. Costa Rica, 4r-6,
17-18; Salv.y Diario Ofic, May 23, 1875; Lond. Geog. Soc, vi. 135.
2° It had, from the time of the conquest, a civil and military government of
its own, but under dependence of the audiencia and captain-generalcy at .
Guatemala. In matters ecclesiastic and financial it had been under Leon. Mo-
lina, Bosq. Costa Rica, 92; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2. The Spanish constitution
gave it, together with Nicoya, a diputacion provincial. Astaburuaga, Cent.
Am., 54. In 1812 the province had 22 towns — 12 of Indians and 10 of white
and black men — besides farms, large estates, etc. The extent in 182i was 160
by 60 leagues. The cities were Cartago and Esparza; the villas, San Jos6 ie
Ujarrdz, Villa Vieja, and Villa Hermosa; the villages, Espiritu Santo, Pueblo
Nuevo, Escasu, Alajuela, Bagasses, Las Canas, Barba, San Fernando, and the
Indian towns and settlements; adding Nicoya and Guanacaste, there would be
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. i
60 UNION WITH MEXICO.
Dissensions had now brought the country to the
brink of civil war, and no time was to be lost in avert-
ing it. Measures were adopted to hasten the meeting
of congress. With the vie w^ of restoring peace between
the sections, and of rendering harmless disturbing ele-
ments without resort to arms, the junta at Guatemala
concluded to despatch trusty commissioners to the
provinces where secession was rife, who were to pre-
vail on them to send deputies to the general congress.
Other agents were to be despatched to Mexico to
watch the turn of events at the capital. ^^ What
good results those agents might have accomplished, it
is impossible now to say. They had no occasion to
try their efforts. Events in Mexico succeeded one
another with such rapidity, and their influence on
Central America was so powerful, that, even among
the best patriots, many made up their minds to coop-
erate toward the union, carried away by the idea that
only under the aegis of the northern empire could
peace, safety, and stability be secured.
Costa Rica, we have seen, was in fact out of the
field; at any rate, it had no share in the political strife.
The provinces of Guatemala proper and Salvador
were the only ones, at present, which together with
'Granada, in Nicaragua, and some portions of Hon-
duras, attempted to preserve an independence from
Mexico under whatever form of government might be
;adopted in that country. The idea of annexation to
Mexico had been, however, growing popular from day
to day in Guatemala. The important section of
27 towns. The population was computed at between 60,000 and 70,000, be-
sides the three nations of heathen Indians in the mountains and northern
coasts, and known respectively as indios de la Talamanca, indios del norte,
and indios Mosquitos, all quite numerous. Cdrtes, Diarlo, 1813, xix. 404-5.
In 1813 the deputy from Costa Rica in the Spanish c6rte3 petitioned for a
bishopric; but at the time of the separation the matter had not been acted
on. Mendez, 3fem., 7.
21 Juan de Dios Mayorga and the provincial of la Merced, Fray Luis Gar-
cia, were selected for Comayagua; the prelate of the Franciscans, Fray Jos6
Antonio Taboada, for Leon; the prebendado Jos6 Maria Castilla, Pedro Mo-
lina, and JosiS Francisco Barrundia, for Mexico. Mature, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.,
i. 37-9.
ITURBIDE'S EFFORTS. 61
Quezaltenango adhered to the scheme, on the 13th of
November, inviting Suchitepequez, Solold, and An-
tigua Guatemala to follow the example, which they
did soon after. And Cirilo Flores and Antonio Corzo,
who in later years figured as most prominent cham-
pions of democracy and suffered martyrdom for their
cause, then supported the action of Quezaltenango.
It was contended that Central America, after throw-
ing off the Spanish yoke, acquired, with independence,
the right of forming such associations as might be
mutually beneficial. This doctrine was warmly ad-
vocated by a large portion of the reflecting class.
Under such circumstances, Guatemala and Salvador,
hemmed in as they were between provinces that had
already become annexed to Mexico, could not main-
tain an absolute independence.
Iturbide had large ideas of imperial sway, and was
bent on the acquisition of entire Central America,
aided efficiently, as he was on this side, by the aristo-
crats and other dissentient elements, who, perceiving
the insignificance they would come to if the nation
finally became constituted under a democratic govern-
ment, which their opponents were aiming at, labored
with might and main to defeat the plan.'^^ They won
over with money and fair promises a part of the peo-
ple, and with Gainza, who expected high rank and
offices from the new empire, bound Central America
hand and foot, as will hereafter be seen.
22 Some of them asked for titles, decorations, and other rewards for their
services in harnessing their country to Mexico's imperial car. El ProgresOf
Apr. 11, 1850. The organ of the empire spoke of the chimerical ideas
of the republicans and federalists, adding that the opposition to them was
large, and to be found in the officials, the higher classes, and indeed all sen-
sible persons, who well knew how small was the number of the educated
among them. It claimed that the journals published in Guatemala expressed
the views of only a few deluded men, whose ranks were becoming thinner
every day. That same organ had given to the public certain letters from the
ayuntamiento of Comitan, in Chiapas, objecting to the 2d art. of the Guate-
malan acta of Sept. 15th, on the ground that the country had no resources to
sustain a separate government, which had been evident since the yearly al-
lowance of $12,000 ceased; superadded to which, they said, the safety of
Mexico might be imperilled should Spain at some future time recover posses-
sion of Cent. Am., which the latter, if independent, could not prevent, and
vindicate her authority over the former. M6x., Gaceta Imp., i., Nov. 24 and
Dec. 8, 1821, 202-7, 281-2.
62 UNION WITH MEXICO.
The junta consultiva was much perplexed in view
of the situation. The imperialists daily became more
insolent and exacting. At this critical time — Novem-
ber 28th — Gainza laid before it a letter ^^ from the
generalissimo, making allusion to the much abused
second article of the acta de independencia, and de-
claring that Guatemala was not able to occupy as yet
a place in the family of nations, and should therefore
link her fate with Mexico.^* Whereupon the junta,
at the suggestion of the marques de Aycinena, hastily
answered that the popular wishes must be ascertained
before adopting any action ; promising to send the pro-
posal at once to the ayuntamientos and local author-
ities, with instructions to call on the people to give a
formal expression of their will on the subject. This
promise was kept in a measure — the ayuntamientos,
not the people, were given one month's time to mani-
fest their preference.^^
Soon after the arrival of Iturbide's messenger, the
persecution of republicans was begun. The rough
element of the population, instigated by their adver
saries, during the night insulted them at their homes.
Any one who either by word or writing opposed the
23 Dated Oct. 19th, and brought by Jos6 de Onate.
2* ' (jruatemala no debia quedar independiente de Mdjico, sino formar. . .un
gran imperio bajo el plan de Iguala, y tratados de C6rdoba: que Guatemala
Be hallaba todavia impotente para gobernarse por si misma, y que podria ser
por lo mismo objeto de la ambicion extranjera.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am., i. 39-41. The aristocrats, now sure of Iturbide's aid, grew bolder in
their plotting. Squier^s Trav., ii. 378; Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 35-9.
Iturbide directed the conde de la Cadena, on the 20th of Nov., to write very
courteously to Mariano de Aycinena, who was well connected and had ad-
dressed a communication to the liberator. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no.
187, 28; Montlifar, Resena Hist., iv. 20-2, 35-9.
2^ The circular directed the ayuntamientos to read at a public sitting Itur-
bide's letter, and express their opinion upon each point embraced in his pro-
posal. Their answers as to whether they wanted annexation at once, or to
await the action of congress, were to be in Guatemala city on or before the
Slst of Dec, 1821. Petdn-Itzd, Manif. de la Just. , 2. This circular was drawn
up by Valle. The elections for members of the congress that had been called
to meet in February were to be made as formerly directed. In Guatemala
the votes of heads of families were taken at each house by municipal agents
in the presence of a notary public, and duly registered. 31em. Rev. Cent.
Am., id-ll; Alaman, Hist. M<^j., v. 475-6.
^The exile of Barrundia, Molina, and others was demanded by Pedro Ar-
royave, sindico of the ayuntamiento. Gainza was suspected of inciting cer-
tain imperialists to prefer charges against these parties.
2a
VOTE OF THE AYUNTAMIENTOS. 53
plan of annexation was treated as seditious. At last
the opposing parties had a scuffle in the streets, on
the night of November 30th, which ended in the dis-
comfiture of the republicans engaged in it.^^ Barrun-
dia and Molina were present and exhibited much
energy. The latter was in great peril of losing his
life.
On the day appointed for the receipt of the returns
from the several ayuntamientos — namely, the 31st of
December — the junta provisional consul tiva proceeded
to the count. The result was as follows: 21 ayunta-
mientos declared that none but the general congress
had authority to decide for or against the union with
Mexico; 104 favored the annexation at once and
unconditionally; 11 approved of the union, provided
certain terms, which they appended, were stipulated
in the act of incorporation; 32 left the matter wholly
to the provisional government; and two declined the
connection in toto.^^ Many others had not, for some
reason, returned any answers; or if they had, the
government in Guatemala failed to receive them on
the appointed day. The result was made known to
the regency in Mexico on the 3d of January, 1822,
and on the 5th the subject was discussed in all its
bearings. Valle moved that the decision should be
postponed until the receipt of the returns of the 67
ayuntamientos not yet heard from. Rivera, Calderon,
and Alvarado objected to any action. Gainza advo-
cated the acceptance of the aid and protection ten-
dered by Mexico.^^ The junta, disregarding all
2^ A number of republicans, when acclaiming their principles near San
Jos6 church, were fired upon by an armed force patrolling the town with the
alcalde Mariano Larrave, and two killed outright, Mariano Bedoya and Re-
migio Maida. Several were wounded; some arrests were made. Salv., Gaceta,
^. 12, 1854; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i, 41-2, 47; Dice. Univ. Hist.
Geog., c^^ ^ i. 342; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 157.
^^ Mar lire, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i., ap. v.; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11;
Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 474.
^''His arguments were not founded on fact. Subsequent events proved
it. Men of greater weight than Gainza, such as Mora, Pecchio, and Zavala,
have since contradicted his assertions. Zavala said that Guatemala gained
nothing by the union, and that it had resources of its own to exist as an inde-
pendent nation. He added that the provinces viewed with dislike the course
54 UNION WITH MEXICO.
objections adduced, and the marked differences in the
opinions of the ayuntamientos, decreed on the same
day, January 5, 1822, that the whole of Central
America should be annexed to the empire of Mexico,
without other conditions than the fulfilment of the
plan of Iguala and the treaties of Cordoba. ^^ In a
manifesto of that date, it assured the people that, after
obtaining the votes of all the authorities, corporations,
and prominent persons, and in view of the census of
population formed in September 1821, it was evident
that the vote for the union with Mexico had reached
a majority in Guatemala proper; and including the
votes of Nicaragua, Comayagua, Ciudad Real de
Chiapas, Quezaltenango, Solold, and other towns
which had a few days previously declared themselves
for annexation, it would be found that almost the whole
population had expressed itself in favor of connection.^^
No member failed to record his name in favor of the
loss of nationality, though some had, as before stated,
suggested that certain guarantees should be required
previous to the completion of the surrender.
Gainza issued a manifesto full of generalities, de-
clared there was no further need of electing deputies
to congress, and assured the people of a liberal gov-
ernment, and future peace and prosperity.^^ Erelong
of the aristocrats at the capital. It could not be otherwise. Where was the
advantage of a connection with the city of Mexico, which was almost inac-
cessible to them? But the rich men of Guatemala would have it, regardless
of consequences. Ensayo Hist. Revol. Alex., i. 186-7.
30 See Hist. Mex., iv. 710, 728-9, this series.
^1 The junta had on the 3d indicated to Iturbide that its duty was to annex
the country to Mexico; 'como ya se le indic6 en oficio de tres del corriente.*
Other reasons were given by it for the action taken, the chief one being the
necessity of preserving the country's entirety and repose, which had been in
danger of a rupture. The names affixed to the manifesto are : Gavino Gainza,
Marques de Aycinena, Miguel de Larreinaga, Jose del Valle, Mariano de
Beltranena, Miguel Antonio Molina, Antonio Rivera, Jos6 Mariano Calderon,
Jos6 Antonio Alvarado, Angel M*- Candina, Eusebio Castillo, Jos6 Vald6s;
Jos6 Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez, secretaries. Ouat., Recop. LeyeSj
1. 14-16; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. ^m.,i.,ap.iv.-vi. ; Montufar, Mesena Hist..
iv. 18-23, 40-2; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 8-9, 11; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi.,
no. 187, 1-29; Alaman, Hist. Mdj., v. 476; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mdj.,
386-7; Lastarria, in La America, 249; Salv., Diario Ofic, Feb. 13, 1875, 4,
and March 28» 1876, 603; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 218; Squier's Trav., i.
383: Kewen's Nic. and Walker, MS., 33-6; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 103-6.
^^ 'Las ideas de prosperidad, objeto de la independencia, van d substi-
GAINZA'S EDICT. 65
events came to show how delusive were the promises
thus held out by the incoming regime. It was pre-
posterous on the part of an unconstituted country, as
Mexico then was, with a government whose existence
was precarious, to undertake the task of affording pro-
tection to the people of Central America — to a people
that had been brought under the yoke of the so-
called empire in such an unprecedented manner.
Forgetting, after a few days, the honeyed words of
his manifesto, Gainza,^ on January 9th, issued a
stringent edict, countersigned by Jose Maria Celaya
as secretary, giving renewed force to his former edicts
of September l7th and December 1st, and forbid-
ding, under the penalties provided by the laws against
sedition, that any one should, either by tongue or pen,
censure or refute the action adopted as the will of the
majority. Conversations on the subject in the streets
or public places were prohibited, and citizens were
enjoined to report at once to the authorities any at-
tempted conspiracy against the new government which
might come to their knowledge. Constitutional al-
caldes and other local authorities were charged with
the execution of this decree.
Gainza and his junta thus gave way to the wishes
of the would-be oligarchs and the clergy, ignoring the
fact, formerly recognized by them, that to the repre-
sentatives of the people in congress exclusively be-
longed the decision of the question on the future
status of the country.^* The aristocrats and clericals
brought about difficulties to prevent the election of
tuirse A los partidos ominosos. . .neutralizar las tentativas del poder arbitrario
y de los movimientos populares.' Gainza, Manifiesto, Gaceta Gob. Guadal.y
1822, March 2, 302-4; M4x., Gaceta Imp., ii. 657-9; Kewen, Nic. and Walker,
MS., 30-6.
23 He now gives himself a long list of titles, viz. : knight of justice of the
sacred religion of St John of Jerusalem; lieutenant-general by acclamation of
the independent army of Guatemala; decorated with the banda nacional; her
captain-general; inspector-general of all her arms; superior political chief,
intendent-general, and president of the junta provisional consultiva. Mex.,
Gaceta Imp., i. 557-9; Gaceta Gob. GuadaL, March 2, 1822, 304.
2^ Only two months earlier the diputaciones of Comayagua and Leon were
told that neither the junta consultiva nor any other body then existing had
any such power.
56 UNION WITH MEXICO.
representatives, and took advantage of them to carry
out their designs. The truth is, that the device re-
sorted to, of acting upon the opinions of ayunta-
mientos which they well knew had no authority in the
premises, was illegal. And, indeed, could a popula-
tion of upwards of one million, scattered over 75,000
square miles of territory, have duly considered so vital
a matter as the abdication of their national autonomy
within the short period of thirty days? The whole
secret of the aristocratic success lay in the pressure
brought to bear on the country with a military force
sent by Iturbide to support his pretensions.^^ The
following facts appeared in the imperial gazette of
Mexico: The regency announced on the 12th of No-
vember to the junta soberana that Chiapas, as well
as the towns of Guatemala, had signified a wish to
be received as a part of the Mexican empire, asking
for military aid to uphold its acts. The regency
added, that the military aid must then be quite near
Chiapas, under the orders issued beforehand by the
generalissimo, 5,000 men having already, under the
conde de la Cadena, crossed the Tehuantepec River.
The junta graciously assented to the so-called wishes
of the people of Chiapas and Guatemala, giving them
the rights of Mexican citizens. ^^
A division under Brigadier Vicente Filisola, with
Colonel Felipe Codallos as his second in command,^^
^5 It was rumored, and doubtless believed by the people, that a formidable
force was on the way — 5,000 men — which Central America in its present di-
vided condition could not resist; hence the premature submission with an
apparent good grace. Mem. Rev, Gent. Am.., 10-11.
^^Gaceta Imp.y i. 162-3. According to Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no.
187, 1-29, the party in favor of absolute independence in Guatemala sus-
tained itself till a Mexican force was sent, and it was by this means the
absorption was effected. The force had not arriv^ed, but was certainly ex-
pected. Luis G. Cuevas, a Mexican senator, tells us that the people of Cent.
Am. were mostly very enthusiastic for Iturbide, and at the same time anx-
ious to rid themselves of the liberal party, whose members he calls an un-
bridled set of demagogues. Moreover, they wanted to belong to a nation
having so much credit abroad, and such large resources to aid them. Por-
venir de Hex. , 252.
^^ Conde de la Cadena was first in command, but he resigned it on account
of sickness. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 474-8; Suarez y Navarro^ Hist. M&j.f
387-8; Filisola d la Junta Soberana, note 3.
TROUBLES IN SALVADOR. 67
began its march in November 1821; but a large por-
tion of the men deserted on the way, and the ranks
had to be recruited in Chiapas; and yet FiHsola finally
arrived in Guatemala with only 600 men.*^^
The junta provisional, after its action of January
5th, had no further reason for continuing, and so dis-
solved itself on the 21st of February. Gainza, retain-
ing the offices of jefe superior politico and captain-
general, called into life a diputacion provincial.^^ His
authority, however, was not regarded in Chiapas,
Honduras, Nicaragua, nor a great part of Salvador.
Costa Rica still remained aloof and was unmolested.
During Iturbide's occupation of his rickety throne,
Central America had deputies in the imperial con-
gress,"^^ and the orders of the emperor's government
were generally obeyed. Nevertheless, plucky little
Salvador kept up the struggle against foreign domi-
nation. Nearly a majority of its ayuntamientos, to-
gether with the priest Delgado, the acting political
chief, had signified their wish to await the action of
congress; and on hearing of the surrender to Mexico
by Gainza and his junta, entered a protest and seceded,
resolving to remain independent till the representa-
tives of the whole people of Central America should
decide the question of nationality.*^
But even here dissensions fostered from Guatemala
had their pernicious effects. Santa Ana and San
Miguel had voted for annexation to Mexico, and to
uphold this action, seceded from their own province,
which in that year led to a war between Salvador
ssSquier, GuaL, 580-1, has it 700.
»' The 3d. It was installed March 29, 1822. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.,
i. 47; Id., Efemdrides, 5.
^''Among them were Jos6 del Valle, Juan de Dios Mayorga, and Marcial
Zebadiia. Zavala, Ensayo Hist. Rev. Ilex., i. 187. Suarez y Navarro says
that Mayorga had a secret mission from Salvador near the Mexican govern-
ment. Hist. M6j., 387.
*^ Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11-12. The province was ruled by a junta guber-
nativa, one of whose members was Antonio Jos6 Canas, one of the most distin-
guished among Cent. Americans, He soon after became the second in command
of the 'batallon fijo,' organized to resist Iturbide's pretensions. Salv., Diario
OHc, Feb. 13 and 19, 1875.
58
UNION WITH MEXICO.
and Guatemala. The government at San Salvador
gave the chief command of its forces to Manuel Jose
Arce, with orders to bring the people of Santa Ana
to reason, peaceably if he could, forcibly if he must/'^
Arce marched on Santa Ana, when Padilla, com-
manding a portion of the Sonsonate force which had
been stationed in that city, retreated within its own
territory. After compelling the town to revoke its
act of secession, Arce went in pursuit of Padilla, oc-
cupied Ahuachapam, then an annex of Sonsonate,
and finally routed that officer in the hacienda El
Espinal.*^ This was the first act of a bloody war,
which will be treated in another chapter.
In Honduras, the districts of Tegucigalpa and
Gracias, together with the ports of Omoa and Tru-
Defeat of Padilla.
jillo, repudiated the union with Mexico.*^ Brigadier
Tinoco, on hearing that a Salvadoran force had en-
tered Honduras, resigned his office of governor.
Comayagua, however, continued recognizing the au-
thority of Mexico, but not that of Guatemala.*^
In Nicaragua, the city of Granada disregarded the
*^Gainza had meantime stationed troops in Sonsonate, a town which
hitherto belonged to the province of Guatemala proper, and afterward became
a part of Salvador.
^^Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12-13.
**The rest of the province had accepted that arrangement. Gov. Tinoco
had made himself master of Omoa, but a revolution released it from his
grasp. His authority over Trujillo ceased about the middle of January 1822.
Id., 7-9.
*^ The inhabitants were influenced to that course by Canon Nicolds Irias
and Juan Lindo. The diputacion sent Tinoco to Mexico to report the state
of affairs in Honduras. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., 37.
NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA. 59
authority at Leon, and held relations with Gainza,
even after Colonel Sacasa had placed himself under
the orders of the former.^^ Sacasa had surrendered
his charge in Granada to Cleto Ordonez,*^ who thus
became the leader of the liberal party in Nicaragua.
After the act of annexation to Mexico, and Salva-
dor's act of secession, both Sacasa and Ordonez sup-
ported the independents.
Ordonez, finding himself in possession of irrespon-
sible power, soon gave a loose rein to his bad instincts.
He began to seize private property, not excepting
even that of foreigners. Sacasa's person and prop-
erty did not escape.*^
Costa Rica did not fail, though maintaining a neu-
tral attitude, to manifest her discontent with the
course of Guatemala.
*^ There was, in consequence, a bitter correspondence between Saravia and
Gainza. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am. , 14.
^ This man was of the lowest class; bad been a common servant, and
afterward an artilleryman. He was once confined in a dungeon at Trujillo,
from which he escaped. When he began to figure in politics his wit made
him popular with the citizens. It was said that he had some knowledge of
medicine, and had written some creditable poetry. He was, however, given
to cards and free-love, but abstained from the bottle. He was twice mar-
ried, but left no children. Perez, Biog. Sacasa, 8; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14
Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 73-4.
*^ Ordonez had Sacasa and others confined in irons in Fort San Carlos,
Public opinion accused him of being the most active instigator of hatred be
tween the white and other races. Id., 74; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14; Salv,
Diario Ofic, Feb. 19, 1875.
CHAPTER IV.
CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
1822-1825.
Secession from Mexico — Akzu's Campaign — Prevarication of Salvador —
Filisola's Victory — His Subsequent Course — Liberal Triumph in
Costa Rica— Honduras Favors Union— National Independence
Secured — Labors to Organize a Nation — The Constituent Assembly
— Provincias Unidas del Centro de America — Abolition of African
Slavery — Provisional Government — Moderados or Serviles — Li-
berales or Fiebres — Principles and Aims of Parties — Mexican
Forces Retire — Seditions Begin — Salvadoran Force in Guatemala
— Confederacion de Centro AMiiRiCA — Fundamental Law — ^Finances
—Adjournment of the Constituent Assembly.
Arce's invasion of territory occupied by Guate-
mala afforded the latter a sufficient pretext, if any
were needed, to declare war against her high-spirited
and troublesome neighbor. Colonel Arzii was there-
upon despatched on the 19th of March, 1822, at the
head of a force, which in a few days had been increased
to 1,000 men, to bring Salvador under subjection.
Arztfs dilatory movements, however, defeated the
object of the expedition.^ He lost two months and
more waiting for reenforcements and artillery, and by
indecision as to whether or not he should heed the
protestations of the Salvadorans.'^ The latter em-
ployed the time thus gained in fortifying their city,
^ His orders were to take the city of San Salvador on or before the 5th of
April. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12.
'^ They claimed that their declaration of independence did not imply hos-
tility to Guatemala, and in support of it expressed a willingness to furnish
hostages. Their representations were of no effect, however; 'habiaempefio
en sojuzgar d San Salvador, y & este interns se sacrificaba todo.' Maruref
Bo8q. Hist. Cent. Am., 51.
(60)
DEFEAT OF AEZtJ. 61
though short of arms to equip a sufficient garrison.
Aroused at last by Gainza's positive commands, Arzii
continued his march,^ and avoiding the fortifications
of San Salvador, entered the city on the 3d of June,
taking its defenders by surprise.* Having now every
advantage, Arzii might have made himself master of
the place had he not carelessly permitted his troops
to disband for purposes of plunder. The result was,
that the Salvadorans had time to rally, and a street
fight ensued, ending with the total discomfiture of
Arzii and his force, who with the loss of their arms
were driven from the city.^ Had the victors made
the most of their success, they might have annihilated
the invading force ; but they failed to conduct the pur-
suit with any skill.®
Arzu's defeat produced a deep impression in Gua-
temala, where such a result had been unexpected, the
expedition having been fitted out with the utmost
care. Fears began to be entertained that the Salva-
dorans might become aggressors and invade Guate-
mala. The friends of Mexico were therefore much
pleased on hearing that the Mexican commander,
Filisola, had been ordered to supersede Gainza, who
was summoned to Mexico.^ With about 600 men
Filisola arrived in Guatemala on the 12th of June,
1822, and ten days later took possession of the govern-
ment. He inaugurated a comparatively good state
' Against Eilisola's expressed wishes. That general was then in Chiapas,
and had forbidden all military operations till his arrival. Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am., 13; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 478; Filisola d la Junta Soberana, note 6.
*He went in by the road sloping from the volcano to the west, from
which quarter, owing to the roughness of the ground, no attack had been
expected.
^The casualties were not heavy on either side. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.,
12-13.
^It was chiefly on the superiority exhibited on this occasion that Salvador
subsequently based her claim to a prominent place in the councils held upon
Cent. American aflairs. Many of the internal wars which for a number of
years ravaged the country may be traced to this pretended superiority.
^ To answer charges preferred against him. Jd.y 15; Marure, Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am. , i. 53, followed by Alaman, Hist. Mej. , v. 478. Cuevas, Porvenir de
Mex. , 253-4, makes the doubtful assertion that Gainza went of his own accord.
At any rate, he afterward was made a lieut-gen. of the imperial army, and an
aide-de-camp of Iturbide's.
62 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
of affairs; for though as a supporter of the Mexican
cause, and specially of the empire, he aimed at con-
solidation, yet his policy was a conciliatory one.^
He endeavored to obtain the assent of Salvador to
union with Mexico without resorting to force. At
first his course presented a promising aspect, inasmuch
as the representatives of the former apparently made
little objection; and on the news of Iturbide's call to
the Mexican throne, among the many congratulations
received by Filisola were those of Salvador, delivered
by a special deputation. But the object, as it turned
out, was merely to gain time. The negotiations were
continued several months, hostilities having been sus-
pended by both belligerents, till early in September
it was agreed that further negotiations should be
carried on directly with the executive and congress
of Mexico.^ This agreement was not carried out,
however, owing to new difficulties raised by San Sal-
vador. Filisola, who evidently would not assume the
responsibility of war, referred the whole matter to
Mexico for instructions. Iturbide, who had just dis-
solved the Mexican congress for its opposition to his
plans,^^ felt no inclination to permit little San Salva-
dor to dictate the terms of union, and disallowing the
armistice concluded by Filisola, ordered him to begin
hostilities forthwith if unconditional submission were
refused. ^^
Leaving his second officer, Colonel Codallos, in
charge of the government at Guatemala, Filisola be-
gan the military operations toward the end of Novem-
^ His proclamation of July 8, 1822, expressed his desire to be guided only
by the best interests of the country. M^x.y Gaceta Invp.^ 1822, 657-9.
^Duly authorized agents of Salvador were to go for that purpose to Mexico
in Nov. 1822; the districts of San Miguel and Santa Ana being permitted to
recognize the government at Guatemala till an understanding should be
arrived at in Mexico. Other clauses referred to the surrender of arms seized
by Arce in Sonsonate, to the commercial interests of the two provinces, and
to rules to be observed before renewing hostilities. Marure^ Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am., 56-7.
10 Oct. 31, 1822. See Hist. Hex., v., this series.
11 Filisola d la Junta Soberanu, notes 9, 10.
FILISOLA'S CAMPAIGN. 63
12
ber, taking possession of Santa Ana and marching
upon the city of San Salvador, after having routed
several small hostile detachments which attempted to
check his progress. At the same time he published
the decree of the Mexican government of November
4th, making of Central America, or the former captain-
generalcy of Guatemala, three comandancias gene-
rales, namely, those of Chiapas, Sacatepequez, and
Costa Rica, the capitals being respectively Ciudad
Real, Nueva Guatemala, and Leon in Nicaragua. ^^
The government of San Salvador was in a precarious
situation ; although disposing of an army whose nu-
merical force and equipment were not inferior to Fili-
sola's, yet it had neither discipline nor experienced
officers. The few encounters which had already
taken place between the two forces had made it evi-
dent that the Salvadorans could not cope with Fili-
sola's military skill. Under the circumstances, the
authorities of San Salvador resolved upon incorpora-
tion with Mexico, and demanded that Filisola should
proceed no farther. They declined to inform him of
the terms under which they would submit to annexa-
tion, though offering to lay them before the congress
in Mexico. They based this action on the ground
that if their purpose became known in Salvador a
revolution would certainly follow.^*
The Mexican commander paid no heed to these
ambiguous statements, which he considered devices
to gain time, and continued his march. ^^
12 His force consisted of about 2,000 men, chiefly from Guatemala, Santa
Ana, San Miguel, Sonsonate, and Honduras.
^^ Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 60-1; Molina, Costa Rica, 93; Squier's
Travels, ii. 383. The decree never went into efifect, however.
^* The principal conditions were; establishment in Mexico of a representa-
tive government; Salvador's absolute independence from Guatemala; partici-
pation of her delegates in framing the national constitution; continuation in
office of the present incumbents; and erection of an episcopal see. For less
important terms demanded on that occasion, see also Mem. Rev. Cent, Am.,
16-17; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 62.
^^ It seems that he again asked for instructions from the emperor, who
peremptorily directed him not to lose more time in negotiations. 'V. S. no
es mas que un soldado que debe atacar la ciudad, posesionarse de ella y
tratar d los cabecillas como perturbadores del 6rden.* Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.,
64 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
It was at this critical moment that the congress of
San Salvador, carried away by hatred to Guatemala
and Mexico, resolved upon a singular step. On the
2d of December, 1822, the act of incorporation with
Mexico was repealed, and the state was placed under
the protectorate of the Anglo-American states, as an
integral portion thereof. Solemn protests were made
in the name of that republic against Filisola's hostile
acts. A member of the congress, Juan Manuel Ro-
driguez, was commissioned to make known the incor-
poration to the government of the United States. ^^
For a short time it seems that hopes were entertained
of an armed protection on the part of the northern re-
public in favor of the new acquisition; but soon the
folly of such expectations became apparent. Filisola
disregarded the protests/'' and after several victorious
.encounters, routed the Salvadorans under Arce at
Mejicanos,^^ and entered the city of San Salvador with-
out further opposition on the 9th of February, 1823.
Filisola fulfilled the promise he had made the preced-
ing day to the ayuntamiento, that he would respect
all rights, and not treat the town as a conquered coun-
try. The only Salvadoran force remaining w^as com-
pelled, on the 21st of February, to surrender at Gual
cince, a town on the other side of the Lempa River,
This was the end of the war.^^ Arce, who departed
for the United States, w^rote Filisola from Belize a
letter full of firmness and dignity, meanwhile thank-
17. Filisola himself confirmed the above in his address to the junta soberana
of Cent. Am. of June 24, 1823, note 10. __
'^Squier, in his Travels^ ii. 383-4, rather emphatically comi|^flk^ this
* step expressive of sympathies and sentiments which still existJBP»
^^ 'With a declaration that he was not waging war on the uTS., he con-
tinued his operations.'
18 Feb. 7, 1823. Mem, Rev. Cent. Am., 17-18.
1' Filisola issued passports to all who wished to quit the country, and even
furnished them money to leave. To the poor soldiers he afiforded every facil-
ity to reach their homes.
^" It must be acknowledged that to the gallantry and constancy of the
Bons^of this little province. Central America owed to a great extent its exist-
ence as a sovereign commonwealth. Zavala, Rev. N. Esp., i. 142. See also
Alaman, Hist. M^j., v. 476; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 47; Suarez y
Navarro, Hist. M4j., 387; Mem. Rev. Gent. Am., 11-12.
19
^TJNIV15ESIT^
FALL OF ITURBIDE.
ing him for his humane conduct. Delgado remaine(
at his hacienda. The local authorities swore alle-
giance to the Mexican empire. Filisola now returned
to Guatemala/^ where he arrived about the 6th or
7th of March. He had already received the news of
the movement in Mexico resulting in the overthrow
of Iturbide. It was this that hastened his return to
Guatemala, and induced him to adopt a course opposed
to his last instructions from Mexico. Granada, in
Nicaragua, had not been reduced to obedience. Gov-
ernor Gonzalez Sara via had asked for troops to ac-
complish it, but Filisola declined to employ coercion;
and after informing him and Juan Fernandez Lindo,
governor of Honduras,^^ as well as other officials in
the provinces, of the state of affairs in Mexico, assured
them that he would take no important step without
first obtaining their assent. Indeed, after he con-
vinced himself that the imperial government had
fallen never to rise again, he arrived at'the conclusion
that he had no right to keep annexed to Mexico the
Central American provinces; as the annexation had
been made solely, as claimed by Mexico and her sup-
porters, for the sake of securing stability to their
government, and the respect which would be afforded
it from a long distance by a great and wealthy coun-
try. All this prestige had disappeared, owing to the
revolution at Casa Mata in Mexico,^^ the paper money,
and other arrangements made by Iturbide with refer^
ence to these provinces.
Being asked to summon a congress of all the prov-
inces ^j^^ntral America, he complied, issuing a de-
cree omm^ 29th of March, 1823, with the view of
carrying out the acta of September 15, 1821, which
had been annulled by the incorporation of the country
with Mexico. This was tantamount to a recognition
of the independence of Central America from Mexico.^*
^^ Col Felipe Godallos was appointed governor of the province,
2^ Tinoco had gone to Mexico.
^^ Hist. Mex., v., this series.
2* Filisola's course has been open to criticism. Some attributed it to a con-
HisT. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 5
66 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
His decree was hailed with joy by the party friendly
to absolute independence. The Mexican or imperial-
ist party was vanquished, and the people were ready
to take an active part in the coming elections. Peace
was not only temporarily restored in Guatemala and
Salvador, but in Nicaragua and Costa Rica party
struggles were brought to a close.
In Granada, Ordonez had continued committing
many outrages.^^ He had successfully repulsed Sara-
via, who had come against him from Leon. The latter
was in the act of preparing another expedition, when
Filisola's decree was promulgated, and he was sum-
moned to Guatemala. Nicaragua subsequently con-
stituted a junta gubernativa of its own.^^
In Costa Rica, Saravia, with the aid of Bishop
Jerez, attempted to force the province into the union
w^ith Mexico, and with that view endeavored to over-
throw the provincial government established at Car-
tago. A conspiracy was planned there, and its authors,
seconded in Ciudad Vieja, openly espoused the cause,
of Iturbide on the 29th of March. The men of the
liberal party fled to San Jose, and after strengthen-
ing their ranks there and at Alajuela, attacked the
imperialists on the field of Las Lagunas, near Cartago,
^nd defeated them.^'' The town had to surrender,
and was occupied by the victorious independents, but
the seat of government remained in San Josd.^^
viction that Cent. Am. could not be held as a province dependent from a re
public, which was practicable as a dependence of an empire. Others have
:supposed that he was prompted by personal ambition. Marure, Bosq. Hist.
^Cent. Am., 73, and Alem. Rev. Cent. Am., 19, claim that it was the unavoid-
able result of the situation, which is not exactly true. With th^^^rce at his
command, he might have maintained supremacy for a consideMpe time at
least. Filisola himself said that his object had been to avert cml war. In
his address of July 24, 1823, to the junta of Guatemala, he assured that body
that his recognition of its sovereignty had been with the sanction of the su-
Jreme executive government of Mexico, communicated to him on the 18th of
une. Filisola a la Junta Soberana de Guat., 1-8; Id., El Ciudadano, 16-17.
^^ Among others, that of seizing, without any legal formality, the Spanish
vessel Sinacam, whose cargo he sold to procure provisions and other supplies
for his garrison. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 75; Ayon, Apuntes, 22-3.
2«It was installed at Leon on the 17th of April, 1823. Marure, Efem., 6.
" On the 15th of April. Marure, Efem., 6.
^^ Several of the conspirators were imprisoned at the capital, though only
for a short time. Molina, Costa Rica, 94; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 12.
SEPARATIOJ^ FEOM MEXICO. 67
In Honduras, the provincial assembly resolved on
the 10th of May to enter into the union with the
other provinces of Central America, with the view of
constituting an independent nation.^^
Central America then, after a fifteen months' con-
nection with Mexico, was again in the same position
it had occupied at the time of separation from Spain.
No advantages had been derived from that union ; but,
on the contrary, numerous heavy taxes had exhausted
the country, though the treasury was invariably
empty. The whole country was suffering from other
consequences of the internal wars, in the form of
abuses on the part of unscrupulous political parties
and military chiefs; none worse, however, than the
military sway imposed by Mexico.^^ There have not
been wanting those who believe the separation from
the northern republic was a false step.^^ The people
had for centuries lived under the same superior gov-
ernment, subject only to the Spanish crown. Then
followed a period when they often faced one another
as foes. Now they were invited to sit side by side
and discuss measures for the benefit of the great family
to which they all belonged. The elections were con-
ducted with enthusiasm on the part of the republicans,
the field having been left to them by the imperialists.^^
Congress assembled on the 24th of June, 1823,^^
under the presidency of Jose Matias Delgado,^* the
^^According to Marure, Efemdrides, 6, reserving the liberty of recognizing
anew»Itiirbide as the legitimate emperor, should he be again restored to the '
imperial throne.
^° Deputies from Cent. Am. to the Mexican congress complained of out-
rages committed by Filisola's soldiers, to which his attention was called to
correct tl^i by the executive of that republic.
^^ Cuevas, Porvenir de M4x., 254-6, laments it, considering it an act injuri-
ous to Cent. America's best interests.
^-The imperialists *se limitaron ji oponerles algunas maniobras pordas, no
teniendo dnimo de disputarlas 6. cara deseubierta.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am., 82-3. The independents 'contrajeron sus planes a ganar las elecciones,
y d hacer odiosas las tropas megicanas, procurando d toda costa, y por todos
losmedios posibles hacerlas evacuar la repuljlica.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 20.
^^The 1st of June had been the date originally fixed upon, but some pre-
liminary work not having been completed in time, the installation was neces-
sarily delayed. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 83.
^* Chiapas was not represented, that province having continued detached
from Cent. Am.
68 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
installation being graced by the presence of Filisola
and the municipal council of the city.^^
On the 2d of July following it assumed the name
of Asamblea Nacional Constituyente. The body was
in session nineteen months, closing its labors on the
23d of January, 1825. Its work was momentous,
having to organize a government imbued with the
prevailing liberal spirit; to improve the imperilled
finances; to establish relations with foreign powers;
and, what was of the highest importance, to bring
unity out of chaos. The first step toward the ac-
complishment of these purposes was taken on the 1st
of July, 1823, with the adoption of the ordinance
which declared the provinces of the former captain-
generalcy of Guatemala to be free and independent
states, confederated into a nation under the name of
Provincias Unidas del Centro de America. ^^ Inas-
much as a considerable number of representatives
had not arrived on that date, the ordinance was sub-
sequently ratified on the 1st of October. ^"^ The new
confederation was recognized by Mexico only a little
more than a year after.^®
Shortly after independence was proclaimed, a divis-
ion of the powers of government into three branches
was resolved on; namely, the legislative, to be vested
in the asamblea; the executive, composed of three
^5 It is said that Filisola installed the congress, the Mexican troops taking
part with the native ones in paying honors to the national representatives.
Till the organization of an executive, the first decrees were address|d to
Filisola, as superior political chief, for their execution. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.,
20. That body, the first as well as the most numerous, was at the same time
the most enlightened that the republic ever had. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am., i. 83; Id., Efem.., 7; Guo.t. Recop. Leyes, i. 16-24. *
^^ The full text with the names of the delegates present appears in Marure,
Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., i. xiii.-xviii.; and Rocha, Cddlgo Nic, i. 19-23. Its
principal clauses were: 'That the said provinces. . .are free and independent
from old Spain, from Mexico, and every other power, alike of the old and
the new world, y que no son ni deben ser el patrimonio de persona ni familia
alguna.' Translations into other languages may be seen in Revue AmAricaine,
i. 377-97; Democratic Rev., i. 486-7. l^ie act was drawn up by the deputy
Jos6 Francisco Cordoba, who was a member of the committee to whom the
matter had been referred. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 21.
^^Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 24-32.
*8Aug. 20, 1824. Duhlan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 713; Alaman^ Mem. d
las Cam., 9.
ORGANIZATION. 69
members, to be elected by and to be subject to that
body; and the judicial, to be exercised by the existing
courts.^^ The executive, as then constituted, was to
be merely provisional, and until a fundamental code
should give it a permanent organization. The public
debt was recoofnized ; the catholic reliction was declared
to be that of the state; and freedom of the press
decreed.
From the moment that the choice of the executive
occupied the attention of the assembly a division of
parties became manifest. The friends of absolute in-
dependence formed a large majority; those of the for-
mer Mejicanistas were few in number. The larger
portion of the deputies was composed of the best men
of the country, whatever their party affiliations, and
their intentions were upright. Those of moderate
view^s from all sections formed themselves into one
party, and went by the name of moderados; their
opponents applying to them the epithets of servil and
arist6crata.*^ The radicals formed another organiza-
tion, and were called fiebres and liberales, their ene-
mies also giving them the appellation of anarquistas.
The liberal party advocated the establishment of a
federal republic, and as a rule was guided by a liberal
patriotism, and a desire to see the abolishment of
unjust privileges and antiquated vices in the govern-
ment. Its opponents, in favor of a centralized govern-
ment and the continuation of the old fueros, struggled
against the restrictions that were being put to the
inliuence of Guatemala. Nevertheless, a liberal spirit
predominated for a time, and three well-know^n lib-
erals were chosen to constitute the executive au-
thority, namely, Manuel Jose Arce,**^ Doctor Pedro
s^Decreeof July 15, 1823. GuaL, Recop. Leyes, i. 32-3.
*°Tlic party was mainly composed of members of the so-called noble
families, Spaniards, civil and military ofl&cers, the clergy, and the most igno-
rant class of the population. It was therefore the most numerous. Montvfar,
liescfia Hist., iv. 2o9.
*^ As lie was then in the United States, the canon Antonio de Larrazdbal
was to be his substitute during his absence. Larrazabal having declined the
position, it was given to Antonio Rivera Cabezas. Guat., Jiecop. Leyes, i.
70 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
Molina, and Juan Vicente Villacorta.^^ It must be
acknowledged that this government was not a strong
one, the only man of superior talent in it being Mo-
lina, and he had little experience wherewith to found
a republic and manage its affairs at such a critical
period.
A constantly increasing coolness between the gov-
ernment and Filisola became intensified when the
deputies from Costa Rica and Nicaragua refused to
occupy their seats in the assembly while a Mexican
army had virtual sway over the capital. Complaints
also came from various quarters, of abuses committed
by the Mexican soldiers,^^ and demands were made
for their departure. Some time elapsed in discussions
and negotiations, partly because of difficulty in rais-
ing the needed funds. But finally, all obstacles being
removed, Filisola departed with his force on the 3d
of August, 1823, leaving behind him a good name,
which was little affected by charges preferred against
him at a later date.**
The liberals now were at greater liberty to carry
out their plans, which involved, among other things,
the disappearance of old practices, including titles and
compellations,^^ not even the hackneyed *don' escaping
164-70; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 88; /(/., E/em., 8; Mem. Eev,
Cent. Am., 22.
*''^The moderados wanted Jos6 Dionisio Herrera of Honduras, in the tri-
umvirate, to avoid the undue influence Salvador would exercise, having two
of her citizens in the executive, and because they considered Herrera intel-
lectually superior to Villacorta. No one thought of Josd del Valle, who was
then in Mexico. Cuevas, Porvenir de 3Iex., 256-7, erroneously states that
the supreme authority was offered Filisola and he declined it. He declined
the office of jefe politico of Guatemala.
*^ Just in some instances, no doubt; but it became knoMoi that Guatemalans
disguised as Mexicans committed hostile acts to bring the soldiers into dis-
credit. Filisola certainly strove to maintain order and discipline. Marure,
Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 89-93; Filisola, El Ciudadano, 22-8.
** Jos6 Francisco Barrundia, of whom prominent mention is made in this
history, severely attacked Filisola's course in a pamphlet, which was replied
to in a small book entitled El Ciudadano . . . Vicente Filisola d Jose Francisco
Barrundia, Puebla, 1824, 132 p. The author defends himself, employing strong
invective against his accuser, charging him with hypocrisy and cowardice.
The book gives some historical data, but owing to its bitterness, must be re-
ceived with caution. Filisola after that time figured as a prominent soldier
of the Mexican republic in Texas, and during the war of the U. S. and Mex-
ico in 184G-8.
*^ Guat. Recop. Leyes, i. 877-8.
DECKEES OF THE GOVERNMENT.
71
Seal of Central America.
the general reformatory tendency.^^ A coat of arms
was likewise decreed, showing the national name in
golden letters/"' as also a
flag, the latter consisting of
three horizontal stripes, the
middle one being white,
with the national coat of
arms about half-way from
the mast, and the other two
blue.
Among other decrees en-
acted by the assembly in
1823, the following are
worthy of mention : One of
August 21st, to annul all
acts of the late imperial government affecting Cen-
tral America; one of August 26th, declaring the 15th
of September to be the national anniversary, and how
it was to be observed — this decree was reiterated
by the legislative assembly on the 15th of October,
1834; one of October 27th, directing the Central
American deputies — those of Chiapas excepted — to
withdraw from the Mexican congress; and one of
November 15th, to form a general census.*^
Another measure adopted was that which author-
ized the executive to dismiss without formality all
officials having their appointments from the Spanish
or Mexican governments. Little discretion was shown
in this, and discontent resulted, which was made man-
ifest in the opposition met with by every measure of
the government, even such as were generally recog-
nized to be of public utility. Financial and military
affairs were in the worst possible condition. To im-
prove the former was a difficult task, the expenses
*^ Practically, the word * don ' never fell into disuse. The manner of ending
official letters was changed from the former 'Dios j^uarde d. . .muchos aflos,*
to 'Dios, Union, Libertad.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 94; /</.,
E/em., 7.
*^ Decrees of the national assembly of Aug. 21 and Nov. 5, 1823. JRocha,
Cddigo Nic, i. 162; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 54-5.
*^Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 33-8, 461-3; Mex., Col. Dec. Sob. Cong., 219.
72 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
being greater than during the colonial period, and
several branches of revenue, which formerly yielded
considerable resources, having disappeared with the
old dependence.*^ As to the army, the greater part
of it had been disbanded, and only one battalion of
the regular force and a few bodies of militia formed
the entire defensive powxr of the republic. The gov-
ernment was almost at the mercy of a handful of men,
and it was not long before they exhibited their lack
of discipline and loyalty. The soldiers had for some
time past shown dissatisfaction at the neglect of the
government to pay them their dues. Under the cir-
cumstances, it was rather easy to prevail on them to
revolt, and it was done, the leader being Captain Ka-
fael Ariza y Torres.^^ The authorities, though aware
of his machinations, had taken no decisive measures
to defeat them,^^ other than commissioning Ignacio
Larrazdbal to make an investigation. Ariza, fearing
that delay might cause the failure of his plan, in the
evening of the 13th of September assumed the title of
commander-in-chief of the forces; and the next morn-
ing®^ volleys of musketry and other manifestations
apprised the alarmed inhabitants of the insurrection.
A scene of excitement ensued. The assembly hastily
met, and amidst the confusion a messenger came from
Ariza to assure the chamber of his loyal disposition
toward the government, and to add in explanation
that the position of commander had been forced upon
him by the troops. The messenger was peremptorily
ordered to retire without receiving any answer. A
number of enthusiastic citizens assailed a portion of
Ariza's men, only to be driven back to the university
*^Even the statistics that might have served as a basis for establishing im-
posts were not to be found. It was said that they had all been forwarded to
Mexico during the imperial rule.
^" He was offended at not being appointed commanding officer of the bat-
talion.
^'The author of Me.m. Rev. Cent. Am., 23-7, accused the government of
allowing the conspiracy to assume serious proportions with the view of obtain-
ing larger powers, including that of levying forced loans.
^"^The 14th and IHth had been designated to commemorate the indepen-
dence.
ARIZA'S REVOLT. 73
building, where the assembly held its sittings. A
show of defence was made, there/^ to enable the as-
semblymen to seek safety in flight. Few of their
number remained. Negotis,tions were then begun to
prevent the commission of outrages by the mutinous
soldiers,^^ and the government finally gave way, and
conferred on Ariza the title of commander-in-chief;
he thereupon took the official oath on that day. The
concession was made only to gain time, hopes being
entertained that the auxiliaries summoned from the
surrounding country and other states would soon ar-
rive.
The rebellious captain had in the mean time begun
to realize his awkward position. Assuming a submis-
sive tone, he protested his readiness to obey the gov-
ernment; whereupon he was commanded to leave the
city and retire to Antigua, where his force dispersed
before any coercive action on the part of the govern-
ment and its allies became necessary. Ariza himself
escaped by flight the punishment which his reckless
behavior deserved. ^^
But the difficulties were not yet over. The feeble
conduct of the government, and the humiliating con-
cessions it had made to the rebel, reflected so much
discredit that the labors of the moderado party for
the election of a new executive now gave promise of
fruitful results.^^ On the 4th of October congress re-
assembled, and the same day Yillacorta, Molina, and
Rivera tendered their resignations, which were ac-
cepted; and in their stead, on the 4th of October,
^3 A number of persons were killed and others wounded in the street fight.
MarurCy Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 1. 102-3. On the 10th of Jan. following those
who perished in defence of the assembly were declared 'benemdritos de la
patria en grado heroico.' Id., Efem., 8.
^^Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 104, gives the almost incredible ac-
count that the soldiery behaved in an orderly manner.
^•^His principal assistant and second in command, Manuel Estrada, was
imprisoned and executed. An erroneous account of Ariza's revolt is given by
Puydt and Binckum, Colonisation, 118-19, who place it in 1825, and assert it
was effected by order of the government in Spain.
'^^ It found support among some of the deputies who had not been present
at the election of the members of the executive. Mem. Eej. Cent. Am., 25.
74 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
Manuel Jose Arce was again elected, together with
Jose del Valle and Tomas O'Horan,^^ and as substi-
tutes for the two first, then absent, Jose Santiago
Milla and Villacorta, the sanae person who had re-
signed.^^ The new government found at once its at-
tention engrossed by the troublesome situation, which
had arisen from the coming of a Salvadoran force,
called to help against the revolting soldiers. Although
forbidden to approach the city, and ordered to return
home, it refused to comply,^^ and on the 12th of Octo-
ber entered the city of Guatemala, all remonstrances
to the contrary having proved unavailing. The Sal-
vadorans occupied the capital three weeks, during
which rumors were rife of their plans to pillage the
place in retaliation of Guatemalan troops having oc-
cupied San Salvador the previous year. Brawls and
fights between them and soldiers from other provinces
were of daily occurrence.
The regular garrison and all the inhabitants breathed
more freely when at last, on the 3d of November, the
unwelcome guests departed.^ The same day the
auxiliary troops from Quezaltenango, who had been of
good use in keeping others somewhat in checj^, also
returned home.
5^ The last named being a foreigner, congress repealed the law which ad-
mitted only natives to the executive power, jmssed July 8th, when Filisola
had been proposed as a candidate. Foreigners who had rendered services to
the republic were made eligible. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 107.
^^ Villacorta at first declined the position, on the grou;id that to exercise, as
a mere substitute, the functions he had just been discharging as proprietary in
the office, affected his honor, 'era un paso que lastimaba su honor.' A unani-
mous resolution, however, of the congress, directing him to fill the office, in-
duced him to accept it. Id., 107-8. It has been said of him for his final
acceptance: *Tuvo la falta de delicadeza de admitir la suplencia.' Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am., 2Q. '
^"^ The Salvadoran commander alleged instructions from his government
not to go back till he became convinced that the assembly could continue its
labors without hinderance in the future. In Guatemala it was said that he
had been prevailed on by the liberal party, somewhat displeased at the last
elections for executive, not to heed the command to retire. In consequence of
the events of Sept. 14th in Guatemala, the diputacion provincial at San Sal-
vador on the 27th of Got. assumed the powers of a junta gubemativa, and
exercised them till the constituent congress of the state was installed. Ma-
rure, Efem., 8.
^ ' No sin algimos aparatos escandalosos y hostiles do parte de los salva.-
doreflos.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 27.
A CONSTITUTION. 75
The labors of the assembly had been continued in
the mean time, and on the 17th of December, 1823,
were decreed arid published the bases of the constitu-
tion for the republic,^^ adopting a popular, represent-
ative, federal form of government. Each one of the
five states, Guatemala, Salvador, Honduras, Nicara-
gua, and Costa Rica, which were to form the confeder-
ation of Central America, was to have the same
division of powers, and with the same functions, in
its internal administration, as the general government
with respect to the whole republic.^^
The labors of framing the constitution lasted a
year longer, and were terminated only on the 2 2d of
November, 1824, when the fundamental law of the
Central American republic was promulgated, strict
obedience thereto being solemnly sworn on the 15th
of April, 1825,^^ and ratified by the national congress
five months later, namely, on the 1st of September.
While discussino^ the constitution, both the liberal
and mod^ado parties used their best efforts for the
adoption of their respective principles. The former
triumphed, being especially strong in the provinces,
wher'^s its antagonists resided chiefly in the capital.
Although a number of good and able men were among
the members of the congress, their^good purposes
were repeatedly balked by party spirit; and thus only
an imperfect result was obtained in the constitution
adopted November 22, 1824.^* It was the first
effort to define the rules for the government of a coun-
try which at that time was beginning the life of an
^^ They had been reported to the chamber by its committee on the 25th of
Oct. Marure, Ufevi., 8.
^'■^The states had ah-eady constituted their governments by Sept. 1824.
Chiapas was not included among the new states. Her admission was left open
for such a time as she should apply for it, the belief in Cent. Am. being that
the province had not voluntarily attached itself to Mexico. GuaL, llecop.
Leijes, i. 40-2, 59-62, 68, 90-7; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 27; Marure, Bosq. Hist.
Gent. Am., i. 120-1, 149; La Tribmia, ii., no. 2.
^3 Marure, Efem., 12, gives the date as April 10th.
^^Gent. Am., Informe sohre la Gonstituc, 1-73, and 1-30. This constitu-
tion has been called 'el bello ideal do copiantes y teoristas que sonaron un
pueblo para constituirlo, y que no conocian el pais en que nacieron. ' Mem. Rev,
Cent. Am., 36.
76 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
independent nation. The constitution of the United
States had been taken as a model; but it had not
been borne in mind that a difference existed between
the people of the northern and Central American
republics at the time when they respectively gained
their independence. However good the intentions of
the framers of the Central American constitution,
they fell short of their object; for in adopting certain
forms, altogether inappropriate, they also introduced
contradictory clauses. No provision was made for a
federal district to hold the national capital. Thus
Guatemala, where the federal authorities then and
afterward resided, became also the seat of the state
government, and in the course of time collisions were
unavoidable.^^ The constitution further defined the
rights of property and liberty of thought, as well as
freedom of the press, and placed the chief authority
of the republic in the hands of congress,^^ in addition
to the legislative power with which it was vested.
Laws were to be enacted by the two houses forming
the congress, one of which was the senate, whose
members were also elected by the people, two for
every state. This body acted as an executive coun-
cil, with a general supervision to see that the different
high officials and magistrates faithfully discharged
their duties. Its president was ex officio vice-presi-
dent of the republic.^^ A supreme court of justice
^^ The asamblea, foreseeing this, had designed La Antigua as the meeting
place of the local congress; but the latter at its first sittings selected for
future times the capital. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 179.
'^'^Such as to determine the military and financial budgets, superintend the
education of the people, declare war and conclude peace, and regulate the
financial and commercial interests of the country. Its members were to be
elected at the rate of one for every 30,000 inhabitants. Id., 174-5. There
were 17 representatives for Guatemala, nine for Salvador, five for Honduras,
six for Nicaragua, and two for Costa Rica. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13.
Dunlop, Cent. Am., 164, says Honduras had six representatives.
^''Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13. Molina, Costa Rica, 19, criticises this or-
ganization as follows: 'Se establecio un senado nulo, un Ejecutiv^o impotente
y un congreso absoluto.' Necessarily the greater number of representatives
of Guatemala would outweigh those of the other states, and thus make the
constitution only an imperfect copy of that which had originally served as a
model.
SLAVERY ABOLISHED. 77
was also created, the members being, like those of
congress and senate, chosen by popular vote.^^
Among the most important laws enacted were
those of December 31, 1823, and April 17 and 24,
1824, which emancipated all slaves, and made free
slaves of other countries coming to Central Amer-
ica.^^ The slave-trade was prohibited, under the pen-
alty of forfeiture of the rights of citizenship.'^ Of all
the nations of North America, to the Central Amer-
ican republic belongs the honor of having first prac-
tically abolished slavery."^^
The new republic also took a deep interest in a pro-
ject for the union of all the American states/^ The
project failed, because of its impracticability. The
particulars of this subject are given in treating of the
famous Panamd, congress of American nations.
The exhausted condition of the treasury appearing
to be the chief impediment to all projected improve-
ments, the remedy was looked for in a foreign loan,
about $7,000,000 being borrowed on rather favorable
terms from a London firm.'^ The tobacco and cus-
toms revenues were pledged toward its repayment.'^
^^Part of the constitution is given in Rocha, C6digo Nic, i. 37-9; on the
following pages will be found such clauses of the old Spanish constitution as
were retained under the new system. See slso Peralta^ Costa R.^ 5; Asta-
buriiaga, Cent. Am., 13-5.
^^ 'Se hacen libres los esclavos que de reinos extranjeros pasen a nuestros
Estados, por recobrar su libertad.' Rocha, CddigoNic, i. 212-13; Guat., Recop.
Leijes, i. 217-9; Alarure, Bos-j. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 133-5; Id., Efem., 10.
^"Holders of slaves thus emancipated were to be indemnified. We are
assured that no one ever applied for such indemnification.
'^In 1840 Great Britain, would-be champion of the world's high morality,
on one occasion claimed the return of some fugitive slaves from Belize, and
supported the demand with the presence of a man-of-war. Notwithstanding
her weakness, Central America refused to comply, on the ground that under
her constitution there were no slaves in the country. Crowe's Gospel, 121-2;
Squier's Travels, ii. 385-6; Revue Am^ricaine, ii. 550; Dunlop's Gent. Am.,
163. According to Molina, the number of slaves thus emancipated was about
1,000.
'2 'Una confederaciou general que representase unida d la gran familia
americana.' Alarure, Boxq. Hist. Cent. Am., 138.
'^ Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co. , whose agent was J. Bailey. Thomp-
son's Guat., 266; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 143.
^*One of the conditions was that the republic should not contract for
another loan within two years. It was estimated that the debt could be paid
in 20 years. Asambka Nac, Decreto, Dec. 6, 1824, in Marure, Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am., i. 144. That expectation was not realized. Details will appear
in connection with the finances of the republic, elsewhere in this volume.
78 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
It is understood that a portion of the money was
apphed to strengthening the fortifications, and the
remainder was distributed among the states for their
local requirements.
The initiation and execution of the different meas-
ures I have made mention of, and others of less maof-
nitude, were the work of the constituent assembly,
which closed its- session on the 23d of January, 1825.
If all its resohA)ns were not wise ones, allowance
must be made fOT the many difficulties that were in
the way, and a full recognition given its members of
the good faith and assiduity with which they per-
formed their work.^^
" The total number of decrees passed was 137, and of orders 1186. El In-
dicador de Ouat.^ 1825, no. 16.
CHAPTEH V.
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
1825-1830.
General Elections — Meeting of the First Congress — Manuel Jos6
Arce, First President of the Kepdblic — Foreign Relations — Arce's
Prevarications — Conflict with Guatemala — Party Bickerings —
Liberals Quarrel with Arce — He Joins their Opponents — Bitter-
ness Engendered — President versus Guatemalan Rulers— Arrest
of Jefe Juan Barrundia — Riots at Quezaltenango — Murder of Vice-
jefe Cirilo Flores— Arce as Dictator in Guatemala — War against
Salvador— Arce Defeated— He Gives up the Presidency, and Can-
not Recover It — Bloody War of 1826-9 — Morazan the Victor —
Jose Francisco Barrundia, Acting President — Liberal Measures —
Peace Restored — Spanish Schemes.
The first constitutional congress of the Estados
Federados de Centro Amdrica was installed on the
6th of February, 1825, Mariano-Galvez being chosen
president,^ as well as the leader of the liberal party.
A number of the old delegates had been reelected for
the new body,^ whose principal duties were the elec-
tion of a president, and the ratification of the consti-
tution. The latter, as we have already seen, was on
the 1st of September; the former proved a more diffi-
cult task, and was achieved amidst contradictions and
stormy discussions. The provisional executive power
^ He is represented as an able man, who had formerly favored the union
with Mexico, but afterward joined the liberal party, becoming one of its most
prominent members. The author of Mem. Bev. Cent. -4 w., 39-41, 46, while
acknowledging his ability, says that he was 'de poca delicadeza. . .de un ca-
rdcter falso, y afectando una franqueza y una raoderacion que no le es propia.'
^ The delegates of the different states were in the following proportion:
Guatemala 17, Salvador 9, Honduras and Nicaragua 6 each, Costa Rica 2.
The total number being 40, and not 34 as Squier erroneously haa it. Traveht
ii. 388.
(79)
80 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
elected in 1823 had not been harmonious. Arce and
Valle assumed their duties soon after their election,
f and before many days had serious differences, which
ended in Arce's resignation of the presidency of the
triumvirate. Being replaced by Jose Manuel de la
Cerda, he departed for Salvador and Nicaragua, ex-
erting himself in the pacification of the latter. His
services in this direction won him much good-will,
and it was proposed to make him the first constitu-
tional president of the republic, a proposition that met
with popular favor. Meanwhile his opponent, Valle,
was also working.^ Since May 1824 the congress had
been convoked. Both liberals and moderados had
untiringly worked for their respective candidates.
The latter seemed to have every prospect of victory;
of the 79 votes cast, 41 being for Valle, their candi-
date.* As 42 votes were necessary for a choice under
the constitution, congress assumed the right of select-
ing one of the two candidates. A compromise be-
tween the contending parties was effected, Arce
pledging himself to remain neutral on certain ques-
tions upon which the other party was much disturbed.^
^ The moderados then voted for Arce, and congress, on
the 21st of April, 1825, declared him to have been duly
elected by a majority of twenty-two votes against five
for Valle. The latter was recognized as the vice-
president, and having declined the position, Mariano
Beltranena was chosen in his place.^ The justices of
' Arce had in his favor the prestige of past services, and his sufferings in
the cause of independence. Valle had the support of those who objected to
Salvadoran predominance. Moreover, he had been educated in Guatemala,
and had property there; from which circumstances it was surmised that he
would be more in syjnpathy with that state and the so-called serviles. Ma-
rure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.,i. 150; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 28-9.
*The total number of votes for the whole republic was 82, but three had
been rejected by congress for various reasons. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.,
i. 210-11; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 40-1.
^ Salvador insisted on having an episcopal see, in order to be independent
of Guatemala in ecclesiastical affairs. This was the chief question at issue.
Arce promised to leave its decision to the next congress. Arce, Mem., 3.
Valle really had obtained more votes than Arce, and congress defrauded him
of his election. Montufar, Resena Hist. , i. 2G8.
® Barrundia had been elected upon Valle's refusal to accept the office, and
likewise declined it. Valle protested against Arce's election as illegal, in
RECOGNITION BY QUE UNITED STATES. 81
the supreme court were elected at the same time, and
on the 29th of ApriP took possession of their offices.
The recognition of the Central American republic
as an independent nation had engaged the attention
of the supreme authorities at the same time that the
internal organization was proceeding. The first treaty
concluded by the new republic was on the 15th of
March, 1825, with Colombia, Pedro Molina acting as
its plenipotentiary at Bogotd..^ A few months later,
at Washington, on the 5th of December, 1825, a treaty
was entered into with the United States of America,
with which power there had been formal relations
since the beginning of the year.^ Antonio Jose Caiias
represented Central America as her plenipotentiary.
The United States soon after accredited William
Miller as chargd d'affaires near the new republic.
Diplomatic relations with Great Britain and the
Netherlands were opened early in 1825. Spain con-
tinued refusing to recognize the independence of Cen-
tral America, and the pope followed in her footsteps,
as he had done in reofard to Mexico.^^
several writings, apparently to little purpose. El Indicador, 1825, no. 26 et
seq.; El Liberal, 1825, no. 7, 8; NuUdad de la prim, elec, passim; Marure,
Boiq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 212-13; Id., Efem., 13.
^ Arce, Mem., 4, has it April 30th, but in view of the numerous misprints
in his work, the date given in the text is probably more correct. It is the
one supported by Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 213; Squier's Travels, ii.
388; Diiulop's Cent. Am. , 164. Its first president was Tomds Antonio O'Horan.
This court superseded the audiencia founded in 1544 at Gracias d Dios, and
transferred in 1549 to Guatemala. Marure„ Efem., 14.
** It was for a defensive and ofiensive alliance and equal privileges of trade.
It was ratified by the Cent. Am. govt Sept. 12, 1825. The full text is given
in liocha, Cddigo Nic, i. 95-9; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. xxxviii.-
xlvii. See also Ayon, Consid. Lim., 28-9; Gaceta de Salv., Oct. 12, 1854.
' It was therein stipulated that the citizens of both republics should enjoy
all the rights granted by one or the other to the most favored nation. The
same rights for political purposes were also agreed upon, that of free exercise
of religion being included. All clauses of a commercial character were to be
in force 12 years; the others perpetually. Privileges and rights enjoyed by
the citizens of either republic were to be also allowed to those immigrating
from the other. This treaty was ratified by the younger republic on the 28th
of June, 1826. The text in both English and Spanish may be seen in U. S.
Govt Doc, U. S. Acts, Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 1, i. 149-70; Am. St.
Pap., For. Rel., v. 774-82; Gordon's Digest of Laws, 328-35; Marure, Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am., i. xlvii.-lxv.
^"Arce's Mess., March 1, 1826, in JReperiorio Am., i. 274-9; Santangelo,
Congreno Panama, 73-5.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 6
82 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
The republic being now fairly launched, had Arce
possessed the ability all naight have gone well. But
he either overestimated his administrative powers, or
underrated the magnitude of his task; and after de-
creeing some wise measures upon the military defences,
he began to sow dissatisfaction by his vacillating
policy. A member of the liberal party from the first
day that he took part in the political affairs of the
country, he now committed the serious error of
abandoning the ground upon which he might have
trod with safety. In his endeavors to please both
parties, he succeeded in offending the liberals without
securing the confidence of their opponents, who, though
willing enough to admit him to their ranks, declined
rendering implicit obedience. His former friends now
openly assailed him.^^
A conflict sprang up, also, between the federal gov-
ernment and the local authorities of Guatemala City,
because the latter refused to take part in celebrating
the anniversary of the installation of the first assembly
on the 24th of June, and force was at last brought to
bear upon them.^^
The ill-feeling against Arce became intensified when
the state government soon after decreed a transfer of
its seat to Guatemala, and for want of accommodations
in public buildings, took possession of the property of
private citizens without their consent. The owners
claimed protection from the federal congress, and
serious disturbances were averted only by a compro-
mise. During this episode the moderados or serviles
kept fanning the flame of discord between Arce and
the liberals, extolling his fneasures. When the first
congress closed its session, on the 25th of December,
Y Their newspapers, El Liberal and Don Meliton, charged him with par-
tiality and incapacity. The latter, for its satire and ridicule, was the more
formidable foe, as Arce himself acknowledges. Mem., 5.
^''The departmental chief of Guatemala claimed that he was not tinder
Arce's authority, but under that of the state, then residing at La Antigua.
Congress empowered the executive to compel the local authorities to attend
the celebration, and it was done. Arce, Mem., 8.
ARCE, RAOUL, AND VALLE. 83
1825/^ the political features of the country had notably
changed. But fortunately the danger to the republic
from the action of the serviles was avoided, because,
upon lots being cast on the 1st of October for the re-
newals of members of congress/* the retiring members
happened to be chiefly of districts where the servile
party had majorities before, and were now replaced
by liberals, the preponderance of the latter being thus
increased. The second constitutional congress assem-
bled on the 1st of March, 1826. Among its mem-
bers was Valle, who, bent on revenge, erelong made
common cause with the liberals,^^ though he was not
allowed to exercise a predominant influence in their
counsels.
On the day congress opened, the president delivered
his message detailing the condition of the country,
but most of it had reference to the relations with
foreign powers.^^ The impending rupture was finally
hastened by the president's course toward Colonel
Nicolas Kaoul, a French officer who had recently ar-
rived from Colombia, and had been made commander
of the artillery and a member of the council of war.^^
Notwithstanding the considerations and favors con-
ferred on him by Arce, no sooner had he received his
appointment than he openly sided with the liberals
and gave utterances against the government. There-
fore, when Raoul was summoned by congress to aid
in the organization of the federal troops, the president,
to get rid of him, sent him to explore the northern
coasts. ^^ Arce then undertook to increase the federal
^^ The total number of decrees enacted was 92, and that of orders sub-
mitted to the executive 308. For more details, see El Centro Americano,
1826, 38.
" One half of the representatives of every state had to retire, according to
the constitution.
^^He had at first declined the connection, but afterward accepted it 'para
dar rienda suelta & sus rcsentimientos y pasiones contra el presidente Arce. '
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 48.
" Text in Repertorio Am., i. 273-80.
^^He brought letters of recommendation from Pedro Molina, who was
representing Cent. Am. at Bogota, and had a high opinion of him, as he had
served under Napoleon. Mamie, JJosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 230.
^^ After he completed that work he was ordered to remain on the coast till
further orders from the government. The congress tried in vain to prevent it.
84 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
army to 4,000 men, under the pretext that such a
force was needed for the pacification of Nicaragua,
and the defence of the country against a Spanish in-
vasion, rumors of which were circulating. In order
to facilitate the operation, he proposed that the mem-
bers of congress should stir up public enthusiasm in
their respective states; but instead of acceding to his
recommendation, several persons known to be hostile
to the government, among them Kaoul, were selected
by that body. All remonstrances to the contrary on
the part of Arce^^ had no other effect than to imbitter
the liberals against him. Charges were accordingly
brought forth, such as his neglecting to lay before
congress an account of expenditures during his ad-
ministration, and his having squandered a considerable
portion of the money raised by loan in London. The
outcry against his conduct was growing louder from
day to day.
This unsatisfactory state of affairs determined Arce
to dissolve congress. Still he was loath to use violent
means, and in fact, there w^as no need of it. One of
the clauses of the constitution allowed the admission
of substitutes for the deputies to congress in certain
cases, and both parties had taken advantage of it
without opposition. However, when the question of
calling the president to account arose, the serviles
protested against the presence of the liberal substi-
tutes which gave to that party the majority.^ On
the 2d of June the deputies from Salvador, under in-
structions from their government, which was friendly
to Arce, abandoned their seats, their example being
followed by those from Costa Rica and most of the
serviles, thus leaving the chamber without a quorum.^^
The session was reopened, however, ten days later,
^'The reasons adduced by him in his Mem., 22-4, and comments on the
same in AJarurc, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.j i. 236-7.
^"^'Este asunto se renovaba cada vez que d los diputados niinisteriales
conveuia paralizar algun golpe contra el egecutivo.' Alem. Rev. Cent. Am., 61.
2^ The deputies of Salvador defended their course in a long argument,
June 8, 1826, calling it an inevitable result of the unlawful conduct of the
majority of congress. Doc, in Arc*', Mem., 10-17.
STATE AND NATION. 85
upon the liberals pledging themselves not to introduce
any motion against the president or the serviles, and
thenceforth the discussions were confined to matters
of a general character till the 30th of June, when the
session was closed; but the deputies of Salvador and
Costa Rica had not resumed their seats.
It was now evident that a collision was unavoidable.
The state government, controlled by the liberals, be-
came fearful that the serviles, in their endeavor to
support the president, might also attack the author-
ities of Guatemala, and under the pretext of an inva-
sion threatening from Chiapas, secretly began to make
military preparations. Salvador and Costa Rica, on
the other hand, offered aid of troops to the federal
government. Both parties precipitated the crisis : the
liberals by their heedless attacks on the clergy,^^ and
specially by ridiculing its members; the serviles by
fanning, jointly with the clericals, ill feeling among
the low, ignorant classes, whom it was easy to per-
suade that the liberal party aimed at the destruction
iof their religion. This had now become a matter of
greater ease, owing to the irritation already existing,
caused by the forced loans and recruiting for the army
decreed by the state government.^ Strange though
it may appear, the serviles had xio suspicion that the
federal authorities were aware of their intrigues. The
clash came in May 1826, when Raoul, without having
fulfilled his commission on the northern coast, tendered
his resignation, accompanied with a number of invec-
tives against the executive, which he subsequently
repeated in a second letter. ^^ He was arrested on the
17th of July, and subjected to the action of a court-
martial for disrepect and insubordination. This raised
a storm of fury in the local legislature, where Raoul's
22 Restricting the archbishop's powers, and placing him to some extent
under civil authority; suppressing the subventions of curates, and abolishing
certain privileges the clergy had till then enjoyed; tithes were reduced, and
persons under 25 years of age were not allowed to take monastic vows. Ma»
rurcy Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 244-5.
2^ The full text of the resignation is given in Arce, Mem., 25-7.
S6 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVEHNMENT.
arrest was consiclered as an encroachment on the state's
authority. An order of arrest was issued against
Captain Espinola, the officer who had carried out the
commands of the federal executive, and the jefe, or
chief of the state, Juan Barrundia, was authorized to
raise a sufficient force to seize Espinola's person,^* and
the pecuniary contingent of the state for federal ex-
penses was withheld. ^^
The troops despatched to arrest Espinola numbered
300 men, and were commanded by Cayetano de la
Cerda, who encountered his man near Acasaguastlan.
To avoid bloodshed, a capitulation was agreed upon
by both parties until they should obtain further orders
from their respective governments.^^
When news of this agreement reached Guatemala,
a few days later, simultaneously rumors came to the
ears of Arce that a coup-de-main was contemplated
by Barrundia, with the evident intent of effecting his
removal. To anticipate the blow,^'' on the 5th of
September Arce secretly ordered the commander of
the federal forces to arrest Barrundia at an early hour
the following morning, and disarm the state troops,
using force if necessary. ^^ This was done, the officer
meeting with no resistance.^^ The liberals had no
suspicion of Arce's resolve till after its execution.
2* * Pondrd sobre las armas toda la fuerza que crea necesaria. . .En caso de
resistencia repelcrd la fuerza con la fuerza.' Id., 32.
^ On the ground that only Guatemala had paid such contingent, and even
more, and the other states had arbitrarily eluded payments. Arce was ac-
cused, not without foundation, it seems, of allowing such discrimination.
26 On September 3, 182G; the document merely stipulates a temporary sus-
pension of hostilities, without further entering into the question. Arce, Mem.,
39. It has been asserted that Espinola held a favorable position, and adds:
'A pesar de esto, capitul6 vergouzosamente ' — a charge without much founda-
tion, in view of the numerical superiority of the Guatemalan forces. A fern. llev.
Cent. Am., 52-3.
^^Arce, Mem., 39-41, gives a lengthy account of his deliberations, and
doubts whether it would or not be just, and consistent with his duties, to im-
prison Barrundia, all of which is at least doubtful.
"^^Mem, Rev. Cent. Am., 53. Croive'a Gospel, 127, and Squier's Travels, ii.
395, confound the jefe with his brother Jos6 Francisco. The orders were,
'Que en el caso de resistencia obre fuertemente hasta concluir el arresto y ocu-
pacion de las armas.' Arce, Mem., 41-2.
^^This non-resistance is attributed to treachery on the part of Vera, a
Mexican commanding the state forces, who subsequentlv entered the federal
service. Mature, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 254-5.
ARREST OF BARRUNDIA. 87
The vice-jefe of the state, Cirilo Flores, then forth-
with assumed the government, and ' being tendered
the aid of federal troops to support his authority,
proudly rejected it.^^
On the following day the chiefs of the other states
were apprised of Barrundia's arrest, in a circular from
Arce defending his course, which he declared to have
been pursuant to duty under the constitution.^^ Such
was the position assumed by his friends and by the
serviles in general; while the radical liberals, taking a
different view, denounced him as a violator of the
constitution.^^ However, the energy thus displayed
by Arce was rather favorably looked upon, perhaps
from a feeling of relief arising from the supposition
that party bickerings had been brought to an end,
more than from any sympathy for Arce. The presi-
dent might now have strengthened his party, but did
not, and went on committing serious mistakes. In-
stead of turning the imprisoned Barrundia over to the
state assembly, as prescribed by the constitution, to
be tried upon the several charges that had been osten-
tatiously preferred against him, he allowed the legal
time for prosecution to elapse, and then released the
prisoner under bonds.^^
The second constitutional congress was to meet on
the 1st of October, 1826, and the liberal party had,
since September, industriously worked to secure a
majority. But on the appointed day there w^as no
quorum, the members of the opposition having re-
fused to take their seats, evidently to prevent the
adoption of any measures against the president.^* It
^° Doc, in Arce, Mem., 26.
^^It is a long doc, giving details, and dwelling specially on the part
Raoul had played. Id., 27-31.
^^ Comments and details on the subject in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.,
i. 255-8; Hem. Rev. Cent. Am., 53-4.
2^ 'Este desenlace hizo ridiculo todo lo que dntes habia parecido un golpe
maestro.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 54.
^* To save appearances, Arce pretended to induce his supporters to assume
their positions in the chamber, but there is little doubt of its being mere
sham. It has been intimated that even some liberals declined to sit, from
apprehension that an investigation of Arce's conduct might lead to civil war
88 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
was rather suspicious that the government at San Sal-
vador, always friendly to Arce, had forbidden its del-
egates to occupy their seats in congress unless it were
to discuss the expediency of transferring the federal
authorities to some place distant from Guatemala.^^
It soon became apparent that the president's aim was
to have his own assembly, for on the 10th of October
he convoked an extraordinary congress.^^ This was
open violation of the constitution, which vested in the
senate the authority for convoking, and moreover
limited representation to only one delegate for every
30,000 inhabitants. Much indignation was felt by
the members of congress, who had constituted them-
selves into an organizing commission, but dispersed
on the same day that Arce's decree was published.^^
Exciting events now followed in quick succession.
The vice-jefe Cirilo Flores and the state authorities
had retired on the 8th of October to Quezaltenango,
where he was murdered a few days afterward — on the
13th — by a mob of fanatical Indians.^ The act was
"' Still declaring its allegiance to the federation. Gaz. de Mex. , Jan. 25,
1827; Arce, Mem., 51.
"^ The impossibility of obtaining a quorum of members chosen to the 2U
congress, and impending civil war, were among the reasons assigned for his
action. The elections were to be made on the basis of two deputies for every
30,000 inhabitants, and Cojutepeque in Salvador was appointed as the place
of meeting. This measure was at first well received by the states, but
afterward rejected in consequence of a decree of the Salvador government on
the Cth of Dec, inviting the federal deputies to meet at the villa of Ahuacha-
pan. Marure, Efem., 17; Mem, Bev. Cent. Am., 56.
"Oct. 11, 1826. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 273; Corres. Fed. Mex.,
Nov. 27, 1826.
^^He sought refuge in the parish church, but was pursued by the crowd.
His only safety lay in the pulpit, tlie remonstrances of the religious, and the
presence of the host. The religious succeeded at times in cahning the rab-
ble, promising that Flores should be sent into exile. Biit Antonio Corzo, who
was in the court-yard with a few poorly armed militiamen, fired a volley upon
the mob, which became still more excited. The women dragged Flores from
the pulpit, took him out of the temple, *y le inmolaron en im claustro b^r-
bara y horrorosamente. ' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 57-8. Squier's 2'ravels, ii.
396, has it that the Indians had been infuriated by the harangues of a friar
from the pulpit, and that the rabble slaughtered Flores at the very foot of
the altar, literally rending his body in pieces; the apparent cause of this
vindictiveness of the priests being that in the general levy of taxes for the
state the property of the convents had not been spared. 'And thus was the
movement started by the aristocrats, seconded by their allies, the priests.'
Ex-president Morazan, referring to that catastrophe, uses these words: *Pues-
to en manos de un feroz populacho. instigado por las funestas ideas que le
MURDER OF FLORES. 89
attributed to Arce and his immediate friends, but
apparently without much reason,^ though it must be
admitted that intrigues of the servile party and the
preaching of hostile priests aroused the fanaticism of
the populace to such a degree that the slightest cause
would bring about the commission of outrages. The
trouble did not end with Flores' death, for many mem-
bers of the assembly and representative council were
compelled to flee for their lives.
The state was now powerless, for even its military
forces disappeared before the federal troops. The
liberals in the state and republic saw their hopes
dashed, and many emigrated.*^ Arce held the execu-
tive authority of both the federation and tlie state of
Guatemala; and acting upon the advice of Salvador,
he began reorganization, decreeing on the 31st of
October the election of a new executive and legisla-
ture for Guatemala, from which the inhabitants enter-
tained hopes of a final restoration of peace throughout
the republic. But those hopes were frustrated by a
sudden change of policy on the part of the Salvador
government, which surprised everybody, all the more
from the fact that it had heretofore firmly supported
the president.
inculcaron sus sacerdotes, pereci6 al pi(5 de las imagenes de los santos, d la
vista de sns inicuos jueces, y en presencia de la eucaristia, que estos cubrieran. *
Apuntes, MS., 4. Flores had been noted for his charity to the poor, specially
to the Indians, to whom he constantly gave medical aid, medicines, and
other necessaries. The state assembly, after being restored in 18*29, decreed
honors to his memory, and ordered placed in its hall of sessions an inscription
in letters of gold, as follows: *A1 inmortal Vice-jefe Ciudadano Cirilo Flores,
mdrtir de la Libertad, sacrificado en Quezaltenango, e i las aras de la ley. '
In May 1831 the name of Ciudad Flores was given in his honor to the head
town of the district of Peten. Marure^ Efem.^ 17, 28.
2' The liberals looked upon it as the result of an arrangement of Arce and
his partisans; the latter declared it to have resulted from an accident, or rather
from violent acts on the part of liberals in Quezaltenango, such as forcibly
taking horses in the night from private houses and the Franciscan convent.
Marure states that he thorougly examined every document bearing on the
subject, and found no evidence against Arce or his party. Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am.y i. 275-85. The author of Mem. Bev. Cent. Am., 58, acquits Arce,
attributing the act to a sudden popular excitement. See also Astaburuaga,
Cent. Am., 15; Crowe's Gospel, 127-8; Pineda, in Guat., Eecop. Leyes, iii.
348; Corres. Fed. Mex., Nov. 9, 1826; Doc, in Arce Mem., 32-3.
*° There was an efifort toward reconciliation, the liberals offering to make
concessions, and Arce favoring their proposals; but the serviles haughtily re-
fused.
90 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
Pedro Molina arrived at San Salvador from Panamd
when Arce had in his charge the affairs of Guate-
mala, and had decreed the new elections for the state.
Being a political opponent of the president, Molina
refused to go to Guatemala to report the action of
the Panamd congress. It was not a difficult matter
for him to find congenial spirits for an intrigue against
the federal executive. An estrangement had occurred
between Arce and Delgado, who aspired to be bishop
of San Salvador/^ and was a man of great political
power. Moreover, it so happened that the jefe of
Salvador, owing to ill health, had to turn over his
office to the vice-jefe, Mariano Prado, who was under
the influence of the discontented party. His first act
was to repeal Arce's decree of October 10th convok-
ing an extraordinary congress at Cojutepeque.*'^ Then
simultaneously forces were levied in Salvador, osten-
sibly to protect congress when assembled at Ahua-
chapan. Internal difficulties in Honduras led the
federal government to interfere i*'*^ and thus, at the
end of 1826, there were a number of forces at work
to drive Arce from the presidential seat. This state
of affairs continued till February 1827, when rumors
of an invasion began to circulate in Guatemala. The
next month Salvadoran forces, under Trigueros, started
on their march toward the capital. All doubts about
the plans of the invading army having ceased, Arce
displayed unusual activity in his preparations to meet
the enemy. With the aid of the newly chosen jefe
of Guatemala, Aycinena, he increased the garrison to
*^ Owing, it was said, to the publication of a pontifical bull, which, under
Arce's exequatur, had been restricted to Guatemala by the archbishop, a
step that Delgado supposed to have been by Arce's instigation, or at least a
lack of interest on his part for San Salvador. 3Ifm. Eev. Cent. Am., GO.
Arce himself attributed the estrangement to party intrigues. Mem., CO.
Dunlop, Cent. Am., 1G5, assigns disputes about the erection of the bishopric
as the cause of the rupture.
*^Arce, Mem., 61, finds fault with Prado's act, when his own had been
just as illegal.
*^ Colonel Milla invaded the state with a federal force, captured Comaya-
gua on the 9th of May, 1827, and arrested the jefe of the state, Herrera
The whole was a wanton proceeding. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., C-9.
ARCE'S VICTORY AND DP:FEAT. 91
2,000 men, and leaving the executive authority in
charge of Vice-president Beltranena, took personal
command of the troops. He made an effort, how-
ever, to avert an encounter, but without avail;** and
they fought, a few days later, at Guadalupe, a short
distance from Guatemala, the invaders being repulsed,
and the following day, March 23d, utterly routed at
Arrazola/^ This victory caused great exultation in
Guatemala, and Arce's prestige grew rapidly. Money
and reenforcements were cheerfally placed at his
command, and he allowed himself to be carried away
by evil counsels to pursue an aggressive policy and
punish Salvador.*^
The federal army marched in April into the state
of Salvador, and reenforced from Sonsonate and Santa
Ana,*' reached Nejapa without opposition, that place
being about twelve miles from the city of San Salva-
dor. After certain negotiations for peace, which had
no satisfactory result, Arce attacked the city on the
18th of May, at the head of 2,000 men, and was re-
pulsed with heavy loss. His slow movements had
eriven the Salvadorans time to act/^ His retreat was
o
in good order to Santa Ana; but from this place, de-
sertions having greatly diminished the force, it degen-
erated into flight, of which the pursuing Salvadorans
failed to take advantage. Arce reached Cuajiniqui-
lapa toward the end of May, with only 300 men.
** The commander of the Salvadorans was unable to explain his illegal
proceeding. Doc, in Arce, Mem., 45-6.
*^ Detailed accounts, with copies of the official exaggerated reports, are
given in Gaz. de Mex., Apr. 26 till May 1 and May 22, 1827; Marure, Efem.,
19; Mtm. Rev. Cent. Am., 62-4. Decree of government of Guatemala on the
subject, March 28, 1827. Guat., Becop. Leyes, i. 250.
•'^^ Beltranena and several of Arce's officers disapproved the retaliatory
plan. Aycinena, on the contrary, favored it, though willing to abide by
Arce's decision.
*^Both districts had seceded from the state government of Salvador,
attaching themselves to the federal cause.
*^ He committed the error of entertaining peace proposals, which were made
only to gain time. He endeavored to explain it away on the plea of Cent.
Am. brotherhood: 'Puedoyo dejar de tener un corazon Centro Americano ?
No es posible.' Arce, Mem., 69. On the same and following pages is a de-
tailed account of the action, carefully worded and extolling the bravery of his
Guatemalan soldiers. The official reports are in El Sol., Mex., July 3, 1827;
Marure, Efem., 19.
92 COJjq^STITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
This early failure of a war from which were to flow
such great results brought odium on Arce; but by the
efforts of friends, confidence in him was restored, and
about 700 men were obtained to resume operations by
taking Santa Ana/^ For several months no events
of importance occurred. The time was employed by
Arco in strengthening his force, with which he made
a fruitless attempt to intercept a Salvador division that
assailed Sonsonate. Overtures for peace were again
made by Salvador, but though not absolutely rejected,
no understanding was arrived at. They gave rise,
however, to a discussion as to whether the federal
president was, as he thought himself, authorized to
decide upon the question of peace or war without con-
sulting the state government of Guatemala.^*' Piqued
at the opposition he had met, which he supposed to
arise from want of confidence, Arce received with
pleasure a request from Vice-president Beltranena
to give up the army and return to Guatemala and
take charge of the government. ^^ Brigadier Fran-
cisco Cdscaras was thereupon made commander of the
army on the 12th of October, 1827. Soon after Arce's
return to Guatemala he took steps to restore peace,
and issued, on the 5th of December, a decree to con-
voke a new congress,^^ and at the same time ordered a
suspension of hostilities. But his commissioner, Juan
*' The government of Salvador had in May made peace proposals, but the
federal authorities rejected them. DocSy in ArcBy Mem., 47-57.
^°It was decided in secret session of the state assembly on the 16th of Oct.
that the state had a right to intervene, and if it was ignored, and treaties dis-
pleasing to the state were concluded, the latter should detach itself from the
federation, and its troops continue occupying the towns they then held. Arce's
letter of Oct. 17, 1827, to Brig. C^scaras, in Montufar, Reseila Hist., i. 22.
°^ It may have been of his own seeking, for he must have seen ere this the
great difficulty of conquering San Salvador with his small force, and that to
continue longer in the field would only bring him into further disrepute.
^■■^ Ex-marqu63 de Aycinena, brother of the jefe of Guatemala, called the
decree impolitic, illegal, and arbitrary. The serviles could see that it would
restore the old congress, so hostile to them; and with a majority against them
in both houses, they might have to resort to the dangerous expedient of driv-
ing away the senators and deputies at the point of the bayonet. It was ridic-
ulous in them to rail against arbitrariness, when they had arbitrarily deposed
Barrundia in Guatemala and Herrera in Honduras. It was arbitrary to keep
the nation without a congress, which was their work. MontiUfar, Besena Hist.,
i. 9, 23.
CASCAEAS IN SALVADOR. 93
de Dios Mayorga, who was to notify the authorities
at San Salvador of his measures, was not allowed to
proceed to that city, the Salvadorans, now reenforced
with officers exiled from Colombia,^^ being more than
ever opposed to conciliation. Hostilities were re-
sumed and conducted with alternating success;^* but
on the whole, disadvantageously for the federal force,
owing to Cd-scaras' lack of strategy, and the tempor-
izing policy of the enemy; for the latter, whenever
pressed, would make overtures of peace, protesting a
willingness to terminate the war, though breaking
their promises as fast as they were made.^^ Cdscaras'
situation was daily becoming perilous, on account of
the numerous desertions of his troops. At last, on
the 17th of December, a bloody encounter took place
in the streets of Santa Ana, w^hich terminated in a
capitulation, under which both forces were to leave
the place the next day. Cdscaras left it as stipulated,
but Colonel Merino with the Salvadorans remained. ^^
Cdscaras returned to Guatemela toward the end of
December, the Salvadorans having regained posses-
sion of Santa Ana, and of all the other places formerly
occupied by the federal army.
Shortly after, with Aycinena's assistance, another
federal army was. organized, but Arce took good care
to give positions in it only to trusted friends.^'' As
soon as the organization was nearly completed, detach-
ments were sent to check the enemy's raids in Chi-
quimula, and then, under the command of a foreigner
named William Perks, the army marched against the
^ Three brothers Merino, and a Frenchman named Soumaestra. Rafael
Merino was made commander-in-chief. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.,7o; Arce, Mem.y
77.,
°*Near the hill of La Trinidad the federal forces which had control of
Honduras were defeated by Nicaraguans and Salvadorans under Lieut-col
Remigio Diaz. Marure^ Efem., 20.
^^It is difficult to see how the Guatemalans could place faith on pledges
so often violated; evidently given to gain time.
^^ This ended the second campaign between Salvadorans and Guatemalans.
^^ This army was to be used, first in subduing Salvador, and next Guate-
mala, where Arce encountered more and more opposition to his plans. Mem»
Rev. Cent. Am., 81-2.
94 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVEENMENT.
Salvadoran headquarters at Ahuachapan. Once moro
stratagem was resorted to by the wily Salvadorans,
who made proffers of peace, the farce ending as usual.^^
In the mean time troubles broke out in the federal army,
and Perks, the commander, was deposed by the field-
officers and sent to Guatemala as a prisoner. ^^ The
command then devolved upon Colonel Antonio Jose
Irisarri. Arce tried in vain to have Perks reinstalled,
and his efforts in that direction only served to increase
the ill feeling, which grew so strong that on the 14th
of February, 1828, he turned over the executive
office, though without a formal resignation, to Beltra-
nena,^'^ who conferred the command of the federal
army on Brigadier Manuel Arzu. This officer marched
at once against the Salvadorans, refusing to listen to
any overtures for negotiations from their chief, Me-
rino. The armies met at Chalchuapa on the 1st of
March, and the federal troops obtained a victory, which
drove the foe back to San Salvador. ^^ " Arzii followed
and made an assault on that city, in which both sides
gave proofs of extraordinary bravery. The assault
failed; at the end of six hours' fighting the assailants
had to retreat behind their intrenchments.^^ From,
this time San Salvador and San Miguel became the
theatres of war. A series of encounters, none of suf-
^8 The commissioners, as agreed upon, were to raeeb at Jutiapa. Those of
the general government went there and waited several days; no Salvadorans
appeared.
'"^ The mutiny took place at Xalpatagua on the 9th of Feb. Mature, Efem.,
20; Mem. liev. Gent. Am., 83-5. Aycinena wrote his cousin Antonio, who
was in the theatre of war, that in order to hinder all peace arrangements,
measures would be resorted to that were unknown even to Machiavelli. The
mutiny against Perks was evidently one of these measures.
*^ He alleged as a reason the unwillingness of Salvador to enter into nego-
tiations as long as he remained at the head of affairs. Arce, Mem., 84-7. The
real cause, however, was a resolution of the assembly of Guatemala demand-
ing his resignation, and he was unable to disregard it. This course of the
assembly was altogether illegal, but the time for the expiation of Arce's politi-
cal sins had arrived. According to his own statement, he retired to his
plantations at Santa Ana.
^ _ '"'^ This was the most bloody fight of the war of 1826-9, and opened the
tnird campaign between Guatemala and Salvador. Marure, Efem., 21.
<^^Their supply of ammunition had been destroyed by fire, and their com-
mander l)ad received a serious contusion. This fight has been since known
as the 'ataque del vi6rnes santo,' having taken place on good-fridav, March
12, 1828. Id., 21. ' o 1 6 .-
GUATEMALA AND SALVADOR. 95
ficient importance to be lengthily described, followed,
with varying success for either side.^^ The Salvador-
ans liaving besieged the remnants of the federal army
under Colonel Manuel Montufar, at Mejicanos, after
eight months compelled them to surrender, on the
20th of September. Their commander and general
staff were held as prisoners of w^ar.^
The division of the federal army that occupied the
department of San Miguel, which had been defeated
by General Morazan at Gualcho on the 6th of July,
being intercepted on its retreat toward the Lempa,
laid down its arms, under honorable terms, at San
Antonio, on the 9th of October.^^
*^ April 13th, action of Quelepa, in which the Salvadorans were defeated.
With that victory, and another at Guascoran on the 2oth of the same month,
the whole department of San Miguel was brought under subjection to the
federal government. June 12th, peace stipulations were signed at the house
of Esquibel, Manuel F. Pavon acting for the federal government and Mati'as
Delgado for Salvador, by which the former was to be recognized by the latter,
a general diet was to meet at Santa Ana, and a federal force occupy San Sal-
vador; but the Salvador government refused to sanction the arrangement,
and the war continued with more fury than ever. Details on those prelim-
inaries are given in J\[em. Rev. Cent. Am., 100-1. July Cth, battle of Gualcho,
on the banks of the Lempa, in the department of San Miguel, between Hon-
durans and Guatemalans. The latter, under Col. Dominguez, hitherto vic-
torious, were utterly defeated. Marure, Efem., 21-2; El Espirltu Pub., Jan.
18, 1829.
•^^ Arzii had abandoned them to their fate. Mont'dfar, Resena Hist. , i. 47-5 1 .
^''Morazan, Apiintes, MS.; Montiifar, Resena Hist., i. 53-4. Thus ended
disastrously for the federal forces their third invasion of Salvador territory.
The actions of Gualcho and San Antonio were the first in which the great
Central American soldier and statesman Francisco Morazan figured as a gen-
eral. Morazan will stand in history in many respects as the best, and in all as
the ablest, man that Central America had. He was born in Honduras in 1799,
his father being a French Creole from the W. L, and his mother of Tegucigalpa,
in Honduras. His education was such as he could obtain in the country at
that time; but his quickness of apprehension and thirst for knowledge soon
placed him far above his countrymen. He was of an impetuous tempera-
meut, and possessed at the same time great decision and perseverance. His
bearing was free and manly, and his manner frank and open. These quali-
ties could not fail to and did secure him the love and respect of his fellow-
citizens, giving him an immense influence over them. In 1824 he was already
occupying the position of secretary -general of Honduras, and later was sena-
tor, and for a time acting jefe of that state; but his temperament soon made
him turn his attention to martial affairs. He ever after was noted as a re-
publican of very liberal views. Squier's Travels, ii. 400; Dunlop's Cent. Am.,
170-1; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 17. The writer of 3Iem. Rev. Cent. Am.,
92, says that Morazau had been at one time a clerk in a notary's office at
Comayagua, where he 'habia dado d conocer disposiciones muy felices, pero
poco hourosas, para la imitacion de letras 6 firmas.' It has been said that
Morazan joined the party opposed to the existing federal government at the
instioration of Pedro Molina. Gaceta de S. Salv., Oct. 3, 1851. A portrait o/
Morazan is given in Montiifar, Resena Hist., i. 72.
96 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
The condition of federal affairs was now far from
encouraging. It may be that Arce, had he been
replaced, might have turned disaster; but his appH-
cation had met with a refusal, and he took no further
part in the political events of the republic.^^ After all
hostile forces had been either captured or expelled from
Salvador, Morazan made a triumphant entry into the
state capital on the 23d of October, 1828.^^ Shortly
before this a commission had come from Costa Rica
to mediate between Guatemala and Salvador, but the
latter demanded too much.®^ Morazan's presence in
San Salvador greatly strengthened the warlike party,
and the idea of invading Guatemala gained favor from
day to day, till it was finally carried out. After peace
overtures had been rejected by the federal author-
ities, Morazan began his march toward Guatemala in
the latter end of November 1828.^^ The news struck
terror into the hearts of the now defenceless Guate-
malans, and no steps to meet the emergency could
be taken, owing to lack of order, official rivalries, and
party intrigues. It was, as a saving measure, finally
decided in the assembly to detach the state from the
federation, though it was never sanctioned or carried
out. To increase difficulties, a revolution broke out
in the department of La Antigua, placing it under
the protection of Morazan ,'^'^ who, at the head of about
2,000 men, assuming the title of ^ejercito aliado pro-
tector de la ley,' laid siege to the city of Guatemala,
^^It has been asserted that he offered his services to Salvador, and was
slighted, Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.y 97-8, which finds confirmation in Arce's own
statement. Mem., 88-9. Squier has it that Arce went to Mexico, Travels, ii.
402; but this seems to be a mistake, for he was in Guatemala in 1829.
^^ A few days previously, on the 20th, the assembly of Guatemala decreed
a renewal of all the powers of the state, with the vain purpose of removing
one of the obstacles to the termination of the war. Marure, F/em., 22.
^^ Prado and Morazan offered peace to the Guatemalans on condition that
the federal government should be fully restored. El Espiriiu Pub., Feb.
14, 1829.
*• He established his general headquarters in Abuachapan, whence raids
were constantly made into the enemy's territory.
"This took place on the 22d of Jan., 1829. The sedition, though soon
quelled, rather hastened the action of Morazan with his allied Salvador and
Honduras force.
SUCCESS OF MORAZAN.
UNIVEHSITl!
assailing it from the side of the Garita del Golfo,
on the 5th of February. He was repulsed after a
brisk fire.'^^ This was followed on the 15th by a sally
of the garrison, which annihilated at Mixco a con-
siderable portion of the invading army.''^
In consequence of this reverse, Morazan raised the
siege of Guatemala, and concentrated his forces at
La Antigua. The success of Mixco was the last ex-
perienced by the federal army; for with the same
neglect which had characterized its operations almost
throughout the whole campaign, no advantage was
taken of the victory, nor of several military errors of
Morazan.*^^ A strong division under Pacheco sallied
out of Guatemala toward the towns of Zumpango
and El Tejar, as if to confine Morazan in La Antigua;
but Pacheco disseminated his force, and was beaten."^*
Early in March Morazan's troops reoccupied Mixco,
and when attacked, shortly afterward,^*^ by the federal
forces at Las Charcas, signally defeated them, and
the fate of the servile party in Guatemala was thus
sealed."^^
'* The repulse was so unimportant, however, that Morazan does not even
mention it in his memoirs. Marure, Efem.y 23; MontiifaVy Resefia Hist., i. 61.
'^'^ Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 123; Marure, Efem., 23, gives the 18th as the
date. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 14, says with reference to that defeat, 'Cerda
acredit6 en esta derrota su ineptitud y cobardia y el enemigo su crueldad con
el asesinato de los veucidos. * After that the town was given the title of Villa
de la Victoria; but later resumed its original name. This defeat was exagger-
ated in San Salvador, where it was reported that Morazan was besieged in.
La Antigua, and preparations to meet another invasion were hastily made.
'^Morazan might have been besieged in La Antigua; for during his stay-
there he despatched a force to Quezaltenango, that should have been followed"
by another from Guatemala, and destroyed between the latter and the few-
forces that Irisarri might have brought against it in the hard roads of Ista-^
guacan and Laja; instead of which, Irisarri retreated toward Soconusco, to ba
afterward undone and taken prisoner. Morazan's force occupied Los Altos,,
took many prisoners, levied contributions which Irisarri had failed to get
from the Quezaltecs, and left the enemy powerless to recuperate. Mem. Uev^
Cent. Am., 124; Morazan's Memoirs, quoted in Montufar, lleseila Hist., i. 03.
"* March 6, 1829. The disaster occurred at San Miguelito. MorazaUy
Apuntes, MS., 15. The place received, for that reason, the name of San
Miguel Morazan. The Frenchman Raoul, now a general under Morazan,
figures prominently in the military operations at this time.
^^On the 15th of March. Marure, Efem., 23; 3[orazan, Apuntes, MS., 15;
Montufar, Besena Hist., i. 62-3.
'^^ The federal force that succumbed in Las Charcas was commanded by
their mayor-general, Agustin Prado, not Col Pacheco, as supposed by some.
The federals had no general now. Cdscaras had lost his reputation, and was
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 7
98 CONSTlTUTIONx\L GOVERNMENT.
Through the mediation of General Verveer, minis-
ter from the Netherlands, an attempt was made to
bring peace to the distracted country. Commissioners
representing the several belligerents assembled, on the
27th of March, at the house of Ballesteros, and dis-
cussed the propositions laid before them, which were
rejected, and they then retired. Morazan, who was
anxious for a compromise, specially as he had good
reasons to apprehend the dissolution of his army by
the small-pox epidemic w^hich had broken out, urged
Verveer to invite the commissioners to hold another
conference. It took place; and those of Salvador,
Honduras, and Nicaragua presented four propositions,
which were likewise rejected by the federal and Gua-
temalan negotiators.'^'' Morazan had felt certain that
distrusted by the serviles. Arzii would not take the command, or was not
^trusted on account of his ill success in the third invasion of Salvador. Mora-
:zan had defeated Milla, Dominguez, Aycinena, Pacheco, and Prado. Id.,
63-4,
'^ The representatives were, Arbeu for Vice-president Beltranena, Pavon
for Guatemala, Espinosa for Salvador, and Morazan for Honduras and Nica-
ragua. The last propositions of Espinosa and Morazan were the following,
namely: 1st. That a provisional government should be formed in Guatemala,
-composed of the chief of the state Mariano Aycinena, Mariano Prado, and
Morazan; 2d. That the two armies should be reduced to 1,000 men, Guate-
malans and Salvadorans in equal parts; 3d. That the provisional government
should be installed in Pinula, and afterward enter Guatemala with that force
to give it strength and preserve order in the state; 4th. A general forgetful-
ness of the past. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 5, 16; MontHfar, ResenaHist., i. 65.
It is claimed, on the other hand, that Morazan really wanted the federal vice-
president and the chief of the state of Guatemala to throw up their offices,
the legislative assembly and representative council to cease exercising their
iunctious; and that of 1826, sitting at La Antigua, and which had made Zen-
teno chief, was also to dissolve; the supreme court of justice was to stop acting.
Meantime, and until new elections took place, Morazan was to be clothed
"with executive, representative, and judicial powers. Under the pretext of
restoring the sway of law and constitutional order, a dictatorship, emanating
from a war treaty, would have been created, whose sole object was to reward
the victor with an unlimited authority. The commissioners of the federal and
Guatemalan governments refused to accede, and presented counter-proposi-
tions of a different nature, namely, to the effect that the existing high function-
aries should resign their powers, and a provisional government be established,
with one representative from each state, to govern till new elections and the
restoration of the constitutional regime. There were also propositions re-
specting the government of the state of Guatemala. Full details in Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am., 125-9, 231-6, which are widely different from those in Mora-
zan, Apuntes, MS., 16. The government of Mexico, at the request of that of
Guatemala, tendered its mediation on the 20th of February, but it arrived
too late, and there was nothing left for it to do but to tender the hospitalities
of the Mexican soil to the victims of persecution. The full correspondence is
to be found in M^x., Mem. Eel, 1830, 2-3; also in Suarezy Navarro, Hist. M4J.,
FALL OF GUATEMALA CITY. 99
those proposals would be accepted, and believed them
to be exceedingly generous in view of the fact that
the city could no longer hold out. However, hostil-
ities were resumed, and on the 9th of April the forces
under Morazan attacked the city, and a part of it was
taken and plundered/^
Aycinena applied on the 11th to Morazan, as
commander-in-chief of the allied army of Honduras
and Salvador, for a suspension of hostilities, in order
to negotiate a capitulation which he was disposed to
enter into. Morazan replied at once that he could
agree to nothing but the unconditional surrender of
the city, though offering to guarantee the lives and
property of all persons existing therein. ^^ The fight-
ing continued, and on the 12th the place capitulated.
The occupation was effected on the following day,^^
and immediately Vice-president Beltranena and his
ministers of relations and treasury, Aycinena and his
secretary Pielago, and Ex-president Arce^^ were
407-14; this authority claims that Mexican mediation might have been finally
successful in restoring peace but for the opposition of the new chief of Guate-
mala.
^^ A long account of the alleged outrages of Morazan's forces appears in
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 132-3. Marure, Efem., 24, in referring to the capture
of Guatemala, makes no mention of any such abuses.
"'^ Morazan's answer was addressed to Gen. Aycinena, not recognizing the
latter as chief of Guatemala, Juan Barrundia's term not having expired when
Arce deposed him, in consequence of which act Aycinena rose to that position.
The dissolved authorities of 1826 were now assembled in La Antigua, and Mo-
razan held relations with them. Aycinena had changed his tone; he was no
longer the man of the manifestoes of 1827, of the proscriptive decrees, nor of
the stringent military orders of the first months of 1829. He did not now
call his opponents 'un punado de enemigos del 6rden, descamisados y fora-
jidos.' Montufar, Besena Hist., i. 72-5, 79-86.
^" Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 18, erroneously places the surrender on the
20th. The terms of the capitulation are given in Arce, Mem. , 9S-4; Montufar,
Resena Hist., i. 76-7. Only the life and property of the inhabitants were
guaranteed; the vanquished were in all else subject to the good-will of the
victor. Jos6 Milla y Vidaurre, in his biographical sketch of Manuel Francisco
Pavon, who figured in these events, claims that the capitulation was con-
trary to Aycinena's wishes, who was ready to defend the place foot by foot.
Montufar, quoted above, denies the statement, adding that it was advanced
solely to make the chief of the serviles and head man of the nobles appear as
a hero, and refers to the correspondence, which will show Aycinena quite
anxious to accept the guarantee of life and property.
^^ According to Miguel Garcia Granados, who in later years was a liberal
leader and acting president of Guatemala, Ajtcc had remained unmolested at
his house in sight of the besiegers during the three days' attack. Id., 103.
100 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
placed under arrest. ^^ Morazan, assuming then all the
powers of state, restored Juan Barrundia to the posi-
tion of jefe of Guatemala,^^ whereof he had been
deprived by Arce. The capitulation of April 12th
was on the 20th declared void, on the ground that
the federal commander had failed to comply with its
terms in not giving up all the arms his forces held at
the time of the surrender.^* Morazan treated the func-
tionaries, both federal and of the state of Guatemala,
who had taken part in the revolution of 1826 to 1829,
with much rigor. ^^
A period of reaction, or restoration as it was prop-
erly called, was now inaugurated. During several
years the servile party had held undisputed control of
public affairs in Guatemala, crushing out all opposi-
tion to the best of its ability. Its policy had been
one of intolerance, and its downfall was hailed with
joy. Morazan seemed to have been chosen by provi-
^2 This was done pursuant to orders from the governments of the states.
So says Morazan himself, adding that the measure was in consonance with
his own views, to reduce the number of prisoners to a minimum, 'y tenia
tambien por objeto poner en absoluta incapacidad de obrar d los principales
jefes que habian llevado la guerra d los Estados.' Apuntes, MS., 16-17.
^^ He took charge of the provisional government at the end of April, Ma-
riano Zenteno, who had held the position ad int. , was given a vote of thanks
for his patriotism and courage. Montufar, Heseila Hist., i. 127.
^*Tho federal authorities alleged that their soldiers only had 431 muskets,
and not 1,500, as demanded from them. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 236-9. Mora-
zan says that soldiers were allowed to leave the city with their arms, infring-
ing the 4th clause of the capitulation, and he could get only evasive answers.
Apuntes, MS., 17; Arce, Mem., 58-9, 98-103, from which the conclusion will be
drawn that the charges against the federal party were not unfounded. Mon-
tufar, Reseria Hist., i. 109-17. On this subject Morazan himself said: *No one
was put to death, or had money exacted from him by me. The capitulation
was faithfully carried out, even after being annulled. Duty gave way to mag-
nanimity, and there was no cause to regret it. Not that there was no blood
to avenge, grievance to punish, and reparation to demand. Among many
other victims sacrificed, there were, calling for vengeance, generals Pierzon
and Merino, the one shot, without even the form of a trial, the other taken
out of a Chilian vessel on which he intended to return to Guayaquil, his
country, to be murdered in the city of San Miguel. There were, besides, the
burning and plundering of the towns of Salvador and Honduras, which
demandeda just reparation.' Apuntes, MS., 10, 17.
^ He called them to the palace, and some of them mistaking the object of
the summons made their appearance in full uniform. When all were assem-
bled they were taken to prison and kept in confinement till July 9th, when
moat of them were sent out of the country. Marure, Efem., 24.
MORAZAN'S MEASURES. 101
dence to inflict condign punishment on those who had
so cruelly exercised a usurped power. Surrounded
as he was by so many diverse elements, the severity of
the blows he dealt must not be all laid to his account.
The state assembly, which had been dis.^Qlve,<l ia*
1826, having again met on the 21st of April', 1829,^^'
with its old president, Nicolds Espinosa, was pr^tij;i<.Vily ;
a tool in the hands of the victorious general, and en-
acted several vigorous laws against the vanquished
party.^'' On the 4th of June the assembly passed an
act, which was sanctioned by the consejo representa-
tivo on the 12th, and by Jefe Barrundia on the 13th,
declaring null all elections made pursuant to the un-
constitutional decree of the president of the republic
dated October 31, 1826, and the subsequent ones of
1827 and 1828. It furthermore stamped as revolu-
tionists and usurpers all persons who by virtue of
those decrees had obtained and held office of the
federation or the state of Guatemala, and as such
guilty of high treason, and amenable to the death pen-
alty.^^ On the same day was issued a so-called am-
nesty law; but the number of exemptions from its
benefits made its name a piece of irony.^^ The posi-
tion of the prisoners taken in Guatemala at the time
of the capture of said city, and others, became a more
complicated one, in consequence of a decree passed by
the assembly of Salvador on the 9th of June, declar-
ing that it would not recognize in the assembly of
Guatemala any authority to grant, without the assent
of the other states, amnesty to the factious disturbers
of public order; and that the capitulation entered
into between Morazan and Aycinena having been an-
*^^ Marure, Efem.^ 24.
'^' Among its acta was one recognizing the services of Morazan, to whom
was clue i.3 reinstallation. He was voted a gold medal, with the word 'bene-
m^rito' before his name. A full-length portrait was ordered placed in the hall
of sessions. The decree, however, was never carried out. Montufavy Eesena
Hist., i. 129; Marure^ Efem., 25.
^^ 'Son reos de alta traicion, y como tales, acreedores a la pena capital.'
Arce, Mem., 108; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 151; Montufar, Resefia Hist. yi. 130.
^'♦The text is given in full in /cZ., 131-4; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 253-7i|
OucU., Recop. Leyes, i. 254-6,
102 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
nulled, the captives were really prisoners of war of the
allied states. ^*^ A number of the prisoners were, how-
ever, permitted to go into exile within fifteen days,
paying first the expenses of their support while in
prisoi^,, *atnd* 6ne third of the value of their estates ^^
into 'the federal . treasury, as indemnification for the
;4jati^a^'^\tWy J^^ inflicted on the country. That
privilege was not granted to the president and vice-
president and their ministers, the former chief of Gua-
temala, and others. In fact, it was a proscription of
all the principal men who had sided with the servile
party.^^ It was also decreed that all salaries paid
from October 1826 to April 1829 should be refunded.
Harsh measures were used to force a compliance.
The federal congress that was dismissed in October
1826 assembled on the 22d of June,^^ under the pres-
idency of Doroteo Vasconcelos, and on the 25th Jose
Francisco Barrundia ^* assumed the office of president
of the republic, he being the senior senator, and
having been specially called thereto by the congress,
though the real power in the country was Morazan.
The chief point of discussion in congress^^ was, what
to do with the prisoners. Some members favored
'° *Y por lo mismo sujetos d la jurisdiccion militar de los mismos Estados.*
Montiifar, Resena Hist, i. 134-5.
*^ Crowe, Gospel Cent. Am., 131, erroneously asserts that all their property-
was confiscated.
'^Arce addressed to Morazan a most virulent protest. He afterward
boasted that he had bearded the tyrant. The very fact that he dared to send
such a document, and did not lose his head, proves that Morazan was not
a tyrant. Arce, Mem., 113-14. Antonio Jos6 Irisarri, Manuel and Juan Mon-
tiWar, protested before the assembly and government of Salvador, before the
assemblies of all the states of the union, before Gen. Morazan, before all the
republics of America, and before all the free people of the world. The doc-
ument was drawn up by Irisarri, who was not a soldier, though a colonel of
militia; the language was pure and elegant, but it was virulent and full of
sophistry. Irisarri also in several publications boasted of his courage in
having sent such a document. He must have known that it would not have
any effect on Morazan. The latter was a generous man. The effect would
have been different on Rafael Carrera, whom the serviles at a later period
made their master, as well as of the whole country. Montufar, Resena Hist.,
i. 135-6.
"' Marure has it in Efem., 25; Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 137-9.
•* Portrait in Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 138.
'^The senate, dissolved in 1826, was reinstalled July 9th. Marure, Efem.,
EXPULSION OF FRIARS. 103
their execution, and though others disapproved of
such a disposal of them, none had sufficient courage
to openly condemn such vindictiveness. The discus-
sions continued till July 9th, when a number of the
prisoners were sent under an escort to Sonsonate, to
be embarked at Acajutla and expatriated.^^ Two days
later a similar blow was struck at the church, evi-
dently because of the sympathy of its head men with
the servile party.^'' During the night between the
10th and 11th of July, an armed force, acting under
orders of Morazan, who issued them in accordance
with the views of the acting president and the jefe of
Guatemala, seized the archbishop and the friars of
several orders, and despatched them to the Atlantic
coast, where they were embarked for Habana. Sev-
eral of the friars are represented to have died on the
voyage.^^ Whether there was sufficient cause for so
'®Arce, Jfem., 122-3, and Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 167-9, assert that they
were not even allowed to make preparations for the journey, and many had
furthermore to start on foot. The decree of expatriation was not, however,
issued till August 22d, and Jos6 del Valle is said to have been its author. The
persons thus exiled for life were Arce and Beltranena, and their ministers,
Ayeinena and his secretaries, Cdscaras, Villar, and other high military ofi&-
cers, Spaniards not naturalized that served the usurping governments, and
many other prominent officers. Others were expatriated for various terms of
years. Montufar, Resenallist., i. 144-50; Marure, Efem., 26. Arce and Ayei-
nena left Guatemala on the 7th of Sept. They were required to reside in the
U. S. of Am. ; embarked at Omoa for Belize, and thence went to New Orleans,
^^ Dunlop, Cent. Am., Vll, and Squier, Travels, ii. 408, speak of plots
against the republic as the reason, but it was probably what the liberal
party alleged.
*^ This step was subsequently approved by the federal congress. Marure,
Efem., 25; Bocha, Cddigo Nlc, ii. 373. The friars sent away were the Do-
minicans, Franciscans, and Recollects. Those of the order of Mercy were not
banished; they were but few, and had not been active against the liberal
cause. The Bethlehemite hospitallers, who devoted their time to teaching
and to the care of convalescents, were also allowed to remain. The author of
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 170, says that the exiled priests were on the passage
vilely trfeated, for they were allowed only sailers' rations. Montufar con-
fesses that it is not likely that the 289 friars had the succulent viands that
were usually prepared for them in their convents, nor the dainty dishes they
were so often favored with from the nuns, beatas, and all the daughters of
confession. As for the archbishop, he journeyed with every comfort. Juan
B. Asturias, who made the inventory of his property, reported on 31st of Dec,
1829, that $218 had been paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to
the coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his journey, and $1,008.50
were given to the pages for conveying him and his effects. A person having
all that cannot be said to be unprovided with edibles. Saint Peter would not
have needed so much. Resena, Hist., i. 156-7.
104 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
violent a proceeding is doubtful. However, the fed-
eral congress thanked the executive for his zeal. The
sentence of expatriation against the archbishop was
not formally issued till about a year after.^^ On the
28th of July the assembly of Guatemala decreed the
suppression of all monastic establishments of men, ex-
cepting only the Bethlehemite hospitallers, who were
allowed to remain as secular priests, and prohibited
in the nunneries vow^s and professions in the future.
All the temporalities of the suppressed convents were
declared confiscated to the state. The federal congress
approved this act on the 7th of September, declaring
that the nation would no longer receive or recognize
within its territory any religious orders.^^**
Peace being finally restored, the large army of
Morazan was gradually dissolved, and the leader be-
came a candidate for the presidency. The necessity
of an energetic man, such as Morazan was, at the
head of affairs, was quite apparent, for new difficulties
were threatening from different quarters. Costa Rica,
disapproving the course of Salvador, declared her se-
cession from the union, and it w^as only after much
persuasion that she retracted it. The federal gov-
ernment, and that of the state of Guatemala, now in
charge of Pedro Molina,^^^ clashed on several occa-
sions, and specially when, in 1830, the question of
** In June 1830 he was declared a traitor. It has been said that it was
because he accepted a pension of $3,000 from the Spanish government at Ha-
bana. Archbishop Casaus was later appointed to administer the vacant see
of Habana, and held the office till his death. The above-mentioned law was
revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of June, 1839, and Casaus
was restored to all his former rights, and recognized as legitimate archbishop.
He M'as repeatedly invited to return, but never would do so. GuaL, Recop.
Le7je.o, i. 242-3.
^^"This declaration was subsequently confirmed by all the states. At a
later time — Feb. 27, 1834 — a further step was taken to consummate the sup-
pression of monastic establishments, ordaining that the authorities should not
retain the nuns refusing to reside in the convents where they professed.
These measures continued in force till June 21, 1839, when the second con-
stituent assembly of Guatemala repealed them, decreeing, consequently, the
reestablish ment of the suppressed convents. Marure, Efem., 25.
^°^He had been declared elected on the 22d of Aug., 1829. Antonio Ri-
vera Cabezas had been chosen vice-jefe. Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 172-4,
giving also a portrait of Molina.
SPANISH EFFORTS. 105
constituting Guatemala city as a federal district again
came upon the tapis. The state rejected the plan, as
on every previous occasion.^^^ A project of Molina
to reform the confederation met with the same fate.
He favored the model of the Swiss republic at that
time, abolishing the expensive machinery of a federal
government, which was almost continually at variance
with the different states.^^^ The failure of this scheme
brought with it the downfall of Molina, who was
afterward suspended on iSctitious charges and tried,
and though acquitted, was not reinstated.'
104
The plan of King Fernando VII. of Spain for the
reconquest of his former American dominions, and the
steps he was taking to accomplish it, naturally caused
a sensation in Central America, where that monarch
would be sure to find elements favorable to his views.
The so-called nobles, who had endeavored, after the
downfall of Iturbide and the separation from Mexico,
to establish, in Central America an aristocratic repub-
lic, such as that of Genoa or Venice, had been again
balked in their aims by the successes of Morazan. In
their disappointment they turned their eyes to Fer-
nando, and through special agents, as well as through
Archbishop Casaus, made known to the captain-gen-
eral of Cuba that the circumstances Central America
was then in were most propitious for the restoration
of the royal sway; for, as they asserted, all honest,
right-thinking men and women in the country yearned
for it, and the Indians were likewise anxious for the
change. Therefore, the only opposition thereto lay in
^°2 Because the number of Guatemalan representatives in the federal con-
gress would be greatly decreased. Moreover, several of the best public
buildings in the city would become national property. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.,
200.
^^ By his plan a congress representing the entire union was to wield the
executive powers in foreign afifairs. The scheme fell through, owing to the
little interest shown by the states, and to the powerful opposition of persona
holding or aspiring to federal ofl&ces, among the most prominent being Mora-
zan, Mem. Jiev. Cent. Am., 201-3, dwells extensively and comments on the
subject.
Jt'^Full particulars in MontiUfar, Hesefia Hist., i. 205-17.
106 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
the comparatively small number of aspirants to pub-
lic offices, who made revolution in order to control
the public funds for their own benefit. Such reports
were full of encouragement for the Spaniards who
were intriguing in behalf of Fernando's interests,
which were probably also their own.
Positive information was at last received from a
reliable source that Spain was preparing, in Habana,
an expedition to land at Omoa and march on Guate-
mala, where it expected to find the requisite coopera-
tion.^^^ This report coincided with the departure of
the Spanish expedition under Brigadier Barradas to
Tampico.^^^ President Barrundia, on the 3d of Sep-
tember, 1829, issued a stirring address; and the con-
gress, in October and November, with the sanction of
the executive, passed an act forbidding Spaniards to
enter or land in Central American territory under any
pretext. The ports of the republic were closed to the
Spanish flag, and to the products and manufactures of
Spain, her colonies, and dependencies.
There were not a few Spaniards who, together with
the self-styled nobles of native birth, desired to see
the flag of the old country waving again over Central
America. That anxiously wished for day had become
almost the only subject of conversation in their circles,
of which the assembly of Guatemala took due warn-
ing. In November it declared the sequestration of
all property belonging to Spaniards who dwelt in the
republic, coupled with the assurance that none should
be restored till Spain had formally recognized the
independence of Central America.^
107
105 This report came from Gen. Mariano Mantilla, commanding the Colom-
bian district of the Magdalena, dated Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the jefe
of Nicaragua. It was a long time in getting to Guatemala, and the govern-
ment and Gen. Morazan at once made preparations for the defence of the
coast.
^°«See my Hist. Mex., v. 72-6.
i"*^ Under this decree some of the Spanish property was sold; but after a
"while, upon the receipt of favorable news from Mexico, and when there was
a quasi certainty that Spain would not again make such attempts as that
against Tampico, the law was revoked. But property already sold was de-
clared to be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners should not bo
WORKS OF MONTT^FAR AND ARCE. 107
indemnified therefor till Spain had recognized Central American independence.
The texts of both the federal and Guatemalan decrees may be seen in Mont'd-
far, Resena Hist., i. 182-7.
Memorias para la Historia de la Revoludon de Centro America. Por un
Guatemalteco. Jalapa, 1832. 16mo, 257 pp. The authorship of these me-
moirs was attributed by well-informed men, namely, Morazan, ex-president
of Central America, and the distinguished statesman and diplomate of that
country, Lorenzo Montiifar, to Manuel Montiifar, who had been chief of staff
of the first president of the republic, Manuel Jos6 Arce. The work begins
with the geography and political and ecclesiastical divisions of the country,
accompanied with data on each of the states and territories; namely, Costa
Kica, Nicaragua, Poyais, Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas, to-
gether with some remarks on mining and other industries, military defences,
and financial condition. The political portion, as the author himself acknowl-
edges, is loosely put together, and lacks many necessary details, which he
attributes to absence from home when the first sheets went to the press.
He claims, however, to have impartially and correctly narrated the events
of Cent. Am. history from 1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true; never-
theless there crops out in places class-bias, particularly in describing the
events from 1826 to 1829, by the ideas which prevailed in the moderado,
otherwise called servile, party, in which he was affiliated and serving, and for
whose acts he, like many others, was driven into exile after the defeat of that
party on the field of battle.
Manuel Jos4 Arcs, Memoria de la Conducta P'Ablica y Admlnistrativa de
. . . durante el periodo de su presidencla. Mex., 1830. Svo, p. 140 and 63. This
work purports to be a defence of his administration by the first president of
the republic of Central America, against what he calls the slanders heaped
upon his name by those who rebelled against the government and the nation,
with documents bearing on the revolts, the whole having been prepared while
the author was in exile. The book is a disconnected, disjointed patchwork,
incomplete in its various records of events, and indicates, as does Arce's ca-
reer, a weak character. A number of meaningless and inapt quotations from
the old classics and from law-books help to confuse the narrative still more.
CHAPTER VI.
CIVIL WAR.
1829-1838.
Eevolution in Honduras — Consebvatives Invade the State — Second
General Elections — Francisco Morazan Chosen President —
Plots of the Serviles— Arce's Invasion from Mexico— Occupation
OF Honduras Ports by Exiled Rebels— Spanish Flag Hoisted in
Omoa, and Aid from Cuba — Salvadoran Authorities in Rebellion
— Third General Elections — Morazan Reelected — Failure of
Colonization Plans — Ravages of Cholera — Indian Revolt under
Carrera — His Early Life.
It is difficult for us to realize how long it takes and
how hard it is for progressive man to throw away the
fetters, temporal and spiritual, which in times past he
stupidly forged for himself. Intellectual light break-
ing in on our old savagism finally tells us that the
hurtful manifestations of nature are not the chastise-
ments of offended deity; and then we wonder how
we could have been so stupid so long, with our pope-
worship and king-worship, and our servility to their
satellites. Then when we first gain our liberty we
know not what to do with it. We feel lost without
the harness, the reins, the whip and spur. The peo-
ple of Central America, high or low, knew little at
this juncture of self-government. In times past they
had observed that rulership consisted largely of per-
sonal wranglings for place, from king and pope down
to the lowest aspirant; of wars, political and ecclesi-
astical, brother against brother, priests and people
butchering and burning as if the great object of reli-
gion and civilization was to preserve upon this earth
(108)
TROUBLES IN HONDURAS. 109
as long as possible the hell which we all hope in one
way or another to escape hereafter.
Note further in regard to Central America the
strange union of widely distinct classes in their efforts
to sacrifice the country for self. Though from some-
what different motives, we see join hands the highest
and the lowest, a self-styled aristocracy and the igno-
rant rabble, aided by the priests who would not see
their power slip from them in the general overturn-
ings, all spending their energies and blood in the
direction of utter destruction for themselves, their
families, and their country. Fortunately there were
others at hand whose ideas of self-government were
different; who earnestly desired that this new plant
of liberty — a boon which had so unexpectedly dropped
down to them from heaven — should have in their
midst a healthy growth, in spite of ignorance, ambi-
tion, or superstition.
The legislative assembly of Honduras, pursuant to
the prescriptive law enacted by the federal congress
in August 1829, issued a decree of expulsion, and the
government of the state transmitted to Guatemala a
list of those who had come within its provisions.^
Some exiles from Honduras and other states of Cen-
tral America went to Belize to carry on their plots
from that quarter, and soon caused a sedition in the
department of Olancho. The vice-jefe, Vijil, used
his best endeavors to bring the seditious to terms
peaceably, but failed.^ It became necessary then to
resort to force, and Lieutenant-colonel Terrelonge was
authorized to move his troops from Trujillo against
Olancho. The state of Guatemala was also requested
^ Most of them had been agents of Milla, and contributed to the over-
throw of the state government. A number had moved to Guatemala, Salva-
dor, and elsewhere. The most proniinent in the list were the ex-provisor,
Nicolas Irias, and Pedro Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the countrj''
from the port of Omoa. He had been Milla's chief agent and adviser, and
brouglit about the destruction by fire of Comayagua, his native place. This
will account for his hostility in after years to liberals, and for his active coop-
eration with the despots of Guatemala. Montufar, Resena Jdist., i. 190.
'^ The pretext for the movement was to resist a moderate tax established
by the legislature; the real object was to bring on a reaction.
110
CIVIL WAR.
to send its force stationed in Chiquimula to Gracias,
for the purpose of aiding in the preservation of order.
The assembly of Guatemala, on the 24th of Novem-
ber, 1829, directed that 500 men, subject to the orders
of the chief of the state, should repair at once to
Honduras and quell the insurrection. The wording
of the decree caused a disagreement between the
president of the republic and Jefe Molina. The lat-
ter insisted that the 500 men to be sent to Honduras
should be under his orders. President Barrundia
Honduras.
could not accede to it, because the command of a mil-
itary force operating out of the state belonged by law
to the federal government,^ and through his minister
of war, Nicolds Espinosa, applied to the Guatemalan
legislature for a change in the decree. Espinosa's
communication caused much sensation, and the assem-
^ The friendship existing between fearnindia and Molina, from the earliest
period of their political life, previous to the independence, became weak-
ened, threatening a disruption of the liberal party. The disagreement was
increased by Molina's opposition to the federal government remaining in
Guatemala.
REVOLT AND ELECTION. Ill
bly repealed the act of November 24th, and in its
stead provided that the money needed to muster in
and equip 500 men should be furnished the general
government out of the state treasury.
Morazan, jefe of Honduras, and general-in-chief of
the Central American forces, had marched with a di-
vision upon the departments of Olancho and Opoteca,
and to him were despatched the troops newly raised in
Guatemala. Colonel Vicente Dominguez was one of
the chief promoters of the revolution of Honduras.*
Morazan's military reputation made easy his road to
victory. He encountered no great difficulties. The
year 1830 was inaugurated with new triumphs. The
Olancho rebels surrendered to him at Las Vueltas del
Ocote, and on the 21st of January solemnly bound
themselves to recognize and obey the government.^
Morazan next, on the 19th of February, routed the
insurrectionists of Opoteca.^ Morazan, after pacifying
Honduras, intended marching into Nicaragua, if po-
litical measures should prove insufficient to establish
regularity there. He first despatched Dionisio Her-
rera to the seat of Nicaraguan differences, who ful-
filled his trust with zeal, and Morazan had no need of
going to the state. Herrera had been chosen jefe, and
was duly inducted in his office on the 12th of May.
The time for renewing the supreme federal authority
having arrived, elections were held throughout the
republic. Congress opened its session with due so-
lemnity on the 27th of March, 1830. The supreme
court of justice was likewise installed.'^ The elec-
tion of president of the republic had been also made.
* The same who made the revolt of Xalpatagua, murdered Gen. Merino at
San Miguel, and was defeated at Gualcho.
^ Marure, Efem., 26.
^ Forty-one of them, including the clergyman Antonio Rivas, were sen-
tenced to military duty in the castle of San Felipe for five years. Father
E-ivas, after serving out his term, said that he was an innocent victim and au
martyr of religion, and prayed upon the liberals all the maledictions of the
108th psalm. Montiifar, Resena Hist., i. 196.
^ Composed of the citizens Nicolas Espinosa, Jos6 Antonio Larrave, Ma-
nuel Jos6 de la Cerda, and Jacobo Rosa.
112 CIVIL WAR.
Morazan, Josd Francisco Barrundia, Jose del Valle,
Antonio Rivera Cabezas, and Pedro Molina obtained
votes; but by far the largest number of them had been
polled for Morazan and Valle. ^
The votes were counted in June. Morazan had
the largest number; but in order to ascertain if the
election had been legal, it was necessary first to de-
clare if the basis was to be the number of votes which
the citizens of the republic had the right to poll, or
that of the votes actually given and counted. If the
former, there had been no popular election, and congress
had to decide the point between Morazan and Valle;
in the latter case, Morazan had been popularly elected.^
The congress consisted for the most part of friends
of Morazan, and he was declared president. He made
a triumphal entry into Guatemala on the 14th of Sep-
tember, and should have been inaugurated on the 15th;
but it was decided that Barrundia should turn over
to him the executive office on the 16th, in the midst
of the festivities of national independence. This was
done by Barrundia with that republican simplicity
which had ever characterized the man. All the states
sent their congratulations to Morazan, and to Bar-
rundia for the good judgment and success of his ad-
ministration.^^ Mariano Prado, the distinguished
* Barrundia did not want the position, and did not work for it. He wished
Morazan to be elected. Morazan had in his favor the prestige of a victorious
general. He was somewhat in the position of Bonaparte when he returned
from Egypt. Valle was recognized to be the best informed man of Central
America; none could compete with him in literary or scientific attainments.
In politics he was always an opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his
memory, and even impudently pretended to deny his literary merits. But
we have seen elsewhere that he was not, like Barrundia, an uncompromising
opponent of all governments not based on democracy and republicanism. He
compromised with the Mexican empire, was a deputy to the imperial congress,
where he made a brilliant record, and became a minister of the emperor, who
sent him to prison when he dissolved the congress. After the emperor's over-
throw, Valle maintained that the provinces of Central America were free to
act their own pleasure. He was a popular man, but Morazan's victorious
sword eclipsed all else just then. Id., 268.
•It was the same question that occurred in 1825 between Arce and Valle.
The congress at that time, in order to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the
former. Valle published pamphlets in favor of the latter principle, and the
congress of 1830 acted upon his arguments.
'"Among the warmest were those of the legislature of Guatemala. The
spokesman for the committee presenting them was Alejandro Marure.
MORAZAN PRESIDENT. 113
citizen of Salvador, who did such good service to the
liberal cause as vice-jefe of that state during the cam-
paign that ended in April 1829, was elected vice-
president.
One of Barrundia's measures that did him honor
was his saving the island of Koatan to Central
America. The British had driven away the few in-
habitants and small garrison and taken possession. ^^
Barrundia made energetic though courteous remon-
strances, and the island was restored after Morazan
had become president.
The country now required peace. Morazan exerted
himself to foster education and national industry.
Agriculture and trade began to revive; but it was
not to be continued long, for the demon of political
strife was let loose again. The servile party, though
defeated, had not remained inactive. In 1831 it pre-
pared a plot for the destruction of the liberals, which
had ramifications everywhere. Arce was to invade
the republic from Mexico through Soconusco. Do-
minguez was to occupy Honduras with elements gath-
ered for the purpose at Belize. Meantime, Bamon
Guzman seized the fort at Omoa with 200 negroes.^'^
Arce effected his invasion with about 100 men, exiled
and discontented Central Americans,^^ and was de-
feated at Escuintla de Soconusco, on the 24th of
February, 1832, by the forces under General BaouL
He succeeded in escaping with a few men into Mexico-
again. ^* Guzman, being hard pressed at Omoa by the
government troops under Colonel Terrelonge, hoisted
the Spanish flag over the fort, and despatched, on the
10th of August, the schooner Ejecutivo, whose name
had been now changed to General Dominguez, to ask
assistance from the captain-general of Cuba, offering
^^ This was a common course with our brethren across the Atlantic. Ma-
rurCy Efem,, 27; Squier's Travels, ii. 414.
^^ This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11 p. m.
^^Larrainzar, Soconusco, 80; Morazan and Carrera, MS., no. 3, 9, say
troops from Mexico, which is doubtful.
" Details on this campaign are given in Montii/ar, Eesena Hist., i. 348-65.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 8
114 ' CIVIL WAR.
himself and those with him as subjects of the Spanish
king. But the vessel was captured on her return
with supplies, and the rebel garrison surrendered on
the 12th of September, after a siege of five months. ^^
Almost at the same time that Omoa was seized by
the rebels, the port of Trujillo was occupied by Vicente
Dominguez, who had in his company Pedro Gon-
zalez.^^ The Central Americans had two armed
schooners at Izabal, besides two national vessels
under Terrelonge, and an armed schooner at Belize.
Duplessis, a Frenchman, commanding the national
vessel Fenix, was captured by Dominguez, taken to
Omoa, and shot in the plaza. ^^
Dominguez' vanguard reached Yoro on the 7th of
March, 1832, and was defeated at Tercales on the 9th,
and again at Olanchito. He fled to Trujillo, leaving
behind 200 muskets, other arms, some money, and
other things.^^ He then transferred himself to Omoa,
and with 600 men, on the 26th of March, attacked
the government troops at Jaitique, being defeated.
He was again routed at Opoteca, pursued in all
directions, captured, and taken to Comayagua, where
he was put to death on the 14th of September. ^^ The
rebel plot thus defeated was a formidable one. Arch-
bishop Casaus from Habana moved his clergy. Bishop
Fray Luis Garcia of Chiapas favored Ex-president
Arce, whose friends confidently asserted that he also
^5 The national armed schooner Deseada took the Ejecutivo. The Spanish
flags that waved over the fort and the latter vessel were dragged through the
streets of Guatemala, tied to the tails of horses, on the day of the national
anniversary. Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa on the 13th of Sept., by
order of Col Agustin Guzman, who commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden
by a serious illness. Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 377-81; Marure, Efcm., 29.
^^A man who, though amenable to exUe under the law of expulsion, had
been pardoned at his repeated supplications.
^^ Duplessis died like a hero. His execution was a murder, similar to that
of Gen. Merino. Both instances served as an example of what the liberals
might expect if the serviles got the upper hand again.
^^Among them were a number of rosaries and prayers to the virgin of
Guadalupe, supposed to possess the power of benumbing the enemy in the
fight.
^' He is said not to have shown at the hour of his execution that courage '
which was manifested by his victims at the scaffold.
HONDURAS AND SALVADOR. 116
had the support of the Mexican government.^^ Arce's
plans were also in combination with the jefe of Salva-
dor, Jose Maria Cornejo.^^ The fallen party would
not admit that they had been vanquished, that their
principles were antiquated and repugnant to the people;
they still believed that a reaction was not only possi-
ble, but right and natural.
Cornejo's intrigues led to a disturbance of the peace
in Salvador. The state assembly had been installed
in February 1831, and the tendencies of its members
elect, together with Cornejo's workings, had awakened
mistrust among the liberals of Guatemala. The as-
sembly of the latter state directed the executive, in
congratulating the Salvador assembly upon its instal-
lation, to remind it of the necessity of harmony and
of upholding liberal principles."^
On the news of the invasion of Honduras, already
described, reaching Guatemala, Morazan decided to
establish his headquarters in San Salvador as a more
convenient centre for future operations. His relations
w^ith the authorities of Salvador were anything but
2° It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands that though often
requested to make Arce reside farther in the interior, the Mexican authorities
never did it. Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built forts
undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the other hand, exerted them-
selves to hinder the action of the government forces.
2^ This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly had secret relations
with the invaders; as was shown in the proclamation of Dominguez and
Father Herrera, in the praises the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion.
MontufaTy Reseiia Hist., i. 334, 382.
2^ It is understood they were jealous in Salvador of Guatemala's influence
in the federal policy. Cornejo claimed that what he wanted was reforms in
the national constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they had
been adopted in good faith by the states, the union might have been saved.
The executive had no participation in the framing of laws, either directly or
indirectly; he had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend.
It was the senate, as the council of the government, that sanctioned the laws.
That body, elected very like the chamber of deputies, was the judge of min-
isters and other functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same
time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers. The president of
the republic had no independent place of abode, and was ever at the mercy
of the state where the federal government had its seat; at best, he was the
object of that state's benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he was the
target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of localism for or against
that state. It was therefore evident that a federal district was a necessity;
one which the states would look upon as common property, and would foster
and advance.
116 CIVIL WAR.
harmonious; neither could they be harmonious under
the circumstances. Mariano Galvez, jefe of Guate-
mala,^^ desiring to avoid conflicts, despatched Colonel
Nicolas Espinosa with letters to Cornejo, advising
him that his agent was instructed to use his best
offices to settle the differences between him and Mo-
razan. Espinosa, when near Atiquizaya, heard that
orders for his arrest had been issued, and therefore
went back. Galvez became justly indignant at the
conduct of Cornejo's agents.
The president of the republic started from Guate-
mala on the 29th of December, 1831, accompanied by
his ministers, and journeyed toward San Salvador
without any military force other than his body-guard ;
consequently Cornejo had no cause to apprehend any
sudden blow at his authority.^* Nevertheless, on the
6th of January, 1832, Cornejo broke out in open re-
bellion, commanding the national executive, then at
Santa Ana, to quit the state forthwith or he would
be driven away. Morazan, having no means of resist-
ance, obeyed. This insult to the republic was fol-
lowed next day, January 7, 1832, by an act declaring
the suspension of the federal compact and the seces-
sion of the state of Salvador. Congress then em-
powered the executive to repel invasions. The jefe
of Guatemala admitted the obligation of his state to
aid the general government with all its means.^^ The
assembly of Nicaragua, backed by the jefe Dionisio
Herrera, who was a stanch friend and supporter of
Morazan, passed an act disallowing the legitimacy of
23 Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of many liberals. He had be-
longed to the imperial party, and had been leagued with the aristocracy. He
was a patriot, it is true, but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not
embrace all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, witli his
portrait, by Montufar, in Reseiia Hist. , i. 296.
'•'' Besides, Cornejo had oflSlcially said that Morazan had neither supporters
nor prestige in Salvador.
'■^^ Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel invaders, but leaving
Cornejo, though he disliked his indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan
was, on the contrary, impressed with the idea that Comejo's deposal was a
necessity.
SALVADOR SECEDES. 117
the Salvador authorities and their acts, and providing
means to support the federal government.^^
Costa Kica, through her minister of state, Joaquin
Bernardo Calvo, in a note from San Jose of March 3,
1832, to the government of Guatemala, signified her
readiness to support the laws, and with that end to
place at the disposal of the federal executive all the
aid in her power. A Guatemalan force was stationed
on the frontier of Salvador, first under Colonel Cdrlos
Salazar, and afterward under Colonel Juan Prem, a
distinguished ofEcer of the campaign of 1829. Even
now Galvez hoped to avert war, sending commis-
sioners to confer with Cornejo at Ahuachapan. The
latter received them, and appointed his own to con-
tinue the conferences; but they were suddenly brought
to an end without results. ^^ Further efforts on behalf
of peace were useless; the contest had to be decided
by war.^**
Morazan with a force of Salvador and Honduras
men marched from the river Lempa to Portillo. Cor-
nejo had 600 men in Jocoro of the department of San
Miguel. The latter were signally defeated on the
14th of March, losing 500 men in killed, wounded,
and prisoners.^^ This was soon followed by pronun-
ciamientos in several departments against Cornejo and
in favor of Morazan. The latter lost no time in
marching upon San Salvador, which he took by
assault on the 28th of March, notwithstanding the
2^ The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled from Nicara-
guan territory should uphold the authorities of Salvador. Correspondence
with the enemies of the country, or any expression, verbal or written, favor-
ing them, were made punishable by death. Mont'vifar, Eesena Hist., i. 338.
2^ Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the force on the frontier
to be controlled by Guatemala; but on ascertaining that it was under Mora-
zan's orders, and that Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being
recreant to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the conferences
under various pretexts.
^^ It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given the state time to re-
flect, when it might have gone back quietly to the union. As it was, liberals
were for the first time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood
begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles, of course, gladly
fanned the flame,
*In fact, they hardly made any resistance. The president's casualties
were trifling. Marure, Efem., 30; Mont'Afar, Reselia Hist., i. 340.
118 CIVIL WAR.
obstinate resistance of Cornejo and the garrison, the
assailing force beipg made up of Nicaraguans and
Hondurans.^^ The state authorities were deposed,
sent to Guatemala under a guard, and subsequently
tried by a special court created ex post facto, with the
name of jurado nacional.^^ Morazan then assumed
control of Salvador until constitutional authorities
should be reorganized.^^ This step, illegal as it was,
gave dissatisfaction, not in Salvador alone, but in the
other states, which subsequently seceded from the
union; and though later retractions took place, it
may be said that the confederation was dissolved at
this period.^^
Meantime, the federal congress had continued its
sessions, striving to promote the welfare of the coun-
try by a liberal policy. Among the acts adopted at
this time, and deserving special mention, was that
of May 2, 1832, abolishing the exclusiveness of the
Roman religion, and recognizing freedom of conscience
and of worship.^* This law, though practically of
little effect, inasmuch as there were but few foreigners
in the country, showed that a spirit of toleration was
gaining ground. Another important measure was the
adoption of Livingston's Lousiana code, and trial by
^"The following facts are taken from Bo$q. Hist. Cent, Am.y lib. iii.,
chap. 14. Filisola in 1823 needed 2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador.
In 1827-8, Arce, Arzii, and Montufar failed to do it with an equal, if not a
larger force. In 1832 Morazan with only 800 men made himself master of the
place in less than two hours. The object of these remarks was to show that
no credit should be given to Morazan 's detractors in their attempts to lessen
his military reputation. Montufar, liesena Hist.j i, 343.
^^ There were 38 of them, including Cornejo and Antonio J. Canas.
^2 The new rulers, raised to power under the auspices of the victor, de-
clared those of 1831 and the beginning of 1832 to have been illegitimate, and
organized courts for the trial of treason. The decrees of June 7 and 26, and
July 28, 1832, were severe; fortunately, they were not executed with the same
animosity displayed in enacting them. Marure, Efem., 30.
3^ Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832; Guatemala, Jan. 27, 1833; Salvador
repeated her declaration on Feb. 13, 1833; Honduras and Costa Rica sepa-
rated themselves, respectively, on the 19th of May and 18th of Sept., 1833.
Marure, Efem.y 32; Guat., liecop. Leyes, i. 42-3; Astaburuaga^ Cent. -4m., 20;
Dunlop's Cent. Am., 184; Crowe's Gospel, 134; Squier's Travels, ii. 417.
'^ ' Todos los habitantes de la republica son libres para adorar d Dios segun
8U conciencia, y que el gobierno nacional les proteje en el ejercicio de esta
libertad.' Marure, Efem., 31. JosiS F. Barrundia is said to have effectively
fathered this resolution. Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854.
ELEMENTS OF DISUNION. 119
jury. This form of trial was not understood by the
people, and fortunately fell into disuse.
Notwithstanding the acts of disunion passed by the
several states, there was no serious disturbance during
the remainder of 1832 or in 1833. In the middle of
the latter year^^ congress adjourned, and there were
fair prospects of peace. Indeed, the liberals had been
made to see the folly of disunion. The states, relin-
quishing their antagonisms, quietly returned to the
confederacy. The federal government, on the 20th of
April, 1833, convoked a new congress to adjust differ-
ences. But now a new element of discord appeared.
This was the jealousy felt by the smaller states toward
Guatemala, which being larger in extent and popula-
tion, naturally had a corresponding influence in the
national congress.^^ These states demanded an equal
voice in that body, and insisted that this right should
be recognized before proceeding to the elections.^''
Guatemala, heeding the anxiety of the liberal leaders,
assented to the demand. Some of the states pro-
ceeded with their elections, but it soon became obvious
that the plan of compromise could not be satisfactory
or permanent, and it was dropped. The proposed
congress accordingly did not meet.^
Rumors w^ere current for some time in 1833 of an
intended invasion of Salvador by Arce, by sea from
Acapulco,^^ but they proved to be unfounded. The
gfr
"'^ July 8, 1833. Barrundia's speech in closing the congress is given in El
Centro Americano, July 11, 1833, 57-69.
3^ This jealousy had developed during the states' rights agitation.
3^ Guatemala rejected this convocation by an act of June 2, 1833. Guat.y
Recop. Leyes, i. 240-1. A project appeared in the Centro Americano of June
11, 1833, 28-30, to terminate the question of equal numerical representation
in congress for the five states. It was proposed to divide the territory into
three states of about the same population each, the executive authority to be
alternately held by the presidents of the three states. The plan was im-
practicable.
^'^ The adoption of such a plan by the federal congress could not be secured
until July 18, 1838. The decree of convocation issued on that date was gen-
erally accepted, and yet the diet never met till March 17, 1842. Marure^
Efem., 33.
^' The correspondence between the state governments for the strict vigi-
lance on the coast of that state appears in El Centro Americano, Oct. 18,
1833; Mont'dfar, Resena Hist., ii. 41-2.
120 CIVIL WAR.
federal government transferred its seat on the 5th of
February, 1834/*^ first to Sonsonate, and later to San
Salvador, which for the time being quieted the jealous
feeling of the several states against Guatemala. But
after a few weeks the dissensions between the federal
and state governments, of so frequent occurrence when
the former was in Guatemala, were renewed in San
Salvador. On the 23d of June, 1834, a fight took
place between troops of the two parties, and the affair
ended in another overthrow of the local authorities^^^
who were proscribed under ex post facto laws.^^ The
state government went first into the hands of General
Salazar, who called himself jefe provisorio, and after-
ward into those of the vice-president of the republic.
Neither had any legal authority in the premises. This
state of affairs caused dissatisfaction in Salvador.
Political disturbances were also experienced in other
states. The flame of discord was fanned everywhere
by the oligarchs, who found their task made easier by
the extreme religious liberalism of the ruling party.
Their influence was felt when, on the 7th of February,
1835, after San Salvador, together with a few sur-
rounding towns, was constituted a federal district,^^
*" Pursuant to a resolution of the national congress of June 25, 1833.
As early as 182G the government of Salvador had tried to have the federal
authorities reside at least 40 leagues from Guatemala. Similar requests had
been subsequently made by other states; and even in the legislature of Guate-
mala reiterated motions had been presented to the same efiect. But the fed-
eralist party, as long as it was in the majority in congress, strenuously
opposed the removal, believing that it would bring about, as it actually did,
the downfall of the federal system, and the dissolution of the federal author-
ities. Marure, Efem., 34. Montiifar, lieseua Hist., ii. 58-9, remarks that
Marure when he wrote the first two volumes of his Bosquejo IRstdrico was
a liberal; in his E/emerides. written later, he speaks like a conservative. The
change of tone is attributed to the iron influence of the government from
whom he had a salary as a professor. Lastarria, in La America, 250, errone-
ously attributes the transfer to Morazan's action to break up the influence of
the oligarchical party in Guatemala.
*^ The aflfray lasted five hours; the federal force being under Gen. Salazar,
and that of Salvador under Col Jos6 D. Castillo. Marure, Efem., 36.
^"^ Decree of vice-president of Sept. 1, 1834.
*^ The legislature of the state had made a cession of the territory for the
purpose on the 28th of Jan., 1835. On the 9th of March, 183G, the district
was enlarged by the addition of Zacatecoluca. The national government
had its capital in San Salvador till Ihe 3d of May, 1839, when the assembly of
San Salvador resumed possession of the whole territory that had been ceded.
Id., 37; Monti'ifar, BeseuaHist., ii. 165-7. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 187, says that
ELECTION AND DEATH OF VALLE. 121
a new constitution, based on the former one of 1824,
was generally rejected.^
Elections for supreme authorities of the republic
were decreed on the 2d of June, 1838. The end of
Morazan's term was approaching, and his popularity
was to be again put to the test. There was really
but one man that could compete with him, Jose del
Valle, who was leading a retired life devoted to scien-
tific and political studies; but his reputation was a
national one, eminently Central American, and a
large portion of the people summoned him to ruler-
ship. He was elected, but died before the certificates
of election were opened.
The death of Valle occurred on the 2d of March,
1834. The highest honors were paid to his memory.*^
This untoward event necessitated another election to
carry out the decree of June 1833, and Jose Fran-
cisco Barrundia having declined to be a candidate,
Morazan encountered no opposition and was reelected. ^^
the district occupied San Salvador and ten leagues of territory surrounding
it. Squier^s Travels, ii. 419; Growers Gospel, 136.
** The opposition came not only from the serviles, but from not a few lib-
erals. It contained many liberal and equable modifications. Marure, Efem.,
37, says it did not contain 'las alteraciones sustanciales que reiteradas veces
se habian propuesto por las legislaturas de los estados,' for which reason it
was not accepted by the states, except Costa Bica, which expressed assent
May 7, 1835. Squier, Travels, ii. 422, also says that only Costa Rica ex-
pressed an acceptance of the proposed constitution, adding that the opposing
states wanted different, and in most cases irreconcilable, reforms. Montufar,
Besena Bist.y ii. 169-73, giving details, asserts that both Nicaragua and Costa
Rica accepted the reforms.
^5 The assembly of Guatemala decreed, aftpr hearing several eulogistic
motions, that all the state oflficials residing in the capital should wear the
badge of mourning three days; that the bells of the churches should be tolled
morning, noon, and eve of each day; that a portrait of Valle, contributed by
the members of the legislature, should be placed in its hall of sessions; and
that the other states should be requested to make manifestations of sorrow
for the loss of their distinguished statesman and savant. Salvador, on the 9th
of Apr., 1834, decreed similar honors. Marure, in his Efemerides, 35, bestows
the highest praise on Valle. 'Perdi6 Centro America, con el falleciraiento
del licenciado Jos6 del Valle, uno de sus mas distinguidos hijos.' This re-
mark is followed by a sketch of Valle's career, which has been given by me
elsewhere. Montufar, Helena Hist., ii. 95-9, also eulogizes Valle and gives
his portrait.
*^It was so formally declared by the federal congress, Feb. 2, 1835, with
122 CIVIL WAR.
For the office of vice-president, no one having ob-
tained the constitutional number of votes, congress,
on the 2d of June, 1834, chose from among candidates
having forty votes and upward Jose Gregorio Salazar,
to be inducted in office on the 16th. Mariano Prado,
the former vice-president, had been as such at the
head of the federal executive authority in 1831; but
he was chosen jefe of the state of Salvador, and took
charge of that office on the 25th of July following.
The vice-presidency and the office of a state jefe were
incompatible. He chose the latter, and was most un-
fortunate in the discharge of its duties. There being
then no vice-president, Jose Gregorio Salazar had
charge of the executive in 1834 as the senior senator,
Morazan having for a time, and with the permission of
the senate, absented himself. Upon being elected on
the 2d of June, Salazar continued in charge, and it was
by his order that the federal authorities transferred
themselves to the city of Santa Ana during San
Martin's insurrection against the national government.
The day after the inauguration of Morazan for the
second presidential term, congress closed its session.*^
No important event affecting the confederation oc-
curred during the remainder of 1835, but the atmos-
phere was filled with folly and misrule, foreboding
the storm which was to make of Central America for
many a day the theatre of the bloodiest of civil wars.
It has been shown that the party in power pursued
in general a liberal policy — too liberal, in fact, as later
events proved. In view of the tardy development of
the country in the old way, inducements were offered
for foreign immigration, and an English company was
organized for the purpose of fostering colonization in
the department of Vera Paz.*^ Settlers were sent
the clause that he should be placed in possession of the office on the 14th. Id,,
155-7.
"Feb. 15, 1835. El Correo Atldntico, May 9, 1835.
*' The first colonists, 63 in all, arrived from London on the schooner Mary
REVOLT AND CHOLERA. 123
out, and several hundred thousand dollars expended,
but the scheme failed because of unskilful and dis-
honest management.*^ Nevertheless, the servile party
turned this incident to account, filling the minds of
the lower classes, especially the Indians, with prejudice
against the government, which it accused of an intent
to exterminate the native population by throwing
open the country to foreign influence, religion, and
administration of justice. The innovations in this
last respect had, more than anything else, Embittered
the natives, and on the 6th of March led to an out-
break at Ostuncalco, where the Indians had become
irritated at being compelled to work at the construc-
tion of prisons. ^^ An armed force was sent to quell
the disturbance, out of which the judges and some
officials had great difficulty to escape with life.
Scarcely was this trouble over when a worse one
stole in — the cholera. The scourge began its ravages
in Central America early in 1837,^^ and soon spread
Ann Arabella^ tinder a Mr Fletcher. Their settlement took the name of Ab-
botsville. Marure, Efem.j 38.
^^Many of the immigrants died, while others returned to England or went
to the West Indies, but few remaining. Dunlop, Oent. Am., 191, makes ap-
propriate remarks on the 'infatuation in Europeans to attempt colonizing on
pestiferous shores, under a burning sim, where no native of a temperate re-
gion, not even those of the interior of the same country, can enjoy tolerable
health. ' See also Astaburuaga's comments on the undertaking. Cent. Am. , 25.
A glowing and favorable account of the enterprise was issued as late as 1839.
See Cent. Am., Brief Statement, 1 et seq.
^oQn the 6th of March, 1837. Marure, Efem., 39; Montufar, JResena Hist.,
ii. 353.
5^B. Lambur, commissioned by Galvez, jefe of Guatemala, to report on
the origin and progress of the disease, wrote from Aceituno April 3d: ' There
can be no doubt that cholera came by way of Omoa to Gualan, thence went
to Zacapa and to Esquipulas, this last-named town being the focus whence it
has irradiated with such velocity to the towns at present infested.' Esqui-
pulas is a species of Mecca which people from all parts of Central America
and Mexico visit in January of each year, to worship an image of Christ, to
which countless miracles have been attributed. In the Boletin de Noticias del
C6lera of Apr. 4, 1837, appear the following words, *En San Sur ban muerto
muchos romeristas de Esquipulas.' Id., 351-3. The fact is, that the disease
had been doing havoc in the towns near the northern coast since Feb., and
gradually spread throughout the rest of the state and republic till toward the
end of the year, when it abated. The first case in the city of Guatemala oc-
curred on the 19th of April. The mortality in that city during the invasion
was 819, or a little over the 44th part of the population, which was much
smaller than in other less populated cities. Marure, Efem. , 40. See also Dun-
lop's Cent. Am., 193-4; SaLv. DiarioOfic, Feb. 14, 1876; Bocha, Cddigo Nic,
i. 215-16; ii. 163-4.
124 CIVIL WAR.
throughout the towns of the republic. The govern-
ments of the different states, and notably that of
Guatemala, used the utmost efforts to relieve suffer-
ing. Physicians and medical students, provided with
medicines, were despatched to the several districts.
But their efforts were largely frustrated by the oppo-
sition of the servile party, which never ceased its work
even in these days of awful distress. Determined to
bring to an end the influence of the liberals, the servile
party hesitated at nothing. All means to that end
were made available. The priests made the ignorant
masses believe that the waters had been poisoned in
order to destroy the natives and make way for for-
eigners.^^ Their deviltry was crowned with success.
The low murmurs of hatred soon swelled to loud cries
of vengeance against the government and foreign res-
idents. Several physicians became the victims of
popular fury, being put to death with cruel tortures. ^^
Others barely escaped death. The greatest violence
was in the district of Mita, where it assumed the
form of a general insurrection. The government de-
spatched a body of troops to dissolve a large assem-
blage of insurrectionists. The instructions were to
use gentle means to allay the disturbance, resorting
to force only in case of necessity. The magistrate of
the district, having imprudently left the strong body
of infantry behind, had no sooner attempted to ex-
plain his mission than the mob fell upon him and his
guard of forty dragoons, killing a number of them and
putting the rest to flight. This was on the 9th of
June.^* The leader of the mob on this occasion was
^^Squier's Travels, ii. 427-8. Montufar, Resena Hist., ii. 370-2, gives
copies of the documents that were circulated.
^^ Such as making them swallow the contents of their medicine-chests, or
pouring water down their throats till they died, a circumstance that was al-
ways looked upon as an evidence of guilt. Crowe's Gospel, 141. Montgomery,
GuaL, speaks of an Englishman who was nearly killed by the water torture
inflicted by an enraged Indian mob.
^* On the plains of Ambelis, near Santa Rosa, accompanied with impreca-
tions against the ley de jurados and the so-called 'envenenadores.' It was
the beginning of a struggle which, in less than two years, wrought a complete
EAFAEL CAEEERA. 125
Rafael Carrera, a mixed-breed, who now for the first
time, at the age of twenty-one, possibly a few years
older, appeared on the stage, to become afterward the
bitterest foe of the liberal party, and eventually the
dictator of the country.
Rafael Carrera was a native of Guatemala, of In-
dian descent, of a violent, irascible, and uncommuni-
cative disposition, base-born, ignorant, though gifted
with talents, bold, determined, and persevering. From
common servant he became a pig-driver, and while
such obtained much influence among the lower class
of Indians — an influence which was due no less to
his blood connections and the force of circumstances
than to his bravery and capabilities.^*
Carrera was at first a mere tool of the priests, and
change in public aflfairs. Marure^ Efem. ,41, copied by MorUiifar^ Besena Hist. ,
ii. 353; Squier'a Travels, ii. 428.
"Tempsky, Mitla, 337, says that Carrera was born in Santa E«sa, misled
probably by the circumstance that the first Indian outbreak under his lead
occurred there. He was bom about 1815 or 1816, and was the illegitimate
offspring of Antonio Aycinena, a member of one of the chief families of
Guatemala, and of Manuela Carrillo, a servant in the paternal mansion.
Through the influence of the Aycinenas he was immediately after his birth
adopted by one Juana Rosa Turcios, whose husband's name of Carrera the
boy subsequently was given. Such is the version of the author of a manu-
script written in July 1844, and entitled Ori(jen de Carrera, in Morazan y
Carrera, no. 4, 1 et seq. , the authenticity of which is made doubtful by some
inaccuracies in other statements, the object evidently being to give Carrera's
descent a little respectability. Stephens, Cent. Am., 1. 225, says that in
1829 he was a drummer-boy, leaving the army after the capture of Guate-
mala by Morazan, and retiring to Mataquescuintla, where he became a
pig-driver, or, as Montgomery, Guat., 143-4, has it, a dealer in hogs,
having risen in the federal army as high as corporal. Dunlop, Cent. Am.,
195, followed by Crowe's Gospel, 141, and Squier's Trav., ii 429, essentially
confirms Stephens' statements. Belly, Nic. , i. 75, adds that Carrera was for
a time employed in the plantation of a Frenchman named Laumonier, near
La Antigua. Montufar says of him: * Un joven como de 25 anos, sin nin-
guna educacion, ni conocimientos de ningun j6nero, pues no conocia siquiera
el abecedario. Los primeros anos de su vida los emple6, ya de sirviente
domestico, ya de apacentador de cerdos, ya de peon en los trabajos de
campo.' The same authority refers to Milla's eulogies of Carrera, where
the words occur, 'Carrera d pesar de su falta de educacion, y de los hdbitos
de la vida del campo,' which might have secured for Milla lodgings in the
dungeons of the castle of Guatemala. The same writer repeats the assertion
often made against the Jesuit Paul, later bishop of Panama, and raised to the
position of archbishop of Bogotd, that he said at Carrera's death, in his
funeral oration, that the man whose corpse was descending into the tomb was
on the right side of God the father. All repentant villains are given some such
post-mortem place by sympathizing ministers of the gospel.
126 CIVIL WAE.
seemed to have been a believer of the Hes they had cir-
culated. After he became powerful, they and their
allies, the so-called nobles, humored his idiosyncrasies,
and often had to put up with his insults and abuse.
He had upon them the heel of insane revolt. ^^
** In the early days they assured the Indians that he was their protecting
angel Rafael, and resorted to tricks to favor the delusion. Squier's Travels, ii.
429-30.
CHAPTER VII.
DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
1837-1840.
Campaign against Careera — Several Departments op Guatemala in
Eebellion — Jefe Galvez Deposed — Carrera Takes Guatemala —
Murder of Salazar— Carrera Accepts Money to Leave the City
— Dictatorship Offered Morazan by the Aristocrats and Refused
— Carrera's Second Rebellion — The Republic in Peril — Morazan's
Efforts to Save It — Nicaragua and Honduras Forces Invade
Salvador — Morazan Defeats Them — His Retreat to San Salvador
— He Embarks — Is Refused Hospitality in Costa Rica — Goes to
South America— The Republic is Dead— Salvador at the Mercy
OF Carrera.
Only a week after the success of the insurgents on
the field of Ambehs, a numerous armed force was sent
against them by the government, which achieved
victory near Mataquescuintla.^ The revolution might
have ended here but for the excesses of the govern-
ment troops, which roused the Indians, and rendered
reconciliation impossible.^ Henceforth the war was
one of races. Carrera, upheld as he was by the
priests, found no difficulty, in his visits from village to
village, to induce the native population to join the
revolt, which, notwithstanding the triumphant lan-
guage of the military ofiicers in their reports — calling
the rebels cowards and themselves intrepid and in-
^On the 15th of June. Marure, Efem.y 4L Gen. Carrascosa's report of
his victory, with details, in Moniufar, Resena Hist. , ii. 356-9.
' Among the sufferers was Carrera's wife, which circumstance, it is said ,
awakened in him an implacable hatred. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 226; Growers
Gospel^ 142. Montgomery, Guat., 144, states that Carrera was then command-
ing a few men of the military cordon established because of the epidemic,
which he induced to rebel.
(137)
128 DISSOLUTION OF THE E-EPUBLIC.
vincible — was fast spreading. Carefully avoiding
encounters with the regular army, Carrera succeeded
in getting together a large force, which, though raw
and undisciplined, often surprised and defeated detach-
ments of the regulars, seeking a refuge when pursued
in the inaccessible mountain fastnesses.^
To make matters worse, the departments of Saca-
tepequez, Chiquimula, and Salamd declared them-
selves independent of the government, and the rebels
of the first district,* concentrating at La Antigua,
threatened to attack the capital. In the latter place
a division had occurred in the liberal party,^ some of
whose members from this time sided with the serviles;
which circumstance made it more difficult to place
the city of Guatemala in a proper state of defence.
A mutiny of the federal troops in the city ^ increased
the danger, but it soon was quelled with the execution
of the ringleader. On the 27th of January, 1838,^
Galvez despatched the vice-president, Jose Gregorio
Salazar, and the secretary of relations, Miguel Al-
varez, as commissioners, to confer with General Car-
rascosa, the commander of the rebel forces, and bring
about an amicable arrangement. The commissioners
signed at Guarda Viejo^ a convention containing the
' The hostilities now carried on partook more of the character of highway-
robbery than of orthodox war, both parties being plundered; but the liberals
were the greater sufiferers.
*The provisional government constituted at La Antigua placed itself
under the protection of the federal authorities. Marure, Efem,, 42.
* The division was created by Jos6 Francisco Barrundia. It is said that
he joined the discontented because the jefe Galvez refused him a high office
for one of his relatives. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 227. But looking over the
correspondence that passed between them in June 18H7, the conclusion is
that the cause of the disagreement was not a personal one. Barrundia op-
posed the convocation of the assembly to an extra session, and all the decrees
enacted by it. The correspondence produced much sensation. Galvez ended
accusing Barrundia of having adopted, when he was president of the repub-
lic, some measures similar to those he had now censured. The most serious
charge against Barrundia was his persecution of Padre Rojas, to which the
former answered that the priest had been at the head of the insurgents who
proclaimed the Spanish domination on the Atlantic coast, and though out-
lawed for that ofiFence, was not executed. Montufai\ Resena Hist., ii. 377-407.
*The battalion La Concordia mutinied on the 2Gth of January.
^Stephens, loc. cit., places these events in February, but he is evidently
mistaken. Marure, Efem., 43, gives the 29th of Jan. as the date,
8 At 4 p. M. of Jan. 28, 1838. Id., ii. 543.
ATTACK ON GUATEMALA. 12&
following stipulations: 1st, resignation of Galvez; 2d,
occupation of the capital by the forces of Sacatepe-
quez; 3d, the forces in the capital to go out, and place
themselves under the orders of General Morazan ; 4th,
the forces of Sacatepequez to guarantee the persons
and property of all; 5th, the commissioners would
arrange the manner of evacuating the city; 6th, upon
the ratification of these clauses, they were to be car-
ried out within twenty-four hours. Nothing was
done, however,^ and after four hours' waiting, Carras-
cosa continued his march toward the gate of Buena-
vista, where he met the government commissioners,
who assured him, wdth great mortification, that the
convention had not been ratified. ^^
Sacatepequez' force, 800 strong, entered the capital
during the night of the 29th of January, from the
Calvario side, reaching the plazuela de San Francisco,
afterward known as plaza de la Concordia. The roar
of artillery apprised the inhabitants at 1 o'clock in
the morning that the struggle had begun. Generals
Prem and Gorris, colonels. Yanez, Arias, Mariscal,
Cerda, and C6rdoba, and the other officers of the
garrison, made a stout defence. Their troops, though
inferior in number, were for their discipline 'more effi-
cient than their assailants, who were mostly raw
recruits. It was quite evident that Carrascosa and
his colleague Carballo would waste their effi^rts unless
they were strongly reenforced. But the opponents of
Galvez were resolved to depose him,^^ even if they
had to make use of Carrera to accomplish their pur-
pose. It was a fatal thought. '
Jose F. Barrundia was authorized by President Mo-
^ Galvez well knew of the relations existing between Carrera and the revo-
lutionists of La Antigua. The convention of Guarda-Viejo would have saved
the situation. Had the forces of the city, consisting of 411 men, been placed
under Morazan, they with those of Sacatepequez would have been too strong-
for Carrera, and he would not have entertained the idea that a powerful party
looked to him for aid.
^•^ Full details appear in Gen. Carrascosa's correspondence given in Montu-
far, Besena Hist., ii. 589-97.
^^ Among them were Miguel Garcia Granados, the brothers Arrivillaga>
and their relations the Zepedas, together with the Barrundias,
HiBT. QsjXT. Am., Vol. HI. 9
130 DISSOLUTION OF THE EEPUBLIC.
razan to enter into peaceable negotiations with Carrera,
and the clergymen Jose Maria de Castilla, Manuel
Maria Zecena, and Jose Vicente Orantes. Barrundia,
together with Manuel Arrivillaga, started for the
hacienda of La Vega to confer with Carrera; but at
Ojo de Agua they ascertained that he was at Mata-
quescuintla, and declined to hold any conferences, and
yet an arrangement with other opponents had been
signed at Santa Rosa. This document, which was
shown by Father Duran to Barrundia, stipulated the
immediate coming of a bishop, the abolition of the
code and of other liberal measures decreed by Barrun-
dia, and that Carrera should become the commander
of the reform forces, or in other words, the arbiter
of the country, which was what the clergy wanted.
Barrundia was indignant, but he had to submit and
keep calm, else he might lose his life. He merely
said that the arrangement needed some discussion,
which might lead to the adoption of some amend-
ments. Duran had not worked to promote Barrun-
dia's nor Molina's ideas, but his own interests. He
coolly replied that the matter had been well consid-
ered, and admitted of no changes.
Barrundia wrote Carrera, asking for an interview to
explain Morazan's views, but Carrera appeared angry
;at the mention of Morazan's name, and declined the
invitation, saying that the time for negotiations had
passed, and that his march against Guatemala was in
order. ^^ He became much mollified on receiving from
La Antigua a request for his cooperation,^^ and was
now satisfied that the fate of the country was in his own
hands. Three days after Carrascosa's failure, Carrera
^^ He was in all this affair guided by the priests. Barrundia was accused
throughout Central America of having brought about Carrera's invasion of the
capital. The serviles, who were responsible for all Carrera's iniquities, have
endeavored to place some of the odium on that patriot, who had nothing to do
with it. Indeed, had Barrundia gone to Carrera's headquarters, he would
probably have been shot. Montufar, Resefia Hist., ii. 573; Squier's Travels,
ii. 432.
^ The chiefs of Sacatepequez had become convinced of their inability to take
the city, or even to properly besiege it.
CARREKA TAKES THE CAPITAL. 131
joined him with a numerous force of Indians, and after
some fruitless negotiations, marched into the city on
the 1st of February,^^ at the head of about 10,000
men, women, and children, the troops of the govern-
ment having retreated in an opposite direction. The
result of this was that Galvez ceased to be the jefe of
the state, and was succeeded by the vice-jefe, Pedro
Valenzuela.^^
The entry of Carrera's hordes into Guatemala might
well create consternation. Outlaws and robbers were
among the leaders; the soldiers were in rags,^^ and
equipped with a variety of arms, -from the rusty
musket down to clubs, and knives secured at the end
of long poles, while others carried sticks shaped like
muskets, with tin-plate locks. Conspicuous among
the mass of followers were thousands of women hav-
ing bags to carry away the booty, and who gazed with
amazement on the fine houses.^^ Shouting 'Viva la
religion! Mueran los extranjeros!' the invaders en-
tered the main plaza. After a few hours the work of
rapine began. ^^ No regard was paid by Carrera and
i*Dunlop, Cent. Am.., 198, and Crowe, Gospel, 143, erroneously say it was
on the 30th of January.
^^Marure, Efem., 43, places this event on the 2d of Feb., 1838.
^''Carrera himself is described as having on a pair of coarse frieze trousers,
and a fine coat with gold embroidery belonging to Gen. Prem, which had been
taken by Monreal. For a chapeau the new general wore a woman's hat with
a green veil, the property of Preni's wife, who was known as La Colombiana.
In lieu of decorations Carrera had on his breast a number of 'escapulariosdel
Carmen,' symbolizing the religion he had come to protect. Mont'dfar, Resefia
Hist., ii. 574.
^^ It seems that a large portion of the men and women had never seen a
city before.
13 The physician Quirino Flores, who belonged to the opposition party,
and was an intimate friend of Carrascosa and Carballo, believing that his
house would be a place of safety, induced the vice-president and his family to
use it. It so happened that a small force of Galvez entered the house, fired
upon the invaders from the windows and retired. The men fired upon were not
of the force from La Antigua, but some of Carrera's savage horde, called from
that time ' cachurecos, ' who rushed into the house, fired upon the family, wound-
ing one of the women and a child, and killing Jos6 Gregorio Salazar, the vice-
president. Salazar was born in San Salvador in 1793, and had two brothers,
Cd,rlos, the general, and Francisco, who as a captain was killed in action on
the 23d of June, 1834. Jos6 Gregorio Salazar was one of the leaders in whom
Morazan reposed the highest trust. As senator, president of the senate, jefe
of Salvador, vice-president of the republic, and acting executive at such
times as Morazan assumed personal command of the troops, Salazar unswerv-
ingly supported progressive principles. His portrait shows a fine and intelli-
132 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
his hordes to the wishes of the vice-jefe Valenzuela,
who had asked that only the force from La Antigua
should occupy the plaza.
The leader of the opposition urged Carrera to leave
the city ; but he manifested much indignation at such
a request, and several of his chiefs refused compliance.
Carrera himself wanted to sack the city/^ and it was
only with great effort that he was prevented. In
lieu of pillage he was given $11,000/° $10,000 for his
troops and $1,000 for himself. He was also flattered
with the commission of lieutenant-colonel and the
appointment of comandante of Mita. A number of
those who had defended the city having voluntarily
joined the Sacatepequez force, Carrascosa was now
better able to meet emergencies. He at once, by
order of the vice-jefe, made known to Carrera that
the interests of the public service demanded that he
should repair to Mita and take charge of the coman-
dancia there. He made no resistance, and went away
w^ith his horde,^^ the inhabitants again breathing
freely for a time.^^ Thus were the serviles balked
once more. Carrera was sent away from Guatemala,
Valenzuela remaining in charge of the state execu-
tive. Morazan was at San Salvador recognized as
the chief magistrate of the republic, and Vijil held
the executive office of that gallant little state.
gent face. The murder of the vice-president, instead of calling for execration
on the part of the priests, Duran, Lobo, Nicolds Arellano, Antonio Gonzalez,
and others, only brought out their diatribes against the victim. Id.y 576-9.
^'It was found at first difficult to elicit a satisfactory answer from him.
The pillaging, though not officially decreed, had been carried on mostly in the
houses of foreigners. Charles Savage, U. S. consul at Guatemala, has been
highly praised for his intrepidity in protecting from the infuriated Indians
the foreign residents and their property. Montgomery's Ouat. , 146; Stephens'
Cent. Am.,L 233-4.
^° There being no money in the treasury, it was borrowed from private
persons. Stephens* Cent. Am., i. 227 et seq., copied by Larenaudi6re, Mexi-
que et Guat., 298-9. The facts appear in the records of the asamblea.
^^ Had he resisted, the reenforced troops of La Antigua would in all prob-
ability have defeated his undisciplined rabble. This would not have suited
Father Duran and the other priests, who expected their own triumph through
Carrera's success. Those same priests aided Barrundia and Valenzuela to rid
the city of himself acid his men. Montufar, Besena Hist., ii. 584.
^^ The priest who seemed to exercise the greatest influence on Carrera was
named Lobo, a man of dissolute character, who always accompanied him as a
sort of counsellor.
MORAZAN VERSUS CARRERA. 133
Carrera and his supporters continued, however,
their menaces, creating no little alarm, which was
quieted on receipt of the tidings that Morazan was
marching toward Guatemala with 1,500 men. On
his arrival he found not only that the serviles had
been deriving advantages from the disturbed political
situation, but that the western departments of Los
Altos, namely, Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, and So-
lold, had declared themselves, on the 2d of February,
a separate state under an independent government. ^^
Without interfering with those arrangements, Mo-
razan endeavored to secure by peaceful means the
submission of Carrera, or rather, the disbanding of his
force; failing in which, he opened, on the 30th of
March, the campaign against him. Three months
of military operations ensued, the federal arms being
victorious at every encounter, but without obtaining
any definitive result, for the enemy defeated in one
place rallied in another, continually increasing in num-
bers, and never crushed.^ Morazan returned at last
to Guatemala, where in the mean time servile influence
had become predominant.^'^ The most strenuous 'ef-
forts, even to fulsome sycophancy, were used by the
^^ Los Altos, Jfanif. Document., 1-28. The federal congress ratified the
separation on the 5th of June, 1838; the departments were, however, rein-
corporated a year after. Marure, Efem., 43; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 198; Asta-
buruaga, Cent. Am., 28. Montiifar, Resena Hist., iii. 9-23, furnishes a
detailed account of the events preceding and following the separation. The
provisional government then established was a triumvirate formed by Marcelo
Molina, Jos6 M. Galvez, and Jos^ A. Aguilar.
2* Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 239-42, details some of the military movements,
which are not of sufiScient interest to reproduce here. Marure, Efem., 43-4,
says that Morazan attacked the rebels on the hill of Mataquescuintla; 'pero
despues de tres meses de combates, marchas, contramarchas, y todo g^nero de
maniobras, el ej^rcito de operaciones tiene que replegarse d la capital. . .sin
haberse adelantado nada en la paciiicacion de aquellos pueblos.'
'^^On the 18th of June, 1838, the vice-jefe Valenzuela, and the deputies Pedro
Molina, Josd Gdndara, Jos(S F. Barrundia, Bernardo Escobar, Pedro Amaya,
Felipe Molina, and Mariano Padilla, laid a paper before the federal congress
on the war and its consequences. In this document they say, among other
things, that it had been moved in the asamblea of Guatemala to authorize the
restoration of the archbishop and of the religious orders, to abolish divorce,
and to declare void the decrees of 1829, 'decretos que sostuvieron entonces
la revolucion en favor de las instituciones y de la libertad.' They accuse the
serviles of perversely attempting to render the representatives of liberalism
and progress hateful in the eyes of the ignorant populace. Montufar, Resena
Hist., iii. 47.
134 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
serviles to win him to their side, and to prevail on him
to accept the dictatorship.^^
The president returned in July to Sail Salvador to
quell a revolt. A few weeks later, on the 20th of
tfuly, 1838, the eleventh and last federal congress of
Central America, presided over by Basilio Porras,
closed its session.^^ Subsequent efforts to bring it
again into life proved unavailing, and from this time
the dismemberment of the republic made rapid prog-
ress. Two days after the adjournment of congress,
on the 22d, the state government of Guatemala was
also dissolved, and was temporarily intrusted to the
federal authorities,^^ though the executive office finally
was assumed by Mariano Rivera Paz, as president of
the. council, which satisfied the people, and peace was
unbroken, it being understood that a constituent
assembly would be summoned at once.
As soon as Morazan was at some distance from
Guatemala on his way to San Salvador, Carrera, the
supposed beaten rebel leader, for whose capture a lib-
2* Arguments, cajolery, entertainments, and every other possible means
were employed to induce him to swerve from the principles he had always
upheld. Barrundia looked aghast on their proceedings, and describing them,
says it is imposible to realize *el envilecimiento, la miseria ruin de este partido
noble aristocrdtico. ' The haughty patricians, represented by Pa von, Batres,
Aycinena, and their confreres, fawned at his feet, covered him with flowers,
disgusted him with their flattery, feasted him to satiety, and patiently bore
his contemptuous rebufis as long as they hoped to win him over. After their
failure, sarcasm, ridicule, and abuse were heaped upon him and his name.
Had Morazan 's morals been equal to those of the serviles, he might have ac-
cepted the dictatorship, assumed the full powers, and then crushed them;
but he was an honest man, who always acted in good faith. Id., 175-9.
2^ On the 30th of May it passed an act declaring the states free to con-
stitute themselves as they might deem best, preserving, however, the popular
representative form of government. This amendment to the 12th art. of the
constitution of 1824 was accepted by all the states, excluding the restrictions
contained in the federal decree of June 9, 1838, which was rejected by a
majority of the legislatures. Marure, Efem.y 44-5. The federal congress
passed, on the 7th of July, 1838, an act as follows: 'The federated states of
Cent. Am. are, and by right should be, sovereign, free, and independent po-
litical bodies.' Guat., Recop. Leyes^ i. 69.
2^ It was the spontaneous act of the citizens of the capital, who, in view of
the progress made by the rebels of Mita, deemed it necessary to provide for
their own safety. Valenzuela resigned, on the 23d, the executive office into
the hands of the asamblea. Marure, EJfem., 45; Montufar, Resena Hist, iii.
181-5. Crowe, Gospel, 144, attributes to Morazan the authorship of the act
adopted by the citizens.
SALAZAR DEFEATS CARRERA. 135
eral reward had been offered/"^ began to show signs of
rallying. He gathered a numerous force, with which,
about the middle of August, he defeated the federal
troops, first at Jalapa and next at Petapa. He then,
unresisted, took possession of La Antigua, a portion of
which was pillaged, and forthwith started on his march
for Guatemala.^^ A general clamor for Morazan was
aroused ; but it was impossible for him to reach Guate-
mala in time, and the danger was imminent that Car-
rera w^ould not only take the city, but also carry out
his threats of burning every house in it. In this
emergency. General Carlos Salazar, with, the garrison
of 900 men, sallied forth, and aided by a thick fog,
surprised Carrera at Villanueva, where the latter was
concentrating his forces, now about 2,400 strong, with
the plunder secured at La Antigua. A battle ensued,
the bloodiest that occurred in 1837 or 1838, and Car-
rera was routed,^^ with the loss of 350 killed and 24
prisoners, one of whom was the notorious Father
Duran, the representative and agent of the aristocrats
near the person of Carrera ;^^ besides giving up a
number of federal prisoners and losing three pieces
of artillery, 305 muskets, and a large number of other
^On the 20th of July, 1838, he was required to give himself up; failing to
do so, a reward was offered for his apprehension, alive or dead— ^1,500 and
two caballerias of land, besides a full pardon for any offences against the laws
his captor or captors might have committed. Stephens* Cent. Am., i. 242.
2°Squier, Travels, ii. 435, says that Carrera entered Guatemala; he prob-
ably meant Old Guatemala, or La Antigua. Carrera, at Jalapa, had 2,000
men, while his opponent, Col Manuel Bonilla, had about 500. The latter
were nearly annihilated. The few oflficers and soldiers who escaped with
life found refuge in Salvador territory. Carrera's excesses at this time knew
no bounds. He not only ravished women, but amused himself cutting off their
tresses and ears. Some of these earless women entered the city of Guatemala,
and their stories produced great indignation. Montvfar, Resena hist.y iii. 204;
Marure, Efem. , 45.
^^ This action took place early in the morning of Sept. 11th. Salazar at
once despatched a courier to Guatemala with the news of his success, which
caused the utmost joy. Montufar, Resena Hist, iii. 206-8; Marure, Efem.y
46. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 201, asserts that no mercy was shown by the federal
troops in this encounter. By a decree of Sept. 13, 1838, pensions were granted
to the wounded, and to the widows and orphans of the slain federals. Badges
of honor were also conferred on the survivors. Ouat. , Recop. Leyes, ii. 636-7.
''^This man's life was then spared, but some time afterward he was shot,
for which the serviles called Morazan a murderer. Montufar, Resena Hist,
iii. 208.
136 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
arms, besides ammunition. A portion of the defeated
forces fled to La Antigua, and a smaller one joined the
rebel Mangandi, who had 500 men. The latter, being
ignorant of Carrera's mishap, approached Guatemala
on the 11th, at 10 o'clock in the morning, causing no
little commotion; but on learning of his leader's defeat,
he retired to the mountains. The war might have
ended here had the victors followed up their success;
but petty annoyances prevented Salazar from doing
so, and he threw up his command in disgust,^^ though
he was afterward induced to resume it.
The greater part of the clergy friendly to Carrera
never forsook him. It was not so wdth the aristocrats,
Manuel Pavon, Luis Batres, and Pedro and Juan
Jose Aycinena, who feared at times that they could
not control him. After his defeat at Villanueva they
called him an ^antrop6fago sediento de sangre hu-
mana.'^* At that time they asked the vicar-general,
Larrazdbal, to fulminate censures against Carrera,
which he did.^^ Friar Bernardo Pinol also railed
against him from the pulpit in the cathedral.^^ How-
ever, not long afterward Carrera was called from that
same pulpit 4iijo predilecto del Altisimo.'
The lack of energy on the part of the authorities
after the afiair of Villanueva^' enabled Carrera to re-
2^ His resignation was made before the body of his officers, which im-
plied a disregard of the authority of the government. The officers eluded
all responsibility, alleging that they had nothing to do with his resignation.
The government then revoked the extraordinary powers conferred on him
two months previously. Marure, Efem., 46.
'*In the Ohservador and the Ap6ndice.
^^ Exhortacion cristiana que el vicario capitular. . .dirige d los pueblos, etc.,
17 p.
^* Text of his funeral oration on the 14th of Sept. in honor of the" slain on
the government side at Villanueva, in MovMfar, hesefia Hist., iii. 216-21.
^^ Jos6 Francisco Barrundia, who fought in that action, said: ' He [Carrera]
•could have been captured or annihilated had he been forthwith pursued; but
no advantage was derived from such a glorious victory, and in a few days
vaiidalism became again menacing.' Salazar was blamed, Montiifar thinks
unjustly. According to him, the victorious troops were not in condition to
pursue. This authority, partly on the testimony of Gen. Carballo, lays the
blame on Rivera Paz, who had no interest in destroying a faction on which
his party relied in the emergency of Morazan refusing his aid to the scrviles.
Morazan, on the 24th of Oct., declared martial law in portions of Guate-
mala, peremptorily refused to listen to the proposals of the recalcitrants, and
marched to Guatemala, leaving the government in charge of the vice-prcsi-
CAERERA AGAIN DEFEATED. 137
organize his forces, with which he made a successful
raid, in the latter part of October, against Ahuacha-
pan and Santa Ana,^ returning afterward to Guate-
mala, when, on the 4th of November, he was attacked
in Chiquimulilla bj Colonel Carballo, defeated, and
driven back to the mountain recesses of Mita.^^ Mo^
razan had in the mean time concentrated forces in
Guatemala, and aided Carballo's operations by march-
ing against the Indian chieftain from a northern di-
rection. But all efforts to crush the enemy failed,
though the federal troops were everywhere victorious ;
many of Carrera^s followers were taken and shot, but
he alwa3^s managed to escape.*^ This w^arfare, or
rather chase, was kept up nearly two months. At
last a capitulation was concluded, on the 23d of De-
cember, at Kinconcito. Carrera and his followers
were to surrender their arms *^ and recognize the gov-
ernment, which in turn w^as to confirm the former in
his office of comandante of the district of Mita, and
respect the lives and property of its inhabitants.^^
Thus was Carrera a second time given a legal stand-
ing. General Guzman, who treated with him, seemed
to place on the treacherous and barbarous mountaineer
the same faith as if he were a civilized man and a re-
specter of treaty stipulations.*^ The agreement was
not carried out by Carrera, for he delivered only a
small portion of useless arms, and kept his force under
the pretext that the safety of his , district demanded
dent, Diego Vijil, whom congress had chosen to succeed the murdered Sala-
zar. Id., 223-6.
5^ His hordes committed all sorts of outrages in these departments of Sal-
vador. Bah'undia, in El Progreso of S. Sal v., 1850, no. 3.
^'*Les caus6 un descalabro de entidad la division del coronel Carballo.'
Marure, Efem., 46.
*° Once he was almost starved to death on the top of a mountain, sui
rounded at its base by a large force; but owing to some neglect he escaped.
"Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 244, erroneously has it that the delivery was to
be of only 1,000 muskets.
*2 The president of the republic ratified the agreement on the 25th of Dec.
**The fact was that the arrangement at Rinconeito was prompted to Gen.
Agustin Guzman by Manuel Pavon, whom he believed to be a friend that
would give him nothing but honorable advice. He had good reason at a later
date to think differently, when he was taken into Guatemala in rags, tied on
a mule, as a trophy of Carrera's success. Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 228-9.
138 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
it. The government not only had the weakness to
enter into this arrangement, but also that of not en-
forcing its fulfilment to the letter. This rendered
the renewal of hostilities but a question of time.
I have mentioned the congressional decree of May
30, 1838, granting the states the privilege of acting
as best suited their views. This was tantamount to
a dissolution of the union ; and when Morazan's second
presidential term expired, on the 1st of February,
1839/* not even an outward tie remained to hold to-
gether the several states. Morazan, and he alone, did
not relinquish all hope of restoring the republic, and
without delivering up an office which had ceased to
exist, the strife was continued under his leadership.
His efforts, supported by force though they were, met
with resistance on the part of Nicaragua and Hon-
duras, united by a treaty of alliance since January
18, 1839, which had been entered into for the pur-
pose of maintaining the independence and sovereignty
of the two states.^^ Similar agreements were made
in the following months between nearly all the other
states, always protesting a willingness to form a fed-
eral convention of the Central American states, but
opposing the idea of confederation.*^
**After that Diego Vijil represented the unity in the federal district as
vice-president. The conventicle of the four nobles, Pavon, Batres, and the
two Aycinenas, had, however, during Rivera Paz's rule in Guatemala, arranged
matters to their own satisfaction, in order to break up the union, having at
their disposal the requisite number of municipal districts. Their emissaries
supported the separation in Honduras and Nicaragua. Costa Rica was gov-
erned by Carrillo, a declared foe to Central American nationality. They were
now working with Riviera Paz's successor, Gen. Cdrlos Salazar, with almost a
certainty of carrying their point. Salazar was a good soldier, but as a poli-
tician, without guile, and easily deceived, /dl., 241-3.
*^ And also to protect other states against all interference on the part of
th*e late federal government. Full text of the convention in Cent. Am. Con-
stitutions, no. 4, 1-5. By virtue of this arrangeraen'^, the combined forces of
the two states invaded Salvador. Marure^Efem., 47. This treaty brought
about Morazan's ruin, and the disruption of the federal union. Francisco
Ferrera, commander of the forces of Honduras, himself made it known to
Carrera, and it prompted the latter's rebellion on the 24th of March, 1839,
and his march against Guatemala. It enabled Pavon, Batres, and the Ayci-
nenas to take Carrera in triumph into that city on the 13th of Apr., 1839.
*^The jefe of Guatemala, on the 17th of April, 1839, declared the federal
compact dissolved, and the resumption by the state of its absolute sovereignty.
This declaration was ratified by the constituent assembly on the 14th of June
FIGHTING IN SALVADOR. 139
A conciliatory spirit, to bring to an end the war
against Salvador, and to act as mediator, was effected
in these treaties ; but it had no influence for good,
and the hostilities continued between Nicaragua and
Honduras on the one part, and Salvador on the other.
Troops of the two former states entered Salvador ter-
ritory in March 1839, and surprising a federal party
at the crossings of the Lempa Kiver, called Xicaral
and Petacones, took without resistance the town of
San Vicente; but having advanced to the heights of
Xiboa, were repulsed and beaten by Colonel Narciso
Benitez.*^ The allies were signally defeated at Espi-
ritu Santo, near the Lempa, by the Salvadorans, called
federals, under Morazan, on the 6th of April.^^
Equally successful were Morazan's operations during
the rest of the year. His officers invaded Honduras,
took the capital and Tegucigg>lpa, and routed the allies
in several encounters.*^
of the same year. Guat. on the 11th of May entered into a treaty of amity
and alliance with Honduras; on the 5th of June, 24th of July, and 1st of Aug.,
made similar treaties with Salv., Nic, and Costa R., respectively. July 1st,
Hond. and Costa R. for the first time made a treaty of friendship and alliance
as sovereign states. Aug. 10th was signed at Quezaltenango the first treaty
of a similar nature between the new state of Los Altos and Salv. Marure,
Efem., 48-50. Costa Rica had in Nov. 1838 assumed the plenitude of her
sovereignty. In obedience to a decree of Braulio Carrillo, the supreme chief
of the state, dated Aug. 4, 1838, her representatives and senators had left
their seats in the federal congress. The state recognized its share of the fed-
eral debt and paid it at once. Carrillo's decree shows that the Costa Ricans
were dissatisfied with the inequality of their representation in the national
lower house, where Guatemala had 19 more deputies than Nicaragua, 17 more
than Honduras, 15 more than Salvador, and 23 more than Costa Rica, which
had only four representatives in the ' congreso, ' as the lower house was called.
The representation in the senate was equal to that of the other states; but if
the latter chamber refused its sanction to any bill adopted, the former could,
Tinder the 83d art. of the constitution, make it a law by three fourths of the
votes present. Thus was Costa Rica made a nonentity in the legislative body.
There were other reasons for complaint. By a good management of her
finances, Costa Rica always had available resources, and punctually paid her
contingent to the national treasury La money. She was therefore taxed
while virtually without representation. Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 266-73,
310, 313-41.
*^ It was a force from Leon, under Col B. Mendez, who had entered by the
frontier of San Miguel. Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 292-3.
*^ The allied commander was Francisco Ferrera, an Hondureno, who had
been connected with the incendiaries of Comayagua. This victory was mainly
due to Morazan's daring. He was seriously wounded in the right arm. Col
Benitez, who was a Colombian, was slain. Mature, Efem., 48; Montufar,
Resena Hist., iii. 293-5.
** Brigadier Cabanas occupied the capital Aug. 28th. He defeated the Hon-
140 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
But affairs underwent a change against him early in
the following year. A joint force of Nicaraguans and
Hondurans, under Manuel Quijano,^^ attacked the
federals under Cabanas at the hacienda del Potrero,
on the 31st of January, 1840, and forced them to leave
the state of Honduras.^^ A formidable servile coali-
tion was being formed against Morazan. Nicaragua
was resolved to drive this jefe of Salvador from the
executive chair. Honduras, under Jduregui, was con-
trolled by Quijano's sword. Los Altos had become
again a department of Guatemala, which was subject
to Carrera's will. This chieftain, in his pronuncia-
miento of March 24, 1839, had avowed his intention
to champion the sovereignty of the several states as
concordant with his own ideas.^^ Morazan thought
the situation might be saved with an extraordinarily
bold move, attacking the serviles in their headquar-
ters, and made preparation to bring matters to a final
issue in the city of Guatemala. The serviles, on their
part, pursuing their aim of overthrowing Morazan,
entered into a league with Carrera, and invited him
to take possession of Guatemala.
Morazan convoked the assembly of Salvador, and
caused the vice-jefe, Silva, to assume the executive
office of the state, in order to enable himself to take
command of the forces for the campaign in Guate-
mala, which at first amounted to 900 men. He- was
afterward joined by many who had been persecuted
by the aristocrats, who pledged themselves to con-
durans at Cuesta Grande Sept. 6th, and then entered Tegucigalpa. On the
25th, after quelling a revolt which took place on the 16th, in San Salvador,
Morazan was again victorious at San Pedro Perulapan with 600 Salvadorans
over a double force of Hondurans and Nicaraguans, who, under Ferrera, had
entered that town on their way to San Salvador, to destroy the 'simulacro de
gobierno federal que existia aun en aquella capital.' Cabanas triumphed
again at Soledad on Nov. 13th. Marure, Efem.y 48-51; Moniufar, Reseiia
Hist., iii. 354-6, 446.
60 Ferrera was without a command for some time, owing to his continual
defeats. Quijano was another ' notabilidad del partido servil aristocrdtico. '
^' Cabailas' official report of Feb. 3d from San Antonio del Sauce says
that the enemy's force being superior, he had resolved to retire to San Miguel
in Salv. Montufar, Rcsena Hist., iii. 451-2.
^■^ Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 245, quaintly remarks, ' It must have been quite
new to him, and a satisfaction to find out what principles he sustained. '
TRIUMPH AND DEFEAT OF MORAZAN. HI
quer or perish at his side, and faithfully carried out
the promise.^^ Morazan marched upon the city of
Guatemala, and his movement created the greatest
alarm when he neared Corral de Piedra. Consterna-
tion then seized the serviles.^* Preparations were
made, however, for defence. All men capable of bear-
ing arms were called to the service,^^ and Carrera
established his headquarters at Aceituno, his plan
being to catch the men of Salvador between the forti-
fications of the city and his own force.^'^ The plan
failed. Morazan entered the city on the 1 8th of March
at sunrise, by the Buenavista gate, and after some
fighting, made himself master of it, and of all the
defences.*^^ Liberals who were in the prisons were
set free. Among them was General Agustin Guz-
man, whom Carrera had outrageously treated, confin-
ing him shackled in a dungeon. Guzman hailed the
victor who returned him to freedom, but was unable to
afford any aid; the shackles had made him a cripple.
The numerous prisoners taken were all treated with
every kindness. Such had always been his practice.
However, it was not destined that he should enjoy his
victory. Carrera attacked him on the next day — the
19th — and after a fight of twenty-two hours, com-
pelled Morazan to retreat.^ His forces had been shat-
53 Among them were Mariscal and Del Rio. War had been declared be-
tween Guatemala and Salvador. The fiction of Atescatempa, Carrera's procla-
mations against Morazan the chief magistrate of Sal v. , the movement of the
16th of Sept., 1839, against the lawful authorities of Salvador prompted and
aided by Carrera, the destruction of Los Altos the friend and ally of Sal v.,
and many other causes, constituted a real state of war. Montufar^ Eesena
Hist., iii. 456.
5* Their head men sought refuge with the nuns of La Concepcion.
5^ Made up exclusively of Indians, as Carrera wanted no white soldiers or
officers. Stephens' Cent. Am., a. 111.
5^ The worshippers of Carrera have said that he intentionally allowed
Morazan to enter the city, with the view of besieging him, which is absurd.
The city was full of war material, and was plentifully supplied with meat.
" His officers who distinguished themselves in the operations were Gen-
erals Cabanas and Rivas, colonels Antonio Eivera Cabezas and Ignacio Ma-
lespin, and Lieut-col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas.
&8 Carrera's official report is dated at Guatemala on the 23d of March. He
does not speak of the assassination of Col Sanchez, Morazan's aide-de-camp,
by order of his brother, Sotero Carrera; nor of the wanton massacre of many
others; nor of the maltreatment of women, followers of the Salvadoran camp,
which caused the French consul to raise his voice in protest. Carrera gave
142 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
tered at the Calvario, The number of assailants, known
as cachurecos, was overwhehiiing.^^ At 4 o'clock in
the morning he left the city by the plaza de Guada-
lupe with upwards of 400 men, and was far away
before the escape became known. No pursuit of the
fugitives was attempted. ^°
On arriving at San Salvador, Morazan found the
tables turned against him. He was openly insulted
in the streets; and becoming convinced that it would
be impossible to raise a new army and continue the
war, he concluded to cease the struggle and leave the
country. He accordingly called a meeting and made
known the necessity of such a course in order to save
the state from anarchy. On the 5th of April he em-
barked at La Libertad upon the schooner Izalco, to-
gether with Vice-president Vijil and thirty-five of his
supporters.^^ The vessel reached Puntarenas, where
the chief of Costa Kica, Braulio Carrillo, who had
congratulated Guatemala on the defeat of Morazan,
refused him residence in the state, though it was
granted to some of his companions.^^ Morazan and
full sway to his ferocious instincts on that day, taking the greatest delight in
butchering the vanquished. Many of the jDursued sought an asylum in the
house of Chatfield, the British consul, and a word from him on their behalf
would have saved their lives; but he did not utter it, and they were put to
death. Id., 460-7; Marure, Efem., 52.
^* Their hatred against Morazan was shown in their cries, accompanying
those of • Viva la religion ! Guanacos, entreguen d, ese canalla, entreguen 4
ese hereje; nosotros, defendemos d Dios y d, sus santos.' They called their op-
ponents 'guanacos, pirujos, malvados, ladrones,' and declared that they were
going to bring back the archbishop, and the friars who were sent away in
1829.
*° Stephens, 'vho was then on his way from San Salvador to Guatemala,
met the defeated troops, and in his Cent. Am,, ii. 69 et seq., gives a graphic
description.
^^ Miguel Alvarez Castro, Jos6 Miguel Saravia, Isidro Menendez, Cdrlos
Salazar, Maximo Orellana, Nicolds Angulo, Trinidad Cabaflas, Enrique Rivas,
Gerardo Barrios, Pedro Molina, with his sons Felipe and Jos(?, and his son-in-
law Manuel Irungaray, Antonio and Bernardo Rivera Cabezas, Jos6 M. Silva,
Mdximo, Tomds and Indalecio Cordero, Antonio Lazo, and others. Pedro
Molina refused to go at first, but was prevailed on by his sons and son-in-law,
who saw that his fate would be sealed if he remained. Montufar, Resena
Hist., iii. 484.
*' Pedro Molina and his sons Felipe and Jos6, Manuel Irungaray, Isidro
Menendez, Gen. Enrique Rivas, Doroteo Vasconcelos, Gerardo Barrios, Inda-
lecio Cordero, Jos6 Prado, Ddmaso Lonza, and others. They were made after-
ward the objects of abuse on the part of Carrillo and his coarse wife, Froilana
Carranza. Id., iii. 600-1.
FALL OF MORAZAN. ^ 143
his remaining companions continued their voyage to
South America, where he remained about two years.
After a time, touching at David, in Colombia, he
issued a stirring manifesto to the Central American
people.^^ He was the last champion of the ^Con-
federacion de Centro America,' whose establishment
had been greeted with so much joy on the 1st of July,
1823.
The governments of Nicaragua and Honduras,
which had promised Guatemala aid to resist Morazan,
on hearing of his downfall congratulated the victor on
the defeat of the * common enemy of all the states.'
They thought that with the fall of Morazan, Central
American nationality would be revived. They could
not yet see that they had been the dupes of the aris-
tocrats and their clerical allies in Guatemala, who,
while holding out the promise of reuniting Central
America, had been all along working for the -destruc-
tion of federal nationality.
After the departure of Morazan and Vijil, Anto-
nio Josd Canas, by virtue of his position as a council-
lor of state, assumed the rulership of Salvador, and
called the assembly to hold a special session. It was
expected that, Morazan being out of the way,^^ with
so honorable and upright a man as Canas at the head,
concord would be restored. But Salvador was still
the subject of abuses, and on the remonstrances of
Canas, the government of Guatemala despatched a
diplomatic mission to San Salvador. It was com-
posed of the former pig-driver Rafael Carrera, and
Joaquin Duran, and had for an attache Francisco
Malespin, a military officer whose sword had been dyed
in the best blood of Quezaltenango.^^ A convention
^July 16, 1841. He details the acts of the serviles, enemies of their
country's independence and freedom. Carrera's career of crime is also fully
discussed. Morazan, Mani/., in Id., 585-96; /cZ., in Cent. Am. Pap., no. 3.
^* The serviles had said that they waged war, not against Salvador, but
against Morazan.
^^ The embassy brought an escort of 200 men, and Salvador had to pay all
the expense. See the note of Minister Manuel Barberena to the minister-gen-
eral of Guatemala, dated May 18, 1840. Carrera was lodged in one of the
144 DISSOLUTION OF THE EEPUBLIC.
was concluded on the 13th of May, 1840, placing Sal-
vador at the mercy of Guatemala, Canas having to sub-
mit to the conditions imposed.^^ The most humiHat-
ing condition of the understanding was not mentioned
in the convention, namely, that the attachd Francisco
Malespin should remain in San Salvador, with the
office of comandante de armas. This treaty convinced
the people of Salvador that they could expect no favor
from the aristocracy of Guatemala, their implacable
foe.
best houses of Salvador, and his deportment clearly indicated what his early
training had been. His first diplomatic utterances were threats, and the gen-
eral conduct of himself and his soldiers was so abusive that the people of the
liberal district of Calvario in San Salvador finally resolved to fall upon and
annihilate them. Canas saw the danger, and called to it the attention of
Duran, who prevailed en his colleague to leave the state with his troops.
Mont'Afar, Resena Hist., iii. 487-8, 492.
*^The convention was signed by Joaquin Duran, secretary of the sup. gov.,
and Lieut-gen. Rafael Carrera, on the part of Guatemala, and by Manuel
Barberena and Juan Lacayo for Salvador. Under art. 1st Salvador was not
to have in office any man who had cooperated with Morazan. Art. 2d required
of Salvador to surrender to Guatemala a number of persons, named in a list
furnished, to be retained until Salvador should be fully reorganized. Art, 3d
forbids Salvador to permit the return to its territory of any of the persons who
went away with Morazan. Should any return, they must be given up to
Guatemala, as prescribed in the 2d article. Art, 4th and 7th refer to the re-
turn of certain armament and of prisoners of war taken in the action of 18th and
19th of March last. Art. 5th says that the constituent assembly of Salvador
having been called, her government must see at once to the appointment of
deputies to the convention which was to organize the republic. Under art.
6th Salvador agreed that Guatemala and the other states should appoint
agents, who, together with her own, were to have in their charge the archives
and other effects of the federation. Id.. 489-91.
CHAPTER VIII.
GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
1824-1840.
State Govebnment of Guatemala— Barrundia's Radicalism— His Over-
throw— VlCE-JEFE FlORES ASSASSINATED IN QUEZALTENANGO — DOWN-
FALL OF THE Liberals in Guatemala — Aristocratic Leaders Exiled
— Jefe Molina — His Differences, Impeachment, and Acquittals
— Rivera Cabezas' Reforms — Earthquakes — Galvez' Rule and its
Benefits — Party Opposition to Him — Indian Outbreaks — Carrera
Captures Guatemala— Galvez Resigns— Subsequent Rule of the
Aristocrats — Guatemala again Independent — Honduras' State
Government — Jefe Dionisio Herrera— Early Dissensions— Coma-
YAGUA Assaulted by Rebels — Morazan in the Field— Honduras Se-
cedes from the Central American Confederation — Federalism
Rooted out of her Territory.
Having sketched the life of Central America, first
as an appendage of the Spanish crown, next as a por-
tion of the short-lived Mexican empire, and lastly as
a confederation of states, embracing the period from
1801 to 1840, it is well now to glance over the inter-
nal affairs of each state separately, for the period after
its accession to the federal union down to 1840, be-^
ginning with Guatemala as the most important.
I have said elsewhere that the states were organ-
ized on the same principle as the confederation,
namely, under a popular, democratic, representative
government. The first constituent congress or as-
sembly of the Estado de Guatemala was installed at
La Antigua on the 16th of September, 1824,^ under
the presidency of the clergyman Josd Maria Chacon,
* Ouat. Recop. Leyes, i. 42, 62-9, 178.
Hisx. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 10 (U5)
146 GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
and its first act was to call Alejandro Diaz Cabeza de
Vaca to be the provisional chief of the state.^ On
the 30th, the votes for jefe and vice-jefe having been
counted, and neither of the candidates having the
requisite majority, the congress named Juan Barrun-
dia to be jefe and Cirilo Flores to be vice-jefe, the
former assuming the reins of government on the 12th
of October, and at once inaugurating a radical policy,
which tended to widen the breach between liberals
and serviles.^ No person opposed to him in politics
was allowed to have a voice in public affairs. How-
ever, no open rupture occurred, even during a tumult
in February 1825, when the Franciscan friars of the
college de propaganda fide refused to take the oath
recognizing the constitution of the republic. The
rabble supported the friars,* but owing to the ener-
getic attitude of the state government, the priests had
to submit.
The assembly continued its labors. A coat of arms
was decreed tfanuary 20, 1825, and on the 2d of
May took place the installation of the executive
council, whose prerogatives and duties were similar
in state matters to those of the federal senate in na-
tional affairs. On the same date was also installed
the superior court of justice. The framing of a state
constitution was not completed till the 11th of Octo-
ber, on which date it was decreed.^ After passing a
law for the political division of the state into depart-
ments,^ the assembly adjourned sine die one month
^ The title given the chief magistrate was that of jefe. That of president
was not decreed till Nov. 29, 1839. Marure, Efem., 51.
' He is represented as a man of excitable temperament and harsh manners.
He was a brother of Jos6 Francisco Barrundia.
*The prelate of the order was summoned to the palace of the federal gov-
ernment, and a compromise was agreed to. Meantime the mob had assem-
bled, shouting, 'Mision queremos! Viva la religion! Muera la heregia!
Mueran los que no quierenmisiones!' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am,, i. 182-3.
* It was solemnly promulgated Dec. 26, 1825. This constitution was in
full force till the meeting of a second constituent assembly, when it ceased to
rule. Marure, Efem., 15; Guat., Eecop. Leyes, i. 201-2.
®Vera Paz with Peten; Chiquimula, Guatemala, and Escuintla; Sacate-
pequez with Chimaltenango; Suchitepequez with Solold; Quezaltenango and
Soconusco; Totonicapan and Huehuetenango. ,Id., 463-70.
BARRUNDIA AS JEFE.
147
later. Clouds had already appeared in the political
horizon, the state authorities having transferred the
seat of government from La Antigua to Guatemala,
against the opposition of the national executive.
The liberal party has been accused of having, with
the connivance of the jefe Barrundia, committed
frauds at the elections held in January 1826 for a
partial renewal of the representative council. In the
Arms of Guatemala.
first ordinary legislature, which met on the 1st of
February, a law was passed for new elections to fill
the council. But these and other arbitrary measures
of the liberal party gave rise to such warm discus-
sions in the assembly, that Barrundia at last ignored
the authority of the council as then existing.'' The
^ Barrundia induced seven of the deputies to abandon their seats, and to
protest against resolutions enacted by the legislature after they had quitted
it. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 242.
148 GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
latter then denounced him, and called the vice-jefe to
assume the government. But through the mediation
of commissioners of the federal government, harmony
was restored. This harmony was not to last long,
new complications arising from another quarter. I
have, in detailing federal affairs at this period, spoken
of the plans attributed to president Arce to overthrow
the liberal party, and the events which culminated
with the deposal of Barrundia from his position as
jefe of the state. The first resolution taken by the
legislature and representative council was to remove
the capital to Quezaltenango. The new jefe, Flores,
was at the same time empowered to organize a mili-
tary force, raise funds, and adopt other proper meas-
ures to uphold the state's sovereignty.^ Flores had
advocated the removal of the state capital, but stren-
uously opposed the selection of Quezaltenango as an
unfit place for the seat of government of a liberal
state.® The assembly paid some heed to his remon-
strances, and tarried a while at San Martin Jilotepec,
where it was resolved that Barrundia should resume
the reins of government; but he declined, pleading
ill health. ^^ The assembly remained at that place till
the 29th of September, and then concluded to repair
to Quezaltenango, considering Jilotepec not quite safe.
Flores, accompanied by a few deputies, arrived at
Quezaltenango on the 8th of October, and was re-
ceived with a shower of flowers. He at once set
himself to complete the defence of the district, which
had been already begun by Colonel Josd Pierzon,^^
who had mustered into the service of the state sev-
"This step was taken Sept. 6, 1826. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 260;
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 53-4. A demand from the fed. gov. to muster out the
troops was refused in round terms.
• He had once been a resident there, and knew it to be the most bigoted
place in all Cent. Am. Liberal ideas had not taken much root there, and
fanaticism ruled.
*° He afterward attempted to recover his office, but the course events had
taken impeded it. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 57-8.
^^ A Creole from Sto Domingo, who had been formerly a federal officer; but
having been arbitrarily removed from the position, he joined the state cause.
PIERZON'S CAMPAIGN. 149
eral hundred men.^^ Having reason to apprehend an
attack from the federal authority, Pierzon was or-
dered to Patsun to watch the enemy. It was during
his absence that the events occurred leading to the
murder of Jefe Flores by an ungovernable fanatical
mob, of which a description is given elsewhere. Upon
hearinof of those occurrences, and of the friars at
Quezaltenango having called the Indians of the neigh-
borhood to take up arms for the common defence,
Pierzon retreated to Totonicapan,^^ encountering the
Quezaltec rebels on the 18th of October near Salcajd,
and easily defeated them. He gave no quarter. He
demanded the immediate surrender of all arms in
Quezaltenango, guaranteeing the lives of the inhab-
itants, otherwise he w^ould destroy the place.^* The
rebel authorities had to submit, and on the following
day Pierzon recovered possession of the place. Sev-
eral draconic ordinances were issued to keep in check
the spirit of rebellion.^^ The leaders of the riots had,
however, fled, thus escaping the punishment they so
richly deserved.
Juan Barrundia now made another effort, from
Solold,, to resume his former authority, but his pres-
tige was lost, and most of his friends had forsaken his
cause.^^ Pierzon abandoned Quezaltenango on the
25th of October, and was pursued, overtaken, and de-
feated by the federals, under Brigadier Cd,scaras, at
^^ Near Quezaltenango he endeavored to capture his former command, now
tinder Manuel Montiifar, but the latter escaped. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 55-6.
He had been forewarned by some serviles of Quezaltenango of the ambuscade
prepared for him. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 262.
1^ Abandoning the plan he had formed of attacking the federals under
Francisco Cdscaras.
^*He allowed four hours for the surrender: 'si en el t^rmino de cuatro
horas, no efectiian Vds lo referido, la hermosa ciudad de Quezaltenango desa-
parecerd.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 288; Id., Efem., 18; Mem.
Bev. Cent. Am., 57-8.
^^ Among them, one of Oct. 19, 1826, to punish attempts at propagating
sedition among the soldiers; another, of Oct. 25th, to impose the penalty of
death on all Guatemalans taking up arms against the state government. Gaz.
de Mex., Dec. 14, 1826; El Indicador de Ouat., of same year, no. 106; Guat..,
Becop. Leyes, i. 248-50.
1*^ Afraid of falling into the hands of the federal troops then marching
toward Los Altos, he retired to E-etalhuleu, where he lived till 1829.
150 GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
Malacatan.^'^ Pierzon, together with his friends Saget
and Fauconnier, escaped, and were proscribed, but
they managed to cross into Chiapas.^^ But it seemed
that it had been preordained that he should perish at
the hands of his foes. On his way to San Salvador
to take part in the war against the federal govern-
ment, he was taken prisoner, brought to Guatemala,
and shot, on the 11th of May, 1827, without a trial.^^
Another body of liberal troops, under Cayetauw de
la Cerda, not being aware of Pierzon's defeat at Ma-
lacatan, prepared to march from Los Altos to Guate-
mala, but the soldiers were induced to rebel, and thus
the last armed force of the state disappeared. The
members of the assembly and council who were not
in prison either secreted themselves or emigrated, and
the state was left without authorities. The federal
president assumed power, and replaced the jefes poli-
ticos and military commanders with his own creatures.
He published, on the 31st of October, a decree for
new elections of state authorities. The new assembly
met on the last day of the year, and on the 1st of
March, 1827, Mariano Aycinena was chosen by pop-
ular vote chief of the state.^*^ It is hardly necessary
^' Oct. 28, 1826. Cdscaras' vainglorious report is in GuaL^ Oac. Gob. , Nov.
2, 1826, and M^x. Gac. Gob., Dec. 14, 1826j Marure, Efem., 18; Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am., 59-60.
^^ All persons affording them aid were declared, on the 5th of March, guilty
of high treason. GuaL, Recap. Leyes, i. 250-4. Decree reiterated March 28,
1827; Marure, Efem., 19.
^' All authorities agree that the execution was efifected upon the mere order
of Aycinena, the then jefe of Guat., and without legal formalities. Arce,
Mem., 68; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 70; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 16; Squier's
Travels, ii. 397. This last-named writer severely condemns the affected piety
of Aycinena, who made confession before a priest and took the communion
before signing the death-warrant. In 1829 the liberal party awarded extraor-
dinary honors to Pierzon's memory, ordering that his name should be placed
by the side of Cirilo Flores, with this inscription, * Viva el ilustre Coronel
Pierzon en el corazon de los buenos patriotas.' Marure, Efem.., 19.
*° Aycinena retained his position uninterruptedly till the 12th of Apr.,
1829, when he was deposed by Morazan. A legislative act expatriated him,
and he was in exile till early in 1836, when he returned to the bosom of his
family; but a second legislative order compelled him to leave the country
again. Finally, an amnesty decree of July 25, 1838, restored him to his coun-
try in Sept. Marure, Efem., 18, 61. Mariano Cordoba was chosen, in March
1827, vice-jefe, and when he resigned the oflSce, Manuel Montufar was called
to succeed him. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., GO.
EULE OF AYCINENA.
151
to state that the elections were wholly controlled by
the servile party, whose views were reflected in the
new jefe's policy. Lest the existing courts should not
deal to the liberals subjected to criminal prosecution
such punishments as their enemies desired, a military
court, with three voting members, was created, to ad-
judicate verbally upon all causes for treason.^^ Dur-
ing the seven months of its existence — to the 29th
of October, 1827 — it sentenced to the death-penalty
upwards of ten persons, but the sentence was carried
out in one case only.^'*
The history of Guatemala during Aycinena's rule
Guatemala Medal of about This Date.
was identical with that of the federal government,
this jefe being a supporter of President Arce, and
affording him all possible aid in his warfare against
Salvador, all of which has been narrated. Toward
the end of 1828, however, the successes of the arms
of Salvador, together with certain alleged false steps
of Aycinena,^^ aroused such a spirit of discontent
*^It was the first of its class in Cent. Am., but by no means the last.
22 Lieut Isidro Velazquez was executed March 30, 1827.
^ Leniency toward the proscribed Antonio Rivera Cabezas, whose death-
penalty he had commuted to exile, and prohibition of certain books, pursuant
to decrees of the ecclesiastical authorities, were among the chief causes which
alienated him many of his former supporters. JtfoTiii^/'ar, Resena Hist., i. 236;
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 114. On the 6th of December, 1828, he ordered such
books to be burned. Marure, Efem. , 22.
152 GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
against him and his administration, that on the 20th
of October the assembly passed an act for the renewal
of all the chief authorities of the state. ^* Soon after-
ward the project was entertained of detaching Guate-
mala from the federation. Neither of the plans led
to the proposed results. The latter was disapproved
by the representative council, and the former was
useless, as the incumbents were continued in office.^*^
This caused the breaking-out of a revolution at La An-
tigua in January 1829,^^ which, though easily quelled,
hastened the march of the liberal forces under Mora-
zan from San Salvador upon Guatemala. ^^ After this
leader took the city, on the 13th of April, 1829,
Aycinena and the other chief men of his administra-
tion being thrown into prison, Juan Barrundia was
placed at the head of the government,^^ and the
authorities of La Antigua were transferred to Guate-
mala.^^ The deposed congress ^° of 1826 also reassem-
bled on the 21st of April.^^ It must be remarked, in
connection with the state's affairs at this time, that,
though nominally in the hands of Barrundia and the
assembly, they were virtually under Morazan's con-
trol. To meet his constant demands for money to
support his forces, a number of financial schemes were
devised, the property of the serviles being almost ex-
2* It purposed with this measure, which turned out to be unavailing, to
remove one of the obstacles to the termination of the war by means of a peace-
ful arrangement.
^^ They were reelected, though succeeding events prevented the counting
of the votes. Mem. Rev. Gent. Am., 115.
'•'A revolt at Quezaltenango, Nov. 5, 1828, had been summarily suppressed.
Marure, Efem., 22.
2" The districts of Sacatepequez and Escuintla recognized the authorities
that were installed in La Antigua.
28 His brother Jos6 Francisco having been made acting president, he re-
signed for the second time the office of jefe, urging obvious reasons, but he
was required by the assembly to continue discharging his duties till the
election should have been effected. Montufar, Reseiia Hist., i. 167-9.
^The dispersed representative council of 1826 had been reorganized at La
Antigua Feb. 11, 1829, and its senior member, Mariano Zenteno, recognized
as acting jefe of the state.
80 "pi^jg body voted Morazan a gold medal, and declared him a benemd-
rito. It also decreed that his portrait should be placed in the hall of ses-
sions. This, however, was a spark of enthusiasm which died out.
"^ Nicolds Espinosa presided, as he had done at the last sitting at San
Martin Jilotepec, Sept. 26, 1826.
RULE OF MOLINA AND RIVERA CABEZAS. 163
clusively affected by them. Their property, as well as
that under control of the church, was taxed severely.^
Not satisfied with depleting the resources of the
enemy, under the decrees of June 4th and August
2 2d, the late officials were made amenable to prose-
cution in a summary manner, though finally a sort
of ironical amnesty was granted them, involving ex-
patriation, which was enforced on the 28th of August.^^
New elections . for state authorities resulted in the
choice of Pedro Molina asjefe,^* and he was inducted
in August 1829. His subsequent disagreement with
the temporary president, Jose Francisco Barrundia,
the novel ideas he suggested for remodelling the fed-
eration, and the intrigues of his opponents, among
whom has been named the vice-jefe Rivera Cabezas,
brought on his overthrow, when he was superseded on
the 9th of March, 1830, by said vice-jefe.^^
During the administration of Rivera Cabezas the
state of Guatemala enjoyed the blessings of peace.
There was only an encounter between the people of
Ilotenango, now Quiche, in SoloM, and those of Chi-
quimula in Totonicapan, upon land questions. There
were a few wounded. Rivera Cabezas arranged the
matter to the satisfaction of both towns. He also
accomplished many reforms, ascertained the amount
of the state debt, and introduced a proper economy
in the expenditures.^^
"2 Cayetano de la Cerda was the administrador de recursos, and he acted
without restriction. Mariano Galvez, Barrundia's secretary of state, is
credited with the invention of the financial schemes by the author of Mem,
Rev. Cent. Am., 136-7.
^^Montiifar, Resena Hist., i. 131-3, 143-51.
2* Antonio Rivera Cabezas was chosen vice-jefe in March 1830. He was
succeeded by Gregorio Marquez in Feb. 1831; Francisco X. Flores was conse-
jero Aug. 1831.
^^ Molina was impeached on trivial and inconsistent charges by the legisla-
tive body. Twice tried and twice acquitted; but meantime the term for
which he was chosen had expired, and new elections were ordered. Marurey
Efem., 61. Full details of the trials in Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 205-17,
229-33.
^^ Rivera Cabezas wielded a powerful pen, and in a playful way ridiculed
the servile party. His Don Meliton dialogues did it more harm than Jos6
del Valle with his grave and erudite speeches in congress. He won himself
the bitter hatred of that party. The political change of 1839 placed him in
the hands of his enemies, and he lost much of his property. He left the
164 GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
While internal dissensions were exciting the people
of Guatemala, they were forced to undergo, on the
23d of April, 1830, the tribulations resulting from one
of the severest shocks of earthquake experienced in
the country.^ Nearly all the inhabitants passed the
night in the streets, public squares, or in the open
fields. The assembly adjourned the following day,
and the state authorities removed to Jocotenango.
Fortunately, no more shocks occurred, and the public
alarm gradually subsided, the damage done being less
than had been supposed.^^ The clergy made use of
the earthquakes to arouse the rabble against the
liberals. ^^
After the removal of the national seat of government
to San Salvador, Guatemala found itself in a great
measure freed from the constant bickerings between
the federal and state authorities. The servile party
gained by it; but for all that, the liberal spirit of the
federal administration was still felt. Pursuant to a de-
cree of the assembly at Jocotenango, elections for state
authorities were made, and Josd F. Barrundia was the
popular choice for jefe, and Gregorio Marquez for
vice-jefe. Barrundia declined the office, pleading a
previous election as senator. The assembly refused
his resignation, and Barrundia reiterated it, till his
wishes were granted.^^ The vice-jefe Marquez then
country, but family affairs necessitated his return some years after. In his
last years his intellectual faculties declined, and the servilesno longer feared
hun, but their hatred remained, and their insults and abuse hastened his
death. His portrait is also given. Montufar, Renena Hist.y 1. 235-7, 246.
'^ The most violent felt since 1773. Marure, Efem., 26.
"^ Several buildings were damaged, among them the churches of Santa Te-
resa, San Francisco, and Recoletos. Since the end of March shocks had been
experienced in tlie vicinity of the Pacaya volcano, several villages being al-
most entirely reduced to ruins. lb.
"^ The nun Teresa called them the effects of God's displeasure for the ban-
ishment of the archbishop and friars. Montiifar, Resena. Hist., i. 225-6.
*'^ The liberals were certain that with Morazan at the head of the federal
government, and Barrundia as chief of Guatemala, there would be no dis-
agreements. Barrundia now made a cession for the benefit of public instruc-
tion of nearly $7,000— due him for salaries during the time he acted as presi-
dent. This was a generous act on the part of a man who had no private
fortune. He later ceded one half of his senatorial pay for the same purpose.
Montii/ar, Resena Hist., i. 273-6.
RULE OF GALVEZ. 155
assumed pro tempore the executive office, and retained
as his secretary-general the clergyman of talent, An-
tonio Colom. New elections were called for, to be
made by the same electoral bodies which had effected
the last, and Mariano Galvez was chosen jefe, assum-
ing office in August 1831/^ This chief of the state
endeavored to steer a middle course in the manage-
ment of public affairs, but he was only partiall}^ suc-
cessful.*^ Several important measures were adopted
to relieve the burdens of the people, and to advance
their intellectual development/^
Galvez was not content with encouraging science
and literature; he also directed his efforts to the ad-
vancement of arts and industries, and the improvement
of towns, public health, etc. Friars who had become
secularized were granted the rights enjoyed by other
citizens, and could, therefore, bequeath and accept
inheritances.** At Galvez' suggestion, the assembly
passed the act of February 27, 1834, to enable nuns
to abandon their convents, if they so desired, taking
the dowries they brought with them. Later, mar-
riage was declared to be a civil contract that could be
dissolved.*^ The measures affecting the clergy in
their privileges and revenues, the introduction of the
*^ Galvez was reelected Feb. 9, 1835, and held the position till Feb. 2,
1838, when he was forced to resign it. During his first term Simon Vascon-
celos was vice-jefe, and Juan Ant. Martinez consejero; during the second,
Pedro J. Valenzuela, who superseded him; Mariano Sanchez de Leon was
consejero in 1836, and Mariano Rivera Paz in July 1838. The latter also
held the executive office. Salv.y Oac.y Oct. 12, 1854; Marure, Efem., 43, 45,
61-2.
*'■* Galvez was not in league with the clergy or aristocracy, on one side; nor
with Barrundia or Morazan, on the other. He wanted to form a party of
which he should be the sole chief. This prompted him to oppose all parties,
and brought upon him many reproaches.
^^ In July 1832 tithes were abolished. On the 16th of Sept. an academy
of sciences, to take the place of the old university, was established, and to it
were attached the colegio de abogados, and the protoraedicato. This acad-
emy was suppressed March 6, 1840, and the university of old was restored.
Marure, Efem.^ 32. Among other measures were the reduction of holidays to
seven, aside from Sundays, and the prohibition of religious processions in the
streets on working days. Montiuifar, Resena Hist., i. 307-19, ii. 76-84.
*' Even the ofispring of priests were to be reputed as legitimate in cases
of inheritance, where the father had died intestate. Id., ii. 346-7.
■'^ This blow at the church was not favorably received by the people, and
in July 1838 the resolution was suspended.
156 GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
Livingston code with trial by jury, and the coloniza-
tion by an English company at Vera Paz, gave rise
to displeasure among the ignorant, which the clergy
and the serviles did not fail to fan into a flame that
erelong became a conflagration.*^ Added to this was
the jealousy engendered by San Salvador having been
made the national capital.*''
The first outbreak occurred in March 1837, when
the Indians of San Juan Ostuncalco rebelled. It was
at once quelled, but the ravages of cholera caused in
June the uprising at Mita. It has been shown in an-
other place that here, at this juncture, Rafael Carrera
made his first appearance in the political field, inaugu-
rating the war that eventually dissolved the republic,
and through its consequences brought Guatemala to
the verge of ruin. On the 16th of June, 1837, the as-
sembly met in extra session, but was unable to effect
any favorable change in the situation. There were
two bitterly opposing parties striving for control. To
make matters worse, insurrections broke out in several
parts,*^ ending with the capture of the capital by
Carrera on the 31st of January, 1838, and the re-
placing of Galvez by Valenzuela on the 2d of Febru-
ary. That same day the departments of Los Altos,
namely, Solold, Totonicapan, and Quezaltenango, de-
clared themselves detached from Guatemala to consti-
tute the sixth state of the federation, under the name
of Los Altos.*^ A constituent assembly was installed
*^ They made the Indians believe that the cholera was the eflfect of Galvez
and his friends having poisoned the springs, * para destruir hombres que de-
testaba y poblaciones que aborrecia.' Id., ii. 349.
*^ It was constantly brought forward that while other states had seceded
from the confederation, Guatemala alone had contributed to the common
budget, and furnished the national executive arms and money to wage war
against the rebellious states.
*^ Martial law was proclaimed Jan. 16, 1838, in the departments of Saca-
tepequez and Guatemala. Two days later La Antigua rebelled, appointing a
provisional government, and subsequently Chiquimula and Salamd followed
the movement. Marure^ Efem.y 42-3; Squier's Travels, ii. 431; GuaL, Becop.
Leyes, i. 858-9.
** The provisional government was placed in charge of Marcelo Molina,
Jos6 M. Galvez, and Jos6 A. Aguilar. The assembly of Guatemala simply
referred the matter to the federal congress, which recognized the new state.
Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 9-23; Guat., Becop. Leyes, i. 43.
STATE OF LOS ALTOS.
157
at Quezaltenango on the 25th of December, and
Marcelo Mohna elected first jefe of the state. He
was inducted in office on the 28th.^^
The constituent assembly adopted, May 26, 1839,
a constitution which was democratic and representa-
tive, with the Koman catholic as the religion of the
state.^^ Later, it passed instructions to guide the ex-
ecutive in his relations with the other states. They
were based on equity and justice, and prompted by a
Los Altos.
spirit of fraternity. ^^ The state concluded with Sal-
vador, on the 10th of August, a treaty defensive and
offensive, but it came to naught, for reasons that will
be explained.
«> Mai'ure, Efem., 47.
*^ The state qomprised, on the north, the districts of Huehuetenango, Saca-
pulas, Malacatan, Tejutla, Cuilco, Jacaltenango, and Solold, together with
all the territory between the river Pasion and Chiapas, to where it touched
the undefined boundaries of Tabasco and Yucatan; on the west, Ostuncalco
and San Mdrcos; on the south, Cuyotenango and Mazatenango; on the east,
Atitlan, Solola, Joyabaj, Quich^; and in the centre, Totonicapan and Quezal-
tenango. Montufar, Reseiia Hist., iii. 391-3.
52 Dated July 12, 1839. JcL, 394-7.
158 GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
The jefe, Molina, was an honest man and an able
jurist. He loved Los Altos, and considered it a
necessary organization for the greater lustre of the
Central American republic; but he had little knowl-
edge of human nature, and was easily deceived. The
government of Guatemala pursued toward him, since
April 13, 1839, a machiavelian policy, and led him
into the fatal belief that it really desired the prosper-
ity and happiness of the new state, which had become
the residence of the liberals who had left Guatemala,
fleeing from Carrera,^^ and constantly published severe
strictures against Carrera and the aristocratic clique
which surrounded him. Molina had been persuaded
that the Guatemalan authorities w^ere friendly toward
the state of Los Altos, though requiring that it should
discourage the attacks of the exiled liberals. How-
ever, Molina, abiding by the constitutional clauses
declaring freedom of the press to be inviolable, an-
swered that the government of Guatemala had the
right of prosecuting the writers before the courts of
Los Altos for libel. This ill feeling was all that Pa-
von, the Guatemalan machiavelian minister, desired
for future hostile proceedings. The opportunity was
not wanting, and the state of Los Altos was destroyed
by Carrera on the 29th of January, 1840, and rein-
corporated with Guatemala.^* Molina, though cred-
ulous and vacillating, at the last moment showed him-
self to be possessed of a brave heart. He well knew
that his administration had been a just one, that all
charges against his government, on the part of
^ Galvez, Jos6 F. and Juan Bamindia, Simon Vasconceloa, and others.
^ On the 28th of Jan. a body of Quezaltec troops, under Colonel Corzo,
was defeated by the Guatemalans, under Gen. Monterrosa. It had been sta-
tioned in the hacienda of Bejucal, with the double object of guarding on the
coast side the territory of Los Altos, and of forming a combination with the
men of Salvador, who were about to invade Guatemala from the river Paz
frontier. The treatment of the fugitives by the Indians was shocking. Corzo
and Lieut-col Cdrdoba perished at their hands. Carrera, after defeating, on
the 29th of Jan., the Quezaltec troops that attempted to check him on the
heights of Solold, entered Quezaltenango unresisted, and put an end to that
state. Its towns were taken under Guatemalan protection, on the fiction of
their voluntary annexation, by decree of Feb. 26, 1840. Marure, Efem., 52;
Ouat.f Recop. Leyes, 1. 43-50.
RIVERA PAZ AS JEFE. 169
Guatemala, by Pavon and his fellow-aristocrats, were
false. He did not forsake his post. Carrera grossly
insulted him, and sent him as a prisoner to Guatemala.
General Guzman was reviled, forced to wear rags,
beaten, and his hair and beard pulled out. Other
citizens were shamefully treated, and their homes
plundered.^''
Affairs in Guatemala had undergone a great change
since the removal of Galvez from the position of jefe.
His successor, Valenzuela, was deposed July 22, 1838,
by a popular movement, and Mariano Rivera Paz
placed at the head of affairs. ^^ His first official act
was one deserving of special commendation, as it ex-
hibited a conciliatory spirit which, unfortunately, had
been a stranger in the country during many years
past. Three days after being installed, at his special
suggestion the state assembly nullified all acts of pro-
scription, and decreed a general amnesty for all per-
sons implicated in political offences since September
1821.^^
^^ It was claimed that Carrera could not prevent these abuses, which were
committed by the \'ery people of Los Altos who rose against the partisans of
the government. The fact is, they were savage Indians under Carrara's pro-
tection. This chief returned in triumph to Guatemala, and was received
amid the plaudits of his clerico-aristocratic supporters and the rabble. His
victorious army brought in the rear the armament and spoils of Quezaltenango,
and upwards of 100 prisoners, among them Guzman, Mariscal, and Soto. The
first named was wounded, and tied to a mule. The rabble made him the
special object of their scoff. Mont'Afar, Besena Hist., iii. 439-41.
^^ Deprived of the oflSce Jan. 30, 1839; restored Apr. 13th of the same year;
held it till Dec. 13, 1841. May 14, 1842, he assumed for the third time the
executive office, with the title of president of the state. Guat., Becop. Leyes, i.
175; Marure, Efem., 61-2. Stephens, who saw Rivera Paz in 1840, speaks
well of him, saying that *in all the trying positions in which he was afterward
placed, he exhibited more than ordinary prudence and judgment.' Cent.
Am., i. 201.
^''The 3d and last art. contained these words: *Un olvipo general sobre
todos los acontecimientos politicos desde el quince de Setiembre de mil
ochocientos veintiuno hasta la fecha; y se prohiba rigurosaraente removerlos
conningun motivo.' Further than this, Jos6 P. Barrundia had moved that
the initiative should be made urgent, and voted on without being referred to
a committee. Montufar, who gives full details on this affair, blames Barrun-
dia for his excessive generosity and abnegation, which, he declares, always
turned to the prejudice of that statesman and his party. He wanted his en-
emies pardoned, and to enjoy all personal guarantees, but there was no spirit
of reciprocity on their part. When the serviles assumed the reins of power,
they invariably abused and persecuted Barrundia. He was not only sent into
exile, but insulted there in publications they would forward him. Besena
Hist., iii. 188-90.
160 GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
From the moment Rivera Paz was made the pro-
visional head of the state government, reaction set in
and went on with flying colors. Measures in conso-
nance with the wishes of the retrogressionists were
adopted one after another as fast as they could be
drawn up/^ These decrees should have satisfied Car-
rera and his supporters; but it seems that they did
not; his faction became more and more recalcitrant.
He found himself closely pressed; but, unfortunately,
General Guzman was persuaded to enter into arrange-
ments with him at El Rinconcito. This, however,
did not bring peace to the state for any length of
time.
In the latter part of January 1839 Rivera Paz was
deposed by Cd-rlos Salazar, military commander of
Guatemala,^^ but reinstalled by Carrera on the 13th
of April.^^ This disturbed condition lasted some time
longer. The state declared itself independent on the
1 7th of April of the same year, and the only form of
union maintained with the other states was by special
treaties of allowance,^^ in which the states mutually
acknowledged their independence and sovereignty,
and pledged themselves to reconstruct Central Amer-
ica. All efforts, however, to reestablish order were
^^ The executive was authorized to support the petition of the clergy ia
order that the diocese should have a bishop, and permitted that he should
appropriate a portion of the public funds to that end. No mention was made
of the person who was to be bishop. The idea was to flatter the several
clergymen who were with Carrera hoping to earn a mitre. July 25th the
people were called to elect a constituent assembly, of not less than fifty mem-
bers, to reform, add to, or retain in whole or in part the constitution of Guate-
mala. This decree was supported by the liberals, who foolishly believed that
their party would have the power to reconstitute the state. The serviles
hailed it, being sure of controlling the situation with Rivera Paz at the head of
the government, and three servile wings as his counsellors. Reactionary
deputies would be plentiful in the constitutional convention. The capitation
tax was reduced to four reales. The assembly, now converted into a law-
maker by steam, on the 26th of July revoked the laws establishing civil
marriage and divorce, freedom to bequeath property, reduction of the num-
ber of holidays, and the further admission of religious vows. Id.y 190-2.
^* He ruled 2^ months, at the end of which he had to seek safety in flight,
on Carrera occupying the capital. Marure, Efem. , 48, 62.
*" The former political order of affairs now came to an end, and a new era
began under Carrera's auspices. Guat.^ Recop. Leyes, i. 207.
*^ The texts of the several treaties may be seen in Convencion, in Cent. Am,
Constituciones, 5-25, 28-31; Otiat., Recop. Leyes, i. 382-95.
CABRERA'S TRIUMPH. 161
in vain, owing to the political complications caused by
Carrera's rebellion in March 1839. His capture of
Guatemala on the 19th of March, 1840, and the end
of the struggle between him and Morazan, which has
been narrated, did not materially change the state of
affairs ; at all events, resolutions subsequently adopted
by the assembly had little weight.^'^ The only im-
portant ones were the restoration of the fuero ecle-
siastico,^^ and the creation of a medical faculty in the
university. Thus, after sixteen years of continual
strife, Guatemala found herself again an independent
and impoverished state. Neither of the parties which
had striven for supremacy had gained anything. The
commonwealth w^as practically under the dictatorship
of an Indian chieftain, whose will even those who had
helped him to attain his position dared not dispute.
From the moment that the plan of a Central
American confederation was contemplated, Honduras
manifested her willingness to be one of its members;
and upon the federal constituent assembly fixing, on
the 5th of May, 1824, the basis of organization for
each separate state, a local assembly of eleven dep-
uties was assigned to Honduras. The state con-
stituent assembly met at the Mineral de Cedros,^* and
on the 16th of September Dionisio Herrera was
chosen jefe del estado, and Jose Justo Milla vice-jefe.
In July 1825, the territory was divided into seven
departments,^^ and on the 11th of December the state
constitution was promulgated. This ended the labors
of the constituent body, which four months later was
replaced by the ordinary legislature, the installation
^2 Honors were paid to Carrera and Rivera Paz. Their portraits were to
be placed in the hall of sessions. Marure, Efem., 53. A few days later the
19th of March was decreed a civic feast-day. Guat.y Recop. Leyes, iii. 348.
63 Act of Nov. 9, 1840. Id., 286.
6* Not at Aguanqneteric, as the federal congress had decreed. Astaburuagay
Cent. Am., 13; Marure, Efem., 10. The last named, in his Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am., 148, gives the name as Leypateric.
^Comayagua, Tegucigalpa, Gracias, Santa Barbara, Olancho, Yoro, and
Choluteca.
HiBT. Cent. Am.. Vol. III. 11
®
132 GUATEMALA AXD HONDURAS.
of which at Tegucigalpa was followed by that of the
representative council at Comayagua.
Honduras was not allowed to enjoy a long term of
peace. The assembly ordered new elections for chief
of state, on the ground that Herrera's tenure of office
had been intended to be merely provisional; but he
held to a different opinian, and refused to surrender
his authority. Matters were made worse by the
enmity existing between Herrera and Iriap, the gov-
ernor of the diocese.^^ Anarchy now prevailed,
some of the departments, especially Gracias, refusing
- Herrera recognition. This state of things was mainly
instigated by the president of the republic, A^rce, who
strove to overthrow the liberal party in Honduras.
.__ Under the pretence that Santa Rosa, in the depart-
ment of Gracias, out of which the federal government
drew a revenue from tobacco, needed protection, Arce
despatched there 200 men under Milla, the vice-jefe,^''
who, after a short encounter with Herrera's force,
marched upon Comayagua,^^ arriving there early in
April 1827. The town had been hastily fortified,
and energetically resisted thirty-six days; but not
receiving timely reenforcements, succumbed on the
9th of May, 1827.^^ Herrera was sent as a prisoner to
Guatemala, and new elections were ordered in Hon-
duras.*^^ A new legislature on the 13th of September
chose Ger6nimo Zelaya jefe, but he was recognized as
such only in Santa Barbara. All liberals were dis-
missed from office. Francisco Morazan, who had
^^Irias excommunicated Herrera, and the latter had him arrested. Both
had mr.ny adherents.
''^Arce claims that Gracias had called for the protection. Mem., C4-5;
Mem. Eev. Cent. Am., 61. The truth is, he had no right to exercise jurisdic-
tion there, the place not being on the frontier nor on the coast. Morazan,
Apuntes, MS., 6.
'^ Herrera had a force to defsat Milla, but refrained from using it, in order
that Honduras should not be accused of beginning hostilities against the
national government. Id. , 7.
'■'Marure, Efem., 19, gives the 10th as the date. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 169,
gives March 10th. Morazan attributes the surrender to the commander's
treachery. Apuntes, MS., 8.
^° Cleto Bandana was made jefe provisional in Sept. 1827, Francisco Mora-
zan being consejero in Nov. of that year. Maruve, Efem., 63.
LIBERAL IDEAS IN HONDURAS. 163
been imprisoned, notwithstandiDg the safe-conduct
given him after the fall of Comayagua, managed to
escape, and subsequently rendered efficient aid to
defeat the federals at Trinidad.'^^ The government
installed by Milla disappeared, Morazan temporarily
assuming the reins in November. The further inter-
ference of the federal government in the internal
affairs of Honduras has been fully narrated else-
v^here. The country was not exempt from internal
troubles from the close of 1829"^^ to the beginning of
1833, requiring nearly always the final intervention
of the federal government to bring them to an endJ*
Momzan^s^ ascendency awakened in Honduras more
liberal ideas than had ever prevailed in the country,
as was evidenced in the laws then enacted."*^* During
the following years Honduras was comparatively tran- /^"^
qui], the political agitations of the republic scarcely ^—^
affecting her. There was a local sedition in Decem-
ber~18'367^nd the early part of 1837, contributing
to render much worse the financial condition of the
state, which had been bad enough before.^^ The
friends of the federation decreased from day to day.
Honduras accepted the act of the federal congress
authorizing the states to constitute themselves as they
liked; and in June 1838 the legislature and executive
called for a constituent assembly to do so, which
met at Comayagua on the 7th of October."^
"See his Apuntes, MS., 9-10. 1
'* There was a sedition of the serviles, headed by Father Rivas and others, \
which was concluded by a peaceable arrangement with Morazan. Moiitiifar, \
Heseiia Hist., i. 191-3, 196. J
'3 Martinez and Cori, implicated in a plot with negroes of Belize and Baca-
lar, and others were executed May 25, 1833. Montufar, Besefia Hist., ii. 132.
^* They mostly affected the clergy. Marure, Efem. , 23-7, 35-6.
'^Resulting from various causes. A law providing for a provisional currency
checked foreign trade. In the interior it was at 50 per ct discount. A de-
cree establishing a single tax never could be carried out. The abolition of
tithes was a measure which caused trouble. Timid or fanatical rulers were
afraid of 'cuatro canonigos viejos de Comayagua que amenazaban con el
salmo 108 y las penas del infierno,' and fanaticism soon brought about the
restoration of the tithes. Alontufar, Resena Hist., iii. 277.
'''> This was the second constituent assembly, and its first president was
Josd Santiago Buezo. The town of Tegucigalpa demanded absolute inde-
pendence, declaring itself seceded and under the protection of Nicaragua until
164 GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
The declaration of independence was solemnly pro-
mulgated in a single sentence on the 26th of October,
1838.'^'' All further efforts on the part of Morazan
and his fellow-federalists to restore the disrupted re-
public proved unavailing, as we have seen.^^ At the
end of January 1840, the secessionists were victorious,
and federalism was rooted out.
1 append a list of Honduras rulers after Mora-
zan's short provisional administration in 1827-28.^^
it should be declared. This was the work of the returned reactionists. Id.,
•279-82.
'^'^ 'Art. Unico. El estado de Honduras eslibre, soberano, 6independiente.'
It was published by the acting jefe, Leon Alvarado. The declaration being
deemed insufficient by the secessionists, another act was passed on the 5th of
Nov., to say that Honduras was independent of the late federal government,
•of the governments of the other states of Cent. Am., and of any other gov-
ernment or foreign power. Id., 282; Marure, Effm., 47.
^^Tegucigalpa had been twice taken, and Comayagua once, by the federal
forces. Id., 50-1.
'9Ger6nimo Zelaya, primer jefe, June 1828. His authority was never
recognized outside of Santa Barbara. His election was finally declared null,
liko all others effected pursuant to the convention by the president of the re-
public. Diego Vijil, vice-jefe, Apr. 1829. Juan Angel Arias, consejero, Dec.
1829. Jos6 Santos del Valle, consejero, July 1830. Jos6 Ant. Marquez,
jefe, March 1831. Francisco Milla, consejero, March 1832. Joaquin Rivera,
jefe, Jan. 1833 to Dec. 31, 1836. During his term, owing to illness, the exec-
utive was temporarily in charge of F. Ferrera, the vice-jefe, in Sept. 1833,
and of J. M. Bustillo, consejero, in Sept. 1835. The latter was again in
power as acting president in Aug. 1839. Ferrera again held the executive in
Jan. 1841, with the title of president of the state. J. M. Martinez, consejero,
Jan. 1837. Justo Jos6 Herrera, jefe, May 1837. Leon Alvarado, consejero,
Oct. 1838. Felipe Medina, Jos6 Alvarado, and Lino Matute are also men-
tioned as having had charge of the executive in Nov. 1838; the last named
till Jan. 1839. Juan F. Molina, consejero, Jan. 1839. Jos6 M. Guerrero,
consejero, May 1839. Francisco Zelaya, consejero, Sept. 1839. Id., 63;
Montiifar, Resena Hist., ii. 133-6, 325-31; ill. 282-3.
CHAPTER IX.
SALVADOR. NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
1824-1840,
Salvador State Government— Liberals Overthrown — Secession from
THE Union — San Salvador as the Federal Seat of Government —
Guatemala Imposes her Will — Jefe CaiJas and Comandante Males-
pin — Nicaragua's Early Troubles — Siege and Bombardment of
Leon — Organization of State Government — Dissensions and War-
fare— Eruption of Cosiguina — Secession from the Confederation —
Costa Rica as a Confederated State— Juan Mora's Administration
— Towns' Bickerings Settled — Braulio Carrillo's Rule— Final
Secession from the Central American Repdblic — Prosperity of
THE State.
Salvador, from the earliest days that utterance was
given to the idea of liberty and independence from
Spain, was ready to echo and champion it, and was
the first to effect an organization for self-govern-
ment.^ The state was divided into four departments,
San Salvador, San Vicente, San Miguel, and Sonso-
nate.^ Under the direction of the constituent assem-
bly a state government was organized, with Juan
Vicente Villacorta as jefe,^ and Mariano Prado as
^ March 5, 1824, the local constituent assembly met, and on the 4th of
July, the state constitution, decreed on the 12th of June, was published, and
its support sworn to. Marure, Efem., 10-11.
^ Sonsonate had always belonged to Guatemala, but was annexed to Salva-
dor on the return of the auxiliary force that was despatched to the fornicr
in 1823 to quell Ariza's revolt, of which I have given an account. By intrigue
and force, the inhabitants were made to declare in favor of Salvador. The
region was later attached to the latter, though the change of jurisdiction has
never been formally acknowledged by Guatemala. Some time after there was
a plan of creating, with Sonsonate and Santa Ana, a separate state, but the
federal congress did not sanction it. Marure, Bosq. Hist., i. 149.
^He assumed his office Dec. 13, 1824. During the period of organization
the executive was in charge of Juan Manuel Rodriguez, who bore the title of
director. Id., Efr.m., 13, 62; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 32.
(165)
166 SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
vice-jefe. After installing a superior court, the con-
stituent assembly adjourned sine die on the 23d of
November, 1824.
For a long time past there had been differences
between Guatemala and Salvador upon ecclesiastical
matters. The latter not only claimed an authorita-
tive voice in the political affairs of Central America,
but also to be placed upon an independent footing as
regarded the ecclesiastical. Hence the anxiety to
have a bishopric erected at San Salvador. This mat-
ter assumed a threatening aspect, and engaged the
attention of ecclesiastics and statesmen, as well as the
public at large in both sections of the country. The
details will be given in a separate chapter treating of
the church in Central America. It is in order to
state here, however, that the disputes about the
diocese of San Salvador had a deep influence in the
country's politics. The contending parties had taken
up the question. The liberals in both states sided
with Jose Matias Delgado, who had been appointed
by the Salvador legislature the first bishop. The ser-
vile element, on the other hand, supported the arch-
bishop of Guatemala. But after a time Delgado,
who was not unmindful of his purposes, supported
President Arce, thus forsaking his former friends, and
joining the servile party. A marked change occurred
soon after, however, the relations between Arce and
Delgado becoming cold because the latter suspected
that Arce really sympathized with the archbishop.
The liberals failed not to strengthen that suspicion, nor
to fan the flame.*
Jefe Villacorta, owing to impaired health, sur-
rendered the government to the vice-jefe, Mariano
Prado,^ whose first act was one of opposition to the
national government, by repealing Arce's convocation
of October 10th for a new congress, and issuing one
* At this time Salvador became the asylum of the liberal party.
^ Arce alleged that Molina and others had induced Villacorta to believe
he was the only man who could right political wrongs; but he found he could
not do this, and so resigned. Mem., CO-1.
RULE GF CORNEJO AND PRADO. 167
of his own, on December G, 1826, appointing Ahua-
chapan, in Salvador, as the place of assemblage.
Praclo now began the military preparations which
were followed by a w^ar between Salvador and the
federal government, and which terminated with the
overthrow of the servile party by Morazan.
A liberal policy was for a short time pursued in
Salvador under the rule of Jose M. Cornejo, who had
become the jefe in January 1829,^ and peace reigned
during the next three years. But in 1832 it was
again disturbed. The government of the state, be-
coming dissatisfied with its former hero, Morazan,
attempted to secede from the union, but was brought
under subjection.^ Cornejo was deposed, and, together
with those who aided him in the rebellion, was sent
to Guatemala as a prisoner, to be dealt with according
to law.^ Elections for authorities were then held,
and Mariano Prado w^as chosen jefe,^ and Joaquin San
Martin y Ulloa vice-jefe. A period of liberalism now
commenced, like that of Guatemala in 1829. Several
liberal measures were adopted, one of which was the
establishment — decreed August 21, 1832 — of a sin-
gle, very moderate, direct tax.^° This enactment,
intended to relieve the exhausted treasury, met with
violent opposition in San Salvador, and sedition broke
out on the 24th in several wards; but the rioters were
dispersed. Prado issued a proclamation expressing
his resolution to uphold the law and maintain order;
but as the excitement continued, he ordered that the
supreme authorities should transfer themselves to
the villa de Cojetepeque on the 31st.^^ On the 14th
^Convents were abolished March 1, 1830. A college was established in
July of the following year; and the state seemed to have recovered from the
losses of the late war.
^ Cornejo could not be in accord with the federal authorities; he was a
servile, and in league with their enemies. Montufar, Beserla Hist.y i. 334.
^ The executive authority was held for a while by Morazan himself. Ma-
rure, Efem,, 30, 62.
^ To accept the position he resigned the vice-presidency of the republic.
Montvfar, Besena Hist., ii. 6.
^"Tithes had been suppressed and trial by jury introduced.
^^ The public archives and artillery were to be also removed. The coman-
dante-eeneral was to remain behind with four cannons and 200 muskets.
1G8 SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
of November there was also a seditious movement in
San Miguel, which was quelled by Colonel Benitez.
The vice-jefe, San Martin, was in accord with the
revolutionists, and kept up a correspondence with
Galvez in Guatemala, wdio wanted Prado overthrown.
This was known in San Salvador, and gave encourage-
ment to the remnants of Cornejo's party. The removal
of the capital was not sufficient. Another revolt
broke out at San Salvador early in 1833, and Prado,
together with the members of the co-legislative bodies
and of the superior court, had to abandon their places.
On the 13th of February the state followed the ex-
ample of Nicaragua and seceded from the union. The
vice-jefe, San Martin, who had gone into hiding on
the 9th of February to save himself from harm, was
called by the revolutionists to assume the executive
authority. ^^ In July a revolt broke out among the
Indians of Santiago Nonualco. Headed by Anasta-
sio Aquino, they formed the plan of exterminating
the white and colored population, and instalhng a gov-
ernment of natives. ^^ The utmost cruelties character-
ized this war of races, whch was fortunately soon
suppressed. Most of the ringleaders, among them
Aquino, were captured. The chief was executed on
the 24th of July, 1833, at San Vicente.^^ But peace
did not follow the suppression of this rebellion. Sal-
vador, always jealous of Guatemala, insisted on hav-
ing the federal government removed from her rival's
territory. At last, in February 1834, the federal
^'^ He had lost his wearing apparel, and in his smallclothes, and with a
travelling cloak on, he took charge of the government. Id., 20. He was
chosen by the assembly first jefe on the 1st of July, 1833. In June 1834 he
was removed from office and expelled. Marure, Efem., 36, 62; Guat., Gace.ta,
Dec. 22, 1854, 7.
^^ Aquino was a perfect savage, and invoked religion, as did Carrera some-
what later. He once entered San Vicente with the crown of an image of St
Joseph on his head. His mode of sentencing prisoners to death was expedi-
tious. The victim was placed before a group of his men, who were told he
was their enemy. 'Shoot him,' they would say, and the thing was done,
Aquino was in league with the serviles, but as they could not manage him,
they persecuted their crowned ally. Montufar, Resena Hist., ii. 21.
'* Crowe, Gospel, 135, and Squier, T'rave/s, ii. 420-1, erroneously place it
in 1832.
MORE TROUBLE AT SAN SALVADOR. 1.69
authorities came to reside in Sonsonate, and later, in
June, at San Salv^ador. It was a great mistake to
expect harmony. Before the month was out there
was a street figiit of several hours between troops of
the two powers. The federals were victorious, and
the state's jefe, San Martin, was deposed.^^ The ex-
ecutive authority was assumed first by Cdrlos Sala-
zar, commander of the federal forces, and afterward
by Gregorio Salazar^ the vice-president of the repub-
lic. Neither of them had a legal title. ^^ From this-
time the state remained wholly under the control of
the federal government and the liberal party, which
became still more cemented when in 1835 the capi
tal was made the federal district. In the great strug
gle between Morazan and Carrera, of which a detailed
account has been given in a former chapter, Salvador
had to rely entirely on her own resources when her
territory was invaded in 1838 and 1839.
After Morazan's signal defeat at Guatemala, Salva-
dor no longer was disposed to make sacrifices ; indeed,
she was too exhausted to raise a new army. However,
she was by no means willing to uphold the victorious
Carrera; but being unable to resist, had for a while
to submit to the force of circumstanced, and to recog-
nize the government placed over her.^^ But as soon
as Carrera went back to Guatemala, that government
was overthrown by the people, and the jefe, Jose
^^The defeat of San Martin by Gen. Espinosa was at Jiquilisco. Guaty
Boletin Ofic, 507-9. San Martin was now forsaken by Galvez, the jefe of
Guatemala. In his old age he used to complain of ' las inconsecuencias del
Doctor Galvez. ' Montiifar, Resena Hist. , ii. 27.
^^The latter ruled only from July to Oct., when he was temporarily suc-
ceeded, first by the consejero, Joaquin Escolan, and then by the vice-jefe»
Jos6 M. Silva, the same month. Nicolds Espinosa became jefe in Apr. 1835,
and was driven away in the following November, being accused of promoting
a war of races, the consejero Francisco Gomez being his successor on the
13th of Nov. The next rulers were: Diego Vijil, Apr. 1830; Timoteo Me-
nendez, vice-jefe, Sept. 1836; Antonio J. Cailas, consejero. May 1839. Ma-
rure, Efem.,{52; Montvfar, Resena I list., ii. 193.
^^ Carrera contemplated becoming the ruler of Central America, but had to
abandon his plan on Nicaragua and Honduras forming a league against him.
His Indians were not so efficient when off from their native ground. Squier'i*
Travels, ii. 441-2.
20
170 SALVADOrv, NICARAGUA ND COSTA RICA.
Antonio Canas, had to resiga/^ Norberto Ramirez
becoming the jefe provisional^^ More than any other
of the Central American states, Salvador needed a
period of peace to recover from the wounds inflicted
in nearly twenty years of warfare. She had upheld
the principles of liberty and union long after the others
had given them up, and now required a prudent and
wise government to restore her almost extinct life and
strength.
While the other provinces experienced but few dif-
ficulties in organizing themselves after the separation
from Spain and Mexico, Nicaragua suffered for years
from intestine strife. This was not exactly a contest
between two political parties, but rather between
towns, and between the partisans of one leader and
another; in other words, the results partly of sec-
tional hatred, and partly of personal ambition. Per
secutions for political causes were of daily occurrence
A junta gubernativa, recognized by the general gov-
ernment, had been installed at Leon,^^ where Basilio
Carrillo was the commander of the forces, and claimed
the right to rule the province ; but there was another
junta at Granada, where the notorious Cleto Ordonez
held sway in accord with the jefe politico, Juan Ar-
gliello, which, of course, ignored the pretensions of
the Leonese authorities. Managua, though siding
^^Sept. 23, 1840. He had ruled since Apr. 8th of the same year. Salv.,
Diario Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875. The revolutionary movement of Sept. 20th for
his removal was promoted by Francisco Malespin, Carrera's tool, and a man
who wielded a fatal influence in Salvador till Gen. Joaquin E. Guzman rid
the country of him. Malespin was then acting for Carrera, M'ho feared that
a revolution of the Calvario ward of San Salvador would upset Can as, who
was without influence, and could no longer be useful to the aristocrats of
Guat. Such a revolution would create a liberal government, and might bring
back Morazan. Cauas was put out of the way that his place might be occu-
pied by a servile tool. Montufar, Reseiia Hist., iii. 499.
^^ He held the position only to the end of 1840. His successors with the
same title were Juan Lindo, Jan. 1841; Pedro Arce, Apr. 1841; Senator Es-
coldstico Marin, Feb. 1842. Marure, Efem., 62.
2" 'En la ulterior contienda de los partidos politicos de esta Provincia,
pues, no se encuentran mas que pasiones; las calificaciones de realistas, im-
perialistas, 6 serviles solo Servian para autorizar la persecucion. ' yl^/^w, -^P-, 25.
■'' April 17, 1823.
NICARAGUAN COMPLICATIONS. 171
With Leon, had become the headquarters of the anti-
repubhcans, with Bishop Garcia at their head, who
strove to rid the place from Leonese influence. Most
of the other towns were in a similar condition; so that
it may be asserted that the whole province was in a
state of anarchy. The junta gubernativa of Leon
accepted, on the 2d of July, 1823, the decree of the
national government of March 29th, calling for a
national congress, and declared Nicaragua united with
the other provinces that had formerly been the reino
de Guatemala.
On the 13th of January, 1824, a popular uprising
in Leon caused the junta gubernativa to remove Ba-
silio Carrillo from his command, replacing him with
the jefe politico, Cdrmen Salazar.^^ Early in the same
year Justo Milla came with the appointment of in-
tendente from the general government, and with in-
structions to pacify the country; but his mission failed. ^^
On the 2 2d of July Ordonez had himself proclaimed
comandante general by the garrison and populace.
Some of the wards of Leon attempted, on the 6th of
August, to overthrow Ordonez and restore Melendez,
the successor of Milla; but they were overpowered,
and the city was sacked.^* On the 14th the forces of
Managua, under Colonel Crisanto Sacasa, captured
portions of the city of Granada. After twenty days
of incessant fighting the besiegers retired in good
order. On the other hand, a division of Leonese and
Granadans attacked Managua on the 24th of August,
with the same result.
A junta gubernativa had been installed on the 9th
of the month at El Viejo, in opposition to that of the
capital, ^^ and organized a force of 2,000 men, intended
22 This movement was the precursor of the great calamities that were to
befall Nicaragua. Marure, Efem., 9.
23 The troops and the mob in Leon, on the 4th of May, deposed him, and
placed his office in charge of the alcalde, Pablo Melendez, who in his turn was
overthrown a few days later by another sedition headed by Ordonez.
2* The villas of Managua and Nicaragua refused to recognize the revolution-
ary government at the capital, and established a junta gubernativa at the
first-named town.
2* It was formed with the chief men of the ' partido de Managua.'
172 SALVADOR, KICAr.AGUA, AND COSTA IlICA.
to lay sic^^e to Leon. The united forces of El Viejo
and Managua, commanded by Sacasa and the Colom-
bian Juan Jose Salas, assaulted Leon, captured the
suburbs, and penetrated to the plazuela de San Juan.
The garrison, composed of Leonese and some Grana-
dans, now found itself confined to the chief plaza and
contiguous blocks. During the siege, which lasted
114 days, there was incessant fighting, both besiegers
and besieged exhibiting bitter animosity. Sacasa was
mortally wounded, and died twelve days after. The
fighting often took place inside of the houses, and even
of the churches. Upwards of 900 houses w^ere either
demolished or burned, and the number of dead and
wounded on both sides was large, probably over 900
killed. The contest ceased only on the 4th of Janu-
ary, 1825, when the besieging forces retired.^^
The villa de Managua laid down its arms on the
22d of January, 1P25, peaceably receiving Manuel
Jose Arce, who had entered Nicaragua with an auxil-
iary force from Salvador, and with instructions to
pacify the state. In consequence of his arrival, the
dissensions were quieted for a time."'' Arce, without
bloodshed, also disarmed the troops of Ordonez at
Granada, and despatched him, together with Bishop
Garcia, to Guatemala. After having made arrange-
ments for elections, the peace-maker returned to Sal-
vador, leaving, however, a portion of the force at
Leon.
On the 10th of April, 1825, preliminary arrange-
ments being completed, the first constituent assembly
2^ By order of Gen. Manuel Joa6 Arce, who afterward entered Leon. De-
tails of battles and actions during this unhappy period of Nicaragua history
may be found in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 151-6; Id., Ej'em., 11-12,
'/o; Ayon, Apuntes, 28-36; Dunlop's Gent. Am., 160-2.
'^^ In the previous year Martin Arzu had been sent as a commissioner to
restore peace in Nicaragua. He was ordered to use gentle means, but to em-
1-ioy force against parties opposing him. To support him, 500 Hondurans
v.ere stationed at Choluteca. He arrived after the siege of Leon had begun,
and endeavored on the spot to bring about an arrangement between the bel-
ligerents; but he was treated disrespectfully by the besiegers, and even
arrested and threatened with death by Salas. He afterward declared the
junta at El Viejo revolutionary, and that its commands should be disregarded.
After that he conducted the defence of Leon, Marure, JJosq., i. 157-9.
RULE OF ARGIjELLO. 173
of Nicaragua met under the presidency of Juan Ma-
nuel Zaraora, and ten days later Manuel Antonio de
la Cerda was installed as jefe of the state,^^ and Juan
Argliello as vice-jefe. Unfortunately there were dis-
agreements on the part of Cerda with both the con-
stituent assembly and Argliello, which delayed the
labors on the state constitution, so that it was not
decreed till the 8th of April, 1826/''
The convention then adjourned sine die, and the reg-
ular or ordinary assembly met on the 13th of August,
at Leon, but in the middle of the following month
removed to Granada. ^*^ Meantime the dissatisfaction
with Jefe Cerda had assumed such proportions that
the legislative body resolved to impeach him. He
was, accordingly, suspended, and Argliello placed
temporarily in charge of the executive authority.
New elections were also decreed.^^ But Argliello had
not fostered all these troubles merely to surrender the
government to a new man^ and by intrigues contrived
to bring about, in February 1827, the dissolution of
the assembly. ^^
The indefatigable Colonel Cleto Ordonez made,
with the aid of troops of Leon and Senator Hernandez,
an unsuccessful attempt^^ to seize the government,
declaring Argliello suspended. An effort was also
made by the president on behalf of Cerda, but it was
defeated by Herrera, the jefe of Honduras. The
state of war continued; Arce reluctantly had removed,
at Arguello's request, the few men of Salvador that
had been stationed in Nicaragua since 1825,'*^^ and
^^In the latter part of 1828 he was shot, under the sentence of a court-
martial convened by order of the vice-jefe Argiiello. Id., Efem., 63-4.
'^'^ Its support vi^as sworn to on the la"t day of that month.
^°The first representative council, or senate, was inaugurated at the same
place on the 26th of Oct., 1826. Id., 18.
^^ Cerda would not, however, lay down his power, and continued exercising
it at Managua. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 43.
^^The dissolution was 'a consecuencia de una sedicion promovida por el
Vice-jefe del mismo Estado Sr Juan Argiiello.' Marure, Efem., 18.
3^ On the 14th of Sept., 1827. This was his third or fourth effort; all
fruitless, however. Id., 20.
'*He foretold at the time that 'muy luego veria el congreso arder otra vez
la tea de la discordia en aquel Estado.' Arce, Mem., 17.
174 SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA PJCA.
thus the only adversary of importance Arguello had
was Cerda. The contest remained for a long time
undecided. Arguello took Granada, while Cerda's
headquarters were first at Managua, and, when that
place seceded, at Rivas, the ancient town of Nicaragua.
In September 1828, Cerda's party had made so
much headway that Arguello and his followers had
vessels in readiness to effect their escape should the
jefe gain another victory. But the priests, who
worked against the latter, inspired the disheartened
Arguellistas with renewed courage, and in another
encounter they were victorious. Cerda's star now
waned. A revolt planned by two of his officers was
quelled, and the leaders were shot.^^ This severity,
and the heavy taxes he levied, increased his foes.^^
At last, on the 8th of November, 1828, when Rivas
was almost without troops, one of his officers, who
was a relative, named Francisco Arguello, made him
a prisoner, and before his troops could come from
Jinotepe to his rescue, a force of the vice-jefe entered
Rivas. A military court was at once organized,
and Cerda, being subjected to its action,^^ was sen-
tenced to death, and executed.^^
Argil ello was now free from his strongest adver-
sary; but the struggle went on as new pretenders
sprang up, and its effects in the course of time were
most disastrous. It brought the state to a condition
of desolation unequalled in Central America. Dio-
nisio Herrera, chief of Honduras, undertook, under
instructions of the federal government, in 1829, the
task of pacifying Nicaragua. He visited Leon,
and succeeded in conciliating parties and restoring
^^ Their project involved the annexation of Nicaragua to Colombia. Los
Anales, 1872, 54.
^^He now proposed to surrender the government to Argiiello or some one
else. His friends dissuaded him, and he was finally the victim of treachery.
'^ His friends had obtained that the trial should be at Granada, but the
mob at Rivas opposed his removal at the moment of departure. Jd., G3.
^^Nov. 29, 1828. It is said that the vice-jefe, Arguello, decreed a sus-
pension of the sentence; but purposely delayed the courier, so that the re-
prieve arrived too late at Rivas. A full biography of Cerda, with scattered
historical items, is given in Id., 29-72, passim.
HERRERA'S RULE. 176
order; and when new elections took place in May
1830 he was himself chosen its jefe.^^ Managua, the
last place to hold out, was finally, without the use of
force, prevailed upon to recognize the newly con-
stituted authorities, and in June was already enjoying
the benefits of peace. In order to consolidate the peace
throughout the state, Herrera made the leaders of
parties leave its territory. His rule was a quiet one
for the next two years, and until Nicaragua was called
upon by the national government to furnish her con-
tingent of troops to suppress revolutionary movements
beyond her bounclary."^^
The revolutionary spirit showed itself again in 1832.
On December 3, 1832, the state assembly attached
the federal revenue, and refused further recognition
of the general government. A few months later a
revolt broke out against Herrera. The movement
originated in Managua, and was seconded in Masaya
and Matagalpa. Granada and Leon opposed it.
Jefe Herrera at first was loath to resist it, and laid
his resignation before the legislature, and it was ac-
cepted on the 1st of March, 1833. But that body,
under popular pressure, four days after revoked the
resolution, and recalled Herrera to hold the executive
authority, with the extraordinary powers that had
been decreed him on the 8th of February previous.*^
The insurrection had spread also in Metapa, Cho-
coyos, Nandaime, San Jorge, and throughout the de-
partment of Nicaragua. At the head of the move-
ment was an ecclesiastic. Herrera exhausted all
3'The installation of the assembly was on Nov. 1, 1829. The elections
had been decreed by the vice-jefe, Argiiello, and his act, as well as the elec-
tions effected under it, were on the 23d of May, 1830, declared to be legit-
imate. Bocha, C6d. Nic, i. 80. Herrera had been inducted in office on the 12th
of May. Montr far, Resena Hist, i. 199-203.
^'^The services of the Nicaraguans were recognized by both the federal
president and the state assembly. Honors were decreed to the survivors, and
pensions to the woimded, and to the widows and orphans of the dead. liocha,
C6d. Nic, i. 214-15.
*^ This last action was attributed by the revolutionists to Herrera's mach-
inations and Morazan's influence; but the truth was, that the people recog-
nized Herrera's services as the pacificator, and his good qualifications as a
ruler. Montufm\ Resena Hist., ii. 31-2.
;76 SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AKD COSTA RICA.
peaceful means, and had to employ force, and Mana-
gua was taken on the 29th of June, 1833.^'^ Nica-
ragua and other places accepted the amnesty tendered
them.^^ But it seemed almost impossible to maintain
peace for any length of time. In May 1834 Granada
and Metapa rebelled, under one Cdndido Flores. The
rebels were successful for several months, and took
possession of Managua. But on the 13th of August
they were defeated; a few days later Granada was
recovered, and four of the ringleaders were shot.
In the mornmg of the 20th of January, 1835, there
was an eruption of the volcano Cosigiiina,^ attended
by one of the most terrific earthquakes ever experi-
enced in Central America.^^ The event was a mem-
*^ A detailed account of this revolt is given in the Centro Americano, 89-
G7. It is said that a number of medals were found of tortoise-shell, gold, and
other metals, with_ the image of Fernando VII., and bearing the inscription
* Viva Fernando VII. Rey de Espaha y de las Indias, Ano de 1828,' which gave
rise to the supposition that the revolt had been in his interests. MontMfar,
Jiesena Hist., ii. 36-8. Herrera issued a proclamation calling on the people to
stand by the government. Marim', Ejem., 33-4.
^3 The assembly, installed on the 21st of Aug., 1833, at Leon, approved all
of Herrera's acts.
'* On the southern coast of Nicaragua, 12 leagues distant fron Leon.
■■'^ A dense yellow cloud rose suddenly, accompanied by a strong smell of
sulphur and a shower of tine white dust. The alarmed inhabitants closed
uieir doors and windows, but the dust could not be kept out. Breathing be-
came difBcult. This lasted nearly three days. On the 23d, at 1 a. m., a
loud detonation, followed by heavy shocks of earthquake, rain of sand, and
tol:al darkness, rendered the terror of the people complete. Flocks of birdo
fell dead to the ground, and wild animals sought refuge in buildings. The
frightened inhabitants ran to their yards, or hurried to the churches to im-
plore divine mercy. Forty-three hours passed before the earth became quiet,
when a strong wind cleared the atmosphere, enabling the people to ascertain
the damage. The ashes in the vicinity of the volcano were several feet deep.
The I'iver Chiquito had been wholly dried up, and tMo new islands were
formed. A large number of animals had perished, and the living ones Mere in
a state of starvation. Such had been the foi-ce of the convulsion that the
detonations and the rain of ashes had reached a distance of hundreds of
bagues, as far as Oajaca, Jamaica, and Bogotd in Colombia. Montiifar, lie-
at-ua Hist., ii. 14.5-50, iu giving an account of the event, adds that the priests
called it a punishment from heaven because tithes had been alioiished, free-
dom of conscience proclaimed, and the decrees of 1829 and 1830 upheld.
The parish priests in several towns, during the jDrevailing darkness, preached
from their pulpits that this shaking of the earth was a manifestat'on of God's
wrath for the crimes of the liberals. Squier, Trav., ii. 110-11, says that the
superintendent of Belize, on hearing the explosions, mustered his troops,
thinking that a battle was being fought somewhere near the coast. Stephens.
Cent. Am., ii. 38, relates a similar incident of the military commander of
Guatemala.
A GREAT EARTHQUAKE. 177
orable one for the Nicaraguans, and its abatement was
attributed to the efficacious intercession of their saints;
and in commemoration of it they still have a feast of
thanksgiving every year on the 23d of January .^^
A short period of peace followed. Puny are the
efforts of man at killing each other when heaven fires
its artillery! The exhausted state seemed unable to
continue its suicidal course. The tranquillity was
broken, however, though only for a short time, in
1837.^' The assembly had, on the 21st of February,
1835, recognized Jose Zepeda and Jose Nunez as the
duly elected jefe and vice-jefe respectively. Colonel
Zepeda was a distinguished patriot, who had rendered
important services to the cause of liberty. His elec-
tion was hailed with approval in Nicaragua, and in
the other states of the union. He took possession of
office April 23, 1835.*^ The government experienced
no serious difficulty during 1836 in the administration
of public affairs. It was engaged in improving the
public roads, and in other matters of general utility.
But 1837 was inaugurated with infamous crimes, with
the murders of the jefe Zepeda, and of the citizens
Roman Valladares, Evaristo Berries, and Pascual
Rivas, which resulted from a revolt of the garrison at
Leon.*^ The movement was promptly suppressed,
and the ringleader, Braulio Mendiola, executed. The
vice-jefe, Nunez, assumed rulership, and during his
administration a second constituent assembly was con-
vened, and commenced its labors on the 31st of March,
*^ Accounts of the catastrophe, differing more or less in details, according
to the various points where it was observed, are given in Marure, Efem. , 36-7;
Stephens' Cent. Am., ii. 35-8; Squier'n Trav., ii. 110-14, 162-3, with a view of
the volcano; ByamnHs Wild Life, 32-7; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 15-17; Lond.
Geog. Soc. Journ., v. 387-92; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 23; Wells* Ilond.,
230-1; Cor. Atldnt., May 9, 1835, 10; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 919-20.
*'' Not in 1836, as Dunlop has it. Cent. Am., 191-2.
*^ His minister-general for a time was J. N. Gonzalez, and on his resigning,
Hermenegildo Zepeda, one of the first lawyers in the state, succeeded. Mon-
tu/ar, Resena Hist., ii. 302.
■"^On the 25th of Jan. Marure, Efem., 39, 64; Montufar, Resena Hist., ii.
306-10, gives the official documents describing the occurrences.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 12
178 SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
1838.'^^ One month later, on the 30th of April, the
state seceded from the federation, an act which may
be called a mere formality, inasmuch as Nicaragua
had not taken part, to any notable degree, in the
affairs of the general government. Nominally, how-
ever, the idea of a union of the Central American
states was upheld, and still expressed in the new state
constitution framed by the assembly and confirmed on
the 12th of November, 1838.^^ All this was pure af-
fectation, however, for Nicaragua lent her hearty aid
to eradicate the last remnants of the federation. The
coveted sovereignty was attained at last. Later events
will show whether or not it brought Nicaragua pros-
perity. The present generation had grown up midst
the noise of war, hearing the battle-cry of one or an-
other contending party, and it could hardly be ex-
pected that it could appreciate the blessings of peace.^^
Costa Rica, owing to her geographical position, was
almost isolated, politically, from the rest of Central
America. It would be wrong, however, to infer that
her participation in the general affairs of the republic
had been one of mere formality or policy for her own
convenience or safety. Nowhere had the idea of a union
been more warmly embraced. Four months only had
elapsed after the bases for the organization of the
state had been adopted by the national constituent
convention, when Costa Rica's first assembly met/^
^° Father Soils, the president, and others attributed to Morazan and the
constitution of 1824 the evils Nicaragua had suffered from, forgetting those
preceding Morazan and the constitution.
^1 Ratified by the executive Nov. 17th. Given in full in Nic.y ConstiL, in
Cent. Am., Constitutions, 1-39. A brief synopsis in Squier's Travels, ii. 211-
13. See also Niks' Reg., 1839, Ivi. 49.
"-' During Herrera's term the following held the executive authority for
short periods: Cdrlos Ilniz y Bolafios, Aug. 1831; Benito Morales, Feb. 1834;
Jos6 Nufiez, March 1834. I find that the government was also provisionally
in charge of Gregorio Juarez, May 1835; F. X. Rubio, Jan. 1838; Jos6Nuiiez,
as jefe, March 12, 1838; Evaristo Rocha, May 1838; Joaquin Cosio, June
1838; Patricio Rivas, director, June 1839; Joaquin Cosio, July 1839; Hilario
Ulloa, Oct. 1839; Tomds Valladares, Nov. 1839. In 1840 he became director
del estado; Pablo Buitrago, director, Apr. 1841. Marure, Efem., 64.
*'Sept. 6, 1824. Molina, Costa Rica, 95, followed by Wagner, Costa B,^
EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. 179
and on the 21st of January, 1825, decreed a state
constitution.^* In the middle of April the first ordi-
nary legislature began its labors, and on the 24th of
September Juan Mora was installed as chief of the
state/^ This was a happy choice; for during his rule
Costa Rica escaped the evils which protracted war-
fare wrought in the other states of the union. Fol-
lowing the example of Salvador, a decree was passed
in September creating a bishopric independent from
Nicaragua, and appointing Fray Luis Garcia the first
bishop; but the decree became a dead letter.
The first effect of Mora's quiet rule was the en-
largement of Costa Rican territory. Dissatisfied with
the jefe, Cerda of Nicaragua, the district of Guana-
caste, or Nicoya, which formerly belonged to that
state, declared its separation, and asked to be incorpo-
rated with Costa Rica.^^ The arrangement was ap-
proved by the federal congress on December 9th, and
since then Nicoya formed one of the five departments
of that state. ^'' Nicaragua protested; Costa Rica re-
fused to restore the territory, and the matter remained
an open subject of discussion, but never leading to
hostilities.^^
Early in 1826 an attempt was made^^ by a Spaniard
named Jose Zamora, at Alajuela, to overthrow the
government. He attacked the quarters of the garri-
545, gives it as May 6th, which is evidently a mistake. Marure, Efem., 11,
has it Sept. 6th, and that Agustin Gutierrez Lizaurzdbal was its first presi-
dent.
'^^ Costa Rica, Ley Fundam. (San Salv., 1825), 24 mo, 26 pp.; 3Iem. Reo^
Cent. Am., 32; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13; Molina, Costa i?., 18. This
last-named author, on his "p. 95, gives the date as Jan. 22d, evidentlj'^ fol-
lowing Marure, Efem., 13. Squier, Travels, ii. 388, makes it Jan. 2d.
^^ Mariano Montealegre became the vice-jefe. Mora was reelected in March
1829, and ruled till toward the end of 1832. Marure, Efem., 64; Id., Bosq.,
149; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 32.
^^ Personal enmity between Pedro Muiioz, an influential man in Guana-
caste, and Cerda was the main reason. LosAnales, 1872, 54.
^^ The approval was merely provisional. The other four are Cartago, San
Josd, Hcredia, and Alajuela. Molina, Costa R., 5-6.
"^^ Nic. y Ilond., Doc, 101-12; Ayon, Consid. Limites, 20-4; Friscli, Mex.,
73.
^» Marure, Efem., 16, and Bosq., i. 2.32-3, following El Indicador, 1826,
no. 75, and El Semanario, 1826, no. 86, gives the date as Jan. 29th. Molina^
Costa R., 96, places it on the 28th.
180 SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
son, but after several hours' fighting was repulsed,,
with most of his followers slain, wounded, or made
prisoners. A few days afterward he was captured and
shot.^^ During several years this was the only public
disturbance. The struggle between serviles and lib-
erals in the other states did not affect Costa Rica, which
prudently maintained neutrality. She endeavored,
however, to bring on peace between the belligerents,
by accrediting, in 1828, Manuel Aguilar as special
envoy to Guatemala and Salvador; but his mission
proved fruitless, chiefly owing to the success of the
Salvador arms, and the irreconcilable feeling thereby
engendered. ^^ It was the unsatisfactory result of this
effort, which in a great measure prompted Costa
Rica, after Mora's reelection in 1829, to secede from
the union till the federal authority should be reor-
ganized. When this took place, the secession act was
revoked in January 1831.
In March 1833 the second term of office of Mora
expired ; and in acknowledgment of his beneficent and
wise policy, the assembly decreed that his portrait
should be placed in the hall of sessions, with a highly
complimentary inscription.^^ Costa Rica had made
great progress from both the material and intellectual
points of view. A number of clergymen endeavored
to introduce a decree of the ecclesiastical authorities of
Guatemala to burn certain so-called forbidden books./
They failed, the result being the importation of a large
^^ He confessed to hav^e acted under a commission from the court of Spain,
and as a lieut-col in its service. Seventeen of his partisans were sent out of,
the country.
^^ A detailed account of that mission may be seen in 3f€m. Rev. Cent. Am.y
112-14; Molina, Costa R., 96-7.
'^'^ ' Ocupa este lugar el ciudadano Ex-gefe Juan Mora, por sus virtu des, y le
ocupardn sucesivamente, los que, en el mismo destino, se hagan diguos de 61. '
Marure, E^em., 33. Mora was boi'n in San Jos^ in 1784, and had filled sev-
eral important trusts before his election to the chief magistracy. After his
retirement he again held other offices till his exile in 18C8. Returning to his
country in 1842, he took a prominent part in public afiairs. In Nov. 1848 he
was declared a bcnem^rito de la patria, and given a pension for life. In May
1850 he became president of the supreme court. Honesty and integrity were
the prominent traits of his character, united with ability and liberal ideas,
but free from exaggerations. Molina, Costa i?., 75-6, 98, 119-21.
KULE OF GALLEGOS AND CAERILLO. 181
number of the denounced works. Jefe Mora treated
the pious proposal with the contempt it deserved.^^
Mora's successor duly elected was Jose Rafael Ga-
Uegos, who assumed his duties in April 1833.^* The
state at this time was enjoying liberty, and perfect
freedom of the press.^^ It was the asylum of the
exiles from other Central and South American states.
It was not; however, altogether exempt from the
spirit of localism. Cartago had been the capital, and
wanted to recover that position. San Jose felt as a
loss the absence of the supreme authorities. Here-
dia and Alajuela would not be less than the other two
places. Guanacaste was the only one out of the
question. Hence the resolution adopted ^^ that the
state capital should alternately be at San Jose, Car-
tdgo, Heredia, and Alajuela. A later law, of June
9th, prescribed that the residence of the supreme
authorities at each of said places should be for the
period of four years. Gallegos' rule was of short
duration. He resigned in March 1834.^"^
Braulio Carrillo was elected jefe, and went into
office in April 1835.^^ In his time several liberal
^ Costa Rica had never been under the sway of bishops, clergymen, or
monks. That fanaticism which has been so baneful to other states of Spanish
America never existed here. Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 305.
«* Quat., BoletinOfic, 1838, no. 34, 376; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 4-5. Ga-
llegos was an honorable man and father of a family, as well as a wealthy
property owner. But he was not conversant with state affairs, nor with the
intrigues of politicians. His chief aim was economy; he wished to see the
public treasury full of money; he cared less to apply that money in the devel-
opmerit of the country.
^^In proof of which were the newspapers El Noticioso Universal, La
Tertulia, El Correo de Costa Rica, and the number of sheets that were con-
stantly issued.
^^ By the assembly and council, and published by the executive, Apr. 3,
1834. Id., 198-201; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 110-12, 120-1.
^^ Juan Jos6 Lara became jefe provisorio, and in his turn was succeeded in
June of the same year by the vice-jefe Agustin G. Lizaurzdbal, who ruled till
March 1835, when, because of ill health, he delivered the government to Ma-
nuel Fernandez, who had it till the regularly elected jefe assumed his duties.
Mariire, E/em., 64; Molina, Costa R., 99; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 134-5,
159-60.
^He was born in Cartago in 1800, and studied in the university of Leon,
Nicaragua. He had never been out of Cent. Am., and consequently his mind
had never had the expanding influence of travel. He was accordingly full of
petty prejudices. He could, however, appreciate men of merit, and avail
himself of their abilities; but if he mistrusted a man, he proved a relentless
182 SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
innovations were made, in addition to those intro-
duced some time previously; namely, suppression of
tithes and decrease of holidays; ^^ those enactments
aroused the clergy, and prompted them to fan, in
retaliation, the flame of discord existing between San
Jose and Cartage, which culminated in an open revolt
on the 24th of September, 1835.
An alliance was entered into by Cartago with Ala-
juela and Heredia, to refuse recognition to the gov-
ernment, and to convoke a new assembly with equal
representative rights for the different townsJ^ The
allied forces marched upon San Jose, then the seat of
government; but were defeated in several encounters,
and they again submitted.'^ The result of this revolt
was the further strengthening of San Jose, to which
place was conveyed all the armament of the state.
The government was equally successful in the follow-
ing year, when an armed force from Nicaragua, led by
the Costa Kican Manuel Quijano, formerly in his
country's military service, Pedro Abellan, and Ma-
nuel Dengo, entered the department of Guanacaste,
and marched upon its chief town, where they expected
to find support; but they only met with disappoint-
ment. They were first repulsed by the inhabitants,
and afterward routed by the troops.''^ x
The peace thus restored was not of long duration
Braulio Carrillo was succeeded as jefe of the state
foe. He rarely placed any trust in any one. MoTit'Afary liesena Hist., ii. 208;
Costa B.y Col. Leyes, iv. 206-7; Molina^ Costa R., 68 et seq.; Wagner, Costa
Rica, 201-3.
fii^Law of Apr. 11 and Aug. 25, 1835; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 19G-9,
235-9; Salv., Diarlo Ofic, May 25, 1875.
^"Government issued a proclamation against the rebels on the 6th of Oct.,
1835. Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 273-80.
'^ The decisive action occurred on the 28th of Oct. About 50 persons per-
ished. Details on those troubles appear in Molina, Costa R., 90-100; Ma-
rure, Efem. , 38. The authors of the rebellion were mulcted in sums ranging
from $2,000 down to $30. Montufar, Resena Hist., ii. 208-27, 237-47.
''^ Two thousand men came upon the invaders at the hacienda of Santa Rosa.
Quijano escaped to Nicaragua. The government, by a decree of July 2, 1836,
declared him and others outlawed, and one of them was executed. Costa R. ,
Col. Leyes, iv. 325-30, 349-58. Guanacaste, later known as Liberia, and
Nicoya, for their loyalty, were rewarded, the former being made a city, and
the latter a villa. Molina, Costa R., 100; Montvfar, Resena Hist., ii. 230-6.
^^ Carrillo held the executive office till March 1837, when, his term having.
73
REVOLT IN COSTA RICA. 183
by Manuel Aguilar, in April 1837. A plot intended
to overthrow the government was soon after detected,
and the authors were sent into exile/* But Carrillo
had also been disappointed at Aguilar's election, and
being influential with the soldiery, he had but little
difficulty in getting together a party with which, on
the 27th of May, 1838, he deposed this official, send-
ing him, together with the vice-jefe, Juan Mora, into
banishment.'^ This was the first instance in Costa
Rica when the legitimate government of the state
was overthrown by force of arms. It cannot be said
that the change was altogether for the worse. Under
Carrillo's active and energetic rule the country made
rapid progress in a material point of view.'® He saw
at once the hopelessness of reestablishing the Central
American confederation,'^^ or of reorganizing it so as
to render it beneficent to the several states; and
therefore, instead of making fruitless efforts in that
direction, strove rather to isolate Costa Rica. This
policy he impressed on the second constituent con-
vention, which met on the 1st of November, 1838,'^^
expired, he surrendered it to Joaquin Mora, a brother of the former jefe, Juan
Mora, who ruled only one month, and began his administration by opposing
some of Carrillo's measures. Id., 312.
^*Aguilar had political enemies who accused him of friendship for Cartago,
Heredia, and Alajuela, thereby exposing San Jos6 to new assaults. With this
pretext a plan was formed to assault the barracks at San Jos6 on the night of
Aug. 26th. M, 318-20.
^^Carrillo was recognized as jefe by a special decree of the assembly on
the 2Gth of June, and remained at the head of aflfairs till 1842, when he was
overthrown in his turn. Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 241; Marure, Efeni., 64;
Montufar, JResetia Hist, ii. 322-3. Miguel Carranza, Carrillo's father-in-law,
became vice-jefe. Stephens, Cent. Atn., i. 359.
^®He established a reign of despotism, in which his will was law, restrict-
ing the press and punishing his political opponents with expatriation and
otherwise, though they were pardoned in 1838. Costa 11., Col. Leyes, iv. 320-1,
V. 96-100, 193-4. His course made him many enemies, whom he treated with
the utmost harshness. His change from a liberal ruler to an arbitrary one
was quite marked. He was known by the sobriquet of Sapo de Loza. A
number of charges against him appear in Montufar, Besena Hist., iii. 561-79.
During his former administration, in 1836, he restored the tithes and the ex-
cessive number of holidays of the church.
''^ The assembly had, in April 1838, passed a resolution inviting the federal
congress to call a national convention for the exclusive purpose of reforming
the federal institutions. Costa R., Col. Leyes, v. 196-8.
''^ Carrillo could not rule with the liberal constitution of 1825. To do away
with this obstacle he used as a pretext the decree of the federal congress of
May 30, 1838, empowering the states to reconstitute themselves. The assem-
184
SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
and on the 15th the formal separation was declared,
the convention still manifesting a willingness to main-
tain a sort of union by means of special treaties/^
He also took effective steps to paj off Costa Rica's
share of the foreign debt, contracted by the Central
American republic. The state was for a long time
exempted from the afflictions and consequent injurious
results which visited the other states during the bitter
last struggle in 1840 between Morazan and Carrera
>"^''' -,^^'^ Sb*"'
^^_^-llahi
Costa Rica.
for the existence of the republic. The other states
were impoverished and brought to the verge of ruin,
whereas Costa Rica, with comparative tranquillity,
was constantly marching forward.
bly of Costa Rica accepted the decree on the IGth of July, 1838, and Carrillo
seized the opportunity to get rid of a fundamental law that did not suit him.
It was at his suggestion that the assembly, by decree of July 14, 1838, called
the constituent convention. Cost%R., Col. Leyes, iv. 248-51, 279-84; Montufar^
Resena Hist., iii. 266-7.
^^A treaty of friendship and alliance was concluded July 1, 1839, with
Honduras; another of the same character one month later with Guatemala.
Both are given in Couvencion, in Cent. Am. Constitutions, 13-14, 23-5.
COAT OF ARMS AND FLAG. 185
The president, on the 21st of April, 1840, decreed
a coat of arms and flag for the state of Costa Rica.^
This was abrogated by the provisional government
two years later. ^^
^^ The coat of arms was a star with rays, placed in the centre of a sky-blue
circle, and had at the circumference the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.'
The flag consisted of three horizontal stripes, the uppermost and lowest white,
-and the central one sky-blue, with the coat of arms on tlie latter. The flag
of the mercantile marine was not to have the coat of arms, but instead of it,
in silver letters on the centre stripe, the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.*
Costa /?., Col. Leyes, vi. 316-20.
^^ President Morazan's decree of April 20, 1842, restored the flag, arms,
and coins as before the promulgation of Carrillo's.
CHAPTER X.
DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
1839-1852.
Inteestate Dissensions — Pacto de Chinandega — Confederacion Cen-
TRO Americana — Supremo Delegado Chamorro — Hostility of Gua-
temala AND British Officials— Arce Invades Salvador — War of
THE Confederacy against Guatemala — Helplessness of Chamorro
— End of the Pacto de Chinandega — Condition of the States —
Ferrera's Bad Faith — Salvador and Honduras against Nicara-
gua— Horrors of Leon — Vice-president Joaquin E. Guzman — Hon-
duras AND Salvador at War — Guardiola's Vandalism — Malespin
Overthrown — Renewed Efforts to Confederate — Guatemala an
Independent Republic — Costa Rica Follows — Salvador, Nicara-
gua, AND Honduras a Confederacy — Its Short Life — Further Un-
successful Attempts.
The government of Nicaragua, on the 13th of
September, 1839, following the advice of Minister
Pavon of Guatemala, asked for the mediation of
Frederick Chatfield, the British consul, in an en-
deavor to bring to an end the existing dissensions
with Salvador. Chatfield declined to interfere, on the
plea that Salvador, in a treaty with the state of Los
Altos, on the 10th of August, had insulted the Brit-
ish crown.^ However, on the 27th of May, 1840, he
sent to the government of Nicaragua an extract of a
^Articles 8th and 9th of this treaty stipulated that the ports of both
states were to be closed to British trade until Great Britain should restore to
Central America the island of Koatan, the seizure of which, together with
its consequences, is treated of in another part of this volume. Chatfield,
who had been favoring the views of Guatemala against Los Altos, declared
to the latter that these articles were offensive to his government. Tlie gov-
ernment of the new state, being anxious to avert any interruption of friendly
relations, by its minister, Aguilar, assured the cousul, on the 18th of Jan.,.
1840, that the objectionable articles would be rescinded.
(1S6)
ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 187
despatch of March 2cl from the British foreign office,
saying that his sovereign would cordially mediate be-
tween the two states, provided such mediation was
asked for by both, or by all the governments inter-
ested, in which event he, Chatfield, was authorized to
use his good offices. But he was at the same time
directed to add that Great Britain was not disposed
to enter into any engagement binding her to employ
armed forces in Central America. This course was
not pleasing to Pavon, but fully satisfied the execu-
tive of Nicaragua. Chatfield's mediation was never
called for.
Buitrago, director of the state of Nicaragua, w^as
drawn by the force of public opinion to give his as-
sent to the state taking part in a convention intended
to reorganize the republic of Central America.^ The
Nicaraguan delegates used their best endeavors for
the accomplishment of their mission; but from the
beginning they found their eftbrts hindered by the
machiavelism of the aristocrats of Guatemala, and in
disgust left the convention after filing a protest.^
They returned to it afterward, however, and on the
11th of April, 1842, the convention made a declara-
tion in seven articles establishino: a 'orobierno na-
cional provisorio,' having at its head a 'supremo
delegado,' with a council composed of one representa-
tive chosen by each of the respective state assem-
blies.* Antonio Jose Canas was appointed supremo
2 The state assembly passed a decree to that end April 17, 1841, and ap-
pointed the deputies to represent it, the appointees being Francisco Castellon,
Gregorio Juarez, Benito Resales, Ex-jefe Jos6 Nunez, and Hermenegildo
Zepcda. The last named was represented by Sebastian Salinas. Castellon's
selection by the assembly was a blow at Buitrago, the two being bitter oppo-
nents.
' In the protest they set forth tlie machinations brought to bear to defeat
them. Nicaragua and Salvador had asked Guatemala and Costa Rica to
enter the convention. Ferrera, the executive of Honduras, played a double
game. He had representatives in the convention, while he was leagued with
the aristoci-afcs of Guatemala, who spurned the idea of reorganization.
Montufar, JResena Hist., iv. 144.
* Meantime the convention named the supreme delegate and the members
of the council. The duties of the executive officer were multifarious, in-
188 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
delegado. But this great effort on the part of the
men imbued with a truly patriotic spirit came to
naught, because the assembly of Guatemala indig-
nantly rejected the compact of Chinandega, and Fer-
rera of Honduras acted in bad faith. Costa Rica
accepted it with certain restrictions.^
A second effort was made on the 27tli of July at
Chinandega by the delegates of Salvador, Honduras,
and Nicaragua, who passed an act to form a league
under the name of Confederacion Centre Americana.^
Sixteen of the articles in the constitution conformed
with the instructions given by the aristocrats of Gua-
temala through the state assembly to the commission-
ers despatched to the villa de Santa Kosa on the 28th
of September, 1839; and yet, after their adoption by
the convention of Chinandega, these same persons
made opposition to them. The fact was, that they
had been all along using deception, appointing com-
missioners to several diets, but never intending that
a reorganization of Central American nationality
should be arrived at.''
volving foreign and internal affairs. Among the foreign affairs was the ne-
gotiating of a concordat with the pope, and of a treaty with Spain for her
recognition of Central American independence. He was also to procure the
reassembling of the American diet. Squier's Trav., ii. 444-5; Alontnfar, lie-
senallist.y iv. 147-8; Beichardt, Nic, 73-4; Salv., Diario Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875.
^Act of the constituent assembly, dated July 20, 1842. Montufar, liesena
Hist., iv. 304-5.
* The act consisted of 77 articles, and was an amplification of the former
act. Art. 4 said that the confederate states recognized the principle of non-
intervention by one or more states in the internal affairs of the others. They
bound themselves never to resort to arms for the settlement of disputed
points, nor to permit the annexation of towns of alien jurisdiction without
the express assent of their sovereign. The other states of the late union
were granted the privilege of joining the confederacy with equal rights and
representation. Art. 14 prescribed that the government was to be exercised
through delegates for the general objects of common benefit expressly set
forth in the instrument. Art. 15. The executive authority was to be in charge
of a supremo delegado, with a consultive council formed with one member
from each state. Art. 16. The judicial power was intrusted to a court com-
posed of members chosen by the state legislatures. The delegates who
subscribed the act were: J. Nunez, G. Juarez, Francisco Castellon, Pedro
Zeledon, and Sebastian Salinas for Nicaragua; Manuel Barberena, and Jos6
M. Cornejo for Salvador; Manuel E. Vazquez, Monico Bueso, and Jacobo Rosa
for Honduras. Cent. Am., Pacto de Confed., 1-12; A'^iles' Reg., Ixiv. 2; La
Union, June 15, 1850; Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 266*82; Pabellon Nac.,
Oct. 19, 1844, 27; FroebeVs, Cent. Am., 143.
^ An act was passed by the constituent assembly on the 28th of July, 1841,
PACTO DE CHINANDEGA. 189
Guatemala accredited a legation at Leon, Ger6nimo
Carcache being the envoy. He tried to exculpate
his government for its opposition to the compact of
Chinandega, asserting at the same time its firm re-
solve to uphold the treaty concluded in October 1842,
by Pavon, Arriaga, and Duran, and accepted by
Costa Rica in May 1843.^ This opposition, notwith-
standing the organization of the executive and coun-
cil, under the compact of Chinandega, was effected at
San Vicente, in Salvador, on the 29th of March, 1844;
Fruto Chamorro, delegate from Nicaragua, being
chosen supremo delegado, Juan Lindo, delegate from
Honduras, president of the council, and Justo Her-
rera, ex-jefe of the same state, secretary of that body.
The installation of the confederate government was
at once communicated to the several states.
Honduras, on the 27th of April, recognized and
accepted what had been done at San Vicente. Sal-
vador and Nicaragua expressed much satisfaction.
The reactionary government of Guatemala kept silent,
and on being pressed for an answer, returned a cold
and laconic one, to the effect that the matter would
be laid before the legislative body; that is to say, the
assembly which, on the 17th of April, 1839, had de-
clared the Central American confederation dissolved.^
It could not be expected that such an assembly would
give its assent. The committee to which the subject
was referred made an unfavorable report, which the
assembly accepted. Costa Kica suggested amend-
ments to the *pacto de Chinandega. '^^ This docu-
purporting to have in view a restoration of the union. G^iat. , Becop. Leyes^ i.
454-5.
^ Costa R., Col. Leyes, viii. 28-36. This treaty was called by the nobles
'tratado de union.' Carcache produced a note of June 17, 1843, from Ayci-
nena reiterating his government's protest against the expediency and practi-
cability of establishing in Central America ' una forma de gobierno unitaiio,'
which in its opinion would entail upon the country still greater misfortunes.
Castellon, for the Nicaragua executive, replied on the 5th of Aug., denying
that any offence had been committed by entertaining opinions favorable to
the late government. Moniufar, Resena Hist., iv. 151-2.
^ Rivera Paz' decree, in Guat. , Recop. Leyes, i. 46-8.
^•^ Costa Rica appointed delegates to the diet. Costa R., Col. Leyes, viii.
67-9, 92-8, 188-9. The minister of Guat. had proposed to Costa Eica a con-
190 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
ment never bad any practical value, for the govern-
ments which were parties thereto took no account of
the duties it imposed on them. It will be seen that
the executive of Honduras was its covert enemy, and
that the government of Salvador openly infringed a
number of its clauses.
Malespin, president of Salvador, was arranging af-
fairs for a change in favor of a theocratic regime to
please Viteri, bishop of San Salvador, when news
came that the state had been invaded at Atiquizaya
by Manuel Jose Arce. The ex-president had with
him troops of Guatemala, and a supply of arms and
ammunition to put in the hands of Malespin's ene-
mies. The question will be asked, Why did the aris-
tocrats of Guatemala cause the invasion of Salvador,
her executive being their agent Malespin, who was,
moreover, under the control of Bishop Viteri ? This
is easily explained. Malespin was, in the eyes of the
aristocrats, another Carrera, disposed at times to slip
out of their hands. It was, therefore, important to
have him superseded by Arce, when affairs in the
state would go on smoothly and to their satisfaction.
In Arce ruling over Salvador, they would have, be-
sides, a support against Carrera. ^^ But the people of
Salvador, albeit much dissatisfied with Malespin and
Viteri, were decidedly opposed to Arce with aristo-
cratic surroundings. His invasion of the state only
served to strengthen Malespin's power for a time.
The president set the whole state in motion to meet
the emergency. He did even more: he asked for the
assistance of the supremo delegado of the confeder-
acy, which was promised him. Each state was to
furnish 1,000 men; but meanwhile Salvador was to
place 2,000 men at the disposal of the confederate
vention of commissioners from all the states, appointed in the manner he sug-
gested, namely, all the commissioners were to be of Guatemala, and directed
by him to review the compact of Chinandega. The proposition was rejected.
The reports of the committees in the assemblies of Guatemala and Costa
Ilica are given in Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 283-97, 380, 407-9.
^^This would save them from such blows as the lieut-gen. inflicted on
them at Pinula and Villa de Guadalupe, early in 1844.
MALESPIN AND ARCE.
191
executive.^^ The general government agreed to use
its utmost endeavors to avert the subjugation of Sal-
vador by Guatemala. Malespin was enjoined, on his
part, to confine his military operations within the ter-
ritory of his own state. He easily got together in a
few days at San Salvador 4,000 men, with which force
he marched to the front. One portion of the van-
guard, under Lieutenant-colonel Pedro Escalon, on
the 5th of May, reached the Chingo Valley in pur-
suit of Arce, Aquihno San Martin, and Guillermo
Quintanilla, who fled to their headquarters at Coate-
Gdatemala and Salvador.
peque. They were attacked there, and took to flight
a second time, leaving a large quantity of arms and
ammunition. Another portion of the vanguard occu-
pied Chalchuapa, placing a force and the artillery at
Santa Ana.^^
Malespin, in disregard of the command he had re-
ceived from the supremo delegado, marched trium-
phantly to Jutiapa, in Guatemala; in consequence of
w^hich, the government of Rivera Paz assumed that
12 They were to be paid for by the confederate states.
*' These facts appear in the official report to the state government on May
6, 1844.
192 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
Guatemala was in a state of war, her territory hav-
ing been invaded; and Carrera was called upon to use
her forces against the invaders. A forced loan was
decreed, and a change took place in the cabinet, Man-
uel F. Pavon assuming the portfolios of relations,
government, and war.^* Pavon was certainly the
man for the occasion. ^^ He returned an answer to
a note from the minister of the supremo delegado,
which Milla, his biographer, has pronounced an able
and conclusive one. But it was in reality a mass of
abuse against Salvador and Malespin. He did not
attempt to show that Arce's invasion was not the act
of the Guatemalan government, as he should have
done; but claimed that the w^ar against Malespin was
not a consequence of Arce's act, but of the malice of
the Salvadorenos.^^
The bad climate of Jutiapa soon began to decimate
the Salvador army, reducing it to about 3,000 men.
Moreover, the government of Salvador, then in
charge of Vice-president Guzman, could not easily
procure means for the support of such a force. It
was quite evident that the time for upsetting Car-
rera had not yet come; and Malespin's defeat would
only bring greater outrages upon the people. Pa-
tience was necessary under the circumstances. It
was consequently decided to abandon Jutiapa and re-
^*Jos6 Antonio Azuiitia became minister of the treasury, and Manuel
Ubico under-sec. -gen.
^^ He could not deny Arce's invasion of Salvador, but pretended that no
prominent man of the govt or of the aristocratic party had any knowledge of
his intention to invade, or of the source from which he obtained his supplies.
Pavon knew well enough, but prevarication was convenient. The fact is,
Juan A. Alvarado, Guatemalan agent in San Salvador, had given his govern-
ment timely information of the intended invasion. Arce's departure was
open. In order to put an innocent appearance on the affair, the govt decreed,
May 12, 1844, that Arce should leave the city within 24 hours, and the state
within 20 days. In an address to the people on the 2d of June, Rivera Paz
says that Salvador emissaries had been detected trying to rouse the people of
Los Altos to insurrection, and that the plan was intended to avenge the de-
feat of 1840. This is hardly true; for Malespin had been then on Carrera's
side against Morazan, and his tool in Salvador ever since. The aristocrats
had, when it suited their purposes, published letters of liberal leaders fall-
ing in their hands; and yet they never brought out those said to have been
taken from the emissaries at Los Altos.
^•The two notes are given in Mantufar, lieHena Hist., iv. 531-41.
TREATY BETWEEN HONDURAS AND SALVADOR. 193
cross the rio de la Paz, which was effected on the
17th of Jime/^ The assembly empowered the gov-
ernment to negotiate for peace, and a convention was
entered into at the hacienda de Quezada on the
5th of August, 1844,^^ under which friendly relations
were restored, and Guatemala promised to accredit
a commissioner near the confederate government.^^
This convention was, however, annulled by the Gua-
temalan commissioners, because the supremo delegado
had refused to ratify it.^^ But the government of
Guatemala determined that it should be held valid
by Malespin's accepting it as law for the Salvadore-
nos. Bishop Viteri undertook to accomplish this,
and succeeded.^^ Malespin gave his assent to the
convention being ratified by the supremo delegado,
and made a declaration of peaceful intentions toward
Guatemala. ^^ He refers to the liberals residing at
Leon, who had been driven from Honduras by Fer-
rera, and from Salvador by himself; and he accuses
them of being the cause of much trouble, for which
they should be discountenanced by honorable men.
The pacto de Chinandega, as we have seen, had be-
come a dead letter. Honduras and Salvador entered,
on the 10th of July, 1844, at San Salvador, into a
treaty, which was ratified by both governments.^^
^^ Col. Vicente Cruz, commanding the advance force of Carrera's army^
attributed the defeat to fear, which was not altogether devoid of truth.
^^The commissioners were: Jos6 D. Dieguez, Luis Batres, and Jos6 M.^
Urruela for Guat.; Bishop Viteri and Narciso Monterey for the sup. del.
^' Art. 2 stipulated that all property removed from Guat. to Sal v. by the
latter's forces should be restored, or its value made good. This article was a^
hard one for Malespin, and yet Viteri accepted it. This arrangement was
completed in May 1846. Id., v. 18j Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 408-15; Crowe's^
Gospel, 159; La Abeja, Oct. 18, 1844; Defensor Integ. Nac, Nov. 2, 1844;.
El Constituc, Apr. 23, 1844; Pdbellon Nac.y Oct. 19, 29, 1844.
2° He insisted on certain amendments, his commissioners having exceeded
their instructions, and humiliated Salvador, which was irresponsible for the
movement on Jutiapa. And yet Guatemala declared the convention to be
obligatory.
^^ The object then in view was to unite Malespin and Ferrera for a dash
uj^on Nicaragua. With the Guatemalan commissioners went Viteri, and he
had a princely reception.
22 He added that by sacrificing a great portion of her rights Salv. had
obtained peace.
23 The commissioners who negotiated it were: Cayetano Bosque for Salva-
dor; Canon Doroteo Alvarenga and Juan Lindo for Honduras. The object of
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 13
26
194 DISSOl.UTION OF THE UNION.
Chamorro's government was notified by Ferrera
that auxiliary forces from Nicaragua would no longer
be allowed to traverse Honduran territory.^* Cha-
morro's minister, M. Aguilar, remonstrated against a
measure which would prevent the arrival of friendly
troops to defend the confederacy, whereof Honduras
was a component part.^^ Chamorro, using his lawful
authority, ordered J. Trinidad Munoz, who com-
manded the Honduras force of operations, not to
obstruct the passage of the Nicaraguan troops. Munoz
disobeyed the order; and upon the Nicaraguans ar-
riving at Choluteca, on the l7th of August, he re-
quired them to leave the territory of Honduras
forthwith; which not being done, he assailed and con
quered them on the 19th, after a three hours' fight."
This action had a great influence on the fate of Cen-
tral America; for it satisfied the aristocrats of Guate-
mala that the supremo delegado had no means for
enforcing his authority or for carrying out his plans.
It was virtually a declaration of war between Hon-
<luras and Nicaragua. Malespin was likewise em-
boldened by it to assail Nicaragua. The latter must
then move with the utmost activity against Ferrera,
before Malespin, now at peace with Guatemala, could
come to his aid. But difficulties that could not be
overcome were in the way; and it was only on the
23d of October that upwards of 1,000 Nicaraguans
.appeared before Nacaome, which they assaulted the
next day, and after two hours of hard fighting, were
xepulsed.'^^
the arrangemetit was evidently a league against Nicaragua, though it cannot
be said to have been against the party called * coquimlDOs, ' for generals
Saget and Espinosa were now serving with Malespin. Montufar, Resena Hist.y
iv. 567-8, 581-2.
2* The confederate executive had ordered a force of Nicaraguenses to come
into Salvador through the department of Choluteca, Lieut-col Aguado being
charged with their transportation.
2^ The troops could not come by sea, the port of La Union being then
blockaded by a British frigate. Copy of Aguilar's note, dated Aug. 11, 1844,
in Id., 569-71.
2" Munoz' report sets the enemy's loss at 156 killed, besides many prison-
ers, and over 200 muskets, etc.
2^ The place was defended by upwards of 700 men under Juan Morales.
WAR ON NICARAGUA. 195
Trinidad Cabanas and Gerardo Barrios, two of
Morazan's officers, made, on the 5th of September,
1844, an attempt at San Miguel to overthrow Males-
pin without bloodshed; but having failed, they went
off to Nicaragua by way of La Union. Malespin's
minister, Jose Antonio Jimenez, then demanded of
the Nicaraguan government that Cabafias and Bar-
rios should be either expelled or surrendered to Sal-
vador for punishment. The demand was rejected.
The two officers were by no means discouraged. They
persevered in their efforts, which, more than any-
thing else, finally brought about the tyrant's over-
throw. By virtue of a special decree, Malespin took,
on the 25th of October, personal command of the
state forces, placing the executive office in charge of
the vice-president, Joaquin Eufracio Guzman, who
on the same day entered upon the discharge of his
duties, giving Malespin unlimited powers for the de-
fence of the state. Such authorization did not justify
Malespin's carrying the war into Nicaragua.^® This
state, after the defeat of its troops at Nacaome, had
removed them from Honduran territory, and sued
for peace. And yet Malespin, in violation of the
laws of Salvador, made preparations for an offensive
war against Nicaragua.
It will be well, before relating the events of this
campaign, to cast an eye upon the present lamentable
condition of the four states thus bent upon each other's
destruction. Guatemala was ruled by the aristocrats
with a rod of iron. Her financial affairs were com-
pletely disorganized. In Salvador Malespin had no
other rule of conduct than his own will and Bishop
Viteri's evil counsels. He believed himself surrounded
by enemies, and indeed he was.^^ Honduras was in a
2^ Guzman could not grant such authority, as it was of the exchisive
province of the state congress. It was, besides, unnecessary, as neither Sal-
vador nor Honduras was invaded.
^^For his own security, in his absence, he placed his brother, Calixto
Malespin, as comandante general, near Vice-president Guzman. This man
used to open Guzman's correspondence, and deliver him only such despatches
196 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
disturbed state, and the victim of Ferrera's despotism.
Nicaragua was in anything but a satisfactory situa-
tion. The men who with their superior talents,
statesmanship, and influence might have carried the
ship of state safely through the coming storm, Fran-
cisco Castellon and Md,ximo Jerez, were in Europe
working to undo the evils wrought against Central
America by Pavon and Chatfield. The director of
the state, Manuel Perez,^^ lacked the prestige that
the occasion required. Casto Fonseca, the com-
mander of the forces, had been given the rank of
'gran mariscal.'^^
The pacto de Chinandega Lad ceased to exist.
Owing to hostile acts of Malespin, Chamorro had to
seek safety in flight. Ferrera treated Chamorro
with contumely, and shamefully abused him in a
report to the chambers of Honduras, in January
1846.^^ Malespin and his army against Nicaragua
entered Honduras, and at Nacaome made an address
to the president and army of Honduras.^^ The two
allied presidents had a conference at Sauce on the
7th of November, and agreed that Malespin should
be recognized as the general-in-chief of their forces.
At Cboluteca proposals for peace came from Leon;
and on the 21st of the same month the treaty of
Zatoca^* was concluded, which was disgraceful to the
as he thought expedient. See circular of Jimenez, Guzman's minister, to
governors of departments, of Feb. 12, 1845, in Id., 717-18.
^° He was the constitutional chief. Avon, Apuntes. 4; Semanario Nic., Apr.
24, 1873.
^^ A pompous title, which rendered him ridiculous in the eyes of many,
while it excited jealousy on the part of others. Squier's Trav., ii. 449.
Fonseca is represented as a drunkard, ignorant, and the most brutal tyrant
Nicaragua ever had. Life and property were subject to his nod. Dunlop's
Cent. Am., 224-5; Wells' Hond., 494.
^^ It should be known that Chamorro had not been a Morazanista, or even
a liberal. He was the chief of the conservative party in Nic. On March 29,
1845, his term having expired, and there being no legal successor, he decreed
that the office of supremo delegado ceased to exist, and communicated the
fact to the governments of the several states. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 122.
^^Oct. 31, 1844. The object of the war, he said, was to avenge the insult
inflicted by Nic. on Hond., and it was to be waged till a lasting peace could
be secured.
'* Here the invaders were joined by Gen. Manuel Quijano and 64 dragoons
who had deserted from Leon.
TRK
-<X
RSITY
ATTACK ON LEON.
Nicaragua!! !iegotiators.^'^ A secret clause was also
agreed to, binding Nicaragua, among other things, to
retire her troops fro!ii Chinandega to Chichigalpa.
But the authorities and people of Leon preferred
death with honor to submission to such degrading
demands. The treaty and secret clause were indig-
nantly rejected. Perez, the director, surrendered the
executive office to Senator Emiliano Madrid.
In the night of November 21st the allied forces
encamped in the barranca de San Antonio.^^ On the
26th, at 8 in the evening, they were in front of Leon,
a!id threw bombs into the city. The next morning
at 3 o'clock Malespin, being drunk, ordered an assault,
which resulted disastrously for the invaders; for at
sunrise he found his cainp strewn with corpses.^^
The attack was, however, continued that day till 4
o'clock in the afternoon, when the allies found them-
selves short of ammunition, and with many of their
chief officers killed or wounded. Discord now broke
out among them, and the Hondurans wanted to
abandon the ca!i!paign; but J. Trinidad Munoz, act-
ing for Malespin, quieted them, and the struggle went
on. That night Munoz erected intrenchments, and
at break of day on the 28th the allies were in con-
dition to act vigorously.*'
Commissioners came out to the allied headquarters,
'^ The commissioners were Hermenegildo Zepeda and Ger6nimo Carcache.
Malespin himself acted for Salv. and Hond. Art. 1 required Nic. to pay
Salv. and Hond. all the expenses of the present war, and to Salv. those in-
curred in the war of April last against Guat., because Nic. had failed to
furnish her contingent of troops. This last payment was waived by Salv. in
art. 6. Art. 2 calls for the surrender by Nic. of all arms within her territory
belonging to the allies. Art. 3 made it the duty of Nic. to deliver to the
allied forces the 'facciosos' Joaquin Rivera, Mdximo Orellana, Miguel
Alvarez, Trinidad Cabanas, Gerardo Barrios, Diego and Ramon Vijil, if found
in the state, and if they were out of it, not to allow them to reside therein
without the consent of the allied governments. Art. 7 throws upon Nic. the
expense of supporting the allied troops from the date of the ratification of the
treaty till they should have reached their quarters in their respective states.
Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 592-4.
'^Guardiola became intoxicated and abused the deserters; whereupon half
of them abandoned the allied camp, and he was placed under arrest.
''^ Among the slain was Cruz Guardiola, a brother of the general.
^^ It will be well to record here that Mufioz, to whom Leon owed her
present tribulation, was a Nicaraguan by birth.
198
DISSOLUTION OF THE UNIOIS.
and on the 1st of December a treaty was negotiated,^
to which no ratification was given in the city, and the
war continued. Meanwhile there was much agitation
in Salvador, with occasional revolutionary attempts,
which becoming known at Leon, emboldened the
authorities and citizens to keep up the fight, not-
withstanding the other departments had turned against
them.*'
Jose Francisco Montenegro and Juan Ruiz were
South-western Nicaragua.
^*The negotiators for Nic. were Canon Desiderio Cortes and Anselmo
Alarcon; for Salv. and Hond., Gen. Nicolas Espinosa and J. T. Munoz.
Under this capitulation the terms agreed to in the former one at Zatoca were
to be enforced as regarded payment of war expenses and surrender of arms.
Nic. bound herself to expel from the state Casto Fonseca, Cabanas, Rivera,
Orellana, Barrios, Alvarez, Diego, Ramon and Jos6 Antonio Vijil, Domingo
Asturias, Jos6 Antonio Milla, and Jos6 Antonio Ruiz; and furthermore, to
deliver to Malespin some Salvadorans who revolted against him at San
Miguel on the 5th of Sept., 1844.
*° Granada took Malespin's side, and was followed by Rivas and other
places. It seemed as if all the actas had been written by the same hand.
Montufar, Resena HisL,iv. 600, 635-6.
SIEGE OF LEON. 199
the commissioners of Rivas and Granada, near Males-
pin. Their mission brought about the creation of a
new government, which had no recognition in Leon.
Senator Silvestre Selva lent himself to be made by
Malespin and his allies director supremo of Nicaragua,
under the stipulation of ratifying the convention of
December 1st, adding the name of Pio Castellon to
the list of the proscribed/^
Several partial actions took place in other parts of
the department of Leon, which turned out favorably
for the invaders.^^ But Malespin was furious at his
failure thus far to capture Leon. The firing of his
guns was incessant. He made a final effort, throwing
himself at the head of a force upon the works of
Sutiaba, which were in charge of Gerardo Barrios;
and after some hours' hard fighting was repulsed,
leaving the field covered with his killed and wounded.
But there was no unity of action in the city at this
time. Some officers believed that Casto Fonseca,
though brave, was not competent to make a proper
defence; and one of them, named Jose M. Valle, alias
El Chelon, suggested that he should turn over the
command to Cabanas. Fonseca looked upon the sug-
gestion as an insult, and in consequence Valle retired,
and Cabanas became an object of suspicion to Fon-
seca. The siege with its horrors continued. The
fatal spirit of localism that maintained discord be-
tween the several towns, specially between Granada
and Leon, was now as ever, and till the transfer of
the capital from Leon to Managua, a great misfortune
*^The most humiliating part of this arrangement was the 3d clause,
wherein the eastern and southern departments recognize Malespin as ' pro-
tector de los Nicaragiienses,' and general-in-chief of the united armies, in-
cluding one organized by those departments, till the end of the war. Id., iv.
600-2; Nic, Re(jistro OJic, 12, 14, 55-6, 65, 69, 110-15; Sandoval, Rev. PoliL,
9, 15-18.
*- Several officers were shot, among them a number taken by Saget, on
the vessel Carolina. Malespin issued stringent orders against rendering aid
to the besieged. An official report from Nagarote of Jan. 23d, to the coman-
dante at Managua, speaks of a defeat of troops of the govt at Leon, with the
loss of 200 killed, 300 wounded, and many prisoners, together with 3 pieces
of cannon and other arms, etc. Nic, Registro OJic, 4.
200 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
for the whole country. The besiegers made the most
ofit.*^
A vessel arrived at this time at Realejo with arms
for the besieged, of which Malespin got information
from the Englishman Manning, and through Selva's
agent he obtained possession of 1,000 muskets, 200
rifles, 200 barrels of powder, 200 quintals of lead, and
12,000 flints. With this supply the operations against
Leon were pushed with still greater vigor, and the
city succumbed to an assault by Guardiola on the
24th of January, 1845. Malespin now gave full sway
to his bloody instincts, by shooting a number of
prominent citizens and surrendering the town to the
soldiery for plunder.*** The outrages committed defy
description."*^
While Malespin was engaged in the Nicaragua
campaign, the state of Salvador was preparing to
throw off" the yoke, and his brother Calixto was issuing
arbitrary orders without the knowledge or assent of
Vice-president Guzman. At last, at midnight be-
tween the 30th and 31st of December, 1844, the gar-
rison at San Salvador was surprised by a party of
armed men from the Calvario, and captured, together
with the arms in the barracks.*^ After that the re-
*^ It is related that Pedro Zeledon, a Costa Rican residing in Chichigalpa,
Nic., wrote Mufioz, depicting the horrors of the war and the need of peace.
Malespin made Munoz invite Zeledon to a conference, and when he had him
in his power, demanded a ransom of $1,000, but did not get anything, and
Zeledon obtained his liberty.
** The only house exempted from plunder was Manning's. Many houses
were razed to the ground, or burned purposely.
*^ On the first day the acting director, Emiliano Madrid, Crescencio Navas,
cols Francisco Lacayo and Balmaceda, Capt. Valle, Jos6 M. Oseguera, and
Father Crespin were shot. Crespin's oflFence was to have begged the infa-
mous Manuel Quijano, at the door of the hospital for the wounded, to spare
them. Canon Cort6s was put to death afterward. Casto Fonseca, captured
on the coast, was tried by court-martial and shot. An eye-witness declared
that 24 persons were executed by Malespin in Leon. Montufar, Eesena IJist,
iv., table no. 5, 636; Sandoval, Revista PoUL, 7-15; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 227,
230-3; Nic, Registro Ofic, 4-6, 14; Crowe's Gospel, 159-61; Niks' Reg.,
Ixviii. 193. Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 77, speaks of Malespin'a
acts of horrible cruelty, adding that according to the newspapers of Guat.
Malespin had caused to be assassinated over 1,000 persons.
*'' Eighty-five prisoners were released from the jail, many of whom had
been confined there for alleged political ofienses.
INDEPENDENCE OF SALVADOR. 201
volt went on gaining large proportions; but the rebels
were defeated in the plain of Jucuapa, Cojutepeque,
on the 4th of January, 1845.
The liberal chiefs Cabanas and Barrios, who es-
caped from Nicaragua, reached La Union. Barrios,*^
with the view of rousing the Salvadorans, spread the
report that Malespin had succumbed at Leon. Ca-
banas, a truthful man, disliked the scheme, but finally
allowed his companion to pursue his plan without
contradiction. They both entered San Miguel on
the 28th of January, 1845, and loudly congratulated
his friends and acquaintances on Malespin's defeat.
The whole department was soon in commotion, and
letters poured upon Guzman to sound the cry for lib-
erty. Calixto Malespin continued his arbitrary acts,
and Guzman concluded to oust him from his com-
mand, without bloodshed if possible. In this he was
successful on the 2d of February;*^ the barracks
were soon surrendered to him, the troops following
his lead. The capital seconded the movement, and
was soon followed by the other departments.*^ The
government sent a circular to the other states an-
nouncing the change effected, and it was recognized
by all but Honduras. ^°
The chambers of Salvador assembled on the 15th,
before which Guzman made an energetic speech, and
Malespin was not only dethroned, but his election to
the presidency was declared null.^^ However, there
*^ He was a son-in-law of Vice-president Guzman. They differed in politics,
but Barrios fully believed that Guzman was the person to overthrow Males-
pin, and must be aided with some bold stroke.
*^ He called a large number of his friends to his house and armed them
with pistols — he had not a single musket at his command. He then called
the coraandante general, and the mayor de plaza, Antonino Ardvalo, and
made prisoners of them without resistance. The two escaped afterward, but
Malespin was recaptured, with a wound.
*3 Acta of the capital on Feb. 2, 1845. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 719-24;
Monit. Constit. Indep.y May 2, 1845; La Minerva, May 22, 1845.
^° Costa R. had heard of it by a vessel from Acajutla, and sent her recog-
nition before the circular reached her. The govt of Kic, created by Males-
pin, recognized Guzman. The nobles of Guat. had to do the same; and
believing themselves endowed with extraordinary good sense, added their ad-
vice with all the gravity of pedagogues. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 678.
^^ On the ground of unconstitutionality, he being in command of the state
202 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
was much to do yet to uproot him from Central
American politics, as he had the support of Honduras.
In an encounter at Quelepa Cabanas was defeated,
which gave the reactionists courage to approach San
Vicente; but public opinion was now so clearly pro-
nounced against Malespin that Bishop Viteri turned
against him, and began his efforts to win over to the
clerico-oligarchic party the new president, Joaquin
Eufracio Guzman/^ He at once issued a decree of
excommunication against Ex-president Malespin.^
But the government of Honduras being bent on sup-
porting Malespin at all hazards, Guardiola landed at
La Union with an armed force, and occupied San
Miguel; notwithstanding which act Guzman did not
declare war against Honduras. Attributing it to
ignorance of the true state of affairs in Salvador, he
sent a second note, which, like the first, remained un-
answered. Malespin continued — with the assent of
Honduras, and without that of Nicaragua, which had
assumed neutrality in the contest — calhng himself
general-in-chief of the armies of Salvador, Honduras,
and Nicaragua, and declared Guzman, the Salva-
forces at the time the election took place. Circular Feb. 24, 1845, in /c?.,
725; El Salvador liegenerado, no. 2.
'•^Guzman was a Costa Rican by birth, but had lived many years in San
Miguel, Salv. He entertained liberal ideas from his earliest political life.
His military service, under Morazan, began soon after the battle of Gualcho,
and he was present as a captain in the actions of San Miguel and Las Char-
cas. He accompanied that leader to Guat. In the invasion of Cent. Am.
from Mex. by Arce in 1832, Guzman did gallant service at Jocoro, and en-
tered San Salvador with Morazan. Again during San Martin's rebellion he
served under his chief as a lieut-col. The chambers of Salvador, on the 19th
of May, 1845, declared Guzman a ' benem6rito de la patria,' and awarded
him a gold medal, at the same time promoting him to general of division.
Montufar, Resena Hut., iv. 693-4; Salv., Dinrio Ofic, May 21, 1875. Dun-
lop, Cmt. Am., 116, says of him: He was 'more remarkable for cunning than
honor or courage. His manners are gentlemanly; he has no mixture of col-
ored blood, and is rather good-looking, though he appears to possess but little
talent or education.' I am inclined to think that Dunlop misrepresented
Guzman's character, for Guzman proved himself a good and pure ruler, and
his name is revered in the state and throughout Cent. Am. by all lovers of
freedom and enlightenment.
^^On the 23d of Feb., 1845, grounded on the execution of priests at Leon.
The decree forbids the faithful of the diocese to have any intercourse, verbal
or written, with Malespin, or to uphold or defend him in any manner.
Full text in Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 679-81; Bustnmantc, Mem. Hist.
Mex., MS., ii. 78.
TREATY OF PEACE. 203
doran chambers, and the inhabitants of upwards of
100 towns which had set him aside, guilty of treason.
Guzman was now menaced from several quarters;
namely, from Malespin's partisans in San Salvador,
the military at Comayagua, J. Trinidad Munoz, who
wanted to destroy the liberals that had escaped from
Leon, and lastly, Rafael Carrera, who, though at
times inclined to wheedle the liberals, generally had
his claws ready to tear them to pieces. Guzman
found the panther more untractable than the other
wild beasts. It was therefore necessary to place in
Guatemala experienced tamers; but he was unsuc-
cessful in this. His commissioners, though they
managed by fawning to approach Carrera, met with
poor success in their mission.^*
Guzman marched against Belloso at San Vicente
and defeated him. He next went to San Miguel,
which he entered amidst the plaudits of the people.^
Malespin entered with him into a convention at Jocoro,
binding himself to surrender all national property of
Salvador and to leave the country. But the author-
ities of Honduras disapproved the arrangement, and
it fell to the ground ;^^ the war continued, till on the
18th of April a treaty of peace and friendship was
concluded at Chinameca, to which the minister of
Salvador, Duenas, added another clause, requiring
that both Salvador and Honduras should disband
their troops immediately after the ratification of the
treaty. ^^ Honduras failed to ratify it, and proposed
^*They were Cayetano A. Molina and Juan Antonio Alvarado. They
asked not merely for Carrera's neutrality, but for his active aid, and were re-
ferred to the ministers, by whom they were dealt with as children. The
ministers pretended that their request could not be acceded to without an
express sanction of the legislature, which was not then in session for lack of
a quorum. The plea was a ridiculous one, when we consider that Carrera
had never before consulted the wishes of the assembly to act his own will.
^^ Malespin had been acting there as president, under Hond. support; but
on Guzman's approach his troops disbanded, and he fled.
5^ In March 1845 the president of Hond. took Malespin and his companions
under the protection of his govt. Nic, Registro Ofic, 53-4.
^^ The commissioners of Hond. were Sebastian Salinas and Leonardo Ro-
mero; those of Salv., Jos6 F^lix Quiroz and Nicolas Angulo. The treaty Mas
ratified by Salv,, but rejected by the other contracting party. Text of the
treaty and Duenas' additional clause, in Montufm\ liesena Ilist.y iv. 726-32.
204 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
that new conferences should be held at Gualcinse,
and at the same time despatched 900 men upon that
place under Malespin. Armed parties from Honduras
invaded Salvador; and, indeed, Ferrera was using all
possible means to exasperate the latter state into com-
mitting acts of hostility against the former, so that
Carrera might have an opportunity to take a hand in
the game.
The chambers of^alvador assembled at this time,
and Minister Duenas reported a treaty of peace, amity,
and alliance with Guatemala. ^^ He seemed to expect
aid from that side of the river Paz.°^ Nicaragua had
extended a friendly reception to two Salvador com-
missioners.^^ The chambers gave Guzman ample
powers for the defence of the state. This did not
include authority to invade any other state, unless as
a retaliatory measure. A resort to this was finally re-
solved upon, and a Salvadoran army under Cabanas
marched the 24th of May upon Comayagua, meeting
with defeat there on the 2d of June, and again at
Sensenti on the 10th of the same month.^^ The Hon-
^^ Concluded by Cayetano A. Molina and Juan A. Alvarado for Sal v. , and
Alejandro Marure and Jos6 M. de Urruela for Guat., April 4, 1845; approved
by the constituent congress of Guat. on the 23d of the same month, and pub-
lished by Acting President Duran the next day. Guat., Becop. Leyes, i. 415-
19; Guat., Gaceta, July 8, 1853; Monit. Constit. hid.. May 21, 1845; La Mi-
nerva, May 22, 1845.
^ Duenas was then considered a liberal, though he was a Dominican friar
when the convents were closed in 1839, for which reason the government of
Guat. would not trust him. It was deceiving him. He was, however, the
one most likely to succeed in keeping Carrera from aiding Hond. in the pres-
ent emergency. Hond. had sent Felipe Jduregui and Pablo Orellana to Guat.
The former was Ferrera's mentor, and in the councils of Pa von, Aycinena,
and Batres. At first he was alarmed at the liberalism of the constituent con-
gress, which had voted assistance to Salv. But he received assurances that
no aid would be sent except to quell revolts in the interior; and, moreover,
that the foes of Hond. would be stricken from the Salvador administration.
Jduregui now understood the game, and wrote his government that the vote
of aid by congress practically amounted to nothing. A note containing these
assurances was published in Comayagua. Guat. concluded a treaty of friend-
ship and alliance with Hond. on the 19th of July, 1845. Guat, JRecop. Leyes,
i. 419-23.
^'^Dr Aguilar and Father Monterey. Nic, Registro Ofic, 61-2, 123-34.
Gen. Munoz, who so efficiently aided Malespin at Leon, was now the com.
gen. and most prominent man in Nic.
^^ Ferrera claimed another victory on the 7th at Santa Rosa, but it was
unfounded. Id., 83, 88; Monitor Constit. Ind., Mav 21, 1845; Crowe's Gospel,
166-7.
GUAEDIOLA'S VANDALISM.
205
durenos inhumanly put to death all the wounded
Salvadorenos left at Comayagua and Santa Kosa.
Ferrera, now flushed with victory, thought that he
could dictate terms to Salvador. ^^ It was a mistake
on his part, for the people of Salvador rose en masse
to repair the disasters of Comayagua and Sensenti.
Guardiola committed many acts of vandalism in
La Union, in consequence of which Minister Duefias,
on the 25th of July, addressed a circular to the agents
of foreign nations protesting against the seizure of
Salvador and Honduras.
foreign goods in the government's warehouse at that
port. Cabanas, after the disasters before related,
^' He demanded on the 11th of July, as compensation for alleged damages
to Hond. by the invasion of Cabaiios and Cordero, that Salv. should cede to
Hond. all the arms and other war material deposited in the latter state by
Malespin, and pay, besides, $100,000 in specie, to be collected by Hond. in
instalments at the port of La Union, which, until the payments should be
completed, was to be held by Hond. ; or, in lieu of that sum, cede to the lat-
ter the department of San Miguel, or that portion of the department of
Cuscatlan lying outside of the territory enclosed by the Lempa on the south
and south-west. He also required the exile from Cent. Am. of a number of
persons. This note was published in GuaL, Gaceta Ofic.y no. 15, Aug. 28, 1845.
In July a project was entertained of a confederation of Hond. with Nic,
Guat., and Salv. Nic, Registro Ofic, 93-5, 102-8, 118-21, 136-8.
205 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
arrived at San Miguel with scarcely fifty men, and
endeavored to collect his scattered forces; but his
efforts were unavailing, and Guardiola marched into
the city — which had been abandoned by nearly all
the inhabitants — and gave it up to be plundered by
his soldiers.^
All that part of Salvador on the Lempa and the
district of Chalatenango were in the hands of the
enemy, who acted as the master of a conquered
country. One of the commanders was the notorious
Manuel Quijano. The Salvadorenos attacked him
and were defeated. The Hondurans now felt certain
that they could capture San Salvador. But on the
15th of August Guardiola with 900 men attacked the
Salvadorenos at the hacienda del Obrajuelo and was
routed, losing two thirds of his force and most of his
war material.^* He evacuated San Miguel at mid-
night. The authorities of Honduras soon after pub-
lished a suspension of hostilities in order to negotiate
a peace.®^ An armistice was afterward signed at
Sumpul.^^ Munoz of Nicaragua, for motives of his
own, exerted himself to bring about peace between
Honduras and Salvador, to which end he despatched
Sebastian Escobar as commissioner to the two
belligerents. Sensenti was finally fixed upon as the
place for holding the conferences, and a treaty of
peace, amity, and alliance was concluded on the 27th
of November, 1845, under which Malespin and Es-
pinosa were forbidden to set foot in Salvador without
leave of her government.^"'
^ One house contaming British property was spared. The houses of two
French merchants, whose nation's nag was flying over them, were plundered.
Dunlop's Cent. Am.j 239.
^* In his report he tried to cover up this serious disaster. But the fact
was, that he escaped with only about 300 men, leaving on the field upward
of 300 muskets, and a large number of slain, wounded, and prisoners.
Montufar. Bemna Hist., iv. 700-1.
*^Houd. troops entered Salv. after that and were defeated. Guardiola
with 350 men attacked Carballo, who had only 39, and murdered them. It is
said that this act was commended by Ferrera in his report to the chambers of
Hond.
^Ouzman then returned to Hond. a number of prisoners who had been
represented by his enemies as murdered.
^' So long as they remained in Ilond. the latter was to compel them to
GUATEMALAN INDEPENDENCE. 207
The government of Guatemala, with a view of not
too openly going counter to public opinion in the
states desiring to see a national government established,
inserted in the treaty concluded with Salvador on the
4th of April, 1845, a clause apparently intended to
promote that end.^^ And yet it was at the same time
considering the expediency of declaring the entire
independence of Guatemala, and gathering material
which was made public in a manifesto in March 1847.
Indeed, she had no desire to carry out the stipulations,
though she named Joaquin Duran and Doctor Mari-
ano Padilla her commissioners.^^ Pretexts were not
wanting, and new commissioners appointed, namely,
Marure and Rodriguez, both of whom favored Guate-
mala's absolute independence. The result w^as the
abandonment of the plan of reorganization as entirely
impracticable.'^^ The declaration of independence was
made in the decree of March 21, 1847.^^ Carrera,
the president, in a manifesto, set forth the causes that
live at a great distance from the Salv. frontier. Montufar, Hesefia Hist., iv,
736-8; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 239-43; Nic, Eegistro Ofic, 1S2, 172, 221-2; El
Tiempo, March 12, 1846.
^Each of the contracting parties was to appoint two commissioners to
meet at Sonsonate on the 30th of Aug., and was to urge upon the other three
states a consideration of the lamentable state the republic was in, suggesting
how best to do away with such a condition of affairs; and proposing therefor
the convocation and assembling of a constituent power, or such other measure
as it might deem conducive to the desired end. Montufar, Resena Hist., v.
30-1.
^^Dnran well understood the policy of his government. Padilla did not,
and volunteered to represent in San Salvador the ardent wishes of Guat. for
the restoration of the union. He did so in a patriotic speech that gave him
a good name in Salv. and a bad one in Guat. , where the Gaceta rebuked him.
^° ' Un delirio de imaginaciones enfermas,' it was pronounced to be. Dele-
gates from Costa R., Salv., and Guat. were at Sonsonate on the 17th of Feb.,
1846, and fixed the 15th to the 20th of April for conferences, but they did
not take place. On the 15th of June Costa E., Hond., and Salv. only were
represented. Nic. and Costa R. signified their willingness to meet the other
states at any place they might select, Hond. having suggested Nacaome, as
Sonsonate was no longer deemed safe. The whole plan failed at last because
of the action of Guat. Much interesting information on the subject and
official correspondence appear in (ri^a^., Gac. OJic.,uo. 26; Costa B., Col. Leyes,
ix. 51-3,58, 203-4,212-14,345-6; x. 115-17, 123-4; Nic, Beg. Ofic, 236-350,
passim; Montufar, Besena Hist., v. 316-18, 334-5; FroebeVs Cent. Am., 143;
Dunlop's Cent. Am., 253-4; Niles' Reg., Ixix. 34.
^^ Signed by Rafael Carrera, and countersigned by Jos6 Antonio Azmitia,
minister of relations. Guat., Becop. Leyes, i. 73-6; Costa R., Informe Belaciones,
etc., 1848, 4; El Universal, June 8, 1849; Niles' Reg.,\yiyin. 208; TheCalifor-
nian, S. F., Nov. 24, 1847, ii. 3.
2C8 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
had prompted such a measure, which he called one of
regeneration, and asked the people to greet it with
the same enthusiasm that w^as shown in 1821, when
the cry for separation from Spain was raised."^^
The secessionists pronounced it an able effort; but
it caused a disagreeable impression in the states, and
in none more so than in Salvador. It wounded pub-
lic sentiment. Carrera had no legal right to take
such a step. The constituent assembly had placed
him in charge of the executive, but had not made him
a legislator. For all that, the separation from the
rest of Central America became an accomplished fact,
and Carrera was declared a hero, the founder of the
republic, and coin was struck with his bust on it.*^^
This act was ratified on the 14th of September, 1848,
by the constituent assembly of Guatemala, when
Carrera was no longer in power.
Lindo was ruling in Honduras and Guerrero in
Nicaragua, but these two states were in accord with
Salvador, from fear of British pretensions, on the neces-
sity of a Central American union. They constituted,
early in 1848, the diet of Nacaome, w^hich urgently
invited Guatemala and Costa Rica to join it; but
the former peremptorily declined, alleging that the
decree of March 21st precluded her taking any step
backward. Costa Rica sent deputies to Nacaome.'*
^^ The document bore Carrera's name, but it was no production of his own
mind. The authorship was attributed to Alejandro Marure; that is to say,
he drew it up from the materials that had been collecting for years. La
Revista, the organ of the Sociedad Econ6mica, declared it the offspring of
long meditation, and indeed it was, for the aristocrats of Guat. had been
planning it since 1828. The full text is given in Montufar. Resena Hist., v.
196-207.
^* Manuel Pineda de Mont, compiler of Guat. , Recop. Leyes, i. 453, claims,
however, that Guat. was the last of the five states to set aside the federal
govt, the last to secede, the last to continue bearing the general burdens of
the system, especially the pecuniary ones to sustain even the semblance of
authority; and that she only adopted the resolution of March 21, 1847, after
exhausting every effort, and losing all hope of seeing her wishes realized.
The reader will judge between his statements and the facts as they have been
fairly given by me.
'* Joaquin Bernardo Calvo and Juan Antonio Alvarado. The ruler of
Costa Rica, Dr Castro, was, however, of the opinion that the five Central
American states would be better off as separate nations. Montiifar, Resena
Hist., v. 266-7; Nacaome, Dictdmen, ia Cent. Am. Pamph., no. 5; FroebeVa
Cent. Am., 143.
REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA. 209
The celebrated Ecuatorian general, Juan Josd Flores,
arrived in Costa Kica in July 1848, and was received
with much consideration, which flattered his vanity.
He wanted the aid of Costa Rica for his own plans,
and got himself into the good graces of President
Castro. The dissolution of the Colombian republic
had enabled him to become the ruler of Ecuador ; and
being of the same way of thinking as Pavon and his
fellow-secessionists of Guatemala, he counselled a
complete separation of the states of Central America.
Several influential men of Costa Rica favored the
policy of a wholly independent government for their
state.^^
Congress, on the 30th of August, 1848, consum-
mated the work of final separation, with a decree de-
claring that the title 'Estado de Costa Rica' was not
in consonance with the 22d article of the constitu-
tion, which established the principle of Costa Rica's
sovereignty, freedom, and independence; that with
this understanding, and as a free, sovereign, and in-
dependent nation, other powers had treated with her
on a footing of equality. It was therefore resolved,
carrying out the wishes of the municipal districts,
that the term 'repiiblica' be substituted for that of
^estado.'^^ President Castro sanctioned its promul-
gation on the 31st.
Notwithstanding so many difficulties, the friends of
union never resigned the hope of accomplishing their
purpose. In November 1849 commissioners of Hon-
duras, Salvador, and Nicaragua assembled at Leon,
and on the 8th agreed upon a basis of union of the
three states, the terms of which were subsequently
promulgated;^^ and it was left optional with Guate-
^* Among them was the deputy Nazario Toledo, an intimate friend of the
president. Felipe Molina was another, and his opinions are clearly defined
m his Bosq. Costa B., 108-9.
^^ The decree bears the signatures of Juan Eafael Reyes, vice-president,
and Nazario Toledo and Santiago Fernandez, deputies and secretaries of con-
gress. Costa B., Col. Leyes, x. 336-8; Montufary Besefia Hist., v. 526-7.
'''' The arrangement looked to a consolidation for the purpose of conduct-
ing foreign relations, au>l to an early union on the plan of a federation. Cent.
HiBT. Cent. Am., Vol. III. U
210 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
mala and Costa Rica to join it or not. The remnants
of the aristocratic element, with the support of Brit-
ish ofl&cials/^ opposed the union, and in order to de-
feat it, promoted revolutions in Nicaragua and Hon-
duras. The compact went into effect, however, on
the 9th of January, 1851, when the national repre-
sentatives assembled in Chiriandega, Jose F. Barrun-
dia, representative from Salvador, being chosen their
president.^^
The national constituent congress was installed at
Tegucigalpa on the 9th of October, 1852, and began
its labors on the following day.^^
Trinidad Cabanas was on the 13th elected jefe su-
premo of the federation, but he declined the honor,
being desirous of disarming opposition to the new
organization on the part of his political opponents.
His resignation was accepted on the 26th, and Fran-
cisco Castellon chosen on the 28th.^^ An organic law
was enacted on the 13th of October, and communicated
to the government of the federation.^^ The supreme
Am. Miscel. Doc, 46; Costa i?., Gac. Gob., March 2, Apr. 20, 1850; Hond.y
Gac. OJic, Aug. 31, 1850; El Sigh, Apr. 22, 1851; Nic, Corr. 1st., Dec. 16,
1849, March 21, Oct. 3, 1850; La Union, Jan. 1, 15, 1850; GuaL, Gac, Nov.
30, 1849; Salv., Gac, Dec. 7, 1849.
■'^ Consul-gen. Chatfield was officially advised of the new organization on
the 21st Jan., 1851, and ignored Sec. Buitrago's note. On being reminded of
it, May 22d, he returned an insulting reply July 13th, refusing his recogni-
tion, when the government decreed, on the 24th of July, to cancel his exe-
quatur as consul-gen. in the states belonging to the confederation, and to
inform his govt of the cause. Gent. Am. Docs, 1-6. The British officials
also resorted to other means to defeat what they called Am. policy. Squkr's
Gent. Am., ii. 135; El Universal, Feb. 19, March 26, 1850; Salv., Gac, Dec.
21, 1849; Dem. Rev., Nov. 1850, 452.
'^Guat. and Costa R. had refused to join. Salv. Gac, March 8, 22, 1850,
Oct. 12, 1854; Nic, Corr. Jsi., Jan. 16, 30, 1851.
^° The act of installation was accompanied with religious and civic cere-
monies, the govt of Hond., at whose head was Trinidad Cabanas, heartily
joining them. Congratulatory messages came from all friends of the union.
El Siglo, S. Salv., Oct. 29, 30, Nov. 1, 4, 10, 14, 16, 19, 1852; Hond., Gac
OJic, Oct. 30, Nov. 15, 1852; Perez, Mem. Hist. Revol. Nic, 17; ElPorvenir,
nos. 6, 7.
8^ The assembly also elected a vice-jefe and four substitute councillors to
fill the executive chair, in the event of the jefe or members of the executive
council dying or becoming disabled.
^''It set forth the duties of the jefe supremo and councillors, the indepen-
dence between the federal and state authorities, the rights of citizens, respon-
sibilities of public officials, and organization of the federal judiciary. Hond.,
Gac Ofic, Nov. 30, 1852.
A SHORT-LIVED FEDEflATION". 211
executive authority, on the 20th of November, 1852,
was held by Pedro MoHna, vice-jefe, four senators,
and two acting ministers of state. The federation
thus organized was not destined to be long lived.
Upon the allegation that the congress had created
a dictatorship, and referred the organic statute to
the people instead of the legislatures of the states,
the assemblies of Salvador and Nicaragua set aside
the federation, and declared themselves independent
states.^^ Nicaragua may have receded from that act;
but whether it was so or not, the union between Hon-
duras and Nicaragua was dissolved by the war which
broke out in February 1863 between Salvador and
Guatemala, Honduras joining one of those states, and
Nicaragua the other. Further efforts have been
made from time to time — 1871-76, and even as
late as 1885 — to accomplish the union of the states
under one government; but obstacles have been in
the way, the chief doubtlessly being the personal am-
bition or jealousy of rulers, and the project still re-
mains as a possible event to come about in a 'few
years, as it is believed to be much desired by the
majority of Central Americans.^*
^ Salv. on the 21st of March, and Nic. on the 30th of April. The con-
gress, acting too precipitately, overstepped the hounds of its powers. Perez,
Alem. Hist. Eevol. Nic, 17-18.
^^ More details on the confederation scheme are contained in Astahui'uagay
Cent. Am., 110-16; ElNacional, Nov. 27, Dec. 25, 1858; Nic, Bol. Ofic, July
30, 1869; Id., Oac, March 2, 9, 1872; Id., Seman. Nicar., Nov. 21, Dec. 12,
1872, Feb. 6, Oct. 16, 1873; Los Anales, Dec. 1, 1872; Mex., Diario Ofic,
Nov. 2, 1871; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., i., pt 1,
680-3; Costa R., Inf. Rel., 1876, 12-14; Salv. Oac, Ofic, June 10, July 6,
Aug. 19, Oct. 26, 27, 1876; Id., Diario Ofic, March 17, Oct. 5, 13, 1875,
Jan. 27, 30, Feb. 2-6, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, March 2, 1876; Caicedo,
Lat. Am.t 60-2; Cent. Am., Contest al Voto, 1-23; Chamorro, Ciiestion JVa-
cional, 1-7; Harper's Monthly Mag. xvii. 691.
Further authorities for the preceding chapters are: Montufar, Resefia Hist.,
vols i.-iv., passim; Id., Discurso, 1-12; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 1-72, 96-100,
164-79, 185-6, 197-202, 207, 217-73, 382-95, 453-5, 461-75, 592-600, 858-9,
877-8; ii. 83-260, 632-7; iii. 286, 338-48; Id., Bolet. Ofic, 1831, no. 2; 1832,
nos. 17, 20; 1833, no. 34; 1834, nos. 34, 56, July 15, Oct. 15; 1836, no. 84;
1837, no. 10; 1838, no. 53; Fernando VII., Dommentos, 264^76, 281-5, 292-
311, 337-49; Id., Decretos, 4-10, 15-26, 33-73, 105-10, 120-34, 149-82, 194-
201, 220-3, 243-81; Ayon, Consid. Limites, 20-4. Id., Apuntes, passim; Asta-
huruaga, C. Amer., 12-32, 79-80; Arce, Mem., passim; Reichardt, Nic, 76-9;
Id., Cent. Am., 37-44, 114-17, 133-4, 139-45, 208-11; Pirn's Gate of the Pac,
38, 56, 58-61; Gac Imp. Mex., i. 162-3, 445-8, 477-9, 489-91, 503-5; ii. 554-
61, 635, 657-9, 677-9, 735, 747-52; Gac de Mex., 1823, no. 3, 11-12, 1826,
212 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
July 4, Sept. 16, Oct. 31, Dec. 14; 1826, Jan. 25, March 1, 31, April 26;
Ocios Espau. Emig., v. 307-11, 405-13, 487-505; vi. 8-21, 107-17, 302-13,
383-4; vii. 3-7; Itocha, C6d. Nic, i. 19-23, 56-64, 72-92, 214-16; ii. 22-56,
163-4; Morazan y Carrera, Apuntes, MS., 1-18; Molina, Coup d' ceil Costa R.,
4-5, 9-12; Id., Costa R. y N. Granada, 9-10, 16-29; Id., Bosq. Costa R., pas-
sim; Integ. Cent. Am., Dec. 11, 1849; El Rol., Oct. 13, 1854; Zebadua, Manif.,
1-40; Juarros, Guat., ii. 103-4; Id., Stat, and Com. Hist. Guat., 74; Squier's
Guat., 581-2; Id., States C. A., 360-1, 414-16, 466, 482, 493, 575-88, 627-8,
641-3, 663; Id., Travels C. Am., ii., passim; Id., Comp. Hist. C. A., 18-191;
Wells' Honduras, 116, 120, 230-1, 472-83; Jordan's Bangers to Foreigners,
50-2; Cuevas, Porv. Mix., 252-7; Costa R., Mem. Relac, 1884, 2-34, and docs.
1 and 2; Annals Brit. Legis., i. 60; ii. 192, 365; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc,
ii. 81-2, 130-1; Herrera, Discurso, 1-12; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. MeJ., 386,
407-14; Sur America, Sohre las Perturhaciones de Guat., 1-52; Lafond, Voy.
autour du Monde, i. 367, 373-8; Laferriere, De Paris a Guat., 58-64, 256-8;
Puydt et Binckum, Colonisation, 116-24; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 305; Urrueta,
Inglaterra, 7-12; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ix. 9-10; Aznero Plata, Informe, 1-19;
Espir. Puhl, Dec. 13, 20, 1828; Jan. 18, Feb. 14, 1829; Wappdus, Mex. und
C. Amer., 258-64, 271-4, 360-3; Trollope's W. Ind., 335; Dunn's Guatemala,
13-29, 150-1, 167-88, 205; Atleta, 149-50, 199-200, 477; Guat., Mem. conte-
nant au Aper(^u, 4, 126, 146-58; Id., Memoria, 1837, 12-22; Robertson's Hist.
Am., ii. 1138-9; El Progreso, April 11, 18, 25, 1850; Tnhune Almanac, 1851,
36; Holinski, La Calif ornie, 305-31; Hustons Journey in Hond., 11; Niks'
Register, xxii. 65; xxiii. 406; xxvii. 355; xxviii. 37, 114-15, 304; xxix. 39,
192, 382; xxx. 439-40; xxxi. 160, 172-6; xxxii. 80, 201, 232, 282, 375; xxxiii.
38; xxxiv. 8, 36, 123; xxxv. 41, 155, 349; xxxvi. 321; xxxviii. 369, 395; xliii.
268; xlv. 210; liv. 289; Ivi. 49, 210, 243, 385; Ivii. 34, 280; lix. 191; Emi-
grado Observ., 1828, 5-24, 122, in Ocios de Espafia; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 14-
16; Byam's Wild Life, 32-7; Nouv. Annales Voy., xcii. 59-60, 75-7; c. 51-60,
64-6; Young sMosq. Shore, 15-21, 26-33, 42-3, 53-89, 106-14, 122-38^ 156, 166;
Overland Monthly, xiv. 159-67; Larrainzar, Soconusco, 80, 132, 168, 178; Reper-
tork> Americano, i. 273-89; Eastern Coast C. Am., 8-25; Strangeways' Mosq.,
4-5, 59-68, 119-33, 144-8, 237-338; Dunlap's Cent. Am., passim; Henderson's
Account of Br. Hond., 28-105, 165-211; D'Orbigny, Voy. deux Amenques, 398-
406; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, 314; Nuevo Viajero Univ., iii. 609-10; Lar-
enaudiere, Mex. et Guat., 295-308; Poinsett's Notes on Mex., app. 64; Andersons
Commerce, iv. 449; Dunbar's Mex. Papers, 234-5; Regil, in Soc. Mex. Geog.,
iii. 239, 315; Ancona, Hist. Yuc, iv. 221-35; Boletin Ofc. {Mex.), no. 14, 2;
Diputados, Lista de; Doc. Hist. Cat, iv. 807-8; Suarez, Informe, 182; Dice.
Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 919-20, 971; Findlay's Directory, i. 223, 240; Peralta,
Ripub. de Costa Rica, 4-8; Polynesian, iv. 166; North Am.. Rev., xiv. 420-46;
xxvi. 136-8, 143-5; Osborne's Guide to W. Ind., 234, 261-2; Wagner, Costa
Rica, 201-3, 231, 543-51, 508; Croioe's Gospel in C. Am., 115-51, 200-22; Los
Anales, Oct. 15, 1872, p. 471; Nov. 1, 1872, p. 53; Nov. 15, 1872, p. 56; Dec.
1, 1872, pp. 62-3; Dec. 15, 1872, pp. 71-2; Paredes, Coast of Mosquitos, 1-62;
Nic, Semanario Nic, May 30, July 4, 18, Dec. 26, 1872; Jan. 2, March 6,
April 17, 24, 1873; Hassel, Mex. and Guat., 316-19; Boddam's Across Cent.
Am., 66; Bolet. Extraord. Guat., Oct. 16, 1832; July 30, 1833; Parol, 102-5;
Von Tempsky\ Mitla, 337-43; Fajardo, Informe al Min. Relac., 2-3, 14-15;
Haelfkens Reize naar Guat., ii. 76-97; Id., Central Amerika, 1-468; Stephens'
Travels C. Am., i. 11-22, 195-200, 211, 225-50, 304-7, 359; ii. 37-8, 51-90,
107-17, 205-9; Thompson's Guat., 2, 136, 140, 160, 163, 167, 185-6, 252-8, 415,
422-3, 509-10; Lastarria, La America, 250-2; Ortigosa, Sermon, p. 24; Diaz,
Miscel, no. 1, p. 1; Costa Rica, Ley Fundamental Refoi-mada (Alajuela, 1835),
1-48; Id.y Ley Fundamental de Costa R. (San Salvador, 1825), 1-26; Amer. Re-
view, Nov. 1850, 446-55; Stout's Nic, 147-9, 168-75, 258-9, 358-62; Bolet. Soc
Mex. Geog., 2da ep., iii. 100-6; iv. 712-15; Mex., Actas Conor. Const., iv. 2;
Id., Col. Dec. sob. Congr., p. 219; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Amer., ii. 360-72;
Martin's Hist. W. Ind., i. 163-70; Lond. Geog. Soc, Jour., v. 387-92; vi. 128,
135; viii. 317-27; xi. 82-8; Lynch, Relacion Puntual, 1757, MS., 4-19; Otras
Reflex, sobre Reforma en Cent. Am., 1-21; Pan., Docs. Ofic, in Pan., Col. Doc,
AUTHORITIES. 213
MSS., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; Pinart Coll-, S. Amer. and Guat, i. 221-3;
Liceaga, Adic. y Hectijic., 613; Malte-Brun, Precis Geog. U,niv., vi. 468; 3Iac-
gregors Prog. Ameiica, i. 744:-7; Gordons Digest Laws IT. /S'., 328-35; Lunario
de Centro-Amer.; El Sigh, Jan, 10, May 16, 1851; June 5, 1852; Gtiat. Com.
and AgHc. Co., 133-7; Macpherson^s Annals of Com., iii. 548; iv. 159, 179; El
Ohservadorde la Bepiib. Mex., July 4, 1827; Guat., Los Nobles, 1-11; Blasquez,
Opinion sobre los Chamelcos, in Doc. Originales Chiapas, 4r-5; Diario Mex., xi.
279-80; xii. 477-80; Avner. Aimual Reg., 1825-6, 40-9; Id., 1826-7, 171-82;
West Lidies, Description, 49-50; Torrente, Revol. Hisp.-Am., i. 115; Revue
Americaine, i. 398-408; Oposicion {La.), June 15, 1835; Democ. Review, v. 609-
10; XXX. 547; Pabellon Nac., Nov. 21, 1844; Nic, Reg. OJic., 9-13, 59-60;
Los Altos, Manif. Documentado, 1-28; Amer. Cent., Reclam. de Interv., 7-10;
Lesur, Annuaire Hist. Univ., 1827, 577-8; Cor. Fed. Mex., Nov. 9, 11, 27,
Dee. 14, 18, 1826; 1827, passim; Feb. 13, March 31, June 14, July 18, Sept.
I, 9, 14, 18, 21-2, Oct. 28; Amerique Cent., Cie Beige, pt ii. 30-2, 115-29, 160-1;
Gtcat., Decretos, i. nos. 1, 4, 20, 25, 31, 32, 39, 41, 134; Morelet, Voy. dans
tAm6r. Cent., ii. 291; Montgomery's Narrative Jour, to Guat., 33-54, 142-9;
Modern Traveller, Mex. and Guat., ii. 194-5, 317; Nic. y Hond., Docs., 1-11,
35; Sandoval, Revista Polit., 3-7; San Juan, Ocupacion, 28-43; Alaman, Hist.
Mej., 50, 291-2; v. 57, 478, 614, ap. pp. 46-65, 104; Id., Mem. Presentada d
las Cdmaras, 9; BidwelVs Panama, 347; Hond., Gac. Ofic, Feb. 20, June 30,
1853; C. Rica, Gac. Gob., Jan. 26, 1850; Gac. Nic, April 1, June 17, 1865;
July 20, 1867; Santangelo, Congr. Panama, 73-5; Saravla, Bosq. Polit. Estad.,
17-18; El Semanal Nicaragiiense, i. 44; Baily^s Cent. Am., 81-2; Mex. Finan.,
April 18, 1885, pp. 40-2; Mex. y Guat., Cuest. Limites, 52-3; Nic, Nueva Dis-
cusion, 6; Gac. Salv., Oct. 12, 1854; Salv., Diario OJic, Feb. -May 1875, pas-
sim; March 2, 28, Sept. 9, 1876; Sept. 20, 1878; June 20, Sept. 5, 1879; Mex.,
Mem. Guerra, 1833, p. 8; Id., Mem. Relac, 1823, pp. 11-12; 1827, p. 11; 1829,
p. 2; 1832, pp. 2-3; 1833, pp. 1-2, 1835, pp. 3-4; 1838, p. 9; 1839, pp. 2-3;
1839, MS., pp. 12-13; 1840, p. 2; 1841, in Diario Gob. Mex., Jan. 24, 1841,
p. 1; Mex., Mem., ii., docs. 1, 5, 8; Id., Mem. Min. Relac, i., docs. 2, 4, 5, 9,
II, 12, 13; Nic, Memona, in Cent. Am. Pamphl., iii., no. 1, 4-28; Payne's
Hist. Europ. Colonies, 324-32; Quart. Review, xxviii. 157-61; Gac. de Guat.,
Oct. 7, 1853; May 5, Dec. 22, 1854; Costa Rica, Bolet. OJic, Jan. 13, 24, 27,
Feb. 3, 7, 14, 17, 28, March 14, 17, 1855; MilVs Mex., 205-19; Aim., Ruiz
Calend. Salv., 1873, 66-71; Id., Guat. Guia, 1853, 13-14; Id., Hond., 1829, 5,
18-37, 56-64, 90-5, 124-7, 133-48; Cabildo, Informe que el Cabildo, 1-75; Can-
celada, Tel. Mex., 104-11; Chatjield's Letter to Lord Palmerston, Dec. 13, 1847;
Id., Letter to Guat. Govt, Dec. 10, 1847, in Mosq., Correspond, respecting Mosq.
Terr., 170-2; La Nacion, Sept. 8, 1856; Mosq. KiXste und Texas, 29-30; Conk-
ling's Guide, 335-6; National Caletidar, 18; Conder's Mex. and Guat., 195-7;
Centro-AmAr., La Situacion, 1-17; Cande, Golfe de Hond., 5-9; Centro-Am4r.,
Informe sobre la ConstiL, p. 73, and p. 30; Id., Convencion, 1-32; Centro-
Americano, passim; Cdrtes, Actas PubL, ii., April 23, 1814, p. 320; Castellon,
Docs. Relat., 36, 104; El Nacional, Jime 19, 26, July 5, 31, Aug. 14, Sept. 25,
Dec. 11, 1858; Jan. 22, 1859; Sept. 8, 1860; Mosqueto Indian, in ChurchiWs
Coll., vi. 300-11; Bericht Mosquitolandes, 5-7, 12, 23, 28, 31-43, 220-7; Cor.
Atldntico, May 9, 1835; Benton's Thirty Years' View, 65-9; Id., Debates in
Cong., vii. 383-4; viii. 737, 746; ix. 769; x. 746; xi. 767; Mosaico Mex., ii. 232,
342, 344, 462; Nacionalidad Espafiola; Mosquito Docs., nos. 77-229; Nic, Bolet.
OJic, Sept. 6, 1862; Id., ConstiL, 1838, 1-39; Id., Docs. Dip. Hist., 18-22; Id.,
Cor. 1st., July 1, 1849; Oct. 3, 1850; Id., De 6rden del Director; Munoz, De-
fensa Llaves San Pedro; Obispa de Chil., 153-64, 451-54; Cdrtes, Diario, 1811,
viii. 33; 1813, xix. 404; 1821, ext. i., Sept. 22, p. 7; ext. iv., Nov. 18, pp.
12-13; 1835-6, ii. 227; La Union, Dec. 1, 1849; Jan. 1, 1850; La Union de
Nic, Jan. 5, 1861; El Universal, April 18, 1850; April 16, 1853; Voy., New
Univ. Col.^ ii. 374-8; Verdaderas Razones, 1-13; Viagera Univ., xxvii. 174-7,
189-91; Vera Paz, Colonisation de, 4; El Veracruzano Libre, June 13, 1828
Valois, Mexique, 154-9, 209-27, 316-19; Cent. Am. Papers, i.-v., passim
Papeles Varios, xix. pt 18; cxxi. pt i.; cxxiv. pt 9; cxlix. pt 7; clx. pt 19
clxvii. pt 5; ccxxvi. pt 10; United Service Jour., 1833, pt ii. 456; U. S. Govt
214 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
Docs., Commercial Rel., 1866, 567-8; 1868, 302, 728-9; Id., Cong. Globe, 1838-
9, 91; Id., Cong. Debates, 1825-6, i. 1303-5; 1831-2, i. 767-74; Id., Amer.
State Pap., For. Rel., v. 774-82; Id., 19th cong., 2d sess., U. S. Acts, pp. 8-
31; Sen. Doc. 1, vol. i., pp. 149-70; Id., 26th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc, 2,
p. 6; Id., 30th cong. 2d sess., H. Com. Rept, 145, pp. 383-5; Fillsola, Mem.
Chierra Tex., ii. 88-9; Id., J. la Junta Soherana de Guat., 1-8; Gazeta de Guat.,
vi. 21, 177-84, 443; ix. 757; xi. 4-7, 91-2, 120-4; xiii. 353, 369-76; xiv. 1-
16, 82, 265; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 326-7; Bustamante, Voz de la
Patria, MS., 4; Id., Hist. IturUde, 160-1, 176; Id., Cuadro Hist., MS., vii.
108-19; viii. 177-9; Porvenir de Nk., Oct. 22, 29, 1871; July 20, 1873; Perez,
Mem. Camp. Nacional, 82, 154; Id., Biog. Sacasa, 3-5; Frisch, Staaten von
Mex., 55-62, 73-8; Keioens Nic. and Walker, MS., 27-36, 39-60, 64-85; Costa
Rica, Col. Leyes, iii. 43-5, 101-18, 129-31, 144r-67, 169-88, 280-2, 297-8, 304-6;
iv.-v., passim; vi. 41-3, 276-86, 304-5, 319-20; Belly, Nic, i. 71-5, 137,
350-2; Bmiero, Bosq. Hist, 42-5, 66-233, 395-417, 639-795; Pineda de Mont.,
in Gtiat., Recap. Leyes, iii. 347-8; Cent. Am., Mem. Hist. Revol., passim; Mem,
Hist. Centro-Am., 1-72; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am6r., passim; Id., Efem.
Hechos Notables, passim.
CHAPTEE XI.
REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
1841-1856.
Rule of Caerillo Continued— Plots for its Overthrow — Invasion of
MoRAZAN— Change of Government — Morazan's Policy — Opposition
— Revolts — Morazan's Defeat and Death — Satisfaction of the
Oligarchs — Measures of the Victors — New Constitution — Subse-
quent Amendments — Sedition — Castro's Administration — Costa
Rica Declared a Republic — Recognition by Spain — Relations with
Other Powers — Boundary Questions with Nicaragua and Colombia
— President Juan Rafael Mora — His Repressive Measures.
Carrillo, believing himself clothed with unlimited
authority, on the 8th of March, 1841, issued what he
called a ^ ley de garantias,' giving himself a life tenure
of office and inviolability.^ The supreme government
was made to consist of the executive, and two cham-
bers, named respectively ^consultiva' and ^judicial,*
whose members were to be chosen by electoral col-
leges.^ Intending to celebrate with eclat the inaugu-
ration of the cdmara consultiva, Carrillo recalled from
exile Juan Mora and four others.^ The consultiva,
following Carrillo's wishes, elected Manual Antonio
1 Molina, who denies that Carrillo was disposed to be tyrannical, but on
the contrary anxious for the good of his country, adding that he was * severo
y sencillo en su conducta, y que paliaba su arbitrariedad con el ejercicio de
las virtu des mas relevantes en un mandatario,' confesses that on the present
occasion this great man committed a grave error. Bosq. Costa R., 103; Costa
R. Dec. de garan. y bases, 24 mo.j Id., Col. Ley., viii. 15-36, 41-2; Salv.y
Diario OJic.^ May 25, 1875.
2 The former was coiistituted with as many members as there were de-
partments, namely, four. The latter was composed of a president, two rela-
tores fiscales, and four justices.
^ He insulted them, however, by providing that they should be under the
surveillance of the authorities. Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 42.
(215)
216 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
Bonilla segundo jefe/ The enemies of the present
ruler were numerous, and increasing. They called
Morazan to their aid, through General Bermudez of
Peru.
Morazan sailed from Chiriqui in Panamd, and after
visiting several places in Central America landed
with about 500 men at Caldera^ on the 7th of April,
1842. With him were generals Saget, Cabanas, Sa-
ravia, and Rascon.^ Carrillo heard of the invasion
in the evening of the 8th, and at once assumed per-
sonal command of the troops to operate against the
enemy, turning over the executive office to Bonilla,
the vice-jefe,^ and providing other measures for an
active campaign. Nearly 1,000 men under Colonel
Vicente Villasenor composed the expedition, among
whose captains and lieutenants were some of the
wealthiest persons in tile country.^ Morazan had
issued a manifesto assuring the Costa Bicans that his
policy would be one of order, union, and progress, to
accomplish which Braulio Carrillo must be ousted
from power. As the government forces approached
the invaders, Villasenor made known its contents to
his command, and asked whether they were for fight-
ing or for a peaceable arrangement. Both officers and
men almost unanimously^ favored the latter, and a
convention w^as concluded at Jocote on the 11th of
Aprils by virtue of which the two forces fraternized,
* He was married to a niece of Carrillo. Bonilla was faithful to him in
life, and to his memory after death.
^ According to Col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas. Barmndia makes the force
only 300. He had at first landed at La Union, in Salvador, with 22 officers
of all ranks, and marched upon San Miguel, where he recruited 200 men, and
then returned to La Union. He next visited Acajutla and Sonsonate, where
he ascertained the state of public affairs in Salvador and Guatemala, after
holding some correspondence with the chiefs of the former state and Nica-
ragua. The latter answered very offensively. Montufar, Resena Hist, iv.
47-55, 145. Entertaining a favorable idea of the invitation sent him by
the Costa Ricans, he sailed for the isle of Martin Perez, in the gulf of Fonseca,
where he finally organized his expedition and embarked it on the vessels
Cruzador, Asuncion Granadina, Jos^a, Isabel II., and CosmopoUta.
^ Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 55-6; Salv., Diario Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875.
'^ Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 248-50.
® Among them were Vicente Aguilar, Francisco and Mariano Montealegre,
and Rafael Barroeta.
''It is understood that Rafael Barroeta was the sole exception.
MORAZAN AND SARAVIA. 217
becoming one army. It was further agreed that a
constituent assembly should . be called to reoganize
the state, the government meanwhile remaining in
charge of Morazan, or in his absence in that of Vicente
Villasenor.^^ This convention was accepted on the
next day at San Jose by Carrillo, with a few additions
which did in no wise vitiate it, and Morazan afterward
ratified the whole at Heredia/^ He was enthusiasti-
cally welcomed at Alajuela and Heredia, and with an
augmented force marched on San Jose, which he
entered without hindrance. As jefe supremo pro-
visorio he made Jose Miguel Saravia his sole minister
of state, and issued a proclamation embodying com-
plete for^'etfulness of all past political offences, and
tendering an asylum in Costa Hica to all persons, of
whatever party, suffering persecution in the other
states. ^^ He next appointed a committee to revise
the laws enacted by Carrillo, with the view of repeal-
ing such as were deemed unwise or arbitrary, and a
number of them were accordingly annulled, the pre-
posterous one of March 8, 1841, not being, of course,
excepted. The state constitution of January 21, 1825,
was revived, and the people were called upon to elect
a constituent assembly, which was to meet at San
Jose on the 10th of July.^'^ This body, composed of
thirteen members, one of whom was the distinguished
ex-jefe Juan Mora, was installed on the appointed
1° Carrillo was to leave the country with a full pledge of safety to his fam-
ily and property. The convention was signed by Morazan, Villasenor, gen-
erals Saget, Saravia, and Rascon, 5 colonels, and the other assenting officers
of all ranks, including 5 Texiguas.
^1 Carrillo left the state from Puntarenas. Bonilla was also guaranteed
security. Montiifar, Resena Hist., iii. 615-19; Niles' Reg., Ixii., 275. Both
Carrillo and Aguilar died out of Costa R.; the former was killed, and his
murderer executed. Funeral honors were paid in Costa R. to Aguilar, Aug.
25, 1846. Costa R., Col. Ley., ix. 289-90. The remains of both ex-chiefs were
brought home by Presid. Castro's decree of Nov. 5, 1848. Id., x. 365-8; El
Salvador Regenerado, June 4, 1842.
1^ Dated April 14, 1842. Id., vii. 250-1.
^^ A general order was given to prevent any interference with the elections
on the part of the troops. Copies of Morazan's decrees to undo the evils of
his predecessor, and to prepare for the reorganization of the state on liberal
principles, are furnished in Id., 236-342, passim; Montufar, Resena Hist., iii.
621-31.
218 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
day under the presidency of Jose F. Peralta, deputy
for Cartago, and on the 15th of July unanhnously
elected Morazan provisional jefe of the state.^*
The great political change thus effected in Costa
Rica greatly alarmed the reactionists; and specially
those of Guatemala, who lost no time in adopting
measures to destroy Morazan. This chief, on the
other hand, took steps toward the reorganization of
Central America, equipping troops therefor. Some of
his measures were deemed too severe, giving rise to
rebellion in some localities. There were intimate rela-
tions between Carrera of Guatemala and General
Antonio Pinto of Costa Rica, as well as between the
serviles of both states, who, together with the clergy,
worked to promote a revolt. An attempt in Guana-
caste by Colonel Manuel A. Molina failed, and caused
his arrest, trial, and execution at Puntarenas.^^ Colo-
nel Molina was a son of Pedro Molina, the noted
champion of free principles, and however legal his
execution may have been, it was certainly impolitic.
His sentence might have been commuted, thus avert-
ing the disruption which at once broke out in the
liberal ranks. ^^
Saget was at Puntarenas attending to the embarka-
^* Again on the 30th of Aug. it authorized the continuation of his govern-
ment till a new constitution should be framed. The same day it reaffirmed
Morazan's extraordinary powers, and on the 2d of Sept. adjourned to reassem-
ble April 1, 1843. Among the most noted acts of this convention were the
following: A vote of thanks and other honors to Morazan and Villasenor, the
latter being awarded a gold medal with an honorable inscription. Morazan
was given the title of Libertador de Costa Rica; and on his refusing to pub-
lish the decree, the assembly specially requested him to do so. The army
that brought about the change was honored with the name of Division Liber-
tadora de Costa Rica. The assembly also made a formal declaration on the
20th of July, in favor of a federal republic. Costa B., Col. Ley.^ vii. 342-51,
379-82, 403.
^'^ It was strictly in accordance with the military code. His brother Fe-
lipe, in relating the occurrence, says that a disappointment in love, and his
removal from the comandancia of the department, preyed upon his mind, * le
sobrevino una fiebre, perdid la razon, y se hizo criminal. ' But he subsequently
declared his loyalty to Morazan, and while lying on a bed of sickness was
arrested. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 104.
^® Molina did not hear of his son's fate till after the 15th of Sept. Greatly
agitated, and shedding tears for Morazan's end, his son-in-law, Irungaray,
told him not to bewail the fate of Morazan, for he had spilled the blood of
Manuel Angel. These words so shocked the aged patriot that he fell
less to the ground.
WAR AND REBELLION. 219
tion of 45 officers, 200 men, 2,000 or 3,000 muskets,
and about 1,300 pounds of powder and lead. At Ala-
juela were 300 recruits of that department and 100 of
Cartago, all commanded by Florentin Alfaro. This
officer was won over by Morazan's enemies, and revolt-
ing on the 1 1th of September marched upon San Jose,
where the people followed his example. The revolu-
tionists then called General Pinto to the command.^''
Morazan's body-guard of forty Salvadorans thrice re-
pulsed the assailants, but finally had to retreat to the
chief barracks. ^^ The jefe, together with Cordero, Ca-
banas, and Saravia, and 80 men sustained another ter-
rible onslaught on the 1 2th. The besiegers were con-
stantly on the increase till they numbered 5,000, and
the besieged on the decrease by death and desertion. ^^
Chaplain Jose Antonio Castro came to propose a
capitulation based on Morazan's abandonment of the
country, and a pledge of security to his supporters.
Believing that his loyalty and military honor were at
stake, Morazan declined the propositions.^^ Pinto's
secretary, Vicente Herrera, was very virulent, de-
manding Morazan's blood; and the chaplain reported
that the jefe wanted war, refusing to recognize any
authority on the part of his adversaries to give pledges,
which enraged their commander and his secretary all
the more.^^ The fight continued, and blood flowed
^' He was a Portuguese who came to Costa Rica while still young. In his
early years he had been in the naval service, and acquired some skill as an
artilleryman. He married into a respectable family of San Jose, and had
numerous descendants. By the cultivation of coffee he made himself wealthy,
and this together with his connection with the Carrillo family enabled him to
attain the position of comandante general, and to link his name with some
important events. At his house the worst enemies of Morazan had always
been welcomed. Montufar, Resend Hist, iii. 647-8.
^^ There were two barracks in San Jose; one his guard occupied; in the
other were 150 men from Cartago who had no ammunition. El Sigh, Aug. 16,
1852.
^^ Morazan tried to save his wife; but in traversing the street to reach the
house of the Escalantes, amidst the deadly fire, she was taken by the enemy
and conveyed to the house of Father Blanco, a brother of Luz Blanco, one of
Morazan's mortal foes.
"^^ He would have met with no difficulty in obtaining security for Saravia,
who was much esteemed by all. But the case was different with others,
especially Villaseiior, against whom much animosity was felt.
2^ Herrera was a student when he gained this unenviable notoriety. He
220 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA
freely.^^ Mayorga, comandante at Cartage, rebelled,
and Morazan's situation had become a desperate one
on the 13th. No reenforcements could reach him, and
provisions were exhausted. Juan Mora and Chaplain
Castro endeavored to bring about an arrangement,
but the terms offered, being oppressive, were rejected.
The firing was resumed between one and two o'clock
in the morning of the 14th. Morazan and his hand-
ful of supporters, worn out by fatigue, hunger, and
wounds, made their way through the besiegers and
reached Cartago,^^ Cabanas covering the retreat wdth
30 men. Mayorga s wife, who disapproved her hus-
band's disloyalty, sent them word of their danger.
But it came too late. Morazan and the rest were
surrounded and captured. Young Francisco Morazan
and Saravia, arriving a little later, were also secured.
Deception toward Cabanas was used,^* and treachery
toward Morazan, who was promised his life.
Early the next morning, an officer named Dario
Orozco came to inform Morazan and his companions
that they were to be put in irons, by demand of the
troops. Saravia rose and seized a pistol to blow his
brains out ; but Morazan prevented the suicide, though
only for a few moments. He then walked a while
smoking, and finally submitted to have the shackles
put on his feet, and just as it was being done he had
a horrible convulsion which ended in death. It is
afterward went to Guatemala to complete his studies, and was well treated
and much aided by Juan Jose Aycinena and Manuel F. Pavon; and he be-
came their most humble henchman. Returning to Costa Rica as a lawyer, he
was appointed after a while a justice of the supreme court. On many occa-
sions he proved himself unprincipled, treacherous, and contemptible.
22 Over 100 killed and 200 wounded.
23 He had wanted to go to Tdrcoles, expecting to find Saget there, but
was dissuaded by Villaseiior and others.
2* The Spaniard Espinach, a reactionist of some standing who acted as a
commissioner of the revolutionists, fearing that Morazan's popularity in Car-
tago might bring on a counter-movement, and in order to avert it, asked
Morazan to instruct Cabanas to lay down his arms, and to command Saget to
deliver those he had in Puntarenas. He assured Morazan his life was in no
peril. His next step was to meet Cabanas at Chomogo, telling him Morazan
was leaving the state by the Matina road with sufficient money, and advising
him to disband his men. Cabanas was deceived, and went alone to Matina,
where he was taken prisoner.
BLOODY WORK. 221
said that he had swallowed poison. The shackles
were riveted on a corpse!"^ Villasefior stabbed him-
self with a dagger, and fell to the ground covered with
blood, unfortunately for him, not dead. Morazan was
shackled. The prisoners were at once taken to San
Jose. Morazan, though wounded, rode on horseback,
and Yillasenor was carried in a hammock; but on
arriving at the Cuesta de las Moras, Captain Benavi-
des, a Peruvian who commanded their guard, made
them walk to the court-house. Morazan on the way
conversed with Pardo and Vijil, and remembering
that it was the 15th of September, remarked to Vijil,
" How solemnly we are keeping the anniversary of in-
dependence ! " The other prisoners were confined in
the building called Los Almacenes, and Morazan was
left with Yillasenor as his sole companion.
Moderate men strongly urged a strict observance of
law, aside from prejudice or passion ;^^ but their voice
was drowned in the uproar of the enemies of Mora-
zan,^^ clamoring for his death without form of trial,
regardless of the requirements of the constitution of
1825, and of the fact that he w^as the legitimate chief
^Marure, Efem., 56. Saravia was a son of Miguel Gonzalez Sara via, the
governor of Nicaragua, who attached that province to Iturbide's empire, and
a grandson of General Saravia, president and captain-general of Guatemala,
who had been appointed viceroy of Mexico, and was shot by Morelos in Oajaca.
Young Saravia s mother, Concepcion Najera y Batres, was of the leaders of
Guatemalan society, for which reason the aristocratic party expected much
from him. But after completing his education, with evidences of extraordi-
nary talents, he often gave expression to the most liberal ideas. Before being
admitted to the bar in 1834 he had served in the office of the secretary of the
senate, and later as a chief of bureau in the department of foreign affairs.
He afterward held a judicial appointment, being at all times noted for ability
and eloquence, as well as for his writings in El Sernanario, which attracted
the attention of Morazan, who made him auditor de guerra of the federal
army. From that time Saravia followed Morazan's fortunes, taking part in
several actions of war, and thus attaining the rank of general. He was also
this leader's aide-de-camp, private secretary, and minister-general, both in
Salvador and Costa Eica. A portrait of the young general gives him quite a
distinguished air.
2^ Among them were Mariano Montealegre, Juan de los Santos Madriz,
and Jose M. Castro.
2' The most virulent were Luz Blanco and Herrera. They even worked
upon the feelings of Pinto's family, and it is said that his daughter Petronila
imagined that she saw her father sent to the scaffold by Morazan, and fell in
a convulsion.
222 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
of the state. ^^ But nothing availed to save his life.
Pinto, like his prototype Pontius Pilate, after a slight
hesitation, signed the order of execution of both Mora-
zan and Villasenor, to be carried out within three
hours. Morazan then summoned his son Francisco,
and dictated to him his last will and testament; some
of its clauses are epitomized below. ^^ After placing
in charge of Montealegre a handkerchief and a few
other objects for his wife, so soon to become a widow,
he walked with dignity and a firm step to the place
of execution. Villasenor, who was nearly dead from
his wound, was carried in a chair. On arriving at
the fatal spot Morazan embraced Villasenor, saying,
"My dear friend, posterity will do us justice." Bar-
rundia thus describes the last moments of the ex-
president: He gave the order to prepare arms, saw
that a good aim was taken, then gave the command
to fire, and fell to the ground. Still raising his bleed-
ing head, he cried out: "I am yet alive;" when a sec-
ond volley despatched him. Thus on the 15th of
September, the anniversary of Central American in-
dependence, just as the sun was sinking in the west,
the soul of the noble patriot returned to the region
whence it came.^^
2^ Morazan had demanded a trial. He also desired to address a circular
to the governments of the states, but it was not permitted him.
2^ He declared that he had expended the whole of his own and his wife's
estate, besides $18,000 due to Gen. Bermudez, in endowing Costa Rica with
a government of laws. This was his sole offence, for which he had been con-
demned to lose his life, which was further aggravated by a broken pledge,
for he had been assured by Espinach that his life would be spared. The
forces he had organized were originally intended to defend Guanacaste against
an expected attack from Nicaragua. Subsequently a number of volunteers
were detached for the pacification of the republic. He reiterated his love for
Central America, urging upon the youth of the land to imitate his example,
and fight to redeem her. He finally disclaimed any enmity or rancor toward
his murderers, forgiving them and wishing them every possible happiness.
In that instrument, says Barrundia, * se ve diafana el alma, noble, tranquila,
y generosa del heroe que descendia a la tumba.'
^^ The remains lay in Costa Rica till, under a decree of Pres. Castro, Nov.
6, 1848, they were exhumed on the 27th, and after paying honors on the 4th
of Dec, were surrendered, according to Morazan 's wishes, to Salvador, by
whose authorities they were received with high military and civic honors.
Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 368-9. Carrera afterward treated them with indig-
nity. Montufar, Beseila Hist., iii. 656; iv. 219-20, 250-3; v. 650-2, 665-6;
Testam, in Cent. Am. Pap., No. 2. Further particulars on Morazan 's rule in
Costa Rica, and on his death and interment, may be found in Nic, Correo Ist.,
MORAZAN'S GREATNESS RECOGNIZED. 223
Morazan's death caused much satisfaction to the
ruling powers of Guatemala and Honduras.^^ In
Guatemala it was an occasion for rejoicing, with high
mass and other religious ceremonies.^^ The time
came, however, when Morazan's greatness was recog-
nized in Guatemala and Honduras, when the servile
element no longer had a voice in public affairs. ^^
Relations had been suspended by the Guatemalan
government with that of Costa Rica, while the latter
recognized Morazan as its chief. ^* Treaties of union
and mutual defence had been made by the states of
Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras against
Costa Rica on the 7th and 16th of October. ^^ After
Morazan's downfall an attempt was made to prevail on
May 1, 1849; Niks' Reg., Ixiii., 19, 176; Nic, Registro O/c, No. 2, 7; Squier's
Trav., ii. 444-9; Wappdus, If ex. und Cent. Am., 361; Reichardt, Cent. Am.,
142; El Progreso, Oct. 3, 1850; Crowe's Gospel, 152-3; Wagner, Costa i?.,
203-5; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 217-22; Belly, Nic, i. 73-4; Wells' Hond., 484-
93; Salv., Dlario Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875; Robert Glascow Dunlop, Travels in Cen-
tral America, London, 1847, 8°, 358 pp. and map, is a work purporting to be
a journal of nearly three years' residence in Central America, and giving a
sketch of the history of the republic, together with an account of the phys-
ical peculiarities, agriculture, commerce, and state of society. Much of the
information therein is correct; but on historical and social topics the author,
who was a Scotchman, displayed narrow-mindedness, and a judgment warped
by British prejudices.
^^ In the latter — his native state — his last will was published in the ofl&cial
journal in the column of varieties with offensive remarks. These notes, and
indeed the whole conduct of the authorities, were disgraceful. El Redactor,
Ofic. de Hond., Sept. 15, 1843.
^^ The priest Juan Jose Aycinena, who was the minister of state, hated
Morazan with a deadly hatred from the day that his brother was defeated at
San Antonio. This animosity became more intensified, if possible, upon
Morazan contemptuously rejecting the dictatorship that was tendered him.
Morazan said in his last will that his death was an assassination, as he had
not been allowed any form of trial. But the worthy padre and his accomplice
in iniquity, Carrera, attributed the crime to heaven, and made Rivera Paz,
chief of state, accuse providence of aiding Vicente Herrera and Luz Blanco in
its perpetration.
^^ Honors were paid to his memory in the city of Guatemala in 1876; a
statue was erected to him by Honduras in 1883. La Regeneracion, July 10,
1876; Costa R., Mem. Relaciones, 1884, 2-3, and doc. 1, 2.
^* Every abusive epithet was applied to him in the ofl&cial press; tyrant,
bandit, inonster, were among the mildest. The aim was to make him appear
in the eyes of the ignorant as the only obstacle to peace and reorganization;
and the masses believed that he was the author of all the evils under the sun.
Gac.de Guat., Oct. 28, 1842.
^^ The subscribing commissioners were Manuel F. Pa von, for Guatemala;
Pedro Nolasco Arriaga, for Honduras; and Joaquin Duran, for the other two
states. Inasmuch as Arriaga and Duran were Aycinena's and Pavon's hum-
ble satellites, the treaties might just as well have been signed Pavon, Pavon,
Pavon. Montufar, Resena Hist, iv. 129-33; Guat., Recop. Leg., i. 395-408
224 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
the new government to subscribe to these treaties, but
it failed.^^
On the 23d of September the civil and other authori-
ties at San Jose passed acts setting aside the su-
preme powers that had ruled the state since its occupa-
tion by Morazan, and proclaiming J. M. Alfaro as jefe
provisorio, with Antonio Pinto as comandante gen-
eral. ^^ These acts were subsequently confirmed by the
people of the state.^ Among Alfaro's first measures
were to forbid the return of political exiles, including
Carrillo; to check attempts at rebellion; to invite
Morazan's soldiers to return to their homes ;^^ to re-
store confiscated property; to establish an official
journal; and to raise a forced loan.^*^ Disregarding
the remonstrances of Guatemala, the government, of
which Josd Maria Castro was now minister-general,
by its decree of the 5th of April, 1843, called upon the
people to send deputies to a constituent assembly.
This body was installed on the 1st of June, and soon
after adopted the groundwork upon which was to be
erected the fundamental law of the state. *^ TJie as-
^^ It is asserted that the Guatemalan government said that Costa Rica
should appoint as her commissioner a resident of Guatemala. But Jose M.
Castro, the young Costa Rican minister, thought differently.
^^ They had led the revolt on the 11th and the following days. Molina^
Bosq. Costa R., 105.
^^ So says Marure, now a confirmed * conservador, ' adding, ' y celebrados
con entusiasmo en toda la repiiblica.' Efem.^ 56.
2^ The expeditionary force of 300 to 500 under Saget, on hearing of the
trouble at San Jose, went on board their ships at Puntarenas, thence
menacing the government. Subsequently arrangements were made for the
surrender of the arms and disbandment of the men, but owing to misunder-
standing were not carried out, and the expedition departed for La Libertad in
Salv. on the Coquimbo. Costa R. afterward claimed the armament and ship,
but Salv. invariably refused to return them, on the plea that they belonged
to Morazan's family, *como ganadas en ley de guerra por aquel caudillo.'
Much indignation was felt in Guatemala and Honduras, and somewhat less in
Nicaragua, against Salvador, because the latter, notwithstanding the treaties
of 1840 and 1842, and the protest to the contrary, had allowed Saget, Cabanas,
Barrios, and their companions, to reside in the state under the protection of
its laws. The first two named governments saw that for all they had ma-
noeuvred to make of the executive of Salvador a mere submissive agent of the
aristocracy, he had now emancipated himself from its control. Montufavy
Resena Hist., iv. 4-5, 115-33; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 105-6.
^ Costa R., Col Ley., vii. 404-16.
*^Art. 3 stated that the idea was not yet entertained, which later was
formed, of declaring the state to be a sovereign and independent republic.
Art. 5 resolved the question of boundaries with Colombia and Nicaragua upon
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY. 225
sembly likewise enacted a law declaratory of the rights
of man; and another on freedom of the press under
certain limitations. Among the other acts worthy
of mention passed by this body were the following:
The jefe, Alfaro, was to hold his office till the promul-
gation of the constitution and the election of his suc-
cessor under it. All his acts were approved, and a
vote of thanks was awarded him. A similar vote
was given to General Pinto. Francisco M. Qrea-
muno was chosen segundo jefe, and a short time
afterward he was called to fill the executive chair^
upon leave of absence being given to Alfaro.*^ The
assembly adjourned on the 2 2d of September, to meet
again on the 13th of November. The constitutional
bases, nicknamed by the conservatives '^de los tri-
bunes," did not meet the approval of the government.
The assembly then adopted a constitution, which
made provision for two chambers, the executive au-
thority being exercised by a jefe, as formerly, and all
the functionaries constituting the supreme powers
being chosen by the whole people. The promulga-
tion of the new^ fundamental law was made on the
11th of April, 1844,^^ and all officers were required
to take an oath to support it. Pinto, the comandante
general, refused to do so without first consulting
Alfaro and others. He tried to make an armed
opposition, but did not 'succeed, and was dismissed,.
Colonel Jose Maria Quiroz superseding him/*
The publication of the new fundamental law was
the principles sustained by Costa Rica, Arts. 4 and 10 established a fourth'
power under the name of Conservador, composed of no less than three coun-
cillors chosen by the people. Art. 9 places the legislative authority in an.
assembly of not less than 15 members. It does not establish two chambers.
Art. 11 says that the executive office is to be exercised by a tribune, out of
four to be chosen by the electors. Art. 13 was condemned by the fanatics,
though it merely allows religious toleration. The Gaceta de Guat. exclaimed,
* Ya volvemos a las andadas.' Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 383, 391-3, 417-18;
Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 106.
*^ All these acts, dated respectively June 7-8, Sept. 13, 19, 1843, appear in.
Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 45-50, 63-7.
*^By the second jefe, Oreamuno, then in charge of the executive.
** The govt was supported by the people and troops. Quiroz was promoted
to gen. of brigade. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 106; El Mentor Costaricense gave
an extensive account of the aflFair.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 15
226 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
celebrated with feasts for three days. But the fact of
Pmto's dismissal from the command of the forces
caused serious divisions in families/^ which has been felt
ever since in the political events of the country. The
two chambers decreed by the constituent assembly
complicated the political machinery, and the enemies
of the new constitution exaggerated its defects. The
necessity of a senate in Costa Rica was not clear, for
the composition of the house of deputies was such
that it required impulsion rather than checks. There-
fore, what would be the mission of the senate?*^
Alfaro reassumed the duties of the executive office
on the 28th of June, on which date Castro resigned
his position of secretary-general,*^ to take a seat in the
chamber of deputies, which was installed on the 3d
of July. The first duty of this body was to count the
votes for senators; but the returns were coming
in very slowly, so that the senate did not assemble
till the 12th of November.^ Both houses then on
the 15th declared Francisco Maria Oreamuno duly
elected jefe of the state. He took possession of the
office with reluctance.^^ The spirit of localism which
caused so much trouble in 1835 was still rampant, and
'Oreamuno found himself confronted by it. What-
ever measure was proposed in favor of any one local-
ity was certain to displease the others. Rather than
-contend with such difficulties, he tendered, on the
26th of November, his resignation, which was not
^accepted; but he was resolved to retire, and one day,
feeing more than usually disgusted, he abandoned his
^^ Pinto was an uncle-in -law of Castro, secretary-general, who under the
circumstances surrounding the govt could not restore him to his office.
*^To give an idea of the situation: Cartago's deputies were three clergy-
men, Peralta, Campo, and Carazo. Heredia also sent the priest Flores. If
the senators must be still more grave and circumspect, where could they be
procured? Montufar, Resefia Hist., v. 173.
*^ His successor was Juan Mora.
^^ Costa R., Col L., viii. 352-3, 384-5.
*^ He was a native of Cartago; a man of elegant manners, cultured without
affectation, well informed on general subjects, and a highly respected citizen.
Though not a member of the bar, he knew enough of law to successfully oppose
the lawyers who constantly took advantage of the confusion existing in the
old Spanish laws.
MOYA, GALLEGOS, AND ALFARO. 227
post and went off to his home in Cartago/^ His suc-
cessor was Rafael Moya, then president of the sen-
ate/^ who exerted himself to do away with localism, and
to promote harmony between the several sections; but
his senatorial term expiring on the 30th of April,
1845, he could no longer continue holding the execu-
tive authority, and the chamber of deputies called to
assume its duties Senator Jose Rafael Gallegos,^^ who
was made chief of the state at the expiration of Juan
Moran's second term^ He took the chair on the 1st
of May. An ominous cloud could already be de-
cried away in the horizon. The new constitution
had thus early become an object of abuse, even by
the men who had enthusiastically proclaimed it, and
acrimoniously censured Pinto for refusing it recogni-
tion.^^
During the elections a bloodless revolt of four regi-
ments simultaneously occurred, on the 7th of June,
1846, at San Jose, Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela,
to overthrow the organic law. The movement was
seconded at once by the people,^^ and Jose Maria
Alfaro was summoned to assume the reins of govern-
ment, Gallegos returning to the presidency of the sen-
^ The chamber of deputies censured him, but his purpose of getting rid
of the executive office was accomplished. Costa li., Col. Ley., viii. 392-3; ix.
23-4.
^^ A wealthy man and head of a large family which gave him much social
importance. During his short administration he improved the public roads.
Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107. He also gave impulse to education, though
under the old ecclesiastical system. Montiifar, Resefia Hist., v. 175.
^2 Correspond, on the subject in Id., 184-6.
^^ Fault was found with the clause requiring the election by the people of
all public functionaries, including the ministers of state and judges. It was
said the people should not be molested with so many elections.
^* The manifesto issued by the leaders comprised the abolition of the con-
stitution, and the framing of another better suited to the needs of the coun-
try, the immediate election of a new vice-jefe, who must be a native of Costa
Rica, not under 25 years of age, married, or a widower with children, and
possess property to the value of no less than $10,000; one who had never
been criminally punished, except by a pecuniary fine, nor attached for debts
contracted in the state; he must have served in other public offices without
taint, and must be in favor of independence and a separate government for
the state. A new legislative chamber was to be immediately convoked, and
the manner of election fixed by the chief; meantime, the present assembly
was to continue its sittings. The chief was to select a good port on the
north coast, and make a road from it to the capital with funds of the treas-
ury. Costa R., Pap. SueUos, nos. 1, 2; Dunlop^s Cent. Am., 252-3.
228 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
ate. Every one recognized Gallegos as an upright
man, against whom no complaint was made/^ Alfaro
accepted the r61e, went into office on the 9th, and im-
mediately proceeded to carry out the purposes of the
revolution. Elections took place under the existing
constitution, Alfaro being chosen jefe, and Jose M.
Castro vice-jefe and secretary-general. The latter
being the intellectual superior of Alfaro, every branch
of the administration finally fell under his control.
The constituent assembly met on the 15th of Sep-
tember, and completed, on the 21st of January, 1847,
the new constitution, which was promulgated at once,
to have effect from and after the 7th of March. ^^
Experience having shown that several clauses of this
instrument were practically inexpedient, and that
others were not clearly worded, under article 187 of
the same congress subsequently adopted a number of
amendments, which had been asked for by a majority
of the municipalities/'^ The elections for supreme
authorities, decreed on the 17th of February, took
place; the constitutional congress assembled on the
1st of May, and after counting the votes for president
and vice-president on the 5th, declared Castro duly
elected for the first position and Alfaro for the second.
They were inducted into office on the 8th.^^
Castro's administration had to overcome serious
obstacles which might bring on political convulsions
^^ His removal from the executive seat resulted from the intrigues of a
few who knew that he could not be made a convenient tool.
^^'It was divided into 14 sections, placed the executive in a president, and
created a vice-president. The legislative authority was vested in a congress
of a single chamber, presided over by the vice-president. The Roman cath-
olic religion was the only one permitted, and it remained as that of the state
and under its protection. Costa R., ConstiL, 1847, 1-24; Id., Constit. Polit.^
1847, 1-118; Id., Col. Ley., x. 1-56; Astahuruaga, Cent. Am., 46-9.
^^Nov. 22, 1848, and promulgated by the executive on the 30th. A law
regulating the election of the supreme authorities was passed Dec. 20th.
Costa R., Constit. Polit. (ed. of 1850, 8°), 1-38; Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 347-
408, 422-52; M Universal, June 8, 1849.
^^El Arco Iris, Oct. 14, 1847. Alfaro was not pleased at being lowered to
the second place, even though he had ex-officio the presidency of congress.
He resigned on the 1st of Oct. of the same year, and Juan Rafael Mora be-
came his successor. Costa R., In/or me Relaciones, ap.; Id., Col. Ley., x. 86-7,
160-1, 187-8.
INDEPENDENCE DECLARED.
229
in the near future/^ Indeed, several disturbances
broke out at Alajuela, headed by Alfaro and his
friends, which were, however, easily quelled by Pres-
ident Castro, and once by Vice-president Mora, when
the president was absent.^ The last of these troubles
caused some bloodshed.^^ Albeit the revolts were put
Arms of Costa Rica.
^^ Castro had enemies in San Jose, He was accused of bringing about Ga-
Uego's dismissal. This assertion was repeated from mouth to mouth, and
came to be believed by many. Moreover, some men that he looked on as his
friends suggested to him unwise measures, with the view of damaging his ad-
ministration. Unfortunately, congress began to show aristocratic tendencies,
rc;::toring the abolished compellations without opposition on Castro's part.
The title of Excellency was voted to itself, the president, and the supreme
court.
^" Castro and Mora differed on many points. The president's circle consid-
ered Mora a dangerous competitor. Congress treated Mora with marked in-
difference, though he had restored peace in Alajuela with only 200 men. He
resigned the vice-presidency. An election being ordered, at the second
attempt Manuel Jose Carazo, a friend of Castro, was chosen. Carazo was au
able and well-informed man. He resigned the office on the 24th of Aug.,
but was reelected Sept. 22d. Id., 190, 300-7, 810-12, 327-9.
^^ Costa H., Inf. Belaciones, 10-12, 23-5. In Nov. of the same year all
230 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA,
down, the state continuea much agitated. Inflam-
matory writings against the president were secretly-
circulated, which the government gave importance to,
and the official press tried to counteract their influ-
ence. Castro concluded to resign his office, but con-
gress by a unanimous vote refused to accept the
resignation.^^ Costa Rica having by the act of her
congress, on the 30th of August, 1848, declared her-
self a sovereign and independent nation, under the
title of Repiiblica de Costa Rica, that body, on the
29th of the following September, adopted a flag, coat
of arms, and seal.^^
Costa Rica was the first state of Central America
to be recognized as an independent nation by Spain,
which was done in the treaty of May 10, 1850, which
was ratified by Costa Rica March 6, 1851. The re-
public made a concordat with the Roman pontifl*, for
the understanding of ecclesiastical aflairs, on the 7th
of October, 1852. She has endeavored to maintain
cordial relations with the powers of Europe and
America. To that end she concluded treaties with
the United States of America, the Hanseatic Towns,
France,^* Great Britian, Belgium, Holland, Italy,
Germany, and several of the Spanish- American re-
publics. With Guatemala a treaty was entered into
in February 1850, and the government awaited the
result of the efforts of the other three states to con-
stitute themselves under one nationality; and when
they failed, and the states assumed the role of inde-
political oflfenders were pardoned, and a war tax which had been levied on
Alajuelawas ordered refunded. Costa R., Col Ley., x. 269-90, 374-6, 410; Id.,
Pap. Sueltos, nos. 3-5; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107-8.
®2 Congress took into consideration a number of petitions from influential
sources highly commendatory of Castro's acts. Castro on ihe 16th of Nov.
had been made a general of division. MontlXfar, Reseiia Hist., v. 525-6, 530-
8, 543-51.
^^ The flag had five horizontal stripes, of which the centre one occupied one
third the width of the flag, and the others one sixth each. The centre stripe
was red, the one above and the one underneath it were white, and the other
two blue. Costa R., Col Ley., x. 354-6.
^France sent in April 1847 the corvette Le Gdnie to make demands on
behalf of her subject Thierriat, which Costa Rica settled by paying $10,000.
THE BOUNDARY QUESTION. 231
pendent republics, it made similar diplomatic arrange-
ments with them as foreign nations.^^
The boundaries of Costa Rica with Nicaragua on
one side, and with Panamd, one of the states of Co-
lombia, on the other, have been a source of constant
anxiety, repeatedly occupying the minds of the diplo-
mates of the three countries. Fortunately, the points
in dispute have been peaceably discussed by the gov-
ernments, though the press and politicians have not
always touched upon them with the same spirit. The
district of Nicoya or Guanacaste, at one time under
the government of Nicaragua, became annexed to
Costa Rica in 1824. This annexation was accepted
by the Costa Rican assembly, and the federal congress
allowed it, in a decree of December 9, 1825, as a pro-
visional arrangement, to be in force till an opportunity
was had to run the boundary between the two states.
This congress took no further action in the premises;
and since the dissolution of the Central* American
union, the district remained attached to Costa Rica.
Nicaragua never assented to the segregation, though
she made no attempt to recover the territory by force
of arms. She has, however, endeavored to sustain
her right to it in repeated diplomatic negotiations.^^
The time came when Nicaragua, being invaded by
William Walker's filibusters, and the independence of
all Central America threatened, the citizens of the
^^ Full particulars on the foreign relations are given in Molina, Bosq. Costa
R., 9-10, 61-2, 112-19; Id., Coup d'oeil Costa R., 3; Costa R., Col. Ley., x.
339^7; xii. 5-18, 94, 202-7; xv. 225; xvi. 195-6; xviii. 95-6, 171-88; xix.
107-9; XX. 24-8; xxiii. 184-200; xxiv. 171-97; Id., de 1869, 216-22; Id., de
1879, 61-3; Id., Gac. de Gob., Jan, 12, 26, Feb. 23, March 9, 1850; Id., Bol.
Ofic., Dec. 8, 22, 26-7, 29, 1853; Jan. 5, Apr. 20, 1854; Id., Informes y Mem.,
Reladones, 1850-80; Salv., Diario, Nov. 5, 1875; Cong. Globe, 1860-1; Smith*
sonian Rept, 1863, 54; Colombia, Diario OJic., Feb. 14, 1874; U. 8. Govt Doc,
36th cong. 2d sess., sen. i., 19 vol. i.; Id., 39th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess.
and Doc, Dept of St., ptii.), 430-45: Id., 40th cong. 2d sess.. For. Aff. (Mess.
and Doc, Dept of St., pt ii.), 277-80; Id., 42d cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc, 1
For. Rel., p. 7 (249-52); Id., 42d cong. 3d sess.. For. Rel., p. xxxv. (158-61);
Pdw. Gac, Apr. 16, 1876, and numerous other works in various languages.
^®Nic argued that the constitution of Costa R. of 1825 declared her
boundary to be at EI Salto, not at La Flor; to which Costa R. replied that the
instrument alluded to was anterior to the federal decree, and therefore could
not embrace Nicoya in Costa Rican territory; bub after this decree the funda-
mental laws of Costd R. did take it in.
232 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
five republics at once saw the necessity of having the
question amicably settled. ^'^ The other republics, more
particularly Salvador, brought their influence to bear,
and a treaty was concluded, duly ratified, exchanged,
and published as the law, to govern the boundary be-
tween Nicaragua and Costa Eica.^^ Under its second
article, both contracting parties ceded a portion of
their claims, Costa Rican territory not reaching the
lake, nor the Flor River, but merely the centre of
Salinas Bay. On the other hand, Nicaragua no longer
claimed territory to the Salto or Alvarado River, but
limited it to the aforesaid bay, and to the line pre-
scribed in the treaty. ^^ The acts of several congresses
^^Nic. had demanded the restoration in 1843, which led to the making of
a voluminous protocol, without any definitive result. Montufar, Hesena HisL^
ii. 229-31; iv. 382-3; Costa R., Col Ley., viii. 3-4.
^^ The treaty was made at San Jose, Costa R., on the 15th of Apr., 1858,
and signed by Jose M. Caiias and Maximo Jerez, plenipotentiaries respect-
ively of Costa R. and Nic, and by Pedro Rdmulo Negrete, mediator on the
part of Salv. The signatures of the secretaries of the three legations also
appear to the instrument. The ratifications were made in due form, and ex-
changed by the two govts on the 26th of April, the same year. The treaty
was approved by the Nicaraguan constituent congress May 28th, and published
by President Tomas Martinez and his secretary of state, June 4th. Under
its 2d article the dividing line was to be as follows: Starting from the Atlantic
Ocean, the line to begin at the extreme end of Punta de Castilla, at the mouth
©f the River San Juan, and continue on the right bank of that stream to a
point in waters below the Castillo Vie jo, at three ICnglish miles from the outer
fortifications. Thence a curve was to commence, whose centre should be
those works, and distant therefrom in all its course three English miles, and
terminating at a point distant two miles from the bank of the river in waters
above the fort. Thence the line should continue in the direction of Sapoa
River, which empties into Lake Nicaragua, following a course invariably two
miles distant from the right margin of the San Juan River, with its curves
to its source in the lake, and from the right margin of the same lake to the
said Sapoa River, where this line, parallel to said margins, ends. From the
point where it may coincide with the Sapoa River, which must of course be
two miles from the lake, an astronomical line should be drawn to the central
point of the bay of Salinas on the Pacific Ocean, where the delimitation of
the two contracting powers will terminate. The 6th art gives Nic. the ex-
clusive control over the waters of the San Juan River from its source in Lake
Nicaragua to the point where it empties into the Atlantic Ocean; Costa R.
retaining the right of navigation in said waters for trading purposes from the
mouth of the river to a distance of three English miles from tlie Castillo Vie jo.
RodM, G6d. Mc, i. 137-41; Costa R., Col Ley., xv. 75-6, 182-8; Id., In/oi-me
Gob., 1858, 12-13; Id., Inf. Rel, 1860, 6; Salv., Onceta Ofic, June 7, 1877,
513-14; El Nadonal, June 26, 1858, 10; PeraUa, Rio S. Juan, 24-5; Belly, Le
Nic, i. 359-62.
^^The treaty, after being completed and published in the ofiicial journal of
Nic, was communicated by both govts to the foreign diplomatic corps ac-
credited near them,. as well as to their own representatives abroad. All
friendly nations came to look on it as an accomplished fact.
DIVERS TREATIES. 233
of Nicaragua in after years indicated that the treaty
was recognized beyond cavil or dispute. Not a word
was officially uttered by Nicaragua in seven years
against its validity. After such a period had elapsed,
Tomas Ayon, her minister of foreign affairs, in a re-
port to the national congress, disputed its validity,
and the boundary question was reopened,^^ giving rise
to grave diplomatic discussions, and no little ill feeling
between the citizens of both countries from 1868 to
1883.^^ At last, early in 1883, a treaty was signed in
Granada by plenipotentiaries of both countries to
bring the dispute to an end.'^ President Cd-rdenas,
in laying the treaty before the Nicaraguan congress
early in 1885, urged its favorable consideration; but
no action was taken.
Under the Gual-Molina treaty, concluded at Bogotd,
March 15, 1825, the Provincias Unidas del Centro
de America and the Pepublic of Colombia agreed to
"^^ Ayon did not pretend to deny that the treaty had been concluded by his
govt, and duly ratified by the legislative authority of the two republics. He
alleged that the fundamental law of Nic. established the limits of the state,
embracing within them the territory of Guanacaste; and that the treaty in
question ignored the Nicaraguan constitution, which prescribed that an amend-
ment of it by one legislature must be submitted to the next for ratification;
and this not having been done, there was a radical nullity. Costa R. replied
that the legislative ratification in Nic. had been, not by an ordinary legisla-
ture, but by a constituent assembly fully empowered to amend the constitu-
tion or frame a new one. It had been called to make a new fundamental law,
and therefore had a right to establish new boundaries. Moreover, that even
if that assembly had not possessed constituent authority, but had been a
merely ordinary congress, the fact still remained that a number of Nicaraguan
legislatures had held the treaty to be valid and unobjectionable. Some at-
tempts have been made in administration circles of Costa R., much against
public opinion, to annul the treaty, in order to have for a boundary line the
whole right bank of the San Juan, from Greytown or San Juan del Norte to
San Carlos, and Lake Nicaragua to La Flor, Were this supported, and the
treaty set aside, the questions between Costa R. and Nic. would assume a
serious aspect. Montiifar, Reseiia Hist., ii. 231-4; Ayon, Cuestioii de Limites,
1-26; Id., Consid. sobre Limites, 1-26.
'1 Details may be found in JVic, Mem. Reladmes, 1871, 10-16, 29-39; Id.,
Gaceta, Oct. 3, 1838, May 4, 11, 1872, June 7, 1873; Id., Seman. Mc, June
6, 1872; Id., Correspond., 1872, 1-24; Id., Continuadon de la Correspond.,
1872, 1-16; U. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 43d cong. 1st sess., pt 2, 732, 735,
739, 743; 44th cong. 1st sess., pt 1, 157, 168; Costa /?., Informe Eel, 1873,
1-6; Id., Pap. Sueltos, Doc. no. 15; Salv., Gaceta Ofic, May 22, 1876; Peralta,
Rio S. Juan.
'''^ Antonio Zambrana for Costa R. , and Francisco Alvarez for Nic. Pan.
Star and Herald, March 5, 1883; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; U. S. Govt
Doc, 48th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc, pt 1, 59-61.
234
REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA
respect the boundaries then existing between them,
and to enter at an early convenient opportunity into a
special convention directed to fix the dividing line/^
The antecedents of the subject will be found in a note
at foot/^ All subsequent royal provisions, down to
1803, tend to confirm the limits of Costa Hica that
were fixed for Cherino on the Atlantic side. But on
the 20th of November, 1803, a royal order placed the
island of San Andres, and the coast of Mosquito from
Capo Gracias d, Dios to the River Chagres, under the
Costa Rica.
"An extract of that treaty is given in Mcmtufar^ Resefia Hist., i. 289-90.
■^^ The royal commission of Diego de Artieda Cherino, governor, captain-
general of Costa R., issued in 1573, fixed the boundaries of the province from
the 'embocadura del Desaguadero d rio San Juan de Nicaragua hasta la
frontera de Veraguas en el Mar Atlantico, y desde los linderos de Nicoya
hasta los valles de Chiriqui en el Pacifico.' Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 14; Id.y
Cos-'a R. y Nueva Granada, 9-10, 16-35. Felipe Molina being in the service
of Costa R., and intrusted with the defence of her interests, his assertions
might be by some deemed biassed; but the testimony of Juarros, the historian
of Guatemala, who wrote with the official docs before him, is not open to the
same objection. He says, speaking of Costa R., * sus terminos por el mar del
norte, son desde la boca del rio San Juan hasta el Escudo de Veraguas; y por
el sur, desde el rio de Alvarado, ray a divisoria de la provincia de Nicaragua,
hasta el rio de Boruca, termino del reino de Tierra Firme.' Montii/ar, Resefia
Hist, ii. 230.
DISPUTED TERRITORY. 235
supervision of the viceroy at Bogota. Nueva Granada,
now Repiilica de Colombia, has maintained that this
royal order made a new territorial division between
the capitania general of Guatemala and the vireinato
of Nueva Granada ; and to the latter belongs all the
territory alluded to in the royal order, and that said
territory was recognized as hers by the Gual-Molina
treaty. On behalf of Costa Rica, it has been al-
leged that the Spanish crown never made a territorial
division with a mere royal order. The division of
provinces, vice-royalties, and captain-generalcies was
effected under a pragmatic sanction, a royal decree,
or a royal cedula. The royal order aforesaid made
no division of territory, but merely placed San Andres
and the Mosquito Coast under the care of the viceroy
at Bogota because Spain at that time had military
and naval resources at Cartagena. Nevertheless the
order had no effect; it became a dead letter, the
viceroy never having protected that coast. Such was
the impression of the Central American negotiator
of the treaty of 1825.^^ With this same understanding
the federal government of Central America made a
contract in 1836 to settle an Irish colony in the region
of Boca del Toro,^^ which was not carried out because
the New Granadan authorities drove away the settlers,
and have ever since held control of the region, disre-
garding Costa Bica's claims. ^^
Several diplomatic efforts were fruitlessly made to
fix the boundary."^^ The last one was made at San
''^The territorial division recognized by him was that made in 1810, at
which time no New Granadan authority had a footing in Cent. Am. territory.
A representation of the ayuntamiento of Cartago to the Sp. cdrtes in 1813
says: ' Costa Rica tiene por limites de su territorio el rio de Chiriqui que la
separa de la provincia de Panama.' C6rtes, Diarlo, 1813, xix. 404.
■^^ Contract of Col Galindo, as agent of the govt. Molina, Bosq. Costa R.^
100-1.
■^^ Copy of correspond, between the gov. of Veraguas and that of Costa R.
Montufar, Besefia Hist, ii. 272-3; Mosq. Correspond., 22-5; Pan., Docs. OJlc,
in Pan. Col. Docs., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; Id., Star and 'Herald, Oct. 15. 16,
1880.
■^^ During the Walker war, a treaty was made at San Jose between P. A.
Herran for Colombia, and Joaquin B. Calvo for Costa Rica, which does not
follow the line on Molina's map. Modifications were made to it at Bogota,
and ratifications were never exchanged. Later on Jose M. Castro went to
236 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
Jose on the 25th of December, 1880, in the form of a
convention to refer the settlement of the question at
issue to the arbitration of a friendly power, namely,
the king of the Belgians or the king of Spain, and in
the event that neither of them could or would under-
take it, then the president of the Argentine confed-
eration.^^ It is understood that the matter was
finally submitted to the king of Spain, and that the
resolution was long pending.
Political disturbances continuing in 1849, Castro
resigned the presidency on the 16th of November,^^
before congress, which had met in extra session Octo-
ber 2d; his resignation was accepted,^^ and the same
day Juan Rafael Mora was chosen vice-president, and
on the 24th president of the republic, being inducted
into office on the 26th of November.^^ One of his
first acts w^as to grant an amnesty for political offences.
Bogota and negotiated another treaty, which did not stipulate Molina's line.
This treaty was not ratified by either govt. The next attempt was made by
B. Correoso, on behalf of Colombia. His negotiations were mostly verbal,
disregarding arguments for the straight line between Punta de Burica and
the Escudo de Veraguas; and alleging that on the N., N. E., W., and N. W.
of that line were Colombian settlements, which, under the constitution of
his country could not be ceded. A treaty was entered into, however, which
did not obtain the ratification of either government. In Costa R. it was con-
sidered a ruinous one. Correoso was charged in Colombia with having made
a damaging arrangement. Pan., Gaceta Istmo, Oct. 20, 1841; Id., Cr6n. OJic,
Feb. 6, 1853; Id., Boletin Ofic, Dec. 25, 1870; Pan., Gaceta, June 15, 1871,
June 19, 1872, Aug. 22, 29, Oct. 31, 1874, May 21, 1876, July 25, Aug. 4,
22, Sept. 20, Oct. 13, Nov. 10, 21, 1878, July 11, Sept. 12, Oct. 17, 28, 31,
1883; Pan., Mem. Sec. Goh., 1879, 13-14, 35-42; Colombia, Diario Ofic, Feb.
26, 1876; Costa R., Mem. Rel, 1851, 5; Id., Col. Ley., xiv. 54-5, 160-1; Id.,
Informe Gohn., 1880, 2-4; U. S. Govt Docs., H. Ex. Doc. 41, p. 64-5, vi. 35th
cong. 2d sess.
'''Ratified by the executive, and sanctioned bv the gran consejo nacional,
of Costa R., Dec. 27, 30, 1880. Pan., Gaceta, Jam 16, 1881.
^''Carazo, the vice-president, had done the same Oct. 26th. Costa R., Col.
Ley., xi. 216.
^^ At the same time he was declared a benemerito, and the founder of the
rep. of Costa R. /(/., 157-8, 224-5; El Costaricense, Nov. 17, 1849. The op-
position, however, made severe comments on his policy as reviewed by him-
self. Anot. d la renuncia, in Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc, no. 20.
^2 Mora was a Costa Rican of rare intellectual powers, quite conversant
with her aflfairs; a wealthy merchant, who had travelled abroad, and by his
frankness and liberality won a well-deserved popularity. El Costaricense, Nov.
18, Dec. 1, 1849; Costa R., Col. Ley., xi. 225-6, 234-5. Francisco M. Orea-
muno was elected vice-pres. Jan. 30, 1850. Id., 241-2; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb,
2, 1850.
PRESIDENT MORA. 237
The bonds of discipline and subordination having be-
come relaxed, Mora had before him a difficult task to
restore peace and order/^ He dealt severely with the
authors of revolutionary movements. Castro became
a fugitive, and the others were exiled. For his efforts
to restore order, congress, on the 25th of June, 1850,
granted him the title of benemerito de la patria.
The president's policy was one of repression by all
means; but finding himself opposed in the chamber,
he resigned the executive office, and his resignation
not being accepted, took upon himself to dismiss the
congress, calling on the people to choose new repre-
sentatives.^*
The continued revolutionary attempts placed the
government in a difficult position, and prompted the
president to adopt severe measures; hence the orders
of exile issued against prominent citizens.^^
Mora and Oreamuno were on the 3d of May, 1853,
elected president and vice-president respectively.^^
Peace was now restored, and the government devoted
its attention to the promotion of education, and of the
material interests of the country. ^^
^^ Nic, Cor. 1st., May 2, 1850. In an address Mora depicts the situation,
and the attempts of Quiroz and others to disturb the peace in San Jose and
Heredia, together with his measures to balk them. El presid. de la rep. d la
Nacion, June 8, 1850.
^* The decree was issued at the Hacienda de Frankfort en las Pavas, and
countersigned by Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, minister of govt. He based his
action on the fact that congress having declined to accept his resignation, he
was made responsible before God and the people of evils that might result
from the existing order of things. Costa R., Gaceta, no. 165; El Siglo, March
10, 1852; Costa R., Col. Ley., xii. 96-7.
^^ Jos6 M. Castro, Bernardo Rivera, and Nazario Toledo. El Siglo (S.
Salv.), March 4, 1852.
^''June 6, 1853, the president's salary was raised to $5,000 a year. Costa
R., Col. Ley., xii. 236-7, 247-8; Id., Gaceta, July 23, 1853; Hond., Gaceta
Ofic, June 20, 1853; Wagner, Costa R., 171-2, 506-8, 296-7.
^^ Min. Calvo's rept to cong. May 16, 1854. The chamber on the 5th of
June sanctioned all the acts of the govt, and passed a vote of thanks and
congratulation to the president, ' por el acierto y prudencia con quo la ha re-
gido.' Costa R., Mem. Rel., 15.
CHAPTEE XII. .
EEPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
1838-1855.
State Government — ^Director Buitrago's Conservatism — British Ag-
gression— Director Sandoval's Rule — Internal Troubles — Guer-
rero's Administration — The Mosquito Kingdom — Its Origin and
History — Bubbles — British Pretensions — Seizure of San Juan del
Norte — Diplomatic Complications — Clayton-Bulwer Treaty— Nic-
aragua Recovers her Own— Relations with Foreign Powers— An
American War Ship Bombards San Juan del Norte — Pineda's
Government — Establishment of the Republic — Party Dissensions
— Legitimists versus Democrats — Chamorro and Castellon — Civil
War — Death of Chamorro — Estrada Succeeds Him.
Little, if anything, has been said in this history of
the internal affairs of Nicaragua since 1838. Under
her first constitution, that of 1826, the chief executive
officer of the state was called jefe del estado, and his
term of office was for four years. The second organic
law, promulgated in 1838, gave that functionary the
title of director supremo, limiting his tenure of office
to two years. Pablo Buitrago seems to have been
the first director called upon to enforce the constitu-
tion of 1838.^ He was declared by the chambers, on
the 4th of March, 1841, to have been constitutionally
chosen. His first step was to remove from the office
of ministro general Francisco Castellon, who held it
ad interim under appointment by Patricio Pivas,^.
^The following persons held the ofi&ce ad int. before him: namely, Patri-
cio Rivas, June 1839; Joaquin Coslo, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, senator in
charge, Oct. 1839; Tomas Valladares, senator, Nov. 1839; Patricio Rivas,
Sept. 1840. Marure, Efem., 64; MontH/ar, Resena Hist., iv. 136; Wells'
Bond., 494.
'^ There was much dissimilarity of views on political matters between the
(238 J
BUITRAGO, OROZCO, PEREZ. 239
calling to succeed him Simon Orozco, whom he could
more easily control.
Buitrago treated a communication from Morazan,
sent him from San Miguel, with contumely ; and after-
ward, when the ex-president, as jefe of Costa Rica,
accredited near him two commissioners, he declined
to receive them.^ His course won him commendation
from the rulers of Guatemala.* His term of office
came to an end on the 1st of April, 1843, and he was
temporarily succeeded by Juan de Dios Orozco. The
official press asserted that the election for director had
been made with perfect freedom. But no candidate
having received the requisite number of votes, the
assembly chose Manuel Perez to fill the position.^
The state was at peace,^ but was not to enjoy that
benefit long. In a previous chapter I have spoken of
the desolating war waged within her borders by the
tyrants of Salvador and Honduras. She was, more-
over, harassed by the intemperate demands for Brit-
ish claimants made by Chatfield, the ally of the
aristocrats of Guatemala, who went so far as to dic-
tate to Nicaragua how to recognize and pay these
claims.^ The assembly then authorized the executive
to arrange the matter in the best way possible, and
two men, though Castellon had contributed to Buitrago's election. Many
bitter publications appeared subsequently from the pens of the two adver-
saries. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 48, 146.
^ They were not even allowed to enter the state, because of the treaty of
Oct. 1842, signed by Pa von, Arriaga, and Duran.
* The Gaceta eulogized him, and Pavon said that he was * un hombre de
drden que solo aspiraba a la justicia y al decoro. ' Buitrago's position was be-
coming a difl&cult one. Morazan ruled in Costa Rica, had not a few friends
in Nicaragua, and public opinion in the latter state favored a convention of
states. On the other hand, he was anxious not to forfeit the good opinion of
the nobles and nuns. Upon the news of Morazan 's execution reaching Leon,
he had it published with marks of satisfaction. He also objected, though not
strenuously, to the landing of Saget and his companions, ycleped Coquimbos,
in Salvador.
^ One of his first acts was to make Francisco Castellon his ministro general.
*The new official journal, Eco de la Ley, in its first number declared that
an Octavian peace reigned. And indeed, had Nicaragua been away from ob-
noxious influences, peace might have been maintained under republican insti-
tutions. But she was, unhappily, surrounded by states where for a time brutal
force held sway.
^ The claimants were Bridge, Clenton, and Manning. Full details on the
claims of the last two are in Nic., Registro Ofic, 109-10, 121-3, 132-5; Dun-
hp's Cent. Am., 55-6.
240 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
Castellon, the ministro general, proposed to Chatiiekl
to submit the disputed claims to arbitration, naming
Bishop Yiteri as the Nicaraguan arbitrator. Finally,
a legation was despatched to London, Castellon being
the minister and Maximo Jerez the secretary.^ The
British authorities resolved, however, to use coercion
in order to force a settlement of the claims, the cor-
vette Daphne blockading the port of Bealejo in Au-
gust 1846; and the government, being without funds
to meet such demands at once, had to pledge the rev-
enue from the tobacco monopoly during the next four
y^ears.
Leon, after its terrible conflict with the forces of
Salvador and Honduras, aided by Nicaraguan allies,
was in a shattered condition, and most of the families
dwelling therein were in mourning, and reduced to
indigence. Munoz, who so efficiently cooperated to
that result, had secured the coveted reward, the com-
mand in chief of the western department. The seat
of government was at San Fernando, and Bias An-
tonio Saenz assumed the executive duties on the 20th
of January, 1845.^ Under the sword of Muiioz the
elections for director supremo were effected, and Jose
Leon Sandoval obtained a plurality vote.^^ He was
declared duly elected on the 4th of April. The assem-
bly passed several important measures. ^^
Peace had not been restored. Disturbances were
breaking out in several parts. There were revolu-
^ They embarked at San Juan del Norte on the 11th of March, 1844. Both
have since figured prominently in political circles.
^ Sclva had held the office by virtue of his position as senior senator to that
date, when his senatorial term expired.
^"^ 223 votes were cast for him, the next highest receiving only 190. The
other candidates were Juan Jose Ruiz, Jose Guerrero, Pablo Buitrago, Laure-
ano Pineda, Jose Rosa Perez, G. Carcache, Patricio Rivas, and Rafael Ma-
chado. "iVic, Registro Ojic., 47-8; Sandoval, Revistas PollL, 19; Dunhp's Cent.
Am., 250.
^^To raise two loans of $10,000 and $30,000, respectively, and to regulate
the financial system. Trial by jury was suspended. An amnesty was issued
with many exceptions against the defenders of Leon. Nic, Registro O^c, 69-
70. Two portfolios were created; namely, that of war, intrusted to Lino
C(3sar, and that of treasury, placed in charge of Jesus de la Rocha. Jose
Montenegro was ministro general and of foreign relations. The administra-
tive course of Fruto Chamorro, as supremo delegado of the late confederacy,
vaa approved the 9th of May, long after Chamorro had vacated his office.
REVOLUTION UPON REVOLUTION. 241
tionary movements in Managua, and the government
sent thither Poneiano Corral to make an investiga-
tion, and quell the sedition. His report brought
about the imprisonment of several citizens/^ Mani-
festations in favor of Cabanas at Rivas were put down
with an iron hand. On the 24th of June there was a
revolt at Leon, which Mufioz quelled, and the govern-
ment had its authors confined in San Juan del Norte. ^^
The executive had proclaimed neutrality in the con-
test between the government of Salvador and Males-
pin^ who was sustained by Honduras; and though he
concluded with Salvador at San Fernando a treaty of
peace, friendship, and alliance, he also entered into a
similar one with Honduras. ^^ The latter treaty was
intended to be a reality, and it is undeniable that Nic-
aragua was a faithful ally and cooperator of Honduras
down to the treaty of Sensenti. The treaty with
Salvador was not made in good faith on the part of
Nicaragua.
The town of Chinandega was, in the latter part of
July, captured by 200 revolutionists under Jose M.
Valle, alias El Chelon,^'^ who had come with sixty or
eighty men on a schooner from La Union, and landed
at Cosiofiiina.^^ On the 26th Munoz was attacked in
Leon, but defeated his assailants.^^ The government
abandoned San Fernando and went to Managua.^^
^^ Under the decree of June 23d, the prisoners were confined respectively-
in Granada, Matagalpa, Acoyapa, San Fernando, and Nandayme, and sub-
jected to prosecution by the courts. Many persons, specially the partisans of
Cabanas, were given by Corral the advice — which was tantamount to an
order — to quit Managua and not return, Nic, Registro Ojic, 90, 96-8, 101,,
^^The cause was the indignation at the sympathy of the government's
agents for Malespin and Guardiola.
^*The treaty with Salvador bore date of May 6, 1845, and was ratified by
the Salvadoran chambers June 3d,
^^ The municipal authorities and citizens of the place, by an acta on the
29th of July, authorized Valle to take such action as he deemed best to upset
the existing government and restore constitutional order. Montufar, Resena
HisL, V. 139-40; Nic, Registro Ojic., 138-9.
^^ Salvador was for a time suspected of connivance with Valle, but she
proved the contrary.
^^ Director Sandovax called them assassins and robbers.
^^The western department and Managua were mulcted in $12,000 as pun-
ishment.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 16
242 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
Munoz, victorious again at Chichigalpa, marched on
Cbinandega, which he occupied without opposition ; '
but having to return to Leon, the insurgents retook
it. He came back with a large force on the 16th of
August, and reoccupied the place. ^^ Sandoval had,
on the 9th, forbidden the men who accompanied Mo-
razan to Costa Rica from entering Nicaraguan soil.
A ministerial crisis occurred at this time, Rocha and
Cesar resigning their portfolios, which were given to
Mdximo Jerez and Buitrago.^^ Their tenure was
necessarily short, and they were superseded in the
latter part of the year by Fruto Chamorro and Josd
Guerrero, the latter being almost immediately suc-
ceeded by Lino Cesar. This new arrangement gave
the director an homogeneous cabinet. The govern-
ment was now a decidedly conservative one.
The revolution came to an end in the latter part of
September 1845, an amnesty being issued excepting
only the chief leaders, and persons guilty of common
* 91
cnmes.
This short truce enabled Sandoval to pay an official
visit to the several districts. In Chinandega the in-
habitants having abandoned their homes, he issued
orders to bring them back.^^ The government was
levying heavy taxes. The citizens of Leon, Chinan-
dega, El Yiejo, and other places, who were the victims
of the self-styled "ejercito protector de la paz," were
-compelled to support the regime which had its being
^out of the destruction of the first-named town. It is,
therefore, not a matter of surprise that the people of
many towns went off to the woods. The insurrection
^^ His official reports of July 8th and 17th are textually given in M(mtufai\
HesenaHisL, v. 162^; Nic., Registro Ofic, 128-9, 133-4.
'^^ It is inexplicable how these two men could serve in the same cabinet,
unless under some one of very superior mind and character, which Sandoval
certainly did not possess. Jerez was a democrat, a friend of Central Amer-
ican union, and an admirer of Morazan. Buitrago was the opposite — a con-
servative, separatist, and opponent of Morazan.
'^^ Leaders surrendering were to be dealt with by the civil courts; other-
-wrise, if captured, would be tried under military laws.
'^'^ Every one refusing to return was heavily fined. Chief-of-bureau E. Cas-
tillo's instructions to the sub-prefect, in Montiifar, Resena Hist., v. 293.
SANDOVAL AND MORALES 243
broke out again, Yalle appearing in Segovia, and re-
entering Chinandega on the 26tli of November. The
amnesty decree was thereupon revoked. ^^ The state
of Honduras took part in the war, sending an army
under Guardiola to the aid of Sandoval. The insur-
gents were defeated first by Munoz, and soon after by
Guardiola, who occupied Chinandega.^* At the end
of the campaign Munoz signified a desire to leave the
state, and asked for a passport; but the government
replied with words of fulsome praise that his services
could not be spared. ^^ This was precisely what Munoz
had fished for.^^
Efforts were made by Buitrago and others to pre-
vail on Sandoval to call the chambers of 1846 to sit
in Leon, but he objected to the proposition. The
assembly met first in San Fernando June 7, 1846, and
on the 14th of August sanctioned every past act of the
government. ^^ At a later date it removed to Mana-
gua, and adjourned leaving much unfinished business,
for which it was summoned to an extra session,^'*^ and
after doing what was required of it, retired on the 18th
of December.
The end of Sandoval's term was approaching, and
elections for supremo director took place. The as-
sembly met again on the 12th of March, 1847, and
Senator Miguel K. Morales assumed the executive.
Minister Salinas in his annual report made a number
of suggestions to the chambers; namely, an amend-
ment of the constitution in the direction styled by the
23 Decree of Oct. 30, 1842. Nic, Regktro Ofic, 126, 128, 138, 143.
2* Official reports of Dec. 6th and 8th to the min. of war of Nic. Id., 157-
8; El Tiempo, March 12, 1846.
2^ ' En cuanto al pasaporte, el Gobierno Supremo ama y desea mucho la
f elicidad del Estado, y no podria privarlo de su mas f uerte apoyo. ' Montufar,
Resena Hist., v. 284-5; Nic, Registro Ofic, 290.
2^ He followed the example of Carrera in Guat. .
2" Sandoval surrendered his office June 2oth to the legislature in order that
it might freely adjudicate upon his official acts. Once approved, he resumed
the executive duties Sept. 2d.
^^Dec. 12th it voted an amnesty law with a number of limitations; namely,
against persons entering the state with arms to disturb the peace; and against
the guilty of murder or other atrocious crime. The govt issued, Jan. 9, 1847,
r. supplementary decree of amnesty. Sandoval, Revisia Polit. , 57-9' Nic. Re-
gistro Ofic, 390, 401, 407-8; Montiifar, Resena Hist, v. 298-9.
244 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
conservatives, "moderado y ae orden;" good relations
with the pope, and cordial friendship with the priests;
public instruction based upon the requirements of the
council of Trent. The office of supremo director
passed, on the 6th of April, into the hands of Jose
Guerrero, who had been chosen for the constitutional
term.^^ Acceding to the repeated petitions of the peo-
ple of the western department, Guerrero decreed ^^ to
make Leon the residence of the government, and the
transfer was effected July 20th, the people of that city
greeting the director and his officials with joy The
assembly, however, preferred to sit at Managua, and
did so on the 3d of September. ^^
The country stood in need of a new constitution,
but this could not be framed at the present time, be-
cause the whole attention of the government and
people was absorbed by the questions with Great
Britain, which were a menace to Nicaraguan terri-
tory, and even to the independence of all Central
America. These difficulties were connected with the
possession of the territory known as the Mosquito
Coast, or Mosquitia. The Spanish authorities to the
last moment of their rule over Central America acted
in a manner indicative of Spain's claim of full sover-
eignty over that territory, disallowing the pretended
right of the Zambo chief who under British protection
had been dubbed King of Mosquitia. ^^
A British agent claimed some years afterward that
the relations of the Spanish and Mosquitian authori-
ties had been in 1807, and even before, such as are
held between independent powers.^^ The so-called
■^^ Sandoval returned to Granada and was received with great honor.
^^ July 16, 1847. This measure awakened much acrimony outside of the
benefited department.
3J El Bozonador, Dec. 29, 1847.
3"^ See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 599-607, this series. In Nov. 1803, the whole
north coast, including the island of San Andres, and the Mosquito Coast ex-
tending from Cape Gracias a Dios to the Chagre River, was placed under the
viceroy of Nueva Granada; but five years later the transfer was annulled, and
the coast of Mosquitia restored to Nicaragua, to which it had been annexed
by royal order of March 31. 1803.
^^ He based his pretension on the following incident: The Caribs on the
Trujillo line rebelled in 1807 betaking themselves to Mosq. territory, where
THE MOSQUITO COAST. 245
king of Mosquitia claimed sovereignty over an extent
of country 340 miles long from north to south, and
about 235 miles in breadth. He also claimed the
district of Talamanca in Costa Rica, and that of Chi-
riqui in Panama.^* The British authorities main-
tained a sort of protectorate over these Indians, occa-
sionally sending presents to their chiefs.^^
George Frederick and his half-brother Robert, like
their father George, who was killed in 1800, were of
mixed negro and Indian blood. They were first taken
to Belize to receive some education,^^ and next to
Jamaica, where they were the objects of some atten-
tion on the part of Lord Albemarle, the governor-gen-
eral. George Frederick's education was an indifferent
one. In 1815 he was back in Belize to be crowned
there at his own request, Chaplain Armstrong per-
forming the ceremony, and his chiefs taking the oath
of allegiance in regular form.^^ He was then pro-
claimed king of the Mosquito shore and nation, and a
they were captured by Sp. troops and brought back, together with some Mos-
quitians, as prisoners. King Stephen, successor to George, the man crowned
by the British, threatened to burn Trujillo and to wage a border warfare if
his subjects were not forthwith returned. The president of Guatemala, for
prudential reasons, had the prisoners sent back. Am. Cent., Beclam. de In-
terven., 8.
^* Altogether about 76,000 square miles. Strangeways' Mosq., 4-5. Lord
Palmerston, in his instructions to Brit, represent, in Nueva Granada and
Cent. Am., spoke of a coast line of about 720 statute miles as belonging to
Mosq. Squier, Cent. Am., 629, has it that from 200 to 500 miles in length,
and undefined breadth, have been claimed.
2^ Oapt. Geo. Henderson took some in 1807. The chiefs expected higher
marks of regard, but had to be contented with what they got. Hendersons
Brit. Bond., 168, 204.
^•^ That was done, it is presumed, after the death of Stephen, George's suc-
cessor, who was ruling in 1807. The govt, at the time of their going to Be-
lize, was in charge of a sort of regency formed of the three principal chiefs,
who divided the country into three separate departments. The first, extend-
ing from Roman River, near Cape Honduras, to Patook, was intrusted to
Gen. Robinson. The second, from Caratasca, or Croata, to Sandy Bay and
Diickwarra, including all the Mosquitians proper, was in charge of a brother
of tlie late king, who bore the title of admiral. The third, from Brancmans
to Rio Grande, including various tribes, was under Don Carlos, called the
governor. The three head chiefs had sub-governors. But the small colonies
of Zambos, at Pearl Cay lagoon and Blewlields, could choose their own gov-
ernors. Roberts' Narr. of Voy., 146-7; Stout's Nic, 168-71.
^' A regalia consisting of a silver-gilt crown, a sword, and sceptre of mod-
erate value had been provided tor tlie farce. The emblems of royalty were
contided to the custody of Jack, an old negro, 'who, with wise precaution,
kept them carefully concealed.' Squier's Cent. Am., 640-1.
rC.Camarones
1
MosguiTiA.
KING GEORGE FREDERICK. 247
British war vessel conveyed him and his chiefs to
Gracias i Dios.^^ It seems that kingly life afforded
him little or no satisfaction. Aware of his lack of
qualifications, and fully sensible that he could not
retrieve himself from vicious habits, especially from
the bottle, which soon controlled him, his heart failed
him, and his life became embittered.^^ The British
government at first manifested a friendly interest,
sending him presents, and Chaplain Armstrong his
advice ; but the latter was disregarded by the king
and his chief minister, who often remarked that a
present of rum would be more welcome. The instruc-
tion on government was beyond his understanding,
and looked on as falsehood. Such was the effect of
his West India education in civilization. It has been
asserted that he was murdered in 1824.*^ Robert,
his brother, succeeded, and was deposed, his successor
being James, descended from an older branch of the
family ,^^ who took the name of George Frederick.
^^ Col Arthur, the superintendent, gave him much good advice to guide
him in his government. Arthu7''s Letter, in Mosq. Doc, 122-3; Disputes with
Am., in Brit. Quart. Bev., xcix. 242-3. But the good advice was lost upon
his swarthy majesty. It is understood that every new king had been to
Jamaica to receive a commission from the Brit, govt, his subjects refusing
him recognition as their sovereign till he had done so. Bonny castle's Sp. Am.,
i. 171-2.
2^ He became a confirmed drunkard. Roberts' Narr. of Voy., 148-9.
*'' Some parties accused of the crime are said to have suffered death.
^^ George Hendersons British Honduras, London, 1811, 8°, 236 p., is a diary
of the author's trip to and from the Mosquito shore, which also furnishes an.
interesting account of Belize and her resources, climate, etc., together with
a map of Honduras, and ends with sketches on the manners and customs of
the Mosquito Indians. Thomas Strangeways'' Sketch of the Mosquito Shore,
Edinburgh, 1822, 8vo, 355 p. The author, who calls himself a K. Gr. C, cap-
tain of the first native Poyer regiment, and aide-de-camp to his Highness, the
cacique of Payais, gives with a portrait of that cacique, Sir Gregor MacGregor,
a historical preface, and a map of Mosquitia, and the Poyais territory. The
book also contains a descriptive sketch of that country, its productions, mode
of cultivation, and other facts, all compiled for the special use of settlers.
Peter F. Stout's Nicaragua, Past, Present, and Future, Phila., 1859, 12°, 372
p. With the exception of a cursory glance at affairs in Mosquito, on inter-
oceanic communication, and ancient history of Mexico, this work is confined
to the resources, history, and general features of Nicaragua, the chief object
being to furnish a general description of the country rather than its history.
The author was U. S. vice-consul, and his opinion on questions between his
country and Great Britain might be deemed by a subject of the latter not
wholly impartial. Orlando W. Roberts' Narrative of Voyages and Excurskyns
on the east coast, and in the interior of Central America, Edinburgh, 1827, 16°,
302 p., preceded by a map of a part of Cent. Am. showing the route from.
24d REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
Mosquito annals do not record what became of him.
The next king was Robert Charles Frederick, who
believing himself a real monarch, for and in consider-
ation of abundant contributions of rum, to which he
was much addicted, began to make large grants of
land, some of which carried with them the rights of
absolute sovereignty. Most of these grants were
afterward cancelled, and the king was taken by the
British authorities to. Belize, and kept under control.
He died there, leaving, in a so-called last will, dated
in February 1840, to Superintendent Macdonald the
regency of his dominions during the minority of his
heir, the princess Inez Ann Frederick.*^ Macdonald,
whether as such regent or as an officer of the Brit-
ish crown, appointed his private secretary, Patrick
Walker, to reside at Blewfields, and have charge of
the affairs of Mosquitia ; since which time the shore be-
gan to assume much importance, at least in a political
sense. Walker established a council of state, and
soon opened a dispute about boundaries with the
Central American states, giving rise to grave questions
which occupied the attention of other governments,
and of which 1 will treat later.
Several attempts were made smce the early days
of the present century to colonize the Mosquito shore,
the Atlantic to the Pacific, via the river San Juan and lakes Nicaragua and
Leon, with an index and a preface by Edward Irving, is a little book descrip-
tive of the author's journey up the San Juan River to Leon through Lake
Nicaragua, and of trading voyages in which he was many years engaged
among the Indians of Hond., Nic, and Costa R. His opportunities for ob-
servation seem to have been good, and his manner of setting forth the infor-
mation thus obtained is clear and apparently reliable. On Mosquitia and her
govt and people he gives much that is really interesting and useful, R. H.
Bonny castle's Spanish America, or a descriptive, historical, and geographical ac-
count of the dominions of Spain, London, 1878, 8°, 2 vol., pp. xxix. 336, v. 359,
map and engraving, is mostly a compilation, poor in style, divided into two
parts. The first treats of the Spanish dominions in North America; the
second of those in South America. Everything is treated in a cursory man-
ner, and the part relating to Cent. Am. and the isthmus of Panama is meagre
and trifling.
*2More details in Squier's Cent. Am., 641-3; Mosquitoland, 31-3, 38-40,
47-50, 225-9; Nic. Nueva Discusion, 6; Crowe's Gospel, 208-10; S. Juan, Ocup.,
33-5, 45-9; Niles' Reg., Ixiv. 130; Frisch, Staaien von Mex., 94; Reichardt,
Cent. A.n., 134, 140-1, 208-11.
COLONIZATION FAILURES. 249
for which large tracts of land were granted. Among
the most important was one made to the Scotchman
Sir Gregor MacGregor/^ who soon after started a
wild project, which later was known as the Poyais
bubble, and ended, about 1823, disastrously for the
dupes who had been drawn into it/^ In 1839 the
British Central America Land Company of London
made another experiment on the same place where
MacGregor had tried his, and it ended in failure/^ A
German colony named Carlsruhe, near Blewfields,
which was started about 1844, had to be abandoned
in 1849 after losing about two thirds of the emigrants.
The climate of the coast is moist, hotter than in
the interior, and not as healthy. The greater part of
the soil is fertile, and it may be said that the country
possesses many natural elements of wealth. ^^ Blew-
fields, the capital of Mosquitia, is on the river and
lagoon of the same name. In the latter part of 1847
Blewfields and its dependencies had 599 inhabitants,
of which 111 were white and 488 black,^^ in two vil-
lages, the larger, Blewfields, having 78 houses, and
the lesser, Carlsruhe, 16. Few of the houses were
built of boards. One of this kind was then occupied
by Walker, the British agent and consul-general, with
whom the sovereign resided.*^
On the 12tli of August, 1841, Macdonald, superin-
tendent of Belize, came to San Juan del Norte on the
*2 At the court of Gracias a Dios, Apr. 19, 1820. The grantee called himself
* his Highness the cacique of Poyais, ' and claimed absolute dominion over the
Poyer district on the extreme west of Mosquitia, including the Rio Tinto.
*^The plan comprised well-equipped regiments of infantry and cavalry, a
theatre and theatrical company, a band, and paper currency. Crowes Gospel,
207-8; Mosq.-Kuste und Texas^ 28; Mosquitoland, 34-8; Quart. Rev., xxviii.
160-1; Eco, Hisp.-Am., July 31, 1800.
*^ This settlement was called Fort Wellington, and was brought to ruin by
a succession of calamities, including shipwrecks, 3fosq. -Kuste und Texas, 29-
33; Youmjs Mosq. Shore, 53-9, 65-71.
^'^ It has an abundance of mahogany, rosewood, caoutchouc, and other val-
uable trees, and is capable of producing cotton, sugar, rice, indigo, and most
of the tropical staples.
*' Slavery was abolished in 1841. iV^'c, Gaceta, Feb. 10, 1866.
^^Ihere wjs neither church nor pastor in the place. S. Juan, Ocup., 13-15;
Squier's Cent. Am., 661-2.
250 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
frigate Tweed, bringing with him the so-called king
of the Mosquitos or Moscos. At the same time an
armed sloop, under the Mosquito flag and commanded
by Peter Shepherd, entered the port. The coman-
dante and revenue officer, Lieutenant-colonel Quijano,
went to see the commanding officers at Shepherd's
house, but was not received, on the plea that both
the king and superintendent were unwell. An offi-
cial letter from him was left unanswered. At last,
the superintendent's secretary, together with the cap-
tain of the frigate and the king's secretary, called on
Quijano and told him that on the following day his
letter would be answered, requiring his recognition of
the Mosquito king as the ally of her Britannic Ma-
jesty. Quijano refused, and his visitors retired. He
reiterated his refusal in a letter to the superintend-
ent, and in the name of his government solemnly pro-
tested against his pretension, as well as against the
insults inflicted on his country.*^ He was finally notified
that if he interfered with any British or Mosquito
subject, both he and his government would be held
responsible."^
The demands and insults of the British officers con-
tinued until the 15th, when they seized Quijano and
carried him on board the frigate, intending to take
him to Belize.^^ The Nicaraguan government, in a
note to British Vice-consul Foster, denounced the acts
*^Macdonald answered Aug. 13th that the object of his visit to the coast
had been to convey a message of H. B. M. to her ally the sovereign of the
Mosquito nation, and to ascertain by his own observation the true boundaries
of the Mosquito dominions, upon which point he wished to be enlightened by
Quijano. He made further demands for a recognition of his demand, but the
Nicaraguan official invariably returned a refusal. Mosquitoland, 29, 223-5;
Niles Reg., Ixi. 98; Ixii. 64, 275; Ixiii. 19, 194; U. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex. Doc.
75, vol. X., 31st cong. 1st sess. ; Young's Mosq. SJiore, 33^.
^^ An English writer says: ' This farce hardly seemed consistent with the
dignity of a British officer, gov. of a settlement.' Dunlop's Trav., 215-16.
Crowe, also an Englishman, declares it to have been an infamous act. Gospel,
212. It was not disavowed by the Brit. govt. Squiers Travels, ii. 449; Nouv.
Annates Voy., xciv. 251-2.
^^ He was left on a desert island on the coast. Marure, Efem., 54; Mont'A-
far, Hesefia Hist., iii. 612. Macdonald himself on the 15th made his acts
known to the govt of Nic, alleging that he had been specially requested by
many persons of San Juan to remove Quijano. The latter was undoubtedly
a bad man, but no foreign authority had any right to interfere with him.
BRITISH INTERFERENCE. 251
of the British officials at San Juan as high-handed,
accusing Macdonald of usurping the name of her
Britannic Majesty in supposing her to be an ally of
the so-called Mosquito king/^ The whole American
continent became indignant at the British proceedings
in San Juan. There was one exception, however,
which must be classified as vile. Ferrera, jefe of
Honduras, under the influence of the servile element
of Guatemala, allied with Chatfield, recognized the
Mosquito nation. ^^
Chatfield informed Nicaragua that the whole Cen-
tral American territory lying between Cape Gracias
a Dios and the mouth of the San Juan Biver belonged
to the Mosquito king, without prejudice to other
rights the king might have south of the San Juan.^^
In January 1848 two British war vessels occupied
the port of San Juan without resistance, replacing
the Nicaraguan officials by Englishmen as servants
^'^ Consul Chatfield claimed that Quijano was removed from Mosq. and not
Nic. territory; that he had himself notified the govt of Cent. Am. of the
existence of the Mosq. nation, and that Great Britain would not look with
indifference upon any usurpation of the territory of a monarch with whom
she had close relations; that Spain had recognized the Mosq. nation when
Prince Stephen visited San Salvador and Guatemala. His letter was dated
Oct. 24, 1842. Further correspondence followed between Nic. and Chatfield
without the former giving way to his pretensions. The whole correspond,
may be seen in Mosq. Doc, 5-23; I^ic, Cor. 1st., Sept. 26, 1850; Montu/ar,
Resena Hist., iv. 98-111.
°'^ In a treaty with Thomas Lowry Robinson, signed in Comayagua Dec.
IG, 1843. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 112-14. The aristocrats of Guat.
wanted a protectorate of Great Britain over Cent. Am., and it was believed
in Nic. for a while that Costa R. had given way to the influence of Pavon,
Chatfield, and J. J. Flores of Ecuador, and had accepted the scheme. Chat-
field having concluded, on the 26tli of Nov., 1849, a treaty with Costa R.,
attempted on the strength of it, on the 1st of Dec, to dictate to Nic. He
said that differences between Nic. and Costa R. must be amicably arranged in
the understanding, that other means would not be looked on with indiffer-
ence by Great Britain.
^* That was pursuant to orders from Lord Palmerston, in which for the
first time a protectorate over the Mosquito shore was asserted by Great Brit-
ain. Chatfield and Walker had claimed rights over the entire eastern coast,
from Cape Honduras to Chiriqui Logoon, an extent of 700 miles, but Palmers-
ton set the limits 'from Cape Honduras down to the mouth of the river San
Juan.' ^Meantime the Nicaraguan authorities had obtained, Oct. 28, 1847,
from the Princess Inez, believing her the heir of Robert Charles Frederick, a
full recognition of the authority of Nic. over the shore of Mosq., and her com-
mand to all interloping foreigners to leave the country. The British officials
of course paid no heed to this arrangement. Squiers Cent. Am., 644-6; Salv.,
Gaceta, March 15, 1850.
252 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
of the Mosquito king, after doing which they sailed
away; but no sooner had the intelhgence reached the
interior than a force was despatched to San Juan,
whicli reoccupied the place and sent to the capital as
prisoners the intruders.^^ Whereupon the British
returned in force in March 1848, and defeated the
Nicaraguan detachment. Hostilities being further
prosecuted, the Nicaraguan s had to succumb before
the superior power of their foe, and consented to an
armistice, providing that they would not disturb San
Juan, or attempt to reoccupy the port, pending the
neo^otiations which must follow on these events. ^^
Nicaragua, by her ablest diplomates, defended her
rights to the disputed territory both in Europe and
America, without obtaining a satisfactory result, until
the fears of Central Americans for the independence of
their country were brought to an end by the Clayton-
Bulwer treaty, otherwise called the Ship Canal con-
vention, concluded at Washington between the United
States and Great Britain on the 19th of April, 1850,
by the first article of which neither power could
occupy, fortify, colonize, nor exercise dominion over
Nicaragua, Costa Bica, the Mosquito Coast, or any
other portion of Central American territory, nor make
use of a protectorate in any form.^'^ Thus was this
vexed question terminated, England resigning all her
claims to the Mosquito Coast, and by a subsequent
^^Squier's Travels, i. 78-80; Morelet, Voy., ii. 304; Edinh. Rev., no. 211,
144; Niles' Reg., Ixxiii. 273; Ihickers Monroe Doctrine, 46-7, 52-4.
^^But the Nicaraguans never relinquished their claim of sovereignty over
the port, nor even by implication recognized the king of Mosquito. Nic,
Manif. sohre TraL, 1-13; Castellon, Doc. Rel, 27-8; Nic, Doc. Dipl, 32-9;
Guerrero, Manif., 1-7; Stout's ^ic, 278; El Si'jlo, Nov. 22, 1852; Nic, Gaceta
Gob. Supr., Oct. 14, Nov. 4, 25, Dec, 2, 1848; Mies' Reg., Ixxiv. 100; Squier's
Cent. Am., 647; Id., Trav., i. 101-2.
^' The other articles refer to the construction of an interoceanic communi-
cation, either in the form of a canal or of railroads, securing the neutrality of
interoceanic ways. Annals Brit. Legis., 97-110, 239-41; Nic, Nueva Discov.,
1-44; Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 87-91; Costa R., Gaceta, March 4, 1854;
Abbott's Mex. and U. S., 340-2; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., Ill; Polynesian, vi.
1G5-6; vii. 46; Nic. y Hond., Doc, 122-5; Am. Quart. Reg., iii. 310-13; Brit.
Quart. Rev., xcix. 237-70; El Nacional, July 31, 1858; Nic, Seman Nic,
Feb. 14, 1874; IIu7it's Merchants' Mag., xxiii. 109-11; Wells' Walker's Exped.,
125-.^3; Caicedo, Lat. Am., 73-5.
TREATIES. 253
treaty concluded at Managua on the 28th of January,
1860, known as the Zeledon-Wyke treaty, ceded to
Nicaragua the protectorate absolutely/^ Since then
Nicaragua has subjected the Mosquito Coast to a pre-
fecto/^ Nevertheless, it is understood that the In-
dian reserve is still ruled by a chief chosen by the
natives, assisted by a council, which assembles at
Blewfields; but subject to the supreme authority of
the Nicaraguan government.
Nicaragua, as soon as she assumed the position of
an independent nation, hastened to open friendly
relations with other powers. ^*^ Spain made with the
republic July 25, 1850, a treaty of friendship, com-
merce, and navigation, the first and second articles
of which fully recognize Nicaragua's independence.^^
Early efforts were made to arrange ecclesiastical affairs
with the papal see, a concordat being finally concluded
at Kome November 2, 1861.^'
With the other Central American states Nicaragua
made treaties, which underwent from time to time
alterations, as circumstances seemed to demand, for
her own or the general defence. Several of these
will be made apparent in the course of my narrative.
Nicaragua has endeavored to maintain cordial rela-
^^ The local chief was prevailed on to accept this arrangement with a pen-
sion of $5,000 a year, during ten years, that is to say, till 1870, payable by the
suzerain, but the last chief died in 1864 or 1865, and Nic. has never recog-
nized his successor. Nic, Gaceta, Dec. 23, 1865; Enq/clop. Brit., xvii. 493;
iVzc, La Union, June 15, 1861; Ilond. Gaceta, Feb. 20, 1861; Jiocha, C6d.
Nk., i. 118-27, 132; Belly, Nic, i. 297-301; Nic, Conv. Mosq., 1-8; Pirns
Gate of the Pac, 409-12. Further details on the Mosq. question, giving dip-
lomatic correspondence and parliamentary discussions, in Hansard's Pari.
Deh., cxlv. 1003-7; Annals Brit. Legis., x. 129-41; also in U. S. Govt Doc,
Ex., Sen. and House, which are too numerous to quote here; and likewise in
U. iS. Cong. Globe, 1855-6, 1857-8, 1859-60; Diario de Avisos, Apr. 24, 1857;
Nic, Boletin Ofic, Jan. 23, March 4, 1857.
^^Rocha, C6d. Nic, ii. 21-2; Pan. Star and Herald, Mar. 26, 1884; Nic,
Mem. Rel, 1867, 3-12.
^Autograph letters were exchanged in 1848, between Pres. Herrera of
Mex. and Director Guerrero. Nic, Gaceta Gob. Supr., Sept. 16, 1848.
*^i Ratified by Nic. March 21, 1851; Poclia, C6d. Nic, i. 99, 103; Nic,
Trat. de Paz, etc., 1-13.
''■^By Cardinal Antonelli, for the pope, and Fernando de Lorenzana for
Nic. The treaty was published in the latter country as a law Aug. 28,
1862. Nic, Gaceta Gob. Supr., Oct. 7, 1848; Pocha, C6d. Nic, i. 79, 132-7.
254 EEPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
tions with her neighbors.^^ The repubhc entered into
friendly diplomatic relations with the powers of
Europe and America, most of them having treaties
of amity, commerce, and extradition of criminals. Its
relations with the United States have generally been
intimate, made so by considerations of neighborhood,
business interests, and similarity of institutions, as
well as by a mutual desire to forward the construction
of a ship canal across Nicaraguan territory. They
have been disturbed at times, however, while Nica-
ragua was a transit route between the eastern states
of the American union, and during the execution of
schemes of American filibusters, such as those of
Kinney and Walker.
While the Mosquito question was pending between
Nicaragua and Great Britain, circumstances were
hastening a practical solution of it. An American
company, acting under a Nicaraguan charter, opened a
transit route for passengers through the state, begin-
ning at San Juan del Norte, which place rapidly filled
up with emigrants from the United States, who be-
coming numerically predominant, met in a primary
capacity and organized an independent government.^*
After an indiscreet attempt on the part of a British
commander to levy duties on an American steamer,
which was disavowed by his government, the British
protectorate over San Juan at last virtually ceased.
The town and port remained under the direct control
of the inhabitants, most of whom were Americans, as
a free city.^^ The prosperity of the place was retarded
by a dispute with the persons into whose hands the
"2 Full particulars will be found in Id., 137-43; Nic. Trot. etc. cntre Nic.
y Hond., 1-8; Id., Gacetti, 1853-74, passim: Id., Col. Doc. y Acnerdos, 1850-
1872, passim; Id., Trat. con Costa R., 1-7; Costa R., Inf. Rel, 1876, 5-11;
1878, 1; 1880, 3-4; Salv., Gaceta, Aug. 12, 1853, Oct. 26, 1876, March 21 to
April 20, 1879, passim; Nic.y Mens, del Presid., 1879^ i.-v. 1-25; and nu-
merous other authorities.
•^^They first endeavored to regard the alleged Mosquito authority, but
finally treated it as a mere fiction. Squier's Cent. Am., 652.
^^ Municipal ordinances for the place which had now taken the name of
Greytown. Reichardt, Cent. Am., 241-6, 251; Munic. Ordinances, in Cent. Am.
Affairs, no. 4, 1-10.
ARBITRARY ACTS. 255
transit had fallen, which produced bitter feeling, and
resulted in alleged insults to Solon Borland, United
States minister to Nicaragua, whose belligerent in-
stincts carried him away to interfere in matters which
were foreign to his office. The sloop of war Cyane,
Commander Hollins, was despatched by the American
government to look into the case. Hollins assumed
a hostile attitude,^^ made arrogant demands, and the
latter not being complied with, he bombarded the
town on the 13th of July, 1854, and landing a party
of marines, burned it to the ground. ^^ This act has
been generally condemned. The American govern-
ment hardly contemplated it; but not having pun-
ished Commander Hollins, it must bear the odium.
Notwithstanding these difficulties, peaceable relations
were not disturbed. ^^ Nicaragua also has treaties with
Belgium, Italy, France, England, Peru, and other
nations. ^^
^^ He is said to have been acting under improper influences. Squiers Cent.
Am., G53.
^' The town authorities had refused to pay an indemnity. This was the
first direct aggression by the U. S. in Cent. America. Nic, Doc. Diplom.,
7-12; Costa B., Gaceta, June 17, 22, 29, 1854; Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854;
Tribune Aim., 1857, 31; U. S. Govt Doc, 33d cong. sess. 1, Sen. Doc. 8, vol.
iv.; Doc. 85, vol. xii.; 126, xvi. 31 pp.; Id., H. Ex. Doc. 1, vol. i., pt ii.,
385-6.
^Levy, Nic., 335. Pablo L6vy, Notas Geogrdficas y Economicas sobre la Re-
pjJblica de Nicaragua, Paris, 1873, Roy. 8°, 627 pp. and map, is a treatise on
Nicaragua and its inhabitants. Beginning with an historical resume of ancient
and modern Nicaragua, it gives a review of the topography, climate, natural
productions, government, people, and their institutions. The writer's infor-
mation on the country's physical peculiarities may be set down as useful,
though some deficiency is noted; but that on the political and administrative
branches is unreliable, showing him to have had but little knowledge of Cen-
tral American politics. He evidently had not the documents upon which to
form a correct judgment. The question of a canal across the isthmus of Nic-
aragua is also reviewed, and a resume of its history given. The last general
treaty with the U. S. was negotiated in 1867. There was also a convention
for the extradition of criminals in 1871. Nic. has made arrangements to pay
Am. claims against her, and on her part asked compensation for the damages
caused by the bombardment of San Juan, which the Am. govt refused. Pe-
rez, Mem. Camp. JSFac, 18-19; Rocha, Cod. Nic, i. 93; Nic, Trot, de Amis-
tad, etc, entre Nic. y los EE. XJU.y 1-16; San Juan del Norte, Las Cenizas,
1874, 1-12; L6inj, Nic, 235-9; Salv., Diario Ofic, Nov. 10, Dec. 22, 1878; Ber-
o-uel, Freres et Cie, Petition, 1-20; and a multitude of U. S. govt docs., and
other papers.
<^9 Treaty with Belgium, May 18, 1858; with France, Apr. 11, 1859; with
G. Britain, Feb. 11, 1860; with Italy, March 6, 1868; and a consular conven-
tion made in 1872; with Perii, 1879. Trat. de Amlstad entre Nic y la Belgica,
1-15; Id., entre Nic y la Francia, 1-26; Nic, Ley. Emit., 11-30; Rocha, C6d.
256 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
A squabble occurred in 1876 at Leon, in which the
German consul and a Nicaraguan citizen were con-
cerned, giving rise to a conflict between the German
and Nicaraguan governments, the former making of it
a casus belli, and demanding, backed by a naval force,
a considerable sum of money /^
The political situation in the interior of Nicaragua,
during the winter of 1848-9, was anything but sat-
isfactory to the lovers of peace. Parties were again
venting their animosities. The leader Bernabe So-
moza captured Kivas, and afterward became notorious
for deeds of cruelty and robbery. Director Norberto
Ramirez^^ despatched there a strong force under J. T.
Munoz. Somoza was defeated and captured at San
Jorge on the 14th of June. ^^ Ramirez was succeeded
by Josd Laureano Pineda in ISSl,''^ against whom a
revolt broke out August 4, 1851, having J. Trinidad
Munoz for its leader. Pineda and his ministers Fran-
cisco Castellon and F. Diaz Zapata were arrested.
The plan failed, however. Leon, Munoz' headquar-
ters, was taken by government forces assisted by
troops from Honduras, and Munoz surrendered.'^* On
the expiration of Pineda's term in 1853, Chamorro
became chief of the state, having been elected by the
suffrages of the moderados. The new director was a
Nic, 106-18; Rouhamif Rigions Nouv., 365-8G; Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre
Nic. y S. M. B., 1-15; Annals Brit. Let/is., ix. 378-81; Ih-at. de Amistad,
etc., entre Nic. y el reino de Italia, 1-17; Convencion Consular entre Nic. y el
reino de Italia, 1-19; Nic, Gaceta, Sept. 7, 14, Oct. 26, Nov. 2, 1872; Salv.,
Diario Ofic, Oct. 29, 1879.
^"Damages for the injured Germans $30,000, and a fine of $8,000, besides
the punishment of the official accused of insulting German dignity. Thus
the superior force dictates unjust terms to the inferior.
''^ His term began Apr. 1, 1849.
'■•^He was tried by court-martial, sentenced, and shot June 17th. Nic, Bo-
letin Ofic, June 15-28, July 4, 6, 12, 1849; Squiers Trav., 1. 121, 166-72,
295-9; Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc, no. 7. Munoz was rewarded with a gold
medal, and the friends of the soldiers who perished received pensions. Rocha^
C6d. Nic, i. 216-17.
^^ Recognized by the assembly March 14th as duly elected. NiCy Cor. 1st.,
March 20, 1851; El Sigh, March 28, 1851.
^* Nov. 10, 1851. Munoz had been declared a traitor and deprived of his
military rank. He was allowed to leave Nic. , and went to reside in Sal v.
Chamorro was made commander of the forces. Nic. Dec. y Acuerdos, 1851-3,
92-6, 116-18; Bond., Gaceta OJic, Jan. 15, 1852.
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY 257
well-meaning man, and hoped by pursukig a moderate
course to allay party bickerings. But his political
opponents, together with a portion of the military
element, did not permit him to develop his policy in
peace.
The legislative assembly rejected, April 30, 1853, a
provisional constitution which had been framed and
published by the national constituent assembly on the
13th of October, 1852,^^ and at the same time declared
the state to be independent and sovereign. This was
followed on the 28th of February, 1854, by another
decree of the state constituent assembly assuming for
the state the title of Kepiiblica de Nicaragua, and giv-
ing its executive the name of president. ^^ The coat
of arms and flag of the new republic were decreed
April 21, 1854.''
A constituent assembly, called on the 11th of De-
cember, 1853, to meet on the .8th of January, 1854,
for the purpose of framing a constitution for the
republic, was installed on the 22d of that month.'^
It continued its session without interruption, and on
the 7th of April assumed, for urgent cases, the powers
of an ordinary legislature, enacting that, in the event
of a temporary vacancy in the office of president, his
■^^A new constituent assembly was convoked May 13, 1853. Nic, Gaceta
Ofic, May 28, 1853.
''^'Se denominara Reptiblica de Nicaragua.' Rocha, C6d. Nic, i. 94-7;
Costa R., Gaceta, March 4, Apr. 1, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Apr. 7, 21, 1854; El
Eco Hisp.-Am., May 15, 1854.
^^ In a circle bordered on the inside with two sprigs of laurel, was a volcano
with its base laved by the two oceans. In the upper part of the volcano waa-
a civic crown with the words Libertad, Orden, Trabajo. Around the circle,.
Reptiblica de Nicaragua. The national flag was given three horizontal stripes,,
the centre one white, with the coat of arms in the middle; the upper one yel-
low, and the lower, *nacar,' or light blue. Merchant vessels were to use the
same flag, without the coat of arms, and had on the centre stripe Republica
de Nicaragua, in golden letters. Rocha, Cod. JVic, i. 1G3. During the Walker
regime, 185G-7, his flag had two blue stripes divided by a white one double the
width of the blue, and in the centre of the white a lone red star. Stewart's
Filibusters, 12-13.
^^ Among the members elected were Castellon, Jerez, Guerrero, diputados
propietarios, and F. Diaz Zapata, suplente, from the western department.
The govt reported them out of the state, having been expelled fo** their revo-
lutionary attempts. The assembly on the 1st of March declared them dis-
qualified to take their seats. Nic, Gaceta Ojic, March 4, 1854; Perez, Mem,
Hist. Rev. Nic, 12.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 17
258
REPUBLIC 01
'GVA.
duties should devolve on the member ot the constitu-
ent assembly called by him to assume them. Cha-
morro was then chosen provisional president, to hold
the office till the 1st' of March, 1855. The new char-
ter of the republic was sanctioned on the 30th of
April,^^ which was in force only in Granada and other
towns acknowledging Chamorro's government.
PThe opposition oP the liberals culminated in an at-
NlCARAGUA.
''^It had 104 articles, and somewhat restricted the right of citizenship,
created a single chamber, composed of an equal number of senators and rep-
resentatives; priests were excluded from these positions. The terms of the
president, senators, and representatives were to begin March 1, 1855, and
last four years. After the expulsion of the filibusters, a junta de gobierno,
composed of the leading men of the two opposing parties, was established,
which declared the constitution of 1838 in force, and a constituent assembly-
was convoked, its members being from among the best and most talented
men of the republic. Id., 23-4; iVic, SemanalNic, Apr. 17, 1873. The powers
granted the executive, which were included in the fundamental law of 1854,
though with the additional clause that when using them he should report the
fact to the next legislature, greatly alarmed the opposition. Perez, Mem. Hist.
Rev. 27 ic, 24.
LONG AND BLOODY WAR. 259
tempt at revolution in Leon, promoted by Castellon,
Jerez, and Mariano Salazar. The government then
residing at Managua defeated their plan for the time,
and banished the leaders and a few of their influential
followers.^^ The_exiles sought refuge in Salvador and
Honduras, and with the favor of Cabanas, who
was then on bad terms with Chamorro,^^ obtained, re-
sources for a second attempt against the government
of _the latter. With a few men and a quantity of
arms and ammunition, tliey went from Tigre Island
to Realejo. The invaders were enthusiastically re-
ceived, Leon, Chinandega, and immediate towns pro-
claiming Castellon provisional director, which office
he assumed June 11, 1854.^^ This_was the beginning-
of a long and bloody war, which Salvador andjjruate-
maTar vainly~^EriedT6 aveft?^ Cliamorro approached.
Leon, buTHndiiig Tf liad declared for Castellon, retired
to Granada and fortified the place, sustaining afterward
an irrepfular sieofe of several months from thrice the
number of his force, under Jerez, till the early part of
1855. Castellon, meantime, gained possession of the
republic, Granada excepted ; but the long siege of this
town wrought a change in the feelings of the unstable
people, and in a short time Chamorro or his party re-
covered Managua, Masaya, and Rivas, after a series
of bloody encounters. The siege of Granada was con-
sequently raised. ^"^ Even Chamorro's death, which
^oin Nov. 1853. Id., 9-12; Guat., Gaceta, Dec. 16, 1853; Jan. 6, 1854;
Salv., Gaceta, Dec. 30, 1853; Hond., Bolet'm Ofic, Dec. 5, 1853; Costa R., Bo-
letin Ofic, Dec. 15, 1853; Id., Gaceta, Dec. 12, 19, 24, 1853; Jan. 15, 30, 1854.
^^ He thought Chamorro was evading the obligation of Nicaragua to aid
Honduras with troops for the war with Gruatemala.
^2 His manifesto of June 12th was moderate in tone but significant in its
substance. It promised a liberal policy, and to reconstruct, if possible, the
federal republic. Wells' Hond., 508-9; Belly, Nic, i. 2G8-70; El Rol, Oct. 6,
1854.
^^ They tendered their mediation. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 67-75.
^* Early in Jan. 1855, J. Trinidad Munoz was made general-in-chief, Jerez
having been disabled by a severe wound. El Rol, Feb. 9, 28, 1855; Costa R.,
Boletin Ofic, Feb. 28, 1855. The successes of the legitimist party — so called
because of the motto on its colors, Legitimidad d muerte — were obtained by
Gren. Ponciano Corral and his subordinates, Chamorro being too ill for service
in the field. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 30, 42-3, 108-20; Eco Hisp.-Am.,
Apr. 30, 1855.
260 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
occurred at this time,^^ did not favor the democrats.
He was succeeded by Jose Maria Estrada. Corral
was the general-in-chief of the legitimist forces, and
was organizing at Masaya an army to capture Leon.
The government had called the constituent assembly,
which met on the 8th of April with only fourteen
members, and on the 10th resolved that Estrada
should retain the executive until a president should
be chosen under the constitution. This greatly dis-
pleased Corral, who had expected to be called to that
position. He had his headquarters in Managua, and
threatened to be revenged of the men who had slighted
him.^^
Meanwhile Munoz had gone to Honduras and re-
turned with a small division of troops, the chief com-
mand of both the democratic and Honduran forces
being vested in him. By his advice Castellon ap-
pointed Rosalio Cortes and P. Aleman commissioners
to ascertain the views of the legitimist chiefs with
reference to peace negotiations. Estrada consented
to receive Cortes, but not Aleman, and the former had
interviews with him and his supporters, prevailing on
them to enter into negotiations either in their official
or private capacity. Munoz had authorized Cortes
to tell Corral he wished to have a direct understand-
ing with him.^^ Cortes first saw Corral, and by his
advice next had interviews with Estrada, Vega, and
others, all of whom showed a willingness to treat for
peace, and asked him to return to Leon, which he
did, touching at Managua, where Corral assured him
of his disposition to come to an understanding with
Munoz.
^In the hacienda of Quismapa, south of Granada, March 12, 1855. Cha-
morro was a wealthy citizen, born in Granada. A brave, resolute man, firm
in sustaining his political principles, but lacking discrimination, and easily
duped. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 126; AstahuituKja, Cent. Am., 67.
^^ Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 128, considered the act of the assembly as
a serious blunder.
^^ His propositions were: Corral and himself were to constitute themselves
a junta de gobierno, and direct public affairs until a constitutional president
could be elected. If Corral objected to this arrangement, he, Munoz, would
recognize the legitimate government, provided Corral became the head of it.
DEMOCRATS AND LEGITIMISTS. 2C1
The situation of the democrats was improved since
the return of Munoz. That of the legitimists was
not so good, but the rulers felt confident. By its
moderate course the legitimist government was gain-
ing favor in democratic towns. Estrada's confidence
was increased with the arrival of two foreign minis-
ters accredited to his government. ^^ By this time
Corral had an efficient division at Managua. His
subordinate, Colonel Tomas Martinez, who in late
years became president of the republic, not only
cleared Nueva Segovia of Hondurans, but also occu-
pied the town of San Mdrcos in Honduras. Lieu-
tenant-colonel Andres Murillo obtained a victory over
the democrats at Tecuaname on the 17th of May.
A few days after — May 31st — Estrada's government
decreed an amnesty to all soldiers, from private
to sergeant inclusive, presenting themselves within
twenty days.^^ On the 13th of June came two men
who afterward were fatal to the legitimists, Santos
Guardiola, and the clergyman Manuel Alcaine. The
latter was a commissioner from Salvador to both bel-
ligerents, and his efforts on behalf of peace had been
favorably entertained by Castellon. Estrada listened
to him, but did not accept his proposals.^*^ Alcaine
went back to Leon, and reported that the legitimists
were bent upon exterminating the democrats, and his
statements were fully believed. All hope of bring-
ing the war to an end by peaceful negotiations was
now abandoned. ^^
^^Facundo Gofii from Spain, and John H. Wlieeler from the U. S.
Wheeler was cordially received in Granada, but afterward was abhorred
by the Nicaraguans.
^^ Being too limited in its scope, the measure produced no good efifect.
^^ He had gone direct to Granada, saying nothing to Corral from ^Nluiioz,
which made the former suspect that Munoz was deceiving him.
^^ Ephraim George Squier, whose works I have often quoted, was born in
Bethlehem, in the state of New York, June 17,' 1821, and devoted most of
his life to civil engineering, journalism, and the pursuit of science, winning
for himself a distinguished name as an archoeologist and author. His first
distinction was awarded him for his labors on the archaeology of the Missis-
sippi Valley and the state of New York. Having been appointed in 1849
charge d'affaires to the states of Central America, he employed much of hi j
time in gathering data upon those countries, which he after\vard embodied in
several books. In 1853 he was engaged in the survey of a route across Hon-
262 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
duras, and organized a company for the construction of an interoceanic rail-
way. In 1863 and the following year he was employed by the U. S. govt as
a commissioner in Peru for the adjustment of claims against that republic, and
then devoted several months to the exploration of ancient monuments in that
country. In 1868 he was for a time tJ. S. consul-gen. to Hond. He visited
Europe several times both for pleasure and business. In addition to the works
that will be herein enumerated, he contributed many papers on antiquities and
other subjects to American and European scientific periodicals. The following
list comprises his principal works, most of which have been translated into
several languages: Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, being vol. i. of the
Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge; Aboriginal Monuments of the state of
Neio York, in vol. ii. of the Smithsonian Contributions; Antiquities of the state
of New Yorlc, with a supplement on the antiquities of the west; The Serpent
Symbol, or Worship of the Reciprocal Principles of Nature in America;
Waikna, or Adventures on the Mosquito Shore, under the pseudonym of Sam-
uel A. Bard; Question Anglo-Amiricaine; Report of the survey of the Honduras
interoceanic raihvay; Monograph on autliors who liave written on the a'jorigi-
nal languages of Central America; Tropical fhres and their economic extrac-
tion; Is cotton king? Sources of cotton supply; Incidents of Travel and Explo-
rations in the land of the Incas. Other works of this author quoted in my
volumes on Central America are: Notes on the states of Honduras and Salva-
dor, with maps and illustrations, which gives valuable data on those coun-
tries. In treating of diplomatic relations he expatiates on manifest destiny
and British intrigues, his conclusions not being probably palatable to the sub-
jects of the British crown, and others disposed to oppose the absori)tion of
more territory, or the exercise of exclusive influence by the U. S. The maps
drawn by Hitchcock under Squier's directions are the best that to that time
had been published. Travels in Central America, particularly in Nicaragua^
N. Y., 1853, 8vo, 2 vol., pp. 424 and 452, maps and cuts, contains a descrip-
tion of aboriginal movements and scenery, together with a concise account of
the history, agricultural and other resources, of Nicaragua, the language,
manners, and customs of the people, with illustrations of the principal build-
ings, towns, ports, etc. The work also describes at length the proposed canal
route, setting forth its advantages. The author had every facility as U. S.
charge d'afi"aires to obtain the most exact data, and used them conscientiously
and with marked ability. Nicaragua, its people, scenery, monuments, and the
proposed interoceanic canal, Lond., 1852, N. Y., 1856, 2 vol. This work is
similar in all respects to — in fact a reprint of — Travels in Cent. Am. Another
edition under the aforesaid title appeared in New York, 1860, 1 vol. of pp.
691, which with the exception of about 18 pp. in the append., and a few more^
illustrations, was similar to Trav. in Cent. Am. Tlie States of Central America,
N. Y., 1858, 8vo, p. 782, maps and illust. The author issued in 1855, with
the title of Notes on Central America, an 8vo vol. of 397 pages, with maps and
cuts, intended to serve as a basis for this more extensive one, which treats of
the physical peculiarities, population, productions, commerce, and other
resources, political organization, aborigines, etc., of the country in general,
and of the states separately, and also of Belize, the Bay islands, and
Mosquito shore. Squier was evidently conversant with his subject. The
style is vivid and interesting, as well as instructive, and the statements, as a
rule, worthy of acceptance. In his treatment of diplomatic affairs between
Great Britain and Cent. Am., in which his own country was interested on
the side of the latter, he espouses the Central American side with so much
warmth as to awaken a suspicion that his judgment may have been warped
by his patriotism. The question of an interoceanic railroad having engrossed
public attention since the publication of this work the author felt justified in
reproducing, under the title of Honduras, Lond., 1870, 12°, 278 pp., with a.
map, in a more compact and accessible form, a description of this country.
With the exception of a fuller information on the route, and its alleged ad-
vantages over all others, and an appendix relating to immigration, the con-
BIBLIOGRAPHY. 2G3
tents of the book have been fully treated in the bibliographical notice on the
Stales of Cent. Am.
Kcport to the Directors of the Honduras Interoceanic Railway, Lond., 1858,
fol., 102 pp. and map. Fours years previously a preliminary report was pub-
lished on this subject, and in 1857 another containing no additional informa-
tion, but in the appendix were given further correspondence and the charter
in full. The present work gives a complete report with all details, present-
ing valuable statistics, and evidences of the feasibility of the proposed railway.
Compendio de la Historia FoUtica de Centro-America, Paris, 1856, 12°, pp. 7—
114, as the title implies, is an outline of the political history of Central
America from 1821 to 1851, that is to say, a sketch of the revolution and
struggle between republicans on one side and monarchists on the other, by
which Central America was annexed to Mexico, and of the subsequent wars
between the federalists and the oligarchs, which culminated in the destruction
of the federation, and the ultimate rise to unrestricted power of the latter
with Carrera as their chief as well as tool. Translation ivith notes of the letter
of Don Dkijo de Palacio {157G) to the crown of Spain on the provinces of Guate-
mala, San Salvador, etc., N. Y., 18G0, sq.j8°, pp. 132, is a report which in Span-
ish bears the title of Carta dirigida al rey de Espafia, and was addressed by
Palacio, a member of the royal audiencia of Guatemala, to the king, giving an
account of the ancient provinces of Guazacapan, Izalco, Cuzcatlan, and Chi-
quimula, together with their languages, customs, and religion of their aborigi-
nal inhabitants, and a description of the ruins of Copan. Palacio evidently
collected this information by order of his sovereign, and showed himself an
intelligent as well as a kindly, well-meaning man; somewhat superstitious,
but less so than most men of his time. His narrative is both readable and
instructive, and his description of the ruins of Copan extremely interesting,
its correctness being established in after years by the accounts of Fuentes
and Stephens. Squier added numerous and interesting notes, but his trans-
lation is in places open to criticism, partly for erroneous meanings given to
words, and partly for a not strict adherence to the spirit of the original. The
book, though a beautiful specimen of typography, is disfigured with many
misprints. Besides these I have in my library numerous valuable documents
in manuscript relating to Central American history, from the earliest days
after the Spanish conquest, which Mr Squier gathered from various sources
and never published.
A Travers UAmerique Centrale. Le Nicaragtia et le Canal Jnterocianique,
Paris, 1867, 8°, 2 vol., maps, 427 and 480 pp., by Felix Belly, who was the
director-general of a French canal company for opening a Nicaragua route.
He was also a chevalier and a well-known writer. To him had been intrusted
the task of obtaining a charter from Nicaragua for this canal, and with this
object he visited Central America in 1858, obtained the charter, and made
the necessary explorations for routes and resources. The delays and uncer-
tainty of the undertaking caused Belly to visit the country more than once,
and he thus became well acquainted with its resources, people, government,
and institutions generally. This information he imparts in connection with
the narrative of his journey and in articles, under the respective states, given
in the first volume. The second volume is wholly devoted to the interoceanic
projects, and particularly to a detailed history of his own canal scheme. The
style is attractive, the observations clever, and the information excellent. A
second edition, a reprint, appeared in 1870. Belly, Carte d' etudes, etc., Paris,
1858, contains notes on the j)roject of building a canal through Nicaragua, and
the survey made for that purpose. Felix Belly, Durchhruch der Americanis-
chen Landenge. Kanal von Nicaragua. Ubersetzt von Karl Schohel.'Vsiris, 1859,
8°, 103 pp., one map, is the same as C'ar^e d'etndes . . . .hy Felix Belly, but
enlarged with a few sketches of the country and people of Nicaragua and
Costa Rica.
CHAPTER XIII.
REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA
1840-1865.
President Rivera Paz — Carrera's Course — Pretended Sedition — Disso-
lution OF THE Assembly — A Consejo Constituyente Created — Car-
rera Becomes President — Attempt against his Life — Revolt of
MoNTERROSA— Carrera's Despotism — The Republic Established —
Relations with Other Powers — Revolution of the Mountain — Con-
stituent Assembly Convened — Carrera's Forced Resignation and
Exile — Liberals Triumphant — Their Squabbles and Disintegration
— The Moderado Party — Revolution of Los Altos — Intrigues of
THE Serviles — Presidencies of Martinez and Escobar — Causes of
THEIR Resignations — Paredes — Recall of Carrera — Deeds of Ven-
geance— Carrera again President — Partial Restoration of Peace.
Carrera had become so inflated by flattery that he
actually believed himself able to govern upon instinct
Guatemala, and even all Central America.^ He tried
to shake ofl* aristocratic control, and showed pugna-
ciousness toward the assembly and the administrator
of the diocese. Obedience not being in every instance
given to his whims, he threatened, in August 1840, to
resign the command of the troops, which he held with
the rank of lieutenant-general.^ The aristocrats were
much alarmed, and the assembly, in flattering terms,
declined accepting the resignation. He now appeared
in the roles of financier, political economist, and enemy
of the nobles, presuming to dictate a policy for the
protection of manufactures, agriculture, and other
^ At this time, in 1840, he could neither read nor write, and used, for ap-
pending his signature, a stamp. Later he learned to sign his name.
^He sent his resignation to the assembly, implying that it was conde-
scension on his part to lay it before that body, as he owed his position directly
to the votes of the people
(2G4)
REIGN OF L>ESPOTISM. 265
interests. His displeasure with the nobles was be-
cause he believed them hostile to the masses.^ They
managed to mollify him, and he then contented him-
self with issuing a long address, on the 9th of October,
reiterating his anxiety for the general welfare, and
remonstrating against the intrigues of his personal
enemies/
A reign of despotism was now established, which
continued upwards of thirty years. Liberal laws were
abrogated one after another, and retrogressive ones
substituted, including a complete restoration to the
clergy of the fueros they had been deprived of by the
liberal cortes of Spain in 1820. Carrera's enmity to
the assembly became more apparent from day to day.
He showed it by word, and by the press. ^ He could
not write a line, but others wrote for him, and printed
articles appeared over his name.^ Jose Francisco
Barrundia had returned from his exile, and had been
chosen a deputy, but he resigned on the 11 th of March,
1842, giving powerful reasons for his course.^ Indeed,
Barrundia would have been out of place in a body
mostly made up of ultramontane priests, self-styled
nobles, and reactionists.
2 He was wrathful at the thought that they had tendered a dictatorship to
Morazan, and enlisted the Quezaltecs against himself. He did not forget Ri-
vera Paz' proclamations calling him a bandit and an antwpofago. He asked
for the meaning of this last word, and on being told it, flew into a rage which
threatened a repetition of the horrid scenes of Quezaltenango. Montufar, Re-
sefia Hist., iii. 512.
* He referred to Pavon, Batres, and Aycinena. It was evident that he
then knew of Juan Fermin Aycinena 's bargain in Madrid which made him
marques de Aycinena.
^ His press was called Imprenta del Ejercito. He had brought it from
Quezaltenango.
^ Several deputies, under one pretext or another, tried to resign, but only
the clergyman Lorenzana was permitted to do so. TempsJcy's Journey, 341-56.
A man named Andrade slightly wounded Carrera in the evening of Aug. 8,
1841. He was murdered by the troops, and Carrera, with the assent of the
govt, had the body quartered in the presence of hundreds of persons, and the
pieces placed on exhibition at the city gates. The order for so doing was
signed by Rivera Paz, and his minister Viteri, afterward bishop of Salvador.
M,. 541-8; GuaL, Gac. Ofic., no. 22, 86-7; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 248; Nouv.
Annales Voy., xcii. 375; Niks' Beg., Ixi. 177.
^He had promised, he said, to remain in private life. His voice would
be unheeded. Without freedom or influence, he could no longer do the coun-
try any good. ' Ningun pensamiento hay aceptable en la critica complicacion
de sus negocios, y en el movimiento retrdsrado que se le ha dado. ' Montufar^
ResenaHist., iii. 528-9; Gac. de Salv., Oct. 12, 1854.
256 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
The treasury was so exhausted that the assembly
had no means to pay its clerks. But the ecclesiastical
coffers had an abundance of money from the tithes
tax, and Carrera's troops had to be paid, or he would
resent tjifi-joegiect. This was made evident in Sep-
tember (1844/ Rivera Paz, the president, with the
utmost difficulties, managed to procure money for the
pay of the soldiers from day to day; but for some
reason unexplained, it did not reach them. Carrera
found a way to secure his ends. He had a conference
with some of his officers, and the result was that the
battalion of regular troops revolted on the 20th, and ^^
/sacked a number of shops, and the stalls in the market-
place, getting an abundant supply and ruining several
traders.^ Carrera then gathered his soldiers in the
barracks, and in order to keep up appearances, the
next day without much ado or any form of trial, had
six men shot.^
Rivera Paz, finding his position unbearable, resigned
it. The assembly accepted his resignation, to take
effect after his successor should be appointed, and
qualify. Carrera was chosen, but declined the office.
Venancio Lopez and Bernardino Lemus, appointed in
the order named, followed his example. Rivera Paz
had to remain as nominal liead of the government,
Carrera being the actual ruler, whose demands clashed
with the fiery-tempered Viteri, minister of state.
They had a serious quarrel, which culminated in the
arrest by Carrera, on the 7th of December, 1841, of
Rivera Paz, together with Yiteri and his subordinates.^^
^Rivera Paz did not escape insult; but not more than Carrera deemed
needful to keep him humble.
^The Gaceta, no. 173, mentioned that number. Others made it larger.
The Indian chief Ricardo Catzum and others on their way to the place of exe-
cution, in loud tones declared that they had only obeyed their general's orders.
^"Carrera had threatened Viteri with *la fuerza,' and the latter answered
that he had on his side ' la fuerza de la razon. ' Carrera understood this to
mean cannons and muskets, and rushing out to the plaza came back soon
after with troops and artillery, surrounded the government house — then oppo-
site the Santa Rosa church — and furiously entered the building, demanding of
Rivera Paz to show him his forces. Viteri then explained the meaning of
fuerza de la razon. Montu/ar, Reseila BisL, iii. 536-7. Squier, Travels, ii.
443 describes something similar as done by Carrera to the assembly.
SANGUINARY POLITICS. 267
But after explanations he retired his force, and cahii
was restored. On the refusal of Carrera to accept
the presidency resigned by Rivera Paz, December 14,
1841, the councillor Venancio Lopez was called upon
to assume the office/^ The lieutenant-general asked
for a passport to leave Guatemala, his object being
only to obtain more honors and money. His plan
seems to have succeeded. ^^ Lopez gave up the pres-
idency, and Rivera Paz for the third time, on the 14th
of May, 1842, was appointed to fill it.
^__The assembly adjourned on the 4th of November,
QL843^to meet again on the 1st of April, 1844. But
Carrera had resolved to suppress it, and pretending
an intended seditious movement at Pinula, he had
the supposed rebels fired upon, and the criminal farce
ended with a simulated capitulation at Guadalupe on
the 11th of March, 1844, by which the assembly was
set aside, and a council of government was to take its
place.^^ The assembly was convoked, ratified its own
dishonor, gave the government full power to regulate
administrative affairs, and decreed its own dissolu-
tion.^* The decree convoking members for the new
counciP^ was issued on the 26th of April, and it was
formally installed on the 8th of December, having
among its members a number of liberals. Rivera Paz
( resigned the presidency,^^ and Carrera was chosen his
I successor, assuming on the 11th of December an office
/ that he had virtually controlled since the 13th of
/ April, 1839. At the election of justices of the supreme
court, the nobles were defeated.^^ The consejo, or
^^ Lopez was a Nicaraguan educated in Gnat., an honorable man and an ac-
complished jurist; but owing to bad health, personal habits, and other causes,
was unfit for the executive office.
^^ The assembly considered a bill granting him large tracts of land.
^^ The constitution to be framed was to be ratified by the first subsequent
council of double the no. of representatives. The doc. had 12 articles. GtiaL,
Inf. Pavon, 2-5; Mies' Reg., Ixvi. 242.
i*On the 14th of March, 1844. Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 114-16.
^^' Consejo constituyente ' it was first called; afterward it adopted the
name of 'congreso constituyente.'
^^^ Being appointed early in 1849 corregidor of Jutiapa; while on his way
there he was murdered with others.
^^ They had counted on Carrera 's aid, and he failed them, for which they
again at their secret conferences reapplied to him the name antropd/ago.
268 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
congreso, as it had begun to call itself, became an ob-
ject of bitter enmity on the part of the aristocrats and
serviles; and Carrera's overthrow was also contem-
l^lated by them, pretending cooperation with the lib-
erals for its accomplishment. The plan fell through
before maturity, owing to distrust between the leaders
of the two parties. Carrera was informed of his
danger by the confession of a dying man, but never
penetrated to the sources of the plot.^^ During Car-
rera's absence from the capital on furlough in Feb-
Lruary 1845, Joaquin Duran occupying the executive
chair, a revolt took place, headed by Monterrosa and
p,n officer named Mendez, but not being seconded by
the people, they entered into a capitulation with Duran
to leave the city, on his solemnly pledging them that
they would not be molested. They accordingly went
out on the 5th as promised, and on the next day
Sotero Carrera, A. Solares, and Vicente Cruz entered
at the head of their respective forces. Carrera ar-
rived afterward, and was received in triumph. ^^
At the expiration of his furlough Carrera reassumed
the reigns of government. Joaquin Duran resigned
the portfolio of treasury and war, being succeeded by
Brigadier Geronimo Paiz. The state was now virtually
under the control of a triumvirate composed of Rafael
and Sotero Carrera, and Paiz.^^ The subsequent res-
ignation of Minister Ndjera and appointment of Jose
Antonio Azmitia inspired a little confidence. ^^ The
^^A number of persons were blindly persecuted, particularly Brigadier
Monterrosa and his family. Barrundia, Rev. de los Partidos, in Montiifar, Re-
sefia Hist, iv. 662.
^^ Durari's pledges went for nothing. Blood and extermination ended the
drama of Feb. 1845. Id., 663-9; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 244-7.
2^ The most despotic captain-generals of the colonial period, without excep
ting the tyrant Bustamante, are not to be compared with these men. Bar-
Lg to console the young men who be
country, assured them that it was transitory, *un regimen salvaje en pleno
rundia, in trying to console the young men who bewailed the condition of the
siglo XIX. no puede ser perpetuo en la America indeijendiente. La luz noa
viene por el Norte y por el Sur; solo el centro esta en tinieblas, y esa noche
liigubre no puede ser eterna.' Montufar, Reseua Hist., v. 9.
'■^^ Azmitia was an enlightened man, and thirsted for no one's blood; but
his influence, outside of the foreign department, was small, and men, unheard
and untried, were shot before his eyes, without his being able to prevent it.
His friends claimed, however, that through him Guat. was spared many more
acts of barbarity.
'UNI 7
Ty ^' >' rv^
CONSTITUTION AND CONGRESS
constituent congress passed liberal laws, and issi
new constitution on the 16th of September, 1845, that
did not suit the aristocrats, and they made it an ob-
ject of ridicule and contempt. ^^ The congress closed
its session on the 21st of the same month. Carrera
had obtained another leave of absence, and Brigadier
Vicente Cruz, the vice-president chosen by congress,
assumed the executive office.^^ The aristocrats kept
a strict watch on Cruz, and breathed more freely when
Carrera with his ministers Paiz and Azmitia were
again at the head of the government. The succeed-
ing congress on the 1st of February, 1846, rejected
the constitution framed the previous year, and author-
ized the government to call another constituent con-
gress. This was the result, not only of aristocratic
intrigue, but of violent threats on the part of Car-
rera and his minions against all attempting to sanction
the act of the 'desorganizadores' to undermine his
power.^*
Carrera and Paiz, aided by Sotero Carrera, corre-
gidor of La Antigua, now ruled supreme. Citizens
had no protection unless they approved of every act.
During the funeral services of Archbishop Casaus a
plot was made to assassinate Carrera, which failed,
and the conspirators were seized and tried. Those who
had powerful friends were sent into exile ; the rest had
to perish in the damp dungeons of the fort.^^
Guatemala, in view of the political change resulting
from the dissolution of the federal compact, decreed
by her assembly, on the 14th of November, 1843, a
22 It consisted of 222 articles, and was drawn up at Quezaltenango; it came
to nothing. Pineda de Mont., in Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 86.
■^^ Cruz had risen with Carrera, but had a mild disposition, and was liberal-
minded. He learned erelong that the people had nothing to expect from the^
aristocrats.
'^* Barrundia left an account of all the proceedings. One man only, Jose
Gandara, had the courage to back his convictions and vote for the constitu-
tion.
2^ The plan hau been to shoot him as he came out of the cathedral. Dun-
lop's Cent. Am., 248; Iris' Espafc, Dec. 12, 1846.
270 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
new coat of arms for the state.^^ On the 6th of April,
1857, the government was empowered to make in the
coat of arms such changes as it might deem judicious,
but preserving the inscription, Guatimalse Kespubhca
sub Dei Optimi Maximi protectione. The change
was decreed on the 31st of May, 1858."^ A law of
March 14, 1851, confirmed in that of May 31, 1858,
establishes the national flag.^^
The national independence of Guatemala was ere-
long recognized by foreign powers, with which she
opened diplomatic relations and made treaties."^ The
formal recognition by Spain took place in the treaty
of May 29, 1863, subsequently ratified by both gov-
ernments. Guatemala has endeavored to maintain
friendly relations with all. With the United States
they have been quite cordial. During Carrera's rule
his government gave recognition to the imperial re-
gime of Maximilian in Mexico.^^ During the South
American struggle between Chile on one side, and
Peru and Bolivia on the other, Guatemala maintained
herself neutral. She accepted in 1881 the invitation
of the United States government to be represented
2^ The arms to be those Cent. Am. used on the obverse side of her coin,
but so arranged that the sun and volcanoes should be in the centre of a shield,
with the inscription, Guatemala en Centro America, 15 de Setiembre de 1821,
having in the quiver an olive crown.
2' A shield divided transversely into two quarters; the upper one on an
open field azure with vertical bars argent; and the lower with three volcanoes
on a light sky-blue field. Over the shield was a sun, and on each side of it
two flags with the national colors displayed, and the extremities gathered
downward, and knotted on the poles. On the right side of the shield is an
oak bough, and on the left, one of laurel. On a white waving ribbon is the
legend in golden letters, Guatimalse Respublica sub D. 0. M. protectione.
2^ The man-of-war flag has the coat of arms on the yellow stripe. The
mercantile flag does not show the coat of arms. The flag consists of seven
stripes; the uppermost and lowermost, or be it the 1st and 7th, blue; the 2d
and 6th white; the 3d and 5th red; and the 4th, which is the centre one,
yellow. Guat.y Reco'p. Ley., i. 55-8; Dubkin and LozQ.no, Le(f. Mex., vi. 119-
20; 3/ea;., Col Ley. Orel., 1850-1; i. 388-9; Mex., Leg., 1851, 307-9. New
national flag decreed Aug. 17, 1871. Guat., Recap. Leges, Gob. Democ, i. 9.
29\yj^lj France, March 8, 1848, and one for the settlement of French
•claims, Aug. 18, 1854; Costa R., March 10, 1848; G. Britain, Feb. 20, 1849;
U. S., March 20, 1849; Belgium, Apr. 1849; Mex., Nov. 1850; the pope, Oct. 7,
1852; Peru, 1857; and others in later times.
'^■^ Crosby 8 Events in Cal., MS., 103. It tried to avoid entanglements in
the questions then pending between Spain and Peru. The time came, how-
ever, in 1875, when the govt was not afraid to make recognition of Cuba,
then in the throes of revolution for independence from Spain as a nation.
REVOLUTION AND ROBBERY. 271
at a proposed American congress to be held in Wash-
ington, but which did not take place. In that same
year, owing to the maltreatment of a French citizen,
a difficulty arose with France, but it was amicably
settled, the French flag being saluted, and a pecuniary
compensation allowed by Guatemala.'
31
On the 8th of April the official journal gave to the
public a decree appointing Pedro Molina, Alejandro
Marure, and J. M. Urruela a committee to frame a
constitution for the new republic,^^ a project of which
they presented in due time; but, though conservative,
the government would not adopt it.^^ The self-styled
nobles were delighted with their republic, and made
it appear in the official paper that the people in the
departments were equally so. But a scarcity of bread-
stufl*s, attributed by many to the contrivances of
monopolists, created disturbances in some districts,
alarming the government. Certain taxes were tem-
porarily removed, and other measures were adopted
to alleviate the distress.^*
In May there was a revolutionary movement in
Sacatepequez.^^ Robbery and murder became of fre-
quent occurrence in several departments. The gov-
^^FuU particulars on the foreign relations may be found in Guat., Recap.
Ley., i. 303-81, 423-30; Id., Gob. Dem., i. 209-19; Squkr's Trav., ii. 451-2;
Annals Brit. Legis., 1866, 333; Guat., Gac, Feb. 21, March 7, May 3, 1850;
July 29, 1853; Jan. 27, Apr. 7, 1854; Comm. Bel. Flagcfs Hept., i. 792; Dere-
cho Intern. Jfea;. , 2d pt, 325-8; Mex., Mem. Bel., 1851, lO-ll ; Dublan a.nd Lozano,
Leg. Mex., v. 755-7; Nic. Corr. 1st., May 1, June 1, Aug. 1, 1849; Id., Gac.
Ofic, Feb. 25, 1854; Aug. 4, 1866; Costa B., Gac, Feb. 13, March 13, June 10,
1854; Salv., Gac, Jan. 13, 1854; Crosby's Events in Cal, MS., 90-5, 102-4;
Bocha, C6d. Nic, i. 141-5; Salv., DiaHo Ofic, Apr. 20, Sept. 9, 1875; Guat.,
Mem. Bel, 1882, 26-7, and annex 8; La Estrella de Occid., Dec. 2, 1864.
^2 Molina accepted this trust believing Minister Azmitia, with whom the
committee would have to treat directly, was a liberal; but Azmitia was not
such, nor would the aristocrats have permitted him to control the situation.
^^ Molina accepted, under the pressure of circumstances, a number of
clauses opposed to his own opinions, thinking that a conservative constitution
would be better than an unbridled dictatorship.
^■* Some of the measures being imprudently executed only increased the
trouble. To make matters worse, the monopoly of aguardiente in the depart-
ments of Guat. , Sacatepequez, Escuintla, and Amatitlan, was given to a single
company, in consideration of money advances to the treasury. Carrera was
supposed to share in the profits.
^^ The Indians rose against the ladinos, who deprived them of their lands,
and forced them to work at raising grain.
272 KEPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
ernment saw a serious revolution at hand, and made
efforts to meet it. It tried, however, to show that
the pubhc peace was not disturbed.^^ All measures
to check the revolution were unavailing, and the pol-
icy of the rulers of Salvador made the condition of
affairs more alarming to Carrera and his supporters.
Their political opponents now thought the overthrow
of the tyrant was not far distant. His counsellors
advised him to call a constituent congress, and pro-
visionally place the executive office in the hands of
Vice-president Cruz, to which he acceded. The de-
cree for summoning the congress was issued, and Cruz
assumed the presidency on the 25th of January.^''
Ndjera and Azmitia retired, which indicated a change
of policy. This greatly exercised the reactionists,
and the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the 4th of
February, urgently begged Carrera to resume his
office, whereupon Cruz threw it up, and the former
took the chair at once. He organized a new cab-
inet,^^ the personnel of which was a challenge to the
whole liberal party, which thereby w^as roused to
action. The first act of the government was to revoke
the decree calling the constituent assembly. All hope
of reform was now given up.
The revolution w^ent on, and notwithstanding occa-
sional reverses made much headway, Serapio Cruz, a
brother of the vice-president, and an estimable man and
experienced soldier, taking sides with the mountaineers.
The government was sinking under the weight of its
depravity; and yet in those moments of despair, it
struck a blow at its opponents. Molina was arrested
on the 10th of May. A similar order was issued
^^ * La tranquilidad contintia inalterable.' Gnat., Gac. Ofic, Aug. 14, 1847. y
The archbishop was asked to instruct his priests to preach obedience to the
authorities and laws; and with the view of winning the good-will of the Do-
minicans the govt restored them the large hacienda of Palencia, which had
been theirs prior to 1829. The property had fallen into Carrera 's hands by-
donation from the government, and now, in order to restore it to the friars, it
was bought from him at his own price.
^^ Carrera's decrees of Jan. 12 and 22, 1848.
^^ Foreign relations, Jose Mariano Rodriguez; government, Luis Batres;
treasury and war, Jose Najera.
POLITICAL UNREST. 273
against Barrundia, but he escaped the clutches of the
sbirri, first giving the government his mind in the
Album, which publication was of course suppressed.^^
Together with Molina were conveyed to the fort Jose
Marino Vidaurre and the printer Luciano Luna. An
order of the court of first instance, issued at the peti-
tion of Molina's wife, was treated with contempt by
Palomo Valdez, acting comandante of the depart-
ment, who merely said that Molina had been imprisoned
upon a verbal order of the president. The prisoners
were released after some time of suffering in the dun-
geons of the fort. The Gaceta repeatedly contained
abusive remarks against the republicans of France.
The French consul demanded a retraction, and not
being heeded, struck his flag and discontinued rela-
tions with the government.*^
The position of the government was daily becoming
more untenable, when it concluded to call a constit-
uent assembly, to begin its labors on the 15th of
August.*^ A scandalous occurrence took place a few
days before the installation of the assembly, when the
comandante, Palomo Valdez, violently arrested the
deputy M. Pineda de Mont, who was released at
the demand of that body, but the perpetrator of the
act went unpunished.
Carrera made known his intention to resign *^ on
the installation of the assembly, and the insurgent
chief Francisco Carrillo tendered his submission to
that body. The liberals could not expect to elect any
2^ His last words on that occasion were: *Queda al publico el sempitemo'
duo de la Revista y Gaceta, que daran solos la ley y seran la esclusiva ilustra-
cion de Guatemala.' Montilfar, Resena Hist., v. 444; Salv., Gac, Oct. 12,
1854. It must be borne in mind that those two organs were edited by Pavon
and Milla for the express purpose of upholding the ideas of the middle ages.
^''This affair was later settled, the assembly passing resolutions highly
complimentary to France and her people, embodying also a desire to see the
French flag again waving over the French consulate. A copy of the resolu-
tions was transmitted to the consul. The flag waved again and was saluted
with 21 guns. Montiifar, Resena Hist., v. 577; Niks'' Req., Ixxiv. 142-3, 415-
16; Mc, Gac. Gob. Suprem., Dec. 9, 1848; El Heraldo, Jan. 15, 1849.
*^ The members were to be at the capital on the 1st of the month. Decree
of May 24, 1848. Gnat., Recop. Ley., i. 121-36.
*2 This was done by the advice of Batres, M^ho told him the liberal party
would soon commit suicide, and he might then return in triumph.
Hist. Cent. Am,, Vol. III. 18
•274 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
candidate of their own, and the reactionists, though
having a working majority in the assembly, from
motives of pohcy abstained from presenting one of
their party; but they finally fixed upon a political
nonentity, who was known to be in accord with Nufio
and the revolutionists of Chiquimula, named Juan
Antonio Martinez,^^ believing that though a liberal
he would not be antagonistic to their interests. The
assembly was installed on the 15th of August with
Pedro Molina presiding, when Carrera sent in three
documents, one of which was his resignation,** which
was accepted, no attempt being made to detain him,
as it was the general desire that he should leave the
country/^ Martinez was appointed his successor.*^
The new president kept Carrera's officers in their
command s/*^ His appointment did not satisfy the
-chiefs of the revolution,*^ and through commissioners
they made known their demands, dated August 27th,
in 18 articles.*^ The government rejected them, but
in a decree requiring their submission oflfered certain
terms, which in their turn were not accepted, and the
war went on.
Colonel Nufio had made an arrangement with com-
missioners Duenas and Angulo of Salvador for the
organization of Los Altos as a separate state. This
*^ A merchant or agent; he was sickly, and totally unfit for the position.
** The other two were his message on gen. affairs, and his greeting to the
chamber on its installation. iWc, Gac. Gob. Swprem., Sept. 16, 1848; Salv.,
Oac. Ofic, Sept. 9, 1876; Mo7iin/ar, Resena Hi^t., v. 470, 494-508.
*^His proscription was decreed on the 13th of Oct., 1848. Iter/. Cent. Avi.,
Jan. 29, 1850. He went to Chiapa, and the Mexican govt was requested not
to let him cross the frontier. El Sigh, Jan. 10, 1851.
^^ This was an unmerited slight to Vice-president Cruz, which he resented
afterward.
"^^ His ministers were Manuel J. Dardon of the govt; Jose M. Vidaurre of
treasury and war, and Luis Molina of foreign relations.
*^ Francisco Carrillo, Serapio Cruz, Roberto Reyes, J. D. Nufio, and A.
Perez.
*^The chief being the convocation of a new constituent assembly; the
recognition of Los Altos as independent, efforts to restore the Central Am.
republic, and meantime Guat., Salv., and Los Altos, to be under one govt;
the revolutionary army to hold the capital and other important points; Rafael
and Sotero Carrera and their agents to make good with their property all
damages caused by them to private persons; objectional)le persons to be ban-
ished, and the Brit, govt to be asked to recall Consul Chatfield.
POLITICAL PARTIES.
275
roused the aristocrats, and their spokesman, Andre u,
made such broad statements in the chamber that the
president accused him of falsehood, and closed the
discussion. The affair widened the breach among
the liberals. Luis Molina now organized a third party,
that took the name of moderado, most of whose mem-
bers were from the liberal party and the latter was
left an almost insignificant minority. The aristocratic
party, albeit divided in appearance, was really united. ^^
Los Altos.
They were aisquieted, however, by the attitute of
Salvador in upholding the independence of Los Altos,
which had been organized as a state ;^^ but did not
despair of breaking up the friendship between the
liberals and the government of Salvador. ^^ The aris-
^ Their only division was in open and covert serviles.
^^ A provisional govt was established at Quezaltenango on the 5th of Sept.,
1848, consisting of a triumvirate; namely, Presbyter Fernando Antonio Davila,
Rafael de la Torre, and Jose Velazco, with Manuel J. Fuentes as secretary-
gen, fd., 588-9; Guat, Gac, Sept. 22, 1848.
"'^ The nobles, aided by the clergy, surrounded the brothers Cruz, and Luis
Molina undertook to dissuade Nufio, who was a very ignorant man.
276 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
tocrats set themselves to work to have a motion made
by a hberal in the assembly for the confirmation of
Carrera's decree of March 21, 1847, to create the re-
public of Guatemala. Such an act on the part of the
liberals would alienate from them the support of the
Salvadorans, and reduce them to a nullity. And yet
Barrundia made the motion,^^ and it was received with
a shout of applause, and passed on the 14th of Sep-
tember, with only two negative votes. ^* This ratifi-
cation was hailed with ringing of bells and salvos of
artillery.
The revolutionists of Los Altos being defeated at
San Andres,^^ were obliged to submit, but the situa-
tion of the government was made precarious by the
defeat of Nufio by the brothers Cruz, who approached
the capital. ^^ Unable to negotiate peace, Martinez re-
. signed the executive office, and Jose Bernardo Escobar
/ succeeded him on the 28th of November. ^^ The new
president found all his plans antagonized by the aris-
tocrats and moderados, and the clergy especially mis-
trusted him and his ministers.^^ He might easily
have dissolved the assembly, but the act would have
been repugnant to his principles. He concluded to
retire, but his resignation was not accepted. ^^ Vicente
Cruz demanded the surrender of the capital, offering
security for life and property, a few persons only ex-
^^ The necessity of procuring money for the war, which could not be had
except from partisans of the oligarchs, prompted it, as they made that act of
ratification a sine qui non before ioosening their purse-strings.
^^Guat., Col. Ley., i. 77-9; Montufar, He^sefia Hist., v. 584-5. Gandara
and Pineda da Mont, the other liberals trying to persuade themselves that the
separation would be only temporary.
^^By Col M. Paredes. Guat., Gac, Sept. 22, 1848; Id., Col. Ley., 50-3;
Nic, Gac. Gob. Swprem., Nov. 18, 25, Dec. 9, 1848; Montiifar, Resena Hist,
V. 606-8, 634-9.
''•' The attempt to gain over Nufio to the side of the govt proving success-
ful, he had been appointed comandante general. On the other hand. Vice-
president Vicente Cruz, smarting under the slight put upon him by the
selection of Martinez for pres., joined his brother Serapio in his armed contest
again.st the govt. Id., v. 555, 570-1, 588, 591.
^^ Escobar was an orator, a true republican, and well disposed to deal
fairly by all men, regardless of political affiliations.
^^ His ministers were Revd Narciso Monterey, of govt; Basilio Porras, of
relations; Mariano Galvez Irungaray, of treasury; and Manuel Jonama, an
old retired officer of Morazan, of war.
^' The two opposing parties had not yet fixed upon his successor.
DEATH OF VICENTE CRUZ. 277
cepted.^ The negotiations for peace having failed,
Escobar a second time sent in his resignation, and it
was accepted, with marked disrespect on the part of
the serviles and moderados.^^ Manuel Tejada was
chosen president on the 30th of December, and de-
clined the honor. Mariano Paredes was then ap-
J pointed, on the 1st of January, 1849, and took the
oath which had been prepared by Paredes, but he soon
perjured himself, following explicitly the advice of
Luis Batres, and thus becoming a tool of the aristo-
crats to bring back Carrera to power. ^^ Arrangements
were made with the mountaineers, under which Brig-
adier Vicente Cruz, having recognized the govern-
ment, entered Guatemala on the 9th of February. ^•'^
It was noticed, however, that Scrapie Cruz and other
chiefs remained outside. The men of Agustin Perez
afterward committed several murders, and Vicente
* Cruz went against and defeated them on the 20th of
March, but while engaged in the pursuit was struck
by a bullet in the chest and fell dead.^^
Carrera was known to be on the frontier, and
Batres undertook to obtain the assent of the chiefs
of the mountain for his return. Not all of them
assented, however. Scrapie Cruz issuing a very sig-
nificant manifesto. General Agustin Guzman, the
loyal liberal leader, well understood Batres aims, and
having a force at Huehuetenango made a move on
Quezaltenango, defeating a large party of Indians, on
™The Molinas and Arrivillagas, Vidaurre, Dardon, Barrundia, and Mar
tinez, who were held responsible for the blood already spilled.
^^ A large number of official docs, connected with the last two administra
tion are given in Montufar, Resena Hist., v. 593-601, 611, 622-44, 695-715
*^2In forming his cabinet he slighted Luis Molina and his party. His
ministers were Jose Mariano Rodriguez, Raymundo Arroyo, Jose M. Urruela,
and Manuel Tejada. Arroyo was succeeded in Aug. by Pedro N. Arriaga^
and Carezo became min. of war.
^^The principal clauses were: the revolutionary forces to be incorporated
with the army of the republic; Vicente Cerna to become general-in-chief of
the army; elections of deputies to be made in unrepresented districts; dam-
ages caused private parties by the army to be paid by the government.
^^ The aristocrats made a great display of regret at his death, but it was
well known that they did not love him. In eliminating him from the revo-
lution, they had in view to weaken the latter, but still wanted it to continue
as a maans for Carrera's return.
/;
278 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
the way, at San Bartolomc. This move further com-
pHcated affairs, and Batres resolved to get rid of him
by subterfuge. ^^ There were constant skirmishes on
the frontier, Carrera having under him a considerable
number of Indians.^^ He finally reached Quezalte-
nango, and the assembly empowered the government
to institute measures for an active campaign.^' On
the 13th of April, just ten years after the occupation of
Guatemala by Carrera, his second entry had been an-
nounced. Paredes swore to defend the city against
* Carrera,^^ which oath he never intended to keep.
Major Victor Zavala, corregidor and comandante of
Suchitepequez, made common cause with Carrera.^^
Paredes, by the advice of Luis Batres and against the
wishes of the liberal and moderado leaders, opened
negotiations with Carrera, which resulted in the sub-
mission of the latter and his forces at Quezaltenango,
w^hereupon it was decreed that all hostilities against
him were to cease; the order forbidding his return
was revoked, his rank of lieutenant-general was re-
stored, and finally he was given the command-in-chief
of the army. The compact between the oligarchy and
^ Paredes made him believe the govt really intended to oppose Carrera.
He also pledged the govt to protect Los Altos, and provide for the advance-
ment of education and commerce in that region. Under such pledges Guz-
man placed himself and his Quezaltecs at the service of the govt and pro-
ceeded to the capital. Montufar, Resena Hht., v. 709-71.
^^ Jan. 24th he wrote the govt from Ayuto that he was on his march to
the capital, not to avenge, he said, the insults heaped upon him by Martinez'
administration, or rake up by-gones, but to restore peace and justice. The
assembly, before which his letter was laid, adopted no resolution.
^' To raise a foreign loan of one million dollars; to procure troops from
other friendly states; and if necessary to remove the capital. After granting
such power the assembly adjourned, leaving in the city a * comision perma-
nente. '
^^ His govt said that aid aflPorded to Carrera was treason under the decree
of Oct. 13, 1848. Ministers Arroyo and Tejada in a manifesto assured the
people of the government's best efforts to defeat his projects. Nic, Gac.y
March 17, 1849. It is astonishing that an ignorant man like Paredes could
so easily hoodwink Luis Molina and the rest. They soon opened their eyes
to see the falseness of the man they had elevated from the command of a bat-
talion to the chief magistracy, and who was on the point of consummating hi&
treachery. Guzman saw through his plan, and escaped out of the city with a
number of his Quezaltec officers and men, and succeeded in reaching Salva-
dor. He first joined the mountaineers, and aided them to take Jutiapa, but
on seeing the outrages of Leon Raymundo, he left them in disgust.
<*' Zavala was connected by blood and marriage with supporters of Car-
rera in the aristocratic clique.
THE WAR OF 1850. 279
barbarism was consummated.'^ He assumed the com-
mand on the 8th of August, and on that date and the
1 8th he issued proclamations conveying his purpose of
restoring peace and order, and assuring the people
that he was free from hatred/^ But the work of
vengeance soon began. Efforts were made to convene
the assembly with the object in view of arresting the
liberal deputies who voted for Carrera's proscription
in 1848,'^ but many of them had fled, and only those
remaining were confined in the fort by Carrera's order
without remonstrance on the part of the president.
It is also said that some persons were shot. Such of
the prisoners as did not crave Carrera's pardon were
forced to leave the country.'^
The difference in the principles underlying the policy
of the rulers of Guatemala and Salvador, and the bit-
ter animosity existing between them, brought about a
war in 1850, in which Salvador, Honduras, and the
democrats of Nicaragua were allied against Guate-
mala.'* President Vasconcelos invaded Guatemala,^^
"" The first two decrees were of June 4th and 5th. His appointment to
the chief command was on the 3d of Aug. Nic, Corr. 1st., July 1, Sept. 1,
1849; Montufar, Resena Hist., v. 779-80, 784-5.
'^ He had come disposed to do his duty, he said. The ayuntamiento of
Guat. on the 10th of Aug. gave a banquet in honor of Carrera. The corregi-
dor presided, having on his right Paredes, and on the left Carrera. Guat.^
Gac, Aug. 23, 1849.
~''^ The comision permanente had represented the danger to the govt before
Carrera entered the city, and its representations remaining unheeded; it again
on the 27th of July called the attention of the minister of government de-
manding requisite protection for the representatives. See Andres Dardon's
letter in Montufar, Resena Hist., v. 811-12.
■*•* Barrundia had gone to Salv. Luis Molina was now defeated, and had
to go away. He wished to visit San Salvador, but could not face Vasconce-
los, and went to Ahuachapan. Ex-president Escobar, who, as president of
the assembly, signed the proscription act of Oct. 13, 1848, died in exile, poor
and miserable; the two subscribing secretaries were Manuel Irungaray, whom
Carrera caused to be shot some time afterward, and Lorenzo Monti! far, the
author and statesman.
■■^ Vasconcelos, president of Salv., Dec. 4, 1850, announced to his people
that forces of Gautemala were about to invade the department of Sonsonate,
with the view of inciting the inhabitants to rebel against their government.
Again, Jan, 10, 1851, he sets forth the motives actuating the oligarchs, who
had Carrera for their tool, and British Consul Chatfield for their ally, which
were to destroy Central American liberties, and to domineer over the other
sections. Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. nos. 2 and 3.
^^The objective point was the city of Guat., which the allies felt sure of
capturing, to judge from the context of a letter from.Duenas to Vasconcelos
of Jan. 20, 1851. Cent. Am. Pamph., iv. no. 17
280 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
at the head of an alhed force of Salvadorans, Hondu-
rans, and Nicaraguans, but seems to have met with a
signal defeat at the hands of an inferior force under
Carrera, near Arada, in Chiquimula, on the 2d of
February, which compelled a precipitate retreat into
Salvadoran territory. ^^ Carrera then marched across
the line and established his headquarters in Santa
Ana. This move demanded vigorous measures on
the part of Salvador for self-defence."^'
Carrera wrote the government of Salvador Febru-
ary 2 2d, that, understanding it wished to make peace,
but hesitated to propose it because of the presence of
Guatemalan troops in Salvador, he would recross the
line, starting on the next day.'^ Yet the war contin-
ued, until a definitive treaty of peace between Guate-
mala and Salvador was concluded at Guatemala on
the 17th of August, 1853, and ratified by Guatemala
on the 14th of September.'^
The civil strife raging in Guatemala led to differ-
ences with Honduras, whose government was accused of
favoring the rebels of the mountain. Recriminations
and border raids ensued, which culminated in a three
years' war between the two countries, Guatemala aid-
ing Guardiola and other enemies of Cabanas, the presi-
'" Carrera 's report from the field contained the following incredible result:
a loss on the part of the confederates of 528 killed, 200 prisoners, 1,000 mus-
kets, and 9,000 rounds of ammunition; while his casualties were only 20
killed and 42 wounded. That was probably one of his characteristic false-
hoods. The Salvadoran minister called it ' desgracia sensible aunque pequena. '
But Cerrera was promoted to be captain-general, and a memorial medal was
struck in honor of his victory. Frisch, Die Staaten, 98; Astaburuafja, Cent.
Am., 80-1; Salv., Mem. Sec. Oen., 1821-5.
■^^ Feb. 6th, martial law was proclaimed; 13th, all men capable of bearing
arms were called into service; those failing to obey, or aiding the invaders,
were declared traitors; 22d, the assembly decreed a forced loan of $20,000
monthly during the continuance of the M'ar. Nic^ Cor. 1st., March 13, 1851;
Salv. Decreto, in Cent. Am. Pamph., iv. no. 16.
"^^ He would return, however, if peaceful overtures were not made at once.
Guat., Boletin de Noticias, March 1, 1851.
■^^ The commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon for Guatemala, and Francisco
Zaldivar for Salvador. It was a treaty of amity and commerce, calling also
for extradition of army deserters and common criminals upon formal demand
for them. Political refugees were to be made to live at a considerable dis-
tance from the frontier. Neither contracting party had to pay any pecuniary
indemnity. Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 431-3; Costn R., Gaceta, Sept. 10, 1853;
Jan. 30, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Aug. 5, 1853.
REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT. 281
dent of Honduras, in their attempts to overthrow the
latter. ^° At last a treaty was concluded at Guatemala
on the 13th of February, 1856, which the govern-
ment of Guatemala ratified on the 5th of April/
81
The victorious aristocrats now saw their opportu-
nity to reorganize the government under a system
more in accordance with their ideas; that is to say,
investing the executive with power to crush revolu-
tion. Paredes summoned the constituent assembly
which had been called by Carrera's decree of May 24,
1848, and it was installed on the 16th of August,
1851. This body on the 19th of October adopted a
new constitution under the title of Acta Constitutiva
de la Kepiiblica de Guatemala, containing 18 articles. ^^
^ Efforts were made by the sister states to avert a war, and even after it
broke out Salvador continued her efforts. Preliminaries of peace had been
agreed upon, and negotiations entered into at Cojutepeque by the two belliger-
ents, Salvador acting as mediator at the conferences; but this effort also
failed because the commissioner at the last moment presented an ultimatum
which neither Salvador nor Honduras deemed just. Hond.y Gaceta Ofic, Oct.
30, Nov. 15, 30, Dec. 15, 1852; Id., Boleiin Ofic, Oct. 13, Nov. 11, Dec. 5,
1853; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 18; Guat. Gaceta, July 8 to Nov. 11, 1853,
passim; Jan. 27, Feb. 24, Sept. 22, 1854; Nic, Gaceta, Aug. 20, 1853; Feb.
28, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, Dec. 12, 1853; Jan. 7, 18, Feb. 24, March 4, 1854;
El Rol, Oct. 13, 1854; Feb. 21, March 7, 1855; Prelimin. de Paz, in Cent. Am.
Pamph., i. no. 20; iv. no. 41. It seems from Guatemalan sources that the
Hondurans invaded Guat., and were defeated at Atulapa July 12, 1853. G^iat.,
Boleiin de Noticias, Aug. 5, 1853.
^^ The commissioners being Pedro de Aycinena, min. of foreign affairs of
Guat., and Florencio Castillo for Hond. This treaty bound the contracting
parties to surrender deserters from eitlier army, and common criminals, when
claimed. Political refugees were to be kept away from the frontier. No
pecuniary indemnity was stipulated. Guat., Reco'p. Ley., i. 433-6; Guat., Ga-
ecta, Feb. 16, 1856.
^^ Under this law the president was to be chosen for four years by a gen-
eral assembly composed of the house of representatives, the archbishop,
justices of the siipreme court, and the members of the council of state. He
might be reelected. Before being placed in possession of the executive office,
he was to be sworn by the archbishop who presided, for the occasion, over
the house of representatives. The executive was clothed with almost abso-
lute powers, being authorized, among other things, to issue, in accord with
the council of state, decrees having the force of law, to raise loans, declare
war, make peace, ratify treaties, etc. In the event of his death or permanent
disability, the executive duties devolved temporarily on the ministers in their
order of seniority; and in default of them, on the members of the council;
until the house of representatives, to be forthwith summoned, could meet and
make a choice in general assembly. During temporary absences of the presi-
dent, the government devolved on the council of ministers. The council of
state was formed of the cabinet ministers, eight members chosen by the con-
gress, and such others as the executive might appoint. They held office for
282 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
Another decree regulated the election of representa-
tives of the church and other corporations in the
national congress. ^^
The constituent assembly having by the 18th ar-
ticle of the acta reserved to itself the right of choosing
the president for the constitutional term from January
1, 1852, to January 1, 1856, chose the only possible
candidate, Rafael Carrera,^* who on the appointed day
assumed the executive office. His reputation for
courage, respect for the church, and' other circum-
stances secured a firm support to his administration.
On the 21st of October, 1854, Carrera was proclaimed
by a general junta of superior authorities president
for life,^^ and the house of representatives on the 29th
of January, 1855, passed an act exempting the presi-
dent from all responsibility for the acts of his gov-
ernment, and devolving it on his ministers.^^ This
four years and might be reelected. The following functionaries might also be
called by the executive to take part in the deliberations and vote, namely:
the archbishops, bishops sojourning in the capital, regente of the supreme
court, president of the ecclesiastical chapter, rector of the university, prior of
the consulado, president of the sociedad econdmica, and comandante general.
The house of representatives consisted of 55 deputies elected for four years.
The cabinet ministers had seats in the house, which was to open its session
Nov. 25th, and close it Jan. 31st. The administration of justice was in-
trusted to a supreme and lower courts. The former consisted of a regente,
six justices, and one fiscal or attorney-general, all chosen by the congress for
four years, one half being renewed every two years, but all might be reelected.
GuaL, liecop. Ley., i. 79^7; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 181-2; El Sigh, June 18,
1852; Squiers Cent. Am., 483.
^'^ Those of the judiciary, consulado, university, and sociedad econdmica.
Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 140-50.
^''Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 31, 1851.
^^This was the result of public meetings held in the departments by the
garrisons, officials, and parish priests, at which it was made to appear that it
was the will of the people that Carrera should be president for life, with the
privilege of selecting his successor, and that other amendments should be
made to the acta constitutiva, as permitted by its 15th art. It is understood
that at the meeting of officials in the capital there was but one dissentient
vote to the proposition. He had in a manifesto of June 22d expressed a weak
objection to the proposed change, but it was evidently a preconcerted plan of
the aristocrats and the military element. Guat., Gaceta, May 12 to Sept. 15,
1854, passim; Guat., liecop. Ley., i. 87-90; Costa B., Gaceta, July 1-29, 1854;
Id., Boletin Ofic, July 27, 1854; March 17, 1855; Carrera, Manifiesto, in Cent.
Am. Pamph., v. no. 21; Squiers Cent. Am., 514. Carrera before this re-
ceived honors from foreign governments; he was a knight grand cross of the
papal order of St Gregory the Great; the same of the Mexican order of Guad-
alupe; and knight commander of the Bel^jian order of Leopold. Guat., Recop.
Ley., i. 90.
^''This amendment conferred still larger powers on the president, and
CARRERA REX. 289
change was a near approach to the monarchical systeni,
for which Carrera was supposed to have a decided
penchant.^^ Notwithstanding the strong power thus
^'ilplaced in his hands, a revolt at Quezaltenango the
• next year ahnost overthrew him, requiring the use of
all his forces to defeat it, at the expense of much dis-
aster and a large number of executions. It was only
by great efforts that he succeeded, after so many years
of warfare, in quieting the revolted mountaineers.
This was accomplished only after peace had been
signed with Honduras. His strong supporters, Man-
uel Francisco Pavon and Luis Batres, died, the
former in 1855, and the latter in 1862.^^
From this time, peace being finally restored, with
only occasional and partial disturbances, the regime
established with Carrera at its head was generally
acquiesced in. The republic took an active part in
the campaign against William Walker and his fili-
busters in Nicaragua. The services rendered by its
forces will appear in the description of the operations
of that campaign in a separate chapter.
The year 1863 was inaugurated with another bloody
war with Salvador, the details and consequences of
which will be treated elsewhere. It is sufficient to
say here that Guatemalan arms were successful, and
Carrera's power became still more consolidated, and
its supremacy was felt over the rest of Central Amer-
ica. He ruled the country uninterruptedly till his
made the term of the representatives, and of the councillors chosen by them,
seven years instead of four.
^' As he had no knowledge of the science of government, the direct man-
agement of public affairs was left to those supposed to possess it. Carrera did
not govern; he merely represented the unity of government. ' Sin embargo
que su voluntad prevalecia entodo.' Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 82. The reform
in regard to the presidential tenure was personal, and exclusively in favor of
Carrera. Thus at his death the constitutional provision was restored, the
minister of relations, Pedro de Aycinena, assuming the reins, and at once
summoning the legislative body, which was de facto and de jure a return to
constitutional order. Pineda de Mont, Nota, in Guat, Recop. Ley., i. 87.
^^The govt decreed that their portraits should be placed in the hall of the
council of sbate. Pavon's widow, Victoria Zebadua, got a pension of $900 a
year. Gtmt., Recop. Ley., ii. 638-9; iii. 351.
284
REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
death early in April 1865. The highest honors, civic,
military, and ecclesiastic, were paid to his remains.^^
Carrera died in the full conviction that he had been
the instrument of providence in saving society and
good order in Guatemala. He had been so assured
by his supporters, and had come to believe it, in the
face of the fact that he had been guilty of heinous
crimes and was notoriously immoral. ^^ So die those
who pass hence from the murderer's gallows under the
banner of the cross, and with priestly consolation.
^^ The government, whose temporary chief was Pedro de Aycinena, as
senior cabinet minister, decreed April 4th that the funeral should take place
on the 17th at 9 A. m., the remains to be interred in the cathedral church.
Gaat., Recop. Ley., iii. 351-2; Nic, Gaceta, Apr. 29, May 6-20, 1865.
^^ It has been asserted that even his ministers trembled for their lives
when Carrera was in his cups. Though they knew he would commit outrages,
they often induced him to visit the departments, in order to have a little
peace themselves.
m0^^%^&^^^f,
Salvador.
CHAPTER XIV.
REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR
1839-1865
Malespin's Acts — Lindo's Coup d'Etat and Deposal — Jefe Guzman — Re-
volt AT Santa Ana — President Aguilar — The Bishop Expelled—
ViTERi's Alliance with Malespin and Honduran Oligarchs — Presi-
dent Vasconcelos — British Hostilities — Salvador's Relations with
Foreign Powers — San Martin's Administration — Destruction of
San Salvador — President Campo — Campaign against Walker in
Nicaragua — Establishment of the Republic — Santin's Overthrow
— Presidency of Gerardo Barrios — War of Salvador and Honduras
against Guatemala and Nicaragua — The Latter Victorious — Bar-
rios' Flight — Restoration of Peace — Duenas as President — Barrios'
Subsequent Return — His Capture and Surrender by Nicaragua —
His Execution in San Salvador.
The constituent assembly of Salvador, installed at
Zacatecoluca on the 1st of August, 1839, after a recess
reopened its session on the 2d of January, 1841, and
on the 4th there was laid before it an address, signed
by Colonel Francisco Malespin, as comandante general,
and his officers who took part in the revolt of Sep-
tember 20th, spoken of elsewhere. In the document
they disclaimed hostility to Jefe Canas or his minister,
or any intent to override the laws, asserting that they
were, on the contrary, actuated by a strong desire to
give security to the state, and save themselves from
impending destruction/ This address was regarded
by the liberals as a threat, inasmuch as Malespin with
the garrison had wrongfully assumed a right to delib-
erate upon public aifairs.
^ They conclude offering to the assembly the * swords which aided to tri-
uiliph in Guat. and Los Altos over the tyrant Morazan. '
.285)
28G REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
Norberto Ramirez, now jefe of Salvador by the
grace of Malespin, could no longer brook that officer's
interference, and resigned,^ Juan Lindo being called
to succeed him on the 7th of January. The assembly
and chief magistrate of the state were both now under
the sword of Malespin, which in its turn was con-
trolled by Carrera of Guatemala. That body, on the
30th of January, 1841, passed an act to call the state
in future Kepiiblica del Salvador.^ The second con-
stitution of Salvador was adopted on the 18th of Feb-
ruary/ Under it the legislature had two chambers,
liindo, the jefe, had a most unpleasant position, be-
lieving himself surrounded by conspirators. Counting
on Malespin's support, on the 6th of November, 1841,
with a coup d'etat he dissolved the chambers, because
among its members were some friends of Morazan.^
His act caused much indignation in several towns,
and on the 13th of January, 1842, three senators,
namely, J. V. Nulla, Lupario Vides, and Antonio
Jose Canas, at San Vicente, resolved to restore con-
stitutional order. The legislative body in consequence
assembled there, and made a stirring address to the
people, embodying the policy they intended to pursue.^
Lindo tried to justify his act of November 6th, but
failed, and Senator Escoldstico Marin was called to
temporarily occupy the executive chair,^ with author-
2 Cailas, considering himself the only lawful executive, though set aside by
the military on Sept. 20th, also made his resignation.
^ The decree greatly displeased the people, and had no effect. But it re-
vealed the plot of the aristocrats of Guat. They appointed commissioners to
the diet of Cent. Am., who were to pretend that they favored a reformed
union; but their real aim was an absolute separation. Marure, Efem., 54.
*Its support was sworn to on the 11th of April.
^ In a proclamation he stated that the expelled senators and deputies were
working to restore the order of affairs existing at the time of Morazan's de-
parture. His suspicions were partially confirmed on Morazan appearing at
La Union about the middle of Feb. 1842. Montufai'y Resefia Hist., iv. 63-^;
Marure, Efem., 54-5; Astabiiruaga, Cent. Am., 74-5.
**They promised to confine their action to only such objects as were of
absolute necessity, namely, to rid the government of surrounding obstacles,
make amendments or additions to the constitution, and pass such laws as
would conduce to its development. After doing this they purposed to close
their ordinary session, and await the election of the constitutional chief of the
state. It would then be the proper time to deliberate upon calling a constit-
uent assembly to review the constitution.
■'Canas had been chosen on the 1st of Feb., but afterward resigned it.
ARCE, MARIN, GUZMAN. 287
ity to establish the state capital where most expedient.^
The government continued for the time being in San
Vicente, and the people were called upon to choose a
president of the state.
Marin held the executive authority a few days only.
He had been preceded by Pedro Arce, and was suc-
ceeded by Juan Jose Guzman. The difficulties of the
state had not come to an end. Guzman favored the
conservative element, as shown in his decree of June
3, 1842, issued after hearing that Morazan was in
Costa Rica, to cut oiF all relations with that state. ^
He left the executive office in July, and resumed its
duties again in September, declaring in a proclamation
that he would deal mercilessly with disturbers of the
public peace.
The two legislative chambers were installed at San
Vicente on the 17th of September, and on the 20th
counted the votes for president of the state. No can-
didate having the requisite majority, Guzman was
asked to continue provisionally in charge of the
government. His inaugural address was a repetition
of his manifesto of the 7th, greatly pleasing the con-
servatives.^^ But harmony was not long to prevail
between Salvador and Guatemala. The trouble arose
from the independent action of Salvador in granting
an asylum to the remnants of Morazan's forces against
the protests of Guatemala and Honduras, even though
the final decree of admission contained some very
severe clauses." Another cause of dissatisfaction
His health was poor, and he died at the hacienda del Joed on the 24th of Feb.,
1844. The assembly honored his memory in a special decree. Saiv., Diario
Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875; Montufar, Beseua HisL, iv. 509.
^It was this govt that rejected Morazan's proposals when he appeared at
La Union. While appreciating his patriotic purposes, it could not disregard
its obligations toward the other states. Hence, together with Malespin, it
set the other govts in motion against Morazan, whom Malespin called ' el en-
emigo comun.'
^ Even private correspondence was forbidden. Postmasters had orders to
aehver to governors of departments all letters received at their offices from
(.'Osta Kica.
'^His ideas were commended as 'justas, sanas, salvadoras.' Guat. Gac,
Oct. 18, 1842
^^ Even Malespin had favored the act of the govt; for though uncultured,
288 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
against Salvador was that Guzman would not muzzle
the press. The independence of Guzman, and the
disposition shown by Malespin not to be at all times a
facile instrument of the aristocrats, prompted the lat-
ter to promote an insurrection of the volcanenos of
Ja Santa Ana for their overthrow/^ Salvador, though
under the pressure of aristocratic control, still had a
leaven of progression that made itself felt. The pub-
lication of El Amigo del Pueblo was an evidence of this
fact. The Aycinenas, Pavon, Luis Batres, and Chat-
field, unable to compete with it in the field of discus-
sion, demanded its suppression.^^
Guzman in his correspondence with Pavon upheld
that journal, and Malespin would read it with satis-
faction.^* Guatemala resolved at least to use coercion.
Carrera established his headquarters at Jutiapa to
favor the volcanenos in their rebellion. ^^
The cordial reception given in October to Colonel
M. Quijans, commissioner accredited by Nicaragua to
Salvador to negotiate a treaty of friendship and alli-
he was a Salvadoran; and now that Morazan was dead, he began to listen to
the advice of his more enlightened fellow-citizens, and to understand the
Machiavelism of Aycinena, Pavon, and their ally Chatfield.
^^ J. J. Aycinena repeatedly said that the revolt could not be quelled, and
it were better to accede to the wishes of the volcanenos. This will explain the
object of a doc. dated Oct. 18, 1843, and published at Comayagua at the govt
printing-office under the signature of Manuel Jose Arce. The ex-president had
taken advantage of an amnesty decree to return to Central America. He was
now very old, but still ambitious of power. In that manifesto, addressed to
the states of Cent. Am., he endeavors to demonstrate the necessity of their
again uniting under one govt. He spoke of Guzman and Malespin trying to
hold power for life; of intrigues to make the latter president, even if some of
his opponents had to be shot; of abuses he had been subjected to; the war
those men were planning, with the aid of Nic, against Gnat, and Hond., on
the false charge that Carrera intended to annex 8alv. to Guat. He accused
Malespin of atrocities, and yet praises Carrera, who placed Malespin in Salv.
The full text of the manif. is in Montiifar, Hesefia Hist, iv. 222-5.
^^ The min. of state, Agustin Morales, reminded him that freedom of the
press was a palladium of liberty in England, adding his surprise that her con-
sul should want such a precious boon to disappear from Salvador. Chatfield
threatened to refer the subject to his govt, and was told to do so, not failing
to accompany the answers he had received.
^* The circulation of El Ami<jo del Pueblo in Guat. was forbidden; but many
numbers got out, and were read by artisans, students, officials. Chatfield
often found it on his desk without knowing how it came there.
^^ Several Salvadorans were murdered, and it was proved that the mur-
derers had come from Jutiapa. The govt of Guat. pretended to have had no
agency in these acts.
REVOLUTION. 289
ance, was displeasing to Bishop Viteri, who took ad-
vantage of Guzman's absence at San Vicente, in the
latter part of that month, to bring about a quarrel
between him and Malespin. The latter at this time
was said to be in poor health, and the bishop often
visited him, and in other ways manifested interest for
him. Viteri had directed his clergy to abstain from
interference in political affairs, and yet he preached
aoainst Morazan and those who had banished Arch-
bishop Casans. The Dominican Vazquez^^ was viru-
lent, declaring that the ecclesiastical authority would
never be under the civil, and threatening the people
that the priests would abandon them to suffer from
plagues, epidemics, war, and famine, if they continued
their iniquitous hostility to the church. ^^
The revolution was now a fact. Viteri and Male-
spin supported Fray Vazquez, or Fray Veneno, as he
was nicknamed. Once Vazquez fulminated from the
pulpit a number of diatribes against President Guz-
man, at the same time bestowing much praise on
Carrera. The result was an order from Guzman, then
at San Miguel, to bring the friar there as a prisoner.
The bishop remonstrated to Malespin against the
order, demanding an escort, as he wished to end the
insults to the church by himself leaving the state.
Malespin tried to dissuade him from his purpose, and
he grew more energetic. ^^ A great tumult ensued
one night in the city, when Viteri, Malespin, and
Vazquez received an ovation from the rabble of
La Vega and San Jacinto, amid repeated cries of
"Mueran los judios! mueran los herejes! mueran los
impios !"
^^ In later years he was bishop of Panama, but much toned down.
^"^ El Amigo del Pueblo invited him to discuss public questions, but not
from the pulpit, where he could not be answered. Vazquez did not heed Ht,1
and went on with his wrathful sermons.
^^In his letter of Dec. 5th, he uses these words: * Jorge de Viteri no serdl
obispo de farsa, ni permanecera jamas en un suelo, en que lapotestad humana
coarte las amplias facultades que le conceden, y de que le hacen responsable
los sagrados canones.' The correspondence, and his secretary's address to
the people, are given in Id., 351-4, 373.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. m. 19
290 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
Malespin went off to S^n Miguel, and had some
violent correspondence with the president; the latter
threatened to expose his intrigues if he did not forth-
with depart from San Miguel, and then retired to his
hacienda, leaving the state in the hands of Malespin. ^^
Guzman's downfall was hailed with joy in Guatemala
and Honduras. In Comayagua it was celebrated with
salvos of artillery. After Malespin's return to San
Salvador, to please the bishop several persons were
banished, and the Amigo del Puehlo was suppressed.
The executive office, by Guzman's abandonment of it,
went into the hands of Pedro Arce, the vice-president.
The two chambers of the assembly opened their ses-
sion on the 30th of January, 1844. No presidential
candidate having a constitutional majority, the assem-
bly chose Malespin president, and he assumed his new
duties on the 5th of February, after reading before
the two bodies in assembly convened a discourse on
his great love for law, justice, and peace. It would
have sounded well from the lips of a liberal, and it is
barely possible that Malespin expressed his sentiments
at that moment. But his education, his habits, and
the fatal influence of the men that swayed him, con-
stantly took him out of the right path. As he was
under the control of Bishop Viteri, the country must
go back to the days of obscurantism. The effects of
it were soon made patent. ^^
The bishop succeeded in driving out of the state the
opponents of his theocratic ideas, and in bringing about
a change in the government; in fact, everything had
been conceded him, and his influence was paramount.
And yet he was not satisfied He would have the
Salvadorans believe him a deity, but they arrived at
^^ The president blamed him for leaving the capital at a time of disturb-
ance. He, on his part, demanded the government's return to S. Salv. to
attend to the bishop's complaints. He accused the president, in a manifesto,
of attempting to disturb the public peace.
'^^ The ecclesiastical f ueros were restored; the govt was authorized to allow
monasteries established, and the bishop to demand the aid of the secular arm
to enforce his orders in ecclesiastical affairs. This last act was, however,
issued, as it appears, with much reluctance, judging from the number of
restrictive clauses in it.
A VILLANOUS PRELATE. 291
the conclusion that by a great fatality their first
bishop had turned out to be a pernicious revolutionist.
In connection with the general history of Central
America, I have given the principal events of Salva-
dor down to 1845, when, under the treaty of Sensenti,
after a long and exhaustive war with Honduras, the
state was rid of the ominous rule of the brutal Ma-
lespin. With the discontinuance of the war there was
no need of raising further loans; the military estab-
lishment was reduced to a minimum, and the authori-
ties and people hastened to restore the constitutional
regime; to which end elections of senators and depu-
ties were at once had, in order that the assembly
should meet on the 15th of January, 1846, for the
term of Vice-president Joaquin Eustacio Guzman, who
had charge of the executive authority, would expire
on the 1st of February."^ On this date he surrendered
the ofHce to Senator Fermin Palacios. The assembly
did not meet till four days after. The presidential
election did not yield a sufficient majority in favor of
any one, and the assembly then appointed Eugenio
Aguilar.^^ The president was a good Christian, and
attended with regularity to his religious duties as a
catholic; and yet Yiteri called him a heretic; the
reason of it being that Aguilar was a stickler for a
constitutional government of the people, and the
bishop was an oligarch. The latter now invented the
fiction that the president had the intention of exiling
him; he had the people in the wards of Candelaria,
San Estevan, and Calvario told that their bishop was
to be sent out of the country in the night of the 11th
of July. He was believed by the simple-minded people
when he assured them that Aguilar and others ^^ were
21 Guzman had waged war against Malespin, not for his own aggrandize-
ment, but to do away with arbitrary rule, and to restore the authority of the
constitution. This being accomplished, he resolved to return to private life.
22 A physician by profession, and a modest, honorable citizen, actuated
by the purest motives; an excellent family man and friend; but unfortunately,
as events showed, he was weak when firmness and resolution were demanded
to uphold his position. Aguilar, in his later years, after losing his wife, was
ordained as a priest.
23 Eustaquio Cuellar, J. M. San Martin, J. M. Zelaya, the clergyman,
Isidro Menendez, and Indalecio Cordero.
292 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
at the bottom of it. His report made a commotion
though not quite so great a one as he had expected.
Nevertheless, he made the most of it, writing to the
president, on the 11th of July, that he knew of the
plot to repeat with him what had been done with
Archbishop Casans, in 1829.^* Aguilar was greatly
surprised, and believing that with a few words he
€ould convince the bishop of his error, that same after-
noon paid the prelate a visit. He found a large
concourse of people, before whom the charge was
reiterated, and no assurance to the contrary was ac-
cepted. A tumult following, the president had the chief
guard-house reenforced. Fortunately, a heavy rain
scattered to their homes the crowds in the streets ; but
a considerable number of men ran into the episcopal
residence. That night, several persons representing
Viteri went to the barracks and demanded Aguilar's
resignation. The president meekly assured them of
his willingness to retire to private life rather than be
the author of any disturbance. Viteri now thought
Aguilar was vanquished, but he had not counted on
the determination of other Salvadorans to uphold the
laws and the government. Quiet was restored for
the time, and Aguilar went to his home at midnight
unmolested. The next day there was much rioting,
and an attempt failed to release the prisoners in
the jail.^^ The rioters were finally defeated, and the
bishop had nothing to show for his conduct but the
blood shed at his instigation.^^ Aguilar again, after
the people had upheld his authority, showed the weak-
ness of his character in placing the executive office in
2* He hinted that he had power to annex the state to the archdiocese of
Gnat. The text of his letter is in Montufar, Resena Hist, v. 54-5.
2^ The officer Anjelino, sent to reenforce the guard of the jail, was way-
laid, and nearly murdered, and in that condition taken to the bishop's house,
where the bishop abused him by word of mouth, and turned him over tc the
rabble, by whom he was stabbed, beaten, and kicked. He was, however,
rescued by the priest M. Serrano, and taken back into the bishop s house.
These facts were testified to by Anjelino, in the criminal prosecution of
Viteri.
2«JVic, Registro O/c, 330; Dunhp's Cent. Am., 249-50; Iris Esp., Oct. 3,
1846.
A WEAK EXECUTIVE. 293
the hands of Senator Palacios; which emboldenea
Viteri to continue his intrigues and cause further
trouble. He issued a pastoral on the 16th of July,
printed in his own house, which reiterated the accusa-
tion against the president, and other matters; that
pastoraP^ was fatal to his views, for the people of
Salvador made Aguilar resume the presidency. The
president, in a long manifesto, explained his conduct,
and issued a decree to enforce the articles of the penal
code against ecclesiastics who made use of their min-
isterial office to promote political disturbances.^^ The
bishop, condemned by public opinion, fled to Guate-
mala, and the president then on the 29th revoked a
decree of Palacios of July 12th, and ordered Yiteri
not to return to Salvadoran territory.
Peace and order prevailed after Viteri's departure,
and the people again devoted themselves to their
usual vocations. But the bishop managed with Ma-
lespin and the Honduran oligarchs, notwithstanding
the treaty of Sensenti, to bring about a revolution in
Salvador. ^^ Malespin attacked Chalatenango, in Sal-
vador, whereupon orders were given to send troops
after him.^^ Viteri who had once excommunicated
Malespin, and aided in his overthrow, now said that
he was destined by divine providence to defend the
religion and rights of the people of Salvador, which
had been infamously abused and usurped by their
government. Malespin preached religion, and acted
like the famous king of the Huns. But his prestige
was gone, and at Dulce JsTombre de la Palma he met
with his first reverse, when he retreated to Dulce
2^ It is given in full in Montufar, Reseiia Hist., v. 70-4.
28 The decree was dated July 27, 1846, and referred to articles 210-13,
304-9.
29 The Salvadoran govt published a decree against seditious persons from
Hond. Nic, Begistro OJic., 272-3. The authorities of Hond. solemnly prom-
ised that Viteri should not be allowed to reside near the Salv. frontier; but
the promise went for nothing; Viteri and Malespin being aided from that
state. They found material assistance in Nacaome, Tegucigalpa, Sensenti,
and Guarita. Guardiola's note of Aug. 31, 1846, to the min.-gen. of Salv.,
in Id., V. 87, 254-7.
s-J His decree of Feb. 23, and pastoral of June 10, 1845.
294 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
Nombre de Maria, a town twelve miles from the Hon-
duran frontier, and invited Viteri to join him; but
that worthy sent him his blessing, and would not ex-
pose his person to the hazards of war. Malespin was
defeated again by eight hundred men under General
Nicolds Angulo, and fled into Honduras, leaving arms
and ammunition. Efforts were made to induce the
people of Santa Ana to join Ignaeio Malespin; but
the bishop's letters to rouse them availed but little.
He found no favor among the volcanenos, and on his
way along the coast to reach Santiago Nonualco was
captured, prosecuted, and executed, with some of his
accomplices.^^ Francisco Malespin was killed at San
Fernando, near Honduras, the inhabitants cutting off
his head, and carrying it as a trophy to San Salvador. ^^
Bishop Viteri in 1847 went to reside in Nicaragua,
becoming a citizen of the state, to which diocese he
was subsequently translated by the pope. Nothing
worthy of mention occurred within the state in 1847.
The Salvador government now represented the liberal
party in Central America, and devoted its attention
to education, arts, and industries.
The presidential term under the constitution being
only of two years, elections were orderly effected, and
the assembly opened its session on the 25th of January,
1848. Doroteo Vasconcelos was the popular choice
for the presidential term of 1848, and entered upon
his duties on the 7th of February, 1848.^^ In a con-
ciliatory address he eschewed all spirit of partisanship,
tendering to all his fellow-citizens peace, justice, and
^^ His execution left a bad impression in the public mind. Ignaeio Male-
spin had been a friend of Morazan, served with him in 1840, and was one of
the heroes of the capture of Guatemala as well as of the subsequent escape.
He was gentle, kind, and sociable, and but for Viteri's influence never would
have joined the revolution. He ought to have been spared. The women of
San Salvador, both old and young, pleaded for a commutation of his sentence,
but the govt was relentless.
^^ The head was for some time exposed in an iron cage, to the disgust of
the community. It was finally delivered to the family for interment.
^^He obtained 13,222 votes out of a total of 19,215. Being governor of
San Vicente, where he was exceedingly popular, he could not, under the con-
stitution, be a candidate in that department.
PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS. 295
union.^* For all that, the oligarchs abhorred him.
Indeed, his government and Carrera's could not exist
so near each other. The aristocrats well knew he was
not to be won over to their side, as well as the diffi-
culties they must work against to undermine his popu-
larity But they looked for early success from
internal dissension and other sources.^^ Aguilar's ad-
ministration had refused to recognize the republic of
Guatemala, and Vasconcelos' could do no less.^^
The territory was twice invaded by troops of Guate-
mala in pursuit of insurgents, against which Vascon-
celos remonstrated, and satisfaction was given and
accepted with good grace. He was observing a policy
of expectancy, albeit on his guard. Guatemala was
then in the throes of revolution from which he ex-
pected to see the Central American nation spring into
a second life ; but he was mistaken in the means he
employed. A few proclamations, written in Guate-
mala by well-known persons, and appearing in the
name of Francisco Carrillo, spoke of the independence
of Los Altos as the aim of a revolution such as Vas-
concelos wanted.^^ Not that he expected to see an
absolute equality of the state, but that there should
not be such differences as existed under the constitu-
tion of 1824. He believed himself supported, and
steadily marched on upon a path that led to his ruin,
2* Vasconcelos had been a friend of Morazan, and prominent in Gnat, at
the time the liberal party was divided into ministerialists and oppositionists.
^^Chatfield's pressure against Hond. and Nic. inspired them with hopes.
Vasconcelos was a partisan of Central American unification for various reasons,
not the least of which was that of checking the preposterous claims of the
Brit, agent. This explains the origin of future questions between Chatfield
and Pavon on one side, and Vasconcelos on the other. In 1849, the latter
was made to appear before the other states as an innate foe of Guat. , whose
debasement and destruction he strove for. The govt of Salv. gave explana-
tions on its course denying the charges. Montiifar, Rosena Hist., v. 801-8.
2^ Even Lindo of Hond., a militant in the reactionary ranks of Guat.,
though acknowledging the republic, did so with the proviso that Hond. left
intact and in force Guatemala's engagements and duties toward other states
as regarded the reestablish ment of a gen. govt. Guardiola's note of Aug. 10,
1847, to min. of relations of Guat., in Id., 260.
3' He favored the restoration of the state of Los Altos, in order to divide
the power of Guat., and counted on the cooperation or Guatemalan liberals;
but the spirit of provincialism was strong with them, and a large portion
opposed him.
296 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOP
carrying down with him the whole hberal party of
Central America.
Vasconcelos labored for a federation of three states
--Guatemala, Salvador, and Los Altos — which once
consolidated, Nicaragua and Honduras would doubt-
lessly join, and later on attract Costa Rica to do the
same. This idea had no opposition before the revo-
lution of August 1848, in Guatemala. Vasconcelos
received many offers of support to prosecute his plan.
He accordingly instructed Duenas and General Angulo
to enter into arrangements with General Nufio of
Chiquimula, and made every possible effort to force
Carrera's resignation on the 15th of August, 1848;
but some of the liberals of Guatemala, after ridding
themselves of Carrera, neglected Vasconcelos. Du-
enas was sent there with ample powers for the organi-
zation of a republic of Central America, but he was
slighted, and accomplished nothing. During his stay
in Guatemala, a decree Avas enacted on the 14th of
September, 1848, according to which that state was
declared a sovereign nation and independent repub-
lics^ Vasconcelos, with all his liberalism, and placed
as he was at the head of a liberty-loving democratic
people, was still under the influence of the old colonial
traditions. He as well as his people looked with
admiration at the greatness of the United States of
America, but lacked the courage to emulate their
example. The United States had no official church,
but Salvador recognized one. Licenciado Ignacio
Gomez was despatched to Rome to negotiate the re-
call of Bishop Viteri, the appointment of another pre-
late, and the conclusion of a concord at. ^^ His mission
was so far successful that on the 3d of July, 1848,
Tomds Miguel Pineda y Zaldana was preconizated as
bishop of Antigona in partibus infidelium, and given
the administration of the diocese of Salvador, with
^^ It was bitterly censured by the leading liberals of Salv., Nic, and Hond.,
and not a few of those of Guat., such as Pineda Mont and Rivera Caberas.
^^ Gomez was a Salvadoran. educated abroad, and well versed in political
economy and literature.
BRITISH INTERMEDDLING. 297
the right of succession. The news of this appoint-
ment was received with joy, and Vasconcelos errone-
ously expected to have a support in the new prelate/^
when there was more hkehhood of his coinciding with
Pavon and his confreres. Indeed, Zaldana, from his
greater wariness, was a more dangerous man than
Viteri.
The legislative chambers met on the 5th of Febru-
ary, 1849. The president's term would end with the
beginning of 1850, and there could be no reelection
under the constitution.*^ But Vasconcelos' friends in-
sisted on his being reelected, necessitating an amend-
ment of the fundamental law, and in spite of opposition
obtained an act of the assembly permitting the reelec-
tion.*^ This was an unfortunate move, as it divided
the liberal party, and encouraged Duenas, who wanted
the presidency, and was not scrupulous as to the means
of attaining it, to redouble his manuoevres, even though
he must call to his aid Carre ra and Luis Batres.
In 1849, Salvador became involved in a quarrel
with the British charge d'affaires, Chatfield, resulting
from alleged claims preferred by him with his usual
haughtiness, on behalf of fellow-subjects of his. Vas-
concelos' government looked on these claims as un-
just, and refused them recognition. Chatfield then
caused the blockading by a naval force of La Union,
the port from which Salvador derived the greater
*" He committed an error in supposing that Zaldana would care more for
him and his party than for Archbishop Garcia Pelaez, who was influenced by-
Canon Larrazabal, the mouthpiece of Guatemalan aristocracy.
*^The following is a brief synopsis of the constitution: No ecclesiastic or
military man in active service could hold any civil office. Congress consisted
of the house of representatives, chosen annually, and the senate, elected one
half every second year; it met on the 1st of Jan. of each year, and its sessions
were limited to 40 days. The president must not be under 32 years of age
nor over 60; must have been a resident of the state for the five years preced-
ing the election, and own property within the state worth at least $8,000.
He had to receive an absolute majority of votes; otherwise congress should
choose one of the two candidates having the largest number of votes. Term
of office two years, without the privilege of two terms in succession.
*2 Felix Quirdz was chosen his substitute. Nic, Cor. 1st., Feb. 16, March
7, 1850; Costa R., Gaceta Gob., March 2, 1850. Art. 44 of the constitution,
prohibiting reelections, was revived by an act of Feb. 25, 1851. Cent. Am.
Pamph., iv, no. 20.
298 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR
portion of her revenue/^ Unable to resist, her gov-
ernment agreed on the 12th of November, 1849, to
acknowledge the indebtedness, and make provision for
its payment. The blockade was then raised/'^ But
this did not end the disagreements between Chatfield
and the Salvador government. On the 6th of August
he made peremptory demands,*^ coupled with a menace
that if not complied with at once the coasts of the state
would be blockaded by British war ships then coming
to act under his instructions. The government of Sal-
vador did not comply with the demands,^^ and on the
16th of October port La Union was blockaded by
the British ship Champion, whose commander notified
the authorities that if within ten days full satisfaction
were not given for the insults to the British flag, the
blockade would be extended to the whole coast, another
vessel being despatched to Acajutla to enforce it. No
satisfaction having been given as demanded, that
menace was carried out. The difficulties remained
unsettled in the latter part of February 1851, though
the British war vessels had retired.^^ But they were
subsequently arranged in an amicable manner. With
the exception of these troubles, and the repeated differ-
ences with the other states of Central America, Salva-
*^The minister of foreign affairs, in his annual report to the Salvador
assembly, Jan. 29, 1850, speaking of Chatfield's course, says: * Desatenciones,
violencias, bloqueos; he aqui las relaciones y conducta que ha observado el
Sr. consul ingles.' Salv., Mem. Rev., 1850, 5.
** The British had also seized, with Tiger Island belonging to Hond. , several
isles of Salvador in the gulf of Fonseca. Salv., Gaceta., May 17, 1850; Nic,
Cor. 1st., Dec. 1, 1849; Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 30, 1849; U. S. Gwt Doc., 31st
cong. 2d sess., Sen. Doc, 26-99.
*^ Immediate fulfilment of the convention of Nov. 12, 1849; and a formal
contradiction in a note to him of all accusations in official organs of the Sal-
vador government against Great Britain and her ofl&cials.
*** It offered to submit the questions at issue to the arbitration of the U. S.
or any of their agents, or to accept some other device that might promise an im-
partial decision. The note making the offer, dated Aug. 17th, was sent to
Chatfield by special courier, but he refused to receive it because it had not
been transmitted through the hands of Idigoras, the Brit, consular agent at
San Salvador. Nic, Cor. 1st., Sept. 5, 26, Nov. 7, 21, 1850; Salv., Gax^eta, Aug.
23, Sept. 6, 1850; Guat, Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1850; Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. no. 7;
El Progeso, Sept. 5, 1850.
*] Salv., Mem. Peladones, 1851. The blockade was removed at the friendly
mediation of the American and Prussian consuls and others. Nic, Co" 1st.,
March 20, 1851.
MULTIPLIED HOSTILITIES. 299
dor has maintained friendly relations with foreign
powers, most of which have treaties with her on terms
satisfactory to all concerned/^
Vasconcelos was not more successful in preserving
peace within the state than in forcing Guatemala to
abandon the policy she had adopted of maintaining an
absolute autonomy. In his invasion of that neigh-
bor's territory early in 1851, as we have seen in the
previous chapter, he was worsted, which roused pop-
ular indignation against him, followed by a revolt,
and his deposal by congress.*^ On the 1st of March,
the substitute, J. F. Quiroz, was called to occupy the
executive chair, and did so.^^ The president for the
constitutional term 1852-3 was Francisco Duenas,
who • succeeded in settling the differences existing
between Salvador and Guatemala.
A serious disagreement having occurred between
Salvador and Honduras, leading to hostilities, the
government of Guatemala, then at war with Hon-
duras, despatched a force to Ahuachapan in aid of
Duenas, who apprehended an invasion. ^^ Toward
the end of this term Jose Maria de San Martin was
chosen for the next. The state now returned in peace
*^ Besides arrangements with sister states, the republic maintained treaties
of friendship, commerce, and navigation with Belgium, the U. S., France,
Great Britain, Spain, Germany, and nearly all the nations of America. A
concordat on ecclesiastical afl'airs was concluded with the pojje in 1862.
Squiers Cent. Am., 313; Cent. Am., Miscel. Doc, 48; Costa R., Boletin OJic,
March 7, 1855; El Rol, Oct. 27, 1854; Feb. 9, 1855; Nic, Cor. 1st., March 21,
1850; Id., Oaceta, Feb. 17, 18G6; Salv., Gaceta, March 8, Apr. 12, 1850; Aug.
5, 12, Nov. 25, 1853; Id., Dlario Ofic, Feb. 24, 1875; Id., Concordats, 1-20;
LaferrieredeParisaGuat., 319-37; Annals Brit. Legis., 1866, 334; Mex., Mem.
Bel, 1878, 7, 11, 45-54, 119; U. 8. Govt Doc, 43d cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc.
1, pt 1, 112, pt2, 796, 821; Id., 48th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt 1, 236 7.
*^ Congress was installed Feb. 18th, and one of the first acts of the house
of deputies was to pass an act of impeachment against Vasconcelos, and the
senate constituted itself as a court to try him upon the charge of violation of
the constitution. On the 22d of February, pleading not guilty, he demanded
a trial. The result was against him. Salv. , Sen. y Cam. de Dip a sus
comit., in Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. no. 9; Vasconcelos al Sen., in Id., no. 13.
^•'During Vasconcelos' absence the office had been in charge of Senator
Francisco Duenas.
^^ Thus we see that Duenas, whose wont it was while he was working for
popularity to use energetic language on behalf of liberalism, now that he has
reached the goal of his ambition, changes his tune and calls for the assistance
of Carrera against Honduras. Hond., Gaceta OJic, June 10, 1853.
300 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
to its interior affairs, adopting important improve-
ments.^^ There were not wanting, however, some
attempts to disturb the pubhc peace, which were for-
tunately defeated. But the country became at that
time the victim of other calamities, such as cholera,
scarcity of food resulting from a visitation of locusts,
and an earthquake which destroyed San Salvador on
the 16th of April, 1854,^^ in consequence of which the
capital was removed to Cojutepeque, where it remained
for some time.
Rafael Campo and Francisco Duenas were elected
president and vice-president, respectively, for the en-
suing term of 1856-7; and the latter being in charge
of the executive office in January 1856, in Campo's
absence, fitted out a contingent of troops to aid Nica-
ragua in her struggle with Walker's filibusters.
Campo despatched reenforcements in 1857, the Sal-
vador forces being under command of General Gerardo
Barrios, who, according to Perez, never went beyond
Leon,^^ but undertook to arrange the internal affairs of
Nicaragua, convoking a junta de notables, which pro-
claimed Juan Sacasa president. This had no effect,
however.
The state had, in 1856, constituted itself as a free
^2 Public education was duly attended to, new codes and ordinances im-
planted to render more regular the national administration.
^^ This was the seventh time the capital was destroyed; the previous ones
being in 1575, 1593, 1625, 1G56, 1798, and 1839; none of these, however, were
to be compared in violence with the one of 1854. It had been supposed at
first that at least one fourth of the population had been buried under the
ruins, but it was subsequently ascertained that the number of killed did not
exceed one hundred, and of wounded fifty; among the latter were the bishop,
Duenas, and a daughter of Pres. San Martin. The wells and fountains were
filled up or made dry. The cathedral and other churches were greatly dam-
aged; the college of the Asuncion and the university building were ruined.
Only a few dwelling-houses remained standing, and all were rendered un-
inhabitable. Money was raised by subscription for the benefit of the destitute,
the government of Guat. sending a donation of $5,000. Pineda de Mont, Notay
in Guat Recop. Ley., iii. 349-50; Squier's Cent. Am., 304-7, 350; Salv., Gacetay
^la,y 20, 1854; Id., Diario Ofic, Jan. 26, 1875; El Rol, Dec. 1, 1854; Guat.,
Gaceta, Apr. 28, May 19, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, June 10, July 29, 1854; Packet
Intelligencer, June 17, 1854. The city and about 20 surrounding towns were
destroyed March 19, 1873; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 8, 1873; El Porvenir,
Apr. 6, May 11, 25, 1873; Mc, Gaceta, Apr. 5, 1873.
^* Campo on the 10th of May, 1857, warmly congratulated his fellow-citi-
zens on the end of the campaign in Nic. when the news came of Walker's sur-
render. Nic, Bohtin OJic, May 28, 1857.
CAMPO AND BARRIOS. 301
and independent nation, under the name of Repiiblica
del Salvador/^ This act was confirmed March 19,
1864, by the national constituent congress.
General Belloso, Colonel Choto, and other officers
of the expedition deserted in June from Leon. Barrios
sent troops after them, and they were arrested in Sal-
vador and taken as prisoners to Cojutepeque, where
they told President Campo that Barrios had invited
them to make a revolution against his government.
They were set at liberty on the 8th. Barrios landed
at La Libertad with his forces on the 6th, and
marched to San Salvador, whence he wrote Campo
he had occupied that place to defeat the revolutionary
schemes of Belloso and Choto. Orders were sent him
to dissolve the forces and go to Cojutepeque with 200
men. On the 11th Barrios, together with his officers,
made a pronunciamiento to depose Campo and call
Duenas to the presidency. ^^ The president on the
12th called troops to the support of his government,
placed San Salvador and Cojutepeque under martial
law, and declared all acts emanating from the vice-
president void. But it seems that the latter refused
to lend himself to Barrios' plan, but on the contrary,
supported Campo. ^^ Barrios himself submitted. ^^
Campo's successor was Miguel Santin del Castillo.
This president's tenure of office was of short duration.
In 1858 a coup d'etat of Barrios, then a senator,
^^Am. Cyclop., xiv. 611; La Nacion, Apr. 14, 1857. The Salvador flag is
required to be 4 varas in length, with horizontal stripes, five blue and four
white, the uppermost and lowermost being blue; and a red union with 14
white stars, covering a space up and down equivalent to that occupied by
the four upper stripes, and to the extent of 1§ varas. The flag-staff is 20
varas high, exhibiting the same arrangement of colors as the flag.
^^ On the 10th Barrios and a committee of officers had demanded of Campo
that the troops should be ordered to Cojutepeque to receive thanks for their
services, adding that a dissolution of the force implied distrust of the general.
Campo disregarded this, and also a number of propositions from Barrios, re-
iterating his order for the disbandment.
^^ Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 75-6, assures us it was so, highly commending
Buenas. The president was supported by public opinion, and many of the
officers that had taken part in the pronunciamiento afterward tendered him
their services. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, June 18, 1857.
^® * No hizo otra cosa que rendir la espada ante la autoridad de Campo. '
Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 2d pt, 214.
302 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
in which he was aided by the vice-president Guzman,
his father-in-law, forced Santin to resign. Barrios
subsequently obtained from the legislative assembly,
sitting from January 17 to February 12, 1859, the
sanction of his coup d'etat, as well as the constitu-
tional amendments that he had not been able to
carry through legally during Santin's rule, namely,
to extend the presidential term from two to six years,
and that of the deputies from two to four years/^
The year 1859 was one of restlessness, engendered
partly by the ungrounded fear of invasion by Santin's
friends, who had taken refuge in neighboring states,
and partly by Barrios' efforts to secure his own elec-
tion to the presidency, in which he w^as successful.
In August 1859 the existing disagreements between
Salvador and Honduras, resulting from intrigues of
refugees from the former, were brought to an end
through the mediation of Guatemala.®^
The republic seemed to have attained a compara-
tively stable condition at tlie incoming of 1860. Bar-
rios had been elected president, and recognized as such
by the assembly. ^^ He concluded in 1862 to hold
diplomatic relations with the vice-president, who un-
der the constitution of Honduras was entitled to
occupy the executive chair of that state at the death
^' One half of the deputies were to be renewed every two years. The
assembly was to meet biennially. Salv., Diaiio Ofic, Feb. 21, 1875.
^ Convention concluded Aug. 9, 1859, between Guat. and Hond. to recog-
nize the constitutional authority established in Salvador, and to repress any
attempt to disturb it. Hond. declared herself disposed to keep the peace
with Salv., and Guat. guaranteed reciprocity on the part of the latter. This
convention was ratified by Carrera, Sept. 20, 1859, and by Barrios and his
minister M. Irungaray, Sept. 30th, the same year. Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 439-
43.
^^ In his inaugural address, Feb. 1, 1860, he promised a conservative policy:
* Orden progreso, libertad bien entendida .... La par y el drden en el interior,
la amistad c6n los estados vecinos.' Barrios, Disciirso, 6-7. But, as it will be
shown, his policy both in the interior and in regard to the other states of
Cent. Am. met with disastrous results from the animosity it engendered.
He had had himself made a captain-general, and was accused by his enemies
of inordinate vanity, insincerity, fondness for unrestricted power, and luke-
warm patriotism; and finally came to be looked upon as a disturber of the
peace for his own aggrandizement. He accepted, without leave of the
assembly, a decoration tendered him by the king of Sardinia. Nic, Cap. Gen.
Barms f 3-14; Arriola, Bep. del Salv., 2.
INVASION OF SANTA ANA. 303
of President Guardiola, and was favored by public
opinion, although Carrera of Guatemala was uphold-
ing Medina, a usurper of the presidency. A treaty
of alliance^ both defensive and offensive, was entered
into between Salvador and this vice-president,^^ which
displeased Carrera; he demanded explanations, and
they were given him.^^ The latter found an excuse to
pick a quarrel with Barrios in the question with the
Salvador clergy, who had been required to take an
oath of allegiance to the government,^* which they
refused to do. Bishop Pineda y Zaldana and a num-
ber of his subordinates repairing to Guatemala, where
they were honorably received. Barrios was accused
in the official journal of setting aside the conservative
policy promised at his inauguration.®^ An expedition,
under Colonel Saenz, believed to have been aided by
Carrera, invaded Santa Ana at the cry of Yiva la re-
ligion! Viva el obispo! and took the city, but were
soon driven away by the citizens. Carrera disclaimed
any connection with this affair. Some time after came
Maximo Jerez, as minister of Nicaragua, proposing a
plan of national union for Salvador, Honduras, and
Nicaragua, with the intention of inviting Guatemala
and Costa Pica to join them; but the project failed
because of the refusal of Honduras to enter into the
arrangement. Carrera had meantime dissuaded Pres-
ident Martinez of Nicaragua from the scheme.
The Guatemalan government was preparing for war
against Salvador, and succeeded in winning the cooper-
62 May 13, 1862. iVec, Boletin OJic., July 19, 1862.
^ Barrios was said to entertain the plan of partitioning Hond., which was
not effected because of Carrera's disapproval; but the murder of Guardiola
had afforded him an opportunity to harness Hond. to his car. He was like-
wise accused of scheming with the aid of Maximo Jerez to control Nic.
Barrios, El por que de la caida, 3-4; Nic.y Gaceta, March 23, May 23, June
6, 1863. Barrios claimed that he was striving to secure the rights of Salva-
dor, supporting at the same time the patriotic aims of the Nicaraguan liberals
to establish a government in their country.
^ The Capuchin friars had also been expelled.
6^ The course of the Salvadoran govt was not to the pope's liking. Arnola,
Hep. del Salv., 2. However, the bishop, at papal suggestion, offered to return
to his diocese, and was told there had never been any objection to his exercise
of episcopal functions. Barrios, Prod, a los Pueblos, 1-8.
304 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
ation of Martinez.^ Honduras, being an ally of Salva-
dor, Florencio Xatruch was assisted by Carrera to
make a revolt in several departments against the gov-
ernment of Honduras. Salvador tried to avert hos-
tilities. Friends of peace, among them the American
and British representatives, mediated, but all was of
no avail. ^''
The war contemplated by Carrera was unpopular
in Guatemala, where the people of late years had been
enjoying peace and prosperity, and feared a recurrence
of the former desolations. But their ruler was
prompted by a deadly animosity to Barrios, and by
the fear that the alliance of the latter with Jarez
would endanger conservatism, and consequently his
own power. Whereupon he resolved to crush at one
blow the disturber of the public peace, as Barrios was
called by the oligarchs. ^^ He invaded Salvador with
a large force, a proclamation preceding him to inform
the people that the war would be against Barrios
and not themselves. He felt certain of a speedy vic-
tory, and blindly assailed Coatepeque, where Barrios
was entrenched. He was repulsed with such heavy
losses ^^ that he had to retreat to his own capital,
which he entered March 6th at the head of only 3,000
men. But this reverse did not discourage him. He
fitted out another army, and started upon a second
campaif>'n that should be decisive'^ against Salvador
and Honduras, the latter having espoused Barrios'
cause. Meantime Martinez of Nicaragua had gained
a battle at the town of San Felipe on the 29th of
April, against a united force of Jerez' partisans and
^^ A treaty of alliance was concluded with him by Samayoa and Duefias,
ooth Salvador refugees, acting for Guat.
«^ Notes of E. 0. Crosby, U. S. minister, Feb. 2, 1863, and Geo. B. Mathew,
Brit, minister, Feb. 8, 1863, to Pedro de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs
of Guat. Barrios' Manifiesto, 44-52.
^^ ' II ne vit dans cette derni^re lutte qu'un duel dTiomme k homme. '
Belly, Le Nicaragua, i. 118-19.
«^This was on the 24th of Feb., 1863. Salv., Dario Ofic, Apr. 8, 1876; Belly,
A Trav. VAm. Cent, 119-20. Barrios, in his Manifiesto, 32, asserts that his
own force was 4,000 men, and Carrera's 6,500.
''^ The army was in three divisions, two of which were under generals
Zavala and Cruz.
FFICE-SEEKERS WAR. 305
Salvadorans/^ Moreover, Honduras was invaded by
800 Guatemalans under General Cerna. The Salva-
doran and Honduran troops were defeated ^^ by the
allied Guatemalans and Nicaraguans, on the plains of
Santa Rosa, which prompted revolts in the greater
part of the departments of Salvador, proclaiming
Duenas provisional president, who organized a gov-
ernment at Sonsonate.^^ ' Intrigues were successfully
brought into play upon several Salvadoran command-
ers to induce them to revolt against Barrios, and to
aid his enemies/* One of those officers was General
Santiago Gonzalez, commanding the troops at Santa
Ana during Barrios' temporary absence at San Salva-
dor. He made a pronunciamiento on the 30th of
June, telling the soldiers that a similar movement
had taken place the previous day at the capital, and
Barrios was a prisoner, and his government dissolved.
On discovering the deception some battalions escaped
and joined the president at San Salvador, Gonzalez
being left with a small number of troops. Carrera
was now near Santa Ana, and demanded Gonzalez'
surrender and recognition of Duenas as provisional
president, which, being declined, Carrera attacked
and easily defeated him on the 3d of July,^^ the Sal-
vadoran artillery and a large quantity of ammunition
falling into the victor's hands. Carrera was now
master of the situation,'^^ and his opponent virtually
'^'^ Nic., Discurso. . .prim, aniv., 3. The Salvadoran contingent in the action
•was 1,117 men under General Eusebio Bracamonte; but Jerez had the chief
command of the allied force. JHic, Gaceta, Apr. 18, May 9, 16, 20, 23, June 6,
Sept. 12, 1863; Mc, Boletin del Pueb., July 11, 1863.
"June 16, 1863. Mc, Boletin del Pueb., July 4, 1863.
'^ Sonsonate declared against Barrios June 29th, Cojutepeque July 27th,
Zacatecoluca Aug. 14th.; Nic, Gaceta, Aug. 22, Sept. 19, 1863; Id., Boletin
del Pueb., July 23, 1863. For map of Hond. and Salv., see Squiers Cent. Am.
■^^ It has been said that Tallien de Cabarrus, the French charge, endeav-
ored, after Carrera's defeat at Coatepeque, to pursuade a number of French
ofl&cers who were with Barrios to leave him, which they refused to do.
"^^ Carrera's official report of July 4, 1863, in Nic, Boletin del Pueb., July
17, 23, 1863; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 22, 1863.
"^^ He established his headquarters in Coatepeque. Zavala marched on and
occupied Santa Tecla, about 12 miles from San Salvador; Col Iraeta was
stationed at Chalatenango; and Col Parker in Ilobasco, Salv., Pronunc,
1; iV^c., Gaceta, Oct. 8, 1863. Duenas in a proclamation at Santa Ana, July
18th, promised that Carrera and his army, after fulfilling their mission, would
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. Hi. 20
306 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
without means of defence, superadded to which the
influence of the clergy had turned the Indians to
Carrera's side. Barrios continued his efforts, how-
ever, and held out four montlis at San Salvador,
though closely besieged and suffering from want of
food and ammunition/^ He had refused to listen to
proposals offering him the honors of war, believing
that once in Carrera's hands his fate would be sealed. ^^
At last further defence was impossible, and Barrios
escaped out of the city early on the 26th of October,
and subsequently out of the country. '^^ The surrender
of the city took place the same day, and on the 30th
Duenas, now placed at the head of affairs, decreed
thanks and honors to Carrera and Martinez, and their
respective armies. ^^
Barrios, having with him arms and ammunition,
embarked at Panamd, in 1865, on the schooner Manuela
Planas for La Union, to place himself at the head of a
movement initiated by Cabanas in that port and San
Miguel in his favor. It was -only on arrival that he
return to Guat. leaving the Salvadorans to reorganize a friendly government,
in lieu of the turbulent one of Barrios, with the assistance of Bishop Zaldana.
Barrios accused Duenas, at Panama Dec. 8, 1863, of having offered- Carrera
$100,000 for his assistance to get him into the presidential chair; to pay
which a forced loan was decreed. He added that at one time Carrera had
made war against the govt of Hond. for $30,000 that Guardiola offered him.
Banios, El Presid. legit., 3-4.
''^ Sept. 18, 1863, Zavala, commander of the besieging army, and Duefiaa
demanded a surrender, and submission to the provincial govt. Duenas claimed
to be recognized as president by Guat., Nic, and Hond. Nic, Boletin del Pueb.,
Oct. 3, 1863; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 17, 1863.
"^^ Carrera not long after had M. Irungaray, minister of state, Yarzun, treas-
urer, Gen. Perez and his brother, and colonels Abelar and Luna shot, for the
sole offence of having served in Barrios' administration.
■^^ Carrera, Oct. 30th, called it a * vergonzosa fuga. ' Carrera, Prod., 1. Bar-
rios was subsequently in 1865 allowed by Costa R. to reside in her territory
against the remonstrances of the other Cent. Am. states. These suspended
relations with her. Previous to this time he had resided in N. York, where
he made many friends. Nic. reopened, through the mediation of the U. S.
of Colombia, on the 31st of May, 1865, relations with Costa R., Barrios hav-
ing departed. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 458-9; -^ec, Gaceta, June 17, 1865; /(/., Col.
Dec, 1865, 8-9, 52-3.
^ Nic, Gaceta, Nov. 6, 14, 1863. The outrages committed byCarerra and
his men are said to have been almost beyond description. One of his acts
was to cause Morazan's grave to be broke open, and his ashes to be scattered
to the winds. He insulted, plundered, and persecuted citizens, and carried
off the Salvadoran artillery and trophies. He took with him to Guat. the
prisoners of rank, and confined them many months in the castle of San Fe-
lipe situated on the deadly northern coast
DEATH OF BARRIOS. 307
heard of the failure of that movement,^^ and on his re-
turn the schooner was struck by hghtning in waters
of Nicaragua at the Aserradores. He sent to Corinto
for water and provisions, and the consequence was
that a Nicaraguan force came on board and captured
him. He was taken to Leon on the 30th of June.^^
The government of Salvador demanded his extradition
that he might be tried, the national congress having
impeached him. The result of this was a convention
entered into at Leon July 14, 1865, between Gregorio
Arbizii, minister of Salvador, and Pedro Zeledon,
plenipotentiary for Nicaragua, by which the latter
government assented to the surrender of Barrios,
under the express stipulation that his life should be
spared whatever might be the result of his trial. ^^
But the government of Salvador, in disregard of this
obligation, had Barrios sentenced to death by a court-
martial, and he was executed at 4:30 in the morning
of August 29th, against the remonstrances of the rep-
resentative of Nicaragua. The latter could do noth-
ing but protest, and throw the infamv of the deed
upon Duenas and his administration.
Bishop Zaldana returned to his diocese at the ter-
mination of the war in the latter part of 1863, and
issued a pastoral letter recommending concord and
union among his flock. The provisional government
called on the people to choose a constituent assembly
to reorganize the government and frame a new consti-
tution. This assembly met on the 18th of February,
1864, and on the same date sanctioned the last revolu-
tionary movement, which deposed Barrios from the
presidency, and called Duenas to fill it. His acts to
^^ Cabanas had gone off to Pan. in the steamer Guatemala. Particulars of
the rebellion, and measures against its authors, in Nic., Oaceta^ May 6, June
10, July 1, 1865.
^2 The vessel was sailing without the papers required by law, as was cer-
tified by the U. S. consul in Corinto. Nic., Col. Acuerd. y Doc.f 61-2; Id.,
Boletln del Pueh., July 4, 1863.
^^ The Salv. minister solemnly accepted this condition, and the Nicaraguan
govt then delivered Barrios on board the brig Experimento. JVic, Convenio I4
de Julio, 1-18; Mc, Docs. Rel. d la red, 1-19; Nic, Oaceta, July 29, 1865.
308 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
that date were approved, and he was recognized as
provisional executive till a constitutional one should
be elected. That body at a later date promulgated a
new constitution in 104 articles, which like the funda-
mental charters of the other Central American states
at that time was exceedingly conservative. The only
religion recognized was the Roman catholic.
At the elections which took place ten months after
the promulgation of the new charter, Duenas was ap-
parently elected president for the first constitutional
term, and the constitutional congress recognized him
as such. He took formal possession of the office Feb-
ruary 1, 1865. Congress closed its session on the
21st of the same month.
CHAPTER XV
REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
1840-1865.
President Ferrera — Revolutionary Movements — Political Executions'
—Presidency of Juan Lindo — New Constitution — Lindo Over-
thrown— Belize — Honduras' Trourles with Great Britain — British
Occupation of Tiger Island — Bombardment of Omoa — Bay Islands
— President Cabanas — War with Guatemala — Guardiola's Assas-
sination— Provisional Rules of Castellanos and Montes — Alliance;
with Barrios — Unsuccessful War with Guatemala and Nicaragua.
— Montes Deposed — Establishment of the Republic — Josi: M. Me-
dina Chosen President — Amendment of the Constitution.
The house of representatives of the Estado Libre y
Soberano de Honduras, on the 30th of December,
1840, chose Francisco Ferrera president,^ and he took
possession of the office on the 1st of January, 1841.
The chamber closed its session on the 6th of March.
It is unnecessary to repeat here the history of Hon-
duras down to 1844, as it has been given in connection
with other sections of Central America. The state
^He had been the sole candidate, obtaining 3,400 votes, which did not
constitute a majority. Ferrera was of obscure parentage, and of inferior
ability. He was educated by a reactionary priest named Garin, who, wishing
him to become a musician of the parish church at Cantarranas, sent him to
Tegucigalpa to take lessons on the violin; but the boy made no progress in
that direction, and finally was made sacristan of Cantarranas, which position
he held a long time, till the revolutionary movements drew him into military
life, and he began upholding liberal principles. He figured afterward as vice-
jefe, hating his chief, Joaquin Rivera, because he was a democrat. Now we
see the sacristan of Cantarranas made president of the state. Francisco
Giiell, Francisco Zelaya, and Santiago Bueso were recognized as his substitutes
in the order named. It was also decreed by the chamber that in the event
of a vacancy, absolute or temporary, if the substitutes should be unable to
assume the executive duties, the latter should devolve on the ministers of
state. MontufaVf Eesefta Hist., iv. 191-203 • Wells' Hond., 494; Squier's Trav.,
ii. 449
(309)
310 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
assembly was installed on the 11th of January, with
ceremonies more religious than political, as befitted a
country where the influence of the church was so over-
whelming.^ The chamber bepraised Ferrera with as
much gusto as the church had smoked him with
incense at the cathedral, and on the 26th he was
formally declared a benemerito de la patria, and con-
firmed as a general of division, which rank had been
conferred on him by the government in March 1839.^
Much was said at the opening of the legislative
session about peace, but the fact was, that a number
of towns were greatly agitated, owing to the heavy
burdens weighing on them, and to the displeasure
caused by many citizens having been driven into exile.
Among these towns were Texiguat, La Plazuela, and
Comayagliela. Santos Guardiola was sent against
them, and was not successful, though he asserted in a
proclamation that he had defeated the rebels. The
war spread,* and Ferrera deemed it expedient to leave
the executive office in charge of the ministers for a
time, and to personally take command of the forces to
operate against the insurgents. Guardiola defeated
them at Corpus on the 1st of July, and captured their
correspondence, with Rivera, Orellana, and the other
leaders.^
An insurrection of the troops at Olancho took
place in December, which was soon quelled, and
stringent measures were adopted by Ferrera against
its promoters.^ Amid this state of affairs Ferrera's
term was approaching its end, and he could not be re-
elected a second time under the constitution of 1839.
Elections were held, and arrangements made so that
^We are assured there were 44 te deum masses on that day
' He was credited with having, by his energy, wisdom, and disinterested
patriotism, saved the state from civil war and anarchy.
*The govt justly attributed the movement to Ex-jefe Rivera, Orellana,
Alvarez, Castro, and others, believing the centre of it to be in Leon. It de-
manded satisfaction from Nic, but obtained none.
^The whole was published in El Descubridor, official journal of Hond.
Every one of Rivera's letters counselled discipline, moderation, and honorable
dealing, so as to save the cause from obloquy
« Decree of Dec. 13, 1844.
REVOLUTION AND ELECTION. 311-
he could continue in power as minister of war with
the chief command of the forces/ Guardiola had been
also dubbed a benemerito, and his friends wished to
raise him to the presidential chair, but did not succeed.^
No candidate obtained the requisite majority, and the
legislature chose Corona do Chavez president.^
Ex-jefe Rivera, taking advantage of the absence of
Ferrera with most of his forces in Nicaragua, invaded
Honduras for the purpose of overthrowing the exist-
ing government. The people failed to cooperate with
him, and he was defeated and made prisoner. On the
4th of January, 1845, he, with Martinez, Landa, and
Julian Diaz arrived at Comayagua in irons. The
official journal announced that Rivera was to be tried
and punished. He was in fact doomed to the scaffold
before he was tried. ^^
Guardiola's atrocities in La Union and San Miguel,
spoken of in a former chapter, won him additional
honors from the subservient assembly of Honduras.
He was a second time declared a benemerito, and
awarded a gold medal. Chavez, the tool of Ferrera,
was not neglected. He was given the title of Padre
conscripto de la patria, with an accompanying medal. ^^
The assembly closed on the 23d of March, well satisfied
of the wisdom of its measures. Another presiden-
tial election came up, and no one having the requi-
site number of votes, the assembly, January 14,
1847, chose Ferrera, who declined the position, and
Juan Lindo was then appointed, Ferrera continuing
■^ I mentioned elsewhere the defeat this year at Nacaome of a Nicaraguan
force by the garrison under Commandant Morales. The credit of this victory
was given to Ferrera, who happened to be in the place at the time, by the
ministers in charge of the executive office awarding him a gold medal with
the inscription, * A la heroicidad del General Ferrera en la batalla de Na-
caome. ' The supreme court had compared him with Alexander, Octavius,
Augustus, and Napoleon. The soldiers of Hond. made him a Miltiades,
Temistocles, and Demosthenes. And finally, the ofiicial journal pronounced
him superior to Julius Ctesar. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 576-9.
^ Guardiola was a rough and cruel soldier.
' His substitutes were Francisco Giiell, Leonardo Romero, and Manuel
Emig lio Vazquez.
^" Rivera, Landa, and Martinez were shot together.
"Decrees of Feb. 4 and March 19, 1846.
312 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
as war minister, with the command of the troops an-
nexed, which was what he desired. Guardiola was
retained in the office of minister of foreign relations,
though unfit for it.
When the army of the United States was in Mexico,
Lindo seemed greatly exasperated thereby; the presi-
dent, without first obtaining the sanction of the repre-
sentatives, issued manifestos, on the 1st and 2d of June,
1847, which were an open declaration of war against
the United States. ^^
Lindo desired to control affairs for an unlimited
time, and the constitution allowing him only a two-
years tenure, and containing, besides, several clauses
repugnant to him, it was doomed. ^^ A constituent
assembly was accordingly called to frame a new char-
ter, which was adopted at Comayagua February 4,
1848.''
Lindo continued as president under the new re-
gime.'^ The legislature had assembled at Cedros on
the 10th of June, 1849, when the president reported
^2 This proceeding was communicated to the governor of Chiapa for the
information of his government. The proclamations were published in Mexico,
and probably elsewhere; but I am not aware that the American government
took any action upon them. Id., 236-7; Sun of Andhuac, Sept. 14, 1847;
El Arco Ins, Sept. 22, Oct. 4, 17, 1847; El Razonador, Oct. 30, 1847; El
Sonorense, Nov. 12, 1847.
^^ It provided for only one chamber, and he wanted another for the aris-
tocracy. It recognized freedom of conscience and religion, which to his mind
was heresy.
^*It contained 114 articles; recognized the people as the source of power
and sovereignty. All persons born in the states of Cent. Am. and residing
in Hond. were given the privileges of full citizenship. Foreigners might
become naturalized. The right of suffrage was given to citizens over 21 years
of age who could read and write. The state recognized no other religion than
the Roman catholic, excluding the public exercise of all others. The govern-
ment, declared to be popular and representative, was vested in three powers,
namely, legislative, executive, and judicial. The executive was placed in
charge of a president for four years, and not eligible for two consecutive
terms. He appointed his ministers, who had a seat in the legislature. There
was a council of state provided, its members being one senator chosen by the
gen. assembly, one justice of the supreme court, the minister of the interior,
the treasurer, and two citizens elected by the gen. assembly. The assembly
was formed of one chamber with 14 deputies, being two for each department,
and the senate with 7 members. The judiciary consisted of the supreme and
lower courts. The supreme court was divided into two sections, of three jus-
tices each, one to sit in Comayagua, and the other in Tegucigalpa. Each
department had a jef e politico at its head. Hond. , Constit. de I84S, 1-21 ; Squier's
Cent. Am., 258-65.
^^The next term would begin on the 1st of Feb., 1852.
WAR AND TREATIES. 313
the state at peace, and its relations with the other
states on a satisfactory footing. But he acknowledged
that his government was harassed by party conten-
tions. Order had been maintained thus far by a strict
impartiality toward the factions, with the cooperation
of some good and influential citizens. ^^ This was not
to last long; for on the 12th of February, 1850,
Guardiola, deceived by representations of Felipe Jd.u-
regui and the aristocrats of Guatemala, in which the
British chargd, Chatfield, had no little part, made a
pronunciamiento at Tegucigalpa, where the govern-
ment then was, and Lindo had to flee. The latter
finally entrenched himself at Nacaome, near the bay
of Fonseca, and asked for assistance from the govern-
ments of Salvador and Nicaragua, which under the
terms of their confederacy they were bound to afford
him. Salvador at once sent a considerable force under
General Cabanas, and Nicaragua prepared to do the
same if necessity required it. Guardiola's movement
was not seconded elsewhere. But he marched against
Nacaome, and at Pespire commissioners of Salvador
and Lindo made him understand his false position,
and an understanding was then had, on the 25th of
March, by which he submitted to Lindo's authority. ^^
The treaties of 1783 and 1786 between Great Britain
and Spain reserved to the latter the sovereignty over
Belize, otherwise called British Honduras, granting to
the settlers merely the privilege of cutting dye and
other woods,^^ using the spontaneous products of the
^^Nic, Cor. 1st., Aug. 1, 1849; La Union (S. Salv.), June 15, 1849.
^■^The following were the terms agreed upon: a general amnesty; the con-
federate diet was to meet at Nacaome, protected by 200 Salvadorans and as
many Nicaraguans at the expense of Hond. ; and the state assembly also to
redress certain alleged grievances; and Jauregui's conduct in Costa R. to be
investigated. All of which was done. Cent. Am., Miscel. Doc, nos. 29-33,
36-43, 50-5; Salv., Gaceta, March 15, Apr. 4, 18, May 10, 1850; Costa R.,
Gaceta, March 2, 1850; Nic, Cor. 1st., Apr. 4, May 2, 16, 1850; Guardiola,
Carta Ofic, March 30, 1850; Squier's Travels, ii. 182. The chambers on the
29th of June declared Lindo a benemerito de la patria, conferring on him the
rank of general of division for life, from the expiration of his presidential
term. Hond., Gaceta Ofic, Aug. 31, 1850.
^^ The Spaniards knew but little of this region, believing it unhealthy,
314 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
soil, fishing along the coast, repairing their vessels,
and building houses and stores. The, colonists were
not to set up any government, either civil or military,
construct forts or defences, maintain troops of any
kind, or possess any artillery/^
Governor O'Neill of Yucatan made an expedition
in 1798 against the English settlers during war be-
tween the two nations, and destroyed a number of
settlements on the Rio Nuevo, but was afterward
repulsed by the colonists and slaves of Belize. This
circumstance was claimed to have given the victors
the right of conquest over the territory occupied by
them. But neither Spain, nor Mexico after her
independence, recognized that pretension, nor was it
admitted by the British parliament. ^^ Furthermore,
the treaty signed- in London, December 26, 1826, be-
tween Great Britain and Mexico was negotiated on
the express condition that the treaty of July 14, 1786,
between the Spanish and British crowns should be
held valid and observed in all its provisions. ^^ There-
fore the conclusion we must arrive at is, that the
sovereignty over Belize belongs to Mexico and not to
Great Britain. Mexico's claim has been recognized
by the settlers, when it suited their interests, but
they were never equally disposed to abide by the obli- x
gations of the treaty of 1826.^^ Their encroachments
and had hardly made any attempts themselves to cut wood there. Cancelafla,
Td. Mexicano, 1C4-11, computed at nearly twenty-two million dollars the joss
sustained by Spain to 1812, including in that sum the original cost, and the
resulting prolita which had accrued, mostly to the English. i
^^ They were likewise forbidden to cultivate sugar, coffee, or cacao, or\to
engage in manufactures; and they were not to supply arms or ammunition to
the Indians dwelling on the frontiers of the Spanish possessions. Espafia e ImjL
Covenio, July 14, 1786, in Cent. Am. PampL, no. 4, 1-7.
^''Certain acts of that body in 1817 and 1819, in consequence of measures
adopted to punish crimes committed in Belize, declared that the crimes could
not be puniched under British laws, because that territory was not a portion
of the United Kingdom. Penichey Hist. Pel. Esp. y M^x. con Ingl.t in Ancona,
Hist. Yuc, iv. 223.
^^ The treaty of 1826, with the annexed treaties and conventions of Spain
with England and other nations having any bearing on the subject may be
found in Mex., Derecho Intern., i. 437-524.
^^Villiers, Brit. min. in Madrid, asked the Sp. govt in 1835, and again
in 1836, to cede to England any right of sovereignty she might have over
Brit. Honduras. The request v;as not granted, but it implied that England
in 1836 did not consider herself to possess the full sovereignty over Belize.
BELIZE. 315
on Yucatan have continued to the extent that they now
hold much more than was conditionally allowed them
for wood-cutting by the treaty of 1783.^^
Affecting to forget that they were entitled merely
to the usufruct of the country, the settlers set up as
early as 1798 a government,^* raised troops, built forts,
tilled the soil, and exercised every right implying full
sovereignty. Alexander M'Donald, while holding the
office of superintendent,^^ on the 2d of November, 1840,
set aside the laws and usages of the country, declaring
that from said date the law of England should be the
law of the settlement or colony of British Honduras,
and that all local customs and laws repugnant to the
spirit of the law of England, and opposed to the prin-
ciples of equity and justice, should be null.^^ In later
years the government has been in the hands of a lieu-
tenant-governor, w^itli an executive and legislative
council, and the colony has the usual judicial estab-
lishment.^'^
Villarta, Mexican min. of foreign afiairs, refers to Velliers' efforts in a note
of March 23, 1878, to the Brit. govt. The latter, however, in 1836, claimed
a larger extent of territory, including the whole coast as far south as the
River Sarstoon, and as far inland as the meridian of Garbutt's Falls on the
Belize River.
23 Details in Bustamante, Hist. Iturbidc, 161; Squier's Travels, ii. 412-14;
Id., Cent. Am., 582^, 627-8; Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 306; Mex. Soc. Gtog.; Bole-
tin, 2d ep., iv. 698-710; Annals Brit. Legis., ii. 84; Suarez, In/orrne, 32-6;
(I. S. Govt Doc, For. Aff. (Mess, and Doc, pt 1, 65-6, pt iii. 360-1), Cong. 39,
Sess. 1.; Id., Foreirpi llel., i. 656-61, Cong. 43, Sess. 1.; Salv., DiarioOJic., Nov.
21, 1878; La Voz de Mej., Jan. 31, 18G5; Sept. 19, Nov. 1, 1882.
2* The settlement, as it was called, for it had not even the name of a colony,
was ruled by a code of laws established in 1779 by Sir W. Burnaby. Justice
was administered by a board of seven magistrates chosen annually. The
chief authority was the superintendent, a position always held by a military
ofacer, combining the duties both of first civil magistrate and commander of
the forces. Henderson's Brit. IIo7id., 75-9.
'^^ He entitled himself then her Majesty's superintendent and commander-
in-chief in and over her possessions in Hond.
'■^^ M'Donald then appointed an executive council. He also assumed control
of the finances. Not satisfied with the right of veto, he legislated in his own
person by proclamation, assuming the right of punishing any one acting
against his authority or obstructing his mandates. The inhabitants protested
against his usurpation of powers, and appealed to the British government
and parliainent, obtaining some trifling relaxation. They also petitioned that
the government should openly assume the sovereignty, so that they might
possess their lands without reservation in respect to Spain or Mexico. Their
petitions did not receive any direct reply. However, the govt in 1845, sent
out a chief justice, a queen's advocate, and other judicial appendages. Crowe's
Gospel, 205-6.
2^ The coat of arms of Belize is read as follows: Chief dexter-argent — the
316 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
The assumption of sovereignty is not Mexico's only
cause of complaint. Since the war of races broke out
in Yucatan in 1847, the people of Belize have sold
arms and ammunition to the revolted Indians. Early
in 1848 the authorities promised that the Indians
should not be aided, directly or indirectly; but the
promise was not fulfilled. ^^ The population is mainly
negro, originally introduced as slaves ; the rest, excep-
ting a few white men, is a hybrid race resulting from
intercourse with Europeans and Indians. The total
population in 1871 was nearly 25,000, of which there
were probably 1,000 more males than females. ^^ Slav-
ery was abolished by an act of the inhabitants on the
1st of August, 1840."'
The chief product of the country is mahogany, of
which some 20,000 tons were exported annually, but
the demand for it lately has decreased. Its logwood
is much valued, and about 15,000 tons are yearly ex-
ported. Besides these staples, the country produces
other woods of value, and the cahoon or coyal palm
in abundance, from the nuts of which is extracted a
valuable oil. Sarsaparilla and vanilla are found in
the interior. Of domestic animals there are enough
union jack, proper. Chief sinister, on the proper — the chief divided from the
body of the shield by a chevron-shaped partition from the fess of the dexter
and sinister base. Points — the intermediate space azure— a ship with set
sails on the sea, passant proper. Crest, mahogany tree. Motto, *Sub umbra
floreo.' Supporters, negroes; that to the left, with a paddle; the other to the
right, with an axe over his shoulder. Stout's Nic, 258.
2s One of the superintendents — supposed to be Col Fancourt— had relations
with the ferocious Cecilio Chi, which was officially communicated by ]Viex«ico
to the Brit, charge, Doyle, March 12, 1849. Ancona, Hist. Yuc, iv. 234;
Yuc, Expos. Gob. CrMitos, 98-102.
2^ The population about 1804 was set down at not more than 200 white
persons, 500 free colored, and 3,000 negro slaves. The white pop. grad-
ually decreased. In 1827-8, the pop. was between 5,000 and 6,000; in 1838,
8,000; in 1850, 15,000; in 1863, 25,000. Sqiiier'sCent. Am., 687- 8; Dunn's Gnat.,
13-14; Osborne's Guide, 234; Valois, Mexique, 150; Pirns Gate of the Pac., 20.
The town of Belize, at the mouth of the river of the same name, generally has
6,000 inhabitants. The dwellings of the wealthy class are large and com-
fortable. Besides the govt houses, court-house, barracks, and jail, there are
several churches, episcopal, methodist, baptist, and presbyterian, and some
large and costly fire-proof warehouses. The town has experienced two destruc-
tive conflagrations, one in 1854 and another in 1863. Packet Intelligencer, June
17, 1854; Guat, Gaceta, Sept. 7, 22, 1854; La Voz de Mej., May 9, 1863.
^^ It was effected without disturbance, and attended with the happiest re-
sults. Crowe's Gospel, 205.
ENGLISH COERCION. 317
for the needs of the people. The colony during the
last fifteen or twenty years has been on the downward
coursel
In former times the port of Belize was an entrepot
for the neighboring states of Yucatan, Guatemala, and
Honduras,^^ but after the opening of direct trade be-
tween those states and the United States and Europe,
and the diversion of trade on the Pacific to Panama,
that source of prosperity ceased. Total tonnage
entered and cleared in 1877, exclusive of coasting
trade, 73,974, of which 46,168 were British. Value
of imports, in ten years ending in 1877, £1,781,175;
for that year, £165,756, of which £84,540 were from
Great Britain. Value of exports fOr 1877, £124,503,
of which £94,548 went to Great Britain.'' The
average rate of duties on imports is ten per cent ad
valorem; machinery, coal, and books entering free.
The gross amount of revenue for 1863, £27,398; for
1877, £41,488. Public expenditure for the latter year,
£39,939.
The relations of Honduras with Great Britain were-
during many years in an unsatisfactory state, due in a
great measure to the schemes of certain officials of the
latter government, who pushed ungrounded claims
against the former in the furtherance of their plans to
gain control of a large extent of the Central American
coast. On the 3d of October, 1849, a British war
ship at Trujillo demanded the sum of $111,061, alleged
to be due to subjects of her nation. The demand not
being complied with, an armed force was landed from
her the next day, which occupied the fort and town.
The British commander finally accepted on account
$1,200 — all that the Honduran comandante could pro-
cure— and on reembarking fired a volley.^'
^^ Much smuggling was carried on to and from it.
^'^ Annals Brit. Legis., iii. 368; v. 263; vii. 228; x. 386-7; 391-2; xii. 139-40;
xiv. 304; U. S. Comm. Rel, 1863-77, passim. The Etiajclop. Britan., xii.
136-7.
^^He concluded to proceed to Jamaica for further instructions. ElRevisor,
Jan. 5, Feb. 16, 1850; Hond., Gaceta OJic, Oct. 19, 1849.
318 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
On the southern coast the British steamship Gorgon,
on the 16th of November, seized the island of Tiger,
hoisting the British flag at Amapala.^^ The authori-
ties of Honduras, after protesting against the act,
called the attention of the United States representa-
tive to the British proceeding, for this island had been
ceded to his government in September previous. ^^ It
is presumed that Chatfield's purpose, among other
things, was to prevent the construction of a canal
across Nicaragua by Americans. But Admiral
Hornby, commanding the British naval forces in the
Pacific, disapproved of the proceeding, removing his
men and restoring the Honduran flag under a salute
of twenty-one guns.^^
A preliminary convention was entered into at San
Jose, Costa Rica, December 29, 1849, between Felipe
Jduregui, calling himself commissioner of Honduras,
and Chatfield, the British charge d'aflaires, in nine
articles, some of which involved undue responsibility
on the part of Honduras.^'' This treaty was disavowed
by her government, March 22, 1850, in a note to
Admiral Hornby, declaring that Jduregui had no
authority to make it, and its stipulations being offen-
sive to the dignity of the state, the legislature would
3* Chatfield, the Brit, charge, was present at the act. Id., Nov. 30, 1849;
Stout's Nic, 278; Salv., Gaceta, Feb. 15, 1850, The object of the seizure was
to secure Honduras' proportion of the indebtedness of Cent. Am. to Brit.
creditors.
^'^ Under a convention in three articles concluded at Leon Sept. 28, 1849.
The cession was for 18 months, and had been made known the same date to
all diplomatic agents in Cent. Am. Hond., Gaceta Ojic, Oct. 19, 1849; Nic.y
Cor. 1st., Nov. 10, 1849. Ihe corresp. of the govt of Hond. with the Brit,
charge ajjpears in Gent. Am. Correspond., Islade Tigre, 1-8; Cent. Am., Miscel.
Doc., nos. 21, 25, 28; U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 31, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 43, 1-26;
Id., Cong. 31, Sess. 1, H. Jour., 1739, 1801.
'^^Nic, Cor. 1st., Jan. 16 and suppl., Feb. 16, 1850.
^^ 1st. Great Brit, recognized the independ. of Hond. as a sovereign repub-
lic, pledging her good offices to avert any attempts against that independ.
Hond. at this time was a member of a confederacy with Salvador and Nica-
ragua, and was made to bind herself not to dispose of any portion of her ter-
ritory before she had definitely settled Brit, claims. 2d. Hond. was to accredit
within six months a commissioner in Guat. to conclude a treaty of friendship,
commerce, and navigation with G. Brit. 3d. Hond. recognized the indebted-
ness of $111,061. 4th. She bound herself to pay that sum in yearly instal-
ments of $15,000 at Belize. The other articles were of less importance. Salv.,
Gaceta, Apr. 5, 1850; Hond., Ligeras Ohserv., 1-10.
FUTILE PROTESTS. 319
never sanction them.^^ Meanwhile Honduras had
agreed with Chatfield to accredit a commissioner to
arrange with him for the settlement of British claims.
This w^as done ; and the long and tedious question was
finally arranged on the 27th ot March, 1852, Hon-
duras assuming an indebtedness of $80,000.^^
The debt question was not the only source of dis-
quietude for Honduras in her relations with Great
Britain. British officials, on trumped-up pretexts,,
usurped and held, during several years, portions of her
territory. M'Donald, superintendent of Belize, occu-
pied Roatan and other islands belonging to Honduras
situated in the bay of this name. The Honduran
government protested against such usurpation, but no
attention was paid to its remonstrances. It does not
appear, however, that Great Britain was claiming
territorial rights over the Bay Islands, as they were
called.^^ Soon afterward, a number of Cayman
islanders settled in Boatan, and in the course of a
few years there were about 1,000, when the superin-
tendent of Belize found a pretext to assume the con-
trol. In 1849, the islanders applied to Colonel Fan-
court, then superintendent of Belize, for a regular
government. He promised to comply with their
wishes, but was unable, and they continued choosing
their authorities. At last, in August 1850, the war
schooner Bermuda, Lieutenant Jolly commanding,
took formal possession of Boatan, Guanaja or Bonaca,
Utila, Barbarreta, Morat, Elena, etc., in behalf of the
British crown, declaring them a British appendage
under the name of Colony of the Bay Islands; against
which the acting chief magistrate, William Fitzgib-
^^Jauregui, March 24, 1850, in a pamphlet issued at Leon, defended his
conduct, alleging that he had ample powers. Justijic., in Cent. Am. Pamph.,
i. no. 7.
^^Independent of £1,425 paid for her proportion of Cent. Am. indebted-
ness to Finlay, Hodgson, & Co. of London. Hond., Gaceta Ofic, Jan. 30, 1853.
*** The British seized Roafcan Jvine 3, 1830, driving away the small Central
American garrison. Similar attempts have been made since 1743 by British
subjects, though unsuccessfully. The seizure of 1830 lasted only a short
time, having been disallowed by the British government. Crowe's Gospel, 212;
Montufar, Eesena Hisi., iii. 424-7; iv. 71-5.
320 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
bon, protested on the 15th of September, 1850, in the
name of the sovereignty of Honduras/^ The islands
were, in August 1852, under the rule of a lieutenant-
governor/^ A treaty was finally concluded between
the queen of Great Britain and Honduras, on the 28th
of November, 1859, respecting the Bay Islands, the
Mosquito Indians, and the claims of British subjects,
which settled the question in favor of the latter
power/^ Still one more trouble has occurred between
the two nations, in which the weaker one had to sub-
mit to the demand of the other at the mouth of her
cannon. On the 19th of August, 1873, the war ship
Niohe, Sir Lambton Loraine commanding, bombarded
Fort San Fernando of Omoa/* The bombardment
ceased on the Honduran authorities agreeing to redress
the alleged grievances, and paying damages/^ With
other nations of Europe and America — excepting
the sister states, with which repeated bickerings
have occurred, leading sometimes to war — Honduras
has succeeded in maintaining friendly relations.
46
*^ * Whose territorial right is indisputable, ' he alleged. He based his
action on the treaty of April 19, 1850, between the U. S. and Great Britain,
under which neither power was to have colonies or settlements in Central
America. The U. S. took part in defence of Honduras' rights and overthrew
the British pretensions. Squiers Cent. Am., 621-6, 740-8; Democratic Rev.,
XXX. 544-52.
*2 Under a decree of the superintendent of Belize. The comandante of
Trujillo, by order of his government, protested against the occupation Sept.
13, 1852. Hond., Gaceta Ofic, Dec. 15, 1852; El Sigh, Jan. 1, 1853.
*^Art. 1. Great Britain recognized the islands to belong to Hond. The
latter pledged herself not to cede them to any other nation. Art. 2. The
former power recognized as part of Hond. the country till then occupied or
possessed by the Mosquito Indians within the frontier of the republic, what-
ever that frontier might be. La Union de Nic, March 9, 1861; Pirn's Gate of
of the Pac., 412-15. Further details in connection with the Bay Islands ques-
tion may be seen in Bay Islands, Queens Warrant, etc. ; La Nacion, Nov. 9,
Dec. 26, 1856; Brit. Quart. Bev., xcix. 270-80; Caicedo, Lat. Am., 76-80.
^*The grounds alleged for this violent action were: 1st, That the Brit.
vice-consul's residence had been broken into by Hond. troops, and robbed;
2d, That Omoa was sacked by these troops, and goods to the value of $100,-
000 had been stolen from British subjects; 3d, That some British subjects had
been drafted into the army, and an Englishwoman unjustly imprisoned. Nic,
Gaceta, Oct. 25, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic, Sept. 21, 1873; Nic, Semanal Nic.y
July 27, 1874.
*^Streber, who commanded the troops accused of these abuses, defends
the rights of Honduras in the controversy, in Exposic Doc iSuc Omoa, 30-
44, 66-103.
*^She had to settle, in 1850, claims of French citizens, and in 1851 of
PRESIDENT CABA:?^AS. 321
The boundary between Honduras and Nicaragua was
finally agreed upon in a convention dated September 1,
1870/^ In 1866 the Hon duran government entered
into a concordat with the pope for an understanding on
affairs ecclesiastical.
President Lindo, having been a third time elected
to the presidency for the term to begin February 1,
1852, published on the 25th of November, 1851, a
manifesto to the people, suggesting the expediency of
calling some other citizen to the executive chair,
pleading at the same time need of rest/^ The people
took him at his word, and chose Trinidad Cabanas
president, who was inducted into office at Comayagua
on the 1st of March, 1852,^^ and on the next day in
his address to the assembly pledged his word to pur-
sue a liberal policy in observance of the principles that
had guided hini throughout his career. His election
was hailed as an auspicious event, and a safeguard
against Guatemala's encroachments/^ The state was
Prussian subjects. Hond., OacetaOJic., Aug. 31, 1850; Jan. 15, 1852; Costa R.,
Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1850.
*'Nic. had claimed on the N, E. the river Patuca to its mouth, Hond.
claimed the Coco to its mouth. The commissioners agreed upon a compro-
mise line between those rivers, namely, the summit of the Dilpito cordillera,
from the point where it becomes detached from the main body, which divides
the waters running to both oceans; and from the point where it and the line
continues eastwardly to the waters of the Atlantic in lat. 15° 10' N., and
long. 83° 15' \V. of Greenwich. mc.,Mem. Mel, 1871, 5-7.
^^ About this time he was on the Nic. frontier mediating for peace between
the belligerents of that state. His efforts proving successful, he was warmly
congratulated by his friends on his return. Hond., Gaceta OJic, Nov. 26, 1851;
El Sigh, Dec. 13, 1851; Cent. Am. Pamph., vii, no. 2.
^^ Cabanas, El Presid. . .a sus Conciud., 1-6. The office had been provis-
ionally in charge of Senator Francisco Gomez. El Siglo, Feb. 21, March 19,
1852.
^^ Cabanas was of diminutive stature, but of erect mien. He was aged
about 50 at this time. His face was pale and mild; his gestures were in keep-
ing with the intelligent play of his features; his manners gentle, almost
womanly, but beneath this placid exterior was a stern, indomitable spirit.
After many years of prominence as a leader, during an anarchical period, even
his enemies never accused him of selfishness or rancor. Scjuier's Trav., ii. 177;
WelW Hond., 184. Cabanas was a brave soldier, but could not be called a
successful general. Perez, a political opponent, speaking of him as the chief
of the coquimbo party, says: 'Mai general, excel ente soldado, nunca vence-
dor, siempre con prestigio, y uno de los mas fogosos promotores de la nacion-
alidad centro Americana.' Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 16. The assembly. May 21,
1851, had conferred on him the title of ' soldado ilustre de la patria. ' His death
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 21
322 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
at peace in the interior, and with the other states of
Central America, except Guatemala, with which the
relations were not harmonious, owing to the usurpa-
tion by the latter of a portion of Honduran territory
on the Copan side. This, with divergence in political
principles between the two rulers, soon brought on a
bloody war,^^ which has been detailed in a previous
chapter. ^^ The fruitlessness of this contest prompted
Salvador and Nicaragua to use their endeavors for
peace ; but they proved unavailing. What Guatemala's
superior resources failed to accomplish on the field of
battle was, however, brought about by means of in-
trigue, with the cooperation of the party opposed to
Cabanas in Honduras, headed by General Santos
Guardiola, which received efficacious aid from Carrera.
General Juan Lopez supported the revolutionary
movement with 700 men,^^ and Cabanas was_ over-
thrown on the 6th of July, 1855.^*
At last, being unable to cope with the daily increas-
(ing forces of the enemy, he abandoned the field, and
retreated to Salvador. The serviles again took pos-
session of the government under Lopez. ^^ The presi-
dential election took place amid this turmoil. The
state was divided into two factions, one supporting
Lindo and the other Guardiola. The friends of Lindo,
not feeling certain of success, proposed Lopez as a
compromise candidate, he being credited with the
occurred Jan. 8, 1871. El Siglo, June 12, 1851; Nic, Gaceta, Aug. 19, 1851;
Jan. 29, 1871.
^^ Astaburuaga attributes this war to Cabanas' attempts to promote an
insurrection in Guat. against his old enemy Carrera. Cent. Am.^ 70-1.
^'^ The Guatemalans took the fort and city of Omoa, and carried away all
the useful artillery, against the stipulations agreed upon at the surrender.
Wells' Hond., 507-8; Gnat, Gaceta, Sept. 16, 23, 1853.
^^ This Lopez commanded at Omoa when the place was given up in 1853 to
the Guat. Col Zavala, since which he had been suspected of treachery. Wells*
Hond., 515; Costa R., Gaceta, Jan. 15, 1854; Td., Bolet'm Ofic, Dec. 30, 1854;
Bond., Gaceta Ofic, May 10, 1854, to Feb. 10, 1855, passim; Guat., Gaceta,
Nov. 3, Dec. 22, 1854.
^*He had received no aid from Salv., owing to Carrera having falsely re-
ported his intention to sell territory to a foreign power.
^^The executive office went, Oct. 14, 1855, into the hands of Vice-president
S. Bueso, who pleading ill health left it in charge of Senator Francisco
Aguilar. Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 9, 1855, Feb. 16, 1856.
POLITICAL DESPOTISM. 323
expulsion of Cabanas, but finally abandoned the plan
and cast their votes for Guardiola, who assumed the
executive office, February 17, 1856, on his return
from Nicaragua, where he had been defeated by
William Walker Lindo had meantime been in charge
of the government/^ A system of despotism was now
established, Guardiola being but a satellite of Carrera/^
The country at this time was in a distressed condi-
tion. Agriculture was neglected, most of the field
hands having emigrated. Business of all kinds was
at a stand-still. There was no available revenue, for
every one of its branches was burdened with debt.
The state had a contingent of troops serving in Nica-
ragua against Walker, supported from a special forced
loan. To the credit of Guardiola's administration must
be recorded, however, that it secured peace with Gua-
temala, and a settlement of questions pending with
Great Britain. At the end of his term he was re-
^'^ Perez, Mem. Hist. Carwpana Nac., 13.
^^ Guardiola was a dark-colored, stout-built, and rather corpulent zambo, a
man of fiendish instincts, but popular with his soldiers, whom he indulged in
every way. He possessed all the vices and was guilty of about all the crimes
known to man. When in his cups he would order men to be shot by way of
pastime. At the mention of his approach to a town, the inhabitants would
llee to the woods. He was the tiger of Cent. Am. Dunlcyp's Cent. Am., 237;
Wells' Hond., 517; Wappaus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 306-7. William V. Wells,
Explorations and Adventures in Honduras, New York, 8vo, 588 pp., with maps
and illustrations, went to Honduras with the object of obtaining from her
government leave to work gold placers, and of opening commercial relations.
He visited several places, both in Nicaragua and Honduras, which he de-
scribes quite accurately, together with the manners and customs of their
inhabitants. His information on mines and mining is valuable. There are
in the work three chapters devoted to history from 1821 to 1857, the ground-
work of which is mostly from other authors, and one chapter is filled with
data on commerce, revenue, debt, etc., and still another treats of coins and
currency, weights and measures, and productions, with illustrations. The
style is good, the work readable and instructive. Portions are evidently
taken from Squier, and the illustrations are mostly identical with those
of Squier's States of Central America. The same author gave to the press
in New York, a 12mo, with 316 pp., map and portrait, under the title of
Walker^s Expedition to Nicaragua. This work, as the title implies, is almost
entirely devoted to Walker's career in this country, which is justified as well as
praised. Here and there he mentions some historical facts on British preten-
sions in Mosquito, a short resume on Nicaragua, the Nicaragua transit route,
and a short review on colonization, commerce, and mining, compiled from
several sources. There is no system or arrangement, having been, as the
author alleges, ' written, published, and put in circulation in twenty days, ' a
feat few authors would go out of their way to boast of. But taken all in all,
the book is well worth perusing.
324 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
elected. Early in 1861 the government had a differ-
ence with the vicario capitular. The see being then
vacant, this ecclesiastic assumed the right of excom-
municating the president, whom he accused of perse-
cuting the church ; but the government forbade the
publication of his decree, and expelled its author from
the state. ^^ This difficulty was subsequently arranged
through the metropolitan of Guatemala. Disturbances
occurred at various places, ^^ which were brought to an
end in a short time. On the 11th of January, 1862,
the president was assassinated.^^ At first it was feared
that discord would reign again, and the other Central
American governments prepared to mediate in the
interests of peace.^^ Fortunately, good counsels pre-
vailed, and anarchical tendencies were for a time
checked.
Guardiola's constitutional successor, Victoriano Cas-
tellanos, was in Salvador, and much against his will
was pushed by Barrios to accept the position. He
repaired to the frontier, and had the oath of office
administered to him by the alcalde of the little town
of Guarita ; which was considered a strange proceed-
ing on his part by Senator Jose Maria Medina, who
had received the executive office from J. F. Montes,^^
and invited him to the capital to enter upon his
duties. ^^ Castellanos concluded soon after an alliance
offensive and defensive with Barrios, and at a time
when their states were at peace with the other gov-
ernments of Central America. This step, and the
diatribes of the press in Salvador and Honduras
^8 Decree of Jan. 5, 1861. La Union de Nic, Feb. 2, March 9, May 25, 1861.
^^ Chiefly in Nacaome and Choluteca.
^ Nic, Boletin OJic, Jan. 25, March 22, 1862. This deed was said by the
enemies of Pres. Barrios of Salv. to have been instigated by him. Id., Boletin
Pueb., July 11, 1863. There was no ground for the charge. The govern-
ment of Guat. proposed to other states to recognize no administration of Hon-
duras until the criminals, who had been arrested, should suffer punishment.
Costa i?., In/orme Bel, 1862, 24.
®^ Nic. despatched P. Zeledon as mediator, but the motives of his gov. were
bitterly denounced by the press of Comayagua.
^2 Feb. 4, 1862. Mc, Boletin Ofic, March 22, 1862.
^^ Castellanos declined going to the capital, and Medina went to his resi-
dence and formally surrendered the executive authority to him.
BRIEF REIGNS. 325
against the governments of Guatemala and Nicarag^ua,
paved the way for fresh troubles in Central America.
Castellanos held the government about ten months,
nearly all the time in a turmoil ; and at his death was
temporarily succeeded by Jose Francisco Montes,
who followed in the footsteps of his predecessor, con-
tinuing the alliance with Barrios, and hostilities against
Guatemala and Nicaragua. The serviles, assisted by
the troops of these two states, being victorious, over-
threw him, and on the 21st of June, 1863, placed at
the head of affairs, as provisional president of the
repubhc of Honduras, the senior senator, Jose Maria
Medina,^"* who issued a decree of outlawry against
Montes. ^^ In December the capital was for a time
transferred to Gracias, and on the last day of the
same month Medina surrendered the executive office
to Francisco Inestroza.^^ On the 15th of February
of the following year, the presidential election took
place, and Medina and Florencio Xatruch appeared
to have obtained the popular suffrages, the former
for president and the latter for vice-president.^^
Disturbances at Olancho were with little difficulty
brought to an end, the rebels being defeated at Tapes-
cos. A constituent assembly was convoked and met
to reform the constitution, which was done on the 19th
of September. ^^ On the 29th of October, the constit-
uent assembly just prior to adjournment appointed
^* This was the result of the defeat of the troops of Salv. and Hond. by
the forces of Guat. and Nic. on the plain of Santa Rosa.
^^ This decree is signed by Medina as ' presidente de la reptiblica de Hon-
duras,' July 20, and rescinded Sept. 8, 1863. Nic, Boletin Pueb., Aug. 9, Oct.
9, 1863.
*^His senatorial term having expired. Nic, Gaceta, Feb. 13, 1864.
^"^ The election of Xatruch was afterward declared unconstitutional, Feb,
26, 1865. Nic, Gaceta, April 1, 1865.
^^Its sittings lasted from Sept. 7th to Oct. 29th. The sovereignty of the
Eeople was recognized. The catholic, any other kind of public worship
eing forbidden, was declared the state religion. The executive authority
was vested in a president for four years, with a council of state consisting of
his two ministers, one senator chosen by both houses of the assembly, and
the chief justice. The legislative power rested in a senate and house of
deputies. The existing political division of the republic was left unchanged.
Id., Nov. 11, 1865; Cam'p's Year-Book, 1869, 527; The Am. Cyclop., viii. 790.
326 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
Medina provisional president,^^ the date for the elec-
tion of the constitutional one being fixed on the 1st
of December. Another decree of the same date
granted a fall amnesty for all political offences com-
mitted since February 4, 1848.
^' He had temporarily, pleading ill health, left the executive in the hands
of Crescendo Gomez. The assembly appointed, as substitutes of Medina,
Satumino Bogran, C. Gomez, and Francisco Medina.
;UNI7ERSITy:
CHAPTEK XYI.
WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
1855-1856.
Kinney's Expedition — William Walker Joins the Democrats — Failure
OF HIS Expedition to Rivas — Cholera Decimates the Legitimists
AT Managua — Death of Munoz — Walker's Victories at La Virgen
AND Granada — Execution of Minister Mayorga — Walker's Con-
vention with Corral — Provisional Government Organized — Presi-
dent Patricio Rivas — Commander of the Forces, Walker — Minister
OF War Corral Put to Death for Treason — Recognition by Sal-
vador AND Honduras — Seizure of the Transit Company's Steam-
ers— Costa Ricans on the War-path — Havoc of Cholera.
Certain men of the United States, with ideas sr ^e-
what warped in regard to the relative rights c ^n-
ity, now come forward, as in the Hne of the; ,
to interfere in the affairs of their neighV '^
legitimist government of Nicaragua, in Ma^ leJt
certain of ultimate triumph over its democrat. ro-
tten ts at Leon. Circumstances seemed to point that
way, when the infusion of this foreign element at this
time came to defeat all preconceived plans.
News arrived from the United States of the organi-
zation in New York, Philadelphia, and Washington,
by H. L. Kinney, Fabens, American commercial agent
at San Juan del Norte, and others, of an expedition
ostensibly to establish a colony on the Mosquito Coast
for the purpose of developing its resources, but really
designed to overthrow the governments of Central
America, and usurp sovereignty over the whole coun-
try.^ Remonstrances against the scheme were duly
^ Also with the view of extending the area of African slavery, as had been
successfully carried out in Texas.
/ 327 )
328 WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
made to the American govermnent, which partially
succeeded in their purpose. However, the project
was not exactly the source of the dire calamities that
were erelong to befall Nicaragua.^ The real danger
lay in another direction, to explain which I must go
back in ni}^ narrative to previous events. An Amer-'
ican named Byron Cole, who had conceived plans with
respect to Central America, and was well informed on
her affairs, arrived at Leon, in August 1854, when
the democratic leaders became convinced that they
could not take Granada. They entered into a con-
tract with him to bring an expedition of foreigners,
under the garb of colonists, who should receive grants
. of land.^ Cole transferred his contract to William
1 Walker, who at once set to work in organizing the ex-
pedition.* He sailed from San Francisco, California,
May 4, 1855, on the brig Vesta, with 58 men,^ touched
at Amapala to meet Captain Morton, Castellon's
agent, and on the 13th of June reached Realejo, where
he received the greetings of the government he was
2 The expedition was antagonized by the Transit company, and arrested
by the authorities of the U. S. as a violation of their neutrality laws. Kin-
ney reached San Juan del Norte, after some mishaps, with only a few follow-
ers, and was unable to do any serious injury to Cent. Am. Costa B., Inf. Eel.,
1858, 4-6; Id., Boktin Ofic, March 16, 1854; Nic, Doc. Dipl. Hist, 15-58.
His arrival was after the destruction of the town by the U. S. sloop of war
Cyane, and infused new energy into the inhabitants. At a public meeting
held on the 6th of Sept., 1855, the necessity of establishing a provisional gov-
ernment for the maintenance of peace and order was recognized, and Kinney
was chosen civil and military governor to rule by and with the advice of a
council composed of five persons. Among the resolutions was one adopting
as a basis to regulate the action of the govt, the former constitution of San
Juan del Norte, or Greytown, which was modelled after that of the U. S. with
a few exceptions. Kinney did not hold the position long. He was disap-
pointed in his expectations, and resigned; he afterward visited Granada, and
at William Walker's instance an order of expulsion was issued against him.
Stout's Nic, 177-82; S. F. Alta, Oct. 3, 1855; S. F. Golden Era, March 9, 1856.
^ Jerez had made a similar arrangement at Jalteva with one Fisher, to
bring 500 men; and Gov. Espinosa of Rivas stipulated with Hornsby and De
Brissot for the capture of Fort San Juan from the legitimists. These parties
tendered their contracts to William Walker, the so-called ex-president of
Sonora, who would not accept them.
* Under the contract the so-called colonists were to arrive at Realejo in
Feb. or March 1855, and the time having elapsed, Castellon wrote Walker
Apr. 9th authorizing him to land at that port ' la gente y municiones, d tren de
guerra que V. traiga a disposicion del gobierno provisorio. ' Perez, Mem. Hist.
Mev. Nic, 136-7; Sac Union, Feb. 15, 1855.
^ El Nicaragilense, Aug. 3, 1856; S. F. Alta, May 5, 1855.
DEFEAT AT RIVAS. 329
to serve from Lieutenant-colonel Felix Ramirez.^ At
Leon he refused to serve under General Munoz/ He
was made a colonel of the Nicaraguan army, and witJi
55 foreigners and 100 natives was despatched to the
department of Rivas, having in his com^pany colonels
Ramirez and Mendez, and Maximo Espinosa, the last-
named going there as prefect. Munoz at once informed
Corral of the movement, and the town of Rivas was
reenforced and prepared for defence. Walker obtained
some advantages at first, on the 29th of June, but
being assailed on his left by Colonel Argliello, his
foreigners were dispersed, and Ramirez' native force
fled, and entered Costa Rican territory.^ Walker and
* William Walker was born in Nashville, Tenn., in 1824, being of Scotch
descent. After receiving a classical education, he studied law, and later fol-
lowed the medical profession for a time in Philadelphia. He then travelled
in Europe one year, and on his return was connected with some of the impor-
tant newspapers of the country, north, south, and west. Tiring of that, he
successfully practised law in Marysville, Cal. In 1852 he visited Guaymas,
and from the operations of Count Raousset, conceived the plan of creating
with adventurers from California independent republics in some of the
sparsely populated territories of Mexico. Hence his expeditions to Sonora
and Lower Cal., of which I give full accounts in my vol. on the northwestern
states of Mex. Few persons, unacquainted with Walker, would suspect the
presence of so much ability and energy beneath his plain exterior. He was
but little more than 5 ft. 4 in. in height, with a rather dull and slow ap-
pearance; a man of few words, though an attentive listener, his aspect was
that of a serious, thoughtful person. A remarkable feature of his face was a
deep, intensely brilliant blue-gray eye, large and intelligent. Sincere and
devoted to his friends, says a devoted adherent, his enmity, though not
violent, was not easily appeased. He was indifferent to personal ease and
comfort, and to the acquisition of wealth. Wells' Walker s Exped., 21-3, 199-
201. He was not incapable of lofty conceptions, and possessed courage and
abnegation; but there was little of what might be called genius about him,
though his mind was sufficiently unbalanced in certain directions to give him
a title to that distinction. He wished to be a great man like Csesar or Napo-
leon, but the elements of that quality of greatness were absent. He might
have carved for himself a career of honor and usefulness, but for the restless
ambition that possessed him to attain a place among the notabilities of the
world, even by a disregard of law and justice. The idea of manifest destiny,
so prevalent among his countrymen, which implied the conquest of the Latin
race in America by the Anglo-Saxon, afforded him, as he imagined, the oppor-
tunity for attaining the coveted renown, and at the same time securing,
through his instrumentality, the future happiness of Spanish America. But
unfortunately for him, he committed, at the inception of his career in Nic,
acts which alienated him the men who had invited him to cooperate in the
consolidation of democratic principles; and some of his later measures, what-
ever may be thought of his earlier ones, savored of recklessness, and of disre-
gard for the good opinion of mankind.
^ Munoz had openly opposed all interference of foreigners in the affairs of
Nic.
*They afterward returned to Leon, via Realejo, to continue serving. The
legitimists had many killed and wounded, among the first being Col E. Ar-
330 WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
his phalanx reached San Juan del Sur, whence they
returned to Realejo on the brig San Jose;^ and shortly
after, Estrada, the legitimist president, went to Mana-
gua in June, staying there until early in July, when the
first cases of cholera occurred. ^^ The mortality in
Managua from the epidemic was greater than in any
other town, owing to the concentration of troops there.
The army which had been organized for assailing Leon
was destroyed within a few days; and only a small
body of officers of all grades, some of them in a dying
condition, transferred themselves to Granada, entirely
abandoning Managua. The epidemic was still doing
its work, when the action of El Sauce took place on
the 1 8th of August, between forces respectively com-
manded by Guardiola and Munoz, in which the former
were defeated, and abandoned the place to their assail-
ants; but just as success was crowning democratic
efforts, Munoz was killed by a bullet entering his side.^^
The victors, now under Colonel Sarria, did not pursue
the enemy, but resolutely countermarched to Leon,
and meeting Jerez on the road, who wished to lead
them against the legitimists, they refused to follow
him.
Another expedition under Walker, composed of 50
foreigners and 120 natives, whose immediate chief was
giiello and F. Elizondo. Of Walker's foreign force, Col Achilles Kewen,
Maj. Crockett, and eight others were killed, and 12 wounded. Wells' Walker's
Exped., 52; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 138; S. F. Alta, July 16, Aug. 14,
1855; Astahuruaga, Cent. Am., 88; Belly, Nic., i. 271; Ferrer de Conto, Guest,
de Mij., 155.
^ In his official report of the affair Walker laid the blame for his ill success
on Munoz, who had apprised Corral of the intended operations, and had in-
duced Ramirez to forsake him during the action. He demanded an investiga-
tion into Munoz' conduct, and if it were not granted he would quit the service.
Castellon informed him in reply that in the present critical condition of the
democratic cause it was unadvisable to displease Munoz. After much cor-
respondence and negotiation. Walker agreed to continue his services.
^•^ Cholera spread rapidly throughout the country, causing great havoc
everywhere.
^^ Munoz' death never was attributed to the enemy's bullets. It was a
regular case of assassination resulting from intrigues in his own party to rid
themselves of him. The assassin was a young Honduran named Jose Maria
Herrera, who later deserted from Walker's ranks, and being arrested and
sentenced to death, confessed that he had killed Munoz, A Nicaraguan
named Santa Maria, who was shot at San Jorge in 1857, seems to have been
an accomplice. Perez, Mem, Hist. Rev. Nic, 141-3
SAN JUAN DEL SUR EXPEDITION. 331
J. M. Valle, alias El Chelon, sailed from Realejo on
the 23d of August, and landed at San Juan del Sur
on the 29th, his main object being to take up a posi-
tion on the transit route between the two oceans.
The news of his landing reached Granada on Guar-
diola's return from his ill-fated fight at El Sauce.
Guardiola went to Rivas, and assuming command of
500 men, in the night between the 2d and 3d of Sep-
tember, marched against Walker. Once on the main
road he heard that the latter had gone to La Virgen,
on Lake Nicaragua, and rapidly countermarched to
that place, expecting to surprise the enemy. But he
made the mistake of attacking an opponent whom he
could not see, and in a little while his men became
dispersed, and hurried back to Rivas. This may be
said to have been the end of Guard iola's career in
Nicaragua. ^^ Corral was now placed in command of
the legitimist forces in the south.
Castellon, the head of the democratic government,
died of cholera on the 2d of September, and Senator
Nazario Escoto was called to succeed him.
Walker's force, after his victory at La Virgen,
became greatly augmented with native democrats. ^^
His movement on La Virgen was intended to show
that he had a sufficient force to take the offensive.
After the action he returned to San Juan del Sur,
where he received from Corral a paper hinting at a
desire to enter into confidential relations with him, to
which he paid no attention. His plan was to make a
dash upon and occupy the legitimist seat of govern-
ment, the battered city of Granada.^* In furtherance
^2 He was suspected of treachery. He had displeased the officers by his
coarseness, and had spread terror among the troops with his exaggerated
reports of Yankee valor and skill with fire-arms. Id., 145; Wells' Walker's
Bxped., 55-8; S. F. Herald, Oct. 10, 1855; Id., Alta, Oct. 10, 1855; Sac.
Union, Oct. 19, 1855.
^^ He was joined by such men as T., C, and Daniel Canton, Max. Espinosa,
and Ramon Umana. The last named brought troops and supplies from Leon.
^^In the early part of Sept., Gen. Josd M. Ballestero, Munoz' successor,
had sent two companies in the direction of Managua, who were undone by
Col Tomas Martinez with 200 men; on the 12th Gen. Pineda marched after-
ward with a double force against the legitimists, but failed to meet them.
332 WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
of which Espinosa was despatched to Leon to ask the
government for a diversion toward Managua, so as to
draw resources away from Granada. General Pineda
was accordingly stationed with a respectable force in
Pueblo Nuevo. The legitimists, under General Her-
nandez, attacked Pineda on the 11th of October, de-
feated and drove him out of the place, after which he
demanded of the government at Leon the surrender
of the town, together with its garrison and military
stores, as the only means of averting the bloodshed
which must follow any attempt at resistance. The
democrats suffered reverse, but Walker gained his
point. Granada was left with a weak garrison. He
had a force of 250 natives and about 80 Americans,
with which he left San Juan at daybreak on the 11th
of October, arriving at La Virgen early the same
morning. In the afternoon Colonel Hornsby seized
the steamboat Virgen^ and the next morning the
troops were embarked and informed that their destina-
tion was Granada. They affected a landing at 3
o'clock in the morning of the 13th, and took Granada
with little resistance from the insignificant civic guard
which constituted the garrison. ^^ The place was
taken before a majority of the inhabitants knew who
their visitors were. President Estrada, and the min-
isters Nicasio Castillo and Francisco Barberena, saved
themselves on foot in different directions, which
the other ministers, Mayorga and Puiz, failed to do.
The fact is, that persons who did not get away at the
moment of the invasion found themselves unable to
do so, and at the mercy of the en^my. Walker, how*
ever, checked the abuses of his soldiery, and liberated
nearly 100 political prisoners, who had been kept in
chains and at hard labor, and who now joined his
banner to a man. He next issued a proclamation
guaranteeing the lives, liberty, and pi|;operty of legiti-
mists promising to be peaceable. ^^
^^ Corral was in Rivas with his numerous army. Fulgencio Vega, the
comandante of Granada, who was hated by the democrats as the author of
persecutions, hid himself and was not discovered.
^^ The legitimists who were pent up in the city tendered their allegiance,
ATTITUDE OF THE BELLIGERENTS. 333
Walker now manifested a disposition to treat with
Corral, who had prepared five hundred men for an^
attempt to recover Granada. Juan J. Kuiz, Estrada's
minister of war, was despatched by water in company
with John H. Wheeler, the American minister, to
convey a message to Corral at Rivas ; but on finding
that the legitimist general had gone off to the eastern
department, he escaped into Costa Rica. Another
commission went by land, and meeting the legitimist
army near Nandainie, communicated to the general
Walker's message to this effect : peace, on the condi-
tion that the two leaders should govern the republic,
Corral as president, and Walker as commander of the
forces. ^^ The proposition was not accepted. The ex-
pedition which had been prepared for an effort to re-
cuperate Granada finally went to Masaya, where the
legitimist government became organized, with Presi-
dent Estrada, and his ministers, Castillo and Barbe-
rena.
The officers who had won the victory at Pueblo
Niievo, fearing that their country would become a
prey to the foreign adventurers, proposed to Escoto's
government a fusion of the parties, to drive Walker
and his myrmidons out of the country. This effort
failed. ^^ Walker and Valle, for their successful cam-
paign in the south, were on the 2 2d of October pro-
moted to brigadier-general. The first named, angered
by Corral's refusal to accept his proposals, and ignoring
his own pledges to the prisoners taken at Granada,
reduced to close confinement some of the most promi-
among them the minister Mayorga. There were others who volunteered their
cooperation; among them the naturalized citizens Charles and Emile Thomas,
Fermin Ferrer, a wealthy citizen, and the beloved and respected clergyman,
Agustin Vigil, noted for his virtues, learning, and eloquence, who from the
pulpit galled Walker the 'angel tutelar de Nicaragua,' or the north star
that was to guide Nic. to her advancement. Wells' Walkers Exped., CI -5;
Pei-ez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 150-1; Belly, Nic, i. 271-2; Astabumaga, Cent.
Am., 89.
^^ The commissioners were Sebastian Escobar, Jose Argtiello Arce, Hilario
Salva, and R. Vives. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 152.
^^ The commissioners, Rosalio Cortes and Ramon Marenco, were impris-
oned in irons at Leon.
334 WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
nent, among them the ex-minister Mayorga/^ where-
upon a commission, composed of the Frenchman Pierre
Rouhaud of Granada, and Fermin Arana, represented
to Corral the necessity of his coming to amicable
arrangement with Walker, but he declined a second
time. Meanwhile an incident occurred which greatly
ao-gravated the evils of the situation. Parker H.
French ^^ brought fifty men to Walker from California,
who, under a so-called Colonel Fry, were to capture
Fort San Cdrlos, which they failed to do. The steamer
then returned to Granada to leave the recruits, and to
La Yirgen to land the rest of the passengers. This
was done just as some legitimist troops, under Captain
F. Gutierrez, arrived. Gutierrez asserted that he had
been fired upon from the house of the Transit com-
pany, and returned the fire, keeping it up till hostili-
ties from the other side ceased. The result was, that
two or three passengers from the United States were
killed. The San Cdrlos also fired shots at the river
steamer on her return from the north with passengers,
a gun killing a woman and child. ^^ This news reactfed
Granada together with Corral's second refusal. Walker
then resolved upon retaliation, to avenge the slain of
San Carlos and La Virgen, and to frighten the legiti-
mists into accepting terms of compromise. Mayorga,
a young man of twenty-nine, generally esteemed for
his fine qualities, was the chosen victim, and shot in
the morning of the 23d.^^ Rouhaud and Arana went
on the 2 2d to Masaya, reporting Mayorga's fate, and
urging the absolute necessity of disarming Walker's
wrath to avert greater calamities. ^^ Added to their
^^ This person took asylum in the house of U. S. Minister Wheeler, who
assured him that he was under the protection of the U. S. flag. But aa
Wheeler was mixed [up in filibustering schemes, he broke his pledge and
surrendered Mayorga. PereZy Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 157.
2® An American, who had been the recipient in Granada of many marks of
consideration.
21 Walker's organ gave a list of killed and wounded. El Nicaragilense, Nov.
17, 1855; 8. F. Herald, Nov. 4, 1855; S. F. Bulletin, Nov. 5, 1855.
22 It is claimed that he had been tried for treason by a court-martial of
native officers. Wells' Walker's Exped., 77.
2^ They reported, as coming from Walker, that he was resolved to shoot
all the prisoners if he did not receive at 9 p. M. a satisfactory answer respect-
ing arrangements. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 159; Belly, Le Nicaragua, 273.
ASCENDENCY OF THE FILIBUSTER. 335
statement was a petition from the prisoners in favor
of peace, and the alarming news that four hundred
more riflemen had arrived to swell Walker's army.
The legitimist authorities concluded then to negotiate
for peace, and sent Corral to Granada on the 23d for
that purpose, which was tantamount to a capitulation.
The chief clauses agreed upon between him and Walker
were : suspension of hostilities ; recognition of Patricio
Kivas as provisional president; and reorganization of
the two contending forces into one army, with Walker
as its commander-in-chief.^^ Corral returned to Ma-
saya, and Estrada, submitting to the force of circum-
stances, approved it, though his army was disposed to
disregard the capitulation.^^ However, he filed a
2* Walker claimed to have powers, and Corral was * facultado omnimoda-
mente.' The following is a synopsis of the convention: 1st. Peace and
friendship between the contending parties; 2d. Patricio Rivas to be president
for 14 months, unless he should resolve, with the advice of his ministers, to
order elections before the expiration of that term; 3d. The president is to
have four ministers, namely, for war, relations, treasury, and pub. credit;
4th. Govt to respect and cause to be respected chapters 2d, 3d, and 4th,
and clauses 2d and 3d of the general regulations of the constitution of 1838;
5th. General forgetfulness of and amnesty for past political offences; 6th.
Debts incurred by both belligerents to be recognized by the govt; 7th. Mili-
tary grades of both belligerents to be recognized; 8th. All persons desirous
of leaving the republic may freely do so, with full guaranty of persons and
estates; 9th. The French legion may continue in service by becoming Nica-
raguan; 10th. Walker to order the force in front of Managua to retire at once
to Leon, reducing it to 150 men; after which Corral should reduce the force
in Managua to 100, under Gen. Martinez, and that in Masaya to 50, under
Col Lino Cesar, or some other honorable officer; 11th. The Rivas force will
remain under Gen. Florencio Xatruch; 12th. The govts existing in Nic. to
cease acting upon being notified of this arrangement by the respective gen-
erals; any one refusing to comply was to be treated as a disturber of the
peace. Additional articles: 1st. Twenty-four hours after Rivas' arrival in
Granada, Corral's army from Masaya was to enter Granada, and together with
Walker's, escort the president and the two generals to church to return
thanks to God for the restoration of peace. Walker to be the general-in-chief
of the army, appointed by a special decree. Corral should surrender the
command, arms, etc., unless otherwise ordered by the new govt; 2d. The
govt must reside in Granada; 3d. The army was to use no other badge than
a blue ribbon, with the inscription Nicaragua Independiente. Id., 161-4; El
IHcarafjilense, Oct. 27, 1855; Nic, Bolet'm OJic, Apr. 9, 1856; Guat., Gaceta,
Nov. 16, 1855; Stmies Mc, 182; S. F. AUa, Nov. 17, 1855; Wells' Walkers
Exjped., 11 SQ', Guat, Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1855.
^^ A plan had been formed to proclaim Martinez their general, and to
march against Granada, but the principal chiefs discountenanced it. Corral
assured the troops that their former enemies were now friends and brothers,
recommending strict discipline * so pena de ser pasado por las armas el que
de cualquiera manera violase la amistad y ali anza prometidas.' Perez, Mem.
Hist. Rev. Nic, 166-7.
336 WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
protest declaring that the arrangement had been forced
upon him, and therefore void.^^ He called on the
other governments to come, without further invita-
tion, and "save- the independence, sovereignty, and lib-
erties of Nicaragua; and to that effect appointed
commissioners with unlimited powers^'' to conclude
adequate treaties. The fall of Cabanas in Honduras
opened an opportunity in that direction. Estrada dis-
solved his government October 28th, and departed for
Chontales, but soon after had to take refuge in Hon-
duras.
Fermin Ferrer and Valle, alias El Chelon, were de-
spatched as commissioners to obtain the assent of the
government at Leon to the convention of October 23d,
which, in view of Walker s rebellion, was given only
after some hesitation. ^^ A commission was despatched
to Walker to thank him for his services, which had
made possible a peace, and to authorize him to ratify
the arrangement. After which the government, Octo-
ber 28th, dissolved itself. The commissioners^^ arrived
at Granada on the 31st, and found there the provis-
ional president, Patricio Rivas,^^ who had arrived
from San Juan del Norte on the 30th, and occupied
the presidential chair. He had at first appointed
Corral minister of war, Walker general of division
and in chief of the forces, and Norberto Ramirez
minister of relations. Corral was pleased with this
arrangement, as Rivas was disposed to rely on him; but
Walker became suspicious, and the result was that,
Corral's opposition notwithstanding, Rivas was made
a blind tool of Walker, and in obedience to orders ap-
2^ * Cedl Tinicamente al imperio de las circunstancias, Sin tener libre volun-
tad para ello.' Nic, Boletin OJic, May 29, 1856.
'^"^ Sacaza, Duenas, Pedro J. Chamorro, and two others.
2^ Norberto Ramirez, who favored its ratification as the least of two evils,
said in the council: *I know that we have before us two abysms; one close
by, and the other a little farther oflf: that the disapproval of the treaty car-
ries us to the nearest one, and its approval to the other somewhat more
distant.' His advice was followed. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 168.
2^ Maximo Jerez, B. Selva, A. Orozco, Rafael Jerez, Justo Lugo, P. Fon-
seca, and Jos6 Salinas.
^^ Rivas was reputed an honorable, firm, and enlightened man. He had
repeatedly been a candidate of the conservatives for the executive ofiice.
MURDEROUS PROCEEDINGS 337
pointed a new cabinet with a majority of democrats;
namely, Mdximo Jerez, of relations; Fermin Ferrer,
of public credit; Parker H. French, of the treasury;
Corral retaining the war portfolio. The latter now
saw the abyss his weakness had thrown him into.
The man who, ignoring the duty he owed his cause,
threatened with death any one proposing to him plans
against Walker, now writes Martinez, coraandante at
Managua, that all is lost, and he, Martinez, must take
some steps to save the country. With this letter were
enclosed others to the same effect addressed to generals
Guardiola and Pedro Xatruch, who had returned to
Honduras.^^ These letters went into the hands of
Walker,^^ who at once called to his presence the legiti-
mists then in the city to forbid the departure of any of
them, and laid the letters before Pivas and his cabinet.
Corral acknowledged the authorship, declaring that
he was solely responsible for them. It was then de-
cided to confine in prison Corral and his chief sup-
porters. This was on the 5th of November, the day
after Corral's troops had been, without any previous
notice, disarmed.^^ On the 6th, it was decreed that
Corral should be dealt with as a traitor and tried by
court-martial, which was done in the presence and
with the approval of the government, notwithstanding
its illegality. ^^ The trial took place, and the prisoner
was sentenced to death.^^ The prisoner's family used
the utmost exertions to have the sentence revoked,
^^ To Xatruch he said, ' Nosotros estamos muy mal, muy mal, muy mal.
Acuerdese de sus amigos. Ellos me han dejado egta pesada carga y espero
su socorro.' To Guardiola, Nov. 1st: 'It is necessary that you write our
friends of the peril we are in, and that they must go actively to work. If
there is a delay of two months, it will then be too late. Think of us and of
your offers. . .Nicaragua, Honduras, San Salvador, and Guatemala will be lost
if they allow this to assume proportions; let them come quickly if they ex-
pect to find auxilaries.
2^ Benito Lagos, the man to whom they were intrusted for delivery, took
them to Granada and gave them to Valle, who surrendered them to Walker.
3^ Walker had, after adopting precautions against resistance, naade them
stack their arms in the plaza, and disperse.
^*It was a violation of the constitution of 1838, and of the laws. Corral,
as a minister, could not be tried without a prior impeachment, and only by
the senate; and as a private citizen, by the common courts.
^^Homsby was president of the court; Fry, auditor or judge-advocate;
French, counsel for the prisoner; and Charles Thomas, interpreter.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 22
3:J8 WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IX NICARAGUA.
but Walker was inflexible, and the penalty was inflicted
on the 8tli of November,"^ causing the utmost con-
sternation in the native community. The portfolio
of war was given to Selva by a decree of November
5tli. Valle went to Managua to place Pascual Fon-
seca in command, vice Martinez, and to report if the
latter made any resistance, in which event Walker
would have shot his legitimist prisoners. But as none
was oflered, Martinez having had timely warning,
Walker had them released.^'
Walker was now master of Nicaragua. As a
matter of fact, the secondary leaders were scattered
and powerless, and but for the execution of Corral,
and the wanton imprisonment of subordinate officials
and private citizens, the conservative party would
have submitted with a good grace to the new order of
things, if pledged security of life and property. It is
undeniable that the legitimists feared the Yankees ^^
less than they did the native democrats. Walker pre-
tended a great respect for religion, without whose
support, he said, no government could have stability. ^^
He succeeded in borrowing from the vicar 963 ounces
of fine silver belonging to the church; and it is evi-
dent that he placed great reliance on a numerous
foreign immigration to keep his ranks well filled.^^ A
decree was issued at this time by the government,
and published in its official journal, which might be
called one for the confiscation of the property of ab-
2^ He died bravely, Father Vigil attending him to the scaffold. He was
shot by a squad of American riflemen, commanded by Lieut-col C. H. Gil-
man. AstaJmruaga, CeM. Am., 91; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 171-3; Stout's
\Mc., Id7 -8; Wells' Walker's Exped.y 92-4.
^^ As opportunity occurred, they all ran away, some to the mountains, and
olliers to the neighboring states to work in saving their country from the
ruthless foreign sway.
^^ Yar.kees, so called, were all foreigners, of whatever nationality, serving
with Walker.
^'^Jose Hilario Herdocia, vicario capitular, having addressed him a con-
gratulatory letter, he answered that * el tenior de Dios es el fundamento de
toda organizaeion politica y social.'
*" His contract with Castellon authorized him only to bring 300 immi-
grants; but he soon obtained leave to augment his forces, and to enlist men
as best he could. A decree published Nov. 23, 1855, offered 250 acres of land
to each immigrant, and 100 more to each family. The title deed was to be
issued six months after arrival. Fabens was named director of colonization.
RELATIONS, DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN. 339
sentees, who were required to return to their homes
under heavy pecuniary penalties, collectible without
any previous legal process/^
The exiles who reached Honduras ^^ endeavored to
obtain help from the government, but Guardiola, now
chief of the state, declined giving any, and in fact
permitted no hostile words against Walker or the
Yankees. Cabanas had come to Granada for aid to
recover his lost position/^ which alarmed Guardiola,
who despatched Manuel Colindres with the ostensible
mission of negotiating a treaty of frendship with the
government, but really to watch Cabanas. Colindres
announced himself from Yuscaran, but on reaching
Leon, and ascertaining that Cabanas got no assistance,
went back pleading fear of the cholera, which was
doing havoc in the foreign force; but the recognition
by his government was already accomplished. The
cabinet of San Salvador also returned a satisfactory
answer to a circular from Nicaragua.** Guatemala
apparently inclined toward neutrality, until Estrada
applied to Carrera for assistance, and was told that
he would be recognized as the legitimate president of
Nicaragua, but must first establish his government
somewhere.*^ Estrada, being unable to set it up in
Honduras, asked for 50 men to escort him to Nueva
Segovia in Nicaragua, but did not get them, though
he laid before Guardiola the letters from Carrera and
Pedro de Aycinena In Costa Rica, the situation of
Nicaragua was differently viewed. President Mora
despatched Nazario Toledo to Guatemala to* arrange
*^ Art. 1st required the return of those sojourning in the republic within
15 days, and of those who were abroad within one month. Art. 2d imposed
fines ranging from $50 to $10,000 on such as failed to obey, kl Nicaraguensey
Nov. 17, 1855.
*2 Among them Pres. Estrada, Gen. Martinez, and Col Fulgencio Vega.
*^ Homsby went to Managua in the early part of December, and brought
him to Granada, where he was treated as the guest of the nation.
"Diplomatic correspondence of the Salv. and Hond. govts Nov. 22 and
28, 1855, in El Nicaragiiense, Jan. 5, 1856.
*•" * Aunque sea en un rincon de Honduras. ' Estrada well knew this waa
illegal; but following the advice, he applied to Guardiola for permission, and
it was refused him.
340 WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
for concerted action against Walker/^ Mora in an
energetic proclamation asked the people to prepare for
the defence of their lives and property at a moment's
call/^ Walker watched the conduct of Costa Rica,
believing it prompted by British influence mainly
against the United States. Kivas' relations with the
cabinet of Washington were not encouraging. It is true
that Wheeler, the American minister, had prematurely
recognized him, but he had not been upheld in it by his
government. Parker H. French, being accredited in
November 1855 as minister at Washington with pow-
ers to negotiate a treaty, was not received in any dip-
lomatic capacity. ^^ He was thereupon recalled, and
diplomatic relations were discontinued with Wheeler. ^^
President Pierce issued a proclamation against the
departure from the United States of filibustering expe-
ditions, which were declared disgraceful and criminal.
Cabanas, in whose behalf Jerez had used his best en-
deavors, having been refused by the government any
aid,^^ retired to Salvador,^^ and Jerez resigned his port-
folio on the 8th of January, 1856. Soon after, the
cabinet was reduced to one, Fermin Ferrer, who
served as ministro general.
Walker now endeavored to gain the good-will and
*^ Though the Costa Ricans had a cordon sanitaire to prevent intercourse
with cholera-stricken Nic, Gen. Canas received orders to furnish resources to
Gen. Florencio Xatruch, and other officials of the dept of Rivas, who fled to
Costa Rica on hearing of Corral's execution.
*• Bishop Llorente also warned them that their religion was in peril.
*^Sec. of state Marcy wrote Dec. 21st, in answer to his communication of
the 12th, that the president saw as yet no reason to hold diplomatic inter-
course with the persons ' who now claim to exercise the political power in the
state of Nicaragua.' He said that the persons chiefly instrumental in over-
throwing the former govt were not citizens of Nic, *nor have those citizens,
or any considerable part of them, so far as is now known here, freely expressed
their approval of, or acquiescence in, the present condition of political aflairs
in Nicaragua.'
*^ Wheeler was told, however, by the foreign minister of Nic. that though
official relations M^ere suspended, the utmost good feeling existed toward him.
El Nicaraguense, Feb. 2, 1856.
^ The assistance would have been given him' but for Walker, * no manda-
ban los democraticos, sino Walker.' It was not for Walker's interest just
then to engage in hostilities against any neighboring power. Perez, Mem.
Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 21.
^^ He exerted himself there in promoting action for the expulsion of
Walker from Cent. Am.
SEIZURE OF STEAMSHIP PROPERTY. 341
cooperation of the legitimist party, but liis intrigues,
cajolings, and even threats failed to secure the desired
effect/' The legitimists saw in Walker's disagree-
ment with the democrats their opportunity to bring
about the fusion of all Nicaraguans against the com-
mon enemy ; but both Walker and the democrats con-
cluded that they must work together for their mutual
safety; hence the removal of the capital to Leon/^
Walker now committed one of the greatest blunders
of his life in quarrelling with the founders and chief
men of the Accessory Transit Company, whose ships
had brought him much to recruit his needed men
and military supplies/^ He and Edmund Randolph,
after studying the company's contracts made in 1851,
arrived at the conclusion that there were good reasons
to revoke their charter and acts of incorjjoration, and
to make a grant to other parties/^ This was secretly
done without communicating their plans to President
Hivas or his cabinet After completing their arrange-
ments in New York, Walker and Randolph drew up
a decree suppressing the Accessory Transit Company,
which was laid before Rivas, who issued it on the
18th of February, 1856. On the following day he, in
obedience to Walker's command, signed a new char-
ter in favor of Randolph.^' Cleto Mayorga, E. T. C.
Kewen. and Georsfe F. Alden were appointed commis-
^2 His most influential opponent was a small club of conservatives, the
leaders of which were Fernando Guzman, Agustin Avil6s, and Ramon Ale-
gria. Gerdnimo Perez was also a member. Id. , 23-6.
^^ Hermenegildo Zepeda, G. Juarez, and N. Ramirez came from Leon to
Granada to arrange it with Walker, who at once caused the decree to be
issued. This journey brought Ramirez to his death, resulting from a fall,
which broke a leg. He was an able, enlightened man, and had been chief of
Salvador, and also of Nicaragua in 1849.
^^ The govt of Nic. was entitled to a share of the company's receipts, which
it had never succeeded in getting. Chamorro had taken measures to force
the company to pay their indebtedness, but was precluded by the revolu-
tion of 1854. The company was accused of aiding the revolutionists, and of
having afterward encouraged the importation of the filibusters who over-
threw the legitimist govt.
^•^ Randolph, W. R. Garrison, and Macdonald had arrived at Granada
from California, Dec. 17, 1855, bringing upwards of 100 recruits for Walker,
contracted for with Crittenden, his friend and agent.
^^This was done by Rivas, though firmly convinced that it was tanta-
mount to a sale of Nicaragua.
342 M^AI.KER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
sioners to ascertain the amount of the company's in-
debtedness, and to attach their property, all of which
was done with the utmost rapidity .^'^ The transporta-
tion men raised a loud cry, of course, calling upon the
United States government to recover their lake steam-
ers and other valuables; but the attempt was unsuc'
cessful. The company, however, had means which
they brought into the service of the Central Ameri-
cans to compass the destruction of Walker.
Costa Rica had failed to notice the communication
notifying her of the new order of things established
in Nicaragua on the 23d of October, 1855. Walker
now thought the time had come to demand from that
cabinet a frank explanation of its course. ^^ But it
persisted in leaving unanswered the Nicaraguan notes,
and refused to receive Louis Schlessinger, the envoy
sent, who retired threatening war and Walker's resent-
ment.^^ Costa Rica accepted the challenge of war,
President Mora, with the authorization of the legis-
lative body, resolving to carry the arms of the republic
into Nicaragua, and to aid in driving out the foreigners.
War was accordingly declared, the strength of the
army raised to 9,000 men, and a loan levied for ex-
penses.^'^ After surrendering the executive office to
Yice-president Oreamuno, Mora placed himself, on
the 8th of March, at the head of an army about
3,000 strong,*^ and in a few days was in Bagaces, at
^^ Tlie decrees, orders, and editorial comments thereon, in the government's
organ. £Jl Nicaragilense^ Feb. 23, 1856; Astaburucufa, Cent. Am., 97-8; Belli/,
Le Nicaragua, 279-80; Wells' Walker s Exped., 208-15; S. F. Bulletin, March
22, April 10, 1856; 8. F. AUa, March 23, 1856; Sac. Union, March 24, April
25, 1856.
^^ * Para que recabe de aqnel gabinete una franca explicacion sobre la poll-
tica que ha estado observando con respecto al actual Gobierno de Nicaragua.'
M Nicaragilense, Feb. 16, 1856.
^^ Joaquin B. Calvo, min. of relations of Costa R., in his report to congress,
Aug. 11, 1856, speaks of that mission with contempt, 'porque desconocida
aqui la mision del filibustero, se le hizo regresar de la frontera.' Costa H.,
Mem. Bel, 1856, 4.
«^Laws of Feb. 27 and 28, 1856; Costa R., Col. Ley., xiv. 7-14, 16; U. S.
Govt Doc, Cong. 34, Sess. 1, Sen. Doc, 68, 121, 133-i9, vol. xiii.
*^ Nominally; the real commander was a German officer named Baron
Bulow. Peix-z, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 34; Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, no. 8;
WelU Walkers Exped., 169.
COSTA RICA TO THE RESCUE.
343
the extreme end of the guif of Nicoya, ready to cross
the frontier into Nicaragua. Walker, who seemed
to misjudge Costa Rican prowess, sent only 500 men
under Schlessinger, who on the 20th^^ encountered
the enemy's avant guard, and after a few minutes*
fighting were put to flight, losing a quantity of arms
and several killed and wounded. ^^ A number of pris-
oners captured by the Costa Ricans were at once tried
by court-martial and shot.^* Schlessinger with a few
Walker's Expedition.
"■^ Perez, quoted above, 42, gives the 21st. -
^^ According to Costa Ricaii reports, only 480 of their men took part in
the action, the enemy's defeat being the effect of a surprise and a bayonet
charge. Their casualties were set down at 4 officers and 15 soldiers killed.
The filibusters had upwards of 20 slain. Id., 42-5; Salv., Gacefa, Apr. 3-24,
185G; Ale, Boletin Ofic, Apr. 9, 16, 1856. In California the report received
was of 90 killed in the fight and 19 executed. S. F. Alta, May 2, 1856; Belly,
Le Nicaragua, 283; Welk' Walkers Exped., 153-68.
** As armed invaders not serving under the flag of any recognized nation.
CosiM R., Mem. Eel., 1856, 4; Astaburuar/a, Cent. Am., 94. However correct
the logic, it was an imprudent act, as Walker might retaliate on Costa Rican
and other Cent. Am. prisoners. Wheeler, without instructions from the
U. S. govt, took upon himself to officially say to Mora that the execution of
344 WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
men reached Rivas, where Walker had concentrated
his forces, and unsuccessfully tried to exculpate hini-
self^^
The Costa Kicans marched to Rivas, and as they
approached Walker retired on the Transit company's
lake steamers to Granada. Two columns of 300 each
dislodged on the 7 th of April the Nicaraguan garri-
sons left by Walker in La Virgen and San Juan del
Sur, and on the following day the rest of the army
occupied Rivas. But Walker soon came upon them.
Under cover of the thick plantain and cacao plan-
tations, he entered unperceived in the morning of
the 11th. His attack began about 8:30 and lasted
till night. He captured the main plaza, and from
the church and houses kept up a deadly fire on
the enemy, stationed only two blocks away. The
latter fought desperately, till Walker, finding himself
closely pressed by Costa Rican reenforcements from
La Virgen and San Juan del Sur,^ and surrounded
by burning buildings, gave orders for retreat, which
was silently effected under cover of the darkness,
never tarrying till he reached the Gil Gonzalez River.
He left behind a considerable number of rifles, revolv-
ers, and other arms, and about 50 saddled horses,
besides his seriously wounded in the church. The
Costa Rican victory was complete, though at the
expense of heavy casualties.^'' The victors were re-
tliese men was a cold-blooded murder, assuming at the same time that the
men serving under Walker were citizens of his own country. Wells' Walker's
Kcped., 170-5. The fact is that only two or three were natives of the U. S.
^ He was accused of cowardice and even of treachery, and arrested for
trial, but escaping afterward from prison, was sentenced to death as a deserter.
He turned up in Teustepe, where he was allowed to serve in the legitimist
force. Wells' Walker's Exped., 257-8.
^^ Commanded respectively by majors Alfaro Ruiz and Ecalante, and Col
Salvador Mora.
^" * Triunfd completamente sobre ellos, escarmentandolos, y poniendolos
de nuevo en ver gonzoza f uga. ' Costa B., Mem. Rel, 1856, 5. According to
Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 96, the Costa Ricans had 120 killed, and Walker
upwards of 200. Perez, Mem. Camjy. Nac., 2d pt, 48, gives the Costa Rican
casualties to have been 150 killed and 300 wounded; and Walker's 60 killed
and 70 wounded. Wells, claiming a glorious victory for his hero Walker,
says that the Costa Rican loss could not have been less than 600 killed; and
that of the wounded and deserters no precise estimate could be formed.
Walker's loss he sets down at 30 killed and as many wounded. There is nr.
UNSTABLE POWER OF THE PIRATE. 345
lentless toward the first prisoners that fell into their
hands. According to Mora's report, the wounded in
the church were bayoneted, and seventeen others
shot. Walker tried to make out that he had won a
great victory, and the event was celebrated in Granada
with salutes and ringing of bells ; and his government
published that the Costa Ricans had been dispersed
and were in full flight. ^^
Mora expected heavy reenforcements from Punta
Arenas, and had formed the plan, after securing
eastern Nicaragua between the Pacific and the great
lake, and cutting off the transit communication,
already suspended by a general order, to assail
Walker in his stronghold of Granada. He was fur-
ther encouraged in this by news that forces of Salva-
dor and Honduras were already on the western fron-
tier, under Belloso and Xatruch, ready to cooperate
with him. But the breaking out of cholera in his
army, with terrible havoc in its ranks, necessitated the
abandonment of the project for the time. And a re-
port having come of plottings in Costa Rica against
his authority, with his brother Jose Joaquin and his
personal staff, he returned home, leaving General
Canas in command of the remnants of the army, with
orders to send it back to Costa Pica in the most con-
venient manner, which was done, many of the men
being left dead or dying on the march. Canas found
it unavoidable to leave his wounded and sick in Pivas,
and fearing retaliation because of the executions of
prisoners at Santa Posa and Pivas, he wrote Walker
on the 26th of April, recommending these men to his
protection, and proposing an exchange of prisoners, of
honor or profit in such mendacity. Walke7''s Exped., 175-88, 245-7; S. F.
Bulletin, June 2, 3, 1856; S. F. Alta, June 2, 1856; <Sac. Union, June 4, 1856.
Belly, Le Nicaragua, 283^, states that though the battle cost the Costa
Ricans 700 men, ' mais qui fit eprouver de telles pertes k I'envahisseur, qua
dater de ce moment, il perdit confiance dans sa destinee. ' His letter of April
15th to Senator Weller of Cal. proved this.
^^ Minister Salinas' circular Apr. 15, 1856. Nic, Boletin, OJic, Apr. 16,
1856
346 WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
whom he had twenty, according to the usages of war.
This letter had the desired effect. ^^
^^ Perez says: 'Tratd eon humanidad a los soldados que le fueron encom-
endados. ' Mem. Ccvnvp. Nac. , 2d pt, 49-52. Jerdnimo Perez, Memorias para la
Historia de la Hevolucion de Nicaragua, y de la gnerra nacional contra losjili-
bustcros, 1854-1857. Managua, 1865, 8vo, pp. 173, 21. This first part of this
autiior's work is a historical account of the civil war in Nicaragua, in the years
1854-5, during which' latter year the filibuster chief, William Walker, ap-
peared on the scene, taking part with one of the two parties to the strife, and
temporarily destroying the power of the other. The political and military
events of this period are concisely though vividly depicted,. so that the reader
may become fully informed on the mode of carrying on the war, and on the
miserable condition of the country, as well as bitter animosity exhibited by
the opposing parties. Memorias para la Historia de la Campafta Nacional
contra el Jilibusterismo, 1856-1857. Masaya, 1873, 8vo, i,-iv., and 216 p., is a
sequel or second part to the preceding by the same author, in which he fur-
nishes a detailed history of Walker's filibustering schemes and career in Nic-
aragua during 1856-7, till his final surrender and removal from the country;
ending with a short account of Walker's two other attempts to invade Cen-
tral America. Perez took a part in the operations against Walker, and later
has occupied high positions in his country.
CHAPTER XVII.
END OF FILIBUSTERING- IN CENTRAL AMERICA
1856-1867
Kecognition of President Rivas by the United States — Walker's Hos-
tile Attitude— Flight of Rivas— Walker Makes Himself Presi-
dent— Alliance against Him — Death of Estrada — The Legitimists
Accept Rivas — Costa Ricans an^ Nicaraguans in Rivas — Destruc-
tion of Granada — It is Occupied by ^SjjEDjEojeices-^ Walker Reoccu-
PTES Rivas — Where He is Besieged — Successes of the Costa Ricans
— Failure of Lockridge's Expedition — Surrender of Walker —
War op Nicaragua and Costa Rica — Commodore Paulding and
Walker's Second Attempt — Walker's Invasion of Honduras, Cap-
ture, and Execution — Government Reorganized — President Mar-
tinez' Administrations.
After the departure of the Costa Kican forces
from Rivas, toward the end of April or beginning of
May 1856, Walker visited the town, treating harshly
the principal citizens — men who loved their country
better than they loved designing interlopers — and caus-
ing one to be hanged/ This was done to terrify his
enemies. Leaving Hornsby as military governor, with
a garrison. Walker went back to Granada. His army
here was also being decimated by the epidemic,
but its ranks were replenished from the passengers
brought by the steamships, which still were his effica-
cious auxiliaries. Meanwhile the presence of the com-
bined forces of the other states in the west was felt
in the towns of the western departments, chiefly in
Chontales and Matagalpa,^ the natives yearning for
^ Francisco Ugarte, a legitimist who came with the Costa Ricans, and re-
mained in concealment.
^ Goicourla was sent to put down a rebellion in Chontales, and had a num-
ber of men executed. Perez, Mem. Cam'p. Nac, 2d pt, 55.
( 347 )
348 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
relief from foreign domination. A meeting of military
officers held on the 20th of April at Matagalpa,
and presided over by General Fernando Chamorro,
adopted resolutions in favor of restoring Estrada as
the legitimate president.^ This movement came to
naught; Chamorro, being defeated, passed into Hon-
duras.
The democratic party, desirous as much as possible
of being away from Walker's oppressive influence, had
the government seat removed to Leon.^ The general
started from Granada May 31st with his best officers
and 300 infantry, for Leon, where he was greeted as
a conquering hero.^ While there he approved of, or
maybe prompted, the decree of June 10th, convoking
congress, and for the election of a chief magistrate.
He had in view to bring about his own election as
president, intending after that to throw off his demo-
cratic friends, whose loyalty he distrusted. Very sat-
isfactory news, both to him and the government, came
at this time. The government of the United States
had recognized Father Agustin Vigil as minister
plenipotentiary accredited at Washington by Rivas.
This recognition was of great advantage to Walker.^
On the 11th, after Walker had departed on his
return to Granada, leaving Colonel Bruno Naztmer
in command, this officer ordered foreign soldiers to
take the place of the natives in the steeples of the
cathedral. Minister of war Jerez countermanded it,
and being disobeyed by Naztmer,^ the government
2 1st, To recognize no other govt than Estrada's, declaring the convention
of Oct. 23, 1855, void, and Rivas' govt null; 2d. To support that govt; 3d.
Vest the executive office in Fernando Guzman till Estrada's return to Nic. ;
4th. Fernando Chamorro recognized as provisional commander of the forces.
* Walker discovered in Rivas a letter from the president to Mora treating
of peace negotiations, of which nothing had been hinted to him.
'' He issued June 4th a proclamation full of affected love for the Nicaragu-
ans, and especially for the Leonese, whom he called illustrious sons of liberty
and lovers of progress. Nic, BoUtinOfic, June 5, 1856; El Nicaragiiense, June
14, 1856.
^ It was followed by a change of public opinion in the U. S. favorable to
him, and stopped the official opposition to the rush of emigrants to Nic. The
benefit was, however, retarded by the combined efforts of the old Transit com-
pany's agents in San Juan del Norte, and of the opposition from various
sources to Walker's plans.
^ During Walker s stay in the city he made several demands, to which the
^
DISSENSIONS. W^-..' 349
became much alarmed, Rivas and Jerez starting
forthwith for Chinandega,^ whence Walker was di-
rected to concentrate the foreign forces in Granada.
Upon hearing at Masaya of the occurrences of
the 11th and 12th, he countermarched as far as
Nagarote, ordering Naztmer to bring there his com-
mand; after which he quartered his troops in Gra-
nada, placing, however, strong garrisons in Managua
and Masaya. Rivas thereupon declared Walker a
usurper, traitor, and enemy of the republic, depriving
him of his rank and command.^ Walker, on his part,
deposed Rivas, calling Fermin Ferrer, minister of
hacienda and government at Granada, who had iden-
tified himself with his cause, to assume the executive
office, for the main purpose, it seemed, of decreeing an
election for supreme authorities, pursuant to the con-
vocation of June 10th, though Rivas had revoked it
on the 14th.''
Under the national constitution, the chief magistrate
was not chosen by the direct suffrages of the people;
neither did it permit a military officer in actual com-
president refused his assent, which greatly angered him. It was soon dis-
covered that he had it planned to dispossess Rivas of the executive office.
Naztmer's act was in obedience to his orders. The native soldiers were sent
away, and the capital was left with a garrison of 200 foreigners. Nic, Bolet-
tin Ofic, Aug. 8, Oct. 24, 1856.
^ Had it not been for an American resident, Dawson, they would have
been brought back by Dolan, commandant at Chinandega, who had been
ordered with his men to Leon. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 71. Gen.
Mariano Salazar and others spread the report that the filibusters intended to
murder the authorities. Salazar fell into Walker's hands later, taken by De
Brissot in the gulf of Fonseca July 28th, and was shot at Granada Aug. 3d.
El Nicaragiiense, Aug. 9, 1856; Mic, Boletin OJic, Aug. 27, 1856; Sac. Unions
Sept. 6, 1856.
^ Decree of June 25th. Officers and men of the foreign phalanx were re-
quired to forsake Walker and submit to the government, when their rank
would be recognized, their arrears of pay made good, and Nicaraguan citizen-
ship conferred on them. Such as should disobey, whether native or foreign,
were to be dealt with as traitors. Members of the foreign phalanx wishing
to leave the country were to be, under another decree of the 28th, permitted
to do so. Those who presented themselves with arms and ammunition, and
prevailed on others to do the same, would be rewarded. Previously, on the
20th, the colonization decree of Nov. 23, 1855, was suspended. Nic, Boletin
Ofic, Aug. 8, 16, 1856.
'^^ Walker assumed to act under the clauses of the convention of Oct. 23,
1855. His decree bears date of June 20th, and further declares Rivas' acts
from the 12th null. El Nicaragiiense, June 21, 1856; Mc, Bokti.i Ofic, Aug.
8, 1856.
3oO END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
mand, much less a foreign one, to be voted for.
Nevertheless, in disregard of that law, the people of
the region controlled by Walker's bayonets were
made to give him their suffrages for the office of pres-
ident, and 15,835 votes appeared as cast in his favor /^
He was declared elected, and on the 12th of July was
inducted into office with much pomp.^^ Wheeler, the
American minister, recognized Walker as the legiti-
mate president, and Rivas' government protested
against it,^^ and declared all relations between the
Nicaraguan government and Wheeler suspended.
Walker's first act was to appoint his cabinet, the
chief of it being Fermin Ferrer. ^^ One of his earliest
decrees sounds the keynote to all this silly usurpation
and accompanying infamy ; it was the annulling of the
federal law abolishing slavery. ^^ Another infamous
measure was the confiscation of the estates of Nicara-
guans who might take up arms against him.
In a circular of July 3d Rivas appealed to the other
Central American governments for aid to drive out
the invaders. The call was answered, and his gov-
ernment recognized by Guatemala, Honduras, and Sal-
vador, these three powers agreeing to unite their
forces against Walker. Costa Rica was invited to
cooperate, and promptly did so.^^
*^ The official organ published the returns showing this result. El Nicara-
guense, July 12, 1856. Rivas' minister in a circular exposed the whole as a
'tejido de imposturas y supercherias.' Nic, Botetin OJic, Aug. 27, 1856.
^^S. F. Herald, Aug. 15, 1856; S. F. AUa, Aug. 15, 1856.
*^ Minister Salinas' note of Aug. 12th to the secretary of state at Washing-
ton. iWc, Boletin Ofic, Sept. 4, 1856.
^* The other ministers were generals Mateo Pineda and Manuel Carrascosa.
El NicaraglXense, July 19, 1856.
^^ This action was said to have been suggested to win the sympathies of
the slave-owners in the southern states of the U. S. Perez, Mem. Camp. Hoc.,
2d pt, 79.
^^The convention was signed at Guat. July 18, 1856. The following is a
synopsis of the chief clauses: 1st. Previous treaties of alliance for defence of
their independence and sovereignty were confirmed; 2d. Stipulated the union
of their forces to expel the adventurers; 3d. Recognized P. Rivas as the
head of a de facto govt in Nic, promising aid and cooperation; 7th. Invited
Costa R. to join the others in the enterprise. Nic, Boletin OJic., Aug. 21,
Sept. 10, 1856; Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 436-9.
DEFEAT OF THE LEGITIMISTS. 351
While the events thus far recorded were occurring,
Estrada, the legitimist chief, entered Nicaragua, and
established his government in Somotillo, appointing
Pedro Joaquin Chamorro his minister-general, and
General Tomds Martinez commander of the army to
be raised/'' On hearing that Rivas had been recog-
nized, it was concluded to leave Somotillo, via Nueva
Segovia to Matagalpa, where Gros aroused the Indians.
But on the way, at Ocotal, on the 13th of August,
a party of democrats attacked and defeated them.
^Estrada tried to flee, but was overtaken and hacked
to death.^^ The town was plundered, and papers scat-
tered, after which the assailants went away. After-
ward an instrument was picked up in which Nicasio
^ del Castillo was named Estrada's successor, who at
once assumed the responsibilities of the position.
However, General Martinez and Fernando Guzman,
who, though respecting Estrada's good motives, had
disapproved of his persistence in going contrary to ac-
complished facts, after his death held a consultation
and concluded that the best policy was to cooperate
with Rivas' government, bearing in mind the principle
of legitimacy, though disregarding means and persons.
Martinez and Guzman went to Leon, and succeeded
with the assistance of the allied generals, and Gregorio
Arbizii, the commissioner of Salvador, in making an
arrangement by which there should be but one gov-
ernment in the republic, with certain legitimists in the
cabinet ;^^ pursuant to which the latter was organized
^"^ Shortly afterward they were joined by Gren. Fernando Chamorro, some
barefooted officers and soldiers, and 12 or 14 Frenchmen, A little later came
the Hungarian, Gros, with 300 Indians. The only arms on hand were 300
muskets with 10 mule-loads of ammunition.
^^ Such was the end of this honorable, enlightened, and patriotic citizen,
who had risen by his virtues, talents, and learning, from a lowly position to
the chief magistracy of his country. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt., 98-100.
^^The convention was signed Sept. 12, 1856. It contained among its
clauses that the first legislature installed should convoke the constituent as-
sembly of 1854, or issue the bases for the election of another; a gen. amnesty
for past political offences; debts contracted or damages caused by both
parties to be held as indebtedness of the republic. Id., 114-17; Nic, Boletin
Ofic, Sept. 20, 1856.
S52 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
as stated below. ^^ Castillo accepted the arrangement
and assumed the duties to which he was called.
The allied forces, having entered Nicaragua, occu-
pied Leon in July, and in October advanced upon
Managua, forcing Walker, after several encounters
near Nindin and Masaya, to reconcentrate in Grana-
da.^^ Masaya was occupied by the allies October 2d.
There was much division among them, owing to old
rivalries, and the need of an influential commander
was evident. ^^ General Martinez was earnestly re-
quested to hasten his movements and join the army.
He had organized at Matagalpa a body of troops that'
subsequently bore the name of Ejercito Setentrional,
with which he came on ; but cholera having played
havoc among his Segovians at Tipitapa, he had to re-
main in Nindiri till the scourge abated, ,when he joined
the allies. ^^
Walker's forces consisted of about 1,200 effective
men, mostly Americans, the rest being English, French,
and Germans. ^^ The climate was his worst enemy.
A number of his men succumbed daily, victims of
cholera and fever. ^^ The ranks were further depleted
2" Pedro Cardenal, Sebastian Salinas, Nieasio del Castillo, and Francisco
Baca were made ministers of foreign relations, government, war, and treasury
respectively. Jerez left the cabinet, preferring to serve in the field.
^^ His troops retreated after setting fire to the casa de alto, former resi-
dence of the chief magistrates of Nic. The allied army celebrated in Mana-
gua the victory of San Jacinto, a hacienda, north of the plain of Oscotal,
distant one day's march from G-ranada. It was only a small affair in reality
■ — 120 riflemen under Byron Cole on one side, and 160 natives under Col D.
Estrada on the other — but it was important in its effects. Cole was captured
and killed, this being the end of the founder of filibustcrism in Nic. Twenty-
seven riflemen were slaughtered; and the Nicaraguans had 55 killed and
wounded. Nic, Boletin Ofic, Sept. 26, 1856.
^^ Troubles between Salvadorans and Nicaraguans were common. The
former fraternized with the democratic Leonese. The legitimists did the
same with the Guatemalans, whose 2d chief, Zavala, by his language and
actions, kept up a bad feeling, not only with the Salvadorans, but with the
Nicaraguans. Perez, Mem. Cam'p. Nac, 2d pt, pref. ii. and 108.
2^ Meantime several fights had taken place between the allied forces and
Walker's.
2* He had also a small and inefficient Cuban company, and very few, if
any, Cent. Americans, aside from his ministers Pineda and Carrascosa.
^^ It has been calculated that from first to last he lost from 5,000 to 6,000
men by sickness. Several of his chief officers having died at about the same
time, it was imputed to the natives selling poisoned edibles. A letter of Feb.
THE BELLIGERENTS IN" ACTION. So3
by (leBertions.^^ This was one of the chief reasons
why Walker abandoned Managua and Masaya to con-
centrate in Granada, keeping, however, the transit line
from San Juan del Sur to La Yirgen. The filibuster
chief now took advantage of the division of the allied
forces — Belloso and Jerez in Masaya, Zavala and Es-
trada in Diriomo — and on the 11th of October made
a dash with 800 men on Masaya, which had a garri-
son of 1,000. He entered the place at eight o'clock
and took positions in Monimb6, south of the town.
Early on the 12th he advanced as far as the blocks
contiguous to the plaza, which he would undoubtedly
have taken but for Zavala's attack on Granada. ^^ On
hearing of Walker s movement, Zavala started to the
relief of Masaya. At Diria he was informed that
Walker was routed and in full retreat to Granada.
He then charged his course, and turned up at the
burying-ground of Granada with the view of getting
the start of the enemy; but as the latter did not
come, and he had positive information of the place
being weak, he resolved to occupy it at once, though a
heavy rain somewhat retarded the movement. He
might have taken the town by surprise either from
16, 1857, has it that Walker received 4,600 recruits since June 1855. The
author sets down his deserters at 500, and his dead at no less than 3,600,
there being from 1,500 to 2,000 buried in Granada. Pan. Star and Herald,
Feb. 17, 1857; Hayes' Scraps, Angeles, ii. 255. However, an official report of
P. R. Thompson, Walker's adj. -gen., dated Feb. 24, 1857, has the following
figures, which do not seem to express the whole truth, as it might have been
injudicious to have the real facts made known. Original number of men
enlisted 2,288, of whom 61 were officers. Totals of death, 685, of whom 109
were officers; .37 resigned; 206 discharged; 9 dropped; 293 deserted, including
9 officers; leaving a total of 733 officers and men, with 141 unaccounted for.
Stout's Nic, 209.
2^ Four young Nicaraguans, accused in Masaya of enticing men to desert,
were arrested July 30th, and shot in a few hours as traitors to the republic!
ElNkarmjiiense, Aug. 3, 1856. Turley and 25 others escaped from Granada,
and attempted to reach Blewfields by way of Chontales, where the natives, not
believing them deserters from Walker, killed all but one or two who escaped.
Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 129; aS'. F. Alia, Oct. 20, 1856.
2^ Jerez distinguished himself in the defence, and the gen, -in-chief of the
allies, Ramon Belloso, claimed a victory in his official report of Oct. 13th,
adding that Walker *huyd despavoridamente a la oscuridad de la noche,'
leaving about 50 killed, and carrying off 200 wounded. iWc, Boletin Ofic.,
Oct. 17, Nov. 7, 1856. On the other side, the victory was claimed for
Walker. S. F. Alta, Oct. 31, 1856; S. F. Herald, Oct. 31. 1856.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol, III. 23
354 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
the north to south, but went round by Jalteva.^^ The
aUied force had not till then been detected from the
city. But on the officer of the day descrying groups,
he went to ascertain if they where Walker's men, and
immediately giving the alarm, preparations were made
to meet the expected assault. Nevertheless, the allies
at two o'clock in the afternoon occupied the buildings
on the plaza, excepting the church, where the foreign
sick were intrenched. Zavala took Walker's house,
and finding there a flag, rushed out waving it, until a
bullet struck the flag, and another his surtout, when
he realized his danger. Both the Guatemalans and
legitimists gave themselves up to excesses.^^ The
night of the 12th came on, and the church had not
been taken. Hearing the cannonading or receiving a
report, early that morning Walker hurried back, it
being preferable to save Granada than to take Masaya.
In the morning of the 13th, Zavala learned that the
enemy was rapidly approaching, and vainly tried to
check them at Jalteva. Zavala and Estrada fled in
the direction of Diriomo, leaving a considerable num-
ber of drunken men in the streets, who were butch-
ered. Several Guatemalans fell prisoners. ^^ Zavala's
assault of the place where Walker had his base of
supplies was a failure, but it saved the allied army.^^
A Costa Kican division under General Jose M.
Canas started for Nicaragua, November 2d, and not-
withstanding the enemy's efforts to hinder it, occupied
San Juan del Sur and the road to La Virgen, thus
cutting off* Walker's communication with either point.
It concentrated at Bivas on the 13th, and was joined
28 To look after the arms wliich had become wet. So says Perez, adding
that Zavala, * a mas de carecer de juicio, no conocia el terreno, ' and Estrada
went entirely by his directions. Mem. C(imp. Nac, 2d pt, 131.
^^They became intoxicated, and scattered in the streets after plunder.
They discovered an American merchant, friendly to the filibusters, and killed
him forthwith.
^° On Zavala and Estrada arriving at Diriomo, a young Cuban named F.
A. Laine, who had been sent by G-oicouria to complete with Walker an
arrangement to liberate Cuba, was brought to them as a prisoner. He was
ordered shot.
"/S. F. Alta, Nov. 21, 1856; Hayes' Scraps, Angeles, ii. 20G-7, 222, 232.
VERY FAIR FIGHTING. 355
by Jerez with 300 Nicaraguans. It was now in com-
munication with the main combined army, which was
preparing to assail Granada. Belloso received infor-
mation from a friend in that city that Walker was on
the point of making another dash on Masaya with 600
men. The allied army, in the city and vicinity, was
now of about 3,600 men,^^ and leaving out wounded,
sick, and servants, the effective force must have been
no less than 3,000. The filibusters came on the 15th
under Bruno Von Naztmer, a German, and were met
outside by Nicaraguans and 600 Guatemalans at three
o'clock in the afternoon. The enemy opened fire, and
the Guatemalans fled panic-stricken. However, the
first charge of the filibusters was checked, and they
now assumed the defensive. The Guatemalans re-
turned to the charge, and heavy fighting followed,
which lasted till night. The next morning Walker
took command, Naztmer being wounded, and pushed
his operations into the town, where the allies had con-
centrated in the night, burning a number of buildings ;
but he soon convinced himself of the impossibility of
accomplishing his purpose, and retreated to Granada
in the night of the 18th.^^ At a council of war, it was ,
resolved to evacuate the city, after setting fire to the
buildings, leaving a garrison to keep the enemy in
check. This work of destruction was intrusted to
Henningsen, who at once ordered the citizens to leave
the place within a few hours before it was consigned
to the flames. And all the time the authors of this
vandalism were calling the Central American de-
fenders of life, home, and liberty savages and greasers,
^^ Salvadorans, 1,300; Guatemalans, 1,500 or more; Nicaraguaus under Mar-
tinez, no less than 800. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 134.
^■^ The allies discovered his flight early on the 19th. Se/eral of his men
were found asleep, and butchered. The allied commanders showed lack of
generabliip. Perez, Mem. Cam'p^ Kac, 2d pt, 135-9. About this time the
Cent. Americans experienced a serious blow in the loss of the Costa Rican
schooner 0/?ce de Ahrit., which had on board 110 men, money, and a larg3
supply of arms, ammunition, etc. After a heavy gale, she encountered the
San Jose, alias Granada, and after two hours' fighting, caiight fire and was
destroyed. Most of the wrecked men were picked up by the San Jose. S. F.
Alta, Dec. 20, 1856; S. F. Herald, Dec. 20, 1856; Sac. Union, Dec. 23, 1856.
356 END OF FILIBUSTERING IX CENTRAL AMERICA.
and themselves lovers of freedom and aisseminators of
civilization ! ^^
In the early morning of the 24th the allied forces
marched out of Masaya by the Carretas road ; at 2
o'clock in the afternoon they were defiling on the low
hills of the Otra banda, from which they could see the
bonfire, made by the self-styled regenerators of Latin
America, consuming seven churches and the public
buildings, together with the dwellings of the citizens
of Granada. The same day the allies had skirmishes
with the enemy, and were defeated. ^^ Martinez with
his men from the north next day operated against the
San Francisco building, and the filibusters in fear of
being cut off abandoned it, and concentrated in the
plaza. The night of the 25th was a very rainy one.
The 26th the filibusters, being hard pressed in the
plaza and Guadalupe street, kept up a constant
cannonade to keep open the way to the lake. On the
27th the filibusters had been driven from the plaza
and reduced to Guadalupe street between La Sirena,
a high house on the east of the parish church, and the
ruins of the church. The Guatemalans pressed them
from the south; the Nicaraguans from the north.^^
Henningsen's force was on the 1st of December only
150 men, out of 300 that he had retained to hold the
position of Granada with, and being invited by Za-
vala to surrender, proudly refused.^^
^* Henningsen had been, it was said, an oflScer of the Brit, army, an aide
of the Carlist chief Zumalacarregui, in Spain, and a good democratic writer.
His report was as follows: He had assumed command in the afternoon of
Nov. 22, 1856, and had carried out Walker's orders to destroy Granada, and
leave the place, taking away the stores, artillery, sick, and the American and
native families. Some of the church jewelry was saved by a priest. Gen. D.
Sousa saw a filibuster urinate into a chalice, and then throw the contents at
some women who were also witnesses of the act. Perez, Mem, Camp. Nac.,
2d pt, p. ii. 150-1, 161-3; Nic, Gaceta, May 2, 1868; /(/., Telig. Seten., March
7, 28, 1857; Id., Boletin OJic, Apr. 15, 22, 1857; S. F. Alto, Dec. 20, 1856;
Belly, Lc Nic, i. 285-6; Squiers Cent. Am., 372.
^ At 6:30 they had upwards of 40 wounded, and no surgeons to attend to
them. During the night it rained heavily.
^During the operations, the Guatemalan generals Paredes, ex -president,
and Joaquin Solares died, the latter of fever on the 28th of November, and
the former of cholera on the 2d of December.
'' Several deserters from his camp in the plantain grove of Dofia Sabina
had made their appearance among the allies, so completely famished that they
could hardly speak.
WALKER WORSTED 357
Walker had occupied San Jorge, distant three niiies
from Rivas, where Canas and Jerez were intrenched,
leaving his sick and wounded with a small guard on
the island of Ometepec,^'^ where he thought they
would be safe ; but a party of Indians with their priest
Tijerino captured them on the 1st of December, and
destroyed everything on the island that could be of
use to the enemy. Walker did not lose sight of his
lieutenant Henningsen, to whom he finally sent relief
on the steamboat Virgen, with which Henningsen
captured the small fort that had so harassed him,
and then, December 13th, left on the boat, taking with
him the 115 emaciated men that remained of his
original force. The site of Granada was now fully in
possession of the allies,^ who discovered in the woods
a number of wounded filibusters, and treated them
humanely, excepting one whom they put to death.
December 11th had been a day of joy in the allied
camp, owing to the arrival of General Florencio
Xatruch with the first contingent of Honduran
troops;*^ but they were cut up in the attack of the
13th by Henningsen. This officer's success in extri-
cating himself with so much loss to his opponents
caused a panic among the allied leaders, and the
breaking out anew of dissension. Belloso and his
Salvadorans went back to Masaya, reporting the dis-
comfiture of the army. Whether out of spite, or
from ignorance of the state of affairs, the general
ordered Caiias to return to Costa Rica, and Jerez to
retreat to Masaya. The latter, as a subordinate, had
to obey; but Canas, having come to fight the filibus-
ters, would not go back, and accompanied Jerez to
^^In the southera part of Lake ^Nicaragua, eight or nine miles from the
coast of Rivas, A large and productive island having two towns distant 12
miles from one another.
^^ Oct. 13, 1855, Walker arrived on the coast of Granada. Dec. 13, 185G,
he left these shores never to see them again. In the small fort, known as El
Fuertecito, his men left a pole with an inscription as a record that Granada
had existed there.
*^ Xatruch was not credited with much ability; but he was patriotic and
"brave, and to his excrtiona v/as measurably duo the cooperation of Hond. for
the campaign.
3oS END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
Masaya. Thus was Rivas evacuated by the allies,
and reoccupied by Walker without firing a shot.
The lake steamers were of great advantage to
Walker for the quick transportation of men and sup-
plies, and on the other hand, made it necessary that
the allied chiefs should have strong garrisons in
Granada and Masaya, preventing a movement on La
Virgen and Rivas. The president of Costa Rica
determined to deprive Walker of those facilities. To
this end he despatched his brother, General Jose
Joaquin Mora, with troops to the confluence of the
San Cdrlos and San Juan rivers, who reached it on
the 19th of December, and then going down in ca-
noes to San Juan del Norte, without encountering
much resistance, captured on the 24th four steamers. ^^
They then went up the San Juan with the steamers,
two of which Avere left at the junction with the Sara-
piqui, and on the 28th took the Castillo Viejo with
the steamboat Virgen, laden with artillery, rifles, and
ammunition. They next possessed themselves of Fort
San Carlos, and soon after of the steamboat of the
same name, which had incautiously approached the
fort. All this being accomplished, Mora was placed
in communication with the allied forces of Granada,
and left Walker without means of transportation by
water, or to communicate with the northern sea-coast.
Had the allies acted with reasonable promptness, both
on land and \yater. Walker's end would have been a
matter of only a few days. But it was retarded by
their lack of union and generalship.^^ His situation
*^This expedition was promoted by Cornelius Vanderbilt, president of
the Accessory Transit Co., through his agent Webster, as appeared in a letter
from the commander of the Brit, naval force to the American consul. It
v,as carried out, with the assistance of Spencer, an Am. engineer, who had
boen in the service of the company and was a pilot on the San Juan. The
steamers thus taken were the Wheeler, Morqan, Machuca, and Buhver. Perez,
Hem, Camp. JN'ac, 2d pt, 176-9; Mcy TeUg. Helen., Feb. 28, 1857; Astabtt-
rnaya. Cent. Am., 100-1; S. F. Herald, Jan. 31, 1857; 8. F. Alia, Jan. 31,
1357. Official reports and Mora's proclamation in Nic, Boletin Ofic, Jan. 9,
13, 1857.
■*^This is recognized with shame in the TeUrj. Seten., June 6, 1857. Mean-
time Mora had, on the lOfch of Dec, tendered Walker's officers and soldiers
a free passage to San Juan del Norte and New York; and the govt at Leon
THE INVADERS BESIEGED. 359
was now critical. Desertions, which were frequent,
sickness, and scarcity of food, daily decreased his
force. For all that, he resisted in Rivas several
assaults from both the land and lake till the 23d of
February, and struck some heavy blows to the be-
siegers in San Jorge. ^^
The allied leaders had, after a council of war on
the 23d of January, at Nandaime, aj3pointed a general-
in-chief, and heads of the several departments. The
chief command was conferred on Florencio Xatruch.^*
His tenure lasted but a few days, Jose Joaquin Mora
being finally selected by the governments commander-
in-chief, when he was recognized as such in general
orders of February 19th and 20th.''
The allies came to the conclusion that it was ad-
visable to closely besiege the enemy rather than to
attempt further assaults. Xatruch occupied and held,
March 26th, the barrio de la Puebla, south of the city,
which was the only means of free ingress and egress
for the filibusters. Thus was Walker penned. But his
friends abroad had not forgotten him. Three Ameri-
cans, Lockridge, Anderson, and Wheat, brought 500
men to San Juan del Norte in March, and undertook
to ascend the river. Lockridge occupied La Trinidad,
but Titus was repulsed at the fort. They then con-
cluded to invade Costa Rica, as was then supposed,
for they essayed to go up the Sarapiqui; but soon
after entering the river their steamer blew up, and
the expedition came to naught.'^
had, on the 22d, annulled the acts of the administration from Nov. 4, 1855,
to June 12, 1856, with a few exceptions. A decree to close the transit be-
tween the two oceans was also issued. Nic, Bolet'm Ofic, Dec. 29, 1856; Jan.
9, 23, 1857.
*^ Two assaults in force, one by Henningsen with 600 men, and another by
W^alker himself with 450, failed. Another was made on tlie Castillo Vie jo,
defended by Cauty, met with the same result, though the assailants took Iho
steamboat Scott, and Cauty had to destroy the Machuca. Mora's rept, Feb.
24, 1857, in Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 184-94.
**This selection was unfavorably received by the government, and was
accorded but a temporary recognition till the allied governments should press
their wishes. Id., 182-4; Nic, Boletin Ofic, Feb. 18, 1857.
*' The following appointments were also made: Canas, 2d in command;
Zavala, adj. -gen. ; Xatruch, inspector-gen.; Chamorro, quartermaster-gen.
*^ The casualties were GO killed and 100 wounded. The survivors returned
360 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
The besieged, on hearing of the arrival, April 3d,
with reenforcenients, of General Martinez, whose prow-
ess they had learned to respect, became alarmed, and
the next day eighty deserters entered the allied lines.
An assault in force was made April 11th, which failed.
Walker's casualties were quite small, while those of the
assailants were heavy/'' The latter secured possession
of San Juan del Sur, in order that Walker should re-
ceive no further aid from that quarter. It was now
evident that the filibusters could not hold out much
longer. The original force of 1,000, though more or
less augmented with the arrival of every steamer, had
become reduced to about one half that number. The
garrison had an abundance of plantains, but no meat
other than that of asses, mules, and horses.
An officer of the United States corvette Saint
Mary^Sy which had been some time lying at San
Juan, came on the 24th to Mora's headquarters to
solicit in the name of Commander Charles H. Davis
a truce of six hours, which was granted, for the re-
moval froni'Rivas of the women, children, and other
non-combatants. Walker, becoming apprised by that
officer of the failure of Lockridge's attempt to succor
him, signified a willingness to capitulate, not to the
general-in-chief of the besieging forces, as was nat-
ural, but to commander Davis. To this Mora as-
sented, in order to bring the war to an end at once,
and save himself from certain complications he appre-
hended.^^ The capitulation being signed and carried
to Punta da Castilla, refusing to go on. Lockridge accused them of cowardice,
and took away their arms. But the men claimed the protection of the Brit-
ish naval commander. Cauty went down in a steamer to the bay April ] 2th,
and after conferring with the Brit, officer, occupied Punta de Castilla, secur-
ing the war material. He then tendered the men a passage to the U. S. at
the expense of Costa R. This was the end of the famous Lockridge expedi-
tion. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt; iS^/c, TeUg. Seten., Auril 11, 1857;
S. F. Herald, April 21, May IG, 1857; S. F. Bulletin, April 21^ 1857; S. F.
Alia, May 16, 1857; Pan. El Centinela, April 22, 1857; Mc, Boletin Ofic,
Aprd 29, 1857.
*^ Upwards of 300 killed, wounded, and missing.
*^He did so, even though he agreed with Xatruch, Martinez, and Cha-
morro that the capitulation should not be accepted unless Walker pledged
himself not to commit hostilities in future against any of the allied states.
He also wished to bo away before the arrival, then expected, of Gen. Barrios
CAPITULATION OF WALKEIl. 361-
out, Walker and sixteen officers, after blddino- adieu
to the army on the 1st of May, departed under the
escort of Zavala, for San Juan del Sur, where they
embarked on the Saint Mary's.^^ Davis then deliv-
ered the city of Rivas to Mora, and the rest of
Walker's men, about 400 in number, were trans-
ported to the United States.^^
The w^ar being ended, the allied troops retired to
their respective states. But prior to their departure
there was an affair which might have ended in a san-
guinary conflict had it not been for the prudent course
pursued by most of the generals. The trouble arose
from the hot-headedness of Zavala, the commander
of the Guatemalans, who had been led to believe, by
with large reenforcements of Guatemalans and Salvadorans, who would
doubtless claim the glory of ending the war. Perez, Mem. Camp. Mac., 2d pt,
209.
*^ The terms agreed upon between Walker and Davis were: 1st. Walker and
the 16 officers of his staff were to leave Rivas with side-arms, pistols, horses, and
other personal effects, under Davis' guaranty that they should not be molested
by the enemy, but allowed to embark on the Saint Mary's at San Juan del
Sur, whence she should convey them to Panama; 2d. The other officers of
Walker's army would leave Rivas, with their arms, under the same guaranty,
and be sent by Davis to Panama in charge of an officer of the U. S. ; 3d. Th&
rank and file, citizens and officials, both the wounded and well, were to sur-
render their arms to Davis on a vessel apart from the deserters, so that there
should be no contact between the former and the latter; 4th. Davis pledged
himself to obtain for Central Americans then in Rivas permission to remain
in their country with protection of life, liberty, and property; 5th. The officers
should be allowed to remain at San Juan del Sur, under the protection of the
U. S. consul, until an opportunity offered to leave for Panama or San Fran-
cisco. The instrument bears also the signatures of C. F. Henningsen, P.
Waters, J. W. Taylor, and P. R. Thompson. Id., 210-12; Mc, Boletin Ofic,
May 6, 17, 28, 1857; Id., TeUq. Seten., May 9, 16, 23, 1857; Sac. Union, June
16-18, 1857; S. F. Alta, June 17, 18, July 1, 2, 1857; S. F. Herald, June 16,
1857; Belly J Le Nic, i. 287; Pineda de Mont, Notas, in Guat., Becop. Ley., ii.
350, 745-6; Democ. Bev., July 1857, 117-23; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 102-3.
Francisco S. Astaburuaga, Bepuhlicas de Centro- America, 6 Idea de su Historia
y de sti Estado actual. Santiago (Chile), 1857, 8vo, map, dedic, and 116 pp.
The author of this work held a diplomatic mission from Chile to Costa Rica,
and being desirous of furnishing his countrymen some information on Central
America, prepared his material, originally for the Bevista de Ciencias y Letras
of Santiago; succinctly giving the physical peculiarities, agriculture, com-
merce, and other resources of the country, together with a sufficiently instruct-
ive sketch of the history of Central America in general, as well as of each
state comprised in that term, in readable form. At the end is added his
official correspondence with the several governments of Central America on
the projected union of the Spanish American republics.
^The official correspondence between Mora and the govt of Nic. shows
the high appreciation given by the latter to the service rendered by DavL*?-
Nic, Boletin Ofic, May 6, 1857.
3G2 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL A2^IERICa.
an evil counsellor, that the government would not
return him some arms he had lent, nor furnish him
transiDortation, nor even pay him the honors due his
rank. All this was unfounded, but he maltreated the
officer of the guard at the government house, and
grossly insulted the president, his ministers, and
others, threatening to hang them on the church of
La Merced. His conduct was violent and scandal-
ous.^^ Mdximo Jerez and hundreds of soldiers rushed
to the government's defence, and there would have
been bloodshed but for Barrios of Salvador, who had
command of 1,800 men, and prevailed on Zavala to
go back to Chinandega, whence he marched to Guate-
mala, where he was received with the honors he had
fairly won.
Mora returned to Costa Rica, leaving the command
in charge of Caiias. It is said that he had planned
to extend the boundaries of Costa Kica to the lake,
which he deemed an easy undertaking, as the Costa
Eicans had the lake steamers, and the Nicaraguans
would be sure to break out into civil war.^^ War was
declared by Costa Rica against Nicaragua on the 19th
of October, 1857, and accepted by the latter in de-
fence of her territory. ^^ But upon a second invasion
by Walker, peace was concluded on the 16th of Jan-
uary,<185 8.'*
Walker arrived safely in his own country. But he
^^ A full account of the affair was published in the government's organ.
JSfic, Boletin Ofic, May 28, 1857.
^2 He had furnished war material to both parties, and tendered Costa
Rica's aid to Martinez. His own words at embarking expressed the Machia-
vellian plot: *Esta reptlblica estara pronto en guerra; dcjo las navajaa
amarradas a los gallos. Canas disapproved in toto of those plans. Perez,
Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 212-13.
^^Pres. Martinez of Nic. pronounced it a 'guerra injusta y traidora.*
Nic., Discurso . . . .Inagur., 1.
^^FuU particulars on this war and the terms of peace, in Costa B.^ In-
forme Rel, 1858, 2-3; Id., Expos. Mot. del Camhio, 36-7; Nic, Dec. y A ever-
das, 1857-8, 10-12, 30-1, 135-6; Nic, Manif. Dies. Inawj., no. 5, 3; Bocha,
Cod.- Nic, 1. 92; Ayon, Consid. Limites, 30-2. Perez, while reverting to
Costa Rica's plan to rob Nic. of the River San Juan, and a portion of the
1 ike, mentions what Nic. had to suffer from the allied forces during the war.
* Cuantas exigencias, cuantos insultos, cuaiitas cosas teniamos que sufrir.'
The allies appropriated as booty Nicaraguan movable property that was taken
from the filibusters. Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt Carta (Pref.), p. ii.
SECOND AND THIRD EXPEDITIONS. 363
was not yet satisfied with the misery and desolation
he had wrought upon a foreign and unoffending people.
He must ]3lay the vampire further; he must conquer
Nicaragua and be a great man. Taking advantage of
the rupture between this republic and Costa Rica, he
prepared another expedition, with which, eluding the
vigilance of the United States authorities, he sailed
from New Orleans for San Juan del Norte. He was
arrested, however, at Punta de Castilla, December
8th, and sent back by Commodore Paulding, com-
manding the American home squadron. ^^ The offi-
cer's course obtained the highest commendation and
gratitude in Central America, and particularly in
Costa Pica and Nicaragua, the latter conferring upon
him high honors. Loyal men who took up arms in
the country's defence were also rewarded. ^^ But like
a wild beast maddened by its wounds. Walker was
still bent on blood, if blood were necessary to subju-
gate Central America to his will. He fitted out a
third expedition, and landing with its avant guard
at Trujillo on the 6th of August, 1860,'^seized the
funds of the custom-house, which were pledged to the
British government for the payment of Honduras' in-
debtedness to its subjects.^^ The British war vessel
Icarus entered the port on the 20th, and her com-
manding officer, Norwell Salmon, demanded that
Walker should forthwith leave the place, which he
did, fleeing to the eastern coastj where he and his
^^ The official documents connected with the affair clearly prove that the
U. S. govt was desirous of maintaining an honorable position before the world.
U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. vii., H. Ex. Doc, no. 24, 1-82., no.
25, 1; Jd.,U., H. Jour., 165-73, 1.302,. 1368; Id., Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. i.. Sen.
Ex. Doc, no. 13; Id., Id., vol. xiii.. Sen. Doc, no. 63; Id., Cong. 35, Sess.
2, vol. vii., no. 10; Cong. Globe, 1857-8, 1858-9, Index * Cent. Am.,! 'Pauld-
ing,' 'Walker,' * Neutrality Laws,' ' Clayton-Bulwer Treaty,' etc; Stout's
Nic, 211-21; Belly, Le Nic, i. 294-7; 8. F. Bulletin, Dec. 29, 1857; /S. F.
Alta, Jan. 14, 1858; Sac. Union, Feb. 3, 1858.
^^To Paulding were voted thanks, a sword of honor, and 20 caballerlas
of land. Mc, Boletin Ofic, Aug. 2, 1862; Id., Leyes Emit., 1860, 3-5; Rocha,
Odd. Nic, i. 217-20; Costa B., Col Ley., xv. 3; Id., In/orme Bel., 1858, 1-2.
^^ His ultimate destination was Nicaragua, whose government hastened
preparations for the defence of her territory, as well as to aid Hond. in the
event of her needing assistance. Mc, Mem. Gohern., 1861, 9; Id., Mensaje
delPresid., Jan. 16, 1861.
364 END OF FIUBUSTERma IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
men underwent the utmost suffering in that unin-
habited marshy region. A party of Hondurans har-
assed them, and Walker was wounded in the face
and leg. Finally, General Mariano Alvarez arrived
with a Honduran force at Trujillo, and together with
Salmon proceeded to the mouth of Rio Tinto, arriv-
ing there on the 3d of September. Walker surren-
dered to the IcaruSy and was turned over to Alvarez,
who had him tried at Trujillo by court-martial. He
was sentenced to death, and executed on the 12th of
September. Thus ended on theljcaffoldj th e career of
William Walker, filibuster, pirate, or what you will.^^
The provisional government of Nicaragua on the
14th of January, 1857, organized a consultive council
of five members and three substitutes,^^ which was
installed on the 20th. To that body were referred
the strictures of ministers Cardenal and Castillo,
upheld by General Martinez, the two former having
resigned their portfolios because the president had
declined to transfer the seat of government to the
eastern department. ^^ The council did not approve of
their course, and suggested that Martinez, under a
clause in the agreement of September 12, 1856, should
summon R. Cortes and P. J. Chamorro to fill the
vacancies in the cabinet. It does not appear, how-
ever, that Martinez took any steps in that direction.
The old dissensions which Walker s war had kept
in abeyance now threatened to break out afresh.
''^ He received the consolation of .religion from a catholic priest, havinj^
joined that faith to become president of Nic. His remains were buried in
Trujillo. Among his effects was found the seal of Nicaragua, which with
his sword the government of Hond. transmitted to that of the former. La
Union de Nic, Jan. 12, Sept. 28, 1861; Nic, Informe Gohern., no. ii. 7 9; El
Nacional, Sept. 8-Oct. 27, 1860; Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 215-16;
Belly, Le Nic., i. 382; Eco, Hisp.-Am., Sept. 15-Nov. 15, I860- Diario de
Avisos, Oct. 4, 1860; Pirn's Gate of tlve, Pac, 49-50; Harpers Mag., xxi. 693,
836; S. F. Bulletin, Sept. 3, 8, 17, 19, Oct. 3, 29, Nov. 12, 1860.
^^The members were: Vicario capitular, J. H Herdocia, J. de la Rocha,
H. Zepeda, Gregorio Juarez, and G. Lacayo; substitutes, J. Baca, F Diaz
Zapata, and Joaquin Perez. Nic, Boletin Ofic, Jan. 23, 1857.
^^ The legitimists claimed it to be for the public weal, whereas the demo-
crats thought it would damage them. Perez, Mem. Cam'p. Nac., 2d pt, 170-6.
REORGANIZATION OF GOVERN MEIsT. 365
Legitimists and democrats alike saw in bloodshed and
desolation the only means to settle their diiFerences.
Martinez and Jerez, with some of their friends from
the east and west, and assisted by General Gerardo
Barrios, commissioner of Salvador, labored in vain to
effect an amicable arrangement.^^ Jerez concluded
that the only recourse now left to avert a war was for
himself and Martinez to assume the responsibility of -X
jointly governing the country dictatorially until it
could be again placed under a constitutional regime.
This plan being accepted, the two leaders organized
themselves, on the 24th of June, into a junta de
gobierno, otherwise called Gobierno Binario, which
was recognized by both parties, and the dreaded
calamity of war was avoided. The organization was
completed with the appointment of Gregorio Juarez
and Bosalio Cortes as the cabinet. Martinez and
Jerez continued at the head of affairs until the 19tli
of October, when war with Costa Bica having been
accepted, they resolved to assume personal direction
of military operations, and resigned the executive
office into the hands of the ministers. Martinez was
then made general-in-chief of the forces, with ample
powers, and Jerez second in command.®^
The first acts of the new government were to recon-
stitute the supreme and other courts, and to summon
the people to choose a constituent assembly for fram-
ing a constitution,^^ and a president of the republic.
At the suggestion of Cortes, and with the assent of
Jerez, Tomds Martinez was named to the people as a
^3roper person for the executive office, and he was
elected almost unanimously.^* He took the oath of
^^ But for arbitrary measures, on the 12th of June, the state would have
divided into two parts, each following its own bent, even to incorporation
with other states, which would have been the death of the republic. Nic,
Mensaje del Poder Ejec, 1857, 2-3.
«2JV2C., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1857, 135-8.
^ In the decree of convocation the members of the executive and the min-
isters were made ineligible for seats in that body.
^* Only two electoral votes were not cast for him. The constituent assem-
bly, which had been installed Nov. 8th, declared him to have been the people's
choice. Nic, Gaceta, Apr. 18, 18G3.
3G6 EJS^D OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
office on the 15 th of November, promising to pursue a
poHcy of peace and concihation,^^ and appointing
Juarez, Macario Alvarez, and Cortes, his ministers
respectively for foreign relations, treasury, and gov-
ernment.^^ During his first term there were several
changes in the personnel of the cabin et.^^
Martinez' administration not only gave Nicaragua
the longest period of internal peace she had ever had,
but promoted her prosperity in every branch, and
notably in finances. At the time of its inauguration,
the government had not one hundred dollars in the
treasury. The liberating army had not been paid dur-
ing the late war, and the only way to adjust the arrears
was by issuing warrants, which the merchants soon
got possession of at sixty to eighty per cent discount,
and returned to the treasury at par in payment of
import duties on merchandise, thus greatly reducing
the revenue from that source. The government also
adopted the unusual course of assuming to indemnify
private persons for the losses they had sustained dur-
ing the civil war, those resulting from the burning of
Granada included.^^ And yet Martinez, after his vic-
^ Disciirso Inaug., 3. Tomas Martinez was a native of Leon, and had been
engaged in trade and mining without taking part in the political agitations
of his native place until the revolution of 1854, which did not meet his ap-
proval. It is believed that his reserve had made him an object of suspicion
0:1 the part of the democrats, which circumstance forced him to seek a refuge
in the ranks of the conservatives, and to embrace, much against his liking,
the military profession. Martinez was a lineal descendant of an heroic woman,
Rafaela Mora, who in 1780 distinguished herself in the defence of San Juan
del Norte against Nelson's attack. He was in 1857 about 45 years old, tall
of stature, and of reserved deportment. Self-instructed, plain, and unam-
bitious of popularity, he cared not for honors or display, and abhorred syco-
phancy. He never used more words than were necessary to express his
thoughts, and his whole aim, after he entered public life, was to serve his
country. Moreover, he possessed a kindly disposition, and in his family re-
lations was affectionate.
*^*' During the war with Costa Rica he commanded the forces in the field;
meantime the executive office was in charge of Deputy Agustin Aviles. He
resumed the latter Jan. 25, 1858. In the course of his term he several times
provisionally surrendered the office into the charge of others, on account of
illness. Nic, Dec. y Acuerdos, 1858, 3-7, 32; 1859, ii. 136, 137; 1860, iii. 71,
83-4, 177.
^' The several portfolios were also for more or less time in charge of Pedro
Zeledon, J. de la Rocha, Eduardo Castillo, Gerdnimo Perez, Miguel Cardenas,
Nicasio del Castillo, and H. Zepeda.
^^A number of decrees acknowledging the indebtedness appear in Ale,
Dec. y Acuerdos, 1859, ii. 132-54.
NEW CONSTITUTION. 367
tory of April 29, 18G3, against the united forces of Sal-
vador and Honduras, succeeded within six years in
doubling the amount of public revenues, and in ar-
ranging for the payment of the foreign debt.
The constituent assembly, on the 19th of August,
1858, adopted a new constitution, declaring Nicaragua
to be a sovereign, free, and independent republic under
a popular representative government.^^ Two days later
the assembly resolved to continue acting as an ordinary
legislature, and decreed that all public functionaries
should retain their respective offices until the new
constitutional regime should have been installed. Prior
to this, on the 30th of January, that body had declared
illegitimate all the provisional administrations which
had ruled Nicaragua from 1854 till the 8th of Novem-
ber, 1857, excepting only the gobierno binario from
June 24, 1857.''
During the first years of Martinez' rule, the most
^' The catholic religion was placed under state protection. The govern-
ment was constituted in three branches; namely, executive, legislative, and
judicial. The executive authority was vested in a president for four years,
without reelection for the next term. In his absence or inability, the office
was to go into the hands of the senator called by congress to fill it. The
president was to be a native and resident of Nic. , 30 years of age or upwards,
not having lost the rights of citizenship within five years of the election, and
possessing real estate valued at no less than $4,000. The legislative power was
to consist of a senate and house of deputies. The senators' terra was to be of
six years; they were to be at least 30 years old, and to possess no less than
$2,000 in real estate, one third of their number to be renewed every two years.
The deputies were to be upwards of 25 years old, and hold for four years, one
half their number being renewed every two years. The natives of the other
Central American states were eligible to the senate or house, after a residence
in Nic. of ten or five years respectively. No churchman could be chosen presi-
dent, senator, or deputy. The justices of the supreme court had to be law-
yers of recognized ability and integrity. They were to hold office four years, _
the members being renewed every two years. The court was divided into
two sections with at least four justices each. The constitution recognized
liberty of thought, speech, writing, and the press; also the rights of property
and emigration. Torture in any form, cruel punishments, confiscation of prop-
erty, invasion of private domicile, and establishment of special courts were
strictly forbidden. It was promulgated Sept. 15, 1858. Rocha, C6d. Lecjis.
mc, i. 25-42; Levy, Nic, 309-27; El Poi^enir Nic, Feb. 11, 1872; Nic, Mem.
Gobern. y Guerra, 1859, 3. The bishop and his chapter took the oath to obey
it on the 15th of Apr., 1861. La Union de Nic, May 11, 1861.
™ Because its acts tended to the organization of the country. But on the
25th of June, 1858, the government of Jose M. Estrada was also exempted
from that annulment. Hocha, C6d. Legis. Nic, i. 82, 89-90.
368 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRATi AMERICA.
friendly relativons seemed to exist between him and
the leaders of the two political parties. Jerez was
intrusted with important diplomatic duties/^ At the
beginning of 1861, the president in his message to
congress stated that the country was at peace at home
and abroad, Salvador being the only nation that
had suspended diplomatic relations with Nicaragua. ^^
Again, in January 18G3, the president congratulated
congress that peace reigned, and the country was pros-
pering. He said with pleasure that no Nicaraguan
was undergoing penalty for political causes.''^ The
country was at the same time an asylum for the perse-
cuted and exiles of other states. However, this hospi-
tality extended to exiles gave rise to serious differences
with Salvador, whose demands were invariably disre-
garded, until Barrios threatened to blockade the port
of Realejo.''^ The consequence was, that Nicaragua
and Guatemala, pursuant to the treaty made Septem-
ber 20, 18G2,^^ became allies in the bloody war that
broke out this year against Salvador and Honduras,
details of which have been given in the history of
Salvador for this period. ^^ Martinez having been re-
elected president for the quadrennial term from March
1, 1863,^'^ offered his resignation on the ground that
"^^ He was appointed minister plonipotentiary, first in Costa Rica, next in
Washington, and was empowered to negotiate a treaty with the Spanish
minister at the latter place. 2iic., Dec. y Acxierdos, 1857-8, 117, 243, ii. 21.
■^2 Presid. Barrios of Sal v. complained of the plots carried on against him
in Nic. by refugees, and made demands, such as their being denied the use
of the press, to which the Nic. govt could not accede. Nlc.^ Mens, del Presid. y
in La Union de Kic., Jan. 19, 1861; Id., Mem. Bel, in Id., March 2, 1861.
'3 * Ningun Nicaraguense preso, ni confinado, ni expulso por causas politi-
cas; todos son libres, sin restriccion alguna.' Nic, Gaceta, Jan. 24, 1863.
^* Official corresp. in Id., Feb. 7, 18G3.
'^Treaty of amity, defensive alliance, commerce, etc., duly ratified. Id.,
April 18, 1833.
'^ Jerez, Fernando Chamorro, and J. D. Estrada, for taking part against
their government, were degraded to the ranks. Id., May 23, 30, 1863.
■^^ Congress, Feb. 14, 1863, approved all his administrative acts to date. It
had been represented to the people that Martinez, notwithstanding the clause
in the constitution forbidding reelection, could be reelected, because the
powers he had exercised in the past years had come to him, not under the
constitution which was of subsequent date, but from the convocation decree
of Aug. 26, 1857, and his choice was approved by the constituent assembly.
i
PRESIDENT MARTINEZ. 369
there niiglit be opposition to his holding the office a
second term. But congress, on the 5th of February,
1863, declined to accept it, and requested that he
should continue at the head of affairs at least for a
time. During the war with Salvador and Honduras,
Martinez commanded the army in the field, and Nica-
sio del Castillo acted as president. At the end of the
campaign, Martinez and the' troops were rewarded for
their services, he being raised to the rank of captain-
general.^^ He resumed the executive office August
31, 1S63J^ The most stringent orders were issued
against Jerez and others, declaring them traitors, and
decreeing that revolutionists were severally answerable
with their property for the expenses the government
had been put to by their acts. However, on the 20th
of April, 1864, an amnesty law was passed, though not
including the chief leaders.^^
Toward the end of Martinez' second term some
attempts at revolution were made, and easily quelled.
They arose from a representation that Martinez con-
templated retaining power for life ; but in a proclama-
tion of April 24, 1866, he pronounced the statements
false.^^ Following the example of Washington, he in-
sisted on his countrymen calling another citizen to the
executive chair, and Fernando Guzman having been
chosen,*^ he surrendered his authority to him on March
1, 1867."^ His rank as captain-general had been con-
firmed, and upon his tendering a resignation, congress
■'sjVic, Decretos, 1867-8, pt ii. 10-11; Rocka, C6d. Leg. Nic, i. 220. The
cong. of Salv. voted him a sword of honor for aiding to defeat Barrios and
the federalists. Nic, Gaceta, June 17, 24, 1865.
■^^ During his second term the following persons acted as his ministers:
E. Castillo, B. Selva, B. Salinas, B. Portocarrero, R. Alegria, R. Cortes,
P. Zeledon, J. F. Aguilar, J. J. Lescano, and Antonio Silva. Nic, Semanal
Nic, April 24, 1873.
^ ' Quedan fuera de la amnistia todos aquellos que como autores princi-
pales.' Nic, Gaceta, April 29, May 28, 1864.
^^ Congress had not only approved his acts, but gave him two votea of
thanks, March 11, 1865, and Jan. 19, 1867. Nic, Gaceta, March 18, 1865; Id.,
Dec Legist., 1865-6, 21-2; 1867-8, 5.
^2 By 433 electoral votes against 139 cast for Juan B. Sacasa; necessary for
a choice, 285. Id., Oct. 27, 1866; Id., Decretos, 1867-8, pt ii. 4-5; Pan. Star
and Herald, ¥eh. 19, 1867.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 24
370 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
refused to accept it.^^ However, scarcely one year
later, congress suppressed the rank altogether.^* Ex-
president Martinez' death occurred on the 12th of
March, 1873, and his remains were buried with high
honors on the 20th.^^
83 Decrees of Jan. 22 and Feb. IS, 1867. iWc, Dec. Legisl, 1867, 1(V-11, 25-6.
8* *Por estar en oposicion con las atribuciones del Poder Ejecutivo.' De-
cree of Jan. 20, 1868. Id., 1868, 3.
^^Mcj Gacettty March 15, 1873; Id., Semaml Nic, March 27, 1873.
CHAPTER XYIII.
POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA,
1856-1886.
Rewards to Walker's Conquerors — Reelection of Mora — His Downfall
AND Exile — His Return, Capture, and Execution — Montealegre's
Administration — Violence of Parties — Compromise on Jesus Jimenez
— His Peaceful Rule — President Jos:^ M. Castro — Charges against
Him — His Overthrow — Several New Constitutions — Jimenez again
President — His Arbitrary Acts — How He was Deposed — President
Carranza — Other Temporary Rulers — President Guardia's Des-
potism— Failure of his Warlike Plans — His Death — Administration
of Prospero Fernandez — Preparations to Defend Independence —
His Sudden Death — Bernardo Soto's Peaceful Rule.
In describing the early operations of the Costa
Hicans in Nicaragua against Walker in 1856, 1 alluded
to the sudden departure of President Mora and his
brother from Rivas for Costa Rica, because of tidings
received of an attempted insurrection against the gov-
ernment, then temporarily in charge of Vice-president
Oreamuno. This revolt was soon quelled, and the
leaders and officers connected therewith were arrested
and expatriated. Oreamuno having died, Vicente
Aguilar was chosen vice-president on the 17th of
September, but resigned the position the next month. ^
A change of ministry took place on the 26th of Sep-
tember, the distinguished statesman taking charge of
the portfolio of foreign relations.^ The president,
owing to war against the filibusters, suspended the
iQct. 22d. Album Semanal, Sept. 26, 1856; Coski R., Col. Ley., xiv. 41-2,
51-2. ^
'^ The other ministers were Joaquin B. Calvo, of government and eccles.
affairs; and Rafael G. Escalante^ of treasury and war.
(371)
372 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
action of the constitution on the 15th of November,
but repealed the decree a few days later.^
The successful termination of the war was hailed in
Costa Rica with great joy, and the men who gave
this glorious page to her history were highly honored.
The president was made a captain-general/ and the
officers, as well as the rank and file, were promoted
and otherwise rewarded.^
The elections for president and vice-president of the
republic took place, and congress on the 4th of May,
1859, declared that Juan Rafael Mora had been re-
elected, and Rafael G. Escalante chosen for the second
position.^
Mora's administration had initiated a number of
measures tending to the advancement of the country.
Among other improvements was that of the fine na-
tional palace in San Jose. Costa Rica had enjoyed a
long period of internal peace with an increasing pros-
perity. Mora was quite popular with the masses, but
encountered opposition from the property owners,
merchants, and army men. For this reason he could
not strengthen his government, and found himself at
the mercy of a coup de main the moment the people
thought their interests were jeopardized by his power.''
^Dec. 11, 1856. Costa i?., Mem. Gobem., 1857, 2-3.
*In 1854 the pope bestowed on him the honor of Knight grand cross of the
order of Gregory the Great, and the Costa Riean congress authorized him to
accept it. Costa li.. Col. Ley., xiii. 28; xiv. 147-9.
^Dec. 29, 1857, a medal was voted. Again, Feb. 26, 1858, across of honor
was decreed to the generals and field-officers. Id., 207; xv. 3.
^Escalante had been vice-president since Oct. 1857, and at the present
time was temporarily in charge of the executive office. Id., xvi. 39-1.
"^ Political grievances and private animosities were brought into action for
his overthrow. He was accused of intending to keep himself in power for
life, Uke Carrera in Guatemala, as was evidenced by his second reelection,
which violated both the spirit and letter of the national institutions; of his
having imposed the weight of his own will on the financial department, the
judiciary, and even the legislature, with the view of setting up tlierule of one
family over the ruins of republican liberty; of his having usurpetl the property
and labor of others for his own benefit. Even the organization of an army,
and his campaign against Walker, were made to appear as intended to im-
prove his own pecuniary interests, which were said to be in a very bad state.
The charge of assumption of dictatorial powers does not seem to be sustained
by facts. The opposition journal, the Album SemuTiat, freely published strong
articles against his administration. Pamphlets filled with vituperation, and
traducing his character, circulated without hindrance; one of the publica-
tions called liim the tzar of Costa Bica. Thia opposition was fanned by the
VICENTE AGUILAR 373
Hence the revolutionary movement that hurled him
from his executive office in the night of August 14,
1859. A provisional government, composed of his
political enemies, was at once organized, meeting with
no opposition on the part of the people. It was a
palace revolution, and no blood was spilt. Mora was
kept in confinement, though otherwise well treated
during three days at the end of which he was taken
to Puntarenas, and sent out of the country on an
American steamer. He settled with his family in
Salvador, where he introduced the cultivation of
coffee.
The new government now took steps to have itself
confirmed by a constituent assembly, and to cause its
provisional president, Jose Maria Montealegre, regu-
larly elected. The influential man of the administra-
tion was Vicente Aguilar, ex-vice-president, a wealthy
man, and the deadly enemy of Mora. He was the
minister of the treasury and of war, and by his insti-
gation some reactionary and despotic measures were
adopted, thereby increasing the general uneasiness.
The country was henceforth divided into two political
parties, each claiming to be the representative of law
and order.^
hatred of persons wlio had private grudges against Mora. Among them
Vicente Aguilar, his former partner, who had been made to disgorge $100,000
or more, of which he had wrongfully deprived Mora. Capitalists were hostile
because the president had chartered a bank. The sale of a tract of public
land near San Jose, upon which many persons had settled, was made the sub-
ject for much trouble. The exile of the bishop did not fail to have a power-
ful influence. Bishop Llorente had refused to pay, or to allow his clergy to
pay, an equitable tax decreed by congress Sept. 29, 1858, for the support of
ho3X3itals. He not only refused compliance, but incited the populace to revolt.
For this he was expolicd. He was, however, after Mora's overthrow, recalled
by the provisional government, and ruled the diocese till his death, which
took place Sept. 23, 1871. Costa i?., Mem. Interior, 1859, 9; 1860, 4; [d,, Col
Ley., xvi. 87-8; Nic, Oaceta, Oct. 7, 1871; El Nadonal, Jan. 15, 1859; Belly,
Le Nlcarar/ua, i. 379-81. One of the publications which came out after Mora's
downfall, not only charged him wi5h abuse of power, peculation, and almost
every conceivable offence, but of his having brought himself into political
prominence by intrigue, and by treachery to Morazan, and to his relations
and friends, who, it was asserted, had been ruined by him. This publication
is dated San Jose, April 2, 1860, but is anonymous, Costa R., Expos Mo-
tivos. . ,CamUo PoliL, 37 pp. and 11.
8 The provisional administration claimed that the revolution had not merely
changed the personnel, but also the principles on which the government was
ba^cd, the peopb demanding greater freedom with clearly defined rights and
374 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA IlICA.
The constituent assembly, pursuant to convocation,
met on the 16th of October, and on the 26tli of De-
cember adopted* a new constitution in 142 articles,
which was promulgated the next dav. This funda-
mental law was liberal except in the matter of religion,
as it neither recognized nor tolerated any form of faith
but the Roman catholic. All other rights of man
were conceded.^ The constituent congress adjourned
sine die on the 27th of December, and the ordinary
congress opened its session on the 2 2d of April, 18 GO,
on the next day declaring that Jose Maria Montea-
legre had obtained a popular majority for the office
of president of the republic, and appointing the 29th
for his inauguration On the 24th that body desig-
nated the persons who were to fill the executive chair
in the temporary or absolute absence of the presi-
dent/'
Before many months had passed, Costa Rica wit-
nessed a catastrophe which filled the whole of Central
America with sorrow, indignation, and shame. Mora,
the deposed president, had solemnly protested against
the revolutionary acts which deprived him of his office.
There were not wanting men, who, either honestly or
with evil intent, beguiled him into the belief that he
was wanted back, and would meet with a cordial recep-
tion and support. He allowed himself to be thus
duties, and a more extended suffrage, Costa B., Mem. Interior, I860, 4;
1833, 2.
^ The govt was divided into three branches — legislative, executive, and
judicial — each independent of the others. The legislative was vested in a
congress of two chambers, the senate and house of representatives, and was
to meet once a year in ordinary session, and also to hold extraordinary ses-
sions when called for specified purposes. The senate was composed of two
senators for each province; the house was composed of deputies chosen by
the provinces in the ratio of population. The term of the members of both
houses was fixed at four years. The executive authority was vested in a
president for three years, without reelection for the immediate following
term. He had a council of state to deliberate upon such affairs as the execu-
tive referred to it for advice. The judiciary consisted of a supreme court,
and such other lower courts as might be established by law. None but a
native citizen, in full possession of his civil and political rights, could be presi-
dent, or member of the supreme court. Churchmen were ineligible. Costa
R., Constituc. Polit., 1-35; Id., Col. Ley., xvi. 110-45.
^° First designado, Francisco Montealegre; second, Vicente Aguilax. Id.,
xvi. 169-71.
DEATH OF MORA. 375
deceived, and committed the error of going against an
accomplished fact, in an attempt to recover by force
the executive authority, which was now legitimately
held by Montealegre. He landed in September at
Puntarenas with a few friends, was received with ap-
parent enthusiasm, and got together about 300 or 400
men ;^^ but believing it safer to increase his force be-
fore marching to the capital, he tarried behind, thus
allowing the government an opportunity to organize
superior forces, and to issue relentless decrees. The
government's forces assailed Mora on the 28th of
September at La Angostura,^^ and defeated him. He
soon found himself forsaken by his men, and though
aware that stringent orders for his arrest had been
issued, he surrendered to his enemies on the 30th,
when he was tried by a drum-head court-martial, and
shot three hours after. ^^ This judicial murder of this
honorable, just, and progressive man, who had ren-
dered such great services in saving national indepen-
dence, caused general consternation and displeasure.
His invasion was not approved of, but no one had
imagined that his life could be in peril if he were
captured. Public opinion was pronounced against
such relentless vengeance. Even Nicaragua, which
had grievances against Mora, and had excluded his
supporters from her territory, regretted his untimely
end.^^ In Costa Pica his death was attributed to bit-
^^ In January, Prudencio Blanco and others attempted a revolution in
Guanaeaste, now called Moracia, and failed. A decree of outlawry was
issued against them Jan. 20, 1860, and their property was made amenable for
the government's expenses. Another insurrection took place in Esparza with
the same result, the govt issuing a decree of similar nature Sept. 16th, and
on the 18th another, suspending the constitution. This last decree was re-
voked March 18, 1861. Id., xvi. 153-4, 188, 218-21; xvii. 9.
^•^ This place had been heavily intrenched, and a battery mounted in it,
which was protected on both flanks by armed boats in the estuary, etc.
^'^ Belly, Le Nic, i. 382; El Nadonal, Oct. 13, 27, Nov. 10, 1860; Eco
Hisp.-Am., Oct. 31, 1860; S. F. Bulletin, Oct. 24, 25, 29, Nov. 14, 27, 1860;
S. F. Herald, Oct. 29, 1860; Harper s Monthly Mag., xxii. 113; La/err-idre, De
Paris a Guatemala, 59-60.
^* The Gaceta OJicial, evidently inspired by President Martinez, forgot past
grievances, only to bear in mind affectionately the promoter of the holy war
for independence. In fact. Mora was in the eyes of both foreigners and natives ,
the personification of Central American patriotism.
376 POUTICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
ter personal and sordid animosity. Public opinion
was not at fault. Mora wrote his wife, one hour be-
fore his execution, on his faith as a Christian, that
Vicente Aguilar justly owed him upwards of §200,000 ;
and if he ever expected to die in peace with his God,
he should make restitution of that sum to Mora's
family. Aguilar, as minister of war, signed the orders
for the execution, and was responsible for Mora's
death. These orders included the execution of two
others, namely. General J. M. Cafias, and Manuel
Arguello, a young lawyer. The latter was saved by
General Maximo Blanco, but Canas was shot two days
after Mora.^^
The penalty of death was doubtless intended by
Aguilar to be a settlement of accounts with the man
he detested; but it did not satisfy him; he added con-
fiscation, and to the end showed himself relentless in
his animosity to Mora's family and supporters. But
he did not long survive his victims, dying on the 26th
of April, 1861, of ossification of the heart. After his
death, a milder policy was inaugurated. A general
amnesty, from which were excluded only a few mili-
tary men who while in active service had joined re-
volts, was issued ;^^ exiles returned to their coun-
try, and regularity in affairs was restored. The gov-
ernment gained in popular esteem by a scrupulous
observance of the promises made at the time of its cre-
ation, restoring internal peace based on constitutional
liberty and a proper economy.^'' However, Mora's
friends, though disposed to do justice to Montealegre's
administration, never would forgive its origin and early
acts. They and their political conf^res brought on a
reaction against it. Party excitement became great,
and there was danger of civil war. Two presidential
candidates for the next term, namely, Aniceto Esquivel
^^ It will be remembered that Caiias served with distinction in the war
against Walker.
^"Apr. 29, 1860. Costa R., Col. Ley., xvi. 172-3; xvii. 87. A more gen.
one was decreed May 1, 1862.
'^ During this administration national indiistries were developed, and the
country became more prosperous than ever. Belly, Le Nic, i. 383-6.
JIMENEZ AND CASTRO. 377
and Julian Volio, were in the field, the former being a
warm friend of the administration, and the latter inde-
pendent. Montealegre was the first to suggest a com-
promise. There was in Cartago a former minister of
Mora, Jesus Jimenez, who was finally agreed upon by
all parties for the executive office, and was accordingly
elected. ^^ He took possession of the chair on the 7th
of May, Montealegre surrendering it with greater
alacrity than he had occupied it in 1859/^
Jimenez, during his administration, fully answered
expectations. He maintained peace by pursuing a
just and concihatory policy. The country kept on
its career of progress and prosperity. ^^ The next
president duly chosen was the founder of the republic,
Jose Maria Castro, for the term from May 8, 1866."^
The number of ministers of state having been reduced
to two, the president decreed the organization of a
privy council whose members were to serve without
pay.^^ Castro's government was a strictly economical
one. It diminished the number of officials, and sup-
pressed the president's guard of honor. The result
was that the treasury was enabled to meet obligations
contracted for the development of education, and of
the interests of the country. ^^
During the presidential election in 1868, party agita-
tion jeopardized the public peace. The press became
virulent, not sparing even the families of prominent
18 May 1, 1863. Men of all parties voted for him. Costa R., Mem. Min.
Interior, 1863, 1; Id., Col. Ley. xviii, 15-16.
1^ Congress afterward decreed that Montealegre 's portrait should be placed
in the office of the president. Belly, Le Nic, i. 386-7; Costa R., Informe Min.
Interior, 1864, 4; Id., Discurso, Dr J. M. Montealegre, 1863, 1.
■^^ Costa R., Programa Admin. ^ 1863, 1, Jimenez adopted the high-handed
measure of dissolving congress. In a proclamation to the people he stated
that a majority of the members had established a systematic opposition to
his government, and usurped all power in direct violation of the constitution.
Id., Prod, del Presid., Ag. 1, 1863.
21 Ending May 8, 1869. Id., Col. Ley., 1876, 111-12; Mc, Oaceta, Feb. 17,
A^r, 21, May 26, 1866. Castro in his inaugural address used these words:
'Quiero que mi patria, ya que no pueda sertemida por su fuerza, sea con-
siderada por su justificacion y cordura No tenemos escuadras; tengamos la
simpatia de las naciones.' Costa R., Discurso Inaug., Presid. J. M. Castro, 1-3.
22 May 15, 1866. They were 2 for each department, making together 16,
besides the ministers. Costa R., Col. Rey.^ 1806, 114-16.
'^Nk., Gaceta, May 25, 1867.
378 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
men. The government was accused of making no
effort to check such abuses, or to restore harmony.
There would certainly have been a resort to arms but
for the moderation of the two chief officers of the
army, generals Lorenzo Salazar and Maximo Blanco.^*
These officers and others placed themselves at the
head of a pronunciamiento which took place at San
Jose on the 1st of November to depose Castro and sus-
pend the constitution of December 27, 1859. Jesus
Jimenez, the first designado, was then called to assume
the executive office, with ample powers to call a con-
stituent assembly. He accordingly placed himself at
the head of affairs, and convoked the assembly, to
meet on the 1st of January, summoning the people
also to choose the next president, together with sena-
tors and representatives for the next constitutional
term to begin May 1, 1869.''
The new constitution was framed on the 18th of
February, and promulgated in April 1869, consisting
of 149 articles, and containing very liberal principles."^
2* Castro's enemies averred that his course was very mysterious, and some
even suspected an intention on his part to retain power in his hands, though
he supported the candidacy of his minister, Julian Volio. They said that the
barracks assumed a menacing attitude, and Castro was on the point of decree-
ing several military promotions of members of his own family, and concen-
trating all the forces of the republic in and about his own residence. It
came to be believed that he intended to nullify Salazar first, and Blanco
next. But the former had in his favor most of the wealthy families, as well
as a large support in Alajuela, Heredia, and Cartago. To make the story
short, Salazar and Blanco concluded to act togsther. El Qubicencd Josejino,
no. 32, in Star and Herald, Dec. 24, 26, 18C8. The editor of this publication
was Lorenzo Monttifar. Whatever may be asserted against Castro, he had
proved himself a liberal, enlightened, and upright ruler. His administration
had given conclusive proof that the president valued liI)orty of the press and
speech as necessary to the existence of a republican government. The coun-
try had been enjoying those privileges, and prospering as it had never done
before. U. S. Minister J. B. Blair, to Sec. Fish, June 23, 1873.
2"^ The troops and people seemed to acquiesce in the new order of things.
There was no bloodshed. Castro was left perfectly free in his own house.
Nic, Gaceta, Nov. 28, Dec. 5, 18G8; Jan. 23, March 20, 1869; Pan. Star and
Herald, Nov. 17, 18G8; Costa R., Col Ley., xvii. 202-9; U. 8. Mess, and Doc.
(Dept of State, pt ii.), p. xii.; Lafern^re, De Paris a Guatem., 60-2.
^^Art. 5th, after declaring the Roman catholic religion to be that of the
state, recognizes toleration of other forms of worship; 6th, makes primary
education of both sexes obligatory, free, and to be provided by the nation,
placing it under the direction of the municipal authorities; 17th, declares the
military subordinate to the civil autliority, strictly passive, and forbidden to
deliberate on political affairs; 72d, grants eligibility for the position of deputy
to naturalized citizens after four years' residence from the date of the certifi-
REVOLUTION. 379
The ordinary congress met, and declared Jimenez
10 be the constitutional president for the next term,
and he was inducted into office with the usual formal-
ities."' But owing to congress having refused to pass
a railroad bill, Jimenez lost his temper, resigned his
office, and left the capital. But the resignation was
not accepted, and he was induced to return. Subse-
quently, on his representing that the country was
in danger from internal disturbances due to party
violence, that body decreed a suspension of the consti-
tution.'^^ This order of things lasted until the 27th
of April, 1870, on which day sixteen men, among
whom were Tomds and Victor Guardia, Pedro and
Pablo Quiroz, and Prospero Fernandez, captured the
artillery barracks of San Jose by a coup de main.
There were a few killed and wounded, among the
former being the commander, Colonel A. Biscoubi, a
French officer who distinguished himself in the defence
of San Salvador in 1863.'^'
After the capture of the barracks the president was
seized, and kept a prisoner about twenty-four hours.
Bruno Carranza was then proclaimed provisional presi-
dent, and assumed the duties on the 28th. Jimenez and
his ministers were detained to answer charges that
would be preferred against them.^^ Jimenez was al-
lowed to reside in Cartage under surveillance; but
fearing for his life, as he alleged, escaped.^^ The men
cate of naturalization. Costa R., Col. Ley., 1869, 24-59. Art 31st recognized
freedom of the press, and yet it was considerably modified by a press law
issued by the provisional govt. Nic, Gaceta, May 8, 18G9.
2^ Costa 7?., Informe Gohem., etc., 1869, 12-15, 26-7; Id., Informe Hoc., Rel.
etc., 1869, 1-2. J. M. Montealegre had been the other candidate. Pan. Star
and Herald, Dec. 19, 1SC8.
=^sMay 29, 1869. The action of the courts was restored May 31st. But
the president had now unrestricted powers. Costa R., Col. Lay., 1869, 94-5,
100-1, 103. Nic, GaceM, June 19, 1869. _
2^ Those men drove to the barracks in an ox cart, covered by grass, and
dashed in. It looks as if there must have been connivance on the part of the
guard. Biscoubi had been, it is understood, invited to join the movement,
but refused to lend himself.
2" Among the charges contemplated were that they had appropriated large
sums out of the public treasury for personal purposes, and that upwards of
$29,000 had been given Eusebio Figueroa to go on a trip of pleasure to Europe.
^^The ministers were then placed under bonds. Id., June 18, July 9, 1870.
380 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
who brought about the overthrow of the oppressive
government of Jimenez were not left unrewarded. ^^
All proscriptive orders which had emanated from it
were revoked, and persons in exile were enabled to
come back.
The people were again summoned to elect a con-
stituent assembly to meet on the 8th of •August,
which took place; it declared the constitution of
1869 no longer in force, and temporarily revived
that of December 1859. Carranza resigned on the
same day that the convention assembled, and Tom as
Guardia^ was appointed his successor on the 10th.
One of Carranza's last acts, July 30th, was to sus-
pend the treaty of friendship with Guatemala of 1848,
because the latter had closed diplomatic relations
with Costa Hica.^'* It is to be said to the credit of
Carranza's short rule that though clothed with dicta-
torial powers they were used very sparingly. ^^
Public tranquillity was constantly menaced, till
finally a number of assemblages passed resolutions to
rescind the powers conferred on the constituent assem-
bly, and granted the authority of a dictator to Tomas
Guardia, whereupon on the 10th of October that body
was dissolved by him.^^ That same day he decreed a
full amnesty to Ex-president Jimenez and his minis-
ters Agapito Jimenez and Eusebio Figueroa. He
next, on the 13th, created a council of state with promi-
^* April 29, 1870, Tomas Guardia was promoted to gen. of division, and
Victor Guardia to 'gen. of brigade. The two Quirozes and Prdspero Fernandez
were made colonels. Other ofScers also rose in rank. Costa B., Col. Ley., xix.
41-4, 50 1.
3^ This person was a captain early in 1856, and went as Gen. Cailas' aide-
de-camp to the Nic. campaign against Walker. On his return he was made
a maj. As comandante of Alajuela he revolted against Presid. Castro Nov.
1, 18G8. We have seen how he came to be made a general of division.
^* Guat. had several times attempted interference in Costa Rican affairs,
insisting on the suppression of liberty of the press, and on other violations of
law, all of which had been refused. Nic.^ Gaceta, Aug. 27, 1870.
^^ Report, Aug, 22, 1870, by Minister Lorenzo Montiifar to the national
constituent assenibly. Costa R., Mem. Rel., 1870, 1.
^^ His ministers wlio countersigned that decree were B. Carazo, Pedro Gar-
cia, Lorenzo Montiifar, and in the absence of J. Lizano, sec. of the treasury,
Salvador Gonzalez as under-secretary. Garcia and Carazo were made briga-
diers. Garcia resigned Oct. 28th, and was succeeded by Jos6 Antonio Pinto.
Costa R., CoL Ley., xix. 124-G, 150.
TOMAS GUARDIA. 381
nent political men,^^ assumed personal command of the
forces, and appointed Rafael Barroeta his substitute.
In May 1871, several prominent citizens were ordered
to reside on the Gulfo Dulce.^^
A constituent assembly was convoked on the 12th
of August,^^ and met on the 15th of October, which
adopted another fundamental law for the republic on
the 7th of December. It was a most liberal constitu-
tion, recognizing all the rights of man. On religion
it accepted the Roman catholic as the only one to be
supported, but tolerated other forms. Foreigners
were allowed the privilege of trading and other law-
ful industries, including navigation of rivers and coasts,
of holding property, marrying, and testating. They
could not be compelled to become citizens, but if they
wished it, one year's residence sufficed to obtain nat-
uralization. The government was declared to be pop-
ular, representative, alternative, and responsible. It
was divided into three branches; namely, legislative,
executive, and judicial.^
The national congress being installed May 1, 1872,
on the 30th declared Tomds Guardia duly elected
president, and on the same date appointed Jose An-
tonio Pinto and Rafael Barroeta first and second vice-
^^ Vicente Herrera, Aniceto Esqiiivel, Jesus Salazar, Carlos Sancho, and
Rafael Barroeta. Id., 127-31.
^^For supposed revolutionary schemes. It was even alleged that there
was a plot to murder Guardia. CosUx R., Gac. Ofic, May 12, 1871; Nic, Gac,
May 27, June 3, 1871.
^'Excluding the president, his ministers, and the bishop from being
electors. Costa R., CoL Ley., xx. 118-22.
*® The legislative consisted of a chamber of deputies chosen for four years.
During recess it was to be represented near the executive by a comision per-
manente of five deputies. All citizens able to read and write, and possessing
property to the value of $500, or an occupation yielding $200 a year, could be
chosen deputies, excepting the president, his ministers, members of the supreme
court, and governors. Deputies could accept no ofiices except ministerial or
diplomatic, and then they must resign the elections. The executive was
vested in a president for four years, who must be a native, thirty years and
upwards, and could not be reelected for the next immediate term. He was
allowed a council of state, composed of his ministers, the members of the
comision permanente, and others that he might invite to join the delibera-
tions. The judicial authority was vested in a supreme court, whose members
must be natives of the country, and such other courts as might be established
by law. Id., xx. 171-206; EL Porvenir de Nic, Jan. 14, 1872; Nic, Gacetay
Jan. 13, 1872.
382 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
president respectively. The same body June 20th
granted Guardia leave of absence, with permission to
visit foreign countries for the benefit of his health,
and authorized the government to appropriate out of
the treasury a sum not exceeding $25,000 for his
travelling expenses. Jose A. Pinto had charge of the
executive in his absence.*^ Guardia reassumed his
office on the 26th of January, 1873.
The policy Guardia's government had pursued
toward Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua caused
these three powers to prepare for any emergency
which might arise. They accordingly entered into
a treaty of alliance on the 26th of August, 1873.*^
Minister Montufar had been the only one to endeavor
to check Guardia's hare-brained plans; but he was de-
spatched to Europe with the intent of dismissing him
in his absence. Costa Rica, on the 24th of October,
addressed a circular to other governments remonstrat-
ing against that treaty. ^^ Her government implied
that the treaty had been prompted by private animos-
ity, which the others indignantly denied.^*
This state of affairs created much alarm in Costa
Kica, as well as elsewhere in Central America, and
Guardia, professing to give way to the demands of
public opinion, which pointed to him as the sole pro-
moter of war, temporarily resigned the executive
*^ Guardia went to Europe, where he was treated with marked considera-
tion. Costa Ji., Col. Ley., xxi. 48-51; xxii. 6. During his absence there was
no harmony between the acting president and the chief of the forces, Victor
Guardia, nor between the latter and the commandant of artillery. iV^/c, Sema-
nalNic, Oct. 17, 1872.
*2 Guardia was accused of affording aid to the supporters of retrogression
against the liberal governments existing in those states; and of openly per-
mitting an expedition to sail on the Sherman to commit hostilities against the
other Cent. Am. states. El Porvenir de Nic, Aug. 10, 1873; Aguirre, Recortes
de un Peridd., 5-G. Circular of Nic. Foreign Min., Sept. 5, 1876, in Salv.,
Oaceta Ofic, Oct. 26, 1876.
*^ As an open infringement of previous conventions, international law, and
Costa Rica's rights. U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 43, Sess. 2, i. 113,
116.
**A. H. Rivas, foreign minister of Nic, Nov. 11th, in doing so, added
that they were guarding their interests against Costa Rica's insidious pro-
jects, in gathering large quantities of war material to favor disgruntled Nica-
raguans, which his govt well knew, though not officially. A7o., Gaceta, Nov.
15, 1873; Id., Informe Min. Delgadillo, 1-14; Nic, Mem. Gobern., 1875, 6-7.
MORE PRESIDENTS. 388
office into the hands of the first designado, Salva-
dor Gonzalez, on the 21st of November/^ Gonzalez
formed a new cabinet, with Jose M. Castro as minis-
ter of foreign affairs, and fixed upon a policy that
would secure public confidence at home and peace
with the other states/^ Gonzalez and his ministers
had believed in Guardia's sincerity, but they soon dis-
covered that he had been playing a hypocritical role.
Pretending indignation at what he called lowering the
country's honor, and trailing its fiag in the dust,*' he
resumed the presidential ofiice on the 1st of Decem-
ber, and the next day placed it in charge of Rafael
Barroeta,^'^ who held it till the 28th of February,
1874, when Guardia resumed it. The latter was again
granted a leave of absence May 19, 1875, and was
absent several months.*^
Some further correspondence passed between the
governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, resulting
from an abortive attempt at revolution in Guanacaste,
when the insurgents, being defeated, escaped into
Nicaragua. A force of Costa Ricans landed from a
steamer, killed some persons and arrested others in
territory claimed to be within the neutral district,
under the boundary treaty of 1858, which both parties
had bound themselves to respect till the question af
limits should be finally settled. ^^ Congress, in March
1876, authorized the executive to station troops in
*^]Sfic., Gaceta, App., Dec. 3, 1873; Nic.,Semanal Nic, Nov. 29, 1873.
*^ It passed a decree on the 29th of November to check all violations of
neutrality, and in a note to the other governments expressed itself in terms
of conciliation, tantamount to a withdrawal of the circular of Oct. 24th. /(/. ,
suppl., Dec. 2, 13, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic.^ Dec. 1^ 1873; Nic, Semanal
Nic, Dec. 11, 1873.
*^ As stated in his organ, El Costai-icense, no. 17, suppl.
*^ A number of persons who had promoted the new policy, particularly
some members of the cabinet, for their credulity and good intentions became
the victims of Guardia's wrath, and were banished from their homes. Gon-
zalez had been let down easy, as having declined to continue in charge of the
executive. Costa B., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 11, 12; Id., Col. Ley., xxii. 194, 197,
200; 1874, 34-5, 53; Nic, Gaceta, Dec. 20, 1873; Nic, Semanal Nic, Dec. 11,
20, 1873.
*^He resumed control of the govt Nov. 4-5, 1875. Costa E., Col. Ley.,
xxiii. 75-6, 275.
^ Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 13, 14; Id., Informe Gobern., 1875, app. 16-
21; Nic, Correspond, sobre lied., 3-17; Nic, Mens. Presid., 1875, 5-6.
384 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
Guanacaste, on the frontier of Nicaragua, and defend
the country's honor, if assailed. Pie was also to
arrange, if possible, the troubles with that republic.
Guardia visited the frontier, where General Mdximo
Jerez and a number of officers also went via Punta-
renas/^
On the 27th of March a general amnesty was issued
to all political offenders, which implied that the gov-
ernment was confident the public peace would not be
disturbed. ^^
Congress declared, May 3d, that Aniceto Esquivel
had been constitutionally chosen president of the re-
public,^^ and on the 9th appointed Tomds Guardia and
Vicente Herrera first and second designados in the
order named. On the 8th Guardia took the chief
command of the forces; and as the constitution did
not allow of his reelection to the presidential chair, he
could reoccupy it at pleasure by virtue of his position
as first designado.'
54
^^ El Costaricense, March 24th, said that the mission of Jerez was from Bar-
rios, president of Guat., to Guardia. The QuincenalJoseJino, March 2Gth, gave
it as a certainty that Nic. woukl propose the withdrawal of both forces from
the frontier as a conciliatory measure. The whole trouble arose from the
boundary dispute. Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 4, 1876.
^■' Costa B., Memaje, 1876, 2; Id., Col. Ley., xxiv. 24-5.
^^ He assumed the office on the 8th, and formed his cabinet with Juan R.
Mata, S. Lizano, M. Carazo Feral ta, and B. Morales. /(/., 36-8; Id., Dtscurso
. . .Presid., 1876, 1-4; Salv., Gaceta Ofic., May 22, 1876.
^* He had been declared a benemerito, and given a vote of thanks. Costa
H., Col. Ley., xxiv. 62. Guardia's administration during the past six years
was highly extolled in the Gaceta Oficial of San Jose. It said that his surren-
der of power proved the falsity of the charge that he had intended holding it
for life. We shall see how much this statement was worth. It claimed for
him that he had at all times blended leniency with firmness, which facts fail
to establish. He was equally credited with increasing the revenues by his
successful measures to repress smuggling; with protecting industry and labor;
endeavoring to provide the country with a railroad between the two oceans;
improving the morale of the country; spreading public education; promoting
political and commercial relations with other countries; forwardmg public
works; and lastly, vigorously defending Costa Rica's rights against Nicara-
gua's pretensions. Salv., Gaceta Ofic, May 22, 1876. On the other hand, we
are told that Costa Rica's revenues were squandered in keeping 2,000 men on
the frontier as a menace to Nicaragua. Pan. Star and Herald, June 1, 1876.
Guardia has been justly called a tyrant, because of his arbitrary acts and vio-
lations of the constitution. Electoral and parliamentary freedom, under his
rule, was a farce; results at elections being what his will dictated, and con-
gress being mostly made up ©f his immediate friends and a number of puppets.
There were some honorable exceptions, like that of Zacarias Garcia, who, for
acting as a real representative of the people, was imprisoned without protest
MORE REVOLUTIONS. 385
Esquivel inaugurated his administration under favor-
able circumstances. He pledged himself to pursue a
conciliatory policy, at home and abroad, though never
failing to uphold the rights of Costa Ricans in foreign
lands. Discord, however, broke out, and the oppo-
nents of Guardia vented their hostility by the press.
A revolt, with bloodshed, occurred in Cartago, July
29th, and 30th, to depose Esquivel,^^ which movement
proved successful. Vicente Herrera, second desig-
nado, was called to occupy the executive seat.''^^ The
new ruler made Saturnino Lizano his minister-gen-
eral, closed diplomatic and commercial relations with
Nicaragua,^^ and on the 11th of August established
on the part of his colleagues. The independence of the three powers, per-
sonal rights, freedom of the press, and other constitutional guaranties, were
repeatedly trampled upon by Guardia, by his favorite, Pedro Quiroz, and by
other satellites. Justices of the supreme court and numerous other promi-
nent citizens were either imprisoned, banished, or mulcted in heavy sums of
money, without any form of trial having preceded. Jose M. Castro, chief
justice, and Salvador Jimenez, justice of the supreme court, were by Guardia's
autocratic command made to live for a time on the Pacific coast. Even his
brother, Victor Guardia, was harshly treated for showing an independent
spirit; and his brother-in-law, Leon Fernandez, was several months kept in
irons for some mysterious offence that was never brought to trial, and after-
ward transferred to a horrible dungeon in Limon, where he was cruelly treated
until he succeeded in effecting his escape. Other infringements of the laws
are also mentioned, and not a few cases of brutality, even the use of the lash
on respectable citizens, which Guardia and his myrmidons were challenged to
contradict to the face of Costa Ricans. Aguirre, J. M., Becor-tes. . .Corresp.
Hist. Polit., 1-21. This is a letter dated and published at Panama May 1,
1876, and addressed to Francisco Chavez C, editor of El Costaricense, Guardia's
press organ, whom he handles without gloves for his defence of Guardia's
acts and abuse of Guardia's opponents. The writer had been one of the vic-
tims of both, and was evidently well posted on the history of Guardia's rule.
Making allowance for exaggeration in some instances, the conclusion to be
arrived at is that Guardia acted like an autocrat who would brook no opposi-
tion. It does not appear, however, that he was sanguinary.
^^ The people took no part. It was a result of the abuse by the salaried
press of the government, of the violation of pledges, and the tacit authoriza-
tion of crimes against good and loyal servants of the country. Salv., Gac. Ofic,
Aug. 20, 1876. Nepotism was also probably a cause. Esquivel's min. of
pub. works, and the superintendent of the railroad were brothers-in-law of
his. Incompetency, mismanagement, and waste were said to prevail. Pan.
Star and Herald, June 1, Aug. 18, 1876. The government of Kic. attributed
Esquivel's downfall mainly to his friendly policy toward her, which did not
suit Guardia. Circular of Nic. Foreign Min., Sept. 5, 1875, in Salv., Gaceta
OJic, Oct 26, 1876.
^** He represented himself as free from political animosities, and promised to
maintain order, and to push the work of the railroad. He created a council
of state of five members, one of whom was Victor Guardia. El CostaHcense,
Aug. 4, 10, 1876; Costa R., Col. Ley., xxiv. 145.
^^ Because her govt had refused him recognition. Costa R.y Informe Eel.,
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 25
386 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
censorship of the press as a necessity for the preser-
vation of order.
Herrera's administration was noted for its iillber-
ality toward foreigners, and for reUgious bigotry/^
The press was gagged; capitahsts and merchants
were heavily mulcted on the pretext of their being
malecontents ; men of reputation and standing were
driven from their homes upon the reports of paid
spies; and other outrages were committed.
A revolutionary movement on the 11th of Septem-
ber, 1877, forced Herrera to surrender the executive
office ^^ to Tomds Guardia, who assumed the duties,
the municipal governments recognizing him as provis-
ional president with unlimited powers. ^*^ On the 24th
he called on the people to choose a constituent assem-
bly to meet on the 23d of December. The same day
he created a gran consejo nacional, delegating the
choice of the majority of its members to the munici-
palities. That body, under its constitution, had de-
volved upon it several important duties. ^^ A general
amnesty law for political offences was decreed October
15th, and on the 17th the gran consejo nacional issued
a ley de garantias, declaring life, liberty, and property
1877, 1-3. Guardia had been appointed plenipotentiary to Guat. and Salv. He
visited Guat. first, and arrived at San Salvador Aug. 3d. In presenting his
credentials he said that he had been instructed to pave the way for the fusion
of the positive interests of Cent. Am. The real object of his mission seems,
however, to have been to enlist the two governments in his projects of war
against Nic. Both failed him. Salv., Gac. Ofic, Aug. 5, 15, Dec. 7, 1876;
Feb. 25, 1877; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 17, 1877; Nic, Mem. Rel, 1879, p.
iii.-iv. 23-5. Relations with Nic. were not restored till June 30, 1878. Costa
R., Col. Ley., xxiv. 168-9; xxv. 97-8.
^^ Almost his first act was to dismiss from the educational establishments
the able teachers who had been brought out at great expense, replacing them
with Jesuits. For this act he was rewarded with an autograph letter from
the pope. He removed the competent foreigners from the management of the
railroad on the plea of economy, employing in their places inefiicient, because
inexperienced, natives; the result being deterioration of rolling stock, and
general mismanagement. He forbade cutting rubber on the waste lands, and
imposed a duty of 3 cents per lb. He tried to foi ce Great Britain to recall
one of her consular agents. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 20, 1877.
^^ He pretended to temporarily do so on the plea of ill health.
^*^He chose Pedro Quirdz and Rafael Barroeta his substitutes. Costa R.,
In forme Gohern., 1878, 2.
^^ Appointing members of the supreme court, enacting laws, and discharg-
ing the functions of a consultive council. Id., 1878, 1-2; Salv., Diario O/c,
Sept. 25, Oct. 11, 1878.
ARBITRARY RULE. 387
inviolable/^ This law was in force only about three
months.
Costa Rica was not, it seemed, to be free from
actual or impending trouble. Guatemala refused to
recognize Guardia's government, and the latter closed
relations with her as long as Barrios should be her
ruler. ^^ Early in the following January rumors came
that the republic would soon be invaded by a party of
men who had in Nicaragua organized a government,
and purposed establishing it in Costa Rica by force of
arms, if necessary. The invasion took place through
Limon, under the leadership of Federico Mora, who
called himself provisional president. In consequence
of this the law of guaranties, and the elections for
the constituent assembly, were suspended, and a de-
cree issued for the punishment of the invaders when
taken.^* The attempt to overthrow Guardia failed.
Mora being defeated at El Zapote and Matina, and
fleeing to Nicaragua. The campaign lasted only eight
days.^^ Quiet having been restored for a time, an
amnesty was granted to political offenders.^^
Very little worth mentioning occurred in 1879, ex-
cept that in October Costa Rica suspended relations
with Salvador. Guardia on the 10th of July, 1880,
restored the law of guaranties, and repeated those of
January 21 and February 1, 1878, appointing August
1st for the election of deputies, and the 29th of the
same month for the instahnent of the constituent as-
sembly. This body met on the appointed day,^^ but
had been in session only about three weeks, when from
,the liberal views introduced and discussed,, and likely
^2 Promulgated the 18th by Guardia. Costa R., Col. Ley., xxv. 186-7, 210-
11, 217-19, 228-30; Id., Col. Disp. Leyis., 1878, 16-17.
63 Decree of Dec. 19, 1877. U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 45th Cong.,
3d Sess., i. 76-9. Relations with Hond. were also interrupted in 1878. Costcu
R., Infcyrme Min. Bel., 1879, 2; Id., Col Ley., xxv. 237.
^ Costa R., Col. Disp. Legis., 1878, 19-20, 25-6; Id., Prod, Jan. 24, 1878;
Id.. Informe Gobern., 1878, 2-3; Id., Inf. Guerray Manna, 1878, 2.
6^ Finally Mora was forbidden by the Nicaraguan government to reside
within the eastern and southern departments. Nic, Mem. Rel., 1879, p. iv»
««Sept. 12, 1878. Salv., Diario Ofic., Oct. 11, 1878.
*^ Costa R.J Instal. Asamblea Legis., 1880, 7 f.
388 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
to be incorporated in the new constitution, it became
apparent that Guardia would not be the popular choice
for the next presidential term. The last day's pro-
ceedings were an indication of the doom of despotism/^
Guardia and his satellites, alarmed at their impend-
ing downfall, resolved that their safety lay in dissolv-
ing the assembly, suspending the law of guaranties,
and imposing on the people anew the dictatorship.
This was done at once on the pretext of suppressing
an imaginary revolution. The military being all pow-
erful, Guardia on the 28th of September revived the
gran consejo nacional to meet at San Jose on the 16th
of October. He continued his usual arbitrary prac-
tices of imprisoning and exiling such persons as made
themselves obnoxious to him.^*^ In 1881 he revisited
Europe, and in his absence Salvador Lara acted as
president. A constituent assembly was convoked,
which adopted a constitution containing very liberal
clauses, on the 7th of December. This constitution
Guardia suspended on his return to power, early in
1882, but restored with amendments by his decree of
April 26th. Guardia's health had not been much
benefited by his journey to Europe, and death over-
took him at Alajuela in the evening of July 6, 1882.
The highest honors were paid to his remains, such as
were never seen in Central America before or after
the independence. They were buried in San Jose.'^^
Saturnine Lizano had charge of the executive office
until the 20th of July, when he surrendered it to the
designado General Prospero Fernandez, who being
subsequently elected president was inducted into office
on the 10th of August.^^ The new administration
^Abolition of capital punishment adopted; also the following clauses:
laws to have no retroactive effect; all persons, not convicted of crime, were
free, and to have the privilege of entering and leaving the republic; right of
congregating unarmed to discuss public affairs, and the conduct of officials, of
petitioning individually or collectively, and of expressing political opinions,
together with freedom of the press fully recognized. Pan. Star and Berald,
Oct. 16, 1880.
^^Free expressions of opinion were an open road to persecution. Id., Nov.
6, 1880.
''^ Costa B., Honorcs Fun., 1882, 1-59; Pan. Star and Herald, July 20, 1882.
^^ Fernandez was bom in San Jose July 18, 1834. He received a portion
CHURCH AFFAIRS. 389
soon restored diplomatic intercourse with Guate«
mala, Salvador, and Honduras/^
The relations of the government with the church
became strained in 1883. Early that year a decree
was issued forbidding the entry of members of the
society of Jesus into the republic, though a few
who had charge of a college at Cartage were allowed
to remain. The clergy began an agitation, and had
to be advised by the government, and the bishop as
well, to moderate their zeal."^ But the trouble did
not end. The old struggle between the civil and
ecclesiastical powers was revived. Bishop Thiel, with
the aid of the Jesuits, attempted to interfere with and
to place himself above the government, which, on its
part, under the authority conferred by congress, re-
solved to uphold its supreme authority at all hazards.
Hence a decree of July 18, 1884, expelling the bishop
and the Jesuits from the country.^* Other important
measures affecting the clergy were also adopted at
this time.'^^ The bishop was recalled in the following
year.
The republic was at peace, when a measure of the
legislative assembly of Guatemala came to create
a great alarm. I refer to the decree of February
28, 1885, declaring the union of Central America in
the form of a single republic, to carry out which
of his education in Gnat., and at 18 years of age entered the Costa Rican
army. In 1854 he was a sub-lieutenant, and in 1856 served in Nic. against
Walker. In 1860 he fought against the invaders under Ex-presid. Mora at
Angostura. In 1870 he was one of the few men that captured the artillery
barracks, thereby causing the overthrow of Presid. Jimenez. During Guar-
dia's rule he held several positions of trust and rose to gen. of division. His
wife was named Cristina Guardia. Costa R., Boletin Ofic, March 14, 1885; Id.,
Gaceta, April 30, 1885.
■^■^ Aug. 11, 1882, a gen. amnesty for political offences to date was decreed.
''^ A sort of compromise was agreed to; a few officials were removed, and
the Quincenal Josefino, Montiifar's journal, ceased publication. Pan. Star
and Herald, Feb. 24, 1883.
"^^ They were embarked the 19th at Limon; and the fact was telegraphed
the same day to the other Cent. Am. governments by Sec. of State Castro.
El Guatemalteco, July 30, 1884; Costa i?., Tnforme Rel, 1885, 17, 89-91; Pan.
Star and Herald, Sept. 18, 1885.
''^July 19th, cemeteries were secularized. July 22d, religious orders
were suppressed. All these executive decrees were countersigned by Minis-
ter Bernardo Soto, who later became president. Costa R., Gaceta, June 9, 1885,
390 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
scheme President Barrios assumed military command
over Central America. The news of this was re-
ceived by President Fernandez from Barrios himself
in a telegram on the 7th of March. ^^ The national
congress was then summoned to meet on Sunday the
8th, and the president called on the people to prepare
for the defence of Costa Rican independence. The
call was responded to with much enthusiasm. Con-
gress clothed the executive with extraordinary pow-
ers. "^^ But fate had decreed that Fernandez should be
saved the vexation of spirit and anxiety which the
situation must have caused him. He died suddenly^in
Atenas between 3 and 4 o'clock in the morning of
March 12th. Fernandez was greatly esteemed both
as a private and public man. His funeral took place
from the presidential mansion on the next day, with
the honors due his position as the national chief
magistrate. ^^
The first designado. General and Licentiate Ber-
nardo Soto, immediately assumed the duties of presi-
dent, as Avell as of commander of the forces,^^ and at
once called to form his cabinet Jose M. Castro, Mauro
Fernandez, and Santiago de la Guardia.^^ Prepara-
tions for war were continued, and other nations ad-
'^Tlie federation plan had been opposed in 1883 by Costa Rica refusing to
accredit delegates. Costa R., Gax^eta, Feb. 3, 1885; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex.
Doc, Cong. 48, Sess. 1, pt 1, 54.
'^'' Costa H., Gaceta, March 9-12, 1885.'
'^ Further honors to his memory at a later date. Aug. 3, 1885, it was
ordered that his bust should be placed in the public square of San Jose. Id.,
March 13, 14, Aug. 5, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., March 28, 1885; El Uni-
versal (Pan.), March 17, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, Sept. 9,
1885.
■^^Soto is a native of Alajuela, Feb. 12, 1854; his parents being Gen.
Apolinar de J. Soto, and Joaquin Alfaro. He was educated in Costa Rica,
and in 1877 was admitted to the bar, and practised the legal profession till
1880, when he travelled in the U. S. On his return he was made governor
of the province of Alajuela, in which position he exerted himself for the ad-
vancement of the province. He did not complete his term, having to make
a visit to Europe. On his return in April 1882, he was again appointed gov-
ernor of Alajuela, and in August of the same year the executive called him to
fill a position in his cabinet as minister of government, police, and public
works. Apr. 19, 1885, he married Pacffica, a daughter of Ex -president Fer-
nandez; and May 15th, congress declared him a benemv^rito, and gen. of
division. Costa R., Gaceta, May 16, June 9, 1885.
^" The first named was given the portfolio of foreign affairs. Id., March
13, 14, 1885.
PEAOE AND WAR. 381
vised of Costa Rica's disapproval of Guatemala's
action.^^ Peace was proclaimed on the 19th of April,
and the president on the 30th called congress to meet
on the 8th of May, when he would surrender the
extraordinary powers it had clothed him with.
General Fadrique Gutierrez attempted a revolution
in August, which failed. He was taken prisoner, tried
by court-martial, and cashiered. ^^
^^ Circular of March 17, 1885. It also explained the motives prompting
Costa E,., Salv., and Nic. to resist Barrios' projects. Id.., Manif. del Goh.y
1885-6. Costa R. sent a contingent of troops to Nic, Hond., and Salv.
Her troops, however, had no opportunity to fight. Presid. Soto tendered his
resignation on the 5th of June, but it was not accepted, and extraordinary
powers were conferred on him for sixty days. Id.y Gaceta, May 22, 23, June
6, 1885.
®^ He was also deprived of his political rights, * por el delito de conspira-
cion para rebelion, cometido en servicio activo de las armas.' CosixL R.^ Gaceta,
Nov. 27, 1885.
CHAPTER XIX.
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
1865-1885.
Rule of President Buenas — His Conservatism — Quarrel with Hondu-
ras— The Latter Allied with Salvadoran Liberals — Battle of
Santa Ana — Duenas Deposed — His Impeachment, Release, and
Temporary Exile — Santiago Gonzalez Provisional President —
Gonzalez Elected Chief Magistrate — Guatemala and Salvador at
War with Honduras — Murder of Vice-president Mendez — Earth-
quakes— President Valle — Trouble with Guatemala — Exeunt
Valle and Gonzalez — Zaldivar's Long Rule — Constitutional
Changes — Alliance with Nicaragua and Costa Rica — Resistance
to Barrios' Plan of Conquest — Salvador Victorious — Restored
Peace — Z aldivar Eliminated — Revolution — F. Menendez Made
President.
Francisco Duenas, called to preside over the des-
tinies of Salvador in 1865, by the grace of President
Carrera of Guatemala, was a member of the legal pro-
fession, and had already figured in public affairs. He
was from early youth destined for the cloister, and in
due time took the vows as a Dominican. But being
of an ardent temperament, he came after a while to
think himself adapted for a political leader rather than
to serve God under a monk's habit. ^ He accordingly
entered the political field, and soon attained promi-
nence. In 1845 he was a minister of state, and had
previously been a deputy to the federal congress,
wherein for lack of eloquence he made no display;
but in committees and private conversations with his
^ In 1829, when convents were closed in Gnat., he had to leave the cloister,
and afterward obtained a papal dispensation from his vows. He then s budied
law, and received the degree of licentiate in 1836.
^392)
PRESIDENT DUENAS. 393
colleagues, ne often managed to have his ideas ac-
cepted. He was one of the deputies who voted
against the fatal decree leaving the states free to con-
stitute themselves. He was then a friend of Central
American nationality, and often defended it almost as.
warmly as Barrundia. Pretending to follow public
opinion, he was affiliated with the liberals. But his
chief aim was even then the furtherance of his own
political advancement. Thus we see him join the oli-
garchic clique, and ally himself with Carrera of Gua-
temala, from which time he discountenanced every
attempt to restore true democracy. The republic
became one in name only, for his government was
personal and absolute.^ With the aid of the oligarchs
he managed to sustain himself for years, the country
enjoying peace and material prosperity, for which, as
well as for his not neglecting public education, he
should have some credit.^
In December 1868, he was elected president for
the next term, and public affairs continued in a nominal
condition for some time, the most friendly relations
being maintained with foreign powers, and specially
with the other Central American states. But in the
latter part of 1870 serious differences occurred with
the government of Honduras, the latter imputing to
Salvador marked favors to Honduran and Nicaraguan
refugees, who were constantly plotting to overthrow
the administration of President Medina. At last the
Honduran government accredited two commissioners,
namely Celeo Arias, and Teodoro Aguiluz, in San Sal-
vador, with the view of settling those differences,
if possible, in a friendly manner. Salvador on her
part named Rafael Zaldivar her commissioner to treat
with them, and their conferences began on the 16th
2 Slowness and procrastination ruled supreme. A citizen of Salvador said
of Dueiias to describe his policy: 'El mejor caballo para Duenas es el que no
anda. '
^In Jan. 186G he married a wealthy widow, who had been educated in
the U. S. That same year the university conferred on him the degree of doc-
tor of lavs. Nic, Gaceta, Feb. 3, March 3, 186G.
394 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
of January, 1871, but they led to no satisfactory re-
sult/ At the fourth and last conference, on the 21st
of January, the Honduran commissioners, after pro-
testing against Salvador's course in rejecting their
demands, proposed as a last resort to preserve friend-
ship— in view of the fact that all hope of arriving at
an understanding had disappeared, as confidence be-
tween the two governments no longer existed- -that
the legislatures of both states should be convoked to
meet on the 12th of March, and the two presidents,
Medina and Duenas, resign their offices. After which
elections for chief magistrates should be held, with
the express condition that during those elections both
Medina and Duenas should reside out of their coun-
tries. Four days having elapsed without any answer
having been returned to that proposition, the Hondu-
ran commissioners on the 25th renewed their protest,
declared the conferences closed, and demanded their
passports. However, after this, Zaldivar signified to
them an acceptance of the proposal concerning the
* The Hondurans claimed on the strength of art. 8th of the treaty concluded
at Santa Rosa on the 25th of March, 18(32, the concentration in the interior
of Salvador of Gen. Florencio Xatruch, the priest Miguel Bustillo, and Jose
Manuel Selva, Hondurans; and also of certain Nicaraguans, who after their
rebellion against the government of Fernando Guzman in their own country,
had found a refuge in Salvador, and made common cause with the enemies
of President Medina, because he had supported Guzman with the moral and
diplomatic influence of his government. The Salvadoran negotiator denied
that Xatruch was a political refugee. He was sent by Nic. in 18G3 to Salv.
at the head of an auxiliary force. Later with Nicaragua's permission he was
employed by Salv., he being since 1858 a general of division of her army, a
rank conferred on him for his services against Walker and his filibusters; and
was therefore entitled to all the rights of a Salvadoran citizen. Salv. pledged,
however, that he would do no hostile act against Hond. As to adopting any
action against the Nicaraguans, the demand could not be acceded to, because
they did not come under the provisions of the treaty with Honduras, nor
were they political refugees at all. The commissioner of Salv. made counter-
charges: 1st. Hond. had violated art. 9 of the treaty of Santa Rosa, in that
her legislature had empowered the executive to declare war against Salv.
without first complying with the terms of that clause. 2d. She had allowed
asylum to Salvadoran refugees, giving them employment on the frontier of
Salv. , where they had been constantly plotting and uttering menaces against
their govt, using arms obtained from Honduran govt warehouses. All re-
monstrances against such proceedings had been disregarded. 3d. Hond.,
heeding false reports, had raised 1,500 men, keeping a portion on the Salv.
frontier, and maintaining a warlike attitude. The Honduran commissioners
denied the correctness of the charges, and quoted instances in which their
government had given proofs of deference and friendship toward its neighbor.
jSalv., Protocolo de las Con/., 1-16.
HOSTILITIES WITH HONDURAS. 395
resignation. This inspired some hope that peace might
yet be consoUdated. But it proved to be a vain hope ;
for the government of Honduras on the 7th of Feb-
ruary suspended all treaty stipulations between the
two republics, and Salvador despatched in the same
month a body of troops to invade her neighbor's terri-
tory;^ in consequence of which President Medina on
the 5th of March declared war against Salvador, or
rather ao^ainst Duenas' o-overnment.^
The liberal party took advantage of the situation to
adopt active measures for the overthrow of despotism,
and the restoration of democratic principles. General
Santiago Gonzalez, who had been called to head a
movement, made an address to the people, which pro-
duced a o-reat excitement. Duenas tried to streng^then
himself by means of a so-called plebiscit, but this only
served to show that a revolution was impending.
Gonzalez applied for aid to the government of Hon-
duras/ which, being then on the point of waging war
against Duenas, was prevailed on to place under com-
mand of that officer the forces he had organized to
invade Salvador through Sensuntepeque. With his
Salvadorans and Honduran allies Gonzalez made^him-
setf~lnasler of the departments of Santa Ana and
Sonsonate,^ from which he could procure abundant
supplies. The government forces, which had been
kept in suspense, not knowing which would be the
invaders' objective point, attacked them at Santa
Ana, send after four days' hard fighting, though much
^Kic. had Itiediated on behalf of peace, accrediting H. Zepeda and M.
Montealegre as commissioners at Amapala. But an affair of arms at Pasa-
quina frustrated the efforts of the legation. Circular of Nic. Foreign Min.,
Sept. 5, 1876, in Salv., Gaceta Ofic, Oct. 26, 1876.
^The oligarchs pretended contempt for Medina's action; some said, *]Vxe-
dina es un loco, y Honduras un esqueleto;' others, * La quijotesca actitud de
Honduras alianzara maa nu»?stro poder.' Uriarte^ Observ Union Bep. Cent.
Am., 3.
' It was said that Medina was enticed into assisting the liberals, under the
delusion that they would call him to rule over the united states of Gnat.,
Salv ami Hond.
^ San Salvador, the capital, bad been several days fortified awaiting a»
assault, but the invaders, not knowing how much force there might be at;
hand for its defence, preferred to march on to Santa Ana.
396 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
superior in numbers, were utterly routed on the 10th
of April, with heavy casualties; the main army was
put to flight, and the reserve forsook their standard.*
Gonzalez was then proclaimed provisional president,
and Duenas' government collapsed, he, together with
Tomds Martinez, ex-president of Nicaragua, who com-
manded in chief the government's army, and others,
seeking a place of safety in the United States legation,
then in charge of General A. T. A. Torbert, minister
resident. The next day Gonzalez and his army
marched into the capital amid the most enthusiastic
acclamations. His first step was to protect the per-
son of Duenas against possible violence from his exas-
perated enemies, among whom were the friends of the
never-forgotten Gerardo Barrios, whom Duenas had
caused to be shot in cold blood, and to obtain his sur-
render that he might answer before the nation for his
alleged illegal acts.^^ Both Duenas and Martinez were
surrendered to the provisional government on its giv-
ing a pledge that their lives would not be imperilled.
The surrender of Duenas was made on the 20th of
April, with his own acquiescence ; he was then trans-
ferred as a state prisoner to the military school build-
ing. ^^ Martinez was released and permitted to leave
the republic. ^^
Ex-president Duenas was, on the 13th of April,
1872, declared by the senate legally deposed, and
amenable to the laws for acts of usurpation. Murders,
among which was reckoned the execution of Ex-presi-
dent Barrios, unjustifiable executions, and imprison-,
ments of citizens, incendiarism, misappropriation of
^ Hond., BoletinOfic, no. 2, contains the official report of the action, copied
in Nic, Gaceta, March 13, 1871.
'^^ A guard was kept around the minister's house as long as Duenas was
his guest.
^^ He was kept there, treated with respect and consideration till after his
trial. The particulars of his surrender appear in the official correspondence
of Min. Torbert with both his own and the Salvadoran governments. U. S.
Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 42, Sess. 2, i. 693-5.
^'^ There was no reason to keep him a prisoner. He could no longer injure
Medina, and moreover, the government took into account his valuable ser-
vices to Cent. Am. in 185& 7 against Walker. Laferrikrey De Paris a Gua*6-
ntala, 197-8.
NEW CONSTITUTION. 397
public moneys, and other misdemeanors. It was fur-
ther ordered that the accused should be turned over
to the jurisdiction of the courts for trial, pursuant to
article 71 of the constitution.^^ In July of the same
year, while the constitution was in suspense, during a
temporary internal disturbance, the supreme court set
him at liberty, which caused much agitation in Salva-
dor. He left the country after giving bonds in $100,-
000 that he would not land in any port of Central
America. He went to and remained in Europe
some time, then returned to America, residing a while
in New York, and afterward in San Francisco, Cali-
fornia. Subsequently he was permitted free access
to his country, and was treated with high considera-
tion both in Salvador and Guatemala.
The constituent assembly, which had been convoked
by the provisional government, was installed July
28, 1871, and began its labors on the 31st, when the
provisional president gave an account of his official
acts, all of which were legalized at once.^* The fol-
lowing persons were, in the order named, designated
to take charge of the executive, provisionally, in the
event of disability of Gonzalez; namely, Rafael Campo,
Manuel Gallardo, and Cruz Ulloa.
On the 16th of October, the assembly adopted a
new fundamental law in twelve titles, which may be
said to have been in perfect accord with democratic
principles. ^^ This constitution was amended on the
^^ The process was accordingly passed to the camara de 2d instancia. El Por-
venir de Nic, June 2, 1872.
^* The revolution was declared one for the restoration of the people's rights,
Gonzalez being recognized as provisional president. His recall of the supreme
court was approved of.
^^ Freedom to meet peaceably for the discussion of public affairs and the
conduct of the rulers; freedom of speech and of the press were fully recog-
nized and established, as also the inviolability of life, personal liberty, prop-
erty, and honor, which no man could be deprived of except for cause after
undergoing a fair trial. A citizen's domicile and private papers were also
declared inviolable. Primary instruction was to be uniform, gratuitous, and
obligatory. Secondary and superior education were to be free, though subject
to the supervision of the civil authorities. Passports were abolished. The
Roman catholic was declared to be the state religion, but other christian sects
not repugnant to morality and good order were tolerated. Foreigners could
398 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
,9th of November, 1872, in a few particulars by a con-
stituent assembly, the presidential term being made
of four years instead of two. He could neither be
reelected for the next immediate term, nor act as
president even a single day beyond the time for
which he was chosen.^^ This same assembly in 1872
enacted several secondary laws of importance, to wit:
on freedom of the press; trial by jury in criminal and
libel cases; use of martial law; -elections by universal
suffrage; public instruction; codification of the laws
in force since 1821; and appropriation of private
property for great public uses.
The presidential election under the new charter of
1871 resulted in Gonzalez, the provisional president,
being chosen the constitutional chief magistrate, his
term to begin on the 1st of February the following
year. The amendment to the constitution of Novem-
ber 9, 1872, extended it to February 1, 1876.
The political relations of the governments of Sal-
vador and Guatemala with Honduras had, early in
1872, become so unfriendly that a war was unavoid-
able. Salvadoran and Guatemala forces invaded Hon-
duras, and were successful in their operations, the
details of which will be given in connection with the
history of the latter country.^^ President Gonzalez
become naturalized after two years' residence, and Spanish Americans after
one year. All Salvadorans of 21 years or upwards, and of good moral char-
acter, were citizens, provided they had either one of the following qualifica-
tions: being father of a family, or head of a household; knowing how to read
and write; possessing an independent livelihood. Those of only 18 years of
age having a literary degree were also voters. The military in active service
could neither vote nor be voted for. The government was vested in three
distinct powers: legislative, composed of a senate, renewable yearly by thirds,
each senator owning at least $2,000 in real estate, and a house of deputies, the
whole renewed yearly; the executive, vested in a president owing at least
$10,000 in real estate, his term being for only two years; and the judiciary,
consisting of the supreme and lower courts. No ecclesiastic was eligible.
The president, vice-president, and members of both houses of congress were
to be chosen by electoral colleges. Laferrihre^ De Paris d Guatemala, 199-
202; El Porvenir de Nic, Nov. 26, 1871; Jan. 7, 1872; Huiz, Calend. Salv., 70.
^6 Full Sp. text in La/erridre, De Paris d Guatemala, 343-82; U. S. Govt
Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 43, Sess. 1, For. Rel., ii. 788-94, 811-20; Nic,
Gaceta, Nov. 30, 1872; Nic, Semanal Nic, Nov. 28, 1872.
"Salvador's acceptance of the war declared by Hond. March 25th was
signed by President Gonzalez, and countersigned by his cabinet; namely,
Gregorio Arbizii, min. of foreign rel. ; Manuel Mendez, min. of pub. instruc-
CALAMITOUS TIMES. • 399
and his victorious army on their return to San Salva-
dor in June received an ovation. Subsequent events
demanded the despatch of more troops to Honduras,
which, together with Guatemala's, completed the work
of the first campaign. The government also felt com-
pelled to exile a number of persons who were mani-
festly conspiring for the destruction of the liberal
regime. ^^ The ministers addressed an expose to the
constituent congress, which had been in session since
September 27th, reviewing the policy of the adminis-
tration, and submitting for its sanction the late war
measures, at variance with the constitution. All the
acts of the president were subsequently approved by
congress.
The only other event of 1872 worthy of mention
was the murder of the vice-president, Manuel Mendez,
on the night of the 1st of September, in the public
street, ^^ by a man named Juan Melendez. At first it
was supposed that the act might have been prompted
by other motives than personal revenge; the latter
proved, however, to be the real cause. The assassin
fled into Honduras, but was finally discovered and
surrendered to Salvador, where he was tried and
executed. ^^
The year 1873 in its first part was a calamitous
one for Salvador. A series of earthquakes caused
tion; Borja Bustamante, min. of the treasury and war; and Antonio G. Val-
des, acting min. of govt. El Porvenir de Nic, May 12, 1872.
^^ A plot was to break out simultaneously in San Salvador, San Vicente,
Sensuntepeque and Cojutepeque, with ramifications in Guatemala. The
Indians of Cojutepeque rose against the garrison and were beaten off.
^^ The report was dated Oct. 4th, and signed by the ministers, G. Arbizii,
J. J. Samayoa, and Fabio Castillo. The legislative sanction was given Oct.
14th. Report of Thomas Biddle, Am. minister, in JJ. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex.
Doc, For. Rel., Cong. 43, Sess. 1, ii. 784-7.
2" Mendez held also the position of minister of public instruction, justice,
and ecclesiastical affairs. He was an honorable, energetic, and talented man,
and his loss was much deplored by the country, and particularly by Pres.
Gonzalez. U. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 547-8. The
republic also lost this year, Dec 10th, one of her most gifted and valuable sons,
Gregorio Arbizti, who had likewise been vice-president, and for many years
minister of foreign relations. His funeral was conducted and the expenses
defrayed by the government, as a mark of respect and appreciation of his
services. Nic, Semanal Nic, Dec 26, 1872.
21 He was captured in Jan. 1875, and shot on the 29th of Apr. Salv., Dario
OJic, Jan. 20, May 1, 1875.
400 DEMOCKATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
de^ruction in many places, specially on the 19th of
March, ruining the capital for the eighth time in its
history. The national congress, after approving the
government's acts to the date of closing its session,
left the country to devote its best energies in repairing
the havoc of that catastrophe. The rest of the year
and 1874 formed, indeed, a period not only of res-
toration but of marked progress in every respect.
National industries went on developing, public in-
struction, under the fostering care of the authorities,
was constantly being spread among the masses, and the
\ financial condition had become much improved. Peace
reigned at home, and the relations with foreign powers
were on an amicable footing; cordiality seemed to
preside over those with the other Central American
states. The future, at the inception of 1875, promised
concord and good- will as well as undisturbed progress-
iveness.^^ But these expectations were not realized.
,n^: The public peace was disturbed on two occasions; the
' first, by the India,ns ._Qf I)oloxeS-izalco.^j5E^
of a dispute with the authorities anent their community_
lands, rose in arms, and on March 14tli assaulted the^
garrison of the city of Izalco, to be repulsed witliL .con-
siderable loss. Their head men were arrested and
imprisoned some months, until, promising good be-
havior in the future, they were released. ^^ The other
affair was a more serious one, calling for eneroetic
action on the part of the Traihtary powpr ^p armprl
mob of reactionists and religious fanatics, led by one
Tinoco and a clergyman named Jose Manuel Palacios,
on the 20th of June, fell upon the city of San Miguel,
slaying the small garrison, together with, the coman-
dante general, Felipe Esj)inosa, and several citizens,
sacking the business houses, and burning down a por-
tion of the town. Such deeds of blood/robbery, and
2^ Such was the flattering account given by the government to the national
congress, on the opening of its labors Jan. 18th. Salv., Mensaje del Presid.^
Jan. 20. 1875; Id., Mem. Sec. Rel. Ejcter., 1875, 1-12; Id., Diano Ofic, Jan.
20, 1875.
'■^^ Under a decree of amnesty of Nov. 2, 1875. Salv., Diano Ojic., Nov. 4,
1875.
PENDING HOSTILITIES.
incendiarism as those of the 20th to the 24tl'nia!
seldom been witnessed in Central America. Troops
arrived from La Union, and the Honduran port of
Amapala, on the 24th, and the malefactors fled, but
not before about thirty of their number, including
Father Palacios, were taken prisoners. A considerable
part of the stolen goods was recovered. Reenforce-
ments followed, and the department was secured from
further molestation. President Gonzalez was at San /
Miguel on the 27th.'' '
On the other hand, a sanguinary and disastrous war
with Guatemala caused an entire change in the ad-
ministration.
The general assembly had, on the 1st of March, con-
voked the people to elect on the first Sunday of De-
cember a president and vice-president for the second
constitutional term to begin February 1, 1876, and
end February 1, 1880. Andres Yalle was chosen
president, and Santiago Gonzalez, vice-president. The
latter offered his resignation, but the assembly did not
accept it. They w^ere inducted into office on the ap-
pointed date. But previous to this, Guatemala having
assumed a menacing attitude, congress decreed that
in the event of the president going to the field at the
head of the army, Valle, then a senator, should act in
his stead, pro tempore. On the same date a forced
loan of $500,000 was also ordered to be raised.
The difficulties arose from a supposed understanding
of President Gonzalez with Guatemalan refugees in
Salvador, and the government of Ponciano Leiva in
Honduras, with the ulterior object of bringing about
the downfall of Barrios. The latter alleged also that
Gonzalez intended to uphold with his forces the gov-
ernment of Leiva, which, according to him, was entirely
unpopular, because of its subserviency to Salvador.
This intervention was deemed not only an attack
^*The governments of Guat., Nic, and Hond. tendered aid. The rebels
were eventually pardoned after some months' imprisonment. Pan. Star and
Herald, July C, 28, 1875; Salv., Diario OJic, June 23 to July 21, 1875.
Hist, Cent. Am., Vol. III. 26
402 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
against Honduran autonomy, but a menace to Guate-
mala. Gonzalez was notified that if he persisted in
that course, Guatemala would then interfere in favor
of General Medina, who was then trying to overthrow
Leiva. The result of this attitude was a renewed
assurance by Gonzalez of friendly feeling, and a prop-
osition to hold a verbal conference on Honduran affairs,
which Barrios accepted, and such a conference was
held now with President Valle at Chingo, and a con-
vention was signed on the 15th of February, under
which Marco Aurelio Soto, an Honduran by birth,
was to undertake the pacification of his country, backed
by equal forces of Guatemala and Honduras. ^^ Barrios
contended that, though Valle was president, Gonzalez
was the real power in Salvador, whom he accused in
a public manifesto of hypocrisy and treachery. Angry
words continued, the two nations being now armed
for the conflict, till they agreed to disband their forces.
Both governments claimed to have done so, imput-
ing to the other a wilful neglect of its obligation.
The probability is, that, distrusting one another, they
merely pretended compliance, keeping their troops
ready for action. Barrios sent 1,500 men into Hon-
duras, and came himself with a force to threaten Sal-
vador on the west, and actually invaded the latter
without a previous declaration of war. At last, on
the 20th of March, Jose Maria Samayoa, minister of
war in charge of the executive of Guatemala, formally
declared all official relations with Salvador at an end,
and then again on the 27th, alleging that Salvadoran
troops had invaded Guatemala, decreed the existence
of war, giving Barrios unlimited power to make such
uses of this declaration as befitted the dignity of Gua-
2^ This intervention was apparently on the ground of humanity, to stop
the civil war raging there. But the main reason recognized was that the sit-
uation in Hond. was a menace to Salv., and might lead to an interruption of
friendly relations between the latter and Guat. Salv. , on being accused of
violating the compact, alleged that by strict rights it had become obsolete
after the action of Naranjo, when Leiva's administration demolished its foes
and recovered its full authority. However, Salv. was disposed to fulfil her
agreement. Salv., Mario Ofic, March 23, 1876.
THE WRATH OF BARRIOS. 403
temala.^^ The government of Salvador on the 26th
of March decreed the treaty of amity and alhance
concluded with Guatemala January 24, 1872, to be no
longer in force. ^'^
Barrios' plan for the campaign was to assail Salva-
dor on the west direct from Guatemala with an army
under his personal command, and at the same time
by a movement from Honduras under General Grego-
rio Solares on the eastern departments of San Miguel
and La Union.
The Mexican general, Lopez Uraga, adjutant-gen-
eral of Barrios, was stationed with a garrison at
Jutiapa to guard the army supplies. At this time
the Salvadorans unsuccessfully attacked an isolated
position on the frontier, which roused the ire of Bar-
rios. He then directed Uraga to move the supplies
to Chingo, whence he started himself to the invasion
of Salvador. Solares had not yet been heard from.
He had first of all to get Medina and Leiva out of
the way in Honduras. The Guatemalan president
then marched to the Coco hacienda, and hearing that
Chalchuapa was abandoned, occupied it at once.
The Salvadorans had their headquarters at Santa
Ana. The armies which were to encounter each
other on the field of battle were the most numerous
Central America had ever seen. Barrios with 8,000
or 9,000 men laid siege of Ahuachapan. Uraga sta-
tioned himself at Chalchuapa with about 1,500, and
Chingo was left with a handful of men.^^
The Guatemalans who have occupied Apaneca were
driven away, and on returning thereto encountered
the Salvadorans on the 15th of April, and after a
2^ These decrees were countersigned by the other ministers, J. Barberena,
F. Lainfiesta, and Joaquin Macal. GuaL, Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ, 202-6 j
Pan. mar and Herald, Apr. 17, 1876.
" It denies all the charges of Barrios and his govt as unfounded in fact
and slanderous, and imputes to Barrios the intent to conquer Cent. Am., be-
ginning with Salv. and Hond. This decree is countersigned by the ministers
Manuel Caceres, Dositeo Fiallos, Julian Escoto, and Carlos Bonilla. Salv.,
DiarioOjic., March 29, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 8, 1876.
28Upa^ga acted under orders, and wonders why the Salvadorans did not
fall upon Chingo and capture all the supplies there. Replica, 12-16.
404 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
fight lasting from eight in the morning till nightfall,
were routed, and pursued as far as Atiquizaya, sus-
taining heavy losses."^
Meantime the belligerent armies in the east were
not idle. Solares after hard fighting from the 17th
to the 19th of April won a signal and decisive vic-
tory at Pasaquina over the Salvadorans commanded
by generals Brioso, Dalgado, Sanchez, and Espinosa;
the results of which were that he obtained control of
the departments of San Miguel and La Union, men-
acing those of San Vicente and Usulutan, and even
the ofticial residence of President Vail e; thus depriv-
ing the government of large resources, and disheart-
ening the army of Gonzalez in Ahuachapan and Santa
Ana.^^ After this victory, Solares being reenforced,
the Salvadorans, now reduced to 800 or 900, precipi-
tately retreated to San Miguel, but by desertions on
the march dwindled down to less than 200. The de-
fence of San Miguel became impossible, and Solares
occupied it, as well as La Union. There being in-
sufficient elements to defend San Vicente, the govern-
ment ordered the scattered garrisons to concentrate
at the capital.
The condition of the army of the west was not
much better. There were in Ahuachapan about 2,600
men, and in Santa Ana hardly 3,500. The former was
greatly decreased by constant fighting during the holy
week, and on the day after easter hardly exceeded 900
demoralized troops. An unsuccessful attempt was
2' The victors did not occupy Apaneca because the enemy, though de-
feated, was still much superior in numbers. The Salvadoran general-in-chief
claimed a victory over 2,500 well-disciplined Guatemalans. The Diario Ofic.
of San Salv., Apr. 18, 1876, had it that 4,000 Guatemalans were put hors de
combat in the two fights of Apaneca — evidently an exaggeration.
'^^ The Salvadoran army of the east was annihilated. Gen. Delgado, and
colonels Henriquez and Jerez were killed, Gen. Figueroa and Col Benj.
Molina wounded. A large number of prisoners, about 1,500 Remington
rifles, and much other war material fell into the victors' hands. El Guateuial-
teco, Apr. 25, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, May 1, 2, 1876. According to a
Salvadoran account, the eastern expeditionary force consisted of 1,500, while
that of Solares was of 2,500. The former claimed a victory on the 17th,
confessing, however, that they had finally to retreat. Salv.y Diario OJic., Apr.
19, 23, 25, 1876.
CONVENTION AND TREATY. 405
made against Chalchuapa. A few days later Salva-
.doran commissioners visited Barrios' headquarters, as
he was, it is averred, on the point of raising the siege
of Ahuachapan.^^ He then marched to Atiquizaya,
and the next day to Chalchuapa, where the negotia-
tions for peace were held,^^ which resulted in a con-
vention, preliminary to a treaty of peace, concluded
on the 25th of April, ratified the next day, and coupled
with the condition sine qua non of a complete change
in the personnel of the Salvadoran government. ^^
2^ He had thrown into it 900 bombs without other result than destroying
a few buildings. Un Guatemalteco, Cartas, 26; Salv., Diario OJic, Apr. 21, 1876.
Gen. Gonzalez told a different story.
^'■^ Gonzalez said that during the negotiations there were 2,300 men in
Ahuachapan and 2,000 in Santa Ana; of the latter only one half were well
armed. The Guatemalans had every advantage — numbers, arms, discipline,
and abundant resources of every kind. They had but few desertions, whereas
from the Salv. ranks there had been many. Barrios' army on entering Santa
Ana exceeded 9,000 men. Salv. still had a chance of obtaining honorable
terms. If these were refused, she could, after providing for the defense of
the capital, concentrate the remainder of her forces in Santa Ana, and trust
to the chances of a battle. Gonzalez, Eel. de los Hechos Ocurr., 1-18, in Parp.
Var., ccxxvii. no. 14.
^'^ The commissioners were Jose Valle, Jacinto Castellanos, and E. Mejia
for Salv., and Gen. Lopez Uraga for Guat. The terms are here epitomized:
1st. Presid. Valle was to resign the executive office to the person hereafter
named. 2d. Gen. Gonzalez to give up the command of the forces to Valle.
Both were to have full guaranties for their persons and property. 3d. The
Salv. forces now at Santa Ana were to retire to San Salv.; Santa Ana to be
evacuated by 12 M. of the 27th inst. War material that could not be removed
in time was to be delivered to Uraga under inventory. 4th. Santa Ana, and
territory within two leagues of the town, were to be occupied by the Guate-
malans, the civil authorities being allowed to exercise their functions therein,
but expected to furnish supplies; Barrios guaranteeing security of persons and
property to the inhabitants. The Guat. forces in the east were to occupy
San Miguel, and territory within one league, under the same guaranties
allowed the civil authorities and people of Santa Ana. 5th. Presid. Valle
was to convoke a jitnta of notables, within four days from the ratification of
this convention, to meet at Santa Ana, and choose in accord with Barrios the
person in whose hands Valle must resign his offices. 6th. The acting execu-
tive must, within ten days, convoke the people of Salv. to freely choose, a
month later, the president of the republic. 7th. The person designated by
the notables shall have organized his government and issued the convocation,
the forces of Guat. will leave the Salv. territory. 8th. Barrios and the pro-
visional executive of Salv. will make a treaty of peace between the two
republics. 9th. This convention must be ratified by Barrios at once, and by
telegram within twenty-four hours by Valle, the ratifications to be exchanged
within six hours after. An additional article made free the transit between
the two countries. The convention was duly ratified. Upwards of 200 per-
sons at Santa Ana sent Barrios, after the occupation of the town by his troops,
April 30th, an address of thanks for his magnanimity and generosity, adding
that no Salvadoran could justly complain of the behavior of the Guat. army.
Guat., Boletin de Noticias, no. 8; Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876, 7-11; Salv.,
Diario, OJic., May 4, 7, 1876; Id., Gaceta, Ofic, May 26, 30, 1876; Costa R.,
InformeSec. Rel, 1876, 11-12; Pan. Star and Herald, May 16, 1876.
406 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
Under tlie preliminary convention of April 25th,
Kafael Zaldivar was chosen provisional president, and
on the 1st of May appointed his cabinet.^* A defini-
tive treaty of peace, friendship, and alliance, offensive
and defensive, was signed at Santa Ana May 8th,^^ in
which Honduras joined on the 27th of May. Gen-
eral Gonzalez had meantime repaired on board the
British war ship Amethyst at La Libertad, transfer-
ring himself afterward to the American mail steam-
ship Costa Rica, on which he left Central America.
Pursuant to the 6th clause of the convention of
April 25th, the people were called upon to choose, on
the first Sunday of June, a president and vice-presi-
dent, as well as representatives to the legislative as-
sembly, the latter to meet at San Salvador on the
1st of July. This clause having been duly carried
out, the Guatemalan forces withdrew from Salvador,
in accordance with the 7th.^^ The elections took
place, the national congress being installed July 3d,
and Rafael Zaldivar declared to have been duly chosen
constitutional president to continue the term from
February 1, 1876, to February 1, 1880. He was ac-
cordingly inducted into office on the 19 th of July.
Rafael Zaldivar had previously served in both
houses of congress, in the cabinet, and filled several
diplomatic missions, notably that of minister plenipo-
tentiary in Berlin.^' On his return he became Presi-
^^Cruz UUoa, min. of foreign relations, justice, eccles. affairs, and pub.
instruction; Jose Lopez, of govern.; Estanislao Perez, of war; and Fabio
Moran, of treasury. Salv., Diario OJic, May 6, 1870.
2^ By Cruz Ulloa and Marco Aurelio Soto. Tlie treaty provided also for
the surrender of common criminals, the concentration away from the frontier
of political refugees; fostering legitimate and checking illicit trade; exclud-
ing Jesuits. In the event of misunderstandings, the parties must resort to
arbitration. The treaty of Jan. 24, 1872, and the Rivas-Carazo with Nic,
were repealed. Honduras and Costa Rica were to be invited to join it. Salv.,
Gaceta OJic., May 11, 1876; La Reqeneracion, May 16, 1870; Salv., Diario
OJic., April 1, 1879; Pan. Star and Herald, June 1, 1876.
'^'^ Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, no. 17. Gen. Indalecio Miranda, who had been
proclaimed president in some parts, recognized Zaldivar.
^'' A native of Salv., he studied medicine in Cent. Am. and completed his
professional studies in Paris. On his return home he soon had a remunera-
tive practice, and came to be considered one of the best physicians in Cent.
Am. His professional duties did not, however, keep him out of politics.
CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS. 407
dent Dueilas' right-hand man and supporter. He
was president of the last general assembly at the
time of Duenas' downfall, and considering his life in
danger, he concealed himself, and finally escaped out
of the country. ^^ After this he lived in exile about
five years.^^
The new administration had no home or foreign
complications to distract its attention from the usual
routine of duties, and progress was soon noticeable in
every branch of industry as well as of the public ser-
vice. The executive, on the 3d of April, 1879, called
the people to choose a constituent congress to effbct
reforms in the constitution of November 9, 1872.
This body was duly installed June 9th, under the
presidency of Teodoro Moreno ; but after appointing
a committee to frame a constitution, it adjourned July
2d to meet again between the 1st and 15th of Janu-
ary, 1880. It reassembled on the latter date, and
proceeded to consider the project of a fundamental
law laid before it by that committee. Some amend-
ments were finally adopted on the 19th of February,
and Zaldivar was reelected president for the ensuing
term from February 1, 1880, to February 1, 1884.
Nothing worthy of special mention occurred till the
end of 1882. The constitutional congress opened its
session on the 5th of January, 1883, when the presi-
dent gave an encouraging account of the political situ-
ation. Peace reigned, and the people were devoted
to their industrial pursuits. The relations with the
other nations of the earth were cordial, Salvador,
though a small power, being the recipient of respect
and regard from all others. With Costa Rica the rela-
tions, interrupted since October 1879, were renewed,
2^ He effected his escape from the capital disguised as an Indian with a
load of grass on his head.
^^ In Feb. 1879 congress thanked the emperor of Germany for the honor
of knighthood conferred on Zaldivar. In France he was given the title of
officer of pub. instruction. The same month and year congress gave him a
Vote of thanks for his services. Saiv., Diarlo OJic, March 6, 8, 1879.
408 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN S.VLVADOK.
and with Nicaragua the most perfect understanding
existed. The treaty of alhance with Guatemala and
Honduras was in full force/^
But this happy state of things was not to last.
At 2 o'clock in the morning of April 16th, a body of
men armed with rifles, shot-guns, revolvers, and
machetes attacked the garrison at Santa Tecla, crying
Viva la religion ! Viva el Doctor Gallardo ! Mueran
Zaldivar y Barrios ! They were repulsed by the
troops commanded by Colonel Matias Castro Delgado,
who captured forty prisoners. The government forces
went in pursuit of the others in the region of the
neighboring volcano.^^ The insurrectionary move-
ment had ramifications in other towns, namely, La
Liber tad, San Salvador, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, and
Sonsonate, where its authors expected to be seconded.
The president at once placed the departments of
San Salvador, La Libertad, and the west under
martial law. This and other prompt measures pre-
vented any further action on the part of the would-be
revolutionists. Quiet having been fully restored, the
decree of martial law was repealed. ^^
Another change in the constitution was made this
year. The executive called a convention on the 18th
of October to meet between the 15th and 20th of
December, to revise the charter of February 19, 1880,
adapting the fundamental institutions of the country
to its present needs; and also to take cognizance of
other matters which the executive would lay before it.*^
^^ He therefore saw good reason to tender congratulations to the repre-
sentatives of the people on the promising condition of Salvador and the other
Cent. Am. republics. Zaldivar, Mensaje, Jan. 5, 1883; Pan. Star and Herald^
Jan. 17, 1883; Pan. El Gronista, Jan. 20, 1883.
*^ Among the persons taken as leaders of the movement were Gen. Fran-
cisco Menendez, Dr Manuel Callardo, Marcial Estevez, and Manuel A. Loucel.
Salv., Diario Ofic, Apr. 16, 17, 1883; Pan. Star and Herald, May 5, 7, 1883.
*^ June 1st. This decree caused much satisfaction among all classes.
*^The grounds for the convocation as stated were that the people had
almost unanimously declared that some of the clauses of the constitution of
1880 were not suited to the national requirements. The Diario Ojicial ex-
pressed the hope that the revision would give a more judicious application of
the principles of a republican government, thus strengthening the public
liberties without weakening the principle of authority.
CHRONIC REVOLUTION. 409
A new constitution was adopted soon after, contain-
ing all the political rights recognized in the most lib-
eral instruments of the kind, guaranteeing also the
free exercise of all religions not repugnant to morality
and public order/* President Zaldivar was reelected
and reinaugurated on the 1st of February, 1884/^
But obtaining leave of absence to visit Europe, where
his family had been some time, he turned over the
executive office to the first designado, Angel Guirola,
who was to hold it till his return/^ He was again
in San Salvador in August, and resumed his duties.
Another period of trouble is now again impending
on Salvador. Elsewhere I give the particulars of
the undertaking of Barrios, president of Guatemala,
to reconstruct Central America as one republic by
force of arms. It is unnecessary to do more than
glance at the same here. On finding a deliberate
opposition to his project on the part of the govern-
ments of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Bica, he
placed his army in the field to support any move-
ments in those republics toward the end he had in
view. The people of Salvador responded to the call
of their authorities,*^ who in a short time had about
1,800 volunteers enrolled, and relied, moreover, on
the aid of the other three governments equally inter-
ested in defending their autonomy. About 12,000 men
were stationed on the western frontier under the direct
command of President Zaldivar, but no act of hostility
was committed, out of respect for the American min-
**The govt was vested in three distinct powers: legislative in two cham-
bers; executive in a president for four years; and judicial in a supreme court.
*^ He constituted his cabinet with the following ministers: Salvador Galle-
gos, of foreign affairs; Domingo Lopez, interior; Pedro Melendez, treasury
and navy; Asun. Mora, war and public works; Luciano Hernandez, education;
and Antonio J. Castro, justice. GuaL, Mem. Sec. Bel. Exter., 1884, p. 6; Costa
R., Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter., 1884, 5-6; Pan. Star and HeraU, Jan. 16, Feb. 23,
26, 1884.
^^ He visited the \J. S. and France, being received with the honors due his
rank as chief magistrate of a friendly nation. La Estrella de Pan.* Aug. 14,
Sept. 11, 1884; El Guatemalteco, Apr. 29, 1884.
*^ Proclamations and manifestoes of Pres. Zaldivar and the assembly of
Salv., March 14, 15, 17, 1885. Costa B., Boletin Ojic, March 21, April 1, 1885;
La Estrella de Pan., March 28, 1885.
410 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOIl.
ister, who had been mediating, and obtained from Bar-
rios that he would not invade Salvador if his own
territory were not assailed. But this pledge went for
nothing. The Guatemalans invaded Salvador March
30th, compelling the Salvadorans who had been forti-
fying the hacienda del Coco to abandon that position,
though only after severe fighting, and retire into their
fortifications of Chalchuapa/^ The latter were assailed
by the whole force of the enemy, but the garrison re-
turned the fire with success, and gallantly met the
desperate onslaught until a signal victory crowned
their well-directed efforts. Barrios, the intrepid
leader of the Guatemalans, lost his life, but this did
not put an end to the fight for several hours yet.*^
The discomfited assailants began their retreat to the
frontier at six o'clock, or a little later, in the evening,
unpursued.^^
With the friendly intervention of the foreign diplo-
matic corps an armistice was signed, giving time for
negotiations, which culminated in a treaty of peace
with Guatemala, the particulars of which are given else-
*^The Salv. ofl&cial reports claimed victories at Coco and San Lorenzo.
The attack against tlie latter was made at 10 p. m. of the 31st, and repulsed.
Repeated the next day from 5 A. M. to 3 p. M. ; the assailants were driven
back by Gen. Monterosa, Costa R., Boletin OJic.y April 2, 1885.
*^ According to a Guat. account, an error was committed in not bombard-
ing the Salv. stronghold, Casa Blanca. Barrios at 8 A. M. of the 2d led the
assault on the N. E. side of the fortification with the Jiron brigade of Jala-
pas, which on that day behaved cowardly. Shortly after the assault, a little
past 9, Barrios was mortally wounded, and forthwith removed. The Jalapas
gave way, divulging to other troops the death of the president. Thus it came
to pass that the first who saw Barrios fall were the first to take to flight, fol-
lowed by men of several other brigades. To avert a disaster, the troops oper-
ating on the N. side were recalled. The firing ceased on both sides at 4 : 30,
and the retreat to the Magdalena began at 6:30, the Salvadorans not pursu-
ing. The same authority claimed that if the firing had been kept up an
hour longer, the Guatemalans would have won the day, several bodies of
troops having abandoned the town, and the supply of ammunition in the
place being already scanty. He asserts that the Guat. loss in all the fights
was in killed, besides the president, and his son Gen. Venancio Barrios, colo-
nels A. Jiron, V. Bonilla Cruz, Urbano Sanchez, Major Gonzalez, a few other
officers, and 200 rank and file. Campafia de la Union Cent, ^m., in La Estrelki
de Pan., May 30, 1885.
^Further details may be seen in Zaldivar, Mensaje, May 4,. 1885; Costa
R., Informe Sec. Bel. Exter., 1885, 1-4; Id., Boletin Ofic, Apr. 5, 1885; La
Estrella de Pan., Apr. 4, May 2, 9, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 10, 24,
27, 1885; S. F. Cronista, Apr. 4, 11, 15, 25, May 2, 1885; Me^., Biario OJic.,
Apr. 4, 1885; Id., Monitor Bel., June 20, 1885; Id., La Prensa, supl. no. 162.
FRANCISCO MENENDEZ. 411
where. ^^ With Honduras''^ a treaty was concluded,
with the assent of the three aUies, which restored
friendly relations. Zaldivar called congress to hold
an extra session, and laid before it, May 4th, an ac-
count of the campaign and its results, and concluded,
asking that body to accept his resignation. This was
unanimously refused; nor was his subsequent request
for a year's leave of absence granted. But on his
declaring his intention of taking the unused time of
the leave given him in 1884, that body acceded, and
allowed him to be absent twelve months. On the
14th, he placed the executive authority in the hands
of the second designado. General Fernando Figueroa,
his minister of the treasury, who had the support of
Zaldivar's friends; and on the following day departed
for Europe. ^^ An insurrection had already broken
out in the west, promoted by political adversaries,
whose leader was General Francisco Menendez. The
government reported a victory over the insurgents at
Armenia the 19th of May, but the revolution gained
ground so rapidly that Menendez, who had been pro-
claimed presidente provisorio, made his triumphal
entry in San Salvador on the 2 2d, midst the acclama-
tions of the populace.^* The revolution was success-
ful, and the new government was afterward recognized
by foreign powers."^
In August, Menendez called on the people to choose
a constituent convention, and preparations were made
therefor; but disturbances having occurred in several
places, he prolonged his dictatorship and redeclared
^^ The gov. of Salv. proclaimed peace on the 15th of April, and granted a
full amnesty to all who took j)art in the war against Salv., and generally to
all in exile for political offences.
^^ Though the gov. had made common cause with Barrios, it manifested a
disposition to cut loose from the alliance after the late events.
°3 Costa R., Gaceta, May 19, June 24, 1885. Zaldivar well knew that there
was a powerful opposition to him.
^* Menendez was a man of energy and courage. He possessed good com-
mon sense and natural shrewdness. His habits were simple. Polite and
unassuming, he always made a favorable impression.
^^ Costa i?., Gaceta, July 1, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, July 18, 1885;
La Estralla de Pan., July 25, 1885.
412 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
martial law/^ Zaldivar was charged with improper
uses of the pubUc funds, and the government refused
to recognize a certain indebtedness incurred in his ad-
ministration. His property in Salvador was seized,
and an attempt was made by certain persons to lay
hands on some real estate of his in Costa Kica, but
they were not permitted to do so/^ Shortly after
there was a rupture with Nicaragua, which did not
last long, a treaty of peace being signed at Amapala
in January 1886.
^6 Nov. 26 and 27, 1885. Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 9, Dec. 7, 1885.
This state of things still existed in March 1886. Correspondence of March
Ist, to S. F. Post, April 2, 1886.
^^ The supreme court would not recognize the right of tlie Salv. courts to
demand it. Costa P., Gaceta, Nov. 1, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 18,
1885.
CHAPTER XX.
DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
1865-1873.
President Cerna's Rule— Partial Revolts — Liberals in the Assembly
— Cerna's Reelection — Riots in the Capital — Zavala's Course —
— Cruz* Rebellion, Defeat, and Death — Arrests of Liberals —
Moderation of the Government — Revolution of Garcia Granados
AND Barrios — Plan of Patzicia — Cerna Defeated and Overthrown —
Granados as Presidente Provisorio — Seditious Movements Quelled
— Abolition of Priestly Privileges — Prelates, Jesuits, and Capu-
chins Expelled — War with Honduras — Barrios as Substitute
President — His Severity — Elections — Barrios Chosen Constitu-
tional President.
Upon the demise of President Carrera, April 14,
1865, the government devolved for a time on Pedro
de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs, who sum-
moned the legislative body to choose a successor in
the executive seat. The person then selected was
Vicente Cerna,^ who took possession of the chair with
the usual formalities on the 24th of May, and in his
manifesto and inaugural made known that his policy
would be that of the preceding administration, being
assured of the cooperation of the late president's min-
isters, whose qualifications he could not too highly
^ A general officer then filling the position of civil and military chief of the
department of Chiquimula. It has been said that Carrera, shortly before his
death, suggested him for the succession. The conservative element claimed
that for his abilities and meritorious services Cerna had won himself popular
regard. Nic, Gaceta, May 20, 1865. Events will show that his mental cali-
ore was very ordinary, being a religious fanatic, and retrogressionist of the
old oligarchic school of the Aycinenas, Pavons, and Batres. He was a warm
friend and constant associate of the Jesuits, to whom he went to confession,
if reports did not belie him, about once a week; so he must have had a ten-
<ier conscience, or else was a confirmed sinner.
(413;
414 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
extol. ^ Though a brave man, and not an unskilful
general, Cerna was not gifted with the extraordinary
acuteness of Carrera; and not possessing the support
and overawing power which the late ruler had over
the liberals, omens of trouble began to appear in the
political horizon. The fact is, that the assembly and
people, at the time of his election, had expected some
reforms of the former policy. But at the end of
nearly two years these expectations had vanished, and
insurrections were erelong set on foot; for the liberal
party, though kept under, so many years, had not died
out. Justo Rufino Barrios, hitherto a refugee in
Chiapas,^ now appeared on the theatre of war, render-
ing efficient aid to the most influential opponent of the
government. Scrapie Cruz, one of Carrera's generals,
who had early in February 1867 initiated a revolu-
tion in Sanarate, recruiting men and capturing arms
from Guastatoya.* Though corpulent, Cruz was ener-
getic and strong, active in his movements, and pos-
sessing a knowledge of the mountainous region, could
not be easily subdued by the government.^ However,
it so happened that Brigadier Solares pressed him
hard, and he had to flee, when his followers abandoning
him, he asked for a safe-conduct out of the country,
which was given him on the 8th of April, and he
was taken under a guard to the frontier of Salvador.^
2 * Su probidad, rectas intenciones, inteligencia, y larga prdctica de los
negocios merecen la estimacion y confianza de todos los buenos guatemaltecos. '
Guat. , Boletin de Noticias, no. 3.
^ It is understood that his father, a peaceable citizen of Los Altos, for some
unguarded words against the govt, was taken as a prisoner to the capital,
and cruelty treated. The son then had gone off to Chiapas, whence he had
made occasional raids.
* The govt deprived Cruz of his rank as a mariscal de campo, suspended
constitutional guaranties, such as they were, and declared traitors all persons
implicated in the rebellion, or holding relations with the insurgents. On the
5th of Feb. troops were despatched to the disturbed districts. Pan. Mercan-
tile Chronicle, March 3, 1887.
^ One of his plans was to destroy the rum-stills belonging to a monopoly,
from which the treasury derived a large revenue. The cry of Down with the
aguardiente company ! raised by any popular man would bring him stanch
followers. Carrera himself had used it in his early days.
^ He had signed a pledge not to return to Guat. without leave of the govt,
and neither directly nor indirectly to disturb the public peace. Nic. , Gacetay
Apr. 27, May 25, 1867; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 20, 18G7; Pan. Mercan-
tile Chronicle, May 22, 1867.
BARRIOS' PRONUNCIAMIENTO. 415
The government did not sanction this proceeding of
Solares.
A prormnciamiento took place at the Malacate haci-
jicenda, belonging to Barrios, August 3d, the same year,
which also failed, the insurgents being defeated, and
their leader, Francisco Cruz, and thirty-seven others
captured by Indians friendly to the government, and
sentenced/ Scrapie Cruz with twenty men invaded
Guatemala from Chiapas in March 1869. The gov-
ernment decreed stringent measures.^ Cruz on the
27th of April destroyed a, small party of troops
* under Lieutenant Abelar in the mountains. He was
on the 2d and 3d of May at Huehuetenango,^ and on
the 4th marched to Momostenango with five hundred
Indians and some ladinos. About one hundred of
his men had fire-arms, a number only machetes, and
the rest were unarmed. He continued his march to
Santa Maria Chiquimula, thence to Santa Lucia, five
leagues distant, but abandoned it on the 6th, upon the
approach of government troops, going to Sacapulas,
as if to return to the mountains of Nebaj. Colonel
Battle reported May 20th from Nebaj the utter dis-
comfiture of Cruz that morning. His men had taken
flight, scattering in the mountains. ^^ Another report
of the 23d stated that Cruz with only 23 men was on
the 21st fleeing through the unsettled region of
Chimal, as if bound to Chiapas by way of Chaculd. It
■^ Cruz and some of his officers were executed; others were sentenced to ten
years' confinement in San Felipe castle, J. Rufino Barrios escaped, and his
hacienda, El Malacate, being partly in Guat. and partly in Soconusco, an
active pursuit of him was not easy. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, Aug. 16, 1867;
Pan. Merc. Chronicle, Sept. 4, 18, Oct. 4, 1867. Barrios made another raid
from his hacienda in Apr. 18G8, which also failed in effecting his purpose.
Guat., Gaceta, Apr. 29, 1868; Nic, Gaceta, May 23, 1868.
^ ^lay 8th, suspended certain clauses of the constitution. The decree
alleged that Cruz had been inveigling the Indians of Los Altos ' con promesas
peligrosas de distribucion de iierras.' Cruz was declared amenable to the
laws for his seditious acts of 1867 as well as for the present ones. All others
concerned with him were made indictable for treason, if after the public, of
the decree they did not surrender. Passports had to be obtained to travel.
Guat., Gaceta Ofic, Apr. 9, 1869; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 17, 1869; Salv.,
Constitiicional, May 20, 1869.
^ The distillery was destroyed as a matter of course.
^° The official report added that the insurgents left 24 dead and 16 pris-
oners; and that it was rumored Cruz had been shot in the heart.
416 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
seems that being pursued from all directions, he fled
from Yerapaz, where he found no followers, to Cani-
llil, and succeeded in entering the Sierra Madre. In
*/ Guatemala it was reported, July 30, 1869, that Cruz
had again taken refuge in Chiapas. ^^ ■
While the government had been thus harassed by
insurgents in arms, the liberal opposition in the legis-
lative chamber was daily growing in strength. Deputy
Miguel Garcia Granados repeatedly denounced the
arbitrary acts of the ministers. After a while there
came to be but few less liberals than conservatives in
the legislature, and when Cerna's term was approach-
ing its end, the opposition felt strong enough to have
a candidate of their own at the presidential election.
Cerna was brought forw^ard by his party for the next
term— May 24, 1869, to December 31, 1872. The
liberals nominated General Victor Zavala, who had
won so much distinction in the Walker campaign, and
w^as popular with the military element. ^^ Zavala was
defeated, though he had a respectable support in the
assembly,^^ which was an omen of a not distant change
in the political situation.
y On the 24th of May, 1869, the date of Cerna s
second inauguration, there was a great popular excite-
ment at the capital. A revolution was impending.
At the approach of night every precaution was adopted
by the ministers to guard the president's mansion and
the public buildings. The troops were kept in the
barracks under arms. As darkness increased, cries of
Viva Zavala! were repeatedly heard, shots were fired,
several persons being wounded, and one killed in the
plaza del teatro. Zavala's friends tried to prevail on
"-V^c., Gaceta, June 12, 19, Aug. 7, Sept. 18, Dec. 18, 18G9; Pan. Star and
Herald, June 17, Sept. 17, 18G9; Guat., Boletin de JS/oticias, Nov. 24, 18^9.
^^ Zavala was accused by the conservatives of political inconsistency, in
that he had all along claimed to be a supporter of Cerna. Pan. Star and
Herald, Feb. 2, 1869.
^•* The vote stood 31 for Cerna, 21 for Zavala, 5 scattered. Not a bad
showing for the liberals, if we consider that the electors had been chosen under
the influence of the oligarchic government. Id., Feb. 23, June 17, 18G9.
DETERMINED REVOLUTIONISTS. 417
him to lead them in an attempt to overthrow the ad-
ministration. He refused to do so, from motives of
prudence and unwiUingness to cause bloodshed. He
strongly doubted that such a movement could be suc-
cessful, and was probably right, but his course on that
occasion lost him the regard of the more enthusiastic
portion of his political supporters. There had been
an escape from a sanguinary revolt, but the public
mind remained greatly agitated.
Cerna in his inaugural address had said that the
troubled state of the country had demanded his ac-
ceptance of a reelection, and that this opportunity,
when the republic was at peace with the other Central
American states, and with all foreign powers, was a
favorable one for good citizens to aid the government
in securing quiet at home. But his advice was un-
heeded. Neither he nor his ministers were allowed
any peace. Garcia Granados continued his agitation
in the legislative chamber, his denunciations of the
government growing from day to day louder and more
menacing. The president and his cabinet were aware
that a large portion of the middle class in the chief
J towns sided with the liberal agitator, and that tlie
leaven of liberalism already was working in the army.
Several superior officers were accordingly distrusted,
and the lower ones serving under them were of course
looked on as unreliable. The treasury was empty,
and the country burdened with a heavy debt, both in-
ternal and foreign.^* Meantime, Serapio Cruz was
daily gaining strength on the north-western frontier.
He was supplied with money by the liberals, with
which he bouofht arms for his followers. His Indian
allies kept him advised of every advance of govern-
ment troops. ^^ He was exceedingly active and suc-
•^ cessful in the latter part of 1869, having at this time
^*In his message to congress Nov. 25th, Cerna acknowledged that the
country was in a sad plight. He called his account ' un cuadro desconsolador, '
and requested a postponement of the session.
^^ The govt had raised a loan in London, and for a few months was able to
tide over many of its difficulties, internal debts, and arrears due the army
and officials being settled, and the treasury still having a surplus.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 27
418 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
from 700 to 1,000 men, and being efficiently seconded
by J. Eufino Barrios. Various collisions with tlie
government troops were favorable to the insurgents.
The latter assaulted Huehuetenango, a strongly gar-
risoned place, and were repulsed, but not before they
had burned down a large part of it. In December
1869, Cruz approached the capital, and by rapid move-
ments evaded the superior forces of the government.
On Saturday, the 15th of January, 1870, the liberals
in the capital had made preparations for an outbreak
the following day, when Cruz was expected to march in
and support them. Early on Sunday there was much
excitement in the city. Unfortunately for their cause,
Cruz had relaxed his vigilance. Before noon it was
whispered that on the road leading from the eastern
gate to Palencia, a severe encounter had taken place ;
next came a report that Cruz had been defeated and
killed, soon followed by another that his head was on
its way to the city. This proved to be a fact.^^ The
victors marched into the capital with their ghastly
trophy, the head of the man who had expected at that
moment to be master of the place. ^'^
^^ The government had supposed him in a distant department fleeing from
its troops, when he quietly slipped into Palencia, a town distant 8 or 9 miles
from Guatemala, in the night of Saturday. Feeling certain that the govt
was ignorant of his whereabouts, and confident that the people of Palencia
were friendly, he failed to adopt proper precautions, and even had high mass
chanted for his troops in the small hours of the morning. But it so happened
that the authorities of Guatemala received late in the night information of
his arrival, and of the number of his men. An overwhelming force of Santa
Rosa Indians, devoted to Cerna and hostile to Cruz' Indians, was despatched
under command of Brig. Solares, who surrounded Cruz and attacked him be-
fore he had begun to prepare for his own attack of the capital. He made a
desperate fight of two hours, however, behind the adobe walls of a corral, but
it availed naught. His only chance of escape was in flight, A rush carried
him and his remaining men to the edge of a ravine, and he had gone down
half of the steep descent when a ball struck him in the thigh and broke it.
No quarter was asked or given. He was slain while fiercely fighting to the
last. His fleeing men were relentlessly pursued for several days, and such
as were not killed in the ravines were captured and executed. Peatfiehrs
Glimpse at a Cent. Am. Hep., in Overland Monthly, xiv. 163-5; see also Gnat.,
Boletin de NoUcias, Jan. 15, 1870; M, Gaceta, Jan. 28, 1870; Nic, Gaccta,
Feb. 5, 19, 1870; Nueva Era, Paso del Norte, Apr. 3, 1885. The victorious
Solares was promoted to mariscal de campo; his officers also received promo-
tion, and the rank and file one month's extra pay; but he lived to enjoy his
new honors less than a year, his death occurring in Nov. 1870. Nic, Gaceta,
Dec. 3, 1870.
" It was exposed to the public gaze at the door of the hospital, where a
photograph of it was taken, copies of which were sold at half a dollar each.
EXCEPTIONAL CLEMENCY. 419
All hope of success for the liberals was now at an
end, at least for a time. The correspondence of their
chief men with Cruz having been captured, the gov-
ernment ordered their arrest, but most of them es-
caped. Jose Maria Samayoa, the wealthiest of them,
was imprisoned a short time, and then banished, and
went to sojourn in San Salvador. Garcia Granados,
after being some time concealed, was ultimately dis-
covered, and sought asylum at the British legation,
from which, by the intercession of other foreign rep-
resentatives, he was permitted to leave the country.
He went to reside in Chiapas. ^^ The administration
must be commended for its magnanimity. Not a
single execution or confiscation of property followed
its triumph. Whatever the motive was which prompted
clemency to such bitter opponents ^^ against the opin-
ion of many firm supporters, it may not be denied that
it eventually brought about the government's over-
throw; for the condition of the liberals, though over-
spread with gloom, was not altogether hopeless. The
government strengthened their bands by failing to
satisfy the people with liberal measures. ^^ The dis-
content grew apace. Neither the authorities nor
Garcia Granados were idle during L870, both laying
in a supply of breech-loading rifles. ^
Early in 1871, the liberals of Salvador, with the
assistance of the president of Honduras, overthrew the
government of Duenas.^^ This w^as a heavy blow to
the conservatives. Garcia Granados was organizing
an expedition in Chiapas, probably in concert with the
liberals of Salvador, and as soon as Duenas' downfall
was accomplished, he invaded Guatemala, where he
was joined by J. Kufino Barrios, who, upon the defeat
^^ On parole not to return without permission of the govt. He and some
members of his family had to sign a $10,000 bond.
1^ Silas A. Hudson, the Am. minister, claimed that much had been due to
his advice, and the favorable opinion had of his friendly course. U. S. Ocmt
Doc., H. Ex. Doc, For. Rel., Cong. 41, Sess. 3, 444.
2" Cernawas blind himself, or tried to throw dust into the eyes of the repre-
sentatives of the people when in his message of Nov. 25, 1870, he assured
them that peace had been fully restored. Nic, Gaceta, Dec. 17, 1870.
2^ The particulars of this revolution appear in another chapter.
420 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
of Cruz, had retired into Mexican territory. Vicente
Mendez Cruz invaded on the 5 th of March at Charula
and proceeded to the sierra of Nebaj, relying on the
aid of the Indians of Chajul. He was joined by an-
other party under E. Giron, and together they occu-
pied Coban, which was ungarrisoned. Barrios with
about sixty men encountered, April 4th, on the Ta-
cand heights, a government force, which retreated to
San Mdrcos. Lastly, Lieutenant-colonel Juan Viteri
joined them with some servants of his hacienda.^^
Garcia Granados, by way of Cuilco and Tejutla,
reached, May 10th, Serchil, distant three leagues from
San Pedro Sacatepequez. He, together with Barrios,
occupied San Marcos, and on the approach of Lieu-
tenant-colonel Calonge, retreated toward Coatepeque.^^
The result of the operations was that on June 1st
Calonge, at the head of 800 men, was routed by
Garcia Granados near La Antigua, losing his artillery,
500 rifles, and ammunition. Of the government
troops hardly 100 men got back to the capital. The
people of Jutiapa revolted, and sent a commissioner to
General Gregorio Solares, then at Santa Ana, in
Salvador, to invite him to command a considerable
force for cooperation with Garcia Granados. Solares
lost no time in answerincr the call.
o
The officers of the liberating army held a meeting
on the 3d of June at the town of Patzicia, and in a
preamble and series of resolutions made known their
purpose to overthrow Cerna and his administration,
and establish a republic based on democratic princi-
ples, to which effect Miguel Garcia Granados was
called to act as provisional president with ample
powers. ^^ Garcia Granados had previously made a
22 The Boletin de Notidas said, respecting his movement, ' cometid el acto
de demencia.'
2^ So said the Boletin de Noticias of Guat., copied by A^ic., Oaceta^ June 3,
1871.
2* The preamble said that Cema's govt had become intolerable by its arbi-
trary and cruel acts in violation of the constitution and other laws; that it
had usurped powers, and had assailed the representatives of the people; it
had ruined the public treasury, and compromised the independence of the
country by contracting without authority of law a ruinous loan in Europe.
GARCIA GRANADOS. 421
proclamation to his countrymen detailing the arbitrary
acts of the government, one of which had been the or-
der to confine him and other representatives of the
people ^^ in the dungeons of Fort San Jose. He was
fortunate, however, in escaping arrest. He now urged
the necessity of overthrowing a despotism under which
the nation could make no progress whatever."^ Again,
after the pronunciamiento of Patzicia, he issued an-
other manifesto, pledging himself to labor for the
establishment of a republican government.
The troops sent against the insurgents at first made
little or no resistance. They were disaffected men,
and led by lukewarm or faithless officers. ^^ Cerna
then took the field with the troops which could be
spared from the defence of the capital, a good portion
being his faithful battalions of Santa Rosa and Chi-
Consequently, the people would no longer forbear with its tyrannical domina-
tion, and had resolved to set it aside. The following are the resolutions
epitomized: 1st. To depose the tyrant and usurper Cerna; 2d. To appoint
Miguel Garcia Granados provisional president with full authority to reorgan-
ize a government on the bases proclaimed by him May 8, 1871; 3d. He was
also instructed when expedient to convoke a constituent assembly for fram-
ing a new fundamental law; 4th. The officers solemnly bound themselves not
to lay down their arms until these purposes were effected. Signed by Gen.
of Brigade J. Rufino Barrios, Colonel Francisco del Riego, lieut-colonels Juan
Viteri, Julio Garcia Granados, etc. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ, i. 1-3
et seq.
2^ He had been, he said, for 20 years energetically opposing the govern-
ment's illegal proceedings in the chamber of deputies; and it had never dared
to touch him until after its triumph over Cruz in Jan. 1870. Garcia Granados,
Prod, June 2, 1871.
^^ A contemporary gives the following lists of bequests left by the con-
servative rule of thirty years. *A large number of Jesuits, well fed on the
sweat of the people, and their acolytes and choristers; another large quantity
of Capuchin friars who preyed on the inhabitants of Antigua, Guat. ; about
200 friars and lay brothers in the capital, most of them lazy and stupid;
nearly 200 useless nuns, of whom some 40 were in a state of insanity or
idiocy, and in condition to be canonized; one archbishop, 2 bishops, 12 or
15 vicars and canons, and a high steward of church property, etc; a foreign
debt of five million dollars; a nearly complete absence of public education,
necessitating the establishment of at least 500 schools and colleges adequately
supplied; few, if any, roads or bridges; no steam vessels; no adequate postal
service; no telegraphs; no public lands, for immense tracts of unproductive
lands were held by the church and by a few aristocrats. Juan Alvarez, Dos
Palahxxs, 12-13. Prior to the revolution of 1871, which regenerated the
country, the capital wore a monkish and funereal look. After the triumph of
this movement, abuses were eradicated, anachronisms disappeared, and mod-
ern ideas began to prevail. Batres, A Sketch of Guat, 16-17.
"" The men had been pressed into the service, and moreover, dreading the
superior arms of their opponents, in several instances fled at the first onset,
throwing down their arms.
4^2 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
quimula Indians; but it was too late. He was in no
condition to cope with the enemy, most of his best
officers having deserted him. There were several
encounters, in only one of which he had any chance
of success. On the 23d of June he surprised the
insurgents on the hills between Totonicapan and
Quezaltenango, in Tierrablanca; his brave Indians
drove back the Quezaltenangos, but Barrios came
with reenforcements of his best troops, and regained
the lost ground. At this moment Cerna was no
longer fit to command, being taken very ill.^^ His
friends hurried him off, and his men were utterly
routed, and made a hasty retreat in the afternoon.
Next morning Colonel Julio Garcia Granados went
in pursuit, and captured nearly 100 prisoners and a
quantity of war material.
Cerna reached Chimaltenango, and thought of forti-
fying himself there. With reenforcements received
from the capital he now had 2,100 men The insur-
gent army, though increased in Los Altos, was
only 1,200 strong; but it was flushed with vic-
tory, and counted on the superiority of its Kemington
and Winchester rifles. Garcia Granados resolved not
to attack Cerna in Chimaltenango, but to march by
way of San Andrds Itzapa to La Antigua, and occupy
the heights of Santa Lucia, thus menacing th^ capi-
tal. ^^ On reaching Chicoj he heard that Cerna was
at La Antigua. Changing his plans, he marched to
Chimaltenango, and thence to Santiago, a town six
leagues from Guatemala, where he spent the night.
In Zumpango he was advised of the occupation of
AmatitJan by Solares, whom he at once directed to
harass Cerna on his march to the capital. Granados'
intent was to meet Cerna on the Mixco road; and to
this end early on the 29fch of June repaired to San
■■^^It has been averred that he partook of some coflfee which had been
drugged.
'^^ Cerna must either pursue, giving him a vantage-ground, or rush to the
defence of the capital, making the success of the revolution equally certain,
for the whole country would then rise against his detested rule.
IMPORTANT VICTORY. 423
Liicas, to ascertain with certainty the time when Cerna
would pass through Rancho de San Lucas toward
Bdrcenas. He occupied that town, and after a con-
sultation with his second in command, Barrios, went
with a body of cavalry to the Mixco heights, where
he presently heard shots from the direction of San
Liicas. Cerna had made ready for the struggle.
Barrios saw victory on the San Lucas hill; and with-
out waiting the return of his chief, directed Julio
Garcia Granados with 800 men to support his front,
and rapidly marched with 400, and occupied the hill,
thus winning the day. Cerna's troops, finding their
retreat cut off, disbanded by hundreds, and by night-
fall the number of prisoners and deserters, most of the
latter with their arms, exceeded 1,000.^*^ The victory
was complete; for of Cerna's 2,400 men — he had lately
received 400 — scarcely 30 entered the capital that
day.^^
The provisional president passed the night in Bar-
cenas, and the next morning after the civil authorities
of Guatemala had met him outside and quietly de-
livered the keys of the city together with the castle
and barracks, he, accompanied by Barrios, the other
leading officers, and the troops, marched into the capi-
tal amid the most enthusiastic plaudits. ^^ With the
exception of a few hostile cries against Cerna, Bo-
3^ An unfortunate circumstance occurred. A portion of the troops with
which Julio G. Granados had forced the passage of the ravine, going toward
the farm of Dieguez, encountered two companies of Solares' men, and the two
forces mistaking one another for the enemy, fought some minutes; some men
were wounded, and a field-ofl&cer named Juan Soldrzano was slain. Giiat., Bole-
tin de Noticias, Aug. 4, 1871; Nic, Gaceta, Sept. 16, 1871.
^^ They all behaved well; but special credit must be given, not only to the
chief and Barrios, but to Solares and Viteri, who struck decisive blows.
22 Cerna fled to Chiquimula with a few followers. The Indians were still
faithful to him, and begged he should lead them to the field in defence of his
cause; but he knew any such effort must end in disaster, and refused. He
then continued his flight to Honduras. Most of his ministers also escaped.
Indeed, no effort was made to detain them, or other men of the fallen adminis-
tration, it being considered a better policy not to be hampered with the respon-
sibility of disposing of them. The old minister of war remained behind and
was not molested. Full particulars on the campaign are given in Salv., El
Hepublicano, July 3, 1871; Id., Diano Ofic, July 11, 12, 1879; Nic, Gaceta,
July 21, 1871; Costa H., Informe Min. Eel, 1872, 14; Id., Boletin Ofic, March
22, 1885; J. J. Peatfield's Glimpse at a Cent. Am. Rep., in Overlaiui Monthly,
xiv. 166-7; Un Guatemalteco, Cartas, 6-9; Uriarte, Observ., 4-6.
424 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA
laiios, the comandante general, and others, perfect
order prevailed ; no acts of violence or retaliation were
permitted. ^^
The task of reorganizing public affairs was an ardu-
ous one/^ The first attempt to appoint a cabinet was
unsuccessful. Persons who were tendered portfolios
declined them However, Felipe Galvez, who had
been secretary-general during the campaign, became
minister of foreign affairs, public instruction, and ad
mterim of hacienda; and Arcadio Estrada, minister
of government, justice, and ecclesiastical affairs.
The act of Patzicia was accepted by the principal
towns in the republic, save those of the departments
of Santa Posa and Chiquimula. The government
decreed several liberal measures, and restored diplo-
matic relations with Costa Pica.^^
The new administration had hardly initiated reforms
when an insurrection broke out in Santa Posa, pro-
moted by the priests and their aristocratic allies. It
does not appear that Garcia Granados had at first in-
tended open hostility to the religious orders. The
tone of his address, early in September 1871, to the
Santa Posa Indians, indicated that his plans involved
^^ There were not wanting men who reproached Garcia Granados for his
generosity to the vanquished.
2* Congress had ceased to exist; the heads of important offices had fled;
the treasury was empty. There was danger to be apprehended from the rad-
ical element among the liberals, composed of a large portion of the mechanics
and artisans, who claimed that the change had mainly resulted from their
influence, and they now wished to dictate measures which the new govern-
ment could not decree. Their violent feeling was manifested specially toward
the Jesuits and other religious orders. Their discussions in the club de los
artesanos, and elsewhere, often disclosed a marked suspicion of and conveyed
warnings to the authorities. There were also misgivings about Barrios' in-
tentions. Indeed, many believed that though not actually at the head of
affairs, he had the control; even after leaving the city, he was supposed to
aspire to the presidency, to which he would have himself elected as soon as
the constituent assembly should meet. Meantime, it was said, he would
allow Garcia Granados to put the disrupted state in order, and enact the
needed measures.
^^Oicat., Hecop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 3-4. It recognized freedom of speech
and of the press, though requiring publications to bear the signatures of
their authors. Champerico was made a port of entry for both export and
import, which the people of Los Altos had loudly demanded. The cultivation
and sale of tobacco were declared free to all; and the importation of Chiapas
rum was permitted. iV^ic, Gaceta, Aug. 5, 1871.
DOWNFALL OF THE CLERGY. 425
absolute religious tolerance. ^^ The priests would not
rest contented with the loss of their former high stand-
ing.''^^ Had they remained quiet, it is not likely they
would have been molested. The president's call on
the insurgents of Santa Hosa to submit was dis-
regarded, but their movement was quelled by the
end of the month with much bloodshed.^^ An am-
nesty was granted to rebels surrendering to the
authorities. The decree of martial law was repealed ;
and the ministers then in charge of the executive
made Garcia Granados a captain-general and Barrios
a lieutenant-general.^^
The new regime now resolve to cut loose of the
ecclesiastical incubus, and to establish the supremacy
of the civil authority in the state on a firm basis. Its
first step was to carry out a decree of the revolution-
ary government, dated May 24, 1870, to expel the
society of Jesus forever from the republic.*^ This was
'^He denied that his government had ever contemplated wounding the
religious feelings of the nation.
^^ The power of the church had been almost as great as that of the govern-
ment. Under the constitution the church nominated a number of deputies
to the assembly, and was the only one recognized or tolerated. Its influence
in the assembly had been large, and its interests were well represented.
Crosby's Statement, MS., 91, 110-11. This influence had always been exercised
to uphold the despotic sway of the oligarchs.
^^ The rebels were routed Sept. 24th at Santa Rosa by the forces under
Barrios, and again the 28th at Jalapa. They lost their artillery, other arms,
and much ammunition. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ, i. 13-15; Mc,
Gaceta, Nov. 4, 1871; El Porvenlr de Nic., Oct. 1, 1871.
39/(/., Nov. 26, 1871; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ, i. 24-5.
*° Decree no. 59, in Boletin Ofic, no. 52. The order had been removed
from Guat. by command of King Carlos III., in 1767, its members leaving the
capital on the 1st of July for the coast, and being embarked for Spain. Hist,
of Mex., iii. 432-3, this series. But a law of June 7, 1851, sanctioned by the
assembly Nov. 5th, authorized their permanent reestablishment, revoking all
other laws or decrees to the contrary, notably one of 1845, notwithstanding
the many protests made against the measure. The most plausible pretext for
the restoration of the Jesuits had been the alleged scarcity of competent priests
for the work of spreading the gospel; which was equivalent to saying that
the 300 priests living in the republic were both insufficient and incapable.
The real object of the hasty reintroduction of the order was said to be the
aggrandizement of the house of Canon Juan Jose Aycinena, closely connected
by family ties with Manuel F. Pavon and Luis Batres. Aycinena had pledged
himself to bring the order in, and in exchange for this service it was to inftxi-
ence his appointment as archbishop of Guatemala. It was a well-understood
bargain. Guat., Carta al Ilmo. Sr. Arzob. por un Catdl. Apostdl. romano, Guat.,
Aug. 20, 1851, in Cent. Am. Pamph., v. no. 12.
426 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
not effected without some scandal and disturbance
from the zealous partisans of the order. Seventy-
three Jesuits, most of whom were foreigners, were sent
away on an American steamship, bound to Panamd/^
They did not go so far down, however, as will be
shown elsewhere. The decree under which this ex-
pulsion was effected resembled that of April 2, 1767,
issued by Cdrlos 1 11.^^
Archbishop Pinol of Guatemala, and Ortiz Urruela,
bishop of Teya in partibus infidelium, for their marked
hostility in promoting rebellion, were, on October 17th,
ordered to leave the country, and they departed with-
out offering any resistance. The tithes tax was at
once suppressed.^^ On the 7th of June, 1872, religious
communities of men were extinguished, causing great
excitement, but owing to the energy of the govern-
ment it soon died out.^* Nor did the action of the
government stop here. The fuero eclesidstico in both
*^ Report of the comandante of San Jose, in Boletin Ofic, Sept. 25, 1871;
Guat., Becop. Ley., iii. 290; Id., Gob. Dernoc, i. 89-90; El Porvenir de Nic,
Oct. 22, 1871; Costo R., Gaceta, June 9, 1885; Mex., Diario Ofic, Oct. 15, 1871.
^2 The Jesuits fared no better in Salvador, where the constituent assembly,
being consulted as to whether they should be allowed to enter, resolved that
their presence in the country would not be beneficial. Only four votes were
cast in their favor. El Porvenir de Nic, Oct. 1, 1871. A few who lived in
Salv. were made to depart in 1872, and forbidden to reenter. A treaty was
made with Guat., under which neither government was ever after to allow
Jesuits to reside within their respective territories. Id., March 24, 1872; Ore.
Uana, Refutacion, 1-11.
*^ The decree was issued with the clause that any deficit experienced by
the archdiocese in consequence should be covered out of the pub. treasury.
Decree of Dec. 22, 1871, in Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 290; Id., Gob. Democ, i.
23-6, 70-1.
** The decree contained nine articles, and regulated the manner of dispos-
ing of the property which had belonged to these associations. The religious
orders thus suppressed were those of the Franciscans, and recollects, domini-
cans, mercedari, clergymen of the oratory of Saint Philip de Neri, Jesuits,
paulists, and lastly the capuchins, otherwise called bethlehemites. These
capuchins were natives of Spain, most of whom had been partisans of the pre-
tender called CMos V. They occupied a convent which had belonged to the
bethlehemites, when they were taken by a military guard to the coast and
shipped away, with orders never to return. They had made themselves par-
ticularly obnoxious, and not being citizens of the country, the gov. was free
to make them leave. Friars who were natives of Cent. Am. were permitted
to remain, and given a monthly allowance for their support; but forbidden to
show themselves in public with their habits on. Nic, Sevianal Nic, July 4,
1872; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 3, 1872; ElPcyvenirdeFic, July 14, 1872; Guat., Recap.
Ley., iii. 290-1; Id., Gob. Democ, i. 91, 101-2; Peatfield's Glimpse, in S. F.
Overland Monthly, xiv. 159; .S. F. Post, July 2, 1872.
SUPPRESSION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES. 427
civil and criminal causes was done away with March
12, 1873, and freedom of worship decreed on the 15th/^
The turn of the nunneries came at last. On the
28th of February, 1874, it was ordered that all the
nuns should be concentrated in one convent, the
Santa Catarina, and be allowed to receive their fam-
ilies and friends without hindrance. This convent
was placed under the immediate protection and vigi-
lance of the civil authorities, which roused the ire of
the ecclesiastics, who endeavored to nullify the order. ^®
The consequence was, that in February 1874, Presi-
dent Barrios decreed the suppression of many religious
houses, prohibiting professions in the future, and per-
mitting nuns who so desired to leave the cloister, and
to each one so departing would be given a monthly
allowance of twenty dollars. On the 3d of March
the nuns residing in Santa Catarina were put out of
the cloister. ^^
The aspect of public affairs in Central America at
the inception of 1872 was not promising of stability
and peace. Honduras, together with Archbishop
Pinol, Bishop Ortiz Urruela, the Jesuits, and their
conservative friends, all combined, had assumed a re-
actionary attitude, with the avowed intent of upsetting
the governments which were laboring to consolidate
*^ With toleration of all religious sects throughout the republic. This sub-
ject was being discussed in the constituent assembly, with much opposition
to the clause being inserted in the fundamental law. The govt then cut the
gordian knot. Later other decrees were passed, further curtailing eccles.
jurisdiction, including the secularization of cemeteries. Guat.., Mem. Sec. Gob.,
Jmtkia, etc., 1880, 2-5; Id,, 1882, 11-12; GuaL, Recap. Ley., Gob, Democ, i.
159-61; El Porvenir de Nic, Apr. 27, 1873.
*® Placing a notice on the convent door that any one entering it without
permission of the ecclesiastic authority would be excommunicated. The
nuns had been kept away from intercourse with their relatives, and the civil
authorities had been debarred access to them. The official journal said,
March 6th, that history and indisputable facts proved they had not always
been the abode either of justice, morality, or true religion. The removal of
the teresas, capuchinas, and claras to the Santa Catarina was made under the
personal inspection of the jefe politico of the department. Their number
was about 126, and most of them were natives of the other Cent. Am. repub-
lics. Pan. Star and Herald, March 24, 1873.
*^ The property of all religious houses having been confiscated, each one of
these ex-nuns was allowed a life pension of $12 per month. Guat., Recop. Ley.,
Gob. Democ, ii. 13-14, 58, 64-5, 205.
428 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
democratic principles, and serious complications were
apprehended/^ The two governments thus menaced
were, however, fully prepared for the emergency/^
President Medina, of Honduras, having become the
leader of the reactionary element, Guatemala and Sal-
vador entered into a treaty of alliance and despatched
troops against him, after a formal declaration of war.^
The president took command of the Guatemalan troops
for the compaign, leaving the executive office tempo-
rarily in charge of Barrios. The war was but a short
one, ending advantageously for the allies, who, after
concluding a satisfactory arrangement, retired their
troops. Garcia Granados returned to Guatemala on
the 10th of June, and reassumed his executive duties,
Barrios going to Quezaltenango as comandante gen-
eral of Los Altos.^^ The cabinet was now organized,
as appears in the note at foot.^^ The reactionists would
not keep still. Colonel Vicente Mendez Cruz, jefe
politico of Amatitlan, placed himself at the head of an
insurrection.^^
The reactionary forces took the name of ''ejercito de
la reaccion dirijido por los santos padres," and their
X^a vowed object was to bring Cerna back to uphold
their rights and religion, which they claimed to have
)'p been assailed by heretical rulers. The government
adopted active measures, and the rebellion was quelled
*^ The work was against Guat. and Salv. Costa R. was expected to side
with the latter. Nicaragua's administration was not well disposed toward
them. Guat., El Centro Americano, Feb. 19, 1872: El Poi-vemr de Nic, May 5,
1872.
*^ Martial law was established, together with stringent rules for dealing
with rebels. Freedom of the press was temporarily suspended. This last
measure was repealed in May. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ, i. 73-5, 80-
1, 95-100; JSTic, Gaceta, Feb. 24, 1872.
^"Garcia Granados' decree of May 8, 1872. Gnat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ,
i. 87-8; U. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 518; Nic, Semanal
Mc, May 30, 1872.
^^Salv., Diario OJic, March 19, 1876; Nic, Semanal Nic, May 30, June 6,
July 4, 1872; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ, 1. 88, 102.
^'^ F. Alburez, in treasury; Jose M. Samayoa, in fomento; Victor Zavala,
in war; Ramirez ad int., in foreign relations; M. A. Soto ad int., in govern-
ment, justice, and eccles. affairs.
^^Notwithstanding that his conduct had been seditious in 1871, he had
been given the rank of col, and the offices of jefe politico and comandante de
armas of Amatitlan. Barrios, Prod, at Quezaltenango, Jan. 23, 1873.
ELECTION OF BARRIOS. 429
in a short time, Cruz losing his hfe at the hands of
his own men.^* After peace was nearly restored,
Garcia Granados, who had gone to the front, returned
to the capital, and resumed the presidency. ^^ On the
29th of March he convoked the people to chose a con-
stitutional president, although the constituent assem-
bly, which had been installed March 10, 1872,^^ had
failed to frame a constitution/^ The elections were to
begin April 20th, and last seven days. The term for
which the elect should hold the office was to be estab-
lished by the new charter, taking into account the
time already served. The assembly was to be sum-
moned for the 5th of May, to count the votes. The
election took place, and Justo Rufino Barrios was
^* Cerna had declined to take any part in the movement. The defeat of
the rebels by Solares at Las Array anas and Cumbres de los Ajos on March
10th, with the loss of several prominent men, reduced them to straits. Id., i,
155-6, 177-80; Nk., Semanal Nic., Feb. 20, March 6, May 8, July 24, Aug.
21, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic, Feb. 23, March 28, Apr. 6, 27, 1873; Pan. Star
and Herald, March 11, 22, May 13, June 12, 1873; El Monitor Eepub., Apr.
18, 1873.
^^The office had been in charge of Barrios since Feb. 11th. Guat., Recap.
Ley., Gob. Democ, i. 155. During this tenure Barrios called for a forced loan.
On the 15th he summoned to his presence at the comandancia general a number
of citizens, one of whom imprudently said that he would go armed to punish
any insult. Barrios accused them of hostility to the government, and of render-
ing pecuniary assistance to the insurgents. He warned them of their danger,
and suggested the expediency of their aiding the govt to bring the insurrec-
tion to an end. It is said that the armed one, Rafael Batres, a son of the
late minister of state, two or three times laughed in a contemptuous manner,
enraging Barrios, who walked up to him, tore open his coat, and pulled out
of it a revolver, upraiding him as a coward and would-be murderer; then
ordered that 100 blows should be inflicted on his back with a supple stick or
rod, such as was used to punish private soldiers. Batres received his punish-
ment, and was afterward sent to jail. The other men were also confined in
the common jail, and the next morning were brought with shackles on through
the streets to the comandancia, and told that they would not be released till
they signed bonds to pay their respective shares of the forced loan; after
doing which they were set at liberty. Julian Volio, ex-minister of Costa R.
and Guat., did not receive any ill treatment, but was made to leave the coun-
try. Batres was also banished. Referring to this incident in a message to
congress, he said that the rebellion had been instigated with the pretext that
religion was menaced. His measures he confessed had been severe, but
necessary. The result realized his expectations, for as soon as these men
ceased furnishing resources to the rebellion it collapsed. Barrios, Mensaje,
Sept. 11, 1876, 5-6.
^6 It was called Dec. 11, 1871. Id., i. 53-69, 83^; El Porvenir de Nic,
Feb. 11, May 5, 1872; Salv., Gaceta, Sept. 9, 1876.
^^ All proposed amendments to the old constitution had been rejected as
not adequate to the present requirements of the country. Nic, Semanel Nic,
Oct 10, 1872.
430 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
declared by the assembly on May 7th to have been
popularly elected. He was formally inducted into
office on the 4th of June, 1873.''
The late administration must be held to have been
somewhat weak. Garcia Granados was an enlight-
ened and able men, but easy, unassuming, indolent,
and kind-hearted; too much so, indeed, for the place
he had been called to fill at a period demanding of
him great energy, and an unbending will. His was
not a disposition to deal harshly with any one, or in-
flict suffering. Another drawback was his connection
by the ties of family and early association with the
men and women who were laboring to undo the work
of the revolution he had accomplished. Among his
own relatives were some of his most strenuous oppo-
nents. The reactionists took advantage of his good
nature to keep the country in a turmoil, hoping thus
to restore the old regime of fanatism and general
retrogression. They defeated themselves, however,
bringing into existence the iron power of Barrios, who
tolerated no opposition to his will, nor overlooked
sedition in any form.
^^ Garcia Granados, who on the 2d of June had been declared a benemerito
de la patria, after surrendering the presidency, made a visit to Europe, re-
turning in March 1874, when he was cordially welcomed by all classes. His
death occurred Sept. 8, 1878, and was much deplored. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob.
Bemoc, i. 182-3; Salv., DiarioOfic, Sept. 12, 1878; Pan. Star and Herald,
Oct. 6, 1880.
CHAPTER XXI.
RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
1873-1885.
President Barrios of Guatemala — End ov Reactionary War — Guate-
malan Progress — War with Salvador and Honduras — Barrios'
Successes and Generosity to the Vanquished — Constitutional R:e-
GiME IN Guatemala — Barrios' Reflections — His Visit to the
United States — Peaceful Effort to Unite Central America—
Resort to Arms — Alliance of Guatemala and Honduras — Barrios
Attacks Salvador — His Defeat and Death — His Plan Abandoned
M. L, Barillas, Provisional President of Guatemala — Restora-
iTON OF Peace.
JusTO RuFiNO Barrios, now president of the repub-
lic by the popular choice, was born about 1834 in San
Marcos, department of Quezaltenango. He received
his education in Gruatemala, and fitted himself for a
notary public, and received his commission as such;
but it does not appear that he performed notarial du-
ties.^ He was of about middle height, and rather light
complexion, with a cold, distant look, and plain and
unassuming in his dress. His manners were brusque,
unrefined, and unconventional, as if it were easier for
him to despise good manners than to acquire them.
However, after a while they become more polished.
Without any claim to enlightenment, or to a knowl-
edge of public afiairs,^ it is not too 'much to say that
he possessed natural talents, a far-reaching mind, and
1 Costa i?., Boletin OJic., March 22, 1885.
^ He rose to prominence by military prowess, and yet knew but little of
the military art. His enemies would not even concede him courage, or
that he had risen by any effort of his own, but merely by circumstances. Un
OuatemaUeco, Cartas, 6-8.
v431)
432 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
a disposition to labor unremittingly for the welfare of
his country, though at the same time looking after his
own aggrandizement. His energy of character and
iron will have been generally recognized. Whatever
his enemies may say, the fact stands that his country
owes him much; for example, liberal institutions, in-
ternal peace, and with them the advancement of intel-
lectual pursuits, industries, and wealth.^
The cause of education was fostered as it had never
been before, efforts being constantly made to elevate
the lower classes;* and the country was endowed with
many of the improvements of the age, like the railroad
and the telegraph. Acts of despotism and brutality
without number have been rightly imputed to Barrios,^
some well founded, but most of them inventions of
his enemies, among whom were of course the would-be
oligarchs and the priests, together with their fanatical
followers. Still, it must be said that his government
was one in which fear of the sword was constantly
holding its opponents in check. ^
^ I will quote in corroboration what foreign correspondents said. Barrios'
administration in 1875 was enjoying the confidence of the people, and had the
support of public opinion. He had in his favor not only the testimony of the
liberal portion of the Cent. Am. press, but of intelligent travellers just from
the theatre of his so-called atrocities against the liberty of his people. He had
more: the direct as well as tacit testimony of the property holders, both na-
tive and foreign. The guiding principle of Barrios' govt was to check evil
practices, and to encourage good deeds. Again in 1880 Barrios continued as
indefatigable as ever, travelling over the country, devising measures for the
benefit of his fellow-citizens. The country was at peace. Foreigners, in
comparing Dec. 1870 with Dec. 1880, can scarcely realize that they are living
in the same country, and that only one decade as elapsed since the terrors of
1870. Since then Guat. has seen progress in every respect, and all due to the
energy of this man, who has not wavered in his eflForts to educate his fellow-
citizens to the standard of the times. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 12, 14, 1875;
Jan. 12, 1881.
*In 1876 there were primary schools in all the towi^s for the compulsory
and gratuitous education of children of the poor. Boddam WhtilmrrLS Across
Cent. Am., 39. Later there were established three high schools: the Politec-
nica, for the education of officers at the expense of the state; alumni were
also admitted at their own charge, who were not bound to accept commissions
in the army; the Normal, for the training of teachers; and the Belen, for the
instruction of females. All those schools were in charge of teachers from the
U. S. and Europe; the Belen being conducted on the plan pursued in the U. S.
^ He was a man of the people, flattered the lower classes and the soldiers,
especially those of Los Altos, and won their good-will.
^Espionage existed. Domestic servants even were used as spies. The
postal service was like an office of the old inquisition. These charges are
probal ly true, and the system, one of long standing, may have been demanded
COSTLY INSULT. 433
The efforts of the reactionists to regain the upper-
hand were finally defeated in the latter end of the
year, when an amnesty was granted to the remnants
of rebels in Santa Rosa and elsewhere/ In the fol-
lowing year an outrageous act was perpetrated by a
military officer, bringing upon his government a seri-
ous complication with a foreign power. Colonel Gon-
zalez, a native of Spain, who had been intrusted with
the responsible command at the port of San Jose, for
some disagreement with the British vice-consul, had
him seized and beaten as a common criminal in the
most barbarous manner. Realizing, on the next
morning, the responsibility he had incurred, he tried
to escape on the American mail steamship, but his
by the political situation. It has been said that he had a young Spanish
priest named Felix Pages murdered in cold blood. The other side of the
story is that Pag.^s shot at him Sept. 14, 1877, in San Pedro Jocopilas, missed
him, a scuffle ensued for the possession of the weapon, when other persons
entered the room, one of whom w-as Barrios' body-servant, Ines Cruz, who
seeing Pages again trying to discharge the revolver at his master, drew out
his own weapon, and shot the priest dead. This version is the official one,
and was communicated by U. S. Minister Williamson to his government. U. S,
Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 45th Cong., 3d Sess., i. pt 1, 73-4; Star and Herald^
Oct. 20, 1877. It is that some women were gagged, confined in the common
jail, and afterward banished to distant towns. Un GuatemaUeco, Cartas, 24. I
have no space for the innumerable accusations of anonymous and irresponsible
persons. The following are given because made by a prominent Mexican
general who served some time under Barrios: Innocent men of respectable
position were whipped by his order, and women confined in the common jail.
A judge was set to sowing grass. A distinguished lawyer was made to march
in a religious procession through the streets dressed as a private soldier. An
ecclesiastic, for failing to salute him, was kept for hours opposite his balcony
with head uncovered and erect, and treated with contumely. He had the
head of a city councilman shaved like a priest's, and then shut him up in a
convent. It was Barrios' practice to have men beaten till they told what he
wanted of them, and he invented a cruel torture called el apreton, which was
compressing the person's temples. His assassinations were wanton and cold-
blooded. This general, however, was a considerable time in Barrios' service,
and had a falling out with him. His statements may be the result of spite.
As a ruler who had in his hands during nearly 12 years the destinies of his
country, he undoubtedly committed many errors, and as a man he had de-
fects; but how deny, speaking with truth, the benefits his abilities, patriotism,
constancy, and energy bestowed? Uraga, J, L., Replica d J. H. Barrios, 6-7,
33-4. Another Mexican who says horrible things of Barrios, whom he called
La Pantera de Guat., signed himself I. Martinez, in S. F. El Comista, March
4, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., May 2, 1885.
"^ Decree of Nov. 4, 1873, requiring them to surrender with their arms.
Guat., Recop. Ley., Goh. Democ, i. 203; Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 2.3, Nov.
22, 1873; Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876, 5. For his complicity in the
insurrection, the guardian of the archdiocese had to leave the country, and
remained absent till he was permitted to return. El Porvenir de Nic. , Aug.
17, 1873.
Hist. Ce«t. Am., Vol. III. 28
434 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
infamous conduct had preceded him, and he was
driven away. Both he and his accomplice, Bulnes,
were promptly arrested, tried, and sentenced to un-
dergo heavy penalties.^ The British government
demanded prompt reparation of the insult, which Bar-
rios unhesitatingly acceded to. Guatemala saluted
the British flag at San Jose with every mark of re-
spect,^ and was mulcted in the sum of $50,000, which
she paid.^°
The government had another foreign difficulty on
its hands in 1875, resulting from a hasty recognition
of the independence of Cuba on the 6th of April. In
August, Commodore E. Butler, of the Spanish royal
navy, arrived at Guatemala, bearing a note from
Conde de Valmaseda, captain-general of the island,
to President Barrios, demanding satisfaction. It
was finally agreed" that Guatemala would at once
accredit a minister at Madrid to discuss the subject
and arrange it satisfactorily. This was done, and the
difficulty was amicably settled. ^^
The political outlook at the beginning of 1876 was
* Gonzalez was expelled in disgrace from the army, and sentenced, more-
over, to confinement for ten years in the fortress of San Felipe. He was
also deprived of all right to hold ofiice. Bulnes was also deprived of this
right, and condemned to three years imprisonment. And yet he had insti-
gated Gonzalez to commit the outrage, and was morally the guiltier of the
two. U. S. Govt Docs., H. Ex. Doc, For. Rel., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, Doc. 1, pt
1, 177-83.
^ There were present on shore, upon that occasion, the commanding gen.
of the Guat. forces, the British rear-admiral, Cochrane, and officers of four of
his ships lying at San Jose, the British charge, the Am. minister, and others,
besides 200 Guat. troops, and a like number of marines and sailors from the
British ships. IT. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 44, Sess. 1, Doc. 1, pt 1,
128-9.
^^ The victim of Gonzalez' brutality declined to receive any portion of the
money. Scolfield, the British representative at Guatemala, for the manner in
which he conducted the afi'air, was knighted.
^^ Butler had several conferences with the min. of foreign affairs, insisting
on the revocation of that decree, which the min. invariably refused. El Pro-
greso, Aug. 29, 1875. However, it seems that Guat. gave way, and declared
her recognition of Cuban independ. to be null. The Mexican Financier, Apr.
18, 1885.
^2 In 1876 the Sp. gov. recognized that the captain-gen. had exceeded his
powers, and must be censured. But in March 1880 it asked Guat. as a favor
to forego that clause, which the latter acceded to on being reassured that in
future the usages of international etiquette should be observed in the rela-
tions between the two governments. Guat., Becop. Ley., Gob. Democ, ii. 129;
Id., Mem. Min. Rel Est, 1881, 13-14.
I
FURTHER HOSTILITIES 435
not such a one as promised a continuance of peace.
Serious troubles were impending over three of the
important sections of Central America. Barrios had
brought about the assembling of a diet, which was
installed in Guatemala January 15th, with the object
of reorganizing the country under one government.^^-
Civil war raged in Honduras, and while the diet was
sitting. Barrios was moving his troops; 600 men were
stationed in Esquipulas, and 1,200 more marched to
Jutiapa.^* Salvador was not slow in preparing for
hostilities. On the 23d of January, however, Guate-
mala and Salvador agreed to disarm. ^^
It was believed in Guatemala that Enrique Pala-
cios, and about 3,000 of her refugees sojourning in
Salvador, had been wheedled and promised aid by
President Gonzalez for the overthrow of Barrios, and
that they were exasperated, and would insist on those
promises being carried out. On the other hand. Bar-
rios was chagrined at the failure of the diet to arrive
at a conclusion in favor of consolidation.^^ He now
resolved, whether with the purpose of pursuing the
reorganization scheme or with that of further secur-
ing himself, or both, to change the rulers of Salvador
and Honduras, replacing them with his supporters.
The task in Honduras was an easier one, that coun-
try being in the throes of revolution. Salvador, as
he thought, with a hostile government in Honduras,
and war threatening from the side of Guatemala,
must succumb. The results of his policy were as
1^ Circular of Nic. foreign min., Sept. 5, 1876, in Salv., Gaceta Ofic, Oct.
26, 1876.
1* Both places within Gnat, territory, but near the boundaries of the other
two states.
1^ Barrios reviewed in Guat. 11,000 men, and ostensibly disbanded them.
He really had about 18,000 under arms, and it would have been easy for him
to make the number 20,000 in eight or ten days. Salv. went slow in the
work of disarming. She had 2,300 men in Santa Ana, 3,000 in San Salvador,
and 2,000 in other places; and the government had decreed a forced loan of
half a million dollars, of which one half had been collected. Having taken
the laboring men from their peaceful vocations, the govt feared a revolution
if it desisted from war with Guat. Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 14, 16, 1876.
^^ Neither cajolery, argument, nor movement of troops produced the de-
sired eflfect, for the delegates could only see in his propositions the destruc-
tion of their several nationalities.
436 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
he had planned them. The fortune of war favored
him/'' and from 1876 to 1884 he could count on the
resources of Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras ^^ to
effect what he undertook to accomplish single-handed
at another time. But this will be treated of at the
proper time.
After his successful campaign, Barrios was received
in triumph at his capital, ^^ and erelong other honors
poured upon him. Costa Bica made him a general
of division of her army.^^ The constituent assembly
declared him a benemerito de la patria ; and the legis-
lature of conquered Salvador voted him a sword of
honor. ^^ The political atmosphere, however, became
cloudy immediately after the return of the forces.
Barrios would have dismissed his ministers then
had they not been preparing their reports to present
to the constituent assembly which was to assemble in
a short time.^^
The assembly was installed on the 11th of Septem-
ber, 1876,^^ and passed a few acts; namely, October
19th, approved all the acts of Barrios during the time
he had held the executive office, and his budget for
the fiscal year from July 1, 1876, to June 30, 1877;
October 23d, declared that the proper time for fram-
^^ The war cost Guat. about 2,000 lives, and one and a half million dollars,
however. The events connected with Salvador and Honduras appear in the
history of those states for this period.
^^ Nicaragua in 1877 joined the three in treaties to act in concert, and
harmonize 'las tendencias de la familia Centre- Americana. ' Salv., Gaceta
OJic, Oct. 3, 1877.
^^ Gregorio Solares, to whom the successes were chiefly due, entered the
city quietly, receiving no share of the popular plaudits, which were all be-
stowed on Barrios as the victor.
2*^ Sept. 9, 1876. It was revoked March 22, 1885, when Barrios undertook
to establish the Cent. Am. republic by force. Costa B., Boletin Ofic.y March
23, 1885.
2^ The sword was delivered him Sept. 15, 1877. Salv., Gaceta OJic, Sept.
26, 1876; Feb. 25, March 21, Sept. 28, 1877; Pan. Star and Herald, Nov. 1,
1877.
2^ He would not go to the palace, but made the ministers come to his resi-
dence, and adopted measures without consultation with them. He was in
fear of being poisoned. Uraga, J. L., Rejplica, 18-20.
'^^It had been originally convoked Oct. 21, 1875, the date of meeting being
left for future consideration. Its first meeting was Aug. 31st, when its
ofl&cers were chosen. This was the seventh constituent assembly in 55 years
of national existence. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., ii. 159-68; Salv.,
Gaceta Ofic, Sept. 9, 24, 1876.
MURDEROUS PLOT 437
ing a national constitution had not yet arrived; the
work was therefore postponed to a more suitable
period. The presidential term for Barrios was fixed
at four years from the date of the decree. ^^ The
change of ministers Barrios desired to make finally
took place. "^
With the exception of an insignificant affair in Qui-
che, the year 1877 had nearly run itself out without
any alarms or disturbances, when on the 1st of No-
vember a plot was detected in the capital, having for
its objects, as appeared, to murder the president and
other leading men, sack the city, and effect a general
change in affairs. The persons implicated were tried
by court-martial and convicted ; seventeen of the chief
leaders being executed in the plaza de armas, and
accomplices of a lower degree sentenced to other pen-
alties. Most of the latter were subsequently par-
doned.2«
2* In the temporary absence of the president, the council of ministers was
to take charge of the executive ofl&ce. In case of his death or other inability,
the council of state was to convoke an assembly. The president was called
upon to appoint a council of state composed of competent and upright men,
which he did. Id., Nov. 3, 9, Dec. 8, 1876.
^^Samayoa gave way to J. M. Barrundia, and went to Europe; Alburez,
min, of the treasury, was succeeded by J. A. Salazar; Lainfiesta in fomento
by M. M. Herrera; Barberena was min. of the interior, and Macal of foreign
affairs, who later was replaced by Lorenzo Montiifar.
2^ With the evidence obtained during the day and night of the 1st, several
persons said to be implicated were arrested, and the judicial investigation was
initiated. The plan of the sedition was ascertained from the acknowledg-
ments and confessions of its promoters and others. The priest, Gabriel Aguilar,
Jose Lara Pavon, Enrique Guzman, and others, as appeared in the testimony,
had organized themselves as a society, recognizing one another by means of
signs, to promote a revolt. The execution of their plan was left to A. Ko-
peski, commander of the artillery, and his second, Capt. Leon de Rodas, at
whose quarters assembled in the night of the 1st a number of men who were
then armed, to be ready for relieving the guards at the palace and comandan-
cia general, after they had been narcotized with wine and morphine furnished
by Aguilar. This part of the plot once accomplished, the commanders of
other bodies of troops were to receive forged orders to bring their men, with-
out arms, into the city, when others in the conspiracy stationed outside would
seize the arms. One of these orders, ostensibly signed by Barrios, was sent
Oct. 31st to the comandante at Palencia, who, not doubting its genuineness,
was on the point of obeying it; but despatched an officer to inquire where he
was to station his men, and the object of the call. The president at once
telegraphed to other commanders, and was advised that they had similar
orders. One man was arrested, and then another, until the plot was unrav-
elled. A large portion of the criminal element, as well as of the lower classes,
were mixed up in the affair. The president, his family, ministers, and friends
were to be assassinated. Rich men would have to ransom their lives with
438 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
On the 9th of November, 1878, the president issued
a convocation for a constituent assembly of 71 mem-
bers to meet on the 15th of March following, for the
purposes of framing a national constitution, and re-
solving upon such matters as the government would
submit to its deliberations.^^ The assembly was in-
stalled on the appointed day, and the president, whose
term of appointment in 1876 had not expired, surren-
dered his dictatorial powers. In a lengthy message
he gave a detailed account of public affairs, with
the assurance that the republic was enjoying peace
and prosperity. ^^ For further particulars he referred
to the reports of his ministers. This much- valued
peace continued uninterrupted, notwithstanding the
efforts of refugees in Chiapas to invade Guatemala
with views hostile to the government. But they were
balked by the action of Mexico at Barrios' request,
in keeping the parties away from the frontier.^^ The
sums ranging from $50,000 down to $10,000. Daggers, gags, and morphine
were discovered. Barrios decreed, Nov. 5th, that the parties should be tried
by court-martial. This decree was countersigned by all his ministers; namely,
J. Barberena, Jose Ant. Salazar, Lorenzo Montiitar, and under sec. of war
A. Ubico, then in charge of the portfolio. Foreigners as well as natives real-
ized their narrow escape from a fearful catastrophe, and commended Barrios
and his ministers for their action. The justice of the sentences was fully
acknowledged. Barrios, in his message to the constituent assembly, in
March 1879, alluding to the affair, said: 'La sociedad guatemalteca se vid
por un momento al horde de un abismo de sangre y devastacion. ' The reac-
tionists, he added, unable to demand the abolition of the reforms which had so
greatly improved the condition of the people, ' pedian al punal y al veneno,
a ese recurso traidor y alevoso, una hecatombe suprema, una montaiia de
cadaveres.' Barrios, Mensaje, March 15, 1879; Salv., Gaceta Ofic, Nov. 13,
18, 1877; Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 1, 1877; La Voz de Mex., S. F., Feb.
23, 1878.
^^ In the preamble he alludes to the declaration of the last assembly oi
Oct. 23, 1876, adding that he accepted the dictatorship as a necessity, because
of the unsettled condition of the country, though well aware that unre-
stricted powers are incompatible with republican principles. The election of
deputies was to begin Jan. 10th, and all citizens were made eligible, excej)t-
ing only such as held certain offices, as jefes politicos, revenue officials, judges,
and military commandants, who could not be candidates in their official de-
partments or districts. U. S. Gov. Doc, Cong. 46, Sess. 2, i. pt 1, 140; Salv.,
Diario Ojic, Nov. 22, 1878; Jan. 22, 1879; La Voz de Mex., May 6, 1879.
^® He had endeavored, he said, to maintain friendly relations with the
other Cent. Am. governments, and as for those with Salv., Hond., and Nic,
'jamas se han cultivado con el verdadero espiritu de fratemidad con que
hoy se man tienen y f ormentan. '
2® The same course was pursued by Guat. toward Mexican citizens residing
in her territory, who were causing in 1879 and 1880 disturbances in Soconusco
and Chiapas. The correspondence and proceedings of the governments in
BARRIOS DICTATOR. 439
constituent assembly adopted on the 1 1th of December,
1879, a new constitution for the repubhc, which was
promulgated a few days after. It recognized the
great principles of democracy and social reform, and
was in harmony with the social condition and political
needs of Guatemala. ^^
Pursuant to the requirements of the constitution,
the government issued on the 1 3th of December, 1879,
and 12th of January, 1880, decrees for the elections
of president of the republic and deputies to the assem-
bly, which took place without any disturbance. Justo
Rufino Barrios was chosen, by popular suffrage, presi-
dent of the republic for the term from March 1, 1880,
to March 1, 1886.^^ Peace continued without inter-
ruption,^^ and the government was enabled to devote
its attention to the advancement of the country's edu-
cational and material interests. Judicial and adminis-
both affairs appear in Mex., Correspond. DipL, ii. 221-91; El Guatemalteco,
Sept. 7, 1879; Mex., Diario Ofic, Nov. 8, Dec. 2, 1879.
^^ Every principle won with the loss of so much blood was secured. The
legislative authority was vested in a chamber of representatives, and the
executive in a president, whose term of office was six years. Guat. , Mem. ,
Sec. Gobern., 1880, 7. Objections were made by foreign representatives, in-
cluding the minister of Mexico, to art. 5th of the constitution respecting
Guatemalan nationality. On this point a constituent assembly in 1885 author-
ized the government to settle it by treaties, which was equivalent to nulli-
fying the clause. There were exceptions also to the 14th, intended to set
down as a principle that neither citizens nor foreigners were entitled to in-
demnity for damages accruing to them during civil wars from the acts of
revolutionary factions. The right of Guat. to insert in her fundamental law
every principle or rule she might deem proper for her internal administration
was fully recognized; but as regarded those dependent for their sanction on
the consent of nations, in their intercourse with one another, the representa-
tives reserved their respective country's rights. Mex., Correspond. DipL, ii.
293-8; Guat., Mem. Sec. Rel. Est, 1880, 6.
^^The new constitution was to have effect from March 1, 1880. Thus
Barrios had the glory of endowing his country with a political constitution of
its own, and with a republican and democratic form of government. It will
be borne in mind that after the disruption of the Cent. Am. confederation,
since 1840, Guat. had been under a dictatorship, or under institutions which,
greatly curtailed the political rights of the ruled.
^'■^A treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and extradition was concluded
July 17, 1880, between Guat. and Hond., giving to Guatemalans in Hond.,
and Hondurans in Guat., the same civil and political rights enjoyed by the
natives of the respective country, though exempting them from military ser-
vice and forced loans. Refugees could be allowed asylum, but were not to
use the privilege to promote hostile acts against their own or other govern-
ments. Merchandise, excepting such articles as were subject to estanco, or
monopoly, were to be allowed free entry. Guat., Mem. Min. Rel. Exter., 1881,
28-34.
440 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
trative reforms were introduced, and the army was
reorganized, receiving marked improvements in every
branch. Agriculture and commerce progressed, and
the national finances had never been in so promising a
condition.^^
Barrios took advantage of this quiet to pay a visit
to the United States. He landed at New Orleans,
and thence repaired to Washington, where he was re-
ceived with the high consideration due to the chief
magistrate of a friendly nation. In other cities of the
union he was also welcomed and hospitably enter-
tained.^* His visit was one of business rather than of
pleasure, having the double object of inviting the
American government, Mexico having likewise done
so, to act as mediator for the final settlement of their
long-pending boundary question ; and also of bespeak-
ing the influence and good offices of the same power
to bring about the union of the five Central American
states, in order that they might form a single repub-
lic. The first request w^as acceded to, and the boun-
dary difficulty was terminated. ^^ As regarded the other
matter, the United States, while recognizing the wis-
dom of the five Central American republics becoming
consolidated, declined to interfere.
Barrios made a flying visit to Europe, and returned
by way of the United States, embarking at San Fran-
cisco, California, for his country, where he arrived
early in November 1882.^^ On the 29th of Decem-
^^Star and Herald, Jan. 23, 1883; Guat., Mem. Min. Rel. Exter., 1881-5;
Id., Gobern. y Just, 1881-5; Id., Hac. y Grid. Pub., 1881-5; Id., Guerra,
1881-5; Id., Formento, 1881-5; Id., Insti-uc. Pub., 1881-5. The following per-
sons acted as ministers of state during some portion of Barrios' present term:
Lorenzo Montiifar, Fernando Cruz, Cayetano Diaz Merida, Delfino Sanchez,
J. M. Orantes, J. Martin Barrundia, M. M. Herrera, Angel Pena, R, A. Sala-
zar, Ramon Murga, and F. Lainfiesta.
^* The Guat. govt manifested its high appreciation of those courtesies on
the part of the authorities and people of the U. S., in a note to the Am. min-
ister, H. C. Hall. U. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i. no.
1, pt 1, 46-7.
^^This question is fully treated of in Hist. Mex., vi. chap, xix., this series;
U. S. G&vt Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i., For Rel. no. 1, pt 1,
326-33.
'^ He did not resume his office till the 6th of January, Gen. Orantes con-
tinuing at the head of the government.
BARRIOS RESTLESS. 441
ber he laid before the legislative assembly, then sitting
in extra session, his resignation of the executive office,
pleading the precarious state of his health, which de-
manded rest and special care. He said that the con-
stitutional regime being restored and consolidated, his
further services might be dispensed with. He con-
sidered the occasion a propitious one for a change in
the chief magistrate. ^^
Barrios' act caused much anxiety to his friends,^^
but the assembly, while appreciating his motives, de-
clined to accept the resignation, alluding to the alarm
the news of it had created among the people. It did
not seem to concur with him on the point of internal
peace being secure, apprehension existing against re-
actionary projects which might arrest the progress of
the past few years. The chamber promised, however,
to devise some means of conciliating the demands of
his health with the need of his services. ^^ It was un-
derstood that if the project of the union of the states,
then engaging the attention of their governments,
should be carried out, the measure to be suggested
by the assembly would be granting him a leave of ab-
sence. The decision of the legislature was received
with great satisfaction by the people. Barrios ac-
cepted it, and on the 6th of January, 1883, in an
address to the people, announced his resumption of
the presidency, though only for a short time.*^
^■^ He added that he wished to stand aloof, and observe the working of the
free institutions he had contributed to establish on a firm basis as he hoped;
without neglecting, however, the duty he owed at all times to his country,
and to those who, like himself, shed their blood in their efforts to the same
end. He would be ever found ready to support the liberal government, and
hoped that no credence would be given to the slander that he desired to leave
the country, and thus shirk responsibility. This charge was made when he
left for the U. S. to settle the boundary question with Mexico. Barrios, Men-
saje, Dec. 29, 1882. Even more had been said, to wit, that he had the plan
of annexing Guat. to the U. S. , which was an absurd charge.
^^ It was beyond question that he had a strong hold on the affections of
those who did not belong to the reactionary party, and ' even among the lat-
ter he would be preferred to any one who would be likely to succeed him.'
U. S. Min. Halls desp. to sec. of state, Jan. 8, 1883, in U. S. Gov. Doc,
H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no. 1, pt 1, 32-3.
^' A measure might be adopted in the next ordinary session, when, per-
haps, ' events may have occurred in regard to the Cent. Am. union. '
*® He urged them to labor for the development of the country, whose pro-
gress and prosperity were certain, if all would cooperate to that end.
442 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
Meanwhile the scheme of Central American recon-
struction had not been neglected. Barrios at an
early day renewed negotiations with that object in
view. Salvador and Honduras seemed to be in full
accord with his plan; but Nicaragua and Costa Kica
had failed to see the practicability of its realization.
Delfino Sanchez, a Guatemalan commissioner, and
Salvador Gallegos, minister of foreign affairs of Sal-
vador, together visited Honduras, whose president,
ministers, and influential citizens renewed assurances
of concerted action. They next repaired to Nicara-
gua, and then to Costa Rica, at both of which places
they met with cordial receptions, and their proposi-
tions were attentively considered, leading them to
expect a successful result to their joint mission.*^
Those governments consented to accredit five dele-
gates each to a congress, which was to sit in March
1884, either at Ahuachapan, or Santa Tecla, in Sal-
vador, with powers limited to discuss and subscribe to
the plan for a general constitution, and organic laws
intended for the reorganization of Central America.
Costa Rica's promise was subject to sanction by her
legislature. She subsequently receded, and oflicially
made it known to the government of Nicaragua.*^
The project was early in 1884 as far from realization
as ever. Barrios in his message of that year to the
national assembly alludes to the result as a sore dis-
appointment to him; adding that no one had dared to
declare himself against the lofty idea, and yet there
*^ Barrios addressed, Feb. 24, 1883, an extensive circular to the liberal
party of Cent. Am. , to assure them that his motives in working for the consoli-
dation had been to promote the general weal, and not his personal aggrandize-
ment. He repeated that he did not wish, nor would he accept, the presidency
of Cent. Am., disclaiming that he had ever tried to impose his will on the
other states, and pledging his word never to attempt it in the future. Pan.y
El Gronhta, March 10, et seq., 1884; U. S. Gw. Doc, Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no.
1, pt 1, 49-53.
*'^ As appears in a telegram of March 28th from Nic. govt to Guat. foreign
min., who replied next day, that if Costa R. refused to join the diet, the
meeting of delegates from only four states could have no practical effect.
Guat., Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter., 1844, 3-5, annexes A to D; Costa R., Mem. Min.
Bel, 1883, 3, ann. 1 and 13; Id., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; Pan. Star and HeraJdy
March 5, 20, 23, 1883; Pan. Canal, Feb. 16, March 21, 22, 1883.
ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION. 443
had been so many elements, both of personal ambition
and localism, hostile to its success,^^ that the use of
force would have had to be resorted to, which had
formed no part of his peaceful plan, to conquer the
covert and persistent opposition. But his government
would not let slip any opportunity favorable to its
realization, continuing meantime with its liberal insti-
tutions, laws, and general policy, to exhibit unequivo-
cal proofs of a fraternal spirit. He soon had a falling
out, however, with President Soto of Honduras, who,
believing himself in peril of overthrow, or other form
of revenge, at the hands of his more powerful neigh-
bor, was charged with abandoning his slippery position,
and seeking safety in a foreign land, well provided with
pecuniary means to lead a luxurious life. But on this
subject more particulars are given in connection with
Honduras history in another chapter.
With Nicaragua a general treaty of friendship, de-
fensive alliance, commerce, navigation, and extradition
of criminals was concluded at Guatemala, December
27, 1883.*'
An attempt was made, with a metallic bomb, against
the life of President Barrios, as he was walking in
the Plaza del Teatro with the minister of war, J.
Martin Barrundia, on the evening of April 13, 1884.
The bomb burst, happily, failing of its object. No
one was injured; but the incident served to excite
alarm and indignation against the perpetrators of the
crime throughout Central America. Expressions of
sympathy and congratulation at the narrow escape of
Barrios and his companion, came in from the diplo-
matic corps, and from all classes of society.*^
*^ * Tantas ambiciones pequenas, tantos menguados intereses de localidad,
y tantas miras estrechas.' Barrios, Mensaje, March 1, 1884; El GtcatemaltecOf
March 4, 1884.
** It was to be perpetual as to peace and friendship; and as regarded the
other clauses, its duration was to be of ten years. GicaL, Mem, Sec. Rel. Exter.,
1884, annex 3.
*^ Barrios published an address to the inhabitants expressing gratitude for
their sympathy. He made special mention of the cordial manifestation of the
diplomatic corps, and the foreign residents. ElGuatemalteco, Apr. 18, 22, 1884;
Salv., DiaHo Ofic, Apr. 17, 1884; Hond., Gaceta, Apr. 21, 1884; Mex., Clarrwr
Pub., June 2, 1884.
444 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
The investigations made by the authorities led to the
discovery of the perpetrators, and they were tried,
convicted, and sentenced/^ But the president, exer-
cising his prerogative, granted them a full pardon on
the 4th of July, and they were at once set at liberty.
Barrios, who had been visiting the western depart-
ments, returned to the capital on September 13th,
having with him as national guests the presidents of
Salvador and Honduras with their suites, and Tomas
Ayon, representing the chief magistrate of Nicaragua,
who had been unable to respond in person to the invi-
tation of the government of Guatemala, and be present
with the others at the inauguration of the southern
railroad.^^ The visit of these personages lasted till the
termination of the festivities, when they took their
departure the 21st; Barrios and his ministers accom-
panying them as far as Port San Jose.
The scheme of Central American unification was
never lost sight of. Barrios had been watching for a
propitious opportunity, and early in 1885 resolved to
initiate it. He accordingly issued, on the 28th of
February, a decree wherein, after explaining in a long
preamble the advantages which would accrue to all
concerned from his action, he proclaimed, in accord
with the legislative assembly of Guatemala, the con-
solidation of the five states into one republic, and the
manner of effecting it.*^ He likewise made a manifesto
*^ Four to death, two to the chain-gang with hard labor for life, one to sim-
ple imprisonment for 10 years, and two others were acquitted. One of the
chief implicated made a full confession, the plot being to cause a change in
the govt by killing Barrios. El Guatemalteco, May 16, July 5, 12, 1884. The
chief person implicated has, since the death of Barrios, ma le a representation
to the assembly declaring the accusation false, and that the rea,l authors of the
bomb plot were in the process made to appear as the victims. Rodriguez^ G.y
Expos, y Docs.y pp. i--iii;, 1~120, 3-17.
presidei - ~ — -
to leave the state, expressed through his min. of foreign affairs warm con-
*^ The president of Costa R. also received an invitation, but being unable
gratulations. Costa R., Infoi^me Sec. Ret Exter., 1885, 19-20.
*^It was countersigned by all his ministers, to wit: J. Martin Barrundia,
of war; Fernando Cruz, of foreign affairs; Francisco Lainfiesta, of fomento;
Delfino Sanchez, of treasury and pub. credit; Cayetano Diaz Merida, of govt
and justice; and Ramon Murga, of pub. instruction. The following is a
synopsis of the decree. Art. 1. The ruler of the rep. of Guat. proclaims the
union of Cent. Am.; to which end he assumes the role of supreme military
chief with absolute control. Art. 2. He will accept the cooperation of such
DIVERSIFIED OPINIONS. 445
to the people of Central America at large, assuring
them that he was not prompted by personal ambition,
or the desire of holding power, for he had had abun-
dant experience of its bitterness/^
The president of Honduras on the 7th of March
telegraphed to Guatemala the resolutions adopted
that same day by the state assembly in favor of Cen-
tral American consolidation/^
The people of Guatemala and Honduras seemed to
be generally disposed to support their governments.
But it proved to be otherwise in Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Costa Rica, though many citizens of the three
states favored the initiative of Guatemala. The ad-
ministration of Salvador having failed to second the
govts, communities, and rulers, as, within the terms laid down, should ac-
quiesce and make common cause with them. Art. 3. A gen. assembly of 15
members from each state, freely chosen by popular suffrage, should meet at
Guatemala May 1st to enact the political constitution of Cent. Am., and estab-
lish the manner, time, and form of choosing the president, his official term,
date upon which he was to receive the executive authority from the assembly,
and the place where the supreme federal authorities were to reside. Art. 4.
Any person attempting by word or deed to oppose this decree would be
dealt with as a traitor to the cause of Cent. Am. Art. 5. The people of Cent.
Am. are urged to aid the accomplishment of this project. Art. 6. Suitable
rewards offered to officers of army and militia efficaciously aiding. Art. 7.
Rewards also offered to the rank and file. Art. 8. Establishes the flag of the
rep.: three vertical stripes, the middle one white, the other two blue; the
white stripe exhibiting the coat of arms, a quetzal perched upon a column,
with the following inscription: 'Libertad y Union — 15 de Setiembre de 1821
— 28 de Febrero de 1885.' Art. 9. No negotiations relating to territory, inter-
national treaties, foreign or national loans, or other stipulations of analogous
nature or importance, entered into by the other states of Cent. Am. after the
date of this decree, would be recognized. Art. 10. The minister of foreign
affairs was directed to lay this decree before the assembly of Guat. , the other
govern, of Cent. Am., and all powers of Am. and Europe with which Ouat.
had relations of friendship and trade. La Estrella de Pan., March 28, 1885;
El Cronista (S. F.), March 14, 21, 1885; 8. F. Chronicle, March 10, 13, 1885;
S. F. Gall, March 13, 1885. It will be well to mention here the reasons
which prompted the legislative assembly to proclaim the unity of Cent. Am.
in the manner adopted by Barrios: 'El inmenso prestijio de que gozaba aquel
memorable jefe, el civismo de que siempre habia dado inequivocas muestras,
y los muchos elementos de que disponia para hacer practico aquel pensa-
miento, acariciado por todos los buenos hijos de la America Central.' This
was said after Barrios was dead. Costa R., Informe Sec. Bel. Exter., 1885,
21-5, 35.
*^ ' Bastante he saboreado, por triste experiencia, todas las amarguras del
poder. '
^•^ Art. 1. The people of Hond. proclaim the union of Cent. Am. Art. 2.
Gives the executive full power to render Barrios every possible aid. Art.
3. Congress and the executive were to frankly explain the true motives of the
revolution.
446 EFFORTS FOE, CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
movement, Barrios' passionate temper was roused. He
wrote President Zaldlvar that, relying upon the assur-
ances of Salvador and Honduras/^ he had launched
his decree of February 28th, and as he had not shown
the proper disposition to fulfil his pledges, the govern-
ment of Guatemala would employ its abundant re-
sources to force compliance ;^^ for he was resolved to
carry out his enterprise at all hazards. He announced
at the same time the appointment of Francisco Me-
nendez, a Salvadoran general of division, to command
the western departments of the latter republic,^ with
instructions to raise over them the standard of Central
America, and expressed the hope that Zaldivar would
not permit obstacles to be thrown in that officer's way.
Zaldivar telegraphed him on the 9th to await the
visit of their mutual friends, Menendez and Avilez,
and not act hastily, nor look upon him as a foe, for he
had no wish to be one. Barrios then concluded to
wait for the coming of those commissioners.^*
^^ Zaldivar then, as well as afterward, denied having betrayed Barrios.
The circular of Feb. 24, 1883, to the liberal party, was issued by the latter
after a conference with the former at Asuncion Mita. In that famous mani-
festo, Barrios pledged his honor not to attempt effecting the unification, ex-
cept by peaceful means, and with the concurrence of the five republics. His
message to the Guat. assembly in 1884 indicated that violent means were
out of the question. A correspondent of a Panama paper, who seemed to
have personal knowledge of the negotiations, both public and confidential,
assures us that at every interview between the two rulers the Salvadoran had
opposed without ambiguity all propositions, open or implied, to employ force;
and that Barrios had every time admitted the weight of the reasons adduced
'by him. Indeed, only 20 days before his attempted assumption of supreme
command over Cent. Am. Barrios assured of Salvadoran minister of foreign
affairs, Gallegos, who had gone to Guat. upon a confidential mission from
Zalivar, of his conviction that never had the plan of reconstructing Cent. Am.
by compulsion been so unpropitious and dangerous as at the present time;
adding these words: * Poner hoy la mano en este asunto equivaldria a meterla
en un avispero." La Estella de Pan., May 9, 1885; S. F. Chronicle, June 5,
1885.
^^ ' El gobierno de Vd no responde, y no necesito decir porque no lo hace. '
These words would seem to imply that there had been an understanding be-
tween the two, and treachery was suspected.
^2 Menendez, calling himself a soldier of the union, had urged all Central
Americans to aid Barrios. Zaldivar on March 15th promulgated an act of
the Salv. congress declaring Menendez a traitor to his country. This decree
was in force only a short time.
^* Melchor Ordonez, Spanish minister accredited to both republics, had in
a telegram assured him that Zaldivar was his sincere friend, but was in a
difficult position, having to act in accord with public opinion. He should
bear in mind the Salvadorans had been led to believe that he. Barrios, in-
tended to deprive them of their nationality to gratify his own ambition.
COERCION CONDEMNED. 447
The decree of February 28th, which was now raising
such a poUtical storm, had been officially communicated
to the foreign diplomatic and consular corps on the
6th of March. The G-erman minister was the first to
answer it; he seemed to commend the effort about to
be made. The other representatives acknowledged
its receipt in more or less expressive terms The
Spanish minister endeavored, however, though unoffi-
cially, to dissuade Barrios from carrying out his plan
without the concurrence of the other states. His ef-
fort, he said, was to avert bloodshed. Barrios was
indisposed to brook this interference, returning on the
10th a haughty reply to the effect that the question of
Central American unification was not an international
one, and solely concerned the people of Central Amer-
ica. He therefore requested him to discontinue his
officious intervention, and finally added, that if Zaldivar
fulfilled his engagements, paying attention only to the
wishes of patriotic citizens, there would be no blood-
shed. The minister then went to Guatemala, and
wrote an explanatory letter, closing his interference,
to which Barrios replied that, being engaged with
other important affairs, he could not give his letter all
the attention it demanded; but he was glad the dis-
cussion had been brought to an end. The government
of Mexico, to which the Guatemalan minister, Fran-
cisco Anguiano, had made known Barrios' action,
replied through its minister of foreign affairs, Ignacio
Mariscal, disapproving of the movement, and signify-
ing its intention to provide for the defence of Mexico's
frontiers and interests. ^^
The government of the United States also looked
with disfavor on the plan of forcible organization,
promptly ordering naval forces to the Central Ameri-
can coasts for the protection of American interests.
The Nicaraguan congress had, on the 8th of March,
resolved to reject the union decreed by Guatemala,
^^ ' Las medidas a que toda nacion prudente apela durante el estado de
guerra qu que se colocan sus vecinos. '
448 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY
and to energetically oppose what they called Barrios*
attempt to impose his will, and to constitute himself a
dictator over Central America. The executive was
accordingly empowered to make provision, singly or
conjointly with other states, for national defence at
whatever sacrifice. The government of Costa Kica
adopted a similar course, the executive being clothed
with extraordinary powers. ^^
Finally, the three republics of Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Costa Rica appealed to the governments of the
United States and Mexico to interfere on their behalf
against Barrios' projects. Mexico responded at once.
President Diaz notified Barrios on the 10th by tele-
graph, that the governments and people of those three
republics had rejected his scheme, which had, more-
over, produced an impression on the Mexican people,
demanding on the part of their government the as-
sumption of an attitude suitable to an emergency by
which the independence and autonomy of nations of
this continent had been menaced. Barrios telegraphed
back that his answer would go by mail. He after-
ward issued an address to the Mexican nation, of a
friendly nature. ^^ But the die was cast. War was
now unavoidable. The three opposing governments,
for their mutual protection, entered on the 2 2d of
March into an alliance offensive and defensive,^*^ and
^^The govt issued a stirring manifesto to friendly powers on the 17th of
ivlarch, 1885, against Barrios' coup d'etat, signed by J. M. Castro, sec. of
foreign relations. Costa R., luforme Sec. Eel. Exter., 1885, 27-9; Id., Manif.
del Gob. Rep., 1-6.
^^The telegraphic despatches and diplomatic notes which passed between
the two governments appear in Mex., Diano Ofic, March 12, Apr. 1, 29,
May 5, 1885; Id., Sigh XIX., March 13, 25, 30, 1885; Costa R., Boletin Ofic,
March 14, 1885.
^^The treaty was signed in the city of Santa Ana, Salv., by the plenipo-
tentiaries Jose Duran for Costa R., Buenav. Selva for Nic, and Salv. C-a-
llegos for Salv. It was to be in force until Barrios should be overthrown,
and another govt established entirely disconnected with him and offering
guaranties of peace for Cent. Am., after which the issue of Cent. Am. union
might be considered by the parties in a proper spirit, and at an opportune
occasion. Costa R. pledged herself to furnish 3,000 men at her own cost,
but if only 1,000 were called for, she would contribute also $100,000, and
1,000 Remington rifles with 500 cartridges for each. Nic. agreed to furnish
4,000 troops also at her own cost. Salv. would contribute her whole avail-
able military force. The command-in-chief was vested first in the president
DEATH OF BARRIOS. 449
took active measures to give effect to the union.
Guatemala on her part, and her ally Honduras, had
not been slow in their preparations for the impending-
strife. Regardless of all opposition. Barrios was still
bent upon his difficult task, and for its accomplish-
ment marched an army into Salvadoran territory.
The events of this campaign are given in another
chapter, in connection with the history of Salvador,
where the fighting took place. Let it suffice to say
here that the invaders met with disaster, and Barrios
lost his life, fighting heroically, on the 2d of April.^^
His remains were rescued, it is said at the cost of
twenty lives, and conveyed to Guatemala, where they
were interred with civic and military honors. His
widow, Francisca Aparicio de Barrios, and their seven
children, being escorted to the port of San Jose by a
military guard, embarked for San Francisco, accom-
panied by friends. They afterward transferred them-
selves and their belongings to New York, where
Senora Barrios established her residence, it being un-
derstood that the family has been left amply provided
with pecuniary means. ^°
Upon the news reaching Guatemala of the disasters
which had befallen the army operating in Salvador,
and of the death of the president, the legislative as-
sembly, and the provisional president, Alejandro Sini-
baldi,^^ in accord with it, revoked on the 3d of April
of Salv., next in that of Nic, and third in that of Costa R., or of such per-
sons as one or the other might designate. Costa R., however, supplied 2,000^
men, and offered to loan money to Salv. Costa R.^ In forme Sec. Rel. Exter.,
1885, 31-3. Mex. placed a force near the Guat. frontier as soon as hostilities,
began in Cent. Am.
^*In an unsuccessful assault against the fortifications of Chalchuapa..
He was slain between 9 and 10 o'clock in the morning. One of his sons also>
perished fighting at his side. La Estrella de Pan., May 9, 1885; M^x., La
Prensa, suppl. ap. 4, 1885; S. F. Chronicle, Apr. 3, 5, 10, 1885; S. F. Alta^
Apr. 23, 1885; ;S'. F. Chronick, Apr. 23, 1885.
^ Barrios' last will executed at Guatemala on the 23d of March, 1885,,
which was filed Dec. 7th of said year in the office of the surrogate in New
York, declared his wife to be the sole heir of all his property and interests.
I- i ucid full confidence that she would deal fairly by each of their seven chil-
aren. He desired her to pay $25,000 to his nephew Luciano Barrios as a
memento of his good services. She was also to continue providing for Anto-
nio Barrios, then in the U. S. Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 21, 1885.
^^ Sinibaldi, chosen by the assembly Apr. 30, 1884, 1st designado, vice J..
Hist. Cent. Ai*i., Vol. III. 29
450 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
tiie decree of February 28th. Subsequently, through'
the mediation of the diplomatic corps, preliminaries
of peace were agreed to, but not before the president
of Salvador had signified an unwillingness to treat
with Sinibaldi and Barrios' ministers. The former
then surrendered the executive office to the second
designado, Manuel Lisandro Barillas, and the minis-
ters retired with him.
The new government on the 1 5th of April restored
peace with Salvador and her allies Nicaragua and
Costa Rica.^^ All treaty stipulations existing between
Guatemala and Salvador on the 28th of February last
were also restored, to remain in force until a new
treaty should be concluded. ^^ An amnesty was granted
to all Guatemalans who took part in the late presi-
dent's movement, and to all Guatemalans who were
absent for political offences committed six , months
prior to the aforesaid date; the government signify-
ing its intention of making the amnesty general as
soon as circumstances would permit. ^^ With the
change of ruler diplomatic relations were reestablished
with the government of Mexico.^^
M. Orantes resigned, had been in charge of the executive ofi&ce since Barrios
prepared to go to the front.
*^^0n the following grounds: 1st. The decree of Feb. 28th having been
revoked, and Barrios being dead, the causes which placed Guat. at war with
Salv., Nic, and Costa R. had ceased to exist; 2d. It was a patriotic duty to
promote feelings of fraternity and concord; 3. That the governments of the
republics of Cent. Am. were prompted by the same sentiments, and those of
Salv., Nic, and Costa R. had already made peace with Hond., which had
seconded the movement of the late president of Guat. ; 4. That through the
friendly mediation of the foreign corps an understanding with Salv. had
been easily arrived at, and honorable terms agreed upon for a firm and stable
peace between the two republics and Salvador's allies.
^•^Salv., Nic, and Costa R., also made similar declarations in regard to
Guat.
^* The same decree included a national vote of thanks to the diplomatic body
accredited to the governments of Cent. Am. for their friendly intervention to
bring the war to an end, and appointed Sunday the 19th to solemnize the
peace thus restored. Countersigned by the four ministers, to wit: Angel M.
Arroyo, of foreign relations and pub. instruction; Antonio Aguirre, of treas-
ury and pub. credit; Manuel J. Dardon, of governm. and justice; and E.
Martinez Sobral, of fomento. Costa R., Informe Sec. Bel. Exter., 1885, 35-8;
La Bstrella de Pan., May 23, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, May 23, 1885.
^-^ Pres. Diaz also in a telegram to Zaldivar manifested a desire to see
cordial relations restored between Salv. and Guat. Mex., Diario Ofic, Apr.
11 1885; La Nueva Era (Paso del Norte), Apr. 17, 1885.
PEACE AT LAST. 451
The cabinet of Salvador now proposed to the other
four repubHcs the meeting of a congress of plenipoten-
tiaries on the 15th of May at Santa Tecla, with the
object of reconstructing Central America as one re-
public, or at least of adopting measures conducive to
that end. President Zaldivar then signified his inten-
tion of resigning his office on the assembling of con-
gress, and as soon as it should have arrived at some
resolution on the scheme. Guatemala deemed it pre-
mature. Nicaragua declined. Honduras accepted
the proposition. The government of Costa Kica,
though her magistrate was clothed with ample pow-
ers, did not feel justified in entering into such an
arrangement without first obtaining the assent of con-
gress, which was not then in session, and would not
be for some time.^^
Peace and quiet being generally reestablished, mar-
tial law was removed, the country placed under the
rule of the constitution, a general amnesty decreed,
and a constituent cong^ress convoked. ^'^ Cons^ress as-
sembled on the 24th of August, the acting president
manifesting much confidence in its wisdom to accom-
plish much good to the country. But it does not
appear that after a long session, it accomplished any
thing worth recording. ^^
The election took place on the 2 2d of November,
Barillas being chosen president by a unanimous vote
of the electoral college. Colonel Vicente Castaneda,
a deputy, was elected vice-president.^^ Barillas was
quite the opposite of Barrios in some respects. He
was a man of the kindest and most benevolent instincts,
who would rather suffer wrong than do wrong. The
discontented were not long in taking advantage of his
^ Costa R., Informe Sec. Rel. Exter.. 1885, 55-7; La Estrella de Pan., May
23, 1885.
" Decrees of June 23d and 27th. All subsidies were suspended for one
year. The purpose of calling a convention was to eflfect some amendments to
the constitution, and to enact some needed laws.
''^ Notwithstanding the great necessity of allaying the excitement still ex-
isting, there were riotous scenes on several occasions in the chamber. Pan.
Star and Herald, Sept. 9-30, 1885, passim.
^' The president's inauguration was on the 15th of March, 1886.
452 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
clemency to create disturbance. A number of gen-
erals and others were detected in a diabolical plot, in-
tended to murder Barillas and destroy the foreigners.
The parties implicated were arrested, and surrendered
to the courts, the president refusing to interfere.
The ministers were requested to resign their port-
folios, which were intrusted to the following persons,
all young men of recognized abilities and progressive
ideas, namely: A. Lazo Arriaga, of foreign relations;
Abel Cruz, of government and justice; Escobar, of
the treasury and public credit; Cdrlos Herrera, a son
of the late Manuel M. Herrera, one of Barrios' best
assistants, minister of formento; and Manuel Valle,
journalist, poet, and orator, minister of public instruc-
tion.
CHAPTER XXII.
HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
* 1865-1886,
National Flag and Escutcheon — Order of Santa Rosa — Medina's Long
Rule — His Differences with Duenas, and Triumph — War with Sal-
vador AND Guatemala — Medina Defeated and Overthrown — Celeo
Arias Succeeds Him — His Liberal Policy — He is Beset by the Con-
servatives— His Former Supporters Depose Him — Ponciano Leiva
Becomes President — His Course Displeases Barrios, Who Sets Me-
dina against Him — He is Forced to Resign — Marco Aurelio Soto
Made President by Barrios — Attempted Revolt of Ex-president
Medina — His Trial and Execution — Sotos' Administration — He
Goes Abroad — His Quarrel with Barrios, and Resignation — Presi-
dent BoGRAN — Filibustering Schemes.
There is very little to record for Honduras in the
live years from 1865 to 1870; the country enjoyed
comparative peace under the same conservative system
existing in Guatemala and Salvador. President Me-
dina being reelected was again inducted into office on
the 1st of February, 1866, and a few days later the
military rank of lieutenant-general was conferred on
him.^ On the 16th of the same month congress de-
creed a change in the national coat of arms and flag,
in the manner described at foot.^
Early in 1868 Medina and congress, with the appro-
^ Feb. 9th. He was to draw from the pub. treasury as pay |200 monthly
when in actual service. Nic, Gaceta, April 14, 1866. Later he was made a
captain-general.
2 The escutcheon was to be the same as formerly, with the sole exception
of exhibiting a rising sun in lieu of the Phrygian cap. The flag was to be as
follows: Two blue stripes with a white one between them, all three running
horizontally, three to four varas in length, and nine inches in width; with
the national coat of arms in the centre of the white stripe, and a group of
five blue stars in a semicircle under it. Merchant vessels were to use the
same dimensions and colors without the coat of arms.
453
454 HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
bation of the council of state,^ resolved upon the crea-
tion of an order of merit to reward important civil,
military, and religious services rendered to the nation,
and other praiseworthy acts of its citizens. Congress
then on the 21st of February established the Or-
den de Santa Rosa y de la Civilizacion de Honduras.*
The executive promulgated the decree on the 24th
with the signature appended of Trinidad Ferrari, min-
ister of the interior. The idea met with the approval
of some, and excited the ridicule of others. The order
soon fell into discredit, many unworthy persons having
obtained it, and its suppression was decreed."'^
Medina was chosen president for another term of
four years. In order to do this, the clause in article
33 of the national constitution forbidding reelection
for the next immediate period was repealed, which
Medina's partisans effected through a constituent as-
sembly convoked ad hoc.® He was accordingly rein-
augurated February 1, 1870.
Honduras was now to experience another series of
troubles, which lasted several years. In the last days
of December 1869, disturbances were apprehended in
^ Under the constitution of 1865 the congress consisted of a senate with
seven members, and a legislative assembly of eleven. The council of state
was constituted with the ministers and seven other members.
* For the bestowal of decorations of the order was created a senate of six
members to reside in the capital. This body was also empowered to dismiss
any member of the order for good cause. The president was authorized to
frame the statutes and appoint the senators, conferring grades of the order
before its installation. The senate, once installed, was to grant decorations.
The same right was reserved for congress, and the president of the republic,
who was made ex-officio president of the senate of the order. A copy of the
decree in Spanish is given in Nic, Gaceta, May 23, 1868; Laferri^rey De Paris
a Guatemala, 427-8.
^ In connection with the subject is mentioned the name of Bustelli Foscolo,
an agent of the Hond. govt, sentenced to imprisonment in Paris for fraudu-
lent transactions.
^This body was called by the regular congress at the solicitation, as it was
made to appear, of the several municipalities, and was installed Aug. 8, 1869.
On the 13th it declared that in view of the popular actas in the several towns
proclaiming Medina president for the next term, he was actually elected.
The same day the 33d article of the fundamental law was amended to read
thus: ' The presidential term shall be of four years, commencing on the 1st of
Feb. in the year of renewal.' On the 19th the convention adjourned sine die;
Medina having warmly thanked it for the trust reposed in him, and accepted
it, with the pledge of not holding the office a day after the expiration of his
term. Nic, Gaceta, Sept. 11, 18, 1869; Feb. 5, 1870; Pan. Star arid Herald,
Sept. 18, 1869.
TROUBLES WITH SALVADOR. 455
Olancho and Paraiso, in connivance with Nicaraguan
exiles, for which reason those refugees were concen-
trated in Comayagua. Some seditious attempts were
made in the following year, but were easily put down.
Early in 1871, serious differences existed between
the governments of Honduras and Salvador, or, to be
more exact, between presidents Medina and Duenas,
on several points. The causes, as well as the fruit-
less efforts made by Honduran commissioners in San
Salvador to effect a peaceable settlement of long-
existing differences, are fully explained elsewhere/
Medina, on the 7th of February, declared all trea-
ties between the two republics suspended, and war
soon broke out. A Salvadoran army, under Gen-
eral Xatruch, invaded Honduras and took Coma-
yagua, that commander styling himself provisional
president. The Honduran government had entered
into a correspondence with the United States minis-
ters resident at Tegucigalpa and San Salvador, calling
their attention to the 14th article of the treaty of July
4, 1864, between their nation and Honduras, under
which the former recognized the rights of ownership
and sovereignty of the latter in the line of the Hon-
duras interoceanic railway, the works on which, it said,
were in danger of interruption by the Salvadoran in-
vaders. From the tenor of its notes, it would seem
as if it expected the United States to hoist their flag
over Comayagua, which might have hindered the op-
erations of Xatruch. Medina's pretension was unten-
able, the understanding being that the obligation of
the United States did not attach till after the comple-
tion of the work.^ Moreover, the Honduran govern-
' I will, however, repeat here in a few words the causes alleged by Hond.
Salvador had violated the treaty of Santa Rosa of March 25, 1862, in refusing
to surrender the perpetrators of two atrocious murders. She had abetted the
refugees who, in the last six years, had been fanning the flame of discord in
Hond. ; had refused to heed the remonstrances of the latter; and on the con-
trary, had placed a force on the frontier, and generally assumed a hostile
attitude.
^ The guaranty was given as a consideration for certain advantages, which
could not accrue till after the road was finished. The Am. gov. could not
therefore be required to repel an invasion of the route from abroad. The
450 HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
ment could not reasonably expect that those ministers
had an armed force at their command. The United
States had no need, even if willing to accept the duty
of j)rotecting those works, to adopt any measures, be-
ing assured by the Salvadoran government that the
neutrality of the Honduras railway would not be in-
terfered with in any manner.
Medina was not idle in devising means to injure the
enemy. He occupied Sensuntepeque on March 17th,
and next Ilobasco. Duenas' forces under General
Tomds Martinez attacked the latter place on the 19th,
and being repulsed retreated to Cojutepeque. General
Santiago Gonzalez with Hondurans and disaffected
Salvadorans occupied San Vicente on the 19th, the
reserve remaining in Sensuntepeque, which revolted
against Duenas.^ The campaign in Salvador ended at
Santa Ana, where the fate of Duenas' government
was decided. ^^ Peace was then concluded between
the new government of Salvador and that of Hon-
duras. Medina started after Xatruch, who then had
about 700 men in Gracias ; but the news of the result
at Santa Ana reaching there his troops deserted him.
The war was soon over, Xatruch himself in a proc-
lamation of May 11th signifying his intention to
leave the country. After this the political situation
was for a while satisfactory. Still Medina deemed it
expedient to invite a plebiscit, and ascertain if the
people wished him to continue at the head of affairs
the rest of his term.^^ The result was as he desired it.
A great commotion was caused in August by 300
or 400 Indians and revolutionists, against whom the
government forces never obtained but partial suc-
cesses. The disturbance lasted until an understanding
correspondence between ministers Baxter and Torbert with the govts of
Hond. and Salv., and with their own, appears in U. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex. Doc,
Cong. 42, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt 1, 575-S, 685-93.
^Bond., Clarin OJic, March 26, 1871; JVic, Oaceta, Apr. 22, 29, May 13,
1871.
'"Particulars in Salv. historical chapter.
^^ This course was doubtless adopted because of the dissatisfaction appear-
ing, and of a revolution which was attempted during the last war. El Por-
■venir de Nic., Oct. 1, 1871
PERPETUAL WAR.
was arrived at with the rebel leaders off
December.^^
Further trouble was impending, this time between
Medina and the liberal governments lately established
in Salvador and Guatemala. He claimed of Salvador
an indemnity for his services in overthrowing Duenas,
which that government deemed preposterous and dis-
allowed. The two governments, which had entered
into an alliance offensive and defensive, on the other
hand accused Medina of having formed a coalition
with the oligarchs to restore the latter to power. ^^
Medina closed official relations with Salvador March
25th; and this act, being looked upon by Salvador
and Guatemala as a declaration of war, they invaded
Honduras, and soon after a victory over Medina's gen-
eral, Velez, occupied the principal towns, all of which
revolted against Medina, and a provisional government
was set up^* with Celeo Arias at the head of affairs.
Medina had temporarily placed the executive office
in charge of Crescendo Gomez, and taken command
of his troops in the field. Upon Comayagua being
occupied by the Salvadorans, Gomez and his officials
fled to Gracias. Medina attempted, May 27th, to
recapture Comayagua, but was repulsed. ^^
Omoa had been given up July 20th to JUan Anto-
nio Medina, a Salvadoran general, for Arias' govern-
ment. Medina, the president, suffered a defeat on the
same day at Potrerillos, and a crushing one on the
^2 A full amnesty was granted to all the insurgents. U. S. Gov. Doc, H.
Ex. Doc, Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 300-2; A^xc, Gaceta, Sept. 2 to Nov. 4, 1871;
Feb. 3, 1872; M Porvenir de Nic, Oct. 1 to Nov. 12, 1871; Jan. 7, 1872
^^ Convention signed at Leon Dec. 18, 1871, by Manuel Colin dres, on be-
half of Medina, Ex-pres. Martinez of Nic, Miguel Velez, Nicasio del Cas-
tillo, Rosalio Cortes, R. Alegria, Buenav. Selva, Sefernio Gonzalez, and three
others. This doc. at first was considered apocryphal, but proved to be gen-
uine. El Porvenir de Nic, June 23, 1872,
^* With the avowed object of bringing Hond. under republican institutions.
El Porvenir de Nic, Apr. 28 to Aug. 14, 1872, passim; Ai'c., El Semanal Nic,
May 30, 1872.
^^ After this victory the presidents of Guat. and Salv. had an interview
with Arias, and returned with their troops to their respective countries, leav-
ing 800 men to aid Arias in reorganizing the country. The campaign had
lasted 24 days from the date on which Langue on the Hond. side of the fron-
tier was occupied.
458 HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
2 6 til, in Santa Barbara, at the hands of the alUed
forces of Arias, Guatemala, and Salvador, escaping
with only six officers to Omoa,^^ where he joined the
other man of the same surname, who had a few days
previously accepted the executive office, transferred
to him by Crescendo Gomez, proclaiming himself
provisional president, and appointing a cabinet. But
a revolt of the troops put an end to this arrangement,
Jose M. Medina, his substitute Gomez, and others
being made prisoners, and sent at once to Comayagua,
where they arrived on or about August 9th. ^^ Arias'
government now had but little difficulty to secure its
tenure of power. Ex-president Medina was held in
confinement to answer such charges as would be pre-
ferred against him before the next 'national congress. ^^
A full animesty was decreed for all political offences
committed from March 5, 1871, to November 1, 1872,
the only persons excluded from its benefits being Jose
Marfa Medina, and his ministers, Manuel Colindres
and Rafael Padilla, who were also to abide the action
of congress. ^^
The constitution of 1865 having become a dead let-
ter, the provisional government, in a decree of Novem-
ber 15th, recognized as existing in their full force all
the rights of citizens under republican institutions,^^
though reserving the privilege of suspending some of
them in the event of public disturbance. This decree
16 M, Aug. 1, 1872; Guat, Recop. Ley., Goh. Democ, i. 116-17.
1^ Juan A. Medina, Gen. Miranda, and a few friends succeeded in escap-
ing. Nic., El Semanal Nic, Aug. 8, 29, 1872.
1^ Further details may be found in Costa R., Informe Sec. Rely 1873, 7-8;
El Porvenir de Nic, May 26, June 2, 1872; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc,
C!ong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 303-6; Nic, Gaceta, June 15 to Nov. 30, 1872; Id., Col.
Dec y Acuerdos, 1872, 50-1; Mex., Diario OJic, Aug. 9, 1872. Circular of Nic.
Min. of For. Rel., Sept. 5, 1876, referring to his government's fruitless efforts
at mediation between the belligerents, adds that it finally accepted accom-
plished facts, and opened relations with Arias' govt. Salv., Gaceta OJic, Oct.
26, 1876.
i^Crescencio Gomez, Mdx. Aranjo, Casto Alvarado, Jesiis Inestrosa, and
a few others were also pardoned, but required to stay away from Hond. until
after the promulgation of a new constitution. Nic, Gaceta, Nov. 30, 1872;
Jd., Semanal Nic, Nov. 26, 1872.
^ Life, liberty, equality, security, property, inviolability of domicile, and
correspondence, and writings, freedom of transit, of peaceable assembling,
and of the press, rights of petition, and of preferring against public officials.
COMING OF CONSERVATIVES. 459
was countersigned by the three ministers of state. ^^
The people were on the 17th of March, 1873, con-
voked to choose deputies to a convention which was
to frame a new constitution. The last Sunday of the
following April was named for the elections. ^^
Guatemala was experiencing troubles in her east-
ern departments. An expedition of conservatives
landed at Trujillo from the ship General SJiermaUy
menacing the government of Arias, and at the same
time aiding the faction which was trying to overthrow
that of Guatemala. ^^ The latter and Salvador attrib-
uting the scheme to President Guardia of Costa Rica,
jointly accredited a minister in Nicaragua, the result
of whose mission was a tripartite defensive alliance.
Arias decreed martial law, and reassumed the dicta-
torship which the people conferred on him the previous
94
year.
The revolutionary forces under Miranda were sig-
nally defeated by the Guatemalan commander, Solares,
on the north side of the Chamelecon River on the 9th
of August, with great loss. General Casto Alvarado
and Colonel A. Munoz being killed, and a large quan-
2^ Juan N. Venero, of treas. and for. afifairs; Miguel del Cid, of justice,
govt, and pub. worship; Andres Van Severen, of war.
'^'^ Any Honduran in full possession of his civil rights, having besides prop-
erty worth $1,000, or upwards, or being a licentiate, could be chosen. The
only exceptions were the president of the repub., and the military in active
service.
■^2 That expedition sailed from Colon, and was led by Enrique Palacios,
Casto Alvarado, Miranda Baraona, and others. It landed at Utila, one of
the Bay Islands, and organized a govt for Hond., Colindres and Padilla, min-
isters of Medina, assuming the executive under art. 30 of the constitution of
1865, in view of the events of July 1872 at Omoa. From Utila the exped.
proceeded to Trujillo, which was surrendered June 9th. That part of the
plan failed, and the expedition then went to Puerto Cortes. The invaders
had an understanding with Betancourt, the officer in command at Omoa, who
toward the end of June rebelled with the garrison of 150 men; but he was
attacked and defeated by Streber, of Arias' govt. It was during this trouble
that Streber's troops pillaged, in July, the mercantile houses of Omoa, foreign
as well as native, which culminated in the bombardment afterward of the
port by a British man-of-war, of which I gave the details elsewhere. The
house of the Am. consul having been likewise invaded, the government had
to give satisfaction, saluting the U. S. flag March 22, 1874, in the plaza of
Comayagua, in the presence of their representative, troops, the ministers of
state, and others.
=^*iVec., SemanalMc, June 28, July 17, 1872.
460 HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
tity of war material falling into the victor's hands. ^
The presidents of Guatemala and Salvador, after the
insurrection in the former republic had been quelled,
held conferences at Chingo on the situation in Hon-
duras, and came to the conclusion that Arias' govern-
ment, being unpopular, could not sustain itself without
their material as well as moral support, which would
be a heavy burden. He was then asked in a joint
note to give up the executive office to some one more
in the confidence of the people. He refused to accede
to the demand, and the allied troops approached
Comayagua to carry out their suggestion. The first
notice of their intent was the proclamation in the town
of Aguanqueterique, of Ponciano Leiva as provisional
president,, who organized his administration at Cholu-
teca on the 23d of November, and on the 8th of De-
cember declared all the acts of Arias null.^^
The allied forces of Leiva under his minister of
war, General Juan Lopez, of Guatemala under Solares,
and of Salvador under Espinosa, laid siege to Coma-
yagua on the 6th of January, 1874, and after seven
days' resistance. Arias, together with his ministers and
chief supporters, had to capitulate on the 13th. Ex-
president Medina was released from confinement, and
eventually, having recognized the new ruler, was set
free, when he went to live in La Paz.^^
Leiva's government was soon recognized by the
other states. It was of course expected to pursue a
policy in accord with the governments that gave it
existence. But it seems that Leiva preferred to fol-
low an independent course,^^ and in a short time the
2^ The remnants of the insurgents fled by the railroad. Id., Aug. 7, 21, 28,
Sept. 18, 1873.
''^The constituent congress, called by Arias, assembled Dec. 14th, and re-
fused to accept his resignation. It also adopted other measures, which it is
unnecessary to recite here, as they never took effect.
2^ A circular of the Nic. minister of foreign affairs of Sept. 5, 1876, alludes
to these events. Further particulars appear in Ainas, Mensaje, Dec. 14, 1873;
[7. S. Govt. Docs., H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 43, Sess, 2, i. 141; Bamos, Mensaje, Sept.
11, 1876; Nic, Semanal Nic, Jan. 18, 24, Feb. 19, 1874: Salv., Gaceta Ofic,
Oct. 26, 1876.
■-'^ Leiva seemed to be a non-partisan, a man of intelligent and liberal views,
and a popular favorite.
LEIVA SUCCEEDS ARIAS 461
two powers that so elevated him were in antagonism,
Guatemala using her influence against and Salvador
for him, as will be seen hereafter. A constituent
congress convoked by Leiva adjourned in May, after
adopting three important measures; namely, confirm-
ing Leiva as provisional president, restoring the con-
stitution of 1865, and ordering Arias into exile for
^ve years. ^^ The political state of affairs was not
satisfactory to Guatemala. The elections had yielded
a majority of conservatives and reactionists in con-
gress, and many if not most of the public offices had
gone into the hands of men of that party, one of the
most prominent being Manuel Colindres. The regu-
lar congress was installed on the 20th of January,
1875, and the next day the executive sent in his mes-
sage, giving in detail the condition of public affairs.
February 1st he took the oath of office as consti-
tutional president, having been elected by the people. ^^
A full amnesty for political offences was granted by
congress February 9th, and promulgated the same
day by the president and his minister of relations and
justice, Adolfo Zuniga.
The people of Honduras were not allowed, however,
to enjoy the benefits of peace but for a short time;
for Ex-president Medina instigated, as it was generally
believed, by President Barrios of Guatemala, raised
at Gracias, on the 21st of December, the standard of
revolution, proclaiming himself provisional president. ^^
2'Guat. objected to the treatment awarded Arias, and sent Ramon Rosa
as confidential agent to Leiva to represent that Arias had been solemnly
pledged security for his life and liberty, and respect for his high character
and personal merits; against which pledge Arias had been kept in prison and
subjected to prosecution. The gov. of Guat. believed that the men compos-
ing that assembly were not competent to try Arias, for they were reactionists,
and he one of the truest liberals in Cent. Am. Leiva answered, July 8th, that
he had exerted himself in Arias' favor, and that the exile he was sentenced
to he would have undergone of his own accord; for he could not live in the
country for some time. It was for his own benefit that the terms of the
surrender had been modified. (I. S. Gov. Docs., H. Ex. Doc, For. Rel., Cong.
43, Sess. 2, Doc. 1, pt i. 179-80.
'^Salv., DiarioOfic, Feb. 5, 12, March 3, 11, Apr. 4, 1875; Mex. Mem.
Min. Rel, 1875, annex 3, Doc. 7, p. 36; Nic., Mem. Sec. Bel Est, 1875, vi.-
xi., app. 7-10.
^^ The grounds alleged for the revolt were: 1st, that the liberties of Hond.
462 HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
He afterward suffered for his lack of wisdom. The
govern ment at once prepared to meet the emergency.
Salvador organized a force to support it, and Guate-
mala resolved to sustain Medina, whose real plan was
to hurl Gonzalez from the executive chair of Salvador,
as well as Leiva from that of Honduras.
The revolution assumed proportions, and Medina
had come to believe himself master of the situation.
The presidents of Salvador and Guatemala arranged
at Chingo, on the 15th of February, 1876, to intervene
in Honduras and stop the revolution. At this time
it was thought that Leiva could not hold his own, his
forces having been routed at Intibucd, and his author-
ity being felt only in the eastern departments. The
rebels had captured the capital, Comayagua, and de-
livered it to the horrors of an exterminating war.
But the battle of Naranjo changed the aspect of affairs,
Leiva's troops gaining there a decisive victory, which
restored his authority over almost the whole extent of
the republic. ^^ There was no further need of Guate-
mala and Salvador pacifying Honduras; peace had
been virtually restored, and only a few scattered par-
ties of rebels in the departments of Copan and Gracias
had to be eliminated. ^^ But soon after another con-
testant for the presidential office appeared on the
field, namely, Marco Aurelio Soto, ex-minister of for-
eign relations of Guatemala,^* whom a Guatemalan
force supported. A treaty of peace was concluded,
however, with the mediation of Salvador, at Los Ce-
were under thraldom to Salv., which had failed to carry out the objects of
the revolution of 1871; 2d, the deplorable state of the finances, because Ama-
pala had been made a free port; 3d, that the die of Houd. had been given to
Salvador. Salv., Diaiio Qfic, Jan. 4, 5, 21, 30, March 26, 1876; La Regenera-
cion, Oct. 9, 1876.
^^ Further particulars in Pan. Star and Herald, March 2 to June 1, 1876,
passim; Salv., GacHa Ofic, June 8, Oct. 26, 1876.
2^ At this time war broke out between Guat. and Salvador, and the former
sent an army under Solares through Honduras to operate against Salvador's
eastern departments. Details on these events are given in other chapters on
treating of the relations between the two belligerents. At the conclusion of
peace, Hond. joined them in a treaty of alliance.
^* He resigned his portfolio Feb. 26th, with the understanding that he was
to be president of Honduras.
PRESIDENT SOTO 463
dros June 8, 1876,^^ and the executive office went into
the hands of Crescencio Gomez by transfer from Mar-
ceUno Mejia, to whom the treaty had given it. Gomez
decreed August 12th to turn over the office to Medina,
who decUned accepting it; but as the repubHc was
thereby left without a chief magistrate, he concluded
on the 18th to call Marco Aurelio Soto to fill the
position,^^ denying in a manifesto that Guatemala pur-
posed controlling the affairs of Honduras.^^
Soto announced August 27th from Amapala^^ his
assumption of the executive duties, declaring that his
policy would be fair and friendly at home and toward
the other Central American states, and that he was
free from internal or foreign entanglements. He was
soon after recognized by other governments as the
legitimate chief magistrate of Honduras.^^ Under his
administration the people were once more enabled to
devote themselves to peaceful pursuits. On the 27th
of May, 1877, in an extensive message to congress, he
set forth the condition of public affairs, and what his
government had done in every branch of the public
service during the last nine months. He assured the
representatives that no branch had been neglected;
and expressed the hope that if peace and order were
preserved, the country would erelong begin to reap
the benefits of his measures. ^° He had been chosen
by the people, on April 2 2d, constitutional president,
and the extraordinary congress acknowledged him as
2^ Negotiated by Cruz Lozano, on behalf of both Salvador and Medina,
and M. Vigil and Luis Bogran for Leiva, both contestants giving up their
claims, and agreeing to recognize Marcelino Mejia as the provisional presi-
dent, which was done. Id., June 24, 1876.
^^ It was said that Soto had been proclaimed in several places, and that he
enjoyed the confidence of the governments of Guat., Sal v., and Costa R.
^^ Another version is that Roderico Toledo arrived at Comayagua, as com-
missioner from Guat. and Salv., and demanded of Gomez the surrender of
the executive to Soto, which is quite possible, Gomez affecting the surrender
through his former chief, Medina.
^^ The garrison had declared in his favor on the 21st, the comandante Col
Salvador Ferrandis losing his life.
^^El Porvenirde Nic, March 18, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 4, 1876;
U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Boc, 44th Cong., 2d Sess., i. 36-9; Costa R., In'brme
Mm. Pel, 1876, 11-14.
*^Soto, Mensaje, May 27, 1877; Salv., Gaceta Ofic, June 22, 1877.
464 HONDURAS AFFAIRS
sucli on the 29th of May. He was formally inaugu-
rated on the following day.
Ex-president Medina, and the Salvadoran general
Ezequiel Marin, together with two colonels and sev-
eral other officers of less rank, and a number of civil-
ians, for an attempted rebellion in the latter end of
1877, were subjected to the action of a court-martial
at Santa Rosa, on the charge of high treason and
other offences,*^ and sentenced to death. The cause
being taken, for revision, to the supreme council of
war, the sentence aoainst Medina and Marin was con-
firmed, the court having found no extenuating cir-
cumstances; one lieutenant and one sergeant obtained
a commutation to ten years' confinement in the fortress
at Omoa. The other prisoners were set at liberty,
but with a warning never again to engage in simi-
lar conspiracies, or the sentence of the court-martial
against them would be enforced. Medina and Marin
were shot at Santa Kosa at 8 o'clock in the morning
of February 8, 1878.^^ The other two men were at
once despatched to their prison at Omoa.
Jose Maria Medina has been styled a genuine lib-
eral, and his friends gave him credit as a commander
of resources, and an able administrator. His military
record showed that he surrendered the fortress of
*^ The order for their trial was issued by the comandante general of the
republic Dec. 12th, the executive having first, on the 10th, asked the advice
of the supreme court of justice, which was given on the next day. The
crimes preferred against the prisoners were conspiracy, instigation to rebel-
lion, high treason, and concealment of government arms. The officers form-
ing the court-martial were Gen. Emilio Delgado, president, generals Eusebio
Toro and Luis Bogran, colonels Inocente Solis, Belisario Villela, Manuel
Bonilla, Antonio Cerro; auditor de guerra, Justo C41iz; prosecuting ofiicer,
Gen. Agustin Aguilar. Salv., Diario Ofic, suppl., Feb. 28, 1878; Voz de Mex.,
July 17, 1878.
*^U. S. Minister Geo, Williamson, in reporting these executions to his
gov., Feb. 16, 1878, uses these words: 'Medina's lack of wisdom in yielding
to the selection (as president) of a man who from the dictates of a cowardly
or cruel policy thought it necessary to select so illustrious a victim as himself,
has led to this deplorable event .... It is said neither the victims nor any one
else believed the sentence of the council of war would be either approved or
executed.' U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 45, Sess. 3, i. 79-80. It has
been said that the execution of Medina, now aged and infirm, was in obedi-
ence to orders from Baurios. Un GuatemaUeco, Cartas, 25.
AN INFAMOUS RULER. 465
Omoa to General Carrera, and followed him to Guate-
mala, where he was rewarded for that service with a
lieutenant-colonelcy. He never won any action of
importance. During the insurrection of Olancho in
1864, he never went beyond Yoro until informed that
the affair was over. He issued the order of December
25, 1864, countersigned by his minister, Francisco
Cruz, empowering all his officers to put prisoners to
death,^^ and that in the face of several constitutional
clauses abolishing the death penalty, and forbidding
the trial of citizens by military courts He was also
guilty of incendiarism in burning many towns and
haciendas, and of confiscation. He made himself and
his satellites wealthy at the expense of his country
and his victims. He reached the presidency by tlie
favor of the oligarchs of Guatemala. As a ruler he
was an unmitigated tyrant; as an administrator he
left nothing to entitle him to a place among the bene-
factors of his nation — no schools, no material improve-
ments of any kind. In lieu thereof he left the
national name dishonored abroad, the national charac-
ter degraded, financial ruin, corruption, immorality,
poverty, bitter animosities, and almost every misfor-
tune that could have befallen hapless Honduras.
Nothing worthy of particular mention occurred
from this time on till November 2, 1880, when the
national capital was removed to Tegucigalpa. In
December of the same year Marco Aurelio Soto was.
reelected president,^* and the people continued enjoy-
ing the benefits of peace. The national assembly met at
Tegucigalpa on the 19th of February, 1883. Doctor
Soto was again installed as president by virtue of a
reelection, and in an able and lucid address congratu-
lated the representatives of the people that since their
*^ Had generals Juan Lopez and J. A. Medina carried out the order to the
letter, eve^y Inhabitant of Olancho would have been annihilated. As it was,
200 men were shot and 500 hanged, all without trial. El Porvenir de Nic.^
Nov. 26, 1871.
^^Diario Cent. Am., Dec. 27, 1880.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 30
466 HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
last meeting in 1881 quiet had reigned, and the Hb-
eral constitution framed in 1877 had worked success-
fully. Relations with Costa Kica, interrupted in
1878, were renewed on the 15th of last October; and
those with the rest of the Central American states, as
well as with other powers, were on the most friendly
footing. The long-pending boundary question with
Salvador had been referred to the arbitration of Pres-
ident Zavala of Nicaragua. The government had, on
the 15th of September, 1882, sanctioned the plan of
Central American unification. Finances were in a
satisfactory state, large payments having relieved the
treasury of heavy burdens. The administration of
justice had become improved, and public education
advanced. Agriculture was progressing, trade on the
increase with the facilities afforded it ; and mining had
engaged the attention of capitalists both at home and
abroad.*^
President Soto sent in his resignation to congress
on March 10th, pleading ill health. It was not ac-
-cepted, and instead a leave of absence was granted
him with a liberal pecuniary allowance for expenses.*^
Congress thought proper, however, to utilize his in-
tended visit to Europe to place on a better footing the
financial affairs of the republic.^'' Before taking his
departure, Soto placed, on the 9th of May, the execu-
tive office in charge of the council of ministers, namely,
Enrique Gutierrez, Luis Bogran, and Rafael Alvarado.
*^The exhibit of the state of affairs, both present and prospective, was
encouraging, and appeared to be well founded. A synopsis of the address is
igiven in Pan. Daily Canal, March 20, 1883; Pan. Star and Herald, March
23, 1883.
*° He was permitted to visit the U. S. and Europe, where, as the majority
of the committee to whom the subject had been referred said, free from offi-
cial cares he might place himself under medical treatment, if necessary. Some
members of the committee favored the acceptance, claiming it as a matter of
justice, but the majority thought it would cause inconveniences in the orderly
march of affairs A journal, Xa Paz of Tegucigalpa, remarked: 'Friends
and enemies of Dr Soto, men and parties the most opposite in ideas, join in
considering that the withdrawal of Dr Soto would be the precursor of politi-
cal misfortunes and catastrophes.' Jd., Apr. 18, 1883.
*' To adjust Honduras' share of the old federal debt, which was still un-
paid; and to make some settlement respecting the loans contracted in London
and Paris for constructing the interoceanic railway.
SOTO AND BARRIOS. 467
This was in accordance with the constitution. In
bidding good by to his fellow-citizens, Soto congratu-
lated them upon the reign of peace at home,^ and the
cordiality existing with other nations. He promised
to come back as soon as possible to complete his term,
and to surrender the trust to his successor.*^
A serious quarrel occurred soon after, while Soto
was in San Francisco, California, between him and
Barrios. He received, as he considered it, from a
reliable source, information that Barrios, being dis-
pleased with his government, had resolved to promote
a revolution in Honduras as an excuse for war and
for overthrowing that government. He wrote Barrios
on July 6, 1883, that his government having been
ever loyal and friendly to and fulfilled its treaty obli-
gations with Guatemala, he must attribute to personal
motives Barrios' intended course. He was not, he
said, disposed to give the latter an opportunity to sow
distraction in his own country, and to let loose again
the dogs of war in all Central America. To avert
those calamities he was ready to bring about a legal
transfer of his office, and would lay his final resigna-
tion before congress. But he wished Barrios to know
that he did so actuated by patriotic motives, and not
by fear, for he had sufficient power in Honduras to
sustain himself, and to defend her against unjust ag-
gression. Barrios returned a scathful answer on
August 3d. After denying Soto's accusations, he at-
tributes his resignation to a preconceived resolve to
desert by actual flight his post, and lead abroad a life
of ease and luxury upon his ill-gotten wealth; and
now was using his. Barrios', name as a pretext to
justify his conduct. He asserts that Soto left Hon-
duras with the intention of not returning, and indeed,
with a full knowledge that the Hondurans would never
** A little later Barrios of Guat. claimed that it was due to his own con-
stant support rather than to Soto's administration, which he declared to have
been bad and ruinous to Hond.
*^ In his journey he was accompanied by his kinsman and former minister
of relations, Ramon Rosa.
468 HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
permit his return.^ The writer in the plainest lan-
guage accuses him of having enriched himself at the
expense of a country which he had ruined, and of pri-
vate parties alike. As to Soto's brave words, they
are taken, he says, at their true worth in Guatemala,
where he is well known. It would be easier and less
costly to hurl him from power, than it was to raise
him to and keep him at the head of the government.
Barrios concluded that he would take no further
notice of Soto's remarks, as there was a broad sea be-
tween them. His charges about Soto's incompetency,
disloyalty, and general dishonesty are certainly exag-
gerated. Soto sent his resignation from San Francisco,
and congress unanimously accepted it on the 3d of
September.^^
General Luis Bogran was spontaneously and almost
by unanimity chosen by the people president of the
republic,^^ and assumed the duties on the 30th of No-
vember, soon after organizing his cabinet with the
ministers named below. ^^
The country continued at peace, and there was no
reason to apprehend any immediate disturbance. In
the attempt made by Guatemala to reorganize Central
America by force of arms, in the early part of 1885,
HoDjjiuras pledged her cooperation, but had little op-
portunity to take an active part. Upon hearing of
the Guatemalan defeat, and of the death of President
Barrios on the 2d of April, she wavered, but finally
made peace with Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Bica.
^® * Hasta el punto de valerse de mi, como del pretest© mejor para justifi-
car el paso de fuga y desercion que ha dado y se propone consumar; no piense
que ese plan tan ruin se oculta a ninguno.' Both letters are given in full in
Pan., El Cronista, Aug. 25, 29, 1883; La Republica(S. F.), Sept. 1, 8, 1883.
^^Pan. Star and Herald, Nov. 17, 1883; La Pepublica (S. F.), Sept. 15, 24,
1883; Diaz, Miscel, no. 12, 3.
^^ Bogran was quite young, energetic, and frank in his manners, open-
hearted and unpretentious. His character was in keeping with his appearance.
He was master of the political situation.
^^ Rafael Alvarado, of war, education, and justice; Jerdnimo Zelaya, of for-
eign affairs; Crescencio Gomez, of govt; Abelardo Zelaya, of treasury and
public credit; and Francisco Planas, of public works. Guat., Mem. Sec. Rel.
Ext., 1884, 8; Costa R., Mem. Mm. Rel, 1884, 3; El Guatemalteco, Jan. 19,
1884; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 18, 1884.
PEACE RESTORED. 469
About the middle of 1885 there were near Trujillo
some shght disturbances, but quiet was restored. A
fihbustering expedition was expected at Trujillo on the
ship Dorian, said to have been fitted out by Ex-presi-
dent Soto, with the view of recovering power. The
government of Belize, at the request of the Honduran
authorities, despatched the gun-boat Lily to Trujillo,
where she arrived September 29th, and made known
the object of her visit.^* No such expedition came to
create disturbance. Still later, in 1886, a similar at-
tempt was made but failed, the ship supposed to have
been engaged for the purpose being captured at sea
by an American cruiser.
^* So said La RepvbUca, of Tegucigalpa, official organ. Pan. Star and Her-
aid, Sept. 10, 1885.
CHAPTER XXIII.
POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
1867-1885.
President Fernando Guzman — Insurrection — Misconduct of Priests-
Defeats OF the Insurgents — Foreign Mediation — Generosity of
the Government — President Vicente Quadra — Inception of the
Jesuits — Aims of Parties — Internal and Foreign Complications —
Costa Rica's Hostility and Tinoco's Invasion — Presidents Cha-
morro and Zavala— More Political Troubles — Jesuits the Pro-
moters— Their Expulsion — Peace Restored — Progress of the
Country — President Adan Cardenas — Resistance to President
Barrios' Plan of Forced Reconstruction
The administration of President Fernando Guzman
entered upon its duties on the 1st of March, 1867,
under good auspices. Peace reigned, the country was
prosperous, and the public treasury equally so.^ This
was the first time that the government could lay so
flattering a picture before the nation. Guzman pledged
himself to use his best endeavors to consolidate repub-
lican institutions.^ He promised further to pursue a
conciliatory policy, and this was received with joy
throughout the land, a policy which was initiated on
the same day of his inauguration with an amnesty to
all citizens undergoing prosecution or punishment for
political offences. Those in exile were invited to
return to their homes; among them was Md-ximo
Jerez, who had been sojourning in Costa Rica, and
^ All appropriations had been covered, and a portion of the foreign debt
paid. Presid. Martinez Mess., in Nic, Gaceta, Jan. 19, 1867.
^ * Donde la libertad, la seguridad, y el drden no sean una quimera.' Nk.^
Manif., 1867, 1-7.
(470)
REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT. 471
accepted the pardon. The bishop of the diocese was
apprised of the president's desire for continued har-
mony between the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions,
which was responded to in the same spirit by the prel-
ate. There was then every prospect of a long peace.
At the opening of the congressional session, January
25, 1869, the president made a cheering report, and it
was believed that the course of the government was
generally well received; but when it was proposed in
congress to vote an approval of it, some remarks were
made in the senate which the president was displeased
at, and he tendered his resignation of the executive
office on the 19th of March.^ Congress unanimously
refused to accept it. The session lasted fifty-seven
days, coming to an end March 2 2d, and in the course
of it several laws were enacted to benefit agriculture
and commerce; but on the other hand, congress was
accused of having too lavishly voted pensions to mili-
tary men.
The public peace was disturbed by a revolutionary
movement June 26th, when a party of men calling
themselves liberals assaulted and captured the bar-
racks at Leon. The chief leaders of this revolution
were Mdximo Jerez, Ex-president Martinez,* Hilario
Oliva, and Pascasio Bermudez.^ On the following
Nic, Decretos, 1869-70, 3, 26. It will be well to mention here that on the
4th of Jan. an attempt had been made to poison the president with arsenic
placed in pine-apple preserve, of which he, together with his son and two or
three others, partook.
* It was remarkable that Martinez, an old conservative, should be acting^
in conjunction with and under Jerez, the confirmed radical democrat.
^The grounds alleged by the insurgents were: 1st. Violation by Guzman
of the pledges given at his inauguration. It was said that as he had detached
himself from the party which raised him to the presidential chair, and on the
other hand, had not shown any predilection for the old conservatives, who
had tried to surround him, the true liberals had reposed faith in him, but he
had not realized their expectations. Jerez and his associates, on their return
from Costa Rica, had awaited an invitation to effect a fusion of parties, in
order that the people should see the govt pursuing a liberal and generous
policy. Jerez' advances had been coldly, and even disdainfully, met. Hence
his letter to Guzman of June 26th, telling him that while he had pretended
sympathy for the liberal cause, its friends had never seen any tangible proof
of it. ' Muchas veces V. ha manifestado simpatias por las causas liberales;
pero no las hemes visto eficaces.' Other charges were: Tisurpation of powers,
mefficiency, illegal expenditures of public moneys, nepotism, encourage-
ment to smugglers, etc. At a subsequent date, after his arms had proved
472 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGU
day they organized a provisional government, Jerez
being its chief, with unlhuited powers to overthrow
the existing authorities, and implant the liberal princi-
ples set forth in the plan accompanying his proclama-
tion of the same date.^ The next step was to levy a
contribution of $62,000 in Leon, and then to occupy
the port of Realejo. Jerez installed the government
on the 29th with Buenaventura Selva as minister-gen-
eral, but on the same day transferred the supreme
authority to Francisco Baca, retaining himself the
chief command of the forces/
The government at Managua adopted stringent
measures to quell the revolt.^ A number of the
clergy having taken a prominent part in it, promoting
discord and animosity against the government, some
parish priests abandoning their flocks and taking up
victorious, Guzman denied that he had done any of the things imputed to
him, proudly asserting that no government had in these latter days respected
the rights of all citizens as his administration had done, and he challenged
one and all to bring forward proofs that he had before the revolution broke
out deprived any citizen of his life, liberty, or property. Faults may have
been committed by the govt, but it was folly to deny that republicanism had
not become a reality under it. The knowledge of this by the people confined
the revolution within narrow bounds, and gave victory to Guzman; and it
was by his generosity that the promoters of the rebellion escaped the conse-
quences of their ill-advised step.
®1. Special attention to primary instruction supported by the gov.; 2.
Freedom to teach; 3. Suppression of monopolies, and establishment of a sin-
gle tax; 4. Protection to industry and trade; 5. Americanism, or unity on the
American continent, for the support and progress of republican liberty; 6.
Restoration of the Cent. Am. union, by force of arms if necessary; 7. En-
couragement of immigration by liberal measures; 8. Liberal principles in
religious matters, as far as willingly accepted by the gen. convictions of the
people; 9. Abolition of the death penalty; 10. Trial by jury; 11. Direct elec-
tions. This plan was signed by M. Jerez, T. Martinez, Bueuav. Selva, and
Francisco Baca. Nic., Boletin Gob. (Leon), July 1, 1869.
"^ Holding it till Aug. 11th, when for ill health, as was made to appear, he
turned it over to Martinez. Id., July 30, Aug. 4, 1869. The latter in joining
the revolution said that he had left his retirement ' para ponerme a cubierto
de las demaslas y violencias de la administracion. It appears, however,
that the govt of Guzman had tendered him the position of minister plenipo-
tentiary in London. J^ic, Gaceta, June 8, 1867.
^Martial law established throughout the republic; passports were required
to leave the same, and to go from one department to another; a forced loan
of $100,000; and a board created to procure resources for the army. Nic.,
Qaceta, July 3, 1869. A number of citizens known or suspected to favor the
rebellion were arrested and their property seized. Their friends accused the
government of having confined the prisoners 'en calabozos inmundos, oscuros,
y malsanos, ' which is not unlikely. Others fled, among them being Gerd-
nimo Perez.
CHURCH AND STATE. 473
arms, and even upholding principles not acceptable to
their church,^ superaddded to which were their con-
sorting with gamblers and drunkards, and shedding
blood, the bishop's attention was called to all that on
the 12th of August, with a request that he should
check such violations of the constitution of the coun-
try, of canonical law, and of the concordat with the
pope.'^ But he returned no answer. Both he and
his vicar-general were in Leon and could not be ig-
norant of such doings, and yet, whether from apathy,
negligence, or complicity, tolerated them.^^
Commissioners from Honduras, Salvador, and Costa
Rica exerted themselves to bring about a friendly set-
tlement of the differences, but their efforts proved
unavailing, ^^ and the forces of the opposing govern-
ments soon came to blows. The insurgents obtained
some advantage in the unsuccessful attacks made in
Correvientos and Chocoya or Metapa, on the 28 th of
July, by General Urtecho.^^ They claimed to have
again repulsed the enemy's attack under Medina
against Nagarote on the 30th of August, inflicting
heavy loss of men, arms, and ammunition.^* The offi-
cial organ of the government at Managua makes no
mention of this affair.
^ ' Proclamar con los revolucionarios la libertad de cultos, la separacion de
la Iglesia y el Estado, la ensenanza libre.' Nic., Inf. Min. Neg. Ecles., 1870, 8.
i^Text of Min. Delgadillo's note in Mc, Gaceta, Aug. 14, 1869.
^^ At any rate, no step was taken to check them, nor effort made on behalf
of peace. When the govern, won a signal victory, and was on the point of
attacking Leon, the bishop went off to Rome, leaving his flock in tribulation.
At the end of the war the vicar acknowledged the guilt of the parish priests,
and by his edict of Nov. 6th suspended them. But after a while he allowed
them one third of the parochial fees, and the privilege of exercising priestly
functions. The consequence was that they kept up their disorderly behavior,
as well as their hostility to the govt.
^^ Once because the terms proposed by the insurgents were declared by the
government inadmissible; again a convention was signed Sept. 25th at Ma-
saya, which had no effect because the authorities at Leon insisted on amend-
ments. JVic, Boletin Gob. (Leon), Aug. 4, 19, 28, Sept. 4, 1869; Id., In/wme
Min. Gobern.t Doc. no. iv. 5-6; Id., Doc. Mediacion, 1-32; Id., Gaceta, Aug.
28-Oct. 23, passim; Nov. 6, 1869.
^^They claimed a signal victory, for which their commander, Seferino
Gonzalez, wounded in the fight, was promoted to gen. of division. Nic, Boletin
Gob. (Leon), July 30, Aug. 4, 1869; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 28, 1869.
^* According to Gen. Jerez' report of Aug. 31st, the fight lasted from 3
o'clock till dark; Medina's defeat was complete, losing 360 rifles and 4 pieces
of artillery. The victors also had several prominent officers killed and
wounded. Nic, Boktln Gob. (Leon), Aug. 31, 1869.
474 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
President Guzman took command of the forces in
the field/^ leaving the executive office temporarily in
charge of Senator Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, The
insurgents took Jinotepe, and about the middle of
September were concentrated in Masatepe, surrounded
from north to south by the well-fortified and garrisoned
towns of Managua, Granada, Pivas, and Nandaime.
An attempt made by them October 13th against Mata-
galpa proved disastrous, and they had to retreat to
Leon. On the 14th they were utterly undone by
Guzman at Niquinohomo. Their force, 1,500 strong,
attacked Guzman at a little past one o'clock, and was
repulsed with heavy losses. The next morning Guz-
man went in pursuit, and on approaching Jinotepe
the enemy dispersed in all directions, abandoning
the western departments^ Guzman reached Pueblo
Nuevo on the 21st, and sent a proclamation on the
2 2d to the Leonese, assuring them that he had no
desire of doing them any injury, but he must punish
the men who had so unreasonably caused the desola-
tion and misery of the past four months. ^^ However,
upon a mediation being offered by General Charles N.
Riotte, United States minister resident, at the request
of the insurgent leaders, for a settlement of the diffi-
culties without further bloodshed, Guzman accepted
it, and the war terminated with the surrender of the
rebels, s^
^^ Sept. 12th. The former gen. -in-chief, J. D. Estrada, an officer who dis-
tinguished himself in the campaign against Walker, had died Aug. 12th.
Nic, Gaceta, Sept. 18, 1869.
^*^Nic., Informe Min. Gobern., 1870, Doc. iv. 6, 14-15.
^■^ He also asked them to forsake the cause of those men. The govt had on
the 21st, decreed a full pardon to all who should voluntarily surrender. Nic.,
Gaceta, Oct. 23, 18G9.
^^ Convention of Oct. 24th, between Guzman and Riotte, associated with
Francisco Zamora, the representative of the insurgent chiefs. 1. Full am-
nesty. 2. Gen. Sebastian Gutierrez, one of the two officers asked for by the
revolutionists, was to be made military governor of the dept of Leon. 3. A
constituent congress to be convoked within six months, or earlier, if possible.
4. The constituent congress to resolve upon the recognition and payment of
the debt contracted by the revolution, the govt being willing to place it on
the same footing with that incurred by it since June 25th. 5. The insurgents
were to surrender all public arms and war material of every kind to the per-
son appointed by Guzman to receive them. Riotte was authorized to do so.
6. Perfect freedom in the elections about to be made. 7. The government
PEACE AGAIN. 475
The acting president, on the 29th of October, gave
Guzman a vote of thanks for his services, and conferred
on him the rank of general of division. After a short
visit by the government and Guzman to Granada, and
peace being fully restored, Guzman resumed at that
place the presidential office on November 25th/^ On
the 17th of December he decreed the reestablishment
of the constitution from the 1st of January, 1870. The
national congress was installed on the 20th following,
and on the 2 2d gave vote of thanks to Guzman. ^^
Nothing worthy of particular notice occurred this
year, except the election of president for the next
term, Vicente Quadra having been the candidate fa-
vored with the requisite majority of votes. He took
possession of the office on the 1st of March, 1871^^
Congress being about to close its session, the executive
in a special message, March 30th, called its attention
to important affairs demanding prompt measures. The
treasury was exhausted, and the government needed
resources to meet its obligations. It also should be
clothed with powers and means to face the complica-
tions that might arise from the disturbed relations of
Salvador with Honduras. But congress suspended
the session for twenty days, though not without hav-
to place at the head of the departments only peaceably disposed men, to pro-
mote and maintain conciliation between political parties. 8. The convention
to be definitive from the moment of its being signed, Riotte promising that
the delivery of arms by the insurgents should begin on the 26th. This con-
vention was ratified at Managua Oct. 25th by Acting Pres. Chamorro, coun-
tersigned by Antonio Falla, sec. of govt and war. Nic, Gaceta, Jan. 8, March
19, 1870; Nic, Semanal Nic, Jan. 2, 1873; Nic, Informe Min. Qobern., 1870,
Doc. iv. In 1870 congress rejected the 3d clause and approved the 4th.
During these troubles the rights of foreign residents were protected by Min.
Riotte. Id., Informe Min. Rel., 1870, 1-24, Credit is also due to the eflforts
of the commissioners from the other Cent. Am. states to bring about peace.
The revolutionists began the surrender of arms on the 27th, placing at Riotte 's
command 20 pieces of artillery, 2,292 other fire-arms, etc.
^^Nic, Gaceta, Oct. 30, Nov. 20, Dec. 4, 1869.
20 i Pqj. q\ tino, firmeza, y energia que supo desplegar en la emergencia por-
que acaba depasar Nicaragua.* Id., Jan. 29, 1870; Nic, Decretos Legist, 1869-
70, 94.
^^ In his inaugural speech, he promised to follow in the footsteps of his
predecessor, whose policy he extolled, expressing his acknowledgments. His
words were: * Dejando en practica principios politicos, y mejoras materiales,
que antes de el apenas se habian ensayado.' Id., March 4, 11, 1871; Id.^
Man\f. Disc Inaug., no. ix.; Id., Mensaje, March 1, 1871, 1-10.
476 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
ing first authorized the president to raise loans for
covering the more pressing needs of the treasury, and
empowered him to act as he might think best on be-
half of the honor and interests of the country during
the recess. ^^ In the war between the above-named
states, Nicaragua maintained the strictest neutrality,
and had the good fortune to escape being mixed up in
that trouble.
The country being at peace, both at home and
abroad, the government was enabled to devote its
whole attention to the finances, which were in an un-
satisfactory state, owing to a marked decrease of the
revenues in the two last fiscal years. ^^ The general
situation, if not good, was nevertheless far from dis-
couraging. But a new element was now ushered in,
which was destined to become erelong an agent of
disturbance. I refer to the coming of seventy mem-
bers of the society of Jesus, who on their expulsion
from Guatemala landed unopposed at Realejo, and
journeyed to Leon, where a portion of the inhabitants
gave them a warm reception. Discussions ensued;
some were in favor of giving the new-comers convents,
turning over to them public education, and allowing
them every privilege as they had had at their late
field; others demanded that they should be sent away.
The government took no action, other than permitting
them to remain, and they soon ingratiated themselves
with the masses.^*
Toward the end of the year rumors of an impend-
ing revolution were rife. There was no cause for it.
Quadra's administration certainly was deserving of
public support. ^^ But it seemed the fashion of Nica-
■^2 Message and reply in Nic, Gmeta, Apr. 8, 1871.
'^ The gov. encountered much difficulty to eflfect a loan, except on ruinous
terms. Meantime, the utmost economy was observed; nearly all public works
were afc a stand-still.
^* Their supporters believed that their example would be beneficial to the
morals of the native clergy, which made a writer remark: *Debe hacerle
mucha cosquilla ^ nuestros clerigos. que casi todos son doblemente padres.'
El Porvenir de Nic, Dec. 3, 1871.
^^ Its opponents abused Quadra for doing what the condition of the coun-
try required. Easing the treasury, reforming the administrative system, and
PARTIES AND PRINCIPLES. 477
rap'ua either to be on the eve of or in the throes of
revolution, or at least to talk of one.^^ At the present
time there were three political parties, and a club as-
piring to that rank. The party in power was called by
some of its members liberal conservador, and by others
republicano. This party had a large following of well-
to-do and sedate citizens. It had no monarchical, aris-
tocratic, or theocratic tendencies; on the contrary, its
principles w^ere liberal and progressive, but it moved
slowly, from fear of disturbing peace and order.
Another party was formed, of men who at one time
used to call themselves democrats, but had lately taken
a conservative for a leader, become associated with
the clergy, and adopted the name of moderado. The
third party, hardly entitled to the rank, was made up
of young men anxious for the greatest development of
liberty and progress. Its members were scattered, or
affiliated with other parties. Then there was the club,
composed of a few hot-heads who insisted on being
the mountain, and parodying the French Jacobins of
1793. The fears of revolution were on the increase
in the first part of 1872. The self-styled moderados
of the five states were working together in Leon, the
native clergy and the Jesuits being the common cen-
tre of the revolutionary propaganda, and the govern-
ment of President Medina of Honduras encouraging
them.
The congressional elections took place in October
with much agitation and disturbance in several locali-
ties.^^ There was considerable independence exhibited
restoring public credit. For this they called him a retrogressionist, a despot,
and a fool; for being a respecter of the laws they claimed he should be cen-
sured.
■■^^It was insinuated that the Pan. R. R. Co. might be underhandedly
promoting discord, to throw obstacles in the way of an interoceanic canal
being made in Nic. The company had been also suspected of doing so in the
late war between Sal v. and Hond., to prevent, or at least retard, the construc-
tion of an interoceanic railway in the latter state. Such reports probably
had no foundation in fact.
2^ In Subtiava, dept of Leon, there was a sedition of Indians, accompanied
with murders, and finally the authorities had to resort to force. Salgado,
Mem., 1-18; Nic, Gaceta, Oct. 12, 19, 1872. There were scandalous pro-
ceedings in Rivas, Chinandega, Chichigalpa, island of Ometepe, Matagalpa,
and elsewhere. In some places the priests headed the drunken rabble, armed
478 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
by the voters. The liberal conservatives obtained a
working majority, and high hopes were entertained
from the congress which was to sit on the 1st of Janu-
ary, 1873.
The year 1872 was a happy one for Nicaragua.
Not only was peace consolidated, but party animosity
greatly decreased. Trade and agriculture yielded
good results; the public administration was much
improved; the treasury also felt easy, and public credit
was restored. Congress assembled on the appointed
day, and the president's message contained an en-
couraging report. He said that the rights of citizens
had been respected, and an asylum allowed to the
refugees of other states, including the jesuits.^^ He
labored to impress upon the representatives the neces-
sity of providing means to increase the revenue; but
nothing had been done at the end of February, and
the president saw, besides, that notwithstanding his
moderate, impartial, and conciliatory policy, a consider-
able portion of the citizens refused to lend him their
cooperation. In view of all this, and of his advanced
age and ill health, he tendered his resignation on the
1st of March, setting forth the reasons for his doing
so; but the chambers refused to accept it.^^ Congress
adjourned on the 20th of March to continue its labors
in 1874. Several important laws had been passed, for
which the legislature deserved credit. On the other
hand, it was blamed for a lavish bestowal of pensions,
and for an excessive number of pardons and other
favors to criminals. The Jesuit question was resolved
February 12th in favor of permitting the priests to
re main. ^^
with clubs and crying Viva la religion! Mueran los herejes! To the native
priests and Jesuits were imputed all the troubles. El Porvenir de Nic., Oct.
20, 1872.
^^ He spoke of certain exiles, ' individuos de drdenes mondsticas, cuyo
establecimiento definitivo en el pais no permiten las leyes, peroque permanecen
aiim asilados.' Id., Jan. 12, 1873; Nic, Oaceta, Jan. 11, 1873; Id., Semaiial
Nic, Jan. 2, 1873.
'^^ Several members visited him to congratulate him on the second anniver-
sary of his accession to the executive ofl&ce. Nic, Renuncia, 1-3; Id., Gaceta,
March 8, 1873.
'^^ By a vote of 10 against 5 in the chamber of deputies. El Porvenii- de Nic^
Feb. 16, 1873; Nic, Gaceta, Apr. 12, 1873.
PRESIDENT QUADRA. 479
The relations with Costa Rica were most unsatis-
factory, and the government took action to meet any
possible emergency. Pursuant to its decree of Au-
gust 28th, congress assembled September 16th, when
President Quadra's message made known that events
had taken place calling for an abandonment of the
policy he had hitherto pursued of absolute abstention
from interference in the affairs of the other Central
American states.^^ His administration reported the
intrigues of President Guardia of Costa Pica with
discontented Nicaraguans for its overthrow. It was
generally believed that a disturbance of the public
peace was impending, and that Costa Pican money had
circulated among the men concerned in the plot.^^
These men, some of whom were officers in the service
of Nicaragua, concealed themselves, and a number of
them went to Costa Pica to tender their services to
the enemy of their country. Meantime a body of
armed men raised by the reactionary party of Central
America made its appearance in Honduras, which
alarmed the governments of Guatemala and Salvador.
These powers represented to Nicaragua the move-
ments to be unquestionably the work of Costa Pica,
proposing an alliance against the latter. ^^ A defensive
alliance was concluded on the 26th of August, the
plenipotentiaries being Anselmo H. Pivas and B. Ca-
razo. This treaty was approved by the three govern-
ments.^* It contained, besides, two other clauses;
namely, the allied powers were to endeavor to bring
^^ Congress acknowledged that Nic. could not remain a passive spectator
of those events. Nic, Mensaje, 1-8; Nic, Semanal Nic, Aug. 28, 1873; El
Porvenir de Nic, Sept. 7, 1873; Nic, Gaceta, Sept. 27, Oct. 4, 18, 1873.
^'^ The Costa Rican officer Ramon Tinoco was implicated. The money —
some $22,000 — was brought by P. Salamanca, apparently for the purchase of
cattle, but really for revolutionary purposes. Both Salamanca and Tinoco,
when their plan became known, escaped, Nic, Semanal Nic, Aug. 28, 1873.
^^The memorandum of B. Carazo, minister of Guatemala and Salvador,
had for its main objects the overthrow of the existing govt of Costa R., and
the expulsion of the Jesuits from Nicaraguan territory. After a discussion
on the latter point, Carazo no longer insisted on that action. Nic, Informs
Min. Rel, in Nic, Gaceta, Oct. 18, 1873. In the last preceding chapter this
subject was also mentioned.
'^^Guat., Hecop. Ley., Gob. Democ, i. 198-200; U. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex.
Doc, Cong. 43, Sess. 2, 112, 117, 123.
480 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
about a settlement of the boundary question between
Nicaragua and Costa Rica, and cooperate toward the
reorganization of Central America under a single gov-
ernment.^^
Congress closed the session on the 1 5th of October,
and shortly after the government was apprised of the
departure from Puntarenas, Costa Rica, on the vessel
named Tigre, of an expedition of Nicaraguans under
Tinoco bound to Nicaragua. ^^ The expedition landed on
the 3d of November, not in Nicaraguan territory, but
in San Bernardo, a small port of Honduras. Nicara-
gua at once sent a force to the frontier, and Minister
Delgadillo started for Honduras to obtain permission
from the government to pursue the invaders within
her limits, which being granted, the Nicaraguans
marched from Somotillo into Honduras, and acting
in accord with another force from Salvador, the in-
vaders abandoned Corpus, and repaired to Teguci-
galpa, where Tinoco capitulated.^^ The Nicaraguan
government's force then returned home.^^
The elections for president and members of con-
gress took place within the last three months of 1874
under no hindrance, and without any serious disturb-
ance of the peace.^^ Quadra's message of January
13, 1875, announced that public confidence in a con-
^^ Maximo Jerez, though a champion of unity, opposed the treaty on the
ground that it violated that of friendship with Costa Rica, wherein it was
stipulated that neither party should wage war against the other, nor enter into
offensive alliances without first having asked for explanations; which formality
he claimed had not yet been complied with. N)c., Gaceta, Oct. 18, Nov. 8,
1873. The treaty was approved in the senate by nine votes against two, the
two nays being those of Jerez and Seferino Gonzalez. Nic, SemanalNic, Oct.
9, 1873; El Pot-venir de Nic, Oct. 12, 1873.
^^Ihe loyal people of Nic. at once manifested their resolve to sustain the
govt. Nic, SemanalNic, Nov. 20, 29, Dec. 4, 6, 11, 20, 1873; Jan. 3, 10,
1874.
^^ Dec. 6th, to Gen. F. Espinosa, the Salvadoran commander. Nic.y Mem.
Min. Gobern, 1875, 3-5; Id., SemanalNic, Nov. 6-20, 1873; Id., Gaceta, Nov.
15, Dec. 20, 1873; Pan. Star and Herakl, Dec. 16, 1873.
^^ The troops were congratulated on their good fortune in not being used
as * instrumentos inocentes de venganzas y pasiones ajenas,' as so many
before them had been. Nic, Sematml Nic, Jan. 31, 1874. The proprietor
and editor of this journal was A. H. Rivas, the min. of foreign affairs.
^^ There were a few local riots, and the government was made the subject
of violent abuse in flying sheets. Nic, Mem. Min. Gobern., 1875, 7-12; Id.,
Gaceta, Oct. 10, Nov. 21, 1874.
PRESIDENT CHAMORRO. 481
tinued peace was not yet fully restored ; but a dispo-
sition to work and maintain order was taking deep
root among the masses.^
Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, the elect of the people
for the next presidential term, was inducted into office
on the 1st of March, 1875/^ Quadra returned with
alacrity to private life. The new administration soon
had to deal with seditious attempts which had been
prepared during Quadra's rule. One of Chamorro's
first acts was to issue an unconditional pardon to the
parties implicated, hoping that it would bring the gov-
ernment's opponents to a better feeling. But the re-
sult was quite different; for they began a series of
plots, and it then became necessary to issue, on the
17th of November, 1875, a decree of expulsion and of
partial banishments. This quieted the country, and
peace would have become consolidated but for the
opportunities afforded the agitators in the neighboring
states to start another conflagration. Costa Rica be-
came the asylum of the discontented of Nicaragua,
who took advantage of the interrupted relations be-
tween the two governments to promote a war that
might give them the control of affairs in their country.
Costa Rica suspended diplomatic and commercial
relations with Nicaragua; but the latter concluded not.
to decree a suspension of trade, with the view of not.
injuring innocent persons. No actual war existed,,
but it might break out at any moment, in view of
Costa Rica's menacing attitude.*^ At last the gov-
ernment found itself threatened from various quarters.
It then called on all patriotic citizens for new sacri-
^^Hic., Mensaje del Presid., 1-11; /c?., Contestacion, 1-2; Pan. Star and,
Herald, Feb. 3, 1875.
*^ No policy was laid down by him to be pursued without deviation, except
that in general terms he assured congress and the people of his disposition t*
respect the laws, maintain peace, and do his best for the happiness and pros-
perity of his country. Salv., Diario Ojic, Apr. 10, 11, 1875.
*^ She placed a large force in Guanacaste, and Nic. had to station another
on the frontier under Gen. Joaquin Zavala. A plot was discovered in March
1876, and about 20 prominent persons concerned in it were expelled, some
going to Costa R., and others t© Hond. Sab)., Diario OJic, March 22,
26, 1876.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 31
482 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
fices, to which they responded with enthusiasm.*^
Martial law was proclaimed, and the president assumed
personal command of the forces, the executive office
being temporarily placed in charge of Senator Pedro
Balladares. When the danger of waf had passed, the
decree of martial law was repealed.** Elections for
supreme and local authorities took place without hin-
drance and in good order. But the country suffered
severely from natural causes.*^
Peace reigned during the last two years of Cha-
morro's rule, which enabled him to devote his attention
to the advancement of the country's interests. Not-
withstanding the past difficulties, the national finances
had attained a better organization, and the national
credit was on a higher plane. The people showed a
growing disposition to employ themselves in the arts
of peace, their civil and political rights being fully
respected by the authorities. Friendly relations ex-
isted with foreign powers, and no complications were
apprehended with the neighbors.*^ The elections for
president, deputies, and senators were effected at the
usual time, the government abstaining from all inter-
ference. General Joaquin Zavala, having been the
popular choice for chief magistrate, took possession of
liis office with the customary formalities on the 1st of
March, 1879, promising to follow the conciliatory
policy of his predecessor. He congratulated the rep-
resentatives on the stability which the republic was
'evidently arriving at.*''
*^ The govt had endeavored to maintain and develop the harmony which
Quadra had established with the ecclesiastical authorities. The bishop and
his clergy efficaciously impressed on the masses respect for pub. authority,
love for their institutions, and a spirit of independence. Nic, Mensaje del
Presid.y Jan. 24, 1877.
** Nov. 15, 1876. Later on the govts of Guat. and Salv. united their eflforts
to restore a friendly feeling betw. Nic. and Costa R., and finally succeeded in
their purpose. Salv., Gaceta Ojic, June 7, 12, 1877. Relations were reopened
in June 1878.
*^ A visitation of locusts did great havoc in the corps; and a succession of
gales from the 3d to the 5th of October caused heavy damages in the city and
department of Managua, in Granada, Rivas, and other parts, including a
large portion of Mosquitia, ruining many valuable estates.
*^ CJiamorro, Discurso en el acto de entrega, March 1, 1879.
♦^ He based his conclusion on this ground: 'La trasmision legal y tranquila
PEACE AND PROGRESS. 483
Congress closed the session on the 1st of April.
The results of its three ihonths' labors were quite im-
portant.^ Though acting with independence, the ut-
most harmony prevailed in its relations with the execu-
tive. At the opening of the next legislative session
in January 1881, the president made known that
peace had been undisturbed both at home and abroad,
and there was no cause to apprehend any immediate
change. As far as the government's scanty means
permitted, works of public utility had been fostered,^®
Public education made considerable progress. The
finances were duly attended to, and a few reforms in-
troduced.^^ The president congratulated the nation
on the fact that all had been accomplished with the
ordinary revenues. The public credit stood higher
than ever. The foreign debt had been cancelled, and
the internal, which amounted to $1,600,000, reduced
to one half this sum.^^ Congress adjourned March 6th.
Several important measures were introduced and dis-
cussed, but left for completion in the following year.^^
del Mando Supremo, que viene repitiendose desde tantos anos en Nicaragua. *'
Nic, Discurso Inaug. del Presid. Zavala, March 1, 1879; Salv., Diario OJlc^
Sept. 28, Nov. 12, Dec. 12, 22, 1878; Jan. 22, March 13, 1879; Voz de M4j.,
May 6, 1879.
*^The following measures were passed: law of civil registration; penal
code; mode of procedure in criminal cases; creation of justices of the peace,
and military courts of first resort, to take the place of the governors of de-
partments, where for greater economy it has been deemed expedient to sup-
press these ofl&cers, as well as the respective military garrisons; restoration
of the universities; and the appropriations for the current fiscal biennial term.
It also sanctioned the treaty concluded with Guat. and Salv. in 1877, and the
treaties and conventions lately entered into with Hond. ; namely, amity, com-
merce, extradition, exportation of cattle, postal, and telegraphic.
■•^ Those on the railway decreed by the assembly of 1876, and begun by the
former administration, were progressing. Two important contracts were
made, one for navigation on the lake by fair-sized steam vessels, and another
for the construction of a railroad from Chinandega to Moabita or Leon Vie jo,
and thence to Granada. The section between Corinto and Chinandega went
into operation Jan. 1st. Telegraphic lines were in working order. A contract
had also been concluded to lay a submarine cable to connect with the Mexi-
can telegraphs.
*® Excise tax on real estates, export duties, and certain monopolies were
abolished.
^1 Pan. Star and Herald, March 5, 1881.
^2 Among them were one for amending the constitution, and for abolish-
ing judicial fees, in order to have gratuitous administration of justice. An
act to seize private lands, by paying for it, for facilitating the construction of
railroads, was passed. Id.. Apr. 1, 1881.
484 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA
The apprehensions felt by a large number of citizens
of serious troubles from the presence of the Jesuits
were realized in May 1881. On the 6th there was an
Indian insurrection in Matagalpa, accompanied with
considerable bloodshed, and the Jesuits were said to oe
the instigators.^^ Twenty members of the order resid-
ing in that place were arrested and taken under guard
to Granada. A still more alarming revolt took place
in Leon. At the opening of the Instituto de Occi-
dente, an educational establishment under the special
protection of the national authorities, Professor J.
Leonard, from Spain, made certain remarks, at which
the Jesuit fathers took umbrage.^* They, together
with a certain Apolonio Orozco, accused Leonard and
Calderon of being free-thinkers and assailants of reli-
gion. The forty or fifty fathers living in Leon took
the matter in hand energetically, and in two days
there was hardly a person in the place who had not
been told that the religion of their fathers was imper-
illed by the propaganda of the free-thinkers of the
instituto. Kelying on the support of a fanatical rabble,
they assumed a bold attitude, and demanded prompt
action on the part of Bishop Ulloa y Larios. But the
latter would not uphold them. This greatly exasper-
ated them. Meantime the rabble became seditious.
Parties of armed men intrenched themselves in the
old Recoleccion convent, and laboring under the excite-
ment produced by the speeches of their leaders and
the free use of rum, they resisted the troops engaged
in an effort to preserve order, eight or ten being killed,
and many more wounded. The mob retreated to the
Becoleccion, resolved to continue the fight, defying
the local authorities, who, in fact, did not show much
disposition to put them down, the prefect being a
^^It was proved beyond a doubt. ElPorvenir de Nic, May 28, 1881.
^* In exhorting the young to avail themselves of the advantages the insti-
tute would afford them, he said that Christianity was the true basis of educa-
tion, and added that liberty of conscience and of speech was necessary for
the perfect education of free men.
JESUIT DISTURBANCES. 485
friend of the Jesuits. The commander of the forces
was an aged soldier, who could not do much active
service. However, he captured the two chief leaders,
Bermudez and Duvon, and sent them to Managua,
where they were imprisoned. The supreme govern-
ment adopted prompt measures, despatched troops to
Leon, who brought the rebels under subjection, and
then expelled the Jesuits from the country. ^^ It was
believed that the real object of those movements was
to overthrow Zavala and place Pedro Balladares in
the executive chair. The question for a time seemed
to be who should rule — the government or the Jesuits.
Zavala's energy settled it.
In July 1882 there was a slight rebellion in Gracias
a Dios, and later disturbances in Matagalpa, Telica,
and Subtiaba; but though causing some expense,
because the government had to station a strong force
there during a considerable time, public works were
not thereby interrupted. The president, in his mes-
sage to congress at the inception of 1883, expressed
himself as gratified with the report he had to make,
and retained the most perfect confidence in the future
progress and prosperity of the republic. His suc-
cessor, Adan Cdrdenas,^^ elected by popular sufirage,
was placed in possession of the office on the 1st of
March, 1883.^^ Congress adjourned on the 12th of
March. The new government issued a decree pardon-
ing all who were concerned in the revolutionary dis-
turbances at Matagalpa and Leon in 1881 and 1882.
^^ Several prominent citizens, among whom were Ex-president Chamorro,
and Ex-minister Rivas, urged the govt to let the Jesuits remain; but their
arguments could not stand against Zavala's determination to rid his country
of a dangerous religious and political body. Nic, Mem. Mm. Gohern., 1883,
5-6, annexes A and B; Costa R., June 9, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, May
21, June 16-18, 1883; S. F. Bulletin, July 6, 16, 1881.
"^ He was a man about 55 years of age, of small stature, gray-haired, and
wearing spectacles. His sharp, intelligent eyes showed the man of culture
and shrewdness.
^' He organized his cabinet with the following ministers: Teodoro Delga-
dillo, ot justice and religion; Francisco Castellon, of foreign affairs and pub.
instruction; Jos6 Chamorro, of pub. works; Joaquin Elizondo, of war and
marine. iVec, Mem. Mm. Bel, 1884, 8; Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 20, Dec.
1, 1882; March 20, Apr. 17, 1883.
486 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
The question of reconstructing the repubhc of Cen-
tral America was now being considered by the five
governments.^^ Nicaragua was at peace and progress-
ing both morally and materially. It must be con-
fessed, however, that priestcraft and bigotry still
reigned almost supreme. The country had suffered,
however, during the last two years from epidemics
and other causes. ^^
On the receipt at Managua in March 1885 of in-
formation respecting the resolution of the assembly of
Guatemala to effect the reconstruction of Central
America by force, and the order of President J. Rufino
Barrios, styling himself general-in-chief of the Central
American forces, the people became greatly excited,
manifesting a resolution to oppose Barrios' schemes
with all their might. The government entered into
an alliance offensive and defensive with Salvador and
Costa Bica to provide for their mutual defence against
Barrios, and troops were organized. President Cdr-
denas taking command of the Nicaraguan forces in
the field, first calling Pedro Joaquin Chamorro to
temporarily occupy the executive office.^ Nicaragua
at once despatched 500 men to the aid of Salvador,
and prepared 500 or 600 more.^^ After the defeat and
death of Barrios, the scheme of forcible reconstruc-
tion was abandoned by Guatemala, and peace being
restored, Nicaragua returned to her normal condition.
In the latter part of 1885, however, a movement was
^^ Vicente Navas, Enrique Guzman, Gilberto Larios, and Ladislao Arguello
were appointed to represent Nic. at the conference of delegates of the live
republics.
^' Small-pox and dysentery broke out in several districts, destroying many
lives. The town of San Carlos was burned down; and the eruption of Ometepe
volcano drove the inhabitants of that island from their homes. The govt
afforded relief to the sufferers. Other places have been lately injured by
earthquakes. Nic, Mensaje Pres. Cardenas, Jan. 15, 1885; Costa R., Gaceta^
Feb. 3, 4, 1885.
^ On the 13th and 14th of March they issued manifestos to Central
Americans in general, as well as to their own people, inviting them to resist
Barrios, who, as they said, claiming to seek the reconstruction of the old
union, really was bent on conquest for his own aggrandizement. Costa R.y
Bolet'm Ofic, March 13, 23, 29, Apr. 2, 1885; U. S. G&v. Doc, Sen Jour.,
1884-5, 568-71; S. F. Call, March 13, 1885; S. F. Chronicle, March 13, 1885.
«i Costa E., Gaceta, June 2, 1885.
DISCOMFITED REVOLUTIONISTS.
487
made with the view of overthrowing Cdrdenas. A
party of revolutionists, caUing themselves liberals,
landed at Nancital; but being unable to effect their
purpose, took refuge in Honduras, where they were
disarmed. ^^
®2 They fled in disorder on the approach of govt troops. Costa B. and
Hond. had placed forces on the frontiers to secure their neutrality. Id.t Nov.
4, 8, 10, Dec. 4, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 29, 1885.
CHAPTER XXIV.
INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
1801-1822.
Administration under Spain — Influence of Events in Europe and Span-
ish America on the Isthmus — Hostilities in Nueva Granada — Con-
stitutional Government — General Hore's Measures to Hold the
Isthmus for Spain — MacGregor's Insurgent Expedition at Porto-
bello — Reestablishment of the Constitution — Captain-general
Murgeon's Rule — The Isthmus is Declared Independent — Its
Incorporation with Colombia — Jose Fabrega in Temporary Com-
mand— Josi; Maria Carreno Appointed Intendente and Coman-
dante General — Abolition of African Slavery.
The intimate relations of the Panama Isthmus with
Central America, and indeed with the whole Pacific
coast, led me in the first instance to give its history;
and in continuation of that purpose, I herewith carry
on the narrative of events in that quarter, although
in the later political partition Panamd, is not classed
among the Central American states.
We have seen in a preceding volume how Panamd,,
formerly the entrep6t for the trade of Spain with her
South American colonies on the Pacific, in the course
of the eighteenth century descended from her lofty
position, and became veiled in obscurity, until the
name of the once famous Castilla del Oro is well-
nigh consigned to the pages of modern mythology.
The events of the following century, which so bene-
ficially changed the political condition of most of the
American provinces, only tended to impoverish the
Isthmus. However, its important geographical posi-
(488)
UNDER THE VICEROYS 489
tion, making it a bridge between the two great oceans,
brought back for a time the old prosperity, notably by
reason of the discovery of gold in California, the build- «S^ tJ
ing of a railway, and the much-discussed project of an
interoceanic ship canal.
The Isthmus was enjoying in 1801 its usual tran-
quillity under the rule of the Spanish viceroy at Santa
Fe de Bogota, Pedro de Mendinueta y Muzquiz, as
well as under the more immediate one of Brigadier
Antonio Narvaez y la Torre, the governor and co-
mandante general. He was in 1803 promoted to ma-
riscal de campo, and relieved on the 15th of March the
same year, by Colonel Juan de Marcos Urbina, who at
his death in 1805 was succeeded^ by Brigadier Juan
A. de la Mata. The latter is represented to have been
a man of estimable character, and as he was both re-
spected and liked, he found during his term but little
difficulty to rule the three provinces of Portobello,
Yeragua, and Darien, and the partidos of Natd and
Alange, into which this region had been divided.^
Pursuant to the customary policy of Spain, an asesor,
or legal adviser, was appointed to consult with him,
while the military functions of the governor, in case
of his being prevented, were assumed by another sub-
stitute, also nominated beforehand, with the title of
teniente de rey.
^ Urbina was made a brigadier a few months after he became governor,
and died Feb. 22, 1805, on which day the teniente rey Mata took the govt.
Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 3, 1868.
^ Each province was ruled by a governor and comandante de armas, and
the partidos by alcaldes mayores, all being, however, under the governor at
the capital, in whose hands were the superior civil government, the real
patronato, and the superintendency of the treasury. Pan. Docs., in Pan.,
Col. Docs., MS., no. 36, 6; Arosemena, Apunt. HM., 3-4; Id., in Pan. BoL
Ofic, Feb. 25, 1868; Arosemena, Mariano, Apuntamientos Historicos con relacion
al Istmo de Pananm, Pan., 1868, 8vo, 48 pp. The author, one of the promi-
nent citizens who took an active part in the affairs related by him, and was
one of the signers of the independence, kept a diary of events occurring on
the Isthmus during many years, and in 1868, as he tells us, purposed the
publication of his memoranda from 1801 to 1840. I have succeeded in ob-
taining a portion of his writings, and find them important for the period
embraced. Mariano Arosemena died at Panama on the 31st of May, 1868.
He had several sons and daughters, one of the former being the distinguished
Colombian statesman, Justo Arosemena, who has held high diplomatic posi-
tions in Europe, the United States, and South American republics, besides
some of the most important offices in his own country.
490 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
The judicial organization was equal to those of other
Spanish colonies; matters of little importance were
decided by the ordinary alcaldes or the city councils,
and only appeals were brought before the courts of
Bogotd.^ There was also an extensive financial de-
partment, comprising the custom-houses of Porto-
bello, Chagres, and Panamd,, a general treasury with
its dependent offices and the different administrations
of customs and monopolies belonging to the crown.
But their product was not sufficient to cover the ex-
penses of the provinces, with their numerous officials
and a permanent military force,^ required as garrisons
for Portobello, Chagres, and Panamd, all of which
places were then fortified, and temporarily financial
subventions from Peru became necessary. The reason
was the decline of commerce which involved a corre-
sponding neglect of husbandry, and other branches,
agriculture producing only what was required for
home consumption. Stock-raising, for which the soil
of Veragua was so well adapted, decreased ; and min-
ing in Portobello and Darien was scarcely worthy of
mention. Such a depressing state of affairs could but
have a degenerating influence on the inhabitants,
which, if not fostered by the government, at least was
allowed to go on without an effort to check it. Edu-
cation was at a low ebb everywhere; in the capital
there was one primary school and a Latin class.
Nearly all books not of a certain religious character^
were forbidden, intercourse with foreigners was hin-
dered, and the diffusion of liberal ideas was effectually
repressed. The facility of obtaining the few means of
^ Arosemena, Apunt, 5; Bol. Of. (1868), 32. For the district of Panama
proper, there was, moreover, a high justice, ' justicia mayor de cruces,' who
on entering the city had power to take cognizance of all affairs laid before the
alcaldes.
* In addition to the regular troops of one company of artillery and one bat-
talion of infantry, distributed in various places, there were militia forces com-
prising one battalion of white and one of colored soldiers at Panamd, an equal
force at Nata, one battalion of whites in Veragua, and seven companies in
fantry and artillery scattered in different places. Bol. Of. (1868), 32.
^Arosemena, Apunt., 10-11, gives several titles of such books, of which as
specimens may be mentioned Las Fdbulas de Samamego El Aflo Cristiano,
El Semanario Santo.
HAPPY DAYS. 491
suosistence required in such a climate contributed to
produce that state of indolence which characterized
the inhabitants at the beginning of the nineteenth
century. Most of their time was spent in bull-fights,
gambling, and religious performances, there being more
than one hundred holidays in the year. The regular
clergy, as in other parts of Spanish America, had al-
ways been powerful in Panamd., and possessed, not-
withstanding the decadence of the country, a number
of establishments independent from those belonging
to the bishopric.^
Thus all was lethargy in Panamd while the new
viceroy of New Granada, Antonio Amar y Borbon,
quietly assumed the government at Bogotd. Few of
the inhabitants of the Isthmus had a clear understand-
ing of the political convulsions that had taken place
in France and in the United States. The masses
were totally indifferent to and suffered little from the
policy of the government^ which carefully suppressed
all information about the countries where anti-mo-
narchical principles prevailed. The course pursued
by the crown in this respect was as fruitless as was
another effort made at the time to revive trade by
reestablishing on January 20, 1803, the casa de con-
tratacion de Indias. The hope of Panamd again be-
coming the great entrepot for all ports on the Pacific
was not realized. Not a single vessel came from
Spain during the year; and open trade with foreign ^
countries being unlawful, smuggling was resorted to
by the merchants of Panamd and Jamaica, their
rendezvous being generally in the neighborhood of
Chagres, where English vessels transferred their car-
goes to small boats, which took the goods on shore.^
® There was a college de propaganda fide of Franciscans; convents of bare-
footed Augustinians, Dominicans, and the order of Mercy; nunneries of la
Concepcion and San Juan de Dios; moreover a hospital, and a charitable in-
stitution, dedicated to Santo Tomas de Villanueva, for poor women. Hos-
pitals belonging to the order of San Juan de Dios existed likewise at Nat^
and Portobello. Bol. Of. (1868), 32.
"^ The transportation into town was effected at night, and generally in
packages, similar in size and shape to those used for carrying country pro-
ducts to market. Arosemena, Apunt.f 8.
492 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
This trade was continued, even in 1804, after Spain
had declared war against England, an event which
otherwise caused much excitement on the Isthmus.
But the people, instead of preparing for defence, con-
tented themselves with invoking the Lord of hosts
for favor to the Spanish arms, and for relief of their
own distress, or in other words, their laziness.^
The government and priesthood, acting in accord,
thus kept most of the population under control; and
it was only in 1808 that liberal ideas began to have
expression in the province, and this was due altogether
to foreign influence. The government of the mother
country, having declared the American possessions to
be no longer colonies, but integral parts of the mon-
archy, their people having the same rights as the
people of Spain ^ — although the declaration x)f the
cortes to this eflect was not generally known or ap-
preciated, to the intelligent, its significance was fully
understood. The movements for independence made in
other provinces could no longer be concealed from the
people, and the idea rapidly gained ground that Span-
ish domination of America was approaching its end.
This greatly exacerbated the ill feeling always exist-
jng^though only to a limited extent on the Isthmus,
between the Spaniards and the native Panamenos.^^
In connection with it, a system of espionage was
established by the rulers, the discussion of politics
was discountenanced, and the holding of meetings for-
bidden. But this policy was without eflect; the lib-
erty to trade with Jamaica, granted in 1809 with a
view to appease the discontent of the Isthmians, in-
vigorated not only their commercial but also their
political life." Newspapers from Jamaica were occa-
^ Prompted by the Franciscans, public processions were held, at which
some persons wore crowns of thorns, others carried heavy crosses on their
shoulders, or ropes round their necks, etc.
^ Full particulars on this point have been given in connection with the
histories of Mexico and Guatemala for that period.
^^ Distinctions of classes, resulting from differences of color, were natural
enough; but the rivalry was now intense between natives of Spain, and
Americans of pure Spanish descent.
^^ The permission was granted by the governor of Panamd, and never re-
REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 498
sionally received, and the contract with an enlightened
people gave rise to new ideas.
In New Granada the first resistance occurred at
Cartagena, where the governor, Francisco Montes,
opposed the establishment of a diputacion provincial,
and assumed an attitude hostile to the liberal cabildo.
He made his report to the viceroy, but before any re-
dress could be made he was arrested on June 14,
1810, and sent away to Habana.^"^ Hardly one
month later a similar movement broke out at Bo-
gota, where several previous plans to overthrow the
viceregal authority had failed ;^^ but the agitation be-
ing continued, on the 20th of July a trifling incident ^*
sufficed to cause an outbreak. Three days later the
viceroy was imprisoned and the government placed in
charge of a junta.^^ The revolutionary movement in
Bogotd as in Cartagena did not at the time purpose
to break wholly with Spam; its real object was to .
obtain an autonomic_government without ignoring the
supremacy oOTiat of tEFlnother country. ^^ It was
witETsucii intent thatT)oth juntas extended invitations
to all the provinces of New Granada to meet in con-
gress and discuss the form of government to be
adopted. The governor of Panamd declined to take '
part, and endeavored to persuade the people of the
Isthmus that there was no need for such a revolu-
tion.^^ That the absence of the Panameiios from the
congress, which met early in 1811, had not been of
voked even though its political influence became apparent, because of the
increase of revenue resulting from that trade. Bol. Of. (1868), 72.
^2 A detailed account of the occurrences at Cartagena is given in Hestrepo,
Hist. Col., ii. 165-8.
13 The governor of Panama had hastened to send an auxiliary force of sev-
eral hundred men, but it arrived too late. Arosemena, Apunt., 19.
1* * Una espresion indiscreta que el espanol Don Jose Llorente dijo a Don
Francisco Morales por la que despreciaba a los americanos.' BestrepOy
Hist. Col, ii. 174.
1^ In August the same junta obliged the viceroy to go to Cartagena, and
thence to Spain. Id., 191.
1^ Indeed, the authority of the Spanish cdrtes was formally recognized by
the several provinces as late as 1811, and it was only afterward that thoughts
of absolute independence were expressed.
^'' The Spanish party ridiculed the aspirations of the patriots, because of
certain dissensions already cropping out among them. Bol. OJic, 1868, 75.
494 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
their own choice, was not a secret to that body; and
when the fundamental act of the federation was passed,
it contained a clause binding all those represented in
the congress to labor for the freedom of the other
provinces which were still under Spanish control/^
It seemed, however, as if Panamd was more distant
than ever from gaining her independence. Early in
1812 a new viceroy, Benito Perez, arrived, and being
unable to get to Bogotd, established his residence on
the Isthmus, ^^ where the audiencia and other offices
were also established. Thus Panama became tempo-
rarily the capital of New Granada, an honor little
cherished at that time by the friends of independence.
Perceiving the unsafe condition of the government,
the new viceroy took steps to increase his military
^ force. Upon his request, three men-of-war were sent
from Cuba and a battalion of soldiers from Spain,
part of which reenforcements were despatched to Santa
Marta, then at war with Cartagena. The latter place
was blockaded, and being hard pressed for supplies,
the insurgents despatched two commissioners with the
avowed object of treating with the viceroy for an ar-
mistice. The project was favored by the vice-admiral
of the English squadron at Jamaica, Charles Sterling,
who guaranteed the commissioners a safe return.
They arrived at Panamd in October 1812, and at once
began pretended negotiations, their real purpose being
to gain time for the besieged town, obtain if possible
a suspension of hostilities, and ascertain the feeling of
the population. But some correspondence intercepted
by the governor of Santa Marta,^^ and forwarded to
to Viceroy Perez, apprised the latter, who at once had
the commissioners arrested and brought to trial. They
^^ 'Deben ser el primer objeto de la defensa y de la tierna solicitud del
congreso, . .redimiendo las segundas de las cadenas que hoy las oprimen.'
Arosemena, ApunL, 22; Bol OJic, 1868, 75.
^'He assumed the government at Portobello, Feb. 19th, and somewhat
later transferred himsefi to Panamd. Reslrepo, Hist. CoLy viii. 28, followed by
Perez, Jeog., 109.
^^ A letter from the vice-president of the junta gubemativa at Cartagena
to Commandant Ribon at Mompds let out the object of the mission. Arose-
menu, Apunt, 24.
THE VICEREGAL PARTY. 495
would have been severely dealt with but for the timely
interference of Sterling, who energetically demanded
their release, which the viceroy at last acceded to,
returning them to Cartagena. They had meantime
become satisfied that the intelligent part of the popu-
lation strongly favored the emancipation, and that the
new governor, Carlos Meyner,^^ could not prevent
any effort for independence. The only opposition to
be feared would be from the viceroy and the chief
officers of the garrison, most of whom were loyal and
energetic. But fortune seemed to smile on the revo-
lutionary party; several vessels with troops and mili-
tary supplies despatched by Perez to the relief of
Santa Marta, then beseiged by the insurgents, fell
into the hands of the latter, and the viceroy himself
was removed from his position by the government in
Spain. ^^ His successor was the mariscal de campo,
Francisco Montalvo, who with some reenforcements
furnished by the governmnent of Cuba proceeded from
Habana directly to Santa Marta, where he arrived in
May 1813, and forthwith began to push the military
operations against the revolutionists of Cartagena.
The natives of Panamd rejoiced on hearing of the
establishment of the viceregal seat at Santa Marta,
and for obvious reasons. The danger was removed
that Panamd might become the theatre of a bloody
war, and on the other hand, there would be less diffi-
culty in working for the emancipation of the province.
The cause of independence gained more and more
sympathy; and when toward the close of 1813 it was
proposed to form a confederation, comprising New
Granada, Quito, Venezuela, and Tierra Firme, the
idea was eagerly embraced by the patriotic party on
the Isthmus. The friends of independence gradually
became bolder ; they openly manifested their dislike
2^ Gov. Mata had died in 1812, soon after his promotion to mariscal de
campo. He was succeeded by Brigadier Victor Salcedo, who ruled only a
few days.
^'^ The cause was dissatisfaction of the regency at Cadiz because he had
remained in Panama instead of selecting some other place from which he
might have reached Bogota.
496 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
of Spanish rule at parties and in public songs, and
induced the cabildo to demand and obtain from the
government at Cadiz the removal of the bishop,^^ and
the transfer of the officials of the audencia, then in
Panama, to other places. But the latter met with
opposition from the senior oidor, Joaquin Carrion, who
well understood the workings of the patriotic party,
and disregarding the protestations of the city council,
continued alone to exercise the jurisdiction of the
audiencia till 1816. Strange though it may appear,
and perhaps owing to the listlessness Panamd had
thus far exhibited, when revolution prevailed every-
where else, the city came to be looked upon by the
government in Spain as most loyal; whereupon the
c6rtes resolved to reward it, establishing there a dipu-
tacion provincial,^* which did not then come to pass,
for only one month later King Fernando suppressed
all such bodies,* together with the constitution of
;1812.''
Unwilling to relinquish her hold on the American
colonies, Spain, early in 1815, fitted out an expedition
comprising sixty-five large and several smaller trans-
port vessels, convoyed by the line-of-battle ship San
Pedro Alcantara of seventy-four guns and several frig-
ates; the total number of sailors, soldiers, and marines
being 15,000,^^ all well provided with artillery and
supplies, the soldiers being veterans of the war against
Napoleon's arm}^
The original plan had been to send both fleet and
^ * Arrancd el ayuntamiento de Panama con insidiosos manejos del gobier-
no de Cadiz el decreto de que f uese el R. Obispo removido de su silla. ' Torrente,
Hist. Rev., ii. 69. The name of the bishop was Joaquin Gonzalez, who died
in July 1813. His successor was Jose Hijinio Duran y Martel, mentioned
as bishop for the first time in 1814, who was one of the signers of the inde-
pendence—^o/. Of. (1868), 88— and still in office in 1821. See also Pan. Col.
Doc, no. 125, MS.
^* Other distinctions, among which an addition to the coat of arms, were
also resolved in the same session. C6Hes, Adas Ord. (1814), ii. 206.
^^His decree of May 4, 1814, was carried out on the Isthmus in August
of the same year. Pan., Doc. Hist, in Pan., Col. Doc, no. 36, MS., 8-19.
^^ Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 161-3, gives the number as 10,473, which
agrees with the figures given by Restrepo, Hist. Col, vi. 49; but this author-
ity refers only to the troops.
GOVERNOR HORE. 497
army to Montevideo, but subsequently it was consid-
ered more urgent to regain possession of Venezuela
and New Granada, and to strengthen the forces on
the Isthmus."' The general-in-chief was Mariscal de
campo Pablo Morillo, a brave man of firm character,
who, in nine years, had risen from sergeant to gen-
eral. Soon afterward more forces were sent out from
Spain to cooperate with those of Morillo, after which
they were to be stationed at Panamd,. Their com-
mander, Alejandro de Hore, was appointed governor.
Military supplies w^ere also sent to equip troops for a
campaign in Peru. The expectations of the Isthmi-
ans were now almost beyond the possibility of realiza-
tion, It made but little difference that a part of
Hore's force fell into the hands of the insurgents of
Cartagena,^^ and that Hore himself barely escaped
with the auxiliaries that Morillo could furnish almost
at any time ; he was always able to maintain the Span-
ish regime on the Isthmus. No sooner, indeed, had he
arrived at Panamd; and established the government
on a military basis,^^ than he displayed his harsh, de-
spotic character. ^^ An extensive system of espionage
was organized, and it is said that Hore treated the
members of the patriotic party "according to their
proclivities for independence, always availing himself
of some false pretext to strike." Much as the Isth-
mians suffered under his iron rule, their anxiety be-
came greater when it was said that Morillo was on.
'■^' This was the principal object; ' asegurar este istmo en sugecion perpetua-
a la Espana, fuera cual fuese el ecsito tinal de la guerra de la independencia.
de las colonias de S. M. C. en el Nuevo Mundo;' which is confirmed by the
words of the royal order of May 9, 1815, speaking of the expedition as made
in view of ' la importancia de poner en el respetable pie de defensa que con-
viene, al Istmo de Panama, Have de ambas Americas.' Arosemena, Apunt.
29-30.
28 The vessel carrying Hore and part of his force was captured near Car-
tagena by two small ships belonging to the revolutionists. Hesirepo, Hist. Col.,
vi. 95-6; Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 178-9.
29 It had been held ad interim by Juan Domingo Iturralde, Arosemena,
Apunt., 30-1, who was the governor of Veragua and adjoining districts.
Pan., Doc. Hist., in Pan., Col. Doc, no. 36, MS., 8.
^® Arosemena, Apunt., 31, speaks of his 'detestacion de los principios de
gobierno representative, ' and says on page 42 that he was the man employed
by Fernando VII. to dissolve in 1814 the Spanish cdrtes.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 32
498 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
liis way to Panama to place the city in a state of
defence; fortunately it proved to be a false alarm.
Hore was a partisan of absolute authority; but
when it suited his purposes he would support liberal
ideas and policies. Thus we see him cooperating
with the people of Panamd in opposing the reinstate-
ment of the Jesuits. ^^ He did not like priestly inter-
ference in state affairs. The governor also manifested
a strong inclination to foster trade with foreigners,
and it is said that he never refused to honor, with his
acceptance, such gifts as the smugglers awarded him.
Early in 1819, news arrived that a formidable ex-
pedition had been prepared in England by friends of
the insurgent cause, and was on its way to America,
intended to wrest the Isthmus from Spanish domina-
tion. The rumor proved well founded. A former
officer of the revolutionists, one Gregor MacGregor,
\ together with Jose Maria del Real, the agent in Lon-
don of the "United Provinces of New Granada," had,
with the aid of some English merchants, fitted out an
-expedition,^^ which, consisting of three ships, carrying
417 fighting men, sailed from Gravesend on the 18th
of December, 1818, and in the following February cast
anchor off Aux Cayes in Hayti. Here they were
joined by two other vessels, and together they contin-
ued the voyage to San Andres, the rendezvous, of
which, on the 4th of April, 1819, they took formal
possession in the name of the United Provinces. Four
days after, the squadron appeared off Portobello and
captured the place, meeting with scarcely any resist-
ance. Governor Hore had expected the landing at
Chagres, and made preparation to meet the invaders.^^
^^ The king had decreed the reestablishment of the order in Spanish Amer-
ica, but it was not carried out on the Isthmus, there being no members of
the society here, nor any one willing to join it. *Audabamos ya algo des-
preocupados,' says an authority. The society was already looked on as an
agent of despotism and perpetual state of vassalage. BoL Ofic, 1868, 112.
32 Trometiendoles ganancias enormes, pero propias de las circunstancias. '
Restrepo, Hist. Col., vii. 168.
33 While the assailants had all their attention centred on Portobello, a
Spanish vessel, with $70,000 on board, passed the port unperceived. Weath-
erhead's Danen, 29.
ENGLISH EXPEDITION. 499
Most of the troops were forthwith landed, and the
town having been almost entirely deserted, the sol-
diers found ready quarters, and garrisons were placed
in the forts, and the batteries were manned. Mac-
Gregor issued a high-sounding bulletin, in which he
set forth that ''the first division of the army of New >
Granada had won immarcescible glory." Detachnlents
were sent out to reconnoitre, and no hostile force be-
ing discovered, the march to Chagres and Panamd
was spoken of as if neither nature nor the Spaniards
would offer any obstacles.^* Two exiles from New
Granada, Jose Elias Lopez and Joaquin Vargas Besga,
who had accompanied the expedition, were made gov-
ernor and vice-governor respectively. After a te
deum, and a few days time, the inhabitants of the town
who had returned to their homes were harangued to
induce them to take up arms against the Spanish
yoke. About 100 men, mostly colored, responded''
to the appeal and enlisted, forming the nucleus of a
regiment called America Libre, which, under the
command of some foreign officers, was to be the ad-
vanced guard on the march to Panamd. The scheme
proved a failure, for soon these same free Americans
disbanded or deserted, most of them joining the enemy.
The condition and general discipline of the invading
force were far from satisfactory. The men clamored
for their pay, and there being no money in the mili-
tary chest, the people were called upon to furnish '^
funds, which caused them to again leave the place.
Sickness also broke out among the troops, several of
the officers and men becoming victims of the climate.
Discipline was neglected, and all semblance of order
disappeared. The soldiers sold their ammunition and
effects for liquor. ^^ This same carelessness prevailed
^* MacGregor had probably never read the adventures of Vasco Nunes de
Balboa.
2^ Weatherhead, Darien, 43, says that Spanish officers in disguise fearlessly
walked the streets, and entered the fort to drink with the men. They had
passports issued by the former alcalde, who had returned after the occupation
of the city, and in whom MacGregor foolishly placed confidence.
\
500 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
even when toward the end of April news came of the
near approach of Spanish forces from Panama. It
seems that as soon as Hore heard of the loss of Porto-
bello he concentrated his forces, and with about 500
men marched across the Isthmus, bent upon expelling
the invaders. Taking a route different from the usual
one, and favored by the carelessness of the English
and the thick forests surrounding Portobello, Hore
arrived near the town unperceived on the 29th of
April.
On the same day a vessel with supplies and provis-
ions for the invaders had arrived from Jamaica, an
event which was gayly celebrated in the town. In the
evening the alcalde and some priests took part in the
carousals, which were kept up to a late hour, with a
complete neglect of duty on the part of the officers.
At six o'clock next morning one division of Here's
" troops, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Jose
de Santa Cruz, surprised the soldiers and took the town,
killing all who came in their way. Among the slain
were the newly appointed governor, Lopez, and many
of the officers, who perished either at their quarters
or while attempting to reach the fort. MacGregor
leaped over the balcony of the government house, ran
to the beach, and thence swam to one of his vessels.
Unsuccessful attacks were made on the forts, though
the beseiged were unable to use the unwieldy guns,
unsupported as they were by the vessels, which made
no preparation to aid them. The Spaniards were not
disposed to storm the forts, but knowing that the gar-
risons had suffered severely, they demanded their sur-
render. This was refused; and notwithstanding the
cowardly conduct of some of the officers, the negotia-
tions might have been broken off, but the soldiers
declined further to fight. A capitulation was then
entered into, under which the invaders, after deliver-
ing up their arms, were to retain their baggage and
reembark to go whither they chose. At this juncture,
orders came from MacGregor not to surrender, giving
FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION. 501
assurance that the ships would soon be ready to open
upon the Spaniards. But the surrender had already
been made, and the men, about 340 in all, had been dis-
armed and marched to the main plaza, where, instead
of being permitted to go their way, they were declared
prisoners, to be conveyed as convicts to Panama. ^^ On
learning the result, the gallant MacGregor, from whose
coming the New Granadinos had expected so much
put to sea, leaving his companions to their fate.^^
The matter did not end at Portobello, however.
Hore despatched his prisoners to Panama on the 2d
of May, and reported his achievement to Viceroy Sa-
mano, who commanded that the prisoners, none ex-
cepted, should be shot.^ But for some reason Hore
did not carry out the order. The prisoners were, nev-
ertheless, subjected to cruel treatment, being kept in
chain-gangs at work on the fortifications, roads, and
streets, which, added to the ravages of the deadly
climate, soon reduced their numbers. Several of the
officers were shot afterward at Cana in Darien on the
pretext of their having attempted to escape.^^ When
after seventeen months of suffering the release of the
survivors was ordered on September 20, 1820, only
121 remained,^^ who were at an early day taken to
Chagres, whence they embarked for Jamaica.
^^Such is Weatherhead's version. Darien, 57-62. Hore denied having
agreed to the capitulation, adding that he regarded the men as bandits; and
had demanded their surrender at discretion. Restrepo, giving no credence to
Hore's assertion, declares his proceeding ' accion vil, digna de los gefes espa-
noles de America.' Arosemena says: *Bajo capitulacion, d sin ella, pues esto
no es del todo conocido, se sindieron.' Apuiit., 38-9. Santa Cruz, who was
made governor of Portobello, shortly after Hore went to Panama captured
two vessels which had on board about 100 men brought from England to re-
enforce MacGregor; but it is unknown what became of the prisoners. Hes-
irepo, Hist. Col, vii. 173-4, 176.
2^ ' Termind por la ineptitud del gefe esta espedicion que hizo mucho ruido,*
observes Restrepo, Hist. Col, vii. -175. Weatherhead, Darien, 6^7, though
admitting the general's incompetency, tries to apologize for his behavior.
^^ This was pursuant to general orders from the king. The same treat-
ment was to be awarded to persons captured under similar circumstances,
* sin dar cuenta, ni consultar a esta superioridad hasta despues de haberlo
verificado.' Doc, in Retrespo, Hist. Col, x. 190.
^^ Weatherhead, Darien, 96, speaks of 14, while Restrepo, Hist. Col , vii.
177-8, mentions only 10.
^" Restrepo says that only 40 had survived, while Weatherhead gives the
figures as in the text. I have in most cases preferred to follow the latter
502 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
Important events had meantime taken place in
Spain, by which constitutional regime was restored.
A change in the government of the Isthmus soon fol-
lowed, the people for the first time being called upon
to exercise the right of suffrage/^ The newly organ-
ized ayuntamiento^^ was composed of men well dis-
posed toward independence. The change of system
curtailing Hore's powers so preyed upon his mind that
he died/^ This was a serious loss to the Spanish
cause, whose interests the deceased had ever • been
ready to uphold by fair or foul means.
Brigadier Pedro Ruiz de Porras, who succeeded
Hore in the military command, if not a partisan of in-
dependence, was a friend of constitutional government.
The civil governor, or gefe politico, Pedro Aguilar,
showed so much indifference that little opposition was
feared from him. The new cabildo demanded the in-
stallation of a diputacion provincial, the election of a
deputy to the Spanish cortes, and other measures
provided for in the national constitution.^* These de-
mands were not, however, complied with. The inde-
pendent party saw the necessity of close relations with
their friends outside of Panamd, and developed them,
without disregarding the precautions demanded by the
authority in his An Account of the Late Expedition against the Isthmus of Darien,
London, 1821, pp. 134, map, by W. D. Weatherhead, as the work was written
tinder the fresh impression of the events described, and by one whose position
and participation in the expedition as a surgeon enabled him to obtain the
most reliable information. This is furnished, together with such other his-
torical data as the author, by means of slight investigation, could procure in
addition to the narrative of the expedition and descriptions of different
places on the Isthmus. Appended is professional information on diseases,
climates, and state of medical science in the province of Tierra Firme.
*^ The constitution of the Spanish monarchy was published on the Isthmus
about May 1821. Its publication in Alange took place in that month. Pan.y
Doc. HkL, in Pan., Col. Doc, MS., no. 36, fol. 26.
*2 Alcaldes — Luis Laso de la Vega, and Mariano Arosemena. Regidores —
Manuel de Arce Delgado, Juan Manuel Berguido, Pedro Jimenez, Carlos
Icaza, Juan Jose Calvo, Remigio Laso, Jose Pablo Jimenez, and Tadeo Perez.
Secretary — Manuel Maria Ayala. Arosemena, Apunt., 41-2.
*^He died July 8, 1820. Arosemeno, Apunt., 42, places the death in Aug.
Another trouble was his inability to pay the soldiers, who clamored for their
dues. Weatherhead' s Danen, 11617.
**The application of municipal revenue to local purposes; and that the
police be composed of citizens under the control of the cabildo; the military
patrols should be discontinued.
COMING OF SlMANO. 503
presence of a strong hostile garrison in their midst.
They were now greatly hindered by the sudden appear-
ance in Panama, of Viceroy Samano, who came by way ^
of Jamaica. His object was to establish his govern-
ment on the Isthmus, which the cabildo and constitu-
tionalists opposed on the ground of his having forfeited
the viceregal office by a refusal to take the oath to
support the constitution. He had been detained sev-
eral days at Las Cruces, but the military party proved
the stronger, and admitted him into the city. His
coming caused general uneasiness,^^ as he was known
to be a man of bad temper. However, as he met
with no further opposition, and as his health was pre-
carious, he limited himself to levying a forced loan.^^
Free ideas had, however, gained too strong a hold
to be easily suppressed by the mere opposition of the
ruler, and wherfin 1821 a new city council was
elected, the members*'' were again liberal-minded men.
They repeated the demand for the establishment of a
diputacion provincial, and for the election of a deputy
to the Spanish cortes; but the viceroy only returned
evasive answers. Fortunately, the province was soon
relieved of him, by his death, on the 3d of August,
1821.^ Then the press resumed a bold tone, and
hopes were revived in political circles. Soon after
came to succeed Samano, the mariscal de campo Juan
de la Cruz Mourgeon.*^ He had been appointed as
captain-general of New Granada only, with the prom-
ise of the office of viceroy when he should have
reconquered two thirds of New Granada. ^^
Mourgeon brought from Spain some troops, adding
to their number at Puerto Cabello in Venezuela. His
rule was based on principles entirely opposite to those
*^ Many families abandoned the city to escape his persecutions.
*^ His intiuence was to be seen, nevertheless, in the low tone of the press,
and in the discontinuance of political meetings.
« Their names are given in Bol Of. (1869), 31.
^'^ RestrepOt Hist. CoL, viii. 28; Arosemena, Apun6.j 47.
*^ Perez, Jeog., 110, calls him Murjea.
^"His arrival at Chagres is set down by Arosemena, Apunt., ^7-8, on the
2d of Aug., 1821 ; others place him in Panama on the 17th. Restre-po, Hist.
Col., viii. 29; Perez, Jeog., 110.
604 INDEPENI>ENCE OF THE ISTHMUa.
of his predecessor, namely, on the constitution and
the new organic laws of the monarchy. Members
for the diputacion provincial and a deputy to the
Spanish cortes were elected, and the former was
installed amidst the usual demonstrations. This lib-
eral policy permeated his whole administration; the
press was protected, patriotic societies were formed,
and to strengthen the ties between Spaniards and
Americans a masonic lodge was founded, and offices
of trust and honor were bestowed on men from both
branches. Every effort was made by the new ruler
to do away with the old rivalry. But it all came too
late. The idea of independence had become deeply
rooted^ ai33couIdlnpt_Jbe affected by the new policy,
theduration of whi^h was aTso^ uncertain. The na-
tifesof the Isthmus exhibitedTlT remarkable circum-
spection, which deluded the captain-general and the
Spaniards. Mourgeon felt confident of Panamd's
loyalty, and still more so after Jose de Fabrega, a
native of the Isthmus, was appointed temporary co-
mandante of Tierra Firme;^^ and began to think of
securing his promised viceregal office by the recon-
quest of Quito or Ecuador. He accordingly set
himself to make preparations for that underaking;
but the impoverished condition of Isthmian finances
greatly hampered him. Nevertheless, though with
the utmost difficulty,^^ he fitted out a squadron, com-
posed of the corvette Alejandro, and three schooners,
on which he embarked two battalions of infantry, two
dismounted squadrons of cavalry, and some artillery-
men; and assuming personal command of the force,
set sail on the 22d of October, 1821.'"
This was the most propitious opportunity the friends
^^Porras had been transferred to Yucatan, and his successor, Brigadier
Tomas Cires, had been detained at Puerto Cabello. Arosemena, Apunt., 48.
Fabrega was the governor of Veragua and adjoining districts. Pan., Doc. Hist.^
in Pan., Col. Doc, MS., no. 36, 25.
^'^ The church lent him some money, and he obtained $20,000 more from
the sale of armament to Peru. Bol. Qfic, 1869, 31.
^^ Mourgeon had the idea of taking with him some persons whom he sus-
pected of (Hsloyalty, but desisted. Arosemena, Apunt. , 48.
SUB-REVOLUTION. 505
of independence could hope for, and they lost no time
in availing themselves of it. Secret meetings were
held, at which they matured their plans. While thus
engaged at Panamd,, a revolutionary movement broke
out in the villa de Los Santos, which, not being the
result of any preconcerted plan, caused the greatest
alarm at the capital. The outbreak had been, indeed,
one which merely proclaimed independence, without
pretending to establish any form of government.^*
The governor, local authorities, and other prominent
officials, after a hasty consultation, resolved upon
gentle means to quell the disturbance, and commis-
sioners were despatched at once to Los Santos to
restore peace if possible. ^^ But the more impatient
among the friends of independence hoped that their
mission would fail, and that the spirit of sedition,
known to exist throughout the Isthmus, would boldly
assert itself as soon as the capital should give the
signal. But this signal could not as yet be given.
Both the cabildo and diputacion countenanced the
revolution, and it was believed that Fabrega would
not oppose a movement to free his own country; but
resistance was certain from the troops of the garrison.
Any sudden insurrection would, therefore, be untimely,
and probably end in disaster.
New plans were devised, and it was finally resolved
to undermine the military power by encouraging
desertions,^^ and at the same time to spread among the
masses the scheme of independence. Four prominent
citizens ^^ undertook the first task, to facilitate which
a fund was raised, and were very successful. Deser- ^
tions became frequent, and their number increased
from day to day, till the government began to suspect
** * No declararon el gobierno que sedaban, ni cosa alguna sobre los nego-
cios de la transf ormacion politica: novicios, se contentaron con Uamarse inde-
pendientes.' Bol OJic, 1869, 31.
^^ The commissioners were Jose Maria Chiari and Juan de la Cruz Perez.
^^MoUien, Cohmlyie, ii. 140-1, asserts that the officers were induced to
desert, partly by threats, and partly by paying them two months' arrears
due them by the government.
^■^ Bias, Mariano, and Gaspar Arosemena, and Jose Maria Barrientos.
506 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
the cause, but the independent agents were reticent.
Measures were adopted which only partially succeeded
in checking desertions. The garrison was soon so
reduced that there were hardly men enough to guard
the jail, hospital, and powder magazine. In the night
of November 27, 1821, sixty soldiers disappeared,
together with their muskets.^^ The government now
became convinced that a revolution was impending,
and took measures to resist it. The few remaining
troops were distributed in the most convenient places,
and artillery was placed at street-crossings.
The day so anxiously waited for, the memorable
day in the history of the Isthmus, came at last. On
the 28th of November, 1821, at the call of a number
of citizens, the ayuntamiento held a session, and the
governor, diputacion provincial, bishop, and other chief
officials were invited to take part in their deliberations.
The meeting was held with open doors; people might
come and go as they chose. The question was. Should
or should not the Isthmus of Panama declare its in-
dependence from Spain ? A motion to that end met
with approval. ^^
The next subject discussed was the form of govern-
ment to be adopted, which resulted in a voluntary
annexation to the republic of Colombia,^'^ to whose
general congress the Isthmus was to accredit a deputy.
Other resolutions were passed concerning the military
force in the state,^^ and the organization of a new
government, which was intrusted to the former gov-
ernor, Jose de Fd^brega, who now assumed the title,
^^ The deserters became so many recruits for an independent army.
^* * Panama, espontaneamente, y conf orme al voto general de los pueblos de
su comprension, se declara libre e independiente del Gobierno espanol.' Bol.
Ojic, 1869, 32. The anniversary of the independence has been ever since
celebrated with due honors on the 28th of November.
^ Some had favored absolute independence, and others union with Peru.
^^ The military were left free to stay or leave the Isthmus. In the latter
event they would be furnished means to go to Cuba, provided they pledged
themselves not to use arms against the independent states of America. Simi-
lar provisions were made for soldiers and officers detained by sickness. An-
other document speaks only of defraying the expenses to Chagres or Porto-
bello, the transfer to be made as soon as the forts there surrendered. Pan.
Doc.
DECLARATION AND REORGANIZATION. 507
Jefe Superior del Istmo. All the civil, municipal,
and ecclesiastical authorities were to continue in office,
and in the same manner the existing laws were to
remain in force, when not conflicting with the inde-
pendence, and until a new code could be framed.
Fd-brega was directed to adopt measures for preserv-
ing peace, to obtain the surrender of Chagres and
Portobello, and to raise a loan to meet necessary ex-
penses. The several authorities and officials of all
grades were to take the oath of allegiance, and copies
of the proceedings were to be circulated, together with
requests for pecuniary contributions. A special com-
mittee then drew up a formal minute of the declaration
and of the resolutions passed, and amid the cheers of
the multitude, the document was signed by Jose de
Fabrega, the bishop Jose Higinio Duran y Martel, a
number of other citizens,^'^ and the public notary Jose
de los Santos Correoso. Thus ended the 28th of No-
vember, 1821.^^ Two days later the support of the
declaration of independence was publicly sworn to with
great solemnity, and on the 1st of December a similar
proclamation was made at Santiago de Yeragua.^*
On the day, however, that the celebration occurred
at Panamd, the inhabitants were thrown into conster-
nation by the arrival of two Spanish frigates accom-
panied by Mourgeon's transports. It was at first
feared that he had returned from Ecuador,^^ till it
was ascertained that the war ships had come in quest
of the general, and the transports for reenforcements.
^^In the Bol. Of. (1869), 32, the names of 25 are given, whereas a printed
copy of the act in Pan. Doc. gives four more. Other copies of the text will
be found in the Oac, Imp. Mex. (1821), ii. 110-12; Gac, Guad. (1822), 315-
16; Am. St. Pap., iv. 832-5; Pan. Star and Herald, Nov. 28, 1883.
^^Niles, S. Am. and Mex., ii. 118, gives the day as Dec. 15th, a date also
vaguely indicated by Scheflfer in Revue Am4r., i. 183.
^* The motion had been made by the inhabitants of Nata, and was adopted
by the citizens assembled at Santiago under the presidency of Casimiro del
Bal, the political chief ad interim. The oath of independence included also
the condition to uphold the Roman catholic religion, and to defend the purity
of the virgin Mary. The full text is given in Veraguas, Actadelndependencia,
in Pa7i. Col. Doc. , no. 54, a certified manuscript copy of the original record in
the archives of Santiago.
^^ ' Otros pensaron que viniera otra espedicion espanola sin que tuvieramos
previo conocimiento de ella.' Bol. OJic, 1869, 32.
508 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
The alarm was well founded, for the place had no means
of defence. Nevertheless, the authorities made prepa-
rations for resistance, and the town soon assumed a war-
like appearance. The suspense lasted six days, at the
end of which the commanders of the frigates offered
to surrender to the new government, the only condi-
tion required in return being that the latter should
pay the wages due the crews. It will be a matter oi
surprise that so modest a demand was not complied
with. It is true that the treasury was empty, but it
does not appear that any efforts were made to procure
the funds. An agreement was, however, entered into,
the two commanders binding themselves not to assail
the Isthmus, nor afford aid to Mourgeon, but to sur-
render to the government of Peru, which was done.^
About the time that Panamd became free, other
Spanish colonies also secured their independence.
Consequently, Panamd found no difficulty to effect a
union with the then republic of Colombia, whose con-
stitution, framed in the latter part of 1 82 1,^'' became the
^( political groundwork of Tierra Firme. In January,
1822, Fabrega assured the people that there was no
further cause to fear Mourgeon's attacks, should he
attempt them ; troops in sufficient number for defence
had arrived ; but funds for their support were at the
same time called for. However, as late as October,
1827, there were apprehensions of a Spanish invasion,
and Bolivar, the president of Colombia, issued a mili-
tary order for the protection of the coast. ^^ Early in
^ * Con esta clase de pasaporte zarparon del puerto, diciendo, sin embargo,
que no podian llevar^ efecto el convenio .... Pero mas tarde se entregaron, al
fin, al Gobierno republicano del Perti.' Bol. Ofic, 1869, 32. From that time,
it is believed no Spanish war vessel visited the Isthmus till August 1863,
when, though Spain had not as yet recognized Colombia's independence, a
squadron of that nation entered Panama Bay. The visit was altogether
friendly. BidiveWs Isth. Pan., 71
^^ Copies of the various constitutions framed from 1811 to 1821 will be
found in Restrepo, Hist. Col, i. 135-^2; viii. 5-19, 221^4; ix. 5-31; x. 37-54.
A French translation of the last of Aug. 30, 1821, appears in Colombia Const.,
in Ancillon, Melanaes Pol., 9-120, and commented on in Revue Amer^, i. 186-
215.
^^ Veraguas, Decretos del Lihertador Bolivar, Presidente de Colombia, 1827-8,
in Pan. Col. Docs., MS., no. 64.
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 509
February 1822, Jose Maria Carreno was appointed
intendente and comandante general of the Isthmus,
with a command independent from Cartagena, and
Fdbrega was made governor and comandante general
of Alange, V^eragua, and annexes. ^^ This same year
Mexico received with high honors a Colombian min-
ister, and formally recognized the independence of the
republic. '^^
The republican government, among its first acts,
not only prohibited the importation of African slaves,
but made provision for extinguishing slavery within
its limits in the near future. Slaves were allowed to
purchase their own freedom, and all children born of
slave parents after the 21st of June, 1821, were de-
clared free, the masters being required to feed, clothe,
and educate them, in return for which the children
were to work till their eighteenth year for the masters
of their mothers.*^^ In 1850 the government redeemed,
by offering compensation to the owners, all colored
men and women who had not at that time attained
their freedom.^^
^^ Pan. Comand. gen. del istmo, in Pan. Col. Doc, MS., no. 30, p. 3-8, 11.
The Spanish cortes, not knowing what had occurred on the Isthmus, author-
ized the government, Apr. 30, 1822, to create an intendencia in Panama.
C6rtes, Diario, 1822, v. Apr. 30, 2.
'">Alaman,Hist. Mej., v. 581-2; Mix., Col. 6rd y Dec, ii. 38-9.
"^^Seemanns Voy., i. 301. In Veragua orders were issued, July 23, 1822,
to register in future as free all colored children born of slave mothers. In
1847 there were only about 380 slaves in the province of Panama. The na-
tional government in April of that year prohibited the importation and expor-
tation of slaves. In the latter part of 1849 there were left in the province of
Chiriqui only 32 slaves, and measures were proposed for their manumission. "^
Gov. Herrera'smess., Sept. 15, 1847, in Bogota, Gaceta Ofic, Feb. 6, 1848; Pan.
Col. Doc, MS., nos. 81, 82; Chiriqui, Mem. de su prim, qobr, in Id., no. 85, p.
10-11.
^2 Soon after there were no slaves in the country. BidwelVs Isth. Pan., 32-
3; Pan., Cr6n. Ofic, Jan. 22, March 29, Aug. 29, 1852; S. F. Daily Herald,
Feb. 9, 1852. It was currently reported, and indeed with good foundation,
that a plot was carried out by certain parties from Cartagena, in or about
1862, who ran off a number of colored men and women of Panama to Cuba,
where they were sold into slavery. Pan., Boletin Ofic, Nov. 27, 1862.
CHAPTER XXV.
DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
1819-1863.
Panama Congress — Provincial Organizations — Alzuru's Rebellion
AND Execution — Secession from Colombia and Reincorporation—
Differences with Foreign Governments— Crime Rampant — Sum-
mary Treatment of Criminals — Riots and Massacre of Foreign
Passengers — Attempts to Rob Treasure Trains — Neutrality
Treaties — Establishment of Federal System — PanamI as a State
—Revolutionary Era Begins — A Succession op Governors — Sedi-
tious Character of the Negro Population— Revolution against
Governor Guardia and his Death — Another Political Organiza-
tion— ESTADO SOBERANO DE PANAMA — LIBERAL PaRTY IN FULL CON-
TROL— Stringent Measures.
Owing to its geographical position, Panama was
selected as the place of meeting of a congress of
American states, called at the suggestion of Bolivar,
the liberator of South America, in 1822, for the pur-
pose, as it was understood, of devising measures to
counteract the menacing plans of the so-called holy
alliance of European monarchs.^ The government of
the United States being invited to send representatives
agreed to do so, and did appoint plenipotentiaries, de-
clining, however, to bind itself to any course of action,
but to remain a passive witness of the proceedings, so
^ It was supposed that France, now under an absolute king, by the prompt-
ing of the alliance, had conceived a vast plan for the conquest of the Spanish
American countries, which till within a few years had been under the catholic
king's domination. Many eminent men in Europe and the U. S. approved the
idea of the American congress, and bestowed high encomiums on its author.
Abbe de Pradt championed it in his work, Ccmgres de Panamd, saying: 'The
congress of Panama will be one of the greatest events of our times, and
its efifects will be felt to the remotest posterity. ' Pradt, Cong, de Pan. (Sp.
TransL), 171.
( 510 >
PANAMA CONGRESS OF NATIONS. 511
long as the executive and congress should be in igno-
rance of the real aims and tendencies of that assembly.
Its representatives did not take any part in the delib-
erations.^ England, which had recognized the inde-
pendence of Colombia in 1824, and Holland, having
been likewise invited to be present by commissioners,
partly complied, but refrained from participating in
the work of the congress.^
The congress assembled on the 22d of June, 1826,
the only American nations therein represented being
Colombia, Central America, Peru, and Mexico.* Chile
had reluctantly promised her attendance, but failed
to comply, owing to civil war. Buenos Aires refused
her cooperation. Without waiting for further arrivals,
the commissioners present entered into certain cove-
nants, establishing the contingent of land and naval
forces each nation was to contribute to the projected
league ; and likewise agreeing upon the points to be
2 The plenipotentiaries of the U. S. were R. G. Anderson, then minister to
Bogota, and J. Sergeant. Anderson died at Cartagena while on his journey
to the Isthmus. Sergeant arrived too late, but afterward proceeded to Mex-
ico for the purpose of carrying out his instructions. Full particulars on th
course of the U. S. government will be found in N'iles^ ^eg., xxviii. 131-2;
xxix. index 'Panama' and 'Congress,' subhead 'Pan.;' xxx. index, p. iv.,
p. vii., 54-172, passim, 248; xxxi. index 'Pan.,' 263, 318, 400, 16, 38, 44-7, 65,
129, 312-16; xxxii. 214, 282, 308; xxxvi. index 'Pan.', p. iii., 23-80, passim;
Bentons Thirty Years, i. 65-9; Am. St. Pap., For. Rel., v. 834-40, 899-905,
916-20; vi. (new set) 356-65, 383^, 555; U. S. Cong. Debates, 1825-6, i. in-
dex, p. ii. iii. viii. x.; ii., app. p. 43-105; Id., 1828-9, Index, p. i.; U. S. Gov.
Doc, Cong. 19, Sess. 1, H. Doc, 740; Id., H. Ex. Doc. 144, viii.; Id., Cong.
19, Sess. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 23, ii. St. Pap.; Id., Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc,
i. p. 9, vol. i.; Id., Cong. 19, Sess. 1, Sen. Jour., 411-70; Id., Cong. 19, Sess.
1, Rept Commit., ii. Doc. 137, ajjp. nos. 36-41; Pan. Miss. Speeches; John-
sons Speech on Pan. Miss.; Haynes Speech on Pan. Miss., Mayer s Mex. as it
was, etc., 368; Bev. Amer., 111-25, 542-8; Dem. Rev., i. 489; Young's Am.
Statesman, 352-61; Lafond, Voy., i. bk. i. 289-90; JST. Am. Rev., xxi. 162-76;
Am. Annual Reg., 1825-6, 79-126; Pub. Doc. 49, 103.
^Dawkins, the British commissioner, according to Restrepo, Hist. Revol.
Colombia, acted with commendable frankness. He limited himself to impart-
ing good advice, assuring the Sp. Ani. plenipotentiaries that his government
would assuredly mediate with Spain; meantime they should avoid all cause
of offence to European powers. Col Van Veer, the gentleman from Holland,
held no public capacity; his mission was a private one, confined to the expres-
sion of his sovereign's warm wishes for the happiness of the American repub-
lics. BidwelVs Isth. Pan., 186-90.
* Their representatives were: for Colombia, Pedro Gual and Pedro Briceno
Mendez; for Central America, Pedro Molina and Antonio Larrazabal; for
Peru, Manuel de Vidaurre and Manuel Perez de Tudela; and for Mexico,
Jose Mariano Michelena and Jose Dominguez. Santangelo, Cong. Pan., 1-166.
512 DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNAIENT.
submitted to the acceptance of the several alhes.
Some not very practical propositions were agreed to.^
Bolivar was displeased at the course of affairs, and
disappointed at the failure of a plan which, if realized,
would have been his crown of glory.^ He thereupon
turned his attention to other objects.
The congress then adjourned to meet again at
Tacubaya in Mexico. This step was attributed to
the influence of the Mexican plenipotentiary Michel-
ena, who, it has been said, had in view to secure his
country's predominance in America.'^ It was also
resolved at the adjournment that the legations should
divide themselves, one member from each going to
report to his government what had been done, and
the others repairing at once to Mexico. The minis-
ters of Colombia and Central America, after waiting
two years in vain for the ratification by Mexico of
the treaties, had finally to depart, deeply regretting
the dissolution of a body upon which Spanish America
had centred her hopes, and the enlightened world had
so long fixed its attention.^
^In proof of the assertion, Colombia was to furnish 15,250 men of the
three arms, one line-of -battle ship of 70 to 80 guns, one frigate of 64, and two
of 44. Ihese vessels would cost her nearly two and a quarter million dollars,
besides the expense to maintain them armed, manned, and otherwise
thoroughly equipped. Where was Colombia, already burdened with a con-
siderable annual deficit, to get the means for supporting such an army and
navy ?
*• On the 8th of Aug., 1826, he wrote to Gen. Paez from Lima: * The con-
gress of Panama, an admirable institution were it more efficacious, resembles
the Greek lunatic that wanted to direct from a rock the sailing of ships. Its
power will bd but a shadow, and its decrees mere counsels. ' Caicedo, Union
Lot. Am., 33^0, 97-110.
■^ There were doubtless other reasons, such as the agitations menacing
Colombia, fear of an invasion by France in the name of the holy alliance; or
the bad climate and lack of facilities in Panama. M6x., El Sol, no. 1203;
Guat., Redaitor Gen., suppl. to no. 27; Marure, Boaq. Hist. Cent. Am.,i. 138-9.
^The enemies of Bolivar accused him of aiming, through an American
league, at the control of all Spanish America to make himself its ruler. The
following authorities have also treated more or less fully of the Panarad con-
gress: Mora, Revol. Mej., i. 354-8; La Palanca, Sept. 14, Oct. 26, 1826;
Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 389-90; Cuevas, Poi^enir, 387-497; Mex., Mem. Rel.y
1827, Doc. 2, 11-13; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. no. 15, 2-3; Amigo del
Pueblo, ii. no. 5, 132-3; iii. 395-419; iv. 223-4; Cor. Fed. Mex., Nov. 28,
1826; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 395-6; Tornel, Breve Resena, 48-50; Gaz. Mex.
Extracyrd., 1826, i. no. 5; Mex., Gac. de Gob., July 4-Sept. 21, 1826, passim;
Tucker's Monroe Doctrine^ 23-36.
PANAMA AND VERAGUA. 513
A congress held in Angostura,^ in December 1819,
under the presidency of Simon Bohvar, constituted
the republic of Colombia, with the former viceroyalty
of Nueva Granada, including Ecuador, and the cap-
tain-generalcy of Caracas or Venezuela. One of its
departments was the Isthmus divided into two prov-
inces, namely, Panamd, which embraced the region of
Darien, and Veragua/^
The secession of Venezuela after some years having
brought on the disruption of Colombia, a convention
assembled at Bogota ^^ in 1831 organized the Estado
de la Nueva Granada with the central provinces, those
' of the Isthmus forming a section of the new organiza-
tion.^'^ The new state was divided into provinces, under
governors who received their appointments from the
general government.^^ The decree was dated Novem-
ber 21, 1831. The new constitution, sanctioned by
the convention on the 29th of February, 1832, was
published in Panamd on the 28th of April. ^* Each
province was subdivided into departments.^^
° The capital of Spanish Guiana, near the Orinoco and Old Guiana.
^° Among the governors of Veragua were, in Jan. 1823, Jose M. Chiari;
in June 1823, Miguel A. Figueredo; in 1824-5, Pedro Guillen; and in 1828,
F. Fabrega. Gov. of Panama, 1826, J. J. Argote, Intendente and coman-
dante general of the departm. of the Isthmus in 1827, Col Man. Muiio/.; in
June 1828, J. Sarda. Veraguas, Gob., in Pinart, Pan. Col. Doc, MS., no. 29,
34; Pinart, Pan. Col. Doc, MS., no. 2, 80, et seq.
^^ Jose Vallarino of Panama was one of its members, and soon after was
made vice-president, and a little later councillor of state, A popular man in.
his section, he was at one time thought of for a senatorship, and at another
for the presidency of the republic. In 1816 he had been the royal treasurer,,
an office conferred on him as a reward of his own past services, as well as of
those of his father, Bernardo, and his uncle, Bruno, who had been a member
of the council of the Indies. At the separation from the mother country h&
joined the independent movement, afterward holding several honorable po-
sitions. His descendants live on the Isthmus. Id., no. 1, 1-8.
^2 Since 1829 Nueva Granada had been divided into departments with a.
prefect at the head of each. The prefect of Panama was J. Sarda. His rule
was despotic, involving the abuse of prominent citizens, and levying a forced
loan for pretended defence of the Isthmus. Sarda, J., Decreto, May 25, 1829.
He was executed at Bogota in 1833 under sentence of the law for a plot to
murder the president. Necrohjia, in El Constitudonal del Istmo.
13 Their f unctious were those of the former prefect. Pinart, Pan, Coll. Doc
MS., no. 62.
1* The constitution of 1830, of the old republic, had been in force till now.
Obando, J. M., Decreto, in Pinart, Pan. Coll. Miscell. Pap., no. 14; £11 Consti-
tudonal del Istmo, Jan. 14, 28; Apr. 21, May 7, 14, 28, 1832; Veraguas, Pecop.
Ordenanzas, 20.
i^The following authorities appear in official documents: Province of
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 33
514 mVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
Civil war broke out in 1831. Colonel Alzuru,
who had arrived from Guayaquil with troops, by the
instigation of some prominent men, rose in arms in
Panamd to detach the provinces from Nueva Granada.
On the news reaching Bogota, the national govern-
ment despatched Colonel Tom^s Herrera with a force
to quel] the rebellion; and upon his approaching the
city, the more prominent families fled to the island of
Tabogd-. Those who had prompted Alzuru's act now
forsook him, and rendered aid to Herrera, with all the
information they possessed. The rebels were attacked
on their way to La Chorrera, while crossing marshy
ground, and defeated. Alzuru was taken prisoner,
tried by court-martial, and shot in the cathedral plaza
of Panamd.
General Jose Fd-brega restored order in Veragua,
and made it known to the general government on the
30th of August. ^^ The garrison at Panamd, together
with Tom^s Herrera, the comandante general, assured
the president of the Nueva Granada convention of
their unswerving fealty. ^^ Later, in March 1832, an
attempt was made by two subalterns ^^ to induce the
sergeants of their battalion to join them in a conspir-
acy for upsetting the government. The two officers
were tried and executed, and two of the sergeants
sent into exile. Chaos reigned throughout the re-
public in 1840 ; then came revolution. The chief men
of Panamd met in a junta and resolved to detach the
Isthmus and form an independent republic. Cdrlos
Icaza, the governor, who was a Panameno, signified
his acquiescence, and the proclamation of indepen-
Panamd, 1832-3, Gov. Juan Jose Argote; in 1834, acting gov., M. A. Hur-
tado; in 1836-8, Gov. Pedro Obarrio. Prov. of Veragua, in 1874, Gov. M. J.
Guisado; in 1835-7, Gov. Manuel de Ayala. In 1836 Veragua had a provin-
cial legislature. Pinart, Pan. Col. Doc., MS., no. 25, no. 31, p. 4, 12, 18, .38,
40, 75, 91; nos. 59, 65, 78, 104; El Constitucional del Istmo, May 7, 14, 1832;
Oct. 30, 1824; Aug. 30, 1836; Registro Ofic, N. Gran., 8; Veraguas, Esposic,
in Pinart, Pan. Col. Doc., MS., no. 76.
^^ For which he was awarded thanks. El Constitucional del Istmo, Dec. 28,
1831.
"Dec. 3, 1831. Id., Dec. 21, 1831.
^^ Lieut Melchor Duran, and Brevet Sub-lieutenant F. Casana of the
battalion No. 9. Id., March 14, 1832.
REPUBLIC OF PANAMA 516
dence was made, Tomds Herrera assuming by appoint-
ment of the junta the office of jefe superior, on the
18th of November, 1840/^ On the 21st the governor
of Veragua, Cdrlos Fdbrega, was asked to join the
movement; but he answered from Santiago on the
29th decHning;^^ whereupon Herrera issued addresses,
on the 5th and 11th of December, announcing his
march with troops to Veragua. ^^ The expedition,
however, marched only a part of the distance, the
people of Veragua submitting to the force of neces-
sity. The independence existed de facto nearly two
years. In 1841 Tomds Herrera and Cdrlos de Icaza
were chosen president and vice-president, respectively,
of the ephemeral republic. Mariano Arosemena, sec-
retary of foreign affairs, despatched Pedro de O barrio
as a special commissioner to the government of Costa
Rica to notify it of the organization of the state of
the Isthmus, and apply for its formal recognition.^'^
During this period of independence, persons and prop-
erty were protected, and commerce was liberally
encouraged. ^^
The government had carefully avoided the commis-
sion of any act of hostility against Nueva Granada;
but the time came when news reached Panamd that
the government of Bogotd, was fitting out a force to
bring the Isthmus into subjection. Whereupon the
^^ During the past nine years the Isthmus seems to have enjoyed compara-
tive quiet. In Sept. 1833, the provincial legislature chose Agustin Talia-
ferro deputy to the national congress, and Juan de la Cruz Perez his
suplente. Id., Sept. 15, 1833.
2® He accompanied resolutions of the officials, heads of families, and other
citizens of Santiago to remain under the national authority, and lend no aid
to any attempt to sever the connection or promote public disturbance. El
Constitudonal de Cundinamarca, March 27, 1842.
^^He said: 'Marchare hasta donde sea necesario para arreglamos con
Veraguas definitivamente. ' Though hoping that for the common interest,
the voice of peace will be heeded, ' la fuerza alcanzara lo que se le ha negado
a la fraternidad y a los principios.' Gaceta del Istmo, Sept. 15, 1840, in Pinart,
Pan. Coll. Doc, no. 3; Herrera, Decreto, in Pinart, Miscell. Pap., no. 13.
^^ Costa Rica recognized the independence of the Isthmus, and entered
with Obarrio into a convention of amity and trade. The boundary question
was left open for future settlement. Gaceta del Istmo, Oct. 20, 1841; Costa P.,
Col. Ley., vii. 234-6.
23 This was acknowledged on the 16th of October, 1841, by F. W. Byrne,
acting Brit, consul, in a note to Sec. Arosemena.
516 DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
officers of the British charge d'affaires at Bogotd were
asked to obtain the consent of Nueva Granada to re-
ceive a commissioner in the interest of peace. ^* But
the other parts of Nueva Granada having become
pacified in the course of 1841, two commissioners came
from the general government, and the people of
Panamd, being convinced of the folly of resistance,
peacefully submitted. ^^ Herrera so managed that he
was appointed governor of the restored province.^^
The constitutional reforms of 1842 and 1843 tended
to reestablish good understanding between the prov-
inces, and Panamd again appeared satisfied with the
connection. ^^
The Canton de Alange, detached from Veragua,
and the districts of David, Dolega, San Pablo, and
Alange, were on the 24th of July, 1849, formed into
a separate province under the name of Provincia de
2* Meantime Jose Agustin Arango, sec. of war, had been engaged in regu-
lating the national guard. Id., Sept. 20, 1841.
'^^ It is understood that the commissioners were not even clothed with suf-
ficient powers; but the chief men surrendered the Isthmus to them. The
men of the revolution, Jose Obaldia, Pedro de Obarrio, Mariano Arosemena,
Carlos de Icaza, Jose Agustin Arango, and others, now left Herrera to the
consequences.
'^^ Gen. Herrera fell in battle, not in the state of Panama, on the 4th of
Dec, 1854, in defence of liberal institutions. The legislature of Pan., Sept.
22, 1855, decreed that several of his portraits should be placed in official halls.
In Oct. 1857 it appropriated $3,000 to bring his remains to Panama; in May
1868 a monument was decreed. A statue of the general was placed in the
cathedral plaza of the city of Panama. Pan., Gaceta del Est., Sept. 29, 1855;
Id., Oct. 15, 1857; Pan., Boletin Ofic, Jan. 8, May 12, 1868.
2^ Gren. Tomds C. Mosquera, commander-in-chief of the forces on the coast,
Aug. 1, 1842, at Panama, granted in the name of his government an amnesty
to the revolutionists. Again, March 15, 1845, congress passed a general am-
nesty law, including all persons who participated in the rebellion from 1839
to 1842. Pinart, Pan. Col. Doc, MS., no. 31, 183-5; N. Gran., Ley. y Dec,
1-2; Seemanns Hist. Isth. Pan., in Pan. Star and Herald, May 14, 1868. The
rulers of the provinces of Panama and Veragua in the following years are
given in continuation: Gov. of Panama in 1843, Miguel Chiari; in 1844-5, Col
Anselmo Pineda; in 1845, Joaquin M. Barriga, with Jose Agustin Arango as
government secretary. Intendente gen. de hacienda in 1848, Mariano Arose-
mena. Gov. of Veragua in 1840-2, Carlos Fabrega; acting-gov. in 1843, Jose
Fabrega Barrera; in 1843-5, Antonio del Rio; in 1845-9, Escolastico Romero;
in June 1849, Diego Garcia; in Aug. 1849, Ricardo de la Parra; in 1850-2,
J. Fabrega Barrera; in 1852, Francisco de Fabrega; in Oct. 1853, Eustasio
Fabrega; in 1855, Agustin Lopez; May 15, 1855, Francisco Fabrega. Ap-
pointed gov. Aug. 1855, Agustin Lopez. Pinart, Pan. Col. Docs., MS., nos. 17,
21, 31, 53, 57-8, 68-75, 79, 105; El Mcmmiento, Dec. 29, 1844; Veraguas, He-
cop. Oi'denanzas, 2-66; Pan., Gaceta del Est., Aug. 28, 1855; -V. Gran., Ley. y
Dec, 1-3.
PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUL 517
Chiriqui, with its governor and assembly of seven
members. ^^ This organization continued several years,
though the province subsequently took the name of
Fabrega, and so continued until August 1851, when
it resumed the former name of Chiriqui. ^^ The terri-
tory which in early days was embraced in the province
of Veragua appeared in August 1851 divided into
three provinces, each having a governor and legisla-
ture; namely, Chiriqui, Veragua, and Azuero.^^ This
new arrangement lasted only till April 30, 1855, when
the province of Azuero was suppressed.^^
The district, or as it was called, Canton de Bocas
del Toro, was organized by decree of the government
of Chiriqui or Fabrega, with a jefe politico at its head.
But a law of the republic ^^ formed into a canton or
district the territories of San Andres, Darien, and San
Martin. Another law of April 12, 1851, applied the
former one to Bocas del Toro.^^
Owing to grievances complained of by foreigners
2*^ Aug. 1, 1849, the electoral junta chose one proprietary senator, Antonio
Villeros, and his suplente, Nicolas Lopez; one deputy, Domingo Arosemena,
and his substitute, Gabriel Diez, to the national congress; seven deputies and
an equal number of suplentes, to constitute the provincial legislature. The
first local legislature met Sept. 15th, and closed the session on the 24th of
Oct. From this time the new province had the following governors, namely:
July 24 to Dec. 20, 1849, Pablo Arosemena; Dec. 20, 1849, acting gov. Juan
Man. Gallegos; June 1850, P. Arosemena again in office till Aug. 1851, when
Rafael Nunez succeeded ad int.; Sept. 1851 to 1852, Francisco Esquivel;
Sept. 1852, Escolastico Romero; 1854, Santiago Agnew; Aug. 1855, Domingo
Obaldia, against whom complaints were made of abuses of power. Pinart,
Pan. Coll. Doc, MS., 2-11, 31, 46-8, 83-93; U. S. G(yvt Doc, Cong. 36, Sess.
2, House Ex. Doc, vi. 41, p. 59; Paa., Gaceta del Est, Dec. 1, 1855.
2^ The first ofiicial doc. I have found with the name of Fabrega in a decree
of the gov. of July 25, 1850. Pinart, Pan. Coll. Doc, MS., no. 89, p. 59-60.
^^ Chiriqul's capital, David; Veragua's, Santiago; Azuero's, Villa de los
Santos. The first gov. of Azuero, receiving like the rest his appointment
from the gen. government, was Juan Arosemena, in 1851. Antonio Baraya
became gov. in April 1852. Gohn. Prov. Azuero, in Pinart, Pan. Coll. Doc, MS.,
no. 43.
^^ Annexed to Veragua. Sac Daily Umon, May 18, 1855; Veraguas, Orel,
y ResoL, in Pinart, Pan. Coll. Doc, no. 6; Pan., Gaceta del Est., Sept. 15,
1855.
2'^ Dated June 22, 1850. Chiriqui, Ojic de la Gohn., in Pinart, Pan. Coll.
Doc, MS., no. 84; Chiriqui, Decretos, in Id., MS., no. 89; Chiriqui, Inf. Gen.
del Canton, in Id., MS., no. 41.
^^ The local authorities were paid out of the national treasury. Chiriqui
could not tax the inhabitants.
518 DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT
against acts of the officials on the Isthmus, the rela-
tions ot the national government with foreign powers
have been at times complicated. The first difficulty
arose from the arrest in 1836 of Russell, the British
vice-consul, and led to the blockade of the whole
Atlantic coast of the republic, which finally com-
pelled Nueva Granada to submit to such terms as
the British commander chose to impose.^* Another
trouble with the British government resulted from a
certain claim of one Mackintosh, which for a time in-
terrupted diplomatic relations in 1856.^^
On the 26th of January, 1854, the consuls of the
United States, France, Great Britain, Brazil, Portu-
gal, Denmark, Peru, and Ecuador addressed a protest
to the governor of Panamd against the neglect of his
government to afford protection to passengers cross-
ing the Isthmus, notwithstanding that each passenger
was made to pay the sum of two dollars for the privi-
lege of landing and going from one sea to the other. ^^
Governor Urrutia Afiino, on the 14th of February,
denied the alleged neglect, as well as the right of
those officials who had no recognition from the New
Granadan government to address him in such a man-
ner. He pointed to the public jail, which was full of
prisoners, some already undergoing punishment, and
others being tried or awaiting trial. He also reminded
the consuls that only a short time had elapsed since
three men were executed for crimes. ^^ It was a fact.
^* The vice-consul's release; restoration with all respect and publicity to
the consulate of its archives and other effects, together with satisfaction to
the British government, and a compensation of £1,000 to Russell. Pefla y
Peua, Prdctica Forense, iii. 375-94; Scarlett's S. Am., ii. 257-9; Mensaje,
Presid. N. Gran., 1837.
^^ British war vessels made a demonstration at Panama the following year.
S. F. AUa Cal,pec. 1, 1856; 8. F. Even. Bulletin, Jan. 2, May 16, 1857.
^^ They said it was notorious that no passenger arrived at either end of the
route without being abused, robbed, or otherwise maltreated; many had been
wounded, and not a few murdered; hardly a party passed without their bag-
gage being plundered; women were insulted, and even outraged. No effort
had been made by the authorities to ferret out the perpetrators of such
crimes. Pan., La Cronica OJic., March 1, 1854.
^^ The governor did not fail to mention that in several instances his troops
had done valuable service in protecting treasure and recovering stolen prop-
erty, without claiming or receiving pay.
RAN RUNNELS' ISTHMUS GUARD 519
nevertheless, that the government could not cope with
the situation — the Isthmus being infested with crimi-
nals from all parts of the earth, that had been drawn
thereto by the prospect of plunder — in view of which
a number of citizens and respectable foreigners com-
bined in organizing the Isthmus guard, whose chief
was Ran Runnels, charged with the duty of guard-
ing the route between Panama and Colon, and em-
powered to punish even with death all persons guilty
of crimes. Urrutia Anino, the governor, unhesitat-
ingly acquiesced in the arrangement.^^
Americans had occasional misunderstandings with
the authorities, a notable one occurring in 1855, when
the local governor of Panama returned unopened an
official letter from the consul of the United States,
who at once threatened to strike his flag; but the
matter was settled amicably by the chief officers of
the Isthmus. ^^ A more serious aflair was the demand
of the state government that steamships arriving at
Panama or Colon should pay tonnage money .^^ This
raised the protest of the American consul and the
railway and steamship agents. The controversy was
finally terminated by tlie executive of the republic de-
claring that the law under which the tonnage money
was claimed had been enacted by the state of Panamd,,
without any right to legislate on such matters, as they
were of the exclusive province of the general govern-
ment.^^
2^ Runnels acted with characteristic energy. Without scandal or noise,
he captured one by one the banditti that infested the roads, and out of sight
and without witnesses, other than his own men, had the criminals hanged
and buried. Those of this class that did not fall into the hands of the Isthmus
guard made haste to leave the country, which soon was cleared of foreign
evil-doers. This object being accomplished, the guard was dissolved, its val-
uable services being fully appreciated. The governor had no authority for
his action, but no fault was found with him. The measure had been one of
absolute necessity; * f u6 redentora. ' MaMonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., 9. Run-
nels in after years lived in Nicaragua, and died of consumption in Rivas, July
7, 1882, aged 52. Pan. Star and Herald, July 22, 1882.
2^ Jef e Superior Justo Arosemena wrote Consul Ward a courteous letter of
explanation on the 29th of Sept. Pan., Gaceta del Est., Oct. 3, 1855.
*** Ships and passengers had been paying a moderate sum, and when the
official's greed was aroused to levy a burdensome tax, formal objection to it
was made.
*^ It added that the policy of demanding such a tax would be detrimental
520 DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
The lack of proper protection, as well as a marked
spirit of hostility on the part of the lower class tow-
ard foreigners/^ was made further evident in the
riot of the fifteenth of April, 1856, when a considerable
number of American passengers were killed, and others
wounded, much property being also appropriated.*^
to the interests of the Isthmus. The whole correspondence appears in Pan.
Cr6n. Ofic, March 10, Apr. 10, May 23, 1854; Pan., Gaceta del Est. , Nov. 3,
10, 18, 1855; Id., Dec. 11, 1856; S. F. Alta, Sept. 20, 185G; Sac. Union. Sept.
22, 1856; S. F. Bulletin, Sept. 30, 1856; Minister Herran to Sec. Marcy, Dec.
8, 1856, in Pan., Gaceta del Est., March 28, 1857.
*2 It must be confessed that the impression caused by the influx of foreign-
ers, parading the streets, many of them armed with bowie-knives and revolv-
ers, often incited by intoxication and gambling to acts of lawlessness, was not
a favorable one. They often appeared to the natives as lawless invaders.
The laws were not framed for the emergency, and the authorities were power-
less to stop the scandals occurring every day in the streets. Robberies and
other crimes among the foreigners themselves were common. Gambling-
houses, in violation of law, were publicly kept, exhibiting strange signs, such
as Card Room, Owls' Club, etc. Once a crowd of Americans fell upon the
small guard of the jail, disarmed it, and set free some of their countrymen.
Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 2, 5-6. ^A writer relates that he saw
rufl&ans in 1850 throw filth on religious processions. Once an American
rode a muie into the cathedral, and tried to make it drink from the baptismal
font. Fortunately Theller, an American resident, interfered. 'Often the
dirty red-shirted fellows would stride into the chapels and light their cigarg
at the altar.' Gal. Ghronicle, May 20, 1856.
*^ The trouble originated in the act of a drunken man named Jack Oliver,
who seized a slice of watermelon from a fruit stall, and refused to pay for it.
Simultaneously and without preconcertion, fights occurred between parties of
passengers and the colored population in various parts of the town. The city
was soon in commotion. Residents retired to their homes and barred them-
selves in. The fights lasted about three hours, when the foreigners were
driven into the depot. The negroes, who had formerly been humble and
submissive to the whites, remembered on that day the abusive treatment
often received by them at the hands of transient foreigners; but did not confine
their expressions of hatred to foreigners only, for they transversed the streets
crying, Mueran los blancos ! They were now ungovernable. They rushed
to the Panamd depot — at a moment when from 250 to 300 passengers of both
sexes and all ages, landed at Colon from the steamship Illinois, were procuring
their tickets for San Francisco — and began firing at the building, hitting one
man. The doors were then closed, and some of the passengers armed them-
selves. It has been stated by eye-witnesses that some of the armed passengers
went out and discharged their arms at the black mob before any shot had
been fired at the building; but the weight of testimony is against this asser-
tion. U. S. Consul Ward came on horseback, saying that the government at
his request would soon send a force to quell the disturbance. The force did
come, but instead of afi"ording protection to the passengers huddled in the
depot, fired a volley of musketry in their midst, and followed it by others, be-
sides stray shots. The only reasons assigned for this conduct of the force
were that it sympathized with the mob, or was awed by it. The latter was
the real cause. The active firing from the outside continued about one and a
half hours even after it had ceased from the inside. The mob for a time
did not succeed in entering the building, but finally broke into the baggage-
room, killing and wounding several persons. Fortunately, the rabble was
bent more on plunder than slaughter. It is said that even the wounded had
their boots pulled from their feet and carried away. Many robberies had
PANAMA RIOT. 521
As might have been expected, exaggerated accounts
of this affray flew far and wide. The official report,
however, showed smaller figures, though bad enough
— of foreigners, 15 slain and 16 wounded, of whom
one died afterward; of natives, 2 killed and 13
wounded. The conduct of tlie police and people was
certainly most blamable. The affair might, perhaps,
have been averted if the authorities had shown proper
energy. I will admit, hoAvever, that there was cause
of provocation.^*
Consequent on this affair, the city of Panamd,
which, owing to the misgovernment of previous years,
was already on the decline, had to suffer still more.
Many business houses closed their doors, because the
American transient passengers, who during their stay
were wont to' scatter gold, thenceforth remained on
shore only a few minutes.*^ Much diplomatic corre-
spondence passed between the American and New
Granadan governments on the subject, the former send-
ing a commissioner to Panamd, to investigate the cir-
cumstances,*^ and finally claiming a large indemnity.
also been committed by the negroes in the city, principally in shops and bar-
rooms. S. F. Bulletin, May 1-3, 17, Aug. 30, Oct. 14, Dec. 17, 1856; Gal.
Chronicle, May 20, 1856; Sac. Union, May 5, 13, 1856; S. F. Alta, May 2, 3,
18, 1856.
** Totten, chief engineer of the railroad, and Ward, in their protests held
Fabrega's government responsible, and claimed damages. They also de-
manded protection for the passengers and treasure then expected from Cali-
fornia on the Golden Gate. Fabrega, upon the latter point, gave the required
assurances, recommending that the railroad ofl&cials should also adopt pre-
cautionary measures. In his report to the supreme government on the 22d
of April, 1856, he denied the charges preferred against him by Totten and
Ward, declaring that the whole affair had been sudden and unpremeditated;
and he, as well as the gens d'armes had the best intentions to protect the pas-
sengers, and the firing upon them had been unauthorized, though resulting
from the fact that the passengers had continued shooting. He kept to him-
self, however, that fear for the lives of himself and the few other white peo-
ple of the city, which were in great peril from the infuriated blacks, had
deterred him from attacking the mob. The latter was calmed and dispersed
only through the good oflSces, called for by Fabrega, of the influential men
among the negro population. Pan., Gaceta del Est., Apr. 26, May 3, 10, 27,
1856.
*^ On their landing at Colon, the other steamship was ready at Panama to
receive them and put off as soon as they were on board. They traversed the
Isthmus without scarcely setting foot on the soil. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit.
Pan., MS., 11-12.
*^C(ynmne's Pep. and Coll. of Evidence, 1-69; U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 34,
Sess. 1, vol. xi., H. Ex. Doc, no. 103, 154-76.
522 DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
At last a convention was concluded on the lOth of
September, 1857, between Secretary Cass, and Gen.
eral P. A. Herran, minister of New Granada, for the
settlement of all claims, the latter having acknowl-
edged the responsibility of his government for the
injuries and damages caused by the riot/^
The relations with Americans on the Isthmus con-
tinued to be unsatisfactory for some time longer.
Notwithstanding that New Granada was apparently
inclined to cordiality, cases of injustice or ill treatment
to American citizens often occurring, at last the presi-
dent of the United States asked congress, on the 1 8th
of February, 1859, for power to protect Americans on
the Isthmus/^ In later years Americans have seldom
had any serious cause of complaint.
The question of neutrality of the Isthmus has occa-
sionally been on the tapis. A case in point occurred
in 1864, during the sectional war in the United States,
when a number of southern confederates went on
board the American steamer Salvador at Panama,
with the purpose of seizing her at sea, and turning
her — as she had guns on board — into a confederate
cruiser, to be used in capturing the first treasure
steamer from California. The men engaged in the
enterprise were themselves arrested at sea on the
Salvador,^^ by an American war vessel. The admiral,
Pearson, asked the government of Panamd for per-
*' It stipulated a board of arbitration composed of commissioners of both
governments to award upon claims presented prior to Sept. 1, 1859. The total
amount of awards N. Granada would pay in equal semiannual instalments, the
first, six months after the termination of the commission; and the whole pay-
ment to be completed within eight years; each of the sums bearing interest at
6 per cent per annum. To secure said payments, N. G. govt appropriated
one half of the compensation accuring to her from the Panama railroad com-
pany; if such fund should prove insufficient, it was then to provide for the
deficit from its other sources of revenue. U. S. Govt Doc.^ Cong. 36, Sess. 2,
Sen. Miscell., no. 13, 1-7. After the riot the federal government en-
deavored to have a force on the Isthmus to protect foreign interests, which
it should have done before. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 10-11.
*8 U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 35, Sess. 2, H. Ex. Dec, no. 2, 21, 22, vol. ii. pt
i.; Id., Id., Sen. Doc, no. 33, x. 1-3.
*^ Thomas Savage, U. S. acting consul-general at Habana, had sent timely
notice of their plans. They were taken with arms, munitions of war, and
written proof of their intent.
ISTHMUS ROBBERIES. 523
mission to send the prisoners overland to Colon, where
they might be embarked for New York. The request
was refused ;^^ in consequence of which the prisoners
were sent to San Francisco/^
At the commencement of the French intervention
in Mexico, the legislature of Panamd asked the gen-
eral government of Colombia to allow no French
troops to pass over the Isthmus. The United States
government was not called upon to aid this policy.
In the autumn of 1864 a body of French marines
arrived at Colon to cross to the Pacific and replace
invalids of the fleet on the Mexican coast. The presi-
dent of Panamd refused them a pass, and asked the
railroad company not to transport them. The French
officers argued that American and English troops had
on several occasions been allowed to cross. It so
happened that at this time some American soldiers
arrived and crossed over to the Pacific under a permit
previously granted by the former president of the
state. The French then alleging the so-called ^ most-
favored-nation' clause also crossed over.^"^
With other nations occasional misunderstandings
have taken place, but in no instance did they lead to
serious complications.^^ Minor riots, attended with
more or less killing and wounding of foreigners, had
occurred in 1850 and in 1851, both on the Atlantic
and Pacific sides. ^* The gold-dust train from Cali-
^^ Calancha, president of Panama, pleaded that he had no authority to
allow it; the national constitution reserving to the general government of
Colombia the control of the foreign relations. BidweWs Pan. Isth., 207-11.
^^ They were sentenced by court-martial, their chief to death, and the
others to imprisonment at hard labor; the sentence of the first was commuted,
and all were released at or before the termination of the war. Hogg et al. v.
U. S., 1-22; S. F. Call, Nov. 26, 1864; May 25-31, June 6-8, July 6, 16, 1865 j
S. F. Bulletin, Nov. 28, 29, Dec. 7, 1864; May 22, 1865.
^2 This affair took place about one month prior to that of the prisoners
arrested on the Salvador. BidwelVs Pan. Isth. , 206.
^^ Questions of neutrality with Spain during the Cuban revolution in
1871-2; and in 1880, at the time of the war of Chile against Peru and Bolivia,
on the subject of contraband of war passing through for the uses of either
belligerent. Gaceta de Pan., Sept. 21, 1871; Apr. 12, 1872; July 4, 15, Sept.
2, 16, Nov. 7, 1880.
^* Pan. Star, March 29, 1850; Polynesian, vii. 42, 50; Holinshie, La Cali-
fornie, 83; S. F. Alta, Mar. 22, Apr. 3, 1851; S. F. News, Apr. 3, l851. The
most serious one was on the 22d and 23d of Oct., 1851, at Chagres, among
524 DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
fornia was thrice assailed by robbers, while crossing
from sea to sea, without success. The last attempt
was in September 1851, by Americans, several of
whom were captured.^^
Whilst the Isthmus was under the direct rule of the
national government, peace and quiet reigned. The
few political commotions that occurred at long inter-
vals had no effect detrimental to public morals, nor to
the obedience paid by the people to the authorities.
It is a fact that when, upon the discovery of the gold
placers in California, the large influx of foreigners first
arrived, they were surprised at the extraordinary
prestige the authorities enjoyed, and at the blind
obedience paid to their mandates. ^^ Bayonets were
not necessary to enforce order. This was owing to
the harmony then existing between the government
and the clergy/^ And throughout the land for sixteen
years from 1840, peace prevailed, save certain dis-
turbances in the provinces of Azuero and Yeragua in
July 1854."
58
boatmen and passengers, in which several lives were lost, and the town was
much damaged. Pan. Star, Oct. 28, 1851; S. F. AUa, Nov. 18, 20, 1851;
S. F. Daily Herald, Nov. 18, 1851. The official report of the jefe politico on
the 3d of Nov, said there were two or three killed and a number wounded.
Bogota, Gaceta Ofic, Dec. 3, 1851. The vigilants of the Isthmus had a thief
well flogged at Chagres in 1851. S. F. Courier, Jan. 21, 1851. Another case
of lynch law occurred on the island of Taboga in 1855. The carpenter of
the American steamship company was one morning dragged out of bed and
murdered. As there was no police on the island, the employes of the com-
pany captured the murderers, one of whom made full confession, and their
captors without more ado hanged them. The state authorities took no notice
of the matter, other than issuing, some time after, a full pardon to the exe-
cutioners. BidweWs Isth. of Pan., 216; Pa7i., Gaceta del Est., Sept. 29, 1855.
^^This occurred on the Cruces route. The escort was fired upon, two
arrieros were mortally wounded. The banditti endeavored to run off one of
the laden mules, but were prevented by the escort and passengers. HolinsJci,
La Californie, 83-4; S. F. Alta, Oct. 18, 1851; S. F. Daily Herald, Oct. 18,
1851.
^* A mere alcalde met with no difficulty whatever to have his orders carried
out.
^^ Judges and alcaldes were not only civil officials, but also agents of the
ecclesiastical authorities. Their double role insured them great influence
with a people 'barbarizado por la ignorancia y el fanatismo.' MaldonadOf
Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS,, 3.
^^ Public documents speak in general terms of outrages committed by the
revolutionists. They marched from Veragua against Los Santos in Azuero,
and were defeated. Pan. Gohern., in Pinart, Pan. Coll. Doc, MS., no. 43, 5-
PANAMA A STATE. • 625
Nevertheless, the white population of Panamd had
been for some time past discontented with the general
government, and a desire had sprung up to get rid of
a yoke which was deemed oppressive. The supreme
authorities at Bogota were not unaware of this, and
whether prompted by the fear of losing the territory,
or by a sentiment of justice, or by both, concluded to
allow the Isthmians the privilege of controlling their
local affairs, which was hailed with joy by all classes.
An additional clause to the national constitution was
then enacted by the New Granadan congress, on the
27th of February, 1855, by which Panamd was made
a state, and a member of the confederation with the
four provinces of Panamd., Azuero, Chiriqui, and Ve-
ragua,^^ its western boundary being such as might
come to be fixed upon by treaty with Costa Pica.^^ A
constituent assembly of 31 members was convoked
March 13th by the national executive, to meet at
Panama on the 15 th of July to constitute the state.
9. An amnesty was decreed in favor of the revolutionists Sept. 29, 1856,
excepting a few leaders, who were finally pardoned in a later one of Sept. 12,
1857. Pan., Gaceta del Est., Sept. 16, 23, 1857. The following authorities ap-
pear in pub. docs. July 23, 1852, Gen. Manuel M. Franco, appointed from
Bogota, comandante general, in place of Gen. Antonio Morales, deceased.
Aug. 6, 1852, Gov. Manuel M. Diaz summoned the provincial legislature to
hold its yearly session. Sept. 1, 1853, Bernardo Arce Mata took possession
of the office of gov. Jan. 1, 1854, Jose Maria Urrutia Anino, who had been
chosen gov. of the pro v., assumed his duties. Pan., Crdn. Qfic, Aug. 22, 29,
1852; Sept. 4, 1853; Jan. 4, 1854; Pan. Gobern., in Pinart, Coll. Doc, MS.,
no. 43, 11. This governor seems to have been elected wholly by votes of the
interior departments, which greatly displeased the citizens of the capital,
who had hitherto controlled affairs. Anino was an honorable and just man,
and fairly intelligent; but was made the object of ungenerous hostility and
ridicule, and on one occasion, at least, his life was in danger. In 1855, under
the pretext of an official visit in the interior, he went to his home and never
returned. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 10. The vice-gov., Manuel
M. Diaz, took the executive chair on the 19th of May, and occupied it till the
18th of July. Pan., Gaceta del Est., July 28, 1855.
^^ This arrangement seems to have been against the wishes of the three
last named. The national congress having asked the provinces for their
opinion, the legislature of Chiriqui, on the 19th of Oct., 1852, approved a re-
port of Nicolas Lopez to the effect that Veragua, Chiriqui, and Azuero should
not be harnessed to the car of Panama. Chiriqui, Ordenanzas, in Pinart, Pan.
Coll. Doc, MS., no. 96, p. 64.
^ The gen. govt ceded to Panama the buildings that had been used as cus-
tom-houses till 1849 in Portobello and Panama; also two others in the plazuela
de armas and calle de Jirardot in Pan. ; and likewise the fortresses of Panama,
Chagres, and Portobello, excepting the esplanades and artillery. Pan. , Gaceta
del Est., July 20, 1855.
526 DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
The assembly was presided over by Francisco Fabrega,
and on the 18th passed an act for the provisional
organization of the state. Justo Arosemena, being
chosen jefe superior provisorio, took possession of office
at once, and appointed Carlos Icaza Arosemena gov-
ernment secretary. ^^ The city of Panamd, was declared
to be the capital, and residence of the superior author-
ities of the state.
The constitution of the now entitled Estado de
Panama was promulgated on the 17th of September,
1855. It was a liberal instrument, including freedom
of religion. The executive authority was vested in
a governor, who was to assume the office on the 1st
of October of the following year, and hold it two
years. A vice-governor and two designados were also
to be elected by popular vote, to take charge of affairs
should the governor die or be otherwise disenabled to
discharge his duties. In the absence or inability of
all the elect, then the superior civil authority of the
capital was to act as governor. ^^ A misunderstanding
having occurred between the jefe superior and the
assembly, the former resigned his office on the 28th
of September, and having insisted on his resignation
being accepted, Francisco Fabrega, who had been
®^ The governor's salary was fixed at $400 per month. The new order of
things was formally communicated to the foreign consuls, all of whom ofifered
their congratulations, etc. Id., July 28, Aug. 4, 1855; Veraguas, Ordenanzas
y Resol., in Pinart, Pan. Coll. Docs., MS., no. 68, p. 68; Correoso, B., Statemt,
MS., 3; Heraldo de Lima, Oct. 10, 1855. A decree of the assembly of Sept.
12, 1855, divided the state into seven departments: Colon, Panamd, Code,
Herrera, Los Santos, Fabrega, and Chiriqui. Their respective chief towns
were to be Colon, Panama, Nata, Pese, Los Santos, Santiago, and David.
Governors were appointed by the executive, to enter upon their duties on the
1st of Aug. Pan., Gaceta del Est, Sept. 15, 1855.
^^ This assembly was the most able and responsible body of men that ever
came together in Panama, excepting only that which proclaimed the inde-
pendence from Spain. Maldonado, Asuntos Pollt. Pan., MS., 12-13. The
officers on the day the constitution was signed were: Mariano Arosemena,
president; Dionisio Facio, vice-president; Santiago de la Guardia, designado;
Manuel Morro, deputy for Panamd, secretary. Among the other signers
were Bernardo Arce Mata, Jose Arosemena, Bartolome Calvo, Jil Colunje,
Fermin Jovane, Jose de Obaldia, Ramon Vallarino, four Fabregas, nearly all
of whom have since held high office in the republic and the state. A general
amnesty was also decreed on the 6th of Oct. , for all political offences to Sept.
30th, whether the persons were sentenced or not. This included some who
had in July last disturbed the peace in Azuero. Pan., Oaceta del Estado, Sept.
20, Oct. 13, 1855.
DISPUTED ELECTION. 527
elected vice-governor on the 2 2d, was inducted into
the executive office on the 4th of October, ^^
Notwithstanding the hopes of a bright future, from
this time the Isthnms was the theatre of ahnost
perpetual political trouble, and revolution became
chronic, preventing any possible advancement. In
1856 there was a stormy electoral campaign,^ that
culminated in a coup d'etat, for which the responsibility
must be about equally divided between the executive,
Francisco Fabrega, and the demagogues. ^^
The election for governor took place on tJie 15th of
August, 1856. The white element claimed Bartolome
Calvo, a colored man from Cartagena, and a conserva-
tive in politics, to have been elected by 4,000 majority.
The negroes insisted that Manuel M. Diaz, a white
man, had been chosen. The declaration by the legis-
lature as to who was the elect had not been made, as
required by law, by the 15th of September. The
radicals then demanded that the vice-governor, who
was in their interest, should assume the executive.
On the 15th of September trouble was expected
against the white men, many of whom took refuge
on the American sloop of war St Mary's.^^ Calvo was
finally declared by the legislature on the 1 8th of Sep-
tember to have been constitutionally chosen for two
years; and Francisco Fabrega the vice-governor.^^
If not a man of high order of talent, Calvo possessed
good judgment, and he eventually succeeded in mak-
ing himself respected, even by those who opposed his
^^ It is understood that Fabrega accepted the jefatura superior only on
condition that Bartolom6 Calvo should assume the government secretaryship,
which had been thrown up by Icaza Arosemena. Calvo became the secretary.
Id., Oct. 3, 10, 27, 1855; Correoso, Statemt, MS., 3.
^ Previous to it the executive had to go with troops to quell a disobedience
to the authorities in Los Santos. No opposition being encountered, some
prisoners were made, who afterward received a pardon on the 6th of March.
Pan., Gaceta del Est., Feb. 2, 25, March 24, 1856.
^ Some deputies of the opposition were arrested in the legislative cham-
ber, and despotically exiled.
^This vessel hauled into shore and landed her marines to protect the
whites. S. F. Alta, Oct. 2, 14, 1856.
^'Pan. Star, Sept. 16, Oct. 1, 1856; Pan., Gaceta del Est, Nov. 20, 1856;
Correoso^ Statemt, MS., 3-4.
528 DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT
election. His course was moderate, and it may be
said of him that he was an honest man, and his ad-
ministration a successful one. The finances were
improved, and public education was encouraged.^^
After serving nineteen months he resigned office and
left the state. ^^ Ramon Gramboa, as first designado,
succeeded him for the rest of the term.
Jose de Obaldia was chosen by popular vote over
J. M. Hurtado, the government condidate, amid a
great political commotion, his election being recog-
nized by the legislature at midnight. His term began
on the 1st of October, 1858. Obaldia was one of the
most talented and best informed men in the republic,
and an eloquent orator. However, though a power
in the tribune, he proved himself unfitted for a ruler. ^^
During his term, on the 17th of April, 1859, the col-
ored population attempted to assail the whites, and
after some violence were dispersed by a force sent
against them.^^ Another outbreak of the negroes
against the whites took place the 27th of September,
1860, necessitating the landing of an armed force from
the British ship Clio, which, after order was restored,
returned on board. ^^
Governor Obaldia was succeeded by Santiago de la
Guardia,^^ elected against the opposition of the liberal
^^ ' Dejd el puesto sin haber merecido imputaciou de que hubiese tornado
deltesoro piiblico otra cosa mas que sus sueldos.' Maldonado, Asuntos Polit.
Pan., MS., 14.
*' He had been meantime elected attorney -general of the republic, and his
residence had to be in Bogota. Pan., Gaceta del Est. , May 20, 1858.
''"He showed weakness during his short occupancy of the presidential
seat at Bogota, and afterward as governor of Panama. He was also lazy and
negligent.
''^ Capt Navarro and one soldier were killed, and two others wounded. The
governor himself was struck on the head with a stone. An Am. force of
marines landed from their ship, but had no occasion to use their arms. No
damage was done to- property. Id., Apr. 24, 1859; S. F. Alia, May 8, 1859.
'^ On the 29th it being feared that there would be another disturbance,
the more timid of the citizens sought refuge in the foreign consulates. The
intendante general, J. M. Hurtado, then asked the commanders of the Clio,
and U. S. sloop of war St Louis, to land 100 men. It was done, and the trouble
was warded off for the time. S. F. Bulletin, Oct. 29, Nov. 14, 1860; U. S. Govt
Doc, Cong. 36, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc, 1, p. 15, iii; pt. 1; Pan Scraps, 31.
^^ Member of a respectable family in the interior; he was an honorable
man, and much respected by the whites. He was conservative, and became
the victim of politics when exerting himself to develop every branch of his
ESTADO SOBERANO DE PANAMA. 529
negro vote. In September 1860 the states of Cauca
and Bolivar seceded from Nueva Granada, and formed
a confederation under the name of Estados Unidos de
Colombia, with General T. G Mosquera at the head.
By a clause of their agreement any other state oppos-
ing them was to be conquered and annexed. Wishing
to keep Panama neutral in the horrible struggle going
on in the rest of the republic, Guardia entered into a
convention on the 6th of September, 1861, with Manuel
Murillo Toro, who represented those states, by which
Panamd was to join the confederacy, but to take no
active part in the family quarrel.^* Early in July
1862 the state assumed the official name of Estado
Soberano de Panama, which it has retained to the
present time.
This contest, out of which the liberal party came
triumphant throughout the country, was known as
' la revolucion de Mosquera.' The minister of Nueva
Granada in Washington, on the plea that a mere
naval force could not afford security to the Isthmus
transit, asked the United States to provide also a
land force of 300 cavalry, but the request was not
granted. '^^
country's resources. BidwelVs Isth. of Pan. ^ 200-2; Maldonado, Amnios Polit.
Pan., MS., 15-16.
■'^The gov. was authorized by the legislature on the .15th of Oct., 1861, to
join the state to the new confederacy. The state was therefore thus annexed,
and the foreign consuls were formally apprised of it. Justo Arosemena was;
appointed on the 8th of Jan., 1862, its plenipotentiary to the convention..
Pan., GacetadelEsL, Sept. 27, 1861; Feb. 26, March 8, 1862.
"^'^ The Am. government, though willing to interpose its aid for the benefit,
of all nations in the execution of the neutrality treaty of 1846, feared to be-
come involved in the revolutionary strife going on in Nueva Granada, besides:
incurring danger of misrepresentation by other powers if it should act without,
consulting them. The 35th art. of the treaty of December 12, 1846,, says:;
'And in order to secure to themselves the tranquil and constant enjoynnent;
of these advantages, and as an especial compensation for said advantages, and
for the favors they have acquired by the 4th, 5th, and 6th art. of this treaty,
the U. S. guarantee positively and eflScaciously to N. Granada, by the present
stipulation, the perfect neutrality of the before-mentioned Isthmus, with the
view that the free transit from the one to the other sea may not be inter-
rupted or embarrassed in any future time while this treaty exists; and in
consequence, the U. S. also guarantee in the same manner the rights of sover-
eignty and property which N. Granada has and possesses over the said ter-
ritory.' Sec. Seward laid the request of Gen. Herran before the British
and French governments to ascertain their views. Earl Russell thought
there was no occasion as yet for armed intervention. Should it occur, his
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 34
530 DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
The efforts of Guardia to keep the Isthmus out of
the general turmoil were of no avail. A force of about
150 or 200 men under General Santa Coloma came
from Cartagena to Colon, with the apparent purpose
of enabling the governor to carry out certain liberal
measures. The latter protested against such a viola-
tion of a solemn agreement; but the force insisted on
coming across to Panama, and there was no way of
preventing it. In the course of a few weeks Guardia,
being convinced that he was being employed as a pup-
pet, removed himself and the capital to Santiago de
Yeragua. As soon as he was gone, with the conniv-
ance of Santa Coloma, a party of men, all but one of
whom were of the colored race, assembled at the town
hall and deposed Guardia, naming one of their own
party, Manuel M. Diaz, provisional governor. ^^ A
few days after, on the 19th of August, in a skirmish
between forces of the two factions. Governor Guardia
and two or three others were killed. '^^ The govern-
ment continued with Diaz at the head,'^ till under the
national constitution framed by the convention of Rio
government would cooperate with the U. S. Thouvenel, French minister of
foreign affairs, said it the railway should be in danger of interruption, he
would not deem it improper for the U. S. to interfere. U. S. Govt Doc, For-
eign Affairs, 1862, pp. 132, 164, 380-1.
^6 This occurred on the 25th of July, 1862. Pan., Boletin Ofic, July 27,
1862; La Vozde J\Uj., Aug. 26, 1862.
''^ At Paso de las capellanias del Rio Chico, or Matapalo. Towns were
shamefully sacked by the victorious liberals, and several families, especially
those of Guardia and Fabrega, were ruined. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan.,
MS., 16; Gaceta de Pan., Aug. 11, 1870. Santiago de Veragua was plundered
Aug. 22. Pan., Boletin Ofic, Sept. 6, 1862. The constituent assembly of the
state, sitting Aug. 9, 1865, passed an act recognizing that Guardia had lost his
life in defence of right, and honoring his memory. Id., Sept. 11, 1865. Cor-
reoso, who served among his opponents, speaks of Guardia in the highest
terms of commendation, and bewails the loss Panama suffered with his death.
Sucesos de Pan., 3.
^^ A decree was issued in Sept. for election of deputies; another calling to
arms, for the defence of the state, all citizens between the ages of 18 and 60.
Panama was on the 2d of that month declared the provisional capital of the
state. On the 20th of Oct. was convoked a constitutional assembly which
met on the 28th of Nov., on which date the governor, in a message, made a
statement of events. On Oct. 28th was issued an amnesty excepting only,
such persons as still refused to recognize the provisional government. Id.,
Sept. 6, 19, Oct. 1, 22, Nov. 3, 10, Dec. 11, 1862; 8. F. Bulletin, Sept. 17,
Nov. 26, 1862.
GOVERNOR DIAZ. 531
Negro,^^ which constituted the nation under the name
of Estados Unidos de Colombia, the Isthmus became
one of the federal and sovereign states. To Governor
Diaz was assigned the duty of carrying out Mosquera's
stringent decrees against the clergy, an account of
which is given in the next chapter.
■^^May 8, 1863. Ratified the same day, by the representatives of Panama,
who were Justo Arosemena, Guillermo Figueroa, G. Neira, J. E. Brandao,
Guillermo Lynch, and Buenaventura Correoso. Colombia, Const. PolU., 1-
42; Correoso's Statemt, MS., 2-3; Pan., Boktin Ofic, June 25, 1863.
CHAPTER XXYI.
FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
1863-1885.
Presidents Goitia, Santa Coloma, and Calancha — Undue Interference
OF Federal Officials — Colunje's Administration — President Olar-
te's Energy — Enmity of the Arrabal's Negroes — Short and Dis-
turbed Rules of Diaz and Ponce — President Correoso — Negro
Element in the Ascendent — Conservatives Rebel, and are Dis-
comfited— Armed Peace for a Time— Feverish Rules of Neira,
MiRO, Aizfuru, Correoso, and Casorla — Cervera's Long Tenure —
Temporary Rule of Vives Leon — President Santodomingo Vila—
Obtains Leave of Absence — Is Succeeded by Pablo Arosemena —
AizpuRu's Revolution — Arosemena Flees and Resigns — Outrages
at Colon — American Forces Protect Panama — Collapse of the
Revolution — Aizpuru and Correoso Imprisoned — Chief Causes of
Disturbances on the Isthmus.
A CONSTITUENT assembly installed on the 6th of
May, 1863/ decreed a constitution to conform with
the national one.^ Pedro Goitia, who for some time
past had been president of the constituent assembly,
was chosen president of the state, to hold the position
till the 1st of October, on which date the elect of
the people was to assume the executive authority.^
1 Its officers were: Pablo E. Icaza, president; Juan Mendoza, vice-presi-
dent; J. J. Maitin, designado; Quintin Miranda, sec. by appoint. Id., May
11, 1863.
2 Dated July 4, 1863, and published the 6th of the same month. It con-
tained 21 titles covering 112 articles, and was a most liberal fundamental law,
intending to give, if honestly administered, every possible guaranty of life,
liberty, property, and political rights. The death penalty, torture, and other
cruel punishments were done away with. Corporal punishment in no case
was to exceed ten years. Nearly all the public functionaries, representative,
executive, and judicial, were made elective by popular vote. Id., July 11,
1863; BidweWs Istli. Pan., 364-88.
^Goitia took the presidency on the 5th of July, and soon after received
the congratulations of several foreign consuls. Pan., Boletin Ofic, July 17, 1863.
(532)
RAPID SUCCESSION OF RULERS. 533
After this, the state being tranquil, the mihtary force
was placed on a peace footing. But Goitia was not
permitted to complete even the short term for which
he had been appointed. He had to resign the position.
General Peregrino Santa Coloma being chosen by the
legislative assembly to fill it, and he took possession of
the office on the 13th of August.* Santa Coloma, being
afterward as was made to appear elected president,
held the executive office a short time only, for the
reason that he was chosen a representative in the
national congress at Bogotd.^ Jose Leonardo Calan-
cha, as vice-president, now took charge of the execu-
tive, which he was allowed to hold only till the 9th of
March, 1865, when he was deposed.^
Jil Colunje '^ was placed at the head of affairs by
the revolution, and a convention called on the 8th of
April to meet on the 1st of July, and reconstruct the
state.^ Colunje was appointed president for the term
* Correspond, with foreign consuls and others. Id., Aug. 30, 1863.
^ Correoso's Statemt, MS. , 4.
^ By the battalion Tiradores, of national troops. Calancha had no popu-
larity in the country. He has been accused of scandalous corruption and
connivance at robbery. However, he seems to have confined his peculation
to the public revenue, a practice which was not new since Guardia's fall.
Some time after, Calancha together with Gabriel Neira invaded the state with
a force from Cauca; but while crossing the river Santa Maria in the hacienda
Las Cruces, they were met by the government troops under Col Vicente
Olarte, and routed with the loss of many killed, wounded, and prisoners,
Neria being one of the latter. Calancha was again defeated at San Francisco
near Nata, and delivered by his men to the victors. His brother Francisco was
also taken. It is recorded that Mrs Jane White Ball, an American, together
with other women, provided a hospital and nursed the wounded of both
bands. Pan., Boletin OJic, Apr. 22, June 7, Sept. 18, Oct. 10, 1865; Ccyr-
reoso's Statem., MS., 4; BidwelVs Isth. Pan., 211.
' A colored man of good political ability, as he proved in the high ofl&cial
positions filled under the national government. He has been accused, how -
ever, of immoral practices. His administration was peaceable, but left evils
that were never eradicated. He inaugurated the corrupt system of extorting
contributions from political opponents, whereby, as the latter averred, he
materially improved his own financial condition, though he had decreed him-
self only the modest salary of $200 per month. Pan., Boletin Ofic, Apr. 1,
1865. Every citizen who had a competency was made to contribute. One
day he had all the respectable citizens arrested to extort money, for which he
never accounted. The majority of the public employes had to sell their sal-
ary warrants for one half or one fourth of their value. The country derived
no other fruit from his administration than poverty.
^The assembly met, and its first act was to confirm all that Colunje had
done. A pardon was decreed to political ofifenders on the 28th of Nov. Pan.,
Boletin Ofic, Apr. 20, 22, July 20, 25, Dec. 6, 1865; Pan., Informe Sec. Est.,
1866, 1-4.
534 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
from August 9, 1865, to September 30, 1866.^ At
the expiration of that term Yicente Olarte Gahndo,
who had been apparently elected, became president
on the 1st of October, 1866, and appointed Jose M.
Bermudez his secretary of state.
Olarte's election is represented as an enthusiastic
one, and intended as a reward for the services he ren-^
dered to the better portion of the Isthmian com-
munity, with his defeat of the Caucano invaders. ^^
He found himself in a constant disagreement with
the legislature of the state, which he forced to submit
to his dictation.^ The whole negro party of the
arrabal was his mortal enemy, but he managed to
keep it under by making it feel occasionally the effect
of his battalion's bullets. In the last attempt against
his power, the negroes were severely punished, and
they never tried again to measure strength with him.^^
His power was now more secure than ever, and his
way became plain to procure the election as his suc-
cessor to the presidency of his brother, then residing
in Chiriqui.
The negroes were in despair, as they could find no
means of seizing the government. From the time of
Guardia's deposal they had been enjoying the public
spoils, and could not bear the idea of being kept out
of them, when their number was four or five times
larofer than that of the white men. The success of
^An attempted outbreak in March at Panama, and one in August at
David, were quelled. Pan., Mensaje Presid. Est., 1866, 1-3; Gaceta Nic, Apr.
7, 1866; Pirn and Seemann's Dottings, 1-11.
^° He belonged to the liberal party; a well-disposed man, and a friend of
peace, which he endeavored to foster, by trying to heal dissensions. He
made himself popular among the better class of the community by his just
proceedings, and efforts to better the condition of the country, though not a
native of the Isthmus. Maklonado, Astuntos Polit. Pari., MS., 20. It has
been, however, said of him that he appropriated considerable amounts from
the public treasury, and placed them in London through the agency of a
Jamaican who lived in Colon.
^^ ' Ante la imponente autoridad de su sable a la cabeza del batallon Tira-
dores.' lb.
^^ They plotted an assault on the battalion in its barracks, but were de-
tected by Olarte. The assault was made at midnight, and a fight ensued, in
which the negroes lost heavily, including almost all their leaders, and among
them Gregorio Sigurvia. Id., 20-1.
,51
BLACK PROCEEDINGS. ^^ 535
Olarte's plans would be the death of their aspirations,
which were the control of public affairs, by ousting
the whites, who were mostly conservatives.^^ It be-
came, therefore, a necessity to rid the country of that
ogre ; and as this could not be done by force of arms,
poison was resorted to. The plan was well matured,
and carried out in San Miguel, one of the Pearl
Islands, where Olarte went upon an official visit.
Olarte's death occurred on the 3d of March, 1868,
without his knowing that he had been poisoned. This
crime was not the act of one man, but of a whole
political party, which took care to have the death
attributed to a malignant fever. It became public,
however, through the family of another man, who
also became a victim.^* No official or post-mortem
examination was made, and the matter was hushed
up.
Olarte's death was greatly deplored by the better
class of the community, and high honors were paid to
his remains, ^^ by the legislature and the community,
the foreign consuls and their countrymen joining. In
the absence of the first designado, Manuel Amador
Guerrero, the second, Juan Jose Diaz, took the reins
^^ It must be borne in mind that whatever the words liberal and conserva-
dor may mean in other Spanish American countries, in Panama the former
has been appropriated by the colored portion of the inhabitants, who have
been joined by a few whites for their own political and pecuniary aims. The
conservador party was made up mostly of white men and property holders,
and they have often been victimized by the gamonales, or leaders of the other
party, whenever the latter has been in power.
^* The circumstances connected with the sickness and death of G-en. Olarte
and Manuel M. Morro afford presumptive evidence of foul play. After a ban-
quet in San Miguel, on the last day Olarte was to be there, wine prepared
with fish poison was served him and his secretary, Jose M, Bermudez. The
latter, by accident, escaped the fate prepared for him, and Morro, being in-
vited by Olarte to join him, partook of the wine. Olarte, having his stomach
full of food and wine, immediately threw up all. Morro, on feeling the ef-
fects, took two doses of ipecacuanha, and succeeded in vomiting. But neither
victim saved himself. Both were taken to Panama, where Olarte died in
five days, and Morro in about eleven. The facts have been strenuously
denied. Correoso, Statem., MS., 5, asserts that Olarte contracted a fever in
his visit to Darien. The first diagnosis of the physicians, it is understood,
was that the patients were suffering from yellow fever, or some other malig-
nant disease. Morro was a talented young man belonging to one of the
prominent families of the city, and much liked by all.
^^ Details on his funeral in Pan., Mercantile Chronicle, March 4, 1868; Pan,
Star and Herald, March 5, 7, 12, 1868; Pan., Boletin OjHc, March 7, 1868-
536 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
of government.^^ His tenure of the presidential office
was a short one, however; for in the morning of the
5th of July, a revolution by the black men of the
arrabal broke out in Panamd, headed by General
Fernando Ponce, commander of the national forces,
and Diaz was overthrown. ^^ They said that the lib-
eral party had been cheated out of its majority at the
late election for deputies, by the unlawful devices of
its conservative opponents; and it was but logical to
conclude that the same practices would be again re-
sorted to at the coming election of president of the
state/^ There was really no cause for this revolution.
The excuses alleged by the promoters were frivolous.
They only wanted to seize power and secure the
spoils.
Ponce was placed at the head of affairs as provis-
ional president, to rule in accordance with the national
and state constitutions, and existing laws; and in his
absence, the following persons, in the order named,
were to assume the duties: Buenaventura Correoso,
Pablo Arosemena, Mateo Iturralde, Pedro Goitia,
and Juan Mendoza.^^ Thus was the movement accom-
plished; a provisional government was recognized by
the foreign consuls, and by four of the interior de-
partments, which submitted to the change rather than
become involved in civil war. On the 20th of July a
general amnesty was decreed. '^^
The situation was by no means enviable. The mil-
itary element was not united, much animosity exist-
^^ Amador finally declined the office. Id., March 7, 1868.
^^ He was afterward exiled, and went to California. ^S*. F. Times, Aug. 3,
1868; S. F. Bulletin, Aug. 1, 1868. The negroes declared Diaz a traitor, but
the public never saw any evidence of it. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan.,
MS., 23.
^^ The acta appears in full in Boletin OJic, July 8, 1868; Nic, Gaceta^
July 25, 1868; .S^ F. Times, July 25, 28, 31, 1868; S. F. Call, July 25, 1868;
S. F. Bulletin, July 25, 27, 1868.
^' Ponce's first act was to declare martial law by a decree of July 6th,
countersigned by Dldimo Parra, as secretary of state. The superior court,
in view of the situation, on the same date adjourned, to escape participation
in the infringement of the constitution, which had been just perpetrated.
'^'^ Even Chiriqui, which had held back, finally recognized the new govern-
ment. Pa7i., Boletin O/c, July 30, 1868; Nic., Gaceta, Aug. 22, 1868.
PANAMA AND CHIRIQUL 537
ing between the state battalion * Panamd ' and the
* Santander/ which led to a second revolution on the
29th of August, and Ponce resigned the presidency
to Buenaventura Correoso,^^ who received it on the
next day. Carlos Icaza Arosemena was appointed
secretary of state. Correoso ^^ was not permitted to
enjoy his office peaceably. He used his best endeav-
ors to that end; but was erelong summoned to crush
a revolt of the conservatives in Chiriqui, at the head
of which were the prefect of that department, and
Colonel Aristides Obaldia, a son of the ex-president.
The conservatives desired change. To accomplish
this, the people of the interior armed themselves to
come to the capital and crush the negro element. ^^
Correoso sailed with a considerable force provided
with superior arms on the steamboat Montijo,^^ and
had the good fortune to return triumphant with 350
2^ The Panama assailed the barracks of the other troops, and captured it,
Captain U, Meza being killed, and Alejandro Arce and Rafael Aizpuru
slightly wounded. Ponce was seized and carried to the barracks, where
much enthusiasm for him, it is said, was manifested; but he was not satisfied
with the condition of affairs, resigned, and left the state. Pan., Boletin Ofic,
Sept. 5, 1868; Correoso's Statement, MS., 5; Nic, Gaceta, Sept. 19, 1868; Pan.
Star and Herald, Sept. 1, 10, 1868; Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 24.
22 His public life began when he was ] 8 years old, and he has, in the civil
service of the state, held every ofl&ce from alderman to president or governor,
both inclusive. In the judiciary, he has served as district judge and
member of the superior court. In the military service he began as a lieut in
1854, and rose to be gen. of division. He was a deputy of the state legisla-
ture, and a senator in the national congress, and also for a while vice-presi-
dent of the republic, besides being a member of several conventions. He
represented his country as minister plenipotentiary near the five republics of
Central America, and always belonged to the liberal party, and fought for it.
Correoso' s Statem., MS., 1-2.
23 In assuming the executive ofl&ce, Correoso found no money in the treas-
ury. He at once resorted to the device employed by his predecessor Colunje
of arresting the prominent citizens of the capital, whom he kept in confine-
ment till they paid the amounts severally demanded. The same outrage was
afterward practised in the interior. The result was an increase of poverty
from day to day.
2^ The government was left for the transaction of local affairs in charge of
Juan Mendoza, governor of the capital. Pan., Boletin OJic, Oct. 9, 1868. Dur-
ing this revolution, the U. S. consul was directed by his government to warn
Am. citizens from taking part in the broils of the country. He was also to see
that unoffending Americans were not compelled to do military service, or to
contribute in the form of forced loans or otherwise. S. F. Call, Dec. 4, 1868;
S. F. Times, Dec. 4, 1868. Nevertheless, the government doubled the com-
merial tax against the solemn protests of foreign consuls, and much foreign
property was seized. Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 24, 1868; Pan., Boletin OJic.,
Nov. 14, 1868.
538 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
men on the 16th of November. The conservatives,
about 400 strong, under Obaldia, attacked Correoso's
force of about equal number, at the Hatillo, near San-
tiago, and were defeated,^^ after which, the government
of the 29th of August being proclaimed, prisoners were
set at liberty. The revolution was at an end. Cor-
reoso then summoned a constituent assembly, which,
elected him constitutional president for the term of
four years ending September 30, 1873. With occa-
sional attempts at disturbance, which were successfully
quelled or peaceably adjusted, Correoso held the office
till the 1st of October, 1872, when he resigned it, and
was succeeded by Gabriel Neira to fill the rest of the
term. Neira was not permitted to hold the position
long, for a little before eleven o'clock in the forenoon
of April 5, 1873, the revolutionary party of the arra-
bal, headed by Rafael Aizpuru, commander of the state
troops, and fourth designado, revolted against the
government, marched into the city, and made pris-
oners President Neira and Secretary Eladio Briceno.
Ddmaso Cervera, as fifth designado, was called by the
superior court to the presidency. ^^
The Pichincha — battalion of national troops — inter-
fered to restore Neira. After some firing, it was
agreed that Cervera should continue in power, and
Neira remain in the custody of the national force. ^^
2^ The fighting took place between 9 and 12 o'clock of the 12th of Nov.
Both sides behaved well, but Correoso's men, having better arms, were victo-
rious. According to Correoso's account there were in all about 200 killed and
wounded, Gen. P. Goitia being among the latter. Correoso s Statemt, MS., 6.
The negroes with relentless ferocity gave no quarters to the greater part of
the prisoners, who were shot. They also plundered to their heart's content.
Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 25. Arlstides Obaldia was slain and
his untimely end was much regretted. He was severely wounded early in
the action, and his friends took him out of harm's way; but during the route
some of Correoso's men discovered and put him to death. His remains were
interred with military honors by Correoso's orders. Pan. Star and Herald,
Nov. 19, 1868; Pan., Mercantile Chronicle, Nov. 17, 1868; S. F. Times, Dec. 4,
11, 1868; Nic, Gaceta, Nov. 28, 1868.
'^^ Cervera appointed J. M. Lleras his secretary of state, and on the same
day called several officers of the militia to active service, the chief. Col Rafael
Aizpuru, being made comandante gen. of the forces of the state. Gaceta de
Pan., Apr. 19, 1873.
^^ The farce was performed to have Neira chosen president, and Correoso
1st designado; and then it was expected that the former would after a while
ISTHMUS RECONSTRUCTION. 539
The national force having taken part in the troubles,
its efficiency to protect the transit was rendered doubt-
ful, for which reason troops were landed from the
United States ships of war by order of Rear-admiral
Steedman.^^ Finally, terms of peace were arranged
in the evening of May 9th, based on the conditions
that Neira's government should be reestablished.
The state militia surrendered their arms to the foreign
consuls the next day, the Pichincha performing the
duties of the state force. Meantime, till Neira's re-
turn, Colonel Juan Pernett was to act as president. '^^
Neira heard of the change at Barranquilla on the 13th
of May, and returned at once. On the 21st he made
Jose Maria Bermudez secretary of state, and Colonel
Pernett comandante general. ^^ The votes for senators
and representatives to the national congress were
counted on the 15th of July, and the names of the
elect were published.^^
The people of the arrabal made another disturbance
on the 24th of September, attacking the government
outposts at Playa Prieta. Hostilities were continued
during twelve or fourteen days, when the rebels, under
Correoso, abandoned their ground, and were after-
ward defeated in the country. Meantime an Ameri-
can force of nearly 200 men, sent on shore by
Pear-admiral Alony, a second time within four months,
resign, and enable the latter to again assume the presidency without violating
the constitution. The elections took place as desired. Pan. Star and Herald,
Apr. 8, 1873.
^^ One hundred men occupied the railway station, and 100 were stationed
in the town hall. Capt. Kennedy, of the Brit, war ship Reindeer., offered his
cooperation if needed.
^^This arrangement was arrived at through commissioners; namely, Gre-
gorio Mird and Francisco Ardila for the Pichincha no. 8; Jose Agustin Arango
and Florentino Dutari, for Cervera. Pan. Star and Herald, May 10, 13, 1873.
Correoso claims that upon hearing in Costa Rica, where he was then accredited
as Colombian minister, of the revolution against Neira, he returned in haste
to Panama, and by his influence induced the revolutionists to replace Neira.
Statement, MS., 6; S. F. Bulletin, May 19, 26, June 6, 1873; S. F. Alta, May
20, 1873; S. F. Chronicle, May 20, 26, June 7, 18, 1873.
^"The latter resigned the command June 23d. Gaceta de Pan., June 7,
July 5, 1873. Aizpuru, who had been kept a prisoner was afterward released.
''^Senators: Pablo Arosemena, B. Correoso, and Agustin Arias. Repre-
sentatives: Fernando Casanova, Man. de J. Bermudez, Juan C. Carranza,
Marcelino Villalaz, and Jose de la Rosa Jurado. A corresponding number of
suplentes or substitutes was also chosen. Gaceta de Pan., July 19, 1873.
540 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
occupied the railway station and the cathedral plaza. ^^
The minister resident of the United States, "William
L. Scruggs, on the 19th of December, 1873, laid be-
fore the Colombian government, of which Colunje was
secretary for foreign aifairs, a protest of the Panama
railway company upon the recent disturbances of the
Isthmus, and a demand that the transit should in future
be under the immediate protection of the Colombian
government against the acts of violence of local fac-
tions. ^^ The latter acknowledged the justice of this
demand on the 26th of December, pledging that in
future there would be a national force stationed in
Panamd for the purpose of protecting the transit.
On the 1st of October the constituent assembly,
which had been summoned on the 1st of August, as-
sembled. Neira sent in his resignation, requesting
the appointment of a chief of the executive who could
secure peace. The assembly appointed Neira provis-
ional president, and a number of designados.^* After-
ward the assembly passed an act reducing the presi-
dential term to two years. ^^ A new constitution in
seven titles, comprising 144 articles, was issued on the
1 2th of November, and nine transitory articles on the
following day.^^ A general amnesty to political of-
fenders was decreed on the 15th of November. Presi-
^2 During its occupation over 500 women and children sought its protection.
The whole force retired about the 7th or 8th of October. Pan. Star and Her-
ald, Sept. 25-30, 1873.
3' The minister reminded the executive of Colombia that though the Ameri-
can government guaranteed by the treaty of 1846 the neutrality of the Isth-
mus, it did not imply protection to the road against such factions. Pan.,
Infoi-me Sec. Est, 1874, 9-10, annex A.
'* 1st, Gregorio Mird; 2d, J. M. Bermudez; 3d, Mateo Iturralde; 4th,
Tomas Herrera; 5th, Joaquin Arosemena. All Neira's acts were approved;
and thanks were voted to both the national and state troops for their ser-
vices. Oacetade Pan., Oct. 2, 1873.
^^ The assembly granted the president additional powers to restore peace,
among which was that of obtaining |60,000 by means of voluntary or forced
loans. Those powers were rescinded on the 14th of Nov. Id., Oct. 11, 18,
Nov. 1, Dec. 5, 1873; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 43, Sess. 1, 351.
^^ Under this constitution the legislative assembly appoints the five sub-
stitutes of the president of the state, and also the three justices of the superior
court. A council of state is created, to be composed of the president of the
state, the last president of the legislative assembly, the president of the su-
perior court, and the attorney-general of the state. For all important affairs,
the executive is to consult the council. Id., Nov. 15, 1873.
CHRONIC UNREST. 541
dent Neira having attempted in the morning of the
14th of November to make a revolution with the Her-
rera battahon for the purpose of setting aside the
assembly, in which he failed, and afterward concealed
himself, that body met at 8 o'clock and deposed him.
Whereupon Gregorio Miro, the first designado, was
summoned to assume the executive for the term end-
ing September 30, 1875, which he did on the 16th,^^
appointing Jose M. Bermudez his secretary of state,
and Ramon Yallarino Brdjimo secretary of the treas-
ury. These two departments of government were
abolished on the 25th of July, 1874, and the office of
secretary-general created, which was intrusted to
Pablo Arosemena on the 11th of August. ^^ This ar-
rangement lasted only till the 8th of April, 1875,
when the offices of secretary of state and of the treas-
ury were reestablished.^^
Mir6's administration was a restless one, owing to
constant conspiracies based on various causes. The
last one was headed by Rafael Aizpuru, who claimed
to be acting in the interest of the federal policy in
that stormy period of Colombian history.*^ An at-
tempt was made to establish a provisional government
with Aizpuru at its head, annulling Miro's authority.
The latter took the field, leaving Juan J. Diaz, the
second designado, in charge of the executive; but
after some unsuccessful efibrts to quell the rebellion,
his official term came to an end, and Pablo Arose-
mena^^ succeeded him on the 1st of October; but he
'■^ He made the pledge required by law before the assembly, the foreign
consuls, public functionaries residing in the city, and a large number of
citizens. Id., Dec. 5, 1873; Jan. 17, 1874; Mex., Mem. Min. Bel, 1875, 10.
38 M, Aug. 7, 15, 1874; Pan., Informe Sec. Est., 1874, 30.
3^ The persons appointed to fill them were Jos^ M. Bermudez, who had
been acting as secretary-general for sec. of state, and Dionisio Facio for sec.
of the treasury. Gaceta de Pan., Apr. 17, 1875.
^''The president on the 25th of Aug., 1875, delegated his powers to J. M.
Bermudez to preserve order in the interior or restore it as the case might be.
Id., Sept. 4, 1875; Pan. Star and Herald, Aug. 24, 1875.
*^ He had been on the 2d of July declared elected president of the state.
At the same time the following persons were declared to have been chosen to
represent Panama in the national congress: Senators, Justo Arosemena, Jos6
M. Bermudez, and Marcelino Villalaz; representatives, Juan J. Diaz, Juan
J. Mird, Joaquin Arosemena, B. Asprilla, and M, R. de la Torre. These
542 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
was allowed to retain the position only till the 12th,
when he was ousted by General Serjio Camargo, com-
mander of the federal force/^ and Rafael Aizpuru was
placed at the head of affairs, first as 'jefe provisional
del poder ejecutivo/ and later was recognized as pro-
visional president/^ Ddmaso Cervera became secre-i
tary of state, and Francisco Ardila of the treasury.
A constituent assembly, presided over by B. Corre-«
oso, met on the 25th of November, and on the 28th
approved all Aizpuru's acts, and authorized him to re-
tain the executive office until a constitutional president
should be chosen by it. The assembly on the 6th of
December adopted another constitution for the state,
containing 126 articles.** On the same day Rafael
Aizpuru was elected constitutional president, and was
at once inaugurated.*^ A law of December 25, 1876,
ordained that the president of the state should take
possession of his office on the 1st of January following
his election His term was for two years. *^ The
republic being now the prey of a general civil war,
promoted by the clergy, the state of Panamd;, comply-
ing with the demands of the national government, sent
an armed brig with troops and arms to the port of
Buenaventura, and the Colombia battalion to the
were subsequently annulled by the constituent assembly, Dec. 11th. Gaceta de
Pan., July 24, Dec. 16, 1875.
*'^ Particulars of the insurrection and arrest of Arosemana appear in Camar-
gos' despatch, in Colombia, Diario Ofic, Nov. 13, 15, 1875; Gaceta de Pan.,
Oct. 5, 7, 16, 23, Nov. 13, 17, 23, 1875; 8. F. Gall, Nov. 5, 1875; Correoso's
Statem., MS., 7.
*^Oct 18th, he empowered B. Correoso, comandante gen., to use his best
endeavors to restore order in the departments of Code, Los Santos, Veragua,
and Chiriqui. His government was recognized at once by the foreign consuls.
Gaceta de Pan., Oct. 16, 23, 1875.
^* The executive is vested in a president, to be elected by popular vote for
two years. The legislative assembly elects the justices of the superior court
and their suplentes, the five substitutes of the president, the attorney -gen-
eral, and his suplente; also the administrator-gen. of the treasury, and the
contador by absolute majority. No change was made in the council of state.
Gaceta de Pan., Jan. 1, 1876; Pan., Constit. Polit. del Est. Sobo., 1-20.
*^ His government was soon after recognized by the national executive.
On the 13th of Dec, 1876, the legislative assembly chose Damaso Cervera,
Francisco Ardila, Jose R. Casorla, Quintin Miranda, and M. Losada Plise,
designados for the presidency, in the order named. Gaceta de Pan., Jan. 8,
Feb. 20, Dec. 17, 1876.
^^Pan. Leyes, 1876-7, 11.
ISTHMUS POLITICS. 543
headquarters of the army of the Atlantic.-^ The
legislature, early in 1877, authorized the executive to
raise troops for the defence of the state, and to obtain
money by voluntary or forced loan/^
Buenaventura Correoso, having been elected, as-
sumed the presidential office on the 1st of January,
1878; but being worried by the frequent disturbances,
and desirous of averting further scandals, resigned
in December following, and was succeeded by the
designado tTose Ricardo Casorla/^ This president was
disturbed by two revolutions. The first was occasioned
by the battalion 3d of the line, under the supposition
that the state authorities were hostile to the national
government. ^^ The second partook more of the nature
of comedy than of tragedy. General Aizpuru, having
returned from Bogota, whither he had gone as a sena-
tor from Panamd;, went off to Colon on the 7th of
June, and proclaimed himself provisional chief That
same night Casorla was arrested near his residence,
and carried off to Colon, where he was held by the
revolutionary chief The second designado, Jerardo
Ortega, then took charge of the executive.^^ But
under a subsequent arrangement Casorla was surren-
dered, and replaced in the executive office, which he
resigned three days later into the hands of Jerardo
^^Pan., Mem. Sec. Est., 1876, 1-6. On Sept. 25, 1876, the president as-
sumed personal command of the state troops. Gaceta de Pan., Oct. 15, 1876.
*^ The president attempted both recourses; till on the 10th of March the
citizens tendered a loan of $30,000. Id., March 1, 8, 22, 1877; Salv., Gaceta
Ofic, Feb. 18, 1877.
*^Dec. 30, 1878. Correoso' s Statem., MS., 9; Pan., Mem. Sec. Hacienda,
1878, i.-xl.; Gaceta de Pan., March 10, May 30, July 21, 28, Sept. 26, Oct. 13,
Nov. 17, Dec. 8, 19, 1878; Pinart, Pan. Col. Docs., MS., no. 101; Colombia,
Diario Qfic, Jan. 31, 1879; Pan., Mem. Sec. Gob., 1878.
^ The object was to upset the state government; but it was defeated by
the state troops, after a fight that lasted till the 18th, and caused great havoc.
Among the killed were the commander of the battalion, Col Carvajal, and
his son, Lieut Carvajal, who were trying to check the infuriated soldiery.
Pan., Mem. Sec. Gob., 1879, 5-6.
^^ The government sent troops against the revolutionists, and some fighting
ensued without decisive results At last the contending parties came to an
arrangement by which Aizpuru agreed to surrender the person of Casorla,
and to recognize .the 2d designado as the provisional president. He also
agreed to lay down his arms. The government consented to pay Aizpuru 's
war expenses, and to issue a general amnesty. Pan., Mem. Sec. Gob., 1879,
7-12; S. F. Chronicle, June 19, 25, 1879.
544 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
Ortega, who held it till the 1st of January, 1880,
when Ddmaso Cervera, chosen for the next constitu-
tional term, was inaugurated,^^ his term of office be-
ing two years.
The legislative assembly, June 13, 1881, passed a
law amending the constitution. Under this law the
assembly ^^ after 1882 was to meet on the 1st of Octo-
ber, and within the first fifteen days of its ordinary
sittings count the votes for president of the state, and
for senators and representatives to the national con-
gress. Among other things, it was enacted that the
present assembly would name the substitutes of the
executive for the term to begin on the 1st of January,
1882. Cervera succeeded in maintaining order during
his term, though constantly disturbed with intrigues
of the most reprehensible character.
Rafael Nunez, who had been declared the president
elect of the state,^* should have appeared to assume
the executive duties on the 1st of January, 1882, for
a term ending on the 31st of October, 1884; but as
he failed to do so, Damaso Cervera, the first desig-
nado, was summoned to take charge pro tempore of
the office. ^^ Nunez resigned the position in November
1882, on the ground of ill health; and though he
offered, at the request of the legislature, to reconsider
his action, he never came to fill any part of his term.^^
Nothing worthy of mention occurred in the politics of
the Isthmus during this year, except a continued op-
position on the part of the so-called ultra-liberals to
^^ Mateo Iturralde was made secretary of government, and Juan Jose Miro
of the treasury. Several changes took place afterward, and the final secre-
taries were: of government, Benjamin Ruiz, and of the treasury, Juan B.
Amador. Jose Viv^es Leon was government secretary in Sept. 1881.
^^ The assembly to be formed of one deputy for every 6,000 inhabitants,
and every fraction of 3,500 and upwards. Gaceta de Pan., June 17, 1881.
^* His candidature had been opposed by Correoso, Icaza Arosemena, Ardila,
Ortega, and others, for the sake of union in the liberal party. Pan. Canal,
June 25, 1881.
''^ His election as first designado by the legislature was on the 28th of June,
1881. The other substitutes chosen were the following, in the order named:
Miguel Borbtia, Benjamin Ruiz, Jose M. Vives Leon, and Antonio Casanova.
Pan., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1882, 1; Correoso, Sucesos de Pan., 5, 6.
^^Pan. Canal, Nov. 20, Dec. 6, 1882; Pan. Star and Herald, Nov. 20, 1882;
Jan. 29, 1883.
PANAMA PRESIDENTS. 545
Cervera's occupancy, notwithstanding which he had
been chosen 1st designado for 1883, and on the 1st
day of January following was again placed in posses-
sion of the presidency. ^^
The election for president of the state for the next
term became a question upon which there was a dis-
agreement between the superior court during recess
of the legislative assembly, which decreed the election
should take place on the fourth Sunday of July, and
Cervera, who claimed that it ought not to be till the
folio wmg year. The latter proposition was acted
upon .^^ Cervera obtained early in the year a month's
leave of absence, during which the executive office
was in charge of the second substitute, J. M. Vives
Leon, whose first act was to suppress the comandancia
general, and to muster out of service a number of
officers of all grades. ^^ The state was in constant
expectation of war, owing to affairs in other states,
and particularly to the presence of agents of the gen-
eral government having no recognized official position.
In the apprehension of political troubles, the states of
Panamd and Cauca entered into a convention ^^ to sup-
port one another's interests in the expected contest.
Cervera thought, however, that the time was now
past w^hen the national troops could interfere in the
internal affairs of the state. ^^
The presence of federal forces on the Isthmus had
often been a source of danger to the state governments
But it was required by international obligation, and
^■^ Pan. Cronista, Jan. 3, 1883. Dec. 3, 1882, a deputation composed of Cor-
reoso, Iturralde, and Diaz had waited on him to request that he should resign*,
his position of 1st designado and acting president, which he declined. Pan..
Canal, Dec. 5, 1882.
^^ Nunez had been chosen for a term ending Oct. 31, 1884. On the other-
hand, the constitution said that the president elect should assume office on the;
1st day of Nov. following his election. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 29, 1883..
^^His sec. -gen., Victor Dubarry, countersigned the decree. This measure
was intended to rid the government of an incubus, and to effect a yearly sav-
ing of about $16,000. Pan. Canal, March 19, 1883.
^°At Popayan, Aug. 27, 1883. Joaquin M. Perez was Panama's commis-
sioner. The convention was ratified Sept. 10th, by Cervera, countersigned by
J. M. Casis, sec. -gen. Pan., El Pais, Sept. 21, 1883.
*^ He adopted for all his confidence precautionary measures to preserve
public order. Pan. Cronista, Oct. 24, 1883.
Hist. Cent. Am.. Vol. III. 35
546 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
its necessity could but be recognized in view of the
fact that the construction of the interoceanic canal,
already under way, demanded the employment of thou-
sands of men from all parts of the world, who in the
event of strikes or for other causes might commit out-
rages.^^ The election of senators and representatives
to the national congress was effected this year by the
legislature, Damaso Cervera, Ricardo Nunez, and
Jose C. de Obaldia being chosen to the former posi-
tion. ^^ Cervera having been also elected first designado
of the presidency for 1884, he again was placed in
possession of the chief magistracy of the state on the
1st of January.^*
An abortive attempt was made, at the instigation
of Cervera's political enemies, to have him removed.
One of the justices of the superior court, on the 2d
of July, impeached and suspended him from office.
General Benjamin Ruiz, as second designado, was ac-
cordingly handed the reins of government. But Cer-
vera resisted, and appealed to General Wenceslao
Ibanez, commanding the national brigade, to support
his authority Meantime, the superior court by a
majority decided on the 6th that Plaza's decree should
have no effect, and that Buiz had illegally assumed
the president's fu notions. ^^ Ibanez, however, on the
8th insisted on Cervera's leaving the government,
and himself took control, his troops besieging Cervera
in the state house. The latter then applied to the
superior court for a leave to proceed to Bogota to
take his seat in the senate. Buiz again seized the
presidency, and appointed B. Correoso secretary -gen-
*2 In the first part of 1884 there were about 14,000 men on the canal-works.
Still another source of danger was the mongrel population of Santa Ana and
Calidonia districts, in the city of Panama, ever disposed to seize opportuni-
ties for plunder, as was made evident in the last fire. J. M. Rodriguez, of
Panama, moved in the national senate that the federal force should be in-
creased to 800 or 1,000 men. Cent. Am. Miscel, no, 1.
^3 The representatives were, S. Jurado, J. del C. Pino, Leonidas Flores,
Waldino Izasa, and Cdrlos Otalora. Pan. Cronista, Oct. 20, 1883.
^*By Juan P. Jaen, president of the superior court. Id.. Jan. 2, 1884.
^ Cervera had likewise claimed immunity from prosecution, as a senator
elect. •
FIGHTING AT SEA. 547
eral. By some misunderstanding he was recognized
by the national executive. At this time, General
Eloi Porto, who ranked Ibanez, arrived in Panamd,
and through his , good offices Cervera was replaced.^
Kuiz might have been permitted to rule a while had
he followed in Cervera's footsteps ; but he began to
remove prefects, and to despatch commissioners into
the interior, the peace of the state being again jeop-
ardized, which compelled Cervera to remain.
A revolution broke out at David in the night of
September 19th, proclaiming a genuine suffrage, and
setting aside the declarations made by the judges of
election for president of the state and deputies to the
assembly. Movements of the same kind followed in
other parts. In the night of the 27th Cervera's
authority was pronounced in Panamd at an end, and
Puiz was made the executive. Cervera on the 14th
of October proclaimed that public order had been dis-
turbed by Puiz and his supporters,^^ and established
martial law. An encounter between a government
force on board the steam-tug Morro, and another of
the rebels on the steamboat Alajuela, took place at sea
in the afternoon of the 15th of October. The former
experienced damage and loss of crew.^^ Cervera, who
was on board, was blamed for the repulse. The Ala-
juela kept away a while, and then returned to land
some wounded men. The rebel chiefs, B. Puiz, Gon-
zalez, and An drove, marched into the interior, respect-
ively to Yeragua, Aguadulce, and Penonome. This
^ Correoso stated in the Pan. Star and Herald of July 12th that Ruiz'
government had been upset ' a punta de sable ' by Porto, whose authority
sprang from the condescension of Ibanez in recognizing as authentic a tele-
gram received that morning by Porto. He repeats the charge in his Sucesos
de Pan., 7. The fact was that Ibanez' brigade was by the telegram incorpo-
rated with the 3d division, and thus came to be under the control of Porto,
who was chief of staff of that division. Pan., Cronista, July 9 to Aug. 2, Aug.
13, 1884.
^^ In Code, ChiriquI, and Panama. Gaceta de Pan., Oct. 15, 1884; Cent.
Am. Miscel., no. 2.
^^ The Mo7'ro was a British boat, which the rebels seized in the night from
the 14th to the 15th, and then went on her alongside the Alajuela, which was
a Costa Rica vessel, seized her, and proceeded to sea, leaving the Morro behind.
S. F. Cronista, Oct. 18, 1884; La Estrella de Pan., Oct. 23, 1884; Pan. Star-and
Herald, Oct. 17, 23, Nov. 26, Dec. 30, 1884; Cent. Am. Miscel, nos. 3, 9, 10.
548 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
condition of affairs being telegraphed to the national
government, the executive decreed that public order
was disturbed in Panamd, and directed the commander
of the national forces to arrest the guilty persons.^''
General G6nima, the federal commander, repaired to
Aguadulce, and prevailed on Ruiz and his friends to
lay down their arms, which he reported to Cervera on
the 2d of November."^
The elections for president of the state took place
on the 27th of July, 1884. Juan Manuel Lambert
was chosen,^^ and was recognized by the assembly in
October. But the intrigues of the liberal party, sup-
ported by G6nima, deprived Lambert of his office. ^^
On the 1st of October, upon the assembling of the
legislature, Cervera sent in his resignation; and no
notice having been taken, he reiterated it on the 20th,
reminding that body that it had enacted measures
which would necessitate his retaining power till the
end of December, when his term should cease on the
31st of October, and the president elect assume his
duties. The resignation was not accepted, and the
assembly on the 21st, by all the votes present, but
^^ A Colombian armed steamer was ordered to Panama; and Gren. Santo-
domingo Vita was despatched to cooperate with the commander of the fed-
eral forces. The decree was issued Oct. 22, 1884. Gen. Benjamin Ruiz was
on the 28th dismissed from the Colombian army. Bogota, Diario OJic, Oct.
30, 1884.
''" The assembly, being notified that the legally constituted authorities were
now recognized, passed a vote of thanks to Cervera, his secretaries, Victor
Dubarry and J. F. Ucrds, and Gen. C. A. Gdnima, for their successful efforts
for peace. La Estrella de Pan., Nov. 6, 13, 1884; Pan. Star and Herald, Nov.
6, 1884; Pan. Cronista, Nov. 8, 1884.
^^ 27,505 votes against 1,550 for Justo Arosemena, and 95 in Colon for B.
Ruiz. An attempt had been made by what was called the Alianza Liberal to
have Justo Arosemena as its candidate, but he virtually declined it, and his
name was retired from the field early in July. Id., July 30, Oct. 18, 1884;
La Estrella de Pan., Sept. 4, 1884.
"Gdnima telegraphed Nunez at Bogota, on the 30th of Sept., the day be-
fore the assembly met, that it would call a convention, and adds that, thanks
to the patriotic efforts of Cervera, * Lambert no sera presidente. Sus indica-
ciones oidas.' Bogota, Diario Ofic, Oct. 8, 1884; Bogota, La Luz, Oct. 8, 1884.
Lamliert, on the 12th of November, in an address to the Colombian people,
protested against the unjustifiable interference of the federal govt in the in-
ternal affairs of Panama, by which he had been prevented from assuming the
chief magistracy he had been chosen to by the suffrages of his fellow-citizens.
At the same time he made known his intention to cause no disturbance, but to
remain peaceably in private life. La Estrella de Pan., Oct. 30, Nov. 20, 1884.
PANAMA POLITICS 549
one, desired him to continue at the head of the gov-
ernment/^
The assembly had on the 14th of October passed
an act empowering the executive to call a convention
to be elected by direct popular vote on the 7th of
December, and to assemble on the 1st of January,
1885/* The convention met on the appointed day.
It has been alleged that the election of members
thereto was a mere farce/^ In the still unsettled
condition of affairs President Cervera concluded, on
the 24th of November, to retain in service a force of
officers for any emergency that might occur/^ Still,
he considered his position one that was by law unten-
able, and on the next day laid his irrevocable resigna-
tion before the superior court, alleging that he had
held power too long — four years and eleven months —
and referring to the interference of the federal gov-
ernment, he said that he must either submit to or
oppose its influence. His opposition would prolong
an anomalous situation in the country.'^ The court,
in view of the reasons adduced, accepted the resigna-
tion, and summoned the second designado, Vives Leon,
to the presidential seat, which he held till the 6th
of January, inclusive, on which date the convention
almost unanimously chose General Ramon Santo-
domingo Vila president of the state. ^^ A few days
previously — on the 3d — Benjamin Ruiz and the other
liberals in the convention, after declaring that they
would hold as traitors all liberals who, by joining the
conservatives, who would strengthen the latter to make
■^^ Details may be found in Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 23, 1884; Pan.
Cronista, Oct. 22, 1884.
■^^ The assembly adjourned sine die on the 13th of Nov.
"''^ The convocation was not made according to the requirements of the con-
stitution; and moreover, martial law existing in many parts of the state, no
free elections could be effected in such localities.
^^ Gen. Lorenzo Segundo was made comandante gen. , and Col F. Figueroa
his second in command. La Estrella de Pan., Jan. 8, 1885.
"Paw. Cronista, Nov. 29, 1884; La Estrella de Pan., Dec. 4, 1884.
^^He took possession the next day. Pan. Cronista, Jan, 7, 10, 1885; Ga-
ceta de Pan., Jan. 9, 1885; Pan., Actualidad, Jan. 8, 1885; i^a Estrella dePan.^
Jan. 15, 1885; Cent. Am. Miscel., no. 20; Correoso, Sucesosde Pan., 7-8,
550 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS
themselves masters of the state, abandoned the cham-
ber/^
The new president at once appointed his secretaries
and his so-called cabinet. ^^ In the apprehension of
disturbances at Colon, the executive requested the
commander of the American war vessel Alliance to
land a force there to guard the transit. ^^ The request
was complied with, but the force not being needed
then was reembarked.
The Isthmus now becomes again the theatre of
deadly strife, with its concomitant bloodshed and
general destruction, to the disgrace of the nation of
which it forms a part, and the scandal of the world.
A plot by some men of the national force to seize the
revenue cutter Boyacd having been detected, thanks
to the loyalty of other members of the same force, the
executive notified the convention that the time had
come to proclaim martial law, which he did on the 9th
of February. The convention accordingly closed its
session on the llth.^^ On the 17th, Santodomingo
Vila obtained a leave of absence to proceed to Carta-
gena, where his military services were required, and
Pablo Arosemena, the first designado, was summoned
to assume the executive authority. ^^ At about five
o'clock in the morning of the 16th of March the pop-
ulation was awakened by the cries of Yivan los lib-
erales! Viva el general Aizpuru! accompanied with
numerous shots. Aizpuru, at the head of about 250
men, attacked the Cuartel de las Monjas, and the
tower of San Francisco, which were defended by a
handful of government troops, and a running fight
"^^ Pan. Cronista, Jan. 7, 1885.
^Isidore Surges, sec. of gov.; L. C. Herrera, of treasury; Jose M. Ale-
man, of fomento. Gaceta de Pan., Jan. 9, 1855; Cent. Am. Miscel, no. 22,
^^ The government had now only a small force in Colon or Panama, having
on the 9th sent away the federal troops to uphold the general government at
Barranquilla, against rebels in arms. Pan. Cronista, Jan. 21, 24, 1885.
^^ It seems that some of its members were implicated in this plot, and
orders for their arrest were issued. That body alleged that legislation had
been hampered by the government. Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 11, 1885;
Pan., El Cronista, Feb. 14, 1885; Correoso, S^icesos de Pan., 11.
^^M, Feb. 18, 1885; Cent, Am, Miscel, no. 28; Gaceta de Pan., Feb. 18,
1885.
PANAMA RIOT. 551
from corner to corner ensued. ^^ The assailants over-
ran the city. The British war ship Heroine then
landed some marines and sailors to protect the rail-
road. The president called for troops from Colon,
which came at once under General Gonima, and enter-
ing the city early on the 17th, compelled the portion
of the revolutionists who had remained in the city to
rejoin their main body in the plains. ^^
Upon the government troops leaving Colon, a
notorious man, Pedro Prestan,^*^ with a motley gang,
among whom were many of the worst characters,
seized the town,*" and sacke(i several merchants' houses,
demanding forced loans from such as were known to
have pecuniary means. ^* It is stated, however, that
he gave orders for the protection of foreigners and their
property
The revolutionists under Aizpuru encamped at Far-
fan refused to listen to any propositions. Their chief,
on the 24th of March, notified the foreign consuls of
his intention to assail the city of Panamd, which he
also made known to President Arosemena.*^ This
functionary at once resigned his office into the hands
^* During that morning the revolutionists compelled merchants having
arms in their warehouses to deliver them. They thus provided themselves
with upwards of 600 rifles.
^^ There had been many killed and wounded on both sides. An outsider,
a French citizen, who imprudently put out his head, also lost his life. Much,
property was stolen, destroyed, or injured. At midday on the 16th the pris-
oners in the jail effected their escape, and made themselves conspicuous with
their cries of Viva la libertad! Ihe government force made several prison-
ers, and seized a number of arms in the arrabal. A number of young Pana-
menos formed themselves into a guard to protect the city during the night of
the 17th. Pan. Cronista, March 18, 21, 25, 1885.
^^ A mulatto from Cartagena. In 1881, when a member cf the legislative
assembly from Colon, he was concerned in a personal rencontre with and
killed M. Cespedes, and an Englishman. He was tried and acquitted, and
his immediate release from prison was demanded by the assembly. Pan.
Canal, June 7, 1881.
^^ Correoso blames Gonima for leaving Colon utterly defenceless. Sucesos
de Pan., 12.
^^ Those who refused to furnish the supplies were imprisoned, and their
goods confiscated. La Estrella de Pan., March 19, 1885; El Universal de Pan.,
March 20, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, March 31, 1885.
^^The object of the notifications was to allow time for non-combatants to
get out of harm's way. Families accordingly abandoned the city, and busi-
ness houses were closed. About 8 o'clock Gen. Ibanez visited Aizpuru 's camp,
and brought back assurance that no assault would be made that night.
552 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
of the superior court, and sought safety on the British
ship Heroine. No other designado having been ap-
pointed by the convention, General Gonima assumed
civil and military control, and appointed B. Correoso
his secretary- general. Another decree proclaimed the
neutrality of the state of Panamd in the war raging
in the rest of the republic. This proceeding restored
calm for a while, as it was taken to be the result
of an understanding between the revolutionists and
the government. But it seems to have become known
too late at the headquarters of Aizpuru and Prestan.^
On the 29th of March .the American mail steamer
Colon arrived at the port of the same name from New
York, and the government directed that she should
not deliver arms to the rebels. This gave rise to most
high-handed proceedings on the part of Prestan, cul-
minating in the arrest by his orders of the American
consul, Mr Wright, Captain Dow, general agent of
the steamship line, Connor, the local agent at Colon,
Lieutenant Judd and Cadet Midshipman Pichardson,
of the United States war steamer Galena^^ Soon
afterward Pichardson was released and sent on board
the Galena to tell his commander, Kane, that the other
prisoners would be kept in confinement till the arms
were surrendered, and if the Galena attempted to land
men, or to do any hostile act, the boats would be fired
upon, and every American citizen in the place would be
shot. Kane, knowing Prestan's character, did not at-
tempt any hasty act Prestan then went to the prison
^ Gonima despatched Correoso and Jerardo Ortega as commissioners, the
former to Aizpuni, and the latter to Prestan. Both missions resulted in
nothing satisfactory. Aizpuru proposed the following terms: 1st. Recogni-
tion of G-dnima as civil chief of the state; 2d. Aizpuru to have the command
of the troops, which were to be increased to 1,000 men. Prestan to be the
prefect at Colon. After reflecting a moment, Gonima, rejected the proposals.
Correoso then resigned the ofl&ce of secretary-general. Pan. Star and Herald^
Apr. 9, 1885; La Estrelki de Pan., March 28, Apr. 4, 1885; Pan. Cronista,
March 28, 1885; S. F. Cronista, Apr. 4, 1885; Correoso, Sucesos de Pan., 13-16.
*^ Prestan demanded the arms on the Colon, and being refused, first ar-
rested Connor, then after grossly insulting Mr Burt, the superintendent of
the Panamd, R. R. Co., took possession of the wharf, placed a guard on the
Colon, and made a search for the arms, but could not get at them. Pan. Star
and Herald, March 31, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., Apr. 4, 1885; Pan. Cronista,
Apr. 4, 1885
ACTION OF THP] REBELS. 553
and told Consul Wright that he must order Dow to
deliver the arms, or he would shoot the four prisoners
before that night. Wright complied, and they were
set at liberty.
But Kane took possession of the Colon, and in the
night landed a force and three pieces, under Lieuten-
ant Judd, with orders to release at all hazards Dow
and Connor, who had been again imprisoned.^^ No
sooner had the Americans occupied the offices of their
consulate, and of the railway and Pacific mail com-
panies, than a force of Colombian national troops ^^
came on, driving the rebels before them into the in-
trenchments. During the whole morning the firing
was kept up, and ended about 12, noon, when the
rebels being routed, Prestan and his rabble set fire to
the town at various places, and fled.^* A strong wind
blowing, the flames spread violently, and the town
was consumed with all its contents. ^^ The American
forces continued some days longer holding the place,
Commander' Kane's authority being recognized, and
the Colombian officers cooperating with him in the
preservation of order. ^*
''^They had been taken to Monkey Hill at 3 A. m. on the 31st, and placed
in a dangerous position under guard, but in the melee that followed they es-
caped.
^^At 1: 30 A. M. of the 30th 160 men, under cols Ulloa and Brun, were de-
spatched from Panama to attack Prestan at Colon.
^* Prestan succeeded in joining the rebels against the national government,
who were beleaguering Cartagena, and was received into their service, even
though their chiefs had been made aware of his conduct at Colon. He was
afterward captured, brought to Colon, tried by court-martial, and hanged on
the 18th of August. Two of his principal men, captured by the Galena's
force, had been also tried by a Colombian court-martial, convicted of incen-
diarism, and publicly hanged on the 6th of May. They were named Geo.
Davis, a West Indian negro, and Antoine Portuzelle or Pautrizelle, a
native of Hayti, who left a letter charging Prestan with the infamous act
of destroying Colon. Three other accomplices. Grant and Guerrero, and
a Cuban named F. G. de Peralta, were subsequently sentenced to imprison-
ment for a number of years. La Estrella de Pan. , May 9, 16, Aug. 15, 1885;
Pan. Star and Herald, Aug. 19, 22, Dec. 11, 25, 1885.
^^ The only buildings that remained standing were those of the railway.
Pacific mail, and canal company. Ten thousand persons were left without
shelter.
^^ Pan. Star and Herald, April 10, 1885. Burt and the canal company's
officers caused supplies to be brought to Colon. Their houses and offices
offered shelter to the destitute inhabitants. Kane and his officers and men
labored day and night to relieve suffering, and won themselves the gratitude
of the distressed community. La Estrella de Pan., Apr. 4, 1885. According to
554 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
But to return to Panamd. Aizpuru took advan-
tage of the situation, Gonima being left with only 60
soldiers, and a few civilians that had joined him, to
occupy the principal streets, on the 31st. To make the
story short, by 3 o'clock in the afternoon he was
master of the place, G6nima having surrendered.^^
Aizpuru announced in a proclamation on the 1st that
he had assumed the functions of jefe civil y militar, to
which he had been called by the supporters of free
political principles, and on the 4th appointed his ad-
visers,^^ and adopt measures to protect the city from
incendiarism, and specially to guard the interoceanic
transit. Mai^nes and sailors having been landed on
the 8th of April from the United States frigate She-
nandoah, by Aizpuru's request, both ends of the Isth-
mus were on the 10th guarded by American forces.
Soon after the United States sent reenforcements of
marines and sailors with special instructions to protect
the transit and American citizens and their interests,
avoiding all interference in the internal political squab-
bles. Several war vessels of the U. S. home squadron,
under Rear-admiral Jouett, arrived at Colon.^^ In
the night of the 24th of April, while the revolution-
ists were erecting barricades, against an understand-
ing with the American commander, the marines under
Commander McCalla took possession of the city, as a
necessary measure to protect American property, and
Aizpuru and others were arrested. However, on the
later accounts, the losses by the burning of Colon were 18 lives, and about
$6,000,000. Pan. Evg Telegram, Apr. 3, 1886.
^' The number killed probably did not exceed 25. The prisoners were
treated with every consideration, and soon after released. Much property
was damaged. Pan. Cronista, Apr. 11, 1885; Nueva Era, of Paso del Norte,
Apr. 1, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., Apr. 4, 1885.
^^Sec. of gov., C. A. Mendoza; of war and fomento, Jerdnimo Ossa; of
treasury, Carlos Icaza Arosemena. The last two declined the appointments.
Commander of the state forces, B. Correoso. Gaceta de Pan., Apr, 7, 1885;
Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 9, 1885; Cent. Am. Miscel., no. 29, 41-3.
^ Toward the latter part of April, there were about 400 in Panama city.
Total number of marines on the Isthmus 600, their commanding officer being
Brevet Lieut-col. Charles Heywood, who commanded at Panama. McCalla
held command in Colon. In case of need, the Am. squadron could place on
shore 1,800 men, and 30 pieces of artillery. Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 23,
1855; La Estrella de Pan., May 2, 1885.
RESULT OF COLUNJE'S SYSTEM. 555
next day, Aizpuru having pledged himself not to raise-
barricades or batteries, the prisoners were released,
and the Americans retired to their encampment out-
side/^^
On the 27th a well-equipped Colombian expedi-
tion of about 850 men, under General Rafael Reyes,
arrived from Buenaventura to support M. Montoya
as civil and military chief of Panamd until a consti-
tutional government could be organized/^^ With the
good offices of the foreign consuls, a peaceable ar-
rangement was entered into, by which Aizpuru bound
himself to disband his forces, deliver all arms, and
retire to private life/^^ But having failed, as it was
alleged, as late as the 2d of May to surrender all the
rifles and caps in the hands of the rebels, he and others
were arrested and confined in the town hall/*^^ On
the 1 2th Aizpuru was sent to Buenaventura and held at
the disposal of the supreme government of Colombia. ^^*
It is understood that the rebel leaders were called
upon to pay large sums of money to meet the govern-
ment's necessarily increased expenditures; and that,
in order to secure payments, their property was
seized. This is the result of Colunje's system, which
Correoso followed. He has been now repaid in the
same coin.
^*'*' Aizpuru expected soon to be attacked by a superior force from Cauca.
He despatched B. Correoso and A. Clement as peace commissioners to Buena-
ventura, but they were arrested there. Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 25, 27,
May 4, 1885.
^°^ After which it was to proceed to Cartagena. La Estrella de Pan., May
4, 1885.
^"^ Aizpuru s terms were as follows: 1st. To resign his powers into the
hands of Vives Leon, Pablo Arosemena, or any other constitutionally entitled
to receive them. 2d. General pardon for all offences of a strictly political
character, but the punishment of the guilty of crimes in Panama, Colon, or
elsewhere on the Isthmus. Id., Apr. 29, 1885.
^®3 On the 4th he claimed to have delivered a larger number of arms than
his commissioners had bound him to surrender. La Estrella de Pan., May 3,
9, 1885.
^^^ La Estrella de Occid., May 16, 1885. Both Aizpuru and Correoso were
subsequently deprived of their military rank. The former, being tried by
court-martial in Bogota, was sentenced, Nov. 3, 1885, to 10 years' exile, with
loss of offices, income, and political rights during that time, and payment of
costs and of damages caused by his rebellion. Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 1,
Dec. 10, 24, 1885.
556 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
The Isthmus being now pacified, and 500 more Co-
lombians having arrived on the 9th of May, under
Colonel Dominguez, being another portion of Reyes'
force to relieve Santodomingo Vila at Cartagena, the
American marines, who had been expressly sent out
by their government, returned home, leaving a good
name for discipline and general good conduct/^^ The
flagship Tennessee of Admiral Jouett, and the Galena,
Commander Kane, went to sea from Colon on the 11th
of May. The former conveyed General Reyes, with
relief for the Colombian government's troops at Car-
tagena.
After the death of President Olarte in 1868, the
Isthmus for many years did not enjoy a single day of
peace. The general wealth having declined through-
out the country, and more so in the interior, poverty
prevailed. Capital, both foreign and native, abandoned
so dangerous an abode. The cattle ranges and estates
disappeared; likewise agriculture, except on a small
scale. ^"^
The black men of the arrabal in the city of Panamd,
after they were made important factors in politics,
accustomed themselves to depend on the public funds
for a living, and the people of the interior, who were
always peaceable and industrious, came to be virtually
their tributaries. The state became the puppet of
the men at the head of the national government, or
of political clubs at BogoU, whose agents incited dis-
turbances, removing presidents indisposed to cooperate
with or to meekly submit to their dictation, substi-
tuting others favorable to their purposes, and thus
making themselves masters of the state government,
together with its funds, and with what is of no less
import, the state's vote in national elections.
Since the establishment of the constitution of 1863,
105 Upon which they were publicly complimented by Rear-admiral Jouett
in general orders.
'"•^ ' No siembran mas que lo que justamente consumen por temor de ser
robados en la forma de contribuciones. ' Maldonado, Amnios Polit. Pan.y MS.,
25.
SOCIETY AND POLITICS. 557
Panama has been considered a good field by men
aspiring to political and social position without risk-
ing their persons and fortunes. They have ever found
unpatriotic Panamenos ready to aid them in maintain-
ing the quondam colonial dependence, and investing
them with power, that they might grow fat together
on the spoils. Almost every national election, since
the great war of 1860, has brought about a forced
change in the state government. The first victim, as
we have seen, was Governor Guardia, deposed by na-
tional troops under Santa Coloma. That was the be-
ginning of political demoralization on the Isthmus.
Every similar illegal device to insure party triumph
and power at Bogotd- has been, I repeat, the work of
agents from the national capital assisted by men of
Panamd to push their own interests, and supported
by the federal garrison. ^^^
The office of chief magistrate is desired for control-
ling political power, and the public funds to enrich the
holder and his chief supporters. Patriotism, and a
noble purpose to foster the welfare of the country and
the people in general, are, if thought of at all, objects
of secondary consideration. At times, the presidency
is fought for with arms among the negroes themselves,
and the city is then a witness of bloody scenes. The
aim of every such efibrt is to gain control of power for
the sake of the spoils.
Panamd cannot, being the smallest and weakest
state of the Colombian union, rid itself of the outside
107 Witness the proceedings of the troops brought by Santa Coloma, and
later, at different times, by the battalions Tiradores, Pichincha, 3d de linea,
and others. Upon the subject of undue federal interference with the domes-
tic affairs of the Isthmus, the following charges preferred by M. J. Perez from
Panama in a letter of Oct. 22, 1884, to Anibal Galindo, are worthy of notice:
1st. Public intervention of the general government in internal affairs of the
state; 2d. Barefaced protection by the gen. govt to rebels in arms against the
constitutional govt of the state; 3d. Intimate alliance of the federal force with
the opposing conservatives and with the radicals to disarm the government,
and exercise pressure on the assembly, forcibly hindering its performance of
constitutional functions; 4th. Consequences of the foregoing course; acts of
piracy on the part of the rebels, violence, bloodshed, international claims,
humiliation. Pan. C7'onista, Oct. 25, 1884. Correoso corroborates all this in
his remarks on the conduct of the Guardia Colombiana on the Isthmus, in
1860, 1865, 1868, 1873-5, 1878, and subsequently. Sucesos de Pan., 3-8.
558 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
pressure. Neither can it crush the unholy ambition
of its politicians. Both entail misfortunes enough.
But the Isthmus must also share the same sufferings
as the other states in times of political convulsion in
the whole nation. ^^^
In view of the fact that the Isthmus of Panamd,
may before many years become much more than
it has heretofore been, a great highway of nations,
and that the great interests which will be constantly
at stake on the route will demand an effectual pro-
tection, it is self-evident that measures of a perma-
nent character must in time be adopted to secure that
end. Panama, as an appendage of Colombia, and at
the mercy of an irresponsible population, cannot afford
that protection; neither is Colombia, with her con-
stantly recurring squabbles, better able to fulfil any
international obligations she might assume in the
premises. Without intending to cast any slur upon
her, or to doubt her honorable intentions, all — her-
self among the number — must own that it would be
extremely dangerous to lean on so weak a reed. The
question therefore occurs, and must soon be solved,
What is to be the future status of the Isthmus? A
strong government is doubtless a necessity, and must
be provided from abroad. Shall it assume the form of
a quasi independent state under the protectorate of the
chief commercial nations, eliminating Colombia from
participation therein'? or must the United States, as
as the power most interested in preserving the inde-
pendence of the highway, take upon themselves the
whole control for the benefit of all nations? Time
will tell.
Since the foregoing remarks were written, a change
has taken place in the political organization of the
United States of Colombia, by which the govern-
ment has been centralized, the name of the republic
being changed to Repiiblica de Colombia, and the
188 < jq-Q qqJq gg vlctima de sus propios males, sino tambien de los qae le
vienen de fuera.* Matdonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 26.
PANAMA A DEPARTMENT. 559
state of Panamd, beinof reduced to a mere national
departipent, to be ruled by a civil and military gover-
nor appointed by the national executive at Bogotd.
Under the new order of things, General Santodo-
mingo Vila, the former president, became civil and'
military ruler, with powers to inaugurate the depart-
mental organization/^^ He took possession of his
office, and dictated several measures toward that end,
and the suppression of gambling and other abuses.
But without good grounds, after recognizing the
press to be free, suddenly suspended that freedom,
though he soon after restored it. Meantime, how-
ever, he caused the suspension for sixty days of the
Star and Herald and Estrella newspapers, alleging
their hostility to the government because they de-
clined to publish some of his measures. ^^^
^®' Discussions in the national Consejo ae Delegatarios, in Nov. and Dec.
1885, and law of Dec. 11, 1885, to regulate the gov. of Panama. Pan. Star
and Herald, Jan. 6-15, 1886.
^^^ Id., March 20, 29, suppiem., 1886. The publication of the journal was
restored after the term of suspension expired. Vila's course was disapproved
by the general government, and he was peremptorily recalled for disobedience
of orders. The proprietors of the journal have made a claim for heavy dam-
ages. Btienaventura Correoso, Sucesos de Panama Informe d la Nacion, Buga,
1886, 4to, 24 pp. The writer, one of the prominent political men of Panama,
in this pamphlet purposes, as he assures us, to point out the source of the
almost continuous disturbances that have occurred on the Isthmus since
1860, laying particular stress on the events from 1880 to 1885. It might be
expecting too much that he should express an impartial and wholly un-
warped judgment on those events, and on his political opponents. It must
be acknowledged, however, that his statements appear to be fair enough,
and that his assumption of responsibility for some of the acts which he cen-
sures is frank. Simon Maldonado, Asuntos Politkos de Panama, MS., 42 pp.
The author of this review is a native of Panama, and has filled responsible
positions in his country, more especially in the judiciary. His views of affairs
there are impartial, and entitled to consideration for their soundness.
CHAPTER. XXYII.
CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
1886.
Extent of the Country — Climate — MofntaiiSts and Volcanoes — Earth-
quakes— Rivers and Lakes — Costa Rica's Area, Possessions, and
Political Division and Government — Her Chief Cities — Nicara-
gua, HER Territory, Towns, and Municipal Administration —
Honduras' Extent, Islands, Cities, and Local Government — Sal-
vador, HER Position, Area, Towns, and Civil Rule — Guatemala's
Extent and Possessions — Her Cities and Towns — Internal Ad-
ministration— Isthmus of PanamA — Area, Bays, Rivers, and Is-
lands— Department and District Rule — The Capital and Other
Towns — Population — Character, and Customs — Education — Epi-
demics AND Other Calamities.
Central America proper embraces the region situ-
ated between the state of Chiapas in the repubhc of
Mexico on the north, and the former state, now de-
partment, of Panamd on the south, extending from
about latitude 7° to 18° north, in length from 800 to
900 miles, and in breadth varying from about 30 to
about 300 miles. The united area of the five republics
comprised therein is about 175,000 square miles.^
The climate of this region on the Atlantic coast is
about the same as that of the West Indies, somewhat
modified by various causes. The Atlantic coast from
Trujillo downward, including the Mosquito region, is
low and insalubrious. That of ^ the Pacific coast is
^ An official doc. of the U. S. govt gives 174,800; Am. Cyclor-, of 1873-6,
178,277; Crowe, Gospel in Cent. Am.., roughly computes it at 200,000. Other
authorities widely differ. I refer the reader to the following maps, namely:
John Baily's, 1850; Max. Von Sonnenstern's offic. maps of Salv., 1858, and
Guat.. 1859; Herman Au's, of Guat., 1875; Paul Levy's, of Nic, 1873;
Molina's map of Costa R. in his Bosquejo.
560
PHYSICAL FEATURES. 561
better in every respect, tne neat not being so oppress-
ive, which is due to a drier and purer atmosphere.
The result is, that while the coasts on the Alantic are
nearly uninhabited, those on the Pacific are lined
with towns and well settled.
Beginning with Guatemala, and going southward,
in Los Altos, the highlands of the republic, the aver-
age temperature is lower than anywhere else. Snow
falls occasionally near Quezaltenango, but soon dis-
appears. The heat is never excessive.^ In the vicin-
ity of the city of Guatemala, the thermometer ranges
from 55^ to 80° with an average of 72°. In Vera Paz,
the north-eastern department, it is nearly 10° warmer.
The whole coast from Belize down to Izabal and Santo
Tomds is hot and unhealthy.^ The state of Salvador,
lying entirely on the Pacific slope, has probably a
higher average temperature than Guatemala or Hon-
duras; but the heat is oppressive only at some points
on the coast.^ Honduras has a fine climate, except-
ing the portion spoken of on the coast of the Atlantic.^
Nicaragua, with the exception of her department of
Segovia, which borders on Honduras and has the
same surface and temperature, has a topography and
climate of her own, with an average temperature in
the lake region of about 79^ to 80'', due more to favor-
able causes than to elevation. In Costa Pica there is
almost every degree of temperature, from the intensest
heat of Puntarenas to the constant spring of San
Jos^, or the autumnal temperature of the belt above
Cartage. The coast from Chiriqui lagoon to the north
is hot, wet, and unhealthy.^ Properly speaking, there
2 ' Never so great as during the summer months in. England. ' Dunlop's
Cent. Am., 258; Crosby's Staiem., MS., 114-17; Guat., Menu Min. Hac, 1883,
15-16.
^ The same may be said, though in a less degree, of the northern and east-
ern coast of Hond. from Omoa to Gracias a Dios.
*La Union, San Miguel, Acajutla, Sonsonate, etc., owing to local causes.
^The average temperature at Tegucigalpa, Comayagua, Juticalpa, and
Gracias is about 74°. jSquier's Notes on Cent. Am., 25-7; Belly, Atravers V
Amir. Cent, i. 53-4.
® Cold and salubrious on the table-lands in the interior, the thermom.
ranging from 65° to 75° Fahr. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 28. The climate of
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 3S
562 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
is no dry season on the Atlantic coast of Central
America. However, from June to September, inclu-
sive, there is less rainfall on the Atlantic side. Dur-
ing these months the Pacific slope has its rainy
season, but the rains are brief, occurring in the after-
noon and night. ^
At a short distance from the Pacific coast the coun-
try is traversed from north-west to south-east by an
unbroken chain of mountains,^ at least to Nicaragua
Lake, and covered with diversified vegetation. This
Cordillera is a connecting chain between the Pocky
Mountains of the northern, and the Andes of the
southern, continent.^ On the slopes and summits are
fine table-lands, some of which are quite extensive,
and all temperate and surpassingly fertile. It may be
asserted that no portion of the earth presents a greater
diversity of level on an equal extent of surface than
Central America, or a greater variety of climate.
The majority of the highest peaks are volcanoes,
and no less than thirty volcanic vents are said to be in
activity. Extinct craters, rent rocks, lava beds, scoriae,
vitrified, charred, and pumice stones, hot and sulphur-
ous springs, mark Central America as a most volcanic
region. ^^
Costa R. varies from 50° to 60°rahr., according to elevation. Galindo, in
Journ. Royal Geog. Soc. of London, vi. 134; La/erridre, De Paris a Guatdm.,
•47-8.
^ This is by far the pleasanter season, the forenoons being usually cloudless,
^th a clear, elastic, and balmy atmosphere. Owing to local influences in
some portions of the eastern coasts it rains more or less the whole year.
Crowe's Gospel, 1-12.
^Consisting of three groups; viz, the Costa Rican traversing that republic
and Panama, the Honduran and Nicaraguan, and the Guatemalan.
^Some of the summits are 17,000 ft high. Several spurs from the Sierra
Madre — the main ridge — cut the plains at right angles, and sometimes reach
the sea-shore. •
^^ All the volcanoes of Cent. Am. are on the Pacific coast, almost in a line,
and running due north-west and south-east, beginning with the Cartago or
Irazii, in Costa Rica, which is 11,480 ft high, and has left traces of violent
eruptions before the historic period; the only proof of its present activity
being a small rill of smoke visible from the foot of the mountain. There are
hundreds of other volcanic peaks and extinct craters on the line, the most
notable being the Turrialba, which was in active eruption in 186G, the ashy
matter from it having been beneficial to the coflfee plantations; Chirripd,
Blanco, Zavalo, Barba, Los Votos 9,840 ft high, also in Costa R. Abogado,
Cerro Pelade, Tenorio, Cucuilapa, Miravalles, Rincon de la Vieja, La Hedi-
onda, Orosi, Madera, Ometepec, Zapatera, Guanapepe, Guanacaure, Solenti-
HISTORIC EARTHQUAKES. 563
In a region abounding with volcanoes, and where
great convulsions of nature have taken place, earth-
quakes— violent ones, at times — frequently occur. ^^
The great shocks experienced by the city of Guate-
mala in 1751, 1757, 1765, and the one of 1773, which
caused the abandonment of the old site, have been
elsewhere mentioned/^ The year 1809 was noted for
a succession of violent temblores, causing much dis-
tress among the inhabitants of Guatemala and Hon-
duras, and doing much damage, particularly in the
nami, Mombacho, Chiltepe, Masaya or Nindiri; this last said to have been in
a state of eruption upwards of 250 years ago, and still continues active; it
had a small eruption Nov. 10, 1858; Managua; Momotombo, 6,500 ft high,
near the Managua or Leon Lake, about which the Indians had a tradition of
a tremendous eruption some 100 years before the coming of the Spaniards, the
lava running into the lake and destroying all the fish; the latter part of the
story seems to be incorrect, there being evidence that the lava did not reach
the lake shore; it partially revived in 1852; Las Pilas, Asososca, Orota, Te-
lica, Santa Clara, El Viejo 6,000 ft high; El Chonco; Coseguina, whose first
eruption was Jan. 20, 1835, believed to have been the most violent ever re-
corded in history; and Jol tepee — all in Nic, El Tigre, Nacaome, and Amapala,
or Conchagua, in Hond. In the republic of Salv. are several; namely, the San
Salvador, which had not broken out in upwards of three centuries; but in
old times it ejected immense masses of lava and scorise to a distance of more
than 18 miles. It is of great depth, computed by Weems, an American who
descended it, at about 5,000 varas; the bottom is occupied by a lake; San
Miguel, about 15,000 ft high. In old times it ejected large quantities of cin-
ders and half-melted stones of immense size. The country for 30 miles or
more, including the site of San Miguel, one of the oldest towns in Am. , being
covered with lava and scorise; San Vicente; Izalco, which broke out about
100 years ago, is in constant activity, but has not caused any serious damage;
Paneon, and Santa Ana. In Guat. are the Pacaya; the Volcan de Agua; the
Volcan de Fuego constantly smoking with occasional explosion and shocks,
its last eruption being in 1880; Eucuentro, Acatenango; Atitlan so remarkable
at one time for frequent and violent eruptions, the last ones being in 1828 and
1833, which caused much destruction on the coast of Suchitepequez; Tesa-
mielco, Zapotitlan, Amilpas, Quezaltenango, and Cerro Quemado whose last
eruption was in 1785. There are many other nameless ones. Near a number
of the active and extinct volcanoes are small and almost circular openings
in the ground, through which is ejected smoke or steam. The natives call
them ausoles or infiernillos, little hells. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 3, 13-17, 52-5,
91-2, 118-20, 284-90; Squiers Trav., ii. 101-19; Squiers Cent. Am., 359-61,
492-8. Other authorities speaking of the volcanoes of Cent. Am. are: Stout'' s
Nic., 143; Sillimans Journal, xxviii. 332; Levy, Nic, 75-85, 147-53; Gttat.,
Oaceta, Feb. 10, 1854; Diario de Avisos, Nov. 22, 1856; Nic, Gaceta, June 5,
Aug. 7, 1869; March 18, 1871; Salv., Diario Oficial, Oct. 11, Nov. 15, 1878;
Overland Monthly, xiii. 324; La Voz de M6j., March 17, 1866; Pirn and See-
manns Dottings, 39^0; Bailys Cent. Am., 75-8; Wells' Hond., 231-2; Har-
pers Mag., xix. 739; and the Encyclopcedias; Guat., Revista Observatorio Me-
teor., i. 21-3.
^^ About 300 have been recorded in 3^ centuries, which are probably the
hundredth part of the actual number.
^^Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 719-21, this series.
564 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
latter state. ^^ Since that time the five republics have
constantly had such visitations, causing at times loss
of life and damage to property. I give in a note a
number of such occurrences.^^ The Isthmus of Pan-
amd has likewise repeatedly experienced the effects of
earthquakes, some of which have created much alarm
and injured property. ^^
^^ June 20th, at 3 a. m., was felt a heavy shock in Gaut.; no great damage
was done. In Comayagua and Tegucigalpa the shocks continued from the
20th to the 25th; the people abandoning their dwellings. Many buildings,
both public and private, were much injured. The shocks were also felt in
Trujillo.
^^ Apr. 23, 1830, Guat. experienced one said to have been the most severe
since that of 1773. Feb. and Sept. 1831, a great part of San Salvador was
ruined. The authorities and most of the people fled to Cojutepeque. This
was the sixth time the city had been more or less damaged by earthquakes.
Sept. 2, 1841, Cartago, in Costa R., was nearly levelled to the ground; of
3,000 houses previously existing, not 100 remained entire; of the 8 churches,
the smallest and ugliest was the only one escaping uninjured. May 1844,
the city of Granada was nearly ruined; the town of Nicaragua was greatly
damaged, the lake of this name rising and falling several times, as if having
a tide. Amatitlan, Petapa, Palin, and other places near the volcano of Pa-
caya, hardly had a house left standing in the end of March and in beginning
of April 1845. In the repub. of Guat. shocks have been repeatedly experi-
enced, those of 1884 and 1885 causing devastation in Amatitlan. San Sal-
vador experienced heavy ones in 1575, 1593, 1625, 1656, and 1798, and was
completely ruined in 1839, 1854, and 1873, and several other towns in the
republic fared almost as badly in the latter year. Oct. 2, 1878, there was
loss of life. Dec. 27-29, 1879, Ilopango, Candelaria, and other places were
demolished. In Costa R. the destruction of Puntarenita occurred Aug. 4,
1854; and in 1882 the towns of Alajuela, San Ramon, Grecia, and Heredia
were damaged, with heavy loss of life. In Dec. 1867, a tidal wave swal-
lowed the island of Zapotilla, in Golfo Dulce, drowning all the inhabitants.
The earthquake shocks seem to be of two kinds, namely, the perpendicular,
which are felt only in the vicinity of volcanoes, and the horizontal, reaching
great distances from the places where they originate, being very unequal in
their progress, in some parts rocking the ground violently, and in others, in
their direct line, nearer their source, being but slightly felt. Dunlop's Cent.
Am., 290-3; Squiers Cent Am., 298, 304-7, 465; Squier's Travels, ii. 85, 120-
6; Pontons Earthquakes, 69, 76-7; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 83--4; Nmv. Annales
Voy., clxv. 360-1; Ixxxv. 264; Iciii. 121; Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 608-9;
Wagner, Costa R., Pref. viii.; Costa R., Col Ley., vii. 101-3; Id., Gaceta,
Sept. 10, 1853; July 15, Aug. 5, 26, Sept. 2, 1854; Id., Boletin OJic., Aug. 31,
Dec. 23, 1854; Niks' Reg., Ixi. 257; Pim's Gate of the Pac, 26; Mission Scient.
au Mex. GeoL, 13-16, 511-12; Wells' Hond., 233; Salv., El Siglo, May 28, June
3, 1851, Sept. 3, 1852; Id., DiaiHo Ofic, Oct. 5-27, 1878; Jan. 13, 14, 1880;
Id., Gaceta, May 20, 1854; Id., El Rol, Oct. 13, 20, Nov. 10, 17, Dec. 1,
1854; Feb. 9, 1855; Guat., Gaceta, Oct. 21, 1853; May 5, 1854; Nic, Gaceta,
March 26, 1864; Feb. 10, 1866; Jan. 18, May 9, Oct. 31, 1868; Jan. 8, June
18, Aug. 20, 1870; La Union de Nic, Jan. 12, 1861; El Porvenir de Nic, Oct.
15, 1871; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 43, Sess. 1, i. pt 1, 796, 808, 814;
Id., Cong. 44, Sess. 1, i. pt 1, 129; Unarte, Terremotos de Cent. Am., in Hex.
Soc Geotj., Boletin, ii. 189-95; Mex., Eco Mercantil, Apr. 24, 1882; Pan. Star
and Herald, Jan. 5, 7, 11, 1886. Very full information from 1469 to 1882 in
Guat., Revista Observatorio Meteor., i. 24-39.
1^ Worthy of mention were the shocks of July 11, 1854, felt throughout
LAKES AND RIVERS. * 565
From the lofty sierras and volcanic cones descend
streams, which, meeting on the plains below, form
beautiful lakes, or swell into rivers that roll on to
either ocean. They are numerous, and though not of
great length, because of the narrowness of the region
they traverse, are by no means insignificant.^^ The
country has several lakes, some of which have occu-
pied the attention of scientists, statesmen, and mer-
chants, and I will have occasion to treat of them in
connection with interoceanic communication and com-
merce farther on.^^
The republic of Costa Rica is that portion of
Central America extending between Nicaragua and
the Isthmus, Sept. 11th, the same year, felt in Chiriqui; 1857, 1858, 1868,
and Sept. 7, 1882; this last was a heavy one, damaging public and private
buildings; also delaying the transmission of passengers and merchandise over
the railway. Salv., El Bol, Dec. 1, 1854; Costa i?., Gaceta, Oct. 21, 1854; S. F.
AUa, Oct. 2, 1857; Sac. Union, Aug. 2, 1858; S. F. Call, June 23, 1868; Sept.
8, 9, 25, 1882; S. F. Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1882; La Estrella de Pan., Sept. 14,
1882; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 14, 1882.
^^The most important ones are the Usumasinta, known also under the
names of Lacandon, Pasion, etc., in Guat., of about the size of the Garonne
or Elbe in Europe, or the Hudson in the U. S. , which drains nearly half of the
state, and pours its waters through several mouths into the bay of Campeche
a"hd the laguna de Terminos. The Dulce unites the bay of Hond. witn the
Dulce Gulf. The Hondo; the Belize, or Old River, famous for the fine mahog-
any its banks have yielded; the Motagua and thePolochic; the Black or Tinto
in the Poyais country; the San Juan del Norte, Coco, also named Telpaneca
and Wanks, Grande or Chocoyos, and the Mico or Blewfields; the Tipitapa,
uniting lakes Nicaragua and Managua; the Paz, separating Guat. and Salv. ;
and the deep and rapid Lempa, the largest on the western shore, at its lowest
ebb exceeds 140 yards in breadth.
^^The following are the notable ones: Atitlan, in Guat., covering upwards
of 250 square miles; declared to be unfathomable, a line of 300 fathoms not
reaching the bottom. Though receiving the waters of many rivers, no outlet
has been found for its dark and benumbing waters; still, it is probable that a
subterraneous outlet exists, as in the lakes of Guijar and Metapa in Salv.,
which are united by a subterraneous communication. Golfo Dulce, or Izabah
Lake, of about 50 miles in circuit, subject to violent agitations, and forming
the port of Izabal on the Atlantic coast of Guat. The small Amatitlan, about
20 miles from the city of Guat., which, notwithstanding its hot springs and
brackish waters, abounds in a delicate fish called mojarra, in other small fish,
and in wild fowl. In Hond. is the Yojos. In Nic, the lake of the same
name, whose surplus waters run to the Atlantic by the San Juan del Norte
River; an inland sea, 96 miles long, and 40 miles in its greatest breadth,
forming an ellipse with its main axis due N.W. to S.E. Its depth in some
parts is of 45 fathoms, and its area must be at least 2,000 square miles. It
contains a small archipelago. Lake Managua is 38 or 35 miles in length, and
16 in its greatest breadth. It has little depth, and several sandbanks render
navigation difficult. The laguna de Masaya, 340 ft lower than the city of
the same name, which is 750 ft above the sea level. Its area is of about 10
square miles. Levy, Nic, 86, 95-8.
566 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
Panama, and having on one side the Pacific Ocean,
and on the other the Atlantic/^ Costa Pica has the
islands of Colon, San Cristobal, Bastimento, La Popa,
and others in Boca del Toro; the Escudo de Veragua
in the Atlantic, the Cocos, Cafio, San Lucas, and
Chira in the Pacific ; these latter two and smaller ones
lying within the gulf of Nicoya.
The political division of the republic is in provincias
and comarcas;^^ namely, provincias of San Jose, Car-
tago, Alajuela, Heredia, and Guanacaste, and the
comarcas of Puntarenas and Limon. The provin-
cias and comarcas are alike divided into cantones,
and the latter subdivided into barrios. At the head
of each provincia and comarca is a governor, and of
each canton a jefe politico, all of executive appoint-
ment. The police department is under the governor,
unless, in special cases, the supreme government should
assume the immediate control over it in certain locali-
ties. Each provincial capital has a municipal corpora-
tion,^^ acting, like the governors and other subordinate
authorities, under the general ordinances, made and
provided for the government of the whole republic.
The cities of the republic are San Jose, Cartage,
Heredia, Alajuela, Liberia, Puntarenas, and Limon.
There are, besides, seven or eight villas, and nine or
ten pueblos. ^^
JSFrom 8° to 11° 16' N. lat., and 81° 40' to 85° 40' long. W. of Greenwich.
Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 25. Between 8° and 17° 30' N. lat., and 11° 50' to
22° 32' W. of Santiago de Chile, which is situate in meridian 70° 38' 6" west
of Greenwich. Astaburuaqa, Cent. Am., 2. Am. Cydo'pcedia, v. 393, gives it
betw. 8° 11' and 11° 8' N* lat., and long. 82° 28' to 85° 45' W. of Greenwich.
Between about 8° and 11° N. lat., and 82° to 86° W. long. Encyclapcedia
Britannica, vi. 397.
^^By the law of March 27, 1835, the country was divided into three de-
partments; namely, Cartago, Alajuela, and Guanacaste, with a jefe politico
at the head of each. Repealed by executive decree of April 28, 1843, after
having had several amendments. Costa B., Col. Ley., iv. 180-3.
20 San Jose has 9 regidores, Cartago and Heredia 7. Each municipality
chooses a president and vice-president from among its own members, and a
secretary. At each cantonal head town there are alcaldes, and in each barrio
a juez de paz. Costa B., Id., iii. 226-40; x. 465-92; xi. 89-138; xvii. 161-98;
xix. 168-74; Costa B., Mem- Instimc. Puh., 1884, annexes 12-17; Id., Mem.
Gohern., 1852-84; El Costaricense, Nov. 24, 1849; Costa B., Gaceta, Feb. 9, 16,
March 2, 1850.
2' San Jose, the national capital, was founded a little more than 100 years
ago, owing its existence to the earthquakes which nearly destroyed Cartago,
POLITICAL DIVISIONS. 5C7
The republic of Nicaragua, probably the most im-
portant section of Central America, is bounded on the
south by Costa Rica, on the north-west by Honduras,
on the east by the Atlantic Ocean, and on the south-
west by the Pacific. ^'^ Nicaragua has a few insignifi-
cant isles or cays on her coasts of both oceans.
The republic is politically divided into seven de-
partments; namely, Granada, Leon, Rivas, Chinan-
dega, Chonlfeles, Matagalpa, and Nueva Segovia.
Their capitals or head towns are respectively Granada,
Leon, Rivas, Chinandega, Acoyapa, Matagalpa, and
Ocotal.^^ The departments are subdivided into dis-
tritos, and the latter into cantones. For the purposes
of civil administration there is a prefect at the head
of each department, who is also a subdelegado of the
treasury; a subprefect rules over each district, and
the cantones have jueces de paz.^^ These officials are
appointed by the executive government. The capi-
the old capital. San Jose is situated on an elevation of about 4,500 ft, upon
the table -land formed between the mountains of Dota or Herradura on the
south, and those of Barba on the north. On one side flows the river Torres,
and on the other the Maria Aguilar. Its streets are paved, straight, and
forming right angles. The dwellings are mostly of a single story, with spa-
cious courts; there are, however, a good many buildings of two stories. The
majority are made of adobe, plastered over; but the national palace is of stone,
and a fine building. An aqueduct supplies the city with water from the Tor-
res, though a large portion of the fluid consumed is drawn from the wells ex-
isting in almost every house. Besides, the government palace, the university,
Mora theatre, some of the churches, and a few other buildings, do honor to
the city. The electric light was introduced in 1884. Cartago, the oldest
town in the state, though it has lost its political importance, and has been
shattered by earthquakes, retains some traces of its former magnificence. It
is gradually improving. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 51; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am.,
50; Squiers Cent. Am., 463-4; Boyle's Ride across a Continent, ii. 217; Lafer-
ridre, De Paris a Guatem., 47; Wappdus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 364-5; Costa R.^
Infoi-me Gohern., 1874, 2-3; El Cronista, S. F., Oct. 18, 1884.
22 It is situated between lat. 10° 45' and 14° 55', and between long. 83° 15'
and 87° 38'. Am. Cyc, xii. 420. Between 10° 30' and 15° lat., and from 83°
11' to 87° long. Encydop. Brit., xvii. 490. Between 9° 45' and 15° lat. N.,
and between 83° 20' and 87° 30' long. W. Squie7''s Cent. Am., 348. Between
10° 50' and 15° N. lat., and between 83° 13' and 87° 37' long. W. of Greenwich.
Nic, Gaceta, Jan. 18, 1868.
23 That is the civilized region. There is, besides, a wild portion compris-
ing about 24,000 geographical miles. Levy, Nic, 372.
2* In the absence of the pref ecto the first alcalde of the head town acts in
his place ad int., with the full pay of the office. Nic, Acuerdos y Dec, 1857-
8, 70-8, 203-5; Rocha, C6d. Nic, i. 58-77, 145-8, 195-6; ii. 5-20; Nic, Boh-
tin Ofic, Apr. 16, 1856; Feb. 8 to Nov. 15, passim, 1862; Id., Gace*a, March
5, 1864; Id., Informe Gohern., 1863-83.
568 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
tals of departments and head towns of districts and
cantones have elective alcaldes, and regidores consti-
tuting the municipal corporations.^^ In each depart-
ment there is a gobernador de policia, who likewise
derives his appointment from the national executive.
The principal cities of the republic are Granada,
Managua, Masaya, Leon, Rivas, and Chinandega.
Managua was an insignificant town, but being situated
between Granada and Leon, was made *the national
capital, in order that the government might be rid of
the complications arising from their constant rivalry,
and intrigues to control the destinies of Nicaragua.
The position of the capital is a splendid one, the sur-
roundings being very picturesque.^^ The streets are
not paved; the town has not a building w^orthy of
mention. The government house is a low, square edi-
fice, with balconies in the old Spanish style, without
any exterior ornamentation or architectural character,
Leon, the old capital, is situated on a beautiful plam,
and spreads over a very wide area.^^ In the central
part the streets are paved and lighted. There are
some fine buildings in the city, those most w^orthy of
notice being the cathedral, a strong piece of masonry,
often used as a fortress in times of civil war, the old
and new episcopal palaces, the university, government
house, two churches of greater architectural beauty
than the cathedral, four buildings which were formerly
convents, and now devoted to objects of public utility.
The place being in the region of earthquakes, and the
2a The corporations are formed, according to the importance of the local-
ity, with one or two alcaldes, and their respective suplentea, regidores, one
secretary, one sindico, and the agricultural judge, all serving without pay.
The prefect© controls the municipal affairs of his whole department, and
especially those of the chief town. He presides ex-ofl&cio over all the munici-
palities, and in case of a tie has a casting vote. He cannot be accused except
before the senate, and is consequently a petty president in his department.
Levy, Nic, 331-5.
^^It was made a city in 1846, and special ordinances were provided for it
from time to time. Rocha, C6d. Nic, i. 148; Sandoval, Rev. Poltt., 58; Nic,
Registro Ofic, 342; Id., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1863, 2, 46, 118-19; Id., Dec. y Am-
erdos de la Junta, 12-13, 145-8.
^^ It has been greatly damaged by military operations, but never burned
down, like Granada.
NOTABLE CITIES. 569
temperature extremely warm, the buildings are made
to meet these conditions There is also a fine stone
bridge, which Garcia Jerez had constructed. Near
Leon, and with only the width of a street from it, is
Subtiaba, which has a separate municipality, and whose
church is the largest, after the cathedral, and the old-
est of the temples in Nicaragua.^^ I give in a note
some information on other cities deserving of special
notice. ^^
■'^^Leon was connected in 1881 with Corinto by rail; and the line has been
afterward extended to Leon Viejo, on Lake Managua, and thence to Granada.
Notable places in the department of Leon are Telica, birthplace of Miguel
Larreyuaga, an oidor of the last Spanish audiencia, or superior court of judi-
cature, who drew up the declaration of independence; El Sauce, Santa Rosa,
El Jicaral or Sau Buenaventura, and San Nicolas.
^^ Granada has a good commercial position on the N. W. end of Lake Nica-
ragua, and at the foot of the Mombacho volcano. It was burned by pirates
in 1665, nearly ruined by the freebooters in 1670, the raiders having come on
both occasions by the San Juan River and the lake; and a third time destroyed
by fire in 1685, the work of pirates who landed at Escalante on the Pacific.
In 1844 it was greatly damaged by earthquakes. In 1856 it was burned by
William Walker, the filibuster. But it has risen from its ashes, and become
prosperous. The city is irregular in its construction, the streets not being
straight or rectangular. They are mostly unpaved, and generally in a bad
condition. The city obtains water for consumption from the lake, distant
about a mile, brought by men on their shoulders; and its food supplies, not
from the surrounding fields, but from numerous Indian pueblos on the S. E.
Masaya was an Indian town, but raised to the rank of a city in 1839. Rocha,
Cdd. Nic, i. 148. It is supplied with water from the deep lagoon south of
and near the city. There were women who for 80 cents monthly supplied
two large jars of water every day. A steam-jjump was put up in 1872 to
raise the water of the lake to the plaza. There is no building worthy of men-
tion in the place. Other notable towns in the department of Granada are
Nandaime, Jinotepe, San Rafael de la Costa, Diriomo, Tipitapa, Nindiri, and
Zapatera Island. The towns of San Carlos and El Castillo, on the San Juan,
belong to the same department, though governed in a special manner. San
Juan dpi Norte, alias Greytown, has little importance now; its houses are of
wood and palm-thatched. Rivas bore the name of Nicaragua till the early
part of the present century. The city has suffered greatly from earthquakes,
particularly in 1844. It was partially destroyed during the Walker war.
A real curiosity in the department of Rivas is the island of Ometepe in the
lake, having two towns, the Pueblo Grande, 6r villa de Altagracia, and the
Moyogalpa, united by a good M^agon «road. Chinandega is one of the most
beautiful spots in Nic. It is a perfect garden. In the wild or uncivilized
portion of the territory lies the Mosquito region, whose chief town is Blew-
nelds, having two wooden buildings; the rest being mere huts. Levy, Nic,
373-90; Laferri&e, De Paris d Guatem., 73-6; Saravia, Bosq. Polit. EntadisL,
10-11; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 153-4; FroebeVs Gent. Am., 19, 29^7,
62-75, 92-104; Froehel, Aus Amerika, i. 250-80, 311-17, 350-4; Squiers Trav.,
i. 138-^0, 146-50, 211-15, 258-67, 339, 353-6, 365; Squiers Cent. Am., 346-7,
356-9, 366-76; Squiers Nic., 646; Belly, Nic, i. 196-9, 212, 225-9, 249; ^^^7^
mans Golden Fleece, 206-8; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 6-8; Stout's Nic, 27-9, 41-5,
98-100, 156-64; Bailys Cent. Am., 117-18; Bates Cent. Am., 131-2; Marr,
Cent. Am., i. 158-9, 165-71, 228-30;. Boyle s Ride, i. 13, 83-91; ii. 8; Reichardt,
Nic, 6-18, 20-7, 59, 62-3, 71-2, 81-9, 105-6, 129-31, 134, 155-9, 165-9, 231;
WeW Hand., 39, 42, 72-4.
570 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
The republic of Honduras is bounded on the north
and east by the bay of Honduras and the Caribbean
Sea, extending from the mouth of the River Tinto to
the mouth of the Wanks or Segovia. On the south
it is bounded by Nicaragua — the Hne of division follow-
ing the Wanks for about two thirds of its length, and
thence deflecting to the south-west, to the sources of
the Rio Negro, flowing into the gulf of Fonseca ; it has
a coast line of about sixty miles on this gulf from the
Rio Negro to the Rio Goascordn. On the west and
south-west are the republics of Salvador and Guate-
mala.'^
Honduras possesses in the gulf of Fonseca the
islands Tigre, Zacate Grande, and Gueguensi ; and in
the Caribbean Sea the group known as Bay Islands;
namely, Roatan, Guanaja, or Bonacea, Utila, Helena,
Barbaretta, Morat, and other smaller isles.
The republic is politically divided into seven depart-
ments: Choluteca, Comayagua, Gracias, Olancho,
Santa Bdrbara, Tegucigalpa, and Yoro. Nacaome is
the capital of Choluteca, and Jutecalpa of Olancho.
The other capitals bear the same names as the depart-
ments to which they belong. The departments are
subdivided into districts, and at the head of each of
the former is a jefe politico, appointed by the execu-
tive, who is the organ of communication between the
supreme government and the people.'^
The principal cities in the republic are Comayagua,
anciently called Yalladolid, the former capital, and
Tegucigalpa, the present seat of government. The
former is on the right bank of the Humuya or Ulua
River, and on the southern border of the wide and
fertile valley of Comayagua. From its position, up-
wards of 2,000 feet above the sea-level, surrounded
by high mountains, its temperative is mild and equa-
soHond. is therefore betw. 13° 10' and 16° lat. N., and within 83° 20' and
89° 30' long. W. Squiers Cent. Am., 68; Encyclop. Brit., xii. 133. Between
13° 10' and 16° 5' N. lat., and within 83° 12' and 89° 47' W. long. Am. CycUyp.,
viii. 787.
^^The towns have their municipal corporations, whose members are re-
quired by law to be able to read and write.
TOWNS AND HOUSES. \v^yf * 571
ble. The political disturbances of the counti
reduced Comayagua to a low condition,^^ and the loss
of its standing as the capital has tended to bring it
down still lower. Most of the houses are of a single
story, and built of sundried bricks. The former fine
fountains, monuments, and public buildings have gone
to decay. The only building still in good condition
is the cathedral, which is a rather imposing edifice. ^^
Tegucigalpa enjoys a cool temperature, and has an
excellent climate. The city is the largest and finest
in the republic. It is built with regularity, and has
six churches, the parochial edifice comparing favor-
ably with the cathedral at Comayagua. There are
also a number of magnificent convents, and the uni-
versity also deserves mention.^* There are other
places in the state not entirely devoid of interest, a
few particulars about which I append in a note.^^
The republic of Salvador, the only one of Central
America not having a coast line on the Atlantic, is
^2 Before 1827 it was a prosperous city; but the serviles burnt it that year.
Since then it has suflfered several times, especially in 1872 and 1873.
^^ Squiers Cent. Am., 129-30; this authority also gives a cut of the cathe-
dral on p. 261; Wappdus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 310-11; Hiistons Journey,
24-7.
^* The town stands on the right bank of the Choluteca River in an amphi-
theatre among the hills. It has a fine stone bridge of ten arches spanning the
river. WeUs Hond., 186-8; Laferribre, De Paris a Quatem., 95-6; Squier's
Cent. Am., 155.
2^ Omoa is situated about a quarter of a mile from the beach on level
ground, but the back country rises rapidly into a chain of high mountains,
beginning abruptly at Puerto Caballos, now called Puerto Cortes. Owing to
its position, Omoa is generally cool and healthy, has seldom been visited by
epidemics. The place is defended by the San Fernando castle. Trujillo lies
close by the sea at the foot of a lofty mountain covered with vegetation, and
reaching to the very edge of the water. The town was at one time of consid-
erable importance, both in a commercial and military point of view; but now
it has an antique, dilapidated, and abandoned appearance. Amapala, on the
island of Tigre, was in old times a favorite resort of pirates; it was here that
Drake had his depot during his operations in the Pacific. Owing to the visits
of those marauders, the Indian population of Tigre and Zacate Grande retired
to the mainland, and the islands remained almost entirely deserted till 1838,
when Amapala was made a free port, since which time it has become a very
important place. It has a salubrious climate. Further details on the towns
of Honduras may be found in Montgomery's Narr. of a Journey to Guat., etc.,
in 1838, 31; Squiers Cent. Am., 98-129, 142-161; Squiers Hond. R. R., 74-
84, 99-102; Squiers Trav., ii. 164-8; Young's Resid. Mosq. Shore, 138-40; •
Wells' Hond., 324-5, 574-9; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 89-90, 93-5; WappauSy
Mex: und Cent. Am., 311-19; Froebel's Cent. Am., 177-83; Pirn's Gate of the
Pac., 28-9.
572 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
bounded on the north and east by Honduras, on the
south-east by Fonseca Bay, on the south by the Pacific
Ocean, and on the north-west by Guatemala.^^ It pos-
sesses the small islands called Punta Zacate, Martin
Perez, Conchagliita, and Mianguera in the bay of
Fonseca.
For the purposes of government the republic is
divided into fourteen departments; namely, San Sal-
vador, Cuscatldn, San Vicente, La Paz, Usulutan,
San Miguel, Gotera,^'^ La Union, Cabanas, Chalate-
nango, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, Sonsonate, and La
Libertad. The departments are subdivided into dis-
tricts, and the latter into cities, villas, pueblos, and
aldeas. The chief towns of the departmepts bear the
same names as the latter, excepting those of Cusca-
tldn, La Paz, Gotera, La Union, Cabanas^ and La
Libertad, which are respectively called Cojutepeque,
Zacatecoluca, Osicala, San Cdrlos, Sensuntepeque,
and Nueva San Salvador. They all have the rank
of cities. Chinameca, Jucuapa, Ilobasco, Suchitoto,
Metapan, and Izalco enjoy the same distinction.
There are, besides, about 36 villas, and 176 pueblos.
At the head of each department is placed a governor,
who has a substitute to fill the office in his absence,
both being appointed by the national executive for a
constitutional term. They may be impeached for
misdemeanors in office before the senate.^^ The al-
caldes of district head towns are the chief authorities
36 It is comprised within lat. 13° and 14° 30' N., and long. 87° 30' and 90°
20' W. Am. Clycop., xiv. 610. Between 13° and 14° 10' N. lat., and between
87° and 90° W. long. Squiers Cent. Am., 279; Loferriere, De Paris d Guatem.,
111.
3^ By decree of President Gonzalez, July 14, 1875, the department of San
Mignel was cut up, and that of Gotera created with the districts of Gotera
and Osicala. San Miguel was compensated with Chinameca, detached from
Usulutan. Salv., Diario OJic., July 20, 1875.
^^ It is made a part of the governor's duty to Keep the gen. govt apprised
of every important occurrence within his department or its vicinity; in addi-
tion to which lie must furnish annually a gen. report on every branch of the
public service, with suggestions for the further improvement and progress of
the communities under his charge. His subordinates in districts and towns
report to him. A number of governors' reports may be seen in Salv., Gaceta,
Sept. 3 to Dec. 24, 1876; Jan. 2 to Dec. 18, 1877; Id., Diario OJic, May 17 to
Dec. 3, 1879; Jan. 15, 1880, etc.
MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS. 573
of their respective districts, and like the alcaldes of
other towns, are subordinate to the governor. In the
event of absence or disability of an alcalde, the regi-
dor depositario assumes his duties pro tempore. Al-
caldes are represented in distant country places by
comisionados of their own appointment. Each town
has for its internal management a municipal corpora-
tion chosen by the direct votes of the citizens, and
consisting of one alcalde, one sindico, and from two to
six regidores, according to population.*''^ Such corpo-
rations act under the general ordinances provided for
the government of municipal districts.*^
The principal cities are San Salvador, San Miguel,
Santa Ana, which has been the capital, Cojutepeque,
which has also been the seat of government, Sonso-
nate, Zacatecoluca, San Vicente, Sensuntepeque, Cha-
latenango, Santa Rosa, Ahuachapan, and Santa Tecla
or Nueva San Salvador.
San Salvador was first founded at a place now called
Bermuda, about eighteen miles to the northward of
the present site. During the Spanish domination it
w^as the residence of the gobernador intendente. After
the separation from the Spanish crown it became the
capital of Salvador, and for a while was the federal
district, and seat of the Central American government.
The city, as I have stated elsewhere, has been repeat-
edly shattered by earthquakes, but in each instance
rebuilt, notwithstanding efforts to abandon the site.
Both the town and its position are beautiful. It is
in the midst of a broad elevated plateau in the coast
range, between the valley of the Lempa Biver and
the Pacific Ocean, 2,115 feet above the sea/^ The
39 Towns of from 200 to 2,000 inhabitants two regidores, of upwards of
2,000 to 10,000 four, and those exceeding the latter number six. Each cor-
poration elects a competent clerk to authenticate its acts and those of the
Q 1 po 1 ri p
*oM, May 1-16, 1875; March 5-22, 1879.
*^ Like other Spanish towns, it covers a large area in proportion the popu-
lation. The houses are built low, of a single story, and adapted to resist the
constant shakes of the earth. Each house has an inner court, frequently
containing a fountain and garden. The dwellers run out to the court on feel-
574 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
place has a cathedral, and other churches, a national
palace, a university, and other government buildings.
Excepting the central and paved park, San Salvador
is embowered in tropical fruit-trees.
San Miguel is justly considered the second city of
Salvador. Its houses have a home aspect, comfort m
the interior, and elegance in the exterior. It is sup-
plied with water by an aqueduct. There are foun-
tains to refresh the air and to please the eye. Two
iron bridges cross the San Miguel Kiver, said to have
been constructed by Guzman at an expense of $90,000
of his own money. Back of the town is the majestic
volcano of San Miguel. In the bay of Fonseca is the
excellent port of La Union, to the west that of La
Libertad, and beyond that of Acajutla at a short
distance from Sonsonate and the Izalco volcano.
The republic of Guatemala is bounded on the north
and west by the Mexican states of Yucatan and Chi-
apas; on the east by British Honduras, the bay of
Honduras, and the republics of Honduras and Salva-
dor; and on the south by the Pacific Ocean. *^
The state is divided for the purposes of civil
government into departments; namely, Guatemala,
Sacatepequez, Amatitlan, Escuintla, Chimaltenango,
Solald, Totonicapam, Quiche, Quezaltenango, Betal-
huleu, Suchitepequez, Huehuetenango, San Marcos,
Peten, Baja Yerapaz, Alta Yerapaz, Livingston Iza-
bal, Chiquimula, Zacapa, Jalapa, Jutiapa, and Santa
Bosa.^^ They are subdivided into municipalidades,
each of which forms regulations or ordinances for the
management of its own affairs, subject to approbation
ing a temblor of some force. When the shocks are heavy and continuous,
they seek safety in the plazas and open fields, where they erect tents.
*'^It is situated between N. lat. 13° 50' and 18° 15', and within W. long.
88° 14' and 93° 12'. Am. Cyclop., viii. 288. Between 13° 42' and 18° lat. N.,
and between 88° and 93° 5' W. long. Encydop. Brit., xi. 211.
*^ The chief towns have the same names as the departments to which they
belong, excepting those of Sacatepequez, Quiche, Peten, Baja Verapaz, Alta
Verapaz, and Santa Rosa, whose respective names are Antigua, Santa Cruz
del Quiche, Flores, Salama, Coban, and Cuajiniquilapa. Salv., Gaceta Ofic,
June 6, 1877; Guat., Mem. Sec. Gobern. y JmL, 1884, 4-5, annex 4; El Guaie-
maUeco, May 10, 1884.
DEPARTMENTAL GOVERNMENT. 575
or amendment by the supreme government. At the
head of each department is a jefe poHtico, and some of
them hkewise have a sub-jefe.
The general government makes its administrative
action felt in the departments. Down to 1879 the
laws relating to civil administration in them were not
only confused, but contained clauses which were,
some of them, opposed to the principles of modern
legislation, and others directly contrary to the liberal
and progressive system the nation had adopted since
1871/* Hence the necessity of prescriptions con-
sonant with the existing situation.*^ A decree was
also issued to insure common principles and rules for
the municipal corporations.*^ Under the new order of
things, the sum total of receipts by all the munici-
palities in 1883 was $530,040, and of expenditures
$489,422.*'
Guatemala, the capital, together with the whole re-
public, has had its beauties more or less extolled by
every foreign traveller who has visited it and pub-
lished a book, from 1822 to late years. These praises
were well deserved ; but they fall short of what they
now should be, considering the improvements intro-
duced by the energetic administration of President
Barrios, which placed it on a level with many cities
of greater pretensions and resources.*^
'* Under the old system the department was under a corregidor who was
not only civil governor, but also military chief, judge, revenue collector, and
postmaster. Berendi, in Smithsonian Reft, 1867, 424.
*^ Under art. 34 of this organic law the jefes were required to send the
supreme gov. for approbation police regulations, under the instructions fur-
nished them for the sake of uniformity. They did not fail to comply. Guat.,
Mem. Sec. Gobern. y JusL, 1880, 1-2.
*^ The law determined with precision the manner of organizing the muni-
cipalities, and the functions of the councilmen, increasing at the same time
the number of committees; at that time they had committees of finance, sup-
plies, water, police, health, ornamentation, schools, vaccination, roads, and
statistics. Further information on internal administration, police, and gen.
condition of the departments may be found in GvM., Becop. Ley., i. 492-512,
627-75; Barrios, Mensaje, 1876; Salv. Diario Ofic, May 13 to 16, 1875; Guat.,
Mem. Sec. Gobern., 1880, 1881, 1882, 1884; Batres' Sketch Guat., 23; Ccmkllngs
Guide, 341.
" With only three exceptions every department had a surplus. The three
excepted had deficits amounting together to $3,578.
*^I will name a few of the authorities: Dillon, Beaufes de Vhist., 218-38;
Thompson's Gtiat., 465-9; Stephens' Trav. Gent. Am., i. 192-4; Nuevo Viajero
576 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
The city stands about 5,300 feet above the sea,
upon a fertile plateau traversed by the Rio de las
Vacas, being almost surrounded by ravines. It is
laid out in wide, regular, well-paved, and clean streets,
forming right angles, and has extensive suburbs. The
number of houses is probably 5,000, most of them of
one story. There is, however, a considerable number
with two stories. They are mostly constructed with
solidity and comfort, and many have fountains, gar-
dens, and courts.*^ Besides the cathedral, archepisco-
pal palace, government house, mint, and other public
buildings, there are several beautiful churches, and a
number of fine and extensive edifices, formerly occu-
pied by religious orders, and now devoted to practical
uses.^^ There are many reservoirs filled with potable
water, some of them of handsome construction, and
surrounded by beautiful grounds. Water is supplied
the city by aqueducts from a distance of several miles. ^^
Most of the houses also have wells. The city is like-
wise well provided with educational and benevolent
establishments, as well as places of amusement, such
as the theatre and the hippodrome. ^^ From the Joco-
tenango ward to the circus there is a fine boulevard
along which runs the tramway from the Calvary.
The city will soon be in communication with Port
San Jose by railway, as it has long been by telegraph
with the other chief towns. The monkish, funereal
Univ., iii. 602-7; Baily's Cent. Am., 49-54; Valois, Mexique, 291-6; Rekliardty
Cent. Am., 54; Crosby's Statem., MS., 86-90; Belly, Nic, i. 114-16; Laferrih-e,
De Paris d Guatim., 259-60; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., iii. 724-7; Dunlops Cent.
Am., 76-86; Squier's Cent. Am., 497-50; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc. Cong.
43, Sess. 1, i. 444^5; Astaburaaga, Cent. Am., 78-9; Am. Clyclop., viii. 290-2;
Encyclop. Brit., xi. 214.
^"^ There are two fortresses, the Matamoros and San Jose. Among the
open places are the plaza mayor, and the recently laid out plaza de la Con-
cordia, now the favorite resort of the inhabitants. There is another plaza
containing a fine theatre.
^San Francisco, La Recoleccion, La Merced, and Santo Domingo are
among the notable ones.
^^ The govt in late years has provided for an increase of the water supply
to meet the future requirements of a town whose population is rapidly grow-
ing. Gunt., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1884, 43-4; 1885, 49-51, 56-8.
^'^ With government aid, a jockey club was also established in 1882.
Ouat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 47-50, 75.
PANAMA ISTHMUS. 577
appearance which Guatemala presented prior to 1871
has disappeared, being succeeded by a pleasing aspect
of life. The city police has been organized and
equipped in American style, and the body of men is
second to none in Spanish America ^^
Panamd was formerly a state, but under a recent
organization of the republic of Colombia, has been
reduced to the condition of a national department.
It lies partly between the Caribbean Sea and the
Pacific, and is bounded on the south-east by the state
of Cauca in the same republic, and on the west by
Costa Rica.^*
There are a number of islands belonging to the
department, among which are the Mulatas archipela-
go, the Pearl group, Coiba, Taboga, and Flamenco. ^^
The range of mountains traversing the Isthmus is a
continuation of the Andes, but the elevation in some
^3 Antigua, orOldGuat., presents its majestic ruins, much the same as
they were left by the earthquakes of 1773. Many of the buildings appear
like fortresses. Among the best preserved are the old government palace
and the university. The place was much damaged by an earthquake in
1874, Thompson in his Cent. Am. has a description of the ruins as they were
in 1825, 245-9; others have described them at later dates. Stephens' Trav., i.
266-71, 278-80; ii. 204; Eeichardt, Cent. Am., 5S-5; Macgregors Prog, of Am.,
i. 791-2; Vahis, Mexique, 376-8, 390; Squiei-'s Cent. Am., 456, 504-10; Batres
Sketch, 27-9, 40. Quezaltenango is 8,130 feet above the sea. It is every day
growing in importance and wealth. Living is cheap there; the climate is cool
and healthy. Most of the streets are narrow, but they are well paved and
have flagstone sidewalks. The houses are of good appearance, some of them
of two stories. Among the public buildings are the penitentiary, on the plan
of that in Philadelphia, the Indian cabildo of two stories, the hospital,,
national institute, and other educational establishments, some fine churches,,
etc. Boddam Whetham's Across Cent. Am., 66-7; Conkling's Guide, 334, 337,
343. The city of Flores, head town of the department of Peten, is worthy
of mention for its picturesque position on one of the islands of Lake Itzal,
and its charming view from a distance. The place is hot, however, and un-
cleanly.
^* Occupying the Isthmus which connects North and South America, be-
tween lat. N. 6° 45' and 9° 40', and within long. W. 77° and 83°. The area is of
about 31,921 square miles. In its general form it is an arc curving from east,
to west, with the convex side toward the north. In the widest part from sea,
to sea it is about 120 miles, in the narrowest from the gulf of San Bias, to the
mouth of the Bayano River about 30, and along the line of the railway 474
miles. Am. Cyclop., xiii. 31.
^^ In addition to these are Taboguilla, Uraba, Naos, Perico, Culebra, San
Jose, Tdrtola, Tortolita, Iguana, Washington, Napoleon, Stanley, and many
smaller ones. Tavares, Gidf and Isthmus of Danen, March 31, 1761, MS., 52-
65; Imray's Sail. Directions, 6-12; Humboldt, Tableau, 710.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 37
578 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
parts does not exceed 300 feet above the sea. From
this ridge flow about 150 streams into the Atlantic,
and more than double that number into the Pacific.^
The state has been hitherto divided into depart-
ments; namely, Panamd, Colon, Code, Chiriqui, Los
Santos, and Veragua,^^ which are subdivided into
distritos parroquiales. ^t the head of the distrito
capital and departamento de Panamd is a governor,
and the other departments have prefectos. Each
distrito is under an alcalde. ^^
The city of Panamd is laid out with regularity, on
a rocky peninsula, presenting a fine appearance from
the sea, as it stands out from the dark hills inland
with an air of grandeur. The Ancon — a hill 540 feet
high rising a mile westward of the city -helps to ren-
der the place conspicuous. But on entering, the vis-
itor finds himself disappointed. The principal streets
cross the peninsula from sea to sea, intersected by the
Calle Peal, running east and west. The place has a
quiet and stately appearance, without promising com-
fort. The houses are mostly of stone built in the
Spanish style, the larger ones having heavy balconies
in the upper stories, with court-yards or patios. There
is little relief or variety. ^^ The smaller ones are of
a single story. The churches and public buildings,
namely, the cathedral, casa de la gobernacion, cabildo or
^^The largest being the Tuira, 160 miles long, navigable about 102 for
barges, empties into the gulf of San Miguel; the Chagres, navigable for
bungos about 30 miles, runs into the Caribbean Sea; the Chepo flows into
the bay of Panamd.
^^The principal town of Code is Penonom^; of Chiriqui, David; and of
Veragua, Santiago. The rest bear the same names as their respective
departments.
^^ The governor and prefectos report yearly to the chief of the Isthmus
the state of their respective departments. Pan., Memn. Soc. Jeneral, 1^11^
etc.
^^ Just prior to the influx of the foreign element, upon the discovery of :
the gold placers in California, the town had a gloomy and ruinous aspect. '^
There was nothing to be seen all around but'ruin and poverty; whole blocks
and streets of old, dilapidated buildings, propped-up houses with people
living in them, and luxuriant vegetation in the plazas, walls, etc. With the
coming of foreigners a great change took place within the short space of three
or four years. Nearly all the old dwellings underwent repairs, and new ones
were built. In lieu of the old sad appearance and silence, all was now bustle
and movement. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 7.
61
BUILDINGS AND POPULATION. 579
town hall, ecclesiastical seminary, and four convents for
friars and one for nuns, were strongly built; but years
of neglect and the deteriorating effects of the climate
have brought many of them to decay; notwithstand-
ing which some of the ecclesiastical edifices are still
used for the service of God, whilst others, not utterly
ruined, are applied to other purposes. ^^ The place was
at one time tolerably well fortified, but the fortifica-
tions no longer exist; the south and west ramparts
are, however, in good condition forming an agreeable
promenade. The drainage is very bad; many neces
sary things to insure cleanliness and comfort are want
ing; good potable water being scarce and high-priced.
The city has enjoyed the benefit of gas light for sev-
eral years past, and since the construction of the canal
was begun, it has had many improvements introduced,
among them a fine and spacious hospital.^^
The place next in importance on the Isthmus is
Colon, otherwise known as Aspinwall, on the island
of Manzanilla. It is the Atlantic port of the Isthmus,
and contains the stations, offices, and wharf of the
railway company, as well as those of the several
steam-ship companies, and likewise a number of build-
ings of the ship-canal enterprise. The town was pro-
gressing rapidly, and had a number of fine modern
buildings other than those before mentioned, but it
was ruined by the vandalic act of revolutionists, which
event has been elsewhere described in this volume.^^
^^ The cathedral has nothing to recommend it except its two fine towers.
It is in a ruinous condition, and though repaired a few years ago and reduced
to a single nave, further repairs are loudly called for. This building as well
as the cabildo face the main plaza.
^^ Efi'orts have been made in late years by the state government for the
construction of an aqueduct; but without success. Pan., Gaceta, May 16,
1874; Apr. 9, 30, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, May 19, 1874; Feb. 14, Apr.
13, 1876.
^^ The following are among the authorities giving more or less detailed
descriptions of the city of Panama: Cash's Sketch, 54-61, 29-71; BidwelCs Pan.,
1-9, 75-7, 119-35, 341-8; Beechys Voy., i. 11-17, 23-4; Scarlet's South Am.,
ii. 189-211, 221-9, 254-69; Seemanns Narr., 84-8, 275-95, 289-94; Wilsons
Trav. in Cal, 9-10, 17-19; Worthy's Trav.. 320-2; Scherzer, Narr., ii. 424-5;
Pirn's Gate, 209-20.
^^Gishome's Darien, 160-70,205-9; Otis' Isth. Pan., 10-121; Hai-per's Mag.,
xvii, 19-28, 32-9; Tomes' Paw., 40-66. The following contain descriptions of
680 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
The official census of population in the Isthmus of
Panamd for 1880 showed the number of inhabitants
to have been 307,598.^ The report laid by the state
government before the assembly in September 1882
stated that the population had increased since 1880 to
343,782, which was due to the influx of men employed
on the canal-works. There have been many fluctua-
tions since. The proportion of negroes and mixed
breeds has ever been larger than the pure whites in
the city of Panama and on the Caribbean Sea coast,
and after the opening of the canal-works it became
greatly increased with laborers from the coast to the
south, Jamaica, etc., almost all being negroes. In
the interior departments the case is quite difterent,
the majority of the inhabitants being of pure whites.
Efforts made from time to time to develop foreign
colonization through land grants have never led to
any advantageous acquisition of immigrants.^'
65
other places as well as of the transit between the two seas: London Oeog. Soc.
Jour., i. 69-101; xxiii., 184:; Niles' Beg., xxxviii. 141; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 201-
2; Willeys Person. Mem., 37-8; Massefs Ex-per. of a 'Jfier, MS., 1; Laduvpelle's
Baousset-Boulhon, 43-7; Champagnac, Voyageur, 175-6; Froehel, Aus Amerika,
211-31; Nic, Cor. 1st., May 30, 1850; MarrycUt's Mountains, 1-17; Holinski,
La Calif omie, 45-61; Rouhavd, Reg. Nouvelles, 167; Nouv. Annates des Voy.,
cxxiii. 220-2, 226-7; cxlv. 17-22;' cxlvii. 15-17; Polynesian, v. 29; vi. 121;
Thornton's Or. and Gal, ii. 348-54; Oswald Cal. und Seine, 87-92; Kelley's
Canal Mantimera, 27-8; Auger, Voy. en Cal, 35-92; Saint- Amant, 25-62, 80-
97; Griswold's Pan., 41-7; Rossi, Souvenirs, 47-50; Esguerra, Dice. Geog. Colom-
bia, 2-275; Pan., Gaceta, Jan. 23, 1881.
6* Department of Pan., including 18,378 in the city, 43,462; Code, 33,134;
Colon, including 4,000 in that port, 1,057 in Chagres, and 1,319 in Portobello,
8,276; Los Santos, 37,670; Veragua, 36,210; Bocas del Toro, 5,250; Darien,
1,036. Pan., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1882, 43-6. The population at the time the
Isthmus seceded from Spain was variously estimated at from 80,000 to 111,-
650; 1843, 129,697; the census of 1863 yielded 180,000; but it is believed the
population was made to appear larger than it really was, so as to gain one more
representative in the national congress. The best informed citizens computed
it at only 150,000. In 1868, 220,542, authorities keeping the same figures till
1879, excepting one estimate for 1874 reducing it to 174,000. Humboldt, Pers.
Narr., vi., pt i. 142; Seemann's Voy., i. 296; Imrays Sail. Dir., 14; BidweWs
Isth. Pan., 178-80; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 18, 1868; Mex. Soc. Geog. Bole-
tin, 3dep. i. 728; Colombia, Diai-ioOfic, Sept. 6, 1872; Aug. 4, 1874; March 1,
1876; Esguerra, Dice. Geog. Cohmb., 171.
^ Veraguas, Deer, de la Cam; Id., Notas Ofic; Id., Ordenanzas, 1863;
CJiirif^ui, Corresp. Gob. Nac, 1851; Id., Ofic. del Gob.; Id., Comp. de Fomento,
1855; all in Pinart, Pan. Coll. Doc., MSS., nos. 63, 65, 69, p. 25-7, no. 39, 4^-9,
no. 88, p. 22, no. 40, 1-4; besides other doc. in the same Coll., no. 31, p.
40-1, nos. 49, 50, 52, 103; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc. 41, Cong. 36, Sess. 2,
vi. 55; ElNotidosodellstmo Am.y in the Californian, S. F., ii., June 12, 1847.
ISTHMUS SOCIETY 581
The number of American indigenes on the Isthmus
is computed at about 10,000.^^ The chief of the
Savaneries claimed the sovereignty over the land they
occupied, and their rights thereto were recognized by
the authorities of Veraguas.^^
The Manzanillos occasionally visit Portobello and
neighboring villages, and at one time, if not always,
were in a state of warfare with the Bayanos. The
latter hate the Spaniards and their descendants, but
are friendly to the English.^
In 1873, a law was enacted to compel the wild
Indians to adopt the usages of civilized life, and prompt
action was recommended by the executive of Panama
in 1874, but nothing came of it.^^
There are but few families of the higher class in
Panama, and time is required to establish a footing of
intimacy with them. Considerable has been said in
Europe against the character of the women of Panamd,
which is not borne out by fact. Much real worth
exists among them. Indeed, the native women of the
Isthmus generally, possess the best qualifications.
They are not only pretty, graceful, and refined, but
are dutiful daughters, and excellent wives and mothers.
Those in the higher positions, even while laboring
under the disadvantage of a limited education, which
during a long time was the case with a majority of
them, have, as a rule, been of industrious and economi-
cal habits. In later years the young girls of the better
class have been enabled to acquire an education. The
same cannot be said of the women of the lower classes,
^^ For their dwelling-places I refer to Native Races of the Pac. States, i.
795-7, this series.
^^In 1835. Veraguas, Dec. de la Cam., in Pin., Pan. Col. Doc.^ MS., no.
57, 17-22; Id., Informe, in Id., MS., no. 78.
^ Their chief at times visited the British consul at Panama, but never agreed
to his returning the visit at their homes. Seemanns Voy., i. 321. Neither
would they accept presents from any white person. One of their chiefs who
accepted a present was degraded by his tribe, and the present was sent back.
BidweWs Isth. Pan., 36.
^^Many persons were killed by the Bayanos in Oct. 1870; and their hos-
tilities were repeated in 1874. Pan., Gaceta, Nov. 10, 1870; Dec. 23, 1873;
Apr. 14, 1874; Id., Star and Herald, Feb. 17, March 12, 1874; Id Informe
Sec. Est., 1874, 18-19.
682 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
whose moral scale is quite low, marriage with them
being the exception rather than the rule. For this
state of things the upper class is partly responsible,
inasmuch as from a misguided feeling of charity it looks
upon the practice with indifference instead of frown-
ing upon it.^^
The women of Panamd, since the early days of rail-
way travelling, have abandoned their former ways of
dressing and of arranging their beautiful hair, adopt-
ing European fashions and putting on hats. The
women of the lower order, till very recently, wore the
polleras;^^ but this is becoming a thing of the past.
These women are very untidy; they move about their
houses slipshod and stockingless. The dress of the
native laboring man is a pair of cotton or linen trousers
and a shirt.
The young men of the educated class are well-
mannered, and most of them have an average share of
ability, but application and steadiness of purpose are
wanting. Like their sisters, they are kind and affec-
tionate to their families and relatives."^ Nearly all
the male inhabitants speak English as well as their
native language, and a number, who have been abroad,
are conversant with French and even German.
In their domestic life, notwithstanding their con-
stant intercourse with people of other nations, the
Panamanians keep themselves secluded, much as they
did before the railway was constructed. They still
hug a portion of their old opinions and prejudices.
Nevertheless, the fullest liberty of conscience and of
religion being recognized by the Colombian laws, all
forms of worship may be publicly practised/^
'* The lower classes are improvident and fond of dress and finery
'^ Low dresses without sleeves, and with lace trimmings on the bust.
■^2 There are many of them given to gossiping and propagating scandalous
reports even about their friends. Polities and the bottle have in late years
debauched many a fine young man, the vice of drunkenness of late gaining
ground.
" There are associations of various kinds, including secret ones, like the
masonic, of which there are several lodges, with many native Panamanians
among their members. The natives still observe the custom of long mourn-
ings as of old. In a community where families are more or less connected by
EDUCATION. 583
The government of Panama has not always mani-
fested a proper interest in the diffusion of knowledge
among the masses. It must be acknowledged, how-
ever, that during the existence of the central regime,
prior to 1860, the children throughout the Isthmus
had a better opportunity to acquire instruction, there
being schools with paid teachers in nearly all the
towns.'* After the revolutionary period became inaur
gurated, the funds of the government hardly ever sat-
isfied the greed of political leaders, or sufficed to meet
the cost of a large military force, and public instruc-
tion suffered. This occurred more particularly in the
interior, and even the capital has seen its public
schools closed for the want of funds.^^ The legislators
in 1871 gave a new organization to this branch of the
public service, but for various reasons nothing was
accomplished until 1873, when the philanthropic
Manuel J. Hurtado undertook the task of getting
some light out of the existing chaos. His efforts soon
began to yield good results, though more satisfactory
ones might have been obtained had the state govern-
ment afforded larger means. ^^ Normal schools have
been also established for training teachers, and several
other educational institutes have been founded, one for
ties of blood or marriage, the result is that mourning often seems to be the
common dress.
'^* Details in Constitucional del IstmOy Nov. 21, 1832; Colegio de Pan., DecretOy
1-2; El Movimiento, Dec. 1, 1844; JST. Granada, Gaceta, Feb. 22, 184G; Bogota^
Gac. Ofic, Feb. 6, 1848; Ghiriqui, Decretos, MS., 1849; Pan., Gr6n. Ofic, Nov.
9, 1849, to March 1, 1854, passim; Ghiriqui, Inf. del Gob., MSS., 1851-2; Pan.y
Gaceta Extraord., Dec. 23, 1857; March 30, 1858.
''^In 1869 there were no public primary schools in the state. Parents
with means had teachers at home, or sent their children to the few private
schools then existing, to Bogota, the national capital, or abroad. Children of
poor parents had to grow in utter ignorance.
''^In 1874 there were in the state 17 primary schools with 1,065 pupils.
The numbers steadily increased till 1882, when the schools were 59 and the
pupils 2,167. There were appropriated for supporting the schools in 1873
$14,191, and every year after there was an increase; the amount allowed in
1882 being $33,310, and in 1883 $63,962, the govt now becoming alive to the
fact that the funds formerly supplied were insufficient, as appeared in the re-
port of the educational bureau on Nov. 15, 1881. Pan., El ^lector. May 1, 1883;
Pan., Inf. Sec. Est, 1866; Id., Mensaje, 1872; Id., Mem. Sec. Est., 1876; Id.,
Informe Direct. Gen. Instruc. Pub., 1877-80; Id., Leyes, 1876-7, 26-32; Id.,
Mem. Sec. Gob., 1877; Id., Min. Sec. Gob., 1879; Pan., Boletin Ofic, May 28,
1863, to Sept. 8, 1869, passim; Id., Gaceta, July 28, 1870, to Feb. 20, 1881,
passim; Colombia, Diana Ofic, Feb. 18, Aug. 14, 1874; Jan. 27, March 2, 1876.
584 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
femaies under women of a religious order. Neverthe-
less, the majority of young men possessed of means
go abroad or to Bogotd to complete their education.
The Isthmus has not produced any notable literary
or scientific men, properly so-called, though there are
and have been among its people bright intellects. In
political and diplomatic life, however, may be men-
tioned as notabilities Justo Arosemena, Jose Obaldia,
Pablo Arosemena, and Jil Colunje,
The newspaper press has been during many years
represented on the Isthmus by the Star and Herald^^^
which is the vehicle for the communication of news
between Europe and the United States on the one
side, and the countries in Central and South America
on the other. It has been for many years, and con-
tinues to be, entitled to rank as a first-class newspaper.
Its local edition now appears daily in English, Span-
ish, and French; the edition for Europe and the
United States, to leave by each departing steamer, is
in English; and the one for 'Central and South
America is in Spanish, the publication then bearing
the name of La EsfrellaJ^ Several other newspapers
have been published, besides the official organ, from
time to time in English and Spanish, or wholly in
Spanish, but they have been short-lived.
Bull-worrying is a popular amusement among all
classes. ^^ Cock-fighting is also much patronized on
Sundays and holidays. ^^ Horse-riding, and in later
years driving, are recreations of the better classes.
Public and private balls, and an occasional play, con-
^^It began its existence as the Panama Star, a very small sheet, in 1849;
now it has eight large pages. S. F. Times, March 13, 1869; S. F. Alta,
March. 13, 1869; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan 11, 1886.
^^ I have had occasion to quote both publications repeatedly on narrating
events on the Isthmus and in Central America.
^* The bull is led by a rope into the most public streets. A number of
men challenge the bjute, which occasionally rushes at its tormentors; but as
the rope holds it, only by a rare chance is any one hurt. The bull is thus
worried by the men-brutes till it is ready to drop.
^ Games of chance and night orgies having become prevalent, in 1878 a
heavy tax was levied on gambling-houses, and a severe decree issued to check
orgies and brawls. Pan., Gaceta, Jan. 31, Aug. 15, 1878.
HEALTH AND DISEASE. 586
cert, or circus, when artists cross the Isthmus, help
to break the monotony of hfe.^^
The Isthmus has suffered, not only from revolutions,
but from calamitous visitations in the form of epi-
demics, particularly small-pox; also by convulsions
of nature, and devastating fires, ^^
Asiastic cholera visited Panama in 1849,^^ at a time
when the Isthmus was crowded with strangers, early
in the California gold fever. The destruction of life
was heart-rending, as it spared no class or condition.*^*
Malignant fevers, pulmonary and throat diseases, and
other maladies do their work of destruction, and yel-
low fever often carries off its victims from among
unacclimated strangers. *^^ The tablon, a disease im-
ported in 1873 from Cartagena, assumed an epidemic
form, and carried off many of the aged and children.^^
^^ The following authorities have spoken of the manners and customs of
the Isthmus, and character of its people at different periods from 1845 to late
years: Macgregors Progress of Am., i. 820-34; Seemanns Narr., i. 140-1,
299-310, passim; Oliveira, in JSfouv. Ann. Voy., cxxiii., 216-27; McCoUunis
Cal, 16-26; Worthy s Trav., 335-6; Johnsons Sights, 11-87; Footers Recoil,
135^7; Merrill's Statem., MS., i.; Fremont's Am. Trav., 57-65, 166-7; Gris-
woM's Isth., 130-68, 179-80; Oishorne's Darien, 170-216, pass.; Delano's Chips,
80-92; Helpers Land of Gold, 209-23; Mollhamens Diai-y, ii. 374-9; Harpers
Mag., xix. 433, 437-54; Trollopes W. Ind., 240, 248-50; Pirn's Gate of the Pac.y
210-14; Gazlays Pac. Monthly, i. 17-30; Baxleys What I Saw, 30-45; China,
Route, Sketch of New, 54r-74c; Gordans Guide, 14-15; Eardley- Wilmot's Our
Jour., 66-71; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 7, 1875.
^•^ In 1840 small-pox prevailed in Chagres among the natives; foreigners,
being mostly vaccinated, escaped unscathed. It visited the Isthmus again as
an epidemic in 1863, 1880, and 1881, with great ravages each time, owing to
neglect of the common rules of hygiene, or aversion of the lower classes to
vaccination. Niles' Reg., lix. 17; BidwelVs Isth. Pan., 222-3; Cash's Sketchy
62-3; Pan., Gaceta, March 14, Aug. 1, Oct. 17, 1880; Sept. 22, 1881; El Code-
sano, Aug. 5, 20, 1881; S. F. Bulletin, July 16, 1881.
^^ The Isthmus seems to have been spared on its first visit to Am. in
1832-4. Pan., Doc. Ofic, in PinaH, Col. Doc, MS., no. 31, 41-4.
^^The havoc, however, was greater among transient foreigners and the
native colored population. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 7-8. It was
most virulent from Jan. to July 1849. There were cases nearly to the end of
1850. Williams' Statem., MS., 2; Willeifs Pers. Mem., MS., 48-53; Roach's
Statem., MS., 1; Gannons Statem., MS., 1; S. F. News, Nov. 8, 1850. Chiri-
qui escaped the infliction by the timely establishment of a rigorous quaran-
tine against Pan. Chiriqui, Dec. Gohern., in Pinart, Pan. Col. Doc., MS., 89,
2-5, 25; Veraguas, Dec, in Id., MS., nos. 70-2.
^^ If we except Colon, Chagres, and Portobello, the climate is healthy.
Men abstaining from the abuse of alcoholic drinks, and observing the com-
mon rules of hygiene, need not be apprehensive of the climate.
^^The symptoms were cramps, severe pain in the spine, vomiting, and
fever, followed by loss of consciousness. The attack generally lasted several
days.
686 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
Few, if any, precautions are taken to improve the
sanitary condition of the capital, and much less of any
other town. In fact, any partial efforts will be of lit-
tle avail so long as drainage is so bad, and the habits
of the lower classes continue so filthy. The necessity
of sanitary measures is generally admitted, and ordi-
nances have been enacted to that effect ;^^ but their
observance is spasmodic at best.
The public hospital of Panamd city in 1865 was a
poor affair. ^^ In late years, through the efforts of the
private charity, improvements have been introduced,
and greater pains taken in the care of the sick poor.
The canal company has likewise made ample provision
for the attendance of its sick employes and laborers.
Hurricanes and floods have helped to destroy life
and property, and cause general distress. Fire has on
several occasions left large numbers of people without
shelter and utterly ruined. ^^
^^Pan., Gaceta, Oct. 11, 1877; Apr. 29, 1880.
^^ There was, however, a private hospital, mainly supported by the French
and Italians, where sick foreigners found good attendance. Many a life has
been saved in it.
^^ Four disastrous conflagrations visited the present city of Panami prior
to 1825; namely, in 1737, 1756, 1781, and 1821, the first being the work of
incendiaries from Guat. Seemanns Voy., 288. Chagres was nearly all burned
down Dec. 9, 1847. Polynesian, in S. F. Californian, iii. no. 4, Aug. 14, 1848.
Gorgona was ruined in 1851. Panama had property destroyed in 1856 valued
at half a million dollars. Colon was afflicted in 1863 and 1868, and finally
ruined by the incendiaries Prestan and others in 1885. Panam^ had three
great conflagrations; viz., June 5, 1870, Feb. 19, 1874, and March 6, 1878.
The loss of property in the three probably exceeded four million dollars. Pan. ,
Merc. Chronicle, March 29, 1868; Nic, Gaeeta, Feb. 7, 1863; Apr. 25, 1868;
June, 1870; Id., Boletin, Ofic, Juuq 18, Dec. 25, 1870; Julfs, Die Seeliafen, 3;
S. F. Chronicle, June 21, 30, 1870; March 10, 1878; S. F. Alta, July 1, 1870;
Feb. 28, March 9, 1874; S. F. Gall, June 9, 1870; March 9, 1874; Apr. 2,
1878; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 21, 24, 1874; Pan., Gaeeta, July 10, 1874;
March 17 to July 1, Dec. 15, 1878; Colombia, Diarco Ofic, May 30, 1874, p.
1749; S. F. Post, Feb. 28, 1874; March 8, 1878.
CHAPTER XXVTIL
THE PEOPLE OF COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
1800-1887.
Central American Population — Its Divisions — General Characteristics
AND Occupations— Land Grants — Efforts at Colonization — Failure
OF Foreign Schemes — Rejection of American Negroes — Character
of the Costa Rican People — Dwellings — Dress — Food — Amusements
— Nicaraguan Men and Women — Their Domestic Life — How They
Amuse Themselves — People of Salvador — Their Character and
Mode of Living.
The total population of the five states of Central
America in 1883 was set down at about 2,831,847
souls,^ divided as follows: in Costa Rica, 182,073;
^ Being an estimated increase since 1877 of 245,847. Salv., GacetaOJic.,
Dec. 4, 1877. The population was computed in 1810 at different figures, none
reliable. The one deemed most accurate was as follows: 646,666 Indians,
313,334 mulattoes and some negroes, 40,000 whites, making a total of 1,000,-
000, probably including 100,000 for Chiapas. GuaL, Apuntam., 105, 110; Salv.,
Diario Ofic, July 2, 1879; Lastarria, in La America, 445; Bailys Cent. Am.,
28, 32; Nouv. Annales des Voy., iv. 1820, 36; Ocios de Esp. Emir/., v. 2. In
1823 the whole was set down at 1,600,000. Humboldt's Pers. Narr., vi. pt 1,
127, 131. Marure computed it in 1824, giving Costa R. 70,000, Nic. 207,269,
Salv. 212,573, Hond. 137,069, and Guat. 660,580; total, 1,287,491. Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am., 148, and app. no. 6. C A. Thompson, Brit, commissioner to
Cent. Am., in 1823 estimated 2,000,000 in the following proportions: one fifth
of whites, two fifths of mixed classes, and two fifths of Indians. Nai-r. OJ/ictal
Visit, 451. (ralindo, an intelligent officer of the Cent. Am, govt, about
1837 set the population at 685,000 Ind., 740,000 ladinos or mestizos, and 475,-
000 whites; total, 1,900,000. He evidently overestimated the number of
whites. Crowe, Gospel, 40, referring specifically to Gnat., estimated the num-
ber of pure whites at not over 5,000, which seems to be short of the truth.
The proportions he gave were: Indians, three fifths; ladinos or mestizos, one
fourth; whites, one fortieth; mulattoes, one eighty-third; negroes, one fiftieth;
zambos, one hundredth, it is unnecessary to burden this note with figures
for each year after 1837. 1 will merely append those for 1866, given by a
writer who must have got his data from reliable sources: Costa R., 150,000,
mostly white, and including from 5,000 to 10,000 Talamanca Indians. Ac-
cording to a Costa Kica census, there were in the republic in 18G4 112 persons
ot 90 years and upwards; of whom 14 were of 100, 4 of 102, one of 103, one of
(587)
588 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
Nicaragua, 400,000; Salvador, 612,813; Honduras,
360,000; and Guatemala, 1,276,961. The figures for
Costa Kica and Guatemala are the results of actual
count, the others by computation. The census of
August 10, 1885, showed Costa Rica's population to
be 189,425; that for Guatemala, January 1, 1884, ex-
hibited 1,278,311, to which must be added an increase
during that year of 6,293.^ The population of the
last-named state on June 30, 1885, has been computed
at 1,303,009.'
The republic of Central America, as well as the
several states that formed it, has from the earliest
days of its national autonomy endeavored to en-
courage foreign immigration, offering inducements,
such as liberal grants of land, exemption from taxes
and military service, and the privileges of citizenship.
At the same time care has been had to respect the
property and other rights of foreigners. Colonization
decrees were passed in 1831, 1834, and 1836,* the
104, one of 111, one of 117, one of 118, and one of 122, The majority of cases
of great longevity were of women. Costa R., Censo, 100-3. Nic, 380,000, of
whom 80,000 pure Indians, 30,000 whites, 30,000 negroes, and the rest of
mixed breeds, the mestizos of white and Indian predominating on the Pac.
coast, and the zambos, or mixture of negro and Indian, on the Atlantic; there
were probably 30,000 in Mosquitia; Salv., 750,000; Hond., 300,000; Guat.,
1,219,500. La/erriere, De Paris a Guatim., 47, 71, 93, 189, 251; Pirns Gate of
the Pac, 37, 75. Other publications treating of the subject from time to time:
Costa P., Boletin Ofic, Feb. 9, March 30, 1854; Id., Gaceta, July 15, 1854; Id.,
Mem. Sec. Interior, 18G0 and 18G1; Id., In/onne Gobem., 1868 and 1874; Id.,
Censo, 1864; Id., Col. Ley., xxxii. 250-2; Squiers Cent. Am., 21, 45-57, 279,
348, 449, 465, 648-9; Id., Travels, i. 32-3; Molina, Bosq. Costa P., 28-9; Belly,
Nic, i. 138^2, 249-54; Poclia, C6d. Nic, i. 185-6; Nic, Registro OJic, 270,
312, 316, 382; Id., Boletin OJic, March to Aug. 1862, pass.; Id., Gaceta, Jan.
1863 to Apr. 11, 1874, pass.; Levy, Nic, 234 et seq.; Salv., Gaceta, Jan. 26 to
Nov. 18, 1850; Feb. 3, March 3, 1854; Apr. 1, 1876; May 28 to Nov. 28, 1878;
May 18 to Nov. 29, 1879; Crosbys Statem., MS., 93; Wells Hond., 554^7;
Guat., Pecop. Ley., i. 473; Guat., Mem. Sec Fomento, 1880-5, with tables;
and numerous others.
'^ The departments of Guat. having the largest numbers were Totomicapam,
144,312; Guat., 130,581; Huehuetenango, 121,123; Alta Verapaz, 93,407. The
rest range from 76,103 in Lalola and 75,553 in Quiche, to 31,637 in Jalapa.
Peten is put down with 8,297, Izabal with 3,761, and Livingston with 1,471
Costa P., Gaceta, July 11, Aug. 13, 1885; Guat., Mem. Sec Fomento, 1884, 40,
annex 6; 1885, 43-4, annex 12; Fl Guatemalteco, Jan. 1 to Dec. 5, 1884, pass. ;
Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 9, 1884; Sept. 30, 1885.
^ The proportions in 1880 were, white and mixed, men, 183,536, females,
196,292; pure Indians, men, 421,518, females, 423,256. Grand total, 1,224,-
602. Guat., Mem. Sec Fomento, 1885, annex 12, table 16.
*The first law to promote colonization was issued Jan. 22, 1824, ^3 the
COLONIZATION COMPANIES. 589
legislators feeling as sanguine of good results as they
were earnest and sincere in their purpose. An
English company, called the Eastern Coast of Cen-
tral America Commercial and Agricultural Company,
organized in London, was the first to enter the field,
having obtained from the state of Guatemala a grant
of land which included the whole department of Vera
Paz.^ Dishonesty presided over the operations of the
company.^ About 300 persons, many of them from
the refuse of the population of London, were sent
out, without proper preparations or knowledge of the
country, to places in or near the hot and insalubrious
coasts, where the unhappy creatures wandered, suf-
fered, and almost all perished. Meanwhile, the
directors of the company labored in vain to induce
the British government to sanction their proceedings.^
The whole project ultimately failed, the directors
being in their turn deceived by the men in whom they
had reposed most confidence. After wasting many
lives, and misappropriating some £40,000, lost of
course by the share-holders, the charter became for-
feited for non-fulfilment of its terms. ^
Another colonization scheme was started in May
1842, and ratified in a further convention of October
1843, between a Belgian company established in
Brussels, and the government of Guatemala.^ The
national constituent assembly of Cent. Am. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.,
133, app. xviii.-xxvii, ; Guat., Becop. Ley.,i. 815-20; Id., Boletin Ojic., June
22, 1835; JVic, Corr. 1st., Aug. 8, 1850; Hond., Gaceta Ofic, March 20, 1854;
Roclia, C6d. Nic, i. 42-3, 53; Bailys Cent. Am., 43-5.
^Containing upwards of 14,000,000 acres of virgin soil, and affording
every climate. Bnef Statem. of the Important Grants Conceded to. . -by the
State of Guat., Lond., 1839; Guat. Charte de Concession duterrit. de Vera Paz,
Bruxells, 1840, 8vo, 1-34; Guat., Mem. Concession, 17-130; Marure, Efem., 38;
Sqmers Travels, i. 422-4; Id., Compend. Hist. Cent. Am., 77 9.
^ It was tirst formed out of, or at least originated from, the debris of the
Poyais bubble, of which I spol5.e elsewhere in connection with Mosquitia.
' They talked of their ability to spread Brit, inflaence in the country.
They even threatened to sell their charter to some other government.
^Details on the subject will be found in Dunlop's Cent. Am., 160,. 190-1;
Niks' Reg., li. 36; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 39, 238; Guai., Memoria, 1837, 17-19;
]d., Comm. and Agric. Co., 1-132; Andersons Cent. Am., 5-93, 97 138.
^ It stipulated a conditional sale of the lands lying between the left bank
of the river Motagua and the right bank of the river Cahabon to where it
runs into the Polochic, including all the coast and neighboring islands within
these limits; and inland as far as Gualan, and the interior limits of the
690 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
company, under that contract, assumed the obligation
of introducing at least 100 families of five members
each, annually, till 1,000 families had been settled.
The colonists were to be catholics, and from the
moment of their landing were to be considered Guate-
malan citizens, with all the rights and duties of such.^^
All the articles of the agreement were most favor-
able to Guatemala, and yet the company, which was
under the patronage of the king of the Belgians, signed
it without his approval being first obtained. It is
known that his government disapproved many parts
of it. It would seem as if the Belgians were bent on
getting possession of the district on any terms, hoping
afterward to retain it by negotiation as a Belgian col-
ony. The company fulfilled the conditions for the
first two years, but the great mortality of colonists at
Santo Tomds made it impossible to induce others to
emigrate; and though the Belgian government ren-
dered pecuniary aid to the amount of $200,000, the
settlement shared the fate of the one attempted by
the British in 1836. The company was dissolved,
and the government of Guatemala resumed possession
of the district, including the port of Santo Tomds.^^
Since that time Guatemala has not failed to pass
laws for the encouragement of foreign immigration,
and the protection of foreign settlers. ^^ In 1883 the
province of Santo Tom^s. The company was to pay for the computed 8,000
caballerlas at the rate of $20 for each caballerla, in ten yearly instalments of
$16,000. It was also to present the Guat. govt 2,000 muskets, similar to
those used by the Belgian army, and four large guns; likewise pay one fifth
the expense of erecting a city at Santo Tomas, make a cart road to the river
Motagua, and introduce steamers for navigating the river. Guat, Reccm. Ley.,
i. 824-38; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 239-43; Belly, Nic, ii. 36-7; Dunlofs Cent.
Am., 303-6; Crowe's Gospel, 169 70; Ameriqiie Cent. Cie. Belge,'-pti. 5-64, pt
ii. 110-13; Vahis, Mexique, 438-42; Claquet, Rapport S. Tomds, 7-9; Cuele-
brouk, Blondeel van, Colonie de Santo Tomas, 1-240 pp., with maps and plans;
Laferri^re, De Paris d GuaUm., 250-1; Brouez, Colonie Bebje, 103-29.
^* With a few exceptions, however, they were to be governed by their own
laws, and were, besides, to enjoy a number of exemptions. The custom-
house of Izabal was to be removed to Santo Tomas.
^^The grants were repealed in April 1854. Guat., Recap. Ley., i. 838-9;
Belize, Packet Intellifjencer, June 17, 1854; Squier's Cent. Am., 612-13; Payne's
Hist. Europ. Colonies, 327; Croslyy's Staiem., MS., 98.
^■^See laws and decrees of Feb. 29, 1868, Oct. ?, 1873, Aug. 19, 1878, June
27, 1884, and a decree of Presid. Barillas in 1885; also official correspond.
IMMIGRATION AND COLONIZATION 591
government entered into a contract with F. F. Millen
to introduce 10,000 immigrants from Europe or the
United States, the former agreeing to give each immi-
grant, of upwards of 21 or under 50 years of age, a
grant of 45 hectareas of land, upon his complying with
the terms of it.^^ Vain efforts had been made by the
American government prior to the civil war to obtain
permission from the Central American republics for the
colonization, under its patronage on their waste land,
of negroes voluntarily emigrating from those states.
The scheme was opposed in toto by the leading men/''
In 1867 and 1868 a considerable number of immi-
grants, many of whom were Americans and some
Cubans, settled in Honduras, the government by its
liberal laws and other facilities encouraging foreign
immigration. This policy it has continued to pursue,
and in late years many foreigners have been drawn to
the country by the discovery of valuable gold placers/^
Salvador has done little or nothing toward increas-
ing her population by immigration ; but foreigners of
good moral character and industrious habits are. always
welcomed and protected in their rights. They can also
become naturalized after five years' residence, or at the
end of three years by contracting marriage with a na-
tive of the state.
In Nicaragua the executive was authorized on the
with the U. S. govt. Guat., Recap. Ley., i. 841-5; Id., Id., Gob. Democ, i.
197-8; Nic, Gaceta, Apr. 18, 1868; S. F. Tinier, May 9, 1868; Mex., Diario
Ofic, Sept. 18, 1878; Manero, Doc. Interes., 105-6; U.S. Govt Doc., Cong. 42,
Sess. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 1 (For. Rel.), 542-3; El Guatemalteco, June 30, 1884; S. F.
Bulletin, June 15, 1885.
^^ Cultivating one half, and becoming a citizen, provided he had not been
imprisoned meanwhile for crime. The concession involved several other
facilities, and privileges. Guat., Mem. Sec. Fcrnieivbo, 1884, 7-8; Pan. Star and
Herald, July 23, 1883.
^* On the ground that a large number of English-speaking negroes thus in-
troduced could never become assimilated with their already mixed population,
and would soon create a balance of power in their hands, as against the re-
mainder of the population. The rulers saw in the plan danger to their insti-
tutions and customs. U. S. Govt Docs., Cong. 35, Sess. 2, Sen. Miscel. Doc,
26; Foreign Affairs, 1862, 881-4, 897-910; Crosby's Statem. of Events in Cal,
MS., 95-100; Pirn's Gate of the Pac, 138-46.
^^Squier's Cent. Am., 275-6; Squiers Bond., 267-78; mc, Gaceta, Sept. 21,
1867; Jan. 4, 25, Nov. 14, 1868; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 17, Dec. 4,
1885.
592 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
6tli of May, 1853, to enter into colonization con-
tracts.^^ One such was made with James Welsh
May 11, 1859, and another with Adolph Adlesberg
May 11, 1861, neither of which had effect. ''
A colonization decree was issued by President
Rivas, November 23, 1855, granting each immigrant
250 acres of public land, and 100 additional to each
family. ^^ The liberality of the grants, together with
the facilities then afforded by the Transit route brought
a rapid increase of immigration. In 1861 a contract
to foster colonization was made with Gottel.^^ Again,
on the 7th of March, 1865, an immigration law was
enacted granting a number of privileges to persons
availing themselves of it. A number of Americans
came, and in March 1867 the town of Guzman was
founded.'^
The government of Costa Rica has often offered
inducements, in the way of land grants, for European
immigration.^^ It must be said, however, that the
^^ The government granting 500,000 square varas of land to each family,
and specifying the number of families to be settled. It was to guard against
improper persons being introduced, that is to say, only those of good moral
character and industrious habits, professing the catholic religion, and willing
to sever their connection with and throw off the protection of their former
nationalities, were to be received. Upon complying with the required condi-
tions, they would be granted the rights of citizenship, Rocha, C6d. Nic, i.
1G7-8. A number of Prussians, among whom were several families, arrived
in September 1846 on the brig Frisch at San Juan del Norte, desiring to set-
tle in the country. The government tendered them facilities to settle in the
interior, provided they would first relinquish their allegiance to Prussia.
Only six men remained; the rest went away. Nic, Boletin OJic., 345-6, 367.
In 1851 it was contemplated to establish, under liberal grants, a French colony
in Nic; but it was not carried out. Dupuy, Nic, 8-27.
^^ Congress on Feb. 13, 1862, declared the former null and void, and re-
fused to sanction the latter. Rocha, C6d. Nic, i. 187; Nic, Boletin OJic,
March 1, 1862.
^^The deed of full ownership was to be executed six months after the
immigrant's arrival. He was also exempted from import dues on everything
he brought to enable him to settle. Fabens, Walker's friend, was named
director of colonization. Perez, Mem., 7; El Nicaragiiense, Jan. 5, 1856; Wells'
Walker s Exped., 106-11; Nic, Boletin OJic, Apr. 16, 1856.
19 The govt declared it null in 1866. La Union de Nic, May 18, 1861; Nic,
Decretos, 1865-6, 74-5.
'^^ The govt has not ceased to promote immigration. In 1873 concessions
were made to the colony in Gottel Valley, and in 1878 efforts were made to
bring colonists from Alsace-Loraine. Nic, Gaceta, Feb. 11, 1865; Apr. 6,
Aug. 24, 1867; El Porvetur de Nic, Apr. 13, Aug. 3, 1873; Salv., Diano OJic,
Dec. 12, 1878.
^1 It has refrained from introducing the African element, though men of
LAND GRANTS. 593
Costa Ricans are jealous of foreign influence, and
though willing to have the benefits of foreign capital,
are not disposed to share with foreigners the wealth
which that capital develops. Nevertheless, foreign-
ers are permitted to hold real and other kinds of
property, and to become citizens of the country. ^^
In 1849 a grant of land of 20 leagues in length by
12 in breadth was made to a French company for
1,000 colonists. ^^ The conditions of the contract were
not carried out, though a considerable number of im«
migrants formed under it an establishment. The pro-
ject failed."^ In the fall of 1850, 51 persons, after
two months' sail from Bremen, arrived at San Juan
del Norte, and underwent great hardships and priva-
tions to reach San Jose. After three years only three
families remained. ^^
A similar grant to that of the French company was
made on the Atlantic coast to a British company,^^
which had no effect.
Still another concession was made May 7, 1852, to
a German company, organized at Berlin, who seemed
to be actuated by a desire to carry out their obliga-
tions, even though the people and government of
Costa Bica early showed a disposition to look upon
their scheme with disfavor.^^ Baron Billow was the
that race can alone be advantageously employed in her low-lying hot region..
The immigration of Chinese has been prohibited as injurious. Bates' Gent..
Am., 140; Costa R., Informe Sec. Hac, 1875, 7-8.
22 With the same civil and political rights enjoyed by natives. Those de-
siring to retain their nationality are equally protected, and are exempted
from military service and extraordinary taxation. They may freely dispose
of their property, which at their death goes to their legal heir, whether
by will or ab intestato. Costa R., Col. Ley., v. 114-16; Molina, Bosq. Costa.
R., 44.
23 They were exempted from imposts for 15 years.
2* The settlement was effected where there were no ready means to pro>-
cure supplies, or to dispose of products without great trouble and expense.
Besides, the settlers were unfamiliar with tropical agriculture.
2^ Nineteen died at San Jose. One was killed by a tiger on the way there,
and his remains, with those of his wife and child, were buried under the
evergreens of San Miguel; the rest went up the Sesapiqui Kiver, where 9 were
soon after put under the sod; 9 died at Miravalles, and 4 at Alajuela.
2^ Concession to Sir Henry Bulwer. Costa R., Boletin Ofic, July 20, 1854.
2^ The grant covered 54 square miles in the Reventazon Valley, between
Cartago and the Atlantic Ocean; the company were to settle 7,000 adult col-
onists within 20 years. An additional absolute concession of 32 acres for-
HisT. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 38
594 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
director of the company. He died in 1856, and in all
probability his enterprise died with him. Another
attempt was made by Crisanto Medina, to whom a
large grant of land was made for colonization pur-
poses, at Miravalles, at the foot of the volcano of that
name. The grant embraced a fine plateau about
2,500 feet above the sea.^^ In 1852 thirty-seven
Germans were settled there, and possibly a few more
came afterward, but the project was abandoned. ^^
In 1856 there was an arrival of French immigrants. ^^
On the 23d of April, 1858, another colonization law
was passed. ^^ The idea of augmenting the population
by offering inducements to foreign immigrants has not
been abandoned. Thus we see further contracts
entered into with private parties to that end.^^
The most numerous class of population in Central
America, next to^the pure Indians, are the ladinjDS,
most of whom. are liSflofei&ds, which include the mes-
tizos, mulattoes, quadroons, octoroons, and zambos.^
The mestizos are of a hght yellow hue; numbers of
them, however, are found as white as the natives of
southern Europe. They are generally a fine-looking
race of men, resembling in bodily and mental features
the Creoles or pure native whites, though more hardy.
•each colonist was also made. But the principal grant was to be forfeited if
the main condition was not fulfilled. Billow, Nic, 124-39; Costa R., Boletin
Ofic, March 9, 1854; Calvo, MemoHa, 8; Costa R., Mem. Sec. Rel, 1851, IS;
1854, 8; Id., Informe Gohern. y Rel, 1853, 13-14; Id., Doc. Soc. Itin., 1-102;
Warjner, Costa R., 181-3, 332-5; Marr, Cent. Am., ii. 172-.3, 179-81, 218-19,
228-9.
2^ Each family was to have 10 acres, a temporary dwelling, provisions for
six months, the use of a cow and ox for one year, all for $80, reimbursable in
equal annual instalments during 10 years. Wagner, Costa R., 250-6, 473-93.
2^ Further details on the subject may be found in Squier^s Cent. Am., 462,
473-80; Belly, Nic, i. 355-6; Reichardt, Nic, 245-8, 290-6, ix.-xiv.; Molina,
Bosq. Costa R., 126; Id., Coup d'Oeil Costa R., 30-3; Id., Der Freistaat Costa
i?., 67-83.
^"•That same year the colonization of Golfo Dulce was contemplated. El
Nicaraijiiense, July 19, 1856; Lafond, Oolfo Dulce.
^^ Costa R., Col. Ley., xv. 176-9.
^■'In 1878 with Barreto to introduce Canary Islanders, and in 1881 with
Perera. Voz de M6j., Aug. 30, 1878; Jfear., DiaHo Ofic, Sept. 2, 1878; Costa
R., Col Ley., 1881, 94- 8.
^ Mestizo is the offspring of white and Indian; mulatto of white and black;
quadroon of white and mulatto; octoroon of white and quadroon; zambo is
an offspring of Indian and negro, more extended intermixtures are given
elsewhere.
CLASS DISTINCTIONS. 605
In temperament they are passionate, revengeful, treach-
erous, and cowardly, ambitious and yet lazy, sensuous,
and in a majority of cases, at least in the lower class,
devoid of moral principle. The pure Indian is more
reliable than the mestizo, the latter having all the vices
of the two races out of which he sprang.
The Igxlino class furnishes the domestic servants,
muleteers, small farmers and tenants, herdsmen, and
not a few_^beggars and robbers. In revolutionary
times many of its numbers have been banditti, preying,
under the garb of guerillamen, upon both friend and
foe. A considerable number of ladinos, however, be-
come mechanics and traders, and many have attained
high positions in the church and the state, and become
distinguished for their talents and abilities.^* The
zambos and other mixtures of the negro race, like most
of the negroes and mulattoes, reside in the coast dis-
tricts. They do the heaviest work in the towns, and
often engage in agriculture.
TheCreoles, or pure native whites, calling them-
selves Americans, though less numerous, form the
ruling class^ In the towns they are the leading ele-
ment,lilJLiGg_th e most desirable positions, such as those
of Ian d^ and mine owners7 merchants, manufaturers,
lawyers, physicians, mechanics, officials, and higher
clergy.^'' The creole is generally well built, and of
about medium height, with a pleasing expression of
countenance. His eyes are usually black like his hair
and beard. He lacks the steadfastness of the Anglo-
Saxon, and the trustworthiness of the German, often
allowing himself to be swayed by passion and caprice.
There are, nevertheless, many honorable exceptions,
which are probably the result of education and contact
with the people of other and older nations. Indeed,
^* For examples, in Nic, Gen. Corral, Walker's victim, Gregorio Juarez and
Rosalio Cortez, ministers of state, were mulattoes. Anselino Rivas, also a
minister, resembled an Abyssinian; Fruto Chamorro, the conservative presi-
dent, showed evidences of many mixtures. Bdbj, Nic, L 255.
^^ The whites in their social intercourse maintain a certain exclusion, but
in othei respects equality prevails. Knowing their numerical inferiority,
they have followed the policy of concession. Squiers Travels^ i. 268.
596 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
whatever may have been the defects of character of
the Creole, when he hved comparatively isolated from
the, wqrldj^nd entertained the conceit of his own ex-
cellence and superiority, a great change for the better
is noticeable in many individuals in after years, since
Central America has been enjoying facilities of com-
munication with other peoples, which has enabled her
sons and daughters to study their ways, and to adopt
whatever is good in them, not to mention the bad
ways which have also taken root.
The population of Costa _Kiaa is represented to be
nearly all white, the Indians not being numerous, and
the negroes and mixed breeds living on the coast.^^
The Costa Ricans are a well-formed people. There
is, perhaps, not as much manly dignity and female
grace as are yet to be found in Spain ; nor is the color
of their females, as a rule, to be compared with that
of their European sisters ; but what is lacking in that
is fully compensated by elegance of form, regularity of
features, splendid eyes, and an abundance of glossy
hair,^^ and not least by their affability and sweetness
of manner. The people are generally intelligent, and
noted for the absence of hauteur in their manner. ^^
They are sedate, industrious, economical, fairly honest,^^
2^ According to TroUope, pure Spanish blood is an exception. He thinks
there must be a great admixture of Indian blood with it. The gen. color is
that of a white man, but of a very swarthy one. W. Ind. and the Sp. Main. ,
275.
^"^ Belly, Nic, ii. 132. TroUope, West Ind., 275-6, speaks disparagingl;^ of
Costa Rican women's personal appearance. Another Englishman treats them
with more gallantry: 'Blonde hair, gray eyes, and red cheeks are rare in no
class; and many a pretty face may be seen on market-day, scarcely darker
or more Spanish-looking than a west-country girl's. Boyle's Ride Across a Con-
tinent, 225.
^^ Being a compact population, and constantly thrown into the company
of one another through family or business relations, a certain fraternity be-
came established, and the practice obtained of calling each other liermano and
hermanitico at every meeting. Astabiiruaga, Cent. Am., 52-3. Owing to that
practice, the Costa Ricans have been nicknamed hermaniticos.
^'That is to say, they are not given to stealing or barefaced cheating; but
at a bargain they will take all the advantage they can; and if a lie will help,
their conscience is elastic enough to use it. In this they are neither better
nor worse than other nations claiming a high standard of honesty. Their
sense of morality, in sex relations, is not what it should be. Divorces and
separations are common, and concubinage quite prevalent. The superin-
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS 597
and peaceable. Upon occasions they have shown
themselves possessed of good soldierly qualities when
their independence or rights have been in peril, as
during Walker's filibuster war; but they cannot be
called a warlike people/^ They are not ambitious,
aspiring to a moderate independence to be attained
without an excessive effort. Indigence is almost un-
known. All Costa Ricans own property of some kind,
and even the humblest of them has the ambition of
possessing a piece of land
The houses of the wealthy and well-to-do are quite
comfortable. They are built with ordinary doors and
windows, and of one or two stories. ^^ Window-glass
is only used in the better houses of the principal cities.
In the smaller towns windows are dispensed with as
superfluous. Carpets are to be found in a few houses
of the wealthy, or of foreigners. Instead of them,
floors are covered with matting. The rich exhibit
paintings or engravings on their walls. The houses
of the poor are comfortless.^^
The higher classes enjoy the pleasures of the table.
In the populous cities inns are kept for the better
class of travellers, at which a tolerably good table is
provided. The usual food of the peasants and other
poor people consists of tasajo, or jerked beef, black
beans, corn, rice, tortillas, plantains, and other fruits.*^
Intoxication is prevalent among the lower classes.
tendent of the census for 1864 recorded ' 1,200 separados de hecho, quienes
sin equivocarme puedo decir que viven en concubinato, sin contar la frecuen-
cia de este entre solteros y solteras.' Costa R., Censo, 1864, xxv.
^''They dislike wasting their resources in wars or war material, preferring
the arts of peace, and to welcome those Tjrmging them wealth from other
c^mrtries. Laferrih-e, De Paris a Guatemala, 45-6, 57.
*^ A large number of houses in Cent. Am. are made with tapial, which is
common earth put moist into boxes of the dimensions of the walls, and beaten
with mallets. Another sort of building is made by driving a number of poles
into the ground at a yard or two from each other, to which long canes are
tied, the space between the canes being filled up with mud, or with mud and
stones. When dry, the outside is plastered over with mortar. The houses
are protected by projecting roofs. There are likewise many houses built with
thick adobe walls, covered with concave tiles.
*2 Dirty and slovenly. TrolUype^s W. Ind., 260, 268. The only articles of
furniture in them are a hammock, a table, a bedstead without mattress, and
two or three of the commonest wooden chairs.
^^ Belly, Nic, i. 367-8.
598 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
Guaro, or aguardiente, and gin are deemed a uecessity
for the peasant and laborer. With the action of the
heat and the poor food, Hquor soon overpowers him/*
Saturday is the day upon which the cities are surp-
^ plied with comestibles and other commodities for the
' week. Natives of both sexes and all ages throng the
market-places, particularly in San Jose,*^ bringing
vegetables, fruits, and other food for the table. Others
bring manufactured articles, like earthen- ware, ham-
mocks, charcoal, hats, rebozos, etc.*^ From sunrise
till noon the market-places are crammed with sellers
and buyers. The ladies of all ranks do their own
marketing, and are seen, basket on arm and bare-
headed, strolling about and driving bargains. The
market-women move rapidly, carrying goods on their
heads or in strings. The better class of women follow
in their dress the fashions of Europe, except that they
wear no hats. The females of the lower classes have
their own mode of dress, which is generally more
studied than in other places of Central America.
Some of them wear ear-rings and expensive collars, a
jipijapa hat costing $16. The gowns are of muslin,
printed calico, or some other light material, and cover
half a dozen embroidered petticoats. The hair is di-
vided into two tresses hanging down behind, and in the
braids runs a bright-colored ribbon. Others wear on
the head a rebozo, which like the hat is significant of
the taste or wealth of the wearer.*^ Only a few among
them complete this studied toilet with shoes or boots.
** Hence the constant use of emetics, castor oil, soda purgante or ref res-
cante, rhubarb, quinine, sarsaparilla, and florida water, which are looked
upon as universal panaceas. Laferrihre, De Paris a Guatem., 57. The large
revenue derived by the government from the monojioly:Qf_ihe_^ale of spiritu-
ousjiquors shows how great must be the consumption. Boyle's Ride Across a
Continent, ii. 225. *
*^ The Indians are never found in the cities. Laferridre, De Paris a Chwtim.y
*^ Belly speaks of the great variety and abundance of commodities exhib-
ited in the market on such days. Cacao nibs were used as small change.
The sales of one Saturday that he visited the market exceeded $100,000. -Vic.,
i. 392.
*^ Some of these rebozos are of silk, made in San Salvador, and sold in
Costa Rica at $18 or $20 apiece.
NICARAGUAN SOCIETY. 599
The men bring their mules, or carts, or merely their
machetes. They generally wear a coarse cloth coat
affd a pair of drill or cotton trousers. The hat varies;
it is either of straw, otter, or felt. Most of the people
of the interior go barefooted, but carry plenty of
pesos in their pockets and make them jingle. After
purchasing in the market-place such articles as they
need, which go under the general term habilitaciones,
and selling their products, they seek the vinaterias or
pulperias, and invite one another to drink.
The great amusement of Costa Rica is gambling.
The people have a command of money, and their only
ways of spending it, to afford them entertainment, are
the church, the bottle, and gambling.^^ On Sundays
and feast-days after the church service*^ the men re-
sort to the cockpit, many staking from $200 to
on the result of a fight between two cocks.'
50
The Nicaraguan women of pure Spanish stock are
quite fair, and have the embonpoint characterizing the
sex under the tropics. Many of them are handsome,
having an oval face, regular features, large and lus-
trous black eyes, small mouth, good teeth, small hands
and feet ; and withal a low but clear voice. Some of
the descendants of white and Indian of the higher
class are also quite beautiful. The Indian girl with
her full lithe figure, long glossy hair, and erect walk
should not be overlooked.^^ Nicaraguan society has
a peculiar charm and grace, with little conventionality.
Both men and women of all classes are extremely cour-
*^ All classes seem to be given to the vice. At the club a minister of state
or some other high functionary presides over the faro-bank. Boyle's Ride, 226.
*^ There is a good deal of heresy and infidelity exhibited by the higher
class; but the poor people are very devout.
^ A favorite amusement of all Cent. Am. Laferribre, De Paris a GuaUm.,
56-7; Reichardt, Ntc, 123-5. In connection with the manners and customs of
Costa Ricans, see also Fiisch, Staaten von Mex., 88; Wagner, Costa R., 170-8,
189-92, 194.
^^ The native women when carrying a jar of water on their heads present
the sculptural profiles of caryatides. Belly, Nic, i. 198. Beautifully moulded
and unobtrusive in their manners; kind and hospitable to strangers. Squier's
Travels, i. 284, 294.
600 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
teous/^ Strangers are well received, if decently clad,
well-mannered, and of good behavior. They will find
it rather difficult to obtain the privilege of visiting re-
spectable families. When a young man desires to
pay his addresses to a young lady, he applies for the
permission of her parents, guardian, or relations, as
the case may be. Marriages are invariably according
to the rites of the catholic church. Burials of mem-
bers of rich families are in churches. ^^
The Nicaraguans of the higher order — there is_no
middle one — cannot be credited with industrious
habits. Life is easy with them, and the climate is
enervating. So they spend much of their time lying
in a hammock and smoking cigarettes.^* The lower
order in the towns follow the example, at least the
male portion. The peasantry, however, is docile and
fairly industrious, and may be called an excellent rural
population. The peon system is unknown in Nica-
ragua.
The Nicaraguan people nave a fine muscular devel-
opment, and a mild soft expression. Though not war-
like, they are brave, and will fight desperately when
reduced to it by necessity. The masses are not so
demoralized as some travellers would have us believe
them. Crimes are relatively rare, and the public
roads are safe from high way m en. ^^ A servant may
steal a small amount, or some object thrown in his
way, and yet will convey a large sum of money to a
long distance without thinking of running away with
it. It must be confessed that there is too much
^2 The women are not well educated; but they are simple and unaflfected,
quick of apprehension, and ready at good-natured repartee. Id., 269.
^^ Cemeteries being generally in bad condition. Squier has it that the
priests have perpetuated the practice, because they derive a considerable fee
from each burial. Travels, i. 383^.
^* * The aristocracy keeps the shops, and there it dozes; , . .the lower orders
keep the plaza, and there they doze.' Boyle's Rule Across a Continent, 102.
°^ Belly, Nic, 217, speaking of those of mixed blood, says they are the
victims of traditional indolence, and of the absence of moral light rather than
of actual depravity. The nearer to the pure Indian type, the more reliable
and faithful they are. Stout, Nic, 118, says that the Nicaraguans are possessed
of many virtues.
DRESS AND DWELLINGS. 601
proneness to condone offences against morality and
honor/^
There is no national costume. The wealthy follow
to some extent to European fashions, generally sup-
pressing the silk hat, which is replaced with any
hat that is broad-brimmed and suited to the climate/^
Men of the lower class go barefooted, or wear the
caite, which is a species of sandal. The rest of their
dress is a pair of cotton trousers, frequently not reach-
ing lower than the knees, a shirt, its lower part often
outside the trousers, and a palm-leaf hat.
There are many fine horsemen m Nicaragua, as
well as in all Central America. A caballero is in his
element when mounted on a spirited, champing horse,
with a pellon thrown over the saddle, which is the
Mexican saddle modified and with high peaks. He
carries also to complete his equipment a pair of bol-
sters and pistols.^^ Women imitate the European sum-
mer costumes, but use no hat except when riding on
horseback. They generally appear in a loose and
flowing dress, with neck and arms exposed. A light
shawl is thrown over the shoulders, or worn over the
head at church. A red or purple sash may be wound
around the waist, and a narrow golden band, or a
string of pearls extending around the forehead and
binding the hair, which often falls in luxuriant waves
over the shoulders. The usual way of dressing the
hair is to have two braids knotted behind the head,
and to place a few natural flowers in it. The feet are
incased in satin slippers. The women of the lower
class use a petticoat without waist, covering the under-
garments. A floating short shirt quite open in the
upper part, and almost sleeveless hardly concealing
^^ Such offences which in other countries would be indelible blots, throw-
ing their authors out of the company of honorable people, are after a while
overlooked, and the perpetrators reinstated in society. Levy, Nic., 275.
*^ The waistcoat and cravat are often dispensed with. Gloves are rarelj'-
worn. Loud colors, with large chains and trinkets are too often displayed.
^^The ordinary saddle or albarda is a cheap affair and uncomfortable.
There are horses of an easy amble, which are quite rapid and yet gentle.
Squier's Travels, i. 157; ii. 91.
602 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
the bust. In the street they wrap themselves in a
rebozo. Stockings and shoes are worn only in cities. ^^
The dwellings of the poor in the country are usu-
ally of canes thatched with palms, many of them
open at the sides, and with the bare earth for floors.
Some of them have the canes plastered over, and
whitewashed, with tile roofs, or otherwise improved.
Those of large proprietors are strongly built, neat,
comfortable, and generally cool. In the towns there
are many dwellings of the same character; but the
residences of the wealthier class are built of adobes,
of one story, enclosing large courts which are entered
under archways, these being frequently constructed
with much beauty.^^ The interior is divided into
large rooms around the gallery or corridor. The walls
are whitened on both sides. One of the rooms is
used as a parlor, the others for different purposes.®^
The furniture is generally of home manufacture and
simple enough. ^^ The house is lighted with stearine
candles, imported or common tallow dips. Petroleum
and lamps have also been introduced. ^^
^' L^, Nic, 272; Belly, Nic. , i. 198; WeW Explor. , 74^5. The people gen-
erally are clean in their persons except when travelling, or when ill, and in
the latter case the touch of water is prohibited. Squiers Travels, 59, 153-4,
269, 271, 289.
^ For a hot climate the adobe, warm in winter and cool in summer, is not
to be surpassed as a dwelling. In the courts are shade trees, making the
corridors upon which all the rooms open exceedingly pleasant. Id., i. 33-4;
Id., Cent. Am., 365; Id., Nic, 649; Stout's Nic, 38, 62-4, 66. Doors and
windows are wide. The windows have no glass, being enclosed on the out-
side with an iron railing constructed sometimes like a balcony. The floors are
of soft brick. The roof, sloping considerably, is of concave tiles. The yard
often has a flower garden, or is used for raising poultry, or maybe pigs.
^^ Kitchen, laundry, stables, etc., are at the end of the yard, or when possi-
ble, in a separate yard.
^'^ In late years some foreign furniture has been imported. Most parlors
are furnished as follows: Chairs with leather seats, easy chairs of the same,
mostly rockers. In houses of the wealthy is a round or oval centre-table, and
other tables fitting into the corners, and possibly a piano, a hanging lamp, and
small mirrors, together with framed lithographs or paintings hanging on the
walls. The bedrooms have similar chairs, a hammock, and a bed of rawhide
extended and nailed to a wooden frame, supported by four legs. At each
end rises a pillar to sustain a sort of awning which covers the whole bed, and
answers also for a mosquito net. The appurtenances of tlie bed are a mat,
sheets, and pillows. No mattresses are ever used. Some persons prefer a
common cot. Levy, Nic, 262-7; Belly, Nic, 197.
^ In some places coyol oil or lard in tin lamps are used, with or without a
FOOD AND DRINK. 603
The characteristics of Nicaraguan life are sobriety
and uniformity of food.^ Families make a practice
of not laying in supplies, but purchase what they need
from day to day. Some buy their food already
cooked.
The custom of extending invitations to dinner with
one's family, so common in other countries, does not
obtain in Nicaragua, except among relatives or very
intimate friends. Men are asked to eat only on spe-
cial occasions, when banquets are given, at which the
English custom of giving toasts is followed.
Amusements are few in Nicaragua. However, the
upper classes have their tertulias and balls, often im-
provised, at which the polka, waltz, bolero, and other
well-known Spanish dances are performed with grace
and spirit. The lower classes frequently have fandan-
goes and other characteristic dances. There is no
place of general resort for the better classes, unless it
is the billiard-room, which serves alike as a gambling-
den.^^ The cockpit is in full operation every Sunday,
the people being fond of the amusement, and even
glass chimney. In Segovia the people often have no other light than that
emitted by a burning piece of resinous pine,
^* Quite simple. Sqitier's Travels, 120, 272-5. Breakfast invariably com-
prises eggs, roast meat, beans, and cheese, to which other dishes may be
added or not; finishing with chocolate or coffee, the former mixed with
roasted corn, and the latter with milk. The dinner consists of soup, boiled
meat and greens, followed by a stew of beef, pork, fish, or fowl, with some
vegetables, and dessert in the form of a variety of dulces. Rice is as necessary
at dinner as beans at breakfast. Between breakfast and dinner, fruits or
some cooling beverage are partaken of. Supper is a frugal meal, accompanied
with chocolate, or tiste, which is the national beverage of Nic. — a mixture of
cacao, and ground roasted corn, beaten in cold water with sugar. Wheaten
bread is made of imported flour; but it is too expensive for general use, and
is generally sweetened. The tortilla of Nic. is larger, thicker, and of coarser
dough than in other parts. In many places it is considered * articulo de lujo,'
and instead of it, boiled or roasted green plantains are used. Wine is rarely
brought into requisition. The only fermented liquor in common use is the
aguardiente distilled from molasses, which only the lower classes drink, and
not to excess. The poorer classes are very irregular in their eating, for they
eat at all hours; living mostly on plantains, beans, cheese, and chicharrones
and other fat portions of pork. Fruit in superabundance is eaten. Levy, Nic,
267-72; Slouts Nic, 130-2; Squiers Travels, i. 271.
''^ The govt has at the capital a fine military band, which gives public con-
certs in the open air twice a week. The marimba and old Spanish guitar are
much used. Occasionally a Spanish dramatic or zarzuela company, or a troupe
of acrobats or other artists, visit the country.
604 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
the most respectable indulge in it.^ Gambling at
monte and other games of hazard is common enough,
but the vice has not attained the development noticed
in other parts of Spanish America. ^^ It is certainly
conducted with less publicity.
There are neither bull-pits nor professional bull-
fighters. Now and then a performance of the kind
takes place in some plaza; the bull is much worried,
but not killed.^
After jdescribing the manners and customs of the
(\Nicaraguans, there is but little left to say of their
neighbors the Salvadorans, who resemble them in most
characteristics. It must be acknowledged, however,
that the people of Salvador are entitled to the first
rank in Central America for their industry, general
intelligence, and love of order. Individual rights are
respected among them, and well-behaved foreigners
are at all times made welcome. The Salvadorans
seem to understand what^-^ajFe^the duties of repub-
licans.^ ^--"""""^ N^
The population of Salvador consists of Indians,
ladinos, and zambos. The kfcdinos comprise the whites,
of which class the proportion is small, and the several
mixtures of white and Indian. The mode of living
of the latter scarcely differs from that of the Nica-
raguans or other Central Americans of the same
standing.
The aboriginal peoples have undergone considerable
^ In Leon some of the elite do not frequent the place, but they, not ex-
cepting the priests, practise it in their corridors. Little parties are got up of
afternoons to have chicken-fights, and at times large sums change liauds.
^^ Govt has from time to time passed laws to prohibit gaming. Rochxiy C6d.
Nic., ii. 81-3; La Union cle Nic, March 9, 1861; Nic, Gaceta, Jan. 15, 1870;
Pan. Star and Herald, March 20, 1886.
^^ Occasionally those who take part in the dangerous amusement receive
fatal injuries. Levy, Nic, 288-94; Sq^der's Travels, i. 331-3. The follow-
ing authorities also treat of the character, and manners, and customs of
the Nicaraguans. Reichardt, Nic, 80-1, 88-90, 102-25; Heine, Wanderhlder,
96-107, 187-204, passim; De Bow's Rev., xiii. 236-58; Wells' Walkers Exped.,
44-79, 84-5, 106-7, 241-2, 422.
^^ ' Whatever may be the future history of Cent. Am., its most important
part, in all that requires intelligence, activity, concentration, and force, will
be performed by San S>alva.doT. Sqmer's Cent. Am., 315.
SALVADORAN SOCIETY. 605
modification from the three centuries of contact with
the white men, and of subjugation to the Spanish
rulers. But there are towns, even near San Salvador,
the capital, which have retained many of their primi-
tive customs, and where the aboriginal blood has suf-
fered but little, if any, intermixture. The native
language has fallen into disuse in most places, and
only a few words, also accepted by the whites, are
retained/*' The region known as costa del balsamo^^
is entirely occupied by Nahua nations, whose habits
have scarcely changed since the conquest They are
not absolutely hostile to the Europeans, but certainly
dislike any intrusion on their part. They are an
industrious people.
The aboriginal Salvadoran is, as a rule, slender in,
form but muscular. Some of the women have fine
figures and graceful carriage; they walk with a firm
step and body erect. They are, both men and women,
gentle, affable, and rather hospitable ; their tempera-
ment is melancholy and dreamy. They are well-dis-
posed toward foreigners, and though they will not
tolerate any doubt as to the purity of their blood, yet
consider themselves insulted by being called indios.
They also look upon the whites and ladinos as usurp-
ers in the land. They are much given to boasting of
their courage and generosity, and wish to be taken
for a brave people. The Indian possesses a certain
quantum of honesty, but will fulfil his contracts faith-
fully when his interests do not suffer by it; otherwise,
he will find a loop-hole of escape. He cannot under-
stand the value put by others on capital; his present
needs being covered, he cares nothing for the super-
fluous.^^
The men are quite reserved in their manner; the
■^^ Aboriginal names of places have been generally preserved; and there
are a few towns, exclusively inhabited by Indians, who use their own lan-
guage among themselves. Squiers Cent. Am., 318-2.3.
^^ About 50 miles in length, and 20 to 25 miles in breadth, lying between
La Libertad and Acajutla.
^'■^Nevertheless, in business transactions he is indisposed to trust others.
606 COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
women are different. Their desire to have children
by white men promotes looseness. They do not see
any dishonor in having foreign lovers, and children
born out of wedlock. Nearly all the Indians can read
and write, and have some knowledge of arithmetic.
The dress of the Salvadoran Indians is extremely
simple; probably the same as that worn by their an-
cestors. The women use a piece of blue cotton
wrapped round the waist, and reaching only a little
below the knees; the upper part of the body being
scantily covered with a sort of chemise with an aper-
ture at the top for the head, and open at the sides. "^^
The head-dress consists of two long tresses of their
own black hair, interlaced with a red ribbon, and
wreathed round the head like a turban. They wear
neither shoes nor stockings. The men generally have
caites to their feet. Their dress is a light suit of
cotton, a straw hat or colored kerchief on the head,
and a chamarra of coarse cloth, which answers all the
purposes of cloak, blanket, carpet, and bed.
The dwellings are simple and comfortless; indeed,
they seem to have been put up with the expectation
of their being tumbled down at any moment by earth-
quakes.
The men leave to the women all the cares of the
house; the latter, consequently, lead a laborious and
hard life. Their food consists of eggs, venison, tor-
tillas, beans, rice, and fruit. They are fond of coffee,
and the men indulge freely in the use of chicha, rum,
and every other alcoholic drink that comes in their
way. The women, on the contrary, are strictly sober. ^*
Like all other christianized Indians, they devote much
of their time and substance to religious feasts, which
are generally followed by carousals and gambling,
cock-fighting being a prevalent amusement. They
have a decided liking for music, accompanying their
" This garment is elaborately but rudely embroidered about the neck and
shoulders with colored thread. It is often laid aside in the country towns.
Montgomery's Narr., 98-9; Squiers Cent. Am., 321.
'^Laferridre, De Paris a Ouaiim., 211-21.
MUSIC AND SKY-ROCKETS. 607
sad strains with the guitar, accordion, marimba, or
dulcema. The practice of burning fire-crackers and
letting off sky-rockets is quite common upon every
occasion, whether of rejoicing or mourning. At
funerals they let off rockets as they march along to
the cemetery/^
^^Upon the death of an infant, all rejoice, dance, and carouse, the parents
also taking part, presumably on the belief that it has joined the choir of
angels in heaven. If the child is a male one, they paint whiskers and a
mustache on its face to make it resemble that of Jesus, and call it a jesusito.
CHAPTER XXIX.
THF PEOPLE OF HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
1800-1887.
Amalgamation in Honduras — Possible War of Races — Xicaques and
Payas — Zambos or Mosquitos — Pure and Black Caribs — Distinguish-
ing Traits — Ladings — Their Mode of Life — Guatemala and her Peo-
ple— Different Classes — Their Vocations — Improved Condition of
THE Lower Classes — Mestizos — Pure Indians — Lacandones — White
AND UVper Class— Manners and Customs — Prevailing Diseases — Epi-
demics—Provision for the Indigent.
In Honduras, the amalgamation of races has almost
obliterated the line distinguishing whites from blacks.
The mixture of white, negro, and Indian has brought
about a population ranging in hue from chocolate to
cream color. Now and then a pure white descendant
of the old aristocratic families may be seen ; but such
instances are quite rare, as few families have escaped
the amalgamation.
A war of races is among the possibilities. In
former times some families were wont to enlist blacks
and Indians in the deadly feuds of the country ; now
they stand in dread of elements which will overshadow
or exterminate them, unless a timely influx of whites
from the United States and Europe shall counter-bal-
ance the ever-increasing preponderence of the black
race.^ However, there are a number of respectable
negro families, some of whose members have occupied
high positions in the government,
^ A large number of the priests are blacks, and they regard with ill-con-
cealed jealousy the advance of Americans in Cent. Am. Every measure of
the liberals to promote foreign, immigration meets with opposition on the part
of the black priests.
(608
WHITE, RED, AND BLACK. 609
The Indian or aboriginal element predominates
here as in all Central America. In some districts it
is difficult to say whose habits of life prevail, the
white or the Indian. In the eastern portion of the
state/ the population is almost entirely of Xicaques
and Pay as, portions of which native tribes have
accepted the catholic religion and live at peace with
the white inhabitants; the rest, living among the
mountains, conform more to their original mode of
life, but maintain friendly relations with the white
race.
The coast around Carataska Lagoon, and as far to
the westward as Brewer or Brus Lagoon, was at
one time occupied by zambos, or Mosquitos, but the
Caribs spreading rapidly eastward from Trujillo and
Black Biver have displaced them. The zambos have
of late years lost their former activity, and surrendered
to the besetting vice of drunkenness, which, together
with other causes, is hastening their extinction. Most
of them having been driven by the Caribs into territory
belonging to Nicaragua, the proportion of them still
remaining in Honduras must be small.
The Caribs are the descendants of the original
inhabitants of the leeward island of Saint Vincent.^
The presence of negro blood among the Caribs is
explained by the foundering, when they were still
dwelling in Saint Vincent, of an African slave ship,
on one of the small islands of the vicinity.* The
Caribs, both the pure and the black, are active, in-
dustrious, and provident, and far more civilized than
2 Lying between the Rio Roman and Cape or Segovia River, an area of
some 15,000 square miles.
^ Their ancestors had favored the French in the squabbles with England,
and in 179G were, by order of the British government, transported en masse,
to the number of about 5,000, and at heavy expense, to the then deserted
island of Roacan, in the bay of Honduras. They were subsequently invited
by the Spanish authorities to the mainland; and aided to found settlements
near the port of Trujillo. Since then they have rapidly increased, extending
themselves both to the eastward and westward of that port. Squiers Cent.
Am., 232.
* The black Caribs are represented as tall and stout, and more mercurial
and vehement than the pure Caribs; the latter are shorter, but powerfully
built.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. m. 39
610 HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
the zambos, living in well-constructed liuts, which
are kept clean and comfortable. They still retain
their original language, though most of them can speak
Spanish and a little of English. While professing^
to be catholics, they retain many of their old rites and
superstitions. Being a good, frugal, intelligent, and
useful laboring population, much aid may be expected
from them in the future development of the country.
In Comayagua and Chotuteca there are several
towns wholly occupied by Indians, who retain their
ancient language and many of their primitive customs.
They are industrious, provident, and peaceable; but
if left to their own unaided efforts, will never bring
about the development of the country; but with the
introduction of an intelligent and enterprising people
their good qualities could be rendered useful.
Among the ladino class the men are all polite ; the
-educated are well-bred; and even in the lowest walks
of life courtly language and manners prevail.^
The women of the higher class are rather tall, but
straight ; their every movement is elegant and modest.
The brunettes with raven hair prevail as to numbers;
yet a fair complexion, with light hair, blue eyes, and
ruddy cheeks is found, particularly in the highlands.
Pretty hands and arms are common. The women of
the lower classes are generous and kind-hearted, hos-
pitable, gentle, frank, and patient. Upon them falls
a large share of the work done.^ This does not, of
course, apply to women of wealthy families, but the
fact stands that the women of the lower orders are
mere slaves, albeit they appear cheerful and happy.
The practice of men and women living together with-
out being married prevails here, as elsewhere in Cen-
tral America, chiefly among the lower order. ^
^ Leaving out the dignified and courteous members of the old and wealthy
families, the people show a strange mixture of politeness, simplicity, shrewd-
ness, and eflfrontery, and above all, an indescribably passive indifference of
countenance. Wells' Hond., 202-3.
® It has been said of the Cent. Am. woman, ' she nursed, made tortillas,
and died.' Id., 215.
'The women of this class lead a degraded life. If the man has large
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 611
Women of the higher cliass are taught but little be-
yond reading, writing, and a few rules of arithmetic,
playing on the guitar or piano, dancing, and presenting
a good appearance in society. This done, they are
soon taken to the altar, and their matronly duties
begin. A few young women, however, are sent to
the United States for an education.^
Dwellings in Honduras are mostly of one story;
the Hondurenos, not having the excuse of earthquakes,
say that it was the mode established by their ancestors.
The sala, or parlor, is the room where the family pass
the greater part of the day, doing nothing in the fore-
noon.^ The construction of the house is very much,
like that described for Nicaragua. The residences of
the wealthier classes are cleanly and cool, and have
neat gardens in the rear, adorned with beautiful flowers
and birds in cages. There is no excess of furniture-
A bedstead, one or two chairs, and a clothes-press
form the ordinary furnishing of a bedroom. But in
the houses of the wealthier families, and where several
women reside, the rooms are more generously supplied.
Breakfast and dinner are substantial meals with the
wealthy. -^^ The manners observed at table are very
sedate, and always courteous. When wine or other
beverage is drank, the health of the master and mis-
tress of the house is pledged with the first glass. The
poor, especially in eastern Honduras, are badly fed,
and though generally fleshy and well formed, are not
meapns, his mistress has menials under her; if not, she is maid of all work.
Bates' Cetit. Am., 115.
^ Notwithstanding this lack of education, Cent. Am. women never fail to
interest the traveller by the peculiar gentleness and dignity of their de-
meanor. Wells' Hond., 227-8.
* ' Sitting at the window in the afternoon and evening to recover from the
fatigue of it.' Id., 195.
^*' Breakfast bill of fare: boiled rice and beans, salads, bread, butter, cheese,
tortillas, coffee and milk, fruit. Dinner: soup, beef, salad, a variety of vege-
tables. There are other dishes, such as oUas fried with garlic, piccadillo of
half -cooked lights, oil, rice, and plantains, baked slices of liver, salchichas
or blood puddings with plenty of garlic, catamales filled with bits of fat meat
and cheese, boiled meat, broth, etc. ; the repast concludes with sweetmeats
and coffee. Wines and liquors are generally of poor quality. The rum of
the country is the most harmless. Cooking is generally done on an adobe
fogon, or range, in a small building behind the dwelling-house. Id., 192-4.
612 HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
constitutionally strong. In the cattle districts of
Olancho they fare better, getting all the beef they
need. Yet even the former make patient and en-
during soldiers, capable of travelling twenty leagues
a day through the mountains. ^^
The upper classes adopt American and European
fashions, and costly articles of wearing apparel are in
demand. Women, as a rule, wear white dresses the
year round, or those of a light pink or blue gauzy
stuff. At parties or balls the dress is usually white
and very light. Little jewelry is worn. In the street
a woman always wears a mantilla or a shawl covering
her head. The hair is oftener worn plaited, and put
up behind the head. Ringlets are seldom seen.
Women are rarely seen out except in the morning
and toward sunset.
Men of means travel on fast mules worth at least
$150 each; the trappings being silver mounted, and
some of the bridles and head-stalls adorned with plates
of virgin silver. The Hondurans are fine riders.
Many of the females are graceful and fearless horse-
women. The habit of riding on the right side pre-
vails. Sometimes the bottom of the rider's dress is
loaded with small silver coins fastened through holes
in the skirt. ^^
All classes of the people, from the clergy down —
or up — indulge in bull and cock fights, horse-racing,
dancing, and the excitements of the monte-table, all
of which amusements generally follow the services of
the church on great civic or religious festivities.-^^
Gambling is quite general, and thousands have been
ruined by this vice; however, there is less of it here
than in other parts of Central America. Begging is
^^The couriers, wearing leathern caites, travel that distance every day,
at a gait between a fast walk and a run.
^'•^ Gloves fringed around the cuffs with silver, and a small riding- whip,
complete the attire. To ride and dance well are parts of the Central Ameri-
can's education. Id., 201, 227.
^^ Religious feasts are common, and the people seem to be close observants
of the ceremonies, and yet cannot be said to be as much priest-ridden as other
Central Americans.
CASTES AND CLASSES. Cia
a prevalent practice throughout the country, and vari-
ous devices are resorted to by the halt, maimed, blind,
and others to obtain alms.^* Good domestic servants
are not easily procured in Honduras; they are gen-
erally mulattoes of poor intelligence, and exceedingly
indolent. ^^
The population of Guatemala is set down at about
750,000 Indians, 430,000 ladinos or mestizos, 10,000
persons white or nearly so, 8,000 negroes or colored,
and 2,000 foreigners/^ The white men are mostly
owners of estates, and several of them belong to the
learned professions; others are engaged in trade, or
keep shops. ^^ The mestizos are mechanics, retail
shop-keepers, or servants. The Indians are the cul-
tivators of the soil, and generally speaking, the agri-
cultural laborers. Many mestizos, and not a few
pure Indians, however, belong to the learned profes-
sions, and for that reason are counted among the
gentry, though not among the so-called nobles, sup-
posed to be descendants of the Spaniards who in
colonial times held positions under the government, or
were connected with them.
Until the liberal regime became established in 1871,
a regime which did away with the privileges of class,
there were two castes in the country; namely, the
laboring and producing class, and the governing one
which was wholly made up of consumers. Between
the two classes custom and the rulers had built up a
Chinese wall, an almost impassable barrier. That
distinction has been rapidly disappearing under the
influence of liberal laws.
The Guatemalans of the educated class are noted
for their kindly disposition, simplicity of manners, and
^* Even manacled prisoners are permitted, under guard, to beg for money
to relieve their condition.
^^ Good colored servants brought in from abroad soon fall into the indolent
habits of the blacks surrounding them. The stranger then finds that his
man * Bob Long has become Don Roberto Longorio. '
^^ An official document sets the whole population on the 1st of Jan., 1886,
at 1,322,544 souls. Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1886, annex no. J.
^^ Among those traders are a number of European Spaniards, who are
every year joined by some of their relations from the old country.
614 HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
high sense of justice. Both sexes are amiable, cour-
teous, and attentive to strangers/^ Notwithstanding
their good intellectual powers, owing to the effects of
climate, habit, educational and religious training, bad
government, and perhaps the combination of those
causes, they have been inclined to indolence, and have
lacked in vigor of thought, energy, and enterprise;
punctuality could not be counted among their good
traits, but a most confirmed religious bigotry prevailed
for years among all classes. ^^ An enlightened public
opinion, in both government and religious matters,
has been, however, growing from the time that the
detestable old system was overthrown, it is hoped
forever.
The youth of Guatemala are made conversant with
the etiquette of society. The higher class are quiet,
reticent, grave, and seemingly impassible, but as a
rule make good husbands, fathers, and neighbors.
They are studiously polite and punctilious, expecting
a full return from others. The women are more free,
impressive, and impressible than the other sex, gracious
in speech, unaffected and winning They also rank
high for morality. ^^ Many of them are blondes ; many
have a white skin, with dark eyes and hair.^^
The mestizos, who are the issue of white fathers
and Indian mothers, and of the promiscuous inter-
course,^^ habitually seek the towns. They are, as a
^^Of mild disposition, good natural talents, aptitude for learning, and
lively imagination. Hospitality is one of their virtues. Montaomo-y's Narr.,
157-60.
^^ Belly, who wrote before the upsetting of the old conservative regime,
says: * Un population que son beau climat soUicite k I'inertie, et qui sort a
peine de la plus abominable education religieuse et morale que jamais un
peuple ait subie.' A trav. VAmer. Cent., i. 153-4. Laferri^re visited the
country some years later, and fully confirms the above. De Paris a GuaUm.,
263.
2® * Those of the better class will compare well with any people for good
morals, discreet conduct, and admirable behavior.' Min. Hudson s Rent, in
U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 43, Sess. 1, i. 446.
2^ Most of the women smoke, the elder ones cigars, and the young ciga-
rettes. They do it, however, in a pretty and\refined manner. Stephens'
Trav. Cent. Am., i. 256.
'^'^ 'A natural roving appetite inclines them to favor and to freely indulge
such intercourse.' Min. Hudson s Rept, in U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc,
Cong. 43, Sess. 1, i. 445.
PHYSIQUE AND DWELLINGS. 615
class, much the superior intellectually of the pure
Indian, better educated, and less superstitious, as well
as less loyal to church and government, and too often
wicked, treacherous, and dissolute. When not injured
by early excesses the mestizos are finely built. The
younger and uncorrupted females are distinguished by
the voluptuous swell of their busts, fine lithe forms,
erect and graceful carriage. They walk with an
elastic footstep and inimitable grace and freedom.
The Indians mostly dwell by themselves in villages,
many on the estates of planters, and a few in the cities
and towns. ^^ They are supposed to be intensely
catholic, but they mix in with their Christianity many
heathen rites; and being partially educated by the
clergy, nearly all understand and can speak the
Spanish language. When not corrupted by military
service the aboriginal is industrious, mild, and tem-
perate. Those who dwell apart in their villages raise
most of the fruits and produce marketed, and make
most of the domestic articles sold in shops. ^-Nearly
all, and particularly those of the departments of Los
Altos, have a fine physical development.
The race has been from the time of the conquest
oppressed and kept in a state of barbarous ignorance
and superstition. The regime, established since 1871,
energetically enforced by the late President Barrios,
has done much to brina* about a change for the better.^*
The Lacandones have been specially spoken of by
several authors who have written on Guatemala. The
Spaniards, after attempting in the latter end of the
seventeenth century to pacify the warlike Indian prov-
22 Every Ind. village has its own authorities, most of whom are chosen
from among the inhabitants.
2* The old system attempted to improve their condition by enacting laws
believed to be conducive to that end. Witness clauses of a decree of the con-
stituent assembly of Nov. 8, 1851, giving force to certain laws of 1839, and
reviving others of the old Spanish Recop. de Indios, which were intended to
prevent the maltreatment of Indians. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 246, 512-15, 846-
53. On the 6th of Sept., 1879, a decree was passed, acknowledging the
lamentable condition of ignorance and abjectedness the Indian had been kept
in, and providing that at least a portion of them should attend the pub. schools
already established in nearly all the departments. Salv.y Diario OJic, Sept.
20, 1879.
616 HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
inces, including the Lacandon region, resolved upon
forcibly removing the Indian towns. The Indians of
the town of Dolores were generally quiet, but as an ex-
pensive garrison would be required to make sure of
their continuing at peace, the inhabitants were removed
first to Aquespala, next for some unknown reason to
San Ramon, and finally to Santa Catarina de Ketal-
huleu.^^ These changes caused much suiFering ; a large
number died, others became scattered, but most of
them returned to their native mountains.-^ The gov-
ernment of Guatemala tried in 1831 and 1837 to bring
the Lacandones under its authority, but all its efforts
failed, and they have since retained their indepen-
dence, though seemingly they have abandoned their
old predatory habits, contenting themselves with pre-
serving their isolation. ^^
The above remarks refer to the western Lacandones,
who live on or near the Pasion River, and its tribu-
taries. The eastern Lacandones are a harmless tribe
who hold no relations with and fear the others. ^^
The dwellings of the citizens of Guatemala are gen-
erally of only one story, but the capital and other
cities present fine houses of two stories; as a rule the
houses are commodious, and abundantly suppled with
water. Those of the w^ealthy are elegantly furnished,
and the rest tolerably well provided, the floors being
covered with mattings. The habitations of the poor
^^The German writers Scherzer and Von Tempski, and the i?merican
Stephens, have occupied themselves with those people. According to them
the inhabitants live isolated, and render no service to Guat. They practise
a religion which is a mixture of catholic and heathen rites. The only ladinoa
allowed to live with them are the priest and his attendants.
2^ The towns conquered by the Spaniards did not contain all the Lacan-
dones. According to Pinelo, the Lacandones and Manches were computed, in
1637, at 100,000. This was subsequent to the invasion of their territory by
Quinones. Squier, Cent. Am., 568-72, gives much information on the subject.
'^'^ Now and then a few of them visit the Mexican states of Chiapas, Tabasco,
and Campeche to procure tobacco and other things, and suddenly disappear
by unknown paths, and never allow strangers to visit them.
^^ The eastern Lacandones are tillers of the soil, hunters, and fishermen.
Though occasionally baptized by catholic missionaries, and fond of saying
prayers, they still adhere to their old heathen worship, and indulge in j)olyg-
amy. They visit the whites and settled Indians to sell their produce. Ber-
endt'a Explor. in Cent. Am., in Smitlisonian Ee^, 1867, 425.
DRESS AND FOOD. 617
and Indians are mere thatched huts and altogether
comfortless.
The upper or educated class follow in their dress
the fashions of Europe and the United States. The
women, however, wear a mantilla or shawl and veil
when going to church, and appear without any cover-
ing of the head when walking out or on a visit. They
like to adorn their hair with flowers. ^^ The men are
rather modest in their apparel, and only when equipped
for travelling do they exhibit some ostentation. At
such times, their weapons, the trappings of their horses
or mules, and other ornaments are expensive, provided
their means will allow the indulgence.
The following was the dress worn in the first quar-
ter of the present century by the women of the lower
order, not included in the wealthy class. Short red
petticoats, with deep plain white flounces round the
bottom, gathered up in very thick plaits over their
hips with a white border ; thence upwards, they had
only a chemise to cover them.^° The hair in front
was in the madonna form, and the hinder part, being
of great length, was divided into tightly plaited cords,
which were twisted round the head in various devices.
A pink satin shoe, without stockings, completed the
costume. Most of the Guatemala damsels of the lower
classes dressed in that style, excepting that more fre-
quently they went without shoes, this being specially
noted in the servant class. ^^ Some changes have oc-
curred since then, and a considerable number of the
lower order have adopted the custom of dressing like
the wealthy, but as a rule a marked difierence exists
between the two classes.
Men of the mechanic class generally dress like the
2' Fine and costly tortoise-shell combs were at one time much used.
Women wear hats only when riding on horseback. The Guat. female is fond
of embroidered articles, costly fans, rich jewelry, and every other finery.
There are other women in the world like them.
2® It being starched into stiff folds, it supplied in some measure the place
of a jacket.
2^ Wealthy women objected to their female servants wearing other than
naguas, and would have none that wore shoes.
618 HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
upper class ; the laborers rarely have more than a shirt
and trousers; and occasionally a round jacket. Many
go barefooted or wear the caite. A common palm or
straw hat covers the head. The villapfe or ag^ricul-
tural Indians go scantily clad. The best wear of a
male consists of a straw hat, a short-sleeved shirt, short
breeches, and caites. The females rarely sport more
than a loose waistcoat, and a short petticoat, or a
cloth wrapped round the waist, reaching a little below
the knees. Children of both sexes run nude.
The food of the Guatemalans is about the same as
that of other Central Americans of their respective
classes. Travellers will find mesones to provide shel-
ter and refreshments for man and beast at certain
distances on their journey.^^ At places where no inns
exist, the traveller will be accommodated by the
priest, or by the alcalde in the town hall.
The Guatemalans, like all Central Americans, are
fond of bull and cock fighting,^^ as well as of games of
chance, which are indulged in with great frequency.^
The government endeavors to provide amusements of
a more intellectual and refined character. It built a
fine theatre in the capital, and from time to time sub-
sidizes musical and dramatic troupes. ^^
Begging is common. The sight of a crowd of beg-
gars in rags, many of them exhibiting their sores, is
very repulsive. Those beggars are supported by pub-
lic charity and are rarelv sent away without relief. ^^
^^ Such places are convenient, though not agreeable, owing to the variety
and abundance of fleas, jiggers, etc. Laferriere, De Paris a Guatem., 267;
Stephens Trav. Cent. Am., i. 163-81.
^^ In bull-fights they merely worry and torture the animal, but never kill
it in presence of the public.
^* The vice is not prevalent among the Indians who live apart in their vil-
lages. During the bathing season in Amatitlan, for instance, the time is
spent in gambling, and intrigues between the sexes, and among the visitors
are always a number of veritable sharpers. The native generally bears his
losses with hardly a sign of impatience. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 152-3; Stephens'
Trav. Cent. Am., i. 261, 298-301; Boddam, W., Across Cent. Am., 136-8.
3^ Barrios, Mensaje, 1876, 55-6; Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1880, 35-6; 1883,
59-60; 1884, 40-1; 1885, 44-6.
^^ Bates' Cent. Am., etc., 110
DISEASES AND HOSPITALS. 619
The several states of Central America have often
been visited with calamities in the form of storms and
hurricanes, freshets, and fires, causing heavy losses of
property, and at times of life also. Disease causes its
destruction as elsewhere, and often maladies in an epi-
demic form have decimated the population. Fevers
are rare, except on the coasts, where they prevail dur-
ing the hottest months. ^^ The small-pox has on sev-
eral occasions done havoc among the population. The
invasions of the malady in 1851 in Costa Rica, 1862
in Guatemala and Honduras,^^ and in 1883 in Costa
Rica, have been specially recorded in those countries. ^^
Leprosy prevailing in several parts of Central
America, special hospitals have been established in
some of the republics for the reception and care of
persons thus afflicted.*^ Syphilis exists in Central
America, but is not so prevalent as in Mexico. In
some parts laws have been enacted to regulate the
social evil.*^
That great scourge of the present century in Europe
and America, Asiatic cholera, has repeatedly invaded
the Central American states, carrying vast numbers
to destruction. In 1836 it desolated the largest cities,
^^ The fevers of the country are the intermittent, resembling the worst
form of fever and ague in the western U. S. ; the calentura, which is a type
of the same. It is not common in the interior, and yields usually to strong
cathartics, followed by quinine, which physicians are wont to administer in
heavy doses. Wells' Hotid., 547-8. Yellow fever breaks out with more or
less virulence some years at the ports, particularly on the Atlantic side; it
has occasionally spread to the interior. DiariodeMex., 539 40, 569-71; Amer.
Cent. Cle Beige, ii. 48-52; DisturnelCs Injl. of Clim., 252; Costa R., Informe
Sec. Gobern., 1869, 15; Nic, Gaceta, May 9 to Aug. 8, 1868; Laferri^re, De
Paris a Guatem., 47-8, and table 444 B. Measles and scarlet fever have also
made their appearance epidemically, destroying many lives. Salv., El Siglo,
May 28 to Aug. 14, 1851; Id.. Diario Ofic, July 31, 1875; Costa B., Mem.
Sec. Guerra, etc., 1867, doc. D,' 31.
^^ Nic. adopted timely precautions to escape it, by having the people vac-
cinated. Nic, Boletin Ofic, Aug, 2, 1862.
^^.Rocha, C6d. Nic, ii. 165; Costa R., Mem. Min. Gobern., 1852-3; Id.,
1884, annex A.
*" Elephantiasis is not common, but occasionally found in the upland re-
gions. Only one leg is stricken; the swelling often reaches above the knee.
It is considered incurable and fatal. Costa R., Informe Sec Interior, 1864, 9-
10; Nic, Informe Min. Goher7t., 1871, 7; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ, ii.
21; Wells' Hond., 54S.
*^Journ. of a Voy., in Am. Register, iii. 147; Soc Mex. Geog., Bol, viii.
607; Costa R., Col. Ley., xxiii. 259-63; Id., Mem. Sec Gobern., 1884, 99-100.
620 HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
and everywhere created the utmost consternation.*^
It again made its appearance in the early part of July
1855. A soldier died in Fort San Juan. A few days
later a boat-load of cholera patients came to Granada,
and forthwith the malady spread throughout Nicara-
gua and the rest of Central America, its heart-rending
effects not ceasing in Salvador and Guatemala till
toward the latter part of 1857.*^ The disease broke
out again epidemically in Nicaragua toward the end
of 1866, and continued its ravages there and in Hon-
duras in 1867 and 1868, and it appears that some
cases occurred in Honduras even as late as 1871.^
The several republics have provided hospitals for
the care of the indigent poor, as well as other benevo-
lent establishments for the comfort of orphans and
others needing public support. There are also chari-
table societies affording great relief to the sick and
destitute.
*2But few cases appeared in Hond. down to 1856. Wells' Hond., 549. A
malady presenting some of the symptoms of cholera did considerable havoc in
Costa R. in 1846, and it was apprehended that it might degenerate into the
Asiatic type, but it fortunately did not. In the same state the government,
to ward off an expected invasion of the disease on the 9th of Feb., 1849, estab-
lished a strict quarantine, which was raised on the 9th of April. Hie., Regis-
tro Ofic, 107; Costa i?.. Col. Ley., xi. 14-15, 20.
*^ We have seen how previous to and during the Walker war cholera de-
stroyed a conservative army in Managua, and later one from Costa Rica, and
how for a long time it hindered military operations. Perez, Mem. HmL Rev.
Nic, 140; Costa R., Mem. Min. Ret, 1856, 9-11; S. F. Herald, Sept. 5, 1855;
Id., Bulletin, June 6, 1856; Id., Alta, Oct. 2, 1857; El Tiempo, Aug. 14, Sept.
15, 1857; El Estandarte Nac, Sept. 15, 1857; El Eco Nac, Oct. 1, 1857.
** Costa R. by timely precautions escaped the infliction. Nic., Gac., Dec.
22, 1866; March 9 to Nov. 9, 1867, passim; Jan. 25, 1868; Id., Decretos, 1867,
50; Id., Mem. Min. Fomento, 1869, 7; Costa R., Mem. Sec. Guerra, etc., 1867,
8, doc. A, 23, D, 31; El Porvenir de Nic, Feb- 18, 1872.-
CHAPTER XXX.
mXELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
1800-1887.
Public Education — Early Efforts at Development — Costa Rica's Meas-
ures— Small Success — Education in Nicaragua — Schools and Col-
leges— NiCARAGUAN WRITERS — PROGRESS IN SALVADOR AND HONDURAS
— Brilliant Results in Guatemala— Polytechnic School— Schools
OF Science, Arts, and Trades — Institute for the Deaf, Dumb, and
Blind — University — Public Writers — Absence of Public Libraries
— Church History in Central America and Panama — Creation op
Dioceses of Salvador and Costa Rica — Immorality of Priests —
Their Struggles for Supremacy — Efforts to Break their Power —
Banishments of Prelates — Expulsion of Jesuits — Suppression op
Monastic Orders — Separation of Church and State — Religious
Freedom.
During the last years of colonial rule the govern-
ment displayed some interest on behalf of public
education in Central America. It was, however,
religious rather than secular, and the consequence was
that liberal ideas were not countenanced After the
establishment of the republic, and while the liberal
system prevailed, this important branch was not ne-
glected.^ Later, after the dissolution of the confedera-
tion, some of the states, having fallen under the rule
^ Thus were established in Salv. the Colegio Seminario, which subsequently
assumed the name of Colegio y Universidad del Salvador, in Nic, the Uni-
versidad de Leon, and in Guatemala was founded the Academia de Estudios,
with which became incorporated the old university of San Carlos, the Cole-
gio de Abogados, and the Protomedicato, which had existed several years of
the colonial period. Squiers Trav. Cent. Am., ii. 390-1; Squier, Compend.
Hist. Cent. Am., 36-7; Astabui'uaga, Cent. Am., 22; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 181;
Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 333; Ouat., Becop. Ley., i. 798-806; iii. 11-214.
The Colegio de Abogados y Junta Acaddmica de Jurisprudencia had been
installed June 5, 1810. Diario de Mex., Sept. 22, 1810; Juarros, Guat., ii.
p. vii.
y
4'
622 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT
of a despotic oligarchy, were lukewarm, to say the
best. Costa Rica cannot be accused of neglect.^ In
1856 she had public schools in all the towns, sup-
ported by the government, and in the chief places
others receiving aid from the municipalities.^ The
university of Santo Tomas, at San Jose, has chairs of
Spanish and Latin grammar, philosophy, mathemat-
ics, law, medicine, and pharmacy, and confers diplo-
mas.*
The efforts of general and local authorities, as well
as of private individuals, for the spread of instruction
\i; among the masses were never discontinued, education
^ being more or less under ecclesiastical control till
^ I August 1881, when it was placed under the super-
' vision of the national executive. Thus far educa-
tional results were far from satisfactory, the statistics
in November 1883 showing that throughout the
republic only 14.70 per centum of the population
could read and write. ^ Nevertheless, there are many
well-educated men, who received their instruction in
the schools, colleges, and university, and have attained
good standing in the several learned professions, and
in political life.
The labor to enlighten the masses continues un-
abated, with hopes of better success. No works of
literary importance have been issued from the press
in Costa Rica, and only a few newspapers, other than
the official journal, are published.
The advantage to Nicaragua of possessing an edu-
cated people has not been unknown, and efforts to
2 See laws, official reports, and statements of travellers. Costa B., Col. Ley.,
iii. 223-6; xi. 158-215; xii. 156; MontAfar, Besiimen Hist., iii. 562-4, 640-1;
Ministerial annual reports, 1848-54; El Costaricense, Nov. 10, 17, 1849; Mo-
Una, Bosq. Costa M., 46-7; Squiers Cent. Am., 468-9; Wagner, Costa R., 186-
8, 219-29; Costa R., Bol. Ofic, Jan. 10, 1856.
^ There was a normal school for training teachers, at San Jose, and insti-
tutes for secondary instruction in several cities.
*It was created May 3, 1843, made pontificial in 1853 by Pius IX. Costa
R., Col. Ley., viii. 25-8, 121-82; xi. 9-12; xii. 268-75; Montu/ar, Resena Hist.,
iv. 412-14, 419; El Costaricense, Dec. 1, 1849; Wagner, Costa R., 220-3.
^The percentage of each dept given in Casta R., Oaceta, July 11, 1885,
suppl. See also Annual Repts of Min. of Pub. Instruc., 1858-83; Wappdus,
Ilex, und Cent. Am., 359-60.
EDUCATION IN NICARAGUA. 623
that end have been made since early times, though
without the desired results.^ The general super-
vision was finally given the executive, and local boards
in the departments. Since that time some progress
has been made. The number of primary schools has
been increased; and schools of agriculture, arts, and
trades, new colleges, and a national library have been
established. Teachers of both sexes have been brought
from the United States and Europe. It is hoped that
these efforts, persistently sustained, will yield the
better fruits. Indeed, President Cardenas' message
of January 15, 1885, gave a hopeful account, though
primary instruction still is quite backward for want of
competent teachers ^
There are no data as to the number of those who
can read and write, or as to the mental condition
of the population. There is no national literature.
Persons assuming to write for the public generally
do it through a newspaper or loose sheet. Among
this class are some who wield powerful pens.^ Occas-
ionally there appears a work in book form from the
pen of Tomd;S Ayon, Geronimo Perez, and others on
history or politics.®
® Early in 1872 the university of Leon, the former Colegio Tridentino, had
but three chairs and 66 alumni, and four classes of secondary instruction
attended by 102 pupils; that of Granada had only a chair of law, and seven
classes of secondary instruction attended by 160 pupils. In primary instruc-
tion, there were at that time only 92 schools for boys and 9 for girls, a num-
ber of them private, and one missionary in Cuapa, attended by 3,871 boys
and 532 girls, out of a population of 205,500, or say 20 children out of 1,000
inhabitants; only 532 girls out of 18,000 of school age, and 4,000 boys out of
12,000, were receiving instruction. Levy, Nic, 360-3. Teachers of pub.
schools are paid $12 a month and a little extra in larger towns. That state of
things was due mainly to the neglect of parents. The funds appropriated for
education were constantly tampered with and defrauded; this was acknowl-
edged by the minister of instruction. There were no schools for adults, no
professional institutes. As a rule, wealthy families sent their sons to be edu-
cated abroad, or at least in Guat. There was in 1873 no scientific course
provided with the requisite materials, no laboratories, no museum, no public
or private collections, no observatory, nothing; not even a small library.
The conclusion to be drawn from the above is that the general intellectual
level could not be high.
' ' Fuera de la multitud de causes dependientes del caracter, y del estado
social de nuestros pueblos . . .no tenemos naestros iddneos suficientes.' Mensajty
in Co8ta R., Oaceta, Feb. 4, 1885.
^The newspapers often contain fine poetical compositions by native
writers.
*The following authorities contain further details: The official reports of
624 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
The Spanish language was introduced in Nicaragua,
as in the rest of Spanish America, but a great num-
ber of Indian words are in daily use even by the edu-
cated classes.
Salvador, from the earliest days of her autonomical
life, has been a warm advocate and supporter of pub-
lic instruction.-^^ As early as 1846 it was already
progressing considerably under President Aguilar's
administration.^^ Attendance having been made
compulsory, and schools established to fill the re-
quirements, primary instruction has been brought
within the reach of nearly all Salvadorans.^^ The
republic has a large number of educational establish-
ments, to wit, three universities,^^ a seminary, a
botanic garden, schools of agriculture, design, medi-
cine, and military academy. There is also a national
library at the capital.^* A school of mechanics was
ordered founded in 1885.
Salvador does not lack for men of good attainments
in science and literature, nor for writers possessed of
power and elegance, especially in diplomacy and other
political topics. ^^
The spread of education among the masses in Hon-
duras was until late years sadly neglected. ^^ The
ministers from 1850 to the present time; Nic, Dec. y Acuerdos, from 1851
down; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 14, 1848; March 31, 1849; and for years 1862 to 1874
passim, and others.
^° Even in the dark days, when her ajQFairs were in the hands of despotic
rulers, education was not neglected as much as might have been expected.
^^ Montvfar, Besefla Hist., v. 52-3, 270.
^2 The Am. min., Jan. 8, 1872, says: 'Primary instruction is expanding
yearly in its numbers and area.' Min. Biddle's Desp., in U. S. Gov. Doc, H.
Ex. Doc, Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 511-12.
^^ At San Salvador, Santa Ana, and San Miguel.
^* In 1875 there were 333 primary schools for boys, 50 for girls, 23 mixed,
29 high schools, one normal for males and for one for females, one telegraphic,
one lithographic, and one academy of line arts. The appropriations for teachers
in 1874 were nearly $69,000. It must be also remarked that many are teach-
ing without compensation to benefit their country. Secondary and higher
instruction are free. The primary is uniform, gratuitous, and obligatory.
Laferritre, De Paris a Guatem., 202, 206, 282.
^"^ The press, though not fully developed, has, nevertheless, given at times
evidences of ability, when not hampered by restrictions on the part of would-
be despotic rulers. Salv., Gac., Dec. 21, 1849; Dec. 5, 1877; Salv., Diario
OJic, Jan. 2, 1875, to Oct. 23, 1879, passim; Pan. Star and Herald, March 4,
May 10, 1875; Sept. 18, 1882; Sept. 9 and 18, 1885.
'^Monttifar gives the causes, speaking on the subject for 1838. Reslknen
Hist., iii. 278-9
EDUCATION IN HONDURAS. 625
state has two universities, one in Comayagua and an-
other in Tegucigalpa, both having, nominally, chairs
of law, medicine, and theology. ^'' Most of the edu-
cated men of Honduras have received their instruction
in foreign countries, or at the universities of the other
states/^
The Lancasterian system of education was intro-
duced in Honduras, as in the rest of Central America,
early during the confederation system, and has been
continued with some modifications. There may, pos-
sibly, be 400 schools in all the state, each with an
average attendance of 25 pupils, making an average
of 10,000 pupils of all classes in a total population of
350,000 to 400,000 souls. There are no libraries in
the country worthy of mention, and hardly any news-
papers other than the official journal. ^^
Greater interest has been manifested in public edu-
cation in late years. ^^ Larger appropriations have
been made, and competent teachers procured. ^^
The retrogressive government which ruled over
Guatemala for more than thirty years, down to 1871
when it was overthrown, not only failed to make ade-
quate provision for the education of the masses, but
endeavored to keep them in a state of ignorance and
fanaticism. The new regime hastened to bring on a
change, being convinced that without an educated
people, democratic institutions would be impossible.
Primary schools were accordingly established as fast
^'^ In chemistry, engineering, the higher mathematics, they are deficient,
and cannot compete with the universities of Nic, Salv., or Guat. They are,
in fact, but little in advance of the common schools in the U. S. Still, they
give promise of greater usefulness and advancement in the future. Sqiiiers
Cent. Am., 267-8.
^^ Hond. has furnished more than her quota of the distinguished men of
Cent. Am. ; among them soldiers, statesmen, and orators. Wells' Hond. , 549.
^^ Such as exist with only a feeble life are generally engaged in acrimoni-
ous political wranglings.
^^ President Soto in his message of 1877 enumerates the improvements
made, but confesses that they do not satisfy his aspirations. Salv., Gaceta Ofic,
June 19, 20, 1877.
21 In 1881 about |64,000, and in 1882 nearly $74,000, were expended for
public instruction. A number of teachers arrived early in 1883 from Europe,
as also a complete outfit for a scientific college. Pan. Star and Herald, March
23, 1883.
Hist, Cent. Am., Vol. III. 49
626 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
as circumstances and the condition of the treasury per-
mitted, in every town and village. In 1876 their
number had already reached 600, and progress was
uninterrupted after that.^^ Secondary and professional
education have also been fostered. There are three
national institutes of secondary instruction for males
and two for females, a normal school for training
teachers; also several of special instruction, namely,
agriculture, design, arts, and trades; one for the deaf
and dumb and two of law, one of medicine, and one
of engineering. Since 1882 schools of music and elo-
cution and a mercantile academy ^ have been added.
Special mention should be made of the Politecnica,
or military academy, in which a liberal education is
afforded, comprising English and French, a thorough
course of science, including mathematics and drawing,
in addition to the specialties of the military profession.^*
The national university, which during the old regime
had been governed by the ordinances of Cdrlos II., the
Bewitched, who ruled in the latter part of the seven-
teenth century, was placed under regulations more in
consonance with modern ideas. The establishment
has been since imparting the highest order of instruc-
22 At the end of 1882 there were 811 primary schools; namely, 528 ele-
mentary for boys and 226 for girls, 5 complementary for boys, 3 for girls; one
Sunday school for working-women, and 48 night schools for artisans, etc.
This was an increase of 26 over 1881. The attendance was of 26,773 boys
and 10,696 girls, an increase of 2,166 of both sexes over 1881. Early in 1884,
the primary schools were 844, including 47 night schools for men, one for
women, one Sunday school for women, and 16 mixed schools. The attendance
had also greatly increased. The buildings confiscated from the church in 1872
were applied to education. There were likewise several private and municipal
schools. Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876, 33-8; B. Whethani's Across Cent.
Am., 39; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 44, Sess. 1, i. pt i. 137-8, 148,
175; Guat., Becop. Ley., Gob. Democ, ii. 81-192, passim; Belly, A trav. VAmer.
Cent., i. 131-4; Salv., Gaceta, Aug. 18, Oct. 7, Nov. 8, 1876; Feb. 11 to Nov.
27, 1877, passim; Id., Diano OJic., Aug. 15, 1878; Guat., Mem. Sec. Instruc.
Pub., 1880-4; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 57, 227; LaEstrella dePan., Jan. 10, 1884;
Batres, Sketch of Guat., 19-20, 40-72, passim; El Guatemalteco, Jan. 26, Feb.
2, Dec. 24, 1884; ConUings Guide, 337, 341.
^'^Pan. Evg Telegram, May 26, 1886.
2* The academy has pupils who pay their own expenses, and are not obliged
to join the military service; and others placed therein by the govt, and in-
tended to be commissioned as oflScers of the army. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan.
11, 1877; Gvjat., Mem. Sec. Guerra, 1882^; Guat., Becop. Ley., ii. 692-700;
Id., Id., Gob. Democ., i. 141-54; ii. 125-8; Salv., Diario OJic., Sept. 19, 1877;
July 5, 1878.
RELIGION AND THE CLERGY. 627
tion. The old Sociedad Economica, whose mission is
to advance agriculture, and the fine and mechanic arts,
likewise has undergone improvements.^^ The expen-
diture for public instruction has increased from year
to year, as appears in the note below. ^^
Notwithstanding the retrogressive policy of the oli-
garchic rule, Guatemala was not devoid of men of
ability and learning. Several works have issued from
Guatemalan pens, the writers deserving special men-
tion being Jose Valle, Domingo Juarros, Alejandro
Marure, Pedro Molina and his sons, Francisco Bar-
rundia, Lorenzo Montiifar, Jose Milla, and others, in-
cluding the brothers Dieguez as poets. ^^
Newspapers as a rule have had a precarious life,
though several of them often contained productions
from able Central American pens. The government
has at times afforded aid with subsidies.
It is hardly necessary to mention the fact that the
catholic religion was the only form of worship recog-
nized or tolerated, in Central America during the
Spanish domination. Its clergy enjoyed here the
saine privileges, and were subject to the same duties
and restrictions, as in Mexico. In the short period
that the country was an appendage of the Mexican
empire, no change took place in the relations between
church and state. But soon after the establishment
of the Central American confederation, and while the
liberal democratic party was in power, efforts were
made to do away with the privileges of the clergy,
and to bring them under subjection to the civil author-
"^^ Besides naving a school of drawing, painting, and modelling, and a night-
school for artisans, it is provided with a cabinet of physics, with the view of
establishing a school of chemistry applicable to industry. The museum in-
stalled in 1866 is every day enriched with new acquisitions.
2« 1872-4, paid by municipalities, $16,051; by national govt, $112,048;
1879-83, paid by municipalities, to whom had been ceded the urban tax,
$36,242; by the national treasury, $1,773,899. It seems that the total
amount paid for pub. instruction from 1860 to 1870 had not much exceeded
$60,000. Guat, Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1885, annex 12, table 16.
'■^^ Under the former regime books objectionable to the church, for sus-
taining liberal ideas on social or religious topics, were placed, by a decree of
the national assembly of Oct. 16, 1841, in the list of the forbidden; and the
church was authorized to proceed against them. Gnat., Becop. Ley., iii. 286-7.
628 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
it;^^ Pursuant to this policy several laws and meas-
ures were adopted against the clergy in general, and
Archbishop Casaus in particular, ^^ which irritated the
anti-liberals and roused the ire of the clericals, who
at once gave utterance to the most fanatical language ;
and there were even liberal-minded men who took up
the cause of the friars and abused in the press some
of the wisest measures. ^^ Serious ^ troubles ensued ;
but during several years the legislative action was
sustained, and still more radical resolutions were
adopted. In 1829 the archbishop and a portion of
his clergy being detected in plotting against the gov-
ernment were forthwith sent out of the country.
Two months later the general congress declared reli-
gious orders at an end in the republic.^^
2^ This was made evident in several acts. The clergy were daily abused;
the liberal leaders constantly inveighing against their fanaticism and intoler-
an.Q.e, and ridiculing many things which the populace looked upon as sacred.
"T^riars were held up in a multitude of anecdotes, and otherwise, as so many
destructive insects. El Liberal, nos. 28-30, 41, 45, 49. The arts and objects
of priestcraft were exposed to ridicule, contempt, and reprobation. A play
called ' La Inquisicion por dentro ' had a great run, and brought that insti-
tution into effectual and lasting odium. Squiers Travels Cent. Am., i. 372.
The inquisition of Mex. had had jurisdiction over Cent. Am. After its final
abolishment, the king of Spain decreed, March 9, 1820, that all cases pending
before its courts should be referred to the ordinaries for determination. The
inquisitors failed to obey, and removed from the archives of Guat. all the
cases pending there, alleging complicity on the part of the archbishop. The
matter was laid before the cdrtes by Deputy Mendez of Salv. May 14, 1821.
Bispos. Var., iii. 152; Fernando VII., Decretos, 285-6; Cdrtes, Diario, xviii.
1821, May 14, 6.
2^ One on pastorals; another required the archbishop's appointments of
parish priests to be previously submitted for confirmation to the chief of the
state. La Tertulia Patri6tica, no. 4. By law of Nov. 8, 1824, the clergy were
deprived of their privilege to import goods free of duties; another of June 9,
1826, reduced the tithes to one half. El Liberal, no. 36. Others of May 3, and
June 9, 1826, gave natural children the right to inherit either extestamento
or abintestato, and those of ordained priests and professed nuns were placed
in the same category; one forbidding, Sept. 1, 1826, the prelates of religious
orders to recognize obedience to or hold relations with their respective gen-
erals in Spain; and finally, the famous decrees of June 10 and July 20, 1826,
forbidding the admission into convents or nunneries of persons under 23
years, or to profession any under 25. Marure, Bosq. Rev. Cent. Am., i. 244-6;
Guat., Gaceta, Feb. 16, 1856; Squiers CeiU. Am., 265-7.
'^^ Such writings appeared in El Indicador, nos. 90, 94, 95, 149, 152.
^^This was almost unanimously sanctioned by the people, and at once
carried into effect. Rocha, C6d. Nic, i. 373; ii. 373-80; Ouat, Recop. Ley.,
i. 273; Id., Montii/ar, Resefla Hist., i. 156-8; Squier, Convpend. Hist. Cent.
Am., 61; Squiers Trav. Cent. Am., i. 370-1; ii. 390-4; Iliompsons Guat.,
145-50; Stout's Nic., 149-51; Crowes Gospel, 123-32, 135; Reic/uirdt, Cent.
Am., 39; Cal. Overland Monthly, xiv. 160-1; Du7ilop's Cent. Am., 178, 181,
186; Nic., ElPorvemr, Oct. 22, 1871; Feb. 16, 1873.
RELIGIOUS FREEDOM. 629
Finally, in 1832, religious treedom was proclaimed,^^
and it was moreover declared that the appointment to
church dignities pertained to the nation, and should
be made by the executive. ^^ The church was thus
brought low; but a reaction came erelong, and with
the practical dissolution of the confederation, the ser-
viles, then in power, undid what their opponents had
done, and among other acts restored the privileges of
the clergy, and also the monastic orders.^* For all
that, the church had been struck blows from which it
never fully recovered. It is true that the masses
still cherished a portion of their former religious big-
otry, but from year to year it has been giving way to
'l»ove liberal sentiments, and foreigners never encoun-
tered any difficulty to remain on the score of religion,
so long as they respected the prejudices of the people. ^^
The shameless immorality of the priests has tended to
develop a feeling of indifference to religion, and to
weaken the reverence formerly felt toward its min-
isters. Being shielded by the fuero eclesiastico from
trial by the common courts, the clergy were practically
exempt from deserved punishment, provided they were
submissive to their superiors.^^ Superadded to which
was the repeated interference of the clergy in political
^2 Under this law Fred. Crowe, an English protestant missionary, and the
author of the Gospel in Central America, resided several years in Guat., till he
was driven away by the serviles.
^^ Pursuant to which Father Delgado was chosen and acted as bishop of
San Salvador, though without confirmation by the pope, for about four years.
He was never confirmed, but retained as vicar-general, u^der the archb. of
Guat. Montufar, Resena Hist, ii. 13-17; Marure, Bosq Hist. Rev. Cent. Am.,
196-9, and Docs, xviii.-xix., xxx.-xxxii.; Id., Efem., 14; Mem., Hist. Rev
Cent. Am., 32-7; Cahildo, Ecles. In/orme, 54-5; Squier's Trav. Cent. Am., i,
370-1; Niles' Reg., xxix. 39.
^^Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 273, 294-324; MontHJar, Reseiia Hist., iii. 522-4;
iv. 146, 205-7, 552; Crosbys Statem., MS., 91, 105-7, 110-11; Squier's Cent.
^ TO., 515-16; Belly, Nic., i. 162-3.
^^ Infidelity spread extensively among the mestizos, and the white people
also, so that the requirements of the church became constantly neglected.
Obnoxious books were in the hands of ali classes. Some of the more candid
priests avowed deistical and atheistical notions. Crowes Gospel, 256-7
^^ A large numbei were charged with libidinous practices; even unnatural
crimes were among the number. Excesses in eating and drinking, gambling,
rioting, and bad language were quite common with them. Exorbitant fees,
and extorting personal services, and grinding the poor were ot daily occur-
rence. And yet the offenders were not punished, noi even suspended.
630 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
affairs, which had been so baneful that the people
came to learn what was the proper orbit of church
and state respectively.
Archbishop Casaus died November 10, 1845, aged
eighty years.^^ During his absence, the archdiocese
of Guatemala was in charge of Francisco de Paula
Pelaez, archbishop of Bostra in partibus infidelium
and coadjutor with right of succession, who became
Casaus' successor ^^ and held the office till his death,
on the 25th of January, 1867.^^ The next occupant
of the see was Bernardo Pinol y Aycinena, late bishop
of Nicaragua, from September 1868. The expulsion
by the provisional government, in 1871, of the Jesuits,
together with the .confiscation of their estates, and the
apprehension of further action against the clergy,
prompted the archbishop and many of his subjects to
promote a counter-revolution; their plans failed, and
the archbishop, together with Mariano Ortiz y Urru-
ela, bishop of Teya in partibus infidelium, was expelled
from the country; neither of them ever returned.*^
The Guatemalans have been since without a pastor.
The government soon after concluded to adopt radi-
cal measures in order to crush the power of the clergy,*^
^^ At Habana, Cuba, whose diocese he had charge of for many years, never
resigning the see of Guatemala, though he repeatedly refused to return thereto.
His remains were taken there, however, by the Spanish war schooner Polka,
and interred in Santa Teresa church, June 1846, with the utmost pomp of
church and state. Montufar, Resefia Hist., v. 12-13, 19-25.
^^ The Marquis Jose de Aycinena, who had expected the appointment, was
balked in his ambition, but was made bishop of Trajanapolis in part, infid.;
he died Feb. 17, 1865. A few months earlier, Aug. 23, 1864, occurred the
death of another prelate, a native of Guat., named Jose M. Barrutia y Crd-
quer, bishop of Camaco in part, infid. Nic, Gaceta, Sept. 24, 1864; March 18,
1865. Antonio Larrazabal, who had also been made a bishop in part, infid.,
had died Bee. 2, 1853. Costa R., Oaceta, Jan. 7, 1854; Belly, A trav. VAmir,
Cent., i. 136-7.
^^Nic, Qaceta, Feb. 16, 1867; Pan. Mercantile Chronicle, Feb. 17, 1867.
*° Pinol died at Habana, June 24, 1881; Urruela's demise was on June 8,
1873, at Leon. Nic, Qaceta, June 14, 1873; Vm de Me}., July 28, 1881.
*^In 1872 the Capuchin friars of La Antigua, who were natives of Spain,
were sent out of the country; all convents of friars were closed, and the prop-
erty of the several orders was confiscated. In 1873 the consolidation of mort-
main property, proceeding from pious endowments, capellanias, and legacies
to the church and benevolent establishments, was decreed. In 1874 nunneries
were closed, and the confiscation of their estates went on. The government
agreed to allow pensions to the nuns and native friars for their support. At the
same time all communities of religions of either sex under any form whatever
THE CHURCH STRIPPED. 631
which being accomplished, the government has since
provided for the support of pubhc worship and of the
benevolent establishments. But freedom of conscience
and of worship is fully recognized and protected by
law/^
Bishop Barranco occupied the see of Honduras from
1811 to 1819/^ It was then vacant until 1841, when
Francisco de P. Campoy, a Spaniard, was made bishop.
The tithes were restored for the support of the church ;
they amounted to a large sum, especially in Olancho.
Campoy's death occurred on the 24th of September,
1849.** The next incumbent was Hipolito Casiano
Flores, appointed in 1854, and consecrated in 1855.
Since the abolition of the monastic orders by Presi-
dent Morazan in 1829 there have been no convents in
Honduras.*^ The clergy are mostly negroes, mulat-
toes or mestizos ; their power for evil has been greatly
curtailed.*^ The authorities and people are neither
intolerant nor bigoted; on the contrary, they are very
liberal in regard to religion. Freedom of worship
exists by law, but the catholic is the religion of the'
state. *^
The aristocrats, who in the early days of the Cen-
were forbidden forever. The fuero eclesiastico was abolished, and the most
unlimited freedom of religion proclaimed. Civil marriage was declared legal,
and where the parties desired a religious ceremony the former must precede
it. Ecclesiastics were forbidden to appear with frocks or other official in-
signia in public out of the church. Cemeteries were secularized. Barrios,
Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876; GuaL, Eecop. Ley. Gob. Democ, i. 159-61, 192-6; ii.
13-14, 23-7, 58, 64-5, 205; El Porvenir de Mc, Apr. 20, 27, 1873; U. S. Gov.
Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 43, Sess. 2, i. 99-101, 106, 147; Pan. Star and Her-
ald, Oct. 23, 1873; Salv., Diario, Dec. 21, 1878; GuaL, Mem. Sec, Qobern. y
Just., 1880, 2-5; 1882, 11-12.
*^In 1883 a protestant chapel was established in the capital, in charge of
Rev. Mr Hill. Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, 1883.
*^ There had been before him, from 1539 to 1810, twenty bishops, the im-
mediate predecessor of Barranco being Manuel Julian Rodriguez, who ruled
till 1810. Bernardo Pavon was appointed but died before his consecration.
Juarros, Guat.,i. 181; Hex., Compend. Concilio HI. en Mex., 418-21; Morelli,
Fast. Nov. Orb., 107.
^^Nic, Corr. 1st., Dec. 1, 1849; GuaL, Gac, Nov. 30, 1849.
*^ Formerly there were convents of Franciscan, Merced, and Carmelite
orders.
*^ The church has no property whatever; the priests are generally poor,
and entirely dependent on fees, and on contributions of the devout for festi-
vals, etc.
*'' Wells Hond., 551-2, 555; Wappaus, Mex. und CenL Am., 305.
C32 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
tral American confederation, opposed the creation of
a bishopric in Salvador, concluded, in 1842, upon its
creation with a bishop who should uphold their ideas.
Jorge Yiteri y Ungo went to Rome on this mission,
and its object was granted/^ Viteri himself was made
the first bishop ^^ and took possession of his office on
the 25th of September, 1843, after swearing allegiance
to the state of Salvador. His career has been detailed
elsewhere, as well as the cause of his banishment.
After his departure the pope, at the request of the
Salvadoran government, made Tomds Miguel Pineda
y Zaldana, bishop of Antigora, in partibus infidelium,
guardian of the diocese, and upon Viteri's translation
to the see of Nicaragua, he became the real bishop/^
Zaldana had troubles with the government, and left
the diocese, but after the overthrow of President
Gerardo Barrios returned, and ruled till his death on
August 7, 1875.^^ His successor, Jose Luis Cdrcamo
y Rodriguez is represented to be intolerant and hostile
to the supremacy of civil over ecclesiastical authority.
However, freedom of thought and of religion has ex-
isted in the country since 1872, and in 1881 marriage
was declared to be a civil contract.
The diocese of Nicaragua has had, from its creation
till the present time, 41 bishops, though only 37 have
ruled over it.^^ It was originally a suffragan of the
*^ The papal bull to erect the diocese of San Salvador is dated 4th day of
the Kalends of Oct., 1842. Montufar, Reseua Hist., iv. 171-85.
*' He was a strong, finely formed, and pretentious individual; a count
palatine, and attendant on the pontifical throne, one who had a right to be
preceded by a tintinnabulum. He was not like the poor, meek man who was
born in a stable at Bethlehem.
^Id., Resefia Hist, v. 649, 661-2; Salv., Gax:., July 29, 1853; Id., Diario
Ofic, Nov. 4, 1875; Nic, Gorr. 1st., May 23, 1851.
^^Salv., Diario OJic, Aug. 8, 13, 1875.
^2 The most noted were: Friar Benito de Baldonado, 1620-9, who founded
two hospitals; he died in Leon; Diego Morsillo Rubio de Aunon, 1704-9, who
being afterward transferred to La Paz, was twice viceroy and captain-general
of Peru; Isidro Marin de BuUon y Figueroa, 1746-8, who began the con-
struction of the cathedral of Leon, and died in Guatemala; Estdvan Lorenzo
de Tristan, 1775-83; in 1780 he finished and inaugurated the cathedral, and
it is added that through his exertions Cent. Am. obtained the privilege of
free trade; Jose Antonio de la Huerta Casso, 1795-1804, notable for his efforts
in developing education. Montiifar makes severe comments on some of the
prelates. Reaena Hist., iv. 136-9. Nicolas Garcia Jerez, a Dominican, became
CHURCH AND STATE. 633
archbishopric of Lima, but in 1743 was transferred
to that of Guatemala. Since the decree of 1829,
suppressing the monastic orders, there have been none
in Nicaragua. There never was any nunnery. ^^
The government allows for the support of the
church a sum exceeding $14,000 yearly.^*
According to the national constitution, the Roman
catholic is the state religion, but there is no law
against other creeds. Treaties w^ith foreign nations
guarantee to their subjects or citizens the most perfect
religious liberty, and worship in private houses, chapels,
etc. They may also have their own cemeteries. ^^
The relations between church and state are held under
a concordat with the holy see of August 29, .1862.
Since then there have been dissensions, but they were
bishop in 1810, and figured prominently in the revolutionary period. He had
to emigrate in 1824 to Guatemala, where he died in 1825. Vicar Cuadra was
guardian till 1851, when under a reconstruction of the diocese, Costa E,. hav-
ing been detached, Jorge Viteri y Ungo was transferred to it from Salvador.
He died July 25, 1853. The see had no bishop till the appointment of Ber-
nardo Pinol y Aycinena. It took place in Nov. 1855, and the papal bulls
reached Granada in 1856, where, owing to Walker's war, they were kept in
the parish church, and finally destroyed with the city. Pinol was consecrated
in Guat. July 17, 1859, and performed his functions till Sept. 14, 1868, when
he departed for Guat. as archb. During his rule Manuel Ulloa was made
bishop of Lemira, in part, infid., and coadjutor; he was made bishop of Nic.
in 1871, and resigned the office in 1883. El Costarlcense, Nov. 10, 1849; Salv.y
Gaceta, March 8, 1850; Aug. 12, 1853; Pio IX., Carta; Squiers Trav. Cent.
Am., i. 391; Nic, Corr. 1st., Feb. 6, March 7, June 20, Dec. 12, 1850; Id.y
Gac, Aug. 13, Sept. 3, 1853, Dec. 16, 1865; Jan. 6, Apr. 21, 1866; Id., Se-
manalJ^'ic, Oct. 10, 1872; Id., Boletin Ojic, Ai^r. 12, 1862; Id., Dec. y Acuer-
dos, 1859, ii. 162; 1863, 215; 18G5, 136; El Rol, March 15, 1855; Decreto sobre
la hula de S. S., Perez, Mem. Rev. Nic, i. 8-9; El Porvenir de Nic, Feb. 25,
1872; Lemj, Nic, 62-6; Pan. Star and Herald, July 2, 1883.
^^In 1871 a number of Jesuits expelled from Guat. managed to get into
the country, and were allowed to remain several years, but were finally sent
away. Details have been given in a former chapter. In 1872 several friars
expelled from other parts tried to enter the country, but were not permitted
to stay. El Porvenir de Nic., Oct. 1, 1871, to Feb. 16, 1873, passim; Nic, Se-
manal Nic, June 18, 1872; Id., Mem. 3Iin. Gobem., 1875, 23-4; 1883, 25-6,
annex B, 27-8, F, 1-4.
*** For the seminary $2,000; the bishop $3,000; the chapter and other ec-
clesiastics C4, 158; mudc $1,000; other expenses about $4,000. The chapter
consists of dean, archdeacon, chancellor, three .anons, and six or seven other
officials. The church gets the first-fruits from farmers. Tithes have been
abolished since 18G2. 309 or 400 priests without parishes depend entirely on
fees. The cathedral has no valuables, having bee._ sacked several times. Nic,
Boletin Ojic, Dec. 6, 1853; March 1, 1862; Union, Nic, March 2, 1861; Nic,
Dec yAcuerdos, 1857-8, 261-5; Id., Gac, Aug. 6, 1870; Levy, Nic, 383-4.
^^See treaty with France of Apr. 11, 1859.
634 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
settled at Rome/^ After several vain attempts, Costa
Rica was finally made a separate bishopric by a bull
of Pius IX., dated March 1, 1850, and since that time
the see has been ruled by only two bishops/^
Under the concordat with the pope of October 2,
1882, the government of Costa Rica is bound to make
the church an allowance of $9,000 yearly,^^ but it has
almost invariably paid more than double that sum/^
The concordat places the clergy under restrictions.
There exists in Costa Rica but little bigotry, except
in the lower people. In fact, the educated classes
merely acquiesce in the pretensions and formulas of
the church.^^ The most perfect freedom of religion
exists, and those not professing the catholic are pro-
tected in the exercise of their own forms of worship. ^^
^ Appointments of parish priests, and publications of papal bulls or briefs,
and decrees of ecclesiastical councils must first obtain an exequatur from
the president of the republic. Parish priests before assuming their offices
must take the oath to support the constitution, and to do no act against the
nation's independence or the public peace. Nic, Mem. Min. Fomento, 1869,
13^-16; 1871, 9-10; Id., Mem. Min. Rel, 1871, 7-10, 25-8; Id., Gaceta, May
30, 1868; Oct. 29, Nov. 5, 1870.
^^ Anselmo Llorente y Lafuente was the first caded to fill the position of
bishop of San Jose de Costa Rica, April 10, 1851. He had not been long in
office when he tried to collect tithes on coffee, but failed, and his course
greatly displeased the people and lowered their regard for the church, 'ihe
matter was finally settled by a concordat entered into at Rome, Oct. 2, 1852,
and tithes were declared abolished. He died in 1872; and the government
soon after proposed a successor, who was not approved of by the Roman curia.
Finally, Oct. 11, 1879, the government nominated Bernard August Thiel, a
native of Germany, and professor of the university of Costa Rica, for the
office, and he was confirmed by the pope Feb, 27, 1880. During the vacancy
the see was under the guardianship of the bishop of Abydos, in part, infid.
Costa R., Col. Ley., v. 155-60; Maj-ure, Bosq. Hist. Rev. Cent. Am., 208; Mon-
ti'ifar, Reseua Hist., ii. 247-9; Costa R., Mem. Min. Rel, 1851, 1-2, 10-12;
1854, 11-12; Id., Informe Sec. Rel., 1872, 19-20; 1873, 19; 1874, 12; 1880,
19-20; Mohna, Bosq. Costa R., 63, 111-12; El Siglo, July 18, 1851.
^^For the bishop $3,000, the ecclesiastical chapter $3,000, and the Colegio
Tridentino $3,000. Montu/ar, Reseua Hist., ii. 207; Costa R., Mem. Min. Rel,
1859, 11; Id., Gac. Gob., July 16, 23, 30, 1853; Hond., Gac. Ojic., Jan. 24,
1853, suppl.; Salv., Gac, Aug. 12, 1853; GtuU., Gac, Sept. 16, Oct. 14, 1853;
Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 49-50.
^^ Costa R., Mem. Sec Rel, 1884, 31.
^ The clergy have, indeed, lost much of their influence. The mode of life
of the majority of them cannot inspire respect. Letter from Costa R. by a
British consul, quoted in Squiers Cent. Am., 468-9; Wappdus, Mex. und Cent.
Am., 360. Laferri^re, writing for 1873, gives a discreditable picture of the
church, its priests and feasts. De Paris a GuaUm., 56.
^^ There is a protestant church and cemetery in San Jose. The govern-
ment cordially upholds the liberal laws on the subject of religion. Costa R.,
Mem. Sec Rel, 1884, 32.
INQUISITION ABOLISHED. 635
Harmony had prevailed for years in the relations of
the state with the church, until Bishop Thiol and some
of his priests undertook to assume a superiority over
the government. Their attempts failed. President
Fernandez expelled the bishop in August 1884,^^ and
Vicar Antonio C, Zamora, who took charge of the
diocese, restored friendly relations. After the death
of President Fernandez, Bishop Thiel was recalled.
Before bringing the ecclesiastical subject to an end,
I must add some remarks on church affairs of the
Isthmus of Panamd. The diocese of the Isthmus has
had, from its creation in 1514 till 1884, 45 bishops
appointed. ^^
The inquisition was abolished in 1821. The bishop
and his clergy were partly supported from the tithes,
which at that time yielded about $25,000 a year. The
number of clergy was then 89 secular and 25 regular.^*
Panamd had been well provided with religious build-
ings, most of which have since been completely ruined.^^
^2 His salary was also suspended. Costa JR., Mem. Sec. Bel., 1885, 17.
^^ Of whom 39 received their ofl&ces during the colonial period, the last
one being Friar Higinio Buran, of the order of Mercy and a native of Lima.
He took possession in 1818, and died in Chepo on the 22d of Oct., 1823. This
bishop was one of the signers of the declaration of independ. of the Isthmus
in 1821. His successors were Manuel Vasquez, Juan J. Cabarcas Gonzalez,
Juan F. del R, Manfiedo y Ballestas, Friar Eduardo Vasquez, who died in
Rome, Jan. 2, 1870, Ignacio Antonio Parra, who took possession June 3,
1871. Hernaez, Extracto del Lihro de la Gorrvp. de Jesus, in Maldonado, Asuntos
Polit de Pan., MS., 34-5; Pan., Col. Docs., MS., nos, 125-6; Pan, Docs.;
Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 344; Nic, Boletin Ofic, Nov. 1, 1862; Pan.,
Boletin Ojic , March 4, 1869; Id., Gaceta, June 6, 1871. Parra held the
office only a few years, and was succeeded by Telesforo Patil, who occupied
it till Dec. 1884, when he repaired to Bogota, his native city, to fill that arch-
episcopal see. The assembly of the state on the 22d of Dec, 1884, adopted
a resolution recognizing his efforts to promote harmony, and appointed a com-
mittee to escort him as far as Barranguilla. La Estrella de Pan., Jan. 1, 1885;
El Cronista (Pan.), Jan. 3, 1885.
^ Bidioeirs Isth. Pan., 242. The congress of Nueva Granada in 1837 fixed
the bishop's salary at $4,000. N. Granada, Begistro Ojic., 21.
''^ Originally there were 11 churches, 4 convents of friars, one nunnery,
a cathedral, and one ecclesiastical college established by the government of
Old Colombia under a rector, vice-rector, and assistant, with a sufficient rev-
enue. A law of New Granada provided for the sale at auction of all prop-
erty that had formerly belonged to the Jesuits not required for national
use. Pan , Cr6n. Ojic., Aug. 5, 1852. Stories are related of buried treasures
having been disinterred in after years by Jesuit agents, from the ground of
their old house, and from the orchard of T. M. Feuillet. These stories bear
some semblance of truth. See Memoranda, in Maldonado, Apuntes, MS, , 36
et seq.
636 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
There existed from the earhest days of the republic
an intimate alHance between the national government
and the ecclesiastical authorities, and they aided one
another,^^ The clergy were quite wealthy, possessing
many valuable estates, and mortgages on almost all
the landed property in Colombia.^^ In the course of
centuries the church became, if not the sole owner,
the co-owner of all estates. It also derived a large
revenue from first-fruits, tithes, fees, etc.
The republican government from a very early time
understood that the immense power wielded by the
church was incompatible with the spirit of the age,
and began gradually, almost year by year, to curtail
it, and to loosen the ties formerly existing between the
civil and ecclesiastical authorities. In the decade from
1851 to 1860, the church lost much of its political
sway, but still held the powerful lever of its great
wealth. It was afterward deprived of that wealth,
and its much-abused power ceased. This occurred
during the war begun in 1860 by the liberal party
under General Mosquera against the conservatives, in
which the clergy took sides with the latter. Mosquera
triumphed; and his first measure was to destroy the
power of the church. He issued decrees confiscating
its whole property. ^^ That was, of course, accom-
panied with banishments of bishops and priests.^^ But
afterward, when affairs became more settled, they
returned poor and submissive to live on fees for the
^The bishops in the exercise of their functions, and administration of
church property, had the assistance of the civil authorities, who carried out
their orders without questioning them.
^^ Every New Granadan or Colombian assigned, to the prejudice of his
heirs, a certain amount to the church for masses and other supposed benefits it
could do to his soul. Successive descendants followed the example. The
priests often threatened the dying with the penalties of hell if they did not
purchase their salvation. Clerical intolerance knew no limits.
^^ Excepting only cathedrals, the chief church of each parish, and the sa-
cred vessels and ornaments. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 3-5, 15, 17.
^* The bishop of Panamd left, and his priests followed his example one by
one. Panama was thus left without a priest; the dead had to be buried without
the offices of a minister; for more than a year the churches had no bell-tolling
or ofl&ciating minister. . An English catholic missionary, passing to San Fran-
cisco, ventured to say mass and baptize in private. He was arrested, though
finally allowed to embark. Bidwells Isth. Pan., 238-43.
PANAMA CHURCH AFFAIRS. 637
ministration of religious rites/^ From all accounts the
people had not lost much by the absence of the priests.
The clergy, taken all in all, did not deserve any con-
sideration, and with a few honorable exceptions, do
not deserve it now, for they have taken no pains to
enlighten the masses, and their discipline and morals
have not been and are not exemplary.
It was made unlawful to settle property on the
church. Religious communities, such as friars, or
monks, nuns, etc., were strictly forbidden. ^^ Church
and state have been since that time independent of
one another, but by law no person can become a bishop
or the guardian of a diocese who is not a native citi-
zen of the republic. All religious sects not indulging
in immoral practices are recognized and protected
by the laws.^^ In Panama the cemeteries are in
charge of a commission deriving its powers from the
civil government.
■^^ The laws were modified in May 1864. The govt reserved the right of
inspection, but made the oath of submission obligatory on the chief of the
church having authority as such. Bulls or orders emanating from any one
residing in a foreign country could not be published or enforced without
first obtaining permission from the national executive. Pan.y Boktin Ofic,
Jan. 16, 1868.
^^ Under Mosquera's decrees when he was dictator, the few nuns — four
aged and one young — occupying the convent of La Concepcion in Panam^
were made to abandon it in Sept. 1862. Nlc, Boktin Ofic, Oct. 4, 1862.
These women would not forsake the cloister, but sought an asylum in Lima.
With tearful eyes they exiled themselves from their home, and from friends,
many of whom had received their education from them. Iheir departure
caused no little feeling in the pub. heart. Maldonado^ Asuntos Polit. Pan.^
MS., 18.
^^ Dec. 15, 1868, a charter was granted by the state govt to a protestant
church association. Pan., Boktin OJic, Feb. 18, 1869.
CHAPTER XXXI.
JUDICIAL AND MILITARY
1887.
Judicial System op Guatemala — Jury Trials in the Several States —
Courts of Honduras — Absence of Codes in the Republic — Dilatory
Justice — Impunity of Crime in Honduras and Nicaragua — Salva-
dor's Judiciary — Dilatory Procedure — Codification of Laws in
Nicaragua — Costa Rican Administration — Improved Codes — Pan-
amI Courts — Good Codes — Punishments for Crime in the Six
States — Jails and Penitentiaries — Military Service — Available
Force of Each State — How Organized — ^Naval — Expenditures —
Military Schools — Improvements.
During the Spanish rule the administration of
justice in Central America was vested in the real
audiencia, composed of a regente, several oidores, a
fiscal, and secretary, the governor, captain-general of
the provinces, being ex-officio the president. The
courts of first resort were filled by alcaldes may ores. ^
One great step taken early in the nineteenth cen-
ury was the abolition of torture of prisoners and wit-
nesses.^ The cortes had previously, in September
(1813, decreed the abolishment of flogging for crime,
or in houses of correction, seminaries, schools, etc.^
Soon after the establishment of the Central Amer-
ican confederation, the national constituent assembly
^ Some of the alcaldes mayores had in 1810 only $300 allowed them yearly,
others $500, and the highest paid received $1,200. The system did not recom-
mend itself. Giiat, A'punt., 65-71. There was also a consulado or tribunal of
commerce established in Guat. April 30, 1794. Juarros' Stat, and Grnnm. Hist,
Guat., 142-3.
2 Royal decree of July 25, 1814. Fernando VIL, Dec, 12.
^ The king ratified it June 4, 1820. The Indians were benefited thereby,
for even priests were strictly forbidden to flog them. Id., 301-2.
(638)
PRESENT JUDICIAL SYSTEM. 639
organized a supreme court of justice for the state of
Guatemala. Since the dissolution of the confedera-
tion, the judicial system of the several states has
undergone many changes, which it would occupy too
much space to detail here.* I will therefore confine
myself to the present organizations, giving such other
particulars as are of general interest.
In Guatemala the administration of justice is in-
trusted to a supreme court, four chambers or sections
of second resort in the capital, and one court of second
resort in Quezaltenango.^ There are also courts of
first resort and lower courts for the adjudication of
petty civil cases, or the correction of trivial offences.
The jury system was formally established by the lib-
eral government in 1872.^
The legislature, recognizing the necessity of amend-
ing the existing codes, authorized the executive to
issue laws conducive thereto, which was done.^ The
government has caused the construction of two peni-
tentiaries, one in the city of Guatemala, and the other
in Quezaltenango.^
Under the late organization justice is administered
* Those desirous of studying the judiciary of Guat. as it existed down to
1872 may find information in Ouat.^ Becop. Leij., i. 241-2, 603-4; ii. 21-45,
61-69; iii. 215-29, 365-6; Eoclia, Odd. Nic, ii. 242-3; Montufar, Resena Hist,
ii. 336-41; GiLaL, BoUtm OJic, 132-7.
^ The first complete reorganization was by the law of May 22, 1872. The
creation of the superior court at Quezaltenango was by law of July 29, 1872.
Guat, Becop. Ley. Gob. Democ, i. 88-9, 114-15. On the 15th of Oct., 1876,
a supreme court, composed of a president and four magistrados, was estab-
lished, because the organization of the superior courts hindered the prompt
administration of justice. Salv., GacetaOfic, Oct. 13, 14, 1876. Subsequently,
there was an increase in the number of justices, the court was divided into
five sections or chambers, of which the fifth was suppressed March 29, 1882.
® Trial by jury had been decreed, on the promulgation of the Livingston
code in Jan. 1837, under the law of Aug. 27, 1836. It was suspended by de-
cree of March 13, 1838, on the ground of its impracticability in a country so
unprepared for it us Guat. then was. Montufar, Resena Hist, ii. 289-343; iii.
63-^4; Salv., Diario OJic, Feb. 14, 1875; Pineda de Mont, Nota, in Guat.,
Recop. Ley., i. 464; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 192; Squiers Trav. Cent. Am., ii. .
419, 426.
■^ In consequence 350 reformatory articles were adopted in connection with
the civil code, and the reforms to the code of procedure in civil cases were
almost as extensive; a few were also made to the commercial; and a consider-
able number to the penal code, and to that of procedure in criminal causes.
Guat, Mem. Sec. Gobern., etc., 1880-3.
^Guat., Mem. Sec. Fcmento, 1880, 38-9, 65-6, 1885, 53, and annex 13
640 JUDICIAL AND MILITARY.
with fair regularity and promptness.^ During Barrios'
rule an efficient police was organized in the capital.
In Honduras the absence of a penal code caused
delays in the prosecution of criminals, and there being
no good jails or prisons, their offences often went un-
whipped of justice/^ Hence the numerous robbers and
assassins then infesting the frontiers. However, we
are assured that in the well-settled portions of the
country life and property were secure. Capital pun-
ishment being abolished by the constitution, the
severest punishment that could be inflicted was that
of 500 blows with a heavy withe of the consistency
of India-rubber.^^
The government in 1876 and succeeding years in-
troduced reforms in the police department. The polit-
ical disturbances, which had nullified the action of the
courts, being now at an end, the supreme and lower
courts were at once reorganized, and permitted to ex-
ercise their functions. But the non-existence of suit-
able penal establishments, and the antiquated legis-
lation, were powerful drawbacks. The minister-gen-
eral was directed by the president to procure the best
works on legislation, and the most noted codes on
civil and criminal matters, as well as on mining, com-
merce, etc., with the view of placing the materials in
the hands of competent persons, who w'ere to form
codes suited to the requirements of the country. ^^
Such work demands careful study, and time to accom-
plish it. I am not aware that it is even commenced.
'During 1881 the supreme court, issued 1,995 sentences in cfiminal cases,
only two of them were capital, one of which was commuted; in 1882, 1,467;
1883, 1,726; 1884, 2,489 offences were classified as crimes, and 10,130 as mere
misdemeanors; of the former 1,321, and of the latter 1,460, were acquitted;
1,168 of the former and 8,670 of the latter were sentenced, none to death,
and only two to extraordinary imprisonment.
^"^ It was notorious that escaped criminals freely moved, menacing the lives
of those who had had any agency in their arrest. The facility for evading the
action of the law was such that criminals did not fear it. Botid., Mem. Min-
istro Gen., 1852, 9-10.
^^A robber and murderer named Umansor, who effected his escape from
the fort at Omoa, survived under 400 blows on two occasions; but 200 blows
on the bare back generally ended the sufferings of the culprit when applied
with that design. Wells Hond., 229-30.
^2 Presid. Soto, Mensaje, May 27, 1877
SALVADOR AND NICARAGUA. 641
The laws of Salvador were codified in 1875.^^ The
judiciary is vested in a supreme court, tribunals, juries/*
and inferior judges established by the constitution and
the laws.^^ The president in his message of 1878 to
congress stated that the administration of justice was
not yet as expeditious as it should be, owing chiefly
to confusion in the laws, to obviate which he had ap-
pointed commissioners to study them, and introduce
harmony in the legislation.^^ During the year 1878
the chamber of third resort issued 188 decisions, com-
prising final sentences and decrees in civil and criminal
causes.^''
The administration of justice in Nicaragua is vested
in a supreme court and a variety of lower courts. ^^
The supreme court is divided into two sections, one
residing at Leon, and the other at Granada. ^^ The
alcalde of each town has cognizance of civil cases not
exceeding $100 in value, and of simple infractions of
^^Salv., Mem. Sec. Gobern., 1875; Id., Diario OJic., March 17, 1875.
^* Trial by jury in criminal cases was first established in Aug. 1832, but
being found impracticable, owing to the ignorance of the masses, it was abol-
ished. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 186. The system was restored by the constitution
of 1872. Salv., Diario Ofic., Oct. 17, 1875.
^^ The supreme court is composed of eleven magistrados, one of whom is
the president. In San Salv. there are two chambers of 2d resort with two
justices in each, and one of 3d resort composed of the president and the two
senior justices. A majority of the magistrados constitutes the full supreme
court. There is also a chamber of 2d instance in San Miguel, and another in
Santa Ana. Seven suplentes or substitutes fill temporary absences of the in-
cumbents, three for the capital, and two for each of the others. No magis-
trado, or judge of a court of first resort, can hold office in the executive or
legislative departments of the government. The supreme court-martial was
abolished by law of Aug. 31, 1875. Military courts of first instance existing
in the depts were suppressed, excepting that in the capital, and their functions
devolved on the comandantes. Salv., DiaHo Ofic, Sept. 3d-8th; Id., Gaceta
Ofic, Sept. 13, 1876.
^^Presid. ZaMivar, Mensaje, Jan. 14, 1878.
1^ The 1st chamber of 2d instance in the capital, 1,736; the 2d, 1,889; that
of Santa Ana, 2,323; and the one at San Miguel, 1,370. Salv., Mem. Sec Rel.
Just., etc, 1879; Salv., DiaHo Ofic, June 26, 28, July 4, 13, 1878.
^^The Livingston code of Louisiana with trial by jury was established in
1836, but suspended in 1845. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 192; Sandoval, Hev. Polik,
22. The organic law of the courts is dated July 4, 1857, and underwent modi-
fications Sept. 3, 1858. Rocha, C6d., Nic, ii. 167-98; Nic, Dec y Acuerdos,
1859, ii. 27-8; Inf&rme, Min. Gobern., 1859.
^^The former has jurisdiction over the depts of Leon, Chinandega, and
Segovia; and the latter over those of Granada, Rivas, Chontales, and Mata-
galpa. Levy, Nic , 344.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. IIL 41
642 JUDICIAL AND MILITARY.
a
police ordinances. Cases of greater importance must
go before the judge of first resort. ^^
The laws have never been collected and revised to
form one body of legislation. The only ones published,
to my knowledge, are the code of commerce, on March
12, 1869; the civil code, on March 31, 1871; that of
civil procedure, in May 1871; and lastly, the laws on
hacienda, in 1872.^^ The executive in his message of
1871 complained that the legislation was defective,
and that it was almost impossible to terminate suits
at law.^^ In criminal causes the constitution enjoined
the greatest precautions and restrictions for inflicting
the death penalty, which was by shooting the prisoner.
But that penal t}^ was finally abolished on the 31st of
March, 1873.^^ Trial by jury for grave offences was es-
tablished on the 31st of March, 1871. Punishments
for other oflences are, under the penal code of 1839,^*
detention for a long or short term, with or without
pecuniary fines, in chains or without them, and with
hard labor, or none. Women sentenced for serious
crime are made to work in the hospitals. Incorrigible
criminals of the male sex may be sentenced to receive
a number of blows on the bare back, even as many as
500, as elsewhere.^^
The number of criminal prosecutions initiated from
December 1, 1880, to Nov. 30, 1882, throughout the
'^ There is in each department or district a court for civil and criminal
affairs; but in largely populated departments there is also a court of criminal
jurisdiction. Hocha, dki. Nic, ii. 217, 244-316. There should also be a juez
de agricultura, and a juez de la mesta, under existing laws. Cases involving
only $100 are acted upon verbally; all others in writing.
'^^Nk., Informe Min. Fomento, 1869; Id., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1871, 123-33;
Id., Gaceta, March 18, Apr. 1, 22, June 3, 1871; El Porvenir de Nic, Oct. 22,
1871; Feb. 25, 1872; Nic, Mem. 3Iin. Hac, 1872; Id., Informe Min. Gohern.,
1875.
'■^^ * Los pleitos, por decirlo asi, se eternizan, y es muy raro ver uno que
Uegue a concluirse.* Merisaje del Presid., Marzo 1871.
'^"^Nic, SemanalNic, Oct. 16, 1873.
^^Marure, Efem., 49. It has been asserted that as a rule offenders are not
vigorously prosecuted, and for various reasons often go unpunished.
'^^ Ley de presidios, Aug. 18, 1858; Ley de Palos, Sept. 1, 1858. Prisoners
Sentenced to hard labor serve out their terms on the works in forts San Juan
and San Carlos, by president's order of Oct. 6, 1880. Nic, Mem. Min. Gohern.^
1883, 22-3, and annex B, 27.
COSTA RICA JUDICIARY. 643
republic, were 1,976 of men and 161 of women, a total
of 2,137r'
Costa Rica, as soon as she became a member of the
Central American confederation, organized a judiciary
of her own, consisting of a superior court, several tri-
bunals of first resort in the provinces, and the alcaldes
of towns, who were justices of the peace, with juris-
diction over petty affairs both civil and criminal. The
supreme court has since undergone many changes,
which would occupy too much space to detail. Its
members have been sometimes appointed by the exec-
utive, and at others chosen by the people or the legis-
lative body.^^ At present, they are elective, the court
being formed with the following personnel : president
of the full court, presidents of the first and second
sections, six justices, secretary, and the requisite clerks,
etc.^^ The administration of justice in the first in-
stance is vested in courts sitting in each province, and
having civil and criminal jurisdiction, except in the
province of San Jose, which has a civil and a criminal
court, distinct from one another.^^
Costa Rica adopted in or about 1841 a civil and
penal code, and likewise a code of procedure, with
which she rid herself of the old cumbersome and ex-
pensive legislation.^^ But nothing was done toward
^^Of which 578 resulted in conviction; 244 were dismissed; and 1,087 were
pending. Id., annex G, no. vi.
^"^ Gosta R., Col. Ley., iii.-xxii., passim,; Id., Mem. Min. Gobern., 1857 and
J859; Montufar, Eeseila Hist., v. 344, 348.
28 The yearly salaries are: chief president, $2,160; the other presidents,
$2,040 each; justices, $1,800 each; secretary, $1,200. The yearly appropria-
tion for the supreme court is nearly $43,000. Gosta R., Mem. Sec. Gobern.,
1884, annex D.
29 Suits for sums not exceeding $100 and trivial offences are attended to by
alcaldes and jueces de paz. There is also a special court of hacienda to ad-
judicate upon claims of the treasury against private parties, and for the trial
of offences against the revenue, including also the counterfeiting of coin. The
expense of this court is nearly $700 per month. In Limon there is an alcalde
who acts as judge. The civil and criminal judges of San Jose receive $105 a
month each; the other judges, $125; the alcalde at Limon, $50. The yearly
expenditure of the judiciary, including the supreme court, fiscal agencies,
casa de reclusion $720; presidio de San Liicas $11,560; and contingents for
the year 1884 was a little over $90,100. In former years, when the ecclesi-
astic and military f ueros were recognized, each had its own courts, the system
being an inheritance from the old Spanish rule. It has been abolished.
3»Costo R., In/orme Sec. Int., 1860 and 1865.
644 JUDICIAL AND MILITARY.
improving this work. Indeed, the administration of
justice in Costa Kica is not what it should be, not for
lack of honesty, ability, or laboriousness on the part
of the courts, but because of the antiquated and inade-
quate civil legislation and mode of procedure. ^^
The government, after obtaining the authorization
of the national congress, appointed a commission to
form new codes.^^ No difficulties were apprehended
in regard to the civil code ; but the penal code, involv-
ing the manner of dealing with criminals, has required
a more careful study, with the view of abandoning the
old vindictive system.^^
Under the new penal code there were to be three
separate presidios for different grades of criminals;
but owing to scarcity of funds only two were estab-
lished, one on Coco Island, and the other on San
Liicas.^* But later, under an executive order of No-
vember 6, 1882, the prisoners on Coco were removed
to San Lucas, and thus were the three presidios which
should have been separate merged into one.
Under the latest constitution of the state of Panamd,
the judiciary was comprised of the following: a superior
court in the state capital ;^^ one district court for civil
and one for criminal affairs in the same city; in the
other departments the district judge has jurisdiction
over civil and criminal causes. In each ward of the
capital there is an alcalde, and in the country a regidor
for each canton. ^^
^^ This was recognized by the min. of justice in his report of May 15, 1884.
Costa R., Mem. Soc. Just, y Gracia, 1884, 29.
^2 The commissions began their labors at once, but had not completed them
in July 1885. Costa R., Mem. Just, y Gracia, 1872-85.
^^ A law of July 10, 1873, introduced the jury system in criminal causes.
Costa R., Col. Ley., xxii. 62-69; Id., Informe Sec. Just., 1873, 23-4; 1876,
19-20.
^* The prison on Coco was first decreed July 3, 1874, but the law not hav-
ing been carried out, it was reiterated Jan. 21, 1878. The regulation of Feb.
25, 1874, for San Lucas placed it under the control of the governor of the
comarca qf Puutarenas. Costa R., Col. Ley., xxii. 35-48, 89-90; Id., Inf. Sec.
Gobern., 1874, 28; 1879, 16-18; Id., Col. Mspos. Leg., 1878, 92-3.
^^ Composed of three justices, whose terms of office are of four years.
There are substitutes to fill temporary vacancies.
^^ The alcaldes and regidores have charge of the preservation of order in
their respective districts, and initiate proceedings for offences against the
PANAMA MATTERS 645
A pena.1 codo was adopted by the constituent assem-
bly in July 1863, under which capital punishment
was abolished, and the highest penalty established
was that of ten years in chains with hard labor.^^ V
contract was entered into with Justo Arosemena in
18G8 to revise some codes and form others/^ and in
general to codify all existing laws. The contract was
fully carried out, and the state became possessed of a
full and well-arranged system of legislation.
Of the criminal prosecutions initiated in 1876 only
thirteen per centum resulted in convictions, which
elicited from the government secretary some depreca-
tory remarks. ^^ The state had in 1880 an organized
body of police of a little over forty men including the
officers. The men are armed with a club, and on ex-
traordinary occasions with carbines or rifles.*^ The
prison arrangements have nothing to commend them.^^
In regard to the military department of the Isth-
mus, hardly anything can be said with certainty. It
might possibly, in an emergency, keep under arms
3,000 or 4,000 men for a short period. The force in
active service has varied with circumstances from 400
or 500 to 75.^^ The number of commissioned officers
laws, and after the investigation has been completed, pass the papers to the
proper court. These officials also have jurisdiction over civil causes not ex-
ceeding $200 in value. When the claim does not exceed $25, the court's
decision is final. If it does, the court hears the parties, receives the testi-
mony of witnesses, and renders a decision, which may be appealed frojn to
the superior court. Judges and alcaldes in former years were greatly re-
spected by the people, and their decrees obeyed without demur. Maldonado,
Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 2, 5.
^^ Other penalties: imprisonment, banishment, deprivation or suspension
of political rights, surveillance of the authorities, fines, etc. Credits are
allowed prisoners for good behavior. Trial by jury in criminal cases exists.
A jury of seven meet at the chief town, hear the evidence, and by an absolute
majority convict, qualifying the offence, or acquit. Pan., Gaceta, Aug. 30,
to Sept. 24, 1863; Feb. 19, 1880; Id., Boletin OJic, Nov. 18, 1865.
, 3^ The civil, penal, procedure, military, and commercial codes. Id., Sept.
5, 1868; Id., Inf. Mem. Sec. Est., 1872, 13; 1877, 33.
3^ He drew the conclusion that the jury system, in the state of ignorance
so general among the masses, instead of being a safeguard for society served
to afford impunity to criminals. Id., Mem. Sec. Jen. Est., 1876, 19-22; 1879,
102-3.
*0Paw., Ley., 1879-80, 52-5.
*^Pan., Informe Gobernador, 17-19.
*2 A decree of Dec. 23, 1879, fixed the force at 140 with the officers; a
646 JUDICIAL AND MILITAKY.
lias ever been large, and not a few of them received
pay without rendering any service worth mentioning/^
The general government of Colombia usually keeps a
force of its own, varying between 150 and 500 men,
with the double object of guarding the transit from
interruption, and of controlling the political situation.
The available military force of Costa Rica for active
service is close upon 15,000 men, to which must be
added a reserve of nearly 6,000, the national guard of
about 3,500, and the field and company officers num-
bering 2,485. The garrisons of San Jose, Cartago,
Heredia, Alajuela, Liberia, and Puntarenas in 1883
aggregated less than 500, including officers, and 85
musicians, a reduction of 128 from the preceding
year.^^ The garrison formerly kept at the president's
house was suppressed. Schools exist for instructing
the militia officers. A good supply of arms, ammuni-
tion, and other war material is kept in serviceable
condition. ^^ Costa Rica formerly had a navy of three
steam vessels and one schooner. The latter is all she
has now, besides two small steamers used for the
protection of the revenue. ^
In Nicaragua the army continued in the biennial
period of 1881-2, as formerly organized, in three divis-
ions of 3,200 men each, which might easily be in-
creased, but that number was deemed sufficient to
cover the garrisons. ^^ The republic is provided with
second of March 1, 1880, ordered the organization of the battalion Ancon no. 1
with 95 to 125; another of Feb. 22, 1881, reduced it to 75. The pay of the
rank and file was fixed in 1880 as follows: 1st sergt, $27; 2d sergt, |24; 1st
corporal, $21; 2d corp., $18; private, $15. No rations allowed. Pan., Ga-
ceta, Jan. 8, March 21, May 9, June 24, 27, 1880; Sept. 15, 25, 1881. The
force was greatly augmented during the disturbances of 1885. Pan. Star and
Herald, Dec. 22, 1885.
*^A law of 1881 established the ranks of gen. -in-chief, gen. of division,
gen. of brigade, colonel, lieut-col, major, capt., lieut, and sub-lieut. On the
1st of Dec, 1877, there were 8 generals, 43 colonels, lieut-col, and majors, and
254 from captains down. The appropriations for 1877 and 1878 were $64,000
each, of which $45,000 was for pay. Pan., Mem. Sec. Jen. Est., 1878, p.
xxvii.-xxxii.; Id., Id., Hacienda, 1878, annex X.
** Laferri6re, writing for 1873, says that the regulars did not count for
much as to numbers, though the country had been of late years under a mil-
itary gov. DePansa Guatem., 55-6.
*^ Costa H., Mem. Min. Guer., 1883 and 1884.
** There were garrisons in Managua, Granada, Leon, Corinto, San Carlos,
ARMY AND NAVY. 647
artillery and other arms, as well as with the requi-
site ammunition. Invalided men, and widows and
orphans of the soldiers, receive pensions/''
Nicaragua may in the course of time become a
maritime nation. At present there is no Nicaraguan
navy. The naval service is reduced to the mere
police of the ports of San Juan del Norte, San Juan
del Sur, and Corinto.
Honduras has but a small number of men under
arms in time of peace, but all male citizens from 18
to 50 years must do military service in time of war. *^
The men do not make a fine display, but will march
from 50 to 60 miles a day with no other food tlian a
plaintain and a little cheese, and when well officered,
will fight desperately.
The government has had it in contemplation to
introduce some order in the service, and to develop a
sentiment of respect and appreciation of the military
profession; but I am not aware that any change for
the better has taken place. Honduras has forts at
Omoa and Trujillo, the same which existed in the
Spanish domination; they could offer resistance to
scarcely any force bombarding them from the sea.
The government of Salvador, in May 1879, ordered
a complete reorganization of the army, fixing its force
at 20,000 men in four divisions,*^ whose commander-
Oastillo Vie jo, and "Matagalpa, aggregating with the officers 506 men. The
revenue guards and police number about 4G0. Nic, Mem. Min. Guer., 1883.
The battalions stationed at Managua, the capital, bears the name of guardia
de los supremos poderes, being the guard of honor of congress or the execu-
tive. The officers and soldiers are well dressed. The other troops merely
get a pair of pants and a shirt. The bright trimmings distinguish them from
civilians. As to pay, the general of division in active service receives $5 per
day; the private only 30 cts per day and no rations. Levy, Nic, 343-4.
*^In 1882 the monthly appropriation for pensions was $1,188. Nic., Mem.
Min. Guer., 1883.
*^ The army might be raised to 30,000 or 40,000 men. Pan. Star and HeraCd,
June 2, 1886. The practice has been to send out press-gangs, to seize men
and force them into the ranks, thus forming as motley a set as can well be
imagined; some have shirts, some jackets, and others neither. Most of them
probably have breeches, but exceedingly short at the legs. Wells' Hond., 238
-40; Laferriti'e, De Paris a Guatem, 100-1; Squiers Trav., ii. 183-4.
^^ The eastern, furnished by the departments of San Miguel, Usulutan, La
Union, and G-otera; the central, by San Vicente, Cabanas, Cuscatlan, and
Chalatenango; the western, by Santa Ana, Sonsonat, and Ahuachapan; and
648 JUDICIAL AND MILITAKY.
in-chief should be the president of the repubhc/^ who
allowed himself four aides-de-camp of the rank of colo-
nel, four of the grade of lieutenant-colonel, and eight
others from captains to sub-lieutenants. The term of
military service was fixed at six years, each man being
credited with double time for active service. The
cost of the force doing garrison duty, which in 1876
had been fixed at 1,427 men — exclusive of the general
staff, other officers of all grades, and two music bands
— was computed at $31,788 per month. ^^
An act of congress of January 1877 suppressed
pensions of officials on retiring from service, and ex-
tended the rule to military men having means of their
own for support. The retired pension was to be paid
only to destitute ones, and in no case was it to exceed
fifty dollars a month.^^ A new military code was pro-
mulgated on the 1st of January, 1880.^^
In Guatemala military service is required of every
male citizen of the ages of 18 to 50, excepting Indians,
priests, 'students,' and those who pay fifty dollars a
year for exemption.^* The strength of the army is
estimated at 16,000, but there is no doubt that a larger
force can be raised when needed. The following are
the grades of commissioned officers in the service:
the reserve, by San Salvador, La Paz, and La Libertad. Each division was
formed with four brigades, and another of artillery; each brigade to have
1,000 men in two battalions; five companies of 100 men to form a battalion.
Salv., Dim-io OJic, Apr. 6, May 16, July 9, 10, 1879,
'^** Divisions to be commanded by generals of division, brigades by generals
of brigade; battalions to have colonels and lieut-colonels; and each company
a capt., 1st lieut, 2d lieut, and 2 sub-lieuts, 5 sergeants, and 8 corporals.
Brevets were recognized in all grades of commissioned officers, under an ex-
ecutive decree of 1875. Id., Aug. 13, 1875.
^^The pay of a gen. of div. was $150 per month, of a gen. of brig. $125,
col $100, lieut-col $90, capt. $57, lieut $45, sub-lieut $37.50, serg. $15, corp-
orals, $13^, and private $11.25. The new organization given the army at
that time was said to secure a saving of $200,000 a year. Salv., Gaceta OJic.,
Oct. 7, 11, 1876.
^2 The scale was fixed in March 1877, from $50 for a general of division
down to $10 for a sub-lieut, sergeants $7 and $6, corporals $5, and privates
$4. The same scale standing for widows and orphans to whom pensions
might be allowed. Id., Feb. 16, March 6, 1877.
^^ It went into effect on the 15th of that month and year. Salv., Diario
OJic., Jan. 2-14, 1880.
^* A few paid for their exemption till 1892. Guat., Mem. Sec. Hac, 1883,
24^ and annex 19.
GUATEMALA AFFAIRS. 649
generals of division and of brigade/^ colonel, lieuten-
ant-colonel, first and second comandantes, captain,
lieutenant, and sub-lieutenant/^
The government of President Barrios labored as-
siduously in providing the country with a well-disci-
plined militia, having competent officers, as well as with
the other necessary elements of a perfectly organized
army. The military school has already furnished use-
ful officers/^ The ranks are filled without dragging
men from their usual vocations; garrisons are fre-
quently relieved, the active service being distributed
among the several departments. Citizens have since
looked on the profession as one of honor and glory,
instead of shunning it as in former times. ^^ A well-
provided hospital was established in the capital, which
went into operation on March 15, 1881.^^
The expenditures of the war department for the
fiscal year 1883 were $1,031,501.'"
^^The ranks of captain-general and lieutenant-gen., created for Miguel
Garcia Granados and J. Rufino Barrios respectively, soon after the overthrow
of the oligarchs, were suppressed by the latter in his decree of Feb. 9, 1873,
together with the grade of mariscal de campo formerly existing. He likewise
annulled the grade of sargento mayor, creating in lieu thereof those of se-
gundo comandante and primer comandante. Guat., Recop. Ley. Gob. Democ.f
ii. 12-13, 25.
^^ The pay of a private is three reales per day, out of which he supports
and clothes himself.
^^ The secretary of war said of it: *Este establecimiento promete mucho
para el porvenir.' And indeed, a number of its graduates were already en-
gaged in engineering work on the northern railroad, in running the boundary
line with Mexico, and in instructing the several battalions. Some had been
also assigned to the artillery department. GuaL, Mem. Sec. Guer., 1884, 6,
annex no. 1.
^^ Officers in active service cannot marry without leave from the sec. of
war, which is not granted if their marriage may prove detrimental to the
service. /(/., 1882, 5, 13-14.
^^ It has been properly kept, with beneficial results. Id.^ 1882, 15; 1883,
6-7, annex 3; 1884, 9-10, doc. 3.
'^^ Id., 1884, annex no. 1. Other authorities containing information on
military affairs of Guat. from 1822 to 1873: Thom'psons Guat, 496-504; Dun-
lop's Cent. Am., 168-9; Guat., Recop. Ley., ii. 639-759, passim; /(/., Gob. Democ,
i. 6, 103-5, 132-7; Id., Decretos, nos. 11, 23, 36-7; Id., Mem. Sec. Guer., 1837,
24-6, table 6; Squiers Cent. Am., 516-17; Boddam Whetham's Across Cent.
Am., 205-8.
CHAPTER XXXII.
mDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.
1800-1887.
Early Agriculture — Protection of the Industry — Great Progress
Attained — Communal Lands — Agricultural Wealth — Decay of
Cochineal — Development of Other Staples — Indigo, Coffee, Sugar,
Cacao, and Tobacco — Food and Other Products— Precious Woods
and Medicinal Plants — Live-stock — Value of Annual Production
IN Each State — Natural Products of Panama — ^Neglect of Agricul-
ture— Mineral Wealth — Yield of Precious Metals — Mining in
Honduras, Salvador, and Nicaragua — Deposits of Guatemala and
Costa Rica — Mints — Former Yield of Panama — Mining Neglected
ON the Isthmus — Incipiency of Manufactures — Products for Do-
mestic Use.
In the early part of the present century cattle, were *
the mainstay of the large estates in Central America ;
but the great staple was indigo.^ Sugar and raspadura
were also important crops, but the most valuable was
that of Indian corn. Some tobacco was also grown.
The cacao plantations had ceased to exist. The cul-
tivation of jiquilite, cochineal, and vanilla had also
declined.^
Guatemala passed, from time to time, laws for the
protection and development of agriculture,^ and yet it
made no notable progress down to the end of the
seventh decade.* But with the establishment of a
^Humboldt estimated the production at the value of ^,500,000. Essai,
PoliL, ii. 446; Guat., ApunL, 17-20; GuaL, Gaceta, vi. 70-1, 293-337, passim.
^The yearly products of Cent. Am. were estimated in 1826 at $52,529,450.
Ochs Esp. Emigr., v. 3-11.
^G^uat., Reccyp. Ley., i. 658-89, 744-60. _^ -
* Though land was free to all, agriculture was so low that even on^^a— ^.
richest soil staples were scarcely produced in sufl&cient quantities for the con-
sumption. Berendt, in Smitlisonian Rept, 1867, 424. ~^
(650)
GUATEMALA PLANTATIONS.
more liberal system, a great change soon became
manifest. The cultivation of cochineal having become
unproductive,^ the government turned its attention to
the development of coffee,^ until it became the first
source of wealth of the country. In Antigua Guate-
mala coffee, and in Amatitlan sugar, have taken the
place of cochineal.^ Every possible encouragement
has been given to other products, such as sugar,
wheat, tobacco, cinchona, jiquilite, spices, and grapes,
with good results in some of them, and prospects of
the same in others.^ I give in note statistical data
on the country's productions.^
Honduras produces all the great staples of the trop-
ics. The land on both coasts is adapted for cotton. ^*^
A soft, slender, and juicy sugar-cane is indigenous;
two and even three crops are taken annually. This
cane requires replanting only once in ten or twelve
years. Excellent coffee may be had in abundance if
cultivated. Cochineal and grapes were obtained in
former years. ^^ The nopal is indigenous and abun-
dant in Comayagua. The tobacco of Honduras has
a well-deserved reputation. Indigo is produced in
^The annual export was estimated at nearly $1,100,000, but chemical sub-
stances having been discovered to take its place for coloring, the decadence of
the industry soon followed. Cochineal could not fetch over 2 to 3 francs per
kilogr. in France. Laferriere, De PaHs a Guatem., 247.
^ It had young trees planted in every department, and for the further in-
crease of the staple, exempts the product from interior taxation and export
dues. Pan. Star and Herald, May 29, 1886.
"^ Presid. Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876.
^Guat., Mevi. Sec. Gohern. y Just, 1880; Id., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1880-2;
Id., Sec. Hac, 1882-3; Pan. Star and Herald, March 2, May 29, 1886.
9 Cochineal, reduced from 67,709 qls in 1860-4 to 2,845 in 1879-83.
Coffee, 1860^, none; crop of 1883-4 was 495,385 qls; next year's estimated
520,000, valued at $5,291,074. Sugar, 1860-4, 115,486 qls; the production of
1883 of sugar, panela, muscovado, and molasses valued at $976,902; 1884,
$1,058,551; 1885, $915,789. Rubber, 1879-83, 9,074 qls. Sundries, 1879-
83, 115,999 qls. Flour, 1884, probable production 931,144 qls. Tobacco
cult, progressing. Live-stock, 1884, horses, 107,187; mules and asses, 41,386;
neat cattle, 441,307; sheep, 417,577; goats, 27,618; swine, 177,118. Total
value, $15,112,233. Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1885-5; El Guatemalteco, Jan.
1, Sept. 15, 1884; Pa?i. Evg Telegram, May 26, 1886.
^^ As early as 1800 there were 9,600 trees of China cotton. Quinta Junta
Pub., 14-15; Juan^os, Gnat., i. 38-46.
^^ Viag. Univ., xxvii. 172-4. The Sp. gov. had all the vines destroyed for
fear ^^ inrnry to tihp ^^"'^ i^^H1l^g^;ry" nT'TFift iTinf.Tip.r Squiers Cent.
Am.y'^^^fW. Ind., Descr. S'p.Setmrs~¥^
652 INDUSTRIAL PR0GRES8.
quantities for commercial purposes. Food staples are
varied and abundant. The country has also a wealth
of precious woods, and indeed, of every variety com-
mon to the tropics. Of fruit-trees, there are many
indigenous. Sarsaparilla, of which there is none supe-
rior, is found in abundance, particularly on the north-
ern and eastern coasts. Vanilla grows in the same
districts.^^ Agriculture is progressing. The cultiva-
tion of fruit-trees on the northern coast has drawn the
attention of capitalists. Coffee, indigo, sugar-cane, and
tobacco are the chief staples. Neat cattle were the
most obvious source of wealth, the interior country
being favorable for their increase. ^^
Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica enjoy the
the same advantages as the other two states already
described, and have within the last l:hirty years de-
veloped agriculture in a remarkable degrea The
great products of the first named are indigo, coffee,
maize, sugar, and rice. A variety of other articles
contribute to increase the country's wealth.^* The old
system of communal lands prevails throughout Cen-"
tral America.
The chief staples of Nicaragua are cacao, sugar,
indigo, tobacco, cotton, coffee, wheat, and other
cereals, and plantains and fruits in great profusion. ^^
^"^ Squier's Cent. Am., 192-204; LaferH^re, De Paris a Guatem., 97
^^ They do not yield a high income, however, the consumption at home be-
ing comparatively small, and the demand of the neighboring states limited.
Id., 209-11, 272. Gov. is endeavoring to improve the breed.
^* Comparative values: Indigo — as early as 1630 the yield was 10,000
quintals a year; the production from 1791 to 1800 was 8,752,562 lbs. at $2 a
lb.; 1864, $1,129,105; 1877, $2,146,423. Coffee— 1864, about $80,000; 1877,
$2,115,669. Maize— 1877, $2,786,433. Sugar and muscovado— 1877, $334,-
361. Rice— 1877, $154,728. Hides and deer-skins— 1876, $444,805. Cattle
— 1876, $672,948. Aggregate values for 1876-7 — including rum made from
molasses, and set down at $925,457— were $15,448,794. These figures are
from official sources, but may not be altogether reliable. Salv., Diario Ofic,
Oct. 21, 1875; Id., Gaceta Ofic, Feb. 7, 24, 1877; Feb. 19, 1878.
^^The cotton is of superior quality, and grown in considerable quantities;
the cacao is second only to Soconusco; the sugar-cane is indigenous, and
yields beautiful sugar; the indigo has a high reputation; the coffee is fully as
good as Costa Rica's, and flourishes well in the higher grounds. The same
may be said of tobacco. Maize and rice grow in perfection and abundance.
Stout's Nic., 73-85, 345-53;' Dunlop's Cent. Am., 265-7; Baily's Cent. Am.,
120-4; SquiersCent. Am., 363-4, 377-8, 663; Id., Trav., i. 34-9, 158-63; Id.,
Nic, 620-2; Levy, Nic, 458-81; Wells' Hond., 141-3; Id., Wallers Exped.,
COSTA RICA AND PAJSTAJVll. 653
The departments of Rivas, Granada, Leon, and Chi-
nandega supply trade with the most valuable staples.
The government has endeavored to promote agricul-
ture, particularly the cultivation of coffee and tobacco.^^
Among other productions mention must be made of
the inexhaustible quantities of medicinal plants, and
valuable cabinet and dye woods. ^^ Cattle are another
source of wealth, but cattle-raising has its drawbacks. ^^
Costa Eica produces indigo and sugar of excellent
quality, and some of the best cacao in the Matina Val-
ley.-^^ Wheat, potatoes, and other vegetables, apples,
and other fruits of the temperate zone are also found;
but the republic's chief staple and source of wealth is
coffee. ^^ The plantations are small and looked to with
the utmost care. The largest one of Costa Rica
116; LaferrUre, De Paris a Guatem., 77-80; IT. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 75,
210-12, 216, vol. X. Cong. 31, Sess. 1; Pan. Star and Herald, March 13, 1886.
1*^ Exemptjiig_tkem from taxation and otherwise. Pocha, Cod. JVic, i. 191-
4, 206-11; li. 106-11; Nic, Peg. Ofic, 328-9; Id., Dec. y Acuerdos, vol. for
1851-61, passim; Ley de Agric., Feb. 18, 1862; Mc, Boktin O/c, Feb. 15,
1862; Id., Gaceta, years 1865-74, passim.
^^ Mahogany abounds, especially on the margins of the branches of the
large rivers. The cutters are mostly Mosquitos and Caribs, who hire them-
selves for the season at $10 to $15 a month and fed. In 1862-9 the govt
adopted the plan of farming out the privilege of cutting mahogany. The
caoutchouc trees were by law declared in 1860 govt property. Nic, Mem,
Min. Ilac, 1862; Id., Gaceta, Apr. 1, 1865; El Nacional, Nov. 10, 1860.
^^ Nutritious grasses and water are scarce in the summer. On the other
hand, an immense quantity of vermin constantly torment the animals, and
disease takes hold of them, killing many. Cows yield only a small quantity
of milk. A dairy possessing 150 to 200 milch cows is said to do well if they
yield 50 lbs. of cheese per day. Levy, Nic, 478.
^® Said to be as good as that of Soconusco; but the country is generally too
high and cold for cacao culture; nor is the climate favorable for cochineal,
cotton, or grape, owing to excessive rains. Molina, Bosq. Costa P., 30-1;
Astahuniaga, Cent. Am., 37. Spec, laws have been passed for the promotion
of cacao and indigo culture. Costa P., Col. Ley., xi. 299-301; xii. 216-17; Id.,
Col Ley., 1866, 161-2; Id., xix. 184-6.
20 As late as 1829 her sole article of export was Brazil wood. The miser-
able condition of the country made its name ridiculous. But in a few years
the situation become changed. An act was passed Sept. 7, 1831, to promote
coffee culture, and in 1835 the first export of the article took place. Another
decree for the same purpose was issued in 1843. Id., iii. 94-6; El Nicaragii-
ense, Jan. 9, 1856. In 1845 no less than 45,000 quintals were produced; in
1848 double that quantity; and in 1850, 140,000 qls; from 1854 to 1856 there
was no increase, owing to cholera, locusts, and the Walker war in Nic.
However, the crop of 1856 was about 55,200 qls. Costa P., Gaceta, Jan. 26,
1850; July 1 to Sept. 23, 1854; Id., Boletin Ofic, June 29, 1854; Id., Mem.
Sec Pel, 1856, 10-12; Guat., Gaceta, Oct. 7, 1853; Wagner, Costa P., 41, 307-
21; Squier's Cent. Am., 454-72; Laferri^re, De Paris a Guaiem., 48-9; Belly,
A trav. VAmer. Cent., i. 397-400.
X
654 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.
would be considered small in Guatemala; but on the
other hand, men and women find occupation, and there
is no actual poverty. The production of coffee has
steadily increased, except when rains have been
scanty or excessive, or locusts have caused devastation
in the fields.^^
Fiscal monopolies have kept back, in a great meas-
ure, the development of the cultivation of sugar and
tobacco. ^^ The country is well supplied with live-
stock of all kinds, and is also rich in valuable cabinet
and dye woods as well as in medicinal plants.
The soil of the Isthmus of Panamd is well adapted
for all tropical productions. The country only needs
an industrious population and peace to develop its
immense natural wealth. The chief productions are
Indian corn, sugar-cane, rice, a great variety of fruits,
vegetables, and nutritious roots, such as yam, yucca,
etc. Agriculture has been limited to the supply of
edibles, and of late years to the shipment of some fruit
to the United States. The cultivation of sugar and
coffee might be made profitable, though requiring a
large outlay, but for being dependent on an uncertain
supply of labor. In 1862 and 1863, cotton culture
was undertaken in the interior with fair success, and
in 1864 had spread all over the country. ^^ The plant
is perennial, and yet, with this and other advantages,
the natives have not become aw^ke to the importance
2iln 1862 there was a fair crop: 1873, 333,843 qls; 1874, about 300,000
valued in Puntarenas port at $15.50 per quintal of 100 lbs.; 1876, a scanty-
crop; 1877, 186,000; 1877, 180,652; 1879, excessive rains caused heavy loss;
1884, about 375,000 quintals; but 1885 only yielded 125,000 or 130,000. Costa
i?., Informe Sec. Interior, 1862, 10-11; Id., Sec. Agric, 1874, 28; 1876, 20-1;
1878,14; 1879,22; LaferH^re, DeParisaChmUin.,^', Jiil/s, Die Seeha/en, 18;
Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 9, 23, 1885. *> >^->
^"^ The manufacture of rum from sugar-cane is a government monopoly.
The cultivation of tobacco has been for many y^ars uiider the'striZTtesL i-egu-
lations; its manufacture and sale was exclusively in the hands of govt agents.
In 1850 it was declared free from Jan. 1, 1852, but the law was repealed June
23, 1851. In 18G9 the monopoly was abolished, but restored again by law of
Feb. 4, 1884. Molina, Bosq. Costa P., 30; Costa P., Col. Ley., x. 132-40; xi.
331-3; Id., Col. Ley., 1869, 15-17, 219-20; Id., Mem. Sec. Mac., 1852-3; Id.,
Mem. Sec. Oobem. Hac, etc., 1884, 25-6.
'^ The U. S. govt evinced in 1863 a disposition to promote its cultiv. See
correspond, of agric. dept. with U. S. consul in Pan. BidwelVs Isth, Pan.,
268-70.
VERAGUA AND CHIRIQUI. 655
of it. Cacao is another article that might be grown
to advantage. The government has tried to promote
the culture of coffee and cacao. ^^
Coffee and sugar are cultivated, but not in sufficient
quantity to meet even the home demand. I append
in a note an official account of agricultural production
for 1882, though not giving it much value.^^
Veragua and Chiriqui have good plains for raising
neat cattle, goats, pigs, horses, asses, and mules. ^^
Poultry, and a great variety of wild animals exist in
abundance. The seas on the two coasts are well stocked
with fish.
The Isthmus has plenty of timber of the best kinds
and of enormous size, found in South Darien, and in
all the mountains on both coasts, and in the islands;
also cabinet and dye woods, and medicinal plants. ^^
Of the five states of Central America, Honduras
appears to be the most plentifully supplied with min-
eral wealth. Mount Merendon was long celebrated
for its silver and gold mines. Until about thirty or
forty years ago, mining was the most prominent inter-
est in the state, but wars~anid~^poirtTcal~HisruiT3^^^^
caused the abandonment of the mines, and the works
fell into decay, after which there was neither enter-
prise, capital, nor skill to restore them. The owners
of the property afterward became owners of immense
grazing estates. Some mines were continued in oper-
2* Exempting from taxation, and by other privileges. Pan. Ley., 1876-7,
7; Id., Gaceta, Jan. 7, 1877; BldwelVs Isth. Pan., 2G4-72; U, S. G(yv. Doc,
H. Ex. Doc. 113, vol. vi. 1-2, 35-7, Cong. 41, Sess. 2.
^^ Tobacco, 2,770 quintals; grain, 197,320 qls; cacao, 261 qls; sugar, 155
qls; panela, 29,445 qls; molasses, .4,694 jugs; coffee, 2,853 qls; rubber, 80
qls; sundries, 354,285 qls; medicinal roots, 390 qls. Total value, $518,662.
Pan., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1882, annex L.
2^ No sheep are raised, and the goats, sometimes killed, are a poor substi-
tute. The pork is excellent. Live-stock said to exist on the Isthmus in
1882: neat cattle, 114,157; mules and asses, 470; horses, 9,942; goats, 24,-
732; hogs, 203,209. Total value, $1,270,945. lb.
^^ It would take too much space to enumerate them; but a list may be
found in the report on the physical and polit. geog. of the state of Pan.,
drawn up by a commission despatched thither for that purpose, by the govt
of New Granada, in 1859. See also report of Martin, New Granada minister
in London, May 1858, in BidwelVs Isth. Pan., 322-40.
656 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.
ation, however, on a small scale, and in a rude manner. ^^
In 1860 and for some preceding years the bullion
export of Honduras amounted to about $400,000 an-
nually, most of it being gold collected by the Indiano
from shallow washings.
The development of the mining wealth of Hondu-
ras is engaging the attention of foreign capitalists.^^
Several companies have been organized in the United
States, France, and elsewhere to work the mines in
the departments of Tegucigalpa, Santa Bdrbara, Yus-
caran, and Jutigalpa.^^
Guatemala has not been noted for mines. How-
ever, the district in the Alotepec mountains was rich
toward the latter part of the eighteenth century,
yielding large quantities of silver. ^^ The river sands
of the department of Chiquimula are auriferous, and
^^ Silver ores are the most abundant, and chiefly located on the Pac. group
of mountains, whereas the gold washings, if not the gold mines proper, are
most numerous on the Atlantic side. The mineral districts in the depart-
ments of Tegucigalpa, Choluteca, and Gracias are very rich in silver in
various combinations. The upper or old mine of Coloal yielded 58 per ct. of
copper, and 78 to 84 ounces of silver to the ton; the ores of the new mines
of Coloal, a combination of chloride of silver, a little sulphuret of silver,
oxide of iron, and antimony, mixed with earthy matter, yielded 8,470 ounces
per ton of 2,000 lbs. Gold mines abound in Hond., but only a few have been
worked. The chief supplies have been drawn from the washings of Olancho.
The rivers of Guayape and Jalan, as well as the streams running into them,
are decidedly the richest in auriferous sands. The finest gold is from the
Guayape, Jalan, and Mangualil, and from the Sulaco, Caimito, and Pacaya,
in the dept of Yoro. The southern districts bordering on Nic. have rich
placers. Hond. has also mines of copper, iron, platina, cinnabar, zinc, and
coal. Very productive opal mines are worked to some extent in Gracias.
Amethysts are said to be found in Campuca. Squiers Cent. Am., 145-51,
178-89; Id., Hond. R. R., 85-94; Montgomei-y's JSTarr., 1134; Baily's Cent.
Am., 100-2; Hond. Gac. OJic., Feb. 20, March 10, 1853; Wells' Hond., 233-
639, passim.
^^ Foreigners are allowed to work and own mines, under the federal law of
June 27, 1825. The ordenanzas of New Spain regarding mines were declared
to be in force June 17, 1825. JRocha, C6d. Nic., i. 209; Gtmt., Recop. Leyes,
i. 238.
^" The absence of roads and difficulty of travel make mining unprofitable
as yet. Presid. Soto, Mensaje, Feb. 19, 1883; Pan. Star and Herald, March
23, 1883; Feb. 23, 1886; H. 8. Davys' Gold Fields along the Gtiayape, etc., in
Cincinnati Enquirer.
^^ Combined with lead and copper, and also as a sulphide of silver. Mate-
rials convenient for working them were at hand. The Central Am. Mining
Co, operating on the locality sold between 1858 and 1865 ore and bar silver
to the amount of 621,000 ounces, worth over $700,000. U. S. Gov. Doc, H.
Ex. Doc, Cong. 40, Sess. 2, pt 1, 212-14; Sqniers Cent. Am., 526; U. S. Land
Off, i2ep., 1807, 116-17, 131-2, 188-90; Nic„ Gaceta, Apr. 28, 1866.
MINERALS AND METALS. 657
the Indians wash them for gold.^^ Recently several
deposits have been reported to the government, of
lead, silver, gold, cinnabar, coal, kaoline, marble, etc/^
Nicaragua possesses an immense wealth in minerals,
which has not been developed as yet, except on a
small scale, and generally, without any intelligence.
Gold and silver and several useful metals are found
in great abundance. ^^ There are also deposits of
gypsum, marble, alabaster, lime, saltpetre, etc. Sul-
phur is sometimes found pure. The mining laws favor
the industry by either natives or foreigners. A mint
has existed in the republic for several years. ^^
^^ Early in the present century nuggets of 22 carats were found near Choi.
In some mines the ore treated with quicksilver yielded one ounce of gold to
the 100 R>s., or $320 to the ton of 2,000 lbs. Blazquez, Opinion, in Doc. Orig.
Chiapas, 5.
^**Gold placers in the dept. of Izabal were being worked on a large scale.
Several silver mines promise large yields when they become exploited. The
Indians of Zunil repeatedly offer for sale in Quezaltenango quicksilver obtained
from a mine which they keep strictly secret. In the departments of Quiche,
Alta, Vera Paz, and Huehuetenango are salt springs and deposits; in Chimal-
tenango peat and lignite; between Guastoya and Izabal, marble; and in sev-
eral places on the Atlantic slope, coal. The government had a mineralogical
survey of the country made. Guat., Mem. Sec. Hac, 1882, 28; 1883, 34, 12-A',
Id., Mem. Sec. Fmnento, 1884, 42; Wagner, Costa R., 36; Pan. Star and
Herald, Jan. 17, 1883.
^^ Among them must be mentioned zinc, iron, copper, lead, tin, antimony.
The mines of lead, iron, and copper are believed to be inexhaustible. They
are situated in a fertile, cool, healthy, and picturesque region, affording
every other facility for working them. The whole northern frontier abounds
in silver, a little of it being obtained by primitive processes. Quicksilver
mines, though not rich, are common. The gold veins of Nic. come from
Hond., running along the cordillera to the San Juan River, where they become
somewhat ramified before crossing it, and reappear in Costa R. The chief
one crosses the Machuca River. The gold is almost pure when washed from
river-beds, and more or less mixed with silver when dug out of the earth.
In the districts of Juigalpa and Libertad hundreds of mines have been en-
tered. The Jicaro mines near Trinidad, and those of Santa Rosa, Achuapa,
San Francisco, etc., have been famous. The Potosi and Corpus in colonial
times yielded large quantities of gold. The whole upper region of the Coco
River is rich. It may be asserted that the mines of Nic. are excellent, but
the miners are generally incompetent. They use the crowbar, avoiding gun-
powder as too expensive. Men are easily procured, who work steadily though
slowly and by primitive methods, earning $8 to $10 per month, and their
rations. The mills are mostly poor. Sixteen carat gold is worth at the mine
$12 an ounce, but the average price paid by factors was $8 or $9. Consider-
able quantities of gold are taken by the Indians from river sands and bed,
and washed in pans. Levy, Nic, 160-6, 482-6; Squier's Cent. Am., 364, 392-
400; Id., Nic, 653-6; Nic, Mem. Min. Fomento, 1871; Id., Mem. Min. Rel,
1875; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 212-13, vol. x., Cong. 31, Sess. 1; Belhj^
Nic, i. 340-6; Nic, Gaceta, Nov. 11, 1865; May 26, 1866, suppl.; Sept. 7,
1867; Jan. 11, July 18, Aug. 8, 1868.
^^Nic, Gaceta, March 1, 1873; Eochxi, C6d. Nic, i. 163-72;. iV'ic., CorreO'
1st., Aug. 29, 1850.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 42
658 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.
In Salvador there can be no mines of precious
metals out of that portion of the state which is geo-
logically dependent on the mountain system of Hon-
duras. The silver mines of Tabanco, Encuentros,
iSociedad, Loma I^arga, Divisaderos, Capetilla, Santa
Kosalia, etc., in the department of San Miguel, on
the north-eastern part, and bordering on Honduras,
have had a wide celebrity. Some of them were ex-
tensively worked, and with great profit. The group
called Minas de Tabanco, holding the ore in combi-
nation with galena and sulphuret of zinc, are easily
worked.^^
Salvador has rich mines of iron near Santa Ana,
.and of brown coal throughout the valley of the Lempa,
and in the valleys of some of its tributaries, over a
region of 100 miles long by 20 miles broad. ^^
Costa Rica has been less favored than the other
states in mining wealth. Rich gold mines are sup-
posed to exist near the border of Panamd.^^ In the
Aguiate Mountains and at cuesta del Jocote gold
mines were worked by foreigners with a moderate
profit. It is stated that the country also possesses
mines of silver, copper, nickel, zinc, iron, lend, and
coal.^^ The republic keeps a well-organized mint, the
improvements having been first introduced by Chief
Mora ; since then none of his successors has neglected
that establishment.
3^ It is said their yield was 47 to 2,537 oz. of silver to the ton. Dunlop
has it that they yielded at one time |1, 000,000 annually, though worked
rudely and without machinery, and the chief one of them once produced
$200,000 annually. Trav. in Cent. Am., 277. A French company undertook
to work the Tabanco and Encuentros, invested a large capital, and sustained
losses. The Loma Larga and Divisadero, though represented as richer,
probably fared not much better. Dunns GuaL, 225-6; Baily^s Cent. Am., 92-
3; Squier's Cent. Am., 291-4; Salv., Dlario Ojic., Dec. 1, 2, 1875; Jan. 23,
1876; Jan. 28, 1879; Id., Gaceta Ofic, Oct. 24, 1875; Jan. 30, Aug. 15, Nov.
11, 1877.
2^ Squiers Coal-mines of Riv. Lenvpa, 3-13.
^^ It is believed that the Tisingal, which gave the country its name, lies
near the Colombian frontier on the Atlantic. Molina, Bosq. Costa R. , 33.
^^Squier's Cent. Am., 457; Lond. Oeog. Soc, Jour., vi. 128; Thompson's
Guat., 214-15; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 42; Costa R., Gaceta, July 15, 1854; Id.,
Inf. Sec. Hac.f 1872; La/erridre, De Paris a Guatem., 36; WheelrigMs Isth.
Fan., 7.
YIELD OF PRECIOUS METALS. 659
The yield of gold and silver of the five states of
Central America for the years 1804-1868 is estimated
at $13,800,000 of the former, and $7,400,000 of the
latter, making a total of $21,200,000/' The yearly
supply since has been roughly calculated at $300,000
in gold, and $200,000 in silver/^
The Isthmus is reputed to have a great mineral
wealth. The mines of Darien have been renowned
from the earliest times after the conquest. Vasco
Nunez de Balboa speaks enthusiastially of them.*^
They were not worked till the second half of the seven-
teenth century. The richest of them were those of
Santa Cruz de Cana, where of the Espiritu Santo was
the chief ^^ In 1708 the king's fifths were equivalent
to $216,500. The mines had attained a high state of
prosperity, when an end was put thereto by the In-
dian revolt in 1726 and 1727.^* Since then, though
*® Information for the years preceding 1800 may be gleaned from Juarros^
Guat., 16-79, passim; Id., Stat. andCom. Hist. Guat., 21-105, passim; JfontowMS,
Die Nieuwe Weereld, 275-7; Arevalo, Compend., 175; BusselVs Hist. Am., 191,
391-2; Churchill's Coll., viii. 764-5; Dunns Guat, 222-5; Squiers Trav., i. 39-
40; Id., Guat., 586-7. To the end of the Spanish rule most of the precious
metals from Hond. were smuggled out through Belize and Mosquito, proba-
bly one third only reaching t^e mint at Guat. The coinage in 1817-18, was
$983,22511820-4, |1,319,106. TKdmpmfi^s Gliat., 217, 520. The superintend.
of the old Guat. mint calculated the coinage in gold and silver for the 15
years anterior to 1810 at $2,193,832, and for the 15 years posterior at $3,8 10,-
382, adding that much of the production had been exported in its native state
or manufactured. He estimated the actual products of the mines in those 30
years at ten times the amount coined; his estimate could probably bear some
deduction. De Bow's Review, Jan. 1855, 77-8.
*^The Guat. mint has coined in the years 1879-^3 $974,957, all in silver
pieces from one dollar down to 3J cents. Guat. Mem., Sec. Hac, 1880-4, in
tables 6, 11, 14, 20, 18, respectively. The coinage of the Costa Rican mint
from 1829 to 1880, both inclusive, was as follows: gold, $2,351,808; silver,
$568,648; copper, $1,682; total, $2,922,138. Costa R., Mem. Min. Hoc., 1883,
table 11.
*'^ * Hay oro en mucha cantidad; estan descubiertos veinte rios, y treinta
que tienen oro salen de una sierra que esta fasta dos leguas de esta villa.'
Carta, Eno 20, 1513, in Navarrete, Col. Viages, iii. 363.
^^ They were several times plundered by buccaneers. Harris in 1684 took
away 120 lbs. of gold. Dampier speaks glowingly of them in that year; 'the
richest gold mines ever yet found in America.' New Voy. round tJie World, i.
158-9. Another exped. in 1702 carried off 50 lbs.
*^ An extensive and able report by the governor, many years after, gives
much information on the whole Darien region, especially on its mineral wealth,
making particular mention of the Cuque gold mine, and of a silver one in
the country of the Curias Indians, who allowed no whites to visit it. Ariza,,
Comentos de la rica yfertilisima Prov. del Darien, Apr. 5, 1774, MS., 2, 12, 19-
660 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.
the mines have been granted from time to time to
several parties, nothing has been done worth mention-
ing/^ It is behoved that the yield of these mines had
reached 18,000 to 20,000 pounds of gold yearly/^
According to a report addressed to the Colombian
secretary of the treasury, and published in the Diario
Oficial at Bogotd, the whole production of gold and
silver in New Granada or Colombia, from 1537 to
1800 was $414,000,000, and from 1801 to 1882, it
was $216,000,000; total, $630,000,000,'' of which
amount $74,000,000 is credited to the Isthmus of
Panama, four millions of them being the yield of the
present century. Cinnabar and manganese are re-
ported to exist on the Isthmus, and coal in Chiriqui,
Bocus del Toro, and the bottom of Colon harbor.^
Manufacturers are as yet in their infancy in Cen-
tral America.'^ Since the separation from Spain,
every inducement has been offered to develop them,
and more especially after the change of governmental
21, 32-7; Id., in Anales Imtruc. PUb. Colombia, May 1883, 369, 380, 687-9,
397^01.
*^ Gisborne's Isth. Darien, 173; Pan., Boletm Ojic, July 4, Aug. 1, 1867.
*^ Bestrepo, Minos de Oro y Plata de Colombia, in Anales Insti-uc. Pub. Co'
lombia, Mar. 1884, 230-45. Many rivers are represented to contain abundance
of gold, namely, Marea and Balsas in Darien, Code, Belen, Indios, and their
tributaries. Their are mines in Las Tablas, etc. Gold has also been taken
from Indian graves. Seemann's Narr., i. 242-3; Pan., Cr6n. Ojic, March 6,
1853; Id., OacetadelEsL, Dec. 15, 1855; June 14, 1856; June 22, 1857; Sept.
23, Oct. 22, 1859; May 4, 1860; Id., Gac, Sept. 6, 1873; Feb. 20, 1876, to
May 8, 1881, passim; U. S. Govt Doc, 54, 169-72, vol. ix., Cong. 40, Sess. 3.
*^Six hundred and four millions in gold and auriferous silver, and 26
millions in silver. Pestrepo, Vicente, Industria Minera, in Pan. Star and
Herald, Jan. 2, 1884.
*^Bogotd, Gaceta Ojic, Feb. 6, 1848; Pan., Gac Estado, Aug. 4, 1855; Jan.
5, 1856; May 10, 1862; Id., Gac, Aug. 22, 1874; Feb. 27, 1875; Jan. 12, 1876;
Nov. 7, 1880; Id., Boletin Ojic, Dec. 7, 1867; Id., Star and Herald, Feb. 28,
1876; Wheelright's Isth. Pan., 8; Pan. Kept on Coal Bocas del Toro, in Costa R.
Bound, 3-19; Sel/ridge's Explor., 177-80; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 41,
45-53, vol. vi. Cong. 36, Sess. 2; S. F. Bulletin, July 26, 1873.
*^ They were known, however, from the earliest times, and the needs of
the inhabitants in cotton and woollen goods, pottery, etc., were mostly sup-
plied at home. The decline of cotton manufactures began in 1773, after the
destruction of old Guat. city, and was completed when permission was given
a little previous to 1799, for the importation of foreign manufactured goods.
Dia,Ho, Mix., March 29, 1806; JuarrQe, Guat., i. 16-82, passim; Saravia,
Boaq. PolU. Eat., 12; Guat.. Amntam., 12, 138-9.
MANUFACTURES 661
regime of 1871/^ In later times we find in Quezalte-
nango good factories for spinning and weaving tex-
tiles. In Chiquimula they manufacture palm-leaf
hats, mats, and maguey-fibre baskets. In Vera Paz
the natives make excellent hammocks, bags, rope, etc.
But the fact stands officially acknowledged that Gua-
temala has not made a sufficient advancement to enable
her to export any manufactures, or even to compete
in her own markets with the better and cheaper pro-
ductions of other countries. ^^
In Honduras manufactures are at a low ebb, owing
to the condition of afiairs before and after her in-
dependence, not less than to the composition of her
people.
There are in Salvador several factories at which
cotton and silk rebozos are made, which meet with easy
sale in all the Central American markets. ^^ Ham-
mocks, earthen-ware, straw hats, cigarettes, sweet-
meats, etc., are manufactured. Rum is made, as in
Guatemala, from sugar-cane.
In Nicaragua mechanics are scarce. Manufacturing
is yet in the incipient state. ^^ However, the Indians
make excellent pottery and other articles for home
consumption.^*
^° Exempting from taxation, establishing schools of mechanic arts, intro-
ducing skilful mechanics, granting subsidies, etc. Montufar, ResiXmen Hist.,
i. 321; Guat, Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1880-4; Batres, Sketch, 53, 60.
^^ Gruat. has been creditably represented at several international exhibi-
tions; she has also entered into conventions with several foreign powers to
secure patents for inventions. Costa R., Mem. Sec. Eel., 1884, annex 8; El
Guatemalteco, Sept. 24, Oct. 12, Nov. 1, 1884; Voz de Mej., Sept. 14, 1878;
Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1885, 36-8.
^^A cotton rebozo may be had for $4 or $5, and a silk one for $12, the
finest selling at from $16 to $20. Laferriere, De Paris a Guatem., 209-10.
^^ Some machinery for refining sugar, ginning cotton, distilling liquors,
cleaning cofiee, sawing lumber, and extracting fibres have been introduced.
Nic, Mem. Min. Fomento, 1871, 3.
^* Mats, baskets, palm-leaf and maguey hats, and cordage. The hammocks
of Masaya and Sultiaba are much esteemed. Cotton fabrics are coarse but
strong, and dyed with permanent colors, and of original design. They also
make good rebozos, but the silk in some of them is imported. Hides enter
into the manufacture of several common articles. Rum is made and sold by
the govt. The miller's art is in its infancy. Ldvy, Nic, 486-91; Squiers Cent.
Am., 373; Rocha, C6d. Nic, i. 188-90; Nic, Eeg. OJic, 328-9; Sandoval, Rev.
PolU., 58.
662 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.
In Costa Rica there is hardly any domestic manu-
facturing/^ Efforts are made by the government to
develop the industry. ^^
As regards Panama, it may be said that manufac-
tures are almost unknown, save such as are imported. ^^
^^ Aside from some furniture, arms, etc., their hammocks, nets, cotton
goods, and pottery, are all made in a very primitive manner. There is no skill
whatever. Fernandez, Col. Doc, iii. 366-8; Costa R., Censo, 1864, p. xxv.
Beer and rum are also made, the latter said to be a good imitation of Ja-
maica; distilling rum is a govt monopoly. La/eiiriere, De Paris a ChmUm., 63;
Costa R., Col. Ley., v. 122-45; xi. 331-46.
^^ Subsidies granted in 1885 for silk culture and manufacturing paper,
rebozos, cotton goods, and sacks. Costa R., Gaceta, Aug. 2, 5, 12, 13, 1885;
Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 9, 1885.
^^An official report for 1882 gave the following as about the extent of such
industry in that year: 1,600 rush hats and 1,600 of jipijapa, 200 M tiles, 7 M
jars, 525 M bricks. Pan., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1882, annex L. It is said that
a factory for making carriages was opened in 1885. Pan. Star and Herald,
Jan. 5, 1886.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
1801-1887.
Early State of Trade — Continued Stagnation after Independence —
Steam on the Coasts — Its Beneficial Effects — Variety of Staples
— Ports of Entry and Tariffs — Imports and Exports — Fairs — Ac-
cessory Transit Company — Internal Navigation — Highways —
Money — Banking — Postal Service — Panama Railway Traffic —
Local Trade of the Isthmus — Pearl Fishery — Colonial Revenue
in Finances of the Federation — Sources of Revenue of Each
State — Their Receipts and Expenditures — Foreign and Internal
Debts.
During the first years of the present century,
toward the end of the Spanish domination, after
many restrictions to trade had been removed, and
Central America had obtained leave to traffic direct
with Mexico and other Spanish American colonies,
there were only 30 or 35 mercantile houses through-
out the country. Merchandise to the value of one
million dollars was yearly imported from Spain through
the bay of Honduras. The returns were chiefly in
indigo, coin, and bullion. There was some trade also
with Peru and Cuba.^ Smuggling was carried on
quite freely, even the officers of the revenue cutters
^ Two or three vessels at most came every year to Acajutla from Peru with
wines, olive oil, and other articles for the table, and 200,000 or 300,000 pesos
in specie for the purchase of indigo. From Cuba came eight or ten vessels
with petty cargoes of rum, onions, etc., the average worth being $5,000 or
$6,000. They each took back, besides indigo, 30,000 or 40,000 pesos in coin
and in gold and silver bullion. Mex., Gaceta^ 1804-5, xii. 178-80; Cancelada,
Ruina N. Esp., 48-9; Cdrtes, Col Doc, ii. 341; Hendersons British Bond.,
30-1, 35; Gttat., Apuntam., 136-41; Nic. y Hond., Docs., 11-12; Arrillacja,
Informe, in CeduJario, iv. 60-1; Urrutia, Modelo, 2-3; Guat, Gaz., vii. 293-320»
passim; iii. 70, 464, 504.
(663)
664 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
taking a hand in it. The large amount of goods thus
imported caused a drainage of specie.^
After the separation from Spain, there was Uttle
commerce for many years,^ until the construction of
the railway across the Isthmus, and the establishment
of a line of steamers making periodical visits at the
several Central American ports on the Pacific coast,
G/ afforded facilities for the djJ^velopment of both agricul-
/ ture and foreign trade,* which under liberal legisla-
tion has since assumed large proportions, commerce
being free with all friendly powers. In a note^ are
2 This hybrid commerce was effected through Belize and Cura9oa; and also
by foreign whalers at Realejo and Acajutla, where they were wont to enter
with the pretext of procuring water and fresh stores, and while in port sold
English goods, receiving in return copper, wool, sugar, cacao, etc. Humboldt,
Essai Polit., ii. 467-73.
^ Bmtamante, Voz de la PatHa, iv. no. 18, 4-8; Guat., Eecop. Ley., i. 745-
7; ii. 301; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 75, 215-16, x., Cong. 31, Sess. 1;
Squier's Trav., i. 44^5.
* In 1853 the several governments entered into contracts with the Central
Am. Steam Navigation Co., an American concern, to run a line of steamers
once a month between Iztapam in Guatemala and Panama, touching at Aca-
jutla, La Libertad, La Union, Amapala, Realejo, San Juan del Sur, and Pun-
tarenas, for the conveyance of passengers, merchandise, and mails at fixed
rates, each government paying a subsidy, and allowing exemptions from port
dues and other privileges. The service began early in 1854, and continued
with repeated trips in each month, first by the Panama Railway Company's
steamers, and subsequently by those of the U. S. Pac. Mail Steamship Com-
pany. Costa R., BoletinOJic., leb. 16, 1854; hi., Col. Ley., xii. 2oQ-l', Salv.,
<?ac., Jan. 20, 1854; Id., El Hoi, Dec. 1, 1854; Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc., 44;
Hunt's Merchants' Mag., xxiii. 113.
^ Guatemala: chief articles of export, cochineal, coffee, cotton, wool, sugar,
India-rubber, hides, and indigo; also rice, mules, cacao, pork, horns, timber,
sarsaparilla, vanilla, tobacco, etc. Cochineal at one time was a great staple,
the export being nearly 68,000 centals in 1860-4, and about 59,000 centals in
1870^; reduced to about 2,845 in 1879-83. The principal importations were
comestibles, wines and liquors, cotton, linen, woollen, and silk fabrics, cloth-
ing, hats, fancy goods, furniture, arms, articles for agric, arts, and sciences.
Arms, lead, and gunpowder might not be imported without special permission
of the govt. Some articles were exemj)t from duty, such as material for ship-
building, instruments for medicine, surgery, science, schools, arts, implements
of agric, machinery, and tools for manuf., steam-engines, money, gold, silver,
guano, mineral, coal, etc Articles of luxury paid an import duty; foreign
manufactures entered with a high duty. Small amounts should be paid at
the time of entry in cash; and larger sums, part at the adjustment of the
duties, and the rest in instalments of from one to three months. The repub-
lic has several ports open to foreign commerce on both oceans; namely, Santo
Tomas, Livingston, and Golfo Dulce, which is navigable only for vessels of
light draught, on the Atlantic, and San Jose, San Luis, Champerico, and
Ocds on the Pacific. Iztapam or Independencia was closed in 1853, and the
custom-house removed to the roadstead of San Jcse, which is sheltered
by a bold breakwater. Actual value of foreign trade: imports, 1851-7,
$7,672,682; 1860-4, $6,268,227; 1871-5, $12,304,289; 1876-80, $15,054,152.
The average of importations in the five years 1880-4 was $2,700,000. The
FOREIGN TRADE DATA. 665
given copious data on the foreign trade of each of the
five repubhcs, showing an invariable balance in their
largest importations in 1883 were from Gr. Britain, including Belize, $884,205;
U. S., $529,458; France, $149,687; Germany, $128,296; Switzerland, $76,278;
Spain, $65,470; China, $54,855. The rest from Belgium, Cent. Am., Italy,
Colombia, and Denmark. The war between Guat. and Sal v., and revolution
in Pan., paralyzed trade in 1885. It is noticed that notwithstanding the
greater proximity and wealth of the U. S., Guatemala's commercial relations
are greater with England. Exports: 1851-7, $9,613,099; 1860-4, $7,386,541;
1870-4, $12,418,083; 1879-83, $22,552,867. Coffee loomed up from none in
1860-4, 695,671 centals in 1870-4, to 1,519,494 centals in 1879-83. Sugar
was also a prominent staple, followed by India-rubber. The number of mer-
chant vessels which visited Guat. ports on the Pac. during 1883 were 7
steamers of the Pac. Mail S. Co., which made their periodical trips; 3 stmrs
of the Kosmos (German) line, to which special privileges were granted by the
Guat. govt, in 1882. Sailkig vessels, 6 Am., 1 Eng., 6 French, 3 German,
and 1 Salvadoran. To Livingston, on the Atlantic, came monthly 4 Am.
and one Eng. steamer. Seven vessels did coasting trade under the Eng.
flag. Vessels arrived in 1884, 171 with 173,982 tons; departed 168 with 173,-
758 tons, carrying away 109,402 packages of merchandise and products of the
country.
Honduras: exports consisted of bullion, mahogany, and other woods, hides,
sarsaparilla, tobacco, cattle, and indigo; the imports, of cottons, silk, hard-
ware, etc. The chief ports are Omoa and Trujillo on the Atlantic, and Ama-
pala on the Pacific. Values of imports: 1856, $750,000, chiefly from Great
Britain; 1867, $750,000; 1873, $1,000,000; 1877, $640,000; 1880, $750,000;
1882-3, $2,885,000; 1886, from $2,000,000 to $2,500,000. The tariff was low.
Exports: 1856, $825,000; 1867, $825,000; 1872-3, $2,370,000; 1876, $1,234,-
983; 1877, $595,000; 1880, $650,000; 1882-3, $3,415,000; 1886, $2,000,000 to
$2,500,000. British Hond. or Belize: imports: 1873, $1,183,074; 1878-81,
$1,923,000, nearly two thirds from G. Britain, and the rest from the U. S.
Exports: $1,251,000, about two thirds to G. Britain, and the rest to the U. S.
The principal exports to the latter country were woods, raw sugar, fruits,
nuts, coffee, drugs and dyes, rubber, hides, etc.
Salvador: articles of export, indigo, coffee, sugar, tobacco, caoutchouc,
rebozos, balsam, hides, and cotton. Imports: comestibles, wines and liquors,
cotton, linen, woollen, and silk fabrics, hardware, etc. . The ports of entry
were La Union, La Libertad, and Acajutla. Imported goods pay duties ac-
cording to the tariff, which were mostly specific, but many articles paid, be-
sides, 20 per cent ad valorem. Products of the other Central American
states on being imported, reciprocity existing, paid only 4 per cent ad val.
Articles intended for the development of industries and education were
exempt. The importation of arms, without special leave of the government,
alcohol and common rum, cognac, gin, absinthe, aniseseed, coriander, sassa-
fras, saltpetre, and obscene images was forbidden. Products of the country
were free from export dues, except indigo, ores, gold and silver bullion, and
jewelry. Import values: 1855-61, $6,816,879; 1864, $1,233,711; 1866-8,
$5,799,912; 1871-4, $12,869,514; 1877, $2,186,000; 1880-3, $5,750,000.
Exports: the greater part to Great Britain, the U. S. occupying the second
place: 1855-61, $8,831,990; 1864-8, $13,931,675, cotton counting somewhat
among the exports during the war in the U. S. ; but after its termination this
staple ceased to figure; 1871-8, $29,206,953; 1880-3, $8,708,000.
Nicaragua: principal markets, U. S., Eng., France, and Cent. Am.; chief
exports, coffee. India-rubber, cattle, hides, and gold; also cabinet and dye
woods, indigo, sugar, rum, cacao, dairy products, gums, pearl and tortoise
shells, etc. Ports San Juan del Norte, San Juan del Sur, and Realejo or
Corinto. The first named was declared a free port in 1860. Import values:
1861-73, $3,355,600, exclusive of coin, and not including the years 1870-2.
Nic., Oaceta, Feb. 21, 1874. Levy, a good authority, gives the imports for
666 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
favor, which steadily increased their wealth. As to
internal trade, there is very little to say. The several
1865-71 at $6,275,324, adding that in the first two years the balance of trade
was against Nic. to the amount of $453,429; 1873-6, $4,313,876; 1877-80,
$5,117,661; 1881-4, $7,157,525; these figures include about half a million
dollars in coin. Wholesale merchants sold at long terms, often 18 months;
most of the buyers disposed of the goods at once, with 20 per ct loss, but for
cash, and during 17 months' use of the capital making as much as 50 per ct
profit, which enabled them to pay for the merchandise originally bought.
Exports: 1861-73, $4,153,677, without including for 1871-2. L^vy has for
1865-71,, $6,789,841; 187^-6, $5,694,009; 1877-80, $6,303,589; 1881-4, $8,-
926,965. In view of the fall in the price of cofi'ee in late years in foreign
markets, and of the decrease in the production of rubber, there was cause to
fear that the day was not distant when the balance of trade would be against
Nic, unless with the facilities afforded by the railroads the exportations of
timber and dye-woods should be greatly developed, as expected. The exports
of cattle to the other states of Cent. Am. have become quite considerable.
The two chief centres of internal trade were Granada and Leon, which sup-
plied their own departments. Chontales was supplied from the former, Se-
govia from the latter, Matagalpa from both. Rivas and Chinandega imported
a portion of their supplies, buying the rest respectively at Granada and Leon.
Rivas furnished cacao; Jinotepeque and Chinandega, sugar; Leon, corn and
salt; Masaya and other towns, edibles.
Costa Rica imported cotton, linen, woollen, and silk fabrics, fancy articles,
comestibles, wines, liquors, and other things, from England, France, U. S.,
etc., and exported chiefly coffee, tortoise-shells, hides, rubber, vanilla, sarsa-
parilla, timber, etc. Her ports for foreign trade are at present Limon on
the Atlantic, and Puntarenas on the Pacific; the latter being, down to 1883,
almost the only port of Costa Rica; but of late the former, owing to railroad
facilities, has obtained the first rank; shipments through Puntarenas being
mainly of produce from Esparta, and other places near it. It was a free port
at one time, but ceased to be such in Jan. 1861. In earlier years Matina
and Caldera had been open ports, and even Guanacaste was made a free port
in 1848. Port Limon was created in Oct. 1852; it has a free zone under de-
crees passed in 1883. Costa Rica's import values: 1845, $463,000, through
Matina and Puntarenas; 1852-9, $7,330,398; 1864, $1,718,000; 1871, $2,225,-
000; 1873-4, $6,980,000; 1877, about $2,000,000; 1880-3, $7,220,000. Ex-
ports: 1845, $631,700; 1852-9, $7,458,913; 1864, $1,812,682; 1868, $2,189,118;
1871, $2,288,450; 1873-4, $8,192,517; 1877, $5,308,000; May 1, 1879, to Apr.
30, 1881, $7,724,810; 1882-3, $6,470,000. The exports of coffee from Punta-
renas and Limon in 1884 were 191,719 centals. Large quantities of bananas
were also exported from Limon. Vessels arrived in 1882-3, at Limon 86, at
Puntarenas 75; in 1883-4, at Limon 77, at Puntarenas 110. Marure, Bosq.
H'lst. Cent. Am., i. 147; Baib/s Cent. Am., 158; Sqviers Cent. Am., 269-70,
310, 45^-9, 471-2, 526; Squiers Travels, i. 83; Molina, Bosq. Costa B., 31-3,
64-6; Belly, Nic, i. 93; Laferritre, De Paris a Guatdm., 34-7, 51-4, 168-9,
261-3, 436; Am. Cyclop., v. 290, 395; viii. 790; xiv. 610; Montu/ar, Resumen
Hist., v. 519; Encyclop. Brit. (Am. ed.), vi. 398; xii. 135-6; El Guatemalteco,
March 19, May 19, 1884; Wappdus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 322, 359; JiiJ/s, Die
8eehafen, 36; Levy, Nic., 512, 516-17; Batres' Sketch Guat., 862-6, 73; Camp's
Year-Bo(^, 1861, 527; Salv., Constitucional, no. 6; Id., Diario Ofic, June 3, 7,
Oct. 21, 1875; March 4, 1876; Sept. 17, 1878, suppl.; Jan. 11, May 3, 1879;
Id., Gac, Aug. 12, 1853; Oct. 27, 1876; Feb. 27, 1877; Nic, Gaceta, Dec. 23,
1865; Dec. 15, 1866; Aug. 22, 1868; March 12, 1870; Id., Decretos, 1869-70,
141-4; Id., Boletin Ofic, March 8, 1862; Id., Mem. Min. Fomento, for years
1867-71; Id., Mem. Min. Hac, 1871-83; Presid. Cardenas, Mensaje, Jan. 15,
1885; Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 771, 785-92; Id., Id., Gob. Democ, i. 2-3; Guat.,
Mem. Sec Hac, for years 1880-4; Id., Mem. Sec Fomento, for years 1883-5;
U. S. Gov. Docs., Comm. Bel., for years 1856-77; Id., H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 43,
FAIRS AND IMMIGRATION. 667
republics have regularly established fairs, which are
attended by those wishing to purchase national or
foreign products or manufactures.^
The republics, having special facilities for internal
navigation, endeavored to make them available. Guate-
mala granted privileges with the view of having a
steam line established between the fluvial port of
Panzos and Livingston, and also on Lake Amatitlan.
In Nicaragua, under a contract entered into on the
22d of September, 1849, and amended April 11, 1850,
between the government and an American company,
transit was formally established between the two
oceans, by way of Lake Nicaragua. '^ The American
Sess. 1, vol. i. years 1873^, 440-7; Sess. 2, xvi. 188-95, 200; Cong. 46,
Sess. 2, XXV. pt 1, 27; Cong. 47, Sess. 1, xiv. 38; Costa R., Col. Ley., iv. 112-
14; V. 232-4; vi. 301-3; x. 78-9, 142-4, 148-57; xvi. 199-200; xvii. 135-6;
Id., Col. Dispos. Legist, 1878, 113-14; Id., Mem. Sec. Hac, 1853, 11-12;
1875, 34; 1880, annexes 15-23; 1883, annexes 11-12; 1884, 24, 246-66, 304,
308; Id., Informe Sec. Obras Pub., 1878, 15-17; Id., Informe Sec. Agric,
1879, 22, and table 4; 1880, 23-4; Id., Gaceta Goh., Jan. 26, Feb. 16, 1850;
Id., Mem. Sec. MaHna, 1883, 7, and two tables, annex 5; Id., Regl. Franquicias,
1883, 1-15; Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, 1881; Sept. 13, 1882; Jan. 17,
Feb. 1, 17, March 23, 1883; March 8, 15, Dec. 16, 1884; March 9, Oct. 24,
1885; June 2, 1886; La EstreUa de Pan., Nov. 6, 1884; Samayoa, J. M.,
Apuntam., 1885, 5.
^The principal fairs were held at Chalatenango, San Vicente, and San
Miguel, in Salvador. That of San Miguel took place in November, and lasted
two weeks. There was another fair at the same town about the beginning of
Feb., to which, as well as to the former one, large numbers of cattle were taken
from Hond. and Nic. In G-uat. annual fairs were held in several places;
namely, Esquipulas, where large quantities of merchandise were sold; it was
also a cattle fair; Rabinal in Vera Paz, for dry goods; Mazatenango, for cattle,
cacao, dry goods, etc. ; San Pedro Ayampuk; Solola, for dry goods, fruit, and
stock; Quezaltenango and Chimalfcenango, for woollen manufactures. In
Jocotenango a fair was held every Aug. In later times fairs have been author-
ized at several other places, to wit, at the hippodrome, near the capital, Sal-
caja, Santa Cruz del Quiche, Jalapa, Santa Rosa, and San Pedro Pinula.
Squiers Cent. Am., 309-530; Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1882, 38; 1885, 39-40;
Pan. Star and HeraM, Sept. 14, 1885.
^ The Am. Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal Go. of New York, of which
Vanderbilt and \^Tiite were the chief owners, undertook to construct an
interoceanic canal. Their contract with the Nic. govt involved the privilege
to the company of exclusive steam navigation in the interior waters, meaning
Lake Nicaragua. The company concluded to separate this privilege from the
rest of the contract, and succeeded, Aug. 1851, in obtaining from the Nic.
govt the monopoly of transit from San Juan del Norte to San Juan del Sur.
It is unnecessary to go into details as to how this was consummated; suffice
it to say, it was by fostering the intestine war then raging. U. S. Gov. Doc,
H. Ex. Doc, 75, 141-5, x., Cong. 31, Sess. 1; Id., Sen. Doc, 68,. 84-103, xiii.,
Cong. 34, Sess. 1; Cent. Am. Miicel. Doc, 45; Stout's Nic, 272-91; Wells'
Walker's Exped., 203-5; Reickardt, Cent. Am., 210-11; Scherzer, Cent. Am.,
245-6.
668 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
Accessory Transit Company, as it was called, went into
active operation and carried thousands of passengers
to and from California.^ The first interoceanic trip
was made in August 1852, and the service continued
successfully until February 18, 1856, when it was
suddenly closed, and the company's charter was re-
voked by the government of Rivas, at the dictation
of William Walker.^ The transit continued for a
time under Walker s control, mainly to furnish his
army with recruits, until the steamers fell into the
hands of his enemies. ^^ Navigation on San Juan
River and Granada Lake was regulated in June 1861.
In 1868 a convention was concluded between Nica-
ragua and Costa Rica for the navigation of the rivers
San Juan and Colorado. In 1870 a contract was made
with Hollenbeck and his associates for steam naviga-
tion on Lake Granada, and it was inaugurated in
1872.''
^ The first steamboat used in Nic. waters was the Onis, wrecked on the
Machuca rapids; the next, the Director, was worked over the rapids, and plied
on the lake for several years, being the sole transport for passengers from
San Carlos to La Virgen. The increase of the Transit company's business
brought the Central America and other steamers. iVVc, Corr. 1st., Sept. 5,
1850; Stout's Mc, 65-6.
^The particulars of this transaction appear elsewhere. Previous to this,
in 1854, there had been serious dififerences between the gov. of Nic. and the
company, about the settlement of accounts, and even then the govt threatened
to cancel the charter. Guat., Gaceta, May 13, July 8, 1853; Perez, Mem. Hist.
Rev. Nic., 55-6; Id., Mem. Camp. Nac., 27-30; El Nicaraguense, Feb. 23, 1856.
^®In 1858 the Nic. govt confiscated the company's property, and the next
year made the transit free to all nations. However, under a subsequent
arrangement between it and the original Transit co., under the name of Cent.
American Transit Co., ratified in March 1861, the latter agreed to reopen the
route; but failing to do it within the required time, the govt seized all the
property, as agreed in the contract. The matter was settled in diplomatic cor-
respond, with the U. S. govt in 1863. Rodm, C6d. Nic, ii. 133-4, 141-2; Nic,
Dec y Acuerdos, 1857-8,44^5; 1859, ii. 78-9; Id., Gaceta, Jan. 16, 1864. The
company renewed its operations, and continued them until annihilated by
the overland railway to S. F., in 1869. Livjj, Nic, 434.
^^ Costa R. in 1872 forbade the navigation of the Colorado River by Hol-
lenbeck & Co. Nic, La Union, June 29, 1861; Id., Dec y Ac, 1861, iv.
57-68; 1869-70, 100-6; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 8, 1868; March 12, July 23, Aug.
20, 1870; Dec. 7, 1872; Id., Mem. Min. Guerra, 1872, 12; Semanal Nic, Dec.
5, 1872; El Porvenir de Nic, May 26, June 2, 1872. Trade between Granada
and San Juan del Norte was continued in piraguas and steamers, the former
measuring from 15 to 25 tons. There were river and lake steamers. Mer-
chandise was first transferred at San Carlos, and often in the summer a second
time at the Castillo. For some time the steamboat plying in the lower part
of the river passed by the Colorado branch because of scanty water in the
San Juan.
ROADS AND CURRENCY. 669
The national highways of Costa Rica are not all in
the best condition, which is due to the destructive
force of the winter rains. The government, however,
endeavors to render them serviceable. In Nicaragua,
the public roads, prior to the construction of railways,
were only fit for mule travel, except at short distances
from towns, which wagons could traverse. In the
rainy season they were impassable, owing either to
mud or swollen streams. The same is to be said re-
specting those of Honduras. Much has been success-
fully accomplished in late years in the improvement
of roads and construction of bridges. Salvador appro-
priated in 1876 funds for macadamizing the public
highways. Guatemala is well provided with roads
and bridges, and derives a considerable revenue from
tolls to keep them in repair, and to construct new
ones.^^ Railways and telegraphs are treated of else-
where.'
The monetary unit of Costa Rica is the peso of one
hundred centavos, with 25 grammes of silver of the
standard of 0.900. The government mint coins gold,
silver, and copper. ^^
Gold coin became very scarce in Nicaragua. There
was no copper, and the smallest of silver was the half-
real. Gold coins of the United States, Great Britain,
and France, and the silver money of those countries,
Switzerland, Belgium, Mexico, Peru, and Spi^^in, were
current for their full value. ^* In Salvador nearly all
■^2 Costa R., Informe Ohras Pub., for years 1876-80; Id., Mem. Sec. Fomente,
years 1883-4; Belly, Nic, i. 321; Levy, Nic., 412; Nic, Mem. Min. Guerray
1875, pp. x.-xv.; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 2, 1881; Feb. 1, 2, 1883; Id.,
Cronista, Jan. 20, 1883; Salv., Gac. Ofic., Sept. 5, 7, 1876; Presid. BarHos,
Mensaje,187Q, 39-60; Guat., Becop. Ley., Gob. Democ., 10-12; Id., Mem. Sec,
Fomento, for years 1880-5.
^2 Gold pieces of 10, 5, 2, and one dollar, the first named having the
weight of 16, 120 grammes. In former years it coined gold ounces with the
weight of 25,836 grammes, worth $16, and halves, quarters, eighths, and six-
teenths; silver peso, and its subdivisions worth 50, 25, 10, and 5 cts. Copper
one-cent pieces containing 95 parts of copper and 5 of nickel. Silver in coins
of 10 and 5 cts in legal tender only to the sum of $100; and cents not exceed-
ing 100. The money coined in Costa Rica in the years 1829-82 has been as
follows: gold, $2,351,808; silver, $56,648; total, $2,922,138. Astaburuaga,
Cent. An., 41; Costa R., Gaceta, Nov. 21, 1885; Id., Mem. Sec. Hac, 1883,
annex no. 10.
^* There is a nominal money used in retail trade called peso sencillo, worth
670 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
foreign coins were received for their face value. In
Honduras the currency was much vitiated by the in-
troduction of the moneda provisional — copper slightly
alloyed with silver — of the denominations of quarter
and half dollars, of which probably $1,500,000, nominal
value, went into circulation smce 1839/^ Besides this
coin there has been in circulation the cut money of the
old kingdom, a portion of the Honduras government's
own coinage, and that of the federal republic; all of
which, together with English and American coins,
make up the bulk of money in circulation.^^ In a de-
cree of September 21, 1870, the government of Guate-
mala endeavored to introduce in its coinage the decimal
system, recognizing the peso as the unit.^'' Another
law of November 15, 1878, provided for the coinage
of gold pieces of 1, 2, 5, 10, and 20 pesos, and silver
pieces of 8, 4, and 2 reales, and half and quarter
reales.^^ Foreign coins circulated at the rates fixed by
the government. ^^ There have been banks in most of
the states of Central America for a number of years,
several being now in successful operation. ^^
80 cents. The old Costa R. doubloon passes for $14.40 only, and the sub-
divisions in proportion. The new Costa R. piece of $5 is worth only $4.50.
Chilian and Colombian condors pass for $9. Levy, Nic, 370-1, 521.
^^ It paralyzed foreign trade, became depreciated, and caused other evils.
Montufar, Res. Hist., iii. 277. The govt endeavored to retire this coin by a
gradual redemption every year.
^^ Foreign coins pass at their true valuation. Very little money leaves
Honduras. Hond., Gaceta Ofic, May 20, 1853: Squier's Cent. Am., 272: Wells'
Hond., 5&J-12.
" In former times there was the ounce of $16 and its subdivisions, and the
silver peso with its subdivisions down to medio real, or 6^ cents. Most of
the silver coin in circulation was the macuquina or cut, which was a nuisance.
The government in 1873 ordered it retired, which was in the course of time
done. The system established in the law of 1870 found favor with the people
as regarded gold coin. Not so with silver; the public clinging to the old de-
nominations, and refusing to accept base metals which this law had also pro-
vided for.
^^ Standard of the coin 0.900. Weight of the peso 25 grammes.
^^ Mex. eagle $20; its subdivisions in proportion. Peruvian pieces of $20
and $10, and Colombian condors of $20 and $10, at their face value. Chilian
condors of $10, $9.50. German gold piece of 20 marks, $4.93f . American,
French, and English gold coins have their full value; though they generally
command a high premium. Further details may be found in Guat., Becop.
Ley., li. 578-82; Id., Gob. Dem., i. 83, 197; Salv., DiaHo, Dec. 14, 1878.
=^" There were in 1883 two banks, the Internacional and Colombiano, in the
city of Guatemala; both having ample capital for a time stood high. The
former, founded in 1878, suspended in 1885. The latter, founded in 1879
BANKS AND MAILS. 671
The states of Central America, including the Isth-
mus of Panama, maintain communications by mail, not
only with one another, but likewise with other nations
of Europe and America, and through them with the
rest of the world. ^^ The several republics use their
by capitalists who were mostly Colombians, has no agencies, and limits its
operations within the capital of the republic, and to the sale of bills of
exchange on foreign markets. There was also the Banco de Occidente at
Quezaltenango with a capital of $100,000; its main object being to assist
agriculture and manufactures in the wealthy departments of Los Altos. Its
standing was somewhat shaken by its bills having been largely counterfeited
in Sept. 1882; but it managed to weather the storm. The Banco de Nica-
ragua, a bank of issue, loans, and discounts, with a capital of $000,000, has
been quite successful It was chartered in May 1871. The Banco Anglo-
Costaricense went into operation at Managua in 1873, with a capital of $100,-
000, under the management of Allan Wallis. The Banco Internacional of
Salvador began business on the 20th of Aug., 1880, and has since been pros-
perous, excepting in 1885, owing to the war with Guatemala, and a subse-
quent revolution. However, the results of the first six months were satisfac-
tory In 1867 the Banco Nacional de Costa Rica went into operation at San
Jos6, with a capital of $500,000, and power to increase it to one million dollars,
under a contract for ten years between John Thompson and the government.
Dec. 1, 1876, the government decreed the statutes of the Banco de Emision,
with a capital of $500,000 secured with mortgages on real estate to the amount
of $1,000,000. But the stockholders failing to pay in the capital, the govern-
ment suspended the bank, which had been operating, and ordered the books
transferred to the Banco Nacional of San Jose, which was to redeem all notes
of that bank in circulation. The Banco Nacional had been created by a de-
cree of Dec. 25, 1877, with a capital of $250,000. Its operations were not to
include the issue of notes. A charter was granted in Jan. 1881, to establish
a Banco Hipotecario Franco-Costaricense with a capital of $500,000. The by.
laws were approved by govt in July 1881. The bank was to have a branch
in Paris. Batres' Sketch GuaL, 24; S. F Cronista, Feb. 3, 1883; Jan. 31, Apr.
25, 1885; Nic, Oaceta, Aug. 3, 1867; July 8, 1871; Id., Semenal Nic, Apr.
10, 1873; Pan. Star and Herald, Aug. 3, 1807; Sept. 2, 1885; Costa R., Col.
Ley., xvii. 45-50, 51-5; xx. 4-19, 110-16, 295-7, 304-6, 311-12; xxiv. 197-
205; XXV. 245-60; Id., 1878, 104-6; 1881, 17-26, 64-6, 143-68; Gnat., Mem.
Sec. Fomento, 1882, 37
2^ In 1809 there was a postal service between Guatemala and David in
Panama, via Cartago in Costa Rica, by which route correspondence was kept
up with South America. In 1811 a tri-monthly mail was established between
Guat. and Mex., Merida, the Windward Islands, and Spain. In 1829 there
was a monthly packet between New York and the Isthmus. After that,
some sort of mail service was kept up till it became regular with the estab-
lishment of steamsliip lines. In 1844 the first mail steamer touched at Cha-
gres, and in 1845 a line was established between Panama and Valparaiso. In
1846 a post-route between the two oceans was established under a grant of the
Brit. govt. At this time the U. S. contemplated establishing a line of
steamers from Pan. to Or. via Cal. The present Pacific Mail Steam-
ship Company was organized in 1847 for that purpose, and on the 5th of
Oct. their pioneer steamship, the California, went to sea, followed at short
intervals by the Panama and Oregon. At the inception of the enterprise,
success was looked for only from the agricultural resources of the Pacific
coast. The discovery of gold in Cal. secured that success. The company
kept up the service between N. Y. and Colon, and between Panama and
S. F via Acapulco and Manzanilla, and later sent ships to China. Nubs'
Beg., xxxvii. 242; Pan. Constitucional del htmo, Oct. 30, 1834; Mayer's Mex.
672 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
best endeavors to perfect the internal mail service. "^^
They pay subsidies to steamship companies for bring-
ing and carrying their mails, and are members of the
Universal Postal Union.
The discovery of gold in California, as is well known,
restored life to the Isthmus of Panamd. In Decem-
ber 1849, the first emigrants went across, bound for
the new El Dorado. In 1850 there was a large
travel,^^ notwithstanding innumerable difficulties and
discomforts. After the construction of the railway
the traffic over it still increased ; most of it was in
transitu, but the local trade was not insignificant.^^
The note at foot contains data mainly procured from
official sources on the amount of transportation from
the earliest days of the opening of the road to a re-
as it Was, etc., 369-74; Pan., El Movimknto, Dec. 22, 1844; Seemann's Hist. 1st.
Pan., in Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 17, 1847; Crosbys S totem., MS., 3-10.
22 Costa R. has been quite successful. The number of pieces received at
and forwarded by the main office at San Jose in 1883 were 1,377,243, against
549,096, in 1880, and 1,172,259, in 1882. In Nic. the service is a source of
considerable expense to the govt. In 1861-2, the expenses were only $5,349.
In 1881-2, $39,327; the receipts $19,476, leaving a deficit of $19,851. This is
owing to long distances and sparse population. In Hond. the exchange of
mail matter amounted in 1880 to 937,331 pieces; the expenses of the depart-
ment, $17,102. In G-uat. the aggregate amount of mail matter was as follows:
1880, 835,906; 1881, 1,039,652; 1882, 1,400,043; 1883, 2,111,366; 1884, 2,912,-
411. The receipts in 1884, $48,342; expend. $46,017. The appropriation for
the fiscal year 1886-7 was computed at $58,812. Costa P., Mem. 8ec. Gohern.,
years 1883-4; Id., Guerra, 1880, 1883; Id., Hac, 1884; Id., Gaceta, Feb. 3,
1885; Pan. Canal, Jan. 13, 1883; Id., Star and Herald, July 2, 1881; Feb. 8,
1883; Sept. 9, 1885; Nic, Informe Sec. Hac, 1875; Id., Id., 1883; Id., Mem.
Sec Gohern., 1883; Salv., Diano Ofic, Feb. 18, Nov. 30, 1875; July 12, Nov. 2,
1878; March 5, 1879; Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1880-5; Id., Preswpuerto Gen.^
1886, 18-19; Encyc Brit., xvi. 492; El Guatemalteco, Feb. 2, Sept. 24, 1884;
Batres' Sketch Guat., 69-16.
^^ Crosby's Statem., MS., 3-10. At the sailing of the Panamd there were
2,000 persons to embark for S. F.; four steamships to sail for the same desti-
nation; namely, Sarah Sands, Carolina, Isthmus, and Gold Hunter. Early in
the summer of the same year there were 4,000 passengers waiting for vessels
to take them to Cal., in a place which could hardly afford accommodations for
100. Hundreds of deaths occurred. Pan. Star, March 29, 1850; Sac Placer
Times, i., Apr. 26, 1850; Advent, of a Capt.'s Wife, 18; Cal. Couiier, Sept. 14,
1850. The steamer W. H. AspinwalltlaeTL began to ply on the River Chagres,
between Chagres and Gorgona, which did away with the bongos nuisance.
Sac Transcript, March 14, 1851.
2* 1850-5 were years of brisk business for the Isthmus. Gold circulated
80 abundantly that few did not handle gold coin. Provisions ruled high.
Silver was so scarce that in 1850 a five-dollar gold piece could buy only 40
dimes. Americans said that Panama was a better place for business than
S. F. Maldonado, Anaks PolU. Pan., MS., 7.
ISTHMUS TRAFFIC. 673
cent date."^ It will be noticed that in the latter part
of the sixth decade of this century the transit traffic
through the Isthmus became greatly diminished.
This was mainly due to the construction of the over-
land railway to the Pacific in the United States, and
to the establishment of a British line of large and fleet
steamers running from Europe to ports in the south
Pacific through the straits of Magellan, affording ad-
vantages over the Panama railroad transportation.
The transportation of passengers and merchandise
to and from the Isthmus has been mainly effected by
steamship lines — American and British during the
first fourteen or fifteen years, to which were subse-
quently added those of a Frmch company; and still
later those of a German one.'
2^1852-66: passengers, 517,852; gold and silver, $849,157,076; paper money,
$19,062,567; jewelry, $513,001; 1855-66: merchandise, mail matter, baggage
and coal, 614,535 tons. Mail matter averaged 380 tons yearly. Merchandise
steadily increased from 10,658 tons in 1856, the lowest, to 93,414 tons in 1866,
the highest; and coal from 8,934 in 1856 to 13,418 in 1866. In 1860 and 1861,
the coal transportation exceeded 16,000 tons a year. The total tonnage trans-
ported across the road in 1856 was 20,053, which increased every year till it
reached 107,590 tons in 1866. The largest number of passengers crossed was
in 1859, 46,976, nearly 5,000 in excess of 1858; the smallest number was in
1862, 26,420, being 5,280 less than in 1866. The large travel of 1859 was due
to great reduction of passage money by steam lines running in opposition.
The gold transported in 1856 was $48,047,692; in 1866, $48,234,463; at no
other period did it equal these amounts. Silver showed a gradual increase
from $9,439,648 in 1856 to $18,653,239, declining in 1866 to $14,331,751.
Paper money was transported by the U. S. govt during the war. Jewelry
varied from $192,718 to $844,490, but gradually declined. The tariff rates
established by the company Jan. 1, 1865, were as follows: passengers, foreign,
$25 each, children of 6 to 12 years one half, under 6, one quarter; Colombians,
$10 each. Baggage exceeding 50 lb., 5 cts per lb. Merchandise, special rates:
1st class paying 50 cts per cubic foot; 2d to 6th 1| cts to | cent respectively
per lb. All payments in Am. gold, or its equivalent. Otis' Hist Pan. R. R.,
139^5; BidweWs Isth. Pan., 277-86, 389-93. In 1867, the value of the transit
trade in merchandise and treasure over the route was $92,191,980, and 35,076
passengers. In 1872 the road conveyed 194 millions pounds of weight, 2^
millions of feet, besides 215,000 gallons of oil, 13,952 of wine, and 13,952 pas-
sengers. JiXlfs, Die Seeldifem, 11. 1878-9, merchandise, 314,220 tons; 1880^,
1,033,596 tons; the quantity in 1884 was 287,243, not including 10,000 tons
of bananas, an increase of 71,518 over 1883. 1880-4, passengers, 1,024,128;
the number in 1884 was 515,520, an excess of 75 per cent over 1883; the
large increase being mainly due to the operations of the interoceanic canal
company, and the transportation of their vast material. Pan. Star and Her-
ald, May 2, 14, 1867; May 17, Sept. 5, 1877; June 23, 1881; Apr. 22, 1885;
S. F. Evg Bulletin, Apr. 12, 1878; Apr. 2, 1884; S. F. Chronicle, Apr. 3, 1884;
Superint. Burt's Remrt, March 7, 1885; U. S. Govt Doc, Comm. Rel., years
1857-77.,
■■^^The steamship lines doing such service in 1867 were the following: 1st.
The Pacific Mail Co. of N. Y , whose capital in 1847 was $400,000; raised in 1850
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol III 43
674 * COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
The Isthmus traffic, from the earliest days of Span-
ish occupation of South America, was carried on by
pack-mules at excessive rates. ^^ In the early part of
this century, the condition of trade being unsatisfac-
tory, reforms were loudly called for by both Spaniards
and Americans. ^"^ A brisk contraband trade was con-
stantly going on.^*^ After the war of independence,
the traffic between Spain and South America ceased.
In 1825-30 trade was at a low ebb.^^ With the view
to $2,000,000; in 1860 to $4,000,000; and in 18G6 to $20,000,000; the lowest
estimate of its property being set down in 18(37 at $30,000,000. This com-
pany has passed through many vicissitudes, as indicated by the stock market.
The highest rates attained by its shares were 248 in 1803, 325 in 1864, 329
in 1865, 234 in 1866. Every other year they have been under 200, the highest
being in 173^ in 1867. From that time they sank very low, even to 16;^ cents
in 1876, the highest that year being 39^. 2d. Brit, and W. India and Pac.
running between Liverpool, W. Ind., W. coast of S. and Cent. Am., and
Colon. 3d. Brit. Royal Mail, between Southampton, W. Ind., eastern coast
of Mexico, S. and Cent. Am., and Colon. 4th. Brit. Pan., New Zealand, and
Australia. 5th. Brit. Pac. Steam Navigation Co., between Pan. and ports
of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile. 6th. Pan. R. Road Co.'s
steamers between Pan. and Acapulco, touching at all Cent. Am. ports. This
line finally was merged in the Pacific Mail Co. 7th. Am. "Cal. Or. and Mex.
Co.'s line running between S. F. and Mex., and between S. F. and Portland,
Or., and Island of Vancouver. It was afterward discontinued. 8th. French
Transatlantic Co. running between St Nazaire in France, W. Ind., Mex., and
Colon. 9th. German line. In 1871 the following arrivals of vessels occurred:
steamers, Brit., 84, with 158,579 tons; Am., 25, with 66,813 tons; German,
36, with 42,740 tons; French, 24, with 15,782. Sailing vessels, 56 Brit., 43
Am., 12 German, 4 French, 8 Italian, 112 Colombian, mostly small. Grand
total of tonnage, 316,271 tons. Otis' Hist. Pan. B. Ji., 50-6, 148-60, 169-232;
Pan. Star and Herald, May 2, 1867; Apr. 14, 1877; U. S. Gov. Doc, Comm.
Rel., 1871-2, 252, 2QS; BidivelVs Isth. Pan., 353-7. The author of the last-
quoted work was British vice-consul at Panamd, and enjoyed leisure and
opportunity for gathering facts from many sources, concerning the past and
present history of Panama, as well as on her resources, trade, etc. The
arrangement of the book, as he acknowledges, is defective, there being
no order — chronological or jother — in the information he gives. The descrip-
tion of the social and political condition of the city and country, to the time
of his writing, is quite accurate.
2^ Between 1825 and 1830 the expense of conveying a bale of goods over-
land, including duties and taxes, was $10 or $12.
28 In 1820 it was deplorable. C6rteSy Diario, 1820, iv. 180-2; Gordons Hist,
and Geog. Mem., 48-9.
^ It was said that $45,000,000 of English manufactures unlawfully crossed
the Isthmus for Sp. Am. between 1810 and 1817. Arrillaga, Inf., inCedulario,
iv. no. 1, 72; Alaman, Hist. Mej., iv. 473^.
^ Communication was kept up on the Atlantic side with Jamaica by a Brit,
man-of-war which twice a month carried letters and specie; with Cartagena
by government vessels bimonthly; and with the same and other points by
independent traders. On the Pacific traf&c was better along the whole coast.
In 1825 the spirit of enterprise was rash. Exclusive of small coasters, there
came to Chagres 1 ship, 7 brigs from Prance, 21 schooners from the W. Indies,
6 schooners from the U. S., and 3 from Cartagena. In 1828, these numbers
GOLD AND THE ISTHMUS CANAL. 675
of fostering it, the New Granadan government, in
1847, decreed the suppression of custom-houses at
Panamd, Portobello, and Chagres.^^ I refer elsewhere
to the great improvement wrought by the influx of
travellers consequent upon the discovery of gold in
California. The amount of business done in providing
conveyances, accommodations, and supplies of all kinds
for passengers was very large, and money became quite
abundant. The opening of the railway in 1855 par-
alyzed the local trade.^^
The local trade of the Isthmus in 1865 is set down
to have been $350,000 to $400,000 of imports, and
between $500,000 and $600,000 of exports.^^ With a
few exceptions, the chief trade in foreign goods is car-
ried on by foreigners, most of whom deal in almost
every kind of merchandise; the United States fur-
nishing the greater part of the provisions, and other
commodities. With the works on the canal, and the
large increase of population, the local trade became
greatly augmented. Weights and measures and money
were based on the French decimal system.^* All kinds
of money were current. American coin generally
commanded a high premium. Bank notes or paper
currency of any kind could be easily passed.^^ Small
were reduced to about 20 all together. In the same years the entries at
Panama were respectively 17 and 24 vessels. In 1830 trade was in a state
of stagnation. Lloyd's Notes Isth. Pan., in Roy. Geog. Soc, i. 96-7; Niles' Beg.,
xxxviii. 141.
^^Bocas del Toro was also made a free port. El Arco L-is, July 25, 1847;
Molina, der Freistaadt, Costa R., 58-9; S. F. Calif ornian, ii., Sept. 29, 1847.
2'^ The passengers from Cal. no longer remained in Pan., but were hurried
off to Colon; thus the expenditure formerly made by the thousands of passen-
gers ceased. Many business houses had to close in 1855 and 1856. Later
the influx of passengers from Europe, who stop longer at Panama, helped to
support the hotels, etc. BidwelVs Isth. Pan., 203.
^^ A portion of the imports was paid for in remittances of specie, or in bills
on Europe, sold from time to time by foreign men-of-war and steamship com-
panies. The amount of exports may be augmented some $100,000 by produce
sold to steamship companies. Besides pearls and pearl shells, ivory, nuts, and
India-rubber figured considerably among the exports. The recklessness with
which the rubber-trees have been cut down has reduced the production in
1886 to an insignificant quantity. The imports from 1850 to 1863 inclusive
reached $6,386,135; the exports from 1857 to 1863 probably $5,000,000 or
$6,000,000. Data on this point are unreliable. U. S. Govt Doc., Comm. Rel.,
1859-61; BidwelVs Isth. Pan., 265-7, 277-8; Pan. Star and Herald, May 2, 1867.
3* Adopted in 1853. Pan., Crdnica Ofic, Aug. 20, 1853.
^^The national government of Colombia, on the 3d of May, 1861, decreed
676 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
silver coin was generally scarce, and there was no
copper currency. There were no banks of issue, though
some merchants did a banking business. Bills of ex-
change on England usually commanded a premium.
Those on France were about par. The canal company
sells exchange, receiving the existing currency in pay-
ment.
The Pearl Islands, comprising sixteen islands and
numerous rocks, had a population of about 2,000 souls,
about 700 of whom were engaged six months of the
year in pearl fishing, which yielded about 1,000 tons
of pearl shells valued at $70 per ton, and pearls enough
to raise the value of both to $300,000 yearly. This
industry had almost ceased to exist in 1873, owing to
recklessness. Fishing for pearl oysters was forbidden
by law on the 7th of May, 1872, for the term of five
years, in order to allow the mollusk time to renew its
vitality, which was in danger of destruction; but so
far the measure has had no visibly good effects, and
the fishery has not been revived. Pearl fishing was
carried on with success by the Indians of Costa Rica
on the coast of Nicoya, the shell being an established
article of export. ^^ Pearl oysters are also found near
the south of Caroon Island, but yield so few pearls
as to make it unprofitable to search for them.^^
that the notes of the National Bank, silver coin of the fineness of 0.500, and
nickel coin, should be the only legal tender receivable at public offices of the
nation, states, and department of Panam^. The enforcement of the decree in
Panama, where the money in circulation is sufficient for all purposes, is
deemed ruinous, as the paper thus forced into circulation is irredeemable.
These are no manufactures nor products that merchants can send abroad in
payment of the articles of daily necessity which are imported. Pan. Star and
Herald, May 31, 1886.
^^Dunlop's Cent Am., 39-40; Wagner, Costa R., 458-65; Squier's Cent.
Am., 457. The exportation of shells on a large scale upon the coasts of the
mainland, gulfs, and islands was farmed out in Oct. 1885, to a private party
for 16 years, the lessee paying for the privilege as follows: 1st. $1,000 a year
during the first six years, and $2,000 a year for each of the other ten. 2d.
$6 for every 1,000 kilog. of pearl shells taken out in the first six years, and
$8 per 1,000 kilog. the next tan years. Costa R., Gaceta, Nov. 7, 1885.
^^ Findlay, Directory, i. 236. J Laferrih-e, De Paris a Ouatdmala; Notes
de Voyages an Centre Am^rique, Paris, 1877, fol. 448 pp., 4 sheets, and wood-
cuts, is a narrative of a commercial traveller of three journeys to and tlirough
the five republics of Cent. Am., in 1866, 1870, and 1874-5, containing gen-
eral information on their history and resources, agriculture, and other
industries, and the character, manner, and customs of their inhabitants.
REVENUE AND DEBT 677
As to finances prior to the separation from the
mother country, and the disruption of the Central
American confederacy, it can scarcely be said that the
country had any.
A sketch of the revenue of the so-called reino de
Guatemala, made in 1818 for the five years 1817-
1821,^^ shows the various sources. Th^ rdinary im-
posts yielded 462,944 pesos, and the special 256,975
pesos, making an aggregate of 719,919 pesos.^^ The
scale of expenditure to the day of independence had
been kept down ; financial wants being few, the needed
resources were easily collected, and did not weigh
heavily on the people. The ruin of the treasury
began in 1821, but was not felt till later, during the
period Central America was harnessed to the Mexican
empire.^
On the 2d of July, 1822, the congress of the Pro-
vincias Unidas de Centro America decreed the recog-
nition of the^public debt. In December 1824, the
government, duly authorized by congress, contracted
a loan with Barclay, Herring, Richardson, and Com-
pany, of London,^^ recognizing an indebtedness of
$7,142,857, and the receipt of a net sum of about
Statistical tables, and numerous cuts of important towns and of natives are
accompanied. The style is plain, clear, and concise, and the mode of treat-
ment shows an intelligent observer. In an iinpretentious manner the author
gives much that is valuable on those countries.
2^ The information which has reached us for the years previous to 1817 is
both meagre and contradictory. One authority has it that Sj^ain undoubt-
edly received every year till 1809 a net revenue of a little over 50,000
pesos; another claims that a yearly allowance of 150,000 pesos came from
the treasury of New Spain. Torrente, Revol. Bisp. Am., i. 23-5; Mex., Mem.
Sec. Hoc., 1875, 65. In 1812 the Sp. cdrtes abolished the. tribute till then
exacted from the Indians. Cdrtes, Diario, 1811-12, xi. 376.
39 Including 157,681 pesos from excise, 3,872 pesos from gunpowder, and
256,975 from tobacco. During those five years the tobacco monopoly had
sales amounting to 2,920,316 pesos, the expenses being 1,325,869 pesos, leav-
ing a clear profit to the treasury of 1,594,^7 pesos, or an average of 318,890
pesos a year. Dunns Guat., 214.
*" ' Habia desaparecido durante la esclavitud del imperio. ' Marure, Bosq.
Hist. Cerit, Am., i. 140.
*^The public debt amounted to $3,726,144, and the yearly expenses were
nearly $900,000, to meet which the revenue was totally inadequate. The sev-
eral states were in no better condition, inasmuch as the revenue from stamped
paper, rum, excise, and other small sources, which had been assigned them,
was not enough for their needs.
678 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
$5,000,000/^ The banking house agreed to advance
$200,000 at the end of two months, and $150,000 at
the end of seven and nine respectively. To make the
story short, the federal government received only
$328,316, notwithstanding which its debt had risen in
the early part of 1830 to one million dollars/^ After
the dissolution of the Central American union, the
several states assumed a share of the foreign debt,
and adopted measures to provide their governments
with means to cover their expenses. Most of them
depended chiefly on receipts from customs, and the
monopoly of spirituous liquors and tobacco, stamped
paper, excise, and a few other sources.*^
The gross receipts for the fiscal year 1883, includ-
ing a balance of $104,327 on hand from the preceding-
year, were $6,728,607.*^ The expenditures amounted
*2 A security for the payment of the interest and of the sinking fund to
extinguish the principal, the revenue from tobacco and customs was hypothe-
cated. Under the contract the interest was payable quarterly together with
$50,000 for the sinking fund. It was calculated that the debt would be ex-
tinguished in twenty years, and that the interest would come to $482,571.
Ellndkador de Guat., Apr. 21, May 18, 1826; Guat., Mem. Min. Hac, 1830-1.
*^ A natural result of selling $100 bonds at $30, and paying $100 the next
year. The govt was shamefully swindled by the few men who had a share in
the transactions. /J., 1846, 51-6. On the other hand, the funds received
from the loan were misapplied. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 142-7.
** Direct imposts: Guatemala's sources of revenue were 3 per thousand on
the assessed value of real estate, military, and road taxes. Several others
existing as late as 1882, such as a tax on sugar-cane, were suppressed. Indi-
rect duties on imports and exports, and port charges paid by ships. Stamped
paper, slaughtering cattle, imposts on native flour^ salt, inheritances, and en-
dowments, and 5 per ct on sales and transfers of real estate. Monopoly of
spirituous liquors, tobacco since 1879, gunpowder, and saltpetre. To these
are to be added a number of other means of lesser import, but vrhich in the
%'g'^eg^'^te yield considerably over $100,000.
^^From the following sources, namely: direct taxation, $176,908; indirect
ditto, $1,916,987; govt monopolies, $1,549,173; special revenue, $323,212;
divers and extraordinary receipts, $88,577; contracts and divers negotiations,
$2,569,418, being for temporary loans, etc. The total amount of revenue
from customs included in the item of indirect taxation was $1,485,280,
mostly collected at the general custom-house in Guatemala city; to which
must be added $52,793 collected on the frontiers, $3,734 for export duties,
and $1,530 for port charges. The revenue from imports in the four preced-
ing years were: 1879, $1,501,729; 1880, $2,008,237; 1881, $211,765; and
1882, $1,679,047. The total reveime from all sources from 1852 to 1802
footed up $8,442,835; from 1803 to 1871, $8,547,529; 1871 yielded only
$750,848; 1872-9, $19,571,233; 1880, $4,158,199; 1881, $4,423,964; 1882,
v4, 131,945. The net proceeds or actual revenue from the sale of spirituous
liquors for 1878-83 was $6,178,095; from tobacco, 1879, for licenses, $8,656;
1880, two monthc, $32,232; 1881-3, $484,263. The total amount of munici-
GUATEMALA INDEBTEDNESS. 679
to $6,613,607, of which $3,027,511 was the actual ex-
penses of administration, and $3,586,096 went toward
extinguishing the internal debt/^
The indebtedness of Guatemala at the end of 1883
was as follows : Internal, including interest, $4,257,631.
It is understood that on the 30th of September, 1885,
it was estimated at $6,138,000/' The foreign debt
resulted from the loan made in March 1869, in Lon-
don, for the nominal sum of £500,000 at 6 per cent
annually, and 3 per cent for a sinking fund.*^ The
government remitted to London from 1870 to 1876,
on account of that debt, for interest and sinking fund,
$1,377,000, which was somewhat more than it had
received. No further payments were made after Oc-
tober 1876. Consequently, at the end of 1885 the
nation was owing, on account of that loan, £468,600
of principal, and £276,474 for interest, aggregating
£745,074, which with exchange at 20 per cent make
$4,470,444. Moreover, there is due by Guatemala,
on account of her share of the federal indebtedness —
she having assumed £100,000 of it — a very large sum.
The debt had been reduced in 1873 to £70,600 to
pal revenue throughout the republic was $485,622 in 1883, and $535,364 in
1884. Guat., Mem. Sec. Hac, 1873, 1880-4; Id., Fomento, 1885.
^'^The outlay in 1855 appears to have been $993,522, including $317,094
applied to payment of the public debt; 1864, $1,130,708; 1879, $4,526,263,
as follows: Ordinary expenses, $2,728,457; public works, $27,837; advance to
the railway company, $200,000; payment of warrants, reimbursement of tem-
porary loans, etc., $1,569,969; 1881, $7,313,889, of which only $3,333,470 was
for expenses; $163,241 was for purchase of tobacco, powder, and saltpetre;
the balance to payment of debts; 1882, $6,503,422, of which $3,414,747 was
for the actual expenses. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 84-5; Camp's Year-Booh,
1869, 1527; Guat, Mem. Sec. Hac, 1880-4.
*^ In order to lie enabled to meet expenses, and payments of the internal
debt, the rate of duties on imports was raised in 1873 and again in 1879. It
also established an export duty of 12^ cents per quintal on coffee. In 1879,
after consolidating the whole debt, 40 per cent of the customs revenue was
reserved for its gradual payment.
*^ The interest and portion of the sinking fund were made payable twice
a year; viz., April 1st and Oct. 1st. After several deductions, the amount
actually received in Guat. was $1,351,069. One of the deductions was of
£15,000 for retiring from the London market £20,000 five per cent bonds of
the federal loan, purchased at 75 per cent. Samayoa, A'puntam., 1885, 29-37;
U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 48, Sess. 1, pt 1, 72; Mex., Informe Sec
Hac, 1873, 24-5; Pan. Canal, Jan. 13, 1883; Id., Cronista, Feb. 21, 1883;
Guat., Mem. Sec Hac, 1880-4.
680 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
which must De added the dividends accrued to the
present time/^
The national assembly voted on the 5th of July,
1886, for the fiscal year from July 1, 1886, to June
30, 1887, appropriations for expenditures of adminis-
tration, aggregating $2,252,471, and afterward granted
the extra sum of $326,800 for contingent expenses/^
No provision was made as regards the foreign debt.
The revenue of Honduras in 1886 has been esti-
mated at about two and a half million dollars, being
considerably in excess of the expenditures/^
Honduras has a foreign and a home debt. The lat-
ter is partly consolidated and the rest floating. The
consolidated, which was one million dollars, had been
in 1883 reduced to $885,000. All treasury notes had
been cancelled. The floating debt, amounting in 1880
to $578,609, had been reduced in 1883 to $244,694.^^
The indebtedness to British subjects, including the
portion of the old federal debt which Honduras as-
sumed, was finally extinguished by the payment of
$50,000 in 1882, and the country was freed from the
burden long weighing on the custom-house at Trujillo
The rest of the foreign debt, amounting in 1876 to
$29,950,540, is held in London and Paris, having been
issued at high rates of interest and at a low valuation.
*^ According to the calculation of the secretary of the treasury, it had be-
come increased on Apr. 1, 1880, to $3,404,967.
^Ouat. Presupuerto Gen., 1886, 111-14.
^^ The chief sources are import duties and port charges, export duty on
woods, tax on spirituous liquors, stamped paper, tobacco, and gunpowder
monopoly, etc. Squier, Cent. Am., 271, estimated the revenue in 1856 at
about iii^250,000; but Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 71-3, sets it down at $154,248,
and deducting $37,713 for loans and other receipts not belonging to ordinary
revenue, and $24,000 for two years' interest on the English debt, there re-
mained $92,535 to meet an expenditure calculated at $116,898. The assembly
voted for 1857, $134,253; 1858, $119,852; 1859, $132,912. In 1857 and .1858
$40,000 more had to be added, owing to political disturbances. Wappaus,
Mex. und Cent. Am., 306. In 1867 the receipts seem to have been about
$200,000, exceeding the expense some $17,000. Camp's Year-Book, 1869, 527.
Those of 1869 are set down at about $560,000. Mex., Informe Sec. Hac, 1873,
88. For 1872 they were estimated at $400,000. Am. Cyclop., viii. 791. Ac-
cordmg to President Soto's message in 1883, the revenue in 1881 was $1,120,-
175, and in 1882, $1,298,878. Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, 1883; June 2,
1886.
""'^ It is imderstood that President Bogran, in his efforts to diminish the ex-
penditures, reduced in 1886 his own and other salaries. Id., June 2, 1886.
RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES. 681
Since that time the accumulated interest has never
been paid/^ It is unknown what portion of the bonds
issued has been negotiated. The actual indebtedness
may fall short of the above amount after a thorough
investigation of the financial affairs connected with
the railroad.
The revenue receipts of Salvador from all sources,
according to President Zaldivar's messages of 1883
and 1884, were, for 1882, $4,549,209, and for 1883,
$4,061,020. The expenditures as stated by the same
authority were $4,416,454 in 1882, and $4,001,654 in
1883.^* In 1866 the budget presented by the execu-
tive to congress estimated the receipts at $2,211,613,
and the expenditures at $2,716,505, leaving a deficit
of $501,869„
Salvador had in 1853 a foreign debt not far from
$325,000.'^ Between 1861 and 1863 the government
made an arrangement for the foreign debt, giving
bonds to the amount of $405,260 to cover principal
and interest. They were paid in due time, and since
then the republic has kept itself free from foreign in-
^3 Pres. Soto, in his message of 1883, says that the opinion prevailed in
Europe that Honduras had been victimized; he believed that in truth and
justice the republic cannot be held responsible for the enormous debt. In-
deed, it is of a very questionable origin. It was contracted for the alleged
purpose of constructing an interoceanic railway. There were four loans
negotiated; namely, two in London, in 1867, for the nominal amount of
£1,000,000, issued at 80 with 10 per cent interest; another in 1868 at Paris
for the nominal sum of 62,252,700 francs, issued at 75 and 6 per cent interest,
and the last in London in 1870, for £2,500,000, issued at 80 and 10 per cent
interest. Am, Cyclop. , viii. 791; Pan. htar and Heraldy March 23, 1883; La
Estrella de Pan., Jan. 10, 1884.
°^ The chief sources were customs, monopoly of spirituous liquors, tobacco,
and gunpowder, stamped paper, etc. The receipts of 1848-56, including
$175,419 for loans in 1856, were $3,408,068, averaging $359,183 a year; for
1866-9, $3,224,348, or $806,087 per year; for 1870-4, $4,930,238, or $1,232,-
560 yearly; for 1875-8, S7,880,316, or an average of $1,970,079. Expendi-
tures: 1848-56, $3,251,802; 1867-8, §1,468,850; 1873-8, $9,269,113. Squier's
Cent. Am., 307; Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 31, 1851; March 20, 1877; Id., Diario
Ofic, March 24, 25, 1875; March 13, 14, 1878; Costa R., Boletin Ofic, March
14, 1855; Nic, Gaceta, March 23, 1867; Feb. 22, 1868; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am..,
76; Camp's Year-Booh, 1869, 527; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 1, 1869; Aug.
29, 1874; May 10, 1875; Feb. 26, 1884; Sept. 29, 1886; Id., Cronista, Jan.
20, 1883; Jiil/s, Die SeeM/en, 36; Mex., In/orme Sec. Hac, 1873, 88; Salv.,
Mem. Min. Hac, 1875-9; Laferr'dre, De Paris a Guat6m., 190-1.
^'^ The greater portion was Salvador's share of the federal debt; which was
augmented by several foreign claims aggregating about $100,000. No interest
on the federal debt had been paid since 1848. Squier's Cent. Am., 308.
682 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
debtedness. Her internal debt, consolidated at the
end of 1882, was $1,589,861, and became slightly in-
creased in 1883.'^ In June 1885 it was $7,147,359.
The financial condition of Nicaragua at the present
time is quite easy. Her revenue has been steadily on
the increase for several years past, except when inter-
rupted by political disturbances, such as that of 1875,
which caused a considerable diminution. The receipts
from all sources in the biennial term of 1883-4 were
$3,238,363, an excess of $359,426 over the two pre-
ceding years. ^^ The expenditures in the biennial term
of 1881-2 were $3,240,940, as itemized below.^
^« I find that the republic paid up in 24 years, prior to 1875, $4,833,775 to
cover both the federal debt and its own — an equivalent of about a million and
a quarter every five years by a population of only 600,000 souls. Salv., Diaiix)
Ofic, Apr. 6, Aug. 4, Oct. 28, 1875; Oct. 17, 1878; Id., Gaceta Ofic, Feb. 15,
1878; Am. Cychp., xiv. 610; Mex., Inforrm Sec. Hac, 1873, 25; Laferrt^re,
De Park a OuaUm., 191; Salv., Mem. Min. Hac, 1875; Nic, Semanal Nic,
Apr. 16, 1874; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 26, 1884.
^'^ The chief sources of revenue are those of customs, slaughtering cattle,
and sales of spirituous liquors, tobacco, gunpowder, and stamped paper.
The total revenue of 1845 amounted to $74,911, a sum entirely inadequate to
meet the most necessary expenses of the government. The import duty was
20 per cent ad valorem, to which was added 8 per cent. The only export
duty was 1 to 3 per cent on gold, silver, and precious stones. A transit duty
of 5 per cent was levied on goods passing through Nic. to the other states.
Merchant vessels paid 50 cts per ton. The total revenue from customs in
1846 was $51,818; from internal taxation, $3,626; from rum, etc , $24,260.
The revenue from tobacco was pledged to the Brit, govt, in order to ransom
the port of San Juan del Norte. Other sources were insignificant. Receipts
of 1851, $122,686; 1857-60, $1,327,637; 1861-70, $5,665,877. The tariflf of
imports was modified in Dec. 1868, and increased 10 per cent in Feb. 1870.
Agricultural implements, materials for mining, and other articles, were ex-
empted from import duty by a law of Nov. 2, 1869. The revenue from cus-
toms became flourishing, and yielded in 1883 $1,275,506, due to the law of
Sept. 25, 1879, which raised the duties on several articles, and changed the
mode of collecting from ad valorem to weight. It seems that most goods
paid no more under the new system than formerly; but much fraud was
averted. Imports generally paid 50 per cent ad val. The port of San Juan
del Norte and the Mosquito reservation have a free zone, the merchants of
San Juan paying a tax in lieu of import duties. Receipts of 1871, $958,922;
1873-80, $8,416,879; 1881-2, $3,351,767, an increase of $951,674 over the
preceding two years. Belly, Nic, i. 311; Livy, Nic, 353-8; Nic, Gaceta,
March 6, 1863; March 18, Apr. 29, 1865; Jan. 20, 1866; March 21, 1868;
Jan. 2, 23 30, Nov. 6, 1869; May 27, 1871; Jan. 20, 1872; Id., Decretos,
1869-70, 123; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 1, 1883.
^^ Expenses of the supreme powers, $112,548; departments of the interior,
$513,069; war, $389,466; treasury, $1,353,612; foreign relations, $762,457;
sundries, $109,787. During this term was paid $57,586 outstanding from
the preceding, the ordinary expenses of administration; for improvements,
$563,918; and extraordinary expenses caused by disturbances. The expendi-
tures in 1846 and 1851 were $106,145 and $173,646, respectively, in both
cases creating deficits; in 1859-60, $652,515; 1861-70, $5,316,951; 1871-2,
$1,721,355; 1873-4, $1,995,040. Those of the following years kept pace with
NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA. 683
At the end of 1880 Nicaragua's share of the old
federal indebtedness to British creditors — £31,510/^
as per adjustment made in London on the 27th of
March, 1874 — had been reduced to £4,170 15s. 6d.,
which remained unpaid because the holders had failed
to produce their claims. Since then the balance was
further reduced to £4,011 15s. 6d, and the funds were
on hand to pay it oif on demand. This was the sum
total of the republic's foreign liability. At the end
of 1882 the internal debt was $920,258, of which
$644,218 were subsequently paid, leaving a balance
due of $328,667; adding thereto balances of special
accounts, the whole debt of the republic at the end
of 1884 was $908,707; but as the amount of consol-
idated bonds was being met, the whole indebtedness
would really be $802,310.^^
Costa Rica's financial condition is anything but
an easy one. The receipts of the treasury for the fis-
cal year 1883-4 amounted to $1,586,561.^' The re-
ceipts for the fiscal years 1884-5, and 1885-6, were
estimated at about $2,559,866 and $2,936,756, respect-
ively.^^ The expenditures for the fiscal years 1882-3,
the increased revenues; but large sums were appropriated to internal improve-
ments, education, and other purposes conducive to the intellectual and
material advancement of the republic. iWc, Mem. Sec. Ifac.f for years 1846
to 1883; and the Gacetas quoted in the preceding note.
^^She had on the 15th of Sept., 1867, recognized £45,000 as her propor-
tion. Nic, Gaceta, March 28, 1868.
^ Presid. Cardenas, Mensaje, Jan. 15, 1885, in Costa R., Gaceta Ofic, Feb.
4, 1885. For further information, see the biennial reports of the minister of
the treasury; Livy, Nic, 358-60; Am. CycUyp.^ xii. 424; Pan. Star and Herald,
Feb. 1, 1883.
^^ From customs, $427,395, which was less than had been expected; liquor
monopoly, $200, 168 j stamped paper and stamps, $63,033; paper money issued,
$310,764; the balance from sundry sources. The receipts in specie were
$1,046,967- The law of Dec. 10, 1839, first established the sources of revenue
for the state govt as follows: Maritime and internal duties on merchandise;
purchase and coinage of bullion; sales of public lands; monopoly in cultivation
and sale of tobacco; sale of gunpowder, stamped paper, domestic and foreign
liquors; postage, excise, confiscation of contraband goods, and fines. Montd-
far, Resena Hist., iii. 272, 570.
^^ A new tarifif, to go into eflfect Jan. 1, 1886, was decreed, subjecting im-
ported merchandise to specific duties, and considerably modifying the tariff
of 1877. Gold and silver in bullion, bars, dust, or coin, as also fence wire,
lightning rods, machinery for agriculture, material and tools for ship-build-
ing, ships, and animals were exempted from duty. Costa R., Gaceta, Sept.
12, 13, 1885; Id., Col Ley., xxv. 15-47. The following figures show approxi-
mately the receipts of the government for about forty years past, to wit: 1845^
684 COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
and 1883-4 were respectively $2,796,468 and $1,985,-
426; the former leaving a deficit of $1,246,448, and
the latter of $398,865. Congress voted for expenses
of the fiscal year 1885-6, $2,936,756, and for 1886-7,
$2,607,613.^
The following statement exhibits the financial con-
dition of the republic at the end of 1882, as represented
by the secretary of the treasury. It will be w^ell to
state here that until 1871 Costa Rica was free from
foreign debt, her proportion of the old federal indebt-
edness in London having been paid off at an early day
of her independent life.^ The government owed, on
the 30th of April, 1871, $92,878; adding thereto the
disbursements of eleven years — 1871-82 — $30,251,-
284, and $2,110,905 paid the railway, in bills of ex-
change on the national agent in London, and not
included in the aforesaid outlay, we have an aggregate
of $32,455,067; and deducting therefrom the revenue
of the same eleven years, a deficit results of $6,524,-
516, which is made up of $1,454,086, excess of expen-
diture over receipts at the end of 1882, and $5,070,430,
the equivalent in Costa Rican money of £895,221 3s.
lid, net proceeds of loans negotiated in London at
6 and 7 per cent.^^ However, the council of bond-
$132,000 — there is no published history of the finances of Costa R. prior to
1845; 1847-50, $1,006,207; 1851-60, $5,956,873; 1861-70, $8,518,636; 1871-
82, $30,475,828, less amounts included, which were merely casual receipts,
$4,545,277, leaving for actual revenue, $25,930,551. Molina, Borq. Costa R.^
45; Squier's Cent. Am., 470-1; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 43; Bnct/chp. Brit.
(Am. ed.), vi. 398; Costa B., In/orme Sec. Hac., 1852-85.
^3 As near as I have been able to ascertain, the outlay of the Costa Ricau
treasury has been, for 1847-50, $986,245; 1851-60, $6,637,124; 1861-70,
$9,682,265; 1871-82, $32,362,189. Id.; Pan. Star and Herald, Aug. 14, 1886.
^*Se logrd la total chancelacion de la deuda inglesa. ' Costa B., In/orme
Min. Hac, etc., 1848, 16.
^ The history of these loans, as furnished in the reports of the Costa Rican
treasury department, is the following: In 1871, Costa Rica contracted with
Bischoffsheim and Goldmidt for a loan of the nominal amount of £1,000,-
000, at 72 with 6 per cent interest, and 2 per cent for a sinking fund; how-
ever, per agreement of May 5, 1871, the rate was reduced to 56, and only
yielded £560,000. Bischoffsheim and Goldsmidt retained £105,000, which
reduced the proceeds to £455,000, and this sum was further diminished
£42,000, leavnig only £413,000, or somewhat less than 42 per cent. A new
loan was negotiated in 1872, with Knowles and Foster of London, which ap-
E eared as for £2,400,000, but did not exceed £2,226,500, the difference not
avmg been taken up. The negotiation was at 82, with interest at 7 per
FOREIGN INDEBTEDNESS. 686
holders formed in 1883 the following statement of
Costa Rica's foreign debt, namely: outstanding of
six per cent loan of 1871, £941,200; overdue interest,
£564,720, making £1,505,920. Outstanding of seven
per cent loan of 1^72, £1,460,200; overdue interest,
£1,073,175 10s., making £2,553,273 10s. Grand
total, £4,039,193 10s. The home debt was set down
in 1885 at $519,000.'^
cent, and 1 per cent for a sinking fund. This loan actually yielded to Costa
Rica £598,611 ISs. 5d., which is explained thus: Knowles and Foster paid
over to E. Erlanger and Co. of London in money £1,576,240 9s. Id., the dif-
ference between this sum and that taken up being £650,259. Erlanger and
Co. were the syndics of the loan under the 8th clause of the contract with
Knowles and Foster, and had bound themselves to take up £800,000 of it.
Under the 3d and 4th clauses, they were empowered to repurchase bonds for
account of Costa Rica, though subject to the following conditions: 1st. That
the repurchasing should be indispensable to secure the success of the loan;
2d. It was not to be done with the £800,000 Erlanger and Co. were bound
for; and 3d. The operations were not to be effected but within 30 days of the
issue. This condition was violated. Erlanger and Co. claimed to have re-
purchased with the money received by them bonds of both the 6 per cent and
7 per cent loans to the value of £1,426,500. The result of this transaction
was that the loan, save the £800,000 taken up by Erlanger and Co., was ex-
hausted; and yet it was said, in and out of Costa Rica, that her government
had received $17,000,000. Enqjclop. Brit. (Am. ed.), vi. 398. The whole
yield of both loans was but £1,011,611 18s. 5d., or $5,058,060. Besides the
£105,000 retained by Bischoffsheim and Goldsmidt, under the pretext of se-
curing the interest of the 6 per cent loan, the government remitted for inter-
est and sinking fund £135,000, which were taken from the very funds
received, and reduced them to £876,611 18s. 5d. Moreover, under an agree-
ment with Erlanger and Co. , the government of Costa Rica was authorized to
draw on them for £150,000. Its drafts were allowed to go to protest, and the
amounts drawn for had to be replaced. The government felt that it had been
victimized, and in order to protect the country's good name, after consulta-
tion with legal lights of London, established suits at law against the parties.
The suit has cost a great deal of money; early in 1877 $373,380 had been paid
for expense. Costa R., Mem. Sec. Hac, 1874-7. Should the decisions of the
British courts be against Costa Rica, her financial situation should not be
deemed very alarming, as is made apparent. The 7 per cent loan, reduced
to Costa Rican money at 9 per cent, £2,226,500, nominal $12,134,425,
Bonds repurchased, £1,026,500 $5,594,425
Received from Erlanger and Co., and appearing among the liabili-
ties, £598,611 18s. M 3,262,435
Amount not appearing among the liabilities, £601,388 Is. Id..... 3,277,565
$12,134,425
Accepting the responsibility for the whole 7 per cent lean, it would amount to
$12,134,425, deducting $3,262,435, and $5,594,425 for repurchased bonds, the
total sum not included in the liability in 1876 would be reduced to $3,277,565,
to which must be added $13,517, balance of the 6 per cent loan, making
$3,291,082. Advantageous offers were received from Europe to extinguish
the debt, which, if accepted, would reduce the notomal indebtedness of
$11,990,000 to $2,398,000. This loan was negotiated for funds to build a
railway. The road has cost $12,239,296, and its three sections are valued in
1883 at $6,600,000. Id., 1872-5, 1883, annexes 7 and 8.
^Pan. Star and Herald^ March 29, 1884; Costa i?., Gaceta, Sept. 4, 1885.
686 CX)MMERCE AND FINANCE.
In Panamd the receipts of the treasury from all
sources in 1812, a few years previous to the separa-
tion from Spain, this nation being then at war with
her American colonies, were $746,241.^^ In 1827,
six years after the independence,. the receipts were
$241,683,^ and the expenditures $238,929. Under
the law suppressing custom-houses in the ports of the
Isthmus, the revenue of the province in 1847 became
reduced $77,880. The amount appropriated by the
provincial legislature in October 1849, for expenses of
the fiscal year 1840-59, was $51,220.^'
After the organization of the Isthmus as a state of
the Colombian confederation, there being no receipts
from customs, the chief portion of the expenses has
been met with a tax assessed on merchants and shop-
keepers, estimated on the amount of business done by
each, the legislative assembly fixing annually the sum
required for the next year's expenditures, and the
proportion of it to be covered by the commercial tax.
The state received $50,000 out of the annual subven-
tion of $250,000 paid by the railway company to the
Colombian government. Other sources of revenue
have been the taxes levied on steamship agencies,
consumption, slaughter of cattle, ice, distilleries, and
several others which in the aggregate are not insig-
nificant.
The republic of Colombia being on the point of
changing her organization, Panamd, consequent upon
recent political events, was at the end of 1885 under
a military government, the chief of which, exercising
Half a million dollars was voted by congress in July 1886 to the extinction of
the internal debt. Id., Aug. 14, 1886.
^^ From customs, $145,000; rum, $24,000; loans, $42,500; received from
Spain, $10,000; voluntary and forced contributions, $150,000; judicial de-
posits, $101,000; papal dispensation bulls, $27,000 — were among the items.
Lloyd's Notes Istk. Pan., in JRoi/. Geog. Soc, Jour., i. 99.
•^Including $4,527, balance from the precedmg year; $86,820 of loans;
$70,000 from customs; $15,820, duties on tobacco. Id., 98.
*^The general government decreed in 1849 the suppression of tithes; re-
quiring of the several provinces of the Isthmus to make up the amount which
the suppressed tax yielded the previous year. The aggregate was to be
applied to cover national expenses. Pinart, Pan. Col. Doc, MS., no. 86, p.
14; Pan., CnMca OJic, Oct. 23, 1849.
DEBT OF PANAMA 687
his extraordinary powers, ordered the continuance
after January 1, 1886, of the appropriations that
had been decreed for 1885, with a few modifications/^
The financial condition of the state on the 30th of
June, 1878, was an indebtedness of $214,317/^
'" The commercial tax was not to be more than double that assessed in
1885. The general govt on the 1st of April, 1885, established a salt monop-
oly, and in the same year decreed the reestablishment of custom-houses at
the Isthmus ports. This decree was subsequently suspended. La Estrella de
Pan., May 16, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Nov. 2, 4, Dec. 30, 1885. The
budgets for the ten years from 1867 to 1876 amounted together to $3,018,391,
and the appropriations voted for the same year were $3,335,084. The ab-
sence of regvilar accounts for the period 1867-75 renders it impossible to find
out what were the actual receipts and expenditures. The revenue from Jan.
1, 1876, to June 30, 1877, was $339,526, and the expenses reached $356,483,
though only $274,298 were paid. The revenue collected from July 1, 1877,
to June 30, 1878, $218,095; the assembly voted for expenses of that fiscal
year $382,841, but the government seems to have paid out only $226,278.
For 1880-1 the legislature compiited the revenue at $300,628. It had the
preceding year authorized the executive to increase the commercial tax 25 per
cent. The expenditures for the year were estimated at $316,077. Pan., Mem,
Sec. Jen., 1878, 43-6, 48; 1879, 3, 32-3; Id., Leyes, 1879-80, 8, 9, 64^78.
'^$81,375 of it bore interest at 6 per cent. Pan., Mem. Sec. Hac, 1879,
37. Dec. 19, 1879, the legislature authorized the executive to borrow $50,-
000 at 12 per cent. For further information, see Pan., Gaceta, Nov. 17, 1870,
to Sept. 1, 1881, passim.
CHAPTER XXXIY.
INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION
1801-1887.
Ancient Ideas on the North-west Passage — From Peru to La Plata —
Cape Horn Discovered — Arctic Regions — McCltjre's Successful
Voyage — Crozier's Discovery — Franklin's Attempts — Finding by
Nordenskiold of the North-east Passage — Projects to Unite the
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans across the Isthmuses— Plans about
Tehuantepec — Explorations for a Ship-canal Route in Nicaragua,
Panama, and Darien — The Nicaragua Accessory Transit Company
— Construction of the Panama Railway, and its Great Benefits —
Further Efforts for a Canal — Organization of a French Company
— A Ship-canal under Construction across the Isthmus of PanamI
— Difficulties and Expectations — Central American Railroads
AND Telegraphs — Submarine Cables.
No sooner had lands been discovered to the west-
ward of Europe than the minds of cosmographers be-
came fixed in the idea of short routes to India in that
direction;^ nor would they abandon it until long after
both shores of the western continent had been explored
from the Arctic sea to Cape Horn.^
^ See summary of geographical knowledge and discovery from the earliest
records to the year 1540. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 68-154, this series.
'•^They thus argued from the first: Quintus Metellus Celer, proconsul of
Rome in Gaul, was presented by the king of Suevia with a number of red
men, who had been thrown upon his coast. So said Cornelius Nepos, and
Pliny repeated it. Now these savages, having no knowledge of ships or navi-
gation, could not have come from America; > they were not black, and conse-
quently were not from Africa. There were no people in Europe like them;
so they must have come from Asia. But how ? Either from the east or from
the west; they could not have rounded the eastern hemisphere either by its
northern or southern side, for obvious reasons; therefore they must have
come from the north-west, and hence there must be a way from Asia north-
eastward to Europe, running round the north pole. Upon this logic were
staked thousands of lives and millions of money. Dominicus Marius Niger,
the geographer, speaks of men who were driven from India through the north
sea to Germany, while on a trading expedition. As late as 1 1 60, some strange
(688)
EARLY EXPLORATIONS. 689
I have elsewhere presented a full account of explo-
rations by land and sea to establish communications
between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans prior to the
opening of the present century.^ The most important
of the earlier discoveries, since Magalhaes' time, was
that of the open polar sea south of Cape Horn, which
was named by the Dutch navigators Le Maire and
Van Schouten/ The north-west passage, so long the
object of search, was at last found in 1851 by an
English expedition. The discovery was effected by
Robert Le Mesurier McClure, who, in command of
the Investigator, sailed, together with the Enterprise
under Richard Collinson, from England in 1850. Be-
fore the close of the year, McClure passed Point Bar-
row, pushed along the continent, doubled the south
end of Banks Island, and sailed through Prince of
Wales' Strait, where he wintered near Melville Sound.
In 1851, the west side of the peninsular part of Wol
laston Island to Prince Albert's Sound was surveyed
By finding the strait connecting the cc^inental chan
nel with Melville Sound, McClure became the dis-
coverer of the north-west passage, and was the first
navigator to pass from Bering Strait to Baffin Bay.^
persons arrived on the coast of Germany. Humboldt thought they might
have been Eskimos. Othon, in his Storie of the Gothes, speaks of such arrivals,
arguing that they must have drifted in through a north-west passage. Gilbert's
Discourse, in Hakluyt, iii. lG-17. Again, Hakluyt finds it recorded that
some 200 years before the coming of Christ, the Romans sent a fleet against
the Grand Khan, which, crossing the strait of Gibraltar, and steering toward
the N. W., in lat 50° found a channel, in which it sailed to the westward until
it reached Asia, and after fighting the king of Cathay, returned by the way
it went.
^ Hist. Cal, i. 1-109; Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 1-342; Hist. North Mexican
States and Texas, i. 1-201; Hist. Oregon, i. I will add, in this connection,
that Juan de Ayola, with 200 Spaniards, in 1535 crossed from the Paraguay
River to Peru. Irola, twelve years later, ascended the Paraguay River to
17* S., crossed the mountains to the Guapay River, and succeeded in estab-
lishing communications between Peru and her dependency. La Plata. Lard-
ners Cabinet Cyclop. , ii. 90.
* They fitted out two vessels, Le Maire advancing most of the money, and
going on the voyage as supercargo, Van Schouten as commander. They
doubled the cape with one remaining ship in Jan. 1616. The Spaniards after-
ward completed the exploration, and their forts in Magellan Sound became
useless. The straits of Magellan have been, however, used in late years as
the transit of an English steamship line.
^ Previously several attempts had been made. Kotzebue, of the Russian
navy, went in 1815 to Bering Strait, and the next year discovered the sound
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 44
690 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
Yet he gave to Captain Crozier, second in command
of Franklin's expedition, the credit of prior discovery.
bearing his name. Golovnin made a voyage also, but accomplished nothing.
The English made a number of efforts, which, if Imsuccessful in not attaining
the main object, added much to geographic knowledge. Herewith I give the
expeditions fitted out in England, or under English auspices. In 1818 two
ships, the Dorothea and Trent, under Buchan and Franklin, went to the
Spitzbergen waters, but could not advance far. Two other ships, the Isabella
and Alexander, under John Ross and W. E. Parry, were ordered to Davis
Strait and verified Baffin's exploration of Baffin Bay. Ross entered Lancaster
Sound, and reached 81° 30' W. by 74° 3' N. Parry made three other voyages,
in 1819, 1821, and 1824, in the last of which one of his ships, the Fury, was
wrecked in seeking a passage through Regent Inlet. In 1827 he at-
tempted the polar voyage in sled-boats from Spitzbergen, reaching 82° 40' 30",
the farthest point hitherto attained. Capt. John Franklin tried to find the
passage overland from York Factory on the west coast of Hudson Bay. He
wintered at Fort Chepeweyan in 1819, and in the Enterprise in 1820. In July
1821 he navigated the Arctic sea, east of Coppermine River, a considerable
distance, hoping from the trend of the coast to reach Hudson Bay. Want
of provisions compelled the abandonment of the expedition, and after severe
hardships, and journeying 5,500 miles, reached Great Slave Lake in Dec.
1821. Lyon in 1824 attained Sir Thomas Rowe's Welcome. Franklin re-
newed his land survey of the Arctic coasts, 1825-7. He wintered in 1825 on
Great Bear Lake, descended the Mackenzie, and surveyed the coast line
westward to Return Reef in 70° 26' N., and 148° 52' W. Meanwhile Rich-
ardson and Kendall of his party made a voyage from Mackenzie to Copper-
mine River, doubling several capes, and completing the survey of the coast
through 60 degrees of longitude. Beechey in 1826 in the Blossom explored
the coast from Kotzebue Sound to Icy Bay. One of his parties reached Cape
Barrow. He waited for Franklin till Oct, 1827, and returned home via Cape
Horn. Ross in 1829 tried to find a passage through Regent Inlet, but had
to abandon his ship in Victoria Harbor, near 70°. P. W. Dease and T.
Simpson in 1837-9 made important explorations between Point Barrow and
Mackenzie River; the portion on the east side between Point Turnagain and
the estuary of the Back s Great Fish River; and also the south sides of Victoria
Land and King William Land. John Rae of the Hudson's Bay Company sur-
veyed a part of the Arctic coast east. In 1845 he surveyed Regent Inlet east
and west, found an isthmus between Regent Inlet and the sea explored by
Dease and Simpson. Franklin and Crozier were despatched in May 1845 with
two stout ships, the Erebus and Terror, well supplied for three years. The
expedition sent letters from Whalefish Island, near Disco, and was last seen
on July 26th waiting to cross the 'middle ice' on to Lancaster Sound, 220 miles
distant. Ihe orders were to proceed to about 74^° N. lat. and 98° W. long.;
thence take a S. and W. course for Bering's Strait, the passage west from
Melville Island being precluded. A number of expeditions were despatched
in search of Franklin; namely, one under John Richardson and Rae, 1847-9;
ships Enterprise and Investljator under Ross and Bird, 1848-9; Herald and
Plover under Kellet and Moore, 1848-52; North Star, commanded by Saun-
ders, 1849-50; the Investigator and Entei-pHse, in 1850, under McClure and
Collinson; whaler Advice, under Goodsir; a squadron commanded by Austin,
consisting of the Resolute and the Assistance. Capt. Ommaney with two steam
tenders under lieuts Osborn and McClintock; several ships sent by Franklin's
wife; Rae in 1851; expedition under Edward Belcher, 1852-4; ships Amphi-
trite a,m\ Plover, 1852-5; McCormick in 1852; Rae in 1853-4; Anderson in
1855; and several others, among which deserve mention the American ex-
peditions under lieut De Haven and S. P. Griffin, E. K. Kane, Hayes, Hall,
and Schwatka; most of whom made important geographical discoveries and
found relics of Franklin's party. It was ascertained beyond a doubt that
NORTH-EAST PASSAGE. 691
McClure with the Investigator was shut in during the
winters of 1851-2, and 1852-3. In the spring of 1853
he resolved to abandon the ship and seek Mackenzie
River and Lancaster Sound in two parties, a journey
which would have been disastrous. At this moment,
April 6th, Lieutenant Pym of the Resolute appeared.^
The McClure party were taken to the Resolute, and
reached England in 1854.
The north-east passage was discovered by Adolf
Erick Nordenskiold in 1879, after 326 years from the
first attempt by Hugh Willoughby in 1553.^
The necessity of shorter communication between
the two oceans becoming more evident from day to
day, with the increase of traffic with the western
coast of America, with China, and with the numerous
islands of the Pacific, various projects were enter-
tained to establish such communication either by
canal or railway. At Tehuantepec, Honduras, Nica-
ragua, and the isthmus of Panamd were formed the
Eranklin sailed up Wellington Channel to 77°, descended by the west side of
Cornwallis Island, and wintered 1845-6 at Beechey Island. The wintering
positions of the ships were in 1846-7-8 off the north end of King William's
Island. Franklin died June 11, 1847, and the ships were abandoned near the
above sjjot Apr, 22, 1848, Capt. Crozier intending to lead the 105 survivors to
Great Fish River. Only 40 men reached the vicinity of this river, and all died,
according to Eskimo accounts. On this journey Lancaster Strait was connected
with the navigable channel along the continent, and the existence of the
north-west passage proved. Richardson s Polar Regions, 136-7, 146-9, 151-202;
Lardners Cabinet Cyclop., iii. 176-7, 198-247; Tytler's Hist. View, 133^,
283-92; Franklins Narr., i. ii.; Quarterly Rev., xviii. 219; Am. Jour., xvi.
130-2; Encyclop. Brit., xi. 347; xviii. 329-30; xix. 331-2, 335-8; Dictionnaire
de la Conversation, xii. 2; xiii. 608-10.
^ Sent by Capt. Pellet on Barrow Strait, and was guided by a message left
by McClure at Winter Harbor on Melville Island.
' Nordenskitild, a Swedish professor and experienced navigator, with the
steamer Vega, commanded by Lieut Palander, on the 19th of August, 1878,
reached Cape Severo or Tchelyusken, the most northern point of Siberia and
of the Old World in 77° 41' N., and steered a south-easterly course, the sea
free from ice and quite shallow. Aug. 27th the mouth of the Lena River was
passed, the Vega parting company with her tender, the Lena, and continuing
her course eastward; she almost accomplished the passage that first season;
but toward the end of Sept. the Vega was frozen in off the shore of a low plain
in 67° 7' N. and 173° 20' W. near the settlement of the Chugaches. After an
imprisonment of 294 days, the Vega on the 18th of July, 1879, continued her
voyage, and on the 20th passed Bering Strait. Nordenskiold, without loss of
life or damage to his ship, arrived at Yokohama Sept. 2, 1879. Encyclop. Brit.
(Am. ed.), xix. 337.
INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
'ffT^-^V-^W^
Interoceanic Communication.
TEHUANTEPEC ISTHMUS. 693
most favorable conditions for a forced or artificial
transit.^
The breadth of the isthmus of Tehuantepec between
the bays of Campeche and Tehuantepec at the narrow-
est point is 130 miles. It is drained by the rivers
Coatzacoalcos and Tehuantepec, the former running
northward, discharging its waters into the first-named
bay, and extending over three fourths of the width of
this isthmus; the latter flowing into the bay of
Tehuantepec. There are several lakes and lagoons.
At one time it was proposed to cut a canal across this
isthmus, and to improve the navigation of the Coatza-
coalcos, to which end surveys were made.^ But no
^For canal: I. Tehuantepec, connecting the rivers Coatzacoalcos and
Chimilapa. II. Honduras. III. River San Juan de Nicaragua: 3. River
San Carlos, Gulf of Nicoya. Nicaragua Lake: 4. Rivers Nino and Tempisque,
Gulf of Nicoya; 5. River Sapoa, Bay of Salinas; 6. San Juan del Sur; 7. Port
Brito. Managua Lake: 8. River Tamarindo; 9. Port Realejo; 10. Bay of
Fonseca. IV. Panama: River Chagres: 11. Gorgona, Panama; 12. Trinidad,
Caimito; 13. Navy Bay, Rivers Chagres, Bonito and Bernardo; 14. Gulf of
San Bias, and River Chepo. V. Darien: 15. Bay of Caledonia, Port Escoces,
Gulf of San Miguel; 16. Rivers Arguia, Pay a, and Tuyra, Gulf of San
Miguel. River Atrato: 17. River Napipi, Bay of Cupica; 18. River Uruando,
Kelley's Inlet. Overland. 1st. Coatzacoalcos, Tehuantepec; 2d. Bay of
Honduras to Bay of Fonseca; 3d. River San Juan, Nicaragua, Managua, Bay
of Fonseca; 4th. Port Limon to Caldera, Costa Rica; 5th. Laguna de
ChiriquI on Golfo Dulce; 6th. Colon, Gorgona, and Panama; 7th. Gorgon
Bay, Realejo; 8th. Gorgon Bay and San Juan del Sur. Nouv. Annales des
Voy.y cliii. 9-10; Davis' Rept, 20.
^ A survey made in 1715 was sent to the secret archives of Madrid, where
other like documents lie hidden. In 1774 the Spanish ofl&cers Corral and
Cramer, after inspecting the route reported that a canal of about eight leagues
might join the Chimalapa and Malpaso rivers, and establish a communication
between the two streams. The Spanish general Orbegoso in 1821 explored this
isthmus, and formed a map, which was not published till 1839. In 1825 he
showed that it was not easy to carry a through-canal across Tehuantepec. In
1842-3 a survey was made under the auspices of Jose de Garay by C. Moro
and others, to determine the practicability of a ship canal by way of the
Coatzacoalcos to the gulf of Tehuantepec. The objections to the route were
shown to be the expense of cutting, the uncertainty of water upon the sum-
mit level, and inadequate ports at the termini. Garay, however, announced
as practicable a canal of the same size as the Caledonia, in Scotland, and was
put in possession of lands, etc. ; but nothing came of the transaction but diplo-
matic complications resulting from Garay's transfer of his grant to a forei^i
company. Finally, the Mexican congress in 1851 declared the grant forfeited.
Nouv. Annales des Voy., ci., iii., 8-9; Duflot de Mofras^ Explor. de V Oregon,
119; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 183-4, 188-9; Cortex, Diario, 1813, xix. 392; Rohles,
Pr(yv. Chiapa, 70; Chevalier, Pan., 61-2; Mex. Col. Dec. y 6rd., 115; Id., Col.
Ley., 6rd. y Dec, iii. 113-14; Bustamante, Med. Pacific, MS., ii., suplem. 15;
Mex. Mem. Sec. Rel., 47-8; Rivera, Gohern. Mex., ii. 116; Id., Hist. Jahvpa,
ii. 362; iv. 211, 225, 236; D uhlan SLud Lozano, Lejjkl. Mej., i. 738-9; Instituto
Nac. de Geog., Bol. No. 1, 30-43, with map and profile; Ward's Mex., i. 311;
694 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
action having been taken toward constructing a canal
by the parties to whom franchises had been given, the
scheme of a railroad across this section has been also
contemplated/^ and finally a grant was made to James
B. Eads, to construct a ship railway between the two
gulfs, capable of having transported over it the largest
ships with their cargoes/^ The scheme has been de-
clared by Eads, and by other engineers of high repute
in Europe and America, to be practicable. His oppo-
nents deride it. He applied, without success, to the
United States government for assistance.^^
The idea of uniting the two oceans, by means of a
canal across the isthmus of Nicaragua, occupied the
attention of the Spanish court from a very early day
after the conquest to the last years of its occupation
of the country. ^^ Since the separation of Central
Liot^s Pan., Nic. and Tehuan., 6-12; Ramirez, Mem., 1-108; Garay, Prlvilegio,
1-28; Id., Survey Isth. Tehuan., 3-188; Manero, Notic. Hist., 51-6; Id., Apunt.
Hist., 12-13; Mex. Mem. Sec. Guerra, 1852, 19-22; Id., Mem. Instruc. de los
derechos, etc., in Mexican Financier, no. 1, 1-39. In 1850-1 an American
commission headed by Maj. Barnard, U. S. Engineers, surveyed the route,
who reported it to possess but little * merits as a practicable line for the con-
struction of a ship canal.' Davis' Report, 5-6. In 1869 officers of the U. S.
surveyed the route, and made a favorable report. In 1870 Capt. R. W.
Shuffeldt, of the U. S. navy, made another survey, which confirmed the con-
clusions of the former, to the effect that no extraordinary engineering diffi-
culties existed, as sufficient water could be had from rivers in the Sierra
Madre to supply the canal. The route begins about 30 miles above the mouth
of the Coatzacoalcos, and after traversing a long distance, rises to a level of
about 680 ft, then descends to the lagoon on the Pacific, a total distance of
120 miles. The distance from New Orleans to Hongkong would be 8,245
miles less than by Cape Horn, and 1,588 less than by way of Panama. Am.
Cyclop., iii. 690; Manero, Apunt. Hist., 13-15.
^^ By resolution of the Mexican congress, the contract of the American
company was declared void in Oct. 1882, and soon after the govt made an
arrangement to have the road built on its own account. /(/., Artlculos, Soc.
ArquU., 7-10; S. F. Call, Oct. 5, 1882; Mex., Diario Ofic, Oct. 10, 17, 18, 20,
1882.
" J/ecc., Diario Debates, 10th Cong., i. 273-1930, passim.; Id., El JVoticioso,
Nov. 29, 1880; Id., Col. Ley., xxxvi. 320-4; Id., Diario Ojfic., June 2, 1881;
Aug. 10, 23, 1882; Mexn Financier, Dec. 13, 20, 27, 1884; Jan. 10, 24, 1885.
"The Mexican govt guaranteed in 1885 one and a quarter million dollars
per annum for 15 years. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 16, 1886.
^3 Gov. Pedrarias Ddvila had the outlet of lakes Nicaragua and Managua
discovered. His officers Este and Rojas favored the plan of a canal round the
falls of the San Juan, and another on the Pacific slope. The project occu-
pied the court and colony for many years. Herrera, iv., iii., ii.j Cent. Am.,
Extractos SueUos, in Squicrs MS., xxii. 108; Frobel, Aus. Am., i. 144, 241.
The plan not only engaged the Spaniards but the French and English, the
latter contemplating the conquest of the country. The royal engineer Man-
uel Galisteo in 1781, the system of locks being little known then^ declared the
'UNIT-
NICARAGUA ISTHMUS.
America from the crown, the canal scheme has ever
been uppermost in the minds of her rulers and thinking
men, and many scientific engineers and capitalists of
Europe and America have taken a deep interest
therein. But for divers reasons nothing was accom-
plished toward establishing an adequate interoceanic
communication, in any form, down to 1849.^* This
year a new arrangement was made with Cornelius
Vanderbilt and Joseph L. White of New York, in
.which the government of the United States, through
its representative, E. George Squier, became concerned.
connection of the lake with the Pacific to be impracticable. In 1791 La Bas-
tide proposed widening the river Sapoa between the lake and Papagayo Gulf,
and cutting a canal between that river and the gulf of Nicoya; but the French
revolution caused the matter to be forgotten. In 1814 the Spanish cdrtes
decreed the survey and construction, but subsequent political events made
that decree inoperative. Saravla, Bosq. Polit. Est., 13-17; Viajero, Univ.,
xxvii. 180-4; Bastide, Mem. Sur. Nouv. Passage, 1-70; Humboldt, Essai Polit.,
i. 1-17; Bourcjoane's Trav., in Pinkertons Coll., ii. 498-9; Reichardt, Cent. Am.,
169-70; Dujlot de Mofras, Exploi\ de V Oregon, i. 137; Squier s Nic., 658.
1* Herewith I give a synopsis of what occurred. In 1823 a franchise was
given to John Baily for a house in London, who did nothing, and the privi-
lege was granted to parties in New York, who also failed to carry out the
stipulations. Numerous proposals came between 1825 and 1829, which were
successively accepted, but neither of them had eflfect. In 1829 a franchise
was decreed to the king of Holland, and there was some prospect of a canal
being constructed; but the war which detached Belgium from Holland broke
out, and the king abandoned the project. President Morazan then contem-
])lated doing the work on Central American account, and the survey was
begun in 1837, interrupted by Morazan's fall, but continued in 1838 for ac-
count of Nicaragua. This same year Edward Belcher, of the Brit, navy,
suggested the possibility of an artificial communication between Lake Mana-
gua and the bay of Fonseca. Baily's explorations along the line from Rio
Lajas to San Juan del Sur were terminated in 1843, and their publication
furnished exact data on the canal. Meanwhile, P. Rouhand (1839), Veteri
(1840), Castellon and Jerez (1842), had unsuccessfully tried to raise funds for
the work in Europe. The king of France in 1844 refused his cooperation.
In 1846 Louis Napoleon became warmly interested for a time. Great Britian in
1847 seized San Juan del Norte on the north, and Tiger Island on the south.
Louis Napoleon turned his thoughts to other subjects. Orsted studied, in
1847-8, for the Costa Rican govt, a canal project which differed from Baily's
in choosing a low line south of San Juan del Sur along the Sapoa River into
Salinas Bay. Nicaragua in 1848 entered into a contract to build the canal
with a house in New York, which, however, surrendered it. Baily's Cent. Am.,
127-50; Annales des Voy., cliii. 14-17; clvii. 16-17; Nouv. Annales des
Voy., xxviii. (1825), 370-82; xxxii. (1826), 369-74; Sqtiier's Trav., ii. 251-80,
405-20; Id., Nic, 658; Liot's Pan. Nic. and Tehuan., 13-16; Niks' Reg., xxx.
447; xxxi. 2, 72-3; Ixiv. 130-1; Ixv. 57-61; Ixvii. 148; Salv., Diario Ojic,
Dec. 16, 1879; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 171-3; Lond. Geog. Soc, Jour., xiv. 127-
9; XX. 172; Scherzer, Cent. Am., 241; Belly, Nic, i. 84-7, 137; Id., Carted'
Undes, 35-45, Strains Int. Comm., 7-8; Oarella, Projet, 182-8; Sam-psons Cent.
Am.,. 7-18; Marure, Mem. Hist., 1-47; Billow, Nic, 44-57; U. S. Comm.
Rept, 145, p. 230-65; IT. S. Gov. Doc, Sen. Miscel., Cong. 30, Sess 1, no. 80,
69-75; Id., H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 31, Sess. 1, no. 75, 50-326, passim.
69C INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
This arrangement gave rise to complications with
Great Britain, which were finally settled by the Clay-
ton-Bulwer treaty to perpetually guarantee the neu-
trality of the canal to be constructed. The contractors
failed to carry out their agreement as regarded the
construction of a canal, but established the Accessory
Transit Company, and by means of steamers on the
two oceans, and on the river San Juan and Lake
Nicaragua, rendered valuable service in the transpor-
tation of passengers. The matter was given in detail,
in connection with the relations of that company with
the Nicaraguan government, including its history
from the date of the foundation till 1869, when it
ceased to exist. However, their engineer, O. Childs,
made a survey of the route for a canal in 1851, and
recommended one from the mouth of Lajas River
to Port Brito, traversing the Bio Grande Yalley.^'^
Since that time many schemes have been contem-
plated, and contracts entered into, but none of them
have given the desired result. ^^
I have yet to mention Pirn's scheme, advanced in
1853, of building a railway from Punta Mico on the
^'*Thia survey was considered reliable, English engineers pronounced
Brito * unworthy of this great ship navigation. ' Davis* Report, 6-7.
^^S. Bayley in 1852 proposed a route from La Virgen to San Juan del Sur,
nearly following that of the Transit Co. without passing through the valley of
the Lajas, which Baily recommended in 1843. In 1853 E. G. Squier tried to
revive Belcher's plan of utilizing both lakes, and reaching Fonseca Bay
through the Conejo Valley and the Estero Real. Squier's proposed Honduras
railway also was to reach that bay; and it is quite possible that he contem-
plated connecting the two works. Felix Belly, for Belly, Millaud, and Com-
pany, in a contract of May 1858 with the Nicaraguan government, purposed
carrying into execution Orsted's proposition; but after several years waiting
without Belly or his assigns, the International Canal Co., accomplishing any-
thing, or offering better prospects for the future, the government, in 1868,
declared his contract forfeited, and entered into another with Michel Cheva-
lier, from which better expectations were entertained; but they were destined
not to ba realized. Chevalier required, as a condition sine qua non, that the
contract should be ratified by the Costa Rican congress. This took place a
year later, and then came the war between France and Prussia, and Nicara-
gua's last effort, like all former ones, was frustrated. Belly, Nic, i. 31-50,
170-4, 401-6; ii. 1-13, 27-36, 59-464; Itl, Carte d' etudes, 19-27, 49-91; Nic.
Canal de, 1-21; Col. Dec. y Acuerdos, 1863, 39^0, 118; 1869-70, 8-23; Pirn's
Gate of the Pac, 1-14, 58, 116-34, 221-30, 322-70, 394; Nic, Gaceta, Jan. 7,
Apr. 8, 1865; March 20, Apr. 17, 1869; Id., Infonne Sec. Bel., 1869, 8-9; Id.,
Id., Hacienda, 1869, 3-5; Marcokta, Min. Nic. 1-32; Hunt's Merck. Mag., Ir.
31^8; Ivi. 32-4.
ACROSS MOSQUITIA. 697
Atlantic to San Miguelito, on the eastern shore of
the lake, traversing Mosquitia. A company was
formed, but the project was soon found to be imprac-
ticable.^^
No efforts have been spared ever since by Nica-
ragua and American citizens to bring about the ac-
complishment of the long-expected canal, under the
impression that it is the most desirable, feasible, and
least expensive route. The assistance of the United
States government has been solicited, and treaties
made to afford facilities, but the American congress
has thus far refused to do anything, except send com-
missions to explore the several lines, and their re-
ports seem to be favorable.^^ The last treaty concluded
^^Nic, Gaceta, Dec. 12, 24, 1863; Nov. 9, 1867.
^^ The exploration by Com. Lull, of the U. S. navy, established the ex-
istence of a practicable route for a canal with Lake Nicaragua as its summit
level, 107 ft above mean tide. It was proposed to connect the lake with the
Pacific by a canal 16.3 miles in length, from the mouth of the Medio River
to Port Brito. The first 7.5 miles would require an excavation averaging 54
ft in depth, which would be the most costly part of the work. The plan calls
for ten locks, and one tide-lock between the lake and the sea. The lake navi-
gation is of 56 miles. The river San Juan would be improved by means of
four dams; namely, at the rapids of Castillo, Balas, and Machuca, and at the
mouth of the San Carlos River, all of which places are suitable for dams. A
short section of canal with one lock would be needed to get around each of
the upper three dams. From the fourth dam to San Juan del Norte, an in-
dependent canal 41.4 miles long with 7 locks must be constructed, which pre-
sents no apparent engineering difficulty. The total length of the canal would
be 61.7 miles. No tunnelling needed. The harbor of San Juan del Norte
must be dredged, and otherwise improved, to insure that no water but that of
the canal shall run into the harbor. Short breakwaters must be built to pro-
tect the entrances from the surf. Lake Nicaragua with a surface of 2,700 sq.
miles, and a drainage area of 8,000 sq. miles, will supply 38 times the maxi-
mum possible demand of water. The depth of water would be 26 ft; the
width at bottom 72 ft, and at surface 150 ft. The locks, 21 in number, with
a lift of from 8 to 10 ft, would be 400 ft long, 72 ft wide. The cost was esti-
mated at about eighty million dollars. U. S. Gov. Doc, Sen. Jour., 916, Cong.
41, Sess. 2; Id., H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 42, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt. 1, 670-8; Id., Id.,
3d Sess., i. p. 160, 462-5; Id., Sec. Navy Reyt, Cong. 43, Sess. 1, p. 10-12;
Id., Nic. Ship Canal Route, Cong. 43, Sess. 1; Levy, Nic, 428-40; Nic, Gaceta,
Aug. 20, 27, Oct. 22, Dec. 24, 1870; Oct. 21, 1871; Jan. 11, Feb. 22, July 12,
1873; March 21, June 6, Nov. 28, 1874; Id., Mem. Sec. Eel, 1871, 10-16, 29-
39; 1875, xiii.-xiv.; 1879, xxvii.-viii. ; Casta E., Col. Ley., xix. 17-34, 180-1;
Id., InformeSec. Eel, 1872, 2-5; 1877, 2; 1885, 4-6, 47-54; Guat, Mem. Sec.
Eel., 1884, 6, 8, 9; Pan. Canal, March 5, 1883; Id., Star and Herald, Feb. 12,
14, 1883; La Estrella de Pan., Jan. 15, 1885; El Guatemalteco, March 4, 1884.
It has been asserted that formidable obstacles exist to a permanent deep-water
entrance at San Juan del Norte, owing to sand and other detritus carried into
it by the San Juan River, rendering it shallow and dangerous. Gisbom's Isth.
Darien, 8-11.
698 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION
between the two governments with reference to a canal
was rejected by the United States senate. The last
survey made under the auspices of the American gov-
ernment was that of Engineer Menocal, of the United
States navy, who, with other officers, visited Nicara-
gua in January 1885. His report was presented in
November of that year. The plan of this commission
had been at first to convert the river San Juan above
its junction with the Sarapiqui into an extension of the
lake by constructing a dam 74 feet high, but it was
found impracticable. The proposed route extends
from San Juan del Norte to Brito. The total length
is 169.8 miles, of which 38.98 miles will be excavated
canal, and 130.82 navigation by Lake Nicaragua, the
river San Juan, the basin of the river San Francisco,
and seven locks. Lake Nicaragua will be connected
with the Pacific by a canal, and with the Atlantic by
slackwater navigation in the river San Juan, by a short
section of canal from the San Juan to the basin of the
San Francisco, by navigation through this basin, and
by a canal thence to the Caribbean Sea. The route
has been divided into three divisions, the western,
eastern, and middle. ^^ The cost was carefully esti-
mated, including a contingent of 25 per cent, at $64,-
043,697. De Lesseps is of opinion, however, that a
canal with locks would be inadequate to pass the traffic
that will frequent it, and would suffisr from uncertainty
of sufficient water to supply the lockage and evapo-
ration.^^
One of the four routes suggested by Antonio Galvao
^' The report of course gives in minute detail the engineering features of
the three divisions. The proposed locks have a uniform length of 650 ft be-
tween gates, and at least 05 tt of width. The canal is to have a depth of 28
or 30 ft. It is anticipated that a ship can pass from San Juan to Brito in 30
hours. Thirty-two vessels can pass the canal in a day. Excellent materials
for construction are at hand. Fan. Star and Herald., Dec. 5, 1885, and San
Francisco newspapers.
^''This latter objection seems to be disproved by the researches of the
American engineers. But the great difficulty still remains about the estab-
lishment and future maintenance of a deep-water entrance to the canal at San
Juan del Norte. Encychp. Brit. (Am. ed.), iv. 701.
PANAMA ISTHMUS. 699
to the king of Spain, for cutting a canal to join the
two oceans, was the Isthmus of Panama.^^ Soon after
New Granada threw off the Spanish yoke, several
surveys of Panamd and Darien were made, and canal
projects recommended;"^ two of them, deemed the
most important, were that of Lloyd's to build a railroad
from Panamd; or La Chorrera to the Trinidad Piver, a
tributary of the Chagres ; and that of a sluiced canal
recommended in 1843 by Garella and Courtines, who
2^ This Isthmus was surveyed in 1520 by two Flemish engineers, who re-
ported adversely. The king for politic reasons would not have the subject
mentioned again. So it has been said. Dujlot de Mofras, Uxplor. de VOregon,
i. 119. The section was repeatedly explored. In 1534 preliminary work for
a ship canal was done, under royal order, by Gov. Gama. The Chagres River
was made navigable to where the wagon road began. Pan. Ced., in Squier^s
MSS., xi. 1-6; Andagoya, Carta al Bey., in Id., 8; Garella, Isth. de Pan., 3-5;
Datos Biog., in Cartas de Ind., 761. Various schemes were broached in the
17th century, meeting with no encouragement. In 1687 Lionel Wafer was
giiided by Mandinga Indians from the gulf of San Miguel to Concepcion on
the Atlantic side. W. Paterson, from his settlement at Caledonia Harbor,
made several journeys into the interior, recommending it to his company for
interoceanic traffic. Ulloa and Jorge Juan explored Panama for a route in
1736. Juaji and Ulloa Voy., i. 94; Fitz-Boy, in Lond. Geog. Soc, Jour., xx.
170, 178; Beichardt, Cent. Am., 164-5. A road was opened on the isth. of
Darien by Gov. Ariza from Puerto Escoces to Puerto del Principe on the
Sabana River, which enters the Pacific. Ariza, Darien, MS., 11-12; De Puydt,
in Land. Geog. Soc, Jour., xxxviii. 69; Cullens Darien, 192-204; Pirn's Gate of
the Pac., 183-4; Scherzer, Cent. Am., i. 248-9. In 1820 Capt. lUingsworth of
the Chilian corvette La Bosa (a) Andes had his shallop drawn across the Cor-
dillera, and launched in the Napipi, whence it proceeded to Quibdd or Citera,
near the mouth of the Atrato, where it was found in 1824 by Cochrane, who
in examining Darien for a canal route found the obstacles almost insurmount-
able. Annates des Voy., cliii. 8, 22, 36. Domingo Lopez, a Colombian, traced
a line for a canal between Panama and Portobello. Arosemena, Apunies Hist.,
4. In 1827, C. Friend of the British navy made an excursion from the banks
of the Atrato to the bay of Cupica. But the first formal exploration wa»
made, shortly after Friend's tour, by Lloyd of Pres. Bolivar's staff, and Capt.
Palmare, a Swede in the Colombian service, under Bolivar's auspices. After
completing their labors in 1829, they declared that a railway, if not a canal,
was feasible between Chagres and Panama. The notes of the expedition were
published in Philosophical Trans., for 1830, and in London Geog. Soc, Jour., i.
69-101; Uievalier, Pan., 112-13; Bull Societe Geog., xiv. 88, 53-66; Democ Bev.,
vi. 297-8; Wouv. Annates des Voy., xlviii. 380-i; Garella, Isth. de Pan., 8-9.
^■^ Thierry's canal project, 1835; Biddle's survey for a canal, 1833; Morel,
soon after Lloyd's survey, in 1837-8, sought a canal route somewhat south of
the line from Chagres to Pan. in the angle between the rivers Chagres and
Trinidad, through Vino Tinto Lake. In a later survey he kept more to the
left; Watts' explorations in 1838; Barnet's survey of Chiriqui in 1839. Niles'
Beg., xlviii.; Arosemena, Exdmen, 8-34; Pinart, Misc Pa-pers, no. 1, Decrees
113-17; Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 4, 1882; Interoc Canal and Monroe Doct.^
23-4; Chevalier, Pan., 117-22; Barnet's Surv., in Chiriqui Imp. Co. Coll.; Pan.,
Gaceta 1st., Sept. 20, 1841; G. B. Watts, in Am. Geog. and Stat., Soc. Bull, u
pt. iii. 64-80.
700 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
studied the Isthmus under a commission of the French
government. And there were other projects. ^^
The attention of the United States government was
directed to the subject of interoceanic routes as early
as 1825. In 1835 the executive was requested by the
senate to enter into negotiations with the Central
American states and New Granada, conducive to
treaties for the protection of Americans who might
attempt opening the communication between the two
oceans. A treaty was made by the United States
with New Granada on the 12th of December, 1846,
under which the latter guaranteed to the former "the
right of way or transit across the Isthmus of Panama,
upon any modes of communication that now exist, or
that may be hereafter constructed." The United
States government on its part guaranteed to New
Granada the neutrality of the Isthmus, and the rights
^ Garella's canal, beginning at Limon Bay, was to pass under the Ahog-
ayegua ridge by means of a tunnel 120 ft high and 17,390 ft long, to the bay
of Vaca del Monte, 12 miles west of Panami. The route follows the Bernar-
dino and Caimito valleys on the southern slope, and those of Quebrado and
Chagres on the northern. The highest elevation 459 feet above the sea level,
the mountain being tunnelled 324 feet 9 in. below its highest point; so that
the canal would at the summit be 135 feet above the sea, and require 35 locks.
Lloyd, acting for the British government, arrived at the same conclusions.
Garella, Prqjet d'un canal, 11-194, 230; liouv. Ann. des Voy., cvi. 36-40; U. S.
Gov. Doc, H. Com. Rept, 145, p. 70-7, 506-71, Cong. 30, Sess. 2; Arosemena,
ExdmeUy 5-6, 11. Hellert, in 1844-5, explored the Darien from Rio Paya to
the Atrato. W. B. Liot, of the Brit, navy, proposed in 1845 a macadamized
road, or a railroad from Portobello to Panama. Capt. Kellet, being informed
by Indians tliat the Napipi River, a tributary of the Atrato, approached very
closely to the bay of Cupica, crossed on foot in 1847 till he reached a river
which was supposed to flow into the Atlantic. Cullen claimed to have crossed
the Darien. In 1849 he found the Sabana River, ascended it, crossed from
Cafiasas to the sea-shore at Port Escoccs and returned. In 1850 and 1851 he
crossed several times alone by different routes from the Sabana to Escoccs,
convinced that this nmst be the future route for ships. Here are the requi-
site secure harbors; the highest elevation of the valleys through the ridges is
not over 150 feet, which is lower than any level as yet found; locks and tun-
nel might be avoided; the canal need be only 26 or 27 miles long, two miles
through hard rock. Unfortunately, Cullen gave no notes or measurements to
prove this. Capt. Fitz-Roy, of the British navy, published a memoir on a
communication between the Atrato, by way of its tributary the Napipi or
Naipi, and Cupica Bay. Greiff, a Swedish engineer, confirmed his observa-
tions. In 1850-1 Chevalier explored the Isthmus for information on inter-
oceanic routes. U. S. Coast Survey, 1868, 2r>0-7; Liot' s Pan., etc., p. iii.; See-
mmnns Voy., i. 220; Dams' Ee^t, 9-14, and several maps; Cullen s Isth. Darien
Ship Canal, 2ded., 19; Annales des Voy., cliii. 23; Chevalier, in Soc. Gdog. Bidl.,
ser. IV., torn, iv., no. 19, pp. 30-70.
PANAMA RAILWAY. 701
of sovereignty and property over its territory.^* At
last an American company, being stimulated by the
great traffic across the Isthmus, took up the matter of
a railway. ^^
The termini resolved on were Colon on the Atlan-
tic, and on the Pacific, a little to the eastward of the
city of Panama, quite clear of the suburbs. The work
was begun in January 1850, and finished on the 28th
of January, 1855. Its total length is 47 miles, 3,020
feet. The line is a single one, but has four very com-
modious sidings; namely, Gatun, 7^ miles from Colon;
one near Barbacoas, 22 miles; one at Matachin, 30
miles; and one at the summit, 37 miles. There
are stations at every four miles. The undertak-
ing was a bold one, and was successfully carried
out under the able and energetic superintendence of
George M. Totten.^^ The actual cost, as per con-
2* The U. S. had the country surveyed in 1833-4 between the Chagres and
Panama. Fairhairn, in United Serv. Jour., 1832, pt ii. 207-9; U. S. Gov. Doc^
4 Ex. Doc. 228, vol. iv., Cong. 25, Sess. 2; Id., Id. 77, vol. iv., Cong. 28, Sess.
I'y Id., U. S. Comm. Rep. 145, p. 3, 285-332, Cong. 30, Sess. 2; Pub. Trea-
ties, 1875, p. 558; Nic, Gaceta, Nov. 18, 1848; Niles' Reg., i. 440; Tucker's
Monroe Doc, 43-4.
2^ The parties forming the company were William H. Aspinwall, Henry
Chauncey, and John L. Stephens, all of New York, who on the 15th of April,
1850, made a contract with the New Granadan government, binding them-
selves to construct within a given time a railway between a point on the
Atlantic and Panama, for the transportation of travellers, cattle, merchan-
dise, etc., under a fixed tariff of rates. Certain advantages were allowed New
Grenadan citizens. It is not necessary to state here all the terms of the con-
tract. It was to be in force 49 years, and the New Granadan government
was to receive three per centum of the net profits. It subsequently received
$10,000 a year additional on the mails. Passengers, merchandise, and every-
thing else passing in transitu over the railroad, were to be free of duties and im-
posts. The contract was amended July 5, 1867. Under the new arrangement
the company was to own the railway for 99 years; and pay the Colombian gov-
ernment one million dollars in gold, and thereafter $250,000 a year in quar-
terly instalments, Colombian mails passing over the road free of expense.
Large grants of land were made to the company, who further bound them-
selves to carry the railroad to the islands of Naos, Culebra, Perico, and Fla-
menco, or to some other suitable place on the bay. The prolongation has never
been carried out. BidwelVs Isth. Pan., 299-308, 397-417; Pan., Boletin Ofic,
Nov. 15, 1867; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 31, 1880; Arosemena, Pan. Prolong. Ferro-
carril, 1-18; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 3, Oct. 5, 1867; Sept. 12, 13, 28,
1877; Roidiaud, Rigions Nouv., 1878-9, p. 343-51; Pan. Mem. Sec. Jen., 1877,
21-2.
2^ The difficulties of the ground and climate, together with scanty resources
of the country and scarcity of labor, were overcome. The road runs on the
easterly bank of the Chagres River as far as Barbacoas, where it crosses the
river over a bridge 625 ft long, 18 ft broad, and 40 ft above the mean level.
702 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATIOK
struction account, was eight million dollars. The road
has been improved from year to year. Articles of
the coarsest and heaviest description, as well as ordi-
nary merchandise, have been constantly conveyed over
it. The road began to yield some income since 1852,
when it had reached Barbacoas. I give in a note
some statistics on receipts and expenditures.^'^ The
company from the beginning of its operations had a
line of telegraph between Panamd and Colon. In
1881 the railway was sold to the company organized
to construct a canal for $17,500,000, being at the rate
of $250 per share. Adding other items, and interest
on annual instalments, the share-holders received
about twenty million dollars.^^
A survey made by United States officers in 1866,
through Chiriqui, showed that it was practicable to
build a railway through the cordillera. The harbors
of Chiriqui and Sheperd on the Atlantic, and of Golfito'
in Golfo Dulce, were favorably reported upon . by
Commodore F. Engle.^^
A full account of the construction may be found in Otis' Hist. Pan. R. i?., 1-
46; Thorntons Oregon and (7a?., ii. 349-52; Pinis Gateway, 192-209, 415-28;
Nic, Corr. ht^, May 30, June, 12, 1850; De Bow's Encyc, ptii. 493^; Fremont\s
Am. Trav., 171-2, and other authorities too numerous to name here. The
construction cost many lives of all nationalities, owing to the climate; and
was finally completed with negroes of the Isthmus, Jamaica, the coast of
Cartagena and Santa Marta. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit., MS., 6.
^^ Receipts from 1852 to Dec. 31, 1854, $1,026,162; 1855-60, $8,748,026;
1861-6, $12,369,662. Total, $22,143,850. Expenses to end of 1855, includ-
mg share of profits paid the New Granadan govt, $1,123,081; of 1856-66,
$8,748,318. Total, $9,871,399. Net proceeds, $12,272,451. The transit trade
has been the main business of the Isthmus. For many years, till the Brit,
steamship trade by the straits of Magellan developed, and the overland rail-
way between Omaha and S. F. was completed, almost all merchandise going
to or from Europe and the eastern ports of the United States, Cuba, etc., to
California, the west coast of South America, and Central America, was sent
by way of the Isthmus, including even copper from Bolivia and Chile. Re-
ceipts of the railroad 1883-4, $6,306,760. Expenses in same years, $3,979, 144.
Net proceeds $2,327,616; a net increase of earnings in 1884 over 1883, of
$24,032. Further information in the last preceding chapter connected with
the Isthmus transit trade. BidwelCs Isth. Pan., 286; Otis" Hist. Pan. R. R.,
59-69; Superint. Burt's Rept, March 7, 1885, in Pa7i. Star and Herald, Apr.
22, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., May 2, 1885.
28 Paw. Star and Herald, June 23, 1881; Sept. 18, 1882; U. S. Gov. Doc.,
H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 48, Sess. 1, i. pt 1, 217-19.
'^ Davis" Rept, 8; IT. S. G&o. Doc, H. Jouru., 1345, Cong. 36, Sess. 1; 541,
•Cong. 36, Sess. 2; RL, Sen. Doc. 1, pp. 17, 36-^4, iii. pt 1, Cong. 36, Sess. 2;
■Harpers Mag., xxii. 193-209.
VARIOUS SCHEMES. 703
But the idea of an interoceanic canal was ever pres-
<ent.^^ Nothing was practically done, until the whole
2^ New Granada granted, in 1852, to Fox, CuUen, and others, the privi-
lege of opening a canal between Caledonia Bay and the gulf of San Miguel.
Cullen's Damen Skip Canal, 1-146. Gisborne thought it was a mere matter of
excavation costing about sixty million dollars. After having spent a great
deal of time on the examination of the Atrato and San Juan rivers since
1852, F. M. Kelly, of N. Y., in 1864 explored the route from Chepo River
to the gulf of San Bias, which is only 30 miles long, l)ut calls for a tunnel.
Several surveys followed; namely, Strain, -of the U. S. navy, early in 1854,
with a party explored the Darien. After several weeks' toil they lost them-
selves; five men perished, the rest reaching Yavisa on the east coast. About
the same time a New Granadan expedition under Codazzi made a similar at-
tempt, but meeting with disaster, after losing several men, gave up the
enterprise. The same year English and French officers made explorations.
CuUen and Gisborne were with them, and saw their former statements
proved false. Next in order is Kennish's examination, followed by Michler
and Cravens, of the U. S. navy, who confirmed his report in all essential
points. ScherzeTy Cent. Am., 250-1; Mex. Anales Mm. Fomento, i. 83-8;
Strains Inter. Comm.y 18-27. La Charme, in 1865, by order of the merchant
Gogorza, surveyed from the south of the gulf of Darien to the gulf of San
Miguel by way of the Tuyra River. De Puydt, for the International Colom-
bia Co., reported having found a favorable route from Puerto Escondido to
the Tuyra, and thence to the gulf of San Miguel. Abert's Ship Canal, 63-9,
72-9; La Charme, in Putnam'' s Mag., iii. 329-41; Pan., Gaceta, July 2, 1876;
Lond. Oeo(j. Soc, Jour., xxiv. 249; xxxviii. 69-99. Bourdivl, in 1864, passed
from the Pacific with 25 men to the mouth of the Lara, and thence across the
Isthmus to Chucuanaque River, reaching it just below the Sucubti. Here
the natives left him for fear of the savages, and he had to return. Rear-
adm. C. H. Davis, supt of the U. S. Naval Observatory at Washington,
issued a Report on Interoceanic Canals and Railways, for his government, in
1867, reviewing modern explorations of the continent from Darien to Hondu-
ras for canals and railroad routes, and giving maps thereof, and a list of au-
thorities thereon. His work is quite thorough to its date. Davis* Kept, 15-
19. The secretary of the U. S. navy thus summarized in 1873 the report of
Com. Selfridge, who, in 1870-2, made a thorough exploration of several lines
in the narrower portion of Darien. This route includes 100 miles of naviga-
tion of the Atrato River, which is capable of being navigated by the largest
steamers. Between the Atrato and the Pacific, a canal must be made of 28
miles in length, of which it would pass 22 through a plain with a gradual
rise of 90 feet. Of the other 6 three would be in moderate cutting, the other
three would be of tunnelling. The estimated cost was between $52,000,000
and $63,000,000, and the time for completing the work ten years. The tun-
nel would be 112 ft high, 60 feet wide, and have 87 ft of clear headway above
the surface of the water. The canal would have 25 ft in depth, 60 ft of
width at the bottom, and 70 at surface. The locks, 20 in number, were to
be 427 ft long, 54 ft wide, with a lift of 10 ft. The water supply, much in
excess of the requirement, would be derived from the Napipi River. Two
alternative schemes were also presented, increasing the length of tunnelling,
and diminishing the number of locks, at an estimated cost of $85,000,000 to
$90,000,000. He proved De Puydt's line impracticable. Selfridge's full
report, with maps and illustrations, etc., in U. S. Gov. Doc, Darien Explor.,
Cong. 42, Sess. 3; Brief reports by sec. of the navy and Selfridge, in Id., H.
Ex. Doc, i. p. 3 (sec. of navy), vol. iii., pp. 9-10, 133-41, Cong. 41, Sess. 3;
Hatpers Mag., xlvii. (Nov. 1873), 801-20; Enchjclop. Brit. (Am. ed.), iv.
700-1. In 1873 Selfridge surveyed the valley of the Bojaya, another tribu-
tary of the Atrato, more to the north, which was regarded as more favorable.
The Am. govt despatched two other expeditions in 1874, one of which sur-
704 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
subject was discussed in 1875 at the congress of geo-
graphical sciences held in Paris, and a company was
organized under General Tiirr for effecting the requi-
site explorations. Lucien N. Bonaparte Wyse, a
lieutenant of the French navy, assisted by other en-
gineers, was sent out to the Isthmus. The exploring
commission effected their work thoroughly, and the
section from Colon to Panama was given the prefer-
ence.^^ The Colombian government granted on the
18th of May, 1878, to the Civil International Inter-
oceanic Association, residing in Paris, the exclusive
privilege for ninety-nine years of constructing a canal
between the two oceans, at the same time establish-
ing the neutrality of the ports at the termini, and of
the canal itself ^^
De Lesseps, of Suez Canal fame, undertook in 1879
the task of constructing the canal, and the first meet-
ing of the company, now called Compagnie Universal
du Canal Interoceanique de Panama, took place in
1881. It was calculated that six hundred million
francs, or be it $120,000,000, would cover the expense
of construction and completion. One of the company's
first acts was to establish in New York a branch board
of directors, and another was to purchase the Panamd
railway. ^^ The works were commenced in October
1881.^* The canal in course of construction follows
veyed a line between the Atrato and the Pacific across the state of Cauca;
the other a line parallel with the Panama railway.
^^ It aflfords a much shorter route than that of Darien, and the cordillera
is there less than 290 ft high. The watershed being nearer the Pacific than
the Atlantic, the streams running into the former ocean are of little impor-
tance, whereas the Chagres on the Atlantic slope, with its tributary, the
Obispo, forms a navigable channel, which in the rainy season attains to for-
midable proportions.
^2 A copy of tl:e contract and grant appears in Bogota, Diario OJic, May
22, 1373; an English translation in U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 46,
Sc33. 2, i. pt i. 243. Under the contract the Colombian govt will receive at
certain periods of it from 6 to 8 per cent of the net receipts; but its share is
never to be uncler ^^250,003 a year.
2^ The U. S. govt tried to secure by treaty with Colombia the right to
establish forts, arsenals, and naval stations on the Isthmus, though no forces
were to be kept there in time of peace. A protocol was signed in New York
by representatives of both governments in Feb. 1331, to amend the treaty
of 184G, but failed of ratification at Bogota. Dlarlo de Cundinamarca, Apr. 28,
1881; Pan. Star and Herald, May 20, 24, June 24, 25, 1881.
** De Lesseps, "Wyse, and other officials of the canal, received the highest
DIFFICULTIES TO OVERCOME. 705
the route of the railway, though keeping closer to the
bed of the Chagres, which it is to cross again and
again; on the Pacific side it will descend the Rio
Grande Yalley, and continue seaward to the island of
Perico, a total length of fifty- four miles/^
The works have been prosecuted with more or less
vigor, by the use of powerful dredges, until the capi-
tal became exhausted, and their operations declined
for many months, seeming to confirm predictions of
failure.^^ However that may be, De Lesseps and his
friends are confident that the opening of the canal will
become an accomplished fact within eight years from
the time of commencement.^^ There can be no doubt
marks of regard from the people of the Isthmus. Pan. Ley., years 1879-80,
9-11, 30; Id., Gaceta, Feb. 1, 12, 19, 22, 1880; Jan. 27, Feb. 13, 17, 1881.
The company at once made provision for a health service, in spacious and
well-regulated hospitals, etc. Gonvpanyo, Projet d'organiz. du serv. de sante, 1—
137, and a map.
2** The bottom throughout its length, 8^ metres below the mean level of
both oceans; width, 22 metres at bottom, 50 metres at top; except through
the Culebra ridge, where the depth will be 9 metres, with the width of 24
metres at bottom and 28 metres at top. It must be observed that the levels
of the two oceans are not alike at all times; at Colon the difference in the
tides never exceeds 23 inches, whereas in Panama it is usually 13 ft, and at
times nearly 20. This must produce a current in the canal sufficient to im-
pede navigation for several hours at each tide. The great difficulties to over-
come are the mountain and the river Chagres. The company contemplated
at first to tunnel the mountain, but gave up the plan, and resolved to cut
down through the solid strata — fortunately soft and otherwise easy — for a.
depth of between 300 and 400 ft over a long distance. The next task — by far
the most difficult one — is to deal with the eccentricities of the Chagres, which
discharges at Matachin a volume of water averaging 100 cubic metres per
second, which at low water may sink to 15 or 20 cubic metres, and at flood,
rise to 500 or 600. Several plans have been contemplated, one of which was.
to construct an enormous dam at G-amboa, between the Obispo and Santa,
Cruz hills, 960 metres at the base, 1,960 at the top, with a width at bottoms
of 1,000 metres, and a height of 45 metres. But it is understood that th&
engineers have finally concluded to make no use of the waters of the Chagres,
but to change their course and let them run to the ocean through the desert;
this will be left to the last. Moreover, locks will be built to control the tides..
De Lesseps, confident that the canal will be finished in 1889, says there will
be no time in the interval to construct the locks; that they can be made
later. The chief point being that shipping shall pass through the canal.
See Bulletin du Canal Oceanique, issued since 1879; Emjineering, 1883-4;
Redus, Explor., in Tour du Monde, for a series of views; Sullivan s Prob-
lem of Interoc. Communic., Washington, 1883; Ammen's Inieroc. Ship Canal^
Phila., 1880; N. Y. Herald, Feb. 6, 1882; Encychp. Brit. (Am. ed., 1885)^.
xviii. 213.
^° It is estimated that the excavation of the canal proper demands the re-
moval of about 122,000,000 metres, and up to Jan. 31, 1886, only 15,000,000
metres had been done, at an expense of $30,000,000.
^^ Charles D. Jameson, a member of the Boston Society of Civil EngineerSj^
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 45
706 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
th^t a large portion of the original capital was wasted,
and if rumor is not at fault much was misappropriated.
But public confidence in De Lesseps remains unshaken
in France, and he has been able to obtain by subscrip-
tion abundant funds to continue the work,^*^ and it is
now being vigorously pushed. His calculation is that
there will be business for the canal to the extent of
7,250,000 tons, yielding 6 or 7 per cent on 2,000
million francs, or 108,000,000 francs, equivalent to
$21,600,000,
This is not the piace in which to speak of the sev-
eral northern railways across the continent. The
Central American states — exclusive of Panama, which
lias had that benefit since 1855 — have made some
progress in late years toward establishing railway
communication between the two seas. Guatemala
has one line from Port San Jose, on the Pacific, to
the capital,^^ and another from Port Champerico, also
on the Pacific, to Petalhulen.*^
Measures had likewise been taken to communicate
the capital by railroads with the northern sea, con-
templating at the same time to build another line from
thinks there is no insurmountable obstacle. The following newspapers con-
tain information on the canal's aflfairs. Pan. Canal, July 12, 1881; Id., Star
ami Herald, July 20, 1881; July 11, Nov. 10, 1882; and in almost every issue
till 1886 inclusive. La Estrella de Pan., July 31, 1884; S. F. Bulletin; Id.,
Jilta Cal.; Id., Morning Call; Id., Chronicle; and every other published on the
Pacific coast, as well as in the whole United States; Mex. Financier, July 5,
3884; Con-eoso's Statement, MS., 9-11.
^^ To raise the original capital the liabilities of the company became $150,-
000,000, which at 4 per cent equals $6,000,000 annual interest. If ships
crossing the canal be charged $3 per ton, $5,780,000 will be yearly required
to pay the interest. S. F. Call, Nov. 9, 1886. De Lesseps reckoned the
monthly output of excavation, which in 1885 was 658,000 metres and in 1886
1,079,000, should reach 2,000,000 metres a month in 1887, and 3,000,000
metres a month in 1888, and up to the completion of the work in 1889. Pan.
>S tar and Herald, Aug. 5, 7, 11, 12, 1886.
^' It is well to say in this connection that tramways have also been built
in the capital, under the auspices of the govt. It was also planned to have
another from the department of Sacatepequez, to run from the town of Ciu-
dad Vieja, through Antigua Guatemala, to the town of Pastores.
*°Ouat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, for years 1880-5; Id., Sec. Bel., year 1884;
Id., El GtuUemalteco (official), March 4, May 10, 22, Oct. 12, 1884; July 19,
1885; Batre.s' Sketch Book, 8-10, 43; Pan. Star and Herald, Nov. 24, Dec. 16,
1882; March 8, 1884; Id., Canal, Jan. 17, 1883.
CENTRAL AMERICAN RAILWAYS. 707
Coban to the Polochic River. However, these pro-
jects, so far as I know, have been, since President
Barrios' death, in abeyance. The Spanish court was
repeatedly urged to open communications between
Puerto Caballos and the bay of Fonseca.*^ Traffic
on mule-back was carried on between both seas in
colonial times; but what we know of the isthmus of
Honduras is derived from the surveys made by the
British Honduras Interoceanic Railway Company, and
reported by their agent, E. G. Squier. As a practi-
cable route for a ship canal, Honduras is out of the
question ; but the construction of a railroad was begun
between Puerto Caballos or Cortes, on the Caribbean
Sea, and Amapala in the bay of Fonseca,*^ through
the valley of the Goascoran and Humuya rivers— 232
miles. The road was graded, and a narrow-gauge
track was built from Port Cortes to San Pedro, of
about 37 miles in length. The work was suspended
in 1871, and abandoned in 1873. Civil disturbances
and lack of means have prevented its resumption.
Several franchises have been granted in later years
for continuing it; but nothing of a practical nature
has resulted. ^^
Salvador has no territory on the Atlantic slope.
She has a railroad between San Miguel and Port La
Union; another line is being built from Port Acajutla
to the heart of the coffee region of Santa Ana. It is
possible that in the future the republic may be placed
*^ Anifion, Disciirso, Izaguirre, Beladon, Duarte, Rekvcion, and Criado de
Costilla, Descub., all in Squeirs MSS., v., vii., viii., and xvii., respectively.
*2 Loans were raised in Europe for the purpose, the particulars of which
are given in connection with Honduran finances.
*^For further information, see Squier s Cent. Am., 74-9, 680, 729-30, 756-
9; Id., Hond., 207-16, 225-35; Id., Hond. Inleroc. Railway, 1-102; Reichardt,
Nic, 284-6; Wells' Hond., 130-1; Fitz-Roy's Rept Raihvay; Guat., Gaceta, Jan.
27, 1854; Hond., Gaceta Ofic, May 10, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, March 4 to
Oct. 21, 1854, passim; Nic, Gaceta, July 25, Nov. 21, 1868; March 20, Nov.
13, 1869; Feb. 19, 1870; Feb. 11, Aug. 19, 1871; Id., El Porvenir, Oct. 1,
1871; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 306; Nic, Semanal
Nic, May 15, 1873; Am.. Cyclop., viii. 790; FroeheVsCent. Am,., 189-90; Belly,
Nic, ii. 22-7; Pirtis Gate of the Pac, 313-21; Laferriere de Paris a Guat,
101-6; Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, Oct. 4, 1883; March 20, 1886; Id.,
Canal, March 28, 1883; Mex. Financier, Dec. 8, 1883.
708 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
in communication; by railway, with the Atlantic,
through the territory of her neighbors.
In Nicarascua the line between Corinto and Chinan-
dega, and hence to Leon, was in operation in 1881-2.
The work steadily progressed. The western section
was opened to public service in 1884, connecting it with
the steam-ship line on the lake. Thus was Managua,
the capital, placed in rapid and cheap communication
by steam with Corinto, the chief port of the republic.
The whole line from Momotombo to Corinto was yield-
ing six and four fifths per cent on the capital invested.
In the eastern section the work was going on rapidly
at the end of 1884, and 20 miles to Masaya would
soon be finished. The government contemplated to
have a direct railway line from Villa de la Paz to
Managua, thus establishing a continuous communica-
tion between Managua and Granada.**
Costa Rica, thus far, has three lines, or rather
divisions or sections; namely, the Central, running
between San Jose and the interior provinces, via
Cartage, Heredia, Alajuela, Tres Rios, and San Joa-
quin ; the Atlantic, from Limon to the interior, which
is the route through which most of the country's
foreign trade is carried on ; and the Pacific which runs
from Puntarenas to Esparta.*^
The five Central American republics are intersected
by telegraph lines belonging to their respective gov-
ernments, and communicating their chief towns with
one another within themselves, and with the sister
republics.*^ The isthmus of Panamd has a communi-
**Mc., Mem. Min. Hac, 1883, pp. vii.-viii.; Presid. Cardenas, Mensaje,
Jan. 15, 1885, in Costa B., Gaceta Ofic, Feb. 4, 1885.
** The termination of the Atlantic and other liijes depends on the arrange-
ment of the republic's foreign indebtedness. The cost of the three sections
was $12,239,296; and in 1883 they were valued at $6,600,000. Costa R., Mem.
Sec. Hacienda, 1883, Table no. 10; Annexes 8 and 9; 1884, 152-3, 287; Id.,
Id Fomento, 1883, 1-4; 1884, 29-30; Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 8, 1883;
July 23, Oct. 24, 1885; Costa R., Gaceta, May 16, Aug. 12, Sept. 1-27, 1885.
For particulars, see Costa R., Informe Sec. Gohern., years 1873-4; Id., Id.,
ObrasPiib., 1879-80; Id., Id., Hac., 1880, 1883; Id., Id., Fomento, 1883; Id.,
Col. Ley., 1880, 85-9; 1881, 55-9; Nic, Semanal Nic, Jan. 15, 1884; Salv.,
TELEGRAPH LINES. 709
cation by submarine cable with Central America and
Mexico at the port of La Libertad and Acapulco.
The cities of Panamd, and Colon are in direct commu-
nication by wire. The Isthmus is further connected
by cable, on the Pacific, with Peru, via Buenaventura,
which also places it in telegraphic communication with
Bogota and the rest of Colombia. A cable to Jamaica
affords another connection, via Cuba, with the United
States and Europe.*^
Diario Ofic, Aug. 18, Sept. 12, 1878; Id., Gaceta Ofic, Aug. 12, 1876; Jan.
9, Feb. 22, June 29, 30, 1877; Apr. 19 to Nov. 13, 1879, passim; Nic, Mem.
Sec. Hac., 1883; Id., Id., Gobern., 1883; Id., Id:, Interior, 1883; Guat., Recop.
Ley., Gob. Democ.y ii. 81; Id., Mem. Sec. Fomento, years 1880-5; Id., Premmmsto
Gen., 19-29.
^^ Eardley-Wilmot's Our Journal, 69; Colombia, Diario Ofic, Feb. 26, Sept.
10, 1874; Pan., Gaceta, Jan. 11, Aug. 12, 1880. The connection at La Liber-
tad was established on the 1st of Oct., 1882. U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc,
For. Rel., Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i. 51-4.
Scattered through this third volume have been given bibliographical notices
of about twenty of the chief works consulted in its preparation. I have now
to add a few others deserving of special mention. The Gospel in Central Amer-
ica was written by Frederick Crowe, an Englishman, and a Baptist preacher,
who resided some time in Central America in the interest of his church. The
book — a 12mo of 588 pages, published in London, 1850 — contains, as its title
implies, a sketch of the country, including British Honduras, physical and
geographical, historical and political, moral and religious. The author did
his task as well as circumstances permitted, in view of the fact that at his
violent deportation much of the material he had gathered was left behind and
never recovered. At all events, it afforded much which till then was little
known of that country. The statements contained therein not original are
credited to the sources from which they were taken; for events after the
declaration of independence the author relied on the book of travels by
Robert C. Dunlop, from which I have also culled some important facts.
Centro-Amerika, and Nicaragua, both written in G-erman by the traveller
C. F. Reichardt, and published in Braunschweig, in 8vo form, respectively
in 1851 and 1854; the former being of 256, and the latter of 296 pages,
one and the other provided with maps. The two works contain valuable
data, entitled to credit. Atis Amerika, by Julius Frobel, issued in 1855
at Leipzig, and Geographic und Statestif von Mexico und Centralam^rika, by
J. G. Wappaus, published at Leipzig in 1863, have also afforded much
useful knowledge. In writing this chapter on interoceanic communication,
I am indebted to the CaMnet Cyclcypcedia, directed by Dionysius Lardner,
and to John Richardson's Polar Regions, the first-named giving in its
first three volumes all that was known to 1830-1, on the geography of the
ancients and middle ages, and on modern voyages and discoveries. The
latter narrates the voyages made to discover the north-west passage, furnish-
ing likewise a view of the physical geography and ethnology of the polar
regions north and south; the whole subject, though treated in a summary
way, brings it out quite comprehensively. The Report on Interoceanic Canals
and Railroads, between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans — an 8vo of 37 pages
with numerous maps printed in Washington, 1867 — by Charles H. Davis,
superintendent of the U. S. Naval Observatory, contains all that was known
on the subject to the time of its publication. The Encyclopcedia Britannic: —
American edition, issued, 1875-86, at Philadelphia — has also afforded valuable
data on the voyages in the polar seas, and on explorations and surveys con-
710 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
The question of interoceanic communication by
ship-canal across the isthmuses of Central America
occupying, as it does, general attention, I have con-
cluded to append hereto information on the subject by
several competent authorities; namely, the British
explorer, Dr Edward Cullen, and E. George Squier.
Ignorance respecting Darien. — It is a very singular circumstance that
the coast of Darien, the first settled in America (Santa Maria having been
founded in 1509, and Ada in Caledonia Bay in 1514), within eighteen days*
steaming from England, close also to such frequented ports as Chagres,
Carthagena, and Kingston, Jamaica, should be at the present day as unknown
as the coasts of Patagonia or of New Guinea, and that the vast advantages of
this tract of country, for a canal, should have escaped the penetration of the
great Humboldt, who, after having examined all the maps in the Depdsito
Hidrografico of Madrid, appears to suggest the Chuquanaqua. He says:
* On the Pacific coast, also, the deep Golfo de San Miguel, into which falls
the Tuyra with its tributary, the Chuchunque, runs far into the Isthmus; the
river Chuchunque, too, in the upper part of its course, runs within sixteen
geographical miles of the Antillean shore of the Isthmus, westward of Cape
Tiburon.' Views of Nature, Potsdam, June 1849, p. 432 of Bohn's translation.
The Atrato route labors under the disadvantage of a bad harbor, on the
Pacific side, Cupica being of very small extent, and open to the s. w. ; and
the Atrato has a bar with only five feet of water on it, while the rise of tide
in the Gulf of Darien is only two feet.
The Chagres, or Limon Bay and Panama route, surveyed in 1829 by Col
Lloyd and M. Palmare, under a commission from the Liberator, Simon Boli-
var, and subsequently by M. Garella, has such bad harbors that the idea of
a canal by that line has been totally abandoned.
The route from Chepo mouth to Mandinga Bay, proposed by Mr Evan Hop-
kins, *« who attempted to survey it in 1847, for the New Granada govern-
nected with canal matters. None of those works, however, nor the numerous
others consulted, have furnished the required information from the beginning
of the 19th century to the present time; and those of later years do not
xisually, to any extent, go back to early ones, or if they do, it is only to give
some meagre information.
But my researches have not been confined to books. Aside from the im-
portant facts obtained directly from the lips of intelligent natives and other
persons conversant with Central American and Panamanian affairs, I have
f I, ine presidential messages, reports of ministers and other officials
of the several states, U S. govt reports, official journals, statements of ex-
plorers and surveyors, cyclopaedias, magazines, reviews, and a host of news-
papers of difierent countries and in various languages, among which special
credit should be given to the Star and Herald of Panama for an ever well-
informed and reliable gatherer and transmitter of news to and from the coun-
tries on both oceans over this bridge of the nations. Important data,
wheresoever found, have been brought into requisition.
T r *^/- Hopkins,' says Capt Fitzroy, p. 23, 'was lately prevented by the
J^clians from ascendmg the Chepo River toward Mandinga or San Bias Bay;
Mr Wheelwright was also stopped there in 1837; and Dr Cullen was likewise
Btopped by the aborigines while endeavoring to ascend the Paya River, that
DISCOVERY OF THE SAVANA RIVER. 711
ment, although the narrowest line across the Isthmus, being only twenty-seven
miles across from Chepo to Carti, has the disadvantages of bad coasts, a very
high Cordillera, of from 2,000 to 6,000 feet elvation, and a large population of
Indians.
The bar at the mouth of Chepo River is quite dry at low water, as is also a
sand bank which extends several miles out into the bay of Panama; the part
of the Atlantic coast on the other side is beset with reefs, shoals, and kays,
and is dangerous of approach.
Capt Fitzroy, R. N., in his Considerations upon the Great Isthmus of
Central America, suggests a line from the upper course of the Tuyra to the
Atrato, or the coast of Darien above its mouth, as an improvement of the
route proposed by me; but this would be nearly twice the distance of the
Port Escoces, and gulf of San Miguel route; there would be the moun-
tain of Chacargun or the Sierra de Maly to cross, and should the canal
open into the Atrato, there would be the very formidable obstacle of the bar
to remove, while of the coast above the Atrato mouth, the Columbian Navi-
gator says: 'All this coast from Tarena Kays to Cape Tiburon is high and
precipitous, with deep water off it; and it is very wild in the season of the
breezes. It is very advisable, therefore, at these seasons, to shun it. ' Any
route, however, in this direction, would be included in the privilege granted^
on the 1st of June, 1852, by the New Granada government, to Edward Cul-
len, Charles Fox, John Henderson, and Thomas Brassey, for cutting a canal
from Port Escoces to the gulf of San Miguel, which gives power to select
any place from the west mouth of the Atrato to Punta Mosquitos, for the
Atlantic entrance of the canal.
Discovery of the Savana River and the Route for the Ship-canal,
I imagine that the river Savana was not delineated in the maps which Hum-
boldt saw.*^ Such, indeed, was the case with the map which I had on my
first journey into Darien in 1849, so that I was totally ignorant of its exist-
runs from near the mouths of the Atrato to the Tuyra, which falls into the
gulf of San Miguel.'
I learned in Darien that Mr Hopkins and Don Pepe Hurtado, a Granadian,
engineer, made a present of a scarlet military coat to an Indian on the Chepo,
and that as soon as the Indian chief of the district learned it, he flogged the
Indian who accepted the present, and summoned his people to arms, and
Mr H. and Don Pepe had to fly for their lives. Most probably the chief
looked upon the acceptance of gaudy trappings as an aclcnowledgment of sub-
mission to foreigners. I have mentioned elsewhere my having learned subse-
quently that the reason of the Indians having stopped me was the fear of
small-pox being introduced amongst them rather than any dislike to for-
eigners.
*^This I attribute to the jealousy of the Spaniards, who were careful to
withhold any information that might lead the English to the discovery of an.
easy communication between the two seas. Alcedo, in his Diccionari.o His-
tdrico de las Indias Ocddentales, says that it was interdicted, on pain of deaths
even to propose opening the navigation between the two seas. ' En tiempo de
Felipe II. se proyectd cortarlo, y comunicar los dos mares por medio de uu
canal, y a este efecto se enviaron para reconocerlo dos Ingenieros Flamencos,
pero encontraron dificultades insuperables, y el consejo de Indies represent6
los perjuicios que de ello se seguirian a la monarquia, por cuya razon mandtv
aquel Monarca que nadie propusi^se 6 tratase de ello en adelante, pena de la
vida.' The navigation of the Atrato also was interdicted, on pain of death*^
712 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
ence until I actually saw it, after entering Boca Chica, when, finding the
great depth of water at it;: mouth, and that it flowed almost directly from the
north, I became convinced that I had at last found the object of my search,
viz., a feasible route to the Atlantic, and thereupon immediately ascended it,
and crossed from Canasas to the aea-shore at Port Escoc^s and back, and
subsequently, in 1850 and also in 1851, crossed and recrossed, at several times
and by several tracks, the route from the Savana to Port Escoces and Cale-
donia Bay, notching the barks of the trees as I went along, with a machete or
cutlass, always alone and unaided, and always in the season of the heaviest
rains. I had previously examined, on my way from Panama, the mouths of
Ohepo, Chiman, Congo, and several other rivers, but found them all obstructed
by bars and sand banks, and impracticable for a ship passage, so that upon
seeing the Savana, I had not the least hesitation in deciding that that must
be the future route for interoceanic communication for ships.
The Darien Canal Route. — Port Escoces, or Scotch Harbor, and the bay
of Caledonia, on the Atlantic coast of the Isthmus of Darien, present an
extent of six nautical miles, from s. E. to n. w., of safe anchorage in all
•winds. These harbors are situated between Carreto Bay and the channel of
Sassardi, and are 140 miles e. s. e. of Limon Bay, and twenty-one miles
W. N. w. of Cape Tiburon, the N. w. boundary of the Gulf of Darien. Port
Escosces extends to the s. e. to lat. 8° 50' and long. 77° 41'; and Golden Island,
or Isle de Oro, or Santa Catalina, which forms the n. w. boundary of Caledo-
nia Bay, is in lat. 8° 54' 40", and long. 77° 45' 30".
The channel of Sassardi, also, extending from Caledonia Bay n. w. five
miles to the Fronton, or point of Sassardi, is sheltered from the winds and
seas of both seasons, and has good depth of water.
Twenty -two miles s. w. of Port Escoces is the site of the old Spanish set-
tlement of Fuerte del Principe, on the river Savana, established in 1785, and
abandoned in 1790. From thence the river Savana has nearly a s. by e.
course for fourteen miles to its mouth, which opens into the river Tuyra,
Santa Maria, or Rio Grande del Darien, three miles above Boca Chica and
Boca Grande, the two mouths by which the latter discharges itself into the
Gulf of San Miguel on the Pacific.
Thus the distance from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, by the route
from Port Escoces or Caledonia Bay, to the gulf of San Miguel, by way of
the river Savana, would be thirty-nine miles. In a direct line, from Port
Escoces to the gulf, the distance is thirty-three miles.
In Considerations on the Great Isthmus of Central America, read before
the Royal Geographical Society of London, on the 11th and 25th Nov., 1850,
Captain Fitzroy, R. N., says: 'Any route that could be made available be-
tween San Miguel Gulf and Caledonia Bay, or the Gulf of Darien or Choco,
would have the advantage of excellent harbors at each end, and a great
rise of tide in one of them (San Miguel). The river Savana is recommended
by Dr CuUen from personal examination, as being more navigable (for
canoes^), and approaching nearer the north coast than the Chuquanaqua
does; though this does not appear in the Spanish maps. From the head of
the Savana, a ravine, about three leagues in length, extends to Caledonia
^ In its upper course, as it is navigable for large vessels nearly to Principe.
PASSAGE FOR THE PACIFIC TIDE. 713
Bay, and there (Dr Cullen says, having passed through it) he thinks a canal
might be cut with less difficulty than elsewhere, if it were not for the opposi-
tion of the natives. He also speaks of the Indians transporting their canoes
across at this ravine, and of the comparative healthiness of this part of the
Isthmus. '
The whole work to be done, in order to make a ship-canal communication
between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans by this route, would be to cut from
Principe or from Lara mouth to Port Escoces or Caledonia Bay, a distance
of from twenty-two to twenty-five miles, of which there would be but three
or four miles of deep cutting.
The canal, to be on a scale of grandeur commensurate with its important
uses, should be cut sufficiently deep to allow the tide of the Pacific to flow
right through it, across to the Atlantic; so that ships bound from the Pacific
to the Atlantic would pass with the flood, and those from the Atlantic to the
Pacific with the ebb tide of the latter. Such was the plan recommended in
my report to Lord Palmerston. By such a canal — that is, one entirely with-
out locks — the transit from sea to sea could be efi"ected in six hours, or one
tide.^i
For the engineering details, and estimates of the cost of the work, I beg
to refer to the valuable report of Mr. Lionel Cisborne, C. E., who, with his
assistant, Mr. Forde, was commissioned, last April, by Messrs Fox, Hender-
son, and Brassey, to survey this route, which they found to be perfectly feasi-
ble for a ship-canal communication, and fully as eligible as I had represented it.
^^ * It is ascertained, ' says Captain Fitzroy, ' that there is only a trifling dif-
ference between the levels of the ocean at this Isthmus. A rise of tide not
exceeding two feet is found on the Atlantic side, while in Panama Bay the
tide rises more than eighteen feet; the mean level of the Pacific in this par-
ticular place being two or three feet above that of the Atlantic. It is high
water at the same hour in each ocean.*
Colonel Lloyd says that the Pacific at high water is thirteen feet higher
than the Atlantic, while the Atlantic is highest at low water by six feet.
Baron Humboldt said, in 1809: 'The difierence of level between the Carib-
bean Sea and the Pacific Ocean does not, probably, exceed nine feet; and at
different hours in the day, sometimes one sea, sometimes the other, is the
more elevated.' Bvit this difference would be no hindrance, but, on the con-
trary, a most important advantage in a ship-canal, since it would create a
current from the Atlantic to the Pacific during the ebb, and one from the
Pacific to the Atlantic during the flood-tide of the Pacific, and these alter-
nate currents would enable each of the fleets to pass through at different
times, those bound from the Atlantic to the Pacific during the ebb-tide of the
latter, and those from the Pacific to the Atlantic during the flood-tide of the
former. This arrangement in the periods of transit would afford many advan-
tages, such as obviating the meeting of the vessels, and the necessity of their
passing one another, and preventing their accumulation or crowding together
in the canal, as each fleet could be carried right through in one tide, if not by
the current alone, at least with the aid of tug steamers. The alternation of
the currents would have the further beneficial effect of washing out the bed
of the canal, and keeping it free from the deposition of sand or mud, so that
dredging would never become necessary; and would also render the degree of
width necessary for the canal less; though I do not reckon this to be a point
of moment, as the wider and deeper it is cut the better, and the work once
finished will last to the end of the world, since the natural effect of the alter-
nate currents will be a gradual process of deepening and widening, which will
convert the canal into a strait.
714 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
It is needless to say that, under the auspices of Messrs. Fox, Henderson,
and Brassey, who, with that clear discernment and prompt decision, which
have placed them in the elevated position which they occupy, adopted this
route hi December 1851, after a careful examination of my statements, the
great work of an interoceanic canal is sure, erelong, to be accomplished.
I trust that an attentive consideration of the advantages of this route —
viz., its shortness, the excellence of its harbors, the low elevation of the land,
the absence of bars at the Savana and Tuyra mouths, the depth of water and
great rise of tide in the former, its directness of course and freedom from ob-
structions, the healthiness of the adjacent country, the exemption of the
coasts from northers and hurricanes, the feasibility of cutting a canal without
locks, and the absence of engineering difficulties — will fully justify me in as-
serting it to be the shortest, the most direct, safe, and expeditious, and in
every way the most eligible route for intermarine communication for large
ships.
An examination of the physical aspect of the country from Port Escoces
to the Savana — presenting, as it does, but a single ridge of low elevation, and
this broken by gorges, ravines, and valleys, and grooved by rivers and
streams, with a champaign country extending from its base on each side —
will prove the feasibility of making the canal entirely without locks, a supe-
riority which this route possesses over others, which all present insurmount-
able physical obstacles to the construction of such a canal.
In fact, a glance at the map ought to convince the most sceptical that na-
ture has unmistakably marked out this space for the junction of the two
oceans, and the breaking of the continuity of North and South America; in-
deed, so narrow is the line of division, that it would almost appear as if the
two seas did once meet here.
Details of the Route Proposed. — I shall now enter into a more detailed
description of this route, which I discovered in 1849, and proposed for a ship-
canal communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans in the Panama
Echo of February 8, 1850, in the Daily News and Mining Journal of May
1850; ^'^ in a paper presented to the Royal Geographical Society, and read at
the Edinburgh meeting of the British Association in July 1850; and in a report
to Lord Palmerston, of January 15, 1851.
Port Escoces. — Of Port Escoces, Caledonia Bay, and the channel of
Sassardi, the Columbian Navigator, vol. 3, p. 218, says:
' Port Escoces, or Caledonia, lat. 8° 51', long. 77° 44', is a noble harbor;
very safe, and so extensive that a thousand sail of vessels may enter it.
*Punta Escoces is the s. E. point of Caledonia Bay, the greater islet of
Santa Catalina, or de Oro (gold), being the N.w. Between point and point
the distance is four miles, and the points lie N.w. and s.E. (n. 40° w., and
S. 40° E.), from each other; and in respsct to this line the bay falls in one
mile and two thirds. In the s.E. part of this bay is Puerto Escoces (or Scot-
tish Harbor), which extends inward two miles in that direction, and forms
good shelter. There are various shoals in it, which are represented in the
particular plan of the harbor, by which plan any vessel may run in, for the
^■^ And subsequent months, in a controversy with Evan Hopkins, Esq.,
C. E. & M. E. F . H
SOURCES OF FRESH WATER. 715
depths are five, six, seven, and eight fathoms of water over a bottom of
sand.
* Between Piedras Islet to the north, the west point of Aglatomate River
to the south, and that of San Fulgencio to the s.w., is formed the Ensenada,
or bay of Caledonia, and the channel of Sassardi.
Caledonia Bay. — 'The Ensenada, or cove of Caledonia, is, strictly
speaking, formed by the points already mentioned, which lie with each other
N. N. w. I w., and s. s. e. | e. (n. 25° w., and s. 25° e.), one mile distant. This
bay is clean, and has good deep water; the greater part of its coast is a beach,
and near the middle of it disembogues the river Aglaseniqua. The point of
San Fulgencio is salient, scarped, and clean, and it also forms an indent with
little depth of water, bordered by mangroves and various kays at its western
part.
The Channel of Sassardi. — ' Between San Fulgencio point, the great Oro
Island, Piedras Islet, and the Mangrove Kays, which are to the west of them,
the channel of Sassardi is formed; the s. E. entrance to this channel is off and
on, with four cables' length in extent, from edge to edge, and with from nine
to twelve fathoms depth on oaze; and farther in, from eight to ten fathoms;
as also between the turn of the bank off Piedras Islet, and the bay of Cale-
donia, the depth is from seven to fifteen fathoms; and the piece of sea which
intervenes between this bay and the Puerto Escoces is of a good depth of
water; but at a short mile s.e. by e. | e. (s. 55° e.), from Piedras Islet the
sea breaks when the breeze blows fresh.'
From its entrance the channel of Sassardi extends n. w. five miles.
The engineer has here, then, a wide scope for selecting a locality for the
Atlantic mouth of the canal, which may thus open anywhere from the s. E.
end of Port Escoces to the n. w. entrance of the Channel of Sassardi, an
extent of eleven nautic miles.
Along a great extent of Port Escoces and Caledonia Bay, vessels can lie
so close in shore that no boats would be necessary in the taking in or dis-
charging cargo; the same great advantage also presents itself at several
points in the channel of Sassardi.
Good fresh water may be obtained in abundance from any of the numerous
streams which fall into these harbors, particularly from the Aglaseniqua or
Aglatomate.
Port Escoces is entirely uninhabited, nor is there any settlement inland of
it; at Caledonia, near the mouth of the Aglaseniqua, there are five huts, in-
habited by a few Indians of the Tule tribe, and about two leagues up the
river is another small settlement; this, however, is at a considerable distance
westward of the projected line of canal.
From the sea-shore a plain extends for nearly two miles to the base of a
ridge of hills, which runs parallel to the coast, and whose highest summit is
about 350 feet. This ridge is not quite continuous and unbroken, but is
divided by transverse valleys, through which the Aglaseniqua, Aglatomate,
and other rivers have their course, and whose highest elevations do not ex-
ceed 150 feet.
The base of this ridge is only two miles in width; and from its south side
a level plain extends for thirteen miles to a point on the river Savana, called
Canasas, which is about twenty miles above its mouth.
716 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATICN.
The river Savana, at Canasas, has a depth of six feet of water, but is ob-
structed by ledges of a slate, called ptzanri, or killes, for four miles, down to
the mouth of La Villa, up to which the tide reaches. At Canasas, there is
a forest of a species of bamboo, so dense as to be impenetrable; and above it
there is a fall of two feet, when the river is low, but after rains this entirely
disappears. The first fall, in ascending the river, occurs at Caobano, a little
above La Villa.
From La Villa, where there is a depth of ten or twelve feet, the river is
perfectly free from obstructions down to Principe.
At Fuerte del Principe, two miles below La Villa, there is a single ledge
of slate, visible only in a very low state of the river, which has here a depth
of three fathoms, and a rise of tide of six feet. The banks of the river are
elevated about ten feet above the level of the water, and are quite free from
swamp. The site of the old Spanish settlement is here indicated by a patch
of very dense scrubby bush, without high trees, on the west bank of the
river; but the only remains to be met with are some fragments of botijas, or
water-jars. Prfncipe is in lat. 8° 34', and long. 77° 56', by my observations;
it is only two or three hours' journey from the mouth of the river.
The Savana River, called by the Indians Chaparti, is very direct in its
course, from Principe to its mouth, and free from sinuosities, playas, deep
elbows, shoals, rocks, snags, or other obstructions.
Its banks, elevated several feet above the level of the water, are quite free
from swamp and malarious miasmata, consequently the endemic fevers caused
by these in Chagres, Portobello, Limon, and Panama, would not prevail in
any settlements that may be formed in the neighborhood of the Savana.
Indeed, it cannot be inferred that the Isthmus of Darien is unhealthy,
because the towns on the Isthmus of Panama have all been settled in swampy
localities, and in the most unfavorable positions in a sanatory point of view.
A convincing proof of the freedom from swamp of the whole tract of coun-
try, from Port Escoces to the gulf of San Miguel, is the total absence of
musquitoes, which invariably infest all swampy grounds in the tropics. The
great longevity of the people of Darien, and the large proportion of very old
men, also attest the healthiness of the climate.
From Principe to the mouth of Matumaganti, one mile s. S. w. , the river
increases greatly in width and depth; there are some islands in this reach;
and on the west bank a very large cuipo-tree stands conspicuous, towering
above the adjacent forest.
From Matumaganti to the mouth of Lara, two miles, the river has a
depth of four fathoms, and a rise of tide of ten feet.
From Lara mouth to the islands in the second reach, four miles, the river
is very direct in its course, with a depth of five or six fathoms. A ridge of
hills runs parallel to each bank, at about two miles' distance. Just below
this mouth, and above a widening of the river, called Revesa de Piriaki, is
Cerro Piriaki, a hill of about 400 feet elevation, and above this there is no
hill near either bank of the Savana. Above the islands, Estero Corotu, Rio
Corredor, and other streams fall into this, the Calle Larga, or Long Reach.
From the islands to Areti mouth, s.s.e., three miles, the river has great
width and depth; a ridge of hill here runs along each bank, at about two
miles* distance.
RELATIVE WATER DEPTHS. 717
Junction of the Savana and Tuyra. — From Areti mouth to the junc-
tion of the Savana and Tuyra rivers, s. , four miles, the river has a uniform
width of two miles, and a depth of from eight to nine fathoms.
On the west bank of this reach is Punta Machete, with a small shoal above
it, called Bajo Grande, and one below it, Bajo Chico. Both of these are close
in shore, and oysters are found on them.
The Savana Mouth. — From the west point of the Savana mouth, in lat.
8° 21', long. 77° 54', the land rises into a ridge of hill of about 309 feet eleva-
tion, running n. for about four miles parallel to the river, from which it is
separated by a strip of level land half a mile wide. There is a quebrada, or
rivulet, in the ridge, called Laguadilla, which has plenty of fresh water in the
driest season.
Behind Nisperal, the east point of the Savana mouth, there is a low ridge
of hills; from the north bank of Iglesias, also, a narrow ridge follows the
course of the Savana for about three miles. This is the Cerro Titichi, which
gave its name to a mission of Indians at the mouth of the Chuquanaqua, the
last survivor of whom is a man named Marcellino, who resides at Pinogana,
on the Tuyra. On the north bank of Iglesias is Quebrada de Tigre, and on
the Savana, above its mouth, is Quebradita la Monera, where fresh water
may be obtained.
At the mouth of the Savana there are nine fathoms, at low water, and the
tide rises from twenty-one to twenty-seven feet.
Boca Chica and Boca Grande, the mouths of the Tuyra, are perfectly safe
entrances, and have a depth of thirteen to twenty fathoms of water respect-
ively.
The gulf of San Miguel has good depth of water, and would hold the ship-
ping of the world. Its mouth, between Cape San Lorenzo on the north, and
Punta Garachine on the south, is ten miles across, and opens into the Pacific,
quite outside the bay of Panama. Its direction inward is n. e. fifteen miles
to Boca Chica. Inside the bay of Garachine, the shores of the gulf approach
each other, and the width diminishes to four miles, between Punta Brava
and Morro Patino, with a depth of from nine to twenty fathoms, but again
increases, and then diminishes to Boca Chica.
Close to Cape San Lorenzo is a small shoal, called El Buey, which may be
easily avoided. There are several islands in the gulf, as Iguana, Cedro, Islas
de San Diego, etc., etc., which are all safe of approach. On the north side,
the rivers Congo, Buenavista; and on the south the Moguey, Guaca, Taimita,
and Sambu, open into the gulf; while the Tuyra and Savana fall into its
eastern end, the Ensenada del Darien, called by the Granadians 'Boca de
Provincia,' or Mouth of the Province. Culkns Isth. of Darien.
From what has been said, it sufficiently appears that Nicaragua is a country
of great beauty of scenery and vast natural resources. She has, however,
attracted the attention of the world less on these accounts than because she
is believed to possess within her borders the best and most feasible route for
a ship-canal between the two great oceans. The project of opening such a
canal began to be entertained as soon as it was found that there existed no
natural communication between the seas, as early as 1527. Since that period
it has furnished a subject for much speculation, but beyond a few partial"
718 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
examinations, until very lately, nothing of a practical or satisfactory charac-
ter had been attempted. In 1851 a careful survey was made of the river
San Juan, Lake Nicaragua, and the isthmus intervening between this lake
and the Pacific, by Colonel 0. W. Childs, previously engineer-in-chief of the
state of New York, under the direction of the now extinct Atlantic and
Pacific Ship-canal Company. Until then, it had always been assumed that
the river San Juan, as well as the lake itself, could easily be made navigable
for ships, and that the only obstacle to be overcome was the narrow strip of
land between the lake and the ocean. Hence, all the so-called surveys were
limited to an examination of that part of the line. One of them was made
under the orders of the Spanish government, by Don Manuel Galisteo, in 1781;
another, and that best known, by Mr. John Baily, under the direction of the
government of Central America, in 1838. An intermediate examination,
quoted by Thompson, ^^ seems to have been made early in the present century.
The following table will show the results of these surveys as regards this par-
ticular section:
. x^ . . Distanop from Lalcp Greatest Ele- Greatest Ele-
Authoritles. t^ Oop«?^ vation above vation above
to ucean. Ocean. Lake.
Galisteo, 1781 17 miles, 200 feet. 272 feet. 134 feet.
Quoted by Thompson, 1829.. 17 " 320 " 296 " 154 "
Baily, 1838 16 " 730 " 615 " 487 "
Childs, 1851 18 "3,120 " 159 " 47^"
As the survey of Colonel Childs is the only one which can be accepted as
conforming to modern engineering requirements, it will be enough to present
the detailed results to which he arrived. The line proposed by him, and on
which all his calculations and estimates were based, commences at the little
port of Brito, on the Pacific, and passes across the Isthmus, between the
ocean and lake, to the mouth of a small stream called Rio Lajas, flowing into
the latter, thence across Lake Nicaragua to its outlet, and down the valley
of the Rio San Juan to the port of the same name on the Atlantic. The
length of this line was found to be 194 J miles, as follows:
^ Miles.
Western Division. —Canal from the port of Brito on the Pacific,
through the valley of a small stream called Rio Grande, falling
into the Pacific, into that of the stream called Rio Lajas, to Lake
Nicaragua 18.588
Middle Division.— Though Lake Nicaragua, from mouth of Rio
Lajas to Fort San Carlos, at the head of San Juan River 56.500
"Eastern Division.— i^eVs^ -S'ec^/ow. —Slack-water navigation on San
Juan River from San Carlos to a point on the river opposite the
mouth of the Serapiqui River 90.8©0
iSecond Section. — Canal from opposite mouth of Serapiqui to port of
San Juan del Norte 28.505
Total, as above 194.393
Origin of the Canal Grant.— The charter of this company under
which Colonel Childs carried on his investigations is dated September 22,
^3 Narrative of an Official Visit to Guatemala, by G. A. Thompson. Lon-
don, 1829, p. 512. > J t^
DIVERSIONS OF THE CANAL. 719
1849, and was obtained for a term of eighty-five years from the completion
of the proposed canal. The surveys were to be commenced within one year,
and the whole to be completed in twelve years. The canal, by the terms of
the charter, was to be of dimensions sufl&ciently great to admit and pass ves-
sels of all sizes with speed and safety. The company was to pay to the state,
during the period assigned for the construction of the work, the annual sum
of $10,000; to give to the state $200,000 of stock in the canal, on the issue
of stock; the state to receive, for the first twenty years, twenty per cent
annually out of the net profits of the canal, after deducting the interest on
the capital actually invested, at the rate of seven per cent; and for the re-
maining sixty -five years, twenty -five per cent of the profits. The company,
on the other hand, were to receive fifteen per cent annually out of the net
profits of the canal for the first ten years after it should revert to the state,
provided it did not cost over $20,000,000; but if it should cost more than
that sum, the company to receive twenty per cent for twenty years. During
the period of constructing the canal (twelve years), the company had the
exclusive right of navigating the waters of the state by steam, and also the
privilege of opening a transit route through its territories, upon the principal
condition of paying ten per cent of the net profits to the state. There were
some other provisions as to lands, tolls, etc., of no special importance.
Under this charter, the company perfected its organization. It divided its
original shares into a considerable number, called ' canal rights, ' which
were sold, and their holdors brought into the organization. The first instal-
ment was paid, and in August 1850, just in time to meet the stipulation
providing that the surveys should be commenced within one year from the
date of the contract, a party of surveyors was sent out to Nicaragua. They
were under the direction (as already said) of Colonel 0. W. Childs as chief
engineer. He arrived in Nicaragua on the 27th of August, 1850, and so far
as his report is concerned, we are left to infer that he at once commenced
the surveys for the canal. His report is dated March 9, 1852.
The Line of Survey. — In the various projects for uniting the two seas,
the line of the river San Juan has always been contemplated as that by which
the great lake of Nicaragua is to be reached. From that lake to the Pacific,
various routes have been suggested:
1. From Lake Nicaragua via the river Sapoa to the bay of Bolafios, in the
gulf of Salinas, on the Pacific.
2. Via the Rio Lajas to the port of San Juan del Sur, or some point not far
from it, on the Pacific.
3. Via the Rio Tipitapa into the superior lake of Managua, and from this
lake to the Pacific at the little port of Tamarindo, the port of Realejo, or into
the magnificent gulf or bay of Fonseca.
By his instructions. Colonel Childs was limited to a survey of the direct
routes from Lake Nicaragua to the Pacific, provided either of them should
prove practicable. As a consequence, finding a route which, in his opinion,
was practicable, he made no surveys from the superior lake of Managua to
the Pacific. He, however, made some observations on the line of the con-
nection between the two lakes by the river Tipitapa — if a channel dry for
most, if not all, of the year can be called a river. This is a source of great
regret, especially in view of the deficiency, on the surveyed routes, of a good
720 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
harbor on the Pacific, while both Realejo and the gulf of Fonseca are all that
can be desired as ports.
Lake Nicaragua is estimated by Colonel Childs to be one hundred and ten
miles in extreme length by thirty-five in (average) width. Its nearest ap-
proach to the Atlantic is at its southern extremity, from which, on a right
line, it is about eighty miles distant. The point of its nearest approach to
the Pacific is near the middle of its length, where, by the shortest line, the
distance is about eleven miles.
The San Juan River was found by Colonel Childs to be, following its
sinuosities, 119 miles in length. It has a great number of tributaries, gen-
erally small, with the exception of the San Carlos and Serapiqui, which come
in from the mountains of Costa Rica on the south. The first of these enters
the San Juan at sixty-five miles, and the second ninety miles below the lake.
These streams flow through valleys transversely to that of the San Juan,
which is further intersected by ranges of hills, coming in both from the north
and the south, at the Rapides del Toro, Castillo, Machuca, etc.
The lake of Nicaragua lies longitudinally, nearly parallel to the Pacific
Ocean, and is separated from it, for nearly two thirds of the length of the
lake, by hills of comparatively moderate acclivity and elevation, in most
cases capable of cultivation to their summits. Within this distance, also,
are several transverse valleys, extending nearly (Colonel Childs says quite)
across, with summits varying in height, and furnishing generally good oppor-
tunities for direct communications by ordinary roads or by canal.
Route via River Sapoa. — This line lies chiefly in the department of
Guanacaste, now in dispute between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, and actually
occupied by the latter.
The examination of this line by Colonel Childs only proved its impractica-
bility for the purpose of a canal. He found that to pass the summit a cut
1 19 feet in depth would be required, and an up-lockage from the lake of 350^
feet, and a down-lockage to the Pacific of 432 feet. Water to supply the
upper locks, it was ascertained, could only be obtained with difficulty, and
at great cost. Besides, a long rock cut of three fourths of a mile would be
required from low-tide mark in the bay of Salinas to deep water. In short,
the physical difficulties on this line, if not of a nature to make the construc-
tion of a canal impossible, were nevertheless such as to make it impracticable.
Route from Mouth of the Rio Lajas to Brito. — ^The line from Lake
Nicaragua to the Pacific, to which public attention has been most directed,
is one starting from the mouth of the Rio Lajas, a few miles below the town
of Rivaa, or Nicaragua, to the port of San Juan del Sur, or Concordia, on the
Pacific. As already stated, not less than three surveys had been made over
this line; one in 1781 by Galisteo, a Spanish engineer, and the last by Mr.
Baily, an Englishman, under the republic of Central America, published in
Stephens' Incidenta of Travel in Central America. The line pursued by
both Galisteo and Baily was governed by the circumstance of a measurably
good port on the Pacific — that of San Juan del Sur, the best on the whole
line of coast from the bay of Salinas northward to Realejo. Baily 's line is
sixteen miles and 730 feet in length, and the greatest elevation above the
lake 487 feet. That of Galisteo is seventeen miles 200 feet in length, and
tho greatest elevation above the sea 272, and above the lake 134 feet. Baily's
EXPLORING FOR A LINE. 721
Kne, for half of its distance, involved 209 feet of average vertical cutting;
that of Galisteo, for half of its length, an average vertical cuttiag of 108 feet.
These facts, and others, among which the absolute impossibility of supplying
the summit levels with water, and the necessity of tunnels, combined to
make the construction of a canal on this line wholly impossible.
Colonel Childs seems to have been satisfied of the impracticability of this
line, after a very rapid examination, and to have devoted himself to the dis-
covery of one more feasible. In doing this, however, it was found necessary
to abandon San Juan del Sur as the western terminus.
Starting at the point on the lake to the eastward of Rivas, levelling west-
ward, through a transverse, moderately undulating plain, he ascended, on a
distance of six and a half miles, 326 feet, to the summit of a broad valley,
passing between the hills (which are here of moderate height), and connect-
ing with another valley on the west side, which extends to a place on the
Pacific called Brito, where a stream, named Rio Grande, flows into the sea.
The quantity of water available for this summit being entirely inadequate,
and the cut altogether too formidable, on the plan of carrying through the
level, this route was abandoned. Another line, not far from this, was at-
tempted, with very nearly the same result.
Colonel Childs next started from the mouth of the Rio Lajas, the same
point with his predecessors, and carried a line of levels to the summit of a
transverse valley lying about six and a half miles south of Rivas, and reach-
ing between the valley of Rio Lajas and that of the Rio Grande, already-
mentioned as flowing into the Pacific at Brito. This summit was found to be
only forty-seven and a half feet above the surface of the lake, as it stood on
the 23d day of December, 1850, at which time it was three and a half feet
above its lowest stages, and one and a half feet below the level at which it
ordinarily stands at the height of the rainy season. The length of this line
from lake to sea is about twenty miles. This is the route, and the only-
direct one, between the lake and sea, regarded by Colonel Childs as fea-
sible, and upon this all his calculations respecting the proposed canal are
based. In his own language: *The conclusion was arrived at that the line
leading from the lake, at the mouth of the river Lajas to the Pacific at
Brito, presented more favorable conditions for the construction of the canal
than any other; it was therefore determined to survey and carefully to locate
a line across upon this route. '
This line, then, runs through the valley of the river Lajas, the waters of
a principal branch of which interlock with those of the Rio Grande, and,
through the valley of the latter, reaches the sea. The stream first named '
has its origin about ten miles south-westerly from its entrance into the lake,
on the eastern slope of the dividing ridge, and after running north-westerly-
two miles, along the base of the hills, takes a northerly direction through
comparatively level savannas, a distance of six miles or eight miles, when it
bends to the east, and in a mile and three fourths enters the lake. The Rio ■
Grande rises on the eastern slope of the same range of hills, and two or three
miles north-west from the sources of the Lajas, and, after flowing some three
or four miles at the foot of their slope, bends to the west, and by a narrow
and somewhat irregular valley passes through the ridge, and thence, in a.
■lore capacious and uniform valley, into the Pacific.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 46
722 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
Western Section of Proposed Canal between Lake Nicaragua and
THE Pacific— The entire line of the canal proposed by Colonel Childs, and
upon wliich all his calculations and estimates are based, is therefore through
the valley of the river San Juan into Lake Nicaragua, across Lake Nicara-
gua to the mouth of the Rio Lajas, through the valley of that stream, and
across the summit of forty-seven and a half feet which separates it from that
of the Rio Grande, and down the valley of the Rio Grande to Brito, where
that stream enters the Pacific.
Now, in order to understand Colonel Childs' conclusions, and appreciate
the data which he gives, we must know what kind of a work he proposes.
He contemplates a canal but seventeen feet deep; and as he intends to sup-
ply the western section, from the lake to the sea, by water from the lake, it
would be necessary to commence construction in the lake at a point where
the water is seventeen feet deep at mean stage. This point is opposite the
mouth of the Lajas, and twenty-five chains from the line of the shore. From
this point, for a mile and a half, partially along the river Lajas, the excava-
tion will be principally earth; but beyond this, for a distance of five and a
half miles, which carries the line beyond the summit, three fourths of the ex-
cavation will be in a trap rock. That is to say, the deepest excavation, or
open cut, will be sixty -five feet, and involve the removal of 1,879,000 cubic
yards of earth, and 3,378,000 cubic yards of rock. The excavation and con-
struction in this five and a half miles alone are estimated at upward of
$6,000,000.
The summit passed, and the valley of the Rio Grande reached, the exca-
vation, as a general rule, will be only the depth of the canal. Colonel Childs
found that the lake, at ordinary high water, is only 102 feet 10 inches above
the Pacific at high and 111 feet 5 inches above it at low tide, instead of 128
feet, as calculated by Mr. Baily. This descent he proposes to accomplish by
fourteen locks, of eight feet lift each, placed at proper points in the valley of
the Rio Grande, thus bringing us to Brito, the terminus on the Pacific.
The harbor of Brito, as it is called, or the point where the Rio Grande
enters the sea, is at best only a bad anchorage. There is here a small angu-
lar indentation of the land, partially protected by a low ledge of rock, but
nothing adequate for the terminus of an important work like the proposed
canal, or capable of answering the commonest requisites of a port. To rem-
edy this deficiency, Colonel Childs proposed to construct an artificial harbor,
of thirty-four acres area, by means of moles and jetties in the sea, and by
extensive excavations in the land. If, as he supposes, the excavations here
would be in sand, it is obviously almost impossible to get proper foundations
for the immense sea-walls and piers that would be necessary for a work of
this kind. On the contrary, if these excavations should be chiefly in a rock,
as seems most likely, the cost and labor would almost surpass computation.
Assuming the excavations for the purpose to be in earth and sand. Colonel
Childs estimates the cost of making a harbor at a little over $2,600,000.
Middle Section of Proposed Canal — Lake Nicaragua. — Proceeding
from seventeen feet depth of water in the lake, opposite to the river Lajas,
in the direction of the outlet of the lake at Fort San Carlos, there is ample
water for vessels of all sizes for a distance of about fifty-one miles, to a point
half a mile south of the Boacos Islands. Here the depth of water diminishes
THE RIVER SAN JUAN. 723
rapidly to fourteen feet. For the remaining five and a half miles to the fort,
the water is variable, averaging only about nine feet at low and about four-
teen at high water. For this distance of five and a half miles, therefore, an
average under- water excavation of eight feet would be required to make the
channel, at low water, of the depth of the canal, or seventeen feet. But if
the lake were kept at high level, the under- water excavation would be but an
average of three feet.
Colonel Childs proposed to protect this portion of the channel by rows of
piles driven on each side, along its whole extent, and thinks, after the ex-
cavation were made, a sufficient current would be established to keep the
channel clear.
Eastern Section — The Rxver San Juan. — We come now to the section
between Lake Nicaragua and the Atlantic, through or along the river San
Juan. Excepting a small settlement at the Castillo Viejo, at the Castillo
Rapids, thirty-seven miles from the lake, the valley of the San Juan is wholly
uninhabited. This section, hitherto supposed the easiest, is, nevertheless, by
far the most difficult j)art of the proposed enterprise.
Colonel Childs carried a line of levels from the lake at San Carlos to the
port of San Juan, on the northern bank of the stream. The whole distance
from San Carlos to seventeen feet depth of water in the harbor of San Juan
is 119^ miles; and the whole fall, from the surface of high lake to the surface
of highest tide in the harbor, is 107^ feet — to lowest tide, 108^ feet.
Of the above distance, the first ninety-one miles, or from San Carlos to
half a mile below the Serapiqui River, Colonel Childs proposed to make the
river navigable by excavating its bed, and by constructing dams, to be passed
by means of locks and short canals; the remaining twenty-eight miles of the
canal to be constructed inland, or independently of the river. Of the whole
fall, sixty -two and a half feet occurs on that portion which it is proposed to
improve by dams, and on which there were to be eight locks, and the remain-
ing forty-six and a quarter feet occurs on the inland portion of the canal, on
which were to be six locks — fourteen locks in all.
Colonel Childs proposed to place the first dam at the head of the Castillo
Rapids, a distance of upward of thirty-seven miles from the lake, and to pass
the rapids by means of a lateral canal. By means of this dam he proposed to
raise the water, at that point, twenty-one and a half feet, and the entire level
of Lake Nicaragua five feet above its lowest stages, or in other words, to
keep it at high-water mark. The fall at this dam would be sixteen feet. He
proposed also six other dams, four of eight feet fall, one of fourteen and a
half feet, and one of thirteen and a half feet. Between all of these there
would be more or less excavation in the bed of the stream, sometimes in
earth, and often in rock.
Colonel Childs proposed further to improve the harbor of San Juan by
moles, etc., and to construct an artificial harbor in connection with it of the
capacity of thirteen acres.
In respect of the amount of water in the San Juan, we have some interest-
ing statistics. This amount, of course, varies greatly with the different
seasons. The quantity of water that passed from the lake at its lowest stage,
on the 4th of June, 1851, was 11,930 cubic feet per second. The greatest
rise of the lake is about five feet. When it stood at 3.43 feet above its lowest
724 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
level, the flow of water was 18,059 cubic feet per second, being an increase of
about fifty per cent. Supposing the same ratio of increase, at high lake the
amount of water in the river would be doubled.
The river receives large accessions from its tributaries. Below these, and
above the point of divergence of the Colorado, flowing direct into the sea
from the San Juan, which falls into the harbor of the same name, the flow
of water was 54,380 cubic feet per second, of which 42,056 passed through
the Colorado branch into the ocean, and 12,324 through the San Juan into
the port.
Dimensions of the Proposed Canal. — Where the excavation is in earth,
Colonel Childs proposed (and all his estimates are founded on these dimen-
sions) that the canal shall have a depth of 17 feet; that it shall be 50 feet
wide at the bottom, 86 feet wide at 9 feet above the bottom, and 118 feet
wide at the surface of the water. Where the excavation is in rock, the canal
is to be 50 feet wide at bottom, 77 feet at 9 feet above bottom, and 78J feet
at the surface of the water.
Length of Proposed Canal. — The total length of the line proposed by-
Colonel Childs, from San Juan del Norte on the Atlantic, to Brito on the
Pacific, is 194^ miles, as follows:
Miles.
Canal from port of San Juan to its point of intersection with the
river, near the mouth of the Serapiqui 28.505
Slack-water navigation on the San Juan River, from the above point
to San Carlos, at the outlet of the lake 90.800
From San Carlos, across Lake Nicaragua, to the mouth of the Rio
Lajas 56.500
From mouth of Rio Lajas to Brito 18.588
Total, as above 194.393
Estimated Cost. — The cost of the work is estimated by Colonel Childs in
detail. The recapitulation, by divisions, is as follows:
Eastern Division (i. e., from port of San Juan to lake) ,$12,502,346
Middle Division (through lake) 1,025,676
Western Division (from lake to Pacific) 13,896,603
$27,424,625
Add, for contingencies, 15 per cent 4,113,693
Total estimated cost of canal $31,538,318
The canal company published a pamphlet, in which the estimates for the
canal were made at New York prices, and in which the total was put down
at $13,243,099. 'The prices adopted in the estimate of $31,500,000,' says
Colonel Childs, * are made up with reference to the completion of the work
"Within six years from the time of breaking ground, and a commencement of
the settlement of the country in the vicinity of the line previous to letting
the contracts.'
Capacity of the Proposed Canal.— The charter of the canal company
provided that the capacity of the work should be sufficiently great ' to admit
ressels of all sizes.' And it is obvious that a work which will not pass freely
THE VIEWS OF COLONEL CHILDS'. 725
the largest vessels can but imperfectly answer the purposes of its construc-
tion, or meet the requirements of commerce. But Colonel Childs proposed
only one 17 feet deep, 50 feet wide at bottom, and 118 feet wide at top — a
capacity wholly inadequate to pass the larger classes of vessels, and one
which fails to meet the stipulations of the charter. The larger merchant-w
ships, such as are generally employed in the eastern trade, have a draught
of from 20 to 25 feet, and would require, to say nothing of war vessels and
large steamers, a canal of from 25 to 30 feet in depth, which would involve
more than double the amount of excavation proposed, and probably treble
the amount of cost, and carry it up from 131,500,000 to $100,000,000. Here
is the fatal deficiency in the whole proposition of Colonel Childs.
To make the canal capable of passing vessels drawing 20 feet of water,
Colonel Childs says, would increase to a very great degree the amount of the
excavation on the river section, and still more the expense. 'Any consider-
able increase in the depth proposed (17 feet) would require under-water exca-
vations between the lake and the Toro Rapids, a distance of 27 miles, to be
almost continuous; it would very much lengthen the cuts on the other por-
tions of the river, and the liability of these artificial channels to receive
deposits of earth to such an extent as to obstruct navigation would be very
much greater. On the inland portion of the canal,' continues Colonel Childs,
* a depth of 22 feet of water would, with fifty feet bottom-width, give a trans-
verse water-section about 45 per cent greater than a depth of 17 feet, with the
same bottom- width; and the expense of the inland portions would also, by
reason of the greater depth of excavation, be increased in a still higher ratio.
Colonel Childs seems sensible of the inadequacy of a canal of the proposed
dimensions, but thinks that by changes in model, etc., ships of great size
could be built to pass a 17-foot canal. That is to say, the world may build
ships for the canal, instead of the canal company a canal for the ships of the
world! He states that most steamers draw less than 17 feet, and quotes from
Murray's Treatise on Marine Engines to show that of 261 steam-vessels, prin-
cipally English, 15 draw over 17 feet, 21 have 17 feet draught, and 225 less
than 17 feet. But he neglects to tell us that experience and economy point
to the construction of larger steamers than those now in use, and that such
as would be used in the eastern trade, in the event of the construction of the
canal, would be still larger than those of the Collins line, which draw over
22 feet. Besides, a canal of 17 feet is only adequate to the passage of vessels
of 15 feet draught. No canal ought to be contemplated with a less depth
than 25 feet, and with proportionate top and bottom width.
The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal has a depth of 10 feet.
The Welland Canal is 28 miles long, 9 feet deep, 35 feet wide at bottom,
and 71 feet at top. It passes vessels of 350 tons.
The Caledonian Canal, between the eastern and western shores of Great
Britain, is 59 miles in length, of which 21^ miles is inland and 37^ through
lakes. It is 50 feet wide at bottom, 110 feet at top, and is 20 feet deep. It
is capable of passing frigates of 32 guns, and merchant- vessels of 1,000 tons.
The canal from Amsterdam to New Dieppe, in Holland, is 50 miles long,
36 feet wide at bottom and 124 at top, and is 20 feet 9 inches deep.
In respect of navigating the canal, according to Colonel Childs' sugges-
tions, steamers will propel themselves, and sail-vessels will be moved by tugs
726 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
constructed for the purpose, except on the portion west of the lake, and be-
tween the river and port of San Juan, where the delay of the driving steamers
in passing the locks would make the use of animal-power advisable. Calcu-
lating 24 minutes as the time required for a vessel to pass each lock, 60 ves-
sels, it is calculated, could be passed in a day. The average rate of speed
with which steamers might safely move in the inland portions of the canal is
calculated at 2^ miles per hour, on the river portions 7 miles an hour, and
on the lake, 1 1 miles an hour. Sailing vessels propelled by horse-power might
move on the canal at the rate of two miles an hour, and on the river and lake
with an average speed of 4 miles per hour. For steamers, therefore, the pas-
sage from sea to sea is estimated at 46 1 hours, or about two days; for sailing
vessels, 77 hours, or 3| days.
Facilities for Constructing the Canal. — ^There are many considera-
tions connected with an enterprise of this kind besides its feasibility in a
mere engineering point of view, such as labor, materials, etc., etc. To all of
these Colonel Childs seems to have devoted some attention.
Timber. — As compared with those of the United States, the original for-
ests of Nicaragua are inferior in size, and the kind and quantity of timber
proper for use less in proportion. The tree called the * cedro, ' or cedar, is
produced in considerable abundance, and can be usefully applied. It grows
to a great height, and will produce timber 36 to 40 feet long, and 12 to 18
inches square. The *roble,' a species of oak, is also a tall tree, and furnishes
timber equal to the cedar in size. The 'nispero,' 'laurel,' 'madera negra,*
and others, answer a very good purpose. The ' nispero ' is 29 per cent
stronger than white oak, and may be procured in sufficient quantities, in the
opinion of Colonel Childs, to be relied on as a substitute for all the purposes
in which oak is required. He thinks that, in the aggregate, the forests of
Nicaragua, in the sections traversed by the canal, will probably produce all
the lumber required.
Stone. — Along the river San Juan, the rock is chiefly trap, graywacke,
and shale; in many localities too friable for use, but in others. Colonel Childs
thinks, it may be found fit for the purposes required. On the west side of the
lake limestone quarries were found, capable of producing good lime in abun-
dance. The stone, generally, between the lake and Pacific, on the proposed
canal line, is not good, but it was thought that in case of need it might bo
obtained from Granada, sixty miles to the north-west, and from a lower point
on the Isthmus. Very good and abundant clays were found, and a stone from
which water-lime of a fair quality may be obtained.
Labor. — Colonel Childs concedes that the prosecution of the works of the
canal would be attended with vast difficulties, resulting from a lack of all the
essential requisites in the shape of mills, roads, carriages, etc., etc. He thinks
the oxen of the country may be obtamed in sufficient numbers to do all the
necessary hauling of materials. But there is yet a consideration of vastly
more importance, viz., labor. Colonel Childs apprehends that it would be
necessary to rely chiefly on foreigners. He says that, although the laboring
population of the country, when under compulsory circumstances, are capa-
ble of great activity and of enduring much fatigue, in their ordinary avoca-
tions they are tardy and irregular in their labor. An exception is, however,
made in favor of a class of boatmen employed on the river, some 400 in
CLIMATIC TRIALS. 727
number, in whom we have an example of physical labor and exposure tp the
elements scarcely equalled in any country, endured by them with no per-
ceptible prejudice, but apparently with advantage to their health. These
men sleep on a narrow plank across their boats, with no other protection than
a single blanket; yet there is probably in the world no class of men of more
athletic forms, and notwithstanding their indifferent attention to the con-
ditions of health, more capable of hard service. So far as can be gathered
from Colonel Childs' observations, it seems that he would rely chiefly on for-
eign labor for the construction of the proposed work.
He seems to think it is not unlikely that foreigners, already accustomed
to hard labor, may, when thoroughly acclimated, and under no unnecessary
exposure, be capable of a fair amount of labor in this country, although, not
as great an amount as in higher latitudes. He states that of the party en-
gaged in the survey west of the lake, nine were unaccustomed to the climate.
After a few months, a slight fever, followed by ague, prevented some of the
number from continued daily exercise; but being in all cases under the con-
trol of medicine, it was of short duration. During seven months in this part
of the state, illness in the party at no time interrupted a daily prosecution
of the survey. Upon the San Juan River, the surveying party consisted of
twelve persons, exclusive of native citizens. The survey occupied six and a
half months, from March to September. ' The party generally enjoyed good
health, and no individual was prevented by indisposition, beyond a day or
two, from full service. Of those engaged as axemen in clearing the line, two
were northern men, whose daily exercise exceeded that usual to men in canal-
work, without detriment to health or constitution.'
Soil. — From San Juan Harbor to where the proposed canal would strike
the river, the soil is vegetable mould, coarse sand, and sandy loam. Along
the river it is of a more mixed character, clay and loam predominating in the
valleys, and a gravelly clay, with detached stones, on the hills. West of
the lake, the central portion of the summit is principally clay; the remainder,
together with the soil through the valley to Brito, has a very nearly uniform
and equal intermixture of clay, sand, and gravel. The surface soil is gen*
erally fine, and contains enough of vegetable mould to render it capable of
great production.
Food. — Among the staple articles of food that would, during the con-
struction of the canal, be most required for consumption, may be named
maize, plantains, and beans. Of the former and latter two crops are annually
raised on the same ground, and the supply of plantains is constant. Besides
these are bananas, oranges, lemons, pineapples, cocoanuts, squashes, melons,
tomatoes, and other garden vegetables. Colonel Childs, while considering^
these sources of supply in food, is nevertheless of opinion that salt meat and
flour would have to be brought in large quantities from abroad. Fresh beef,
pork, and poultry are abundant in the country.
Opinion of Colonel Abert and Lieutenant-colonel Ttjrnbtjll. — Al-
though a different impression has been sought to be produced in the public
mind, yet the government of the United States had no direct interest in the
proposed canal, nor manifested any other than might natl^rally attach to any
enterprise of supposed general importance. The surveys of Colonel Childs
seem, nevertheless, to have been sent to the secretary of war, with a request
728 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
for the opinion of the government engineers. Mr Conrad politely referred
it to Colonel Abert and Lieutenant-colonel TurnbuU, of the bureau of topo-
graphical engineers, who give their opinion in a brief letter, dated March 20,
1852. Proceeding upon Colonel Childs' data, they think his plan practi-
cable, that his estimates for a canal of seventeen feet are liberal, and that
some reductions might possibly be made. They think that a shorter line
might be traced between the port of San Juan and the point of intersection
with the river, and recommend another survey of that portion.
Opinion of English Engineers. — The American minister in England,
at the request of the company, appears to have transmitted Colonel Childs"
surveys to the earl of Malmesbury, with a wish that he would submit it to
competent English engineers for their opinion. James Walker, Esq., civil
engineer, and Edward Aldrich, captain of the royal engineers, were named
for this service. They seem not only to have examined Colonel Childs' sur-
vey, but to have subjected that gentleman, who was then in England, to a
very close personal examination. Taking his plans, measurement, and state-
ments to be correct, their opinion is, on the whole, favorable. They think
that his estimates for work are ample, but regard the amount set down for
* contingencies ' (fifteen per cent) too small by at least ten per cent, that is to
say, that it should have been twenty-five instead of fifteen per cent. Of all
the works of the proposed navigation, they regard the Brito or Pacific harbor
as least satisfactory. To use their own language: 'Presuming Colonel Childs'
statements and conclusions to be correct, the Brito harbor is in shape and size
unworthy of this great ship navigation, even supposing the Pacific, to which
it is quite open, to be a much quieter ocean than any we have seen or have
any information of.'
They also object to the proposed size, and suggest a canal twenty feet deep
instead of seventeen, sixty feet wide at the bottom instead of fifty, and the
locks 300 feet instead of 250, as being one ' more efficient for the general pur-
poses of trade, by steam or sailing vessels. ' This would, of course, be attended
•with great additional cost; but, as they truly observe, ' if the junction of the
Pacific with the Atlantic be worth doing at all, it is worth doing well. ' They
conclude that, judging from the data, without presuming to vouch for their
accuracy, the work is practicable, ' and would not be attended with engineer-
ing difficulties beyond what might naturally be expected in a work of this
jnagnitude; ' that the surveys have every appearance of accuracy, and they
are satisfied of the perfect fairness and candor of Colonel Childs; that the
works are generally sufficient for the purpose they are intended to answer;
and • that the estimates upon the present value of money are adequate, in a
general way, so far as judgments can be formed from the documents produced
and the explanations of Colonel Childs.'
Opinion of British Capitalists.— We come now to a point not indicated
in the report of Colonel Childs, viz., the refusal of the leading capitalists of
England to engage in the projected work.
It is well known that at least two expeditions or missions to England were
undertaken by agents of the canal company. At their first visit in 1851, they
were unable to present any specific data upon which to solicit the aid of capi-
talists; they, however, made out a hypothetical case, which they submitted,
and received for answer, 'Substantiate your statements by facts, and no
REASONS FOR DECLINING. 729
difficulty will be experienced in securing the financial aid which you desire;
until then, we can return you no definite answer, ' This reply was not made
public in terms, but the agents, on their return, proclaimed that the * great
European capitalists had engaged to furnish half the capital for the enter-
prise. ' A few, and it is believed only a few, persons, considering the precise
source whence this vaunt came, attached the slightest importance to it.
The second expedition was made in 1852, and this time the agents took out
with them both Colonel Childs and his surveys.. The opinion of certain Brit-
ish engineers (as we have seen) was procured, and the whole matter resub-
mitted to the great capitalists, who now, for the first time, thought it
sufficiently advanced to merit their serious attention. The result of their
examination was communicated to the company in a letter from Mr Bates,
head of the house of Baring Brothers, in August 1852, and consisted in a
declension to embark in the enterprise, for a variety of reasons, chiefly, of
course, financial.
1. The dimensions of the canal were not such as, in their opinion, to meet
the requirements of commerce, and the work could not be used except by
medium-sized steamers and small vessels.
2. That the proposed dimensions were not in conformity with those re-
quired by the charter of the company, and that it could not be built of the
proposed dimensions without securing a modification of the charter, which,
in the existing state of feeling in Nicaragua, it was not likely could be
efifected.
3. That, supposing the work not to exceed the estimated cost of $31,000,-
000, the returns, to meet the simple interest of the investment at six per
cent, must be at least $1,860,000 over and above its current expenses; or, to
meet this interest, and the percentage to be paid to Nicaragua, it must
reach, over and above its expenses, $2,269,200. Estimating the expenses of
repairs, superintendence, cost of transportation, etc., at $400,000 a year (a
sum regarded as too small), then the gross returns to make the work pay
must be $2,670,000.
4. But it is found, by inquiry and calculation, that little, if any, of the
European trade with the Orient would pass through the canal, inasnmch as
the passage by the way of Cape Good Hope is, on an average, 1,500 miles
nearer than by way of the proposed work.
5. That even if the distance were in favor of the proposed canal, its small
size would prevent nearly, if not quite, two thirds of the vessels engaged in
the Indian trade from passing it; and this objection would equally lie against
most of the vessels employed in the trade with western America, the only
trade in which the canal would prove serviceable to Europe.
6. That the heavy toll of $3 a ton on ships would prevent such vessels as
could pass the canal from doing so, inasmuch as on a vessel of 1,000 tons the
toll would be $3,000, or more than the average earnings of such vessels on
their voyages.
7. That a canal of the proposed size could oniy be used by small passenger-
steamers, the returns from which would not be adequate to pay the current
expenses of the enterprise.
While unhesitatingly conceding the immense local advantages of a canal
to the United States, these capitalists confessed themselves utterly unable to
^
730 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
discover how it could prove of compensating value to the men who should
invest their money in the enterprise. They therefore, for these and othe»
reasons, declined to meet the views of the projectors and their agents.
GrrAfiANTEE OF THE UNITED STATES, ETC. — By the Convention of 1850*1)6-
tween the United States and Great Britain, a qualified guaranty was extended
to this enterprise, in common with several others. There was also a clause
inserted with direct reference to this company, which provided that it should
' have a priority of claim over every other company to the protection of the
United States and Great Britain, ' on condition that it should, within ' one
year from the date of the ratification ' of the convention, * conclude its ar-
rangements and present evidence of sufficient capital subscribed to accom-
plish the undertaking. ' The treaty was ratified, and the ratifications exchanged
July 5, 1850. No subscription of stock having taken place, and no evidence
of capital having been presented in the time specified, or indeed at any other
time, the company forfeited this special protection in July 1851; and as the
twelve years within which the work was to be constructed will expire in
1861, it may be assumed that its prosecution will depend upon new condi-
tions and combinations. Indeed, it may be questioned if the opening of rail-
ways between the oceans may not indefinitely postpone the project of a canal;
for, however desirable such a work may be, its realization will depend upon
precisely those practical considerations which apply to the simplest works of
public utility. It will not do to foot up the commerce between Europe and
Asia, and assume, as has generally been the case, that the totals will pass
through the canal, if constructed. Now, the simple truth is, that, so far as
Europe is concerned, that part of her trade which goes to ports on the Pacific
coast of America, to the Sandwich Islands, Japan, the northern ports of
China, to New Zealand and Australia, is all that will be materially benefited
by the construction of a canal. As regards Australia, the principal advan-
tage would be in having a safer, easier, and consequently quicker and surer
means of communication than is afforded by the Cape of Good Hope; for the
Pacific Ocean is preeminently the sea of steamers, and where steam naviga-
tion, in respect of speed at least, is destined to achieve its most brilliant suc-
cess. So far as the United States is concerned, the advantages of such a work
would naturally be greater than to Europe.
Assuming a canal to be built across the Isthmus of Nicaragua, the follow-
ing table will illustrate the relations of Liverpool and New York with the
principal ports of the east, in respect of distance:
From Liverpool —
To Canton 12,900 13,800 900
Calcutta 11,440 15,480 4,040
Singapore 11,880 15,120 4,240
Sydney 14,980 12,550 2,320
From New York —
To Canton 14,100 11,820 3,280
Calcutta 12,360 13,680 1,320
Singapore 12,700 11,420 280
Sydney 15,720 9,480 6,240
[The distances to Sidney are calculated via Torres Straits.]
THE COURSE OF TRAFFIC. 731
The following table will illustrate the relations of Liverpool and New
York in respect to the principal western ports of America:
Via Cape Horn. Via Proposed Canal. Gain.
From Liverpool —
To Valparaiso 8,700 7,500 1,200
Callao 10,020 6,800 3,220
Sandwich Islands 13,500 8,640 4,860
From New York —
To Valparaiso 8,580 4,860 3,720
Callao 9,900 3,540 5,360
Sandwich Islands 13,200 6,300 6,900
But it is not to be assumed that all the trade, much less all the travel,
treasure, and mails to the points which I have indicated, will, under any cir-
cumstances, pass through a canal. The passengers between New York and
San Francisco, amounting annually to nearly 100,000, would never consent
to make a voyage of from 1,000 to 2,000 miles out of their way, to Nicaragua,
Panama, Darien, or Atrato, for the sake of passing through a canal, however
grand, when by a simple transshipment at Honduras, for instance, and a transit
of 209 miles by railway, they would be able to avoid this long detour, and effect
a saving of from 5 to 8 days of time; for even if steamers were to run to
any canal which might be opened, and supposing no detention on account of
locks or other causes (calculated by Colonel Childs at 2 days), even then it
would be necessary for them to stop, for coals and other supplies, more than
quadruple the time that would be occupied by the passengers over the rail-
way in effecting their reembarkation. And what is true of passengers is
equally true of treasure, the mails, and light freight of small bulk and large
value.
I do not wish to be understood as arguing against a canal; what I mean
to illustrate is this: that, open a canal wherever we may, it will always stand
in the same relation to a railway as does the baggage-train to the express.
A canal would be chiefly, if not wholly, used by ships and vessels carrying
heavy and bulky freights; but as most articles of this kind are kept in stock
in all the principal ports of the world, it is not of so much consequence to
have rapidity as constancy of supply, and hence, unless the canal shall be
constructed so economically as to admit of a moderate tonnage rate, it is not
improbable that ships of this kind would find it more economical to follow
the routes now open. Squiers States of Cent. America.
In tracing, or attempting to trace, the routes of recent travellers in Darien,
there is extraordinary difficulty, although the locality in question does not
exceed a space of 40 miles by 30. Strange to say, the routes of the old
buccaneers, of Dampier, Ringrose, Sharp, Wafer, and Davis, the inland jour-
ney of that remarkable man Paterson, and of the Spanish officer Don Manuel
Milla de Santa EUa,^* can be followed on the old Spanish maps, but not in our
modern ones, even the best; while there are no data hitherto published that
afford more than a guess at the tracks of modern explorers after leaving the
sea-coast. Mr Gisborne has compiled, or rather copied, the principal part of
the map, on which he has shown, in red, those portions which he himself saw
^■» March 13, 1788.
732 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
and was enabled to lay down. No surveyor who reads his Journal and Re-
port can doubt that he has given eye-sketches, aided by compass bearings
and estimated distances; but the estimation of a practised eye is not to be
undervalued. Dr Cullen can be traced up the Tuyra to Yavisa, and up the
Paya; also up the Savana, but no farther inland.
The state of our geographical knowledge of that exceedingly interesting
region is the following:
All examinations, all surveys, of the Great Isthmus were made by Spain
alone, while she held the country (till the years 1821-31). Very good maps
of much of the Spanish territory existed at that time; but they have been
copied and reeopied by all manner of hands; scales and bearings have been
altered, not intentionally, but by mistake; names omitted or misspelled;
and absolute longitudes applied erroneously. Thus good original work came
to be so deteriorated by its transmutations as to be almost useless.
No surveys need be better than some of the Spanish works undertaken
toward the end of the last and during the beginning of this century.
Methods and instruments were used by Tofino, Malaspina, Espinosa, Bauza,
Cordova, and others, that were not adopted, if known, by French or English
surveyors until afterward. Triangulation without the compass, bases ob-
tained by angular measurements of known objects, ^^ and the most perfect
style of plan-drawing on true principles, were practised by Spaniards before
this century commenced.
The south coast of the Great Isthmus and the interior of Darien were not
explored and mapped sufficiently, because of the hostile Indians, and politi-
cal reasons connected with the gold mines in that district. There was also
another source of error in that particular vicinity which has only recently
been eliminated; namely, the great difference of longitudes, according to the
maps, between places on opposite sides of the Isthmus which are really in
the same meridian. This amounted to more than 30 miles along all the coast
from Chiriqui to Darien with respect to the corresponding southern coast-line.
Thanks to the far-seeing and indefatigable hydrographer to the admiralty,
Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort, the British surveys have included much of the
coasts of Central America, and they are now placed in relatively correct
positions on our latest maps. Having therefore exact coast-lines, or boun-
daries, we can avail ourselves more readily of much Spanish interior detail;
but it is exceedingly difficult to get at the original works.
A very neatly engraved and apparently complete map of the Isthmus has
been lately published at New Orleans by Dr Autenreith, but in reality it is
only a copy of Spanish documents and recent surveys made by England; it
is not an original work. There are in this country at present more materials
for a map of Darien than exist elsewhere. Bauza brought copies of all the
Spanish- American documents to this country, with many original maps; but
there is still a great extent, nearly all the interior of the Isthmus of Darien,
unexamined by the eye of a surveyor.
In the last century (1780), a Spanish party of five engineers and surveyors,
under Donoso, escorted by a large body of troops, ^^ was stopped by the
^^ Masthead angles were taken in Cdrdova's voyage, 1785-6.
'^Four hundred. ^ ^
INJURY TO TRUTHFUL GEOGRAPHY. 733
Indians in the Chucunaqiie River, and obliged to return without executing
their orders to survey the region near Caledonian harbor; and thin was the
last attempt by Spain, or by any one, to make a regular survey of the interior
of that part of the Isthmus.
In the valuable collection of Mr Arrowsmith are many Spanish documents,
among which one plan, dated 1774, shows all the Spanish establishments,
military and religious, as well as mining, at that date, in Darien. Others
show details of a previous century, and a few give the earliest settlements of
the 16th century.
And here allow one word to be said of the injury to truthful geography,
caused by copying all materials without acknowledgment, or by adding
imaginary topograpy without explanation. The map by Dr Autenreith has
much the appearance of an exact survey; there is no distinction made between
those parts for which there is authority and those which are partly the re-
results of imagination (the interior hill-work).
The public in general being unaware of the authorities for a map, the mere
copyist is often supposed to be the author of the work. Maps or charts that
are not original ought always to show from what data they have been com-
piled.
In order to assist in now forming a correct opinion of Darien, a retrospect-
ive historical glance at a few points is necessary.
The first settlement in all America was founded in 1509 at the mouth of
the Atrato. It was called Santa Maria de la Antigua. The next settlement on
the Isthmus was at Ada, or Agla, in 1514, a few miles inland ^-^ from that port
or bay now famed in history and romance, called by Paterson Caledonian
Harbor. It was from Agla that Balboa crossed to the South Sea, and that
the earliest expeditions to Peru were despatched.
In 1532 these two settlements were abandoned, and their population trans-
ferred to Nombre de Dios and Panama. This is said to have been done on
account of the unhealthy site of Santa Maria el Antigua, surrounded by
marshes and mangrove jungles; but why Agla was abandoned does not ap-
pear, except by Paterson's narrative, whence it may be inferred that the set-
tlers there were harassed by the Indians, and were too far from the sea-shore.
Besides which, as intercourse increased with places on the Pacific coasts it
became, no doubt, more convenient to have a principal rendezvous on the
southern shore more accessible from the Pacific.
In those early days go famed was Darien for gold, that the province was
called ' Golden Castile ' ^^ (Castilla del Oro). It was the principal portion of
that 'tierra firme,' so famed afterward as the ' Spainish Main,' the real
*E1 Dorado 'to which Sir Walter Raleigh went in 1517-18, Sir Francis Drake
in 1557, troops of buccaneers in the 17th century, and the Scotch colony
in 1698.
Rapeated aggressions on this auriferous district, where abundance of gold
was procured by black slave labor, after the aborigines had been diminished
in numbers by oppressive cruelties, induced Spain to close and abandon the
^"^ Five leagues from the shore. Sp. MS.
^^ The arms of Santa Maria de la Antigua were a golden castle between a
jaguar and a puma.
734 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
mines for a time (early in the 18th century)— even those famous ones in the
mountains of Esplritu Santo near Cana, from which alone more gold went
through Panama in a year than from all the other mines of America taken to-
gether. These Cana mines were sacked in 1702 and 1712 by English, in 1724
by French, and by the Indians in 1727. Nevertheless, in 1774 the mining
operations were again going on, having been reestablished a few years pre-
viously.
When Cana was taken by the expedition (as narrated by Davis) sent from
Jamaica by Colonel Beckford in 1702, there were about ' 900 houses ' (probably
most of them mere huts); therefore, the population could hardly have been
less than 3,000 at that time. From 1719 to 1727 there was a great and general
resistance of the Indians, who attacked the Spaniards in ail directions, and
drove them out of all the detached settlements. Some years afterward peace
was made (in 1740), missions of the Jesuits advanced among the natives, and by
their aid not only much topographical knowledge was acquired, but Spanish set-
tlements in the interior were renewed and mines worked. But the Indians
again rebelled; therefore, small forts were reestablished at Yavisa, Molineca,
and Santa Maria Real, with a new post (in 1780) at Ei Princi'pe, or Ocubti,
from which a road was cut by Arisa, leading toward Caledonian Harbor.
The fort El Principe does not appear in the Spanish MS. map of 1774; it
was buUt about 1785, when the Spaniards had again advanced into the in-
terior Indian territory.
In 1788 Milla de Santa Ella, an officer of Spain, went from Caledonian
Harbor to El Principe direct by the road then recently opened by the Span-
iards; but as he did not think it advisable to return the same way, he went
down the Savana, and up the Chucunaque to the Tubuganti and Chueti
rivers, whence he crossed to his station at Caledonian Harbor by the same
route, undoubtedly, that Paterson traversed on his visit to the Indian great
chief at Ponca in 1698.
The examination of no traveller, except Humboldt, previous to 1850,
induced a belief that a canal might be cut directly through Darien. Dr
Cuilen's personal inspection of Caledonian Harbor, and of the Savana River,
with their neighborhood, added to the information he obtained orally and
by reading, led him to the conclusion that the lowest summit level between
those places did not exceed 300 or 400 feet, while it might be very much less. '
Feeling so confident that a lower level existed, he went there again to explore;
but while collecting further information and arranging preliminaries, at
Bogatd, the seat of government in New Granada, Mr Gisborne (an engineer
employed by Messrs Fox and Henderson) made short excursions from each
side of the Isthmus, which satisfied him that the lowest summit level does
not exceed 160 feet above the sea.
According to the most authentic map of this district, Mr Arrowsmith's
last printed, not yet published, the distance across in a direct line — between
deep water on each side — is about 33 miles. The windings of a canal may
require nearly a third more, and if so, the whole distance to be canalized is
about 40 miles — a shorter distance than can he found elsewhere.
Mr Gisbome's examination of the principal features of this line across
Darien, however incomplete, is a material advance toward certainty. We
have his two bases of operations, at Caledonian Harbor and San Miguel
A HASTY SCRAMBLE. 735
(entrance), nearly determined by recent government surveys, and we have
his character as a guaranty for the value of those details which he has given
in his Report. There may be a few miles of distance to settle, and there
may be doubts whether the river near his watershed, or summit level, called
by him Caledonia, may not be another river, perhaps the Chucunaque, or
one of its tributaries; and moreover, that the range of heights supposed by
him to separate those rivers is not truly placed, while his river Caledonia
(otherwise the Golden River, or Aglatomate) winds through a more northerly
area. But these are trifles compared with his barometric measurement of
the summit level, and his own overlapping eye-views of the country which
he did not traverse.
If indeed the mouth of the Savana be not accurately laid down, or assumed
by him, if it be much farther west than he supposed, his surveys may not
have overlapped; and he may have looked across two different plains; in
which case there may be yet another ridge or watershed beneath the rivers
which he actually touched. The expedition employed by our government to
survey this coast did not examine the mouths of rivers running into San
Miguel. Only the western part of that gulf was examined in continuing the
coast line. Hence the position of the Savana may be less accurately known
than is generally supposed.
It is hardly necessary to remark here that to make independent observa-
tions for latitude, longitude, distance, and accurate triangulation requires
more time and instruments than can be carried in a hasty scramble through
a wild country.
Mr Gisborne's examination of the geology and mineralogy is valuable.
Far from discovering any remarkable impediments to cutting a canal, he
states that there are no particular engineering difficulties with respect to the
ground; that there is much stratified shale-rock, easy to quarry, and fit to
line a canal. There is abundance of fine timber. Mangrove forests, rather
than jungles, surround the waters of the gulf. Densely matted underwood
follows on drier ground; and then, on the elevated country, there are magnifi-
cent timber-trees very little encumbered by underwood.
Having thus endeavored to take a general view of this question, we may
perhaps ask ourselves what are the greatest impediments to the excavation
of a canal — impediments exceeding those that would attend any correspond-
ing work in Europe.
Supposing that political arrangements are satisfactorily completed, the
claims of other parties compromised or barred, and adequate funds disposable,
the only peculiar and important impediments will be two — the natives and
the climate. The native or Indian question, as connected with the inde-
pendence and rights of the aborigines, should be considered deliberately.
That the Indians may be overawed and conciliated by proper management,
there is no doubt; but their reasonable claims must be satisfied, irrespective
of all jurisdiction assumed over them by New Granada — a jurisdiction which
the natives of Darien repudiate. Fair dealing, while an overpowering force
is in sight, will prevent any attempt to have recourse to arms, or to molest
the parties employed about a canal, and would therefore obviate any irritat-
ing and probably prolonged guerrilla hostilities.
It is estimated that there are about 5,000 independent Indians on the
73G INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
Isthmus east of Costa Rica. Of these, it may be presumed that there are not
2,000 capable of bearing arms; a small number when dispersed in the high-
lauds between Costa Rica and Chocd, but quite enough to molest small parties
of workmen very seriously.
For defensive purposes, as well as for the general order and discipline of
very large bodies of laborers, in a wild country, some degree of military
organization and an acquiescence in military discipline would seem to be
indispensable.
Whether convicts might be employed advantageously may be a subject
for grave consideration. In clearing the wood of a tropical forest, and expos-
ing ground to the sun's rays for the first time, much pestilential sickness may
be caused, as has been repeatedly proved (at Pulo Penang, Fernando Po, and
many other places). It cannot be doubted that convicts would be peculiarly
liable to the influence of such diseases, and therefore it might be unwise to
make such an experiment. Natives of tropical climates, or Chinese, would
probably be able to stand the malaria of newly cleared ground far better than
Europeans.
The most formidable, because permanent and irremediable, obstacle is
unquestionably the climate. There is no doubt that rain prevails about two
thirds of the year, even on the higher grounds of Darien; while it is no less
certain that in the gulf of San Miguel (where mangrove jungles bound low,
muddy shores, and the great fall of tide exposes extensive mud-banks) there
is a continued succession of rains, more or less heavy, except during short
intervals. Examine any travellers' accounts, read their narratives — they
themselves bear witness to the undeniable fact, although in general terms
they may say there is not so much rain, and it is not so unhealthy, as has been,
Many Europeans state they did not sufifer, although much and continu-
ously exposed to the rains and heat. Active and temperate men have not
found the climate very detrimental. Persons who have had many years' ex-
perience there assert that care and regularity will ward off such attacks of
fever or dysentery as are common among thoughtless Europeans unaccus-
tomed to tropical regions.
It is possible that the great rise of tide on the south side of the Isthmus
may tend to purify the air on its shores, and this effect, in such a place as
San Miguel Gulf, may be very beneficial.
On the Atrato, at Chagres, at Portobello, and other notoriously unhealthy
places, there is little or no rise of tide; and the air among the mangrove
jungles becomes at times pestilential. Seemann, in his Voyage of the Herald,
recently published, gives so correct a description of such places that it de-
serves attention. He says (vol. i. p. 249): 'The sea-coast, and those parts
influenced by the tides and the immediate evaporation of the sea, produce a
quite peculiar vegetation, which is generally characterized by a leathery,
glossy foliage, and leaves with entire margins. In all muddy places, down
to the verge of the ocean, are impenetrable thickets formed of mangroves,
which exhale putrid miasmata, and spread sickness over the adjacent dis-
tricts. Occasionally, extensive tracts are covered with the **Guagara de
puerco,"it3 fronds being as much as 10 feet high. Myriads of mosquitoes
and sand-flies fill the air. Huge alligators sun themselves on the slimy banks.
THE LONG-SOUGHT WAY. 787
lying motionless, blinking with their great eyes, and jumping into the water
directly any one approaches. To destroy these dreaded swamps is almost
impossible. '
Again (pp. 251, 252), he says: ' Forests cover at least two thirds of the
whole territory. The high trees, the dense foliage, and the numerous climb-
ing plants, almost shut out the rays of the sun, causing a gloom which is the
more insupportable as all other objects are hidden from view. Rain is so
frequent, and the moisture so great, that the burning of these forests is im-
possible.' 'From reading the highly colored accounts with which many
travellers have endeavored to embellish their narratives, the European has
drawn, in imagination, a x)icture of equinoctial countries which a comparison
with nature at once demolishes.'
Speaking of the ' vegetable ivory, ' and referring to the climate, Mr. See-
mann says (p. 222): * It grows in low, damp localities, and is diffused over the
southern parts of Darien and the vicinity of Portobello, districts which are
almost throughout the year deluged by torrents of rain, or enveloped in the
thick vapor that constantly arises from the humidity of the soil and the
rankness of the vegetation. '
Describing the appearance of one of these mangrove forests, as they may
be called, the same author observes (p. 73) : * The trees were actually in the
water. The tall mangroves, with roots exposed for 12 or 14 feet, formed a
huge tangled trellis-work, from which the tall stems rose to a height of 60 or
70 feet.' Fitzroy's Further Considerations on the Great Isthmus of Cent. Am.
March 1853, in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc , xxiii. 176-87.
The project of uniting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans by a canal large
enough to permit the passage of sea vessels has attracted the attention and
enlisted the earnest sympathies and efforts of the Old and New World, from
the discovery of the Isthmus of Panama down to the present time. The
great historian Prescott says: 'The discovery of a strait into the Indian
Ocean was the burden of every order from the government. The discovery
of an Indian passage is the true key to the maritime movements of the fif-
teenth and the first half of the sixteenth centuries.' The desire to discover
this passage, which was confidently believed to exist, and thus give to Spain
the dominion of the seas, and pour into her treasury all the wealth of that
marvellous land of exaggeration, the Spice Islands, sent Columbus, Pizarro,
Cortes, Balboa, Gil Gonzales, and the other Spanish mariners and adventur-
ers, upon their long, arduous, and eventful voyages, and resulted in the dis-
covery, conquest, and settlement of the American continent.
However long the voyage; however great the discovery; however bound-
less and rich the new countries that were subjected to the Spanish crown;
however brilliant the prowess of a chivalrous soldiery — the emperor always
asked, * Have you discovered the way to the Spice Islands ? ' If not, he was
unsatisfied, and the discovery and conquest were robbed of half their value.
He was constantly reminding his brave and adventurous mariners that he
desired above all things to discover the way to the Spice Islands, and prom-
ised great honors and rewards to the fortunate adventurer who should make
the discovery. In 1523 the Emperor Charles the Fifth wrote to Cortes, ear-
nestly urging him to search for a shorter way to the ' Indian Land of Spice, '
Hist. Cknt. Am., Vol. III. 47
7r>8 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
and for a shorter and more direct passage between the eastern and western
coasts of Central America. In answer to the emperor, Cortes wrote: 'It
would render the king of Spain master of so many kingdoms that he might
consider himself lord of the world.' In 1524, in obedience to the emperor's
wishes, he fitted out an expedition to discover it. Columbus wrote to the
emperor: ' Your Majesty may be assured that as I know how much you have
at heart the discovery of the great secret of a strait, I shall postpone all in-
terests and projects of my own for the fulfilment of this great object.' It
was for the purpose of making this discovery that Gil Gonzales fitted out the
expedition that resulted in the discovery of Nicaragua.
The interest in the interoceanic communication was not confined to the
Spanish emperor, or his adventurous mariners. It extended to the teamed
men of Spain, and seriously engaged their attention. Francisco Lopez de
Gomara, one of the earliest writers on America, in his chapter on ' the pos-
sibility of a shorter passage to the Moluccas, ' in his work on the Two Indies^
published in 1551, says: *Tlie passage would have to be opened across the
mainland from one sea to the other, by whichever might prove the most
profitable of these four lines; viz., either by the river Lagartos (Chagres),
which, rising in Chagres, at a distance of four leagues from Panama, over
which space of territory they proceed in carts, flows to the sea-coast of Nom-
bre de Dios; or by the channel through which the lake of Nicaragua empties
into the sea; up and down which (the Rio San Juan) large vessels sail; and
the lake is distant only three or four leagues from the sea; by either of these
two rivers the passage is already traced and half made. There is likewise
another river which flows from Vera Cruz to Tecoantepec, along which the
inhabitants of New Spain (Mexico) tow and drag barks from one sea to the
other. The distance from Nombre de Dios to Panama is seventeen leagues,
and from the gulf of Uraba to the gulf of San Miguel twenty -five, which are
the two most difficult lines. ' Cortes was in favor of the first of these routes,
Gil Gonzales of the second, and Pizarro of the third. Herrera, royal his-
toriographer of Spain, writing of the events of 1527, refers to the routes via
Nicaragua and Panama, and the possibility of other connections between the
two oceans. Martin Behaim, a geographer of Nuremberg, Germany, was
probably the first who suggested the possibility of a natural communication
between the Atlantic and Pacific. So Magellan stated in his memorial of
November 28, 1520, to the court of Valladolid, asking permission to search
for such a channel. It was granted, an expedition was fitted out, and he
discovered the Straits of Magellan, bearing his name.
Soon after the discovery of Nicaragua by Gil Gonzales, it was declared
and believed by many that there existed a navigable channel, connecting
Lake Nicaragua with the Pacific, and that vessels would be enabled to pass
from one ocean to the other. But no systematic attempt was made to ascer-
tain the truth of this conjecture until 1529, when Pedrarias de Avila, then
governor of Nicaragua, sent fen expedition of soldiers and Indians, under
Martin Este, to explore lakes Nicaragua and Managua; when they had pene-
trated into a province called Voto, a little north of Lake Managua, they were
attacked by a large body of Indians, and compelled to return. They reported
that they saw from a mountain top a large body of water (doubtless the gulf
of Fonseca), which they supposed to be another lake. Don Diego Machuca
OVIEDO'S ACCOUNT. 739
soon afterward fitted out another expedition in the same year, which he
accompanied and commanded. It resulted in the discovery of the river San
Juan as the true outlet of the lakes. He sailed down that river to the
Atlantic. Machuca Rapids take their name from him.
Oviedo says that in 1540, at St Domingo, he met Pedro Cora, a pilot who
had been attached to the expedition of Martin Este, and subsequently to that
of Captain Diego Machuca. He gives a long and interesting account of the
second expedition, as narrated to him by Cora. Cora said that at the port of
Nombre de Dios he met with some old friends who had built a felucca and
brigantine on the shores of Lake Nicaragua at an expense of several thousand
dollars. Among them was Diego Machuca, who had been commandant of the
country of the Tenderi, and of the district about Lake Masaya. They em-
barked on these vessels on Lake Nicaragua for the purpose of exploring it.
Captain Machuca, with two hundred men, advanced along the shore, keeping
in sight of the boats, which were accompanied by several canoes. After some
days they entered the San Juan River, and passed down to where its waters
appeared to flow into the sea. Being ignorant of their locality, they followed
the sea-coast in an easterly direction, and finally arrived at Nombre de Dios,
where the pilot Cora met them. They were arrested at this place by Doctor
Robles, who desired to found a colony at the mouth of the San Juan River,
and thus reap the benefit of their labor and discoveries, ' as is the custom, '
says Oviedo, ' with these men of letters; for the use they do make of their
wisdom is rather to rob than to render justice.' For this outrage he was
deprived of his office. The pilot, though strongly importuned, refused to tell
Oviedo where the river emptied into the ocean.
Oviedo says: * I do not regard the lakes as separate, because they connect,
the one with the other. They are separated from the South Sea by a very
narrow strip of land This lake (Nicaragua) is filled with excellent fish.
But what proves that they are both one lake is the fact that they equally
abound in sea fish and turtles. Another proof is, that in 1529 there was
found in the province of Nicaragua, on the banks of this lake, a fish never
seen except in the sea, and called the sword-fish. I have seen some of these
fish of so great size that two oxen attached to a cart could hardly draw them.
. . . The one found on the shores of this lake was small, being only about twelve
feet in length. . . . The water of the lake is very good and healthful, and a large
number of small rivers and brooks empty into it. In some places the great
lake is fifteen or twenty fathoms deep, and in other places it is scarce a foot
in depth; so that it is not navigable in all parts, but only in the middle, and
with barks specially constructed for that purpose. ... It has a large number of
islands of some extent, covered with flocks and precious woods. The largest
is eight leagues in circumference, and is inhabited by Indians. It is very
fertile, filled with deer and rabbits, and named Ometepec, which signifies
tico mountains. It formerly contained a population much more numerous than
now, divided into eight or ten villages. The mountain in this island toward
the east (Madeira) is lowest; the other (Ometepec) is so high that its summit
is seldom seen. I passed a night at a farm belonging to a gentleman called
Diego Mora, situated on the mainland ' — probably near the site of Virgin
Bay. * The keeper told me that during the two years he had been in that
740 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
place he had seen the summit but once, because it was covered with clouds.'^'
There are many evidences that the channel of the San Juan River was
once much deeper and freer from rapids and obstructions than it is at pres-
ent. At one time, sea vessels passed regularly up and down the river. It
would be impossible for them to do so now. The river is too shallow, and
the rapids are too many and difi&cult. In 1648 a Spanish brig from Cartha-
gena (de la Indias) arrived at Granada, and discharged her cargo, reloaded,
and started on her return. On her voyage back the river was found unnavi-
gable at one point, and the vessel returned to Granada; the cargo was taken
out, and the ship laid up, and finally broken to pieces. Thomas Gage, an
English monk, who visited Nicaragua in 1665, says that vessels often arrived
at Granada, from South America, Spain, and Cuba, and reloaded and re-
turned to those countries by way of the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua.
In 1781 Manuel Galisteo, by order of the Spanish government, examined
the country, and carefully surveyed a route for a canal between Lake Nicara-
gua and the Pacific. He estimated the level of the lake above the Pacific to
be one hundred and thirty-four feet. The route selected by him was from
the mouth of the Rio Lajas in the lake to San Juan del Sur. Early in the
present century, a survey was made by an engineer name Thompson, of which
we have no details, further than that he adopted the report made. by Galisteo.
In 1837 Mr Baily was employed by the federal government of Central
America, and made a careful survey of a route for the canal. He spent much
time and a considerable sum of money in making the surveys, but was never
paid for his services. Dr Andreas Oersted, of Copenhagen, made a survey in
1848, and published a map of the country. He selected the bay of Bolafios,
thirteen and a half miles from Lake Nicaragua, as the Pacific terminus of the
canal. In 1851 Colonel Childs, an Englishman, made a thorough survey and
estimate of the whole work. He selected Brito as the Pacific terminus.
According to his estimates, the actual length of water navigation, including
the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, would be one hundred and ninety-
four and one half miles. He submitted his plan and surveys to the British
government, by which it was referred to James Walker and Edward Aldrich,
royal engineers, who reported unfavorably. The plan and reports were then
laid before a committee of English capitalists, with the purpose of raising the
necessary capital for the work. But after a careful investigation, the com-
mittee declined to recommend the enterprise, believing it would be unprofit-
able, and more for the benefit of the United States than of Great Britain.
This survey, and the action of the British government upon it, furnish strong
confirmation of the general opinion, as to the purpose of that government, in
seizing Grey town and the bay of Fonseca. A survey was made in 1850 by the
Central American Transit Company.
After the independence of the Central American states had been estab-
lished, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, afterward governor of Nicaragua,
represented to the federal congress, in July 1823, the urgent necessity for
opening the canal without delay. But no action was then taken in the mat-
ter. During the next year several propositions relative to the construction
of the canal were made to the federal government by parties in Europe.
^' Squier's Nicaragua, vol. i. p. 195.
MR CLAY'S ASSURANCE. 741
Barclay & Co., of London, made a proposition, on the 18th of September,
1824, to open a canal, between the Atlantic and Pacific, by way of the San
Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, at their own cost, if the government would
assist them in certain particulars. On the 2d of February, 1825, Charles
Bourke and Matthew Llanos addressed a communication to the government,
stating that in the preceding December they had sent an armed brig with a
party of engineers to Greytown, to survey the route, and praying that they
might be granted: 1. An exclusive proprietorship and control of the canal;
2. An exclusive right to navigate the lakes and dependent waters by steam;
3. Free permission to use all natural products of the country necessary for
the work; 4. Exemption from duty for the goods and materials introduced
by the company during the pendency of the work. They offered to pay the
government twenty per cent on the tolls received, and to surrender the work
at the end of a certain number of years.
On the 8th of February, 1825, Don Antonio Jose Caiias, then minister from
the federal government to the United States, addressed a communication to
Henry Clay, then secretary of state, upon the subject of the canal, soliciting
the cooperation of our government in the work, upon the ground that ' its
noble example had been a model and protection to all the Americas,' and en-
titled it to a preference over any other nation in the ' merits and advantages
of the proposed undertaking. ' He proposed by means of a treaty to effect-
ually secure its advantages to the two nations. Mr Clay instructed Colonel John
Williams, U. S. charge d'affaires in Central America, to assure that govern-
ment of the great interest taken by the United States in an undertaking * so
highly calculated to diffuse a favorable influence on the affairs of mankind, '
and to carefully investigate the facilities afforded by the route, and transmit
the intelligence acquired to our government. Colonel Williams never made
any report of his action under these instructions.
During the year 1825, many other propositions for the construction of the
canal were received by the federal government from Europe. The attention
of the government was thus strongly attracted to the importance and value
of the proposed canal, both as affording a considerable revenue to the govern-
ment, and aiding in the settlement of the country, and development of its
resources. In June 1825, the federal congress passed a decree defining the
terms and conditions upon which the canal might be constructed. Another
decree, published at the same time, fixed the period of six months for receiv-
ing proposals for the work. The time was much too short, and but few offers
were received. Among them was one from Mr Baily, the surveyor, as agent
for the English house of Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co., which was con-
ditional, and one from Charles Beninske for Aaron H. Palmer, of New York,
"which was accepted. The contractors, under the name of * The Central
American and United States Atlantic and Pacific Canal Company, ' agreed
to open a canal through Nicaragua, which shoiild be navigable for large ships,
and to deposit two hundred thousand dollars in the city of Granada, within
six months, for the preliminary expenses of the work; to erect fortifications
for its protection; and to commence work within one year. The contractors
w^ere to receive two thirds of the tolls from the canal until they had been re-
imbursed for the full cost of the work, with ten per cent interest; afterwards
to have one half of the proceeds for seven years, with the right to introduce
742 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
steam-vessels. The government agreed to place at their disposal all the docu-
ments in its possession relating to the canal; to furnish laborers at certain
wages; and to permit the cutting and use of the timber in the country. If
the canal was not completed, all the work done was to be forfeited to the gov-
ernment. This contract was dated June 14, 1826. The contractors had not
sufficient capital for the construction of the canal, and failing to obtain it in
New York, addressed a memorial to the United States congress, praying the
assistance of the government in their work, which they represented to be of
national importance. The memorial was referred to a committee, but never
reported on. The enterprise excited considerable attention in New York^
and the grant obtained from the federal government of Central America was
believed to be valuable. Mr Palmer executed a deed of trust to De Witt
Clinton, Stephen Van Renssalaer, C. D. Clinton, Phillip Hone, and Lynde
Catlin, constituting them directors of the company which was being organ-
ized for the construction of the canal. Mr Palmer went to England in 1827,
and endeavored, but without success, to obtain the cooperation of English
capitalists. All his efforts were ineffectual, the necessary capital could not
be raised, and the enterprise was abandoned. Mr Clay, then secretary of
state, earnestly advocated the construction of the canal, believing it would
be of great advantage to this country.
In 1828 an association of capitalists in the Netherlands, under the patron-
age of the king of Holland, undertook the construction of the canal. In 1829
the king sent General Verveer, as plenipotentiary to Guatemala, with special
instructions relative to the canal. In October of the same year, commis-
sioners were appointed by the federal government to confer with General
Verveer, and on the 24th of July, 1830, they agreed upon a plan, which was
to be laid before the federal congress for its approval. The conditions were
much the same as in the contract with Mr Palmer. The revolution in Bel-
gium, and the separation of Holland, terminated this enterprise. The fed-
eral congress had been stimulated to greater anxiety for the construction of
the canal by these various proposals and contracts, and believing that there
was more likelihood of its being made by the Dutch company than any other,
in 1832 made ineffectual efforts to renew negotiations with Holland for reviv-
ing that company, and enabling it to complete its contract.
In the mean time, the efforts and representations of Mr Clay, De Witt Clin-
ton, and other distinguished men had awakened public interest in the people
and go-^-ernment of the United States in the proposed canal, and convinced
them that it was important that our government should, if possible, control
the work, and reap the benefits and advantages which it was believed would
result to our commerce from it. On the 3d of March, 1835, the United States
senate adopted a resolution, requesting the president to consider the expedi-
ency of opening negotiations with the Central American states and New
Granada for protecting by treaty stipulations companies undertaking to open
a canal across the Isthmus, connecting the two oceans, and of securing its
free and equal navigation to all nations. By virtue of this resolution, Presi-
dent Jackson appointed Charles Biddle, and directed him to go to San Juan
del Norte, and thence across the Isthmus to the Pacific, by the proposed
route; to proceed to Guatemala, the capital, and with the aid of Mr De Witt
Clinton, U. S. chargtS d'affaires, obtain all public papers, and copies of the laws.
ACTION OF THE GOVERNMENT. 743
passed, and all papers and information relating to the canal. He was also to
go to Panama, and ascertain all about that route. Mr Biddle did not go to
Nicaragua, and died soon after his; return to the United States. His mission
was a failure.
The government of Central America now determined to survey the route
for the canal, and thus demonstrate to the world its practicability. In 1837
President Morazan employed Mr John Baily to survey the route, which he
did, as already stated. In 1838 a convention between Nicaragua and Hon-
duras authorized Peter Bouchard to make an agreement in France for the
organization of a company to construct the canal. He did not succeed in ac-
complishing anything. Don Jorge Viteri, bishop of San Salvador, was sent
as ambassador to Rome, and make like efforts, but without success. In the
same year, a company of Americans in New York and New Orleans sent Mr
George Holdship to Central America. He made a contract with Nicaragua,
which had seceded from the federal republic, for the construction of a canal,
the establishment of a bank, and the introduction of colonists. This scheme
was extensive, but amounted to nothing, as the enterprise was soon aban-
doned.
In 1838, Aaron Clark, Herman Leroy, William A. Duer, Matthew Carey,
and William Radcliff, citizens of New York and Philadelphia, addressed a
memorial to congress, representing the necessity for the opening of the inter-
oceanic canal. It was referred to a committee, of which Hon. Charles F.
Mercer was chairman, who, upon the 2d of March, 1839, reported upon it,
recommending the following resolution, which was adopted:
* Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to consider
the expediency of opening or continuing negotiations with the governments
of other nations; and particularly with those the territorial jurisdiction of
which comprehends the Isthmus of Panama, and to which the United States
have accredited ministers or agents, for the purpose of ascertaining or effect-
ing a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, by the con-
struction of a ship-canal; and of securing forever, by suitable treaty
stipulations, the free and equal rights of navigating such canal to all nations,
on the payment of reasonable tolls. ' The president and senate, acting under
this resolution, negotiated and made a treaty between the United States and
New Granada, by which our government guaranteed the neutrality of the
Isthmus, and New Granada conceded a free transit across it. The Panama
Railroad Company was organized by virtue of this treaty; and, as we all
know, the existing railroad across the Isthmus was built by them; with what
labor, and cost in money and human life, it is foreign to our purpose to
inquire.
Between the years 1838 and 1844, Central America was distracted by civil
wars, and all action relative to the canal was suspended. In 1844, Don Fran-
cisco Castellon, minister from the republic of Nicaragua to France, made a
contract with a Belgian company, acting under the patronage of the king of
Belgium, for the construction of the canal. But this contract was as unsuc-
cessful as its predecessors. In 1846, Mr Marcoleta, Nicaraguan charge
d'affaires to Belgium, made a contract with Louis Napoleon (the present
French emperor), then a prisoner at Ham, for its construction. With his
characteristic vanity, he stipulated that it should be called ' Canal Napoleon
744 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
de Nicaragua.' Napoleon wrote and published a pamphlet in London, upon
the subject, and made a feeble attempt to awaken the attention of capitalists,
but without success. His pamjihlet had only a limited circulation, but was
afterward republished by M. Belly. On the 16th of February, 1849, Wil-
liam Wheelright made a proposition in behalf of an English company for
the construction of the canal, but it was not acted upon.
On the 14th of March, 1849, Mr D. T. Brown, in behalf of certain citi-
zens of New York, and General Munoz, commissioner for Nicaragua, entered
into a contract for the construction of a canal, but it was neither ratified by
the executive of that republic nor by the company in New York, within the
stipulated time. The seizure of Grey town by the English, in 1848, and the
pretext of a Mosquito protectorate, were rightly regarded by the Nicaraguan
government and our own, as directed to obtaining command and permanent
control and dominion over the only possible route for an interoceanic canal.
On the 21st of June, 1849, Mr Hise, U. S. charge d'afifaires to Nicaragua,
concluded a convention with commissioners appointed by that republic, giv-
ing the United States a perpetual right of way through that republic, of
erecting forts, and protecting the transit. This convention was not approved
by our own government, or by that of Nicaragua. On the 4th of March,
1850, General Taylor was inaugurated president of the United States, and
soon after sent Mr E. G. Squier to Central America to supersede Mr Hise, as
charge d affaires to Guatemala, with special commissions to the other states of
Central America, "with full power to treat with them separately on all mat-
ters affecting their relations with this republic. ' Upon his arrival in Nica-
ragua, Mr Squier found an agent of Cornelius Vanderbilt, and others of
New York, who was endeavoring to obtain a grant from that government for
the construction of a canal. The government was at first indisposed to
listen to his overtures, until assured by Mr Squier that the United States
government would guarantee any charter, not inconsistent with our public
policy, that might be granted by Nicaragua.
On the 27th of August, 1850, a contract was signed between the govern-
ment of Nicaragua and the agent of the New York company, and afterward
ratified on the 23d of September following, containing the following provis-
ions, viz.:
1 . That the American Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal Company may con-
struct a ship-canal, at its own expense, from San Juan to Realejo, or any
other point within the territory of Nicaragua, on the Pacific, and make use
of all lands, waters, or natural materials of the country for the enterprise.
2. The canal shall be large enough to admit vessels of all sizes.
3. The grant is for eighty-five years from the comi^letion of the work; the
surveys to be commenced within twelve months; the work to be completed
within twelve years, unless interrupted by unforeseen events. If not com-
pleted within the stipulated time, the charter will be forfeited, and all work
done shall revert to the state. At the end of eighty-five years the canal shall
revert to the state; the company, nevertheless, shall receive fifteen per cent
annually of the net profits for ten years thereafter, if the entire cost of the
canal does not exceed twenty million dollars; but if it does, then it shall
receive the same percentage for twenty years thereafter.
4. The company to pay the state ten thousand dollars per annum, during
FURTHER CONTRACT PROVISIONS. 745
the progress of the work, and to give it two hundred thousand dollars of the
capital stock, and to pay twenty per cent of the net profits for twenty years,
and twenty-five per cent thereafter.
5. The company to have the exclusive right to navigate the interior waters
of Nicaragua by steam, and within twelve years to open any land or other
route, by means of transit or conveyance across the state, and pay ten per
<5ent of the net profits of such transit to the state, and transport on such
transit, and the canal, when finished, the officers and employes of the repub-
lic free of charge.
6. The canal to be open to the vessels of all nations.
7. The contract and the rights and privileges conceded by it to be held
inalienably by the individuals composing the company.
8. All disputes shall be settled by commissioners appointed in a specified
manner.
9. All machinery and other articles introduced by the company into the
state, for its own use, to enter free of duty; and all persons in its employ to
enjoy all the privileges of citizenship, without being subject to taxation or
military service.
10. The state concedes to the company, for purposes of colonization, eight
sections of land, on the line of the canal, in the valley of the river San Juan,
each six miles square, and at least three miles apart, with the right of alien-
ating the same under certain reservations. All settlers on these lands to be
subject to the laws of the republic, being, however, for ten years exempt from
all taxes and from all public service so soon as each colony shall contain fifty
settlers.
On the same day Mr Squier negotiated a treaty with Nicaragua, which
provided that citizens, vessels, and merchandise of the United States
should be exempt from duty in the ports of Nicaragua; and that citizens of
the United States should have a right of way through the republic. The
government of the United States agreed to protect the company in the full
enjoyment of its rights from the inception to the termination of its grant.
The rights, privileges, and immunities granted to the government and citizens
of the United States shall not accrue to any other government, unless it first
enter into the same treaty stipulations with Nicaragua as the United States
has done. This treaty was ratified by the Nicaraguan legislative chambers
on the 23d of September following, but was not acted upon by the United
States senate, to which it was sent by President Taylor. This treaty was
opposed by the British minister at Washington, who energetically exerted
himself to secure its defeat.
The Clayton-Bulwer treaty between the United States and England
guaranteed the neutrality of the canal, and both governments agreed to pro-
tect any company undertaking the work. The object of our government in
this convention was to put an end to the Mosquito protectorate.
In August 1850 the company sent a party of engineers from New York
to Nicaragua to survey a route from Lake Nicaragua to the Pacific, near the
line taken by Galisteo and Baily. Soon afterwards the steamer Director was
sent from New York to Lake Nicaragua, and smaller boats were sent to the
San Juan River. A new road was opened to the Pacific from Virgin Bay on
the lake to San Juan del Sur. A line of steamers was established from New-
York to Greytown, and from San Juan del Sur to San Francisco.
^6 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
The new contract made with United States citizens, and ratified and en-
forced by treaty with our own government, was not consistent with the wishes
or policy of Great Britain, but the generosity of our government in throwing
open the proposed canal to all nations disarmed hostile criticism, and deprived
Europe of any pretext for opposition or protest. It quickened England into
new energy, in the assertion of her claims under the Mosquito protectorate.
On the 15th of August, 1850, the British consular representative in Central
America addressed a note to the Nicaraguan government, in which he stated
the boundary claimed by his government as follows: 'The undersigned, her
Britannic Majesty's charge d'affaires in Central America, with this view, has
the honor to declare to the minister of foreign relations of the supreme gov-
ernment of Nicaragua, that the general boundary line of the Mosquito ter-
ritory begins at the northern extremity of the boundary line between the
district of Tegucigalpa in Honduras, and the jurisdiction of New Segovia; and
after following the northern frontiers of New Segovia it runs along the south-
eastern limits of the district of Matagalpa and Chontales, and thence in an
easterly course, until it reaches the Machuca Rax)ids, to the river San Juan.'
If this boundary line had been allowed, as claimed, it would have placed the
only possible route for the proposed canal in the occupation and control of
Great Britain. Daniel Cleveland's Across the Nicaragua Transit, MS., 118-42.
INDEX,
Aa, P. v., works of, ii. 745-6.
Abibeiba, Cacique, domain of, invaded,
1512 i. 352.
Ibrego, ¥., bishop of Pan., 1569-74,
ii. 474-5.
Acajutla, battle of, 1524, i; 670-3.
Acala, province, Dominicans in, 1550-
5, ii. 360; invasion of, ii. 365.
'Accessory Transit Company,' men-
tion of, iii. 341-2; iii. 667-8.
Ada, name, i. 418; founding of, 1515,
i. 418; massacre at, 1516, i. 441;
town of, laid out, i. 441 ; abandoned,
ii. 396.
Acosta, J. , ' Compendio, ' ii. 62.
Agriculture, in Cent. Amer., iii. 650-
5.
Aguado, J., commissioner of inquiry,
1494, i. 176.
Aguilar, E., president of Salv., 1846,
iii. 291-2.
Aguilar, Friar G. de, shipwreck, etc. ,
of, 1512, i. 350; rescue, 1519, i.
350.
Aguilar, G. de, bravery of, i. 688-9.
Aguilar, M., revolt of, 1811, iii. 12-
13; mission of, 1828, iii. 180; jefe
of C. R., 1837-8, iii. 183.
Aguilar, V., revolt of, 1811, iii. 12-
13; vice-president of C. R., 1859,
iii. 373.
Ahuachapan, siege of, 1876, iii. 403-5
Ahzumanche, Prince, death of, i 637
Aillon, L. V. de, exped. of, 1520, i
138; 1523, i. 142-3.
Alarcon, H. de, exped. of, 1540, i. 153.
Albites, D. de, mission to Nicuesa,
1510, i. 331-3; exped. of, 1515, i.
404-5; battle with Darien Indians,
1516, i. 425; further expeditions, i.
429-30, 471; founds Nombre de
Dios, i. 471; in command at Nata,
i. 508; gov. of Hond., 1532, ii. 155;
death, ii. 155.
Albuquerque, A. de, voyage of, 1503,
i. 121.
Alcaine, M , intercession of, 1855, iii»
261.
Alcalde, office of, i. 297-8.
Alcantara, M. de, death of, ii. 41.
Alcazaba, S. de, exped. of, 1534, i.
150.
Alcedo y Herrera, D. de, gov. of Pan.,
ii. 584.
Alderete, — , gov. of Pan., 1725-30, ii.
583.
Alfaro, F., revolt of, 1842, iii. 219.
Alfaro, J. M., jefe of C. R., 1842, iii.
224, 226; 1846, iii. 227-8.
Almagro, D. de, joins Pedrarias'
exped., 1514, i. 391; character, etc.,
of, ii. 3-4; Pizarro's exped. to Peru^
ii. 4-8, 19, 35-40; death, ii. 40.
Almagro, D. de jun., assassination of
Pizarro, ii. 40-1; execution of, ii.
42.
Almansa, F., mention of, iii. 38.
Altamirano, Friar D., advice to Cor-
tes, i. 580-1.
Altamirano, J. C, bishop of Guat.,
1611-15, ii. 664.
Alvarado, D. de, exped. of, 1530, ii.
121.
Alvarado, G. de, battle of Tacuxcalco,
1524, i. 673; capture of Mixco,
1525, i. 687; conquest of the
Mames, 1525, i. 695-702; revolt
caused by, ii. 79-80.
Alvarado, J. de, gov. of Guat., 1527,
ii 95, 104-5; executor of P. de Al-
varado, ii. 207-8
Alvarado, P. de, conquest of Guat.,
1522-4, i. 617-62; of Itzcuintlan,
1524, i. 663-5; invasion of Salv., i.
669-76; the Cackchiquel revolts,
1525-6, 1. 681-92; ii. 74-85; con-
quest of the Mames, i, 695-702;
exped. to Peru, ii. 38-9, 122-30; re-
turn to Mex., ii. 85-6; trial of, ii.
100-4; marriage, ii. 102; return ta
Guat., 1530, ii. 116-17; residencia,
etc., of, ii. 131-2; exped. to Hond.,
1535-6, li. 160-5; 1539, ii. 296-9; de^
parts for Spain, ii. 165; crown grant
747
748
INDEX.
to, 1538, ii. 203; exped. of, 1539^1,
ii. 203-7; death, ii. 207; will, ii.
207-9; character, ii. 209-11; off-
spring, ii. 211-12.
Alvarez, Gen. M., capture, etc., of
Walker, 1860, iii 364.
Alzayaga, J. de, exped. of, 1696, ii
385-6.
Alzuru, Col, revolt, etc., ot^ 1831,
iii. 514.
Amar y Borbon, A , viceroy of New
Gran., 1803, iii. 491
Amatique Bay, discovery of, ii 650.
Amedzaga, J H. de, gov. of Pan.,
1711-16, ii. 583
America, aborigines of, i. 59-68;
sighted by Biarne, 986, i. 76; dis-
covery of claimed by Arabs,, 1147,
i. 78; name of, i. 291-2.
* American Coast Pilot, ii. 758
Amezqueta, B. de, exped. of, 1696,
ii. 686-7.
Anacaona, Queen, execution of, i.
259-60.
Anaquito, battle of, 1546, ii. 254,
Andagoya, P. de, exped to Bird,
1522, i. 139, 502-3; joins Pedrarias,
i. 391; works, etc., of, i. 503-4; ii.
247.
Andres, Cacique, guide to Sharp's
exped., 1680, ii. 520-3.
Angel, Dofla M., imposture, etc., of,
1712, ii. 697-701.
Angulo, Father, bishop of Vera Paz,
1559, ii. 374.
Animo, U., gov. of Pan., 1854, iii
518; protest of, iii. 518-19.
Aninon, F. de, memorial of, ii. 398-9,
Anson, Capt. G., exped. of, 1739^4,
ii. 592-3.
Antigua, founded by Enciso, 1510,
i. 327-8; Balboa in command at, i.
328-30, 338-57; Nicuesa at, i. 334-
5; factions in, i. 338-40; growth of,
i. 341; prosperity of, i. 385; ranked
as a city, 1514, i. 391; scarcity at,
i. 396; Indian outbreaks near, 1522,
i. 476; abandoned, 1521-4, i. 499.
Antonelli, Surveyor J. G., rept of, ii.
399.
Apaneca, battle of, 1876, iii. 403-4.
Apochpalon, Cacique, meeting with
Cortes, etc., 1524, i. 547-50, 557.
' Appendix to Sharp's South Sea Wag-
goner,'MS., ii. 758.
Aquino, A., revolt of, 1833, iii. 168.
Arada, battle of, 1850, iii. 279-80.
Arana, Licentiate T. I. de, rept of,
ii. 707. ^
Arausivia y Sasi, S. de, gov. of Nic,
1721, ii. 607.
Arbolancha, P. de, Balboa's envoy to
Spain, 1514, i. 384-5; delay of, i.
392; reception, i. 393.
Arce, M. J., imprisonment of, iii. 20;
defeats Padilla, iii. 58; president of
Nic, 1825, iii. 80; rule, iii. 82-94;
* Memoria,' iii. 107; defeat of, 1832,
iii. 113; pacification of Nic, 1825,
iii, 172; invasion of Sal v., 1844, iii.
190-1.
'Archives of the Indies,' i. 195-6.
Arellano, J. R. de, bishop of Gnat.,
1601, ii. 663-4.
Arguello, F, de, aids Balboa, i. 441,
450; execution of, 1517, i, 457-9.
Argliello, J,, vice-jefe of Nic, 1825,
iii. 173; contest with Cerda, iii, 174.
Arguilar, V,, execution of Mora, 1860,
iii. 376; death of, iii. 376,
Arias, C, provis. president of Hond.,
1872-4, iii, 457-60,
Arias, G., exped, of, 1529, ii. 109.
Aristocrats, attitude, etc, of, inGuat,,
1848, iii. 274-6, 281.
Ariza, Don A, de, ' Comentas,' ii. 481;
gov. of Pan,, 1774, ii. 582.
Ariza y Torres, Capt. R., revolt of,
1823, iii. 72-3.
Arizpuru, Gen. R., revolt of, 1873, iii,
538; revolution of, 1875, iii, 541-2;
1878, iii, 543; president of Pan.,
iii, 542; occupation of Pan., 1885,
iii 554; arrest, etc, of, iii, 554-5.
Armies, of Cent. Amer,, iii. 645-9.
Arosemena, M,, works, etc, of, iii.
489.
Arrazola, affair at, 1827, iii. 91.
Arteaga, B. de, storming of Mixco,
1525, i. 691.
Arteaga y Abendano, J. de, bishop of
Chiap., etc., 1538, ii, 330; death,
ii. 330,
Arzii, Brigadier M,, exped. of, 1822,
iii. 60-1; operations of, 1828, iii, 94.
Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, see
Congress, Central American.
Aspinwall, see Colon.
Astaburuaga, F. S., 'Repriblicas de
Centro- America, ' iii. 361,
Atahualpa, Inca, Pizarro's invasion,
ii, 19-20; capture, etc, of, ii, 21-
32; ransom, ii, 32-6; execution, ii.
36-8,
Atiquipac, Alvarado at, 1524, i. 666.
Atitlan, enslavement of natives in, ii.
234-5,
Atlacatl, King, submission of, 1524,
1, 674,
I Audiencias, description of, i. 270-3.
j Audiencia ' of the Confines, establd.
I 1543, ii, 241; jurisd, ii, 241; per-
INDEX.
749^
sonnel, ii. 301; seat of the, ii. 301,
310, 370, 400; iii. 326; dispute with
Las Casas, etc., ii. 303-7; dissen-
sions, 1696-1702, ii. 661-3.
Audiencia of Los Reyes, establd. 1543,
ii. 241; jurisd. ii. 241.
Audiencia of Panama, establd. 1533,
ii. 57; jurisd., etc., ii. 57-8, 585;
abolished, 1533, ii. 241; reestabld.
ii. 464.
Audiencia of Santo Domingo, establd.
1526, i. 269; personnel, i. 269-70;
jurisd. i. 270
Aury, Commodore, capture of Tru-
^ jillo, 1820, iii. 24-5.
Avalos, J. de, exped. of, 1525, i.
171-2.
Avendano, Father A. de, mission to
the Itzas, 1695, ii. 689-90.
Avendano, D. de, president of Guat.
1642-9, ii. 653.
Aycinena, M., jefe of Guat., 1827, iii.
150-2
Aycinena, P., acting president of
Guat., 1865, iii. 413.
Ayora, J. de., exped. of, 1514, i. 396-
402; outrages of, i. 399-402; es-
cape, i. 402.
Ayuntamientos, functions, etc., of, iii.
8-10; votes of on union with Mex.,
1821, iii. 53-4.
Ayza, J. de, gov. of Nic, ii. 608.
Azmitia, J. A., cabinet minister, 1845,
iii. 268-9, 272.
B
Bacalar, fort built at, ii. 625.
Bachicao, H., exped. to Pan., ii.
254-5.
Bachiller, definition, etc., of word, i.
297.
Badajoz, Capt. G. de, joins Pedrarias'
exped. 1514, i. 390; exped. of, 1515,
i. 412-17; defeat, i. 415-17; meet-
ing with Espinosa, i. 420-1.
Badillo, J. d3, exped., etc., of, 1537,
ii. 54-7.
Balboa, V. N. de, character, i. 324,
454-5; early career, i. 324-5; gov.
of Antigua, i. 329-30, 338-56; dip-
lomacy, etc., of, i. 338-40; exped.
against Careta, i. 354-6; visit to
Comagre, i. 347-9; Panciaco's story,
i. 347-8; exped. to Dabaiba, 1512,
1. 351-2; defeats confederated tribes,
i. 353; charges against, i. 356-7;
crosses the Isthmus of Darien, i.
358-74; defeats Porque, i. 363-4;
discovers the South Sea, etc., 1513,
i. 129, 364-73; encounter with
Chiapes, i. 369; canoe voyage of, i.
374-5; Tumaco's story, etc., i.
375-7; return to Antigua, i. 378-84;
pacifies Teoca, i 378; cruelty to
Poncra, i. 379-80; Pocorosa's state-
ment, i. 381; captures Tubanama, i.
381-3; sickness at Comagre, i. 383;
spoils of exped., i. 384-5; super-
seded by Pedrarias, 1514, i. 393-4;
trial of, i. 395; exped., 1515, i. 406-
7; feud with Davila, i. 432-3, 437;
capt. -gen. of Coibaand Pan., i. 435;
betrothal, i. 439; reestablishes Ada,
1516, i. 441; ship-building on the-
Balsas, 1517, i. 441-5; at the Pearl
Islands, i. 445-52; fate of, forecast,
i. 447-8; arrest of, i. 4.52-3; trial, i.
456-7; execution, 1517, i. 457-9.
Balsas, Rio de las, ship-building on
the, 1517, i. 442-5.
Barahona, Admiral J. de, naval com-
bat off Pan., 1680, ii. 535-7.
Barbacoas, Morgan at, 1671, ii. 499.
Barillas, M. L., president of Guat,,,
1886, iii. 451-2; cabinet, iii. 452.
Barker, A., exped. to Hond., 1576, ii.
637-8.
Barranco, — , bishop of Hond., 1811-
19, iii. 631.
Barrientos, Vicar P. de, mention of,
1576, ii. 374.
Barriere, P., proceedings of, iii. 45.
Barrionuevo, Capt. F. de, gov. of Cas-
tilla del Oro, ii. 46, 51.
Barrios, Gen. G., defence of Leon,
1844, iii. 199; at San Miguel, iii.
201; operations of, 1857, iii. 300;
pronunciamiento, etc., of, iii. 301;
coup d'etat, iii. 302; president of
Sal v., iii. 302; operations, 1863, iii.
304-6; besieged at San Salv., iii.
306; capture and execution, 1865,
iii. 307.
Barrios, J. R., revolution of, 1871, iii..
419-24; president of Guat., 1873-85,
iii. 429^9; invasion of Salv., 1876,
iii. 402-5; 1885, iii. 409-10; efforts
for confed. of Cent. Amer., 1883-5,
iii. 442-9; quarrel with Soto, 1883,
iii. 467-8; character, iii. 431-2; at-
tempted assassination of, iii. 443-4;
death, 1885, iii. 410, 449.
Barrios y Leal, president of Guat.,^
1688-95, ii. 659-61; exped. of, 1695,
ii. 682-4; death, ii. 685.
Barroeta, R., vice-president of C. R.,
1872, iii. 381-2. _
Barrundia, J. F., imprisonment, etc.,
of, iii. 18-19; revolutionary meas-
ures, iii. 33, 86-7; jefe of Guat.,
1824, iii. 146; rule, iii. 146-8; presi-
(50
INDEX.
dent, 1829, iii. 102; rule, iii. 102-12;
negotiations with Carrera, iii. 129-
Baskerville, Sir T., defeat of, 1595, ii.
422.
Bastidas, R. de, exped., etc., of, 1500-
2, i. 114, 183-94; biog., i. 195.
Battles, Tonola, 1524, i. 628; Xelahuli,
1524, i. 639-41; Acajutla, 1524, i.
670-3; Tacuxcalco, 1524, i. 673-4;
Iztapa, 1524, ii. 216-17; Canales,
1526, ii. 83; Patinamit, 1526, ii. 84;
Panama, 1671, ii. 504-6; Villanueva,
1838, iii. 135-6; Arada, 1850, iii.
279-80; Santa Ana, 1871, iii. 395-6;
Apaneca, 1876, iii. 403-4; Pasa-
quina, 1876, iii, 404; Narango, 1876,
iii. 462.
Bay Islands, colony of, establd. 1850,
iii. 319.
Bayano, — , campaign of, ii. 387-8.
Bazan, J. de V., gov. of Pan., ii. 479;
rule, ii. 479-80.
Beatriz, Dona, grief of, ii. 311-12;
gov. of Guat., 1541, ii. 312-13;
death, ii. 317.
Becerra, F,, exped. of, destroyed, 1515,
i. 403.
Behaim, M., map of globe, 1492, i. 93.
Belen River, Columbus at, 1503, i.
218-19.
Bclen, village, Nicuesa's exped. at,
1510, i. 305-6.
Belgium, colonization scheme in Guat.,
iii. 589-90.
Belize, origin of name, ii. 624; wood-
cutters in, ii. 624-35; Figueroa's
exped. to, ii. 624-8; map, ii. 627;
English claims, ii. 629-31; treaties
concerning, ii. 632-4; O'Neill's ex-
ped. to, 1798, ii. 635; iii. 314; rights
of settlers in, iii. 313-14; commerce,
etc., of, iii. 317.
Belly, F., works of, iii. 263.
Benalcazar, Capt. S. de, joins Pedra-
rias' exped., 1514, i. 391; conquest
of Peru, ii. 15, 26, 38-9.
Benvenida, Friar L. de, mission to
C. R., 1540, ii. 185.
Benzoni, G., exped. to C. R., 1545, ii.
192-9; works, etc., of, ii. 232-3.
Berenger, ' Collection, ' ii. 751-2.
Berlanga, Friar T. de, alleged miracle,
etc., of, 1537, ii. 59.
Bermejo, J., the Contreras revolt,
1550, ii. 274-86; defeat at Pan., ii.
284-6; death, ii. 286.
Berrospe, G. S. de, president of Guat.,
1696-1701, ii. 661-2.
Betanzos, D. de, convent founded by,
1529, ii. 135-6.
Betanzos, Father P. A. de, labors of,
1555-70, ii. 432-3.
Bethlehemites, in Guat., ii. 666-7.
Biamonte y Navarra, J. B. de, gov. of
Pan., ii. 480.
Biru, Andagoya's exped. to, 1522, i.
502-3.
Birues, de, exped. of, 1515, i. 407.
Blanco, M., pronunciamiento of, 1868,
iii. 378.
Blewfields, population, etc., of, 1847,
iii. 249.
Bobadilla, 'Commissioner F. de, pro-
ceedings of, at Espauola, 1500-2, i.
180-1, 248-9; enslavement of na-
tives, i, 266.
Bobadilla, Friar F. de, labors of, in
Nic, ii. 184-5.
Bobadilla, J. F., gov. of C. R., 1780,
ii. 622.
Bogran, Gen. L., president of Hond,,
1883, iii. 468.
Bolivar, S., congress at Pan., 1826,
iii. 511-12; at Angostura, iii. 513.
Bonny castle, R. H., 'Spanish Amer-
ica, ' iii. 248.
Bordone, B., map of, 1528, i. 144.
Borland, S., U. S. minister, interfer-
ence of, iii. 255.
Bosch, L. van der, writings of, ii. 745.
Botello, L., execution of, 1517, i.457-9.
Boucher, G., ' Biblioth^que Univer-
selle,'ii. 760.
Bourbourg, B. de, 'Histoire des Na-
tions Civilisees du Mexique,' i. 201.
Bradley, Capt., foray on the Hacha,
1670, ii. 491; captures San Lorenzo,
ii. 494-6.
Brigantine, picture of, i. 189.
Briones, Capt., exped. to Hond.,
1524, i. 525; treachery of, i. 526;
Olid's assassination, i. 531-3; exe-
cution of, i. 534.
Briones, J. A. L. de, gov. of Nic,
1744, ii. 607.
Buccaneering, origin of, ii. 451-3.
Buccaneers, name, ii. 452; mode of
life, ii. 454-6; excesses, etc., of, ii.
489-90.
Buena Esperanza, founding of, 1535,
ii. 157; abandoned, 1536, ii. 161-2.
Buitrago, P., director of Nic, 1841-3,
iii. 238-9.
Bure, G. F. de, ' Bibliographique In-
structive,' ii.'760.
Barnaby, Sir W., mission to Belize,
ii. 630.
Burney, J., works of, ii. 753.
Bustamante y Guerra, Gen. J., capt,-
gen. of Guat., 1811, iii. 6; biog.,
iii. 6-7; rule, iii. 6-21.
INDEX.
751
Caballon, Licentiate J. de, defeats
Gaitan, 1554, ii. 425; exped. of,
1560-2, ii. 425-6.
Caballos, Puerta de, name, i. 519;
L'Olonnois' raid on, ii. 458.
Cabaiias, T., siege of Leon, 1844, iii,
199; at San Miguel, iii. 201; defeat
at Quelapa, iii. 202; president of
Hond., 1852-5, iii. 321-2; character,
etc., iii. 321.
Cabello, D., gov. of Nic, 1766, ii.
608.
Cabezas Islands, Drake at, ii. 407-8,
414, 416.
Cabezas, R., jefe of Guat., 1830, iii.
153; biog., iii. 15.3-4.
Cabot, J., voyage of, i. 98-9.
•Cabot, S., voyages of, i. 98-9, 108-9,
143.
Cabral, P. A., voyage of, 1500, i. 113-
14.
Cabrera, P., surprised by Verdugo, ii.
263.
Caceres, Capt., captures Lempira's
stronghold, 1537, ii. 291-2; treach-
ery of, ii. 291-2.
Cackchiquel, map of, i. 629.
Cackchiquels, power, etc., of the, 621;
subjugation, 1524, i. 652-7; revolt
of the, 1524-5, i. 681-92; 1526, ii.
79-85; 1534, ii. 130.
Cacos, party, iii. 26-7; revolutionary
movements, iii. 33; policy, iii. 42-3.
Caibil Balam, Cacique, submission of,
1525, i. 702.
Caicedo, J. de, mention of, i. 333.
Calancha, J. L., president of Pan.,
1864-5, iii. 533.
Caldas, S. A. A. R. de, president of
Guat., 1667-70, ii. 658-9.
Caldas, President, ' Copia de Carta, '
ii. 761-2.
Calderon, A., bishop of Pan., ii. 475.
Calimaya, Conde S. de, president of
Guat., 1654, ii. 657.
Calvo, B., gov. of Pan., 1856, iii.527-8.
Camachire, Cacique, torture, etc., of,
ii. 194-5.
Camara y Raya, bishop of Pan., 1614,
i. 477-8.
Camargo,A. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 151.
Camargo, M. de, gov. of Nic, ii. 607.
Cambranes, F., bishop of Guat., ii. 378.
Campbell, Capt., the Scots' colony, ii.
578-9.
Campo, R., president of Salv., 1856,
iii. 300-2.
Campoy, F. de P., bishop of Hond.,
1841, iii. 631.
Camus, A. G., works of, ii. 760.
Can, M. F., embassy of, 1695, ii. 689.
Cana, sack of, ii. 586.
Canales, battle of, 1526, ii. 83.
Caiias, A. J., minister to U. S., 1825,
iii. 81.
Caiias, J., ruler of Salv., 1840, iii. 143.
Canas, Gen. J. M., mention of, iii.
345-6; execution of, iii. 376.
Cancer, Friar L.. labors in Vera Paz,
etc., ii. 353-5; exped. to Flor., ii.
355-6; martyrdom, 1549, ii. 356;
biog., ii. 357.
Cancuc, revolt at, 1712, ii. 697-704.
Candia, P. de, conquest of Peru, ii.
11, 13.
Cano, Friar A., mission of, 1685, ii.
680.
Capac, M., inca of Peru, ii. 38; revolt
of, ii. 39; defeat of, ii. 40.
Carabajal, D. de, naval combat oflf
Pan., 1680, ii. 535-7.
Caravel, picture of, i. 187.
Carbajal, Friar A. de, bishop of Pan.,
1605-11, i. 476-7.
Carbajal, R. de, mission to Pan., ii.
256-7; gov. of Pan., 1779, ii. 584.
Carcamo y Rodriguez, bishop of Salv.,
iii. 632.
Cardenas, A., president of Nic, 1883,
iii. 485.
Cardenas, Father T. de, bishop of
Vera Paz, 1565, ii. 374-5.
Cardona, J. de L., founds Quezalte-
nango, 1524, i. 638.
Careta, Cacique, capture, etc., of,
1511, i. 343-6; friendship for Bal-
boa, i. 359, 399; cruel treatment of,
i. 399^00.
Caribs, of Hond., iii. 609-10.
Carillo, B., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii.
14.
Carillo, Capt. L., Pedrarias' exped.,
1514, i. 390; Balboa's exped., 1515,
i. 406; death, i. 407.
Carranza, B., provis. president of C
R., 1870, iii. 379-80.
Carrasco, Licentiate, bishop-elect of
Nic, ii. 434-5.
Carrascosa, A., mention of, ii. 15.
Carreno, J. M., intendente of Panama,
1822, iii. 508-9.
Carrera, R., insurrection of, 1837, iii.
124-8; biog., iii. 125; negotiations
with, iii. 129-30; captures Guat.,
iii. 131-2; defeat at Villanueva, iii.
135-6; capitulation, iii. 137-8; pro-
nunciamiento of, 1839, iii. 140;
defeats Morazan, iii. 141-2; nego-
tiations with Guzman, iii. 203; man-
ifesto of, iii. 207-8; despotism of.
752
INDEX.
iii. 264-7; president of Guat., 1844,
iii. 267; plot against, iii. 268; at-
tempted assassination of, iii. 269;
revolution against, 1847-8, iii. 271-
3; resignation, 1848, iii. 274; return
to Guat., 1849, iii. 277-8; com-
mander-in-chief, iii. 278; proscrip-
tion, iii. 279; operations, 1850, iii.
280; president for life, 1854, iii. 282;
rule, iii. 283; campaigns of, 1863,
iii. 304-7; death, iii. 283-4.
Carrillo, B., jefe of Costa Rica, 1835,
iii. 181; 1838, iii. 183; rule, iii. 182-
4, 215-17.
Carrillo, Capt. L., defence of Granada,
1550, ii. 277.
Carrion, Oidor J. , mention of, iii. 494.
Cartagena, Ojeda's defeat at, 1509, i.
298-9; Enciso at, 1510, i. 322-3;
Heredia at, 1532, ii. 47-8; Drake
at, 1572, ii. 407-9; captured by
Drake, 1586, ii. 420; description of,
ii. 579-80; captured by filibusters,
1697, ii. 580; bombarded by Ver-
non, 1740, ii. 591; revolt at, 1810,
iii. 493; 1812, iii. 494-5.
Cartage, description of, ii. 445; Mans-
velt's raid on, ii. 461-2; conspiracy
at, 1823, iii. 66; revolt at, 1835, iii.
182; 1875, iii. 385.
Casa de Contratacion de las Indias,
origin of, 1493, 1. 168; description
of, i. 282-3.
Casas, F. de las, exped. against Olid,
1524, i. 528-34; Olid's assassination,
i. 531-3; departure for Mex., i. 533.
Casas, B. de las, see Las Casas, B. de.
Casaos, P. de, capt. -gen. of Pan., 1545,
ii. 258-9.
Casaus y Torres, R. , archbishop of
Guat., iii. 29-30; biog., iii. 30.
Cascaras, Brigadier F., campaign of,
1827, iii. 92-3.
Casillas, Friar T., mention of, ii. 345.
Casillas, Father P., bishop of Chiap.,
1550. ii. 373.
Casorla, J. R., president of Pan.,
1878, iii. 543.
Castafieda, D. de, exped. of, 1548, ii.
186.
Castafieda, F. de, gov. of Nic, 1531,
ii. 166-7; misrule, ii. 167-9; flight,
etc., ii. 169.
Castafieda, Col V., vice-president of
Guat., 1886, iii. 451.
Castafion, C, gov. of Chiap., iii. 38.
Castellanos, F. de, campaign of, 1530,
ii. 111-13.
Castellanos, J. de, works of, ii. 60-1.
Castellanos, V., president of Hond.,
1862, iii. 324-5.
Castellon, F., revolt of, 1854-5, iii.
259-61.
Castile, kingdom of, i. 10.
Castilla, Dr A. C. de, president of
Guat., 1598-1609, ii. 649-51.
Castilla del Oro, (see also Panama),
name, i. 294-5; Nicuesa's exped. to,
1509-10, i. 294-308; maps of, i. 323;
ii. 49.
Castillo, Friar B. del, adventures,
etc., of, ii. 172-5.
Castillo, M. S. del, president of Salv,,
iii. 302.
Castillo, N. del, j)resident of Nic,
1856, iii. 351-2.
Castro, J. A., mediation of, iii. 219-
20; minister -gen. of C. R., 1843, iii.
224.
Castro, J. M., president of C. R., 1847,
iii. 228-30; 1866, iii. 377; resigna-
tion, iii. 236.
Castro, V. de, mission to Peru, ii.
250-1.
Caxamalca, Pizarro at, ii. 21-38.
Cebaco, Cacique, dealings with Hiir-
tado, 1516, i. 427.
C^lis, D. G. de, mission to Alvarado,
1835-6, ii. 161-2; complaints against,
ii. 16.3-4.
Cemaco, Cacique, defeated by Enciso,
1510, i. 326-7; by Pizarro, 1511, i.
344; victory of, i. 352-3.
Central America, enslavement, etc.,
of natives in, ii. 232-9; the new
laws, 1543, ii. 240-4; historical re-
view of, ii. 733-5; revolution in, ii.
1818-21, iii. 23-41; union with
Mex., 1821-2, iii. 42-59; confedera-
tion, iii. 60-78; seal of, iii. 71; con-
stitution, iii. 75-7; treaty with
Colombia, 1825, iii. 81; with U. S.,
iii. 81; designs of Fernando VII.,
iii. 105-6; Spaniards excluded from,
iii. 106; republic of, dissolved, 1837
-40, iii. 127-44; attempted unifica-
tion of, 1883-5, iii. 442-9; pliysical
features, etc., iii. 660-5; population,
1883-5, iii. 587-8; colonization in,
iii. 588-94; castes, iii. 594-6; dis-
eases, etc., in, iii. 619-20; education
in, iii. 621-7; church and clergy,
iii. 627-37; administr. of justice, iii.
638-45; military affairs, iii. 645-9;
agric, iii. 650-5; mining, iii. 655-
60; manufact., iii. 660-2; commerce,
iii. 663-7, 675; navigation, iii. 667-
8; roads, iii. 669; currency, iii. 669-
70, 675-6; mails, iii. 671-2; finances,
iii. 677-87; debt, iii. 677-87; rail-
roads, iii. 700-2, 706-8; telegraphs,
iii. 708-9.
INDEX.
io3
Cenu, treasure found at, ii. 48.
Cerda, C. de la, capitulation, etc., of,
iii. 86.
Cerda, M. A. de la, jefe of Nic, 1825,
iii. 173; contest with Argiiello, iii.
174; execution, iii. 174.
Cereceda, A. de, gov. of Hond., ii.
146-7, 155-64; imprisonment, etc.,
of, 1531, ii. 151-3; counter-revolu-
tion of, ii. 154; exped. to Naco, ii.
156-7; dispute with Cueva, ii. 158-
9; appeal to Alvarado, ii. 160-1;
complaints of, ii. 163.
Cerna, V., president of Guat., 1865-
71, iii. 413-23.
Cerrato, A. L. de, juez de residencia,
ii. 183-4, 308-9; president of the
audiencia of the Contines, ii. 308-
10; administr., ii. 326-7.
Cervera, T)., president of Pan., 1880-
4, iii. 544-9.
Cesar, F., mention of, ii. 50-1; ex-
ped., 1536, ii. 52; 1537-8, ii. 53-5;
death, ii. 56.
Chacon, J. M., president of Guat.
constituent congress, 1824, iii. 145.
Chacujal, Cortes at, 1525, i. 569-70.
Chagre River, Cueto at, 1510, i. 305.
Chahul, capture of, 1530, ii. 112.
Chalchuapa, assault on, 1885, iii.
410.
Chamorro, F., suprema delegado,
1844, iii. 189, 194, 196.
Chamorro, F., director of Nic, 1853,
iii. 256; provis. president, 1854, iii.
258; revolt against, iii. 259; death,
iii. 259-60.
Chamorro, P. J., president of Nic,
1875-9, iii. 481-2.
Chamula, capture of, 1524, ii. 221-5.
Charles V., the rebellion in Peru, ii.
265.
Chatfield, Consul, F.; mediation of,
requested, 1839-40, iii. 186-7; the
Mosquita difficulty, iii. 251; de-
mands on Salv., iii. 297-8; negotia-
tions, etc., of, iii. 318-19.
Chaves, F. de, death of, ii. 41.
Chaves, H. de, battle of Xelahuh,
1524, i. 139; exped. to Zacatepec,
1527, ii. 89; capture of Copan, 1530,
ii. 113-15.
Chaves, Capt. J. de, exped. of, 1836,
ii. 164-5.
Chiapas, ancient inhabitants of, ii.
214; conquest of, 1524-6, ii. 215-
27; settlement, etc., of, ii. 228-31;
church affairs in, ii. 229-30, 328-39,
373-5, 712-13; maps of, ii. 331; iii.
39; the new laws, ii. 332-3, 338; pros-
perity of, ii. 669; character of pop- ,
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 48
ulation, ii. 669-70; govt, etc., of,
ii. 670-1; the Tzendal revolt, 1712-
13, ii. 696-705; population, 1813,
iii. 36; education, iii. 37; industries,
iii. 38; revolution in, iii. 38-41.
Chiapas, city, coat of arms, ii. 330.
Chiapas de los Indies, founding of,
1526, iii. 227.
Chiapas, stronghold, capture of, 1524,
ii. 217-20; 1526, ii. 226-7.
Chiapes, Cacique, encounter with
Balboa, 1513, i. 369.
Chepo, Cacique, execution of, 1515, i.
404.
Cherino, T>. de A., gov. of C. R., etc.,
1573, ii. 430; exped. of, 1575, ii.
430-1.
Chignautecs, defeat of the, 1525, i.
688-9; submission, i. 690.
Chilapan, Cortes at, 1524, i. 542.
Chilun, captured by Tzendales, 1712,
ii. 698.
Chinameca, treaty of, 1845, iii. 203-4.
Chinandega, pacto de, iii. 187-90;
convention of, iii. 187-8; capture,
etc., of, 1845, iii. 241-2.
Chiracona, Cacique, torture, etc., of,
1516, i. 429-30.
Chiriqui, revolt in, 1526, i. 509; prov-
ince of, organized, 1849, iii. 516-17.
Chiriquita, captured by freebooters,
1686, ii. 556.
Chiril, Cacique, capture of, i. 423.
Choles, attempted conversion of, 1675-
88, ii. 679-80.
Choluteca, affair at, 1844, iii. 194.
Chroniclers, early, credibility of, dis-
cussed, i. 317-20.
Church, tithes, ii. 139-40; affairs of
in Hond., ii. 299-301, 641-2, 712-
13; in Chiap. ii. 328-39, 373, 712-
13; in Guat., ii. 341-8, 663-9, 710-
12, 728-33; in Vera Paz, ii. 353-4,
374-5; in Soconusco, ii. 372; in
Nic, ii. 612-17; religious orders
suppressed, 1870-4, iii. 425-7; his-
tory of the, iii. 627-37.
Cihuatlan, Cortes in, 1524, i. 542-3.
Cimarrones, depredations, etc., of, ii.
366-9; Drake's exped., ii. 407-17,
Oxenham's exped., ii. 418.
Ciudad Real, founding, etc.. of, 1528,
ii. 229-30; a cathedral city, 1538,
ii. 329; revolt, etc., at, 1712-13, ii.
705; flood at, 1785, ii. 706; revolu-
tion at, iii. 39-40.
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 1850, iii. 252.
Clergy, expatriation of, 1829, iii. 103-
4; immorality of, iii. 472-3; privi-
leges, etc., of, iii. 627-9, 636-7.
Climate of Cent. Amer., iii. 561-2.
754
INDEX.
Coatepeque, Carrera's repulse at, 1863,
iii. 304.
Coats of arms, Chiap., ii. 330; Guat.,
iii. 147; 0. R., iii. 229.
Coco, affair at, 1885, iii. 410.
Cocori, Cacique, seizure, etc., of, ii.
194-5, 197.
Code, organic, iii. 8-10.
Codro, M., forecasts Balboa's fate, i.
447-8.
Coiba, reported wealth of, i. 343-5.
Cole, B., mention of, iii. 328.
* Coleccion de Documentos, Ineditos, '
i. 200.
Colindres, M., mention of, iii. 339.
* Collection of Voyages and Travels, '
ii. 746.
Colmenares, R. E. de, exped. to Vera-
gua, 1510, i. 331; relieves Nicuesa,
i. 331-2; exped. to Dabaiba, 1512,
i. 351-2; mission to Spain, 1514, i.
388.
Colombia, insurrection in, 1820, iii.
24-5; treaty with, 1825, iii. 81; C.
R. boundary question, iii. 233-5;
Pan. annexed to, 1821, iii. 506-8;
republic of, organized, 1819, iii. 513;
severed, iii. 519.
Colon, disturbances at, 1885, iii. 551-
3; destruction of, iii. 553.
Colon, D. de, mention of, i. 174-5;
gov. of Espaiiola, 1509, i. 268; rule,
etc., i. 268-9, 273; death, 1526, i.
274.
Colon, L., suit, etc., of, 1538-40, ii. 64.
Columbus, B., adelantado, 1494, i. 173;
character, i. 175-6.
Columbus, C, voyages of, i. 86-97,
109-11, 119-20; theory of, i. 92-3;
biog., etc., i. 155-7; character, i.
156-7, 171-2, 181, 232-8; agree-
ment with the crown, i. 157-8;
exped. of, 1492-3, i. 158-64; 1493
-5, i. 168-76; 1498-1500, i. 177-82;
1502-4, i. 202-31; charges against,
i. 176; arrest, etc., of, i. 181-2; en-
slavement of natives, i. 253-5, 262,
265-6; death, 1506, i. 231.
Columbus, F., biog., i. 203-4; ' La His-
toria, ' i. 204.
Colunje, J., president of Pan., 1865-6,
iii. 533-4.
Comagre, Cacique, Balboa's visit to,
1512, i. 347-9.
Comayagua, founding of, 1539, ii. 293-
4; capture of, 1827, iii. 162; de-
scription of, iii. 570-1.
Commerce, of Quat., ii. 383^; of Pan,,
ii. 390-3, 587, 594; Asiatic, ii. 391-
2; of Nic, ii. 438; contraband, ii.
473-4; of Cent. Amer., iii. 663-7.
Compailon, F., mention of, ii. 442-5;
at the Pearl Islands, 1517, i. 452,
467; gov. of Nata, i, 508-9; dispute
with Cordoba, i. 586.
'Compendium of Authentic and En-
tertaining Voyages,' ii. 750.
Concepcion, founding, etc., of, ii. 07,
I 70.
Concepcion, convent, founded at
Granada, 1528, ii. 184.
Concepcion, R. de la, conspiracy of,
iii. 18.
' Confederacion Centro Americana,*
established 1844, iii. 188-9.
Congress, Central American, installed,
1823, iii. 67-8; measures, iii. 68-78;
parties, iii. 69-70.
Congress, federal, measures, iii. 79-
85, 118-19; dissolved, iii. 88; reas-
sembled, iii. 102; last session, 1838,
iii. 134.
Contreras, H. de, revolt of, 1550, ii.
274-88; death of, ii. 287-8.
Contreras, Brigadier J. T. de, defec-
tion of, 1821, iii. 46; revolution.
against, iii. 46.
Contreras, P, de, revolt of, 1550, ii.
274-88.
Contreras, R. de, gov. of Nic, ii. 169—
71; exped. to El Desaguadero, ii.
170-1, 175-6; arrest, etc., of, ii. 177;
residencia of, ii. 178-9, 183-4;
charges against, ii. 180-2; dispute,
etc., with Gutierrez, ii. 190.
Copan, capture of, ii. 113-15.
Cordoba, F. H. de, voyage of, 1517, i.
132; exped. to Nic, 1524, i. 512-14.
Cordoba, G. F. de, bishop of Nic,
1535, ii. 435; of Guat., 1574, ii. 378-
80.
Cordoba, H. de, defection of, i. 578-
80, 584; Pedrarias' exped. against,
i. 587-9; execution of, 1526, 589.
Cornejo, J. M., intrigues of, iii. 115-
16; rebellion, iii. 1832, 116; defeat
of, iii. 117-18; jefe of Salv., 1829-
32, iii. 167.
Coronado, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1604,
ii. 464.
Coronado, F. V. de, exped. of, 1540,
i. 152.
Coronado, J. V., exped. of, ii. 427-30;
gov. of C. R., 1565, ii. 430.
Corpus, affair at, 1844, iii. 310.
Corral, D. del, mission to Nicuesa,
1510, i. 331-3; intrigues, etc., of, i.
341; gov. of Antigua, 1522, i. 476.
Corral, Gen», negotiations of, 1855, iii.
260; capitulation with Walker,
1855, iii. 335; execution of, iii.
337-8.
INDEX.
755
Corregidor, jurisd., etc., of, i. 297.
Oorregimientos, suppression of, 1G60-
1790, ii. 715-16.
Correoso,- B. , president of Pan., 1868-
72, iii. 537-8; 1878, iii. 543; works
of, iii. 559.
Cortereal, G., voyage of, 1500, i. 114;
1501, i. 117.
Cortes, decree of, iii. 5; memorial to,
iii. 7; proceedings, iii. 30-1.
Cortes, H., exped. of, 1519, i. 133-4;
popularity, etc., of, i. 522-3; Olid's
exped., i. 524-8; exped. to Hond.,
1524-6, i. 537-81; rumored death
of, i. 544; machinations against, i.
572-5, 580-1; return to Mex., i.
582; Alvarado's exped., 1523-4, i.
627; Pizarro's, ii. 12, 14, 40.
Cortes, Archbishop, administr. of,
1778-9, ii. 726.
Cortes y Larraz, Dr P. , archbishop of
Guat., 1768, ii. 730-2.
Corzo, Pilot, explorations of, ii. 246.
Cosa, J. de la, map of, i. 115-16;
friendship for Ojeda, i. 294; death
of, 1509, i. 299.
Cosigiiina, volcano, eruption of, 1835,
iii. 176-7.
Cosio y Campa, T. J. de, president of
Guat., 1712-16, ii. 703-6; the Tzen-
dal campaign, 1712-13, ii. 704-5.
Costa Rica, Gutierrez exped. to, 1540-
5, ii. 187-99; maps of, ii. 188; iii.
184, 234; Franciscans in, 1555-90,
ii. 432-3; secession, 1821, iii. 49;
union with Mex., iii. 66; assembly,
iii. 178-9, 217-18, 224-5, 228, 374,
378-86; Nicoya incorporated with,
1825, iii. 179; location of capital, iii.
181; a state, iii. 183-4; secession,
1848, iii. 208-9; Morazan's invasion,
1842, iii. 216-17; Alfaro's revolt, iii.
219-22; constitution, iii. 225, 228,
374, 378, 381; arms of, iii. 229; a
republic, iii. 230; treaties, iii. 230;
boundary question, iii. 231-6; Walk-
er's exped., 1855, iii. 342-5; 1856-7,
iii. 354-61; war with Nic, 1857, iii.
362; Mora's invasion of, iii. 387;
independence of, threatened, 1885,
iii. 389-90; difficulty with Nic,
1873-5, iii. 478-82; extent, iii. 565-
6; polit. divisions, etc., iii. 566;
cities, iii. 566-7; population, iii.
587-8; colonization schemes, iii. 593;
character of population, iii. 596-7;
dwellings, iii. 597; food, etc., iii.
597-8; markets, iii. 598; dress, iii.
598-9; amusements, iii. 599; edu-
cation, iii. 622; church affairs, iii.
634-5, adminstr. of justice, iii.
643-4; army, iii. 646; agric, iii.
653-4; mining, iii. 658; revenue,
etc., iii. 683-^; debt, iii. 684-5;
railroads, iii. 708.
Council of the Indies, description of
the, i. 280-2; decree of the, 1519,
ii. 237.
Coxon, Capt., commander-in-chief of
pirates, 1680, ii. 527; defection of,
ii. 537-8.
Creoles, condition, etc., of the, iii.
595-6.
Crowe, F., 'The Gospel in Cent.
Amer.,'iii. 709.
Cruces, pillage of, 1550, ii. 281; cap-
tured by Drake, 1572, ii. 413-14;
Morgan at, 1671, ii. 500.
Cruz, Gen. S., rebellion of, 1867-70,
iii. 414-18.
Cruz, Brigadier V., vice-president of
Guat., 1845, iii. 269; revolt of, 1848,
iii. 276-7; death, 277.
Cruz, Col V. M., revolt of, 1872, iii.
428-9.
Cuba, Columbus at, 1492, i. 162-3;
character of inhabitants, i. 165-6.
Cueva, C. de la, exped. to Hond.,
1535, ii. 157-8; dispute with Cere-
ceda, ii. 158-9.
Cueva, F. de la, lieut.-gov. of Guat.,
1541, ii. 312-13; gov., 1542, 319.
' Curious Collection of Travels, ' ii. 750.
'Curious and Entertaining Voyages,*
ii. 755.
Cuzcatlan, Alvarado's occupation of,
1524, i. 675-6.
Dabaiba, name, i. 351; fabled temple
of, i. 351, 406-7; ii. 51; Balboa's
exped. to, 1512, i. ,351-2; other ex-
peds., 1515, i. 406-7; cacique, ii. 51;
sierra of, ii. 52.
Dalrymple, A, works of, ii. 754.
Dampier, Capt. W., defection of, ii.
541; march across the Isthmus of
Pan., 1681, ii. 544-8; raid onRealejo,
' 1684, ii. 548; off coast of South
Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50; 'A New
Voyage round the World, ' ii. 568-9.
Dardon, J. P., campaign of, 1529, ii.
107-8.
Darien, discovered by Bastidas, 1501,
i. 190-2; maps of, i. 362, 400, 405;
mining in, iii. 659-60.
Darien River, see Atrato River.
Davila, G. G., see Gonzalez, G.
Davila, P., see Pedrarias.
Davis, C. H., ' Report, ' iii. 709.
756
INDEX.
Davis, Capt. J., raid on Realejo, 1684,
ii. 548; off coast of South Amer.,
1684-5, ii. 549-50; out-manoeuvred
off Pan., ii. 551-3; capture of Leon,
ii. 554.
De Brosse, * Histoire des Navigations, '
ii. 754.
De Bry, T., works of, ii. 741-2.
Debt of Cent. Amer. states, iii. 677-
87.
De Costa, B. F., 'The Pre-Columbian
Discovery,' i. 70.
Delaporte, M. I'Abbe, works of, ii. 754.
De Lesseps, F. de, the Panamd canal,
iii. 704-6.
Delgado, J. M., revolt of, 1811, iii. 12-
13; party leader, iii. 27; president
of congress, iii. 67.
'Derrotero de las islas Antillas, ' ii. 759.
Despard, Col, exped. to Mosquitia,
1782, ii. 605-6.
Diaz, B., joins Pedrarias' exped., 1514,
i. 390; Cortes' exped. to Hond., 1525-
6, i. 540, 549; ii. 78; Marin's exped.
to Chiap., 1524, ii. 215-19, 224.
Diaz, J. J,, president of Pan., 1868,
iii. 535-6.
Diaz, M., imposture, etc., of, 1712, ii.
701.
Diaz, President P., correspondence
with Barrios, 1885, iii. 448-9.
Diaz, Father P., quarrel with Cordoba,
ii. 379-80.
Diego, Father D., martyrdom of, 1623,
ii. 675.
Diriangen, Cacique, meeting with Gon-
zalez, 1522, i. 490-1; battle with, i.
491-2.
'Documentos para la Historia de
Mexico,' i. 201.
Domas y Valle, J., president of Guat.,
1794-1801, ii. 728.
Dominguez, V., defeat, etc., of, 1832,
iii. 1 14.
Dominicans, in Espaiiola, i. 275; in
Cuba, i. 276; in Guat., ii. 135-7,
344^5, 666; in Nic, ii. 168-71, 436-
7, 180-2; in Chiap., ii. 339; rivalry
with Franciscans, ii. 347-8; provin-
cia establd. by, etc., 1551, ii. 376-7;
missionary labors, ii. 672, 680.
Dovalle, G., exped. to Lacandon, 1559,
ii. 363.
Drake, E. C, works of, ii. 751.
Drake, Admiral Sir F., early career
of, ii. 404-5; attack on Nombre de
Dios, 1572, ii. 405-6; on Cartagena,
407-9; captures Cruces, ii. 413-14;
captures treasure-train, ii. 415; re-
turn to England, ii. 417-18; voyage
round the world, J 577-80, ii. 418-
19; exped. of, 1585-6, ii. 419-21;
1595, ii. 422; death, 1596, 423.
Duenas, F., president of Sal v., 1852,
iii. 299, 308; 1868-71, iii. 393-6;
biog., iii. 392-3; surrender of, iii.
396; exile, iii. 397.
Dunlop, R. G., 'Travels in Cent.
Amer.,' iii. 223.
Dururua, Cacique, defeats Gutierrez,
etc., ii. 68-9.
Eads' ship railway, iii. 694.
Earthquakes in Guat., 1575-87, ii.
384-5; 1607-89, ii. 656; 1751, 1757,
ii. 719; 1773, ii. 720-3; at Santiago,
1830, ii. 707-8; iii. 154; in Nic,
1835, iii. 175-6; in Salv., 1854, iii.
300; 1873, iii. 399-400; in Cent.
Amer. 1575-1885, iii. 563-5.
Echever y Suvisa, P. A. de, president
of Guat., 1724, ii. 709.
Education, in Pan,, iii. 583-4; in C.
R., iii. 622; in Nic, 622-4; in Salv.,
624; in Hond., 624-5; in Guat.,
625-7.
El Desaguadero, exped. to, ii. 170-1,
175-6.
El Espinal, affair at, iii. 58.
El Infierno de Masaya, adventure at,
1537, ii. 172-5; eruption of, 1670,
ii. 444.
El Sauce, affair at, 1855, iii. 330.
Encinas, D. de, compilations of, i.
286-7.
Encinasola, P. de, exped. toVeragua,
1535-6, ii. 65-71.
Enciso, Bachiller M. F. de, Ojeda's
exped., i. 297-8; at Cartagena, i.
322-3; defeats Cemaco, i. 326-7;
founds Antigua, 1510, i. 327-8; de-
posed, i. 329-30, 339; works of, i.
339-40; denounces Balboa, i. 357,
386-7; alguacil mayor of Antigua,
1514, i. 390.
Encomendero, system, description of,
i. 262-6.
England, the Scots' colony, 1695-
1700, ii. 570-9; trading factories of,
ii. 587; reprisals, ii. 587-8; war
with, 1739-44, ii. 588-93; treaties
with Spain, 1670-1721, ii. 598-600;
1783, ii. 606; war with Spain, 1769-
80, ii. 608-11; claims of, in Belize,
ii. 629-31; mediation of, sought,
1839-40, iii. 186-7; claims on Nic,
iii. 239-40; protectorate over Mos-
quitia, iii. 244-51; hostilities with
Nic, 1848, iii. 251-2; Clayton-Bul-
wer treaty, 1850, iii. 252; Zeledon-
INDEX.
757
Wyke treaty, 18G0, iii. 252-3; diffi-
culty with Salv., iii. 297-8; relations
with Hond., iii. 317; claims on
Hond., iii. 317-19; usurpation in
Hond., iii. 319-20; treaty with
Hond., 1859, iii. 320; difficulty with
Guat., 1874, iii. 433-4; MacGregor's
exped. to Panama, 1818-20, iii 498-
501; difficulty with New Gran.,
1836, iii. 518.
Epidemics in Guat., 1558, ii. 360;
1565, ii. 369-70; 1601, 1686, ii. 656.
Escobar, J. B., president of Guat.,
1848, iii. 276-7.
Espano, Missionary F. do, labors of,
1667-8, ii. 644.
Espanola, Columbus at, 1492-3, i. 164-
5; 1493-5, i. 169-77; 1498, i. 179;
1502, i. 203-6; character of inhabi-
tants, i. 165-6; natives of, destroyed,
i. 276.
Esparza, sack of, 1680, ii. 541.
Espinola, Capt., capitulation, etc., of,
iii. 86.
Espinosa, Licentiate G. de, alcalde
mayor of Antigua, 1514, i. 390;
exped. to the South Sea, 1516-17,
i. 418-31; atrocities of, i. 422-3,
429-30; spoils, i. 431; trial of Bal-
boa, 1517, i. 457; promotion of, i.
461; jealousy of Pedrarias, io 464-
5; other expeds., i. 468-9, 472,
504-5; founds Nata, i. 505-6.
Esplritu Santo, name, i, 642.
Esquivel, A., president of C. R., 1875,
iii. 384-5.
Esquivel, J. de, cruelty of, i. 260.
Estacheria, Brigadier J., gov. of Nic,
1783-89, ii. 608.
Estete, M., expeds. of, i. 667-8, 61 i;
ii. 113.
Estrada, J. M., provis. president of
Nic, 1855, iii. 260; negotiations,
etc., of, iii. 260-1; appeal to Car-
rera, iii. 339; death, 1856, iii. 351.
Estrada, T. D. de, gov. of Nic, 1728,
ii. 607.
Europe, condition of, 1475-1525, i. 1-5.
Exquemelin, A. 0., works of, ii.
567-8.
Fabrega, F., gov. of Pan., 1855, iii.
526-7.
Fabrega, J. de, comandante of Pan.,
1821, iii. 504, 508-9.
Feria, P. de, bishop of Chiap., 1575,
ii. 373.
Eernandez, J., exped. to Peru, ii.
126-7.
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 4Ct
Fernandez, Gen. P., president of C.
R., 1882-5, iii. 388-90; biog., iii.
388-9; death, iii. 390.
Fernando VII., manifestoes, etc., of,
iii. 20-225> designs on Cent. Amer.,
iii. 105-6.
Ferrera, F., president of Hond., 1841,
iii. 309; biog., iii. 309.
Figueredo y Victoria, Dr F. J. de,
archbishop of Guat., 1753-65, ii.
728-30; death, ii. 730.
Figueroa, P. P. de, bishop o(^ Guat.,
1736, ii, 711-12; consecration, ii.
711; biog., ii. 711; archbishop,
1745, ii. 712; death, 1751, ii. 712.
Figueroa y Silva, A. de, exped. to
Belize, ii. 624-8.
Figuerra, Gen. F., acting president of
Salv., 1876, iii. 411.
Filisola, Brigadier V., exped. of, 1822,
iii. 56-7; operations against San
Salv., iii. 62-4.
Findlay, A. G., works of, ii. 759.
Fine, O., map of, 1531, i. 149.
Fitoria, B. G., gov. of Nic, 1730, ii.
607.
Flores, C, vice-jefe of Guat., 1824, iii.
146; jefe, iii. 148; administr., iii.
148-9.
Flores, H. C, bishop of Hond., 1854,
iii. 631.
Flores, J., gov. of C. R., ii. 622.
Florida, missionary exped. to, 1549,
ii. 355-6.
Fonseca, C, defence of Leon, 1844,
iii. 199.
Fonseca, J. R. de, patriarch 'of the
Indies, i. 168.
Forster, J. R., works of, ii. 752-3.
Franciscans, in Espanola, i. 275; in
Guat., 1535, ii. 345-8; rivalry with
Dominicans, ii. 347-8; in C. R.,
1555-70, ii. 432-3; in Itza, ii. 673-6.
Francos y Monroy, C, archbishop of
Guat., 1779, ii. 726, 732.
Frederick, G., biog., etc., iii. 245-7.
Frederick, R. C, mention of, iii.
248.
Frobel, J., * Aus Amerika,' iii. 709.
Fuensalida, Friar B., mission to Itza,
1618, ii. 673-5.
Fuentes y Guzman, F. A. de, works,
etc., of, ii. 86, 736-7.
G
Gainza, Brigadier G., command, etc.,
of, iii. 25-6; measures, iii. 32-6;
capt. -gen., 1821, iii. 44; manifesto
of, iii. 54-5; edict, iii. 55.
758
INDEX.
Gaitan, J., revolt of, 1554, ii. 424-5;
executic;n, ii. 425.
Gakrza, D., revolt of, 1812, iii. 14.
Galdo, A., bishop of Hond., 1613-45,
ii. 641-2.
Caleaza, picture of, i, 188.
Galindo, V. O., president of Pan., iii.
534-5.
Gallegos, J. R., jefe of C. R., 1333,
iii. 181; 1845, iii. 227.
Galleon, picture of, i. 1C8.
Galley, picture of,- i. 188.
Galvano, A., works, etc., of, ii. 738-
9.
Galvez, Don M. de, exped. to Mo^qui-
tia, 1782, ii. 604-5; capture of San
Fernando de Oiaoa, 1779, ii. 647;
president of Guat., 1778-83, ii. 725-
8.
Galvez, M., Cornejo's revolt, 1831-2,
iii. 116-17; deposed, 1838, iii. 128-
31; jefe of GiTat., 1831, iii. 155-6.
Gama, A de la, gov. of Castilla del
Oro, ii. 45-6.
Oamez, P. de, captures Quema, 1516,
i. 426.
Garabito, A., exped. to Cuba, 1516j
i. 434, 437; treachery of, i. 449-50.
Garabito, Cacique, exped. against, ii.
427-8.
Garay, F. de, expeds. of, i. 134, 140,
625.
Garcia, L., campaign of, ii. 580-1.
Garcia, Fiither W. P. :,!., 'Subleva-
cion delosZendale3,'Mo., ii. 705-6.
Garro, P. de, exped. of, 1525, i. 578.
Gasca, P. do la, character, etc., ii.
235-6; power intrusted to, ii. 266;
reception at the Isthmus, 1546, ii.
23G-9; negotiations with Mejia, ii.
267; with Hinojosa, ii. 269-70; de-
spatches, etc., of, li. 270-2; exped.
to Peru, ii. 272-3; the Contreras re-
volt, 1550, ii. 278-83.
Gazistas, party, iii. 2G-7.
Cieography, ancient, i, 70-4.
Germany, difficulty with Nic, 1876,
iii. 256.
* Gobiemo politico de Guatemala, ' iii.
28-9.
Godoy, D. de, exped. to Chiap., 1524,
ii. 216, 221.
Goitia, P., president of Pan., 1863,
iii. 532-3.
Golfo Dulce, name, i. 190; Bastidas at,
1501, i. 190; Pedrarias at, 1522, i.
484-5.
Gomara, F. L. de, biog., i. 314; works
of, 315-16.
Gomera, Conde de la, president of
Guat., lGll-23, ii. Gol-2.
Gomez, C, acting president of Hond.,
1876, iii. 433.
Gomez, E., exped. of, 1525, i. 142.
Gomez, Licentiate I., mission of, 1S48,
iii. 296.
Gonzalez, G., voyage of, 1522, i. 139-
40; coiitador of Espafiola, 1511, i.
287; character of, i. 479; disj^ute
with Pedrarias, i. 481-3; exped. of,
1522-3, i. 483-94; escape to Santo
Domingo, i. 516; exped. to Hond.,
i. 1524, 518; encounter with Soto, i.
519-20; meeting with Olid, i. 527-
8; Olid's assassination, i. 531-3.
Gonzalez, Padre P., mention of, ii.
1528.
Gonzalez, Gen. S., acting president of
C. R., 1873, iii. 383; victory at
Santa Ana, 1871, iii. 395-0; presi-
dent of Salv., 1872-5, iii. 396-401;
war with Guat., iii. 401-6.
Goodrich, F. B., 'Man upon the Sea,*
ii. 757.
Gottfreidt, J. L., works of, ii. 742.
Gracias a Dios, founding of, 15CG, ii.
165; audiencia of the Confines at,
1545, ii. 301.
Gracias a Dios, cape, rounded by Co-
lumbus, 1502, i. 211.
Granada, founding of, 1524, i. 527;
the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 275-
8; description of, ii. 438-41; cap-
tured by pirates, 1665, ii. 441 ; 1G86,
ii. 557-9; revolt at, 1811, iii. 14;
junta at, iii. 48, 170; besieged by
Jerez, 1854-5, iii. 259; captured by
AValker, 1855, iii. 332; Zavala's as-
sault. 1856, iii. 353-4; recapture of,
iii. 356-7.
Granados, M. G., opposition to Guat.
ministry, 18G9; iii. 416-17; exile,
iii. 419; revolution of, 1871, iii. 419
-24; president of Guat. 1871-3, iii.
423-30.
Granda y Balbin, L. A. de, exped. to
Talamanca, ii. 618-19.
Green, I., works of, ii. 747.
Greenland, sighted by Gunnbi:;rn,
876, i. 75-6; named by Eric the Red,
i. 76.
Grijalva, J. de, map of, 1518, i. 132;
death, 1526, i. 591; character, i.
591-2.
Grogniet, Capt., joins Davis' free-
booters, 1G85, ii. 550; capture of
Puebla Viego, ii. 556; of Chiriquita,
1686, ii. 556; defeat at Pueblo Nue-
vo, ii. 557; capture of Granada, ii.
557-9; journey to the North Sea, ii.
563-6.
Grynsevs, * Novvs Orbis, ' i. 148-9.
INDEX.
159
Giiaualupe, i.lfair at, 1827, iii. 91.
Crualcince, 8alvadoran's surrender at,
1823, iii. G4.
Giianacaste, disturbance at, 187o, iii.
383-4.
Guarda Viejo, couv^eiitiou at, 1838,
iii. 128-9.
Guardia, S. de la, gov. of Pan., 18G0,
iii. 528-30; death, iii. 530.
Giiardia, T. , president of C. R.,
1S70-G, iii. 380-4; 1877-82, iii.
386-8; death, 1882, iii. 388.
Guardiola, Gen. S., operations, etc.,
1845, iii. 200, 202, 205-6; victory
of, 1844, iii. 310; honors paid to,
iii. 311; pronunciamiento of, iii.
313; president of Hond., iii. 322-
3; character, iii. 323; defeat at El
Sauce, 1855, iii. 330; at La Yirgen,
iii. 331.
Guatemala, Alvarado's conquest of,
1522-4, i. 617-62; maps of, ii. 91,
320; iii. 191; slavery in, ii. 234-6;
the new laws, ii. 323-5; church
affairs in, 1541-8, ii. 341-8; 1601-
82, ii. 6G3-9; 1753-1886, ii. 728-33;
iii. 630-1; epidemics in, 1558, ii.
360; 1565, ii. 369-70; 1601, 1686,
ii. 656; anining, ii. 383; iii. 656-7;
-commerce, ii. 383-4; earthquakes,
etc., in, 1575-87, ii. 3G4-5; 1607-
89, ii. 656; 1830, iii. 154; prosper-
ity of, 1650-1700, ii. 653-^; terr.,
1750, ii. 713-14; provinces subject
to, ii. 714; army, ii. 727-8; iii. 648-
• 9; society, iii. 1-2; loyalty of, iii.
2-3; captania general, iii. 20-1;
archbishops of, iii. 29-30; union
with Mex., iii. 50-1; war with
Salv., 1827-9, iii. 90-lCO; assem-
bly, iii. 101-4, 145-8, 267, 273-6,
281-2, 416-17, 438-41; rebellion in,
1837, iii. 128-9; state govt dis-
solved, 1838, iii. 134; arms of, iii.
149, 269-70; medal, iii. 151; an in-
dependent state, 1839, iii. 160-1;
Malespin's invasion of, 1844, iii.
191-3; secession of, 1847-8, ii. 207-
8; council convoked, iii. 267; inde-
pendence recognized, iii. 270; for-
eign relations, iii. 270-1; revolu-
tions in, 1847-8, iii. 271-3; 1871,
iii. 419-24; war with Salv. andNic,
1850-3, iii. 279-80; with Hond.,
1850-6, iii. 279-81; 1871-2, iii.
398-9; 1872-6, iii. 428, 457-62;
with Salv., 1876, iii. 401-5; 1885,
iii. 409-10; constitution, iii. 281-2,
438-9; Walker's exped., 1856-7, iii.
350-61; revolts in, 1867-70, iii. 414-
18; 1872, iii. 428-9; suppression of
religious orders, 1871-4, 425-7; dif-
ficulty with England, 1874, iii. 433-
4; with Spain, 1875, iii. 434; at-
tempted unification of Cent. Amer. ,
1883-5, iii. 442-9; boundaries, iii.
574; departments, iii. 574; govt,
iii. 574-5; population, 1883-5, iii.
588; 1885, iii. 613; colonization in,
589-91; classes, etc., iii. 61.3-16;
dwellings, iii. 616-17; dress, iii.
617-18; amusements, iii. 618; edu-
cation, iii. 625-7; administr. of jus-
tice, iii. 638-40; agric, iii. 650-1;
' manufact., iii. 661; currency, iii.
670; revenue, etc., iii. 677-83; debt,
iii. 678-80; railroads, iii. 706-7.
Guatemala City (see also Santiago
City), description of, 1773, ii. 717-
18; 1886, iii. 575-7; earthquakes in,
1751, 1757, ii. 719; 1773, ii. 720-3;
site of, removed, ii. 723-6; occupa-
tion of, by Salvadorans, iii. 74;
captured by Morazan, 1829, iii. 99-
100; by Carrera, 1838, iii. 130-2;
recaptured by Morazan, iii. 141;
outbreak at, 1844, iii. 266; revolt at,
1845, iii. 268; plot at, 1877, iii. 437.
Guatusos, attempted pacification of
the, ii. 613-17.
Guerra, C, voyage of, 1499, i. 186.
Guerrero, J., director of Nic, 1847,
iii. 244.
Guill, A., gov. of Pan., 1758, ii. 584.
Gutierrez, D., exped. to C. li., 1540-
5, ii. 189-99.
Gutierrez, F., exped. to Veragua,
1535-6, ii. 65-73.
Gutierrez, J., capture, etc., of, ii. 50-1.
Gutierrez, M. P., quells revolt, 1812,
iii. 15.
Gutierrez, P., the Tzendal campaign,
1712, ii. 701-3.
Guzman, Gen. A., operations, 1849,
iii. 277-8.
Guzman, A. T. de, exped. to Pan.,
1515, i. 403-6; outrages of, i. 404.
Guzman, F., president of Nic, 1867-
71, iii. 369, 470-5.
Guzman, J. de, proposed exped. of, ii.
256; joins Hinojosa, 1545, 260-1;
president of Guat., ii. 652.
Guz'.nan, J. E., vice-president of Salv.,
1844, iii. 195; administr., iii. 201-4;
biog., iii. 202.
Guzman, J. E. de, capt.-gen. of
Chiap., 1529, ii. 230-1.
Guzman, J. J., president of Salv.,
iii. 287.
Guzman, Don J. P. de, gov. of Pan.,
ii. 403; forces, etc., of, 503-5; de-
feated by Morgan, 1671, ii. 504-6.
TOO
INDEX.
Guz'.uun, N. (le, exped. of, 1530-1, i.
145-0.
Guzman, R., defeat, etc., of, 1832,
iii. 113-14.
H
Hacha, Rio, Bradley's foray ou the,
1G70, ii. 491.
Hacke, Gapt. W., 'A Collection of
Original Voyages, ' ii. 569.
Hakluyt, R., works, etc., of, ii. 739-41.
Haro, F. de, battle of Panama, 1671,
ii. 505.
Harris, J., works of, ii. 744-5.
Harris, Capt. P., raids off coast of
South Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50.
Hayti, see Espaiiola.
Henderson, (Jr., 'British Honduras,'
iii. 247.
Henningsen's operations under Walk-
er, 1856, iii. 355-7.
Heredia, A., exped. of, ii. .49-50.
Heredia, A. F. de, gov. of Nic, ii.
607-8.
Heredia, P. de, province of, ii. 46-7;
expeds., ii. 47-8, 52-3.
Hermosillo, J. G. de, rept of, 1856, ii.
397-8.
Hernandez, Gen., defeats Pineda,
1855, iii. 332.
Herrera, A. de, hiog., i. 316; works
of, 316-17.
Herrera, D., jefe of Hond., 1824, iii.
161-2; ofNic, 1830, iii. 174-6.
Herrera, Oidor, juez de residencia, ii.
179; opposition to Contreras, ii.
182.
Herrera, Col T., defeats Alzuru, 1831,
iii. 514; jefe, etc., of Pan., 1840,
iii. 515; gov,, iii. 516.
Herrera, V., president of C. R., 1875-
7, iii. 385-6.
Herrera, V. de, gov, of Hond., ii.
144-5; stratagem of, ii. 147; exped.,
1531, ii. 149-50; plot against, ii.
150-1; assassination of, ii. 151.
Herrera, V. de, regent of audiencias,
1778, ii. 715.
Hinojosa, Friar A. de, bishop of Guat. ,
ii. 380.
Hinojosa, P. de, conquest of Pan.,
1545, ii. 255-61; defeats Verdugo,
ii. 263-4; negotiations with Gasca,
ii. 269-70; defection of, ii. 271-2.
Hinostrosa, Capt. D. M. de, arrest,
etc., of, ii. 144-5.
* Historia de la Marina Real Espanola, '
ii. 757.
'Historical Account of the Circum-
navigation of the Globe, ' ii. 752.
Hodgson, Col R., mi.5.siou of, ii. 6,01-2.
Holguiu, G., exped. to Peru, ii. 125-7.
Hollins, Commander, bombarvls 8au
Juan del Norte, 1 854, iii. 255.
Honduras, maps of, i. 518; ii. 148;
iii. 110, 205; colonization, etc., in,
1524-5, i. 522-36; Cortes' exped. to,
1524^6, i. 537-81; Alvarado's, 1535-
6, ii. 160-5; 1539, ii. 296-9; slav-
ery in, ii. 233-4, 302; roads, ii. 293-
4; settlements, 1547, ii. 294, 637-40;
mining, ii. 295; church affairs, ii.
299-301, 641-2, 712-13; iii. 361;
the new laws, ii. 301-7; piratical
i-aids, 1576-95, ii. 636-9, 645; Gage's
description of, 1636, ii. 639-40; an-
nexation to Mex., 1821, iii. 46; revo-
lutions in, 1829-30, iii. 109-11; 1844,
iii. 310; assembly, iii, 161-2, 309-
10; disturbances in, iii. 162-3; in-
dependence declared, 1838, iii. 164;
war with Nic, 1844, iii. 194-200;
with Salv., iii. 202-6, 393-9, 455-8;
union with Salv. and Nic, iii. 209-
11; war with Guat., 1850-6, iii.
279-81; 1872-6, iii. 398-9, 428,
457-62; relations with Gt Britain,
iii. 317; British claims on, iii. 317-
19; British usurpation in, iii. 319-
20; treaty with Gt Britain, 1859,
iii. 320; Walker's exped., 1856-7,
iii. 350-64; boundaries, iii. 570; de-
partments, etc., iii. 570; cities, iii.
570-1; population, 1883, iii. 588; im-
migration, iii. 591; races, iii. 608-
10; M^omen of, iii. 610-11; dwell-
ings, iii. 611; food, etc., iii. 611-12;
dress, iii. 612; amusements, iii. 612;
education, iii. 624-5; administr. of
justice, iii. 640-1; army, iii. 647;
agric, iii. 651-2; mining, iii. 655-
6; manufact., iii. 661; currency,
iii. 670; revenue, iii. 680; debt, iii.
680-1; railroads, iii. 707.
Hore, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1815, iii.
497; oppression of, iii. 497-8; re-
captures Portobello, 1819, iii. 500-
1; death, 1820, iii. 502.
Huascar, defeat of, 1532, ii. 19; death,
ii. 34.
Huistlan, besieged by Tzendales, 1712,
ii. 702.
Humboldt, A. von, works of, i. 69.
Hurtado, B., exped. to Babaida, 1512,
i. 352-3; arrest, etc., of, i. 354-5;
atrocities of, i. 401, 417; explora-
tion of, 1516, i. 426-8; exped. to
Olancho, 1526, i. 589-91; death, i.
591.
Hylacomylus, ' Cosmographiae Intro-
dvctio,' i. 123.
INDEX.
761
I
Ibafiez, Col P., gov. of Nic, 1759, ii.
G07.
Icazbalceta, collection of, i. 201.
Iguala, plan of, accepted in Hond., iii.
46; in Nic, iii. 47-8.
Illanes, J. de, proposed exped. of, ii.
256; joins Hinojosa, 1545, ii. 260-1.
Ilkistrations, caravel, i. 187; galley,
i. 188; galeaza, i. 188; galleon, i.
188; navio, i. 189; brigantine, i.
189.
Indians, treatment of, i. 253-66; ii.
232-9; of Hond., iii. 608-10; of
Guat., iii. 615-16.
Infante, Father H., mission of, 1646-
7, ii. 677-8.
Inquisition, in Spain, i. 32.
Interoceanic communication, projects,
etc., for, 1534, ii. 246-7; 1539, ii.
293; 1616, ii. 471-2; 1801-87, iii.
683- 709.
Interoceanic road, project for, 1514,
i. 396-7; termini, i. 465; completed,
1519, i. 471-2.
Irving, W., works of, i. 69, 200, 239-
43.
Isabela, founding of, 1493, i. 169.
Isla de Pinos, visited by Columbus,
1502, i. 207-10; Drake at, 1572, ii.
405-7.
Isla Rica, named by Balboa, 1513, i.
377; cacique of, 408-10.
Iturbide, A., designs of, iii. 51; in-
structions to Filisola, iii. 62; down-
fall of, iii. 65.
Itzas, attempted conversion of the, ii.
673-6; attempted subjugation, ii.
682-95.
Itzcuintlan, Alvarado's conquest of,
1524, i. 663-5.
Izaguirre, B. de, bishop of Pan., 1655,
ii. 479.
Izalco, Indian outbreak at, 1875, iii.
400.
Izancanac, Cortes at, 1524, i. 557.
Izaru, Volcano, eruption of, 1723, ii.
620.
Iztapa, Guat., ship-building at, 1539,
ii. 205.
Iztapa, Chiap., battle at, 1524, ii. 216.
Iztapan, Cortes at, 1524, i. 543.
Jacote, convention of, 1842, iii. 216-
17.
Jalisco, insurrection in, 1541. ii. 206-
7.
Jamaica, coasted by Columbus, 1494,
i. 171.
Jaragua, Bastidas shipwrecked at,
1501, i. 192.
Jerez, M., pronunciamiento of, 1869,
iii. 472.
Jerez, Bisliop N. G., revolt at Leon,
1812, iii. 14.
Jeronimites, mission of the, 1515-18,
i. 277-80.
Jesuits, in Nic, 1616-21, ii. 442-3; in
Talamanca, 1684,'ii. 447; expulsion
of the, 1767, ii. 730-1; 1871, iii.
425-6; 1881, iii. 476, 484-5; 1884,
iii. 389; revolts caused by, 1881, iii.
476, 484-5.
Jews, mediaeval brutality toward, i.
27-9.
Jimenez, J., president of C. E,., 1863,
iii. 377; 1868, iii. 378-9; arrest,
etc., of, 379-80.
Joroco, convention of, 1845, iii. 203.
Juan de Dios, order of, in Pan., ii.
477-8.
Juarros, D., works of, ii. 142, 737.
Junta, suprema central gubernativa,
iii. 4; suprema de censura, iii. 26;
consultiva, iii. 35-6, 42-5, 50, 52,
57.
Justice, administr., etc., of, in Cent.
Amer., iii. 638-45.
Jutiapa, Malespin's forces at, 1844,
iii. 191-2.
K
Kaustman, 'Munich Atlas,' i. 69-70.
Kerr, R., works of, ii. 756.
Kinney, J. L., exped of, iii. 327-8.
Kohl, J. G., works of, i. 69.
La Antigua, revolt in, 1828, iii. 96;
assembly installed at, 1824, iii. 145;
affair at, iii. 420.
La Concepcion, convent, establd. in
Guat., 1546-8, ii. 343-4.
La Gloria, S. G. de, imposture, etc., of,
1712, ii. 699-700.
La Harpe, works of, ii. 748-9.
La Navidad, fortress of, built, 1492, i.
164; abandoned, 169.
La Union, blockade of, 1849, iii.
297-8.
La Virgen, affair at, 1855, iii. 331.
Lacandones, depredations, etc., of, ii.
,361-2; exped. against, 1559, ii. 362-
6; independence, etc., of, iii. 615-
16.
762
INDEX.
Ladinos, condition, etc., of the, iii. 594.
Lafond, G., works of, ii. 755.
Lagares, P. de, labors of, in Tolo-
galpa, ii. 450.
Lamilla, Father A. de, bishop of
Guat., ii. 378.
Landa, Capt., cruelty of, ii. 282; exe-
cution of, 1550, 287.
Landecho, J. M. de, gov., etc., of
Guat., ii. 366-9.
Lara, Friar D. de, bishop of Chiap.,
1574, ii. 373.
Lara, J. C. de, gov. of Nic, ii. 607.
Lara, Father S. de, priest of Cancuc,
1712, ii. 697.
Lara y Mogrobejo, A. de, president of
Guat., 1649-54, ii. 653.
Lardner, D., 'Cabinet Cyclopaedia,'
iii. 709.
Las Casas, B. de, character of, i. 274-
5; labors in Cuba, i. 276; protector
of the Indians, i. 277; efforts in
Spain, i. 279-84; works of, i. 309-
10; dispute with Quevado, i. 462-3;
mission to Peru, etc., ii. 136-7; ar-
rival in Nic, etc., 1532, ii. 169; op-
position to Contreras, ii. 170-1; the
new laws, ii. 239-40; dispute with
the audiencia of the Confines, 1545,
ii. 303-7; bishop of Chiap., 1543, ii.
330-1; administr., ii. 332-5; retire-
ment, etc., ii. 335-6; works of, ii.
336; pacification of Vera Paz, ii.
348-54; death, 337; character, 337-8.
Las Charcas, federal defeat at, 1829,
iii. 97.
Lawrie, Col, supt. of Mosquitia, ii.
603-4.
Leiva, P., provis. president of Hond.,
1873-6, iii. 460-2.
Lempira, Cacique, valor of, ii. 290-1;
stronghold of, captured, 1537, ii.
291-2; death, ii. 291-2.
Leon, founding of, 1527, i. 513; butch-
ery of natives at, 1528, i. 610; con-
vent founded at, 1532, ii. 168-9; the
Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 275-6;
Gaitan's defeat at, 1554, ii. 425;
new city of, ii. 439-40; captured by
freebooters, 1685, ii. 553-5; cathe-
dral of, 1743, ii. 613; revolts, etc.,
at, 1811-12, iii. 14-16; junta guber-
nativa at, 1823, iii. 170-1; sack of,
1824, iii. 171; siege of, 1824-5, iii.
171-2; 1844, iii. 197-200; revolts at,
1845, iii. 241; 1853-4, iii. 258-9;
1869, iii. 471-3; 1881, iii. 484-5;
seat of govt at, 1847, iii. 244; de-
scription of, iii. 568-9.
Lepe, D. de, voyage of, 1499, i. 113,
186.
Levy, P. , * Notas, ' iii. 255.
Liauo, Pilot, exped. to Yeragua,
1535-6, ii. 66.
Liberals, Guat., party, iii. 69-70; atti-
tude of, iii. 85-7; operations of,
1826-7, iii. 148-50; prosecution of,
iii. 151; division among, iii. 275.
Lindo, J., jefe of Salv., 1841, iii. 286;
coup d'etat, iii. 286; president of
Hond., 1847-51, iii. 311-21.
Literature, of C. R., iii. 622; of Nic,
iii. 623; of Salv., iii. 624; of Guat.,
iii. 627.
Llamas y Rivas, Dr F. J. de, gov. of
Pan., ii. 583.
Llano, Capt. A. del. , deputy to cdrtes,
iii. 5.
Llano, Col M. del, deputy to cdrtes,
iii. 5.
Loarca, A. L. de, storming of Mixco,
1525, i. 690-2.
L'Olonnois, F., character, etc, of, ii.
456-7; atrocities, 457-8; expeds.,ii.
458-60; death, 460.
Lopez, Father T., explorations, etc.,
of, 1778, 1782, ii. 614-16.
Lorca y Vellena Vivas, M. V. de,
gov. of Nic, 1757, ii. 607.
Lorenzana, Marqu6s de, president of
Guat., ii. 652-3.
Los Altos, state organized, 1838, iii.
156-7; assembly, iii. 157; maps of,
iii. 157, 275; incorporated with
Guat., 1840, iii. 158.
Los Santos, surprised by freebooters,
1686, ii. 561; revolution at, iii.
505-7.
Loyola, P. de, gov. of Nic, ii. 607.
Luque, Padre, Pizarro's conquest, ii. 3^
8, 12, 14, 36.
M
M'Donald, A., usurpation of, in Yuc,
iii. 315.
Macdonald, regent of Mosquitia, iiL
248; arresf of Quijano, 1841, iii.
249-51.
MacGregor, G., exped. of, 1818-19,
iii. 498-501.
McLure, R. Le M., discoveries of, iiL
689-91.
Madriz, Licentiate, disturbances in-.
cited by, 1699-1701, ii. 662.
Magellan, F. de, voyage of, 1519, i.
134-6.
Mail service, of Cent. Amer., iii.
671-2.
Maiollo, map of, i. 136.
Major, R. H., 'Life of Prince Henry
of Portugal, ' i. 70.
INDEX.
763
Malacatan, capture of, 1525, i. 697-
9.
Maldonado, A., alcalde mayor of Es-
paiiola, i. 250.
Maldonado, A., CQrapilation of, i. 286.
Maldonado, A. de,"^visitador, 1535, ii.
131; juez de residencia, ii. 132;
president of the audiencia of the
Confines, ii. 301; dispute with Las
Casas, 1545, ii. 304-7; residencia of ,
ii. 308-9; provis. gov. of Guat.,
1542, ii. 323; exped. to Talamanca,
1660, ii. 446.
Malespin, president of Salv., iii. 190;
defence of Salv., 1844, iii. 190-1;
invasion of Guat. , iii. 191-3; ofNic,
iii. 194-5; capture of Leon, iii. 197-
200; dispute with Guzman, iii.
202-3.
Malespin, Col F., revolution of, 1842,
iii. 289; president of Salv., iii. 290;
defeat of, iii. 293-4; death of, iii.
294.
Malinche, see Cortes, H.
Mames, Alvarado's conquest of the,
1525, i. 695-702.
Managua, revolt at, 1833-4, iii. 175-6;
1845, iii. 240-1 ; seat of govt at,
1845, iii. 241; cholera at, 1855, iii.
330; description of, iii. 568.
Manches, christianization, etc., of, ii.
672-3.
Manosca y Murillo, J. de, president
of Guat., 1670, ii. 659; bishop of
Guat., 1668-75, ii. 668.
Mansvelt, buccaneer, raids, etc., of,
ii. 460-3.
Manufactures, of Cent. Amer., iii.
660-2.
Maps, the world, i. 73; Zeno's chart,
1390, i. 82; Behaim's globe, 1492, i.
93; Cosa's map, 1500, i. 115;
Ruysch's, 1508, i. 126; Peter Mar-
tyr's, 1511, i. 127; Ptolemy's, 1513,
i. 130; in Munich Atlas, 1518, i.
133; Schoner's globe, 1520, i. 137;
Bordone's, 1528, i. 144; Ribero's,
1529, i. 146; the New World, 1530,
i. 147;Ruscelli's, 1544, i. 148; Fine's,
1531,^ i. 149; Castillo's, 1541, i. 153;
manuscript, 1532-40, i. 154; Casti-
11a del Oro, i. 323; ii. 49; Darien, i.
362, 400, 405, 416, 427; Nic, i. 513;
ii. 175; iii. 258; Hond., i. 518; ii.
148; iii. 110, 205, 198; Quiche and
Cackchiquel, i. 629; Peru, ii. 9;
Alvarado's march, ii. 82; Guat., ii.
91, 320; iii. 191; C. R., ii. 188; iii.
184, 234; Chiap., ii. 331; iii. 39;
Lacandon war, ii. 363; Mosquitia,
ii. 603; iii. 246; Belize, ii. 627; de-
feat of Padilla, iii. 58; Los Altos,
iii. 157, 275; Salv., iii. 191, 205;
Walker's exped., iii. 343; inter-
oceanic communication, iii. 692.
Maracaibo, plundered by Morgan, ii.
490-1.
March ena, Treasurer R. de, mention
of, ii. 280-1.
Marin, E., acting jefe of Salv., 1842,
iii. 286-7.
Marin, Gen. E., execution of, 1877,
iii. 464.
Marin, Capt. L., character of, ii. 215;
exped. to Chiap., 1524, 215-25.
Marquez, D., contador at Antigua,
1514, i. 390.
Marquez, G., acting jefe of Guat.,
1830, iii. 154-5.
Marroquin, F., biog., etc., ii. 134;
bishop of Guat, 1533, ii. 135; ad-
ministr., ii. 135-40; Alvarado's ex-
ecutor, etc., ii. 207-9; dispute with
Las Casas, ii. 303-6, 343; gov. of
Guat., 1542, ii. 319; Indian policy,
ii. 325-6; poverty of, ii. 342-3; con-
vent, etc., founded by, ii. 343-4;
death of, 1563, ii. 375.
Martin, A., first Spaniard to sail on
South Sea, 1513, i. 369-70.
Martinez, B., bishop of Pan., 1583, ii.
475.
Martinez, Friar C, bishop of Pan.,
1625, i. 478.
Martinez, J. A., president of Guat.,
1848, iii. 274. '
Martinez, Gen. T., operations of, 1855,
iii. 261; 1856-7, iii. 352, 356, 360;
member of junta, 1857, iii. 365;
president of Nic, 1857-67, iii. 365-
9; biog., iii. 366; death, iii. 370.
Martyr, P., map of, 1511, i. 127-8;
biog., i. 312; works of, i. 312-14.
Marure, M. A., works of, iii. 17-18;
imprisonment of, iii. 19-20.
Masaya, revolt at, 1812, iii. 15; Walk-
er's attack on, 1856, iii. 353; de-
struction of, 1856, iii. 355-6.
Mata, Brigadier J. A. de la, gov. of
Pan., 1805, iii. 489.
Matagalpa, insurrection in, 1881, iii.
484.
Mayorga, M. de, president of Guat.,
1773-8, ii. 717-25.
Mazariegos, D. de, conquest of Chiap.,
1526, ii. 226-7, meeting with Puer-
tocarrero, ii. 227-8; administr. of,
ii. 229-30; residencia of, ii. 230.
Mazariegos, M. R., exped. of, 1695, ii.
682-5.
Mazatecs, submission of the, 1524, i.
557-8.
764
INJ)EX.
Ma,::a.\,euan;jo, capture of, 1525, i. C93
-7.
Medina, Alcalcle, i:i charge at Tru-
jillo, 1525, i. 535.
Mcsdina, 1\ do, mentiou of, ii. 220-1.
Medina, J. M., president of Ilond.,
1830-72, iii. 453-8; revolt of, iii.
461-3; execution, 1878, iii. 464;
bio^., i'i- 434-5.
Medra!io y Soldrzano, E., exped. of,
1699, ii. 695.
Mejia, G., prosecution of Alvarado,
ii. 100.
Mejia, H., surprised by Verdugo, ii.
233; defection, etc., of, 1546, ii.
237-8, 271.
Mejicanos, Arce's defeat at, 1823, iii.
64; surrender of, iii. 95.
Melendez, Gov. P., defence of Porto-
bello, 1602, ii. 467.
* Memorias, ' iii. 107.
Mencos, M., exped. of, 1699, ii. 694-
5.
Mencos, M. C. de, president of Guat.,
1657-67, ii. 657-8.
Mendavia, Bean P. de, distiirbance
caused by, ii. 177-8.
Mendez, D., in Yerag., 1503, i. 222-4;
plot of, ii. 150-8; execution of, ii.
154.
Menendez, Gen. F., revolvition of,
1385, iii. 411.
Mondcz, H., procurator to Spain, etc.,
1545, ii. 323-4.
Mendez, 11. , murder of, 1872, iii. 399.
Mendiuueta y Muzquiz, P. de, viceroy
of New Granada, 1801, iii. 489.
Msndoza, H. de, exped. of, 1532, i.
148.
Meneses, Capt., joins Pedrarias' ex-
ped., 1514, i. 390; garrison of, be-
sieged, i. 402, 404.
Mercado, J. N. de, assassination of
Olid, i. 5C1-3.
Mercado, Friar M. de, bishop of Pan.,
1578, ii. 475.
Merced, order of, establd. in Guat.,
1537, ii. 140-1; convent founded at
Ciudad Peal, ii. 328-9.
Merlo, R. de, exped. of, 1525, i. 577.
Mestizos, characteristics of the, iii.
594-5.
Mexico, union of Cent. Amer. with,
1821-2, iii. 42-69; war with Salv.,
1822-3, iii. 62-4.
Mexico City, machinations against
Cortes, i. 672-5, 680-1.
Meyner, C, gov. of Pan., 1812, iii.
495.
Milla, J. J., vice-jefe of Hond., 1824,
iii. 161; defeats Herrera, iii. 162.
Millen, F. F., colonization scheme of,
1883, iii. 590-1.
Mining, in Hond., ii. 295; in Guat., ii.
383; in Pan., ii. 395-6, 585-6; in
Cent. Amer., iii. 655-60.
Miro, G., president of Pan., 1873, iii.
541.
Mitla, insurrection in, 1837, iii. J24-
5.
Mixco, capture of, 1525, i. 686-92;
federal victory at, 1829, iii. 97.
Moderados, Guat., party organized,
1848, iii. 275.
Molina, Col M. A., jefe of Los Altos,
1838, iii. 157-9; execution of, 1842,
iii. 218.
Molina, P., * El Editor Constitucional, *
iii. 27-8; biog., iii. 27-8; revolution-
ary movements, iii. 33; envoy to
Bogota, 1825, iii. 81; jefe of Guat.,
iii. 104; downfall of, iii. 105.
MoUinedo y Saravia, G., capt. -gen.,
1801, iii. 3; rule, iii. 3-6; death, iii.
6.
Monasteries, suppression of, 1829, iii.
104.
Monasterio, Capt. J. de, operations,
etc., of, 1603-9, ii. 650-1.
Montaiglon, M. de, works of, i. 54.
Montalboddo, 'Paesi Nouamente re-
trouati,'i. 123.
Montalvo, P., viceroy of New Gra-
nada, 1813, iii. 4C5.
Montealegre, J. M. , president of Costa
Rica, 1859-63, iii. 373-7.
Montejo, F. de, gov. of Hond., 1537-
9, ii. 289-99; negotiations with Al-
varado, 296-9.
Monterroso, F. de H., acting gov, of
Pan., 1708, ii. 583.
Montes, F., arrest, etc., of, 1810, iii.
493.
Montes, J. F., president of Hond.,
1863, iii. 324-5.
Montfraisier, Du P. de, * Histoire Uni-
versello,' ii. 748.
Montiano, M. de, gov. of Pan., 1749-
55, ii. 684.
I.I outiifar, Col M., surrender of, iii.
95.
Mora, F., invasion of C. R., iii. 387.
Mora, J., jefe of C. R., 1822-33, iii.
179-81; biog., iii. 180.
Mora, J. I'., president of C. R., 1849
-53, iii. 233-7.
Mora, Gen. J. J., operations of, 1856,
iii. 358.
Mora, J. R., president of C. R., 1859,
iii. 372; revolt against, iii. 372-3;
exile, iii. 373; revolt of, iii. 374-6;
execution, 1860, iii. 375-6.
INDEX.
765
Morales, Capt. G. de, joins Pedrarias'
exped., 1514, i. 390; exped. to the
Pearl Islands, 1515, i. 408-11; atro-
cities of, i. 411.
Morales, M. R., director of Nic, 1847,
iii. 243.
Morazan, Gen., victory at Gualclio,
1828, iii. 95; campaign in Guat.,
1828-9, iii. 96-100; harsh measures
of, iii. 100-3; operations in Hond.,
iii. Ill; president, 1830, iii. 112;
rule, iii. 112-42; departure, 1840,
iii. 142-3; invasion of C. R., 1842,
iii. 216-17; measures, iii. 217-18;
pro vis. jefe, iii. 218; capture of, iii.
219-20; execution, iii. 221-2.
Moreno, Fiscal P., exped. to Hond.,
1525, i. 535-6.
Morgan, H., early career of, ii. 482-3;
plunders Puerto Principe, ii. 483;
captures Portobello, 1668, ii. 483-9;
atrocities of, ii. 484-7, 510-12; en-
counters gov. of Pan., ii. 488-9;
forces, etc., of, ii. 491-2; captures
Santa Catarina, ii. 493; lands at
Chagre, ii. 496-7; march across the
Isthmus, ii. 497-502; captures Pa-
nama, 1671, ii. 504-7; plot against,
ii. 512; return to San Lorenzo, ii.
512-13; division of spoils, ii. 514;
knighted, etc., ii. 515; imprison-
ment of, ii. 515.
Morillo, Mariscal P., exped. of, 1815,
iii. 496.
Moseoso, L., exped. of, 1530, ii. 121.
Mosquitia, description of, ii. 595-8,
600-1; buccaneers in, ii. 598; Brit-
ish rights in, ii. 598-9; British ag-
gression in, ii. 601-2; maps of, ii.
603; iii. 246; Galvez' exped. to, 1782,
ii. 604-5; Despard's exped. to, 1782,
ii. 605-6; British protectorate -over,
iii. 244-52; kings of, iii. 245-8; at-
tempts at colonization, iii. 248-9.
Motolinia, Fray T. de, labors in Nic,
1528, ii. 184; in Guat., ii. 345-7.
Mourgeon, MariscalJ. de la C., capt.-
gen. of New (jranada, 1821, iii. 503;
exped. of, iii. 504.
Moya, R., jefe of C. R., 1844, iii. 227.
Munoz, F., execution of, 1517, i.
457-9.
Muiioz, J. B., 'Historia del Nuevo
Mondo,' i. 197-8.
Muiioz, Gen. J. T., siege of Leon,
1844, iii. 197; promotion of, iii. 240;
operations, etc., of, 1845, iii. 241-3;
revolt of, 1851, iii. 256; negotiations,
iii. 260; death, 1855, iii. 330.
Murillo, Lieut-col A., victory at Te-
cauname, 1855, iii. 261.
N
Nacaome, diet of, 1848, iii. 208.
Naco Valley, exped. to, ii. 145, 147,
156-7.
Nancintlan, burning of, 1524, i. 668.
Napoleon I., usurpation of, iii. 2.
Narango, battle of, 1876, iii. 462.
Narragansett Bay, settlement founded
at, 1000, i. 76.
Narvaez y la Torre, Brigadier A., gov.
of Pan., 1801, iii. 489.
Nata, surprised by Espinosa, 1516, i.
423; settlement founded at, i. 505-9.
Nata, Cacique, capture of, 1515, i.
414; surrender of, 1516, i. 423-4;
exped. against, i. 424-5; revolt of,
1517, i. 431.
Nava, J. de, gov. of 0. R., 1773, ii.
622.
Navarette, M. F. de, works of, i. 69,
198-200; biog., 198.
Navas y Quevada, A. de las, bishop of
Nic, 1667, ii. 443-4.
Navigation, internal, iii. 667-8.
Navio, picture of, i. 189.
Nebah, capture of, 1530, ii. 111-12.
Negroes, importation of, ii. 386-7;
regulations concerning, ii. 389-90.
Neira, G., president of Pan., 1872-3,
iii. 538-il.
Nelsoii, H., exped. to Nic, 1780, ii.
609-11.
' New Collection of Voyages, ' ii, 750.
Newfoundland, Leif lands at, 1000, i.
76.
New Granada, rebellion in, 1810-13,
iii. 493-6; state of, organized, 1831,
iii. 513; revolution in, 1840, iii.
'515-16; difficulty with England,
1836, iii. 518; with U. S., 1855, iii.
519; 1856-7, iii. 520-2; mining in,
iii. 659-60; treaty with U. S., 1846,
iii. 700-1.
New laws, publication of the, 1543,
ii. 240; provisions, ii. 240-1; oppo-
sition to the, ii. 242-3, 301-2, 323;
repealed, 1545, ii. 325; opposition.
to, ii. 334-5, 338.
New St Andrew, founding of, 1698,
ii. 576.
Newspapers, iii. 27-8, 273, 288, 290,
559, 584, 622, 627.
' New Universal Collection, ' ii. 750.
'New Voyages and Travels,' ii. 751.
Nicaragua, Davila's exped. to, 1522-
3, i. 483-94; maps of, i. 513; ii. 175;
iii. 258; church affairs in, ii. 168-9,
443-4, 612-17; iii. 632-3; revolts
in, ii. 274-8; iii. 240-2, 259-61; set-
tlements, etc, of, ii. 434, 437-8 j
706
INDEX.
Dominicans in, ii. 436-7; commerce
of, ii. 438; piratical raids in, 1685-
C, ii. 553-62; diputacion provincial
in, iii. 47; annexation to Mex'.,
1821, iii. 47-8; internal strife in,
1833-7, iii. 170-7; juntas gnberna-
tivas, iii. 170-2; assembly, iii. 172-
3, 243, 257-00, 367, 475-8; earth-
quake, etc., in, 1835, iii. 176-7; se-
cession, 1838, iii. 178; British media-
tion requested, 1839-40, iii. 186-7;
war with Hond., 1844, iii. 194-200;
union with Salv. and Hond., iii.
209-11; C. K. boundary question,
iii. 231-3; British claims, iii. 239-
40; British aggressions in Mosqui-
tia, iii. 244-51; hostilities with
England, 1848, iii. 251-2; Zeledon-
Wyke treaty, 1860, iii. 252-3;
treaty with Spain, 1850, iii. 253;
concordat, iii. 253; foreign rela-
tions, iii. 254; difhculty with U. S.,
1854, iii. 254-5; with Germany,
1876, iii. 256; declared a republic,
1852-4, iii. 257; war with Guat.,
1850-3, iii. 279-80; Walker's cam-
paign in, 1855-6, iii. 328-46; cholera
in, 1855, iii. 330; war with C. R.,
1857, iii. 362; junta de gobierno in,
1857, iii. 365; revenue, iii. 366-7;
constitution, iii. 367; rebellion in,
1869, iii. 471-4; difficulty with
C. K, 1873-5, iii. 479-82; jssuitic
seditions, iii. 484-5; opposition to
Barrios, 1885, iii. 486; boundaries,
iii. 567; departments, etc., iii. 567-
8; cities, iii. 568-9; population,
1883, iii. 588; colonization in, iii.
591-2; character of population, iii.
599-601; dress, etc., iii. 601-2;
dwellings, iii. 602; mode of life,
iii. 603; amusements, iii. 603-4;
education, iii. 622-4; administr. of
justice, iii. 641-3; army, iii. 646-7;
agric, iii. 652-3; mining, iii. 657-
8; manufact., iii. 661; revenue, etc.,
iii. 683; debt, iii. 483, 683; railroads,
iii. 708.
Nicaragua, Cacique, Davila's visit to,
1522, i. 486-9; attacks the Span-
iards, iii. 493.
Nicaragua, isthmus, project for canal,
iii. 694-8.
Nicaragua, Lake, discovery of, 1522,
i. 489.
Nicoya, Cacique, Davila's meeting
with, 1522, i. 485-6.
Nicoya, province, incorporated with
C. R., 1825, iii. 179.
Nicoya, toM^n, the Contreras revolt,
1550, ii. 277-8.
Nicuesa, D. de, biog., etc., of, i. 292-
4; gov. of Castilla del Oro, i. 294-
6; quarrel with Ojeda, i. 296-7; ex-
ped. to Veragua, 1509, i. 296-308;
relieved by Colmenares, i. 331-2;
reception at Antigua, i. 334-5; de-
posal, i. 335; fate of, i. 335-6.
'Nina,' voyage of the, 1492-3, i. 159-
64.
Nindiri, volcano, eruption of, 1775,
ii. 608.
Nino, Pilot A, exped., etc., of, 1522-
3, i. 478-93.
Nino, P. A., voyage of, 1499, i. 186.
Nito, Cortes' arrival at, 1525, i. 565-7;
sickness, etc., at, i. 567-8; site of,
abandoned, i. 568, 570.
Niza, Friar M. de, exped. of. 1539, i.
151-2; rept of, ii. 205.
Nombre de Dios, name, i. 307; Nicu-
esa at, i. 307-8; fort of, built, 1510,
i. 307-8; departure of garrison, i.
337-8; abandoned, i. 331-3; 412-13;
refounded, 1519, i. 471; trade, etc.,
of, ii. 248-9; Nombre de Dios, Ver-
dugo's invasion of, ii. 263-4; Gasca
at, 1546, ii. 267-9; 1550, ii. 282-3;
the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 278,
281-3; removal of site, etc., ii. 396-
9; Drake's attack on, 1572, ii. 405-6;
destroyed by Drake, 1595, ii. 422.
Norl, Cacique, execution of, ii. 55-6.
North-west passage, discov. of, iii.
689-91.
' Notes de Voyage en Centre Amer-
ique,' iii. 676-7.
' Nouvelle Biblioth^que des Voyages, '
ii. 757.
Nueva Andalucia, name, i. 294; Oje-
da's exped. to, 1509-10, i. 294-301.
Nueva Jaen, founding of, ii. 186.
Nueva Segovia, freebooters at, 1687,
ii. 563-4.
Nueva Valladolid, growth, etc., of,
1557-74, ii. 640-1; earthquake in,
1774, ii. 640.
'Nuevo Viajero Universal,' ii. 758.
Nunez, A., Nicuesa's exped., 1509-
10, i. 307-8.
Nunez, J., vice-jefe of Nic, 1835, iii.
177.
Nufiez, Capt. V., capture, etc., of, ii.
257-8.
Nutibara, Cacique, defeat of, ii. 54.
Oajaca, city, capture, etc., of, iii. 6.
Obaldia, J. de, gov. of Pan., 1858. iii.
528.
INDEX.
767
'Obaldia, Col A., revolt of, 1868, iii.
537-8.
Occhuc, Tzeudales repulsed at, 1712,
ii. 703-4.
Ococingo, massacre at, 1712, ii. 699.
Ojeda, A. de, voyage of, 1499-1500,
i. Ill, 186; 1502, i. 118,. 19; early
career, etc., of, i. 292-4; gov. of
Nueva Andalucia, i. 294-6; quarrel
with Nicuesa, i. 296-7; exped. of,
1509, i. 296-301; death, i. 301.
Olancho, sedition in, 1829, iii. 109-11;
revolt at, 1844, iii. 310.
Olancho Valley, occupation of, 1526,
i. 589-90.
Olano, L. de, Nicuesa's exped., 1509-
10, i. 301-7; ill treatment of , i. 332-
3; death, i. 441.
Olarte, V., see Galindo, V. 0.
Olaziregui, V., gov. of Pan., 1769, ii.
584.
Olid, C. de, exped. to Hond., 1524, i.
524; character, i. 525; treachery of,
i. 526-7; meeting with Gonzalez,
i. 527-8; fight with Casas, etc., i.
529-30; assassination, i. 531-3.
Olmos, P. de, defeat of, ii. 109-10.
Omoa, bombardment of , 1873, iii. 320.
O'Neill, Gen., exped. to Belize, 1798,
iii. 314. ■
Orbita, Friar J. de, mission to Itza,
1618, ii. 673-5.
Ordonez, Col C, commandant at I
Granada, iii. 59; revolt of, 1824,
iii. 171-2.
Orduna, F. de, juez de residencia,
1529, ii. 105-6; exped. of, ii. 110-
11; prosecution, etc., of, 1530, ii.
117-18.
Oreamuno, F. M., jefe of C. R., 1844,
iii. 226-7; vice-president, 1853, iii.
237.
Orosco, Presbyter L. de, assassination
of, ii. 709.
Ortega, J., president of Pan., 1878,
iii. 543-4.
Ortiz, A., exped. of, ii. 148.
Orueta y Irusta, J. B. de, gov. of
Pan., 1709, ii. 583.
Osorio, D. A., bishop of Nic, 1531,
ii. 168-9.
Ostuncalco, Indian outbreak at, iii.
123.
Osuna, J. V. de, capture of Copan,
1530, ii. 115.
Ovalle, Missionary P. de, labors of, ii.
644.
Ovando, N. de, gov. of Espanola, 1502,
i. 249; instructions to, i. 249-50;
exped. of, i. 250; administr. i. 250-
2, 256, 259-61, 266-8.
Oviedo, G F. de, biog., i. 310; works
of, i. 150, 310-12; veedor at Anti-
gua, 1514, i. 390; efforts in Spain,
1515, i. 463-4; 1523, i. 511-12;
regidor perpetuo de Antigua, i 473;
rule, i. 474-5; deposed, i. 476;
departure, etc., 1528, i. 477; capt.-
gen. of Cartagena, i. 593.
Oxenham, J., exped. to Pan., 1575, ii.
418.
Oxib Quieh, King, accession of, 1524,
i. 645; plot of, i. 646; capture, etc.,
of, 648.
Ozorco y Berra, 'Cartograffa Mexi-
cana, ' i. 70.
Pacheco, Gen., defeat of, 1829, iii.
97.
Pacific Ocean, see South Sea.
Paiz, Brigadier G., cabinet-minister,
1845, iii. 268-9.
Palahunoh Pass, Alvarado's victory
at, 1524, i. 634-6.
Palomar, J. M., in command at Tru-
jillo, 1820, iii. 24.
Palomino, J. A., exped. to Nic, ii. 262.
Panaguali, Cacique, execution of, ii.
91.
Panamd. (see also Castilla del Oro),
audiencias of, ii. 57-8, 370-1, 585;
slavery, etc., in, ii. 232-3; com-
merce, etc., in, ii. 390-3, 587, 594;
iii. 672-5; shipping, ii. 392; pearl
fisheries, ii. 394-5, 585; mining, ii.
395-6, 585-6; iii. 659-60; Drake's
raids in, 1572, ii. 405-17; Oxenham's
exped., 1575, ii. 418; officials of,
ii. 471; smuggling in, ii 473-4; iii.
491-2; church affairs, i. 500-1, ii.
474-80; iii. 635-7; Morgan's raids
in, 1668-71, ii. 483-515; Indian
raids in, 1745-74, ii. 581-2; in-
corporated with" New Gran., 1718,
ii. 584; revenue, iii. 490, 686-7;
industrial depression in, iii. 490;
population, etc., iii. 490-2, 580-1;
viceregal seat at, 1812, iii. 494;
Macgregor's invasion of, 1818-19,
iii. 498-501; revolution in, 1821,
iii. 602-7; 1831, iii. 514; 1840, iii.
514-15; 1868, iii. 536-7; annexed
to Colombia, 1821, iii. 506-8; slav-
ery abolished in, iii. 509; subju-
gation of, iii. 515-16; declared a
state, 1855, iii. 525, 529; constitu-
tion of, iii. 526, 540, 542, 544; dis-
turbances in, 1883-4, iii. 546-8; a
national department, iii. 559; boun-
daries, etc., iii. 577-8; departments.
768
INDEX.
iii. 578; cities, iii. 578-9; women
of, iii. 581-2; education in, iii. 588-
4; literature, iii. 584; amusements,
iii. 584-5; epidemics, etc., iii. 585-G;
administration of justice, iii. 644-5;
army, iii. 645-6; agric, iii. 654-5;
currency, iii. 675-6; telegraphs, iii.
708-9.
Panama, city, name, i. 404; post es-
established on site of, 1517, i. 429;
founding of, 1519, i. 468; progress,
etc., of, i. 495-500; arms of, i. 500;
slave market at, i. 608-9; Pizarro's
exped., ii. 1-15; proposed removal
of site, 153], ii. 247; prosperity,
etc., of, ii. 249-50; pillage of, ii.
255; Hinojosa's conquest of, 1545,
ii. 255-61; Gasca at, 1546-7, ii.
269-72; captured by Contreras,
1550, ii. 279-81; Bermejo's defeat
at, ii. 284-6; sickness at, ii. 399-
400; official embezzlement at, ii.
401-2; defences of, ii. 402-3; deca-
dence of, 1610, ii. 470; convent
establd. at, 1592-8, ii. 475-6; fires
at, 1644, ii. 479; 1737-71, ii. 582;
prosperity of, 1645-70, ii. 480-1;
descriptions of, ii. 502-3; iii. 578-
9; captured by Morgan, ii. 504-7;
destruction of, 1671, ii. 507-8; site
of, removed, ii. 517-18; rebuilding
of, ii. 517-19; naval combat off,
1680, ii. 534-7; freebooters defeated
off, 1685, ii. 552-3; revolution at,
1821, iii. 504-8; gen. congress at,
1826, iii. 510-12; disturbances at,
1856, iii. 520-1; 1859-60, iii. 528-30.
Panama Isthmus, infested with crimi-
nals, iii. 518-19; guard of the, 1854,
iii. 519; transit refused, iii. 522-3;
order restored at, iii. 524; protec-
tion of the, iii. 539-40, 551-8; dis-
turbances at, 1885, iii. 550-7; canal,
iii. 698-700, 703-6; railroad, iii.
700-2.
Panciaco, story of the South Sea, i.
348; kindness to the Spaniards, i.
383.
Parada, J. G. de, bishop of Guat.,
1729-36, ii. 710-11.
Peredes, A. G. de, exped., etc., of,
1695, ii. 687-90.
Parades, M., president of Guat., 1849,
iii. 277; treachery of, iii. 277-8.
Paris, Cacique, defeats Badajoz, 1515,
i. 415-17; tomb of, plundered, i. 468.
Parker, Capt. W., exped. of, 1602-3,
ii. 465-8.
Pasamonto, M. de, treasurer-general
at Santo Domingo, 1508, i. 266-7.
Pasaquina, battle of, 1876, iii. 404.
' Pastora, F. F. de la, gov. of C. R.,
I 1746, ii. 622.
I Paterson, W., the Scots' colony, 1695-
9, ii. 570-7.
I Patinamit, description of, i. 655-6;
' Alvarado's reception at, 1524, i.
j 656-7; abandoned by natives, 1524,
i. 683-4; sack, etc., of, 1525, ii. 77;
battle of, 1526, ii. 84.
Patzicia, pronunciamiento at, 1871,
! iii. 420-1.
Paul III., bull of, 1531, ii. 239.
Pavon, M. F., minister of relations,
etc., 1844, iii. 192; death of, 1855,
iii. 283.
Paz, M. J., jefe of Guat., 1838, iii.
159.
Paz, R., president of Guat., 1840-4,
iii. 266-7.
Pazaco, Alvarado attacked at, 1524,
i. 669.
Pearl fisheries, of Pan., ii. 394-5,
585; condition of, iii. 676.
Pearl Islands, named, 1513, i. 377-8;
Morales' exped. to, 1515, i. 408-11;
Balboa at, 1517, i. 445-52; yield,
etc., of, iii. 676.
Pedrarias, D., character, etc., i. 387,
615-16; capt. -gen. of Castilla del
Oro, 1514, i. 387; armament, i. 389;
relinue, etc., i. 389-91; instructions
to, i. 391-2, 397-9; voyage, i. 392;
landing at Antigua, i. 393-4; exped.
to Cenii, 1515, i. 417; founds Ada,
i. 418; feud with Balboa, i. 432-3;
fraud of, i. 435-6; duplicity, i. 452,
455; Balboa's trial and execution,
1517, i. 456-9; founds Panamd,
1519, i. 468; residencia of, i. 474,
594-6; resignation, i. 474; dispute
with Gonzalez, i. 481-3; exped.
against Urraca, i. 507-8; exped. to
Nic, 1526, i. 587-92; 1528, i. 605;
Pizarro's exped., i. 612-13; death,
1530, i. 614.
Pedraza, Licentiate C. de, arrival in
Hond., 1538, ii. 292; intercession
of, ii. 298; bishop, ii. 299; admin-
istr., ii. 299-308.
Peinado, J. M., intendente of Saa
Salv., ii., 13-14.
Pelaez, F. de P. G., * Memorias, ' ii.
732-3, 737; archbishop of Guat.,
iii. 630.
Pelham, C, *The World,' ii. 751.
Penal ver y Cardenas, L., archbishop
of Guat., iii. 29.
Peralta, F. de, naval combat off Pan.,
1680, ii. 535-7.
Peraza, Friar V. de, bishop of Pan.,
i. 501; ii. 59.
INDEX.
769
Perez, A., insurrection of, 1512, i,
355-6; captures Nata, 1515, i. 414.
Perez, B., viceroy of New Gran., 1812,
iii. 494-5.
Perez, J., works of, iii. 345-6,
Perez, M., director of Nic, 1843, iii.
239
Perie, J., gov. of C. R., 1779, ii. 622.
Perks, W., command, etc., of, iii. 93
-4.
Peru, Pizarro's conquest of, ii. 1-42;
map, ii. 9; traditions, ii. 16-17;
annals, ii. 17-18; Alvarado's exped.
to, ii. 38-9, 122-30; rebellion in,
1544-7, ii. 252-73.
Peten, capture of, 1697, ii. 692-3.
Peten, lake, Cortes at, i. 559-61.
Piedrahita, Bishop L. F., works of,
ii. 62.
Pierzon, Col J., operations of, 1826,
iii. 148-9; execution, iii. 150.
Pineda, D. de, juez de comision, ii.
178.
Pineda, Gen. J. L., director of Nic,
1851-3, iii. 256; revolt against, iii.
256; defeat of, 1855, iii. 332.
Pineda y Zaldana, T. M., bishop of
Salv., iii. 632.
Pinelo, A. de L., works of, i. 287-8;
ii. 762.
Pinkerton, J., works of, ii. 755-6.
Pinol y Aycinena, B., archbishop of
Guat., 1868, iii. 630.
'Pinta,' voyage of the, 1492-3, i.
159-64.
Pinta, A., capture of San Jose, 1842,
iii. 219-20; biog., iii. 219; execution
of Morazan, iii. 222; comand.-gen.,
iii. 224; dismissal, iii. 225-6.
Pinto, J. A., vice-president of C. R.,
1872, iii. 381-2.
Pinzon, M. A., voyage, etc., of, 1492-3,
i. 158-63.
Pinzon, V. Y., voyage of, 1492-3, i.
112, 158-63; 1499, i. 186; 1506, i.
122, 289.
Pisa, A. de, captures Dururua, ii. 68;
exped. to C. K, ii. 192-9.
Pizarro, F., joins Ojedas' exped., 1509,
i. 298; at San Sabastian, i. 321-3;
defeats Cemaco, i. 344; Balboa's
exped., 1514, i. 376; Tabira's. i. 407;
exped. to the Pearl Islands, 1515, i.
408-11; arrests Balboa, 1517, i.
452-3; exped. against Urraca, i.
504-5; character, etc., ii. 1-3; con-
quest of Peru, ii. 3-38; commission,
ii. 13; assassination of, ii. 40-2.
I*izarro, G., conquest of Peru, ii. 13;
gov. of Quito, ii. 251; revolt of,
J544, ii. 252-4; conquest of Pan.,
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 49
ii. 254-61 ; defeat of, ii. 272; execu-
tion, ii. 273.
Pizarro, H., conquest of Peru, ii. 22-
40; death, ii. 40.
Pizarro, J., conquest of Peru, ii. 13.
Pizarro, Friar J., martyrdom of, 1586,
ii. 433.
Pizarro y Orellana, F., works of, ii.
273.
Pocoa, Cacique, attack on Nata, etc.,
1527, i. 510.
Pocorosa, Cacique, meeting with Bal-
boa, etc., 1513, i. 381-2; captures
Santa Cruz, 1515, i. 403; attacks
Guzman, i. 405-6.
Ponca, Cacique, exped. against, 1512,
i. 346; welcomes Balboa, i. 361-3.
Ponce, ^ Gen. F., president of Pan.,
1868, iii. 536.
Poncra, Cacique, Balboa's cruelty to,
i. 379-80.
Pontaz, Friar, labors of, ii. 133.
Pontaza, Friar F. M. de, hermitage
establ. by, 1524, i. 638.
Porque, Cacique, defeat of, 1513, i.
363-4.
Portobello, Columbus at, 1502, i. 216;
Nicuesa at, 1510, i. 307; fair, etc.,
at, ii. 48-9; site of Nombre de Dios
removed to, 1597, ii. 399; capture^
by Parker, 1602, ii. 466-8; descrip'
tion of, ii. 468-70; treasure fleet
at, ii. 468-9; captured by Morgan,
1668, ii. 483-9; sacked by pirates,
1679, ii. 519; captured by Vernon,
1739, ii. 588-91; by MacGregor,
1819, iii. 498-9; recaptured, iii. 501.
Poveda, A., gov. of Nic, 1722, ii.
607.
Prado, M., vice-president. Cent.
Amer. republic, 1830, iii. 112-13;
jefe of Salv., 1832-4, iii. 122, 167;
rule, iii. 167-8.
Prescott, W. H., works of, i. 242-6.
Press, freedom of, established, iii. 44-5.
Prestan, P., outrages of, 1885, iii.
551-3.
Prevost, Abbe A. F., works of, ii..
746-8.
Prior, P., anforme,'ii. 762.
'Provincias Unidas del Centra d&
America,' established, 1823, iii.
68; debt of, iii. 667-8.
Ptolemy, maps of, i. 130, 147.
Pueblo Nuevo, pirates defeated at,
1680, ii. 539; 1686, ii. 557.
Pueblo Viejo, captured by freebooters,
1686, ii. 556.
Puente, A. de la, treasurer at Anti-
gua, 1514, i. 390.
Puerta, C. M. de la, labors of, in
770
INDEX.
Tegucigalpa, ii, 642; martyrdom of,
ii. 643.
Puerto de Caballos, Alvarado at, 1539,
ii. 204; raids on, 1595-6, ii. 639;
1603, ii. 650; site of, removed, ii.
650.
Puerto Bulce, founding of, ii. 651.
Puerto Principe, captured by Morgan,
ii. 483.
Puertocarrero, P.", battle of Xelahuh,
1524, i. 639; character, ii. 87-8;
expod. to Zacatepec, ii. 88-91; cap-
ture of Sinacam's stronghold, ii.
93-5; invasion of Chiap., 1526, ii.
227-8.
Purchas, S., works of, ii. 742-4.
Q.
Qat, King, Alvarado 's embassy to, i.
622-3.
Quadra, V., president of Nic, 1871-5,
iii. 475-81.
Quarequa, Balboa at, 1513, i. 363-4.
Quauhtemotzin, King, execution of,
1524, i. 551-4.
Quoma, Cacique, capture, etc., of,
1516, i. 426.
Quesada, Dr A. R. de, president of
the audiencia of the Confines, 1555,
ii. 358; administr., ii. 358-60.
Quevedo, J. do, bishop of Darien, 1514,
i. 390; mediation, etc., of, i. 436-9;
departure for Spain, i. 461; dispute
with Las Casas, i. 462-3; memorials
of, i. 463; death, i. 463.
Quezada, convention of, 1844, iii. 193.
Quezaltenango, founding of, 1524, i.
638; riot at, iii. 88-9; state congress
at, 1826, iii. 148; captured by Pier-
zon, iii. 149; revolt at, iii. 283;
affair at, 1871, iii. 422.
'Quiche, power, etc., of, i. 620-2; map
of, i. 629; conquest of, i. 634-6,
643-51.
Quijano, Lieut-col, protest, etc., of,
iii. 250.
Quinones, P., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii.
14.
Quintana, works, etc., of, ii. 42.
Quiroga, M. de, gov. of Nic, 1780, ii.
608.
R
lUbago, J. de E., exped. of, ii. 425-6.
Rada, J. de, assassination of Pizarro,
ii. 40-1.
Railroads in Cent. Amer., iii. 700-2,
706-8.
Ramirez, D., mission to Chiap., 1543,
ii. 338.
Ramirez, Friar H., bishop of Pan.,
1644, ii. 479.
Ramirez, J., bishop of Guat., 1600, ii.
381.
Ramirez, M., director of Nic, 1849,
iii. 256.
Ramirez, N., jefe of Salv., 1841, iii.
286.
Ramirez, P., exped. to Lacandon,
1559, ii. 363-5.
Raon, J., gov. of Pan., 1762, ii. 584.
Raoul, N., commander of artillery,
etc., 1825, iii. 83; arrest, iii. 85-6.
Reactionists, Guat., choice of presi-
dent, 1848, iii. 274; efforts of, 1872,
iii. 427-9; 1873, iii. 433.
Realejo, the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii.
277; piratical raid on, 1684, ii. 548;
1685, ii. 555; 1686, ii. 560; block-
ade of, 1846, iii. 240.
' Recopilacion de Leyes de las Indias, '
i. 257-8.
'Recueil de Voiages an Nord,' ii.
749-50.
Regent of Audiencias, office of, created,
1776, ii. 714-15.
Remesal, Friar A. de, works of, ii.
339-40,736-7.
Repartimiento, system, description
of, i. 262-6.
'Repiiblica de Colombia,' name
adopted, iii. 558.
Residencia, explanation of term, i.
250.
Revenue, of Cent. Amer. states, iii.
677-87.
Revolutions, Carrera's Guat., 1837-
40, iii. 127-^4; Alfaro's C. R., iii.
219-22; against Carrera, 1847-8,
iii. 271-3; Menendez', 1885, iii. 411;
Granados-Barrios, 1871, iii. 419-24;
in Pan., 1821, iii. 502-7; 1840, iii.
515-16; 1868, iii. 536-7; 1875, iii.
541-2.
Ribera, Dr, defeats Verdugo, ii. 263-
4.
Ribera, Duque de, bishop of Pan.,
1594, ii. 475.
Ribera, P. E. de, bishop of Guat.,
1659-C8, ii. 667-8.
Ribero, D. de, Nicuesa's exped., 1509
-10,. i. 302-4.
Richardson, J., 'Polar Regions,' iii.
709.
Rincon, Gen. B. T. M. del, president
of Guat., 1789-94, ii. 728.
Ringrose, B., adventure of, 1680, ii.
530-2; naval combat off Pan., ii.
535-7; works, etc., of, ii. 568.
INDEX.
771
Rios, P. de los, gov. of Oastilla del
Oro, 1526, i. 592-3; rule, i. 593-4;
exped. to Nic, i. 602-4; Pizarro's
conquest, ii. 6-8, 12; character, etc.,
ii. 44-5; usurpation of, ii. 177-8.
Riotte, Gen. C. N., intervention of,
1869, iii. 474.
Rivas, Friar, mission to Lacandon,
1685, ii. 680-1.
Rivas, F. R. de, president of Guat. ,
1716-24, ii. 706.
Rivas, President P., denounces Walk-
er, iii. 349; govt of recognized,
iii. 350; colonization decree of, 1855,
iii. 592.
Rivas, city, Walker's defeat at, 1856,
iii. 344-5; siege of, 1857, iii. 358-60.
Roads, in Pan., 1541-56, ii. 247-8; in
Hond., 1539-47, ii. 293-4; of Cent.
Amer., iii. 669.
Roatan, island, captured by pirates;
etc., ii. 647-8; restored, iii. 113;
British seizure of, iii. 319.
Roberts, O. W., 'Narrative of Voy-
ages,' iii. 247-8.
Robertson, W., works of, i. 196-7.
Robles, Dr, exped. to El Desaguadero,
ii. 176; gov. of Castilla del Oro, ii.
245; oidor, 1538, ii. 245; residencia
of, ii. 245-6.
Rodriguez, J. M., revolt of, 1811, iii.
13. ^
Rojas, D. dfi,-<^ture, etc., of, 1530,
ii. 113. [
Rojas, G. del in charge at Ada, 1515,
i. 418; cxW^of,- 1525, i. 577-8;
1526, i. 589-92.
Ruano, Capt. J., mention of, i. 536.
Rueda, P. M. de, president of Guat.,
1589-93, ii. 382.
Ruiz, Pilot B., exped. to Peru, ii. 5-8.
Runnels, R., chief of isthmus guard,
iii. 519.
Ruscelli, map of, 1544, i. 148.
Ruysch, J., map of, 1508, i. 126.
S
Saavedra, H., capt. -gen. of Hond.,
1525, i. 574, 582; Pedrarias' exped.
against, 1526, i. 589-92.
Sacasa, Col C, general order of, iii.
47; comand.-gen. of Nic, iii. 48;
measures, iii. 48-9.
Sacasa, J., deputy to cdrtes, iii. 26.
Sahquiab, Cacique, defeat of, 1525, i.
699-700.
Salaya, H. de, death of, i. 501.
Salaya, Licentiate S. de, alcalde mayor
of Antigua, 1522, i. 475.
Salazar, A. de, the Zacatepec revolt,
1525, i. 694.
Salazar, Gen. C, revolt at Leon, 1812,
iii. 14; biog. iii. 131-2; victory at
Villanueva, 1838, iii. 135-6.
Salazar, Factor G. de, proceedings of,
1530, ii. 16; usurpation, etc., of, ii.
75-6.
Salazar, L., pronunciamiento of, 1868,
iii. 378.
Salcedo, D. L, de, gov. of Hond.,
1525, i. 598; rule, i. 599-600; ex-
ped. to Nic, i. 600-5; imprison-
ment, etc., of, i. 605-7; return to
Trujillo, 1529, ii. 145; death, ii. 146.
Salguero, R., the Contreras revolt,
1550, ii. 274-86; death, ii. 286.
Salinas, Minister, suggestions to Nic.
assembly, 1847, iii. 243-4.
Salvador, Alvarado's invasion of, i.
669-76; independence proclaimed
in, 1821, iii. 45; protest of, 1822,
iii. 57; war with Guat., iii. 57-
8, 90-100, 278-80, 401-6, 409-
10; with Mex., 1822-3, iii. 62-4;
secession of, iii. 116-17, 168; de-
partments, iii. 165; state govt or-
ganized, 1824, iii. 165-6; church
affairs in, iii. 166, 632; maps of, iii.
191, 205; war with Nic, 1844, iii,
196-200; with Hond., iii. 202-6,
393-9, 428, 455-62; union with Nic.
and Hond., iii. 209-11; assembly,
iii. 285-7, 397-8, 407; constitution,
iii. 286, 308, 397-8, 407-9; invasion
«=:af, iii. 295; difficulty with England,
1849, iii. 297-8; declared a repub-
lic, iii. 300-1; seal of, iii. 301;
Walker's exped., iii. 350-61; earth-
quake in, 1873, iii. 399-400; pros-
perity of, 1874, iii. 400; disturb-
ances in, 1875, iii. 400-1; revolu-
tion in, 1885, iii. 411-12; bounda-
ries, etc., iii. 571-2; polit. divisions,
iii. 572; govt, iii. 572-3; cities, iii.
573-4; population, etc., iii. 588,
604-6; immigration, iii. 591; dress,
iii. 606; mode of life, iii. 606-7;
education in, iii. 624; administr. of
justice, iii. 641; army, iii. 647-8;
agric, iii. 652; mining, iii. 658;
manufact., iii. 661; revenue, etc.,
iii. 681; debt, iii. 681-2; railroads,
iii. 707-8.
* Salvador,' ship, case of the, 1864, iii.
522.
S^mano, viceroy of New Gran., 1821-
2, iii. 503.
Samayoa, J. M., minister of war,
Guat., 1876, iii. 402; exile of, iii.
419.
772
INDEX.
San Bartolome Island, capture of,
1780, ii. G09-10.
San Buenaventura, Father J. de,
mission of, 1695, ii. 690.
San Carlos, fort, capture of, 1665, ii.
441; 1812, iii. 14; attack on, 1769,
ii. 608-9.
San Cristobal, freebooters at, 1625, ii.
453^.
San Fernando, seat of Nic. govt at,
iii. 240.
San Fernando de Omoa, fort, build-
ing of, ii. 645; captured by English,
1779, ii. 646; recaptured, ii. 647.
San Gil de Buenavista, site of, trans-
ferred, i. 565.
San Jorge de Olancho, founding of,
1530, ii. 121.
San Jose, Morazan besieged at, 1842,
iii. 219-20; treaty of, 1858, iii. 232-
3; pronunciamiento at, 1868, iii.
378; emeute at, 1870, iii. 379.
San Juan, J. N., deputy to cdrtes, iii.
26.
San Juan de Puerto Kico, Brake de-
feated at, 1595, ii. 422.
San Juan del Norte, British aggression
at, iii. 249-52; bombardment of,
1854, iii. 254-5.
San Juan, fort, capture of, 1780, ii.
611.
San Juan River, exploration of, 1528,
i. 607-8.
San Lorenzo, fortifications of, ii. 494;
captured by Bradley, 1670, ii. 494-
6; castle, etc., of, destroyed, ii. 514;
captured by Vernon, 1740, ii. 59.
San Liicas, affair at, 1871, iii. 423.
San Miguel, federal defeat at, 1828,
iii. 95; sack, etc., of, 1875, iii. 400-
1; occupied by Solares, 1876, iii.
404; description of, iii. 574.
San Miguel, gulf of, named by Bal-
boa, 1513, i. 373.
San Martin, J. M. de, president of
Sal v., iii. 299.
San Pedro, L'Olonnois' raid on, ii.
458-9.
San Salvador, revolt at, 1811, iii. 13-
14; 1814, iii. 20; 1844-5, iii. 200-1;
junta at, 1821, iii. 45; Arzu's attack
on, 1822, iii. 60-1; 1828, iii. 94;
Filisola's exped. against, iii. 62^;
aid sought from U. S. , iii. 64; Arce's
repulse at, 1827, iii. 91; captured by
Morazan, 1832, iii. 117-18; a federal
district, 1835, iii. 120; convention
at, 1840, iii. 143-4; seat of federal
govt, iii. 152, 168-9; earthquake at,
1854, iii. 300; siege of, 186.3, iii. 306;
description of, iii. 573-4.
San Sebastian, founding of, 1510, i.
299-300; abandoned, i. 321-5; re-
built, ii. 50.
Sanabria, Alcalde, mention of, ii. 71-2.
Sanchez, Pilot B., in Verag., 1503, i
225-6.
Sande, Dr F., president of Guat.,
1593-6, ii. 882; gov. of Nueva Gali-
cla, 1596, ii. 382-3.
Sandoval, J. L., director of Nic,
1845-7, iii. 240-2.
Santa Ana, captured by Arce, 1826,
iii. 92; affair at, 1827, iii. 93; battle
of, 1871, iii. 395-6; treaty of, 1876,
iii. 436.
Santa Catarina, buccaneer colony at,
i. 461-3; captured by Morgan, 1670,
ii. 493, 496.
Santa Clara, B. de, treasurer at Santo
Domingo, i. 267.
Santa Coloma, Gen, P., president of
Pan., 1863, iii. 533.
Santa Cruz, settlement of, founded,
1514, i. 400; destroyed, 1515, i. 403.
Santa Fe de Bogota, revolt at, 1810,
iii. 493.
Santa Maria, piratical raid on, 1680,
ii. 520-8.
'Santa Maria,' voyage of the, 1492,
i. 159-62.
Santa Marta, viceregal seat at, 1813,
iii. 495.
Santa Rosa, insurrection in, 1871, iii.
424-5.
Santa Tecla, insurrection at, 1883,
iii. 408.
Santiago, city (see also Guatemala,
city), founding of, 1524, i. 678-81;
site of, removed, 1527-8, ii. 96-9;
1542, ii. 321-2; disorders in, 1530,
ii. 118-19; distress at, ii. 120;
church affairs at, ii. 136; cathedral
of, ii. 137-8, 341-2, 668; flood, etc..
at, 1541, ii. 314-18; decree of ca-
bildo, 1543, ii. 323; prosperity of,
1650-1700, ii. 653; Gage's sketch of,
ii. 654-5; ofl&ce-holding in, ii. 655-6;
ayuntamiento of, ii. 657; convents,
etc., of, ii. 645; earthquakes at,
1702-17, ii. 707-8.
Santiago del Principe, founding of,
1570, ii. 388.
Santillan, Fiscal P. de M,, imprison-
ment, etc., of, 1669, ii. 658.
Santo Domingo, founding of, i. 179;
gold-hunting near, i. 252; sovereign
tribunal at, 1511, i. 269; audiencia
of, establd., 1526, i. 269-70; cap-
tured by Drake, 1586, ii. 420.
Santo To mas, colonization at, iii. 581>-
90.
INDEX.
773
Serna, Capt. H. de la, explorations of,
ii. 246.
Serviles, Guat., party, iii. 69; atti-
tude of, iii. 85; downfall of, iii. 100;
plot of, 1831, iii. 113-14; disturb-
ances created by, iii. 123-4; league
with Carrera, iii. 140-1; elections,
iii. 150-1; persecution of, iii. 152-3.
Sharp, Capt. B., raid on Santa Maria,
1680, ii. 520-8; further operations,
ii. 533, 541-2; trial of, ii. 542.
Silva, Dona B. de, mention of, ii.
344.
Simon, P., works of, ii, 61.
Sinacam, King, Alvarado's meeting
with, 1524, i. 652-3; capture, etc.,
of, i. 661-2; ii. 92-5.
Sinibaldi, A., provis. president of
Guat., 1885, iii. 449-50.
Santo Tomas de Castilla, founding of,
ii. 650; Dutch raid on, 1607, ii.
651; abandoned, ii. 651.
Saravia, J. M., minister of state, 1842,
iii. 217; capture of, iii. 219-20;
death, iii. 220-1; biog., iii. 221.
Sawkins, Capt. , raid on Santa Maria,
1680, ii. 523-5; naval combat off
Pan., ii. 535-7; reply to gov., ii.
538-9; death of, ii. 539.
Schlessinger, L., envoy to C. R., 1855,
iii. 342; defeat of, 1856, iii. 343-4.
Schoner, J., map of, 1520, i. 137.
Scots' Colony, the, 1695-1700, ii.
570-9.
Seals, Cent. Amer., iii. 71; Salv., iii.
301.
Segovia, N. de, campaign of, 1712, ii.
703-4.
Sensenti, treaty of, 1845, iii. 206.
Slavery, Indian and African, i. 253-
66; in Pan., ii. 232-3; in Hond., ii.
233-4, 302; in Guat., ii. 234-6; in
Vera Paz, ii. 355.
Soberanis, R. de, gov. of Yuc, etc.,
1695, ii. 688, 691.
Society, mediaeval, in Spain, i. 15-57.
Soconuscans, subjugation of, 1524, i.
628.
Socunusco, church affairs in, ii. 335,
372.
Bolares, Gen. G., invasion of Salv.,
1876, iii. 403-4; cooperation with
Granados, iii. 420-2.
Solis, J. D. de, voyages of, i. 131, 289.
Soltero, B. G., bishop of Guat., 1650,
ii. 664-5.
Sosa, J. de, exped. to Veragua, 1535-
6, ii. 65-73.
Sosa, Lope de, capt. -gen. of Castilla
del Oro, 1517, i. 460; arrival at An-
tigua, i. 472; death, 1520, i. 472-3.
Soto, B., president of C. R., 1885, iii.
390-1; biog., iii. 390.
Soto, F. de, exped. of, 1538, i. 151.
Soto, H. de, joins Pedrarias' exped.,
1514, i. 391; exped. against Urracd,,
i. 504; encounter with Gonzalez, i.
519-20; dispute with Cordoba, i.
586; journey to Nata, i. 586-7; con-
quest of Peru, ii. 20-5.
Soto, M. A., president of Hond., 1876
-83, iii. 463-8; quarrel with Bar-
rios, 1883, iii. 467-8.
Sotomayor, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1601,
ii. 464.
Soto-Mayor, V., works of, ii. 761.
South Sea, discov. of, 1513, i. 364-8;
Balboa takes possession of, i. 370-
3.
Spain, origin of inhabitants, i. 5-7;
the Iberian element in, i. 5-6, 15-
16; the Celtic, i. 5-6, 15-17; the
Phoenician, i. 5-6, 16-17; the
Roman, i. 6-7, 15-16; the Gothic,
etc., i. 6-7, 16-18; the Moorish, i.
7-10, 16-19; language of, i. 7-9;
greatness of, 1474-1516, i. 11; de-
cadence, i. 11-12; climate, i. 14-15;
inquisition in, i. 32; slavery in, i. 33;
sumptuary laws, i. 55-7; voyages
of Columbus, i. 157-82; title to
new world, i. 166-8; extension of
new world privileges, i. 183-4; cur-
rency of, 1475-1525, i. 192-3; ad-
ministr. of the Indies, 1492-1526,
i. 247-85; colonization of Tierra
Firme, i. 290-2; effect of Balboa's
discov., i.' 386; colonial policy, L,
514-15, 597-8j ii. ^25r-=2T* cojniaet-
cial policy, ii. 391-3; war with Eng-
land, n39^44; ii. 588-93; 1769-80,
ii. 608-11; treaties with England,
1670-1721, ii. 598-600; 1783, ii.
606; affairs in, iii. 1^; measures for
protection against, iii. 105-6; C. R.
boundary question, iii. 235-6; treaty
with Nic, iii. 253; exped. of, 1815,
iii. 496-7.
Spaniards, race elements and evolu-
tion, i. 15-19; character, i. 12-24,
29-32, 57-8; castes, etc., i. 25-6;
occupations, i. 26-7; pastimes, i.
34-5, 49-50; dwellings, i. 35-9;
markets, etc., i. 37; women, i. 39,
51^; dress, i. 39-45; religion, i.
45; food, etc., i. 45-8; hospitality,
i. 49; treatment, etc., of women, i.
51-4.
Squier, E. G., biog., iii. 261-2; works
of, iii. 262-3.
Sterling, Vice-admiral C, mention of,
iii. 494-5.
774
INDEX.
Stevens, H., 'Historical and Geo-
graphical Notes,' i. 70.
Stout, P. F., 'Nicaragua,' iii. 247.
Strangeways, T., ' Sketch of the Mos-
quito Shore,' iii. 247.
Swan, Capt., raids off coast of South
Amer., 1684-5, ii. 649-50; capture
of Leon, ii. 554.
Tabira, J. de, factor at Antigua, 1514,
i. 390; exped. of, 1515, i. 407.
Tobaga, island, Pedrarias at, 1519, i.
467; pirates at, 1680, ii. 538.
Tacuxcalco, battle of, 1524, i. 673-4.
Tacuylula, Alvarado at, 1524, i. 667.
Tafur, Licentiate, mention of, ii. 7.
Talamanca, revolt in, 1610, ii. 445-
6; Maldonado's exped. to, 1660, ii.
446; Franciscans in, ii. 447; at-
tempted subjugation of, ii. 617-20.
Talavera, B. de, piracy of, i. 300; exe-
cution, 1510, i. 301.
Tapia, G. de, capture, etc., of, 1550,
ii. 282.
Tarragona, Maestre de Campo, execu-
tion of, 1554, ii. 425.
Tatahuitlapan, Cortes at, 1524, i. 544-
5.
Tataracherubi, Cacique, Badajoz' deal-
ings with, 1515, i. 413-14.
Tayasal, pueblo, Cortes at, i. 559-61.
Tecum Uman, King, defeat of, 1524,
i. 639-41.
Tegucigalpa, missionary labors in, ii.
642-3.
Tegucicalpa, city, capital of Hond.,
1880, iii. 465; description' of, iii.
571.
Tehuantepec, city, Alvarado 's recep-
tion at, 1524, i. 627.
Tehuantepec, isthmus, project for ca-
nal, iii. 693^.
Telegraphs, in Cent. Amer., iii. 708-
9.
Tenango, captured by Tzendales, 1712,
ii. 698.
Tenciz, pueblo, Cortes at, 1525, i.
564.
Teoca, Cacique, encounter with Bal-
boa, 1513, i. 378.
Teotilac, Cortes at, 1524, i. 550-7.
Terci, J., gov. of C. R., 1785, ii. 622.
Terminos, bay of, buccaneer settle-
ment at, ii. 623.
Ternaux-Compans, H., works of, i.
200; ii. 759.
Tetlepanquetzal, execution of, 1524, i.
551^
Thevenot, M., 'Relation de Divers
Voyages,' ii. 744.
Thevet, A., works of, ii. 233.
Thiel, Bishop, mention of, iii. 389;
expulsion, etc.^ of, iii. 635.
Tiac, Cortes at, 1524, i. 558.
Tierra Firme, name, i. 290-1 ; proposed
colonization of, i. 290-2; partition
of, i. 294; subject to viceroy of
Peru, 1571, ii. 400-1.
Tiger Island, British seizure of, 1849,
iii. 318.
Tizapetlan, Cortes at, 1524, i. 549-50.
Tlascaltecs, enslavement of, ii. 234.
Toledo, M. de, claim of, ii. 64.
Tologalpa, missionary labors in, ii.
447-50.
Tolosa, Father D. de, martyrdom of,
1549, ii. 356.
Tonala, battle of, 1524, i. 628.
Torre, Friar T. de la, mention of, ii.
345; provincial, ii. 376.
Torres, Friar J. de, mention of, ii. 133.
Tortuga, freebooters at, ii, 453-4.
Totonagua, Cacique, surprised by Ba-
dajaz, 1515, i. 413.
Totonicapan, natives muster at, 1524,
i. 633.
Townley, Capt., joins Davis' free-
booters, 1685, ii. 550-1; capture of
Leon, ii. 554; of Granada, 1686, ii.
557-9; surprise of Los Santos, ii.
561; defeat of, ii. 561; death, ii. 561.
Treasure fleet, regulations, etc., for,
ii. 468-9, 473.
Treaties, Anglo-Spanish, 1670-1721,
ii. 598-600; 1783, ii. 606; 1786, ii.
632^; of Zacota, 1844, iii. 196-7;
Chinameca, 1845, iii. 203-4; Sen-
senti, 1845, iii. 206; San Jose, 1858,
iii. 232-3; Clayton-Bulwer, 1850,
iii. 252; Zeledon-Wyke, 1860, iii.
253; of Santa Ana, 1876, iii. 406.
Triana, R. de, mention of, i. 160.
Triunfo de la Cruz, founding of, 1524,
i. 520, 527.
Trota, Cacique, exped. against, 1527,
i. 509-10.
Trujillo, founding of, 1525, i. 535; Cor-
tes at, 1525-6, i. 571-82; Mendez'
revolt at, 1531, ii. 150-3; destitution
at, ii. 155-6; partial abandonment
of, ii. 156, 289; demands of colonists,
ii. 159-60; raid on, 1596, ii. 639;
1643, 1797, ii. 645; description of,
ii. 639; capture of, 1820, iii. 24-5;
British occupation of, 1849, iii.
317.
Tubanama, Cacique, captured by Bal-
boa, 1513, i. 381-2.
Tuero, J. N., deputy to cdrtes, 26.
INDEX.
775
Tumaco, Cacique, meeting with Bal-
boa, 1513, i. 375-7.
Tumbez, Pizarro at, 1532, ii. 18.
Tuxpan, Cortes at, 1522, i. 624.
Tuzuliitlan, see Vera Paz.
Tzendales, revolt of. the, 1712-13, ii.
696-705.
U
Ubilla, Don F. A. de, bishop of Chiap.,
1592, ii. 373.
Ugarte y Saravja, A. de, bishop of
Guat., 1630-41, ii. 664.
UUoa, A. de, ' Noticias Americanas, '
ii. 760-1.
UUoa, F. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 152.
United States, Clayton-Bulwer treaty,
1850, iii. 252; difhenlty with Nic.,
iii. 254-5; with New Gran,, 1855,
iii. 519; 1856-7, iii. 520-2; treaty
with New Gran., 1846, iii. 700-1.
United States of Colombia, organized,
1860, iii. 529; govt of, centralized,
1885, iii. 558.
Uraga, Gen. L., operations of, 1876,
iii. 403.
Urbina, Col J. de M., gov. of Pan.,
1803, iii. 489.
Urracd, Cacique, exped. against, i.
504^5; attack on Nata, i. 506; con-
flict with Pedrarias, i. 507-8; cap-
ture, etc., of, 509; death, 510.
Urriitia, C, capt.-gen., 1818, iii. 23;
rule, iii. 23-32.
Ursua, M., enterprise of , 1692, ii. 681-
2; Soberanis' opposition to, ii. 688,
691; campaigns of, 1697-9, ii. 691-5.
Ursua, P. de, campaign of, ii. 387-8.
■^ Uspantan, exped. against, 1529, ii.
^ 108-10; capture of, 1530, ii. 112-30.
^' Utatlan, description of, i. 643-5;
burning of, 1524, i. 649-50.
Vaena, J., labors of, in Tegucigalpa,
ii. 642-3; martyrdom of, ii. 643.
Valarino, J., biog., iii. 513.
Valderas, Friar, mission to Spain, ii.
346.
Valderrabano, A. de, execution of,
1517, i. 457-9.
Valderrama, F. de, gov. of C. R., ii.
621.
Valdivia, Regidor, mission to Es-
panola, 1511, i. 342; fate of, i. 349-
50.
Valdivieso, A. de, bishop of Nic,
1544, ii. 179-80; biog., ii. 179; feud
with Contreras, ii. 180-3; dispute
with the audiencia of the Confines,
1545, ii. 303-7; assassination of,
1550, ii. 276.
Valencia, Capt.-gen. P. de 0., cam-
paign of, ii. 388.
Valenzuela, joins Espinosa, i. 425; ex-
ped. of, 1516, i. 426.
Valladolid, junta at, 1541, ii. 239-40.
Valle, J. del, leader of gazistas, iii.
26; biog., iii. 26-7; death of, iii. 121.
Valtonado, B., bishop of Nic, 1621, ii.
443.
Valverde, G. de, president of Guat.,
1578-89, ii. 380-1.
Valverde, V. de, conquest of Peru, ii.
27-9, 37-8.
Vara, R. de la, archbishop of Guat.,
iii. 29.
Vargas, Capt. A de, exped. of, 1527,
i. 509-10.
Varnhagen, F. A. de, *Le Premier
Voyage de Amerigo Vespucci, ' i. 70.
Vasco y Orosco, J., gov. of Pan., 1764,
ii. 584.
Vasconcelos, D., defeat of, 1850, iii.
279-80; president of Salv., iii. 294-9.
Vazquez, F., works of, ii. 142-3,
736-7.
Vela, Viceroy V. N., measures of, in
Pan., 1544, ii. 242-3; arrival in
Peru, 1544, ii. 252; revolt against,
ii. 252-3; death of, 1546, ii. 254.
Velasco, D. F. de, gov. of Castilla del
Oro, 1616, ii. 471.
Velasco, J. D. de, exped. of, 1695, ii.
682-5; 1696, ii. 686.
Vera Paz, pacification of, ii. 348-54;
slavery, etc., in, ii., 355; church af-
fairs in, ii. 374; colonization in, iii.
122-3, 589.
Vera y Villaquiran, D. 0. de, exped.
of, 1646-8, ii. 977-9.
Veragua, Columbus' explorations, etc.,
in, 1503, i. 218-31; quibian of, i.
219-28; colony founded in, i. 221-2;
abandoned, i. 229-30; Nicuesa's ex-
ped. to, 1509-10, i. 302-8; descrip-
tion of, ii. 63; Gutierrez' exped. to,
1535-6, ii. 65-73; secession of, 1840,
iii. 515.
Verdelete, E., labors in Tologalpa, ii.
448-50; martyrdom, 1612, ii. 450.
Verdugo, M., arrest, etc., of, ii. 261-2;
invasion of Pan., 1545, ii. 262-3;
defeat of, ii. 263-4; rebuked by
Gasca, ii. 269.
Vernon, Capt. E., exped. of, 1739-42,
ii. 588-93.
Verrazano, G., exped. of, 1524, i. 140-
1.
776
INDEX.
Verveer, Gen., mediation of, iii. 98.
Vespucci, A., voyages of, i. 99-107,
312-13, 117-18.
Vetatcur, Don R. V., gov. of Yuc, ii.
631; exped. to Belize, ii. 631-2.
Vetancur, Father de S. J., founds
Bethlehemite order in Guat., ii. 666.
Vila, Gen. R. S., president of Pan.,
1885, iii. 549-50, 559.
Villa Hermosa, Marques de, gov. of
Pan., 1730-5, ii. 583-4.
Villa de Nicaragua, revolt at, 1812,
iii. 14.
Villa Real, see Ciudad Real.
Villa Rocha, Marques de, gov. of Pan.,
1708, ii. 582.
Villacorta, J. V., jefe of Salv., 1824,
iii. 166-7.
Villalpando, B. de, bishop of Gnat.,
1564, ii. 375-8.
Villanueva, battle of, 1838, iii. 135-6.
Villar, A. del, prosecution of conspir-
ators, iii. 18-19.
Villasenor, Col V., defection of,
1842, iii. 216-17; execution, iii.
221-2.
Villasis, Friar S. de, mission of, 1646,
ii. 677-8.
Viteri, Bishop, mention of, iii. 190,
193, 202; revolution of, 1842, iii.
289; intrigues of, iii. 291-3.
Vivero, R. de, gov. of Castilla del
Oro, ii. 472.
Votan, tradition of, ii. 213.
* Voyage Pittoresque,' ii. 754^5.
'Voyages round the World,' ii. 752.
'Voyages and Adventures of Capt.
Barth. Sharp,' ii. 568.
Voyages of discovery, early, i. 68-154.
W
Wafer, * A New Voyage,* ii. 569.
Walckenaer, C. A., works of, ii. 749.
Walker, W., campaign in Nic, 1855-
6, iii. 328-46; birg., iii. 329; plan
of exped., iii. 343; president of
Nic, iii. 350; surrender, iii, 360-1;
second exped. to Nic, iii. 363;
exped. to Hond., iii. 363; execu-
tion, 1860, iii. 364.
Wappaus, J. G., 'Geographie und
Statestif,' iii. 709.
Warner, T., exped. of, 1625, ii. 453.
Weatherhead, W. D., works of, iii.
502.
Wells, W. v., works of, iii. 323.
Wheeler, Amer. minister, relations
with, discontinued,
' World Displayed,
Xalpatlahua, Penol, capture, ii. 82-3.
Xatruch, Gen., invasion of Hond.,
1871, iii. 455-6.
Xelahuh, city, Alvarado's occupation
of, 1524, i. 638; battle of, i. 639-41.
Xequiquel, river, named, 1524, i. 636.
Xicaques, missionary labors among
the, 1667-98, ii. 643-4.
Xumay, outbreak at, 1529^ ii. 107-8.
Yucatan, Valdivia's shipwreck, etc.,
off, 1512, i. 350; buccaneers in, ii.
622-3; British usurpation in, iii.
315; population, iii. 316; products,
iii. 316-17. •
Zacaha, fortifications of, i. 633.
Zacatepecs, revolt of the, 152, i.
692-5; 1527, ii. 88-91.
Zacatula, ship-building at, 1522, i. 623.
Zaclunes, revolt of the, 1624, ii. 676.
Zacota, treaty of, 1844, iii. 196-7.
Zakuleu, capture of, 1525, i. 700-2.
Zaldivar, R., president of Salv., 1876-
84, iii. 406-11; biog., iii. 406-7;
negotiations with Barrios, iii. 446-7.
Zamora, A. C., bishop of 0. R., 1884,
iii. 635.
Zamora, J., revolt of, 1826, iii. 179-80.
Zamudio, M., gov. of Castilla del Oro,
1511, i. 335; cruelty to Nicuesa, i.
335-6; outdone by Balboa, i. 339-40.
Zapata y Sandoval, J., bishop of
Guat., 1621-30, ii. 664.
Zapotitlan, capture of, 1524, i. 629-31.
Zavala, Gen. J., president of Nic,
1879-83, iii. 482-5.
Zavala, Gen. V., operations of, 1856,
iii. 353-6; disturbances caused by,
iii. 361-2; revolt in favor of, 1869,
iii. 416-17.
Zelaya, G., jefe of Hond., 1827, iii.
162.
Zefeon-Wyke treaty, 1860, iii. 253.
Zeno, chart of, 1390, i. 82.
Zepeda, Father, explorations of, 1750-
1, ii. 613-14.
Zepeda, J., jefe of Nic, 1835, iii. 177.
Zipangu, fabled realm of, i. 160-1.
Zorita, Oidor, measures of, in Guat.,
1555, ii. 359.
Zuazo, Licentiate, despatch to Cortes,
i. 572-3.
Zubiaur, P. de, exped. of, 1695, ii. 690.
a, subjugation, 1524, i. 657-60.
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