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INTRODUCTION 


PATRIOTISM    AND    CITIZENSHIP 

THESE  words,  so  full  of  inspiration,  have  a  meaning  in  a 
Republic  which  they  have  nowhere  else.  They  appeal 
to  the  loftiest  emotions  of  which  humanity  is  capable — love, 
gratitude,  and  the  sense  of  duty.  The  love  of  country  is  the 
highest  and  purest  affection  of  the  soul.  Stronger,  than  insti- 
tutions, stronger  than  constitutions,  it  is  the  master  passion  of 
the  loftiest  natures.  At  its  bidding  young  men  and  old  men 
give  their  lives,  mothers  their  sons,  wives  their  husbands,  and 
maidens  their  lovers.  The  man  who  is  without  it,  or  thinks 
himself  above  it,  is  a  poor  and  useless  creature.  Whatever 
dreamers  may  affirm,  whenever  it  is  lacking  the  man  is  weak- 
ened and  spoiled  and  becomes  useless  to  his  own  country  and 
to  mankind.  It  is  like  the  law  of  gravitation  to  the  universe. 
It  is  above  and  around  and  beneath  everything  we  value  most. 
On  great  and  trying  occasions,  when  the  country  is  in  peril, 
of  its  honor  is  at  stake,  the  love  of  country  and  the  sense  of  civic 
duty  possess  alike  the  lofty  and  the  base  nature,  the  unselfish 
and  the  selfish  spirit.  Men  who  are  reckless,  criminal,  cheap 
in  ordinary  life,  on  such  occasions  rise  to  the  highest  level  of 
virtue  and  patriotism  and  devotion.  President  Roosevelt  had 
some  queer  experiences  when  he  undertook  to  recognize  by 
civic  appointments  the  valor  of  some  of  his  bravest  comrades 
among  his  Rough  Riders  in  Cuba,  and  found  to  his  astonish- 
ment that  part  of  their  lives  had  been  spent  in  gambling  houses 
or  in  penitentiaries.  Tennyson  recognizes  the  same  thing 
when  he  pictures  the  English  people  rising  as  one  man  to  repel 
the  invader: 

"  For  I  trust  if  an  enemy's  fleet  came  yonder  around  by  the  hill, 
And  the  rushing  battle-bolt  sang  from  the  three-decker  out 
of  the  foam, 

vii 


viii  PATBIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

That  the  smooth-faced,  snub-nosed  rogue  would  leap  from  his 

counter  and  till, 
And  strike,  if  he  could,  were  it  but  with  his  cheating  yard-wand, 

home." 

I  have  only  to  deal  now  with  the  duty  of  citizens  in  a  self- 
governing  state.  Loyalty  to  a  king  or  an  emperor  is  doubt- 
less a  noble  virtue.  In  its  highest  manifestation  it  is  in  sub- 
stance the  same  as  devotion  to  the  flag  in  a  Republic.  The 
living  queen  or  prince  is  but  a  symbol,  as  the  flag  is  but  a 
symbol.  I  do  not  agree  with  many  excellent  men  who  think 
that  if  Americans  express  their  good-will  toward  the  people  of 
friendly  countries  by  congratulating  them  upon,  or  even  taking 
part  in,  the  inauguration  of  a  monarch,  or  expressing  sympathy 
or  sorrow  when  a  sovereign  dies,  beloved  of  his  people,  they 
are  departing  from  a  true  Republicanism  and  bowing  the  knee 
before  kingly  power.  Other  countries  have  a  right  to  choose 
their  own  forms  of  government  as  we  have  claimed  the  right 
for  ourselves.  The  King  of  England,  or  of  Italy,  or  the 
German  Emperor,  is  to  the  Englishman,  or  the  Italian,  or  the 
German,  but  the  symbol  of  his  country,  as  the  flag  is  the  sym- 
bol of  ours.  Surely  we  are  but  promoting  the  great  blessing 
of  peace  on  earth  and  the  great  virtue  of  good-will  to  men, 
when  we  pay  our  respect  and  express  our  good-will  to  the  liv- 
ing man  who  is  but  the  symbol  and  representative  of  a  great 
people,  as  we  pay  respect  at  home  to  the  beautiful  flag  which 
is  the  symbol  of  the  Republic  to  us. 

I  think,  as  Plato  thought  in  his  wonderful  conception  of  the 
Republic,  that  the  citizen  should  be  ready  to  live  for  and  to  die 
for  his  country.  There  are  men  who  think  that  the  love  of 
mankind  is  a  larger  and  higher  virtue  than  the  love  of  country. 
I  never  knew  of  such  a  man,  whose  life  was  not  worth  less  to 
mankind  and  worse  than  useless  to  his  country.  Even  the 
Divine  Pattern  of  all  humanity  never  manifested  His  divine 
humanity  more  truly  and  was  never  more  deeply  moved  by  the 
tenderest  human  love  than  when  He  uttered  the  exclamation, 
so  pathetic  and  so  noble,  "  O  Jerusalem,  Jerusalem,  how  often 
would  I  have  gathered  thy  children  together,  even  as  a  hen 
gathereth  her  chickens  under  her  wings,  and  ye  would  not ! " 


INTRODUCTION  ix 

This  love  of  country  does  not  compel  the  good  citizen  to 
submit  his  own  conscience  to  the  unrighteous  demands  of  popu- 
lar sentiment,  to  the 

*'' civium  ardor  prava  jubentium — ** 

or  even  to  an  unrighteous  law.  There  was  never  a  viler  appli- 
cation of  a  good  maxim,  than  the  interpretation  which  many 
men  put  on  the  maxim,  "  Our  Country,  right  or  wrong."  The 
true  interpretation  of  that  maxim,  as  has  been  well  said,  is 
"  Our  Country ;  if  right  to  be  kept  right ;  if  wrong  to  be  set 
right." 

The  question  whether  the  citizen  must  obey  an  unrighteous 
law  is  one  sometimes  very  difficult  of  solution.  If  I  were  to 
debate  it  at  length  it  would  take  more  space  than  I  can  occupy 
now.  If  every  citizen  disobeys  every  law  he  does  not  like,  espe- 
cially if  every  citizen  undertakes  to  resist  by  force  every  law 
he  does  not  like,  the  result  will  be  anarchy ;  and  probably  that 
resistance  will  manifest  itself,  as  it  has  done  so  often,  through 
the  murdering  weapon  of  the  assassin.  Perhaps  this  rule,  of 
which  I  suppose  Roger  Sherman  was  the  author,  will  serve  in 
general  as  a  safe  guide.  The  citizen  should  obey  a  law  even  if 
it  be  not  approved  by  his  own  conscience  if  the  subject-matter 
be  one  in  regard  to  which  there  must  be  some  law,  if  there  is 
to  be  an  organized,  civilized,  orderly  State.  In  other  words,  if 
it  be  necessary  to  the  existence  of  society  that  there  be  some 
general  rule  to  govern  a  particular  case,  the  question  of  whethjsr 
that  general  rule  be  righteous  or  unrighteous  must  necessarily 
be  determined  by  the  supreme  authority  in  the  State ;  and  if 
that  authority  be  finally  lodged  in  the  majority  of  the  people 
the  will  of  the  majority  must  prevail,  until  it  can  be  converted 
to  the  true  opinion.  Many  readers  will  think  I  have  set  a  low 
standard  of  public  conduct.  As  I  have  said,  there  is  no  room 
to  defend  it  here.  Undoubtedly  men  must  obey  the  dictates 
of  the  individual  conscience,  or  what  to  them  is  the  same  thing, 
the  law  of  God,  in  contradistinction  to  the  dictates  of  human 
law.  Yet  we  are  now  seeking  to  know  what  is  the  true  dictate 
of  the  individual  conscience,  or  the  true  command  of  the  law  of 
God  in  a  given  case.    It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  human 


X  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

judgment  is  an  imperfect  instrument  for  the  discovery  of  truth. 
Our  intellectual  vision  is  blurred  and  distorted.  The  best 
men,  and  the  clearest  sighted,  are  affected  fearfully  with  intel- 
lectual blindness  and  astigmatism.  The  experience  of  men 
from  the  beginning  tells  us  that  there  are  no  matters  about 
which  men  are  more  likely  to  be  mistaken  than  those  which 
seem  to  them  the  clearest  principles  of  morals  and  duty.  In 
adopting  the  rule  just  stated,  we  are  determining  not  whether  the 
citizen  will  obey  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience,  but  whether 
in  a  given  case  he  will  presume  that  the  collective  judgment 
of  the  State  is  more  likely  to  be  right  than  his  own,  and  there- 
fore that  his  conscience  should  require  him  to  obey  that.  In 
my  own  experience  I  have  often  found  that  counsel  that  seems 
to  me  wicked  and  foolish  has  come  from  men  whom  I  cannot 
help  believing  are  among  the  wisest  and  best  men  I  have  ever 
known. 

It  is  then  the  duty  of  a  good  citizen  to  live  for  the  Repub- 
lic; and  he  must  be  ready  to  give  life,  and  health,  his 
wealth  and  comfort,  his  home,  his  wife  and  his  child,  for  his 
country. 

The  first  element  of  patriotism  and  citizenship  is  personal 
character.  •  I  believe  that  the  quality  of  that  moral  being  we 
call  the  Republic  is  higher  and  better  than  the  average  quality 
of  the  individual  citizen.  France  is  something  better  than  the 
individual  Frenchman.  Switzerland  is  something  better  than 
the  individual  Swiss.  America  is  something  far  higher  and 
nobler  than  the  individual  American.  Yet  the  national  will 
and  desire  are  the  result  of  the  blending  and  fusing  of  the  will 
and  desires  of  millions  upon  millions  of  individual  souls.  In 
that  mighty  alchemy,  the  mean  elements,  the  impure  flux  and 
dross,  are  eliminated  and  the  pure  gold  or  crystal  remains.  Yet 
personal  quality  and  character  largely  affect  and  control  the 
national  quality  and  character.  So  the  first  great  service  the 
individual  American  can  render  to  his  country  is  the  service  of 
an  honest,  clean,  industrious,  and  successful  private  life. 

If  this  quality  be  given  to  our  citizenship  all  our  conflicts  of 
race,  and  color,  and  nationality,  and  section  will,  I  am  sure, 
disappear.    The  Englishman  and  the  Scotsman,  the  Scandina- 


INTBOBUCTION  xi 

vian  and  the  Swiss  take  their  places  instantly  in  our  social  and 
political  life.  There  is  no  prejudice  against  them.  No  man 
denies  them  their  full  right  of  citizenship,  or  in  society.  It  is 
because  the  men  of  those  races  in  general  bring  with  them  the 
simple  virtues  which  should  belong  to  Republican  citizenship, 
veracity,  temperance,  industry,  sobriety  and  self-respect.  The 
Celt  is  unsurpassed,  I  am  not  sure  but  unequaled,  in  some  of 
the  loftiest  qualities  of  citizenship.  From  the  earliest  periods 
which  history  records  he  has  impressed  and  dominated  the 
nations  with  which  he  has  mingled,  with  his  great  qualities. 
He  is  a  splendid  soldier,  faithful  in  domestic  life,  affectionate, 
generous  and  enterprising.  When  he  came,  over  sixty  years 
ago,  he  came  in  many  instances  from  a  condition  in  which  he 
had  suffered  centuries  of  oppression.  So  the  virtues  of  tem- 
perance and  sobriety  he  learned  a  little  later.  He  in  that  par- 
ticular only  repeated  the  experience  of  our  own  ancestors. 
But  he  has  acquired,  and  is  acquiring,  them  with  marvelous 
rapidity.  The  prejudice  against  the  Irishman  which  existed 
half  a  century  ago  is  fast  disappearing,  as  we  come  to  know  his 
moral  quality  and  his  rapid  growth  in  civic  virtue. 

The  negro  with  more  difficulty  and  delay  is,  in  my  judg- 
ment, to  have  a  like  experience.  No  class  or  race  possessing 
these  virtues  will  fail  in  a  Republic  to  receive  the  full  considera- 
tion to  which  it  is  entitled. 

But  something  more  is  needed  in  the  vast  and  delicate 
mechanism  of  a  self-governing  state  than  a  faultless  private 
life.  The  good  citizen  must  be  educated  to  understand  the 
difficult  questions  of  Government.  He  must  know  what  policy 
is  wisest  and  best,  and  he  must  do  his  share  to  cause  that  policy 
to  take  effect  in  the  action  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  state, 
as  I  have  said,  is  a  moral  and  sentient  being.  Its  conduct 
must  be  righteous  and  wise  and  brave.  The  good  citizen  must 
lay  aside  every  thought  of  private  advantage,  and  devote  him- 
self, and  all  that  he  has,  life,  property,  and  the  best  service  of 
intellect  and  soul  to  its  welfare.  So  far  in  our  history  there 
has  been  little  need  of  spur,  or  stimulant,  to  obtain  the  devoted 
service  of  the  citizen  in  war.  When  the  country  has  been  in 
peril  in  time  of  war  the  American  youth  has  been  ever  ready, 


xii  FATRI0TI8M  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

is,  and  ever  will  be  ready,  to  respond  to  the  call,  even  if  the 
extremest  sacrifice  demanded. 

When  duty  whispers  low,  "  Thou  must.'* 
The  youth  replies,  "  I  can." 

In  time  of  peace  the  duty  is  not  so  well  done.  Many  men 
disdain  to  take  a  share  in  political  affairs.  They  do  not  like 
the  equality  to  which  they  must  submit.  Others  take  part  in 
them  only  to  promote  their  own  ambitions,  others  even  for 
purposes  of  money-making,  or  personal  gain.  But  in  general  I 
believe  the  purposes  of  the  American  people  are  lofty  and 
patriotic. 

It  is  clear  that  the  larger  and  more  general  the  interest  in 
public  affairs,  the  purer  and  more  patriotic  purpose  will  be  the 
more  likely  to  prevail.  Corruption  and  self-seeking,  in  the 
nature  of  the  case,  must  be  limited  in  their  operation.  No 
wealth  can  bribe,  and  no  personal  ambition  or  corrupt  desire 
can  control,  the  political  action  of  a  people  of  eighty  millions 
where  suffrage  is  universal. 

So  the  two  things  that  are  necessary  are,  first,  that  the 
whole  people  shall  be  instructed,  and  second,  that  the  whole 
people  shall  be  inspired  to  take  their  full  share  in  the  conduct 
of  the  state.  To  accomplish  the  first  of  these  every  man  must 
have  some  leisure  and  opportunity  to  inform  himself  in  political 
matters.  Where  brain  or  body  is  worn  out  by  constant  drudg- 
ery, occupying  all  the  working  hours  of  the  day,  the  knowledge 
and  intelligence  needed  for  the  conduct  of  the  state  become 
impossible.  This  consideration  has  always  furnished,  to  my 
mind,  the  chief  argument  for  tariff  legislation  and  for  legisla- 
tion regulating  hours  of  labor.  The  American  workman  is  to 
govern  the  state.  To  govern  the  state  he  must  have  leisure 
and  his  mental  faculties  not  exhausted  by  drudgery.  So  he 
must  have  wages  sufficient  to  educate  his  children,  and  to  give 
him  the  decencies  and  comforts  of  life  essential  to  self-respect- 
ing citizenship,  and  reasonable  leisure  when  his  day's  work  is 
done.  Without  these,  he  will,  if  he  retains  his  vote,  be  sure  so 
to  govern  the  state  that  all  its  other  members  will  suffer. 

The  good  citizen,  having  contributed  to  his  own  country  in 


INTEOBUCTION  xiii 

his  own  person,  an  honest,  industrious,  frugal,  unselfish,  public- 
spirited  character,  must  then  take  his  share  in  the  conduct  oi 
the  state.  This  in  general  he  can  do  only  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  a  party.  A  party  is  but  an  association  of  men 
who.  agreeing  in  general  as  to  what  is  best  for  the  Republic, 
desire  to  secure  it  by  combined  effort,  and,  in  order  to  commit 
the  administration  of  the  Republic  to  the  men  who  on  the 
whole  they  think  best  fitted  to  secure  it  for  those  purposes 
which  can  be  accomplished  only  by  acting  in  concert,  they 
must  act  in  concert. 

I  am  satisfied,  on  as  thorough  study  of  history  and  of  this 
particular  question  as  I  have  been  able  to  make,  that  the  best 
things  which  have  been  secured  for  liberty,  good  government, 
and  the  welfare  of  mankind,  have  been  secured  in  free  states 
by  party  government.  The  freer  and  nearer  a  pure  Republic 
the  state,  the  more  necessary  the  organization  of  party.  No 
man  who  ever  left  one  of  the  great  parties  of  this  country  or 
of  any  other,  to  become  what  is  called  Independent,  ever  accom- 
plished anything  considerable  in  the  way  of  usefulness  to  his 
country  after  he  did  it.  I  may  be  mistaken  in  this  opinion. 
But  I  think  I  can  abundantly  maintain  it  by  historic  examples. 
I  do  not  think  I  have  been  led  to  it  by  a  blind  attachment  to 
party.  It  is  an  opinion  formed  on  the  most  careful  reflection 
with  my  eyes  wide  open,  and  with  the  aid  of  such  intellectual 
vision  as  God  has  given  me. 

The  good  citizen,  having  determined  with  what  party  he  will 
act  at  any  particular  time,  must  consult  with  his  party  associates, 
and  must  be  present  at  the  meetings  when  its  policies  are  de- 
termined, and  its  candidates  are  chosen.  If  he  neglects  that 
duty  by  reason  of  fastidiousness,  or  indolence,  or  false  pride, 
he  can  have  very  little  usefulness.  Attendance  upon  the 
caucus  is,  in  general,  as  important  as  voting  at  the  polls.  Then 
comes  the  question  what  the  good  citizen  shall  do  in  the  way 
of  holding  political  office.  He  ought  never  to  urge  his  own 
desires  upon  other  men,  still  less  make  claims  or  demands  for 
office  upon  his  fellow-citizens.  He  is  the  worst  judge  in  the 
world  of  the  question  whether  he  is  fit  for  office,  or  whether  it 
will  be  better  for  the  public  interest  that  he,  or  that  some  other 


xiv  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

man,  shall  be  selected.  But  if  his  fellow-citizens  need  his  aid 
in  any  field  of  public  service  it  must  only  be  the  superior  de- 
mand and  claim  of  his  family,  or  those  dependent  upon  him  for 
support,  which  will  justify  him  in  disobeying  the  call. 

The  consideration  just  stated  should  be  of  equal  weight  with 
the  man  who  inclines  to  refuse  public  office  from  modesty,  or 
from  indolence,  or  from  fear  of  receiving  blows  which  men  in 
political  life  must  take,  or  of  being  suspected  by  his  neighbors 
of  low  personal  ambitions.  If  any  good  man  be  inclined  to  dis- 
obey a  call  to  public  service  because  of  his  belief  that  he  is  not 
fit  for  it,  let  him  remember,  as  I  have  just  said,  that  his  opinion 
on  that  question  is  of  small  value.  If  he  accepts  a  public 
office,  of  two  things  at  least  he  is  sure ;  first,  the  office  will  be 
honestly  and  cleanly  administered  by  an  incumbent  who  desires 
to  do  his  best  for  the  people's  service  and  whose  objects  are 
public  and  not  personal;  next,  if  the  office  be  political,  the 
measures  which  he  thinks  best  for  the  public  service  are  those 
which  will  be  adopted  so  far  as  one  official  can  control  the  mat- 
ter, and  he  will  secure  the  public  against  any  attempt  to  accom- 
plish in  that  office  what  he  thinks  hurtful. 

There  is  surely  nothing  more  exasperating  to  men  who  have 
taken  and  given  the  hard  blows  of  political  strife,  who  have 
turned  their  backs  on  the  attractions  of  wealth,  or  quiet,  or  the 
comforts  of  home  and  family,  to  spend  their  lives  in  the  service 
of  the  Republic,  with  no  reward  but  the  having  served  her,  than 
to  hear  the  prattle  of  those  who  live  and  grow  rich  and  fat  in  a 
commonwealth,  founded  and  builded  by  the  toil  of  other  men, 
receiving  benefits  from  their  race  and  rendering  none,  when 
they  talk  of  their  disdain  for  the  roughness,  and  coarseness, 
and  baseness  of  politics.  Shakespeare  has  photographed  so 
that  all  time  shall  see  it  the  little  soul  of  the  citizen  who  dis- 
dains politics: 

"  But  I  remember,  when  the  fight  was  done, 
When  I  was  dry  with  rage  and  extreme  toil. 
Breathless  and  faint,  leaning  upon  my  sword, 
Came  there  a  certain  lord,  neat,  and  trimly  dress'd, 
Fresh  as  a  bridegroom ;  and  his  chin  new  reap'd 
Show'd  like  a  stubble-land  at  harvest-home; 


INTRODUCTION  xv 

He  was  perfumed  like  a  milliner ; 

.  .  .  and  still  he  smiled  and  talk'd, 

And  as  the  soldiers  bore  dead  bodies  by, 

He  call'd  them  untaught  knaves,  unmannerly. 

To  bring  a  slovenly  unhandsome  corse 

Betwixt  the  wind  and  his  nobility. 

.  .  .  for  he  made  me  mad 

To  see  him  shine  so  brisk,  and  smell  so  sweet, 

And  talk  so  like  a  waiting-gentlewoman 

Of  guns  and  drums  and  wounds — God  save  the  mark! — 

And  telling  me  the  sovereign 'st  thing  on  earth 

Was  parmaceti  for  an  inward  bruise ; 

And  that  it  was  great  pity,  so  it  was, 

This  villanous  saltpeter  should  be  digg'd 

Out  of  the  bowels  of  the  harmless  earth, 

Which  many  a  good  tall  fellow  had  destroy'd 

So  cowardly ;  and  but  for  these  vile  guns, 

He  would  himself  have  been  a  soldier." 

There  is  to  me  no  more  odious  human  character,  than  the 
man  who  flinches  from  the  duties  of  citizenship  in  a  Republic, 
from  the  fastidious  and  disdainful  spirit  which  scorns  civic 
duties,  or  flinches  from  their  rough  contests  and  struggles. 
"That  fugitive  and  cloistered  virtue,  unexercised  and  un- 
breathed  "  as  Milton  calls  it,  is  the  most  pernicious  vice. 

The  good  citizen  should  cultivate  the  old  Christian  virtue 
of  zeal.  He  may  trust  in  general  his  righteous  enthusiasms  as 
safe  guides.  He  should  love  his  country  with  a  passionate  love 
and  pursue  the  ends  that  he  believes  to  be  his  Country's,  his 
God's,  and  Truth's  with  all  earnestness  and  manly  fervor.  Let 
him  never  refrain  from  indulging  and  expressing  a  righteous 
indignation  against  tyranny,  or  injustice,  or  meanness,  or  cor- 
ruption, in  public  places.  But  with  all  this,  let  him  learn  to 
judge  kindly  of  men  who  differ  from  him.  Let  him  remember 
that  while  God  has  given  him  his  own  conscience  as  the  light 
which  he  is  to  follow,  yet  other  men  must  follow  the  light  that 
is  given  them.  He  must  remember  through  what  a  blurred 
and  imperfect  intellectual  glass  the  best  and  wisest  man  sees 
the  duties  of  life,  and  especially  those  which  relate  to  the  con- 
duct of  political  affairs. 


xvi  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIF 

It  is  interesting  to  watch  the  growth  of  many  of  our  most 
honored  statesmen,  and  to  see  how  their  horizon  expanded  as 
they  grew  old.  In  general  they  have  been  men  of  a  generous 
ambition  and  an  honorable  desire  to  deserve  well  of  the  Re- 
public, not  without  the  love  of  power  and  fame — 

"  The  spur  that  the  clear  spirit  doth  raise, 
That  last  infirmity  of  noble  minds, 
To  scorn  delights,  and  live  laborious  days." 

The  youth  begins  by  espousing  some  special  measure,  or 
taking  a  side  of  some  living  question,  quite  often  a  question  of 
no  large  importance,  perhaps  interesting  but  a  few  persons. 
He  makes  a  good  speech,  or  rallies  the  men  who  agree  with 
him  to  some  caucus  or  convention.  He  attracts  attention  as  a 
young  man  of  spirit  and  promise,  likely  to  be  useful  to  the  polit- 
ical party  to  which  he  belongs.  He  is  sought  as  a  public 
speaker,  or  is  placed  on  a  committee.  He  becomes  conspicuous 
as  a  leader,  and  is  counted  among  the  men  who  are  responsible 
for  the  guidance  of  his  party.  Then,  if  he  becomes  known  and 
has  made  friends,  he  is  elected  to  office  and  has  a  share  in  con- 
ducting the  affairs  of  the  state  or  the  country.  He  carefully 
studies  public  sentiment  as  it  is  concerned  with  the  questions 
that  press  for  immediate  settlement.  He  looks  out  for  carry- 
ing elections  as  is  right  and  fit.  No  good  can  be  accomplished 
for  the  state,  unless  the  men  who  desire  to  do  it  can  get  the 
political  power  which  will  enable  them  to  do  it.  As  the  youth 
grows  to  a  maturer  manhood,  his  neighbors  find  that  he  is  com- 
petent for  the  administration  of  important  affairs,  fit  to  be 
legislator,  or  judge,  or  governor,  or  president.  He  is  quite 
right  in  desiring  to  be  elected.  If  he  be  not  elected  when  he 
is  the  candidate  of  his  party,  it  is  not  merely  that  the  people 
have  chosen  another  man  instead  of  him,  it  is  that  the  people 
have  chosen  that  the  thing  shall  be  done  which  he  thinks 
wrong,  and  that  the  thing  shall  not  be  done  which  he  thinks 
right.  The  election  must  be  carried  for  the  candidate  of  his 
party,  and  for  him  if  he  be  the  candidate  of  his  party,  or  the 
things  he  wishes  done  cannot  be  done.  He  cannot  be  a  good 
senator,  or  a  good  president,  unless  he  be  elected  senator  or 


INTBODUCTION  xvii 

president.  So  he  naturally  and  properly  seeks  to  be  in  close 
touch  with  the  people  in  whose  hands  the  power  of  the  state  is 
lodged.  He  conducts  himself  in  a  high  office  so  as  to  demand 
and  deserve  the  confidence  of  the  people.  His  sphere  of  power 
and  duty  enlarges,  and  his  horizon  enlarges  with  it.  He  finds 
that  after  a  while  his  long,  faithful,  and  honest  service  has  so 
commended  him  to  his  constituents,  that  he  is  reasonably 
secure  against  popular  inconstancy,  or  the  changes  of  political 
opinion.  That  was  the  case  with  Clay,  and  Adams,  and  Web- 
ster, and  Sumner.  We  have  had  as  many  examples  of  it  in  our 
democracy  as  there  have  been  in  forms  of  government  usually 
deemed  to  be  more  stable.  Then  the  man,  if  he  be  of  a  large 
and  generous  nature,  ceases  to  think  solely  or  chiefly  of  the 
opinion  even  of  the  generation  to  which  he  belongs.  His  hori- 
zon has  expanded  again.  He  feels  himself,  as  did  these  great 
men  whom  I  have  just  named,  contemporary  with  all  the  gen- 
erations. He  listens  to  and  obeys  the  teachings  of  his  ances- 
tors.    He  is  willing  to  wait  for  the  verdict  of  posterity. 

Public  men  in  America  are  more  immediately  dependent 
upon  temporary  public  opinion  than  elsewhere.  Under  our 
system  there  is  little  opportunity  for  official  service,  unless  the 
man  represent  the  political  opinion  of  the  locality  where  he 
dwells.  In  England  a  man  of  preeminent  ability  is  sure  to  be 
returned  to  Parliament  even  if  his  neighbors  will  not  send  him. 
Here  the  state  representative  or  senator  must  represent  the 
opinion  of  the  small  district  where  he  dwells,  the  representa- 
tive or  senator  in  Congress  must  agree  with  the  district  or 
state  where  he  dwells,  or  that  opportunity  for  public  service 
is  denied  him.  This  condition  of  things  tends  to  produce  a 
race  not  of  political  leaders,  but  only  of  political  followers.  The 
statesman,  to  use  a  mischievous  phrase,  lays  his  ear  to  the 
ground,  eager  to  discover  the  first  indication  of  a  popular  opin- 
ion of  which  he  is  to  be  the  obedient  and  willing  slave.  Yet  it  is 
remarkable,  and  it  is  gratifying,  that  in  spite  of  this  danger  the 
Republic  has  been  able  to  keep  its  standard  of  statesmanship 
so  high.  It  is  partly  because  the  political  instincts  of  the  people 
have  in  general  been  sane,  and  partly  because  the  people  in 
general  have  valued  independence  and  have  recognized  charac- 


xviii  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

ter  in  their  public  servants.  We  have  had  from  the  beginning 
— and  the  breed  has  not  yet  died  out — a  race  of  men  who  have 
not  been  afraid  to  trust  the  people,  and  have  not  been  afraid  to 
withstand  the  people.  They  have  known  the  great  secret  of 
all  statesmanship  and,  as  well,  of  all  political  success,  that  he 
who  withstands  the  people  on  fit  occasions  is  the  man  who 
commonly  trusts  them  most,  and  is  always  in  the  end  the  man 
they  trust  most. 


7^  ^T^^.nxJ' 


GEORGE  F.  HOAR 


CONTENTS 


THE  AMERICAN   SYSTEM   OF  GOVERNMENT 

(^National,  State,  and  Municipal) 

From  "The  American  Commonwealth,"  by  James  Bryce. 
Edited  and  Abridged  from  the  first  American  edition 
by  John  H.  Clifford. 

The   National   Government 


i.  The  Nation  and  the  States 

ii.  The  Origin  of  the  Constitution 

iii.  Nature  of  the  Federal  Government 

iv.  The  President  .... 

V.  Presidential  Powers  and  Duties 

vi.  The  Cabinet  .... 
vii.  The  Senate  .... 
viii.  The  Senate  as  an  Executive  and  Judicial  Body 

ix.  The  Senate :     Its  Working  and  Influence 

X.  The  House  of  Representatives 

xi.  The  House  at  Work 
xii.  Committees  of  Congress  . 
xiii.  Congressional  Legislation 
xiv.  Congressional  Finance 

XV.  The  Relations  of  the  Two  Houses 
xvi.  General  Observations  on  Congress 
xvii.  The  Relations  of  Congress  to  the  President 
xviii.  The  Legislature  and  the  Executive 

The  Courts  and  the  Constitution 


3 

5 

10 

13 

20 
27 

33 
38 
40 
46 

57 
60 
64 
66 
69 

^2 
78 
82 


i.  The  Federal  Courts 86 

ii.  Comparison  of  the  American  and  European  Systems      94 


XIX 


XX  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  .  PAGE 

iii.  The  Amendment  of  the  Constitution  •     .        .         .103 
iv.  The  Results  of  Constitutional  Development    .        .106 

The  State  Governments 

i.  Nature  of  the  State in 

ii.  State  Constitutions 118 

iii.  The  Development  of  State  Constitutions         .        .124 
iv.  Direct  Legislation  by  the  People     .        .        .        .130 

v.  State  Legislatures 134 

vi.  The  State  Executive        .        .        .        .        .        .142 

vii.  The  State  Judiciary 146 

viii.  State  Finance •     1 5 1 

ix.  The  Territories 159 

X.  The  Government  of  Cities 162 

xi.  The  Working  of  City  Governments.        .        .        .167 

• 
Party  Politics  a/jd  Public  Opinion 

i.  Political  Parties  and  their  History    .         .         .         ,   (1^2^ 

ii.  Nominating  Conventions jSb 

iii.  How  Public  Opinion  Rules      .         .        .        .         .  (^i84\^ 

GOOD   CITIZENSHIP 

Obligations  of  Citizenship 188 

By  Wilmot  H.  Goodale. 

The  New  Citizen 197 

By  Theodore  Roosevelt. 

The  Young  Man  in  Politics 200 

By  Grover  Cleveland. 

TRUE  AND  FALSE  STANDARDS  OF  PATRIOTISM 

The  Glory  of  Patriotism 207 

By  William  McKinley. 

Patriotism  and  Politics      .        .  .        ,        .        .211 

By  James  Cardinal  Gibbons. 


CONTENTS  xxi 


PAGE 


What  True  Patriotism  Demands  of  the  American  Citizen    221 
By  Roger  Sherman. 

AMERICAN   IDEALS 
Democracy 228 

By  James  Russell  Lowell. 

True  Americanism 

By  Theodore  Roosevelt. 


239 


American  Diplomacy        .......    253 

By  John  Hay. 

Politics  and  the  Demands  of  Good  Citizenship         .        .    260 
By  Benjamin  B.  Odell,  Jr. 

THE    CITIZEN    IN    HIS    RELATION    TO    OFFICE 

HOLDERS 

The  Unit  of  Authority 265 

By  Herbert  Welsh. 

Political  Dishonesty 273 

By  Henry  Ward  Beecher. 

The  Independent  in  Politics (^7S 

By  George  William  Curtis. 

NATION-BUILDING,   PROGRESS,  AND  PA- 
TRIOTISM 

Home  and  Education 279 

By  Small  and  Vincent,  Henry  W.  Grady,  John  H.  Vin- 
cent. 

The  Nature  of  Law  ...        J        ...        .    280 

By  Jeremy  Bentham,  Edmund  Burke,  Samuel  F.  Miller, 
Galusha  A.  Grow,  David  A.  .Wells,  Charles  A. 
Dana,  Richard  T.  Ely. 


XXll 


CONTENTS 


Freedom  of  Thought  and  Speech 

By  John  Stuart  Mill,  Francis  Lieber,  Julius  H.  Seelye, 
Alexis  H.  C.  de  Tocqueville. 

Freedom  of  Worship 

By  Thomas  M.  Cooley,  Richard  S.  Storrs,  Roger  Wil- 
liams, Thomas  B.  Macaulay,  Philip  Schaff. 

Our  Constitution  and  Our  Government    .... 

By  Andrew  Jackson,  William  E.  Gladstone,  Marquis  of 
Salisbury,  John  C.  Calhoun,  Daniel  Webster,  Lyman 
Abbott,  Douglas  Campbell,  Benjamin  F.  Tracy, 
Charles  King,  Orville  Dewey. 

The  Nature  and  Development  of  Patriotism     . 

By  Edmund  Burke,  Henry  Clay,  Henry  Cabot  Lodge, 
Benjamin  Harrison,  George  William  Curtis,  Horace 
Porter,  Edward  Everett,  George  F.  Hoar. 

Meaning  and  Literature  of  the  Flag         .... 

By  Edward  Everett,  Charles  Sumner,  Benjamin  Harri- 
son, Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  Henry 
Ward  Beecher,  Joseph  Rodman  Drake. 

What  Constitutes  Good  Citizenship         .... 

By  A.  V.  V.  Raymond,  Charles  A.  Dana,  John  Fiske,  W. 

H.  H.  Miller,  Benjamin  Harrison,  William  McKinley. 


PAGE 

282 


284 


285 


290 


293 


297 


LITERATURE  OF  PATRIOl 

Declaration  of  Independence    . 
The  Articles  of  Confederation  . 
Constitution  of  the  United  States 
Washington's  Farewell  Address 
The  Monroe  Doctrine 


ISM 


.  300 

.  305 

.  316 

.  335 

.  352 


CONTENTS  xxiii 


PAGE 


The  Gettysburg  Address  ....  -356 

By  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Second  Inaugural  Address 357 

By  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Humorous  Advice  to  a  Young  Politician  .        .        .     360 

By  William  Henry  McElroy. 

History  of  Political  Parties 36^) 

Index 411 


The 
American  System  of  Government 

frtm  "  THE  AMERICAN  COMMONIFEALTH" 

vt 
JAMES  BRYCE 

Abridged  smd  Edited   from  the  First  Edition  by  John   H.  Cufford 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


THE 
AMERICAN  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT, 


The   National  Government 

CHAPTER  I 

The  Nation  and  the  States 

THE  American  Union  is  a  Commonwealth  of  common- 
wealths, a  Republic  of  republics,  a  State  which,  while 
one,  is  nevertheless  composed  of  other  States  even  more  essen- 
tial to  its  existence  than  it  is  to  theirs. 

When  within  a  large  political  community  smaller  communi- 
ties are  found  existing,  the  relation  of  the  smaller  to  the  larger 
usually  appears  in  one  or  other  of  the  two  following  forms : 
One  form  is  that  of  a  League,  in  which  a  number  of  political 
bodies,  be  they  monarchies  or  republics,  are  bound  together  so 
as  to  constitute  for  certain  purposes,  and  especially  for  the  pur- 
pose of  common  defense,  a  single  body.  The  members  of  such 
a  composite  body  or  league  are  not  individual  men  but  commu- 
nities. It  exists  only  as  an  aggregate  of  communities,  and  will 
therefore  vanish  so  soon  as  the  communities  which  compose  it 
separate  themselves  from  one  another.  A  familiar  instance  of 
this  form  is  to  be  found  in  the  Germanic  Confederation  as  it 
existed  from  1815  till  1866.  The  Hanseatic  League  in  mediae- 
val Germany,  the  Swiss  Confederation  down  till  the  present 
century,  are  other  examples. 

In  the  second  form,  the  smaller  communities  are  mere  sub- 
divisions of  that  greater  one  which  we  call  the  Nation.  They 
have  been  created,  or  at  any  rate  they  exist,  for  administrative 
purposes  only.     Such  powers  as  they  possess  are  powers  dele- 

3 


4  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

gated  by  the  nation,  and  can  be  overridden  by  its  will.  The 
nation  acts  directly  by  its  own  officers,  not  merely  on  the  com- 
munities, but  upon  every  single  citizen ;  and  the  nation,  because 
it  is  independent  of  these  communities,  would  continue  to  exist 
were  they  all  to  disappear.  Examples  of  such  minor  commu- 
nities may  be  found  in  the  departments  of  modern  France  and 
the  counties  of  modern  England. 

The  American  Federal  Republic  corresponds  to  neither  of 
these  two  forms,  but  may  be  said  to  stand  between  them.  Its 
central  or  national  government  is  not  a  mere  league,  for  it  does 
not  wholly  depend  on  the  component  communities  which  we 
call  the  States.  It  is  itself  a  commonwealth  as  well  as  a  union 
of  commonwealths,  because  it  claims  directly  the  obedience  of 
every  citizen,  and  acts  immediately  upon  him  through  its  courts 
and  executive  officers.  Still  less  are  the  minor  communities, 
the  States,  mere  subdivisions  of  the  Union,  mere  creatures  of 
the  national  government,  like  the  counties  of  England  or  the 
departments  of  France.  They  have  over  their  citizens  an 
authority  which  is  their  own,  and  not  delegated  by  the  cen- 
tral government.  They  have  not  been  called  into  being  by  that 
government.  They  existed  before  it.  They  could  exist  with- 
out it.  The  American  States  are  all  inside  the  Union,  and 
have  all  become  subordinate  to  it.  Yet  the  Union  is  more  than 
an  aggregate  of  States,  and  the  States  are  more  than  parts  of 
the  Union.  It  might  be  destroyed,  and  they,  adding  a  few 
further  attributes  of  power  to  those  they  now  possess,  might 
survive  as  independent  self-governing  communities. 

This  is  the  cause  of  that  immense  complexity  which  startles 
and  at  first  bewilders  the  foreign  student  of  American  institu- 
tions, a  complexity  which  makes  American  history  and  current 
American  politics  so  difficult  to  the  European  who  finds  in 
them  phenomena  to  which  his  own  experience  supplies  no  par- 
allel. There  are  two  loyalties,  two  patriotisms ;  and  the  lesser 
patriotism  is  jealous  of  the  greater.  There  are  two  govern- 
ments, covering  the  same  ground,  commanding,  with  equally 
direct  authority,  the  obedience  of  the  same  citizen.  A  due 
comprehension  of  this  double  organization  is  the  first  and  indis- 
pensable step  to  the  comprehension  of  American  institutions : 


QUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  5 

as  the  elaborate  devices  whereby  the  two  systems  of  govern- 
ment are  kept  from  clashing  are  the  most  curious  subject  of 
study  which  those  institutions  present.  How  did  so  complex 
a  system  arise,  and  what  influences  have  molded  it  into  its 
present  form  ?  This  is  a  question  which  cannot  be  answered 
without  a  few  words  of  historical  retrospect. 


CHAPTER  II 

The  Origin  of  the  Constitution 

When  in  the  reign  of  George  III.  troubles  arose  between 
England  and  her  North  American  colonists,  there  existed  along 
the  eastern  coast  of  the  Atlantic  thirteen  little  communities,  all 
owning  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown.  But  practically  each 
colony  was  a  self-governing  commonwealth,  left  to  manage  its 
own  affairs  with  scarcely  any  interference  from  home.  Each 
had  its  legislature,  its  own  statutes  adding  to  or  modifying  the 
English  common  law,  its  local  corporate  life  and  traditions. 

When  the  oppressive  measures  of  the  home  government 
roused  the  colonies,  they  naturally  sought  to  organize  their 
resistance  in  common.  Singly  they  would  have  been  an  easy 
prey,  for  it  was  long  doubtful  whether  even  in  combination 
they  could  make  head  against  regular  armies.  A  congress  of 
delegates  from  nine  colonies,  held  at  New  York  in  1765,  was 
followed  by  another  at  Philadelphia  in  1774,  at  which  twelve 
were  represented,  which  called  itself  Continental  (for  the  name 
American  had  not  yet  become  established),  and  spoke  in  the 
name  of  "the  good  people  of  these  colonies,"  the  first  assertion 
of  a  sort  of  national  unity  among  the  English  of  America. 
This  congress,  in  which  from  1775  onward  all  the  colonies 
were  represented,  was  a  merely  revolutionary  body,  called  into 
existence  by  the  war  with  the  mother  country.  But  in  1776  it 
declared  the  independence  of  the  Colonies,  and  in  1777  it  gave 
itself  a  new  legal  character  by  framing  the  "  Articles  of  Con- 
federation and  Perpetual  Union,"  whereby  the  thirteen  States 
(as  they  now  called  themselves)  entered  into  a  "  firm  league  of 


6  PATBI0TI8M  AND   CITIZENSKIP 

friendship  "  with  one  another,  offensive  and  defensive,  while  de- 
claring that  "  each  state  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and 
independence,  and  every  power,  jurisdiction,  and  right  which  is 
not  by  this  Confederation  expressly  delegated  to  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled." 

This  Confederation,  which  was  not  ratified  by  all  the  States 
till  1 781,  was  rather  a  league  than  a  national  government,  for 
it  possessed  no  central  authority  except  an  assembly  in  which 
every  State,  the  largest  and  the  smallest  alike,  had  one  vote, 
and  this  authority  had  no  jurisdiction  over  the  individual  citi- 
zens. The  plan  corresponded  to  the  wishes  of  the  colonists, 
but  it  worked  badly,  and  was,  in  fact,  as  Washington  said,  no 
better  than  anarchy.  Congress  was  impotent,  and  commanded 
respect  as  little  as  obedience. 

Sad  experience  of  their  internal  difficulties,  and  of  the  con- 
tempt with  which  foreign  governments  treated  them,  at  last 
produced  a  feeling  that  some  firmer  and  closer  union  of  the 
States  was  needed.  A  convention  of  delegates  from  five  States 
met  at  Annapolis  in  Maryland,  in  1786,  to  discuss  methods  of 
enabling  Congress  to  regulate  commerce.  It  drew  up  a  report 
which  condemned  the  existing  state  of  things,  declared  that 
reforms  were  necessary,  and  suggested  a  further  general  con- 
vention in  the  following  year  to  consider  the  condition  of  the 
Union  and  the  needed  amendments  in  its  Constitution. 

Such  a  convention  was  summoned  and  met  at  Philadelphia 
on  the  fourteenth  of  May,  1787,  became  competent  to  proceed 
to  business  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  May,  when  seven  States  were 
represented,  and  chose  George  Washington  to  preside.  Dele- 
gates attended  from  every  State  but  Rhode  Island,  and  these 
delegates  were  the  leading  men  of  the  country,  influential  in 
their  several  States,  and  now  filled  with  a  sense  of  the  need  for 
comprehensive  reforms.  The  majority  ultimately  resolved  to 
prepare  a  wholly  new  Constitution,  to  be  considered  and 
ratified  neither  by  Congress  nor  by  the  state  legislatures,  but 
by  the  peoples  of  the  several  States. 

The  convention  had  not  only  to  create  de  novo,  on  the  most 
slender  basis  of  preexisting  national  institutions,  a  national 
government  for  a  widely  scattered  people,  but  they  had  in  doing 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  7 

so  to  respect  the  fears  and  jealousies  and  apparently  irrecon- 
cilable  interests  of  thirteen  separate  commonwealths,  to  all  of 
whose  governments  it  was  necessary  to  leave  a  sphere  of  action 
wide  enough  to  satisfy  a  deep-rooted  local  sentiment,  yet  not 
so  wide  as  to  imperil  national  unity. 

It  was  even  a  disputable  point  whether  the  colonists  were 
already  a  nation  or  only  the  raw  material  out  of  which  a  nation 
might  be  formed.  There  were  elements  of  unity,  there  were 
also  elements  of  diversity.  But  while  diversities  and  jealousies 
made  union  difficult,  two  dangers  were  absent  which  have  beset 
the  framers  of  constitutions  for  other  nations.  There  were  no 
reactionary  conspirators  to  be  feared,  for  every  one  prized 
liberty  and  equality.  There  were  no  questions  between  classes, 
no  animosities  against  rank  and  wealth,  for  rank  and  wealth 
did  not  exist. 

It  was  inevitable  under  such  circumstances  that  the  Consti- 
tution, while  aiming  at  the  establishment  of  a  durable  central 
power,  should  pay  great  regard  to  the  existing  centrifugal 
forces.  It  was,  and  remains  what  its  authors  styled  it,  emi- 
nently an  instrument  of  compromises ;  it  is  perhaps  the  most 
successful  instance  in  history  of  what  a  judicious  spirit  of  com- 
promise may  effect. 

The  draft  Constitution  was  submitted,  as  its  last  article 
provided,  to  conventions  of  the  several  States  (i.  e.,  bodies  spe- 
cially chqsen  by  the  people  for  the  purpose)  for  ratification.  It 
was  to  come  into  effect  as  soon  as  nine  States  had  ratified,  and 
eventually  it  was  ratified  by  all  the  States. 

There  was  a  struggle  everywhere  over  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  a  struggle  which  gave  birth  to  the  two  great  par- 
ties that  for  many  years  divided  the  American  people.  The 
chief  source  of  hostility  was  the  belief  that  a  strong  central 
government  endangered  both  the  rights  of  the  States  and  the 
liberties  of  the  individual  citizen.  Freedom,  it  was  declared, 
would  perish  at  the  hands  of  her  own  children.  Consolidation 
(for  the  word  centralization  had  not  yet  been  invented)  would 
extinguish  the  state  governments  and  the  local  institutions 
they  protected.  But  the  fear  of  foreign  interference,  the  sense 
of  weakness,  both  at  sea  and  on  land,  against  the  military  mon* 


8  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZUmSIP 

archies  of  Europe,  was  constantly  before  the  mind  of  American 
statesmen,  and  made  them  anxious  to  secure  at  all  hazards  a 
national  government  capable  of  raising  an  army  and  navy,  and 
of  speaking  with  authority  on  behalf  of  the  new  Republic. 

Several  of  the  conventions  which  ratified  the  Constitution 
accompanied  their  acceptance  with  an  earnest  recommendation 
of  various  amendments  to  it,  amendments  designed  to  meet  the 
fears  of  those  who  thought  that  it  encroached  too  far  upon  the 
liberties  of  the  people.  Some  of  these  were  adopted,  immedi- 
ately after  the  original  instrument  had  come  into  force,  by  the 
method  it  prescribes,  viz.,  a  two-thirds  majority  in  Congress 
and  a  majority  in  three  fourths  of  the  States.  They  are  the 
amendments  of  1791,  ten  in  number,  and  they  constitute  what 
the  Americans,  following  a  venerable  English  precedent,  call  a 
Bill  or  Declaration  of  Rights. 

The  Constitution  of  1789  deserves  the  veneration  witK 
which  Americans  have  been  accustomed  to  regard  it.  It  is 
true  that  many  criticisms  have  been  passed  upon  its  arrange- 
ment, upon  its  omissions,  upon  the  artificial  character  of  some 
of  the  institutions  it  creates.  And  whatever  success  it  has 
attained  must  be  in  large  measure  ascribed  to  the  political 
genius,  ripened  by  long  experience,  of  the  Anglo-American 
race,  by  whom  it  has  been  worked,  and  who  might  have  man- 
aged to  work  even  a  worse  drawn  instrument.  Yet,  after  all 
deductions,  it  ranks  above  every  other  written  constitution  for 
the  intrinsic  excellence  of  its  scheme,  its  adaptation  to  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  people,  the  simplicity,  brevity,  and  precision 
of  its  language,  its  judicious  mixture  of  definiteness  in  principle 
with  elasticity  in  details. 

The  American  Constitution  is  no  exception  to  the  rule  that 
everything  which  has  power  to  win  the  obedience  and  respect 
of  men  must  have  its  roots  deep  in  the  past,  and  that  the  more 
slowly  every  institution  has  grown,  so  much  the  more  enduring 
is  it  likely  to  prove.  There  is  little  in  that  Constitution  that 
is  absolutely  new.  There  is  much  that  is  as  old  as  Magna 
Charta.  The  men  of  the  Convention  had  the  experience  of  the 
English  Constitution.  That  Constitution  was  very  different 
then  from  what  it  is  now.    The  powers  and  functions  of  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  9 

Cabinet,  the  overmastering  force  of  the  House  of  Commons,  the 
intimate  connection  between  legislation  and  administration, 
these  which  are  to  us  now  the  main  characteristics  of  the  Eng- 
lish Constitution  were  still  far  from  fully  developed.  But  in 
other  points  of  fundamental  importance  the  Americans  appre- 
ciated and  turned  to  excellent  account  its  spirit  and  methods. 

Further,  they  had  the  experience  of  their  colonial  and  state 
governments,  and  especially,  for  this  was  freshest  and  most  in 
point,  the  experience  of  the  working  of  the  state  constitutions, 
framed  at  or  since  the  date  when  the  colonies  threw  off  their 
English  allegiance.  This  experience  taught  them  how  much 
might  safely  be  included  in  such  a  document  and  how  far  room 
must  be  left  under  it  for  unpredictable  emergencies  and  un- 
avoidable development. 

Lastly,  they  had  one  principle  of  the  English  common  law 
whose  importance  deserves  special  mention,  the  principle  that 
an  act  done  by  any  official  person  or  law-making  body  in  excess 
of  his  or  its  legal  competence  is  simply  void.  Here  lay  the  key 
to  the  difficulties  which  the  establishment  of  a  variety  of 
authorities  not  subordinate  to  one  another,  but  each  supreme 
in  its  own  defined  sphere,  necessarily  involved.  The  applica- 
tion of  this  principle  made  it  possible  not  only  to  create  a 
national  government  which  should  leave  free  scope  for  the 
working  of  the  State  governments,  but  also  so  to  divide  the 
powers  of  the  national  government  among  various  persons  and 
bodies  as  that  none  should  absorb  or  overbear  the  others. 


10  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 


CHAPTER  III 

Nature  of  the  Federal  Government 

The  acceptance  of  the  Constitution  of  1789  made  the 
American  people  a  nation.  It  turned  what  had  been  a  League 
of  States  into  a  Federal  State,  by  giving  it  a  national  government 
with  a  direct  authority  over  all  citizens.  But  as  this  national 
government  was  not  to  supersede  the  governments  of  the 
States,  the  problem  which  the  Constitution-makers  had  to  solve 
was  two-fold.  They  had  to  create  a  central  government.  They 
had  also  to  determine  the  relations  of  this  central  government 
to  the  States  as  well  as  to  the  individual  citizen. 

It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that  the  Constitution 
does  not  profess  to  be  a  complete  scheme  of  government,  creat- 
ing organs  for  the  discharge  of  all  the  functions  and  duties 
which  a  civilized  community  undertakes.  It  presupposes  the 
state  governments.  It  assumes  their  existence,  their  wide  and 
constant  activity.  It  is  a  scheme  designed  to  provide  for  the 
discharge  of  such  and  so  many  functions  of  government  as  the 
States  do  not  already  possess  and  discharge.  It  is,  therefore,  so 
to  speak,  the  complement  and  crown  of  the  State  constitu- 
tions. 

The  administrative,  legislative,  and  judicial  functions  for 
which  the  Federal  Constitution  provides  are  those  relating  to 
matters  which  must  be  deemed  common  to  the  whole  nation, 
either  because  all  the  parts  of  the  nation  are  alike  interested  in 
them,  or  because  it  is  only  by  the  nation  as  a  whole  that  they 
can  be  satisfactorily  undertaken.  The  chief  of  these  common 
or  national  matters  are : 

War  and  peace :  treaties  and  foreign  relations  generally. 

Army  and  navy. 

Federal  courts  of  justice. 

Commerce,  foreign  and  domestic. 

Currency. 

Copyright  and  patents. 
10 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  11 

The  post-office  and  post  roads. 

Taxation  for  the  foregoing  purposes,  and  for  the  general 
support  of  the  Government. 

The  protection  of  citizens  against  unjust  or  discriminating 
legislation  by  any  State. 
This  list  includes  the  subjects  upon  which  the  national  leg- 
islature has  the  right  to  legislate,  the  national  executive  to 
enforce  the  Federal  laws  and  generally  to  act  in  defense  of  na- 
tional interests,  the  national  judiciary  to  adjudicate.  All  other 
legislation  and  administration  is  left  to  the  several  States,  with- 
out power  of  interference  by  the  Federal  Legislature  or  Federal 
Executive. 

The  framers  of  this  government  set  before  themselves  four 
objects  as  essential  to  its  excellence,  viz.. 

Its  vigor  and  efficiency. 

The  independence  of  each  of  its  departments  (as  being 
essential  to  the  permanency  of  its  form). 

Its  dependence  on  the  people. 

The  security  under  it  of  the  freedom  of  the  individual. 
The  first  of  these  objects  they  sought  by  creating  a  strong 
executive ;  the  second  by  separating  the  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial  powers  from  one  another,  and  by  the  contrivance 
of  various  checks  and  balances ;  the  third  by  making  all  authori- 
ties elective  and  elections  frequent ;  the  fourth  both  by  the 
checks  and  balances  aforesaid,  so  arranged  as  to  restrain  any 
one  department  from  tyranny,  and  by  placing  certain  rights  of 
the  citizen  under  the  protection  of  the  written  Constitution. 

These  men,  practical  politicians  who  knew  how  infinitely 
difficult  a  business  government  is,  desired  no  bold  experiments. 
They  preferred,  so  far  as  circumstances  permitted,  to  walk  in 
the  old  paths,  to  follow  methods  which  experience  had  tested. 
Accordingly  they  started  from  the  system  on  which  their  own 
colonial  governments,  and  afterward  their  State  governments, 
had  been  conducted.  They  created  an  executive  magistrate, 
the  President,  on  the  model  of  the  State  governor,  and  of  the 
British  Crown.  They  created  a  legislature  of  two  Houses, 
Congress,  on  the  model  of  the  two  Houses  of  their  State  legis- 
latures, and  of  the  British  Parliament.    And  following  the 


12  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

precedent  of  the  British  judges,  irremovable  except  by  the 
Crown  and  Parhament  combined,  they  created  a  judiciary  ap- 
pointed for  Ufe,  and  irremovable  save  by  impeachment.  In 
these  great  matters,  however,  as  well  as  in  many  lesser  matters, 
they  copied  not  so  much  the  Constitution  of  England  as  the 
Constitutions  of  their  several  States,  in  which,  as  was  natural, 
many  features  of  the  English  Constitution  had  been  embodied, 
It  has  been  truly  said  that  nearly  every  provision  of  the  Federal 
Constitution  that  has  worked  well  is  one  borrowed  from  or 
suggested  by  some  State  constitution. 

The  British  Parliament  had  always  been,  was  then,  and 
remains  now,  a  sovereign  and  constituent  assembly.  It  can 
make  and  unmake  any  and  every  law,  change  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment or  the  succession  to  the  Crown,  interfere  with  the 
course  of  justice,  extinguish  the  most  sacred  private  rights  of 
the  citizen.  Both  practically  and  legally,  it  is  to-day  the  only 
and  the  sufficient  depository  of  the  authority  of  the  nation ; 
and  is  therefore,  within  the  sphere  of  law,  irresponsible  and 
omnipotent.  In  the  American  system  there  exists  no  such 
body.  Not  merely  Congress  alone,  but  also  Congress  and  the 
President  conjoined,  are  subject  to  the  Constitution,  and  can- 
not move  a  step  outside  the  circle  which  the  Constitution  has 
drawn  around  them.  If  they  do,  they  transgress  the  law  and 
exceed  their  powers.  Such  acts  as  they  may  do  in  excess  of 
their  powers  are  void,  and  may  be,  indeed  ought  to  be,  treated 
as  void  by  the  meanest  citizen.  The  only  power  which  is 
ultimately  sovereign,  as  the  British  Parliament  is  always  and 
directly  sovereign,  is  the  people  of  the  States,  acting  in  the 
manner  prescribed  by  the  Constitution,  and  capable  in  that 
manner  of  passing  any  law  whatever  in  the  form  of  a  constitu- 
tional amendment. 

The  subjection  of  all  the  ordinary  authorities  and  organs  of 
government  to  a  supreme  instrument  expressing  the  will  of  the 
sovereign  people,  and  capable  of  being  altered  by  them  only, 
has  been  usually  deemed  the  most  remarkable  novelty  of  the 
American  system.  But  it  is  merely  an  application  to  the  wider 
sphere  of  the  nation,  of  a  plan  approved  by  the  experience  of 
the  several  States.    And  the  plan  had,  in  these  States,  been 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  13 

the  outcome  rather  of  a  slow  course  of  historical  development 
than  of  conscious  determination  taken  at  any  one  point  of  their 
progress  from  petty  settlements  to  powerful  commonwealths. 


CHAPTER  IV 

The  President 

Every  one  who  undertakes  to  describe  the  American  system 
of  government  is  obliged  to  follow  the  American  division  of  it 
into  the  three  departments — Executive,  Legislative,  Judicial. 

The  President  is  the  creation  of  the  Constitution  of  1789. 
Under  the  Confederation  there  was  only  a  presiding  officer  of 
Congress,  but  no  head  of  the  nation. 

Why  was  it  thought  necessary  to  have  a  President  at  all } 
The  fear  of  monarchy,  of  a  strong  government,  of  a  centralized 
government,  prevailed  widely  in  1787.  The  convention  found 
it  extremely  hard  to  devise  a  satisfactory  method  of  choosing 
the  President.  Yet  it  was  settled  very  early  in  the  debates  of 
1787  that  the  central  executive  authority  must  be  vested  in  one 
person;  and  the  opponents  of  the  draft  Constitution,  while 
quarreling  with  his  powers,  did  not  accuse  his  existence. 

The  explanation  is  to  be  found  not  so  much  in  the  wish  to 
reproduce  the  British  Constitution  as  in  the  familiarity  of  the 
Americans,  as  citizens  of  the  several  States,  with  the  office  of 
State  governor  (in  some  States  then  called  President)  and  in 
their  disgust  with  the  feebleness  which  Congress  had  shown. 
Opinion  called  for  a  man,  because  an  assembly  had  been  found 
to  lack  promptitude  and  vigor.  And  it  may  be  conjectured 
that  the  alarms  felt  as  to  the  danger  from  one  man's  predomi- 
nance were  largely  allayed  by  the  presence  of  George  Washing- 
ton. Even  while  the  debates  were  proceeding,  every  one  must 
have  thought  of  him  as  the  proper  person  to  preside  over  the 
Union  as  he  was  then  presiding  over  the  convention.  The 
creation  of  the  office  would  seem  justified  by  the  existence  of 
a  person  exactly  fitted  to  fill  it.  Hamilton  proposed  that  the 
head  of  the  State  should  be  appointed  for  good  behavior,  i.e., 


14  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

for  life,  subject  to  removal  by  impeachment.  The  proposal 
was  defeated,  though  it  received  the  support  of  persons  so  demo- 
cratically-minded as  Madison  and  Edmund  Randolph;  but 
nearly  all  sensible  men  admitted  that  the  risk  of  foreign  wars 
required  the  concentration  of  executive  powers  into  a  single 
hand.  And  the  fact  that  in  every  one  of  their  commonwealths 
there  existed  an  officer  in  whom  the  State  Constitution  vested 
executive  authority,  balancing  him  against  the  State  legislature, 
made  the  establishment  of  a  Federal  chief  magistrate  seem  the 
obvious  course. 

The  statesmen  of  the  Convention  made  an  enlarged  copy 
of  the  State  governor,  or  a  reduced  and  improved  copy  of  the 
English  king,  shorn  of  a  part  of  his  prerogative  by  the  interven- 
tion of  the  Senate  in  treaties  and  appointments,  of  another  part 
by  the  restriction  of  his  action  to  Federal  affairs,  while  his 
dignity  as  well  as  his  influence  are  diminished  by  his  holding 
office  for  four  years  instead  of  for  life.  Subject  to  these  and 
other  precautions,  he  was  meant  by  the  Constitution-f  ramers  to 
resemble  the  State  governor  and  the  British  king,  not  only  in 
being  the  head  of  the  executive,  but  in  standing  apart  from  and 
above  political  parties.  He  was  to  represent  the  nation  as  a 
whole,  as  the  governor  represented  the  State  commonwealth, 
and  to  think  only  of  the  welfare  of  the  people. 

This  idea  appears  in  the  method  provided  for  the  election  of 
a  President.  To  have  left  the  choice  of  the  chief  magistrate 
to  a  direct  popular  vote  over  the  whole  country  would  have 
raised  a  dangerous  excitement,  and  would  have  given  too  much 
encouragement  to  candidates  of  merely  popular  gifts.  To  have 
entrusted  it  to  Congress  would  have  not  only  subjected  the  ex- 
ecutive to  the  legislature  in  violation  of  the  principle  which 
requires  these  departments  to  be  kept  distinct,  but  have  tended 
to  make  him  the  creature  of  one  particular  faction  instead  of 
the  choice  of  the  nation.  Hence  the  device  of  a  double  elec- 
tion was  adopted.  The  Constitution  directs  each  State  to 
choose  a  number  of  presidential  electors  equal  to  the  number 
of  its  representatives  in  both  Houses  of  Congress.  Some 
weeks  later,  these  electors  meet  in  each  State  on  a  day  fixed  by 
law,  and  give  their  votes  in  writing  for  the  President  and  Vice- 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  15 

President.  The  votes  are  transmitted,  sealed  up,  to  the  capital, 
and  there  opened  by  the  President  of  the  Senate,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  both  Houses,  and  counted.  To  preserve  the  electors 
from  the  influence  of  faction,  it  is  provided  that  they  shall  not 
be  members  of  Congress,  nor  holders  of  any  Federal  office. 
Being  themselves  chosen  electors  on  account  of  their  personal 
merits,  they  would  be  better  qualified  than  the  masses  to  select 
an  able  and  honorable  man  for  President,  Moreover,  as  the 
votes  are  counted  promiscuously,  and  not  by  States,  each  elec- 
tor's voice  would  have  its  weight.  He  might  be  in  a  minority 
in  his  own  State,  but  his  vote  would  nevertheless  tell  because 
it  would  be  added  to  those  given  by  electors  in  other  States  for 
the  same  candidate. 

But  the  presidential  electors  have  become  a  mere  cog-wheel 
in  the  machine ;  a  mere  contrivance  for  giving  effect  to  the 
decision  of  the  people.  Their  personal  qualifications  are  a 
matter  of  indifference.  They  have  no  discretion,  but  are  chosen 
under  a  pledge — a  pledge  of  honor  merely,  but  a  pledge  which 
has  never  (since  1796)  been  violated — to  vote  for  a  particular 
candidate.  In  choosing  them  the  people  virtually  choose  the 
President,  and  thus  the  very  thing  which  the  men  of  1787 
sought  to  prevent  has  happened — the  President  is  chosen  by  a 
popular  vote. 

In  the  first  two  presidential  elections  (in  1789  and  1792) 
the  independence  of  the  electors  did  not  come  into  question, 
because  everybody  was  for  Washington,  and  parties  had  not 
yet  been  fully  developed.  Yet  in  the  election  of  1792  it  was 
generally  understood  that  electors  of  one  way  of  thinking  were 
to  vote  for  Clinton  as  their  second  candidate  (i.e.,  for  Vice- 
President)  and  those  of  the  other  side  for  John  Adams.  In 
the  third  election  (1796)  no  pledges  were  exacted  from  electors, 
but  the  election  contest  in  which  they  were  chosen  was  con- 
ducted on  party  lines,  and  although,  when  the  voting  by  the 
electors  arrived,  some  few  votes  were  scattered  among  other 
persons,  there  were  practically  only  two  presidential  candidates 
before  the  country,  John  Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  for  the 
former  of  whom  the  electors  of  the  Federalist  party,  for  the 
latter  those  of  the  Republican  (Democratic)  party  were  ex- 


16  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZUmSIP 

pected  to  vote.  The  fourth  election  was  a  regular  party  strug- 
gle, carried  on  in  obedience  to  party  arrangements.  Both 
Federalists  and  Republicans  put  the  names  of  their  candidates 
for  President  and  Vice-President  before  the  country,  and  around 
these  names  the  battle  raged.  The  notion  of  leaving  any  free- 
dom or  discretion  to  the  electors  had  vanished,  for  it  was  felt 
that  an  issue  so  great  must  and  could  be  decided  by  the  nation 
alone.  From  that  day  till  now  there  has  never  been  any  ques- 
tion of  reviving  the  true  and  original  intent  of  the  plan  of 
double  election,  and  consequently  nothing  has  ever  turned  on 
the  personality  of  the  electors.  They  are  now  so  little  signifi- 
cant that  to  enable  the  voter  to  know  for  which  set  of  electors 
his  party  desires  him  to  vote,  it  is  found  necessary  to  put  the 
name  of  the  presidential  candidate  whose  interest  they  repre- 
sent at  the  top  of  the  voting  ticket  on  which  their  own  names 
are  printed. 

The  completeness  and  permanence  of  this  change  has  been 
assured  by  the  method  which  now  prevails  of  choosing  the 
electors.  The  Constitution  leaves  the  method  to  each  State, 
and  in  the  earlier  days  many  States  entrusted  the  choice  to 
their  legislatures.  But  as  democratic  principles  became  devel- 
oped, the  practice  of  choosing  the  electors  by  direct  popular 
vote  spread  by  degrees,  and  popular  election  now  rules  every- 
where. Thus  the  issue  comes  directly  before  the  people.  The 
parties  nominate  their  respective  candidates,  a  "  campaign  "  be- 
gins, the  polling  for  electors  takes  place  early  in  November,  on 
the  same  day  over  the  whole  Union,  and  when  the  result  is  known 
the  contest  is  over,  because  the  subsequent  meeting  and  voting 
of  the  electors  in  their  several  States  is  mere  matter  of 
form. 

So  far,  the  method  of  choice  by  electors  may  seem  to  be 
merely  a  roundabout  way  of  getting  the  judgment  of  the  people. 
It  is  more  than  this.  It  has  several  singular  consequences, 
unforeseen  by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution.  It  has  made 
the  election  virtually  an  election  by  States,  for  the  present  sys- 
tem of  choosing  electors  by  "general  ticket"  over  the  whole 
State  causes  the  whole  weight  of  a  State  to  be  thrown  into  the 
scale  of  one  candidate,  that  candidate  whose  list  of  electors  is 


JAMES  P.  BRYCE 


OFTK 


OF 


'tn 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  17 

carried  in  the  given  State.  Hence  in  a  presidential  election, 
the  struggle  concentrates  itself  mainly  in  the  doubtful  States 
where  the  great  parties  are  pretty  equally  divided,  and  hence 
also  a  man  may  be,  and  has  been,  elected  President  by  a  mi- 
nority of  popular  votes. 

When  such  has  been  the  fate  of  the  plan  of  1787,  it  need 
hardly  be  said  that  the  ideal  president,  the  great  and  good  man 
above  and  outside  party,  whom  the  judicious  and  impartial 
electors  were  to  choose,  has  not  usually  been  secured.  Nearly 
every  president  has  been  elected  as  a  party  leader  by  a  party 
vote,  and  has  felt  bound  to  carry  out  the  policy  of  the  men  who 
put  him  in  power.  Thus  America  has  reproduced  the  English 
system  of  executive  government  by  a  party  majority.  In  prac- 
tice, the  disadvantages  of  the  American  plan  are  less  serious 
than  might  be  expected,  for  the  responsibility  of  a  great  office 
and  the  feeling  that  he  represents  the  whole  nation  have  tended 
to  sober  and  control  the  President.  Except  as  regards  patron- 
age, he  has  seldom  acted  as  a  mere  tool  of  faction,  or  sought  to 
base  his  administrative  powers  to  the  injurv  of  his  political 
adversaries. 

The  Constitution  prescribes  no  limit  for  the  reeligibility  of 
the  President.  He  may  go  on  being  chosen  for  one  four-year 
period  after  another  for  the  term  of  his  natural  life.  But 
tradition  has  supplied  the  place  of  law.  Elected  in  1789, 
Washington  submitted  to  be  reelected  in  1792.  But  when 
he  had  served  this  second  term  he  absolutely  refused  to 
serve  a  third,  urging  the  risk  to  republican  institutions  of  suf- 
fering the  same  man  to  continue  constantly  in  office.  Jeffer- 
son, Madison,  Monroe,  and  Jackson  obeyed  the  precedent,  and 
did  not  seek,  nor  their  friends  for  them,  reelection  after  two 
terms,  and  no  man  has  ever  been  so  reelected. 

The  Constitution  requires  for  the  choice  of  a  President  "a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed."  If  no 
such  majority  is  obtained  by  any  candidate,  i.e.,  if  the  votes 
of  the  electors  are  so  scattered  among  different  candidates,  that 
out  of  the  total  number  no  one  receives  an  absolute  majority, 
the  choice  goes  over  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  who  are 
empowered  to  choose  a  President  from  among  the  three  candi- 


IS  FATBIOTISM  AND   GITIZEmHIP 

dates  who  have  received  the  largest  number  of  electoral  votes- 
In  the  House  the  vote  is  taken  by  States,  a  majority  of  all  the 
States  being  necessary  for  a  choice.  As  all  the  members  of 
the  House  from  a  State  have  but  one  collective  vote,  it  follows 
that  if  they  are  equally  divided  among  themselves,  e.g.,  if  half 
the  members  from  a  given  State  are  Democratic  and  half  Re- 
publican, the  vote  of  that  State  is  lost.  Supposing  this  to  be 
the  case  in  half  the  total  number  of  States,  or  supposing  the 
States  so  to  scatter  their  votes  that  no  candidate  receives  an 
absolute  majority,  then  no  President  is  chosen,  and  the  Vice- 
President  becomes  President. 

In  this  mode  of  choice,  the  popular  will  may  be  still  less 
recognized  than  it  is  by  the  method  of  voting  through  presi- 
dential electors,  for  if  the  twenty  smaller  States  were,  through 
their  representatives  in  the  House,  to  vote  for  candidate  A,  and 
the  eighteen  larger  States  for  candidate  B,  A  would  be  seated, 
though  the  population  of  the  twenty  smaller  States  is,  of 
course,  very  much  below  that  of  the  eighteen  larger. 

The  Constitution  seems,  though  its  language  is  not  explicit, 
to  have  intended  to  leave  the  counting  of  the  votes  to  the 
President  of  the  Senate  (the  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States);  and  in  early  days  this  officer  superintended  the  count, 
and  decided  questions  as  to  the  admissibility  of  doubtful  votes. 
However,  Congress  has,  in  virtue  of  its  right  to  be  present  at 
the  counting,  assumed  the  further  right  of  determining  all  ques- 
tions which  arise  regarding  the  validity  of  electoral  votes. 
This  would  be  all  very  well  were  a  decision  by  Congress  always 
certain  of  attainment.  But  it  often  happens  that  one  party 
has  a  majority  in  the  Senate,  another  party  in  the  House,  and 
then,  as  the  two  Houses  vote  separately  and  each  differently 
from  the  other,  a  deadlock  results. 

These  things  point  to  a  grave  danger  in  the  presidential 
system.  The  stake  played  for  is  so  high  that  the  temptation 
to  fraud  is  immense;  and  as  the  ballots  given  for  the  electors 
by  the  people  are  received  and  counted  by  State  authorities 
under  State  laws,  an  unscrupulous  State  faction  has  opportuni- 
ties for  fraud  at  its  command.  Congress  not  many  years  ago 
enacted  a  statute  which  to  some  extent  meets  the  problem  by 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  19 

providing  that  tribunals  appointed  in  and  by  each  State  shall 
determine  what  electoral  votes  from  the  State  are  legal  votes ; 
and  that  if  the  State  has  appointed  no  such  tribunal,  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress  shall  determine  which  votes  (in  case  of 
double  returns)  are  legal.  If  the  Houses  differ  the  vote  of  the 
State  is  lost. 

A  President  is  removable  during  his  term  of  office  only  by 
means  of  impeachment.  In  obedience  to  State  precedents,  it  is 
by  the  House  of  Representatives  that  the  President  is  im- 
peached, and  by  the  Senate,  sitting  as  a  law  court,  with  the 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  highest  legal  official  of 
the  country,  as  presiding  officer,  that  he  is  tried.  A  two-thirds 
vote  is  necessary  to  conviction,  the  effect  of  which  is  simply  to 
remove  him  from  and  disqualify  him  for  office,  leaving  him 
"liable  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment,  and  punishment,  accord- 
ing to  law."  The  impeachable  offenses  are  "  treason,  bribery, 
or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,"  an  expression  which 
some  have  held  to  cover  only  indictable  offenses,  while  others 
extend  it  to  include  acts  done  in  violation  of  official  duty  and 
against  the  interests  of  the  nation. 

In  case  of  the  removal  of  a  President  by  his  impeachment, 
or  of  his  death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  his 
duties,  the  Vice-President  steps  into  his  place.  The  Vice-Presi- 
dent is  chosen  at  the  same  time,  by  the  same  electors,  and  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  President.  His  only  functions  are  to  pre- 
side in  the  Senate  and  to  succeed  the  President.  Failing  both 
President  and  Vice-President,  it  was  formerly  provided  by 
statute,  not  by  the  Constitution,  that  the  presiding  officer  for 
the  time  being  of  the  Senate  should  succeed  to  the  presidency, 
and,  failing  him,  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
To  this  plan  there  was  the  obvious  objection  that  it  might  throw 
power  into  the  hands  of  the  party  opposed  to  that  to  which  the 
lately  deceased  President  belonged ;  and  it  has  therefore  been 
( 1 886)  enacted  that  on  the  death  of  a  President  the  Secretary 
of  State  shall  succeed,  and  after  him  other  officers  of  the 
administration,  in  the  order  of  their  rank. 


^0  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmRiP 

CHAPTER   V 

Presidential  Powers  and  Duties 

The  powers  and  duties  of  the  President  as  head  of  the  Fed- 
eral executive  are  the  following : 

Command  of  Federal  army  and  navy  and  of  militia  of 
several  States  when  called  into  services  of  the 
United  States. 

Power  to  make  treaties,  but  with  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate,  i.e.,  consent  of  two  thirds  of  sena- 
tors present. 

Power  to  appoint  ambassadors  and  consuls,  Judges  of 
Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  higher  Federal 
officers,  but  with  advice  and  consent  of  Senate. 

Power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offenses 
against  the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment. 

Power  to  convene  both  Houses  on  extraordinary  occa- 
sions. 

Power  to  disagree  with  (i.e.,  to  send  back  for  re-consid- 
eration) any  bill  or  resolution  passed  by  Congress, 
but  subject  to  the  power  of  Congress  to  finally 
pass  the  same,  after  re-consideration,  by  a  two- 
thirds  majority  in  each  House. 

Duty  to  inform  Congress  of  the  state  of  the  Union, 
and  to  recommend  measures  to  Congress. 

Duty  to  receive  foreign  ambassadors. 

Duty  to  "  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  exe- 
cuted." 

Duty  to  commission  all  the  officers  of  the  United 
States. 
These  functions  group  themselves  into  four  classes : 

Those  which  relate  to  foreign  affairs. 

Those  which  relate  to  domestic  administration. 

Those  which  concern  legislation. 

The  power  of  appointment. 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  21 

The  President  has  not  a  free  hand  in  foreign  poHcy.  He 
cannot  declare  war,  for  that  belongs  to  Congress,  though  he 
may  bring  affairs  to  a  point  at  which  it  is  hard  for  Congress  to 
refrain  from  the  declaration.  Treaties  require  the  approval  of 
two  thirds  of  the  Senate ;  and  in  order  to  secure  this,  it  is  usu- 
ally necessary  for  the  Executive  to  be  in  constant  communica- 
tion with  the  Foreign  Affairs  Committee  of  that  body.  Prac- 
tically, and  for  the  purposes  of  ordinary  business,  the  President 
is  independent  of  the  House,  while  the  Senate,  though  it  can 
prevent  his  settling  anything,  cannot  keep  him  from  unsettling 
everything.  He,  or  rather  his  Secretary  of  State,  retains  an 
unfettered  initiative,  by  means  of  which  he  may  embroil  the 
country  abroad  or  excite  passion  at  home. 

The  domestic  authority  of  the  President  is  in  time  of  peace 
very  small,  because  by  far  the  larger  part  of  law  and  adminis- 
tration belongs  to  the  State  governments,  and  because  Federal 
administration  is  regulated  by  statutes  which  leave  little  discre- 
tion to  the  Executive.  In  war  time,  however,  and  especially  in 
a  civil  war,  it  expands  with  portentous  speed.  Both  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army  and  navy,  and  as  charged  with  the 
"faithful  execution  of  the  laws,"  the  President  is  likely  to  be 
led  to  assume  all  the  powers  which  the  emergency  requires. 
How  much  he  can  legally  do  without  the  aid  of  statutes  is  dis- 
puted, but  it  is  at  least  clear  that  Congress  can  make  him,  as  it 
did  make  Lincoln,  almost  a  dictator.  Without  any  previous 
legislative  sanction  President  Lincoln  issued  his  emancipation 
proclamations. 

It  devolves  on  the  Executive  as  well  as  on  Congress  to  give 
effect  to  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  whereby  a  republi- 
can form  of  government  is  guaranteed  to  every  State :  and  a 
State  may,  on  the  application  of  its  legislature,  or  executive 
(when  the  legislature  cannot  be  convened),  obtain  protection 
against  domestic  violence.  Where  there  are  two  governments 
disputing  by  force  the  control  of  a  State,  or  where  an  insurrec- 
tion breaks  out,  this  power  becomes  an  important  one,  for  it 
involves  the  employment  of  troops,  and  enables  the  President 
to  establish  the  government  he  prefers  to  recognize.  Fortu- 
nately the  case  has  been  one  of  rare  occurrence. 


22  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

The  President  has  the  right  of  speaking  to  the  nation  by 
addresses  or  proclamations,  a  right  not  expressly  conferred  by 
the  Constitution,  but  inherent  in  his  position.  On  entering 
office,  it  is  usual  for  the  new  magistrate  to  issue  an  inaugural 
address,  stating  his  views  on  current  public  questions.  He 
retains  all  rights  of  the  ordinary  citizen,  including  the  right  of 
voting  at  Federal  as  well  as  State  elections  in  his  own  State. 

The  position  of  the  President  as  respects  legislation  is  a 
peculiar  one.  He  is  not  a  member  of  the  legislature  at  all. 
He  is  an  independent  and  separate  power  on  whom  the  people, 
for  the  sake  of  checking  the  legislature  and  of  protecting 
themselves  against  it,  have  specially  conferred  the  function  of 
arresting  by  his  disapproval  its  acts.  He  cannot  introduce 
bills,  either  directly  or  through  his  ministers,  for  they  do  not 
sit  in  Congress.  All  that  the  Constitution  permits  him  to  do 
in  this  direction  is  to  inform  Congress  of  the  state  of  the  nation, 
and  to  recommend  the  measures  which  his  experience  in  ad- 
ministration shows  to  be  necessary.  This  latter  function  is 
discharged  by  the  messages  which  the  President  addresses  to 
Congress.  The  most  important  is  that  sent  by  the  hand  of 
his  private  secretary  at  the  beginning  of  each  session. 

George  Washington  used  to  deliver  his  addresses  orally,  like 
an  English  king,  and  drove  in  a  coach  and  six  to  open  Congress 
with  something  of  an  English  king's  state.  But  Jefferson, 
when  his  turn  came  in  1801,  whether  from  republican  simplicity, 
as  he  said  himself,  or  because  he  was  a  poor  speaker,  as  his 
critics  said,  began  the  practice  of  sending  communications  in 
writing ;  and  this  has  been  followed  ever  since.  The  message 
usually  discusses  the  leading  questions  of  the  moment,  indicates 
mischiefs  needing  a  remedy,  and  suggests  the  requisite  legisla- 
tion. But  as  no  bills  are  submitted  by  the  President,  and  as, 
even  were  he  to  submit  them,  no  one  of  his  ministers  sits  in 
either  House  to  explain  and  defend  them,  the  message  is  a  shot 
in  the  air  without  practical  result.  It  is  rather  a  manifesto,  or 
declaration  of  opinion  and  policy,  than  a  step  towards  legisla- 
tion. Congress  is  not  moved :  members  go  their  own  way  and 
bring  in  their  own  bills. 

Far  more  effective  is  the  President's  part  in  the  last  stage 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  OOYEBNMENT  23 

of  legislation,  for  here  he  finds  means  provided  for  carrying  out 
his  will.  When  a  bill  is  presented  to  him,  he  may  sign  it,  and 
his  signature  makes  it  law.  If,  however,  he  disapproves  of  it, 
he  returns  it  within  ten  days  to  the  House  in  which  it  origin- 
ated, with  a  statement  of  his  grounds  of  disapproval.  If  both 
Houses  take  up  the  bill  again  and  pass  it  by  a  two-thirds  ma- 
jority in  each  House,  it  becomes  law  forthwith  without  requir- 
ing the  President's  signature.  If  it  fails  to  obtain  this  majority 
it  drops. 

Considering  that  the  arbitrary  use,  by  George  III.  and  his 
colonial  governors,  of  the  power  of  refusing  bills  passed  by  a 
colonial  legislature  had  been  a  chief  cause  of  the  Revolution  of 
1776,  it  is  to  the  credit  of  the  Americans  that  they  inserted 
this  apparently  undemocratic  provision  in  the  Constitution  of 
1789.  It  has  worked  wonderfully  well.  Most  Presidents  have 
used  it  sparingly,  and  only  where  they  felt  either  that  there 
was  a  case  for  delay,  or  that  the  country  would  support  them 
against  the  majority  in  Congress.  Perverse  or  headstrong 
Presidents  have  been  usually  defeated  by  the  use  of  the  two- 
thirds  vote  to  pass  the  bill  over  their  objections. 

The  reasons  why  the  veto  provisions  of  the  Constitution 
have  succeeded  appear  to  be  two.  One  is  that  the  President, 
being  an  elective  and  not  a  hereditary  magistrate,  is  deemed  to 
act  for  the  people,  is  responsible  to  the  people,  and  has  the 
weight  of  the  people  behind  him.  The  people  regard  him  as  a 
check,  an  indispensable  check,  not  only  upon  the  haste  and 
heedlessness  of  their  representatives,  the  faults  that  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution  chiefly  feared,  but  upon  their  tendency  to 
yield  either  to  pressure  from  any  section  of  their  constituents, 
or  to  temptations  of  a  private  nature.  He  is  expected  to  resist 
these  tendencies  on  behalf  of  the  whole  people,  whose  in- 
terests may  suffer  from  the  selfishness  as  well  of  sections  as 
of  individuals.  The  other  reason  is  that  a  veto  can  never  take 
effect  unless  there  is  a  substantial  minority  of  Congress,  a 
minority  exceeding  one  third  in  one  or  other  House,  which 
agrees  with  the  President.  Should  the  majority  threaten  him 
he  is  therefore  sure  of  considerable  support. 

In  its  practical  working  the  presidential  veto  power  fur- 


24  PATEI0TI8M  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

nishes  an  interesting  illustration  of  the  tendency  of  unwritten 
or  flexible  constitutions  to  depart  from,  of  written  or  rigid  con- 
stitutions to  cleave  to,  the  letter  of  the  law.  The  strict  legal 
theory  of  the  rights  of  the  head  of  the  State  is  in  this  point 
exactly  the  same  in  England  and  in  America.  But  whereas  it 
is  now  the  undoubted  duty  of  an  English  king  to  assent  to 
every  bill  passed  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  however 
strongly  he  may  personally  disapprove  its  provisions,  it  is  the 
no  less  undoubted  duty  of  an  American  President  to  exercise 
his  independent  judgment  on  every  bill,  not  sheltering  himself 
under  the  representatives  of  the  people,  or  foregoing  his  own 
opinion  at  their  bidding. 

As  the  President  is  charged  with  the  whole  Federal  admin- 
istration, and  responsible  for  its  due  conduct,  he  must  of  course 
be  allowed  to  choose  his  executive  subordinates.  But  as  he 
may  abuse  this  tremendous  power,  the  Constitution  associates 
the  Senate  with  him,  requiring  the  "  advice  and  consent "  of 
that  body  to  the  appointments  he  makes.  It  also  permits  Con- 
gress to  vest  in  the  courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  depart- 
ments, the  right  of  appointing  to  "  inferior  offices."  This  last 
clause  has  been  used  to  remove  many  posts  from  the  nomina- 
tion of  the  President.  But  a  vast  number  still  remains  in  his 
gift.  The  confirming  power  entrusted  to  the  Senate  has  be- 
come a  political  factor  of  the  highest  moment.  The  framers 
of  the  Constitution  probably  meant  nothing  more  than  that  the 
Senate  should  check  the  President  by  rejecting  nominees  who 
were  personally  unfit,  morally  or  intellectually,  for  the  post  to 
which  he  proposed  to  appoint  them.  The  Senate  has  always, 
except  in  its  struggle  with  President  Johnson,  left  the  Presi- 
dent free  to  choose  his  cabinet  ministers.  But  it  early  assumed 
the  right  of  rejecting  a  nominee  to  any  other  office  on  any 
ground  which  it  pleased,  as,  for  instance,  if  it  disapproved  his 
political  affiliations,  or  simply  if  it  disliked  him,  or  wished  to 
spite  the  President.  Presently  the  senators  from  the  State 
wherein  a  Federal  office  to  which  the  President  had  made  a 
nomination  lay,  being  the  persons  chiefly  interested  in  the  ap- 
pointment, and  most  entitled  to  be  listened  to  by  the  rest  of 
the  Senate  when  considering  it,  claimed  to  have  a  paramount 


OUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  25 

voice  in  deciding  whether  the  nomination  should  be  confirmed. 
This  claim  was  substantially  yielded,  for  it  applied  all  around, 
and  gave  every  senator  what  he  wanted.  The  senators  then 
proceeded  to  put  pressure  on  the  President.  They  insisted 
that  before  making  a  nomination  to  an  office  in  any  State  he 
should  consult  the  senators  from  that  State  who  belonged  to  his 
own  party,  and  be  guided  by  their  wishes.  By  this  system, 
which  obtained  the  name  of  the  Gourtesy  of  the  Senate,  the 
President  was  practically  enslaved  as  regards  appointments, 
because  his  refusal  to  be  guided  by  the  senator  or  senators 
within  whose  State  the  office  lay  exposed  him  to  have  his  nomi- 
nation rejected.  The  senators,  on  the  other  hand,  obtained  a 
mass  of  patronage  by  means  of  which  they  could  reward  their 
partisans,  control  the  Federal  civil  servants  of  their  State,  and 
build  up  a  faction  devoted  to  their  interests. 

The  right  of  the  President  to  remove  from  office  has  given 
rise  to  long  controversies.  In  the  Constitution  there  is  not  a 
word  about  removals ;  and  very  soon  after  it  had  come  into 
force  the  question  arose  whether,  as  regards  those  offices  for 
which  the  confirmation  of  the  Senate  is  required,  the  President 
could  remove  without  its  consent.  In  1867,  Congress,  fearing 
that  the  President  would  dismiss  a  great  number  of  officials 
who  sided  with  it  against  him,  passed  an  Act,  known  as  the 
Tenure  of  Office  Act,  which  made  the  consent  of  the  Senate 
necessary  to  the  removal  of  office-holders,  even  of  the  Presi- 
dent's (so-called)  cabinet  ministers,  permitting  him  only  to 
suspend  them  from  office  during  the  time  when  Congress  was 
not  sitting.  The  constitutionality  of  this  Act  has  been  much 
doubted,  and  in  1887  it  was,  with  general  approval,  repealed. 

In  no  European  country  is  there  any  personage  to  whom 
the  President  can  be  said  to  correspond.  If  we  look  at  parlia- 
mentary countries  like  England,  Italy,  Belgium,  he  resembles 
neither  the  sovereign  nor  the  prime  minister,  for  the  former  is 
not  a  party  chief  at  all,  and  the  latter  is  palpably  and  confessedly 
nothing  else.  The  President  enjoys  more  authority,  if  less  dig- 
nity, than  a  European  king.  He  has  powers  for  the  moment 
narrower  than  a  European  prime  minister,  but  these  powers 
are  more  secure,  for  they  do  not  depend  on  the  pleasure  of  a 


26  FATBI0TI8M  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

parliamentary  majority,  but  run  on  to  the  end  of  his  term. 
One  naturally  compares  him  with  the  French  President,  but 
the  latter  has  a  prime  minister  and  cabinet,  dependent  on  the 
chamber,  at  once  to  relieve  and  to  eclipse  him :  in  America  the 
President's  cabinet  is  a  part  of  himself  and  has  nothing  to  do 
with  Congress. 

The  difficulty  in  forming  a  just  estimate  of  the  President's 
power  arises  from  the  fact  that  it  differs  so  much  under  ordi- 
nary and  under  extraordinary  circumstances.  In  ordinary 
times  the  President  may  be  compared  to  the  senior  or  manag- 
ing clerk  in  a  large  business  establishment,  whose  chief  func- 
tion is  to  select  his  subordinates,  the  policy  of  the  concern 
being  in  the  hands  of  the  board  of  directors.  But  when  foreign 
affairs  become  critical,  or  when  disorders  within  the  Union 
require  his  intervention,  when,  for  instance,  it  rests  with  him 
to  put  down  an  insurrection  or  to  decide  which  of  two  rival 
State  governments  he  will  recognize  and  support  by  arms, 
everything  may  depend  on  his  judgment,  his  courage,  and  his 
hearty  loyalty  to  the  principles  of  the  Constitution. 

It  used  to  be  thought  that  hereditary  monarchs  were  strong 
because  they  reigned  by  a  right  of  their  own,  not  derived  from 
the  people.  A  President  is  strong  for  the  exactly  opposite 
reason,  because  his  rights  come  straight  from  the  people.  No- 
where is  the  rule  of  public  opinion  so  complete  as  in  America, 
nor  so  direct,  that  is  to  say,  so  independent  of  the  ordinary 
machinery  of  government.  Now,  the  President  is  deemed  to 
represent  the  people  no  less  than  do  the  members  of  the  leg- 
islature. Public  opinion  governs  by  and  through  him  no  less 
than  by  and  through  them,  and  makes  him  powerful  even 
against  the  legislature. 

Although  recent  Presidents  have  shown  no  disposition  to 
strain  their  authority,  it  is  still  the  fashion  in  America  to  be 
jealous  of  the  President's  action,  and  to  warn  citizens  against 
what  is  called  "  the  one-man  power."  This  is  due  to  the  fear 
that  a  President  repeatedly  chosen  would  become  dangerous  to 
republican  institutions.  The  President  has  a  position  of  im- 
mense dignity,  an  unrivaled  platform  from  which  to  impress 
his  ideas  upon  the  people.    But  it  is  hard  to  imagine  a  Presi- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  27 

dent  overthrowing  the  existing  Constitution.  He  has  no 
standing  army  and  he  cannot  create  one.  Congress  can  check- 
mate him  by  stopping  suppHes.  There  is  no  aristocracy 
to  rally  around  him.  Every  State  furnishes  an  independent 
center  of  resistance.  If  he  were  to  attempt  a  coup  d'etat,  it 
could  only  be  by  appealing  to  the  people  against  Congress,  and 
Congress  could  hardly,  considering  that  it  is  reelected  every 
two  years,  attempt  to  oppose  the  people.  One  must  suppose 
a  condition  bordering  on  civil  war,  and  the  President  putting 
the  resources  of  the  Executive  at  the  service  of  one  of  the 
intending  belligerents,  already  strong  and  organized,  in  order  to 
conceive  a  case  in  which  he  would  be  formidable  to  freedom.  If 
there  be  any  danger,  it  would  seem  to  lie  in  another  direction. 
The  larger  a  community  becomes  the  less  does  it  seem  to 
respect  an  assembly,  the  more  is  it  attracted  by  an  individual 
man.  A  bold  President  who  knew  himself  to  be  supported  by 
a  majority  in  the  country,  might  be  tempted  to  override  the 
law,  and  deprive  the  minority  of  the  protection  which  the  law 
affords  it.  He  might  be  a  tyrant,  not  against  the  masses,  but 
with  the  masses.  But  nothing  in  the  present  state  of  Ameri- 
can politics  gives  weight  to  such  apprehensions. 


CHAPTER    VI 

The  Cabinet 

Almost  the  only  reference  in  the  Constitution  to  the  minis- 
ters of  the  President  is  that  contained  in  the  power  given  him 
to  "  require  the  opinion  in  writing  of  the  principal  officer  in 
each  of  the  executive  departments  upon  any  subject  relating 
to  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices."  All  these  departments 
have  been  created  by  Acts  of  Congress.  Washington  began  in 
1789  with  four  only,  at  the  head  of  whom  were  the  following 
four  officials : 

Secretary  of  State. 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Secretary  of  War. 

Attorney-General. 


28  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmEIP 

In  1798  there  was  added  a  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  in  1829 
a  Postmaster-General,  in  1849  a  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and 
in  1 888  a  Secretary  of  Agriculture. 

These  now  make  up  what  is  called  the  cabinet.  All  are 
appointed  by  the  President,  subject  to  the  consent  of  the 
Senate  (which  is  practically  never  refused),  and  may  be  re- 
moved by  the  President  alone.  None  of  them  can  vote  in 
Congress,  the  Constitution  providing  that  "  no  person  holding 
any  office  under  the  United  States  shall  be  a  member  of  either 
House  during  his  continuance  in  office."  This  restriction  was 
intended  to  prevent  the  President  not  merely  from  winning 
over  individual  members  of  Congress  by  the  allurements  of 
office,  but  also  from  making  his  ministers  agents  in  corrupting 
or  unduly  influencing  the  representatives  of  the  people,  as 
George  III.  and  his  ministers  corrupted  the  English  Parlia- 
ment. The  Constitution  contains  nothing  to  prevent  ministers 
from  being  present  in  either  House  of  Congress  and  addressing 
it.  It  is  entirely  silent  on  the  subject  of  communications  be- 
tween officials  (other  than  the  President)  and  the  representa- 
tives of  the  people. 

The  President  has  the  amplest  range  of  choice  for  his  min- 
isters. He  usually  forms  an  entirely  new  cabinet  when  he 
enters  office,  even  if  he  belongs  to  the  same  party  as  his  prede- 
cessor. He  may  take  men  who  not  only  have  never  sat  in 
Congress,  but  have  not  figured  in  politics  at  all,  who  may  never 
have  sat  in  a  State  legislature  nor  held  the  humblest  office. 
Usually,  of  course,  the  persons  chosen  have  already  made  for 
themselves  a  position  of  at  least  local  importance.  Often  they 
are  those  to  whom  the  new  President  owes  his  election,  or  to 
whose  influence  with  the  party  he  looks  for  support  in  his 
policy.  Sometimes  they  have  been  his  most  prominent  com- 
petitors for  the  party  nominations.  Thus  Mr.  Lincoln  in  i860 
appointed  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Chase  to  be  his  Secretary  of 
State  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  respectively,  they  being 
the  two  men  who  had  come  next  after  him  in  the  selection  by 
the  Republican  party  of  a  Presidential  candidate. 

The  most  dignified  place  in  the  cabinet  is  that  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  State.     It  is  the  great  prize  often  bestowed  on  the  man 


OXIU  SrSTBM  OF  aOYEUNMENT  29 

to  whom  the  President  is  chiefly  indebted  for  his  election,  or 
at  any  rate  on  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  party.  In  early  days, 
it  was  regarded  as  the  stepping-stone  to  the  presidency.  Jef- 
ferson, Madison,  Monroe,  and  J.  Q.  Adams  had  all  served  as 
secretaries  to  preceding  presidents.  The  conduct  of  foreign 
affairs  is  the  chief  duty  of  the  State  Department :  its  head  has 
therefore  a  larger  stage  to  play  on  than  any  other  minister,  and 
more  chances  of  fame.  The  foreign  policy  of  the  administra- 
tion is  practically  that  of  the  Secretary,  except  so  far  as  the 
latter  is  controlled  by  the  Senate,  and  especially  by  the  chair- 
man of  its  committee  on  Foreign  Relations.  The  State  De- 
partment has  also  the  charge  of  the  great  seal  of  the  United 
States,  keeps  the  archives,  publishes  the  statutes,  and  of  course 
instructs  and  controls  the  diplomatic  and  consular  services. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  minister  of  finance.  His 
function  was  of  the  utmost  importance  at  the  beginning  of  the 
govei-nment,  when  a  national  system  of  finance  had  to  be  built 
up  and  the  Federal  Government  rescued .  from  its  grave  em- 
barrassments. Hamilton,  who  then  held  the  office,  effected 
both.  During  the  Civil  War,  it  became  again  powerful,  owing 
to  the  enormous  loans  contracted  and  the  quantities  of  paper 
money  issued,  and  it  remains  so  now,  because  it  has  the  man- 
agement (so  far  as  Congress  permits)  of  the  currency  and  the 
national  debt.  The  Secretary  has,  however,  by  no  means  the 
same  range  of  action  as  a  finance  minister  in  European  coun- 
tries, for  as  he  is  excluded  from  Congress,  although  he  regu- 
larly reports  to  it,  he  has  nothing  directly  to  do  with  the  impo- 
sition of  taxes,  and  very  little  with  the  appropriation  of  revenue 
to  the  various  burdens  of  the  State. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  far  from  being  the  omni- 
present power  which  a  minister  of  the  interior  is  in  France  or 
Italy,  or  even  a  Home  Secretary  in  England,  since  nearly  all 
the  functions  which  these  officials  discharge  belong  in  America 
to  the  State  governments  or  to  the  organs  of  local  government. 
He  is  chiefly  occupied  in  the  management  of  the  public  lands, 
still  of  immense  value,  despite  the  lavish  grants  made  to  rail- 
way companies,  and  with  the  conduct  of  Indian  affairs.  Pa- 
tents and  pensions  also  belong  to  his  province. 


30  PATEI0TI8M  AND   CITIZEmSIP 

The  duties  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  the  Postmaster-General,  and  the  Secretary  of  Agricul- 
ture, may  be  gathered  from  their  names.  The  Attorney- 
General  needs  a  word  of  explanation.  He  is  not  only  public 
prosecutor  and  standing  counsel  for  the  United  States,  but  also 
to  some  extent  what  is  called  on  the  European  continent  a 
minister  of  justice.  He  has  a  general  oversight — it  can  hardly 
be  described  as  a  control — of  the  Federal  judicial  departments, 
and  especially  of  the  prosecuting  officers  called  district  attor- 
neys, and  executive  court  officers,  called  United  States  mar- 
shals. He  is  the  legal  adviser  of  the  President  in  those  deli- 
cate questions,  necessarily  frequent  under  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  which  arise  as  to  the  limits  of  the  executive 
power  and  the  relations  of  Federal  to  State  authority,  and  gen- 
erally in  all  legal  matters.  His  opinions  are  frequently  pub- 
lished officially,  as  a  justification  of  the  President's  conduct, 
and  an  indication  of  the  view  which  the  Executive  takes  of  his 
legal  position  and  duties  in  a  pending  matter. 

In  the  constitutional  monarchies  of  Europe  the  sovereign 
is  irresponsible  and  the  minister  responsible  for  the  acts  which 
he  does  in  the  sovereign's  name.  In  America  the  President  is 
responsible  because  the  minister  is  nothing  more  than  his 
servant,  bound  to  obey  him,  and  independent  of  Congress. 
The  minister's  acts  are  therefore  legally  the  acts  of  the  Presi- 
dent. Nevertheless  the  minister  is  also  responsible  and  liable 
to  impeachment  for  offenses  committed  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duties. 

So  much  for  the  ministers  taken  separately.  It  remains  to 
consider  how  an  American  administration  works  as  a  whole, 
this  being  in  Europe,  and  particularly  in  England,  the  most 
peculiar  and  significant  feature  of  the  parliamentary  or  so-called 
"cabinet"  system. 

In  America  the  administration  does  not  work  as  a  whole. 
It  is  not  a  whole.  It  is  a  group  of  persons,  each  individually 
dependent  on  and  answerable  to  the  President,  but  with  no 
joint  policy,  no  collective  responsibility. 

When  the  Constitution  was  established,  and  George  Wash- 
ington chosen  first  President  under  it,  it  was  intended  that  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  31 

President  should  be  outside  and  above  party,  and  the  method 
of  choosing  him  by  electors  was  contrived  with  this  very  view. 
Washington  belonged  to  no  party,  nor  indeed,  though  diverg- 
ing tendencies  were  already  manifest,  had  parties  yet  begun  to 
exist.  There  was  therefore  no  reason  why  he  should  not  select 
his  ministers  from  all  sections  of  opinion. 

As  all  subsequent  Presidents  have  been  seated  by  one  or 
other  party,  all  have  felt  bound  to  appoint  a  party  cabinet. 
Their  party  expects  it  from  them ;  and  they  naturally  prefer  to 
be  surrounded  and  advised  by  their  own  friends. 

So  far,  an  American  cabinet  resembles  an  English  one.  It 
is  composed  exclusively  of  members  of  one  party.  But  now 
mark  the  differences.  The  parliamentary  system  of  England 
and  of  those  countries  which  like  Belgium,  Italy,  and  the  self- 
governing  British  colonies,  have  more  or  less  modeled  them- 
selves upon  England,  rests  on  four  principles. 

The  head  of  the  executive  (be  he  king  or  governor)  is  irre- 
sponsible. Responsibility  attaches  to  the  cabinet,  i.e.,  to  the 
body  of  ministers  who  advise  him,  so  that  if  he  errs,  it  is 
through  their  fault ;  they  suffer  and  he  escapes.  The  minis- 
ters cannot  allege,  as  a  defense  for  any  act  of  theirs,  the  com- 
mand of  the  Crown.  If  the  Crown  gives  them  an  order  of 
which  they  disapprove,  they  ought  to  resign.  The  ministers 
sit  in  the  legislature,  practically  forming  in  England,  as  has 
been  observed  by  the  most  acute  of  English  constitutional  writ- 
ers, a  committee  of  the  legislature,  chosen  by  the  majority  for 
the  time  being.  The  ministers  are  accountable  to  the  legisla- 
ture, and  must  resign  office  as  soon  as  they  lose  its  confidence. 
The  ministers  are  jointly  as  well  as  severally  liable  for  their 
acts :  i.e.,  the  blame  of  an  act  done  by  any  of  them  falls  on  the 
whole  cabinet,  unless  one  of  them  chooses  to  take  it  entirely 
on  himself  and  retire  from  office.  Their  responsibility  is  col- 
lective. 

None  of  these  principles  holds  true  in  America.  The 
President  is  personally  responsible  for  his  acts,  not  in- 
deed to  Congress,  but  to  the  people,  by  whom  he  is  chosen. 
No  means  exist  of  enforcing  this  responsibility,  except  by  im- 
peachment, but  as  his  power  lasts  for  four  years  only,  and  is 


32  PATBI0TI8M  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

much  restricted,  this  is  no  serious  evil.  He  cannot  avoid  re- 
sponsibiUty  by  alleging  the  advice  of  his  ministers,  for  he  is  not 
bound  to  follow  it,  and  they  are  bound  to  obey  him  or  retire. 
The  ministers  do  not  sit  in  Congress,  They  are  not  accounta- 
ble to  it,  but  to  the  President,  their  master.  It  may  request 
their  attendance  before  a  committee,  as  it  may  require  the  attend- 
ance of  any  other  witness,  but  they  have  no  opportunity  of  ex- 
pounding and  justifying  to  Congress,  as  a  whole,  their  own,  or 
rather  their  master's,  policy.  Hence  an  adverse  vote  of  Con- 
gress does  not  affect  their  or  his  position.  If  they  propose  to 
take  a  step  which  requires  money,  and  Congress  refuses  the 
requisite  appropriation,  the  step  cannot  be  taken.  But  a  dozen 
votes  of  censure  will  neither  compel  them  to  resign  nor  oblige 
the  President  to  pause  in  any  line  of  conduct  which  is  within 
his  constitutional  rights. 

In  this  state  of  things  one  cannot  properly  talk  of  the  cabi- 
net apart  from  the  President.  While  the  President  commits 
each  department  to  the  minister  whom  the  law  provides,  and 
may  if  he  chooses  leave  it  altogether  to  that  minister,  the  ex- 
ecutive acts  done  are  his  own  acts,  by  which  the  country  will 
judge  him ;  and  still  more  is  his  policy,  as  a  whole,  his  own 
policy,  and  not  the  policy  of  his  ministers  taken  together.  A 
significant  illustration  of  the  contrast  between  the  English  and 
the  American  systems  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  whereas 
an  English  king  never  now  sits  in  his  own  cabinet,  because  if 
he  did  he  would  be  deemed  accountable  for  its  decisions,  an 
American  President  always  does,  because  he  is  accountable, 
and  really  needs  advice  to  help  him,  not  to  shield  him. 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  33 

CHAPTER  VII 

The  Senate 

The  National  Legislature  of  the  United  States,  called  Con- 
gress, consists  of  two  bodies,  sufficiently  dissimilar  in  composi- 
tion, powers,  and  character  to  require  a  separate  description. 

The  Senate  consists  of  two  persons  from  each  State,  who 
must  be  inhabitants  of  that  State,  and  at  least  thirty  years  of 
age.  They  are  elected  by  the  legislature  of  their  state  for  six 
years,  and  are  reeligible.  One  third  retires  every  two  years,  so 
that  the  whole  body  is  renewed  in  a  period  of  six  years,  the 
old  members  being  thus  at  any  given  moment  twice  as  numer- 
ous as  the  new  members  elected  within  the  last  two  years.  A 
majority  of  all  the  members  constitutes  a  quorum. 

No  senator  can  hold  any  office  under  the  United  States. 
The  Vice-President  of  the  Union  is  ex-officio  President  of  the 
Senate,  but  has  no  vote,  except  a  casting  vote  when  the  num- 
bers are  equally  divided.  Failing  him  (if,  for  instance,  he  dies, 
or  falls  sick,  or  succeeds  to  the  presidency),  the  Senate  chooses 
one  of  its  number  to  be  president  pro  tempore.  His  authority 
in  questions  of  order  is  very  limited,  the  decision  of  such  ques- 
tions being  held  to  belong  to  the  Senate  itself. 

The  functions  of  the  Senate  fall  into  three  classes — legisla- 
tive, executive,  and  judicial.  Its  legislative  function  is  to  pass, 
along  with  the  House  of  Representatives,  bills  which  become 
Acts  of  Congress  on  the  assent  of  the  President,  or  even  with- 
out his  consent  if  passed  a  second  time  by  a  two-thirds  majority 
of  each  House,  after  he  has  returned  them  for  reconsideration. 
Its  executive  functions  are : — {a)  To  approve  or  disapprove  the 
President's  nominations  of  Federal  officers,  including  judges, 
ministers  of  state,  and  ambassadors.  (U)  To  approve,  by  a  ma- 
jority of  two  thirds  of  those  present,  of  treaties  made  by  the 
President — i.e.,  if  less  than  two  thirds  approve,  the  treaty  falls 
to  the  ground.  Its  judicial  function  is  to  sit  as  a  court  for  the 
trial  of  impeachments  preferred  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. 

3 


U  FATEI0TI8M  AND   CITlZEmHIP 

The  most  conspicuous,  and  what  was  at  one  time  deemed 
the  most  important  feature  of  the  Senate,  is  that  it  represents 
the  several  States  of  the  Union  as  separate  commonwealths, 
and  is  thus  an  essential  part  of  the  Federal  scheme.  Every 
State,  be  it  as  great  as  New  York  or  as  small  as  Delaware, 
sends  two  senators,  no  more  and  no  less.  This  arrangement 
was  long  resisted  by  the  delegates  of  the  larger  States  in  the 
Convention  of  1787,  and  ultimately  adopted  because  nothing 
less  would  reassure  the  smaller  States,  who  feared,  to  be  over- 
borne by  the  larger.  It  is  now  the  provision  of  the  Constitu- 
tion most  difficult  to  change,  for  "  no  State  can  be  deprived  of 
its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate  without  its  consent,"  a  consent 
most  unlikely  to  be  given.  There  has  never,  in  point  of  fact, 
been  any  division  of  interests  or  consequent  contests  between 
the  great  States  and  the  small  ones. 

The  Senate  also  constitutes,  as  Hamilton  anticipated,  a  link 
between  the  State  Governments  and  the  National  Government. 
It  is  a  part  of  the  latter,  but  its  members  derive  their  title  to 
sit  in  it  from  their  choice  by  State  legislatures.  In  one  respect 
this  connection  is  no  unmixed  benefit,  for  it  has  helped  to  make 
the  national  parties  powerful,  and  their  strife  intense,  in  these 
last-named  bodies.  Every  vote  in  the  Senate  is  so  important 
to  the  great  parties  that  they  are  forced  to  struggle  for  ascen- 
dancy in  each  of  the  State  legislatures  by  whom  the  senators 
are  elected.  The  method  of  choice  in  these  bodies  was  formerly 
left  to  be  fixed  by  the  laws  of  each  State,  but  as  this  gave  rise 
to  much  uncertainty  and  intrigue,  a  Federal  statute  was  passed 
in  1866  providing  that  each  House  of  a  State  legislature  shall 
first  vote  separately  for  the  election  of  a  Federal  senator,  and 
that  if  the  choice  of  both  Houses  shall  not  fall  on  the  same 
person,  both  Houses  in  joint  meeting  shall  proceed  to  a  joint 
vote,  a  majority  of  each  House  being  present.  Even  under 
this  arrangement,  a  senatorial  election  often  leads  to  long  and 
bitter  struggles ;  the  minority  endeavoring  to  prevent  a  choice, 
and  so  keep  the  seat  vacant. 

The  method  of  choosing  the  Senate  by  indirect  election  has 
excited  the  admiration  of  some  foreign  critics,  who  have  found 
in  it  a  sole  and  sufficient  cause  of  the  excellence  of  the  Senate 


OTJB  SYSTEM   OF  GOVERNMENT  35 

as  a  legislative  and  executive  authority.  But  the  election  of 
senators  has  in  substance  almost  ceased  to  be  indirect.  They 
are  still  nominally  chosen,  as  under  the  letter  of  the  Constitu- 
tion they  must  be  chosen,  by  the  State  legislatures.  The 
State  legislature  means,  of  course,  the  party  for  the  time  domi- 
nant, which  holds  a  party  meeting  (caucus)  and  decides  on  the 
candidate,  who  is  thereupon  elected,  the  party  going  solid  for 
whomsoever  the  majority  has  approved.  Now,  the  determina- 
tion of  the  caucus  has  almost  always  been  arranged  beforehand 
by  the  party  managers.  Sometimes  when  a  vacancy  in  a  sena- 
torship  approaches,  the  aspirants  for  it  put  themselves  before 
the  people  of  the  State.  Their  names  are  discussed  at  the 
state  party  convention  held  for  the  nomination  of  party  candi- 
dates for  State  offices,  and  a  vote  in  that  convention  decides 
who  shall  be  the  party  nominee  for  the  senatorship.  This  vote 
binds  the  party  within  and  without  the  State  legislature,  and  at 
the  election  of  members  for  the  State  legislature,  which  imme- 
diately precedes  the  occurrence  of  the  senatorial  vacancy,  can- 
didates for  seats  in  that  legislature  are  generally  expected  to 
declare  for  which  aspirant  to  the  senatorship  they  will,  if 
elected,  give  their  votes. 

Members  of  the  Senate  vote  as  individuals,  that  is  to  say, 
the  vote  a  senator  gives  is  his  own  and  not  that  of  his  State. 
It  was  otherwise  in  the  Congress  of  the  old  Confederation  be- 
fore 1789.  At  present  the  two  senators  from  a  State  may 
belong  to  opposite  parties;  and  this  often  happens  in  the  case 
of  senators  from  States  in  which  the  two  great  parties  are 
pretty  equally  balanced,  and  the  majority  oscillates  between 
them.  This  fact  has  largely  contributed  to  render  the  senators 
independent  of  the  State  legislatures,  for  as  these  latter  bodies 
sit  for  short  terms  (the  larger  of  the  two  houses  usually  for 
two  years  only),  a  senator  has  during  the  greater  part  of  his 
six  years'  term  to  look  for  reelection  not  to  the  present  but  to 
a  future  State  legislature. 

The  length  of  the  senatorial  term  was  one  of  the  provisions 
of  the  Constitution  which  were  most  warmly  attacked  and  de- 
fended in  1788.  A  six  years*  tenure,  it  was  urged,  would  turn 
the  senators  into  dangerous  aristocrats,  forgetful  of  the  legisla- 


36  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

ture  which  had  appointed  them ;  and  some  went  so  far  as  to 
demand  that  the  legislature  of  a  State  should  have  the  right  to 
recall  its  senators.  Experience  has  shown  that  the  term  is  by 
no  means  too  long;  and  its  length  is  one  among  the  causes 
which  have  made  it  easier  for  senators  than  for  members  of  the 
House  to  procure  reelection,  a  result  which  has  worked  well 
for  the  country. 

The  Senate  resembles  the  Upper  Houses  of  Europe,  and 
differs  from  those  of  the  British  colonies,  and  of  most  of  the 
States  of  the  Union,  in  being  a  permanent  body.  It  does  not 
change  all  at  once,  as  do  bodies  created  by  a  single  popular 
election,  but  undergoes  an  unceasing  process  of  gradual  change 
and  renewal,  like  a  lake  into  which  streams  bring  fresh  water 
to  replace  that  which  the  issuing  river  carries  out.  This  pro- 
vision was  designed  to  give  the  Senate  that  permanency  of 
composition  which  might  qualify  it  to  conduct  or  control  the 
foreign  policy  of  the  nation.  An  incidental  and  more  valuable 
result  has  been  the  creation  of  a  set  of  traditions  and  a  corpo- 
rate spirit  which  have  tended  to  form  habits  of  dignity  and 
self-respect.  Though  the  balance  of  power  shifts  from  one 
party  to  another  according  to  the  predominance  in  the  State 
legislatures  of  one  or  other  party,  it  shifts  more  slowly  than  in 
bodies  directly  chosen  all  at  once,  and  a  policy  is  therefore  less 
apt  to  be  suddenly  reversed. 

The  legislative  powers  of  the  Senate  are,  except  in  one  point, 
the  same  as  those  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  That  one 
point  is  a  restriction  as  regards  money  bills.  On  the  ground 
that  it  is  only  by  the  direct  representatives  of  the  people  that 
taxes  ought  to  be  levied,  and  in  obvious  imitation  of  the  vene- 
rable English  doctrine,  which  had  already  found  a  place  in 
several  State  constitutions,  the  Constitution  provides  that  "  All 
bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amend- 
ments, as  on  other  bills."  In  practice,  while  the  House  strictly 
guards  its  right  of  origination,  the  Senate  largely  exerts  its 
power  of  amendment,  and  wrangles  with  the  House  over  taxes, 
and  still  more  keenly  over  appropriations.  Almost  every  ses- 
sion ends  with  a  dispute,  a  conference,  a  compromise.    Among 


OUR  SYSTEM   OF  GOVERNMENT  37 

the  rules  of  the  Senate  there  is  none  providing  for  a  closure  of 
debate,  or  limiting  the  length  either  of  a  debate  or  of  a  speech. 
The  Senate  is  proud  of  having  conducted  its  business  without 
the  aid  of  such  regulations,  and  this  has  been  due,  not  merely 
to  the  small  size  of  the  assembly,  but  to  the  sense  of  its  dignity 
which  has  usually  pervaded  its  members,  and  to  the  power 
which  the  opinion  of  the  whole  body  has  exercised  on  each. 
Formerly  systematic  obstruction,  or,  as  it  is  called  in  America, 
"filibustering,"  familiar  to  the  House,  was  almost  unknown  in 
the  calmer  air  of  the  Senate. 

Divisions  are  taken,  not  by  separating  the  senators  into 
jobbies  and  counting  them,  as  in  the  British  Parliament,  but 
by  calling  the  names  of  senators  alphabetically.  The  Consti- 
tution provides  that  one  fifth  of  those  present  may  demand  that 
the  Yeas  and  Nays  be  entered  in  the  journal.  Every  senator 
answers  to  his  name  with  Aye  or  No.  He  may,  however, 
ask  the  leave  of  the  Senate  to  abstain  from  voting;  and  if 
he  is  paired,  he  states,  when  his  name  is  called,  that  he  has 
paired  with  such  and  such  another  senator,  and  is  then  excused. 

When  the  Senate  goes  into  executive  session,  the  galleries 
are  cleared  and  the  doors  closed,  and  the  obligation  of  secrecy 
is  supposed  to  be  enforced  by  the  penalty  of  expulsion  to 
which  a  senator,  disclosing  confidential  proceedings,  makes  him- 
self liable.  Practically,  however,  newspaper  men  find  little 
difficulty  in  ascertaining  what  passes  in  secret  session.  The 
threatened  punishment  has  never  been  inflicted,  and  occasions 
often  arise  when  senators  feel  it  to  be  desirable  that  the  public 
should  know  what  their  colleagues  have  been  doing. 


38  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmSIP 


CHAPTER  VIII 

The  Senate  as  an  Executive  and  Judicial  Body 

The  Senate  is  not  only  a  legislative  but  also  an  executive 
chamber;  in  fact,  in  its  early  days  the  executive  functions 
seem  to  have  been  thought  the  more  important ;  and  Hamilton 
went  so  far  as  to  speak  of  the  national  executive  authority  as 
divided  between  two  branches,  the  President  and  the  Senate. 
These  executive  functions  are  two,  the  power  of  approving 
treaties  and  that  of  confirming  nominations  to  office  submitted 
by  the  President. 

The  Senate  through  its  right  of  confirming  or  rejecting 
engagements  with  foreign  powers,  secures  a  general  control 
over  foreign  policy.  It  is  in  the  discretion  of  the  President 
whether  he  will  communicate  current  negotiations  to  it  and 
take  its  advice  upon  them,  or  will  say  nothing  till  he  lays  a 
completed  treaty  before  it.  One  or  other  course  is  from  time 
to  time  followed,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  case,  or  the 
degree  of  friendliness  existing  between  the  President  and  the 
majority  of  the  Senate.  But  in  general,  the  President's  best 
policy  is  to  keep  the  leaders  of  the  senatorial  majority,  and  in 
particular  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  informed  of  the 
progress  of  any  pending  negotiation.  He  thus  feels  the  pulse 
of  the  Senate,  and  foresees  what  kind  of  arrangement  he  can 
induce  it  to  sanction,  while  at  the  same  time  a  good  understand- 
ing between  himself  and  his  coadjutors  is  promoted. 

This  control  of  foreign  policy  by  the  Senate  goes  far  to 
meet  that  terrible  difficulty  which  a  democracy,  or  indeed  any 
free  government,  finds  in  dealing  with  foreign  Powers.  If 
every  step  to  be  taken  must  be  previously  submitted  to  the 
governing  assembly,  the  nation  is  forced  to  show  its  whole 
hand,  and  precious  opportunities  of  winning  an  ally  or  striking 
a  bargain  may  be  lost.  If  on  the  other  hand  the  Executive  is 
permitted  to  conduct  negotiations  in  secret,  there  is  always  the 
risk,  either  that  the  governing  assembly  may  disavow  what  has 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  39 

been  done,  a  risk  which  makes  foreign  states  legitimately  suspi- 
cious and  unwilling  to  negotiate,  or  that  the  nation  may  have 
to  ratify,  because  it  feels  bound  in  honor  by  the  act  of  its  ex- 
ecutive agents,  arrangements  which  its  judgment  condemns. 
The  frequent  participation  of  the  Senate  in  negotiations  dimin- 
ishes these  difficulties,  because  it  apprises  the  Executive  of 
what  the  judgment  of  the  ratifying  body  is  likely  to  be,  and  it 
commits  that  body  in  advance. 

The  Senate  may,  and  occasionally  does,  amend  a  treaty,  and 
return  it  amended  to  the  President.  There  is  nothing  to  pre- 
vent it  from  proposing  a  draft  treaty  to  him,  or  asking  him  to 
prepare  one,  but  this  is  not  the  practice.  For  ratification  a 
vote  of  two  thirds  of  the  senators  present  is  required.  This 
gives  great  power  to  a  vexatious  minority,  and  increases  the 
danger,  evidenced  by  several  incidents  in  the  history  of  the 
Union,  that  the  Senate  or  a  faction  in  it  may  deal  with  foreign 
policy  in  a  narrow,  sectional,  electioneering  spirit.  When  the 
interest  of  any  group  of  States  is,  or  is  supposed  to  be,  opposed 
to  the  making  of  a  given  treaty,  that  treaty  may  be  defeated  by 
the  senators  from  those  States.  Supposing  their  party  to  com- 
mand a  majority,  the  treaty  is  probably  rejected,  and  the  set- 
tlement of  the  question  at  issue  perhaps  indefinitely  postponed. 

The  judicial  function  of  the  Senate  is  to  sit  as  a  High  Court 
for  the  trial  of  persons  impeached  by  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives. The  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  presides,  and  a 
vote  of  two  thirds  of  the  senators  voting  is  needed  for  a  convic- 
tion. The  process  is  applicable  to  other  officials  besides  the 
President,  including  Federal  judges. 

Rare  as  this  method  of  proceeding  is,  it  could  not  be  dis- 
pensed with,  and  it  is  better  that  the  Senate  should  try  cases 
in  which  a  political  element  is  usually  present,  than  that  the 
impartiality  of  the  Supreme  Court  should  be  exposed  to  the 
criticism  it  would  have  to  bear,  did  political  questions  come 
before  it. 


40  FATEI0TI8M  AJ^B   GITIZEmSIP 


CHAPTER   IX 

The  Senate:  Its  Working  and  Influence 

The  chamber  in  which  the  Senate  meets  is  semicircular  in 
form,  the  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  who  acts  as  pre- 
siding officer,  having  his  chair  on  a  marble  dais,  slightly  raised, 
in  the  center  of  the  chord,  with  the  senators  all  turned  toward 
him  as  they  sit  in  concentric  semicircles,  each  in  a  morocco 
leather-covered  arm-chair,  with  a  desk  in  front  of  it.  The  floor 
is  about  as  large  as  the  whole  superficial  area  of  the  British 
House  of  Commons,  but  as  there  are  great  galleries  on  all  four 
sides,  running  back  over  the  lobbies,  the  upper  part  of  the 
chamber  and  its  total  air-space  much  exceeds  that  of  the  Eng- 
lish House.  One  of  these  galleries  is  appropriated  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States ;  the  others  to  ladies,  the  press,  and 
the  public.  Behind  the  senatorial  chairs  and  desks  there  is  an 
open  space  into  which  strangers  may  be  brought  by  the  sena- 
tors, who  sit  and  talk  on  the  sofas  there  placed.  Members  of 
foreign  legislatures  are  allowed  access  to  this  outer  "  floor  of 
the  Senate."  There  is,  especially  when  the  galleries  are  empty, 
a  slight  echo  in  the  room,  which  obliges  most  speakers  to  strain 
their  voices.  Two  or  three  pictures  on  the  walls  somewhat 
relieve  the  cold  tone  of  the  chamber,  with  its  marble  platform 
and  sides  unpierced  by  windows,  for  the  light  enters  through 
glass  compartments  in  the  ceiling. 

A  senator  always  addresses  the  Chair  "Mr.  President,"  and 
refers  to  other  senators  by  their  States :  "  The  senator  from 
Ohio,"  "The  senator  from  Tennessee."  When  two  senators 
rise  at  the  same  moment,  the  Chair  calls  on  one,  indicating  him 
by  his  State,  "The  senator  from  Minnesota  has  the  floor." 
Senators  of  the  Democratic  party  sit,  and  apparently  always 
have  sat,  on  the  right  of  the  Chair,  Republican  senators  on  the 
left;  but,  as  already  explained,  the  parties  do  not  face  one 
another.  The  impression  which  the  place  makes  on  a  visitor 
is  one  of  business-like  gravity,  a  gravity  which  though  plain  is 


OVR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  41 

dignified.  It  has  the  air  not  so  much  of  a  popular  assembly  as 
of  a  diplomatic  congress.  The  English  House  of  Lords,  with 
its  fretted  roof  and  windows  rich  with  the  figures  of  departed 
kings,  its  majestic  throne,  its  Lord  Chancellor  in  his  wig  on 
the  woolsack,  its  benches  of  lawn-sleeved  bishops,  its  bar  where 
the  Commons  throng  at  a  great  debate,  is  not  only  more  gor- 
geous and  picturesque  in  externals,  but  appeals  far  more  power- 
fully to  the  historical  imagination,  for  it  seems  to  carry  the 
Middle  Ages  down  into  the  modern  world.  The  Senate  is 
modern,  severe,  and  practical.  So,  too,  few  debates  in  the 
Senate  rise  to  the  level  of  the  better  debates  in  the  English 
chamber.  But  the  Senate  seldom  wears  the  air  of  listless 
vacuity  and  superannuated  indolence  which  the  House  of  Lords 
presents  on  all  but  a  few  nights  of  every  session.  The  faces 
are  keen  and  forcible,  as  of  men  who  have  learned  to  know  the 
world,  and  have  much  to  do  in  it ;  the  place  seems  consecrated 
to  great  affairs. 

As  might  be  expected  from  the  small  number  of  the  audi- 
ence, as  well  as  from  its  character,  discussions  in  the  Senate 
are  apt  to  be  sensible  and  practical.  Speeches  are  shorter  and 
less  fervid  than  those  made  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
for  the  larger  an  assembly  the  more  prone  is  it  to  declamation. 
The  least  useful  debates  are  those  on  show-days,  when  a  series 
of  set  discourses  are  delivered  on  some  prominent  question,  be- 
cause no  one  expects  such  discourses  to  have  any  persuasive 
effect.  The  question  at  issue  is  sure  to  have  been  already  set- 
tled, either  in  a  committee  or  in  a  "  caucus  "  of  the  party  which 
commands  the  majority,  so  that  these  long  and  sonorous 
harangues  are  mere  rhetorical  thunder  addressed  to  the  nation 
outside. 

The  Senate  contains  men  of  great  wealth.  Some,  an  in- 
creasing number,  are  senators  because  they  are  rich ;  a  few  are 
rich  because  they  are  senators,  while  in  the  remaining  cases 
the  same  talents  which  have  won  success  in  law  or  commerce 
have  brought  their  possessor  to  the  top  in  politics  also.  The 
great  majority  are  or  have  been  lawyers;  some  regularly  prac- 
tice before  the  Supreme  Court.  Complaints  are  occasionally 
leveled  against  the  aristocratic  tendencies  which  wealth  is  sup- 


42  PATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

posed  to  have  bred,  and  sarcastic  references  are  made  to  the 
sumptuous  residences  which  senators  have  built  on  the  new 
avenues  of  Washington.  While  admitting  that  there  is  more 
sympathy  for  the  capitalist  class  among  these  rich  men  than 
there  would  be  in  a  Senate  of  poor  men,  I  must  add  that  the 
Senate  is  far  from  being  a  class  body  like  the  upper  houses  of 
England  or  Prussia  or  Spain  or  Denmark.  It  is  substantially 
representative,  by  its  composition  as  well  as  by  legal  delega- 
tion, of  all  parts  of  American  society ;  it  is  far  too  dependent, 
and  far  too  sensible  that  it  is  dependent,  upon  public  opinion, 
to  dream  of  legislating  in  the  interest  of  the  rich.  The  sena- 
tors, however,  indulge  some  social  pretensions.  They  are  the 
nearest  approach  to  an  official  aristocracy  that  has  yet  been 
seen  in  America.  They  and  their  wives  are  allowed  precedence 
at  private  entertainments,  as  well  as  on  public  occasions,  over 
members  of  the  House,  and  of  course  over  private  citizens. 
Jefferson  might  turn  in  his  grave  if  he  knew  of  such  an  attempt 
to  introduce  European  distinctions  of  rank  into  his  democracy ; 
yet  as  the  office  is  temporary,  and  the  rank  vanishes  with  the 
office,  these  pretensions  are  harmless ;  it  is  only  the  universal 
social  equality  of  the  country  that  makes  them  noteworthy. 
Apart  from  such  petty  advantages,  the  position  of  a  senator, 
who  can  count  on  reelection,  is  the  most  desirable  in  the  political 
world  of  America.  It  gives  as  much  power  and  influence  as  a 
man  need  desire.  It  secures  for  him  the  ear  of  the  public.  It 
is  more  permanent  than  the  presidency  or  any  great  ministerial 
office,  requires  less  labor,  involves  less  vexation,  though  still 
great  vexation,  by  importunate  office-seekers. 

The  smallness  and  the  permanence  of  the  Senate  have  an 
important  influence  on  its  character.  They  contribute  to  one 
main  cause  of  its  success,  the  superior  intellectual  quality  of  its 
members.  Every  European  who  has  described  it  has  dwelt 
upon  the  capacity  of  those  who  compose  it,  and  most  have  fol- 
lowed De  Tocqueville  in  attributing  this  capacity  to  the  method 
of  double  election.  The  choice  of  senators  by  the  State  legis- 
latures is  supposed  to  have  proved  a  better  means  than  direct 
choice  by  the  people  of  discovering  and  selecting  the  fittest 
men.    I  have  already  remarked  that  practically  the  election  of 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  43 

senators  has  become  a  popular  election,  the  function  of  the 
legislatures  being  now  little  more  than  to  register  and  formally 
complete  a  choice  already  made  by  the  party  managers,  and 
perhaps  ratified  in  the  party  convention.  But  apart  altogether 
from  this  recent  development,  and  reviewing  the  whole  hundred 
years'  history  of  the  Senate,  the  true  explanation  of  its  intellec- 
tual capacity  is  to  be  found  in  the  superior  attraction  which  it 
has  for  the  ablest  and  most  ambitious  men.  A  senator  has 
more  power  than  a  member  of  the  House,  more  dignity,  a 
longer  term  of  service,  a  more  independent  position.  Hence 
every  Federal  politician  aims  at  a  senatorship,  and  looks  on  the 
place  of  representative  as  a  stepping-stone  to  what  is  in  this 
sense  an  Upper  House,  that  is,  the  House  to  which  represen- 
tatives seek  to  mount.  It  is  no  more  surprising  that  the  aver- 
age capacity  of  the  Senate  should  surpass  that  of  the  House, 
than  that  the  average  cabinet  minister  of  Europe  should  be 
abler  than  the  average  member  of  the  legislature. 

European  writers  on  America  have  been  too  much  inclined 
to  idealize  the  Senate.  Admiring  its  structure  and  function, 
they  have  assumed  that  the  actors  must  be  worthy  of  their 
parts.  They  have  been  encouraged  in  this  tendency  by  the 
language  of  many  Americans.  As  the  Romans  were  never 
tired  of  repeating  that  the  ambassador  of  Pyrrhus  had  called 
the  Roman  senate  an  assembly  of  kings,  so  Americans  of  re- 
finement, who  are  ashamed  of  the  turbulent  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, are  wont  to  talk  of  the  Senate  as  a  sort  of  Olympian 
dwelling-place  of  statesmen  and  sages.  It  is  nothing  of  the 
kind.  It  is  a  company  of  shrewd  and  vigorous  men  who  have 
fought  their  way  to  the  front  by  the  ordinary  methods  of 
American  politics,  and  on  many  of  whom  the  battle  has  left  its 
stains.  There  are  abundant  opportunities  for  intrigue  in  the 
Senate,  because  its  most  important  business  is  done  in  the 
secrecy  of  committee  rooms  or  of  executive  session ;  and  many 
senators  are  intriguers.  There  are  opportunities  for  misusing 
senatorial  powers.  Scandals  have  sometimes  arisen  from  the 
practice  of  employing  as  counsel  before  the  Supreme  Court 
senators  whose  influence  has  contributed  to  the  appointment 
or  confirmation  of  the  judges.     There  are  opportunities  for 


44  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

corruption  and  blackmailing,  of  which  unscrupulous  men  are 
well  known  to  take  advantage.  Such  men  are  fortunately  few ; 
but  considering  how  demoralized  are  the  legislatures  of  some 
States,  their  presence  must  be  looked  for ;  and  the  rest  of  the 
Senate,  however  it  may  blush  for  them,  is  obliged  to  work  with 
them  and  to  treat  them  as  equals.  The  contagion  of  political 
vice  is  nowhere  so  swiftly  potent  as  in  legislative  bodies,  be- 
cause you  cannot  taboo  a  man  who  has  a  vote.  You  may  loathe 
him  personally,  but  he  is  the  people's  choice  and  he  has  a  right 
to  share  in  the  government  of  the  country. 

As  respects  ability,  the  Senate  cannot  be  profitably  com- 
pared with  the  English  House  of  Lords,  because  that  assembly 
consists  of  some  twenty  eminent  and  as  many  ordinary  men, 
attending  regularly,  with  a  multitude  of  undistinguished  per- 
sons who,  though  members,  are  only  occasional  visitors,  and 
take  no  real  share  in  the  deliberations.  Setting  the  Senate 
beside  the  House  of  Commons,  one  may  say  that  the  average 
natural  capacity  of  its  members  is  not  above  that  of  an  equal 
number  of  the  best  men  in  the  English  House.  There  is  more 
variety  of  talent  in  the  latter,  and  a  greater  breadth  of  culture. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Senate  excels  in  legal  knowledge  as 
well  as  in  practical  shrewdness.  The  House  of  Commons  con- 
tains more  men  who  could  give  a  good  address  on  a  literary  or 
historical  subject,  the  Senate  more  who  could  either  deliver  a 
rousing  popular  harangue  or  manage  the  business  of  a  great 
trading  company,  these  being  the  forms  of  capacity  commonest 
among  Congressional  politicians.  The  Senate  has  been  and  is, 
on  the  whole,  a  steadying  and  moderating  power.  One  cannot 
say  in  the  language  of  European  politics  that  it  has  represented 
aristocratic  principles,  or  anti-popular  principles,  or  even  con- 
servative principles.  Each  of  the  great  historic  parties  has  in 
turn  commanded  a  majority  in  it,  and  the  difference  between 
their  strength  has  during  the  last  decade  been  but  slight.  On 
none  of  the  great  issues  that  have  divided  the  nation  has  the 
Senate  been,  for  any  long  period,  decidedly  opposed  to  the  other 
House  of  Congress.  All  the  fluctuations  of  public  opinion  tell 
upon  it,  nor  does  it  venture,  any  more  than  the  House,  to  con- 
front a  popular  impulse,  because  it  is,  equally  with  the  House, 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  45 

subject  to  the  control  of  the  great  parties,  which  seek  to  use 
while  they  obey  the  dominant  sentiment  of  the  hour. 

But  the  fluctuations  of  opinion  tell  on  it  less  energetically 
than  on  the  House  of  Representatives.  They  reach  it  slowly 
and  gradually,  owing  to  the  system  which  renews  it  by  one 
third  every  second  year,  so  that  it  sometimes  happens  that  be- 
fore the  tide  has  risen  to  the  top  of  the  flood  in  the  Senate  it 
has  already  begun  to  ebb  in  the  country.  The  Senate  has  been 
a  stouter  bulwark  against  agitation,  not  merely  because  a 
majority  of  the  senators  have  always  four  years  of  membership 
before  them,  within  which  period  public  feeling  may  change, 
but  also  because  the  senators  have  been  individually  stronger 
men  than  the  representatives.  They  are  less  democratic,  not 
in  opinion,  but  in  temper,  because  they  have  more  self-confi- 
dence, because  they  have  more  to  lose,  because  experience  has 
taught  them  how  fleeting  a  thing  popular  sentiment  is,  and 
how  useful  a  thing  continuity  in  policy  is.  The  Senate  has 
therefore  usually  kept  its  head  better  than  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives. It  has  expressed  more  adequately  the  judgment, 
as  contrasted  with  the  emotion,  of  the  nation.  In  this  sense  it 
does  constitute  a  "  check  and  balance  "  in  the  Federal  govern- 
ment. Of  the  three  great  functions  which  the  Fathers  of  the 
Constitution  meant  it  to  perform,  the  first,  that  of  securing  the 
rights  of  the  smaller  States,  is  no  longer  important,  because 
the  extent  of  State  rights  has  been  now  well  settled ;  while  the 
second,  that  of  advising  or  controlling  the  Executive  in  appoint- 
ments as  well  as  in  treaties,  has  given  rise  to  evils  almost  com- 
mensurate with  its  benefits.  But  the  third  duty  has  been,  in 
the  main,  well  discharged,  and  "  the  propensity  of  a  single  and 
numerous  assembly  to  yield  to  the  impulse  of  sudden  and  vio- 
lent passions  "  is  usually  restrained. 


46  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZUmSIF 


CHAPTER  X 

The  House  of  Representatives 

The  House  of  Representatives,  usually  called  for  shortness 
the  House,  represents  the  nation  on  the  basis  of  population,  as 
tne  Senate  represents  the  States. 

But  even  in  the  composition  of  the  House  the  States  play 
an  important  part.  The  Constitution  provides  that  "  represen- 
tatives and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several 
States  according  to  their  respective  numbers,"  and  under  this 
provision  Congress  allots  so  many  members  of  the  House  to  each 
State  in  proportion  to  its  population  at  the  last  preceding  de- 
cennial census,  leaving  the  State  to  determine  the  districts 
within  its  own  area  for  and  by  which  the  members  shall  be 
chosen.  These  districts  are  now  equal  or  nearly  equal  in  size ; 
but  in  laying  them  out  there  is  ample  scope  for  the  process 
called  "gerrymandering,"  which  the  dominant  party  in  a  State 
rarely  fails  to  apply  for  its  own  advantage.  Where  a  State 
legislature  has  failed  to  redistribute  the  State  into  congressional 
districts,  after  the  State  has  received  an  increase  of  represen- 
tatives, the  additional  member  or  members  are  elected  by  the 
voters  of  the  whole  State  on  a  general  ticket,  and  are  called 
"  representatives  at  large."  Each  district,  of  course,  lies  wholly 
within  the  limits  of  one  State.  When  a  seat  becomes  vacant 
the  governor  of  the  State  issues  a  writ  for  a  new  election,  and 
when  a  member  desires  to  resign  his  seat  he  does  so  by  letter 
to  the  governor. 

The  original  House  which  met  in  1789  contained  only  sixty- 
five  members,  the  idea  being  that  there  should  be  one  member 
for  every  30,000  persons.  As  population  grew  and  new  States 
were  added,  the  number  of  members  was  increased.  Originally 
Congress  fixed  the  ratio  of  members  to  population,  and  the 
House  accordingly  grew;  but  latterly,  fearing  a  too  rapid  in- 
crease, it  has  fixed  the  number  of  members  with  no  regard  for 
any  precise  ratio  of  members  to  population.     Besides  the  full 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  47 

members,  there  are  also  Territorial  delegates,  one  from  each  of 
the  Territories,  regions  in  the  West  enjoying  a  species  of  self- 
government,  but  not  yet  formed  into  States.  These  delegates 
sit  and  speak,  but  have  no  right  to  vote,  being  unrecognized  by 
the  Constitution.  They  are,  in  fact,  merely  persons  whom  the 
House  under  a  statute  admits  to  its  floor  and  permits  to  address 
it.     A  majority  of  members  is  a  quorum  of  the  House. 

The  electoral  franchise  on  which  the  House  is  elected  is 
for  each  State  the  same  as  that  by  which  the  members  of  the 
more  numerous  branch  of  the  State  legislature  are  chosen. 
Originally  electoral  franchises  varied  very  much  in  different 
States:  now  a  suffrage  practically  all  but  universal  prevails 
everywhere.  A  State,  however,  has  a  right  of  limiting  the 
suffrage  as  it  pleases,  and  many  States  do  exclude  persons  con- 
victed of  crime,  paupers,  illiterates,  etc.  By  the  fifteenth 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  (passed  in  1 870)  "  the  right  of 
citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied  or 
abridged  by  any  State  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  con- 
dition of  servitude,"  while  by  the  fourteenth  amendment  (passed 
in  1868)  "the  basis  of  representation  in  any  State  is  reduced  in 
respect  of  any  male  citizens  excluded  from  the  suffrage,  save 
for  participation  in  rebellion  or  other  crimes."  Each  State  has 
therefore  a  strong  motive  for  keeping  its  suffrage  wide,  but  the 
fact  remains  that  the  franchise  by  which  the  Federal  legislature 
is  chosen  may  differ  vastly,  and  does  in  some  points  actually 
differ  in  different  parts  of  the  Union. 

Members  are  elected  for  two  years,  and  the  election  always 
takes  place  in  the  even  years,  1902,  1904,  and  so  forth.  Thus 
the  election  of  every  second  Congress  coincides  with  that  of  a 
President ;  and  admirers  of  the  Constitution  find  in  this  arrange- 
ment another  of  their  favorite  "  checks,"  because  while  it  gives 
the  incoming  President  a  Congress  presumably,  though  by  no 
means  necessarily,  of  the  same  political  complexion  as  his  own, 
it  enables  the  people  within  two  years  to  express  their  approval 
or  disapproval  of  his  conduct  by  sending  up  another  House  of 
Representatives  which  may  support  or  oppose  the  policy  he 
has  followed.  The  House  does  not  in  the  regular  course  of 
things  meet  until  a  year  has  elapsed  from  the  time  when  it  has 


48  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

been  elected,  though  the  President  may  convoke  it  sooner,  i.e., 
a  House  elected  in  November,  1902,  will  not  meet  till  Decem- 
ber, 1903,  unless  the  President  summons  it  in  "extraordinary- 
session"  some  time  after  March,  1903,  when  the  previous 
House  expires.  It  is  a  singular  result  of  the  present  arrange- 
ment that  the  old  House  continues  to  sit  for  nearly  four  months 
after  the  members  of  the  new  House  have  been  elected. 

The  expense  of  an  election  varies  greatly  from  district  to 
district.  Sometimes,  especially  in  great  cities  where  illegiti- 
mate expenditure  is  more  frequent  and  less  detectable  than  in 
rural  districts,  it  rises  to  a  sum  of  ^10,000  or  more:  sometimes 
it  is  trifling.  A  candidate,  unless  very  wealthy,  is  not  expected 
to  pay  the  whole  expense  out  of  his  own  pocket,  but  is  aided 
often  by  the  local  contributions  of  his  friends,  sometimes  by  a 
subvention  from  the  election  funds  of  the  party  in  the  State. 
All  the  official  expenses,  such  as  for  clerks,  polling  booths,  etc., 
are  paid  by  the  public.  Bribery  is  not  rare,  but  elections  are 
seldom  impeached  on  that  ground,  for  the  difficulty  of  proof 
is  increased  by  the  circumstance  that  the  House,  which  is  of 
course  the  investigating  and  deciding  authority,  does  not  meet 
till  a  year  after  the  election.  As  a  member  is  elected  for  two 
years  only,  and  the  investigation  would  probably  drag  on  during 
the  whole  of  the  first  session,  it  is  scarcely  worth  while  to  dis- 
pute the  return  for  the  sake  of  turning  him  out  for  the  second 
session.  In  some  States,  drinking-places  are  closed  on  the 
election  day. 

Among  the  members  of  the  House  there  are  few  young 
men,  and  still  fewer  old  men.  The  immense  majority  are  be- 
tween forty  and  sixty.  Lawyers  abound  in  the  House.  Then 
come  men  engaged  in  manufactures  or  commerce,  in  agriculture, 
banking,  journalism,  etc.  No  military  or  naval  officer,  and  no 
person  in  the  civil  service  of  the  United  States,  can  sit. 
Scarcely  any  of  the  great  railway  men  go  into  Congress,  a  fact 
of  much  significance  when  one  considers  that  they  are  really 
the  most  powerful  people  in  the  country ;  and  of  the  numerous 
lawyer  members  not  many  are  leaders  of  the  bar  in  their  re- 
spective States.  The  reason  is  the  same  in  both  cases.  Resi- 
dence in  Washington  makes  practice  at  the  bar  of  any  of  the 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  49 

great  cities  impossible,  and  men  in  lucrative  practice  would  not 
generally  sacrifice  their  profession  in  order  to  sit  in  the  House, 
while  railway  managers  or  financiers  are  too  much  engrossed 
by  their  business  to  be  able  to  undertake  the  duties  of  a  mem- 
ber. The  absence  of  railway  men  by  no  means  implies  the 
absence  of  railway  influence,  for  it  is  as  easy  for  a  company  to 
influence  legislation  from  without  Congress  as  from  within. 

Most  members  have  received  their  early  education  in  the 
common  schools,  but  perhaps  one  half  of  the  whole  number 
has  also  graduated  in  a  university  or  a  college.  A  good  many, 
but  apparently  not  the  majority,  have  served  in  the  legislature 
of  their  own  State.  Comparatively  few  are  very  wealthy,  and 
few  are  very  poor,  while  scarcely  any  were  at  the  time  of  their 
election  working  men.  Of  course  no  one  could  be  a  working 
man  while  he  sits,  for  he  would  have  no  time  to  spare  for  his 
trade,  and  the  salary  would  more  than  meet  his  wants.  Noth- 
ing prevents  an  artisan  from  being  returned  to  Congress,  but 
there  seems  little  disposition  among  the  working  classes  to 
send  one  of  themselves. 

A  member  of  the  House  enjoys  the  title  of  "  Honorable," 
which  is  given  to  him  not  merely  within  the  House  (as  in  Eng- 
land), but  in  the  world  at  large,  as  for  instance  in  the  addresses 
of  his  letters.  As  he  shares  it  with  members  of  State  senates, 
all  the  highest  officials,  both  Federal  and  State,  and  judges,  the 
distinction  is  not  deemed  a  high  one. 

The  House  has  no  share  in  the  executive  functions  of  the 
Senate,  nothing  to  do  with  confirming  appointments  or  approv- 
ing treaties.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has  the  exclusive  right  of 
initiating  revenue  bills  and  of  impeaching  officials,  features 
borrowed,  through  the  State  constitutions,  from  the  English 
House  of  Commons,  and  of  choosing  a  President  in  case  there 
should  be  no  absolute  majority  of  presidential  electors  for  any 
one  candidate.  This  very  important  power  it  exercised  in  1801 
and  1825. 

Setting  extraordinary  sessions  aside,  every  Congress  has 
two  sessions,  distinguished  as  the  First  or  Long  and  the  Sec- 
ond or  Short.  The  long  session  begins  in  the  fall  of  the  year 
after  the  election  of  a  Congress,  and  continues,  with  a  recess  at 
4 


50  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSITIP 

Christmas,  till  the  July  or  August  following.  The  short  ses- 
sion begins  in  the  December  after  the  July  adjournment,  and 
lasts  till  the  fourth  of  March  following.  The  whole  working 
life  of  a  House  is  thus  from  ten  to  twelve  months.  Bills  do 
not,  as  in  the  English  Parliament,  expire  at  the  end  of  each 
session ;  they  run  on  from  the  long  session  to  the  short  one. 
All,  however,  that  have  not  been  passed  when  the  fatal  fourth 
of  March  arrives,  perish  forthwith,  for  the  session  being  fixed 
by  statute  oannot  be  extended  at  pleasure.  There  is  conse- 
quently a  terrible  scramble  to  get  business  pushed  through  in 
the  last  week  or  two  of  a  Congress. 

The  House  usually  meets  at  noon,  and  sits  till  four  or  six 
o'clock,  though  toward  the  close  of  a  session  these  hours  are 
lengthened.  Occasionally  when  obstruction  occurs,  or  when 
at  the  very  end  of  a  session  messages  are  going  backward  and 
forward  between  the  House,  the  Senate,  and  the  President,  it 
sits  all  night  long. 

An  oath  or  affirmation  of  fidelity  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  is  (as  prescribed  by  the  Constitution)  taken  by 
all  members ;  also  by  the  clerk,  the  sergeant-at-arms,  the  door- 
keeper, and  the  postmaster. 

The  sergeant-at-arms  is  the  treasurer  of  the  House,  and 
pays  to  each  member  his  salary  and  mileage  (traveling  ex- 
penses). He  has  the  custody  of  the  mace,  and  the  duty  of 
keeping  order,  which  in  extreme  cases  he  performs  by  carrying 
the  mace  into  a  throng  of  disorderly  members.  The  symbol 
of  authority,  which,  as  in  the  House  of  Commons,  is  moved 
from  its  place  when  the  House  goes  into  committee,  consists 
of  the  Rom2in  fasceSy  in  ebony,  bound  with  silver  bands  in  the 
middle  and  at  the  ends,  each  rod  ending  in  a  spear  head,  at  the 
other  end  a  globe  of  silver,  and  on  the  globe  a  silver  eagle 
ready  for  flight.  English  precedent  suggests  the  mace,  but  as 
it  could  not  be  surmounted  by  a  crown,  Rome  has  prescribed 
its  design. 

The  proceedings  each  day  begin  with  prayers,  which  are 
conducted  by  a  chaplain  who  is  appointed  by  the  House,  not 
as  in  England  by  the  Speaker,  and  who  may,  of  course,  be 
selected  from  any  religious  denomination.    Lots  are  drawn  for 


OVn  SYSTEM  OP  GOYEUNMENT  51 

seats  at  the  beginning  of  the  session,  each  member  selecting 
the  place  he  pleases  according  as  his  turn  arrives.  Although 
the  Democrats  are  mostly  to  the  Speaker's  right  hand,  members 
do  not  sit  strictly  according  to  party,  a  circumstance  which 
deprives  invective  of  much  of  its  dramatic  effect.  One  cannot, 
as  in  England,  point  the  finger  of  scorn  at  "  honorable  gentle- 
men opposite,"  Every  member  is  required  to  remain  uncovered 
in  the  House. 

A  member  addresses  the  Speaker  and  the  Speaker  only, 
and  refers  to  another  member  not  by  name  but  as  the  "  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania,"  etc.,  or  as  the  case  may  be,  without 
any  particular  indication  of  the  district  which  the  person  referred 
to  represents.  A  member  usually  speaks  from  his  seat,  but 
may  speak  from  the  clerk's  desk  or  from  a  spot  close  to  the 
Speaker's  chair. 

Divisions  were  originally  (rule  of  April  17,  1789)  taken  by 
going  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  chair,  according  to  the  old 
practice  of  the  English  House  of  Commons.  This  having  been 
found  inconvenient,  a  resolution  of  June  9,  1789,  established 
the  present  practice,  whereby  members  rise  in  their  seats  and 
are  counted  in  the  first  instance  by  the  Speaker,  but  if  he  is  in 
doubt,  or  if  a  count  be  required  by  one  fifth  of  a  quorum  (i.e., 
by  not  less  than  one  tenth  of  the  whole  House),  then  by  two 
tellers  named  by  the  Speaker,  between  whom,  as  they  stand  in 
the  middle  gangway,  members  pass.  If  one  fifth  of  a  quorum 
demands  a  call  of  yeas  and  nays,  this  is  taken ;  the  clerk  calls 
the  full  roll  of  the  House,  and  each  member  answers  aye  or  no 
to  his  name,  or  says  "  no  vote."  When  the  whole  roll  has  been 
called,  it  is  called  over  a  second  time  to  let  those  vote  who  have 
not  voted  in  the  first  call.  Members  may  now  change  their 
votes.  Those  who  have  entered  the  House  after  their  names 
were  passed  on  the  second  call  cannot  vote,  but  often  take  the 
opportunity  of  rising  to  say  that  they  would,  if  then  present  in 
the  House,  have  voted  for  (or  against)  the  motion.  All  this  is 
set  forth  in  the  "  Congressional  Record,"  which  also  contains  a 
list  of  the  members  not  voting  and  of  the  pairs.  A  process 
which  consumes  so  much  time  is  an  obvious  and  effective 
engine  of  obstruction.     It  is  frequently  so  used,  for  it  can  be 


52  PATUlOTmM  AND  ClTtZENSmP 

demanded  not  only  on  questions  of  substance,  but  on  motions 
to  adjourn.  This  is  a  rule  which  the  House  cannot  alter,  for 
it  rests  on  an  express  provision  of  the  Constitution.  There  is 
a  rule  that  no  one  may  speak  more  than  once  to  the  same  ques- 
tion, unless  he  be  the  mover  of  the  motion  pending,  in  which 
case  he  is  permitted  to  reply  after  every  member  choosing  to 
speak  has  spoken. 

Speeches  are  limited  to  one  hour,  subject  to  a  power  to  ex- 
tend this  time  by  unanimous  consent,  and  may,  in  committee 
of  the  whole  House,  be  limited  to  five  minutes.  A  member  is 
at  liberty  to  give  part  of  his  time  to  other  members,  and  this  is 
in  practice  constantly  done.  The  member  speaking  will  say : 
"  I  yield  the  floor  to  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  for  five  minutes," 
and  so  on.  Thus  a  member  who  has  once  secured  the  floor  has 
a  large  control  of  the  debate. 

The  great  remedy  against  prolix  or  obstructive  debate  is 
the  so-called  previous  question,  which  is  moved  in  the  form, 
"Shall  the  main  question  be  now  put.?"  and  when  ordered 
closes  forthwith  all  debate,  and  brings  the  House  to  a  direct 
vote  on  that  main  question.  On  the  motion  for  the  putting  of 
the  main  question  no  debate  is  allowed ;  but  it  does  not  destroy 
the  right  of  the  member  "  reporting  the  measure  under  consid- 
eration "  from  a  committee,  to  wind  up  the  discussion  by  his 
reply.  This  closure  of  the  debate  may  be  moved  by  any  mem- 
ber without  the  need  of  leave  from  the  Speaker,  and  requires 
only  a  bare  majority  of  those  present.  When  directed  by  the 
House  to  be  applied  in  committee,  for  it  cannot  be  moved  after 
the  House  has  gone  into  committee,  it  has  the  effect  of  secur- 
ing five  minutes  to  the  mover  of  any  amendment,  and  five 
minutes  to  the  member  who  first  "  obtains  the  floor  "  in  opposi- 
tion to  it,  permitting  no  one  else  to  speak.  A  member  in  pro- 
posing a  resolution  or  motion  usually  asks  at  the  same  time  for 
the  previous  question  upon  it,  so  as  to  prevent  it  from  being 
talked  out.  Closure  by  previous  question  is  in  almost  daily  use, 
and  is  considered  essential  to  the  progress  of  business. 

Notwithstanding  this  powerful  engine  for  expediting  busi- 
ness, obstruction,  or  filibustering,  is  by  no  means  unknown.  It 
is  usually  practiced  by  making  repeated  motions  for  the  adjourn- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  63 

ment  of  a  debate,  or  for  "  taking  a  recess "  (suspending  the 
sitting),  or  for  calling  the  yeas  and  nays.  Between  one  such 
motion  and  another  some  business  must  intervene,  but  as  the 
making  of  a  speech  is  "  business,"  there  is  no  difficulty  in  com- 
plying with  this  requirement.  No  speaking  is  permitted  on 
these  obstructive  motions,  yet  by  them  time  may  be  wasted  for 
many  continuous  hours,  and  if  the  obstructing  minority  is  a 
strong  one,  it  usually  succeeds,  if  not  in  defeating  a  measure, 
yet  in  extorting  a  compromise.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
owing  to  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  above  mentioned, 
the  House  is  in  this  matter  not  sovereign  even  over  its  own 
procedure.  That  rules  are  not  adopted,  as  they  might  be, 
which  would  do  more  than  the  present  system  does  to  extin- 
guish filibustering,  is  due  partly  to  this  provision,  partly  to 
the  notion  that  it  is  safer  to  leave  some  means  open  by  which 
a  minority  can  make  itself  disagreeable,  and  to  the  belief  that 
adequate  checks  exist  on  any  gross  abuse  of  such  means.  These 
checks  are  two.  One  is  the  fact  that  filibustering  will  soon  fail 
unless  conducted  by  nearly  the  whole  of  the  party  which  hap- 
pens to  be  in  a  minority,  and  that  so  large  a  section  of  the 
House  will  not  be  at  the  trouble  of  joining  in  it  unless  upon 
some  really  serious  question.  The  other  check  is  found  in  the 
fear  of  popular  disapproval.  If  the  nation  sees  public  business 
stopped  and  necessary  legislation  delayed  by  factious  obstruc- 
tion, it  will  visit  its  displeasure  both  upon  the  filibustering 
leaders  individually,  and  on  the  whole  of  the  party  compro- 
mised. However  hot  party  spirit  may  be,  there  is  always  a 
margin  of  moderate  men  in  both  parties  whom  the  unjustifiable 
use  of  legally  permissible  modes  of  opposition  will  alienate. 
Since  such  men  can  make  themselves  felt  at  the  polls  when 
the  next  election  arrives,  respect  for  their  opinion  cools  the 
passion  of  congressional  politicians.  Thus  the  general  feeling 
is  that  as  the  power  of  filibustering  is  in  extreme  cases  a  safe- 
guard against  abuses  of  the  system  of  closure  by  "previous 
question,"  so  the  good  sense  of  the  community  is  in  its  turn  a 
safeguard  against  abuses  of  the  opportunities  which  the  rules 
still  leave  open. 

One  subject  alone,  the  subject  of  revenue,  that  is  to  say. 


54  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

taxation  and  appropriation,  receives  genuine  discussion  by  the 
House  at  large.  And  although  the  "previous  question"  is 
often  applied  to  expedite  appropriation  bills,  it  is  seldom  applied 
till  opportunity  has  been  given  for  the  expression  of  all  rele- 
vant views. 

The  number  of  bills  brought  into  the  House  every  year  is 
very  large,  averaging  over  10,000.  It  is  needless  to  say  that 
the  proportion  of  bills  that  pass  to  bills  that  fail  is  a  very  small 
one,  not  one  thirtieth.  Bills  are  lost  less  by  direct  rejection 
than  by  failing  to  reach  their  third  reading,  a  mode  of  extinc- 
tion which  the  good-nature  of  the  House,  or  the  unwillingness 
of  its  members  to  administer  snubs  to  one  another,'  would  pre- 
fer to  direct  rejection,  even  were  not  the  want  of  time  a  suffi- 
cient excuse  to  the  committees  for  failing  to  report  them.  One 
is  told  in  Washington  that  few  bills  are  brought  in  with  a  view 
to  being  passed.  They  are  presented  in  order  to  gratify  some 
particular  persons  or  places,  and  it  is  well  understood  in  the 
House  that  they  must  not  be  taken  seriously.  Sometimes  a 
less  pardonable  motive  exists.  The  great  commercial  compa- 
nies, and  especially  the  railroad  companies,  are  often  through 
their  land  grants  and  otherwise  brought  into  relations  with  the 
Federal  Government.  Bills  are  presented  in  Congress  which 
purport  to  withdraw  some  of  the  privileges  of  these  companies, 
or  to  establish  or  favor  rival  enterprises,  but  whose  real  object 
is  to  levy  blackmail  on  these  wealthy  bodies,  since  it  is  often 
cheaper  for  a  company  to  buy  off  its  enemy  than  to  defeat  him 
either  by  the  illegitimate  influence  of  the  lobby,  or  by  the 
strength  of  its  case  in  open  combat.  Several  great  corpora- 
tions have  thus  to  maintain  a  permanent  staff  at  Washington 
for  the  sake  of  resisting  legislative  attacks  upon  them,  some 
merely  extortionate,  some  intended  to  win  local  popularity. 

The  title  and  attributions  of  the  Speaker  of  the  House  are 
taken  from  his  famous  English  original.  But  the  character  of 
the  office  has  greatly  altered  from  that  original.  The  note  of 
the  Speaker  of  the  British  House  of  Commons  is  his  impar- 
tiality. His  duties  are  limited  to  the  enforcement  of  the  rules 
and  generally  to  the  maintenance  of  order  and  decorum  in  de- 
bate, including  the  selection,  when  several  members  rise  at  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  55 

same  moment,  of  the  one  who  is  to  carry  on  the  discussion. 
Neither  the  duties  nor  the  position  imply  political  power.  It 
makes  little  difference  to  any  English  party  in  Parliament 
whether  the  occupant  of  the  chair  has  come  from  their  own  or 
from  hostile  ranks. 

In  America  the  Speaker  has  immense  political  power,  and 
is  permitted,  nay  expected,  to  use  it  in  the  interests  of  his 
party.  In  calling  upon  members  to  speak  he  prefers  those  of 
his  own  side.  He  decides  in  their  favor  such  points  of  order 
as  are  not  distinctly  covered  by  the  rules.  His  authority  over 
the  arrangement  of  business  is  so  large  that  he  can  frequently 
advance  or  postpone  particular  bills  or  motions  in  a  way  which 
determines  their  fate.  Although  he  seldom  figures  in  party 
debates  in  the  House  (when  he  does  so  he  leaves  the  chair, 
putting  some  one  else  in  it)  he  may  and  does  advise  the 
other  leaders  of  his  party  privately ;  and  when  they  "  go  into 
caucus  "  (i.  e.,  hold  a  party  meeting  to  determine  their  action  on 
some  pending  question)  he  is  present  and  gives  counsel.  He 
is  usually  the  most  eminent  member  of  the  party  who  has  a 
seat  in  the  House,  and  is  really,  so  far  as  the  confidential  direc- 
tion of  its  policy  goes,  almost  its  leader.  His  most  important 
privilege  is,  however,  the  nomination  of  the  numerous  standing 
committees  already  referred  to.  In  the  first  Congress  (April, 
1789)  the  House  tried  the  plan  of  appointing  its  committees  by 
ballot;  but  this  worked  so  ill  that  in  January,  1790,  the  follow- 
ing rule  was  passed: — "All  committees  shall  be  appointed  by 
the  Speaker  unless  otherwise  specially  directed  by  the  House." 
This  rule  has  been  re-adopted  by  each  successive  Congress 
since  then.  Not  only  does  he,  at  the  beginning  of  each  Con- 
gress, select  all  the  members  of  each  of  these  committees,  he 
even  chooses  the  chairman  of  each,  and  thereby  vests  the  direc- 
tion of  its  business  in  hands  approved  by  himself.  The  chair- 
man is  of  course  always  selected  from  the  party  which  com- 
mands the  House,  and  the  committee  is  so  composed  as  to  give 
that  party  a  majority. 

Since  legislation,  and  so  much  of  the  control  of  current 
administration  as  the  House  has  been  able  to  bring  within 
its  grasp,  belong  to  these  committees,  their  composition  prac- 


56  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZUWSHIP 

tically  determines  the  action  of  the  House  on  all  questions 
of  moment,  and  as  the  chairmanships  of  the  more  important 
committees  are  the  posts  of  most  influence,  the  disposal  of 
them  is  a  tremendous  piece  of  patronage  by  which  a  Speaker 
can  attract  support  to  himself  and  his  own  section  of  the 
party,  reward  his  friends,  give  politicians  the  opportunity  of 
rising  to  distinction  or  practically  extinguish  their  congres- 
sional career.  The  Speaker  is,  of  course,  far  from  free  in  dis- 
posing of  these  places.  He  has  been  obliged  to  secure  his  own 
election  to  the  chair  by  promises  to  leading  members  and  their 
friends;  and  while  redeeming  such  promises,  he  must  also 
regard  the  wishes  of  important  groups  of  men  or  types  of  opin- 
ion, must  compliment  particular  States  by  giving  a  place  on 
good  committees  to  their  prominent  representatives,  must  avoid 
nominations  which  could  alarm  particular  interests.  These 
conditions  surround  the  exercise  of  his  power  with  trouble  and 
anxiety.  Yet  after  all  it  is  power,  power  which  in  the  hands 
of  a  capable  and  ambitious  man  becomes  so  far-reaching  that  it 
is  no  exaggeration  to  call  him  the  second,  if  not  the  first  polit- 
ical figure  in  the  United  States,  with  an  influence  upon  the 
fortunes  of  men  and  the  course  of  domestic  events  superior,  in 
ordinary  times,  to  the  President's,  although  shorter  in  its  dura- 
tion and  less  patent  to  the  world. 

The  Speaker's  distribution  of  members  among  the  commit- 
tees is,  next  to  his  own  election,  the  most  critical  point  in  the 
history  of  a  Congress,  and  that  watched  with  most  interest. 
He  devotes  himself  to  it  for  the  fortnight  after  his  installation 
with  an  intensity  equaling  that  of  a  European  prime  minister 
constructing  a  cabinet.  The  parallel  goes  further,  for  as  the 
chairmanships  of  the  chief  committees  may  be  compared  to  the 
cabinet  offices  of  Europe,  so  the  Speaker  is  himself  a  great 
party  leader  as  well  as  the  president  of  a  deliberative  assembly. 

Although  expected  to  serve  his  party  in  all  possible  direc- 
tions, he  must  not  resort  to  all  possible  means.  Both  in  the 
conduct  of  debate  and  in  the  formation  of  committees  a  certain 
measure  of  fairness  to  opponents  is  required  from  him.  He 
must  not  palpably  wrest  the  rules  of  the  House  to  their  disad- 
vantage, though  he  may  decide  all  doubtful  points  against 


;£AL,FoBt4^ 

OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  57 

them.  He  must  give  them  a  reasonable  share  of  "the  floor" 
(i.e.,  of  debate).  He  must  concede  to  them  proper  representa- 
tion on  committees. 

The  dignity  of  the  Speaker's  office  is  high.  He  receives  a 
salary  of  ^8,000  a  year,  which  is  a  large  salary  for  America. 
In  rank  he  stands  next  after  the  Vice-President  and  on  a  level 
with  the  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court 


CHAPTER  XI 

The  House  at  Work 

The  room  in  which  the  House  meets  is  in  the  south  wing 
of  the  Capitol,  the  Senate  and  the  Supreme  Court  being  lodged 
in  the  north  wing.  It  is  more  than  thrice  as  large  as  the  Eng- 
lish House  of  Commons,  with  a  floor  about  equal  in  area  to 
that  of  Westminster  Hall,  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  feet 
long  by  ninety-three  feet  wide,  and  thirty-six  feet  high.  Light 
is  admitted  through  the  ceiling.  There  are  on  all  sides  deep 
galleries  running  backwards  over  the  lobbies,  and  capable  of 
holding  2,500  persons.  The  proportions  are  so  good  that 
it  is  not  till  you  observe  how  small  a  man  looks  at  the  farther 
end,  and  how  faint  ordinary  voices  sound,  that  you  realize  its 
vast  size.  The  seats  are  arranged  in  curved  concentric  rows 
looking  toward  the  Speaker,  whose  handsome  marble  chair 
is  placed  on  a  raised  marble  platform  projecting  slightly  for 
ward  into  the  room,  the  clerks  and  the  mace  below  in  front 
of  him,  in  front  of  the  clerks  the  official  stenographers,  to 
the  right  the  seat  of  the  sergeant-at-arms.  Each  member 
has  a  revolving  arm-chair,  with  a  roomy  desk  in  front  of  it, 
where  he  writes  and  keeps  his  papers.  Behind  these  chairs 
runs  a  railing,  and  behind  the  railing  is  an  open  space  into 
which  strangers  may  be  brought,  where  sofas  stand  against  the 
wall,  and  where  smoking  is  practiced,  even  by  strangers,  though 
the  rules  forbid  it. 

When  you  enter,  your  first  impression  is  of  noise  and  tur- 
moil.   The  raising  and  dropping  of  desk  lids,  the  scratching 


58  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

of  pens,  the  clapping  of  hands  to  call  the  pages,  keen  little 
boys  who  race  along  the  gangways,  the  pattering  of  many  feet, 
the  hum  of  talking  on  the  floor,  and  in  the  galleries,  make  up  a 
din  over  which  the  speaker  with  the  sharp  taps  of  his  hammer, 
or  the  orators  straining  shrill  throats,  find  it  hard  to  make 
themselves  audible.  Nor  is  it  only  the  noise  that  gives  the 
impression  of  disorder.  Often  three  or  four  members  are  on 
their  feet  at  once,  each  shouting  to  catch  the  Speaker's  atten- 
tion. Less  favorable  conditions  for  oratory  cannot  be  imag- 
ined. "  Speaking  in  the  House,"  says  an  American  writer,  "  is 
like  trying  to  address  the  people  in  the  Broadway  omnibuses 
from  the  curbstone  in  front  of  the  Astor  House.  .  .  .  Men  of 
fine  intellect  and  of  good  ordinary  elocution  have  exclaimed  in 
despair  that  in  the  House  of  Representatives  the  mere  physical 
effort  to  be  heard  uses  up  all  the  powers,  so  that  intellectual 
action  becomes  impossible.  The  natural  refuge  is  in  written 
speeches  or  in  habitual  silence,  which  one  dreads  more  and 
more  to  break."  In  the  House  of  Representatives  a  set  speech 
upon  any  subject  of  importance  tends  to  become  not  an  expo- 
sition or  an  argument,  but  a  piece  of  elaborate  and  high-flown 
declamation.  Its  author  is  often  wise  enough  to  send  direct 
to  the  reporters  what  he  has  written  out,  having  read  aloud  a 
small  part  of  it  in  the  House.  When  it  has  been  printed  in 
exUnso  in  the  Congressional  Record  (leave  to  get  this  done 
being  readily  obtained),  he  has  copies  struck  off  and  distributes 
them  among  his  constituents.  Thus  everybody  is  pleased  and 
time  is  saved. 

Most  of  the  practical  work  is  done  in  the  standing  commit- 
tees, while  much  of  the  time  of  the  House  is  consumed  in  point- 
less discussions,  where  member  after  member  delivers  himself 
upon  large  questions,  not  likely  to  be  brought  to  a  definite 
issue.  Many  of  the  speeches  thus  called  forth  have  a  value  as 
repertories  of  facts,  but  the  debate  as  a  whole  is  unprofitable 
and  languid.  On  the  other  hand,  the  five-minute  debates  which 
take  place,  when  the  House  imposes  that  limit  of  time,  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  on  the  consideration  of  a  bill  reported 
from  a  standing  committee,  are  often  lively,  pointed,  and  effec- 
tive.   The  topics  which  excite  most  interest  and  are  best  dis- 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  59 

cussed  are  those  of  taxation  and  the  appropriation  of  money, 
more  particularly  to  public  works,  the  improvement  of  rivers 
and  harbors,  erection  of  Federal  buildings,  and  so  forth. 

That  the  majority  of  the  House  may  be  and  often  is  op- 
posed to  the  President  and  his  cabinet,  does  not  strike  Ameri- 
cans as  odd,  because  they  proceed  on  the  theory  that  the  legis- 
lative ought  to  be  distinct  from  the  executive  authority.  Since 
no  minister  sits,  there  is  no  official  representative  of  the  party 
which  for  the  time  being  holds  the  reins  of  the  executive  gov- 
ernment. Neither  is  there  any  unofficial  representative.  So 
far  as  the  majority  has  a  chief,  that  chief  is  the  Speaker,  who 
has  been  chosen  by  them  as  their  ablest  and  most  influential 
man ;  but  the  chairman  of  the  most  important  committee,  that  of 
Ways  and  Means^  enjoys  a  sort  of  eminence,  and  comes  nearer 
than  any  one  else  to  the  position  of  leader  of  the  House.  The 
minority  do  not  formally  choose  a  leader,  nor  is  there  usually 
any  one  among  them  whose  career  marks  him  out  as  practically 
the  first  man,  but  the  person  whom  they  have  put  forward  as 
their  party  candidate  for  the  Speakership,  giving  him  what  is 
called  "  the  complimentary  nomination,"  has  a  sort  of  vague 
claim  to  be  so  regarded.     This  honor  amounts  to  very  little. 

There  is  a  fundamental  difference  between  the  conception  of 
the  respective  positions  and  duties  of  a  representative  body  and 
of  the  nation  at  large  entertained  by  Americans,  and  the  con- 
ception which  has  hitherto  prevailed  in  Europe.  Europeans 
have  thought  of  a  legislature  as  belonging  to  the  governing 
class.  In  America  there  is  no  such  class.  Europeans  think 
that  the  legislature  ought  to  consist  of  the  best  men  in  the 
country,  Americans  that  it  should  be  a  fair  average  sample  of 
the  country.  Europeans  think  that  it  ought  to  lead  the  nation, 
Americans  that  it  ought  to  follow  the  nation. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  din  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
of  its  air  of  restlessness  and  confusion,  contrasting  with  the 
staid  gravity  of  the  Senate,  of  the  absence  of  dignity  both  in 
its  proceedings  and  in  the  bearing  and  aspect  of  individual 
members.  All  these  things  notwithstanding,  there  is  something 
impressive  about  it,  something  not  unworthy  of  the  continent 
for  which  it  legislates. 


60  FATBI0TI8M  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

This  huge  gray  hall,  filled  with  perpetual  clamor,  this  mul- 
titude of  keen  and  eager  faces,  this  ceaseless  coming  and  going 
of  many  feet,  this  irreverent  public,  watching  from  the  galleries 
and  forcing  its  way  on  to  the  floor,  all  speak  to  the  beholder's 
mind  of  the  mighty  democracy,  destined  in  another  century  to 
form  one  half  of  civilized  mankind,  whose  affairs  are  here  de- 
bated. If  the  men  are  not  great,  the  interests  and  the  issues 
are  vast  and  fateful.  Here,  as  so  often  in  America,  one  thinks 
rather  of  the  future  than  of  the  present.  Of  what  tremendous 
struggles  may  not  this  hall  become  the  theater  in  ages  yet  far 
distant,  when  the  parliaments  of  Europe  have  shrunk  to  insig- 
nificance ? 

CHAPTER  XII 
The  Committees  of  Congress 

The  members  of  every  standing  committee  of  the  House 
are  nominated  by  the  Speaker  at  the  beginning  of  each  Con- 
gress, and  sit  through  its  two  sessions ;  those  of  a  select  com- 
mittee also  by  the  Speaker,  after  the  committee  has  been 
ordered  by  the  House.  In  pursuance  of  the  rule  that  the 
member  first  named  shall  be  chairman,  the  Speaker  has  also 
the  selection  of  all  the  chairmen. 

To  some  one  of  these  standing  committees  each  and  every 
bill  is  referred.  Its  second  as  well  as  its  first  reading  is  granted 
as  of  course,  and  without  debate,  since  there  would  be  no  time 
to  discuss  the  immense  number  of  bills  presented.  When  read 
a  second  time  it  is  referred  under  the  general  rules  to  a  com- 
mittee ;  but  doubts  often  arise  as  to  which  is  the  appropriate 
committee,  because  a  bill  may  deal  with  a  subject  common  to 
two  or  more  jurisdictions,  or  include  topics  some  of  which  be- 
long to  one  jurisdiction,  others  to  another.  The  disputes  which 
may  in  such  cases  arise  between  several  committees  lead  to 
keen  debates  and  divisions,  because  the  fate  of  the  measure 
may  depend  on  which  of  two  possible  paths  it  is  made  to  take, 
since  the  one  may  bring  it  before  a  tribunal  of  friends,  the  other 
before  a  tribunal  of  enemies.  Such  disputes  are  determined 
by  the  vote  of  the  House  itself. 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  61 

Not  having  been  discussed,  much  less  affirmed  in  principle, 
by  the  House,  a  bill  comes  before  its  committee  with  no  pre- 
sumption in  its  favor,  but  rather  as  a  shivering  ghost  stands 
before  Minos  in  the  nether  world.  It  is  one  of  many,  and  for 
the  most  a  sad  fate  is  reserved.  The  committee  may  take  evi- 
dence regarding  it,  may  hear  its  friends  and  its  opponents. 
They  usually  do  hear  the  member  who  has  introduced  it,  since 
it  seldom  happens  that  he  has  himself  a  seat  on  the  committee. 
Members  who  are  interested  approach  the  committee  and  state 
their  case  there,  not  in  the  House,  because  they  know  that  the 
House  will  have  neither  time  nor  inclination  to  listen.  The 
committee  can  amend  the  bill  as  they  please,  and  although  they 
cannot  formally  extinguish  it,  they  can  practically  do  so  by  re- 
porting adversely,  or  by  delaying  to  report  it  till  late  in  the 
session,  or  by  not  reporting  it  at  all. 

In  one  or  other  of  these  ways  nineteen  twentieths  of  the 
bills  introduced  meet  their  death,  a  death  which  the  majority 
doubtless  deserve,  and  the  prospect  of  which  tends  to  make 
members  reckless  as  regards  both  the  form  and  the  substance 
of  their  proposals.  A  motion  may  be  made  in  the  House  that 
the  committee  do  report  forthwith,  and  the  House  can  of  course 
restore  the  bill,  when  reported,  to  its  original  form.  But  these 
expedients  rarely  succeed,  for  few  are  the  measures  which 
excite  sufficient  interest  to  induce  an  impatient  and  over- 
burdened assembly  to  take  additional  work  upon  its  own  shoul- 
ders or  to  overrule  the  decision  of  a  committee. 

The  deliberations  of  committees  are  usually  secret.  Evi- 
dence is  frequently  taken  with  open  doors,  but  the  newspapers 
do  not  report  it,  unless  the  matter  excite  public  interest ;  and 
even  the  decisions  arrived  at  are  often  noticed  in  the  briefest 
way.  It  is  out  of  order  to  canvass  the  proceedings  of  a  com- 
mittee in  the  House  until  they  have  been  formally  reported  to 
it,  and  the  report  submitted  does  not  usually  state  how  the 
members  have  voted,  or  contain  more  than  a  very  curt  outline 
of  what  has  passed.  No  member  speaking  in  the  House  is 
entitled  to  reveal  anything  further. 

A  committee  have  technically  no  right  to  initiate  a  bill,  but 
as  they  can  either  transform  one  referred  to  them,  or,  if  none 


62  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZHmHIP 

has  been  referred  which  touches  the  subject  they  seek  to  deal 
with,  can  procure  one  to  be  brought  in  and  referred  to  them, 
their  command  of  their  own  province  is  unbounded.  Hence 
the  character  of  all  the  measures  that  may  be  passed  or  even 
considered  by  the  House  upon  a  particular  branch  of  legisla- 
tion depends  on  the  composition  of  the  committee  concerned 
with  that  branch.  Some  committees,  such  as  those  on  naval 
and  military  affairs,  and  those  on  the  expenditure  of  the  several 
departments,  deal  with  administration  rather  than  legislation. 
They  have  power  to  summon  the  officials  of  the  departments 
before  them,  and  to  interrogate  them  as  to  their  methods  and 
conduct.  Authority  they  have  none,  for  officials  are  responsi- 
ble only  to  their  chief,  the  President ;  but  the  power  of  ques- 
tioning is  sufficient  to  check  if  not  to  guide  the  action  of  a  de- 
partment, since  imperative  statutes  may  follow,  and  the  depart- 
ment, sometimes  desiring  legislation  and  always  desiring  money, 
has  strong  motives  for  keeping  on  good  terms  with  those  who 
control  legislation  and  the  purse.  It  is  through  these  commit- 
tees chiefly  that  the  executive  and  legislative  branches  of  gov- 
ernment touch  one  another.  Yet  the  contact,  although  the 
most  important  thing  in  a  government,  is  the  thing  which  the 
nation  least  notices,  and  has  the  scantiest  means  of  watching. 

The  scrutiny  to  which  the  administrative  committees  sub- 
ject the  departments  is  so  close  and  constant  as  to  occupy  much 
of  the  time  of  the  officials  and  seriously  interfere  with  their 
duties.  Not  only  are  they  often  summoned  to  give  evidence : 
they  are  required  to  furnish  minute  reports  on  matters  which 
a  member  of  Congress  could  ascertain  for  himself.  Neverthe- 
less the  House  committees  are  not  certain  to  detect  abuses  or 
peculation,  for  special  committees  of  the  Senate  have  repeat- 
edly unearthed  dark  doings  which  had  passed  unsuspected  the 
ordeal  of  a  House  investigation.  After  a  bill  has  been  debated 
and  amended  by  the  committee  it  is  reported  back  to  the 
House,  and  is  taken  up  when  that  committee  is  called  in  its 
order.  One  hour  is  allowed  to  the  member  whom  his  fellow 
committee-men  have  appointed  to  report.  He  seldom  uses  the 
whole  of  this  hour,  but  allots  part  of  it  to  other  members,  oppo- 
nents as  well  as  friends,  and  usually  concludes  by  moving  the 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  63 

previous  question.  This  precludes  subsequent  amendments 
and  leaves  only  an  hour  before  the  vote  is  taken.  As  on  an 
average  each  committee  (excluding  the  two  or  three  great  ones) 
has  only  two  hours  out  of  the  whole  ten  months  of  Congress 
allotted  to  it  to  present  and  have  discussed  all  its  bills,  it  is 
plain  that  few  measures  can  be  considered,  and  each  but  shortly, 
in  the  House.  The  best  chance  of  pressing  one  through  is 
under  the  rule  which  permits  the  suspension  of  standing  orders 
by  a  two-thirds  majority  during  the  last  six  days  of  the  session. 

On  the  whole,  it  may  be  said  that  under  this  system  the 
House  despatches  a  vast  amount  of  work,  and  does  the  nega- 
tive part  of  it,  the  killing  off  of  worthless  bills,  in  a  thorough 
way.  Were  the  committees  abolished  and  no  other  organiza- 
tion substituted,  the  work  could  not  be  done.  But  much  of  it, 
including  most  of  the  private  bills,  ought  not  to  come  before 
Congress  at  all ;  and  the  more  important  part  of  what  remains, 
viz.,  public  legislation,  is  dealt  with  by  methods  securing  neither 
the  pressing  forward  of  the  measures  most  needed,  nor  the  due 
debate  of  those  that  are  pressed  forward. 

"The  Acts  passed,"  say  the  Americans,  "may  not  be  the 
best  possible ;  the  legislation  of  the  year  may  resemble  a  patch- 
work quilt,  where  each  piece  is  different  in  color  and  texture 
from  the  rest.  But  as  we  do  not  need  much  legislation,  and  as 
nearly  the  whole  field  of  ordinary  private  law  lies  outside  the 
province  of  Congress,  the  mischief  is  slighter  than  you  expect. 
If  we  made  legislation  easier,  we  might  have  too  much  of  it ; 
and  in  trying  to  give  it  more  definite  character  we  might  make 
it  too  bold  and  sweeping.  Be  our  present  system  bad  or  good, 
it  is  the  only  system  possible  under  our  Constitution,  and  the 
fact  that  it  was  not  directly  created  by  that  instrument,  but  has 
been  evolved  by  the  experience  of  a  hundred  years,  shows  how 
strong  must  be  the  tendencies  whose  natural  working  has  pro- 
duced it." 


64  FATEI0TI8M  AND   CITIZEmSIP 


CHAPTER  XIII 

Congressional  Legislation 

The  Congressional  legislative  system  is  really  a  plan,  for 
legislating  by  a  number  of  commissions.  Each  commission, 
receiving  suggestions  in  the  shape  of  bills,  taking  evidence 
upon  them,  and  sifting  them  in  debate,  frames  its  measures  and 
lays  them  before  the  House  in  a  shape  which  seems  designed 
to  make  amendment  in  details  needless,  while  leaving  the  gen- 
eral policy  to  be  accepted  or  rejected  by  a  simple  vote  of  the 
whole  body.  In  this  last  respect  the  plan  may  be  compared 
with  that  of  the  Romans  during  the  Republic,  whose  general 
assembly  of  the  people  approved  or  disapproved  of  a  bill  as  a 
whole,  without  power  of  amendment,  a  plan  which  had  the 
advantage  of  making  laws  clear  and  simple.  At  Rome,  how- 
ever, bills  could  be  proposed  only  by  a  magistrate  upon  his 
official  responsibility;  they  were  therefore  comparatively  few 
and  sure  to  be  carefully  drawn.  The  members  of  American 
legislative  commissions  have  no  special  training,  no  official  ex- 
perience, little  praise  or  blame  to  look  for,  and  no  means  of 
securing  that  the  overburdened  House  will  ever  come  to  a  v^ote 
on  their  proposals.  There  is  no  more  agreement  between  the 
views  of  one  commission  and  another  than  what  may  result 
from  the  majority  in  both  belonging  to  the  same  party.  Hence, 
as  Woodrow  Wilson  observes  in  his  "Congressional  Gover- 
ment,"  "The  legislation  of  a  session  does  not  represent  the 
policy  of  either  the  majority  or  the  minority :  it  is  simply  an 
aggregate  of  the  bills  recommended  by  committees  composed 
of  members  from  both  sides  of  the  House,  and  it  is  known 
to  be  usually  not  the  work  of  the  majority  men  upon  the 
committees,  but  compromise  conclusions  bearing  some  shade 
or  tinge  of  each  of  the  variously  colored  opinions  and  wishes 
of  the  committee  men  of  both  parties.  Most  of  the  measures 
which  originate  with  the  committees  are  framed  with  a  view 
of  securing  their  easy  passage  by  giving  them  as  neutral  and 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  65 

inoffensive  a  character  as  is  possible.  The  manifest  object 
is  to  draw  them  to  the  liking  of  all  factions.  Hence  neither 
the  failure  nor  the  success  of  any  policy  inaugurated  by  one  of 
the  committees  can  fairly  be  charged  to  the  account  of  either 
party." 

Add  the  fact  that  the  House  in  its  few  months  of  life  has 
not  time  to  deal  with  one  twentieth  of  the  bills  which  are 
thrown  upon  it,  that  it  therefore  drops  the  enormous  majority 
unconsidered,  though  some  of  the  best  may  be  in  this  majority, 
and  passes  many  of  those  which  it  does  pass  by  a  suspension 
of  the  rules  which  leaves  everything  to  a  single  vote,  and  the 
marvel  comes  to  be,  not  that  legislation  is  faulty,  but  that  an 
intensely  practical  people  tolerates  such  defective  machinery. 
Some  reasons  may  be  suggested  tending  to  explain  this  phe- 
nomenon. 

Legislation  is  a  difficult  business  in  all  free  countries,  and 
perhaps  more  difficult  the  more  free  the  country  is,  because  the 
discordant  voices  are  more  numerous  and  less  under  control. 
America  has  sometimes  sacrificed  practical  convenience  to  her 
dislike  to  authority. 

The  Americans  surpass  all  other  nations  in  their  power  of 
making  the  best  of  bad  conditions,  getting  the  largest  results 
out  of  scanty  materials  or  rough  methods.  Many  things  in 
that  country  work  better  than  they  ought  to  work,  so  to  speak, 
or  could  work  in  any  other  country,  because  the  people  are 
shrewdly  alert  in  minimizing  such  mischiefs  as  arise  from  their 
own  haste  or  heedlessness,  and  have  a  great  capacity  for  self- 
help. 

Aware  that  they  have  this  gift,  the  Americans  are  content 
to  leave  their  political  machinery  unreformed.  Persons  who 
propose  comprehensive  reforms  are  suspected  as  theorists  and 
crotchet-mongers.  The  national  inventiveness,  active  in  the 
spheres  of  mechanics  and  money-making,  spend§  little  of  its 
force  on  the  details  of  governmental  methods. 

The  want  of  legislation  on  topics  where  legislation  is  needed 
breeds  fewer  evils  than  would  follow  in  countries  like  England 
or  France  where  Parliament  is  the  only  law-making  body.  The 
powers  of  Congress  are  limited  to  comparatively  few  subjects: 


66  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

its  failures  do  not  touch  the  general  well-being  of  the  people, 
nor  the  healthy  administration  of  the  ordinary  law. 

The  faults  of  bills  passed  by  the  House  are  often  cured  by 
the  Senate,  where  discussion  is  more  leisurely  and  thorough. 
The  committee  system  produces  in  that  body  also  some  of  the 
same  flabbiness  and  colorlessness  in  bills  passed.  But  the 
blunders,  whether  in  substance  or  of  form,  of  the  one  chamber 
are  frequently  corrected  by  the  other,  and  many  bad  bills  fail 
owing  to  a  division  of  opinion  between  the  Houses. 

The  President's  veto  kills  off  some  vicious  measures.  He 
does  not  trouble  himself  about  defects  of  form ;  but  where  a 
bill  seems  to  him  opposed  to  sound  policy,  it  is  his  constitu- 
tional duty  to  disapprove  it,  and  to  throw  on  Congress  the 
responsibility  of  passing  it  "over  his  veto"  by  a  two-thirds 
vote.    A  good  President  accepts  this  responsibility. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

Congressional  Finance 

No  legislature  devotes  a  larger  proportion  of  its  time  than 
does  Congress  to  the  consideration  of  financial  bills.  These 
are  of  two  kinds :  those  which  raise  revenue  by  taxation,  and 
those  which  direct  the  application  of  the  public  funds  to  the 
various  expenses  of  the  government.  At  present  Congress 
raises  all  the  revenue  it  requires  by  indirect  taxation,  and  chiefly 
by  duties  of  customs  and  excise ;  so  taxing  bills  are  practically 
tariff  bills,  the  excise  duties  being  comparatively  little  varied 
from  year  to  year. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  sends  annually  to  Congress 
a  report  containing  a  statement  of  the  national  income  and  ex- 
penditure and  of  the  condition  of  the  public  debt,  together 
with  remarks  on  the  system  of  taxation  and  suggestions  for  its 
improvement.  He  also  sends  what  is  called  his  Annual  Letter, 
enclosing  the  estimates,  framed  by  the  various  departments,  of 
the  sums  needed  for  the  public  services  of  the  United  States 
during  the  coming  year.     So  far  the  Secretary  is  like  a  Euro- 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  67 

pean  finance  minister,  except  that  he  communicates  with  the 
chamber  on  paper  instead  of  making  his  statement  and  propo- 
sals orally.  But  here  the  resemblance  stops.  Everything  that 
remains  in  the  way  of  financial  legislation  is  done  solely  by 
Congress  and  its  committees,  the  Executive  having  no  further 
hand  in  the  matter. 

The  business  of  raising  money  belongs  to  one  committee 
only,  the  standing  committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  consisting 
of  eleven  members.  This  committee  prepares  and  reports  to 
the  House  the  bills  needed  for  imposing  or  continuing  the  vari- 
ous customs  duties,  excise  duties,  etc.  The  report  of  the  Sec- 
retary has  been  referred  by  the  House  to  this  committee,  but 
the  latter  does  not  necessarily  base  its  bills  upon  or  in  any  way 
regard  that  report.  Neither  does  it  in  preparing  them  start 
from  an  estimate  of  the  sums  needed  to  support  the  public 
service.  It  does  not,  because  it  cannot :  for  it  does  not  know 
what  grants  for  the  public  service  will  be  proposed  by  the 
spending  committees,  since  the  estimates  submitted  in  the 
Secretary's  letter  furnish  no  trustworthy  basis  for  a  guess.  It 
does  not,  for  the  further  reason  that  the  primary  object  of  cus- 
toms duties  has  for  many  years  past  been  not  the  raising  of 
revenue,  but  the  protection  of  American  industries  by  subject- 
ing foreign  products  to  a  very  high  tariff. 

When  the  revenue  bills  come  to  be  debated  in  committee 
of  the  whole  House,  similar  causes  prevent  them  from  being 
scrutinized  from  the  purely  financial  point  of  view.  Debate 
turns  on  these  items  of  the  tariff  which  involve  gain  or  loss  to 
influential  groups.  Little  inquiry  is  made  as  to  the  amount 
needed  and  the  adaptation  of  the  bills  to  produce  that  amount 
and  no  more.  It  is  the  same  with  ways  and  means  bills  in  the 
Senate.  Communications  need  not  pass  between  the  commit- 
tees of  either  House  and  the  Treasury.  The  person  most 
responsible,  the  person  who  most  nearly  corresponds  to  an 
English  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  or  a  French  Minister  of 
Finance,  is  the  chairman  of  the  House  committee  of  Ways  and 
Means.  But  he  stands  in  no  official  relation  to  the  Treasury, 
and  is  not  required  to  exchange  a  word  or  a  letter  with  its  staff. 
Neither,  of  course,  can  he  count  on  a  majority  in  the  House. 


68  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

The  business  of  spending  money  belongs  primarily  to  two 
standing  committees,  the  old  committee  on  Appropriations  and 
the  new  committee  on  Rivers  and  Harbors,  created  in  1883. 
The  committee  on  Appropriations  starts  from,  but  does  not 
adopt,  the  estimates  sent  in  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
for  the  appropriation  bills  it  prepares  usually  make  large  and 
often  reckless  reductions  in  these  estimates. 

Every  revenue  bill  must,  of  course,  come  before  the  House ; 
and  the  House,  whatever  else  it  may  neglect,  never  neglects 
the  discussion  of  taxation  and  money  grants.  These  are  dis- 
cussed as  fully  as  the  pressure  of  work  permits,  and  are  often 
added  to  by  the  insertion  of  fresh  items,  which  members  inter- 
ested in  getting  money  voted  for  a  particular  purpose  or  locality 
suggest.  These  bills  then  go  to  the  Senate,  which  forthwith 
refers  them  to  its  committees.  The  Senate  committee  on 
finance  deals  with  revenue-raising  bills ;  the  committee  on  ap- 
propiations  with  supply  bills.  Both  sets  then  come  before  the 
whole  Senate.  Although  it  cannot  initiate  appropriation  bills, 
the  Senate  has  long  ago  made  good  its  claim  to  amend  them, 
and  does  so  without  stint,  adding  new  items  and  often  greatly 
raising  the  total  of  the  grants.  When  the  bills  go  back  to  the 
House,  the  House  usually  rejects  the  amendments ;  the  Senate 
adheres  to  them,  and  a  conference  committee  is  appointed,  con- 
sisting of  three  senators  and  three  members  of  the  House,  by 
which  a  compromise  is  settled,  hastily  and  in  secret,  and 
accepted,  usually  in  the  last  days  of  the  session,  by  a  hard- 
pressed  but  reluctant  House.  Even  as  enlarged  by  this  com- 
mittee, the  supply  voted  is  usually  found  inadequate,  so  a  defi- 
ciency bill  is  introduced  in  the  following  session,  including  a 
second  series  of  grants  to  the  departments. 

There  is  practically  no  connection  between  the  policy  of 
revenue  raising  and  the  policy  of  revenue  spending,  for  these 
are  left  to  different  committees  whose  views  may  be  opposed, 
and  the  majority  in  the  House  has  no  recognized  leaders  to 
remark  the  discrepancies  or  make  one  or  other  view  prevail. 
There  is  no  relation  between  the  amount  proposed  to  be  spent 
in  any  one  year,  and  the  amount  proposed  to  be  raised. 

The  knowledge  and  experience  of  the  permanent  officials 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  69 

either  as  regards  the  productivity  of  taxes,  and  the  incidental 
benefits  or  losses  attending  their  collection,  or  as  regards  the 
nature  of  various  kinds  of  expenditure  and  their  comparative 
utility,  can  be  turned  to  account  only  by  interrogating  these 
officials  before  the  committees. 

Under  the  system  of  congressional  finance  here  described 
America  wastes  millions  annually.  But  her  wealth  is  so  great, 
her  revenue  so  elastic,  that  she  is  not  sensible  of  the  loss.  She 
has  the  glorious  privilege  of  youth,  the  privilege  of  committing 
errors  without  suffering  from  their  consequences. 


CHAPTER  XV 
The  Relations  of  the  Two  Houses 

The  creation  by  the  Constitution  of  1789  of  two  chambers 
in  the  United  States,  in  place  of  the  one  chamber  which  existed 
under  the  Confederation,  has  been  usually  ascribed  by  Euro- 
peans to  mere  imitation  of  England.  There  were,  however, 
better  reasons  than  deference  to  English  precedents  to  justify 
the  division  of  Congress  into  two  houses  and  no  more.  Not 
to  dwell  upon  the  fact  that  there  were  two  chambers  in  all  but 
two  of  the  thirteen  original  States,  the  Convention  of  1787  had 
two  solid  motives  for  fixing  on  this  number,  a  motive  of  princi- 
ple and  theory,  a  motive  of  immediate  expediency. 

The  chief  advantage  of  dividing  a  legislature  into  two 
branches  is  that  the  one  may  check  the  haste  and  correct  the 
mistakes  of  the  other.  This  advantage  is  purchased  at  the 
price  of  some  delay,  and  of  the  weakness  which  results  from  a 
splitting  up  of  authority.  If  a  legislature  be  constituted  of 
three  or  more  branches,  the  advantage  is  scarcely  increased, 
the  delay  and  weakness  are  immensely  aggravated.  Two 
chambers  can  be  made  to  work  together  in  a  way  almost  impos- 
sible to  more  than  two. 

To  these  considerations  there  was  added  the  practical 
ground  that  the  division  of  Congress  into  two  houses  supplied 
a  means  of  settling  the  dispute  which  raged  between  the  small 


70  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEJSfSSIF 

and  the  large  States.  The  latter  contended  for  a  representa- 
tion of  the  States  in  Congress  proportioned  to  their  respective 
populations,  the  former  for  their  equal  representation  as  sover- 
eign commonwealths.  Both  were  satisfied  by  the  plan  which 
created  two  chambers,  in  one  of  which  the  former  principle,  in 
the  other  of  which  the  latter  principle,  was  recognized.  The 
country  remained  a  federation  in  respect  of  the  Senate,  it  be^ 
came  a  nation  in  respect  of  the  House :  there  was  no  occasion 
for  a  third  chamber. 

The  respective  characters  of  the  two  bodies  are  wholly  un- 
like those  of  the  so-called  upper  and  lower  chambers  of  Europe. 
Both  equally  represent  the  people,  the  whole  people,  and  noth- 
ing but  the  people.  Both  have  been  formed  by  the  same  social 
influences.  Both  are  possessed  by  the  same  ideas,  governed  by 
the  same  sentiments,  equally  conscious  of  their  dependence  on 
public  opinion.  The  one  has  never  been,  like  the  English 
House  of  Commons,  a  popular  pet,  the  other  never,  like  the 
English  House  of  Lords,  a  popular  bugbear. 

The  two  branches  of  Congress  have  not  exhibited  that  con- 
trast of  feeling  and  policy  which  might  be  expected  from  the 
different  methods  by  which  they  are  chosen.  In  the  House 
the  large  States  are  predominant :  ten  out  of  forty-five  (less 
than  one  fourth)  return  an  absolute  majority  of  the  representa- 
tives. In  the  Senate  these  same  ten  States  have  only  twenty 
members  out  of  ninety,  less  than  a  fourth  of  the  whole.  In 
other  words,  these  ten  States  are  more  than  sixteen  times  as 
powerful  in  the  House  as  they  are  in  the  Senate.  But  as  the 
House  has  never  been  the  organ  of  the  large  States,  nor  prone 
to  act  in  their  interest,  so  neither  has  the  Senate  been  the 
stronghold  of  the  small  States,  for  American  politics  have  never 
turned  upon  an  antagonism  between  these  two  sets  of  common- 
wealths. 

The  faults  of  the  House  are  mainly  due,  not  to  want  of 
talent  among  individuals,  but  to  its  defective  methods,  and 
especially  to  the  absence  of  leadership.  The  merits  of  the 
Senate  are  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  it  trains  to  higher  effi- 
ciency the  ability  which  it  has  drawn  from  the  House,  and 
gives  that  ability  a  sphere  in  which  it  can  develop  with  better 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  71 

results.  Were  the  Senate  and  the  House  thrown  into  one,  the 
country  would  lose  more  by  losing  the  Senate  than  it  would 
gain  by  improving  the  House,  for  the  united  body  would  have 
the  qualities  of  the  House  and  not  those  of  the  Senate. 

Collisions  between  the  two  Houses  are  frequent.  Each  is 
jealous  and  combative.  Each  is  prone  to  alter  the  bills  that 
come  from  the  other;  and  the  Senate  in  particular  knocks 
about  remorselessly  those  favorite  children  of  the  House,  the 
appropriation  bills.  The  fact  that  one  House  has  passed  a  bill 
goes  but  a  little  way  in  inducing  the  other  to  pass  it;  the 
Senate  would  reject  twenty  House  bills  as  readily  as  one. 
Deadlocks,  however,  disagreements  over  serious  issues  which 
stop  the  machinery  of  administration,  are  not  common.  The 
country  knows  that  either  House  would  yield  were  it  unmis- 
takably condemned  by  public  opinion.  The  executive  govern- 
ment goes  on  undisturbed,  and  the  worst  that  can  happen  is 
the  loss  of  a  bill  which  may  be  passed  four  months  later. 
Even  as  between  the  two  bodies  there  is  no  great  bitterness  in 
these  conflicts,  because  the  causes  of  quarrel  do  not  lie  deep. 

This  substantial  identity  of  character  in  the  Senate  and  the 
House  explains  the  fact  that  two  perfectly  co-ordinate  authori- 
ties, neither  of  which  has  any  more  right  than  its  rival  to  claim 
to  speak  for  the  whole  nation,  manage  to  get  along  together. 
The  two  bodies  are  not  hostile  elements  in  the  nation,  striving 
for  supremacy,  but  servants  of  the  same  master,  whose  word 
of  rebuke  will  quiet  them. 

The  United  States  is  the  only  great  country  in  which  the 
two  Houses  are  really  equal  and  coordinate.  Such  a  system 
could  hardly  work,  and  therefore  could  not  last,  if  the  Executive 
were  the  creature  of  either  or  of  both,  nor  unless  both  were  in 
close  touch  with  the  sovereign  people. 

When  each  chamber  persists  in  its  own  view,  the  regular 
proceeding  is  to  appoint  a  committee  of  conference,  consisting 
of  three  members  of  the  Senate  and  three  of  the  House. 
These  six  meet  in  secret,  and  usually  settle  matters  by  a  com- 
promise, which  enables  each  side  to  retire  with  honor. 

In  a  contest  the  Senate  usually,  though  not  invariably,  gets 
the  better  of  the  House.     It  is  smaller,  and  can  therefore  more 


72  PATEIOTISM    ^NB   CITIZENSHIP 

easily  keep  its  majority  together;  its  members  are  more  expe- 
rienced ;  and  it  has  the  great  advantage  of  being  permanent, 
whereas  the  House  is  a  transient  body.  The  Senate  can  hold 
out,  because  if  it  does  not  get  its  way  at  once  against  the 
House,  it  may  do  so  when  a  new  House  comes  up  to  Washing- 
ton. The  House  cannot  afford  to  wait,  because  the  hour  of  its 
own  dissolution  is  at  hand.  Besides,  while  the  House  does  not 
know  the  Senate  from  inside,  the  Senate,  many  of  whose  mem- 
bers have  sat  in  the  House,  knows  all  the  "  ins  and  outs  "  of  its 
rival,  can  gauge  its  strength  and  play  upon  its  weakness. 


CHAPTER  XVI 
General  Observations  on  Congress 

After  this  inquiry  into  the  composition  and  working  of  each 
branch  of  Congress,  it  remains  to  make  some  observations 
which  apply  to  both  Houses,  and  which  may  tend  to  indicate 
the  features  that  distinguish  them  from  the  representative 
assemblies  of  Europe.  Congress  is  not  like  the  Parliaments  of 
England,  France,  and  Italy,  a  sovereign  assembly,  but  is  sub- 
ject to  the  Constitution,  which  only  the  people  can  change.  It 
neither  appoints  nor  dismisses  the  executive  government,  which 
springs  directly  from  popular  election.  Its  sphere  of  legisla- 
tive action  is  limited  by  the  existence  of  governments  in  the 
several  States,  whose  authority  is  just  as  well  based  as  its  own, 
and  cannot  be  curtailed  by  it. 

I.  The  choice  of  members  of  Congress  is  locally  limited 
by  law  and  by  custom.  Under  the  Constitution  every  repre- 
sentative and  every  senator  must  when  elected  be  an  inhabi- 
tant of  the  State  whence  he  is  elected.  Moreover,  State  law  has 
in  many,  and  custom  practically  in  all.  States  established  that 
a  representative  must  be  resident  in  the  congressional  district 
which  elects  him.  The  only  exceptions  to  this  practice  occur 
in  large  cities  where  occasionally  a  man  is  chosen  who  lives  in 
a  different  district  of  the  city  from  that  which  returns  him.  In 
what  are  we  to  seek  the  causes  of  this  restriction  ? 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  73 

First.  In  the  existence  of  States,  originally  separate  politi- 
cal communities,  still  for  many  purposes  independent,  and 
accustomed  to  consider  the  inhabitant  of  another  State  as 
almost  a  foreigner.  A  New  Yorker,  Pennsylvanians  would 
say,  owes  allegiance  to  New  York ;  he  cannot  feel  and  think 
as  a  citizen  of  Pennsylvania,  and  cannot  therefore  properly  rep- 
resent Pennsylvanian  interests.  This  sentiment  has  spread  by 
a  sort  of  sympathy,  this  reasoning  has  been  applied  by  a  sort 
of  analogy,  to  the  counties,  the  cities,  the  electoral  districts  of 
the  State  itself.     State  feeling  has  fostered  local  feeling. 

Second.  Much  of  the  interest  felt  in  the  proceedings  of 
Congress  relates  to  the  raising  and  spending  of  money. 
Changes  in  the  tariff  may  affect  the  industries  of  a  locality ;  or 
a  locality  may  petition  for  an  appropriation  of  public  funds  to 
some  local  public  work,  the  making  of  a  harbor,  or  the  improve- 
ment of  the  navigation  of  a  river.  In  both  cases  it  is  thought 
that  no  one  but  an  inhabitant  can  duly  comprehend  the  needs 
or  zealously  advocate  the  demands  of  a  neighborhood. 

Third.  Inasmuch  as  no  high  qualities  of  statesmanship 
are  expected  from  a  congressman,  a  district  would  think  it  a 
slur  to  be  told  that  it  ought  to  look  beyond  its  own  borders  for 
a  representative ;  and  as  the  post  is  a  paid  one,  the  people  feel 
that  a  good  thing  ought  to  be  kept  for  one  of  themselves  rather 
than  thrown  away  on  a  stranger.  It  is  by  local  political  work, 
organizing,  canvassing,  and  haranguing,  that  a  party  is  kept 
going;  and  this  work  must  be  rewarded. 

So  far  as  the  restriction  to  residents  in  a  State  is  concerned 
it  is  intelligible.  The  senator  was — to  some  extent  is  still — 3. 
sort  of  ambassador  from  his  State.  He  is  chosen  by  the  legis- 
lature or  collective  authority  of  his  State.  He  cannot  well  be 
a  citizen  of  one  State  and  represent  another.  Even  a  repre- 
sentative in  the  House  from  one  State  who  lived  in  another 
might  be  perplexed  by  a  divided  allegiance,  though  there  are 
groups  of  States,  such  as  those  of  the  Northwest,  whose  great 
industrial  interests  are  substantially  the  same.  j 

II.  Every  senator  and  representative  receives  a  salary  at  • 
present  fixed  at  ;^ 5,000  per  annum,  besides  an  allowance  (called  ^ 
mileage")  of  twenty  cents  per  mile  for  traveling  expenses  to\ 


74  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

and  from  Washington,  and  ^125  for  stationery.  The  salary  is 
looked  upon  as  a  matter  of  course.  It  was  not  introduced  for 
the  sake  of  enabling  working  men  to  be  returned  as  members, 
but  on  the  general  theory  that  all  public  work  ought  to  be  paid 
for.  The  reasons  for  it  are  stronger  than  in  England  or 
France,  because  the  distance  to  Washington  from  most  parts 
of  the  United  States  is  so  great,  and  the  attendance  required 
there  so  continuous,  that  a  man  cannot  attend  to  his  profession 
or  business  while  sitting  in  Congress.  If  he  loses  his  liveli- 
hood in  serving  the  community,  the  community  ought  to  com- 
pensate him,  not  to  add  that  the  class  of  persons  whose  private 
means  put  them  above  the  need  of  a  lucrative  calling,  or  of 
compensation  for  interrupting  it,  is  comparatively  small  even 
now,  and  hardly  existed  when  the  Constitution  was  framed. 

III.  A  congressman's  tenure  of  his  place  is  usually  short. 
Senators  are  sometimes  returned  for  two,  three,  or  even  four 
successive  terms  by  the  legislatures  of  their  States,  although  it 
may  befall  even  the  best  of  them  to  be  thrown  out  by  a  change 
in  the  balance  of  parties,  or  by  the  intrigues  of  an  opponent. 
But  a  member  of  the  House  can  seldom  feel  safe  in  the  saddle. 
If  he  is  so  eminent  as  to  be  necessary  to  his  party,  or  if  he 
maintains  intimate  relations  with  the  leading  local  wire-pullers 
of  his  district,  he  may  in  the  Eastern,  Middle,  and  Southern 
States  hold  his  ground  for  three  or  four  Congresses,  i.e.,  for 
six  or  eight  years.  Very  few  do  more  than  this.  So  far  from 
Its  being,  as  in  England,  a  reason  for  reelecting  a  man  that  he 
has  been  a  member  already,  it  is  a  reason  for  passing  him  by, 
and  giving  somebody  else  a  turn.  Rotation  in  office,  dear  to 
the  Democrats  of  Jefferson's  school  a  century  ago,  still  charms 
the  less  educated,  who  see  in  it  a  recognition  of  equality,  and 
have  no  sense  of  the  value  of  special  knowledge  or  training. 
They  like  it  for  the  same  reason  that  the  democrats  of  Athens 
liked  the  choice  of  magistrates  by  lot.  It  is  a  recognition  and 
application  of  equality.  An  ambitious  congressman  is  there- 
fore forced  to  think  day  and  night  of  his  re-nomination,  and  to 
secure  it  not  only  by  procuring,  if  he  can,  grants  from  the 
Federal  treasury  for  local  purposes,  and  places  for  the  relatives 
and  friends  of  the  local  wire-pullers  who  control  the  nominal 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  75 

ing  conventions,  but  also  by  sedulously  "nursing"  the  con- 
stituency  during  the  vacations.  No  habit  could  more  effectu- 
ally discourage  noble  ambition  or  check  the  growth  of  a  class 
of  accomplished  statesmen. 

IV.  The  last-mentioned  evil  is  aggravated  by  the  short 
duration  of  a  Congress.  Short  as  it  seems,  the  two  years'  term 
was  warmly  opposed,  when  the  Constitution  was  framed,  as 
being  too  long.  The  constitutions  of  the  several  States,  framed 
when  they  shook  off  the  supremacy  of  the  British  Crown,  all 
fixed  one  year,  except  the  ultra-democratic  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island,  where  under  the  colonial  charters  a  legislature 
met  every  six  months,  and  South  Carolina,  which  had  fixed  two 
years.  So  essential  to  republicanism  was  this  principle  deemed, 
that  the  maxim  "  where  annual  elections  end  tyranny  begins  " 
had  passed  into  a  proverb ;  and  the  authors  of  the  Federalist 
were  obliged  to  argue  that  the  limited  authority  of  Congress, 
watched  by  the  Executive  on  one  side,  and  the  State  legislatures 
on  the  other,  would  prevent  so  long  a  period  as  two  years 
from  proving  dangerous  to  liberty,  while  it  was  needed  in  order 
to  enable  the  members  to  master  the  laws  and  understand  the 
conditions  of  different  parts  of  the  Union.  At  present  the  two 
years*  term  is  justified  on  the  ground  that  it  furnishes  a  proper 
check  on  the  President.  It  is  also  felt  that  these  frequent 
elections  are  necessary  to  keep  up  popular  interest  in  current 
politics. 

V.  The  numbers  of  the  two  American  houses  seem  small 
to  a  European  when  compared  on  the  one  hand  with  the  popu- 
lation of  the  country,  on  the  other  with  the  practice  of  Euro- 
pean States.  The  Americans,  however,  doubt  whether  both 
their  Houses  have  not  already  become  too  large.  They  began 
with  twenty-six  in  the  Senate,  sixty-five  in  the  House,  numbers 
then  censured  as  too  small,  but  which  worked  well,  and  gave 
less  encouragement  to  idle  talk  and  vain  display  than  the 
crowded  halls  of  to-day.  The  inclination  of  wise  men  is  to  stop 
further  increase  when  the  number  of  four  hundred  has  been 
reached,  for  they  perceive  that  the  House  already  suffers  from 
disorganization,  and  fear  that  a  much  larger  one  would  prove 
unmanageable. 


76  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

VI.  American  congressmen  are  more  assiduous  in  their 
attendance  than  the  members  of  most  European  legislatures. 
The  great  majority  not  only  remain  steadily  at  Washington 
through  the  session,  but  are  usually  to  be  found  in  the  Capitol, 
often  in  their  Chamber  itself,  while  a  sitting  lasts.  There  is 
therefore  comparatively  little  trouble  in  making  a  quorum. 
The  requirement  of  a  high  quorum,  which  is  prescribed  in  the 
Constitution,  has  doubtless  helped  to  secure  a  good  attendance. 

A  division  in  Congress  has  not  the  importance  it  has  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  There  it  may  throw  out  the  ministry. 
In  Congress  it  never  does  more  than  affirm  or  negative  some 
particular  bill  or  resolution.  Even  a  division  in  the  Senate 
which  involves  the  rejection  of  a  treaty  or  of  an  appointment 
to  some  great  office,  does  not  disturb  the  tenure  of  the  Execu- 
tive. Hence  it  is  not  essential  to  the  majority  that  its  full 
strength  should  be  always  at  hand,  nor  has  a  minority  party 
any  great  prize  set  before  it  as  the  result  of  a  successful  vote. 

Questions,  however,  arise  in  which  some  large  party  interest 
is  involved.  There  may  be  a  bill  by  which  the  party  means  to 
carry  out  its  main  views  of  policy,  or  perhaps  to  curry  favor 
with  the  people,  or  a  resolution  whereby  it  hopes  to  damage  a 
hostile  Executive.  In  such  cases  it  is  important  to  bring  up 
every  vote.  The  process  of  "  going  into  caucus  "  is  the  regular 
American  substitute  for  recognized  leadership,  and  has  the 
advantage  of  seeming  more  consistent  with  democratic  equality, 
because  every  member  of  the  party  has  in  theory  equal  weight 
in  the  party  meeting.  It  is  used  whenever  a  line  of  policy  has 
to  be  settled,  or  the  whole  party  to  be  rallied  for  a  particu- 
lar party  division.  But  of  course  it  cannot  be  employed  every 
day  or  for  every  bill.  Hence,  when  no  party  meeting  has  issued 
its  orders,  a  member  is  free  to  vote  as  he  pleases,  or  rather  as 
he  thinks  his  constituents  please.  The  House  caucus  is  more 
or  less  called  into  action  according  to  the  number  and  gravity 
of  the  party  issues  that  come  before  Congress.  In  troublous 
times  it  has  to  be  supplemented  by  something  like  obedience 
to  regular  leaders.  The  Senate  is  rather  more  jealous  of  the 
equality  of  all  its  members.  No  senator  can  be  said  to  have 
any  authority  beyond  that  of  exceptional  talent  and  experience ; 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  77 

and  of  course  a  senatorial  caucus,  since  it  rarely  consists  of 
more  than  fifty  persons,  is  a  better  working  body  than  a  House 
caucus,  which  may  reach  two  hundred. 

The  House  of  Representatives  is  for  the  purpose  of  serious 
party  issues  fully  as  much  a  party  body  as  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. A  member  voting  against  his  party  on  such  an  issue  is 
more  certain  to  forfeit  his  party  reputation  and  his  seat  than  is 
an  English  member.  This  is  true  of  both  the  Senate  and  the 
House.  But  for  the  purpose  of  ordinary  questions,  of  issues 
not  involving  party  fortunes,  a  representative  is  less  bound  by 
party  ties  than  an  English  member,  because  he  has  neither 
leaders  to  guide  him  by  their  speeches  nor  whips  by  their  pri- 
vate instructions.  The  apparent  gain  is  that  a  wider  field  is 
left  for  independent  judgment  on  non-partisan  questions.  The 
real  loss  is  that  legislation  becomes  weak  and  inconsistent. 

The  spirit  of  party  may  seem  to  be  weaker  in  Congress 
than  in  the  people  at  large.  But  this  is  only  because  the  ques- 
tions which  the  people  decide  at  the  polls  are  always  questions 
of  choice  between  candidates  for  office.  These  are  definite 
questions,  questions  eminently  of  a  party  character,  because 
candidates  represent  in  the  America  of  to-day  not  principles 
but  parties.  Whenever  a  vote  upon  persons  occurs  in  Con- 
gress, Congress  gives  a  strict  party  vote.  Were  the  people  to 
vote  at  the  polls  on  matters  not  explicitly  comprised  within  a 
party  platform,  there  would  be  the  same  uncertainty  as  Con- 
gress displays.  The  habit  of  joint  action  which  makes  the  life 
of  a  party  is  equally  intense  in  every  part  of  the  American  sys- 
tem. But  in  England  the  existence  of  a  Ministry  and  Opposi- 
tion in  Parliament  sweeps  within  the  circle  of  party  action 
many  topics  which  in  America  are  left  outside,  and  therefore 
Congress  seems,  but  is  not,  less  permeated  than  Parliament  by 
party  spirit. 


78  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 


CHAPTER  XVII 

The  Relations  of  Congress  to  the  President 

So  far  as  they  are  legislative  bodies,  the  House  and  the 
Senate  have  similar  powers  and  stand  in  the  same  relation  to 
the  Executive.  Although  the  Constitution  forbids  any  Federal 
official  to  be  chosen  a  member  of  either  the  House  or  the  Sen- 
ate, there  is  nothing  in  it  to  prevent  officials  from  speaking 
there;  as  indeed  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  either  House  from 
assigning  places  and  the  right  to  speak  to  any  one  whom  it 
chooses.  Now,  however,  no  Federal  officer  appears  on  the 
floor.  A  committee  may  request  the  attendance  of  a  minister 
and  Examine  him,  but  he  appears  before  it  only  as  a  witness  to 
answer  questions,  not  to  state  and  argue  his  own  case.  There 
is  therefore  little  direct  intercourse  between  Congress  and  the 
administration,  and  no  sense  of  interdependence  and  community 
of  action  such  as  exists  in  other  parliamentary  countries. 

The  President  himself,  although  he  has  been  voted  into 
office  by  his  party,  is  not  necessarily  its  leader,  nor  even  one 
among  its  most  prominent  leaders.  The  expression  of  his 
wishes  conveyed  in  a  message  has  not  necessarily  any  more 
effect  on  Congress  than  an  article  in  a  prominent  party  news- 
paper. No  duty  lies  on  Congress  to  take  up  a  subject  to  which 
he  has  called  attention  as  needing  legislation.  The  President 
and  his  Cabinet  have  no  recognized  spokesman  in  either  House. 
A  particular  senator  or  representative  may  be  in  confidential 
communication  with  them,  and  be  the  instrument  through 
whom  they  seek  to  act ;  but  he  would  probably  disavow  rather 
than  claim  the  position  of  an  exponent  of  ministerial  wishes. 
When  the  President  or  a  minister  is  attacked  in  Congress,  it  is 
not  the  duty  of  any  one  there  to  justify  his  conduct.  The  ac- 
cused official  may  send  a  written  defense  or  may  induce  a 
member  to  state  his  case ;  but  this  method  lacks  the  advan- 
tages of  the  European  parliamentary  system,  under  which  the 
person  assailed  repels  in  debate  the  various  charges,  showing 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  79 

himself  not  afraid  to  answer  fresh  questions  and  grapple  with 
new  points.  Thus  by  its  exclusion  from  Congress  the  execu- 
tive is  deprived  of  the  power  of  leading  and  guiding  the  legis- 
lature and  of  justifying  in  debate  its  administrative  acts. 

Either  House  of  Congress,  or  both  Houses  jointly,  can  pass 
resolutions  calling  on  the  President  or  his  ministers  to  take 
certain  steps,  or  censuring  steps  they  have  already  taken.  The 
President  need  not  obey  such  resolutions,  need  not  even  notice 
them.  They  do  not  shorten  his  term  or  limit  his  discretion. 
If  the  resolution  be  one  censuring  a  minister,  or  demanding  his 
dismissal,  there  is  another  ground  on  which  the  President  may 
disregard  it.  The  act  is  in  law  not  the  minister's  act,  but  that 
of  the  President  himself,  and  he  does  not  therefore,  escape 
responsibility  by  throwing  over  his  adviser. 

Either  House  of  Congress  can  direct  a  committee  to  sum- 
mon and  examine  a  minister,  who,  though  he  might  legally 
refuse  to  attend,  never  does  refuse.  The  committee,  when  it 
has  got  him,  can  do  nothing  more  than  question  him.  He  may 
evade  their  questions,  may  put  them  off  the  scent  by  dexterous 
concealments.  He  may  with  impunity  tell  them  that  he  means 
to  take  his  own  course.  To  his  own  master,  the  President,  he 
standeth  or  falleth. 

Congress  may  refuse  to  the  President  the  legislation  he 
requests,  and  thus,  by  mortifying  and  embarrassing  him,  may 
seek  to  compel  his  compliance  with  its  wishes.  It  is  only  a 
timid  President,  or  a  President  greatly  bent  on  accomplishing 
some  end  for  which  legislation  is  needed,  who  will  be  moved 
by  such  tactics. 

Congress  can  pass  bills  requiring  the  President  or  any 
minister  to  do  or  abstain  from  doing  certain  acts  of  a  kind 
hitherto  left  to  his  free  will  and  judgment, — may,  in  fact, 
endeavor  to  tie  down  the  officials  by  prescribing  certain  con- 
duct for  them  in  great  detail.  The  President  will  presumably 
veto  such  bills,  as  contrary  to  sound  administrative  policy.  If, 
however,  he  signs  them,  or  if  Congress  passes  them  by  a  two- 
thirds  vote  in  both  Houses  over  his  veto,  the  further  question 
may  arise  whether  they  are  within  the  constitutional  powers  of 
Congress,  or  are  invalid  as  unduly  trenching  on  the  discretion 


80  PATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZJEWSHIP 

which  the  Constitution  leaves  to  the  President.  If  he  (or  a 
minister),  alleging  them  to  be  unconstitutional,  disobeys  them, 
the  only  means  of  deciding  whether  he  is  right  is  by  getting 
the  point  before  the  Supreme  Court  as  an  issue  of  law  in  some 
legal  proceeding.  This  cannot  always  be  done.  If  it  is  done, 
and  the  court  decide  against  the  President,  then  if  he  still 
refuses  to  obey,  nothing  remains  but  to  impeach  him. 

Impeachment  is  the  heaviest  piece  of  artillery  in  the  Con- 
gressional arsenal,  but  because  it  is  so  heavy  it  is  unfit  for  ordi- 
nary use.  Since  1789  it  has  been  used  only  once  against  a 
President,  and  then,  although  that  President  (Andrew  Johnson) 
had  for  two  years  constantly,  and  with  great  intemperance  of 
language,  so  defied  and  resisted  Congress  that  the  whole 
machinery  of  government  had  been  severely  strained  by  the 
collision  of  the  two  authorities,  yet  the  Senate  did  not  convict 
him,  because  no  single  offense  had  been  clearly  made  out. 
Thus  impeachment  does  not  tend  to  secure,  and  indeed  was 
never  meant  to  secure,  the  cooperation  of  the  Executive  with 
Congress. 

It  accordingly  appears  that  Congress  cannot  compel  the 
dismissal  of  any  official.  It  may  investigate  his  conduct  by  a 
committee  and  so  try  to  drive  him  to  resign.  It  may  request 
the  President  to  dismiss  him,  but  if  his  master  stands  by  him 
and  he  sticks  to  his  place,  nothing  more  can  be  done.  He  may 
of  course  be  impeached,  but  one  does  not  impeach  for  mere  in- 
competence or  laxity,  as  one  does  not  use  steam  hammers  to 
crack  nuts.  Thus,  while  Congress  may  examine  the  servants 
of  the  public  to  any  extent,  may  censure  them,  may  lay  down 
rules  for  their  guidance,  it  cannot  get  rid  of  them. 

There  remains  the  power  which  in  free  countries  has  been 
long  regarded  as  the  citadel  of  parliamentary  supremacy,  the 
power  of  the  purse.  Congress  has  the  sole  right  of  raising 
money  and  appropriating  it  to  the  service  of  the  State.  Its 
management  of  national  finance  is  significantly  illustrative  of 
the  plan  which  separates  the  legislative  from  tjie  Executive. 
When  Congress  has  endeavored  to  coerce  the  President  by  the 
use  of  its  money  powers,  the  case  being  one  in  which  it  could 
not  attack  him  by  ordinary  legislation  (either  because  such 


OXJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  81 

legislation  would  be  unconstitutional,  or  for  want  of  a  two- 
thirds  majority),  it  has  proceeded  not  by  refusing  appropria- 
tions altogether,  as  the  English  House  of  Commons  would  do 
in  like  circumstances,  but  by  attaching  what  is  called  a  "  rider  " 
to  an  appropriation  bill.  In  1 867  Congress  used  this  device 
against  President  Johnson,  with  whom  it  was  then  at  open  war, 
by  attaching  to  an  army  appropriation  bill  a  clause  which  virtu- 
ally deprived  the  President  of  the  command  of  the  army, 
entrusting  its  management  to  the  general  highest  in  command 
(General  Grant).  The  President  yielded,  knowing  that  if  he 
refused  the  bill  would  be  carried  over  his  veto  by  a  two-thirds 
vote;  and  a  usage  already  mischievous  was  confirmed.  In 
1879,  the  majority  in  Congress  attempted  to  overcome,  by  the 
same  weapon,  the  resistance  of  President  Hayes  to  certain  meas- 
ures affecting  the  South  which  they  desired  to  pass.  They 
tacked  these  measures  to  three  appropriation  bills,  army,  legis- 
lative, and  judiciary.  The  minority  in  both  Houses  fought  hard 
against  the  riders,  but  were  beaten.  The  President  vetoed  all 
three  bills,  and  Congress  was  obliged  to  pass  them  without  the 
riders.  Next  session  the  struggle  recommenced  in  the  same 
form,  and  the  President,  by  rejecting  the  money  bills,  again 
compelled  Congress  to  drop  the  tacked  provisions.  This  vic- 
tory, which  was  of  course  due  to  the  fact  that  the  dominant 
party  in  Congress  could  not  command  a  two-thirds  majority, 
was  deemed  to  have  settled  the  question  as  between  the  Execu- 
tive and  the  legislature,  and  may  have  permanently  discouraged 
the  latter  from  recurring  to  the  same  tactics. 


82  PATBI0TI8M  AND   CITIZENSHIP 


CHAPTER   XVIII 

The  Legislature  and  the  Executive 

The  fundamental  characteristic  of  the  American  national 
government  is  its  separation  of  the  legislative,  executive,  and 
judicial  departments.  In  Europe,  as  well  as  in  America,  men 
are  accustomed  to  talk  of  legislation  and  administration  as  dis- 
tinct. But  a  consideration  of  their  nature  will  show  that  it  is 
not  easy  to  separate  these  two  departments  in  theory  by  analy- 
sis, and  still  less  easy  to  keep  them  apart  in  practice. 

Wherever  the  will  of  the  people  prevails,  the  legislature, 
since  it  either  is  or  represents  the  people,  can  make  itself 
omnipotent,  unless  checked  by  the  action  of  the  people  them- 
selves. It  can  do  this  in  two  ways.  It  may,  like  the  republics 
of  antiquity,  issue  decrees  for  particular  cases  as  they  arise, 
giving  constant  commands  to  all  its  agents,  who  thus  become 
mere  servants  with  no  discretion  left  them.  Or  it  may  frame 
its  laws  with  such  particularity  as  to  provide  by  anticipation 
for  the  greatest  possible  number  of  imaginable  cases,  in  this 
way  also  so  binding  down  its  ofificials  as  to  leave  them  no  voli- 
tion, no  real  authority.  Every  legislature  tends  so  to  enlarge 
its  powers  as  to  encroach  on  the  Executive ;  and  it  has  great 
advantages  for  so  doing,  because  a  succeeding  legislature  rarely 
consents  to  strike  off  any  fetter  its  predecessor  has  imposed. 

The  founders  of  the  American  Constitution  were  terribly 
afraid  of  a  strong  Executive,  and  desired  to  reserve  the  final  and 
decisive  voice  to  the  legislature,  as  representing  the  people.  It 
was  urged  in  the  Philadelphia  Convention  of  1787  that  the  Ex- 
ecutive ought  to  be  appointed  by  and  made  accountable  to  the 
legislature,  as  being  the  supreme  power  in  the  national  govern- 
ment. This  was  overruled,  because  the  majority  of  the  Conven- 
tion was  fearful  of  "  democratic  haste  and  instability,"  fearful 
that  the  legislature  would,  in  any  event,  become  too  powerful, 
and  therefore  anxious  to  build  up  some  counter  authority  to 


OVE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  83 

check  and  balance  it.  By  making  the  President  independent, 
and  keeping  him  and  his  ministers  apart  from  the  legislature, 
the  Convention  thought  they  were  strengthening  him,  as  well 
as  protecting  it  from  attempts  on  his  part  to  corrupt  it.  They 
were  also  weakening  him.  He  lost  the  initiative  in  legislation 
which  the  English  Executive  enjoys.  He  had  not  the  English 
King's  power  of  dissolving  the  legislature  and  throwing  himself 
upon  the  country.  Thus  the  executive  magistrate  seemed  left 
at  the  mercy  of  the  legislature. 

Although  the  Convention  may  not  have  realized  how  help- 
less such  a  so-called  Executive  must  be,  they  felt  the  danger  of 
encroachments  by  an  ambitious  legislature,  and  resolved  to 
strengthen  him  against  it.  This  was  done  by  giving  the  Presi- 
dent a  veto  which  it  requires  a  two-thirds  vote  of  Congress  to 
override.  In  doing  this  they  went  back  on  their  previous 
action.  They  had  separated  the  President  and  his  ministers 
from  Congress.  They  now  bestowed  on  him  legislative  func- 
tions, though  in  a  different  form.  He  became  a  distinct  branch 
of  the  legislature,  but  for  negative  purposes  only.  He  could 
not  propose,  but  he  could  refuse.  Thus  the  Executive  was 
strengthened,  not  as  an  Executive,  but  by  being  made  a  part  of 
the  legislature ;  and  the  legislature,  already  weakened  by  being 
divided  into  two  co-equal  houses,  was  further  weakened  by 
finding  itself  liable  to  be  arrested  in  any  new  departure  on 
which  two  thirds  of  both  Houses  were  not  agreed. 

When  the  two  Houses  are  of  one  mind,  and  the  party  hostile 
to  the  President  has  a  two-thirds  majority  in  both,  the  Execu- 
tive is  almost  powerless.  It  may  be  right  that  he  should  be 
powerless,  because  such  majorities  in  both  Houses  presumably 
indicate  a  vast  preponderance  of  popular  opinion  against  him. 
The  fact  to  be  emphasized  is,  that  in  this  case  all  "  balance  of 
powers  "  is  gone.  The  legislature  has  swallowed  up  the  Execu- 
tive, in  virtue  of  the  principle  from  which  this  discussion 
started,  viz.,  that  the  Executive  is  in  free  States  only  an  agent 
who  may  be  limited  by  such  express  and  minute  commands  as 
to  have  no  volition  left  him. 

The  strength  of  Congress  consists  in  the  right  to  pass 
statutes;   the  strength  of  the  President  in  his  right  to  veto 


84  rATUIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

them.  But  foreign  affairs,  as  we  have  seen,  cannot  be  brought 
within  the  scope  of  statutes.  How,  then,  was  the  American 
legislature  to  deal  with  them }  The  initiative  in  foreign  policy 
and  the  conduct  of  negotiation  were  left  to  the  President,  but 
the  right  of  declaring  war  was  reserved  to  Congress,  and  that 
of  making  treaties  to  one,  the  smaller  and  more  experienced, 
branch  of  the  legislature.  A  measure  of  authority  was  thus 
suffered  to  fall  back  to  the  Executive  which  would  have  served 
to  raise  materially  his  position  had  foreign  questions  played  as 
large  a  part  in  American  politics  as  they  have  in  French  or 
English. 

The  President  is  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  but  the 
numbers  and  organization  of  the  army  are  fixed  by  statute. 
The  President  makes  appointments,  but  the  Senate  has  the 
right  of  rejecting  them,  and  Congress  may  pass  acts  specifying 
the  qualifications  of  appointees,  and  reducing  the  salary  of  any 
official  except  the  President  himself  and  the  judges.  The  real 
strength  of  the  Executive  therefore,  the  rampart  from  behind 
which  it  can  resist  the  aggressions  of  the  legislature,  is  in  ordi- 
nary times  the  veto  power.  In  other  words,  it  survives,  as  an 
executive,  in  virtue  not  of  any  properly  executive  function,  but 
of  the  share  in  legislative  functions  which  it  has  received ;  it 
holds  its  ground  by  force,  not  of  its  separation  from  the  legis- 
lature, but  of  its  participation  in  a  right  properly  belonging  to 
the  legislature. 

An  authority  which  depends  on  a  veto  capable  of  being 
overruled  by  a  two-thirds  majority  may  seem  frail.  But  the 
Executive  has  some  independence.  He  is  strong  for  defense, 
if  not  for  attack.  Congress  can,  except  within  that  narrow 
sphere  which  the  Constitution  has  absolutely  reserved  to  him, 
baffle  the  President,  can  interrogate,  check,  and  worry  his 
ministers.  But  it  can  neither  drive  him  the  way  it  wishes 
him  to  go,  nor  dismiss  them  for  disobedience  or  incompetence. 

An  individual  man  has  some  great  advantages  in  combating 
an  assembly.  His  counsels  are  less  distracted.  His  secrets 
are  better  kept.  He  may  sow  discord  among  his  antagonists. 
He  can  strike  a  more  sudden  blow.  But  in  a  struggle  extend- 
ing over  a  long  course  of  years  an  assembly  has  advantages 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  85 

over  a  succession  of  officers,  especially  of  elected  officers.  Men 
come  and  go,  but  an  assembly  goes  on  forever ;  it  is  immortal, 
because  while  the  members  change,  the  policy,  the  passion  for 
extending  its  authority,  the  tenacity  in  clinging  to  what  has 
once  been  gained,  remain  persistent.  A  weak  magistrate 
comes  after  a  strong  magistrate,  and  yields  what  his  prede- 
cessor had  fought  for;  but  an  assembly  holds  all  it  has  ever 
won.  Thus  Congress  has  succeeded  in  occupying  nearly  all 
the  ground  which  the  Constitution  left  debatable  between  the 
President  and  itself ;  and  would,  did  it  possess  a  better  internal 
organization,  be  even  more  plainly  than  it  now  is  the  supreme 
power  in  the  government. 


THE  AMERICAN  SYSTEM  OF    GOVERN- 
MENT 


The  Courts  and  the  Constitution 

CHAPTER  I 

The  Federal  Courts 

WHEN  in  1788  the  loosely  confederated  States  of  North 
America  united  themselves  into  a  nation,  national  tri- 
bunals were  felt  to  be  a  necessary  part  of  the  national  govern- 
ment. Under  the  Confederation  there  had  existed  no  means  of 
enforcing  the  treaties  made  or  orders  issued  by  the  Congress, 
because  the  courts  of  the  several  States  owed  no  duty  to  that 
feeble  body,  and  had  little  will  to  aid  it.  Now  that  a  Federal 
legislature  had  been  established,  whose  laws  were  to  bind 
directly  the  individual  citizen,  a  Federal  judicature  was  evi- 
dently needed  to  interpret  and  apply  these  laws,  and  to  compel 
obedience  to  them.  State  courts  were  not  fitted  to  deal  with 
matters  of  a  quasi-international  character,  such  as  admiralty 
jurisdiction  and  rights  arising  under  treaties.  They  supplied 
no  means  for  deciding  questions  between  different  States. 
They  could  not  be  trusted  to  do  complete  justice  between  their 
own  citizens  and  those  of  another  State.  Being  authorities  co- 
ordinate with,  and  independent  of,  one  another,  with  no  common 
court  of  appeal  placed  over  them  to  correct  their  errors  or  har- 
monize their  views,  they  would  be  likely  to  interpret  the  Fed- 
eral constitution  and  statutes  in  different  senses,  and  make  the 
law  uncertain  by  the  variety  of  their  decisions.  These  reasons 
pointed  imperatively  to  the  establishment  of  a  new  tribunal  or 

86 


OUB  ST8TUM  OF  GOVERNMENT  87 

set  of  tribunals,  altogether  detached  from  the  States,  as  part 
of  the  machinery  of  the  new  government.  Side  by  side  of  the 
thirteen  (now  forty-five)  different  sets  of  State  courts,  whose 
jurisdiction  under  State  laws  and  between  their  own  citizens 
was  left  untouched,  there  arose  a  new  and  complex  system  of 
Federal  courts.  The  Constitution  drew  the  outlines  of  the 
system.  Congress  perfected  it  by  statutes;  and  as  the  detailg 
rest  upon  these  statutes.  Congress  retains  the  power  of  altering 
them.  Few  American  institutions  are  better  worth  studying 
than  this  intricate  judicial  machinery :  few  deserve  more  admira 
tion  for  the  smoothness  of  their  working :  few  have  more  con- 
tributed to  the  peace  and  well-being  of  the  country. 

The  Federal  courts  fall  into  three  classes : — 

The  Supreme  Court,  which  sits  at  Washington. 

The  Circuit  courts. 

The  District  courts. 

The  Supreme  Court  is  directly  created  by  the  Constitution, 
but  with  no  provision  as  to  the  number  of  its  judges.  Origin- 
ally there  were  six ;  at  present  there  are  nine,  a  Chief  Justice, 
with  a  salary  of  ^10,500,  and  eight  associate  justices  (salary 
^10,000).  The  justices  are  nominated  by  the  President  and 
confirmed  by  the  Senate.  They  hold  office  during  good  be- 
havior, i.e.,  they  are  removable  only  by  impeachment.  The 
Fathers  of  the  Constitution  were  extremely  anxious  to  secure 
the  independence  of  their  judiciary,  regarding  it  as  a  bulwark 
both  for  the  people  and  for  the  States  against  aggressions  of 
either  Congress  or  the  President.  They  affirmed  the  life  tenure 
by  an  unanimous  vote  in  the  Convention  of  1787,  because  they 
deemed  the  risk  of  the  continuance  in  office  of  an  incompetent 
judge  a  less  evil  than  the  subserviency  of  all  judges  to  the 
legislature,  which  might  flow  from  a  tenure  dependent  on  legis- 
lative will.  The  result  has  justified  their  expectations.  The 
judges  have  shown  themselves  independent  of  Congress  and  of 
party,  yet  the  security  of  their  position  has  rarely  tempted 
them  to  breaches  of  judicial  duty.  Impeachment  has  been  four 
times  resorted  to,  once  only  against  a  justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  then  unsuccessfully. 

The  Supreme  Court  sits  at  Washington  from  October  till 


88  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmEIP 

July  in  every  year.  The  presence  of  six  judges  is  required  to 
pronounce  a  decision,  a  rule  which,  by  preventing  the  division 
of  the  court  into  two  or  more  branches,  retards  the  dispatch 
of  business,  though  it  has  the  advantage  of  securing  a  thorough 
consideration  of  every  case.  The  sittings  are  held  in  the  Capi- 
tol, in  the  chamber  formerly  occupied  by  the  Senate,  and 
the  justices  wear  black  gowns.  Every  case  is  discussed  by  the 
whole  body  twice  over,  once  to  ascertain  the  opinion  of  the 
majority,  which  is  then  directed  to  be  set  forth  in  a  written 
judgment;  then  again  when  that  written  judgment,  which  one 
of  the  judges  has  prepared,  is  submitted  for  criticism  and 
adoption  as  the  judgment  of  the  court. 

The  Circuit  Courts  have  been  created  by  Congress  under  a 
power  in  the  Constitution  to  establish  "  inferior  courts."  There 
are  at  present  nine  judicial  circuits,  in  which  courts  are  held 
annually.  Each  of  these  has  two  Circuit  judges  (salary  ;^6,ooo), 
and  to  each  there  is  also  allotted  one  of  the  justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  The  Circuit  Court  may  be  held  either  by  the 
Circuit  judge  alone,  or  by  the  Supreme  Court  Circuit  justice 
alone,  or  by  both  together,  or  by  either  sitting  along  with  the 
District  judge  (hereafter  mentioned)  of  the  district  wherein 
the  particular  Circuit  Court  is  held,  or  by  the  District  judge 
alone.  [By  a  statute  of  1891,  Circuit  Courts  of  Appeals  were 
established.  Cases  may  be  brought  to  these  from  District  or 
Circuit  Courts,  as  also  certain  cases  to  the  Supreme  Court,  to 
which  likewise,  in  specified  cases,  direct  appeal  may  be  brought 
from  the  District  or  Circuit  Courts.]  An  appeal  lies  from  the 
Circuit  Court  to  the  Supreme  Court,  except  in  certain  cases 
where  the  amount  in  dispute  is  small. 

The  District  Courts  are  the  third  and  lowest  class  of  Federal 
tribunals.  They  are  at  present  fifty-five  in  number,  and  their 
judges  receive  salaries  of  $5,000  per  annum.  The  Constitution 
does  not  expressly  state  whether  they  and  the  Circuit  judges 
are  to  be  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate  like  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Supreme  Court ;  but  it  has  always  been  assumed 
that  such  was  its  intention,  and  the  appointments  are  so  made 
accordingly. 

For  the  purpose  of  dealing  with  the  claims  of  private  per- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  89 

sons  against  the  Federal  government  there  has  been  established 
in  Washington  a  special  tribunal  called  the  Court  of  Claims, 
with  five  justices  (salary  $4,500),  from  which  an  appeal  lies 
direct  to  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  courts  extends  to  the  fol- 
lowing classes  of  cases.  All  other  cases  have  been  left  to  the 
State  courts,  from  which  there  does  not  lie  (save  as  hereinafter 
specified)  any  appeal  to  the  Federal  courts. 

I .  "  Cases  in  law  and  equity  arising  under  the  Constitu- 
tion, the  laws  of  the  United  States  and  treaties  made  under 
their  authority." 

In  order  to  enforce  the  supremacy  of  the  national  Constitu- 
tion and  laws  over  all  State  laws,  it  was  necessary  to  place  the 
former  under  the  guardianship  of  the  national  judiciary.  This 
provision  accordingly  brings  before  a  Federal  court  every 
cause  in  which  either  party  to  a  suit  relies  upon  any  Federal 
enactment.  It  entitles  a  plaintiff  who  bases  his  case  on  a 
Federal  statute  to  bring  his  action  in  a  Federal  court :  it  enti- 
tles a  defendant  who  rests  his  defense  on  a  Federal  enactment 
to  have  the  action,  if  originally  brought  in  a  State  court,  re- 
moved to  a  Federal  court.  But,  of  course,  if  the  action  has 
originally  been  brought  in  a  State  court,  there  is  no  reason  for 
removing  it  unless  the  authority  of  the  Federal  enactment  can 
be  supposed  to  be  questioned.  Accordingly,  the  rule  laid  down 
by  the  Judiciary  Act  (1789)  provides  "for  the  removal  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  of  the  final  judgment  or 
decree  in  any  suit,  rendered  in  the  highest  court  of  law  or 
equity  of  a  State  in  which  a  decision  could  be  had,  in  which  is 
drawn  in  question  the  validity  of  a  treaty  or  statute  of,  or 
authority  exercised  under,  the  United  States,  and  the  decision 
is  against  their  validity ;  or  where  is  drawn  in  question  the 
validity  of  a  statute  ot,  or  an  authority  exercised  under,  any 
State,  on  the  ground  of  their  being  repugnant  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, treaties,  or  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  the  decision  is 
in  favor  of  their  validity ;  or  where  any  title,  right,  privilege, 
or  immunity  is  claimed  under  the  Constitution,  or  any  treaty 
or  statute  of  a  commission  held  or  authority  exercised  under 
the  United  States,  and  the  decision  is  against  the  title,  right. 


90  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

privilege,  or  immunity  specially  set  up  or  claimed  by  either 
party  under  such  Constitution,  treaty,  statute,  commission,  or 
authority.  But  to  authorize  the  removal  under  that  act,  it 
must  appear  by  the  record,  either  expressly  or  by  clear  and 
necessary  intendment,  that  some  one  of  the  enumerated  ques- 
tions did  arise  in  the  State  court,  and  was  there  passed  upon. 
It  is  not  sufficient  that  it  might  have  arisen  or  been  applicable. 
And  if  the  decision  of  the  State  court  is  in  favor  of  the  right, 
title,  privilege,  or  exemption  so  claimed,  the  Judiciary  Act  does 
not  authorize  such  removal,  neither  does  it  where  the  validity 
of  the  State  law  is  drawn  in  question,  and  the  decision  of  the 
State  court  is  against  its  validity." 

The  rule  seems  intricate,  but  the  motive  for  it  and  the 
working  of  it  are  plain.  Where  in  any  legal  proceeding  a 
Federal  enactment  has  to  be  construed  or  applied  by  a  State 
court,  if  the  latter  supports  the  Federal  enactment,  i.e.,  con- 
siders it  to  govern  the  case,  and  applies  it  accordingly,  the 
supremacy  of  Federal  law  is  thereby  recognized  and  admitted. 
There  is  therefore  no  reason  for  removing  the  case  to  a  Federal 
tribunal.  Such  a  tribunal  could  do  no  more  to  vindicate  Fed- 
eral authority  than  the  State  court  has  already  done.  But  if 
the  decision  of  the  State  court  has  been  against  the  applica- 
bility of  the  Federal  law,  it  is  only  fair  that  the  party  who 
suffers  by  the  decision  should  be  entitled  to  Federal  determina- 
tion of  the  point,  and  he  has  accordingly  an  absolute  right  to 
carry  it  before  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  principle  of  this  rule  is  applied  even  to  executive  acts 
of  the  Federal  authorities.  If,  for  instance,  a  person  has  been 
arrested  by  a  Federal  officer,  a  State  court  has  no  jurisdiction 
to  release  him  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus^  or  otherwise  to  in- 
quire into  the  lawfulness  of  his  detention  by  Federal  authority, 
because,  as  was  said  by  Chief  Justice  Taney,  "  The  powers  of 
the  general  government  and  of  the  State,  although  both  exist 
and  are  exercised  within  the  same  territorial  limits,  are  yet 
separate  and  distinct  sovereignties,  acting  separately  and  inde- 
pendently of  each  other,  within  their  respective  spheres.  And 
the  sphere  of  action  appropriated  to  the  United  States  is  as  far 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  judicial  process  issued  by  a  State  court 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  91 

as  if  the  line  of  division  was  traced  by  landmarks  and  monu- 
ments visible  to  the  eye." 

2.  "Cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers, 
and  consuls." 

As  these  persons  have  an  international  character,  it  would 
be  improper  to  allow  them  to  be  dealt  with  by  a  State  court 
which  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  national  government,  and  for 
whose  learning  and  respectability  there  may  exist  no  such 
securities  as  those  that  surround  the  Federal  courts. 

3.  "Cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction." 
These  are  deemed  to  include  not  only  prize  cases  but  all 

maritime  contracts,  and  all  transactions  relating  to  navigation, 
as  well  on  the  navigable  lakes  and  rivers  of  the  United  States 
as  on  the  high  seas. 

4.  "Controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall  be  a 
party." 

This  provision  is  obviously  needed  to  protect  the  United 
States  from  being  obliged  to  sue  or  be  sued  in  a  State  court, 
to  whose  decision  the  national  government  could  not  be  ex- 
pected to  submit.  When  a  pecuniary  claim  is  sought  to  be 
established  against  the  Federal  government,  the  proper  tribu- 
nal is  the  Court  of  Claims. 

5.  "Controversies  between  two  or  more  States,  between  a 
State  and  citizens  of  another  State,  between  citizens  of  different 
States,  between  citizens  of  the  same  State  claiming  lands  under 
grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a  State,  or  the  citizens 
thereof,  and  foreign  States,  citizens,  or  subjects." 

In  all  these  cases  a  State  court  is  likely  to  be,  or  at  any 
rate  to  seem,  a  partial  tribunal,  and  it  is  therefore  desirable  to 
vest  the  jurisdiction  in  judges  equally  unconnected  with  the 
plaintiff  and  the  defendant.  By  securing  recourse  to  an  unbi- 
ased and  competent  tribunal,  the  citizens  of  every  State  obtain 
better  commercial  facilities  than  they  could  otherwise  count 
upon,  for  their  credit  will  stand  higher  with  persons  belonging 
to  other  States  if  the  latter  know  that  their  legal  rights  are 
under  the  protection,  not  of  local  and  possibly  prejudiced 
judges,  but  of  magistrates  named  by  the  national  government, 
and  unamenable  to  local  influences. 


92  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

One  important  part  of  the  jurisdiction  here  conveyed  has 
been  subsequently  withdrawn  from  the  Federal  judicature. 
When  the  Constitution  was  submitted  to  the  people,  a  princi- 
pal objection  urged  against  it  was  that  it  exposed  a  State, 
although  a  sovereign  commonwealth,  to  be  sued  by  the  individual 
citizens  of  some  other  State.  That  one  State  should  sue 
another  was  perhaps  necessary,  for  what  other  way  could  be 
discovered  of  terminating  disputes .?  But  the  power  as  well  as 
the  dignity  of  a  State  would  be  gone  if  it  could  be  dragged  into 
court  by  a  private  plaintiff.  An  amendment  (the  eleventh)  to 
the  Constitution  was  passed  through  Congress  and  duly 
accepted  by  the  requisite  majority  of  the  States,  which  declares 
that  "  the  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  con- 
strued to  extend  to  any  suit  commenced  or  prosecuted  against 
one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of  another  State  or  by 
citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State."  Under  the  protec- 
tion of  this  amendment,  not  a  few  States  have  with  impunity 
repudiated  their  debts. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  Supreme  Court  is  original  in  cases 
affecting  ambassadors,  and  wherever  a  State  is  a  party ;  in 
other  cases  it  is  appellate ;  that  is,  cases  may  be  brought  to  it 
from  the  inferior  Federal  courts  and  (under  the  circumstances 
before  mentioned)  from  State  courts.  The  jurisdiction  is  in 
some  matters  exclusive,  in  others  concurrent  with  that  of  the 
State  courts.  The  State  courts  cannot  be  invested  by  Con- 
gress with  any  jurisdiction,  for  Congress  has  no  authority  over 
them,  and  is  not  permitted  by  the  Constitution  to  delegate  any 
judicial  powers  to  them.  Hence  the  jurisdiction  of  a  State 
court,  wherever  it  is  concurrent  with  that  of  Federal  judges,  is 
a  jurisdiction  which  the  court  possesses  of  its  own  right,  inde- 
pendent of  the  Constitution. 

The  criminal  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  courts,  which  extends 
to  all  offenses  against  Federal  law,  is  purely  statutory.  "  The 
United  States,  as  such,  can  have  no  common  law.  It  derives 
its  powers  from  the  grant  of  the  people  made  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  they  are  all  to  be  found  in  the  written  law,  and  not 
elsewhere."  The  procedure  of  the  Federal  courts  is  prescribed 
by  Congress,  subject  to  some  few  rules  contained  in  the  Con- 


OVn  SYSTUM  OF  GOVEBNMENT  93 

stitution,  such  as  those  which  preserve  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury  in  criminal  cases  and  suits  at  common  law. 

The  law  applied  in  the  Federal  courts  is  of  course,  first  and 
foremost,  that  enacted  by  the  Federal  legislature,  which,  when 
it  is  applicable,  prevails  against  any  State  law.  In  adminis- 
tering the  law  of  any  State  the  Federal  courts  ought  to  follow 
the  decisions  of  the  State  courts,  treating  those  decisions  as  the 
highest  authority  on  the  law  of  the  particular  State.  This  doc- 
trine is  so  fully  applied  that  the  Supreme  Court  has  even  over- 
ruled its  own  previous  determinations  on  a  point  of  State  law 
in  order  to  bring  itself  into  agreement  with  the  view  of  the 
highest  court  of  the  particular  State.  Needless  to  say,  the 
State  courts  follow  the  decisions  of  the  Federal  courts  upon 
questions  of  Federal  law. 

For  the  execution  of  its  powers  each  Federal  court  has  at- 
tached to  it  an  officer  called  the  United  States  Marshal,  corre- 
sponding to  the  sheriff  in  the  State  governments,  whose  duty 
it  is  to  carry  out  its  writs,  judgments,  and  orders  by  arresting 
prisoners,  levying  execution,  putting  persons  in  possession,  and 
so  forth.  He  is  entitled,  if  resisted,  to  call  on  all  good  citizens 
for  help ;  if  they  will  not  or  cannot  render  it,  he  must  refer  to 
Washington  and  obtain  the  aid  of  Federal  troops.  There 
exists  also  in  every  judiciary  district  a  Federal  public  prosecu- 
tor, called  the  United  States  District  Attorney,  who  institutes 
proceedings  against  persons  transgressing  Federal  laws  or 
evading  the  discharge  of  obligations  to  the  Federal  treasury. 
Both  sets  of  officials  are  under  the  direction  of  the  Attorney- 
General,  as  head  of  the  department  of  justice.  They  consti- 
tute a  network  of  Federal  authorities  covering  the  whole  terri- 
tory of  the  Union,  and  independent  of  the  officers  of  the  State 
courts  and  of  the  public  prosecutors  who  represent  the  State 
governments.  Where  a  State  maintains  a  jail  for  the  reception 
of  Federal  prisoners,  the  United  States  Marshal  delivers  his 
prisoners  to  the  State  jailer;  where  this  provision  is  wanting, 
he  must  himself  arrange  for  their  custody. 

The  system  is  extremely  complex.  Under  it  every  yard 
of  ground  in  the  Union  is  covered  by  two  jurisdictions,  with 
two  sets  of  judges  and  two  sets  of  officers,  responsible  to  differ- 


94  FATEI0TI8M  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

ent  superiors,  their  spheres  of  action  divided  only  by  an  ideal 
line,  and  their  action  liable  in  practice  to  clash.  But  the  sys- 
tem works,  and  now,  after  a  hundred  years  of  experience, 
works  smoothly,  and  it  leads  to  few  conflicts  or  heart-burnings, 
because  the  key  to  all  difficulties  is  found  in  the  principle  that 
wherever  Federal  law  is  applicable  Federal  law  must  prevail, 
and  that  every  suitor  who  contends  that  Federal  law  is  applica- 
ble is  entitled  to  have  the  point  determined  by  a  Federal  court. 
The  enforcement  of  the  law,  especially  the  criminal  law,  in 
some  parts  of  America  leaves  much  to  be  desired ;  but  the  diffi- 
culties which  arise  are  now  due  not  to  conflicts  between  State 
and  Federal  pretensions  but  to  other  tendencies  equally  hostile 
to  both  authorities. 


CHAPTER  II 

Comparison  of  the  American  and  European  Systems 

From  their  colonial  experience,  coupled  with  their  notions 
of  the  British  Constitution,  the  men  of  1787  drew  three  con- 
clusions: First,  that  the  vesting  of  the  executive  and  the 
legislative  powers  in  different  hands  was  the  normal  and  natu- 
ral feature  of  a  free  government.  Second,  that  the  power  of 
the  Executive  was  dangerous  to  liberty,  and  must  be  kept 
within  well-defined  boundaries.  Third,  that  in  order  to  check 
the  head  of  the  State  it  was  necessary  not  only  to  define  his 
powers,  and  appoint  him  for  a  limited  period,  but  also  to  de- 
stroy his  opportunities  of  influencing  the  legislature.  They 
deemed  that  in  this  way  they  had  rendered  their  legislature 
pure,  independent,  vigilant,  the  servant  of  the  people,  the  foe 
of  arbitrary  power.  Thus  it  was  believed  in  i  yd>y  that  a  due 
balance  had  been  arrived  at,  the  independence  of  Congress 
being  secured  on  the  one  side  and  the  independence  of  the 
President  on  the  other.  Each  power  holding  the  other  in 
check,  the  people,  jealous  of  their  hardly-won  liberties,  would 
be  courted  by  each,  and  safe  from  the  encroachments  of 
either. 

There  was  of  course  the  risk  that  controversies  as  to  their 


OUB  SYSTEM   OF  GOVERNMENT  95 

respective  rights  and  powers  would  arise  between  these  two 
departments.  But  the  creation  of  a  court  entitled  to  place  an 
authoritative  interpretation  upon  the  Constitution  in  which  the 
supreme  will  of  the  people  was  expressed,  provided  a  remedy 
available  in  many,  if  not  in  all,  of  such  cases,  and  a  security  for 
the  faithful  observance  of  the  Constitution  which  England  did 
not,  and  under  her  system  of  an  omnipotent  Parliament  could 
not,  possess. 

"  They  builded  better  than  they  knew."  They  divided  the 
legislature  from  the  executive  so  completely  as  to  make  each 
not  only  independent,  but  weak  even  in  its  own  proper  sphere. 
Entrenched  behind  the  ramparts  of  a  rigid  Constitution,  the 
President  has  retained  rights  of  which  his  prototype,  the  Eng- 
lish King,  has  been  gradually  stripped.  Congress  on  the  other 
hand  was  weakened,  as  compared  with  the  British  Parliament, 
in  which  one  House  has  become  dominant,  by  its  division  into 
two  co-equal  Houses,  whose  disagreement  paralyzes  legislative 
action.  And  it  lost  that  direct  control  over  the  Executive 
which  the  presence  of  ministers  in  the  legislature,  and  their 
dependence  upon  a  majority  of  the  popular  House,  give  to  the 
Parliaments  of  Britain  and  her  colonies.  It  has  diverged  widely 
from  the  English  original  which  it  seemed  likely,  with  only  a 
slight  difference,  to  reproduce. 

The  British  House  of  Commons  has  grown  to  the  stature 
of  a  supreme  executive  as  well  as  legislative  council,  acting  not 
only  by  its  properly  legislative  power,  but  through  its  right  to 
displace  ministers  by  a  resolution  of  want  of  confidence,  and 
to  compel  the  sovereign  to  employ  such  servants  as  it  approves. 
Congress  remains  a  pure  legislature,  unable  to  displace  a  minis- 
ter, unable  to  choose  the  agents  by  whom  its  laws  are  to  be 
carried  out,  and  having  hitherto  failed  to  develop  that  internal 
organization  which  a  large  assembly  needs  in  order  to  frame 
and  successfully  pursue  definite  schemes  of  policy.  Neverthe- 
less, so  far-reaching  is  the  power  of  legislation.  Congress  has 
encroached,  and  may  encroach  still  farther,  upon  the  sphere  of 
the  Executive.  It  encroaches  not  merely  with  a  conscious  pur- 
pose, but  because  the  law  of  its  being  has  forced  it  to  create  in 
its  committees  bodies  whose  expansion  necessarily  presses  on 


96  I'ATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

the  Executive.  It  encroaches  because  it  is  restless,  unwearied, 
always  drawn  by  the  progress  of  events  into  new  fields  of 
labor. 

These  observations  may  suffice  to  show  why  the  Fathers  of 
the  Constitution  did  not  adopt  the  English  parliamentary  or 
Cabinet  system.  They  could  not  adopt  it  because  they  did  not 
know  of  its  existence.  They  did  not  know  of  it  because  it  was 
still  immature,  because  Englishmen  themselves  had  not  under- 
stood it,  because  the  recognized  authorities  did  not  mention  it. 
But  as  the  idea  never  presented  itself,  we  cannot  say  that  it 
was  rejected,  nor  cite  the  course  they  took  as  an  expression  of 
their  judgment  against  the  system  under  which  England  and 
her  colonies  have  so  far  prospered. 

It  is  worth  while  to  compare  the  form  which  a  constitutional 
struggle  takes  under  the  Cabinet  system  and  under  that  of 
America. 

In  England,  if  the  executive  ministry  displeases  the  House 
of  Commons,  the  House  passes  an  adverse  vote.  The  ministry 
have  their  choice  to  resign  or  to  dissolve  Parliament.  If  they 
resign,  a'  new  ministry  is  appointed  from  the  party  which  has 
proved  itself  strongest  in  the  House  of  Commons;  and  co- 
operation being  restored  between  the  legislature  and  the  execu- 
tive, public  business  proceeds.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
ministry  dissolve  Parliament,  a  new  Parliament  is  sent  up  which, 
if  favorable  to  the  existing  cabinet,  keeps  them  in  office ;  if  un- 
favorable, dismisses  them  forthwith.  Accord  is  in  either  case 
restored.  Should  the  difference  arise  between  the  House  of 
Lords  and  a  ministry  supported  by  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  the  former  persist  in  rejecting  a  bill  which  the  Commons 
send  up,  a  dissolution  is  the  constitutional  remedy ;  and  if  the 
newly-elected  House  of  Commons  reasserts  the  view  of  its 
predecessor,  the  Lords,  according  to  the  now  recognized  con- 
stitutional practice,  yield  at  once.  Should  they,  however,  still 
stand  out,  there  remains  the  extreme  expedient,  threatened  in 
1832,  but  never  yet  resorted  to,  of  a  creation  by  the  sovereign 
(i.e.,  the  ministry)  of  new  peers  sufficient  to  turn  the  balance 
of  votes  in  the  Upper  House.  Practically  the  ultimate  deci- 
sion always  rests  with  the  people,  that  is  to  say,  with  the  party 


OUU  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEUNMENT  97 

which  for  the  moment  commands  a  majority  of  electoral  votes. 
This  method  of  cutting  knots  applies  to  all  differences  that 
can  arise  between  executive  and  legislature.  It  is  a  swift  and 
effective  method ;  in  this  swiftness  and  effectiveness  lie  its  dan- 
gers as  well  as  its  merits. 

In  America  a  dispute  between  the  President  and  Congress 
may  arise  over  an  executive  act  or  over  a  bill.  If  over  an  ex- 
ecutive act,  an  appointment  or  a  treaty,  one  branch  of  Congress, 
the  Senate,  can  check  the  President,  that  is,  can  prevent  him 
from  doing  what  he  wishes,  but  cannot  make  him  do  what  they 
wish.  If  over  a  bill  which  the  President  has  returned  to  Con- 
gress unsigned,  the  two  Houses  can,  by  a  two-thirds  majority, 
pass  it  over  his  veto,  and  so  end  the  quarrel ;  though  the  carry- 
ing out  of  the  bill  in  its  details  must  be  left  to  him  and  his 
ministers,  whose  dislike  of  it  may  render  them  unwilling  and 
therefore  unsuitable  agents.  Should  there  not  be  a  two-thirds 
majority,  the  bill  drops;  and  however  important  the  question 
may  be,  however  essential  to  [_the  country  some  prompt  dealing 
with  it,  either  in  the  sense  desired  by  the  majority  of  Congress 
or  in  that  preferred  by  the  President,  nothing  can  be  done  till 
the  current  term  of  Congress  expires.  The  matter  is  then  re- 
mitted to  the  people.  If  the  President  has  still  two  more  years 
in  office,  the  people  may  signify  their  approval  of  his  policy  by 
electing  a  House  in  political  agreement  with  him,  or  disapprove 
it  by  reelecting  a  hostile  House.  If  the  election  of  a  new 
President  coincides  with  that  of  the  new  House,  the  people 
have  a  second  means  provided  of  expressing  their  judgment. 
They  may  choose  not  only  a  House  of  the  same  or  an  opposite 
complexion  to  the  last,  but  a  President  of  the  same  or  an  oppo- 
site complexion.  Anyhow,  they  can  now  establish  accord  be- 
tween one  House  of  Congress  and  the  Executive.  The  Senate, 
however,  may  still  remain  opposed  to  the  President,  and  may 
not  be  brought  into  harmony  with  him  until  a  sufficient  time 
has  elapsed  for  the  majority  in  it  to  be  changed  by  the  choice 
of  new  senators  by  the  State  legislatures.  This  is  a  slower 
method  than  that  of  Great  Britain.  It  may  fail  in  a  crisis  need- 
ing immediate  action ;  but  it  escapes  the  danger  of  a  hurried 
and  perhaps  irrevocable  decision. 
7 


98  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

There  exists  between  England  and  the  United  States  a 
difference  which  is  full  of  interest.  In  England  the  legislative 
branch  has  become  supreme,  and  it  is  considered  by  English- 
men a  merit  in  their  system  that  the  practical  executive  of  the 
country  is  directly  responsible  to  the  House  of  Commons.  In 
the  United  States,  however,  not  only  in  the  national  govern- 
ment, but  in  every  one  of  the  States,  the  exactly  opposite 
theory  is  proceeded  upon — that  the  executive  should  be  wholly 
independent  of  the  legislative  branch.  Americans  understand 
that  this  scheme  involves  a  loss  of  power  and  efficiency,  but 
they  believe  that  it  makes  greatly  for  safety  in  a  popular  gov- 
ernment. They  expect  the  Executive  and  the  legislature  to 
work  together  as  well  as  they  can,  and  public  opinion  does 
usually  compel  a  degree  of  cooperation  and  efficiency  which 
perhaps  could  not  be  expected  theoretically.  It  is  an  interest- 
ing commentary  on  the  tendencies  of  democratic  government, 
that  in  America  reliance  is  coming  to  be  placed  more  and  more, 
in  the  nation,  in  the  State,  and  in  the  city,  upon  the  veto  of  the 
Executive  as  a  protection  to  the  community  against  the  legisla- 
tive branch.  Weak  Executives  frequently  do  harm,  but  a 
strong  Executive  has  rarely  abused  popular  confidence.  On 
the  other  hand,  instances  where  the  Executive,  by  the  use  of 
his  veto  power,  has  arrested  mischiefs  due  to  the  action  of  the 
legislature,  are  by  no  means  rare.  This  circumstance  leads 
some  Americans  to  believe  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when 
in  England  some  sort  of  veto  power,  or  other  constitutional 
safeguard,  must  be  interposed  to  protect  the  people  against 
their  Parliament. 

When  one  party  possesses  a  large  majority  in  Congress  it 
can  overpower  the  President,  taking  from  him  all  but  a  few 
strictly  reserved  functions,  such  as  those  of  pardoning,  of  mak- 
ing promotions  in  the  army  and  navy,  and  of  negotiating  (not 
of  concluding  treaties,  for  these  require  the  assent  of  the  Sen- 
ate) with  foreign  states.  Where  parties  are  pretty  equally 
divided,  i.e.,  when  the  majority  is  one  way  in  the  Senate,  the 
other  way  in  the  House,  or  when  there  is  only  a  small  majority 
against  the  President  in  both  Houses,  the  President  is  in  so  far 
free  that  new  fetters  cannot  be  laid  upon  him ;  but  he  must 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  99 

move  under  those  which  previous  legislation  has  imposed,  and 
can  take  no  step  for  which  new  legislation  is  needed. 

It  is  another  and  a  remarkable  consequence  of  the  absence 
of  cabinet  government  in  America,  that  there  is  also  no  party 
government  in  the  European  sense.  Party  government  in 
France,  Italy,  and  England  means,  that  one  set  of  men,  united, 
or  professing  to  be  united,  by  holding  one  set  of  opinions,  have 
obtained  control  of  the  whole  machinery  of  government,  and 
are  working  it  in  conformity  with  those  opinions.  Their  ma- 
jority in  the  country  is  represented  by  a  majority  in  the  legisla- 
ture, and  to  this  majority  the  ministry  of  necessity  belongs. 
The  ministry  is  the  supreme  committee  of  the  party,  and  con- 
trols all  the  foreign  as  well  as  domestic  affairs  of  the  nation, 
because  the  majority  is  deemed  to  be  the  nation.  It  is 
otherwise  in  America.  Men  do,  no  doubt,  talk  of  one  party 
as  being  "in  power,"  meaning  thereby  the  party  to  which 
the  then  President  belongs.  But  they  do  so  because  that 
party  enjoys  the  spoils  of  office,  in  which  to  so  many  poli- 
ticians the  value  of  power  consists.  They  do  so  also  because 
in  the  early  days  the  party  which  prevailed  in  the  legisla- 
tive usually  prevailed  also  in  the  executive  department,  and 
because  the  presidential  election  was,  and  still  is,  the  main 
struggle  which  proclaimed  the  predominance  of  one  or  other 
party. 

But  the  Americans,  when  they  speak  of  the  administration 
party  as  the  party  in  power,  have,  in  borrowing  an  English 
phrase,  applied  it  to  utterly  different  facts.  Their  "  party  in 
power"  need  have  no  power  beyond  that  of  securing  places 
for  its  adherents.  It  may  be  in  a  minority  in  one  House  of 
Congress,  in  which  event  it  accomplishes  nothing,  but  can  at 
most  merely  arrest  adverse  legislation,  or  in  a  small  minority 
in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  in  which  event  it  must  submit  to 
see  many  things  done  which  it  dislikes.  And  if  its  enemies 
control  the  Senate,  even  its  executive  arm  is  paralyzed.  Though 
party  feeling  has  generally  been  stronger  in  America  than  in 
England,  and  even  now  covers  a  larger  proportion  of  the  voters, 
and  enforces  a  stricter  discipline,  party  government  is  distinctly 
weaker. 


100  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSRIP 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  sum  up  the  practical  results  of 
the  system  which  purports  to  separate  Congress  from  the  Ex- 
ecutive,  instead  of  uniting  them  as  they  are  united  under  a 
cabinet  government.    These  results  are  five : — 

The  President  and  his  ministers  have  no  initiative  in  Con- 
gress, little  influence  over  Congress,  except  what  they 
can  exert  upon  individual  members,  through  the  be- 
stowal of  patronage. 
Congress  has,  together  with  unlimited  powers  of  inquiry, 
imperfect  powers  of  control  over  the  administrative 
departments. 
The  nation  does  not  always  know  how  or  where  to  fix  re- 
sponsibility for  misfeasance  or  neglect.    The  person 
and  bodies  concerned  in  making  and  executing  the  laws 
are  so  related  to  one  another  that  each  can  generally 
shift  the  burden  of  blame  on  some  one  else,  and  no  one 
acts  under  the  full  sense  of  direct  accountability. 
There  is  a  loss  of   force  by  friction  —  i.e.,  part  of   the 
energy,  force,  and  time  of  the  men  and  bodies  that 
make  up  the  government  is  dissipated  in  struggles  with 
one  another.    This  belongs  to  all  free  governments, 
because  all  free  governments  rely  upon  checks.     But 
the  more  checks,  the  more  friction. 
There  is  a  risk  that  executive  vigor  and  promptitude  may 

be  found  wanting  at  critical  moments. 
We  may  include  these  defects  in  one  general  expression. 
There  is  in  the  American  Government,  considered  as  a  whole, 
a  want  of  unity.  Its  branches  are  unconnected ;  their  efforts 
are  not  directed  to  one  aim,  do  not  produce  one  harmonious 
result. 

A  President  can  do  little,  for  he  does  not  lead  either  Con- 
gress or  the  nation.  Congress  cannot  guide  or  stimulate  the 
President,  nor  replace  him  by  a  man  fitter  for  the  emer- 
gency. The  Cabinet  neither  receives  a  policy  from  Congress 
nor  gives  one  to  it.  Each  power  in  the  State  goes  it  own  way, 
or  wastes  precious  moments  in  discussing  which  way  it  shall 
go,  and  that  which  comes  to  pass  seems  to  be  a  result  not  of 
the  action  of  the  legal  organs  of  the  State,  but  of  some  larger 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  101 

force  which  at  one  time  uses  their  discord  as  its  means,  at 
another  neglects  them  altogether.  This  at  least  is  the  impres- 
sion which  the  history  of  the  greatest  problem  and  greatest 
struggle  that  America  has  seen,  the  struggle  of  the  slaveholders 
against  the  Free  Soil  and  Union  Party,  culminating  in  the  War 
of  the  Rebellion,  makes  upon  one  who  looking  back  on  its 
events  sees  them  all  as  parts  of  one  drama.  The  carefully  de- 
vised machinery  of  the  Constitution  did  little  to  solve  that 
problem  or  avert  that  struggle.  The  nation  asserted  itself  at 
last,  but  not  till  this  machinery  had  failed  to  furnish  a  peaceful 
means  of  trying  the  real  strength  of  the  parties,  so  as  to  give 
the  victory  to  one  or  to  settle  a  compromise  between  them. 

This  want  of  unity  is  painfully  felt  in  a  crisis.  When  a  sud- 
den crisis  comes  upon  a  free  State,  the  Executive  needs  two 
things,  a  large  command  of  money  and  powers  in  excess  of 
those  allowed  at  ordinary  times.  Under  the  European  system 
the  duty  of  meeting  such  a  crisis  is  felt  to  devolve  as  much  on 
the  Representative  Chamber  as  on  the  ministers  who  are  its 
agents.  The  Chamber  is  therefore  at  once  appealed  to  for  sup- 
plies, and  for  such  legislation  as  the  occasion  demands.  When 
these  have  been  given,  the  ministry  moves  on  with  the  weight 
of  the  people  behind  it ;  and  as  it  is  accustomed  to  work  at  all 
times  with  the  Chamber,  and  the  Chamber  with  it,  the  piston 
plays  smoothly  and  quickly  in  the  cylinder.  In  America  the 
President  has  at  ordinary  times  little  to  do  with  Congress, 
while  Congress  is  unaccustomed  to  deal  with  executive  ques- 
tions. Its  machinery,  and  especially  the  absence  of  ministerial 
leaders  and  consequent  want  of  organization,  unfit  it  for 
promptly  confronting  practical  troubles.  It  is  apt  to  be  spar- 
ing of  supplies,  and  of  that  confidence  which  doubles  the  value 
of  supplies.  Jealousies  of  the  Executive,  which  are  proper  in 
quiet  times  and  natural  toward  those  with  whom  Congress  has 
little  direct  intercourse,  may  now  be  perilous,  yet  how  is  Con- 
gress to  trust  persons  not  members  of  its  own  body  nor  directly 
amenable  to  its  control.?  When  dangers  thicken  the  only 
device  may  be  the  Roman  one  of  a  temporary  dictatorship. 
Something  like  this  happened  in  the  War  of  Secession,  for  the 
powers  then  conferred  upon  President  Lincoln,  or  exercised 


102  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

without  congressional  censure  by  him,  were  almost  as  much  in 
excess  of  those  enjoyed  under  the  ordinary  law  as  the  authority 
of  a  Roman  dictator  exceeded  that  of  a  Roman  consul.  Fortu- 
nately the  habits  of  legality,  which  lie  deep  in  the  American  as 
they  did  in  the  Roman  people,  reasserted  themselves  after  the 
war  was  over,  as  they  were  wont  to  do  at  Rome  in  her  earlier 
and  better  days.  When  the  squall  had  passed  the  ship  righted, 
and  she  has  pursued  her  subsequent  course  on  as  even  a  keel 
as  before. 

The  defects  of  the  tools  are  the  glory  of  the  workman. 
The  more  completely  self-acting  is  the  machine,  the  smaller  is 
the  intelligence  needed  to  work  it ;  the  mon»  liable  it  is  to  de- 
rangement, so  much  greater  must  be  the  skill  and  care  applied 
by  one  who  tends  it.  The  English  Constitution,  which  we 
admire  as  a  masterpiece  of  delicate  equipoises  and  complicated 
mechanism,  would  anywhere  but  in  England  be  full  of  difficul- 
ties and  dangers.  It  stands  and  prospers  in  virtue  of  the  tradi- 
tions that  still  live  among  English  statesmen  and  the  reverence 
that  has  ruled  English  citizens.  It  works  by  a  body  of  under- 
standings which  no  writer  can  formulate,  and  of  habits  which 
centuries  have  been  needed  to  instill.  So,  the  American  people 
have  a  practical  aptitude  for  politics,  a  clearness  of  vision  and 
capacity  for  self-control  never  equaled  by  any  other  nation. 
In  1861  they  brushed  aside  their  darling  legalities,  allowed  the 
Executive  to  exert  novel  powers,  passed  lightly  laws  whose  con- 
stitutionality remains  doubtful,  raised  an  enormous  army,  and 
contracted  a  prodigious  debt.  Romans  could  n6t  have  been 
more  energetic  in  their  sense  of  civic  duty,  nor  more  trustful 
to  their  magistrates.  When  the  emergency  had  passed  away 
the  torrent  which  had  overspread  the  plain  fell  back  at  once 
into  its  safe  and  well-worn  channel.  The  reign  of  legality  re- 
turned ;  and  only  four  years  after  the  power  of  the  Executive 
had  reached  its  highest  point  in  the  hands  of  President  Lincoln, 
it  was  reduced  to  its  lowest  point  in  those  of  President  Johnson. 
Such  a  people  can  work  any  Constitution.  The  danger  for 
them  is  that  this  reliance  on  their  skill  and  their  star  may  make 
them  heedless  of  the  faults  of  their  political  machinery,  slow 
to  devise  improvements  which  are  best  applied  in  quiet  times. 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  103 


CHAPTER  III 
The  Amendment  of  the  Constitution 

The  men  who  sat  in  the  Convention  of  1787  were  not  san- 
guine enough,  hke  some  of  the  legislating  sages  of  antiquity, 
or  like  such  imperial  codifiers  as  the  Emperor  Justinian,  to 
suppose  that  their  work  could  stand  unaltered  for  all  time  to 
come.  They  provided  that  "  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of 
both  Houses  shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall  propose  amendments 
to  this  Constitution,  or  on  the  application  of  the  legislatures  of 
two  thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall  call  a  convention  for  pro- 
posing amendments,  which,  in  either  case,  shall  be  valid  to  all 
intents  and  purposes  as  part  of  this  Constitution  when  ratified 
by  the  legislatures  of  three  fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by 
conventions  in  three  fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other 
mode  may  be  prescribed  by  Congress." 

There  are  therefore  two  methods  of  framing  and  proposing 
amendments. 

(A)  Congress  may  itself,  by  a  two-thirds  vote  in  each  House, 
prepare  and  propose  amendments. 

(B)  The  legislatures  of  two  thirds  of  the  States  may  require 
Congress  to  summon  a  Constitutional  Convention.  Congress 
shall  thereupon  do  so,  having  no  option  to  refuse ;  and  the  Con- 
vention when  called  shall  draft  and  submit  amendments.  No 
provision  is  made  as  to  the  election  and  composition  of  the 
Convention,  matters  which  would  therefore  appear  to  be  left  to 
the  discretion  of  Congress. 

There  are  also  two  methods  of  enacting  amendments  framed 
and  proposed  in  either  of  the  foregoing  ways.  It  is  left  to 
Congress  to  prescribe  one  or  other  method  as  Congress  may 
think  fit. 

(X)  The  legislatures  of  three  fourths  of  the  States  may 
ratify  any  amendments  submitted  to  them. 


104  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

(Y)  Conventions  may  be  called  in  the  several  States,  and 
three  fourths  of  these  conventions  may  ratify. 

On  all  the  occasions  on  which  the  amending  power  has  been 
exercised,  method  A  has  been  employed  for  proposing  and 
method  X  for  ratifying — i.e.,  no  drafting  conventions  of  the 
whole  Union  or  ratifying  conventions  in  the  several  States  have 
ever  been  summoned.  The  preference  of  the  action  of  Con- 
gress and  the  State  legislatures  may  be  ascribed  to  the  fact 
that  it  has  never  been  desired  to  remodel  the  whole  Constitu- 
tion, but  only  to  make  changes  or  additions  on  special  points. 
Moreover,  the  procedure  by  National  and  State  conventions 
might  be  slower,  and  would  involve  controversy  over  the 
method  of  electing  those  bodies.  The  consent  of  the  President 
is  not  required  to  a  constitutional  amendment.  A  two-thirds 
majority  in  Congress  can  override  his  veto  of  a  bill,  and  at 
least  that  majority  is  needed  to  bring  a  constitutional  amend- 
ment before  the  people. 

There  is  only  one  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  can- 
not be  changed  by  this  process.  It  is  that  which  secures  to 
each  and  every  State  equal  representation  in  one  branch  of  the 
legislature.  "  No  State  without  its  consent  shall  be  deprived 
of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate."  It  will  be  observed  that 
this  provision  does  not  require  unanimity  on  the  part  of  the 
States  to  a  change  diminishing  or  extinguishing  State  repre- 
sentation in  the  Senate,  but  merely  gives  any  particular  State 
proposed  to  be  affected  an  absolute  veto  on  the  proposal.  If  a 
State  were  to  consent  to  surrender  its  rights,  and  three  fourths 
of  the  whole  number  to  concur,  the  resistance  of  the  remaining 
fourth  would  not  prevent  the  amendment  from  taking  effect. 

The  amendments  made  by  the  above  process  (A+X)  to  the 
Constitution  have  been,  in  all,  fifteen  in  number.  These  have 
been  made  on  four  occasions,  and  fall  into  four  groups,  two  of 
which  consist  of  one  amendment  each.  The  first  group,  includ- 
ing ten  amendments  made  immediately  after  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  ought  to  be  regarded  as  a  supplement  or  post- 
script to  it,  rather  than  as  changing  it.  They  constitute  what 
the  Americans,  following  the  English  precedent,  call  a  Bill  of 
Rights,  securing  the  individual  citizen  and  the  States  against 


QUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  105 

the  encroachments  of  Federal  power.  The  second  and  third 
groups,  if  a  single  amendment  can  be  properly  called  a  group 
(viz.,  amendments  xi.  and  xii.)  are  corrections  of  minor  defects 
which  had  disclosed  themselves  in  the  working  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. The  fourth  group  is  the  only  one  which  marked  a  politi- 
cal crisis  and  registered  a  political  victory.  It  comprises  three 
amendments  (xiii.,  xiv.,  xv.)  which  forbid  slavery,  define  citizen- 
ship, secure  the  suffrage  of  citizens  against  attempts  by  States 
to  discriminate  to  the  injury  of  particular  classes,  and  extend 
Federal  protection  to  those  citizens  who  may  suffer  from  the 
operation  of  certain  kinds  of  unjust  State  laws.  These  three 
amendments  are  the  outcome  of  the  War  of  Secession,  and 
were  needed  in  order  to  confirm  and  secure  for  the  future  its 
results.  The  requisite  majority  of  States  was  obtained  under 
conditions  altogether  abnormal,  some  of  the  lately  conquered 
States  ratifying  while  actually  controlled  by  the  northern 
armies,  others  as  the  price  which  they  were  obliged  to  pay  for 
the  re-admission  to  Congress  of  their  senators  and  representa- 
tives. 

Many  amendments  to  the  Constitution  have  been  at  various 
times  suggested  to  Congress  by  Presidents,  or  brought  forward 
in  Congress  by  members,  but  very  few  of  these  have  ever 
obtained  the  requisite  two-thirds  vote  of  both  Houses. 

The  moral  of  these  facts  is  not  far  to  seek.  Although  it 
has  long  been  the  habit  of  the  Americans  to  talk  of  their  Con- 
stitution with  almost  superstitious  reverence,  there  have  often 
been  times  when  leading  statesmen,  perhaps  even  political 
parties,  would  have  materially  altered  it  if  they  could  have  done 
so.  There  have,  moreover,  been  some  alterations  suggested  in 
it,  which  the  impartial  good  sense  of  the  wise  would  have  ap- 
proved, but  which  have  never  been  submitted  to  the  States, 
because  it  was  known  they  could  not  be  carried  by  the  requisite 
majority.  If,  therefore,  comparatively  little  use  has  been  made 
of  the  provisions  for  amendment,  this  has  been  due,  not  solely 
to  the  excellence  of  the  original  instrument,  but  also  to  the 
difficulties  which  surround  the  process  of  change.  Alterations, 
though  perhaps  not  large  alterations,  have  been  needed,  to  cure 
admitted  faults  or  to  supply  dangerous  omissions,  but  the  pro 


106  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

cess  has  been  so  difficult  that  it  has  never  been  successfully 
applied,  except  either  to  matters  of  minor  consequence  involv- 
ing no  party  interests  (Amendments  xi.  and  xii.),  or  in  the 
course  of  a  revolutionary  movement  which  had  dislocated  the 
Union  itself  (Amendments  xiii.,  xiv.,  xv.). 


CHAPTER  IV 
The  Results  of  Constitutional  Development 

The  American  Constitution  has  changed,  is  changing,  and 
by  the  law  of  its  existence  must  continue  to  change,  in  its  sub. 
stance  and  practical  working  even  when  its  words  remain  the 
same.  "  Time  and  habit,"  said  Washington,  "  are  at  least  as 
necessary  to  fix  the  true  character  of  governments  as  of  other 
human  institutions  " ;  and  while  habit  fixes  some  things,  time 
remolds  others. 

It  remains  to  ask  what  has  been  the  general  result  of  the 
changes  it  has  suffered,  and  what  light  an  examination  of  its 
history,  in  this  respect,  throws  upon  the  probable  future  of  the 
instrument  and  on  the  worth  of  rigid  or  supreme  constitutions 
in  general. 

I  shall  attempt  to  state  the  chief  differences  perceptible  be- 
tween the  ideas  which  men  entertained  regarding  the  various 
bodies  and  offices  of  the  government  when  they  first  entered 
life,  and  the  aspect  they  now  wear  to  the  nation. 

The  President  has  developed  a  capacity  for  becoming,  in 
moments  of  national  peril,  something  like  a  Roman  dictator. 
He  is  in  quiet  times  no  stronger  than  he  was  at  first,  possibly 
weaker.  Congress  has  in  some  respects  encroached  on  him, 
yet  his  office  has  shown  that  it  may,  in  the  hands  of  a  trusted 
leader  and  at  the  call  of  a  sudden  necessity,  rise  to  a  tremen- 
dous height. 

The  ministers  of  the  President  have  not  become  more  im- 
portant either  singly  or  collectively  as  a  cabinet.  Cut  off  from 
the  legislature  on  one  side,  and  from  the  people  on  the  other, 
they  have  been  a  mere  appendage  to  the  President. 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  107 

The  Senate  has  come  to  press  heavily  on  the  Executive,  and 
at  the  same  time  has  developed  legislative  functions  which, 
though  contemplated  in  the  Constitution,  were  comparatively 
rudimentary  in  the  older  days.  It  has,  in  the  judgment  of 
American  publicists,  grown  relatively  stronger  than  it  then 
was. 

The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  has  become  even 
more  insignificant  than  the  Constitution  seemed  to  make  him. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, whom  the  Constitution  mentions  only  once,  and  on 
whom  it  bestows  no  powers,  has  now  secured  one  of  the  leading 
parts  in  the  piece,  and  can  affect  the  course  of  legislation  more 
than  any  other  single  person. 

An  oligarchy  of  chairmen  of  the  leading  committees  has 
sprung  up  in  the  House  of  Representatives  as  a  consequence 
of  the  increasing  demands  on  its  time  and  of  the  working  of 
the  committee  system. 

The  Judiciary  was  deemed  to  be  making  large  strides  dur- 
ing the  first  forty  years,  because  it  established  its  claim  to 
powers  which,  though  doubtless  really  granted,  had  been  but 
faintly  apprehended  in  1789.  After  1830  the  development  of 
those  powers  advanced  more  slowly.  But  the  position  which 
the  Supreme  Court  has  taken  in  the  scheme  of  government,  if  it 
be  not  greater  than  the  f ramers  of  the  Constitution  would  have 
wished,  is  yet  greater  than  they  foresaw. 

Although  some  of  these  changes  are  considerable,  they  are 
far  smaller  than  those  which  England  has  seen  pass  over  her 
Government  since  1789.  So  far,  therefore,  the  rigid  Constitu- 
tion has  maintained  a  sort  of  equilibrium  between  the  various 
powers,  whereas  that  which  was  then  supposed  to  exist  in  Eng- 
land between  the  king,  the  peers,  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
the  people  (i.e.,  the  electors)  has  vanished  irrecoverably. 

In  the  other  struggle  that  has  gone  on  in  America,  that  be- 
tween the  national  government  and  the  States,  the  results  have 
been  still  more  considerable,  though  the  process  of  change  has 
sometimes  been  interrupted.  During  the  first  few  decades 
after  1789  the  States,  in  spite  of  a  steady  and  often  angry  re- 
sistance, sometimes  backed  by  threats  of  secession,  found  them- 


108  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEWHIP 

selves  more  and  more  entangled  in  the  network  of  Federal 
powers  which  sometimes  Congress,  sometimes  the  President, 
sometimes  the  Judiciary,  as  the  expounder  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, flung  over  them.  Provisions  of  the  Constitution  whose 
bearing  had  been  inadequately  realized  in  the  first  instance 
were  put  in  force  against  a  State,  and  when  once  put  in  force 
became  precedents  for  the  future.  The  expansive  force  of  the 
national  government  proved  ultimately  stronger  than  the  force 
of  the  States,  so  the  centralizing  tendency  prevailed.  Now  and 
then  the  centralizing  process  was  checked.  Georgia  defied  the 
Supreme  Court  in  i830-'32,  and  was  not  made  to  bend  because 
the  Executive  sided  with  her.  South  Carolina  defied  Congress 
and  the  President  in  1832,  and  the  issue  was  settled  by  a  com- 
promise. Acute  foreign  observers  then,  and  often  during  the 
period  that  followed,  predicted  the  dissolution  of  the  Union. 
For  some  years  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  the  tie  of 
obedience  to  the  national  government  was  palpably  loosened 
over  a  large  part  of  the  country.  But  during  and  after  the  war 
the  former  tendency  resumed  its  action,  swifter  and  more  potent 
than  before. 

The  dominance  of  the  centralizing  tendencies  is  not  wholly 
or  even  mainly  due  to  constitutional  amendments.  It  had 
begun  before  them.  It  would  have  come  about,  though  less 
completely,  without  them.  It  has  been  due  not  only  to  these 
amendments  but  also — 

To  the  extensive  interpretation  by  the  Judiciary  of  the 
powers  which  the  Constitution  vests  in  the  National 
Government. 

To  the  passing  by  Congress  of  statutes  on  topics  not  exclu- 
sively reserved  to  the  States,  statutes  which  have  sen- 
sibly narrowed  the  field  of  State  action. 

To  exertions  of  Executive  power  which,  having  been  ap- 
proved by  the  people,  and  not  condemned  by  the  courts, 
have  passed  into  precedents. 

These  have  been  the  modes  in  which  the  centralizing  ten- 
dency has  shown  itself  and  prevailed.  What  have  been  the  un- 
derlying causes?  They  belong  to  history.  They  are  partly 
economical,  partly  moral.     Steam  and  electricity  have  knit  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  109 

various  parts  of  the  country  closely  together,  have  made  each 
State  and  group  of  States  more  dependent  on  its  neighbors, 
have  added  to  the  matters  in  which  the  whole  country  benefits 
by  joint  action  and  uniform  legislation.  The  power  of  the 
national  government  to  stimulate  or  depress  commerce  and 
industries  by  tariff  legislation  has  given  it  a  wide  control  over 
the  material  prosperity  of  part  of  the  Union,  till  "  the  people, 
and  especially  the  trading  and  manufacturing  classes,  came  to 
look  more  and  more  to  the  national  capital  for  what  enlists 
their  interests,  and  less  and  less  to  the  capital  of  their  own 
State.  ...  It  is  the  nation  and  not  the  state  that  is  present 
to  the  imagination  of  the  citizens  as  sovereign,  even  in  the 
States  of  Jefferson  and  Calhoun.  .  .  .  The  Constitution  as  it 
is,  and  the  Union  as  it  was,  can  no  longer  be  the  party  watch- 
word. There  is  a  new  Union,  with  new  grand  features,  but 
with  new  engrafted  evils."  There  has  grown  up  a  pride  in  the 
national  flag,  and  in  the  national  government  as  representing 
national  unity.  In  the  North  there  is  gratitude  to  that  govern- 
ment as  the  power  that  saved  the  Union  in  the  Civil  War;  in 
the  South  a  sense  of  the  strength  which  Congress  and  the 
President  then  exerted ;  in  both  a  recollection  of  the  immense 
scope  which  the  war  powers  took  and  might  take  again.  All 
over  the  country  there  is  a  great  army  of  Federal  office-holders 
who  look  to  Washington  as  the  center  of  their  hopes  and  fears. 
As  the  modes  in  and  by  which  these  and  other  similar  causes 
can  work  are  evidently  not  exhausted,  it  is  clear  that  the  devel- 
opment of  the  Constitution  as  between  the  nation  and  the 
states  has  not  yet  stopped,  and  present  appearances  suggest 
that  the  centralizing  tendency  will  continue  to  prevail. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  has  rendered,  and 
renders  now,  inestimable  services.  It  opposes  obstacles  to 
rash  and  hasty  change.  It  secures  time  for  deliberation.  It 
forces  the  people  to  think  seriously  before  they  alter  it  or  par- 
don a  transgression  of  it.  It  makes  legislatures  and  statesmen 
slow  to  overpass  their  legal  powers,  slow  even  to  propose 
measures  which  the  Constitution  seems  to  disapprove.  It 
tends  to  render  the  inevitable  process  of  modification  gradual 
and  tentative,  the  result  of  admitted  and  growing  necessities 


110  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

rather  than  of  restless  impatience.  It  altogether  prevents 
some  changes  which  a  temporary  majority  may  clamor  for,  but 
which  will  have  ceased  to  be  demanded  before  the  barriers  in- 
terposed by  the  Constitution  have  been  overcome.  It  does  still 
more  than  this.  It  forms  the  mind  and  temper  of  the  people. 
It  trains  them  to  habits  of  legality.  It  strengthens  their  con- 
servative instincts,  their  sense  of  the  value  of  stability  and  per- 
manence in  political  arrangements.  It  makes  them  feel  that 
to  comprehend  their  supreme  instrument  of  government  is  a 
personal  duty,  incumbent  on  each  one  of  them.  It  familiarizes 
them  with,  it  attaches  them  by,  ties  of  pride  and  reverence  to, 
those  fundamental  truths  on  which  the  Constitution  is  based. 

These  are  enormous  services  to  render  to  any  free  country, 
but  above  all  to  one  which,  more  than  any  other,  is  governed 
not  by  the  men  of  rank  or  wealth  or  special  wisdom,  but  by 
public  opinion,  that  is  to  say,  by  the  ideas  and  feelings  of  the 
people  at  large.  In  no  country  were  swift  political  changes 
so  much  to  be  apprehended,  because  nowhere  has  material 
growth  been  so  rapid  and  immigration  so  enormous.  In  none 
might  the  political  character  of  the  people  have  seemed  more 
likely  to  be  bold  and  prone  to  innovation,  because  their  national 
existence  began  with  a  revolution,  which  even  now  lies  only  a 
century  behind.  That  none  has  ripened  into  a  more  prudently 
conservative  temper  may  be  largely  ascribed  to  the  influence 
of  the  famous  instrument  of  1789,  which,  enacted  in  and  for  a 
new  republic,  summed  up  so  much  of  what  was  best  in  the 
laws  and  customs  of  an  ancient  monarchy. 


THE  AMERICAN  SYSTEM  OF    GOVERN- 

.  MENT 


The  State  Governments 

CHAPTER  I   ^ 
Nature  of  the  State 

THE  American  State  is  a  peculiar  organism,  unlike  anything 
in  modern  Europe,  or  in  the  ancient  world.  The  only 
parallel  is  to  be  found  in  the  cantons  of  the  Switzerland  of  our 
own  day. 

There  are  forty-five  States  in  the  American  Union,  varying 
in  size  from  Texas,  with  an  area  of  265,780  square  miles,  to 
Rhode  Island,  with  an  area  of  1,250  square  miles.  The  largest 
State  is  much  larger  than  either  France  or  the  Germanic  Em- 
pire, while  the  smallest  is  smaller  than  Warwickshire  or  Corsica. 

The  older  colonies  had  different  historical  origins.  Virginia 
and  North  Carolina  were  unlike  Massachusetts  and  Connecti- 
cut; New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland  different  from 
both ;  while  in  recent  times  the  stream  of  European  immigra- 
tion has  filled  some  States  with  Irishmen,  others  with  Ger- 
mans, others  with  Scandinavians,  and  has  left  most  of  the 
Southern  States  wholly  untouched. 

Nevertheless,  the  form  of  government  is  in  its  main  out- 
lines, and  to  a  large  extent  even  in  its  actual  working,  the  same 
in  all  these  forty-five  republics,  and  the  differences,  instructive 
as  they  are,  relate  to  points  of  secondary  consequence. 

The  States  fall  naturally  into  five  groups : — 

The   New    England    States — Massachusetts,  Connecticut, 
Rhode  Island,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Maine. 
Ill 


112  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZElSrSRIP 

The  Middle  States — New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 

Delaware,  Maryland,  Ohio,  Indiana. 
The  Southern  States — ^Virginia,  West  Virginia  (separated 
from  Virginia  during  the  Civil  War),  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Kentucky, 
Tennessee,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Missouri, 
Texas. 
The  Northwestern  States — Michigan,  Illinois,  Wisconsin, 
Minnesota,  Iowa,  Nebraska,  Kansas,  Colorado,  North 
Dakota,   South  Daokta,  Wyoming,    Montana,  Idaho, 
Utah. 
The    Pacific    States — California,  Nevada,  Oregon,  Wash- 
ington. 
Each  of  these  groups  has  something  distinctive  in  the  char- 
acter of  its  inhabitants,  which  is  reflected,  though  more  faintly 
now  than  formerly,  in  the  character  of  its  government  and 
politics. 

Dissimilarity  of  population  and  of  external  conditions  seems 
to  make  for  a  diversity  of  constitutional  and  political  arrange- 
ments between  the  States ;  so  also  does  the  large  measure  of 
legal  independence  which  each  of  them  enjoys  under  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution.  No  State  can,  as  a  commonwealth,  politically 
deal  with  or  act  upon  any  other  State.  No  diplomatic  relations 
can  exist  nor  treaties  be  made  between  States,  no  coercion  can 
be  exercised  by  one  upon  another.  And  although  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Union  can  act  on  a  State,  it  rarely  does  act,  and 
then  only  in  certain  strictly  limited  directions,  which  do  not 
touch  the  inner  political  life  of  the  commonwealth. 

He  who  looks  at  a  map  of  the  Union  will  be  struck  by  the 
fact  that  so  many  of  the  boundary  lines  of  the  States  are 
straight  lines.  Those  lines  tell  the  same  tale  as  the  geometri- 
cal plans  of  cities  like  St.  Petersburg  or  Washington,  where 
every  street  runs  at  the  same  angle  to  every  other.  The  States 
are  not  natural  growths.  Their  boundaries  are  for  the  most 
part  not  natural  boundaries  fixed  by  mountain  ranges,  nor  even 
historical  boundaries  due  to  a  series  of  events,  but  purely  artifi- 
cial boundaries,  determined  by  an  authority  which  carved  the 
national  territory  into  strips  of  convenient  size,  as  a  building 


OTJR  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  113 

company  lays  out  its  suburban  lots.  Of  the  States  subsequent 
to  the  original  thirteen,  California  is  the  only  one  with  a  genuine 
natural  boundary,  finding  it  in  the  chain  of  the  Sierra  Nevada 
on  the  east  and  the  Pacific  ocean  on  the  west.  No  one  of  these 
later  States  can  be  regarded  as  a  naturally  developed  political 
organism.  They  are  trees  planted  by  the  forester,  not  self- 
sown  with  the  help  of  the  seed-scattering  wind.  This  absence 
of  physical  lines  of  demarcation  has  tended  and  must  tend  to 
prevent  the  growth  of  local  distinctions.  Nature  herself  seems 
to  have  designed  the  Mississippi  basin,  as  she  has  designed  the 
unbroken  levels  of  Russia,  to  be  the  dwelling-place  of  one  people. 

Each  State  makes  its  own  Constitution ;  that  is,  the  people 
agree  on  their  form  of  government  for  themselves,  with  no  in- 
terference from  the  other  States  or  from  the  Union.  This  form 
is  subject  to  one  condition  only :  it  must  be  republican.  It  was 
the  obvious  course  for  the  newer  States  to  copy  the  organiza- 
tions of  the  older  States,  especially  as  these  agreed  with  certain 
familiar  features  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  Hence  the  out- 
lines, and  even  the  phrases  of  the  elder  constitutions  reappear 
in  those  of  the  more  recently  formed  States. 

Nowhere  is  population  in  such  constant  movement  as  in 
America.  In  some  of  the  newer  States  only  one  fourth  or  one 
fifth  of  the  inhabitants  are  natives  of  the  United  States.  Many 
of  the  townsfolk,  not  a  few  even  of  the  farmers,  have  been  till 
lately  citizens  of  some  other  State,  and  will,  perhaps,  soon 
move  on  farther  west.  These  Western  States  are  like  a  chain 
of  lakes  through  which  there  flows  a  stream  which  mingles  the 
waters  of  the  higher  with  those  of  the  lower.  In  such  a  con- 
stant flux  of  population  local  peculiarities  are  not  readily  devel- 
oped, or  if  they  have  grown  up  when  the  district  was  still 
isolated,  they  disappear  as  the  country  becomes  filled. 

Still  more  important  is  the  influence  of  railway  communica- 
tion, of  newspapers,  of  the  telegraph.  A  Greek  city  like  Samos 
or  Mitylene,  holding  her  own  island,  preserved  a  distinctive 
character  in  spite  of  commercial  intercourse  and  the  sway  of 
Athens.  A  Swiss  canton  like  Uri  or  Appenzell,  entrenched 
behind  its  mountain  ramparts,  remains,  even  now,  under  the 
strengthened  central  government  of  the  Swiss  nation,  unlike  its 
8 


114  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

neighbors  of  the  lower  country.  But  an  American  State  tra- 
versed by  great  trunk  lines  of  railway,  and  depending  on  the 
markets  of  the  Atlantic  cities  and  of  Europe  for  the  sale  of  its 
grain,  cattle,  bacon,  and  minerals,  is  attached  by  a  hundred 
always  tightening  ties  to  other  States,  and  touched  by  their 
weal  or  woe  as  nearly  as  by  what  befalls  within  its  own  limits. 
The  leading  newspapers  are  read  over  a  vast  area.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  each  State  know  every  morning  the  events  of  yester- 
day over  the  whole  Union. 

Finally,  the  political  parties  are  the  same  in  all  the  States. 
The  tenets  of  each  party  are  in  the  main  the  same  everywhere, 
their  methods  the  same,  their  leaders  the  same,  although  of 
course  a  prominent  man  enjoys  especial  influence  in  his  own 
State.  Hence,  State  politics  are  largely  swayed  by  forces  and 
motives  external  to  the  particular  State,  and  common  to  the 
whole  country,  or  to  great  sections  of  it ;  and  the  growth  of 
local  parties,  the  emergence  of  local  issues  and  development 
of  local  political  schemes,  are  correspondingly  restrained. 

These  considerations  explain  why  the  States,  notwithstand- 
ing the  original  diversities  between  some  of  them,  and  the  wide 
scope  for  political  divergence  which  they  all  enjoy  under  the 
Federal  Constitution,  are  so  much  less  dissimilar  and  less  pecu- 
liar than  might  have  been  expected.  Each  of  the  States  has  its 
own — 

Constitution. 

Executive,  consisting  of  a  governor  and  various  other 
officials. 

Legislature  of  two  Houses. 

System  of  local  government  in  counties,  cities,  townships, 
and  school  districts. 

System  of  State  and  local  taxation. 

Debts,  which  it  may  repudiate  at  its  own  pleasure. 

Body  of  private  law,  including  the  whole  law  of  real  and 
personal  property,  of  contracts,  of  torts,  and  of  family 
relations. 

Courts,  from  which  no  appeal  lies  (except  in  cases  touching 
Federal  legislation  or  the  Federal  Constitution)  to  any 
Federal  court. 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  115 

System  of  procedure,  civil  and  criminal. 

Citizenship,  which  may  admit  persons  (e.g.,  recent  immi- 
grants) to  be  citizens  at  times,  or  on  conditions,  wholly 
different  from  those  prescribed  by  other  States. 

Three  points  deserve  to  be  noted  as  illustrating  what  these 
attributes  include. 

I.  A  man  gains  active  citizenship  of  the  United  States  (i.e., 
a  share  in  the  government  of  the  Union)  only  by  becoming  a 
citizen  of  some  particular  State.  Being  such  citizen,  he  is 
forthwith  entitled  to  the  national  franchise.  That  is  to  say, 
voting  power  in  the  State  carries  voting  power  in  Federal  elec- 
tions, and  however-  lax  a  State  may  be  in  its  grant  of  such 
power  (e.g.,  to  foreigners  just  landed  or  to  persons  convicted  of 
crime),  these  State  voters  will  have  the  right  of  voting  in  con- 
gressional and  presidential  elections.  Under  the  present  natu- 
ralization laws  a  foreigner  must  have  resided  in  the  United 
States  for  five  years,  and  for  one  year  in  the  State  or  Territory 
where  he  seeks  admission  to  United  States  citizenship,  and 
must  declare  two  years  before  he  is  admitted  that  he  renounces 
allegiance  to  any  foreign  prince  or  state.  Naturalization  makes 
him  a  citizen  not  only  of  the  United  States,  but  of  the  State 
or  Territory  where  he  is  admitted,  but  does  not  necessarily 
confer  the  electoral  franchise,  for  that  depends  on  State  laws. 
In  more  than  a  third  of  the  States  the  electoral  franchise  is 
now  enjoyed  by  persons  not  naturalized  as  United  States 
citizens.  The  only  restriction  on  the  States  in  this  matter  is 
that  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  Constitutional  amendments. 
They  were  intended  to  secure  equal  treatment  to  the  negroes, 
and  incidentally  they  declare  the  protection  given  to  all  citizens 
of  the  United  States. 

II.  The  power  of  a  State  over  all  communities  within  its 
limits  is  absolute.  It  may  grant  or  refuse  local  government  as 
it  pleases.  The  population  of  the  city  of  Providence  is  more 
than  one  third  of  that  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island,  the  popu- 
lation of  New  York  city  about  one  half  that  of  the  State  of  New 
York.  But  the  State  might  in  either  case  extinguish  the 
municipality,  and  govern  the  city  by  a  single  State  commis- 


116  rATBIOTISM  AND   CtTlZEmStP 

sioner  appointed  for  the  purpose,  or  leave  it  without  any  gov- 
ernment whatever.  The  city  would  have  no  right  of  complaint 
to  the  Federal  President  or  Congress  against  such  a  measure. 

III.  A  State  commands  the  allegiance  of  its  citizens,  and 
may  punish  them  for  treason  against  it.  Allegiance  to  the 
State  must  be  taken  to  be  subordinate  to  allegiance  to  the 
Union.  But  allegiance  to  the  State  still  exists ;  treason  against 
the  State  is  still  possible. 

These  are  illustrations  of  the  doctrine  that  the  American 
States  were  originally  in  a  certain  sense,  and  still  for  certain 
purposes  remain,  sovereign  States.  Each  of  the  original  thir- 
teen became  sovereign  [in  domestic  affairs]  when  it  revolted 
from  the  mother  country  in  1776.  By  entering  the  Confedera- 
tion of  1781-88  it  parted  with  one  or  two  of  the  attributes  of 
sovereignty;  by  accepting  the  Federal  Constitution  in  1788  it 
subjected  itself  for  certain  specified  purposes  to  a  central  gov- 
ernment, but  claimed  to  retain  its  sovereignty  for  all  other  pur- 
poses. That  is  to  say,  the  authority  of  a  State  is  an  inherent, 
not  a  delegated,  authority.  It  has  all  the  powers  which  any 
independent  government  can  have,  except  such  as  it  can  be 
affirmatively  shown  to  have  stripped  itself  of,  while  the  Federal 
government  has  only  such  powers  as  it  can  be  affirmatively 
shown  to  have  received.  To  use  the  legal  expression,  the  pre- 
sumption is  always  for  a  State,  and  the  burden  of  proof  lies 
upon  any  one  who  denies  its  authority  in  a  particular  matter. 

What  State  sovereignty  means  and  includes  is  a  question 
which  incessantly  engaged  the  most  active  legal  and  political 
minds  of  the  nation,  from  1789  down  to  1870.  Since  the  Civil 
War  the  term  "  State  sovereignty  "  has  been  but  seldom  heard. 
Even  "States'  rights"  have  a  different  meaning  from  that 
which  they  had  forty  years  ago. 

What,  then,  do  the  rights  of  a  State  now  include?     Every 
right  or  power  of  a  government  except  :— 

The  right  of  secession  (not  abrogated  in  terms,  but  admitted 
since  the  war  to  be  no  longer  claimable.  It  is  expressly 
negatived  in  the  recent  constitutions  of  several  South- 
em  States). 

Powers  which  the  Constitution  withholds  from  the  States 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  117 

(including  that   of   intercourse    with  foreign   govern- 
ments). 
Powers  which  the  Constitution   expressly  confers  on  the 
Federal  government. 

As  respects  some  powers  of  the  last  class,  however,  the 
States  may  act  concurrently  with,  or  in  default  of  action  by,  the 
Federal  government.  It  is  only  from  contravention  of  its 
action  that  they  must  abstain.  And  where  contravention  is 
alleged  to  exist,  whether  legislative  or  executive,  it  is  by  a 
court  of  law,  and,  in  case  the  decision  is  in  the  first  instance 
favorable  to  the  pretensions  of  the  State,  ultimately  by  a  Fed- 
eral court,  that  the  question  falls  to  be  decided. 

A  reference  to  the  preceding  list  of  what  each  State  may 
create  in  the  way  of  distinct  institutions  will  show  that  these 
rights  practically  cover  nearly  all  the  ordinary  relations  of  citi- 
zens to  one  another  and  to  their  government.  An  American 
may,  through  a  long  life,  never  be  reminded  of  the  Federal  gov- 
ernment, except  when  he  votes  at  presidential  and  congressional 
elections. 

Looking  at  this  immense  compass  of  State  functions,  Jeffer- 
son would  seem  to  have  been  not  far  wrong  when  he  said  that 
the  Federal  government  was  nothing  more  than  the  American 
department  of  foreign  affairs.  But  although  the  national  gov- 
ernment touches  the  direct  interests  of  the  citizen  less  than 
does  the  State  government,  it  touches  his  sentiment  more. 
Hence  the  strength  of  his  attachment  to  the  former  and  his 
interest  in  it  must  not  be  measured  by  the  frequency  of  his 
dealings  with  it.  In  the  partitionment  of  governmental  func- 
tions between  nation  and  State,  the  State  gets  the  most  but 
the  nation  the  highest,  so  the  balance  between  the  two  is  pre- 
served. Thus  every  American  citizen  lives  in  a  duality  of 
which  Europeans,  always  excepting  the  Swiss,  and  to  some 
extent  the  Germans,  have  no  experience.  He  lives  under  two 
governments  and  two  sets  of  laws ;  he  is  animated  by  two  patri- 
otisms and  owes  two  allegiances.  That  these  should  both  be 
strong  and  rarely  be  in  conflict  is  most  fortunate.  It  is  the 
result  of  skillful  adjustment  and  long  habit,  of  the  fact  that 


118  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmSIP 

those  whose  votes  control  the  two  sets  of  governments  are  the 
same  persons,  but  above  all  of  that  harmony  of  each  set  of  m- 
stitutions  with  the  other  set,  a  harmony  due  to  the  identity  of 
the  principles  whereon  both  are  founded,  which  makes  each 
appear  necessary  to  the  stability  of  the  other,  the  States  to  the 
nation  as  its  basis,  the  national  government  to  the  States  as 
their  protector. 


CHAPTER  II 
State  Constitutions 

The  government  of  each  of  the  forty-five  States  is  deter- 
mined by  and  set  forth  in  its  Constitution,  a  comprehensive 
fundamental  law,  or  rather  group  of  laws  included  in  one  instru- 
ment, which  has  been  directly  enacted  by  the  people  of  the 
State,  and  is  capable  of  being  repealed  or  altered,  not  by  their 
representatives,  but  by  themselves  alone.  As  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  stands  above  Congress  and  out  of  its 
reach,  so  the  Constitution  of  each  State  stands  above  the  legis- 
lature of  that  State,  cannot  be  varied  in  any  particular  by  Acts 
of  the  State  legislature,  and  involves  the  invalidity  of  any 
statute  passed  by  the  legislature  which  a  court  of  law  may  find 
to  be  inconsistent  with  it. 

The  State  Constitutions  are  the  oldest  things  in  the  politi- 
cal history  of  America,  for  they  are  the  continuations  and  rep- 
resentatives of  the  royal  colonial  charters,  whereby  the  earliest 
English  settlements  in  America  were  created,  and  under  which 
their  several  local  governments  were  established,  subject  to  the 
authority  of  the  English  Crown,  and  ultimately  of  the  British 
Parliament.  But,  like  most  of  the  institutions  under  which 
English-speaking  peoples  now  live,  they  have  a  pedigree  which 
goes  back  to  a  time  anterior  to  the  discovery  of  America  itself. 
It  begins  with  the  English  Trade  Guild  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
itself  the  child  of  still  more  ancient  corporations,  dating  back 
to  the  days  of  imperial  Rome,  and  formed  under  her  imperish- 
able law. 

When,  in    1776,  the   thirteen  colonies    threw  off    their 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEENMENT  119 

allegiance  to  King  George  III.,  and  declared  themselves  inde- 
pendent States,  the  colonial  charter  naturally  became  the  State 
Constitution.  In  most  cases  it  was  remodeled,  with  large 
alterations,  by  the  revolting  colony.  But  in  three  States  it 
was  maintained  unchanged,  except,  of  course,  so  far  as  crown 
authority  was  concerned,  viz.,  in  Massachusetts  till  1780,  in 
Connecticut  till  181 8,  and  in  Rhode  Island  till  1842.  The 
other  States  admitted  to  the  Union  in  addition  to  the  original 
thirteen,  have  all  entered  it  as  organized  self-governing  com- 
munities, with  their  Constitutions  already  made  by  their  respec- 
tive peoples.  Each  Act  of  Congress  which  admits  a  new  State 
admits  it  as  a  subsisting  commonwealth,  recognizing  rather 
than  affecting  to  sanction  its  Constitution.  Congress  may  im- 
pose conditions  which  the  State  Constitution  must  fulfil.  But 
the  authority  of  the  State  Constitutions  does  not  flow  from  Con- 
gress, but  from  acceptance  by  the  citizens  of  the  States  for 
which  they  are  made. 

The  State  Constitutions  of  America  well  deserve  to  be  com- 
pared with  those  of  the  self-governing  British  colonies.  But 
one  remarkable  difference  must  be  noted  here.  The  constitu- 
tions of  British  colonies  have  all  proceeded  from  the  Imperial 
Parliament  of  the  United  Kingdom,  which  retains  its  full  legal 
power  of  legislating  for  every  part  of  the  British  dominions. 
In  many  cases  a  colonial  constitution  provides  that  it  may  be 
itself  altered  by  the  colonial  legislature,  of  course  with  the 
assent  of  the  Crown ;  but  inasmuch  as  in  its  origin  it  is  a  statu- 
tory constitution,  not  self-grown,  but  planted  as  a  shoot  by  the 
Imperial  Parliament  at  home.  Parliament  may  always  alter  or 
abolish  it.  Congress,  on  the  other  hand,  has  no  power  to  alter 
a  State  Constitution.  And  whatever  power  of  alteration  has 
been  granted  to  a  British  colony  is  exercisable  by  the  legisla- 
ture of  the  colony,  not,  as  in  America,  by  the  citizens  at  large. 

The  original  Constitutions  of  the  States,  whether  of  the  old 
thirteen  or  of  the  newer  commonwealths,  have  been  in  nearly 
all  cases,  except  the  most  recent,  subsequently  recast,  in  some 
instances  five,  six,  or  even  seven  times,  as  well  as  amended  in 
particular  points. 

The  Constitutions  of  the  revolutionary  period  were  in  a  few 


120  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

instances  enacted  by  the  State  legislature,  acting  as  a  body 
with  plenary  powers,  but  more  usually  by  the  people  acting 
through  a  convention,  i.e.,  a  body  especially  chosen  by  the 
voters  at  large  for  the  purpose,  and  invested  with  full  powers, 
not  only  of  drafting,  but  of  adopting  the  instrument  of  govern- 
ment. But  the  usual  practice  in  later  times  has  been  for  the 
convention,  elected  by  the  voters,  to  submit,  in  accordance  with 
the  precedent  set  by  Massachusetts  in  1780,  the  draft  Consti- 
tution framed  by  it  to  the  citizens  of  the  State  at  large,  who 
vote  upon  it  Yes  or  No.  They  usually  vote  on  it  as  a  whole 
and  adopt  or  reject  it  en  bloc,  but  sometimes  provision  is  made 
for  voting  separately  on  some  particular  point  or  points. 

The  people  of  a  State  retain  forever  in  their  hands,  alto- 
gether independent  of  the  national  government,  the  power  of 
altering  their  Constitution.  When  a  new  Constitution  is  to  be 
prepared,  or  the  existing  one  amended,  the  initiative  usually 
comes  from  the  legislature,  which  (either  by  a  simple  majority, 
or  by  a  two-thirds  majority,  or  by  a  majority  in  two  successive 
legislatures,  as  the  Constitution  may  in  each  instance  provide) 
submits  the  matter  to  the  voters  in  one  of  two  ways.  It  may 
either  propose  to  the  people  certain  specific  amendments,  or  it 
may  ask  the  people  to  decide  by  a  direct  popular  vote  on  the 
propriety  of  calling  a  constitutional  convention  to  revise  the 
whole  existing  Constitution.  In  the  former  case  the  amend- 
ments suggested  by  the  legislature  are  directly  voted  on  by 
the  citizens ;  in  the  latter  the  legislature,  so  soon  as  the  citizens 
have  voted  for  the  holding  of  a  convention,  provides  for  the 
election  by  the  people  of  this  convention.  When  elected,  the 
convention  meets,  sets  to  work,  goes  through  the  old  Consti- 
tution, and  prepares  a  new  one,  which  is  then  presented  to  the 
people  for  ratification  or  rejection  at  the  polls.  Be  it  observed, 
however,  that  whereas  the  Federal  Constitution  can  be 
amended  only  by  a  vote  of  three  fourths  of  the  States,  a  Con- 
stitution can  in  nearly  every  State  be  changed  by  a  bare  ma- 
jority of  the  citizens  voting  at  the  polls.  Hence  we  may  expect 
and  shall  find,  that  these  instruments  are  altered  more  fre- 
quently and  materially  than  the  Federal  Constitution  has  been. 

A  State  Constitution  is  not  only  independent  of  the  central 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  121 

national  government  (save  in  certain  points  already  specified), 
it  is  also  the  fundamental  organic  law  of  the  State  itself.  The 
State  exists  as  a  commonwealth  by  virtue  of  its  Constitution, 
and  all  State  authorities,  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial,  are 
the  creatures  of,  and  subject  to,  the  State  Constitution.  Just 
as  the  President  and  Congress  are  placed  beneath  the  Federal 
Constitution,  so  the  governor  and  Houses  of  a  State  are  sub- 
ject to  its  Constitution,  and  any  act  of  theirs  done  either  in 
contravention  of  its  provisions,  or  in  excess  of  the  powers  it 
confers  on  them,  is  absolutely  void.  All  that  has  been  said  in 
preceding  chapters  regarding  the  functions  of  the  courts  of  law 
where  an  act  of  Congress  is  alleged  to  be  inconsistent  with  the 
Federal  Constitution,  applies  equally  where  a  statute  passed  by 
a  State  legislature  is  alleged  to  transgress  the  Constitution  of 
the  State,  and  of  course  such  validity  may  be  contested  in  any 
court,  whether  a  State  court  or  a  Federal  court,  because  the 
question  is  an  ordinary  question  of  law,  and  is  to  be  solved  by 
determining  whether  or  no  a  law  of  inferior  authority  is  incon- 
sistent with  a  law  of  superior  authority.  Whenever  in  any 
legal  proceeding  before  any  tribunal,  either  party  relies  on  a 
State  statute,  and  the  other  party  alleges  that  this  statute  is 
ultra  vires  of  the  State  legislature,  and  therefore  void,  the 
tribunal  must  determine  the  question  just  as  it  would  deter- 
mine whether  a  by-law  made  by  a  municipal  council  or  a  rail- 
way company  was  in  excess  of  the  law-making  power  which  the 
municipality  or  the  company  had  received  from  the  higher 
authority  which  incorporated  it  and  gave  it  such  legislative 
power  as  it  possesses.  But  although  Federal  courts  are  fully 
competent  to  entertain  a  question  arising  on  the  construction 
of  a  State  Constitution,  their  practice  is  to  follow  the  prece- 
dents set  by  any  decision  of  a  court  of  the  State  in  question, 
just  as  they  would  follow  the  decision  of  an  English  court  in 
determining  a  point  of  purely  English  law.  They  hold  not  only 
that  each  State  must  be  assumed  to  know  its  own  law  better 
than  a  stranger  can,  but  also  that  the  supreme  court  of  a  State 
is  the  authorized  exponent  of  the  mind  of  the  people  who 
enacted  its  Constitution. 

A  State  Constitution  is  really  nothing  but  a  law  made 


122  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

directly  by  the  people  voting  at  the  polls  upon  a  draft  submitted 
to  them.  The  people  of  a  State  when  they  so  vote  act  as  a 
primary  and  constituent  assembly,  just  as  if  they  were  all 
summoned  to  meet  in  one  place  like  the  folkmoots  of  our  Teu- 
tonic forefathers.  It  is  only  their  numbers  that  prevent  them 
from  so  meeting  in  one  place,  and  to  oblige  the  vote  to  be  taken 
at  a  variety  of  polling  places.  Hence  the  enactment  of  a  Con- 
stitution is  an  exercise  of  direct  popular  sovereignty  to  which 
we  find  few  parallels  in  modern  Europe,  though  it  was  familiar 
enough  to  the  republics  of  antiquity,  and  has  lasted  till  now  in 
some  of  the  cantons  of  Switzerland. 

State  Constitutions  have  less  capacity  for  development, 
whether  by  interpretation  or  by  usage,  than  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States :  first,  because  they  are  more  easily,  and 
therefore  more  frequently,  amended  or  recast;  second,  be- 
cause they  are  far  longer,  and  go  into  much  more  minute  detail. 
The  Federal  Constitution  is  so  brief  and  general  that  custom 
must  fill  up  what  it  has  left  untouched,  and  judicial  construc- 
tion evolve  the  application  of  its  terms  to  cases  they  do  not 
expressly  deal  with.  But  the  later  State  Constitutions  are  so 
full  and  precise  that  they  need  little  in  the  way  of  expansive 
construction,  and  leave  comparatively  little  rodm  for  the  action 
of  custom. 

The  rules  of  interpretation  are  in  the  main  the  same  as 
those  applied  to  the  Federal  Constitution.  One  important 
difference  must,  however,  be  noted,  springing  from  the  different 
character  of  the  two  governments.  The  national .  government 
is  an  artificial  creation,  with  no  powers  except  those  conferred 
by  the  instrument  which  created  it.  A  State  government  is 
a  natural  growth,  which  prima  facie  possesses  all  the  powers 
incident  to  any  government  whatever.  Hence,  if  the  question 
arises  whether  a  State  legislature  can  pass  a  law  on  a  given 
subject,  the  presumption  is  that  it  can  do  so:  and  positive 
grounds  must  be  adduced  to  prove  that  it  cannot.  It  may  be 
restrained  by  some  inhibition  either  in  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion, or  in  the  Constitution  of  its  own  State.  But  such  inhibi- 
tion  must  be  affirmatively  shown  to  have  been  imposed,  or,  to 
put  the  same  point  in  other  words,  a  State  Constitution  is  held 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEHNMENT  123 

to  be,  not  a  document  conferring  defined  and  specified  powers 
on  the  legislature,  but  one  regulating  and  limiting  that  general 
authority  which  the  representatives  of  the  people  enjoy  ipso 
jicre  by  their  organization  into  a  legislative  body. 

The  executive  and  legislative  departments  of  a  State  gov- 
ernment have  of  course  the  right  and  duty  of  acting  in  the  first 
instance  on  their  view  of  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution. 
But  the  ultimate  expounder  of  that  meaning  is  the  judiciary; 
and  when  the  courts  of  a  State  have  solemnly  declared  the 
true  construction  of  any  provision  of  the  Constitution,  all 
persons  are  bound  to  regulate  their  conduct  accordingly.  This 
authority  of  the  American  courts  is  not  in  the  nature  of  a  politi- 
cal or  discretionary  power  vested  in  them ;  it  is  a  legitimate 
and  necessary  consequence  of  the  existence  of  a  fundamental 
law  superior  to  any  statute  which  the  legislature  may  enact,  or 
to  any  right  which  a  governor  may  conceive  himself  to  possess. 
To  quote  the  words  of  an  American  decision : 

"  In  exercising  this  high  authority  the  judges  claim  no  judi- 
cial supremacy ;  they  are  only  the  administrators  of  the  public 
will.  If  an  Act  of  the  legislature  is  held  void,  it  is  not  because 
the  judges  have  any  control  over  the  legislative  power,  but 
because  the  Act  is  forbidden  by  the  Constitution,  and  because 
the  will  of  the  people,  which  is  therein  declared,  is  paramount 
to  that  of  their  representatives  expressed  in  any  law." 

It  is  a  well-established  rule  that  the  judges  will  always  lean 
in  favor  of  the  validity  of  a  legislative  Act ;  that  if  there  be  a 
reasonable  doubt  as  to  the  constitutionality  of  a  statute  they 
will  solve  that  doubt  in  favor  of  the  statute ;  that  where  the 
legislature  has  been  left  to  a  discretion  they  will  assume  the 
discretion  to  have  been  wisely  exercised ;  that  where  the  con- 
struction of  a  statute  is  doubtful,  they  will  adopt  such  con- 
struction as  will  harmonize  with  the  Constitution,  and  enable  it 
to  take  effect.  So  it  has  been  well  observed  that  a  man  might 
with  perfect  consistency  argue  as  a  member  of  a  legislature 
against  a  bill  on  the  ground  that  it  is  unconstitutional,  and  after 
having  been  appointed  a  judge,  might  in  his  judicial  capacity 
sustain  its  constitutionality.  Judges  must  not  inquire  into  the 
motives  of  the  legislature,  nor  refuse  to  apply  an  Act  because 


134  FATBIOTISM  AND  CITIZENmiP 

they  may  suspect  that  it  was  obtained  by  fraud  or  corruption, 
still  less  because  they  hold  it  to  be  opposed  to  justice  and 
sound  policy;  "  But  when  a  statute  is  adjudged  to  be  uncon- 
stitutional, it  is  as  if  it  had  never  been.  Rights  cannot  be  built 
up  under  it;  contracts  which  depend  upon  it  for  their  consider- 
ation are  void;  it  constitutes  a  protection  to  no  one  who  has 
acted  under  it;  and  no  one  can  be  punished  for  having  refused 
obedience  to  it  before  the  decision  was  made.  And  what  is 
true  of  an  Act  void  in  toto,  is  true  also  as  to  any  part  of  an  Act 
which  is  found  to  be  unconstitutional,  and  which  consequently 
is  to  be  regarded  as  having  never  at  any  time  been  possessed 
of  legal  force." 


CHAPTER   III 

The  Development  of  State  Constitutions 

Three  periods  may  be  distinguished  in  the  development  of 
State  governments  as  set  forth  in  the  Constitutions,  each 
period  marked  by  an  increase  in  the  length  and  minuteness  of 
those  instruments. 

The  first  period  covers  about  thirty  years  from  1776  down- 
ward, and  includes  the  earlier  Constitutions  of  the  original 
thirteen  States,  as  well  as  of  Kentucky,  Vermont,  Tennessee, 
and  Ohio. 

Most  of  these  Constitutions  were  framed  under  the  impres- 
sions of  the  Revolutionary  War.  They  manifest  a  dread  of 
executive  power  and  of  military  power,  together  with  a  disposi- 
tion to  leave  everything  to  the  legislature,  as  being  the  author- 
ity directly  springing  from  the  people.  The  election  of  a 
State  governor  is  in  most  States  vested  in  the  legislature.  He 
is  nominally  assisted,  but  in  reality  checked,  by  a  council  not 
of  his  own  choosing.  He  has  not  (except  in  Massachusetts) 
a  veto  on  the  Acts  of  the  legislature.  He  has  not,  like  the 
royal  governors  of  colonial  days,  the  right  of  adjourning  or  dis- 
solving it.  The  idea  of  giving  power  to  the  people  directly  has 
scarcely  appeared,  because  the  legislature  is  conceived  as  the 


OUn  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  125 

natural  and  necessary  organ  of  popular  government,  much  as 
the  House  of  Commons  is  in  England.  And  hence  many  of 
these  early  Constitutions  consist  of  little  beyond  an  elaborate 
Bill  of  Rights  and  a  comparatively  simple  outline  of  a  frame  of 
government,  establishing  a  representative  legislature,  with  a 
few  executive  officers  and  courts  of  justice  carefully  separated 
therefrom. 

The  second  period  covers  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury down  to  the  time  when  the  intensity  of  the  party  struggles 
over  slavery  (i850-'6o)  interrupted  to  some  extent  the  natural 
processes  of  State  development.  It  is  a  period  of  the  demo- 
cratization of  all  institutions,  a  democratization  due  not  only  to 
causes  native  to  American  soil,  but  to  the  influence  upon  the 
generation  which  had  then  come  to  manhood  of  French  repub- 
lican ideas.  Such  provisions  for  the  maintenance  of  religious 
institutions  by  the  State  as  had  continued  to  exist  are  now  swept 
away.  The  principle  prevails  that  Constitutions  must  be  directly 
enacted  by  popular  vote.  The  choice  of  a  governor  is  taken 
from  the  legislature  to  be  given  to  the  people.  Property  quali- 
fications are  abolished,  and  a  suffrage  practically  universal, 
except  that  it  often  excludes  free  persons  of  color,  is  intro- 
duced. Even  the  judges  are  not  spared.  Many  Constitutions 
shorten  their  term  of  office,  and  direct  them  to  be  chosen  by 
popular  vote.  The  State  has  emerged  from  the  English  con- 
ception of  a  community  acting  through  a  ruling  legislature,  for 
the  legislature  begins  to  be  regarded  as  being  only  a  body  of 
agents  exercising  delegated  and  restricted  powers,  and  obliged 
to  recur  to  the  sovereign  people  (by  asking  for  a  constitutional 
amendment)  when  it  seeks  to  extend  these  powers  in  any  par- 
ticular direction.  The  increasing  length  of  the  Constitutions 
during  this  half  century  shows  how  the  range  of  the  popular 
vote  has  extended,  for  these  documents  now  contain  a  mass  of 
ordinary  law  on  matters  which  in  the  early  days  would  have 
been  left  to  the  legislatures. 

In  the  third  period,  which  begins  from  about  the  time  of 
the  Civil  War,  a  slight  reaction  may  be  discerned,  not  against 
popular  sovereignty,  which  is  stronger  than  ever,  but  in  the 
tendency  to  strengthen  the  executive  and  judicial  departments. 


126  FATBIOTim  AND  CITIZEmSIP 

The  governor  had  begun  to  receive  in  the  second  period,  and 
has  now  in  practically  all  the  States,  a  veto  on  the  acts  of  the 
legislature.  His  tenure  of  office  has  been  generally  lengthened ; 
the  restrictions  on  his  reeligibility  generally  removed.  In 
many  States  the  judges  have  been  granted  larger  salaries,  and 
their  terms  of  office  lengthened.  Some  Constitutions  have  even 
transferred  judicial  appointments  from  the  vote  of  the  people 
to  the  Executive.  But  the  most  notable  change  of  all  has  been 
the  narrowing  of  the  competence  of  the  legislature,  and  the 
tying  up  of  its  action  by  a  variety  of  complicated  restrictions. 
It  may  seem  that  to  take  powers  away  from  the  legislature  is 
to  give  them  to  the  people,  and  is  therefore  another  step 
toward  pure  democracy.  But  in  America  this  is  not  so,  be- 
cause a  legislature  always  yields  to  any  popular  clamor,  how- 
ever transient,  while  direct  legislation  by  the  people  involves 
some  delay.  Such  provisions  are  therefore  conservative  in 
their  results,  and  are  really  checks  imposed  by  the  citizens 
upon  themselves.  This  process  of  development,  which  has  first 
exalted  and  then  depressed  the  legislature,  which  has  extended 
the  direct  interference  of  the  people,  which  has  changed  the 
Constitution  itself  from  a  short  into  a  long,  a  simple  into  a 
highly  complex  document,  has  of  course  not  yet  ended. 

The  influences  at  work,  the  tendencies  which  the  constitu- 
tions of  the  last  fifty  years  reveal,  are  evidently  the  same  over 
the  whole  Union.  What  are  the  chief  of  those  tendencies  ? 
One  is  for  the  Constitutions  to  grow  longer.  The  new  Consti- 
tutions are  longer,  not  only  because  new  topics  are  taken  up  and 
dealt  with,  but  because  the  old  topics  are  handled  in  far  greater 
detail.  Such  matters  as  education,  ordinary  private  law,  rail- 
roads. State  and  municipal  indebtedness,  were  either  untouched 
or  lightly  touched  in  the  earlier  instruments.  The  provisions 
regarding  the  judiciary  and  the  legislature,  particularly  those 
restricting  the  power  of  the  latter,  have  grown  far  more  minute 
of  late  years.  As  the  powers  of  a  State  legislature  2irQ  prima 
/^«V  unlimited,  these  bodies  can  be  restrained  only  by  enumer- 
atmg  the  matters  withdrawn  from  their  competence  and  the 
list  grows  always  ampler. 

The  suffrage  is  now  in  almost  every  State  enjoyed  by  all 


OTJB  SYSTEM   OF  GOYEENMENT  127 

adult  males.  Citizenship  is  quickly  and  easily  accorded  to  im- 
migrants. And,  most  significant  of  all,  the  superior  judges, 
who  were  formerly  named  by  the  governor,  or  chosen  by  the 
legislature,  and  who  held  office  during  good  behavior,  are  now 
in  most  States  elected  by  the  people  for  fixed  terms  of  years. 
I  do  not  ignore  the  strongly-marked  democratic  character  of 
even  the  first  set  of  Constitutions,  formed  at  and  just  after  the 
Revolution;  but  that  character  manifested  itself  chiefly  in 
negative  provisions,  i.e.,  in  forbidding  exercises  of  power  by  the 
Executive,  in  securing  full  civil  equality  and  the  primordial 
rights  of  the  citizen.  The  new  democratic  spirit  is  positive  as 
well  as  negative.  It  refers  everything  to  the  direct  arbitra- 
ment of  the  people.  It  calls  their  will  into  constant  activity, 
sometimes  by  the  enactment  of  laws  on  various  subjects  in  the 
Constitution,  sometimes  by  prescribing  to  the  legislature  the 
purposes  which  legislation  is  to  aim  at. 

All  the  States  of  the  Union  are  democracies,  and  democra- 
cies of  nearly  the  same  type.  Yet  while  some  change  their 
Constitutions  frequently,  others  scarcely  change  theirs  at  all. 
Of  the  causes  of  these  differences  I  will  now  touch  on  two  only. 
One  is  the  attachment  which  in  an  old  and  historic,  a  civilized 
and  well-educated  community,  binds  the  people  to  their  accus- 
tomed usages  and  forms  of  government.  It  is  the  newer  States, 
without  a  past  to  revere,  with  a  population  undisciplined  or 
fluctuating,  that  are  prone  to  change.  In  well-settled  common- 
wealths the  longer  a  Constitution  has  stood  untouched,  the 
longer  it  is  likely  to  stand,  because  the  force  of  habit  is  on  its 
side,  because  an  intelligent  people  learns  to  value  the  stability 
of  its  institutions,  and  to  love  that  which  it  is  proud  of  having 
created. 

The  other  cause  is  the  difference  between  the  swiftness 
with  which  economic  and  social  changes  move  in  different  parts 
of  the  country.  They  are  the  most  constant  sources  of  politi- 
cal change,  and  find  their  natural  expression  in  alterations  of 
the  Constitution.  Such  changes  have  been  least  swift  and 
least  sudden  in  the  New  England  and  Middle  States,  though  in 
some  of  the  latter  the  growth  of  great  cities,  such  as  New 
York  and  Philadelphia,  has  induced  them,  and  induced  there- 


128  PATBIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSSIP 

with  a  tendency  to  amend  Cthe  onstitutions  so  as  to  meet  new 
conditions  and  check  new  evils.  They  have  been  most  marked 
in  regions  where  population  and  wealth  have  grown  with  unex- 
ampled  speed,  and  in  those  where  the  extinction  of  slavery  has 
changed  the  industrial  basis  of  society.  Here  lies  the  explana- 
tion of  the  otherwise  singular  fact  that  several  of  the  origmal 
States,  such  as  Virginia  and  Georgia,  have  run  through  many 
Constitutions.  These  whilom  slave  States  have  not  only 
changed  greatly  but  changed  suddenly:  society  was  dislocated 
by  the  Civil  War,  and  has  had  to  make  more  than  one  effort  to 
set  itself  right. 

Putting  all  these  facts  together,  the  American  democracy 
seems  less  inclined  to  changefulness  and  inconstancy  than 
either  abstract  considerations  or  the  descriptions  of  previous 
writers,  such  as  De  Tocqueville,  would  have  led  us  to  expect. 

The  Constitutions  witness  to  a  singular  distrust  by  the 
people  of  its  own  agents  and  officers,  not  only  of  the  legisla- 
tures but  also  of  local  authorities,  as  well  rural  as  urban,  whose 
powers  of  borrowing  or  undertaking  public  works  are  strictly 
limited.  They  witness  also  to  a  jealousy  of  the  Federal  gov- 
ernment. By  most  Constitutions  a  Federal  official  is  made  in- 
capable, not  only  of  State  office,  but  of  being  a  member  of  a 
State  legislature.  These  prohibitions  are  almost  the  only  refer- 
ences to  the  national  government  to  be  found  in  the  State 
constitutions,  which  so  far  as  their  terms  go  might  belong  to 
independent  communities.  They  usually  talk  of  corporations 
belonging  to  other  States  as  "foreign,"  and  sometimes  try  to 
impose  special  burdens  on  them.  They  show  a  wholesome 
anxiety  to  protect  and  safeguard  private  property  in  every  way. 
The  people's  consciousness  of  sovereignty  has  not  used  the 
opportunity  which  the  enactment  of  a  Constitution  gives  to 
override  private  rights :  there  is  rather  a  desire  to  secure  such 
rights  from  any  encroachment  by  the  legislature :  witness  the 
frequent  provisions  against  the  taking  of  property  without  due 
compensation,  and  against  the  passing  of  private  or  personal 
statutes  which  could  uriairly  affect  individuals.  The  only 
exceptions  to  this  rule  are  to  be  found  in  the  case  of  anything 
approaching  a  monopoly,  and  in  the  case  of  wealthy  corpora- 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  129 

tions.  Some  departments  of  governmental  action,  which  on 
the  continent  of  Europe  have  long  been  handled  by  the  State, 
are  in  America  still  left  to  private  enterprise.  For  instance, 
the  States  neither  own  nor  manage  railways,  or  telegraphs,  or 
mines,  or  forests,  and  they  sell  their  public  lands  instead  of 
working  them.  There  is,  nevertheless,  visible  in  recent  Con- 
stitutions a  tendency  to  extend  the  scope  of  public  administra- 
tive activity.  Nearly  all  the  newer  instruments  establish 
bureaus  of  agriculture,  labor  offices,  mining  commissioners, 
land  registration  offices,  railroad  commissioners,  insurance  com- 
missioners, dairy  commissioners,  and  agricultural  or  mining 
colleges. 

A  spirit  of  humanity  and  tenderness  for  suffering,  very 
characteristic  of  the  American  people,  appears  in  the  directions 
which  many  Constitutions  contain  for  the  establishment  of 
charitable  and  reformatory  institutions.  Sometimes  the  legis- 
lature is  enjoined  to  provide  that  the  prisons  are  made  comfor- 
table. On  the  other  hand,  this  tenderness  is  qualified  by  the 
judicious  severity  which  in  most  States  debars  persons  con- 
victed of  crime  from  the  electoral  franchise. 

In  the  older  Northera  Constitutions,  and  in  nearly  all  the 
more  recent  Constitutions  of  all  the  States,  ample  provision  is 
made  for  the  creation  and  maintenance  of  schools.  Even  uni- 
versities are  the  object  of  popular  zeal.  Most  of  the  Western 
Constitutions  direct  their  establishment  and  support  from  public 
funds  or  land  grants. 
9 


130  FATBIOTISM  AND  GITIZENSEIP 


CHAPTER  IV 

Direct  Legislation  by  the  People 

The  difficulties  and  defects  inherent  in  the  method  of  legis, 
lating  by  a  Constitution  are  obvious  enough.  These  inconve- 
niences are  no  doubt  sUghter  in  America  than  they  would  be 
in  Europe,  because  the  lawyers  and  the  judges  have  had  so 
much  experience  in  dealing  with  constitutional  and  legislative 
questions  that  they  now  handle  them  with  amazing  dexterity. 

In  the  United  States  the  conception  that  the  people  (i.e., 
the  citizens  at  large)  are  and  ought  of  right  to  be  the  supreme 
'legislators,  has  taken  the  form  of  legislation  by  enacting  or 
amending  a  Constitution.  Instead  of,  like  the  Swiss,  submit- 
ting ordinary  laws  to  the  voters  after  they  have  passed  the 
legislature,  the  Americans  take  subjects  which  belong  to  ordi- 
nary legislation  out  of  the  category  of  statutes,  place  them  in 
the  Constitution,  and  then  handle  them  as  parts  of  this  funda- 
mental instrument.  They  are  not  called  laws ;  but  laws  they 
are  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  differing  from  statutes  only  in 
being  enacted  by  an  authority  which  is  not  a  constant  but  an 
occasional  body,  called  into  action  only  when  a  convention  or  a 
legislature  lays  propositions  before  it. 

We  have  seen  that  this  system  sprang  from  the  fact  that 
the  Constitutions  of  the  colonies  having  been  given  to  them  by 
an  external  authority  superior  to  the  colonial  legislature,  the 
people  of  each  State,  seeing  that  they  could  no  longer  obtain 
changes  in  their  Constitution  from  Britain,  assumed  to  them- 
selves the  right  and  duty  of  remodeling  it ;  putting  the  collec- 
tive citizendom  of  the  State  into  the  place  of  the  British  Crown 
as  sovereign.  The  business  of  creating  or  remodeling  an  in- 
dependent commonwealth  was  to  their  thinking  too  great  a 
matter  to  be  left  to  the  ordinary  organs  of  State  life.  This 
feeling,  which  had  begun  to  grow  from  1776  onward,  was 
much  strengthened  by  the  manner  in  which  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution was  enacted  in  1788  by  State  conventions.     It  seemed 

130 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  131 

to  have  thus  received  a  specially  solemn  ratification ;  and  even 
the  Federal  legislature,  which  henceforth  was  the  center  of 
national  politics,  was  placed  far  beneath  the  document  which 
expressed  the  will  of  the  people  as  a  whole. 

As  the  republic  went  on  working  out  both  in  theory  and  in 
practice  those  conceptions  of  democracy  and  popular  sover- 
eignty which  had  been  only  vaguely  apprehended  when  enun- 
ciated at  the  Revolution,  the  faith  of  the  average  man  in  him- 
self became  stronger,  his  love  of  equality  greater,  his  desire, 
not  only  to  rule,  but  to  rule  directly  in  his  own  proper  person, 
more  constant.  Even  in  State  affairs  they  made  it  an  article 
of  faith  that  no  Constitution  could  be  enacted  save  by  the 
direct  vote  of  the  citizens ;  and  they  inclined  the  citizens  to 
seize  such  chances  as  occurred  of  making  laws  for  themselves 
in  their  own  way.  Concurrently  with  the  growth  of  these  ten- 
dencies there  had  been  a  decline  in  the  quality  of  the  State 
legislatures,  and  of  the  legislation  which  they  turned  out. 
They  were  regarded  with  less  respect ;  they  inspired  less  confi- 
dence. Hence  the  people  had  the  further  excuse  for  supersed- 
ing the  legislature,  that  they  might  reasonably  fear  it  would 
neglect  or  spoil  the  work  they  desired  to  see  done.  Instead 
of  being  stimulated  by  this  distrust  to  mend  their  ways  and 
recover  their  former  powers,  the  State  legislatures  fell  in  with 
the  tendency,  and  promoted  their  own  supersession.  The  chief 
interest  of  their  members  is  in  the  passing  of  special  or  local 
Acts,  not  of  general  public  legislation.  They  welcome  the 
direct  intervention  of  the  people  as  relieving  them  of  embar- 
rassing problems. 

It  is,  however,  chiefly  in  the  form  of  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  that  we  find  the  American  voters  exercising  direct 
legislative  power.  And  this  method  comes  very  near  to  the 
Swiss  referendum,  because  the  amendment  is  first  discussed 
and  approved  by  the  legislature,  a  majority  greater  than  a  simple 
majority  being  required  in  some  States,  and  then  goes  before 
the  citizens  voting  at  the  polls.  Sometimes  the  State  Consti- 
tution provides  that  a  particular  question  shall  be  submitted  by 
the  legislature  to  the  voters,  thus  creating  a  referendum  for 
that  particular  case. 


132  PATBIOTim  AND  GITIZENSRIP 

What  are  the  practical  advantages  of  this  plan  of  direct  legis^ 
lation  by  the  people  ?  Its  demerits  are  obvious.  Besides  those 
I  have  already  stated,  it  tends  to  lower  the  authority  and  sense 
of  responsibility  in  the  legislature;  and  it  refers  matters  need- 
ing much  elucidation  by  debate  to  the  determination  of  those 
who  cannot,  on  account  of  their  numbers,  meet  together  for 
discussion,  and  many  of  whom  may  have  never  thought  about 
the  matter.  The  Americans  fall  back  on  the  popular  vote  as  the 
best  course  available  under  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
and  in  such  a  world  as  the  present.  They  do  not  claim  that  it 
has  any  great  educative  effect  on  the  people.  But  they  remark 
with  truth  that  the  mass  of  the  people  are  equal  in  intelligence 
and  character  to  the  average  State  legislator,  and  are  exposed 
to  fewer  temptations.  The  citizens  can  and  do  reject  proposals 
which  the  legislature  has  assented  to.  Nor  should  it  be  for- 
gotten that  in  a  country  where  law  depends  for  its  force  on  the 
consent  of  the  governed,  it  is  eminently  desirable  that  law 
should  not  outrun  popular  sentiment,  but  have  the  whole 
weight  of  the  people's  deliverance  behind  it. 

If  the  practice  of  recasting  or  amending  State  Constitutions 
were  to  grow  common,  one  of  the  advantages  of  direct  legisla- 
tion by  the  people  would  disappear,  for  the  sense  of  perma- 
nence would  be  gone,  and  the  same  mutability  which  is  now 
possible  in  ordinary  statutes  would  become  possible  in  the  provi- 
sions of  the  fundamental  law.  But  this  fault  of  small  democra- 
cies, especially  when  ruled  by  primary  assemblies,  is  unlikely 
to  recur  in  large  democracies,  such  as  most  States  have  now 
become,  nor  does  it  seem  to  be  on  the  increase  among  them. 
Reference  to  the  people,  therefore,  acts  as  a  conservative  force  ; 
that  is  to  say,  it  is  a  conservative  method  as  compared  with 
action  by  the  legislature. 

This  method  of  legislation  by  means  of  a  Constitution  or 
amendments  thereto  is  now  serviceable  in  a  way  which  those 
who  first  used  it  did  not  contemplate,  though  they  are  well 
pleased  with  the  result.  It  acts  as  a  restraint  not  only  on  the 
vices  and  follies  of  legislators,  but  on  the  people  themselves. 
It  has  been  well  observed  by  Dr.  von  Hoist  that  the  com- 
pleteness and  consistency  with  which  the  principle  of  the  direct 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  133 

sovereignty  of  the  whole  people  is  carried  out  in  America  has 
checked  revolutionary  tendencies,  by  pointing  out  a  peaceful 
and  legal  method  for  the  effecting  of  political  or  economical 
changes,  and  has  fostered  that  disposition  to  respect  the  deci- 
sion of  the  majority  which  is  essential  to  the  success  of  popular 
governments. 

State  Constitutions,  considered  as  laws  drafted  by  a  con- 
vention and  enacted  by  the  people  at  large,  are  better  both  in 
form  and  substance  than  laws  made  by  the  legislature,  because 
they  are  the  work  of  abler  men,  acting  under  a  special  commis- 
sion which  imposes  special  responsibilities  on  them.  The  ap- 
pointment of  a  Constitutional  convention  is  an  important 
event,  which  excites  general  interest  in  a  State.  Its  functions 
are  weighty  and  difficult,  far  transcending  those  of  the  regular 
legislature.  Hence  the  best  men  in  the  State  desire  a  seat  in 
it,  and,  in  particular,  eminent  lawyers  become  candidates, 
knowing  how  much  it  will  affect  the  law  they  practice.  It  is 
therefore  a  body  superior  in  composition  to  either  the  Senate 
or  the  House  of  a  State.  Its  proceedings  excite  more  interest; 
its  debates  are  more  instructive ;  its  conclusions  are  more  care- 
fully weighed,  because  they  cannot  be  readily  reversed.  Or  if 
the  work  of  altering  the  Constitution  is  carried  out  by  a  series 
of  amendments,  these  are  likely  to  be  more  fully  considered  by 
the  legislature  than  ordinary  statutes  would  be,  and  to  be 
framed  with  more  regard  to  clearness  and  precision. 

In  the  interval  between  the  settlement  by  the  convention 
of  its  draft  Constitution,  or  by  the  legislature  of  its  draft  amend- 
ments, and  the  putting  of  the  matter  to  the  vote  of  the  people, 
there  is  copious  discussion  in  the  press  and  at  public  meetings, 
so  that  the  citizens  often  go  well  prepared  to  the  polls.  An 
all-pervading  press  does  the  work  which  speeches  did  in  the 
ancient  republics,  and  the  fact  that  constitutions  and  amend- 
ments so  submitted  are  frequently  rejected,  shows  that  the 
people,  whether  they  act  wisely  or  not,  do  not  at  any  rate  sur- 
render themselves  blindly  to  the  judgment  of  a  convention,  or 
obediently  adopt  the  proposals  of  a  legislature. 

A  general  survey  of  this  branch  of  our  inquiry  leads  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  peoples  of  the  several  States,  in  the  exer- 


134  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSRIP 

cise  of  this  their  highest  function,  show  little  of  that  haste,  that 
recklessness,  that  love  of  change  for  the  sake  of  change,  with 
which  European  theorists,  both  ancient  and  modern,  have  been 
wont  to  credit  democracy. 


CHAPTER  V 

State  Legislatures 

The  similarity  of  the  frame  of  government  in  the  forty-five 
republics  which  make  up  the  United  States  is  due  to  the  com- 
mon source  whence  the  governments  flow.  They  are  all  copies, 
some  immediate,  some  mediate,  of  ancient  English  institutions, 
viz.,  chartered  self-governing  corporations,  which,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  English  habits,  and  with  the  precedent  of  the  Eng- 
lish parliamentary  system  before  their  eyes,  developed  into 
governments  resembling  that  of  England  in  the  eighteenth 
century. 

When  the  thirteen  colonies  became  sovereign  States  at  the 
Revolution,  they  preserved  this  frame  of  government,  substi- 
tuting a  governor  chosen  by  the  State  for  one  appointed  by  the 
Crown.  As  the  new  States  admitted  to  the  Union  after  1789 
successively  formed  their  Constitutions  prior  to  their  admission 
to  the  Union,  each  adopted  the  same  scheme,  its  people  imitat- 
ing, as  was  natural,  the  older  commonwealths  whence  they 
came,  and  whose  working  they  understood  and  admired. 

We  may  sketch  out  a  sort  of  genealogy  of  governments  as 
follows : — 

First.  The  English  incorporated  Company,  a  self-governing 
body,  with  its  governor,  deputy-governor,  and  assistants  chosen 
by  the  freemen  of  the  Company,  and  meeting  in  what  is  called 
the  General  Court  or  Assembly. 

Second.  The  Colonial  Government,  which  out  of  this  Com- 
pany evolves  a  governor,  or  executive  head,  and  a  legislature, 
consisting  of  representatives  chosen  by  the  citizens  and  meet- 
ing in  one  or  two  chambers. 

Third  The  State  Government,  which  is  nothing  but  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  135 

colonial  government  developed  and  somewhat  democratized, 
with  a  governor  chosen  originally  by  the  legislature,  now 
always  by  the  people  at  large,  and  now  in  all  cases  with  a  legis- 
lature of  two  chambers.  From  the  original  thirteen  States  this 
form  has  spread  over  the  Union  and  prevails  in  every  State. 

Fourth.  The  Federal  Government,  modeled  after  the  State 
Governments,  with  its  President  chosen,  through  electors,  by 
the  people,  its  two-chambered  legislature,  its  judges  named  by 
the  President. 

Every  State  has — 

An  executive  elective  head,  the  governor. 

A  number  of  other  administrative  officers. 

A  legislature  of  two  Houses. 

A  system  of  courts  of  justice. 

Various  subordinate  local  self-governing  communities,  coun- 
ties, cities,  townships,  villages,  school  districts. 

Neither  the  governor  nor  any  other  State  official  can  sit  in 
a  State  legislature.  He  cannot  lead  it.  It  cannot,  except  of 
course  by  passing  statutes,  restrain  him.  There  can,  therefore, 
be  no  question  of  any  government  by  ministers  who  link  the 
executive  to  the  legislature  according  to  the  system  of  the  free 
countries  of  modern  Europe  and  of  the  British  colonies. 

Of  these  several  powers  the  legislature  is  by  far  the  strongest 
and  most  prominent.  An  American  State  legislature  always 
consists  of  two  Houses,  the  smaller  called  the  Senate,  the  larger 
usually  called  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  origin  of 
this  very  interesting  feature  is  to  be  sought  rather  in  history 
than  in  theory.  It  is  due  partly  to  the  fact  that  in  some  colo- 
nies there  had  existed  a  small  governor's  council  in  addition  to 
the  popular  representative  body,  partly  to  a  natural  disposition 
to  imitate  the  mother  country  with  its  Lords  and  Commons,  a 
disposition  which  manifested  itself  both  in  colonial  days  and 
when  the  revolting  States  were  giving  themselves  new  Consti- 
tutions, for  up  to  1776  some  of  the  colonies  had  gone  on  with 
a  legislature  of  one  House  only.  Now,  however,  the  need  for 
two  chambers  has  become  an  axiom  of  political  science,  being 
based  on  the  belief  that  the  innate  tendency  of  an  assembly  to 
become  hasty,  tyrannical,  and  corrupt,  needs  to  be  checked  by 


136  FATRIOTim  AND   CITIZENSEIP 

the  coexistence  of  another  House  of  equal  authority.  The 
Americans  restrain  their  legislatures  by  dividing  them,  just  as 
the  Romans  restrained  their  executive  by  substituting  two 
consuls  for  one  king.  The  only  States  that  ever  tried  to  do 
with  a  single  House  were  Pennsylvania,  Georgia,  and  Vermont, 
all  of  whom  gave  it  up:  the  first  after  four  years'  experience, 
the  second  after  twelve  years,  the  last  after  fifty  years. 

Both  Houses  are  chosen  by  popular  vote,  generally  in  equal 
electoral  districts,  and  by  the  same  voters,  although  in  a  few 
States  there  are  minor  variations  as  to  modes  of  choice.  The 
number  of  the  legislature  varies  greatly  from  State  to  State. 

The  following  diflFerences  between  the  rules  governing  the 
two  Houses  are  general :  — 

1.  The  senatorial  electoral  districts  are  always  larger,  usu- 
ally twice  or  thrice  as  large  as  the  House  districts,  and  the 
number  of  senators  is,  of  course,  in  the  same  proportion  smaller 
than  that  of  representatives. 

2.  A  senator  is  usually  chosen  for  a  longer  term  than  a 
representative.  In  a  majority  of  the  States  he  now  sits  for 
four  years.    The  term  of  a  representative  is  usually  two  years. 

3.  In  most  cases  the  Senate,  instead  of  being  elected  all  at 
once  like  the  House,  is  only  partially  renewed,  half  its  mem- 
bers going  out  when  their  terms  have  been  completed,  and  a 
new  half  coming  in.  This  gives  it  a  sense  of  continuity  which 
the  House  wants. 

4.  In  some  States  the  age  at  which  a  man  is  eligible  for  the 
Senate  is  fixed  higher  than  that  for  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. Other  restrictions  on  eligibility,  such  as  the  exclusion 
of  salaried  public  officials  (which  exists  everywhere),  that  of 
United  States  officials  and  members  of  Congress,  and  that  of 
persons  not  resident  in  the  electoral  districts  (frequent  by  law 
and  practically  universal  by  custom),  apply  to  both  Houses. 
In  some  States  this  last  restriction  goes  so  far  that  a  member 
who  ceases  to  reside  in  the  district  for  which  he  was  elected 
loses  his  seat  ipso  facto. 

Nobody  dreams  of  offering  himself  as  a  candidate  for  a 
place  in  which  he  does  not  reside,  even  in  new  States,  where 
it  might  be  thought  that  there  had  not  been  time  f  .  local  feel- 


INDIAN  FIGHTING  IN  THE  WEST 
CUSTER'S  LAST  FIGHT 


OFTHE 

unive;rsity 

OF 

:  Li  FORNAX 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  137 

ing  to  spring  up.  Unfortunate  results  have  followed  from  this, 
and  have  been  aggravated  by  the  tendency  to  narrow  the  elec- 
tion areas,  allotting  one  senator  or  representative  to  each  dis- 
trict. The  area  of  choice  being  smaller,  inferior  men  are  chosen ; 
and  in  the  case  of  districts  which  return  one  member,  but  are 
composed  of  several  small  towns,  the  practice  has  grown  up  of 
giving  each  town  its  turn,  so  that  not  even  the  leading  man  of 
the  district,  but  the  leading  man  of  the  particular  small  com- 
munity whose  turn  has  come  round,  is  chosen  to  sit  in  the 
assembly. 

Universal  manhood  suffrage,  subject  to  certain  disqualifica- 
tions in  respect  of  crime  (including  bribery)  and  of  the  receipt 
of  poor  law  relief,  which  prevail  in  many  States,  is  the  rule 
in  nearly  all  the  States.  A  property  qualification  was  formerly 
required  in  many,  but  is  no  longer  made  in  any  of  them.  [Other 
special  qualifications  still  exist  in  some  States,  but  are  usually 
of  little  practical  consequence  at  the  present  tiay,  except  those 
which  in  certain  Southern  States  have  been  recently  intro- 
duced.— ED.]  Of  course  certain  terms  of  residence  within  the 
United  States,  in  the  particular  State,  and  in  the  voting  dis- 
tricts, are  also  prescribed :  these  vary  greatly  from  State  to 
State,  but  are  usually  short. 

The  suffrage  is  generally  the  same  for  other  purposes  as  for 
that  of  elections  to  the  legislature,  and  is  in  most  of  the  States 
confined  to  male  inhabitants.  In  Colorado,  Idaho,  Utah,  and 
Wyoming,  women  now  have  full  suffrage.  In  some  other 
States  they  are  permitted  to  vote  at  school  district  and  munici- 
pal elections. 

By  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  right  of  suf- 
frage in  Federal  or  national  elections  (i.e.,  for  presidential  elec- 
tors and  members  of  Congress)  is  in  each  State  that  which 
the  State  confers  on  those  who  vote  at  the  election  of  its  more 
numerous  House.  Thus  there  might  exist  great  differences 
between  one  State  and  another  in  the  free  bestowal  of  the 
Federal  franchise.  That  such  differences  are  at  present  insig- 
nificant is  due,  partly  to  the  prevalence  of  democratic  theories 
of  equality  over  the  whole  Union,  partly  to  the  provision  of  the 
fourteenth  amendment    to   the    Federal    Constitution,  which 


138  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEMHIP 

reduces  the  representation  of  a  State  in  the  Federal  House  of 
Representatives,  and  therewith  also  its  weight  in  a  presidential 
election  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  adult  male  citizens  dis- 
qualified in  that  State.  As  a  State  desires  to  have  its  full 
weight  in  national  politics,  it  has  a  strong  motive  for  the  widest 
possible  enlargement  of  its  Federal  franchise,  and  this  implies 
a  corresponding  width  in  its  domestic  franchise. 

In  all  States  the  members  of  both  Houses  receive  salaries, 
which  in  some  cases  are  fixed  at  an  annual  sum,  the  average  at 
present  being  about  1^500.  More  frequently,  however,  they  are 
calculated  at  so  much  for  every  day  during  which  the  session 
lasts,  the  average  under  this  method  being  about  ^5  per  day, 
besides  a  small  allowance,  called  mileage,  for  traveling  ex- 
penses. The  States  which  pay  by  the  day  are  also  those  which 
limit  the  session.  Some  States  secure  themselves  against  pro- 
longed sessions  by  providing  that  the  daily  pay  shall  diminish, 
or  shall  absolutely  cease  and  determine,  at  the  expiry  of  a  cer- 
tain number  of  days,  hoping  thereby  to  expedite  business,  and 
check  inordinate  zeal  for  legislation. 

It  was  formerly  usual  for  the  legislature  to  meet  annually, 
but  the  experience  of  bad  legislation  and  over-legislation  has 
led  to  fewer  as  well  as  shorter  sittings ;  and  sessions  are  now 
biennial  in  all  States  but  six :  viz.,  Georgia,  Massachusetts,  New 
Jersey,  New  York,  and  South  Carolina,  all  of  them  old  States. 

There  is,  however,  in  nearly  all  States  a  power  reserved  to 
the  governor  to  summon  the  Houses  in  extraordinary  session 
should  a  pressing  occasion  arise.  Bills  may  originate  in  either 
House,  save  that  in  nearly  half  of  the  States  money  bills  must 
originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  There  is  a  reason 
for  such  a  rule  in  Congress,  the  Federal  Senate  not  being 
directly  representative  of  equal  numbers  of  citizens,  which  is 
not  found  in  the  State  legislatures ;  it  is  in  these  last  a  mere 
survival  of  no  present  functional  value.  Money  bills  may, 
however,  be  amended  or  rejected  by  the  State  Senates  like  any 
other  bills,  just  as  the  Federal  Senate  amends  money  bills 
brought  up  from  the  House. 

In  one  point  a  State  Senate  enjoys  a  special  power,  obvi 
ously  modeled  on  that  of  the  English  House  of  Lords  and  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  139 

Federal  Senate.  It  sits  as  a  court  under  oath  for  the  trial  of 
State  officials  impeached  by  the  House.  Like  the  Federal 
Senate,  it  has  in  many  States  the  power  of  confirming  or  reject- 
ing appointments  to  office  made  by  the  governor.  When  it 
considers  these  it  is  said  to  "  go  into  executive  session."  The 
power  is  an  important  one  in  those  States  which  allow  the  gov- 
ernor to  nominate  the  higher  judges. 

In  other  respects  the  powers  and  procedure  of  the  two 
Houses  of  a  State  legislature  are  identical ;  except  that,  whereas 
the  lieutenant-governor  of  a  State  is  generally  ex  officio  president 
of  the  Senate,  with  a  casting  vote  therein,  the  House  always 
chooses  its  own  Speaker.  The  legal  quorum  is  usually  fixed 
by  the  Constitution,  at  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of 
members  elected,  though  a  smaller  number  may  adjourn  and 
compel  the  attendance  of  absent  members.  Both  Houses  do 
most  of  their  work  by  committees,  much  after  the  fashion  of 
Congress,  and  the  committees  are  in  both  usually  chosen  by 
the  Speaker  (in  the  Senate  by  the  President,  though  it  is  often 
provided  that  the  House  or  Senate  may  on  motion  vary  their 
composition).  Both  Houses  sit  with  open  doors,  but  in  most 
States  the  Constitution  empowers  them  to  exclude  strangers 
when  the  business  requires  secrecy. 

The  State  governor  has  of  course  no  right  to  dissolve  the 
legislature,  nor  even  to  adjourn  it  unless  the  Houses,  while 
agreeing  to  adjourn,  disagree  as  to  the  date.  Such  control  as 
the  legislature  can  exercise  over  the  State  officers  by  way  of 
inquiry  into  their  conduct  is  generally  exercised  by  committees, 
and  it  is  in  committees  that  the  form  of  bills  is  usually  settled 
and  their  fate  decided,  just  as  in  the  Federal  Congress.  The 
proceedings  are  rarely  reported.  Sometimes  when  a  committee 
takes  evidence  on  an  important  question  reporters  are  present, 
and  the  proceedings  more  resemble  a  public  meeting  than  a 
legislative  session.  It  need  scarcely  be  added  that  neither 
House  separately,  nor  both  Houses  acting  together,  can  control 
an  executive  officer  otherwise  than  either  by  passing  a  statute 
prescribing  a  certain  course  of  action  for  him,  which  if  it  be  in 
excess  of  their  powers  will  be  held  unconstitutional  and  void, 
or  by  withholding  the  appropriations  necessary  to  enable  him 


140  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEJSfSKIP 

to  carry  out  the  course  of  action  he  proposes  to  adopt.  The 
latter  method,  where  applicable,  is  the  more  effective,  because 
it  can  be  used  by  a  bare  majority  of  either  House,  whereas  a 
bill  passed  by  both  Houses  may  be  vetoed  by  the  governor. 

Here,  therefore,  as  in  the  Federal  Constitution,  we  find  a 
useful  safeguard  against  the  unwisdom  or  misconduct  of  a  legis- 
lature, and  a  method  providing  for  escaping,  in  extreme  cases, 
from  those  deadlocks  which  the  system  of  checks  and  balances 
tends  to  occasion. 

The  restrictions  imposed  on  the  legislatures  of  the  States 
by  their  respective  Constitutions  are  numerous,  elaborate,  and 
instructive.    They  take  two  forms : — 

I.  Exclusions  of  a  subject  from  legislative  competence,  i.e., 
prohibitions  to  the  legislature  to  pass  any  law  on  certain  enu- 
merated subjects.  The  most  important  classes  of  prohibited 
statutes  are : — 

Statutes  inconsistent  with  democratic  principles,  as,  for  ex- 
ample, granting  titles  of  nobility,  favoring  one  religious 
denomination,  creating  a  property  qualification  for  suf- 
frage or  office. 

Statutes  against  public  policy,  e.g.,  tolerating  lotteries,  im- 
pairing the  obligation  of  contracts,  incorporating  or 
permitting  the  incorporation  of  banks,  or  the  holding 
by  a  State  of  bank  stock. 

Statutes  special  or  local  in  their  application,  a  very  large 
and  increasing  category,  the  fullness  and  minuteness  of 
which  in  many  Constitutions  show  that  the  mischiefs 
arising  from  improvident  or  corrupt  special  legislation 
must  have  become  alarming. 

Statutes  increasing  the  State  debt  beyond  a  certain 
limited  amount,  or  permitting  a  local  authority  to  in- 
crease its  debt  beyond  a  prescribed  amount,  the  amount 
being  usually  fixed  in  proportion  to  the  valuation  of 
taxable  property  within  the  area  adminstered  by  the 
local  authority. 

II.  Restrictions  on  the  procedure  of  the  legislature,  i.e., 
directions  as  to  the  particular  forms  to  be  observed  and  times 
to  be  allowed  m  passing  bills,  sometimes  all  bills,  sometimes 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  141 

bills  of  a  certain  specified  nature.     Among  these  restrictions 
will  be  found  provisions : — 

As  to  the  majorities  necessary  to  pass  certain  bills.     Some- 
times a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  members 
elected  to  each  House  is  required,  or  a  majority  exceed- 
ing a  bare  majority. 
As  to  the  method  of  taking  the  votes,  e.g.,  by  calling  over 

the  roll  and  recording  the  vote  of  each  member. 
As  to  allowing  certain  intervals  to  elapse  between  each 
reading  of  a  measure,  and  for  preventing  the  hurried 
passage  of  bills  at  the  end  of  the  session. 
As  to  including  in  a  bill  only  one  subject,  and  expressing 

that  subject  in  the  title  of  the  bill. 
Against    reenacting,   or  amending,  or   incorporating,  any 
former  Act  by  reference  to  its  title  merely,  without  set- 
ting out  its  contents. 
Where  statutes  have  been  passed  by  a  legislature  upon  a 
prohibited  subject,  or  where  the  prescribed  forms  have  been 
transgressed  or  omitted,  the  statute  will  be  held  void  so  far  as 
inconsistent  with  the  Constitution. 

Debates  in  these  bodies  are  seldom  well  reported,  and  some- 
times not  reported  at  all.  One  result  is  that  the  conduct  of 
members  escapes  the  scrutiny  of  their  constituents ;  a  better 
one  that  speeches  are  generally  short  and  practical,  the  motive 
for  rhetorical  displays  being  absent.  If  a  man  does  not  make 
a  reputation  for  oratory,  he  may  for  quick  good  sense  and  busi- 
ness habits.  However,  so  much  of  the  real  work  is  done  in 
committees  that  talent  for  intrigue  or  "management"  usually 
counts  for  more  than  debating  power. 


142  FATEIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 


CHAPTER  VI 

The  State  Executive 

The  executive  department  in  a  State  consists  of  a  governor 
(in  all  the  States),  a  lieutenant-governor  (in  thirty-two),  and  of 
various  minor  officials.  The  governor,  who,  under  the  earlier 
Constitutions  of  most  of  the  original  thirteen  States,  was 
chosen  by  the  legislature,  is  now  always  elected  by  the 
people,  and  by  the  same  suffrage,  practically  universal,  as 
the  legislature.  He  is  elected  directly,  not,  as  under  the 
Federal  Constitution,  by  a  college  of  electors.  His  term  of 
office  is,  in  twenty  States,  four  years;  in  one  State  (New 
Jersey),  three  years ;  in  twenty-two  States,  two  years ;  and  in  two 
States  (Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island),  one  year.  His  salary 
varies  from  ;^  10,000  in  New  York  and  Pennyslvania  to  ^1,000 
in  Michigan.    Some  States  limit  his  reeligibility. 

The  earlier  Constitutions  of  the  original  States  (except 
South  Carolina)  associated  with  the  governor  an  executive 
council,  but  these  councils  have  long  since  disappeared,  except 
in  Massachusetts,  Maine,  and  North  Carolina,  and  the  governor 
remains  in  solitary  glory  the  official  head  and  representative  of 
the  majesty  of  the  State.  His  powers  are,  however,  in  ordi- 
nary times  more  specious  than  solid,  and  only  one  of  them  is 
of  great  practical  value.  He  is  charged  with  the  duty  of  see- 
ing that  the  laws  of  the  State  are  faithfully  administered  by  all 
officials  and  the  judgments  of  the  courts  carried  out.  He  has, 
in  nearly  all  States,  the  power  of  reprieving  and  pardoning 
offenders,  but  in  some  this  does  not  extend  to  treason  or  to 
conviction  on  impeachment,  and  in  some,  other  authorities  are 
associated  with  him  in  the  exercise  of  this  prerogative.  He  is 
commander-in-chief  of  the  armed  forces  of  the  State,  can  em- 
body the  militia,  repel  invasion,  suppress  insurrection. 

He  appoints  some  few  officials,  but  seldom  to  high  posts, 
and  in  many  States  his  nominations  require  the  approval  of  the 
State  Senate.    Patronage,  in  which  the  President  of  the  United 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  143 

States  finds  one  of  his  most  desired  and  most  disagreeable  func- 
tions is,  in  the  case  of  a  State  governor,  of  slight  value,  because 
the  State  offices  are  not  numerous,  and  the  more  important 
and  lucrative  ones  are  filled  by  the  direct  election  of  the  people. 
He  has  the  right  of  requiring  information  from  the  executive 
officials,  and  is  usually  bound  to  communicate  to  the  legislature 
his  views  regarding  the  condition  of  the  commonwealth.  He 
may  also  recommend  measures  to  them,  but  does  not  frame 
and  present  bills.  In  a  few  States  he  is  directed  to  present 
estimates.  His  veto  may  be  overridden  by  the  legislatures  in 
manner  already  indicated,  but  generally  kills  the  measure,  be- 
cause if  the  bill  is  a  bad  one,  it  calls  the  attention  of  the  people 
to  the  fact  and  frightens  the  legislature,  whereas  if  the  bill  be 
an  unobjectionable  one,  the  governor's  motive  for  vetoing  it  is 
probably  a  party  motive,  and  the  requisite  overriding  majority 
can  seldom  be  secured  in  favor  of  a  bill  which  either  party 
dislikes.  The  use  of  his  veto  is,  in  ordinary  times,  a  governor's 
most  serious  duty,  and  chiefly  by  his  discharge  of  it  is  he  judged. 
Although  much  less  sought  after  and  prized  than  in  "  the 
days  of  the  Fathers,"  when  a  State  governor  sometimes  refused 
to  yield  precedence  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
governorship  is  still,  particularly  in  New  England  and  in  New 
York  and  other  great  States,  a  post  of  some  dignity,  and  affords 
an  opportunity  for  the  display  of  character  and  talents.  During 
the  Civil  War,  when  each  governor  was  responsible  for  enroll- 
ing, equipping,  officering,  and  sending  forward  troops  from  his 
State,  and  when  it  rested  with  him  to  repress  any  attempts  at 
disorder,  much  depended  on  his  energy,  popularity,  and  loyalty. 
In  some  States  men  still  talk  of  the  "  war  governors  "  of  those 
days  as  heroes  to  whom  the  North  owed  deep  gratitude.  And 
since  the  Pennsylvanian  riots  of  1877,  and  those  which  have 
subsequently  occurred  in  Cincinnati  and  Chicago,  have  shown 
that  tumults  may  suddenly  grow  to  serious  proportions,  it  has 
in  many  States  become  important  to  have  a  man  of  prompt 
decision  and  fearlessness  in  the  office  which  issues  orders  to 
the  State  militia.  In  most  States  there  is  an  elective  lieutenant- 
governor  who  steps  into  the  governor's  place  if  it  becomes 
vacant,  and  who  is  usually  also  ex  officio  President  of  the  Senate, 


144  FATEI0TI8M  AND   CITIZEmSIP 

as  the  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  is  of  the  Federal 
Senate.  Otherwise  he  is  an  insignificant  personage,  though 
sometimes  a  member  of  some  of  the  executive  boards. 

The  names  and  duties  of  the  other  officers  vary  from  State 
to  State.  The  most  frequent  are  a  secretary  of  state  (in  all 
States),  a  treasurer  (in  all),  an  attorney-general,  a  comptroller, 
an  auditor,  a  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  In  some 
States  we  find  a  State  engineer,  a  surveyor,  a  superintendent  of 
prisons,  etc.  It  has  already  been  observed  that  many  States 
have  also  various  bureaus  and  boards  of  commissioners.  Most 
of  these  officials  are  in  nearly  all  States  elected  by  the  people 
at  the  general  State  election.  Sometimes,  however,  they,  or 
some  of  them,  are  either  chosen  by  the  legislature,  or,  more 
rarely,  appointed  by  the  governor,  whose  nomination  usually 
requires  the  confirmation  of  the  Senate.  Their  salaries,  which 
of  course  vary  with  the  importance  of  the  office  and  the  parsi- 
mony of  the  State,  seldom  exceed  ;^  5,000  per  annum  and  are 
usually  smaller.  So,  too,  the  length  of  the  term  of  office  varies. 
It  is  often  the  same  as  that  of  the  governor  and  with  few  ex- 
ceptions does  not  exceed  four  years.  Holding  independently 
of  the  governor,  and  responsible  neither  to  him  nor  to  the  legis- 
lature, but  to  the  people,  the  State  officials  do  not  take  gener- 
ally his  orders,  and  need  not  regard  his  advice.  Each  has  his 
own  department  to  administer,  and  as  there  is  little  or  nothing 
political  in  the  work,  a  general  agreement  in  policy,  such  as 
must  exist  between  the  Federal  President  and  his  ministers,  is 
not  required.  Policy  rests  with  the  legislature,  whose  statutes, 
prescribing  minutely  the  action  to  be  taken  by  the  officials, 
leave  little  room  for  executive  discretion. 

Of  the  subordinate  civil  service  of  a  State  there  is  little  to 
be  said.  It  is  not  large,  for  the  sphere  of  administrative  action 
which  remains  to  the  State  between  the  Federal  government 
on  the  one  side,  and  the  county,  city,  and  township  govern- 
ments on  the  other,  is  not  wide.  It  is  ill-paid,  for  the  State 
legislatures  are  parsimonious.  It  is  seldom  well  manned,  for 
able  men  have  no  mducement  to  enter  it  and  the  so-called 
"spoils  system,"  which  has  been  hitherto  applied  to  State  no 
less  than  to  Federal  offices,  makes  places  the  reward  for  politi- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  145 

cal  work,  i.e.,  electioneering  and  wire-pulling.  Efforts  are  now 
being  made  in  some  States  to  introduce  reforms  similar  to 
those  begun  in  the  Federal  administration,  whereby  certain 
walks  of  the  civil  service  shall  be  kept  out  of  politics,  at  least 
so  far  as  to  secure  competent  men  against  dismissal  on  party 
grounds.  Such  reforms  would  in  no  case  apply  to  the  higher 
officials  chosen  by  the  people,  for  they  are  always  elected  for 
short  terms  and  on  party  lines. 

Every  State  except  Oregon  provides  for  the  impeachment 
of  executive  officers  for  grave  offenses.  In  all  save  two  the 
State  House  of  Representatives  is  the  impeaching  body ;  and 
in  all  but  Nebraska  the  State  Senate  sits  as  the  tribunal,  a  two- 
thirds  majority  being  generally  required  for  a  conviction.  Im- 
peachments are  rare  in  practice. 

There  is  also  in  many  States  a  power  of  removing  officials, 
sometimes  by  the  vote  of  the  legislature,  sometimes  by  the 
governor  on  the  address  of  both  Houses,  or  by  the  governor 
alone,  or  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate.  Such  removals 
must  of  course  be  made  in  respect  of  some  offense,  or  for  some 
other  sufficient  cause,  not  from  caprice  or  party  motives ;  and 
when  the  case  does  not  seem  to  justify  immediate  removal,  the 
governor  is  sometimes  empowered  to  suspend  the  officer,  pend- 
ing an  investigation  of  his  conduct. 


10 


U6  FATBIOTISM  AND   GITIZEMHIP 

CHAPTER  VII 

The  State  Judiciary 

The  judiciary  in  every  State  includes  three  sets  of  courts : 
—A  supreme  court  or  court  of  appeal;  superior  courts  of 
records;  local  courts;  but  the  particular  names  and  relations  of 
these  several  tribunals  and  the  arrangements  for  criminal  busi- 
ness vary  greatly  from  State  to  State.  As  respects  the  dis- 
tinction which  Englishmen  used  to  deem  fundamental,  that  of 
courts  of  common  law  and  courts  of  equity,  there  has  been 
great  diversity  of  practice.  Most  of  the  original  thirteen  colo- 
nies once  possessed  separate  courts  of  chancery,  and  these  were 
maintained  for  many  years  after  the  separation  from  England, 
and  were  imitated  in  a  few  of  the  earlier  among  the  newer 
States,  such  as  Michigan,  Arkansas,  Missouri.  In  some  of  the 
old  States,  however,  the  hostility  to  equity  jurisdiction,  which 
marked  the  popular  party  in  England  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tur}',  had  transmitted  itself  to  America.  Chancery  courts  were 
regarded  with  suspicion,  because  thought  to  be  less  bound  by 
fixed  rules,  and  therefore  more  liable  to  be  abused  by  an  ambi- 
tious or  capricious  judiciary.  Massachusetts,  for  instance, 
would  permit  no  such  court,  though  she  was  eventually  obliged 
to  invest  her  ordinary  judges  with  equitable  powers,  and  to 
engraft  a  system  of  equity  on  her  common  law,  while  still  keep- 
ing the  two  systems  distinct.  Pennsylvania  held  out  still  longer, 
but  she  also  now  administers  equity,  as  indeed  every  civilized 
State  must  do  in  substance,  dispensing  it,  however,  through 
the  same  judges  as  those  who  apply  the  common  law,  and  hav, 
ing  more  or  less  worked  it  into  the  texture  of  the  older  system. 
Special  chancery  courts  were  abolished  in  New  York,  where 
they  had  flourished  and  enriched  American  jurisprudence  by 
many  admirable  judgments,  by  the  democratizing  Constitution 
of  1846;  and  they  now  exist  only  in  a  few  of  the  States,  chiefly 
older  Eastern  or  Southern  States,  which,  in  judicial  matters, 
have  shown  themselves  more  conservative  thafi  their  sisters  in 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  147 

the  West.  In  four  States  only  (California,  Idaho,  New  York 
and  North  Carolina)  has  there  been  a  complete  fusion  of  law 
and  equity,  although  there  are  several  others  which  have  pro- 
vided that  the  legislature  shall  abolish  the  distinction  between 
the  two  kinds  of  procedure.  Many  States  provide  for  the 
establishment  of  tribunals  of  arbitration  and  conciliation. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  State  courts,  both  civil  and  criminal, 
is  absolutely  unlimited,  i.e.,  there  is  no  appeal  from  them  to 
the  Federal  courts,  except  in  certain  cases  specified  by  the 
Federal  Constitution,  being  cases  in  which  some  point  of  Fed- 
eral law  arises.  Certain  classes  of  cases  are,  of  course,  reserved 
for  the  Federal  courts,  and  in  some  the  State  courts  enjoy  a 
concurrent  jurisdiction.  All  crimes,  except  such  as  are  pun- 
ishable under  some  Federal  statute,  are  justifiable  by  a  State 
court,  and  in  most  States  there  exist  much  wider  facilities  for 
setting  aside  the  verdict  of  a  jury  finding  a  prisoner  guilty,  by 
raising  all  sorts  of  points  of  law,  than  are  permitted  by  the  law 
and  practice  of  European  countries. 

Each  State  recognizes  the  judgments  of  the  courts  of  a 
sister  State,  gives  credit  to  its  public  acts  and  records,  and  de- 
livers up  to  its  justice  any  fugitive  from  its  jurisdiction  charged 
with  a  crime.  Of  course,  the  courts  of  one  State  are  not  bound 
either  by  law  or  usage  to  follow  the  reported  decisions  of  those 
of  another  State.  They  use  such  decisions  merely  for  their 
own  enlightenment,  and  as  some  evidence  of  the  common  law, 
just  as  they  use  the  English  law  reports.  Most  of  the  States 
have  within  the  last  half  century  made  sweeping  changes,  not 
only  in  their  judicial  system,  but  in  the  form  of  their  law. 
They  have  revised  and  codified  their  statutes,  a  carefully  cor- 
rected edition  whereof  is  issued  every  few  years.  They  have 
in  many  instances  adopted  codes  of  procedure,  and  in  some 
cases  have  even  enacted  codes  embodying  the  substance  of  the 
common  law,  and  fusing  it  with  the  statutes.  Such  codes, 
however,  have  been  condemned  by  the  judgment  of  the  abler 
and  more  learned  part  of  the  profession,  as  tending  to  confuse 
the  law  and  make  it  more  uncertain  and  less  scientific.  But 
with  the  masses  of  the  people  the  proposal  is  popular,  for  it 
holds  out  a  prospect  of  a  system  whose  simplicity  will  enable 


148         FATmoTisM  AND  ciTizmsmp 

the  layman  to  understand  the  law,  and  render  justice  cheaper 
A  Zl  soeedv  A  really  good  code  might  have  these  happy 
trZfr..y\.  do^bid  whether  the  codifying  States 
have  taken  the  steps  requisite  to  secure  the  goodness  of  the 
c^es  they  enact.  And  codification  increases  the  variations  of 
the  law  between  different  States,  and  these  variations  may  im- 
pede business  and  disturb  the  ordinary  relations  of  life.       ^ 

Important  as  are  the  functions  of  the  American  Judiciary, 
the  powers  of  a  judge  are  limited  by  the  State  Constitutions 
in  a  manner  surprising  to  Europeans.  Usually  he  is  not 
allowed  to  charge  the  jury  on  questions  of  fact,  but  only  to 
state  the  law.  He  is  sometimes  required  to  put  his  charge  in 
writing  His  power  of  committing  for  contempt  of  court  is 
often  restricted.  Express  rules  forbid  him  to  sit  in  causes 
wherein  he  can  have  any  family  or  pecuniary  interest. 

I  come  now  to  three  points,  which  are  not  only  important 
in  themselves,  but  instructive  as  illustrating  the  currents  of 
opinion  which  have  influenced  the  peoples  of  the  States.    These 

are : — 

The  method  of  appointing  the  judges. 

Their  tenure  of  office. 

Their  salaries. 

In  colonial  days  the  superior  judges  were  appointed  by  the 
governors,  except  in  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut,  where  the 
legislature  elected  them.  In  the  period  between  1 812  and  1 860, 
when  the  tide  of  democracy  was  running  strong,  the  function 
was  in  several  of  the  older  States  taken  from  the  governor  or 
the  legislature  to  be  given  to  the  people  voting  at  the  polls, 
and  the  same  became  the  practice  among  the  new  States  as 
they  were  successively  admitted  to  the  Union.  At  present  we 
find  that  in  more  than  two  thirds  of  the  States  the  judges  are 
elected  by  the  people.  These  include  nearly  all  the  Western 
and  Southern  States,  besides  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and 
Ohio. 

.  Originally,  the  superior  judges  were,  in  most  States,  like 
those  of  England  since  the  Revolution  of  1688,  appointed  for 
life,  and  held  office  during  good  behavior,  i.e.,  were  removable 
only  when  condemned  on  an  impeachment,  or  when  an  address 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  149 

requesting  their  removal  had  been  presented  by  both  Houses  of 
the  legislature.  A  judge  may  now  be  removed  upon  such  an 
address  in  thirty-six  States,  a  majority  of  two  thirds  in  each 
House  being  usually  required.  The  salutary  provision  of  the 
British  Constitution  against  capricious  removals  has  been  faith- 
fully adhered  to.  But  the  wave  of  democracy  has  in  nearly  all 
States  swept  away  the  old  system  of  life-tenure.  Only  four 
now  retain  it.  In  the  rest  a  judge  is  elected  or  appointed  for  a 
term,  varying  from  two  years  in  Vermont  to  twenty-one  years 
in  Pennsylvania.  Eight  to  ten  years  is  the  average  term  pre- 
scribed; but  a  judge  is  always  reeligible,  and  likely  to  be  re- 
elected if  he  be  not  too  old,  if  he  has  given  satisfaction  to  the 
bar,  and  if  he  has  not  offended  the  party  which  placed  him  on 
the  bench. 

The  salaries  paid  to  State  judges  of  the  higher  courts  range 
from  $8,500  (chief-justice)  in  Pennsylvania  and  $10,000  in  New 
York,  to  $2,000  in  Oregon.  The  average  is  from  $4,000  to 
$5,000,  a  sum  which,  especially  in  the  greater  States,  fails  to 
attract  the  best  legal  talent.  Judges  of  the  inferior  courts 
usually  receive  salaries  proportionately  lower. 

Any  one  of  the  three  phenomena  I  have  described — popular 
elections,  short  terms,  and  small  salaries — would  be  sufficient 
to  lower  the  character  of  the  judiciary.  ■  Popular  elections  throw 
the  choice  into  the  hands  of  political  parties,  that  is  to  say,  of 
knots  of  wire-pullers  inclined  to  use  every  office  as  a  means  of 
rewarding  political  services,  and  garrisoning  with  grateful  par- 
tisans posts  which  may  conceivably  become  of  political  impor- 
tance. Short  terms  oblige  the  judge  to  remember  and  keep  on 
good  terms  with  those  who  have  made  him  what  he  is,  and  in 
whose  hands  his  fortunes  lie.  They  induce  timidity,  they  dis- 
courage independence.  And  small  salaries  prevent  able  men 
from  offering  themselves  for  places  whose  income  is  perhaps 
only  one  tenth  of  what  a  leading  lawyer  can  make  by  private 
practice.  Putting  the  three  sources  of  mischief  together,  no 
one  will  be  surprised  to  hear  that  in  many  of  the  American 
States  the  State  judges  are  men  of  moderate  abilities  and 
scanty  learning,  inferior,  and  sometimes  vastly  inferior,  to  the 
best  of  the  advocates  who  practice  before  them.     It  is  an  evil 


150  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEMHIP 

that  the  bench  should  not  be  intellectually  and  socially  at  least 
on  a  level  with  the  bar. 

In  most  of  the  States  where  this  system  prevails  the  bench 
is  respectable;  and  in  some  it  is  occasionally  adorned  by  men 
of  the  highest  eminence. 

Why  have  sources  of  evil  so  grave  failed  to  produce  corre- 
spondingly grave  results }   Three  reasons  may  be  suggested  :— 

One  is  the  co-existence  in  every  State  of  the  Federal  tribu- 
nals, presided  over  by  judges  who  are  usually  capable  and 
always  upright.  Their  presence  helps  to  keep  the  State  judges, 
however  personally  inferior,  from  losing  the  sense  of  responsi- 
bility and  dignity  which  befits  the  judicial  office,  and  makes 
even  party  wire-pullers  ashamed  of  nominating  as  candidates 
notoriously  incapable  or  tainted  men. 

Another  is  the  influence  of  a  public  opinion  which  not  only 
recognizes  the  interest  the  community  has  in  an  honest  admin- 
istration of  the  law,  but  recoils  from  turpitude  in  a  highly 
placed  official.  The  people  act  as  a  check  upon  the  party  con- 
ventions that  choose  candidates,  by  making  them  feel  that  they 
damage  themselves  and  their  cause  if  they  run  a  man  of  doubt- 
ful character,  and  the  judge  himself  is  made  to  dread  public 
opinion  in  the  criticisms  of  a  very  unreticent  press. 

Last,  there  is  the  influence  of  the  bar.  Lawyers  have  not 
only  a  professional  dislike  to  the  entrusting  of  law  to  inca- 
pable hands,  but  they  have  a  personal  interest  in  getting  fairly 
competent  men  before  whom  to  plead.  Hence  the  bar  often 
contrives  to  make  a  party  nomination  for  judicial  office  fall,  not 
indeed  on  a  leading  lawyer,  because  a  leading  lawyer  will  not 
accept  a  place  with  $4,000  a  year,  when  he  can  make  vastly 
more  by  private  practice,  but  on  as  competent  a  member  of  the 
party  as  can  be  got  to  take  the  post.  Having  constantly  in- 
quired, in  every  State  I  visited  wherein  the  system  of  popular 
elections  to  judgeships  prevails,  how  it  happened  that  the 
judges  were  not  worse,  I  was  usually  told  that  the  bar  had  in- 
terposed to  prevent  such  and  such  a  bad  nomination,  or  had 
agreed  to  recommend  such  and  such  a  person  as  a  candidate, 
and  that  the  party  had  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  the  bar. 

These  causes,  and  especially  the  last,  go  far  to  nullify  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  151 

malign  effects  of  popular  election  and  short  terms.  But  they 
cannot  equally  nullify  the  effect  of  small  salaries.  Accordingly, 
while  corruption  and  partiality  are  uncommon  among  State 
judges,  inferiority  to  the  practicing  counsel  is  a  conspicuous 
and  frequent  fault. 

During  recent  years  there  has  been  a  distinct  change  for  the 
better.  Some  States  which  had  vested  the  appointment  of 
judges  in  the  legislature,  like  Connecticut,  or  in  the  people, 
like  Mississippi,  have  by  recent  constitutional  amendments  or 
new  Constitutions,  given  it  to  the  governor  with  the  consent 
of  the  legislature  or  of  one  House  thereof.  Others  have  raised 
the  salaries,  or  lengthened  the  terms  of  the  judges,  or,  like 
New  York,  have  introduced  both  these  reforms.  The  Ameri- 
can people,  if  sometimes  bold  in  their  experiments,  have  a  fund 
of  good  sense  which  makes  them  watchful  of  results,  and  not 
unwilling  to  reconsider  their  former  decisions. 


CHAPTER  Vni 

State  Finance 

The  financial  systems  in  force  in  the  several  States  furnish 
one  of  the  widest  and  most  instructive  fields  of  study  that  the 
whole  range  of  American  institutions  presents  to  a  practical 
statesman,  as  well  as  to  a  student  of  comparative  politics. 

All  I  can  here  attempt  is  to  touch  on  a  few  of  the  more 
salient  features  of  the  topic.  What  I  have  to  say  falls  under 
the  heads  of — 

Purposes  for  which  State  revenue  is  required. 

Forms  of  taxation. 

Exemptions  from  taxation. 

Methods  of  collecting  taxes. 

Limitations  imposed  on  the  power  of  taxing. 

State  indebtedness. 

Restrictions  imposed  on  the  borrowing  power. 

I.  The  budget  of  a  State  is  seldom  large,  in  proportion  to 
the  wealth  of  its  inhabitants,  because  the  chief  burden  of  ad- 


152  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZBmHIP 

ministration  is  borne  not  by  the  State,  but  by  its  subdivisions, 
the  counties,  and  still  more  the  cities  and  townships.  The 
chief  expenses  which  a  State  undertakes  in  its  corporate 
capacity  are— (i)  The  salaries  of  its  officials,  executive  and 
judicial,  and  the  incidental  expenses  of  judicial  proceedings, 
such  as  payments  to  jurors  and  witnesses;  (2)  the  State  volun- 
teer militia;  (3)  charitable  and  other  public  institutions,  such 
as  State  lunatic  asylums,  State  universities,  agricultural  col- 
leges, etc.;  (4)  grants  to  schools;  (5)  State  prisons,  compara- 
tively few,  since  the  prison  is  usually  supported  by  the  county ; 
(6)  State  buildings  and  public  works,  including,  in  a  few  cases, 
canals;  (7)  payment  of  interest  on  State  debts.  Of  the  whole 
revenue  collected  in  each  State  under  State  taxing  laws,  a  com- 
paratively small  part  is  taken  by  the  State  itself  and  applied  to 
State  purposes.  In  1882  only  seven  States  raised  for  State 
purposes  a  revenue  exceeding  ;^2,ooo,ooo.  The  State  revenues 
are  small  when  compared  either  with  the  population  and  wealth 
of  the  States,  or  with  the  revenue  raised  in  them  by  local 
authorities  for  local  purposes.  They  are  also  small  in  com- 
parison with  what  is  raised  by  indirect  taxation  for  Federal 
purposes. 

II.  The  Federal  government  raises  its  revenue  by  indirect 
taxation,  and  by  duties  of  customs  and  excise,  though  it  has  the 
power  of  imposing  direct  taxes,  and  used  that  power  freely  dur- 
ing the  Civil  War.  State  revenue,  on  the  other  hand,  arises 
almost  wholly  from  direct  taxation,  since  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion forbids  the  levying  of  import  or  export  duties  by  a  State, 
except  with  the  consent  of  Congress,  and  directs  the  produce 
of  any  such  duties  as  Congress  may  permit  to  be  paid  into  the 
Federal  treasury.  The  chief  tax  is  in  every  State  a  property 
tax,  based  on  a  valuation  of  property,  and  generally  of  all  prop- 
erty, real  and  personal,  within  the  taxing  jurisdiction. 

The  valuation  is  made  by  officials  called  appraisers  or  as- 
sessors, appointed  by  the  local  communities,  though  under  gen- 
eral State  laws.  It  is  their  duty  to  put  a  value  on  all  taxable 
property;  that  is,  speaking  generally,  on  all  property,  real  and 
personal,  which  they  can  discover  or  trace  within  the  area  of 
their  authority.    As  the  contribution  to  the  revenues  of  the 


OUE  SYSTEM   OF  GOYEENMENT  153 

State  or  county,  leviable  within  that  area,  is  proportioned  to  the 
amount  and  value  of  taxable  property  situated  within  it,  the 
local  assessors  have,  equally  with  the  property  owners,  an  obvi- 
ous motive  for  valuing  on  a  low  scale,  for  by  doing  so  they  re- 
live their  community  of  part  of  its  burden.  The  State  accord- 
ingly seeks  to  check  and  correct  them  by  creating  what  is  called 
a  board  of  equalization,  which  compares  and  revises  the  valua- 
tions made  by  the  various  local  officers,  so  as  to  secure  that 
taxable  property  in  each  locality  is  equally  and  fairly  valued, 
and  made  thereby  to  bear  its  due  share  of  public  burdens. 
Similarly  a  county  has  often  an  equalization  board  to  supervise 
and  adjust  the  valuations  of  the  towns  and  cities  within  its 
limits.  However,  the  existence  of  such  boards  by  no  means 
overcomes  the  difficulty  of  securing  a  really  equal  valuation, 
and  the  honest  town  which  puts  its  property  at  a  fair  value 
suffers  by  paying  more  than  its  share.  Valuations  are  gener- 
ally made  at  a  figure  much  below  the  true  worth  of  property. 
Indeed  one  hears  everywhere  in  America  complaints  of  in- 
equalities arising  from  the  varying  scales  on  which  valuers 
proceed. 

A  still  more  serious  evil  is  the  fact  that  so  large  a  part  of 
taxable  property  escapes  taxation.  Lands  and  houses  cannot 
be  concealed ;  cattle  and  furniture  can  be  discovered  by  a  zeal- 
ous tax  officer.  But  a  great  part,  often  far  the  largest  part  of 
a  rich  man's  wealth,  consists  in  what  the  Americans  call  "  in- 
tangible property,"  notes,  bonds,  book  debts,  and  Western 
mortgages.  At  this  it  is  practically  impossible  to  get,  except 
through  the  declaration  of  the  owner ;  and  though  the  owner  is 
required  to  present  his  declaration  of  taxable  property  upon 
oath,  he  is  apt  to  omit  this  kind  of  property. 

In  every  part  of  the  country  one  hears  this.  The  tax  re- 
turns sent  in  are  rarely  truthful ;  and  not  only  does  a  very  large 
percentage  of  property  escape  its  lawful  burdens,  but  "  the  de- 
moralization of  the  public  conscience  by  the  frequent  adminis- 
tration of  oaths,  so  often  taken  only  to  be  disregarded,  is  an  evil 
of  the  greatest  magnitude.  Almost  any  change  would  seem  to 
be  an  improvement," 

I  have  dwelt  upon  these  facts,  not  only  because  they  illus- 


154  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENmiP 

trate  the  difficulties  inherent  in  a  property  tax,  but  also  because 
they  help  to  explain  the  occasional  bitterness  of  feeling  among 
the  American  farmers  as  well  as  the  masses  against  capitalists, 
much  of  whose  accumulated  wealth  escapes  taxation,  while  the 
farmer  who  owns  his  land,  as  well  as  the  workingman  who  puts 
his  savings  into  the  house  he  lives  in,  is  assessed  and  taxed 
upon  this  visible  property.  We  may,  in  fact,  say  of  most 
States,  that  under  the  present  system  of  taxation  the  larger 
the  city  the  smaller  is  the  proportion  of  personalty  reached  by 
taxation  (since  concealment  is  easier  in  large  communities), 
and  the  richer  a  man  is  the  smaller  in  proportion  to  his  prop- 
erty is  the  contribution  he  pays  to  the  State.  Add  to  this  that 
the  rich  man  bears  less,  in  proportion  to  his  income,  of  the  bur- 
den of  indirect  taxation,  since  the  protective  tariff  raises  the 
price  not  merely  of  luxuries  but  of  all  commodities,  except 
some  kinds  of  food. 

Besides  the  property  tax,  which  is  the  main  source  of  reve- 
nue, the  States  often  levy  taxes  on  particular  trades  or  occupa- 
tions, sometimes  in  the  form  of  a  license  tax,  taxes  on  fran- 
chises enjoyed  by  a  corporation,  taxes  on  railroad  stock,  or  (in 
a  few  States)  taxes  on  collateral  inheritances.  Comparatively 
little  resort  is  had  to  the  so-called  "death-duties,"  i.e.,  probate, 
legacy,  and  succession  duties,  nor  is  much  use  made  of  an  in- 
come tax.  As  regards  poll  taxes  there  is  much  variety  of  prac- 
tice. Some  State  Constitutions  forbid  such  an  impost,  as 
"grievous  and  oppressive";  others  direct  it  to  be  imposed,  and 
about  one  half  do  not  mention  it.  The  amount  of  a  poll  tax  is 
always  small,  ;^i  to  ^3:  sometimes  the  payment  of  it  is  made 
a  prerequisite  to  the  exercise  of  the  electoral  franchise. 

III.  In  most  States  certain  descriptions  of  property  are  ex- 
empted from  taxation,  as,  for  instance,  the  buildings  or  other 
property  of  the  State,  or  of  any  local  community,  burying 
grounds,  schools  and  universities,  educational,  charitable,  sci- 
entific, literary,  or  agricultural  institutions  or  societies,  public 
libraries,  churches  and  other  buildings  or  property  used  for  relig- 
ious purposes,  cemeteries,  household  furniture,  farming  imple- 
ments, deposits  in  savings  banks  Often,  too,  it  is  provided  that 
the  owner  of  personal  property  below  a  certain  figure  shall  not 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  155 

pay  taxes  on  it,  and  occasionally  ministers  of  religion  are  allowed 
a  certain  sum  free  from  taxation. 

No  State  can  tax  any  bonds,  debt  certificates,  or  other 
securities  issued  by,  or  under  the  authority  of,  the  Federal 
government,  including  the  circulating  notes  commonly  called 
"greenbacks."  This  has  been  held  to  be  the  law  on  the  con- 
struction of  the  Federal  constitution,  and  has  been  so  declared 
in  a  statute  of  Congress.  It  introduces  an  element  of  great 
difficulty  into  State  taxation,  because  persons  desiring  to  escape 
taxation  are  apt  to  turn  their  property  into  these  exempted 
forms  just  before  they  make  their  tax  returns. 

IV.  Some  of  the  State  taxes,  such,  for  instance,  as  license 
taxes,  or  a  taxation  on  corporations,  are  directly  levied  by  and 
paid  to  the  State  officials.  But  others,  and  particularly  the 
property  tax,  which  forms  so  large  a  source  of  revenue,  are  col- 
lected by  the  local  authorities.  The  State,  having  determined 
what  income  it  needs,  apportions  this  sum  among  the  counties, 
or  in  New  England,  sometimes  directly  among  the  towns,  in 
proportion  to  their  paying  capacity,  that  is,  to  the  value  of  the 
property  situated  within  them.  So,  similarly,  the  counties  appor- 
tion not  only  what  they  have  to  pay  to  the  State,  but  also  the 
sum  they  have  to  raise  for  county  purposes,  among  the  cities 
and  townships  within  their  area,  in  proportion  to  the  value  of 
their  taxable  property.  Thus,  when  the  township  or  city  au- 
thorities assess  and  collect  taxes  from  the  individual  citizen, 
they  collect  at  one  and  the  same  time  three  distinct  sets  of 
taxes,  the  State  tax,  the  county  tax,  and  the  city  or  township 
tax.  Retaining  the  latter  for  local  purposes,  they  hand  on  the 
two  former  to  the  county  authorities,  who  in  turn  retain  the 
county  tax,  handing  on  to  the  State  what  it  requires.  Thus 
trouble  and  expense  are  saved  in  all  the  process  of  collecting, 
and  the  citizen  sees  in  one  tax  paper  all  he  has  to  pay. 

V.  Some  States,  taught  by  their  sad  experience  of  reckless 
legislatures,  limit  by  their  Constitutions  the  amount  of  taxation 
which  may  be  raised  for  State  purposes  in  any  one  year.  Some- 
times we  find  directions  that  no  greater  revenue  shall  be  raised 
than  the  current  needs  of  the  State  require. 

VI.  Nothing  in  the  financial  system  of  the  States  better 


166  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

deserves  attention  than  the  history  of  the  State  debts,  their 
portentous  growth,  and  the  efforts  made,  when  the  people  had 
taken  fright,  to  reduce  their  amount,  and  to  set  limits  to  them 
in  the  future. 

Seventy  years  ago,  when  those  rich  and  ample  Western 
lands  which  now  form  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan,  and  Missouri  were  being  opened  up  and  settled,  and 
again  fifty  years  ago,  when  railway  construction  was  in  the  first 
freshness  of  its  marvelous  extension,  and  was  filling  up  the 
lands  along  the  Mississippi  at  an  increasingly  rapid  rate,  every 
one  was  full  of  hope ;  and  States,  counties,  and  cities,  not  less 
than  individual  men,  threw  themselves  eagerly  into  the  work  of 
developing  the  resources  which  lay  around  them.  The  States, 
as  well  as  these  minor  communities,  set  to  work  to  make  roads 
and  canals  and  railways ;  they  promoted  or  took  stock  in  trad- 
ing companies,  they  started  or  subsidized  banks,  they  embarked 
in,  or  pledged  their  credit  for,  a  hundred  enterprises  which  they 
were  ill  fitted  to  conduct  or  supervise.  Some  undertakings 
failed  lamentably,  while  in  others  the  profits  were  grasped  by 
private  speculators,  and  the  burden  was  left  with  the  public 
body.  State  indebtedness,  which  in  1825  (when  there  were 
twenty-four  States)  stood  at  an  aggregate  over  the  whole 
Union  of  ;^  12,790,728,  had  in  1842  reached  ;^ 203, 777, 9 16,  in 
1870  ;^352, 866, 898. 

The  huge  and  increasing  total  startled  the  people,  and  some 
States  repudiated  their  debts.  Even  after  the  growth  of  State 
debts  had  been  checked,  minor  communities,  towns,  counties, 
but,  above  all,  cities,  trod  in  the  same  path,  the  old  temptations 
recurring,  and  the  risks  seeming  smaller  because  a  municipality 
had  a  more  direct  and  close  interest  than  a  State  in  seeing  that 
its  money  or  credit  was  well  applied.  Municipal  indebtedness 
advanced,  especially  in  the  larger  cities,  at  a  dangerously  swift 
rate. 

VII.  The  disease  spread  till  it  terrified  the  patient,  and  a 
remedy  was  found  in  the  insertion  in  the  Constitutions  of  the 
States  of  provisions  limiting  the  borrowing  powers  of  State 
legislatures.  Fortunately  the  evil  had  been  perceived  in  time 
to  enable  the  newest  States  to  profit  by  the  experience  of  their 


OXJU  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEUNMBNT  157 

predecessors.  For  the  last  forty  years,  whenever  a  State  has 
enacted  a  Constitution,  it  has  inserted  sections  restricting  the 
borrowing  powers  of  States  and  local  bodies,  and  often  also 
providing  for  the  discharge  of  existing  liabilities.  Not  only  is 
the  passing  of  bills  for  raising  a  State  loan  surrounded  with 
special  safeguards,  such  as  the  requirement  of  a  two-thirds 
majority  in  each  House  of  the  legislature;  not  only  is  there  a 
prohibition  ever  to  borrow  money  for,  or  even  to  undertake, 
internal  improvements  (a  fertile  source  of  jobbery  and  waste, 
as  the  experience  of  Congress  shows) ;  not  only  is  there  almost 
invariably  a  provision  that  whenever  a  debt  is  contracted  the 
same  Act  shall  create  a  sinking  fund  for  paying  it  off  within  a 
few  years,  but  in  most  Constitutions  the  total  amount  of  the 
debt  is  limited,  and  limited  to  a  sum  beautifully  small  in  pro- 
portion to  the  population  and  resources  of  the  State. 

In  four  fifths  of  the  States,  including  all  those  with 
recent  Constitutions,  the  legislature  is  forbidden  to  "give  or 
lend  the  credit  of  the  State  in  aid  of  any  person,  association,  or 
corporation,  whether  municipal  or  other,  or  to  pledge  the  credit 
of  the  State  in  any  manner  whatsoever  for  the  payment  of  the 
liabilities  present  or  prospective  of  any  individual  association, 
municipal,  or  other  corporation,"  as  also  to  take  stock  in  a  cor- 
poration, or  otherwise  embark  in  any  gainful  enterprise.  Many 
Constitutions  also  forbid  the  assumption  by  the  State  of  the 
debts  of  any  individual  or  municipal  corporation. 

Many  of  the  recent  Constitutions  limit,  or  direct  the  legis- 
lature to  limit,  the  borrowing  powers  of  counties,  cities,  or 
towns,  sometimes  even  of  incorporated  school  districts,  to  a 
sum  not  exceeding  a  certain  percentage  on  the  assessed  value 
of  the  taxable  property  within  the  area  in  question.  This  per- 
centage is  usually  five  per  cent.  Sometimes  also  the  amount 
of  the  tax  leviable  by  a  local  authority  in  any  year  is  restricted 
to  a  definite  sum— for  instance,  to  one  half  per  cent,  on  the 
valuation.  And  in  nearly  all  the  States,  the  cities,  counties,  or 
other  local  incorporated  authorities  are  forbidden  to  pledge 
their  credit  for,  or  undertake  the  liabilities  of,  or  take  stock  in, 
or  otherwise  give  aid  to,  any  undertaking  or  company.  Some- 
times there  is  a  direction  that  any  municipality  creating  a  debt 


158  PATEI0TI8M  AND   CITIZm^SKIP 

must  at  the  same  time  provide  for  its  extinction  by  a  sinking 
fund.  Sometimes  the  restrictions  imposed  apply  only  to  a  par- 
ticular class  of  undertakings— e.g.,  banks  or  railroads.  The 
differences  between  State  and  State  are  endless;  but  every- 
where the  tendency  is  to  make  the  protection  against  local  in- 
debtedness and  municipal  extravagance  more  and  more  strict ; 
nor  will  any  one  who  knows  these  local  authorities,  and  the 
temptations,  both  good  and  bad,  to  which  they  are  exposed, 
complain  of  the  strictness. 

The  provisions  above  described  have  had  the  effect  of 
steadily  reducing  the  amount  of  State  and  county  debts, 
although  the  wealth  of  the  country  makes  rapid  strides.  This 
reduction  is  estimated  to  have  been  between  1870  and  1880 
twenty-five  per  cent,  in  the  case  of  State  debts,  and  in  that  of 
county,  town,  and  school  district  debts  eight  per  cent.  In  cities, 
however,  there  was,  within  the  same  decade,  not  only  no  reduc- 
tion, but  an  increase  of  over  one  hundred  per  cent.,  possibly  as 
much  as  one  hundred  and  thirty  per  cent. 

This  striking  difference  between  the  cities  and  the  States 
may  be  explained  in  several  ways.  One  is  that  cities  cannot 
repudiate,  while  sovereign  States  can  and  do.  Another  may 
be  found  in  the  later  introduction  into  State  Constitutions  of 
restrictions  on  the  borrowing  power  of  municipalities.  But  the 
chief  cause  is  to  be  found  in  the  conditions  of  the  government  of 
great  cities,  where  the  wealth  of  the  community  is  largest,  and 
is  also  most  at  the  disposal  of  a  multitude  of  ignorant  voters. 
Several  of  the  greatest  cities  lie  in  States  which  did  not  till 
recently,  or  have  not  even  now,  imposed  adequate  restrictions 
on  the  borrowing  power  of  city  councils. 


OUB  SYSTEM   OF  GOVERNMENT  159 


CHAPTER  IX 
The  Territories 

The  three  organized  territories,  Arizona,  New  Mexico,  and 
Oklahoma,  present  an  interesting  form  of  autonomy  or  local 
self-government,  differing  from  that  which  exists  in  the  several 
States,  and  in  some  points  more  akin  to  that  of  the  self-govern- 
ing colonies  of  Great  Britain.  This  form  has  in  each  territory 
been  created  by  Federal  statutes,  beginning  with  the  great 
Ordinance  for  the  Government  of  the  Territory  of  the  United 
States  northwest  of  the  Ohio  River,  passed  by  the  Congress  of 
the  Confederation  in  1787.  Since  that  year  many  territories 
have  been  organized  under  different  statutes  and  on  different 
plans  out  of  the  western  dominions  of  the  United  States,  under 
the  general  power  conferred  upon  Congress  by  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution. All  of  these  but  the  three  above-named  territories  have 
now  become  States.  At  first  local  legislative  power  was  vested 
in  the  governor  and  the  judges;  it  is  now  exercised  by  an  elec- 
tive legislature.  The  present  organization  of  these  three  is  in 
most  respects  identical ;  and  in  describing  it  I  shall  for  the  sake 
of  brevity  ignore  minor  differences. 

The  fundamental  law  of  every  territory,  as  of  every  State, 
is  the  Federal  Constitution ;  but  whereas  every  State  has  also 
its  own  popularly  enacted  State  Constitution,  the  territories 
are  not  regulated  by  any  similar  instruments,  which  for  them 
are  replaced  by  the  Federal  statutes  passed  by  Congress  estab- 
lishing their  government  and  prescribing  its  form.  However, 
some  territories  have  created  a  sort  of  rudimentary  constitu- 
tion for  themselves  by  enacting  a  Bill  of  Rights. 

In  every  territory,  as  in  every  State,  the  executive,  legisla- 
tive, and  judicial  departments  are  kept  distinct.  The  executive 
consists  of  a  governor,  appointed  for  four  years  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  and 
removable  by  the  President,  together  with  a  secretary,  treasurer, 
auditor,  attorney-general,  and  superintendent  of  public  instruc- 


160  PATMIOTISM  AND   ClTIZEmHlP 

tion.  The  governor  commands  the  militia,  and  has  a  veto 
upon  the  acts  of  the  legislature,  which,  however,  may  (except 
in  Arizona)  be  overridden  by  a  two-thirds  majority  in  each 
House.  He  is  responsible  to  the  Federal  government,  and 
reports  yearly  to  the  President  on  the  condition  of  the  terri- 
tory, often  making  his  report  a  sort  of  prospectus  in  which  the 
advantages  which  his  dominions  offer  to  intending  immigrants 
are  set  forth.  He  also  sends  a  message  to  the  legislature  at 
the  beginning  of  each  session. 

The  legislature  is  composed  of  two  Houses,  a  Council,  and 
a  House  of  Representatives  elected  by  districts.  Each  House 
is  elected  by  the  voters  of  the  territory  for  two  years,  and  sits 
only  once  in  that  period.  The  session  is  limited  (by  Federal 
statutes)  to  sixty  days,  and  the  salary  of  a  member  is  $4  per 
diem.  The  Houses  work  much  like  those  in  the  States,  doing 
the  bulk  of  their  business  by  standing  committees,  and  fre- 
quently suspending  their  rules  to  run  measures  through  with 
little  or  no  debate.  The  electoral  franchise  is  left  to  be  fixed 
by  territorial  statute,  but  Federal  statutes  prescribe  that  every 
member  shall  be  resident  in  the  district  he  represents.  The 
sphere  of  legislation  allowed  to  the  legislature  is  wide,  indeed 
practically  as  wide  as  that  enjoyed  by  the  legislature  of  a  State, 
but  subject  to  certain  Federal  restrictions.  It  is  subject  also 
to  the  still  more  important  right  of  Congress  to  annul  or  modify 
by  its  own  statutes  any  territorial  act.  In  all  these  territories 
Congress  may  exercise  without  stint  its  power  to  override  the 
statutes  passed  by  a  territorial  legislature. 

The  judiciary  consists  of  three  or  more  judges  of  a  Supreme 
Court,  appointed  for  four  years  by  the  President,  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  Senate  (salary  $3,000),  together  with  a  United 
States  district  attorney  and  a  United  States  marshal.  The 
law  they  administer  is  partly  Federal,  all  Federal  statutes  being 
construed  to  take  effect,  where  properly  applicable,  in  the  ter- 
ritories, partly  local,  created  in  each  territory  by  its  own 
statutes ;  and  appeals,  where  the  sum  in  dispute  is  above  a  cer- 
tain value,  go  to  the  Supreme  Federal  Court.  Although  these 
courts  are  created  by  Congress  in  pursuance  of  its  general 
sovereignty—they  do  not  fall  within  the  provisions  of  the  Con- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  161 

stitution  for  a  Federal  judiciary— the  territorial  legislature  is 
allowed  to  regulate  their  practice  and  procedure.  The  expenses 
of  territorial  governments  are  borne  by  the  Federal  Treasury. 
The  territories  send  neither  senators  nor  representatives 
to  Congress,  nor  do  they  take  part  in  presidential  elections. 
The  House  of  Representatives,  under  a  statute,  admits  a  dele- 
gate from  each  of  them  to  sit  and  speak,  but  of  course  not  to 
vote,  because  the  right  of  voting  in  Congress  depends  on  the 
Federal  Constitution.  The  position  of  a  citizen  in  a  territory 
is  therefore  a  peculiar  one.  What  may  be  called  his  private  or 
passive  citizenship  is  complete :  he  has  all  the  immunities  and 
benefits  which  any  other  American  citizen  enjoys.  But  the 
public  or  active  side  is  wanting,  so  far  as  the  national  govern- 
ment is  concerned,  although  complete  for  local  purposes.  It 
may  seem  inconsistent  with  principle  that  citizens  should  be 
taxed  by  a  government  in  whose  legislature  they  are  not  repre- 
sented; but  the  practical  objections  to  giving  the  full  rights  of 
States  to  these  comparatively  rude  communities  outweigh  any 
such  theoretical  difficulties.  It  must,  moreover,  be  remembered 
that  a  territory,  which  may  be  called  an  inchoate  or  rudimen- 
tary State,  looks  forward  to  become  a  complete  State.  When 
its  population  becomes  equal  to  that  of  an  average  congres- 
sional district,  its  claim  to  be  admitted  as  a  State  is  strong,  and 
in  the  absence  of  specific  objections  will  be  granted.  Congress, 
however,  has  absolute  discretion  in  the  matter,  and  often  uses 
its  discretion  under  party  political  motives.  When  Congress 
resolves  to  turn  a  territory  into  a  State,  it  usually  passes  an 
Enabling  Act,  under  which  the  inhabitants  elect  a  constitu- 
tional convention,  which  frames  a  draft  constitution ;  and  when 
this  has  been  submitted  to  and  accepted  by  the  voters  of  the 
territory,  the  act  of  Congress  takes  effect;  the  territory  is 
transformed  into  a  State,  and  proceeds  to  send  its  senators  and 
representatives  to  Congress  in  the  usual  way.  The  Enabling 
Act  may  prescribe  conditions  to  be  fulfilled  by  the  State  Con- 
stitution, but  usually  without  narrowing  the  right  which  the 
citizens  of  the  newly  formed  State  will  enjoy  of  subsequently 
modifying  that  instrument  in  any  way  not  inconsistent  with  the 
provisions  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 
11 


162  PATRIOTISM  AND   ClTlZEMmP 

These  arrangements  seem  to  work  well.  Self-government 
is  practically  enjoyed  by  the  territories,  despite  the  supreme 
authority  of  Congress,  just  as  it  is  enjoyed  by  Canada  and  the 
Australian  colonies  of  Great  Britain,  despite  the  legal  right  of 
the  British  Parliament  to  legislate  for  every  part  of  the  King's 
dominions.  The  want  of  a  voice  in  Congress  and  presidential 
elections,  and  the  fact  that  the  governor  is  set  over  them  by  an 
external  power,  are  not  felt  to  be  practical  grievances,  partly,  of 
course,  because  these  young  communities  are  too  small  and  too 
much  absorbed  in  the  work  of  developing  the  country  to  be 
keenly  interested  in  national  politics.  Their  local  political  life 
much  resembles  that  of  the  newer  Western  States.  Political 
parties  have  their  regular  organizations. 

The  District  of  Columbia  is  a  tract  of  land  set  apart  to  con- 
tain the  city  of  Washington,  which  is  the  seat  of  the  Federal 
government.  It  is  governed  by  three  commissioners  appointed 
by  the  President,  and  has  no  local  legislature  nor  municipal 
government,  the  only  legislative  authority  being  Congress. 


CHAPTER  X 
The  Government  of  Cities 

The  growth  of  great  cities  has  been  among  the  most  signifi- 
cant and  least  fortunate  changes  in  the  character  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  United  States  during  the  century  and  more  that 
has  passed  since  1787.  The  ratio  of  persons  living  in  cities 
exceeding  8,000  inhabitants  to  the  total  population  was,  in 
1790,  3.35  per  cent.,  in  1840,  8.52,  in  1880,  22.57,  and  in 
1890,  29.12.  And  this  change  has  gone  on  with  accelerated 
speed  notwithstanding  the  enormous  extension  of  settlement 
over  the  vast  regions  of  the  West.  Needless  to  say  that  a 
still  larger  and  increasing  proportion  of  the  wealth  of  the 
country  is  gathered  into  the  larger  cities.  Their  government  is 
therefore  a  matter  of  high  concern  to  America. 

We  find  in  all  the  larger  cities : — 

A  mayor,  head  of  the  executive,  and  elected  directly  by  the 
voters  within  the  city. 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  163 

Certain  executive  officers  or  boards,  some  directly  elected 
by  the  city  voters,  others  nominated  by  the  mayor  or 
chosen  by  the  city  legislature. 

A  legislature  consisting  usually  of  two,  but  sometimes  of 
one  chamber,  directly  elected  by  the  city  voters. 

Judges,  usually  elected  by  the  city  voters,  but  sometimes 
appointed  by  the  State. 

What  is  this  but  the  frame  of  a  State  government  applied 
to  the  smaller  area  of  a  city  ?  The  mayor  corresponds  to  the 
governor,  the  officers  or  boards  to  the  various  State  officials 
and  boards  elected,  in  most  cases,  by  the  people ;  the  aldermen 
and  common  council  (as  they  are  generally  called)  to  the  State 
Senate  and  House  or  Assembly;  the  city  elective  judiciary  to 
the  State  elective  judiciary. 

The  mayor  is  by  far  the  most  conspicuous  figure  in  city 
governments.  He  holds  office,  sometimes  for  one  year,  but 
now  more  frequently  for  two,  three,  or  even  five  years.  In 
some  cities  he  is  not  reeligible.  He  is  directly  elected  by  the 
people  of  the  whole  city,  and  is  usually  not  a  member  of  the 
city  legislature.  He  has,  almost  everywhere,  a  veto  on  all  ordi- 
nances passed  by  that  legislature,  which,  however,  can  be  over- 
ridden by  a  two-thirds  majority.  In  many  cities  he  appoints 
some  among  the  heads  of  departments  and  administrative 
boards,  though  usually  the  approval  of  the  legislature  or  of  one 
branch  of  it  is  required.  Quite  recently  some  city  charters 
have  gone  so  far  as  to  make  him  generally  responsible  for  all 
the  departments,  though  limiting  his  initiative  by  the  right  of 
the  legislature  to  give  or  withhold  supplies,  and  making  him 
liable  to  impeachment  for  misfeasance.  He  receives  a  con- 
siderable salary,  varying  with  the  size  of  the  city,  but  some- 
times reaching  ^10,000,  the  same  salary  as  that  allotted  to  the 
justices  of  the  Supreme  Federal  Court.  It  rests  with  him,  as 
the  chief  executive  officer,  to  provide  for  the  public  peace,  to 
quell  riots,  and,  if  necessary,  to  call  out  the  militia.  He  often 
exerts  a  pretty  wide  discretion  as  to  the  enforcement  of  the 
law ;  he  may,  for  instance,  put  in  force  Sunday  Closing  Acts 
or  regulations,  or  omit  to  do  so. 

The  practical  work  of  administration  is  carried  on  by  a 


164 


PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZUNSHIP 


number  of  departments,  sometimes  under  one  head,  sometimes 
constoted  as'boards  or  commissions.  The  most  important  of 
hes  are  directly  elected  by  the  people,  for  a  term  of  one  two 
hree  or  four  years.  Some,  however,  are  chosen  by  the  city 
egislkture,  some  by  the  mayor  with  the  approval  of  the  legis- 
lauire  or  its  upper  chamber.  In  most  cities  the  chief  executive 
officers  have  been  disconnected  from  one  another,  owing  no 
common  allegiance,  except  that  which  their  financial  dependence 
on  the  city  legislature  involves,  and  communicating  less  with  the 
city  legislature  as  a  whole  than  with  its  committees,  each  charged 
with  some  one  branch  of  adminstration,  and  each  apt  to  job  it. 
Education  has  been  generally  treated  as  a  distinct  matter, 
with  which  neither  the  mayor  nor  the  municipal  legislature  has 
been  suffered  to  meddle.  It  is  committed  to  a  Board  of  Edu- 
cation, whose  members  are  separately  elected  by  the  people  or 
appointed  by  the  mayor,  and  who  levy  (though  they  do  not 
themselves  collect)  a  separate  tax,  and  have  an  executive  staff 
of  their  own  at  their  disposal. 

The  city  legislature  usually  consists  in  small  cities  of  one 
chamber,  in  large  cities  of  two,  the  upper  of  which  generally 
bears  the  name  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  the  lower  that  of  the 
Common  Council.    All  are  elected  by  the  citizens,  generally  in 
wards,  but  the  upper  house  occasionally  by  districts  or  on  what 
is  called  a  "general  ticket,"  i.e.,  a  vote  over  the  whole  city. 
Usually  the  common  council  is  elected  for  one  year,  or  at  most 
for  two  years,  the  upper  chamber  frequently  for  a  longer  period. 
Both  are  usually  unpaid  in  the  smaller  cities,  sometimes  paid 
in  the  larger.    All  city  legislation,  that  is  to  say,  ordinances, 
by-laws,  and  votes  of  money  from  the  city  treasury,  are  passed 
by  the  council  or  councils,  subject  in  many  cases  to  the  mayor's 
veto.    Except  in  a  few  cities  governed  by  very  recent  charters, 
the  councils  have  some  control  over  at  least  the  minor  officials. 
Such  control  is  exercised  by  committees,  a  method  borrowed 
from  the  State  and  national  legislatures,  and  suggested  by  the 
same  reasons  of  convenience  which  have  established  it  there, 
but  proved  by  experience  to  have  the  evils  of  secrecy  and  irre- 
sponsibility as  well  as  that  of  disconnecting  the  departments 
from  one  another. 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  165 

The  city  judges  are  only  in  so  far  a  part  of  the  municipal 
government  that  in  most  of  the  larger  cities  they  are  elected  by 
the  citizens,  like  the  other  chief  officers.  There  are  usually 
several  superior  judges,  chosen  for  terms  of  five  years  and  up- 
wards, and  a  larger  number  of  police  judges  or  justices,  gener- 
ally for  shorter  terms.  Occasionally,  however,  the  State  has 
prudently  reserved  to  itself  the  appointment  of  judges. 

The  election  of  city  officers  is  usually  made  to  coincide  with 
that  of  State  officers,  perhaps  also  of  Federal  congressmen. 
This  saves  expense  and  trouble.  But  as  it  not  only  bewilders 
the  voter  in  his  choice  of  men  by  distracting  his  attention  be- 
tween a  large  number  of  candidates  and  places,  but  also  con- 
firms the  tendency,  already  strong,  to  vote  for  city  officers  on 
party  lines,  there  has  of  late  years  been  a  movement  in  some 
cities  to  have  the  municipal  elections  fixed  for  a  different  date 
from  that  of  State  or  Federal  elections,  so  that  the  undistracted 
And  non-partisan  thought  of  the  citizens  may  be  given  to  the 
former.  When  parties  put  forward  questionable  men,  a  non- 
partisan list,  or  so-called  "citizens*  ticket,"  may  be  run  by  a 
combination  of  respectable  men  of  all  parties.  Sometimes  this 
attempt  succeeds. 

The  functions  of  city  governments  may  be  distributed  into 
three  groups — (a)  those  which  are  delegated  by  the  State  out 
of  its  general  coercive  and  administrative  powers,  including  the 
police  power,  the  granting  of  licenses,  the  execution  of  laws 
relating  to  adulteration  and  explosives ;  {b)  those  which  though 
done  under  general  laws  are  properly  matters  of  local  charge 
and  subject  to  local  regulation,  such  as  education  and  the  care 
of  the  poor ;  and  {c)  those  which  are  not  so  much  of  a  political 
as  of  a  purely  business  order,  such  as  the  paving  and  cleansing 
of  streets,  the  maintenance  of  proper  drains,  the  provision  of 
water  and  light.  In  respect  of  the  first,  and  to  some  extent  of 
the  second  of  these  groups,  the  city  may  be  properly  deemed  a 
political  entity ;  in  respect  of  the  third  it  is  rather  to  be  com- 
pared to  a  business  corporation  or  company,  in  which  the  tax- 
payers are  shareholders,  doing,  through  the  agency  of  the  city 
officers,  things  which  each  might  do  for  himself,  though  with 
more  cost  and  trouble.    All  three  sets  of  functions  are  dealt 


166  PATBIOTISM  AND   GITIZEMHIP 

with  by  American  legislation  in  the  same  way,  and  are  alike 
given  to  officials  and  a  legi.  lature  elected  by  persons  of  whom 
a  large  part  pay  no  direct  taxes.  Education,  however,  is  usu- 
ally detached  from  the  g^;neral  city  government  and  entrusted 
to  a  separate  authority,  while  in  some  cities  the  control  of  the 
police  has  been  withheld  or  withdrawn  from  that  government, 
and  entrusted  to  the  hands  of  a  separate  board. 

Taxes  in  cities,  as  in  rural  districts,  are  levied  upon  personal 
as  well  as  real  property;  and  the  city  tax  is  collected  along  with 
the  county  tax  and  State  tax  by  the  same  collectors.  There 
are,  of  course,  endless  varieties  in  the  practice  of  different 
States  and  cities  as  to  methods  of  assessment  and  to  the  minor 
imposts  subsidiary  to  the  property  tax.  Both  real  and  personal 
property  are  usually  assessed  far  below  their  true  value,  the 
latter  because  owners  are  reticent,  the  former  because  the  city 
assessors  are  anxious  to  take  as  little  as  possible  of  the  State 
and  county  burden  on  the  shoulders  of  their  own  community, 
though  in  this  patriotic  effort  they  are  checked  by  the  county 
and  State  Boards  of  Equalization.  Taxes  are  usually  so  much 
higher  in  the  larger  cities  than  in  the  country  districts  or 
smaller  municipalities,  that  there  is  a  strong  tendency  for  rich 
men  to  migrate  from  the  city  to  its  suburbs  in  order  to  escape 
the  city  collector.  Perhaps  the  city  overtakes  them,  extending 
its  limits  and  incorporating  its  suburbs ;  perhaps  they  fly  farther 
afield  by  the  railway  and  make  the  prosperity  of  country  towns 
twenty  or  thirty  miles  away.  The  unfortunate  consequence 
follows,  not  only  that  the  taxes  are  heavier  for  those  who  re- 
main in  the  city,  but  that  the  philanthropic  and  political  work 
of  the  city  loses  the  participation  of  those  who  ought  to  have 
shared  in  it.  For  a  man  votes  in  one  place  only,  the  place 
where  he  resides,  and  is  taxed  on  his  personalty,  although  he 
is  taxed  on  his  real  property  wherever  it  is  situated,  perhaps  in 
half  a  dozen  cities  or  counties.  And  where  he  has  no  vote,  he 
is  neither  eligible  for  local  office  nor  deemed  entitled  to  take  a 
part  in  local  political  agitation. 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  167 


CHAPTER  XI 

The  Working  of  City  Governments 

Two  tests  of  practical  efficiency  may  be  applied  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  a  city :  What  does  it  provide  for  the  people,  and 
what  does  it  cost  the  people  ?  In  the  United  States  generally 
constant  complaints  are  directed  against  the  bad  paving  and 
cleansing  of  the  streets,  the  non-enforcement  of  the  laws  for- 
bidding gambling  and  illicit  drinking,  and  in  some  places  against 
the  sanitary  arrangements  and  management  of  public  buildings 
and  parks.  This  is  all  that  can  be  said  here  in  regard  to  the 
first  test. 

The  other  test,  that  of  expense,  is  easily  applied.  Both  the 
debt  and  the  taxation  of  American  cities  have  risen  with  un- 
precedented rapidity,  and  now  stand  at  an  alarming  figure. 

There  is  no  denying  that  the  government  of  cities  is  the 
one  conspicuous  failure  of  the  United  States.  The  deficiencies 
of  the  national  government  tell  but  little  for  evil  on  the  wel- 
fare of  the  people.  The  faults  of  the  State  governments  are 
insignificant  compared  with  the  extravagance,  corruption,  and 
mismanagement  which  mark  the  administrations  of  most  of  the 
great  cities.  There  is  not  a  city  with  a  population  exceeding 
200,000  where  the  poison  germs  have  not  sprung  into  a  vigorous 
life;  and  in  some  of  the  smaller  ones,  down  to  70,000,  it  needs 
no  microscope  to  note  the  results  of  their  growth.  Even  in 
cities  of  the  third  rank  similar  phenomena  may  occasionally  be 
discerned. 

For  evils  which  appear  wherever  a  large  population  is 
densely  aggregated,  there  must  be  some  general  and  wide- 
spread causes.  What  are  these  causes  ?  I  must  restrict  my 
self  to  a  brief  enumeration  of  the  chief  sources  of  the  malady, 
and  the  chief  remedies  that  have  been  suggested  for  or  applied 
to  it. 

The  following  have  been  suggested  *  as  the  causes:— 

♦By  the  New  York  commissioners  of  1876,  appointed  ♦*to  devis*  a  plan  for  the 
government  of  cities  in  the  State  of  New  York." 


168  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

I.  Incompetent    and    unfaithful    governing    boards    and 

oflficers 

2.  The  introduction  cf  State  and  national  politics  into  mu- 

nicipal  affairs. 

3  The  assumption  by  he  legislature  of  the  direct  control 

of  local  affairs 

Besides  these  three  causes  there  are  what  may  be  called 
mechanical  defects  in  the  structure  of  municipal  governments. 
There  is  a  want  of  meth.  ds  for  fixing  public  responsibility  on 
the  governing  persons  and  bodies  If  the  mayor  jobs  his  pat- 
ronage he  can  throw  large  part  of  the  blame  on  the  aldermen 
or  other  confirming  council,  ctlleging  that  he  would  have  selected 
better  men  could  he  have  hoped  that  the  aldermen  would  ap- 
prove his  selection.  If  he  has  failed  to  keep  the  departments 
up  to  their  work,  he  inay  argue  that  the  city  legislature  ham- 
pered him  and  would  not  pass  the  requisite  ordinances.  Each 
house  of  a  two-chambered  legislature  can  excuse  itself  by  point- 
ing to  the  action  of  the  other,  or  of  its  own  committees,  and 
among  the  numerous  members  of  the  chambers — or  even  of 
one  chamber  if  there  be  but  one — responsibility  is  so  much 
divided  as  to  cease  to  come  forcibly  home  to  any  one.  The 
various  boards  and  officials  have  generally  had  little  intercom- 
municatioii ;  and  the  fact  that  some  were  directly  elected  by 
the  people  made  these  feel  themselves  independent  both  of  the 
mayor  and  the  city  legislature.  The  mere  multiplication  of 
elective  posts  distracted  the  attention  of  the  people,  and  deprived 
the  voting  at  the  polls  of  its  efficiency  as  a  means  of  reproof  or 
commendation. 

The  following  remedies  have  been  proposed : — * 

(a)  A  restriction  of  the  power  of  the  State  legislature  to 
interfere  by  special  legislation  with  municipal  governments  or 
the  conduct  of  muni  ;ipal  affairs. 

(^)  The  holding  of  municipal  elections  at  i.  different  period 
of  the  year  from  State  and  national  elections. 

(c)  The  vesting  of  the  legislative  powers  of  municipalities 
in  two  bodies:— A  board  of  aldermen,  elected  by  the  ordinary 
(manhood)  suffrage,  to  be  the  common  council  of  each  city. 

♦  By  the  before-mentioned  commissioners. 


OF 

UE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  169 

A  board  of  finance  of  from  six  to  fifteen  members,  elected 
by  voters  who  had  for  two  years  paid  an  annual  tax  on  property 
assessed  at  not  less  than  1^500,  or  a  rent  (for  premises  occu- 
pied) of  not  less  than  ^250.  This  board  of  finance  was  to  have 
a  practically  exclusive  control  of  the  taxation  and  expendi- 
ture of  each  city,  and  of  the  exercise  of  its  borrowing  powers, 
and  was  in  some  matters  to  act  only  by  a  two-thirds  majority. 

{d)  Limitations  on  the  borrowing  powers  of  the  munici- 
pality, the  concurrence  of  the  mayor  and  two  thirds  of  the 
State  legislature,  as  well  as  of  two-thirds  of  the  board  of  finance 
being  required  for  any  loan  except  in  anticipation  of  current 
revenue. 

{e)  An  extension  of  the  general  control  and  appointing 
power  of  the  mayor,  the  mayor  being  himself  subject  to  re- 
moval for  cause  by  the  governor  of  the  State. 

[Through  the  new  Constitution  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
adopted  in  1894,  some  changes  have  been  secured  in  the  direc- 
tion of  remedies  above  specified.] 

Among  the  other  reforms  in  city  government  which  I  find 
canvassed  in  America  are  the  following:— 

{a)  Civil  service  reform,  i.e.,  the  establishment  of  exam- 
inations as  a  test  for  admission  to  posts  under  the  city,  and  the 
bestowal  of  these  posts  for  a  fixed  term  of  years,  or  generally 
during  good  behavior,  instead  of  leaving  the  civil  servant  at  the 
mercy  of  a  partisan  chief,  who  may  displace  him  to  make  room 
for  a  party  adherent  or  personal  friend. 

{b)  The  lengthening  of  the  terms  of  service  of  the  mayor 
and  the  heads  of  departments,  so  as  to  give  them  a  more 
assured  position  and  diminish  the  frequency  of  elections. — This 
has  been  done  to  some  extent  in  recent  charters. 

{c)  The  vesting  of  almost  autocratic  executive  power  in 
the  mayor  and  restriction  of  the  city  legislature  to  purely  legis- 
lative work  and  the  voting  of  supplies.  This  also  finds  place 
in  recent  charters,  and  has  worked,  on  the  whole,  well.  It  is, 
of  course,  a  remedy  of  the  "  cure  or  kill "  order.  If  the  people 
are  thoroughly  roused  to  choose  an  able  and  honest  man,  the 
more  power  he  has  the  better ;  it  is  safer  in  his  hands  than  in 
those  of  city  councils.    If  the  voters  are  apathetic  and  let  a 


170  FATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIF 

bad  man  slip  in,  all  may  be  lost  till  the  next  election.  I  do  not 
say  "all  is  lost,"  for  there  have  been  remarkable  mstances  of 
men  who  have  been  sobered  and  elevated  by  power  and  respon- 
sibility. 1      r  . 

(d)  The  election  of  a  city  legislature,  or  one  branch  of  it, 
or  of  a  school  committee,  on  a  general  ticket  instead  of  by 
wards.— When  aldermen  or  councilmen  are  chosen  by  the 
voters  of  a  small  local  area,  it  is  assumed,  in  the  United  States, 
that  they  must  be  residents  within  it;  thus  the  field  of  choice 
among  good  citizens  generally  is  limited.  It  follows  also  that 
their  first  duty  is  deemed  to  be  to  get  the  most  they  can  for 
their  own  ward;  they  care  little  for  the  general  interests  of  the 
city,  and  carry  on  a  game  of  barter  in  contracts  and  public  im- 
provements with  the  representatives  of  other  wards.  Hence 
the  general  ticket  system  is  preferable. 

{e)  The  limitation  of  taxing  powers  and  borrowing  powers 
by  reference  to  the  assessed  value  of  the  taxable  property 
within  the  city.— Restrictions  of  this  nature  have  been  largely 
applied  to  cities  as  well  as  to  counties  and  other  local  authori- 
ties. The  results  have  been  usually  good,  yet  not  uniformly 
so,  for  evasions  may  be  practiced.  Such  restrictions  are  now 
often  found  embodied  in  State  Constitutions,  and  have,  so  far 
as  I  could  ascertain,  generally  diminished  the  evil  they  are 
aimed  at. 

The  results  of  these  various  experiments  and  of  others  are 
now  being  watched  with  eager  curiosity  by  the  municipal  reform- 
ers of  the  United  States.  The  question  of  city  government 
is  that  which  chiefly  occupies  practical  publicists,  and  which 
newspapers  and  magazines  incessantly  discuss,  because  it  is 
admittedly  the  weak  point  of  the  country.  That  adaptability  of 
the  institutions  to  the  people  and  their  conditions,  which  judi- 
cious strangers  admire  in  the  United  States,  and  that  conse- 
quent satisfaction  of  the  people  with  their  institutions,  which 
contrasts  so  agreeably  with  the  discontent  of  European  nations, 
is  wholly  absent  as  regards  municipal  administration.  Wher- 
ever there  is  a  large  city  there  are  loud  complaints,  and  Ameri- 
cans who  deem  themselves  in  other  respects  a  model  for  the 
Old  World  are  in  this  respect  anxious  to  study  Old  World 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  171 

models,  those  particularly  which  the  cities  of  Great  Britain 
present. 

But  the  newer  frames  of  government  are  an  improvement 
upon  the  older.  Good  citizens  are  more  active.  Party  spirit 
is  less  permitted  to  dominate  and  pervert  municipal  politics. 


THE  AMERICAN  SYSTEM  OF    GOVERN- 
MENT 


Party  Politics  and  Public  Opinion 

CHAPTER  I 
Political  Parties  and  their  History 

IN  the  United  States,  the  history  of  party  begins  with  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  1787  at  Philadelphia.  In  its 
debates  and  discussions  on  the  drafting  of  the  Constitution  there 
were  revealed  two  opposite  tendencies,  which  soon  afterward 
appeared  on  a  larger  scale  in  the  State  conventions,  to  which 
the  new  instrument  was  submitted  for  acceptance.  These 
were  the  centrifugal  and  centripetal  tendencies — a  tendency  to 
maintain  both  the  freedom  of  the  individual  citizen  and  the 
independence  in  legislation,  in  administration,  in  jurisdiction, 
indeed  in  everything  except  foreign  policy  and  national  defense, 
of  the  several  States ;  an  opposite  tendency  to  subordinate  the 
States  to  the  nation  and  vest  large  powers  in  the  central  Fed- 
eral authority. 

The  advocates  of  a  central  national  authority,  led  by  Hamil- 
ton, had  begun  to  receive  the  name  of  Federalists,  and  to  act 
pretty  constantly  together,  when  an  event  happened  which, 
while  it  tightened  their  union,  finally  consolidated  their  oppo- 
nents also  into  a  party.  This  was  the  creation  of  the  French 
Republic  and  its  declaration  of  war  against  England.  The 
Federalists,  who  were  shocked  by  the  excesses  of  the  Terror 
of  1793,  counseled  neutrality,  and  were  more  than  ever  inclined 
to  value  the  principle  of  authority,  and  to  allow  the  Federal 
power  a  wide  sphere  of  action.    The  party  of  Jefferson,  who 

172 


OTJR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  173 

had  now  retired  from  the  administration,  was  pervaded  by- 
sympathy  with  French  ideas,  was  hostile  to  England,  whose 
attitude  continued  to  be  discourteous,  and  sought  to  restrict 
the  interference  of  the  central  government  with  the  States, 
and  to  allow  the  fullest  play  to  the  sentiment  of  State  independ- 
ence, of  local  independence,  of  personal  independence.  This 
party  took  the  name  of  Republicans  or  Democratic  Republi- 
cans, and  they  are  the  predecessors  of  the  present  Democrats. 
Both  parties  were,  of  course,  attached  to  republican  govern- 
ment— that  is  to  say,  were  alike  hostile  to  a  monarchy.  But 
the  Jeffersonians  had  more  faith  in  the  masses  and  in  leaving 
things  alone,  together  with  less  respect  for  authority,  so  that 
in  a  sort  of  general  way  one  may  say  that  while  one  party 
claimed  to  be  the  apostles  of  Liberty,  the  other  represented 
the  principle  of  Order. 

These  tendencies  found  occasions  for  combating  one  another, 
not  only  in  foreign  policy  and  in  current  legislation,  but  also  in 
the  construction  and  application  of  the  Constitution.  Like  all 
documents,  and  especially  documents  which  have  been  formed 
by  a  series  of  compromises  between  opposite  views,  it  was  and 
is  susceptible  of  various  interpretations,  which  the  acuteness 
of  both  sets  of  partisans  was  busy  in  discovering  and  expound- 
ing. While  the  piercing  intellect  of  Hamilton  developed  all 
those  of  its  provisions  which  invested  the  Federal  Congress  and 
President  with  far-reaching  powers,  and  sought  to  build  up  a 
system  of  institutions  which  should  give  to  these  provisions 
their  full  effect,  Jefferson  and  his  coadjutors  appealed  to  the 
sentiment  of  individualism,  strong  in  the  masses  of  the  people, 
and,  without  venturing  to  propose  alterations  in  the  text  of  the 
Constitution,  protested  against  all  extensions  of  its  letter,  and 
against  all  the  assumptions  of  Federal  authority  which  such 
extensions  could  be  made  to  justify.  Thus  two  parties  grew 
up  with  tenets,  leaders,  impulses,  sympathies,  and  hatreds, — 
hatreds  which  soon  became  so  bitter  as  not  to  spare  the  noble 
and  dignified  figure  of  Washington  himself. 

At  first  the  Federalists  had  the  best  of  it,  for  the  reaction 
against  the  weakness  of  the  old  Confederation  which  the  Union 
had  superseded  disposed  sensible  men  to  tolerate  a  strong  cen- 


174  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSEIP 

tral  power.  The  President,  though  not  a  member  of  either 
party,  was,  by  force  of  circumstances,  as  well  as  owing  to  the 
influence  of  Hamilton,  practically  with  the  Federalists.  But 
during  the  presidency  of  John  Adams,  who  succeeded  Wash- 
ington, they  committed  grave  errors.  When  the  presidential 
election  of  1800  arrived,  it  was  seen  that  the  logical  and  orator- 
ical force  of  Hamilton's  appeals  to  the  reason  of  the  nation 
told  far  less  than  the  skill  and  energy  with  which  Jefferson 
played  on  their  feelings  and  prejudices.  The  Republicans  tri- 
umphed in  the  choice  of  their  chief,  who  retained  power  for 
eight  years  to  be  peaceably  succeeded  by  his  friend  Madison 
for  another  eight  years,  and  his  disciple  Monroe  for  eight  years 
more.  Their  long-continued  tenure  of  office  was  due  not  so 
much  to  their  own  merits,  for  neither  Jefferson  nor  Madison 
conducted  foreign  affairs  with  success,  as  to  the  collapse  of 
their  antagonists.  The  Federalists  never  recovered  from  the 
blow  given  in  the  election  of  1 800.  They  lost  Hamilton  by 
death  in  1803.  No  other  leader  of  equal  gifts  appeared,  and 
the  party,  which  had  shown  little  judgment  in  the  critical  years 
i8io-'i4,  finally  disappears  from  sight  after  the  second  peace 
with  England  in  181 5. 

This  period  (i 788-1 824)  may  be  said  to  constitute  the  first 
act  in  the  drama  of  American  party  history.  The  people, 
accustomed  hitherto  to  care  only  for  their  several  common- 
wealths, learn  to  value  and  to  work  their  new  national  institu- 
tions. They  become  familiar  with  the  Constitution  itself,  as 
partners  get  to  know,  when  disputes  arise  among  them,  the 
provisions  of  the  partnership  deed  under  which  their  business 
has  to  be  carried  on.  It  is  found  that  the  existence  of  a  cen- 
tral Federal  power  does  not  annihilate  the  States,  so  the  appre- 
hensions on  that  score  are  allayed.  It  is  also  discovered  that 
there  are  unforeseen  directions,  such  for  instance  as  banking 
and  currency,  through  which  the  Federal  power  can  strengthen 
its  hold  on  the  nation.  Differences  of  view  and  feeling  give 
rise  to  parties,  yet  parties  are  formed  by  no  means  solely  on 
the  basis  of  general  principles,  but  owe  much  to  the  influence 
of  prominent  personalities,  of  transient  issues,  of  local  interests 
or  prejudices. 


OUU  SYSTEM  OF  GOVEBNMENT  175 

Although  the  Federahsts  were  in  general  the  advocates  of 
a  loose  and  liberal  construction  of  the  Constitution,  because 
such  a  construction  opened  a  wider  sphere  to  Federal  power, 
they  were  ready,  whenever  their  local  interests  stood  in  the 
way,  to  resist  Congress  and  the  Executive,  alleging  that  the 
latter  were  overstepping  their  jurisdiction.  In  1814  several  of 
the  New  England  States,  where  the  opposition  to  the  war  then 
being  waged  with  England  was  strongest,  sent  delegates  to  a 
convention  at  Hartford,  whichtwhile  discussing  the  best  means 
for  putting  an  end  to  the  war  and  restricting  the  powers  of 
Congress  in  commercial  legislation,  was  suspected  of  meditat- 
ing a  secession  of  the  trading  States  from  the  Union.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Republicans  did  not  hesitate  to  stretch  to  their 
utmost,  when  they  were  themselves  in  power,  all  the  authority 
which  the  Constitution  could  be  construed  to  allow  to  the  Ex- 
ecutive and  the  Federal  government  generally. 

The  disappearance  of  the  Federal  party  between  181 5  and 
1820  left  the  Republicans  masters  of  the  field.  But  in  the 
United  States  if  old  parties  vanish  nature  produces  new  ones. 
Sectional  divisions  soon  arose  among  the  men  who  joined  in 
electing  Monroe  in  1820,  and  under  the  influence  of  the  per- 
sonal hostility  of  Henry  Clay  and  Andrew  Jackson  (chosen 
President  in  1828),  two  great  parties  were  again  formed  (about 
1830)  which  some  few  years  later  absorbed  the  minor  groups. 
One  of  these  two  parties  carried  on,  under  the  name  of  Demo- 
crats, the  dogmas  and  traditions  of  the  Jeffersonian  Republi- 
cans. It  was  the  defender  of  States*  Rights  and  of  a  restric- 
tive construction  of  the  Constitution ;  it  leaned  mainly  on  the 
South  and  the  farming  classes  generally,  and  it  was  therefore 
inclined  to  free  trade.  The  other  section,  which  called  itself  at 
first  the  National  Republican,  ultimately  the  Whig  party,  rep- 
resented many  of  the  views  of  the  former  Federalists,  such  as 
their  advocacy  of  a  tariff  for  the  protection  of  manufactures, 
and  of  the  expenditure  of  public  money  on  internal  improve- 
ments. It  was  willing  to  increase  the  army  and  navy,  and  like 
the  Federalists  found  its  chief,  though  by  no  means  its  sole, 
support  in  the  commercial  and  manufacturing  parts  of  the 
country,  that  is  to  say,  in  New  England  and  the  Middle  States. 


176  PATEI0TI8M  AND   CITIZEWHIP 

Meantime  a  new  question  far  more  exciting,  far  more  menac- 
ing, had  arisen.  In  1 819,  when  Missouri  applied  to  be  admitted 
into  the  Union  as  a  State,  a  sharp  contest  broke  out  in  Con- 
gress as  to  whether  slavery  should  be  permitted  within  her 
limits,  nearly  all  the  Northern  members  voting  against  slavery, 
nearly  all  the  Southern  members  for.  The  struggle  might 
have  threatened  the  stability  of  the  Union  but  for  the  compro- 
mise adopted  next  year,  which,  while  admitting  slavery  in  Mis- 
souri, forbade  it  for  the  future  north  of  lat.  36°30'.  The  dan- 
ger seemed  to  have  passed,  but  in  its  very  suddenness  there 
had  been  something  terrible.  Jefferson,  then  over  seventy, 
said  that  it  startled  him  "like  a  fire-bell  in  the  night."  After 
1840  things  grew  more  serious,  for,  w^hereas  up  till  that  time 
new  States  had  been  admitted  substantially  in  pairs,  a  slave 
State  balancing  a  free  State,  it  began  to  be  clear  that  this  must 
shortly  cease,  since  the  remaining  territory  out  of  which  new 
States  would  be  formed  lay  north  of  the  line  36° 30'.  As  every 
State  held  two  seats  in  the  Senate,  the  then  existing  balance 
in  that  chamber  between  slave  States  and  free  States  would 
evidently  soon  be  overset  by  the  admission  of  a  larger  number 
of  the  latter.  The  apprehension  of  this  event,  with  its  proba- 
ble result  of  legislation  unfriendly  to  slavery,  stimulated  the 
South  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  made  them  increasingly 
sensitive  to  the  growth,  slow  as  that  growth  was,  of  Abolitionist 
opinions  at  the  North. 

The  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery  west  of  the  Mis- 
souri river  had  become  by  1850  the  vital  and  absorbing  ques- 
tion for  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  as  in  that  year 
California,  having  organized  herself  without  slavery,  was  knock- 
ing at  the  doors  of  Congress  for  admission  as  a  State,  it  had 
become  an  urgent  question  which  evoked  the  hottest  passions, 
and  the  victors  in  which  would  be  victors  all  along  the  line. 
But  neither  of  the  two  great  parties  ventured  to  commit  itself 
either  way.  The  Southern  Democrats  hesitated  to  break  with 
those  Democrats  of  the  Northern  States  who  sought  to  restrict 
slavery.  The  Whigs  of  the  North,  fearing  to  alienate  the 
South  by  any  decided  action  against  the  growing  pretensions 
of  the  slave-holders,  temporized  and  suggested  compromises 


OUn  SYSTEM   OF  GOVERNMENT  177 

which  practically  served  the  cause  of  slavery.     They  did  not 
perceive  that  in  trying  to  preserve  their  party  they  were  losing 
hold  of  the  people,  alienating  from  themselves  the  men  who 
cared  for  principle  in  politics,  sinking  into  a  mere  organization 
without  a  faith  worth  fighting  for.     That  this  was  so  presently 
appeared.     The  Democratic  party  had  by  1852  passed  almost 
completely  under  the  control   of  the  slave-holders,  and  was 
adopting  the  dogma  that  Congress  enjoyed  under  the  Constitu- 
tion no  power  to  prohibit   slavery  in  the  Territories.     This 
dogma  obviously  overthrew  as  unconstitutional  the  Missouri 
compromise  of  1 820.     The  Whig  leaders  discredited  themselves 
by  Henry  Clay's  compromise  scheme  of  1850,  which,  while  ad- 
mitting California  as  a  free  State,  appeased  the  South  by  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law.    They  received  a  crushing  defeat  at  the 
presidential  election  of  1852;  and  what  remained  of  their  party 
finally  broke  in  pieces  in  1854  over  the  bill  for  organizing  Kan- 
sas as  a  Territory  in  which  the  question  of  slaves  or  no  slaves 
should  be  left  to  the  people,  a  bill  which  of  course  repealed  the 
Missouri  compromise.     Singularly  enough,  the  two  great  ora- 
tors of  the  party,  Henry  Clay  and  Daniel  Webster,  both  died 
in  1852,  wearied  with  strife  and  disappointed  in  their  ambition 
of  reaching  the  presidential  chair.     Together  with  Calhoun, 
who  passed  away  two  years  earlier,  they  are  the  ornaments  of 
this  generation,  not  indeed  rising  to  the  stature  of  Washington 
or  Hamilton,  but  more  remarkable  than  any,  save  one,  among 
the  statesmen  who  have  followed  them.     With  them  ends  the 
second  period  in  the  annals  of  American  parties,  which,  extend- 
ing from  about  1820  to  1856,  includes  the  rise  and  fall  of  the 
Whig  party.     Most  of  the  controversies  which  filled  it  have 
become  matter  for  history  only.     But  three  large  results,  be- 
sides the  general  democratization  of  politics,  stand  out.     One 
is  the  detachment  of  the  United  States  from  the  affairs  of  the 
Old  World.     Another  is  the  growth  of  a  sense  of  national  life, 
especially  in  the  Northern  and  Western  States,  along  with  the 
growth  at  the  same  time  of  a  secessionist  spirit  among  the 
slave-holders.     And  the  third  is  the  development  of  the  com- 
plex machinery  of  party  organization,  with  the  adoption  of  the 
principle  on  which  that  machinery  so  largely  rests,  that  public 
12 


178  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

office  is  to  be  enjoyed  only  by  the  adherents  of  the  President 

for  the  time  being.  .  ,      u     t^ 

The  Whig  party  having  begun  to  vanish,  the  Democrats 
seemed  to  be'' for  the  moment,  as  they  had  been  once  before, 
left  in  possession  of  the  field.  But  this  time  a  new  antagonist 
was  quick  to  appear.  The  growing  boldness  of  the  slave- 
owners had  begun  to  alarm  the  Northern  people,  when  they 
were  startled  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  pronounced 
in  the  case  of  the  slave,  Dred  Scott,  which  laid  down  the  doc- 
trine that  Congress  had  no  power  to  forbid  slavery  anywhere, 
and  that  a  slave-holder  might  carry  his  slaves  with  him  where 
he  pleased,  seeing  that  they  were  mere  objects  of  property, 
whose  possession  the  Constitution  guaranteed.  This  hastened 
the  formation  of  a  new  party,  which  took  in  1856  the  name  of 
Republican,  and  whose  presidential  candidate  in  the  same  year 
was  John  C.  Fremont.  At  the  same  time  it  threw  an  apple  of 
discord  among  the  Democrats.  In  i860  the  latter  could  not 
agree  upon  a  candidate  for  President.  The  Southern  wing 
pledged  themselves  to  one  man,  the  Northern  wing  to  another ; 
a  body  of  hesitating  and  semi  detached  politicians  put  forward 
a  third.  Thus  the  Republicans  through  the  divisions  of  their 
opponents  triumphed  in  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  pres- 
ently followed  by  the  secession  of  eleven  slave  States. 

The  Republican  party,  which  had  started  by  proclaiming 
the  right  of  Congress  to  restrict  slavery,  and  had  denounced 
the  Dred  Scott  decision,  was  of  course  throughout  the  Civil 
War  the  defender  of  the  Union  and  the  asserter  of  Federal 
authority,  stretched,  as  was  unavoidable,  to  lengths  previously 
unheard  of.  When  the  war  was  over,  there  came  the  difficult 
task  of  reconstructing  the  now  reconquered  slave  States,  and 
of  securing  the  position  in  them  of  the  lately  liberated  negroes. 
The  outrages  perpetrated  on  the  latter,  and  on  white  settlers 
in  some  parts  of  the  South,  required  further  exertions  of  Fed- 
eral authority,  and  made  the  question  of  the  limit  of  that  author- 
ity still  a  practical  one,  for  the  old  Democratic  party,  almost 
silenced  during  the  war,  had  now  reappeared  in  full  force  as 
the  advocate  of  State  rights,  and  the  watchful  critic  of  any 
undue  stretches  of  Federal  authority.     It  was  found  necessary 


OVU  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEUNMBNT  179 

to  negative  the  Dred  Scott  decision  and  set  at  rest  all  ques- 
tions relating  to  slavery  and  to  the  political  equality  of  the 
races  by  the  adoption  of  three  important  amendments  to  the 
Constitution.  The  troubles  of  the  South  by  degrees  settled 
down  as  the  whites  regained  possession  of  the  State  govern- 
ments, and  the  Northern  troops  were  withdrawn.  In  the  presi- 
dential election  of  1 876  the  war  question  and  negro  question 
had  become  dead  issues,  for  it  was  plain  that  a  large  and  in- 
creasing number  of  the  voters  were  no  longer,  despite  the  ap- 
peals of  the  Republican  leaders,  seriously  concerned  about 
them.  This  election  marks  the  close  of  the  third  period,  which 
embraces  the  rise  and  overwhelming  predominance  of  the 
Republican  party. 

Two  permanent  oppositions  may,  I  think,  be  discerned  run- 
ning through  the  history  of  the  parties,  sometimes  openly 
recognized,  sometimes  concealed  by  the  urgency  of  a  transitory 
question.  One  of  these  is  the  opposition  between  a  centralized 
and  a  federalized  government.  The  former  has  been  the 
watchword  of  the  Democratic  party.  The  latter  was  seldom 
distinctly  avowed,  but  was  generally  in  fact  represented  by  the 
Federalists  of  the  first  period,  the  Whigs  of  the  second,  the 
Republicans  of  the  third. 

The  other  opposition,  though  it  goes  deeper  and  is  more 
pervasive,  has  been  less  clearly  marked  in  America,  and  less 
consciously  admitted  by  the  Americans  themselves.  It  is  the 
opposition  between  the  tendency  which  makes  some  men  prize 
the  freedom  of  the  individual  as  the  first  of  social  goods,  and 
that  which  disposes  others  to  insist  on  checking  and  regulating 
his  impulses.  The  opposition  of  these  two  tendencies,  the  love 
of  liberty  and  the  love  of  order,  is  permanent  and  necessary, 
because  it  springs  from  differences  in  the  intellect  and  feelings 
of  men  which  one  finds  in  all  countries  and  at  all  epochs. 


180  rATBIOTISM  AND  CITIZEMEIP 


CHAPTER  II 

Nominating  Conventions 

In  every  American  election  there  are  two  acts  of  choice, 
two  periods  of  contest.  The  first  is  the  selection  of  the  candi- 
date from  within  the  party  by  the  party;  the  other  is  the 
struggle  between  the  parties  for  the  place.  Frequently  the 
former  of  these  is  more  important,  more  keenly  fought  over, 
than  the  latter,  for  there  are  many  districts  in  which  the  pre- 
dominance of  one  party  is  so  marked  that  its  candidate  is  sure 
of  success,  and  therefore  the  choice  of  a  candidate  is  virtually 
the  choice  of  the  officer  or  representative. 

The  process  is  similar  in  every  State  of  the  Union,  and 
through  all  elections  to  office,  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest, 
from  that  of  common  councilman  for  a  city  ward  up  to  that  of 
President  of  the  United  States.  But,  of  course,  the  Higher  the 
office,  and  the  larger  the  area  over  which  the  election  extends, 
the  greater  are  the  efforts  made  to  secure  the  nomination,  and 
the  hotter  the  passions  it  excites. 

Like  most  political  institutions,  the  system  of  nominating 
the  President  by  a  popular  convention  is  the  result  of  a  long 
process  of  evolution. 

From  1789  till  1800  there  were  no  formal  nominations; 
from  1800  till  1824,  nominations  were  made  by  congressional 
caucuses;  from  1824  till  1840,  nominations  irregularly  made  by 
State  legislatures  and  popular  meetings  were  gradually  ripen- 
ing towards  the  method  of  a  special  gathering  of  delegates  from 
the  whole  country.  This  last  plan  has  held  its  ground  from 
1 840  till  the  present  day,  and  is  so  exactly  conformable  to  the 
political  habits  of  the  people  that  it  is  not  likely  soon  to  disap- 
pear. 

Its  perfection,  however,  was  not  reached  at  once.  The 
early  conventions  were  to  a  large  extent  mass  meetings.  The 
later  and  present  ones  are  regularly-constituted  representative 
bodies,  composed  exclusively  of  delegates,  each  of  whom  has 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  181 

been  duly  elected  at  a  party  meeting  in  his  own  State,  and 
brings  with  him  his  credentials. 

The  Constitution  provides  that  each  State  shall  choose  as 
many  presidential  electors  as  it  has  persons  representing  it  in 
Congress,  i.e.,  two  electors  to  correspond  to  the  two  senators 
from  each  State,  and  as  many  more  as  the  State  sends  mem- 
bers to  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Now,  in  the  nominating  convention  each  State  is  allowed 
twice  as  many  delegates  as  it  has  electoral  votes.  The  dele- 
gates are  chosen  by  local  conventions  in  their  several  States, 
viz.,  two  for  each  congressional  district  by  the  party  convention 
of  that  district,  and  four  for  the  whole  State  (called  delegates- 
at-large)  by  the  State  convention.  As  each  convention  is  com- 
posed of  delegates  from  primaries,  it  is  the  composition  of  the 
primaries  which  determines  that  of  the  local  conventions,  and 
the  composition  of  the  local  conventions  which  determines  that 
of  the  national.  To  every  delegate  there  is  added  a  person 
called  his  "alternate,"  chosen  by  the  local  convention  at  the 
same  time,  and  empowered  to  replace  him  in  case  he  cannot  be 
present  in  the  national  convention.  If  the  delegate  is  present 
to  vote,  the  alternate  is  silent ;  if  from  any  cause  the  delegate 
is  absent,  the  alternate  steps  into  his  shoes. 

Each  State  delegation  has  its  chairman,  and  is  expected 
to  keep  together  during  the  convention.  It  usually  travels 
together  to  the  place  of  meeting;  takes  rooms  in  the  same 
hotel ;  has  a  recognized  headquarters  there ;  sits  in  a  particular 
place  allotted  to  it  in  the  convention  hall ;  holds  meetings  of  its 
members  during  the  progress  of  the  convention  to  decide  on 
the  course  which  it  shall  from  time  to  time  take.  These  meet- 
ings, if  the  State  be  a  large  and  doubtful  one,  excite  great  in- 
terest, and  the  sharp-eared  reporter  prowls  around  them,  eager 
to  learn  how  the  votes  will  go.  Each  State  delegation  votes 
by  its  chairman,  who  announces  how  his  delegates  vote ;  but  if 
his  report  is  challenged  the  roll  of  delegates  is  called,  and  they 
vote  individually.  Whether  the  votes  of  a  State  delegation 
shall  be  given  solid  for  the  aspirant  whom  the  majority  of  the 
delegation  favors,  or  by  the  delegates  individually,  according  to 
their  preferences,  is  a  point  which  has  excited  bitter  contro 


182  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

versy.  The  present  practice  of  the  Republican  party  (so  set- 
tled in  1876  and  again  in  1880)  allows  the  delegates  to  vote  in- 
dividually, even  when  they  have  been  instructed  by  a  State  con- 
vention to  cast  a  solid  vote.  The  Democratic  party,  on  the 
other  hand,  sustains  any  such  instruction  given  to  the  delega- 
tion and  records  the  vote  of  all  the  State  delegates  for  the 
aspirant  whom  the  majority  among  them  approve.  This  is 
the  so-called  unit  rule.  If,  however,  the  State  convention 
has  not  imposed  the  unit  rule,  the  delegates  vote  individually. 

For  the  sake  of  keeping  up  party  life  in  the  territories  and 
in  the  Federal  District  of  Columbia,  delegates  from  them  are 
admitted  to  the  national  convention,  although  the  territories 
and  district  have  no  votes  in  a  presidential  election. 

So  much  for  the  composition  of  the  national  convention : 
we  may  now  go  on  to  describe  its  proceedings. 

It  is  held  in  the  summer  immediately  preceding  a  presiden- 
tial election,  usually  in  June  or  July,  the  election  falling  in  No- 
vember. A  large  city  is  always  chosen,  in  order  to  obtain 
adequate  hotel  accommodation,  and  easy  railroad  access. 

Business  begins  by  the  calling  of  the  convention  to  order 
by  the  chairman  of  the  National  Party  Committee.  Then  a 
temporary  chairman  is  nominated,  and,  if  opposed,  voted  on ;  the 
vote  sometimes  giving  an  indication  of  the  respective  strength 
of  the  factions  present.  Then  the  secretaries  and  the  clerks 
are  appointed,  and  the  rules  which  are  to  govern  the  business 
are  adopted.  After  this,  the  committees,  particularly  those  on 
credentials  and  resolutions,  are  nominated,  and  the  convention 
adjourns  till  their  report  can  be  presented. 

The  next  sitting  usually  opens,  after  the  customary  prayer, 
with  the  appointment  of  the  permanent  chairman,  who  inaugu- 
rates the  proceedings  with  a  speech.  Then  the  report  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions  (if  completed)  is  presented.  It  con- 
tains what  is  called  the  platform,  a  long  series  of  resolutions 
embodying  the  principles  and  programme  of  the  party,  which 
has  usually  been  so  drawn  as  to  conciliate  every  section,  and 
avoid  or  treat  with  prudent  ambiguity  those  questions  on  which 
opinion  within  the  party  is  divided.  Any  delegate  who  objects 
to  a  resolution  can  move  to  strike  it  out  or  amend  it;  but  it  is 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  183 

generally  sustained  in  the  shape  it  has  received  from  the  prac- 
ticed hands  of  the  committee. 

Next  follows  the  nomination  of  aspirants  for  the  post  of 
party  candidate.  The  roll  of  States  is  called,  and  when  a  State 
is  reached  to  which  an  aspirant  intended  to  be  nominated  be- 
longs, a  prominent  delegate  from  that  State  mounts  the  plat- 
form, and  proposes  him  in  a  speech  extolling  his  merits,  and 
sometimes  indirectly  disparaging  the  other  aspirants.  Another 
delegate  seconds  the  nomination,  sometimes  a  third  follows; 
and  then  the  roll-call  goes  on  till  all  the  States  have  been  de- 
spatched, and  all  the  aspirants  nominated.  The  average  number 
of  nominations  is  seven  or  eight ;  it  rarely  exceeds  twelve. 

Thus  the  final  stage  is  reached,  for  which  all  else  has  been 
but  preparation — that  of  balloting  between  the  aspirants.  The 
clerks  call  the  roll  of  States  from  Alabama  to  Wyoming,  and, 
as  each  is  called,  the  chairman  of  its  delegation  announces  the 
votes,  e.g.,  six  for  A,  five  for  B,  three  for  C,  unless,  of  course, 
under  the  unit  rule,  the  whole  vote  is  cast  for  that  one  aspirant 
whom  the  majority  of  the  delegation  supports.  When  all  have 
voted,  the  totals  are  made  up  and  announced.  If  one  competi- 
tor has  an  absolute  majority  of  the  whole  number  voting, 
according  to  the  Republican  rule,  a  majority  of  two  thirds  of 
the  number  voting,  according  to  the  Democratic  rule,  he  has 
been  duly  chosen,  and  nothing  remains  but  formally  to  make 
his  nomination  unanimous.  If,  however,  as  has  usually  hap- 
pened of  late  years,  no  one  obtains  the  requisite  majority,  the 
roll  is  called  again,  in  order  that  individual  delegates  and  dele- 
gations (if  the  unit  rule  prevails)  may  have  the  opportunity  of 
changing  their  votes ;  and  the  process  is  repeated  until  some 
one  of  the  aspirants  put  forward  has  received  the  required 
number  of  votes.     Sometimes  many  roll-calls  take  place. 

When  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  has  been  thus  found, 
the  convention  proceeds  similarly  to  determine  its  candidate  for 
the  vice-presidency.  The  work  of  the  convention  is  then  com- 
plete, and  votes  of  thanks  to  the  chairman  and  other  officials 
conclude  the  proceedings.  The  two  nominees  are  now  the  party 
candidates,  entitled  to  the  support  of  the  party  organizations  and 
of  loyal  party  men  over  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Union. 


184  PATRIOTISM  Al^D  CITIZENmiF 


CHAPTER  III 
How  Public  Opinion  Rules 

Of  all  the  experiments  which  America  has  made,  that  of 
ruling  by  public  opinion  best  deserves  study,  for  her  solution 
of  the  problem  differs  from  all  previous  solutions,  and  she  has 
shown  more  boldness  in  trusting  public  opinion,  in  recognizing 
and  giving  effect  to  it,  than  has  yet  been  shown  elsewhere. 
Towering  over  Presidents  and  State  governors,  over  Congress 
and  State  legislatures,  over  conventions  and  the  vast  machinery 
of  party,  public  opinion  stands  out,  in  the  United  States,  as  the 
great  source  of  power,  the  masters  of  servants  who  tremble 
before  it. 

Congress  sits  for  two  years  only.  It  is  strictly  limited  by 
the  Constitution,  which  is  a  fundamental  law  placed  out  of  its 
reach,  and  by  the  co-existence  of  the  State  governments,  which 
the  Constitution  protects.  It  has  (except  by  way  of  impeach- 
ment) no  control  over  the  Federal  Executive,  which  is  directly 
named  by  and  responsible  to  the  people.  So,  too,  the  State 
legislatures  sit  for  short  periods,  do  not  appoint  the  State  Ex- 
ecutives, are  hedged  in  by  the  prohibitions  of  the  State  Consti- 
tutions. The  people  frequently  legislate  directly  by  enacting 
or  altering  a  Constitution.  The  principle  of  popular  sovereignty 
could  hardly  be  expressed  more  unmistakably.  The  only  check 
on  the  mass  is  that  which  they  have  themselves  imposed,  and 
which  the  ancient  democracies  did  not  possess,  the  difficulty  of 
changing  a  rigid  Constitution.  And  this  difficulty  is  serious 
only  as  regards  the  Federal  Constitution. 

As  this  is  the  most  developed  form  of  popular  government, 
so  is  it  also  the  form  which  most  naturally  produces  what  I 
bave  called  government  by  public  opinion.  Popular  govern- 
ment may  be  said  to  exist  wherever  all  power  is  lodged  in  and 
issues  from  the  people.  Government  by  public  opinion  exists 
where  the  wishes  and  views  of  the  people  prevail,  even  before 
they  have  been  conveyed  through  the  regular  law-appointed 
organs,  and  without  the  need  of  their  being  so  conveyed. 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  185 

Where  the  power  of  the  people  is  absolute,  legislators  and  ad- 
ministrators are  quick  to  catch  its  wishes  in  whatever  way  they 
may  be  indicated,  and  do  not  care  to  wait  for  the  methods 
which  the  law  prescribes.    This  happens  in  America. 

A  consideration  of  the  nature  of  the  State  governments  as 
of  the  national  government  will  show  that  legal  theory  as  well 
as  popular  self-confidence  gives  birth  to  this  rule  of  opinion. 
Supreme  power  resides  in  the  whole  mass  of  citizens.  They 
have  prescribed,  in  the  strict  terms  of  a  legal  document,  the 
form  of  government.  They  alone  have  the  right  to  change  it, 
and  that  only  in  a  particular  way.  They  have  committed  only 
a  part  of  their  sovereignty  to  their  executive  and  legislative 
agents,  reserving  the  rest  to  themselves.  Hence  their  will,  or, 
in  other  words,  public  opinion,  is  constantly  felt  by  these  agents 
to  be,  legally  as  well  as  practically,  the  controlling  authority. 
In  England,  parliament  is  the  nation,  not  merely  by  a  legal 
fiction,  but  because  the  nation  looks  to  parliament  only,  having 
neither  reserved  any  authority  to  itself  nor  bestowed  any  else- 
where. In  America,  Congress  is  not  the  nation,  and  does  not 
claim  to  be  so. 

The  ordinary  functions  and  business  of  government,  the 
making  of  laws,  the  imposing  of  taxes,  the  interpretation  of  laws 
and  their  execution,  the  administration  of  justice,  the  conduct 
of  foreign  relations,  are  parceled  out  among  a  number  of  bodies 
and  persons  whose  powers  are  so  carefully  balanced  and  touch 
at  so  many  points  that  there  is  a  constant  risk  of  conflicts,  even 
of  deadlocks.  The  master,  however,  is  at  hand  to  settle  the 
quarrels  of  his  servants.  If  the  question  be  a  grave  one,  and 
the  mind  of  the  country  clear  upon  it,  public  opinion  throws  its 
weight  into  one  or  other  scale,  and  its  weight  is  decisive. 
Should  opinion  be  nearly  balanced,  it  is  no  doubt  difficult  to 
ascertain,  till  the  next  election  arrives,  which  of  many  discor- 
dant cries  is  really  the  prevailing  voice.  The  general  truth 
remains  that  a  system  of  government  by  checks  and  balances 
specially  needs  the  presence  of  an  arbiter  to  incline  the  scale  in 
favor  of  one  or  other  of  the  balanced  authorities,  and  that 
public  opinion  must,  therefore,  be  more  frequently  invoked  and 
more  constantly  active  in  America  than  in  other  countries. 


186  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

Those  who  invented  this  machinery  of  checks  and  balances 
were  anxious  not  so  much  to  develop  public  opinion  as  to  resist 
and  build  up  breakwaters  against  it.  The  efforts  made  in  1787 
to  divide  authority  and,  so  to  speak,  force  the  current  of  the 
popular  will  into  many  small  channels,  instead  of  permitting  it 
to  rush  down  one  broad  bed,  have  really  tended  to  exalt  public 
opinion  above  the  regular  legally-appointed  organs  of  govern- 
ment. Each  of  these  organs  is  too  small  to  form  opinion,  too 
narrow  to  express  it,  too  weak  to  give  effect  to  it.  It  grows 
up  not  in  Congress,  not  in  State  legislatures,  not  in  those  great 
conventions  which  frame  platforms  and  choose  candidates,  but 
at  large  among  the  people.  It  is  expressed  in  voices  every- 
where. It  rules  as  a  pervading  and  impalpable  power,  like  the 
ether  which,  as  physicists  say,  passes  through  all  things.  It 
binds  all  the  parts  of  the  complicated  system  together  and 
gives  them  whatever  unity  of  aim  and  action  they  possess. 

In  the  United  States  public  opinion  is  the  opinion  of  the 
whole  nation,  with  little  distinction  of  social  classes.  The  poli- 
ticians find  no  difficulty  in  keeping  in  touch  with  outside  opinion. 
They  do  not  aspire  to  the  function  of  forming  opinion.  Nor  is 
there  any  one  class  or  set  of  men,  or  any  one  "  social  layer," 
which  more  than  another  originates  ideas  and  builds  up  politi- 
cal doctrine  for  the  mass.  The  opinion  of  the  nation  is  the 
resultant  of  the  views,  not  of  a  number  of  classes,  but  of  a  mul- 
titude of  individuals,  diverse,  no  doubt,  from  one  another,  but 
for  the  purposes  of  politics  far  less  diverse  than  if  they  were 
members  of  groups  defined  by  social  rank  or  by  property. 

The  consequences  are  noteworthy.  One  is,  that  statesmen 
cannot,  as  in  Europe,  declare  any  sentiment  which  they  find 
telling  on  their  friends  or  their  opponents  in  politics  to  be  con- 
fined to  the  rich,  or  to  those  occupied  with  government,  and  to 
be  opposed  to  the  general  sentiment  of  the  people.  In  America 
you  cannot  appeal  from  the  classes  to  the  masses.  Divisions 
of  opinion  are  vertical  and  not  horizontal.  Obviously  this 
makes  opinion  more  easily  ascertained,  while  increasing  its 
force  as  a  governing  power,  and  gives  the  people,  that  is  to 
say,  all  classes  in  the  community,  a  clearer  and  stronger  con- 
sciousness of  being  the  rulers  of  their  country  than  European 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  187 

peoples  have.  Every  man  knows  that  he  is  himself  a  part  of 
the  government,  bound  by  duty  as  well  as  by  self-interest  to 
devote  part  of  his  time  and  thoughts  to  it.  He  may  neglect 
this  duty,  but  he  admits  it  to  be  a  duty.  So  the  system  of 
party  organizations  already  described  is  built  upon  this  theory ; 
and  as  this  system  is  more  recent,  and  is  the  work  of  practical 
politicians,  it  is  even  better  evidence  of  the  general  acceptance 
of  the  doctrine  than  are  the  provisions  of  Constitutions. 


GOOD  CITIZENSHIP 


Obligations  of  Citizenship 

By  WILMOT   H.    GOODALE 

I  DESIRE  to  consider  our  civic  obligations,  not  from  the 
"  spoils "  standpoint  of  the  mere  politician,  nor  yet  from 
the  careless  or  indifferent  standpoint  of  the  average  voter,  but 
rather  from  the  solemn  and  appreciative  point  of  view  of  the 
Christian  citizen.  Surely  arguments  are  not  needed  to  con- 
vince any  that  this  is  the  proper  standpoint  from  which  to  con- 
sider the  subject. 

Our  civic  obligations,  which  are  but  a  part  of  our  social 
obligations,  viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  Christian  philos- 
ophy, are  not  obligations  imposed  upon  us  from  without 
by  the  behest  of  some  higher  power,  but  rather  obligations 
arising  from  within  ourselves,  growing  out  of  the  very  necessi- 
ties of  our  own  rational  being,  self-imposed  by  the  very  law 
which  asserts  and  requires  us  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  our 
own  manhood. 

It  is  only  in  a  government  by  the  people  that  the  full  reali- 
zation of  this  idea  is  possible.  Under  a  government  of  force 
the  truth  remains  dormant.  The  subjects  of  a  despot  obey 
because  of  the  command  and  the  penalty ;  the  reasoning  fac- 
ulty, the  sense  of  duty,  the  moral  obligations  to  be  obedient 
unto  rulers,  are  rarely  and  but  imperfectly  appealed  to.  There 
is  no  thought  of  personal  responsibility  in  the  law  or  in  the 
command,  while  under  a  government  republican  in  form,  every 
individual  has  responsibility  in  every  law,  since  law  is  but  the 
outgrowth  of  a  public  sentiment,  to  which  he  has  contributed 
his  share. 

188 


OUB  SYSTEM   OF  GOVERNMENT  189 

The  next  question  seems  to  be,  Who  is  a  citizen  ?  We 
answer  in  the  words  of  the  Constitution :  "  All  persons  born 
or  naturalized  in  the  United  States  and  subject  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion thereof."  These  are  citizens  both  of  the  United  States 
and  of  the  state  wherein  they  reside. 

I  suspect  that  there  are  some  who  are  in  the  habit  of  placing 
upon  the  term  "  citizen  "  a  more  restricted  meaning  than  this : 
certain  young  men  who  are  not  wont  to  consider  themselves 
"citizens,"  because  of  youth  and  inexperience;  certain  women 
who  hold  themselves  exempt  from  the  responsibilities  of  citi- 
zenship because  they  have  not  been  charged  with  the  special 
duty  of  suffrage.  To  all  such  I  wish  to  say,  if  "  born  or  natu- 
ralized in  the  United  States  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
thereof,"  you  are  citizens,  fully  charged  with  the  duties  and  re- 
sponsibilities of  citizenship,  both  "  of  the  United  States  and  of 
the  state  wherein  you  reside."  The  tiniest  infant,  when  he 
first  opens  his  shrinking  eyes  upon  the  light  of  day  anywhere 
within  this  great  Republic,  is  a  citizen,  just  as  much  a  citizen  as 
the  highest  dignitary  in  the  land.  We  are  too  apt  to  confound 
electors  with  citizens,  and  to  look  upon  the  duty  of  suffrage  as 
expressing,  if  not  the  whole,  at  least  the  greater  part  of  the 
duties  of  citizenship.  It  is  essential  to  the  proper  comprehen- 
sion of  our  civic  duties  that  we  rid  our  minds  of  this  popular 
error.  The  duty  of  suffrage  is  but  a  single  duty  imposed  by 
the  entire  mass  of  citizens  upon  certain  individuals  chosen  by 
them  from  their  own  number — whether  wisely  or  not  we  will 
not  at  this  moment  consider — but  chosen  because  they  are  sup- 
posed to  be  especially  qualified  for  the  exercise  of  this  impor- 
tant duty.  We  risk  nothing  in  asserting  that  there  never  was 
a  community  in  which  the  entire  mass  of  citizens,  regardless 
of  all  qualifications  whatsoever,  were  allowed  to  vote.  Always 
and  everywhere  some  qualification  has  been  imposed — either 
age,  or  sex,  or  education,  or  property— there  has  always  been  a 
restriction  along  some  line  to  a  selected  class.  Now  we  have 
to  deal  with  the  duties  not  of  the  selected  but  of  the  selecting 
class— if  we  speak  of  the  other  at  all,  it  will  be  for  the  reason 
that  they  are  a  part  of  this  greater  whole— and  we  are  glad 
that  a  proper  analysis  of  our  subject  has  placed  this  duty  be- 


190  rATBIOTISM  AND  CITIZEMmP 

fore  us.  We  are  glad  to  be  able  to  say  to  those  who  feel  that 
they  are  exempt  from  responsibility,  because  not  charged  with 
the  special  duty  of  suffrage,  that  the  real  rulers  of  this  country 
are  not  those  who  cast  its  ballots,  but  those  who  create  that 
public  sentiment  which  determines  who  shall  cast  them.  If 
there  are  sovereigns  who  make  our  laws,  then  "  twice-crowned  " 
are  they  at  whose  behest  the  laws  are  made. 

What  are  the  obligations  of  citizenship  ?  In  the  first  place, 
let  it  be  noticed  that  these  obligations  are  reciprocal.  The 
organic  unity  which  we  call  the  state  owes  certain  duties  to  the 
citizen.  And  the  citizen,  on  the  other  hand,  owes  certain  duties 
to  the  state. 

The  most  imperative  need  of  organized  society,  especially 
under  a  free  government,  is  character,  high  moral  standards 
accepted  by  the  masses  and  wrought  into  the  very  bone  and 
tissue  of  their  lives.  Gladstone  has  said:  "The  civilized 
world  is  asking,  not  what  kind  of  producer,  but  what  kind  of 
man  the  American  citizen  of  the  future  will  become."  It  be- 
comes the  duty,  therefore,  of  every  citizen — a  duty  which 
appeals  with  especial  emphasis  to  the  young — not  only  from  a 
personal  but  also  from  a  purely  civic  standpoint — to  secure  for 
himself  the  fullest  possible  development  along  all  the  lines  of 
the  most  exalted  conception  of  manhood.  There  is  no  possible 
way  in  which  he  can  benefit  the  state  so  much  as  by  making  a 
real,  true  man  of  himself.  Of  course,  we  use  the  term  "  man  " 
here  in  its  generic  sense,  without  distinction  of  sex. 

What  the  state  needs  more  than  armies  or  navies,  more 
than  cities  or  mines  of  gold  and  silver,  is  high-toned,  honorable, 
well-rounded  citizens— men  and  women  of  exalted  ideals  and 
blameless  lives,  who  will  contribute  to  that  public  sentiment 
which  ever  determines  both  the  law  and  its  enforcement  by  the 
irresistible  strength  of  their  own  personalities.  "These  con- 
stitute the  state."  We  say,  therefore,  to  every  young  man  and 
young  woman,  to  every  boy  and  girl,  to  every  person,  in  fact, 
to  whom  this  message  does  not  come  too  late,  that  if  they  have 
not  found  in  themselves  a  sufficient  stimulus  to  growth  and 
high  development,  the  state  calls  upon  them  to  secure  it  for 
her  sake.    She  needs  them.    At  home,  upon  the  street,  in  the 


OTIB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  191 

school,  the  social  circle,  in  the  marts  of  trade  or  in  stations 
which  men  deem  more  exalted — wherever  the  busy  shuttles 
are  flying  in  the  looms  on  which  is  being  woven  that  public 
opinion  which  is  the  imperial  power  in  a  republic,  there  she 
needs  their  contribution  to  the  pure  thought,  the  lofty  senti- 
ment, the  noble  aspiration  which  constitute  the  nation's  life. 

Our  civic  obligations  are  positive  and  not  merely  negative. 
It  is  not  sufficient  that  the  citizen  should  keep — that  is,  not 
break — the  law.  His  duties  are  positive.  He  must  impress 
his  own  personality  upon  society  and  make  himself  felt  in  the 
community  and  age  in  which  he  lives.  The  assertion  of  this 
obligation  is  rendered  the  more  important  from  the  retiring 
nature  of  those  very  qualities  of  which  society  stands  most  in 
need.  It  is  not  always  those  men  who  have  the  most  self- 
assertion  who  contribute  most  to  the  general  welfare.  Many 
a  man  is  willing,  for  a  consideration,  to  serve  his  country  whose 
services  the  country  could  well  dispense  with.  There  is  no 
scarcity  of  persons  willing  to  hold  office.  What  is  needed  is 
men  and  women,  boys  and  girls,  citizens,  in  short,  who  are  will- 
ing to  work  up  that  public  sentiment  which  will  force  the 
wrong  men  out  of  office  and  put  the  right  men  in.  It  is  very 
seldom  that  a  community  is  misrepresented  in  its  legislative 
halls  or  in  its  elective  offices.  As  a  rule,  the  person  elected 
represents  the  average  public  sentiment  of  the  masses  who 
elect  him.  Elevate  the  moral  tone  of  any  community,  increase 
the  ardor  of  its  patriotism,  widen  its  breadth  of  view,  and  you 
will  find  these  increments  expressing  themselves  in  the  quality 
of  the  men  elected  to  represent  that  community. 

As  a  step  toward  securing  a  healthy  public  sentiment,  an 
uncompromising  war  should  be  waged  against  all  popular  say- 
ings and  maxims  that  tend  to  lower  our  moral  standards  and 
wrest  the  true  relation  between  the  citizen  and  the  state. 
That  saying  of  Senator  Marcy,  "To  the  victors  belong  the 
spoils,"  has  rightly  been  characterized  by  Mr.  Fiske  as  "one 
of  the  most  shameful  remarks  recorded  in  history."  Mr. 
Marcy,  in  speaking  before  the  United  States  Senate,  in  1831, 
in  defense  of  the  course  of  President  Jackson  in  removing  a 
large  number  of  his  political  opponents  from  office,  had  occa- 


192  PATBI0TI8M  AND  CITIZENSHIF 

sion  to  refer  to  the  politicians  of  his  own  state.  "They,"  said 
he,  when  contending  for  victory,  "avow  the  intention  of  enjoy- 
ing the  fruits  of  it.  They  see  nothing  wrong  in  the  rule  that 
to  the  victor  belong  the  spoils  of  the  enemy."  Now,  the 
"shamefulness"  of  this  remark  consists  mainly  in  its  point  of 
view,  and  the  harm  which  it  has  done,  and  is  still  doing,  is  due 
largely  to  a  confusion  in  the  metaphor  contained  in  it.  If  the 
offices  and  patronage  of  the  government  "belong"  to  any  one, 
it  is  surely  to  the  people  as  a  whole  and  not  to  the  defeated 
party  referred  to  as  "the  enemy,"  from  whom  they  are  to  be 
taken  as  "  spoils  "  in  this  unholy  war.  And  then  for  the  char- 
acter of  the  war  itself,  we  are  referred  by  this  highly  metaphor- 
ical expression  beyond  the  days  of  civilized  warfare  to  those 
barbarous  times  in  which  the  property  of  the  enemy  was  looked 
upon  as  "  spoils,"  to  be  divided  among  the  savage  victors.  The 
absurdity  of  drawing  anything  like  an  argument  from  such  a 
comparison  is  sufficiently  apparent,  and  yet  it  is  not  easy  to 
compute  the  evil  growing  out  of  this  mischievous  statement, 
even  at  the  present  day.  Prominent  men  use  it  as  an  indispu- 
table maxim  drawn  from  the  gospel  of  politics;  public  journals 
of  recognized  standing  and  great  influence  quote  it  as  axiomatic, 
and  unblushingly  assert  their  adherence  to  it  as  a  principle  of 
action.  It  is  accepted  without  question  by  the  thoughtless 
"many,"  and  crystallizes  into  conduct  merely  because  the 
thinking  few  fail  at  times  to  challenge  it.  Its  adoption  as  a 
rule  of  conduct  long  since  passed  the  limits  of  the  party  in 
which  it  originated,  and  upon  it  as  a  chief  corner-stone  has 
been  raised  that  monstrous  system  of  fraud  and  corruption 
known  as  the  "  spoils  system."  And  yet  all  that  is  needed  to 
rid  the  country  of  this  great  source  of  evil  is  a  proper  public 
sentiment.  Much  has,  indeed,  been  done  in  this  direction  by 
the  civil  service  reform  movement,  but  much  yet  remains  to  be 
done,  and  even  this  movement  depends  for  its  efficiency  upon 
that  public  sentiment  which  it  is  our  duty  as  citizens  to  create 
and  to  sustain. 

Again,  there  is  a  popular  feeling  that  is  full  of  evil  that  the 
political  life  is  not  exactly  real  life,  but  a  sort  of  theater,  from 
which  really  good  men  would  better  absent  themselves,  or  per- 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  193 

haps  a  stage  on  which  a  very  good  man  may,  and  sometimes 
must,  play  a  very  questionable  part  without  loss  either  of  char- 
acter or  of  reputation.  Public  sentiment  should  render  both 
misconceptions  impossible.  The  latter  is  far  the  more  subtle 
and  dangerous.  It  is  easy  to  understand  why  men  "  of  the 
baser  sort "  would  like  to  make  a  monopoly  of  the  "  spoils,"  but 
there  is  a  speciousnejs  akin  to  argument  in  the  latter  way  of 
presenting  the  matter  that  makes  it  really  dangerous.  "Poli- 
tics," they  say,  "  is  a  trade  which  only  those  who  have  special 
aptitude  for  it  should  follow,  a  game  in  which  only  the  most 
astute  can  hope  to  win,  and,  as  success  is  what  we  want,  we 
would  better  turn  the  whole  business  over  to  them.  At  any 
rate,  it  is  better  not  to  scrutinize  their  conduct  too  closely,  for 
public  men,  you  know,  must  do  certain  things  which  men  who 
do  not  know  all  the  circumstances  are  hardly  qualified  to  sit  in 
judgment  upon,  and  then  'the  end,'  you  know,  'will  justify  the 
means.'  "  We  believe  there  are  some  persons  who  think  that 
this  expression,  "the  end  justifies  the  means,"  comes  out  of 
the  Bible. 

We  need  to  have  it  distinctly  understood  that  a  man  cannot 
be  a  good  politician  and  a  bad  man  at  one  and  the  same  time ; 
that  men  cannot  steal  elections  without  becoming  thieves ;  that 
they  cannot  violate  their  oaths  of  office  or  of  citizenship  with- 
out becoming  perjurers;  that  they  cannot  buy  or  sell  votes  or 
otherwise  degrade  the  sacred  trust  imposed  upon  them  by  their 
fellow  citizens  in  charging  them  with  the  high  duties  of  electors 
under  the  law  without  becoming  themselves  political  prostitutes 
and  utterly  degraded  in  the  eyes  of  all  good  men.  We  need  to 
get  rid  of  all  euphemistic  expressions  that  tend  to  obscure  the 
truth  or  put  a  gloss  upon  vice,  and  call  things  by  their  right 
names,  whether  they  be  good  or  whether  they  be  evil.  It  is 
your  high  prerogative,  as  citizens,  to  create  that  public  sentiment 
which,  with  a  power  like  that  of  the  cathode  ray,  will  penetrate 
all  the  wrappings  under  which  the  skeleton  evil  seeks  to  hide 
itself,  and  show  it  to  the  world  in  all  its  hideous  deformity. 

Another  of  the  obligations  of  citizenship,  so  general  as  to 
contain  a  host  within  itself,  is  that  of  cultivating  the  spirit  of 
patriotism  in  ourselves  and  in  others.    We  do  not  mean  that 


194  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

narrow  sentiment  more  properly  called  provincialism  that 
sometimes  masquerades  under  the  name  of  patriotism,  but  that 
broader  sentiment  worthy  of  the  name  which  is  based  upon  the 
minutest  knowledge  of  details  and  a  generous  conception  of 
their  relations  to  each  other.  We  have  now  enough  men  ready 
to  get  a  post-office  established  at  their  own  cross-roads,  or  a 
building  erected  in  their  own  town  at  the  expense  of  the  public, 
regardless  of  the  question  whether  or  not  such  post-office  or 
building  is  needed  there;  but  there  is  still  room  in  our  halls  of 
legislation,  both  national  and  state,  for  a  few  more  men  whose 
broad  statesmanship  will  take  in  the  wants  of  the  entire  coun- 
try, and  the  lack  is  due,  not  to  the  inability  to  find  the  men, 
but  to  the  want  of  that  spirit  of  discriminating  patriotism  of 
which  we  are  now  speaking.  It  is  even  charged  as  a  fault  upon 
our  public  men  that  they  reflect  too  closely  the  sentiment  that 
dominates  among  their  constituents.  However  this  may  be, 
the  fact  remains  that  the  duty  of  creating  this  dominating  sen- 
timent and  of  keeping  it  active  devolves  upon  you  and  upon 
me — upon  all  of  us  who  come  under  the  designation  "  citizens 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  state  wherein  we  reside." 
There  is  much  more  danger  in  our  failing  to  supply  the  senti- 
ment than  in  our  failing  to  secure  proper  representation. 

We  are  too  apt  to  regard  the  cultivation  of  the  feeling  of 
love  for  country  merely  as  a  duty,  as  something  which  we  owe 
to  the  state,  entirely  ignoring  its  subjective  effect.  "A  man 
without  a  country  "  or,  what  amounts  to  the  same  thing,  a  man 
without  an  appreciative  love  for  his  country,  lacks  an  essential 
element  of  true  manhood.  Filial  love;  conjugal  love;  parental 
love ;  love  of  home !  Each  brings  out  some  new  and  latent 
quality  in  the  heart  and  adds  its  increment  to  the  development 
of  the  full,  well-rounded  character.  And  each  of  these  contrib- 
utes its  choicest  treasures  to  the  furnishing  of  the  heart  for 
its  supreme  effort,  next  to  love  for  God— that  grandest  expres- 
sion of  them  all— the  love  for  country.  There  is  nothing  in 
the  entire  catalogue  of  acquisitions  to  supply  its  place.  It 
admits  of  no  substitute.  As  well  might  you  offer  to  the  lungs 
a  substitute  for  vital  air,  or  to  the  alimentary  organs  a  substi- 
tute for  food.    As  well  might  you  offer  to  a  mother  whose 


QUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  195 

heart  has  once  quickened  with  love  for  her  first-born  a  substi- 
tute for  her  cooing,  prattUng  babe,  as  seek  to  supply  with 
other  sentiment  in  the  heart  of  man  the  love  of  country.  He 
may  have  wealth  like  that  of  "  Ormus  and  of  Ind,"  his  mind 
may  be  richly  stored  with  knowledge,  fame  may  have  placed 
her  choicest  garlands  upon  his  brow,  honor  may  have  laid  her 
rarest  treasures  at  his  feet,  but  if  his  heart  has  never  responded 
with  pride  at  his  country's  praise,  or  his  pulses  quickened  with 
resentment  at  a  slight  put  upon  her  fair  name,  despite  all  that 
wealth  and  fame  and  honor  can  bestow  without  the  love  of 
country  in  his  heart,  he  is  "  wretched  and  miserable  and  poor 
and  blind  and  naked."  He  is  like  a  plant  reared  in  the  dark, 
into  whose  growth  the  genial  sunshine  hath  not  entered ;  he  is 
like  a  boy  who  has  never  known  a  mother's  love  or  a  father's 
tender  care.  There  is  something  lacking  in  his  make-up,  an 
important  something,  without  which,  as  a  center  and  a  sup- 
port, many  another  important  virtue  dies  or  shrinks  into  feeble 
growth. 

Patriotism  begins  at  home  and  is  based  upon  knowledge. 
Its  fires  are  kindled  upon  the  home  altar.  There  is  much  to 
inspire  the  feeling  in  every  locality  that  searching  will  bring 
to  light.  If  the  history  of  our  own  town  or  parish  has  never 
been  written,  we  should  either  write  it  ourselves  or  get  some 
one  to  write  it  who  can  do  it  better.  Much  good  is  already 
being  done  by  societies  of  patriotic  men  and  women,  and  by  the 
observance  of  such  days  as  "  Arbor  day  "  and  "  May  day,"  and 
more  can  yet  be  done.  We  need  to  keep  constantly  before  our 
own  minds,  and  ever  flashing  before  the  public  eye  and  ringing 
in  the  public  ear,  the  fact  that  we  have  a  country  to  be  proud 
of,  a  public  honor  to  maintain.  This  sentiment  zealously  cul- 
tivated will  tend  to  exalt  our  standard  and  lift  our  people  upon 
a  higher  plane. 

Again,  it  is  one  of  the  obligations  of  citizenship,  one  of  its 
most  important  obligations,  in  fact,  to  place  the  suffrage  of  the 
people  upon  an  honest  and  intelligent  basis.  This,  too,  is  the 
work  of  that  proper  public  sentiment  which  it  is  our  duty  as 
citizens  to  maintain. 

Our  ideas  need  clearing  upon  this  subject.    We  need  to  get 


196  PATBI0TI8M  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

rid  of  all  such  notions  as  that  suffrage  is  a  natural  and  inalien- 
able right.  Suffrage  is  the  right  only  of  electors,  that  is,  as  the 
term  implies,  of  persons  chosen  for  its  exercise.  The  only  gen> 
eral  right  in  the  premises  is  that  the  basis  of  qualification  should 
be  made  uniform.  It  would  be  well  for  the  country  if  we  heard 
less  about  the  "  right "  and  more  about  the  duty  of  suffrage. 

It  is  not  a  personal,  but  purely  a  representative  act,  exer- 
cised, even  as  now  constituted,  by  only  about  one  fifth  of  the 
entire  mass  of  citizens  as  representatives  of  them  all.  This 
very  election,  etc.,  raises  the  franchise  above  a  mere  question 
of  privilege  and  places  it  upon  the  more  exalted  plane  of  duty. 
When  called  upon  to  vote,  the  elector  has  before  him  not  a 
mere  question  of  personal  preference  that  he  can  waive  at  his 
pleasure  or  exercise  in  accordance  .with  a  fleeting  whim  of 
fancy,  but  a  question  of  duty  to  the  community,  which  he  is 
under  a  strict  moral  obligation  to  perform  in  accordance  with 
the  best  lights  before  him.  Every  elector  should  feel  when  he 
casts  a  ballot  that  he  is  under  oath.  He  should  feel  that  he  is 
performing  a  solemn,  we  might  almost  say  a  religious,  act. 
His  vote  should  be  a  votive  offering  placed  before  the  shrine 
of  liberty,  a  vow  or  pledge  that  he  has  given  to  the  state,  with- 
out selfishness  or  fear  of  man,  in  the  vote  then  cast,  the  result 
of  the  best  knowledge  and  judgment  upon  the  issues  involved 
that  he  has  or  can  secure.  What  a  profanation  is  it,  then,  of 
the  ballot  to  entrust  its  exercise  to  the  ignorant  and  the  profli- 
gate! Through  its  exercise  the  state  seeks  for  an  opinion 
either  as  to  men  or  to  measures.  What  a  mockery  to  ask  such 
opinion  of  those  incapable  of  forming  one,  or  whose  views  at 
best  merely  reflect  the  opinions  of  others !  To  confer  the  right 
of  suffrage  upon  a  man  merely  because  he  is  twenty-one  years 
of  age  is  as  absurd  as  it  would  be  to  give  it  to  him  because  he 
weighs  a  certain  number  of  pounds,  or  measures  a  certain  num- 
ber of  inches  in  height.  The  proper  restriction  of  the  ballot 
to  those  qualified  for  its  exercise,  as  the  result  of  that  enlight- 
ened  public  sentiment  which  it  is  our  duty  as  citizens  to  create, 
would  go  very  far  toward  securmg  the  freedom  and  purity  of 
elections  by  making  them  what  they  should  ever  be,  an  expres- 
sion of  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  people. 


GOOD  CITIZENSHIP 


The  New  Citizen 

By  THEODORE   ROOSEVELT 

THE  good  citizen  must  in  the  first  place  recognize  what  he 
owes  his  fellow  citizens.  If  he  is  worthy  to  live  in  a  free 
republic,  he  must  keep  before  his  eyes  his  duty  to  the  nation 
of  which  he  forms  a  part.  He  must  keep  himself  informed 
and  must  think  for  himself  on  the  great  questions  of  his  day, 
and  he  must  know  how  to  express  his  thoughts.  He  must 
possess  an  intelligent  opinion  upon  the  issues  that  arise ;  for  in 
a  government  like  ours  the  fool  is  only  less  harmful  than  the 
knave.  Above  all,  he  must  be,  in  the  truest  sense  of  the  word, 
deeply  and  broadly  patriotic.  There  must  be  nothing  narrow 
in  his  patriotism.  The  welfare  of  the  whole  country  must  be 
dear  to  him ;  and  he  will  have  but  a  poor  soul  if  he  can  ever 
see  the  flag  without  feeling  a  thrill  at  the  thought  of  all  that 
the  flag  implies. 

But  patriotism  should  be  to  each  man  more  'jhan  mere  feel- 
ing. He  must  not  merely  think  and  talk ,  he  must  act,  he 
must  work.  He  is  bound  in  honor  t  act  disinterestedly  and 
uprightly ;  he  is  bound  to  do  his  full  share  of  the  civic  work 
of  his  community.  If  public  men  do  their  work  ill,  then  he 
is  responsible  if  he  does  not  try  to  see  that  they  do  their 
work  better;  and  if  they  do  their  work  well,  then  he  must 
try  to  hold  up  their  hands,  so  long  as  they  persevere  in  well- 
doing. 

He  must  combine  with  his  fellows  in  order  to  make  the 
weight  of  his  influence  felt,  and  yet  he  must  never  so  sink  his 

197 


198  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

individuality  as  to  fear  to  stand  up  for  what  he  deems  to  be 
right  and  just,  whether  the  bulk  of  his  fellow  citizens  stand 
with  him  or  against  him.  He  must  work  for  the  whole  people, 
and  yet  he  must  not  hesitate  to  go  against  the  people  if  he  is 
convinced  they  are  wrong.  He  must  aim  to  be  a  well-rounded 
man.  He  must  cultivate  the  qualities  which  tell  for  success 
no  less  than  those  which  tell  for  the  general  welfare.  He 
must  be  brave  and  strong,  as  well  as  truthful  and  unselfish. 
He  must  preach  and  enforce  the  doctrine  of  obedience  to  the 
law.  He  must  remember  that  in  the  last  resort  it  will  be  his 
plain  duty,  if  the  emergency  arises,  to  take  arms  in  defense  of 
the  law,  in  defense  of  the  country.  The  weakling  and  the 
coward  have  no  place  in  our  public  life  or  in  our  private  life ;  it 
is  the  duty  of  every  decent  man  not  only  to  stand  up  valiantly 
for  the  right,  but  to  war  mercilessly  upon  the  wrong. 

In  political  life,  whether  a  man  acts  without  or  within  party 
lines  is  not  of  very  great  moment,  if  only  he  always  acts  hon- 
estly, fearlessly,  and  effectively ;  but  remember  that  it  is  neces- 
sary to  be  both  efficient  and  upright,  too.  Parties  are  neces- 
sary. Without  association  and  organization,  and  the  necessary 
partial  subordination  of  individual  preferences,  no  great  work 
can  be  done ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  no  man  has  a  right  to  con- 
done crime,  to  excuse  moral  shortcomings  of  any  kind  because 
of  alleged  party  necessity. 

The  young  American,  now  entering  upon  his  duties  of  citi- 
zenship, holds  in  his  hands  the  fate  of  the  coming  years.  With 
him  it  rests  to  decide  the  failure  or  success  of  the  tremen- 
dous experiment  begun  by  Washington.  He  must  work  out 
the  future  of  our  country ;  he  must  carry  on  the  government 
planned  by  the  wisdom  of  great  statesmen,  founded  and  saved 
by  the  valor  of  great  soldiers.  No  material  prosperity,  impor- 
tant though  material  prosperity  be,  will  by  itself  avail  if  as  a 
nation  we  lose  the  virile,  fighting  virtues,  or  that  regard  for 
character  and  honor  and  probity  which  alone  can  keep  a  race 
mighty. 

The  young  American  must  as  a  citizen  be  an  American  in- 
deed, in  spirit,  purpose,  and  hope ;  he  must  "  prove  by  his  en- 
deavor" that  he  is  a  man  able  to  hold  his  own  in  the  rough 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  199 

work  of  the  world,  fearless  on  behalf  of  the  right,  resolute  never 
to  flinch  before  the  forces  of  evil ;  and,  finally,  by  his  life  he 
must  show  his  conviction  that  all  else  is  useless  if  he  does  not 
build  on  the  foundation  of  those  basic  virtues  which  lie  deep  in 
the  character  of  every  nation  that  really  deserves  to  be  called 
great. 


GOOD  CITIZENSHIP 


The  Young  Man  in  Politics 

By  GROVER  CLEVELAND 

POLITICS  in  their  best  and  highest,  meaning  may  be  defined 
as  the  science  and  practice  of  government,  having  for  its 
functions  and  purposes  the  promotion  of  the  p  :ace  and  safety 
of  a  state  or  nation,  and  the  promotion  of  its  welfare. 

It  is  proposed,  however,  at  this  time  to  give  to  the  term 
another  signification,  and,  to  the  American  mind,  one  more 
famiUar.  It  will  best  suit  our  purpose  to  deal  with  politics  as 
constituting  such  an  interest  and  activity  in  public  affairs  on 
the  part  of  our  citizens  as  result  in  efforts  to  guide  and  influ- 
ence, through  party  organization,  the  action  and  policy  of  our 
government,  in  such  a  manner  as  will,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
members  of  the  organization,  conduce  to  the  welfare  of  our 
people  and  the  prosperity  of  our  country.  Of  course  this  effort 
must  include  the  diligent  persuasion  of  voters  to  party  sup- 
port, and  the  earnest  presentation  of  every  honest  and  legiti- 
mate inducement  to  labor  for  party  supremacy.  It  may  readily 
be  conceded  that  there  are  those  connected  with  every  party 
who  value  most  in  politics  the  individual  benefits  they  receive, 
or  hope  to  receive,  from  partisan  victories ;  but  as  a  general 
rule  these  do  not  dominate  party  action.  No  political  organi- 
zation is  worth  considering  that  is  not  based  upon  certain  gov- 
ernmental and  fundamental  doctrines  and  beliefs ;  and  no  party 
can  be  useful  or  enduring  unless  it  is  controlled  by  those  of  its 
members  who  are  disinterested  and  patriotic.  It  may  also  be 
conceded  that  in  these  latter  days  the  heat  of  party  strife  has 
given  birth  within  party  lines  to  harmful  intrigue  and  demoral- 
izing trickery;  but  these  evils  are  not  necessarily  relater^  ^,o 

200 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  201 

party  organization;  they  are  less  influential  than  they  are 
sometimes  supposed  to  be,  and  they  are  largely  chargeable  to 
indifference  and  neglect  of  civic  duty  on  the  part  of  those  who 
boast  of  their  respectability  and  plume  themselves  on  their 
freedom  from  political  contamination. 

Whatever  undesirable  conditions  may  attach  themselves  to 
party  organizations,  and  however  plausibly  sham  respectability 
and  careless  citizenship  may  attempt  to  excuse  their  abstention 
from  political  activity,  two  things  are  absolutely  certain :  first, 
that  such  abstention  promotes  and  strengthens  party  evils,  by 
giving  more  room  and  better  opportunity  in  public  affairs  to 
those  whose  activity  is  selfish  and  whose  methods  are  odious ; 
and  second,  that  the  failure  of  any  body  of  our  citizens  effec- 
tively to  interest  themselves  in  politics,  directly  tends  to  a  dan- 
gerous perversion  of  the  theory  of  our  government — which 
devolves  all  the  functions  of  governmental  power  upon  the 
entire  body  of  our  people.  These  considerations  plainly  lead  to 
the  suggestion  that  not  only  is  it  in  all  circumstances  the  duty 
of  every  citizen  to  participate  in  political  action,  but  that  if 
evils  have  crept  into  party  organizations,  and  selfish  men  have 
obtained  a  dangerous  share  of  control,  so  much  more  is  it  the 
duty  of  citizens  whose  motives  are  disinterested  and  whose 
purposes  are  patriotic  to  come  to  the  rescue. 

Thus  the  interposition  of  our  people  in  public  affairs,  which 
is  essential  to  our  national  health,  should  be  universal  and  con- 
stant. It  should  also  be  studious  and  intelligent — to  the  end 
that  as  new  conditions  and  exigencies  arise  in  our  progressive 
and  restless  national  life,  they  may  be  wisely  treated  and  de- 
liberately judged,  in  the  light  of  the  fundamental  principles 
which  we  have  adopted  as  the  law  of  our  existence  as  a  free 
and  self-governing  people. 

The  Grave  Conditions  Confronting  Us 

We  have  never  been  free  from  questions  vital  to  our  coun- 
try's welfare  that  pressed  for  decision  and  settlement  before 
the  high  tribunal  of  popular  suffrage.  It  may,  however,  be 
truthfully  said  that  the  problems  now  presented  to  our  thought- 
ful citizenship  are  of  more  serious  import  and  involve  more 


202  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

stupendous  and  far-reaching  consequences  than  any  that  have 
before  arisen  in  our  history.  They  encroach  upon  all  conserva- 
tive ideas  of  the  mission  and  purpose  of  the  American  nation. 
They  confront  us  with  a  startling  interpretation  of  American 
growth  and  development,  and  ask  us  to  look  with  toleration,  if 
not  admiration,  upon  the  "  hateful  mien  "  of  American  conquest. 

Those  who  love  our  country  as  our  fathers  planned  it  are 
sadly  fearing  that,  even  though  its  staunch  framework  may 
withstand  the  winds  and  waves  of  the  present  storm,  it  will 
never  be  the  same  again.  Our  country's  anticipated  aggran- 
dizement is  set  against  our  national  morality;  and  good  men 
are  afflicted  by  the  doubtful  balance  of  right  and  wrong. 
Other  questions  which  are  also  of  vast  importance  are  crowd- 
ing upon  us  for  solution.  What  is  the  effect  upon  the  general 
welfare  of  the  trusts  and  combinations  in  business  enterprises 
which  have  lately  so  tremendously  increased  among  us .?  With 
a  balance  of  evil  standing  against  them,  how  shall  they  be  ex- 
tirpated or  restrained?  Has  the  time  come,  or  can  it  ever 
come,  when  our  government  can  be  justified  in  appropriating 
money  exacted  from  all  the  people  to  upbuild  certain  branches 
of  business  for  the  benefit  of  a  few  beneficiaries }  Still  other 
subjects  belonging  to  the  field  of  politics  are  pending  which 
deeply  concern  the  welfare  of  our  countrymen.  Without  espe- 
cially enumerating  these,  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  at  this  time 
we  stand  in  urgent  need  of  the  kind  of  citizenship  that  not  only 
apprehends  the  importance  of  present  national  problems,  but 
is  willing  to  devote  time  and  effort  to  their  proper  solution. 

Though  none  should  avoid  this  duty,  the  young  men  of  our 
country  ought  especially  to  be  active  in  its  discharge.  The 
future  of  the  nation  is  with  them ;  and,  as  long  as  the  country 
lasts,  its  growth  and  advance  must  make  our  future  more  and 
more  solemn  and  impressive.  The  new  conditions  that  now 
confront  us  for  weal  or  woe  must  yield  their  harvest  for  the 
generation  just  entering  upon  the  scene  of  citizenship.  Their 
hopes  and  their  aspirations  are  interwoven  with  the  treatment 
now  accorded  to  these  conditions;  and  manifestly  they  are 
concerned  more  than  all  others  in  their  safe  adjustment  and 
settlement.    On  their  own  account,  therefore,  they  should  not 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  203 

leave  this  to  others  whose  interest  in  the  country  is  less  endur- 
ing. Thus,  for  general  reasons  based  upon  obligations  of  citi- 
zenship, and  for  special  reasons  related  to  their  stake  in  the 
future  of  American  free  institutions,  our  young  men  should 
identify  themselves  with  political  movements. 

Their  participation,  however,  should  be  intelligent,  and  its 
direction  should  be  determined  by  the  exercise  of  the  most 
careful  individual  judgment.  Frequently — perhaps  as  often  as 
otherwise — young  men  merely  drift  in  their  political  action, 
and  without  thought  or  examination  adopt  the  political  beliefs 
of  their  fathers  and  follow  the  same  party  association.  This  is 
not  the  kind  of  identification  with  political  movements  which 
young  men  should  accord  to  their  interests  in  the  future 
national  situation,  or  to  their  country's  well-being.  The  day 
should  come  to  every  young  man  when  he  soberly  realizes  the 
necessity  of  settling  for  himself  and  by  the  exercise  of  his  own 
intelligent  judgment,  as  a  prerogative  of  citizenship,  the  politi- 
cal beliefs  and  the  general  rules  for  the  conduct  of  public 
affairs  which  he  will  advocate  and  support. 

Of  course  his  duty  is  not  done  when  he  arrives  at  a  conclu- 
sion on  this  subject;  for  his  identification  with  politics  is  by 
no  means  useful  or  complete  when  he  merely  contemplates 
with  satisfaction  the  beliefs  he  has  adopted,  and  congratulates 
himself  upon  the  assertion  of  his  political  manhood.  It  remains 
for  him  to  animate  these  beliefs  with  force  and  power,  to  the 
end  that  they  may  become  effective  in  the  accomplishment  of 
political  results.  The  obvious  way  by  which  this  can  be 
effected  is  through  association  with  others  holding  like  beliefs, 
or,  in  other  words,  through  party  membership.  But  neither 
the  holding  of  distinct  political  beliefs  nor  the  mere  attachment 
to  a  party  organization  is  sufficient  to  fill  the  measure  of  our 
young  voter's  political  duty,  and  absolve  him  from  further 
effort.  He  should  labor  for  the  propagation  of  his  beliefs  by 
actively  taking  part  in  the  operations  of  the  organization  to 
which  he  belongs,  and  by  aiding  in  the  maintenance  of  its 
strength  and  vigor. 

The  idea  much  too  commonly  prevails  that  it  is  no  impeach- 
ment of  respectability  to  belong  to  a  party  while  standing  aloof 


204  PATBIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSSIP 

from  the  details  of  party  management,  but  that  real  participa- 
tion in  such  management  tends  to  personal  discredit  and  de- 
moralization. This  is  a  great  mistake.  If  it  is  true  that  our 
young  men  should  become  seriously  interested  in  political 
affairs  for  the  good  of  their  country,  and  for  their  own  benefit 
as  the  future  occupants  of  our  land,  it  is  perfectly  plain  that 
the  more  practically  and  energetically  this  interest  is  manifested 
the  better  will  political  duty  be  discharged.  Besides,  there  is 
no  disrepute  attached  to  any  legitimate  phase  of  party  organi- 
zation work ;  and  any  young  man  who  cannot  better  appreciate 
this  work  than  to  suppose  it  to  consist  of  systematic  trickery 
and  dishonest  intrigue,  will  do  a  service  to  political  decency  and 
to  his  country  by  forswearing  party  activity  and  becoming  a 
political  drone.  A  more  general  participation  in  politics  on  the 
part  of  our  young  men  is  not  desirable  for  the  purpose  of  add- 
ing to  the  shrewd  manipulation  and  questionable  methods  of 
party  operation ;  but  rather  that  these  may  be  corrected  by  a 
greater  infusion  of  devotion  to  party  principles  for  the  sake  of 
their  usefulness,  by  a  more  intelligent  and  outspoken  advocacy 
of  party,  and  by  a  clean,  earnest  strife  for  party  supremacy  as 
a  means  of  national  prosperity. 

The  Necessity  for  Work  on  Partisan  Lines 

Party  association  in  defeat  as  well  as  in  victory,  coupled 
with  its  assertion  of  political  principles  when  they  are  intelli- 
gently understood  and  patriotically  and  zealously  professed, 
gives  birth  to  a  love  and  veneration  for  a  chosen  organization 
which  binds  its  members  so  closely  and  so  strongly  that  much 
of  sacrifice  will  be  endured  for  its  sake.  Besides,  it  is  difficult 
for  a  devoted  adherent,  who  believes  deeply  and  earnestly,  to 
convince  himself  that  even  with  many  and  grievous  faults  his 
party  cannot  serve  the  country  better  than  any  in  opposition  to 
it;  and  underlying  all  these  considerations  is  the  conviction 
that  party  association  is  necessary  to  the  proper  accomplish- 
ment of  our  plan  of  popular  government. 

These  things  intensify  in  the  strongest  possible  way  the 
importance  to  a  young  citizen  of  a  deliberate  and  thoughtful 
choice  of  party  affiliation,  and  not  less  the  importance  of  con- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  205 

stant  and  decent  activity  in  party  service.  In  this  way  he  will 
aid  in  keeping  the  organization  to  which  he  is  attached  true  to 
its  principles,  and  maintaining  it  as  a  safe  agency  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  people's  will ;  and  in  this  way  he  will  aid  in  securing 
for  himself  the  opportunity  to  labor  without  perplexity  for  the 
doctrines  which  he  believes  will  subserve  his  country's  welfare, 
while  preserving  his  affection  and  devotion  for  his  party  with- 
out distressing  moral  misgivings. 

What  has  been  thus  far  said  assumes  not  only  the  need  of 
party  organization  in  American  politics,  but  it  also  suggests  as 
a  general  proposition  that  effective  political  action  will  be  found 
within  party  lines.  These  seem  at  least  to  be  the  natural  con- 
ditions. There  has  grown  up  among  us,  however,  a  large  con- 
tingent of  independent  or  unattached  voters,  whose  influence 
in  the  decision  of  public  questions  by  the  people  cannot  be 
ignored ;  and  many  of  these  unattached  and  independent  voters 
are  young  men.  This  situation  indicates  either  a  failure  on  the 
part  of  this  portion  of  our  citizenship  to  give  due  importance 
to  the  effectiveness  of  political  action  through  party  associa- 
tion, or  a  failure  on  the  part  of  existing  organized  parties  to 
present  to  them  satisfactory  doctrines  or  methods.  Whatever 
the  reason  may  be,  this  abstention  from  party  affiliation  gives 
rise  to  a  belief  that  the  situation  ought  to  receive  attention.  If 
a  large  share  of  the  thousands  of  our  young  men  who  yearly 
cross  the  threshold  of  responsible  citizenship  are  heedless  of 
civic  obligations,  measures  should  be  taken  to  stimulate  their 
sense  of  political  duty.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  condition  of 
parties  is  such  as  to  repel  the  most  thoughtful  and  best-inten- 
tioned  of  this  constantly  increasing  contingent  of  her  voters, 
no  time  should  be  lost  in  applying  a  remedy.  Parties  cannot 
afford  to  encourage  the  reenforcement  of  an  independent  army 
which  stands  ready  to  engage  on  either  side,  and  to  make  or 
mar  the  most  carefully  planned  party  efforts.  It  should  always 
be  remembered  that  political  action  is  absolutely  voluntary ; 
nor  should  the  peculiar  American  tendency  to  insist  upon  a  self- 
chosen  and  self -satisfying  mode  of  enjoying  individual  privilege 
be  overlooked. 

There  should  by  no  means  be  an  abandonment  of  funda- 


206  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

mental  and  well-established  party  principles  for  the  sake  of 
catching  voters.  Such  schemes  undermine  the  virility  of 
party  organization,  and  are  resented  as  tricky  devices  when 
subjected  to  the  test  of  American  acuteness.  As  new  condi- 
tions arise,  however,  party  principles  should  be  applied  to 
them ;  and  this  should  be  done  with  the  greatest  possible  care 
and  thoughtfulness,  and  with  a  studious  exclusion  of  every  dis- 
turbing complication  arising  from  sinister  addition  or  confusing 
statement.  Above  all  things,  our  people  require  in  political 
and  party  action  frank,  straightforward  dealing. 

Conscience  the  Only  Safe  Political  Guide 

This,  then,  is  the  conclusion  of  the  matter :  Every  young 
man  should  regard  political  conviction  and  activity  as  a  prime 
factor  of  his  citizenship.  He  should  give  no  place  to  the  notion 
that  there  is  anything  inherently  disreputable  or  contaminating 
in  party  association.  He  should  not  permit  a  too  self-satisfied 
estimate  of  the  infallibility  of  his  own  judgment  to  prevent  the 
legitimate  concession  necessary  to  usefulness  in  party  organi- 
zation. He  should,  however,  insist  upon  an  honest  adherence 
and  devotion  to  the  standard  under  which  he  has  enlisted,  and 
should  never  surrender  his  liberty  of  conscience.  On  the 
other  hand,  parties  should  never  be  used  as  instrumentalities 
of  political  trickery  and  chicane,  but  should  rather  be  regarded 
as  agencies  related  to  the  operation  of  the  best  of  human  gov- 
ernments. They  should  be  built  upon  foundations  of  benefi- 
cent principles  and  patriotic  motives.  They  should  be  consist- 
ently tenacious  of  their  creeds,  earnestly  outspoken  in  their 
advocacy,  and  watchful  against  the  approach  of  false  doctrine; 
and  last,  but  by  no  means  least,  they  should  be  fair  and  clean 
in  their  methods  and  in  their  relations  with  their  members ; 
they  should  be  generous  in  the  interchange  of  counsel,  and 
tolerant  of  individual  judgment. 

These  requirements  must  not  be  regarded  as  fanciful  if,  in 
these  days  of  emergency  and  menace,  we  are  to  find  safety 
and  confidence  in  the  love  of  our  people  for  their  country,  and 
in  their  intelligent  and  patriotic  obedience  to  the  demands  of 
political  duty. 


TRUE  AND  FALSE  STANDARDS  OF 
PATRIOTISM 


The  Glory  of  Patriotism 

By  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

[A  pathetic  interest  attaches  to  this  selection  from  the  address  by 
one  who,  a  few  years  later,  was  himself  numbered  among  our  Martyr- 
Presidents.  It  was  delivered  on  July  4.  1894,  at  the  dedication  of  the 
Cuyahoga  County  Soldiers'  and  Sailors'  Monument  at  Cleveland,  O.] 

IT  was  in  this  square  that  the  remains  of  the  martyred 
Lincoln,  the  great  emancipator,  rested  as  they  journeyed 
to  his  Western  home.  It  was  on  this  very  spot,  almost  where 
we  stand  to-day,  that  the  whole  population  of  Northern  Ohio 
viewed  for  the  last  time  him  who  had  been  captain  of  all  our 
armies  under  the  Constitution,  and  whose  death  was  a  sacrifice 
to  the  great  cause  of  freedom  and  the  Union. 

Here,  too,  my  fellow  citizens,  on  this  very  spot,  the  remains 
of  the  immortal  Garfield  lay  in  state,  attended  by  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  by  the  supreme  judiciary  of  the  nation,  by 
the  officers  of  the  army  and  the  navy  of  the  United  States, 
by  the  governors  and  legislators  of  all  the  surrounding  states. 
The  steady  tread  of  a  mourning  state  and  nation  was  uninter- 
rupted through  the  entire  night.  It  was  here  that  the  people 
looked  upon  his  face  for  the  last  time  forever. 

Interesting,  my  fellow  citizens,  and  patriotic  as  the  scenes 
witnessed  in  the  past  have  been,  I  venture  to  say  that  none  of 
them  has  stirred  so  many  memories  or  quickened  such  patriotic 
feeling  as  the  services  we  perform  to-day  in  the  dedication  of 
this  beautiful  structure  to  the  memory  of  the  loyal  soldiers  and 
sailors  who  contributed  their  lives  to  save  the  government 

207 


208  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEMEIP 

from  dissolution.  Cuyahoga  county  can  well  be  proud  of  this 
great  memorial.  It  is  a  fitting  tribute  to  the  soldiers  living 
and  the  soldiers  dead.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  these  old  soldiers 
love  to  carry  the  flags  under  which  they  fought  and  for  which 
their  brave  comrades  gave  up  their  lives .?  Is  it  any  wonder 
that  the  old  soldier  loves  the  flag  under  whose  folds  he  fought 
and  for  which  his  comrades  shed  so  much  blood .?  He  loves  it 
for  what  it  is  and  for  what  it  represents.  It  embodies  the  pur- 
poses and  history  of  the  government  itself.  It  records  the 
achievements  of  its  defenders  upon  land  and  sea.  It  heralds 
the  heroism  and  sacrifices  of  our  Revolutionary  fathers  who 
planted  free  government  on  this  continent  and  dedicated  it  to 
liberty  forever.  It  attests  the  struggles  of  our  army  and  the 
valor  of  our  citizens  in  all  the  wars  of  the  Republic.  It  has 
been  sanctified  by  the  blood  of  our  best  and  our  bravest.  It 
records  the  achievements  of  Washington  and  the  martyrdom 
of  Lincoln.  It  has  been  bathed  in  the  tears  of  a  sorrowing 
people.  It  has  been  glorified  in  the  hearts  of  a  freedom-loving 
people,  not  only  at  home  but  in  every  part  of  the  world.  Our 
flag  expresses  more  than  any  other  flag ;  it  means  more  than 
any  other  national  emblem.  It  expresses  the  will  of  a  free 
people  and  proclaims  that  they  are  supreme  and  that  they 
acknowledge  no  earthly  sovereign  other  than  themselves.  It 
never  was  assaulted  that  thousands  did  not  rise  up  to  smite  the 

assailant.    Glorious  old  banner !     

What  does  this  monument  mean .?  It  means  the  immortal 
principle  of  patriotism.  It  means  love  of  country.  It  means 
not  only  love  of  country  but  love  of  liberty !  This  alone  could 
have  inspired  over  2,800,000  Union  soldiers  to  leave  home  and 
family  and  to  offer  to  die  if  need  be  for  our  imperiled  institu- 
tions. Love  of  country  alone  could  have  inspired  300,000  men 
to  die  for  the  Union.  Nothing  less  sacred  than  this  love  of 
country  could  have  sustained  175,000  brave  men,  who  suffered 
and  starved  and  died  in  rebel  prisons.  Nor  could  anything  else 
have  given  comfort  to  the  500,000  maimed  and  diseased,  who 
escaped  immediate  death  in  siege  and  battle  to  end  in  torment 
the  remainder  of  their  patriot  lives.  It  is  a  noble  patriotism, 
and  it  impels  you,  my  fellow  countrymen,  to  erect  this  magnifi- 


OTJR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  209 

cent  monument  to  their  honor  and  memory.  And  similar  love 
of  country  will  inspire  your  remotest  descendants  to  do  homage 
to  their  valor  and  bravery  forever. 

This  is  what  the  monument  means.  The  lesson  it  conveys 
to  the  present  and  all  future  generations.  It  means  that  tTie 
cause  in  which  they  died  was  a  righteous  one,  and  it  means 
that  the  cause  which  triumphed  through  their  valor  shall  be 
perpetuated  for  all  time. 

Charles  Sumner  said  that  President  Lincoln  was  put  to 
death  by  the  enemies  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  but, 
said  Sumner,  though  dead,  he  would  always  continue  to  guard 
that  title-deed  of  the  human  race.  So  that  it  does  seem  to  me 
that  every  time  we  erect  a  new  monument  to  the  memory  of 
the  Union  soldiers  and  sailors,  we  are  cementing  the  very 
foundations  of  the  government  itself.  We  are  doing  that 
which  will  strengthen  our  devotion  to  free  institutions  and  in- 
sure their  permanency  for  the  remotest  posterity.  We  are  not 
only  rendering  immortal  the  fame  of  the  men  who  participated 
in  the  war  by  these  magnificent  structures,  but  we  are  doing 
better  than  that.  We  are  making  immortal  the  principles  for 
which  they  contended  and  the  union  of  free  men  for  which 
they  died. 

Their  erection  may  be  a  matter  of  comparatively  little  im- 
portance or  concern  to  the  Union  soldiers  who  are  still  living, 
but  no  one  can  accurately  foretell  the  value  and  importance  of 
their  influence  upon  the  young  men  and  the  young  women 
from  whom  the  Republic  must  draw  her  future  defenders. 
Every  time  we  erect  a  monument,  every  time  we  do  honor  to 
the  soldiers  of  the  Republic,  we  reaffirm  our  devotion  to  the 
country,  to  the  glorious  flag,  to  the  immortal  principles  of 
liberty,  equality,  and  justice,  which  have  made  the  United 
States  unrivaled  among  the  nations  of  the  world.  The  union 
of  these  states  must  be  perpetual.  That  is  what  our  brave 
boys  died  for.  That  is  what  this  monument  must  mean ;  and 
such  monuments  as  this  are  evidences  that  the  people  intend 
to  take  care  that  the  great  decrees  of  the  war  shall  be  unques- 
tioned and  supreme. 

The  unity  of  the  Republic  is  secure  so  long  as  we  continue 


210  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

to  honor  the  memory  of  the  men  who  died  by  the  tens  of  thou- 
sands to  preserve  it.  The  dissolution  of  the  Union  is  impossi- 
ble so  long  as  we  continue  to  inculcate  lessons  of  fraternity, 
unity,  and  patriotism,  and  erect  monuments  to  perpetuate 
these  sentiments. 

Such  monuments  as  these  have  another  meaning,  which  is 
one  dear  to  the  hearts  of  many  who  stand  by  me.  It  is,  as 
Mr.  Lincoln  said  at  Gettysburg,  that  the  dead  shall  not  have 
died  in  vain ;  that  the  nation's  later  birth  of  freedom  and  the 
people's  gain  of  their  own  sovereignty  shall  not  perish  from  the 
earth.  That  is  what  this  monument  means.  That  is  the  les- 
son of  true  patriotism ;  that  what  was  won  in  war  shall  be  worn 
in  peace. 

But  we  must  not  forget,  my  fellow  countrymen,  that  the 
Union  which  these  brave  men  preserved,  and  the  liberties 
which  they  secured,  places  upon  us,  the  living,  the  gravest 
responsibility.  We  are  the  freest  government  on  the  face  of 
the  earth.  Our  strength  rests  in  our  patriotism.  Anarchy 
flees  before  patriotism.  Peace  and  order  and  security  and 
liberty  are  safe  so  long  as  love  of  country  burns  in  the  hearts 
of  the  people.  It  should  not  be  forgotten,  however,  that  liberty 
does  not  mean  lawlessness.  Liberty  to  make  our  own  laws  does 
not  give  us  license  to  break  them.  Liberty  to  make  our  own 
laws  commands  a  duty  to  observe  them  ourselves  and  enforce 
obedience  among  all  others  within  their  jurisdiction.  Liberty, 
my  fellow  citizens,  is  responsibility,  and  responsibility  is  duty, 
and  that  duty  is  to  preserve  the  exceptional  liberty  we  enjoy 
within  the  law  and  for  the  law  and  by  the  law. 


JAMES  CARDINAI,  GIBBONS 


TRUE  AND  FALSE  STANDARDS  OF 
PATRIOTISM 


Patriotism  and  Politics 

By  JAMES  CARDINAL  GIBBONS 

I  HAVE  no  apology  to  make  for  off ering  some  reflections  on 
the  political  outlook  of  the  nation ;  for  my  rights  as  a  citi- 
zen were  not  abdicated  or  abridged  on  becoming  a  Christian 
prelate,  and  the  sacred  character  which  I  profess,  far  from 
lessening,  rather  increases,  my  obligations  to  my  country. 

In  answer  to  those  who  affirm  that  a  churchman  is  not 
qualified  to  discuss  politics,  by  reason  of  his  sacred  calling, 
which  removes  him  from  the  political  arena,  I  would  say  that 
this  statement  may  be  true  in  the  sense  that  a  clergyman,  as 
such,  should  not  be  a  heated  partisan  of  any  political  party ;  but 
it  is  not  true  in  the  sense  that  he  is  unfitted  by  his  sacred  pro- 
fession for  discussing  political  principles.  His  very  seclusion 
from  popular  agitation  gives  him  a  vantage-ground  over  those 
that  are  in  the  whirlpool  of  party  strife,  just  as  they  who  have 
never  witnessed  Shakespeare's  plays  performed  on  the  stage 
are  better  qualified  to  judge  of  the  genius  of  the  author  and 
the  literary  merit  of  his  productions  than  they  who  witness  the 
plays  amid  the  environment  of  stage  scenery. 

Every  man  in  the  Commonwealth  leads  a  dual  life — a  pri- 
vate life  under  the  shadow  of  the  home,  and  a  public  life  under 
the  aegis  of  the  state.  As  a  father,  a  husband,  or  a  son,  he 
owes  certain  duties  to  the  family ;  as  a  citizen,  he  owes  certain 
obligations  to  his  country.  These  civic  virtues  are  all  com- 
prised under  the  generic  name,  patriotism. 

211 


gl2  PATBIOTISM  AND  CITIZBmmP 

Patriotism  means  love  of  country.  Its  root  is  the  Latin 
^Nordpatria,  a  word  not  domesticated  in  English.  The  French 
have  it  mpatrie;  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  Teutonic  races  have  it 
literally  translated  in  Fatherland.  "  Fatherland,"  says  Cicero, 
is  "  the  common  parent  of  us  all :  P atria  est  communis  omnium 
nostrum  parens:'  It  is  the  paternal  home  extended,  the  family 
reaching  out  to  the  city,  the  province,  the  country.  Hence, 
with  us,  fatherland  and  country  have  come  to  be  synonymous. 
Country  in  this  sense  comprises  two  elements,  the  soil  itself 
and  the  men  who  live  thereon.  We  love  the  soil  in  which  our 
fathers  sleep,  terra  patrum,  terra  patria,  the  land  in  which  we 
were  born.  We  love  the  men  who  as  fellow  dwellers  share 
that  land  with  us.  When  Dom  Pedro  died  in  Paris,  he  was 
laid  to  his  last  sleep  on  Brazilian  soil,  which  he  had  carried 
away  with  him  for  that  very  purpose.  Let  a  citizen  from 
Maine  meet  a  citizen  from  California  on  the  shores  of  the 
Bosporus  or  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  they  will,  at  once, 
forget  that  at  home  they  dwelt  three  thousand  miles  apart. 
State  lines  are  obliterated,  party  differences  are  laid  aside, 
religious  animosities,  if  such  had  existed,  are  extinguished. 
They  warmly  clasp  hands,  they  remember  only  that  they  are 
fellow  American  citizens,  children  of  the  same  mother,  fellow 
dwellers  in  the  same  land  over  which  floats  the  star-spangled 
banner. 

Patriotism  implies  not  only  love  of  soil  and  of  fellow  citi- 
zens, but  also,  and  principally,  attachment  to  the  laws,  institu- 
tions, and  government  of  one's  country ;  filial  admiration  of  the 
heroes,  statesmen,  and  men  of  genius,  who  have  contributed  to 
its  renown  by  the  valor  of  their  arms,  the  wisdom  of  their 
counsel,  or  their  literary  fame.  It  includes,  also,  an  ardent 
zeal  for  the  maintenance  of  those  sacred  principles  that  secure 
to  the  citizen  freedom  of  conscience,  and  an  earnest  determi- 
nation to  consecrate  his  life,  if  necessary,  pro  aris  et  focis,  in 
defense  of  altar  and  fireside,  of  God  and  Fatherland.  Patriot- 
ism is  a  universal  sentiment  of  the  race: 

"  Breathes  there  a  man  with  soul  so  dead 
Who  never  to  himself  hath  said, 

'This  is  my  own,  my  native  land! ' " 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  213 

Patriotism  is  not  a  sentiment  born  of  material  and  physical 
well-being;  it  is  a  sentiment  that  the  poverty  of  country  and 
the  discomforts  of  climate  do  not  diminish,  that  the  inflictions 
of  conquest  and  despotism  do  not  augment  The  truth  is,  it  is 
a  rational  instinct  placed  by  the  Creator  in  the  breast  of  man. 
When  God  made  man  a  social  being.  He  gave  him  a  sentiment 
that  urges  him  to  sacrifice  himself  for  his  family  and  his  coun- 
try, which  is,  as  it  were,  his  larger  family.  "Dear  are  ances- 
tors, dear  are  children,  dear  are  relatives  and  friends ;  all  these 
loves  are  contained  in  love  of  country." 

The  Roman  was  singularly  devoted  to  his  country.  Civis 
RomaniLS  sum  was  his  proudest  boast  He  justly  gloried  in 
being  a  citizen  of  a  republic  conspicuous  for  its  centuries  of 
endurance. 

Patriotism  finds  outward  and,  so  to  say,  material  expression, 
in  respect  for  the  flag  that  symbolizes  the  country,  and  for  the 
chief  magistrate  who  represents  it.  Perhaps  it  is  only  when 
an  American  travels  abroad  that  he  fully  realizes  how  deep- 
rooted  is  his  love  for  his  native  country.  The  sentiment  of 
patriotism,  which  may  be  dormant  at  home,  is  aroused  and 
quickened  in  foreign  lands.  The  sight  of  an  American  flag 
flying  from  the  mast  of  a  ship  in  mid-ocean  or  in  some  foreign 
port,  awakes  in  him  unwonted  emotion  and  enthusiasm. 

Love  of  country,  as  I  have  described  it,  which  is  fundamen- 
tally an  ethical  sentiment,  and  which  was  such  in  all  nations, 
even  before  Christian  Revelation  was  given  to  the  world,  and 
which  is  such  to-day  among  nations  that  have  not  heard  the 
Christian  message,  is  elevated,  ennobled,  and  perfected  by  the 
religion  of  Christ.  Patriotism  in  non-Christian  times  and  races 
has  inspired  heroism  even  unto  death.  We  do  not  pretend 
that  Christian  patriotism  can  do  more.  But  we  do  say  that 
Christianity  has  given  to  patriotism  and  to  the  sacrifices  it  de- 
mands, nobler  motives  and  higher  ideals. 

If  the  virtue  of  patriotism  was  held  in  such  esteem  by  pagan 
Greece  and  Rome,  guided  only  by  the  light  of  reason,  how 
much  more  should  it  be  cherished  by  Christians,  instructed  as 
they  are  by  the  voice  of  Revelation !  The  Founder  of  the 
Christian  religion  has  ennobled  and  sanctified  loyalty  to  coun- 


214  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZUmHIP 

try  by  the  influence  of  His  example  and  the  force  of  His 

teaching.  ^  ^    ,  , 

Next  to  God,  our  country  should  hold  the  strongest  place 
in  our  affections.  Impressed,  as  we  ought  to  be,  with  a  pro- 
found sense  of  the  blessings  which  our  system  of  government 
continues  to  bestow  on  us,  we  shall  have  a  corresponding  dread 
lest  these  blessings  should  be  withdrawn  from  us.  It  is  a 
sacred  duty  for  every  American  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  per- 
petuate our  civil  institutions  and  to  avert  the  dangers  that 
threaten  them.    . 

The  system  of  government  which  obtains  in  the  United 
States  is  tersely  described  in  the  well-known  sentence:  "A 
government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people;" 
which  may  be  paraphrased  thus:  Ours  is  a  government  in 
which  the  people  are  ruled  by  the  representatives  of  their  own 
choice,  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  themselves. 

Our  rulers  are  called  the  servants  of  the  people,  since  they 
are  appointed  to  fulfill  the  people's  wishes ;  and  the  people  are 
called  the  sovereign  people,  because  it  is  by  their  sovereign 
voice  that  their  rulers  are  elected. 

The  method  by  which  the  supreme  will  of  the  people  is 
registered  is  the  ballot-box.  This  is  the  oracle  that  proclaims 
their  choice.  This  is  the  balance  in  which  the  merits  of  the 
candidates  are  weighed.  The  heavier  scale  determines  at  once 
the  decision  of  the  majority  and  the  selection  of  the  candidate. 

And  what  spectacle  is  more  sublime  than  the  sight  of  ten 
millions  of  citizens  determining,  not  by  the  bullet,  but  by  the 
ballot,  the  ruler  that  is  to  preside  over  the  nation's  destinies 
for  four  years ! 

"  A  weapon  that  comes  down  as  still 
As  snowflakes  fall  upon  the  sod ; 
But  executes  a  freeman's  will, 
As  lightning  does  the  will  of  God : 
And  from  its  force  nor  doors  nor  locks 
Can  shield  you,  't  is  the  ballot-box." 

But  the  greatest  blessings  are  liable  to  be  perverted.  Our 
Republic,  while  retaining  its  form  and  name,  may  degenerate 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  215 

into  most  odious  tyranny ;  and  the  irresponsible  despotism  of 
the  multitude  is  more  galling,  because  more  difficult  to  be 
shaken  off,  than  that  of  the  autocrat. 

Our  Christian  civilization  gives  us  no  immunity  from  politi- 
cal corruption  and  disaster.  The  oft-repeated  cry  of  election 
frauds  should  not  be  treated  with  indifference,  though,  in  many 
instances,  no  doubt,  it  is  the  empty  charge  of  defeated  partisans 
against  successful  rivals,  or  the  heated  language  of  a  party 
press. 

But  after  all  reasonable  allowances  are  made,  enough  re- 
mains of  a  substantial  character  to  be  ominous.  In  every  pos- 
sible way,  by  tickets  insidiously  printed,  by  "  colonizing,  "  re- 
peating," and  "personation,"  frauds  are  attempted,  and  too 
often  successfully,  on  the  ballot.  I  am  informed  by  a  trust- 
worthy gentleman  that,  in  certain  localities,  the  adherents  of 
one  party,  while  proof  against  bribes  from  their  political  oppo- 
nents, will  exact  compensation  before  giving  their  votes  even 
to  their  own  party  candidates.  The  evil  would  be  great  enough 
if  it  were  restricted  to  examples  of  this  kind,  but  it  becomes 
much  more  serious  when  large  bodies  of  men  are  debauched  by 
the  bribes  or  intimidated  by  the  threats  of  wealthy  corpora- 
tions. 

But  when  the  very  fountains  of  legislation  are  polluted  by 
lobbying  and  other  corrupt  means ;  when  the  hand  of  bribery 
is  extended,  and  not  always  in  vain,  to  our  municipal,  state, 
and  national  legislators;  when  our  law-makers  become  the 
pliant  tools  of  some  selfish  and  greedy  capitalists,  instead  of 
subserving  the  interests  of  the  people — then,  indeed,  all  patri- 
otic citizens  have  reason  to  be  alarmed  about  the  future  of  our 
country. 

The  man  who  would  poison  the  wells  and  springs  of  the 
land  is  justly  regarded  as  a  human  monster,  as  an  enemy  of 
society,  and  no  punishment  could  be  too  severe  for  him.  Is  he 
not  as  great  a  criminal  who  would  poison  and  pollute  the  ballot- 
box,  the  unfailing  fount  and  well-spring  of  our  civil  freedom 
and  of  our  national  life  ? 

The  privilege  of  voting  is  not  an  inherent  or  inalienable 
right.     It  is  a  solemn  and  sacred  trust,  to  be  used  in  strict 


216  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

accordance  with  the  intentions  of  the  authority  from  which  it 

emanates. 

When  a  citizen  exercises  his  honest  judgment  in  casting 
his  vote  for  the  most  acceptable  candidate,  he  is  making  a  legit- 
imate use  of  the  prerogatives  confided  to  him.  But  when  he 
sells  or  barters  his  vote,  when  he  disposes  of  it  to  the  highest 
bidder,  like  a  merchantable  commodity,  he  is  clearly  violating  his 
tryst  and  degrading  his  citizenship. 

The  enormity  of  the  offense  will  be  readily  perceived  by 
pushing  it  to  its  logical  consequences : 

First.  Once  the  purchase  of  votes  is  tolerated  or  condoned 
or  connived  at,  the  obvious  result  is  that  the  right  of  suffrage 
becomes  a  solemn  farce.  The  sovereignty  is  no  longer  vested 
in  the  people,  but  in  corrupt  politicians  or  in  wealthy  corpora- 
tions ;  money  instead  of  merit  becomes  the  test  of  success ;  the 
election  is  determined,  not  by  the  personal  fitness  and  integrity 
of  the  candidate,  but  by  the  length  of  his  own  or  his  patron's 
purse;  and  the  aspirant  for  office  owes  his  victory,  not  to  the 
votes  of  his  constituents,  but  to  the  grace  of  some  political  boss. 

Second.  The  better  class  of  citizens  will  lose  heart  and 
absent  themselves  from  the  polls,  knowing  that  it  is  useless  to 
engage  in  a  contest  which  is  already  decided  by  irresponsible 
managers. 

Third.  Disappointment,  vexation,  and  righteous  indignation 
will  burn  in  the  breasts  of  upright  citizens.  These  sentiments 
will  be  followed  by  apathy  and  despair  of  carrying  out  success- 
fully a  popular  form  of  government.  The  enemies  of  the  Repub- 
lic will  then  take  advantage  of  the  existing  scandals  to  decry  our 
system  and  laud  absolute  monarchies.  The  last  stage  in  the 
drama  is  political  stagnation  or  revolution. 

But,  happily,  the  American  people  are  not  prone  to  despond- 
ency or  to  political  stagnation,  or  to  revolution  outside  of  the 
lines  of  legitimate  reform.  They  are  cheerful  and  hopeful,  be- 
cause they  are  conscious  of  their  strength ;  and  well  they  may 
be,  when  they  reflect  on  the  century  of  ordeals  through  which 
they  have  triumphantly  passed.  They  are  vigilant,  because 
they  are  liberty-loving,  and  they  know  that  "  Eternal  vigilance 
is  the  price  of  liberty."    They  are  an  enlightened  and  practical 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  217 

people ;  therefore  are  they  quick  to  detect  and  prompt  to  resist 
the  first  inroads  of  corruption.  They  know  well  how  to  apply 
the  antidote  to  the  political  distemper  of  the  hour.  They  have 
the  elasticity  of  mind  and  heart  to  rise  to  the  occasion.  They 
will  never  suffer  the  stately  temple  of  the  Constitution  to  be 
overthrown,  but  will  hasten  to  strengthen  the  foundation  where 
it  is  undermined,  to  repair  every  breach,  and  to  readjust  every 
stone  of  the  glorious  edifice. 

In  conclusion,  I  shall  presume  to  suggest,  with  all  defer- 
ence, a  brief  outline  of  what  appear  to  me  the  most  efficient 
means  to  preserve  purity  of  elections  and  to  perpetuate  our 
political  independence. 

Many  partial  remedies  may  be  named.  The  main  purpose 
of  these  remedies  is  to  foster  and  preserve  what  may  be  called 
a  public  conscience.  In  the  individual  man,  conscience  is  that 
inner  light  which  directs  him  in  the  knowledge  and  choice  of 
good  and  evil,  that  practical  judgment  which  pronounces  over 
every  one  of  his  acts,  that  it  is  right  or  wrong,  moral  or  im- 
moral. Now,  this  light  and  judgment  which  directs  man  in 
the  ordinary  personal  affairs  of  life,  must  be  his  guide  also  in 
the  affairs  of  his  political  life ;  for  he  is  answerable  to  God  for 
his  political,  as  well  as  his  personal,  life. 

The  individual  conscience  is  an  enlightenment  and  a  guide ; 
and  it  is  itself  illumined  and  directed  by  the  great  maxims  of 
natural  law  and  the  conclusions  which  the  mind  is  constantly 
deducing  from  those  maxims.  Now,  is  there  not  a  set  of  max- 
ims and  opinions  that  fulfill  the  office  of  guides  to  the  masses 
in  their  political  life .? 

The  means  which  I  propose  are : 

First.  The  enactment  of  strict  and  wholesome  laws  for  pre- 
venting bribery  and  the  corruption  of  the  ballot-box,  accompa- 
nied with  condign  punishment  against  the  violators  of  the  law. 
Let  such  protection  and  privacy  be  thrown  around  the  polling 
booth  that  the  humblest  citizen  may  be  able  to  record  his  vote 
without  fear  of  pressure  or  of  interference  from  those  that 
might  influence  him.  Such  a  remedy  has  already  been  at- 
tempted, with  more  or  less  success,  in  some  states,  by  the  in- 
troduction of  new  systems  of  voting. 


218  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

Second.  A  pure,  enlightened,  and  independent  judiciary  to 
interpret  and  enforce  the  laws. 

Third.  A  vigilant  and  fearless  press  that  will  reflect  and 
create  a  healthy  public  opinion.  Such  a  press,  guided  by  the 
laws  of  justice  and  the  spirit  of  American  institutions,  is  the 
organ  and  the  reflection  of  national  thought,  the  outer  bulwark 
of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  citizen  against  the  usurpations 
of  authority  and  the  injustice  of  parties,  the  speediest  and  most 
direct  castigator  of  vice  and  dishonesty.  It  is  a  duty  of  the 
citizens  of  a  free  country  not  only  to  encourage  the  press,  but 
to  cooperate  with  it;  and  it  is  a  misfortune  for  any  land  when 
its  leading  men  neglect  to  instruct  their  country  and  act  on 
public  opinion  through  this  powerful  instrument  for  good. 

Fourth.  The  incorporation  into  our  school  system  of  famil- 
iar lessons  embodying  a  history  of  our  country,  a  brief  sketch 
of  her  heroes,  statesmen,  and  patriots,  whose  civic  virtues  the 
rising  generation  will  thus  be  taught  to  emulate.  The  duties 
and  rights  of  citizens  along  with  reverence  for  our  political  in- 
stitutions should  likewise  be  inculcated.  There  is  danger  that 
the  country  whose  history  is  not  known  and  cherished  will  be- 
come to  the  masses  only  an  abstraction,  or,  at  best,  that  it  will 
be  in  touch  with  them  only  on  its  less  lovable  side,  the  taxes 
and  burdens  it  imposes.  Men  lost  in  an  unnatural  isolation, 
strangers  to  the  past  life  of  their  nation,  living  on  a  soil  to 
which  they  hold  only  by  the  passing  interests  of  the  present, 
as  atoms  without  cohesion,  are  not  able  to  realize  and  bring 
home  to  themselves  the  claims  of  a  country  that  not  only  is, 
but  that  was  before  them,  and  that  will  be,  as  history  alone  can 
teach,  long  after  them. 

Fifth.  A  more  hearty  celebration  of  our  national  holidays. 

The  Hebrew  people,  as  we  learn  from  sacred  scripture, 
were  commanded  to  commemorate  by  an  annual  observance 
their  liberation  from  the  bondage  of  Pharaoh  and  their  entrance 
into  the  Promised  Land.  In  nearly  all  civilized  countries  there 
are  certain  days  set  apart  to  recall  some  great  events  in  their 
national  history,  and  to  pay  honor  to  the  memory  of  the  heroes 
who  figured  in  them.  The  United  States  has  already  estab- 
lished three  national  holidays.    The  first  is  consecrated  to  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  219 

birth  of  the  "  Father  of  his  Country ; "  the  second,  to  the  birth 
of  the  nation ;  and  the  third  is  observed  as  a  day  of  Thanksgiv- 
ing to  God  for  his  manifold  blessings  to  the  nation.  On  those 
days,  when  the  usual  occupations  of  life  are  suspended,  every 
citizen  has  leisure  to  study  and  admire  the  political  institutions 
of  his  country,  and  to  thank  God  for  the  benedictions  that  He 
has  poured  out  on  us  as  a  people  In  contemplating  these 
blessings,  we  may  well  repeat  with  the  Royal  Prophet :  "  He 
hath  not  done  in  like  manner  to  every  nation,  and  His  judg- 
ments He  hath  not  made  manifest  to  them." 

If  holidays  are  useful  to  those  that  are  to  the  manner  born, 
they  are  still  more  imperatively  demanded  for  the  foreign  popu- 
lation constantly  flowing  into  our  country,  and  which  consists 
of  persons  who  are  strangers  to  our  civil  institutions.  The 
annually  recurring  holidays  will  create  and  develop  in  their 
minds  a  knowledge  of  our  history  and  admiration  for  our  sys- 
tem of  government.  It  will  help,  also,  to  mold  our  people 
into  unity  of  political  faith.  By  the  young,  especially,  are  holi- 
days welcomed  with  keen  delight ;  and  as  there  is  a  natural, 
though  unconscious,  association  in  the  mind  between  the  civic 
festivity  and  the  cause  that  gave  it  birth,  their  attachment  to 
the  day  will  extend  to  the  patriotic  event  or  to  the  men  whose 
anniversary  is  celebrated. 

Sixth.  The  maintenance  of  party  lines  is  an  indispensable 
means  for  preserving  political  purity.  One  party  watches  the 
other,  takes  note  of  its  shortcomings,  its  blunders  and  defects ; 
and  it  has  at  its  disposal  the  means  for  rebuking  any  abuse  of 
power  on  the  part  of  the  dominant  side,  by  appealing  to  the 
country  at  the  tribunal  of  the  ballot-box.  The  healthier  periods 
of  the  Roman  Republic  were  periods  of  fierce  political  strife. 
The  citizens  of  Athens  were  not  allowed  to  remain  neutral. 
They  were  compelled  to  take  sides  on  all  questions  of  great 
public  interest.  Not  only  was  every  citizen  obliged  to  vote,  but 
the  successful  candidate  was  bound  to  accept  the  office  to 
which  he  was  called,  and  to  subordinate  his  taste  for  private 
life  to  the  public  interests. 

England  owes  much  of  her  greatness  and  liberty  to  the 
active  and  aggressive  vigilance  of  opposing  political  camps. 


220  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

Political  parties  are  the  outcome  of  political  freedom.  Parties 
are  not  to  be  confounded  with  factions.  The  former  contend 
for  a  principle,  the  latter  struggle  for  a  master. 

To  jurists  and  statesmen  these  considerations  may  seem 
trite,  elementary,  and  commonplace.  But,  like  all  elementary 
principles,  they  are  of  vital  import.  They  should  be  kept 
prominently  in  view  before  the  people,  and  not  obscured  in  a 
maze  of  wordy  technicalities.  They  are  landmarks  to  guide 
men  in  the  path  of  public  duty,  and  they  would  vastly  contrib- 
ute to  the  good  order  and  stability  of  the  commonwealth  if 
they  were  indelibly  stamped  on  the  heart  and  memory  of  every 
American  citizen. 


TRUE  AND  FALSE  STANDARDS  OF 
PATRIOTISM 


What  True   Patriotism   Demands  of  the 
American  Citizen 

By  ROGER  SHERMAN 

THE  birthday  of  Washington,  the  one  man  of  all  recorded 
time  to  whom  all  civilized  nations  have,  with  one  voice, 
awarded  the  crown  of  true  greatness,  brings  memories  of  heroic 
times  and  heroic  deeds,  and  inspires  one  dominant  thought  and 
one  most  appropriate  theme  upon  which  we  may  dwell  with 
pride  and  with  profit. 

The  thought  is  that  we  are  Americans,  standing  in  the 
midst  of  our  heritage  of  this  great  land,  with  its  unlimited 
wealth  of  resources  and  its  boundless  possibilities,  with  hearts 
swelling  with  noble  yearning  of  patriotism  born  of  the  tradi- 
tions and  the  memories  we  are  so  fortunate  as  to  have  had 
handed  down  to  us. 

The  theme  is  Americanism.  What  is  it?  What  have  we 
which  we  should  distinguish  by  that  name.?  What  are  the 
typical  ideas,  principles,  and  ideals  of  which  we,  so  far  as  in 
each  of  us  lies,  should  be  the  special  custodians,  and  which,  as 
they  have  come  to  us  illustrated  with  many  a  tradition  of  wis- 
dom under  difficulty,  of  endurance,  self-sacrifice,  and  of  valor, 
we  should  guard,  cherish,  inculcate,  and,  in  our  turn,  pass  on 
to  the  ages  yet  to  come.?  Noblesse  oblige.  With  fortune's 
favors  come  responsibilities ;  traditions  and  opportunities,  such 
as  those  of  the  descendants  of  revolutionary  sires,  carry  with 
them  grave  duties  to  their  country  and  to  themselves. 

221 


222  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

Foremost  among  American  typical  ideas,  we  may  place  the 
ever  present  love  of  liberty,  and  with  it  its  correlative  obliga- 
tion of  obedience  to  law.  The  Anglo-Saxon,  first  among  the 
peoples  of  the  earth,  has  attempted  to  solve  the  problem  of 
liberty  subjected  to  law,  and  of  law  subjected  to  liberty.  As 
there  can  be  with  us  no  law  without  liberty  of  the  individual,  so 
there  can  be  no  desirable  liberty  which  is  not  restrained  by 
law.  The  liberty  to  do  right  is  for  the  individual,  in  all  direc- 
tions of  growth  and  development,  so  long  as  he  trespasses  not 
upon  the  equal  right  of  his  fellow;  the  function  of  law  is  to  lay 
its  restraining  hand  upon  liberty  that  dares  to  do  wrong  to  the 
equal ;  for  a  wrong  done  to  one  is  a  wrong  to  all,  and  a  wrong 
to  the  state.  Growing  lawlessness  is  one  of  our  great  national 
dangers— lawlessness  in  high  places ;  lawless  business  methods ; 
lawlessness  of  public  men ;  a  standard  of  obedience  which  re- 
sults only  in  evasion ;  a  rule  of  conduct  restrained  only  by  a 
view  of  the  opening  doors  of  a  penitentiary.  Lawlessness  be- 
gets lawlessness.  The  constant  spectacle  of  legislators  faith- 
less to  their  obligations,  to  their  constituents,  and  to  the  state ; 
of  corrupt  politicians  escaping  punishment,  and  holding  places 
once  considered  honorable,  by  grace  of  a  dollar ;  of  great  cor- 
porations and  combinations  of  capital,  lifting  themselves  be- 
yond the  reach  of  the  individual  citizen,  and,  in  some  instances, 
beyond  that  of  the  commonwealth  itself,  can  but  breed  other 
lawlessness,  and  tend  to  reduce  society  to  its  original  condition 
— that  of  savage  warfare,  intensified  and  made  more  destruc- 
tive to  the  innocent  by  the  instrumentalities  which  modern 
science  has  made  available. 

The  American,  true  to  his  country  and  its  traditions,  must 
therefore  necessarily  hold  all  citizens  to  obedience  to  law,  and 
demand  that  all  shall  be  alike  amenable  to  it  and  equal  before 
it.  The  lawlessness  of  power  is  most  dangerous.  The  eternal 
vigilance  that  guards  our  liberties  cannot  avail  without  that 
constant  watchfulness  of  the  encroachments  of  power,  which, 
history  teaches  us,  precede  the  downfall  of  freedom ;  insidious 
and  specious  claims ;  usurpation  masked  behind  false  pretense 
or  accepted  truths,  or  public  danger,  real  or  imagined — usurpa- 
tion, not  always  by  the  government  or  the  throne,  but  by  those 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  223 

greater  forces  behind  the  throne.  StabiUty  of  the  law  and  cer- 
tainty of  its  equal  enforcement  are  the  sure  safeguards  against 
anarchy,  which  is  but  the  ultimate  development  of  all  lawless- 
ness. The  support  of  law  and  order  should  be  required  of 
those  in  places  of  power  with  equal  firmness  as  from  the 
weak. 

Not  least  among  the  traits  of  our  ancestors  were  sturdy  in- 
dependence and  self-reliance.  Necessities  of  their  existence — 
these  entered  into  their  daily  lives  and  found  expression  in 
many  of  the  provisions  of  the  governments  which  they  formed. 
These  were  among  the  earliest  developments  of  that  demo- 
cratic spirit  which  recognizes  the  man  for  what  he  is  and  has 
done,  rather  than  for  his  pretensions,  his  wealth,  or  his  ances- 
try. As  Daniel  Webster  pointed  out  in  his  oration,  delivered 
at  the  two  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  landing  of  the  Pil- 
grims, the  strength  of  our  government  depends  greatly  upon 
the  system  adopted  by  the  first  settlers  of  New  England,  by 
which  the  frequent  division  of  estates  was  made  certain,  and 
the  accumulation  of  great  landed  properties  was  declared  to  be 
against  public  policy.  The  equal  distribution  of  wealth  was 
aimed  at,  and  the  independence  and  mutual  respect  that  grew 
up  from  small  holdings  of  farms  did  much  to  build  up  and  pre- 
serve our  national  character.  When  the  soil  is  owned  by  great 
numbers  of  independent  freemen,  no  foreign  foe  is  to  be  feared. 
The  American  at  his  best  does  not  need  to  be  nursed  or  cod- 
dled. An  open  field  and  a  fair  fight  are  all  the  demands  he 
makes  of  fortune  or  of  his  fellow  man. 

Simplicity  of  manners,  and  the  secondary  place  accorded 
to  mere  wealth,  were  characteristics  of  the  men  and  women 
who  gave  life  to  colonial  independence  and  molded  our  com- 
monwealths into  a  national  Union.  In  those  days  wealth 
brought  culture,  refinement,  and  comfort ;  but  history  of  that 
era  fails  to  record  a  single  instance  where  it  purchased  a  sena- 
torship,  a  cabinet  position,  or  a  judgeship;  or  yet,  where  these 
were  purchased  for  a  subservient  tool  who  was  needed  as  an 
advocate  of  some  great  wrong.  Our  heritage  is  not  one  of 
luxury,  nor  are  our  lives  to  be  devoted  to  the  aping  of  foreign 
manners,  with  their  attendants  of  foreign  vices. 


224  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIF 

But,  while  we  dwell  with  pardonable  pride  upon  the  early 
history'  of  our  country,  recall  with  admiration  the  stern  and 
simple  virtues  of  those  who  made  that  history,  and  revere  in 
silent  thought  the  great  patriot  who  led  in  that  epoch-making 
struggle,  we  ought  not  to  forget  the  demands  of  the  present 
hour  upon  our  citizenship,  nor  close  our  eyes  to  the  impending 
dangers  beneath  which  we  are  drifting.  Are  our  people  walk- 
ing in  a  fool's  paradise  of  mutual  admiration,  cheered  on  their 
way  by  constantly  recurring  pyrotechnic  displays  of  adulation 
and  choruses  of  self-glorification  ?  Are  we  in  danger  of  mistak- 
ing our  self-satisfaction  for  patriotism?  Do  we  even  now 
realize  the  dangers  of  the  sectional  spirit,  against  which  Wash- 
ington warned  his  countrymen  ?  Are  there  not  too  many  ex- 
cellent people  who  believe  that,  by  reason  of  our  soil,  or  cli- 
mate, or  race,  or  atmosphere,  or  form  of  government,  the 
people  of  the  United  States  are  to  be  exempted  from  the 
calamities  which  history  tells  us  have  befallen  other  nations  ? 
Is  there  not  a  feeling  that,  on  this  continent  and  in  this  age, 
men  are  in  some  unknown  way  to  be  freed  from  the  conse- 
quences of  vices  and  imperfections  which  destroyed  mankind 
in  the  past,  and  that,  for  us,  nature  may  have  made  special 
arrangements,  and  suspended  the  usual  operations  of  cause  and 
effect  for  the  exceptional  care  of  her  favorite  children  of  the 
West  ?  No  matter  what  happens,  that  the  United  States  will 
be,  in  that  purely  American  and  most  comprehensive  phrase, 
"  all  right,"  is  the  inward  belief  which  enables  the  average  citi- 
zen to  go  on  from  year  to  year,  oblivious  to  the  growth  of  dan- 
gerous evils,  and  complacently  leaving  them  to  the  nursing 
care  of  his  very  particular  friend,  the  professional  politician. 
Yet,  it  is  apparent  that  there  are  great"  numbers  of  people,  in- 
creasing year  by  year,  who  are  coming  to  realize  that  even  re- 
publics may  not  always  be  perfect,  and  that  the  American 
Republic  can  be  in  some  things  improved,  even  if  the  form  of 
government  cannot  be.  The  very  patriotism  which  animates 
us,  like  the  love  of  the  parent  for  the  child,  leads  us  to  see  that 
there  are  diseases  in  the  body  politic  which  are  not  mere  erup- 
tions upon  the  surface,  but  are  deadly  in  their  character;  and, 
though  the  infant  is  strong  and  its  constitution  perfect,  it  may 


OVR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  225 

not,  nevertheless,  be  able  to  throw  off  sickness  without  a  little 
care  on  the  part  of  its  natural  guardians. 

In  a  republic,  as  has  been  so  often  said  as  to  be  now  a  plati- 
tude, the  government  will  be  good  or  bad  in  exact  ratio  to  the 
goodness  or  badness  of  the  citizens  who  create  it,  for  it  rests 
upon  their  intelligence  and  political  virtue.  Above  all,  there- 
fore, should  we  guard  from  all  attacks  our  system  of  public 
education.  Our  public  schools  should  be  the  nurseries  of  pure 
Americanism.  Here  should  be  taught — aye,  to  the  exclusion, 
if  need  be,  of  other  studies  now  occupying  attention — Ameri- 
can history,  the  principles  of  our  form  of  government  as  laid 
down  in  our  Constitutions  and  bills  of  rights,  the  practical  duties 
of  citizenship,  and  the  need  of  their  active  performance. 
Needed  reforms  should  not  be  left  to  the  practical  politician, 
for  he  moves  to  their  accomplishment  with  lagging  and  reluc- 
tant step,  accelerated  only  by  the  prodding  bayonets  of  out- 
raged citizenship.  What  he  wants  is  votes,  and  he  never 
"panders  to  the  moral  sense "  of  the  community  if  he  can 
avoid  it. 

And  this  brings  us  to  the  consideration  of  another  character- 
istic of  the  early  days — the  moral  sentiment  which  prevailed  in 
the  formative  era,  and  entered  into  the  struggle  for  independ- 
ence, and  the  religious  force  always  present  in  its  inception  and 
throughout  its  progress.  In  that  epoch,  the  Ten  Command- 
ments had  a  place  in  politics,  as  well  as  in  daily  life.  Call  the 
early  New  England  system  a  "  theocracy  "  if  you  will ;  yet,  in 
the  discussions  of  public  affairs,  in  the  choosing  of  officials,  in 
the  deliberations  of  the  town-meeting,  morals  and  religion  were 
in  their  politics,  and  they  heeded  not  the  sneer  that  they  were 
infusing  politics  into  their  religion.  What  though,  seeing  less 
clearly  by  the  dim  lights  of  their  age,  they  sometimes  became 
fanatics  and  persecutors,  were  they  not  right  in  teaching  and 
practicing  that  the  principles  of  religion  and  morality  should 
govern  men  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties  as  citizens,  as  well 
as  otherwise  1 

Can  we,  in  our  day,  hope  long  to  mai^tain  our  system  upon 
the  plane  of  good  government,  if  we  sanction  the  methods  now 
everywhere  around  us,  permitting  all  the  vile  passions  of  bar- 
15 


226  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

barous-yea,  of  savage— man  to  be  let  loose  in  all  manner  of 
evil-doing  every  year,  and  call  these  elections  ? 

Shall  we  turn  over  our  public  schools— aye,  our  very  homes 
—to  the  rule  of  law-breakers,  and  they  who  bear  false  witness  ? 

Those  who  stand  on  the  watch-towers  of  human  progress 
are  warning  us  that  we  are  upon  the  border-line  beyond  which 
lie  great  political  and  social  changes,  and  that  the  hour  is  close 
upon  us  when  once  again  the  American  who  loves  his  country 
must  choose  the  ground  upon  which  he  will  stand  to  fight  again 
a  battle  for  the  race.  The  great  pendulum  of  time  has  swung 
once  again  to  the  point  of  transition,  and  the  hour-hand  points 
to  the  day — yea,  to  the  very  moment — when  old  ideas  and 
formulas  and  time-worn  methods  no  longer  serve  to  still  the 
beatings  of  the  great  heart  of  humanity,  and  man,  with  uplifted 
brow,  and  tingling  nerve  and  bounding  pulse,  is  about  to  march 
forward  to  another  stage  of  his  unknowable  destiny. 

What  this  change  will  be  we  know  not.  That  it  will  be  of 
the  nature  of  a  revolution  cannot  well  be  doubted.  That  there 
will  be  a  more  perfect  Union  is  probable.  That  money  will  be 
less  a  god  of  our  people  we  may  sincerely  hope.  We  hear  the 
distant  tread  of  myriad  feet;  the  sound  of  strange  cries  is 
wafted  to  us  from  the  distance,  and,  like  the  dumb  beasts  in 
the  atmosphere  of  a  coming  storm,  we  stand  silent  and  appalled 
at  what  we  cannot  avert.  But  we  need  not  fear,  for,  whatever 
the  coming  change  may  bring  forth,  it  will  be  in  the  interest 
and  advancement  of  the  cause  of  humanity  and  popular  govern- 
ment ;  and  they  will  come  forth  upon  a  still  higher  plane  for 
the  progress  of  the  race.  Law  and  order  will  be  maintained, 
for  the  Anglo-Saxon  is  their  guardian  and  protector,  but  they 
will  be  the  law  and  order  of  a  self -governed  people,  freed  from 
industrial  tyranny  and  the  domination  of  the  golden  calf. 

God  grant  that,  when  this  hour  strikes,  we  and  each  of  us 
may  be  found  anchored  to  the  ideas  and  principles  which 
America  has  given  to  the  world,  and  that  we  shall  remember 
that  names  are  nothing ;  the  achievements  or  rank  of  ancestors 
or  kindred  are  nothing;  long  descent  is  nothing;  but  the  cul- 
ture and  growth  of  each  individual  in  strength  of  mind  and 
body  is  everything;  fixed  principles  of  citizenship,  of  morals, 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  227 

and  of  business  conduct  are  everything ;  courage  to  assert  and 
maintain  conscientious  and  well  considered  convictions,  and  to 
do  what  we  believe,  is  everything.  A  feeble  race  of  men,  drift- 
ing down  the  stream  of  time,  the  sport  of  shifting  currents,  and 
wrecked  ever  and  anon  upon  the  same  shoals  and  rocks  of 
error  and  folly,  cannot  too  soon  perish.  But  a  strong,  consci- 
entious, courageous,  self-respecting  people,  standing  firm  for 
the  right,  for  human  progress,  for  human  liberty,  whether  rich 
or  poor,  high  among  the  rulers  of  the  nations  or  walking  in 
humble  estate,  commands  and  receives  respect,  and  bears  with 
it  the  seed  and  promise  of  continued  life.  Nor  should  we  for- 
get that  sublime  saying  of  the  early  Puritan  Republican,  who, 
having  condemned  his  king  to  death,  was  equally  as  firm  in  re- 
sisting the  usurpations  of  his  successor,  that  "resistance  to 
tyrants  is  obedience  to  God." 

In  the  veins  of  all  the  races  that  make  up  the  manhood  of 
America,  there  flows  no  drop  of  blood  which  has  not  been 
purified  and  made  strong  by  rebellion  against  wrong.  Whether 
Teuton,  Celt  or  Saxon,  Frank  or  Scot,  in  all  ages  and  in  all 
lands,  on  the  plains  and  mountains  of  Europe,  at  Runnymede 
and  Bosworth  Field,  from  Blackwater  to  Bannockburn,  from 
Lexington  to  Yorktown,  these  have  wrung  from  the  hands  of 
overbearing  power,  civil  and  religious  liberty  and  the  crowns  of 
honor.  Sad  will  be  the  day  when  the  American  people  forget 
their  traditions  and  their  history,  and  no  longer  remember  that 
the  country  they  love,  the  institutions  they  cherish,  and  the 
freedom  they  hope  to  preserve,  were  born  from  the  throes  of 
armed  resistance  to  tyranny,  and  nursed  in  the  rugged  arms  of 
fearless  men. 


AMERICAN  IDEALS 


Democracy 

By  JAMES  RUSSELL  LOWELL 

THE  framers  of  the  American  Constitution  were  far  from 
wishing,  or  intending,  to  found  a  democracy  in  the  strict 
sense  of  the  word,  though,  as  was  inevitable,  every  expansion 
of  the  scheme  of  government  they  elaborated  has  been  in  a 
democratical  direction.  But  this  has  been  generally  the  slow 
result  of  growth,  and  not  the  sudden  innovation  of  theory ;  in 
fact,  they  had  a  profound  disbelief  in  theory,  and  knew  better 
than  to  commit  the  folly  of  breaking  with  the  past.  They 
were  not  seduced  by  the  French  fallacy  that  a  new  system  of 
government  could  be  ordered  like  a  new  suit  of  clothes.  They 
would  as  soon  have  thought  of  ordering  a  new  suit  of  flesh  and 
skin.  It  is  only  on  the  roaring  loom  of  time  that  the  stuff  is 
woven  for  such  a  vesture  of  their  thought  and  experience  as 
they  were  meditating.  They,  recognized  fully  the  value  of  tra- 
dition and  habit  as  the  great  allies  of  permanence  and  stability. 
They  all  had  that  distaste  for  innovation  which  belonged  to 
their  race,  and  many  of  them  a  distrust  of  human  nature  de- 
rived from  their  creed.  The  day  of  sentiment  was  over,  and 
no  dithyrambic  affirmations  or  fine-drawn  analyses  of  the 
Rights  of  Man  would  serve  their  present  turn.  This  was  a 
practical  question,  and  they  addressed  themselves  to  it  as  men 
of  knowledge  and  judgment  should.  Their  problem  was  how 
to  adapt  English  principles  and  precedents  to  the  new  condi- 
tions of  American  life,  and  they  solved  it  with  singular  discre- 
tion. They  put  as  many  obstacles  as  they  could  contrive,  not 
in  the  way  of  the  people's  will,  but  of  their  whim.     With  few 

228 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  229 

exceptions  they  probably  admitted  the  logic  of  the  then  ac- 
cepted syllogism — democracy,  anarchy,  despotism.  But  this 
formula  was  framed  upon  the  experience  of  small  cities  shut 
up  to  stew  within  their  narrow  walls,  where  the  number  of  citi- 
zens made  but  an  inconsiderable  fraction  of  the  inhabitants, 
where  every  passion  was  reverberated  from  house  to  house 
and  from  man  to  man  with  gathering  rumor  till  every  impulse 
became  gregarious  and  therefore  inconsiderate,  and  every  popu- 
lar assembly  needed  but  an  infusion  of  eloquent  sophistry  to 
turn  it  into  a  mob,  all  the  more  dangerous  because  sanctified 
with  the  formality  of  law. 

Fortunately  their  case  was  wholly  different.  They  were  to 
legislate  for  a  widely-scattered  population  and  for  states  already 
practiced  in  the  discipline  of  a  partial  independence.  They 
had  an  unequaled  opportunity  and  enormous  advantages.  The 
material  they  had  to  work  upon  was  already  democratical  by 
instinct  and  habitude.  It  was  tempered  to  their  hands  by 
more  than  a  century's  schooling  in  self-government.  They  had 
but  to  give  permanent  and  conservative  form  to  a  ductile  mass. 
In  giving  impulse  and  direction  to  their  new  institutions,  espe- 
cially in  supplying  them  with  checks  and  balances,  they  had  a 
great  help  and  safeguard  in  their  federal  organization.  The 
different,  sometimes  conflicting,  interests  and  social  systems  of 
the  several  states  made  existence  as  a  Union  and  coalescence 
into  a  nation  conditional  on  a  constant  practice  of  moderation 
and  compromise.  The  very  elements  of  disintegration  were 
the  best  guides  in  political  training.  Their  children  learned 
the  lesson  of  compromise  only  too  well,  and  it  was  the  applica- 
tion of  it  to  a  question  of  fundamental  morals  that  cost  us  our 
Civil  War.  We  learned  once  for  all  that  compromise  makes  a 
good  umbrella  but  a  poor  roof;  that  it  is  a  temporary  expe- 
dient, often  wise  in  party  politics,  almost  sure  to  be  unwise  in 
statesmanship. 

Has  not  the  trial  of  democracy  in  America  proved,  on  the 
whole,  successful  ?  If  it  had  not,  would  the  Old  World  be  vexed 
with  any  fears  of  its  proving  contagious .?  This  trial  would  have 
been  less  severe  could  it  have  been  made  with  a  people  homo- 
geneous in  race,  language,  and  traditions,  whereas  the  United 


230  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

States  have  been  called  on  to  absorb  and  assimilate  enormous 
masses  of  foreign  population,  heterogeneous  in  all  these  re- 
spects, and  drawn  mainly  from  that  class  which  might  fairly 
say  that  the  world  was  not  their  friend,  nor  the  world's  law. 
The  previous  condition  too  often  justified  the  traditional  Irish- 
man, who,  landing  in  New  York  and  asked  what  his  politics 
were,  inquired  if  there  was  a  government  there,  and  on  being 
told  that  there  was,  retorted,  "Thin  I'm  agin  it!"  We  have 
taken  from  Europe  the  poorest,  the  most  ignorant,  the  most 
turbulent  of  her  people,  and  have  made  them  over  into  good 
citizens,  who  have  added  to  our  wealth,  and  who  are  ready  to 
die  in  defense  of  a  country  and  of  institutions  which  they  know 
to  be  worth  dying  for. 

The  exceptions  have  been  (and  they  are  lamentable  excep- 
tions) where  these  hordes  of  ignorance  and  poverty  have  co- 
agulated in  great  cities.  But  the  social  system  is  yet  to  seek 
which  has  not  to  look  the  same  terrible  wolf  in  the  eyes.  On 
the  other  hand,  at  this  very  moment  Irish  peasants  are  buying 
up  the  worn-out  farms  of  Massachusetts,  and  making  them 
productive  again  by  the  same  virtues  of  industry  and  thrift 
that  once  made  them  profitable  to  the  English  ancestors  of  the 
men  who  are  deserting  them.  To  have  achieved  even  these 
prosaic  results  (if  you  choose  to  call  them  so),  and  that  out  of 
materials  the  most  discordant— I  might  say  the  most  recalci- 
trant—argues a  certain  beneficent  virtue  in  the  system  that 
could  do  it,  and  is  not  to  be  accounted  for  by  mere  luck.  Car- 
lyle  said  scornfully  that  America  meant  only  roast  turkey 
every  day  for  everybody.  He  forgot  that  states,  as  Bacon  said 
of  wars,  go  on  their  bellies.  As  for  the  security  of  property, 
it  should  be  tolerably  well  secured  in  a  country  where  every 
other  man  hopes  to  be  rich,  even  though  the  only  property 
qualification  be  the  ownership  of  two  hands  that  add  to  the 
general  wealth.  Is  it  not  the  best  security  for  anything  to  in- 
terest the  largest  possible  number  of  persons  in  its  preserva- 
tion and  the  smallest  in  its  division .? 

In  point  of  fact,  far-seeing  men  count  the  increasing  power 
of  wealth  and  its  combinations  as  one  of  the  chief  dangers  with 
which  the  institutions  of  the  United  States  are  threatened  in 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  231 

the  not  distant  future.  The  right  of  individual  property  is 
no  doubt  the  very  corner-stone  of  civilization  as  hitherto  under- 
stood, but  I  am  a  little  impatient  of  being  told  that  property  is 
entitled  to  exceptional  consideration  because  it  bears  all  the 
burdens  of  the  state.  It  bears  those,  indeed,  which  can  most 
easily  be  borne,  but  poverty  pays  with  its  person  the  chief  ex- 
penses of  war,  pestilence,  and  famine.  Wealth  should  not  for- 
get this,  for  poverty  is  beginning  to  think  of  it  now  and  then. 
Let  me  not  be  misunderstood.  I  see  as  clearly  as  any  man 
possibly  can,  and  rate  as  highly,  the  value  of  wealth,  and  of 
hereditary  wealth,  as  the  security  of  refinement,  the  feeder  of 
all  those  arts  that  ennoble  and  beautify  life  and  as  making  a 
country  worth  living  in.  Many  an  ancestral  hall  here  in  Eng- 
land has  been  a  nursery  of  that  culture  which  has  been  of  ex- 
ample  and  benefit  to  all. 

I  should  not  think  of  coming  before  you  to  defend  or  to 
criticise  any  form  of  government.  All  have  their  virtues,  all 
their  defects,  and  all  have  illustrated  one  period  or  another  in 
the  history  of  the  race,  with  signal  services  to  humanity  and 
culture.  There  is  not  one  that  could  stand  a  cynical  cross- 
examination  by  an  experienced  criminal  lawyer,  except  that  of 
a  perfectly  wise  and  perfectly  good  despot,  such  as  the  world 
has  never  seen,  excepting  that  white-haired  king  of  Browning's, 

who 

"  Lived  long  ago 
In  the  morning  of  the  world, 
When  Earth  was  nearer  Heaven  than  now." 

The  English  race,  if  they  did  not  invent  government  by  discus- 
sion, have  at  least  carried  it  nearest  to  perfection  in  practice. 
It  seems  a  very  safe  and  reasonable  contrivance  for  occupying 
the  attention  of  the  country,  and  is  certainly  a  better  way  of 
settling  questions  than  by  push  of  pike.  Yet,  if  one  should 
ask  it  why  it  should  not  rather  be  called  government  by  gabble, 
it  would  have  to  fumble  a  good  while  before  it  found  the  chance 
for  a  convincing  reply. 

As  matters  stand,  too,  it  is  beginning  to  be  doubtful  whether 
Parliament  and  Congress  sit  at  Westminster  and  Washington 
or  in  the  editors'  rooms  of  the  leading  journals,  so  thoroughly 


232  PATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

is  everything  debated  before  the  authorized  and  responsible  de- 
baters get  on  their  legs.  And  what  shall  we  say  of  government 
by  a  majority  of  voices  ?  To  a  person  who  in  the  last  century 
would  have  called  himself  an  impartial  observer,  a  numerical 
preponderance  seems,  on  the  whole,  as  clumsy  a  way  of  arriv- 
ing at  truth  as  could  well  be  devised,  but  experience  has  appar- 
ently shown  it  to  be  a  convenient  arrangement  for  determin- 
ing what  may  be  expedient  or  advisable  or  practicable  at  any 
given  moment.  Truth,  after  all,  wears  a  different  face  to  every- 
body and  it  would  be  too  tedious  to  wait  till  all  were  agreed. 
She  is  said  to  lie  at  the  bottom  of  a  well,  for  the  very  reason, 
perhaps,  that  whoever  looks  down  in  search  of  her  sees  his  own 
image  at  the  bottom,  and  is  persuaded  not  only  that  he  has 
seen  the  goddess,  but  that  she  is  far  better-looking  than  he  had 
imagined. 

The  arguments  against  universal  suffrage  are  equally  un- 
answerable. "What,"  we  exclaim,  "shall  Tom,  Dick,  and 
Harry  have  as  much  weight  in  the  scale  as  I  ? "  Of  course 
nothing  could  be  more  absurd.  And  yet  universal  suffrage 
has  not  been  the  instrument  of  greater  unwisdom  than  contri- 
vances of  a  more  select  description.  Assemblies  could  be 
mentioned  composed  entirely  of  Masters  of  Arts  and  Doctors 
in  Divinity  which  have  sometimes  shown  traces  of  human  pas- 
sion or  prejudice  in  their  votes.  The  democratic  theory  is  that 
those  Constitutions  are  likely  to  prove  steadiest  which  have 
the  broadest  base,  that  the  right  to  vote  makes  a  safety-valve 
of  every  voter,  and  that  the  best  way  of  teaching  a  man  how 
to  vote  is  to  give  him  the  chance  of  practice.  For  the  ques- 
tion is  no  longer  the  academic  one,  "Is  it  wise  to  give  every 
man  the  ballot .? "  but  rather  the  practical  one,  "  Is  it  prudent 
to  deprive  whole  classes  of  it  any  longer .?  "  It  may  be  conjec- 
tured that  it  is  cheaper  in  the  long  run  to  lift  men  up  than  to 
hold  them  down,  and  that  the  ballot  in  their  hands  is  less  dan- 
gerous to  society  than  a  sense  of  wrong  in  their  heads.  At 
any  rate  this  is  the  dilemma  to  which  the  drift  of  opinion  has 
been  for  some  time  sweeping  us,  and  in  politics  a  dilemma  is 
a  more  unmanageable  thing  to  hold  by  the  horns  than  a  wolf 
by  the  ears. 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  233 

It  is  said  that  the  right  of  suffrage  is  not  valued  when  it  is 
indscriminately  bestowed,  and  there  may  be  some  truth  in  this, 
for  I  have  observed  that  what  men  prize  most  is  a  privilege, 
even  if  it  be  that  of  chief  mourner  at  a  funeral.  But  is  there 
not  danger  that  it  will  be  valued  at  more  than  its  worth  if  de- 
nied, and  that  some  illegitimate  way  will  be  sought  to  make  up 
for  the  want  of  it  ?  Men  who  have  a  voice  in  public  affairs  are 
at  once  affiliated  with  one  or  other  of  the  great  parties  between 
which  society  is  divided,  merge  their  individual  hopes  and  opin- 
ions in  its  safer,  because  more  generalized,  hopes  and  opinions, 
are  disciplined  by  its  tactics,  and  acquire,  to  a  certain  degree, 
the  orderly  qualities  of  an  army.  They  no  longer  belong  to  a 
class,  but  to  a  body  corporate.  Of  one  thing,  at  least,  we  may 
be  certain,  that,  under  whatever  method  of  helping  things  to 
go  wrong  man's  wit  can  contrive,  those  who  have  the  divine 
right  to  govern  will  be  found  to  govern  in  the  end,  and  that  the 
highest  privilege  to  which  the  majority  of  mankind  can  aspire 
is  that  of  being  governed  by  those  wiser  than  they.  Universal 
suffrage  has  in  the  United  States  sometimes  been  made  the  in- 
strument of  inconsiderate  changes,  under  the  notion  of  reform, 
and  this  from  a  misconception  of  the  true  meaning  of  popular 
government.  One  of  these  has  been  the  substitution  in  many 
of  the  states  of  popular  election  for  official  selection  in  the 
choice  of  judges.  The  same  system  applied  to  military  officers 
was  the  source  of  much  evil  during  our  Civil  War,  and,  I  believe, 
had  to  be  abandoned.  But  it  has  been  also  true  that  on  all 
great  questions  of  national  policy  a  reserve  of  prudence  and 
discretion  has  been  brought  out  at  the  critical  moment  to  turn 
the  scale  in  favor  of  a  wiser  decision.  An  appeal  to  the  reason 
of  the  people  has  never  been  known  to  fail  in  the  long  run. 

We  are  told  that  the  inevitable  result  of  democracy  is  to 
sap  the  foundations  of  personal  independence,  to  weaken  the 
principle  of  authority,  to  lessen  the  respect  due  to  eminence, 
whether  in  station,  virtue,  or  genius.  If  these  things  were  so, 
society  could  not  hold  together.  Perhaps  the  best  forcing- 
house  of  robust  individuality  would  be  where  public  opinion  is 
inclined  to  be  most  overbearing,  as  he  must  be  of  heroic 
temper  who  should  walk  along  Piccadilly  at  the  height  of  the 


234  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

season  in  a  soft  hat.  As  for  authority,  it  is  one  of  the  symp- 
toms of  the  time  that  the  religious  reverence  for  it  is  declining 
everywhere,  but  this  is  due  partly  to  the  fact  that  statecraft  is 
no  longer  looked  upon  as  a  mystery,  but  as  a  business,  and 
partly  to  the  decay  of  superstition,  by  which  I  mean  the  habit 
of  respecting  what  we  are  told  to  respect  rather  than  what  is 
respectable  in  itself.  There  is  more  rough  and  tumble  in  the 
American  democracy  than  is  altogether  agreeable  to  people  of 
sensitive  nerves  and  refined  habits,  and  the  people  take  their 
political  duties  lightly  and  laughingly,  as  is,  perhaps,  neither 
unnatural  nor  unbecoming  in  a  young  giant.  Democracies 
can  no  more  jump  away  from  their  own  shadows  than  the  rest 
of  us  can.  They  no  doubt,  sometimes  make  mistakes  and  pay 
honor  to  men  who  do  not  deserve  it.  But  they  do  this  because 
they  believe  them  worthy  of  it,  and  though  it  be  true  that  the 
idol  is  the  measure  of  the  worshiper,  yet  the  worship  has  in 
it  the  germ  of  a  nobler  religion. 

But  is  it  democracies  alone  that  fall  into  these  errors  ?  I, 
who  have  seen  it  proposed  to  erect  a  statue  to  Hudson,  the 
railway  king,  and  have  heard  Louis  Napoleon  hailed  as  the 
savior  of  society  by  men  who  certainly  had  no  democratic 
associations  or  leanings,  am  not  ready  to  think  so.  But  democ- 
racies have  likewise  their  finer  instincts.  I  have  also  seen  the 
wisest  statesman  and  most  pregnant  speaker  of  our  generation, 
a  man  of  humble  birth  and  ungainly  manners,  of  little  culture 
beyond  what  his  own  genius  supplied,  become  more  absolute 
in  power  than  any  monarch  of  modern  times  through  the  rev- 
erence of  his  countrymen  for  his  honesty,  his  wisdom,  his 
sincerity,  his  faith  in  God  and  man,  and  the  nobly  humane  sim- 
plicity of  his  character.  And  I  remember  another  whom  popu- 
lar respect  enveloped  as  with  a  halo,  the  least  vulgar  of  men, 
the  most  austerely  genial  and,  the  most  independent  of  opinion. 
Wherever  he  went  he  never  met  a  stranger,  but  everywhere 
neighbors  and  friends  proud  of  him  as  their  ornament  and  deco- 
ration. Institutions  which  could  bear  and  breed  such  men  as 
Lincoln  and  Emerson  had  surely  some  energy  for  good.  No, 
amid  all  the  fruitless  turmoil  and  miscarriage  of  the  world,  if 
there  be  one  thing  steadfast  and  of  favorable  omen,  one  thing  to 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  235 

make  optimism  distrust  its  own  obscure  distrust,  it  is  the  rooted 
instinct  in  men  to  admire  what  is  better  and  more  beautiful 
than  themselves.  The  touchstone  of  political  and  social  insti- 
tutions is  their  ability  to  supply  them  with  worthy  objects  of 
this  sentiment,  which  is  the  very  tap-root  of  civilization  and 
progress.  There  would  seem  to  be  no  readier  way  of  feeding 
it  with  the  elements  of  growth  and  vigor  than  such  an  organi- 
zation of  society  as  will  enable  men  to  respect  themselves,  and 
so  to  justify  them  in  respecting  others. 

Such  a  result  is  quite  possible  under  other  conditions  than 
those  of  an  avowedly  democratical  Constitution.  For  I  take 
it  that  the  real  essence  of  democracy  was  fairly  enough  defined 
by  the  First  Napoleon  when  he  said  that  the  French  Revolu- 
tion meant  "  la  carrihe  oti^verte  mix  talents  " — a  clear  pathway 
for  merit  of  whatever  kind.  I  should  be  inclined  to  paraphrase 
this  by  calling  democracy  that  form  of  society,  no  matter  what 
its  political  classification,  in  which  every  man  had  a  chance  and 
knew  that  he  had  it.  If  a  man  can  climb,  and  feels  himself 
encouraged  to  climb,  from  a  coal-pit  to  the  highest  position  for 
which  he  is  fitted,  he  can  well  afford  to  be  indifferent  what 
name  is  given  to  the  government  under  which  he  lives.  The 
Bailli  of  Mirabeau,  uncle  of  the  more  famous  tribune  of  that 
name,  wrote  in  1771:  "The  English  are,  in  my  opinion,  a 
hundred  times  more  agitated  and  more  unfortunate  than  the 
very  Algerines  themselves,  because  they  do  not  know  and  will 
not  know  till  the  destruction  of  their  over-swollen  power,  which 
I  believe  very  near,  whether  they  are  monarchy,  aristocracy, 
or  democracy,  and  wish  to  play  the  part  of  all  three."  Eng- 
land has  not  been  obliging  enough  to  fulfill  the  Bailli' s  pro- 
phecy, and  perhaps  it  was  this  very  carelessness  about  the 
name,  and  concern  about  the  substance  of  popular  govern- 
ment, this  skill  in  getting  the  best  out  of  things  as  they  are, 
in  utilizing  all  the  motives  which  influence  men,  and  in  giving 
one  direction  to  many  impulses,  that  has  been  a  principal  factor 
of  her  greatness  and  power. 

Perhaps  it  is  fortunate  to  have  an  unwritten  Constitution, 
for  men  are  prone  to  be  tinkering  the  work  of  their  own  hands, 
whereas  they  are  more  willing  to  let  time  and  circumstance 


236  PATEI0TI8M  AND  CITIZEMRIP 

mend  or  modify  what  time  and  circumstance  have  made.  All 
free  governments,  whatever  their  name,  are  in  reality  govern- 
ments by  public  opinion,  and  it  is  on  the  quality  of  this  public 
opinion  that  their  prosperity  depends.  It  is,  therefore,  their 
first  duty  to  purify  the  element  from  which  they  draw  the 
breath  of  life.  With  the  growth  of  democracy  grows  also  the 
fear,  if  not  the  danger,  that  this  atmosphere  may  be  corrupted 
with  poisonous  exhalations  from  lower  and  more  malarious 
levels,  and  the  question  of  sanitation  becomes  more  instant 
and  pressing.  Democracy  in  its  best  sense  is  merely  the  let- 
ting in  of  light  and  air.  Lord  Sherbrooke,  with  his  usual  epi- 
grammatic terseness,  bids  you  educate  your  future  rulers.  But 
would  this  alone  be  a  sufficient  safeguard .?  To  educate  the  in- 
telligence is  to  enlarge  the  horizon  of  its  desires  and  wants. 
And  it  is  well  that  this  should  be  so.  But  the  enterprise  must 
go  deeper  and  prepare  the  way  for  satisfying  those  desires  and 
wants  in  so  far  as  they  are  legitimate. 

What  is  really  ominous  of  danger  to  the  existing  order  of 
things  is  not  democracy  (which,  properly  understood,  is  a  con- 
servative force),  but  the  Socialism  which  may  find  a  fulcrum 
in  it.  If  we  cannot  equalize  conditions  and  fortunes  any  more 
than  we  can  equalize  the  brains  of  men — and  a  very  sagacious 
person  has  said  that  "  where  two  men  ride  of  a  horse  one  must 
ride  behind  " — we  can  yet,  perhaps,  do  something  to  correct 
those  methods  and  influences  that  lead  to  enormous  inequali- 
ties, and  to  prevent  their  growing  more  enormous.  It  is  all 
very  well  to  pooh-pooh  Mr.  George  and  to  prove  him  mistaken 
in  his  political  economy.  But  he  is  right  in  his  impelling 
motive ;  right,  also,  I  am  convinced,  in  insisting  that  humanity 
makes  a  part,  by  far  the  most  important  part,  of  political 
economy ;  and  in  thinking  man  to  be  of  more  concern  and  more 
convincing  than  the  longest  columns  of  figures  in  the  world. 
For  unless  you  include  human  nature  in  your  addition,  your 
total  is  sure  to  be  wrong  and  your  deductions  from  it  fallacious. 
Communism  means  barbarism,  but  Socialism  means,  or  wishes 
to  mean,  cooperation  and  community  of  interests,  sympathy, 
the  giving  to  the  hands  not  so  large  a  share  as  to  the  brains, 
but  a  larger  share  than  hitherto  in  the  wealth  they  must  com- 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  237 

bine  to  produce — means,  in  short,  the  practical  application  of 
Christianity  to  life,  and  has  in  it  the  secret  of  an  orderly  and 
benign  reconstruction. 

I  do  not  believe  in  violent  changes,  nor  do  I  expect  them. 
Things  in  possession  have  a  very  firm  grip.  One  of  the 
strongest  cements  of  society  is  the  conviction  of  mankind  that 
the  state  of  things  into  which  they  are  born  is  a  part  of  the 
order  of  the  universe,  as  natural,  let  us  say,  as  that  the  sun 
should  go  round  the  earth.  It  is  a  conviction  that  they  will 
not  surrender  except  on  compulsion,  and  a  wise  society  should 
look  to  it  that  this  compulsion  be  not  put  upon  them.  For  the 
individual  man  there  is  no  radical  cure,  outside  of  human  nature 
itself.    The  rule  will  always  hold  good  that  you  must 

Be  your  own  palace  or  the  world's  your  gaol. 

But  for  artificial  evils,  for  evils  that  spring  from  want  of 
thought,  thought  must  find  a  remedy  somewhere.  There  has 
been  no  period  of  time  in  which  wealth  has  been  more  sensible 
of  its  duties  than  now.  It  builds  hospitals,  it  establishes  mis- 
sions among  the  poor,  it  endows  schools.  It  is  one  of  the 
advantages  of  accumulated  wealth,  and  of  the  leisure  it  renders 
possible,  that  people  have  time  to  think  of  the  wants  and  sor- 
rows of  their  fellows .  But  all  these  remedies  are  partial  and 
palliative  merely.  It  is  as  if  we  should  apply  plasters  to  a 
single  pustule  of  smallpox  with  a  view  of  driving  out  the  dis- 
ease. The  true  way  is  to  discover  and  to  extirpate  the  germs 
As  society  is  now  constituted  these  are  in  the  air  it  breathes, 
in  the  water  it  drinks,  in  things  that  seem,  and  which  it  has 
always  believed,  to  be  the  most  innocent  and  healthful.  The 
evil  elements  it  neglects  corrupt  these  in  their  springs  and  pol- 
lute them  in  their  courses.  Let  us  be  of  good  cheer,  however, 
remembering  that  the  misfortunes  hardest  to  bear  are  those 
which  never  come.  The  world  has  outlived  much,  and  will 
outlive  a  great  deal  more,  and  men  have  contrived  to  be  happy 
in  it.  It  has  shown  the  strength  of  its  constitution  in  nothing 
more  than  in  surviving  the  quack  medicines  it  has  tried.  In 
the  scales  of  the  destinies  brawn  will  never  weigh  so  much  as 


PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

brain.  Our  healing  is  not  in  the  storm  or  in  the  whirlwind,  it 
is  not  in  monarchies,  or  aristocracies,  or  democracies,  but  will 
be  revealed  by  the  still  small  voice  that  speaks  to  the  con- 
science and  the  heart,  prompting  us  to  a  wider  and  wiser 
humanity. 


AMERICAN  IDEALS 


True  Americanism 

By  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

PATRIOTISM  was  once  defined  as  "the  last  refuge  of  a 
scoundrel;"  and  somebody  has  recently  remarked  that 
when  Dr.  Johnson  gave  this  definition  he  was  ignorant  of  the 
infinite  possibilities  contained  in  the  word  "reform."  Of 
course  both  gibes  were  quite  justifiable,  in  so  far  as  they  were 
aimed  at  people  who  use  noble  names  to  cloak  base  purposes. 
Equally  of  course  the  man  shows  little  wisdom  and  a  low  sense 
of  duty  who  fails  to  see  that  love  of  country  is  one  of  the  ele- 
mental virtues,  even  though  scoundrels  play  upon  it  for  their 
own  selfish  ends ;  and,  inasumch  as  abuses  continually  grow  up 
in  civic  life  as  in  all  other  kinds  of  life,  the  statesman  is  indeed 
a  weakling  who  hesitates  to  reform  these  abuses  because  the 
word  "  reform  "  is  often  on  the  lips  of  men  who  are  silly  or 
dishonest. 

What  is  true  of  patriotism  and  reform  is  true  also  of  Ameri- 
canism. There  are  plenty  of  scoundrels  always  ready  to  try  to 
belittle  reform  movements  or  to  bolster  up  existing  iniquities 
in  the  name  of  Americanism ;  but  this  does  not  alter  the  fact 
that  the  man  who  can  do  most  in  this  country  is  and  must  be 
the  man  whose  Americanism  is  most  sincere  and  intense.  Out- 
rageous though  it  is  to  use  a  noble  idea  as  the  cloak  for  evil,  it 
is  still  worse  to  assail  the  noble  idea  itself  because  it  can  thus 
be  used.  The  men  who  do  iniquity  in  the  name  of  patriotism, 
of  reform,  of  Americanism,  are  merely  one  small  division  of  the 
class  that  has  always  existed  and  will  always  exist — the  class 

239 


240  PATRIOTISM  AND   GITIZENSSIF 

of  hypocrites  and  demagogues,  the  class  that  is  always  prompt 
to  steal  the  watchwords  of  righteousness  and  use  them  in  the 
interests  of  evil-doing. 

The  stoutest  and  truest  Americans  are  the  very  men  who 
have  the  least  sympathy  with  the  people  who  invoke  the  spirit 
of  Americanism  to  aid  what  is  vicious  in  our  government,  or  to 
throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  those  who  strive  to  reform  it. 
It  is  contemptible  to  oppose  a  movement  for  good  because  that 
movement  has  already  succeeded  somewhere  else,  or  to  cham- 
pion an  existing  abuse  because  our  people  have  always  been 
wedded  to  it.  To  appeal  to  national  prejudice  against  a  given 
reform  movement  is  in  every  way  unworthy  and  silly.  It  is 
as  childish  to  denounce  free  trade  because  England  has 
adopted  it  as  to  advocate  it  for  the  same  reason.  It  is  emi- 
nently proper,  in  dealing  with  the  tariff,  to  consider  the  effect 
of  tariff  legislation  in  time  past  upon  other  nations  as  well  as 
the  effect  upon  our  own ;  but  in  drawing  conclusions  it  is  in 
the  last  degree  foolish  to  try  to  excite  prejudice  against  one 
system  because  it  is  in  vogue  in  some  given  country,  or  to 
try  to  excite  prejudice  in  its  favor  because  the  economists 
of  that  country  have  found  that  it  was  suited  to  their  own 
peculiar  needs.  In  attempting  to  solve  our  difficult  prob- 
lem of  municipal  government  it  is  mere  folly  to  refuse  to 
profit  by  whatever  is  good  in  the  examples  of  Manchester  and 
Berlin  because  these  cities  are  foreign,  exactly  as  it  is  mere 
folly  blindly  to  copy  their  examples  without  reference  to  our 
own  totally  different  conditions.  As  for  the  absurdity  of  de- 
claiming against  civil-service  reform,  for  instance,  as  "  Chinese," 
because  written  examinations  have  been  used  in  China,  it 
would  be  quite  as  wise  to  declaim  against  gunpowder  because 
it  was  first  utilized  by  the  same  people.  In  short,  the  man 
who,  whether  from  mere  dull  fatuity  or  from  an  active  interest 
in  misgovernment,  tries  to  appeal  to  American  prejudice 
against  things  foreign,  so  as  to  induce  Americans  to  oppose 
any  measure  for  good,  should  be  looked  on  by  his  fellow  coun- 
trymen with  the  heartiest  contempt.  So  much  for  the  men 
who  appeal  to  the  spirit  of  Americanism  to  sustain  us  in 
wrong-doing.    But  we  must  never  let  our  contempt  for  these 


OVR  8YSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  241 

men  blind  us  to  the  nobility  of  the  idea  which  they  strive  to 
degrade 

We  Americans  have  many  grave  problems  to  solve,  many 
threatening  evils  to  fight,  and  many  deeds  to  do,  if,  as  we  hope 
and  believe,  we  have  the  wisdom,  the  strength,  the  courage, 
and  the  virtue  to  do  them.  But  we  must  face  facts  as  they 
are.  We  must  neither  surrender  ourselves  to  a  foolish  opti- 
mism, nor  succumb  to  a  timid  and  ignoble  pessimism.  Our 
nation  is  that  one  among  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  which 
holds  in  its  hands  the  fate  of  the  coming  years.  We  enjoy 
exceptional  advantages,  and  are  menaced  by  exceptional  dan- 
gers ;  and  all  signs  indicate  that  we  shall  either  fail  greatly  or 
succeed  greatly.  I  firmly  believe  that  we  shall  succeed;  but 
we  must  not  foolishly  blink  the  dangers  by  which  we  are 
threatened,  for  that  is  the  way  to  fail.  On  the  contrary,  we 
must  soberly  set  to  work  to  find  out  all  we  can  about  the  exist- 
ence and  Extent  of  every  evil,  must  acknowledge  it  to  be  such, 
and  must  then  attack  it  with  unyielding  resolution.  There 
are  many  such  evils,  and  each  must  be  fought  after  a  separate 
fashion ;  yet  there  is  one  quality  which  we  must  bring  to  the 
solution  of  every  problem — that  is,  an  intense  and  fervid 
Americanism.  We  shall  never  be  successful  over  the  dangers 
that  confront  us;  we  shall  never  achieve  true  greatness,  nor 
reach  the  lofty  ideal  which  the  founders  and  preservers  of  our 
mighty  Federal  Republic  have  set  before  us,  unless  we  are 
Americans  in  heart  and  soul,  in  spirit  and  purpose,  keenly  alive 
to  the  responsibility  implied  in  the  very  name  of  American, 
and  proud  beyond  measure  of  the  glorious  privilege  of  bear- 
ing it. 

There  are  two  or  three  sides  to  the  question  of  American- 
ism, and  two  or  three  senses  in  which  the  word  "  Americanism  " 
can  be  used  to  express  the  antithesis  of  what  is  unwholesome 
and  undesirable.  In  the  first  place  we  wish  to  be  broadly 
American  and  national,  as  opposed  to  being  local  or  sectional. 
We  do  not  wish,  in  politics,  in  literature,  or  in  art,  to  develop 
that  unwholesome  parochial  spirit,  that  over-exaltation  of  the 
little  community  at  the  expense  of  the  great  nation,  which  pro- 
duces what  has  been  described  as  the  patriotism  of  the  village, 
16 


242  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZUNSRIP 

the  patriotism  of  the  belfry.  Politically,  the  indulgence  of  this 
spirit  was  the  chief  cause  of  the  calamities  which  befell  the 
ancient  republics  of  Greece,  the  mediaeval  republics  of  Italy, 
and  the  petty  states  of  Germany  as  it  was  in  the  last  century. 
It  is  this  spirit  of  provincial  patriotism,  this  inability  to  take  a 
view  of  broad  adhesion  to  the  whole  nation  that  has  been  the 
chief  among  the  causes  that  have  produced  such  anarchy  in 
the  South  American  States,  and  which  have  resulted  in  pre- 
senting to  us,  not  one  great  Spanish-American  federal  nation 
stretching  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Cape  Horn,  but  a  squab- 
bling multitude  of  revolution-ridden  states,  not  one  of  which 
stands  even  in  the  second  rank  as  a  power.  However,  politi- 
cally, this  question  of  American  nationality  has  been  settled 
once  for  all.  We  are  no  longer  in  danger  of  repeating  in  our 
history  the  shameful  and  contemptible  disasters  that  have  be- 
fallen the  Spanish  possessions  on  this  continent  since  they 
threw  off  the  yoke  of  Spain.  Indeed,  there  is,  all  through  our 
life,  very  much  less  of  this  parochial  spirit  than  there  was 
formerly.  Still  there  is  an  occasional  outcropping  here  and 
there;  and  it  is  just  as  well  that  we  should  keep  steadily  in 
mind  the  futility  of  talking  of  a  Northern  literature  or  a  South- 
ern literature,  an  Eastern  or  a  Western  school  of  art  or  science. 
Joel  Chandler  Harris  is  emphatically  a  national  writer;  so  is 
Mark  Twain.  They  do  not  write  merely  for  Georgia  or  Mis- 
souri or  California  any  more  than  for  Illinois  or  Connecticut ; 
they  write  as  Americans  and  for  all  people  who  can  read  Eng- 
lish. St.  Gaudens  lives  in  New  York;  but  his  work  is  just  as 
distmctive  of  Boston  or  Chicago.  It  is  of  very  great  conse- 
quence that  we  should  have  a  full  and  ripe  literary  develop- 
ment in  the  United  States,  but  it  is  not  of  the  least  conse- 
quence whether  New  York,  or  Boston,  or  Chicago,  or  San 
Francisco  becomes  the  literary  or  artistic  center  of  the  United 
States. 

There  is  a  second  side  to  this  question  of  a  broad  American- 
ism, however.  The  patriotism  of  the  village  or  the  belfry  is 
bad,  but  the  lack  of  all  patriotism  is  even  worse.  There  are 
philosophers  who  assure  us  that,  in  the  future,  patriotism  will 
be  regarded  not  as  a  virtue  at  all,  but  merely  as  a  mental  stage 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVEBNMENT  243 

in  the  journey  toward  a  state  of  feeling  when  our  patriotism 
will  include  the  whole  human  race  and  all  the  world.  This 
may  be  so ;  but  the  age  of  which  these  philosophers  speak  is 
still  several  aeons  distant.  In  fact,  philosophers  of  this  type 
are  so  very  advanced  that  they  are  of  no  practical  service  to 
the  present  generation.  It  may  be  that,  in  ages  so  remote 
that  we  cannot  now  understand  any  of  the  feelings  of  those 
who  will  dwell  in  them,  patriotism  will  no  longer  be  regarded 
as  a  virtue,  exactly  as  it  may  be  that  in  those  remote  ages 
people  will  look  down  upon  and  disregard  monogamic  mar- 
riage ;  but  as  things  now  are  and  have  been  for  two  or  three 
thousand  years  past,  and  are  likely  to  be  for  two  or  three  thou- 
sand years  to  come,  the  words  "  home  "  and  "  country  "  mean  a 
great  deal.  Nor  do  they  show  any  tendency  to  lose  their  sig- 
nificance. At  present,  treason,  like  adultery,  ranks  as  one  of 
the  worst  of  all  possible  crimes. 

One  may  fall  very  far  short  of  treason  and  yet  be  an  unde- 
sirable citizen  in  the  community.  The  man  who  becomes 
Europeanized,  who  loses  his  power  of  doing  good  work  on  this 
side  of  the  water,  and  who  loses  his  love  for  his  native  land,  is 
not  a  traitor;  but  he  is  a  silly  and  undesirable  citizen.  He  is 
as  emphatically  a  noxious  element  in  our  body  politic  as  is  the 
man  who  comes  here  from  abroad  and  remains  a  foreigner. 
Nothing  will  more  quickly  or  more  surely  disqualify  a  man 
from  doing  good  work  in  the  world  than  the  acquirement  of 
that  flaccid  habit  of  mind  which  its  possessors  style  cosmopoli- 
tanism. 

It  is  not  only  necessary  to  Americanize  the  immigrants  of 
foreign  birth  who  settle  among  us,  but  it  is  even  more  neces- 
sary for  those  among  us  who  are  by  birth  and  descent  already 
Americans  not  to  throw  away  our  birthright,  and,  with  incredi- 
ble and  contemptible  folly,  wander  back  to  bow  down  before 
the  alien  gods  whom  our  forefathers  forsook.  It  is  hard  to  be- 
lieve that  there  is  any  necessity  to  warn  Americans  that,  when 
they  seek  to  model  themselves  on  the  lines  of  other  civiliza- 
tions, they  make  themselves  the  butts  of  all  right-thinking 
men ;  and  yet  the  necessity  certainly  exists  to  give  this  warn- 
ing to  many  of  our  citizens  who  pride  themselves  on  their 


^U  PATBI0TI8M  AJ^D   CtTtZENSHtP 

standing  in  the  world  of  art  and  letters,  or,  perchance,  on  what 
they  would  style  their  social  leadership  in  the  community.  It 
is  always  better  to  be  an  original  than  an  imitation,  even  when 
the  imitation  is  of  something  better  than  the  original;  but 
what  shall  we  say  of  the  fool  who  is  content  to  be  an  imitation 
of  something  worse  ?  Even  if  the  weaklings  who  seek  to  be 
other  than  Americans  were  right  in  deeming  other  nations  to 
be  better  than  their  own,  the  fact  yet  remains  that  to  be  a  first- 
class  American  is  fifty-fold  better  than  to  be  a  second-class 
imitation  of  a  Frenchman  or  Englishman.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  however,  those  of  our  countrymen  who  do  believe  in 
American  inferiority  are  always  individuals  who,  however  culti- 
vated, have  some  organic  weakness  in  their  moral  or  mental 
make-up ;  and  the  great  mass  of  our  people,  who  are  robustly 
patriotic,  and  who  have  sound,  healthy  minds,  are  justified  in 
regarding  these  feeble  renegades  with  a  half -impatient  and  half- 
amused  scorn. 

We  believe  in  waging  relentless  war  on  rank-growing  evils 
of  all  kinds,  and  it  makes  no  difference  to  us  if  they  happen  to 
be  of  purely  native  growth.  We  grasp  at  any  good,  no  matter 
whence  it  comes.  We  do  not  accept  the  evil  attendant  upon 
another  system  of  government  as  an  adequate  excuse  for  that 
attendant  upon  our  own ;  the  fact  that  the  courtier  is  a  scamp 
does  not  render  the  demagogue  any  the  less  a  scoundrel.  But 
it  remains  true  that,  in  spite  of  all  our  faults  and  shortcomings, 
no  other  land  offers  such  glorious  possibilities  to  the  man  able 
to  take  advantage  of  them,  as  does  ours ;  it  remains  true  that 
no  one  of  our  people  can  do  any  work  really  worth  doing  unless 
he  does  it  primarily  as  an  American.  It  is  because  certain 
classes  of  our  people  still  retain  their  spirit  of  colonial  depen- 
dence on,  and  exaggerated  deference  to,  European  opinion, 
that  they  fail  to  accomplish  what  they  ought  to.  It  is  precisely 
along  the  lines  where  we  have  worked  most  independently  that 
we  have  accomplished  the  greatest  results ;  and  it  is  in  those 
professions  where  there  has  been  no  servility  to,  but  merely  a 
wise  profiting  by,  foreign  experience,  that  we  have  produced 
our  greatest  men.  Our  soldiers  and  statesmen  and  orators; 
our  explorers,  our    wilderness-winners,  and    commonwealth- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  245 

builders ;  the  men  who  have  made  our  laws  and  seen  that  they 
were  executed ;  and  the  other  men  whose  energy  and  ingenuity 
have  created  our  marvelous  material  prosperity — all  these  have 
been  men  who  have  drawn  wisdom  from  the  experience  of 
every  age  and  nation,  but  who  have  nevertheless  thought,  and 
worked,  and  conquered,  and  lived,  and  died,  purely  as  Ameri- 
cans ;  and  on  the  whole  they  have  done  better  work  than  has 
been  done  in  any  other  country  during  the  short  period  of  our 
national  life. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  in  those  professions  where  our 
people  have  striven  hardest  to  mold  themselves  in  conven- 
tional European  forms  that  they  have  succeeded  least ;  and  this 
holds  true  to  the  present  day,  the  failure  being  of  course  most 
conspicuous  where  the  man  takes  up  his  abode  in  Europe; 
where  he  becomes  a  second-rate  European,  because  he  is  over- 
civilized,  over-sensitive,  over-refined,  and  has  lost  the  hardi- 
hood and  manly  courage  by  which  alone  he  can  conquer  in  the 
keen  struggle  of  our  national  life.  Be  it  remembered,  too,  that 
this  same  being  does  not  really  become  a  European ;  he  only 
ceases  being  an  American,  and  becomes  nothing.  He  throws 
away  a  great  prize  for  the  sake  of  a  lesser  one,  and  does  not 
even  get  the  lesser  one.  The  painter  who  goes  to  Paris,  not 
merely  to  get  two  or  three  years'  thorough  training  in  his  art, 
but  with  the  deliberate  purpose  of  taking  up  his  abode  there, 
and  with  the  intention  of  following  in  the  ruts  worn  deep  by 
10,000  earlier  travelers,  instead  of  striking  off  to  rise  or  fall  on 
a  new  line,  thereby  forfeits  all  chance  of  doing  the  best  work. 
He  must  content  himself  with  aiming  at  that  kind  of  mediocrity 
which  consists  in  doing  fairly  well  what  has  already  been  done 
better ;  and  he  usually  never  even  sees  the  grandeur  and  pic- 
turesqueness  lying  open  before  the  eyes  of  every  man  who  can 
read  the  book  of  America's  past  and  the  book  of  America's 
present.  Thus  it  is  with  the  undersized  man  of  letters,  who 
flees  his  country  because  he,  with  his  delicate,  effeminate  sen- 
sitiveness, finds  the  conditions  of  life  on  this  side  of  the  water 
crude  and  raw ;  in  other  words,  because  he  finds  that  he  cannot 
play  a  man's  part  among  men,  and  so  goes  where  he  will  be 
sheltered  from   the  winds  that  harden   stouter  souls.    This 


246  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

emigre  mdij  write  graceful  and  pretty  verses,  essays,  novels; 
but  he  will  never  do  work  to  compare  with  that  of  his  brother, 
who  is  strong  enough  to  stand  on  his  own  feet,  and  do  his  work 
as  an  American.  Thus  it  is  with  the  scientist  who  spends  his 
youth  in  a  German  university,  and  can  thenceforth  work  only 
in  the  fields  already  fifty  times  furrowed  by  the  German 
ploughs.  Thus  it  is  with  that  most  foolish  of  parents  who 
sends  his  children  to  be  educated  abroad,  not  knowing— what 
every  clear-sighted  man  from  Washington  and  Jay  down  has 
known— that  the  American  who  is  to  make  his  way  in  America 
should  be  brought  up  among  his  fellow  Americans.  It  is 
among  the  people  who  like  to  consider  themselves,  and,  indeed, 
to  a  large  extent  are,  the  leaders  of  the  so-called  social  world, 
especially  in  some  of  the  north-eastern  cities,  that  this  colonial 
habit  of  thought,  this  thoroughly  provincial  spirit  of  admiration 
for  things  foreign,  and  inability  to  stand  on  one's  own  feet,  be- 
comes most  evident  and  most  despicable.  We  believe  in  every 
kind  of  honest  and  lawful  pleasure,  so  long  as  the  getting  it  is 
not  made  man's  chief  business ;  and  we  believe  heartily  in  the 
good  that  can  be  done  by  men  of  leisure  who  work  hard  in 
their  leisure,  whether  at  politics  or  philanthropy,  literature  or 
art. .  But  a  leisure  class  whose  leisure  simply  means  idleness  is 
a  curse  to  the  community,  and  in  so  far  as  its  members  distin- 
guish themselves  chiefly  by  aping  the  worst — not  the  best — 
traits  of  similar  people  across  the  water,  they  become  both 
comic  and  noxious  elements  of  the  body  politic. 

The  third  sense  in  which  the  word  "  Americanism  "  may  be 
employed  is  with  reference  to  the  Americanizing  of  the  new- 
comers to  our  shores.  We  must  Americanize  them  in  every 
way,  in  speech,  in  political  ideas  and  principles,  and  in  their 
way  of  looking  at  the  relations  between  church  and  state. 
We  welcome  the  German  or  the  Irishman  who  becomes  an 
American.  We  have  no  use  for  the  German  or  Irishman  who 
remains  such.  We  do  not  wish  German-Americans  and  Irish- 
Americans  who  figure  as  such  in  our  social  and  political  life; 
we  want  only  Americans,  and,  providing  they  are  such,  we  do 
not  care  whether  they  are  of  native  or  of  Irish  or  of  German 
ancestry.    We  have  no  room  in  any  healthy  American  comma- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  247 

nity  for  a  German-American  vote  or  an  Irish-American  vote, 
and  it  is  contemptible  demagogy  to  put  planks  into  any  party 
platform  with  the  purpose  of  catching  such  a  vote.  We  have 
no  room  for  any  people  who  do  not  act  and  vote  simply  as 
Americans,  and  as  nothing  else.  Moreover,  we  have  as  little 
use  for  people  who  carry  religious  prejudices  into  our  politics 
as  for  those  who  carry  prejudices  of  caste  or  nationality.  We 
stand  unalterably  in  favor  of  the  public-school  system  in  its 
entirety.  We  believe  that  English  and  no  othei  language,  is 
that  in  which  all  the  school  exercises  should  be  conducted.  We 
are  against  any  division  of  the  school  fund,  and  against  any 
appropriation  of  public  money  for  sectarian  purposes.  We  are 
against  any  recognition  whatever  by  the  state,  in  any  shape  or 
form,  of  state-aided  parochial  schools.  But  we  are  equally 
opposed  to  any  discrimination  against  or  for  a  man  because  of 
his  creed.  We  demand  that  all  citizens,  Protestant  and  Catho- 
lic, Jew  and  Gentile,  shall  have  fair  treatment  in  every  way ; 
that  all  alike  shall  have  their  rights  guaranteed  them.  The 
very  reasons  that  make  us  unqualified  in  our  opposition  to 
state-aided  sectarian  schools  make  us  equally  bent  that,  in  the 
management  of  our  public  schools,  the  adherents  of  each  creed 
shall  receive  exact  and  equal  justice,  wholly  without  regard 
to  their  religious  affiliations;  that  trustees,  superintendents, 
teachers,  scholars,  all  alike,  shall  be  treated  without  any  refer- 
ence whatsoever  to  the  creed  they  profess.  We  maintain  that 
it  is  an  outrage,  in  voting  for  a  man  for  any  position,  whether 
state  or  national,  to  take  into  account  his  religious  faith,  pro- 
viding only  he  is  a  good  American.  When  a  secret  society 
does  what  in  some  places  the  American  Protective  Association 
seems  to  have  done,  and  tries  to  proscribe  Catholics  both  politi- 
cally and  socially,  the  members  of  such  society  show  that 
they  themselves  are  as  utterly  un-American,  as  alien  to  our 
school  of  political  thought  as  the  worst  immigrants  who  land 
on  our  shores.  Their  conduct  is  equally  base  and  contempti- 
ble ;  they  are  the  worst  foes  of  our  public-school  system,  be- 
cause they  strengthen  the  hands  of  its  ultramontane  enemies ; 
they  should  receive  the  hearty  condemnation  of  all  Americans 
who  are  truly  patriotic. 


248  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

The  mighty  tide  of  immigration  to  our  shores  has  brought 
in  its  train  much  of  good  and  much  of  evil;  and  whether  the 
good  or  the  evil  shall  predominate  depends  mamly  on  whether 
these  new-comers  do  or  do  not  throw  themselves  heartily  mto 
our  national  life,  cease  to  be  European,  and  become  Americans 
like  the  rest  of  us.  More  than  a  third  of  the  people  of  the 
northern  states  are  of  foreign  birth  or  parentage.  An  im- 
mense number  of  them  have  become  completely  American- 
ized, and  these  stand  on  exactly  the  same  plane  as  the  descend- 
ants of  any  Puritan,  Cavalier,  or  Knickerbocker  among  us,  and 
do  their  full  and  honorable  share  of  the  nation's  work.  But 
where  immigrants,  or  the  sons  of  immigrants,  do  not  heartily 
and  in  good  faith  throw  in  their  lot  with  us,  but  cling  to  the 
speech,  the  customs,  the  ways  of  life,  and  the  habits  of  thought 
of  the  Old  World  which  they  have  left,  they  thereby  harm 
both  themselves  and  us.  If  they  remain  alien  elements,  unas- 
similated,  and  with  interests  separate  from  ours,  they  are  mere 
obstructions  to  the  current  of  our  national  life,  and,  moreover, 
can  get  no  good  from  it  themselves.  In  fact,  though  we  our- 
selves also  suffer  from  their  perversity,  it  is  they  who  really 
suffer  most.  It  is  an  immense  benefit  to  the  European  immi- 
grant to  change  him  into  an  American  citizen.  To  bear  the 
name  of  American  is  to  bear  the  most  honorable  of  titles ;  and 
whoever  does  not  so  believe  has  no  business  to  bear  the  name 
at  all,  and,  if  he  comes  from  Europe,  the  sooner  he  goes  back 
there  the  better.  Besides,  the  man  who  does  not  become 
Americanized  nevertheless  fails  to  remain  a  European,  and  be- 
comes nothing  at  all.  The  immigrant  cannot  possibly  remain 
what  he  was,  or  continue  to  be  a  member  of  the  Old  World 
society.  If  he  tries  to  retain  his  old  language,  in  a  few  genera- 
tions it  becomes  a  barbarous  jargon ;  if  he  tries  to  retain  his 
old  customs  and  ways  of  life,  in  a  few  generations  he  becomes 
an  uncouth  boor.  He  has  cut  himself  off  from  the  Old  World, 
and  cannot  retain  his  connection  with  it ;  and  if  he  wishes  ever 
to  amount  to  anything  he  must  throw  himself  heart  and  soul, 
and  without  reservation,  into  the  new  life  to  which  he  has 
come.  It  is  urgently  necessary  to  check  and  regulate  our  im- 
migration by  much  more  drastic  laws  than  now  exist;  and  this 


OUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  249 

should  be  done  both  to  keep  out  laborers  who  tend  to  depress 
the  labor  market,  and  to  keep  out  races  which  do  not  assimi- 
late readily  with  our  own,  and  unworthy  individuals  of  all  races 
— not  only  criminals,  idiots,  and  paupers,  but  anarchists  of  the 
Most  and  O'Donovan  Rossa  type. 

From  his  own  standpoint,  it  is  beyond  all  question  the  wise 
thing  for  the  immigrant  to  become  thoroughly  Americanized. 
Moreover,  from  our  standpoint,  we  have  a  right  to  demand  it. 
We  freely  extend  the  hand  of  welcome  and  of  good-fellowship 
to  every  man,  no  matter  what  his  creed  or  birthplace,  who 
comes  here  honestly  intent  on  becoming  a  good  United  States 
citizen  like  the  rest  of  us ;  but  we  have  a  right,  and  it  is  our 
duty  to  demand,  that  he  shall  indeed  become  so,  and  shall  not 
confuse  the  issues  with  which  we  are  struggling  by  introducing 
among  us  Old  World  quarrels  and  prejudices.  There  are  cer- 
tain ideas  which  he  must  give  up.  For  instance,  he  must  learn 
that  American  life  is  incompatible  with  the  existence  of  any 
form  of  anarchy,  or  of  any  secret  society  having  murder  for  its 
aim,  whether  at  home  or  abroad ;  and  he  must  learn  that  we 
exact  full  religious  toleration  and  the  complete  separation  of 
church  and  state.  Moreover,  he  must  not  bring  in  his  Old 
World  religious  race  and  national  antipathies,  but  must  merge 
them  into  love  for  our  common  country,  and  must  take  pride 
in  the  things  which  we  can  all  take  pride  in.  He  must  revere 
only  our  flag ;  not  only  must  it  come  first,  but  no  other  flag 
should  even  come  second.  He  must  learn  to  celebrate  Wash- 
ington's birthday  rather  than  that  of  Queen  or  Kaiser,  and 
the  Fourth  of  July  instead  of  St.  Patrick's  Day.  Our  political 
and  social  questions  must  be  settled  on  their  own  merits,  and 
not  complicated  by  quarrels  between  England  and  Ireland,  or 
France  and  Germany,  with  which  we  have  nothing  to  do;  it  is 
an  outrage  to  fight  an  American  political  campaign  with  refer- 
ence to  questions  of  European  politics.  Above  all,  the  immi- 
grant must  learn  to  talk  and  think  and  de  United  States. 

The  immigrant  of  to-day  can  learn  much  from  the  experi- 
ence of  the  immigrants  of  the  past,  who  came  to  America  prior 
to  the  Revolutionary  War.  We  were  then  already,  what  we 
are  now,  a  people  of  mixed  blood.     Many  of  our  most  illustrious 


250  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

Revolutionary  names  were  borne  by  men  of  Huguenot  blood-^ 
Jay  Sevier,  Marion,  Laurens.  But  the  Huguenots  were,  on 
the  whole,  the  best  immigrants  we  have  ever  received;  sooner 
than  any  other,  and  more  completely,  they  became  American 
in  speech,  conviction  and  thought.  The  Hollanders  took 
longer  than  the  Huguenots  to  become  completely  assimilated; 
nevertheless  they  in  the  end  became  so,  immensely  to  their 
own  advantage.  One  of  the  leading  Revolutionary  generals, 
Schuyler,  and  one  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  Van 
Buren,  were  of  Dutch  blood;  but  they  rose  to  their  positions, 
the  highest  in  the  land,  because  they  had  become  Americans 
and  had  ceased  being  Hollanders.  If  they  had  remained  mem- 
bers of  an  alien  body,  cut  off  by  their  speech  and  customs  and 
belief  from  the  rest  of  the  American  community,  Schuyler 
would  have  lived  his  life  as  a  boorish,  provincial  squire,  and 
Van  Buren  would  have  ended  his  days  a  small  tavern-keeper. 
So  it  is  with  the  Germans  of  Pennsylvania.  Those  of  them 
who  became  Americanized  have  furnished  to  our  history  a 
multitude  of  honorable  names,  from  the  days  of  the  Miihlen- 
bergs  onward;  but  those  who  do  not  become  Americanized 
form  to  the  present  day  an  unimportant  body,  of  no  signifi- 
cance in  American  existence.  So  it  is  with  the  Irish,  who  gave 
to  Revolutionary  annals  such  names  as  Carroll  and  Sullivan, 
and  to  the  Civil  War  men  like  Sheridan — men  who  were 
Americans  and  nothing  else;  while  the  Irish  who  remain  such, 
and  busy  themselves  solely  with  alien  politics,  can  have  only 
an  unhealthy  influence  upon  American  life,  and  can  never  rise 
as  do  their  compatriots  who  become  straightout  Americans. 
Thus  it  has  ever  been  with  all  people  who  have  come  hither,  of 
whatever  stock  or  blood.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  the 
churches.  A  church  which  remains  foreign,  in  language  or 
spirit,  is  doomed. 

But  I  wish  to  be  distinctly  understood  on  one  point. 
Americanism  is  a  question  of  spirit,  conviction,  and  purpose, 
not  of  creed  or  birthplace.  The  politician  who  bids  for  the 
Irish  or  German  vote,  or  the  Irishman  or  German  who  votes 
as  an  Irishman  or  German,  is  despicable,  for  all  citizens  of  this 
commonwealth  should  vote  solely  as  Americans ;  but  he  is  not 


OVB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  251 

a  whit  less  despicable  than  the  voter  who  votes  against  a  good 
American,  merely  because  that  American  happens  to  have  been 
born  in  Ireland  or  Germany.  Know-nothingism,  in  any  form, 
is  as  utterly  un-American  as  foreignism.  It  is  a  base  outrage 
to  oppose  a  man  because  of  his  religion  or  birthplace,  and  all 
good  citizens  will  hold  any  such  effort  in  abhorrence.  A  Scan- 
dinavian, a  German,  or  an  Irishman  who  has  really  become  an 
American  has  the  right  to  stand  on  exactly  the  same  footing  as 
any  native-born  citizen  in  the  land,  and  is  just  as  much  entitled 
to  the  friendship  and  support,  social  and  political,  of  his  neigh- 
bors. Among  the  men  with  whom  I  have  been  thrown  in 
close  personal  contact  socially,  and  who  have  been  among  my 
staunchest  friends  and  allies  politically,  are  not  a  few  Ameri- 
cans who  happen  to  have  been  born  on  the  other  side  of  the 
water,  in  Germany,  Ireland,  Scandinavia;  and  there  could  be 
no  better  men  in  the  ranks  of  our  native-born  citizens. 

In  closing,  I  cannot  better  express  the  ideal  attitude  that 
should  be  taken  by  our  fellow  citizens  of  foreign  birth  than  by 
quoting  the  words  of  a  representative  American,  born  in  Ger- 
many, the  Honorable  Richard  Guenther,  of  Wisconsin,  in  a 
speech  spoken  at  the  time  of  the  Samoan  trouble.     He  said : 

"  We  know  as  well  as  any  other  class  of  American  citizens 
where  our  duties  belong.  We  will  work  for  our  country  in 
time  of  peace  and  fight  for  it  in  time  of  war,  if  a  time  of  war 
should  ever  come.  When  I  say  our  country,  I  mean,  of  course, 
our  adopted  country.  I  mean  the  United  States  of  America. 
After  passing  through  the  crucible  of  naturalization,  we  are  no 
longer  Germans;  we  are  Americans.  Our  attachment  to 
America  cannot  be  measured  by  the  length  of  our  residence 
here.  We  are  Americans  from  the  moment  we  touch  the 
American  shore  until  we  are  laid  in  American  graves.  We 
will  fight  for  America  whenever  necessary.  America,  first, 
last,  and  all  the  time.  America  against  Germany,  America 
against  the  world ;  America,  right  or  wrong ;  always  America. 
We  are  Americans." 

All  honor  to  the  man  who  spoke  such  words  as  those ;  and 
I  believe  they  express  the  feelings  of  the  great  majority  of 
those  among  our  fellow-American   citizens  who  were  born 


262  FATBIOTISM  AND   GITIZEmHIP 

abroad.  We  Americans  can  do  our  allotted  task  well  only  if 
we  face  it  steadily  and  bravely,  seeing  but  not  fearing  the  dan- 
gers. Above  all  we  must  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder,  not  ask- 
ing as  to  the  ancestry  or  creed  of  our  comrades,  but  only  de- 
manding that  they  be  in  very  truth  Americans,  and  that  we  all 
work  together,  heart,  hand,  and  head,  for  the  honor  and  the 
greatness  of  our  common  country. 


AMERICAN  IDEALS 


American   Diplomacy 

By  JOHN  HAY 

[A  speech  made  in  reply  to  the  toast  of  "Our  Recent  Diplomacy," 
at  the  dinner  of  the  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce,  November,  19, 
1901.] 

Mr,  Chairman  and  Gentleman  : 

I  NEED  not  dwell  upon  the  mournful  and  tragic  event  by  vir- 
tue of  which  I  am  here.  When  the  President  lay  stricken 
in  Buffalo,  though  hope  beat  high  in  all  our  hearts  that  his  life 
might  be  spared  for  future  usefulness  to  his  country,  it  was 
still  recognized  as  improbable  that  he  should  be  able  to  keep 
the  engagement  he  had  made  to  be  with  you  to-night,  and  your 
committee  did  me  the  honor  to  ask  me  to  come  in  his  place. 
This  I  have  sometimes  done,  in  his  lifetime,  though  always 
with  diffidence  and  dread ;  but  how  much  more  am  I  daunted 
by  the  duty  of  appearing  before  you  when  that  great  man, 
loved  and  revered  above  all  even  while  living,  has  put  on  the 
august  halo  of  immortality !  Who  could  worthily  come  into 
your  presence  as  the  shadow  of  that  illustrious  Shade. 

Let  me  advert,  but  for  a  moment,  to  one  aspect  of  our 
recent  bereavement,  which  is  especially  interesting  to  those 
engaged,  as  you  are,  in  relations  whose  scope  is  as  wide  as  the 
world.  Never,  since  history  began,  has  there  been  an  event 
which  so  immediately,  and  so  deeply,  touched  the  sensibilities 
of  so  vast  a  portion  of  the  human  race.  The  sun,  which  set 
over  Lake  Erie  while  the  surgeons  were  still  battling  for  the 
President's  life,  had  not  risen  on  the  Atlantic  before  every 

253 


254  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEMHIP 

capital  of  the  civilized  world  was  in  mourning.  And  it  was  not 
from  the  centers  of  civilization  alone  that  the  voices  of  sorrow 
and  sympathy  reached  us;  they  came  as  well  from  the  utmost 
limits  of  the  world,  from  the  most  remote  islands  of  the  sea; 
not  only  from  the  courts  of  Christendom,  but  from  the  temples 
of  strange  gods  and  the  homes  of  exotic  religions.  Never  be- 
fore has  the  heart  of  the  world  throbbed  with  a  sorrow  so  uni- 
versal. Never  before  have  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth  paid 
such  homage  at  the  grave  of  a  citizen.  Something  of  this  was 
naturally  due  to  his  great  office— presiding,  as  he  did,  over  the 
government  of  a  nation  holding  in  fee  the  certainty  of  illimita- 
ble greatness.  But  no  ruler  can  acquire  the  instinctive  regard 
and  esteem  of  the  world  without  possessing  most  unusual 
qualities  of  mind  and  character.  This  dead  President  of  ours 
possessed  them.  He  was  strong;  he  was  wise;  he  was  gentle. 
With  no  external  advantages  beyond  the  mass  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  he  rose  by  sheer  merit  and  will  to  the  summit  of  dis- 
tinction and  power.  With  a  growth  as  certain  and  gradual  as 
that  of  an  oak,  he  grew  stronger  and  wiser  with  every  year 
that  he  lived.  Confronted  continually  with  new  and  exacting 
situations,  he  was  never  unequal  to  them;  his  serenity  was 
never  clouded ;  he  took  the  storm  and  the  sunshine  with  the 
same  cheery  welcome;  his  vast  influence  expanded  with  his 
opportunities.  Like  that  Divine  Master  whom  he  humbly  and 
reverently  served,  he  grew  continually  "  in  favor  with  God  and 
man." 

One  simple  reason  why  the  millions  of  this  country  mourned 
him  as  if  they  had  buried  a  brother,  and  why  all  the  nations  of 
the  earth  felt  that  his  death  was  a  loss  to  humanity  at  large, 
was  that  he  loved  his  fellow  men.  There  were  literally  no 
bounds  to  his  lavish  good- will.  In  political  genius,  in  wisdom 
for  government,  in  power  of  controlling  men,  he  was  one  of  the 
elect  of  the  earth— there  were  few  like  him ;  but  in  sentiment 
and  feeling  he  was  the  most  perfect  democrat  I  ever  met.  He 
never  knew  what  it  meant  to  regard  another  man  as  his  inferior 
or  as  his  superior.  Nothing  human  was  alien  to  him.  Even 
his  death  was  in  that  sense  significant.  He  was  slain  in  the 
moment  when,  with  that  delightful  smile  we  knew  so  well— 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVEBNMENT  266 

which  seemed  like  the  very  sunshine  of  the  spirit — he  was 
stretching  forth  a  generous  hand  to  greet  the  lowest  and  mean- 
est unit  in  that  crowd  of  many  thousands.  He  made  no  dema- 
gogical parade  of  his  sympathy  with  the  masses,  but  this  sym- 
pathy  was  a  part  of  his  life.  He  knew  no  interest  which  was 
not  theirs ;  their  welfare  was  as  dear  to  him  as  the  blood  in  his 
own  veins ;  and  in  spite  of  calumny  and  falsehood  the  people 
knew  it,  and  they  loved  him  in  return. 

Others  will  rise  and  labor  and  do  good  service  to  the  Re- 
public. We  shall  never  lack  good  men  when  the  emergency 
calls  for  them.  Thank  God !  we  do  not  lack  them  now.  But 
it  may  well  be  doubted  if  in  any  century  of  the  glorious  future 
before  us,  there  will  ever  appear  two  such  sincere,  high-minded, 
self-respecting  lovers  of  the  people  as  the  last  fifty  years  have 
shown  us  in  Abraham  Lincoln  and  William  McKinley. 

But  the  world  must  go  on,  though  the  greatest  and  best 
beloved  fall  by  the  way.  I  dare  to  come  to  you,  because  you 
have  asked  me,  and  he  would  have  wished  it,  for  he  held  that 
our  personal  feelings  should  never  be  considered  when  they 
conflicted  with  a  public  duty.  And  if  I  fall  immeasurably 
below  the  standard  to  which  he  has  accustomed  you,  the  very 
comparisons  you  draw  will  be  a  tribute  to  his  memory. 

I  am  asked  to  say  something  about  our  diplomacy.  You 
want  from  me  nothing  but  the  truth ;  and  yet,  if  I  confine  my- 
self to  the  truth,  I  cannot  help  fearing  I  shall  do  my  profession 
a  wrong  in  the  minds  of  those  who  have  been  in  the  habit 
of  considering  diplomacy  an  occult  science,  as  mysterious  as 
alchemy,  and  as  dangerous  to  the  morals  as  municipal  politics. 
It  must  be  admitted  that  this  conception  of  the  diplomatic 
function  is  not  without  a  certain  historical  foundation. 

There  was  a  time  when  diplomacy  was  a  science  of  intrigue 
and  falsehood,  of  traps  and  mines  and  countermines.  The 
word  "  machiavelic  "  has  become  an  adjective  in  our  common 
speech,  signifying  fraudulent  craft  and  guile;  but  Machiavel 
was  as  honest  a  man  as  his  time  justified  or  required.  The 
King  of  Spain  wrote  to  the  King  of  France,  after  the  massacre 
of  St.  Bartholomew,  congratulating  him  upon  the  splendid  dis- 
simulation with  which  that  stroke  of  policy  had  been  accom- 


256  PATBIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

plished.  In  the  last  generation  it  was  thought  a  remarkable 
advance  in  straightforward  diplomacy  when  Prince  Bismarck 
recognized  the  advantage  of  telling  the  truth,  even  at  the  risk 
of  misleading  his  adversary.  It  may  be  another  instance  of 
that  narve  credulity  with  which  I  have  often  been  charged  by 
European  critics  when  I  say  that  I  really  believe  the  world 
has  moved  onward  in  diplomacy  as  in  many  other  matters.  In 
my  experience  of  diplomatic  life,  which  now  covers  more  years 
than  I  like  to  look  back  upon,  and  in  the  far  greater  record  of 
American  diplomacy  which  I  have  read  and  studied,  I  can  say 
without  hesitation  that  we  have  generally  told  squarely  what 
we  wanted,  announced  early  in  negotiation  what  we  were  will- 
ing to  give,  and  allowed  the  other  side  to  accept  or  reject  our 
terms.  During  the  time  in  which  I  have  been  prominently 
concerned  in  our  foreign  relations,  I  can  also  say  that  we  have 
been  met  by  the  representatives  of  other  powers  in  the  same 
spirit  of  frankness  and  sincerity.  You,  as  men  of  large  affairs, 
will  bear  me  out  in  saying  there  is  nothing  like  straightfor- 
wardness to  beget  its  like. 

The  comparative  simplicity  of  our  diplomatic  methods 
would  be  a  matter  of  necessity  if  it  were  not  of  choice.  Secret 
treaties,  reserved  clauses,  private  understandings,  are  impossi- 
ble to  us.  No  treaty  has  any  validity  until  ratified  by  the 
senate ;  many  require  the  action  of  both  houses  of  Congress 
to  be  carried  into  effect.  They  must,  therefore,  be  in  harmony 
with  public  opinion.  The  Executive  could  not  change  this 
system  even  if  he  should  ever  desire  to.  It  must  be  accepted, 
with  all  its  difficulties  and  all  its  advantages ;  and  it  has  been 
approved  by  the  experience  of  a  hundred  years. 

As  to  the  measure  of  success  which  our  recent  diplomacy 
has  met  with,  it  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  me  to  speak. 
There  are  two  important  lines  of  human  endeavor  in  which 
men  are  forbidden  even  to  allude  to  their  success— affairs  of 
the  heart  and  diplomatic  affairs.  In  doing  so,  one  not  only 
commits  a  vulgarity  which  transcends  all  question  of  taste,  but 
makes  all  future  success  impossible.  For  this  reason,  the 
diplomatic  representatives  of  the  government  must  frequently 
suffer  in  silence  the  most  outrageous  imputations  upon  their 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  267 

patriotism,  their  intelligence,  and  their  common  honesty.  To 
justify  themselves  before  the  public,  they  would  sometimes 
have  to  place  in  jeopardy  the  interests  of  the  nation.  They 
must  constantly  adopt  for  themselves  the  motto  of  the  French 
revolutionist,  "  Let  my  name  wither,  rather  than  my  country 
be  injured." 

But  if  we  are  not  permitted  to  boast  of  what  we  have  done, 
we  can  at  least  say  a  word  about  what  we  have  tried  to  do,  and 
the  principles  which  have  guided  our  action.  The  briefest  ex- 
pression of  our  rule  of  conduct  is,  perhaps,  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine and  the  Golden  Rule.  With  this  simple  chart  we  can 
hardly  go  far  wrong. 

I  think  I  may  say  that  our  sister  republics  to  the  south  of 
us  are  perfectly  convinced  of  the  sincerity  of  our  attitude. 
They  know  we  desire  the  prosperity  of  each  of  them,  and  peace 
and  harmony  among  them.  We  no  more  want  their  territory 
than  we  covet  the  mountains  of  the  moon.  We  are  grieved 
and  distressed  when  there  are  differences  among  them,  but  even 
then  we  should  never  think  of  trying  to  compose  any  of  those 
differences  unless  by  the  request  of  both  parties  to  it.  Not 
even  our  earnest  desire  for  peace  among  them  will  lead  us  to 
any  action  which  might  offend  their  national  dignity  or  their 
just  sense  of  independence.  We  owe  them  all  the  considera- 
tion which  we  claim  for  ourselves.  To  critics  in  various  cli- 
mates who  have  other  views  of  our  purposes  we  can  only  wish 
fuller  information  and  more  quiet  consciences. 

As  to  what  we  have  tried  to  do— what  we  are  still  trying  to 
do— in  the  general  field  of  diplomacy,  there  is  no  reason  for 
doubt  on  the  one  hand  or  reticence  on  the  other.  President 
McKinley  in  his  messages  during  the  last  four  years  has  made 
the  subject  perfectly  clear.  We  have  striven,  on  the  lines  laid 
down  by  Washington,  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with  all 
powers,  but  not  to  take  part  in  the  formation  of  groups  or  com- 
binations among  them.  A  position  of  complete  independence 
is  not  incompatible  with  relations  involving  not  friendship 
alone,  but  concurrent  action,  as  well,  in  important  emergencies. 
We  have  kept  always  in  view  the  fact  that  we  are  preeminently 
a  peace-loving  people;  that  our  normal  activities  are  in  the 
17 


258  FATBI0TI8M  AND   ClTIZEmSIP 

direction  of  trade  and  commerce;  that  the  vast  development  of 
our  industries  imperatively  demands  that  we  shall  not  only 
retain  and  confirm  our  hold  on  our  present  markets,  but  seek 
constantly,  by  all  honorable  means,  to  extend  our  commercial 
interests  in  every  practicable  direction.  It  is  for  this  reason 
we  have  negotiated  the  treaties  of  reciprocity  which  now  await 
the  action  of  the  senate;  all  of  them  conceived  in  the  tradi- 
tional American  spirit  of  protection  to  our  own  industries,  and 
yet  mutually  advantageous  to  ourselves  and  our  neighbors.  In 
the  same  spirit  we  have  sought,  successfully,  to  induce  all  the 
great  powers  to  unite  in  a  recognition  of  the  general  principle 
of  equality  of  commercial  access  and  opportunity  in  the  mar- 
kets of  the  Orient.  We  believe  that  "  a  fair  field  and  no  favor  " 
is  all  we  require ;  and  with  less  than  that  we  cannot  be  satis- 
fied. If  we  accept  the  assurances  we  have  received  as  honest 
and  genuine,  as  I  certainly  do,  that  equality  will  not  be  denied 
us ;  and  the  result  may  safely  be  left  to  American  genius  and 
energy. 

We  consider  our  interests  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  as  great 
now  as  those  of  any  other  power,  and  destined  to  indefinite 
development.  We  have  opened  our  doors  to  the  people  of 
Hawaii,  we  have  accepted  the  responsibility  of  the  Philippines 
which  Providence  imposed  upon  us ;  we  have  put  an  end  to  the 
embarrassing  condominium  in  which  we  were  involved  in 
Samoa,  and  while  abandoning  none  of  our  commercial  rights 
in  the  entire  group,  we  have  established  our  flag  and  our 
authority  in  Tutuila,  which  gives  us  the  finest  harbor  in  the 
South  Seas.  Next  in  order  will  come  a  Pacific  cable,  and  an 
isthmian  canal  for  the  use  of  all  well-disposed  peoples,  but 
under  exclusive  American  ownership  and  American  control — 
of  both  of  which  great  enterprises  President  McKinley  and 
President  Roosevelt  have  been  the  energetic  and  consistent 
champions. 

Sure  as  we  are  of  our  rights  in  these  matters,  convinced  as 
we  are  of  the  authenticity  of  the  vision  which  has  led  us  thus 
far  and  still  beckons  us  forward,  I  can  yet  assure  you  that  so 
long  as  the  administration  of  your  affairs  remains  in  hands  as 
strong  and  skillful  as  those  to  which  they  have  been  and  are 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  259 

now  confided,  there  will  be  no  more  surrender  of  our  rights 
than  there  will  be  violation  of  the  rights  of  others.  The  Presi- 
dent to  whom  you  have  given  your  invaluable  trust  and  confi- 
dence, like  his  now  immortal  predecessor,  is  as  incapable  of 
bullying  a  strong  power  as  he  is  of  wronging  a  weak  one.  He 
feels  and  knows — for  has  he  not  tested  it,  in  the  currents  of 
the  heady  fight,  as  well  as  in  the  toilsome  work  of  administra- 
tion ? — that  the  nation  over  whose  destinies  he  presides  has  a 
giant's  strength  in  the  works  of  war,  as  in  the  works  of  peace. 
But  that  consciousness  of  strength  brings  with  it  no  temptation 
to  do  injury  to  any  power  on  earth,  the  proudest  or  the  hum- 
blest. We  frankly  confess  we  seek  the  friendship  of  all  the 
powers ;  we  want  to  trade  with  all  peoples ;  we  are  conscious  of 
resources  that  will  make  our  commerce  a  source  of  advantage 
to  them  and  of  profit  to  ourselves.  But  no  wantonness  of 
strength  will  ever  induce  us  to  drive  a  hard  bargain  with 
another  nation  because  it  is  weak,  nor  will  any  fear  of  ignoble 
criticism  tempt  us  to  insult  or  defy  a  great  power  because  it  is 
strong,  or  even  because  it  is  friendly. 

The  attitude  of  our  diplomacy  may  be  indicated  in  a  text 
of  Scripture,  which  Franklin— the  first  and  greatest  of  our 
diplomats — tells  us  passed  through  his  mind  when  he  was  pre- 
sented at  the  Court  of  Versailles.  It  was  a  text  his  father  used 
to  quote  to  him  in  the  old  candle  shop  in  Boston,  when  he  was 
a  boy ;  "  Seest  thou  a  man  diligent  in  his  business  ?  he  shall 
stand  before  kings."  Let  us  be  diligent  in  our  business  and 
we  shall  stand— stand,  you  see,  not  crawl,  nor  swagger— stand, 
as  a  friend  and  equal,  asking  nothing,  putting  up  with  nothing 
but  what  is  right  and  just,  among  our  peers,  in  the  great  de- 
mocracy of  nations. 


AMERICAN  IDEALS 


Politics  and  the  Demands  of  Good 
Citizenship 

By  BENJAMIN  B.  ODELL,  Jr. 

POLITICS  is  the  science  of  government  and  of  civil  policies. 
In  America,  it  is  neither  a  business  nor  a  profession,  but 
it  is  incident  to  business,  and  the  man  who  enters  politics,  either 
in  a  business  or  a  professional  way,  will  have  a  hard  road  to 
travel,  unless  he  has  a  paying  business  behind  him.  When  a 
man  is  permitted  to  vote,  he  is  at  an  age  when  he  can  make  his 
own  decisions  and  arrive  at  his  own  conclusions;  and,  if  he 
votes  this  way  or  that  way,  simply  because  an  elder  or  a  friend, 
or  a  family  affiliation  is  stronger  than  his  idea  of  right  govern- 
ment, then  he  is  nothing  more  than  a  political  drone.  Every- 
man should  know  for  whom  he  is  casting  his  vote,  and  the 
reason  why.  It  is  his  right,  by  virtue  of  his  power  of  citizen- 
ship, to  think  for  himself.  It  is  necessary,  for  the  country's 
welfare,  that  the  young  citizens  should  think  for  themselves. 
If  governments  are  to  be  improved  or  sustained,  the  study  of 
the  economies  of  politics  should  be  denied  to  no  young  man 
any  more  than  his  citizenship  should  be  denied  to  him,  and  I 
believe  that  political  economy  should  be  sufficiently  simplified 
to  permit  a  course  in  its  rudiments  in  the  primary  schools 
Such  study  should  fit  the  future  voter  for  the  proper  promul- 
gation and  administration  of  his  beliefs.  It  is  the  influence  of 
independent  voters  that  affects  the  decisions  of  public  ques- 
tions most  powerfully. 

The  young  man  who  wishes  to  make  politics  an  active  part 

260 


OTIB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  261 

of  his  life  must  cast  to  the  winds  the  belief  that  it  is  an  im- 
peachment of  respectability  to  be  associated  with  a  party,  or 
with  the  management  of  a  party.  Strong,  well  developed,  well 
managed  combinations  are  just  as  apt  to  show  their  supremacy 
in  politics  as  in  business,  and  it  is  not  discreditable  nor  demor- 
alizing to  blend  one's  interest  with  such  an  organization.  If 
the  citizen  keeps  steadfastly  in  his  mind  the  patriotic  principles 
that  bind  him  to  his  party  and  the  honest  convictions  which 
must  attend  the  man  who  becomes  a  factor  in  the  management 
of  his  nation,  then  no  stigma  can  be  placed  on  his  name ;  no 
carping  critic  can  defame  him,  because  he  has  his  country's 
best  interests  at  heart.  A  man  who  would  draw  the  line  be- 
tween his  own  apparent  social  standing  and  the  public  political 
attitude  of  his  neighbor,  should  lose  the  respect  of  his  fellow 
men.  If  we  are  to  continue  a  clean,  progressive,  earnest  public 
service,  then  we  must  create  politicians  of  the  same  caliber. 

The  United  States  is  in  need  of  such  young  men,  and  let 
us  hope  that  our  colleges,  our  farms,  and  our  business  marts 
will  develop  them.  Let  us  hope  that  they  may  be  able  to 
grasp  the  opportunities  now  spread  before  them  on  all  sides, 
and  make  the  nation  even  greater  than  it  is.  There  is  no  hope 
for  the  idle  in  this  age;  but  there  are  great  hopes  for  the 
shrewd,  tenacious,  energetic  man,  whose  brains  have  been 
rounded  into  proper  shape  by  a  good  American  education.  If 
a  young  man  feels  that  his  abilities  are  such  as  to  make  him  an 
official,  he  should  enter  politics;  but,  once  in  the  arena,  he 
should  not  be  seeking,  seeking  continually.  My  experience  is 
that  business  men  make  the  best  politicians.  There  are  many 
instances  to  attest  this  statement,  notably  the  case  of  Senator 
Piatt,  of  New  York,  whose  great  business  intelligence  has  been 
invaluable.  This  has  been  responsible,  in  a  great  measure,  for 
his  success.  The  educated  man  in  politics  is  becoming  more 
and  more  a  potent  factor  and  necessity.  If  there  are  any 
young  men  training  for  politics,  let  me  tell  them  that  they  will 
never  regret  gaining  all  the  knowledge  within  their  grasp. 

The  success  of  men  in  politics  is  not  so  frequent  as  the  suc- 
cess of  men  in  business  Some  have  not  the  mental  endurance 
to  remain  in  politics,  for  politics  brooks  many  defeats.    But 


262  PATBIOTISM  AND   GITIZEmHIP 

the  man  who  would  be  a  true  politician  must  laugh  at  defeat, 
and  must  not  consider  it  defeat  at  all,  but  take  up  his  burden 
where  the  citizens  dropped  it,  and  fight  the  battle  anew.  Only 
such  men  have  won;  only  the  men  who  have  been  defeated 
year  after  year,  who  have  faced  the  bitterest  phases  of  despair, 
contumely,  and  contempt,  but  who  have  raised  their  banner 
after  each  defeat,  and  carried  it,  finally,  to  glory.  There  were 
times,  in  my  early  political  life,  when  I  felt  that  any  further 
attempts  to  gain  political  recognition  were  as  hopeless  as  recall- 
ing the  lost  past.  But  I  had  entered  the  fight  to  win,  and  had 
determined  not  to  let  any  defeat  stand  in  the  path  of  that 
determination. 

Some  men  never  were  intended  for  a  political  life,  and, 
therefore,  their  success  is  forever  wanting.  These  men  lack 
the  personality  that  makes  the  true  politician.  They  lack  the 
patience  that  must  never  cease  to  be  the  politician's  chief 
virtue,  no  matter  how  severely  it  is  taxed ;  they  lack  the  art  of 
knowing  how  to  represent  a  community  of  persons  of  all  shades 
of  political  beliefs,  or  they  enter  upon  a  career  of  grasping 
greed  and  individual  preferment  which  they  find  cut  short — 
and  none  too  soon.  I  have  no  sympathy  with  the  tendency  of 
a  certain  class  of  citizens  to  decry,  on  the  ground  that  it  is  de- 
grading, an  honest  association  with  men  of  affairs  in  politics, 
or  the  men  who  cannot  regard  an  interest  in  civil  polity  as  a 
duty  that  the  citizen  owes  to  his  country.  Nor  have  I  any 
sympathy  for  the  office-holding  politician  who  has  no  other  aim 
in  life  except  to  draw  his  salary.  I  have  very  little  sympathy 
for  the  men  who  are  in  politics  for  their  own  gain.  Such  men 
are  necessary  only  in  the  positions  they  ultimately  fill— clerk- 
ships. I  cannot  regard  such  men  as  politicians,  and  not  one 
ever  becomes  a  leader. 

The  field  of  politics  is  not  small,  but  it  is  clearly  a  matter 
of  the  survival  of  the  fittest.  It  is  far  from  being  filled,  but  I 
do  not  regard  any  profession  or  business  as  being  filled.  As 
Daniel  Webster  said,  "There  is  always  room  at  the  top." 

Every  young  man  should  be  ready  and  able  to  discuss  the 
affairs  of  his  country,  and  do  his  share  of  the  work  of  keeping 
the  politics  of  his  party  clean.    The  future  of  the  land  is  with 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  263 

the  young  men,  and  the  longer  the  nation  lasts,  and  the  more 
powerful  it  becomes  the  more  serious  becomes  the  duty  of  its 
citizens.  The  young  men  should  remember  that  the  future 
welfare  of  the  nation  makes  it  necessary  for  them  to  become 
identified  with  one  party  or  another,  but  they  must  remember, 
more  than  all  else  that,  no  matter  what  party  or  what  princi- 
ples they  adopt,  their  participation  should  be  based  upon  the 
intelligence  of  good  judgment.  They  should  remember  that 
the  man  who  casts  his  ballot,  after  he  has  weighed  and  studied 
and  debated  every  phase  of  the  conditions  set  before  him,  is 
just  as  much  a  politician  as  the  man  whom  he  may  elect  to  put 
those  conditions  into  practice.  Individual  politics  should  be 
his  master.  I  have  very  little  regard  for  a  man  who  makes 
politics  a  business.  But  every  man  should  make  it  his  duty  to 
take  just  as  much  interest  in  politics  as  he  takes  in  his  busi- 
ness. Activity  and  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  nation,  on 
the  part  of  its  citizens,  tend  to  guide  and  influence  the  action 
and  policy  of  the  government,  and  make  it  a  benefactor  of  the 
people.  A  stagnant  and  disinterested  condition  on  the  part  of 
the  citizens  places  the  nation  in  the  hands  of  a  few  who  would 
use  it  for  their  own  good.  The  prosperity  of  the  United  States 
of  America  rests  solely  with  her  people,  and  they  must  manipu- 
late the  conditions  of  that  prosperity  by  their  votes. 

Every  political  organization  must  have  for  its  basic  motive 
some  well-defined  doctrine  and  belief  in  regard  to  the  govern- 
ment and  its  functions,  and  the  relation  of  the  individual  citi- 
zen to  the  collective  whole.  Its  members  must  be  patriotic 
and  sincere.  It  follows,  then,  that  those  who  make  such  a 
party  must  constitute  the  thinking  citizens  of  a  state  or  nation, 
whose  representatives  or  office-holders  are  likely,  in  their  turn, 
to  be  capable,  earnest,  right-thinking  men.  This  is  an  ideal 
condition  of  things,  it  is  true,  but  one  not  impossible  of  attain- 
ment. 

Business,  the  professions,  and  politics,  are  in  need  of  men 
with  a  determination  to  succeed.  The  idea  that  the  combina- 
tions of  capital,  the  so-called  trusts,  are  a  detriment  and  draw- 
back to  men  who  wish  to  open  new  business  ventures,  is  a  fal- 
lacy.   There  are  thousands  of  small  business  ventures  prosper- 


264  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

ing,  all  over  the  country,  because  the  men  who  conduct  them 
know  the  secret  of  competition  and  have  the  ability  to  com- 
pete with  any  adversary.  Business  competition  is  still  the 
lubricator  that  produces  trade,  and  trade  makes  the  commer- 
cial standing  of  a  country,  and  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  tell 
of  the  commercial  standing  of  the  United  States. 

Hold  fast  to  your  ideals.  That  is  what  I  call  a  good  motto. 
Be  cautious  about  being  of  a  vacillating  nature.  Young  men 
should  weigh  well  the  abandonment  of  a  course  once  begun,  no 
matter  what  apparently  dread  specters  appear  in  the  path. 
Life  is  short  and  the  time  allotted  to  us  for  making  our  career 
is  shorter,  and  those  are  the  most  fortunate  who  steer  away 
from  the  dim  horizon  of  uncertainty  and  distraction.  The  per- 
petuity of  an  undertaking  means  its  victory. 

Whatever  the  world  has  chosen  for  you,  perform  your  part 
in  it  like  a  man.  The  most  absurd  theory  that  men  and 
women  can  take  to  heart  is  the  one  that  the  world  owes  them 
a  living,  and  that  it  should  be  forced  to  pay  it.  The  world 
needs  the  assistance  of  mankind,  but  only  in  order  that  it  may 
bestow  in  return  its  many  good  things.  And  every  one,  young 
or  old,  should  do  his  utmost  in  his  chosen  field  to  help  along 
the  work  of  the  world.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  progress  of 
education  and  labor,  the  present  condition  would  have  been  a 
sorry  one.  There  are  those  who,  having  arrived  at  a  certain 
age,  feel  that  they  are  too  late  to  go  ahead.  The  time  for 
effort  is  never  past ;  the  age  for  learning  is  never  over.  Those 
who  feel  that  their  sphere  of  usefulness  is  at  an  end  are  those 
who  make  up  the  ranks  of  the  idle,  the  discontented,  the  com- 
plaining, and  the  indisposed,  and  become  the  shipwrecks  of 
existence. 

By  hard  work,  the  exercise  of  mental  faculties,  strictly 
obeying  the  rules  of  honor,  daring  to  do  right,  and  observing 
kindness  and  gentleness,  success  will  come  to  any  man— 
whether  in  business  or  in  politics. 


THE  CITIZEN  IN  HIS  RELATION  TO 
OFFICE-HOLDERS 


The  Unit  of  Authority 

By  HERBERT  WELSH 

T  JNDER  all  forms  of  effective  government  there  is  naturally 
LJ  a  center  of  authority  and  of  honor.  This  center  is  to 
men*s  physical  sight,  as  to  the  inward  eye  of  the  spirit,  the 
personification  of  the  nation  as  a  whole.  In  old  times,  when 
royalty  was  a  reality  and  not  merely  a  social  survival  of  a 
once  living  political  force,  or  even  in  modern  times  where  it 
still  remains  vital,  the  king  was,  or  is,  the  center  of  authority 
and  of  honor.  He  was  the  fountain  from  whence  power,  favor, 
and  honor  flowed.  It  was  so  in  our  mother  land,  England,  and 
it  was  so  naturally  and  of  right.  The  authority  of  the  nation, 
the  power  to  plan  and  to  do,  had  to  be  lodged  somewhere,  and 
in  times  when  the  many  were  both  weak  and  ignorant,  and 
when  the  few  were  also  ignorant  but  strong,  when  these  fortu- 
nate latter  persons  had  at  least  the  power  to  devise  and  to  exe- 
cute, it  was  but  natural  and  fitting  that  their  prerogative  should 
be  fully  recognized  and  loyally  upheld  by  their  fellows,  and 
that  the  foremost  and  most  representative  man  among  these 
privileged  few — the  king — should  legally  and  morally,  on  the 
written  page  and  in  men's  hearts  and  imaginations,  be  the 
center  of  authority.  The  crown  truly  was  placed  on  the  king's 
brow  and  the  scepter  truly  in  his  hand,  and  the  royal  purple 
covered  his  shoulders. 

But  authority  unlimited,  unrestrained,  is  a  weight  that  weak 
human  nature  never  has  been  able  to  bear  without  stumbling 

265 


266  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

under  it  Its  tendency  to  breed  tyrants  of  men  who,  but  for 
this  temptation,  might  have  been  good,  is  proverbial,  and  so  a 
House  of  Lords,  a  body  of  nobles,  which  should  to  a  certam 
degree  hold  the  king  in  check— sharing  and  restraining  his 
authority,  became  an  inevitably  natural  condition  existing  with 
the  exercise  of  royal  power.  For  centuries  it  has  been  so  in 
the  land  whence  we  came.  But  with  the  widening  of  men's 
minds,  through  the  growth  of  peaceful  industries  and  the 
steady  diffusion  of  general  knowledge,  the  influence  of  the  in- 
terests of  those  who  were  neither  of  royal  descent  nor  the 
offspring  of  noble  families,  made  itself  more  and  more  felt.  A 
House  of  Commons  struggled  on  through  the  centuries  with 
the  royal  prerogative  and  a  House  of  Lords.  The  incidents 
of  the  struggle  varied  according  to  times  and  conditions ;  the 
popular  side  might  be  strong  and  assertive,  as  in  the  time  of 
the  elder  Charles,  when  that  weak  and  vacillating  monarch 
tempted  the  Commons  to  strike  a  vigorous  blow,  and  when, 
through  the  opportunity  offered  by  a  leader  of  genius,  that 
blow  was  delivered  with  fatal  effect.  Or  the  royal  side  might 
be  momentarily  victorious,  as  in  the  times  of  Charles  II.,  when 
the  current  of  political  reaction  was  running  strong;  but  it  was 
nevertheless  true  that  the  popular  cause  was  steadily  advanc- 
ing, the  royal  cause  weakening.  The  Commons  were  slowly 
curbing  the  prerogative  of  the  king.  It  was  an  evolutionary 
rather  than  a  revolutionary  process,  the  perfectly  natural  and 
legitimate  result  of  changing  conditions. 

European  civilization  generally,  Anglo-Saxon  civilization 
especially,  was  moving  toward  a  fuller  acknowledgment  of  the 
requirements  of  the  individual  man,  as  a  child  of  God,  as  a 
member  of  the  body  politic,  and  a  recognition  of  his  rights  as 
the  outcome  of  his  requirements.  He  had  become  more  than 
he  had  been,  and  he  must  receive  more  to  satisfy  the  larger 
existence  into  which  he  was  being  born. 

The  prerogative  of  the  king  was  contracting  with  the  king's 
diminishing  size  as  a  political  entity;  the  prerogative  of  the 
man,  of  the  "  subject,"  as  he  continues  by  an  anachronism  to  be 
called,  was  expanding. 

On  the  virgin  soil  of  the  New  World,  civilized  man— mainly 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  267 

of  Anglo-Saxon  origin— found  himself  "  set  in  a  large  room." 
He  came  with  Old  World  traditions,  (but  he  came  with  the 
least  restraining  of  them,  for  he  was  himself  the  exile  of  their 
most  pronounced  tyranny)  to  subdue  vast,  unconquered  nature, 
and  to  battle  with  savage  man  and  beasts.  He  performed  his 
appointed  task,  and,  left  free  to  expand  and  mature  the  best 
that  was  in  him,  he  began  slowly  to  work  out  new  forms  of 
man's  salvation,  and  to  evolve  a  new  national  type.  Partly 
English  Roundhead,  partly  English  Cavalier,  partly  English 
Quietest,  or  Quaker,  partly  English  Catholic  and  French  Hu- 
guenot, and  Dutch  Protestant,  but  in  each  case  being  a  protes- 
tant  against  some  form  of  tyranny,  he  was  working  out  in  his 
own  especial  region  of  the  Atlantic  coast  line  the  new  political 
and  social  type — the  American.  He  was  fashioning  a  people 
free  from  caste  and  prejudice,  with  larger  ideas  of  personal  and 
political  liberty,  with  a  tenderer  sympathy  for  humanity  at 
large,  with  a  larger  material  and  practical  ability,  and,  in  all 
lines  of  intellectual  endeavor,  with  more  initiative  and  more 
self  reliance  than  the  world  had  yet  seen. 

The  American  Revolution,  which  came  naturally  and  in  the 
fulness  of  time,  was  like  most  transitions  of  man  in  his  indi- 
vidual progress  from  a  lower  to  a  higher  sphere,  something  of 
a  revelation  to  the  particular  subjects  of  it.  It  awoke  scattered 
colonists,  in  some  instances  of  different  and  hostile  nationali- 
ties, or  at  least  of  sharply  opposed  religious  views,  to  the  great 
fact  that  they  were  becoming  a  moral  and  social  unit,  as  they 
had  become  a  political  unit.  In  this  new  birth,  with  its  intoxi- 
cating, scarcely  understood  freedom,  its  undefined,  vast,  material 
possibilities,  its  release  from  oppression  and  danger  of  conflict 
with  other  nations,  the  citizen — a  subject  no  longer — assumed 
a  position  of  dignity  and  power  never  before  realized  under  any 
political  state  in  the  world.  With  the  declaration  of  political 
independence  of  Great  Britain,  and,  subsequently  with  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  the  American  citizen  placed  on  his 
own  brow  the  crown  of  authority,  grasped  in  his  own  strong 
right  hand  the  scepter  of  power,  and  covered  his  own  hard- 
worked  shoulders  with  the  ermine  and  purple  of  kingly  honor. 
It  was  the  moment  of  the  actual  coronation  of  the  English 


268  PATBIOTISM  AND  GlTIZEmHIP 

freeman;  it  was  the  assumption  of  a  power  that  may  here  truly 
be  called  royal,  hitherto  associated  only  with  the  pageantry  of  a 
coronation.  It  was  an  invisible  crown  with  power,  not  a  visible 
one  without  power,  that  the  American  citizen  assumed. 

In  this  theory  of  the  American  Constitution,  and  in  actual 
fact,  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the  highest  executive 
officer  in  the  land,  is  only  the  representative  and  servant  of  the 
humblest  citizen,  armed  with  the  ballot.  To  the  citizen,  even  the 
President  is  responsible  for  his  every  official  act,  and  all  his 
official  acts  must  be  performed  under  strictly  defined  constitu- 
tional limitations.  The  citizen's  law-making  representatives, 
whether  in  state  or  federal  spheres  of  political  action,  are  like- 
wise responsible  to  him,  as  the  unit  of  power  and  of  honor. 
Not  only  can  he  vote  them  out  of  office  as  he  had  voted  them 
in,  thus  finally  approving  or  condemning  their  stewardship  of 
delegated  powers,  but  constantly  in  the  long  interim  between 
elections— those  stated  periods  when  the  citizen  performs  his 
highest  functions— the  Constitution  guarantees  him  the  rights 
of  free  speech  and  a  free  press.  These  are  most  practical  and 
invaluable  privileges  by  which  he  is  enabled  fully  and  unre- 
strainedly to  discuss  the  manner  in  which  his  representatives 
conduct  public  affairs,  pointing  out  therein  anything  that  may 
be  amiss  or  not  to  his  liking. 

If  at  any  time,  for  one  cause  or  another,  the  American  citi- 
zen forgets  the  existence  of  this  great  function  of  his,  or  is  in- 
different to  its  value,  or  suffers  himself  to  be  intimidated  from 
making  use  of  it,  that  does  not  prove  that  the  right  does  not 
exist  or  that  it  cannot  be  rendered  serviceable. 

The  institution  of  negro  slavery  in  the  United  States,  and 
its  forced  development,  due  to  the  increased  commercial  value 
of  cotton,  created  in  the  Northern  and  Southern  states  diver- 
gent and  antagonistic  forces  of  civilization.  The  Civil  War  was 
the  result.^  The  institution  of  slavery  was  extinguished,  and 
the  conditions  of  industry  have  gradually  become  practically 
uniform  in  both  sections,  so  that  the  people  of  the  long  sepa 
rated  sections  will,  under  similar  influences  of  industry,  educa- 
tion, and  religious  ideals,  become  one. 

But  issues  of  perhaps  as  great  moment  as  that  raised  by 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  269 

slavery  are  confronting  the  United  States  to-day.  One  of  the 
greatest  of  these  is  engendered  by  the  inevitable  tendency  of 
our  political  life  to  become  sordid  and,  in  a  low  sense,  profes- 
sional ;  devoid  of  any  moral  life,  without  high  ideals,  or  inspir- 
ing aims.  It  is  quite  natural  that  it  should  be  so  under  the 
powerful  material  influences  which  present  conditions,  not  only 
in  the  United  States  but  in  the  world  at  large,  create  in  modern 
society.  With  us  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  these  influences 
are  intensified.  The  predominating  ambition  among  us  is  the 
creation  and  the  accumulation  of  wealth.  A  virgin  soil,  the 
material  improvements  of  the  age  to  which  the  inventive  genius 
of  our  people  has  so  largely  contributed,  all  put  us  in  the  fore- 
front of  the  world's  wealth-getters.  This  tendency  is  so 
strong,  that,  in  the  fierce  competition  which  exists,  ethical  con- 
siderations are  apt  to  be  forgotten.  The  higher  problems  of 
statesmanship  and  the  finer  interests  of  human  progress  drop 
out  of  sight.  The  very  desire  to  ponder,  to  comprehend  these 
problems,  and  to  solve  them,  either  dies  in  men's  minds,  or  the 
moral  atmosphere  through  which  they  regard  them  becomes 
tinged  with  the  prevailing  materialism.  What  is  likely  to 
result  from  such  conditions }  The  final  issue,  it  would  seem, 
unless  some  practical  remedy  be  found,  must  inevitably  be  a 
lapse  to  precisely  that  state  of  autocratic  power — the  reverse  of 
the  democratic  ideal — which  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic  sought 
to  escape  from,  to  gain  emancipation  from  which  they  made 
such  heroic  sacrifices  The  machinery  of  government  has  be- 
come with  us,  whether  we  consider  its  workings  in  our  great 
cities — New  York,  Chicago,  Philadelphia — or  whether  in*  the 
national  sphere,  largely  controlled  by  corporate  commercial 
demands  or  the  varied  forms  of  individual  self-interest.  If  the 
tendency  be  not  checked  by  some  counterbalancing  force,  that 
can  be  readily  harnessed  to  effect  its  purpose  and  placed 
within  the  easy  reach  of  the  public  at  large,  then  the  demo- 
cratic ideal  toward  which  the  moral  struggle  of  past  centuries 
seems  to  have  been  tending,  cannot  be  attained.  Instead  of 
the  citizen — intelligent,  instructed,  moral,  existing  as  the  unit 
of  powor,  and  acting  through  all  executives  and  all  legislative 
representatives  for  his  own  protection  and  benefit,  and  for  the 


270  PATBI0TI8M  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

general  good  of  mankind— instead  of  realizing  this  noble  and 
beautiful  ideal  which  has  been  the  bright  dream  of  our  greatest 
statesmen,  thinkers,  poets,  and  philosophers,  and  which  the 
most  liberal  and  advanced  minds  of  other  nations  have  trusted 
that  we  would  attain,  we  find  ourselves  moving  toward  a  very 
different  issue.  Instead  of  the  citizen,  endowed  with  the  most 
absolute  freedom  consistent  with  law,  being  the  unit  of  power, 
a  blind  and  immoral  aggregation  of  wealth  will  be  that  unit. 
It  will  be  a  unit  of  power  irresponsible  to  public  sentiment  and 
disobedient  to  all  laws  that  it  does  not  find  convenient  to  obey. 
It  will  be  a  unit  of  power  tending  to  make  all  political  organi- 
zations and  all  instruments  of  government,  whether  military  or 
civil,  obedient  to  its  will.  Any  protest  against  its  desires  upon 
the  part  of  an  individual  citizen,  any  free  expression  of  opinion, 
the  right  to  which  is  now  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution,  it 
will  regard  as  one  of  the  most  serious  of  offenses  and  will 
punish  accordingly.  If  the  center  of  political  authority  ever 
completely  shifts  from  the  individual  citizen,  where  with  us  it 
has  so  long  rested  and  where  theoretically  it  still  belongs,  to 
some  form  of  organized  wealth  acting  through  corrupt  political 
organizations,  it  can  no  more  afford  to  permit  free  speech  and 
a  free  press  than  could  an  absolute  monarch  permit  these  pri- 
mary necessities  of  a  democracy.  But  the  tendency  of  affairs 
m.oves  in  that  direction  now,  indifferent  though  many  of  us  be 
to  the  truth,  and  long  though  the  journey  may  be  before  the 
tendency  be  a  consummated  fact. 

What,  then,  is  the  remedy .?  What  is  the  line  of  reform  to 
be  adopted,  if  the  United  States  is  to  move  steadily  forward 
toward  a  realization  of  the  free  democratic  ideals  in  which  the 
citizen  is  in  reality  a  sovereign  and  the  unit  of  power.?  The 
answer,  in  theory,  is  quite  simple.  The  difficulties,  in  a  way, 
are  those  of  a  purely  practical  nature.  The  citizen  must  use 
his  citizenship.  This  function,  like  those  in  the  physical  body, 
atrophies  through  disuse.  That  is  all.  His  old-fashioned,  high 
Ideals  are  attainable  if  he  has  a  mind  to  attain  them.  He 
must  magnify  his  office.  He  must  think  on  great  public  sub- 
jects, and  state  boldly  to  his  fellow  citizens  and  to  his  politi- 
cal  representatives  his  conclusions  when  he  has  duly  reached 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  271 

them.  He  must  write,  and  speak,  and  act  with  a  strong  con- 
viction that  what  he  says  through  these  natural  channels  for 
the  communication  of  thought  and  belief,  and  what  he  does, 
will  have  their  proper  weight  and  influence.  His  word  will  not 
return  to  him  void.  It  will  do  so  less  in  this  country  and  this 
latter  time  than  ever  before  in  the  history  of  the  world.  His 
influence  for  good  will,  in  some  ways,  be  stronger  for  the  very 
reason  that  he  holds  no  official  position — that  he  is  a  simple  citi- 
zen. If  he  feels  deeply,  if  he  speaks  sincerely,  if  he  really  aims 
to  strengthen  what  is  true  and  right,  to  befriend  the  weak, 
and  ignorant,  and  helpless,  to  advance  the  general  good,  in  a 
word,  to  be  a  true  citizen,  it  will  not  be  long  before  his  fellows 
will  understand  and  respect  his  motives,  and  his  efforts  shall 
achieve  a  reasonable  measure  of  success.  No  one  will  more 
respect  the  unofficial  worker  for  the  public  good  than  does  the 
official  worker  for  personal  ends,  however  much  he  may  try  to 
misrepresent  the  unofficial  citizen's  motives,  or  to  thwart  his 
efforts.  This  official,  who  would  like  permanently  to  usurp  the 
place  of  the  sovereign  citizen  and  to  rob  him  of  his  authority, 
knows  well  that  the  citizen  holds  it  by  an  inborn  right. 

Those  who  have  had  almost  a  quarter  of  a  century's  experi- 
ence in  organized,  voluntary,  and  gratuitous  work  of  a  nature 
partly  philanthropic  and  partly  political — a  work  in  which  the 
force  employed  to  produce  results  is  solely  that  of  public  senti- 
ment— feel  hopeful  and  strong,  rather  than  discouraged,  as 
they  look  back  over  past  years.  They  have  seen  all  well- 
directed  efforts  reach  a  measure  of  success ;  every  frank  appeal 
to  the  public  conscience,  based  on  a  clear  statement  of  facts  in 
each  particular  case  and  of  the  reasons  for  such  action  as  was 
advocated  by  them,  meets  with  a  cordial  response.  In  each 
instance,  when  the  citizen  has  so  appealed  to  his  free  fellow 
citizens,  power  has  been  evolved,  and  that  power  has  had  its 
legitimate  effect  in  providing  a  remedy  for  a  wrong  or  in  push- 
ing through  some  good  work  that  halted  or  stumbled  for  the 
lack  of  a  helping  hand. 

But  such  work  as  that  done  by  citizens'  leagues  and  reform 
associations,  or  the  Indian  Rights  Association,  needs  to  be  in- 
definitely multiplied.    The  rich  privilege,  the  great  duty  of 


272  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmSIP 

American  citizenship  needs  to  be  intellectually  apprehended, 
morally  grasped,  by  each  one  of  us.  And  then  each  must 
make  an  honest,  brave  use  of  our  stewardship.  The  forces 
which  threaten  our  democracy  were  never  so  powerful  nor  so 
threatening  as  they  are  to-day,  but  the  converse  is  also  true, 
the  forces  at  our  disposal  to  meet  and  to  overcome  the  danger 
were  never  greater  or  readier  to  our  hand.  It  is  a  great  time 
in  which  to  live,  for  never  did  the  individual  man  have  at  his 
disposal  for  the  moral  and  intellectual  battle  of  his  life  a  more 
formidable  armory  than  that  with  which  the  American  citizen 
is  equipped.  What  is  required  is  that  our  people  should  be 
awakened  to  a  clear  view  of  the  situation  and  to  a  sense  of  indi- 
vidual power  and  personal  responsibility. 


THE  CITIZEN  IN  HIS  RELATION  TO 
OFFICE-HOLDERS 


Political  Dishonesty 

By  HENRY  WARD  BEECHER 

POLITICAL  dishonesty  breeds  dishonesty  of  every  kind. 
It  is  possible  for  good  men  to  permit  single  sins  to  co- 
exist with  general  integrity,  where  the  evil  is  indulged  through 
ignorance.  Once,  undoubted  Christians  were  slave-traders. 
They  might  be,  while  unenlightened;  but  not  in  our  times. 
A  state  of  mind  which  will  intend  one  fraud  will,  upon  occa- 
sions, intend  a  thousand.  He  that  upon  one  emergency  will 
lie,  will  be  supplied  with  emergencies.  He  that  will  perjure 
himself  to  save  a  friend  will  do  it,  in  a  desperate  juncture,  to 
save  himself.  The  highest  Wisdom  has  informed  us  that  he 
that  is  unjust  in  the  least,  is  unjust  also  in  much.  Circum- 
stances may  withdraw  a  politician  from  temptation  to  any  but 
political  dishonesty ;  but,  under  temptation,  a  dishonest  poli- 
tician would  be  a  dishonest  cashier — would  be  dishonest  any- 
where— in  anything.  The  fury  which  destroys  an  opponent's 
character  would  stop  at  nothing,  if  barriers  were  thrown  down. 
That  which  is  true  of  the  leaders  in  politics  is  true  of  subordi- 
nates. Political  dishonesty  in  voters  runs  into  general  dishon- 
esty, as  the  rotten  speck  taints  the  whole  apple.  A  community 
whose  politics  is  conducted  by  a  perpetual  breach  of  honesty 
on  both  sides,  will  be  tainted  by  immorality  throughout.  Men 
will  play  the  same  game  in  their  private  affairs  that  they  have 
learned  to  play  in  public  matters.  The  guile,  the  crafty  vigi- 
lance, the  dishonest  advantage,  the  cunning  sharpness,  the 
tricks  and  traps  and  sly  evasions,  the  equivocal  promises,  and 
18  273 


274  PATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

unequivocal  neglect  of  them,  which  characterize  political  action, 
will  equally  characterize  private  action.  The  mind  has  no 
kitchen  to  do  its  dirty  work  in,  while  the  parlor  remains  clean. 
Dishonesty  is  an  atmosphere;  if  it  comes  into  one  apartment, 
it  penetrates  into  every  one.  Whoever  will  lie  in  politics,  will 
lie  in  traffic.  Whoever  will  slander  in  politics,  will  slander  in 
personal  squabbles.  A  professor  of  religion  who  is  a  dishonest 
politician  is  a  dishonest  Christian.  His  creed  is  a  perpetual 
index  of  his  hypocrisy. 

The  genius  of  our  government  directs  the  attention  of  every 
citizen  to  politics.  Its  spirit  reaches  the  uttermost  bound  of 
society,  and  pervades  the  whole  mass.  If  its  channels  are 
slimy  with  corruption,  what  limit  can  be  set  to  its  malign  influ- 
ence ?  The  turbulence  of  elections,  the  virulence  of  the  press, 
the  desperation  of  bad  men,  the  hopelessness  of  efforts  which 
are  not  cunning,  but  only  honest,  have  driven  many  conscien- 
tious men  from  any  concern  with  politics.  This  is  suicidal. 
Thus  the  tempest  will  grow  blacker  and  fiercer.  Our  youth 
will  be  caught  up  in  its  whirling  bosom  and  dashed  to  pieces, 
and  its  hail  will  break  down  every  green  thing.  At  God's 
house  the  cure  should  begin.  Let  the  hand  of  discipline 
smite  the  leprous  lips  which  shall  utter  the  profane  heresy :  All 
is  fair  in  politics.  If  any  hoary  professor,  drunk  with  the  min- 
gled wine  of  excitement,  shall  tell  our  youth  that  a  Christian 
man  may  act  in  politics  by  any  other  rule  of  morality  than  that 
of  the  Bible ;  and  that  wickedness  performed  for  a  party  is  not 
as  abominable  as  if  done  for  a  man;  or  that  any  necessity  jus- 
tifies or  palliates  dishonesty  in  word  or  deed— let  such  a  one 
go  out  of  the  camp,  and  his  pestilent  breath  no  longer  spread 
contagion  among  our  youth.  No  man  who  loves  his  country 
should  shrink  from  her  side  when  she  groans  with  raging  dis- 
tempers. Let  every  Christian  man  stand  in  his  place;  rebuke 
every  dishonest  practice;  scorn  a  political  as  well  as  a  personal 
lie ;  and  refuse  with  indignation  to  be  insulted  by  the  solicita- 
tion of  an  immoral  man.  Let  good  men  of  all  parties  require 
honesty,  integrity,  veracity,  and  morality  in  politics,  and  there, 
as  powerfully  as  anywhere  else,  the  requisitions  of  public  senti- 
ment  will  ultimately  be  felt. 


THE  CITIZEN  IN  HIS  RELATION  TO 
OFFICE-HOLDERS 


The  Independent  in  Politics 

By  GEORGE  WILLIAM  CURTIS 

THE  progress  of  liberty  is  the  history  of  party;  Samuel 
Adams  and  Patrick  Henry,  Jefferson  and  Hamilton, 
Washington  and  Lincoln,  were  all  party  men.  In  England, 
John  Pym  and  John  Hampden,  Burke  and  Fox,  Pitt  and  Peel, 
and  to-day  Gladstone,  Bright,  and  Beaconsfield,  are  party  lead- 
ers. The  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws,  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832, 
the  disestablishment  of  the  Irish  Church,  as  in  our  own  country 
the  freedom  of  the  territories,  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war  to  save  the  government  itself  and  to  secure  constitutional 
guaranties  of  equal  rights  to  equal  citizens,  were  all  party  tri- 
umphs. They  were  the  results  of  tremendous  and  bitter  con- 
tests. Here  is  the  secret  of  the  romance  of  party  loyalty,  upon 
which  politicians  trade.  It  is  a  sentiment  indeed,  but  so  is 
love,  so  is  patriotism,  so  is  religion.  If  this  makes  indepen- 
dence within  the  party  difficult,  it  is  none  the  less  indispensable, 
and  those  who  sneer  at  it  as  incompatible  with  the  conditions 
of  party  forget  that  it  is  only  independence  within  the  party 
which  secures  political  progress  by  means  of  party.  The  vital 
point  in  every  political  party  is  its  independent  element,  and 
from  that,  and  from  that  alone,  springs  political  progress. 

It  is  true  that  party  action  becomes  impossible  if  every 
member  insists  upon  having  his  own  way ;  there  must  be,  un- 
doubtedly, general  concession  and  sacrifice  of  mere  personal 
preference:  but  every  member  must  also  decide  for  himself 

275 


276  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZmiSfflP 

how  far  this  may  go,  and  where  it  must  end.  No  member  has 
a  right  to  appeal  to  another  to  stand  by  the  party  who  does  not 
do  what  he  can  to  make  that  party  worth  standing  by.  A 
party  is  made  efficient  only  through  men.  It  is  necessarily 
judged  by  its  candidate,  and  if  its  members  support  unworthy 
candidates  to-day,  for  the  sake  of  the  party,  they  make  it  all 
the  easier  to  support  unworthier  candidates  to-morrow.  If  I 
agree  to  vote  for  Jeremy  Diddler  to-day,  because  he  is  the 
regularly  selected  standard-bearer  of  the  grand  old  party  of 
honesty  and  reform,  I  cannot  refuse  to  vote  for  Benedict 
Arnold  to-morrow,  because  he  is  the  standard-bearer  of  the 
grand  old  party  of  independence  and  patriotic  glory.  If  the 
reply  be  that  no  one  pretends  that  we  ought  to  vote  for  candi- 
dates of  bad  character,  I  answer  that  a  candidate  who  for  any 
reason  justly  discredits  the  party  and  thereby  imperils  its  suc- 
cess, and  consequently  its  objects,  is,  from  the  party  point  of 
view,  an  unfit  man,  and  fidelity  to  the  party  demands  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  candidate. 

A  system  is  rapidly  developing  itself,  which  usurps  the 
political  initiative,  the  vital  point  of  popular  government,  and 
which  rules  in  the  name  of  the  party,  as  the  meanest  king  was 
said  to  rule  by  the  grace  of  God.  This  system  is  known  as 
the  "  machine."  The  machine  is  an  oligarchy,  a  combination, 
a  ring  or  clique  of  professional  politicians,  of  men  who  live  by 
the  emoluments  of  official  place.  In  a  popular  government,  an 
election  is  an  appeal  to  the  people.  In  this  country,  under  our 
complicated  system,  it  is  a  series  of  events  of  which  the  first  is 
the  action  of  the  primary  meeting.  And  that  first  action  is 
decisive.  Our  government  begins  at  the  primary,  and  whoever 
or  whatever  controls  that  controls  the  government.  That  is 
the  fountain,  and  if  that  is  tainted  the  whole  stream  will  be 
poisoned. 

It  is  true  that  there  is  immense  political  indifference  among 
good  citizens,  and  that,  even  if  all  barriers  were  removed,  mul- 
titudes of  intelligent  men  would  still  neglect  their  political  duty. 

While  good  men  sit  at  home,  not  knowing  that  there  is 
anythmg  to  be  done,  nor  caring  to  know,  cultivating  the  feel- 
ing that  politics  is  tiresome  and  dirty,  and  politicians  vulgar 


GEORGE  WII.I.IAM  CURTIS 


OUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  277 

bullies  and  bravoes,  half  persuaded  that  a  republic  is  the  con- 
temptible rule  of  the  mob,  and  secretly  longing  for  a  strong 
man  and  a  splendid  and  vigorous  despotism,  then  remember  it 
is  not  a  government  mastered  by  ignorance,  it  is  a  government 
betrayed  by  intelligence.  It  is  not  the  victory  of  the  slums,  it 
is  the  surrender  of  the  schools.  It  is  not  that  bad  men  are 
politically  shrewd,  it  is  that  good  men  are  political  infidels 
and  cowards. 

The  challenge  is  fair,  and  I  answer  at  once  that  there  are 
two  practicable  and  perfectly  effective  remedies  for  the  mon- 
ster evil  which  threatens  our  politics.  One  is  individual  and 
immediate.  The  other  is  general  and  radical.  The  first,  which 
is  immediately  available,  is  a  short  and  easy  method  with  the 
"machine,"  requiring  no  elaborate  organization,  open  to  every 
voter, — a  method  which,  if  put  in  force  by  every  man  who 
wishes  to  strike  a  blow  for  decent  politics,  would  summarily 
overthrow  the  machine  in  the  least  time  and  with  the  smallest 
of  weapons,  for  the  weapon  is  but  a  pencil  or  a  pen,  and  the 
time^is  only  a  moment  necessary  for  a  scratch. 

[But  useful  as  scratching  is  as  a  corrective,  it  does  not  strike 
at  the  heart  of  the  machine,  and  it  is  therefore  only  a  corrective 
and  not  a  radical  remedy.  That  can  be  found  only  by  finding 
the  source  of  the  power  of  the  machine,  and  that  source  is 
official  patronage.  It  is  the  command  of  millions  of  the  public 
money  spent  in  public  administration,  the  control  of  the  vast 
labyrinth  of  place,  with  its  emoluments,  the  system  which 
makes  the  whole  civil  service,  to  the  least  detail,  and  the  most 
insignificant  position,  the  spoils  of  party  victory.  It  is  this 
system  which  perverts  necessary  party  organization  into  in- 
tolerable party  despotism.  It  is  upon  this  that  the  hierarchy 
of  the  machine  is  erected.  The  spoils  system  compels  every 
voter  in  the  country  either  to  devote  his  whole  time  to  politics, 
as  those  who  live  by  politics  do,  or  to  lose  all  practical  political 
power  whatever.  Instead,  therefore,  of  being  essential  to 
party  government,  the  spoils  system  is  hostile  to  the  very 
object  of  party  in  a  free  government,  and  destroys  the  principle 
of  government  itself  ^J  In  the  State  of  New  York  and  in  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  this   system  has  already  so  far  sup* 


fm  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

planted  the  American  principle— the  fundamental  principle  of 
liberty— that  the  important  Republican  question  in  New  York 
is  not,  What  does  the  party  wish,  but  what  does  Mr.  Conkling 
say  ?  And  in  Pennsylvania,  not,  What  is  the  conviction  of  the 
party,  but  what  does  Mr.  Cameron  mean  to  do  ? 

Once  make  universal  at  every  point  and  throughout  the 
country,  both  in  the  state  and  national  service,  the  system 
which  has  been  adopted  for  a  year  in  the  New  York  post-office 
and  the  New  York  custom  house,  in  which  three  quarters  of 
the  revenue  of  the  country  is  collected,  and  the  machine  would 
disappear.  The  administration  of  President  Hayes  has  been 
arraigned  and  sharply  criticised  for  inexplicable  inconsistencies 
and  for  surrender  to  the  evil  system ;  but  when  its  faults  are 
all  told,  it  still  remains  true  that  this  administration  has  done 
far  more  for  the  actual  reform  of  the  civil  service  than  any 
other  in  our  history. 

Courage,  then,  gentlemen,  and  forward!  Let  us,  who  be- 
lieve this  reform  to  be  a  measure  of  the  most  vital  importance, 
not  a  panacea  for  all  political  ills,  not  the  harbinger  of  the 
millennium,  but  the  most  practicable  method  of  remedying  im- 
mense abuse  and  averting  imminent  dangers,  remember  that  if 
every  step  of  political  progress  has  been  secured  by  party,  yet 
that  individual  conviction  and  independence  have  made  parties. 
Our  fathers  were  willing  subjects  of  the  crown  so  long  as  the 
erown  obeyed  the  law.  But  when  the  king  became  a  despot, 
they  shook  off  king  and  crown  together.  |We  are  Americans, 
born  of  freedom,  and  we  are  recreant  Americans  if  we  do  not 
hold  ourselves  as  much  the  enemies  of  the  despotism  of  a  party 
as  our  fathers  were  enemies  of  the  tyranny  of  a  kingj) 


NATION  BUILDING,  PROGRESS  AND 
PATRIOTISM 


Home  and  Education 

THE  organized  household,  with  its  system  of  government 
and  its  domestic  economy,  forms  a  miniature  society,  a 
school  of  discipline.  Parental  affection  supplies  care,  patience, 
and  loving  persistence,  by  which  alone  the  best  results  can  be 
secured.  Children  are  trained  to  prompt  instinctive  habits, 
which  are  often  more  useful  than  reasoned  conduct ;  they  learn 
to  practice  subordination  and  obedience,  which  are  so  necessary 
in  social  tasks  of  cooperation ;  in  their  relations  with  brothers, 
sisters,  and  parents,  they  are  taught  principles  of  justice,  and 
sentiments  of  courtesy  and  kindness,  which  make  true  social 
life  possible ;  they  are  specially  trained,  usually  with  the  aid  of 
schools  and  other  institutions,  to  perform  certain  of  the  tasks 
which  society  imposes  upon  its  members,  and  thus  are  prepared 
to  take  their  places  in  the  social  organism. 

Small  and  Vincent. 

The  man  who  kindles  the  fire  on  the  hearth-stone  of  an  hon- 
est and  righteous  home  burns  the  best  incense  to  liberty.  He 
does  not  love  mankind  less  who  loves  his  neighbor  most.  Ex- 
alt the  citizen.  As  the  state  is  the  unit  of  government,  he  is 
the  unit  of  the  state.  Teach  him  that  his  home  is  his  castle, 
and  his  sovereignty  rests  beneath  his  hat.  Make  him  self- 
respecting,  self-reliant,  and  responsible.  Let  him  lean  on  the 
state  for  nothing  that  his  own  arm  can  do,  and  on  the  govern- 
ment for  nothing  that  his  state  can  do.     Let  him  cultivate 

279 


280  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEMHIP 

independence  to  the  point  of  sacrifice,  and  learn  that  humble 
things  with  unbartered  liberty  are  better  than  splendors  bought 
with  its  price.  Henry  W.  Grady. 

The  fireside,  the  pulpit,  the  school,  and  the  shop  must  be 
linked  and  leagued  together.  Each  must  help  every  other. 
Home  must  connect  itself  in  all  its  firm  authorities,  sweet 
affections,  and  tender  influences,  with  pulpit,  school,  and  shop. 
Pulpit  must  send  its  reverence,  faith,  and  hope,  its  lofty  moral 
and  religious  standards,  and  its  sacred  magnetisms  into  home, 
school,  and  shop.  School  must  reach,  with  its  habits  of  honest, 
concentrated,  and  continuous  thinking,  its  wealth  of  learning 
and  its  broad  horizons,  pulpit,  home,  and  shop ;  and  shop  must 
put  its  knowledge  of  men  and  things,  its  tact,  industry,  and 
economy,  and  its  wholesome  common  sense  into  the  administra- 
tions of  the  family,  the  utterances  of  the  pulpit,  and  the  in- 
structions of  the  school.  John  H.  Vincent. 


The  Nature  of  Law 

THE  law  does  not  say  to  a  man,  "  Work,  and  I  will  reward 
you ; "  but  it  says  to  him,  "  Work,  and  by  stopping  the 
hand  that  would  take  them  from  you,  I  will  insure  to  you  the 
fruits  of  your  labor,  its  natural  and  sufficient  reward,  which, 
without  me,  you  could  not  preserve."  If  industry  creates,  it 
is  the  law  which  preserves;  if,  at  the  first  moment,  we  owe 
everything  to  labor,  at  the  second,  and  every  succeeding  mo- 
ment, we  owe  everything  to  the  law. 

Jeremy  Bentham. 

Law  and  arbitrary  power  are  in  eternal  enmity.  Name  me 
a  magistrate,  and  I  will  name  property;  name  me  power  and  I 
will  name  protection.  It  is  a  contradiction  in  terms,  it  is  blas- 
phemy in  religion,  it  is  wickedness  in  politics,  to  say  that  any 
man  can  have  arbitrary  power. 

In  every  patent  of  office  the  duty  is  included.  For  what 
else  does  a  magistrate  exist?     To  suppose  for  power  is  an 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  281 

absurdity  in  idea.  Judges  are  guided  and  governed  by  the  eter- 
nal laws  of  justice,  to  which  we  are  all  subject.  We  may  bite 
our  chains,  if  we  will ;  but  we  shall  be  made  to  know  ourselves, 
and  be  taught  that  man  is  born  to  be  governed  by  law^  and  he 
that  will  substitute  will  in  the  place  of  it  is  an  enemy  to  God. 

Edmund  Burke. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  race,  from  which  we  inherit  so  much  that 
is  valuable  in  our  character  as  well  as  our  institutions,  has  been 
remarkable  in  all  its  history  for  a  love  of  law  and  order.  I  but 
repeat  the  language  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
when  I  say  that  *'  in  this  country  the  law  is  supreme."  No 
man  is  so  high  as  to  be  above  law.  No  officer  of  the  govern- 
ment may  disregard  it  with  impunity.  To  this  inborn  and 
native  regard  for  law,  a  governing  power,  we  are  largely  in- 
debted for  the  wonderful  success  and  prosperity  of  our  people, 
for  the  security  of  our  rights ;  and,  when  the  highest  law  to 
which  we  pay  this  homage  is  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  the  history  of  the  world  has  furnished  no  such  wonder 
of  a  prosperous,  happy,  civil  government. 

Samuel  F.  Miller. 

Implicit  obedience  to  law  and  the  mandates  of  duly  organ- 
ized courts  is  the  vital  principle  of  free,  elective  government. 
Upon  it  rest  the  pillars  of  the  Republic.  No  grievance,  how- 
ever great,  can  justify  a  resort  to  lawless  violence  for  its  redress. 
If  the  time  shall  ever  come  when  obedience  to  law  can  be  main- 
tained only  by  the  strong  arm  of  military  power,  despotism  or 
anarchy  is  near  at  hand.  It  is  for  the  living  generations  to  see 
to  it  that  the  fruits  of  free  constitutional  government,  garnered 
by  the  sacrifices  of  the  heroic  dead,  are  not  wasted  in  the  future, 
and  that  the  priceless  legacy  of  liberty  bequeathed  by  our  fa- 
thers shall  be  transmitted  unimpaired  to  coming  times. 

Galusha  a.  Grow. 

No  man's  property  is  safe,  and  no  man's  welfare  is  assured, 
where  justice  is  denied  to  the  poor,  or  where  crime  goes  un- 
punished ;  no  state  can  prosper,  however  rich  the  land  or  varied 


282  PATRIOTISM  AND   GITIZEMHIP 

the  resources,  where  human  rights  are  not  respected.  If  states 
can  not  or  do  not,  govern  themselves  justly,  and  accord  an  equal 
chance  to  all  their  citizens,  their  influence  in  the  courxils  of  the 
nation  must  be  small  indeed.  David  A.  Wells. 

Mob  law  is  a  crime,  whether  in  the  hands  of  strikers  trying 
to  maintain  a  monopoly  of  labor,  or  in  the  hands  of  citizens  of 
the  vicinage,  manifesting  their  virtue  or  getting  their  revenge 
bv  putting  a  man  to  death  without  warrant  of  law. 
^  Charles  A.  Dana. 

The  anarchists  are  natural  and  avowed  social  rebels.  The 
disease  which  we  are  examining  is  an  old-fashioned  one,  with 
an  old-fashioned  name,  which  scarcely  seems  to  have  a  place  in 
science  any  longer ;  namely,  sin,  rebellion.  It  is  said  that  Cain 
was  the  first  anarchist.  But  there  is  a  story  of  an  older,  and 
far  more  powerful  anarchist,  the  king  of  all  anarchists,  that 
arch-rebel  Satan.  This  does  no  injustice  to  the  anarchists,  be- 
cause the  founder  of  modern  anarchy,  Michael  Bakounin,  de- 
lights to  honor  Satan.  Richard  T.  Ely. 


Freedom  of  Thought  and  Speech 

THIS  is  the  appropriate  region  of  human  liberty.  It  com- 
prises, first,  the  inward  domain  of  consciousness,  de- 
manding liberty  of  conscience  in  the  most  comprehensive 
sense;  liberty  of  thought  and  feeling;  absolute  freedom  of 
opinion  and  sentiment  on  all  subjects,  practical  or  speculative, 
scientific,  moral,  or  theological.  Secondly,  the  principle  re- 
quires liberty  of  tastes  and  pursuits ;  of  framing  the  plan  of  our 
life  to  suit  our  own  character ;  of  doing  as  we  like,  subject  to 
such  consequences  as  may  follow,  without  impediment  from  our 
fellow-creatures,  so  long  as  what  we  do  does  not  harm  them, 
even  though  they  should  think  our  conduct  foolish,  perverse,  or 
wrong.  Thirdly,  from  this  liberty  of  each  individual,  follows 
the  liberty,  within  the  same  limits,  of  combination  among  indi- 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  283 

viduals ;  freedom  to  unite,  for  any  purpose  not  involving  harm 
to  others ;  the  persons  combining  being  supposed  to  be  of  full 
age,  and  not  forced  or  deceived. 

John  Stuart  Mill. 

Liberty,  in  its  absolute  sense,  means  the  faculty  of  willing 
and  the  power  of  doing  what  has  been  willed,  without  influence 
from  any  other  source,  or  from  without.  It  means  self-deter- 
mination ;  unrestrainedness  of  action.  In  this  absolute  mean- 
ing there  is  but  one  free  Being,  because  there  is  but  one  Being 
whose  will  is  absolutely  independent  of  any  influence  but  that 
which  He  wills  himself,  and  whose  power  is  adequate  to  His 
absolute  will — who  is  almighty. 

Francis  Lieber. 

The  power  of  thought  has  been  given  to  us  for  the  discern- 
ment of  the  truth,  and  there  are  no  proper  limits  to  its  exercise 
but  those  which  the  truth  itself  has  set.  Freedom  of  thought 
is  an  inalienable  birthright  of  the  human  soul.  To  abridge  it 
through  governmental  interference  by  punishing  one  for  his 
opinion  is  an  intolerable  despotism.  Freedom  of  speech  and  of 
the  press  follow  from  the  right  of  free  thought,  and  these  are 
especially  guarded  in  our  different  Constitutions,  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Union  declaring  that  Congress  shall  make  no  law 
abridging  "  the  freedom  of  speech  or  of  the  press."  But  here 
we  need  to  note  the  difference  between  freedom  and  license. 
Freedom  of  speech  or  of  the  press  does  not  mean  unlimited 
permission  to  speak  or  write  or  print  whatever  one  pleases. 
However  unlimited  may  be  one's  right  to  his  own  opinions,  he 
may,  by  uttering  these,  invade  the  rights  of  others,  and  this  he 
has  no  right  to  do.  He  may  not  become  a  disturber  of  the 
public  peace  by  inciting,  through  speech  or  print,  to  sedition 
or  public  violence.  He  may  not  become  a  corrupter  of  morals 
by  printing  pestilential  literature.  He  may  not  injure  the  good 
name  of  another  by  slander  or  libel.  It  may  not  be  always  easy 
to  determine  just  when  and  where  governmental  interference 
should  take  place,  but  the  principle  is  clear,  that  while  every 
person  may  hold  his  own  opinions  without  molestation  from  the 


284  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSKIF 

government,  any  expression  of  these  which  interferes  with  the 
public  freedom  the  public,  through  its  government,  has  the  righc 

.  ^^„,r,  Julius  H.  Seelye. 

to  put  down.  •' 

The  more  we  consider  the  independence  of  the  press  in  its 
principal  consequences,  the  more  are  we  convinced  that  it  is  the 
chief  and,  so  to  speak,  the  constitutive  element  of  freedom  m 
the  modern  world.  A  nation  which  is  determined  to  remain 
free  is  therefore  right  in  demanding  the  unrestrained  exercise 
of  its  independence.  Alexis  C.  H.  de  Tocqueville. 


'  Freedom  of  Worship 

A  CAREFUL  examination  of  the  American  Constitutions 
will  disclose  the  fact  that  nothing  is  more  fully  set  forth, 
or  more  plaijily  expressed,  than  the  determination  of  their 
authors  to  preserve  and  perpetuate  religious  liberty  and  to 
guard  against  the  slightest  approach  toward  the  establishment 
of  an  inequality  in  the  civil  and  political  rights  of  citizens, 
which  shall  have  for  its  basis  only  their  differences  of  religious 
belief.  The  American  people  came  to  the  work  of  framing 
their  fundamental  laws,  after  centuries  of  religious  oppression 
and  persecution  had  taught  them  the  utter  futility  of  all  at- 
tempts to  propagate  religious  opinions  by  the  rewards,  penal- 
ties, or  terrors  of  human  laws.  While  careful  to  establish,  pro- 
tect, and  defend  religious  freedom  and  equality,  the  American 
Constitutions  contain  no  provisions  which  prohibit  the  authori- 
ties from  such  solemn  recognition  of  a  superintending  Provi- 
dence in  public  transactions  and  exercises  as  the  general  relig- 
ious sentiment  of  mankind  inspires,  and  seems  meet  and  proper 
in  finite  and  dependent  beings.  Thomas  Cooley. 

The  arrangement  of  God  which  makes  man's  conscience  his 
guide  to  action,  is  beneficent  every  way.  The  results  will  be 
seen  in  the  end  in  a  purer  piety ;  in  a  nobler  self-devotion ;  in  a 
grander  and  more  powerful  grasp  of  the  principles  of  duty ;  in  a 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  285 

more  exalted  communion  with  God  in  His  holiness ;  in  a  higher 
disregard  of  the  blandishments  of  time ;  in  a  mightier  unfolding 
of  all  spiritual  force ;  in  a  deeper  impression  on  the  history  of 
the  world.  Richard  S.  Storrs. 

For  me,  though  censured,  threatened,  persecuted,  I  must 
profess,  while  heaven  and  earth  last,  that  no  one  tenent  that 
either  London,  England,  or  the  world  doth  harbor,  is  so  hereti- 
cal, blasphemous,  seditious,  and  dangerous  to  the  corporal,  to 
the  spiritual,  to  the  present,  to  the  eternal  good  of  all  men  as 
the  bloody  tenent  (however  washed  and  whited),  I  say,  as  is  the 
bloody  tenent  of  persecution  for  cause  of  conscience. 

Roger  Williams. 

The  whole  history  of  the  Christian  religion  shows  that  she 
is  in  far  greater  danger  of  being  corrupted  by  the  alliance  with 
the  civil  power  than  of  being  crushed  by  its  opposition. 

Thomas  B.  Macaulay. 

Religious  liberty,  like  civil  liberty,  the  liberty  of  speech,  the 
liberty  of  the  press,  and  every  other  liberty,  is  liable  to  abuse 
and  consequent  punishment.  Every  man's  liberty  is  limited  by 
the  golden  rule,  not  to  do  unto  others  what  we  would  not  have 
them  do  unto  us.  Nobody  has  a  right  to  trespass  on  the  rights 
of  his  neighbor,  or  to  do  wrong.  A  government  consults  its 
own  interest  by  protecting  all  and  persecuting  none. 

Philip  Schaff. 


Our  Constitution  and   Our   Government 

THE  Constitution  of  the  United  States  forms  a  government, 
not  a  league,  and  whether  it  be  formed  by  compact  be- 
tween the  states  or  in  any  other  manner,  its  character  is  the 
same.  It  is  a  government  in  which  all  the  people  are  repre- 
sented, which  operates  directly  upon  the  people  individually, 
not  upon  the  states — they  retained  all  the  power  they  did  not 


286  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZHWSEIP 

grant.  But  each  state  having  expressly  parted  with  so  many 
powers  as  to  constitute,  jointly  with  the  other  states,  a  single 
nation,  cannot  from  that  period  possess  any  right  to  secede,  be- 
cause such  secession  does  not  break  a  league,  but  destroys  the 
unity  of  a  nation,  and  any  injury  to  that  unity  is  not  only  a 
breach  which  would  result  from  the  contravention  of  a  com- 
pact, but  is  an  offense  against  the  whole  Union.  To  say  that 
any  state  may  at  pleasure  secede  from  the  Union  is  to  say  that 
the  United  States  is  not  a  nation,  because  it  would  be  a  sole- 
cism to  contend  that  any  part  of  a  nation  might  dissolve  its 
connection  with  the  other  parts,  to  their  injury  or  ruin,  without 
committing  any  offense.  Andrew  Jackson. 

The  American  Constitution  is,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  the  most 
wonderful  work  ever  struck  off  at  a  given  time  by  the  brain  and 
purpose  of  man.  William  E.  Gladstone. 

I  confess  I  do  not  often  envy  the  United  States,  but  there  is 
one  feature  in  their  institutions  which  appears  to  me  the  sub- 
ject of  the  greatest  envy— their  magnificent  institution  of  a 
Supreme  Court.  Marquis  of  Salisbury. 

There  never  existed  an  example  before  of  a  free  community 
spreading  over  such  an  extent  of  territory;  and  the  ablest  and 
profoundest  thinkers,  at  the  time,  believed  it  to  be  utterly  im- 
practicable that  there  should  be.  Yet  this  difficult  problem 
was  solved— successfully  solved— by  the  wise  and  sagacious 
men  who  framed  our  Constitution.  No ;  it  was  above  unaided 
human  wisdom— above  the  sagacity  of  the  most  enlightened. 
It  was  the  result  of  a  fortunate  combination  of  circumstances 
cooperating  and  leading  the  way  to  its  formation;  directed  by 
that  kind  Providence  which  has  so  often  and  so  signally  dis- 
posed events  in  our  favor.  John  C.  Calhoun. 

Society  can  no  more  exist  without  government,  in  one  form 
or  another,  than  man  without  society.  It  is  the  political,  then, 
which  includes  the  social,  that  is,  his  natural  state;  it  is  the  one 
for  which  his  Creator  formed  him,  into  which  he  is  impelled 


OUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  287 

irresistibly,  and  in  which  only  his  race  can  exist  and  all  his  fac- 
ulties be  fully  developed.  Such  being  the  case,  it  follows  that 
any — the  worst — form  of  government  is  better  than  anarchy ; 
and  that  individual  liberty  or  freedom  must  be  subordinate  to 
whatever  power  may  be  necessary  to  protect  society  against 
anarchy  within  or  destruction  from  without;  for  the  safety 
and  well-being  of  society  are  as  paramount  to  individual  liberty 
as  the  safety  and  well-being  of  the  race  is  to  that  of  individuals, 
and,  in  the  same  proportion,  the  power  necessary  for  the  safety 
of  society  is  paramount  to  individual  liberty. 

John  C.  Calhoun. 

It  is  the  function  of  civil  government  to  make  it  easy  to  do 
right  and  difficult  to  do  wrong. 

William  E.  Gladstone. 

The  first  object  of  a  free  people  is  the  preservation  of  their 
liberty,  and  liberty  is  to  be  preserved  only  by  maintaining  con- 
stitutional restraints  and  just  divisions  of  political  power. 
Nothing  is  more  deceptive  or  more  dangerous  than  the  pre- 
tence of  a  desire  to  simplify  government.  The  simplest  gov- 
ernments are  despotisms,  limited  monarchies ;  but  all  republics, 
all  governments  of  law,  must  impose  numerous  limitations  and 
qualifications  of  authority,  and  give  many  positive  and  many 
qualified  rights.  In  other  words,  they  must  be  subject  to  rule 
and  regulation.  This  is  the  very  essence  of  free  political  insti- 
tutions. Daniel  Webster. 

Since  the  final  end  of  life  is  the  development  of  character, 
government  is  to  be  tested,  not  by  the  temporal  and  immediate 
advantages  which  it  may  afford,  but  by  its  power  to  promote 
the  development  of  true  men  and  women.  No  government  ac- 
complishes this  end  so  effectively  as  democratic  government. 
Since  democratic  government  is  self-government,  it  introduces 
every  man  into  the  school  of  experience — of  all  schools  the  one 
in  which  the  training  is  most  thorough  and  the  progress  most 
rapid.  The  gradual  and  increasing  effect  of  democracy  is  to 
give  to  its  pupils,  in  lieu  of  a  faith  in  some  unknown  God,  first 


288  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

faith  in  humanity  and  then  in  God,  as  witnessed  in  life  and  ex- 
perience  of  humanity;  in  lieu  of  a  reverence  for  a  few  elect 
superiors,  respect  for  all  men;  in  lieu  of  a  lethargic  counterfeit 
of  contentment,  a  far-reaching  and  inspiring,  though  sometimes 
too  eager,  hopefulness;  and  in  lieu  of  an  often  servile  submis- 
sion to  accidental  masters,  a  spirit  of  sturdy  independence  and 
mutual  fellowship.  So  does  democracy,  though  by  very  grad- 
ual and  often  conflicting  processes,  produce  the  liberty  of  a 
universal  brotherhood,  and  possess  the  secret  of  public  peace, 
the  promise  of  public  prosperity,  the  hope  of  social  righteous- 
ness, and  inspiration  to  illimitable  progress. 

Lyman  Abbott. 

The  American  system  is  a  complete  one,  reaching  down  to 
the  foundations,  and  the  foundations  are  its  most  important  pon 
tions.  At  the  bottom  lies  the  township,  which  divides  the 
whole  North  and  West  into  an  infinity  of  little  republics,  each 
managing  its  own  local  affairs.  In  the  old  states  they  differ  in 
their  area  and  machinery.  In  the  new  states  of  the  West  they 
are  more  regular  in  size,  being  generally  six  miles  square. 
Each  township  elects  its  own  local  officers  and  manages  its  own 
local  affairs.  Annually  a  town  meeting  is  held  of  all  the  voters, 
and  suffrage  is  limited  only  by  citizenship.  At  these  meetings, 
not  only  are  the  local  officers  elected,  such  as  supervisors,  town 
clerks,  justices  of  the  peace,  road-masters,  and  the  like,  but 
money  is  appropriated  for  bridges,  schools,  libraries,  and  other 
purposes  of  a  local  nature. 

Next  above  the  township  stands  the  county,  an  aggregate 
of  a  dozen  or  so  of  towns.  Its  officials — sheriffs,  judge,  clerks, 
registrars,  and  other  officers  to  manage  county  affairs — are 
chosen  at  the  general  state  election.  It  has  also  a  local  assem- 
bly, formed  of  the  town  supervisors.  They  audit  accounts,  su- 
pervise the  county  institutions,  and  legislate  as  to  various 
county  matters. 

Above  the  counties,  again,  stands  the  state  government,  with 
its  legislature,  which  passes  laws  relating  to  state  affairs ;  and 
finally,  the  Federal  government,  which  deals  only  with  national 
concerns,    The  whole  forms  a  consistent  and  harmonious  sys- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  289 

tem,  which  reminded  Matthew  Arnold  of  a  well-fitting  suit  of 
clothes,  loose  where  it  should  be  loose,  and  tight  where  tight- 
ness is  an  advantage.  Douglas  Campbell. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  is  nothing  more  than  an 
elective  trustee  or  agent,  chosen  by  the  people  to  administer 
certain  well-defined  and  specific  trusts  for  them  and  as  their 
representative.  Our  fathers  formulated  that  portion  of  the 
Constitution  which  concerned  the  presidential  office  under  a 
realizing  sense  of  the  evils  they  had  suffered  while  subject  to 
the  caprices  of  a  royal  ruler,  and  guarded  well  against  any  as- 
sumption of  power  or  prerogative  by  the  individual  which  could 
threaten  or  endanger  the  liberty  of  the  people.  Over  one  hun- 
dred years  of  experience  have  proven  the  wisdom  and  foresight 
of  the  statesmen  of  the  Revolution.  They  "  planned  wisely  and 
builded  well."  The  President  is  still  the  servant  of  the  people. 
His  powers  are  great,  but  the  fear  of  absolutism  or  of  usurpa- 
tion of  supreme  authority  by  him  never  disturbs  us.  The 
nation,  even  in  time  of  war,  rests  secure  in  the  consciousness  of 
its  power  to  confine  within  constitutional  limits  the  exercise  of 
executive  authority.  Benjamin  F.  Tracy. 

But  outside,  and  above,  and  beyond  all  this,  is  the  people — 
steady,  industrious,  self-possessed,  caring  little  for  abstractions, 
and  less  for  abstractionists,  but  with  one  deep,  common  senti- 
ment, and  with  the  consciousness,  calm  but  quite  sure  and 
earnest,  that  in  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  as  they  re- 
ceived them  from  their  fathers,  and  as  they  themselves  have 
observed  and  maintained  them,  is  the  sheet-anchor  of  their 
hope,  the  pledge  of  their  prosperity,  the  palladium  of  their  lib- 
erty ;  and  with  this  is  that  other  consciousness,  not  less  calm 
and  not  less  earnest,  that  in  their  own  keeping  exclusively,  and 
not  in  that  of  any  party  leaders,  or  party  demogogues,  or  politi- 
cal hacks  or  speculators,  is  the  integrity  of  that  Union  and  that 
Constitution.  It  is  in  the  strong  arms  and  honest  hearts  of  the 
great  masses,  who  are  not  members  of  Congress,  nor  holders 
of  office,  nor  spouters  at  town-meetings,  that  resides  the  safety 
19 


290  PATRIOTim  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

of  the  state;  and  these  masses,  though  slow  to  move,  are  irr^ 
sistible,  when  the  time  and  the  occasion  for  moving  come. 

Charles  King. 

I  maintain  that  our  democratic  principle  is  not  that  the 
people  are  always  right.  It  is  this  rather:  that  although  the 
people  may  sometimes  be  wrong,  yet  that  they  are  not  so  likely 
to  be  wrong  and  to  do  wrong,  as  irrepressible  hereditary  magis- 
trates and  legislators;  that  it  is  safer  to  trust  the  many  with 
the  keeping  of  their  own  interests,  than  it  is  to  trust  the  few  to 
keep  those  interests  for  them.  Orville  Dewey. 


The  Nature  and  Development  of 
Patriotism 

IT  is  the  love  of  the  people,  it  is  their  attachment  to  their 
government  from  the  sense  of  the  deep  stake  they  have  in 
such  a  glorious  institution,  which  gives  you  your  army  and  your 
navy,  and  infuses  into  both  that  liberal  obedience  without  which 
your  army  would  be  a  base  rabble  and  your  navy  nothing  but 
rotten  timber.  Edmund  Burke. 

That  patriotism  which,  catching  its  inspiration  from  on  high, 
and  leaving  at  an  immeasurable  distance  below  all  lesser,  grovel- 
ing, personal  interests  and  feelings,  animates  and  prompts  to 
deeds  of  self-sacrifice,  of  valor,  of  devotion,  and  of  death  itself — 
that  is  public  virtue ;  that  is  the  noblest,  the  sublimest  of  all 
public  virtues !  Personal  or  private  courage  is  totally  distinct 
from  that  higher  and  nobler  courage  which  prompts  the 
patriot  to  offer  himself  a  voluntary  sacrifice  to  his  country's 
good.  Henry  Clay. 

What  is  it  to  be  an  AmerKan  ?  Putting  aside  all  the  outer 
shows  of  dress  and  manners,  social  customs  and  physical  pecu- 
liarities, is  it  not  to  believe  in  America  and  in  the  American 
people?    Is  it  not  to  have  an  abiding  and  moving  faith  in  the 


OXJR  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  291 

future  and  in  the  destiny  of  America  ? — something  above  and 
beyond  the  patriotism  and  love  which  every  man  whose  soul  is 
not  dead  within  him  feels  for  the  land  of  his  birth  ?  Is  it  not 
to  be  national  and  not  sectional,  independent  and  not  colonial  ? 
Is  it  not  to  have  a  high  conception  of  what  this  great  new 
country  should  be,  and  to  follow  out  that  ideal  with  loyalty  and 
truth  ?  Henry  Cabot  Lodge. 

Have  we  not  learned  that  not  stocks  nor  bonds,  nor  stately 
houses  nor  lands,  nor  the  product  of  the  mill,  is  our  country  ? 
It  is  a  spiritual  thought  that  is  in  our  minds.  It  is  the  flag  and 
what  it  stands  for.  It  is  its  glorious  history.  It  is  the  fireside 
and  the  home.  It  is  the  high  thoughts  that  are  in  the  heart, 
born  of  the  inspiration  which  comes  by  the  stories  of  their 
fathers,  the  martyrs  to  liberty ;  it  is  the  grave-yards  into  which 
our  careful  country  has  gathered  the  unconscious  dust  of  those 
who  have  died.  Here,  in  these  things,  is  that  which  we  love 
and  call  our  country,  rather  than  in  anything  that  can  be 
touched  or  handled.  Benjamin  Harrison. 

With  passionate  heroism,  of  which  tradition  is  never  weary 
of  tenderly  telling,  Arnold  von  Winkelried  gathers  into  his 
bosom  the  sheaf  of  foreign  spears,  that  his  death  may  give  life 
to  his  country.  So  Nathan  Hale,  disdaining  no  service  that  his 
country  demands,  perishes  untimely,  with  no  other  friend  than 
God  and  the  satisfied  sense  of  duty.  So  George  Washington, 
at  once  comprehending  the  scope  of  the  destiny  to  which  his 
country  was  devoted,  with  one  hand  puts  aside  the  crown,  and 
with  the  other  sets  his  slaves  free.  So,  through  all  history 
from  the  beginning,  a  noble  army  of  martyrs  has  fought  fiercely 
and  fallen  bravely  for  that  unseen  mistress,  their  country.  So, 
through  all  history  to  the  end,  as  long  as  men  believe  in  God, 
that  army  must  still  march  and  fight  and  fall — recruited  only 
from  the  flower  of  mankind,  cheered  only  by  their  own  hope  of 
humanity,  strong  only  in  their  confidence  in  their  cause. 

George  W.  Curtis. 

In  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  when  it  was  thought  the 
cause  was  lost,  men  became  inspired  at  the  very  mention  of  the 


292  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

name  of  George  Washington.  In  1812,  when  we  succeeded 
once  more  against  the  mother  country,  men  were  looking  for  a 
hero,  and  there  rose  before  them  that  rugged,  grim,  indepen- 
dent' old  hero,  Andrew  Jackson.  In  the  last  and  greatest  of 
all  wars,  an  independent  and  tender-hearted  man  was  raised  up 
by  Providence  to  guide  the  helm  of  state  through  that  great 
crisis,  and  men  confidingly  placed  the  destinies  of  this  great 
land  in  the  hands  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  In  the  annals  of  our 
country,  we  find  no  man  whose  training  had  been  so  peaceful, 
whose  heart  was  so  gentle,  whose  nature  was  so  tender,  and 
yet  who  was  called  upon  to  marshal  the  hosts  of  the  masses  of 
the  people  during  four  years  of  remorseless  and  bloody  and  un- 
relenting fratricidal  war.  Horace  Porter. 

And  how  is  the  spirit  of  a  free  people  to  be  formed  and  ani- 
mated and  cheered,  but  out  of  the  storehouse  of  its  historic 
recollections?  Are  we  to  be  eternally  ringing  the  changes 
upon  Marathon  and  Thermopylae ;  and  going  back  to  read  in 
obscure  texts  of  Greek  and  Latin  of  the  exemplars  of  patriotic 
virtue  ?  I  thank  God  that  we  can  find  them  nearer  home,  in 
our  own  country,  on  our  own  soil ;  that  strains  of  the  noblest 
sentiment  that  ever  swelled  in  the  breast  of  man,  are  breathing 
to  us  out  of  every  page  of  our  country's  history,  in  the  native 
eloquence  of  our  native  tongue;  that  the  colonial  and  provincial 
councils  of  America  exhibit  to  us  models  of  the  spirit  and  char- 
acter which  gave  Greece  and  Rome  their  name  and  their  praise 
among  the  nations.  Here  we  may  go  for  our  instruction;  the 
lesson  is  plain,  it  is  clear,  it  is  applicable. 

Edv^tard  Everett. 

As  the  American  youth,  for  uncounted  centuries,  shall  visit 
the  capital  of  his  country— strongest,  richest,  freest,  happiest 
of  the  nations  of  the  earth— from  the  stormy  coast  of  New  Eng- 
land, from  the  luxurious  regions  of  the  Gulf,  from  the  prairie 
and  the  plain,  from  the  Golden  Gate,  from  far  Alaska— he  will 
admire  the  evidences  of  its  grandeur  and  the  monuments  of  its 
historic  glory. 

He  will  find  there  rich  libraries  and  vast  museums,  which 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  293 

show  the  product  of  that  matchless  inventive  genius  of  Amer- 
ica, which  has  multipHed  a  thousandfold  the  wealth  and  com- 
fort of  human  life.  He  will  see  the  simple  and  modest  portal 
through  which  the  great  line  of  the  Republic's  chief  magis- 
trates have  passed,  at  the  call  of  their  country,  to  assume  an 
honor  surpassing  that  of  emperors  and  kings,  and  through 
which  they  have  returned,  in  obedience  to  her  laws,  to  take 
their  place  again  as  equals  in  the  ranks  of  their  fellow  citizens. 
He  will  stand  by  the  matchless  obelisk,  which,  loftiest  of  hu- 
man structures,  is  itself  but  the  imperfect  type  of  the  loftiest  of 
human  characters.  He  will  gaze  upon  the  marble  splendors  of 
the  Capitol,  in  whose  chambers  are  enacted  the  statutes  under 
which  the  people  of  a  continent  dwell  together  in  peace,  and 
the  judgments  are  rendered  which  keep  the  forces  of  states 
and  nation  alike  within  their  appointed  bounds.  He  will  look 
upon  the  records  of  great  wars  and  the  statues  of  great  com- 
manders. But,  if  he  know  his  country's  history,  and  consider 
wisely  the  sources  of  her  glory,  there  is  nothing  in  all  these 
which  will  so  stir  his  heart  as  two  fading  and  time-soiled  papers 
whose  characters  were  traced  by  the  hands  of  the  fathers  one 
hundred  years  ago.  They  are  the  original  records  of  the  acts 
which  devoted  this  nation,  forever,  to  equality,  to  education,  to 
religion,  and  to  liberty.  One  is  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, the  other  is  the  Ordinance  of  I787. 

George  F.  Hoar. 


Meaning  and  Literature  of  the  Flag 

ALL  hail  to  our  glorious  ensign !  Courage  to  the  heart,  and 
strength  to  the  hand,  to  which,  in  all  time,  it  shall  be  en- 
trusted !  May  it  ever  wave  in  honor,  in  unsullied  glory,  and 
patriotic  hope,  on  the  dome  of  the  Capitol,  on  the  country's 
stronghold,  on  the  tented  plain,  on  the  wave-rocked  topmast. 
Wherever,  on  the  earth's  surface,  the  eye  of  the  American 
shall  behold  it,  may  he  have  reason  to  bless  it !  On  whatsoever 
spot  it  is  planted,  there  may  freedom  have  a  foothold,  humanity 
a  brave  champion,  and  religion- an  altar.    Though  stained  with 


294  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZUmSIP 

blood  in  a  righteous  cause,  may  it  never,  in  any  cause,  be 
stained  with  shame.  Alike,  when  its  gorgeous  folds  shall  wan- 
ton in  lazy  holiday  triumphs  on  the  summer  breeze,  and  its  tat- 
tered fragments  be  dimly  seen  through  the  clouds  of  war,  may 
it  be  the  joy  and  the  pride  of  the  American  heart.  First  raised 
in  the  cause  of  right  and  liberty,  in  that  cause  alone  may  it  for- 
ever spread  out  its  streaming  blazonry  to  the  battle  and  the 
storm.  Having  been  borne  victoriously  across  the  continent, 
and  on  every  sea,  may  virtue,  and  freedom,  and  peace  forever 
follow  where  it  leads  the  way.  Edward  Everett. 

There  is  the  national  flag !  He  must  be  cold,  indeed,  who 
can  look  upon  its  folds  rippling  in  the  breeze  without  pride  of 
country.  If  he  be  in  a  foreign  land,  the  flag  is  companionship, 
and  country  itself  with  all  its  endearments.  Who,  as  he  sees 
it,  can  think  of  a  state  merely  ?  Whose  eye  once  fastened  upon 
its  radiant  trophies  can  fail  to  recognize  the  image  of  the  whole 
nation  ? 

It  has  been  called  a  "floating  piece  of  poetry; "  and  yet  I 
know  not  if  it  have  any  intrinsic  beauty  beyond  other  ensigns. 
Its  highest  beauty  is  in  what  it  symbolizes.  It  is  because  it 
represents  all,  that  all  gaze  at  it  with  delight  and  reverence. 
It  is  a  piece  of  bunting  lifted  in  the  air;  but  it  speaks  sublimely 
and  every  part  has  a  voice.  Its  stripes  of  alternate  red  and 
white  proclaim  the  original  union  of  thirteen  states  to  maintain 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Its  stars,  white  on  a  field  of 
blue,  proclaim  that  union  of  states  constituting  our  national 
constellation,  which  receives  a  new  star  with  every  new  state. 
The  two  together  signify  union,  past  and  present.  The  very 
colors  have  a  language  which  was  officially  recognized  by  our 
fathers.  White  is  for  purity,  red  for  valor,  blue  for  justice; 
and  all  together— bunting,  stripes,  stars,  and  colors,  blazing  in 
the  sky— make  the  flag  of  our  country,  to  be  cherished  by  all 
our  hearts,  to  be  upheld  by  all  our  hands. 

Charles  Sumner. 

I  have  recently  returned  from  an  extended  tour  of  the 
states,  and  nothing  so  impressed  and  so  refreshened  me  as  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  295 

universal  display  of  this  banner  of  beauty  and  glory.  It  waved 
over  the  school-houses ;  it  was  in  the  hands  of  the  school  chil- 
dren. As  we  speeded  across  the  sandy  wastes  at  some  solitary 
place,  a  man,  a  woman,  a  child,  would  come  to  the  door  and 
wave  it  in  loyal  greeting.  Two  years  ago  I  saw  a  sight  that 
has  ever  been  present  in  my  memory.  As  we  were  going  out 
of  the  harbor  of  Newport,  about  midnight,  on  a  dark  night, 
some  of  the  officers  of  the  torpedo  station  had  prepared 
for  us  a  beautiful  surprise.  The  flag  at  the  depot  station 
was  unseen  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  when  suddenly  elec- 
tric search  lights  were  turned  on  it,  bathing  it  in  a  flood  of 
light.  All  below  the  flag  was  hidden,  and  it  seemed  to  have  no 
touch  with  earth,  but  to  hang  from  the  battlements  of  heaven. 
It  was  as  if  heaven  was  approving  the  human  liberty  and  human 
equality  typified  by  that  flag. 

Benjamin  Harrison. 

For  myself,  in  our  federal  relations,  I  know  but  one  section, 
one  union,  one  flag,  one  government.  That  section  embraces 
every  state ;  that  union  is  the  Union  sealed  with  the  blood  and 
consecrated  by  the  tears  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle ;  that 
flag  is  the  flag  known  and  honored  in  every  sea  under  heaven ; 
which  has  borne  off  glorious  victory  from  many  a  bloody  battle 
field,  and  yet  stirs  with  warmer  and  quicker  pulsations  the 
heart's  blood  of  every  true  American,  when  he  looks  upon  its 
stars  and  stripes.  I  will  sustain  that  flag  wherever  it  waves — 
over  the  sea  or  over  the  land.  And  when  it  shall  be  despoiled 
and  disfigured,  I  will  rally  around  it  still,  as  the  star-spangled 
banner  of  my  fathers  and  my  country;  and,  so  long  as  a  single 
stripe  can  be  discovered,  or  a  single  star  shall  glimmer  from  the 
surrounding  darkness,  I  will  cheer  it  as  the  emblem  of  a  na- 
tion's glory  and  a  nation's  hope. 

Daniel  S.  Dickinson. 

Behold  it!  Listen  to  it!  Every  star  has  a  tongue;  every 
stripe  is  articulate.  "  There  is  no  language  or  speech  where 
their  voices  are  not  heard."  There  is  magic  in  the  web  of  it. 
It  has  an  answer  for  every  question  of  duty.    It  has  a  solution 


296  PATRIOTISM  AND   GITIZUN8IIIP 

for  every  doubt  and  perplexity.  It  has  a  word  of  good  cheer 
for  every  hour  of  gloom  or  of  despondency.  Behold  it !  Lis- 
ten to  it!  It  speaks  of  earlier  and  of  later  struggles.  It 
speaks  of  victories,  and  sometimes  of  reverses,  on  the  sea  and  on 
the  land.  It  speaks  of  patriots  and  heroes  among  the  living 
and  the  dead.  But  before  all  and  above  all  other  associations 
and  memories,  whether  of  glorious  men,  or  glorious  deeds,  or 
glorious  places,  its  voice  is  ever  of  Union  and  Liberty,  of  the 

Constitution  and  the  Laws. 

Robert  C.  Winthrop. 

In  1777,  within  a  few  days  of  one  year  after  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  the  Congress  of  the  Colonies  assembled  and 
ordained  this  glorious  national  flag  which  we  now  hold  and  de- 
fend, and  advanced  it  full  high  before  God  and  all  men,  as  the 
flag  of  liberty. 

It  was  no  holiday  flag  emblazoned  for  gayety  or  vanity.  It 
was  a  solemn  national  signal.  When  that  banner  first  unrolled 
to  the  sun,  it  was  the  symbol  of  all  those  holy  truths  and  pur- 
poses which  brought  together  the  Colonial  American  Congress ! 
Our  flag  means,  then,  all  that  our  fathers  meant  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary War;  it  means  all  that  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence meant ;  it  means  all  that  the  Constitution  of  our  people, 
organizing  for  justice,  for  liberty,  and  for  happiness,  meant. 
Our  flag  carries  American  ideas,  American  history,  and  Ameri- 
can feelings.  Beginning  with  the  colonies  and  coming  down 
to  our  time,  in  its  sacred  heraldry,  in  its  glorious  insignia,  it  has 
gathered  and  stored  chiefly  this  supreme  idedi— divine  right  of 
liberty  in  man.  Every  color  means  liberty;  every  thread 
means  liberty;  every  form  of  star  and  beam  or  stripe  of  light 
means  liberty:  not  lawlessness,  not  license;  but  organized,  in- 
stitutional liberty— liberty  through  law,  and  laws  for  liberty. 
^  It  is  not  a  painted  rag.  It  is  a  whole  national  history.  It 
IS  the  Constitution.  It  is  the  government.  It  is  the  free  peo- 
ple that  stand  in  the  government  on  the  Constitution,  Forget 
not  what  It  means;  and  for  the  sake  of  its  ideas,  be  true  to 
yopr  country's  flag. 

Henry  Ward  Beecher. 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  297 

When  Freedom  from  her  mountain  height 

Unfurled  her  standard  to  the  air, 
She  tore  the  azure  robe  of  night, 

And  set  the  stars  of  glory  there. 
She  mingled  with  its  gorgeous  dyes 
The  milky  baldric  of  the  skies. 
And  striped  its  pure  celestial  white 
With  streakings  of  the  morning  light; 
Then,  from  his  mansion  in  the  sun. 
She  called  her  eagle  bearer  down. 
And  gave  into  his  mighty  hand 
The  symbol  of  her  chosen  land. 
Majestic  monarch  of  the  cloud, 

Who  rear' St  aloft  thy  regal  form. 
To  hear  the  tempest  trumpings  loud 
And  see  the  lightning  lances  driven, 

When  strive  the  warriors  of  the  storm. 
And  rolls  the  thunder  drum  of  heaven, — 
Child  of  the  sun !  to  thee  't  is  given 

To  guard  the  banner  of  the  free ; 
To  hover  in  the  sulphur  smoke, 
To  ward  away  the  battle  stroke ; 
And  bid  its  Mendings  shine  afar. 
Like  rainbows  on  the  clouds  of  war, 

The  harbingers  of  victory ! 

—Joseph  R.   Drake. 


What  Constitutes  Good  Citizenship 

THE  future  of  American  civilization,  and  with  it  the  future 
of  the  world's  civilization,  is  to  be  determined  not  by  the 
influence  of  trade  alone,  but  by  the  influence  of  trade  joined 
with  the  influence  of  broad  intelligence,  humanitarian  sympa- 
thies and  unselfish  purposes.  The  highest  title  in  the  new  or- 
der of  nobility  will  be  neither  "merchant"  nor  "scholar," 
nor  yet  "  gentleman,"  in  its  conventional  sense,  but  "  citizen  " 
— a  title  rich  in  its  suggestion  of  public  spirit,  the  recognition 


298  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

of  the  claims  of  human  brotherhood,  the  merging  of  the  indi- 
vidual into  the  higher  life  of  the  community,  of  the  nation,  of 

•4.    :4.e«if  A.  V.  V.  Raymond. 

humanity  itselt.  -^• 

In  order  to  understand  the  theory  of  the  American  govern- 
ment, the  most  serious,  calm,  persistent  study  should  be  given 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  I  don't  mean  learn- 
ing it  by  heart,  committing  it  to  memory.  What  you  want  is 
to  understand  it,  to  know  the  principles  at  the  bottom  of  it;  to 
feel  the  impulse  of  it ;  to  feel  the  heart-beat  that  thrills  through 
the  whole  American  people.  That  is  the  vitality  that  is  worth 
knowing;  that  is  the  sort  of  politics  that  excels  all  the  myste- 
ries of  ward  elections,  and  lifts  you  up  into  a  view  where  you 
can  see  the  clear  skies,  the  unknown  expanse  of  the  future. 

Charles  A.  Dana. 


Few  people  have  the  leisure  to  undertake  a  systematic  and 
thorough  study  of  history,  but  every  one  ought  to  find  time  to 
learn  the  principal  features  of  the  governments  under  which  we 
live  and  to  get  some  inkling  of  the  way  in  which  these  govern- 
ments have  come  into  existence,  and  of  the  causes  which  have 
made  them  what  they  are.  John  Fiske. 

The  three  great  menaces  to  our  institutions  are  corruption, 
violence,  and  indifference,  affecting  the  ballot.  To  the  two 
former,  public  discussions  show  that  we  are  alive.  The  last, 
however,  is  more  insidious  and  not  less  alarming.  In  some  of 
the  older  communities,  notably  in  the  great  cities,  a  large  and 
growing  class  neglects  all  political  duties.  Some  think  them- 
selves too  busy,  some  affect  a  lofty  contempt  for  all  public 
affairs,  while  others,  like  Gallio,  "  care  for  none  of  these  things." 
Such  men  are  no  more  honest  or  patriotic  than  he  who  unwor- 
thily avoids  any  other  debt  or  duty.  They  have  apparently  no 
conception  of  their  obligations  as  citizens,  and  are  unworthy  of 
their  high  privileges.  The  man  who  won't  do  his  part  in  pub- 
lic affairs,  who  won't  vote,  ought  to  be  disfranchised.  If  com- 
pulsory education  is  right,  why  not  compulsory  suffrage  ?    Let 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  299 

the  man  who,  without  good  excuse,  fails  to  vote,  be  deprived  of 
the  right  to  vote.    "  Blessings  brighten  as  they  take  their  flight." 

W.  H.  H.  Miller. 

The  disfranchisement  of  a  single  elector  by  fraud  or  intimi- 
dation is  a  crime  too  grave  to  be  regarded  lightly.  The  right 
of  every  qualified  elector  to  cast  one  free  ballot  and  to  have  it 
honestly  counted  must  not  be  questioned.  Every  constitutional 
power  should  be  used  to  make  this  right  secure  and  to  punish 
frauds  upon  the  ballot.  Benjamin  Harrison. 

We  reach  the  wider  field  of  politics  and  shape  the  national 
policy  through  the  town  meeting  and  the  party  caucus.  They 
should  neither  be  despised  nor  avoided,  but  made  potent  in  se- 
curing the  best  agents  for  executing  the  popular  wiH.  The 
influence  which  goes  forth  from  the  township  and  precinct 
meetings  is  felt  in  state  and  national  legislation,  and  is  at  last 
embodied  in  the  permanent  forms  of  law  and  written  Constitu- 
tions. I  cannot  too  earnestly  invite  you  to  the  closest  personal 
attention  to  party  and  political  caucuses  and  the  primary  meet- 
ings of  your  respective  parties.  They  constitute  that  which 
goes  to  make  up  at  last  the  popular  will.  They  lie  at  the  basis 
of  all  true  reform.  It  will  not  do  to  hold  yourself  aloof  from 
politics  and  parties.  If  the  party  is  wrong,  make  it  better; 
that's  the  business  of  the  true  partisan  and  good  citizen. 

William  McKinley. 


LITERATURE  OF  PATRIOTISM 


The  Declaration  of  Independence 

[In  Congress,  July  4,  1776.— The  Unanimous  Declaration  of 
the  Thirteen  United  States  of  America.] 

WHEN  in  the  Course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  neces- 
sary for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which 
have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among  the 
Powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which 
the  Laws  of  Nature  and  of  Nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent 
respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires  that  they  should 
declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are 
created  equal,  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  cer- 
tain unalienable  Rights,  that  among  these  are  Life,  Liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  Happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights. 
Governments  are  instituted  among  Men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed.  That  whenever  any 
Form  of  Government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is 
the  Right  of  the  People  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  insti- 
tute a  new  Government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  princi- 
ples and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall 
seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  Safety  and  Happiness.  Pru- 
dence, indeed,  will  dictate  that  Governments  long  established 
should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient  causes ;  and  ac- 
cordingly all  experience  hath  shown,  that  mankind  are  more 
disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right 
themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accus- 
tomed. But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pur- 
suing invariably  the  same  Object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce 
them  under  absolute  Despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty 
20  300 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  301 

to  throw  off  such  Government,  and  to  provide  new  Guards  for 
their  future  security.— Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of 
these  Colonies ;  and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains 
them  to  alter  their  former  Systems  of  Government.  The  his- 
tory of  the  present  King  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  re- 
peated injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the 
establishment  of  an  absolute  Tyranny  over  these  States.  To 
prove  this,  let  Facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world. 

He  has  refused  his  Assent  to  Laws,  the  most  wholesome 
and  necessary  for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  Governors  to  pass  Laws  of  immediate 
and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation 
till  his  Assent  should  be  obtained ;  and  when  so  suspended,  he 
has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  Laws  for  the  accommodation 
of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relin- 
quish the  right  of  Representation  in  the  Legislature,  a  right 
inestimable  to  them  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual, 
uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of  their  Public 
Records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance 
with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  Representative  Houses  repeatedly,  for 
opposing  with  manly  firmness  his  invasion  on  the  rights  of  the 
people. 

He  has  refused  for  a  long  time,  after  such  dissolutions,  to 
cause  others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  Legislative  Powers, 
incapable  of  Annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  People  at  large 
for  their  exercise ;  the  State  remaining  in  the  mean  time  ex- 
posed to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from  without,  and  convul- 
sions within. 

He  has  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
States ;  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  Laws  for  Naturaliza- 
tion of  Foreigners ;  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their 
migration  hither,  and -raising  the  conditions  of  new  Appropria- 
tions of  Lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  Administration  of  Justice,  by  refus- 
ing his  Assent  to  Laws  for  establishing  Judiciary  Powers. 


302  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmSIP 

He  has  made  Judges  dependent  on  his  Will  alone,  for  the 
tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their 
salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  New  Offices,  and  sent  hither 
swarms  of  Officers  to  harrass  our  People,  and  eat  out  their  sub- 
stance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace.  Standing  Armies 
without  the  Consent  of  our  legislature. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  Military  independent  of  and 
superior  to  the  Civil  Power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction 
foreign  to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws ; 
giving  his  Assent  to  their  Acts  of  pretended  Legislation : 

For  quartering   large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us. 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  Trial,  from  Punishment 
for  any  Murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  Inhabitants 
of  these  States : 

For  cutting  off  our  Trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world : 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  Consent : 

For  depriving  us  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  Trial  by 
Jury: 

For  transporting  us  beyond  Seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended 
offences : 

For  abolishing  the  free  System  of  English  Laws  in  a  neigh- 
bouring Province,  establishing  therein  an  Arbitrary  govern- 
ment, and  enlarging  its  Boundaries  so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an 
example  and  fit  mstrument  for  introducing  the  same  absolute 
rule  into  these  Colonies : 

For  taking  away  our  Charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable 
Laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  Forms  of  our  Govern- 
ments: 

For  suspending  our  own  Legislatures,  and  declaring  them- 
selves mvested  with  Power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  what- 
soever. 

He  has  abdicated  Government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of 
his  Protection  and  waging  War  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  Coasts,  burnt  our 
towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  303 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign  mer- 
cenaries to  compleat  the  works  of  death,  desolation  and  tyranny 
already  begun  with  circumstances  of  Cruelty  &  perfidy  scarcely 
paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the 
Head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow  Citizens  taken  Captive  on 
the  high  Seas  to  bear  Arms  against  their  Country,  to  become 
the  executioners  of  their  Friends  and  Brethren,  or  to  fall  them- 
selves by  their  Hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has 
endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers  the 
merciless  Indian  Savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare,  is  an 
undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  Oppressions  We  have  Petitioned  for 
Redress  in  the  most  humble  terms :  Our  repeated  Petitions 
have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A  Prince,  whose 
character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a  Ty- 
rant, is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  People. 

Nor  have  We  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  Brittish 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them  from  time  to  time  of  at- 
tempts by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdic- 
tion over  us.  We  have  reminded  them  of  the  circumstances  of 
our  emigration  and  settlement  here.  We  have  appealed  to 
their  native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and  we  have  conjured 
them  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred  to  disavow  these 
usurpations,  which,  would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connections 
and  correspondence.  They  too  have  been  deaf  to  the  voice 
of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce 
in  the  necessity,  which  denounces  our  Separation,  and  hold 
them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind.  Enemies  in  War,  in 
Peace  Friends. 

We,  therefore,  the  Representatives  of  the  united  States  of 
America,  in  General  Congress,  Assembled,  appealing  to  the 
Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions, 
do,  in  the  Name,  and  by  Authority  of  the  Good  People  of  these 
Colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare.  That  these  United  Col- 
onies are,  and  of  Right  ought  to  be,  Free  and  Independent 
States ;  that  they  are  Absolved  from  all  Allegiance  to  the  Brit- 


304  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSSIP 

ish  Crown,  and  that  all  political  connection  between  them  and 
the  State  of  Great  Britain,  is  and  ought  to  be  totally  dissolved  ; 
and  that  as  Free  and  Independent  States,  they  have  full  Power 
to  levy  War,  conclude  Peace,  contract  Alliances,  establish  com- 
merce, and  to  do  all  other  Acts  and  Things  which  Independent 
States  may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of  this  Declara- 
tion, with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  Protection  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence, we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  Lives,  our  For- 
tunes and  our  sacred  Honour. 

JOHN  HANCOCK. 

New  Hampshire  — Josiah  Bartlett,  Wm.  Whipple,  Matthew 
Thornton. 

Massachusetts  Bay  — Saml.  Adams,  John  Adams,  Robt. 
Treat  Paine,  Elbridge  Gerry. 

Rhode  Island—Ste^.  Hopkins,  William  Ellery. 

Connecticut  — Roger  Sherman,  Sam'el  Huntington,  Wm. 
Williams,  Oliver  Wolcott. 

New  York  — Wm.  Floyd,  Phil.  Livingston,  Frans.  Lewis, 
Lewis  Morris. 

New  /^rj^/— Richd.  Stockton,  Jno.  Witherspoon,  Fras. 
Hopkinson,  John  Hart,  Abra.  Clark. 

Pennsylvania— Koht.  Morris,  Benjamin  Rush,  Benja. 
Franklin,  John  Morton,  Geo.  Clymer,  Jas.  Smith.  Geo.  Taylor, 
James  Wilson,  Geo.  Ross. 

Delaware— Z^^^'^x  Rodney,  Geo.  Read,  Tho.  M'Kean. 

Maryland— 'Si^mwe^  Chase,  Wm.  Paca,  Thos.  Stone,  Charles 
Carroll  of  CarroUton. 

Virginia— Q^oxgQ  Wythe,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Th.  Jeffer- 
son, Benja.  Harrison,  Thos.  Nelson,  jr.,  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee, 
Carter  Braxton. 

North  Carolina— ^m.  Hooper,  Joseph  Hewes,  John  Penn. 

South  Carolina— Edward  Rutledge,  Thos.  Heyward,  Junr., 
Thomas  Lynch,  Junr.,  Arthur  Middleton. 

6^^^r^'^_Button  Gwinnett,  Lyman  Hall,  Geo.  Walton. 


The  Articles  of  Confederation 

Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union  between  the 
States  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia. 

Article  I.— The  style  of  this  Confederacy  shall  be,  "The 
United  States  of  America." 

Art.  II. — Each  State  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and 
independence,  and  every  power,  jurisdiction,  and  right,  which 
is  not  by  this  Confederation  expressly  delegated  to  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled. 

Art.  III.— The  said  States  hereby  severally  enter  into  a  firm 
league  of  friendship  with  each  other,  for  their  common  defense, 
the  security  of  their  liberties,  and  their  mutual  and  general  wel- 
fare, binding  themselves  to  assist  each  other  against  all  force 
offered  to,  or  attacks  made  upon  them,  or  any  of  them,  on  ac- 
count of  religion,  sovereignty,  trade,  or  any  other  pretense 
whatever. 

Art.  IV. — The  better  to  secure  and  perpetuate  mutual 
friendship  and  intercourse  among  the  people  of  the  different 
States  in  this  Union,  the  free  inhabitants  of  each  of  these 
States,  paupers,  vagabonds,  and  fugitives  from  justice  excepted, 
shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  free  citizens 
in  the  several  States ;  and  the  people  of  each  State  shall  have 
free  ingress  and  egress  to  and  from  any  other  State,  and  shall 
enjoy  therein  all  the  privileges  of  trade  and  commerce  subject 
to  the  same  duties,  impositions,  and  restrictions  as  the  inhabi- 
tants thereof  respectively ;  provided  that  such  restrictions  shall 
not  extend  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  removal  of  property  im- 
ported into  any  State  to  any  other  State  of  which  the  owner  is 
an  inhabitant;  provided  also,  that  no  imposition,  duties,  or 
20  305 


306  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENmiP 

restrictions  shall  be  laid  by  any  State  on  the  property  of  the 
United  States  or  either  of  them.  If  any  person  guilty  of,  or 
charged  with,  treason,  felony,  or  other  high  misdemeanor  in 
any  State  shall  flee  from  justice  and  be  found  in  any  of  the 
United  States,  he  shall,  upon  demand  of  the  governor  or  exec- 
utive power  of  the  State  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up 
and  removed  to  the  State  having  jurisdiction  of  his  offense. 
Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  of  these  States  to 
the  records,  acts,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  the  courts  and 
magistrates  of  every  other  State. 

Art.  v.— For  the  more  convenient  management  of  the 
general  interests  of  the  United  States,  delegates  shall  be  annu- 
ally appointed  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature  of  each  State 
shall  direct,  to  meet  in  Congress  on  the  first  Monday  in  No- 
vember, in  every  year,  with  a  power  reserved  to  each  State  to 
recall  its  delegates,  or  any  of  them,  at  any  time  within  the  year, 
and  to  send  others  in  their  stead  for  the  remainder  of  the  year. 
No  State  shall  be  represented  in  Congress  by  less  than  two, 
nor  by  more  than  seven,  members ;  and  no  person  shall  be  capa- 
ble of  being  a  delegate  for  more  than  three  years  in  any  term 
of  six  years ;  nor  shall  any  person,  being  a  delegate,  be  capable 
of  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States  for  which  he,  or 
another  for  his  benefit,  receives  any  salary,  fees,  or  emolument 
of  any  kind.  Each  State  shall  maintain  its  own  delegates  in 
any  meeting  of  the  States  and  while  they  act  as  members  of 
the  Committee  of  the  States.  In  determining  questions  in  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  each  State  shall  have  one 
vote.  Freedom  of  speech  and  debate  in  Congress  shall  not 
be  impeached  or  questioned  in  any  court  or  place  out  of  Con- 
gress; and  the  members  of  Congress  shall  be  protected  in  their 
persons  from  arrests  and  imprisonment  during  the  time  of  their 
going  to  and  from,  and  attendance  on.  Congress,  except  for 
treason,  felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace. 

Art.  VI.— No  State,  without  the  consent  of  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  send  any  embassy  to,  or 
receive  any  embassy  from,  or  enter  into  any  conference,  agree- 
ment, alliance,  or  treaty  with  any  king,  prince,  or  state;  nor 
shall  any  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  the 


OF  THE 

UMIVERSITY 

or 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEENMENT  307 

United  States,  or  any  of  them,  accept  of  any  present,  emolu- 
ment, office,  or  title  of  any  kind  whiatever  from  any  king,  prince, 
or  foreign  state ;  nor  shall  the  United  States  in  Congress  as- 
sembled, or  any  of  them,  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

No  two  or  more  States  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  confed- 
eration, or  alliance  whatever  between  them,  without  the  consent 
of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  specifying  accu- 
rately the  purposes  for  which  the  same  is  to  be  entered  into, 
and  how  long  it  shall  continue. 

No  State  shall  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  which  may  inter- 
fere with  any  stipulations  in  treaties  entered  into  by  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled,  with  any  king,  prince,  or  state, 
in  pursuance  of  any  treaties  already  proposed  by  Congress  to 
the  courts  of  France  and  Spain. 

No  vessel  of  war  shall  be  kept  up  in  time  of  peace  by  any 
State,  except  such  number  only  as  shall  be  deemed  necessary 
by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  for  the  defense 
of  such  State  or  its  trade,  nor  shall  any  body  of  forces  be  kept 
up  by  any  State  in  time  of  peace,  except  such  number  only  as, 
in  the  judgment  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
shall  be  deemed  requisite  to  garrison  the  forts  necessary  for 
the  defense  of  such  State ;  but  every  State  shall  always  keep  up 
a  well-regulated  and  disciplined  militia,  sufficiently  armed  and 
accoutred,  and  shall  provide  and  constantly  have  ready  for  use 
in  public  stores  a  due  number  of  field-pieces  and  tents,  and  a 
proper  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition,  and  camp  equipage. 

No  State  shall  engage  in  any  war  without  the  consent  of 
the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  State 
be  actually  invaded  by  enemies,  or  shall  have  received  certain 
advice  of  a  resolution  being  formed  by  some  nation  of  Indians 
to  invade  such  State,  and  the  danger  is  so  imminent  as  not  to 
admit  of  a  delay  till  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
can  be  consulted ;  nor  shall  any  State  grant  commissions  to  any 
ships  or  vessels  of  war,  nor  letters  of  marque  or  reprisal,  except 
it  be  after  a  declaration  of  war  by  the  United  States,  in  Con- 
gress assembled,  and  then  only  against  the  kingdom  or  state, 
and  the  subjects  thereof,  against  which  war  has  been  so  de- 
clared, and  under  such  regulations  as  shall  be  established  by 


308  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  State 
be  infested  by  pirates,  in  which  case  vessels  of  war  may  be 
fitted  out  for  that  occasion,  and  kept  so  long  as  the  danger 
shall  continue,  or  until  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assem- 
bled, shall  determine  otherwise. 

Art.  VII.— WHien  land  forces  are  raised  by  any  State  for 
the  common  defense,  all  officers  of  or  under  the  rank  of  Colo- 
nel shall  be  appointed  by  the  Legislature  of  each  State  respec- 
tively by  whom  such  forces  shall  be  raised,  or  in  such  manner 
as  such  State  shall  direct,  and  all  vacancies  shall  be  filled  up 
by  the  State  which  first  made  the  appointment. 

Art.  VIII. — All  charges  of  war,  and  all  other  expenses  that 
shall  be  incurred  for  the  common  defense,  or  general  welfare,  and 
allowed  by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  be 
defrayed  out  of  a  common  treasury,  which  shall  be  supplied  by 
the  several  States  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  all  land  within 
each  State,  granted  to,  or  surveyed  for,  any  person,  as  such  land 
and  the  buildings  and  improvements  thereon  shall  be  estimated, 
according  to  such  mode  as  the  United  States,  in  Congress  as- 
sembled, shall,  from  time  to  time,  direct  and  appoint.  The 
taxes  for  paying  that  proportion  shall  be  laid  and  levied  by 
the  authority  and  direction  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  several 
States,  within  the  time  agreed  upon  by  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled. 

Art.  IX.— The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
shall  have  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  determin- 
ing on  peace  and  war,  except  in  the  cases  mentioned  in  the 
sixth  Article;  of  sending  and  receiving  ambassadors;  entering 
into  treaties  and  alliances,  provided  that  no  treaty  of  commerce 
shall  be  made,  whereby  the  legislative  power  of  the  respective 
States  shall  be  restrained  from  imposing  such  imposts  and  du- 
ties on  foreigners  as  their  own  people  are  subjected  to,  or  from 
prohibiting  the  exportation  or  importation  of  any  species  of 
goods  or  commodities  whatever;  of  establishing  rules  for  decid- 
ing m  all  cases,  what  captures  on  land  and  water  shall  be 
legal,  and  in  what  manner  prizes  taken  by  land  or  naval  forces 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States  shall  be  divided  or  appro- 
priated; of  granting  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in  times  of 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVEBNMENT  309 

peace ;  appointing  courts  for  the  trial  of  piracies  and  felonies 
committed  on  the  high  seas ;  and  establishing  courts  for  re- 
ceiving and  determining  finally  appeals  in  all  cases  of  captures ; 
provided  that  no  member  of  Congress  shall  be  appointed  a 
judge  of  any  of  the  said  courts. 

The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  also  be  the 
last  resort  on  appeal  in  all  disputes  and  differences  now  subsist- 
ing, or  that  hereafter  may  arise,  between  two  or  more  States 
concerning  boundary,  jurisdiction,  or  any  other  cause  whatever; 
which  authority  shall  always  be  exercised  in  the  manner  follow- 
ing :  Whenever  the  legislative  or  executive  authority,  or  lawful 
agent  of  any  State  in  controversy  with  another,  shall  present  a 
petition  to  Congress,  stating  the  matter  in  question,  and  pray- 
ing for  a  hearing,  notice  thereof  shall  be  given  by  order  of  Con- 
gress to  the  legislative  or  executive  authority  of  the  other  State 
in  controversy,  and  a  day  assigned  for  the  appearance  of  the 
parties  by  their  lawful  agents,  who  shall  then  be  directed  to 
appoint,  by  joint  consent,  commissioners  or  judges  to  consti- 
tute a  court  for  hearing  and  determining  the  matter  in  ques- 
tion ;  but  if  they  cannot  agree.  Congress  shall  name  three  per- 
sons out  of  each  of  the  United  States,  and  from  the  list  of  such 
persons  each  party  shall  alternately  strike  out  one,  the  petition- 
ers beginning,  until  the  number  shall  be  reduced  to  thirteen ; 
and  from  that  number  not  less  than  seven  nor  more  than  nine 
names,  as  Congress  shall  direct,  shall,  in  the  presence  of  Con- 
gress, be  drawn  out  by  lot ;  and  the  persons  whose  names  shall 
be  so  drawn,  or  any  five  of  them,  shall  be  commissioners  or 
judges,  to  hear  and  finally  determine  the  controversy,  so  always 
as  a  major  part  of  the  judges  who  shall  hear  the  cause  shall 
agree  in  the  determination ;  and  if  either  party  shall  neglect  to 
attend  at  the  day  appointed,  without  showing  reasons  which 
Congress  shall  judge  sufficient,  or  being  present,  shall  refuse  to 
strike,  the  Congress  shall  proceed  to  nominate  three  persons 
out  of  each  State,  and  the  secretary  of  Congress  shall  strike  in 
behalf  of  such  party  absent  or  refusing;  and  the  judgment  and 
sentence  of  the  court,  to  be  appointed  in  the  manner  before 
prescribed,  shall  be  final  and  conclusive,  and  if  any  of  the  par- 
ties shall  refuse  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  such  court,  or  to 


310  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

appear  or  defend  their  claim  or  cause,  the  court  shall  neverthe. 
less  proceed  to  pronounce  sentence  or  judgment,  which  shall  in 
like  manner  be  final  and  decisive;  the  judgment  or  sentence 
and  other  proceedings  being  in  either  case  transmitted  to  Con- 
gress, and  lodged  among  the  acts  of  Congress  for  the  security 
of  the  parties  concerned;  provided,  that  every  commissioner, 
before  he  sits  in  judgment,  shall  take  an  oath,  to  be  adminis- 
tered by  one  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme  or  superior  court  of 
the  State  where  the  cause  "shall  be  tried,  "well  and  truly  to 
hear  and  determine  the  matter  in  question,  according  to  the 
best  of  his  judgment,  without  favor,  affection,  or  hope  of  re- 
ward." Provided,  also,  that  no  State  shall  be  deprived  of  ter- 
ritory for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States. 

All  controversies  concerning  the  private  right  of  soil  claimed 
under  different  grants  of  two  or  more  States,  whose  jurisdic- 
tions, as  they  may  respect  such  lands,  and  the  States  which 
passed  such  grants  are  adjusted,  the  said  grants  or  either  of 
them  being  at  the  same  time  claimed  to  have  originated  antece- 
dent to  such  settlement  of  jurisdiction,  shall,  on  the  petition  of 
either  party  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  be  finally 
determined,  as  near  as  may  be,  in  the  same  manner  as  is  before 
prescribed  for  deciding  disputes  respecting  territorial  jurisdic- 
tion between  different  States. 

The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  also  have 
the  sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  regulating  the  alloy 
and  value  of  coin  struck  by  their  own  authority,  or  by  that  of 
the  respective  States;  fixing  the  standard  of  weights  and  meas- 
ures throughout  the  United  States;  regulating  the  trade  and 
managing  all  affairs  with  the  Indians,  not  members  of  any  of 
the  States;  provided  that  the  legislative  right  of  any  State, 
within  its  own  limits,  be  not  infringed  or  violated;  establishing 
and  regulating  post-offices  from  one  State  to  another,  through- 
out all  the  United  States,  and  exacting  such  postage  on  the 
papers  passing  through  the  same  as  may  be  requisite  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  said  office;  appointing  all  officers  of  the 
land  forces  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  excepting  regi- 
mental officers;  appointing  all  the  officers  of  the  naval  forces, 
and  commissioning  all  officers  whatever  in  the  service  of  the 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  311 

United  States ;  making  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation 
of  the  said  land  and  naval  forces,  and  directing  their  oper- 
ations. 

The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  have  au- 
thority to  appoint  a  committee,  to  sit  in  the  recess  of  Congress, 
to  be  denominated  "  A  Committee  of  the  States,"  and  to  con- 
sist of  one  delegate  from  each  State,  and  to  appoint  such  other 
committees  and  civil  officers  as  may  be  necessary  for  managing 
the  general  affairs  of  the  United  States  under  their  direction ; 
to  appoint  one  of  their  number  to  preside ;  provided  that  no 
person  be  allowed  to  serve  in  the  office  of  president  more  than 
one  year  in  any  term  of  three  years ;  to  ascertain  the  necessary 
sums  of  money  to  be  raised  for  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  appropriate  and  apply  the  same  for  defraying  the 
public  expenses ;  to  borrow  money  or  emit  bills  on  the  credit  of 
the  United  States,  transmitting  every  half  year  to  the  respect- 
ive States  an  account  of  the  sums  of  money  so  borrowed  or 
emitted ;  to  build  and  equip  a  navy ;  to  agree  upon  the  number 
of  land  forces,  and  to  make  requisitions  from  each  State  for  its 
quota,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  white  inhabitants  in  such 
State,  which  requisition  shall  be  binding ;  and  thereupon  the 
Legislature  of  each  State  shall  appoint  the  regimental  officers, 
raise  the  men,  and  clothe,  arm,  and  equip  them  in  a  soldier- 
like manner,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  offi- 
cers and  men  so  clothed,  armed,  and  equipped  shall  march  to  the 
place  appointed,  and  within  the  time  agreed  on  by  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled;  but  if  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  shall,  on  consideration  of  circumstances, 
judge  proper  that  any  State  should  not  raise  men,  or  should 
raise  a  smaller  number  than  its  quota,  and  that  any  other  State 
should  raise  a  greater  number  of  men  than  the  quota  thereof, 
such  extra  number  shall  be  raised,  officered,  clothed,  armed, 
and  equipped  in  the  same  manner  as  the  quota  of  such  State, 
unless  the  Legislature  of  such  State  shall  judge  that  such  ex- 
tra number  can  not  be  safely  spared  out  of  the  same,  in  which 
case  they  shall  raise,  officer,  clothe,  arm,  and  equip  as  many  of 
such  extra  number  as  they  judge  can  be  safely  spared,  and  the 
officers  and  men  so  clothed,  armed,  and  equipped  shall  march 


312  PATBIOTim  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

to  the  place  appointed,  and  within  the  time  agreed  on  by  the 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled. 

The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  never  en- 
gage in  a  war,  nor  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in  time 
of  peace,  nor  enter  into  any  treaties  or  alliances,  nor  coin  money, 
nor  regulate  the  value  thereof,  nor  ascertain  the  sums  and  ex- 
penses necessary  for  the  defense  and  welfare  of  the  United 
States,  or  any  of  them,  nor  emit  bills,  nor  borrow  money  on  the 
credit  of  the  United  States,  nor  appropriate  money,  nor  agree 
upon  the  number  of  vessels  of  war  to  be  built  or  purchased,  or 
the  number  of  land  or  sea  forces  to  be  raised,  nor  appoint  a 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army  or  navy,  unless  nine  States  as- 
sent to  the  same,  nor  shall  a  question  on  any  other  point,  ex- 
cept for  adjourning  from  day  to  day,  be  determined,  unless  by 
the  votes  of  a  majority  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  as- 
sembled. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall  have  power  to  ad- 
journ to  any  time  within  the  year,  and  to  any  place  within  the 
United  States,  so  that  no  period  of  adjournment  be  for  a  longer 
duration  than  the  space  of  six  months,  and  shall  publish  the 
journal  of  their  proceedings  monthly,  except  such  parts  thereof 
relating  to  treaties,  alliances,  or  military  operations  as  in  their 
judgment  require  secresy;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  dele- 
gates of  each  State,  on  any  question,  shall  be  entered  on  the 
journal  when  it  is  desired  by  any  delegate;  and  the  delegates 
of  a  State,  or  any  of  them,  at  his  or  their  request,  shall  be  fur- 
nished with  a  transcript  of  the  said  journal  except  such  parts 
as  are  above  excepted,  to  lay  before  the  Legislatures  of  the  sev- 
eral States. 

Art.  X.— The  Committee  of  the  States,  or  any  nine  of 
them,  shall  be  authorized  to  execute,  in  the  recess  of  Congress, 
such  of  the  powers  of  Congress  as  the  United  States,  in  Con- 
gress assembled,  by  the  consent  of  nine  States,  shall,  from 
time  to  time,  think  expedient  to  vest  them  with ;  provided  that 
no  power  be  delegated  to  the  said  Committee,  for  the  exercise 
of  which,  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  the  voice  of  nine 
States  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  assembled  is 
requisite. 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEENMENT  313 

Art.  XI. — Canada,  acceding  to  this  Confederation,  and 
joining  in  the  measures  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  admitted 
into,  and  entitled  to  all  the  advantages  of  this  Union ;  but  no 
other  colony  shall  be  admitted  into  the  same,  unless  such  ad- 
mission be  agreed  to  by  nine  States. 

Art.  XII. — All  bills  of  credit  emitted,  moneys  borrowed, 
and  debts  contracted  by  or  under  the  authority  of  Congress, 
before  the  assembling  of  the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of 
the  present  Confederation,  shall  be  deemed  and  considered  as  a 
charge  against  the  United  States,  for  payment  and  satisfaction 
whereof  the  said  United  States  and  the  public  faith  are  hereby 
solemnly  pledged. 

Art.  XIII. — Every  State  shall  abide  by  the  determinations 
of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  on  all  questions 
which  by  this  Confederation  are  submitted  to  them.  And  the 
Articles  of  this  Confederation  shall  be  inviolably  observed  by 
every  State,  and  "the  Union  shall  be  perpetual ;  nor  shall  any 
alteration  at  any  time  hereafter  be  made  in  any  of  them,  unless 
such  alteration  be  agreed  to  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
and  be  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  Legislatures  of  every 
State. 

And  whereas  it  hath  pleased  the  great  Governor  of  the 
world  to  incline  the  hearts  of  the  Legislatures  we  respectively 
represent  in  Congress  to  approve  of,  and  to  authorize  us  to  rat- 
ify, the  said  Articles  of  Confederation  and  perpetual  Union, 
know  ye,  that  we,  the  undersigned  delegates,  by  virtue  of  the 
power  and  authority  to  us  given  for  that  purpose,  do  by  these 
presents,  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  our  respective  constitu- 
ents, fully  and  entirely  ratify  and  confirm  each  and  every  of  the 
said  Articles  of  Confederation  and  perpetual  Union,  and  all  and 
singular  the  matters  and  things  therein  contained.  And  we  do 
further  solemnly  plight  and  engage  the  faith  of  our  respective 
constituents,  that  they  shall  abide  by  the  determinations  of  the 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  on  all  questions  which 
by  the  said  Confederation  are  submitted  to  them ;  and  that  the 
Articles  thereof  shall  be  inviolably  observed  by  the  States  we 
respectively  represent,  and  that  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual. 


314  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands  in  Con- 
gress. Done  at  Philadelphia  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 
the  ninth  day  of  July  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  seventy-eight,  and  in  the  third  year  of 
the  independence  of  America. 

On  the  part  &  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  Hampshire, 

JosiAH  Bartlett,  John  Wentworth,  Junr. 

June  8,  1778. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 

John  Hancock,  Francis  Dana, 

Samuel  Adams,  James  Lovell, 

Elbridge  Gerry,  Samuel  Holten. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Provi- 
dence Plantations, 

William  Ellery,  John  Collins. 

Henry  Marchant, 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Connecticut. 

Roger  Sherman,  Titus  Hosmer, 

Samuel  Huntington,  Andrew  Adams. 

Oliver  Wolcott, 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

Jas.  Duane,  Wm.  Duer, 

Fra.  Lewis,  Gouv.  Morris. 

On  the  part  and  in  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey ^  Novr,  26^ 

1778. 
Jno.  Witherspoon,  Nathl.  Scudder. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
Robt.  Morris,  William  Clingan, 

Daniel  Roberdeau,  Joseph  Reed, 

Jona.  Bayard  Smith,  22d  July,  1778, 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  315 

On  the  part  &  behalf  of  the  State  of  Delaware, 

Tho.  M'Kean,  John  Dickinson, 

Feby.  12,  1779.  May  5th,  1779, 

Nicholas  Van  Dyke. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Maryland, 

John  Hanson,  Daniel  Carroll, 

March  i,  1781.  Mar.  i,  1781. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Virginia, 

Richard  Henry  Lee,  Jno.  Harvie, 

John  Banister,  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee. 

Thomas  Adams, 

On  tlie  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  No,  Carolina, 

John  Penn,  Jno.  Williams. 

July  2ist  1778, 
Corns.  Harnett, 

On  the  part  &  behalf  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina. 

Henry  Laurens,  Richd.  Hutson, 

Wm.  Henry  Drayton,  Thos.  Hayward,  Junr. 

Jno.  Mathews, 

On  the  part  &  behalf  of  the  State  of  Georgia, 

Jno.  Walton,  Edwd.  Langworthy. 

24th  July,  1778, 
Edwd.  Telfair, 


LITERATURE  OF  PATRIOTISM 


Constitution  of  the  United  States 

WE,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form 
a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tran- 
quillity, provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general 
welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the 
United  States  of  America. 


ARTICLE  I 

Section  i.  All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be 
vested  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist 
of  a  Senate  and  a  House  of  Representatives. 

Sec.  2.  The  House  of  K.epresentatives  shall  be  composed 
of  members  chosen  every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  sev- 
eral States,  and  the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  quali- 
fications requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of 
the  State  legislature. 

No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have 
attained  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected, 
be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen, 

[Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned 
among  the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this 
Union,  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be 
determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  in- 
cluding those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  exclud- 

316 


OTJE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  317 

ing  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons.]*  The 
actual  enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  years  after  the 
first  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within 
every  subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as  they 
shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  Representatives  shall  not 
exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each  State  shall  have 
at  least  one  Representative ;  and  until  such  enumeration  shall 
be  made,  the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to 
choose  three,  Massachusetts  eight,  Rhode  Island  and  Provi- 
dence Plantations  one,  Connecticut  five,  New  York  six.  New 
Jersey  four,  Pennsylvania  eight,  Delaware  one,  Maryland  six, 
Virginia  ten.  North  Carolina  five,  South  Carolina  five,  and 
Georgia  three. 

When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any 
State,  the  executive  authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  elec- 
tion to  fill  such  vacancies. 

The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  speaker 
and  other  officers ;  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeach- 
ment. 

Sec.  3.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  com- 
posed of  two  Senators  from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  legisla- 
ture thereof,  for  six  years ;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one 
vote. 

Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence 
of  the  first  election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be 
into  three  classes.  The  seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  first  class 
shall  be  vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year,  of  the 
second  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year,  and  of  the 
third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that  one-third 
may  be  chosen  every  second  year ;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by 
resignation,  or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  legislature 
of  any  State,  the  executive  thereof  may  make  temporary  ap- 
pointments until  the  next  meeting  of  the  legislature,  which 
shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to 
the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the 

*The  clause  included  in  brackets  is  amended  by  the  XlVth  Amendment,  2d 
section. 


318  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEMEIP 

United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabi- 
tant of  that  State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President 
of  the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote  unless  they  be  equally 

divided. 

The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a 
President  pro  tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice-President, 
or  when  he  shall  exercise  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States. 

The  Senate  shall  have  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments. 
When  sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  af- 
firmation. When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried, 
the  Chief  Justice  shall  preside ;  and  no  person  shall  be  con- 
victed without  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the  members 
present. 

Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further 
than  to  removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and 
enjoy  any  office  of  honour,  trust,  or  profit  under  the  United 
States ;  but  the  party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and 
subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment,  and  punishment,  accord- 
ing to  law. 

Sec  4.  The  times,  places,  and  manner  of  holding  elections 
for  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  be  prescribed  in  each 
State  by  the  legislature  thereof ;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any 
time  by  law  make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the 
places  of  choosing  Senators. 

The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year, 
and  such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December, 
unless  they  shall  by  law  appoint  a  different  day. 

Sec  5.  Each  house  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections, 
returns,  and  qualifications  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority 
of  each  shall  constitute  a  quorum  to  do  business ;  but  a  smaller 
number  may  adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized 
to  compel  the  attendance  of  absent  members,  in  such  manner, 
and  under  such  penalties  as  each  house  may  provide. 

Each  house  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings, 
punish  its  members  for  disorderly  behaviour,  and,  with  the  con- 
currence of  two-thirds,  expel  a  member. 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  319 

Each  house  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and 
from  time  to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as 
may  in  their  judgment  require  secrecy;  and  the  yeas  and  nays 
of  the  members  of  either  house  on  any  question  shall,  at  the 
desire  of  one-fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

Neither  house,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days, 
nor  to  any  other  place  than  that  in  which  the  two  houses  shall 
be  sitting. 

Sec.  6.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a 
compensation  for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and 
paid  out  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall  in 
all  cases,  except  treason,  felony,  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be 
privileged  from  arrest  during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of 
their  respective  houses,  and  in  going  to  and  returning  from  the 
same ;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in  either  house  they  shall 
not  be  questioned  in  any  other  place. 

No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for 
which  he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created, 
or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during 
such  time ;  and  no  person  holding  any  office  under  the  United 
States  shall  be  a  member  of  either  house  during  his  continu- 
ance in  office. 

Sec.  7.  All  bills  for  raising  revenues  shall  originate  in 
the  House  of  Representatives ;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or 
concur  with  amendments  as  on  other  bills. 

Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives and  the  Senate  shall,  before  it  becomes  a  law,  be  pre- 
sented to  the  President  of  the  United  States ;  if  he  approve  he 
shall  sign  it,  but  if  not  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections, 
to  that  house  in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter 
the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal,  and  proceed  to  recon- 
sider it.  If  after  such  reconsideration  two-thirds  of  that  house 
shall  agree  to  pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the 
objections,  to  the  other  house,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be 
reconsidered,  and  if  approved  by  two-thirds  of  that  house,  it 
shall  become  a  law.     But  in  all  cases  the  votes  of  both  houses 


320  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names  of  the 
persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be  entered  on  the 
journal  of  each  house  respectively.  If  any  bill  shall  not  be  re- 
turned  by  the  President  within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted) 
after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a 
law,  in  like  manner  as. if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  Congress 
by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return,  in  which  case  it  shall 
not  be  a  law. 

Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of 
the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary 
(except  on  a  question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States;  and  before  the  same  shall 
take  effect  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by 
him,  shall  be  repassed  by  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives,  according  to  the  rules  and  limitations  pre- 
scribed in  the  case  of  a  bill. 

t  Sec.  8.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect 
taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide 
for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United 
States;  but  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  uniform 
throughout  the  United  States ; 

To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States ; 

To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the 
several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes ; 

To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  uniform 
laws  on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United 
States; 

To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign 
coin,  and  fix  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures ; 

To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  secu- 
rities and  current  coin  of  the  United  States; 

To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads. 

To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts,  by  se- 
curing for  limited  times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive 
right  to  their  respective  writings  and  discoveries ; 

To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court ; 

To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the 
high  seas,  and  offences  againt  the  law  of  nations. 


OTJB  STSTJSM  OF  GOTERNMENT  321 

To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and 
make  rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water ; 

To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money 
to  that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years ; 

To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy ; 

To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the 
land  and  naval  forces ; 

To  provide  for  the  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the 
laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions ; 

To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  mi- 
litia, and  for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the  States 
respectively  the  appointment  of  the  officers  and  the  authority 
of  training  the  militia  according  to  the  discipline  prescribed  by 
Congress ; 

To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever, 
over  such  district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by 
cession  of  particular  States,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress, 
become  the  seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  exercise  like  authority  over  all  places  purchased  by  the  con- 
sent of  the  legislature  of  the  State  in  which  the  same  shall  be, 
for  the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dockyards,  and 
other  needful  buildings ;  and 

To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
carrying  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other 
powers  vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof. 

Sec.  9.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as 
any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit, 
shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be 
imposed  on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for 
each  person. 

The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  sus- 
f)ended,  unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  pub- 
lic safety  may  require  it. 

No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

No  capitation,  or  other  direct  tax,  shall  be  laid,  unless  in 
21 


322  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

proportion  to  the  census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed 
to  be  taken. 

No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any 
State.  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  com- 
merce or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  an- 
other; nor  shall  vessels  bound  to,  or  from,  one  State  be  obliged 
to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in  another. 

No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury,  but  in  conse- 
quence of  appropriations  made  by  law ;  and  a  regular  state- 
ment and  account  of  the  receipts  and  the  expenditures  of  all 
public  money  shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States ; 
and  no  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them 
shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  pres- 
ent, emolument,  office,  or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any 
king,  prince,  or  foreign  state. 

Sec.  10.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or 
confederation ;  grant  letters  of  marque  or  reprisal ;  coin  money ; 
emit  bills  of  credit ;  make  any  thing  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a 
tender  in  payment  of  debts ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post 
facto  law,  or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  or  grant 
any  title  of  nobility. 

No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any 
imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be 
absolutely  necessary  for  executing  its  inspection  laws ;  and  the 
net  produce  of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  im- 
ports or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States;  and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  revi- 
sion and  control  of  the  Congress. 

No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay 
any  duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of 
peace,  enter  into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State, 
or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  in- 
vaded, or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 


'^^j^:^a/m:^^ 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  323 


ARTICLE    II 

Section  i  .  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his 
office  during  the  term  of  four  years,  and,  together  with  the 
Vice-President,  chosen  for  the  same  term,  be  elected  as 
follows : 

Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature 
thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of  directors,  equal  to  the  whole 
number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State 
may  be  entitled  in  the  Congress ;  but  no  Senator  or  Represen- 
tative, or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the 
United  States,  shall  be  appointed  an  elector. 

[The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote 
by  ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an 
inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall 
make  a  list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of 
votes  for  each;  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  trans- 
mit sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the 
Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  the  House  of 
Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall 
then  be  counted.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of 
votes  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of 
the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  there  be  more 
than  one  who  have  such  majority  and  have  an  equal  number  of 
votes,  then  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  immediately 
choose  by  ballot  one  of  them  for  President ;  and  if  no  person 
have  a  majority,  then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the  said 
House  shall  in  like  manner  choose  the  President.  But  in 
choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the 
representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote ;  a  quorum  for 
this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two- 
thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be 
necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every  case,  after  the  choice  of  the 
President,  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of 


324  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

the  electors  shall  be  the  Vice-President ;  but  if  there  should 
remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the  Senate  shall 
choose  from  them,  by  ballot,  the  Vice-President.*] 

The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosmg  the  elec- 
tors, and  the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes;  which 
day  shall  be  the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

No  person  except  a  natural-born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution, 
shall  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  President;  neither  shall  any 
person  be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  the 
age  of  thirty-five  years,  and  been  fourteen  years  a  resident 
within  the  United  States. 

In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his 
death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  du- 
ties of  the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, and  the  Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  re- 
moval, death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the  President  or 
Vice-President,  declaring  what  officer  shall  then  act  as  Presi- 
dent, and  such  officer  shall  act  accordingly  until  the  disability 
be  removed,  or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services 
a  compensation,  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  dimin- 
ished during  the  period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected, 
and  he  shall  not  receive  within  that  period  any  other  emolu- 
ment from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office,  he  shall  take 
the  following  oath  or  affirmation : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  ex- 
ecute the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to 
the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States." 

Sec  2.  The  President  shall  be  commander-m-chief  of  the 
army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the 
several  States,  when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United 
States ;  he  may  require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal 
officer  in  each  of  the  executive  departments,  upion  any  subject 
relating  to  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices,  and  he  shall 

♦ThiscUuse  in  brackets  has  been  superseded  by  the  Xllth  Amendment. 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  325 

have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offences  against 
the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Sena- 
tors present  concur ;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambassadors, 
other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  ap- 
pointments are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which 
shall  be  established  by  law ;  but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest 
the  appointment  of  such  inferior  officers,  as  they  think  proper, 
in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  laws,  or  in  the  heads  of 
departments. 

The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that 
may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  com- 
missions which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Sec.  3.  He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress 
information  of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their 
consideration  <such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and 
expedient;  he  may,  on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both 
houses,  or  either  of  them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement  between 
them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment,  he  may  adjourn 
them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper ;  he  shall  receive 
ambassadors  and  other  public  ministers ;  he  shall  take  care  that 
the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commission  all  the 
officers  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  4.  The  President,  Vice-President,  and  all  civil  officers 
of  the  United  States,  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  impeach- 
ment for,  and  conviction  of,  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanours. 

ARTICLE  III 

Section  i.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  vested  in  one  Supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts 
as  the  Congress  may  from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish. 
The  judges,  both  of  the  Supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall 
hold  their  offices  during  good  behaviour,  and  shall,  at  stated 


826  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

times,  receive  for  their  services  a  compensation,  which  shall 
not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office. 

Sec.  2.  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases,  in  law 
and  equity,  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under 
their  authority,  to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public 
ministers,  and  consuls;  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime 
jurisdiction;  to  controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall 
be  a  party;  to  controversies  between  two  or  more  States;  be- 
tween a  State  and  citizens  of  another  State;  between  citizens 
of  different  States;  between  citizens  of  the  same  State  claim- 
ing lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a  State, 
or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  states,  citizens,  or  subjects. 

In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers 
and  consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  a  party,  the 
Supreme  Court  shall  have  original  jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other 
cases  before  mentioned,  the  Supreme  Courts  shall  have  appel- 
late jurisdiction,  both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exception, 
and  under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shaU  make. 

The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall 
be  by  jury;  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the 
said  crimes  shall  have  been  committed ;  but  when  not  committed 
within  any  State,  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places  as 
the  Congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

Sec.  3.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist 
only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  ene- 
mies, giving  them  aid  and  comfort.  No  person  shall  be  con- 
victed of  treason  unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to 
the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment 
of  treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of 
blood,  or  forfeiture  except  during  the  life  of  the  person  at- 
tainted. 

ARTICLE  IV 

Section  i.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each 
btate  to  the  public  acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of 
every  other  State.    And  the  Congress  may  by  general  laws 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  327 

prescribe  the  manner  in  which  such  acts,  records,  and  proceed- 
ings shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect  thereof. 

Sec.  2.  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all 
privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or 
other  crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice  and  be  found  in  another 
State,  shall,  on  demand  of  the  executive  authority  of  the  State 
from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State 
having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

No  person  held  to  service  or  labour  in  any  State,  under  the 
laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of 
any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service 
or  labour,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to 
whom  such  service  or  labour  may  be  due. 

Sec.  3.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into 
this  Union ;  but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  any  other  State;  nor  any  State  be  formed 
by  the  junction  of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States  concerned  as 
well  as  of  the  Congress. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make 
all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or 
other  property  belonging  to  the  United  States ;  and  nothing  in 
this  Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any 
claims  of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

Sec.  4.  The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State 
in  this  Union  a  republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  pro- 
tect each" of  them  against  invasion;  and  on  application  of  the 
legislature,  or  of  the  executive  (when  the  legislature  cannot  be 
convened),  against  domestic  violence. 

ARTICLE  V 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both  houses  shall 
deem  it  necessary,  shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitu- 
tion, or  on  the  application  of  the  legislatures  of  two-thirds  of 
the  several  States,  shall  call  a  convention  for  proposing  amend- 
ments, which,  in  either  case,  shall  be  valid,  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  as  part  of  this  Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  leg- 


328  PATBIOTISM  AND   GITIZEmHIP 

islatures  of  three-fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  conven- 
tions in  three-fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of 
ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress;  provided  that 
no  amendments  which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any  manner  affect 
the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first  ar- 
ticle; and  that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall  be  deprived 
of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE  VI 

All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into,  before 
the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against  the 
United  States  under  this  Constitution  as  under  the  Confedera- 
tion. 

This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which 
shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or 
which  shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land;  and  the  judges  in  every 
State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any  thing  in  the  constitution  or 
laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and 
the  members  of  the  several  State  legislatures,  and  all  executive 
and  judicial  officers,  both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  sev- 
eral States,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation  to  support 
this  Constitution ;  but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be  required 
as  a  qualification  to  any  office  or  public  trust  under  the  United 
States. 

ARTICLE  VII 

The  ratification  of  the  conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be 
sufficient  for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between 
the  States  so  ratifying  the  same. 

Done  in  Convention  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  States 
present,*   the  Seventeenth  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of 

•Rhode  Island  was  not  represented.     Several  of  the  delegates  had  left  the 

i^onvention  before  it  concluded  its  labours,  and  some  others  who  remained  refused 

^I?u  '  «     ^"'  ^"^  <^«^egates  had  been  appointed,  55  attended,  49  signed. 

fh.o      °"\!"^^\fication  was  that  of  Delaware,  Dec.  7,  1787 ;  the  ninth  (bringing 

khJ^T!  i' w  '°^°  ^^"^^^  ^^^^  °^  N^^  Hampshire,  June  21,  1788 ;  the  last,  that  of 
Rhode  Island,  May  29,  1790.  . 


OUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  329 

our  Lord  1787,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 
of  America  the  Twelfth. 

In  Witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  subscribed  our 
names. 

G?..  Washington, 
Presidt.  and  Deputy  from  Virginia, 

New  Hampshire — John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Oilman. 

Massachusetts — Nathaniel  Gorham,  Rufus  King. 

Connecticut — Wm.  Saml.  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman. 

New  York — Alexander  Hamilton. 

New  Jersey — Wil.  Livingston,  Wm.  Patterson,  David  Brear- 
ley,  Jona.  Dayton. 

Pennsylvania — B.  Franklin,  Thos.  Fitzsimons,  Thomas 
Mifflin,  Jared  Ingersoll,  Robt.  Morris,  James  Wilson,  Geo. 
Clymer,  Gouv.  Morris. 

Delaware — Geo.  Read,  Richard  Bassett,  Gunning  Bedford, 
Jun,,  Jaco.  Brown,  John  Dickinson. 

Maryland— ]2imQS  M' Henry,  Dan.  Carroll,  Dan.  Jenifer,  of 
St.  Thomas. 

Virginia — John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jun. 

Nonh  Carolina — Wm.  Blount,  Hugh  Williamson,  Rich'd. 
Dobbs  Speight. 

South  Carolina — J.  Rutledge,  Charles  Pinckney,  Charles 
Cotesworth  Pinckney,  Pierce  Butler. 

Georgia — William  Few,  Abr.  Baldwin. 

Attest:  William  Jackson,  Secretary. 

Articles  in  addition  to,  and  amendment  of,  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  proposed  by  Congress,  and 
ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States,  pursuant 
to  the  fifth  Article  of  the  original  Constitution, 

ARTICLE  I  * 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of 
religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging 

♦Amendments  I-X  inclusive  were  proposed  by  Congress  to  the  Legislatures  of 

the  States,  Sept.  25,  1789,  and  ratified  1789-91. 


330  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

the  freedom  of  speech  or  of  the  press;  or  the  right  of  the  peo- 
pie  peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  Government  for 
a  redress  of  grievances. 

ARTICLE  II 

A  well-regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of 
a  free  state,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall 
not  be  infringed. 

ARTICLE  III 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house, 
without  the  consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  the  time  of  war,  but 
in  a  manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

ARTICLE  IV 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons, 
houses,  papers,  and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and 
seizures,  shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants  shall  issue,  but 
upon  probable  cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and 
particularly  describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  person 
or  things  to  be  seized. 

ARTICLE  V 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital,  or  otherwise 
infamous  crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a 
grand  jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces, 
or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or  public 
danger;  nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offence 
to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb;  nor  shall  be  com- 
pelled in  any  criminal  case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  nor 
be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of 
law ;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for  public  use,  with- 
out just  compensation. 

ARTICLE  VI 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the 
right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the 
State  and  district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed. 


OUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  331 

which  district  shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law, 
and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation ; 
to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him ;  to  have  com- 
pulsory process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favour,  and  to 
have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defence. 


ARTICLE  VII 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy 
shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be 
preserved,  and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re- 
examined in  any  court  of  the  United  States  than  according  to 
the  rules  of  the  common  law. 


ARTICLE  VIII 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines 
imposed,  nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

ARTICLE  IX 

The  enumeration  of  the  Constitution,  of  certain  rights, 
shall  not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by 
the  people. 

ARTICLE  X 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Con- 
stitution, nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the 
States  respectively,  or  to  the  people. 

ARTICLE  XI* 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  con- 
strued to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or 
prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of  an- 
other State,  or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

*Amendt.  XI  was  proposed  by  Congress  Sept.  5,  i794»  and  declared  to  have 
been  ratified  by  the  legislatures  of  the  three-fourths  of  the  States,  Jan.  8, 1798. 


332  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 


ARTICLE  XII* 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote 
by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom  at 
least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  them- 
selves; they  shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as 
President,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice- 
President,  and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted 
for  as  President,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President, 
and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which  lists  they  shall  sign 
and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate ; 
— The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates, 
and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted ; — The  person  having  the 
greatest  number  of  votes  for  President  shall  be  the  President, 
if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors 
appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  such  majority,  then  from  the 
persons  having  the  highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three  on  the 
list  of  those  voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives shall  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.  But 
in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States, 
the  representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote ;  a  quorum 
for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from 
two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall 
be  necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives shall  not  choose  a  President  whenever  the  right  of  choice 
shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next 
following,  then  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the 
President. 

The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice- 
President  shall  be  the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a  ma- 
jority of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  no  per- 
son have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the 

•Amendt.  XII  was  proposed  by  Congress,  Dec.  12,  1803,  and  declared  to  have 
been  ratified  Sept.  25, 1804. 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  333 

list  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-President ;  a  quorum  for 
the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of 
Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  neces- 
sary to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to 
the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  XIII  * 

Section  i.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  ex- 
cept as  a  punishment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have 
been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or 
any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

Sec.  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article 
by  appropriate  legislation. 

ARTICLE  XIV  t 

Section  i.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United 
States,  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State  wherein  they  reside. 
No  State  shall  make  or  enforce  any  law  which  shall  abridge 
the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United  States ; 
nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or  prop- 
erty, without  due  process  of  law;  nor  deny  to  any  person 
within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

Sec.  2.  Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the 
several  States  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  counting 
the  whole  number  of  persons  in  each  State,  excluding  Indians 
not  taxed.  But  when  the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  the 
choice  of  electors  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  Representatives  in  Congress,  the  executive  and  judicial 
officers  of  the  State,  or  the  members  of  the  legislature  thereof, 
is  denied  to  any  of  the  male  inhabitants  of  such  State,  being 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citizens  of  the  UniteJ  States,  or 
in  any  way  abridged,  except  for  participation  in  rC/bellion,  or 

*Amendt.  XIII  was  proposed  by  Congress,  Feb.  i,  1865,  and  declared  to  have 
been  ratified  by  27  of  the  36  States,  Dec.  i8,  1865. 

t  Araendt.  XIV  was  proposed  by  Congress  June  16,  1866,  and  declared  to  har* 
been  ratified  by  30  of  the  36  States,  July  28, 1868. 


334  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

other  crime,  the  basis  of  representation  therein  shall  be  reduced 
in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of  such  male  citizens  shall 
bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age  in  such  State. 

Sec  3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in 
Congress,  or  elector  of  President  and  Vice-President,  or  hold 
any  office,  civil  or  military,  under  the  United  States,  or  under 
any  State,  who,  having  previously  taken  an  oath,  as  a  member 
of  the  Congress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a 
member  of  any  State  legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial 
officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  shall  have  engaged  in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against 
the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof.  But 
Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  each  House,  remove 
such  disability. 

Sec.  4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United 
States,  authorized  by  law,  including  debts  incurred  for  payment 
of  pensions  and  bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  insurrec- 
tion or  rebellion,  shall  not  be  questioned.  But  neither  the 
United  States  nor  any  State  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or 
obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebellion  against 
the  United  States  or  any  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of 
any  slave;  but  all  such  debts,  obligations,  and  claims  shall  be 
held  illegal  and  void. 

Sec.  5.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce,  by 
appropriate  legislation,  the  provisions  of  this  article. 


ARTICLE  XV* 

Section  i.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to 
vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or 
any  State  on  account  of  race,  colour,  or  previous  condition  of 
servitude. 

Sec  2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this 
article  by  appropriate  legislation. 

been  mifi^'hv^  was  proposed  by  Congress  Feb.  26. 1869,  and  declared  to  have 
oeen  ratified  by  39  of  the  37  States,  March  30. 1870. 


LITERATURE  OF  PATRIOTISM 


Farewell  Address 

By  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

(Issued  September  17,  1796) 

Friends  and  Fellow-Citizens  : — 

THE  period  for  a  new  election  of  a  citizen  to  administer  the 
executive  government  of  the  United  States  being  not  far 
distant,  and  the  time  actually  arrived  when  your  thoughts  must 
be  employed  in  designating  the  person  who  is  to  be  clothed 
with  that  important  trust,  it  appears  to  me  proper,  especially 
as  it  may  conduce  to  a  more  distinct  expression  of  the  public 
voice,  that  I  should  now  apprise  you  of  the  resolution  I  have 
formed,  to  decline  being  considered  among  the  number  of 
those  out  of  whom  a  choice  is  to  be  made. 

I  beg  you,  at  the  same  time,  to  do  me  the  justice  to  be  as- 
sured that  this  resolution  has  not  been  taken  without  a  strict 
regard  to  all  the  considerations  appertaining  to  the  relation 
which  binds  a  dutiful  citizen  to  his  country ;  and  that  in  with- 
drawing the  tender  of  service,  which  silence  in  my  situation 
might  imply,  I  am  influenced  by  no  diminution  of  zeal  for  your 
future  interest,  no  deficiency  of  grateful  respect  for  your  past 
kindness,  but  am  supported  by  a  full  conviction  that  the  step 
is  compatible  with  both. 

The  acceptance  of,  and  continuance  hitherto  in,  the  office 
to  which  your  suffrages  have  twice  called  me,  have  been  a  uni- 
form sacrifice  of  inclination  to  the  opinion  of  duty  and  to  a  def- 
erence for  what  appeared  to  be  your  desire.  I  constantly 
hoped  that  it  would  have  been  much  earlier  in  my  power,  con- 

335 


336  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmSIP 

sistently  with  motives  which  I  was  not  at  liberty  to  disregard, 
to  return  to  that  retirement  from  which  I  had  been  reluctantly 
drawn.  The  strength  of  my  inclination  to  do  this,  previous  to 
the  last  election,  had  even  led  to  the  preparation  of  an  address 
to  declare  it  to  you ;  but  mature  reflection  on  the  then  perplexed 
and  critical  posture  of  our  affairs  with  foreign  nations,  and  the 
unanimous  advice  of  persons  entitled  to  my  confidence,  impelled 
me  to  abandon  the  idea. 

I  rejoice  that  the  state  of  your  concerns,  external  as  well 
as  internal,  no  longer  renders  the  pursuit  of  inclination  incom- 
patible with  the  sentiment  of  duty  or  propriety,  and  am  per- 
suaded, whatever  partiality  may  be  retained  for  my  services, 
that,  in  the  present  circumstances  of  our  country,  you  will  not 
disapprove  my  determination  to  retire. 

The  impressions  with  which  I  first  undertook  the  arduous 
trust  were  explained  on  the  proper  occasion.  In  the  discharge 
of  this  trust,  I  will  only  say  that  I  have,  with  good  intentions, 
contributed  towards  the  organization  and  administration  of  the 
government  the  best  exertions  of  which  a  very  fallible  judgment 
was  capable.  Not  unconscious  in  the  outset  of  the  inferiority 
of  my  qualifications,  experience  in  my  own  eyes,  perhaps  still 
more  in  the  eyes  of  others,  has  strengthened  the  motives  to 
diffidence  of  myself;  and  every  day  the  increasing  weight  of 
years  admonishes  me  more  and  more  that  the  shade  of  retire- 
ment is  as  necessary  to  me  as  it  will  be  welcome.  Satisfied  that 
if  any  circumstances  have  given  peculiar  value  to  my  services, 
they  were  temporary,  I  have  the  consolation  to  believe  that, 
while  choice  and  prudence  invite  me  to  quit  the  political  scene, 
patriotism  does  not  forbid  it. 

In  looking  forward  to  the  moment  which  is  intended  to  ter- 
minate the  career  of  my  public  life,  my  feelings  do  not  permit 
me  to  suspend  the  deep  acknowledgment  of  that  debt  of  grati- 
tude which  I  owe  to  my  beloved  country  for  the  many  honors  it 
has  conferred  upon  me;  still  more  for  the  steadfast  confidence 
with  which  it  has  supported  me;  and  for  the  opportunities  I 
have  thence  enjoyed  of  manifesting  my  inviolable  attachment, 
by  services  faithful  and  persevering,  though  in  usefulness 
unequal  to  my  zeal.    If  benefits  have  resulted  to  our  country 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  337 

from  these  services,  let  it  always  be  remembered  to  your  praise, 
and  as  an  instructive  example  in  our  annals,  that  under  circum- 
stances in  which  the  passions,  agitated  in  every  direction,  were 
liable  to  mislead,  amidst  appearances  sometimes  dubious,  vicis- 
situdes of  fortune  often  discouraging,  in  situations  m  which  not 
unfrequently  want  of  success  has  countenanced  the  spirit  of 
criticism,  the  constancy  of  your  support  was  the  essential  prop 
of  the  efforts,  and  a  guaranty  of  the  plans  by  which  they  were 
effected.  Profoundly  penetrated  with  this  idea,  I  shall  carry 
it  with  me  to  my  grave,  as  a  strong  incitement  to  unceasing 
vows  that  heaven  may  continue  to  you  the  choicest  tokens  of 
its  beneficence ;  that  your  union  and  brotherly  affection  may 
be  perpetual ;  that  the  free  Constitution,  which  is  the  work  of 
your  hands,  may  be  sacredly  maintained ;  that  its  administra- 
tion in  every  department  may  be  stamped  with  wisdom  and 
virtue ;  that,  in  fine,  the  happiness  of  the  people  of  these  states, 
under  the  auspices  of  liberty,  may  be  made  complete  by  so  care- 
ful a  preservation  and  so  prudent  a  use  of  this  blessing  as  will 
acquire  to  them  the  glory  of  recommending  it  to  the  applause, 
the  affection,  and  adoption  of  every  nation  which  is  yet  a  stran- 
ger to  it. 

Here,  perhaps,  I  ought  to  stop.  But  a  solicitude  for  your 
welfare,  which  cannot  end  but  with  my  life,  and  the  apprehen- 
sion of  danger,  natural  to  that  solicitude,  urge  me,  on  an  occa- 
sion like  the  present,  to  offer  to  your  solemn  contemplation, 
and  to  recommend  to  your  frequent  review,  some  sentiments 
which  are  the  result  of  much  reflection,  of  no  inconsiderable 
observation,  and  which  appear  to  me  all-important  to  the  per- 
manency of  your  felicity  as  a  people.  These  will  be  offered  to 
you  with  the  more  freedom,  as  you  can  only  see  in  them  the 
disinterested  warnings  of  a  parting  friend,  who  can  possibly 
have  no  personal  motive  to  bias  his  counsel.  Nor  can  I  for- 
get, as  an  encouragement  to  it,  your  indulgent  reception  of  my 
sentiments  on  a  former  and  not  dissimilar  occasion. 

Interwoven  as  is  the  love  of  liberty  with  every  ligament  of 
your  hearts,  no  recommendation  of  mine  is  necessary  to  fortify 
or  confirm  the  attachment. 

The  unity  of  government  which  constitutes  you  one  people 
22 


338  PATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

is  also  now  dear  to  you.  It  is  justly  so,  for  it  is  a  main  pillar 
in  the  edifice  of  your  real  independence,  the  support  of  your 
tranquillity  at  home,  your  peace  abroad;  of  your  safety;  of 
your  prosperity;  of  that  very  liberty  which  you  so  highly  prize. 
But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee  that,  from  different  causes  and  from 
different  quarters,  much  pains  will  be  taken,  many  artifices  em- 
ployed to  weaken  in  your  minds  the  conviction  of  this  truth ; 
as  this  is  the  point  in  your  political  fortress  against  which  the 
batteries  of  internal  and  external  enemies  will  be  most  con- 
stantly and  actively  (though  often  covertly  and  insidiously) 
directed,  it  is  of  infinite  moment  that  you  should  properly  esti- 
mate the  immense  value  of  your  national  union  to  your  collect- 
ive and  individual  happiness ;  that  you  should  cherish  a  cor- 
dial, habitual,  and  immovable  attachment  to  it ;  accustoming 
yourselves  to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  of  the  palladium  of  your 
political  safety  and  prosperity ;  watching  for  its  preservation 
with  jealous  anxiety ;  discountenancing  whatever  may  suggest 
even  a  suspicion  that  it  can  in  any  event  be  abandoned ;  and 
indignantly  frowning  upon  the  first  dawning  of  every  attempt 
to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country  from  the  rest,  or  to  en- 
feeble the  sacred  ties  which  now  link  together  the  various 
parts. 

For  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sympathy  and  inter- 
est. Citizens,  by  birth  or  choice,  of  a  common  country,  that 
country  has  a  right  to  concentrate  your  affections.  The  name 
of  American,  which  belongs  to  you  in  your  national  capacity, 
must  always  exalt  the  just  pride  of  patriotism  more  than  any 
appellation  derived  from  local  discriminations.  With  slight 
shades  of  difference,  you  have  the  same  religion,  manners, 
habits,  and  political  principles.  You  have  in  a  common  cause 
fought  and  triumphed  together;  the  independence  and  liberty 
you  possess  are  the  work  of  joint  counsels,  and  joint  efforts  of 
common  dangers,  sufferings,  and  successes. 

But  these  considerations,  however  powerfully  they  address 
themselves  to  your  sensibility,  are  greatly  outweighed  by  those 
which  apply  more  immediately  to  your  interest.  Here  every 
portion  of  our  country  finds  the  most  commanding  motives  for 
carefully  guarding  and  preserving  the  union  of  the  whole. 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  339 

The  North,  in  an  unrestrained  intercourse  with  the  South, 
protected  by  the  equal  laws  of  a  common  government,  finds  in 
the  productions  of  the  latter  great  additional  resources  of  mari- 
time and  commercial  enterprise  and  precious  materials  of  man- 
ufacturing industry.  The  South,  in  the  same  intercourse,  ben- 
efiting by  the  agency  of  the  North,  sees  its  agriculture  grow 
and  its  commerce  expand.  Turning  partly  into  its  own  chan- 
nels the  seamen  of  the  North,  it  finds  its  particular  navigation 
invigorated;  and,  while  it  contributes,  in  different  ways,  to 
nourish  and  increase  the  general  mass  of  the  national  naviga- 
tion, it  looks  forward  to  the  protection  of  a  maritime  strength, 
to  which  itself  is  unequally  adapted.  The  East,  in  a  like  inter- 
course with  the  West,  already  finds,  and  in  the  progressive  im- 
provement of  interior  communications  by  land  and  water,  will 
more  and  more  find  a  valuable  vent  for  the  commodities  which 
it  brings  from  abroad,  or  manufactures  at  home.  The  West 
derives  from  the  East  supplies  requisite  to  its  growth  and  com- 
fort, and,  what  is  perhaps  of  still  greater  consequence,  it  must 
of  necessity  owe  the  secure  enjoyment  of  indispensable  outlets 
for  its  own  productions  to  the  weight,  influence,  and  the  future 
maritime  strength  of  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  Union,  directed 
by  an  indissoluble  community  of  interest  as  one  nation.  Any 
other  tenure  by  which  the  West  can  hold  this  essential  advan- 
tage, whether  derived  from  its  own  separate  strength,  or  from 
an  apostate  and  unnatural  connection  with  any  foreign  power, 
must  be  intrinsically  precarious. 

While,  then,  every  part  of  our  country  thus  feels  an  imme- 
diate and  particular  interest  in  union,  all  the  parts  combined 
cannot  fail  to  find  in  the  united  mass  of  means  and  efforts 
greater  strength,  greater  resource,  proportionably  greater  secur- 
ity from  external  danger,  a  less  frequent  interruption  of  their 
peace  by  foreign  nations ;  and,  what  is  of  inestimable  value,  they 
must  derive  from  union  an  exemption  from  those  broils  and 
wars  between  themselves,  which  so  frequently  aflflict  neighbor- 
ing countries  not  tied  together  by  the  same  governments,  which 
their  own  rivalships  alone  would  be  sufficient  to  produce,  but 
which  opposite  foreign  alliances,  attachments,  and  intrigues 
would  stimulate  and  embitter.     Hence,  likewise,  they  will  avoid 


340  PATBI0TI8M  AND   GITIZUNSHIP 

the  necessity  of  those  overgrown  military  establishments  which, 
under  any  form  of  government,  are  inauspicious  to  liberty,  and 
which  are  to  be  regarded  as  particularly  hostile  to  republican 
liberty.  In  this  sense  it  is  that  your  union  ought  to  be  consid- 
ered as  a  main  prop  of  your  liberty,  and  that  the  love  of  the  one 
ought  to  endear  to  you  the  preservation  of  the  other. 

These  considerations  speak  a  persuasive  language  to  every 
reflecting  and  virtuous  mind,  and  exhibit  the  continuance  of 
the  Union  as  a  primary  object  of  patriotic  desire.  Is  there  a 
doubt  whether  a  common  government  can  embrace  so  large  a 
sphere?  Let  experience  solve  it.  To  listen  to  mere  specula- 
tion in  such  a  case  were  criminal.  We  are  authorized  to  hope 
that  a  proper  organization  of  the  whole  with  the  auxiliary 
agency  of  governments  for  the  respective  subdivisions,  will 
afford  a  happy  issue  to  the  experiment.  It  is  well  worth  a  fair 
and  full  experiment.  With  such  powerful  and  obvious  motives 
to  union,  affecting  all  parts  of  our  country,  while  experience 
shall  not  have  demonstrated  its  impracticability,  there  will 
always  be  reason  to  distrust  the  patriotism  of  those  who  in  any 
quarter  may  endeavor  to  weaken  its  bands. 

In  contemplating  the  causes  which  may  disturb  our  Union, 
it  occurs  as  matter  of  serious  concern  that  any  ground  should 
have  been  furnished  for  characterizing  parties  by  geographical 
discriminations.  Northern  and  Southern,  Atlantic  and  Western ; 
whence  designing  men  may  endeavor  to  excite  a  belief  that 
there  is  a  real  difference  of  local  interests  and  views.  One  of 
the  expedients  of  party  to  acquire  influence  within  particular 
districts  is  to  misrepresent  the  opinions  and  aims  of  other  dis- 
tricts. You  cannot  shield  yourselves  too  much  against  the 
jealousies  and  heart-burnings  which  spring  from  these  misrepre- 
sentations ;  they  tend  to  render  alien  to  each  other  those  who 
ought  to  be  bound  together  by  fraternal  affection.  The  inhab- 
itants of  our  Western  country  have  lately  had  a  useful  lesson 
on  this  head;  they  have  seen,  in  the  negotiation  by  the  Execu- 
tive, and  in  the  unanimous  ratification  by  the  Senate,  of  the 
treaty  with  Spain,  and  in  the  universal  satisfaction  at  that 
event,  throughout  the  United  States,  a  decisive  proof  how  un- 
founded were  the  suspicions  propagated  among  them  of  a  policy 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  341 

in  the  general  government  and  in  the  Atlantic  States  un- 
friendly to  their  interests  in  regard  to  the  Mississippi ;  they 
have  been  witnesses  to  the  formation  of  two  treaties,  that  with 
Great  Britain  and  that  with  Spain,  which  secure  to  them  every- 
thing they  could  desire,  in  respect  to  our  foreign  relations, 
towards  confirming  their  prosperity„  Will  it  not  be  their  wis- 
dom to  rely  for  the  preservation  of  these  advantages  on  the 
Union  by  which  they  were  procured  ?  Will  they  not  hence- 
forth be  deaf  to  those  advisers,  if  such  there  are,  who  would 
sever  them  from  their  brethren  and  connect  them  with  aliens  ? 

To  the  efficacy  and  permanency  of  your  Union,  a  govern- 
ment for  the  whole  is  indispensable.  No  alliance,  however 
strict,  between  the  parts  can  be  an  adequate  substitute ;  they 
must  inevitably  experience  the  infractions  and  interruptions 
which  all  alliances  in  all  times  have  experienced.  Sensible  of 
this  momentous  truth,  you  have  improved  upon  your  first  essay, 
by  the  adoption  of  a  constitution  of  government  better  calcu- 
lated than  your  former  for  an  intimate  union,  and  for  the  effi- 
cacious management  of  your  common  concerns.  This  govern- 
ment, the  offspring  of  our  own  choice,  uninfluenced  and  unawed, 
adopted  upon  full  investigation  and  mature  deliberation,  com- 
pletely free  in  its  principles,  in  the  distribution  of  its  powers, 
uniting  security  with  energy  and  containing  within  itself  a 
provision  for  its  own  amendment,  has  a  just  claim  to  your  con- 
fidence and  your  support.  Respect  for  its  authority,  compli- 
ance with  its  laws,  acquiescence  in  its  measures,  are  duties  en 
joined  by  the  fundamental  maxims  of  true  liberty.  The  basis 
of  our  political  systems  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  and 
to  alter  their  constitutions  of  government.  But  the  constitu- 
tion which  at  any  time  exists,  till  changed  by  an  explicit  and 
authentic  act  of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly  obligatory  upon 
all.  The  very  idea  of  the  power  and  the  right  of  the  people  to 
establish  government  presupposes  the  duty  of  every  individual 
to  obey  the  established  government. 

All  obstructions  to  the  execution  of  the  laws,  all  combina- 
tions and  associations,  under  whatever  plausible  character, 
with  the  real  design  to  direct,  control,  counteract,  or  awe  the 
regular  deliberation  and  action  of  the  constituted  authorities, 


3tf  PATRIOTISM  ASB  CITTZENSSIP 

are  destructive  of  this  fundamental  principle,  and  of  fatal  tend- 
cncy.  They  sene  to  organize  faction,  to  give  it  an  artificial 
and  extraorxiinaiy  force;  to  put,  in  the  place  of  the  delegated 
will  of  the  nation  the  will  of  a  party,  often  a  small  but  artiul 
and  enterprising  minority  of  the  conmiunity ;  and,  according  to 
the  alternate  triumphs  of  different  parties,  to  make  the  public 
administrati(Hi  the  mirror  of  the  ill-omcerted  and  incongruous 
projects  of  faction,  rather  than  the  organ  of  consistent  and 
wholesome  plans  digested  by  common  counsels  and  modified 
by  mutual  interests. 

However  combinations  or  associaticwis  of  the  above  descrip- 
tion may  now  and  then  answer  popular  ends,  they  are  likely, 
in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  to  become  potent  engines,  by 
which  cunning,  ambitious,  and  unprincipled  men  will  be  enabled 
to  subvert  the  power  of  the  people  and  to  usurp  for  themselves 
the  reins  of  government,  destroying  afterwards  the  very  en- 
gines which  have  lifted  them  to  unjust  dominion. 

Towards  the  preservation  of  your  government,  and  the 
permanency  of  your  present  happy  state,  it  is  requisite,  not 
only  that  you  steadily  discountenance  irrc^^ular  oppositions  to 
its  acknowledged  authority,  but  also  that  you  resist  with  care 
the  spirit  of  inno\'ation  upon  its  principles,  however  specious 
the  pretexts.  One  method  of  assault  may  be  to  effect,  in  the 
forms  of  the  Constitution,  alterations  which  will  impair  the  en- 
ergy of  the  system,  and  thus  to  undermine  what  cannot  be 
directly  overthrown.  In  all  the  changes  to  which  you  may  be 
inrited,  remember  that  time  and  habit  are  at  least  as  necessary 
to  fix  the  true  character  of  governments  as  of  other  human 
institutions;  that  experience  is  the  surest  standard  by  which  to 
test  the  real  tendency  of  the  existing  constitution  of  a  country; 
that  faciUty  in  changes,  upon  the  credit  of  mere  hypothesis  and 
opinion,  exposes  to  perpetual  change,  from  the  endless  variety 
of  h>Tx>thesis  and  opinion;  and  remember,  especially,  that  for 
the  efficient  management  of  your  common  mterests,  in  a  coun- 
try so  extensive  as  ours,  a  government  of  as  much  vigor  as  is 
consistent  with  the  perfect  security  of  liberty  is  indispensable. 
Liberty  itself  will  find  in  such  a  government,  with  powers 
properly  distributed  and  adjusted,  its  surest  guardian.     It  is, 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVEEJSJIUyT  343 

indeed,  little  else  than  a  name,  where  the  government  is  too 
feeble  to  withstand  the  enterprises  of  faction,  to  confine  each 
member  of  the  society  within  the  limits  prescribed  by  the  laws, 
and  to  maintain  all  in  the  secure  and  tranquil  enjoyment  of  the 
rights  of  person  and  property. 

I  have  already  intimated  to  you  the  danger  of  parties  in  the 
state,  with  particular  reference  to  the  founding  of  them  on 
geographical  discriminations.  Let  me  now  take  a  more  com- 
prehensive view,  and  warn  you  in  the  most  solemn  mannei 
against  the  baneful  effects  of  the  spirit  of  party  generally. 

This  spirit,  unfortunately,  is  inseparable  from  our  nature, 
having  its  root  in  the  strongest  passions  of  the  human  mind. 
It  exists  under  different  shapes  in  all  governments,  more  or 
less  stifled,  controlled,  or  repressed ;  but,  in  those  of  the  popu- 
lar form,  it  is  seen  in  its  greatest  rankness,  and  is  truly  their 
worst  enemy. 

The  alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over  another,  sharp- 
ened by  the  spirit  of  revenge,  natural  to  party  dissension,  which 
in  different  ages  and  countries  has  perpetrated  the  most  horrid 
enormities,  is  itself  a  frightful  despotism.  But  this  leads  at 
length  to  a  more  formal  and  permanent  despotism.  The  dis- 
orders and  miseries  which  result  gradually  incline  the  minds  of 
men  to  seek  security  and  repose  in  the  absolute  power  of  an 
individual ;  and  sooner  or  later  the  chief  of  some  prev^ing  fac- 
tion, more  able  or  more  fortunate  than  his  competitors,  turns 
this  disposition  to  the  purposes  of  his  own  elevation,  on  the 
ruins  of  public  liberty. 

Without  looking  forward  to  an  extremity  of  this  kind  (which 
nevertheless  ought  not  to  be  entirely  out  of  sight),  the  com- 
mon and  continual  mischiefs  of  the  spirit  of  party  are  sufficient 
to  make  it  the  interest  and  duty  of  a  wise  people  to  discourage 
and  restrain  it. 

It  serves  always  to  distract  the  public  councils  and  enfeeble 
the  public  administration.  It  agitates  the  community  with  ill- 
founded  jealousies  and  false  alarms,  kindles  the  animosity  of 
one  part  against  another,  foments  occasionally  riot  and  insur- 
rection. It  opens  the  door  to  foreign  influence  and  corruption, 
which  finds  a  facilitated  access  to  the  government  itself  through 


344  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZEWSHIP 

the  channels  of  party  passions.    Thus  the  policy  and  the  will 
of  one  country  are  subjected  to  the  policy  and  will  of  another. 

There  is  an  opinion  that  parties  in  free  countries  are  use- 
ful checks  upon  the  administration  of  the  government  and 
serve  to  keep  alive  the  spirit  of  liberty.  This  within  certain 
limits  is  probably  true ;  and  in  governments  of  a  monarchical 
cast,  patriotism  may  look  with  indulgence,  if  not  with  favor, 
upon  the  spirit  of  party.  But  in  those  of  the  popular  character, 
in  governments  purely  elective,  it  is  a  spirit  not  to  be  encour- 
aged. From  their  natural  tendency,  it  is  certain  there  will 
always  be  enough  of  that  spirit  for  every  salutary  purpose. 
And  there  being  constant  danger  of  excess,  the  effort  ought  to 
be  by  force  of  public  opinion  to  mitigate  and  assuage  it.  A 
fire  not  to  be  quenched,  it  demands  a  uniform  vigilance  to  pre- 
vent its  bursting  into  a  flame,  lest,  instead  of  warming,  it 
should  consume. 

It  is  important,  likewise,  that  the  habits  of  thinking  in  a  free 
country  should  inspire  caution  in  those  intrusted  with  its  ad- 
ministration, to  confine  themselves  within  their  respective  con- 
stitutional spheres,  avoiding  in  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  one 
department  to  encroach  upon  another.  The  spirit  of  encroach- 
ment tends  to  consolidate  the  powers  of  all  the  departments  in 
one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever  the  form  of  government,  a 
real  despotism.  A  just  estimate  of  that  love  of  power,  and 
proneness  to  abuse  it,  which  predominates  in  the  human  heart, 
is  sufficient  to  satisfy  us  of  the  truth  of  this  position.  The 
necessity  of  reciprocal  checks  in  the  exercise  of  political  power, 
by  dividing  and  distributing  it  into  different  depositaries,  and 
constituting  each  the  guardian  of  the  public  weal  against  inva- 
sions by  the  others,  has  been  evinced  by  experiments  ancient 
and  modern;  some  of  them  in  our  country  and  under  our  own 
eyes.  To  preserve  them  must  be  as  necessary  as  to  institute 
them.  If,  in  the  opinion  of  the  people,  the  distribution  or 
modification  of  the  constitutional  powers  be  in  any  particular 
wrong,  let  it  be  corrected  by  an  amendment  in  the  way  which 
the  Constitution  designates.  But  let  there  be  no  change  by 
usurpation;  for  though  this,  in  one  instance,  may  be  the  instru- 
ment of  good,  it  is  the  customary  weapon  by  which  free  gov- 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  345 

ernments  are  destroyed.  The  precedent  must  always  greatly 
overbalance  in  permanent  evil  any  partial  or  transient  benefit 
which  the  use  can  at  any  time  yield. 

Of  all  the  dispositions  and  habits  which  lead  to  political 
prosperity,  religion  and  morality  are  indispensable  supports. 
In  vain  would  that  man  claim  the  tribute  of  patriotism  who 
should  labor  to  subvert  these  great  pillars  of  human  happiness, 
these  firmest  props  of  the  duties  of  men  and  citizens.  The 
mere  politician,  equally  with  the  pious  man,  ought  to  respect 
and  to  cherish  them.  A  volume  could  not  trace  all  their  con- 
nections with  private  and  public  felicity.  Let  it  simply  be 
asked  :  Where  is  the  security  for  property,  for  reputation,  for 
life,  if  the  sense  of  religious  obligation  desert  the  oaths  which 
are  the  instruments  of  investigation  in  courts  of  justice  ?  And 
let  us  with  caution  indulge  the  supposition  that  morality  can 
be  maintained  without  religion.  Whatever  may  be  conceded 
to  the  influence  of  refined  education  on  minds  of  peculiar 
structure,  reason  and  experience  both  forbid  us  to  expect  that 
national  morality  can  prevail  in  exclusion  of  religious  principle. 

It  is  substantially  true  that  virtue  or  morality  is  a  necessary 
spring  of  popular  government.  The  rule,  indeed,  extends  with 
more  or  less  force  to  every  species  of  free  government.  Who 
that  is  a  sincere  friend  to  it  can  look  with  indifference  upon 
attempts  to  shake  the  foundation  of  the  fabric .? 

Promote  then,  as  an  object  of  primary  importance,  institu- 
tions for  the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge.  In  proportion 
as  the  structure  of  a  government  gives  force  to  public  opinion, 
it  is  essential  that  public  opinion  should  be  enlightened. 

As  a  very  important  source  of  strength  and  security,  cher- 
ish public  credit.  One  method  of  preserving  it  is  to  use  it  as 
sparingly  as  possible,  avoiding  occasions  of  expense  by  cultivat- 
ing peace,  but  remembering  also  that  timely  disbursements  to 
prepare  for  danger  frequently  prevent  much  greater  disburse- 
ments to  repel  it,  avoiding  likewise  the  accumulation  of  debt, 
not  only  by  shunning  occasions  of  expense,  but  by  vigorous 
exertion  in  time  of  peace  to  discharge  the  debts  which  unavoid- 
able wars  may  have  occasioned,  not  ungenerously  throwing 
upon  posterity  the  burden  which  we  ourselves  ought  to  bear. 


346  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZEMRIP 

The  execution  of  these  maxims  belongs  to  your  representatives, 
but  it  is  necessary  that  public  opinion  should  cooperate.  To 
facilitate  to  them  the  performance  of  their  duty,  it  is  essential 
that  you  should  practically  bear  in  mind  that  towards  the  pay- 
ment of  debts  there  must  be  revenue ;  that  to  have  revenue 
there  must  be  taxes ;  that  no  taxes  can  be  devised  which  are 
not  more  or  less  inconvenient  and  unpleasant ;  that  the  intrin- 
sic embarrassment,  inseparable  from  the  selection  of  the  proper 
objects  (which  is  always  a  choice  of  difficulties),  ought  to  be 
a  decisive  motive  for  a  candid  construction  of  the  conduct  of 
the  government  in  making  it,  and  for  a  spirit  of  acquiescence 
in  the  measures  for  obtaining  revenue,  which  the  public  exi- 
gencies may  at  any  time  dictate. 

Observe  good  faith  and  justice  towards  all  nations;  culti- 
vate peace  and  harmony  with  all.  Religion  and  morality  en- 
join this  conduct;  and  can  it  be  that  good  policy  does  not 
equally  enjoin  it .?  It  will  be  worthy  of  a  free,  enlightened,  and, 
at  no  distant  period,  a  great  nation,  to  give  to  mankind  the 
magnanimous  and  too  novel  example  of  a  people  always  guided 
by  an  exalted  justice  and  benevolence.  Who  can  doubt  that, 
in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  the  fruits  of  such  a  plan 
would  richly  repay  any  temporary  advantages  which  might  be 
lost  by  a  steady  adherence  to  it .?  Can  it  be  that  Providence 
has  not  connected  the  permanent  felicity  of  a  nation  with  its 
virtue .?  The  experiment,  at  least,  is  recommended  by  every 
sentiment  which  ennobles  human  nature.  Alas !  is  it  rendered 
impossible  by  its  vices .? 

In  the  execution  of  such  a  plan,  nothing  is  more  essential 
than  that  permanent,  inveterate  antipathies  against  particular 
nations,  and  passionate  attachments  for  others,  should  be  ex- 
cluded; and  that,  in  place  of  them,  just  and  amicable  feelings 
towards  all  should  be  cultivated.  The  nation  which  indulges 
towards  another  a  habitual  hatred  or  a  habitual  fondness  is  in 
some  degree  a  slave.  It  is  a  slave  to  its  animosity  or  to  its 
affection,  either  of  which  is  sufficient  to  lead  it  astray  from  its 
duty  and  its  interest.  Antipathy  in  one  nation  against  another 
disposes  each  more  readily  to  offer  insult  and  injury,  to  lay 
hold  of  slight  causes  of  umbrage,  and  to  be  haughty  and  in- 


OTJR  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  347 

tractable,  when  accidental  or  trifling  occasions  of  dispute  occur. 
Hence,  frequent  collisions,  obstinate,  envenomed,  and  bloody 
contests.  The  nation,  prompted  by  ill-will  and  resentment, 
sometimes  impels  to  war  the  government,  contrary  to  the  best 
calculations  of  policy.  The  government  sometimes  participates 
in  the  national  propensity,  and  adopts  through  passion  what 
reason  would  reject;  at  other  times  it  makes  the  animosity  of 
the  nation  subservient  to  projects  of  hostility  instigated  by 
pride,  ambition,  and  other  sinister  and  pernicious  motives. 
The  peace  often,  sometimes  perhaps  the  liberty,  of  nations,  has 
been  the  victim. 

So  likewise,  a  passionate  attachment  of  one  nation  for  an- 
other produces  a  variety  of  evils.  Sympathy  for  the  favorite 
nation,  facilitating  the  illusion  of  an  imaginary  common  inter- 
est in  cases  where  no  real  common  interest  exists,  and  infusing 
into  one  the  enmities  of  the  other,  betrays  the  former  into  a 
participation  in  the  quarrels  and  wars  of  the  latter  without  ade- 
quate inducement  or  justification.  It  leads  also  to  concessions 
to  the  favorite  nation  of  privileges  denied  to  others,  which  is 
apt  doubly  to  injure  the  nation  making  the  concessions;  by 
unnecessarily  parting  with  what  ought  to  have  been  retained, 
and  by  exciting  jealousy,  ill-will,  and  a  disposition  to  retaliate, 
in  the  parties  from  whom  equal  privileges  are  withheld.  And 
it  gives  to  ambitious,  corrupted,  or  deluded  citizens  (who  de- 
vote themselves  to  the  favorite  nation),  facility  to  betray  or 
sacrifice  the  interests  of  their  own  country,  without  odium, 
sometimes  even  with  popularity ;  gilding,  with  the  appearances 
of  a  virtuous  sense  of  obligation,  a  commendable  deference  for 
public  opinion,  or  a  laudable  zeal  for  public  good,  the  base  or 
foolish  compliances  of  ambition,  corruption,  or  infatuation. 

As  avenues  to  foreign  influence  in  innumerable  ways,  such 
attachments  are  particularly  alarming  to  the  truly  enlightened 
and  independent  patriot.  How  many  opportunities  do  they 
afford  to  tamper  with  domestic  factions,  to  practice  the  arts  of 
seduction,  to  mislead  public  opinion,  to  influence  or  awe  the 
public  councils }  Such  an  attachment  of  a  small  or  weak  towards 
a  great  and  powerful  nation  dooms  the  former  to  be  the  satellite 
of  the  latter. 


348  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

Against  the  insidious  wiles  of  foreign  influence  (I  conjure 
you  to  believe  me,  fellow-citizens)  the  jealousy  of  a  free  people 
ought  to  be  constantly  awake,  since  history  and  experience 
prove  that  foreign  influence  is  one  of  the  most  baneful  foes  of 
republican  government.  But  that  jealousy  to  be  useful  must 
be  impartial;  else  it  becomes  the  instrument  of  the  very  influ- 
ence to  be  avoided,  instead  of  a  defense  against  it.  Excessive 
partiality  for  one  foreign  nation  and  excessive  dislike  for  an- 
other cause  those  whom  they  actuate  to  see  danger  only  or 
one  side,  and  serve  to  veil  and  even  second  the  arts  of  influence 
on  the  other.  Real  patriots  who  may  resist  the  intrigues  of 
the  favorite  are  liable  to  become  suspected  and  odious,  while 
its  tools  and  dupes  usurp  the  applause  and  confidence  of  the 
people,  to  surrender  their  interests. 

The  great  rule  of  conduct  for  us  in  regard  to  foreign  nations 
is  in  extending  our  commercial  relations,  to  have  with  them  as 
little  political  connection  as  possible.  So  far  as  we  have 
already  formed  engagements,  let  them  be  fulfilled  with  perfect 
good  faith.     Here  let  us  stop. 

Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests  which  to  us  have 
none,  or  a  very  remote  relation.  Hence  she  must  be  engaged 
in  frequent  controversies,  the  causes  of  which  are  essentially 
foreign  to  our  concerns.  Hence,  therefore,  it  must  be  unwise 
in  us  to  implicate  ourselves  by  artificial  ties  in  the  ordinary 
vicissitudes  of  her  politics,  or  the  ordinary  combinations  and 
collisions  of  her  friendships  or  enmities. 

Our  detached  and  distant  situation  invites  and  enables  us 
to  pursue  a  different  course.  If  we  remain  one  people  under 
an  efficient  government,  the  period  is  not  far  off  when  we  may 
defy  material  injury  from  external  annoyance;  when  we  may 
take  such  an  attitude  as  will  cause  the  neutrality  we  may  at 
any  time  resolve  upon  to  be  scrupulously  respected;  when  bel- 
ligerent nations,  under  the  impossibility  of  making  acquisitions 
upon  us,  will  not  lightly  hazard  the  giving  us  provocation; 
when  we  may  choose  peace  or  war,  as  our  interest,  guided  by 
justice,  shall  counsel. 

Why  forego  the  advantages  of  so  peculiar  a  situation? 
Why  quit  our  own  to  stand  upon  foreign  ground.?     Why,  by 


OTJE  SYSTEM  OF  OOYEBNMENT  349 

interweaving  our  destiny  with  that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  en- 
tangle our  peace  and  prosperity  in  the  toils  of  European  ambi- 
tion, rivalship,  interest,  humor  or  caprice  ? 

It  is  our  true  policy  to  steer  clear  of  permanent  alliances 
with  any  portion  of  the  foreign  world ;  so  far,  I  mean,  as  we 
are  now  at  liberty  to  do  it ;  for  let  me  not  be  understood  as 
capable  of  patronizing  infidelity  to  existing  engagements.  I 
hold  the  maxim  no  less  applicable  to  public  than  to  private 
affairs,  that  honesty  is  always  the  best  policy.  I  repeat  it, 
therefore,  let  those  engagements  be  observed  in  their  genuine 
sense.  But,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  unnecessary  and  would  be  un- 
wise to  extend  them. 

Taking  care  always  to  keep  ourselves  by  suitable  establish- 
ments on  a  respectable  defensive  posture,  we  may  safely  trust 
to  temporary  alliances  for  extraordinary  emergencies. 

Harmony,  liberal  intercourse  with  all  nations,  are  recom- 
mended by  policy,  humanity,  and  interest.  But  even  our  com- 
mercial policy  should  hold  an  equal  and  impartial  hand ;  neither 
seeking  nor  granting  exclusive  favors  or  preferences ;  consult- 
ing the  natural  course  of  things ;  diffusing  and  diversifying  by 
gentle  means  the  streams  of  commerce,  but  forcing  nothing ; 
establishing  (  with  powers  so  disposed,  in  order  to  give  trade 
a  stable  course,  to  define  the  rights  of  our  merchants,  and  to 
enable  the  government  to  support  them)  conventional  rules  of 
intercourse,  the  best  that  present  circumstances  and  mutual 
opinion  will  permit,  but  temporary,  and  liable  to  be  from  time 
to  time  abandoned  or  varied,  as  experience  and  circumstances 
shall  dictate ;  constantly  keeping  in  view  that  it  is  folly  in  one 
nation  to  look  for  disinterested  favors  from  another ;  that  it 
must  pay  with  a  portion  of  its  independence  for  whatever  it 
may  accept  under  that  character ;  that,  by  such  acceptance,  it 
may  place  itself  in  the  condition  of  having  given  equivalents 
for  nominal  favors,  and  yet  of  being  reproached  with  ingrati- 
tude for  not  giving  more.  There  can  be  no  greater  error  than 
to  expect  or  calculate  upon  real  favors  from  nation  to  nation. 
It  is  an  illusion,  which  experience  must  cure,  which  a  just  pride 
ought  to  discard. 

In  offering  to  you,  my  countrymen,  these  counsels  of  an 


350  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

old  and  affectionate  friend,  I  dare  not  hope  they  will  make  the 
strong  and  lasting  impression  I  could  wish;  that  they  will  con- 
trol the  usual  current  of  the  passions,  or  prevent  our  nation 
from  running  the  course  which  has  hitherto  marked  the  destiny 
of  nations.  But,  if  I  may  even  flatter  myself  that  they  may  be 
productive  of  some  partial  benefit,  some  occasional  good ;  that 
they  may  now  and  then  recur  to  moderate  the  fury  of  party 
spirit,  to  warn  against  the  mischiefs  of  foreign  intrigue,  to 
guard  against  the  impostures  of  pretended  patriotism;  this 
hope  will  be  a  full  recompense  for  the  solicitude  for  your  wel- 
fare, by  which  they  have  been  dictated. 

How  far  in  the  discharge  of  my  official  duties  I  have  been 
guided  by  the  principles  which  have  been  delineated,  the  public 
records  and  other  evidences  of  my  conduct  must  witness  to  you 
and  to  the  world.  To  myself,  the  assurance  of  my  own  con- 
science is,  that  I  have  at  least  believed  myself  to  be  guided  by 
them. 

In  relation  to  the  still  subsisting  war  in  Europe,  my  procla- 
mation of  the  twenty-second  of  April,  1793,  is  the  index  of  my 
plan.  Sanctioned  by  your  approving  voice,  and  by  that  of  your 
representatives  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  the  spirit  of  that 
measure  has  continually  governed  me,  uninfluenced  by  any 
attempts  to  deter  or  divert  me  from  it. 

After  deliberate  examination,  with  the  aid  of  the  best  lights 
I  could  obtain,  I  was  well  satisfied  that  our  country,  under  all 
the  circumstances  of  the  case,  had  a  right  to  take,  and  was 
bound  in  duty  and  interest  to  take,  a  neutral  position. 
Having  taken  it,  I  determined,  as  far  as  should  depend  upon 
me,  to  maintain  it,  with  moderation,  perseverance,  and  firm- 
ness. 

The  considerations  which  respect  the  right  to  hold  this  con- 
duct it  is  not  necessary  on  this  occasion  to  detail.  I  will  only 
observe  that,  according  to  my  understanding  of  the  matter,  that 
nght,  so  far  from  being  denied  by  any  of  the  belligerent  pow- 
ers, has  been  virtually  admitted  by  all. 

The  duty  of  holding  a  neutral  conduct  may  be  inferred, 
without  anything  more,  from  the  obligation  which  justice  and 
humanity  impose  on  every  nation  in  cases  in  which  it  is  free  to 


.OlJE  SYSTEM   OF  GOYEBNMENT  351 

act,  to  maintain  inviolate  the  relations  of  peace  and  amity  to- 
wards other  nations. 

The  inducements  of  interest  for  observing  that  conduct  will 
best  be  referred  to  your  own  reflections  and  experience.  With 
me  a  predominant  motive  has  been  to  endeavor  to  gain  time  to 
our  country  to  settle  and  mature  its  yet  recent  institutions, 
and  to  progress  without  interruption  to  that  degree  of  strength 
and  consistency  which  is  necessary  to  give  it,  humanly  speak- 
ing, the  command  of  its  own  fortunes. 

Though,  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my  administration,  I 
am  unconscious  of  intentional  error,  I  am  nevertheless  too  sen- 
sible of  my  defects  not  to  think  it  probable  that  I  may  have 
committed  many  errors.  Whatever  they  may  be,  I  fervently 
beseech  the  Almighty  to  avert  or  mitigate  the  evils  to  which 
they  may  tend.  I  shall  also  carry  with  me  the  hope  that  my 
country  will  never  cease  to  view  them  with  indulgence ;  and 
that,  after  forty-five  years  of  my  life  dedicated  to  its  service 
with  an  upright  zeal,  the  faults  of  incompetent  abilities  will  be 
consigned  to  oblivion,  as  myself  must  soon  be  to  the  mansions 
of  rest. 

Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this  as  in  other  things,  and  actu- 
ated by  that  fervent  love  towards  it,  which  is  so  natural  to  a 
man  who  views  in  it  the  native  soil  of  himself  and  his  progeni- 
tors for  several  generations,  I  anticipate  with  pleasing  expecta- 
tion that  retreat  in  which  I  promise  myself  to  realize,  without 
alloy,  the  sweet  enjoyment  of  partaking,  in  the  midst  of  my  fel- 
low-citizens, the  benign  influence  of  good  laws  under  a  free  gov- 
ernment, the  ever-favorite  object  of  my  heart,  and  the  happy 
reward,  as  I  trust,  of  our  mutual  cares,  labors,  and  dangers. 


LITERATURE  OF  PATRIOTISM 


The  Monroe  Doctrine 

[Extract  from  President  Monroe's  Message  to  Congress ;  December 

2,  1823.] 

Fellow-Citizens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

AT  the  proposal  of  the  Russian  Imperial  Government,  made 
through  the  minister  of  the  Emperor  residing  here,  a  full 
power  and  instructions  have  been  transmitted  to  the  minister 
of  the  United  States  at  St.  Petersburg,  to  arrange  by  amicable 
negotiation,  the  respective  rights  and  interests  of  the  two  na- 
tions on  the  northwest  coast  of  this  continent.  A  similar  pro- 
posal has  been  made  by  his  Imperial  Majesty  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain,  which  likewise  has  been  acceded  to. 
The  Government  of  the  United  States  has  been  desirous,  by 
this  friendly  proceeding,  of  manifesting  the  great  value  which 
they  have  invariably  attached  to  the  friendship  of  the  Emperor, 
and  their  solicitude  to  cultivate  the  best  understanding  with  his 
Government.  In  the  discussions  to  which  this  interest  has 
given  rise,  and  in  the  arrangements  by  which  they  may  termi- 
nate, the  occasion  has  been  judged  proper  for  asserting  as  a 
principle  in  which  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United 
States  are  involved,  that  the  American  continents,  by  the  free 
and  independent  condition  which  they  have  assumed  and  main- 
tain, are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects  for  future 
colonization  by  any  European  powers. 

******* 
It  was  stated  at  the  commencement  of  the  last  session  that 
a  great  effort  was  then  making  in  Spain  and  Portugal  to  im- 

352 


OUn  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  353 

prove  the  condition  of  the  people  of  those  countries,  and  that 
it  appeared  to  be  conducted  with  extraordinary  moderation.  It 
need  scarcely  be  remarked  that  the  result  has  been,  so  far, 
very  different  from  what  was  then  anticipated.  Of  events  in 
that  quarter  of  the  globe  with  which  we  have  so  much  inter- 
course, and  from  which  we  derive  our  origin,  we  have  always 
been  anxious  and  interested  spectators.  The  citizens  of  the 
United  States  cherish  sentiments  the  most  friendly  in  favor  of 
the  liberty  and  happiness  of  their  fellow-men  on  that  side  of 
the  Atlantic.  In  the  wars  of  the  European  powers  in  matters 
relating  to  themselves  we  have  never  taken  any  part,  nor  does 
it  comport  with  our  policy  so  to  do.  It  is  only  when  our  rights 
are  invaded  or  seriously  menaced  that  we  resent  injuries  or 
make  preparation  for  our  defense.  With  the  movements  in 
this  hemisphere  we  are,  of  necessity,  more  immediately  con- 
nected, and  by  causes  which  must  be  obvious  to  all  enlightened 
and  impartial  observers.  The  political  system  of  the  allied 
powers  is  essentially  different  in  this  respect  from  that  of 
America.  This  difference  proceeds  from  that  which  exists  in 
their  respective  Governments.  And  to  the  defense  of  our  own, 
which  has  been  achieved  by  the  loss  of  so  much  blood  and 
treasure,  and  matured  by  the  wisdom  of  our  most  enlightened 
citizens,  and  under  which  we  have  enjoyed  unexampled  felicity, 
this  whole  nation  is  devoted.  We  owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor, 
and  to  the  amicable  relations  existing  between  the  United 
States  and  those  powers,  to  declare  that  we  should  consider 
any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion 
of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety. 
With  the  existing  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any  European 
power  we  have  not  interfered  and  shall  not  interfere.  But 
with  the  governments  who  have  declared  their  independence, 
and  maintained  it,  and  whose  independence  we  have,  on  great 
consideration  and  on  just  principles,  acknowledged,  we  could 
not  view  any  interposition  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  them, 
or  controlling  in  any  other  manner  their  destiny,  by  any  Euro- 
pean power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  manifestation  of  an 
unfriendly  disposition  towards  the  United  States.  In  the  war 
between  these  new  governments  and  Spain  we  declared  our 


354  FATBIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

neutrality  at  the  time  of  their  recognition,  and  to  this  we  have 
adhered  and  shall  continue  to  adhere,  provided  no  change  shall 
occur  which,  in  the  judgment  of  the  competent  authorities  of 
this  government,  shall  make  a  corresponding  change  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  indispensable  to  their  security. 

The  late  events  in  Spain  and  Portugal  show  that  Europe  is 
still  unsettled.  Of  this  important  fact  no  stronger  proof  can 
be  adduced  than  that  the  allied  powers  should  have  thought  it 
proper,  on  any  principle  satisfactory  to  themselves,  to  have 
interposed,  by  force,  in  the  internal  concerns  of  Spain.  To 
what  extent  such  interposition  may  be  carried  on  the  same  prin- 
ciple, is  a  question  in  which  all  independent  powers  whose  gov- 
ernments differ  from  theirs  are  interested,  even  those  most  re- 
mote, and  surely  none  more  so  than  the  United  States.  Our 
policy  in  regard  to  Europe,  which  was  adopted  at  an  early  stage 
of  the  wars  which  have  so  long  agitated  that  quarter  of  the 
globe,  nevertheless  remains  the  same,  which  is,  not  to  interfere 
in  the  internal  concerns  of  any  of  its  powers ;  to  consider  the 
government  de  facto  as  the  legitimate  government  for  us ;  to 
cultivate  friendly  relations  with  it,  and  to  preserve  those  rela- 
tions by  a  frank,  firm,  and  manly  policy,  meeting,  in  all  in- 
stances, the  just  claims  of  every  power;  submitting  to  injuries 
from  none.  But  in  regard  to  these  continents,  circumstances 
are  eminently  and  conspicuously  different.  It  is  impossible 
that  the  allied  powers  should  extend  their  political  system  to 
any  portion  of  either  continent  without  endangering  our  peace 
and  happiness;  nor  can  any  one  believe  that  our  Southern 
brethren,  if  left  to  themselves,  would  adopt  it  of  their  own  ac- 
cord. It  is  equally  impossible,  therefore,  that  we  should  behold 
such  interposition,  in  any  form,  with  indifference.  If  we  look 
to  the  comparative  strength  and  resources  of  Spain  and  those 
new  governments,  and  their  distance  from  each  other,  it  must 
be  obvious  that  she  can  never  subdue  them.  It  is  stiU  the 
true  policy  of  the  United  States  to  leave  the  parties  to  them- 
selves, m  the  hope  that  other  powers  will  pursue  the  same 
course. 

If  we  compare  the  present  condition  of  our  Union  with  its 
actual  state  at  the  close  of  our  Revolution,  the  history  of  the 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  355 

world  furnishes  no  example  of  a  progress  in  improvement  in 
all  the  important  circumstances  which  constitute  the  happiness 
of  a  nation  which  bears  any  resemblance  to  it.  At  the  first 
epoch  our  population  did  not  exceed  three  millions.  By  the 
last  census  it  amounted  to  about  ten  millions,  and,  what  is 
more  extraordinary,  it  is  almost  altogether  native,  for  the  emi- 
gration from  other  countries  has  been  inconsiderable.  At  the 
first  epoch  half  the  territory  within  our  acknowledged  limits 
was  uninhabited  and  a  wilderness.  Since  then  new  territory 
has  been  acquired  of  vast  extent,  comprising  within  it  many 
rivers,  particularly  the  Mississippi,  the  navigation  of  which  to 
the  ocean  was  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  original  states. 
Over  this  territory  our  population  has  expanded  in  every  direc- 
tion, and  new  states  have  been  established  almost  equal  in 
number  to  those  which  formed  the  first  bond  of  our  Union. 
This  expansion  of  our  population  and  accession  of  new  states 
to  our  Union  have  had  the  happiest  effect  on  all  its  highest 
interests.  That  it  has  eminently  augmented  our  resources 
and  added  to  our  strength  and  respectability  as  a  power  is  ad- 
mitted by  all.  But  it  is  not  in  these  important  circumstances 
only  that  this  happy  effect  is  felt.  It  is  manifest  that,  by 
enlarging  the  basis  of  our  system  and  increasing  the  number  of 
states,  the  system  itself  has  been  greatly  strengthened  in  both 
its  branches.  Consolidation  and  disunion  have  thereby  been 
rendered  equally  impracticable.  Each  government,  confiding 
in  its  own  strength,  has  less  to  apprehend  from  the  other ;  and 
in  consequence,  each,  enjoying  a  greater  freedom  of  action,  is 
rendered  more  efficient  for  all  the  purposes  for  which  it  was 
instituted.  It  is  unnecessary  to  treat  here  of  the  vast  improve- 
ment made  in  the  system  itself  by  the  adoption  of  this  Consti- 
tution, and  of  its  happy  effect  in  elevating  the  character  and 
in  protecting  the  rights  of  the  nation  as  well  as  of  individuals. 
To  what,  then,  do  we  owe  these  blessings .?  It  is  known  to  all 
that  we  derive  them  from  the  excellence  of  our  institutions. 
Ought  we  not,  then,  to  adopt  every  measure  which  may  be 
necessary  to  perpetuate  them  ? 

JAMES  MONROE. 


LITERATURE  OF  PATRIOTISM 


Gettysburg  Address 

By  ABRAHAM   UNCOLN 

[At  the  dedication  of  the  National  Cemetery  at  Gettysburg,  Pa., 
November  15,  1863.] 

FOURSCORE  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought 
forth  upon  this  continent  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  lib- 
erty, and  dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created 
equal.  Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether 
that  nation,  or  any  nation  so  conceived  and  so  dedicated,  can 
long  endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great  battle-field  of  that  war. 
We  have  come  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field  as  a  final  rest- 
ing-place for  those  who  here  gave  their  lives  that  that  nation 
might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting  and  proper  that  we  should 
do  this.  But  in  a  larger  sense  we  cannot  dedicate,  we  cannot 
consecrate,  we  cannot  hallow,  this  ground.  The  brave  men, 
living  and  dead,  who  struggled  here,  have  consecrated  it  far 
above  our  power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little  note, 
nor  long  remember,  what  we  say  here ;  but  it  can  never  forget 
what  they  did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be  dedi- 
cated here  to  the  unfinished  work  which  they  who  fought  here 
have  thus  far  so  nobly  advanced.  It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  here 
dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining  before  us,  that  from 
these  honored  dead  we  take  increased  devotion  to  that  cause 
for  which  they  gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devotion;  that  we 
here  highly  resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain ; 
that  this  nation,  under  God,  shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom, 
and  that  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the 
people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth 

356 


LITERATURE  OF  PATRIOTISM 


Second  Inaugural  Address 

By  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

Fellow-Countrymen  : 

AT  this  second  appearing  to  take  the  oath  of  the  Presidential 
office,  there  is  less  occasion  for  an  extended  address  than 
there  was  at  the  first.  Then  a  statement  somewhat  in  detail  of 
a  course  to  be  pursued  seemed  very  fitting  and  proper.  Now,  at 
the  expiration  of  four  years,  during  which  public  declarations 
have  been  constantly  called  forth  on  every  point  and  phase  of 
the  great  contest  which  still  absorbs  the  attention  and  engrosses 
the  energies  of  the  nation,  little  that  is  new  could  be  presented. 

The  progress  of  our  arms,  upon  which  all  else  chiefly  de- 
pends, is  as  well  known  to  the  public  as  to  myself ;  and  it  is,  I 
trust,  reasonably  satisfactory,  and  encouraging  to  all.  With 
high  hope  for  the  future,  no  prediction  in  regard  to  it  is  ven- 
tured. 

On  the  occasion  corresponding  to  this,  four  years  ago,  all 
thoughts  were  anxiously  directed  to  an  impending  civil  war. 
All  dreaded  it;  all  sought  to  avoid  it.  While  the  inaugural  ad- 
dress was  being  delivered  from  this  place,  devoted  altogether 
to  saving  the  Union  without  war,  insurgent  agents  were  in  the 
city  seeking  to  destroy  it  without  war — seeking  to  dissolve  the 
Union  and  divide  the  effects  by  negotiation.  Both  parties 
deprecated  war ;  but  one  of  them  would  make  war  rather  than 
let  the  nation  survive,  and  the  other  would  accept  war  rather 
than  let  it  perish ;  and  the  war  came. 

One  eighth  of  the  whole  population  were  colored  slaves,  not 

367 


358  PATEIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

distributed  generally  over  the  Unfon,  but  localized  in  the  south- 
ern  part  of  it.  These  slaves  constituted  a  peculiar  and  power- 
ful interest.  All  knew  that  this  interest  was  somehow  the 
cause  of  the  war.  To  strengthen,  perpetuate,  and  extend  this 
interest,  was  the  object  for  which  the  insurgents  would  rend 
the  Union  even  by  war,  while  the  government  claimed  no  right 
to  do  more  than  to  restrict  the  territorial  enlargement  of  it. 

Neither  party  expected  for  the  war  the  magnitude  or  the 
duration  which  it  has  already  attained.  Neither  anticipated  that 
the  cause  of  the  conflict  might  cease  with,  or  even  before,  the 
conflict  itself  should  cease.  Each  looked  for  an  easier  triumph, 
and  a  result  less  fundamental  and  astounding. 

Both  read  the  same  Bible  and  pray  to  the  same  God,  and 
each  invokes  his  aid  against  the  other.  It  may  seem  strange 
that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a  just  God's  assistance  in 
wringing  their  bread  from  the  sweat  of  other  men's  faces;  but 
let  us  judge  not,  that  we  be  not  judged.  The  prayers  of  both 
could  not  be  answered.  That  of  neither  has  been  answered 
fully.  The  Almighty  has  his  own  purposes.  "  Woe  unto  the 
world  because  of  offenses,  for  it  must  needs  be  that  .offenses 
come ;  but  woe  to  that  man  by  whom  the  offense  cometh."  If 
we  shall  suppose  that  American  slavery  is  one  of  these  offenses, 
which  in  the  providence  of  God  must  needs  come,  but  which, 
having  continued  through  his  appointed  time,  he  now  wills  to 
remove,  and  that  he  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this  terrible 
war  as  the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the  offense  came,  shall 
we  discern  therein  any  departure  from  those  divine  attributes 
which  the  believers  in  a  living  God  always  ascribe  to  him .? 
Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that  this  mighty 
scourge  of  war  may  soon  pass  away.  Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it 
continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the  bondman's  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until 
every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  with  an- 
other drawn  with  the  sword;  as  was  said  three  thousand  years 
ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said,  "The  judgments  of  the  Lord  are 
true  and  righteous  altogether." 

With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness 
in  the  right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  359 

finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds,  to 
care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle  and  for  his  widow 
and  orphans,  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just 
and  a  lasting  peace  among  ourselves,  and  with  all  nations. 


LITERATURE  OF  PATRIOTISM 


Humorous  Advice  to  a  Young  Politician 

By  WILLIAM  HENRY  McELROY 

MY  DEAR  NEPHEW:  I  was  seventy  years  old  yester- 
day, and  although  I  feel  as  young  as  I  ever  did,  I  cannot 
shut  my  eyes  to  the  fact  that  in  spite  of  my  feelings  I  really  am 
an  old  man.  So,  since  I  must  soon  pass  off  the  stage  on  which 
—if  I  say  it  who  shouldn't— I  have  long  been  a  prominent  fig- 
ure, it  is  only  natural  that  I  should  desire,  in  the  absence  of  a 
son  of  my  own,  that  my  mantle  should  fall  to  a  son  of  one  of 
my  blood.  I  believe  you  have  good  stuff  in  you.  Your  vale- 
dictory when  you  graduated,  last  summer,  although  containing 
too  little  that  was  practical  to  suit  my  taste,  would  have  done 
credit  to  the  average  Cong — I  was  going  to  write  Congress- 
man; but  I  can  justly  go  further  than  that.  It  would  have 
done  credit  to  the  Washington  journalists,  who  sometimes 
compose — that  is  to  say,  revise — speeches  for  some  of  us  Con- 
gressmen. This,  however,  like  the  rest  of  my  communication, 
is  strictly  between  ourselves. 

When  I  left  you  on  Commencement  Day  I  urged  you  to 
lose  no  time  in  getting  into  politics,  promising  that  I  would 
help  you  push  your  fortunes  as  occasion  offered.  Since  then  I 
have  received  a  letter  from  you,  in  which  you  write  that  you 
have  read  Story  on  the  Constitution,  Benton's  Thirty  Years 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  Greeley's  American  Conflict,  two 
or  three  works  on  Political  Economy,  and  De  Tocqueville  on 
America.  I  suppose  there  can  be  no  objection  to  such  reading. 
Likely  enough  it  has  its  value.  But  what  I  particularly  desire, 
my  dear  nephew,  is  that  you  should  become  a  practical  politi- 

360 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  361 

cian — a  thoroughly  practical  politician.  I  never  remember 
reading  any  of  the  works  you  have  mentioned,  or  any  like 
them,  unless,  indeed,  you  call  Barnum's  How  to  Make  Money 
a  treatise  on  finance.  And  yet,  cast  your  eyes  over  the  salient 
points  of  my  career.  I  have  been  alderman,  supervisor,  mayor, 
state  representative,  state  senator,  and  congressman.  For 
many  years  I  have  been  chairman  of  our  state  and  county 
committees.  I  can  hardly  remember  the  time  when  I  didn't 
carry  the  vote  of  my  own  ward  in  my  vest  pocket  and  of  my 
own  city  in  my  trousers'  pocket,  and  I've  got  them  there  yet. 
For  going  on  half  a  century  I  have  had  things  pretty  much 
my  own  way  in  caucuses  and  primaries,  and  the  like.  What 
has  been  the  secret  of  my  unusual  success .?  I  will  try — in  strict 
confidence,  as  you  will  understand — to  give  you  some  plain, 
blunt,  non-partisan  hints  for  your  guidance  in  politics  which 
may  serve  to  answer  the  question. 

I.  Never  allow  yourself  to  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  poli- 
tics, and  not  poker,  is  our  great  American  game.  If  this  could 
be  beaten  into  the  heads  of  some  presumably  well-meaning  but 
glaringly  unpractical  people,  we  should  hear  less  idiotic  talk 
about  reform  in  connection  with  politics.  Nobody  ever  dreams 
of  organizing  a  reform  movement  in  poker.  How  droll  it  would 
sound  to  read  that  "  Hon.  John  Oakhurst,  Hon.  William  Nye, 
and  Hon.  Ah  Sin,  in  connection  with  other  well-known  citizens 
of  California,  are  engaged  in  endeavoring  to  reform  poker  from 
the  inside ! "  And  yet  political  reform  clubs,  designed  to  re- 
form politics  from  the  inside  or  the  outside,  are  springing  up  on 
all  sides.  Of  course,  it  is  just  as  well  not  to  attempt  to  argue 
the  masses  ou^  of  their  deeply  rooted  notion  that  politics  is 
what  Noah  Webster  defines  it  to  be,  "  that  part  of  ethics  which 
has  to  do  with  the  regulation  and  government  of  a  nation  or 
state."  Ethics  is  very  good  in  connection  with  politics.  But 
then  Webster,  it  must  be  remembered,  was  simply  a  learned 
lexicographer,  and  not  a  practical  politician.  No,  no.  Don't 
try  to  reason  with  the  masses  in  this  matter.  The  public  has 
no  head  for  such  things.     It  will  not  understand. 

II.  Mr.  Lincoln,  a  very  estimable  and  justly  popular,  but  in 
some  respects  an  impracticable  man,  formulated  another  widely 


362  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZEMEIP 

diffused  error  in  regard  to  politics.  He  held  that  ours  is  a  gov- 
ernmcnt  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people.  I  main- 
tain, on  the  contrary,  that  it  is  a  government  of  politicians, 
by  i^liticians,  for  politicians.  If  your  political  career  is  to  be  a 
success,  you  must  understand  and  respect  this  distinction  with 

a  difference. 

III.  Not  a  few  capable  but  unpractical  people,  when  they 
fall  to  discussing  our  governmental  system,  argue  that  the  ex- 
istence of  parties  is  necessary  to  the  welfare  of  our  country. 
But  long  experience  has  taught  me  that  the  more  sensible  way 
for  a  practical  politician  to  look  at  it  is  that  the  existence  of  the 
country  is  necessary  to  the  welfare  of  parties.  Thank  Heaven, 
my  dear  nephew,  that  we  have  a  country ! 

IV.  You  have  received  your  commission  as  postmaster  of 
your  village.  A  post-office  is  a  capital  political  opening  for  a 
young  man  who  has  sense  enough  to  discover  how  to  make  the 
right  use  of  it.  You  will  of  course  leave  all  matters  touching 
the  postal  service  to  your  deputy.  Never  forget  that  your 
pivotal  duty  as  postmaster  will  be  to  nurse  the  party  in  your 
section.  As  a  practical  man,  you  must  see,  if  you  reflect  a  mo- 
ment, that  postmaster  and  local  party  master  must  be  converti- 
ble terms  with  you  if  you  expect  to  be  approved  by  the  great 
party  leaders,  and  to  become  a  great  leader  yourself,  some  day. 
To  be  sure,  if  you  find  leisure,  there  can  be  nothing  indelicate 
in  your  appearing  at  the  post-office  now  and  then  and  doing  a 
few  strokes  of  purely  postal  work.  But  take  care  that  such 
service  does  not  encroach  upon  the  hours  when  you  ought  to 
be  fostering  the  party  boom.  In  your  selection  of  clerks  you 
will  be  guided  primarily  by  a  determination  to  have  only  such 
men  around  you  as  will  register  your  will  every  time  at  caucuses 
and  conventions.  Should  it  turn  out  in  any  instance  that  you 
have  been  deceived  in  your  man,  be  nice  about  the  phrase  with 
which  you  discharge  him.  I  submit  a  formula  which  has  been 
repeatedly  tried,  and  generally  found  to  work  well.  We  will 
suppose  the  clerk  who  won't  answer  is  named  John  Doe.  You 
will  call  him  into  your  private  office  and  address  him  substan- 
tially as  follows :  "Mr.  Doe,  I  am  compelled  with  all  reluc- 
tance, at  the  call  of  duty,  to  dissever  our  relations,  and  must 


OUB  SYSTEM   OF  GOVERNMENT  363 

request  you  to  file  your  resignation  forthwith.  During  your 
connection  with  this  office  as  letter-carrier  you  have  displayed 
an  ability  and  a  fidelity,  a  grace  of  manner  and  a  strength  of 
character,  that  have  endeared  you  to  all  your  associates  and 
done  not  a  little  to  elevate  the  tone  of  the  entire  American  pos- 
tal service.  If  I  have  brought  myself  to  part  with  you,  it  is 
solely  to  the  end  that  there  may  be  greater  homogeneousness  of 
view,  so  to  speak,  in  the  office."  One  of  your  predecessors  used 
this  formula  with  great  satisfaction  to  himself,  and  apparently 
to  those  whom  he  decapitated.  He  always  found,  he  told  me, 
that  the  first  part  of  it  put  the  clerk  to  whom  it  was  addressed 
in  capital  humor,  while  the  "  homogeneousness  "  dazed  him  to 
that  extent  that  he  walked  out  of  the  office  minus  his  head,  not 
appreciating  what  had  been  the  matter,  but  having  a  nebulous 
impression  that  he  had  been  killed  by  kindness. 

V.  I  sincerely  hope  it  is  not  necessary  that  I  should  coun- 
sel you  always  to  vote  the  regular  ticket,  the  whole  regular 
ticket,  and  nothing  but  the  regular  ticket.  Hold  fast,  I  beseech 
of  you,  to  the  doctrine  of  the  infallibility  of  your  party  in  con- 
vention assembled.  Delegates,  like  kings,  "can  do  no  wrong." 
The  voters  who  scratch  ballots  or  bolt  nominations  are  to  be 
regarded  as  the  bane  of  politics,  just  as  certain  other  reformers 
have  been  the  bane  of  religion.  They  all  belong  in  the  same 
category,  and  all  are  equally  deserving  of  the  execration  of 
every  practical  man,  as  exponents  of  the  pestiferous  doctrine  of 
the  right  of  private  judgment.  And  just  here  a  word  in  reply 
to  the  familiar  question.  Would  you  vote  for  the  Devil  if  he 
received  the  party's  regular  nomination  ?  I  have  no  hesitation 
in  affirming  that  I  certainly  would.  Let's  look  at  it.  If  the 
day  ever  comes  when  the  Devil  is  nominated,  the  other  side 
will  be  pretty  sure  to  run  Gabriel  against  him.  Of  the  two, 
my  choice  would  be  the  Devil.  To  be  sure,  it  would  not  be  an 
ideal  nomination— but  then,  neither  is  ours  an  ideal  world.  I 
am  aware  that  the  Devil  has  split  hoofs,  pronounced  horns,  and 
a  bifurcated  tail.  But  do  we  choose  candidates  for  their  good 
looks  ?  As  to  his  moral  character,  I  frankly  admit  it  is  not  all 
I  could  desire ;  but  after  criticism  has  exhausted  itself,  the  fact 
remains,  conceded  by  both  parties,  that  he  is  not  as  black  as  he 


364  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

is  painted.  On  the  other  hand,  he  has  many  qualities  that 
ought  to  commend  him  to  practical  men.  He  is  self-made,  he 
is  thoroughly  in  earnest  in  all  he  undertakes,  he  is  an  untiring 
worker,  he  is  one  of  the  shrewdest  of  wire-pullers,  he  possesses 
vast  and  versatile  accomplishments,  he  is  unsurpassed  in  ability 
to  find  and  manipulate  the  springs  that  move  men,  he  has  a 
positive  genius  for  making  friends.  Gifted,  popular,  magnetic, 
at  home  in  all  circles,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  he  would 
be  certain  to  make  a  splendid  run.  As  for  Gabriel,  I  have  only 
to  say  that,  while  his  intellectual  and  moral  endowments  are 
undoubtedly  of  the  highest  order,  there  is  great  reason  to  fear 
that  he  would  not  succeed  in  the  realm  of  practical  politics.  If 
elected  to  office,  it  is  more  than  likely  that  he  would  prove 
more  of  a  botheration  than  a  boon  to  his  party.  He  would  be 
living  up  to  the  promises  made  during  the  canvass ;  he  would 
resolutely  decline  to  let  well  enough  alone.  Let  me  not  be 
misunderstood.  I  yield  to  no  one  in  my  regard  for  Gabriel. 
But,  as  a  practical  man,  I  would  feel  called  upon  to  vote  against 
him,  and  do  all  I  could  for  his  opponent.  In  my  own  ward, 
where  my  influence  is  most  potent  and  my  political  theories 
most  approved  of,  I  feel  convinced  that  the  Devil  would  have  a 
very  large  majority.  This  hypothetical  case  is  of  course  an 
extreme  one,  and  is  never  likely  to  occur.  I  have  dealt  with  it 
simply  for  the  sake  of  showing  you  that  the  position  of  those 
who  insist  upon  the  invariable  support  of  regular  nominations 
is  sound  in  the  last  analysis. 

VI.  How  are  scratchers  and  bolters  to  be  dealt  with  1  It  is 
an  exceedingly  difficult  question.  I  myself  am  at  a  loss  to  de- 
termine whether  it  is  better  to  be  extremely  tender  or  awfully 
rough  with  them.  Each  policy  is  good  at  times,  and  in  making 
a  choice  you  must  be  guided  by  circumstances.  In  a  sterner 
age  than  ours,  an  age  that  had  less  stomach  for  nonsense,  gen- 
tlemen who  were  convicted  of  the  crime  of  private  judgment 
were  burned  at  the  stake.  It  is  not  permitted  us  in  these  lat- 
ter, laxer  days  to  make  it  as  warm  for  scratchers  and  bolters  as 
It  was  once  made  for  John  Huss;  still  we  can  show  that  we 
possess  the  sturdy  practical  views  of  those  who  flung  Huss  to 
the  fagots,  by  pelting  the  scratchers  and  bolters  with  jeers, 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  365 

sneers,  and  innuendoes,  by  crediting  them  with  the  meanest  of 
motives,  and  insisting  that  they  are  either  traitorous,  inconse- 
quential knaves,  or  silly,  inconsequential  fools.  As  for  those 
upon  whom  such  treatment  is  lost  (and  I  confess  that  I  sus- 
pect it  fails  with  the  majority  of  scratchers  and  bolters)  try 
what  is  known  to  practical  politicians  as  the  postponement 
treatment.  By  the  skilful  use  of  this  treatment  I  kept  Van- 
dyke Podgers  from  scratching  or  bolting  for  thirty-six  consecu- 
tive years,  and  then  just  before  the  state  election  he  died,  and 
there  was  an  end  of  that  embarrassment.  When  I  began  to 
reason  with  him  there  was  a  presidential  canvass  on.  "  Pod- 
gers," said  I,  "as  you  love  your  country,  do  not  scratch  this 
year.  Consider  the  far-reaching  and  vital  importance  of  the 
issues  involved."  Podgers  concluded  to  postpone.  The  fol- 
lowing year  I  accomplished  my  purpose  by  reminding  him  that 
"  this  is  the  first  and  therefore  the  most  critical  year  of  an 
administration  which  upon  the  whole  you  indorse,  Podgers, 
and  which  it  is  incumbent  upon  you  to  make  some  sacrifices 
heartily  to  sustain."  He  concluded  to  postpone.  The  next 
year  my  argument  took  the  shape  of,  "  My  dear  Podgers,  let 
me  beg  of  you  to  vote  a  straight  ticket  this  year.  Do  you  real- 
ize what  year  it  is,  Podgers .?  Of  course  you  do.  I  need  not 
remind  a  gentleman  of  your  exceptional  intelligence  that  this 
election  is  but  the  prelude  to  the  presidential  election  of  next 
year,  with  its  issues  of  far-reaching  and  vital  importance." 
Podgers  concluded  to  postpone.  The  next  year  was  the  presi- 
dential year,  when  I  repeated  the  argument  first  mentioned. 
The  others  in  turn  again  did  service,  and  so  on  for  thirty-six 
years.  And  that's  the  way  I  kept  persuading  Podgers  to  post- 
pone. He  never  was,  but  always  to  be,  a  scratcher  or  a  bolter. 
At  the  elections  at  which  no  national  or  state  ticket  was  run, 
and  only  minor  local  offices  were  to  be  filled,  I  pointed  out  to 
Podgers  the  necessity  of  keeping  the  party  organization  intact ; 
and  when  all  other  arguments  failed  I  insisted  that  of  two  evils 
he  should  always  choose  the  least  and  that,  admitting  that  our 
ticket  was  evil,  it  was  the  least  of  the  two.  Even  this  brief 
and  inadequate  account  of  its  application  will  make  sufficiently 
clear  to  you,  I  think,  the  true  inwardness  of  the  postponement 


366  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

treatment.  Just  one  word  more  about  it.  Those  who  employ 
it  with  the  most  gratifying  results  allow  the  impression  to  be 
produced  in  the  patient's  mind  at  the  outset  that,  although  they 
have  never  happened  to  find  an  election  at  which  scratching  or 
bohing  could  be  indulged  in  without  perfectly  harrowing  injury 
to  public  interests  of  colossal  moment,  yet,  nevertheless,  they 
heartily  and  unreservedly  approve  of  scratching  and  bolting  in 
the  abstract.  Such  an  attitude  on  my  part  toward  poor  Pod- 
gers  won  his  confidence  at  our  first  political  conference  on  this 
subject,  and  produced  in  him  a  mood  hospitable  to  all  my  sub- 
sequent arguments  and  admonitions. 

This  communication  has  already  exceeded  reasonable  limits, 
and  yet  I  have  only  touched  upon  a  few  points.  But  perhaps  I 
have  written  enough  to  start  you  right,  to  make  you  understand 
the  nature  of  our  great  American  game,  and  to  put  you  in  pos- 
session of  the  clew  to  the  secret  of  playing  it  successfully. 
Be  it  yours  to  consult  the  expedient,  leaving  it  to  the  purists  of 
the  party  to  consult  the  highly  proper.  Beware  of  those  who 
take  sentimental  views  of  unsentimental  matters.  A  man  who 
would  "  rather  be  right  than  be  president "  by  all  means  ought 
to  decline  a  presidential  nomination,  and  run  for  a  position  in  a 
theological  seminary,  a  Sunday-school,  or  Vassar  College;  while 
he  who  holds  that  "one  with  God  is  a  majority  "  antagonizes 
the  system  of  reckoning  which  has  come  down  to  us  from  the 
fathers,  and  which  has  the  approval  of  every  practical  inspector 
of  American  elections.  Be  practical  in  your  politics,  be  practi- 
cal, evermore  be  practical. 

With  fervent  hopes  and  high  anticipations  of  your  future, 
I  subscribe  myself  your  affectionate  uncle, 

To — ,  Esq. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES 


Events  Leading  up  to  the  First  Party 
Formation 

THE  political  existence  of  the  United  States  dates  from  the 
battle  of  Lexington,  the  first  battle  of  the  Revolutionary 
War,  April  19,  1775.  When  the  conflict  with  England  began, 
there  were  two  parties  in  the  colonies.  They  corresponded  in 
name  with  the  leading  political  parties  in  England  at  that  time. 
Their  aims  and  objects  were,  of  course,  dissimilar. 

The  colonial  Whigs,  including  a  majority  of  representative 
citizens  and  many  young  men  of  adventurous  spirit,  were  will- 
ing to  remain  loyal  to  the  British  Crown  if  certain  rights  and 
privileges  demanded  by  them  were  accorded. 

The  colonial  Tories  were  content  with  conditions  as  they 
existed.  They  recognized  the  authority  of  the  British  to  gov- 
ern the  colonies  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  the  King 
and  his  advisers.  With  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the 
Whigs  became  enthusiastic  advocates  of  separation.  They  de- 
clared in  favor  of  an  absolute  breaking  away  from  British 
rule.  The  Tories  remained  pro-British.  Eventually,  many 
sympathizers  with  the  English  colonial  administration  left  the 
country. 

In  some  states,  during  the  war,  the  Whigs  predominated. 
In  others,  Tories  were  in  the  majority.  States  there  were,  too, 
in  which  opinions  were  fairly  well  divided.  When  war  was 
declared,  the  administrative  affairs  fell  naturally  into  the  hands 
of  the  Whigs,  and  were  maintained  by  them  throughout. 

When  the  Revolution  ended,  the  Whigs  split  into  two  parts ; 
one  faction,  known  as  "  Particularists,"  advocated  the  sover- 

367 


368  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

eignty  of  the  states  as  units  and  favored  confederation.  The 
other,  announced  as  the  "  Strong  Government  "  party,  favored 
a  Constitution  and  a  centralized  Federal  authority,  to  be  recog- 
nized by  all  states  as  practically  supreme. 


Federals  and  Anti-Federals 

Six  years  later,  in  1787,  the  "Strong  Government"  men 
were  identified  and  referred  to  as  "  Federalists."  The  "  Par- 
ticularists,"  taking  the  opposite  view  of  the  public  affairs,  were 
spoken  of  as  "  anti-Federalists." 

The  Federalists,  favoring  the  ratification  of  a  Constitution, 
and  the  anti-Federalists,  who  opposed  its  adoption,  were,  when 
the  time  came  to  put  its  provisions  in  force,  avowed  political 
antagonists.  The  history  of  political  parties  in  the  United 
States  dates  from  this  period. 

The  Federalists,  or  Federals,  supported  by  Washington, 
John  Adams,  Hamilton,  Madison,  and  Jay,  began,  in  1787,  their 
career  as  a  recognized  party.  From  1789  until  1800  they  con- 
trolled the  national  government.  From  1800  to  1816,  when 
the  party  went  out  of  existence,  they  remained  in  opposition. 
Their  general  policy  was  one  of  broad  constitutional  construc- 
tion, which  gave  the  national  government  great  power.  They 
advocated  a  tariff,  internal  revenue,  the  funding  of  the  public 
debt,  the  establishing  of  a  United  States  Bank,  the  organizing 
of  a  militia,  and  the  assumption  of  state  debts  by  the  govern- 
ment.   They  favored  England  as  against  France. 

The  Federals  elected  Washington  as  the  first  President  of 
the  United  States  in  1789,  and  chose  him  a  second  time  in 
1792.  Four  years  later,  they  elected  John  Adams  as  Washing- 
ton's successor  to  the  presidential  office.  The  end  of  the  Adams 
administration,  in  1800,  marked  the  exit  of  the  Federal  party 
from  power. 

The  most  vital  legislative  and  other  measures  passed  or  ap- 
proved during  Federal  rule  included  the  Constitution  (1789); 
a  tanff  act  with  duties  averaging  about  eight  and  one  half  per 


OUU  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  369 

cent  (1789);  a  "Bill  of  Rights,"  subsequently  incorporated  in 
ten  Constitutional  Amendments  (1789);  the  establishing  of  a 
regular  army  (1789);  the  assumption  and  subsequent  funding 
by  the  national  government  of  the  debts  of  the  several  states, 
incurred  during  the  Revolutionary  War  and  amounting  to 
;^ 1 8,271,786  (1790) ;  the  determining  of  a  permanent  seat  for  the 
national  government  in  the  District  of  Columbia  ( 1 790) ;  the 
establishing  of  a  national  bank  for  twenty  years  with  a  capital 
of  ^10,000,000,  one  fifth  being  subscribed  by  the  government 
(1791);  the  organizing  of  a  militia,  ordering  the  enrolment  of 
all  male  white  citizens  between  eighteen  and  forty-five  years 
of  age  (1793);  the  ratification  of  the  eleven  amendments  to  the 
Constitution,  limiting  the  judicial  power  of  the  United  States 
as  against  the  states,  asserting  the  non-inability  of  the  states 
(1794) ;  the  ordering  of  six  frigates,  three  of  the  very  heavy  class, 
as  the  basis  for  an  American  navy  (1794) ;  the  negotiations  with 
England,  by  Chief  Justice  Jay,  of  a  treaty  of  amity,  commerce 
and  navigation  (1794);  the  passing  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws,  the  former  for  the  expulsion  of  odious  foreigners  by  the 
President,  the  latter  to  punish  persons  who  unlawfully  opposed 
or  stirred  up  sedition  against  the  Federal  government  or  its  offi- 
cials (1798) ;  and  the  removal  of  the  national  capital  to  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.  (1800). 

The  provisions  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws  proved  to  be 
so  distasteful  to  the  people  that  the  prestige  of  the  Federal 
party,  under  whose  auspices  these  measures  were  promulgated, 
fell  rapidly  and  was  never  regained. 

The  supremacy  of  the  party,  from  the  time  of  its  organiza- 
tion until  its  removal  from  power,  was  upheld  largely  by  the 
superior  organization  and  shrewd  management  of  able  leaders. 
It  was  never  really  popular,  acting  frequently  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  views  and  ideas  most  in  favor  with  the  masses.  The 
party  rule  of  non-interference  with  the  affairs  of  other  nations, 
particularly  France,  caused  much  dissatisfaction.  The  passage 
of  bills  to  increase  expenditure  for  purposes  of  national  develop- 
ment was  blocked  by  the  anti- Federals  on  every  possible 
occasion. 

When  in  opposition,  after  the  election  of  Jefferson  to  the 
24 


370  PATBIOTim  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

presidency,  in  1800,  the  Federal  party,  up  to  that  time  advo 
cates  of  a  state  church,  reUnquished  the  idea.  They  fought 
against  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  After  the  purchase  the 
Federals  endeavored  to  bring  about  a  secession  of  the  northern 
states,  believing  that,  with  Louisiana  added,  the  balance  of 
power  would  rest  permanently  with  the  South.  Through  the 
opposition  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  this  plan  was  frustrated. 

When  Jefferson  was  elected  by  the  House,  in  1800,  a  divis- 
ion took  place  in  the  Democratic-Republican  party  ranks.  The 
adherents  of  Aaron  Burr,  who  received  seventy-three  votes,— 
being  an  equal  number  with  those  of  Jefferson— formed  a  party 
and  called  themselves  Burrites.  The  antagonism  between  this 
faction  and  the  regulars  deepened  as  Burr  became  more  active 
in  furthering  his  ambitions.  The  Federalists  endeavored  to 
use  this  faction  as  a  means  to  regain  power.  The  Burrites,  as 
a  party,  became  extinct  when  Burr  died. 

In  1807,  under  Jefferson's  second  administration,  Congress 
issued  an  Embargo  Act,  detaining  all  American  vessels  in 
American  ports  and  cutting  off  commercial  intercourse  with 
England  and  France  to  compel  their  recognition  of  the  rights 
of  neutrals ;  but  as  it  failed  in  its  purpose,  it  robbed  the  Repub- 
lican-Democratic party  of  strength  and  gave  the  Federalists 
an  opportunity  to  recuperate.  Owing  to  a  lack  of  proper  lead- 
ership, however,  they  failed  to  reap  a  permanent  advantage. 
In  the  presidential  election  of  1812,  the  Federal  party  had  no 
ticket.  They  supported  De  Witt  Clinton,  an  official  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic-Republican Party,  and  opposed  to  the  war  with  England. 
Madison,  Republican,  was  reelected.  The  Federals  protested 
vigorously  throughout  the  war  against  a  continuance  of  hostil- 
ities. In  1 814,  they  held  a  convention  at  Hartford  in  favor  of 
their  cause,  but  without  practical  results.  Their  resolutions 
were  declared  to  be  disloyal.  During  their  deliberations,  a 
treaty  of  peace  was  signed  at  Ghent,  December  24.  With 
the  advent  of  renewed  prosperity,  the  Federal  party  leaders, 
being  unpatriotic,  fell  out  of  favor  with  the  people.  Members 
of  that  party  gradually  left  its  ranks.  Many  joined  the  party 
in  power.  In  1816,  at  the  presidential  election,  the  Federals 
agam  voted  with  the  Clintonians,  supporting  Ruf us  King  for 


OtfB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVt^BNMENT  371 

the  presidency.  King  received  only  thirty-four  votes,  Monroe, 
the  Democratic-Republican  candidate,  receiving  one  hundred 
and  eighty-three.  With  this  defeat  the  career  of  the  Federal 
party  ended.  Questions  involved  in  the  old  controversies  be- 
tween the  parties  had  lost  their  significance,  and  party  differ- 
ences died  out. 


The  Democratic-Republican  Party 

The  " Particularists "  of  1781  became  in  1787  "anti-Feder- 
alists." They  had  fought  persistently  and  strenuously,  in  and 
out  of  Congress,  against  all  efforts  to  alter  or  amend  the  Arti- 
cles of  Confederation,  when,  on  September  17  of  that  year, 
those  articles  were  set  aside  and  a  Federal  Constitution  was 
adopted,  the  name  "  Federalist "  having  been  chosen  to  indi- 
cate the  party  of  the  Constitution,  formerly  "  Strong  Govern- 
ment "  men.  Their  opponents,  squarely  at  issue  with  them  on 
this  and  other  questions,  were  willing  to  be  recognized  as 
"  anti-Federalists." 

Most  prominent  among  the  anti-Federal  leaders  were  Pat- 
rick Henry,  John  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  and  George  Clin- 
ton, These  men  and  their  followers  held  deep-rooted  convic- 
tions antagonistic  to  the  avowed  Federal  policy.  They  sus- 
pected their  opponents  of  a  desire  to  build  up  a  terrorizing, 
oppressive,  absolute,  central  government.  They  believed  that 
the  independence  of  the  states  as  units  would  be  entirely  sacri- 
ficed. Concerning  the  newly  made  Constitution,  they  insisted 
on  a  strict  interpretaton  of  its  provisions,  refusing  to  counte- 
nance in  any  way  the  broad  construction  advocated  and  adopted 
by  the  Federal  adminstration. 

Alexander  Hamilton  and  Thomas  Jefferson  were  members 
of  Washington's  cabinet,  the  former  being  secretary  of  the 
treasury  and  the  latter  secretary  of  state.  Each  had  his  fol- 
lowers in  Congress. 

When  the  first  Congress  under  the  Constitution  assembled 
in  New  York,  March  4,  1789,  there  was  but  a  small  majority  of 
Federalists,  and  these  were  in  favor  of  the  measures  recom- 


372  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITtZmmiP 

mended  by  the  administration.  The  ideas  of  Hamilton  and 
Jefferson  on  state  and  national  affairs  formed  the  principal  issues 
on  which  the  political  parties  were  divided  during  several  suc- 
ceeding administrations.  Hamilton  was  the  recognized  leader 
of  the  Federal  party.  Jefferson  was  acknowledged  as  the  head 
of  the  opposing  political  force. 

The  anti-Federals  were  aggressive  in  Congress.  They  took 
an  active  part  in  all  debates,  disputing  every  vital  point,  con- 
testing, inch  by  inch,  every  threatened  encroachment  on  their 
principles.  The  financial  policy  of  Hamilton,  as  exemplified  in 
the  bill  for  the  assumption  by  the  Union  of  state  war  debts, 
and  in  his  project  for  the  organization  of  a  national  bank,  was 
strongly  disapproved.  In  the  opinion  of  the  anti-Federalists, 
as  voiced  by  Jefferson  and  Randolph,  the  proposed  bank  was 
not  sanctioned  by  the  Constitution. 

Hamilton's  bill  to  form  a  militia  was  condemned.  The 
leaders  of  the  French  Revolution,  at  first  applauded  and 
endorsed  by  both  parties,  eventually  lost,  by  their  excesses,  the 
countenance  of  the  administration,  only  to  be  cheered  on  with 
redoubled  zeal  by  the  rank  and  file  of  the  anti-Federalist  party. 

The  Constitution,  as  amended,  after  a  fair  trial  proved 
acceptable  to  the  people.  Opposition  to  it  gradually  died  away. 
New  issues  sprang  up. 

The  term  "anti-Federals,"  as  applied  to  the  Jeffersonian 
party,  seemed  no  longer  appropriate.  In  1791  the  party  name 
was  changed  in  general  usage  to  "  Republican."  The  full  title 
chosen  was  "Democratic-Republican."  In  1792,  this  name 
"  Republican  "  was  formally  applied,  and  the  party's  purpose 
was  defined. 

In  April,  1793,  Washington  gave  great  offense  to  the  Re- 
publicans by  proclaiming  neutrality  with  reference  to  the  war 
then  in  progress  between  France  and  Spain,  declaring  that  the 
United  States  should  avoid  complications  with  foreign  nations. 
By  this  proclamation  the  Republicans,  desirous  to  aid  France, 
found  their  way  obstructed.  Jefferson  declared  that  the  proc- 
lamation wounded  popular  feelings  and  national  honor.  At  the 
end  of  the  year  he  resigned. 

During   the   administration    of    John  Adams,   Federalist 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  373 

( 1 797-1 802),  Republican  party  sympathy  with  France  was  more 
strongly  manifested  than  at  any  previous  time.  Complications 
arose,  but  the  Republicans  stood  firm  in  their  friendship  for 
France.  The  enlargement  of  the  army  and  navy  was  resisted. 
The  passage  of  the  Alien,  Sedition  and  Naturalization  Laws 
( 1 798)  was  fiercely  contested  by  the  Republicans.  Their  oppo- 
sition to  the  Alien  Law  was  based  on  the  belief  that  it  lodged 
with  the  Executive  too  much  power  and  was  liable  to  great 
abuse.  They  objected  to  the  Sedition  Law  on  the  ground  that 
it  restricted  liberty  of  speech  and  of  the  press.  Regarding  the 
Naturalization  Law,  which  provided  that  an  alien  must  reside 
in  the  United  States  fourteen  years  before  he  could  become  a 
citizen,  the  Republicans  protested  that  it  kept  back  immigrants, 
allowed  in  the  country  too  many  persons  owing  no  allegiance 
to  the  government,  and  was  at  variance  with  the  accepted 
theory  that  the  rights  of  Americans  are  the  rights  of  human 
nature. 

The  discontent  of  the  Republican  party  with  the  Federal 
administration  found  voice  also  in  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia 
resolutions  (1798),  the  former  asserting  the  right  of  each  state 
to  determine  the  extent  of  national  authority;  the  latter 
denouncing  the  action  of  Congress  for  "  infraction  of  the  Con- 
stitution "  by  passing  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws. 

In  the  Sixth  Congress  (1799),  there  was  a- Federal  majority 
in  the  House,  but  a  rupture  in  the  cabinet,  disaffection  in  the 
Federalists'  ranks,  and  a  widespread  feeling  of  irritation  among 
the  people  concerning  the  provisions  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws,  gave  an  impetus  to  the  Republican  cause  which,  together 
with  a  combination  of  favorable  circumstances,  finally  landed 
the  party  in  power,  with  Thomas  Jefferson,  their  leader,  as 
President  of  the  United  States.  In  the  election  of  1800,  John 
Adams  and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  were  the  candidates 
of  the  Federals  for  President  and  Vice-President,  respectively. 
One  faction  of  the  Federals  desired  to  have  Pinckney  for 
President. 

Thomas  Jefferson  and  Aaron  Burr  were  the  Republican 
candidates.  Of  the  electors  chosen,  seventy-three  were  Re- 
publicans and  sixty-five  Federalists.    The  Republicans*  vote  of 


374  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSSIP 

delegates  showed  seventy-three  each  for  Jefferson  and  Burr. 
The  decision  fell  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  Jefferson 
was  chosen  in  the  ninety-sixth  ballot. 

On  March  4,  1801,  the  first  Democratic-Republican  admin- 
stration  took  office.  James  Madison,  of  Virginia,  was  ap- 
pointed Jefferson's  first  secretary  of  state.  The  President,  in 
his  inaugural  address,  showed  a  desire  to  bring  about  unity  of 
action  between  the  Republicans  and  the  Federalists. 

The  administration  of  Jefferson  (Democratic-Republican, 
1 801-1809)  met  with  public  approval.  The  finances  of  the 
nation  prospered.  Material  resources  increased  rapidly.  The 
party  in  power  successfully  antagonized  the  Federal  idea  of  a 
state  church.  The  naturalization  laws  were  modified  so  that  a 
residence  of  five  years  and  an  application  three  years  prior  to 
admission  gave  the  privilege  of  citizenship  to  aliens. 

The  purchase  of  Louisiana,  in  1803,  was  a  notable  feature 
of  Jefferson's  first  administration.  One  of  the  most  important 
events  at  the  close  of  his  first  term  was  the  ratification  of  the 
Twelfth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  (1804),  whereby  each 
of  the  state  electors  was  relieved  from  voting  for  two  candidates 
for  President,  as  had  up  to  that  time  been  required.  At  the 
end  of  1805,  the  Democratic-Republican  party,  formerly  anti- 
Federalists,  began  to  use  the  name  "  Democrat "  as  the  party 
designation. 

During  the  same  year,  owing  to  the  struggle  on  the  Euro- 
pean continent  between  Napoleon  and  the  allied  powers,  Jeffer- 
son inaugurated  a  vigorous  foreign  policy.  By  a  second 
Embargo  Act,  in  1807,  Congress  ordered  the  detention  of  all 
American  vessels  in  American  ports,  thus  cutting  off  commer- 
cial intercourse  with  England  and  France.  This  law  was  after- 
ward repealed,  taking  effect  from  March,  1809.  Jefferson 
declmed  nomination  for  a  third  term. 

The  Democratic  administration  of  Madison  (Democratic- 
Republican,  1 809-1 81 7),  was,  in  general  policy,  in  harmony 
with  the  principles  adopted  by  his  immediate  predecessors. 
Ihe  controversy  with  England  was  still  pending.  That  coun- 
try and  France  were  still  at  a  deadlock,  and  disregarding  neigh- 
boring neutrals.  &         s       6 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  375 

In  1811,  the  majority  in  Congress  forced  Madison  to  declare 
war  against  Great  Britain  as  a  condition  of  his  reelection.  In 
April,  1 812,  a  third  Embargo  Act  was  passed  by  Congress,  as 
a  retaliatory  measure  against  the  imprisonment  of  six  thousand 
American  seamen.  The  Embargo  lay  for  ninety  days  on  all 
British  vessels  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States. 
On  June  18,  Congress  declared  war  against  England. 

Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island  opposed 
the  war,  refused  to  furnish  levies,  and  threatened  to  secede. 
The  party  was  divided  on  the  war  issue.  Henry  Clay  and 
John  C.  Calhoun  led  the  war  party.  Madison  was  against 
such  an  aggressive  policy,  but  yielded  ultimately  to  party 
pressure.  He  was  renominated  in  caucus  and  reelected  in 
1 812.  The  war  with  England  was  popular  in  the  South  and 
the  West. 

In  1 816,  Congress,  on  the  President's  recommendation, 
enacted  a  protective  tariff  of  about  twenty-five  per  cent  on 
imported  cotton  and  woolen  goods,  and  specific  duties  on  wine. 
During  the  latter  part  of  his  administration,  Madison  declined 
to  sanction  internal  improvements,  as  being  in  his  opinion 
unconstitutional. 

By  the  election  of  Monroe,  in  1816,  the  Democrats  main- 
tained their  domination,  but  party  issues  died  out,  and  "  an  era 
of  good  feeling"  was  inaugurated.  Andrew  Jackson  aided 
greatly  in  subduing  party  strife. 

Monroe  favored  internal  improvements,  but,  like  Madison, 
he  felt  that  under  the  Constitution,  strictly  interpreted.  Con- 
gress was  unauthorized  to  undertake  them.  During  his  admin- 
istration West  Florida  was  surrendered,  and  East  Florida  was 
ceded  by  Spain  to  the  United  States  in  1819.  Five  million 
dollars  were  paid,  and  our  rights  to  Texas  were  relinquished. 
The  Missouri  Compromise,  in  1820,  was  the  ending  of  a  fierce 
political  struggle,  into  which  the  question  of  slavery  largely 
entered.  The  petition  of  the  territory  of  Missouri  for  admis- 
sion to  statehood  as  one  of  the  slave  states  was  stoutly  resisted 
in  Congress.  By  the  Compromise  it  was  finally  admitted  as  a 
slave  state,  but  on  the  condition  that  slavery  be  prohibited  from 
the  balance  of  the  territory  west  of  the  Mississippi,  north  of 


376  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

36°  30'  north  latitude— the  latitude  of  the  southern  border 
of  Missouri. 

Monroe  was  reelected  in  1820.  The  "Monroe  Doctrine" 
was  announced  in  a  message  from  the  President  to  Congress, 
December  2,  1823.  The  principle  involved  is  shown  in  the  fol- 
lowing extract  from  the  message :  "  We  owe  it  to  candor,  and 
to  the  amicable  relations  existing  between  the  United  States 
and  the  European  Powers,  to  declare  that  we  should  consider 
any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion 
of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety."  In 
this  declaration  of  policy  it  was  also  announced  that  the  Ameri- 
can continents,  by  the  free  and  independent  positions  which 
they  had  assumed  and  maintained,  were  henceforth  not  to  be 
considered  as  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any  European 
power.  England  joined  in  the  protest.  The  allied  powers  sus- 
pended all  further  proselytizing  operations.  In  1824,  Congress, 
by  a  narrow  majority,  enacted  a  new  tariff,  more  highly  protec- 
tive than  the  old,  the  average  rate  being  twenty-seven  percent. 
Monroe,  under  whose  administration  domestic  industries  had 
been  revived  and  partisan  hostilities  minimized,  declined  nom- 
ination for  a  third  term. 

Andrew  Jackson  (Democratic-Republican)  secured  the 
largest  popular  vote,  in  1824,  after  an  exciting  campaign 
against  three  other  candidates,  John  Quincy  Adams,  Henry 
Clay,  and  William  H.  Crawford,  all  of  the  same  party,  or  be- 
longing to  factions  of  the  same  party.  They  were  all  spoken 
of  in  a  general  way  as  "  Republicans."  The  electoral  vote  gave 
Jackson,  Adams,  and  Crawford  precedence  over  Clay.  The 
decision  being  left  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  Adams, 
Monroe's  secretary  of  state,  was  chosen.  As  Monroe  had 
brought  about  harmony  among  the  factions  before  his  retire- 
ment, the  task  of  Adams  was  made  easier.  He  continued  the 
policy  of  his  late  chief,  making  Henry  Clay  his  secretary  of 
state.  Differing  from  Monroe  and  Madison,  Adams  deemed 
internal  improvements  constitutional. 

In  1828,  the  supporters  of  Jackson  and  Crawford  declared 
themselves  "Democrats,"  and  abandoned  the  name  "Repub- 
lican.     They  selected  the  title  of  Democrat  as  a  novel,  distinct, 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  Sll 

and  popular  name.  The  beginning  of  the  modern  Democratic 
party  dates  from  this  time.  Until  1836,  the  Democrats  were 
frequently  referred  to  as  "  Jackson's  men."  They  claimed  that, 
being  believers  in  the  letter  of  the  Constitution,  or  close  con- 
structionists, their  organization  was  substantially  a  reformation 
and  continuation  of  the  real  party  of  Jefferson. 

The  supporters  of  John  Quincy  Adams  retained  the  name 
"  Republican,"  and  prefixed  the  word  "  National."  They  pro- 
claimed themselves  followers  of  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe 
and  Adams.  They  were  broad  constructionists,  believing,  as 
did  the  Federals,  in  a  looser  or  more  liberal  interpretation  of 
the  Constitution  than  the  Democrats. 

The  election  of  1828  put  Andrew  Jackson  (Democrat)  in 
office.  He  made  known  his  agreement  with  the  views  of  his 
four  Democratic  predecessors.  Jackson  served  two  terms.  A 
conspicuous  feature  of  his  administration  was  the  removal  of 
nearly  seven  hundred  Federal  office-holders,  the  vacancies 
being  filled  from  the  ranks  of  his  political  adherents.  This 
episode  marked  the  inauguration  of  the  "  spoils  system,"  and 
the  struggle  for  Federal  office  among  partisans  of  each  incom- 
ing administration.  Jackson  continued  to  carry  out  the  policy 
of  internal  improvements.  A  tariff  bill  was  passed  in  1832, 
reducing  the  duties  on  wine,  but  increasing  them  on  wool,  the 
principle  of  taxation  being  still  maintained.  South  Carolina 
protested  vigorously  against  this  measure. 

In  1832,  the  first  convention  of  the  Democratic  party  was 
held  at  Baltimore.  Jackson  and  Van  Buren  were  nominated. 
The  two-thirds  rule  was  introduced  in  voting.  This  made  a 
two-thirds  vote  of  the  whole  number  of  votes  of  the  convention 
necessary  to  constitute  a  choice. 

South  Carolina,  in  state  convention,  1 832,  refused  to  recog- 
nize the  Tariff  Act  of  that  year,  and  passed  an  ordinance  de- 
claring the  tariff  laws  of  1828  and  1832  to  be  unconstitutional 
and  "  null  and  void,"  and  these  laws  were  not  binding  upon  the 
state.  This  proceeding  was  condemned  by  Jackson  in  a  mes- 
sage. The  President  declared  that  the  Federal  tariff  law  must 
and  should  be  enforced.  The  state  convention,  reconvening, 
repealed  the  ordinance. 


378  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmRIP 

In  1833,  Jackson  ordered  the  balance  in  the  national  banks 
to  be  used  for  payment  of  government  current  expenses,  men- 
tioning certain  state  banks  as  depositories.  This  step  met  with 
great  disfavor,  and  the  Senate  declared  his  action  unconstitu- 
tional. The  sub-treasury  plan  was  suggested.  The  removal 
to  state  banks  was  not  made.  The  bank  deposit  agitators  gave 
birth  to  the  Whig  party. 

In  1836,  Jackson  issued  a  special  circular  ordering  land  sale 
payments  to  be  made  to  the  government  in  gold  and  silver. 
This  induced  a  contraction  of  the  currency  and  a  scarcity  of 
money. 

Martin  Van  Buren  (Democrat),  Vice-President  during  Jack- 
son's second  term,  attained  the  presidency  in  1836.  A  year 
later  a  serious  financial  panic  occurred — precipitated  by  the 
action  of  his  predecessor  regarding  the  removal  of  deposits 
and  specie  payments  for  land.  The  sub-treasury  plan  was 
adopted  in  1840.    Van  Buren  was  defeated  for  reelection. 

The  agitation  resulting  from  Jackson's  order  for  removal  of 
deposits  from  the  United  States  Bank,  gave  the  Whigs  a  great 
advantage.  At  the  election  of  1 840  they  proved  strong  enough 
to  overthrow  the  Democratic  administration.  William  Henry 
Harrison,  Whig,  was  elected  President,  with  John  Tyler  as 
Vice-President.  The  Whigs  rem.ained  in  power  four  years. 
Harrison  died  a  month  after  his  inauguration.  This  placed 
Tyler  in  the  presidential  chair. 

The  Democrats  wrested  control  from  the  Whigs  in  1844, 
electing  James  Knox  Polk  to  the  office  of  Chief  Executive. 
He  united  the  party  and  made  it  a  strong  fighting  force  against 
the  Whigs.  Texas  was  added  to  the  Union  during  the  Polk 
regime.  War  was  declared  against  Mexico  in  April,  1846.  It 
lasted  until  February,  1848,  when,  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo,  Mexico  ceded  New  Mexico  and  Upper  California.  A 
Sub-Treasury  Act,  repealed  by  the  Whigs,  was  re-enacted  under 
Polk. 

In  1846  a  tariff  "for  revenue  only"  was  entered  on  the 
statute  book.  The  Oregon  treaty,  making  the  49°  parallel  the 
dividing  line  between  American  and  British  territory,  was 
ratified.  ^ 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  379 

With  the  election  of  Zachary  Taylor  (Whig,  1848),  as 
President,  and  Millard  Fillmore  as  Vice-President,  the  Demo- 
crats stepped  aside  once  more  and  became  a  formidable  oppo- 
sition party.  Taylor's  death  took  place  in  July,  1850.  Fill- 
more succeeded  to  the  presidential  chair.  Several  important 
compromise  measures  were  enacted  in  that  year,  a  number  of 
questions  at  issue  between  the  parties  being  thus  disposed  of. 
The  bills  passed  included  the  organizing  of  Utah  and  New 
Mexico  into  territories,  without  reference  to  slavery;  the  ad- 
mission of  California  as  a  free  state ;  the  payment  to  Texas  of 
$10,000,000  for  her  claim  to  New  Mexico;  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law,  providing  for  the  return  of  slaves  escaping  from  their 
masters ;  and  the  abolishment  of  the  slave  trade  in  the  District 
of  Columbia. 

Again,  in  1852,  the  pendulum  swung  in  the  opposite  direc- 
tion, Franklin  Pierce  (Democrat)  being  chosen  as  Fillmore's 
successor.  Under  Pierce  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  passed. 
This  measure  started  slavery  disputes  anew,  and  created  much 
unrest  and  anxiety  in  the  vast  territory  affected  by  its  provi- 
sions. Kansas  had  for  a  time  two  legislatures,  one  pro-slavery, 
the  other  anti-slavery.  Civil  war  was  waged  between  the  parties 
represented  in  these  two  assemblies  during  the  Pierce  adminis- 
tration.   The  new  Republican  party  came  into  being  in  1 854-'  5  5 . 

James  Buchanan  (Democrat)  succeeded  Pierce  in  1857. 
The  Dred  Scott  decision,  which  excited  great  interest  and 
much  sectional  feeling,  was  made  two  days  after  Buchanan's 
inauguration.  Dred  Scott  was  a  Missouri  slave,  taken  by  his 
master  to  Illinois  in  1834,  then  to  Minnesota  in  1838,  thence 
back  to  Missouri,  and  was  whipped  for  misconduct  after  arrival 
at  his  original  domicile.  He  sued  for  damages,  claiming  through 
his  lawyers  that  he  had  become  free  by  residence  on  free  soil. 
His  claim  was  allowed  by  the  Circuit  Court,  but  disallowed 
on  appeal  in  the  State  Supreme  Court.  This  latter  decision 
was  upheld  by  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  Tracy,  it 
being  decided  that  neither  negro  slaves,  nor  their  descendants, 
whether  slave  or  free,  could  become  citizens  under  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States.  It  was  further  ruled  that  it  was 
unconstitutional  for  Congress  to  decree  freedom  to  any  terri- 


380  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

tory,  and  declared  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  uncon- 
stitutional. The  Southern  states  applauded  Tracy's  decision. 
Those  of  the  North  protested  loudly  against  it. 

The  raid  of  John  Brown  into  Virginia  to  free  the  slaves  took 
place  in  October,  1859.  The  Democratic  national  convention 
met  at  Charleston,  S.C.,  and  decided  on  the  slavery  issue.  The 
South  demanded  unequivocal  assurance  of  the  rights  of  citizens 
to  establish  slavery  in  the  territories,  and  insisted  that  provision 
be  made  for  recognition  by  the  national  government  in  sustain- 
ing that  right.  The  supporters  of  Stephen  Arnold  Douglas 
declined  to  sanction  these  demands.  The  Southern  Democrats 
seceded  from  the  convention.  The  others  adjourned  without 
action.  Subsequently,  at  Baltimore,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  was 
nominated  by  the  non-seceders.  The  seceders,  or  southern 
members,  nominated  John  Cabell  Breckinridge. 

The  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  (Republican),  in  i860, 
removed  the  Democrats  from  control  of  the  national  govern- 
ment. They  remained  out  of  power  until  the  election  of  Grover 
Cleveland,  in  1884.  In  the  interval  they  took  an  active  part  in 
support  of  the  several  platforms  issued  at  the  national  conven- 
tions of  the  party.  Formidable  opposition  was  shown  to  the 
financial  legislation  of  Congress  during  Lincoln's  first  adminis- 
tration, during  which  the  issue  of  ^i5o,ooo,cxx)  of  legal  tender 
notes,  since  known  as  "greenbacks,"  was  authorized.  The 
Democrats  claimed  that  the  Constitution  gave  no  authority  for 
such  an  issue.  They  also  advocated  the  taxing  of  the  national 
bonds,  provided  for  by  the  Loan  Act  of  i86i-'62. 

The  President's  Emancipation  Proclamation  met  a  storm  of 
Democratic  disapprove.  An  act  authorizing  the  enlistment  of 
colored  troops  for  service  in  the  field  was  met  with  Democratic 
protests  The  establishing  by  Congress  of  a  Freedmen's 
uur^u  (i864-'65),  for  the  protection  of  freedmen  and  fugitives, 
tailed  to  secure  Democratic  support. 

General  George  B.  McClellan  (Democrat),  nominated  in 
1 864,  received  twenty^ne  electoral  votes,  eleven  Southern  states 

^in^?!.;!  .^P''^^  ^^^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^  ^s  1,808,725 
Sot  K  '"^^  '"'  ^^'"^'^  (Republican).  President  Lincoln 
was  shot  by  an  assassin  and  fatally  wounded  at  Ford's  Theatre, 


OUH  SYSTEM  OF  GOVEUNMENT  381 

Washington,  on  April  14,  1865,  his  death  occurring  the  next 
day.  After  his  assassination  and  the  accession  of  Andrew  John- 
son (RepubUcan),  the  question  of  the  reconstruction  of  the  South 
and  of  the  Democratic  party  became  prominent.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  sustained  President  Johnson  in  his  contention  that 
the  seceded  states  had  never  left  the  Union,  and  could  not 
leave  it,  though  they  had  broken  their  relations  with  it.  They 
vehemently  resisted  the  passing,  over  the  President's  veto,  of 
the  Reconstruction  Act  (1867).  The  ratification  of  the  Thir- 
teenth Amendment  to  the  Constitution,  abolishing  slavery,  tak- 
ing effect  from  December  18,  1865,  was  opposed  by  the  Demo- 
crats in  Congress.  Other  measures  disapproved  by  them  were 
the  bill  to  enlarge  the  powers  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau ;  the 
Fourteenth  Amendment  (1866),  assuring  civil  rights  to  the 
f reedmen ;  the  act  giving  suffrage  to  negroes  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  and  the  territories ;  measures  aimed  at  the  power  of 
the  President,  who  was  antagonized  by  the  party,  and  the 
impeachment  of  the  President  for  alleged  violation  of  an  act — 
"  Tenure  of  Office  " — intended  to  curtail  his  authority. 

Horatio  Seymour  (Democrat),  nominated  in  1868,  received 
eighty  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was 
2,709,613  against  3,015,017  for  General  Ulysses  S.  Grant  (Re- 
publican). 

The  contest  in  this  election  was  chiefly  upon  issues  growing 
out  of  the  war  and  the  reconstruction  policy  of  Congress. 
During  Grant's  administration  the  Democrats  opposed  the  pass- 
ing of  an  act  to  suppress  the  "  Ku-Klux  Klan,"  a  southern 
organization  antagonistic  to  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth 
Amendments. 

The  Democratic  party,  in  1872,  accepted  Horace  Greeley, 
the  candidate  of  the  "  Liberal  Republicans  "  as  their  nominee 
for  President.  His  death  occurred  before  the  meeting  of  the 
Electoral  College,  and  the  vote  was  scattered,  forty-two  being 
given  to  Thomas  A.  Hendricks.  The  popular  vote  cast  for 
Greeley  was  2,834,079,  against  3,597,070  for  Grant.  During 
Grant's  second  term  the  reconstructed  Confederate  states  re- 
gained control  of  nearly  all  their  state  governments. 

The  bill  for  resumption  of  specie  payments  (1875),  to  take 


382  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

effect  from  January  i,  1879,  met   with  opposition  from  the 
Democrats. 

Samuel  J.  Tilden  (Democrat),  nominated  in  1876,  received 
one  hundred  and  eighty-four  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote 
officially  recorded  for  him  was  4,284,875,  against  4,033,975 
for  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  Republican.  The  electoral  vote  was 
disputed ;  Florida,  with  four  votes,  and  Louisiana,  with  eight, 
were  contested.  An  electoral  commission  appointed  by  Con- 
gress finally  decided  in  favor  of  Hayes  by  a  majority  of  one. 
Federal  interference  with  elections  in  the  state  was  a  fiercely 
fought  issue  of  the  Democrats  during  the  Hayes  administration. 

The  Forty-sixth  Congress  (1879- 1880),  for  the  first  time 
since  1856,  had  a  Democratic  majority  in  Senate  and  House. 
The  Hayes  administration  was  uneventful,  so  far  as  Democratic 
partisan  plans  and  measures  were  concerned.  General  Winfield 
Scott  Hancock  (Democrat),  nominated  in  1880,  received  one 
hundred  and  fifty-five  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote  cast 
for  him  was  4,444,952,  against  4,454,416  for  James  Abram  Gar- 
field (Republican). 

The  National  Democratic  Convention  included  in  its  plat- 
form "Home  Rule,"  honest  money,  consisting  of  gold  and 
silver  and  paper,  convertible  into  coin,  on  demand ;  the  strict 
maintenance  of  public  faith,  state  and  national;  a  tariff  for  rev- 
enue only ;  the  subordination  of  the  military  to  the  civil  power ; 
and  a  general  and  thorough  reform  of  the  civil  service.  The 
defeat  of  Hancock  and  the  election  of  Garfield,  followed  by  the 
untimely  death  of  the  latter,  in  1881,  at  the  hands  of  an  assas- 
sin, and  the  succession  of  Chester  Alan  Arthur,  led  to  the  post- 
ponement of  many  contemplated  reforms. 

Grover  Cleveland  (Democrat),  nominated  in  1884,  received 
two  hundred  and  nineteen  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote 
^st  for  him  was  4,874,986,  against  4,851,981  for  James  Gillespie 
B  ame  (Republican).  Measures  passed  during  the  Cleveland 
admmistration  ( 1 885-'89)  included  the  Alien  Landlords'  Bill, 
limiting  the  holding  of  land  and  mines  in  territories  by  for- 
eigners; the  Interstate  Commerce  Bill,  providing  for  the 
appointment  of  five  commissioners,  with  large  powers,  over 
railway  charges;  a  bill  for  the  suppression  of  polygamy  among 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  383 

the  Mormons ;  the  Chinese  Exclusion  Bill ;  the  Nicaragua  Canal 
Bill,  and  enabling  acts  for  the  framing  of  state  Constitutions 
for  South  Dakota,  Montana,  and  Washington,  and  for  their 
admission  into  the  Union,  also  for  the  division  of  Dakota. 
When  near  the  end  of  his  term,  the  President  sent  to  the 
House  a  tariff  message,  in  which  he  agreed  with  the  views  of 
the  Democratic  tariff  reformers  of  the  Forty-eighth  and  Forty- 
ninth  Congresses. 

Cleveland  was  renominated  in  1888,  and  received  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty-eight  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  for 
him  was  5,536,242,  against  5,440,708  for  Benjamin  Harrison 
(Republican).  The  defeat  of  the  Democratic  nominee  for  Pres- 
ident carried  with  it  the  defeat  of  the  Democratic  House.  The 
Democratic  platform  of  1888  endorsed  the  views  of  Cleveland 
on  the  tariff,  and  advocated  the  admission  as  states  of  Wash- 
ington, Dakota,  Montana,  and  New  Mexico.  In  1 890  the  Sher- 
man Law  was  passed,  directing  the  purchase  each  month  of 
4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  bullion  at  the  market  prices,  and  the 
issuing  of  the  same  volume  of  Treasury  notes,  which  should  be 
legal  tender  in  all  cases. 

Cleveland  was  nominated  for  a  third  term  in  1892,  and  re- 
ceived two  hundred  and  seventy-seven  electoral  votes.  The 
popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  5,554,267,  against  5,175,201  for 
Harrison.  The  Democratic  party  was  pledged  by  its  platform 
of  1892  to  repeal  the  Sherman  Law  and  the  McKinley  Tariff 
Bill;  to  secure  repose  for  the  Southern  states;  to  repeal  all 
laws  allowing  Federal  interference  with  elections.  In  the 
Fifty-third  Congress  the  President  and  Congress  were  Demo- 
cratic. 

During  Cleveland's  second  term,  the  Sherman  Silver  Bill 
was  repealed,  the  Wilson  Tariff  Bill  was  substituted  for  the 
McKinley  Bill,  and  the  Federal  election  laws  were  annulled. 
In  1893  a  financial  panic  occurred.  As  a  result  of  aggressive 
British  policy  with  reference  to  Venezuela,  the  President  an- 
nounced officially  to  the  British  Government  the  intention  of 
the  United  States  to  enforce  the  Monroe  Doctrine  to  the 
fullest  extent.  In  order  to  suppress  labor  troubles  arising  from 
strikes  among  railroad  men  in  Chicago,  the  government  issued 


384  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

an  injunction  restraining  strikers  from  interfering  with  trains 
carrying  the  mail. 

William  Jennings  Bryan  was  the  Democratic  nominee  in 
1896.  He  received  one  hundred  and  seventy-six  electoral 
votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  6,502,925,  against 
7,104,779  for  William  McKinley  (Republican).  In  the  Demo- 
cratic platform  the  money  question  was  predominant.  Bryan 
was  endorsed  by  the  regular  Democratic  Free  Silver  men  and 
the  People's  Party.  He  was  repudiated  by  the  National  or 
Gold  Democrats,  who  nominated  General  John  M.  Palmer. 

During  the  first  McKinley  administration  (i  897-1901),  the 
Dingley  Tariff  Bill  became  a  law  (1897),  taking  the  place  of  the 
Wilson  Bill.  In  1898,  Idaho,  Kansas,  Nebraska,  South  Dakota, 
Washington,  and  Wyoming — all  for  Bryan  in  1896 — became 
Republican. 

Bryan  was  renominated  by  the  Democratic  party  in  1900. 
He  was  also  the  candidate  of  the  People's  Party  and  the  Silver 
Republicans.  He  received  one  hundred  and  fifty-five  electoral 
votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  6,351,008,  against 
7,215,696  for  McKinley.  The  platform  declared  against  im- 
perialism; the  Porto  Rico  Law;  the  administration  policy  in 
the  Philippines;  militarism;  private  monopolies,  trusts;  and 
the  Dingley  tariff.  It  called  for  the  evacuation  of  Cuba  by 
United  States  officials;  the  upholding  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine; the  election  of  United  States  senators  by  the  people;  the 
construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal;  the  establishing  of  a 
Department  of  Labor ;  statehood  for  the  territories ;  irrigation 
of  arid  lands;  the  exclusion  of  Chinese;  avoidance  of  alliances 
with  foreign  powers;  and  the  repeal  of  the  Spanish  war 
taxes. 

The  Congressional  election  of  1902  gave  one  hundred  and 
seventy-eight  Democrats  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  the 
Fifty-eighth  Congress  consisting  of  three  hundred  and  eighty- 
six  members.  In  the  Fifty-seventh  Congress  there  were  one 
hundred  and  forty-four  Democrats,  one  hundred  and  ninety- 
eight  Republicans,  and  nine  Fusionists,  in  the  House.  The 
^enate  i902-'o3,  contains  thirty-two  Democrats  and  fifty-six 
republicans.    There  were  two  vacancies.    The  Chinese  Exclu- 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEENMENT  385 

sion  Act  was  passed  in  1902,  also  an  act  to  repeal  war  revenue 
taxation.  These  measures  were  called  for  in  the  Democratic 
platform  of  1900. 


The  Republican  Party 

The  modern  Republican  party,  first  organized  in  1854,  had 
its  origin  in  the  fierce  political  fight  precipitated  by  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  when  he  introduced  in  the  Senate  a  measure  known 
as  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  for  the  organization  of  two  new 
territories  and  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  The 
Douglas  bill  was  widely  condemned  as  an  assault  upon  freedom. 
It  was  bitterly  assailed  from  pulpit  and  platform,  and  also  by 
the  press.  The  anti-slavery  element  arose  in  great  strength 
to  oppose  its  passage.  Men  of  all  parties  joined  hands  in  the 
movement. 

In  February,  1854,  at  an  enthusiastic  public  meeting  called 
by  Andrew  E.  Bovey  at  Ripon,  Fond  du  Lac  County,  Wiscon- 
sin, it  was  resolved  that  if  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  should  pass, 
they  would  "  throw  old  party  organizations  to  the  winds  and  or- 
ganize a  new  party  on  the  sole  issue  of  the  non-extension  of 
slavery."  At  a  second  meeting,  held  in  March,  Mr.  Bovey  sug- 
gested the  name  "  Republican."  The  bill  did  pass,  and  it  received 
the  President's  signature  on  May  30th.  Five  weeks  later,  at  a 
state  convention  held  in  Detroit,  the  name  "  Republican  "  was 
first  formally  given  to  the  fusion  of  Whigs,  Free-Soilers,  many 
Know-Nothings,  and  such  Democrats  as  were  opposed  to  the 
extension  of  slavery.  In  such  states  as  held  elections  during 
the  remaining  months  of  1854  the  new  party  was  organized. 
In  the  following  year  much  was  done  towards  the  completion 
of  the  organization.  The  Democratic  party  was  defeated  in 
most  of  the  free  state  elections. 

The  first  Republican  national  convention  assembled  at  Phil- 
adelphia on  June  17,  1856.  John  C.  Fremont  was  nominated 
for  the  presidency.  The  platform  condemned  polygamy  and 
slavery ;  required  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  state ;  ad- 
vocated the  laying  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific ;  and  insisted  that 
25 


386  FATEI0TI8M  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

appropriations  for  river  and  harbor  improvements  were  consti- 
tutional. Fremont  received  one  hundred  and  fourteen  electoral 
votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  1,341,254,  against 
1,838,169  for  James  Buchanan  (Democrat).  At  the  end  of 
1857,  the  Republican  party,  pledged  to  resist  the  extension  of 
slavery  into  free  territory,  controlled  eleven  states,  and  con- 
tested others  at  the  elections.  At  the  opening  of  the  first  ses- 
sion of  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  December,  1859,  the  Demo- 
crats were  in  the  majority,  having  thirty-eight  out  of  sixty-six 
members  in  the  Senate,  and  ninety-three  administration  Demo- 
crats, and  thirty-one  others,  against  one  hundred  and  thirteen 
Republicans. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated  for  the  presidency  at  the 
second  national  Republican  convention,  in  i860.  The  plat- 
form included  protests  against  all  "schemes  for  disunion; "  in- 
terference with  state  rights  in  domestic  affairs ;  the  "  sectional " 
policy  of  the  Democrats;  changes  in  the  naturalization  laws; 
extravagant  public  expenditures;  slavery;  and  the  sale  to 
others  of  public  lands  held  by  actual  settlers.  The  revision 
of  duties  on  imports  was  advocated.  Lincoln  received  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  in  his 
favor  was  1,866,352,  against  1,845,633  for  John  Cabell  Breckin- 
ridge  (Democrat). 

During  the  Civil  War,  the  Republicans  in  all  the  states 
formed  the  distinctive  war  party.  In  the  President's  inaugural 
message,  he  announced  the  policy  of  the  administration  to  be 
one  of  conciliation,  conservation,  and  restoration,  this  attitude 
taking  the  place  of  the  concession  policy  of  his  immediate  pre- 
decessor. 

During  the  Lincoln  administration,  in  1861,  the  President 
called  for  657,743  volunteers.  He  asked  Congress  for  1^400, 
000,000  for  war  expenses  in  putting  down  the  rebellion.  A 
loan  of  $250,000,000  was  sanctioned.  A  specific  duty  tariff  bill 
was  passed  in  1861.  In  1862,  the  issue  of  ^150,000,000  in  legal 
tender  notes  was  authorized.  They  became  known  as  "green- 
oacks  Durmg  the  same  year  colored  troops  were  enlisted, 
ana  Slavery  m  the  territories  was  prohibited.  Other  measures 
passed  were  those  providing  for  internal  revenue;  forbidding 


OTJB  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  387 

polygamy  among  the  Mormons ;  chartering  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad;  organizing  the  Department  of  Agriculture;  and 
emancipating  slaves  of  those  secessionists  who  remained  dis- 
loyal. Military  provisions  included  a  draft  of  300,000  nine- 
months'  men,  and  a  call  for  600,000  volunteers. 

The  record  of  the  administration  in  1 863  was  a  notable  one. 
In  financial  affairs,  a  Bureau  of  Currency  and  national  banks 
were  established,  and  a  loan  of  ;^900,ooo,ooo  was  arranged  for, 
— $300,000,000  for  the  current  year,  the  balance  for  1864.  The 
slavery  question  and  the  war  were  dealt  with  in  several  ways. 
On  New  Year's  day,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation  de- 
claring all  slaves  in  the  country  free.  The  Habeas  Corpus  Act 
was  suspended  in  March.  A  draft  of  300,000  men  was  ordered 
in  June.  Three  hundred  thousand  volunteers  were  called  for 
in  October.  In  December,  a  proclamation  of  amnesty  was 
issued. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  repealed  in  1864.  The  Presi- 
dent's calls  for  drafted  men  and  volunteers  during  that  year 
aggregated  1,500,000  men.  Congress  authorized  the  issue  of 
$600,000,000  in  bonds.  The  postal  money  order  system  was 
established.  There  was  a  split  in  the  party  in  May,  1864. 
The  "  Radicals  "  met  at  Cleveland,  Ohio,  denounced  the  admin- 
istration, and  nominated  Generals  Fremont  and  Cochrane  for 
presidential  office.  The  President,  in  July,  refused  to  sign  the 
bill  passed  by  Congress  for  reconstruction  of  the  Southern 
states.  The  party  disapproved  of  his  action.  In  the  same  month 
a  new  tariff  bill  went  into  force. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  renominated  in  1864.  The  platform  upheld 
the  policy  of  "  unconditional  surrender,"  approved  the  Emanci- 
pation Proclamation,  advocated  the  encouragement  of  foreign 
immigration,  and  endorsed  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Lincoln  re- 
ceived two  hundred  and  twelve  electoral  votes.  The  popular 
vote  cast  in  his  favor  was  2,203,831,  against  1,808,725  for 
George  B.  McClellan  (Democrat).  The  last  war  loan  of  $600, 
000,000  was  authorized  in  March,  1865.  On  April  9,  the  war 
ended.  On  April  14,  President  Lincoln  was  assassinated.  The 
day  following,  Andrew  Johnson,  Vice-President,  succeeded  to 
the  presidency.     His  policy  regarding  the  reconstruction  of  the 


388  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

seceded  states,  when  fully  developed,  failed  to  satisfy  the  Re- 
publican party  leaders.  They  refused  their  support,  and  finally 
a  reconstruction  measure  was  passed  over  his  veto.  The 
Thirteenth  Amendment,  abolishing  slavery,  went  into  force  in 
December,  1865.  The  Fourteenth  Amendment,  securing  civil 
rights  to  freedmen,  became  effective  in  July,  1868.  The  differ- 
ences  between  Johnson  and  the  Republican  party  led  to  efforts 
in  the  direction  of  curtailing  his  power.  He  was  deprived  of 
the  right  to  issue  an  amnesty  proclamation  in  January,  1867, 
but  refused  to  submit;  the  command  of  the  army  was  prac- 
tically withdrawn  from  him,  and  the  power  of  removal  of  civil 
officers,  without  the  consent  of  the  senate,  was  also  taken  away. 
Disagreements  arising  out  of  the  removal  by  Johnson  of  Edwin 
M.  Stanton,  secretary  of  war,  led  to  the  President's  impeach- 
ment. He  was  subsequently  acquitted,  after  a  trial  extending 
over  two  months. 

The  treaty  with  Russia  for  the  purchase  of  Alaska  was  con- 
cluded during  Johnson's  administration.  General  Ulysses  S. 
Grant  received  the  Republican  nomination  for  the  presidency 
in  1868.  The  platform  denounced  repudiation  of  public  in- 
debtedness ;  called  for  equalization  and  reduction  of  taxation ; 
advocated  the  adoption  of  an  adequate  pension  system;  in- 
sisted on  the  proper  protection  of  all  citizens,  native  or  natural- 
ized, against  arrest  and  imprisonment  by  foreign  powers  for 
acts  done  or  words  spoken  in  the  United  States ;  and  urged  the 
encouragement  of  immigration.  General  Grant  received  two 
hundred  and  fourteen  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote  cast 
in  his  favor  was  3,015,017,  against  2,709,613  for  Horatio  Sey- 
mour, Democrat. 

The  policy  of  reconstruction  was  vigorously  pursued  during 
Grant's  administration.  The  Fifteenth  Amendment,  conferring 
the  right  of  suffrage  on  the  negro,  was  effected  in  1870.  The 
Republican  press  and  Congress  rejected  the  President's  plan 
to  establish  a  harbor  and  naval  station  and  a  partial  protectorate 
at  San  Domingo.  Under  Grant,  efforts  were  made  to  inau- 
gurate civU  service  reform,  but  without  success.  A  Labor  Re- 
forni  party  sprang  from  the  Trades  Unions  movement.  The 
Grangers,"  or  "Patrons  of  Husbandry,"  a  farmers'  organiza- 


OUBlfrSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  389 

tion,  also  came  into  being.  Several  other  parties  arose  during 
the  Grant  administration,  including  the  temperance  party,  the 
national  (greenback)  party,  the  "  straight-out "  Democrats,  and 
the  "  liberal "  Republicans. 

General  Grant  was  renominated  in  1872.  The  platform  en- 
dorsed the  Constitutional  amendment ;  recommended  reform  of 
the  civil  service;  the  retention  of  national  domain  for  free 
homes ;  tariff  revision ;  generous  pension  laws ;  abolition  of  the 
franking  privilege;  adjustment  of  the  relations  between  capital 
and  labor;  consideration  of  woman's  rights;  and  the  further- 
ance of  American  commerce  and  ship-building.  General  Grant 
received  two  hundred  and  eighty-six  electoral  votes.  The  pop- 
ular vote  cast  in  his  favor  was  3,597,070,  against  2,834,679  for 
Horace  Greeley,  nominee  of  the  Democratic  and  "liberal"  Re- 
publican parties. 

The  second  term  of  Grant  brought  him  face  to  face  with 
many  difficulties  connected  with  state  governments.  In  the 
reconstructed  states  there  were  numerous  local  disturbances. 
Freedmen,  in  alliance  with  white  politicians,  at  first  held  con- 
trol in  these  states.  Finally,  the  reconstructed  Confederates, 
and  those  who  were  in  sympathy  with  them,  regained  almost 
complete  political  control.  Much  anxiety  was  felt  throughout 
the  country  regarding  the  financial  situation.  The  President 
favored  specie  payment.  Many  of  the  people,  and  their  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress,  preferred  an  increase  of  paper  currency. 
Resumption  of  specie  payment  was  provided  for  in  1875,  to 
take  effect  January  i,  1879. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes  was  nominated  for  the  presidency  in 
1876.  The  platform  advocated  the  complete  pacification  of 
the  South,  protested  against  sectarian  education  at  the  public 
expense,  called  for  an  investigation  as  to  Chinese  immigration, 
and  condemned  polygamy.  Hayes,  whose  election  was  dis- 
puted, finally,  by  decision  of  an  electoral  commission,  received 
one  hundred  and  eighty-five  electoral  votes,  his  Democratic 
opponent,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  being  credited  with  one  hundred 
and  eighty-four.  The  popular  vote  cast  in  favor  of  Hayes 
was  4,033,975,  against  4,284,873  for  Tilden.  The  Hayes  ad- 
ministration was  marked  by  the  exercise  on  the  President's 


390  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

part  of  a  policy  of  conciliation.  The  use  of  Federal  troops  at 
elections  caused  much  partisan  strife.  Efforts  were  made  by 
the  Democrats  to  obstruct  the  enactment  of  the  Federal  law 
on  this  subject. 

James  Abram  Garfield  was  nominated  for  the  presidency  in 
1880.  The  platform  was  devoted  largely  to  a  review  of  the 
Republican  record.  A  thorough,  radical  and  complete  reform 
of  the  civil  service  was  called  for.  Garfield  received  two  hun- 
dred and  fourteen  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  for 
him  was  4,454,416,  against  4,444,952  for  Winfield  Scott  Han- 
cock (Democrat).  Early  in  the  Garfield  administration  a  con- 
troversy arose  between  the  President  and  Senator  Roscoe  Conk- 
ling,  of  New  York,  respecting  appointments.  It  led  to  the  res- 
ignation of  Senators  Conkling  and  Piatt  from  the  Senate,  The 
President  was  shot  on  July  2,  1 881,  by  an  assassin.  Chester 
Alan  Arthur,  Vice-President,  succeeded  to  the  ofifice  of  Chief 
Executive.  One  of  the  chief  events  during  his  rule  was  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  Tariff  Commission,  in  1882,  consisting  of  nine 
civilians.  The  Chinese  Exclusion  Act  became  effective  in  the 
same  year.  A  comprehensive  Civil  Service  Reform  Bill  was 
signed  by  the  President  in  1883. 

James  Gillespie  Blaine  was  nominated  for  the  presidency  in 
1884.  The  platform  pledged  the  party  to  correct  the  irregu- 
larities of  the  tariff,  and  to  reduce  the  surplus,  at  the  same  time 
it  advocated  protection  for  home  industry.  The  party  de- 
clared itself  in  favor  of  international  bimetalism ;  the  regulation 
of  transportation;  the  establishment  of  a  labor  bureau;  the 
prohibition  of  foreign  contract  labor;  the  protection  of  the 
sheep-mising  industry;  the  amendment  of  the  forfeited  land 
grant;  the  withholding  of  land  grants  from  aliens;  and  the  in- 
crease of  the  navy.  Blaine  received  one  hundred  and  eighty- 
two  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  4,851,- 
981,  against  4,874,986  for  Grover  Cleveland  (Democrat). 

Benjamin  Harrison  was  nominated  for  the  presidency  in 
1888.  The  platform  declared  against  combinations  and  trusts; 
advocated  home  rule  in  the  territories,  with  admission  as  soon 
asquahfied;  urged  Federal  aid  for  public  schools;  favored  the 
reduction  of  letter  postage  to  one  cent ;  and  the  defense  of  fish- 


QUE  SYSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT  391 

Ing  rights  in  the  northeast  Harrison  received  two  hundred 
and  thirty-three  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him 
was  5,440,708,  against  5,536,242  for  Cleveland.  The  currency 
question  was  a  leading  issue  in  the  Harrison  administration. 

In  1890,  a  bill  was  passed  authorizing  the  purchase  each 
month  of  4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  bullion  at  market  prices, 
treasury  notes  to  that  amount — legal  tender  in  all  cases — to  be 
issued.  The  McKinley  Tariff  Bill  was  signed  by  the  Presi- 
dent, October  6.  Six  states,  Idaho,  Montana,  North  Dakota, 
South  Dakota,  Washington,  and  Wyoming,  were  admitted  to 
the  Union  during  the  Harrison  administration.  The  annexa- 
tion of  Hawaii  was  arranged,  but  the  necessary  treaty  was  still 
in  the  hands  of  a  senate  committee  when  the  presidential  term 
ended. 

Benjamin  Harrison  was  renominated  in  1892.  The  plat- 
form, on  the  currency  question,  demanded  the  use  of  both  gold 
and  silver  as  standard  money,  in  such  a  way  as  to  secure  the 
parity  of  values  of  the  two  metals,  so  that  the  purchasing  and 
debt-paying  power  of  the  dollar,  whether  silver,  gold  or  paper, 
would  be  at  all  times  equal.  An  international  conference  on 
bimetalism  was  advocated.  The  acquisition  of  the  Nicaragua 
Canal  was  urged.  The  cession  of  arid  lands  to  the  states  and 
territories  to  which  they  belonged,  the  extension  of  hearty 
support  to  the  Columbian  Exposition,  and  the  establishment 
of  a  free-delivery  postal  system  were  among  the  chief  measures 
found  in  the  platform.  Harrison  received  one  hundred  and 
forty-five  electoral  votes.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was 
5,175,201,  against  5,554,267  for  Cleveland.  In  1894,  the  Con- 
gressional electives  gave  the  Republican  party  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority  in  the  House. 

William  McKinley  was  nominated  for  the  presidency  in 
1 896.  The  platform  endorsed  the  policy  of  a  protective  tariff ; 
advocated  reciprocity ;  the  encouragement  of  sugar-growing  in 
the  United  States ;  the  protection  of  wool  and  woolen  indus- 
tries ;  the  development  of  the  merchant  marine  service  by  re- 
storing the  American  policy  of  discriminating  duties;  sound 
money;  liberal  pensions;  a  vigorous  foreign  policy;  the  up- 
holding of  the  Monroe  Doctrine;  friendly  intervention  in  Cuba; 


392  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

enlargement  of  the  navy;  prohibition  of  illiterate  immigration; 
the  maintenance  of  the  civil  service  laws ;  national  arbitration ; 
free  homesteads;  admission  of  the  territories;  and  extended 
rights  for  women.  It  also  condemned  lynching.  McKinley  re- 
ceived two  hundred  and  seventy-one  electoral  votes,  William 
Jennings  Bryan  (Democrat)  receiving  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
six.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  7,204,779,  against 
6,502,925  for  Bryan.  The  Dingley  Tariff  Bill  became  a  law 
July  24,  1897.  Important  legislation  under  the  McKinley  ad- 
ministration included  a  grant  of  ;^  50,000  for  relief  of  destitute 
citizens  of  the  United  States  in  Cuba;  a  grant  of  ^50,000,000 
to  meet  war  expenses  in  the  event  of  war  with  Spain ;  declara- 
tion of  war  against  Spain ;  provision  for  the  Twelfth  Census ; 
provision  for  free  homesteads;  and  for  the  reorganization  cA 
the  army 

McKinley  was  renominated  in  1900,  against  William  Jen- 
nings Bryan,  renominated  by  the  Democratic  party.  The 
platform  reiterated  sentiments  previously  expressed  regarding 
the  gold  standard ;  free  silver  coinage ;  the  trusts ;  a  protective 
tariff;  reciprocity;  immigration;  aid  to  American  shipping;  lib- 
eral pensions ;  civil  service  reform ;  statehood  for  the  territories ; 
and  Cuban  independence.  It  was  insisted  that  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment  be  lived  up  to  in  the  South  at  elections.  Declara- 
tions were  made  in  favor  of  improved  roads  and  highways ; 
rural  free  delivery  of  postal  matter;  the  reduction  of  the  Span- 
ish war  taxes;  new  markets  for  surplus  farm  products;  a  lib- 
eral policy  in  the  Philippines;  a  Department  of  Commerce; 
and  the  protection  of  American  citizens  abroad.  McKinley  re- 
ceived two  hundred  and  ninety-two  electoral  votes.  The  popu- 
lar vote  cast  for  him  was  7,215,696,  against  6,351,608  for  Bryan. 
1  resident  McKmley  was  shot  by  an  assassin,  September  6, 
1901  and  died  September  14.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Vice- 
Fresident,  succeeded  to  the  office  of  Chief  Executive.  Under 
ms  administration,  measures  passed  in  Congress,  1902,  included 
the  estabhshmg  of  a  permanent  Census  Bureau;  the  repeal  of 

STp     '""'  'n^^"\  '  ^^^""^"  ^^dusion  Act;  the  purchase  of 
tbe  Panama  Canal;  and  rural  free  delivery  of  mail  matter. 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  393 


Minor  Parties 

In  the  foregoing  text,  endeavor  has  been  made  to  give  an 
outHne  of  the  history  of  the  greater  parties*  The  first  of  these, 
the  Federal  party,  was,  as  we  have  seen,  formed  from  the 
"  Strong  Government,"  or  "  Constitutional "  party.  It  elected 
two  presidents,  i.e.,  Washington,  who  served  two  terms,  and 
John  Adams,  who  served  one  term.  To  summarize  its  policy: 
the  Federal  party  advocated  a  tariff,  internal  revenue,  the  fund- 
ing of  the  public  debt,  a  United  States  bank,  a  militia,  and  the 
assumption  of  state  debts  by  the  government.  This  party  fa- 
vored England  as  against  France ;  it  opposed  a  war  with  Eng- 
land, and  believed  a  protective  tariff  should  be  instituted.  Its 
principal  supporters  were  Washington,  John  Adams,  Alexander 
Hamilton,  James  Madison,  and  John  Jay.  The  Federal  party 
existed  from  1787  to  1816. 

The  Democratic-Republican  party  was  formed  from  the 
anti-Federal  party,  the  Republican  or  Jeffersonian  party,  and 
from  such  as  called  themselves  Democrats  and  sympathized 
with  the  French  Revolutionists.  This  party  elected  three 
presidents,  each  of  whom,  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Monroe, 
served  two  terms.  It  stood  for  state  rights,  enlarged  personal 
freedom,  France  as  against  England,  free  trade  (in  1800),  war 
with  England,  internal  improvements,  the  purchase  of  Louisi- 
ana, the  purchase  of  Florida,  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  and,  in  1828,  a  protective  tariff.  The  party 
was  founded  and  led  by  Thomas  Jefferson.  It  was  in  existence 
from  1793  to  1828. 

The  Democratic-Republican  party,  in  the  presidential  cam- 
paign of  1824,  split  into  four  parts.  This  was  its  last  appear- 
ance in  a  presidential  contest.  The  Democratic  (and  Whig) 
party  sprang  from  this  division.  Six  Democratic  presidents 
have  been  elected,  including  Jackson,  serving  two  terms ;  Van 
Buren,  Polk,  Pierce,  and  Buchanan,  one  term  each,  and  Cleve- 
land, two  terms.    The  party,  in  its  platforms  from  time  to  time, 


394  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

favored  internal  improvements;  state  banks;  the  sub-treasury 
plan;  state  rights;  free  trade;  tariff  for  revenue  only;  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas;  the  Mexican  War;  the  Compromise  of 
1850;  the  Monroe  Doctrine;  the  Dred  Scott  decision;  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law;  and  economical  public  expenditures. 
They  opposed  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  in  any  form 
or  place;  the  coercion  of  the  seceded  states;  the  amelioration 
of  the  condition  of  the  freed  negroes ;  the  Freedmen's  Bureau ; 
Chinese  immigration ;  and  autocratic  government.  The  exist- 
ence of  the  Democratic  party  dates  from  1828. 

The  Republican  party  was  formed  from  other  parties  (prin- 
cipally from  the  Whig  party)  on  slavery  issues.  Six  Repub- 
licans have  occupied  the  presidential  chair  by  election  to  that 
office,  i.e.,  Lincoln,  two  terms ;  Grant,  two  terms ;  Hayes,  Gar- 
field, and  Harrison,  one  term  each;  and  McKinley,  one  full 
term  and  part  of  a  second.  The  Republican  party  has,  in  its 
platforms  and  policy,  favored  the  suppression  of  slavery ;  the 
suppression  of  the  rebellion  by  all  constitutional  means ;  the 
emancipation  of  slaves ;  the  prohibition  of  slavery ;  the  citizen- 
ship of  freedmen ;  the  Monroe  Doctrine ;  full  payment  of  the 
national  debt ;  a  protective  tariff ;  a  free  ballot;  generous  pen- 
sion legislation ;  adequate  navy  and  coast  defence ;  an  increased 
army ;  and  a  liberal  colonial  policy.  The  existence  of  the  Re- 
publican party  dates  from  1854. 

The  history  of  the  minor  parties  is  given  chronologically  in 
the  order  of  their  origin. 

Clintonians 

The  Clintonian  party  consisted  of  Republicans  in  Northern 
and  Southern  states  who  objected  to  the  monopolizing  of  the 
national  administration  by  Virginians,  protesting  against  the 
caucus  system,  as  it  did  not  give  the  people  an  opportunity  to 
select  candidates.  They  were  also  dissatisfied  with  the  foreign 
policy  of  Madison.  They  disapproved  of  long  terms  of  office, 
also  of  an  official  regency.  This  party  nominated  De  Witt 
Qmton  of  New  York  for  President.  He  received  eighty-nine 
electoral  votes,  Madison  receiving  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight,  m  the  presidential  election  of  1812 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  396 


Peace  Party 

This  was  composed  of  Democratic-Republicans  and  Fed- 
eralists, living  mostly  in  New  England.  They  opposed  the  War 
of  1 812.  At  a  convention  held  at  Hartford,  December,  1814, 
known  as  the  Hartford  Convention,  resolutions  were  passed 
against  the  war.  Before  the  convention  adjourned,  however,  a 
treaty  of  peace  was  signed.  The  party  went  out  of  existence 
shortly  afterwards. 

Doughfaces 

This  name  was  first  used  and  applied  in  1820  by  John  Ran- 
dolph, of  Virginia,  to  members  of  Congress  from  the  Northern 
states  who  supported  the  Missouri  Compromise.  Randolph 
was  a  bitter  opponent  of  the  measure. 

People's  Party 

At  the  elections  in  the  autumn  of  1823,  in  the  state  of  New 
York,  the  Republicans  were  divided  upon  the  choice  of  presi- 
dential electors.  Some  wished  them  to  be  chosen  by  the  state 
legislatures ;  others,  by  the  people.  The  latter  portion  devel- 
oped into  a  political  organization  called  the  People's  Party. 

Coalition  Party 

Certain  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  1825, 
were  supporters  of  Henry  Clay  for  the  presidency,  but  subse- 
quently threw  their  votes  to  John  Quincy  Adams,  with  Clay's 
consent,  in  the  "  scrub  race  "  for  the  presidency  between  Jack- 
son, Adams,  Clay,  and  Crawford,  all  Democratic-Republicans. 
These  members  were  called  the  Coalition  Party.  It  was  largely 
a  distinctive  title  rather  than  a  party  name. 

Anti-Masonic  Party 

The  creation  of  this  party  was  caused  by  the  disappearance, 
on  September  29,  1826,  of  William  Morgan,  a  Royal  Arch 
Mason,  of  Genesee  County,  New  York.     Morgan  had  threat- 


396  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

ened  to  publish  the  secrets  of  Masonry.  His  arrest  and  con- 
finement in  jail  for  a  debt  of  two  dollars  was  followed  by  his 
removal  to  Fort  Niagara,  where  he  remained  a  short  time.  He 
then  disappeared  and  was  never  seen  afterwards.  The  event 
caused  great  excitement,  the  Masons  being  accused  of  putting 
him  to  death  clandestinely.  In  the  following  year,  Morgan's 
fate  became  a  political  issue.  Anti-Masons  became  numerous 
in  the  principal  western  cities  and  towns.  They  insisted  on  the 
exclusion  from  office  of  the  supporters  of  Masonry.  The  party 
remained  in  existence  until  1834. 

National  Republican  Party 

This  was  formed,  in  1828,  from  the  "broad-construction" 
wing  of  the  Democratic-Republican  party.  They  favored  in- 
ternal improvements ;  protection ;  the  United  States  Bank ;  and 
the  division  of  proceeds  of  land  sales  among  the  states.  They 
were  opposed  to  the  "spoils  system."  In  1834,  six  years  after 
its  formation,  this  party  joined  the  Whigs.  At  the  presidential 
election  of  1828,  the  support  of  the  party  was  given  to  John 
Quincy  Adams,  who  received  eighty-three  electoral  votes,  Jack- 
son (Democrat)  receiving  one  hundred  and  seventy-eight ;  and 
in  1832  it  supported  Henry  Clay,  who  received  forty-nine  elec- 
toral votes,  Jackson  receiving  two  hundred  and  nineteen.  Two 
years  after  the  defeat  of  Clay  the  party  became  extinct. 

Nullification,  or  Calhoun  Party 

After  the  disruption  of  the  Jackson  cabinet,  in  1831,  Cal- 
houn endeavored  to  form  a  party  of  his  own,  with  a  view  to 
obtaining  a  presidential  nomination.  He  became  active  in 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  encouraging  slave  owners  to  stand 
against  the  administration.  He  also  advocated  resistance  to 
the  tariff  laws.    The  Nullification  Party  disappeared  in  1833. 

Abolitionists 

This  party  was  organized  in  1833,  and  advocated  the  imme- 
date  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  the  elevation  of  the  colored 


OUB  SYSTEM   OF  GOVERNMENT  397 

race,  and  recognition  of  equality  in  civil  and  religious  principles, 
— all  to  be  brought  about  through  moral  suasion.  The  term 
"  Abolitionist "  remained  in  use  until  after  the  Civil  War. 

Whig  Party 

This  party  was  formed  from  a  union  of  the  National  Re- 
publican and  disrupted  Democratic-Republicans.  Presidents 
Harrison  and  Tyler,  Taylor  and  Fillmore,  belonged  to  the 
Whig  party.  The  party  favored  the  non-extension  of  slavery; 
slavery  agitation;  a  United  States  Bank;  a  protective  tariff; 
vigorous  internal  improvements ;  and  the  Compromise  of  1 850. 
The  Whigs  opposed  the  Seminole  War;  the  annexation  of 
Texas;  the  Mexican  War;  state  rights;  and  the  Democratic 
policy  towards  slavery.  Webster  and  Clay  were  the  principal 
Whig  party  leaders.  President  Harrison,  elected  in  1840,  died 
April  4,  1 84 1.  He  received  two  hundred  and  thirty-four  elec- 
toral votes  in  1840,  Martin  Van  Buren  (Democrat)  receiving 
sixty.  Tyler,  Vice-President,  succeeded  to  the  office.  During 
the  Whig  administration  (i840-'45),  a  bill  was  passed  for  the 
repeal  of  the  sub-treasury.  A  measure  to  establish  a  national 
bank  was  passed  by  Congress  and  veteod  by  Tyler,  who  also 
vetoed  a  second  bank  bill,  drawn  up  to  meet  his  supposed  views. 
This  brought  a  resignation  of  all  cabinet  members  except  one, 
Daniel  Webster.  The  Whigs  subsequently  separated  their  con- 
nection with  Tyler  altogether.  The  last  bill  signed  by  Presi- 
dent Tyler  provided  for  the  annexation  of  Texas. 

Zachary  Taylor,  the  next  Whig  president,  was  elected  in 
1848,  receiving  one  hundred  and  sixty-three  electoral  votes, 
Cass  (Democrat)  receiving  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven. 
He  died  July  9,  1850.  Millard  Fillmore,  Vice-President,  suc- 
ceeded him.  He  formed  a  new  cabinet  and  adopted  a  policy 
of  conciliation  and  political  harmony.  At  his  instance  the 
famous  Compromise  Bills  of  1850  were  passed,  providing  for 
the  organizing  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico  into  territories  with- 
out reference  to  slavery;  the  admission  of  California  as  a 
free  state;  the  payment  to  Texas  of  $10,000,000  for  her  claim 
to  New  Mexico ;  the  return  of  slaves  escaping  from  their  mas- 


398  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHir 

ters;  and  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Col- 
umbia. Before  the  presidential  campaign  of  1852  opened,  the 
Whigs  found  that  the  North,  of  necessity,  aided  the  slavery 
issue.  The  Compromise  Bills  had  removed  many  of  their 
grievances.  Their  own  platform  conceded  \hat  the  main 
causes  of  their  contentions  had  been  removed  by  legislation. 
Thereafter  their  existence  was  without  justification.  They 
split  into  factions,  and,  finally,  in  1854,  the  Whig  leaders,  and 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  party,  became  absorbed  in  other  organ- 
izations. 

Loco-Foco  Party 

This  name  was  first  given  by  the  Whig  press  to  the  anti- 
Monopolists,  or  "Equal  Rights"  branch,  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  New  York,  in  1835.  Members  of  this  faction  used 
lucifer  matches,  known  as  "  loco-f oco  "  matches,  to  relight  the 
lights  extinguished  at  an  evening  assemblage  at  Tammany 
Hall  of  an  opposing  faction,  when  the  leaders  of  that  faction 
desired  to  break  up  the  meeting.  For  a  time  Democrats  gen- 
erally \vere  referred  to  as  "  Loco-Focos." 

Anti-Renters 

This  party  originated  in  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  tenantry 
on  the  Van  Rensselaer  estate  in  New  York  State.  Disputes 
as  to  the  possessor's  right  of  title  and  claim  of  rents,  started  in 
1795,  were  revived  in  1839  on  the  death  of  Stephen  Van  Rens- 
selaer, when  an  attempt  was  made  to  collect  arrears  of  rental 
from  the  tenantry.  The  "anti-Renters"  became  an  organized 
political  body  in  the  state.  The  movement  was  upheld  by  the 
Seward  wing  of  the  Whig  party  and  the  "Barn-burners,"  a 
section  of  the  Democratic  party  in  New  York  state.  The 
movement  resulted  in  a  revision  of  the  state  Constitution  of 
1846,  Sections  12-15  of  Act  I  being  added,  abolishing  all  feudal 
tenures  and  converting  the  leases  of  tenants  into  freeholds. 

Liberty  Party 
The  Abolitionists  had  a  single  plank  platform  in  1 839,  declar- 
ing the  necessity  for  a  new  party.    They  founded  the  Liberty 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  399 

party  in  1840,  at  a  national  convention  at  Albany,  New  York. 
Many  Whigs  and  Democrats  joined.  The  party  stood  for  the 
immediate  abolition  of  slavery  and  claimed  equal  rights.  They 
protested  against  the  Fugitive  Slave  clause  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. James  J.  Birney  was  nominated  for  the  presidency.  He 
received  7,059  votes  at  the  election.  Birney  was  renominated 
in  1843,  and  received  62,300  votes  at  the  presidential  election 
of  1844.  The  Liberty  party,  or  abolition  vote,  in  New  York 
in  that  year  being  chiefly  a  defection  from  Henry  Clay,  caused 
Clay's  defeat  for  the  presidency.  In  1847,  John  P.  Hale  was 
nominated  for  the  office  of  Chief  Executive,  but  the  party  sub- 
sequently withdrew  his  name,  the  members  going  over  to  the 
Free-Soil  party,  organized  in  1848. 

Native  American  Party 

This  party  seems  to  have  been  the  forerunner  of  the  Ameri- 
can, or  Know-Nothing  party,  of  1852.  It  was  organized  in 
1843,  as  a  result  of  a  great  inflow  of  foreigners  into  New  York 
City.  The  leading  ideas  of  the  organization  were  opposition 
to  Roman  Catholicism  and  the  election  of  aliens  to  office.  The 
members  of  the  party  were  usually  spoken  of  as  "  Natives." 

Hunkers 

This  name  was  given  in  1 844  to  a  faction  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  New  York,  led  by  William  L,  Marcy,  and  representing 
the  pro-slavery  wing  of  the  party.  The  "  Hunkers  "  (from  the 
Dutch  word  konk,  meaning  "home  "),  rivals  of  the  " Barn-burn- 
ers,'* attended  the  national  Democratic  convention  of  1848. 
Each  wing  sent  a  delegation.  The  name  "  Old  Hunkers  "  was 
given  by  the  radicals  to  the  conservatives. 

Barn-burners 

That  factipu  6i  the  Democratic  party  in  New  York  (1844- 
'48),  led  by  Silas  Wright,  and  representing  the  anti-slavery  or 
radical  wing  of  the  party.  The  origin  of  the  name  is  in  some 
doubt,  although  there  is  good  authority  for  the  assertion  that 
it  sprang  from  the  conduct  of  undisciplined  followers  of  Thomas 


400  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZENSHIP 

W.  Dorr,  of  Rhode  Island,  who  organized  a  rebellion  in  that 
state  in  1841,  against  the  provisions  of  an  old  English  charter, 
whereby  property  qualifications  were  necessary  in  order  to  vote. 
Dorr's  followers  were  strongly  condemned  by  the  conservative 
people  of  Rhode  Island,  and  described,  because  of  their  law- 
lessness, as  "robbers,  rioters,  incendiaries,  barn-burners." 
Later,  the  "  Hunkers  "  of  New  York,  in  retaliation  for  the  con- 
temptuous name  given  them  by  their  opponents,  the  radicals, 
declared  them  at  every  opportunity  to  be  "barn-burners,"  or 
reckless  law-breakers.  In  June,  1848,  the  "Barn-burners"  held 
a  Democratic  convention  at  Utica,  New  York,  and  nominated 
Martin  Van  Buren  for  the  presidency.  In  August  of  the  same 
year  most  of  the  "  Barn-burners  "joined  the  new  Free-Soil  party, 
which  placed  Van  Buren  in  nomination. 

Liberty-League 

This  name  was  given  to  members  of  the  Liberty  party  of 
1840  who  disagreed  with  the  main  body  of  their  party.  After 
a  convention  of  the  Liberty  party,  in  1845,  a  number  of  its  ad- 
herents separated.  In  1847  they  met  in  convention  and  nom- 
inated Gerrit  Smith  for  the  presidency.  They  proclaimed 
slavery  to  be  unconstitutional,  and  had  for  their  watchword 
"  Duty  is  ours,  results  are  God's."  The  records  do  not  show  a 
vote  in  behalf  of  Smith  at  the  presidential  election  of  1848. 

Free-Soil  Party 
This  organization  was  formed  in  1848,  from  the  Liberty  or 
Abolition  party,  anti-slavery  Democrats  and  anti-slavery  Whigs. 
The  anti-slavery  movement  brought  it  into  existence.  Even- 
tually it  was  merged  in  the  Republican  party.  By  many  this 
latter  party  is  considered  as  the  outcome  of  the  Free-Soil 
party's  activity.  Van  Buren,  nominated  as  Free-Soil  candidate 
in  1848,  received  291,263  votes.  In  1852  John  P.  Hale  received 
the  nommation.  He  received  156,149  votes.  In  1854  the 
anti-slavery  Whigs  and  anti-slavery  Democrats  formed  a  coali- 
lon  without  a  common  name.  The  Free-Soil  party  as  such 
thus  came  to  an  end  ^     ^ 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  401 


Silver  Grays 

The  Whigs  of  New  York  who  supported  the  Fillmore  ad- 
ministration, in  1850,  deeming  the  slavery  question  settled  by 
the  compromise  measures  passed  by  Congress  in  that  year, 
were  called  "  Silver  Grays,"  because  most  of  them  were  men  of 
somewhat  advanced  age  whose  hair  was  white.  At  the  Whig 
state  convention  at  Syracuse,  in  September,  1850,  a  split  took 
place,  friends  of  the  President  protesting  against  a  resolution 
praising  Senator  Seward.  They  called  a  meeting  during  Octo- 
ber at  Utica,  threw  off  Whig  allegiance  and  formed  the  "  Silver- 
Gray  "  party,  unequivocally  upholding  President  Fillmore's  pol- 
icy. With  the  disappearance  of  the  Whig  factions  in  1854,  the 
"  Silver  Grays  "  became  extinct. 

Know-Nothing  or  American  Party 

This  party  was  suddenly  formed,  in  1852,  from  members  of 
other  parties  who  were  not  in  sympathy  with  indiscriminate 
foreign  immigration.  They  advocated  more  stringent  natural- 
ization laws,  aimed  to  exclude  from  office  those  of  foreign  birth, 
and  protested  against  the  efforts  then  being  made  to  exclude 
the  Bible  from  the  public  schools.  The  name  originated  from 
the  fact  that  the  leaders  and  members  of  the  party  when  asked 
for  some  details  of  their  work  or  purposes,  usually  declared  that 
they  knew  nothing  of  any  proposed  plans. 

The  platform  of  the  party  contained  the  following  senti- 
ments :  The  Americans  shall  rule  America.  The  states  shall 
be  united.  No  North,  No  South,  No  East,  No  West.  No 
sectarian  interference  in  legislation  or  in  the  administration  of 
American  law.  Hostility  to  the  assumptions  of  the  Pope, 
though  the  hierarchy  and  priesthood,  in  a  republic.  Thorough 
reform  in  the  naturalization  laws.  Free  and  liberal  educational 
institutions  for  all  sects  and  classes,  with  the  Bible  as  a  text- 
book. 

The  Know-Nothings  nominated  Millard  Fillmore  for  presi- 
dent, in  1856.  He  received  eight  electoral  votes,  Buchanan 
26 


402  PATRIOTISM  AND   CITIZEmHIP 

(Democrat)  receiving  1,741,  and  Fremont  one  hundred  and 
fourteen.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  874,538.  In 
i860,  the  party  became  merged  in  the  Constitutional  Union 
party. 

Douglas  Democrats 

The  Democrats  of  Northern  states  v^rho  agreed  with  the 
views  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  when  the  party  divided  in  i860 
on  the  slavery  issue,  were  denominated  "  Douglas  Men."  They 
refused  to  endorse  the  demands  of  the  South,  at  the  national 
convention  in  that  year,  that  an  explicit  assertion  be  made  in 
the  platform  of  the  rights  of  citizens  to  establish  slavery  in  the 
territories;  and  to  be  protected  in  that  right  by  Federal  au- 
thority. 

Breckinridge  Democrats 

The  Democrats  of  Southern  states,  who  demanded  what  the 
Douglas  Democrats  refused  to  grant,  were  distinctively  termed 
Breckinridge  Democrats  after  their  leader,  John  C.  Breckin- 
ridge, of  Kentucky,  Democratic  nominee  of  the  convention  of 
i860  for  the  presidency. 

Constitutional  Union  Party 

This  party  consisted  of  Democrats  who  had  for  their  plat- 
form "the  Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the  Enforcement  of 
Law."  It  succeeded  the  American  or  Know-Nothing  party, 
but  failed  to  develop  much  strength.  The  organization  met 
at  Baltimore,  in  May,  i860,  and  nominated  John  Bell,  of  Ten- 
nessee, and  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  for  the  presi- 
dential offices.  Bell  received  thirty-nine  electoral  votes.  The 
popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  589,581.  It  is  a  matter  of  record 
that  this  Union  party  had  more  influence  in  the  South  than  in 
the  North.  In  1876,  James  B.  Walker,  "American  "  nominee, 
received  2,636  votes.  In  1880,  John  W.  Phelps  received 
seven  hundred  and  seven  votes.  In  1884,  no  candidate  ap- 
peared.   In  1888,  James  W.  Curtis  received  1,501  votes. 


OUU  SYSTEM  OF  GOVmNMENT  403 


Ku-Klux  Klan 

In  1868,  a  secret  society  so  named,  opposed  to  negro  suf- 
frage, was  organized  in  the  South.  This  society  issued  Usts  of 
proscribed  persons  who  were  warned  to  leave  the  country  or  be 
liable  to  assassination.  The  members  of  the  Klan  wore  masks, 
and  usually  secured  and  punished  their  victims  at  night.  Its 
depredations  became  so  oppressive  that  in  some  states  mem- 
bers of  the  order  were  made  liable  to  jail  and  imprisonment. 
In  April,  1 868,  President  Grant  took  steps  toward  their  repres- 
sion. In  1 87 1,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation  against 
them.  Federal  troops  were  posted  to  restore  order  in  South 
Carolina;  six  hundred  arrests  were  made,  and  many  trials 
for  assault  and  murder  ensued.  Vigorous  prosecution  until 
1876  effectually  stamped  out  the  evil. 

Liberal  Republicans 

This  party  was  formed  in  i870-'7i  by  Republicans  who  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  policy  of  Grant's  administration  and  the 
conduct  of  the  party  leaders.  In  1872,  at  a  national  conven- 
tion, they  nominated  Horace  Greeley  for  President.  He  died 
before  the  electoral  vote  was  counted.  The  popular  vote  cast 
for  Greeley  was  2,834,079. 

Straight-Out  Democrats 

Those  who  became  politically  active  under  this  name  or  title 
were  known  also  as  "Tap-Root,"  or  "Radical,"  Democrats. 
They  objected  to  the  nomination  of  Greeley  by  the  regulars 
in  1872,  and  nominated  Charles  O'Conor.  O'Conor  received 
29,408  votes. 

Labor  Reform  Party 

This  was  a  combination  of  working  men,  in  1 872,  who  be- 
lieved in  trades  unions.  The  party  had  local  organizations  in 
every  section,  and  for  a  time  wielded  considerable  influence, 
nominating  their  own  candidates  at  several  state  elections. 


404  t>ATBIOTlSM  Am  CtTIZmSElP 

During  its  existence,  this  party  succeeded  in  introducing  or 
setting  on  foot  several  beneficial  movements.  The  working 
day  in  government  establishments  was,  mainly  through  party 
agitators,  reduced  from  ten  to  eight  hours.  The  Labor  Re- 
form party  held  opinions  adverse  to  large  accumulations  of 
wealth,  and  favored  equality.  At  a  convention,  held  in  Au- 
gust, 1872,  they  nominated  Charles  O' Conor  for  the  presidency. 
Two  weeks  later  O'Conor  received  the  nomination  of  the 
"  Straight-Out "  Democrats. 

Grangers 

This  party  was  known  also  as  "  Patrons  of  Husbandry,"  and 
came  into  being  as  an  organization  during  Grant's  first  admin- 
istration. At  first  the  order  was  non-political,  but  subse- 
quently it  became  the  object  of  much  scheming  and  plotting 
on  the  part  of  unscrupulous  politicians.  Primarily,  the  idea  of 
the  Grangers  was  to  promote  the  higher  development  of  farm 
life  and  labor,  to  encourage  cooperation  among  agriculturists, 
to  regulate  railway  freights,  to  discourage  the  credit  system, 
and  the  plan  of  borrowing  on  mortgages. 

Temperance  Party 

Local  temperance  organizations  combined,  in  1872,  forming 
a  national  temperance  prohibition  party,  which,  four  years 
later,  formally  adopted  the  name  "  Prohibition  "  as  best  indicat- 
ing their  platform  and  principles.  A  Prohibition  convention 
was  held  in  1872.  James  Black  was  nominated  for  the  presi- 
dency.   He  received  5,608  votes. 

Greenback  Party 

This  party  had  its  origin  in  the  period  of  financial  depres- 
sion following  the  panic  of  1863.  It  called  for  the  increase  of 
greenback  paper  money  to  save  the  money  market  and  sustain 
values.  Many  advocates  of  this  policy  believed  that;  such 
money  ought  not  to  be  redeemed.    It  should,  they  argued,  take 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  405 

the  place  of  coin,  becoming  coined  paper  endorsed  by  the  gov- 
ernment for  payment  of  all  debts,  public  and  private.  The 
"Grangers,"  v^ith  few  exceptions,  approved  of  the  Greenback 
party's  policy,  and  joined  the  movement.  At  a  national  con- 
vention, in  1 876,  the  Greenback  party  nominated  Peter  Cooper 
for  President.  The  popular  vote  cast  in  his  favor  was  81,740. 
The  National  Greenback  party  was  organized  in  1878.  It  ad- 
vocated the  unlimited  coinage  of  gold  and  silver,  the  substitu- 
tion of  greenbacks— national  bills  of  credit  made  legal  tender 
— for  national  bank  notes,  woman  suffrage,  and  the  bettering 
of  the  condition  of  the  working  people.  James  B.  Weaver  was 
nominated  for  President  at  the  Greenback  national  convention, 
in  1880.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  308,578.  In  1884, 
the  party  nominated  General  Benjamin  F.  Butler.  The  popu- 
lar vote  cast  in  his  favor  was  133,825.  This  was  the  last  ap- 
pearance of  the  Greenback  party,  as  such,  in  a  presidential  con- 
test.    In  1887,  the  Union  Labor  party  took  its  place. 

Prohibition  Party 

The  Prohibition  Party,  first  organized  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Temperance  party  in  1872,  nominated  Green  Clay  Smith 
for  the  presidency  in  1876.  The  platform  favored  legal  pro- 
hibition of  traffic  in  intoxicating  liquors,  woman  suffrage,  a 
direct  presidential  vote,  and  currency  convertible  into  coin. 
The  popular  vote  cast  for  Smith  was  9,522.  The  principal 
plank  in  the  Prohibition  platform  since  that  time  has  been  in 
favor  of  absolute  legal  prohibition  in  intoxicants.  Neal  Dow, 
nominated  for  the  presidency  (1880),  received  10,305  votes; 
John  P.  St.  John  (1884),  150,626;  Clinton  B.  Fisk  (1888), 
246,876;  John  Bidwell  (1892),  264,133;  Joshua  Levering 
(1896),  132,007;  John  G.  Woolley  (1900)  208,194.  The  Pro- 
hibition platform  (1900)  made  prohibition  the  greatest  issue, 
condemned  President  McKinley  for  drinking  and  serving  wine 
at  the  White  House,  rebuked  the  party  policy  of  the  adminis- 
tration in  permitting  liquor  traffic  in  the  Philippines,  and  ap- 
pealeid  to  all  Christian  voters  for  moral  support  in  the  campaign. 


406  PATBIOTim  AND   CITIZEMHIP 


Stalwarts 

This  was  a  branch  of  the  Republican  party  (1876),  followers 
of  Roscoe  Conkling,  Don  Cameron,  and  John  A.  Logan,  who 
were  opposed  to  the  conciliatory  course  of  President  Hayes 
toward  the  South.  The  Stalwarts  favored  the  nomination  of 
Grant  for  a  third  term.  Conkling  and  a  number  of  his  friends 
opposed  the  plans  of  the  Hayes  administration  toward  reform  of 
the  civil  service. 

Half-Breeds 

This  name  was  used  in  a  contemptuous  way  by  the  Stalwarts 
(1876),  to  designate  Republicans  who  upheld  the  Hayes  ad- 
ministration, generally  opposed  the  nomination  of  Grant  for  a 
third  term,  and  favored  civil  service  reform. 

Independent  Republicans 

These  were  members  of  the  Republican  party  in  New  York 
who  were  opposed  to  the  dictation  of  Senator  Conkling  in  con- 
trolling state  affairs.  The  Conkling  nominee  for  governor, 
Alonzo  B.  Cornell,  was  not  acknowledged  by  the  Independents. 
They  refused  to  support  him,  and,  notwthstanding  the  aid  given 
to  Cornell,  came  close  to  defeating  that  candidate.  The  regular 
Republicans  called  the  Independents  "  Scratchers." 

Readjusters 

These  formed  a  division  of  the  Democratic  party  in  Vir- 
ginia (1877),  who  advocated  the  funding  of  the  state  debt. 
General  Mahone  was  the  leader  of  this  movement. 

National  Liberal  Party 

In  1879,  a  convention  was  held  in  Cincinnati,  and  a  platform 
was  adopted  advocating  separation  of  church  and  state,  equal 
rights,  and  universal  education.  There  is  no  record  of  any 
effective  activity  subsequently  displayed  by  the  leaders  or  mem- 
bers of  this  party. 


OUB  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  407 


Union  Labor  Party 

The  successors  of  the  National  Greenback  party  named  their 
organization  the  Union  Labor  Party.  It  came  into  being  in 
1887.  Abner  J.  Streeter  was  nominated  in  1888  for  the  presi- 
dency. The  platform  proclaimed,  among  other  things,  opposi- 
tion to  land  monopoly  in  every  form ;  forfeiture  of  unearned 
land  grants ;  limitation  of  land  ownership ;  homestead  exemp- 
tion to  a  limited  extent,  from  execution  or  taxation ;  owning  by 
the  people  of  the  means  of  communication  and  transportation ; 
the  circulating  medium  to  be  issued  directly  to  the  people  and 
loaned  upon  land  security  at  a  low  rate  of  interest ;  postal  sav- 
ings banks ;  free  coinage  of  silver ;  application  of  all  money  in 
the  United  States  Treasury  to  the  payment  of  the  bonded  debt ; 
no  further  issue  of  interest-bearing  bonds,  either  by  the  na- 
tional government,  or  by  states,  territories,  or  municipalities; 
arbitration  to  take  the  place  of  strikes  and  other  injurious 
methods  of  settling  labor  disputes;  service  pension  to  every 
honorably  discharged  soldier  and  sailor  of  the  United  States; 
graduated  income  tax ;  United  States  senators  elective  by  direct 
vote  of  the  people ;  absolute  exclusion  of  Chinese ;  the  right  to 
vote  inherent  in  citizenship,  irrespective  of  sex,  and  properly 
within  the  province  of  state  legislation.  The  popular  vote  cast 
for  Streeter  was  146,836. 

People's  Party 

This  was  known  also  as  the  Populist  party,  and  it  originated 
in  1 89 1  at  a  meeting,  in  Cincinnati,  of  farmers,  workmen,  and 
miscellaneous  bodies  of  men  who  sought  political  reform  in 
various  directions.  Their  proposition  was  to  crystallize  the 
political  reform  forces  of  the  country.  The  name  chosen  by 
them  for  organization  was  the  People's  Party.  They  strongly 
endorsed  the  St.  Louis  platform  of  1889,  the  Ocala  platform 
of  1890,  and  that  of  Omaha,  in  1891.  They  favored  the  aboli- 
tion of  national  banks ;  the  issue  of  legal-tender  treasury  notes ; 
the  supply  of  these  notes  when  called  for  by  the  people  to  be  a 
popular  loan  at  not  more  than  two  per  cent,  per  annum  upon 


408  PATRIOTISM  AND  CITIZENSHIP 

non-partisan  products;  and  also  upon  real  estate  with  "proper 
limitation  upon  the  quantity  of  land  and  amount  of  money." 
They  demanded,  among  other  things,  free  and  unlimited  coin- 
age of  silver;  the  prohibition  of  alien  ownership  in  lands;  a 
graduated  income  tax;  national  control  of  all  means  of  public 
communication  and  transportation;  and  the  election  of  Presi- 
dent, Vice-President,  and  the  United  States  senators,  by  the 
people.  The  party  nominated  James  B.  Weaver  for  the  presi- 
dency, in  1892.  He  received  twenty-three  electoral  votes, 
Cleveland  (Democrat)  receiving  two  hundred  and  seventy-six 
and  Harrison  (Republican)  one  hundred  and  forty-five.  The 
popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  1,055,424.  In  1896,  the  party 
agreed  upon  William  Jennings  Bryan,  nominee  of  the  regular 
Democrat  and  the  Free-Silver  factions,  as  their  nominee.  In 
1900,  the  "  Middle-of-the-Road  "  Populists  nominated  Wharton 
Barker.  The  vote  cast  for  him  was  50,373.  The  "  Silver  Re- 
publicans "  and  the  "  National  Farmers'  Alliance "  had  sym- 
pathies in  common  with  the  People's  Party. 

Socialist  Labor  Party 

The  first  national  convention  of  this  party  was  held  in  New 
York  in  1892.  In  their  platform  they  declared  that  private 
property  in  the  national  sources  of  production  and  in  the  in- 
struments of  labor,  is  the  obvious  cause  of  all  economic  servi- 
tude and  political  dependence.  They  favored  the  referendum 
in  legislation;  abolition  of  the  veto  power;  the  free  adminis- 
tration of  justice;  the  abolition  of  capital  punishment;  equal 
and  universal  suffrage ;  a  direct  and  secret  ballot ;  and  the  re- 
moval of  public  officers  by  their  constituents.  Smith  Wing  was 
nominated  for  the  presidency.  The  popular  vote  cast  for  him 
was  21,164.  In  1896,  Charles  H.  Matchett  received  the  nomi- 
nation. The  popular  vote  cast  for  him  was  36,274.  In  1900, 
Maloney  was  offered  for  election.  The  popular  vote  cast  for 
him  was  39,739. 

United  Christian  Party 
This  party  held  a  convention  and  issued  a  platform  in  1900 
against  desecration  of  the  Sabbath  and  immoral  laws,  and  favor- 


OUR  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT  409 

ing  equality,  prohibition,  the  Bible  in  schools,  government 
ownership,  and  a  direct  vote.  They  nominated  J.  F.  R.  Leon- 
ard for  President.     He  received  1,500  votes. 

National  Democrats 

These  were  called  Gold  Democrats,  as  opposed  to  the  Reg- 
ular and  Silver  Democrats.  They  met  in  convention,  in  1896, 
and  nominated  General  John  M.  Palmer  for  the  presidency. 
He  received  133,148  votes.     No  ticket  was  nominated  in  1900. 


GENERAL    INDEX 


THIS  Index  has  been  constructed  with  special  regard  to  its  practi- 
cal usefulness,  rather  than  for  elaborate  exhibition  of  entries. 
The  aim  is  to  take  the  point  of  view  of  the  reader  searching  for 
a  subject,  a  fact  or  event,  a  name,  etc.,  and  enable  him  directly  to 
find  it.    To  this  end  concreteness  and  plainness  of    expression  have 
been  constantly  sought. 


A 

VOL.  PAGE 

Abbott,   Lyman,   on    democracy 

and  character 4  287 

Abenakis,  Maine  Indians,  mission 

for 1  245 

War  and  peace  with 1  256 

Abercrombie,  General,  a  lieutenant 

of  Lord  Loudon .  1  296 

Advance  of,  against  Ticonder- 

oga 1  301 

Hasty  retreat  of 1  302 

Abolition 3  830 

Abolitionist  opinions  at  the  South  4  176 
Abolitionists,  origm  of  the  party 

of 4  396 

The,  and  John   Brown 1  864 

Acadiens 1  67 

Expatriation   of 1  287 

Accounts  audited 3  1120 

Adams,  Charles  Francis 2  828 

Appointed  arbitrator  by  Pres- 
ident  Grant 3  1052 

Seward   to 3  891 

Adams,  John,  against   memorial- 
izing Parliament 1  368 

Captain  Preston  and  his  men 

defended   by 1  342 

Chairman  of  national  finance 

committee 2  401 

Commissioner  on  treaty  with 

Great  Britain 2  555 

Conference     of,     with     Lord 

Howe 2  422 

His  death 2  701 


VOL.  PAOB 

Adams,  John,  on  a  timely  read-  i 

ing  of  Psalm  xxxv 1  352 

One  of  committee  to  prepare 

a    Declaration 2  411 

On  the  birth  of  American  In- 
dependence    1  328 

On  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga. .   2  472 

President 2  590 

Resignation  of,  as  Chief  Jus- 
tice of   Massachusetts 2  401 

Vice-President 2  571 

Youthful  vision  of,  regarding 

America's  future  greatness.   1  327 
Washington  indicated  by,  for 

commander-in-chief 1  369 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  authorship 
of  the  Monroe  doctrine  as- 
cribed  to 2  696 

Minister  at  St,  Petersburg...   2  659 

Nomination  of,  for    President  2  698 

Policy  of,  as  President 4  376 

President 2  699 

Secretary  of  State 2  689 

Sudden    death   of 2  826 

AdamB,  Samuel,  a  leading  man  of 

the   times 1  328 

Events  foreseen  by 2  408 

Influence      of,"     against      the 

Stamp    Act 1  340 

In  the   Old  Continental  Con- 
gress      1  351 

Pardon  refused  to,  by  the  king  2  371 

Roused  the  colonies 1  345 

The  motion   of,  to  send    tea 

back 1  346 


412  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

AdminiBtration,  working   of   the 

American •  •  *        30 

Admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdic- 
tion   4        91 

Agaaaia,  Louis,  death  of 3    1062 

'  Agriculture,  Department  of 1128 

Progress  in 3    1149 

Aguinaldo,   Emilio,  in  command 

of  the  insurgent  army 3    1193 

The  capture  of 3    1216 

Ahasistari,  Huron  chief 1      242 

Noble  act  of 1      244 

Alabama,  a  State 2      693 

The,  cruiser,  simk 3    1030 

Alabama  claims 3    1050 

Alamo,  the,  mission  house,  siege 

and  massacre  at 2      744 

Alaska,  aborigines  of  America  and  1        19 

Boundary  of,  in  dispute 3    1234 

Purchase  of,  from  Russia ....  3    1045 

Territorial  government  in...  3    1198 

Treaty  for  purchase  of 4      388 

Algerine  pirates,  depredations  of, 

upon  American  ships 2      589 

Renewed    attacks    of,    on 

American  commerce 2      601 

Algiers,    Dey    of,    humbled     by 

Decatur 2      685 

Algonquins,  domain  and  charac- 
ter of 1        24 

Hianonaries    gladly    received 

by 1     243 

Territory  claimed  by 1        41 

Alien  Act 2      594 

AUen  and  Sedition  Laws  and  the 

Federalists 4      369 

Alien     Landlords     bill,     nature 

of 4      382 

Allen,    Ethan,    leader     of     the 

"Green  Mountain  Boys.". .  2      362 

Montreal  attacked  by 2      383 

Ticonderoga  captured  by 2      363 

Alloues,  Jesuit  father 1      246 

Alternate  delegates  to  American 

national  convention 4      igi 

AmbMsadors  and  Federal  author- 

^       ijy • 4        91 

Amendmtnt,   form    of    constitu- 
tional   4      J2J 

Of  the  United  States  Consti- 

.       ^i°° 4      103 

Amendmente,  agitation  of  consti- 
tutional   4      J32 

To  the  United  States  (Jonstitu- 

*»oo,  how  enacted 4     103 


VOL.  PAGB 

Amendments  to  the  United  States 
Constitution,    number    and 

nature  of 4       104 

To  the  United   States  Consti- 
tution,   following   the   Civil 

War 4       179 

America,  criticisms   of   European 

writers    on 4        43 

First  dwellers  in 1         17 

American,  Roosevelt  on  the  'suc- 
cessful     4      246 

The,  as  a  political  and  social 

type 4      267 

The   young 4      198 

What  it  is  to  be  an 4      290 

American  Association 1      353 

American     Citizen,    What     True 
Patriotism  Demands  of  the, 

by  Roger  Sherman 4      221 

American      civilization,      future 

of 4      297 

American  Diplomacy,  John  Hay 

on 4      253 

American  institutions,  J.  R.  Low- 
ell on  peril  to 4      230 

Menaces  to 4      298 

Americanism,  Roosevelt's  charac- 
terizations  of 4      250 

True,  Roosevelt  on 4      239 

What  it  is 4      221 

Americanization     of     Americans, 

Roosevelt   on 4      243 

American   party,    the,    rise    and 

principles   of 3      850 

American  prehistoric  races 1        17 

American  Protective  Association, 

the,   Roosevelt   on 4      247 

Americans,  national  pride  of,  jus- 
tified    3    1248 

American  system  of  government 

analyzed 4      288 

Amherst,    Jeffrey,    Baron,    com- 
mander-in-chief   of    British 

army 1      301 

Ampudia,   Mexican   general 2      757 

Monterey  garrison  tmder 2      765 

Part  enacted  by,  in  battle  of 

Buena   Vista 2      776 

Anarchists,   considered  as  social 

rebels 4      382 

Implication  of,  in  McKinley's 

assassination 3    1211 

Anarchy,    American    life    incom- 
patible with 4      249 

Flees  before  patriotism. 4     310 


GENERAL   INDEX 


413 


VOL.  PAGE 

Anderson,  Robert,  at  Fort  Sum- 
ter    3      875 

Refusal  of,  to  surrender  Fort 

Sumter 3      883 

Sumter  evacuated  by 3      884 

Transferred   to   duty  in  Ken- 
tucky     3      902 

United    States    flag    replaced 

by,  upon  Fort   Sumter 3    1029 

Andr^,  John,  Major,  meets  Arnold 

at   West    Point 2      522 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  Governor  of 

New   England 1      212 

Anglo-Saxon  civilization,  move- 
ment   of 4      266 

Anglo-Saxon  race  and  love  of  law.  4      281 

Animals,  domestic 1      239 

Annapolis  Convention,  the 4  6 

Not  a  representative  body ...  2      563 

Antietam,  battle  of 3      957 

Anti-Federalists 2      581 

Anti-Masonic  party,  rise  of  the. ..  4      395 

Anti-Renters,  their  rise  and  in- 
fluence    4      398 

Anville,  Duke  d',  commands 
French  fleet  against  Eng- 
lish  colonies 1      265 

A,  P.  A.  See  American  Protec- 
tive Association 4      247 

Apaches  included  among  Atha- 
bascan  Indians 1        26 

Appalachees,  converts  to  Roman- 
ism     1      183 

Appalachians,  lands  and  traits  of 

the 1        29 

Appraisers,  State    and    mimici- 

pal 4      152 

Appropriations,  committee  on,  in 

Congress 4        68 

In   State  legislatures 4      138 

Arbitration,  State  tribunals  of.  .   4      147 

Arbor   day 4      195 

Arbuthnot,  Admiral,  in  command 
of  French  fleet  against 
American  colonies. 2      516 

Archdale,  John,  Governor  of  the 

Oarolinas 1      181 

Arista,  Mexican    general,  Ampu- 

dia  superseded  by 2      757 

Routed  at  Resaca  de  la  Palma  2      761 

Arizona,    territorial    government 

of 4      159 

Arkansas,  a  bill  to  organize,  as  a 

Territory,  passed 2      693 

Admitted  as  a  State 2      730 


VOIi. 

Arkwright,  Sir  Richard,  inven- 
tions  of 2 

Armed   neutrality 2 

Armstrong,    John,    Pennsylvania 
militia  commanded  by ...  .    1 
Wing  of   American   army  un- 
der,  at    battle  of    Brandy- 
wine  2 

Armstrong,    John,    Jr.,     address     • 
written     by,     circulated   in 

American  camp 2 

Appointed  Secretary  of  War.    2 
Assumes    command     of     the 

army 2 

Opposes  military  plan  of  Gen- 
eral  Winder 2 

Army,  United  States,  strength  of 

the,  under  act  of    1901 3 

Arnold,  Benedict,  character  of.  .   1 
Expedition     to    Canada     led 

by 1 

Flotilla    commanded    by,    on 

Lake   Champlain 1 

His  treason 1 

In    project     to     take    Crown 

Point  and  Ticonderoga. ...   1 
Lays  claim  to  captured  forts, 

against   Ethan  Allen 1 

New  London  burned  by 1 

On  Behmus's   Heights 1 

Philadelphia   command   given 

to 1 

Rewarded   for  treachery 1 

Sent  to  New   York 1 

Slighted 1 

Stand  made  by,  at  Ridgefield,  1 
Volunteers     to     relieve    Fort 

Stanwix 1 

Arnold,  Matthew,  American  sys- 
tem   of    government    com- 
pared by,  to  a  suit  of  clothes  4 
Arrow,  Indian,   manufacture  and 

use  of 1 

Art,   American 3 

Arthur,  Chester  Alan,  accession 
of,  to  the  Presidency  led  to 
postponement  of  many  re- 
forms    4 

Nominated  for  Vice-President  3 

President 3 

Sketch  of  life  and  account  of 

administration  of 3 

Articles  of  Confederation  (text).    4 
Ashburton,  Lord,  special  minister 
to  the  United  States 2 


677 

477 

295 


465 


657 
642 

651 


1246 
362 


620 


381 
647 

478 

462 
632 
464 
447 
460 

476 


41 
1166 


1076 


1093 
305 


738 


414         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Aahburtoo.  Lord,  treaty  of  Wash- 
ington  concurred  in  by...   2      742 

Aahby,  Colonel,  Confederate  cav- 
alry commander 3      944 

Ashe,  General,  attacks  British  at 

Augusta 2      603 

Aaaasination,  causes  of 3    1090 

Of  McKinley,  detaib  of 3    1210 

Aa«mbly,  the  first  legislative. . .   1        87 

Aaatnon,  State  and  municipal.  .4      152 

Anstaoce.  Writs  of 1      327 

Anociations,  non-importation,  . .   1      326 
Vigorous  activity  of 1      340 

Astor,  John  Jacob,  settlement  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
river  established  by 2      754 

Atatarho,  Indian  legendary  hero.  1        36 

Athabascans,  a  northern  race  of 

American   Indians 1        26 

Athens,  political  activity  in 4      219 

Atkinson,  General,   Black   Hawk 

repelled  by 2      727 

Atlanta,  city  of,  Sherman  en- 
ters    3    1004 

Exposition  at 3    1111 

The,  Confederate  iron-clad. . .   3      989 

Atlantis,  legend  of,  and  primitive 

Americans 1        17 

Attorney-General,  the,   functions 

of 4        30 

Austin,  Moses,  his  plan  of  colon- 
izing Texas 2      743 

Authority,  Unit  of.  The,  Herbert 

Welsh  on 4      265 

Averill,  Colonel,  active  pursuit  of 

J.  E.  Johnston  by 3      942 

Captures  prisoners 3    1012 

Ayllon,  Vasquez  de,  attempt  of, 
to  take  Indians  as  slaves  to 
Santo  Domingo 1        45 

B 

Bwson,  Nathaniel,  leader  of  Vir- 
ginia insurgents 1      139 

Bailey,  Colonel,    dam  built  by, 

across  lied  river 3      ggg 

Bailli  of  Mirabeau,  the,    on  the 

English 4      236 

Bainbridge,  Captain,  appoint- 
ment of,    to  command  the 

Coa<«titution 2      640 

Orderetl  to  Algiers 2      601 

Protests    again.st    withdrawal 
of  navy  from  sea  service....   2      63« 


VOL.  PAGB 

Bainbridge,  Captain,  reaches  Al- 
giers     2       68 

Bakounin,   Michael,   referred     to 

by  R.  T.  Ely 4      282 

Balangiga,  massacre  of  American 

troops  at 3    1219 

Balboa,   Nunez  de,  Governor  of 

Darien  colony 1        43 

Ballot,  the,  its  use  and  abuse 4      196 

Ballot-box,  the,   and  the  popular 

wiU 4      214 

Protection  of,  by  law 4      217 

Ball's  Bluflf  disaster 3      904 

Baltimore,  city  of,  Massachusetts 

troops  attacked  in 3       887 

Baltimore,  Lord,  founder  of 
Maryland,  resigns  as  Brit- 
ish Secretary  of  State,  and 
becomes  a  Roman  Catholic  .1  133 
Grant  of  land  to,  by  Charles  1 .  1  134 
Bancroft,  George,  as  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  gives  directions 
to  Commodore  Sloat  con- 
cerning Mexico 2      795 

Honored  as  historian 3    1155 

Bank,  National,  chartered,  1790 .  .    2      576 

Chartered,  1817 2      686 

Closed 2      707 

Its  measures 2      669 

Jackson's  action  concerning  the  2      726 

Opposition  to  the 2      709 

Bankruptcy  law 2      737 

Banks,  N.  P.,  General,    army  of, 

in  the  Shenandoah  Valley  .  .   3      944 

Attack  on 3      953 

Force  sent  by,  to  occupy  Bat- 
on Rouge 3      970 

Port  Hudson  invested  by 3      987 

Red  River  expedition  of 3      998 

Baptists,  the,  new  impulse  re- 
ceived by 1      268 

Bar,  influence  of,  on  bench 4      150 

Bam-bumers,  faction  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  in  New  York  . .    4      399 
Barre,  Colonel,   declares  House  of 
Commons  ignorant  of    the 

colonies 1      331 

Opponents  of  Great  Britain  in 
America    called    "  Sons    of 

Liberty"  by 1      334 

Barton,  Clara,  work  of,  in  Span- 
ish-American War 3    1181 

Bartram,  John,  first  botanic  gar- 
den founded  by,  at  Phila- 
delphia     1      323 


GENERAL    INDEX 


415 


VOL.  PAGE 

Baum,  Lieut.-Colonel,  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Bennington 2      475 

Bayard,   James   A.,    peace  com- 
missioner in  1813 2      659 

Beaufort,  S.  C,  occupied  by  Fed- 
eral troops 3      906 

Beaufort,  Colonel,    surprised  and 

destroyed  by  Tarleton 2      513 

Beaumarchais,       agent     of     the 

French  court  in  1777 2      456 

Beauregard,    P.   G.   T.,   General, 

Charleston  fortified  by 3      882 

In  the  battle  of  Shiloh 3      925 

On  the  Mississippi 3      921 

Proclamation  of 3      891 

Superseded  by  Bragg 3      964 

Beecher,  Dr.  Lyman,  eloquence  of, 

in  the  temperance  movement  3    1156 

Beecher,    Henry    Ward,    on    the 

American  flag 4      296 

Behmus's  Heights,  battle  of 2      475 

Belmont,  battle  of 3      908 

Benevolent     operations      among 

Southern  people 3      862 

Organizations  for 3    1155 

Bennett,   James    Gordon,    Arctic 

expedition  fitted  out  by  . .  .   3    1099 

Bennington,  battle  of, 2      475 

Bentham,  Jeremy,    on  nature  of 

law 4      280 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  advice  of,  to 

President  Tyler 2      756 

On  slavery 3      835 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,    Governor 

of  Virginia 1      136 

His  evil   administration    and 

influence 1      235 

Thanks  of,  to  God,  that  Vir- 
ginia had  no  free  schools 
nor  printing 3      858 

Bermuda  Hundreds,  General  But- 
ler's forces  landed  at 3    1009 

Bessemer  process 3    1058 

Makes  steel  manufacture  easy 

and  cheap 3    1143 

Bible  Society  formed 2      656 

Bienville,  explorer  of   the  Missis- 
sippi     1      259 

Big  Bethel,  battle  at 3      893 

Bill,  in  committee,  in  Congress  ...   4        61 
Progress  of  a,  through    Con- 
gress     4        62 

Bills,  in  State  legislatures 4      138 

Majorities    necessary  to  pass, 

ao  State  legislatures 4        14 


VOL.  PAGB 

Bills,  number  of,  in  the  United 
States  House  of  Represen- 
tatives      4        54 

Of  credit,  issued  by  Congress. .   1      368 
Of  credit,  their  worthlessness .   2      486 
Bimey,  General,  at  Gettysburg  . .   3      981 
Birthday,    Washington's,     Roger 

Sherman  on 4      221 

Bismarck  on  truth-telling 4      256 

Bissell,  Colonel,  at  Buena  Vista  . .   2      775 
Black  Hawk,    incursions  of,  into 

Illinois 2      727 

The  capture  of 2      727 

Bladensburg,  battle  of 2      669 

Blaine,  James  Gillespie,  letters  of, 

from  Paris,  on  the  tariff ....  3    1124 
Nominated  for  the  Presidency.  3      110 
Note  of,  to  Lowell,    on  Pan- 
ama Canal,  reference  to  ...  .   3    1097 
Secretary  of  State,  under  Gar- 
field     3    1082 

Secretary  of  State,  imder  Har- 
rison     3    1133 

Vote  for,  in  1884 4      390 

Blair,  Frank  P.,  men  for  Union 

army  raised  by 3      889 

Nominated  for  Vice-President  3    1046 
Blair,  the  Rev.  James,  president  of 
the  College  of  William  and 

Mary 1       144 

Blockade,American  coast  guarded 

by  a  British,  in  1813 2      652 

American    warships     held   by 

British 2      667 

Cotton  cut  off  by  Federal 3      892 

Federal,    of     Southern   ports, 

raised 3    1029 

Blue  Lick,  battle  of 2      554 

Board,  the,  of  aldermen,  in  Amer- 
ican city  government 4      164 

Of  education,  in  American  city 

government 4      164 

Of  Trade,  in  London,  ad- 
dressed by  Governor  Spots- 
wood,  on  the  Indians 1      188 

Bonaparte,  Napoleon,  Berlin  de- 
cree of,  affecting  American 

commerce 2      607 

His  Milan  decree 2      612 

His  Rambouillet  decree 2      617 

Obnoxious     decrees     declared 

to  be  settled  policy  of 2      627 

Bonaparte,  Louis  Napoleon,  atti- 
tude of,  towards  American 
avil  War 3    1031 


416         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

United    States,    author- 

ued  by  Congress 3      971 

Cleveland's  issue  of 3    1169 

High  premium  for  canceling.  .   3    1102 

Holder's  option  regarding 3    1074 

Redeemable  in  coin 3    1060 

Boone,  Daniel 2      388 

Kentuckians   led   by,  against 

Indians   2      554 

Booth,    John    Wilkes,   President 

Lincoln  assassinated  by.  ...   3    1026 
Borland,    Major,     captured     by 

Santa  Anna 2      772 

Borrowing  power,  the,  of  counties, 
cities,  or  towns,  limitation 

of 4      157 

Of  States 4      157 

Boston,  cause  of  settlement  at  . . .   1      108 
Evacuation  of,  by  the  British.   1      400 

Great  fire  in 3    1058 

Growth  of,  anticipated 1      129 

Massacre  in 1      342 

Port   Bill  intended    to    force 

submission  of 1      348 

Boundaries,    second     treaty     of 
Washington  respecting,  with 

Great  Britain,   3    1050 

Boundary,  northeastern 2      739 

Northwestern 2      741 

Northwestern,    under    Polk's 

administration 2      751 

Bouquet,  General,  in  the  French 

and  Indian  War 1      303 

Sent  to  relieve  Fort  Ligonier. .   1      315 
Bovey,  Andrew  E.,  name  of  Re- 
publican   party    suggested 

*>y 4      385 

Bow  and  arrow,  Indian  skill  in 

using  1        41 

Bowditch,     Nathaniel,     eminent 

mathematician 3    1155 

Boxers,  conspiracy  of,  in  China ...   3    1222 

Secret  society  of  Chinese 3    1221 

Boylston,  Dr.,  experiment  of,  in 

inoculation j      228 

Braddock,  General,  in  the  French 

and  Indian  War 1      279 

Road  of,  into  Western  Penn- 

■y'v««ia 3    1139 

Road    to  Wills'   Creek    con- 
demned by i      280 

Bradford,  William,  character  of' .   1        93 
Governor  of  Plymouth  colony.  1      103 
Bradstreet.  Colonel,  in  the  French 

and  Indian  War 1      3Q2 


VOL.  PAQB 

Bradstreet,  Simon,  one  of 
the  founders  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay  colony 1  107 

Urged  to  become  Governor.  . .    1  214 

Bragg,  General,  at  Buena  Vista.  .    2  776 

At  Shiloh 3  923 

In  Kentucky 3  964 

Part  taken  by,  in    battle    of 

Murfreesboro 3  967 

Rosecrans  moves  on,  at  Chat- 
tanooga      3  992 

Surprise     of,     at     Missionary 

Ridge 3  995 

Brandywine,  battle  of 2  465 

Brant,  an  Indian  chief 2  474 

Defeated  by  Sullivan 2  502 

Brebeuf,  Father 1  241 

Breckinridge,  John  Cabell,  can- 
didate for  presidency 3  869 

Influence  of,  on    young   Ken- 
tuckians        3  889 

Lincoln's   call    for    troops  re- 
sented by 3  902 

Nomination  of,  for  Vice-Pres- 
ident      4  380 

Sigel  defeated  by 3  1011 

Stoneman  defeats 3  1017 

Vice-President 3  821 

Breckinridge  Democrats,  origin  of  4  402 

Brethren  of  the  Long  Sword 3  1250 

Brevard,      Ephraim,      resolutions 

against  the  king  framed  by.    1  366 
Brewster,  William,    conducts   the 
emigrants    on      the      May- 
flower      1  96 

British  House  of   Commons   and 

the  United  States  Congress.    4  95 
Brock,      General,     Governor      of 

Lower  Canada   2  631 

Brown,  Jacob,  General, 2  661 

Brown,  John 3  852 

Bryan,  William  J.,  nominated  for 

Presidency 3  1174 

Presidential  nominations  of  . .    4  384 

Renomination  of 3  1199 

Vote  for,  in  1896  and  1900.. .  .   4  384 

Bryant,  William  Cullen 3  1155 

Bryce,  James,  on  The  American 

System  of  Government. ...   4  3 

Buccaneers 2  690 

Buchanan,  James,  appointed  Sec- 
retary of  State 2  751 

Elected  President 3  850 

Opinion  of,  against  coercion.  .    3  872 

Views  of,  in  Annual  Message. .   3  874 


GENERAL    INDEX 


417 


VOL..  PAGE 

Buokner,  General 3  902 

At  Fort  Donelson 3  914 

Buell,  General,  assumes  com- 
mand in  Kentucky 3  910 

AtShiloh 3  923 

In  Tennessee 3  963 

Buena  Vista,  battle  of 2  774 

Buffalo  burned 2  652 

Buford,  N.  B.,  General,  at  battle 

of  Belmont 3  909 

At  Willoughby  Run 3  979 

Bullit,  Captain 1  304 

Bull  Run,  battle  of 3  895 

Second  battle  of 3  954 

Bunker  Hill,  battle  of 2  372 

Burgoyne,      General,      reinforce- 
ment of  Gage  by 2  371 

Succeeds     Carleton    and     ad- 
vances   by    way    of    Lake 

Champlain    2  457 

Surrenders    2  481 

Burke,    Edmund,    advocates    re- 
peal of  Stamp  Act 1  337 

On  law  and  arbitrary  power.  .    4  280 
Opposes      measures      against 

America 2  391 

Shows  fear  for  success  of  the 

Americans 2  454 

Bumside,  A.  E.,  General,  at  An- 

tietam 3  959 

At  Knoxville 3  994 

At  Turner's  Gap 3  957 

In  North  Carolina 3  918 

McClellan  superseded  by 3  961 

Relieved  by  Hooker 3  972 

With  the  Army  of  the  Ohio  ...    3  995 
Burr,  Aaron,   accompanies  expe- 
dition to  Quebec 2  384 

Political  fate  of 2  603 

Quarrel    of,    and    duel,    with 

HamUton    2  603 

Vice-President 2  598 

Burrites,  extinction  of,  politically  4  370 
Burroughs,  George,  a   victim    of 

witchcraft 1  226 

Business  men  the  best  politicians.  4  261 
Buttor,  B.  F.,  General,   as  com- 
mander    of    Massachusetts 

regiments 3  887 

At  Big  Bethel 3  893 

At  New  Orleans 3  926 

"Contraband    of   war,"  term 

for  escaping  slaves,  used  by . .   3  903 

Hatteras  expedition  of 3  905 

Nominated  for  President S  1110 


TOIi.  PAOB 

Butler,  B.  F.,  General,  on  James 

river 3  1006 

Refusal  of,  to    surrender    es- 
caped slaves 3  936 

Relieved 3  904 

Transferred   to  Fortress  Mon- 
roe    3  893 

Butler,  John 2  499 

Byron,     Admiral,      pursues     the 

French  fleet 2  498 

C 

Cabinet,  a  President's  "  append- 
age."    4  106 

Personnel  of  the  President's  .  4  28 

Responsibility  of  an  English  .4  31 
Cabinet  government,    absence  of, 

in  the  United  States 4  99 

Cabinet  officers 2  574 

Cabot,  John 1  47 

Cabot,  Sebastian 1  48 

Cadwallader,  Colonel,    commands 

a  Pennsylvania  battalion  .  .  2  414 
Distinguished  conduct   of  his 

troops 2  428 

Cain,  the  first  anarchist 4  282 

Caldwell,  the  Rev.  James,  persecu- 
ted by  the  Tories 2  514 

Calef,  Robert,  book  on  witchcraft 

by 1  227 

Calhoun,  John  C,    estimate  of .  .  4  177 

In  House  of  Representatives  .  2  622 
Jefferson  characterized  by,   as 
"  the     Apostle     of     State 

Rights." 2  711 

Nullification  views  of 2  722 

On  government  and  anarchy  .  4  286 

On  the  Constitution 4  286 

On  the  tariff 2  716 

Proposal  of,    as  to  northwest 

boundary 2  754 

Secretary  of  State 2  748 

Secretary  of  War 2  689 

The  end  of  his  career 3  836 

Vice-President 2  69 

Webster  and,  debate  of 3  832 

California,  admission  of,  as  a  free 

State 4  177 

Admitted  to  the  Union 3  837 

Application  of,    for  admission 

into  the  Union 4  176 

Freeing  of,  from  Mexican  rule  .  2  793 

Gold  discovered  in 2  825 

Indians  of,  their  low  culture  .  1  27 


418         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL. 

PAOB 

fuivin  J(^n                 

1 

.322 

Cambon,  Jules,  French  minister  . 

3 

1195 

Camden,  battle  at 

2 

518 

Cameron,    Simon,     Secretary    of 

War    .          

3 

881 

CampbeU,  Colonel,  invades  Geor- 

2 

!m 

Retreats .            

2 

50.3 

Campbell,  Douglas,  on  the  Ameri- 

can system  of  government. . 

4 

288 

Canada,  invasion  of 

2 

634 

Invasion  of,  by  General  Brown 

2 

662 

Canal,  need  of  a,  across  the  Isth- 

mus of  Darien 

3 

1231 

Canby,  General,   cooperates  with 

Farragut 

3 

1014 

His  movement  from  Mobile  . . 

3 

1021 

Killed  by  Modoc  Indians  .... 

3 

1062 

Candidate,  a,  for  President,  nom- 

ination of 

180 

Candidates,  George  William  Cur- 

tis on  bad 

276 

Cannibalism,  former  prevalence  of , 

throughout    American  con- 

tinent   

22 

Canonicus,  hostility  of,  to  the  Pil- 

grims   

103 

I.and  given  by,  to  Roger  Wil- 

liams   

111 

Capital,    grandeur  and  glory  of 

the  American 

272 
670 

Capitol,  the,  burned 

Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  Governor  of 

Canada 

384 
403 
432 

His  humanity 

Plans  to  push  victory 

Succeeds  Sir  Henry  Qinton  .  . 

555 

Carlyle  and  American  roast  tur- 

key  

?,.30 

Carolina,   first  permanent  settle- 

ment of 

175 

62 
566 

Naming  of 

North,  and  the  Constitution. 

North,   exploring    expedition 

to 

72 
56 

North,  gold  region  of 

North,   separated  from  South 

Carolina 

189 

North,  sympathy  of,   for  B<»1 

ton.  .. 

349 

North,    the    "Sanctuary    of 

Runaways."  .  . 

185 
566 

South,  and  the    Constitution 

South,  help  from,  against  In- 

diaofl  .... 

1 

187 

VOL.  PAOB 

South,  Huguenots  in 1  179 

South,    not  called  on  for  sol- 
diers in  Continental  army  . .   2  490 
South,  nullification  avowed  in  2  704 
South,  original  settlers  of  ... .  1  180 
South,  royal  governor  for  ...   1  189 

South,  secession  of 3  870 

South,  Spanish  War  and  ....   1  198 
South,  supplies  from,  for  Bos- 
ton     1  349 

South,  tariff  revision  opposed 

in 2  723 

Caroline  affair 2  738 

Apologized  for 2  741 

Carroll,  John,  Archbishop 2  559 

Carson,    Kit,     met    by    General 

S.  W.  Kearny 2  797 

Volunteers  to  aid  Kearny.  . .   2  802 

Cartier,  James,  discoveries  of  ...   1  50 
Carver,   John,     confers   with  the 

London   Company 1  95 

Governor  of  Plymouth  colony.  1  99 

Cass,  Lewis,  a  colonel  under  Hull  2  631 

Garrison  under,  at  Detroit  . .  2  647 

Presidential  candidate 2  827 

Secretary  of  State 3  851 

Caswell,  Governor,  at  Camden  . .   2  518 

Catawbas,  an  Indian  tribe 1  186 

Catholic  Church 2  569 

Caucus,  the 4  76 

Cebu,  rebels  in,  surrender 3  1220 

Cedar  Mountain,  battle  of S  953 

Celtiberian  origin  of  the  Indians, 

old  Spanish  theory  of 1  18 

Census  (1790) 2  576 

(1800)   2  599 

(1810) 2  619 

(I860)   3  854 

(1870)   3  1063 

(1880)   3  1076 

(1890)   3  1149 

Centennial  celebration.  New  York  3  1133 

Of  battle  of  Lexington 3  1095 

Saratoga 3  1096 

Yorktown 3  1096 

Centennial    Exhibition  at  Phila- 
delphia    3  1063 

Century  of  progress  (1789-1889)  .  3  1149 

Cerro  Gordo,  battle  of 2  808 

Cervera,  Spanish  adiairal 3  1186 

Chaffee,  Adna  R.,  General,  on  the 
military    situation    in     the 

PhUippines 3  1220 

Rise  of 3  1225 

Chambersburg  burned 3  1012 


GENERAL   INDEX 


419 


VOL.  PAGE 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  character 

of 1  67 

First    suggests    canal     across 

Isthmus  of  Darien 3  1231 

Chancellorsville,  battle  of 3  973 

Chancery  courts,  abolition  of  .  .  .    4  146 

In  colonial  days 4  146 

Chapultepec    taken 2  820 

Character,  affected  by  democratic 

government 4  287 

The  need  of  organized  society.   4  190 

Charleston,   beginnings  of 1  178 

Bombarded,  in  the  Civil  War.  3  988 

Captured   by   British 2  513 

Evacuated   by   British .    2  559 

Evacuated   by  Confederates..   3  1029 

Fever   and   hostile  ships  at.  .    1  184 
Charles  I.,    of    England,  and  the 

Commons 4  266 

Charter,  as  origin  of  State  consti- 
tutions     4  119 

Charter  Oak 1  213 

Charters,  colonial:  Connecticut. .   1  202 

Connecticut,  revoked 1  212 

Georgia 1  191 

Massachusetts 1  107 

Massachusetts,  new 1  225 

Pennsylvania 1  167 

Rhode  Island , 1  123 

The  Carolinas 1  176 

Virginia 1  78 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,    Secretary    of 

the  Treasury 3  881 

System  of  National  banks  due 

to 3  1062 

Chattanooga,  battle  of 3  993 

Chauncey,  Captain,  appointed  to 

command  of  the  Lakes ....    2  634 
Appoints  Oliver  Hazard  Perry 

to  command  of  fleet 2  646 

Sailsfor  York,  now  Toronto.  .    2  650 

Cherokees , 1  186 

Question  of  removing 2  700 

Removal  of 2  706 

War  with 1  310 

Cherry  Valley,  massacre  of 2  499 

Chesapeake,  affair  of, 2  610 

Captured 2  645 

Chicago  fire 3  1057 

Chickahominy 3  945 

Chickamauga,  battle  of 3  993 

ChickasawR,  De  Soto's  experience 

with 1  67 

Enemies  of  the  French 1  262 

Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  4  39 


VOL.  PAGE 

Chihuahua,  Mexico,  taken 2      801 

Children  in  the  home 4      279 

Childs,  Colonel 2      822 

China,  new  and  singular  trouble 

in 3    1221 

Terms  of  peace  with,  in  1901 .    3     1228 

Chinese  policy,  effects  of 2      613 

Chippewa,  battle  of 2      662 

Choctaws,  allies  of  the  French.  .    1      261 
Overtures  of,     to  Oglethorpe.  1       192 
Christian      Association,      Young 

Men's 3     1153 

Christianity  and  patriotism 4      213 

Christianized  civilization 2      574 

Church,  all  citizens  must  support 

some 2      566 

And  state,  separation  of  ... .     2      569 
And  state,  separation  of,  after 

the  Revolution 3    1156 

And     state,      separation     of, 

Roosevelt  on 4      249 

Congregational 2      568 

Episcopal,      constitution     for 

the,  adopted 2      568 

Episcopal,  favored    in  south- 
em  colonies 2      567 

Episcopal,  introduced  in  New 

England  colonies 1      212 

Episcopal,  opposed  by  Congre- 

gationalists 2      409 

Methodist,     rapid    growth    of 

the,  in  America 2      568 

Of  England,  in  Maryland,  es- 
tablished     1      145 

Of  England,    in    North  Caro- 
lina, established 1      185 

Of  England,    in    Virginia,  de- 
clared state  religion 1       138 

Of  England,  in  Virginia,  illib- 
eral     1       175 

Of   England,    its    relation   to 

settlement  of  New  England.   1        90 
Presbyterian,    organization   of 

the,  in  America 2      568 

Church    and    state,  Macaulay  on 

peril  of  union  of 4      285 

Churubusco,    battle    of 2      816 

Cincinnati,  Society  of  the 2      559 

Circuit  courts 4        87 

Cities,  government    of    American  4      162 

Growth  of  American 4      162 

Citizen,    the,     and     self-reliance, 

Henry  W.  Grady  on 4      279 

The,     definition     of,     in    the 

United  States  Constitution.   4      189 


420         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Citi«en,  The,  in  His    Relation  to 

Office-holders -*  213 

The  New,  Roosevelt  on 4  197 

Citiiens,  the  state's  need  of 4  190 

Citizenship,    according      of,      to 

immigrants 4  127 

And  the  citizen 4  270 

Electoral  franchise  not  neces- 
sarily conferred  by 4  115 

Good,  Roosevelt  on 4  197 

Obligation  of 4  188 

What  constitutes  good 4  297 

City  government,  evils  of  Ameri- 
can   4  167 

Improvement   of   American. .   4  171 

Remedies  for  evils  of 4  167 

See    also     Municipal   govern- 
ment. 
City  governments,   fmnctions   of 

American 4  166 

Working  of  American 4  167 

City  legislature,  how  composed. . .   4  164 

Civic  obhgations,  nature  of 4  188 

Positive,  not  negative 4  191 

Civilization,  evolution  of,  on  the 

American  continent 1  21 

Civil    Rights   bill,    passed    over 

President  Johnson's  veto  . .   3  1032 

Civil  service  of  a  State 4  144 

Civil  8er\'ice  reform,  agitation  of  .   3  1068 

In  American  cities 4  169 

Its  achievement 4  192 

Measures    of,  entered    on  by 

President  Hayes 3  1072 

President  Arthur  on 3  1097 

Rules  for,  under  Arthur 3  1105 

Civil  War,  the,  as  an  outcome  of 

slavery 4  268 

CAuaes  of 3  857 

Dislocation    of    Southern   so- 
ciety by 4  128 

Early  events  of 3  333 

Claims  against  France 2  729 

Clan,  Indian,  organization  of  ....   1  30 
Clark,  Captain  Charles   E.,  com- 
mands battleship  Oregon  on 

her  14,000-mile  run 3  1232 

Clarke,  George  Rogers,  expedition 

_      ^ 2  508 

Way.GBasnia  M.,  Captain,  in  Mex- 

icau  War 2  772 

Clay.  Green.  General,   in  War  of 

1812 2  g44 

CUy,  Henry,   a   member    of   the 

Houae  of  Representatives. .   a  622 


VOL. 

Clay,  Henry,  as  party  man 4 

Death  of 3 

Efforts  of,  for  South  American 

republics 2 

Estimate  of 4 

For  war 2 

Made  peace  commissioner.  ...    2 
Moves  for  conference  on  Mis- 
souri Compromise 2 

Omnibus  bill  originated  by. .  .    3 

Presidential  candidate 2 

Secretary  of  State 2 

Tariff  advocated  by 2 

Tariff  Compromise  a  measure 

of 2 

Clayborne,  William,  explorer  of 
sources  of  the  Chesapeake .  .    1 

Maryland's  evil  genius 1 

Clayton,  John   M.,  action   of,  on 

Tariff  Compromise 2 

Secretary  of  State 3 

Clayton-Bulwer  treaty 3 

Cleveland,  Grover,  elected  Presi- 
dent     3 

Extra    session     of     Congress 

called  by .- 3 

His  action  regarding  Hawaii .  .  3 
Nominated  for  the  Presidency.  3 
On    The     Young      Man     in 

Politics 4 

President 3 

Second  term  of 3 

Tariff    legislation     in    second 

term  of 3 

Tariff  message  of,  1887 4 

Tariff  views  of,  endorsed 3 

Vote  for,  in  1884 4 

Vote  for,  in  1888 4 

Clifford,  John  H.,  his  abridgment 
of  Bryce's  "American  Com- 
monwealth"  4 

Cliff  Palace,  Colorado,   memorial 

of  the  Pueblos 1 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  and   the   Erie 

Canal 2 

Clinton,  George,  a  member  of  the 
second  Continental  Con- 
gress    1 

Commander  of  militia  in  New 

York 2 

Governor  of  New  York 2 

Vice-President 2 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  British  General  2 

At  Copp's  HUl 2 

At  New  York 2 


PAGE 

175 

842 


177 
625 
660 

695 
834 
698 
699 
717 

725 

133 
134 

725 

829 
1097 

1110 

1174 
1170 
1110 

200 
1112 
1165 

1168 
383 

1128 
382 
383 


700 


367 

416 
559 
603 
371 
376 
414 


GENERAL    INDEX 


421 


VOL.  PAGE 

Clinton,   Sir  Henry,    expedition 

under,  leaves  Boston 2  394 

Force  of,  at  New  York 2  463 

Forts  captured  by 2  482 

In  command 2  492 

Monmouth,   battle    of,  fought 

by 2  494 

Newport  blockaded  by 2  516 

Operations  of,  in  the  south ...  2  603 
Reinforces    British    at     New- 
port   2  497 

Subsequent  operations  of  ...  .  2  642 

Superseded 2  655 

Verplanck's  Point  and  Stony 

Point  taken   by 2  604 

Clintonians,  history  of 4  394 

Closure  in   House   of    Represen- 
tatives   4  62 

Clouds,  battle  above  the 3  995 

Coal    strike,    demands     of    the 

miners  prior  to  the 3  1236 

Origin  of 3  1235 

Settlement  of 3  1237 

Cobb,  Howell,  elected  Speaker  of 

the  House 3  834 

On  the  Gulf  States 3  890 

Cochrane,  Admiral,  in  the  Chesa- 
peake   2  667 

Orders  of,  to  destroy  towns. .  .  2  670 
Cockbum,    British    vice-admiral, 
Chesapeake    coast    pillaged 

by 2  653 

Fleet  of,  in  the  Chesapeake.  .  .  2  667 
Marauding  expeditions  of .  .  .  .  2  682 
Cockburn,  Sir  Alexander,  arbitra- 
tor in  Alabama  claims 3  1052 

Cocke,  General 2  654 

Coddington,  William,  influence  of  1  107 

Magistrate 1  113 

Coercion,  doctrine  of 3  872 

President  Buchanan  on 3  874 

Southern  opposition  to 3  881 

Coffee,  General,  and  his  Tennes- 

seans,  at  Pensacola 2  678 

Reaches  Baton  Rouge 2  679 

Coke,  Thomas,  Methodist  bishop.  2  668 
Colden,    Cadwalader,     royalist 

Governor  of  New  York 1  333 

Stamp  Act  upheld  by 1  336 

Cold  Harbor,  battle  of 3  948 

Colfax,  Schuyler,  Vice-President.  3  1046 
Coligny,  admiral    of   France,  at- 
tempt    of,    to     found     a 

colony 1  61 

FaUure  of 1  66 


VOIi.  PAGE 

Colleges:  American  students  in. .  3  1152 

Dartmouth 1  338 

Harvard 1  123 

Pennsylvania 1  323 

Princeton 1  268 

William  and  Mary 1  144 

Williams 1  294 

Yale 1  220 

Colonial  charters  and  State  con- 
stitutions     4  119 

Colqnial  government,  evolution  of  4  134 
Colonial  habit  of  thought,  Roose- 
velt on 4  246 

Colonists,  characteristics  of 1  317 

Colonization  Society 3  689 

Colorado,  organized  as  a  Territory  3  878 

The  State  of 3  1062 

Columbia,  S.  C,  burned 3  1025 

Columbian  Exposition 3  1163 

Columbus  evacuated 3  917 

Commerce,  decline  of 2  607 

Extension  of 2  677 

Federal  revenue  from 2  606 

Interstate  laws  concerning. . .   3  1127 

Prosperity  of 2  699 

Commissioners,  British 2  493 

Of  customs 1  346 

Of  peace   2  555 

Committee  of  Congress,  examin- 
ation by 4  79 

Power  of,  in  legislation 4  61 

Committees,  House,  in  Congress. .   4  56 

Common  schools  in  New  England.  1  320 
"Common  [Sense,"  pamphlet   by 

Thomas  Paine 1  410 

Commons,  House  of,  and  Con- 
gress     4  96 

House  of,  and  prerogative, ...  4  266 
Company,    Dutch     West     India, 

formed   1  149 

London,  grant  of  King  James 

to 1  78 

London,  in  trouble 1  132 

Plymouth,     gives     place     to 

Council 1  107 

Plymouth,  King  grants  terri- 
tory to 1  78 

Comparison  of  American  and 
European  systems  of  gov- 
ernment     4  94 

Competition  in  business,  Benja- 
min B.  Odell,  Jr.,  on 4  264 

Compromise,  Constitution  framed 

by 2  565 

Missouri,  nature  of 2  695 


422         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Compromise,    Missouri,  sanction 

received  by 3  846 

Tariff,  purport  of 2  725 

Compromise  bill,  Clay's 3  837 

Concord  and  Lexington,  fights  at.  1  358 
Confederate   finances,   depression 

of 3  972 

Low  condition  of 3  990 

Confetleration,  Articles  of  (text). .   4  310 
Weakness  of  the  old  American  4  173 
Congregationalism     the     estab- 
lished religion  in  New  Eng- 
land     2  567 

Congregationalists,  enmity  of,  to 

Episcopal  church 2  409 

Congress,  American,  and   British 

House  of  Commons 4  95 

And  power  of  the  purse 4  80 

Cannot   compel    dismissal    of 

any  official  4  80 

Can  pass  resolutions  addressed 

to  President 4  79 

Colonial,    at    New    York,   in 

1765,  acts  of 1  335 

Committees  of 4  60 

Continental,     adjourns     from 

Philadelphia  to  Baltimore.   2  432 
Continental,  in  New  York ....   2  566 
Continental,  of  1783,  services 
of   Washington   commemo- 
rated by.. 3  1106 

Continental,  ordinances  of . . .   2  571 

Duration  of 4  75 

Duration  of 4  184 

General  observations  on 4  72 

Limited  by  the  Constitution. .   4  184 

Long  session  of 4  49 

May  refuse  legislation  ... 4  79 

Members  of,  their  attendance.   4  76 
Political  complexion  of,  after 

1900 4  384 

Power  of,  due  to  Hamilton  ...    4  173 

Provincial,  a,  in  each  colony  .  .    1  362 

Provincial,  in  Massachusetts  . .   1  357 
Provincial,  in    Massachusetts, 

energetic  measures  of 1  362 

Relations  of,  to  the  President  .  4  78 

Seat  of  government  located  by  2  576 

Second  Continental i  367 

Short  session  of 4  49 

Washington     authorized    by,     . 

to  select  site  of  capital 3  1106 

Washington's  address  to,    at 

Annapolis 2  560 

Congressional  finance ! ! !  4  66 


VOL.  PAGB 

Congressional  legislation 4  64 

Conkling,     Roscoe,      contest    of, 

with  President  Garfield  ....    4  390 

Connecticut  colony 1  113 

Emigration  to 1  120 

Connell,   T.    W.,    Captain,     mas- 
sacred   with    most    of     his 

command  at  Balangiga  ....   3  1219 
Connor,  Commodore,    in  Mexican 

War 2  753 

Tampico  surrenders  to 2  770 

Conscience,  as  man's  guide  ......    4  284 

Public,  Cardinal  Gibbons  on  .  .   4  217 

The  only  safe  political  guide  .  .   4  206 

Conscription,  Confederate 3  943 

Constitution,    colonial,    of     Con- 
necticut     1  120 

Colonial,  of  Plymouth 1  99 

Colonial,  of  Virginia 1  88 

Confederate,  framing  of 3  879 

Confederate,    the    doctrine  of 

State  sovereignty  in 3  1049 

Written,  a,  diflBculties  of   leg- 
islating by 4  130 

Constitutional   amendments,     re- 
jection of 4  132 

Constitutional  convention    of 
1787,  attempt  in,   to  subor- 
dinate the  executive  power  .   4  82 
Begins    American     party  his- 
tory     4  172 

Constitutional  conventions.  State  4  133 
Constitutional  Union  party,    ca- 
reer of 4  402 

Constitution  of  the  United  States, 

dealings  of,  with  the  courts  .   4  86 
English  parliamentary  system 

compared  with 4  96 

Fifteenth  Amendment  to 3  1047 

Finishing  and  signing  of 2  565 

Form  of  amendment  to 4  131 

Fourteenth  Amendment  to  .  .   3  1043 

How  amended 4  103 

How  conservative  in  its  pro- 
visions     4  109 

Jackson  on 4  286 

John  C.  Calhoun  on 4  286 

Powers  of,  in  the  Territories  .  .   3  866 

Purpose  of  its  f  ramers 4  228 

Ratification  of 4  6 

Struggle  over  adoption  of  ....   4  7 

Study  of 4  298 

Text  of 4  316 

Thirteenth  Amendment  to 3  1032 

"War  amendments"  of 4  179 


GENERAL    INDEX 


423 


VOL.  PAGE 

Constitution  of  the  United  States, 

William  E.  Gladstone  on 4  286 

Constitutions,  American,  and  re- 
ligious liberty 4  284 

Enacted  by  direct  vote 4  131 

Legislative  restrictions  of  State  4  140 

Of  Revolutionary  period 4  119 

Consuls  in  Federal  courts 4  91 

Continent,    a,     between    Europe 

and  America,  theory  of . ...    1  18 
"Contraband  of  war,"  Butler's  ap- 
plication of  the  term 3  903 

Butler's    refusal  to  surrender 

slaves  because  regarded  as.  .   3  936 

Slaves  considered  as 3  965 

Contrast  of  States 3  857 

Contreras,  battle  of 2  815 

Controversies,      between     States 
and    citizens    of     different 

States 4  91 

Involving  the  United  States .  .   4  91 
Convention,    Democratic,    action 

of,  at  Charleston 3  855 

Democratic,  at  Chicago 3  1164 

Disunion,  at  Nashville 3  839 

Republican,  at  Chicago 3  856 

Conventions,      American     nomi- 
nating     4  180 

Conway,  Irish  adventurer 2  448 

Conway  Cabal 2  488 

Cook,  Edward,  Colonel 2  586 

Cook,  James,  Captain 1  306 

Cooley,  Thomas,  on  American  re- 
ligious liberty 4  284 

Cooper,  J.  Fenimore 3  1155 

Cooper,  Sir  Ashley 1  176 

Corinth,  Miss.,  evacuated  by  the 

Confederates 3  930 

Occupied  by  the  Federals 2  963 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  at  Gravesend  . .   2  417 

At  Newark 2  429 

At  New  York 2  436 

Fresh   troops   brought  by,  to 

Charleston 2  513 

His     repulse     at     Assimpink 

creek 2  441 

In  the  Jerseys 2  440 

Lines  of,  at  Brunswick 2  445 

Militia  under  Lincoln  attacked 

by 2  449 

Moves  against  Gates 2  518 

Part  of,  in  battle  of  Brandy- 
wine  2  466 

Order  of  march  by,  towards 

North  Carolina 2  623 


VOIi.  PAOB 

ComwaMis,  Lord,  pursuit  of  Mor- 
gan planned  by 2  534 

Retreat  of,  from  Salisbury. ...   2  526 

Subsequent  operations  of  ...  .   2  542 

Surrender  of,  at  Yorktown. .  .   2  549 

Cortez,  Hernan,  explorations  of . .   1  46 

Cosby,  William,  Governor 1  220 

Cotton-gin,    an   American  inven- 
tion    3  1150 

Cotton    manufacture,      advance- 
ment in 2  713 

Attempt  to  introduce,  among 

slaves 2  718 

In  England,    from    American 

raw  material 2  719 

Products  of 3  1150 

Court,  the,  colonial   practice    of 

meeting  at 1  236 

Court  of  Claims 4  89 

Courts,  Constitution  and 4  86 

Federal,  Bryce's  view  of  .....   4  86 

Local  State 4  146 

Of  appeal.  State 4  146 

Of  one  State,   not  bound  by 

those  of  another 4  147 

State,  three  sets  of 4  146 

Coward,  the,  Roosevelt  on 4  198 

Cowpens,  the,  battle  of 2  533 

Craven,  Governor 1  187 

Crawford,     William      H.,     nomi- 
nated for  Presidency 2  698 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury 2  689 

Creeks,  home  of 1  186 

Removal  of 2  700 

Treaty  with 1  193 

War  with 2  653 

Crisis,    a,    how    met    in    United 
States     and    in     European 

politics 4  101 

Crittenden,  Thomas   L.,  General.   3  993 

Crockett,  Davy 2  745 

Croghan,  George,  Major 2  644 

Crook,  General,   command   of,  in 

West  Virginia 3  1006 

Failure  of,  to  cooperate  with 

Sigel 3  1011 

Crops 1  239 

Crown  Point,  expedition  against  .   1  292 

Taken  by  Seth  Warner 1  363 

Cruisers,  American,  in  the  Revo* 

lution 2  389 

American,  fitted  out  in  France  2  509 

Confederate 3  1030 

French,  American  vessels  cap- 
tured by ::  693 


424 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAOB 

OnjiaerB,  French  and  English,  Ameri- 
can   commerce     destroyed 

by 2      607 

French    and    English,    ocean 

swarming  with 2      617 

Cuba,  annexation  of,  not  sought 

by  the  United  States 3    1228 

(Constitutional  convention  of..   3    1229 

Constitution  of 3    1229 

Relations  of,  with  the  United 

States 3    1230 

Revolution  attempted  in,  by 

General  Lopez 3      840 

Sovereignty   over,   relinquish- 
ment of,  by  Spain 2    1196 

Spain  fearful  of  losing 3      842 

War  between  Spain   and   the 

United  States  concerning  .  .  3  1179 
Culpepper,  Governor  of  Virginia .  .    1       143 

Curtis,  S.  R.,  General 3      920 

Cushing,  Caleb 3    1052 

Cushman,   Robert,    confers    with 

the  London  Company 1        95 

Cuyahoga  Coimty  Soldiers'  and 
Sailors'  Monument  at  Cleve- 
land, O.,  speech  of  William 
McKinley  at  the  dedication 
ci". 4      207 

D 

Daggett,  Colonel  Aaron  S.,  leads 

a  scaling  party  at  Pekin.  .  3  1226 
Dahlgren,    Admiral,     supersedes 

Dupont 3  988 

I^ota 3  878 

SUtes  of  North  and  South..  .3  1128 
Dakota  Indians,    lands   of    the, 

location  of i  25 

Known  to  the  French  as  Sioux  1  25 
Dallas,  A.  J.,  Secretary  of   the 

Treasury 2  686 

Dallas,  George  M.,  Vice-President  2  751 

Dana,  Charles  A.,  on  mob  law  .  .   4  282 

On  study  of  the  Constitution.  4  298 

Danbury  burned  by  the  British..   2  450 

Dance,  Indian,  type  of 1  32 

Dangers  to  American  mstitutions, 

Roosevelt  on 4  241 

Daniel,  Father,  Jesuit  priest. ... .  i  241 
Dvnh,  Mrs.,    reveals  a  plot  to 

Washington 2  470 

D'Artaguette  attacks  theChicka- 

D^mcwthcouegp. ;;;;;;;;;;:;  J  g^ 


VOL.  PAQB 

Davenport,  the  Rev.  John,  in  the 

colonies 1 

Davies,  the  Rev.  Samuel,  tribute 

of,  to  Washington 1 

Davis,  J.  E.,  Captain 3 

Davis,     Jefferson,    an   oflficer    in 

Mexican  War 2 

As  Senator 3 

Capture  of 3 

Elected  President  of  Southern 

Confederacy 3 

Evacuation  of  Fort    Sumter, 
directions  concerning,  by. . .   3 

Flight  of 3 

His  calls  for  troops,  in  1861. . .   3 
.His  opposition  to  advance  on 

Washington 3 

Inauguration  of 3 

Message  of 3 

Orders  men  to  the  field 3 

Visit  of,  to  Atlanta , .  .    3 

Dawes,  William,  gives  warning  to 

Lexington 1 

Day,  William  R.,  appointed  peace 

commissioner 3 

Day  of  holy  rest 1 

Dayton,  William    L,,  minister  to 

France 3 

Deane,  Silas,  agent  of  Congress  to 

Paris 2 

Military  stores  brought  by.  . .   2 
Dearborn,  Henry,    General,  com- 
mand of 2 

His  army  on  the  shore  of  the 

Lakes 2 

Superseded 2 

De  Barras,  Count,  commands  the 

French  fleet  at  Newport.. .  .  2 
Debates  in  State  legislatures  ....  4 
De  Bougainville  guards  Quebec. . .  1 
Debs,  Eugene  V.,  nominated  for 

the  Presidency 3 

Debt,    national,    amount   of,     in 

1784 2 

At  close  of  Civil  War 3 

Canceled 2 

Comparative  statements  of . . .   3 

Diminished 2 

Hamilton's  measures  for  pay- 
ing     2 

Inability    of    government     to 

make  payment  on 3 

Incurred  by  Civil  War 3 

In  1815 2 

Payments  on 3 


120 


286 


776 

835 

1025 

879 

883 
1023 


903 
932 
911 
990 
1004 

359 

1195 
318 

891 

456 
463 

634 

643 
651 

542 
141 
307 

1200 

561 
1083 

731 
1144 

704 

575 

1169 

1029 

686 

1083 


GENERAL    INDEX 


425 


VOL.  PAGE 

Debt,  national,  payments  on  ... .   3  1098 
Payments  on,  under  Benjamin 

Harrison 3  1162 

Reduction  of,  in  1884 3  1104 

Debts,  history  of  State 4  156 

Decatur,  Stephen,  action  of,    at 

Tripoli 2  602 

British     frigate      Macedonian 

taken  by 2  640 

Sails  for  Mediterranean 2  685 

Strikes  his  colors . ' 2  684 

Tripoli  and  Tunis  pay  indem- 
nity to 2  685 

Declaration     of      Independence, 

adoption  of 2  412 

Text  of 4  300 

The  Mecklenburg 1  366 

Declaration  of  Rights .,  1  335 

Committee    of      Congress    to 

draw  up 1  353 

Constitution  and 4  8 

Decree,  English,   affecting  Ameri- 
can commerce 2  607 

French,      against      American 

commerce 2  607 

Napoleon's  Milan 2  612 

Napoleon's  Rambouillet 2  617 

Settled  policy  of  Napoleon  re- 
garding each 2  627 

Deerfield,  Mass.,  burned 1  257 

De  Graffenried,  colonist 1  186 

De  Grasse,  Coimt,    force  under, 

for  West  Indies 2  542 

Shipping  and   stores    surren- 
dered to,  by  Cornwallis, ...   2  549 
Vote  of  thanks  to,  by  Congress  2  551 

De  Heister,  General 2  418 

De  Kalb,  Baron,  agent  of  France..  2  455 

Comes  to  America 2  463 

His  command  in  the  south..  .2  615 

Delaware,  colonists  settle 1  150 

Dutch  and  Swedes  in 1  158 

Penn's  dealings  with 1  167 

Separated  from  Pennsylvania..  1  169 
Delaware,  Lord,  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia     1  84 

Delawares,  massacre  of  Christian..  2  553 
Delegates  to  American    national 

convention 4  181 

De  Leon,  Ponce,  explorations  of. .   1  44 

De  Lome,  Spanish  minister 3  1182 

De   Long,    Lieutenant,     explora- 
tions of 3  1099 

Demagogues,  Theodore  Roosevelt 

on 4  240 


VOL.  PAQB 

Democracy,     forces   threatening, 

in  America 4      272 

In  America,  trial  of 4      229 

In  relation  to  character 4      287 

James  Russell  Lowell  on 4      228 

Pilgrim  government  a  form  of..   1       105 

Real  essence  of 4      235 

Spirit  of,  in  New  England. . .    1      232 
Spread  of,    among  the  Dutch 

in  America 1       159 

Democrat,  name  of,  in  1805 4      374 

Name  of,  in  1828 4      376 

Democratic     clubs 2      583 

Democratic    party,     attitude   of, 

towards  slavery  in  1859-'60..  4      380 

First  convention  of 4      377 

Majority  of,  in  Senate  and 
House  of  Forty-Sixth  Con- 
gress     4      382 

Platform  of,  in  1880 4      382 

Platform  of,    in  1896  and  in 

1900 4      384 

Split  of,  into  four  parts 4      393 

Sprang  from  split  of  original 
Democratic-  Repub  1  i  c  a  n 

party 4      393 

Watchword  of 4      179 

Democratic-Republican  party,  di- 
vision in   ranks  of 4      370 

Evolution  of,  from  Anti-Fed- 
eralists     4      371 

History  of,  summarized 4      393 

Democratic   Republicans  of     the 

United  States 4      173 

Democrats,  origin  of,  in  the  Uni- 
ted States 4       173 

Under  Andrew  Jackson 4      175 

De    Monts,     Sieur,     explorations 

of 1        68 

Denominations,      Roosevelt     on 

treatment  of 4      247 

Depew,    Chauncey     M.,  address 

by 3    1137 

Deposits,  removal  of,  from  Bank 

of  the  United  States 2      726 

Deseret,    territory   organized   by 

the  Mormons 3      839 

De  Soto,  Ferdinand 1        54 

D'Estaing,   Count,    in  the  Dela- 
ware with  a  squadron 2      496 

Savannah  menaced  by 2      506 

De  Tocqueville,  A.  H.  C,  on  inde- 
pendence of  the  press 4      284 

Detroit,  Congress  resolves  to  send 

an  expedition  against 2      507 


426  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

De  Vrie*.  arrival  of,  in  Delaware .  1      150 
Friendly  dealings  of,  with  In- 
dians     1      162 

Plant«  settlement  on    Staten 

Island 1      152 

Dewey.  Oeorge,  Admiral,  at  Ma- 
nila   3    1185 

His  need  of  land  forces 3    1193 

Relations  of,  with  Aguinaldo.  3  1193 
Dewey,  Orville,  on  the  peopJe  . .  4  290 
Dialeeta,  great  variety  of,  among 

North  American  Indians    .1        39 
Dickinson,  Daniel  8.,  on  sustain- 
ing the  flag 4      295 

Dickinson,  John,  petition  of,  to 

the  king 1      353 

Diotatorship,  conferred  by  Con- 
gress, for  six  months,  upon 

Washington 2      440 

Congress  invests  Washington 

with,  for  sixty  days 2      468 

Dieekau.  Baron,    military   opera- 
tions of,  in  New  York 1      293 

Dingley   tariff 3    1179 

Dinwiddie,      Governor,      chooses 
Washington    as    messenger 

to  the  French 1      271 

Course   of,  annoys    Washing- 
ton. .. . 1      278 

Reason  of,  for  not  furnishing 
Washington    more    soldiers 

against  Indians 1      295 

Diplomacy,  as  an  occult  science. .   4      255 

John  Hay  on  American 4      253 

Simplicity  of  American 4      256 

Discovery,  by  Captain   Gray,  of 

Columbia  river  (1792) 2      577 

Of  Florida,  by  Ponce  de  Leon. 

(March  27,  1512) 1        44 

Of   Hudson    bay,   by    Henry 

Hudson  (1612) 1      143 

Of  Hudson    river,  by    Henry 

Hudson  (1609) 1      uq 

Of    mainland,    by    Sebastian 

Cabot  (June  27,  1497) 1        47 

Of    Massachusetts,    by    Bar- 
tholomew (May  14,  1602). .   1        89 
Of  Mississippi    river,  by    De 

8oto(1541) 1        57 

Of  N.  Carolina,  by  Verraaano 

(1524) 1        4g 

Of  Pacific,  by  Balboa  (Sept. 

26.1813) 1        43 

Of  San  Salvador,  by  Columbus 
(Oct.  12,  1492) 1        3g 


VOL.  PASa 

Discovery  of  South  America,  by 

Columbus  (1498) 1        37 

Disfranchisement,  by  fraud  or 
intimidation,     Benjamin 

Harrison  on 4      299 

Dishonesty,  an  atmosphere 4      274 

Political,  H.  W.  Beecher  on. .  .    4      273 
Dispute    between    President  and 

Congress 4         97 

Dissenters,  in  Carolinas 1       175 

In  Carolinas,  number  of 1       182 

In     England,     sympathy     of, 
with  American  colonists  ...    1      357 

District  courts 4        87 

District  of  Columbia,  govern- 
ment of 4      162 

Disunion  convention,  a  Southern, 

in  1849 3      833 

Nashville,  in  1850 3      839 

Divisions,  in  Congress 4         76 

In  House  of  Representatives.  4        51 
Dogs,     Indian      knowledge      and 
training  of,  at  the  period  of 
the  discovery  of  America. . .    1        39 

Dollar,  standard  of 3    1161 

The  standard  unit  of  value. . .    3     1198 

Doniphan's  expedition 2      799 

Donop,  Count,  at  Kipp's  Bay.  ...   2      424 
In  New  Jersey,  near  Burling- 
ton     2      436 

In    New    Jersey,    retreats   to 

Brunswick 2      439 

Remark  of,  when  dying 2      470 

Dorr,  Thomas  W.,  Governor  of 
Rhode  Island,  convicted  of 

treason 2      750 

Doubleday,  Arthur,    Captain,    at 

Fort  Sumter 3      884 

Doubleday,  General,  at  Gettysburg  3      979 
Doughfaces,  a  term  used  by  John 

Randolph 4      396 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  bill  of,  for 
organizing  Kansas  and  Neb- 
raska     3      846 

Leader  of   division   of  Demo- 
cratic party 3      855 

Presidential  candidate 3      869 

Douglas  Democrats,  history  of . .  .    4      402 
Dover,  N.  H.,  destroyed   by   In- 
dians      1      253 

Drake,  Joseph  Rodman,  poem  of, 
on  "The  American    Flag," 

citation  from 4      297 

Drake.    Sir   Francis,  vipit    of.  to 

Raleigh's  colony 1        73 


GENERAL   INDEX 


427 


VOL.  PAGE 

Dred  Scott  decision 4      178 

Assumed  to  recognize  slavery.  3      856 
Promulgated    two    days  after 

Buchanan's  inauguration  .  .    4      379 

Dress,  Indian,  character  of 1         31 

Dreuilettes,  Father 1      245 

Drummond,  General,  Fort  George 

reinforced  by 2      663 

Operations  of,  in  siege  of  Fort 

Erie 2      665 

Drummond,  William,  advocate  of 

popular   liberty 1       176 

Duality     of     American     govern- 
mental system 4      117 

Duch^,  the  Rev.  Jacob,  opens  the 
Old    Continental    Congress 

with  prayer 1      352 

Dudley,  Joseph,   appointed  royal 

president  of  Massachusetts..  1      211 

Becomes  Chief  Justice 1      212 

Lodged  in  jail 1      214 

Sent    out    of    Massachusetts, 
appears  as  Chief  Justice  in 

New  York 1      218 

Dudley,  Thomas,  leading  Massa- 
chusetts  colonist,   deputy 

governor 1      108 

Duelling 2      604 

Dunbar,  Colonel,    in    Braddock's 

expedition 1      280 

Retreat  of 1      285 

Dunmore,  Lord,  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia      1      364 

Intrigues  against  colonists. ...    2      396 
Dupont,  Admiral,  commands  ex- 
pedition from  Fortress  Mon- 
roe     3       905 

Expedition  of,  against  Charles- 
ton      3      988 

Sends   monitors    against    the 

Atlanta 3      989 

Dustin,    Hannah,     story     of,     in 

struggle  with  Indians 1      256 

Duties,  imposed  by  England,  on 

colonies 1      339 

Of  the  citizen  to  the  state ....   4      190 
Dwight,  Timothy,  eminent  theo- 
logian     3    1155 


Early,  Jubal  A.,  General,  at  Get- 
tysburg    3      980 

Drives    back     the     Eleventh 

Corps 3      982 


TOL.  PAGE 

Early,  Jubal  A.,  General,  in  Shen- 
andoah Valley 3    1011 

Sheridan  defeats 3    1012 

Sheridan's  rout  of 3    1013 

Surprises  Federals 3    1013 

Works    of,     at     Waynesboro, 

carried  by  Sheridan 3       102 

Eaton,  Theophilus 1      120 

Ecclesiastical  organizations 2      567 

Edison,  Thomas  Alva,  as  an  in- 
ventor     3    1238 

Educated   man  in    politics,    the, 
Benjamin    B.    Odell,     Jr., 

on 4      261 

Education,  among  the  New  Eng- 
land colonists 1       126 

In  American  cities 4      164 

In  Pennsylvania  colony 1       169 

Lack  of,  in  Virginia  colony. .  .    1      234 
Private   schools    in    Pennsyl- 
vania colony   a    means    of 

good 1      236 

Provision   for,    in    Massachu- 
setts     1      123 

School  facilities  for,  in  differ- 
ent colonies 1      320 

Schools   furnish    superior,    in 

New  England 1      238 

Schools  provide,  for  mill  oper- 
atives     2      712 

Schools  supply,  in  ftll  States  . .   3    1152 
Secular  and  religious,  progress 

of 3    1152 

Territorial 3    1061 

Edwards,  Jonathan,  eminence  of, 

in  mental  philosophy 3    1155 

Great  awakening  tinder 3    1156 

Preaching  of,    at    Northamp- 
ton, Mass 1      267 

Eight-hour  working-day 3    1163 

Election  day,  national 3    1063 

Election  of  city  of5cials   in   the 

United  States 4      165 

Elections,  need  of  separate 4      165 

Presidential,  not  participated 

in  by  Territories 4      161 

Electoral  Commission,  the 4      382 

Creation  of  the,  in  1877 3    1070 

Rule  adopted  by  the,  embod- 
ied in  law 3    1126 

Electors,    Presidential,    counting 

votes  for 3    1126 

Presidential,   no    freedom    or 

discretion  left  to 4        16 

Presidential,  ntimber  of 4      181 


428  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


YOU  PAGE 

EHot,  John,  labor  of,  among  In- 
dians     1      125 

Work  of,  and  Father  Dreuil- 

ettes 1      245 

Elisabeth,  Queen,  and  the  Puri- 
tans   1        92 

EUet's  rams,   Confederate   boats 

attacked  by 3      930 

Elliot,  Jesse  D.,  Lieutenant,  ex- 
ploit of 2      634 

Ellsworth,  Elmer,  Colonel,  feat  and 

deathof 3      890 

Ely,  Richard  T.,  on  anarchists. . .   4      262 
Emancipation    Proclamation, 

Lincoln's  earlier 3      965 

Lincohi's  final 3      970 

Lincoln's,    reference    to,     by 

Bryce •   4        21 

Lincoln's,  view  of,  by  Demo- 
crats   4      380 

Embargo  Act,  effects  of,   under 

Jefferson 2      612 

Hardships  of,  xmder  Madison.   2      672 

Purpose  of 4      370 

Repealed 2      674 

Elmigration,  early,  westward 1      316 

From  the  Old  World 3      865 

To  the  West 2      790 

Westward 3    1139 

Enabling  Act  of  a  Territory 4      161 

Endicott,   John,    arrival    of,    at 

Salem 1      107 

Punishment  of  Indians  by 1      116 

Enemies  of  the  Republic,  tactics 

of 4      216 

England  and  the  United  States, 
governing  powers  of,  corn- 
Pared 4        97 

English  enterprise i        69 

English  incorporated  company  of 

colonial  period 4      134 

English  language 3    1157 

For  Americans,  Roosevelt  on.    4      247 

English  pluck 2      528 

Fjiterprise,  American 2      577 

Episcopal  Church,  in  New  Eng- 

**°^ • 1      212 

Opposed    by    Congregational- 

J^-.--. 2      409 

Orgamiation   of,   disturbed..  2      567 
State    conventions    adopt    a 
constitution     for     the,    in 

J,      .^r"** 2      568 

i:j»,  m  human  progress 2      573 

Of  good  feeling [['2     704 


VOL.  PAGE 

Ericsson,  John,  Captain 3      932 

Erie  Canal 2      700 

Erskine's   negotiations 2      615 

Esquimaux,     most    northern    of 

American   races 1        27 

Essex,  American  frigate,  capture 

of  the   Alert   by 2      638 

Is  captured 2      656 

Etheridge,  Emerson 3      872 

European  cabinet  crisis,  com- 
pared with  American  po- 
litical crisis 4      101 

Europeanized      American,      the, 

Roosevelt   on 4      243 

European   opinion,  Roosevelt   on 

deference   to 4      244 

Eutaw    Springs,    battle    of 2      541 

Evans,  General 3      904 

Evarts,  William    M.,  counsel    in 

Alabama   claims   case 3    1052 

Legal  aid    of,  to    Chester  A. 

Arthur 3    1094 

Secretary  of  State 3    1072 

Everett,    Edward,   on  patriotism 

of  America 4       292 

On  the   American   flag 4       293 

Secretary  of  State 2      842 

Evils,  Cardinal  Gibbons  on  rem- 
edies for  political 4      217 

Of  American  city  government    4      167 
Ewell,    Richard    S.,    General,   in 

Lee's  northern   advance...   3      978 
Performance    of,    at    Gettys- 
burg    3      980 

Richmond  burned  by 3    1024 

Ewing,  Colonel,  at  Trenton 2      436 

Executive,  fear  of  a  strong 4        82 

Relations  of  the,  to  the  legis- 
lature    4        82 

State 4      142 

Executive  session  of  the  Senate, 

Bryce  on 4        37 

Exemption   from   taxation 4      154 

Exhibition,   Centennial 3    1063 

Explorations:  Magellan  circum- 
navigates globe  (1520) 1        43 

Attempted  conquest   of   Flor- 
ida, by  Vasquez  de  Ayllon 

(1528) 1        43 

St.  Lawrence  river,  by  Cartier 

(1534-1535) 1        60 

Florida,  by    De    Soto  (1539- 

1541) 1        64 

Florida  and  the  Carolinas,  by 

Huguenots  (1562-1564)...   1        61 


GENERAL    INDEX 


429 


VOL.  PAGE 

Explorations:  Carolina  coast,  by 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  Armidas, 
and  Barlow  (1584) 1         69 

Virginia,  by  John  Smith  (1607)  1         79 

Acadie,  by  the  Sieur  De  Monts 

(1607) 1         67 

Canada,  by  Champlain  (1608).  1         68 

New  England,  by  John  Smith 

(1614) 1         90 

Lake      Superior      region,     by 

Father  AUouez  (1666-1669)  1       246 

Mississippi  river,  by  Mar- 
quette (1670) 1      247 

Mississippi  river,  by  La  Salle 

(1682) 1      249 

Texas,    by    I^a    Salle    (1685- 

1687) 1      250 

Captain  Gray  first  American 
to  circumnavigate  globe 
(1790) 2      577 

Lewis  and  Clark  cross  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  down  Co- 
lumbia river  (1805-1806)..    2      754 

Antarctic    Ocean,  by  Captain 

Charles  Wilkes  (1838-1842)  2      742 

Passes  in    Rocky    Moxmtains, 

by  Fremont   (1843-1846)..    2      791 

Dr.    Kane     searches     for    Sir 

John  Franklin  (1850-1851).  3      841 

Arctic  Ocean,  by  Dr.  Hayes, 
Captain  Hall,  Lieutenant 
Schwatka,  Lieutenant  De 
Long,  and      Lie  u  t  e  n  a  n  t    , 

Greely  (1860-1884) 3    1098 

Exports,  increase     of,  from    the 

United   Stater, 3    1075 

Value  of,  compared  with  im- 
ports      3    1163 

Expositions,    William    McKinley 

on  value  of 3    1205 

F 

Failures,   commercial. 3  1059 

Fairfield,  Conn.,  burned 2  504 

Fair  Haven,  Mass.,  burned 2  498 

Fair  Oaks,  battle  of 3  945 

Fallacies  of  disunionists 3  879 

Faneuil  Hall  too  smaU  for  meet- 
ings of  patriots 1  350 

Farewell   Address,    Washington's 

(text) 4  335 

Farragut,  Admiral,  commands 
naval    force    against     New 

Orieaos 3  926 


VOL.  PAOB 

Farragut,    Admiral,    heroic  con- 
duct of,  in  Mobile  bay 3  1014 

Farrar,    Canon,  funeral   discourse 
by,  in   Westminster  Abbey, 

on  General  Grant 3  1118 

Fathers  of  the  Constitution,  the, 

and  the  parliamentary  system  4  96 
Fathers  of    the    Republic,   tasks 

accomplished   by ...    2  570 

Their  voices  against  autocracy  4  269 
Federal   courts,    criminal,    juris- 
diction   of 4  92 

In   general 4  86 

Jurisdiction   of 4  89 

Relation  of,  to  State  courts . .   4  93 
Federal  government,   the  United 

States,    Bryce  on 4  10 

Federalist,   the 2  566 

And    Anti-Federalist 2  581 

Federalists,       abandonment       of 

State    church    by 4  370 

And  the  Constitution    of   the 

United  States 4  175 

And  the  French  Revolution..   4  172 
Beginnings  of,  in  the  United 

States 4  172 

Decline  of,  politically 4  370 

Disappearance   of 4  174 

Origin  and   aims   of 4  368 

Federal  oflBcers,  approval  of  the 

President's   nominations  of.  4  33 

Federal  party,   history  of 4  393 

Federal    Union 1  368 

Fenians  invade  Canada 3  1032 

Ferguson,  Patrick,  Colonel,  oper- 
ations of,  under  Comwallis.  2  523 
Field,  Cyrus  W.,    Atlantic   cable 

laid   by 3  1032 

Filibustering  in  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives  4  62 

Fillmore,      Millard,     compromise 

measures   of 4  379 

Elected  Vice-President 2  827 

Makes  Brigham  Yoimg  Gover- 
nor of  Utah 2  839 

Nominated  for  Presidency,  by 

American  party 3  850 

Not  covetous  of  Cuba 3  842 

President 3  836 

Finance,    congressional 4  16 

State 4  165 

Finances,  Confederate,  low  condi- 
tion of,   in   1863 3  972 

National,   discussions  on 3  1074 

National,  widely  discussed. . .   3  1121 


430 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Financial  disorders,  American,  in 

1778 ;•••   2      491 

Congress     charters     National 

Bank  to  rectify 2      686 

Great  distress  caused  by 2      696 

Prostration        of        business 

through 3      732 

"Railroad  panic"  causes 3    1059 

Raaulting  from    approach    of 

Gvil  War 3      873 

Financial  success 3    1074 

After  Civil  War 3    1083 

During  McKinley's    first    ad- 
ministration   3    1202 

Fish,    Hamilton,     Secretary     of 

State 3    1047 

Fisheries,  Canadian 3    1074 

Fitch,  John,  invention  of  a  steam- 
boat  by 2      687 

Five  Forks,  battle  of 3    1022 

Five  Nations,  the,  Indians  in  New 

York 1      243 

Repulsion  of  French  colonists 

by 1      246 

Flag,   American,   the,    Benjamin 

Harrison  on 4      294 

Charles  Sumner  on 4      294 

D.  8.  Dickinson  on 4      295 

Edward   Everett  on 4      293 

Historic  significance  of 4      296 

Joseph  Rodman  Drake's  poem 

on,  citation  from 4      297 

Meaning    and     literature     of  4      293 

Pride  in 4      109 

Respect  for 4      213 

Robert  C.  Winthrop   on   elo- 
quence of 4      295 

Fletcher,     Benjamin,     appointed 
Governor  of   Delaware  and 

Pennsylvania 1      171 

At  Hartford 1      219 

Florida,  how  named 1        44 

Name  of,  given  by  Spaniards 
to  southern  part  of  United 

States 1        54 

Purchased 2      692 

Question  of,  during  Monroe's 

administration 4     375 

Repudiates 2      734 

State  of,  admitted  to  Union. .  2      750 
Hoyd.  J.  B.,  as  Secretary  of  War, 
PMses  United  States  prop- 
erty over  to  secessionists. .   3      875 

At  Fort  Donelson 3      914 

Defeated  at  Camifex  Ferry, .  3      901 


VOL.  PAGE 

Folk-lore,   Indian,   interpretation 

of 1  39 

Foote,  Andrew  H.,  Admiral,  at 
Fort  Henry  and  Fort  Donel- 
son    3  913 

At  Island  No.   10 3  921 

Death  of 3  930 

Foote,  Samuel  Augustus,  Senator, 

debate  on  resolutions  of .  .  .    2  721 
Forbes,  John,  General,  in  French 

and  Indian   War 1  301 

Orders  road  cut  for  expedition 

to  Fort  Du  Quesne 1  303 

Foreign  affairs,  department  of  . .  .    2  574 

Foreign  policy,  control  of 4  38 

President  not  free  to  act    in 

matters  of 4  21 

Forest  fires 3  1095 

Forests,  denudation  of 3  1242 

Roosevelt  on  the  need  of 3  1243 

Forrest,  Nathan  Bedford,  Gen- 
eral, active  marauding  of  . .  .    3  964 

Fort  Pillow  taken  by 3  998 

Forsyth,  John,  Congressman 2  657 

Fortress    Monroe,  Federal  troops 

sent  to 3  387 

Fleet  and  land    force  set  out 

from 3  904 

Jefferson    Davis     imprisoned 

at 3  1025 

Forts:     Donelson 3  915 

Du  Quesne,    an  estimate  re- 
garding   the    site    of,     by 

Washington 1  274 

Du    Quesne,     an    expedition 

against 1  276 

Du  Quesne,   Braddock  to  lead 

force  against 1  279 

Du  Quesne,  French  abandon, 

and  Washington  occupies  .  .    1  304 
Du    Quesne,    rout    of    High- 
landers by  the  garrison  at.  .    1  303 

Edward 1  292 

Frontenac 1  302 

Henry 3  913 

Hindman,  taken 3  969 

Necessity 1  277 

Niagara 1  306 

Ontario 1  297 

Orange 1  161 

Pillow,  massacre  at 3  998 

Rosalie 1  260 

WUliam  Henry 1  296 

Foster,  John  Gray,  General,  ser- 
vices of ,  in  North  Carolina . .   3  918 


GENERAL   INDEX 


431 


VOL. 

PAG£ 

Fourteenth  Amendment,   first  ef- 

fective in  1868 

4 

388 

Fox,  George,  founder  of  Quaker- 

ism, visit  of,    to  American 

colonies 

165 

Preaches  in  the  Carolinas 

181 

Fox,  Henry  S.,  British  Minister  at 

Washington 

739 

Note  of,  to  Webster,   on  Ore- 

gon boundary  

753 

France,  in  sympathy  with  Amer- 

ica   

454 

Proposal  of,    to  acknowledge 

American  Independence  .  .  . 

2 

486 

Protestant     pastors     of,      ad- 

dress of,  to  brethren  in  Eng- 

land, in  behalf  of  the  North, 

in  Civil  War 

3 

990 

Relations    of     United    States 

with                           

591 

Spoliation  claims  against  .... 

729 

Treaty  of,  with  United  States  . 

493 

Franchise,  electoral,  for  each  State 

47 

Franchises,  electoral,  variation  of. 

in  different  States 

47 

Franklin,   Benjamin,    arrival  of. 

in  Philadelphia 

173 

As  a  diplomatist,    quoted  by 

John  Hay 

259 

Braddock  warned  by,   against 

Indians 

279 

Colonel  of  militia 

295 

Commissioner     to      conclude 

treaty  with  England 

555 

Commissioner  to  make  treaty 

with  France 

456, 

Confers  with  Lord  Howe 

422 

Delegate  to  Philadelphia  Con- 

vention   

564 

Education  and  science    aided 

by 

323 

His  plan  of  colonial  union  .... 

335 

In  London 

331 

In   second   Continental    Con- 

crress 

367 

Member  of  army  committee  . . 

391 

Member  of  committee  on  Dec- 

laration of  Independence. . . 

411 

Returns  from  France 

496 

Sends  Governor  HutohixuBon's 

letters     to      Massachusetts 

Assembly 

346 

Witness   in   House   of    Com- 

mons on  temper  of   Amer- 

io&ns 

337 

VOL.  PAOB 

Franklin,  Sir  John,  voyage  of,  in 
search  of  northwest  pass- 
age    3  84 

Franklin,   William  Buel,  General, 

in  army  of  the  Potomac  ....  3  939 

Leads  right  wing 3  957 

Seizes  Crarapton  Pass   in  the 

South  Movmtain 3  958 

Fraser,  Simon,  General,  operations 

of,  under  Burgoyne 2  459 

Wounded,  mortally,  by  one  of 

Morgan's  riflemen 2  480 

Fredericksburg,  battle  of 3  961 

Freedom,  difference  between,  and 

license 4  283 

In    relation    to    government, 

Daniel  Webster  on 4  287 

Of  thought  and  speech 4  282 

Of  thought,  as  a  birthright ....  4  283 

Of  worship 4  284 

Freemasonry,     political      party 

formed  against 2  ^02 

Free-Soil  party  formed 2  828 

History  of 4  400 

Free  speech,    guaranteed  by  the 

Constitution 4  268 

Free-State  party,  forming  of 3  847 

Frelinghuysen,   Theodore,   candi- 
date for  Vice-President ....  3  751 
Fremont,   John   C,    actions    of, 
while  military  commandant 

of  California 3  801 

Army   of,    consolidated    with 

the  Army  of  Virginia 3  953 

Assumes  command  in  Missouri 

in  the  Civil  War 3  900 

Court-martialed 3  824 

In  West  Virginia 3  944 

Nominated  for  the  Presidency  .  4  385 

Presidential  candidate 4  178 

Republican       candidate      for 

President 3  850 

Rocky   Mountains  and    their 

passes  explored  by 3  791 

Senator  from  California 3  837 

French  and  Indian  War 1  277 

French  pastors'  address 3  990 

French  Revolution,  accoimt  of  . . .  2  582 

Infidelity  derived  from 3  1148 

French  spoliation  claims 3  1162 

Freneau,  Philip,  editor 2  584 

Friars,  Filipino  dislike  of 3  1216 

Oppression    by,     causes    Fili- 
pinos to  rebel  against  Spain  .  3  1216 
Frolic,  the,  captured 2  640 


432 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Front«nac,    Governor    of    New 

France *  253 

Fugitive  Slave  Law,  how  afifect- 

ingthe  South ■*  177 

Injustice  of *  871 

Paoace  of 3  837 

Repeal  of,  in  1864 4  387 

Fulton,    Robert,     launches     the 

steamboat  Clermont 2  687 

Fu-flchan,  Chinese   legends   of   a 

land  of 1  19 

Future  progrees 3  1158 

G 

Gage,  General 1  281 

Admoniflhes     the     Massachu- 
setts Assembly 1  357 

At  Boston 1  341 

Bums  Charlestown 2  375 

Commander-in-chief 1  349 

Decides    to    destroy    military 

stores  at  Concord 1  358 

Declares  Massachusetts  under 

martial  law 2  371 

Determines  to  fortify  Boston 

Neck 1  356 

Foiled  by  the  patriots 2  372 

Recalled 2  377 

Seizes  powder 1  355 

Gaines.  Edmund  P.,  Colonel 2  665 

Gallatin,  Albert 2  586 

Peace  commissioner 2  659 

Quoted 2  710 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury 2  643 

Galveston  occupied 3  970 

Games,     Indian,    description    of 

most  popular 1  36 

Garcia,  General,  in  Cuba 3  1187 

Garfield,  James  Abram 3  1078 

Allusion  to,  by  William   Mc- 

Kinley 4  207 

AaMflsination    of,     postpones 

navy  reforms 4  382 

Calms  an  enraged   crowd,  at 
time  of  Lincoln's  assassina- 

*><"»•  •• 3  1087 

Coomisflioned  major-general .   3  1081 

^^'^o' 3  1086 

Drivw  Marshall  out  of  Ken- 

*«<*> 3  1080 

^^ 3  1084 

I»«igurated  President 3  1082 

■*•* 4  3gQ 

▼ote  for,  for  President 4  390 


VOL, 

Gamett,   Robert  Selden,  General, 

bravery  and  death  of 3 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd 3 

Gaspee,  revenue  vessel 1 

Gaston,  William,  Congressman  .  .  2 

Gates,  Horatio,  General 1 

Authorizes  Arnold  to  fit  out  a 

flotilla 2 

Commands  at  Ticonderoga.  .  .  1 

Commands  the  southern  army  2 

Defeated  at  Camden 2 

Defeats   the   British  at   Sara- 
toga   2 

Discourteous  to  Washington..  2 
Eastern  influence  in  Congress, 

and 2 

Joins  Washington  at  Trenton.  2 
Prominent     in     the    Conway 

Cabal 

Reappointed  to  command   of 

the  northern  army 2 

Succeeds  Schuyler 2 

Superseded 2 

Supersedes  Sullivan 2 

Genet's  mission 2 

Genius  of  American  government, 

H.  W.  Beecher  on 4 

George,  Henry,  J.  R.  Lowell  on .  .  4 

George,  King,  war  of 1 

Georgia 1 

Allowed      to       continue     the 

slave-trade 2 

And    the  United    States  Su- 
preme Court 4 

Excused  from  contributing  to 

the  Continental  army 2 

Indian  lands  in 2 

Subdued  by  the  British 2 

Gerard,  French  ambassador 2 

German  -  Americans,      Roosevelt 

on 4 

German  colonists,  in  Georgia 1 

In  Louisiana 1 

In  North  Carolina 1 

In  Pennsylvania 1 

G«rmantown,  battle  ai 2 

Gerry,  Elbridge 2 

A  comiaissioxier  to  Pads  .....  2 
Refuses  to  sign  tiie  Constitu- 
tion    2 

Gettysburg,  battle  of 3 

Gettysburg   Address,  Lincoln's. .  4 

Referred  to  by  McKinley 4 

Gibbons,  Cardinal,  on  Patriotism 

and  Politics 4 


894 
863 
344 
657 

285 

433 
434 
517 
518 

480 
483 

473 
434 

2      488 

478 
452 
526 
404 
585 

274 
236 
263 
190 

566 

108 

490 
706 
500 
496 

246 
193 
261 
186 
170 
468 
5B4 
592 

708 
978 
856 
210 

211 


GENERAL   INDEX 


433 


VOL.  PAGE 

Gifts  and  bequests,  size  and  num- 
ber of,  for  educational,  re- 
ligious, and  benevolent  pur- 
poses     3    1247 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  navigator  1        70 
Gillmore,  Quincy  A.,  General ....   3      988 

Commands  under  Butler 3    1006 

Gist,  Christopher 1      270 

Acts  as  guide  to  Washington. .    1      274 
Gladstone,  WUliam  E.,  on  Amer- 
ican citizen  of  the  future. .  .   4      190 
On  function  of   civil    goA'em- 

ment 4      287 

Glover,  Colonel 2      420 

Commissioned      brigadier-gen- 
eral    2      447 

Fishermen  in  his  regiment.  ...   2      437 

Goffe,  branded  as  regicide 1      201 

His  appearance  at  the  attack 

on  Hadley 1      207 

Gold  discovered  in  California. ...   2      825 
Goldsborough,   Louis     M.,    Com- 
mander    3      918 

Gold  standard 3     1197 

Not    favored    by  the   Demo- 
crats in  1893 3     1174 

Goodale,  Wilmot  H.,  on  Obliga- 
tions of  Citizenship 4       188 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinand 1       121 

Gosnold,  Bartholomew,  naviga- 
tor      1         89 

Gosport    navy-yard,    burned    by 

the  British 2      504 

Destroyed  in  1861 3      887 

Ships  and  material  destroyed 

at,  in  1862 3      942 

Government,  American  system  of  4      288 
And    anarchy,   John    C.   Cal- 
houn on 4       286 

By  checks  and  balances,  in  the 

United  States 4       185 

By  the  people ,  and  social  obli- 
gations     4       188 

Center  of  authority  in 4      265 

Four  objects  essential   to   the 

success  of  the  United  States  4         11 

Of  American  cities 4      162 

Of  a  State 4       114 

Of  force,  limitation  of 4      188 

W.  E.  Gladstone  on  function 

of 4      287 

Governor,    State,    cannot    sit    in 

legislature 4       135 

State,  power  of   reprieve   and 

pardon  vested  in 4      142 


VOL.  PAGE 

Governor's  term 4  142 

Grady,      Henry      W.,      on     the 

citizen 4  279 

Grafton,  Major 2  650 

Grand  Model,  the 1  176 

Grangers,  origin  of 4  404 

Grant,    Major,    in     French     and 

Indian  War 1  303 

Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  General 3  902 

And  the  Alabama  claims  ....    3  1050 
Appoints  Sheridan  as  Hunter's 

successor 3  1012 

At  Belmont 3  908 

At  Shiloh 3  923 

Begins      operations      against 

Vicksburg 3  968 

Captures  Fort  Henry 3  913 

Death  of 3  1117 

Drives  Bragg  from  Missionary 
Ridge  and  Lookout  Moun- 
tain    3  995 

Elected  President,  1868 3  1046 

Elected  President,  1872 3  1064 

Forces  Lee  from  the  Pamun- 

key 3  1010 

Fort  Donelson  surrenders  to  .    3  916 

His  design  with  regard  to  Lee .  3  1019 

His  famous  telegram 3  1008 

Interview  of,  with  Lincoln ...    3  1027 

In  the  Wilderness 3  1007 

Lee  surrenders  to 3  1024 

Lieutenant-General 3  998 

Memoirs  of 3  1116 

Platform  of  his  party,  1868  .  .    4  381 

Platform  of  his  party,  1872  .  .    4  389 
Proclamation      of,      enjoining 

order  in  Louisiana 3  1060 

Suspends   the    habeas    corpus 

in  South  Carolina 3  1056 

Tour  of,  around  the  world  ...    3  1115 

Vicksburg  surrenders  to 3  987 

Vote  for,  in  1868 4  389 

Vote  for.  in  1872 4  389 

Graves,  Admiral 2  546 

Gray,  Captain 2  577 

Great  Spirit,  conception  of, 
among  North  American  In- 
dians      1  34 

Devotion  of  Thlinket  tribes  to 

the 1  27 

Greeley,  Horace 3  1065 

Presidential  campaign  of  ....   4  381 

Vote  for,  in  1872 4  389 

Greely,  A.  W.,  Lieutenant 3  1101 

Greenback  party,  history  of 4  404 


\ 


^ 


434 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Greenbacks ..8  «71 

Constitutionality    of,    denied 

by  the  Democrats 4  380 

Made  redeemable  in  coin  ....   3  1060 

Preferred  to  silver 3  1073 

Greene.  Christopher,  Colonel ....   2  470 

Greene.  F.  v.,  General,  at  Manila  .   3  1194 

Greene,  Nathanael,  General 2  372 

As  a  military  leader 2  541 

At  Assunpink  Creek 2  441 

At  Guilford  Court  House  ....  2  538 

At  Hobkirk's  Hill 2  539 

Commands  at  Fort  Lee 2  427 

Commands  imder  Washington 

at  Trenton 2  437 

Favors  attacking  the  British 
during  their   retreat    from 

Philadelphia ..2  494 

Fortifies  Brooklyn  Heights  . .  2  402 

lUness  of 2  417 

Pursued  by  Comwallis 2  535 

Pursues  Comwallis 2  536 

Quartermaster 2  491 

Saves    Wayne    at      Brandy- 
wine  2  466 

Sent  to  Newport 2  497 

Sketch  of 2  380 

Succeeds  Gates  in  the  South  .   2  526 
Wins   the   battle    of    Eutaw 

Springs 2  541 

Green  Moimtain  Boys 1  363 

Fight  at  Bennington 2  476 

Refinlistment  of  the 2  382 

QrenviUe,  Lord 1  331 

Pitt  accused  of  sedition  by  . .   1  336 
Superseded  by  the  Marquis  of 

Rockingham 1  339 

Gridley,  Richard,  Colonel .. . .   1  264 

Commander   of    Artillery    in 

1775 1  362 

Grierson,  Benjamin  H.,  Colonel. .  8  988 
Grow,  Galusha  A.,  on  obedience 

to  law 4  281 

Grundy,  Felix 2  623 

Guam,  island  of 3  hqq 

Guantanamo,  fighting  at 3  nge 

Qttenther,    Richard,    quoted    by 

Roosevelt 4  251 

Guerrifere  captured 2  539 

Guilford  Court  House,  battle  of ! .   2  538 
Guiteau,  Charles  J.,  assassin   of 

President  Garfield 3  io84 

Gunboats,  Jefferson's "  ]  2  606 

^'»«i;e88     recommended      to 

a  608 


H 


VOL.  PAGB 

Hale,  Nathan 2      423 

Half -Breeds,     Republicans    who 
supported     the     policy    of 

President   Hayes 4      406 

Half-way   covenant 1      266 

Hall,  Charles  F.,   Captain,  Arctic 

explorer 3    1099 

Halleck,  Henry  W.,  General,  ap- 
pointed        commander  -  in  - 

chief 3      953 

Assumes  command  in  the  west..  3      901 

Disregards    suggestions 3     1006 

Hooker's  plan  disapproved  by  3      978 

Takes  the   field 3      930 

Hamilton,     Alexander,    and     the 

Federal    government 4       173 

Appointed    Secretary    of    the 

Treasury 2      574 

At    Yorktown 2       548 

Biographical  details    concern- 
ing   1      350 

Deals  with    the  deficit 2      576 

Death   of 2      604 

Webster   on 2       581 

Hamilton,    Andrew 1       221 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  Vice-Presi- 
dent     3      868 

Hampton,  Wade,  General,  in  the 

War   of    1812 2      643 

Operations    of,      near      Lake 

Champlain 2      651 

Wilkinson  abandoned  by.  ...   2       651 
Hampton,    Wade,     grandson     of 

preceding,  in  the  Civil  War.  3    1025 
Hancock,  John,  attack   on   prop- 
erty of 1      341 

Chosen  President  of  a  Provin- 
cial Congress 1      367 

Chosen  President  of    the  sec- 
ond Continental  Congress  .  .    1       367 
Excepted  in  Gage's  proclama- 
tion of  amnesty 2      371 

Favors      Washington's      pro- 
posed attack  on  Boston ...   2      398 
Leads  the  Massachusetts  mili- 
tia    2      497 

Hancock,  Winfield  Scott,  aids 
Hooker's  strategy  at  Wil- 
liamsburg     3      941 

At  Gettysburg 3      981 

Candidate  tor  President 3     1076 

In  the  Wilderness  campaign.   3    1008 
Vote  for,  in  1880 4      388 


GENERAL    INDEX 


435 


VOL.  PAOE 

Bisad,  Colonel,  commands  a  riSe 

regiment 2  414 

Holds  the  Flatbush  road 2  417 

Joins  General  Heath 2  425 

Leads   Pennsylvania  riflemen.  2  438 
Moves  against  the  enemy.  ...    2  441 
Promoted    to   rank   of    briga- 
dier-general     2  448 

Hanson,    Alexander,    editor 2  630 

Hardee,  William    J.,    General,  at 

the  battle  of  Shiloh 3  925 

Defeat   of 3  1004 

Evacuates   Savannah 3  1005 

Harmar,  Josiah,  General 2  678 

Harney,  Colonel 2  808 

Harper's  Ferry,    abandonment  of  3  887 

Armory   at,   destroyed 3  895 

John  Brown    at 3  853 

Taken 3  957 

Harris,  Benjamin 1  237 

Harris,  Isham   G 3  888 

Harris,  Joel  Chandler,  Roosevelt 

on 4  242 

Harrisburg,  convention   at 2  702 

Harrison,  Benjamin,    bimetalism 

during  administration  of. .  .   3  1161 
Biographical    details    relating 

to 3  1129 

Idaho  and    Wyoming   admit- 
ted   during   administration 

of 3  1161 

Inauguration  of 3  1132 

In  the  New  York  centennial 

celebration 3  1133 

Nomination  of,  for  President, 

in  1888 3  1128 

On   disfranchisement 4  299 

On  the  spirit  of  patriotism.  .4  291 

Tariff  views  of 3  1160 

Vote  for,  in  1888  and  1892.  .   4  391 
Harrison,     William     Henry,    ad- 
ministration  of 2  735 

Confers   with  Tecumseh 2  620 

Death   of 2  736 

Establishes  Fort  Meigs 2  644 

Fierce  battle  of,  with  the  In- 

diar  i 2  647 

Moves  towards  Detroit 2  643 

Nominated  for  the  Presidency.  2  734 

Resigns  his   commission 2  652 

Hartford,  Andros  at 1  213 

Constitution    of     Connecticut 

adopted  at 1  120 

Fletcher   at 1  219 

Founded  by  Hooker's  colony.   1  115 


TOIi.  PAGB 

Hartford,  trading-post  at 1  113 

Hartford  Convention 2  674 

Its  attitude  towards  the  War 

of  1812 4  175 

Harvard  college  founded 1  123 

Harvey,  Sir  John,  appointed  gov- 
ernor of  Virginia 1  132 

Impeached,  removed,  and  re- 
appointed    1  135 

Hatteras,  Fort,  taken 3  905 

Haverhill,  Mass.,    burned  by  In- 
dians      1  258 

Hawaiian  Islands,  annexation  of . .   3  1170 

Otis  in 3  1197 

Territory  of 3  1198 

Hawkins,  Sir  John,    first  English 

slave-trader 1  63 

Hawthorne,  Nathaniel 8  1 155 

Hay,    John,    on    American    Dip- 
lomacy    4  253 

Secretary  of  State 3  1196 

Hayes,  Dr.  I.  I.,  Arctic  explorer.  .   3  1098 
Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,   biograph- 
ical account  of 3  1071 

Civil  service  measures  of 3  1072 

Congress  and 4  81 

Electoral  Commission  in  favor 

of 3  1126 

Inaugural  address  of 3  1071 

Policy  of 4  390 

Temperance  ideas  of 3  1077 

Vote  for,  in  1876 4  389 

Hayne,  Isaac 2  540 

Hayne,  Robert  Y.,    avows  nullifi- 
cation principles 2  721 

Debate  of,  with  Webster 2  723 

On  slavery 2  724 

Haynes,  John 1  115 

Hay-Pauncefote     Treaty,      final 

provisions  of 3  1233 

Original  provisions  of 3  1232 

Hazlet,  Colonel,  commanded  Del- 
aware regiment  in  1776. ..  .   2  414 

Death  of 2  444 

Goes  to  the  relief  of  Atlee 2  419 

Overpowered  by  numbers 2  426 

Heath,  William,  General,  at  Lex- 
ington      1  360 

Before  Boston 2  379 

Feint  of 2  439 

Fortification  of    heights  near 

Kingsbridgeby 2  423 

Guards  Highland  passes 2  427 

Howe  baffled  by 2  425 

In  Massachusetts 2  449 


436         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


HdDrew    people,    Cardinal    Gib- 

bons's  reference  to ■* 

Heintaelraan.  Samuel  P.,  General, 

commands  a  division 3 

His  division  at  second  battle 

of  Bull   Run 3 

Holds  position    at  Williams- 
burg    3 

Only  four  miles   from    Rich- 
mond    3 

Plan  of   the  Confederates  di- 
vined by 3 

Position  of,  on  Malvern  Hill.  . .  3 
Hendricka,   Thomas  A,,     Demo- 
cratic candidate    ior  Vice- 
President 3 

Renomination  of 3 

Warning  in  the  end  of 3 

Henry,  Joseph,  scientist 3 

Henry,  Patrick,  antecedents  of  . .  .    2 
"Ciesar  had  his  Brutus,  etc.," 

uttered  by 2 

Characterizes  Washington 2 

Colonial  wrongs  recited  by  ... .   2 
Conway      Cabal      discounte- 
nanced by. 2 

Militia  companies    called  to- 
gether by. 2 

Signs    non-importation     reso- 
lutions  , 2 

War  foreseen  by. 2 

Henry  VIII 1 

Hereditary  monarchs,  strength  of  4 

Herkimer,  Nicholas,  General 2 

Hessians,     apprehensions  caused 

by 2 

Clinton's  use  of 2 

Defeated  by  the  patriots.  .....   2 

Hired    in  Germany  to  crush 

the  American  Revolution. .  .   2 
ImpKirtations  of,    received  by 

Cornwallis 2 

Long  Island  occupied  by 2 

Riedesel  commands 2 

Savagery  of 2 

SUtioned   above   and    below 

Trenton 3 

Surrender  of,  with  Burgoyne.. .   3 

Hiawatha,  counsels  of i 

Legend  of 1 

Higginaon,  Francis,  minister 1 

Hildreth,  Richard,  historian. . .        3 

HiU.  D.  H.,  General '  '  3 

At  Malvern  HiU 8 

HoWs  Turner's  Gap ".,[,',   3 


PAGE 
218 

939 

956 

941 

945 

946 
951 


1070 
1110 
1125 
1062 
329 

333 
369 
352 

488 

364 

343 

408 

90 

26 

475 

402 
414 
470 

390 

543 
422 
458 
436 

430 
482 
243 
36 
107 
1155 
947 
961 
958 


VOI*.  PAGB 

Hill,   D.  PI.,  General,  moves  on 

Willoughby  Run 3  979 

Union  center  assaulted  by 3  993 

Hilton  Head  captured 3  906 

Hoar,  George  F.,    on  greatness  of 

the  national  capital 4  292 

On  Patriotism  and  Citizenship    4  vii 

Hobart,  Garret  A.,  Vice-President  3  1173 

Hobkirk's  HiU,  conflict  at 2  539 

Hobson,  Richmond  P 3  1186 

Hodge,  Charles,  Professor 3  1155 

Holidays,  celebration  of  national . .   4  218 
Hollanders  as  immigrants,  Roose- 
velt on 4  250 

Hoist,    von,  H.  E.   on  American 

popular  sovereignty 4  132 

Home  and  education 4  278 

Homespun,  college  boys  in 1  326 

Colonial  use  of 1  336 

Soldiers  in 2  372 

Southern  contempt  for 2  415 

Homestead  law,  settlers  under.  .  .   3  1152 
Hood,  John  B.,  General,   at   An- 

tietam 3  958 

At  Kenesaw  Movmtain 3  1001 

Succeeds  J.  E.  Johnston 3  1002 

Thomas  and 3  1006 

Hooker,  Joseph,   General,  ammu- 
nition fails 3  941 

At  Malvern  Hill 3  951 

Corps  of,  placed  at  Antietam. .   3  958 
Given  command  of  the  Army 

of  the  Potomac 3  972 

Lee  watched  by 3  976 

National  capital  protected  by.  3  977 

On  Lookout  Mountain 3  995 

Recommends  Benjamin  Harri- 
son for  promotion 3  1130 

Repulses  Confederates 3  1000 

Skirmish  lines  of 3  1002 

Hooker,  the  Rev.  Thomas 1  115 

Exhorts  the  army  sent  against 

the  Pequods 1  117 

Hopkins,  Admiral 2  449 

Horse-shoe,  battle  of  the 2  654 

' '  Hortales  and  Company  ".......   2  456 

House  of  Commons,  the 4  44 

House  of  Lords,  function  of    4  266 

House  of  Representatives,  at  work  4  57 

Closure  in  4  62 

Compared  with  the  Senate  ...    4  44 

Composition  of 4  46 

Divisions  of 4  51 

Faults  of 4  70 

f'ilibustering  in 4  62 


GENERAL  INDEX 


437 


VOL.  PAGE 

House  of  Representatives,  mem- 
bers'   salaries   in,    paid    by 

sergeant-at-arms 4  50 

Personnel  of 4  48 

Previous  question  in 4  52 

Proceedings  of 4  50 

Speeches  in 4  52 

Treasurer  of,  sergeant-at-arms 

is 4  50 

Houston,    Sam,     attacks     Santa 

Anna 2  746 

President  of  the  Republic    of 

Texas 2  747 

Howard,  O.  O.,  General,   assumes 

command 3  980 

Attacked  by  Confederates.  ...   3  1002 

In  battle  with  Hood 3  1003 

Howe,  Richard,  Admiral,  at    the 
time  of  the  Declaration    of 

Independence 2  407 

Arrival  of,  from  England 2  413 

Brings  fleet  from    Chesapeake 

bay  to  the  Delaware 2  468 

Congress  and 2  422 

Leaves  the  Delaware 2  496 

Resigns  command 2  498 

Howe,  Robert,  General 2  500 

Howe,  Sir  William,  as  Colonel  ...    1  306 

Command  of,  at  Boston 2  371 

Comments  upon  patriot  energy  2  400 

Enters  New  York  harbor 2  406 

General    control    shared     by, 

with  his  brother 2  413 

Halts  at  the  Delaware 2  430 

His  plans  to  cut  off  New  Eng- 
land defeated 2  425 

His  war  policy  criticised 2  427 

Joined  by  Cornwallis 2  440 

Large  reinforcements  of 2  457 

Perplexes  Washington 2  461 

Plans  of,  on  the  Delaware  ....   2  464 

Resigns  his  command 2  492 

Hudson,  Henry,  explorer 1  146 

Huger,    Benjamin,    General,     at 

Gosport 3  942 

Command  of,  after  Fair  Oaks .   3  946 
Huger,  Isaac,  General,  commands 

cavalry  in  the  Revolution  .  .    2  512 
Hughes,  General  Robert  P.,  cam- 
paign of,  in  Samar 3  1219 

Commander  in  Leyte,  Panay, 

and  Samar 3  1218 

Pursues  Filipinos 3  1220 

Huguenots,     as      immigrants, 

Roosevelt   on 4  260 


VOL.  PAGE 

Huguenots,  CoHgny  and  the 1  66 

Florida  settlement  of 1  64 

High  character  of 1  179 

In  Canada 1  67 

In  the   South 1  61 

Hull,    Isaac,   Captain,  commands 

the  Constitution 2  638 

Hull,  William,  General,  becomes 

governor  of  Michigan 2  630 

Surrender  of,  at  Detroit 2  632 

Warlike  spirit  aroused  by  sur- 
render of 2  643 

Humorous  Advice  to  a  Young  Poli- 
tician, by  W.  H.  McElroy . .   4  360 
Hunkers,  a  faction  of  the  Demo- 
cratic   party  in  New  York.    4  399 
Hunter,  David,   General,  depart- 
ment  commander 3  988 

Resignation   of 3  1012 

Supersedes  General  Sigel 8  1011 

Hunters'   lodges 2  738 

Huntingdon,     R.     W.,     Colonel, 

lands  troops  in   Cuba 3  1168 

Hurons,  communications  of  Jesu- 
its with 1  241 

Made   converts 2  246 

Missionary  labors  among ....    2  243 

Polygamy     practiced     among  1  38 
Said    to    be    of    the   Iroquois 

stock 1  25 

Hutchinson,  Anne,    holds   public 

meetings 1  112 

Murdered  by  the  Indians 1  113 

Hutchinson,    Governor,    complies 
with     demand     to    remove 

troops  from  Boston 1  342 

Double-dealing   of 1  346 

Thanksgiving  proclamation  of.  1  343 

I 

Idaho,  a  State 3  1161 

Ideas  and  principles  of  America.   4  226 
I-ho-Chuan,  official  name  of  the 

Boxers  in  China 3  1221 

Illinois,  land  of  the 1  246 

State  of 2  693 

Illiteracy,  compared 3  859 

Suffrage   and 3  1153 

Immigrant,     the,    Roosevelt    on 

Americanization  of 4  249 

Immigrants 3  865 

Skilled   and  educated 3  1151 

Impeachment,     a    President    re- 
movable only  by 4  19 


438         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Impeachment,  of  officials 4  49 

Of   the  President •*  80 

Trials  for 4  33 

Importers 3  1169 

Impressment,  British 2  608 

Ck)ngTe88   informed   of 2  627 

Difficulty  caused  by,    to    the 

State   Department 2  632 

End  of 2  683 

Webster  on 2  741 

Inaugural     address,    the     Presi- 
dent's    4  22 

Incidents:     Allen,     Ethan,    and 

Captain  Delaplace 1  363 

Andre's  capture 1  522 

Andros  and    the    Charter  of 

Connecticut 1  213 

Arnold  acting  without  orders .  2  480 

Arnold  and   his  wife 1  523 

Arnold  and  the  Tory 2  451 

Arthur,  Chester  A.-,  two  law 

cases  of 3  1093 

Barre's  spirited,  address 1  331 

Belligerent  parson,  the 2  476 

Berkeley  and    Drummond  ...   1  142 

Bunker  Hill,  two  heroes  of . .   2  375 

Burial  of  De  Soto 1  58 

Caldwell,  the  Rev.  James,  and 

hia  wife 2  514 

Columbus 1  16 

Constitution  and    Guerrifere.  .   2  639 

'*  Comwallis  is  taken." 2  550 

Darrah,  Mrs.,  overhears  plot.   2  470 
Dreuilettes,   Father,   and  the 

Apostle   Eliot 1  245 

Duch<5,  the  Rev.  Mr 1  352 

Dustin,  Hannah 1  256 

Eliot,  the  Apostle 1  126 

Faith  on  shipboard 1  194 

Firing  the  Southern   heart..   3  883 

Fitch  and  his  steamboats. . .   2  687 

Flag,  reinstatement  of  the  old.  3  1029 

Fletcher  and  Wadsworth 1  219 

Garfield  in  Wall  Street 3  1087 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  com- 
missioned to  colonize  New- 
foundland    i  7j 

Good  Mr.   Higginson i  io7 

Gourges,    Dominic    de,   ven- 

«»noe  of I  gg 

Grant,  Doctor,  death  of 2  745 

Grant.  General,  and  President 

„^'°*^>" 3  999 

aenry,  Patrick,  and  the  par- 

—  •• 1  330 


VOL.  PAGH 

Incidents:     Henry     Patrick, 

speech  of 1  333 

Hessians,  the  way  to  the  ....  2  437 

Hooker  and  Heintzelman ....  3  941 
Huguenots  massacred  by   Me- 

lendez 1  64 

Indian    diplomacy 1  155 

Indian   gratitude 1  154 

Jack,  Captain 1  280 

Jackson,     General,     and     the 

Indian   babe 2  655 

And  Wetherford 2  654 

Jacobs,   Captain 1  296 

James  I.   and  the  kirk 1  93 

Jasper,    Sergeant 2  406 

Lafayette  to  Napoleon 2  551 

Lee,  General,   advice  of,  to  a 

mother 3  1049 

At  Gettysburg 3  984 

Lincoln's  plan  of  campaign.  .  3  932 
Mather,    Increase,   and   Calef's 

book 1  227 

Milbourne   on  the   scaffold ...  1  218 
Miller,     Colonel,     at     Lundy's 

Lane 2  663 

Mistake,    the,    and    the   Tory 

woman 2  421 

Mob   violence 2  630 

North's  emotions 2  555 

Oglethorpe     and     the     Indian 

chiefs 1  192 

Old  Dominion 1  137 

Otis   and    John    Adams 1  328 

Penn  in  the  tower 1  166 

Pilgrims,  the,  exile  chosen  by .  .  1  93 

Landing  of  the 1  100 

Pitt's  address  in   Parliament.  1  336 
Pocahontas,  friend  of  colonists, 

made  captive 1  86 

Married 1  86 

Saves  Captain  John  Smith..  1  81 

Practical  printers 3  929 

Prescott,  General,  capture  of..  2  461 
Putnam    and     the     captured 

cannon 1  393 

Revere,  Paul,  ride  of 1  359 

Robinson,  John,  and  the  Pil- 
grims    1  96 

Santa     Anna     at     Houston's 

headquarters 2  746 

Sears  destroys  press  of   "Riv- 

ington's   Gazette." 2  394 

Sheridan's  ride 3  1013 

Spain  and   England,   contrast 

between 1  70 


GENERAL  INDEX 


439 


VOL.  PAGE 

Incidents:  Squanto 1  102 

Stoughton  and  Burroughs  ...    1  226 

Strange  scene 2  666 

Stuyvesant,   angry 1  159 

Tariff  Compromise,  how  passed.  2  725 

Tea  overboard 1  347 

Thanksgiving 1  104 

Times,  London,  the,  what  was 

thought  by 2  641 

Tithing-man 1  127 

Treachery    and   indignation  . .    1  140 

Two  receptions 2  378 

Varuna,   the 3  928 

Wadsworth,  Captain,  and  An- 
dres    1  213 

And  Fletcher 1  219 

Waldron   and   the  Indians ...    1  254 

Wamsutta's   death 1  204 

Warren  and  Putnam  at  Bim- 

ker  Hill 1  274 

Washington,  advice  of,  rejected 

by  Braddock 1  281 

And  Lee,  meeting  of,  at  the 

battle    of  Monmouth 2  495 

Farewell  of,  to  his  oflScers ...  2  560 

In  the  House  of  Burgesses..  .   1  305 

Return  of,  to  Trenton 1  572 

Wayne  and  his  rebellious  sol- 
diers     2  531 

Williams,    Eunice,     and      her 

daughter 1  257 

Wolfe   and   Montcalm 1  308 

Wooster  and  Arnold 2  451 

Worden,  Captain,   inquiry  of.    3  936 
Indentured  servants,  in  the  colo- 
nial period 1  138 

Slavery  of 1  144 

Independence,  Declaration  of  (text)  4  300 

Of  the  colonies ■*  5 

Question  of 2  407 

Independent     in    PoUtics,     The, 

G.  W.  Curtis   on 4  275 

Independent    Republicans,    oppo- 
nents   of    Conkling    among 

New   York    Republicans ...   4  406 

Indian,  American,  origin  of 1  17 

Indiana,  a   State 2  686 

Indians,  civilization  and 3  1061 

Efforts  to  convert 1  125 

Missionary  effort  among  the  .    1  135 
North       American,       physical 

characteristics   of 1  23 

North     American,     north      of 
Mexico,     social,    moral    and 

intellectual  conditions  of . . .   1  29 


VOL.  PAGE 

Indian  Territory,  beginnings  of . . .   2  700 

Official  creation  of 3  1061 

Indian  Wars:  Black  Hawk's 2  727 

In   New   York 1  151 

In   Ohio 2  578 

In   Virginia 1  137 

King   PhiUp's 1  203 

Pequod 1  116 

Seminole 2  690 

Seminole,  atrocities   of 2  728 

Indigo 1  326 

Individual,   liberty   of   the 4  222 

Individual    responsibility 3  1150 

Industries,  colonial 1  129 

Crippling  of,  in  colonial  period  1  202 
Crops   and   animals   in  relation 

to  colonial 1  239 

Crude  handicraft  of  colonial . .   1  235 

National 2  577 

Influence,  Dutch 1  161 

Men  of 1  215 

Influences,  religious 1  317 

Religious,  depth  of 3  1145 

Religious,  extension  of 2  409 

Injunction,    use    of,    during    the 

labor  troubles  at  Chicago  . .   4  383 

Inner  life  of  the  colonists 1  126 

Inoculation,  Cotton  Mather  advo- 
cates     1  228 

In  the  Continental  army 2  446 

Institutions,   charitable,  reforma- 
tory, etc 4  129 

Interior,  Department  of  the 2  828 

Internal  improvements 2  606 

Internal  revenue 3  1077 

Growth  of 3  1097 

Nature  of 3  1159 

Interstate  commerce    3  1127 

Interstate    Commerce    Bill,    com- 
missioners provided  for  by  .    4  382 
Inventions,  Centermial  Exposition 

and    3  1075 

Cotton-gin,  great  among 2  700 

Franklin's 1  174 

In  general 3  1150 

Steamboat 2  687 

Telegraph 3  840 

Iowa,  a  State 2  750 

Irish-Americans,  Roosevelt  on  . . .   4  246 

Irish  Irregulars 3  884 

Iroquois,  natural  capacity  of  the.    1  24 

Irving,  Washington 3  1155 

Island  No.  10 3  921 

Island  possessions  of  the  United 

States 3  1238 


440 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Israel,    lost   tribes  of,    and    the 

aboriginal  Americans 1  17 

Isthmian  Canal,  McKinley  on 3  1209 

Must   be    controlled    by    the 

United  States 4  258 

Practicability  of,  on  American 

continent 3  1231 

luka,  battle  of 3  965 


Jack,  Captain 1      280 

Jackson,   Andrew,  administration 

of 2      730 

Biographical    particulars     re- 
lating to 2      647 

Crushes  the  Creeks 2      654 

Designates  State  banks  as  gov- 
ernment depositories 4      378 

Expedition  of,  to  Natchez. ...  2      649 

Foreign  policy  of 2      729 

Governor 2      692 

Introduces    the    "spoils    sys- 
tem"    4      377 

New  Orleans  victory  of 2      677 

Nullification,  how  treated  by.   2      724 

Party  spirit  of 4      175 

Policy  of,  as  President 4      377 

Removes  the  Creeks 2      706 

Second  term  of 2      726 

Secures    the    largest    popular 

vote  in  1824 4      373 

Specie  circular  of  2      732 

Spoils  system  and 2      705 

Texan  independence  and 2      747 

United  States    Bank  in    con- 
nection with  policy  of 2      707 

Jackson,  Claiborne  F.,  Governor,  3      889 
Jackson,  Thomas  J.  ("StonewaU"), 

at  Winchester 3 

Banks  attacked  by 3 

Confronts  McClellan 3 

Death  of 3 

Harper's  Ferry  and 3 

Held  in  check  at  White  Oak 


VOL.  PAGB 


Swamp. 

Retreat  of.. 

Jacobs,  Captain 


James] 


character  of 1 


Church  views  of 

Dwlikeof,  for  freedom','. 

Sympathy  of,  with  Virginia." 
^  n..  cruelty  of,  to  colonists. 
Intolerance  of 

IW^us  views' of.' "for 'New 


938 
944 
947 
974 
957 

951 

954 

295 

77 

93 

95 

131 

143 

211 

252 


Jamestown,  founding  of i 

Reduced  to  ashes l 

Japanese  embassy 3 

Jasper,  Sergeant 2 

Java,  the,  captured 2 

Jay,  John,  address  of,  to  the  peo- 
ple of  Great  Britain 1 

Commissioner      to      conclude 

peace 2 

Made    Chief    Justice    of    the 
United      States      Supreme 

Court 2 

Mission  of,  to  England 2 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  action  of,  re- 
garding British  impressment  2 
Calls  out  the  Virginia  militia. .   2 
Causes  of  his  election  as  Pres- 
ident    4 

Church   and  State  as  viewed 

by 2 

Commissioner     to      conclude 


Death  of 2 

Declaration  of   Independence 

drafted  by 2 

Delegate  to  the  second   Con- 
tinental Congress i 

Embargo  upheld  by 2 

Embargo  law   repealed   three 
days  before  retirement  of . . .   2 

Foreign  policy  of 4 

Naval  policy  of 2 

On  the  Missouri  Compromise  .   4 
Opposes   certain    features    of 
the  national  Constitution. . .    2 

Party  of 4 

President 2 

Resolutions  of  '98  drawn  up  by.  2 

Second  term  of 2 

Secretary  of  State 2 

Signs  a  non-importation  reso- 
lution     1 

Slavery  in  territory  held  by  the 
United  States  opposed  by. . .   2 

Vice-President 2 

Written  messages  of,  to  Con- 
gress     4 

Jessup,  Major,  Canadian   militia 

repulsed  by _  .   2 

Succeeded  by  Colonel  Zachary 

Taylor 2 

Transport  service  in  charge  of .  2 
Jesuits,    as    missionaries    to   Pe- 
nobscot Indians 1 

Devotion  of 1 


79 
141 

854 
406 
640 

363 

556 


576 
687 


609 
532 


373 


555 
701 

411 

367 
612 

614 
374 
606 
176 

708 
172 
599 
711 
603 
575 

343 

567 
590 

22 

663 

728 
804 

67 
246 


GENERAL  INDEX 


441 


VOIi.  PAGB 

Jesuits,  educational  ideas  of 1  241 

Individual  influence  of  two  ...  1  256 

On  the  shores  of  the  Missis- 
sippi   1  260 

Jogues,  Father,  Jesuit  missionary  1  244 
Johnson,  Andrew,  accession  of,  to 

thePresidency 3  1027 

Amnesty  policy  of 3  1029 

And  Congress 4  81 

CivU  Rights  Bill  passed  over 

veto  of 3  1032 

Death  of 3  1062 

Impeachment  of 3  1045 

Military  authority  of 3  1040 

Restoration  policy  of 3  1033 

Johnson,  Edward,  General 3  1009 

Johnson,  Guy,  and  the  Mohawks  .  2  378 

At  Montreal 2  382 

Retires  to  Canada 2  396 

Johnson,  Reverdy 3  1050 

Johnson,  Richard  M.,  Colonel 2  647 

Vice-President 2  730 

Johnson,  Samuel,  on  patriotism, 
quoted  by  Theodore  Roose- 
velt   4  239 

Johnson,    Sir    John,    biographical 

particulars  relating  to 2  378 

Fortifies  his  "hall" 2  396 

Leads  troops  to  the  Mohawk.  .  2  457 

Mohawk  retainers  of 2  474 

Routed  with  his  following  ....  2  502 
Johnson,     Sir      William,     agent 

among  the  Mohawks 1  279 

Expedition     against      Crown 

Point  led  by 1  292 

Honors  heaped  upon 1  294 

Niagara  victory  of 1  306 

Succeeded  by  his  son  and  heir .  2  378 
Johnston,  A.  Sidney,  General,  as- 
signs Buckner  and  Floyd  to 

commands 3  914 

First  in  command 3  923 

Johnston,  Joseph  E.,  General, 
commands  Confederates  in 

the  Shenandoah  Valley 3  895 

Defensive  position  of,  behind 

the  Rapidan 3  939 

Falls  back  to  Resaca 3  1000 

Lee  plans  to  unite  with 3  1021 

On  Kenesaw  Mountain 8  1001 

Pemberton's    appeal    to,    for 

reinforcements 3  985 

Succeeds  Bragg 3  997 

Superseded  by  Hood 3  1002 

Surrender  of,  to  Sherman  ....  8  1025 


TOU  PAOB 

Johnston,  Joseph  E.  General,  with- 
draws from  Williamsburg. . .  3  942 
Wounded  and  superseded ....  3  946 

Joinville,  Prince  de 3  952 

Joliet,  Father 1  247 

Jones,  John  Paul 2  509 

Judges,    how    appointed   in    the 

several  States 4  148 

Of    State    courts,  bound    by 

State  constitutions 4  449 

Of  State  courts,  mostly  elect- 
ive    4  148 

Regicide 1  201 

Regicide,  royalists  himt 1  207 

Salaries  of  State 4  149 

State,  seldom  corrupt 4  151 

Terms  of,  in  States 4  148 

Judicial  functions  in  the  United 

States  4  10 

Judiciary  of  the  United  States ...  2  574 

Of  United  States  Territories  . .  4  160 

State 4  151 

Jurisdiction  of  State  courts 4  147 

K 

Kane,  Dr.   Elisha  Kent 3  841 

Kansas,  administration  of  Pierce 
and  the  territorial  organiza- 
tion of 3  845 

And  Nebraska 3  845 

Free-State  men  in 3  848 

Slavery  element   in 3  851 

Statehood  conferred  upon. . .  3  878 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  dispute  on 

slavery  started  anew  by  . .  4  379 
Political  excitement  over  pas- 
sage of  3  850 

Kearny,    Philip,   General,  at  the 

battle  of  Williamsburg 3  941 

Death  of,   at  ChantiUy 3  956 

Kearny,  Stephen  Watts,  Gen- 
eral, account  of  his  Cali- 
fornia expedition 2  796 

Dangers   encountered   by. . .  .  2  802 

Governor  of  California 2  803 

Kearsarge  and  Alabama 3  1030 

Kenesaw    Mountain,  battle  of  . .  3  1001 

Kent,   Chancellor 2  722 

Kentucky,   beginnings  of 2  388 

Enters   the  Union 2  589 

Neutrality   aimed   at    by,   in 

the  Civil  War 3  889 

Slavery   existing   in 2  693 

Keyes,  Erasmus  D.,  General  ...  8  949 


442  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Kieft,  William,  appointed  Gover- 
nor of  New  York 1  151 

His  treatment  of  the  Indians  1  151 

Perishes  at   sea 1  156 

Kilpat rick,  Hugh  Judson,  General  3  975 
King.  Dr.  Albert  F.  A.,  on  the 

distribution  of  malaria 3  1246 

King,  William  R.,  elected  Vice- 
President 3  843 

King's  Mountain,  battle  of 2  525 

Kitchen-middens,  size  and  diffu- 
sion of 1  20 

Kittanning,   Pa.,   destroyed 1  295 

Klondike,  control  of,  involved  in 

Alaska   dispute 3  1235 

Knowlton,    Thomas,  Colonel,    at 

Bunker  HiU 2  374 

Death  of 2  425 

Know-nothingism,  Roosevelt's 

denunciation    of 4  251 

Know-Nothing   or     American 

party,  record  of 4  401 

Knox,    Henry,    a   bookseller   of 

Boston,  patriotic  zeal  of. .  .   2  391 
Ammunition   procured  by  . . .   2  399 
Commands  a  force  at  Trenton.  2  437 
Enters  New  York  after  evacu- 
ation    2  559 

Secretary  of  War 2  574 

Knoxville,   siege  of 3  995 

Knyphausen,  General,  commands 

the  Hessians 2  426 

Cooperates  with   Cornwallis.  .   2  466 

Garrison  in  New  York  under.   2  507 

Ice-bound  in  New  York 2  511 

Ravages  New  Jersey 2  514 

Ku-Klux   Klan 3  1055 

Antagonism    of,   against    the 
Fourteenth   and    Fifteenth 

amendments 4  381 

History  of 4  403 

L 

Labor,  Bureau   of 3  1105 

Commissioners    of 3  1125 

Eight-hour  law  for,  of  gover- 

ment  employees 3  ii63 

Far-reaching  views  on  . ! . . . .   2  715 

Importation  of,   forbidden 3  1124 

Respectable 2  717 

Labor-Reform  party,  history  of..   4  403 
Rise   of,  during   Grant's   ad- 
ministration    4  300 

l«OTo«e,    game     of,     originated 

1  37 


VOL.  PAOa 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  attempts 
to  capture  Arnold  in  Vir- 
ginia      2  532 

Conway  Cabal  fails  to  win ....    2  488 
Espouses  the  cause  of  Ameri- 
can   independence 2  462 

Flees  for   his   life 2  583 

His  position  at  Monmouth. .  .    2  494 

Moves  against   Cornwallis ....  2  542 
Replies  to  Napoleon's  sneer  at 

the  American  armies 2  551 

Returns  from   France 2  515 

Revisits  the  United  States.    .2  697 

Sent  to   Newport 2  497 

Wounded  at   Brandywine.  ...    2  467 
Lafitte,    buccaneer,  aids    General 

Jackson 2  678 

Lake  Champlain,  action  on 2  665 

Lake  Erie,  action  on  .  . 2  646 

La  Mountain,  John,  made  longest 

balloon  voyage  on  record .  .   3  1247 
Lander,  F.  W.  General,  gallantry, 

signal  action,  and  death  of .  .   2  938 
Land-holding,  congressional  legis- 
lation  concerning 3  1160 

Fostered    by  the    Homestead 

bill 3  1152 

In  New  England 1  231 

In  Plymouth  Colony 1  105 

In  the   Carolinas 2  235 

In    Virginia 2  234 

Langley,  Professor  Samuel  P., 
experiments  of,  with  air- 
ships     3  1247 

Language,  primitive,  in  America  .  1  21 

La  Salle  arrives   in  Canada 1  248 

Laurens,  Henry,  commissioner  to 
treat  with  Great  Britain  at 

close   of  Revolution 2  555 

Imprisoned  in   the   Tower  of 

London 2  628 

Patriotic    spirit  of 1  366 

Spurns  the  overtures    of   the 

Conway  Cabal 2  488 

Laurens,    John,  obtains   supplies 

from  France 2  545 

Slain  in  a  skirmish 2  555 

Law,  American  obedience  to  ...  .   9  222 
And  arbitrary  power,  Edmimd 

Burke  on 4  280 

And  order,   support  of 4  223 

Applied  in  Federal  courts,  pre- 
vails against  any  State  law.  4  93 
Jeremy  Bentham  on  nature  of  4  280. 
Mob,  C.  A.  Dana,  on 4  282 


GENERAL  INDEX 


443 


VOL.  PAGE 

Law,  obedience  to,  vital   to  free 

government 4      281 

Should  a  citizen  obey  an  un- 
righteous     4         ix 

Supremacy   of,  in  the   United" 

States 4      281 

Lawrence,  Kansas,  massacre  at .  .    3      997 
Lawrence,    James,    Captain,  cap- 
tures the  Peacock 2      645 

Laws,  enactment  of,  for  freedmen  3    1036 
Future    condition     of     freed- 
men, how  affected  by 3    1041 

Humane,     enacted     by     New 

England  Puritans 1       230 

Lawton,  General,  in  Cuba 3    1188 

Le  Caron,  Father,  explores  Canada  1      240 
Lecompton   convention    a  s  s  e  m  - 

bles 3      851 

Ledyard,  William,  Colonel,  slain.   2      547 
Lee,  Arthur,  returns  to  America .   2      496 
Sent   to    France    as   commis- 
sioner      2      456 

Lee,  Charles,  General,  at  Charles- 
ton     2      405 

Captured  at  Baskenridge  ....   2      435 
Commands     the    advance    at 

Monmouth 2      494 

Commands  the  left    at    Pros- 
pect Hill 2      379 

Death  of 2      496 

Puts  New  York  in  a  state  of 

defense 2      395 

Self-conceit  of 2      430 

Sketch  of 2      377 

Stationed  at  North  Castle  ...   2      426 
Takes  command   of  southern 

army 2      397 

Treason  of 2      492 

Wounded  at  Ticonderoga.  ...  1      302 
Lee,     Fitzhugh,     Consul-General, 
his  recall  from  Havana  re- 
quested     2     1182 

Services  of ,  at  Havana 2    1181 

Lee,  Henry,  General,  aids  in  de- 
feating a  Tory  force 2      537 

Captures     British      posts      in 

South  Carolina 2      539 

Captures  garrison   at    Paulus 

Hook 2      506 

Delivers  oration  on  Washing- 
ton before  Congress 2      596 

Maimed  in  defending  the  lib- 
erty of  the  press 2      630 

Nicknamed   "Light -Horse 

Harry" '. 2      490 


TOL.  PAOa 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  introduces 
into  Congress  a  resolution 
declaring  the  colonies  to  be 

free 2      411 

Prophesies  independence ....    1      329 
Represents  Virginia  in  Congress  1      351 
Signs     non-importation     reso- 
lutions     1      343 

Writes  the  memorial  of  Con- 
gress to  the  people   of   the 

colonies 1      353 

liee,  Robert  E.,  General,  aban- 
dons    position     at     North 

Anna  River 3    1010 

Appointed  in   place    of   J.  E. 

Johnston 3      946 

Attacks  Federals   at   Malvern 

Hill 3      951 

Begins  advance  into  Pennsyl- 
vania    3      977 

Concentrates  forces  at  Gettys- 
burg     3      980 

Death  of 3    1048 

Defeated  at  Cheat  Mountain  .   3      901 

Foresees  a  long  war 3      897 

Invades  Maryland 3      957 

Plans  of,  at  Gettysburg,  frus- 
trated    3      983 

Repels  the  Federals  at  Freder- 
icksburg    3      962 

Repulses  Sedgwick   at   Chan- 

cellorsville 3      974 

Retreats,  after  Antietam  ....    3      960 
Sends  Jackson  to  crush  Pope  .    3      954 

Surrenders 3    1021 

Takes  command  of  the  army 

before  Richmond 3      948 

Legislation,  congressional 4        64 

Direct 4      130 

Position  of   the  President    in 

regard  to 4        22 

President's  part    in    the  last 

stage  of 4        23 

Legislative  functions  in  the  Uni- 
ted States 4        10 

Legislature,     always       of       two 

branches 4       135 

And    the    executive,    division 

of  duties  between 4        82 

Legislatures,    chosen    throughout 

by  popular  vote 4      136 

Of  United  States  Territories  . .   4      160 

State 4      134 

Leisler,    Jacob,     becomes    acting 

governor  of  New  York  ....   1      2  IS 


444         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Leisure  class,  Roosevelt  on  the  .  4  246 
Leitch,    Major,    commands    Vir- 
ginia troops 2  414 

KiUed  in  battle 2  425 

Levant  and  Cyane  captured 2  68 

Lewis  and  Clark's  explorations .  .  2  754 

Lexington  and  Concord ,  battles  of  •  1  358 

Leyte,  Filipino  treachery  in  ... .  3  1220 

Liberal  Republicans,  record  of  . .  4  403 
Liberty,    absolute,     defined     by 

Lieber *  283 

American  love  of 4  222 

J.  Stuart  Mill  on 4  282 

Of  the  individual,  extent  of  . .  4  222 
Religious,  and  American  con- 
stitutions   4  284 

Liberty  League,  a  branch  of  the 

Liberty  party  of  1840  ....  4  400 

Liberty  party,  history  of  the  .  .  .  4  398 
Liberty  Tree,  Boston,  a  rallying 

place 1  350 

Decorated  with  eflSgies 1  334 

Receivers  of  tea  resign  at ...  .  1  346 

Libraries,  increase  in  number  of  .  3  1154 
License  and   freedom,    difference 

between. 4  283 

Lieber,  Francis,  on  absolute  .lib- 
erty    4  283 

Lieutenant-Governor  of  a  State .  .  4  143 
Life  sentence  abolished  by  judges 

in  most  States 4  149 

Lincoln,    Abraham,    anxious    to 

have  the  war  ended 3  1027 

Appoints     Stanton    Secretary 

of  War 3  912 

Calls  for  troops 3  885 

Charles  Sumner's  reference  to .  4  209 

Death  of 3  1026 

Election  of,  as  President ....  4  178 
Emancipation      Proclamation 

of,  preliminary 3  965 

Exasperates  Democratic  par- 
ty   3  976 

Foreign  policy  of 3  891 

Gettysburg  Address  of 4  356 

•     Gives  Grant    his   commission 

as  Lieutenant-General  ....  3  999 
His  election,  the  South  pleased 

yy       • 3  870 

Hia  election  sectional 3  g68 

His  farewell  to  Scott 3  904 

Hifl  final  decree  of  Emancipa- 

„*'°°  - 3  970 

Horace  Porter  on 4  292 

iDMigunl  of,  firtt ....  B  880 


VOL.  PAGB 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  interview  of, 

with  Grant  and  Sherman .  .   3  1027 
Leaves  Springfield  for  Wash- 
ington     3  878 

Legislation  during  term  of .  .  .    4  386 
Makes  McClellan   defender   of 

Washington 3  957 

Plan  of  Potomac  campaign  by.  3  932 

Platform  stood  on  by,  in  1860  4  386 

Popular  vote  for,  in  1864  ....   4  380 
Proclamation   of,  at    time    of, 

Lee's  invasion 3  977 

Quotations   from    second    in- 
augural of 3  1020. 

Recruits  the  army  by  a  draft .   3  989 

Removes  McClellan 3  961 

Response  to  calls  of,  for  men 

and  money 3  906 

Retains  McDowell  at  Washing- 
ton    3  939 

Retaliatory  proclamation  of  .   3  991 
Second  Inaugural  Address,  by.  4  357 
Shot  in  Ford's  Theater,  Wash- 
ington    4  380 

Unionists   encouraged   by  in- 
augural of 3  882 

Urges  McClellan  to  act 3  940 

Visits  Army  of  the  Potomac .  .   3  960 

Vote  for,  in  1860 4  386 

William  McKinley's  reference 

to 4  207 

Lincoln,  Benjamin,  General,  aids 

in  the  siege  of  Savannah  .  .   2  506 
Appointed  commander  of  the 

Southern  Department 2  500 

At  Charleston 2  549 

Attacked  at  Bound  Brook ...   2  449 
Becomes     Secretary     of     the 
Massachusetts       Provincial 

Congress 1  357 

Capitulates  to  Clinton 2  513 

Commands  the  militia  during 

Shays's  Rebellion 2  662 

Commissioned   Major-General.  2  447 
Exchanged  for   General   Phil- 
lips    2  533 

Fortifies  Charleston 2  511 

His    men  capture   posts,   ba- 
teaux, and  prisoners 2  479 

In  the  south 2  503 

Refuses  to    enforce    the    em- 
bargo law 2  613 

Reinforces  Schuyler 2  464 

Sent  to  Yorktown 2  545 

Withdraws   from   New  York.  2  426 


GENERAL  INDEX 


445 


VOL.  PAGE 

L'Insurgente,  frigate,  captured  . .  2      596 
Liscum,    Emerson     H.,     Colonel, 

killed  at  Tien-Tsin 3    1225 

Little  Belt,  affair  of 3      619 

Livingston,  Robert  R.,  adminis- 
ters the  oath  at  Washing- 
ton's inauguration 2      573 

Aids  in  preparing  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence 2      411 

Assists  Robert  Fulton 2      687 

Conducts   negotiations   result- 
ing   in    the     purchase     of 

Louisiana 2      600 

Enters  the  second  Continental 

Congress 1      367 

Livingston,  William,  a  member 
of  the  Old  Continental  Con- 
gress    1      351 

Defends  the  people    as  "  the 

Lord's  anointed." 1       334 

Lloyd,  Senator,  on  the  necessity 

for  a  navy 2      626 

Lobbying  and  bribery 4      215 

Locke,  John,  philosopher,  aids  in 
framing    a    government  for 

the  Carolinas 1      176 

Loco-foco  party,  origin  of 4      398 

Logan,  Indian  orator,  speeches  of, 

famous 1        25 

Logan,  John    A.,  nominated    for 

Vice-President  in  1884  ....   3    1110 
London  Times,  on  the  capture  of 
British  vessels  in  the  War  of 

1812 2      641 

Longfellow,  H.  W.,  honorable  po- 
sition of,  in  literature 3    1155 

Long  Island,  battle  of 2      417 

Longstreet,  James,  General,  aids 
in  fortifying  Fredericksburg 

Heights 3      961 

Attacks     Sickles    at     Gettys- 
burg    3      981 

Awaits  the  turning  movement 

of  Jackson 3      946 

Crosses  the  Potomac 3      978 

Disastrous  mistake  of,  at  Mis- 
sionary Ridge 3      994 

Guards  one  approach  to  Rich- 
mond     3      973 

Joins     Hill    after     battle    of 

Beaver  Creek 3      948 

Joins    Jackson    at    Manassas 

Junction 3      955 

Joins    Lee    in     the     advance 

north 3      977 


TOL.  PAOB 

Longstreet,  James,  General,  posi- 
tion of,  at  Antietam 3      958 

Sent  to  drive    Bumside   from 

Knoxville 3      995 

Wounded  in  the  Wilderness ...    3    1008 
Lopez,     General,      endeavors     to 

create  a  revolution  in  Cuba.  3  840 
Lords,  House  of,  and  the  king  . .  4  266 
Loss  on  Union  side  in   the  Civil 

War 3    1028 

Loudon,  Lord,  appointed  a  mili- 
tary chief 1      296 

Invades  the  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple     1      297 

Louisburg,    recaptured    by    Am- 
herst     1      301 

Regained  by  the  French  ....   1      266 

Taken  by  Pepperell 1      264 

Louisiana,  naming  of 1      249 

Pledge   given    to    inhabitants 

of,  at  time  of  purchase  ....   2      693 
Political  troubles  in,  in  1875  .   3    1060 

Purchased 2      600 

Louisiana  Lottery 3    1161 

Louisville,  Ky.,  founded 2      508 

Lovelace,     Governor,     overtaxes 

New  York 1      162 

Lowell,  Francis  C,  improves  the 
method    of    manufacturing 

cotton 2      713 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  on  Demo- 
cracy    4      228 

Lukban,    leader   of    Filipinos    in 

Samar 3    1219 

Lundy,    Benjamin,    the    pioneer 

abolitionist 3      863 

Lundy's  Lane,  battle  of 2      663 

Lutherans,  emigration  of,  in  num- 
bers, to  Pennsylvania 1       170 

Influence  of,  as  colonists 1      233 

Orphan  asylum  at  Ebenezer, 

Georgia,  maintained  by  .  . .    1       196 

Settle  in  Georgia 1       193 

Lutheran    Church,   in    America, 
Muhlenberg  its  chief  found- 

er 1      174 

Luzon,     island     of,     conspiracy 

in 3    1217 

Lyman,   Phineas,   General,   Fort 
Edward    originally    named 

after 1      292 

Victor  in  the  battle  at  Lake 

George 1      294 

Lyon,  Mary,  founds  Mt.  Holyoke 

Seminary 2      789 


446  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAO> 

Lyon,    Nathaniel,    General,    de- 
feats Jackson  and  Sterling 

Price 3      898 

Saves  the  war  material  at  St. 

Louis 3      889 

Killed  at  Wilson's  Creek 3      900 

Lyttleton,  Governor,  makes  war 

on  the  Cherokees 1      311 

M 

Macabebe  scouts,  native,  auxil- 
iaries in  the  Philippines.  ...   3  1216 
Macaulay,  Thomas  B.,  on  peril 

of  union  of  church  and  state  4  285 

Macedonian  captured 2  640 

Machiavelli,  John  Hay  on 4  255 

Machine  politics,  George  W.  Cur- 
tis on 4  276 

Machinery,  effects  of,  constructed 

by  Lowell 2  714 

Improvements  in 3  1150 

In  general 3  1075 

Reaping 3  866 

Spinning 2  577 

McClellan,  George  B.,  General,  a 

Presidential  candidate 3  1020 

Begins    the    Potomac    cam- 
paign    3  937 

Campaign  of,  in  West  Virginia  3  894 

Death  of 3  1119 

Electoral  vote  of,  in  1864 4  380 

Fortifies  Washington 3  903 

Permits    the    evacuation    of 

Manassas  and  Centreville  .  .   3  923 
Plan  of,  for  the  Potomac  cam- 
paign, disapproved  by  Lin- 

ooh» 3  932 

Preparations  of,  to  take  Rich- 
mond    3  939 

Removed 3  qqi 

J^igns 3  1013 

Sent  into  West  Virginia 3  888 

Succeeded  by  Rosecrans 3  895 

Succeeds  General  Scott 3  904 

Unwilling  to  develop  his  plans  3  931 
McClemand,   John   A.,   General, 

advances  on  Fort  Henry.  .  .   3  913 

Captures  Fort  Hindman 3  969 

I>rive8    the    enemy    towards 

Port  Gibson 3  •  ggg 

Holds  the  enemy  at  bay  at 

J!'^''\ 3      924 

Orders  a  battery  at  Fort  Don- 
elson  captured 3      915 


VOL.  PAGB 

McCook,  Colonel,  captures  Con- 
federate defenses    3      910 

Commands  a  division  at    Shi- 

loh 3       925 

Commands  the  Federal  right 

at  Murfreesboro 3       967 

McCrea,  Jenny,  killed  by  In- 
dians      2      473 

McCulloch,  Ben,  General,  acts  as 

a  spy 2      773 

Commands    Southern    troops 

in  the  Civil  War 3      898 

Killed  at  Pea  Ridge 3      920 

Macdonough,  Thomas,  Commo- 
dore, wins  the     battle     of 

Lake  Champlain 2      666 

McDougall,  Alexander,  General, 
burns     military    stores    at 

Peekskill 2      449 

Commands    at     Chatterton's 

Hill 2      426 

McDowell,  Irwin,  General,  com- 
mands the  Army  of  the  Po- 
tomac      3       891 

Moves  on  Richmond 3      895 

Posted  at  Fredericksburg ....    3      945 
Retained  to  defend  the  capitol  3       938 

Under  Pope 3      953 

McDuffie,   George,   Congressman, 

an  advocate  of  slave  labor.  .2       719 
On  the  results  of  the  tariff ....    2       723 
McElroy,  W.  H.,  Humorous  Ad- 
vice to  a  Young  Politician, 

by 4      360 

McHenry,    Fort,   bombarded   by 

the  British 2      671 

Mcintosh,  General,  killed  at  Pea 

Ridge 3      920 

McKinley,    William,   appeals   for 

aid  for  Cuban  sufferers 3     1180 

Becomes  a  Presidential  nom- 
inee on  the  first  ballot 3    1173 

Buffalo  speech  of 3    1205 

Calls  for  volunteers 3     1184 

Death  of 3     1201 

Declines  to  recall  Consul-Gen- 

eral  Lee 3    1182 

Elected  President 3    1176 

First  term  of,  summarized  ...    3     1201 
Inaugural  address  of,  second. .    3     1203 
Issues  a  thanksgiving  procla- 
mation  after  the   victories 

in  Cuba 3    1190 

John  Hay  on 3       253 

Memphis  speech  of 3    1204 


GENERAL   INDEX 


447 


VOL. 

McKinley,  William,  message    of, 
concerning  the  situation  in 

Cuba 3 

Nominated    for   President  in 

1896 4 

On  political  activity 4 

On  President  Garfield 4 

On  President  Lincoln 4 

On  the  Glory  of  Patriotism  ...    4 
Pacific     railway    bonds    sold 

during  administration  of .  .  .    3 
Presents  in  Congress  the  bill 

named  after  him 3 

Proclaims  an  armistice 3 

Renominated 3 

Second  term  of,  summarized .  .   3 

Signs  the  Dingley  bill 3 

Sketch  of 3 

Vote  for,  in  1896  and  1900. ...   4 
McKinley  bill,  signed   by  Presi- 
dent Harrison 4 

McLean,  John,  Congressman 2 

McLeod  incident 2 

McPherson,  James  B.,  General.. .  .    3 

Killed  in  battle 3 

Madison,   James,  appoints  peace 

commissioners 2 

As  President 4 

Deems  internal  improvements 
by  Federal  government  un- 
constitutional     4 

First  Presidential  message  of. .   2 

Forced  to  declare  war 4 

His  second  cabinet 2 

Indecision  of,  in  a  crisis 2 

One  of  the  authors  of  the  Fed- 
eralist     2 

Opposed  to  the  embargo 2 

Peace  proclamation  of 2 

Plan  of,  for  encouraging  do- 
mestic manufactures 2 

Policy  of,  as  President 4 

Proposes  repeal  of  the  em- 
bargo    2 

Protection  policy  of 2 

Regards  protection  as  expe- 
dient    2 

Secretary  of  State 2 

Virtually  pledged  to  continue 

Jefferson's  policy 2 

Visits  the  camp  at  Bladens- 

burg 2 

War  message  of 2 

Magsw,  Colonel 2 

Occupies  Fort  Washington.  . .   2 


1204 

391 
299 
207 

207 
207 

1197 

1160 
1195 
1198 
1203 
1179 
1177 
392 

391 
657 
739 
986 
1003 


174 


376 

623 
375 
642 

668 

566 
614 
683 

673 
374 

673 


716 
610 

615 

669 
627 
414 
428 


TOU  PAGE 

Magazine,  first  American 1  174 

Magellan,  navigator 1  43 

Magruder,  John  B.,  General 3  893 

At  Yorktown 3  939 

Commands  the  center  before 

Richmond 3  946 

Repelled  at  Malvern  Hill 3  952 

Report  of 3  949 

Maine,  attempted  settlement  in..   1  90 

Admitted  to  the  Union 2  693 

Ravaged  by  Indians 1  256 

Maine,  warship,  blown  up 3  1181 

Replaced  in  1901 3  1245 

Majority  in  Congress,  power  of  . .   4  98 

Malvern  Hill,  battle  of 3  950 

Mammoth,  age  of  the,  in  America  1  20 
Manifesto  of  the  British  govern- 
ment     2  658 

Manila,  battle  of 3  1194 

Harbor  of,  battle  in 3  1185 

Manly,  Captain 2  389 

Captures  a  British  brigantine..  3  293 

Mansfield,  General 3  959 

Manufactures,    forced    abandon- 
ment of,  by  colonists 1  182 

Increase   in,    after   the   Civil 

War 3  1058 

Laws  against,  failure  of 1  201 

Opposition  to  restrictions  on. .    1  326 

Protection  to,  lessened 2  827 

Slow  growth  of  domestic 2  577 

Steps  taken  to  protect 2  702 

Stimulated  by  tariff  on  imports  3  971 

March,  the  fourth  of 3  1133 

Marconi,  William,  wireless  teleg- 
raphy developed  by 3  1246 

Marcy,  William  L.,  Secretary  of 

War 2  796 

Censures  Commissioner  Trist  .2  811 
Orders  from,  resisted  by  Gen- 
eral Scott 2  810 

Secretary  of  State 3  844 

Marion,  Francis,  General 2  516 

Aids  in  taking  British  posts.  . .    2  539 

Repulsed  by  Tarleton 2  526 

Maritime    jurisdiction     in    the 

United  States 4  91 

Marquette,    Father,    Jesuit    mis- 
sionary      1  247 

Marshall,  Humphrey,  Colonel 2  776 

Withdraws  to  Buena  Vista. . .   2  781 

MarshaU,  John 2  592 

Death  of 2  728 

Declares  void  an  act  of  Georgia  2  707 

Returns  £rom  France 2  594 


44S 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Martha's  Vineyard  raided 2  498 

Martin,  Josiah,  Governor 2  397 

Maryland ••    1  134 

Boundary    dispute    of,    with 

Pennsylvania 1  316 

Few  common  schools  in 1  321 

Made  a  royal  province 1  145 

Sends  aid  to  Boston  in  1774. . .   1  349 
Troubles,  political  and  relig- 
ious, in 1  145 

Mason,  Charles,  surveyor 1  316 

Mason,  George 1  342 

Refuses  to  sign  the  Constitu- 
tion    2  708 

Mason,  John,  Captain 1  118 

Mason,    John     M.,    Confederate 

envoy 3  907 

Mason  and  Dixon's  line 1  316 

Massachusetts,  action  of  legislat- 
ure of,  in  1814 2  672 

Becomes  one  of  the  United 

States  colonies 1  122 

Farm  lands  in,  wear  of 4  230 

Intolerance  of,  makes    many 

enemies 1  202 

Loss  of  charter  feared  by  ...  .   1  202 

Opposes  the  War  of  181 2 2  659 

Planting  of  colonies  in 1  106 

Prevents    the    enlistment    of 

minors  and  apprentices 2  676 

Takes  a  leading  part  in  the 
expedition  against  Louis- 
burg 1  264 

M^Masoit 1  102 

His  grandson  sold  into  slavery  1  210 
Reveals   a  plot   against   the 

whites 1  103 

Matamoras  occupied 2  762 

Material  progress 3  861 

In  agriculture  and  commerce.   3  1075 

Mather,  Cotton 1  214 

And  Salem  witchcraft 1  223 

Mather,  Increase 1  222 

Agent  for  Massachusetts 1  225 

Orders  the  burning  of  a  book 

exposing  witchcraft 1  227 

Mathews,  General 2  504 

Maury,  the  Rev.  Mr '  ]   1  329 

May,  Colonel 2  760 

AtBuenaVisU 2  779 

^'^;f»y-V ••-*  195 

Mayflower,  the  . , ^  gg 

Mayhew. Thomas "   1  125 

Mayor,  duties  of.  in  the  United 

«*'*« 4  163 


VOL.  PAGE 

Mayor,  how  chosen,  in  the  United 

States 4  163 

Meade,  CJeorge  Gordon,  General, 
anxious  to  renew  the  battle 

of  Fredericksburg 3  975 

At  Antietam 3  959 

Captures  a  Confederate  picket 

line 3  1022 

Chosen  as  one  of  Grant's  sub- 
ordinates     3  1006 

Consulted  by  Grant 3  999 

Death  of 3  1062 

Mistake  of,  at  Gettysburg.  ...    3  981 
Prevents  a  Fenian  invasion  of 

Canada 3  1032 

Succeeds  Hooker 3  978 

Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence      1  367 

Medicine    man,    importance    of, 

among  the  Indians 1  33 

Mediocrity,     Roosevelt's     defin- 
ition of 4  245 

Meetings,  town 1  231 

County 1  245 

See  Land-holding. 

Megapolensis,  Dominie 1  156 

His  kindness  to  Father  Jogues  1  244 

Meigs,  Fort,  sieges  of 2  644 

Meigs,  Return  Jonathan,  Colonel, 

military  feat  of 2  451 

Meigs,     Return    Jonathan,      son 
of  the  preceding.  Governor 

of  Ohio 2  644 

A  post  named  in  honor  of .  .  . .    2  644 

Melendez,  Pedro 1  64 

Members  of  Congress,  choice  of  .  .   4  72 

Number  of 4  75 

Terms  of 4  74 

Memphis  taken 3  930 

Mercenaries  in  the  Union  army  .  .    3  907 

Mercer,  Fort,  defended 2  470 

Mercer,  Hugh,  General 2  415 

With  Washington  at  Trenton,    2  437 

Wounded  at  Princeton 2  443 

Merchant   marine,   inferiority   of 

United  States 3  1242 

Merrimac,  the 3  932 

Blown  up  by  order 3  942 

Combat  of,  with  the  Cumber- 
land     3  933 

Duel  of,  with  the  Monitor 3  935 

Merritt,  Wesley,  General 3  1194 

Mesilla  Valley  purchased 3  844 

Methodist  Episcopal  Church 1  196 

Division  of S  862 


GENERAL  INDEX 


449 


VOL. 

Methodist  Episcopal  Church.rapid 

growth  of,  after  the  Revolution  2 

Mexico,  city  of,  taken 2 

Dissensions  in 2 

Peace  with,  concluded 2 

War  with,  begins 2 

NKantonomoh 1 

Michigan 2 

A  State 2 

Middle  States,  list  of 4 

Mifflin,  Thomas 1 

Aids     Arnold     in     fortifying 

Philadelphia 2 

Commands     four     regiments 

at  New  York 2 

Governor 2 

Joins  the  forces  on  Long  Is- 
land   2 

Major-General 2 

One  of  the  Conway  Cabal 2 

President  of  Congress 2 

Quartermaster 2 

Superseded  by  Greene 2 

Milbourne,  secretary  to  Leisler  .  .  1 

Miles,  Nelson  A.,  General 3 

Captures  Ponce 3 

Mill,  John  Stuart,  on  human  liberty  4 

Miller,  James,  Colonel 2 

Miller,  Samuel  F.,  on  American 

love  of  law  and  order.  . 
Miller,  W.  H.  H.,  on  menaces  to 

American  institutions 4 

Mills,  Roger  Q 3 

Mill  Spring,  battle  of 3 

Milroy,  General 3 

Ministers,   public,    and    Federal 

authorities 4 

Minnesota,  organized  as  a  Terri- 
tory    2 

State  of 2 

Minon,  General 2 

Promises  to  capture  or  defeat 

the  American  forces 2 

Minuit,  Peter 1 

Plants   a   Swedish  colony   in 

Delaware 1 

Minute-men 1 

At  Concord 1 

In  the  Lexington  fight 1 

Massachusetts  cajls  out  12,000  1 

Missionary  Ridge,  battle  of 3 

Missionary  societies  formed 2 

Missions,  Jewiit 1 

Broken  up  by  the  Five  Na- 
tions   1 


PAGE 

568 
821 
812 
823 
757 
117 
630 
730 
112 
365 

462 

414 
586 

420 
447 
488 
561 
448 
491 
217 
957 
1191 
282 
663 

4   281 

298 

1122 

910 

977 

91 

828 
854 

772 

777 
149 

157 
355 
360 
359 
357 
996 
636 
67 

246 


VOL, 

Missions     established    on     Lake 

Huron 1 

Spanish 1 

Their  number  in  Canada 1 

Mississippi,  explorers  in 1 

First  colony  in 1 

Repudiates  debt 2 

Mississippi  river 1 

Explored  by  Marquette 1 

Missouri 1 

Missouri  Compromise 2 

Defined 4 

Ends  a  fierce  political  struggle  4 

Terms  of 4 

Mitchel,  Ormsby  M.,  General  ...  3 
Mobile,  the  center  of  French  in- 
fluence    1 

Taken  by  Farragut 3 

Mob  law  is  a  crime 4 

Modocs 3 

Mohawks,  or  Huron-Iroquois.  ...  1 
Aided  by  Governor  Kieft  in  a 

massacre    1 

Allies  of  Sir  William  Johnson .  2 

Description  of 1 

Join  Burgoyne 2 

Montreal  captured  by 1 

Mohegans 1 

Refuse  to  pay  tribute  to  Gov- 
ernor Kieft   1 

Molino  del   Rey,  battle  of 3 

Money,    bills    appropriating,    in 

State  legislatures 4 

Mongolians,    resemblance    of,    to 

aboriginal  Americans 1 

Monitor,  the 3 

Monmouth,  battle  of 2 

Monongahela  river,  battle  on  .  .  .  1 

First  settlers  on 2 

Montcalm,  General,  activity  of. .  1 

At  the  battle  of  Lake  George. .  1 

Defends  Quebec 1 

Mortally  wounded 1 

Monterey  taken 2 

Montgomery,    Richard,    General, 

aids  Schuyler 2 

His  advance  on  Quebec 2 

His  heroic  death 2 

Monroe,  James - .  2 

Commissioner  to  England  ...  2 

Declines  a  third  term 4 

On  the  South  American  re- 
publics   2 

Policy  of,  as  President 4 

President * 


PAGE 

242 
183 
245 

57 
259 
734 

57 
247 

57 
695 
176 
375 
375 
926 

260 

1014 
282 

1062 
151 

153 

378 
243 
458 
253 
116 

152 
818 

138 

19 
933 

494 
281 
585 
297 
302 
306 
309 
764 

383 
385 
386 
438 
609 
376 


375 


450         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Monroe,    James,     recalled    from 

tVance 2  591 

Second  term  of 2  698 

Secnstary  of  State 2  651 

Monroe  doctrine,  announcement 

of,  to  Congress,  in  1823 ....    4  376 
Message    of    President   Mon- 
roe,  containing    his   state- 
ment of 4  352 

Realauthorof 2  696 

Roosevelt  on 3  1244 

Statement  of,  by  Edward  Ev- 
erett    3  842 

Montana,  a  State 3  1128 

Moore,  James 1  183 

Morales,  General 2  805 

Morality,  in  high  officials 3  1091 

Laws  enjoining,  in  New  Eng- 
land     1  319 

Laws  enjoining,  in  Pennsyl- 
vania     1  169 

Laws  enjoining,  in  Virginia.  . .   1  88 

Moravians 1  195 

Christianize  the  Delawares ...   2  553 

Emigrants  from  Georgia 1  198 

Opposed  to  war 2  410 

Morgan,  Daniel,  Colonel 1  236 

At  Behmus's  Heights 2  478 

Joins  Arnold's  army 2  384 

Joins  Schuyler  at  Saratoga.  .  .    2  464 
Restored  to  the  army  by  ex- 
change    2  426 

Riflemen  under 2  380 

Sketch  of 2  380 

Surrenders  at  Quebec 2  386 

Wins  battle  of  the  Cowpens  . .   2  534 

With  Gates  in  the  south 2  527 

Morgan,    John    H.,    General,    in 

Kentucky 3  954 

Makes  a  raid  into  Ohio 3  988 

Morgan,  J.   Pierpont,    organized 
the    United    States    Steel 

Corporation 3  1239 

Morgan,     WiUiam,     and     free^ 

™Monry 2  702 

^^f^ona 3  837 

Morris,  Gouvemeur 2  584 

Morris,  Robert 2  544 

Morse,  Samuel  F.B *.   3  1032 

Morton,  Levi  P 3  jjgS 

Motley.JohnLothrop,  historian..  3  1155 

Motto  on  United  States  coins          3  1032 

Moultrie,  Fort 2  405 

Dismantled  by  Major  Ander- 

'^"•^S^O S  875 


VOL.  PAGB 

Moultrie,  Fort,  occupied  by  State 

militia,  1860 3  876 

Muhlenberg,  Colonel 2  448 

Muhlenberg,  the  Rev.  Henry  M.  .1  174 

Mulligan,  Colonel. 3  900 

Municipal    administration,    prac- 
tical work  of,  in  the  United 

States 4  163 

Municipal    government,    in    the 

United  States 4  162 

Mechanical  defects  of  Amer- 
ican     4  168 

See  also  City  government 

Murf  reesboro,  battle  of 3  967 

Musk okis,  home  and  traits  of  the.    1  29 

N 

Napoleon  T.  on  the  meaning  of 

the  French  Revolution 4  235 

Narragansetts 2  203 

Massacre  of 2  208 

Nashville,  Tenn.,  beginnings  of .  .   2  509 

Battle  at 3  1016 

Occupied  by  Federal  forces. . .   3  917 
Natchez,     Miss.,     surrenders    to 

Farragut 3  929 

Natchez  Indians 1  261 

National  Bank 2  576 

P^stablished  in  Philadelphia.  .   2  686 

National  banks 3  991 

Great  utility  of 3  1104 

Notes  of,  become  redeemable 

in  coin 3  1060 

System  of,  due  to  Secretary 

Chase 3  1062 

National    convention,  American, 

composition  of 4  181 

Proceedings  of  an  American .  .   4  182 

National  conventions 4  180 

National  debts  assumed 2  576 

National  Democratic  party 3  1175 

In  1896 4  384 

National  Democrats,  career  of . . .    4  409 

National  Flag 2  453 

National    Liberal    party,    organ- 
ization of 4  406 

National  Republican   party,  his- 
tory of 4  396 

Policy  of 4  175 

National  Republicans,  supporters 
of  John  Quincy  Adams  so 

styled  themselves 4  377 

National  Road 2  700 

Completed a  1143 


GENERAL  INDEX 


451 


VOL.  PAGE 

Native   American  party,  history 

of 4  399 

Natives  of    the   United     States, 

proportion  of,  in  new  States  4  113 

Naturalization  and  citizenship ..  .  4  115 
Nature  of  law,  Jeremy  Bentham 

on 4  280 

Navajos,   included  among  Atha- 
bascan Indians 1  26 

Naval   efforts,   by   Decatur   and 

others 2  683 

During  the  Revolution 2  389 

In  the  War  of  1812 2  637 

Navy,  United  States 2  389 

Growth  of  the 3  1244 

Increase  in  the,  in  1795 2  589 

Jefferson's  policy  concerning 

the 2  606 

Popular  interest  in,  in  1798 .  .  2  595 

State  of  the,  in  1812 2  636 

Strength  of  the 3  1245 

Navy   Department 2  390 

Included  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment   2  574 

Nebraska,  a  State 3  1045 

Nebraska  bill 3  845 

Negro  outrages  in  the  South ....  4  178 
Negro    slavery    in    the    United 

States,  evil  of 4  268 

Nelson,  Thomas,  Governor 2  548 

Nelson,  William,  General 3  924 

Neutrality  professed 3  892 

Nevada,  Territory  of 3  878 

New  Amsterdam 1  149 

Cosmopolitan 1  158 

Newark,  Canada,  burned 2  652 

New  Bedford  burned 2  498 

Newbern  taken 3  919 

New  England 1  122 

As  a  theocracy 4  225 

New  France 1  240 

New  Hampshire 1  121 

A  State 2  553 

New  Haven 1  120 

Plundered 2  504 

New  Jersey 1  158 

Sold  to  Carteret  and  Berkeley  1  162 

New  Lights 1  267 

New  London  burned 2  547 

New  Madrid  taken 3  921 

New  Mexico 2  796 

Ceded  to  the  United  States .  .  2  825 
Its  organization  as  a  Territory 
recommended  by  President 

Taylor 3  834 


VOL.  PAGE 

New  Mexico,   territorial  govern- 
ment of 4  159 

New  Netherlands 1  149 

Passes  under  the  rule  of  Eng- 
land   1  160 

New  Orleans 1  261 

Battle  of 2  679 

Captured 3  927 

Exposition  at 3  1111 

Riots  in. 3  1060 

Newport,  R.  I.,  attacked 2  497 

Blockaded 2  516 

Newport,  Captain,  expedition  of .  1  79 

Returns  from  England 1  82 

Visits  Powhatan 1  80 

Newspapers 1  238 

Increase  of 2  840 

Influence  of 1  238 

Origin  of 1  237 

Prohibition  of  Northern 1  861 

Stimulation  of  interest  in  pub- 
lic questions  by 2  1 154 

New  Sweden 1  158 

New  York  city 1  146 

Evacuation  of,  by  the  British.  2  559 

Financial  crisis  in,  in  1836 ...  2  732 

Germ  of  present 1  148 

New  York  province 1  161 

Nicaragua  Canal 3  1116 

Nicaragua  Canal,  proposed  ....  3  1234 

NichoUs,  Richard,  Governor 1  160 

Nicholson,  Francis 1  189 

Complains  of  Leisler 1  217 

Unpopularity  of 1  216 

Nipmucks 1  206 

Submit  to  the  English 1  209 

Nominating  conventions,  Ameri- 
can   4  180 

Nominations,    history    of    Presi- 
dential   4  180 

Non-coercion 3  872 

Norfolk,  burning  of 2  396 

Plundered 2  504 

North,  Lord 1  343 

Brings  in  bills  to  reconcile  the 

Americans 2  486 

His   grief  at   the  capture  of 

Cornwallis 2  555 

Introduces  the  New  England 

restraining  bUl 1  358 

Proposes  to  modify  the  tax  on 

tea 1  345 

Northwestern  States,  list  of 4  112 

Northwest  Territory 2  566 

Norwalk  burned 2  504 


452         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOIi.  PAGE 

Nullification,  avowal  of,  by  South 

Carolina 2      704 

Belief  in,  affected  by  the  tar- 
iff    2      718 

Causes  of *      707 

Hayne's  opinion  on 2      721 

Nullification,   or  Calhoun  party, 

history  of  ■*     396 

o 

Obedience  to  law,   Galusha  A. 

Grow  on *      281 

O'Brien,  Captain,  artillery  under, 

at  Buena  Vista 2      778 

Wounded 2      783 

Odell,  Benjamin  B.,  Jr.,  on  Poli- 
tics and   the   Demands  of 

Goo<l  Citizenship ■*      260 

OflBce-holdera,  Citizen,  The,  in  His 

Relation  to 4      273 

Officials,  American  municipal...   4      162 

Characteristics  of 4      163 

Power    of     removal    of,     in 

State  governments 4      145 

Oglethorpe,    James     Edward,    a 
Christian  gentleman  of  the 

Cavalier  school 1       190 

Charter   of    Georgia    granted 

through  instrumentality  of.   1       191 

Explorations  of 1       192 

Retires  from  the  colony 1      200 

Wesley,  the  brothers,  and. . .   1      195 
Ohio,  cession  of  territory  in ...  .   2      580 

Colonial  land  grant  in 1      269 

State  of,  admitted  to  Union . .    2      600 
Oiclahoma,     territorial     govern- 
ment of 4      159 

Old    Ironsides,    commanded    by 
Hull,  pursued  by  a  British 

fleet 2      638 

Pursues  a  British  frigate 2      640 

Stewart  wins  a  victory  with..   2      684 

Old  Lights 1      267 

Old  South  Church,  Boston 1      350 

Desecrated  by  the  British. . .   2      393 

One-man  power 4        26 

Opechancanough,  brother  of  Pow- 

^tw» 1      130 

Taken  prisoner 1      137 

Opinion,  public,  ijj  the  United 

States,  nature  of 4      jgg 

Orders  in  Council,  Britbh,  charac- 

^^'°f 2      611 

Clay  urges  war  because  of...  2      626 


VOIi.  PAGB 

Orders    in    Council,   conditional 

repeal  of,  promised 2  616 

Repealed 2  632 

Ordinance  of  1787 2  566 

Oregon,   battleship,   record  voy- 
age of  3  1232 

Boundary  of 2  753 

Emigration  to 2  790 

Statehood  conferred  upon. . .   2  791 

Osceola 2  728 

Otis,  Elwell  S.,  General,  in  Hawaii 

and  Philippines 3  1197 

Otis,     James,     agitates     against 

Writs  of  Assistance 1  328 

Influences   Massachusetts  As- 
sembly  1  340 

Our  Constitution  and  our  Govern- 
ment    4  285 

P 

Pacific  cable,  John  Hay  on  need 

of 4  258 

Pacific     Ocean,    John    Hay    on 

American  interests  in 4  258 

Pacific  railway,  completion  of .  .   3  1047 

Extent  of 3  1058 

Financing  of 3  1197 

Pacific  States,  list  of 4  112 

Pago  Pago,  harbor  of 3  1237 

Paine,  Thomas 2  410 

Pakenham,     Sir    Edward,    com- 
mands before  New  Orleans.  2  679 

Wounded 2  681 

Pakenham,   Sir  Richard,  British 

minister  at  Washington. .  .   2  763 
Conducts    Oregon    negotia- 
tions    2  756 

Palma,    Tomaso    Estrada,    first 

President  of  Cuba 3  1231 

Palmer,  John  M.,  nominated  for 

President  in  1896 4  384 

Palmer,  Sir  Roundel 3  1052 

Palo  Alto,  battle  of 2  758 

Panama    Canal,    advantages    of 

proposed  route  of 3  1234 

Features  of 3  1231 

President  Arthur  on 3  1096 

Pan-American  Exposition,  origin 

of 3  1204 

Parkier.  Sir  Peter,  British  officer 

during  the  Revolution 2  397 

Fort  Moultrie  threatened  by.   2  405 

Parliament,  measures  of 2  390 

Parliament  House  burned 2  650 


GENERAL  INDEX 


453 


VOL.  PAGE 

Parris,  Samuel,  clergyman  at 
Salem  during  the  witchcraft 

affairs 1       224 

Driven  from  his  home 1       228 

Particularists,  a  Whig  faction. .  .    4      367 
Parties,   a  necessity  in  political 

life 4      198 

In  state  and  nation 4       114 

Not  for  political  trickery. ...    4      206 
Partisanship,    Grover    Cleveland 

on  need  of 4      204 

Party  affiliation,  evils  of  absten- 
tion from 4      205 

Party  discords,  allayed  in  Mon- 
roe's administration 2      688 

Party  feeling,  at  the  end  of  Wash- 
ington's second  administra- 
tion     2      590 

Party  history,  first  stage  of  Ameri- 
can   ..    4       174 

Party  in    power,  in   the   United 

States 4        99 

Party  lines,  need  of  maintain- 
ing      4      219 

Party  loyalty  as  a  sentiment  ....   4      275 
Party  politics  and  public  opinion 

in  the  United  States 4      172 

Party  prejudice  in  the  army  dur- 
ing the  war  with  Mexico. ...    2      824 
Party  spirit   and  liberty,   G.  W. 

Curtis  on 4      275 

Party  strife  over  Jackson's  elec- 
tion     2      704 

Party  support 4      200 

Pascagoula  settled 1      259 

Patent  laws 3      854 

Patriotism,  a  discussion  of  Chris- 
tian    4      213 

And  Citizenship,   George    F. 

Hoar  on 4         17 

And    Politics,   Cardinal    Gib- 
bons on 4      211 

As    "the    last    refuge    of    a 

scoundrel" 4      239 

Begins  at  home 4      195 

Benjamin    Harrison    on    the 

spirit  of 4      291 

Cultivating  the  spirit  of 4       193 

Henry  Clay  on  the  noblest  ...    4      290 

Means  love  of  country 4      212 

.    Nature  and  Development  of. 

The 4      290 

Not  self-satisfaction 4      224 

Of    America,  compared    with 

that  of  Greece  and  Rome  . .  4      292 


VOL.  PAGE 

Patriotism.Theodore  Roosevelt  on  4  242 
True  and  false  standards  of .  . .  4  207 
True,  Roger  Sherman  on  De- 
mands of,  upon  the  Ameri- 
can Citizen 4  221 

William    McKinley     on     The 

Glory  of 4  207 

Patriots,  George  W.  Curtis  on  il- 
lustrious   4  291 

Patrons  of    Husbandry,  another 

name  of  the   Grangers ....  4  404 

Patroons 1  150 

Patterson,  Robert,  General 3  895 

Pawnees,   domain  and  character 

of 1  28 

Payne,  Henry  C,  appointed  Post- 
master-General   3  1212 

Peace  negotiations :  Civil  War. ...  3  1024 

Mexican  War 2  810 

Mexican  War,  concluded 2  825 

Spanish  War 3  1195 

War  of  1812 2  659 

War  of    1812,   conclusion  of, 

announced  in  New  York ...  2  682 

Peace  party,  history  of 4  395 

in  Civil  War 3  976 

Pea  Ridge,  battle  of 3  920 

Pedro,  Dom,  interment  of 4  212 

Pekin,  allies  capture 3  1227 

American  forces  at 3  1226 

Legations  in,  siege  of 3  1223 

March  on,  by  the  allies 3  1225 

Siege  of,  by  the  Boxers 3  1222 

Pemberton,  John  C,  General,  ap- 
pointed    to     succeed     Van 

Dom 3  965 

Order  of,  to  evacuate  Grand 

Gulf 3  985 

Penn,  William,  biographical  par- 
ticulars relating  to 1  165 

Death  of 1  173 

First  suggested  imion  of  the 

colonies 1  335 

Pennsylvania,  Charles  II.  makes  a 

grant  of,  to  William  Penn.  1  167 
German  settlers  in  Western. .  .  1  170 
Migration  through  Western. .  .  3  1139 
Western,   settled   by   Scotch- 
Irish 2  585 

People,  Edmund  Burke   on    pa- 
triotism of  the 4  290 

Government  by  the,  and  so- 
cial obligations 4  188 

The,  as  ultimate  power  in  the 

United  States 4  289 


454         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Ftoopto,  the,  not  always  right,  but 

safe  to  trust *  290 

People's  party,  history  of 4  407 

In  New  York  State,  in  1823  . .  4  395 

Pfcpperell.  William 1  264 

Pequofls,  war  with 1  116 

Perry,  Matthew  C,  Commodore, 

at  Vera  Cru» 2  807 

Sent  to  Japan 3  845 

Perry,  Oliver  H.,  on  Lake  Erie.  .2  646 

Personal -liberty  bills 3  871 

Petersburg  taken 3  1023 

Philadelphia,  a  city  for  all  men. . .  1  168 

Evacuation  of 2  493 

Taken 2  468 

Philip,  Captain,  of  the  Texas 3  1190 

Philip,  King,  war  of 1  203 

Philippines,  an  old  possession  of 

Spain 3  1185 

Description  of  the 3  1218 

Insurrection  in  the 8  1193 

Roosevelt  on  the 3  1243 

War  in  the,  at  Roosevelt's  ac- 
cession    3  1215 

War  in  the,  officially  declared 

at  an  end. 3  1221 

Phillips,  General,  famed  as  an  ar- 
tillery officer 2  458 

Ravages  Mount  Vernon 2  633 

Phipps,  Sir  William,  character  of .  1  225 

Incompetence  of 1  255 

Pickens,  Andrew,  Colonel 2  503 

Pickens,  Francis  W.,  Governor ...  3  876 
Pickering,    Timothy,    Adjutant- 
General  2  448 

Pickett,  George  E., General,  charge 

of,  at  Gettysburg 3  982 

Pierce,    Franklin,    a    brigadier- 
general 2  gl4 

Becomes  President 3  §44 

Election  of,  a  Democratic  vic- 

*ofy 4  379 

Nebraska  bill  gave  fame  to  ad- 
ministration of 3  845 

Removal  of  Governor  Reeder 

_,      ^y 3  848 

ngott,  General,  assists  General 

Howe 2  373 

At  Bunker  Hill 2  375 

In  command  at  Newport. 2  496 

Pike,  Zebulon  M.,  General 2  650 

Pilgrim  Fathers '  j  gg 

Pilgrims  in  Holland i  qa 

Pillow.  Gideon    J..     General,    a 

friend  of  President  Polk. ...  2  814 


VOL.  PAGE 

Pillow,    Gideon   J.,    General,   at 

Churubusco 2  816 

Chargee  of,  against  command- 
ing general  in  Mexico 2  824 

Movement  of,  at  Fort   Dnn- 

elson 3  916 

Pinckney,    Charles    C,    and    the 

French  Mission 2  591 

"Millions  for  defense,  not  one 

cent  for  tribute, "  saying  of .  2  594 

Nominated  for  President  ....    2  598 
Pinkney,  William,  joint  commis- 
sioner    to     England    with 

Monroe 2  609 

Pines,  Isle  of,  title  to 3  1230 

Pitcaim,  John,  Major 1  359 

Death  of 2  377 

Pitt,  William,  attitude  of,  towards 

America 1  300 

City  of  Pittsburg  named  for  .  .    1  304 

Comprehensive  mind  of 1  305 

His  disapproval  of  the  Stamp 

Act 1  336 

Lauds  American  colonists ....   1  354 

Prime  Minister 1  33^ 

Pittsburg  and  the  Indians 1  314 

Pittsburg  Landing,  battle  of 3  923 

Pizarro,  conqueror  of  Peru 1  46 

Platforms  of  parties,  Democratic 

and  Republican  (1860) 3  855 

(1864) 3  1019 

(1876) 3  1069 

(1880) 3  1075 

(1884) 3  1108 

(1888) 3  1128 

(1892)      3  1164 

(1896) 3  1174 

(1900) 3  1199 

Piatt  amendment  and  the  Cuban 

constitution 3  1229 

Pleasanton,  Alfred,  General 3  1015 

Pleasants,  Henry,  Colonel 3  1013 

Plymouth,  Council  of 1  107 

Grant  of  land  by 1  121 

Pocahontas,  compassion  of .....  .    1  81 

Good  genius  of  the  English.  .  .    1  84 

Marriage  of 1  86 

PoUtical     Dishonesty,      Henry 

Ward  Beecher  on 4  273 

Political  drone,  young  man  as  a . .  4  204 
Political   parties,    and   their  his- 
tory, in  the  United  States.  .4  172 
Politician,  Humorous  Advice   to 

a  Young,  by  W.  H.  McElroy  4  360 

The  good  and  the  bad 4  193 


GENERAL  INDEX 


455 


VOL.  PAGE 

Politics,  a  definition  of 4  200 

And  the  Demands    of    Good 
Citizenship,    Benjamin    B. 

Odell,  Jr.,  on 4  260 

Grave  condition  of  American.   4  201 
Peril   of  professional,   in  the 

United  States 4  269 

Polk,     James    K.,    attitude    of, 

towards  Mexico 2  749 

Becomes  President 2  751 

During  Mexican  War. 2  762 

Great  event  of  his  administra- 
tion    2  827 

His  proposition  regarding  the 

Oregon  boundary 2  755 

Retirement  of 2  828 

Unites  the  Democratic  party  .   4  378 

Polk,  Leonidas,  General 3  908 

Columbus  garrison  under 3  923 

Death  of 3  1001 

The  Union  center  assaulted  by  3  993 

Poll  taxes 4  154 

Pollard,  journalist,  quoted 3  996 

Richmond,  after  flight  of  Jef- 
ferson Davis,  described  by  3  1024 
Pomeroy,     Seth,     appointed     to 

command  of  minute-men .  .    1  357 

At  Bunker  Hill 2  374 

Bravery  of 2  376 

Pontiac,  character  of 1  313 

End  of 1  316 

Poor,  David  A.  Wells  on  denial  of 

justice  to  the 4  281 

"Poor  whites  "  of  the  South 1  235 

Decadence  of 3  861 

Pope,  John,  General 3  921 

Capture  of  places  by,  on    the 

Mississippi 3  929 

Cedar    Mountain,    battle    of, 

fought  by 3  953 

In  second  battle  of  Bull  Run,  3  954 

Pursues  the  enemy  at  Corinth  3  931 

Population,  center  of 3  1092 

Total  North  American,  in  pre- 
historic period 1  22 

Porter,  David,  Captain 2  655 

Porter,    David   D.,   Admiral,   at 

New  Orleans 3  926 

Before  Vicksburg 3  985 

In  the  Red  River  expedition .   3  998 

In  the  Yazoo  expedition 3  969 

Porter,    Fitz-John,    General,    at 

Cold  Harbor 3  948 

At  Mechanicsville 3  947 

At  Antietam 3  958 


VOL. 

Porter,  Fits-John,  General,  court- 
martialed 3 

In  second  battle  of  Bull  Run  3 
In  battle  of  White  Oak  Swamp  3 
Porter,  Horace,  on  Abraham  Lin- 
coln    4 

Port  Hudson  taken 3 

Portland,  Me.,  burned 2 

Porto  Rico,  a  "side  issue." 3 

Contest  of,  with  Spain 3 

United  States  and 3 

Portsmouth,  Va.,  plundered 2 

Postage,  cheap 2 

Postmaster-General  of  the  United 

States • 4 

Admitted  as  a  Cabinet  oflficer  2 
Powers   and   procedure  of  State 

legislatures 4 

Powhatan,  Indian  chief 1 

Preble,  Edward,  Commodore 2 

Prejudice  in  American  life,  Roose- 
velt on 4 

Prejudices,  colonial,  reproved  by 

Washington 3 

Provincial,  during  the  Revo- 
lution   2 

State,  no  longer  prevailing.  .  3 
Prerogative  of  the  English  king. .  4 
Presbyterians,     church     govern- 
ment among  the 2 

In  New  Jersey 1 

In  Pennsylvania 2 

In  the  Carolinas 1 

Oppose  episcopacy 2 

Religious  instruction  and ....  1 

Scotch-Irish 1 

Prescott,  Richard,  General,   cap- 
ture of 2 

Prescott,  William,  Colonel 2 

At  Bunker  Hill 2 

Prescott,  William  H.,  historian.  .  3 

President,  frigate,  captured..  ..  2 
President,    the,   of    the    United 

States,  and  the  British  King  4 

Authority  of 4 

Bryce  on  election  of 4 

Election  of 3 

Message  of 4 

Nomination  of  candidates  for.  4 

Power  of 4 

Powers  and  duties  of 4 

Relations  of  Congress  to  ...  .  4 
Requirements  of  Constitution 

for  choice  of 4 

Responsibility  of 4 


1081 
955 
950 

292 

987 

389 

1191 

1196 

1198 

504 

750 

30 
705 

139 

80 

601 

247 

415 

392 

1066 

266 

568 
163 
585 
175 
409 
237 
318 

460 

372 

425 

1155 

684 

95 
21 
14 
1126 
22 
180 
26 
20 
78 

17 
31 


456         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

President,  the,  retains  rights  of 

ordinary  citizen 4 

Strength  of  position  of •* 

The  people's  servant •* 

Tracy  on  office  of ■* 

Presidential  election  of  1876,  is- 
sues in ■* 

Presidential  electors,  number  of.   4 

Presidential  succession 3 

Press.    Cardinal    Gibbons    on    a 

vigilant  and  fearless 4 

Censored 1 

De  Tocqueville  on  the  inde- 
pendence of  the 4 

Establishment  of  the,  in  New 

England 

Freedom  of  the 

Growth  of  the 

In  Virginia,  forbidden 

Pamphlets  issued  from  the . .  . 
Preston,  Captain,  and  the  Boston 

massacre 

Previous   question    in  House  of 

Representatives 

Prevost,  Augustine,  General,  com- 
mands in  Florida 2 

Goes  to  Charleston 2 

Prevost.  Sir  George,  commands  in 

Canada 2 

Devastation  under 2 

Marches  from  Canada  to  in- 
vade New  York 2 

Retreats 2 

Price.     Sterling,     Governor     of 

Missouri 3 

Missouri  invaded  by 3 

Prideaux,  John,  General 1 

Primaries,    political,   WiUiam 

McKinley  on 4 

Primary    election,    our    govern- 
ment begins  at 4 

Princeton,  battle  of 2 

Princeton    College,    founded   by 

Presbyterians 1 

Germ  of j 

Pring,  Martin,  discoverer 1 

Prisoners  of  war,  exchange  of.  [  2 
On   the   termination    of   the 

Revolution 2 

Privateers,  American,  British  ves- 
sels captured  by 2 

Fitted  out  secretly. . .  2 

Genet  fits  out 2 

In  the  War  of  1812 2 

P'Wdure  of  State  legislature;!  4 


22 

26 

268 

289 

179 

181 

1125 

218 
211 

284 

123 
221 
1154 
145 
232 

342 

52,54 

500 
503 

643 
652 

665 


1015 
305 


276 

443 

237 

268 

90 

446 

558 

449 
455 
583 
642 


Proceedings  of  an  American  na- 
tional convention 4 

Proctor,  Henry,  General,  at  Lake 

Huron 2 

Commands  near  Detroit 2 

Conduct  of,  denounced 2 

Escape  of 2 

Prohibition  party,  history  of  .  . .    4 
Property,  J.  R.  Lowell  on  security 

of 4 

Not  a  suffrage  qualification.  .   4 
Personal   and   real,   taxed   in 

American  cities 4 

Proprietaries,  absolutism  of  colo- 
nial     1 

Attempt  of,  to  collect  taxes .  .    1 

Charter  of,  forfeited 2 

Church  of  England  established 

by 1 

Inaction  of,  in  Indian  War.  .    1 

Pro-slavery  party 3 

Protection 2 

Provost,  Bishop,  consecration  of .    2 
Presence  of,  at  Washington's 

inauguration 2 

Public  lands,  an  object  of  specu- 
lation      under      President 

Jackson 2 

Constitution  of  Kansas  and.  .    3 
Homestead  law  in  relation  to .    3 

Pacific  railroad  and 3 

Public  opinion,  government  by,  in 

the  United  States 4 

How  it   rules  in  the  United 

States 4 

Public  school  system,  lloosevelt'is 

championship  of  the 4 

Puebla  taken 2 

Pueblos,     a     distinctive     Indian 

stock 1 

.  And  the  Aztecs 1 

Pulaski,    Count,    a    sympathizer 

with  America 2 

At  Brandy  wine 2 

Death  of 2 

Enlists  cavalry 2 

Puritans,  appellation  of 1 

Characteristics  of 1 

In  Virginia i 

Penal  laws  of  the 1 

Saturday  evening  of  the ....    1 
Stimulated  to  emigrate  by  re- 
ports from  Plymouth 1 

Putnam,    Israel,    a    captain    in 
the  Revolutionary  War.. . .   1 


132 

631 
643 
644 
647 
405 

230 
137 

166 

176 
181 
189 

185 
189 
847 
721 
568 

673 


731 

852 

1152 

1047 

184 

184 

247 
809 

28 
28 

463 
467 
506 
490 
92 
127 
136 
230 
202 


106 


GENERAL  INDEX 


457 


VOL.  PAGE 

Putnam,  Israel,  advices  Congress 

to     leave  Philadelphia 2  432 

Appointed  by  Washington  to 

command  at  Brooklyn  ....    2  418 

At  Bunker  Hill 2  374 

Attempts  to  aid  Monroe ....    1  298 
Commands    volunteers    from 

Connecticut 2  372 

Fortifies  heights  near  Boston.  2  398 

Garrisons  New  York 2  423 

Guards  the  Hudson 2  427 

In  command  near  Princeton.   2  449 

Retreats  from  New  York 2  424 

Stratagem  of 2  446 

Warned    against    attack    by 

British 2  464 

With    Washington    at    Cam- 
bridge    2  379 

a 

Quakers 1  124 

Characteristics  of 1  164 

In  Pennsylvania 1  333 

In  the  Carolinas 1  181 

Non-resistance  of 1  170 

Opposed  to  war  in  1776 2  409 

Quebec,  fovmded  by  Champlain  .    1  68 

Retreat  from,  of  Thomas 2  403 

Siege  of 2  384 

Taken  by  Wolfe 1  306 

Quebec  Act 1  348 

Queenstown  attacked 2  634 

Quincy,  Josiah 1  342 

Quincy,  Josiah,  Jr 2  626 

Quitman,  John,  General 2  765 

Captures  defenses  of  Chapulte- 

pec 2  821 

Detached  from  Taylor's  army.  2  771 

Quorum  in  State  legislatures. ...   4  139 

R 

Racial  divisions  of  American  In- 
dians     1  22 

Rahl,  Colonel 2  436 

Falls  at  Trenton 2  438 

Last  hours  of 2  439 

Railroad,  first  in  the  Union 2  700 

Hudson    and    Mohawk,    first 
locomotive  in  America  used 

on 2  700 

Pacific,  finished 3  1047 

Railroads,  rapid  building  of 3  1142 

Statistics  of 3  1142 


VOL.  PAGE 

Raisin  River,  battle  of 3  643 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  attempt  of, 

to  found  a  colony 1  71 

Attempt  of,  second,  at  colon- 
ization    1  74 

Execution  of 1  76 

Randolph,  Edmund 2  666 

Attorney-General 2  575 

Refuses  to  sign  the  Constitu- 
tion   2  708 

Randolph,  Edward 1  211 

Colonial  secretary 1  212 

Lodged  in  jail 1  214 

Randolph,  John 2  614 

On  war  with  England 2  624 

Opposed  to  slavery 3  863 

Randolph,  Peyton 1  351 

Resigns    the    presidency    of 

Congress 1  367 

Ratification  of  a  treaty 4  39 

Rawdon,  Lord 2  518 

At  Hobkirk's  HiU. . 2  539 

Raymond,  A.  V.  V.,  on  future  of 

American  civilization  .....  4  296 
Readjusters,    a  Democratic   fac- 
tion in  Virginia 4  406 

Reciprocity 3  1171 

Roosevelt  on 3  1241 

WiUiam  McKinley  on 3  1209 

Reconstruction,    diflBculties   pre- 
sented by,  vmder  Grant.  ...  4  389 

Of  States 3  1033 

Question  of,  under  President 

Johnson 4  381 

Red  Jacket,  Indian  orator,  elo- 
quence of 1  25 

Red  River  expedition 8  998 

Reed,  Joseph,  Adjutant-General.  2  420 

At  Trenton 2  436 

Exploit  of,  at  Princeton 2  440 

In  favor  of  withdrawing  from 

Fort  Washington 2  428 

Recrosses  the  Delaware 2  439 

Succeeds  Pickering 2  448 

Reform,  need  of,  in  mimicipal  and 

political  life 4  271 

Roosevelt  on 4  239 

Reformation,  the 1  59 

Regicides 1  201 

Wanderings  of 1  207 

Reid,  Whitelaw 3  IKU 

Member  of  the  Paris  peace 

convention 3  1 1  •<.> 

Religion,  freedom  of  conscience 

in,  and  civil  liberty 1  321 


458         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


Roligious  liberty,  American  con- 

stitutionb  and *      284 

Liable  to  abuse •  •  *      285 

RaliciouB  persecution,  Roger  Wil- 

4      285 


Religious    prejudice   in    politics, 

Roosevelt  on *      247 

Remedies,  for  American  political 

evils,  G.  W.  Curtis  on ■*      277 

For  evil  city  government 4      167 

Reme«ly  for  artificial  evils,  J.  R. 

Lowell  on *      237 

Removal  from  office,  the  Presi- 
dent's right  of 4        25 

Report  of  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 


ury. 


Representatives,  House  of 2  565 

Change  in,  proposed  by  Hart- 
ford Convention 2  675 

Law  regarding  ratio  of 3  843 

Ratio  of,  in  1880 3  1076 

Ratio  of  in,  1890 3  1162 

Slave  representation  in,  as  pro- 
vided by  the  Constitution, .   2  565 
Slave  representation  in,  1860.   3  866 
Webster  on  slave  representa- 
tion in 2  748 

Republican,  name  of,  adopted  by 

the  Jeffersonian  party 4  372 

Republican  form  of  government, 

guaranteed  to  every  State..  4  21 

Republicanism,  true 4  viii 

Republican  party,  descended  from 

the  Federal  party 3  1034 

Discussions  in,  1864 4  387 

First 2  682 

First  national  convention  of, 

1866 4  385 

Formation  of 4  178 

Formed  to  prevent  extension 

of  slavery .3  868 

In  the  Civil  War 4  175 

New,  beginning  of,  1854-'56..   4  379 
New,  grew  out    of  the  Kan- 
sas-Nebraska controversy. .   4  385 

New.  rise  of...., 3  350 

Predominence  of 4  179 

War  policy  of,  imder  Lincoln  .  4  386 

Republics,  South  American 2  690 

And  the  Monroe  doctrine. ...   2  696 

Repudiation 2  734 

ResaoadelaPahna,battieofV".',  2  760 

Re«>lutions  of  '98 2  711 

Responsibility, individual...'*"   3  nsg 

RertricUon  of  suffnige,  the  proper  4  196 


VOL.  PAOi: 

Restrietions  on  State  legislatures.  4  140 
Results  of  constitutional  devel- 
opment in  the  United  States  4  106 
Resumption  of  specie  payments. .    2  686 

Bill  for,  passed  in  1875 3  1060 

Results  of,  in  1879 3  1074 

Revenue,   discussion    of,   in    the 

House  of  Representatives .  .    4  53 

Purposes  of  State 4  151 

Revenue  bill  in  the  House 4  68 

Revenue  bills,  initiating 4  49 

Revere,  Paul 1  347 

Midnight  ride  of 1  359 

Reverence,  American 3  1148 

Revival,  great,  led   by  Jonathan 

Edwards 1  267 

Revolt  of  soldiers 2  530 

Revolution,    American,    heroism 

of  fathers  of 4  208 

Survivors  of,  provided  for ....    2  697 

Timeliness  of 4  267 

Washington's     attitude      to- 
wards the  French 2  582 

War  of,  begins 1  355 

Reynolds,  General 3  979 

Rhode  Island 1  111 

Charter 1  123 

Charter  seized  by  Andros 1  213 

Common  schools  in 1  124 

Dorr's  Rebellion  in 2  749 

King  Philip's  War  in 1  209 

New  charter  of,  adopted 2  749 

Second  settlement  in 1  113 

Riall,  General 2  662 

Ribault,  John 1  61 

Rice,  cultivation  of,  introduced .  .    1  182 

Richmond,  Va 3  888 

Occupied  by  the  Federal  army  3  1023 

Riedesel,  Baron  von 2  458 

Baroness  von 2  482 

Rights,  the,  of  man,  United  States 

Constitution  and 4  228 

Of  rich  and  poor,  respect  for.  4  281 

Ringgold,  Major 2  759 

Riots,  Baltimore 2  630 

New  York 3  989 

Of  1877  in  Pennsylvania 4  143 

Railway 3  1073 

Ripley,  E.  W 2  661 

Rivers  and   Harbors,  committee 

on 4  68 

Rivington's  Gazette 2  394 

Robertson,  James 2  508 

Roberval,  lord  of 1  52 

Robinson,  Edward,  Professor 3  1155 


GENERAL   INDEX 


459 


VOL.  PAGE 

Robinson,  the  Rev.  John 1  93 

Parting  address  of,  to  the  Pil- 
grims     1  96 

Rochambeau,  Count  de 2  516 

Plans    with    Washington    an 

attack  on  New  York 2  542 

Prepared    to    cooperate    with 

the  Count  de  Grasse 2  544 

Thanks    to,    voted    by    Con- 
gress     2  551 

Rodgers,  Captain 2  618 

Rogers,  Frederick,  Rear-Admiral, 

in  Samar  campaign 3  1220 

Roman,  patriotism  of  the 4  213 

Roman  republic,  the,  and  political 

strife 4  219 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  accession  of, 

to  the  Presidency 4  392 

Adopts    the    policy    of     Mc- 

Kinley 3  1212 

As  an  author 3  1215 

Assumption  of  the  Presidency 

by 3  1212 

Benjamin  Harrison  on 3  1214 

Career  of 3  1213 

First  Presidential  message  of.   3  1240 
Inauguration     of,     as     Vice- 
President.  .  ., 3  1203 

Lieut. -Colonel  of   the  Rough 

Riders 3  1187 

On  Americanism 4  250 

On  anarchy  and  American  life  4  249 

On  Good  Citizenship 4  197 

On    immigration    and    immi- 
grants         4  248 

On  sectarian  appropriations .  .    4  i;47 
On  separation  of  church  and 

state 4  249 

On  the  successful  American .  .    4  246 

On  the  weakling 4  198 

On  True  Americanism 4  239 

Rosecrans,  General 3  894 

At  Carnifex  Ferry 3  901 

At  Murfreesboro. 3  967 

Defeated  at  Chattanooga 3  992 

Defeats  Price  at  luka 3  965 

In  Missouri 3  1015 

Succeeds  Buell 3  964 

Ross,  Robert,  General 2  667 

At  Bladensburg 2  669 

Death  of 2  671 

Rough  Riders 4  vii 

Organization  of 3  1215 

Royal  Greens 2  396 

At  the  siege  of  Fort  Stanwix .  .   2  475 


VOL.  PACK 

Royal  Greens  concerned    in    th« 

Wyoming  massacre 2  499 

Rush,  Dr.,  surgeon-general 2  448 

Russell,  Jonathan 2  660 

Russell,  Lord  John 2  597 

Negligence  of,  with  regard  to 

the  Alabama  claims 3  1051 

Protest  of,  to  Jefferson  Davis  3  1031 

Rutledgev,  Edward 1  351 

Confers  with  Admiral  Howe.    2  422 

His  eloquence 1  369 

Rutledge,  John 1  351 

s 

Sabbath,  the 1  318 

Labor  on,  forbidden  in  Penn- 
sylvania     1  169 

Not  observed  by  Braddock's 

army 1  285 

Observance  of,  in  New  Eng- 
land     1  202 

Observance  of,  maintained  in 

Virginia 1  319 

St.  Augustine 1  64 

Blockade    of,    ostensible,   by 

buccaneers 2  690 

Captured  by  Governor  Moore.  1  183 

Siege  of,  by  Oglethorpe 1  198 

St.  Clair,  Arthur,  General 2  414 

At  Princeton 2  443 

Commissioned  major-general.   1  447 

Defeat  of 1  678 

Evacuates  Fort  Ticonderoga.    1  459 

St.  John,  John  P 3  1110 

St.  Leger,  General 2  457 

Besieges  Fort  Stanwix 2  474 

St.  Pierre,  Chevalier 1  274 

Salaries  of  State  judges 4  149 

Of  State  legislators 4  138 

Salary,  how  paid,  to  members  of 

House  of  Representatives .  .   4  50 

Of    Speaker    of    the    House  4  57 
Salisbury,    Marquis    of,    on    Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United 

States 4  286 

Saltillo  occupied 2  790 

Samar,   difficulty  of  pacificating  3  1218 

Samoan  Islands,  partition  of ...  .    3  1237 

Samoset 1  102 

Sampson,  W.  T.,  Rear- Admiral, 
and  the  Maine  investiga- 
tion     3  1182 

Commands  the  Cuban  fleet.  .    3  1185 

Shells  Caimanera 3  1187 

Victory  of,  at  Santiago 8  1190 


460         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Sanitary  CommiBsion 3  942 

San  Jacinto,  battle  of 2  746 

cten  Juan,  battle  at 3  1188 

dan  Juan  Hill,  Roosevelt  at 3  1215 

Banta  Anna,  a  dictator 2  743 

At  San  Jacinto 2  746 

Defeated  at  Buena  Vista 2  785 

Defends  Molino  del  Rey.  . . .   2  819 

Driven  from  Huamantla 2  822 

Dupes  President  Polk 2  769 

Evacuates  the  City  of  Mexico.  2  821 

Ignominious  flight  of 2  808 

Invades  Texas 2  744 

Lane  scatters  the  forces  of . .   2  823 
Loses  the  battle  of  Churu- 

busco 2  817 

Prestige     of,    destroyed     at 

Buena  Vista 2  786 

Raises  a  new  army 2  812 

Resigns  the  Presidency 2  823 

Summons  General  Taylor  to 

sxurender 2  776 

Takes  possession  of  the  Mesilla 

Valley 2  844 

Violates  his  pledges 2  817 

SanU  ¥6  taken. 2  798 

Santiago,  Cuba,  capitulates. ...   3  1191 

Harbor  of,  battle  in 3  1189 

Siege  of 3  1188 

Saratoga,  centennial  celebration 

•t 3  1096 

Siirrender  of  Burgoyne  at. . .   2  481 

Sawacus 1  ng 

Satan  as  an  anarchist 4  282 

Savagery,  Indian,  aspects  of 1  38 

Savannah,  Ga 1  192 

Occupied  by  Sherman 3  1005 

Siege  of,  by  Benjamin  Lincoln 

and  D'Estaing 4  506 

Taken  by  Colonel  Campbell..   2  500 

Sayle.  William 1  jyg 

Schaff,  Philip,  on  religious  liberty  4  285 

Schenectady  burned 1  254 

Schley,  W.  S.,  Rear-Admiral . . . .   3  1189 


1016 


Schofield,  General. 

bchool,  high,  first  in  Massachul 

"^^•- 1  123 

first  m  Pennsylvania 1  159 

bchools,  founding  of,  in  colonial 

New  England 3  g^g 

Governor     Berkeley     di'sapl 

proves  of 3  g^g 

In  colonial  Maryland . ..."  1  321 

In  colonial  New  Jersey..  1  g-?? 

Inoolonial  New  York....     ■  1  237 


VOL.  PAGB 

Schools,  in  colonial  Pennsylvania, 

Friends  support 1  236 

Influence  of,  in  New  England.   1  320 
Laws  establishing,  in  Massa- 
chusetts     1  124 

Middle  colonies  without 1  321 

Public  and  private 3  1152 

Reason    for    lack    of,   in    the 

southern    colonies 1  321 

Scarcity  of,  in  the    southern 

colonies 1  235 

Sectarianism  an  obstacle  to  .  .    1  321 

State  provision  for 4  129 

Schurz,  Carl 3  1072 

Schuyler,  Peter,  Colonel 1  255 

On  Indian  savagery 1  258 

Schuyler,  Philip,  General 2  377 

Calls  for  reinforcements 2  463 

Expedition  of,  against  Canada.  2  383 
His    character    and    conduct 

vindicated 2  452 

Intrenches     himself     at     the 

mouth  of  the  Mohawk 2  475 

Leaves  the  army 2  483 

Poorly  equipped  army  of .  . . .   2  460 

Prejudice  against,  in  Congress  2  472 

Retreats  to  Saratoga 2  460 

Superseded  by  Gates 2  478 

Unpopular  in  New  England. . .    2  404 

Washington's  confidence  in .  .    2  404 

Schwatka,  Frederick,  Lieutenant.  3  1099 
Scott,   Dred.     See  Dred  Scott. 

Scott,  Dred,  decision 4  178 

Scott,  Winfield,  Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral     2  635 

And     Maine     boundary    dis- 
pute     2  740 

At  Lundy's  Lane 2  663 

At  York,  Canada 2  650 

Calls  out  the  militia  to  pro- 
tect Lincoln 3  880 

Captures  Cerro  Gordo 2  808 

Captures  Molino  del  Rey 2  819 

Captures  Vera  Cruz 2  806 

Difficulties  of,  with  Commis- 
sioner Trist 2  810 

Embarrassed  by  Congress.  .  .    2  809 
Fortifies    heights    opposite 

Washington 3  890 

Invades  Mexico 2  804 

Issues    proclamation    to    the 

Mexicans 2  813 

I-eads    the    advance    against 

Riall 2  662 

Letter  of,  to  General  Taylor  2  2771 


GENERAL  INDEX 


461 


VOL.  PAGE 

Scott,  Winfield,    Lieutenant-Gen- 

eral,  occupies  City  of  Mexico  2  822 
Plans  the  advance  on  Rich- 
mond     3  895 

Presidential  candidate 3  842 

Refuses    to    levy    upon    the 

Mexicans 2  810 

Removes  the  Cherokees 2  706 

Retirement  of 3  904 

Storms  Chapultepec 2  821 

Suggests    plan    for    invading 

Mexico 2  763 

Takes    Jalapa,    Perote,    and 

Puebla 2  809 

Urges    the    reinforcement    of 

Fort  Sumter 3  873 

Victor  in  the  battle  of  Contre- 

ras 2  815 

Wins  the  battle  of  Churubusco  2  817 

Seabury,  Bishop 2  567 

Sears,  Robert 1  365 

Secession 2  704 

And  the  slaveholders 4  177 

Contemplated  by  South  Caro- 
lina in   1833 2  724 

Not  voted  for  directly  by  the 

people 3  877 

Of  South  Carolina,  in  I860..    3  870 

Opposition  to,  in  the  South .  .    3  871 

Plans  laid  for,  in  1860 3  869 

Secretary  of  State 4  28 

Of  the  Interior 4  29 

Of  the  Navy 4  30 

Of  the  Treasury 4  29 

Of  War 4  30 

Sectarian  appropriations,  Roose- 
velt's condemnation  of .  .  .  .    4  247 
Sedgwick,  General,  at  Antietam.    3  959 

At  Chancellorsville 3  973 

Death  of 3  1008 

Sedition  law 2  710 

Seelye,  Julius  H.,  on  freedom  of 

thought 4  283 

Self-government  in  United  States 

Territories 4  162 

Seminoles 1  1 84 

War  with 2  690 

War  with,  second 2  728 

Semraes,  Raphael,  Captain 3  1030 

Senate,  State,  usual  composition 

of 4  136 

Senate  of  the  United  States,  a 
link  between  State  govern- 
ment and  national  govern- 
ment    4  34 


vet,.  PAQK 

Senate  of  the  United  States,  as 
an  executive  and    judicial 

body 4        38 

Chamber  of 4        40 

Chosen  by  indirect  election . .   4        34 
Concurrence  of,  necessary    in 
appointment  of  cabinet  oflS- 

cers 2      575 

Confirming  power  of 4         24 

Constitution  of 4         33 

Discussions  in 4        41 

English  House  of  Lords  com- 
pared with 4        41 

Functions  of 4         33 

How  composed 2      565 

Members  of,  vote  as  indi- 
viduals     4        35 

Most  conspicuous  featvu'e  of . .  4        34 

Personnel  of 4        41 

Procedure  in 4        40 

Ratio  of,  how  arranged 3      843 

Representation  in,  a  com- 
promise    2      565 

Restrictions  of 4        33 

Revision  of  bills  in 4        66 

Smallness     and     permanence 

of 4        42 

Senator,  United   States,  position 

of 4        42 

Senatorial  term,  length  of 4        35 

Senators,  social  pretensions  of.  .  .    4        42 
Seneca,  prophecy  of,  concerning 
the    discovery    of     a    new 

world 1         18 

Separation  of  Congress  from  the 

executive,  results  of 4        99 

Sessions  of  legislature  shortened .    4       138 
Settlements:     Florida     and     the 
Carolinas,    by     Huguenots 

(1562-1564) 1         61 

St.  Augustine,  Fla.,  by  Span- 
iards (1564) 1         64 

Jamestown,   Va.,  by  English. 

(1607) 1        79 

Acadie,  by  Huguenots  (1607).  1  67 
Quebec,  by  French  (1608)  .  .  1  .68 
New    York,    Dutch    fort    on 

Manhattan  Island  (1614)..   1      148 
Hartford,  Conn.,  Dutch  trad- 
ing housie  (1614) 1      113 

Albaay,  N.  Y.,  Dutch  Fort 
Orange,  and  forts  on  Hud- 
son river  (1615) 1       148 

Plymouth,     Mass.,     Pilgrims 

land  (Dec.  22,  1620) 1       100 


462 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Settlements:  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  by 

French  Protectants  (1626).    1       149 
Salem,     Mass.,     by     English 

(1629) 1       107 

Boston,    Mass.,    by    English 

(16.'W) 1       108 

Maryland ,  by  Lord  Baltimore 

(1632) 1       134 

Hartford,  Conn.,  by  English 

(1635) 1      114 

Providence,  R.  I.,  by  Roger 

Williams  (1636) 1      111 

New  Haven,  Conn.,  by  Eng- 
lish (1638) 1      120 

Delaware    river,  by    Swedes 

(1638) 1      157 

Oswego.  N.  Y.,  by  French 
missionaries   and  colonists 

(1661) 1      246 

Carolinos,  by    eight    English 

proprietaries  (1663) 1      176 

Pennsylvania,  by  William 

Penn  (1681) 1      167 

Pascagoula,  Miss.,  by  French 

(1699) 1      259 

New  Orleans,  La.,  by  French 

(1718) 1      261 

German  coast,  La.,  by  Ger- 
mans (1722) 1      261 

Georgia,  by  Oglethorpe  (1732- 

1735) 1      190 

Western  Pennsylvania,  by 
emigrants  from  Eastern 
Pennsylvania  and  Virginia 

(1768-1784) 2      585 

Texas,  first  American  colon- 
ists (1813) 2      743 

Oregon,    by   emigrants   from 

Missouri  (1842) 2      790 

Utah,  by  the  Mormons  (1844- 

„        1850) 3      839 

Seven  days'  battle 3      947 

Sevier,  Colonel 2      525 

Btmnrd,  William  H.,  appointed 

Secretary  of  State 3      ggi 

As    adjuster    of    the    Trent 

..'^'^     ■ 3      908 

Attempted  assassination  of.     3    1026 

^'^.^^^  ■: 3    1062 

roretgn  policy  of 3      ggj 

faex,  distribution  of  labor  in  rela- 

tion  to.  among  the  Indians.   1        37 
Seymour.  Horatio 


Shafter,  William  R.  General 
OnU 


3    1046 


8    1187 


VOL,  PAGB 

Shawnees 1      243 

Make  a  treaty  with  the  French  1  271 

Shays's  Rebellion 2      562 

Sheaffe,  Sir  Roger  Hale, 2      635 

Commands  at  Montreal 2  643 

Defends  York  (now  Toronto)  2  650 

Shelby,  Isaac,  Colonel 2  525 

Governor  of  Kentucky 2  647 

Sheridan,  Philip  H.,  General,  at 

Murfreesboro 3  967 

At  Waynesboro 3  1021 

Great  raid  of,  in  1865 3  1021 

His  famous  ride 3  1013 

Promoted  major-general  ....   3  1013 
Recovers     ground     at     Chat- 
tanooga     3  993 

Succeeds  Hunter 3  1012 

Takes  the  outer  defenses  of 

Richmond 3  1009 

Wins     the     battle     of     Five 

Forks 3  1023 

Wins  the  battle  of  White  Oak 

Road 3  1022 

Sherlock,  Bishop i  329 

Sherman,  John,  Secretary  of  State  3  1 179 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury 3  1072 

Sherman,  Roger,  a  delegate  to  the 

Old  Continental  Congress . .    1  351 
On    committee  to   prepare  a 
Declaration    of     Independ- 
ence     1  411 

Sherman,  Roger,  on  What   True 
Patriotism  Demands  of  the 

American  Citizen 4  212 

Sherman,  Thomas  W.,  General, .  .    2  776 

At  Buena  Vista 2  780 

At  Hilton  Head,  1861 3  905 

Sherman,  William  T.,  General.. .   3  909 
Aids  in  defeating  Joseph  E. 

Johnston  at  Jackson,  Miss.  3  986 

At  Atlanta 3  1002 

At  Shiloh 3  924 

Attacks  the  Confederate  right 

at  Missionary  Ridge 3  996 

Compels  Johnston  to  retire . .    3  1000 

Consulted  by  Grant 3  999 

Interview  of  Lincoln  with.  .  .    3  1027 

Johnston  surrenders  to 3  1025 

March  of,  to  the  sea 3  1004 

Occupies  Atlanta 3  1004 

Presents  Savannah  to  Presi- 
dent liincoln 3  1005 

Repulsed  at  Hayne's  Bluff.  .   3  969 

Takes  command  under  Grant.  3  995 

Sherman  Law,  repeal  of 4  333 


GENERAL  INDEX 


463 


VOL.  PAGE 

Shields,  James,  General 2  816 

Commands  at  Winchester.  .  .   3  938 
Joins  McDowell  at  Fredericks- 
burg     3  944 

Shiloh,  battle  of 3  923 

Shingis,   sachem 1  274 

An       associate     of      Captain 

Jacobs 1  295 

Shirley.  Governor 1  2^3 

Leads  the  expedition  against 

Niagara 1  279 

Suspended  by  Lord  Loudon  . .   1  296 

Shoshones 1  28 

Sickles,  Daniel  E.,  General 3  981 

Blots    out   a   code   of   South 

Carolina 3  1039 

Sigel,  Franz,  General 3  899 

At  Pea  Ridge 3  920 

Commands  in  the  Shenandoah 

Valley 3  1006 

Commences  the  second  battle 

of  Bull  Run 3  955 

Driven  back  at  Chancellors- 

viUe 3  974 

Superseded  by  Hunter 3  1011 

Signal-service  Bureau 3  1056 

Silk  culture,  Georgia 1  191 

Successful 1  195 

Silk  manufacture 3  1059 

Silliman,  General 2  450 

Silver,  remonetized 3  1073 

Standard  of  value 3  1174 

Silver-Grays,  record   of,  in  Whig 

politics 4  401 

Silver-purchase  law 3  1162 

Repealed 3  1168 

Sims,  James  Marion 3  1077 

Sioux 1  246 

French  designation  of  the  Da- 
kota Indians 1  25 

Six    Nations,    "Romans    of    the 

West." 1  25 

Sketches:  Adams,  John  Quincy.  .   3  826 

Adams,  Samuel 1  328 

AUen,  Ethan 1  362 

Andr^,  John 2  521 

Arnold,  Benedict 1  362 

Arthur,  Chester  A 3  1093 

Bacon,  Nathaniel 1  139 

Brown,  Joho 3  853 

Buchanan,  James 3  850 

Cabot,  Sebastian 1  48 

Calhoun,  John  C 2  622 

Clay,  Henry 2  622 

Cleveland,  Grover 3  1112 


VOL.  PAOB 

Sketches:   Clinton,  George   and 

James 2  416 

Columbus 1  12 

Elskwatawa 2  619 

Ferguson,  Colonel 2  524 

Franklin,  Benjamin 1  173 

Fremont,  John  Charles 2  791 

Garfield,  James  A 3  1078 

Gates,  Horatio 2  404 

Greeley,  Horace 3  1065 

Greene,  Nathanael 2  380 

Hamilton,  Alexander 1  350 

Harrison,  Benjamin 3  1129 

Harrison,  William  Henry 2  736 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B 3  1071 

Henry,  Patrick 1  329 

Hutchinson,  Anne 1  112 

Jackson,  Andrew 2  648 

James,  King 1  78 

Johnson,  Andrew 3  1027 

Johnson,  Sir  William 2  378 

Lafayette 2  462 

Laurens,  Henry 2  528 

Lee,  Charles 2  430 

Lee,  Robert  E 3  1048 

Lincoln,  Abraham 3  1026 

Lincoln,  Benjamin 1  357 

McKinley,  William 3  1177 

Marshall,  John 2  728 

Morgan,  Daniel 2  380 

Penn,  William 1  165 

Pontiac 1  313 

Powhatan 1  80 

Putnam,  Israel 1  361 

Rahl,  Colonel 2  436 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter 1  71 

Santa  Anna 2  812 

Schuyler,  Philip 2  377 

Scott,  Winfield 2  661 

Sims,  James  Marion 3  1077 

Slater.  Samuel 2  578 

Smith,  John 1  79 

Stanton,  Edwin  M 3  912 

Sumner,  Charles 3  1065 

Tarleton,  Bannastre 2  512 

Tecumseh 2  619 

Washington,  George 1  271 

Webster,   Daniel 2  658 

Williams,  Roger 1  110 

Wolfe,  James 1  309 

Slave  law,  fugitive 3  837 

Slave  representation 2  565 

Slave  representation  in  1860 ...    3  866 
Slavery,    admission    of   Mis^otiri 

as  affected  by 2  693 


464  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


Slavery,  anoexation  of  Texas,  how 

hearing  upon 3 

Calhoun  and  Webster  on  the 

extension  of 

Excluded  from  the  Northwest 

Territory 2 

First  Congress  petitioned  to 

abolish 2 

Forbidden  in  Georgia 1 

Fofltering  of   art    aristocratic 

spirit  by 1 

Henry  Clay  opposed  to  the 

extension  of 3 

Influence  of,  upon  Virginia. .   1 

In  Missouri 4 

In  South  Carolina 1 

Introduced  into  Georgia 1 

Introduced  into  New  York. .   1 
Introduced  into  Virginia ....    1 
Missouri  Compromise  regard- 
ing, repealed  by  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill 3 

Question    of     carrying,    into 

the  Territories 3 

Renewal  of  agitation  against, 

in  Congress 3 

Thomas   H.    Benton   on  the 

incurability  of 3 

West  of  the  Mississippi 4 

Slaves,     fugitive,    with     British 

army 2 

Hopes  of 3 

Loyalty  of 

Slave-trade,  agreement  with  Eng- 
land to  suppress 2 

Declaration  of  Independence 

denounces 2 

Denounced  by  Congress. ....   1 

Prohibited  by  Congress 2 

Protest  against,  by  the  colonies  1 

SlideU.  John 3 

Sloat,  Commodore 2 

Slooum,  General 3 

At  Gettysburg 3 

Sloughter,  Henry,  Colonel. .....   1 

Smallpox,  a  brother  of  Andrew 

Jackson  dies  of 2 

Prevalent    in    the    army    in 

Canada 2 

R*vage8  of,  in  Washington's 

»nny „ 

SmaUwood.  Colonel 2 

At  the  battle  of  Long  Island     2 
Bravery  of  his  regiment  at 


PAGB 

830 
3      832 


White  Plains. 


566 

692 
195 

322 

835 
235 
176 
180 
200 
159 
130 


846 

832 

830 

835 
176 

558 

966 

3    1037 

740 

411 
353 
410 
325 
907 
795 
948 
982 
217 


403 

446 
414 
419 

426 


VOIi.  PAOX 

Smith,  Charles  Emory,  resigns  as 

Postmaster-General 3  1212 

Smith,  John,  Captain 1  79 

Gives  New  England  its  name.   1  90 

Returns  to  England 1  84 

Saved  by  Pocahontas 1  82 

Smith,   Joseph,   founder  of  Mor- 

monism 3  837 

Smith,  Kirby,  General 3  964 

Last    Confederate    officer    to 

surrender 3  1026 

Smith,  Persifer  F.,  General 2  815 

Smith,  Samuel,  General 2  470 

Commands  militia  in  1814...    2  671 

Smugglers,  English 1  197 

Snow-snake,     Indian     game    of, 

described 1  37 

Social-Democratic  party 3  1200 

Socialism,   J.    R.    Lowell   on   the 

danger  of 4  236 

Socialist  Labor  party,  history  of .    4  408 
Society   for  the   Propagation   of 

the    Gospel i  182 

Appoints  pastors  in  Virginia.    1  182 
Invites  Germans  to  emigrate 

to  Georgia 1  193 

Object  of  formation  of 1  185 

Soldiers,  colored,    in    Union 

armies 3  987 

Brave  fighting  of  colored,  at 

Overton's    Hill 3  1017 

No  quarter  given   to   colored  3  991 
Part  taken  by  colored,  in  the 

battle  of  Juragua 3  1188 

Sons  of  Liberty i  334 

Defy  Governor  Golden 1  335 

Patriotic     acts    of,    in    New 

York 1  365 

Watch  General  Gage's  move- 
ments     1  358 

South    America,     Roosevelt    on 

anarchy  in 4  242 

South  American    republics    and 

the  Monroe  doctrine 2  696 

South  Carolina,  nullification  or- 
dinance of,  in  1882 4  377 

Resists  national  authority  . .   4  108 

Southern  States,  list  of 4  112 

Sovereignty,  popular,  and  private 

rights 4  128 

Spain,  first  colonial  war  with  . .    1  183 

Second  colonial  war  with  ...    1  197 

War  with,  in  1898 3  1179 

Speaker  of  the  House,  in  Con- 

Kress 4  64 


GENERAL  INDEX 


465 


VOL.  PAGB 

Speaker  of  the  House,  in  Congress, 

appointer  of  committees  .  .    4  56 

In  Congress,  importance  of..    4  107 

In  State  legislatures 4  139 

Specie  circular 2  732 

Specie  payments,  bill  for,  in  1817  2  686 

Bill  for,  in  1875 4  381 

Effect  of  resumption  of 3  1060 

Resumption   of,    opposed   by 

Democratic  party 3  1074 

Speculation 2  731 

Leads  to  repudiation 2  734 

Speeches  in  House  of  Representa- 
tives      4  52 

Spoils  system  carried  to  extremes 

by  Jackson 2  705 

Civil  service  reform  and  the .  .    3  1068 

Effects  of  elimination  of  the.    3  1091 

George  W.  Curtis  on 4  277 

In  State  governments 4  144 

Introduced  by  Andrew  Jack- 
son     2  730 

Investigation  of  the,  by  Con- 
gress     3  1104 

Squanto,  Indian  chief 1  90 

Regarded    by    Pilgrims  as  a 

special  instrument  of  God .  .   1  102 

Squatter  sovereignty 3  847 

And  the  free  States 3  868 

Violated  in  Kansas 3  852 

Squaws,  Indian,  games  of 1  37 

Most  of  the  work  done  by.  .    1  30 
Stalwarts,   a  branch  of  the  Re- 
publican party 4  406 

Stamp  Act 1  331 

Repealed 1  337 

Royal  Governors  take  the  oath 

to  execute 1  335 

Standish,  Miles 1  94 

Saves  Weymouth 1  108 

Stanton,  Edwin  M 3  912 

Death  of 3  1062 

Removal  of,  as  Secretary  of 

War 4  388 

Stanwix,  Fort,  siege  of 2  474 

Stark,  John 1  292 

At  Bunker   «ill 2  372 

Commands  the  yeomanry  at 

Bennington 2  476 

Joins  the  army  at  Boston..    1  361 

Pithy  saying  of 2  374 

With  Sullivan  at  Trenton.  ..2  437 

"Star-Spangled  Banner," 2  672 

State,  allegiance  and  treason  to .  .    4  116 

American,  nature  of 4  HI 


VOL.  PAGE 

State,  and  city 4  115 

Authority  of 4  116 

State  budgets 4  151 

State   constitution    a   law    made 

directly  by  the  people    .  .      4  121 

State  constitutional  conventions  .    4  133 

State  constitutions 4  118 

And  legislation 4  140 

Development  of 4  124 

Enacted  by  direct  vote 4  130 

First  period  of  development  of  4  124 

How  made 4  113 

In    comparison    with    British 

colonial  government  acts  .  .    4  119 
People's    power    of     amend- 
ing     4  120 

Second    period    of     develop- 
ment of 4  125 

The  antiquity  of 4  118 

The  original 4  119 

The   tendency  of,  to  increase 

in  length 2  162 

Third  period  of   development 

of 4  125 

State  courts,   apt  to  be  partial 

in  certain  cases 4  91 

In  relation  to  Federal  courts.    4  93 

Varieties  of 4  146 

Statecraft  as  a  business 4  234 

State  Department 2  390 

State  executive,  the 4  142 

State  government,  as  developed 

colonial  government 4  134 

Executive  and  legislative  de- 
partments of 4  123 

State  governments 4  111 

Analysis  of 4  135 

Similarity  of 4  134 

State  judiciary 4  146 

State  legislatures 4  134 

State  officers  in  general 4  144 

State  officials,  impeachment  of .  . .   4  139 

State  politics  and  national  politics  4  114 

State  rights 4  116 

Effect  of  doctrine  of,  on  South- 
ern statesmen 3  1049 

Hayne  on 2  721 

Insidious  influence'  of  doctrine 

of 2  708 

Jefferson  "the  apostle  of ".  .  ..   2  711 
One-sided  presentation  of  sub- 
ject of 3  1018 

Southern  measures  to  defend .    3  833 

State  sovereignty,  meaning  of . .  . .    4  116 

State  taxes,  how  levied  and  paid..  4  155 


466  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOIi.  PAGE 

States,  Federal  government  and 

the ••••   *  107 

Five  groups  of,  in  American 

Union *  m 

Not  owners  of  public  utilities.   4  129 
Of  American  Union,  democra- 
cies     4  127 

State's  need  of  good  citizens 4  190 

Statutes  against  public  policy  ...   4  140 
Repugnant  to  State  constitu- 
tions     4  140 

Steele,  Frederick,  General 3  997 

Stephen,  General 2  437 

Ck>mmis8ioned  major-general.   2  447 
Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  as  Vice- 
President  of  the  Confeder- 
ate States 3  879 

On  slavery 3  872 

Stephenson,  Fort,  defended 2  644 

Steuben,  Baron 2  490 

Enlists  soldiers  in  Virginia. ...   2  532 

With  Lafayette  in  Virginia.  . .   2  542 

Stevens,  Colonel 2  538 

Stevens,  1. 1.,  General, death  of. .   2  956 

Stevenson,  Adlai  E 3  1164 

Nominated  for  Vice-President  3  1199 

Stewart,  Colonel. 2  538 

Stirling,  Lord,  General 2  419 

At  Princeton 2  429 

Commissioned  major-general.   2  447 
Restored  to  the  army  by  ex- 
change    2  426 

Stockton,  Commodore 2  795 

At  San  Diego 2  802 

Refuses  to  cease  hostilities  . .   2  83 

Stoneman,  George,  General 3  976 

Drives  the  Confederates  from 

East  Tennessee 3  1018 

Moves  from  East  Tennessee  . .   8  1021 

Stonington  bombarded 2  672 

Stony  Point  taken 2  605 

Storrs,  Richard  S.,  on  conscience .  4  284 

Stoughton,  William i  212 

Anger  of,  over  reprisals 1  227 

Condemns    Burroughs    for 

witchcraft 1  226 

Hasty  in  conducting  trials  ...   1  230 

His  character 1  225 

Never  regretted  condemnations 

for  witchcraft i  228 

Straight-out  Democrats,  origin  of  4  403 

8tr^ter,A.J 3  1137 

Btnct  constructionists 2  708 

And  tariff  revision 2  716 

On  congressional  authority...   2  72 1 


VOL.  PAGE 

Stringham,  Commodore 3  905 

Strong    government   party  after 

the  Revolutionary  War  ...    4  368 
Struggle    of    parties    in     United 
States    and    England,  com- 
pared     4  96 

Stuart,  Colonel 2  541 

Stuart,  J.  E.  B.,  General 3  947 

Raid  of 3  960 

Succeeds  Jackson 3  974 

Wounded,  mortally 3  1009 

Stuyvesant,  Peter 1  156 

Sub-treasury  bill 2  733 

'       Repealed  under  Tyler 2  736 

Success  in  politics,  B.  B.  Odell, 

Jr.,  on 4  261 

Suffrage,  as  a  duty 4  189 

Ignorant  and  profligate 4  196 

Practically  universal  in  nearly 

all  States  of  the  Union 4  126 

Property  not  a  qualification 

for 4  137 

Qualification  for 3  1153 

The  right  only  of  electors 4  196 

Universal,  arguments  against.  4  232 

Woman,  in  certain  States  ....    4  137 

Sullivan,  John,  General 1  356 

Aids  in  besieging  Newport  ...   2  497 

At  Prospect  Hill 1  379 

At  Trenton 2  437 

Captured 2  419 

Commands  Lee's  army 2  434 

Commands  the  right  wing  at 

Brandywine 2  465 

Destroys  British  boats 2  432 

Has  temporary  command  on 

Long  Island 2  417 

In  Canada 2  402 

Opposes  Cornwallis 2  466 

Restored  to  the  army 2  426 

Sent,  on  parole,  to  Congress  . .  2  422 
Takes  vengeance  on  the  Sen- 

ecas 2  502 

Sumner,  Charles 3  1065 

On  President  Lincoln 4  209 

On  the  American  flag 4  294 

Prevents  the  ratification  of  a 

treaty  with  England 3  1050 

Sumner,  Edwin  V.,  General 3  941 

At  Fair  Oaks 3  945 

At  Malvern  Hill 3  951 

Leads  the  center  in  the 
advance  on  Lee  in  Mary- 
land   3  957 

Repulsed  at  Antietam 3  958 


GENERAL  INDEX 


467 


VOL.  PAGE 

Sumter,  Fort 3  876 

Bombardment    of,    by    Con- 
federates    3  883 

Destroyed  by  Gillmore 3  988 

The  Stars  and  Stripes  replaced 

over 3  1029 

Sumter,  Thomas,  General 2  516 

Defeats  Tarleton 2  526 

Superior  judges  in  colonial  days .  .    4  148 

Supreme  court.  State 4  146 

United  States 4  87 

United  States,  jurisdiction  of  4  92 
United  States,  Marquis  of  Salis- 
bury on 4  286 

Susquehannahs 1  134 

Ravage  Virginia 1  139 

Taft,  William  H.,  appointed  civil 

Governor  of  the  Philippines  3  1217 

T 

Talleyrand,  a  political  trickster .  .   2  593 
Tanacharison,     a    chief    of    the 

western  tribes 1  270 

Washington  acts  with 1  276 

Taney,  Roger  B.,  Chief  Justice,  on 
.     State  and   Federal  jurisdic- 
tion     4  90 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury ....   2  727 
Tariff  for  revenue    only,  enacted 

in  1846 4  378 

Tariff    legislation,   effects  of,  on 

commerce 4  109 

Tariffs  (1787) 2  563 

(1815) 2  686 

(1824) 2  697 

(1828) 2  702 

(1833) 2  715 

(1842) 2  750 

(1861) 3  907 

(1883) 3  1103 

(1885,  Morrison  and  Mills  bill)  3  1122 

(1890,  McKinley  bill) 3  1160 

(1893,  Wilson-Gorman  bill),..    3  1168 

(1897,  Dingley  bill) 3  1178 

(1900,  Porto  Rico) 3  1198 

Tarleton,  Bannastre,  Colonel,  bi- 
ogrpphical  details  concern- 
ing    2  512 

Colonel  Beaufort  overtaken  by  2  513 
Defeated   in    battle    of   the 

Cowpens 2  533 

Enlists  southern  Tories 2  537 

Gates  pursued  by 2  519 

Moves  up  the  Catawba 2  524 

Repulsed  by  Sumter 2  526 


VOL.  PAGE 

Tattooing  among  North  Amer- 
ican Indians 1  31 

Tax,  on  property,  difficulties  in- 
herent in 4  164 

On  trades  and  occupations .. .   4  164 

State,  chiefly  on  property  ....   4  152 

Taxation,  evasion  of 4  153 

Exemption  from 4  154 

Objects  of  State 4  151 

Of  Federal  securities  prohib- 
ited to  States 4  155 

State,  levy  and  payment  of . .  .   4  155 
Taxes,    discussion    over,   in    the 

House  of  Commons 1  331 

In   American    cities,    how 

levied 4  166 

In  1790 2  576 

In  1863 3  971 

In  1898 3  1183 

National,  direct  and  in- 
direct    3  1159 

Opposed  by  the  colonists 1  327 

Parliamentary 1  211 

Rebellion  caused  by 1  340 

Tayac,  Indian    chief,  conversion 

of 1  136 

Taylor,  Zachary,  election  of ,  as 
President,  a  Democratic  de- 
feat      4  379 

Forms      camp      at      Corpus 

Christi 2  753 

Monterey  taken  by 2  765 

Nominated  for  President 2  827 

Occupies  Matamoras 2  762 

Orders  the  attack  on  Resaca  / 

de  la  Palma r^  760 

Position  of,  at  Buena  Vista ...   2  774 

Presidential  message^f 3  834 

Quarrelled  with 2  824 

Receives   orders  to  establish 

fort  at  Matamc»-as 2  756 

Relieves  Fort  Brown 2  758 

Saltillo  occupied  by 2  773 

Sketch  of  the  life  of 3  829 

Sudden  illness  and  death  of . . .    3  836 

Takes  possession  of  Victoria.  .    2  770 
Terminates    war   with   Semi- 

noles 2  728 

Tea,   colonists'  attitude   towards 

tax  on 1  345 

Destroyed 1  347 

Taxed  by  English  ministry.  . .    1  339 

Tecumseh 2  619 

Creeks  inspired  by  views  of .  .  .    2  653 

Indian  uprisings  led  by 2  644 


468 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

Teeuinseh,  military  Stores  at  Mai- 
den destroyed  by 2      647 

Pilgrimages  of,  among  the  In- 

dians 2      619 

Telegraph,  the,  invention  of,  by 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse 3    1032 

Temperance    movement,   growth 

of  the 3    1155 

Influence  of  Hayes's  adminis- 
tration on  the 3    1077 

Temperance  party,  record  of 4      404 

Tennent,  the  Rev.  William,  acad- 
emy established  by,  from 
which    Princeton   College 

grew 1      268 

Tennessee,  admission  of,  to  the 

Union 2      589 

A  non-slaveholding  State 2      693 

Tenure  of  Office  Act 4        25 

Terms  of  city  oflBcials,  length  of . .   4      169 

Territories,  Bryce  on 4      159 

Government  of 4      159 

How  represented  in  Congress.   4      161 

Judiciary  of 4      160 

Legislatures  of 4      160 

Territory   acquired  by  United 
States :  Louisiana  purchased 

(1803) 2      600 

Florida  obtained  (1819) 2      691 

New   Mexico   and   California 

ceded  (1848). 2      825 

MesiUa  Valley  bought  (1853)  .   3      844 

Alaska  bought  (1867) 3    1045 

Hawaii  annexed  (1898) 3    1197 

Porto  Rico,  Guam,  and  the 
Philippine  Islands  ceded  by 

Spain  (1899) 3    1196 

Texas,    admission    of,    to     the 

Union 4      378 

Annexation  of 2      742 

Given  over  to  slaveholders.. . .   3      867 

Vi.sited  by  La  Salle 1      250 

Thames,  battle  of  the 2      647 

Thanksgiving  day,  appointed  on 

proclamation  of  peace 2      683 

At  close  of  Spanish  war 2    1191 

First    Congress    requests  the 

President  to  appoint  a 2      575 

Institution  of  firtt i      104 

Substituted  for  Christmas 1      128 

Theocracy    of   early    New    Engl 

J««d 4      225 

Theological  discussions 3    1147 

Thirteenth  Amendment,  became 

effective  in  1865 4      jgg 


VOL.  PAGK 

Thlinkets,  poor  specimens  of   the 

North  American  Indian.  ...    1  27 
Thomas,  John,  General,  hasty  re- 
treat of,  from  Quebec 2  "  403 

Occupies  Dorchester  Heights.    2  399 
Under  General  Ward  at  Rox- 

bury 2  380 

Thomas,  George  H.,  General,  at- 
tack of,   against  Joseph  E. 

Johnston 3  1002 

Bravery  of,  at  Chattanooga. . .    3  993 

Fortifies  Nashville 3  1016 

In  the  battle  of  Shiloh 3  924 

Pursuit  of  Hood  by 3  1004 

Victory  of,  at  battle  of  Mill 

Spring 3  910 

Thomson,  Charles,  in  the  Old  Con- 
tinental Congress 1  351 

Thornton,  Captain 2  757 

Thurman,  Allen  G 3  1128 

Ticonderoga,   Amherst   advances 

against 1  305 

Attack  on,  by  Lord  Howe.  ...    1  301 

Ethan  Allen  at 1  363 

Evacuated  by  St.  Clair 2  458 

Evacuated  by  the  British.  ...    2  482 

Tien-Tsin,  siege  of,  by  the  Boxers.  3  1224 
Tilden,    Samuel  J.,  candidate  for 

President 3  1070 

Electoral  Commission    passes 

on  electoral  votes  given  to .  3  1126 

Electoral  vote  of 4  382 

Tippecanoe,  battle  of 2  621 

Tithing-man,  the 1  127 

Tocqueville,  A.  H.  C.  de,  on  in- 
dependence of  the  press. ...   4  284 
Toleration,    in    religious    discus- 
sions     3  1 147 

In  Rhode  Island 1  136 

Lack  of,  in  Massachusetts.  ...    1  110 

Law  of,  passed  in  Maryland. .  .    1  136 
Tomahawk,   use  and  symbolism 

of  the 1  42 

Tompkins,     Daniel    D.,    elected 

Vice-President 2  687 

Tonti,  advises  D'Iberville 1  269 

Explores  branch  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi     1  251 

Letter  of,  for  La  Salle 1  259 

Tories,  colonial,  attitude  of 4  367 

Communications    from    Gov- 
ernor Tryon  received  by.  .  .    2  402 
Counterfeit  bills  of  credit  is- 
sued by 2  491 

Defeat  of ,  by  Colonel  Lee 2  537 


GENERAL    INDEX 


469 


VOL.  PAGE 

Tories,  Definition  of  name  of  ... .    1  343 

Emigration  of 2  658 

In  the  Carolinas 2  527 

Persecution  of 2  412 

Repeal  of  laws  against 2  562 

Support  of,  to  Admiral  Howe.    2  414 
Torral,  Spanish  general  in  Cuba.  .    3  1191 
Torture,  Indian  eagerness  to  in- 
flict      1  38 

Totem,    significance    of,    among 

North  American  Indians. . .   1  35 

Town  meetings 1  231 

Townshend,  Charles,  chancellor  of 
exchequer,  discusses  Stamp 

Act  with  Colonel  Barre 1  331 

Imposes  duty  on  colonists. ...   1  339 
Trade,     colonial,     condition     of, 

in  Virginia 1  144 

Contest  with  England  over,  . .    1  325 
Laws  passed  in  England  to 

cripple 1  202 

Restrictions  of 1  180 

Taxed  by  England 1  211 

Transportation,     means     of,    in 

1789 3  1142 

Treason,  made  odious 3  1035 

One  of  the  worst  of  all  crimes .    4  243 

Treasury,  Secretary  of  the, 4  66 

Treasury  Department 2  401 

Formally  created 2  574 

Treaties : 

With  Algiers  (1796) 2  589 

Junes,  1805 2  603 

June  10,  1815 2  685 

China  (1867,  commercial).  ...   3  1045 

England,  first  (Sept.  3, 1783).  2  556 

Jay's  (1795) 2  588 

At  Ghent  (Feb.  18,  1815)  .    2  683 

First  Washington  (1842)..    2  740 

Second  Washington  (1871)  3  1050 

France  (1777,  secret) 2  455 

Feb.  6,  1778 2  493 

1783 2  556 

April  30,  1803 2  600 

1836,  claims 2  729 

Holland  (1780,  virtual) 2  527 

(1780,  commercial) 2  556 

Indians  (1795,  Wayne's) 2  580 

(1815,  general) 2  686 

Japan  (1853,  commercial) 3  845 

Mexico  (July  4,  1848) 2  825 

Ottoman  Empire  (1836,  com- 
mercial)     2  730 

Russia  ( 1836,  commercial).  .  .    2  730 

Spain  (1783,  first) 2  556 


VOL.  PAOB 

Treaties: 

Spain  (1795) 2      689 

(1821,  Florida.ceded) 2      691 

(April  11,  1899,  peace). ...   3    1196 
Treaty,  a,  dealings  of  the  United 
States  Senate  with ,  how  con- 
ducted    4        39 

John  Hay  on  Making 4      266 

Senate's  approval  of 4        33 

Trent  affair 3      907 

Trenton,  battle  of 9      436 

Reception  of  Washington  at . .   2      672 
Tribe,  Indian,  organization  of ...    1         30 

Tripoli,  war  with 2      601 

Trist,  Nicholas  P.,  commissioner.    2      811 
Difliculties  of,    with   General 

Scott 2      811 

Misunderstanding  of,  adjusted  2  813 
Negotiates  a  treaty  of  peace .  .  2  823 
Presents  conditions  of  peace . .   2      818 

Superseded 2      826 

True     Americanism,      Theodore 

Roosevelt  on 4      239 

Trusts,     alluded    to    by    Grover 

Cleveland 4      202 

No  menace  to  business  ven- 
tures    4      263 

Roosevelt  on 3     1241 

Truxton,  Thomas,  Captain 2      596 

Tryon,  William,  Governor,  assures 
Howe  of  the  strength  of  the 

Tories 2       414 

Burns  Connecticut  towns  ....  2  504 
Communicates  with  the  Tories 

from  the  British  ships 2       402 

Destroys    military    stores    at 

Danbury 2       449 

Retires  to  a  British  man-of- 
war 2       394 

Returns  from  England 2       378 

Tuscaroras,  emigration  of 1       187 

Lawson  put  to  death  by 1       186 

Tutuila,  acquired  by  the  United 

States 3     1237 

American  flag  in 4      258 

Twain,  Mark.    See  Clemem,  Sank- 

uel  Langhome 

Twiggs,    David   E.,   General,   at 

Matamoras 2      764 

Captures  a  fortress  at  Chviru- 

busco 2      817 

Efficient  service  of,  at  Cerro 

Gordo 2      808 

Leads  the  advance  on  El 

Penon 2   815 


470 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAOB 

Two-thiitU    rule,   adopted   for 
Demoerstio   national   oon- 

TWtion. *      377 

Two-yews'  term,  member  of  the 

House  elected  for  8 *        47 

Tyler,  John,  admiaeion  of  Iowa 

And  norida  under ...»      750 

Annexation  of  Texas  during 

•dminJBtration  of 2      749 

Eleeted  Vice-President 2      734 

Influence  of  administration  of.  2      742 

President •••••   2      736 

Sends  General  Scott  to  settle 

disputes  in  Maine 2      740 

lyraots.  resistance  to,  obedience 

toOod *      227 

U 

jjnm* 1      157 

lodtes  the  colonists  against 

WamsutU 1      203 

Joins  the  E"ili"h  in  Pequod 

War 1      118 

Stories  told  by. 1      203 

Underhill.  John.  Captain,     aids 
Connecticut  in  the  Pequod 

War 1      177 

Leads  the  Dutch  against  the 
Indians  on  Long  Island  ...   1      155 
Uniform,  peculiar,  of  the  Con- 
tinental soldiers 2      381 

Union,  continuance  of  the 3    1065 

Dissolution  of,  impossible ...   4      210 
Flag  of  the,  adopted  by  Con- 

ress 2      453 

Flag  of  the,  unfurled  at  Cam- 
bridge      2      393 

Of  the  colonies,  formed 1      122 

Suggested  by  William  Penn .   1      335 

War  losses  of  the 3    1028 

Union  Labor  party,  history  of  . .  4  407 
Union  men  in  the  cotton  States  3  871 
United  Christian  party,  career  of .  4  408 
United  Colonies,  of  New  England.  1      122 

Thirteen 2      388 

United  Mine  Workers,  connection 

of.  with  the  1902  coal  strike.  3    1235 
Unitwi  Sutes  of  America,  The 

Thirteen 2      412 

Unit  of  Authority,  The,  Herbert 

Wash  on 4      265 

Unit  role  in  national  conventions.  4  182 
^•^»y..«»»«.  of  the  Republic,  Wil- 

*      209 


VOL.  PAGE 

Unity,  want  of,  in  American  gov- 
ernment      *       100 

Unlimited    authority     conferred 

on  Washington 2       440 

Untiring  zeal  of  Washington   at 

Germantown 2       468 

Utah,  admission  of,  to  the  Union  3     1173 
Named  by  Congress 3      839 

V 

Valley  Forge,  suflFerings  of  sol- 
diers at 2      484 

Winter  quarters  of  Washing- 
ton at 2      471 

Valuation  for  State  taxation 4       152 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  administra- 
tion of 2       731 

Appointed  Secretary  of  State.  2      705 

Elected  President 4      378 

Roosevelt  on 4      250 

Second  nomination  of 2      734 

Sub-treasury  under 2       733 

Third  nomination  of 2       828 

Vanderbilt,  Cornelius,  presents  a 

steamer  to  the  government .  3      906 
Van   Dorn,    General,    commands 

forces  at  Shiloh 3      923 

Confederate  forces  under,  at 

Pea  Ridge 3      920 

Destroys  Grant's  supplies  at 

Holly  Springs 3      969 

Succeeded  by  John  C.  Pem- 

berton 3      965 

Van  Twiller,  Walter,  Governor  of 

New  Netherlands 1       150 

Vane,  Sir  Henry,  elected  Governor 

of  Massachusetts  colony .. .    1       110 
Executed  in  England  after  the 

Restoration 1       122 

Leaves  Massachusetts 1       112 

News  of  execution  of,  received 

in  New  England 1       201 

Vaudreuil,  Governor-General  of 
Canada,  reproved  by  Col- 
onel Schuyler 1      258 

Surrenders    the    French    sta- 
tions     1       310 

Venezuela,    question    of,    under 

President  Cleveland 4      383 

Vera  Cruz  taken 2      805 

Vermont 1       362 

Admitted  to  the  Union 2      589 

A  non-slaveholding  State 2      693 

Benedict  Arnold  in 1      362 


GENERAL  INDEX 


471 


VOL.  PAGE 

Verplanek's  Point  taken 2  504 

Verrazano,  explorations  of 1  94 

Veto,  Governor's  use  of 4  143 

Origin  of  Presidential 4  83 

Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  nomination  of  can- 
didate for 4  183 

Vicksburg,  capture  of 3  985 

Refusal  of,  to  surrender 3  929 

Vigilance  associations,  atrocities 

inflicted  by 3  876 

Formed  in  South  Carolina. .  .   3  874 
Village    Indians,    American,    in 

time  of  Columbus 1  23 

Pueblos  considered  to  be,  by 

the  Spaniards 1  28 

Virginia,  named  by  Queen  Eliza- 
beth     1  72 

Position  of,  regarding  the  tea 

tax 1  349 

Settlement  of 1  77 

Slavery  in  early  days  of . . . .   1  130 
West,  loyalty  of,  to  national 

government 3  893 

West,  separation  of 3  888 

Volunteers  in  the  Mexican  War  .   2  762 
Vote,  the  right  to,  a  sacred  trust.   4  215 
Voters,  B.  B.  Odell,  Jr.,  on  in- 
dependent     4  260 

Votes,  counting  of   electoral ....   4  18 

In  State  legislatures 4  141 

Purchase  of 4  216 

Voting,  fraudulent 8  1053 

Need  of  new  systems  of 4  217 

w 

Wadsworth,  James  S.,  General, 
killed  in  battle  in  the  Wil- 
derness     3    1008 

Wadsworth,  William,  Captain,  de- 
fies Benjamin  Fletcher.  ...    1      219 
Hides  charter  of  Connecticut.  1      213 
Wain  Wright,  Richard,  Command- 
er, of  the  Gloucester 3    1189 

Receives  Admiral  Cervera  on 

the  Gloucester 3     1190 

Waite,  Morrison  R.,  Chief  Justice,  3     1095 
Counsel  for  the  United  States 

in  Alabama  claims »  3    1052 

Oath    of    office    administered 

by,  to  President  Arthur. .  .    3     1095 
Oath    of    office    administered 

by,  to  President  Cleveland.    3     1114 
Oath    of    office    administered 

by,  to  President  Hayes. . .  3    1070 


VOL.  PAGE 

Wake  Island  as  a  cable  station . .   3    1238 
Waldron,  Major,  attacked  by  In- 
dians      1      253 

Walker,  Robert  J.,  Governor  of 

Kansas 8      851 

Wallace,  Lew,  General 3    1011 

Waller,  Major,  commands  Ameri- 
can contingent  before  Tien- 

Tsin 3     1224 

Walloons,  first  settlers  on  Long 

Island 1       149 

Wampanoags,  grievances  of . . .  .   1      203 

Territory  of,  invaded 1       206 

Wamsutta,  death  of 1      204 

Wanamaker,    John,  Postmaster- 
General 8    1133 

War,   Indian,   prior  to  the  dis- 
covery of  America 1        40 

Of   1812,     opposition    to,    in 

New  England 4      375 

Of  Secession,  and  constitu- 
tional amendments 4      106 

Ward,     Artemas,     General,     ap- 
pointment of 1      357 

In  command  of  Massachusetts 

troops  at  Bunker  Hill 2      372 

Resignation  of 2      401 

Stationed  at  Roxbury 2      379 

War  Department,  creation  of,  in 

Washington's  administration  2      574 

In  the  Revolution 2      401 

War  Governors 4       143 

Warner,  Seth,  Colonel,  appeals  to 
Continental     Congress     for 
permission  to  raise  troops.    2      382 
Repulses  Sir  Guy  Carleton  at 

the  St.  Lawrence 2      384 

Summoned  to  Bennington. . .   2      476 
WarrAi,      Admiral,      commands 

English  squadron 2      266 

Joins  fleet  in  expedition  against 

Louisburg 2       264 

Warren,  Dr.   Joseph,  bravery  of, 

at  Bunker  Hill 2      374 

Directs  Americans  at  Lexing- 
ton    1      361 

Gives  warning  of  General 
Gage's  plans  to  attack  Con- 
cord    J*-      358 

Killed  at  Bunker  HUl 2      377 

Writes  to  Samuel  Adams  re- 
garding Washington's  ap- 
pointment   , 1      369 

Wars  and  Battles:  Indian,  in  Vir- 
ginia (1622) 1      131 


472         HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


W«rf  Md  Battleo :  Pequod,  in  On- 

necticut(1637) 1 

lodifto,  in  New  York  (1641- 

1643) 1 

In  Virginia  (1644) 1 

In     Maryland     (1675- 

1676) 1 

King  Philip's,   in  Massachu- 

•etta  (1675-1676) 1 

King  WiUiam's  (1688) 1 

Spanish,  in  Florida  (1702)  . .   1 
In  Georgia  (1738-1743)....   1 
King  George's  (1744-1746). .   1 
Louisburg  taken  (June  17, 

1745) 1 

Freneh  and  Indian  (1754- 

1763) 1 

Braddock's  defeat  (July  9 

1755) 

Revolution  (1775-1782) 

Lexington  (April  19,  1775). . 

Concord  (April  19,  1775) 

Bunker  Hill  (June  17,  1775). 
Long  Island  (Aug.  27,  1776). 

Trenton  (Dec.  26,  1776) 

Princeton  (Jan.  3,  1777) 

Bennington  (Aug.  16,  1777). . 
Brandywine  (Sept.  11,  1777). 

Saratoga  (Oct.  17,  1777) 

Monmouth  (June  28,  1778). . 

Wyoming  (July,  1778) 2 

Cherry  Valley  (August,  1778).  2 
Stony  Point  (July  16,  1779). .   2 

Camden  (Aug.  16,  1780) 2 

King's    Mountain    (Oct.    9, 

1780) 2 

Cowpens  (Jan.  17,  1781). ...  2 
EuUw  Springs  (Sept.  8,  1781)  2 
Cornwallis'ssurrender(Oct  19 

1781) '2 

Indian,  in  N«)rthwe8t  Territory 

(1791-1795) 2 

Tripoli  (1803-1805) .,,   2 

Tippecanoe  (Nov.  7,  1811)..  2 
1812.  with    England    (1812- 

1815) 2 

Naval  battles  (July  l,'  I812* 

to  Jan.  1,  1813) 2 

Hull's    surrender    (July  '  o 

1812) ^     "•  2 

l*ke  Erie  (Sept.  10.  1813)'*  2 
™»«»(0ct.6,  1813)..  "  2 
?*r5«*<March28,1814).:  2 
Jj;2i?:«ne  (July  25,  1814).  2 
[(Aug.  24,  1814).  2 


,  PAGE 
116 

151 
137 

139 

203 
253 
183 
197 
263 

264 

277 

279 
355 
358 
358 
372 
417 
436 
440 
476 
465 
481 
494 
498 
499 
505 
518 

524 
533 
541 

545 

578 
601 
619 

628 

637 

630 
646 
647 
654 
663 


VOL.  PAGB 

Wars    and    Battles:     Champlain 

(Sept.  17,  1814) 2  665 

New  Orleans  (Jan.  8,  1815).  .    2  678 

Seminole  (1817) 2  690 

Black  Hawk's  (1832) 2  727 

Seminole  (1834-1837) 2  727 

San  Jacinto  (April  21,  1836)  2  746 

Mexican  (1846-1847) 2  757 

Palo  Alto  (May  8,  1846) 2  758 

Monterey  (Sept.  23,  1846). . .   2  764 

Buena  Vista  (Feb.  22,  1847).  2  774 
Vera  Cruz  bombarded  (March 

22,  1847) 2  805 

Cerro  Gordo  (April  18,  1847).    2  808 

Churubusco  (Aug.  20,  1847).  .    2  817 

Molino  del  Rey  (Sept.  8,  1847)  2  819 
•     City  of  Mexico  occupied  (Sept. 

14,  1847) 2  821 

Civil  (1861-1865) 3  883 

1861 
Sumter  fired  on  (April  12,  4.30 

A.M.) 3  883 

Bull  Run,  first  (July  21)      . .   3  895 

Wilson's  Creek  (Aug.  9-10) .  .    3  899 

BaU's  Bluff  (Oct.  21) 3  904 

Hilton  Head  (Nov.  7) 3  906 

1862 

Mill  Spring  (Jan.  17) 3  910 

Forts    Henry    and    Donelson 

(Feb.  6-16) 3  913 

Merrimac   and   Monitor   duel 

(March  9) 3  932 

Pittsburg  Landing,  or  Shiloh 

(April  6-7) 3  923 

New  Orleans  taken  (April  26)  3  926 

Williamsburg  (May  5) 3  941 

Fair  Oaks  (June  1) 3  945 

Seven  days'  battle  (beginning 

June  26) 3  947 

Malvern  Hill  (July  1) 3  951 

Bull  Run,  second  (Sept.  2). .   3  955 

Antietam  (Sept.  17) 3  958 

Fredericksburg  (Dec.  13) 3  962 

1863 

Murfreesboro  (Jan.  2) 3  967 

Chancellorsville  (May  2-3). .  .   3  973 
Atlanta   (ironclad)     captured 

(June  17) 3  989 

Gettysburg  (July  1-3) 3  979 

Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson 

taken  (July  4  and  9) 3  985 

Chickamauga  (Sept.  19-20)  .  .    3  993 

Above  the  clouds  (Nov.  23)  . .   3  995 

Bragg's  defeat  (Nov.  25) 3  996 


GENERAL   INDEX 


473 


VOL.  PAGE 

1864 
Wars    and    Battles:    Wilderness, 

battles  of  (May  4-18) 3    1007 

Sherman's  march  from  Chat- 
tanooga to  the  sea  (May  9- 
Dec.  20) 3     1000 

Alabama  sunk  (June  19) 3    1030 

Mobile    virtually       captured 

(Aug.  23) 3    1014 

Early  and  Sheridan  (Sept.  19 

and  Oct.  19) 3     1012 

Nashville,  (Dec.  15-16) 3    1016 

1865 
Lee  surrenders  at  Appomat- 
tox, Va.  (April    9);    John- 
ston  near   Raleigh,    N.    C. 
(AprU  17) 3     102r 

Spanish  (1898) 3    1184 

Maine     blown     up,     Havana 

(Feb.  15) 3    1182 

Manila  Harbor  (May  1) 3  - 1185 

Santiago      Harbor,      Hobson 

(Junes) 3    1186 

Guantanamo,  Cuba  (June 

10) 3  1186 

San  Juan  and  El  Caney  (J\ily 

1) 3    1188 

Santiago  Harbor,  fleet  (July  3)  3    1189 

City  (July  17) 3    1191 

Porto  Rico  (July  29) 3     1191 

Manila  city  (Aug.  13) 3    1194 

Philippine  (1899-1902)  Fili- 
pinos   begin   war   (Feb.    4, 

1899) 3    1205 

Aguinaldo    captured    (March 

23,  1901) 3     1206 

Washington,  city  of,  pillaged  by 

the  British 2      670 

City,  original  plan  of,  its  great 

extent 3    1106 

Fort,  surrender  of, 2       428 

State     of,    admitted    to    the 

Union 3     1128 

Washington,   George,  account  of 

his  youth 1      271 

Advice  of,  to  Braddock 1      279 

Alluded   to   by   William   Mc- 

Kinley 4      208 

And  the  Conway  Cabal 2      488 

And  the  French  republic 2      582 

And  the  Hessians 2      436 

Appeals  to  Congress  in  behalf 

of  soldiers 2.    491 

Army  under,  disbanded 2      559 


VOL.  PAQB 

Washington,  George,  arrival  of,  in 

New  York 2  402 

At  battle  of  Brandywine 2  465 

Attempt    to    remove,    from 

command 2  489 

Birthday  of,    referred    to   by 

Roger  Sherman   4  221 

Cabinet  of 4  27 

Chosen  president  of  the  Phila- 
delphia Convention 2  564 

Chosen      President     of      the 

United  States 2  571 

Congress  votes  thanks  to 2  651 

Consults  with  Congress 2  462 

Comwallis's  surrender  to 2  545 

Crosses  the  Delaware 2  437 

Death  of 2  596 

Efforts  of,  to  recruit  army 2  462 

Elected  commander-in-chief. .  1  369 
Elected     commander-in-chief 

of  the  army 2  595 

Elected  member  of  House  of 

Burgesses 1  305 

Establishes    headquarters    at 

Cambridge 2  379 

Extolled     as    the    American 

Fabius 2  455 

Farewell  address  of . . .  r 2  590 

Farewell  Address  of  (text).  .  .  4  335 
Forced  march  of,  to  German- 
town  2  468 

Fort  Pitt  captured  by 1  304 

Headquarters   of,    at   Morris- 
town  2  445 

Heroism  of,  at  battle  of  Prince- 
ton   2  443 

His  conference  with  Rocham- 

beau 2  520 

His  confidence  in  Schuyler  ...  2  472 
His  faith  in  the  cause  of  in- 
dependence   2  431 

His  plan  to  recapture  Stony 

Point 2  505 

In  New  Jersey 2  429 

In  Virginia 1  295 

Issues  orders  to  his  soldiers ...  2  413 

Joined  by  French  army 2  544 

Letter   from,    to   his   brother 

Augustine 1  286 

Levies  provisions   for  soldiers  2  510 
Loses  the  battle  of  Long  Is- 
land   2  420 

Meets  Lafayette 2  463 

Misunderstanding  of ,  with  Lee, 

at  battle  of  Monmouth 2  494 


474 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


VOL.  PAGE 

WMhioKton.  George,    moDument 

to 3    1106 

Mores  the  army  to  German- 
town 2      461 

Offends  the  Jeffersonians 4      372 

Oral  addresses  of 4        22 

Orders  Lee  to  attack  Paulus 

Hook 2      506 

Plans  to  attack  New  York. ...  2  542 
Plots  arrested  by  influence  of .  2  557 
Protests  against  prejudice. ...   2      487 

Reelection  of 4        17 

Regiments  sent  to  the  aid  of . .  2  434 
Removes  camp  to  the  heights 

of  Middlebrook 2      457 

Resigns  commission 2      561 

Resolutions  presented  by,  to 

Virginia  A.ssembly 1      342 

I  aid  to  Baron  Steuben  . .   2      632 
ambassador  Jay  to  the 

Court  of  St.  James's 2      587 

Sends  reinforcements  to  Sul- 
livan   2      417 

Surprises    the    Hessians    at 

Trenton 2      437 

Sympathy  of,  with  Boston  ...  1  349 
Takes  command  of  the  army  .   2      377 

Takes  leave  of  soldiers ^2      560 

Takes  up  winter  quarters  at 

Morristown. 2      507 

Uniforms    of    soldiers     sug- 

«*t«dby 2      381 

Volunteers    in    Virginia    in- 

■P«5tedby i      357 

Watchfulness  of 2      553 

Welcomed  to  Boston 2      401 

Winter  experience  of,  at  Cam- 

5*"^ 2      398 

Winter  quarters  of,  at  Valley 

f°fKe 2      471 

Withdraws  from  the  army  ...  1  278 
Witnesses  the  attack  on  Fort 

'^^ 2      428 

Writes   to   the   Secretary   of 
War  in  behalf  of  soldiers...   2      556 
1J*^°"'    ''"**"•    commands 
Virginia   company    in    In- 
dian war. 
Wadiington,    WiUiam," '  Colonel'.  ^^^ 

attacked    by    Tarleton   at 

Monk's  Comer 2      512 

Bimvery  of.  in  battle  of  Guul 
fordCourtHouse. .  ..  o      «;•?« 

Or«-.d.  cavalry  in  battle  '' 

oftheCowpen. ^      53^ 


VOL.  PAGE 

Wayne,  Anthony,  at  Stony  Point  2  605 

In  battle  of  Brandy  wine.  ...  .    2  465 

Indians  defeated  by 2  579 

In  Virginia 2  645 

Mutinous  soldiers  under 2  530 

Nicknamed  "Mad  Anthony".    2  448 
Pennsylvania   regiment   com- 
manded by 2  414 

Treaty  of,  with  Indians 2  580 

Ways  and  Means,  committee  of .  .    4  67 

Weakling,  Roosevelt  on  the 4  198 

Wealth  and  political  power  in  the 

United  States 4  270 

Weapons,  Indian,  primitive 1  40 

Webster,   Daniel,   and   treaty  of 

Washington 2  738 

Aa  Secretary  of  State 2  735 

Attitude  of,  towards  the  Na- 
tional Bank 2  737 

Death  of 3  842 

Debate  of,  with  Hayne 2  722 

Debates  of,  with  Calhoun  ....    2  748 

In  Congress 2  657 

In  Fillmore's  cabinet 2  735 

On    freedom    in    relation    to 

government 4  287 

On  the  tariff 2  703 

Opposition  of,  to  War  of  1812 .    2  673 
Roger  Sherman's  reference  to 

Pilgrim  oration  of 4  223 

Quotation  from 3  832 

Webst«r,  Noah,  eminent  lexicog- 
rapher      3  1155 

Welles,  Gideon,  Secretary  of  the 

Navj'  in  Lincoln's  cabinet .    3  881 
Wells,  David  A.,  on  rights  of  rich 

and  poor 4  281 

Welsh,  Herbert,  on  The  Unit  of 

Authority 4  265 

Wesley,  John  and  Charles,  preach- 
ing of 1  195 

West  Point,  United  States  Mili- 
tary Academy  at 2  629 

Oflficers  trained  at 2  786 

Wetherford,      half-breed      chief, 

massacre  by 2  653 

Wethersfield,  Conn i  115 

Washington     and     Rocham- 

beau  meet  at 2  542 

Weyler,  General,  in  Cuba 3  1180 

Wheeler,  William  A.,  elected  Vice- 
President 3  1070 

Wheelock,the  Rev.Eleazer,  school 
/or  Indian  boys  estab- 
lished by 1  338 


GENERAL  INDEX 


475 


VOL..  PAGE 

Whig  party,  defeat  of  in  1862  .   4  177 

Short  history  of 4  397 

Whigs,  colonial,  loyalty  of 4  367 

Definition  of  term 1  343 

In  the  Carolinas 2  527 

Repeal  of  laws  of  the 2  562 

Triumph  of,  at  the  Presiden- 
tial election  of  1840 4  378 

Whiskey  Insurrection,  account  of  2  585 
Whitcombe,    Asa,    Colonel,    pa- 
triotic act  of 2  392 

White,  William,  Bishop,  ordina- 
tion of 2  568 

Whitefield,    George,    asylum    for 

poor  children  founded  by . .   1  196 

Motto  given  by 1  264 

Saying  of 1  329 

Visit  of,  to  New  England  ...   1  268 

White  Plains,  battle  of 2  426 

Whitney,  Eli,  cotton-gin  invented 

by 2  700 

Whittier,   John   G.,   honored  in 

literature 3  1155 

Wilderness,  battles  of  the 3  1007 

Wilkes,  Charles,  Captain,  Antarc- 
tic explorations  of 2  742 

Capture  of  envoys  to  England 

by 3  908 

Wilkinson,    James,    General,    at 

Natchez 2  649 

Futile  attempt  of,  to  captiu-e 

Canada 2  651 

Letter  delivered  by,  to  Wash- 
ington     2  434 

Resignation  of,  from  the  army  2  661 
William   and   Mary,   College   of, 

founded 1  144 

Williams,    Colonel   Ephraim,    at 

Fort  Edward 1  293 

Williams, Colonel  Otho  H.,  in  the 

Revolutionary  War 2  535 

Williams,  Eunice,  capture  of,  by 

Indians  at  Deerfield 1  257 

Williams,  Roger,  charter  obtained 

by,  for  Rhode  Island 1  123 

Defense  of  Providence  by . . .   1  209 

On  religious  persecution 4  285 

Persecution  of,  by  Puritans.  .1  110 

Providence  foimded  by 1  111 

Visit  of,  to  the  Pequod  Indi- 
ans    1  117 

Williamsburg,  battle  of 3  941 

Williams  College,  founded 1  294 

Students  of,  in  foreign  mis- 
sions    2  636 


VOL..  PAGE 

William  III.,  King,  ascends  the 

throne 1       214 

Injustice  of,  to  William 

Penn 1       170 

Willoughby  Run,  battle  at 3      979 

Wilmington,  N.  C,  taken 3     1015 

Wilmot  Proviso  introduced  into 

Congress 2      827 

Wilson,   Henry,   on   the  colored 

race 3    1048 

Vice-President,  death  of 3    1062 

Wilson,  Woodrow,  his  "Congres- 
sional Government,"  quoted  4        64 
Wilson-Gorman    tariff    bill,    the, 

Cleveland's  refusal  to  sign.   3    1172 

Obstructive  nature  of 3    1171 

Passage  of 3    1168 

Wilson's  Creek,  battle  at 3      899 

Winchester,  General,  taken  pris- 
oner    2      643 

Winder,    General,   militia   called 

out  by 2      667 

On  the  Potomac 2      669 

Windom,   William,  in  Garfield's 

cabinet 3     1082 

In  Harrison's  cabinet 3    1133 

Winslow,  Edward^  Governor,  ad- 
vice of,  to  Roger  Williams.    1      111 

Character  of 1        98 

Exploring  tour  of,  to  Connec- 
ticut colony.  .'. 1       113 

Quotation  from 1       101 

Visit  of,  to  Massasoit 1       103 

Winthrop,  John,  chosen  Governor 

of  Massachusetts 1       108 

The  younger,  charter  obtained 

by,  for  Connecticut 1      202 

Winthrop,     Robert   C,    in     the 

Thirty-first  Congress 3      829 

On  the  American  flag 4      295 

Oration    by,     at     laying     of 
corner-stone  of  Washington 

Monument 3    1107 

Winthrop,  Theodore,  death  of . .   3      893 
Wirt,  William,  in  Monroe's  cabi- 
net    2      689 

Wisconsin,  admitted  as  a  State. .   2      828 
Wise,     Henry     A.,     Confederate 

forces  under 8      901 

Wise,  the  Rev.  John,  on  church 

tax 1      213 

Witchcraft,  in  Great  Britain 1      229 

Salem 1      222 

Witherspoon,  John,  Dr.,  patriot- 
ism of 1      361 


476 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


In  battle  at  Molino  del  Rey 
March  of.  to  VeraCniz...  . 
Takes  pouseiMion  of  SaltUlo 

Wnu  of  Aaaistance 

Wyoming,  nuMacre  of . . 

Avenged *■■■   ~ 

Twritory  of,  madeaState.!^  3 


307 
309 


VOL.  PAOr 

Wolfe,  Jameo,  General,  army  rec- 
ord of  1      301 

At  Quebec 1 

Literary  tastes  of 1 

Wooutn,  sphere  of,  among  North 

American  Indians 1 

Woman  9ufTra<?e  in  certain  States.  4 
Women's  Hospital  of  the  State  of 

New  York S 

Wood,   Leonard,    and   Theodore 
Roosevelt,    in    the    Rough 

Riders 3 

Made  Colonel  of  the  Rough 

Riders 8 

Woodford,  General,  Continental 

army,  commissioned 2 

Wool,  John  E.,  General,  attack  on 

Queenstown  under 2 

Bravery  of,  at  Buena  Vista. .  2 
Conference  of,  with  Mexicans.  2 
Discipline  of  soldiers  under.  .  2 
Efforts  of,  towards  sustaining 

the  position  at  Buena  Vista.  2 
lo  command  at  the  Narrows.   2 

In  the  Civil  War 3 

News  of  Santa  Anna  received 

by 2 

Volunteers  drilled  by 2 

Wooeter,  David,  General,  death 

of 2 

Difficulties  of,  with  Arnold.  .  2 
Reinforcements  for  Schuyler 

under 2 

Worden,   John   L.,    Captain,    in 
command  of  the  Monitor.  .   3 

Worship,  freedom  of 4 

Indian,  tendency  of 1 

Worth,  William  J.,  General,  ad- 
vance of,  on  Monterey 2 

At  battle  of  Churubusco 2 

At  battle  of  Contreras. . .  . .  2 
Difficulties  of,  in  City  of  Me.x- 


1077 


1215 
1187 
448 

635 

786 
782 
770 

779 

775 
904 

772 
764 

450 
403 

383 

935 

284 

33 

764 
817 
814 


824 
819 
805 
770 
327 
498 
502 
1161 


VOL.  PAOI 

Yale  College,  founded 1      220 

Yamasees,  alliance  of,  with  the 

colonists 1       188 

Territory  of  the 1       186 

Yeamans,    Sir    John,    appointed 
Governor  of  the  Caro- 

linas 1      177 

Negro   slavery  introduced 

by 1      180 

Yeardley,    George,    Deputy-Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia  colony.  .  .  1         86 

His  death 1       132 

Yell,    Colonel,    in    command    of 

Arkansas  volunteers 2      775 

Killed  in  the  battle  of  Buena 

Vista 2      781 

Yellow    fever,    letter    regarding, 

from  General  Scott 2      771 

Volunteers'  dread  of,  in  Mex- 
ico     2      809 

York,  Canada,  taken 2      650 

Yorktown,  siege  of 2      647 

Siege  of,  second 3      939 

Siege  of,  centennial  of 3     1096 

Young,  Brigham,  appointed  Gov- 
ernor of  Utah 3      839 

Young  man  and  a  political  career, 

B.  B.  Odell,  Jr.,  on  the 4      260 

Young  Man  in  Politics,  The,  Gro- 

ver  Cleveland  on 4      200 

Youngmen,  the  nation's  future.  .    4       262 
Young  Men's  Christian  Associa- 
tion, first  organized  in  Boa- 

to° 3     1153 

Youthful     nation,     the     United 

States  as  a 2      573 

Yulee.    Senator,    on    obstructing 

legislation 3      877 

Yumas,  home  of  the 1        27 


Zenger,  John  Peter,  the  New 
Y  ork  Weekly  Journal  estab- 
lished by 1      221 

ZoUicoffer,    Felix,  General,    occu- 
pies Cumberland  Gap  .;.*:<.    S      902 
Union  forces  attacked  by 3      910 


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