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VOL. I. 1543-1800. 



Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1884, by 


In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

All Rights Reserved. 


PROCEEDING northward from the more defined re 
gions of Spanish domination in America, on reaching 
the forty-second parallel the hitherto steady course 
of our Pacific States History is interrupted, and 
after the earliest voyages of discovery we are referred 
to Canada and France, and later to Anglo -America 
and England, for the origin of affairs, and for the 
extreme north to Russia. The ownership of this 
region, always ignoring the rights of the natives, was 
at first somewhat vague; it was disputed by the sev 
eral European powers, France, Spain, and England, 
and after the first two had retired from the field 
England and the United States held a bloodless 
quarrel over it. The original doctrine in seizing un 
known lands was to claim in every direction as far as 
those lands extended, even if it was quite round the 
world. Thus Columbus would have it, and Vasco 
Nunez de Balboa thought that all the shores washed 
by the Pacific Ocean were not too great recompense 
to his king for having so valiant a subject as himself. 
France was disposed to claim from Canada west to 
the Pacific, and back of the English plantations down 
the valley of the Great River to the Mexican Gulf, 


-.lie measured 

U deplli being the 

But Spain, sending her navi- 
enabled l>y discovery 
than could be made to rest on 
a Columbus or a Balboa, or even 
AVliile Great Britain and 

: relied on explorations and occupa- 

1 11 ing the former discoveries, and 

voluntary concessions from Spain, 

,t an exploring expedition, followed 

n by a trader; but she advanced no claims 

irt ing with her broad Canadian and Mississippi 


Ob viot : affecting this area as a whole, 

ision into separate domains, belong to 
h of t ; states; so that the History 

<t may properly be regarded as 
to and part of the History of Oregon, 
the Hist( Washington, Idaho, and Montana, and 
th // of British Columbia. 

< )n the earliest maritime explorations, the voyages 

fur-traders, and the famous Nootka contro- 

", I I a able to consult many important 

bs not known to Greenhow, Twiss, and the 

of 1846 and earlier years. Notable 

new authorities are the journals of Gray, 

II. U, Winsliij), Sturgis, and other American voy- 

ting items on northern trips 

>m the Spanish archives of California. The 

Question, growing out of these earliest 

troversies, is here for the first time 

in an h ieal rather than a partisan stand- 


During the summer of 1878 I made an extended 
tour in this territory for the purpose of adding to 
my material for its history. Some printed matter I 
found not before in my possession. I was fortunate 
enough to secure copies of the letters of Simon Fraser, 
and the original journals of Fraser and John Stuart; 
also copies from the originals of the journals of John 
Work and W. F. Tolmie, the private papers of John 
McLoughlin, and a manuscript History of the North- Coast by A. C. Anderson. Through the kind 
ness of Mr John Charles, at the time chief of the 
Hudson s Bay Company on the Pacific coast, I was 
given access to the archives of the fur company 
gathered at Victoria, and was permitted to make 
copies of important fort journals, notably those of 
Fort Langley and Fort Simpson. But most im 
portant of all were the historical and biographical 
dictations taken from the lips of several hundred of 
the pioneers and earliest fur-hunters and settlers then 
living, by a short-hand reporter who accompanied me 
in my travels, and which were afterward written out, 
severally bound, and used in the usual way as 
material for history. It is scarcely possible to ex 
aggerate the importance of this information, given as 
it was by actors in the scenes represented, many of 
whom have since departed this life, and all of whom 
will soon be gone. To no small extent it is early his 
torical knowledge absolutely rescued from oblivion, 
and which if lost no power on earth could reproduce. 
Conspicuous among those who thus bear testimony 
are Mrs Harvey, who gave me a biographical sketch 
of her father, Chief Factor McLoughlin; John Tod, 
chief for a time of New Caledonia; Archibald Mc- 
Kinlav, in charge of Fort Walla Walla at the time of 

> 9 t ) 


in in Roderick.Finlayson, once in 

el: ; Victoria ; A. C. Anderson, road-maker, 

plorer, and historian. 

urn nls of explorers and the narratives of 
mhodv in a wilderness of useless matter 


irh valuaMc information. These works are quite 

: l>ut even if they were at hand, one could w r ade 

hem only at great loss of time. Of these, 

part of my History, I have summarized several 

British and American government documents 

full at a later period, when England and t 
States carried on their hot disputations on the 
ct of occupancy. 

The freshness of the field has rendered it to me 
ly fascinating; of the manner in which my 
:i has taken form, and of the use I have 
le of my opportunities, the public must judge. 




Primary Significance The Subject in its Widest Scope The Home of 
Mystery Historic and Mythic Interest The Conjectural and the 
Real Origin of the Strait Myth and of the Northern Mystery West 
Coast Theories State of Geographical Knowledge in 1550 In the 
South-east North-east, Explorations by the Cabots and Cortereals, 
by Aillon, Verrazano, Gomez, Cartier In the South-west, by Balboa, 
Espinosa, Davila, Corte"s, Alarcon, Ulloa, Cabrillo Inland Wander 
ings by Cartier, Soto, Cabeza de Vaca, Guzman, Niza, and Coronado 
1550 to 1600, Frobisher, Ribault, Menendez, Raleigh New Mexican 
Entradas Urdaneta, Drake, Gali, Cermeuon 1600 tolG50, Vizcaino, 
Oiiate Canadian Fur- hunters and Jesuits Hudson and Baffin 1650 
to 1700, the Hudson s Bay Company, Marquette, La Salle, and Padre 
Kino 1700 to 1750, Philippine Galleons English Freebooters 
V^rendrye to the Rocky Mountains Arctic Discoveries 1750 to 
1800, Hearne and Mackenzie Escalante in Utah Occupation of 
California Russian Discoveries 1 




Field of Conjecture Mythic Geography Strait or no Strait Passage to 
India Cabots and Cortereals Ruysch and Schoner Amazon Isles 
Clavos and Esclavos Maps of 1530-1 Queen of California Cana 
dian Rumors Niza s Fictions Real Explorations of 1540-3 Cibola, 
Tiguex, and Quivira Gomara s Blunder Ruscelli and Munster 
Ramusio and Homem A Choice of Straits Theories of Menendez 
First Trip through the Strait Urdaneta Sal vatierra s Tale 
Ribault T;ipia Ortelius Theatrum Tolm Anian Origin of the 
Name Ladrillero at the Strait Meta Incognita Martin Chacke 
Drake s Pilot Espejo s Lake and River Hakluyt Lok s Map By 
the Roauoke to the Pacific La Gran Copal Peter Martyr Acosta 

on the Mystery 32 





TV to L.k Prcsump- 

-\\ : : initiation of 

1 ..,,! ( D.ul Pure Fiction 

: -Tlii-Cr Pav- 

: umiarkabk; Map- Close of the Cen- 

11, ;;< A s River As- 

quemada Ofiate Lake Copalla 7. \ and Queen 

i > MiiSmiMi -Maldonado s Pretended Voyage 

ii -A Famous Lie 70 




Spa .nta Garcia tie Silva A Xew Phase California once more an 
iona Dutch Map Briggs Treatise Salmeron Del- 
.1- De Laet Winnepegs, or Men of the Sea Xicolet 
< uate on Xcn therii Geography D Avity Acle Mel- 
guer- Bcription Ogilby Marquette, Hennepin, and La 
. le 1 Teguayo Paredes Dampier Luy t La Hoiitan 
!ige Island or Peninsula? Maps of liacke, Heylyn, and 
liolomew de Fonte s Fictitious Letter De L ls se and 
hy of a Hoax Rogers Velarde Niel Ugarte s 
iiia a Peninsula Again Shelvocke Coxe Dobbs 
: Vetancurt Fllis Xew Mouth for the Colorado Veiie 1 
Jefferys Eugel Carver End of the Mystery 100 



L 543-1775. 

me Ferrelo Did not Pass the Forty-second Parallel Francis 
His \ Different Versions The Famous Voyage The 

-sed Fletcher s Falsehoods The Limit cannot be 
; bly Reached Latitude Forty-three And was the 
r of Oregon Gali s Voyage not Extending to Northern 
Vizcaino and Martin Aguilar Point St George in 
:lu rn Limit Revival of Exploration under Carlos 
:i (if Juan Perez to Latitude Fifty-five Instructions 
Applied Intercourse with Indians Discovery 
TheW; aet Discovered Second Exploration under 

rty -ninth Parallel First Landing in Oregon 

d by Indians Discovery of the Columbia 
after parting from Heceta, to the Fifty- 
eighth Parallel J 




1778-1788. *A<;E. 

Captain Cook s Expedition Instructions Discoveries and Names Map 
At San Lorenzo, King George Sound, or Nootka Origin of the Fur- 
trade Voyage of Arfccaga and Cuadra to Alaska English Fur- 
traders from 1 785 Hanna s Voyages La Pe"rouse Archipelago or 
Mainland ? Map Expedition of Strange, Lowrie, and Guise McKey 
at Nootka Portlock and Dixon Queen Charlotte Isles Barclay 
Discovers the Strait Duncan and Colnett Martinez and Haro in 
Alaska Spanish Policy Foreshadowed The Stars and Stripes in the 
North Pacific Voyage of Kendrick and Gray on the ; Columbia and 
Washington An Original Diary Murderers Harbor Wintering 
at Nootka Voyage of Meares and Douglas Under Portuguese 
Colors Launch of the North West America The House that Jack 
Built 1G7 




Voyages of 1789 Movements of Kendrick and Gray Cruise of the 
Lady Washington End of Haswell s Diary The Columbia Goes 
to China and Boston Kendrick in the Strait Trading Trip of Doug 
las and Funter Meares in China A New Partnership Voyage of 
Colnett and Hudson Plans for a Permanent Establishment Met- 
calf s Voyage Spanish Expedition under Martinez and Haro Seiz 
ure of the Iphigenia Motives of Capture and Release A Spanish 
Fort at Santa Cruz de Nutka Seizure of the North West America 
Taking of the Argonaut and Princess Royal Colnett versus 
Martinez Prizes Sent to San Bias Restoration by the Viceroy 
The Spaniards Quit Nootka American Policy Merits of the Con 
troversy The News in Europe Spain and England Diplomacy and 
Impending War Spain Yields The Nootka Treaty 204 




Spanish Reoccupation of Nootka by Elisa Fidalgo s Exploration in the 
North Quimper in the Strait of Fuca His Chart Colnett and the 
Argonaut No Fur- trade Kendrick s Schemes Explorations of 
1 7^1 The San Carlos Elisa s Survey of the Strait His Map The 
Nootka Coast The Transport Aranzazu Malaspina s Expedition 
in the Descubierta and Atrevida The Garrison The Boston 
Traders Gray and Haswell Keudrick Ingraham Marchaud s 



i of 1792 The Traders 

Tli .uilding of the Adventure Harwell s 

;, Baker, .Shepherd, Colu- 

ii Tra.; Danish Explorations Caa- 

. >rth Guliuno and Vuldes on the Sutil and Mexi- 

cana T b the Strait of Fuca Navarrete s Summary Van- 

coi. Expedition 239 




The Policy of Spain Delay for Exploration The Viceroy s Ideas In 
structions to the Commissioner Cuadra s Investigations Vancou- 
sion The Commissioners at Nootka English Claims 
-h Offers Agreement to Disagree Convention of 1793 Dam- 
! Revilla Gigedo s Report Vancouver s Second Voyage 
isou Saavedra Succeeds Fitlalgo Tho Trading Fleet of 
3 Cuadra Succeeded by Alava Trip of the Aranzazu to Cali- 
aia Captain John Kendrick Vancouver s Third Voyage 
: Treaty of 1794 The Controversy Ended Alava 
and Pierce Final Abandonment of Nootka in March 1795 The 
Ti : . ie Phoenix of 1 793 Broughton s Visit Dorr, the Yankee 
of 179(3 Rowan and the Elisa of 1793 Cleveland s Cruise- 
The Betsy of 1800 284 



.on Ships of 1801 Record of 1802 Mishap of the Manchester 
St. ,1 the Coast Loss of the Boston, 1S03 Massacre of the 

-Jewett s Captivity Rowan and Brown at San Francisco from 
tin- i -List of 1804 Smugglers O Cain and his New Idea- 

Russian Contracts Indians Attack the Atahualpa, 1805 Lewis 
and Clarke s List Rezunof and his Plans, 1800 Coming of the 
-ips O Cain, Derby, and Guatimozin of 1807 Pearl, 
uver, and Mercury of 1808-9 The Fur-hunters of 1810-11 
! Columbia Settlement The Albatross Voyage of the 
iquin --The Beaver of 1812 Effects of the War The Traders 
Blockaded Seizure of the Mercury and Charon, 1813 Captain 
H. B. M. Sloop Raccoon Takes Astoria The Pedler of 
i The Isaac Todd The Northwest Company s Columbia of 
Sir, The < 1 in California, 1810 Last of the Albatross 

Ts Voyage in the Bordelais, 1817-18 Last of Maquinna 
The Men-of-war Ontario and Blossom Vessels of 





1778-1846. PAGE. 

The Sea-otter Commentaries upon It The Russian Beginnings The 
Chinese Market Captain Cook s Discoveries Bolts Enterprise 
John Ledyard and his Plans An Eccentric Yankee Disheartening 
Failures English Efforts from India Hanna and his Followers 
In London Portlock and Dixon French Investigation La P6- 
rouse Marchand s Experience Beginnings at Boston Kcndrick 
and Gray Routine of the Trade Englishmen versus Americans 
Perils of the Business Character of the Natives Methods of 
Barter Articles Desired Statistics The Trade in California 
The English Companies -American Devices Decline of the Fur- 
trade 343 



1524-1 7G3. 

Change of Ownership, in 1759-63, of North America Discovery France 
in South America and Florida The Fishermen and Fur-traders of 
Newfoundland and the St Lawrence History of the Fur-trade 
Peltries a Vital Element in Colonization The Cartier Nephews and 
the St Malo Merchants La Roche The Forty Thieves Pont- 
grav6 Chauvin De Chastes Champlain De Monts The Port 
Royal Company The Jesuits in New France Tadousac Becomes 
the Centre of the Fur-trade New England and New York Fur- 
trade Comte de Soissons The Company of St Malo and Rouen 
Champlain s Misrule The Franciscans Celebrate Mass in New 
France The Caens New France under Richelieu The Hundred 
Associates Sir William Alexander and the Brothers Kirk The 
Hurons and the Iroquois Troubles in Arcadia Discovery and Oc 
cupation of the Mississippi Valley by De Soto, Marquette, Joliet, 
La Salle, Hennepin, and Iberville The Great Fur Monopolies of 
New France French and Indian War Final Conflict Treaties 
Boundaries 378 



Northern and Western Fur Territory Physical Features Habitats of 
Fur-bearing Animals Voyageurs Coureurs des Bois Anglo-Amer 
ican Trapper His Characteristics Compared with Those of the 
French Canadian Boating Brigades Running Rapids Travel 
Dress Food Caching 404 



T1 n n:\pi; UNDKII r-nrnsir AUSPICES. 

1 007-1843. rAGE 

Ki-ury Jl.i.lson Grosseliez and Eabisson, 
Rupert, from the Hudson s Bay Company- 
riul Limits of the Company The French Invade 
Planting of Forts round Hudson Bay Bounda- 
ht Character and Policy of the Corpora- 
] Divisions Material of the Hudson s Bay Corn- 
Work iu-s of the System Stock Furs Currency- 
-Intercoune U-t>veen Posts Profits Parliamentary Sanction 
Crown Grant 



Application of the Term The Erection of a Fort a Special Favor, and 
Occasion of Rejoicing A Depot or Factory Architecture and Con 
structionExamples of Several Forts York Factory Fort Garry 
t William Fort Edmonton Fort Franklin Fort Vancouver 
t Walla Walla Fort Rupert Wyeth s Establishment on Wapato 
ind Fort Hall Fort Yukon Fort VictoriaGround Plan of 
Fort Simpson Rendezvous Life at the Forts 482 



Shore of New England Hollanders on the Hudson The New Nether 
lands Company The Swedish West India Company on the Dela 
ware Henry Fleet on the Potomac Comparisons between the Fur 
Business of Canada and the United States Percolations through the 
Alleghanies The Fur-trade of Natchez The Ohio Company La- 
clede, Maxan, and Company Auguste and Pierre Chouteau In- 
1s from Michilimackinac St Louis in 1803 Trappers on the 
Missouri Th - Missouri Fur Company Astor s Projects The Amer- 
u Fur Company The Pacific Fur Company The South-west 
Company The Columbia Fur Company The North American Fur 
The Rocky Mountain Fur Company Sublette, Bridger, 
Fitzpatrick, and Pierre Chouteau the Younger James Pursley and 
of the Santa F6 Trade B. Pratte and Company 
it an<l St Yrain Gaunt, Dripps, Blackwell, and Fontenelle Kit 
i, J ildu-r, Bonneville, Walker, and Wyeth The Rendezvous 
i and California The China Trade The Califor 
nia Fur-trade Jcdcdiah Smith Pattie. . 499 




Different Views of Suvagism by Different Europeans, according to their 
Several Interests United {States Policy Humane Intentions Vil 
lainy of Agents Border Atrocities Policy of the Northwest and 
Hudson s Bay Companies The Interests of Gold-seekers, Fur Com 
panies, and Settlers Contrasted System of Wife-taking Half- 
breeds Intoxicating Drink Missionaries , . . 529 




Character of the Montreal Associates The French Regime Reviewed 
Trade at Michilimackinac The Montreal Merchants Penetrate 
North-westward and Form a Commercial Copartnership Disaffec- 
tionists form the X. Y. Company Union of the Two Factions 
Internal Regulations of the Northwest Company The Grand Port 
age Early Voyages from Montreal to Lake Superior Feudal Glo 
ries of Fort William Wars between the Northwest Company and 
the Hudson s Bay Company The Red River Affair Fusion of the 
Two Companies 551 




Unknown North- wests The North-west of New France Champlain 
Brebceuf Mesnard Allouez Marquette and Joiiet La Salle and 
Hennepin Grosseliez and Radisson La Hontan The Story of 
Joseph La France Ve"rendrye, the Fur-hunter, Proposes to Fit Out 
an Expedition Character of V6rendrye Governor-general Beauhar- 
nais Regards the Plan Favorably Verendrye s Copartnery and 
Route Embarkation Erection of Forts Massacre at Lac des Bois 
of Young Verendrye, Pere Anneau, and Twenty Men Discovery of 
the Rocky Mountains Ve"rendrye s Return and Death Infamous 
Conduct of Canadian Officials Adventures of Moncacht AptS 
Carver s Speculations Hearne s Journey Pike s Expeditions 
Long s Explorations 585 



Historical Consequences of the Position of the Cordilleras Physical 
Geography of the Mountain Region of the W r est The Rocky Moun 
tain I a.^scs between the Arctic Ocean and the Forty-ninth Parallel 
Passes through the Coast Range Through the Rocky Mountains 



itudcs -10" and -Paths ncross the Plateau The 

Mountains The Colorado Region 
<> The Sii-iTii Miulre The Eastern Range 

Tl. nns anil < -os Historical and Ethno- 

uce of the R- rom the Atlantic to the Pacific 

e Tlio North American Situation Routes to 

: creel Historical Conclusions 616 



Origin, Occupation, and Character of Alexander Mackenzie His Jour- 
. to the Arctic Ocean and Return Embarks at Fort Chepewyan 
for the Pacific Proceeds up Peace River Winters at Fort Fork 
Continues his Journey the Following May Arrives at the Finlay 
Branch Turns Southward into Parsnip River Ascends a Branch 
of this Stream to its Source Portage at the Great Divide Descends 
Bad River to the Frazer, which the Party Follow as far as Quesnelle 
Return to a Trail above West Road River Strike out Overland for 
the Western Ocean Route Arrive at Friendly Village Great 
Village Rascals Village Reach the Sea at Bentinck North Arm 
Observations Traces of Vancouver Return Troubles with the 
ivcs Narrow Escapes Reach Fraser River Arrive <at Fort 
Fork The Journey Completed 666 




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* /, ://, 








EVERY age, as presented to us by history, displays 
some features better and some worse than the cor 
responding characteristics of our own age. There are 
so-called golden ages, in which honor is besmeared with 
vices such as times \\vre never cursed with before; 
and there are brnss ages and iron ages, in which there is 
truth and heroism, if not so many of the comely and 
s\\ vet humanities of life. Human progress is like the 

VOL. I. 1 & 


rer rhvulating hrtwi-en equator and 
;iiilihrium of temperature and a level, 
:id finding Done, 

inant feature in Northwest Coast discovery 
itipn is royal mendacity. Maritime lying 
climax, and borders on the heroic. Enough 
climate s and configurations to form bases 
aginings, and not enough in certain 
render detection likely; the listener s 
! once made up to overlook the audacious in 
to truth on the part of navigators, and he 
will lind their talcs ]iot always unpleasing. 

Tl nn Northwest Coast, as defined for the pur- 
of this history, includes the territory known in 
times as Oregon, Washington, and British Co- 
ia. Exploration naturally occupies the first place 
in its annals: and the earliest exploration here, as in 
of the New r World, is maritime. The his- 
QS first task is to present, in chronologic order, 
ive voyages by which the coast of the 
i ocean from latitude forty-two to fifty-four 
no: H known to Europeans, and on which 

undrd divers claims, more or less conflicting, 
rional ownership. Later we will observe inland 
travail- .nd follow them amidst their wanderings 
nighty western slope, and as far north as the 
In its narrowest limits the subject first 

-If in the form of the geographical ex 
ploration of an unknown seaboard some seven hun- 
d) id iii ty miles in extent. 

i broader scope. Just as Prince Henry s 

uthward gropings along the African coast acquire 

chief int. resl ;ind importance as part of a grand 

f don l.lin- the cape and opening a way by 

the first discoveries of Columbus in 

fascinating, not only in bringing to 

he position, outline, and products of certain 

i, but m the idua of the great explorer s fancied 


approach to the realms of the Grand Khan, and in the 
1 hut unsuspected nearness of a new continent; as 
the [sthmian coastings and plunderings, along chapter 
of outrage and disaster, are linked in the reader s min<l 
with Dalhoa s grand discovery of a new ocean, and 
with tlu, rich provinces located by Spanish imagina- 
i on its shores; as Portuguese progress, step by 
;> down the Brazilian coast, was but a prelude to 
Magellan s voyages into the Pacific and round the 
world; as Ponce de Leon s name suggests not the 
marshes of Florida so much as the fountain of youth; 
the ploddings of Cortes on and about the sterile 
Californian Peninsula were but commonplace achieve 
ments for the conqueror of Mexico compared with 
what he hoped to achieve and what he sought, the 
isles of pearls and spires and Amazons, the estrecho, 
and the route to India; and as Xuw Mexican Pueblo 
town realities, wonderful as they are, pale into in 
significance before the imaginary splendors of the 
cities that Cabeza de Vaca heard of, the Cibola that 
Marcos de Niza visited, and the Quivira built up like 
an air castle on Coronado s modest picture of a wig 
wam town on the northern plains- -so this northern 
coast of the Oregon must ever be less famous histori 
cally for what was found there and for the adventures 
of those who found it, than for what was sought in 
vain, and what ought by current cosmography to have 
K en found. Here opened into the broad Pacific the 
strait of Anian, by which ships, when once the en 
trance on either side was found, misjht sail without 


hinderance from ocean to ocean. Here, on either side 
iho strait, manifold wonders and mysteries had their 
inaccessible seat for more than two centuries. 

Here, at and about an island standing opposite the 
entrance of a strait that lacked only length to afford 
the desired interoceanic communication, Russian ex 
plorers came down from the farther north and met 
Spanish explorers from the south, while other.-. Knglish 
and American, intruded themselves and gained for 


I M Tinan< -lit ] x >ssessions between 
Q ;m ,l jia. Mueh historic interest 

this portion <f the western sea- 
ison with other parts, independently 
tythic elements in the Northern Mystery 
v! . .-111(1 oi the fascinations naturally 

. the discovery of new regions. I have 
\. the navigators of four nations whose 
ivd the waters of the northern Pacific 
:i<l besides to make the reader familiar with 
3 in tlic same direction preceding and leading 
.1 discoverv. Moreover, since conjecture is to 
! ivcnnK d no less than the known, theory preceding 
l overshadowing knowledge, I have to note the 
rumors < m which theories were made to rest, also many 
ges which we re never made, but only described 
by imaginative navigators. And finally, the mythical 
ad an opening on the Atlantic as well as on 
tin* Paciiie. else it were not worth searching for and 
th -ori/ 5 ni;- about; and the eastern no less than the 
I n outlet was sought for diligently in voyages 
which therefore become part of the matter under con- 

It will be seen that this topic of north-western ex 
ploration in its broadest scope, and with all its prece- 
iit connections, might properly enough be made to 
a volume. There are circumstances, however, 
which will enable me to restrict an exhaustive pre- 
n <>f the subject within comparatively narrow 
liin Chief ;;mong these circumstances is the fact 
.ploration of regions south of the forty- 
<>n<l parallel, both by sea and land, has been fully 
rded in every desirable detail in the preceding 
s of this series; while like particulars of explo- 
in tli.- extreme north, less essential to the pres- 
<-nt purpose, will beeiven in a later volume on Alaska. 
brief and summary allusion to matters 
which the reader is familiar will often suffice, 
where otherwise more minute treatment would be re- 


<|iiired. Repetition then- \i\\\ \\\ some pi. 

the subject, l>ut only in those hearing directly on ti 

ineral result. A-ain, I believe that iii the case of 
fictitious vo\ and Around! theories, respect 

ing whose character modern knowledge leaves no 


possible doubt, most of the circumstantial eviden< 

which iills the pages of earlier writers for or against 
their authenticity and soundness may now he wisely 
omitted. Detailed description may also profitably 
give way to general statement in presenting expedi 
tions to the northern Atlantic coasts in the vain 
.rch for a passage leading to the Pacific. As in 
other parts of this series, detailed information con 
cerning the aboriginal inhabitants of the regions 
explored is of course omitted from the annals of 
exploration, for that has been presented much more 
completely than would be possible here in the Nat ice 
of the. Pdcijlc States. 

It is well at the outset to state clearly, even though 
it involves repetition, the origin of the cosmographic 
mysteries in which the northern parts of America 
were so long shrouded ; for they did not result wholly 
from the fact that those regions were the last to be 

plored. The Northern Mystery w r as a western nn 
tery at first, if, indeed, a mystery at all. Columbus 
set out from Spain with the expectation that by fol 
lowing a westerly course across the great ocean he 
would reach the Asiatic coast and islands described 
by Polo and Mandeville. By a fortunate under- 

innate of the distance to be traversed, the islands 
and coast were found to agree substantially in posi 
tion and trend with the current charts and descrip 
tions. The navigator s theories, agreeing in the main 
with the theories of his contemporaries and prede- 

asors, were verified: the enterprise was successful; 
and all that remained to be done was to follow the 
Asiatic coa>t >outh- westward to the rich provinces 
of India, This task presented no difficulties; but 


ttitted it to be executed a 
ad was t<>und in tlio south, not laid down in the 

^t fco be part of the Asiatic 
..nrlusioii was immediate and natural; 
,1 was simply a large island, separate but 
distant from the main, and not known to 
ad the rest The new discovery, how- 
1 DO obstacle t<> the old theories or to the 
India; yet in coasting south 
ward tin- Spaniards would have to pass between 
it in. nt and the island. This passage must be 
and this was indeed the strait, although 
in stage of development not a passage 

"<.u"-h a continent, but between Asia and an off- 


lying island. 

Bi time passed and explorers converged from 
the north and south they could find no strait, only 
land. This was an obstacle indeed. True, the passage 
:ng narrow might yet exist, having eluded inade 
quate search; otherwise geographical theories must 
be somewhat reconstructed, the old charts and de- 
ij tioiis being in error. The correction, though in- 
;ig serious difficulties in the direct navigation 
to India, was one that readily suggested itself. The 
latitudes of the old writers were not very definite, 
and their knowledge of the regions farthest north was 
sessarily vague; apparently, then, unless the strait 
could yet be found, the new land- -really South 
Ann -instead of being a detached island off the 
coast of Asia, must be a south-western projection of 
that eo;t>t from a point farther north than any known 
to the geogra pliers. As the years passed on and no 
strait was found; as successive voyages developed the 
gr; t of the southern projection; as the Isth- 

ers brought to light the South Sea shores; 
1 1 Portuguese navigator crossed the Pacific 
d.- known the immense stretch of waters sepa- 
the new lands from India; as Cortes and his 
1 the tact that Mexico also had its western 


coast- -the last conjecture became conviction and 
iv;ility. More than tliis, it became evident t!i;it not 

onlv WMS the Xe\\- \Yorld a projection of the Asiatic 
main, hut that all the new discoveries belonged t<> this 
K \Vorld projection, and that all the islands and 
main land of Columbus and the rest, were very far 
from the India which had been imagined so near. 
Yet there remained but little doubt that all was part 
of Asia, a projection still, though an immense one, 

from a region farther north. And the idea that there 


ou dit to be a strait somewhere had become too 


firmly rooted to be abandoned. There were th< 
who thought the strait might yet with closer search 
be found in southern regions; most believed it would 
be found in the north just beyond the limit of explora 
tion; while others, resolved to be fully abreast of 
future revelations, placed several straits at convenient 
intervals on their maps. 

X(*v the current idea among the most competent 
men of the time was for the most part accurate and 
well founded. All that remained to be done was to 
follow the western coast, at first north, then west, 
and finally south, to India, finding the strait on the 
way if any existed. The only error was in vastly 
underestimating the length of the route. It was 
not long, however, before exploration was pushed 
beyond the fortieth parallel. Meanwhile Spanish 
eneroy in exploration and conquest had greatly de 
clined, though Spain s commercial interests in South 
Sea waters, over which she claimed to exercise ex 
clusive dominion, had assumed immense importance. 
Spain had no strong desire for territorial possessions 
in the far north after the geographical relations of 
that region to India had become better known; and 
it soon became apparent that the discovery of the 
strait would bo no benefit but a positive disadvantage 
and menace to Spain. Nevertheless it was important, 
and even more urgent than before, to rind the strait - 
not as a shorter route to the Spice Islands, but that, 


! Spain, it illicit be cWed to the navi- 

oations. For the foreigners were 

:ing it ; there were even current re-ports 

>und it, concealing the fact; and the 

booters in South Sea waters caused no 

lif ii the subject. 

Meanwhile thmri/.ing went on, supplemented by 

at i<n and falsehood. Each navigator to the 

!. on either ocean, brought back information true 

which served ad fuel to the flame. The strait 

undoubtedly i<l; each indentation on either shore 

In- rded as its entrance till the contrary 

oved; and that being proved, the indentation 

\r north must be the right one. " It were a pity," 

tli navigator when at or near a gulf, bay, 

or river he was prevented by storms, scurvy, or other 

untoward circumstances from sailing through to the 

tic or to the Atlantic, "it were a pity that another 

should immortalize himself by the rediscovery of what 

I 1 found;" and forthwith he proceeded to protect 

his glory by an explicit description of what he had 

been on the point of seeing. Others required no 

1 1 voyage as a foundation for their falsehoods, 

but boldly claimed to have navigated the strait from 

ocean to ocean; and few interested in the subject but 

I find a >ailor who had accomplished one of these 

mteroceanic expeditions, or at least knew another who 

had don,- BO. And the fables current did not relate 

wholly to the mere existence of the strait, but ex- 

to tlie wonders bordering it on either side. 

aveUers by sea and land brought back tales of great 

nd rich provinces, always farther north than 

ion they had visited. The natives caught the 

f th- tunes, and became adroit in inventing 

n marvels fur the entertainment of the 

There is much reason to believe that the 

id fabulous tradition of an aboriginal migra- 

ttof Toltecand A/tee tribes from a northern centre 

ition had no other origin. 


There Were those who sought to lltili/o file Xol tllCm 

Mvstery lor the advancement of their own interests 
and sehem. Conquistadores were not wanting who 

d prepared lo duplicate in the i ar noil h tlio 

achievements of llernan Cortes; i riars doubted not 

that there awaited the reaping a great harvest of 
northern souls; and explorers were ready to make new 
j (editions at the royal cost. There was a constant 
stream of memorials <>n the importance of northern 
occupation; and the writers never failed to make the 
most of current rumors. Yet lor all the real and imagi 
nary urgency of the matter, and the pressure brought 
to bear on the throne, so occupied were the Spanish 
rulers with other affairs, or so completely had died out 
the adventurous spirit of old, and so unproductive 
Were the few weak efforts made, that for two centu 
ries little or nothing was accomplished. Then, late 
in the eighteenth century, in the time of Carlos III., 
there was a revival of exploring energy. All the old 
motives were yet potent; and a new cause of alarm 
appeared, the fear of Russian encroachment from the 
north-west. A series of. voyages was undertaken and 
carried out by Spain; English and American explorers 
made their appearance on the coast; the Russians 
were there already; and soon but little of mystery 
was left. No strait of Anian was found. There were 
none of the marvellous things that had been so freely 
attributed to the latitudes between 40 and G0; but 
there was a, wealth of furs for those inclined to ad- 
veuturous commerce, and there was a territory of 
sufficient value to inspire some petty national quar 
rels. These discoveries, and others of about the same 
date in the northern Atlantic, practically put an end 
to the Northern .Mystery so far as it related to a navi 
gable channel in moderately temperate latitudes, as 
located by the navigators who had sailed through the 
continent from ocean to ocean; though many years 
had yet to pass before belief in the old narratives and 
theories could be eradicated. 


And r all, the Northern Mystery was still a 

tttive t> maritime endeavor. It merely 

nether step n<>rth\vanl. as it had often done 

In Arctic regions the strait separating Asia 

m A was still sou-lit as diligently as ever; 

1 after many years it was i ound. One man has 

I through it, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, 

after the I -f hundreds of lives in vain efforts. And 

more retreat has the mystery- -in the famous 

1 at the north pole, where it even yet eludes 

the pin-suit iii which brave men are still losing their 

li\ J)riven from the north pole, whither will the 

phantom betake itself. I do not know. Judging from 

t. this is the only mystery about the matter 

not likely to be explained in the near future", 

After this preliminary sketch of the whole subject, 
L-t us glance at the exact condition of North Ameri- 
can <-\jlration in 1550. All the material needed 
for the purpose is contained in the Summary of geo 
graphical knowledge and discovery from the earliest 
r < >n U to the year 1540, published in the first volume 
of my ///>//// of Central America, supplemented in 
Lit lumes of this series by more detailed accounts 
of such voyages as directly concern the Pacific States 
territory. Between 1492 and 1550 European navi- 
\vith those of Spain far in the lead, had dis 
covered a Xew World, and had explored its coast line 

f<T some thirtv thousand miles, from 60 on the At- 


lantic coast of Labrador round by Magellan Strait to 

\ e 40 on the Pacific. It was a grand achievement, 

unparalleled in the past and never to be equalled in 


On the Atlantic side, from Darien to Florida, the 
coast and islands had been visited by Columbus in 
Iii- of 1492, 1493-5, and 1502; by Bastidas 

in L501; by Cosa and Ojeda in 1504-5; by Pinzon 
Jud l)ia/ in IjOC,; by Ojeda, Nicucsa, and other 
uld-bc, rul -rs of mainland colonies since 1509; by 


Ponce de Le<m in i ;, i-_> and 1 . 1,\- Vv livia in 
1512; _hy Miniel,, in L516; h I rdoba ! Gri 

in 1 . 1 7 L8j 1 V ( !oi Pineda. ( iai | Alamin 

in 1519; byGaray in l. by ( Hid in L524; I. ! 

tejo iii I 527; l.v IVmfilo <!< N in | 528 by 

Soto in L538 13; and ly many other n;i\ 
surveyed only such pa >{ th bad 1" 

already discovered 

rarther north on tin- Atlaiitj,- m Florida t . 
Labrador, tin- exploration was less thorough, hut it 

ivd in M i are tin- whole coast. In I 197 .l"lm 

< )"!, from Kngland, prohahly n ;iehed Lahi-adoj- 

between 56 and 58, and coasted northward some 
hundreds of l<-a^ii( r rhat land existed, and of 


extent, in that direction was tin- only L 

iact developed ly tin- voyag In 1498 Sel in 

( alxtt made a similar V( in which h 

i rom Lal)i-a<l<>r northward ]>os>il>ly to 30 , 
then southward to the gulf of St L:i\vivn<-.-, 8 
]ei-haj)s to Cane Halter, Iliei-.- is i, 
question the fact that these yoya , ,f the ( ah 
Aven- made as claimed; hut the record> are \ 
nothing is known of the cosmographical mot 1 r the 

-lilts. The Corteivals, (Jasj)ar and M [, ma 

three voyages for Portugal in loOO- J, in which 
followed the coast from Newfoundland far to tin- 
north, perhaps to Greenland Moth l>n>thers w< 
lost; and of discoveries made during the la 
tion nothing is known. The Corteiva ve i; 
to Newfoundland and Labrador, as depicted <>n m, 

of the time; they also left several local nam* 
contemporary narrative of the discoveries of eiti 
the Caoots or Cortereals is extant. The I*.)]-!!!- 

iishermen are sii]ij>osed to have continued their ti 
to Lahrador and Newfoundland BocaloQS, land 

codfish- hut no graphical results are known: 

the same may he said of th 3 of the Hi-etons 

and Xorinans. including those of Denys in I.")<H; and 
Aubert in 1508, the lonner of whom is said r ive 


explored the -ulf of St Lawrence. In 1520 Vazquez 

A ill. .n sent out an r\jHMlitu>n from Espunohi under 
dan, who reaehed a eountrv railed ]>y him Chicora, 
,,,t Carolina coasi In 15:24 Giovanni 
,HM. for Prance, rraehed the coast not far from 
dan s Chicora, sailed southward some fifty leagues, 
and tlu-n northward to Newfoundland. He was thus 
tin- iir.M to rxj.loiv a large portion of the United 
shore-line. Bstevan Gomez perhaps completed 
I linr in L525, whrn srrking in behalf of Spain^a 
lit between Newfoundland and Florida. Aillon in 
ught the strait from Chicora southward, 
making at thr same time a vain effort at colonization. 
In 1.VJ7 John Rut, an English navigator, is said to 
havr followed the roast from 53 down to Chicora. 
Jaojues ( artier for France made three expeditions, in 
1534, l.~>:55-6, and IT) 4 1-2. Incited by Verrazano s 
narrative and charts, his main object was to find a 
passage to the South Sea and Spice Islands. He did 
not iii id the strait, but he effected a very complete 
stir\w of the gulf and river of St Lawrence, New 
foundland, and all the surrounding complication of 
islands and channels. From Cartier s time the names 
of Xouvelle France, Canada, Newfoundland, St Law 
rence, Montreal, and many others still in use became 
< -in-rent, some of them having been applied before. 
FreiK-h and other fishermen had long frequented these 
waters; and maps of the time show many details not 
to ! fuund in any narrative. The French possessions 
included all territory above latitude 40. In connec 
tion with Cartier s 1,-i-t voyage, a settlement was made 
Quebec under Roberval as viceroy of Canada, 
Labrador, and the rest; but it was abandoned in 1543. 
And finally one Master Hore, an Englishman, has 
1< -it on re<-onl ;l voyage to Newfoundland made in 
I 536 This completes the list down to the middle of 
tl. ntiiry. purpose in view we may regard 
Atlantic coasi as fully explored from Darien to 
JIud>- ii Strait in latitude G0. 

Ptt> . ARD. 13 

We now turn southward, and with "Y > Xufn 
do Balboa crOSS to the South S-a in 151! 11 

grand discovery made, In- soon built .in \ 

in which the Isthmian coasts and islands wen 

plored. And with these Vessels in IJl J (Ja-j.a> 

Kspinosa pushed the exploration to the Costa Hiean 

gulf of Nicoya, in 10, visited already in 1 :> j 7 1 
Jlnriado in canoes. Jn 1 .VJ-J (iil (ron/ale/ I);ivi 
on other craft transported across the Isthmus, sailed 
again to Nicoya, and by land went on to \i 
while Andres Xino continued his voyage by 
at least to the gulf of Fen- in latitude I "> , 

and probably farther even to Soconusco or Tehuan- 
tcpec, if wo may credit the distances given by t! 
chroniclers. Meanwhile Reman Corte-. after con 
quering for Spain the .Mexican table-land of Analum 
had through Spanish agents discovered the western 
coast at three different points, thus determining it- 
general trend, and adding from two to five delves to 
knowledge of its extent. All this before the end of 
1522. The points were Tehuantepec, in HI , whence 
the native chiefs sent their allegiance; Tututepec, in 
about the same latitude, but one hundred miles fartlr 
west, occupied by Pedro de Alvarado; and ZacatuJ 
in 18, where Cortes simultaneously began to found 
a settlement, and constructed vessels for noil hern 
exploration. After long and vexatious delays, with 
which we are not at present concerned, the new 
vessels were completed in 152G, and another 1 
the strait of Magellan, under Guevara, arrived at 
Tehuantepec, and was brought to Zacatula. This il 
was ordered to the Moluccas in such haste that it 
could not take the proposed route along the northern 
coasts, but sailed direct for India in 1.VJ7; not, how 
ever, until three of the vessels had ina<l< a trial trip 
to the port of Santiago, in Coliina. a port already dis 
covered by Francisco Cort.V l an d expedition thr- 
years before. The coast now laydisclo-.-d from Panama" 
to Coliina. Five years elapsed before Cortes was able 


Anything on northern coasts. The 

by him were as follows: In 1532 

Hi, l,. Mendo: ached the Sinaloa coast, and 

v. Kio Fuerte, while his associate 

irned with one of the vessels to Banderas 

1 ;;3 were made the voyages of 

! pa, (-rijalva. and Jimenez, in which the latter 

ed the southern part of the Californian Penin- 

. >uppo>rd to IK- an island. Beyond the revelation 

new land the expedition, and that of Cortes 

L If in 1 Ided nothing to north-western 

phy. .Finally riloa was sent out in 1539;^and 

he Qol only explored the gulf to its head on both sides, 

but doubled the cape and pushed the exploration on 

the main coast to ( ledros Island, in 29. The viceroy 

Mendoza now succeeded the conqueror as patron of 

plorati;>n,and despatched two expeditions by water. 

first was that of Alarcon, in 1540, in which he 

iched tin- head of the gulf and explored the mouth 

Colorado. The other was under the command 

of Cabrillo, who in 1542-3 reached, as he thought, 

the latitude of 44, determining the general trend of 

th . though not landing above Point Concepcion, 

in .,4. No nn >re attempts were made in this direction 

1" 1550. 

Meanwhile maritime exploration had been sup 
plemented to some extent by land expeditions and 
icnt, which, contributing materially to current 
knowledge of the continent, must be noticed here. In 
the north-eastern section, from Texas to Labrador, there 
is nothing that could be called settlement, though 
the regions al>ont Newfoundland were frequented by 
Fr- i, nd Portuguese fishermen, and a French fort 
had been maintained near Quebec for a year or two, 
till L543. In the far north the only penetration into 
the continenl was that of 153G-42, by Cartier, who 
nt up th Lawrence gulf and river nearly five 

hundred mil,-, pa-4 the site of Montreal and to the 
f St Loui Southward, only the coast outline 

I XT! i.-, 

Florida, \\-j. inl;, 

of 1 lernando de atemp with 

those f ( artier. Landing with a ! iv in 

1 539 OB the ;_n;lf OOasi of Florida, at Tain) 

(led ly an inland OOUT86 to the virinit v of Talla- 

thence Qorth-easterl nnali Iliv. r 

below A.ugusta; t i north-westward to the Ten- 

e line, near DaJton,Greorgia; then >uthn rlv 

to a point near the head of Mobile I Jay; and a^ain 
th-wcst to the Mi |)ti, not i ar fr<m tlu-inoiith 

of the Arkansa I miii th ->n in 1541 

Spaniards made a ]on^- tour to the westward. A ft 
their return to the greal rivrr. .^ died, and v. 
in command l>y Luis <le M . uu, 

they attempted to reach Mexico 1>\- land, j 

t rating about one hundred and fifty 1 . the 

westward, and coming within sighi of mountains, I Jut 

they were forced to return to the M. ^ppi: ami 
from a point not i ar abovu the Arka> ni- 

harked, July I. VI:!, in ve 9els luiilt i or the purpe 
readieil the M ulf in twenty days, and thei. 
Piinuco. In respe< I to particular loealit 
ploration leavc-s nuu-li room lor douht and discussion, 
but the ovneral scoj>e and direction of g m- 

(K-rin^-s thi-ou^h the territory of I- loi ida. . 
Alabama, Arkansas, T- 1 Louisiana < 11 

enough established. Least defined of ,-dl i-> 
in Texas; but seven years before, in 1. 
deA^aca and his three companions, shipwi I mem 
bers of Xarvaez band, had escaped from i ii;^ 
ca})tivity amon-j; the Indian-, c d 
J -spiritu Santo Uay to the region of I ll 
had ]>assed into Chihuahua by a roul >uth of that 

of Soto, tliou^h gradually approaching it, and extend 
ing farthei- into the interior. 

For the regions of Central Ameri >uthern 

Mexieo I need not give, even -rent 

expeditions by which conquest and settlement \\ > 

: suflSce ii that before 1550 b,th b 


nplishcd in a M-eneral way from Darien and 

!K una to Panne., "ii tlu- gulf, and to Sinaloa on 

tin- Pacific. On the western side, the occupation from 

Mid. Q to Sinaloa had preceded maritime explo- 

i in the same direction, chiefly under Nufto de 

i. who had conquered Jalisco and established 

a permanent Spanish garrison at Culiacan in 1531. 

Prom this advanced post ( luzman s officers made ex- 

litions northward to the Yaqui Eiver in 1533, and 
north-fast ward into Durango at an earlier date. ^ It 
was in 1 536 that Cabe/a de Vaca and his companions 
arrive- 1 at San Miguel de Culiacan, after traversing 
Chihuahua, and Sonora, thus completing the 
first transcontinental trip in northern latitudes, and 
the most famous since that of Vasco Nunez de Balboa. 

beza de "Vaca had heard reports of the New Mexi 
can .Pueblo towns, south of which he had passed; 
and these reports, exaggerated, kindled anew the zeal 
for northern exploration, resulting in the voyages of 
Ulloa, Alarcon, and Cabrillo, to which I have already 
allude< I, and the land expeditions of Niza and Coronado, 
the last that come within the limits of the present 

Friar Marcos de Niza advanced in 1539 from Culia 

can to Cibola, as the Zuiii Pueblo towns in 35 were 

then called, and brought back most exaggerated re 

ports of rich cities and kingdoms in that region. In 

the following year Francisco Vasquez de Coronado 

with a lar^e force set out for further exploration and 

conquest in the north. Coronado, like Niza, went to 

Zurii; and from that point he sent out Tobar and 

< to the Moqui tow r ns in 36, the latter reach 

ing 11 ic -Teat canon of the Colorado in the north- 

rn part of what is now Arizona. He also sent a 

hack to Sonora, from which region one of the 

s, Mulch or Diaz, made an expedition to the 

mouth of the Colorado, ascending the river nearly 

<;i!a, and crossing to explore a little farther M hile Coronado proceeded eastward and 


passed the winter in the Pn.-blo towns of tin- 
Grande del Xorte, in NYw Mexico. In the >pnn^- of 
1541 an expedition was made which carried the 
Spaniards sunn- eighty-five d, journey north 
ward over tlic plains of T to the wigwam town 

of Quivira, perhaps in 40, beyond Arl. 

Coronado passed far north of Cahe/.a d- \ rout 

but very likely crossed that of Soto, or at lea-t ap- 
proaehed it very closely. During another wint 
passed on the Rio Grande, exploration was pusli-d to 
Taos, in ;W J 30 ; and then, in L542, the expedition 
returned to Culiacan, leaving the great northern in 
terior to its primeval savagism. 

Thus in the middle of the sixteenth ccntin-y, the 
northern limit of inland exploration may l>e 
a line crossing the continent just l>elo\v the thirty- 
sixth parallel from the Colorado to the Savannah; 
Coronado having passed the line in its central part, 
and advanced into the modern Kansas. The coafi 
on either side were explored to much higher latitudes, 
the Atlantic with tolerable accuracy to 60, and tl 
Pacific in a manner barely to show the shore-line tn -n I 
to 44. Maps of the time, which there is no occasion 
to specify in this connection, added nothing to the 
narratives of explorers in the west, and were even 
less perfect than they might have been made from 
those narratives; while in the east, and particularly 
in the north-east, maps were in advance of written 
records, including many details from voyages never 
described. Enough had been accomplished to con 
vince competent men that south of 40 there would 
be found neither great cities nor a navigable p;i--age 
between the oceans, grave doubts e\vn bei ng >u- 1 1 
in the minds of many whether any strait, or natioi 
worth plundering, would be found in the north. 
During all this period only one navigator, Fmvlo. 
the successor of Cabrillo, had possibly entered the 
waters of the Northwest Coast, parsing the line ..} j-J, 
but not landing; Alarcon, by water, had approached 



,ii(l miles <>f tlu- boundary, and Cdr- 
d, by land, v.itliiii half that distance. 

I have i t<> trace the progress of exploration 
nvard i nr two centuries, from the middle of 
tl,- .-nth to the middle of the eighteenth cen- 

ttr This p; was insignilirant compared with 

tl f the brilliant era just recorded. New foun 
dations had to l>e 1,-iid, and most slowly, for a new 

Ivan.- The Inundations rediscovery of old lands, 
futile attempts at settlement followed by successful 

lonization- -were massive and complicated for the 
light superstructure which, from the present point of 
view, they were to sustain. The frame, reduced to 
the merest skeleton, is gigantic for the flesh and blood 
of iical discovery that hardly suffices to cover 

it -that is if we confine ourselves to facts of actual 
discovery, and I propose to defer for treatment in 
the following chapter the grand achievements of the 
imagination. For convenience let us advance by half- 

it my steps. 

From 1550 to 1600 the extreme north-east was first 
visited by the English navigator Martin Frobisher, in 
three voyages, in 1576-8. His original purpose was 
to discover the strait; but the finding of what was 
mistaken for gold ore in the first voyage changed the 
nature of the expedition, and caused Frobisher to 
confine his researches to the inlet bearing his name, 
1. itween 62 and 63. He also entered the inlet next 
south, without discovering its connection with a great 
inland sea, although he thought that either inlet 
would afford a passage to the Pacific. The only other 
navigator of northern seas during this period was 

] .m Davis, who made three voyages in 1585-7. He 
reached 72, the highest point yet attained, and made 
a SMI M, -what careful examination of the coast line 
from (\r southward. The main strait northward 
.bears his name. 

Farther south there is no occasion to notice partic- 


ular voyag< In Canada, or \ouvelle F 

the failure of ( artier and Roberval, ther 

newal of attempts t<> colonize, though 1-Yeiieh li-diinir 

craft still frequented Canadian w; . OntheF] 

b, however, the French I In^iK-nots under KiUiult 
and Laudonniere established e<.lonie> at Port I 
and St Mary in l.^J-J 5, thus adding La Floride Fran- 
(.-ai>e or La Caroline 1 to tin- northern j>< of 

Nouvefle France. Tin- interior of what is now Fk>ri< 

rgia, and South Carolina v \plop-d i 
extent during this occupation, which \va^ brought 
to an end l>y tlic Sj>aniards. Pedro d- Men /, 
annihilating the French colonies in l. ")(;.") ly ha; 
most of the colon: proceeded to found fort> lr 
Spain from San Agustin noilhward to ( arolina. "I"! 
Spaniards in their search penetrated the interior 
farther north j)ei-liaj)s than Solo, l>ut not to t 
Mississippi region. The French under J)e<n>ur 

iu 15G8 took terrible vc iiovanci- for the mass 


15G5, but did not attempt to regain ] ud 

Spain remained mistress of Florida. In L584 7 Sir 
Walter Raleigh made several unsuccessful attemj 
to found a colony at Koanoke, on the Xortli Carolina 
coast, so Englishmen learned even less about the 
great interior than had Frenchmen and Spaniar 
On the gulf coast from Florida to T all that 

was known, so far as Europeans were concerned, 
had been gleaned from Cabeza de Yaca and II 
nando de Soto. There was no settlement, no main 
land exploration. 

In the interior of Mexico the frontier of occupa 
tion was pushed northward in general terms to -J7, 
so as to include Durango and southern Chihuahua, 
with small portions of Coahuila and Xuevo Leun. 
From 156- extensive explorations were made here. 
chiefly by Francisco de .Ibarra; minii \vere 

established; and missionaries, Jesuit and Franciscan, 
began their labors in Nueva Vizcaya. No less than 
five cutradas were made into New Mexico during this 


tiod; t 1 F R driguez in lf>81-2, of Espejo in 

,no (I in 1.VJO-1, of Morlete in 

,11,1 of Homlla about 15%. None of these 
iched 80 high a latitude on tin- Hio (h untle as had 
tiado, but Mnnilla went far out into the plains 
in search of Quivira. Kspejo s return and Castano s 
TV v. l.y the JVcos instead of the Rio Grande, 
I Espejo, crossing Coronado s track in the west, 
penetrated to the region of the modern city of Pres- 
t. Finally Juan de Onate, in 1598, effected the 
"inanent conquest and settlement of New Mexico. 
On tin- western coast Spain accomplished little or 
nothing in the way of northern exploration; yet in 
1565 I rdaneta made the first trip eastward across 
tlir Pacific, opening a northern route, which was fol- 
l liy thr ^Manila ti-aders for more than two cen- 
turit How many times the trip was made during 
this period of 1 550-1600 we have no means of know- 
j : prnhahly not often, but w r e have mention of two 
I Yain-isco de Gali, in 1584, coming from 
tlir west ivadird the coast in 37 30 r - -possibly 57 
and observed the trend and appearance of the 
as lie sailed southward, without landing. And 
Cermenon by a similar route was wrecked in 1595 at 
Draku Bay, just above the present San Francisco. 
l>ut another nation had entered, albeit somewhat 
irregularly, this field of exploration. In 1579 Fran- 
i )raku, an English freebooter, his vessel laden 
with plunder taken from the Spaniards in the south, 
attempted to find the northern strait by which to 
idi the Atlantic. He reached perhaps latitude 43, 
anchoring in that ivgion; and then, abandoning his 
Ji-cli, returned to Drake Bay, on the Californian 
coast, and thence home round the Cape of Good 
Hope. Thomas ( 1 aveiidish was another Englishman 
of the same class, whose expedition sailed in 1587; 
perations did not extend beyond the southern ex- 
i\ - of the California!! ]u-ninsula. Finally Sebas 
tian Vizcaino wi it out by Spain in 1597, but 

.v I:\TI: I:\TH CEJ v. 

hi- explorations were confined t> t ulf, and his 
vain attempts at settlement IJaja ( aliform 

For the next half century, if.oo 50, we have iii 
breme west but one expedition to I..- notir.-d. that 
of Vizcaino, in Hjo-j ;;. it was Imt a repetition 
Cabrillo a voyage, though its results v more \vil 

known. Yi/caino anchored at Mont, i .jid, with 
out landing, at tin-, old San I Yanci>r<, under I ) oint 
"J \eye.s; thence lie went as lii^ h a- J J , where he 

named acape Blanco de San Sebastian. Hi- 
A^uilar possibly reached 43 .at anotln-r ( aj.- Ulan 
where seemed to be the mouth of a t rivn-. ()th-r 

Spanish utlnrts w<-iv coniiiu-d to tin- w;. F th-- 

gulf; and the pichilingues^ or freebooters, tlmn till 
troublesome, had no temptation to enter northfi-n 

In the interior of Sonora, Spanish occupation liad 
n advanced by the Jesuits to ih.- Ari-jM- iv-ion in 
30 30 . To the east in Chihuahua the mis>ion 
Avei-e struggling northward at about Ji). In N- 
Mexico Spanish authority was maintained, but north 
ern exploration was not greatly advanced. In 1 <>1 
Oiiate made a long tour over tin- buffalo plains, go m <L r 
far to the north and east. Records arc va^uc, but 
it is not probable that he reached a higher lati 
tude than Coronado, or certain that he went ln-yond 
the limits of the modern Texas. Jn \(\()-\ ) he mid 
took anothcT extcnsivt exploration toward the w. 
visited Zuni and the Moqui towns, thence di d his 
march south-westward beyond the limits of K>| 
exploration till he reached the ( oloi-ado. at the mouth 
of the Santa Mar fa, and following t! it ri- 

down to its mouth, returned by the same nnr Th 
were also several entradas among the Texan tri! - 
of the far east from New Mexico, notably those of 
jiadi es Pei-ea and Lopez in Kli". , and of ( tin 

Vaca in 1681. 

On the gulf coast all remained in undistuH 


ml p .11: and of the Spaniards in eastern 

Florida there is nothing to be said. To the north, 

laid thr inundations of permanent 

ish occupation, and of the i utinv power of the 

I ! 3 by Newport and Smith in Virginia, 

: by the Puritans in Massachusetts, 1G20; by 

pd Baltimore in Maryland, 1634; and by other 

hardly less notable bands of pioneer settlers. These 

ane t<> make homes for themselves rather than 

j-aphieal theories; and though some, like 

the adventurous John Smith, were bent on finding a 

to the Pacific, their explorations were con- 

iin-d to tin- examination of a few short rivers and 

inlets near their respective settlements. 

In Canada. iMvnch colonization had been resumed, 
with all its complication of fur-trading companies, of 
spirit Mai eon<]Uest by llecollet and Jesuit missionaries, 
of Indian wars against and between the Iroquois and 
Huron nations, and of contentions with hostile En 
glishmen, by which New France lost and regained 
A i -ad ie, or Nova Scotia, and even Quebec. It appears 
that by KJjQ geographical exploration had been 
pushed wot ward into the interior, at first by Cham- 
pi;? in and later by Jesuit fathers, beyond lakes Erie 
and Huron, and the head-waters of the Ottawa River; 
:t Jean Xicolet as early as 1G34-5 had discovered 
Lak- Michigan, and had sojourned among the tribes 
on the west of that lake in the Wisconsin territory, 
: ii 4 up Fox River from Green Bay; and that subse- 
<|ii Lake Superior had been discovered. 

TIi- voya ,f Weyrnouth in 1602, and of Knight 

in 1 i\()t} } added nothing to the knowledge of far-north 

:-aphy; but in 1610 Henry Hudson, who the 

before had discovered the river that bears his 

me in the south, not only entered the strait named 

for him. as Fmbisher, Davis, and Weymouth had 

tie before him, but pressed on and discovered the 

Hudson H;iy, an inland sea, on which he was 

turned adrift by mutineers to perish. The bay was 


,ploivd bv Button in ici-j 13, andbyBai 

in H 1 5, fche la being inclin- <1 bo thi his 

Iy date that the pa fco the I V M U- 

found not there but farther north; bu 
itwh< ]i in K;K; he reached tin- latitndeof 7 - thr 
BafBn Hay fco Smith Sound. In L631 _ Jltid.- 
]>ay was visited \>y IV ;id by Jam- 

nrxt pci-iod, in;,0- l7uO, w;i f mari- 

covery in tin- north; hut in ir,7<> the I i 
Bay Company WB !; and soon li\ 

were t&lished in ;dj<>inin^ tin- l>av. 

Meanwhile a Fivncli comjiany .nd 

in tho rnsuii) - contentions tin- i<> !iaii"cd liands 


more than once. In 1700 the English retained hut a, 
slight footing, T!KT ao record of 

rations hcyond the hay shoiv. 
Great activity piwaiK-d in the regie f X 
Fraiu-v, an activity marked not only by Indian 
and political, commercial, and ecclesia ions 

at liome, by strife with the En^lUh <>n north a 

so\ith, and by fur-hunting ad ventures in di 

rection, but by a decided advance in the great work 
of exploration. The Jesuit missionaries, arrompan; 
in some instances by the fur-tra ,-ly follow 

or even preceded by them in other d >n 

the north to Hudson Bay, and on th- v, . 4 lar i; 
the plains, besides completing the sui tl 

great lakes and founding missions on their sli<r 
above all, they found and explor >pi 

Valley. In 1G73 M. Joliot ami Pere ^fan|ii 
out to find the Great AVater of which so ] h had 
been heard. They crossed over from L;. m 

to tlie Wisconsin ]iiver, went down that m to 

the Mississippi, and sailed in canoes d<>\vn th 

river to the moutli of the Arkan I to the north 

ern limit of Soto s wandering Then th irned 

to Qllehec by tin- Illiiiui-,. i \Vi in. 

It was now p: r that the M pi ilo\\ 


int.) the gulf and not into the Pacific. In 1G80 Pere 

Hennepin was sent ly La Salic clown the Illinois 

ami thence ii|) the Mississippi to the falls of St 

Anthony, in 45, hall-way across the continent from 

r. In ir.Si La Sallo himself descended 

the Miis>ippi not only to the limits of Soto and 

Nut to the gulf, and erected a fort at the 

nth of tli Ohio. Thus was the Mississippi Valley 
added to tlu domain of New France; but wars with 
the English and Indians prevented any extension of 

dement or exploration during the rest of the cen 
tury. Not only had the Mississippi been discovered, 
but the size of the rivers flowing into it from the 
west showed clearly that the stretch of continent to 
the Pacific was much broader than had ever been sus- 

Southward, after the navigation of the Mississippi, 
we are no longer interested in the gradual advance of 
the English colonists toward that stream; and the 
Spaniards in Florida made no efforts in the interior. 
In tlie gulf I have noted La Sailed arrival down the 
river from Canada in 1682. In 1685 he came back 
>< -a with a colony from France, and missing the 
mouth of the river, was cast away on the Texan coast, 
where a fort was built and formal possession taken for 
France. La Salle w r andered about extensively in 
T -xas, as Cabeza de Vaca and Soto had done before 
him; and on one of his trips in search of the Missis 
sippi, in 1687, he was assassinated. Of his colony 
half a dozen reached Canada; many were killed by 
di>. or Indians, and a few fell into the hands of the 
Spaniards of New Mexico. Several parties of trap 
pers and missionaries came down the great river from 
Canada, establishing themselves at different points; 
and in H; ( .) ( .) came Ibervillo and Bienville to found a 
permanent French settlement in Louisiana, 

In New .Mexico the only expeditions sent out were 
a few into southern Texas during the first half of the 

; iod. Then came the great revolt of 1680, which 


drove the Spaniards out of the count rv. It was thir 
teen years before tin- province \\ , :uju<-r-<|; and 
down to the end of the century thTe WQS no thoi 
of northern exploration. South, in Chihuahua, the 
missionaries and miners were struggling wit! 
or I -i^-ainst tlie Indians between them and 

New Mexico. In the west during tin- 1,-iM d- r;de 
of the century Padre Kino explored the regions <>f 
Pimcria Alta, or northern Sonora, by rep. 
among the people up to the (iila and Colorado, with 
out reaching the limits of Coronado, (Ymlena-. l)iaz, 

Espejo, and Oriate of earlier date, hut makhrj BX 
more careful examination of the country t, 1, 

and meeting with extraordinary success in the con 
version and pacification of the nati Aei-o.-s t he- 
gulf the Jesuits also established themselves pi-i-ma- 
nently iii 1697 in Baja California. ()nth-coa-t thei 
were no expeditions to northern latitudes, only Midi 
as were directed to the California (Julf for pear!>, or 
in vain attempts at settlement, or by lon-i^n piral- 
in quest of the Manila galleons. 

In 1700-50 the Philippine treaMiiv->hJps continued 
to cross the Pacific by the northern route without 
touching on the California coast; and a French I 

under Frondac took the same com There w< 
no maritime expeditions sent northward by Spain; 
neither did the foreign privateers J)ampier, L 
Shelvocke, and Anson enter northern wat. Ji 

each of their narratives contains something on north 
ern theoretical geography. In the interior there \v 
no advance whatever, but rather in some <juarters 
retrograde movement under the agg ive i-aids of 
savages. On the Mexican Gulf the Texan territory 
was several times traversed and partly occupied by 
Spain and France. From the French x-ttleinei. 
of Louisiana it is probable that a rider tract than 
had been previously known v ixplored toward t! 
north -west in the course of Indian wars and vain 


I. l)itt I iiud notliing definite in the 

I in the north, from Canada, that the greatest 

achieved The lYench trappers ranged 
in all directions as far as and beyond the 
upper Mississippi, visited byHennepin; and the Jesuits 
itinued their labors, though they had no establish- 
90 lar west. The French had a fort on the 
Mi^ouri. and in 1727 Bourgmont made a trip up the 
river from tliat fort to a point above the Kansas. 
V iforts to form a line of trading -posts 

:-oss tiie continent were in 1731-43; forts were 
uUished in the regions round lakes Winnipeg and 
Manitoba; in 1742 the upper Missouri River was 
d to the region of the Yellowstone ; and in 
174:i the Verendryes reached the eastern base of the 
Ilorky Mountains, in what is now Montana. Mean 
while reports were current of a great western river 
:ig from the mountains into the Pacific; and an 
Indian of the lower Mississippi claimed, under circum- 
indicating that his narrative may have been 
trn > have followed that river, the Columbia, to its 
mouth in 1745-50. 

Explorations in the far north were confined to 

Hudson Bay. Half a dozen expeditions visited these 

waters under Knight, Scroggs, Middleton, Moor, 

Smith, and others; but the only result was to find an 

-blocked passage leading northward from the bay, 

and to prove that some of its western inlets did not 

lead to the Pacific, though others yet remained to be 


II bhiia outlined the progress of North Amer- 
ican discovery for two centuries, from 1550 to 1750, 

how very slight it was in comparison with 

thai & 1492 to 1550. In the western ocean two 

rigators, perhaps, had reached new coast latitudes, 

Di - ind (iali; though it is not certain that either 

had done so much, and neither noted anything 


beyond the general si in-nd in regi : 

ited. In tin- MHithern interior th 
]>u their ini> i, milling -campe 

northward, accomplishing much in the fare of 
gr hut tlicir occupation had nof . 

the limit of earlier exploration, though it had n 
done so in Ne\v Mexico. The \l\.> ( <!<. rado v. 
the northern boundary, and all beyond i un 

known land. The Texan plains had b d tii; 

traversed; but the wanderings of later t. 

icly recorded as those .f the pioneers; and it 
by no mean- certain that the limits of (/a 1 
Yaca. Coronado, and Soto had been ] d. Tl 
Atlantic coast territory had been t! ! gr 

colonizing achievements, by men who came i to 

settle than to solve geographical eni by long 

extended search for gold, spice island h kii 

doms for conquest. The French were the 
American explorers of the period, to whom is due 

irly all the progress made into the broad hit 
Entering by the St Lawrence they occupied tin ion 
round the great lakes, and penetrated north- 
the shores of Hudson Bay, westward to the llocky 
Mountains, and southward to the gulf of Mexico by 
the Mississippi Valley. In the far north 
excelled by the English, who had disco I Hi: 
Bay and explored the labyrinth of adjacent chain i 
nearly to the Arctic circle. 

For the present purpose I am called upon to con 
sider, and that very briefly, but one more half-centl 
of discovery. For before 1800 the west c 
explored to Bering Strait; the territor i Hud 

son Bay to the Arctic Ocean was more than 
traversed; trappers not infrequently had led ; 
base of the L oeky Mountain.-: the S] 
penetrated to Utah and had d Aita Ci 
There was yet a. broad interior to be 
whose exploits in that di) >\\ will ra 


in dim-rent parts of this work; but the Northern 

]\[ v in its cosmographical aspects was at an end; 

1 tlu- north-west passage was pushed out of the 

f tliis volume up into tin- arctic regions, where 

it properly belongs. 

After mrther exploration by water in Hudson Bay, 
and particularly in Chesterfield Inlet, the chief ex- 
litions bcine; those of Christopher and Norton in 
L761-2, tin* attention of English explorers was di- 
d mainly to current reports of great rivers flow- 
l northward; and in 1770, after two unsuccessful 
empts, Samuel Hearne descended the Coppermine 
River to its mouth. In 1789 Mackenzie went down 
the river that took his name to the Arctic shores; 
in 179:3 the same explorer won the honor of being 
the first to reach the Pacific by crossing the Rocky 
Mountains. His route was up the Peace River, clown 
the Fraser, and across to tide- water, in 53. I find 
definite records respecting the discoveries of the 
Fivnch trappers in this period, after they built a fort 
at the eastern base of the mountains in 1752; and 
r<- is no evidence that any explorer from the United 
States penetrated beyond the Mississippi before 1800. 
In Louisiana, Texas, and New Mexico all remained 
ntially in quo so far as exploration was con 
ned; but from the last named province there were 
vral minor expeditions northward across the streams 
that form the Colorado; and in 1776 Dominguez and 
Escalante penetrated the great basin to Utah Lake, 
above 40. In 17G9 Alta California was explored by 
a Spanish military and missionary force, up to San 
Francisco Bay, in 37 C 48 ; and by 1776 not only was 
tin- whole coast region occupied up to that point, but 
Anza had in two trips opened an overland route from 
Sonora by way of the Gila and Colorado, while Padre 
had crossed California from the Mojave region 
I had penetrated the great Tulare Valley to the 
vicinity of the Ink. There was no further advance 
by land before 1800. 


Russian disc;>v< from the north-weffi d md 

l)iit brief notice here, tin- subject bring presenl ! full details iii a later volume of thi de 

voted to tin- history of Alaska. 1> h .OO tl 

Cossacks had rn>s>ed tin- I ral Mount and occu 

pied the valley of the ( )hi, in Asia. At t he same d. 
small Russian craft na\ d the coast . \v. oi that 

region in the Kara Sea : and the same Waters had 1 
reached l>v the English and Dutch in tin ir 9eai 
for a north-east passage, toward which end hut lit 
additional progress was ever made in later bim 
Between 1 GOO and 1050 the ( -d Sib. 

in search for sahle, crossed river after river as IV 
hunting-grounds wen- needed, snhdued the inhabi 
tants, and reached the Pacific in K;: , . . The eh 
Russian establishment on the Pacific, which \ !i>- 
covered at many points, was at Okhotsk, on th< 
of the same name. Thus more than twenty-live hun 
dred miles of unknown territory w -\ploivd and 
occupied by small l)ands of roving fur-bun 1 Y 

discovery of mines on the Amoor, and fossil ivory in 
the extreme north-east, was added to the incmti\ 
During 1G50 to 1700 nearly every part of the Asiatic 
coast up to the strait and including the peninsula of 
Kamchatka had been visited by one adventurous party 
or another, and only the fierce Chukchi of the north 
east remained unconquered. Abundant eviden. 
found of the existence of land still farther 
Trees and various articles not of Asiatic origin w 
often washed ashore: and indeed the native- made no 
secret of their frequent intercourse with a people 
from the east who came in !> or on th- did 

who spoke a language diileivnt from their own. T: 
Russian government became Jnt< d in the rum. 

of new lands; a post had been founded on the ea 
shore of Kamchatka; and in I7 J.s Yitn> Ueri 
was sent in a vessel built tl. to learn the truth 
respecting the current runiois, and especially to find 
whether the eastern lands were part of Siberia or 


from it by water. Bering in this voyage 
1 the strait between the continents to which 

is given, naming St Lawrence Island, 
j 41u l i rving the point in 67 18 , beyond which 
turned abruptly westward, decided that 
1 land not yet seen by any Russian was 
11( ,t an nsion of Asia. There is some evidence 

arlier coastings Bering Strait had been 
d through once or twice; and it somewhat 
;uely appears that in 1730 Krupischef and Gwoz- 
deF. following Bering, actually came in sight of the 
riean continent, along which they coasted south 
ward for two days. In 1741 Bering made his second 
lition, during which his associate Chirikof first 
continent, in latitude 55 36 , near the later 
Sitka, where two boat-crews landed and were probably 
killed by the natives, as they were never heard of 
a^ain. The commander then coasted northward four 
five hundred miles before returning to Kamchatka. 
ring meanwhile struck the coast a few days later 
n Chirikof, in latitude 58 28 , in sight of Mount 
St Elias. Thence he followed the shore westward and 
south-westward, named the Shumagin Islands, and 
was finally wrecked on Bering Island, near the Kam 
chatka coast, where he died. The presence of valu 
able sea-otter on the American coast and islandsor 
rather at first on Asiatic islands in that direction 
oming known was the chief incentive to further 
eiloi In 1745 Nevodchikof made the first hunting 
trip to the nearest Aleutian Islands; and thencefor 
ward one or more expeditions were fitted out nearly 
ev<Tv year by Siberian merchant companies, many of 
which proved profitable. Discovery was in this way 
pushed eastward until Kadiak was reached by Glottof 
in his trip of 1563-5. The obstacles encountered in 
the r\pl< ^ration of these northern seas, and the reck- 
] la ring and energy displayed in overcoming these 
obstacles! are unsurpassed in the history of American 
discovery. The Kussian craft were small, hastily con- 

N A -V. 31 

structed by im-n who knew hut litti ir t-i 

and \ !i mere 1 <>f plank 

by leathern l.lmn^s, withoiil iron. They \ in 

TV way inferior to tin- \\ !HJ>]M\, | b\- 

navi^-ators of other nation- in any ] 

Jntk ill 1 |) )oj-]y supplied with r. <(. 

all y without remedi jurvy,thea !> 

did not hi o to conn nit themselves to tl 

and furious <^alts ol tin- Aivti<- I! . 

expedition unattended l>y slnp\vi-f-k and >n; 

but s^a-oitiM- wui o plentiful, \ot\vnh 

numerous voyages it docs not aj)j>car thai iti- 

iiciital coasts, either above or below tin- Ala-kan 
peninsula, were ever visited by the llu>sian< :dh-r tin; 
time of Bering, and In-fore Cook s survey in 1778. 
After this date such visits were fivjuent, j in 

permanent occupation at many j joints; but it ivniaint-d 
for Cook to make known the general Features <>f the 
entire coast to the strait. Subsequent I oral < \j>l< 
tions ly the Russians, Kn^lisli, Spanisli, and I^ivnch 
in south-eastern Alaska at later dates have no beari 
on our present study. 





IN the preceding chapter, after an outline of North 
west Coast explorations, showing how much of its 
interest and importance is connected with events 
which are geographically and chronologically outside 
the limits of this section, and presenting the mythical 
aspects of the matter in their origin and general 
scope, I have traced the progress made by Europeans 
toward the Northwest Coast before they reached the 
territory so designated and began its actual explora 
tion. Deferring that exploration for other chapters, 
I propose first of all to treat the subject in its myth 
ical, imaginary, theoretical, and apocryphal phases. 
It is an of/a podrida of absurdities that is offered, made 
up of quaint conjectures respecting a land that had 
never been seen, and the various approaches to that 
land; for it was not to the Northwest Coast proper 
that these conjectures were directed so much as to 
the broad border-land surrounding it. 




In the. middle of the sixteenth cenl 
seen, the western COQS\ WBS known northward to 1 
tude 40 and beyond, the < -t abo\ ), 

and the interior vaguely as far noilh as th lo 

and Arkansas rivers. All the broad interior farther 
north, slightly encased, up to the limit- named, b\ 

thin shell of coast discovery, W&B a terra incog if 

indeed it were a terra at all, and not ] of an m 
<>r an inland sea. Respecting this iv/ion conjee? pj-e 
had thus far been partly reasonable. The p . ,f 

development has already been traced: fir>t the new 
disCOVerieS as part of the Asiatic main t l d 

SOUth-westward to India; next, the >outhern portion 
of those discoveries as a ^reat island separated from 
Asia by a strait ; then tin- strait an i>thmus i 
and the island a _jreat south-eastern projection from 
the continent: and finally an extension of the p 
jection so as to include the regions north as well ;is 
south of the Panama Isthmus, and to join the A-iat 
main at a higher latitude than 40 at least, if at all. 
I do not say that this theory of geographical evolu 
tion will satisfactorily account for every recorded 

statement or idea of every early navigator, or cosm 
rapher, or map-maker; but the exceptions are BO few 
and slight as by no means to impair the theory, or i 
afford a basis for any other. 

By 1550 it was well understood that the new lands 
were of continental proportions, and very far from 
Asia in their southern part-. Whether they were 
also distant in the north was an open question, for th 
solution of which no real data existed. Official chart- 
makers and the most competent of g rapher- con 
tented themselves with recording the results of actual 
exploration, leaving a blank on their maps for tl. 
country yet unvisited, while in the text they noted, 
without committing themselves, the various fcheori 

Manv still believed North America to he a pail of 
the Asiatic continent, and expected to find th t- 
line turning to the wesl not far beyond latitud |S , 

Hisr .N. W. COAST, VOL. I. 3 


- 1( { tl itlnvard to India: but othersalmost 

later yeai -believed in a strait separating the 

Mtin .mewhere in the north-west. This 

tl f ;i northern strait was somewhat incoherently 

ill On the circumstance that a passage had been 
vainly sought in the central regions, on Magellan 
Strait actually found in the far south, on statements 
it writers respecting the lost Atlantis, which 
mi^ht have been part of America and which had 
been described as an island, and on the discovery 
of certain unexplored inlets along the north-eastern 

asK Those who believed in the separation by water 
di; I widely about its nature. Some thought it to 
be a narrow strait, others a broad one; some placed it 
between two opposite capes, others made of it a long 
winding channel, or a succession of lakes, or a net-work 
of intertwining channels, or an archipelago; while 
there were many who regarded it as a broad expanse 
of salt water, reducing North America to a lonof 

* o o 

narrow strip of irregular form, which extended from 
south-west to north-east, and perhaps was itself cut up 
by narrow interoceanic passages not yet discovered. 

It cannot be said that the ideas of one class on this 
subject were in any respect superior to those of 
another; all were but conjecture; nor do such maps as 
represent the northern regions in something like their 
real position and proportion entitle their makers to 
credit. I now proceed to chronicle some of these 
conjectures which held sway for more than two 

nturics, and which bear more or less directly on 
north-western geography, and are often entertain 
ingly supplemented by falsehood. I shall treat the 
subject so far as possible chronologically. 

There were few if any of the voyages to America 
before 1550 the object of which was not to find among 
other things a passage by water to India; but there 
is no need of recapitulating these voyages for the sake 
of presenting their common object and failure. For 

tli: , 111; 

notice for the mosl part only such i litio: 
furnished material for later 

such as n:.t only sought. 1 rail but found ii, or at 

>melhing that might In- d- 1 an indie 

of it lsten< Tii<- Northmen, the < iesl in t 

field of American discoveries. did Q p to th< 

a!)out the western lands, nor did they care, BO lar 
the records show, whether they belong,- 1 to Ajsia or 
Africa. They wen- bent on adventure, conqu< id 
set i lenient, and sought no pa etol In; Spire I -lands 
<>f the south or the cities of the Grand Khan. I )oubi- 
less had their adventures been kno\\*n to the c 
raphci-s they would have furnished much food 
theory; i>ut the records were lor the time lost, and 
the Sagas therefore have no bearing on the Nortln-i-n 
Mystery. Of Columbus and his vagaries ahoiit t! 
terrestrial paradise in South America as well of his 
associates and their explorations in southern parts 
enough has l>een said elsrwheiv; like \ of the j. 
Columbian theories of wonderful islands in the Atlan 
tic. For these and other matters that have indir- 
bearing on the present subject, I refer the reader to 
the first volume of the ///.v//y/ <>f ( < ,,!, ! An /. 
There exist no contemporary narratives of the v 
ages of the Cabots to northern parts of the contin- 
in 1407-8. and the fragments of 


contradictory respecting the navigators 1 ei 

a> about the exact regions visited. "And understand- 


ing by reason of the Sphere." wrote S ibastian Cab 
"that if I should saile by way of the Northwest, I 

should by a shorter tract come into India... not 
thinking to iinde any oilier land , that f Catb 

and i rom thence to turne toward India, but after c 
taine daves I found that the land ramie toward- i 

North, which was to me* it displeasure" 1 

jfx To//., iii. 4-11, with I BOOODX >r furt 1 

the vo\ iu this chapter se. apliicai Suiuinary, . 

. Am, t vol. i. chap. i. 


IB not ;i])]Kircnt ; but he >vrote at a time when it was 

ar that a new continent had been discovered. 

Moreover, hi- wrote to Kanmsio that in latitude G7 C 

finding still the OJHMI Sea w it liout any manner of 

impediment, hee thought verily by that way to haue 

,1 en still the way to Cathaio, whicl^ is in the 

East, and woulde haue done it, if the mutinie of the 

.shipmaster and marriners had not rebelled." 2 At first 

tliere was no doubt that Cabot had reached Asia, or 

r that lie had discovered a strait leading to that 
coast. The expeditions of the Cortereals in 1500-2 

re like the preceding, in that they are not described 
lv contemporary documents; but so much the better 
lor later theorists. I do not suppose that either Cabot 
or (Wtereal really sought a strait, but only a pas- 
>a^v, not doubting that they were on the Asiatic 
main; but in their reports there was no lack of ma 
terial for a strait when needed- -instance Cortereal s 
Rio Xevado, where his progress was impeded by ice. 

In later times Cortereal was credited by many with 
not only having discovered the strait, but with having 
named it. I am not certain who originated this theory; 
but we are told by Forster, Fleurieu, Burney, Hum- 
boldt, 3 and others, that Cortereal found the strait, 
named it Anian, in honor of certain brothers with him, 
and was lost when returning to utilize his discovery. 
The authorities differ as to whether there were two 
brothers or three, whether the name was that of the 
family or of one of the brothers, possibly that of 
Cortereal s own brother; and they likewise differ 

-pecting the identity of the strait with Hudson Bay 
or St Lawrence River. It does not matter, however; 
none of the earliest writers mention the circumstance. 

2 J/fd-finffx Divers Voy., 25, from Ramusio. A letter announcing Cabot s 

return credits him with having likewise discovered the seven cities, four 

hundred leagues from England, on the western passage; and still another 

that lie had visited the territory of the Grand Cham. Bryant * Hi. it. 

U. ,V., i. 134. 

* //;.< Foy.,460; Fleurieu, in Afarchand. Fby., i. vi.; Burners 
South Sea, i. ~>; llumhnhlt, E.^ui Pol, 330. II prit son nom d un dea 

prit son nom d un dea 
freres embarque s sur le vaisseau de Caspar de Corteral. 


It is tolerably certain tlini the strail <>f A man 
n;tnu (l for more than lifty y< after ( lortereal s \ 

age, ami I shall notice the matt ,iin iii dii tin 

Johann Kuysch in I. printed the lir>t map that 
showed any part of the \ew\Vorld. which he publ! 

in Ptolemx -o^raphy. It represents the n, 

RUYSCH S A!AP, 1508. 

of the strait in an early stage of development. As y. t 

there was nothing to impede navigation to India. 
It is said that the Ptolemy map <>f 1 ." 1 1 >epar;i 
the Terra Corterealis from the A-iatic main. To 
quote from an earlier volume of this series: "As lon-r 
as the new lands were helieved to l>e a ]>art of A>ia, 
the maps bore some resemblance to the actual coun 
tries intended to be represented, but from the first 
dawning of an idea of separate lands we shall see the 
greatest confusion in the efforts of map-makers to 
depict the New World." POIKV de Leon s iani 
scare) i for the fountain of youth in Florida mi^-ht 

4 The Lmi.ldM Q . xvi. l.">4, thin!. 

Hudson l;iy. thought it ]>;irt of ;in oiicniii j; <ui the i ;i 

(In". strait of Anian : and t. uui- 

ary 183!), 1J8, tk-cuis this nut very brilliant theory inoiv proi^Ulc than any 




vriaiu - be eited as a phase of the present sub- 
hilt this hubhlo soon burst, and so far as I know 
had n<> efieet on the vagaries of later days. The map 
in Stobnicza s 7Wo//// of 1512 is said to show the 
N w World as a continuous coast up to 50. A Portu 
guese- chart of about 1518 exhibits for the first time 
Pacific divided by an isthmus from the Atlantic; 

iving spaces between the Gulf of Mexico and Lab 
rador where the coast may not be continuous. 5 

Si -honer s globe of 1520 explains itself. It was 
doubtless founded on mere conjecture, though in cer 
tain respects an approximation to accuracy, for as 


there were no discoveries to suggest abroad sheet 
of water north-west of the newly found lands. 6 In 
the (,-nliest land expeditions from Mexico to the 

e ffitt. Cent, Am., i. 133. 

1 In Bryant * //;/. r. ,v., i. 149, it i s stated that the Rio Jordan visited 
: :u l.VJD on the Carolina coast was sought as the sacred Jordan of 

biblical tradition ! 

Ti;\ \\ GOMEZ, 39 

near north-west of Miclmac.-n, :m! l Qolima in 15 
much interest v, [ l, v repoi 

Ciguatan, or of an i>!and some ten days jour be 
yond, in!ia!)itMl !-y v n, lik,. Ajnazons, v. 1, 
vi>ited at intervals \>y m om the 1. kill 

their male children: withal rich in | 

f rhis \vas all the nioiv inte: 

ex] d to find ri h and marvel] in his 

voyage {> India, tor which ])< was then prepa 
Jn 1 .VJ t Franci < ( found i in ( ohm, 

of Christian rites, and rumors of a vessel \ 
in earlier years. Verrazaho vi>ited th 
in If) 1*4, and has been credited with i lie fir 
promulgate the true thirv oi the ize and 
the geographical relation of the New World to Asia. 8 
I find nothing in his report to justify such a e.nclu- 
sion, though the name Mar de \"ei-ra/.an 
to the Avestern waters on a later map. M m 
Gomez sought the strait in "1.VJJ between Florida 
and Newfoundland; 9 and ahout his return an amusing 
story has often been repeated. Jle l^rou^ht liomo a 
cargo of enclaves, or slaves; and an enthn>iast in tlie 
cause of discovery, failing to catch the lii-st syllable, 
rushed to court with the news that (J>nn-/ had 
last found the passage to the Spice [stands, havil 
turned with a cargo of rA/ms-, oi- el, Tiie truth 
was soon known, much to the amusement <-l irt 
and the messenger s discomfiture. Jn those day- 
Spaniards little thought of sailiii tin iiie 

7 Y asiniismo me tntjo Relacion de los Senort n. 

quo so silinnau niiK-ln> haluT uiia Isla toda jt ih!; 
iiiii.uMiiio, y <|iii ni rifj-tos tifiu]>o van dc la I 
(pialcs Man aceso, \ las .[!!r ijucdaii ).i fiiada>, .-i j.aiTii \ 
llniiil.rrs Lofl i- liaa d- su ( oinpania. . JJimt. 

Beaumont, // - . M " h.. MS.. M . 
* Bryants Hist. / . >.. i. isn. 
" it ix also <1- phanns Come/, wh e is a 

skillfull Xaui . -c jilntlltT \\av, \\iirvr 1>V i :iO8, 

and Florida. l"ir-: nnoe our conutri- h, lie will liiid.- e to 

( ataia: one oiifly slii})jK- called a ( araiu-11 is funiishrd l\>r him. and lie shall 
haiic no other thin- in i-hari, r r. th. ii to sran-h out \v!i-tlirr any passage totlu- 

t Chan, from out t rs \\ -indiums, and Vi gs of this our 

.11, \\rrc to In.- fountle. / // Martyr, <ltr. vi. 



n<.rth; 10 but Robert Thorne iu 1;V27 iir^ed his king to 
g in that direction. " Nowe then, if from the 

. de oewe lounde landesthe Sec bee Nauigable, there 

ao doubre but sayliii^ Xorthwarde and passing the 

ending to the equinoctiall lyne, wee shall 

hitte these Ilandes, and it should bee much more 

shorter way than eyther the Spaniardes or the Portin- 

lea liaue/ 11 

Tlu- best charts of these days were not published. 

> ifiiied lor the most part to the representation of 

ual discoveries, they left the northern parts blank, 
and have no special interest in connection with the 
present subject. 1 Aiblished maps indulged more freely 
in speculation. The Ptolemy map of 1530, as herewith 
given, was circulated with slight variations in different 

lions of Ptolemy and Munster for many years; and 

INDIA ai . 

Ocea >i us occi< lentalis 



other ma] is, both manuscript and print, were of the 
same type, representing North America above Mexico 

5 Peter Martyr, dec. vii. cap. v., about this time wrote: But concerning 

;it there is little hope; and especially had lie no faith in north- 

< i ii : T" the: south ! To the south ! For the great and exceeding 

riches of t jiiinoctiall, they that seeke riches must not goe vnto the 

cold and fro/en north. Sec /,V//>//,/ ,v //;*/. U. S., i. 150. 

1 Thonu i Hook, in Haklufis tiiver* Voy., 48; Jd., Voy., i. 214-20. 

AND -HMKNi:/. 

;i narrow contineni 

lion of Greenland, separated tV.nn upper lh<! ; ;i l.y 

it with.; strait, and nearly red ju-t ah ,da 

by a broad inlet from tin- west. The I his 

inlet or hay is not known, l.ut it was probably found -d 

on certain unpublished reports of Verrazano or < 

mez. Orontius Fine, in his niaj. of L531, adhen 


the original idea that tin- nrw i-c^ions were part of 
Asia, disregarding the conjectures of his contempo 
raries, which, if accidentally moie accurate than i 
were much less consistent with real knowl 

Nuho de Guzman s con<|Ue>t in 1531, ndii 

to Sinaloa, did much to disci-edit earlier ta! f a 
jii-ovince of Amazons: hut the discovery of a pi, 
called Aztatlan seemed to furnish some conlirma- 
tion of supposed aboriginal traditions ahout an A// 

migration from the north-west. In L533thee of 

Cortes weru so far successful that Jimenez, oi; his 
commanders, discovered land which was supposed to 
he, an island and named Santa ( Ynz. Had Jimei 
bee. n able to explore more fully the em of 

his new land, the theory would doiihtle>> have hern 
on his return that he had reached a part of the 


Asiatic continent, and had entered the mouth of the 
ughi >trait. This would have been natural, 

and mi-Jit have had much influence in shaping later 

Hid exploration; but Cortes was intent 

not onlv on finding the strait but ricli islands on the 

India; therefore lie was willing to accept the 

new discovery as an island, even after a fruitless at- 

:npt at occupation and finding riches. The idea that 
it was an island was soon abandoned, only to be revived 
a longer life in later years. Meanwhile some one 
called attention to a popular romance, some twenty- 
five years old, in which the following passage occurred: 
"Know that on the right hand of the Indies there is 
an island called California, very near to the terres 
trial paradise, which was peopled with black women, 
without any men among them, because they were 
accustomed to live after the fashion of Amazons." 
Therefore the new island was appropriately named 
1 lifornia, because of its position, its supposed wealth, 
and of the Amazons of native tradition. 

At the same time Diego de Guzman made a trip 
from Culiacan to the Yaqui, to verify the reports of 
the Seven Cities, and of a river four or five leagues 
wide flowing into the South Sea, and having an iron 
chain stretched across its mouth to prevent boats 
penetrating the interior. 12 On the eastern coast 
Jacques C artier was questioning the Indians of Canada 
about the w^est. Referring doubtless to the great 
lakes, they said that from the upper St Lawrence 
(here " was fresh water, which went so farre upwards, 
that they had never heard of any man who had gone 
to the head of it, and that there other passage 
but with small boates." Less intelligible, but equally 
interesting to the hearers, was their statement that 
in Hochelaga was but a month s journey to a 
country of cinnamon and cloves. 13 Agnese s map of 

12 Guzman, Sjmi<l i.. Ud. Antfn. 303. The Seven Cities may have been an 
afterthought of the author, as he did not write until some years after the 

u Jtamvtio, \"tj<ji, iii. 453; llaUuyfs Voy., iii. 213. 


and a Porlu^i, m ; ,p , 

utially the same as the I lol.-mv m.-ip <r i 

KCept thai tin- iiort h n , , li ilr is 1 

most part left va^-ur and indefinite, 1< 
by dotted lines, ami that the },-itt-r 1,, 
ini^ to an isthmus above Florida, 1. a 

strait affording a passage to Cathay jusi below i. 
laos, or Newfoundland." 

It was in Ifj. UJ tliat Cabeza de Ya-a arrived 
Sinaloa and Mexieo from his <>\vrland trip. If 
report contained little or nothing th marvello 

about the north. Jle had received a few tni. { u 

and emeralds from the Indians, who said 
from t ho north," where were populous towi 
lar^e, houses/ 15 in f errin^ of course to t I .!, 
towns. But this in connection with other ni 
northern towns wa> sufficient to kindle anew tin..- il. 
of adventure. While Soto was wandering in i id 

Mississippi Valley without contributing iinythin^ of 
importance to the marvels of tin- Northern M; 
Friar Marcos de Xiza started northward from Culia- 
ran, and went so far probably as to come actually in 
si^ ht of one of the towns at Cihola, or Zuhi: though 
Hernan Cortes and others regarded Xixa s narrati\ 
as pure fiction. Friar Marcos, ho\\ d 

falsehood or gross exaggeration to the truth. 11 
proved to his own satisfaction that Californi 
an island, and that there ^ thirty others i-ich i 

pearls; he learned that the coast turned ahrnptl; 
the west in 35; he learned much of a country r 

and more populous than Mexico, including Cibola, 
Totonteae, Aliacus, and Marata; ! i\v from a dis 
tance Cibola, a town larger than Mexico, though th 
smallest of the Seven Cities; he listened civduloii 
to, if he did not invent, stories of ^-old and preciou 

Sec A oA/ .s- !f;.<f. />/ - 12, -.".iii. In / - anot! r in;ip 

by ll iinrin, l.MO, witho\it the strait; but th 
ami Irchuid. 

16 ( Ion, KiT. 


nes ] : in common use; and after taking formal 

IOD >f this New Kingdom of San Francisco 

returned to Mexico in 1539." Niza s misstate- 

menl soon < -\p< >s< < 1 : but nevertheless they were 

widclv circulated, and their influence was felt for 

many vars. The names Cibola, Totonteac, and the 

Seven ( hie mi-mythic in later years, originated 

with liini; though the last had, before the discovery 

America, been applied to a mythic region in the 


]n 1 f)40 3 were made the famous expeditions of 
ronado, Ulloa, Alarcon, and Cabrillo, with which 
reader is familiar. The reports of these explorers 
iv plain statements of fact. They were disappointed 
in their expectation of rich kingdoms in the north; 
but they indulged in no wild speculations of what 
might have been found had they penetrated farther. 
They revealed the coast line beyond latitude 40; 
showed California to be a peninsula; explored both 
shoiv> of the gulf; discovered the Colorado in two 
places; xposed nearly all Xiza s misrepresentations; 
proclaimed in their true character the Pueblo towns 
of modern Arizona and New Mexico; discovered the 
]?i<> (irande del Xorte; and even explored the great 
plains far to the north-east. Indeed they made known 
substantially all that was to be known for over two 
ituries of northern geography; and they practi 
cally convinced Spain that in this region there was 
Id for conquests similar to those of Cortes and 
.Pi/arro, though there might be a strait above the 
fortieth parallel. 

Yet especially in the records of Coronado s adven- 

were left the seeds of mystery and perplexity. 

S< fully was exploration suspended that the regions 

<-ri!>ed became semi-mythical. It was not rare in 

for even Spaniards to discuss the general 

northern -cography, without any apparent 

e las Siete Ciudadcs. 


knowledge of Coronad It was not 

ii- from tin- oarratn whether the -jr- 

visited by Cardena>, Alarcon. ;in<l I)iax v. 
two, or tlnvr BtT( : nr v known \vli- 

river of TiM-iirx, the Rio del \orte. tl-.w.-d int.. I 
Atlantic or the I ,-iciiic inilf. The .-\pedition toUui- 
vira was undertaken by ( >. >na<lo from r \" 
the Rio del Xoilr, in consequence of pepo lv 
Indians oi a great kingdom in tin- north-* rich in 

Id and other wealth. He jour: 1 lar in th 

directioDj to 40 as lie believed, and found On 

town of the plains. It had HON.- <>f th 
attractions; and one of the two native- who 

had !>eeii most liberal with information, con 

his deception, was put to death: hut the oth- ml 

some oi the Spaniards, having returned to T5_ 

lu -lore reaching (. c >uivira, i-efused to l). lie\-(; in the 

thoroughness of the search, and in the n^n 

of this wondrous wealthy kingdom. II- the i 

iuary Quivira well ni^h crowded the \\i 

out of existence. That it was rich and lar north \\ 

all that was remembered, its lo: not 1 

taken into account. Though Coronado had clear) 

detined its direction from New Mexico, it \\ 

ally placed on the coast of the South Sea. 

For the transfer of Quivira from the north- to 

the north-west perhaps the hi>t >rian ( Joinara v 
responsible, as he certainly was for other nii>ivp 

itations. He stated that Cardenas, who really went 
from Zufii to the Colorado Canon, reached the . 
perhaps confounding his exploration with that of I >iaz; 
and, after describing the trip to Quivira, he wn> 
"Tlu-y saw on the cou~\ >hip> v/hich had pe!ic;ms 
of <^old and silver on their prows, with men-hand 
that they thought to be IVom C at hay and China, 

17 (la revs, in J)<><\ U ^>. Mex. t Boris it t(.ni. i .ink that 

i . -oiiailo s incii i-t-.-H-liril the Santa liarlwra chaniu 1 <>f Aha 

Mota I adilla, C<mq. A". </ Ms.. Ki .t, u-lls us tl. 

tai thrr imrtli ai:l somewhat \\ lly li- \\<-uhl have ivaclu.l wliat 

(174U) known aaN< \\- Mexico. 


v made signs that they had sailed thirty 
I perhaps to connect the falsehood 
be visil i Cardenas to the coast, though later 
; did not so understand it, and located these ships 
Ouivira, or ratlier carried Quivira to the ships. 
NTiza s >nteac, as the natives told Coronado, was a 
small town on a lake; and this mythic town, as we 

all see, long lived under one name or another. 
~M veral items of really later origin were 

hues dated back to Coronado s time. 

B< Coronado undertook his exploration Niza s 
discoveries becoming known had created some ex 
citement in Spain, a curious phase of which was 
a quarrel in the Council of the Indies, in Spain. 
Cortes, Guzman, Soto, and Alvarado, each had a 
license for discovery in the north, and in their ab 
sence were represented by counsel. Each lawyer 
endeavored to make the stupid consejo understand 
that Cibola was in the very heart of the particular 
territory his client was authorized to rule; and that 
to allow encroachment by another on a conquest for 
which such sacrifices had been made would be a 
grievous wrong. After hearing the arguments in 
favor of California, New Galicia, and Florida, the 
council wisely came to the conclusion that it was 
unable to determine the location of Cibola, and ac 
cordingly authorized Viceroy Mendoza to continue 
his explorations for the province. 19 

Ulloa s voyage left some doubt whether there was a 
strait just above Santa Cruz separating the southern 
end of the peninsula. Alarcon was entertained on 
the gulf and river shores by the natives with reports 
of grand rivers, copper mountains, powerful chief 
tains, and bearded white men. One or more old men 
usually accompanied the commander in his voyage 
on the Colorado, who did not fail to impose upon the 

. /r - f - f"<l- , 270-4. It is repeated by Salmeron and other writers, 

"with -. Lshmenta. 

M lfjii.c*, 300-408. 



eredulil him am 

of mi old woman, Gua1 t, who lived without 
in-\ on a lake, or near t be or l>y ;i mou In- 

country wh< copper bells were made. ( ihrillo. !><- 

yond hearing rumor- of whit<- mm in tin- interior, 
contributed nothing t<> mytliic ann; in i act his 
cx|)l(>i-;itioii was \vdl ni^li forgotten in later 3 
Most prominently to l>r remembered in con 
^ ith ( 1 ;,l)rillo was thai IK- is said i" have discoi 
and named Ca[)<; Mendocino -which In :ily did 


Two maps of i.vio and i ."> 1 1 represent \ 

raicly the peninsula coasts, t h- ^-iilf. and the mainland 

shorr; but they leave the interior a hlank.-" \l 

ma[) of 154-i, which I rcju-odiu-c, a.dhrrus to li 


, tor 

Xtwa. Htspania 

BrsciiLi.i s MAT, IT, 1 1. 

principles indeed. Not only are X-\v Spain a 
Florida ivp ited as ]>art of A-ia. hut liacal; 

is pictured as a central land conn- ! hy nai i 1 

iunuscs on the west with Ana and on t: 
with Europe. A voyage to India according to tl 

*See maps in Hist. Cent. Am., i. 153-4. 



map would have Uvn attcndi-d with many difficulties. 
Tlu- ma]) in Miinsn-r s Cosmographia of 1545 is, as 


20rt 310 


will be observed, a copy of the Ptolemy of 1530, so 
far as the southern parts of Temistitan, Florida, Fran- 
cisca, and Cortereal are concerned; but it extends 
farther north. Bacalaos, or Newfoundland, joins 
Europe as in Ruseelli s map, but it reaches far to 
the west, as does upper India far to the east, until 
a strait is left between them, into the northern ocean; 
while south of these lands is the strait, with the 
inscription, " Per hoc fretu iter patet ad Molucas." 

As we pass 1550 to record the use that was made 
of the brilliant discoveries achieved before that date, 
with the vagaries founded on those discoveries, and 
on new ones, real or fictitious, we find in Ramusio s 
map of 1556 21 the first printed representation of 
North America as it was actually known ; that is, with 
indications of a broad continent, but all left blank 
beyond the points of discovery. In the western inte- 

11 Ramusio, Fia<yr/i,Venetia, 1565, iii. 455-6. The first edition of this volume 
was in l.V<;. I am not certain that it contained the same map; but it makes 
no difference. Also in titevens j^otes, pi. iv. no. 3. 


ri >r a vague record of Coronado a expedition is giv< 

but with a curious transposition of r,, r 

location of Cibola, Tiguex, Cicuic, 
ipeetively, all, it would seem, for the purpo 
following Qomara a supp i theory that n u i\ 

\^ / Aixt^Tiguans 


L Tecpantef -^ .. . , 


Mar (!>/ Srr 

RAMUSIO S ^Lvr, 1556. 

was on the western coast. And there Quivira 
mained for many years. The Sierra Xrvuda lias 1> i 
named by Cabrillo. California, not nanic<l, is a j 
ninsula of peculiar shape not copied l>y later map- 
inakers; and beyond the limits of my co| >nu> 
west of California, lies an .i>land, (iiapain. Tl 
no expressed opinion respecting tlu- strait. Jn : 
main features this map is of a type often repeated 
The manuscript ma]) of the Portu^ llm<-m, 

made in 1558, 22 diil ers widely in the north-- 
Homum adheres to the old idea that North Aniei: 
is a- very narrow continent, extending from sotith-w- 
to north-east; and he gives the navi r hi- 

2 - Taken from A <>?<! .< Hl-t, Ditcov., 377. Most names omitted, as having 
no bearing on this subject. 



many ways l>y water to the Pacific. As Kohl 

"Our author appears to have had a great 

ssion for islands and a strong belief in north-west 


HOMEM S MAP, 1558. 

passages from the Atlantic to the western ocean. 
He cuts up the whole of northern New France into 
lanre islands, and converts several branches of the 


St Lawrence into sea-channels and straits. He puts 
down a strait in every place where Cartier, in his 
report, had said he had looked for one, even if he did 
not find it." From vague rumors of the great lakes 
and Hudson Bay he makes the great mare lepara- 

tfium a name for the western ocean, the origin of 
which is not known. 23 

About 15GO-5 some few men in Spain became 
greatly interested in finding the northern passage, 
though they did not succeed in arousing the court to 
actual endeavor. Prominent among these was the 

3 Ramusio, Viagcj], iii. 0, writing in 1553, seems to have had like ideas 

.ma da. From which [Car-tier s reports] we are not yet clear whether it 

A France] ia joined to the mainland of Florida and Xew Spain, or is all 

(livid* 1 into islands; or whether it is possible to go by those parts to the 

province of Cathay, as Sebastian Cabot wrote me many years ago. 

M! : AND D A. 

Adelantado 1 Vdn> Mrm-nd. A vi! 

annals of Florida. I Le wroi ;- ; ,l ];t| 

siihjeet, mid in one of tin-in stal \\i\\ in : he h 

brought from New Spain a niaii who claimed to li,-, 

n on a French ship, which ha. I Bailed ! 
lvalue s on a bra >r runniir_r inland & \ w 

;!idland town i-d Florida. Tin- ship s a 
landed and a quarter of a league dial 
channel, on which they luiilt lour small i 

1 another three hundred ; . to latitl S, 

north of Mexico, near the mines of Zac;. -d S 

Martin, where were lai-^v and prosperon 

The ehannel led to tlie South towar I ( Ihin 

the Moluccas, though it was aot folio wed ar. r Fi 

French ship on her return was wr I, hut tln-n 

i-ator with some others was saved l>y a Pop 

vessel This was perhaps the first definite narra of 

a fictitious voyage through the famoi Ti 

story was often repeated; and oth<-r like trip.-^ w- 
invented, as we sliall B< Menendez donl. t ld 
the story in good faith, bein^ deceived by an adv 
turer who took advantage of his enthusiasm.* 

One of the Spaniards who like Meiieii in- 

ested in the problem was Andres de I rda 
Iriar and navigator, the man who first cr 
Pacific eastward and discovered the nori i roi; 
Urdaneta was acquainted with Meiiendex. >w- 

-I/IX. . >f: A/., in A "/// ?/ M-y.. \ \1. 

It was in loGothat Menendez told tlr : 1-ut In- li;ul a]>i 

a memorial on the paMtage soon after i On-an-ctc, in , 

quotes from several original oomnranications of M /. hi 

;>c;iks of a s:ilt-\v;itrr clianncl fnun the n-^inii <>i tlu- ) 

latitude 37% which goes towards the W. N. \V.. ami it i- BOI 

.1 liiTI" 1*11 I l At ^"V"_ 

of another /-mv> ! ///"/ which leads t"\\ards China and enters uth 

Sen : and this is deeded certain, although no one hns gone l>y it t<> tli-- ><mtli 

Sea, but they have gone by it over 600 li x >\". N. W.. start 

lii- 1^ , .)(() leagues north of M .uid n><- "in the 

^oiith Sea or from China itself. Acosta, /// allud. 

Meiiende/ and his positive belief in a strait. Kl Ad.-lanudo I 
hoi. re ta. plutico y excelite en la mar, ser OOM 


in^ all the current reports about the strait ancHts 
discovery l>y foreigners, deemed it of the utmost im 
portance for Spain to ascertain the truth. In a docu 
ment of l. xiO he wrote of the report current in New 
Spain about the French finding a passage from New 
foundland, beginning above latitude 70, extending 
west and south-west to below 50, which afforded 
open sea navigation to China; also that on their re 
turn they had found another exit below 50 toward 
Florida. 25 This writer was wiser and less credulous 
than Menendez, for he never placed implicit faith in 
these rumors; still less did he claim for himself the 
discovery of the strait. Yet such a claim was attrib 
uted to him. One Salvatierra, a Spanish nobleman 
returning home from the West Indies, touched at 
Ireland in 15G8, and there related that Urdanetahad 
found the passage in 1556 or 1557, and had shown 
the narrator a map on which the discovery was laid 
down. The friar had revealed the matter to the king 
of Portugal, who had urged him to keep it a profound 
secret, lest the English should come to know it and 
make trouble for Spain and Portugal. 26 The exact 
origin of this "tale is not known, although it was not 

o . *-? 

without its influence in later speculations. 

In 1562 the Frenchman Bibault by no means 
neglected the problem on the Carolina coast. " As we 
now demaunded of them concerning ye land called 
Seuola [Cibola], whereof some haue written not to 
bee farre from thence, and to bee situate within the 
lande, and toward the Sea called the South Sea. They 
shewed vs by signes that which we vnderstood well 
enough, that they might goe thither with their Boates, 
by riuers, in twentie dayes." 27 In 1563, when Fran 
cisco de Ibarra reached the province of Topia, in 
north-western Durango, by some means he and his 

, Vi 

*Fo>ntei*9 ll i<r. Voij., 449, repeated briefly by other writers. Forster 
.gives no authorities. 

- : lilbauU n True and Lust Discouerie of Florida, in Hakluyfs Div. Voy., 

- persuaded themselves withoui \vn 

LSOD that they had found md and rieh r.uintry, 

a second M -xieo; and soil \ represented in tin- 
reports under the name of Copal It is pn.h.-th: 
however, that tliis \va< deliberate deceptioD i. 
than tin. 1 enthusiasm of explorers. 18 

I reproduce the map ])uhjishcd by the iain<>u> 

geographer Abraham Ortelms in his Theatrum <>< 

Terror i ni of 1574. 29 It will h n that th nmap 
eombines the leading feature- of tin,- li;muH a 
Ptolemy-Munster maps. From the latter we 1 
the strait, and even the indentation, though now re 
duced to a small bay and not ahn<> inada 

from Florida, while as in Ramusio we have a lr- 
stretch of continent, and an attempt to show the 
discoveries of Niza, Coronado, Ulloa, Alan -on. and 
slightly those of Cabrillo. The topographical 1 eatn 
of the peninsula and gulf of California are mm-h im 
proved, also the course of the rivers flowing into tip- 
latter. Totonteac and other names an- added from 
Xiza, and those of Tuchano and Tolm from unknown 
sources. The Gomara-Ramusio transposition of tin, 1 
Cibola-Quivira towns is continued; and Tiguex. with 
its river, really the Rio Grande del Xortr of V 
Mexico, is transferred, as Cicuic (Pecos) and (Juivira 
had been before, to the coast of what was later Tpj 
California. Finally the kingdom of Anian npj 
on the same coast above 60. 

This name of Anian, as applied to a north-- rn 
kingdom and to the famous strait, apparently or: 
nated during this decade of l.~> 70-80, but under cir 
cumstances that have never be n explained. Tin- 
was a theory, of which, however, I hear nothing i 

?y Ort> (ii.-t;, Tlnntri-n <>,/ .< Tetrarvm, Antwerp, 1">74, gr. fol 
There m-iv earlier c .litinua of l.">7<> and 1" 71; ami lat 
languages, of nss, l.v.r,,, n;o:{, KKH;, and i ;_ ! : also a //. 

phi&U, by tlie same author, of i:7-S. l.V.Ki, ami Kil I. In my e litj,, | 
the y A tl ietv aze oner 70 brilliantly oofarttd ma].s. tin.-!y enxn, 

fi)] )t -r l.y BEogenbeiv, tw> "t" which, the T; : 
America tfa wow DefcHg - th-- l 1 

ritory. One pugu of text i* given 011 America, of uu special impor 

THI-: XA.MI-: A.vr. 

fore the eighteenth century, thai Corf- in 1 ")00 
named tlu- strait lV.m two or three I 
accompanied him, or IV<m one f hifl ,,\vn brothel 
Tliciv were also ?ague traditions of three lnth- 
had passed through a strait, Bometifl led t 

them Fivtuui Triiim I Yatrmn. It a]> iat th 

was a province of Ania somewhere in Asia, as d 

scrihed !y the early travellers and . papb 
A- ain, we learn that "An excellent learned man < 

Portin^-ale, of sin^-uler grauety, authoritie, and exp 
rience, tolde mee [Hakluyt, in 1582] very latelvth 
one Anus C<>rt<T<- l, [this hein^ editoriallv explain 
as a form of loao, loannes/ or John, ] Captayi 
of tlie yle of Tercera, about the yeere l.")74, which 

not ahoue ei^ht yeeres past, sent a Shippe to disoou 
the Northwest passage of America, and that, th. 
shippe arriuing on the coast of the saide America, in 

tii tie eyghte degrees of latitude, founde a Q 
exceeding deepe and broade without ail impediment 
of ice, into which they passed ahoue t\\vnti- leagu< 
and founde it ahvaies to ti ende towai de the South, 
the lande lying lowe and plaine on eytlier side: And 
they perswaded them selues vei dy that tliero w, 
a way open into the south sea." 31 Here, thru, 
have as elements the old popular heliet in a >trait, 
the Asiatic province of Ania, the three hrothers/ the 
voyages of the Cabots and Cortereals, the ia< it 
there were several brothers of both families, the nan 
Ami* Cortereal, the renewed interest in the sul 
at this juncture, and the chvulation of the name --n 
( h tclius maps. Out of all this was evolved the nan 
strait of Anian, which eai-ly in the seventeenth cen- 

3y l have not fown<l any mention of Ania in any d.teument T n 
earlier date than that of which I am n<>\\- treating : l-ut lim-n.-y, // 

i, i. 5, implies that Maroo Polo mention r\ince. v .1- 

1 > ft, in his I H- f l."7(i. Oftelius lumst li .1 in t 

interior oj|>o>ite -I.-ipan in his niajiof . I uivli; 

ntions Anian as an island in tin- ^ina. D Avii 

Anian on liis general maji as th<- extreJ.v li-eastern }>rovin 

n<(kliii, rs I ";/., 7. Nothing further is km\vn alnnit tlji- 

Imt it is not unlikely that a Portuguese navigator in these times may ha . 
entered Hudson Strait. 


tury became common. It is not unlikely that light 
may yet be thrown on the process of evolution. At 
pivsc nt all is conjecture. I know not whether the 
name Anian appears in the Ortelius editions of 1570 
and 1571, as in that of 1574; nor do I know his 
motive, or that of the author he followed, for trans- 
faring the province to America. There is no doubt, 
h< wevei , that the strait was named from the province, 
and it is plain that the resemblance of the names Anus 

id An ia n caused the discovery and name of the strait 
i > be attributed to the Cortereals. 32 

In the cosmographical work of Peter Apianus, as 
amended by Gemma Frisius and published in 1575, 33 
are two maps, which it is not necessary to copy. 
One, with movable, revolving attachments, represents 
Xorth America, without names, as an island detached 
from South America, equidistant between what may 
be regarded as Cuba and Japan, and a little larger 
than either. The other, with only the names The- 
mivtiton and Baccalearum, makes of the continent a 
very narrow strip of land attached to South America, 

.tending north-west, north, and north-east, and sepa 
rated by a long and wide strait containing an island 
from Eastern India in the role of an Arctic continent. 34 

32 Amoretti, Voy. Maldonado, 26, 38-9, favors the theory that the name 
Anian may have had a Chinese origin, and gives quotations and references to 
support that view; and that the form Streto de Anian on the earliest maps 
indicates its origin through Venetian- Italian medium, that is, Marco Polo, per 
haps. He cites Sprengel to the effect that the name is on Mercator s map of 
1-370; and Engel as having seen it on a map of 1586. Amoretti is often 
inaccurate in his references, as when he says that Urdaneta saw the name on 
a map of 1568, and that Gali visited the strait in 1582; but it is not impos 
sible, nor inconsistent with the views expressed in the text, that the name 
1 gan to be used just before rather than just after 1570. Malte-Brun, in 
Anii il -* tl H l >i/"yH, xix. 395, says that Ani is Japanese for brother, and 
6u<:,_r ^ts that the name may have originated from the Portuguese having 
told the Japanese of the discovery by the brothers. In Voiayes an Aord, 
Reciif il^ /, Esl, 82, we read : On parla du Golfe d* Anian, & travers duquel les 
Japonois et ceux du Pai s dc Jesso assuroient qu il y avoit un passage jusqu a 
la Mer de Turin rie. On alia au dela du Japon, jusqu au 50\ On entra dans 
un Detroit fort commode, pour aller dans 1 Ocean Septentrional. 

" Ap inito, Cosmoyraphia, Anvers, 1575. The work is chiefly theoretical; 
the description of the New World, fol. 34, seems to be taken from Gomara; 
the maps are on fols. 32, 35. 

; In (iillx rt x 7;/ .sYw// of a Discouerie for a new Passage to Cataia, London, 
1570, is a map in which all impediments in the way of the north-west pas- 


hi 1584 one Juan 1 Vriiande/ de Ladrillero mad 
sworn statement in Spain .ect mg the 

whose existence some eight hundred leagTuefl n<rth of 


Compostela In- was sur< II.- wua ov< ITS 

of age, had gone to America in L5 ndliadna 

those- waters as a ]>ilot lor twent ;, !it jreai The 
strait was said to lead to when- tin- Kn^li-h caught 
codfish, or bacalaos; and he with others one*; 

d to find it. Had he been al<un; witli one 
1 lie would have gone on and made the disco ve] 

but contrary winds and damages to t! mpanv! 

slii[)s forced them to turn back, and tin- niained 
the Californias until the vessels were ordered fco join 
Villalobos expedition to the Moluccas." A Por 
had written to inform the emperor that, he had U 
imprisoned by the king of Portugal because he ] 
found the strait, and passed through it from onr oe 
to the other. The emperor notified the \ i< .and 
the latter therefore sent out the expedition which 
Ladrillero accompanied. He had heard other pil< 
talk of this matter; and especially an Englishman 
who had sailed with him twenty-seven years, and who 
with his countrymen had entered the strait while 
lishino- for bacalaos. Now therefore in l.">74, when the 
English and French were believed to be entering the 
South Sea by this codfish canal, Ladrillero, notwith 
standing his age and infirmities, was willing to go and 
fortify the strait for Spain. 36 Naturally enough 
old pilot, desiring a position of honor ami profit, 
found something in his store of old recollections to 
support a growing theory, and counted on h; 
rience in American waters to give him pr ut. 

Sir Humphrey Gilbert s ideas on our general topic 
were set forth in 15 70 in A D *r& Of a Di$c<> 

arc C!O;UT<I .-nvay in a nmst summary manner. Introd. to Hukluyt Soc. 
ivprint of Haklinjt * Div. Voy., 1, li. 

3 Yillali.bos voyage was in l.".4-_ , -\vlii.-Ii ilx. s t!, -o s 

exploits. It is not unlikely that he may have l><>ni Avith Alaivon >a. 

LadrilU i P> s Memorial in i :i arch; 

Sutll y J/c.f., xlii.-iii. j Viu<j> ., 41. 


Pass f<, Ccfcia.* 1 His first chapter was 
jied "to proue by authoritie a passage to be on 
thr Xorth side- of America, to goe to Cataia, China, 
:i.i to the East India," the authority being that of 
the ancient writers like Plato and Aristotle touching 
the old Atlantis, confirmed by all the best modern 
-raj thers like Frisius, Apianus, Munster, and the 
rest, to the effect that America is an island. "Then, 
if when no part of the sayd Atlantis was oppressed 
lv water, and earthquake, the coasts round about the 
same were nauigable: a farre greater hope now re- 
maineth of the same by the Northwest, seeing the 
most part of it was, since that time, swallowed up 
with water, which could not utterly take away the 
olde deeps and chanels, but rather, be an occasion of 
the inlarging of the olde, and also an inforcing of a 
great many new: why then should now we doubt?. . . 
seeing that Atlantis now called America was euer 


knowen to be an Hand, and in those dayes nauigable 
round about, which by accesse of more water could 
not be diminished." The writer adds: "What moued 
those learned men to affirme thus much, I know not, 
or to what ende so many and sundry trauellers of both 
ages haue allowed the same: But I coniecture that 
they would neuer haue so constantly affirmed, or noti 
fied their opinions therein to the world, if they had 
not had great good cause, and many probable reasons, 
to haue led them thereunto I" 

The second chapter is to prooue by reason what 
had been so clearly established by authoritie in the 
lirst. The reason was threefold: 1st, the deepening 
of the waters in the north, whereas "all seas are main 
tained by the abundance of water, so that the neerer 
the ende any Eiuer, Bay, or Hauen is, the shallower 
it wareth;" 2cl, the facts that no intercourse is 
known between Asiatic and American peoples, that 
Paulus Venetus travelling in Cathay never reached 

17 Gilbert s Discourse, London, 1576; reprinted in Hakluyt s Voy., iii. 11-24. 

A D: 

Amenc iy mo iv than Core . "\v! 

the North part of A; land I A 

and :>d, a complicated 

at ocean current, which not only had 1 i 

by voyagers, hut which must of n 

pa- ly the north unplete tin- < . and 

dve his former \vron 


Jn the third chapter is proved "by of 

sundry men s traiiels, the opening of - >m< 

of this Northwest p;is>;i _ Tin- traveller 

Paulns Venetus, or Marco Polo, who >ailed fifl 

hundred miles on the ooa t Mai ad Anian 
north-eastward, all beini;- open sea BO far a> he coi 
discern; and Coronado, who passing through t 
countrey of Quiuira, to Siera Xeiiada, found 
great sea," c., according to the (lomai-a hlund 
and John Baros, Alvar Nunez, Jaef|ii rtiei 1 . and 

others, especially Cabot, who in i 30 would ha 
gone to Cathay but for mutin 

The fourth chapter proves "by circumstance t 1 
the Northwest passage hath been say led throu^hni 
that is, by the three brothers from Humpe. and l>y 
certain Indians who came to (rermany hefojv i 
Christian era, and others in 11GO. Next are tin 
chapters to prove that these Indians could have come 
by no other way; and three more of inclu 

sions and on the advantages of finding the p; 

38 Just after Gilbert, Richard Willes learm-dlv wr 

reasons, or arguments to prontie ;i p;i- 

iii. 24 \l Ee began !>;- all his in_o- unity ami i 

the sclH.-ine, to sliow that the old writ- the 

subjet t. that there was no strait, that it \v;> 

rent jirovin^ its exist* -nr.- \\ould also jirt:\ eiit its navi 

^lisiuiien could pass the strait they ini_ r ht not lie perm . 1 assages 

from Ptolemy, M Ti-ator, and Moletius ; u-e a^diirrd in | 

non-existe \ll this \\as l.ut a device to give u. 

by whieii Mr Willes showed that these objections had : 

B similar to tho>e of < Jillu-rt ; Imt lie added t!i- -o of a I ortu. 

who passed the strait and was imprisoned the irs in Li-lnu. 

i.-ineta, a 1-Yver of Mexieo, who -ut of Mar del Xurthi- 
nanie; of Cabot, \\ ho learm-d th;r 

Meridian, lietweene <il. and (54. d in the- itinuiu^ the > 
bredth about 10 it openeth Southerly m 

until it come under the tropicke of (, aneer, au ini-> Mai d^ 1 


tin narratives of Martin Frobisher s voyages 
O f L576-8 to the inlet bearing his name, and to the 
Meta Incognita, as the regions of the far north were 
often termed from his time, we learn that "the 11. 
found our latitude to be 63. degr. 8. minutes, and 
this day we entred the streight," a sentence pregnant 
witli meaning to the theorists, especially as we read 
of the people that "they bee like to Tartars." And 
again, "This said streight is supposed to haue passage 
into the sea of Sur, which I leaue unknowen as yet. 
It seemeth that either here, or not farre hence, the 
should haue more large entrance, then in other 
parts within the frozen or temperate Zone." Later 
the author speaks calmly of crossing the inlet to the 
east shore, "being the supposed continent of Asia," 
and back to the "supposed firme with America." 
They were doubtless in the strait, but cosmography 
had to yield to the love of gold, believed to be 
plentiful in the black rocks around the explorers. 
Yet of the third voyage it is said that Frobisher con 
fessed that "if it had not bene for the charge and care 
he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships, he both 
would and could have gone through to the South 
Sea." 39 

"I, Thomas Cowles of Bedmester, in the countie of 
Somerset, Marriner, doe acknowledge, that six yeares 
past, at my being at Lisbon, in the kingdome of Portu- 
gall, I did heare one Martin Chacke, a Portugall of 
Lisbon, reade a booke of his owne making, which he 
had set out six yeares before that time, in Print, in 
the Portugale tongue, declaring that the said Martin 

at the least IS. degrees more in bredth there, than it was where it first began ; 
and of Frobisher, who returned safely from the icy regions. Respecting the 
currents, Lay you now the summe hereof together. The riuers runne where 
the chain :ls are most hollow, the sea in taking his course waretli deeper, the 
Sea waters fall continually from the North Southward, the Northeasterne 
current striketh downe into the straight we speake of, and is there augmented 
with whole mouritaines of ice and snowe. . . .Where store of water is, there 
is it a thing impossible to want Sea, where Sea not onely doeth not want, 
but wareth deeper, there can be discouered no land. 

J y/"/.-// /// .s To//., iii. 30-3, 80-1, with an argument proving the existence 
of the strait from the tides, etc. 

Chacke had founde, twelve now pa I ia 

tile; I ortiigall Indirs, through ;t M-ui \ xs - 

found Land, which bethought i" In- iii 59. d< of 

the equation of the Xorth Pol- IlviiK 
hee being in the said Indies, with l >mv other Shipp. 
of great burden, and he himselfe in a small Ship], 

f olirsrniv tUlllies, Was drilleli from the CODlpOnV 

the other Ion re Shippes, with ;i \Y rlv win- 
which, hee past alon-M by a ^iv;it nunil)-r <f Han. 
which were in the ^nlle <f tin- said Xe\v found Lan<l. 
And after lieo oiuirshot the ^uli e, h DM moi 

sight of any other Land, vntill he f-ll with the Xorth- 
wcst part of Ireland; and from thenru he t<okr 1, 
course homewards, and by that meaner h 
Lishone foure or fiue weekes hutore tlie oilier ion. 
Ships of his company tliat he was separated from, 
as before said. And since the same time, I could 
neuer see any of those Books; because the Jvini;- com 
manded them to be called in, and no more < .f t liein to 
be printed, lest in time it would be to their hindrao 
In witnesse whereof I set to my hand and marke, the 
ninth of Aprill, Anno 1579. " 40 All of which explah 
itself. I, like Cowles, have never seen any n of 
those books. 

Francis Drake s voyage in 1579 had some indii 
bearing on the present subject. It was the hop 
finding a strait by which to reach home with 1; 
ill-gotten gains that carried him into the northern 
Pacific; and his failure in thi> reaped caused Kn-Jand 
for a long time to confine her search to the At lain 
side. His presence and ra\ in the South Sea ma^ 

Spain realize more fully the impm-tan- F finding 
and fortifying the strait for her own pr- ion; and, 
Drake s homeward route being f"r years not . iv 
known, rumors were current that he had actually 
found the northern passage, and had returned. M. .re- 
over, there appeared soon after a fictitious narrati\ 

*Pur<-hrt.<, //;.> / > ;/ :// -; // ;,x. iii. Ml). The story i.s IB .<-<! l>y Jefferys, 

Burney, uiul many others Iruni tliis .source. 


connected with this expedition. Padre Ascension told 

talr to Padiv Zdrute do Salmcron, who wrote of 

in hiiY,. ]t seems that "a foreign pilot, named 

X. de Morena, wlio entered al /;/;//#* -whatever that 

may im an--"froin the Sea of the North to that of 

South by the Strait of Anian," gave this account 

t > liodri^o del Rio, then governor of New Galicia: 

Morena was set on shore in the region of the strait 

of Anian "very sick and more dead than alive" by 

Drake as the latter was returning homeward. 41 Re- 

eoveriii"- his health he wandered through divers lands 

O *--^ 

four years, over more than five hundred leagues 
of tierrajirme, until he came to a brazo de mar dividing 
New Mexico from a great western land. This body 
of water ran north and south, and seemed to the 
pilot to extend northward to the port where he had 
landed. On its banks were many large settlements, 
including a nation of white people, who possessed 
horses and fouffht with lance and shield. "Padre 


Antonio [Ascension] says he believes they are Mus 
covites, I say that when we see them we shall know 
who they are," writes Salmeron. On the coast where 
he was put ashore Morena saw many good ports and 
great bays, and from that point he thought he could 
Kiil to Spain in forty days. He came out finally in 
New Mexico, and went down to Sombrerete, where 
he told his story to Governor Rio. He was going 
to England to bring his discovery before the court, 
but was willing to guide the governor to the strait. 42 
Drake s narratives do not record the putting-ashore 

** The apparent meaning is that the pilot had entered the Pacific by the 
strait -with Drake, and was landed near its entrance as he was about to return 
by the same route; yet the Spaniards ought to have known well enough the 
way by which Drake came, even if uncertain how he returned. 


ntos, 78, identifies Drake s port with the 
desemboque del rio Carmelo y un puerto que el hace, que el padre Zarate no 
apunta, quiza porque Sebastian Vizcaino no surgio en el, y se llama ese puerto 
el puerto del Draque, corresponde con esa punta de Pinos y puerto de Mon 
terey al desemboque del rio Colorado, que entra acd en nuestra costa con 
veintidos leguas de boca, en cuarenta y un grades, de latitud y doscientos cin- 
cuenta y uno de longitud. 

IX XKY, 0. 

of any man in tin- north. M: doul 

3 pure iiction; but it is pruhaMe thai had ,-m 
e in forming tli<- later belief that California 

wus an island. 

Rodrigo del Rio, to whom Moivna mad<- known hi- 

adventures, giving liis views in i i-t 

Meeting till proper outfit for 8 foiv. \ , .\V 

Mexico. <>niinends that material be furni-ln-d 

tiding a vessel, both for crossing i . /Tik<lv 

be encountered, and perha urning \>\ 

I le UIK! mds that the eountrv reaches to tl; 


n- the ({ran China, in latitude J7 . and j>. 
concludes that in a territory BO broad th< he 

liolahle things. 43 

K-pejo, in his Xew ^Tcxican travels of 1 581-3, fou 

occasion to build ships, nor did he i G 

China; but a Concho Indian in northern Chihuahua 
told him of towns having houses of three and four 

lies situated on a great la!. me iifte<-n day.- 
journey to the west; at Zuiii.and we>t of it he h<-ai-d 
a^ ain of a great lake, now sixty days <! it, with 
great and rich cities, whose inhabitants wore i^ ldm 
bracelets; and finally, in the region of the mod 
Prescott, he was told of a mighty river behind the 
sierra, on the banks of which were towns in com 
parison with which those already seen were not hi: 
the inhabitants using cano > cross the river and 
pass from town to town." And Vargas, writing ju-t 
after Espejo s return, attaches no small importance to 
that great river, really the Colorado, M that 

it might 1m the Estrerho de Bacal Moreover, t 
reported lake towns might have a -i^niiieanre in con 
nection with the fact that the ancient Culhu:: mc- 
froin those regions. 43 Thus did men try to aroi 
old enthusiasm for northern discovery dormant >ii 
Coronado s time. 

~, T< O. 

"Espey o, /, llakluufs Voy., iii. 385. 


Richard Hakluyt published in London in 1582 his 
Die- rs voyages touching the <Ux(-on<>rie of America, from 
which I have already drawn freely. A kind of prefa- 
toi be Is entitled, "A verie late and great proba- 
bili tie of a passage by the north-west part of America 
in legrees of northerly latitude," which probably 
rests on the discoveries of Anus Cortereal in 1574, 
already cited. Then in the Epistle Dedicatorie are 
set down eight reasons for belief in the north-west 
passage. These, with which the reader is already so 
familiar that a mere allusion will suffice, were: 1st, 
Cabot s statement to Ramusio that the north of 
America is all divided into islands; 2d, Verrazano s 
map, to be noticed presently; 3d, Gil Gonzalez explora 
tions on the western coast of Central America; 4th 
and 5th, the reports of natives to Jacques Cartier; 
6th, the reports of Florida Indians to Eibault; 7th, 
the experience of Frobisher "on the hyther side, and 
Sir Fraunces Drake on the back side of America," 
with the testimony of the Zeni respecting Estotiland; 
and 8th, the judgment of Mercator, "there is no 
doubt but that there is a straight and short way open 
into the West, euen vnto Cathay." 46 

The map published in Hakluyt s work and here re 
produced was made by Michael Lok, who claimed, 
without much apparent reason, to have fashioned it 
largely after Verrazano s charts. It is a strange com 
bination of the geographical ideas that we have no 
ticed on earlier maps. The entrance to the strait, 
which is short and leads by two arms into a great 
north-western sea, is by Frobisher s inlet. The bay 
of old that so nearly cuts the continent in twain is 
christened Mare cle Verrazano, 1524, though that 
navigator is not known to have reported having seen 
or heard of any such western sea. California is still 

** HalJinjf** D n\ Voy., 7-13. He adds: And heere, to conclude and shut 
vp this muUcT, I haue hearde my selfe of Merchants of credite, that have 
liued long in Spaine, that King Phillip hath made a lawe of late that none of 
his subiectes shall discouer to the Northwardes of liue and fortie degrees of 
America, lest the strait be found. 


penin -iila, bul i- joined in tl, 
isthmus i , where th turns .-i 1 

ward bo and past ( Sierra X V, 


foundation Lok imagined himself to liavo for 1 
geographical abortion I do not know. 47 

John Davis did not indulge in any v cu- 

lations respecting the Xnrtlirni M; :-n- 

ing from his voyages of l.~>So-7. In- wrote: "I 
brought the passage to that likelihood, 
assured it must bee in one Hire pis 
at all;" and again: "I hane brne in 7-} d ,d- 

ing the sea all open, and forty leagues 
and land. The passage is most probable, th< 
( asie, as at my coming you shall smvly know." 48 T> 

a HaJduy?8 Div. Vni/., ."."), Khr< //; ; ID. ]-, 

ships .-iiid all" llnwin 

.1 : A Ship Which // h i l. 

Moluccas^ taUed intl 18. -!. . \vhi- :is 

rinitly jilssurd; and 7 ./". /< " f < 

iniard -\vhic-li i Ic. 

"HUM.,,,- ,.. iii. ios. \n, i 

HIST. N. W. Ccusr, VOL. I. 


the English colonists of Carolina, 1586, the natives 

I tluit the lioanoke "gushed forth from a rock, so 

:r the Pacific Ocean, that the surge of the sea 

.letinies dashed into its fountain; its banks were 

inhabited by a nation skilled in the art of refining 

the rich ore in which the country abounded. The 

walls of the city were described as glittering from the 

abundance of pearls." Governor Lane explored the 

river in a vain search for these marvels. 49 To Raleigh 

in 1587 Hakluyt wrote: "I am fully perswaded by 

Ortelius late reformation of Culuacan and the gulfe 

of California, that the land on the backe part of 

Virginia extendeth nothing so far westward as is 

o o 

put downe in the Maps of those parts;" and noting 
a report of Florida Indians to Ribault of a great 
interior city where King Chiquola dwelt, the same 
writer says: " This seemeth to be La grand Copal." 50 
The map in Hakluyt s edition of Peter Martyr, 
1587, leaves the great north-west a blank, as unex 
plored; yet it puts a mare dulee at 60, about midway 
of the continent, and by great rivers running north 
ward from the interior indicates the probability of 
open sea on the north. California is a peninsula, as 
in Ortelius map; Quivira is on the coast, in 40; in 
the interior just below latitude 40 and over the name 
New Mexico is an immense lake some six hundred 
miles in length, communicating by rivers perhaps with 
the Gulf and with the ocean just above Quivira. 
Drake s discovery of Nova Albion is shown for the 
first time just below 50; and the coast line seems 
to extend to 55 before trending westward. The 
Cathay coast is about fifty degrees west of Nova 
Albion. If we disregard the great lake, and look 
upon the mare dulce as Hudson Bay, this is the 

* J rteorffp. Bancroft s Hist. V. S., i. 99-100. 

7/a/. ////// ; .s Fo.y., iii. 303, 311. In 1589 Juan B. Lomas, masking a license 
to settle New Mexico, understood that territory to include everything above 
the Rio Conchos, and claimed the right to fortify both coasts, and to build 
ships to sail both toward Spain and the Philippines. Lomat, Awiento y Capitu 


merit t produced. 
I copy a map of Ajli 

i in 1 590, iii 

Uli- >oilt tin 

/ 1 

/ ^s 


[ have only the very h;nl i-(.]iy in 1. 

i from 

I in. , 
icnee of a 
uoonc uf whicli 



In his M-ivat work of 1590 Acosta devotes a chap- 

. " tiio strait which some affirm to be in Florida." 

"As Magellan found that strait that is in the South, 

( >thiTs have claimed to discover another strait which 
they say there is in the north, which they place in the 


land of Florida, a land stretching so far that its end 
is not known." He alludes particularly to the ideas 
of Menendez, and mentions as some of the latter s 
reasons in addition to those already noticed, namely, 
pieces of Chinese vessels found floating in the At 
lantic; and the presence of whales from the South 
Sea observed in a bay of Florida; and besides the 

OSTA. 09 

n< MM! order <f nature requiring an A ret i- 1 

Ajltarctic strait. It is 1hoi ,d oti 

Kn^lish . ITS may ha\e found ;m<l utilized the 

rait. Men, like ants, do n<>t pause <>n the ti-i.-k 
DOVelties; and the truth will !>< kiiown, and ( lud will 
make USC <>! man s curiosity to carry the ^O^JM-! 

e untilus. And else where Acos 

C ( a})u Mendocino," perhaps the first m< ! ii <! 
that name, "it is not known how lar r\\\\< tin- land, 
lut from what all say it is something imm< what 
it runs." 53 I reproduce a map made In- 
about 1595. 

, Hist. Nat. Ind., 71, 152-3. 






IN recording the fictitious voyages it seems most 
proper and convenient to notice each, not under its 
o\vn pretended date, but under the date when the 
claim was first made. By this system the first of the 
famous voyages, several anonymous and vaguely re 
corded trips through the strait having been already 
referred to, belongs here, under date of 1596, when 
Juan de Fuca told his tale of having discovered the 
Northwest passage in 1592. This is also the only 
one of the apocryphal voyages the authenticity of 
which still finds defenders; but more on this matter 

In April, 1596, Michael Lok, an Englishman well 
known for his interest in geographical discoveries, 
in- 1 Juan de Fuca in Venice. Fuca had lately arrived 
in Italy from Spain, and in Florence had encountered 
an English pilot, John Douglas, with whom he came 
to Venice, and by him was introduced to Lok. Fuca s 
story was as follows: He was a Greek, born in the 


JUAX ]>K IT 71 

1 of Cephalonia, and his r.-al i: 
Valerian* M. \ 

pilot in 1 Iii(!i;in !,.l v. 

on hoard, oi t i -dleon \vli by ( lavendi 

oil the point of California, N . L587, h 

lost sixty thousand duc;i i t h.i 

<|UentIy In 1 was sent as pilot of i 

hundred iiirii despatched hy tin- \ >y bo find 1 

strait of Aniaii and fortify it a.^ai: di; 

but by reason of a mutiny ainon^- \ 

the sodoj f their Captaine," 1 turn 

IVom the Californian coast, 1 and the * in was p< 

ied by justice in Mexico. 

"Also lire said, that shortly after th 1 Y< 

was so ill ended, the said Viceroy of M c.ric*, 
out againe Anno 1592, with a small C 
Pinnace, armed with Mariners onely, to follow i 
saide Voyage, for a discouery of tin ie St of 

Anin, and the passage thereof, into th< i wli 
th< dl the North Sea, which is our North-w< 
And that he followed his course in that \ 
and North-west in the South Sea. all alon. coast 

of NOIKI, SjHfuid, and C<ilif:n i> :id the // 
called North An n rica (all which V 
to me in a great Map, and a Sea-rani of mine o 
which I laied before him) vntill hee cai 
itude of fortie seuen decrees, and that 
that the Land trended Xorth and North- 
broad Inlet of Sea, bet \\ven 47. and 48. cl 
Latitude, hee entred thereint n in- 

than twentie da and da-id that Lan! 

still sometime North-west and North- :d Mori 

and also East and South-eastward, and very much 
broader Sea then wa- at the said entran< id tl 
hee passed by diners Hands in .And 

at the entrance of this said Strait, there is on t 

! Is it possible that Fuca mi^ht h Hero s story v 1 

be rein t [);!<> 

back from California at a much r date. 


Xorth-west coast thereof, a great Heclland or Hand, 
with an exceeding high Pinacle, or spired Rocke, like 
a piller thereupon. Also he said, that he went on 
Land in diners places, and that he saw some people 
on Land, dad in Beasts skins: and that the Land is 
very truitfull, and rich of Gold, Siluer, Pearle, and 
other things, like Nona Sjxuiia. And also he said, 
that lie being entred thus farre into the said Strait, 
and being come into the North Sea already, and find 
ing the Sea wide enough euery where, and to be about 
thirtie or for tie leagues wide in the mouth of the 
Straits, where he entred; he thought he had now 
well discharged his office, and done the tiling he was 

<> O 

sent to doe." So he returned to Acapulco before the 
end of the year, hoping for reward; and was wel 
comed by the viceroy with fair promises, but after two 
years of vain waiting, by the viceroy s advice he went 
to Spain to seek reward for his services from the king. 
Even here, though welcomed at court "in wordes 
after the Spanish manner, but after long time of suite 
there also, he could not get any reward there neither 
to his content;" and so at length "he stole away out 
of Sjx .ftte, and came into Italic, to goe home againe 
and Hue among his owne Kindred and Countrimen; 
he being very old." He thought the reason of Span 
ish ingratitude was occasioned by the belief that 
England had relinquished the search for a strait, and 
therefore there was nothing to fear. Now he was 
disposed to be revenged on the Spaniards by serving 
the noble-minded queen of England, hoping also that 
she would make good his losses at the hands of Caven 
dish. If provided with a ship and pinnace he would 

undertake to make the voyage through the strait in 

^1-1 & 

thirty days. 

Lok wrote to Cecil, Raleigh, and Hakluyt, urging 
them to furnish money to bring Fucato England with 
a view of acting on his proposition ; but the money 
was not forthcoming, and in a fortnight Fuca started 
for home. In July Lok wrote to the pilot; and in 

v i >ly received n lei 

her, in which Kuea <leel ; ,re<l him till t 
undertaking if money <-<>ul<l he i L- ir 

1 bters \\ hanged in L597, ;m<l , . in 

hut Lok was biiMeil with other id u; 

raise the needed funds; and recen ing i 

letter of I i> )-2 hi: ill 


This account, in Ilie shape of note ! . 

was published by Purchas in KrJ.l, and has 1, 
peati d from this source by later \ re. That it 
was presented accurately and in perl . 
so far as Lok and Purchas are CO! 
reason to doubt. There is som- idence tliat t ; 
( ireek pilot ,^ave liis true name and hirthpl 
there are indications that his claim of In 
1 lands of Cavendish was grossly [, if imt 

unfounded. 4 

The fact that I describe Fuca s voy in th: ip- 
ter shows that I regard liis story ;.- n. .\Fa:iv 

intelligent writers, however, hehe\ to be in th 

main true; indeed I think that such h 
prevalent opinion in later years. 8 Tlu o >omethi 
of argument becomes netvs-ary. 

, His Pilyrimes, in. 84U-.VJ, with copies of one set of tin- letters 
alluded to. 

3 In 1854 Alex. S.Taylor had inquiries made in ( V]>!i.-iloni. i through ;i l i. 
Statrs consul. The most d -tatrmrut olitaiii. i|h- 
i^al work of Masavai-hi, ]M\l>lislu d in N cnirr in I- it!y in ;, so 
far as Fuca was concerned, from tlu- story to Lok. ami proving nothing: 
there were other items th.. :<<! to show that ie nann- i-f an 
old family there; that a l)ranch of the family livi-d h . thus 
partly accounting for the name k .\post"! >- \ ah-rianu^ : and t .u him 
self was remembered traditionally as a great navigator. // 

wne,iv. llG-2, 161-7. 

4 In two sworn statements nndr at the time ly the captain arid a passen- 

fer, though many persons a iv nanu-d \v!io !o-t mu<-h h-ss : 0,000 dm 

k s name does not appear. ATaoarrefe, .!/"/. .lot. isn.itl. 

in the narrative of CavmiH^!, to in : that hr found a OreeK 

] >i lot on the Sta A una, as some havr im]>lied: hut ti. be did find 

and retain a Spanish and a Poi tULfUfs. pilot mi _ f ht "hat he 

did not find the Greek. V-ithrr is there anyti 
that Vi/eaino was on board t! .a. 

N ot miU h was sail of FIUM it, 

after I nrehas, as one of the i 
There was no intelligent criticism, aiid no fuuutUtiou for ;uiy. V\ 


Th in other than geographical aspects, 

!e. It is unlikely that Spain would have 

lin, the voyagers sought for Fuca s strait. The Spaniards had 
. pilot s discoveries, and they found nothing to 

change, their opinion. Captain Cook in IT S said: We saw nothing like it; 

4 probability that ever any such thing existed. Cook s 
rater in 1780, ///* . Toy., 450-1, pronounced part of the 
ibnlous and the rest suspicious. But in 1788 Meares, Voy., li. Ivi. 
l\ii."-iii. l.Vi (> et soj., having found an inlet on the Northwest Coast, which 
did not fully explore, but which he was inclined to regard as possibly 
> ntr;uu it the strait, declared Fuca s voyage authentic, and formally 
named it the Strait of Juan de Fuca. This and other opinions expressed 
ohy of the region was fully known have obviously no special 
force ; but one of Meares strongest points is the custom of flattening the 
i-j of native children as described by Fuca a point somewhat weakened 
that Fuca says nothing on the subject. Fleurieu in 1787, Introd. 
toMarchand, roy.,i. pp. xii.-xvi., regarded Fuca s story as probably true, but 
d. Fuca probably discovered the entrance, and perhaps the inland 
^ ava-rete in 1802, Siitil y Jfex., Viage, Hi.; Viarjes Ap6c., 104, pro 
nounced the story a fiction, relying on the absence of all confirmation in the 
hives, and on the latest northern discoveries. Burney, Hist. Discov. 
South Sea, ii. 110-17, in 1806, while deeming much of the narrative erroneous 
and exaggerated, thinks it not easily conceivable, that mere fancy or conjec 
ture should chance upon the description of a strait so essentially corresponding 
with the reality. But Humboldt in 1808, Essai Politique, 329, 341, had no 
ration in. declaring Fuca s story a fiction, and his voyage apocryphal. 
Since the time of Humboldt and Navarrete there has been but little inves 
tigation or argument on the subject. Most writers have seemed to regard all 
tho early explorations of the Spaniards as wrapped in mystery, have seen no 
reason why Fuca may not have made a voyage as well as Vizcaino and others, 
deemed his description as accurate as that of many other early voyagers, 
and have drifted into a lukewarm support of the pilot s veracity. They have 
not appreciated Fuca s motives for falsehood, nor the fact that he was as 
likely to locate a strait, in whose existence nearly all believed, and which 
must be above 44, between 47 3 and 50 as elsewhere, and that nowhere be 
tween those limits could his error have been greater. Of course the strait 
would be wide, with islands, and probably trending in different directions. 
Murray, North A met: , ii. 87, in 1829 deemed Lok a respectable witness, and the 
discovery of a strait conclusive. Lardner, Hist. Mar. Discov., ii. 280-1, in 
1830 spoke of the narrative as entitled to much indulgence, like other old 
writings, Fuca having probably entered the strait and felt sure it led to the 
Atlantic, while Tytler, Hint. View, 78-9, in 1833 declared the story to rest on 
apocryphal authority. The authenticity of the voyage is defended by the North 
/ . / r iew of January 1839, p, 123-6, as also by Greenhow, in his Mem., 
42-3, of 1840, and his Hist. Or. and Cat., 86 et seq., 407-11, who pronounces the 
geographical descriptions as nearly conformable with the truth, as those of any 
ether account of a voyage written in the early part of the seventeenth century. 
Most later writers have followed Creenhow; and for a time doubtless Americans 
allowed themselves to be influenced somewhat by national prejudices. They 
often pointed triumphantly to the fact that the voyage was defended by first- 
ela^s English authority like the Quarterly Review, xvi. For similar reasons 
ie Englishmen Lke Twiss, Oreyon Question, 66-70, felt called upon to take 
other side. Galiatin in 1846, Letters on Or. Question, 11-13, found much 
-ir.d evidence of truth, but deemed the story somewhat doubtful. To Nico- 
Orcjon TIT., 28-30, it seemed to have stood the test of investigation. See- 
. ! <,>/. of the !!(,> i Id, i. 97-8, thinks Fuca sailed round Vancouver Island. 
Taylor, llvtchinys May., iv. 1 1(5-22, 161-7; Pacific Monthly, xi. 647; Browne* 
L. Cal., 22-3, modestly believes that his own researches showing the ex- 


withhel 1 -\ (\ fr 
naturally have utilized li 

litions Tinder Vizcaino; it is 1m. 
on<- acquainted with tin-, ^>i ,-tt 

she could have tru-t I 30 impli in 1 

Mmient of the s- and; and :dl 

would she have permitted ;i pilot to ;i 

^ricvanee and sueh a secret to 1 : ii ]>,-i 
over, the i act that about this time m, 

re habitually telling falsehoods ahout the nort 
strait, cr< - a probability that Fuea also spoke 
i alsei His temptation and opportunity ^ 
The English were ea^vr to find the strait; they 
peeted that Spaniards had made and were conceal] 
the discovery. Accidentally through Douglas, a n 
genial spirit, whether dupe or accomplice, 
pilot meets Michael Lok. He need no longer rely on 
the old theories and rumors. To an Englishman he 
may safely claim to have made an actual discovery in 
government craft. Lok will credit the tale, it 

agrees with the theories, desires, and Mispicioiis of 
himself and his class. Fuca s reward will he an ample 
one satisfaction for pretended or Derated L 
at the hands of an English corsair, honoral I 


istence of the Focca family in Ceplialonia have remove! e- >tige of doubt 

of the authenticity of all th;it Fura may i:\x-r ha\ 

U. 8 ; Dickinson, ;S> 7; and L-.rd, in 

pp. vii.-xi., support Fuca, Lord introduce 

view M ith Luk. In later years Elwuud Hvans. I 

Ms., l.V 1C, ]i;is little or no doubt of 

have been a miraculous prophet. MrKva:. a curious theor 

selection of Vizcaino, an old friend of Fuea, and 

S to head th expediti": 

tale. As a matter of fact a strong K ttt m t. 

drawn from the facts that - QO mad 

not jany him, and that Fuea ? 

nedition. Mrs N ietor, 

Monthly, iii. -174 ."), writing of the famous search in r 

.king of 1. 
-,,uth C uivl1 i 111 1 1 ( - ;i 

:ar to us as is the Strait oi 

.iind of i\-. !: an. I in 

that Fuca would hav- form-.l ra 

trance. Finally, in Th >-0, D. 8. 1 hail 

The Voyctfje o/Jua,- 


profitable employment in English service, and the 
lame of discovering the long-sought strait, in the ex- 
. >f which he like others had perfect confidence. 
There is r liable presumption that the man under 
these circumstances reported a fictitious discovery, a 
sumption which nothing but evidence can overcome. 
Historically no such evidence has been found. 
Xo thing is known on the subject except what Fuca 
told Lok. No later writer mentions either voyage on 
any other authority; and no contemporary writer 
mentions them at all. The Spanish archives, natu 
rally the best source of information on government ex 
peditions, have been pretty thoroughly examined for 
material relating to early northern voyages, and special 
search has been made for documents on Fuca s re 
ported expeditions. The search has been made by 
men who were competent and diligent, and under cir 
cumstances which would have been more likely to 
prompt the production of spurious confirmation than 
the suppression of real proofs. Not a word has been 
found bearing directly or indirectly on the subject. 
The loss of a document, it may be said, is not unusual. 
True; but is it conceivable that of all the paper 
covered with ink in the inevitable Hispano- American 
style of all that must have been written in fitting 
out five or six vessels for two distinct expeditions, in 
appointments and instructions of officials, in reports 
of failure and success, in judicial proceedings against 
the wicked captain, in Fuca s own memorials and 
appeals for a just reward not one scrap should have 
come to light? But, we are told, it was the policy of 
Spain to conceal all information that might give an 
advantage to foreign powers. Is she likely to have 
kept this secret so effectually that it could not be 
revealed when her own interests demanded it? But 
let us suppose such to have been the case; that all 
papers on this topic were collected in one expediente 
and destroyed ; the difficulty is by no means removed. 
Spain could not silence all the members of both expe- 

IT, -- 

ditions; else assuredly she \ \ h;r 

to close Fiic mouth. The Northern M\ 

a common topic <{ COnve niari 

The court was deluged with petitions from who 

sought license lor northern di ,d \vh,, magni- 

, ~ 

! every circumstance likely t plausibilii 

their scheme Why is it, that m< 

01- any voyage of 1590-2? Could the promi 

advocating such expeditions have been kept, in : 

ranee that th <vermnent they were im, 

hud already elected t lit- di-eo\ cry? Not oulv was 1 

government importuned, hut it ,- ;t out two 

expeditions in 1597 and IGO J, tin- iornier whii 
Avas corresponding with Lok. r l1n iv i- not, liow 
a single circumstance in what we know of Vizcain 
voyages to indicate that lie knew of anv precedi 
voyage; yet Padre Ascension, the chief chronic! . 
was a voluminous writer and an enthusiastic t 
on matters pertaining to the north. 

Thus the original presumption that Fuca s E 
ment was false is strengthened into well nigh ahsohit> 
certainty by a total absence of support in 
not to be reasonably accounted for on any ot: 
hypothesis. There remains but one po-si 
of testimony to shake this conclusion; and that is 
our present accurate knowledge of north-v 
geography. To support his claim the Gr 
must describe the physical features of the region in 
question more fully and accurately than would 
possible without personal knowled -more fully, in 
deed, than under ordinary circumstancee he could he 
expected to do in a brief verbal narrai Ext 

dinary statements demand rigid l and when all 

the props, but one, supporting a heavy 
been knocked down, that one must i rong in 
Tolerably good guessing on Fuca s part will i 
suffice; nor on the part of inv. leni 

criticism which has led his suppoi iy in s 

nice: "Supposing him to have made the vo 



n \R. 

find in ( ice to Pi 

tun-- t h;ii . with du<- allowanc >n, 

and confusion, and error common in Mich 

made to lit hi- li;i UK! adl 


that lie d; 

the 1 " ll l i 

original ivpor 

Km -a claims to have enim-d a i 17 

and 48, implied! v just abo 

sailed by that strait through i ic; hut 

there is no inlet within tii ty ir. ;at 1 

Ninety miles farther north, ho in 1 

48 30 , there is a strait leading to the hod , 
water which, under various na m- 

couvcr Island from the mainland. 1 -with 

map o{ the-r waters. Fuca s strait was tli 
leagues wide at the entrance; this OIK- is t \\ or 

twenty miles, according to the pi nl i d of 
measurement. At th- on t 1 i-n 

shore Fuca noted "a <^ivat Hedlan I or Hand, with an 
exceeding high Pinacle, or spire<l ]{.. pilli-r 

thereupon;" but nothing of the kind exists in ti 
locality indicated. It is true that opposite, on tin- 
southern shore, about Cape CL t and tin- Tatoiichr 
Islands, are numerous detached i-. \\hich 
tion of the waves has left in columnar and Ian 
forms; rocks which are not uncommon on d 
] >arts of the coast. Somevoya undnothi 

here to correspond with T pillar; others ha 

identified with that landmark one of tin- i alhui 

to; and Wilkes lias furnished a sk< which I copy. 
Commander Plielps, on the contrary, ha md i 
pillar several hundred miles farther north, on (lalia 
Island. 6 Obviously nothing but a very promin 

,/> /, i liil.. 1881, p. 

vau nr l;iii.L,ni;i--f h;is li. t-n inisur 

et into thf Atlniitii-. when- is a 
llr iidinits tluit IK. thin- of the kind is found n 

. !.">:?, found 
form of ai 
cou /.. i. 21 ;, di i D 



landmark certainly not one of many and ordinary 
ks on the wrong side of the strait can suffice for 

the purposes of this investigation. 

Fiu-a entered his strait and sailed in it for t\yenty 

days, until he came to the Atlantic Ocean. This has 
be explained by the theory that he sailed round 

the island, coming out again to the Pacific in about 

51. A professional pilot cannot reasonably be sup- 
l to have made such an error. As he advanced 

Fuca found the strait one hundred miles wide at the 

entrance to grow wider, impliedly throughout his 


navigation ; but as a matter of fact the channel narrows 
to a mile in width long before the outlet is reached. 
Fuca found the shores of the passage trending N. W., 
N. E., N., E., and S. E.- -that is, naturally, he sailed 
those courses successively in his voyage to the Atlan 
tic. The far-fetched explanation is, that from a point 

more conspicuous than thousands along the coast, varying in form and size ; 
some conical, others with flat sides, flat tops, and almost every other shape 
that can be figured by the imagination. Wilkes, U. S. Ex. Exped., iv. 519, 

7, does not tell us where he found the Fuca s Pillar which he sketched, 
but it was doubtless on the south side. The views presented by Meares and 
others, and especially those on the U. S. Coast Survey charts, show no land 
mark corresponding at all with with Fuca s Hedland and Spired Rocke. 
Findlay, /,/,/>/ Pacific Ocean, i. 374, 414-16, though supporting Fuca s voy- 

i-, nays : At a little distance S. W. from the foot of the cape [Classet], and 
just within the confines of the beach, is a rock in the shape of a pillar, about 
400(?) feet high, and 60 in circumference. . .These columnar rocks are very 
numerous just hereabout; and De Fuca, the discoverer, remarked one in par 
ticular, which may be that here adverted to. Capt. Wilkes has given a sketch 
of it ... The rock in question is difficult to make out among the thousands of 
every variety of form about it. 


the entrance i i a large body of 

southward and eastward. 1 If tumid thr JM-UJ 
skins, and p l divers islands n I marl, 

cuincidri! no) requiring explanation, j ! 

incuts that the land w, .cry i ruit lull, and ri.-h f 
gold, Sihu r, lYarl \plain thi 

We find, then, in g -aphical knowledge nutlii 

overcome tin- strung presumption th;i! I 
is fiction; nothing to prove that he visited those i 
gions; nothing tliat without explanation 1 with 

his description, even if his vi>it In- admitted. 
was not even remarkably lucky in hi- guessim It 
in the. future any proof appears that Puca made a 
voyage to the north-west coast and reported the dis 
covery of a strait, then a plausible theory mav ! 
up that he reached the entrance, in latiuid 30 , 

and trusted to his imagination for all within. N 
more can be said in his favor, lie was more fori 
nate, however, than many whose lies were m< : u- 
] tendons, to have his name permanently attached to a 
strait lie never saw. 

There are yet several interesting points to be not 
before the end of the century. In Meivator - Atl 
of 1595 the maps are essentially the same as in < )r- 
telius Theatrum of 1573; but anotlier Asiatic ]>rov- 
incc. that of Benri, is transferred to Anieri nd 


located on the coast north of Anian. The name strait 
of Anian is applied for the first time, not to the 1< 
northern passage, but to one about fifty miles wide 
separating Anian from Asia between latitude- G0 
and 70 and leading from the Pacific into the northern 
strait; and finally to the famous ^ulf pen-t rating > 
continent from the northern strait i- added a circular 
mar <l!<-(> still farther inland, and conn :i the 

gulf by a narrow channel. 

Substantially the same general map i- published in 
Wytfliet s Ptolemy of 1597. 1 .Hut. in this work ; 

i/tfin r/ Ji //in <nen- 



territory is shown by sections on a larger scale in a 
series of maps, three of which I reproduce. The 

iirst represents California and Granata Nova- -the 
latter being nearer the modern New Mexico, Ari 
zona. Colorado, and Utah. The gulf and peninsula 
are well drawn, but with a superfluity of rivers flow- 
in"- into the former. Local names along the coasts 

~~ "" d7 

are mostly found in one or another of the known voy- 
Tlie western trend of the shore is noticeably 



exaggerated. The chief river connects the gulf with 
a great lake, round which above 40 stand the Seven 
Cities, a confused rendering of the ancient Atlantic 
island myth in combination with the seven towns of 
Cibola described by Coronado. It is not unlikely 
that at some stage of its existence the oft-recurring 


lake myth may have had connection with the real 

studio ct opera Comely WytflietLouaniensis. Lovanii, 1597. The 
.-iptive text is on pp. 167-75. It adds nothing of interest to the maps, 
but might be (juoted entire, did space permit, for its blundering references to 
the explorations of Niza, Coronado, and Cabeza de Vaca. 



Great Salt Lake. The ri-. )v d lv 

Cardenas, Diaz, Alan-on, Comnado, and beard of 
I^p.-jo the map-maker not knowing \ ] 
one river, the Colorado and its branch 

(iranata must come troiu the nan, mada, app!. 

l>y Coronado to one of the Zuni fcowi 

The second map represents th< ion oert w< 

and north, under the name Limes O<-<-< </< 
et Anic The extends still \ve.-t uai d 


? AIedocina 


Menclocino, to which in 40 is joined a iai -v island. 
The coast names are taken equally i rom Cain 
California voyage, firom Coronado s wnndei-in-^ iVom 
New Mexico to Kan>as. and from unknown <r im,-, 
nary sources, doubtless satisfactory to the cosm 
rapher, The geographical features above 4.V, like 
most below that latitude, are purely imaginary. I 
can hardly conjecture any plausible ori-in 1 or the 



river flowing into the northern sea, with its 
tlnvr towns of Pagul, Salboy, and Cubirago, unless 
they wore brought over from Asia with the prov 
ince of Bcrgi. The third map is the central north 
ern section adjoining the two preceding on the 
north and east respectively, under the name Conibas 
Jiiyio cum Vicinis Gcntibus. Here we have another 
mysterious river with four towns, in regions as yet 

Seven Cities 


uco cr 


unapproached by white men, save on the wings of 
imagination. Here also we have the round mar 
dulce elaborated into Lake Conibas, and in its centre 
an island and a town of the same name; also a River 
Cogib, more like a strait, connecting it with the 
northern sea. It is likely that this representation is 
owing to Canadian aboriginal rumors; for not far 
away to the east are the lakes from which the Sague- 
nai flowed down to the St Lawrence at Hochelaga; 
while about the same distance southward are New 

C< I .oo! 85 

Cranada witli its 8 i Ci 

head-waters of th< river of ( la Veri] 

a region a r, unvisii.-d, tin- < northern in: 

was hemming remarkably well known. 
^ Conrad Low, in hi> Book of 

gives a general map like ih of Ortelius, P- 

and othn hut another map in this work ha 
decidedly novel featun will h. .,n- 

,ed copy. It represents only the ma north 

G0, putting California above 7<) and hcvond t ! 
strait of Anian, hut explaining in an in>cription tl 

1. iw s MAP, 1598. 

it is known only by report to the Spaniard The 
river Obilo, with apparently a new mouth, lias towns 
on its banks, as in Wytflict No. 3. But Lake Coni 
discharges its waters \\v.-t\vard into a _ ilf n< ar 

Anian Strait, and is no longer idmtilird with 1 
circular inr <ll<-<>, which w- are told in an inscriji- 
tion is the body of water whose end is not known 
to the Canadians. Of the two gn-.-it Arctic bodi. - of 
land, that on the east i- said to le the f besi and in 
lu-althful in all tln^ north; while on the other ii 
explained that the ocean has hrokdi through to the 

8 Lot", Mi r o f> i- > . I 

abridged from various well kuuwu 


pole, forming four channels, two of which are shown 
on this copy, which only includes half of the original. 
This map is in several respects remarkable, as the 
reader may convince himself by a comparison with 
the annexed rough sketch, which shows the regions 
mapped by Low in their true proportions, and on the 
same scale. The strait of Anian in its latitude and 
width bears a resemblance to Bering Strait which is 
really startling. Note also the general likeness of 
Bergi and Anian with their great river to Alaska with 
its rivers Kwichpak and Yukon. No less wonderful 


is the correspondence between the Cogib River, flow 
ing north-west from Lake Conibas into the Arctic Sea 
just beyond the strait of Anian, and the Mackenzie 
Iviver, flowing from the Great Slave Lake. Compare 
the incw dulce, its strait and island, with Hudson Bay 
and the corresponding features. Let us also bear in 
mind how little is known even yet of the region above 
80; and not forget the part played by ice in those 
latitudes. Suppose certain of the complicated chan 
nels frozen, as they were likely enough to be; and 
suppose an exploring expedition, as well equipped and 
observant as were the best in those times, to have 
sailed through from ocean to ocean in 1598, and to 


Ve made tliis map a 
and I have no hoitation in 

would under til? ircumsl 

a marvel of accuracy. I have no f 

on 1 1 : 1 hav<- n<> doiihi 

depicted was purely imaginary. ;i!i<[ tli ,ibla: 

to ivnlity accidental; yet to many intellig.-nt n, 
of the ]>ast and present, tip in<-id<-n<-< ..uld ! 
confirmation stronger than holy writ in >upp< .rt .f 
whatever they might happen to 1>- in- I in. I 

shall not be surprised it n yet tin- accuracy ot 
map as linviii published is niad- to confirm the 

authenticity of om- or another of tin- fx-li< 


! lipe III. on his accession in l.Vjs i have 

found ainoiiL;- the j)a[)ci N of his father a narrative ot 
et ilain foreigners wlio from the coast <f V wfoiind- 
land were driven by a storm int nd 

thence into a strait by which they paed into the 
South Sea, coming out at 48, and find river which 

brought them to a magnificent city. Tliis i- p.-it fur 
nished one of the motives for Vizcain- dition. 
About the same time Hernando de los Ivi ;t to 
the king from Manila a notice of two w. 
quicker and safer navigation from Spain: one by a 
] >assage entering above Florida and penetratii 
New Mexico, in latitude 45, according to information 
obtained by the Jesuit Padre Sedeho and an A 
tine friar who died at Manila; and the other by t 
strait of Anian, according to a writ! tti of 
Friar Martin de liada, founded <>n information from 
Juan de Kibas to the effect that certain Portion 
passed through it to India and China, and from L\-b 
to Lisbon in forty-five da 

1, 11, ! . 14 _>_ , adds that <>iir man, apparently ; the s.> 

pi d after the ivst had peri-hcd, reached Florida, and .1 
re he had a p rite down his account and sent it 

10 Original in the archives of 8 cited . Also alluded to 

in a letter of the king, ItK J. . . /. 


A postscript attached to the letter of Captain Lan- 
ter on his East Indian voyage of 1600-1, but of 
doubtful authenticity, states that "the Passage to the 
Ea>t Indies lieth in G 2. J-. degrees by the North-wc4 
on the America side." 11 The historian Herrera, in his 
description of 1601, gives Quivira its proper situation 
far to the eastward of Cibola; but his map is on a 
very small scale, without names for the most part. 
California is correctly delineated, and a broad ocean 
separates that region from Asia; but in latitude 45, 
just above Cape Fortuna, the coast line turns abruptly 
to the E. x. E. , extending in that direction to above 


latitude 60, beyond which all is blank. 12 

Vizcaino s first expedition had been directed to the 
gulf, and contributed nothing to our subject; but his 
second voyage was on the outer coast up to about the 
limit of Cabrillo s earlier exploration. Of his actual 
discoveries in general and in detail enough is said 
elsewhere, and I have to note only those points con 
nected with the Northern Mystery. For one of his 
main objects was to find the strait; and some of his 
discoveries were thought to have a bearing on that 
all-important search. The Carmelo, near Monterey, 
described as a river of some size, played a minor rdle, 
as we shall see in subsequent speculations; but of 
course the more important developments were farther 
north. These were by no means complicated. In 
January 1603 Vizcaino passed Cape Mendocino and 
reached, in 42, a point which he called Cape Blanco 
de San Sebastian. Martin de Aguilar, in the other 
vessel, named a Cape Blanco in latitude 43, near 
which he thought he saw the mouth of a large river, 
named at the time Santa Lies, but generally known 
later as Rio de Aguilar, which by reason of the cur 
rent he was unable to enter. From the cape the 
coast trended north-west, according to Torquemada ; 13 

ll Purcha8, His Pilgrimes, i. 103; Burners Hist. Discov. South Sea, ii. 

- 1 1 IT, < ra, Deacnpcwm de Indicts (ed. 1730), i. 
13 Torquemada, i. 719, 725. 

C, 24. 


but norti ding to 1 adr. A n, ii, 

narrative distinct fmni fchat followed I. Torq 
Iliad;) 11 -wi 6 IK >t a littl m. 

ToiT[Ueinada also writes: " I 

iliis river is the one that leads 

covered by the Dutch: and thai tlii- 

Anian, by which the- ship that found i from 

the North Sea to th<- South; and that without n 

take in this region is the city nam<-d Qui nd 

tluit it is of this place that tin- jvhitioii i 

his majesty read, and by which he was n,, to this 

exploration/ 1 

And Ascension to tin- ie effect: "Here 
the Lead and end of the kingdom and T 
Finnc of California, and the be^innin^ and . 
trance <f the strait of Anian. If on tl:. iCasi 
there had l>een on the ship even fourteeD -<ldi 
health, doubtless we should have ventured to expL.i-.- 
and ]>ass through this strait of Anian, MIICO all had 
good intentions to do it." It d<^ < not m,-. 
what river Armilar saw, or whether h- saw anv. 
There was but little doubt that he had n I the 
entrance of the strait; and th nr- indications that 
Padre Ascension verbally and in various minor 
memorials gave much freer vent to his oonjectu 
theories than in the writings that are extant in pri 
Vizcaino s map has no bearing on th- Northern 
Mystery, showing only a short coast which I 
Cape Blanco, extending north-eastward from Cape 

The viceroy in IGO 2, writing to the 1, 
his opinion that there was very littl<- pi find 

ing mighty kingdoms in the north, deeming it lik< 
that towns already found were types , ,f those that 
would como to light; yet he attached considerable 
importance to further exploration with a view t> find 
ing the strait and settling all disputed , re 
specting northern raphy; and he thought On. 

11 J , ".58 et .- 


in a position to solve the mystery at a minimum of 
expense. 18 

Onate had occupied New Mexico, which he wished 
to utilize merely as a base of operations for more 
ln-illiant conquests. He was grievously disappointed 
that his ambitious schemes did not meet with royal and 
viceregal approbation. He had but little fondness for 
petty exploration ; yet he undertook several in the hope 
of finding something to advance his greater projects. 
One he directed toward Quivira, without results; and 
another down the Colorado to its mouth. 

It was in 1604 that Onate made his trip from New 
Mexico to Zuni, to Moqui, and thence across the 
modern Arizona to the Colorado by way of the Santa 
Maria, and thence down to the gulf. He had no idea 
of any connection between his Rio Colorado really 
the Chiquito- -which was said to run one hundred 
leagues through pine forests to California and the 
sea, and the real Colorado, which farther down he 
called Buena Esperanza or Rio del Tizon. From the 
Amacava, or Mojave, Indians who came down the 
( lolorado to meet him at the mouth of the Santa 
Maria, Onate heard of Lake Copalla, fourteen days 
north-west, where the Indians had golden ornaments 
and spoke Aztec or at least they spoke so much like 
a native Mexican of the company that the visitors 
asked if he came not from Copalla. It is not impos 
sible that the Mojaves had vague notions of Great 
Salt Lake ; all the rest was imaginary. 

Farther down the Colorado, to inquiries for the sea 
the natives " all replied by making signs from the 
west, north-west, north, north-east, and east, and said 
that thus the sea made the circle, and very near, since 
they said that on the other side of the river it was 
not more than four days, and that the gulf of Cali 
fornia is not closed up, but a branch of the sea which 

Mexico, Discurso y Prop. The viceroy Monterey seems to have a cor 
rect idea of Coronado s explorations ; but he speaks of Quivira as being on the 
South Sea, according to current maps, and near Cape Mendocino and Anian. 

Till; ISLAND . 91 

corresponds to th.- Mori -u<l c of Florie 

thus elrarly indieatiii _: no! only th- ..fa 

strait, l)iil. tljat the gulf w;, ,rt of. or 

led to, that >trait. These Indian- nlirni< d 

uhat had been learned before of ( ..pal la an<l ii id. 

Silver and coral were likewise lainiliar to th-ni, and 

to l.r obtained not far oil . 

wonderful still, tin- native- told of an Maud 
called Zifiogaba, rich in pearls. It was one da\ 
age <ut in the sea, and reaeh.-d in boat- i I with 

sails, all of which they pictured <n th. d. And 

the island was ruled by Cifiacacohola, a giant .vlio 
had a sister of immense size, but no nial- her i 
with whom to mate 1 . Another mysterious cin-uin- 

stance was that all the inhabitants were lald. <)n,v 

observations at the head of the gulf, where he found 

a splendid harbor, did not disprove the >tat.-ment 

the natives that the i^ulf extended northward behind 
a sierra to where the sea made a turn toward Florida, 
It was well that Don Juan heard of wonders in 
this region; for when on his way to New Me\io. a 
few years before, the venerable Padre 1) de Mer- 
cado had said to him at Tula: "By the life of Friar 
Die,u > there are j^reat i-iches in the i-em<>te p; 
Xe\v Mexico; but by the life of Friar Diego the 
present settlers will not possess them. It i> not for 
them that God holds that wealth in reserve;" and 
it proved. Still more to the point, the \eiirrable and 
famous Santa Madre de Maria de Jesus, abbess "f 
Santa ( lara de Agreda, had said, "It is very probable 
that in the exploration of NYw Mexico there will 1 
found a kingdom called Tidam, four hundred l.-a^ues 
from Mexico westward, or north-west, between New 
Mexico and Quivira; and if by chance theiv be an error, 
cosmography will aid the taking notice of other Id 
doms, of the Chillescas, or of the ( taismam B, >r tl 
Aburcos, which touch on that of Tidam." 

,/,, /, , a, 30-8. -r ; 

and Casanutc heard from captains Manjuc/ und N aca i.. y had struck the 


John Smith when captured and saved by Pocahontas 
in 1G07 wa ploring the Chickahominy River for a 
passage to the South Sea. 17 

In 1G09 Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado in Spain made 
the claim that twenty-one years before, in 1588, he 
had sailed through the strait of Anian from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific. Why he waited so long has 
never been explained. There is no reason to doubt 
that Maldonado was a real personage, or that he 
wrote the document in which the claim is made. 
Seventeen years later he published a cosmographical 
work, in which, however, he neither claimed to have 
discovered the strait nor gave a description agreeing at 
all with that in the earlier document. 18 A reputable 
Spanish writer, Garcia cle Silva y Figueroa, who took 
deep interest in the north-western problem, met Mal 
donado in Madrid in 1609. He was said to have been 
brought up in Flanders and the Hanseatic cities, 
claimed to have sailed through the strait, and was 
trying to interest certain government ministers in his 
project. Being questioned, he said the entrance of the 
strait was in latitude 78, the outlet in latitude 75, 
and that he had sailed through it in thirty days in 
November and December. On hearing his story, 
observing his manner, and examining some of his 
pretended sketches of Anian, Silva deemed him an 

River Tizon in 36 30 ; that the famous port was in 35; that the giant queen 
was wont to mix powdered pearl in her drink; and that south of the Tizon 
was a larger river, the Rio del Coral. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ix. 
24, 32-3. According to Dolls Account, 164-5, Tribaldus wrote to Hakluyt 
in 1605 that Oriate in 1002 discovered the great Northern River, and went 
from it to the famous lake of Conibas see Wytfliet s and Low s maps 
where he pretended he saw a City of vast Extent, seven Leagues long, and 
two wide, the Houses separated from each other, and finely built and orna 
mented with fine Gardens. He said the numerous Inhabitants had all retired 
at his Approach, and fortified themselves in the Market-place or great Square. 
In Veytia, 7/<V. Ant. J/(/., i. 146, the giant queen is called Ciuacacohota, and 
the Island Cinoguahua, which may be the correct forms, as Salmeron s typo 
graphy is very doubtful. 

17 Gftorge JiancrojVs ///.s7. U. 8., i. 129. The map in Jcfferys 1 Great Prol., 
86, said to be taken from the 1st edition of Torquemada, 1G08, is the same as 
that already mentioned under date of 1601 from Herrera. 

lb Maido/iado, Imayen del Mundo, Alcala, 1G26. 


, utterly unworthy of m-di; For flu- di- 

th- dt was only one of hi 

which he was di.-poM-d \\io\i 

I Ie had mastered many of the probl of alch 

and h.- had discovered the ari of maki. 

needle not subject to variation. I- or th ire, 

of this last invention in one of his p the 

kin- he asked, amon^ ot h ink to b d fr 

a criminal prosecution in (.Jranad r it ap; 

he had been convicted of an attempt 1 .ill 

a for--<T of old documents to a man involved in 
Weighty lawsuits. 20 After a fi-\v y 
acter as an unprincipled and visionary advei. 

me known, and he left Madrid, to be heard of in 
person no more. 

One of his memorials, however, came to light in 
"177.~i, and, in po ion of the du^ne del Inl 
was copied by Murioz in 1781. 21 It v, \oi a nan 
tivo of the pretended voyage, but on th- advan. 
of a new expedition, in which the said v 
incidentally described. Its contents were first prim 
by Malodc Luque,in 1788; 22 and Maldonado ity 

was defended by M. Buache, the French -vo^raph 
in a paper read before the Academy of in 

J9 Silva y Figueroa, Comentarh.i, as quoted l>y Xa\ 

crrefe, \"/<i<j<>s Aptfc., 71-101. J hi.s is i tlic most impoi- 

authority on this topic; and, indeed, on the 1 >jcet of v, hir at. 

The fall title is: Examen hi*t<>i-i<-<j-c,-i 
r tfos del Capitan Lorenzo F< rrer Mal hir 
Jj(irfolom6 de Fonte. Mcmoria CU//K n-.U /a } <r !>. J/ 
varrefa, // trrroj/a /fi y conchCida ]>or D. Eii^tai/iti fez de . 

. in C oif. Doc. Inid. Hist. xv. ", This \v.rk c-on: 

material on actual as well as apocryphal -es, in. eatiscs on 

JMal;tspiu:i s and other expeditions, not found iu print. It is an 

flair >r;ition of the elder Navarrcte s introduction to the voyage of ti 
// M i. Notwithstanding its great importance I do not iind tl. 

late Avritcr on these topics has cited this work. 

- l Mnld<ni<td * 1: o del J >fO, 

tonado, cl aiioUSS, 
ion, y I modo dej > las 

. >/ los c/a/7os, <jne dc no / 
i .. . Uoc. t T. 420-47. Thedocur 
:or speaks of el ; uo pasado de 1 008, and of cstc . 

hy Micolao ^Vntunio, !! *>. Jl 

for 13 80Ur> .. 008. 

i 1 11 <0o, iv. 


1790. The document was adversely criticised before 
1800 by Malaspina, the navigator, and Ciriaco Ce- 
vallos;- :{ also by Navarrete in 1802, 24 and Humboldt 
and others. In 1811 Carlo Amoretti, the librarian of 
the Ambrosian Library of Milan, found in its collec 
tion another original, or a contemporaneous copy, of 
Maldonado s memorial, which he published with the 
original maps, and with an elaborate argument to prove 
that the voyage was authentic. 25 Notwithstanding 
the ingenuity of Amoretti s special pleading, his views 
have not been generally accepted, and the voyage is 
still regarded as apocryphal. 26 

, Dlsertacion sobve laler/itimidadde la navcgacion Jtecha enllJSS 
nor Ferrer McUdonado, etc., in Col. Doc. Incd., xv. 228-50. Written before 
1800, but not printed until 1849. The refutation of D. Ciriaco Cevallos is 
stated in an editorial note to have been printed in Isla de Leon, 1798. 

^Sut d-i/ Mex., Vlage, Introd., xlix.-lii. 

^Amoretti, Viaggio del Mare Atlantico al Pacifico, etc. Milan, 1811. I 
have used the following French edition : Amoretti, Voyage de la mer Atlan- 
tique a l y oc6anPacifiqu6par le nord-ouest dans la mer glaciale par le Capitai/ie 
Laurent Ferrer Maldonado ran. mdlxxxviii. Traduit d\m manuscrit Espagnol 
c-t snlcl <l tni (tisconrsqui en dhnontre V authenticity et la veracite. Plaisance, 
1812. Sm. 4to; three pi., containing twelve maps. The Voyage is on pp. 
1-19, and the Discours on pp. 21-84. 

26 The authorities I have cited, particularly Navarrete and Amoretti, con 
tain substantially all that need be said on the subject. To ISTavarrete s work 
are attached, pp. 251-01, as Appendix No. 3, some extracts from the Gaceta de 
Madrid, February 18, 1812, and the Blblioteca, Britdnica, Nos. 431, 457-8, con 
taining criticisms on Amoretti s work, especially by Baron Lindenau. The 
latter published a book on the subject. Lindenau, Die GlaubwurdigJceit, etc. 
Gotha, 1812. Malte-Brun, Annales des Voy., xix. 390-6, in reviewing the 
works of Amoretti and Lindenau, approves the conclusions of the latter that 
Maldonado s story was fiction. But Lindenan thinks that Maldonado visited 
Hudson Bay, imagining the rest, and Malte-Brun thinks it possible that he had 
vague traditions from somebody who had actually penetrated the frozen ocean. 
In Id. , xxi. 393-4, the French editor notices a newspaper reply of Amoretti to 
Lindenau as follows : Si Maldonado a mal calculi les latitudes et les longitudes 
de maniure a faire passer son vaisseau par-dessus le continent, c est, selon M. 
Amoretti, une petite erreur pardonnable & un marin du seizieme siecle. Si ce 
marin a evidemment copie de cartes anterieures & son voyage, avec toutes les 
fautes, c est une preuve de la realite de son voyage. Si, par malheur, sa de 
scription physique des lieux qu il pretend avoir vus est contraire & tout ce 
qu en disent les navigateurs modernes, c est parce qu apparemmerit un tremble- 
r j,i< nt de terre en a change I ctat! Tout cela est, coinme on voit, totalemeiit 
etranger 11 la geographic critique de nos jours; une semblable maniere 
d argumenter n admct ct n exige aucune rdponse. In Nouvelles An. des Voy., 
xi. 8-28, Lapie defends Maldonado s voyage, making wild work with northern 
geography, as will be apparent from his map, which I shall have occasion to 
reproduce. The Quarterly Heview, xvi. 144-53, of 1817 shows the Amoretti 
document really the only one existing on the subject, or a copy of the only 
one to be an absurdly inaccurate forgery ; but at the same time has no doubt 
that Maldonado s narrative, as seen by Antonio, etc., was a genuine account 
of an actual voyage to the Pacific via Cape Horn and up to Cook Inlet, which 

MATJ)C)\.\ r,- 

Maldonado s story was briefly Follows: In Feb 
ruary, i.")S8, litivin !!.. from Spain or I*. 

glided i)V the QpteS of a Portl; ... pilot n.-nip 

.Marline/, who i ins had mad.- tl 

li< 1 entered UK- strait of Labrador in Ia1 

]lis eoui-M> after this entrance was so 1, 

11]) to latitude (14. ; thenee x. 1-jn [ea : ititilde 

7- ; x. AV. !)0 leagues to nearly latitud - 7 

the strait ends, being from 20 to 40 1, 

with numerous ports, and its hunks -d fco 7 
Emerging into the Polar Sea at the 1>, -inn m"- ,,f 

* j c? 

March, lie found the weather cold and stormy. \V 

froze on tlie ship and ri^in^: l>ut ice was not en 
countered in any more troublesome form. Tin- ni 
was now \v. { s. w. for 350 leagues to 71, re on 
the return high land was found, and suppos.-d to b 
part of New Spain; thence he sailed \v. s. w. ! 
leagues more, to the strait of Anian, in i )0. !!< 
maiued in this region during the months of April, 
May, and part of June, during which time he j. 
through the strait fifteen leagues Ion;_\\vitli >i.\ tur: 

s than one eighth of a league wide at the north 
entrance and over one fourth of a league at the south; 
coasted America for more than 100 leagues s. w. 
55; thence sailed w. for four days, or 120 lea-u 
a high mountainous coast ; and returned norths rly 
to and through the strait. While in a grand port at 
the southern entrance a \ 1 of right hundr 
approached laden with china goods. The men w 
probably Muscovites, or Hanseatie^, and made them- 

mistakcn for tli<- strait of Aniaii! Th-- -V. . I . /, 
ailopts the (Jnnrt< rl;i x vii-\v, so far as the autli 

voyafeisconoernecL Bklalte-Bran, Pr ^saa 

already citdl. (Ji-i dilioxv, ///.-/. <h\ "// / C 
fiotkm, bat deema it m>t improbable, aa in 1 

voyage made up the 1 acitic c-uast to ( <!< Inlet may i. 

tiou. lu Hin-intf* ]>!.-,, ,\ Soii Ii >". V. 1 iT 7-" . I im 

portant parts of the narrative, with remarks tl, 

authorities. The document i ded as a fo- i 

Who attributed the voyage to Maldonado. /!" 

1848, contains an Kn_;li>h tninslation of Ma Monad b the maps. 

Twiss, Hint. Or., 04-G, giv >ni various autliorit: 



selves understood in Latin, but were suspicious and not 

inclined to be communicative. They came from a 

great <*ity called Robr, Roba, or some such name, be- 

:ging to the king of Tartary. Maldonado returned 



by the same route in June and July, and not only was 
not impeded by ice, but found it- -the sun never setting 
at all- -hotter than in the hottest parts of Spain. 

The country round the sirait of Ahi;i!i 

iu much detail. I an ly one >f the fi 

sketches which 1 ny interest, h mav In- comj ! 

with the map of Drbano Monti. alr< D. 

will he noticed how careful!. ],.,[ 

fori ilicati. ire pointed 01 1 am obliged 

t<> 1 bis and ill.- oi her fictitious v<\, 

than they merit; hut. my limits hy no in permit 

me to give even a / daldonado s I 

scriptions; still less <>! tin arguments that h.- 

founded tlu-iTon. Th argumenl 

onu side of resemblances, and on tin- other of 
discrepancies pointed out l> -n tli- navigator 

scriptions and tlu- ia < -ported l>y later vdsito 
J )-. iii^- Strait down to the time tin- argument \ 

mad At present, the resemblances may L- >aid 

consist solely in the fact that tin- Polar Sea a Mially 
affords an interoceanic j hy way of .I>ei-i 

Strait. The most startling discrepancies are that 
Maldonado s strait rihrd and pictured, he, 

not the slightest like: in length, width, and 

s to the reality; that it is located some tin 
hundred miles too far south; that Alaska s mild 
perature, with its corresponding fruits and animal 
in later times disappeared; that Maldonado s distan- 
make the longitude of the strait soi >0 too Jar 
east- -just as did the maps of his time: that through 
out the voyage his distances and latitudes do not 
agree; and finally that oppressive h-at and n 
ice have not in later times heeii noted 6 uling 

characteristic of the waters above 70. 
the map of M. le Chevalier Lap , L821, which will 
also be referred to later to illustrate another \ 
to show his theory of Maldonado s rout Tl 
strait of Anian, or IJermg. leads into the fro/m 
north of Kiteguen, which is a \v< i pi-ol,.; 

of ( Greenland; while Maldon WBSnol A 1 ;: 

at all, hut a pa from Norton S ;ind ii 

a ]>olar sea south of Kilegueii and connected in t 

Ilisr. N. \\. COAST, VOL. I. 7 


;t with the straits of Davis and Hudson! The 
route in the west is shown by a dotted line. 

The reader lias no need of arguments in this mat- 


. Starting with a strong presumption, arising from 
the nature of the pretended discovery and from the 

F-- O C J2 


ni J i 

LAPIE S MAP, 1821. 

spirit of the times, that Maldonado s claim is false, 
he will be led from presumption to conviction when 
the time that elapsed between the voyage and the 
narrative is rioted, and particularly when he learns 
the man s reputation as liar and forger. On reading 


Hie 11 1K>1 

opinion, it IK- eomp rip 

over sunny 

in il And finally, on recall 

of tin- map-; that 1 i reproduce <1 i 

pa . which i- others of .lar natur lo- 

nado doubt! . will roncludc i 

ions li.-ir nii-^lit li,-i\ 1 ;i nnidi more j 

and \\ill Ix- snrprisi d lli;it inldli. nn-n 

li;ivc dci ciid. d the authenticity of ( a 

Tln-r. b the slighl .as 

some have done, that tli< 

Uav, or made a \ in tin- I .t ific, 01 b< ii d 

Jaj)anoc jia\ i-at ii. I! V WBS B lie ])iuv ;md 

simple, manufactured in Spain fr<>ni liis im. ,tion, 
and not plausiMe eno:;^li to deceiv- n iin-n who 

on that topic \\ willing to bu de 1. 






DURING these early years of the seventeenth cen 
tury so much alarm was felt in Spain lest South Sea 
supremacy should be lost through the discovery of a 
strait that a junta was formed by the ministers of 
the court of Felipe III. with a view to prevent further 
search for the passage by the north-west, or north 
east, and to send an embassy to England to urge the 
matter. It would be interesting to study the discus 
sions of this junta; but the records are not extant, 
nor do we know how the embassy was received. It 
appears, however, that Garcia de Silva, and probably 
others, opposed all restrictive measures, urging that 
exploration should be encouraged, and expressing a 
belief that the finding of a strait in the far north 
would in no way injure Spain, since it would not open 
a quicker or safer route to the Pacific, on account of 


:r ix. v. 101 

and c ion 

of the pola It 

of this opinion ainmr 

those besi <|ualilied to judge in the n 

of the chief can p the official in 

next century and a half. T! ;d of \ 

projects urged upon tl overnment hy p 
venturers, oftener in America than in Spain; but 
actual results were confined for the most part to 1 

pearl coast of the ( aliiornian gulf. In the hi;_- 
Spanish oiiicial circ]^ fche Northern My 

well nigh lost its charm. 1 

Since, however, the work of actual expl<>i 
confined to the gulf, a large portion of t 
was transferred to that r<"_rion,and had its home th 

for many } . so far as Spanish views were con 
cerned. Since 1540 for nearly a century the California!! 
peninsula and gulf had been described and mapped in 
very nearly their true positions and proportion: hut 
all this was now to be changed. Lok in 1582, i 
no reason that can be known, had ahno 
the peninsula from the main at a point in about lati 
tude 45, where he turned the coast abni] it ly rd. 
Then Padre Ascension, in connection with the voy 
age of Vizcaino in 1G03, had also given cunvn.-y i 
the eastward trend, and seems, in corn*- ion a 
written memorials, to have favored the id<-a that 
Aguilar s river was not only the entrance to i \ niau 
Strait, but might also be conned. -d with the 
Next Onatc, in 1G04, from observations and 1 ; In 
dian reports at the mouth of the G>1 >, conclu! 

1 Xarrtrrcff, IV .</< > Aj.-o ., 204-5 ; /r/., in 

i, Comentarios, li;i- i^nott in printed until 1 

Jllxf. <!< f <;/-ii/i T<ttitr/an. J/"// //, H;*<. I , ! . H. 

Wyt!li-t-rt<i](.-niy limps tliatliave ahvaly In-t ii li 
the originals of 1597. M v i-t in t: 
F;-;i; iilion of / 
the northern countries, showing i 

J At any rat- In 1 i-U-irly ann- 

ston, / 3 i. ing tin; occunutiun of California I tho 

con(_[ii \nian, Quivii. 


that the gulf waters extended northward and east 
ward to the Atlantic, thus confirming Ascension 
theory. And finally, in or about 1617, Nicolas dr 
Cardona, who had talked with some of Oiiatc s officers, 
and who in 1G15 had himself navigated the gulf- -be 
lieving himself to have reached 34, noting deep open 
water stretching far before him, and understanding 
from Onate s men that the mouth of the Tizon was 
in 35- -boldly declared his belief that California was 
an island, and spoke of the main as the Contra Costa 
de Florida. 3 Cardona even fancied the gulf to be the 
strait of Anian itself, the northern outlet being per 
haps a mere branch; and he had personally heard 
from the natives confirmation of the old tales about 
Quivira and the great lake towns. These rumors were 
convenient incentives for voyages which might afford 
opportunities for pearl-fishing. 

The idea of California as an island once conceived, 
it soon became deep-rooted and popular. The next 
thins: in order was for some adventurous Fuca or 


Maldonado to sail round it; and this seems to have 
been done in 1G20. I have not been able to trace this 
story, however, to a definite origin. The real source 
of the new geographical idea as related in my text 
has not been known to modern writers.* From this 

3 Cardona, Relation del descubrimiento del Reino de la California; and similar 
views in a document written some years later. Cardona, Memorial sobre sus 
d&fCubrimientoB en hi California; both in Pachcco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., 
ix. 30-57. These are memorials urging the importance of renewed efforts. 
The author begins : California is a far extended kingdom of which the end 
is only known by geographical conjectures and demonstrative notices, which 
make it an island stretching from N. w. to s. E., forming a mediterranean sea 
adjacent to. . .the incognita contracosta de la Florida. In 44, according to 
Vizcaino and Ascension, the coast makes a turn to the east, y hasta hoy no 
se sabe a donde va a parar. Ancient and modern writers have closed the sea 
in 28 \ but this seems an error. Luego la California es isla muy grande ; 
y que este seno 6 brazo dc mar es el estrecho que llaman de Anian. The 
Indians both of California and of the Florida main gave me many reports 
of a very great lake with many towns, with a king who wears a crown; and 
from the lake much gold is taken and there are many cities with towers, 
one of them called Quivira; bearded men; horses, etc. California is one of 
the richest lands in the world, with silver, gold, pearls, etc. 

4 According to OffUby^Amer., 389-90, -fley?y s Cosmography, 9G8,and some 
other works, some adventurers on the coast in 1020 accidentally fell upon 
a strait, through which they were carried by the force of the current into the 

,IA Al 

time many, Imt \\ !, map] di- 

;m isla Cape ] 

1. I JllL from 
^111 1 

part tin- d. -tails introd: 

1 , .\v. and oi \\ .ml i 

i land a Man! I reproduce a map jiul-. i m-- 

chas in 1 625, which i 3 :iallv 1 );; 

map <>! 1 it \vill he nut 

,i<-al chan . of dial 

into an i 1 ; an. I diicily that i \ 

iVoni Coronado no longer appear n t! 
iiiaii coast, hut only such as a; 
lives of actual i The 

irs lor tin- iir.-i t iin <l on a I !i. <!. 1 N 

though tlic i-ivi-r si ill ilv>ws iVom lh- 
into Tr.-. a oi j ); 

ihoii^-h Xcw All>i(;n <Ioe> not nd of 

( date s rivi coveri Astablan should 1 
Ian; but Key Coromedo, J^a<|Uco d<j Oro, and J 

gulf of California, thus l>n- up the pciiiii^nLir 1 

inscription on n map of ](;_V> in Pmv .;iccd ; 

mi islan<l ) . B ^pauish chart taken by tho Jhit 

. Monde JA /-/ ;///f, by ]K- n.-l<-, in i 

\vlio also relatf.s that his sou A . Mad *< 

ivd him ho had Kiih-<l round 

!H, says it was on the strcnu lh of ast. 

shij) ia lO JO that Aguilar s i-ivcr \\;,s iliMii : _!u {<> !. u . ntnOM t :ulf. 

Also / 

5 / 5 ///v// /., /// ../ / /,, 

map ia on Mrrcaior s jn-oj^ctiuji, dili .Ts i 
icly outlined in the nortli i u ."<.) and 

:ity. I urdias map is attached to J 

: . ho mcntiuns an. 

. posiiiun "in t of ti- \vhich 

North-west jride of I /, on tin.- oili. 

Falls, and openeth a ud fa; na. 

up t!io ri\ . \v. from II 

i whieii send rivers in! -n I .a;, 

far l ape of California. Apj-ai. 

Hudson li.- .v ! I 


Some vpon set pu: I put . H 

.nt vnto him, of foil: i 

i h no\v ai\- fi tind to bee a.11 turn* d into a u, 

old illusion t. ^ 30 leagues 

froui the Cape of California. 



Anguchi are unexplained names. Nothing is shown 

in the far north-west; though in the Dutch original a 

strait is vaguely outlined. It is noticeable that Pur- 

>as has another map that of Hondius, introduced 


(\lli- .St-Lllffti LA3.MARIA 

DUTCH MAP, 1024-5. 

in place of Herrera s- -which makes California a penin 
sula, and is in fact substantially the same as those of 
Ortelius and Mercator, except that the New Mexican 

( icuic, Ti^-uex, and O:ii\ 
on the coi . nui . 

bowever retained T! 
Fortuna, in latitude r.~>. 6 

1 11 1 f>_f! I ad re /;irate Sal: 

Northern MyMery in connection with 1; 

of Xew Mexico. 1 1 U li 

Is at Newfoundland wen- carried l.\ 

the strait, one beiii 4 1 driven into a i 

1 a ^reat walled city, where the CJ 

an- LMVCH in some detail. During tin- iv!urn 

<>! tin-Ill ])el-islicd iVolii cold, Ijllt the \ 

Florida, and one <i the men came fco Mexico ne 

t<> tell his story l.el or.- dyin^. 7 .lini i-oii ha- no 
doiihl, that this was the <-ity Coronado s;iw, that 
A-uilar would ha\ en had 1 1 the i 

and "the same that Anian saw, nd 

>>rtrd to his Maje>ty"! r Fh 

(Juivira was eithei- ly land i rom Ne\v Mexico or l>y 
water 1 roiu Floiida. The pad that t! 

Si Lawrence extended to a ]) int, very near N 
Mexico; but he was sure there ;-ait 

tweon the latter and l^lorida. The St Lawi 
also called Strait of the Th: Hi-otlu 
thought to extend iroin oci-an to n. ][ 

many inquiries ainon^ the nati\ >out the la 
Copalla, whence came the anciriit he 1 

no doubt of its existence. It ini^ht, l>e reach< 
New Mexico by way of the Rio Cha nd t h e X ; i \ 
country, thence following a great river through a 
and fertile country; or by way of Mo|iii, up the ! 
Buena Esperanza. b 

6 Purrhft.<, /r r: ;irhn^, iv. S. .T. Tin- ; :nap on the front 

vol. i. also iiuikcs Californi. ; ila. 

7 r.-uliv X rlardc, / SCHp. / in 171 

ju-rliajts I 1 6. H 

anl tlir datr lli M. Thf 76flBel U rl.t 
In.- Ion- n ;n : 

.-ni.l lie 1. V- lard think 

anotli. i- sti-ait. 

on, /A . -Jl-4, 3ti-!. -17 


Ill Joannes do Laot s map of 1G33 all above Cape 
Mendoeiiio, in 43, is left blank. California is a penin 
sula, with the gulf extending to 35, with a large island 
at its head, but there is no attempt to delineate the 
river Nova Albion is in 40, at Cape Fortunas, 
while at Cape San Martin, in 37, is Seyo, a name of 
unexplained origin. These, with California and Novo 
Mexico, are the only inland names. In his text Laet 
explain;-; that California is the vaguely known region 
stretching north-west to the possible strait of Anian, 
but whether it was island or peninsula he was not 
quite certain. Quivira is described from Gomara and 
Herrera; and Laet notes from Tribaldus that Onate 
reached Lake Conibas, with its grand buildings. 9 

Meanwhile in Canada the French were hearing 
many rumors of the western nation of Winnipegs, or 
4 Men of the Sea/ with whom w r ere wont to trade not 
only the Canadian Indians but also certain hairless 
and beardless people who came in large canoes upon 
the great w r ater. There was much reason to sup 
pose these latter, really the Sioux, to be Chinese or 
Japanese. And in 1G34 5 Jean Nicolet was sent by 
Champlain to visit the people of Ouinipeg, and per 
haps to reach the great water. He had no difficulty 
in penetrating to the home of the tribe beyond Lake 
Michigan, on Green Bay and Fox River; and he went 
even farther, to a point where, hearing of the great 
water/ the Wisconsin flowing into the Mississippi, he 
believed himself to be within three days of the sea. 10 

If the gulf was part of the famous passage to 
the Atlantic, it was obviously important that Spain 
should know it; and indeed some action was taken on 
the matter in Mexico, in consequence of which a 
somewhat elaborate report was made in 1G3G by 
Alonso Botello y Serrano and Pedro Porter y Casa- 
nate, the substance being repeated by the latter in 

9 Laet, Xnni* .-I. ,*, 291, 302-0. 

/;<///, ,;/, V// , //;,/. DUcov. of the Northwest, Cincinnati, 1881, p. 37 
et seq., and 07 ct scq., with references to original Jesuit relations. 

n 1 t. u Tin- J.MI-] 

l>ul \ 
UK-ills, <-<>n\ .; IK. 

of Hi important 

^<>d < l iiid 11: the truth 

J>V < X]) ! !y in tilt- li; f ;i | 

probable in nic communication bj : 

N >t Ho i; j,, , 

of tlii -; investi ion. 

One of i in Pierre D Avity s grand ^ : of 

"H >:>7 Ix-hind 

made ( a peni l>:it pi, 

coast, and retain old 

11 / y Serrano sad I I . , ,-on en 17 

;,// /-/. ( ,<! , . nor del tttr ( \ . I i 

I docu, 
no lonr 

. . / 
] .) 

J - In past reports, gr rtidumlnv, poca fijcz, contm do 

nnos ; i otros ^ . ;:L ;ijustar.\ ;i hn circr.. 

li:ul opiiiii) ! < t > 1 \ 


ItinG ; ;i!iol 

" ; p;iin. 
I ititiulc tliat 

1 fold. S jliic s;;y t!: 

others N. i;. , ;iml eomo that it 

: ;i::-l 

i T j." [no i.i ! - 


1 i . i 
to OBi 

i I communication with Spain; 

Mexico, r 



fovniti and I f th 


\iii;ni, and 


leave t 
dalajara, t! 
liia-i tii- light 1 i jiilot. Ca.-xii 

north i. ualouiouuda athgoud 



seaboard to Cape Mendocino, with most of the old 
names. A novel arrangement of the lakes in New 
Mexico will be noticed. I append a reduced copy, 
omitting most of the names. In his text D Avity 
names Berg as the northernmost province of America, 
and declares that the coasts of Quivira are "bien peu 
connus," being somewhat out of the line of ordinary 
navigation. 13 * 


D AviTY s MAP, 1637. 

About the middle of the century, according to 
Padre Tello, a Flemish man named Acle sold at 
Compostela, Jalisco, a piece of cloth which he said 
he had bought forty days before in London. But 
this discoverer of Anian shot a Spaniard and fled, 
carrying his secret with him. It was in 1G60 that 
the Portuguese Melguer is vaguely reported to have 
sailed from Japan to Lisbon through the strait of 
Anian and the frozen sea. 14 

Governor Diego de Penalosa made a trip from 

l3 D Aviti/, Le Monde, Paris, 1637, general map of the world. In Id., 
D<-xrr r/>ticni Gene rale de VAmerique, which is pt. ii. of the preceding, the 
map of America is much improved ; the coast trend is N. w. ; Quivira and 
New Albion are omitted; the old lake with its seven cities is restored; and the 
lake from which the St Lawrence flows is moved some 2000 miles eastward. 
A great island of Paxaros lies off the coast, in about 34; Totonteac, Cibola, 
and California are the provinces named; and the coast names are as in many 
curlier maps. 

14 Mota Padilla, HisL N. Galicia, 74; Amoretti, Voy. Maldonado, 39, 75. 

!ftAL084 IMTluN". 109 

New }! > in If 1 .- I whic ! 

the diary, and in which he claimed t<> ]i ched 

Ihe original (Juivira. far to the imi of ^ 

i. A ;;i<ri;il :n^ 1 m- 

<|iiest \\ -nt to the kinic u ith 11 , which 

was llu-r: filed with <>f 

the Northern MyMery tliat mi^ht 
pri M f his Mateineiifs \\ . 

whole account was nol puiv fiction. Thuwl ;i 

was a vci-itahlc pai-adisc, abounding in all < 
products; and the city nt ( v )nivira was of L: nt. 

Several thousand Imus.-s nf iVoin t\ 

Were cOllllled ill 1 he 1 Wo IeagU6S of I; 

and a party sent i explore could ii d 

nf the tnv. ii. M li^ iiati 1 - ld a! i pmvine 

beyond, of Tlic ^iiayo, the ])ro\incu nf ihe Aliijadn 
and others, so rich that ordinary dUhcs \ 
of silver and ^old to obtain which wealth the Kn- 
o-lisli, French, and Dutch were straini: 
It behooved Spain to act promptly. All ; 
from Europe, Asia, Africa, and America i liad 
visited this land were wailing imj i )u 

Diego to be made duke, marquis, and count, with com 
mand over the new dominion. It was on 1 . not 
more than two hundred and iifty leagu< 
Fe 011 the west, north, and ea nd ships mighi \\-\t 
it freely. Zaldibar s visit to the \ in 1G18 i> 
mentioned in confirmation, though he did i to 
penetrate to the marvels reported to him, 1 
< f terrible giants to be passed; at wlii -ardi- 
Padre Lazaro protested, as did nature, I m \- 
pression in an earthquak 

is Fret/fas, F<l<tr nn <1 1 >/ 
por J>. Diego l> ">i. Pcftalota, iu V. ; 

coniun scntir todo 1<> ijiuj h !> y ] 

intllil)rc dc Alii - soililtia rn n uniMrncii -n do l> ij; in- 

).irtodel liiuudo liucM> ;iincn;i>;id; : 
liu.-iii COD ella, \" dc !< Ol.-iiidrses quo 1. 

lo . uir;iii i<>s vnos ni . |.i.Vi ( r I 

IK. nf IVfcil" 

but a full r- <:i would do jus; 



An exact description of America was published 
in 1055. The author admits that the question of a 
separation or non-separation from Asia is too deep for 
him. The prevalent opinion seems to be that America 
is tin island, separated from Anian, a province of Tar 
tar v, by the strait of that name. Noting the old 
reports about its having been navigated, the writer 
says: "But of what credit these testimonies shall be 
thought, for ought I know, the Reader must judge. 
I oncly report them as I finde them. . .1 fear the 
Proverb may somewhat prevail upon the English in 

OGILBY S MAP, 1671. 

this point, Quod volumus facile creclirnus." Strait or 
no strait, however, California in its largest sense in 
cludes all the north-west region, and is divided into 
four provinces: Quivira, in the extreme north to 
the strait, if there be one, or else to Tartary- -with 
Acuco, Tiguex, and Cicuic, as its chief towns; Cibola, 
lying between Quivira and Nueva Galicia; California 
proper, that is, the southern part of the island below 


and X i, that ]. 

38 J 11}) t:> ( I. I ll,- | 

ith ! 

of Quivi; Hi 
noil-worthy J < of 

a map of 1 r>7 1 , which is in m< 
tical with that of L625 from Pure 
location of Quivira in the north 

n I Iii;ls(n :id t! 

are ]oint ract attention. 17 

Pe , fcte, ] .n tin- : in 

167:>, noted the numth of t 
"till 1 ; I li(5])0 to reach the ; 

and thence the East Indies;" lor Indi, of 

n meadow live or six days up the river, 
str !. "If 

not ( :ir of one day making i nd 

La Salic adopted the idea that the South v" ; ht 

be reached by :idin^ one of the ^ 

though the size of those rivers must h 
probable distance to the Pacific to be much gr 
than had been supposed. 18 It v 
that Thomas Peche sailed from the Philippines north 
ward, and one hundred and twenty 1 ito t 

strait of Anian, but was forced to return d 
American coast. Presumably there was not the 
slightest foundation for the story. R 

About 1686, the attention of Spain 
called anew to reports of northern wealth 

1C . , /.>"/ / 

or Blaeu, America, <j>;i 
Atla.s M;ijor), An <!;uni, 1 

u o,/://,,, . -. London, 1< 71. 
the usual arrangement of the provi I ouivii-a.i 
Albion; Imt the author si-cms in l.c in much 1 
tinns. In the southciii ])Mft!ci!s df thcin;i|. picil, i 

is r;ilh <l N. M i - >j ;inl I 
^ the river; Avhih fartln-r 
/All: [Ul, etc. also A/OKA 

h,,( f, _ :;! etseq.j all thr-i- \\. 

l>n,-L-S I. 

ICSO- J I . nepin went up the Mi 

\vlii !<- L.-i Sall< v.-cnt d >ilf. 

u, >.U Prob. y IS- 


king having issued a cedilla on the subject in 1G78, 
Padre Alonso de Parcdcs, who had been a missionary 
in New Mexico, wrote a report on the subject not cal 
culated to excite enthusiasm. Quivira he placed 
somewhere in Texas, though it might extend far north 
ward. There was no evidence of gold or great cities 
there. Of Teguayo, or Tehuayo, a famous name now 
that had perhaps been current for a half century, 
nothing was known beyond Indian reports that it w r as 
a populous kingdom containing a great lake. 20 In 
1G8G also the English corsair Swan was on the coast. 
His chronicler, Dampier, could not satisfy himself 
whether California was an island or. a peninsula; nor 
did he think the Spaniards desired to have the lake 
of California explored, lest foreigners should reach 
New Mexico, as Spaniards had escaped from New 
Mexico by that way at the late insurrection. 21 

Baron la Hontan made his famous imaginary 
journey to the far west in 1G88. He ascended Long 
lliver, a tributary of the Mississippi, for some eighty 
days, passing natives more civilized than any at the 
cast. He did not reach the head of the river, which 
was said to lead to a great salt lake, with populous 

20 Paredes y Utiles y Curiosas Noticias del Nuevo- Mexico, Cibola y otras 
nac tones confinantes. La antigua tradition de Copcda, etc., 211-25. He says 
that Padre Benavides in his memorial of 1030 had spoken of the reported gold 
and silver of Teguayo and Quivira, and ex-Governor Pciialosa had made a 
proposition to discover and conquer those provinces, calling Teguayo Tatago. 
Paredes says that Teguayo is 180 leagues N. of the Yuta country, which is GO 
leagues N. of Santa FC". The strait of Anian is in 70, the gulf of the same 
name being N. E. in the region of Labrador. Quivira is s. E. % E., toward the 
bay of Espiritu Santo. Sec also Freytas, Relation. 

2l D(impier s New Voyage, i. 2G4, 272. One map seems disposed to make 
California a peninsula, as indeed he says the latest Spanish charts represent 
it. His general map, i. frontispiece, makes California an island, and is for the 
most part like the Ogilby map, save that the north end of the island has three 
prongs, separated by small bays. The source of the St Lawrence is left open 
in a way to suggest a sea or passage to the sea. But a novelty is a vague 
coast stretching between 40 and 50 from near the end of California westward, 
named Compagnies Land, and separated from Asia just above Japan by a 
strait of Urics. This was published in 1G99. In Licyi, Introductio ad G eo- 
ijn jilifftiii, ly.)2, 704, are two maps of 1G92, which from their resemblance to the 
.ers need not be copied; but there are some peculiar features. On the N. 
end of the island are two bays and points with the names Tolaarjo and / . de 
; while on the main opposite, in 48, is a long square projection called 
Ayubela de Cato, with a group of islands in the strait between. (See Aa s 
map of 1707, which is similar in these respects.) In the interior round the 

\. n:; 

cii ml 1. II: pin-- . in 

all that related to L>n-- Hi-. far \ 

.In the last <>! th 8 

began hia lahors in Pimeria A 

ohje< t \ 

^lan a deep lute - MTU V. 

In IT trip : e < rila and ( olomdo in 1 
heard ! a in p -rh;n i 

Jesus de A . who wa id to I 

miraculously in these part- -\vh> IOHM- 

preached t< them, and when shol had .1 til. 

risen from th< id: they lizard <>f whii i who 

sometimes came to trade; hilt i 1 no ^.nlm. 

tiou of Onatr s Maud <>f th i\im> was 

inclined to dishc]ic\-c thr tln-ory thai Calif 

island, and in 1700 i n>in a liill m-.-ir thr h< 
cf tlu- ( ^ulf lie made gome observati which 
iujd his opinion, tlion^h tlu-y ly n" m-ans 
tied the question, as lias hern 
In March 1701 padivs Kino and Salva: 
with ^[an^o on the mainland slmiv oi the n ill , 

in 31 or 32, as they thought, and lu-ld , 
ilisfi itii on the geographical problem. To th-- j>a<li 
it yeuincd that the si ion -s united BO -i\ 

]-a i farther north, in accordance with their n 
sionary desires; but Man^-e deem, d app 
such a distance deceitful, an<l iVoin th 
to believe still in an estrecho. Later in the year Kino 
cross: ( I the Colorado, and \v ill conv n, all 

was ; Jii im. , though he did i O far enough to 

] trove it. 

t lake are the new map names A 
omit< thf fi atui- f. l>ut iut; 

cijiially navel < alif<niia i I main ! 

l.y aii-itluT strait >u tin- / < J 

in ,")(> . wlu-tluT iii dry laml <>r i: 

CHiiifn! J ht re i- an { frui I <-rt \-l.> :i >f Hn-i ,-int >: Sea. 

. Origi put" t!:- -li has 

the .!/< .^lt>i~<;>> / . ( Mi :>-ij i i Kiv t - 
at.-l in h-ii^th. I : aii l : , U 

the DA] 

I SITU t iu 

curi >oinll.. 

Uiar. N. W. COAST, VOL. I. 



In his map of this period he made California a 
peninsula on the strength of his convictions. This 
map, a very accurate one of all these regions, too 
accurate for the present subject, may be seen in an 
other part of this work. It was not published at the 
time, and was seen by but few cosmographers. 23 

.- . Lake 

HARRIS MAP, 1705. 

23 -Mange, Hist. Pimeria. 290, 301-2; 324, 331-3, 337; Apostdlicos Afanes, 
282-5, 290-5, 308-9; Salvatierra,in California, Estab. y Prog., 127-9, 152-3; 
Vertcr/as, NoticiasCaL, ii. 75-0, 94-100; Alec/re, Hist. Jesus, Hi. 117-18, 
124-6, 134-5; Lockman s Trav. Jesuits, i. 356, 395; Map in Lettres JSdif., v. 
29. See also my Hint* Northern Hex. States, i. 


The map published with /A 
x in 1 (;<)<.) \ ; , in ! 7 

by Harris in 17 Th 

;*- into the M-ulr A-hieh m.-iv IH- i 

Hravo del Norte, with it- mouili DOW t 

felTed to thr proper >ide of fch.6 eolitili U". v b 

similar to tl: 

K I.").") already noted. II< i- BUW that Califon 
an island, and explains how BOme hav- IM-.-H l.-d i 
the error ol iv^u-din^- it BS a peninsula in the j. ;i 
and he also adds that <^uivir;i is l.y some jila--d fa: 
the interior, ly the hack of VlTgini Harris 1 
another map, which I reproduce in part. It shows La 
.llnntaii s fictitious discoveries; northern ( -rnia 

in sevei-al eai lier maps mentioned l,m n I 

Santa Fc, on the l>i\-ive Uiver, or 1 I m JJravod* 1 . 
ilo\\ in"- into 


Lnilf, hut still out of 
the famous lake. The 
accompanying frag 
ment from J Meter 
vander Aa of 1707 
plains itself so far 
as any explanation is 

practicable. AA S MAF 17 " 7 

Padre Kino in 1706 looked for the la-t time on 
the gulf waters and mouth of the ( olorad- 
convincing himself, but failin epnvi] 

panions, among whom was .1 adiv Nirl, that the --ulf 
there ended. 25 

In a London periodical, J //<//</// M - or 

M< rs f<>r 11 Curious, in April and June l,< 
appeared what purported to he a letter of Admiral 
Bartholomew de Foi llV 

l 7 / i tii i 

nffei/lyn > A f 1 <> ai>Ay,ironti8piece ana \>\ 
dn in FunneWa Voyage, 17 

aic shores, separating th.- main fn.m an easl wind., h.. 

not. :n-.l t.. Ameri in Dam] 

. Apun 

Tint in 1705, andaayi th. " laco 


him in 1G40. It was partly in the first and partly 
in the third person; no reference was made by the 
editors to any original from which it might have 
been translated; but they mentioned an accompany 
ing chart, not published and never heard of again. It 
was doubtless a deliberate hoax, prepared at the time 
by some one who had a superficial acquaintance with 
Spanish -American affairs; but, for the discussions to 
which it gave rise, the story must be noticed here, 
and is in substance as follows : 

Fonte sailed from the Calo of Lima April 3, 1640, 
with four vessels, under orders from Spain and the 
viceroys, issued because of information that Boston 
navigators had been seeking the northern passage. 
Diego Peiialosa was vice-admiral of the fleet; and 
the other two commanders were Pedro de Bonardse, 
or Barnarda, and Felipe de Ronquillo. They touched 
at various points, and took a master and six mariners 
at Compostela. On this master s opinion that Cali 
fornia was an island, Peiialosa, son of the sister of 
Don Luis de Haro, resolved to learn the truth, and 
his vessel left the fleet on the 10th of May. Fonte 
with three ships went on and by June 14th reached 
the river Reyes, in latitude 53. He sailed about two 
hundred and sixty leagues in crooked channels among 
the islands of the Archipelagos de St Lazarus; and 
on June 22d sent Captain Barnarda up a fair river. 
Barnarda sailed N., N. N. E., and N. w., to a great lake 
full of islands, named Lake Valasco. Here he left his 
ship between the island Barnarda and the peninsula 
Conihasset, and in three Indian boats sailed 140 
leagues w. and 436 leagues E. N. E., to latitude 77. 
Meanwhile Fonte sailed up the river Reyes north 
eastward to a town of Conosset, on the south side of 
Lake Belle, where some Jesuit missionaries with him 
had been for two years. In the same region there was 
a river de Haro. At Conosset the admiral received 
a letter from Barnarda, dated June 27th, having 
entered Lake Belle June 22d with his two ships. July 

<>F I l.NAI. ]17 

Is 1 ;|. ; d, p.-rhap- in Ix be river r 

iiu-iil ight falU, until, Ju! ; 

lake Fonte, which \ ( > l>y ir.o leagu nd v \ 

supplied with inlands. Tlnii IK- sail. > 1. .1 ill v 1! 17, 
eaM ward through a lake call. .1 K iho de 1. 

to an .Indian town, when- he heard of a la p, 

which on sailing 1< it. In- found io !>, a. I ip, 

Captain Shapley, owned by Seimor Gibbon p- 

neral of Maltechu Jn if capt uri !iis 

craft as a prize Fonte generously made jr 
officers and nii n,and hou^iit Shapl<-y > lin- diart s and 

journals. Then he returned, August 6 L6,to< 

where on thr *J()th IK- received another Idt Au 
gust llth from Darnarda. That >ilii.vr had ^-oii. ir 
as to j)rove that ilu-re was no p 

I io Jiad readird 7 ( J , and one of his men had In-.-n 1- I 
]y the natives to the head of Davis Si h 

terminated in a fresh-water lake in .M) , 1 ; d which 

re high mountains and i- \ly a third 1 

Bamarda announced liis arrival at Minhi and th 
]>ort of Arena, on the river I . -=, AUL;-IIM L".th; ao I 
thither Fonte with ^reat stores of salt jirovisio; :d 
one hundred hogsheads of maize returned from Lai 
Hello September 2-5. From this point the il I 

homeward, having pm\vd that then- was no north 
west passage. 

Absurd as all this appears n is 

still moi in the details, many of which art- unin 

telligible. The story was founded prohaNy, if il had 
any foundation, on something in one of Penalosa s 

>urd memorials. \o such \ 

en if such a man as l- ont li 

Antonio t lloa in ;i li-tt-r t . 

21 il 7 i ITiHi li>- ni -t. l "t\\ 

.lu;;n Maiun-1 M.rd, \\liosliu\Vfd liii: 
\(l:nir;il I . 

north <.f Cal, li;i l !: 

[p. l- llr; .:<l 110 SlR ll 

diary and 1 !< 1 also < 

ndrd with M. d.- I lsl. .taarei. oa 

p. 109 of tlii.s chapt 


implicated net- work of channels cuts up the northern 
parts of America. Yet the authenticity of the voy- 
was seriously defended until the region in ques 
tion became so fully explored as to make further 

Fence absurd. The argument was, in substance, 
that through an unknown country channels may ex- 
trad in any direction; inherent contradictions in the 
narrative, so far as the unknown parts are concerned, 
may be accounted for on the theory of the translator s 
blunders; and like blunders of translator and navi 
gator must account for discrepancies between Fonte s 
discoveries and those of later explorers; that is, the 
interior was safe, and Fonte s entrance on the coast 
was moved from time to time so as not to corne in 
conflict with advancing exploration. The arguments 
are not worth repetition, even if I had space for them. 
The map of De 1 Isle and Buache, pronounced by 
Burney " as adventurous a piece of geography as 
was ever published," will be given in substance later. 
I append here a brief bibliographic notice of such 
writings on the subject as are before me. 27 

27 The original is in Monthly Miscellany, or Memoirs for the Curioux, London, 
1708. Arthur Dobbs, Account of the Countries adjoining to Hudson s Bay, 
123-30, reprinted the letter in 1744, and found in it an Air of Truth which 
left no doubt of a N. w. passage, though probably not well translated, copied, 
or printed. The fact of there being a Shapley family in Boston confirms 
its being an authentick Journal. De 1 Isle s memoirs and the map made by 
him and Buache were presented to the French Academy in 1750 and 1752, 
being printed in the latter year. De VIslc, Explication de l<i Carte, Paris, 1752, 
Buache, Considerations geoyraphiques, Paris, 1753. They included Russian 
and Japanese discoveries. A rival geographer, M. Vaugondy, Observations 
crit /ipn * sur !<* nouvelles decouvcrfas de V Admiral De la Ftiente, Paris, 1753, 
took upon himself to refute De 1 Isle s arguments at the time. These memoirs, 
translated into Spanish and supplemented by long editorial comments in 
which Padre Buriel exposed the fictitious character of the narrative, were 
printed, 1757, in Veneyas, Noticias de Cal., iii. 296-436. In 1768 the author 
ofJefferyt 1 (fraat Probability of a Northwest Po^sof/e devoted nine pages to 
Fonte s letter and 120 pages to observations in defence of its authenticity. 
The work also contains a map of Fonte s discoveries. Forster, Hist. Voy., 
London, 1786, pp. 453-5, deemed neither the letter nor the defence just 
referred to worthy of serious refutation. Clavigero, Storia della Cal., i. 163, 
also declared it a hoax in 1798. But Fleurieu in 1797, Marchand, Voyage, 

archipelago and entrance of a great river. This author and many 
others are unduly influenced by the absurd idea that Spain made secret 
explorations and kept the results a profound mystery. Navarrete in 1802, 


A Sp.-uiisli description of 

lit as discovered l-v i iuU>u ;I IK! Probi 
Quivira . lied NYw AJbion, in latitud l.v 

J)rake: and Anian a \ivti<- . 

even io 1 tin- I oori >m of all : l>ut 

admits thai tli 

\Yoo.les 1!( r his c in i 

t<> the helief that ( lalifornia i joined to tl dn, 

Dotwithstanding ti ports <>f it- em-unm 

for li \v Spaniards who had >aii-d np tl. 
4 2 wheiv llr Mind shoal water, "Hut i 

>!.< having in Territories in this Part of 1 
World than they know how to man;: aot 

curious oi iurihi-r 1 )iscov-i-i- Tin- map in I 1 
work, however, is one of the usual t\-p<- makii di- 


fornia an island.- - The French _ aph.-r I ) 11 

disriissud the <|UL-stiou in 171 5, ivadiin-- t L 

it tlu-re were no means of deciding between inland 
and peninsula, an<l announcing that therefore hr had 
in liis own maps left the coast liin- hrokuii at .Mendo- 
cino and the Ycriailioii Sua. 30 

tt. // ^^<:>. J V/<t<]C, Ixxvi.-vii., d<jcl;ir-<l t icryphal, an<I in 

Via I. U !)l. ^avi- lii> t In- ina<li- ]iu : 

lett<M- of Ulloa already noticed, tin; only ducium-nt that has 

.en suiz-vst a rciii itt p >siliility that Fmite s story was found 
Burncy, Cliron, l/i^f. I * //., 1st H">, I s !. !, doc-.s not .\uulrrtak nl the 

nai-rative. wliich he prints in full, but is im-lim-d to lnjk at it with . 
indulge! H-C and b .der the ai-^unieiits in its fa\ ! \\ < >rt !iy "f .- : M CT 

J^ah; I "// "/ >, \\ i. . ( 44, slao WM dicpooed t 

as not altogether a lieti>n in iSKi. Tliu (. hovali i )v_ l. 

1 . ilt v I "//., xi. Js ">o , in turn became the ehauij.ii i 
makes the route f l onr ad by chaonela, rivers -inclui 

kenxie and la!, m the I aeilie coast, in alnnu 

Inlet of Hudson Hay. Baniarda entei ed in the sunn- !, i.inn 

ehannel. <: Ki Haro, went north into Lak 

then eavtu-ard in tiiat sea nearly to llatlin I ^iy and 1 id tina . 

the lev Orea.-i and I astuard nearly t-> NO. The north n portions of 

Banianhi s rout to this author, are >hu\vn --OU hi 

And iinally in ls. ,!i the \rt/i .I//" . Kviii. li 

by its conscience t gratify its AiiK ri ani>ui to th- ig that 

tin n for argument in Footi r. 

^AiiKi-i- M& 73 . N\ith -atisc called 

/ ,1,1 cannon fi-mm 1 

312 i::. I p hat alto tl 

panv s land separated by a strait I . but not < 

dt M . /> r I^ !i touchant ><t 
iii. J:;s 71. This writer see; nave had : of the e;i: 


Padre Luis Velarde, a rector missionary of northern 
Sonora, wrote his views of northern geography about 
171G, and very accurately so far as the known regions 
were concerned. Of the Colorado he says: "We 
know not in what latitude it rises; some say in the 
sierra of the Gran Teguayo; others in the Gran 
Qui vira- -kingdoms which many geographers locate in 
this northern America Incognita, and about which 
many confused rumors are current in New Mexico; 
and others near the seven caves or cities from which 
came the Mexican nation." To the question of island 
or peninsula Velarde gave much attention, placing 
himself squarely on the record with Padre Campos, 
his associate, as a partisan of the island theory, in 
spite of Kino s belief to the contrary. The two had 
lately returned from the gulf coast, where they had 
satisfied themselves that Kino s observations could not 
have been conclusive; both had repeatedly questioned 
the Pinias and Yumas, who insisted that there was a 
strait, and reported the washing-ashore on the gulf 
coast of many articles that must have come by the 
strait. Padre Velarde was well acquainted with cur 
rent theories on the Northern Mystery; had before him 
narratives of real and pretended expeditions ; and had 
seen some old Dutch maps; but he was not certain 
whether the strait joined the Pacific above 40, or 
turned eastward to Newfoundland or Florida; nor did 
he vouch for all Pima tales, as that of a country where 
men had only one foot and women two, though even 
this were not in philosophy impossible. "Lo cierto 
es que hay mucho incognito per esta America Sep 
tentrional." 31 

plorations, and of the prevalent belief from 1540 to 1610 that California was 
a peninsula. He says the earliest maps made it an island ; but no such maps 
are extant. He says the Spaniards of late think it an island, but that others 
do not accept that theory, which is not true. Indeed, though no fault can be 
found with his conclusions, they were bunglingly founded on a very few of 
the authorities then existing. 

91 Velarde, D&cripcion Hist., 347, 350-7, 388-9, with a map originally, 
which is not extant. The author refuses to credit Drake with having sailed 
round California, linding a lake of gold, a walled city, and a crowned king ! 
but thinks another English pilot may have ascended the strait to 38. He 

A F brief drt. irhrd jl ] tljat O1 

topic pn seni d 

i-oiipiii-- of \vhirh would E >d pun <-md 

hic-h I pr in clii-oiml, >_.;,-;, 1 p. 

Knight and Barlow, senl to find i >i I7! j, 

Were lost on Hudson Uiy; lut in KiiM-lund it \v;is 1 
V< thought prolKih liad -1 nl and 

gone through to the South s Charl.-vnix i d 

as having met in Cliina in ! 7 JO a Huron woman 
whom lie had known in Canada. Sin- had ln--n car 
ried thither ly land from tril). tribe, In I7JL 
a Califomian padre, U^.-i !(. in a Calif ornian- built 
v- . the Ti i",>jn <!<> In OruZj 1 iir with an K h 
pilot, sailed to the head of the gulf , and again ]ro\ cd, 

AJarcon and tlloa liad done in arly two eeiitini 
1> . to his own satisfaction and tliat of hi - 
that Kino had been ri^lit in de-clarin-j,- California a 
peninsula, notwithstanding the contrary opinion of 
Alan^e, Niel, Campos, Vulai-de, and the rest. 34 Xot 
all the Avorld at once accepted this solution of the 
enigma; but a peninsula appeared on the best maps 
from tli is time; and even the great De 1 Isle so made 
uj) his mine! 

Captain Shelvocke, who in 1721-2 found no end of 
gold dust in California, had no means of decidii 

tliu blunder on many maps of making the J I i<> drl Xorte empty into 
the gulf of California. In 1715 the Marqn< an Miguel de Agoa] lit 

license to explore ( Iran Quivii-a, which was a month s journey fr i .ce 

in i lope of ft hill that waa bathed by a lake. This ha<i 

learned rVoin one .Josi - l i rut ia, ^ Iio had lived in Texas. Do<\II 

l.V)-!>. In 171 s <>r thereabout 1 adre .1 uan Aniando Niel \\ r(>te his. I/ 

I , NT, 1 I I . on the earlier work of Padre Salmeron. which he 
reproduces. On t!. \. houevt-r. he is ijiiite as much in the dark 

his pn-di . whom he blanu-s unjustly for not htivi: i.f 

darkest jxtints. Niel identities the niout! \\ith Drake 

\. and places it opposite the mouth of the Colorad" 1 in 11 ! I 

.ornia, , i>l;uid. L;i\iuu n:;nle j :oiis on the 

t \\ith Padre Kino in 17"" . li - ding the Quivi ana and Aij; 
dwelling in the n north ot ! in 

Tindan still farther north, in oO , an<l the lake c-: .a in tin- sumo 

latitii of Tindan. 


31 Se< Annal^ ol 1 . ! .difornia, in an earlier volume of t! ;es. 

33 T\\i-s, n,-j<.,u V /( ^-> 04, cites a map of 1 e lisle ui 17-- with the 


between island and peninsula, either from his own 
observations or those of others, Englishmen having 
no "time nor power to go about the discovery of it," 
and the Spaniards having grown " indolent and incu 
rious." His map, however, is one of the old type, 
similar to that of Dampier and Rogers, showing an 
island. Shelvocke also believed "that America and 
Asia are joined by a tract of land to the northward." 36 
It was in 1722 that Daniel Coxe let loose his powerful 
imagination on north-western geography. Referring 
to several otherwise unknown expeditions from New 
England to New Mexico and up the Missouri, he de 
scribes the northern branches of that river as "inter 
woven with other branches which have a contrary 
course, proceeding to the west, and empty themselves 
into a vast lake, whose waters by another great river 
disembogue into the South Sea. The Indians affirm 
they see great ships sailing in that lake, twenty times 
bisfofer than their canoes. The Missouri "hath a 


course of 500 miles, navigable to its heads or springs, 
and which proceeds from a ridge of hills somewhat 
north of New Mexico, passable by horse, foot, or wagon 
in less than half a day," to the rivers running into 
the great lake. Besides there was Hontan s Long 
River, or the Meschaouay, which comes from the same 
hills. Moreover, Coxe had a journal written by a 
man "admirably well skilled in geography," and who 
had been so lucky as to know one Captain Coxton, 
a privateer. Coxton while waiting to plunder the 
Manila galleon had used his spare time for exploration, 
and had in 44 found a great river leading to a great 
lake, with a very convenient island, where he remained 
several months. The nation he called Thoya, but 
the Spaniards called it Thoyago or Tejago, doubtless 
Teguayo. The people welcomed the privateer as a 
foe of the Spaniards, whom they had often repulsed 
in battle. I have no space for Coxton s wonderful 
geography of the Asiatic coasts and islands; but 

^Shelvocke s Voyage, 399-400. London, 1726. 



merely note that "there are upon the coa-i 1 

America and Japan di very 1 and har- 

l>ors." Co\<- himself, it seems, claimed to have f.imd, 

1)\- .n oiii.^ up tin- greal ri\ er ( )<-Iif|mton. 01- Alahama, 
a - real sea of fiv-h \\ at<T. /al t; md inil- S 

in circumference/ 1 whence ran the river l>v which tin- 

JMlle l 


I \ UT OF 
j CAT. IK" KM \- 


English subsequently i-faclu-d tlu> lal. Coxc lias 
not Ix-cn lairly tr-atcd. His rank as a liar should 
be near that of Fura, Maldonado, and the unknown 
author of Foi: lettei 

37 t-tiun of the K.i jli<h province of Carolana, London, 17- 



Mota Padilla in 1742 speaks of California as sup 
posed to be an island. 38 In 1744 Arthur Dobbs pub 
lished his views on a north-west passage in a work 
whose title, as appended in a note, sufficiently explains 
its purport. 3 * Dobbs was less visionary than some 
earlier advocates of his cause, but was disposed to 
credit the tale of Fonte s discoveries. "All nature 


also reprinted in French s Hist. Col. Louisiana, ii. 230-3, 253-6. See also 
Dobbs Account, 149, 153, 166; and North Amer. Review, Ixviii. 103-4. It 
is to be noted, however, that French s copy does not agree with that quoted 
by the I eriew, since the former says nothing at all of Coxe s own discoveries. 
In Nob f of, Geoff. Univ., Paris, 1725, v. 592, California is described as doubt 
less an island ; at which opinion at that date surprise is expressed in Lock- 
mail s Trav. Jesuit*, i. 348-9. Campbell, Span. Am., 83, notes a Dutch map 
of 1739 in which California is represented as a peninsula. 

^Jfotft Padilla, Hist. N. Gaiicia, 177, 361. 

39 Dobbs, An Account of the Countries adjoining to Hudson s Bay. . .with an 
abstract of Capt. Middlctoiis Journal, and Observations upon hxs Behavior . . .A 
letter from Bartholomew de Fonte. . . An abstract of all the, Discoveries . . . The 
vhole intended to show the great Probability of a North-west Pax*(i</e, so long 
di .sired, etc. London, 1744. The same author s Remarks upon Middleton s De- 
fence, London, 1744, is of like purport, with a map. 

Sl lJLI.MM FAITH, 126 

cries aloud there is ;i passaj tliere 

one from Hudson s l>a Japan/ he wi : but 

founds liis zealous faith not so much on tin- o] 1 c 

mographica] theori <>n the repori rn 

Indians, the diseovei ]<> of l- ivnrli, K ml 

Spanish travellers, and the tides in and a!)>uf I [\ 

]>ay. I give a reduction of DobbV ma]), \ 

dinded on reports of a ( anadian Indian 
named Joseph La Fnmee, though it ;i!so contains 
]>aron La I Ionian s pretended diseovei-i,-s.* Tl 
author firmly believed iliat Middleton and oth 
had l>y ignorance or ne^li^enee missed tli ait; or, 
inor( likely, having found it, had l>eeii induced to 
conceal their discovery by the Hudson s Lay Com- 

The provincial in liis memorial of 1745 to the king 
of Spain siu^vsted new explorations to settle the 
question of island or peninsula. 41 Father Sedelmair 
iu 174G also wrote of the matter as being still in, 
doubt among the missionaries, but the mystery could 
be solved with others- -those of Quivira and Tepe- 
guaya, and of the white men who came south to 
trade- -by founding missions on the Gila and Colo 
rado. 42 But in 1746 Father Consag made his trip up 
the gulf waters in boats, and once more settled the 

ved question, and declared California a peninsula, 
whereupon Sedelmair, rejoicing in this discovery, 
claimed: "May God grant that it be, as it probably 

40 Dobbs, 44-."), \vas told by France of an old Indian in the region of 

.>!! Kivt-r. -wiiD fifteen years a.Lr<> Imd ^ r one to tlic wi 

I luJMii. s, the Tete I l.. tr;i\c! in 17- I! -!-. J)ol)l-<, !()!>, 

mentions ;i land eastward of .Japan, in -4.~> , slmwn <>u . and 

. d 1 V <iain;i in a voya;:o from I liina. I dis- 


jilui-ci i i;i 17-H, \vli iid-d ly !> .art. This S: art, 

whic-h I liavc <"] icd from :ial in tli> in ardii . the 

b above California as in the adjoined .. ])" . nch 

\vrilrr .I Ti-mi 1 : The savage- ; !-a\-fHiiiL. r > > . . - to the 

\v. s. \v. [on a strait t, upon M liirli 

: ( Is, with men who had I .old 

on i re (p. 19). 

11 | - 

a Sedelmair, /, 


for the conversion of the whole continent as 
far as Japan, Yerdo, or Tartary!" 43 and Villa Senor y 
Sanchez, giving in 1748 the first printed account of 
Consag s trip, and declaring the southern part of the 
mystery at an end, turned his attention farther north, 
and by a process of reasoning satisfactory to himself 
showed that the American coast just above 44 turned 
westward to the strait of Uriz, by which it was sepa 
rated from the Asiatic land of Hezo, and through 
which the Dutch had sailed on various occasions. 
What had been mistaken for the strait of Anian in 
past years was really the mouth of the great river of 
San Antonio flowing from the north and into the sea 
just above Cape Mendocino, where the coast turns 
westward. This was certainly a novel theory, or 
rather a verv old one revived. 44 


In 1748 Henry Ellis published his narrative of the 
voyage of the Dobbs Galley and California to Hud 
son Bay; and he joined to it an historical account of 
previous attempts to find the north-west passage, and 
a statement of the agreements on which the existence 
of such a passage was founded. The work was more 
complete than any earlier one on the subject; and the 
author, though somewhat too indulgent to the trav 
ellers whose tales favored his theories, did not com 
mit himself very fully to belief in the old fictions. 
Yet he was much impressed by the story of a Portu 
guese in London who had met a Dutchman who, 
having been driven to the coast of California, had 
found that country to be either an island or peninsula, 
according as the tide was high or low. Moreover, 
the coast above California trended north-east, a very 
strong argument in favor of a passage. Ellis did not 
know of the Russian discoveries. 45 In 1749 another 

43 Sedelmair s letterof March 20, 1747, inDoc.Hist. Max., serieiii. pt.iv. 841-2. 

44 Villa Senor y Sanchez, Theatro Americano, ii. 272-94. 

45 Ellis, Voyaye to Hudson s Bay, 1746-7- London, 1748. Map and plates ; 
also translations and reprints in later years. The same author published 
in 1750 Considerations on the Great Advantages which would arise of the 
North-west Passage. See also Venegas, Not. Cal., iii. 237-87, for a resume of 
Ellis work. 


work on t ie topic was published, tin- argument 

hem-- founded mainly on ODservations of the tidal 
currents. 46 

Before 1 7.~0 ihe Ixussians had made from the north 
west important American discoveries, which mate 
rially circumscribed the Northern Mystery in th 
direction. They had discovered the real strait, a 
had proved the existence of a lar^e hody of land <:ast 
of iioriiiern As.a, which had heeii visited a d 

different poinis. ]>ut hetween these- points, and south 
of the- southernmost, there was still room for mai: 
interoceanic pag & Accordingly in I7.">o- :> ])<! I -! 

and Huache took up the preimded discoveries of 
Fonte, presenting such facts and rumors as eould 1 
made to sustain their theory as already noted, and 
concocting a map, which 1 append, and tin- absurdi 
ties of which are sufficiently apparent without expla 
nation. 47 

Still had California a foothold for cosmographical 
mystery; for in 1751 Captain Salvador in a report 1 
the king stated that the Colorado River before reach 
ing the gull sent off a branch to the Pacific Ocean, 
which hranch was in reality the Rio de Filipinos or 
Rio Carmelo. Padre Niel had made the Colorado 
empty into the strait opposite the Carmelo, so that, 
now there was no strait, Salvador s theory was not 
without its plausibility. This, with its subsequent 
development of 1774, when Captain Anza wrote from 
the (iila of a report of the natives that a branch of 

"ilij itij of talili l to 

. r gk 11 ml n ignta 

Lond -n, 17 

/ . I nris. 17">-. I take a copy from that 

pul)lisln-il in 1701 : in MnU i- x \ <>i/. .!>;./ /., Amer. It is also in 

Miirc/Ki/f/, I""//., ].l. iii. It will In- noticed that California is e->nvrtly laitl 
<l .\vn, aiul t! y < f Chii-iknf, in Avliich tin- antli<> 

brotlu-r participatfd, is shown, hut not that of 1- in th<- >ainf f\|HMii- 

tion. Cc 7. 17-"il. ta Indiana teU 

sonic \ ision:r liij-s ami iiu-n of a di ml roniji!- 

^ucntin^ \ l.ak they are poaitive this lake ! 

d; and do attempi I Mi-<l ln-t-ks, and 

and other mat u-ilious aad t had b uuds. 




I Casinda 

P.Concept on 

240 250 


DE L ISLE S MAP, 1752. 

-All. IXC 1IR1 1-20 

tin- Colorado ran \\ ird and DOrthward, makin 

blOD that that lu-anrh mi-lit terminate in 
rranrisro ]>a\ . bo have been tin- }:\>\ plia-e t 

tin, theory that California was an islainl; thou 
those \v anting in even later times who t r< 

pure m-^TiLivn. peated the old representations in 

their and map 

In L757 the greal work of Yene^-as on California 

J puMi-hed ly .Padr.- JJurriel, a most intell 
editor, who devoted one of the three voluiiK 
appendices on voyages of explorat ion and on th 
raphy of tin.; far north. In I>urriel was t 

\ .r>t writ -if we < |>t Cahrei-a Uia-ii!), who h, 

published accural iling directions of the coast IV 
Cape Mendocino southward 18 > take comm 
on the subject, to reject the apocryphal ^ 

\\holly unworthy of credit, to ivstrict north 
i^raphy to actual discoveries, and to c< ly 
map, in print, the peninsula and the regions of t 
( ulorado and Gila as far as known. 60 lie gives, how- 
ueral ma] >, showing the northern hie 

myths, as in Do 1 Isle for the most part, but sur 
rounds those parts with a dotted line, and cL his 
work as follows: "Well then, some one says, what 
coasts, rivers, lakes, provinces, nations, peop! . 
are there in North America beyond California 
Blanco, Bio de Aguilar, Ixio Colorado, Moqui, a 

48 S;ilv:itlor, in Doc. 7//V. JAr/\, scric iii. pt. iv. CGl-^.. He r - 113 

r zoate aa tiie best for the occupation iia. J 

/ "!-., iii. l JO-1 ; A hnrch iir^ < viii. 

a ni;i]> i f 17-".") l>y H. Moll, making Calif ornia an island. 11 

J\iimrl.,l,j, . (l,,d t/1 . Au/V/i"- 

]>7<>, i>. t. Many map* in the New ^ 

,t it as . ml, as tlu^c < 

otlii-i^, ami they extend ( alil ornia up t latiti; . , iiu-liulini, r Ni-\v 
( iinstiiiiani s atla-< of 1 7-V> malvcs ( aliforniaan i.-land rt-ai-hin^ to latit 

1 jijcl in I7i ! , e that it u not true that Calif on 

\\ in. Is ami tiili-s, is som* ;i^nla ami at other tinu 

"Nr\v ^ o|k N///i in 1^7 f-|>"k ! of a geography pul>li>!ul i .i J.oiuiuii in 
in which Californi.-: -rilit-.l ami n. u islaml. 

49 1 . . .Manila. 17. !t. 

<lriil, 17">7; \ol. iii. is (li-votf<l : 
ra]hy ami a n-futatioii < 

17T-, ai>o did iv : irate ideas u; 

.V. i.. I. y 



New Mexico towards the north for 50 degrees? Ex 
cept what has been learned on our Atlantic side, and 
the little made known by Russian voyages in the 
South Sea, I readily reply in a word, which causes 
me no shame nor ought to any good man, Ignore, 
Nescio, Yo no lo so." 

f m 

NaiiK s_iircf i\cd witli nn xnot in the original 


With Muller s narrative of the Russian discoveries 
Thomas Jefferys, geographer to his British majesty, 
published in 1761, besides De 1 Isle s map which I 
have already given, two general maps, in which a con- 







f ^M b "* 




I> W 




tinuous coast is shown up to the far north, with indi 
cations of Aguilar s entrance, Fuca s entrance, and 
the " pretended entrance" of Fonte. One of the maps 
shows a River of the West flowing from Lake Wini- 
pigon into the Pacific at Aguilar s entrance, in 45, 
while a possible river runs farther south to Pro de 
Anno nuevo; but in the other the great river is 
called St Charles, or Assiniboels, terminating at the 
mountains of Bright Stones; while the southern river 
is called River of the West, being doubtfully con 
nected through Pike s lake and Manton s river with 
the Missouri. The lower course of these streams 
into the Pacific is not shown except as on the other 
map. The main coast above 50 is " supposed to be 
the Fou-Sang of the Chinese." A fourth map in this 
work is one that purports to be of Japanese origin, 
which I copy. 51 

In 1768 the same Jefferys published and furnished 
maps for another work, written perhaps by Theodore 
Swaine Drage, and devoted to the defence of Fonte s 
voyage by an enthusiastic believer in the north-west 
passage. I reproduce the general map, which not 
only shows De 1 Isle s ideas of Fonte s discoveries as 
modified by the royal geographer, but also contains 
the general features of Jefferys earlier maps, as already 
described. The western portions not shown on my 
copy are the Russian discoveries, of which details are 
given in another volume. It will be seen that in 1768 
it was easier to find the interoceanic passage than to 
miss it; but earthquakes or something have since 
changed the face of nature in that region. 52 

It was in 1766-8 that J. Carver, the American 
traveller, made his visit to the upper Mississippi and 

51 Mulleins Vo>/ac/es from Asia to America, . . Translated from the High 
of S. Multer. London, 17G1. Long the standard authority on the Russian 
discoveries. The map is taken from a Japanese map of the world brought 
over by Kempfer and late in the Musseum of Sr Hans Sloane. 

^Jcfferys 1 The Great Probability of a North Went Passaae; deduced from 
Observations on the letter of Admiral De Fonte. London, 1768. On this map, 
as on Jefferys earlier ones, are marked the Mountains of Bright Stones 
mentioned in the map of the Indian Ochagach. 


St Pi ;ii({ iii his look, publish 1 i* ii \ 

&r t hr -.1 t<> his adventures an account of fur 

I ll j rapliy, purporting to 1.. ;mdcd on 

statements of the Indians to the author, but which 

mi^ lit with his map havr been unpilrd from r.-irlirr 
MJitions, t UK! maps, as the will ] 

Nor does tho ma; ree altogether with tin; 

CARVEK S M.M-, 177^. 

narrative. Carver s ^rcat achievement, how<-vi-r. v 
the invention of a new name for the mythic river of 
the west. 1 He called it the Oregon. The nam.- 
sounded well, was adopted l>y the po<-t Urynnt in his 
immortal / //"// i, and became permanent. 53 

03 - i tJic I \ <>,-th-.\ 

. London, 177s. ,illy ix. 71; 7. 1 17 5 

He nunu .s "the Kivcr (Ji\" c . Kl OivganJ, or tiic River of tho 


We have DOW reached the period when actual 
exploration came to the aid of conjecture; and here, 
since it is not my present purpose either to speak of 
Alaskan discoveries or to follow the search for the 
north-west passage in Arctic waters, the topic of the 
Northern Mystery may properly be dropped. The 
only connection between the mystery and the voy 
ages of the succeeding period, to be noticed in the next 
chapter, is that the former was gradually broken up by 
the latter; that the navigators were constantly seek 
ing for the old mythic channels and failing to find 
them. 54 Indeed, to the Spaniards this search was the 
only important feature of their explorations. They had 
no desire for territorial possessions in the far north; 
long ago they had given up the hope of finding rich 
kingdoms there; but if, as was believed by many, 
there was a strait, it was of course important for 
Spain to control the Pacific entrance; and if there 
was no strait, there might be a great river giving 
access by water to the regions of New Mexico. This 
was the last phase of the mystery in Spanish eyes; 
and on its clearing up they promptly retired, leaving 
the north to English, Americans, and Russians. The 
nature of the coast, with its complicated net- work of 
islands and channels, rendered it necessary to explore 
every nook and corner before it could be absolutely 

West, that falls into the Pacific Ocean at the straits of Aiinian as one of 
the four great rivers which, rising within a few leagues of each other, flow 
respectively into Hudson Bay, Atlantic Ocean, Gulf of Mexico, and Pacific 
Ocean. The Indians spoke of a great lake, larger than Superior, x. w. of 
Winnepeek, which Carver thinks to be the Archipelago or broken waters that 
form the communication between Hudson s Bay and the northern parts of 
the Pacific Ocean. The great range of mountains reached 47 or 48; that part 
of the range west of the St Pierre was called the Shining Mountains, being 
covered with large crystals, and doubtless rich in gold and silver ; while some 
of the nations farther west have gold so plenty among them that they make 
their most common utensils of it supposed to be Mexican tribes that 
escaped northward at the conquest. To the west of these mountains, when 
explored by future Columbuses or Raleighs, may be found other lakes, rivers, 
and countries, full fraught with all the necessaries or luxuries of life; and 
where future generations may find an asylum. See Hist. Oregon, this series. 
5i The last actual voyage through the mythic strait was perhaps that of 
Baron Uhlefeld, in 1773, who made it on a Danish government vessel, the 
Northern Crown, according to a Danish periodical cited by Navarrete, 
Viages Ap6c., 177. 



m aw .. 

K C 

JANVH:I; > MAP, 17 s - . 


certain that no inland passage existed; therefore 
there was room for doubt and discussion not only 
until 1800, but throughout the next quarter century, 
during which period appeared many of the works cited 
in this chapter. The general summaries of Forster 
and Fleurieu appeared before 1800; later ones were 
those of Navarrete in 1802 and 1849, of Amoretti in 
1811, of Burney in 1813, of Lapie in!821, of the North 
American Review in 1839, and of Greenhow and Twiss 
in 1846. Many maps might yet be cited to illustrate 
how slow were geographers to take full advantage of 
new discoveries; but no new theories were evolved, 
and errors were either the result of negligence or 
were of local signification only. I present Janvier s 
map, published in Paris in 1782. It is somewhat re 
markable, as another writer has said in substance, 55 
that in California, Nevada, Arizona, and Utah, the 
very regions in which the wonderful riches of Cibola, 
Quivira, Teguayo, and the great lake w r ere anciently 
located by blundering conjecture and groundless false 
hood, should have been actually found in later times 
the greatest mineral wealth of North America. 

55 Taylor s First Voy. to Gal. by Cabrillo, preface. 





II H VOYAGI - I>n : I ; Tin-: ) 

-Tin: \VOKI.I) KNCOM - l- i.i -TiiE 

LIMIT DUAKI; russini.v J: i J,AT; 

Til THE DisroVKRKR, OF OREGON < \ <>Y\ 




\\:7. TO LATiTrnE FiFTY-nvr. Ix>Ti:r 





now come to the actual exploration of tin; 
1 \icific coast above latitude fort y-tw< >. The first ep< 
of that exploration extends chronologically down 
1774, and includes four expeditions onlv: those of 
Ferrelo in 1.143, of Drake in 1579, of (iali in ; 
and of X izcaino and A- nilar in 1G03. These ar< 
only voyages, it we > scept the apocryphal one of 
Juan de Fu-a in 159G, in which European navi-- 
i-radicd, or claimed to rradi, with any d-^ree of 
])lausililiiy. the Oregon Territory. All of thrm 1.. - 
long more closely to the annals of the south than of 
the north, and have tln-ivfore IKVII fully dcscril-d in 

rlier volumes of this series. 

Bartolome Ferrelo, the successor of Juan liodri- 

Cal)rillo ; commanding two small V- 3, the > 


Salvador and Victoria, despatched by the Spanish 
government to explore as far northward as possible, 
being the first European craft to sail on Californian 
waters, left Cape Pinos, in latitude 39 as he be 
lieved, February 25, 1543. For three days he ran 
north-westward, one night s sailing meanwhile being 
southward, with a strong south-west wind, until on 
the 28th he was in latitude 43. During one night he 
kept on north-westward,, but on March 1st was struck 
by a gale and driven north-eastward toward the land 
and destruction. Before the vessels struck, however, 
there came a storm with rain, which drove them back 
and saved them. The highest latitude as estimated 
by Ferrelo was 44. It does not appear that any land 
Avas seen above a point some twenty leagues from 
Cape Pinos ; but at the northern limit birds and float 
ing wood indicated the nearness of land, hidden by the 
fog; and farther south, between latitude 41 and 43, 
indications of a large river were seen or imagined. 
On the return Cape Pinos was sighted on March 3d. 
The northern cruise had lasted six days. 1 

The narrative supplying no description of land 
marks in the north, Ferrelo s northern limit must be 
determined by his latitude and by his sailing from 
Point Pinos. Taking his highest observation in 43, 
deducting an excess of from 1 30 to 2 noted in all 
his latitudes on the Californian coast, and accepting 
his own estimate of progress after the observation of 
February 28th, we have 42 or 42 30 as the highest 
point reached. The result of the other test depends 
mainly on the identity of Pinos. If that point was 

1 The source of all real information about this voyage is the Cabrillo, de 
lation, or original diary, probably written by Juan Paez, and printed in 
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 165-91, and in Florida, Col. Doc., 
173-89. Other works that may be consulted on the siibject, containing 
comments and slight variations, are: Herrera, dec. vii. lib. v. cap. iii.-iv. ; 
Veneyas, Not. Cal, i. 181-3; Laet, Novus Orbis, 306-7; Navarrete, in Sulil y 
Mexicana, Viage, xxix.-xxxvi. ; Id., Viages Ap6c. , 32-4 ; Taylor s First Voyage 
to the Coast of Cal. . .ly Cabrillo; Burners Chron. Hist., i. 220-5; and Evans 
and Ilenshaw, Translation and Notes, in U. S. Geog. Surv., Wheeler, vii. arch., 
pp. 293-314. There are plenty of further references, but they lead to no addi 
tional information. 

Dl; OB. 

as hi in1 A (" the present ma 

ii -laimed by . i ])t-r!i;i))> latitude 

imi high I M- Ferrelo s position on March 1st: but 

if Pinos wa^ the point still BO railed at Mont 

evidence most convincingly indi ii i- 

tolerablv certain that n< higher latitude than ot 

Cape Niendocino was attained. To present tli 
ments would lie to repeat need! / my account of 
the voyage to California, to which I nTer the readi 
At the most Kerrclo, without seeing land, pa me 

tlii niik-s hcyond the present Oregon houndary; 
but it is almost certain that he did not enter Ure^oii 
wa : and it is my opinion,;: -d in a tor;: 

volume of this series, that he did not pass ( ape M, 

Fi-aucis Drake s claims t-> he consideivd the dis 
coverer of Oregon are in some resp hetter than 

tliosc of the Levantine pilot, though not heyoiid the 
reach of doubt. The English corsair, having entered 
the Pacific by way of Magellan Strait, and having 

1-nigh loaded his vessel, the d u/tfcii Him I. v, 
Spanish plunder on the e < of South and (.\.-nt 
America, set sail from Guatulco, on the coa-t >f 
Oajaca, in 15 40 r , on April 10, 1579. lli> purp- 
was to find if possible a northern passage by which 
lie might return to England, thus avoiding not only 
the long a;:d stormy southern route, but also i 
ri>ky encounters with the Spaniards lie had rohb- 
His course lay far out into the ocean north-westward 
until early in June, when lie approached the land 
somewhere between 4 J and 4s . according to his own 
ob>ei-vations 01- estimate He even anchoivd in a had 
harbor; but on account of rough weather, and particu 
larly of excessive cold, very grossly exa ated in 

the narrative, decided to abandon* the B ! i f<>! 
strait and to return southward, which he did, following 
the- coast down to 38, or thereabout, to a California!! 

Hif. O//., vol. i. chap, iii., tl. :js, wlu far- 

en i ivcn. 


port respecting the identity of which I have had much 
to say elsewhere. 

In the first printed account, that published by Hak- 
luyt in 1589, it was stated that the northern limit of 
Drake s voyage was latitude 42, reached on June 5th; 3 
and there was an inscription to the same effect on 
Hondius map, made before the end of the century, 
which I have already reproduced.* As early as 1592 
the English annalist Stow, as quoted by Twiss, wrote : 
"He passed forth northward, till he came to the lati 
tude of forty-seven, thinking to have come that way 
home, but being constrained by fogs and cold winds 
to forsake his purpose, came backward to the line 
ward the tenth of June 1579, and stayed in the lati 
tude of thirty-eight, to grave and trim his ship, until 
the five and twenty of July." Again, in 1595 John 
Davis the navigator wrote: "After Sir Francis Drake 


was entered into the South Seas, he coasted all the 
western shores of America until he came into the 
septentrional latitude of forty-eight degrees, being on 
the back side of Newfoundland." 5 Low in 1598 gave 
the limit as 42, probably following Hakluyt, as did 
Camden in 1615. 6 In an anonymous discourse of the 
century, written perhaps by one of Drake s asso 
ciates, we read: "Here Drake watered his ship and 
departed, say ling northwards till he came to 48. gr. of 
the septentrionall latitud, still finding a very lardge 
sea trending toward the north, but being afraid to 
spend long time in seeking for the straite, hee turned 
backe againe, still keping along the cost as nere land 
as hee might, vntill hee came to 44. gr.," that is, Drake 

s Hakluyt s Voy., London, 1589. I have not seen this edition, but take the 
statement of Twiss, Hist. Or., 26-57. 

4 See map before given. The dotted line shows Drake s route, and the 
inscription, not copied, is opposite the northern termination of that line. I 
take the map from the Hakluyt Society reprint of Drake s World Encompassed, 
the editor of which work states that it was originally attached to a Dutch 
narrative of the voyage, Corte beschryvinyhe, etc., apparently a condensed 
translation of a document similar to the World Encompassed. 

5 Davis 1 World s Hydroy. Discov., as cited by Greenhow and Twiss. 

6 Low, Meer oder Seehanen Buch, 48; Camden, Annales Rervm Angli- 
carvm, cited by Twiss. 



Dav. on the California coast. 1 In his editi f 1000 
liakluvt made a change in tin- latitude and wrote: 

"lieu l>e<>-anne to ihinke of his hest way to the 


Malucos, and finding himselfe \vl now v 

In-calmed. ll- tliat of 11- 

enforced fco take a Spanish con. . -ly 1 .ilr 

somewhat Northerly to ovt a winded Wee therefo 

and sayled ( <)(). league, at, the ]. for a 

winde, and thu> much \ tiled from the | ;. 
l April, till the :5. of ,} ui; The 5. day <>t J one, lei 
in -I:), decrees t->\\a)-ds the ])] Arcticke, wee found 
the avre so colde, that our men heini;- g 
jtinehed with the same, complained of the extremitie 
thereof, and the further we went, the more the rolde 

ilie d Upoil Us. \VhereU])oll We thought it ]> 

for that time to seeke tin- land, and did so, finding it 
not mountainous, hut low jilaine land, till \ came 
within :\ -wards the line." 

ilaklu\t s account was followed l>y Purelias and by 
most other early write;- eept De Laet, who mad-- 
latitude 40 the northern limit. 11 The author of the 
Fdunmx V<>!i<j< is not known: hut it is not unlikely 
that ILakluyt himself compiled it from papers a 
verhal statements of Drake s companioi A new ac 
count was compiled and published in HrJS l>y Drak 
nephew from the notes of Francis Fk-teher, who ac 
companied the corsair as chaplain or preacher, and of 
others. 11 

I proceed to <{uote all of this narrative ivlati: 

TA <T / Frit if >* ]),-l MS. of Uritish ^Insi/uin. iu 

Haklnyt Soc. ed. of Drae IT-//-/ / J; /n-<,,/ii . !x">-4. 

I I n-li fur ;i 7u>rthc: 

V- /- / , . in // . . i 10, 

T i i 7. 

10 /." , tfowu Orl reenhow < MI following Ilaklu;. 

l} I)rnk<. I lf World Encompassed i>>i - s > / 
V (->n< < <i<> in t 

r Fronds / hit in*. 

o fn /* hi-i/o// . . Lomloii. K rjS: also eda. of 163*2 ami 1 < 

Tlu- l.-itrst ;m<l 1 cst is th;it .f tin- U.-ikluyt Sot-icty of 1 s."> K with :i\>] 
mid iiitroihictioii l>y \\". S. \V. \";m\. The ;i|>|H iulirrs includ 
] <>>/<i-l * tV"in 11 .klnyt, ;nnl also srvo-al MS. luirniti 1 . uts oil the 

BUDJect in fact all the i-videi: -, e. 


the northern part, except a portion of the long dis 
quisition on the climate: 

"From Guatulco wee departed the day following, 
viz., Apr ill 16, setting our course directly into the sea, 
whereon wee savled 500 leagues in longitude, to get a 

*J O O O 

winde: and betweene that and June 3, 1400 leagues 
in all, till we came into 42 of North latitude, where 
in the night following we found such alteration of 
heate, into extreame and nipping cold, that our men 
in generall did grieuously complaine thereof. . .the 
very roapes of our ship were stiffe, and the raine 
which fell was an vnnatural congealed and frozen sub 
stance ... It came to that extremity in sayling but 
2 deg. further to the Northward in our course, that 
though sea-men lack not good stomaches, yet it seemed 
a question to many amongst vs, whether their hands 
should feed their mouthes, or rather keep themselues 
within their couerts . . . Our meate, as soone as it was 
rcmooued from the fire, would presently in a manner be 
frozen vp . . . The land in that part of America, bearing 
further out into the West then wee before imagined, 
we were neerer on it then wee were aware; and yet 
the neerer still wee came vnto it, the more extremitie 
of cold did sease vpon vs. The 5 day of lune, we 
were forced by contrary windes to runne in with the 
shoare, which wee then first descried, and to cast anchor 
in a bad bay, the best roade wee could for the present 
meete with, where wee were not without some danger 
by reason of the many extreme gusts and flawes that 
beate vpon vs, which if they ceased and were still at 
any time, immediately upon their intermission there 
followed most uile, tliicke, and stinking fogges, against 
which the sea preuailed nothing, till the gusts of winde 
againe remoued them, which brought with them such 
extremitie and violence when they came, that there 
was no dealing or resisting against them. In this 
place was no abiding for vs; and to go further North, 
the extremity of the coald . . . would not permit vs ; and 
the windes directly bent against vs, hauing once gotten 


vnder line, com fco ti th- 

>rd \\hethcr wee would or i. I Yoin tin- li.-i^l 

,in wl. now wee wt 

land, -i long s t it , to bee but 1 . nd i 

hill (wli. w in.-n 

but none verie bigh), though it v, in ./ . ;md the 
stiime in his n< it approch vnto them, beiE 
with snow. . .Wee coniecture, thai fit! no 

atallth; h these Northerne G vhirh 

is i if there be, th it is vnnauigable. 

Ide I that though w< -in-lied th 

diligently. :i vnto th .. . : found wee i 

land to tivnd so much , point in any pi.-. 

1 /ards the Kast, hut rulh.T running on coiHintially 

Noilh-wcsi, f it wmt directly t et with Asia." 

I liav thus placed lx ler all that i> 

sown about Drake s northern voyage. I do not dccin 

it i try to name the many writers who ha\ 

.1 and some of whom have commented on all or 
part of the evidence cited. 12 Between the - -f of t 
} <ii/<i?/(> and the latitude 48 of the IT- 
Encompassed there has been much dl uce of opin 
ion .ally during tl rial disputes bc i t\\- 
England and the United States, the ijucstion of ori 
nal discovery of the Oregon Ti-i-ritt-ry hein^ invil\ 
I mav the reader to Greenhow and Twi 
champions in the partisan discussio The proc, 

aiing, or rather of special jileadiiiLf, more in- 
! than convincinu , is to attack th leralcr- 

i!)ility of one narrative, pointing out and c-x,- 1 

defects and discrepancies, and to co d and - 

plain similar defects in the other, naming also i 
.inent writers who have adopted ii 

- in most disci us, a lar^e space is also devoi I 

p. iii.. r a full list of autli 

I:; II..M /?, 

Or., 2 ifdly tlh- 

adv;iii: tin- i 

his opponi iit s Man : his 

triumphs thcr. .aving no lc;iring on \\i< ic. 


on both sides to arguments bearing on the accuracy 
of the disputant s position on irrelevant or unimpor 
tant questions. I have no space for the examination 
of each petty point; but neither of the rival narra 
tives has been proved spurious or wholly unreliable, 
or indeed free from serious defects. 

From the marked differences in statements of writers 
who were contemporary with Drake, and whose good 
faith in this matter is not questioned, the reader will 
perhaps conclude with me that Drake s companions in 
their notes and verbal statements did not agree respect 
ing the northern limit of the voyage; that observations 
in the north had been few and contradictory; that 
possibly the regular diary, if any had been kept, was 
lost, and memory alone depended on ; and at any rate 
that the truth cannot be known respecting the latitude 
of the freebooters landfall. But when it comes to a 
weighing of the probabilities between the Famous 
Voyage and the World Encompassed, that is between 
latitudes 43 and 48, the reader will note several 
weighty considerations in favor of the former. The 
lowest latitude was that first announced. Richard 
Hakluyt was a compiler of great reputation; his 
opportunities in this matter were of course more than 
ordinary; and the fact that he changed the latitude 
from 42 to 43 indicates that his attention was called 
particularly to this matter. The compiler of the 
World Encompassed, on the other hand, is unknown as 
a writer; he is known to have taken some liberties 
with Fletcher s notes, 14 and he was exposed to the 
temptation at least of accepting the highest latitude 
named by his authorities, both to magnify the im 
portance of his hero s services in searching for the 
strait, and to account for the excessive cold experi 
enced. And as to Fletcher s veracity and accuracy, 
our faith is not strengthened by the many glaring 

14 This is the statement of Mr Vaux, the editor of the Hakluyt Soc. 
edition, 12, a portion of Fletcher s MS. on an earlier part of the voyage being 



ab> M :- li f tl. by his 

lio JOD :ind (. i-ni.-i <; i 

notably tli d liills in ,J 

ie COlli >ld ; by tin; 

fact that Ponce ter 

kn ;t li [oreover, Ivancc oi 

of latitude in two da; ;ds 

not -uriir nothing of tli 

tli; above latitude 38 trends ;il\ 

north-west, without turning so nuu-li as a poi 
tl)> <!. 

I i-efore led to conclude th.-it Drake w, 

prol).- ;_;! i not certainly, the ii ! 

t from ( ;>;> idocin< . 

of Ciip<j niaiK-o, including fifty or ! I 

( )iT .;--!i c but that his claim to disrov >ve 

latitud- i- not supported ly ing evid 

Two interesting quo I might have arisen in con 

nection with this voyage, hut ! did, 

took no si to profit by Dr; >overy. T! 

tir-t is, v/iiat territorial rights, if any. do the dis- 
coveri- s ! a privateer or outlaw - upon his 

nation? And the second, did not Cabrillo s voyag . 
extending to latitude 43 or 44 , according to an offi 
cial diary written in good i, gi r the. 

next two centuries and more tli rritorial i-ights 

if lie had really reached the latitude na. 
though we may now he certain that lie did not . 

The third v fe of the period, that of Francisco 

(Jali, requires hut a brief n here, 
claim that it extended to the Xorthv.v-t Co. nd to 

latitude . r >7 30 anp-ai-s to have no other l 

than the niisivpv tation or blunder of a t ra or. 
Gali came across from Asia in 158 I and 1 the 

coast in latitude :>7 .".<) . His narrative e: ly in 

a Dutch translation by Linschoten of l.V.n;, < 

printed and retranslated, A French translator chanj I 

the localitv to latitude ;")7 30 7 , and ti . "t >ail- 

. W. COABT, VOL. I. 10 


ing to correspond. Navarrete repeated the error, as 
did others relying on his authority. 15 

On January 3, 1603, Sebastian Vizcaino, in command 
of two Spanish exploring vessels, the San Diego and 
Tres Reyes, the latter being commanded by Martin 
Aguilar, sailed from Monterey to the north. 16 Just 
above Point Reyes, on the 7th, the vessels parted, 
Aguilar keeping on his way and Vizcaino turning back 
to the old San Francisco. The commander went on 
also the next day with a light wind, and by January 
1 2th was within fourteen leagues of what he supposed 
to be Cape Mendocino, in latitude 41 30 . A furious 
wind with sleet sprang up next day from the south 
east, threatening destruction. All but six men were 
down with the scurvy; they dared not go farther; and 
the vessel was hove to and awaited a favorable w T ind 
that might carry her to the south. In two days she 
drifted to Cape Mendocino; and on the 19th, when 
the fog cleared away with a change of the wind to the 
north-west, she was found to be in latitude 42, at a 
white cape near high snowy mountains, which from 
the color of the earth and from the day was named 
Cabo Blanco de San Sebastian. Thence Vizcaino 
with a favorable wind followed the coast southward 
in search of the consort. 

Meanwhile Aguilar, parting from his commander 
on January 7th, was in latitude 41 when struck by 
the south-east gale. The Tres Reyes ran before the 
wind to a shelter behind a great cliff near Cape Men 
docino; and after the wind had calmed somewhat 
"they continued their voyage close along the land, 
and on January 19th the pilot of the Fragata, An 
tonio Flores, found himself in latitude 43, w T here the 
shore makes a cape, or point, which was named Cabo 
Blanco, from which the coast begins to run to the 
north-west" -or, as Padre Ascension says, north 
east- -"and near it was found a very copious and 

15 For details of Gall s voyage see Hist. Cal, i. chap, iii., this series. 

16 jr or Vizcaino s voyage on the lower coasts see Hist. Cal., L chap. iii. 

Tin-: COMD PEEVAL. 14? 

BOlindable river, on tin- hanks of \vhich were v. 
lar gv a>hes, willows, hrainhl< .id other trei 
Castile; and wishing to enter it the current. would 
not permit Then Aguilar and Fie 

they had many sick, and had uhvady - lart 1 

tha:i tin- vie instructions required, to turn hack 

t<> Acaptilco. IJoth <lied on the \ only F m 
Lopez and four men >urvivin^ to relate their north- 
discoveries* 11 

Thus is <_dven in text and note nil that is known 
this voyage north of San Francisco, from all of wh: 
it appeal s that, as in the earlier ve then- are 

difficulties in fixing the limit re. .1. If 
the latitudes as approximately correct we mu>i MIJ>- 

that Vizcaino reached the Point St (i 
nilar the ( 1 ape FHanco <>f modern maps ju>t lulow 
itudes 4 2 and 4:> respectively. In tin- nan 
no California!! latitudes south of Mciidocino ar< 

Tor<[>n>)ri<i<!(i, M":"!,-:/. /// /., i. 7 !">--."). Padre Ascension, who was on 
aino s ship, rect ivcd from I^qto/ an account of what happened to the 

Other vessel, and v, as roi-(|ticin;!il;i :; autliMi-ity, in his 11 . us to 

confound tlic movements of the two \ He says: On tli- we 

saw the jiort of San l- rancisco. . .and we arrived at ( aji- .Mcndneino. \\ i : h is 
in 4 2 , the highest latitude whic-Ii is reached l<y the ( liina shij)s. I 
being midwinter, the cold arid rigging cruel, and almost all the men si<-k. the 
sails \vere lowered, the Cni>ihi,< t \ veto, and, as she could not strcr, tho 

c-ur rents carried hei slowly toward the land, running to the strait of Ai. 

which here has its entrance ; and in eight days we had advanced more than 

one degree of latitude, to 4!; , in sight of a point named Sa: 
which empties a river named Santa IIK s. 11 all 

in poor health, only six persons being able to stand. The f-a-t and 
land turns to the N. r.. , and this is the head and i nd of the mainland of ( ali- 
fornia. Then they turned about and examined the coast to the southward. 
In a cedula of August l!>, 1G06, tlie king, in alluding to Yi/eaino s \ 

: All that coast up to !() runs on-- part with another from 
X. w.. and for the other two , i u]> to 4 J it runs almost du i g. 1 

. i. ]!);;. V; ,. ;:, i \ r .;.. ,,^ iTproduced by Navai : 

., rin;! -. Atlas No. 4. shov, s nothing above Cape M-ndoein<) but a 
inch of trending N. i. toward ( :!pe I .lanco. Cabrn-a I .neno, in IT 

2, who dei-ivrd his information mainly from \ 

loration, but also to some i-xtciit, perha; u the observations of 

the Manila ships, begins his sailing directions with a cap- in -4l , al - 

south of whii-h was another point with some white cliffs, in 41 
called \Irndoeino, \vheiice the coast rm. - t>> a point in . > . ."UX, 

and themv t I int KV><>, in 38 3d. I .oth latitudes and coast 

trend arc very faulty, but the central point must be IN .int A: > too high, 

like Point l;, ml the northern points, eight leagues apart, must ap- 

i y be identiti* d, if at all, with t\\- udocino eiglit miles above 

and the Point (iorda fourteen miles below, the real Mendocino. 


to serve as a test; but Cabrera Bueno s latitudes, 
doubtless obtained from Vizcaino s log, show an excess 
of 30 at Point Reyes and Monterey, increasing both 
north and south to a full degree or more. This test 
would bring Aguilar back to Point St George and Viz 
caino to Trinidad. Again, there can be little doubt 
respecting the identity of Cape Mendocino, which was 
put in latitude 41 30 , so that if we place capes San 
Sebastian and Blanco respectively half a degree and 
a degree and a half beyond Mendocino we still have 
Trinidad and St George as the points reached. If we 
turn to the description of landmarks we find plenty 
of difficulties, but very little to support either theory. 
There is nowhere in the region visited a large river 
just beyond a cape. 18 Ascension s statement that the 
coast turned to the north-east might be applied to 
that beyond any one of several capes for a short dis 
tance; but the north-western trend in Torquemada s 
narrative can apply only to St George; and indeed 
the small Smith River with its lagoons just above 
that point may quite plausibly be made to serve as 
Aguilar s river, since discoveries of a strait in those 
times were made to rest on very frail foundations. In 
view of such slight evidence as exists I deem it un 
likely that Aguilar passed the present boundary line 
of latitude 42. 

Thus at the end of what has been termed the first 
epoch of Oregon history we find that Oregon was to 
all intents and purposes an undiscovered country. 
There is a strong probability that the Spaniards under 
Ferrelo and Aguilar had not passed the line of lati 
tude 42; and the probability that Drake had done so 
is not a very convincing one- -that is, it rests mainly 
oh the lack of evidence to the contrary. There is 
much- reason to suspect that if Drake s observations 
of latitude had been more frequent, or if Fletcher 

18 Unless it be the Umpqua, where the trees are said to agree somewhat 
better with Aguilar s description than at other points ; but the river is in 43 
40 , and these voyagers uniformly made their latitude too high. 


had diverted a pe. ; of hia zeal 
ie description of landmark not 1 

"NViinti.. mini did n- . wh: 

if tl h 

(1 //ions an<l observations it is \ i ;. 

their claim i<> li;ivi ied tin or a hi-di 


latitude could not IK- SUC< d. 

Nothing "w >mplished by Spain on t -n 

COasI nd the i^-iilf "{ ( alifornia ior one bund I 

and sixtj Vizcaino uirn. I)ui-l 

t! i tlu-n- v/as no lad; of exploring ]): 

ui-;_,-i <l ujxni tlir attention oi the kin;^, i\ 

i in [)rcse-ntii) her phase oi thi- i it 

tlir ^ovrrninc: >uld not IK- roii-cd to ac TI 

Avas no lon- ci- a lion. on tin- ]>arl of c in 

I litlni , of finding <jTrat and rich kingdoms in 

the north; tin- iindi i a strait was no longer d. 

ahlr to Spain. !, the fear that 

it would bo found and held )>y foreign rs had been 
somewhat allayed in official circles; there was in 

many re:. decline of Spanish power and energy, 

i multiplicity of more urgent matters 
the exploration of unknown co; Hut duni.-- t 

i-ei^n of (Yirlos III., which be^-an in 17. 
a marked revival of enter] in all dirccti< I 

that monarch was not more fortunate in his choi 
mini t home than in that of a ive in 

the Xe\V World, for which po>i(ion lie chose ,Jos/- d 

Galvez aa \ isitador ^ d. All t! 
for northern exploration remained in lull force, tl 
,i of territory, th ion of >oi;l>, tl. 

occi! ii <>f port-, for the Manila ships, the takin 
] n of a possible ii, it, and tl. 

prev >n of foreign em-i-oaelr and t] 

.itional m iii the .t 1 1 

discov in the t; /ih. Under the intelli^i nt 
and en tic supervision of Gralv* bo later becana 
miii the Indies, tl, nian > rom San 


Diego to San Francisco was promptly occupied in 
1769 and the following years, as fully recorded else 
where in this history. 19 

It had been intended to include in the general 
movement an examination of the coast far above San 
Francisco ; and that examination was hastened by new 
reports of Russian expeditions, which came by way 
of Madrid from the Spanish minister in St Peters 
burg. 20 In 1773 an expedition was planned for the 
next year. The new transport Santiago, built ex 
pressly for the Calif ornian service, was deemed the best 
vessel for the purpose; and to Juan Perez, the officer 
who in the late expeditions had been the first to reach 
San Diego and Monterey, was given the command. 
Laden with a year s supplies for the northern mis 
sions, and having on board also the returning presi- 

19 See Hist. Gal. , i. chap. iv. et seq. 

20 Maurdle, Compendia de NoticiaA adquiridas en los descubrimientos de la 
cota septentrional de la N. California, liecho por tirden del Ex m Sr. Vircy 
Conde de Revilla-Giyedo con la prolixidad pos ible (1791). This is the title of a 
MS. in the collection of M. Pinart, which contains copies of the correspond 
ence on Russian discoveries leading to the expedition of Perez. The cor 
respondence en resume is as follows: February 7, 1773, Coiide de Lasei, 
.Spanish minister in Russia, to Marquds de Grimaldi : Has heard that the 
Russian Tschericow in 1769-71 made a voyage to America; the result thought 
to be important, but kept a profound secret ; will try to unravel it. April 
llth, Arriaga, minister of navy, sends the preceding to viceroy, with orders 
to investigate. July 27th, viceroy s reply: No foreign establishments below 
Monterey; aid needed to explore beyond; has ordered Juan Perez to form 
a plan. September 25th, Arriaga to viceroy. Sends by king s order three 
letters of Lasci: first, of March 19th, has succeeded in getting from a man 
who has read the secret archives an account of the voyage of C \veliacow and 
Panowbafew in 1764; the new regions doubtless in California, and steps 
should be taken; second, of May 7th, Russian ambition is so vast that it in 
tends not only to invade China but to send an expedition against Japan 
under an Englishman; third, of May llth, the famous Haller has pro 
posed to send a Russian squadron to the American archipelago. December 
23d, Arriaga to viceroy: The king will send officers, etc. June 15, 1774, Id. 
to /(/., with another letter from Lasci confirming the others, and including a 
Calendario Ruso de 1774, which contains a mass of descriptive matter on 
northern geography, mostly quoted from Muller and Staehlin. August 25, 
1773, viceroy to Cordoba, general of the fleet: Has resolved on an expedition 
in 1774. September 1st, Cordoba approves, but is ignorant of northern 
waters. July 18th, viceroy orders Juan Perez to form a plan. September 
1st, Perez plan: He proposes to strike the coast in 45 or 50 3 , and thenco ex 
plore down the coast with the wind. The Santiago is the best vessel ; and 
the best time from December to February. A year s supplies needed, and an 
order on the presidios for men in case of sickness. September 29th, viceroy 
approves plan, but Perez must go as far as 60. Some other unimportant 
correspondence about outfit, etc.; also two orders from Spain to the viceroy 
to dislodge the Russians if found. 


dent, "Padre ,Junfpen> Srrra, with another padre and 

\\\ c)ilicial California, the /San^ia^o sailed from 
San Bias January 24th, and Jiavii -nclicd at San 

]) i at Monterey <>n May !Mli. J1 

The missionaries ( Vespf ami P-na wet .point 
1>\ Pre > act as chaplains and keep dial 

of the \<- in place of the chaplain Mu^irt.-^ui, 

an<l OD Davila took the place of 1], .lar 

su There were ei^hty-ri^ht persons on -d, 

ofli ; -n. On.lniH- Lltn, after solemn public 

pi-ay; M-.-: for t f tlie expedition, \\ 

From -y. His instructions were to make- the 

land wl nii^ht (li-mi it best, l>ut at ! 

lii^-h ititudr < ( > , and thence to follow tlu- 

ithward a LT as possible without ri.-k. No settle- 
mad* >t llic l "->t [)l;i to 

note- nd thu commander was to tak ion 

of stu-li places for the- kin^. reeling a cross at each 
and burying a Lottie with the proper doeunieni . If 
any lor .-ttlement was found, the formality <>f 

taking p ^ion must be commenced above it. All 

bablishments wc-re to be carefully examiiiL-d, hut 
not interfered with; neither to the inhabitants of siu-h 
pki nor to vessels met on the way was the nature 
of the i >n t<> be divulged; if met below M<>n. 
IVrez was to say his business was to carry 
if ab that he had been driven out of his com>e by 
the wind." This voyany was well recorded, there 
being no less than four distinct diaries extant. 23 

"/. , i. eliap. x., for an account of the voyage up to t! :irt- 

ur; fi: ey, 

M^. in tlu- Pinart rolK-./ti i]]. 1 

art . !_ . , \\ith many routim- d "ii outfit, tli;; 

of i, . A .n map >f pivtrii lr<r ili> L - ( i\ .-vies v, a : 

! . iliK il ;i / 


TllC li ) if I )/: 

-4-88; sccoml, / 

dr. /in : / I > r ..MS., in I Cn f . , No. 1. not roiui . :liir.I. 

a(i < / ide ! i BealArtnaaa, 1^4, Ms., in . . 


By reason of calms the Santiago was still in sight 
of Point Pinos on June 15th; on the 17th they lost 
sio ht of land; on the 24th were south of the Santa 


Barbara Islands; and it was not until the 29th that 
they again passed the latitude of Monterey. Then 
with winds generally favorable, but constant fogs, they 
kept to the northward, far from land; passed the line 
of latitude 42 on July 4-5, and decided on the 15th in 
a junta of officers to seek a port for water, being then 
in latitude 51 42 . For the next three days, having 
followed the coast to latitude 55, Perez tried in vain 
to round a point in that latitude, beyond which the 
coast turned to the east. As this is the first undoubted 
discovery of the territory herein designated as the 
Northwest Coast, I give his geographical observa 
tions from his movable station off the cape somewhat 
in full from three of the diaries. 24 There is some 

Compendia de Noticias, 159-75; and fourth, Perez, Tablet Diaria que contiene 
las latitudes, longitudes, variaciones, y vientos de cada 24 horas en el viaje de 
.IT74 d los descubrimientos, MS., in Ma/irelle, Compendia 179-85. See also 
biief accounts of this voyage in Navarrete, y Mex., Viaje, 92-3; Hum- 
boldt, Essai Pol., 331-2; Mofras, Explor., i. 107; Navarrete, Viages Apdc., 
53-4; Greeiihow s Mem., G9; Id., Or. and Gal., 114-17; Tiviss> Hist. Or., 
55-6; Id., Or. Quest., 68-7; Falconer s Or. Quest., 19; Id., Discov. Miss., 
62; Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 119; Palou, Vida, 160-2; Forbes 
Hist. Cal., 114-16; Cairo, Col. Tr at.,iii. 333; Overland Monthly, April, 1871, 
p. 299; Taiilor, in Cal. Farmer, August 7, 1863; Nicolay s Oregon Ter., 30-2; 
Findlay s Director >/, i. 349-50; Poussin, Question del Oregon, 38-9; Id., (7. S. t 
247; Farnham s Life in Cal., 263-7; MacGregor s Prog. Amer., i. 535. 

24 From the Tab fa Diaria: July 19th, approached a point called Santa Mar 
garita, thought to be in 55. N. of this point is seen a cape called Santa Magda- 
lena, from which the coast trends N. w. Sixteen leagues w. of that cape is an 
island called Santa Cristina, which is seven or eight leagues N. of Point Santa 
Margarita. Between the points Santa Margarita and Santa Magdalena is a large 
gulf, from which the current runs six or seven miles an hoiir. This is accurate 
enough for Point North and the southern extremities of Prince of Wales Island 
if we transpose the sixteen leagues and seven or eight leagues and reduce the 
latitude to 54 10 . Peiia s diary, or the fragment before me, does not include 
this part of the voyage. From Perez, Itelacion: 18th, sighted land in 53 53 ; 
tried to follow shore for an anchorage, but were soon prevented by rainy and 
foggy weather and s. E. wind; 19th, turned E. N. E. toward a point cut 
down by the sea, called Santa Margarita, estimated to be in 55. The coast 
from the point of discovery to Santa Margarita runs half x. N. w. and the 
other half N. From Santa Margarita s. extends a hill (loma) for three leagues, 
that seems detached from the main coast, but is not an island; and at its 
southern end half a league out at sea is a little island one league in circum 
ference, and outside of it at the same distance a rock six or eight varas high, 
and within a gunshot four or five small rocks causing breakers visible from 
afar. There are also three small islands a gunshot from Point Santa Marga- 


n, l)iit no ]>r<>l>a]>]v than 

I to ! prints: j, 1 is cl 

that k til-- of Queen ( 

1 be 1 (land, and followed it i. 

.pu Nordi, in latitude 54 15 , which he called Point 

coast runs s. from Santa A 
the ; i]n-,l point, \. it tur: 

OUt : 


lint of th. . the BD 

11 the two points is (i 

. It v. . 
scvt EC (;nid i 


. \v. IV , 

. July 21st, .11 tak -n in ." Ml thi 

the country about Dixon Strait as 

; distance; no observai of land n\ <;. 

.{ X. ; ;noky; IDth, land at dawn ci^lit 

mt; c: li .i; hind se -ms to end in \v., and 1 . vr. 

At i. ; fresher wind in aft; 

thn i from . that the eoast 

yond the c;:};e ; t -vt farther from 20til, i:i in. 

. \vilh j;. wind and 1.. 

! vrerc three 1 from the point, \vhidi 

thn : at noon no ol>.;ervation; at. } r.M. t 

the :ub now n .ne, aud not \ : l.y 

a good b: : 4 P.M. : 

21st. drizzle; at 8 A.M. turned toward t! 

:y, the day of its discover;. . i no 

i ; one fourth k-i^ue from the point which was c 

L reacl. !iat seein<-d to aneho: . .could 

point, nor iind out if it was an .1 poinL 

o the current ledoll thepo: ;moon. 

The point > :ni hill (loma), lofty, ciu 

3 like . It is about on 

points, on . i:. .]- the other to t!. 

la). Prom the point the lo\v land 

;i lea.; 

:i in the Tallin), a very h: 

romtl. -:high \ . 1 \v. 

1 N. \v. from that coast was seen asm 
;i (not 

i re if i I witli , 

.of Points ^a, and 

a Li: . could not ,t~ it 

. ; great ri\ cs th. 

it, or gulf. sea 

from the < I west of th< 

< tried to d to iiiid an .age 

behind it, but in vain. At noon latitude exactly 


Santa Margarita, in latitude 55. The strong currents 

O O 

running out of the great gulf or strait, which he did 
not name, but which is now Dixon Entrance, pre 
vented his rounding the point. In the north he could 
see the present Prince of Wales Island and others 
round it, naming the nearest point Point Muzon of 
modern maps- -Cape Santa Magdalena, and an island 
farther west, now Forrester Island, Santa Cristina, 
or as Crespi says, Santa Catalina. For further details 
I refer to the note already given. 

Though Perez did not land, he had much friendly 
intercourse with the natives, who came off in canoes, 
singing and scattering feathers on the water in token 
of peace. They were entirely friendly, but only two 
had the courage to board his ship. At one time 
there were twenty-one canoes with over two hundred 
natives about the vessel. They were glad to barter 
their dried fish, furs, wooden boxes, and images, mats 
of wool or hair, and other native products, particularly 
for knives and anything made of iron, but cared very 
little for beads and other trinkets. They had already 
some few articles of iron and copper. In accordance 
with the viceroy s instructions the people were de 
scribed as fully as possible by Crespi and the others. 

The impossibility of reaching here an anchorage and 
obtaining fresh water, together with the unfavorable 
weather, which prevented a close examination of the 
coast from point to point, determined Perez and 
his companions to abandon the effort to reach higher 
latitudes. On July 22d the Santiago was headed south 
ward. The coast was seen on the 23d and 24th, a 
range of high snowy mountains named Sierra de San 
Cristobal, thought to extend from latitude 54 40 to 
53 8 . 25 Until the 30th they had occasional glimpses 

23 TcJjla Diaria; Perez, Relation. Crespi, Diarto, 055, says that from Santa 
Margarita the coast is low for seven leagues south ; and from that low coast, in 
50 J 44 (a typographical error), the lofty mountains begin, wooded, and the peaks 
covered with snow. The sierra extends from 54 44 to 53 8 . It is 36 leagues 
long from x. \v. to s. E. The latitude on July 23d was 53 48 ; on the 24th, 
51 21 ; 25th, 53 21 ; on the 26th, 52 J 59 ; 27th, 52 41 ; 28th, 52 20 ; 29th, 51 
30 ; 30th, 51 58 ; 31st, 51 35 ; August 1st, 50 20 ; 2d, 49 24 ; 3d, 48 52 ; 

nrrrux or TIT;: >. \\TIAGO. 166 

Of Ilie c (lo\Vll to ahold latitude 

Oueeii Charlotte; hut. the fo;_.- and wind would Doi 
permit UK- elo iininat i- n in-d. Tl. Tor 

five days no land was seen, until on tli liol Au- 

i-t it reappeared, in 48 50 ; and on t! 
afternoon, niter many efforts and pra p. 

proached UK- < ; and anchored in -I .i call! 

their anchorage San Lorenzo. Tin- aneh 

C -shaped roadstead, affording )>ut slight pi n; 

the southern rocky point, extending thj 

league north-westward into th indcau k- 


, was named San Kstuvan, for the j>ilot.-, one of 
Avlioni was I ^tL-van Martinr/, wliile (lie mn-tlicni 
]ioint was calK <l Santa Clara, from the saint wl 

novena was ht-in^ observed.* 1 

San Lorenzo has heen identified l>v niodei-n vrr; 
with Xootka Sound; tlie latitude is the : later 

S ; h navigators liad no doubt of the identity id 
the description agrees as well with this as with any 
other of the numerous inlets on this part of the << 
I tetter, indeed, in respect of the distance 1> the 

two points than with the northern inlet. It iow- 
, impossible to speak positively about the identity 
of an inlet on a coast where there ai many, th 

description bein^- va^-iir, and the latitude it 

too accurate in comparison with that of oi 
as ii by Perez. San Lorenzo may h E 

peranza Inlet, north of Xootka Island,- 8 or j ibly an 

4th, -IS 7 34 ; ."Jtli. 4SMO . Tliose latitudes .ire chiefly from tin . l.ut 

tli some slight \ ;iri:itidiis in the other nvonls es[>e* ially in 

day Ixj .ninl in the August hititml 

. me l;iy licjiind in his diary. 

. Point ^.Mita (M.-ira is (Irsi-rili : x loii^iu-s from the 

i Point San Mst.-\-;ui :ea the d: n 

the points four or fire I* 1>\\ hi! th 

tree.-: one league farther inhmd liiu her ran d in the 

Jl<>: . with Sliow-coveivd 1 h" j only 

from a \. \v. wind. I isi the N. w. was alflO culled San 

Lc ?li- name I -iint ! it. 

.JJy it" Point Kstrvan is tin 
1 aid others think. In this case Point Santa < 

: : Point Maoaina or Point B in 

chapter. The; .1 in Uoth na: . In t 


inlet south of Nootka Sound. 29 The Indians came 
out in their canoes to trade. Here, as farther north, 
they were friendly, having also some articles of iron 
and copper. A boat was lowered on the 8th 30 to 
go to the shore for water; but a strong west wind 
sprang up suddenly, forcing them to cut the cable and 
put to sea, dragging the boat and narrowly escaping 
the rocky point. 

Keeping in sight of the land for seven days, but 
unable to approach it for the wind, fog, and rain, 

Perez ran down to latitude 44 33 . having seen on the 

10th or llth a lofty mountain covered with snow in 

latitude 48 7 , 31 called Santa Rosalia, and supposed by 
later writers to have been the present Mount Olym 
pus of Washington. On the loth or 16th, being in 
latitude 42 37 , they were much troubled that the fog 
prevented their search for Aguilar s river and Cape 
Blanco, noting the fact that the latitudes of the earlier 
navigators were too high. Land again appeared on 
the 21st or 22d for a short time, when what was re- 


garded as Cape Mendocino, in about latitude 40 8 , was 
seen in the north; the Farallones were passed on the 
26th; and on the 27th the Santiago anchored at 
Monterey. The voyage to San Bias lasted from Oc 
tober 9th to November 3d. 

In this expedition Juan Perez, though he had not 
reached latitude 60, as instructed, nor discovered any 
good ports, nor landed anywhere to take possession 

Este parage es justamente la boca de Nuca, which is evidently Maurelle s 
interpolation of later date. The southern point at Nootka is still called 
Este van on some maps, Point Breakers on others. Point Santa Clara must be 
the later Point Macuiiia, or at least cannot be Woody Point, as Greenhow 

3 The silver spoons found by Cook five years later came from a place south 
of Nootka Sound. Cook s Voy., ii. 282. 

3a On the 9th, according to Crespi and Pefia. My fragment of the latter s 
diary begins with August 9th. 

31 According to the Tablet, on the 10th they were in 48 9 , and thought the 
mountain to be in 48 3 5 ; the Relation has it that they saw it on the llth, when 
they were in 47 47 , and thought it to be in 48 7 . Peiia and Crespi say they 
saw it on the 1 1th, being in 48 J 9 . The mountain was in sight both days. Peiia 
notes that at first it seemed a barranca bianco, close to the shore, with high 
broken snowless land above it; but later they saw that it was some distance 
inland, and that there were other snowy mountains. 

OF p; i;,7 

Spain, imr found either lo 
pro., I of their lion- . , had 

honor of ha\ing discovered practi- the \ 

Xorthwest Coast. Ho had sur. 
of 11; o great islands that mak<- up i of 

]>ritish Columbia, giving the iirst d 

n.-r : he had Been and described, tlioi 
and fro;:: a distance, nearly all of the v 

. and a large part of the Oregon. He had g 
to his nation whatever of credit and territorial dai 
may be founded on the mere act of first < iy. 

To give any degree of precedence in these respe 
to later navigators who were enabled to m;. 
more detailed examination is as absurd as to iv 

. ~~ 

the officers of the United States coast sui . who 
done such llent ser for ge< :id 

commerce, as the discoverers of the Northwest C 
Whether Perez made the best use of his opportunit 
it is very difficult to decide. Maurelle in 1791 criti 
cises most severely a conn nan-. \vlio was driv 
)>a<-k by thirst when he might easily have can 
ter for six months; who complained of the scur 
when only one man was lost; who could find no an 
chorage on a coast where many good ports < d; 

and who with his associates co.uld write so many 
diaries with so little information. 1 And Mr Greenlm 
says: " The government of Spain, perhaps, acted wi> ly 
in concealing the accounts of the expedition, wh! 
reflected little honor on the courage or the science 
of its navigators." 33 It seems to me, however, that 
the criticisms are severe, since the diaries contain 
a tolerably good account of all that was lean. 
in the voyage; and Perez, a bold and 
pilot, was a better judg 1 than I, possibly better than 
the writers named, of the difficulties in the way of 
learning more. It should be added that no account 
of this voyage was given to the world until the ap- 

" . 17" 
- rf Ui: CU .,110. 


pearance of Navarrete s resume in 1802, which con 
tained only a very brief outline of the facts. 

The second exploring expedition of the epoch fol 
lowed closely upon the first, being despatched in 1775. 
Naval officers had been sent out from Spain, as prom 
ised in correspondence already noted, to tal^e charge 
of the San Bias department with its Californian and 
exploring service. The}^ accordingly took command 
of the four vessels sailing to the north this year, 
two bound for California with mission and presidio 
supplies, the others for the coasts farther north. 
Bruno Heceta, lieutenant and acting captain, was 
commander of the expedition, and the vessel chosen 
for his flag-ship was the Santiago of the last year s 
voyage. Juan Perez went on her aispiloto, or sailing- 
master, and second in command; Cristobal Revilla 
was his mate; and the chaplains were the Franciscan 
padres Campa and Sierra, who became missionaries 
in California. The ship also carried a quantity of 
supplies for Monterey. The schooner Sonora, alias 
Felicidad, was selected as the consort, commanded by 
lieutenant Juan Francisco de Bodega y Cuadra/* with 
Alferez Antonio Maurelle as piloto. Supplies for a 
year s cruise were taken, and the force of both vessels 
numbered one hundred and six men. Heceta s instruc 
tions were the same as had been those of Perez, except 
that latitude 65 instead of latitude 60 was named as 
the northern limit. They sailed from San Bias on 
March 1 6th, the schooner towed by the ship ; but the 
winds were not favorable, and it was not until May 
21st that they reached the latitude of Monterey, 
where it was decided in council not to enter. They 
finally drew near the land in 42 on June 7th, and 
followed the coast southward until they discovered 
.the port of Trinidad. Heceta s operations on the 
Californian coast, like those of Ayala and Quiros in 

31 Lieutenant Juan B. Ayala wasr at first put in command, with Cuadra as 
his second; but he had to be transferred to the San Carlos. 

the other v Is of this year, have IK.VII , dy rc- 

Thr Santiago and Sonora left Trinidad on June I 
for the i, bher until the en July. 36 

Lit no: I in fche un- 

\\\\ ral vari winds; hut 1>> .Jin. 

they v. hundred L 

t. Cuadra and Maurelle were in E 
still fartluer out, so as to run far to th-.- n 

the wind hut II 

the judgment of Perez, as indeed his i. 

quired him t 1 the \vii, 

from ;i soul i (jiiarter, favorahl [>ro<_ 

the coast northward. Wlien the wind 
it was IV:.; n the west and north-west, driving them 

landward sooner than they desired OnJu! y 

// -/. ( : ., i. r .iap. \i. 

n ( fata .<:],!, (/;, ,,/i t in 

J/> No. \-[. 18 a narrative, no iiuthor ! .mn->l. <>f /<- 

t ) August l-">t!i, cuinj)U tr(l down to August : 

1)\- //- . ///<-, Xo. _ . ! - 3 

move! of couiv.o incluilfd down to the :. // 

the coniinaudcr .s imr: utially but not literal 

the i>:xvcdi;, L have only an extract rulu: ia 

.llivi-r region, given ! uhow. /> <// /a // Ctiadra, V\ 

in I , is a narrativi- l>y ( uadi-a hi. f 

i gust 4th to Xvi-nil)er 20th, after the separa: del Vfagt dt // N. . /;;-, MS., in V .u . X-.. 

is the second itive of the \vhc>!> <-f th ;or 

and of the ship so 1 ; they w ier, \virli 

etic., at the end. J/ ./////"/ o/ a I "// . / "" ^ 

lished ainoH f /. ! a nar- 

rat: oilar to bat not identical with that ! Mieil. ! map, 

introduced by thy pului illnstrat 

., in I 

by i te same ground a Lnuvlle. // . / 

in" . ii. -l! -{:>, _ . narrative of ;!.. ge 

of d OH ; " diarie>. but inueh con 

fused in ; i-inal "f thi> of the p : <r t 

if u to be 

ant. Sir Lea on 11 

minor - to w it mention the voyage, i .1 

ini for I ere/ v. 

and : also / . in .!/ vii. - 

lx\x. ; .!/ ; : . 

.V. . 2-4; . 

/>>/ ../"//, (iJ; /. > !; /, . > .11: - /!<- 

Ania/<t, ("/.. 1 : . i. -o O; . 

Greenhow, pp. 430-3, gives a quoi -rt, an ig 

quotation fr !c is fouud in i >\ Doc., 2oth Con<j., ..//. 

.fte^. ^Yu. lul, i 7. 


recognized their proximity to the coast, supposing 
themselves to be near the northern point of Fuca 
Strait, according to the French map of M. Bellin, and 
on the llth sighted land in latitude 48 26 . Search 
ing southward in vain for an inlet or port, the vessels 
anchored on the 13th in latitude 47 23 , 37 the schooner 
behind a point and a line of shoals, which proved a 
very dangerous anchorage, and the ship outside some 
miles farther south. 

The place where the Spaniards were now anchored 
was the Point Grenville of modern maps, in latitude 
47 20 . A barren island farther north, which they 
discovered and named Isla de Dolores, was Destruc 
tion Island. They had proved that Fuca s imaginary 
strait did not exist between latitudes 47 and 48; and 
their landfall had been a few miles too far south to 
reveal the strait that now bears Fuca s name. To the 
anchorage, which one diary at least calls Rada de 
Bucareli, 38 according to Navarrete, or to the point, 
as Greenhow says, the name of Martires was ap 
plied, in consequence of the disaster to be mentioned 
presently. I do not find any record of the name, 
however, in the original narratives. On July 14th 
/ Europeans set foot for the first time on the soil of 
the Northwest Coast. Captain Heceta, with Padre 
Sierra, Surgeon Davalos, the second piloto, Cristobal 
Revilla, and a few sailors, landed in the moriiing to 
erect a cross and take formal possession, though the 
time did not permit the celebration of mass. But 
few Indians were present at the ceremony, and they 
were" altogether friendly; indeed they had before 
visited the ship in a canoe, carrying skins to barter 
and inviting the Spaniards to land. 

37 This is the latitude given in ffeceta, Espedition, and Manrdlc, Diario. 
In Heceta, SeynndaExplor., it is 47 24 , and in MtiurcUe # Journal, 47 21 . In 
the table at the end of Id. the latitudes by observation and reckoning respect 
ively are given as follows: July 9th, 47 37 and 47 44 ; 10th, 47 35 and 
47 45 ; llth, 48 28 and 48 32 ; 12th, 47 39 and 48 1 ; 13th, 47 28 and 
47 41 ; 14th, 47 20 and 47 24 . The variations arc no greater than would 
naturally result from the observations on two vessels. 

38 So called also in JlevillaiGiyedo, Informe, 12 Al>rll, 1793. 

AT v Tin: \ATIV MI 

The scl: nchor mil rth, 

was also visited this day and the pr ing by la; 

iiiimb i Indians, who \\ lly 

f >r artid F iron, and who \\ 

live in tin ir a of friendship, in the 

strangers fcovisil their rancherla. After he BU< 

in removing the Sonora from her dangerou 

among the shoals, ( uadr I a pa! 

bore to obtain wood and wat. He tru-ied 
: jVi< on of the natives and to p 

perience at Trinidad. Six men, under command 
of the boatswain Pedro Santa Ana, were accord 

> land in the boat. The Jndi 

hundred in number, were hidden in the woods near 
the landing, and no sooner had the Sp rds 1 
the boat than they rushed to attack them. Two 
sprang into the sea and were drowned; the r 

re immediately killed and torn in p . the boat 
also being broken up for the nails. Cuadra could 
allord no succor, having no boat, even if he had b< 
able to man o The sava n ca; ;f in their 

canoes and surrounded the schooner, as if to pr 
her departure; but one of the canoes venturing t 
near had six of its men killed by the guns of the 
Spaniards. On rejoining the ship, Cuadra and soi 
others desired to march with thirty m< 

Indians to avenge the massacre, but a council 


that such an act would be unwi 

The council also discussed the expediency of send 
ing the S<>IK>I <I back to Monterey, on account of 1 

c? / * 

ize- thirty-six feet L twel\ wide, and 

lit feet dee]) the rou^h weather, and the difficulty 

^J 1 C? * 

keeping the vessels together. But Cuadra and Man- 

ivlle insisted on bein- - allowed to |)rocei d. uivm^ that 

^ i 

v were noi likely to experience worse weal her tb 

that which they had survived; and lleceta. with t 
assent of most of the officers, d. d in tb avor. 
Six men were furnished to replace tb. 
on the evening of the I 1th the tv .iil. 

HIST. N. \Y. COAST, VOL. I. 11 


The course was westward, and losing slightly in lati 
tude, by the end of the month they were over one 
hundred leagues from the coast. Meanwhile, on the 
19th, Perez and the surgeon in writing 1 advised a iv- 

7 O O 

turn southward, on account of sickness, contrary winds, 
and the lateness of the season; but Cuadra and 
Maurelle again opposed such action, and the com 
mander yielded again to their advice. On the 30th 
a wind from the north struck the vessels and separated 
them. Let us follow Heceta and the Santiago: On 
the morning of July 31st, in latitude 46 42 , the 
schooner being no longer in sight, a council was held 
on the ship, in which the officers favored a return to 
Monterey, because the scurvy had not left men enough 
fit for duty to manage the vessel in case of a storm. 
Heceta yielded so far as to turn his course toward the 
coast, but in doing this he also sailed as far north as 
possible, and on. August 10th they sighted land, being 
in latitude 49 30 r , that is, in the region of Nootka. 
In the north-west was seen a mountain resembling the 
peak of Teneriffe, in about latitude 50, and another 
farther south resembling the cuchillada de Koldan in 
Valencia. Next day the master, mate, and surgeon 
renewed their warnings, Perez claiming that showers 
like those of the past year would surel} leave not a 
man for duty, and Heceta determined to follow the 
coast southward. On the 12th they noticed that in 
the first fifteen leagues above latitude 49 there were 
two salient points, with a bight three or four leagues 
deep, with a beach and low hills, which may have been 
Clayoquot Sound, or perhaps by an error of latitude 
Barclay Sound, farther south. The natives came off 
to trade, selling one of their four canoes and urging 
the Spaniards to land. 39 

According to the narratives, Heceta kept near the 
shore, anchoring often, and having clear, favorable 

39 According to Heceta, Esped. Marit., this was on August 13th, when they 
were in 49 5 ; the 14tii they were in 48 32 , and the condestuble died; the 
15 J Ji in 48 3 (or 47 34 in afternoon according to another account); Green- 
how s account of this part of the voyage is very erroneous. 


but if lliis had In ly true li 

hardly have mi I tin- cut ranee to tl i !< 

saw i -mall islands about a league from shore, 

ide IS 4V ami located 1 ><>ln, ,r 1 )<-stri: 
Island, in lalitiK, ei;^h i mil* 


<)n the lath, in latitude 17 : .! . ten Indi,-ms G 
in a canoe to trade. Th< 

ime of tho> d in the in. 

July, and efforts were made t - entice i on 
wit ha view of holding some of them as h<- 

chance any Spaniard had survived; hut I 
re too wary, and when at last \ 

tin-own at th .11 Indian 

the hack but did not hold. 

Still keeping near tin; A -d shore, {ind i- 

IK- )-ocks, mall islands, Jli in t! 

(.! the L 7th discovered a bay with strong cui-ri-nt 
eddies, indicating the mouth of ^ at i-i rstra 
in latitude D ^wliich but lorthu latitud-- t! 
tor \vould ha\-e identified with Fu irait, i 
ich h(! now named ixdiia do la As 

nihern point San lloquc and th.e soui 
Frondo It was .sub.- call- 

Lai ; da do llocota; and \vas oi 


niouih of the Columbia ]l capes i 

mtinent and Adams. 4 - n w. 


the a-R-hor if it were onco lowered. 
man the launch. Next day, in latitude . a point 

<0 l ninny MIKI!! i 

of th" i i lint J : 

tlu I. 

! r. LI 

the read* 1. 

ihow, t udo i.f tl 

at noon. I lie- tnu- Intitiul- 

the points ran 


n<l t[U;ulrnnt, or \\< 
1)0 ;i league nnd :ulo lioriz* 

, and i I\CT. 


named Cape Falcon, perhaps Tillamook or False Tilla- 
mook. 43 Next were seen three farallones, called the 
Tres Marias, in latitude 45 30 /44 ; then came a flat- 
topped mountain called the Mesa, or Table Mountain, 
in latitude 45 28 /45 ; and on the 20th in 43 they saw 
ten small islands and more, noting three others in 
latitude 42 3 G / 6 passing Mendocino on August 26th, 
and anchoring at Monterey on the 29th. Thirty-five 
sick men were landed next day, ten remaining on 
board, one of whom died. 

I have now to follow Cuadra in the Sonora. At 
dawn on July 31st the ship could not be seen; and 
the captain sought her in the very direction that he 
wished to go for purposes of exploration- -that is, 
straight out to sea. 

Cuadra and Maurelle state in their narratives 
that the separation was accidental, and imply that 
their subsequent course westward was in accord 
ance with the proposed course of both vessels, no 
change having been ordered, though such a change 
was probable. But in another account it is stated 
with much plausibility, and probably on good author 
ity, that the separation was deliberately planned by 
the two commanders to appear accidental. Heceta 
realized that very soon he would be forced to yield to 
the clamors of his officers and men and to order a re 
turn. But Cuadra not only desired to go on, but was 
confident of success; and accordingly it was arranged 
that the bold explorer should lose sight of the ship 

43 A lofty sierra, called Santa Clara de Monte Falcon, the latitude of the day 
being 45 41 , according to the Esped. Marit. The bearing from Cabo Froridoso, 
according to the Diario, was s. 22 3 \v., the coast running thence s. 5 E. In 
the Sejunda Explor. the same bearings are given, and the point, not named, 
is said to be a short distance below Cape Frondoso. Greenhow identifies 
Falcon with Cape Lookout (45 20 ), for no reason that I know of. The bearings 
given above do not agree with either point. 

4i Only mentioned in the Segunda Explor. The latitude may be a copyist s 
error, as the discovery is mentioned after that of the Mesa. 

40 La Mesa is on the Coast Survey Chart in 45 30 . Greenhow identifies 
it with the Clarke Point of View of Lewis and Clarke, in 1805. 

46 All these are variously described as itlotes, farallones, OYpledras. Perhaps 
those of 43 were just below Cape Blanco, in 42 50 . These rocks are numer 
ous all along the coast. 


and icntl;. >\vn 

(11 hirll li<- sholll . 47 

The little craft kept on 1 bun til- rtli, 

when llic iiuvi* thought tin mid;- 


and .s from land, and were in I 

Then the favorable sou 


1.) blow, and a junta of oi A. Tl 

sliort <>f food and water, and lh- 

late; Imt tin re unanimous in favor 

, and the cr reed not only to < 

Mitribute f<> !cmn mass in honor of our 

lady cf Bethl L, that she might ciiahle tlu-; 

; li tli latitudi d iii tin- \ ^truc 

Consequently on thu lath, when according to Bcllin - 
map- -which had been founded on Russian discove 

I out with imagination tl diould have hern 
one hundred and thirty-five len^nes from the coast, 
land was found in latitude 57 2 , in the region of tl; 

ber Sitka, the navigators noting and naming Mount 
Jacinto, now called Mount Edgecombe. Quadra 

([tiently went up the coast to about latitude 58, 
returned to latitude 55 17 , and went again up t - 
latitude 58. A very complete examination u 
from the limit of Perez vo; . and formal poss >n 
was taken at two points; but details of this noi :i 

ploration belong to the annals of . in a !at: r 


Most of the ere now side with i- 

d"!-;:ig it very difficult to man 

in rough w . ! a September 8th tb 

N ided southward. It was a peril 

ous trip; more than once it se< :i tliat tl 

vessel must be lost, for a paH of t ime i 
only ^ le to work, and both ( 1 u; id Mau- 

wei-e att I with fever. Still 
ploi i .id not all ;ht of the 

no se ha siil 
6 no voluu 

to th- 


they still kept as near the shore as they could with 
out sure destruction. On the llth they saw land, in 
latitude 53 54 , and kept it generally or at least oc 
casionally in view from a distance down to about lati- 


tude 47; and again they scanned the coast very 
closely from latitude 44 30 down to latitude 42 49 
in search of Aguilar s river, of which no trace could 
be found. 4[ Then they directed their course for San 
Francisco, but discovered instead the bay to which 
the commander gave his name of Bodega, reaching 
Monterey on October 7th. As soon as the sick had 
recovered, both vessels sailed for San Bias, where 
they arrived November 20th. Juan Perez died two 
days out from Monterey. 

yThus the whole extent of the Northwest Coast 
from latitude 42 to 55 was explored and formally 
taken possession of for Spain by Perez, Heceta, and 
Cuadra, in 1774-5. The results of these most im 
portant expeditions were not published, as they 
should have been, by the Spanish government, and 
for many years were known only through the little- 
circulated English translation of Mauretles Journal. 


which was not, however, so faulty a work as it has 
generally been represented. The charts, which must 
have been tolerably complete, have unfortunately 
never been published, and are not even known to 
exist in manuscript. By this mistaken policy on the 
part of their nation the Spanish discoverers lost much 
of the honor due them, but popularly given to later 
navigators, who in most instances substituted for the 
original new geographical names of their own choice. 
It does not appear, however, that by her error Spain 
eventually lost anything of territorial rights, or even 

49 There is no agreement between the different accounts respecting the 
latitudes at which land w r as seen on the southern trip, but all agree on the 
search for Aguilar s river. Maurelle, Journal, notes that on the 20th they 
were at the scene of the massacre of July ; on the 24th were close to land, in 
45 J 27 , and searched for the river down to 45 (?) 50 , where they found a capo 
with ten small islands probably Cape Blanco, in 42 50 . 




f APTAIV COOK S K\ri:i>nio\ I\>TUr<TIO\S TMsroVI OffD X 



;>K I-Y;;-TK AM i;s j KOM \~^ B L\ I l < 

A;;< in i <i; .MAiM.AM) / MAP KM-J.IM . , KM:, 




\i><>\vF.i>--Tiu: BTABS AHD STRIPSS r- TMK N*OBTB r/v IFK- -Voi \- i: 
OF J\ i ic AND <ii:\v ON I m: CoLr>n:iA WASHINGTON* 

AM OUK;I\AI, IIAUV M - ll\i:i;OR AViNTi.J. 




THE iUmoiis Captain James Cook in lii^ tliird 
l;i-t voyage, coming from the Sandwich Islands, of 
which he \vasthe discoverer, on March 7, 1778, sight i 
the northern seaboard in latitude 14 33 . Jl in- 
inandrd the English exploring ship //r.v//" md \ 
accompanied by Captain Clerke with tin- Jti- 

-, .1 Vo fi ir to the, pnr ,ji,- dertaten i >i I 

MdL-iiKj h l.-o-nr. r .< </i tit. rn 11 iiixyh r . T 

, \/ S ! i mi H J 

<ni I flu I r<-! -<il, ii;ty qf a X<>rtft< /// /V/.^ /;/ . 7 - /;/ / -/. / //,< 

. and < * I/ * M"j < f >/ -- ; >V 

tinn <nl Discovery^ in // } . r//-.,- /;, ; 5(7. Lon<lon, 17^ i aps, 

charts, and illustrations. The portion of th it,irrati\<- i. !;nin^ to tin- nortli- 
is found in vol. ii. ]>p. - t;tM<- <~i hititihl. s. route, 

winds, etc., in vol. iii. ]>p. r>O(J-9. The oct;r ..... lition of the 
tour volunu-s, is an al>rid;_ r in nt of the original. ] dition.s 

and translations; and thfi r is bardly a Collection :hat has not a 

6T or shor, ilition. /. ; ; - . ! 

voyage to the Pa . > I "d. I7 s ^i. is anoti. -ant 

l>y;i 7n;m irho accompanied Cook. > y/ar/.v / John L[ijni, ( ambn 

JS_N. . oven also iii. 



Cook had left England in 1776, knowing nothing of 
what the Spanish navigators had accomplished, though 
aware that they had visited the northern coast. 2 His 
special mission was to search for a passage to Europe, 
either by Hudson Bay, or the northern sea recently 
found by Hearne, or by the sea north of Asia ; and in 
the search he was, of course, to explore all the north 
western regions of America. His instructions were 
to fall in with the coast of New Albion in 45, that 
is, beyond the supposed limit of Cabrillo and Vizcaino, 
and after refitting, to follow the coast northward, but 
not to begin his careful search for a passage until he 
had reached the latitude of 65. Every precaution 
must be taken to avoid encroachment on the Spanish 
dominions, or troubles with any foreigners; 3 but we 
also read in his instructions, "You are also, with the 
consent of the natives, to take possession in the name 
of the king of Great Britain, of convenient situations 
in such countries as you may discover, that have not 
already been discovered or visited by any other Euro 
pean power; and to distribute among the inhabitants 
such things as will remain as traces and testimonies 
of your having been there." It would appear, not 
withstanding the allusion to Drake in the use of the 


name New Albion, that it w^as not England s inten 
tion to found any territorial claims on the freebooter s 
discoveries, but to claim by virtue of Cook s discov 
ery all lands beyond the unknown limit of the recent 
Spanish voyages. 4 As to the main object of the ex- 

2 Cook s Voy., ii. 332. Greerihow, Or. and CaL, 124, quotes from the London 
Annual Register, 1776, a brief notice of the voyage to 58 20 in 1774, from 
the official gazette of Madrid. 

3 You are also, in your way thither, strictly enjoined not to touch upon 
any part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America, 
unless driven thither by some unavoidable accident ; in which case you are to 
Btay no longer there than shall be absolutely necessary, and to be very careful 
not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the inhabitants or subjects of his 
Catholic Majesty. And if, in your farther progress to the northward, as here 
after directed, you find any subjects of any European prince or state upon any 
part of the coast you may think proper to visit, you are not to disturb them, 
or give them any just cause of offence, but on the contrary to treat them with 
civility and friendship. Secret Instructions. Cook s Voy.> i. xxxii.-iii. 

* Else the words discovered or visited would have no force, and there 
would be some allusion to Drake s latitudes. 


. a p<r ;1 iiicenti\ 
the ! . iliieht of a 

j-and pounds to tlu oili< -nd crew of any \ \ dU- 
covenng ;i pa- to the Atlantic n< :_ . 

Captain ( a explorations alono- \\ in 

med tin- Xortlr -t ar 

which 1. reproduce. " For six days h< m-d iu 

of land, unahle to advance northward ICCOU 




r egory 43 

contrary and vni i. wind-. Tl 

> lietween 44 55 ; and i- i LO ; and he named ca] 
Foillweather, Purputua. and << which n 

i-e pei inanent, except that the la --I. is also called 

Ara >-o. He noted the abseno ait like t! 

whose dis i-y had l>een attributed to Aguilar; but 

" ! :rt. sli 

; >|riniar<U in 177 

u l) y In 

\v. lin.l ., :i!i.l 

hinder for . i-Oi .!/ 

latitndi B ot : ..> H . 



he did not see the Umpqua River, the largest on the 
coast except the Columbia. After being driven away 
from land down to 42 45 ; , the navigator again turned 
north-eastward, and sighted the coast in 47 5 on 
March 22d, naming and describing Cape Flattery, in 
48 15 , though unable to decide whether or not it was 
an island. "It is in this very latitude where we now 
were," writes Cook, "that geographers have placed 
the pretended strait of Juan de Puca. But we saw 
nothing like it; nor is there the least probability 
that ever any such thing existed." The English navi 
gator was very lucky in his conclusions; for if when 
off Cape Gregory he had seen the Umpqua River, 
or off Cape Flattery he had seen the broad entrance 
just beyond that point, he might have put himself on 
record as confirming the discoveries of both Aguilar 
and Fuca. 

Driven away by the winds, Cook sighted land 
again on March 29th, in 49 29 , at what he called 
Hope Bay, with Point Breakers on the south and 
Woody Point on the north, in 50. Drawing nearer 
the shore, two inlets were seen, into the lower of 
which, below Point Breakers, the ships entered and 
found a tolerably good harbor, anchoring on the shore 
of an island, within what was named Friendly Cove 
and Ship Cove. This southern inlet the connection 
of which with the northern, forming a large island, 
was not discovered at this time- -was called at first 
King George Sound; but soon Captain Cook deemed 
it best to retain what he understood to be the native 
name of Nootka. The San Lorenzo of Juan Perez 
was either this same Nootka Sound or the inlet 
immediately above or below it. 7 The natives came 
off in their canoes to meet Cook, as they had met 

7 See Perez voyage, in preceding chapter. Cook has left a degree of con 
fusion in local geography which has been reflected in later maps and writings. 
Woody Point is the one which still retains the name. Cook s narrative gives 
the impression that Hope Bay was bounded on the south by Point Breakers, and 
included both inlets ; and later writers have followed this in most cases, by 
identifying Point Breakers with the mainland Point Estdvan, south of Nootka 

Sound ; but Cook s chart of Nootka, vol. ii. p. 279, and even his text, when 



!! the w.- . in si ^n <>1 

friendship. They remained friendly during the month 
T the Englishmen le their 

Mini other products for anyth !;)_; that was in;. 

<>i metal, hut i! i.-in.n- f<>r beads or cloth. Tli 
CMI IK- on hoard the ships without the sliirhtest t i mid it v, 

I gave no other tnuihle than tha Milting fr< 
ir petty thefts, which the clog ild i 

y prevent. They were ready to ii^ht with 
:hcir neighbors for tin- < \dusi\v privii trading 

witli the strangers, and they expected the latt 

pay for the wood, water, and 3 ohtained from 

their country. Cook s loii^ stay diahlcd him 1 
an aded and accur. cription of the count iy 

and oi its j)eoj)le, hut this description, like the car! 
and somewhat less complete ones of IVre/ and Cuadra, 
has oi course no place in th 

Captain Cook noticed, as JVivz lia<l done before him, 
that the native s had many articles ot iron and copp 
which must have come from abroad; and he rightly 

icludod that all could riot have been obtained iVom 
any one foreign navigator visiting the coast. Two 
silver spoons worn as ornaments by a native who 
came IVom a place south of Xootka, >i; d an 

earlier visit by the Spaniards; and the failure of t he- 
Indians to exhibit any surprise at si^ht of the ships 
pointed in the same direction; but it could not be 

rned from the Indians that they had ever seen a 
ship before, and their astonishment at the penetrative 
power of a musket-ball indicated that the discha: 

of lire-arms was new to them. Accordingly Cook con 
cluded, incorrectly, that the Spanish \ had never 

n at Xootka: yet it is not stated that he took p 
; on of the country f >r England. 

Having made the somewhat usive repair- r - 

y cxaniincil, sliows tliat 1 oint Br I nil tlu- island t-ithrr tlic 

1 .; JO or 1 "int Mai-uina -f l:itt-r maps, or iVn-/ Point Santa ( lara. if ho 
uml and that i inland ]>oint 1>. lo\\- \\ ; ,s n- t n,. 

all. Mo.l. fii map.; diii vv \vid.lyin l>utli a- out!. 

of t 


quired by his vessels ; obtained full supplies of water, 
wood, fish, grass, and spruce -beer; and made some 
tours of exploration round the shores of the sound, 
of which a chart was published with his narrative, 
Captain Cook sailed on April 26th from Nootka for the 
north, to undertake explorations very much more ex 
tensive and important than those here recorded, but 
which belong to a later volume, the History of Alaska. 
Of the Northwest Coast he had seen much less than 
Perez, Heceta, and Cuadra; nor, with the exception 
of Nootka Sound, had his description of the regions 
visited been more complete than theirs. Like the 
Spaniards, he had missed the entrance of the strait; 
and like them he had not suspected that the northern 
shores were those of islands, and not of the main. 
But Cook had established the longitude of the coast 
much more accurately than his predecessors by mere 
dead-reckoning had been able to do; and by the acci 
dental carrying away of a small collection of furs, 
whose great value was learned in Siberia and China, 
he originated the great fur- trade which became the 
chief incentive of all later English and American ex 
peditions to these regions. Moreover, the results of 
his voyage were fully and promptly made known to 
the world, as those of the Spaniards had not been; 
and thus were practically won for Cook and England 
the honors of discovery and of naming the points ex 
plored. Spain, with her unwise policy of concealment, 
had no just cause for complaint, though to the real 
discoverers individually great injustice was done. 

Orders for a new Spanish expedition to the north 
were issued in 1776 as soon as the results of the last 
one were known. Delays ensued for various reasons, 
chiefly the lack of suitable vessels, and it was not until 
the beginning of 1779 that everything was ready. 
One vessel, the Favorita, was brought up from Peru, 
and another, the Princesa, was built for the voyage at 
San Bias. Heceta had at first been named as com- 


ndrr, l)iit before tin- j 

.I/i iant I io Art ppointed in his 

place. Lieutenant Cuadi, in 

command, th<> iit 1,, l ia \ , ; M ,., 

side-ration of former Tli 

IVoni San Bias February 1 I, !77 ( J,and returned to : 
ne port November 21st. T! r- 

i and Cuadra in Alaska w< id in 

iievem< heing unknown to the 
miards, important ; hut they are QO1 to !> r> 

i- tin; Princesa and /<)/n,/-//^ did not touch t 
ist l>. in latitudes 42 and:).") ,n< n( al!l<r 
until tlie return." The north-west ooast was regards I 

idy i ul.. ;>!oivd, and .riniate 

sion of Sj;ain. By a cedula of ]\Iay 10, 1780, the 
onk-red that voya . ould o. 8 

It was seven years after C<>k s departure before 
the Northwest Coast was visited l>y another European 

ssek In 1785 a brig of sixty tons was despatched 
from China under Captain James Hanna in (pi 
of furs. It was an English expedition, but it is not 
(piite clear whether this pioneer craft of the fur-trade 

sailed under Portuguese colors or under the English 

flag with a license from the East India Company. 
Hanna left China in April and reached Nootku in 
August. The natives attacked his small force of 
twenty men, but were repulsed, and thereupon : 

.dly and willing to trad Having obtained from 

- , ///M/-,/, ;,,/? .},,rh-i mlcisFra .fa 

/ / ,iiinnhi<ln port i , . 

1 1 mi J tin n Fran 
Itln.i fn it , 

i.-.-i-iniiit iii.-ulr up from the original <li. ". ith taltli S, etc., in 

Nori < \. M 

1 1 !! " . I ni, ml i it-it, 

MS. M;nu\ I : filial diary, in / 

loa li< m 

i .L J> . . 

V. M . - . : 

/ >> . /> iluctiun. As to t . it to 

;iia in retoming, gee // . i. -hap. \v. 

- . 


them a valuable lot of five hundred and sixty sea- 
otter skins, which were sold for twenty thousand six 
hundred dollars , the captain proceeded up the coast, 
naming Sea-otter Harbor and St Patrick Bay, in 50 
41 , near the northern end of the island. The former 
name has been retained; the latter changed to St 
Joseph. Leaving Nootka in September, he reached 
Macao in December. Such is the only information 
extant respecting this first voyage of its class, de 
rived at second-hand from the statements of other 
voyagers. Of a second voyage by Hanna in the &. ;i. 
Otter of one hundred and twenty tons, in 1786, we 
know still less- -barely the fact that such a voyage 
was made; and that he spent two weeks in August 
at Nootka, obtaining only fifty skins, and fifty more 
on other parts of the coast, which he left on October 
1 st. Hanna seems to have discovered and named Smith 
Inlet and Fitzhugh Sound. 10 

The famous French navigator La Perouse, setting 

O O 

out in 1785 on a scientific exploring expedition round 
the world, an expedition destined to be fatal to him, 
as was that of 1778 to Cook, was instructed to ex 
amine such parts of north-western America as had 
not been explored by Cook, to seek for an interoceanic 
passage, to make scientific observations on the country, 
with its people and products, and to obtain reliable 
information about the fur-trade. He was to learn the 
extent of the Spanish establishments, the latitude 
beyond which peltries might be obtained without 
giving offence to Spain, and in general the induce- 

10 Also Virgin Island and Pearl Rocks, according to Vancouver s Voi/., i. 
389-70. Dixon s Voy., pp. xvii.-xviii. , xxii., 232, 315-17, and Porilock s Voy. , 3, 
make the earliest mention, in 1789; that in J/eares Voy., pp. l.-ii., of 1793, 
is somewhat more extensive, the author having seen Hanna s original journal. 
He discovered several sounds, islands, and harbours, which he named Fitz- 
Iragh s Sound, Lance s Islands, and some particular parts which he named after 
Henry Lane, Esq. ; but particularly an harbour which he called Sea Otter s 
Harbour. Hanna s chart or sketch of that harbor and of St Patrick Bay is 
published by Mcares, 326. Dixoii also used Hanna s chart. Perhaps the 
geographical discoveries mentioned were made in the second voyage. Green - 
how, Or. and C aL, 165-6, says Hanna sailed under Portuguese colors; but he 
had no other authorities tliau tlio&e I have mentioned. 

LA ! >K. 17.1 

incuts for i rprhe iii t!i;i{ direction. ! ! 

-. from raphical point of view, w 

msive nor import-mi . so far as 1 hey at f 

these I l and, though the scientific ! 

-is of himself an<l a taleni -d corps of 
of unquestioned value, liis information on comm 
and pra 1 topics was published too 1.-: 

nr merit much attention. .!1\- \ his 

unimportant as touching rthwest 

ast. u 

Coming from the Sandwich Islands on the Asi 
!" >< an I B<wssole, the former under the command 
M. de Langle, the 1 Yench navigai aw land on 
June _ :;, 17.sC), and spent a month and a hall on 
Alasl^a const, hrlow ^^oullt St Julias, chieil Port 

is, in f>8 37 . It was on Ai: Dili tl 

entered the \vai ahout the pr^ 
He noticed, hut was unahl.- to explore, 
the eniranci which the Spaniards had found heior--. 
and which J)ixon a little later named. [e followed 
the coast southward without landing, in haste to reach 
^Monterey alter his long delay iu the north. Tl 

southern extremity of the great island he named ( ape 

Hector; and he was the discoverer of the hroad en 
trance south of that print, helievin^. though unahle 
to pr;>ve it, that he was at the mouth of , alf 

like that of California, extending north prohahly to 
He does not state definitely his opinion that the 
gulf communicated with the Di\nn entrance, hut 
implied that it did and with other eiitraii 

farther north - -indeed, that the whole, coast 
was that of a great archipelago. The names appl: 

11 Sec //; . i. ch;ip. \\i., for hi> \ i>it t<> ( ;iia ; also //, - . . I 


If, I .-iris. ]~ .< - : 

<. Tl:. the narrative pertaining to th< 

is in t.iii. ii. -J..4 7>. In fcom. L M:i u-l -\t .111 Maiuv 

Ill the atlas, in I."), l!i, I 7. 

ami . II show all or ]\. B. Th. ami ot an I . m. J. 

was tliu editor of lite original. 





fort des Franca is 
1 ~ s v -, _, Cross Sound 

^. Cross los Remedies 

iuaJJ .oe <; Mt.St.Hyacinthe 


Port BueafelliM 








i=G!. Eo.ulw.e a t h.<; 




; (i la ". a !*-, 





MI-ARKS, i 177 

are -\vn on the map wh!-;i I cop . is 

mplel-, ii we ! ma- 

rial on which it ! d. Though far BU] 
y ni;i|) in . alue w 

much inij the fad that it was nut pi ! 

until 1798. La IVi 
others wliich laid- Kii 4 lish navi 

the I Yench narrativ s known to fc] I. T 

vo; was continued <!o\vn pad Xoulk.-i and tin; 

11 coast, with occasional glim] of t! 
as the leg lii tcd; the latitude of ;-;d ] 

fixed more accurately than ever l>efoiv, t!i 
and Spanish names L retained, and that of X 

Island l)ein^ applied to the rocks off C >; u 

the line of 4i! was passed on September Gth, and 
on the 14th they anehored at Monterey. 

In 178G at least three distinct fur-trading expedi 
tious were despatched to the American c: ; one 
of them, consisting of the Nootka and Sea under 

t:iin:-3 Meares a:; I Tipping, was fitted out in /al, 
and, its trading operations h.-in-- eoniin. 1 to Prii 
William Sound and the Alaskan coast, requires no 
further notice here. 

The second expedition, also from India, was fitt i 
out by the merchants at Bombay, and was under t 
supen i of James Strange. Tli Is were i 

1 K.I JH , >it t comma Lowi 

or L :d (jriii.-e, 11 sailing under the il f the 

East India Company, David Scott being the chief 

They reached Xootka in June, obtain! ix 

hundre : ns, though not so in tey 

I hoped i jr, because the na: ives had 
keep th"ir fu; r JEanna, who arrived in A;i 
One John McKey, or ^laccay, was, h-, at 

1:; l ), not h.-anl of Lcforc, may liavr . 

:. La Perou.s-. ami otib 
a hich, lio\\- 

1 A 5 to \ ;MICOU\ 

1 ) y x 

IJisr. N. W. (\>AST, VOL. I. rj 


Nootka, at his own request, and under the chief s pro 
tection, to recover his health and to act as a kind of 
agent or drummer for the traders; and he lived for 
over a year among the savages with a native wife, 
well treated but enduring many hardships. Subse 
quently Strange sailed on up the coast to Prince 
William Sound, and thence to Macao. He seems to 
have discovered- -and named, according to Captain 
Dixon s statement- -Queen Charlotte Sound; arid he 
probably named capes Scott and Cox. 15 

The third expedition of the year was one fitted out 
the year before in England by an association of mer 
chants called the King George s Sound Company, 
acting under licenses from both the South Sea and 
East India monopolies. Their ships were the King 
George and Queen Charlotte, commanded by Nathaniel 
Portlock and George Dixon. Both of these gentle 
men had been with Cook, and each of them published, 
a full account of their voyage ; so that in this respect, 
as also in respect to the vessels outfit, the expedi 
tion bore much resemblance to one of exploration. 
High officials took an interest from a scientific stand 
point in the enterprise, and several gentlemen s sons 
were committed under tutors to Captain Portlock to be 
educated for a seafaring life. Leaving England in 
August 1785, Portlock and Dixon sailed round Cape 
Horn, touched at the Sandwich Islands, as was cus 
tomary in these voyages, and in July 1786 arrived at 
Cook River, in Alaska. 

Soon the navigators started down the coast, intend- 

. . 

ing to touch at several different points, and finally to 
winter at Nootka. Some of the harbors, however, 
were not found where sought, and others could not be 
entered by reason of bad weather, so that the vessels 
did not anchor at all. They were on the coast, gen- 

15 Meares* Voy., liii.-iv. ; Dixon s Voy., 232, 317-18, and other references 
on Hanna s voyage in note 8. Mcares saw McKey s journal, and he says 
Strange named Friendly Cove. Dixon used Guise s chart for his general map, 
to be copied presently, and he got an account of McKey s adventures from 
Barclay, who carried him away. 


;11y in .-i.^ht of it :il ,-i distance, from 55 down 
Xootk;i. n tin- L7th to tl of September, but 

their WOrl limited to the naming <f 

Split Hock, oil ( I >in ! bia 

n they went fo \vint i!i<l\virh I>lan 

this lirst v. b Mii^ in nio>t i Hun 

Portlock and Dixon repeated their v< in 17 

with niudi success, Imili in respect to trade and 
;ipliic ( -il exploration. Leaving the i>land> in M. 

they proceeded to IViiice William Sound, wher tl, 
; Captain Meares, wh first \. of L786 

!y lieen mentioned. The \ 

]>any in May, the KUHJ < remain on the 

Alaskan coast and the <J Charlotte ]>r 

llthward, It was on July 1st that ])i\"n i 

the boundary lino and was oft the deep hay, wh 

currents had hallled Juan Perez thirteen years b< 
and which iroin this tinio 1/nre Dixon s name. ][. . 
< i.l not enter it, any more than the Spaniards 
Frenchmen had before hL\; but far within, to t ! 

I d, he sa\v a point of land to he remei d, a 
]>assed on <lown the coast. Kee]>in^ close to the si, 
without landing, bnt trading ext ely with the In 

dians, who came oil in their canoes, he nam< 

3Ome of which had already been named by La 
IVrouse, though this was of course nut known to i 



fc, .1 ,--)//inf ?/ 

7/vx/ coast < 

i) IK, n ( harloUeJ < i>t 

Ho. nty-n])|).Tjil;iti S. 1 lic ]iart i-i-lati- i 

jip. i:;.. ii . ajip., \.\iv. The map doea not cover our territcny. I> 

i-nninl tin /;;,,/!/, abOTB). Loii(l>n. 17 s -! : I 

nil cilition of the same year. The nar: "in of ] 

inff a date and the initials W.K t Wm. Bi .!). T 

of tl iis sulij^ct is on pp. 7 i s - !. The- map \vill ; 

17 Tne names applied, moot of them still n-tainrd. were I- orn-sti 

i. ( atalina. nanianls and L.- 

I itt (M ithain. Xortli 

Hi] pa [sland, Kennell Sound (La Toacht und.< 

: mle, I>i\";i S 

Charlotte ! 

of ), and C.;pc 



By the end of July Captain Dixon had rounded 
Cape St James and reached a latitude of 53 within 
the strait, seeing in the north land which he believed 
to be that seen through the deep bay on July 1st, and 
thus proving to his own satisfaction "the land we have 



DIXON S MAP, 1787. 

been coasting along for near a month, to be a group 
of islands." Accordingly, from his own name and 
that of his vessel, he applied the names Queen Char 
lotte Isles and Dixon Straits. It will be remembered 


flint l.a I Yr Mi-e h;i l n!iv;lv c 

geography of this region, whieh Dixon did not <jui 

prove; hut it is , !>< noted that La i 

litor had Dixon s nnrmtivr and m;ip I i. 

This map, which aifonls all aecessary detail ahoiit t 

YOVM.HV, and is far superior to any that | .[ it. [ 

reproduce That part <>( the const iVuiii ( ;ipe ( ox 
to \Voody Point, showing the first indication that, the 
Xoufkn region ini^lit he on a ^ivat island, was laid 
down from the earlier explorations of Hanna and 
( - ; \e. 

On August f>th Dixon sighted Woody Point, and 
t\vo days later he met at captains .Duncan and 

Colnett, learning from them that Captain BnivLiv 

at Nootl. r had just left that port for th illi. 

and that there was no prospect for SUC , ul tr;ide 

there. Accordingly the O"<v y / Charlotte was hem; 
ior the Sandwich Islands, where she arriv* n-lv in 

ptember. 19 Portlock and Dixon sold in China, 
the result of their expedition, ii.~;.VJ skins, 

1821 of which had been obtained by Dixon on Qu- n 
Charlotte Islands, for sf)4,Sf>7. The whole numb, 
obtained by Hanna, Strange, Meares, and Barclay, 
down to the end of 1787, was 2481 skins: so that 
expedition was very successful in comparison with the 
others. 20 

18 The map from Berrcsford Island northward was from Dix< irvcy; 

from Cape Cox to Woody Point, from Guise and Ifaiina; tV 

ith, from Uaivlay. Other navi^.ttors of this prrind \\>.rc not so frank in 
!D^ the origin of their chai ts. 

111 hi. .7., His Jt7. i">n -i lcT.-il.le grace being given to a description of 

the natives ; / nrf/o -L- .-; \ .. 7; M < <ir<< I "//. , liii.-iv. am I ;qi[>cin Ux : 

t Or. <"! < !., K;:I TO. 

I: marks on /// I i * of John ll<><n-, 
aentlemax tc. Lond- n, > 

in hi.-i published narrative, t< ! ntie.-d later, had s])>kni !L r htin;. r !y of 

I :! 1.x -U and Dixon s expedition, as one .>t ^i-cat p ions and slight r> 

vcr, he 1 lained tlmse <>iJi.vrs fm 1 the manner in which they ha i 
his o\\-ii L, r reat n- M \\hen tliey found him on the A .askai. in a % ery 

preearious sitnntion. 1 have no room for the <|nanvl in its details. Thetn: 

ins to l.e that I ortloe!;. while affording all the ri lii-f in his ]x>v..-r. <lid it in 
sueli a way as to advance his own intt n-l tt) j)re\- t -nt Me;r :n en- 

5 in any further trade during the trip. In reply t" M 

I COD puMished his If. HI",-!;*, in whieh lie di-;|.: ;han \\ 

nei dcd top;int out the various iiiaccu. , and 

of hi.-i riviil b narruti 


Two other expeditions of 1787 have to be recorded 
here, one commanded by Colnett and Duncan, the 

her by Barclay. Both, as we have seen, were at 
Nootka about the time that Dixon passed that port; 
and it is from that officer s statements and those of 
other voyagers of the time that all information about 
these expeditions must be derived, no direct accounts 
being extant. 

Captain Barclay, whose name is also written 
Berkely, commanded the Imperial Eagle, which sailed 
from the Belgian port of Ostend, under the flag of the 
Austrian East India Company, in November 1786, 
and arrived at Nootka in June 1787. He did not 
go farther north, but was .successful in trade, obtain 
ing eight hundred skins. He utilized the services of 
McKey, whom he carried away to China, and from him 
learned that the region where he had lived for a vear 

O C/ 

was probably not a part of the continent. McKey had 
formed that opinion from his travels in the interior and 
from reports of the natives. Before leaving Nootka 

Barclay met Duncan and Colnett, whose needs he re- 


lieved by selling them surplus supplies. In July he 
sailed southward, and discovered Barclay Sound, and 
then the strait for which earlier navigators had sought 
in vain, but which he neither entered nor named. 
Meares states that the whole exploration below Nootka 
was made in the ship s boat, which, though possible, 
seems unlikely. 

Continuing the voyage down past Cape Flattery, 
Uie commander sent a boat to enter a river in 47 43 , 
vhere the crew, consisting of five men, under Mr 
Millar, were murdered by the natives. From this 
occurrence the name Destruction River was applied 
to the stream, now the Ohahlat, but was transferred 
in later years to the island just below its mouth, 
called by the Spaniards in 1775 Dolores. 21 The 

21 Greenhow and others aro wrong in their theory that the Spaniards 
named it Dolores from the disaster that occurred farther south. The name 
was that of the day on which it was discovered. Meares calls the region 


>uth< of Hare] , n,he Ix ii 

tlic 11: Cook to vieit Hi >\\- ( 

Flattery, was what he ralk-d Point Fear, in 47 /. 

prohahly seen at a distance; and, departing in Au- 

ist or early in September, 1 :ton 

November. Mrs Barclay had a<- |)aniud her liu - 
hand, and was, ]>crha[)s, the first European lady 
visit this region 


Captains Duncan and Colnett commanded t 
Princess l!<>uJ and /V/ //<v <>/ IJWrs-, which \ 
fitted out hy the same company that d ihed 

Port.lock and Dixon, left England in Sept and 

arrived at Nootka in July. II as we have 
they mot Barclay, and a little later Dixon. From t 
latter they learned that the best opportunities for 
trade were to he found on Queen Charlotte Island 
and thither presumably they directed their <-our> . 
instead of going to Prince William Sound, as h 
been intended. Of their subsequent movements we 
know, from fragmentary references in the iiarrativ- 
of other traders, only that Duncan wintered on t 1 
coast, returning the next year to Nootka; that his trip 
was a successful one commercially; and that he sailed 
through the strait between Queen Charlotte Island 
and the main. 

Whether this was in the autumn of 1787 or the 
spring of 1788 is not clear; but I deem it as likely 
to have been in the former, though Givenhosv and 
Meares imply the latter. At any rate, he was the 
first to make this passage and prove the correctness 
of the earlier conjectures of Ea Perouse and Dixon. 

Qneenhythe, that is, Oaenainlt, the name of . u further south. Mea 

the next year ai :<>mnl union;.: the n;iti\ ; !uit hud I d 

to Millar, and also \v! ^ sii}>posrd to IK- his hand or that of one of ! 

mm. Dixon, l!< iiiurL- <. latitudes fi oin li.; 

on a map published by I)..lry:niilcin \~, 

Sound, -1!) ; M.nth poii: . imrth point I> 

48 .nth point, ! A (Tat 

Cap.- Fl.-r : Pinnacle, 17 -17 : Destruction liivt-i 

Feii . 

-/., -2:\\ :!, 32 >: //.. / marts, 9, 12, , !v. 

28, 1-24, 13J, 17- ; Portiock t l\>y., 307 : /., 171, 4. 


Duncan also discovered, and named for his vessel, 
the Princess Royal Isles. 23 

In 1788 the Spaniards sent another expedition to 
the far north, which, however, concerns my present 
topic only indirectly, since it did not touch the coast 
between 42 and 55. The vessels were the Princesa 
and San Carlos, commanded by Estevan Josd Mar 
tinez and Gonzalo Lopez de Haro, whose mission waa 
to ascertain what the Russians were doing. The royal 
order was issued in consequence of a report of La 
Perouse on his visit to Chile before going north 
that the Russians had already four establishments, 
one of them at Nootka. The preliminary correspond 
ence on the expedition of Martinez shows very clearly 
the form that Spanish policy was beginning to as 
sume. There was no objection to the occupation by 
Russians of the far north; but it was feared that 
by Russia or some other foreign power posts would 
be established farther south, not only encroaching on 
Spanish territorial rights, but threatening Spanish 

There was of course no doubt respecting the 
right of Spain to the lands she had discovered up 
to the region of 60; she had some theoretical rights 
beyond that region, which, however, there was no 
apparent intention of attempting to enforce ; and 
even the rep-ion from Nootka southward was be- 


ginning to appear of slight comparative value, to 
be occupied only as a political necessity to prevent 
foreign encroachment and secure the possession of 
any desirable strait, river, or port that might pos 
sibly be revealed by new explorations. Accordingly 
Martinez was instructed not only to learn as much as 

s Voy., 230-4; Id., Remarks, 8-10, 19, 28; Meares> Voy.,lv. 195, 
199-201; Greenhoufa Or. and Cal., 170, 199. Dixon says that Duncan s 
course was laid down in Arrowsmith s chart, and denies Meares implication 
that Douglas preceded him in sailing through the strait. According to 
Vancouver, Voy., i. 369-70, he also named Calvert Island and Port Safety. 
Vancouver had his chart. 

; AND rittAV. 

p of ! ! ope: :; . N i, 2< l)lit on 1: 

relurn t<> follow tin 1 i an. I fco 

snr. ;. ; of every place which would 1. 

att factions for f< : <l whoe occup 

Spain might tl fore become nee The) 

part of 1 struct: . for no good r< 

known, not obeyed, the v.; rning : 

Mo: v and San Bias direct; butt <>o<l 

that the Russians, though they had no 
at Noot! itended to found one the] I 

something Jilso of the operations of English t 
in northern v/.-itcrs: and tlicir reports on ,t- 

ters, ; sliall see, caused .Martinez and llaro to 1 

ut in 1789 on a new expedition. 23 

Now the flag of the United States appears for the 
first time in these \v; : and the Bostons 1 come 
iiito rivalry with the King George men rs 

and trader The history of this territory for the 
year 1788 is little more than a record of what v, 
done by the Americans Kendrick and ( . and by 
the Englishmen Mearos and Douglas. It seem> more 
convenient to begin with the voyage of the former, 
though the others arrived tirst in the fie; 

The first American fur-trading expedition to the 
northern Pacific was fitted out by a company of si 
Boston merchants, who were influenced byth 

(ports of Cook and Ledyard, there being no evidence 
that they had any knowledge of Kn-.Jish tradi 

atioi, A medal commemorativ r- 

prise was struck oil in co[>per and si! 1 th< >y 

h sre given ex|)lains its nature. John Ivendri<-k w 
chosen to command, saiUng on the ship 

vicif, of two hundred and twenty tons, while Capta: 

14 1 nae this modem name in th< raforoomvenj >iil tiresome 

> !titions of ^eo;rr;i])hical ddinition. 

tifartit i /> <! 

arado*. . . I., in 1 <d 

1 .. \<>. 7. It (->ur.iiris not only Ma: Nut various in 

structions, L- , tiiMes, I with th J6. 



Kobert Gray commanded the sloop Lady Washington, 
of ninety tons. The vessels were laden with articles 
deemed best fitted for barter with the Indians, chiefly 
implements of iron and copper. Various passports 
and letters were obtained from the federal govern 
ment, from the state of Massachusetts, and perhaps 
from the minister of Spain in the United States. 26 
have been so fortunate as to obtain an original diary 
of this voyage, kept by Robert Haswell, the second 
mate of the Lady Washington, a very important docu- 




ment, not consulted by any writer before me. Indeed 
it does not appear that any other log of either vessel 
has ever been seen; and consequently nothing but a 
brief mention of the expedition has been published 
As a narrative of the first visit of an American vessel 

26 So it is stated by Greenhow and others, possibly without good authority. 
At any rate the governor of California, in obedience to instructions from 
Mexico, issued orders for the seizure of the two vessels should they appear in 
Calif orniaii ports. See his famous order to that effect in Hist. Gal., i. chap. 
xxi. The medal is given in connection with a brief account of the voyage in 
Greenhow s Or. and Cal., 179-81 ; and Bill/inch s Or. andEi Dorado, 1-6. The 
latter gives some details about the origin of the enterprise in a conversation 
at the residence of Dr Bulfmch perhaps a relative of the writer in Boston. 
The voyagers also carried a number of small copper coins issued by the state. 
One of the medals is preserved in the office of the secretary of state at Salem. 
Oreyoit Italics, MS., 1. See also Hist. Mag., vii. 197. Bulfinch says the medals 
were struck in bronze and silver; Kelley, Thornton s Or. Hist., MS., G6-S4, 
says in both gold and silver. Charles Bulfinch, one of the owners, in a state 
ment of 1 838, U. 8. Gov. Doc. , 25tli Cong. , 2d Ses*. , Sen. Kept. No. 470, pp. 19-2;}, 
and in other government reports, mentions the medal in copper and silver. 
He names Joseph Barrell as the originator of the scheme. Most of the many 
writers on Gray s later discovery of the Columbia Ri\ r er, 1792, mention this 
first voyage briefly. 


to the noH li -\ve;t coasi this diary m much more 

space than I can give it hei -in ilr.-t it should he 
puhlished entiiv.- 7 

Many Host on merchants and other friend.*- of t 1 

navig fl spent Sunday on hoard tin- \v 
evening \ devoted to parting hilarity; and on 
Monday, Octoher 1st, the start \\a^> made from X 
tasks-t Roads, whither the g:. had heen carri 

from Huston Ilarhor. IVog. >uthward in tin- 

Atlantic was attended by many delays, for \vhich 
( aptain Kendrick is hlanied hy Haswell, a< for other 
unwist proceedings durini;- the voyage; and it was 
middle of April 1788 I H -fore they rounded ( 1 ape 
] [orn into the Pacific, the sloop and ship l>eiii^ 
parted in a ^ ale a month earlier. Xootka was the 

ide/vous, and thither Captain Gray made all ha 
in the /.</// Washington, without touching on the 
coasts of South America or Mexico. 

It was on August 2<1 that Gray, with inexpres- 
sihle joy/ first saw the shores of Xew Alhion, in 
latitude 41 28 r ; and on tlie 4th ten natives . 
off in a canoe to greet the strangers. Notwithstand 
ing the latitudes and landmarks mentioned L lind it 


impossible to trace with any degree of accuracy the 
progress made along the coast , almost always in sight 
of land; and it is not easy to understand how Gray 
could identify a point near latitude L3 . possibly Capo 
])laiico, with Mendocino. 29 ( )n August 14th the sloop 

fh< */iij> < nfimifi m /, 

gloop I I f i*/i!ti ://"/ , IT^^ ! : M S -, (>"> 1 1>- "I liis narrative-, and aiiotli- 
a la Lri\* n me 1>\ < aptain lfa^\\\ H s .1, .loIm.F. 

Ckirkeof Roxbni bnsetts. The journal < :iin^ 

of tin- Voyage to .lime 17V. Haswell stai tr.l on tlir /// ////-/V/, l,ut 

red to tlic I.ti,h/ \V<i<Ii n><jfnii In foi-c ciitclili , til. I ; i 
ph Inurahaiu as si-cnnd niati- of the t />//, , ". ]\<>\\ Iv n-li 

t-k-rk. Jloli, P, .itnl \utti: ronoinrv. A 

Cool often nan. cil, \vho u as ju oliaMy first in ie L l>i li 

URt .")th. latitudi- 4 J . . . \n-ii-t (itli. \>;^i a COV6 fol ined 1.; .all 

md an island in s. |M ii >r Ko U Ue UiverV] A for an apr-arcut inlc-t in a lar-e deep l>ay to thi> s. and K. of Mind .- 

I in, l)Ut ja Hind an island found the inlet to In- only a valley i 

hills (I ort Orford rj; at (5 r. M. Caju- Mindoein 

rous reef point; rmid> d the 

tood in for land; latitu ,hof 


crossed the bar at the entrance of a harbor that 
had been previously examined by the boat, and 
anchored in what was doubtless Tillamook Bay. 
Gray thought it likely that here was the mouth of 
the famous River of the West; and before his de 
parture he had good reason to name his anchorage 
Murderers Harbor. On the arrival of the Ameri 
cans the Indians were very friendly, receiving with 
joy trifling presents, and furnishing without payment 
vast quantities of berries and crabs, which were very 
acceptable to the scurvy- stricken crew. Skins were 

the cape, probably with sounds and rivers, but not explored. [This agrees, 
were it not for preceding difficulties, with Cape Gregory and Coos Bay.] 
August 9th, ten or eleven leagues N. of the cape the boat was sent to explore 
the shore, the sloop sailing along about a mile away ; at 2:30 P. M. passed an 
inlet, in 44 20 , apparently the mouth of a very large river, with not water 
enough for the sloop to enter. Natives appeared very hostile. [This, according 
to the latitude, must be the Alseya of modern maps.] In 45 two Indians of 
different languages and of friendly disposition came off. August 10-11, lati 
tude 45 2 , 44 58 ; boat out in seai^ch for a landing ; slight trade with natives. 
August 12th, the boat obtained two loads of wood from a small inlet. August 
13th, latitude 45 56 at noon; in evening passed a tolerable harbor, with a 
bar. August 14th, retiirned to explore the harbor, which, after exploration by 
the boat, the sloop entered, anchoring half a mile from shore in two and one 
fourth fathoms ; latitude 45 27 . Murderers Harbor, for so it was named [for 
reasons see my text], is, I suppose, the entrance of the river of the West. It 
is by no means a safe place for any but a very small vessel to enter, the shoal 
at its entrance being so awkwardly situated, the passage so narrow, and the 
tide so rapid that it is scarcely possible to avoid the dangers. [This must be 
Tillamook Bay, really in 45 34 .] Meares, Fo?/., 219-20, supposed it to be near 
his own Capo Lookout. Gray in 1792 told Vancouver that he had [no date 
given] been off a river in 46 10 , where the current kept him for nine days 
from entering; and Greenhow, Or. and Gal., 181, 234, erroneously concludes 
that this Murderers Harbor was the mouth of the great river since called 
the Columbia. . .because there is no evidence or reason to suppose that Gray 
visited that part of the coast on any other occasion prior to his meeting with 
Vancouver. August 18th, Gray got over the bar after striking several times. 
August 19th, latitude 47 11 . [It seems strange that he missed Shoalwater 
Bay and Gray Harbor.] August 21st, at 7 A. M. Green Island bore N. four 
miles, and Quinelth N. N. E. seven miles ; latitude 47 30 . August 22-4, con 
trary winds ; latitude 47 43 . August 25th, craggy and detached rocks and 
reefs ; latitude 47 57 . August 26th, some distance off shore, but in sight ; 
latitude 48 5 ; to the E. N. E. lay a very deep bay, in whose entrance lie 
many islands, named Company Bay, and doubtless has good harbors. [This 
was Barclay Sound, so that he missed the entrance of the strait named Fuca 
by Meares a little earlier.] August 27th, snowy mountains in the distance; 
latitude 48 43 . August 28th, calm ; latitude 48 53 ; visited by many natives 
familiar with English names. August 29-31, narrowly escaping wreck on 
sunken rocks ; reached Hancock s Harbor, in 49 9 [Clayoquot Sound], were 
visited by the chief Wicananish, and set sail. September 1-2, a gale ; driven 
s. to 48 9 . September 3-5, to latitude 48 50 . September 0-9, to sight of 
Point Breakers ; latitude 50 22 . September 10th, latitude 49 53 . September 
11-15, gales; in Hope Bay. September 16th, anchored in Nootka Sound. 


also purchased in cxehange for iron imple 
though copper was more in demand. T! ly 

ive ii[> their furs, and took what in r 

turn without the slightest complaint. \V 
were obtained; and then, while \\ ailing for a tide, the 
two mates, Coolidge an<l Haswell, went a.>hore wi; 

Yen men for the benefit of their health, and I 

loa ! of g] and shrubs for the \ 
This was on Saturday, August IGtli. The India. 
received them in a most friendly manner, invited them 
to their houses, and amused them with a war-dan- 
an exhibition of skill with arrows and spear 
P -itly, however, while the officers w< ;vhii 

for c ^ lit a little distance, and the in 

. "* 

grass near the boat, an Indian seized a cutlass whic 
the captain s servant- -a native of the Cape Verde 
Islands, named Marcos Lopez- -had left sticking in t : 
sand, and ran away with it, Lopez following in pursuit. 
The chiefs were offered rewards to bring the boy back 
unhurt, but refused, urging the Americans to seek 
him themselves. On the officers and one man dc;in:r 


so they found Lopez, who had caught the thief, 
surrounded by a group of Indians, who at once 
killed Lopez with their knives and arrows, and then 
attacked the three, as did another large body of sav 
ages in the rear under the chiefs who had sent them 
that way. The situation was desperate, but by a dili- 

nt use of their pistols the three Am , alter 

Killing the boldest of their assailants, succ< 1 in 
reaching the shore and in wading oil* to the boat, all 
wounded, the sailor very seriously. The sav pur 
sued in canoes, but the boat reached 1 td a 

w discliar <;f the swivel-<nin drove the sava 

o o 

back; but all night they kept up their whoops and 
howling on shor Two days more pa t: 

La</,/ Washington could leave Murdere Har oe 

striking dangerously on the bar; and m. aiiwhile il. 
SWlvel-gun had to be iiivd again. 

Proceeding up the coast and trading often with the 


natives, the navigators met with nothing remarkable 

O o 

in the way of adventure or discovery. Haswell writes : 
"I am of opinion that the straits of Juan de Puca 
exist, though Captain Cook positively asserts they 
do not, for in the very latitude where they are said to 
lie, the coast takes a bend which very probably may 
be the entrance." A little farther north they noted 
the entrance of Barclay Sound and called it Com 
pany Bay. They found frequent indications of the 
Englishmen s visits; narrowly escaped shipwreck ; and, 
the last day of August, entered Hancock Harbor, as 
they named Clayoquot, where they were honored with 
a visit from the chief Wicananish. Beyond this point 
they had gales and fog; and it was not until Septem 
ber 16th, almost a year from Boston, that the Lady 
Washington was towed into Nootka Sound by the 
aid of boats from the vessels of Meares and Douglas 
lying at anchor there. 

Captain Gray s intercourse with the Englishmen, 
whose operations in this region will presently be 
noticed in detail, was very agreeable, and they showed 
him many polite attentions, besides permitting their 
smith to assist in certain repairs to the sloop. Yet 
Captain Meares did his best to discourage the Amer 
icans from engaging in trade, and especially from 
wintering on the coast, to do which he insisted was 


madness and sure destruction. He even went so far 
as to assure Gray on his word of honor, but most 
falsely, that his vessels had not succeeded in obtain 
ing over fifty skins during the season. During the 
stay of the Englishmen no trade whatever, either for 
furs or food, could be carried on in the sound, the 
natives being unapproachable. Haswell states that 
this was in consequence of Meares custom of taking 
their property by force, preventing their escape by a 
free use of musket-balls, and giving them in payment 
such trifles as he chose. On September 19th or 20th 
the Americans witnessed the launching of Meares 
new schooner, firing a salute; and 011 the 22d their 


hoafs | !,,. / 

On ! 

to China ; l>ul l.y 

the ja sket, on : he plea t h what 

]><)rt in I In- mi;. ouch, thu- pi-. 

of hi 

men. 30 

(); mber -_d or 23d fch 

Kendrick made their appearan< Nothii 

oi ip from ( ape 1 lorn 

had touched at Juan 
and had lost two men from scurvy. ( ) 

the anniv. y of a< :n 1 1 

i. ( aj)tain Dou- he //;/ tiriirj 

and tin- oili. of all lour \ - lining OD 

C bia. The two v> 3 under Captain I 

wed with Kendrick s aid out of 
Octol i-r L iltli, hound for the Sandwich l>lan< 
tin- departure of the Englishmen the nativ 
their fear, and supplied all the food that \ 
Kendrick decided to winter at Xootl nd in; 

preparations to Imild a house on shore and to n. 

sloop into a l>ri^, though hoth of the hem 

abandoned; indeed, if we may credit M. 11, C 
tain Kendrick was much addicted to whi. :id ei 
varying ]>lans never put in -ution. The \vi 

]>assc-d without other < at than that 

from hunting and fishing adventures, th. ion 

of Kendrick s various petty scheme-, the 

a 1 and divers water and cannon !>y t 

Indians, troubles with one or i 

be launch the 20th and 1 

tli.- -li. 

a - M *i"ii on ill ! si-i 

projiulifinl t-> !i Mu.-l; 

jniiDii.if rival fur nl as | [ omit U.i 

ins ))n>|HT, for reasons that will apprjir 1 
j. .n man. 

: in, whi! 

innt; ped, anl lia.) aj^iiinl 

v d, luiving i>. 


and an alarm of firo one clay in the ship in dangerous 
proximity to the powder. Both vessels remained at 
anchor in the sound until March of the next year; 
and their subsequent movements will be noticed in a 
later chapter. I have now to follow the voyage of 
the English traders, whom we have seen at Nootka. 

The ships Felice Adventurer and IpMyenia Nu- 
biana, of two hundred and thirty and two hundred 
tons respectively, were fitted out by a company of 
English merchants in India, and were put under the 
command of John Meares and William Douglas, the 
former being a lieutenant retired from the British 
navy, whose former voyage to the Alaskan coast has 
already been mentioned, and who published an elabo 
rate narrative of his expeditions. This work contains 
a larffe amount of valuable information on the North- 


west Coast; but the author, as appears from his own 
statements, as well as from the testimony of other 
traders, both English and American, is not to be im 
plicitly trusted in. matters affecting his own interests. 32 

men supplied Green with food, and when Kendrick came lie was taken on 
board tlie Columbia. But he refused to sign the articles, and Kendrick landed 
him again, among the savages. Meares in his narrative blames the Americans 
for their course in this matter, and very likely with reason. George Monk, a 
seaman, also ran away, but was pursued and captured. 

3 - Voyages Made in the Years 1788 and 1789, from China to the North West 
Coast of A iKerica. To which are prefixed, an Introductory Narratlveofa Voyage 
performed in 1786, from Bengal, in the ship Nootfca?; observations on theprobab e 
existence, rf a north icext passage; and some account of the trade between the north 
ice-;t coart of America and China; and the latter country and Great Britain. By 
John Meares, E?q. London, 1790; 4to, portrait, maps, and charts. The 
Introductory Voyage, pp. i.-xl., contains the author s version of his troubles 
with Portlock and Dixon, with original correspondence. In the Observa 
tions, pp. xlii.-lxvi., the author argues that the north-west passage may yet 
be found, relying not on the old fanciful theories, but chiefly on the facts that 
Hudson Bay had not been completely explored, and that the late voyagers, 
including himself, had found on the Pacific side a complicated net-work of 
islands and straits, some of which latter might very likely afford the desired 
passage. Though marked by some inaccuracies of statement, the argument 
is far stronger than most of those on this subject that I have noted in earlier 
chapters ; and the author introduces a brief sketch of the late trading voyages. 
The Account of the Trade is on pp. Ixvii.-xcvi. The voyages of Meares and 
his associates fill 372 pages of text. There are three general maps or charts, 
showing all or part of the north-west coast on different scales, to be copied a 
little later ; there are local sketch-charts of Friendly Cove, p. 108, Port Cox, 
p. 140, Port Effingham, p. 172, Sea-otter Harbor, p. 305, and Raft Cove, p. 
372; coast views of Nootka, Port Effingham, and land in 49 3 , p. 104; en- 

In 01 in Chi 

and a tin- m 

iVom tlir Ka -t 

Cavalhoj ;i J ort i 

in tlio concern, and thr 

emor of M; i-c i lii- 

Ml (i 

in i 

port ; <>r in caseof 
Briti -. when tin- n ;d < 

ar in the ! Vrt iiLrtK-se \ iof 1 
su] . \nioii-- the insi ru< I 

IVopri -DainVl ! 

named a 

n - !ollo\viii : : " Should you. . .1 

y Iiiiss;;in, Mn^-lisli, <>r SjKini.-lL \ will 

witli civil; nd IVic 

in, ii authorized, fco ( i \jnnin- your . which 

will shew the object of your Hut vu im 

at the same time, <_ni;ird a^ain Should 

llicy aticinpt to sci/o you, or even carr] 
your w; on will ])n-vciit it by cv-.-ry 
j)o\vci , and 1>V 1- N -u will, :i yOUT I 

rival in the lirst ]>ort, pr- a ]>r<>; 

against such illegal procedure ... Should ;<-h 

conflict, have the superiority- u will thm 
possession of the vessel that attacked you, 
carn-o: and l>rin^ l>oth, with the oiiir 
( hiiia,! hat they may he condemn 

their crews punished as pir;it> Oi , the only 

trouble deemed like 1 - occur with \ 

iging to i-ival J^i i companies, in which 

n. ].~>rt, ami 

hcchi- !nl( iil!icuiii, p. 1 I schoo- 

. Jl. 1 .ijipcmi -jes, 

not nnmlHTvl. >f i; :inl >lh-r doOQ] 

of 17 .n "n 1: 

i-dition <>f tin I ni/ti,/, s I...iii,,ii, IT .H. _ \ 
]tali;m, IT!" .: ( M-I-IM.-IJI. IT . ii; ami 8^ M 

Ion, IV 1 aa a 

tion of l> 

HIST. N. W. COAST, VOL. I. 13 


was to be a purely Portuguese expedition; but it was 
to be as purely English if Spaniards or Russians 
should venture to interfere. This trick of sailing 
under double colors was not permissible under the 
laws or customs of any civilized nation, unless directed 
against a hostile nation in time of war; and England 
assuredly would assume no responsibility in conse 
quence of such a trick, directed against herself, unless 
it might be advantageous to her own interests to do so. 
So far as is known, Meares had no occasion to use his 
Portuguese colors in American waters, except when 
the Lady Washington made her appearance at Nootka, 
and before her nationality was known; 33 but on his 
return to China his device was successful, so far as 
the evasion of port charges was concerned, until the 
4 little game was exposed by legal proceedings arising 
from Cavalho s bankruptcy after the complaisant Por 
tuguese governor s death. 31 

The vessels left Macao in January 1788. The 
Iphigenia directed her course to Alaska, with instruc- 

33 Haswell, Voy., MS., 35, describes the vessels as under Portuguese colors. 
on his arrival ; but he says nothing of any flag later either on the vessels or 

31 Meares in his narrative says nothing to indicate that the expedition was 
anything but an English one from beginning to end. In his Memorial he 
admits the ruse as against the Chinese, carefully suppressing, of course, the 
other phase of the matter, and insisting that the vessels and cargoes were 
actually and bona fide British property. The instructions and other docu 
ments published in Meares appendix are in English, and for the most part 
addressed to Meares and Douglas as captains ; but in some of the documents 
relating to the troubles of the next year Cavalho and Company are named as 
owners of one of the vessels ; in one document Francis Joseph Viana is named 
AS captain of the Iphigenia, with Douglas as supercargo ; Meares, in his Memo 
rial, once names Viana as second captain ; Douglas, in hia Journal, once men 
tions instructions in the Portuguese language ; Gray arid Ingraham testified in 
later years to the fact that the vessels were under Portuguese colors, captains, 
and papers ; and finally Haswell found the vessels under Portuguese colors. 
All this is sufficient to support the conclusions in the text, which are mainly 
identical with those of Mr Greenhow, Or. and CaL, 172-3. This writer says : 
There is no sufficient proof that any other [than the Portuguese flag] was 
displayed by them during the expedition. This is in a sense true, but his 
partisanship is somewhat too apparent in the statement that the Portuguese 
subjects figure as the real commanders in all the papers; and that the doc 
uments annexed to the Memorial conclusively prove that all these deceptive 
appearances were kept up at Nootka ; and he certainly has 110 reason to imply, 
. as he does, that the idea of this being an English and not a Portuguese expe 
dition was entirely an after-thought, devised for the purpose of obtaining 
English protection. 

M: v AXD ( \i. 

he < 

will be IK. ted later. Th / 
Mcaiv>, h,-i:l a force <! fifty m< 

considerable number of is 1 

Comekela, a nati f of NOOI 

OIK- f tli 

I, while t!i.- //;/// o Tia 

Hawaiian chief, bound hoi; !-d lc 1 S ndwi 

i lands by way of Ai K ial j>aii: 

have been taken with the out! !: but the A; 

tlie v ly pr 

e\ ])(, article of tra<! America \\ 

hted nil .May I Itli: and tw<> (!a\s ] fche / 
anchored in Nootka id, having sighted, with- 
the r t {"!/"!, ( 1 ;i] t:iin .Duncan, wli: 

I just I -i t. th(j liai ^or on her homeward tri; 
Comekela, who is called a brother of Maijuinna and a 

a1 ive of Callicuin, the two buinj^ the gr 
Nootka, was rcc- I by his country : with ^T. 
festivities of welcome. 

The En^ lisl nnen had come prepared to build a 
small vessel; and their first occupation was i< 
house for the workmen and stor Maquinna, t! 
chief, made no objections, but gave them a sj.nt 
the liousc, promised nati\ ace, and appoinl 

Callicuin as a kind ot guardian In |>i 
in their operations. In return for his kind Ma 

quinna was ;_dven two pistols, for which he had shown 
a fancy, and was promised the huildii f wl 

the builders should leave the c->a-t. M s, h 
. chose tn be on the native f, -ars 

their gratitude, oy explaining h ! i-m; 

the new hoi: . \. !iich w;: imilt 

od, he threw up a hiv 
a small cannon. There is nothing ii. 
live or instructioi. ind : an intenti 

p^ nt po> Xo. . 

That part of M -ting t ica 

.us on p. 103. 


himself or any nation, but everything to show that 
the house was built for temporary purposes only. The 
circumstances of the case, and the testimony of men 
who arrived a little later, point in the same direction. 
In later years, however, when claiming the protection 
of England, Meares set up the claim that he had 
bought the land, and also stated that the English flair 

. . o o 

had been raised over the building. It matters little 


which version was true; but obviously the narrative 
is to be trusted rather than the Memorial. 

On the shore outside the enclosure the keel of a 
vessel was laid, and the work was pressed forward 
with all due speed. The natives remained friendly, 
and many otter-skins were purchased. At first the 
trade was regulated by a fixed scale of prices; but 
later, so says the narrative, a system of mutual gifts 
was adopted- -a system which, according to Mr 
Has well, as the reader will remember, consisted in 
the Englishmen seizing all they could get their hands 
on, and giving the Indians such trifles as could best 
be spared. But this accusation must be taken with 
much allowance, since Captain Meares was by no 
means so stupid as to ruin his prospects for future 
trade by such wholesale theft. At some one of the 
later interchanges of gifts the savages may have 
deemed themselves overreached, whence the dissatis- 

36 Haswell simply says : Captain Meares, arriving here some time before 
Captain Douglas, landed his second officer, Mr Fruiter, and a party of artifi 
cers, who first built a tolerably strong garrison, and then went to work build 
ing a small schooner of about 30 tons. Captain Gray and Mr Ingraham 
subsequently testified that On the arrival of the Columbia, in the year 1788, 
there was a house, or rather a hut, consisting of rough posts, covered with 
boards, made by the Indians ; but this Captain Douglas pulled to pieces, prior 
to his sailing for the Sandwich Islands, the same year. The boards he took 
on board the Iphiyenia, and the roof he gave to Captain Kendrick, which 
was cut up and used as firewood on board the Columbia . . . As to the land Mr 
Meares says he purchased of Maquinna or any other chief, we cannot say 
further than we never heard of any; although we remained among these 
people nine months, and could converse with them perfectly well. Besides 
this, we have asked Maquinna and other chiefs, since our late arrival, if 
Captain Meares ever purchased any land in Nootka Sound ; they answered 
No ; that Captain Kendrick was the only man to whom they had ever sold 
any land. Gray and Ingrakam s Letter to Cuadra, 1792, in Greenhow s Or. 
and Gal., 415-16. I may add that Kendrick also, according to Haswell, built 
a small house for temporary use in the autumn of 1738. 


1 ion lloffd l.y flic Ah: 

stol bin 1 

of the li i finally ; 

l>;iy to iish, n-tunmiLr. h 
pinnace, which was In , up I Matpiim: 

11 pn. 1 bis fidelity lit, \ 

!iat the final own ip >! t ii 
vras promised him, as 1. ,1. 

On June i i th, leaving a w<>H 

the schooner, Me I for the t 

two inClayoquoi Sound, which beni : .-t 

Cox, 1 r lavishly cut Qed hy \Vi-anai 

chief of that region. A valuahi. 

^ , d, and dissensions between 

healed l>y a treaty which ^avo to Wi- ttifih, I T 

sale to ^Tcai-es, all i urs tlieii in ] <>n <f tl. 

Ind! but allowed Hanna and Detootche the lijlit 

uch skins as should be taken later r 

] oplc. The next day aft iii Port ( 

day, June i )l .)th, the n.-.-vi -\itor si^ t, in 

latitude 48 39 r , reachiiiL;- its southern shoi 
reiving a visit from the chief Tatootclie. The in! 
A\as named for its "original disco p, Juan 

id lias retained the nam ]\i s coolly 
the honor of rediscovering this strait, kno< of u > 
other navigator "said to have been this v>. 

Cook ; Mauivlle, and ignoring \r. 

of v/liich he was p r fl 

out to explore the island whicl nan 

of Tatouche. A near had of ( 

on a hi ^h steep rock; and then ., on 

July 2d, Cape Flatti-ry, Oueeii r an L 

Queenuitett village, Saddle Hill, and ! n 

! land. On the 4th they named Mount Olymj ,in 

latitude 47 C 10 ; : and h 

the en ijow J^oint- and Shoalwater 

87 JTc several times 

. p. lv., li. I 


farusQuocnliytlic. . view 


On Sunday, the Gth, they rounded a promontory in 
about latitude 46 10 , with great hopes that it would 
prove the Cape San Roque of Heceta ; and so, indeed, 
it was, the bay beyond being the mouth of the great 
river of the west. But Meares found breakers ex 
tending completely across the bay, which he named 
Deception, and the cape Disappointment, and wrote : 
"We can now with safety assert, that no such river 
as that of Saint Roc exists, as laid down in the 
Spanish chart." Farther south he named Quicksand 
Bay, which was probably Tillamook, called Murder 
ers Harbor by Gray a little later, though Meares 
describes it as entirely closed by a low sandy beach. 
The adjacent headland was named Point Grenville, 
and a southern one, in latitude 45 30 , Cape Look 
out. The name is still applied to a cape farther 
south, in latitude 45 20 , the original being still 
known by the name of La Mesa, which Heceta gave 
it in 1775, and sometimes by that of Cape Meares. 38 

Having " met with nothing but discouragement," 
Meares now abandoned his southern explorations, 
much against his inclinations, 39 and on July llth 
arrived at Barclay Sound, which, or part of which, 
he renamed Port Effingham, the eastern headland 
of which he called Cape Beale. While trade was 
in progress here, Mr Duffin was sent with thirteen 
men in the long-boat to explore the strait of Fuca, 
and, if possible, the country farther south. He 
started on the 1 3th, and was absent a week. He fol 
lowed the northern shore of the strait for about 

38 Point Grenville has no name on modern maps, unless it was south of the 
bay, as is implied. The identity of these different points, as I have given 
them, in accordance with Davidson, Direct, of Pac. Coa*t, 87-8, is not quite 
clear. It is not impossible that Meares latitude was wrong ; that he missed 
Tillamook altogether ; that Grenville was La Mesa ; Quicksand Bay, Natahats 
Lagoon (or even Tillamook, as before) ; and Lookout, the point still so called ; 
nevertheless, a group of rocks, one of them arched, as described by Meares, 
found according to Davidson off La Mesa, and not off Lookout, should be con 
clusive. Greenhow, Or. and Gal., 177, is wrong in identifying Lookout with 
the Falcon of the Spaniards, which was False Tillamook, and he cites the 
latitude as 45 37 , as indeed Meares gives it in one place. 

39 He had hoped to reach 42, where it is said Captain Caxon found a 
good harbour. I do not know the meaning of this allusion. 


1 \velve i , ]>i rhaps to 1! 

maps, neither diary IK.T quite i. .^-lli- 

, and in what In- called 1 1< 

\ it mat, \ by t! \vlio 

wounded him an< >f hi 

after a hard ii^l Though ! rnal 

raphieally soi:i< -\vhat vague t us, it pr 

difficult] hatever t:> UK- captain, wli 

r riic boat "had sailed near thirty 1 up : 

strait, and at that dis; Voni i it v, 

ii. L leagues broad, with a .T horizon trhii: 

th -t for 15 ! ;! more. 

circumstance lillrd us \\l\\i strange conj to 

tli- extremity of this ,s; . whi hide*!, , 

all events, could not 1><; at ai: ttce iV m 

Hudson s Bay." Healsowri "Wetookj : on 

of the straits of John do Km-u, in the name oi tl 
Kin^-of Britain/ though Dullin mentl^ t; 

and in liis mcnmrial of lator date he clai 
obtained from Wicananish on this trip "the ] romif 
of a free and exclusive trade willi tin- natives of 
district, and also his permission to build any 
Jionses, or other edifices, which ho might ju< 
sary; that he also acquired the same privi of 
exclusive trade from Tatootch ie chief of t. 
country bordering on the stra f John de Fu<- 
and purchased from him a tract of land \vithin the 

40 Puliin .s J is ^ivrn in A 

} } tlic jioiji;-; ln-aringon ;.. ; .Inly !" . 

!;; i, vill.i \ttah on snn/ 

Kittee Natt (Nitinut] villa .:<; l .,ii: HM>U ln.r, 

I ati.otclic Island, s. i:. )y i:. ID 1 : \->i :\. >:nall sandy 

rivnU-t and l>ar \vilh surf; i :<.sal)ly rx.nilla 

I int); L 6th, sandy cove and village; t into 

tin ; b noon entered a deep bay, a good harbor for vessels of l(Horl.")0 

t<ns [U..sti!ity Of J- al>o Nitinat.?] ; 17th. ti;:!it with India 

out df tli itood "\. r t.) the of the bay or .]; 

calK-d I nrt Ha\vkc>l)u:-y. I be bearing s. \v. |\vhich intli 

i .luan, lut Jiowdid he |j iMh. wind s. s. \v. ; at 1 

t!ie south shore four miles, and stn. - to th> the st 

half a mil. :t 

Jlawkesbury ,\. by land, 8.; 1 . w., off ti 

latter S I ;id from the fonner ;d 

uriied to ship. ^leare. - uu the lX)th. 



said strait, which one of your Memorialist s officers 
took possession of in the King s name, calling the 
same Tatootche." Avoiding a harsher term, we may 
call these statements gross exaggerations. 

Returning to Nookta on July 26th, it was learned 
that all had been reasonably prosperous during the 
Felices absence; but when she was ready to sail again 
for Port Cox a mutiny occurred to prevent embark 
ing. The mutineers, headed by the boatswain, who 
had been disgraced for previous insubordination, were 
barely prevented from seizing the vessel; but all sub 
mitted and returned to duty except eight, who, rather 
than submit to be ironed, having their choice, were 
turned on shore among the savages, who for a while 
made slaves of them. On August 8th Meares sailed 
for Port Cox, and just outside the harbor met again 
the Princess Royal, Captain Duncan, now nearly 
ready to leave the coast. After a successful voyage 
ho returned on the 24th to Nootka, where, on the 
27th, Captain Douglas arrived in the Ipliicjenia from 
the northern coast. 

Coming from the Alaskan waters, it was on August 
20th that Douglas found himself in Dixon, or, as 
he chose to rename it, Douglas entrance; and thence 
he proceeded through the strait between Queen Char 
lotte Islands and the main, as Duncan had done before 
him, though Meares has the assurance to claim the 
honor for his associate. 41 The only other name ap 
plied, so far as the journal shows, was that of Point 
Rose; but Douglas returned through the strait the 
next year, as we shall see. Meares map, which I re 
produce here, shows the route and names given for 
both trips, and also the supposed track of the Ameri 
can sloop round another great island in 1789, of which 
I shall speak elsewhere. 42 

41 Douglas Journal of this part of his voyage is found in Meares Voy., 
329 et seq. For Meares remarks see Id., Ixiii.-v. and 211-12. He knew per 
fectly well that Duncan had preceded Douglas in the strait. 

42 On the original map, not copied, is an inscription to the effect that Queen 
Charlotte Island was named by Dixon in 1787, though discovered by Lowrie 

Raines s Covts 
L Mt.lazaro 





! : rooks 
oody Point 

/Breakers Pt 



\ r 




y - /^ay 

.Shoal Water 


:tion Say 


The two vessels being now reunited, every effort 
was made to fit the Felice for her trip to China with 
the valuable cargo of furs that had been collected. 
The exiled mutineers were received back for duty, 
except the boatswain, who was confined in the house, 
and soon escaped. Work on the new and old vessels 
progressed rapidly. 

On September 17th the Lady Washington, Captain 
Gray, made her appearance, as already related, in 
time to witness, on the 19th or 20th, the launch of 
the new schooner, which was named the North West 
America, the first vessel ever built on the coast. 
The launching was an event of much interest to 
English and American spectators, as well as to the 
Chinese builders, and one of great wonder to the 
natives. It is made the subject of an engraving in 
Meares book. 43 

A few days later the Felice, taking on board the 
Iphigenias furs, 44 and a lot of spars for the China 
market, sailed from Nootka. She touched at the 
Sandwich Islands, and early in December anchored 
at Macao. 

The Iphigenia remained about a month at Nootka 
after the Felice s departure, the time being spent in 
preparing the North West America for a trip to the 
Sandwich Islands, where the two vessels were to 
winter. The Columbia arrived on September 22d or 
23d, the day after Meares departure, and the Ameri 
cans, eager to get rid of their rivals in trade, gladly 
aided in the preparations for departure. The house 
on shore, if we may credit Gray and Ingraham, was 
demolished, part of the material being put on board 

and Guise in 1786. And in Meares instructions to Douglas for the second 
trip through the strait, in appendix, we read : You have the credit of dis 
covering the Great Island, the north-west side of which, comprehending 
nearly four degrees of latitude, is entirely undiscovered. 

^Meares Voy., 221. In the engraving and text the English nag is repre 
sented as flying over both schooner and the house on shore. Has well says 
nothing of this. 

44 Meares solemn assertion to Gray that not over 50 skins in all had been 
obtained, as also his mean trick of refusing to carry letters for the Americans, 
has already been noticed. 


lji-li-li \ .-iiid t] ( uiven to ( tain 

K ii<lrirk; and on Octol L. <it.h or ^7tli the t 

il, briiiLC lowrd out of tin- harbor by 

tin; Aiiu-ricans, and i in .1 

Captain Ivmdru we have seen, wintei 

at Noot! 




NORTHWESTERN annals of 1789 offer little of inter 
est outside of certain somewhat startling events at 
Nootka; but before recording those events it will 
be well to name the different vessels that visited the 
coast, and to follow their movements independently 
of the Nootka troubles, in which all were directly or 
indirectly involved. 

Kendrick and Gray, as we have seen, had passed the 
winter at Nootka, and were therefore first in the field 
for the spring trade. On March 16th the Lady Wash 
ington sailed for Clayoquot, where she arrived next 
day, and where she lay for ten days, the men engaged 
in trading, hunting, and making a survey of what 
they called Hancock Harbor. " I really think," writes 
Has well, "there is a great inland communication by 


MOV KM: us. 205 

rive Tin- who].- laud we could B6 I li -n 

t<> suppo bo b< islands." 1 Th. -ii I d down 

tin- << noting Company Bay, or Han-lay Sound, 

passing Nil mat village and I atchenat, or Pov< 
C and entering what they Were BUT6 TOS t! 

strait of Fnea, probably to about th< poj 

reached by ?d< on April 1st tip 

"saw tli :n rise clear iVoin the bori/on up t 1 
Straits, It is evident that Meaivs had told tin 

Dothingof his own or of ]>an-la\ > discoveries. Xotin^ 

Tatooche 1 land, or Chandee, they were * 

the winds below Cape Flatten and 

returned to ( layofjuot on the inli, joining \Yi<-anani.di 

in a BUC - ill whale-hunt. Subsequently Captain 

(iray i-epeated his southern trip, exploring ( < dia-ht 
Cove and Company J Jay l>y means of his hoat, an<l 
i-eturning on Aju-il L lM to Xootka, ^ hei-e he i ound 

Captain Douglas and the JpX la. The American 

vessels were anchor- en mil - up t oun<! 

Mawinah, Moweena, or Kcndrick ( and the otli- 
ct i-s made some explorations in the inland channe! 
Returning to Friendly Cove ready for sea, ( n 
Gray learned that the AW/// West Am rica had arrivt 1 

and departed for northern wai L- -ivin^t >und 
on the :><l of ]\Iay, he met the I^-i, . commanded 
l>y Martinez* Gray was bound north, hut for a w-ek 
the winds prevented his ^vttin^ beyond J [ope 1! 
and before his departure on the 10th ! I 

another \ 1 under Spanish colors, the Aw// < 

This trip of the /.mli/ \\ <i*]in, jli> the north is not 
so clearly described by I Ias\\vll a ;tld be desii-able. it 

impossible to lix all the positio; They ) !, 

! / . MS., -4:5 ct sc-[. The autlior iutn .liUTs ijuitc a long 

deecnption ]>!. 

-ll;i!l .1. Kfllry, / -; to have SIT -; !, 

ami EEoflkinS* jODIDftl in iM H; Init h : ivinai .tains ) lihiink-re 

al)out th ; rannot 

!>( pntv.-ii erront .1 that< 

and alao thai nHiitidns tlu- lai-ur ri\ 

Tacootche, ll"\\iiiLC into the east< ru ]..ii-t of this [l- iu-aj soa, in laiitiulc 4 J 

that i : Etiver. 

3 The v ak-t of the bay he says was called Chiekleaaet. 


however, between the continent and the great island, 
and penetrated the maze of islands and channels 
beyond as far as 55 43 .* To Queen Charlotte, Gray 
gave the name of Washington, apparently not aware 
that any other navigator had discovered its separation 
from the mainland. " Had we not met with the mis 
fortune of running ashore in the storm our discoveries 


would have been very interesting. As it was, we dis 
covered that the straits of Admiral de Font actually 
exist. As far north as we went is a vast chain of 
islands, and the entrances between them may be taken 
for gulfs and straits; but when explored large rivers 
and lakes may be found. This coast can never be 
thoroughly surveyed until it is done at some national 
expense, whose commanders are interested by com 
merce." 5 Commercially the trip was successful, large 
numbers of skins being obtained, especially on the 
western side of Queen Charlotte Isles, on the return. 
At one place the unsophisticated savages gave two 

4 May 3d to 15th, from Hope Bay passed between Cape Ingraham and a 
group of islands ; across to opposite shore fourteen leagues ; a large bay with a 
dangerous reef on west ; farther west, coast craggy, with low detached islands; 
latitude 52 37 [no date] ; good open bay in 52 50 , with a remarkable ridge of 
barren mountains 011 isr. shore; saw land s. \v. by s., far away. May 16th, laud 
90 miles in extent and six miles from coast, N. N. E. to continent; waited 
until 19th for Indians who promised furs; this bay [probably that in 52 50 ] 
named Derby Sound, for one of the owners. May 21st, A large inlet trending 
to the westward, probably the entrance of Admiral de Font s Straits; gales 
and complicated movements; the great island estimated to extend 170 miles, 
from 52 to 54 30 . May 22d, N. w. and \v., edging into the continent; lati 
tude 55 30 . May 24th, a terrible gale, which so strained the sloop that it 
was resolved to return to Nootka ; place named Distress Cove, in 55. May 
25th and 27th, near Distress Cove, generally in 55 10 . May 28th, latitude at 
noon 55 43 ; a chain of islands, which could not be explored; returned to 
Washington Island ; Custa, a village on a sandy bay [not far from Dixon s 
Cloak Bay] under chief Cuneah ; estimated latitude 54 15 ; entrance of the 
strait [Dixon Entrance] in 54 20 ; passed south in foggy weather. June 8th, 
latitude 53 [54?] 8 . June 10th, latitude 53 32 . June llth, in an inlet 
and good harbor, in 52 12 , named Barrell Sound, for one of the owners ; on 
shore found a very curious fortified rock, called Touts, with flat top and per 
pendicular sides 40 feet high. Thence [no more dates given] to the islands 
off Cape Ingraham ; and to Nootka. 

5 Duncan and Douglas had preceded Gray in the straits, as we have seen. 
Greenhow, Or. and CaL, 199, says: Gray explored the whole east coast of 
Queen Charlotte s Island, which had never before been visited by the people 
of any civilized nation, though Duncan . . . had . . . sailed through the sea 
separating it from the main land; and then claims that Douglas did not 
precede Gray. All this is wrong, to say nothing of the fact that Gray s 
exploration was of the main rather than the island coast. 


trotter skins, worth about eight. thousand 

dollars, for an old iron <-hi-- 

Captain Gray arrived al Xo< ->rtly rJui 

i up t ,ini(l -join Km 

at Mawinah, he Sarfl SpanUh \ Is at anrlmr, 

witli the Princess Royal, Captain Hudson, and ii.. 4 

it Martinez liad i I I Log Island near 1-Yit-ndlv 

Cove. I fcn, after relating briefly what had occuri 

N r ootka during the ai the Lady Washingt 

HaswelTs diary comes to an end. ]>m >r<- either of i 
Is sailed again, the writer, with Captain Gray, 
transferred to the C^hnnbid. Aft itnes 
I transactions hehveeii the En-li-li and Span- 
and perhaps taking some part indirectly in in, to 

noted presently, the Americans d- <-i led to send the 
ship to China with the furs collected under coin 
of Gray, while Kendrick was to remain and cont n 
trading operations with the sloop. The crew of th<- 
North Wcxt America, a Spanish prize, was put on 

ard the Columbia, as is subsequently related, 
be carried to China, and also a quantity of suppl: 
ostensibly for their support, which enabled Kendi 
to reinforce advantageously the crew and replenish : 
stores of il\QLadijV\ <i.<J>i,i(jton. Soon after the middl- 
of July the two vessels left Xootka and went down 
to Clayoquot, 6 where the transfer of skins and sup])! 
was made, and the Columbia sailed for China. AY 
have no details of the voyage, except that they \ 
Canton early in December, and loading with lea, pro 
ceeded on their voyage round the world, the first und-r 
the Hag of the United St . and arrived at B< 
in August 1790. Though a large quantity of I m- 

6 Possibly the Lri lji Wet *Ji n> <itmi Irf: iivt, an-l after hern trip 

met the C> ;it Clayoquot. ., 1!)! _ ">. so in: 

it, and thinks that it was on this trip that < .ray. as !i 
: >-, sailed a() miles im ii of Fiu-a. ;m<l found 

wide. Ifad CJray made this trip, hon 
extended liis diaiy to include it ; in oiu- nf the docum> 

./it i 

to think tl. rcp Tt to \ .t; . 

uu exa^gL-ratiuu of hid visit to the strait in - of this vuhu. 


had been obtained, the expedition is said to have re 
sulted in no profit to the owners, some of whom sold 
out their interest, while the others fitted out the ship 
for a new voyage, to be described in a later chapter. 7 
After Gray s departure we know nothing in detail of 
Kendrick s operations on the coast. In Meares map, 
copied in the preceding chapter, we find laid down 
the "track of the Lady Washington in the autumn 
of 1789," through a strait whose southern entrance 
is that of Fuca, and the northern above Queen 
Charlotte Island, thus making a great island of the 
Nootka region. When Vancouver met Gray in 1792, 
and was told by him that he made no such voyage, 
the inaccuracy of Meares statement was believed to 
be established; but it subsequently appeared that 
Meares got his information from a man who had 
obtained it from Kendrick after his return to China 
at the end of 1789, 8 and therefore it was plausibly 
concluded by Greenhow and others that the Lady 
Washington had made the trip through the strait 
under Kendrick s command after the departure of the 
Columbia. I cannot say that such was not the fact; 
but from the extreme inaccuracy of Meares 7 chart, 
from the narrowness of the real channel, and from 
the fact that Kendrick is not known to have made 
subsequently any claims to a discovery so important, 
I am strongly of the opinion that the chart was made 
from second-hand reports of Kendrick s conjectures, 
founded on Gray s explorations of the north and 
south, already described, and supplemented by his 
own possible observations after Gray s departure, as 
well as by reports of the natives, which, according to 
Has well, indicated a channel back of Nootka. It is 
not difficult, without imputing any intentional decep 
tion to the American commander, to suppose this to 

7 Bulfinch s statement, U. S. Gov. Doc., 25th Cong., 3d Sess., II. Kept. No. 101, 
p. 50; Greenhow s Or. and CaL, 200, 225-6. It was Derby and Pintard who 
sold out to Barrell and Brown. 

8 M cares Answer to Mr George Dixon, London, 1791. A reply to Dixon s 

TIII-: iriricKN-iA. 209 

have In-en the origin of t; port, which w 
to Lond >n l>y a man who liad talked with i drick 
and not himself visited tin- < At any i 

tin- evi is not sullirimt 1 ! \ 

honor <>f having leen the first, to >;i\\ numd Y.-in- 
Island. >niewh< howev dmi i" the 

f ~* 

autumn, Captain Kendrick obtained a raluabl 

of furs, and at the end of tlr >n went to ( lmi;> 

sell them, not returning the n it all, l.ut 

making his ap] earance in 171H, as we shall 

Iphigenia, under Douglas or Vian -iji-di 
to circumstac and the native-built // II 

J . , Captain Robert Funter, had wim ! at the 

Sandwich Islands, in accordance with Meares in 

tions. r j he plan lor I; i was i . ,r 1 

ve too ^ the field north of Nootka, tl >w 

tradiiiL; on the, western side of Queen Char! 1-des 

chielly, aiid tlio schooner on the and 

mainland, while, Meares in the /<//"< < was to return 
and confine his operations to the south, D( ind 

Funter left the Islands on March 18th and arri\ I 
at Nootka, the former on April L Oth and the lar 
on the 24th. Five days later the schooner sailed lor 
her northern trading cruise, soon followed, a have 
Been,l>y$beLadyWashingtc Then came Li ;iant 
Martinez from San ]>las, as i^ more fully 1 

.i<l ahout the middle of Ma;. 

Ijii a prize. She v, ;lyr .1, 

furnished \vith led suppl .;nd j rmittetl 

to sail on (lie Jd or :>d of June, oe for t 

but no sooner was ( !aptain ! toi 

las out of si^ ht of ]ort than he turned northwar 
a tour of t ade, which was <jui: ^i ul, 

- so, a claimed, than it would ha\ 

if the Span: not taken f the ro .f 

articles lor 1,-arter. fhe course was up the 
round i nd, as sho\-.-n on a map ah 

9 y/ 

HIM. N. W. COAST, VOL. I. 14 


given. The Englishmen had to discharge their guns 
once or twice to keep off hostile savages; but there 
was no other adventure worthy of notice. Leaving the 
north end of the island on June 27th, the Ij)hiyenia 
reached the Sandwich Islands in July, and Macao in 
October. 10 

Funter s route on the North West America is not 
exactly known, except that the natives reported him to 
have been on the west shore of the island, in 52 12 , 
in May; but he obtained over two hundred skins, 
and returning to Nootka on June 9th, his vessel was 
seized by the Spaniards, the furs being transferred to 
the Princess Royal, and the crew to the Columbia. 
She remained in the Spanish service, under the 
name of Gertrudis probably, and immediately made a 
trading trip for account of her captors in charge of 
David Coolidge, mate of the Lady Washington, obtain 
ing some seventy-five skins. She was taken to San 
Bias at the end of the year. 11 

Meanwhile Captain Meares, instead of returning 
in the Felice from China, as he had intended, formed 
a partnership there in behalf of his company with 
Mr Etches, representing the London company that 
had fitted out Duncan and Colnett s expedition of 
1787-8, making joint -stock of all the vessels and 
other property. The Prince of Wales being sent to 
England, a new ship was purchased and named the 
Argonaut, to replace the Felice, which was sold. This 
ship, under Captain Colnett, and the Princess Royal, 
Captain Thomas Hudson, left China in April and 
May, not flying Portuguese colors this time, because 
the London company had a license from the East 

19 Douglas* Journal, in Mcarcs Voy., 331-9 and tables; see also map in 
preceding chapter, p. 201. The names applied on this trip, according to the 
Journal, were as follows : Fort Pitt, Buccleugh Sound, Cape Farmer, Cape 
Murray. Petrie Island, Mount St Lazaro, Haines Cove, Cape Irving, Mclntyre 
Bay, in 53 58 , Cox Channel, Tatanee village, and Beal Harbor. 

1 J/mrr-V J"o//., tables and documents in appendix. Tobar, In forme, says, 
however, that she was sent under Narvaez to explore the strait of Fuca, 
Coolidge going as interpreter; and this may be confirmed by Navarrete, 
Viayes Ap6c., 114. 

PITT. 211 

India Company. II was the intention now i<> - 
lisli a permanent trading -po -MI i 

, with suitable buildii or th nipati fthe 
company, C<>lnett was authorized to select th 

:\enient sit such an establishment! wli n-li v 

named Fort Pitt, and to !>< undT 
^Ir DulHn. Xootka was not mentioned in th- in- 

of the f,,rt, though if woiiM 
naturally have heen plaerd tli ! Nor do we tincl in 

the instructioD printed any provision like th 

year l r t roiihlo with V( t o1 ber 
nations. 1 - Seventy Chinamen rere emhai-ked 

tiers lor the new fort: 1 and a small vessel <! tlii 
s was earned to he launched <>n the Ani -ri- 
CO >t. 

The Princess Royal was the iirst to reaeh Xooi 

on June Nth, and ai ter a few days of the m 

ndly relations with l><>th Spaniards and A.n, 

(Britain Hudson sailed for a trading cruise, OD .July 
. carrying the skins taken from the sehooiiri- A "/-/// 

]i i nn ricn. Xext day Colnett eanie in with t 

Argonaut, wliich on July 4th was >ei/ed ly the Span- 
Is as a ]>rize. Ten days later the /Y 

returned and was also seized. I>.>th vessels w. 
.1 south Spanish crews and oili and 

- ] >/., appendix. Colnctt \\ unciulcil t 

willi tin- ii;iti U, particularly near N In planning a 

f AnuTica, \\-r Ixik to a solid establishment, .-unl n<t mir tl: 

; <loiiril at pic. . ill to li.x it at t!i< 

LOU, only to ])!;KH: your ro!n\ ,.1 full;. i 

from the fear of the smallest siiu iili-ut. Tin . .In 

ilr;i\v the Indiai. . to lay up thi- small \ 

.iM, ami for >i!. mici-rial purp<^, 

;. .. -rent trading h" ill l>- that J 

. In his M 

x his residence at A ootka s. .mid, and, with t!: 

tial honM On the spot which your Memorialist had pu: I in the pivrr 

appear l>y a eupy of his instn, 

.M. Chinamen. liar. / lained thatt! : 

been entieed a\\ay from their eountry to ^<> to 1 . ]>ut found i 

!, t > him. ii with a Kanaka wife and thus s< i 

in latei- documents that the Chilian 
put to \\o:k; but what became <f them d>. 
1! In >! appendix :veii Hu<! 

j it i.s dated July L d. He elaim.s that t!. 


Colnett, Hudson, and their men as prisoners. They 
sailed, the Argona/ut under Jose Tobar on July 14th, 
and the Prim-cxs on the 27th, arriving at San Bias on 
the 15th and 27th of August respectively. 15 Thus, 
for this year at least, disastrously came to an end the 
brilliant commercial enterprise of Meares and his 

The only other trading voyage of 1789 was that 
of Captain Metcalf with two vessels, the Eleonora, 
in which he sailed from New York, and the Fair 
American, purchased in China and commanded by his 
son. Pie is said to have arrived at Nootka in No 
vember, and to have had one of his vessels seized and 
held for a time by the Spaniards; 16 but as there were 
no Spaniards there at that date, the arrival must have 
been earlier, or there was no seizure. Of Metcalf s 
trading operations nothing is known; but his vessels 
met with disaster subsequently at the Sandwich 

I have not been able to obtain the original diaries 
of the Spanish expedition of 1789, nor has any pre 
ceding writer in English seen them; but to Navar- 

o o * 

rete s brief resume, which was all that had been known 
from Spanish sources, I am able to add statements of 
equal importance in the reports of Tobar, an officer in 
the expedition, and of the viceroy Revilla-Gigedo, 17 
besides a few indirect allusions in the narratives of 
later expeditions. The tidings brought back from 
Alaska in 1788 respecting the intentions of the Rus- 

15 The dates are given in Revilla-Gigedo, Informe. Greenhow and other 
writers do not clearly state that the Princess was sent to San Bias at all. 

10 Greenhow s Or. and Cal., 224-5, with reference^ to Vancouver, Jarvis, 
Ingraham, and to newspaper accounts. 

17 Navarrete, Viages Apoc., 61-3; Id., in Rutil y Mex., Viaye, cvi.-viii.; 
Rev Ma-Gigedo, Informe del Virey, 12 de Abril, 1793, 127-9, in Hustamante, 
Suple.mento a la Hist. . .de Oat-o, iii. ; Tobar y Tamnriz, Informe sobre Acoute- 
c indentos de Nutka, 1784; extracts in Viagero Universal, xxvi. 157-69. This 
report contains quite a full statement of the fur-trade and operations of 
English traders, with a description of Nootka and its people; but except in 
a few points is not very full on the events attending the capture of vessels. 
Tobar returned to San Bias in command of the Argonaut as a prize; and his 
report was the first account of the capture that readied Mexico and Europe. 

PRl\n:s.\ AND BAS < 213 

sin nl I-ji^lish on the Northwest ( 

Viceroy I- 1 ! to resolve upon tl. ,n of 

>so<>tka hefoiv it should I.,- i LOQ of hv anv 

foreign power. F. r hi purp Marti and I ! - 
we nt Lack to tin- north on the I ml S 

sailing from San Ulas mi 1 nary I 7. 1 7 

Their instructions were t nciliate the 01 for 

whose conversion IViars were sent; t i Imildi. 

lor i tony, and forti icat ions lor its def -n> ; 

a I an indicai i,m o| the Span; 
; ion ; if I ! \\\ <>r l ji^li>h v< 

ve tlici h all courtesy, hut with a m 

<>f i^ht of Spain, ly virliu- of d > this 

hnicnt a:i 1 o1 that we 

and after -undaiion to ,<l th 

an exploring tour, particularly to 
50 and ; )5. 

ihoiit, touching in California the t\vo V( 
reached the latitude of Xootka carlv in Mav. .lust 


outside the entrance of the sound Marline/, met ( Ji 
on the I^nlif Washington, and in a i riendly int-rvi 
made many inquiries about the \ itliin, an- 

nounced his intention, as Haswell >ays, of capturing 
the English craft, and ( n ave a strai. Account <f his 
own expedition. 18 It was on ^Fay nt h that the / 
entered the harhor and found the //, under 

Portugu< anxiously awaiting hermnsort a 

in considerable distress, aa Captain Don ited 

Martinez treat- il .Douglas with every COUT . prom 
ised to relieve his distr md went up tin 
Mu-nd a few days with K-ndrick. During liis absei 
llaro arri\ed with the >W,/ ( ,/YA,.v. n : h: and 

next day on his return he summoned Douglas and 

18 /. rino/ said his vrsscl with tv -re 

had been fitted 01 ; : lui.l tuichcil .m 

: :]>]>lyi: 

: ( alif >nii:i. I I h;nl ; Ullil 11: 

:;<! ]i;n-tc(l \\itli i 
tn I > I that ho luulinct tin- hail supjilioil lirr with tii "tijlim 



Viana on board the Princesa and declared them to be 
his prisoners, sending a force to take possession of the 
Iphigenia, on which the Spanish flag was raised. 11 

The chief motive of the seizure, as alleged, was 
that clause of the instructions in Portuguese which 
required the captain to take Spanish vessels and carry 
their men to Macao to be tried for piracy. To enter 
a Spanish port with such instructions was deemed by 
Martinez sufficient cause for capturing the vessel as 
a prize. Douglas protested that the instructions were 
misinterpreted; that he had entered the port in dis 
tress; and that he would depart at once if released. 
But the Spaniard refused, and made preparations to 
send his prize to San Bias. 20 The Englishmen sus 
pected that Kendrick had instigated the seizure; and 
I have little doubt that he did so, at least to the ex 
tent of putting the Iphigenia s peculiar papers in their 
worst light and encouraging the Spaniard s natural 
suspicions. The vessel was unloaded, to be caulked 
and otherwise prepared for her voyage, the officers 
and men being meanwhile detained on the Spanish 

On reflection Lieutenant Martinez began to fear 
that he had gone too far, and was made to under 
stand that he had misinterpreted the Portuguese in 
structions, in which the capture of Spanish, English, 
or Russian vessels was made contingent on a previous 
attack by them; also that their aim had been against 
English rather than Spanish interference. Accord 
ingly on the 26th of May he restored the refitted 
Iphigenia to her commander, and furnished all needed 
supplies for a voyage to the Sandwich Islands, taking 

19 These are the dates given in Douglas 1 Journal. Gray and Ingraham 
make the arrival of the San Carlos and capture of the Iphigenia on May 10th 
and llth respectively. Douglas dates are doubtless correct. 

20 Martinez at first intended to dismiss with a warning * the Ipld jenia, 
which sailed under Portuguese flag, passport from the governor of Macao, and 
instructions from Juan Caraballo as owner, written in the Portuguese lan 
guage; but it seeming to him that these papers were not Miwe.ros, and con 
tained harsh and i asulting expressions, he made him prisoner, but afterward 
released him for lack of men to man the prize, taking a document, etc. 
Itevttla-Gigedo, Inform?, 127. 


in payment Kills on Cavalho and Company, the nomi 
nal own , and receiving Captain DOUJ 

a statement that tin- vessel had hem found at. \. 

ill distress, that her navigation had not 1. 

and that she had been >upplied with all the Btoi 

need i- \-o\ I )OUM-],-I- says thai .1 h- 

staiii!in;4 this document, which he had g] 

entreaty <t his men to ohtain rd. he \ 

heeii plundered <>f everything of value, includi 

articles for trade and his own private prop : 

that ti applies were furnished in fery limit i 
quantity at exorbitant pri There is e\ 

son to hdirve that this was a <_n-<> ;tion, 

though various articles may have limi I l.-n 

in the transfers of car-^o. He does not claim 
they were personally ill-treated. Gray and Jn^raham 
tify that "they were treated with all imaginable 
kind, and every attention paid them, that 

Douglas and his officers were perfectly .-atisiied with 
the arrangement, and that "the .Ij>/ti /ri, , >*.< hein 
tained was of infinite service to those who were con 
cerned in her," since it enabled her to start earlier 
and in better condition than would otherwise have 
n possible. 93 True, the Americans w> im 

partial \vitii. : yet Douglas 3 signature to the do- 
ment, his own admission of the \ ! s di 
arrival, and the very fact that she did make a very 
successful trading cruise, ^o far to contirm their t 

An ai^rc einent was also signed, hindin^ the owiu 
to i or pay for the \ 1, in case the viceroy of 

in < , 1."). 

ncriiiK nfar pfijuicio al^uii.i 1 paqi 
BUS oiicial- ipuhu-ion : 

. li> liUrciaciiT 8U8 

nlr;i \\ 

-j)!-i.soiuTs l>y W 

of vc the ftirnishin 

s injustice to > 
their trsiimcmy. 


New Spain should decide the prize to have been law 
ful. Still another document did Lieutenant Martinez 
obtain from the captain, a letter for Mr Funter. He 
desired to purchase the schooner North West America 
at a price fixed by the American officers. Douglas 
said that neither he nor Funter had any authority to 
sell. Martinez insisted on having a letter* for the 
master of the schooner; and at the last moment 
Douglas wrote one. Its purport was that Funter 
might act as he thought best in the matter; but 
there is some reason to believe that it was represented 
to Martinez as the desired order for sale. Douglas 
himself says, "The moment I had finished my letter 
I gave orders to slip the hawser, and made sail out of 
the cove." Meares says that in writing the letter he 
"cautiously avoided any directions to the effect de 
sired, availing himself of Don Martinez s ignorance 

O O 

of the English language." And Martinez a little later 
claimed to take the schooner by virtue of an agree 
ment with Douglas. On June 2d the Iphigenia sailed, 
bound homeward, as the Spaniards and Americans 
had been led to believe; but at midnight tacked to 
the northward and engaged, as we have seen, in a 
very successful trade. She did not, however, as was 
hoped, meet the schooner consort, which it was in 
tended to burn after taking off the men and furs. 

Meanwhile the Spanish commander had taken for 
mal possession of the port, which he called Santa Cruz 
de Nutka; erected barracks for his men, and formed 
a battery of six or ten guns on Hog Island, command- 
ins 1 the entrance to the sound and the anchorage 

O * 

known as Friendly Cove; 24 or possibly they had six 
teen guns in two places. On the arrival of the North 
West America on June 9th Martinez took possession, 

21 Tobar says the formal act of possession took place June 24th. Macuina 
was shown a collection of flags, and asked which he had seen first, selecting 
that of Spain. He also described the first officers as vestido^ decobre, alluding 
to the gold lace, etc., of the Spanish navy; and the men had handkerchiefs 
on the head, so that the English were confounded, confessing that Jacobo 
Koock had deceived them, saying in his work that he had been the discoverer 
of that port. 

[ZUEE OF Til. IONAUT, 217 

hv virtue, a < In- claimed, f lii tent with 

J )oi> on a 

])! < j -int account, of lihnsdf ;:l)d 111- A 

i frieii Mr Coo! put in 

Tli Iready related, wa nt to China on i 


C i. When Captain Hudson arrive. I on t 

I Lth : June (iii the/ / /A/"/ be broughl 

of ill*- bankruptcy of Cavalho and ( ompa:i\ -, wlj. 
bills to a, consi. le amount for suppli* 
Jj>/ \ [by Marline/; an.l 

i ified himself iu ho! the 

as security for the <1 of paying lor h 

J. (I himself 

The . 1, ived on July - >d. 

J } , . iilu without ( in 

learned from Mr I>arnetr and 
others wl if in a l>oat the condition of tliin-^ 

in the harbor, and was advised to anchor oul 
Lieutenant] me on board with m< fri-n- 

urair-es, the good iaiih of \vliich ! to be 

guaranteed by tlie kind treatment oi Hudson; and 
the ship was towed in by the Spanish launch, fntil 
the next day relations continued friendly; then the 

d and put under Spanish colors, offic 
and men 1> ing detained as prisoner There is notlii 
to sirpport the later charge tliat Martinez rhcr- 

enticed the sliip into the liai-hor lor t!i- purp. 
of; ; but every reason to believe that b 

to treat the Argonaut a ; lie liad just treated her con 
sort. 25 The tru ison of tlie seizure comes out dearly 

" Til his piii LV6 >f a l:r th 

Atlantic and round Cape Hon ". i.-iii. , 

and not on j>p. . > i i h;i<l n ; my 

caliin, i! ,ia !; pi . Erom Mr Hudson. . .Thecomm 

infoniic<li!ic,i i under his command >. tV 

: tin-, i:i a \ . 

HIM:: I him >. I 

L, aa I 

nltlc "f ]>Ut .f Uiulrr t 

f \v;ir. The S[r v unwilii:. 

Avitii 1 ; n 1 honor, 

of Spain. . .if i would go into port and ivlk-vi: his wani.s, 1 ,-hould l>o at hi 


enough from the testimony and circumstances, even if 
the former is in some respects vague and contradictory. 
Richard Howe, the American supercargo, and per 
haps other officers of the Columbia accompanied Mar 
tinez on his first visit to Colnett; 26 and other American 
officers were present at subsequent interviews. They 
state that they heard Colnett inform the Spanish 
commander of his purpose to take possession, hoist 
the English flag, erect a fort, and settle a colony at 
Nootka. Martinez replied that he had already taken 
possession for Spain; and on being pressed for a di 
rect statement whether he would prevent the occupa 
tion, declared that he could permit nothing more than 
the erection of a tent for the temporary purpose of 
obtaining wood and water, after which he was free 
to depart. 27 This was just such an interview as would 
be natural under the circumstances; and it is not 
likely that Colnett would have persisted in his pur 
pose, though in his disappointment he may have used 
strong language. His decision would naturally have 
been to leave Nootka and select another site for his 
trading-post. In the afternoon of July 4th Colnett 
went on board the Princesa to ask permission to sail 
immediately. Martinez granted it at first, but on 
second thought desired to see the Englishman s 
papers. 26 Doubtless it had occurred to him, or per 
haps had been suggested by his American friends, that 
Nootka was not the only available site for a colony, 
and that Colnett s desire to sail so soon was a sus- 

to sail whenever I pleased. So he went in. Next morning he got ready some 
stores for the Spaniard, and on taking breakfast gave him a list of the articles, 
announcing his intention of sailing the same day. Martinez consented, and 
offered to send his launch to get the supplies and tow his vessel out, but sent 
instead an order to come on board. See continuation in a later note. 

* G Howe is named in the depositions of the men of the North Wext America 
and of William Graham, attached to Metres Memorial. Mr Puffin, first officer 
of the AryoiHi.ut, in his letters, Id., tells us that Colnett and his visitors had 
an interview in the cabin at which he was not present. 

^Gray find Ingraham g Letter. 

^Duffin a Letters. These letters, written at the time by Colnett s first 
mate, are by far the most reliable authority on occurrences connected with 
the seizure. Colnett s own statement of later years is, as will be shown here 
after, unworthy of belief. 


picioiis circun)-t;i:i< C<>1 went, 1m 

own vessel an<l returned with his p, it 

on the ( ompany s uniform and sword. ( )n readil 
instructions, an<l perhaps desiring time t<> h;i a 

ly interpreted, Martinez informed t 
that he rould not l>e permitted 

Then a (juaiTel ensued hetwe.-n tin- eonini . ill 

consequence of which ( <>lnett was put under EU I 

his ships were >< i/.-d as prix- Tl 
stances of the <(iiaiTel aiv not accurately known 

1 append solnc- evidence ,n the sllhj From 1 

: % ()n which some lii^li words 1,, | 

tin-Hi, and Captain Colnett i: out iiunR-li;itt-ly, which he s.. 

h.- i ili) unless tin; commodore 6rea I <t him; if so. 

haul down his colours, and deliver himself up a pn , had 

littered this, but he- was put under an . and his swonl taki-n t . -otn h. 

th< :/i d . . . ; l)iit what is most pai tieular, In 

to load his L, r uus with shot, 1- that had only two s\\i\ 

mounted: ,at it was inijHsilile to make any ... The 

inod-n\- .-i passion now Ix-^an to al>ate a little, and !: St 

Carlo- < I was imprisoned: when I eame !> him, ; 

very L, r n-at friendship t ui- iin-, and appeared to In- lingly for wh. . 

he said, his oiHcers compelled him to do. Ur declared to me. that he h I ui 
Cap.ain ( olnett jiennission to depart, and would liave assisted him all in ; 
power, liut that( ajitain ( Bluett insisted on ei-eetiiiLfa 1" dd he 

represented the Kin/^of < Ji-eat Dritain.and that lie cam" t t;. -ession in 

his Uritanniek Majesty s name. Tho Spaniard (pioted th- 
was represtnitativu of his most Catholic Majesty the K i. -pain: lm I 

re every reason to susp-et theix- was a inisund--! 

two jiarties, for the linu U: I inu Iisli very i.npert in all 

h od : . : ed M many wurds wron;^ as ri.cht. 
I.V.I ill: ( apitan Colliet \ eni;i ein destiliode ( M >i )ernad< .r <\< 
posesionarse y Jortiiiear.-i- para no dexar cut ! - ar ni .-alii- em 
otr:v n;eion ; irameiite soy de sentir lo huliiera veriiiead >. 

1 Uerto e 1 le ls mnehos i|U< a^uell 

lu i 1 martinete para la entrada ... a juien tuvo ;t lijen el 

de N ;].) arre-.:lado a la Otde 

const 1-1; <pu- traia ;i lordo. Na\.n: the 

authority >f Martinez scates t. 
show M.-irtine/ his in-tn: . nsin_ 

that, ha\"i]ii^ exhaa-teil the methods of prudence \\i i, our 

commander resolved to arreat the liriti.-di n within 

di : -all til* 1 - men >f the A r<fnn-i nf pri 1 

t > San IJlas at the disposition 

// . :ne under ord 

of Noot: Mish a 

l)i-iii , r in;,f ? - tiiis purpose tie and 1 


ahlishments, pretendi; 
Cook, and, further, t: ; 

coinpany tlie ri-ht 
coverer; Irut the commandi-r of ou 
commander his erroneous and ill-founded ; .ngiui ctt 


testimony and circumstances it clearly appears that 
on Martinez refusing to permit his instant departure, 
for which the Spaniard had the best of reasons, Col- 
nett lost his temper, used language that the other 
deemed insulting, and in his anger insisted on his 
right and purpose to establish an English fort, which 
action it was Martinez duty as a Spanish officer to 
prevent by the only means within his power, the 
seizure of the vessel. That Colnett claimed the right 
or expressed the intention of holding Nootka, though 
Martinez through interpreters may have so understood 

refused to show his patents and instructions, explaining himself always with 
much haughtiness ; but as he thought he could not keep it up, he resolved to 
leave Nootka, and set sail. For this purpose he asked the aid of a launch to 
raise his anchors, and then Martinez, fearing that the English captain might 
establish himself in another port on the coast, from which it would be diffi 
cult to dislodge him, again ordered him to show his papers. Colnett continued 
his persistent refusal, accompanying it with insulting actions and expressions, 
so that Martinez, his little patience being exhausted, detained the Argonaut 
and Princess Royal, sending both vessels to Sail Bias. Colnett himself, Toy., 
98, says : I received an order from Don Martinez, to come on board his ship 
and bring with me my papers. This order appeared strange, but I complied 
with it, and went aboard the Princesa. On my coming into his cabin, he 
said he wished to see my papers: on my presenting them to him, he just 
glanced his eyes over them, and although he did not understand a word of the 
language in which they were written, declared they were forged, and threw 
them disdainfully on the table, saying at the same time, I should not sail until 
he pleased. On my making some remonstrances at his breach of faith, and his 
forgetfulness of that word and honour which he had pledged to me, he arose 
in apparent anger, and went out. I now saw, but too late, the duplicity of 
this Spaniard, and was conversing with the interpreter on the subject, when 
having my back towards the cabin door, I by chance cast my eyes on a look 
ing-glass, and saw an armed party rushing in behind me. I instantly put my 
hand to my hanger, but before I had time to place myself in a posture of de 
fence, a violent blow brought me to the ground. I was then ordered into the 
stocks, and closely confined ; after which, they seized my ship and cargo, im 
prisoned my officers, and put my men in irons. Afterward they carried me 
from ship to ship, like a criminal, rove a halter to the yard-arm, and fre 
quently threatened me with instant death, by hanging me as a pirate. This 
treatment, at length, nearly cost me my life ; and threw me into so violent a 
fever, that I was delirious for several days. Then follows an account of his 
cruel treatment on the way to San Bias. Evidently his delirium either 
began at a very early stage of the quarrel or permanently affected his mind. 
Colnett s version of the whole affair in conversation with Vancouver is also 
given in the latter s Voy. , iii. 491 et seq. Finally Gray and Ingraham say, 
Letter: In conversing on the subject, after the arrival of the vessel in port, it 
seems Captain Colnett insulted the commodore by threatening him, and drew 
his sword in the Prin<:?sa s cabin ; on which Don Martinez ordered the vessel 
to bo seized. We did not see him draw his sword, but were informed of the 
circumstance by those whose veracity we had no reason to doubt. . . With 
respect to the treatment of the prisoners . . . we presume none of them will be 
backward in confessing that Don E. J. Martinez always treated them very 
kindly, and all his officers. 


liiiii, is V<TV improbable and inc<>n>! h his j 

posed departiM 1 -: but the movement ninu-nded in 

liis pap perhaps tin liini openly in his 

wrath, I < -a red \>y Martinez, and prevented l.y him in 
aeeordnnre with liis duty, W8& the depart uiv t () hnild 
a i ori elsr\vhnv on tin- < Had Colnett k 

(|iiiet and wailed a few days, In- would probably h, 

n required ly Martinez, after consultation with liis 

Van!. bdvisJ PS, to give 3Ome ^nai-ante- that he 
\vould confine his ell orls to tin- fur-trad*- and estab 
lish no fort. 

Thr loss of their \ 1 and of prospective p 

was very disheartening to the traders; but tin no 

ii to sn})]ose that tlu- ]i 5so: were in any v. 
ill-treated at Nootl^a oj- on the \-oya;^c to the south. 
Colnett, according to his o\vn officers, heeame tcinj) wa 
rily insane in conse<[uence of his excitement, n^nn-l 
close watching and even confinement, lie thought ! 
had heen condemned to death, and once nearly lost 
liis life by jumping out of his cabin window/" It is 
only by charitably taking account of liis insanity or 
delirium that we can relieve him of the charge of 
wihul misrepresentation in a :ement made in la 
years and already cited/ 11 The. /Y- //// re 

turned to Nootka on July 14th, and, Ix lon 
the same company and engaged in the same enl 
was also captured. Captain Hudson first 
hai-hor in his boat, leaving th.e vessel outside, but \ 
taken, with four men; and then a force \ nt to 

30 1 oli;!!-, fi j n-)H(\ 1(51, v.ln>\\as \\\ <>f < olm-tt, il- pt 

at snit-iilc, and the great difficulty of n-scnin^ him: I i;ii!;iinlii!in ;il i 
cst.v l>r. 

de ! . no piulc impcdir que dicho < 

ji_u r n;i desespei ji^r ima de 1 ta !> l;i cAma 

|UC uvm : aliirinl.. MM hi/ 

cllo ; ]!.> yo in;nul;iMtb> ] <!! l> it.\ hire ;i mia man 

. [.ii lirrcn hacerlo, sino agarrdnd 

t-iiti.ii " - ] j;ur;irl< .1 un > 


. in his letters, records Col: . Ms;mity, and Icanu-d f 

vant that it was an hcn-dii. mlrd Coin ho 

ol)taiiicd from Mc;ircs a K-t in wliicli 

th- viit whic h had appeared in h asanity 

in his family. This letter is published in . 10-. 


bring in the sloop. The Argonaut was sent immedi 
ately, and the sloop a little later, as a prize to San 
Bias, under the command of Tobar. Of the voyage 
we know nothing beyond Colnett s doubtless exagger 
ated complaints of inhuman treatment. 

At San Bias, Colnett admits the prisoners were 
treated better, though they had been plundered of all 
they had. By encouragement that their detention 
would be brief, they were induced to repair the ship, 
which was then employed by the Spaniards in coast 
voyages and nearly ruined. Meanwhile the men, after 
several had died of fever and one committed suicide, 32 
were sent to Tepic and well treated, especially after 
the arrival of Bodega y Cuadra. Colnett went to 
Mexico, and was much pleased with his treatment 
at the hands of Viceroy Revilla-Gigedo, who finally 
gave an order for the restoration of his vessel. On 
returning to San Bias the order was obeyed, the 
Spaniards settling all accounts, including the wages 
of the seamen for the time of their detention. Col 
nett claims that he was outrageously cheated in the 
settlement, but was obliged by fear of greater evils 
to sign a paper "expressing my complete and entire 
satisfaction of their usage to me and my people." In 
August he sailed, with an order for the release of the 

O 7 

Princess Royal. This is the substance of Colnett s 
own statement. 33 Bodega y Cuadra stated in 1792 
that "Mr Colnett was treated with the greatest dis 
tinction at San Bias, and his officers and crew received 
the w r ages of the Spanish navy for the time of their 
detention: that the vessel and cargo were restored, 
and that Mr Colnett obtained a great number of skins 
on his return to Nootka." Viceroy Revilla-Gigedo 
confirms this with some additional details in his re 
port of 1793. 34 

32 According to Tobar, Informe, 168, he cut his throat with a- razor in his 
rage at finding himself a prisoner. 

^Colnett s Toy., 99-100. 

^Cuadra, in Vancottver** Voy., i. 388; Rcvilla-Giciedo, Informe, 127-9, 132. 
The viceroy says : Viceroy Flores ordered that the two vessels should be un 
loaded in the presence and with intervention of their captains, and that they 

orr IK vi v. 223 

viceroy 1 
1 : lyJ! >d by the circumstances and by his instru< 

tiollS, aS Well MS I>V \arioUS 1 oyal i ^ llt 

HIM! ol unewhat hastily in hrin nn 


aboul a control in which it would be di 
prove the exact truth, and which i r- 

al>le expena ury. 1 1*- permitted ( tt 

and Hudson to vUlt Mexico and to pn- ir 

mplaint-: and though . irded t 1 complain 

jo)- t part unfounded, h 

rin legal proceedin gainst Martin The .---non 

\v, on dismi . however, he complain- 

a;iis pi vli-n-rd to !>< one i - al II-T than 

await the issue of what promised to hi a lon^ trial. 

The a;i ! i-eason of their release and that ol their 

ve dly relations existing b n the 

two nations, and the probability that the tra had 

acted in ignorance <>i Spanish rights. It has been 
upposcd from later diplomatic correspond 
ence that the viceroy in restoring tin Is actvd 

on his own judgment; but it appears from his own 
st;. lit that he acted proo:d>ly in accoiv with 

orde; mi Spain, dated January L h , L790, 

Of Martinez 1 operations at Xootka aft dc- 

])ai tui\ of his ])riz- s \ve have nothing in a;!dition to 
the following from Xayanvte: 36 "This question heir 

sh< r nn;il in\ >f everj-tlii ocrtifi 

for tin :ionld 


-liould In 1 sol i 

ill tin 

I that >np I). 1 l-i- ;ji\\ ii t 

>rinril in ;id\ .1 

and oo -!i 

..ill\ In- ordered . nd tli- 

should 01 ;a, 

iind t i one :li<>:il<: un>it! 

according to i S.-m \> 

I J I. This i> not quiti- i-crt;i; 

( )n |i. I 14 i that 

in 177 1 tte had sft-n . 

and t! 
in 4s . in . It i Me, I Ut unli that M;;i- ; i notliin , of 

tin- .-tr;iit from Am i. The scbooaer was the > >h 

If nd the trip may lur i that undi-r N.u 

uhx-udy ix-icrrcd to. 


disposed of, Martinez caused to be explored the region 
about the port of Santa Cruz, intending to extend his 
survey alomr the coast; but believing this to be risky 

* \s 

with the San Carlos, on account of her great draught, 
lie proposed to build a schooner sixty feet long. Then 
by the frigate Aranzazu** he received an order to re 
turn to the department of San Bias. Before doing 
so his second piloto explored in a boat the western 
channel, and through it reached the bay of Buena 
Esperanza, 38 of which he took possession in the name 
of his majesty. Martinez also took the artillery from 
the fort; piled up the timber prepared for the con 
struction of the house; delivered the small houses 
already built to Maquinna, 39 chief of the district; and 
on October 31st sailed with the frigate and the new 
schooner, 40 anchoring at San Bias on December 6th." 
It has already been noticed that throughout this 
whole affair relations between the Spaniards and 
Americans were so friendly as to suggest a secret 
understanding. There was not the slightest interfer 
ence with the Columbia or Lady Washington, though 
Martinez could hardly have been unaware of the orders 
issued in Mexico for the seizure of those very vessels if 
they should enter a Spanish port. It was afterward 
stated by Spanish officials that the Columbia was de 
tained until some doubtful expressions in her papers 
had been explained, but there is no other evidence that 
such was the case. 41 Martinez interview with Gray 

37 Nothing more is known of this trip of the Aranzazu, which vessel was 
often in California. 

33 Still called Esperanza Inlet, just north of Nootka Island. 

39 The Spaniards wrote his name Macuina, the English and Americans 
Maquinna, or sometimes Maquilla. Meares, Voy., 118, states that Callicum, 
the other chief, was murdered by one of Martinez officers in June. 

40 Nothing is said of the San Carlos and Aranzazu, but it does not appear 
that any vessels were left. 

41 Revilla-Gigedo, Liforme, 127, says: Martinez reconoci6 los pasaportes 
de los buques americanos, y 110 hallando motives justos que le obligaseii a 
detenerlos, requirio d sus capitanes para que no volviesen a los mares y costas 
del dominio cspanol, sin permiso de nuestro soberano. Mais le Batiment 
portugais, mais les deux Batimens de Boston; comment echappent-ils & la 
loi? comment ne sont-ils pas aussi des interlopes? Les lettrcs du Mexiqne 
lie s expliquent pas sur le motif de cette difference dans les precedes; et, sans 
doute, on ne voudra pas admettre 1 explication que les Anglais en out donn^e : 


and vl-ii to Kendrick jusf 1- izure of \ 

// //- . .-:- I hav<- said, can MM I I )oii;_ 
Very naturally thai, UK- Americans had in 1 tin; 

act, though Captain Kendrick denied it. Sub 

quently a close intimacy continued; interviews v, 

fn it; American ollicrrs \\ companio md 
witii* -rthe Spaniards in all their .us 

vnth t! English; Mr Coolidge took ch of <>ne 

of the prizes for a trading cruise, presumably on j -int 

accoui Captain Gray willingly carried th 

men and stores to ( liina ; and the Americans Ix-canm 
later most friendly Wltne in <U-! rm-o of Martinr// 

fH-i It by no means lo!lo\vs, howc\ ci-, that tliu 
Americans took any dishonorable advantage nf the 
quarrel. Tlirir own interests and duty to their 
owners required them to get rid <>( rival traders and 
to secure Spanish protection for their own enterpri ; 
legally, the Spaniards were prim&fcicie in the ri^ht, 
and their opponents in the wrong; and I know 01 no 
reason why under the circumstances sympathy should 
have l>eeii contrary to interest. Individually, and in 
the disposition of property, there may have be 
instances of dishonorable action on the part of both 
Americans and Spaniards; but the testimony is not 
(sufficient for a conclusion on that point. 

Having thus narrated in full occurrences at Xoot ka 
in 17si), it is well, before considering the international 

complications that resulted, to glance briefly at the 
jpective rights and wrongs of Spain and Mn^land 
in this connection, Portugal and the United Sta 
never having claimed either. Irrespective of her pre 
tended exclusive claims, Spain had an uiKpn-stion ! 
right to found a settlement at any point on the coast 
not previously occupied by another nation. Nootka 

on nr r!-,:i : ;noit p;is, discnt-ils, la du I nrtu^iis ; sa nullit 
sauvu: ([U.-uit aux I -.u minis ln stinii iis, 1. Efl|MgIlo] icnt d < 

lefl / . in- jHiuvuicut pas oiihlin- (| sont !> 

;r la ( oiiruinic <l A - ( dans \\ 1 / 

, 3farchand,Voy. t i.c\ja, i.. \\ith n-h-i-i-n. 
ml of June ., /// red, London, 17UO. 

HIST. N. W. CUAHT, VOL. I. 15 


was such a point when Martinez took possession in 
May 1789. England had no shadow of a right to 
make objections. 42 In seizing the Ipluycnid Martinez 
gave no cause of offence to England. If the pecu 
liarity of her papers did not justify her seizure, the 
Spaniard gave ample satisfaction for his error to all 
concerned, England not being in any sense a party, 
a,nd took formal certificates to that effect. Later 
the Argonaut and Princess Royal arrived and were 
kindly received by the commander of a Spanish port. 
In not permitting Colnett to establish his colony 
at Nootka, Martinez must be justified even from an 
English point of view; and he had a perfect right to 
seize the vessels if Colnett persisted in his purpose. 43 
The vessels were actually seized because Colnett in 
sisted, with violent and insulting language as was 
alleged, on carrying out his instructions to found an 
English post either at Nootka or elsewhere on the 
coast. If it was elsewhere, as I have no doubt 
it was, though other writers have not taken that 
view of it, then Martinez still did his duty as a 
Spanish officer. To have permitted the erection of 
an English fort above or below Nootka would have 

42 Meares in 1788 had, with chief Maquinna s permission, built a house on 
shore for temporary purposes, which was torn clown on his departure. Had 
he bought the land in good faith, as he claimed, the act would hardly have 
given to Portugal any territorial rights, and certainly it could have given 
none to England. At the most, if Meares could have proved that he had 
bought the land in good faith as a private individual, he might as a British 
subject have claimed the protection of his government. As a matter of fact 
the weight of testimony and probability is that he bought no land ; and in 
any case the theory that his acts gave England a claim to Nootka is too absurd 
for serious consideration. The only evidence of any weight ever presented 
in support of a purchase of the land and raising of the British flag was the 
testimony of Mr Duffin in 1792, Vancouver s Voij., i. 405, that all the land 
.forming Friendly Cove was bought in his presence from Maquinna and Cal- 
licum, in His Britannic Majesty s name, for eight or ten sheets of copper. This 
testimony would be more weighty, though by no means conclusive, if it were 
given in Mr Duffin s own words. Vancouver cannot be trusted to state fairly 
the testimony of either friends or foes. 

43 In case of such seizure England could deem herself aggrieved only by a 
failure to comply with the formalities of international law and usage ; but on 
this point there was no difference of opinion between the nations ; it was a 
matter to be settled by a careful weighing of the testimony, which was some 
what conflicting as to the way in which the Spaniards had treated their pris 
oners and disposed of their property. 

a criminal <li>; his instruction Hut 

here aros lion t 1 nled between Spain 

and Knxland. Spain lia<l always claimed, hy virti 
of prior discovery, tin- nort h-\\ v>t; COasi Bfl part of 
her domain, <>n which no foreign power had a ri^ht 

to > . Prima/ade she liad this ri-^lit of xdu- 

sive po ion, sine.- oilier nations, if not formally 

acknowledging had never successfully di>puted its 
validity, Hut. England had unquestionably a r to 

dispute the claim now; and it hy arbitration, diplo 

macy, or war she could ohtain Spain - asseni to her 
\ie\vs, she would then he entitled to satisfaction for 
the insult to her ila^ at Xootka, and to ii on 

I oi- the injury done to her suhjrrts hy the 
of their vessels, imprisonment <>{ t!n-ir per 
sons, and the hreaking-up of their commercial enter 
prise. 44 

Jose Tobar, in command of the prize Ai f/<>itf"tf y 
arrived at San J-Jlas in August and ivported to the 
viceroy, doubtless bringing communications from Mar 
tinez. Th^e reports were >ent at once to Spain, 
and through them news first reached Kurope oi what 
had occurred at Xootka. A little earlier, in COB 
quence of the same reports that had caused Martinez 
and Ilaro to he sent to the north-west coast, Spain 
had notified Ixussia of the rumored intention of 1 
subjects to form trading-posts in the Spanish Tali, 
nian dominion south of iVince William Sound; and 

44 I cannot a^ 1 with Mr ( !ri t iili>\v, Or. - to whom, as to 

most writers, tin- ival issue, tli. .isluncnt of an I-iiiLclish \ .ka, 

seems ii-it to have occurred at all, when h- , tin- J 

iinnt, tin- imprisonment of her other ollirers and <;rc\\-. and the sjxdiation of 
her ear^o, eannot, however, he defended on those- [tlie violent 1;. 
Colnett| or on any grounds ail orded l>y the evidence of ;my of t i : 

Martine/ had no reason to apprehend an attaek from the J />/""". and he 
liad l>een specially instructed hy Ids immediate supt-rior, the vice] 
to suspend with regard to Ilritish J on the north-west coasts tin 

tioii of t ue general ordei-s to Spanish commandants, foi the sei/inv of fon ; 
vessels eu f the j>orts of the American dominio; 

was the conduct of Martine/. toward the sloop I l-inr, xx J ,//nf on her second 
arrival. This is all true, certainly, in th. that Martine/ had no rig . 

seize the vessels merely la-cause they entered a Sp mi-h [Kjrt or because their 
captain. \\ad insolent; but that was by no uicans his reason. 


the Russian government replied that orders against 
such encroachments had been issued, desiring the 

/ t^ 

Spanish king to put a stop to any such establish 
ments that might have been founded in his pos 
sessions. 4 On receipt of the news from Nootka, 
Spain, after having apparently sent orders in January 
for the release of the captured vessels, reported the 
affair to the English government on February 10, 
1790, through her ambassadors in London, at the 
same time asking that the men who had planned the 
expeditions should be punished, in order to deter 
others from making settlements in Spanish territory. 
The reply of the British minister on February 2Gth 
was very different from that of Russia and from what 
had been expected. It was to the effect that nothing 
was known of the facts, but that the act of violence 
mentioned by the Spanish ambassador must neces 
sarily suspend all discussion of the claims made until 
the seized vessel should be restored and an adequate 
atonement made for a proceeding so injurious to 
Great Britain. 

" The harsh and laconic style in which this answer 
was given," to use the words of the Spanish min 
ister, "made the court of Madrid suspect that the 
king of Great Britain s ministers were forming other 
plans;" and the suspicion was strengthened by reports 
of fleets being fitted out for the Mediterranean and 
Baltic. The reply meant war indeed, and was so in 
terpreted by Spain, whose government at once began 
to make warlike preparations. Spain, however, did 
not desire war, and she soon sent another memo 
rial, setting forth that although her right to the 
Northwest Coast, founded on treaties and imme 
morial possession, could not be questioned, yet, the 
viceroy having restored the vessels, the king was 
willing to look upon the affair as concluded without 

45 This is the Spanish version in correspondence to be noticed presently. 
It is not probable, however, that Russia committed herself to accept the pro 
posed boundary of Prince William. 

Tin: Mi:.\m:s MKMOIIIAL. 

.-; upon d: dons or disput i a frieiidly 

po <)iild 1 -nieiil with an order tl 

J riti ab should in future i 

4 in questi< Bui II \n\ \\ 
by n<> means r. rderor t> n u ard 

- concluded. I ler answer \ 1 M; 

f)tli, and was n renewal of her remoD 


tlic act of violence, and of lirr refusal to < 

question of ri;_dit until LOU should be ejv- 

l)in to it Avas jcl the declaration tliat thegoi 

nt "cannot at jjivst iit ; to tliu ]>r of 

absolute sovereignty, coininercc, and navi^-at ion, \vli! 
red to lie the principal object of the iiirmoi-i 
iinba )r;" and that the kin^ would prnt 

his subjects in the ri-ht of continuing their fisher 
in the Pacific. Meanwhile preparations for war v 

ncd in England, and on ]\Iay IGth a formal < 
maud was presented for the restitution of \\-SM -Is a 
;>erty at Nootka, indemnification for lo- 
sustained by English subjects, and an ackn<>\vK 
nt of their right to free navigation, trade, and 
iery, and to the p- >n of such establishmei 

might be formed, with consent of the natives, in 
places not previously occupied by other Ei 
nations. A. request was also made for a susj 
of armament, to which the Spanish court annouiie 

illingness to ac . but only on principl 
ciprocity. 46 

Captain Meares reached London from China at 
this juncture, ready of course to furnish any evi 

it might be required of his wrongs at the hands of 
Spaniards. His memorial was dated April :>0th, 
and was presented to the house of commons on May 
l:Uh. I have already had occasion to refer to 1 
document, which was, like 1 most others of its d 
all countries and times, full of misrepresentations and 

to this point tli- iilciicc is not, *.> far ;i> T know. < i:i 

its < I form, but is only known from citations and r. 



exaggerations, in which everything is claimed in the 
hope that something may be obtained; but it con 
tained ample material for the national use that it was 
intended to serve. His claim for actual and prob 
able losses was 653,433 and more. 47 On May 25th 
George III. made the whole affair known in outline 
to parliament, it having been hitherto kept a secret, 
and next day was duly thanked for his message by the 
lords spiritual and temporal, who offered the most 
zealous and effective support for his majesty s warlike 
measures. 48 Mr Alleyne Fitzherbert was sent as am 
bassador to Madrid, and in June and July a corre 
spondence was carried on between him and Count 
Florida Blanca, the Spanish minister. 49 

In the negotiations referred to, the tone of Spain 
was that of a nation whose interest, and therefore 
desire, it was to avoid a war. Professing a wish for 
peace, she was willing to give satisfaction for any in 
sult or pay any losses; and she would make no claim 
to territory that did not justly belong to her; but it 
was her right to claim that the nature of the satis 
faction, the amount of the losses, and particularly the 
justice of her territorial claims, on the invalidity of 
which alone depended the offence complained of, should 
first be settled by arbitration or otherwise. Her posi 
tion was altogether a just one. It was humiliating 
to Spanish pride that the nation was forced in her 

47 M cares Memorial. . .on Capture of vessels at Nootka, 1790, was published 
in London, separately, in three editions of 1790 and 1810, besides being 
attached to Meares Voy. 

48 Greenhow, Or. and CaL, 203-4, erroneously makes the date of the mes 
sage May 5th. 

^Xooika, English State Papers on the Controversy of 1790. This title I 
give to a collection of documents published in the Annual Register, xxxii. 
283-306. Most of them are reprinted in Greenhow s Or. and CaL, 418-30. 
The documents are as follows: May 25th, king s message to parliament; May 
26th, address of the lords in reply; [May 13th], substance of Meares* Memo- 
ri tl : June 4th, declaration of king of Spain, to all the European courts; June 
13th, Florida Blanca s memorial to Fitzherbert; [June 16], Fltzherbert s 
answer; June 18th, Florida Blanca s reply; July 24th, declaration and 
counter-declaration of the parties ; June 16th, letter of Count Feriian Nunez 
to M. Montmorin, secretary of France; [August 6th or 26th], decree of 
national assembly of France ; October 28th, Nootka convention ; November 
24th, address of lord mayor et al. of London to king on the Nootka convention. 

Mlf, 1 IT I< ]:!(,] IT. 231 

weakness i > appeal in humilit tier in 

<>i 1 Ttinir her power. ( !rloe 1 V. < 

plained I/ ion, his riV md , un- 

\villii. bo break tin- p , in a declaration to the 

Iv. i courts dated June 1th; In- cont inu-il the 

, am for war, and on June I Ut h call 

U|M>;I Km for the aid to which, under the family 
compact, Spain was entitled. 

Kn;j;l.i!id. OD the other hand, ready for war and ron- 
: that IKT rival mu>t yield, maintained the alti 
tude assunied at first: demanded sa -lion for an 
on: .51 the British flag; refu-ed to di tin; 

qu- n whether or not any outrage had hrni rom- 
ini. elaimed the right of liri- sul/jrrts to 1 or 

set ile on the Northwest ( 1 oast; and declined to admit 
any inv- .ition, discussion, or arbitration of Spanish 
ri ; ; Of course there was no element of justice or 
ri-ht in the position assumed: hut a powerful nation 
in those times needed no such element. Had the 
conditions of power been reversed, a corr idin^ 
change in the respective position and tone of the con- 
nts would have been noted: Spain haughtily 
iin^ her ri^ht and impatient of all argument; 
England humbly but firmly ur^in^ hei- e(|uiiie>, point 
ing t> the explorations of Drake, Cook, and oilx r 
British nav >rs, protesting ^-i-eat anxiety for the 
tranquillity of Europe 1 , dwelling eloquently on the 
inter. of other nations in a free fur-trade, and 
showing theweakn of a mere discoverer s claim to 
!u>ive possession of territories which Spain had 
made no attempt to occupy or utili/e. On the real 
merits of the < there were stroll 1 -- arnunciits to be 
piv -d on both sides; but in this controversy the 
merits had no place. 

( )n June huh Mr ETitzherbert ]>resented as a kind 
of ultimatum the willingness of his ^overnnicnt 
accept, as a restoration of matters to their original 
state and a necessary precedent to friendly Qeg tiati^n, 
an oiler of the Spanisli king to give due sati ion 


for the insult,, to restore the vessels, and to indemnify 
the owners. The question might also be left open 
whether the Iphigema and North West America were 
justly entitled to the protection of the British flag. 
Florida Blanca in his reply of June 18th, while pro 
testing against the principles asserted, consented to 
the terms proposed on either of three conditions : that 
the insult and satisfaction should be settled by arbi 
tration, England choosing any European king as arbi 
trator; that in the negotiations no facts should be 
admitted except such as could be proved ; or that from 
the satisfaction no inference should be drawn to affect 
the rights of Spain, including the right to demand 
counter-satisfaction if it should be found that England 
had encroached on Spanish territory in violation of 
existing treaties. The British ambassador accepted a 
modified form of the last condition; and by a declara 
tion and counter-declaration signed on July 24th the 
required promises were given and received by Florida 
Blanca and Fitzherbert, with the condition that these 
documents were not to affect the rights of either power 
to an establishment at Nootka. 50 

It is stated by Calvo that this agreement was re 
jected by the British cabinet, and that preparations 
for war were continued. 51 From a reference in later 
negotiations to the document as still in force I con 
clude that such was not the case, but that negotiations 
in accordance with the declarations were begun for 
the settlement of the real question at issue. Says 
Mr Greenhow: they were "continued at Madrid for 

50 Twiss, Or. Quest., 111-12, justly criticises Mr Greenhow s version, to 
the effect that these declarations were solely not to affect the Spanish right, 
whereas the reservation was equally in favor of both powers. 

51 Calvo, liecueil Complet de Traites, etc., Paris, 1S62, iii. 338-59, which 
contains a good account in Spanish of the negotiations and results, including 
some of the documents given in the Annual Register, besides others not in 
that collection. The latter include two private notes of Florida Blanca, one 
f January 20th to Count Montmorin in France, and the other of April Oth to 
Count Fernan Nunez, both explaining the difficulties of Spain s position and 
the apparent impossibility of taking a firm stand against English pretensions. 
There is also a plan of what should be done in the actual circumstances of 
Spain with England, which treats of military and diplomatic measures of self- 
protection ; also another important document, to be mentioned a little later. 

ru >r\r; WAR. 

three in the -ptance of the S: h 

dec] >!i ; during which period <- 

that city ;m<! London, and t!; 
whole ci vilizcd world v, by 

Mr Fitzherberl claii 

lislmi-n the- right to trad d settl< 

the <: f actually occupied; Florida IMam-a pro- 

p >sed to admit thu right a 1 ."> I J and 1 

<>f t .v-nt.y leagues into tin- interior. Th M < 

boundaries w< bed, tin* English am! ,r 

finally consenting to the line of 40, from the 1 

to the M: :-i, beyond which line tip- territory 

should be free to hoth nations, the suhject.s of c 

liav m;;* access to settlements of the other; but the 

Sp, ds declined the proposition. 

Alrendy, it will be observed, Great Britain had con 
siderably modified the spirit of her demands, becaus 
in tli ever changing developments of the European 
situation war seemed less and less to be dr [ as 
the days and weeks passed on. It is not ncces 
to describe those developments; but the attitude of 
France was a controlling element, Louis XVI. 
ready enough to accede to the demands of Spain for 
aid, but referred the matter on August 1st to the 
national assembly, 63 which body on the 26th < 
cidcd to greatly increase the -French armament, and 
while promising to observe the defensi ;id com 
mercial stipulations of the former it . learly im 
plied that France desired peace and could not 1 lied 
on for aid in an offensive war. This action made it 
the interest of England now, as it had been that of 
Spain from the first, to avoid \var. AYith Fran-- 
thvly neutral, England would prohahly have n d. 

on a rupture; with France as an ally, Spain would 

. ami < n1., 1207 ; X /r, 

,i In Iti U, Lstuuuu (IT- i. 


U-inand .f SjKiiu \va^ 111:1 
July 1 M-rU il by Ku-hir. l. 

I .luuo luih. nhovi niiikv-- th< i 

assembly decree August Oth. 


probably not have yielded without a struggle her 
claims to exclusive sovereignty in the north- west; 
but with France insisting on peace, an amicable set 
tlement seemed desirable to both disputants. 54 

Fitzherbert accordingly submitted a new proposi 
tion, which after discussion and modifications was 
agreed upon by both plenipotentiaries. Before sign 
ing it, however, Florida Blanca submitted it to a 
junta of high Spanish officials, together with a long 
argument in favor of its adoption. 55 There was a 
bitter opposition, for the concessions were humiliating 
to Spanish pride; but it was necessary to submit, 
choosing the lesser of two evils, and on October 28th 
was signed the Nootka convention, the substance 
of which I append in a note. 56 By this treaty Eng- 

54 Greenhow, citing Tomline s Life, of Pitt, describes Mr Pitt s secret efforts 
to sound the intentions of the French Assembly ; and says that it was through 
the mediation of members of that body that new negotiations were opened. 
Calvo, Recueily 349, tells us that the proposition came from the queen of 

55 The document is given in full in Calvo, Rccueil, 350-5, and is a very 
interesting one. The author paints the condition of his country in very dark 
colors, explaining that it has neither money nor credit for a foreign war. 
He takes up the other powers one by one in order to show the prospects of 
gaining foreign alliance ; some are hostile or bound to the foe ; some are willing 
but not worth the having ; others would demand too great a price. Russia 
is the most promising ally. The United States has been sounded and is well 
disposed, but would insist on the free navigation of the Mississippi and on 
a large part of Florida. The reply of France shows that she cannot be de 
pended on, as there are a thousand definitions of a defensive alliance; and 
even if well disposed her strength is unmanageable by reason of internal 
complications. The count admits that to yield will greatly weaken Spanish 
power in America, and encourage the pretensions of other powers besides 

56 Their Britannic and Catholic majesties, being desirous of terminating, 
by a speedy and solid agreement, the differences which have lately arisen be 
tween the two crowns, have adjudged that the best way of obtaining this salu 
tary object would be that of an amicable arrangement, which, setting aside 
all retrospective discussion of the rights and pretensions of the two parties, 
should fix their respective situation for the future on a basis conformable to 
their true interests, as well as to the mutual desire with which their said 
majesties are animated, of establishing with each other, in everything and in 
all places, the most perfect friendship, harmony, and good^correspondence. In 
this view they have named . . .who. . . have agreed upon the following articles : 

ARTICLE 1. It is agreed that the buildings and tracts of land, situated on 
the north-west coast of the continent of North America, or on islands ad 
jacent to that continent, of which the subjects of His Britannic majesty were 
dispossessed, about the month of April 1789, by a Spanish officer, shall be re 
stored to the said British subjects. 

ART. 2. And further, a just reparation shall be made, according to the 
nature of the case, for all acts of violence or hostility, which may have been 


l;m<l MTinvd, and Spain retained, ili< ri f com 
merce, navigation, and M ttl :t on tin- Pacific coast 

above Sun i Van*-! I^ich nation \va.s to have- i l 

IK- to tin- ablishments r in tl: 

/ion In ivtum lor the ri-ht 

pledged lirrscir in pivvnit IMT Bubj 11 rarryii 

on an illicit trade with tliu Spanish Bettlemei T 

<|uent to the month <>f April 17V, by 

ofi traetinx pan icr; and tha 

ii;y of the said ve. In-. 

[ of their lands, buildings, :erchai. :nl oth< 

pn OH tin- said continent, or on the . djacent, 

they shall !>< d in th- j ion thereof, <;r a ju.^t compensation 

shall lie made to them for the losses \vhirh they h; Laincd. 

Ai:r. . !. And, in order to strengthen the bonds of friendship, and to p 
serve in futuie a pe!-feet harm" is agreed, that their r. 

snl- hall not be disturlieil or ni<>le~ted, either in navigating or carry i;. 

on their lishei-ies in th- Pacific > toean, or in the South Seas, or in landing on 
the e< not already o,--upied, for the purpose, of 

carrying on their commerce \vitli the n;iti\ - es of the country, or of in; 

I is there ; the whole subject, nevertheless, to the restrictions speeih 
in the three following articles: 

AKT. 4. Jlis Britannic majesty engages to take the most effectual meas 
ures to prevent the navigation and fishery of his subjects in tlv ; n, 
01 iu the South Seas, from being made a pretext for illicit trade with tl 
Spanish settlements; and, with this view, it is moreover expressly stipulated, 
that Uritish subjects shall not navigate, or cany on their fishery in the said 
ithin the space of ten sea leagues from any part of the coasts already 

ipied by Spain. 

A::T. .">. It is agreed, that as well in the places which are to be restored 

to the British subjects, by virtue of the lirst artiel Q all other parts of 

the north-western coasts of North America, or of the islands adjuc- u- 

be north of the parts of the said co pied 1-y Sjain, 

wherever the subjects of either of the two j dl have made sett! 

since- the month of April 17SO, or shall ! ermakea: 

of l!i - other shall have nd shall carry on their tra-ie 1 

disturbance or molestation. 

AKT. (I. Xo settlements to be made by subjects of * on coa> 

and islands of South America south of pa; ied by S; ain ; yet 

sul "f both powers may land for purposes of li..;hery and - ting 

buildi nly for those pu; 

7. In all case inplaint or infraction of the articles of the pr 

cut convention, the ollieers of either | 

pri mmtt any violence or act ox Co ..n 

et rep- l t of cilVUi. 

who will termin;; .:i an amicable m 

AKT. ition to be ratiiied in six weeks or sooner from d, 

signature. . 

.rticle. | I liknown to (Jreenhow, Twiss, et al.] 

remain in foree onl i,u r as no settlem made- on those coasts by \. 

subjects of any third po\\ . 

To be found in ( 16 ! : .1 r, xxxii. 903 "> : 

l t . ,<> < or. fii-,1 I ul., 47<i 7: . :il in : 

works. A copy was sent at mice to California, and is found in A 
-. St. Pap., ix, 300-13. 


even from approaching within ten leagues of those 
coasts already occupied by Spain; also to found no 
permanent establishments below the Spanish posses 
sions in South America. Lands and buildings taken 
from British subjects in the Nootka region, that is 
\if any had been taken, were to be restored. The 
ratifications were finally exchanged on November 22d, 
in Madrid. In December the matter came up in the 
English parliament, where the opposition regarded 
the treaty very much as it had been regarded by the 
Spanish junta, as a culpable concession to a foreign 
power. In Madrid it seemed simply that the con 
vention opened to English settlement a portion of 
Spanish territory in return for concessions which 
were but mere acknowledgments of w 7 ell known Span 
ish rights; but the London view of it was that by 
the same convention an Englishman s undoubted right 
to trade and settle in any part of America had been 
unjustly and needlessly restricted. The average Eng 
lish mind could never comprehend that Spaniards 
had any rights worthy of consideration. The opposi 
tion in parliament amounted practically to nothing; 
for the ministry had so large a majority that it was 
not deemed necessary even to explain the difficulties 
suggested by the opposition. 57 

While the Nootka convention was in one sense a 
triumph for Great Britain, since she gained the point 
at issue, the right to trade and settle on the North 
west Coast, and a humiliation and defeat for Spain, 
because she w r as forced to give up her claims to exclu 
sive rights in that region, yet it was practically a fair 
arrangement, and not less favorable to Spain than 

57 Hansard s Parliamentary Debates, xxviii.; Greenhow s Or. and Cal, 
211-15. The use of the date April 1789 instead of May for the ^ Nootka 
events was naturally at the time a suspicious circumstance in connection with 
tlie provision of Article 2, that property taken subsequently to April should 
be restored or paid for; yet, although carelessness in such a matter would 
seem unlikely, it is impossible to discover any hidden purpose in the error to 
favor either party as against the other. Mr Fox s objection that the treaty left 
room on several points for different interpretations and consequent troubles 
was of more weight. 

"F. d. Spain IMT, 

matt-r f p t one, sin he had )i u 

:-lliern ]M. |H8 Of i ctloil 

tinst foreign eiKToaclniK while on tin- <t ! 

-ions of Jin- rival, if faithfully carri 

out, \voiiM I).- of invat practir.-d advantag 
Spain ini^lit properly have made a similar \ 
the sat i>laction for Martin. 1 // . 

. if she had heen in condition for war: thou ( *h 


;d popular sentiment would probably IK. 


I)V the treaty Spain must he deemed to have ivlin- 
qui ! forever all hei 1 claims t vei-.-i^-nty on the 
north-western coasts as founded on discoveiy. Tin- 

;i \va tored to what may le t i-nied a sta 

lure, with the exception of Nootka, which v 

alr a legitimate S[)anisli jiossossion, though suh- 

tly abandoned, as we shall s Within it eith 
Spain or England might form settlements at any 
j)oints not previously occupied, and }>y this act might 
acquire sovereignty over extents of territory to la* <!- 

mined at the time or later v/heii questions 
1. mndary should ari.-e. I cannot accept the t 1 
advocated i^ some extent in later y that Spain, 
retaining the sovereignty, simply conceded to Iv.igli^li 
subjects the privilegt: of forming settlements \\ it 

irritory tor special jnu i [)oses; that the sett] nts 
]>ro\ivled for were mer iding-posts for tcni[) ; 
use; or that, as Mr Green how puts it, "both pan 
were by the convention equally excluded. . .from 
ing that jurisdiction which i- -ntial to p;>lu! 

Sovereignty, over any spot north of the most 

Spanis! itlemeiit on the Paciiic." 58 It is not im- 

ihnw s i lt-.-i is that the f ? access of each to th r s settlements 

;n>y tlic ^iity. which ilr 

The convention, in line, e.^t.-ihlished new Itases for the na\ iiraiioii an-1 
of the respective jiarties. ami tlu-ir trade v.ith the native- on the nn< 
\nierica ; l>ut it deterininecl nothing i-eirardin^ t!: 

jnty of any jnn-tion : s<j fai- as ir 1:1. y i nply 

an abrogation, or rather h claims. .>u lnt! 

of ti. i an ah :i of all existing cLiiuis, l>ut not of 

the ri^ r ht to establish new uiu 


likely that Spain might in later years, had it seemed 
for her interest to do so, have claimed that she had 
granted nothing more than a privilege of establishing 
temporary trading-posts; and indeed there is some 
evidence that even now she had a vague hope of main 
taining that the whole territory in question had been 
so fully occupied as to preclude any English settle 
ments under the treaty; or at least of insisting on the 

Nootka settlement as the southern limit of the region 


free to the British traders. 55 But the meaning of the 
treaty is clear, and Spain could not justly object to an 
English establishment anywhere above Cape Merido- 
cino at the highest. No controversy ever arose, how 
ever, between the two powers; and indeed it is not 
impossible that the secret treaty of alliance, generally 
believed to have been signed about this time, contained 
a mutual agreement not to found any permanent set 
tlements on the coast. 

This matter of sovereignty in the north-west under 
the convention of October 1790, about which Spain 
and England never found leisure to quarrel, or even 
to interfere with the trading operations of a third 
party, the Americans, assumed some importance in 
later discussions respecting the quality of the title 
transmitted by Spain to the United States ; and 
another question of interest in the same connection 
was whether the Nootka treaty was of such a nature 
as to be nullified by subsequent war between the 
contracting parties. These phases of the topic will 
receive attention in their proper placed 

59 Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, In forme 12 de Abril 1793, 134-5, seems to 
have no suspicion that the Northwest Coast was thrown open to English 
traders and settlers. He regards Articles 3 and 4 of the treaty of little im 
portance, because there are few or no unoccupied spots ... which are not 
subject to Spanish dominion. And he mentions a royal order of December 25, 
1790, to the effect that the English could only settle north of Nootka, the 
dividing line between our legitimate possessions and the regions open for the 
reciprocal use and trade of both nations being fixed at 48. 

00 September G, 1739. The viceroy writes to the governor of California that 
by the king s order British trading vessels must not be molested ; but if they 
make settlements contrary to the treaty they must be warned and the king 
informed. Arch. Cal. t MS., Prov. St. Pap., xi. 39-40. 




TIH: \oin ii -OriMi-Ki: IN inr. STUUI or PUOA- HH CHART COL SETT 

RAnoiro or 1791 -Tin--. S.\N c \ui.u-" !: SUBVCY or THE 8 


PI :\l l ItlTKiS IN TIIK I>).-cri;| ; LHD . \TKF.VIDA - -TliK ^All- 


JN(;UAIIAM -M \K( IIAN1) > V l<\ I ANH M A 1 -Fl.F.r U I l.l -> !>< \V \ a\ 

OF ITH J -Tun TKAII-:KS THH CoLU.Minv UKDIVIV \ I .rii.niNc; OP 
STI:\VAIIT, UAKJ-:R, SHKI-HKKD. ( oi.i: I oun -A FI;KN H 

TllADKR Sj AN. SII IvMM.oKA I IONS -( \ \M\No IN THK \oi:TM ( \l.\ 

AND VALII :> ON THK Sr-rn. AND Mr.\i<-\\ \ -TiiKor<;H TH gh \ITOF 

VICEROY FLORES had resolved to occupy Xootka 
on his own responsibility. Wliylio ordered Martinez 
to abandon the post is not known; possihly li- w;^ 
frightened at the prospective results of hi> sul)oi-di- 
acts, or royal orders may simply ha\ juirrd 
pi rsnice of the vessels and officers elsewher 
On Octoher 18, 1789, liowevi-r, the rondr dr lu-villa 
Gigedo succeeded Kloivs as viceroy, and In- at once 
took steps to renew the occupation, nnlrrs irom tlie 
king to that effect having hrrn i\-crived too late to 
pi-event the recall of ^Martinez. Similar orders were 
renewed alter the news of Xootka events had reached 
Europe. The new expedition was put under the com 
mand of Lieutenant Francisco Elisa, who sailed on 
the ship Cun >, with the snow S drlos, or 


Filipino, under Lieutenant Salvador Fidalgo, and the 
sloop Prlnccsa 7&W--that is, the captured Princes 
Royal- -under Alferez Manuel Quimper. 1 

The three vessels sailed from San Bias on February 
3, 1790, well fitted and supplied for a year, carrying 
also a company of volunteer soldiers for garrison duty, 2 
together with artillery and all the necessary war-stores 
for the northern presidio. The voyage was uneventful, 
and the first land sighted was at Woody Point. The 
two Spanish vessels anchored at Nootka on April 5th, 
and the less speedy English prize arrived two days 
later. 3 Work was at once begun on the restoration of 
the old fortification and barracks. The formal act 
of possession took place on the 10th, when the flag 
was unfurled and saluted by a general discharge of 
the newly mounted guns. During the rest of the 
year nothing is known to have occurred to disturb 
the peaceful monotony of garrison life at Santa Cruz 
cle Nutka. 4 The chief Maquinna had retired to some 
distance from the port on account of unexplained diffi 
culties with Martinez; but on being assured that a 

1 Commander Elisa was instructed to fortify the fort and erect the simple 
necessary buildings for storehouses, dwellings, and workshops. He was to 
seek the friendship of the Indians, treating them with discretion, love, and 
prudence ; to defend the establishment from every insult, whether from the 
Indians or from the subjects of any foreign power; not to insist on a minute 
examination of their vessels, or on molesting or seizing them, nor even to dis 
lodge the Russians from their fixed establishments, except after receiving 
positive orders from the king. He was also directed to despatch his vessels 
at fitting times to carefully explore the coasts, islands, and ports up to 68, 
Cook River, and the strait of Juan de Fuca. Revilla Giyedo, I D forme de 12 de 
Abril 1703, 130-1. It will be noted that these instructions were given before 
the controversy between Spain and England was known in Mexico. 

2 This company seems to have been under the command of Don Pedro 
Alberni, who remained but a short time, left his name attached permanently 
to an inlet in Barclay Sound, became very popular with the Indians, arid 
finally served until death in California. See Hist. CaL, vol. ii. chap, i., this 

3 j/7 sa, Salida de los tres buques para NotJca, ano de 1790, MS. diary from 
Spanish archives, in Viages al Norte de Cat., No. 7; also Eiisa, Tablet, diaria 
de los buques para el puerto de Nootka, 1790, MS., including the movements 
of all three vessels, in Id., No. 9. Navarrete Viages Apoc,, 63-4; Sutil 
y Mex., Viaye, cix.-x. falls into errors respecting the names of the vessels 
and the date of arrival. 

4 Se fortified el puerto de Nootka : se formo una poblacion competente, 
coinoda en lo posible, y agradable : se consiguio la buena correspondence de 
los indios por los medios del cambalache 6 comercio, y de algunas cortas 
dadivas. lievllla Giyedo, Informe, 131. 


.\- commander had 1 if i< rep] 

he returned and 1) 

Expl rations w< n order as soon rt w 

:ip!e{e<l, and di May -hli ! enant Ki 

lied t-> the north on the / !L im 

prefers of I, :i and Kn^lish. An account of 

I^ida! Alaskan < ily 

in the ]v;/ion of J Vince William Sound and ( \->, k I 

though of some i , does not 1. y he \\\> 

ord were on tli carefully < tine the 

coast from latitude 57 >u1hward, hut had \vrath 

. I this, an<l would not even permit hi 
enter Nootka, in tlie latitude of wliich he \ 

ming of September. Accordingly he kejjt on for 
^[ r, where he arrived on the 15th of September, 

spent forty days in refitting, and on the J 4th of No 
vember was hack at San Bias. 6 

It was on the 31st of May that Elisa despatch* "I 
tlie /V///msv7 JSfir/ under Allercz Quimper to explore 
the strait of Fuca, which had been discovered, a 
have seen, by Barclay, and explored for a short d 
tance from its mouth by Dumn and Gray, pcrh; 
also by Kendrick and Haro. Quimper explored not 
only the strait proper, but the widening farther 
which he called Seno de Santa Rosa. His pro^n 
was slow and his examination a careful one. By i 
end of June he had surveyed the northern shore i > 
the region of the modern Victoria, and had discovei 
the main northern channel, which still bears the name 
he !_;ave it in honor of his sailing-n r. Canal d - 
Lopez de Haro; then he crossed over to the south 
shore, and named for himself what is now Squim 
He surveyed Port Discovery, which he nam 

6 e . . MS. 

<; / ,11 j fffi i rcconr ! f 

> ii ric JdS., in I all ->. 8; 

: <if</n, / <!/. -.. in ! ,. NIL 1r/ : / 

.i. . I H) 1 ; ., (4-(i: //.. iu S//f: ,/ 

\ii. December 11, 17!><), tl -y lias lu-anl uf ,ival of 

< and I /. "f ut Monterey. Arch, ( a/., MS., / 

Pop., ix. . 

liisx. N. W. COAST, VOL. I. 1G 

o o 


Bodega y Cuadra; but he mistook the nature of the 
main passage to southern waters, the mouth of which 
he named Ensenada de Caamano. Sent northward in 
boats, his men discovered also the secondary northern 
channel, Boca de Fidalgo, now Rosario Strait. The 
details of his survey are best shown on the appended 
copy of his chart. 7 

vila Gigedo 

UZ^ t* Ji,;i 



Though Quimper was the first discoverer of all this 
region, the names applied by him were with a single 
exception not permanent; Squim Bay should bear his 
name rather than that of Budd or Washington. On 
the 18th of July he turned westward and followed 
the southern shore of the strait to the ocean, taking 
formal possession on the 1st of August at Port Nunez 
Gaona, or Neah Bay, as he had at several points be- 

7 Chart made by the piloto, Gonzalo Lopez de Haro ; copy obtained by the 
United States Government from Madrid, and published in Reply of the United 
States . . . 1872, in connection with the San Juan boundary dispute. For con 
venience I have omitted in my copy the western portion of the strait. The 
names on the part omitted in their order from the entrance eastward are as 
follows: North shore, Pta Bonilla, Pto de 8. Juan or NO-TV aez, Rio Sombrio, 
Pta Magdalena; south shore, Pta de Martinez, Pta de Rada, B. de Nunez 
Gaona, Ens. de Roxas ; below the entrance on the Pacific are Pta de Hijosa 
and Boca de Alava. Mt Carmelo and sierra of S.Antonio are in the north 
east and south-east, just beyond the limits of my copy. 


] ;a, 

Imt shiM-nuld not the piM-t, and was <! 

ward. Finally <>n AT; !: .i! rt 

I turned b< ow toward M<> . win 

anrhon hut ! of S( 1 LI.T CO! 

liav en, arm t Hi- 
port on II. -th, and QuiinjxT and Fidalg o i 
San I Has together in November. 9 

Only on 11 j of the Spanish expe- 

dition just described is known to have visit<jd 1 
Northwest Coast in 1790; that one was the Ar 

/, in which Captain Colnett after his r< 
from San Bias, probably in Augu He had on board 

crews of both vessels, and an order for the - 
livery of the Princess ]?<></<>/ at Nootka, but on i 
ing that port he did not find the sloop. He belie\ I 
the Spaniards had deceived him intentionally; 10 but 
we have seen that unforeseen circumstances had com 
pelled Quimper to sail southward earlier than had been 
intended, and he had probably passed Colnett on the 
way. It was said that the irate Englishman, not 
withstanding his distress, obtained a valuable lot of 
furs before he left Nootka. 11 However this may 
have been, Colnett left the coast and, miraculously as 
he thinks, arrived safely at Macao. The next year lie 
received his sloop from Quimper at the Hawaiian 
Islands. Thus, though the Spaniards had obtained a 
few skins in the course of their explorations, the fur- 

8 The full act of possession is given in the diary. Xeali Bay is errone 
ous! dx-enhow, Davidson, and others to be the l < e of 
Ani jrkv.n tr;< ty Co\ the n i shore. 

: also HaswdC MS., 03. G: r, Or* and Col. 1 1 

implies that the name Canal inper, and Bt 

that he returned to Xootka, though thi.s author : cenis tu ha i the 

inal diary. 

udo rcconocimienlo de la cutrr 

il -ifi L tt, hecho d an<> ., in I 

o. 11. To this diary and taMi- is ;:iilu-l a l"i! 
.; KMI, its ] -, etc., including an account tra. i 

from one prepared ly Mr am of tin- Columbia i;i 17 v ! . 

l() C olu ( < I o//., 101. II that the orders of tl dah commander 

(Quimpcr), which he ^a\v vht-ii he met him later, showed that it had been ini- 

him at Xootka; but this is not very intelligible. 
11 Cuttdra, in Vancuua. 


trade had been practically suspended for the year. 
Captain Kendrick might have reaped a rich harvest 
in the Lady Washington, but he was never in haste, 
and lost the season by remaining in China engaged 
in other schemes. 12 

Commander Elisa had remained at Nootka with the 
garrison; and his ship, the Conception, had wintered 
there. 13 On February 4, 1791, the San Carlos was 
despatched from San Bias under the command of 
Alferez Ramon Antonio Saavedra y Guyralda, with 
Juan Pantoja y Arriaga as piloto, arriving at Nootka 
after a long and stormy passage late in March. Elisa 
had orders to complete his exploration of the coasfc from 
Mount St Elias in the north to Trinidad in the south. 14 
He accordingly transferred himself to the smaller 
vessel, left Saavedra in charge of the Conception and 
garrison, and sailed on May 5th. The San Carlos 
was accompanied by the schooner Santa Saturnina, or 
Horcasitas, under Jose Maria Narvaez. 15 The winds 
compelled the explorers to direct their course south 
ward instead of to the north, as they intended. About 
fifteen days were spent in a careful examination of 

la Haswell, Log of the Columbia, MS., 7, says he began to make his vessel 
a brig. This operation being under his directions, took such a length of time 
that he lost his season. Greenhow tells us Kendrick had been engaged, since 
1789, in various speculations, one of which was the collection and transporta 
tion to China of the odoriferous wood called sandal, which grows in many of 
the tropical islands of the Pacific, and is in great demand throughout the 
Celestial Empire. Vancouver pronounced the scheme chimerical; but expe 
rience has proved that it was founded on just calculations. Kelley, letter of 
January 1, 1810, in Thorntorfs Or. Hist., MS., 89, incorrectly states that Ken 
drick had remained over from 1789, and in the winter of 1790 built a Fort 
Washington at Mawinah, making a trip into the Fuca Sea later. All this is 
a confused allusion to earlier and later events. 

13 Navarrete, Viages Aptfc., 115, says that the two vessels suffered much, 
until the Princesa had to be sent south with 32 sick men, suffering with 
scurvy, etc. But this does not agree at all with the facts as shown by 
Quimper s diary, since it is hardly possible that the sloop went back to 
Nootka in the winter after reaching San Bias in November 1790. 

14 Particularly the entrada de Bucareli, strait of Fonte, port Cayuela, boca 
de Carrasco, strait of Fuca, entrada de Heceta, and port of Trinidad. 

15 The presence of this schooner at Nootka is not explained; neither is it 
anywhere stated what had become of the North West America, or Gertrudes 
of 1789. Later the Santa Saturnina and Ilorcasitas are mentioned as distinct 


Pta.da LazoNde la \ 




", Casatilli 

. Jordan Sn.Eusevio 



Sc- uo: 


\ Hi. 



Ccuimiuio | 


u dcFl- 




Sn - 


ELISA S MAP, 1791. 


Cayuela, or Clayoquot, and the adjoining region. 16 
Then the snow entered the strait of Fuca, and on 
May 29th anchored in Quimper s port of Cordoba, 
while the schooner first explored the Boca de Car- 
rasco, in Barclay Sound. From Cordoba the boat was 
first sent out under the second piloto, Jose Verclia, to 
survey the Haro Channel; but the hostile actions of 
the natives, some of whom were killed, caused the 
party to return. On June 16th, however, Narvaez 
having arrived, the schooner and launch, prepared for 
defence, again entered the channel, and continued 
their search in this and subsequent entrances until 
August 7th. What they accomplished is best shown 
by the accompanying copy of their chart. 

In the south-east Elisa added nothing to Quimper s 
survey beyond discovering that the bight of Caamano 
was the entrance to an unexplored southern channel; 
but eastward and north-westward a very complete 
examination was made of the complicated maze of 
islands and channels, into the great gulf of Georgia, 
which was named the Gran Canal de Nuestra Senora 
del Rosario la Marinera, and up that channel past 
Tejada Island to 50. 17 Several inlets extending east 
ward and north-eastward into the interior were dis 
covered, which might afford the desired passage to 
the Atlantic, but their exploration had to be post 
poned for a later expedition. Several names, such as 
San Juan, Giiemes, Tejada Island, and Port Los 
Angeles, are retained on modern maps as applied by 
Elisa, while others given by him and Quimper, such 
as Rosario, Caamano, Fidalgo, and Cordoba, are still 

1G Pantoja, with the launch, from the llth to the 19th, explored what is 
called the north-west mouth of the port. The names applied were bocas cle 
Saavedra, gulf of San Juan Bautista, canal de ban Antonio, port /S cm Isitlro, 
island San Pedro, bay San Rafael, canal de San Francisco, bocas cle San 
Suturnino, canal de San Juan Ncpomuceno, and the great ports of Gilem?.* 
and Giralde. The schooner had meanwhile explored the northern mouth 
and several branches, but no names are given. 

17 On Vancouver s map the name was applied to the channel between 
Tejada Island and the main, why is not known ; and for some equally mys 
terious reason the name was again transferred in later years by English geog 
raphers to the narrow southern strait that still bears it. 



Pondo de.Clupanan 


ledc Orflonez 

c, Foiulo de Guicananlch Sta.Saturnina 


lc Guumes 

1$^- Xrpzo de SnJuan de IHoj 


VRo.Ca udaJoso 

El. 8A*H MM OF X(J(TKA Ci>AST, 1, 


in use, but not as originally applied. The expedition 
left the strait in August, on account of prevalent 
scurvy among the men. It is not strange that on his 
return to Nootka from the labyrinth, Elisa wrote to 
the viceroy: "It appears that the oceanic passage so 
zealously sought by foreigners, if there is one, cannot 
be elsewhere than by this great channel." I append 
here another part of Elisa s map, showing the outer 
coast from above Nootka down to the entrance of the 
strait. It includes not only his own surveys but those 
of earlier Spanish voyagers. 18 

In Elisa s absence, perhaps before his departure, 
the Aranzazu, commanded by Juan B. Matute, ar 
rived at Nootka from San Bias, presumably with 
supplies for -the garrison. There was, however, a 
pressing need of certain articles which she had not 
brought, and to get these and also the men who had 
been left sick in California, the vessel made a trip 
to Monterey and back, Matute leaving some of his 
mechanics in the north temporarily. Pie sailed about 
May 26th, was at Monterey June 12th to 28th, 
and was back again in California before the end of 

All that I know of this trip is derived from frag 
mentary correspondence in the California archives of 
the year, showing Matute s presence and the nature 
of his mission. He brought from the north despatches 
which were sent to Mexico overland; and he seems 

18 The only sources of information about this voyage, wholly unknown to 
Greenhow and other writers on north-west discovery, are a resumd of Pantoja s 
original diary in Navarrete, Viayes Apoc., 114-21, and an extract from the 
same diary in Reply of the United States, 97-101, from a certified copy of the 
original in the Hydrographic Bureau in Madrid. The map which I have 
copied is from the same source. The parts not copied are the southern shore of 
the strait and for a short distance below Cape Flattery, or Point Martinez, on 
the Pacific shore (as in Quimper s map, already described); also sketch charts 
of Clayocuat, Los Angeles, Buena Esperanza, Nuca, and San Rafael. The 
only name in the extract from the diary not on the map is Zayas Island. 
See also mention of the expedition in Revilla Gigedo, In forme, 141: En el 
tercero (reconocimiento) practicado el ano de 91, se interno la goleta Saturni>/a 
que llevo en su conserva el Teniente de navio D. Francisco Eliza, mandando 
el paquebot *V. Carlo* hasta el gran canal que llamaron de Nuestra Seiiora del 
Rosario. A mention in the diary of Kendrick s arrival at Nootka on July 12th 
may indicate that one of Elisa s vessels returned before August. 

MAL. VOY 249 

. to 1 -i^ht despatches of sou: 

1V oo to thu northern coniin. 

Still another Spanish expedition a 

on tl>" |: ,(h of August, or just about tin- time of 
.K1U irn from th< at of Fu< Thocorv: I 

L bierta and Air- , under the connnand of 
Alejandro Malaspina, engaged in a scientiiir exploring 
voyi round the world, arrived at Acapulco ut tl 
end of 171)0 or beginning of 1 7 ( .) L Whether Malaspina 
liad intended to visit the Northwest Coast or not 
does not appear, but here he received from tin- Spaii- 
i h government a copy of the memoir in which M. 
Buache of Paris had lately attempted to support the 

imii: - of Maldonado s discoveries, with orde 
to verify the existence or non-existence of the strait 
which Maldonado pretended to have found. The two 
vessels sailed from Acapulco on the 1st of May, the 
At re c Ida beini>* under the command of Jose de liusta- 


mante y Guerra; and land was first sighted on the 
L :]d of June, in the region of Mount Edgecomb 
Of their explorations on the Alaskan coast suffice it 
to say that no strait w~as found; and when about the 
1st of August they entered the waters of the North 
west Coast, the weather permitted lio ol . atioi 
until on August 13th they anchored at Nootka. 

The observatory was at once set up on shore, ar. I 
fifteen days were spent in a scientific survey >o 
adjoining region. The only narrative extant contains 
not a word about the Spanish garrison or its com 
mander, or any vessels except those of th pedition. 
The diaries and scientific observations of Malaspina 
voyage have, however, not been published, and we 
have only one account by an officer of the expedition. 30 

n Arek.Oal. t MS., Pro*, fife. . x. 1-2, 0, 22, , 52, 30, 4,V6, 140. Elisa s 

ITS are . ;>ril L Otli, and Sa.-iv. ith, so that ti 

ii Xootka, if she did not arrive there, after El r his 

rx[ii"ri!;<j; trip. September <")th. The viceroy orders the governor of California 
to supply all demands from \<>;>ik;i. 

.liilani/tnii, ] . JO. It 13 : 

abrid- ul diary 1 of the ol: .,nd so concerned con 

tains information that is tolerably complete. In Id., 9o -6, is an account of 


/ If we may credit Senor Navarrete, the original man- 

/ uscripts were very complete, and their publication 

would have been a credit to the government; still it 

I is certain that their chief value would not have been 

in connection with what we term here the Northwest 

Coast. Malaspina sailed on the 28th of August, and 

he made no observations of interest or importance 

until he reached California. 21 

Of Elisa and his garrison and vessels for the rest 
of the year nothing appears in the records, except 
that the San Carlos and Santa Saturnina returned to 
San Bias. Viceroy Revilla-Gigedo says: "Although 
various craft of England and the American colonies 
frequented the adjacent coasts and ports, some of them 
entering Nootka, nothing occurred to cause unpleas 
antness or damage; and our new establishment was 
always respected by them, and provided with all that 
was needed by the other San Bias vessels, which 
brought at the same time the supplies for the pre 
sidios and missions of Alta California." 22 

Some of the Boston owners were not yet discour 
aged at the comparative failure of their first fur- 
trading enterprise; and the Columbia Rediviva was 
fitted out for a new voyage, still under the command 
of Captain Gray, with Mr Haswell as first mate. The 
Columbia sailed from Boston on the 28th of Septem 
ber 1790, and after an uneventful trip anchored at 
Clayoquot on the 5th of June 1791. "Thence she 
proceeded," says Greenhow, " in a few days to the 
eastern side of Queen Charlotte s Island, on which, and 
on the coasts of the continent and islands in its vicin- 

the original MSS., maps, plates, etc., and the reasons of their non-publica 
tion. Malaspina fell into disgrace with the government in some political 
matters, and this caused a suspension of publication until it was deemed too 
late. All that was known to Greenhow and other writers on the subject 
came from a brief account by Navarrete, in Sutll y Mex., Vlacje, cxiii.-xxiii., in 
which Malaspina s name was not mentioned. On a map in Id., atlas, No. 3, 
Malaspina s course above Nootka is laid down. 

21 For Malaspina s visit to Monterey, where he arrived the 13th of Septem 
ber, see Hist. Gal., i. chap, xxiii., this series. 

22 llcvilla Gigedo, 1 1> forme, 131. 


remained until September, engaged in tr, 
! exploring. .During this time, Gray explored many 
the in! nd passages between tl ith and tliu parallels, in one of wliL -most probably the 

afterwards called by Vancouver the P<i 
( anal he penetrated from its entrance, in t] 
tude of 54 degrees 33 minutes, to the distance of a 
hundred miles north-eastward, without reaching its 

rmi nation. This inlet he supposed to be the 1 1 
Reyes of Admiral Fonte; a part of it was named by 
him Massacre Cove, in commemoration of the mur- 
of Caswell, the second mate, and two seamen of his 
YI .by the natives, on its shore." 23 

My copy of Mr Has well s log begins on the 14th 
of August 1791, just before the ship arrived at w] 
was called Hancock River, an indentation on the 
northern end of Queen Charlotte, or Washington 
Island. 24 Here he met the Hancock, Crowell master, 
from Boston. 25 The Columbia sailed on the 19th, and 
touching at a few points for skins, directed her con 
southward between the great island and the main 
without noticeable adventure, 20 except meeting the 
Hope, Captain Ingraham, from Boston, on the 22d in 
53 2 , and arrived at Clayoquot on the 29th. As 
they entered, two Spanish vessels were seen passing 
southward, doubtless Malaspina s corvettes, which had 

23 Greenhow s Or. and CaL, 229-30. He cites the log of the Columbia from 
September 28, 1700, to February 20, 1792. He says the disaster happened on 
:mt 22d, but it must have been earlier. 

- //V.s/re/fs Lofj of the Columbia Rediviva and Adventure, 1701- This 

[tanion diary to the same officer s voyage of the Lady }Va-<Ji tmjf m in 1 7 
obtained from the same source ; see page 187 of this volume. The first p:irt 
of the log is missing, the entries beginning with August 14, 17 )1. It extends 
ie arrival of the Col in China the 7th of l)ccember 1792, but a part 

voted to the movements of the Adventure, under Haswell s command. 
It is a document of great interest and value, and includes a number of charts, 
nl contains also views of several places, the author having much 
11 with the pencil. 

. X. IT. rv?>/, 3, calls her the Hannah, and says she 
arrived nt BlOWXI Sound, in .~>r> 18 , on August loth. 
2U The names used are as follows : Port i 

: \Y(i*lt iii<lt . : 

: Cape Lookout, 54 24 : -vw village; . 

HoA ", .">J -V. All are on or about the north- i part of 


sailed from Nootka the day before; and within the 
sound they found Captain Kendrick, their former 
commander, leisurely engaged in repairing his sloop 
at a place he had named Fort Washington. 

A week later Gray sailed again for a cruise to 
winter quarters, which it was intended to establish 
at Bulfinch Sound, the year s trade having proved 
only moderately successful, because at the best places 
he had been preceded by Kendrick, or Ingraham, or 
Crowell. After being carried south by adverse winds, 
and narrowly escaping shipwreck near Cape Flattery, 
they returned to Clayoquot on the 18th of September, 
and resolved to winter there instead of making new 
attempts to reach a harbor farther north. 27 Kendrick 
was still there, but soon departed. A spot near the 
native village of Opitseta was selected for winter- 
quarters; and before the end of September a house was 
built, cannon were mounted, and the frame of a small 
sloop was landed from the ship. The keel was laid 
on the 3d of October, and from that time the work 
was carried on as rapidly as the short dark days and 
rainy weather would permit. The natives were very 
friendly; there was good shooting of geese and ducks 
for the officers, plenty of hard work for all in felling 
trees and sawing planks, and 110 special excitement in 
camp until after the end of the year. 

Joseph Ingraham, formerly mate of the Lady Wash- 
ington,lefk Boston in command of the brig Hope 28 before 
Gray, on September 16, 1790. " On the 1st of June, 
Ingraham left the Sandwich Islands, and on the 29th 
of the same month he dropped anchor in a harbor on 
the south-east side of Queen Charlotte s or Washing 
ton s Island, to which he gave the name of Magee s 
Sound, in honor of one of the owners of his vessel. 
On the coasts of this island, and of the other islands, 

n Kclley says he returned on the 29th, and that on the 15th lie had anchored 
at the village of Ahshewat, on the north shore of Fuca Strait. 

28 Fitted out by Thomas H. Perkins of Boston, who had been in Canton 
in 1787. Boston in North West, MS. , 5. Perkins was also interested with Magee 
in building the Margaret. 


and (lie continent adjacent on tin- north and cast, he 
spent t ! mnncr in trading, and collecting infnrma- 
1 ion as to the rapli y and natural hi >nd the 

lamnia^vs, manners, and customs, of UK- inhabit 
on all which subject^ his journal contains minute a 
in1< ing <lctai!s: and at the end of th >n IK; 

took liis departure" with fifteen hundred skins "i 
( where he arrived on the 1st of December, 


Captain Kendrick, on the Lwly W< >n tran 

formed into a brig, arrived on the coast from Cliii: 
on the 13th of June. His landing was at Ban i 
Sound, where the natives attempted to capture him, 
hut were repulsed and many of them killed. Not 

no- very successful in trade in the north, the 
captain turned his course down the coast on the 
I -Jth of July and entered Nootka. The Span 
iards aided in towing- the brig into port, and w> 
most hospitable in every way, but the Yankee com 
mander was suspicious, went on up to his old an 
chorage of Mawinah, and having obtained about 
eight hundred sea-otter skins, left the sound by 
the northern passage, preferring not to risk a second 

posure to the guns of the fort. 31 He next went 
down to Clayoquot, where he was also fortun 
in obtaining many furs before Gray s arrival. Aft r 
some repairs, conducted, according to Haswell, in his 
usual leisurely manner, Kendrick sailed for China on 
the 29th of September. 32 During this visit the cap- 

29 ow s Or. and CaL, 22G-7. He cites In^raham journal ami 

an extract from it in the Afo*adU(0eftfl // - . Kclley, J > 

X. IT. 3, says Ingraham arrived, apparently at Clnyo<|uot, on July 

Jot I. Harwell, oj7, MS., 5, that the /// ; muly: the 

it Mhcn JUT Imat, \\itli Mr < Yup, ^ as iiu>t on August J J.l. ( nip lii 
that tlicy had lx:en very successful in getting fur.-. chand, 1 uy., ii. i 

met Ingraham at Marao. He mentions tlic 1,")00 vskins. 

ao Delano. ^Var/vi / /r, 4. 1, jddcj Kc-mlrick in litting out his vessel at Lark 
Bay, near Macao, in March. 

31 Tliis \vas Ivcndrick s version. In an extract from the diary of V. 
age, J! ]> ;f ffhe Un <!l States, 100-1, it 1 that Kendrick entered " 

ted linstocks; could not understand when hailed ; l>ut 1 
lied his ancli a;i,l was ordei-cd not to trade or anchor ; nioh 

ports, he ol).-yed, ami d-]>arted next day lr, . .rthern passage. 

g qf the Columbia, Ms., 7 10, 14, 16. 


tain seems to have purchased large tracts of land in 
the Nootka region, from the chiefs Maquinna and 
Wicananish, obtaining their marks on his deeds. 33 I 
shall speak again of these land titles. Greenhow and 
others were perhaps in error, as we shall see, in 
stating that Kendrick never returned to America 
after this year. 34 

33 Kendrick s deeds are given literally by Hall J. Kellcy, Discov. N. W. 
Coast, and are worth reproducing, as follows: July 20, 1791. Deed to John 
Kendrick. (1). A certain Harbor in said Nootka Sound, called Chastactoos, 
in which the brigantine Lady Washington lay at anchor on the 20tli July 
1791, with all the land, rivers, creeks, harbors, islands, etc., with all the pro 
duce of both sea and land appertaining thereto. Only the said J. Kendrick 
does grant and allow the said Maquinnah to live and fish on the said terri 
tory, as usual. The above named territory known by the Indian name Chas 
tactoos, but now by the name of Safe fietreat Harbor. [Signed] Maquinnah, 
his x mark [L. s.]; Warclasman, his x mark [L. s.], and four other natives. 
Witnesses, John Williams, John Redman, and eleven others. A true copy 
from the original deed. Attest, J. Howell. (2). August 5, 1791, A certain 
Harbor in said Ahasset, called by the natives Chenerkintan, in which the brig 
Lady Washington lay at anchor August 5, 1791, which is situated in latitude 
49 deg. 50 m. N. and long. 127 deg. 8 m. w., on the north side of the Sound 
Ahasset, being a territorial distance of eighteen miles square, of which the 
harbor of Chenerkintan is the centre, with all the lands, minerals, etc. 
[Signed] Nory-Youk, his x mark [L. s.], and three others. Witnesses as be 
fore. (3). August 5, 1791, A certain Harbor in New Chattel, called by the 
natives Hootsee-ess, but now called Port Montgomery. . .in 49 deg. 46 m. N. . . 
on the south side of the Sound of Ahasset, now called Massachusetts Sound. . . 
eighteen miles square, of which the harbor of Hootsee-ess. . .is the centre, 
etc. [Signed] Tarasson, his x mark [L. s.], and three others. Witnesses as 
above. (4). August 6, 1791, The head of Nootka Sound, called by the na 
tives Tashees. . .with the land nine miles round said Tashees, etc. [Signed] 
Caarshucornook, his x mark [L. s.], and Hannopy. (5). August 11, 1791, 
A territorial distance of eighteen miles north, south, east, and west from the 
village of Opisitar as a centre, in 49 10 . The above territory known by the 
name of Clyoquot. Signed by Wicananish and five others. Boston, October 
30, 1838. Sworn certificates of Samuel Yendell and James Tremere, sailors on 
the Columbia and Jefferson in 1791, to the effect that they knew personally of 
the purchases of lands. June 26, 1835, sworn certificate of John Young at 
Hawaii, that he had often heard Kendrick speak of his purchase, and had 
seen his deeds. Witnessed by Henry A. Peirce and Hall J. Kelley. May 1 1 , 
1795, to May 28, 1798, extracts from letters of J. Howell, Captain Kendrick 3 
clerk, transmitting and mentioning the deeds. March 1, 1793, letter of Ken 
drick from the island of King Kong to Thomas Jefferson. Pie mentions the 
purchase, and incloses copies of the deeds to remain in the department of 
state. He says his title was recognized by the Spaniards, by being excepted 
in a deed of lands at Nootka from Maquina to Cuadra. He thinks the acqui 
sition a most important one for the United States. Kelley says another large 
tract between 47 and 50 was purchased by Kendrick for his company, all 
the purchases extending some 240 miles. The company s territory embraced, 
according to Kelley, all of Cuadra s Island not sold to Kendrick and to Spain. 
Of course Kelley deems this purchase the strongest possible foundation for 
a title in the United States. In a letter of January 1, 1870, in Thornton s 
Or. Hist., MS., Kelley writes on the same subject. He says the original deeds 
are in Ingraham s Journal, in the United States Department of State, and for 
printed copies refers to U. S. Gov. Doc., IGth Cony., 1st Sets., H. Repl. No. 43. 

3i Greenhow s (Jr. and Cal., 228-9; Sturgis, iaHunt s Merchants Mag., xiv. 535. 


American tr ;ed 

by t i 1 , 

llir J, S from Boston, and 

n Xew York; but the latter w; 

feosto] the next year, and we have no details 

It is probable that England 

was r Milrd in the fleet of 179 1 36 by the drroc 

Captain William Douglas. And now, for the first tin . 
since I -a Perouse s advent, the French apj d on tl: 

person of Etienne Marchand, who d 
from Marseilles on December 14, 1790, on the So 

r purposes of trade; first sighted the Northwest 
Coast in the vicinity of 57 on the 7th of August, and 

i the 21st reached the northern parts of Queen 
Charlotte Islands. A careful survey and map of 
C Bay and Cox Channel was made in the ship 
boat by Captain Chanal; and by the same officer, 
aided by the surgeon Roblet, material was obtained 
for a long description of the natives and their custom . 
Success in trade was very slight, the America: 
having left but few furs. A brig and boat were seen 
on the 26th, showing no colors, but thought to be 1 
lish. 37 From the 28th to the 31st Chanal made 
the shallop an exploration of the coast farther south 
as far as Kennell Sound, as shown with the northern 
survey in the appended copy of his map. Obtaini: 
lew skins, Marchand sailed for Barclay Sound, where 
he arrived on the Gth of September; but before 1 
could enter he saw a ship, doubtless the Col* 

(Jreenhow, Or. and Col., 220, cites the J/ //><f. Co!., 17 

containing a description of Roberts visit to certain islands in the South 

1 .- "i :ic. In 1838 James Trcmere certified that he was on theJ iptain 

Robinson, which sailed from Boston in November 1789, and was at Xootka 

in 1701. 

land s Nar., 43. The author s brother accompanied Hmglas. ] 

well tells us that Douglas sailed fr am in com pa: 

that they afterward separated, BO that ho mnypossibly have 1 visited tin- ><>. 

The Indians at Clayoquot told J that Kcndru-k and Douglas ! 

lately left the sound, but this could not have been true. Mavchand. I .. ii. 
told by Ingrahnm at ]\i ;hat he had left on the co -i 

and a schooner, the latter having had two of her men killed by nati 

the Sandwich islands. They h ;t to collect skins on the t_v. 

during the winter, and were to return iu the spring. 
" L robably the American, brig Jlo^e. 


in whose log the sight of a ship in the south-west is 
noted, bound apparently clown the coast, and was dis 
couraged from further efforts to trade. He resolved 

\ . 

-vi Port .Louis 


to make haste to China and sell his few skins for 
as much as the rival traders coming later would get 
for a larger quantity; and he turned from the coast 

MA11CI1A-\I> S \a\ 257 

t; . of S<h, arriving at Mac of 

tin- S;tii(!\vi<:h Islands in November, ;ind ilirling no 
market for his fur all. 

The fruit of Man/hand s unsuccessful trading v< 

. o far as my present topic is concrrii< a 

descripti f the- north-v rn portions of (Ji 
Cli.-: ids by Chanal and Koblet, consid !y 

in and extensive than that of Dixon < 

:iv oth oavig^tor, particularly in n- 

tation of the natives and their institutions. The or! 


inal IOLC and narratives wen- developed, ho r, in 
a ponderous work of six volumes, covering a hroad 

scop!- of South Sea discovery. Count C. P. Clan 
.Flenrieii, tin- rYeiich scientist and ^(jo^raj.Iicr, w, 
the editor of the work. As an introduction he ^a\ 
a summary of explorations on the Northwest Coast 
of America down to the time of Marchand. It v, 
a paper read h.-f. re the National Institute of Sciend 
and Arts in J798; and although not free from err 
was worthy of much praise as one of the earliest and 
most complete essays on the subject. Then the editor 
presented the relation of Man-hand s voya;.. -that 
is, the diaries of Chanal and Hoblet, for he did not 
have ac. to Man-hand s own narrative at ail- 
not literally, but in the third person, a \ light 
foundati< the original with a vast supers . urc 
of editorial comment. There is infinitely more of 
Fleurieu than .of the navigators, the \ ; in 
fact hut a pretext for a work on South Sea disco \ 
and geography. The editor w. i ab! id a 
brilliant w ; but he often wrote can ,1 
fell into oc nal crroi-s. At the time of its p: 
li< /k liad con .ih-le valu .t 
of its comprehensive treatment of various E 
]>ut n:>w, so r i- 

il a nothing t e infor, 
111 bett irces. 88 

:oo, r, 


Iliax. N. W. COAST, VOL. I. 17 


Not less than twenty-eight vessels, and probably 
a few more, visited the north-west coast in 1792. 
More than half of the number were engaged in the 
fur-trade, under the fla^s of France. Portugal, En^- 

^j ^5 c^) 

land, and the United States. 3 Five of them came 
expressly to make geographical explorations. The 
rest brought government commissioners on diplomatic 
missions, or supplies for garrison and national vessels, 
or despatches to commanders. Let us first follow the 
movements of the traders: 

We left Captain Gray with the Columbia in winter 
quarters at Clayoquot, hard at work on a new sloop, 
the material for which had been brought in part from 
Boston. Fort Defence and Adventure Cove were 
the local names applied, most of the men living in 
the house on shore. In February a plot of the 
Indians to seize the ship was discovered, and kept 
the Americans in great anxiety for many days. 
Months of friendly intercourse had removed all fear 
of native treachery, and the plot might have been 
successful had the Indians not attempted to bribe an 
Hawaiian servant to wet the primings of all fire-arms 
on a certain night. All but this boy \vere to be killed, 
was his story. By moving the ship to a less exposed 
position, strengthening the defences, and a general 
discharge of the cannon into the woods at random, 
the attack was prevented on the night appointed ; and 

a joint des reckcrches sur les terres aus f rales de Drake, ete. Paris, an vi.-viii. 
(1798-1800), 8vo 5 vols., 4to 1 vol. The Introduction is in vol. i. pp. i.-cci.; 
Voyage of Marchand, i. 1-294, and ii. ; Geographical observations and 
notes, iii. 1-318; Tables of latitude, longitude, etc.. iii. 319-403; Additions 
to the relation notes, etc., iii. 405-74; Natural history, iv. 1-494; vi. 316; 
Researches on Drake s Discoveries (in Southern Pacific), v. 317-74; Examina 
tion of Hoggeween s voyage, v. 375-499 ; List of voyagers and authors cited, v. 
501-18; Index, v. 519-59; Proposed changes in the hydrographic nomencla 
ture of the world, vi. 1-82 ; Metric decimal system applied to navigation, vi. 
85-149; Maps and plates, vi. pi. i.-xiv. The matter relating to the north 
west coast is found in vol. i. 288; ii. 273; iii. 80-92, 3GO-5; v. 1GO-88; vi. 
pi. i. , general map; pi. iii., De 1 Isle s map of 1752; pi. viii., Norfolk Bay; 
pi. ix. , Cloak Bay and Cox Strait ; pi. x., west coast of Queen Charlotte Islands 
(copied on p. 256, this chapter). 

39 In Sutll y Mexicana, Viage, 112, it is stated that the whole number of 
trading vessels was 22, of which eleven were English, eight American, two 
Portuguese, and one French ; but this must be au exaggeration, so far as the 
English vessels were concerned. 


after a strict wafrli was kept, tin- friendly rela 
tions of th- -t l>ein _c broken oil . On Hi >l <>f 
! >ruarv Ihe new sloop, named the A<l rrntiirr, the 
second \ I built within tin- territory. W8& hmnclicd ; 

and bvtlie i!l of April both vessels were !y to 

sail for their spring harvest of furs, the new sloop 

Tinder the command of Mr HaswelL* 

The vessels parted at Clayoqiiot, t lie ( \Jn,,<l>i ^oiii j; 
southward. ( )n the L )( Jth of A pril, Gray met Van 
couver just below Cape Flattery, and gave that com 
mander an account of his past discoveries, including 
the facts that he had not sailed through Fuca Strait 
in the /stt/t/ Washington, as had been supposed from 
^ lea res narrative and map, and that he had- -jn 
1:. -fore the- meeting in this same trip, I suppose- 
"beeii off the mouth of a river, in the latitude of 4<i 
10 , where the outset, or reflux, was so strong as to 
prevent his entering for nine days." 41 The log of the 
( / ,i llt bi<L, on this trip has been lost, with the excep 
tion of a valuable fragment covering the time from 
the 7th to the 21st of May. 42 On the former of th 
dates Gray discovered and entered the port in lati 
tude 46 58 , called at first Bulfmch Harbor, but later 
in the same year Gray Harbor, which name it 1 
retained. 43 On the 10th he left this port, where he 

^ Harwell s Log of the Cob MS., 23-35. Benjamin Harding, the 

boatswain, died on March 21st. 

41 Y(n> * Voy., i. 21.S-1G. Here also is mciiiii>ni-d the plot of the In 

dians at Clayoqiiot, under \Vu-ananish. Haswell, /,<;;/, MS., <>(> 7, m"nti<ms 
tin- meeting with Vancouver as told him l>y (Jray at their lirst iin--tiii_ r . 

[.t tliis meeting \\ith the English navigator, nothing is kno\vn of (\\ 
ni ATii .rnts until May 7th; but as he may not have left Cliyoijnot i 
lays after A]>ril Jd, and nine days A\ lit oil the river s mouth, it is not 

likely that those movements were of any special import 

"This was an extract made in 1810 by Mr linliineh, one of the owners, from 
the L d volume of the log, which subsequently disappeared. The 1 ;me, 

down to February 17 . -, was consulted by (ireenhow, as we have seen. The 
nent was printed in 1839 in U. 8. Goc. i ... //. / 

/ /. and may be found in (Ircfnliow s Or. "/></ < aL, _ . >. ! 7. l. il ( i. and also 
in many other book- rnment reports, and u pers treating on the 

later complication! of the famous Oregon question. 

; If inch Harbor is the name used in the log; but Haswell in hi- 
i tin- other name in June of the same year; ai. - ;\vr in the 

Bar. There was a I .ultiiu li Sound where (iiay and H;:-well met, and 
i. was at the meeting probably that the change irai agrccil upon. 


was attacked by the Indians, and killed a number of 
them, 4 * and next day passed over the bar of the port 
which he had before been unable to enter, at the 
mouth of the great river. This was the Entrada de 
Heceta, discovered in 1775 by Heceta, who named its 
points San Roque and Frond oso; the Deception Bay 
behind Point Disappointment of Meares in 1789. 
Earlier in this year it had been seen by Gray him 
self and by Vancouver, but now it was entered for 
the first time, and named the Columbia River, from 
the vessel s name, the northern and southern points 
being called respectively Cape Hancock and Point 
Adams. The first anchorage was ten miles within 
the entrance, and on the 14th the ship went some 
fifteen miles farther up, where she was stopped by 
shoals, having taken the wrong channel. 45 Gray then 
dropped down the stream, noting the Chinook village, 
and landing in the boat at one point, was visited by 
many natives in their canoes, and obtained a good 
quantity of furs. Rough weather did not permit the 
ship to recross the bar till the 20th, and next day 
our fragment of the log comes to an end. 

This achievement of Gray, which Americans chose 
to regard as the * discovery of the Columbia, figured 
very prominently, as we shall see, in the interna 
tional discussions of later years. 46 From the river 

Log, MS., 67. The fight is not mentioned in the Columbia s 
log, and may therefore be an error of Haswell. 

45 Haswell says they went up about 30 miles and doubted not it was nav 
igable upwards of a hundred. 

46 1 shall have occasion in this and later volumes to name the works in 
which Gray s voyage is described or mentioned ; but none of them add any 
thing to the original log which I have cited ; and the errors made are not 
sufficiently important to be noted. Captain Robert Gray, who had been in 
the United States naval service during the revolutionary war, died in 1 
leaving a widow and four children in straitened circumstances. In 1843 a 
petition in their behalf was presented to congress, and a committee report, 
never acted on, was obtained in favor of a pension of $500 and a township of 
land in Oregon. In 1850 a new memorial was introduced in behalf of Mrs 
Gray, and a bill in her favor was passed by the house, but I do not know 
whether it ever became a law or led to any practical result. The discovery of 
the Columbia was the great service to the United States on which the cl; 
was founded. Congressional Globe, 1850-1, pp. 34, 203, 595, 012. In 1800 Mr 
Thornton presented to the state of Oregon a silver medal which he represented 
to have been struck off Li 1703 in commemoration of the discoveries made on 


d, " 1 northward <<> Naspatee, above X< 

and tli- Pintard Sound, appa what \ 

known I, {Jueni ( harlo ^ound. At h >th 

place ked by t he 1 adians, and \\ i 

kill many of them.* 7 As tin- Coin lie 

sound she met the J</ < \\M\ bo; pi-n- 

[ to Na , where i IK -bored on tin- 1 

of J UIK-. ( jlray had col] ren hundred sea-otl 

and i) thousand other skin- 

\vhile ( aptain Elaswell in tl I /v had 

made a nori hern tour after leaving (*ray at ( 
on the iM of April, lie had no startling adventnr 

pond the ordinary and ted perils of sncli ;i 
na bion. In traoe he was l< ul than had 

i iilieipaivd, tlioiigh iirst in the- iield, jin 1 the 

nati\ aid 1liat many \ were coininL; , and 

ir.anded exorbitant prices, two overcoats for a skin 
In-ini;- at many places a current rate; and only two 
hundred and thirty-eight skins wnv purchased. On 
tin- 7th of May IK- met Captain Ma of the M,-- 
y<iret, with news from home; and early in June he 
visited the grave of Mr Caswell, his former 
who had heeii buried at Port Tempest, but who 
mains had been removed by the Indians. Vv ilh the 
aid of a chart, by which llaswell s course might be 

cod, his log would be of great value from a geo- 

iphical point of view, for he describes many ports 
and gi\ fcches of some; but UK i the pla 

named lie had visited before, and furnish -light 

a us for their identification. His course was lir>t 

1 . Ore;/ rnoZq/ &enafe, 1860, app., 37-40; nnd this im-dal lias 

.1 of iu aewBpapers, etc. It \va-, h<> 
ad bronze before Grray I fi-om 1 .. i.-u iu 17^; but it is not 

inij> fi-\v won- strr.rk oil in .silver l;i: 

In ,S //7 // M<-.rii iii i, \ _ L \\v ;ir- tolil that on the 3d of June the 

Indians from t h ramr, to Nbotka to Complain that a vi-.-si-l had a. 

.1, killi .. >u and \vouinlin .1 thvir 

i\\r> had l)"on unu il sdl at tin- price oii oivd. Tlii.s was 

doul)tli-s.s -i of tin- t\v<> lights alhuk-il to 1)\- Haswi-11. 

a /Jasm 7. A i-h;irt :i<f llnljincli So 

i ( h t -klt ^t at In >iiit of . 

aud U it at the west :at, and <. /u"/i/" k at tin- head, or north. 



up the outer coast, into Dixon Entrance, and back to 
Cape Scott; then up the strait to the same latitude 
as before, and back, the whole amounting to a double 
circumnavigation of Queen Charlotte Islands, with an 
examination of the mainland coast. Names from the 
log are appended. 49 

Log of the Adventure, MS., 35-66. The following are the names 
used, with approximate dates and latitudes : April 3d, C echaht Cove, in Com 
pany Bay [Barclay Sound] ; a Higua chief of Hlchaht; 7th-8th, past Clayoquot, 
Point Breakers, and Nootka; 9th, Hope Bay, lat. 49 5 , long. 127 24 ; 10th- 
12th, still in sight of Nootka and Ahatsett Sound [Esperanza Inlet; a chart 13 
given of the two sounds and connecting passages, which I reproduce]; 13th, 

or Kendrick sITarbor 


50 16 ; Woody Point, five leagues s. E. ; Port Lincoln, a large sound with good 
harbors, in 50 26 , long. 128 30 [Quatsino Sound?]; 14th, 50 46 , six leagues 
s. of outwardmost island off C. Ingraham [Cape Scott]; 17th, Washington 
Island and Cape Harwell [Cape St James], 52 10 ; Barrel Sound; 18th, 53 J 5 ; 
Tooscondolth tribe, subject to Cumsuah, on the strait dividing the island; 
another strait where the coast turns w. , in about 53 20 [Skiddegate Channel] ; 
19th, near Tadents village [Cloak Bay and Cox Channel?] ; 21st, round the N. w. 
point of the island ; 23d, Shoal Inlet, or Neden, lat. 54 9 , long. 132 45 , seven 
teen leagues E. of Tadents; C. Coolidr/e, seventeen leagues w. S. w., in 54 J 15 , 
long. 134 13 [?]; C. Lookout, eighteen leagues E. N. E. [Cape Chacon on N. side 
of strait?]; 24th, Hancock River, 54 5 , long. 132 18 (chief, C attar; a chart is 
given, with names Halibut Head, Sand Point, and Mahshoet [Virago or Maza- 
redo Sound, or Masset Harbor, on N. side of the island] ; Leyonee is in this 


The two \ iled 1 her IVojn X.-i >e 

.June _! Ith, hound for the north; hut two <! later, 
Avhen (hey had entered the threat strait and \v 

just aho\> . opposite Lchlij) Sound, tin- Columbia 

uck a rock and was considerably damaged. T! 
went on, however, for Derhy Sound, hut lost ea<-h 
other on the l^Jth. The Jr/rr/,//ov went on and 
waited at Derby Sound for ln-r consort, II;isw<-Il 
fearing that slic liad sunk. Tlien slie continued IHT 
trij) through Dixon Strait and uj> the Alaskan coast 
to ahont 57 , in the region of the modern Sit ka. 1 I 
well touched at many of the places visited in the 
former trips; obtained only seventy-five skins; met 
six. other trading-vessels at different points; and re 
turning do\\ n the outer coast met Gray on the 3d of 
September at .Port Montgomery, on tin; south-western 
shore of Oueen Charlotte Island. Meanwhile the 
Col"n I>< (. her leak increasing after the par-ting, had 
returned to Naspatee and attempted some repairs, 
with the aid of Captain Magee; then she went to 
Clayoquot and soon to Nootka. Here the Span 
iards rendered every possible assistance and cour 
tesy, 50 and when his ship was again in condition Gray 
sailed for the north to meet Haswell, as just relat 
Both sailed on the 13th of September and reached 
Nootka seven days later. Here they met Vancomvr 

region; 28th-29th,past shoalofff. Lool-nut; .y. a-Uon ftodb,54*96 ,long. i:>o ."."> ; 
( :!] I.tx.koiit \\ . hy x.; Bali s; A<lat/i*Stt (tif near; 30th, vind and lia/.c a! 
the shoal; May 1st lM, oil Ta dents; chief, < tin in : -Uh.s.of Tooscondolth; 
>/ J (iiini>iii ( <>rc and / /( M<>nt<j<ini Tii, ^ 1 I .") (mi \v. side of the island]; 
7th, .Han-el Inlet and <ira// Cove, niei tin^ the Mr j<n-if. Captain Ma. ; 
l 2th, iit-ar < . JIas\\ell and in mouth of N//V//Y of Font [that is, the pas- 

i ( harlntte and the main): c<mr- : l.")tli..VJ -\ .\ : opp 

tSUah s village [ComaheWI Island and Hai-lor . ! ; Kith, / 

[SkiddegateBay?]; Hope Cove nMT on R. , ]!>th. ->:\ 7: 20th, over to main! 

and lint,-/,, * /* m/>/ imd Sound, a very deep sound running s. i:. : J_M, / 
&OUJK! ami All<n Core; 25th, sailed for ///"// Xo////,/, lut wind \ 
oil ( 1 . Lookout; J(>th, oil Tmlrnts; L Tth, :>1 ."! ; -jSth, al.reast 

; 30th, iJi.u jia* . .".I H : 31st, C. Lookout i:. EL i :. and . / 

Cu/if N. }_, \v. ; June 1st, -".4 L 7 ; ]>as>ed Muni 

and ; 7th, II, >ut ; Nth -!)th, coasted do\vn to 

1 Ith, Ji<trrn litll /!<ii/, .VJ :,!) ; l. uh.past In.m-ahani 
1 oiiu : 17t!i. me: . just out of Pi ntn>- ; arrived at 

( or \\hich, however, (,ray and In^i ahani furnished sonic valuable testi 
mony, on events of Uti J, iu their letter of August 3d. 


, and gave him an account of their discoveries. 
On the 22d they sailed for Neah Buy, the Nunez 
Gaona of the Spaniards, within the strait of Fuca, 
which port it took them four days to reach. Here the 
sloop Adventure was sold to Commander Cuadra for 
seventy-five choice sea-otter skins, and the Columbia 
went across the strait to Poverty Cove, to obtain 
wood, water, and masts. From this port the ship 
sailed on the 3d of October for home, touching at the 
Sandwich Islands and anchoring at Macao on De 
cember 7, 1792. 51 

Gray s is the only one of the trading voyages of 
the year that is at all fully recorded, though it is not 
unlikely that the logs of other vessels may yet come 
to light. The other trips, as incidentally mentioned 
by Haswell, Vancouver, and the Spanish voyagers, 
may be briefly disposed of here: Ingraliam in the 
Hope had returned from China; w T as at Nootka on 
the 3d of August, on which date he wrote a letter to 
Cuadra; was in company with the Adventure August 
21st to 27th about the northern end of Queen Char 
lotte Island; returned to Nootka the llth of Septem 
ber; sailed for Fuca Strait on the 20th; returned in 
company with the Princesa on the 2cl of October, 
and soon sailed for China. 52 James Maofee, on the 


Margaret, Lamb first mate, sailed from Boston Oc 
tober 25, 179 1, 53 and reached the Northwest Coast, 
just below Cape Scott, April 24, 1792; he first 
anchored at Gray Cove, on Queen Charlotte Island, 
where he had been ten days when Haswell met him 

Log of the Columbia and Adventure, MS., 68 et seq. In Sutll 
y Mexlcana, Viage, 112, it is stated that Gray collected 3000 skins. 

^Sutil >/ Mexicana, Viage, 116; HasweIVs Log, MS., 83, 92; Vancouver s 
Voy., i. 400, 410. Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 237, tells us that Ingraham 
subsequently entered the navy of the United States as a lieutenant, and was 
one of the officers of the ill-fated brig Pickering, of which nothing was ever 
heard after her departure from the Delaware in August, 1800. 

53 In Niles* Register, xviii. 417, William Smith, afterward famous, is said to 
have made his first voyage round the world in the Magnet, Captain Magec, 
which left Boston the 17th of October 1791 probably the Margaret. Both 
this vessel and the Hope left Boston in 1792 according to Tufta List. 


on 711i of May: <>M -mit <>f his il];: Mr 

Lamb in < .m<l. Th<- vessel a ii 

and u-cll lib- cruise, l>ut thn 1 ob- 

In July hr was v.iui ( 

whom hr brought 1 .-it ?\ and he i- 1 

heard of at ^ ill S- , J*. J). 

peri ; man \vlio had been m 

oi tlir /,"</!/ Washington in i . now commanded the 

iff of New York. Jlf came from China, a: id \\ 
in company with IIa,-\\x-ll in flic north i 
: . -i-s, Adanison, ]]. t, and Do; 

rted in July by the norlhcrn n . 
on the b, but nothing 1 ui-tln-i 1 is knov.n oi ti 

i 1 -ro \vii < 
llsh trader. The English bi-i^ j 

mmanded by Lieutenant Alder of the navy. Tl 

:iicr Pri ,ic(> 11 m Hmrij, Ewen, from J^oiidon, 
and the bri^ ll<iJ< : /,,, Barclay, IVoiu Jini^al, arc 
named in Vancouver s list. He also names the Boston 
>W< !*/< infjton, Kendrick ; Hancock, Crowd 1 : 
and J -tun, Roberts; the first two were on the co: 
in 17 ( J1, and j):rhaps a^ain this year, though I iind 
n:> other evidence. The Eii^Ti.-h sloop J rnice Le 
JL>n, Sharp master, is mentioned as having bi 
at Nootka. 58 The cutter Ja<-!. /, of London, ( iin 
Stewart, was on the northern coast in August, and 
at Nootka in September.* The brig J. tain 

James Baker, came from Bristol, bi-m^iiyj; two Sand- 
v/ieh Island women to Nootka, and arriving on i 
7th of October; sailing later for England, she was 

/../, MS., 54-C, 80, 01; Xnfil >/ / 
, (Jr. < . ys tlu .t the Harm s froih 

implies that sin- made a ti - i|> in 171 D-l, which seciu.s inr 

/,",/, ^LS., 83-4. \ iiiicuiivoi-, I oi/., iii. 4DS, n;, 
: fcer <>f a 1) 

ffanoe& I r, MS., 74-& 

>\v. Or. .. -^:". n:" :i as one of the 


infi- i. In 

as ; ; brought < t.> \"; 


, 3. .01; I \s Vo-j., iii. 498. 


found by Broughton on November Gth anchored in 
the Columbia River. 60 The Venus, Shepherd com 
mander, from Bengal, was met by Vancouver in the 
channel north of Queen Charlotte Sound on August 


17th; she had touched at Nootka. 61 The Florinda, 
Thomas Cole commander, the most miserable thino- 


that ever was formed in imitation of the Ark, left 
Macao in March, arrived on the coast in July, and 
was met next day at Tadents by Has well, who found 
her overrun by natives, who but for his arrival would 
soon have made her a prize. 62 The Portuguese Felice 
Aventurero, formerly Meares vessel, came back this 
year under Francisco Viana; she left Macao in May, 
lost part of her crew at Prince William Sound, 
touched later at Queen Charlotte Island, and thence 
came down to Nootka before September/ 3 A Captain 
Mear, possibly the illustrious John Meares, com 
manding an unnamed snow from Bengal, was met in 
Dixon Strait in July. 04 Another Portuguese trader 
was the Fenix, Captain Jose Andres Tobar, or as 
Vancouver says, the Fenis and St Joseph, Captain 
John de Barros Andrede; she was on the island 
coast in August, at Nunez Gaona in September, and 
sailed for China from Nootka on the last of Septem 
ber. Her supercargo was Mr Duffin, formerly of 
the Argonaut, and she carried to China 65 one of Van 
couver s officers with despatches. Finally I have to 
mention a French vessel, whose business is not clearly 
explained; this was the Flavia, of about five hun 
dred tons, commanded by M. Magon, Dupacy second 

60 Vancouver s Voy., i. 415; ii. 72; iii. 498. Gray, Hist. Or., 14, speaks of 
the Jennet, Captain Baker, from Bristol, Rhode Island. 

01 Vancouver s Voy., i. 375; iii. 498. Chepens is the captain s name in 
Sutil y Mexicana, Vinfje, 110. 

^HaswelVsLocj, MS., 76. 

63 Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, 115-16; HaswdVs Lori, MS., 74-80. He says 
Viana was first mate, Ugon, a Frenchman, being captain. Vancouver, Voy. , 
iii. 498, calls Viana s ship the IpMyenia. 

Gi JfasweU s Lo(j, MS., 80. Mcar had come from Alaska, and had met 
Viana s vessel in distress. Perhaps Mear was Vancouver s (iii. 498) Moor, 
commanding a snow from Canton. 

05 Vancouver s Voy., i. 403, 409-10; iii. 498; HawelVs Log, MS., 83-4, 91. 
Gray met the Fenix at the Sandwich Islands in October. 

ptain, and Trcklc-r >npercar<ro; slie arrival at 
Xontka cm tin- - tli of May. IH-I- mission hem 
was ivpiv .<!, to buy i urs for > mar! 

and to sc.-k news of t! pedition ot Li Pe*ro 

Meeting Ihiswell on the north end of ^u- ii Char 
lotte Island in August. M i ivp 1 his \ 

a- hound 1 roin L < h ient Sound to Kamchatka with 
supplies, intending to touch at Knala^!. Tin- super- 
c;iiyo was ;i J Julian; from him the Ai. 
ceived a very welcome -ift of liquors. 07 

It vras deemed essential to Spanish inte; . 
reasons to !>< more fully noticed later, to com]>L 
speedily as possible the exploration l)r;4un by ridaJgo, 
Ouimgerj and Klisa in 1.71)1. Accordingly two ex; 

dilions wei e (l(\^])7rFcTrea early in 1792. The transport 
Ar<itr.<i-.n t nndc i- the command of Lieutenant Jacint 
Caamaho, carrying supplies for California as well a 
Nootka, sailed from San Bias the 20th of March, 
and arrived at Nootka the 14th of May. Her 
California cargo was transferred to the Concep- 
cion, which had been in the north for two y. 
and which under Elisa s command touched at Mon 
terey the 9th of July on her way to San Bias. 68 
Caamaho had instructions to explore the coast up 
to Port J>ucareh, and to search for Foiite Strait: 
lie started on his trip the loth of June, arrived 
at Bucareli on the 2jth, (VJ and niter a survey of 
that northern port he anchored on July 20th at the 
entrance, of J)ixon Strait, which he very properly 
named Kntrada de IVivz. From this time until the 
end of August was made the 1ir>t oliicial exploratl 
of the northern end of Queen Charlotte Island, and of 

( punto nos paver!" mny srcundario rospccto i la derrota quo 
emprendido. .s ^/// 

il<i.-ir,irx /.-"/, MS., M. Tli- also met l>y C.-I.-MI. ;ae 

J ltli, at I 1 !! I .uvaivli. JIc was tin vim; IK-V.S <.f i 

J -<< - 

fi^f. < ., i., cl !.),->. xxiv. , t]ii- 

reto, / 1703, 144. The other authorities 

are hopelessly OOmfosed i- .. O f tlie^e two dates. 


the eastern coast of the strait dividing that island 
from the main. The A, \zu was too large and un 
wieldy for such work, and the weather was not favor 
able; yet the survey was a tolerably complete one. 
Several of Caamano s names have been retained; and 
from his charts Vancouver derived much of his pub 
lished information about these regions. 70 A copy of 
his chart on a small scale is appended. On a chart 
that had been obtained from Colnett, Fonte Strait 
was located just above 53, at the entrance between 
what are now Pitt and Princess Royal Islands; but 
though Caamano did not reach the head of those 
channels, he was certain from the tides that they fur 
nished no interoceanic passage, and he changed the 
name from Fonte to Monino. Intercourse with the 
natives is somewhat minutely described, but the only 
noticeable adventure was the capture, by treachery, of 

70 Caamaiio s exploration is shown on a small scale on map No. 3, in Sutily 
Mexicana, Viag?, atlas. The following is a geographical summary of the 
voyage in the strait : July 20th, Port Floridablanca [Cloak Bay], 54 20 , on 
the north end of Queen Charlotte Island, and south of Ldtn/ara Island [North 
Island]; an anchorage east of the island seems to be called Navarro; 23d- 
24th, on the northern or Alaskan coast of the strait; 25th, back to the 
island; from Pt Invisible region sighted ports Estrada and Ma~.arrcdo [all 
three names on Vancouver s map, called on some modern maps Masset Spit, 
Masset Harbor, and Virago Sound; one of the latter was Haswell s Hancock 
River]; 2Sth, in the archipelago of Once Mil Vircjene$ y on map Port Nar- and Alva Island, S. and N. of the archipelago; also Port Quimper; 
30th, entered the Canal del Principe [still so called], between the islands of 
Calami-dad [Banks] and Enriquez [Pitt]; past bay of Gorostiza and Point 
Enyaiio [a port of Canaveral, also mentioned by Vancouver]; 31st, sought in 
vain Colnett s Port Bala, Point Mala Indiada; passed through the strait 
[Nepean Sound], between the islands of Compania [still so called] arid 
Enriquez, into anchorage of San fioque, or Mai fondo, in bay of San Jose 
[Wright Sound, or mouth of Douglas Channel]; August 1st, ceremony of 
taking possession; 2d, piloto sent to explore the different channels, named, 
after his return on the Gth, Boca y Brazos de Monino, 53 21 [that is, the 
channels of Grenville, Douglas, Gardner, etc.; here Colnett had placed the 
strait of Fonte]: one of them, extending N. w., by which the Indians said they 
went to Queen Charlotte Island, was followed eighteen leagues, and called 
or the anchorage at its mouth port Gaston [Grenville Channel], with island 
San Miyuel [Farrant Island?] and brazo de Maldonado, on maps island San 
Es evan [still so called; the island of Gil, E. of Compania Island, on Van 
couver s map, and still so called, was doubtless named by Caamano]; 7th-12th, 
further explorations; 13th-29tn, detained by bad weather; 30th, through 
the Laredo channel, between Ari4izabal Island and the coast [names still 
retained], the southern point of the island being called Santa Gcrtrudls; 3 1st, 
Point Ventuysen, on map bocas de Cicnega; September 1st, SanJoaqula Island 
[Scott Island]; 2d, Brooks Bay; 7th, Isootka. 



They were r- ; d l>y i 

<( the Indian- \vh<> WOuld ; H h 

hid treat ho Span: 

J;i additi< narrative, and to ;>hi<-al 

ip . there were added to tlie diary son). 






c.s. .- 




: 1 . i.cjf 




& ~}* < \ 




(^\.\^!A^o s 

17 . -. 

MS of ani and plants, l>y ,1 \ Maldonado. 

: ng from the sti-ai; bh of tl 
LO aneln red on the 7th of > :l>er 

\.;ol -nd remained tl- y CO 

; . n until FidulL, irnvul, sailing the 


of October, touching at Monterey on the 22d of 
October, and arriving at San Bias Feburary G, 1793. 71 
Viceroy Revilla Gigedo had already made prepara 
tions for an expedition under Lieutenant Maurelle to 
complete the exploration of Fuca Strait when Malas- 
pina, returning from the north, proposed to make 
the new enterprise a branch of his own, furnishing 
officers and instruments. This proposal was accepted, 
and two schooners were transferred to Acapulco for 
outfit. They were the Sutil and Mexicana, com 
manded by Dionisio Galiano and Cayetano Valdes, 
with Secundino Salamanca and Juan Vernaci as 
lieutenants, Joseph Cordero as draughtsman, and a 
crew of seventeen men to each schooner. They 
sailed from Acapulco on March 8th, and arrived at 
Nootka on the 12th of May, two days before Caa- 
maiio. It was the 4th of June when they started for 
the strait, which they entered next day and anchored 
at Nunez Gaona, or Neah Bay. The survey of the 
inland waters up to the Tejada Island, or rather re- 
survey, for all this region had been explored by 
Quimper and Elisa, lasted until the 26th. On the 
13th the Spaniards first met a boat from one of the 
English vessels, and on the 21st Galiano and Van 
couver met personally, showing to each other their 
charts of previous discoveries, and agreeing to carry 
on subsequent explorations in company. They worked 
together amicably until the 12th of July in the chan 
nels about Desolation Sound; but Vancouver, while 
freely giving the Spaniards the benefit of his own 
labors, would not accept the results of their survey 

^Caamafio, Expedition de la corbeta Aranzazu al mando del (entente de 
imvio D Jacinio Caamano ci cowprobar la relation de Fonte, 1792, in Col. Doc., 
Iiit tl., xv. 323-63. This is not the original complete diary, but a resume with 
extracts. A less complete resume was given by Xavarrete, Sutil y Mexicana, 
Via<j< , cxxiii.-xxxi. 113; see also mention in Id., Viage Apoc., 66, 160-1; 
Viiiivouvc r * Voy., i. 393. He appears to have displayed much skill and in 
dustry in his examinations, as Vancouver indirectly testifies in his narrative : 
but he effected no discoveries calculated to throw much light on the geography 
of that part of the coast ; and his labors were productive of advantage only 
in so far as they served to facilitate the movements of the English navigator, 
to whom his charts and journals were exhibited at Nootka. Greenhow s Or. 
and CaL, 241, 231. 


iclusive, m>Mt!M-- on penet rat in I head 

ii inlet i or himself. This was n<>t agreeable to 

Haiio s pride; and though friendly relations \v< 
not distui-!.. -d, yd on account of diiierene.-s betw< 
the schooners and ships in speed and draught it v. 
ided to part. Tin- Spaniards continued their Mir\ 
in a very careful and eHe-live manner, came our into 
tlu- .Pacific l>y a northern p je on the J:jd ot 

A P.* >i ust. and on tlie 30th anchored at Nootka. Tl 


/ / and Mexicana left Nootka on September I 

and were at Monterey from the _!d of Octoh.T 
the -tth of November, having taken a ^lancu in pa 
in^- at tlie Entrada de BEeceta, BO as to be sure of 
identity with the river mouth explored by Gray, 
of whose chart the Spaniards had a copy. Th 
anchored at San Bias on the 23d of November. 73 Xo 
detailed description of their movements is possible 
here; their explorations helow Tcjada Island added 
but very little to the earlier ones of Quimper and 
Elisa, to whose maps, already given in this chapter, I 
refer the reader; 73 while Galiano s survey farther north 
-liown on that part of his map which I here repro 
duce. 74 I may add that Galiano on June 20th was 

! ?/ M \> K (I mi, ]>iJ ir oD dil r ffji hccho por J.<* {! >! fas. . .en <J a 
i /-it rccanocer d Eettrtcho de Fuca; con ma introduccion, <-te., M;i<b-il, 
1802; 8vo, -\vith small folio atlas. Tlie atlas contains a general map of tlu; 

v, liolc coast, from liaja California to Alaska, in three sheets, the nort 

I slio\vin^ the exjilorations of earlier Spanish voyagei . 7, 

a plan of Cala J e Ami^ S. [Friendly ( ovej. 1<>, 

%i. wof a; N o. 11, view <>f Friendly Cove and Sp 

jiortraits of the. chiefs Maipiinna and Tetacii, with Maria, wife of the 
latter. See also ///V. Col., i., eha}>. xxiv., this series. 

73 S 1 of Klisa s naiii -s are omitted on < ialiano s map, Imt the additions 

are few. Tunta de Santa Satornina l;ecom - 1-1. <nd de .v/. - ///// / [as it ha- 

inained, p;ol>al>ly a ty [Hiirraphical erroi-, on the later map;. I inlands of 
(\-[)eda and I.;in^-ira Keeome ]>oints on a peninsula, north of which is found 

entrance to the Canal da Florida lUanca, while the] ntlu-rn 

entrance is taken ly Mnsenada del Engafto. Si iio de Uii^f-nt is a He w name for 
the hay al>ove Point Socorro ; and I unta de l.oera l>econie- Mn.-i nada de Loei a. 
The I unta and Lacuna del (iaivon liccoine an enscnada of the same name. 
bocas of the Florida lUanc;-. ( .unu-lo, and Monino, l>cin-- explored to 
their heads, liecome lu. and the name , .f tin- la>t is changed to M 

redo. Poliel [an error] is changed to / <u li, /-, and C ala d - added 

to the lioca <le \\ entnliu\ sen. 

7i The map is No. _ of t! !nal atlas, and is also found on a larger scale 

in Ihjily f t lie United States. To the land north of the Saitda are :,iv(.n, ou 



- \ ". 


Puerto Qoroslisa 
Fondeadero de 


*>^ - 

Cabo Frondoao Pu er \o do Guerac 



erto de Bauza 

JBrazo de Bcildinat 


TJ-S , - , \ . "^ 

DE Zeballoa 

"\ f - 



( Ba7ti<i de y lores 


Fondeadero de Viaua 


Canal de 
.Guaqui nanto 

Cabo deRemolinos 

Pimta de Magallana 


de IBustamante 

] }LBrazo de Malaspina 



AND ! i AO 273 

F the mouth of the river afterward called I p, 

noli IT.;- 11 tence, though red Liter 

Vancouver that no such river existed 

Thus ( Jaliano and Yalde- had sailed through Vwn \ 
Strait and conic out into tin- Pacific, proving the ex- ) 
istence of ;in<>thT gre&i inland, and, wh niurli 

Important to them ,-md their nation, that not: 
of the strait s many channels ail orded the d, I or 

e.-idcd passage to the Atlantic. This was the la^tN 
Sj>anisli exploring expedition on these << :id the! 

only one win- isults were published hy order of tl 
go\ <) iinieiit. The journal and maps appeared in 1 M 
with a most valnahle introductory of pivn -din^ 

voyi hy Martin Fernandez de Xavanvte; lut ex 
cepting the introduction, this work attr. I very 
little attention, hring ohsciired hy tin- previous ap- 
pcaraii -e of Vancouver s givat work. So far as t: 
exploration of 1792 is concerned, however, the dilfrr- 
ence hetwcH ii the Spanish and .Kni^lish work very 
slight, except in matters pertaining to the printer s 
and engraver s arts. Mr Greenhow s contrast U-t ween 
( raliano s "meagre and uninteresting details" andA^an- 
couver s "full and luminous descnptioi is [)urely 
imaginary, while his severe criticism of Navarre; 
has no better foundation than the occurrence of a lew 
unimportant errors and the occasional display of 
national prejudice, which is far less marked than is 
the hitter feeling against all that is Spanish to he 

d in English and French writers of the tim 
Indeed Navarrete s essay was intended as a reply to 

the sneers of Fleurieu and other foreign writ 

Mo. 8 of the atlas, already copied, the names islands < -mt and 

]:ortinn in line lairs in the north M ;is t;d;cn l>y ( Jaliano f. iivrr, 

and also t :- jiortion in the south, not copied, representing Admiralty in, 

and Ho<><l ( lianiirl. 

s ya i-ii au na casi dulc\ y vt ainos flotar gruesos mad- ii- 

> indicium la idea di- <jiu- la I lora (juc Hani 

:i;i era la <U: un rio eaudaloso. tintil ;/ M .>\. I . >o-nn d 

much sui-jiri/cd that we had not found a liv< r ^;iid to exist i: 
had liccn c\i>lorin.i:, and named l>y iheir officers ] . .which 

i i\er t had sought lr th: j.urji^- 

I ;/.,i. :,!-}. Tiius it is ]M,>sil>le that l^lisa in 17 Jl had also seen si^iii of a 


An English exploring expedition under the com 
mand of George Vancouver was despatched for the 
North Pacific in 1791. Vancouver s instructions, 
dated the 8th of March, were to make a thorough 


survey of the Sandwich Islands, and of the north 
western coast of America from 30 to G0, the latter 
with a view of finding, if possible, a passage to 
the Atlantic, and of learning what establishments 
had been founded there by foreign powers. He was 
also notified that he might be called on to receive 
certain property at Nootka, of which the Spanish 
minister had ordered the restoration to British sub 
jects, according to the convention of 1790. He com 
manded the sloop Discovery, carrying twenty guns and 
one hundred men, and as consort the tender Chatham, 
with ten guns and forty-five men, under Lieutenant 
W. R. Broughton. The vessels sailed from Falmouth 
on the 1st of April, proceeded to the Pacific by way 
of Cape Good Hope, and left the Sandwich Islands 
for America on the 16th of March 1792. 

It was on the 1 7th of April that the coast of New 
Albion was sighted just below Cape Mendocino. The 
trip up the coast to Cape Flattery, in good weather 
and with all conditions favorable for observation, lasted 
twelve days, and several new names were applied. 73 

On the 27th the explorers noted "the appearance 
of an inlet, or small river, the land behind not indi 
cating it to be of any great extent; nor did it seem 
accessible for vessels of our burden, as the breakers 
extended" quite across the opening. It was correctly 
identified as Meares Deception Bay. Two days later 
Captain Gray was met on the Columbia, and from him 
Vancouver learned that the Lady Washington had not, 
under his command at least, sailed through the strait 

76 The new names were : Rocky Point, at Point Trinidad ; Point and Bay of 
Sa mt G eorge and Dragon Rocks; Cape Orford, from the earl of that name 
(Greenhow s criticism, Or. and CaL, 232, that Vancouver, though inclined to 
think the cape identical with Aguilar s Cape Blanco, did not scruple to 
name it Orford, is successfully overthrown by Twiss, Or. Quest., 130-1); 
Point Grenville, from the lord of that name ; and Duncan Rock, from the fur- 


of Fu<-a, afl had hccii reported -tatdix -lit that 

caused much satisfaction, since it left a -rand field for 

<lisco\ <TV open to himself, a- he incorrect ly supposed. 
lie also learned from (Jray that tin- latter had found 
a greal river in tin- south: hut this did not troiihle 

him, heeause (Jray had hem unable to enter it hy 
reason oi tlie currents, and because"] was thoroughly 
convinced. as were also most persons of observation 

on hoard, that we could not possihly have paed any 

sale navigable opening, harbour, or plae<- ,,f security 

for shipping on this coast, from Cape Mendochm 
the promontory of Classeft: nor had we any iv.-ison 

to alter oiii- opinions, notwithstanding that theoretical 
tgraphers have thought ]ro]>er to assert, in that 

space, the existence of arms of the ocean. . .and 
tensive rivers." This record of failure to find t; 
Columbia Iviver was repented <1 nauseam (Brifanni- 
cam) hy American writers in later controversies, and 
this chapter would perhaps he regarded as incomplete 
without it: 

Entering the strait the last day of April, they f<.l- 
lo\ved the southern shore to Port Discovery, which 
hecame a station for refitting and for explorations in 
the surrounding region. 77 From this station Van 
couver, Menzies, Puget. and Johnstone set out on the 
7th of May in yawl, launch, and cutter. In this and 
subsequent trips, lasting ahout a month, the whole 
south-eastern extension of the inland sea was discov- 
erecl, fully explored, and named, as shown hy the 
annexed copy of Vancouver s map." The record of 

adventures and observations, though full of im 


:: .V / D>ni<i adypoint resembling Dnngeneai in tin: Hndisli Chan 

nel (( t Miini}>rr s Point Santa ( ru/i. ami Mon,/f link* r in the far distancr. lis- 
f<)VTcd by Liriitt- iiant Dakcr. \\cif the only nr\v names applied M e.-t nf ! 
i-y : and L<>* .!//;/ / the only Spanish name put later on V 

map of the southern shore. 

The map also shows, l.rsido Vaneonver s southern diseoveri \il- 

iltii I nl i. I Inn I Cmml. and / "./< f .v*//y///, the northern parts -\pl 
Itelore hy Kl isa and (Juimper. See maj) already -ivm. M< ./ ,,//, ./;/// .,-. bej 
tlie limits of my copy, was so named for Rear-admiral Rainier of the liritish 
navy. Other nanif- n-rd in X aneoiiver s text, l.ut not appearing on th. i 
are Mnrrnir-s niK r<, tnt. n,tk (\>,\, fun/fiat/,, ,- /;/ //; //.--.,/ ! ,,!/,(, A , 
1 viuf, and ( //;/ /v.s-x /.s f(/K/. 







Tin: i:\ a KAVIGATOB ->:: 

in its details, cannot of course be reproduced 

even e\ On the ki: birthday. tin- 4th of 

Jmi", at .IV inn Sound, formal p< !! w, 

.ken in the name of his I Jritannic majesty of all the 
countries round about the-e inland v, including 

thr outer eo;ist down to 39 20 ; and to inland 

c< and islands above 45 was given, in honor of tl 
kiiiLC, the name of New Georgia. Th 1 of p< 
sion, like previous ads of similar nature b\ Span 

iards ;it lialf a do/en jtoinis within ih it, <>f -our 

had no possible force under the Xootka convention; 
but the men ( j;ot an extra allowance of . and no 

harm was done. 

Next the English navigators penetrated the north 
ern channels; hut what they found in the Lnili 
Georgia, or Canal del Rosario, has already leen dearly 
enough laid before the reader in the charts of Elixi 
and ( ialiano. 79 From June -JiM to July lilth the En 
lislnnen were in company with the Spanish exploi 

noted in a former part of this chapter. Though 
grievously disappointed on learning that he was not, 
as he had believed, the discoverer of this north 
western Mediterranean, with its coasts and islands, 
Vancouver fully reciprocated the courtesies shown by 
the strangers, and consented, as required by his in 
structions, to a joint survey and mutual inspection 
of charts. 

The operations in company were in the region of 
Desolation Sound, and the result e shown on t! 
appended section of Vancouver s map, which with i 

7!> Thc Spanish names retained l>y Vanrouver in t! tion -vv. 

Ifl K<>s:iri<>, wrongly apjilietl to make n>om for tho name ^ulf jf 
uu<l IVjaila IsLiml, misprinted Fi-vaila an<l Faviila; but lie al.>o rninlesi-fnd I 
to lea\c a fc\\- other points, previously n;uneil by tlu> Spaniaivls. M ithout any 
naiii. s at all. His el-an^es w.- 

< j>rl:i to / ,,;(. /;,.//f/-/X l (int L;u)_ ai-a to / -. | l- lorida lilai. 

///"// ////./, ( annelo to I Ian; Snini l (naming also 1 oints Atk* M<1 

. and islands of / and Anr l in e-.nnn-t ion with the 

sound), M;>/anvdo to .A . it!i $COtcA Fir PoM and I oiieha 

Uanoood Inland, 1 oiuts L ]i <> t and J/a/v// f// were added to Tejada- 
Island, and tiarary Island was named. titur<j<.ou Uank is uUo named in 
the text. 

R-s MOVKMKV1 270 

nam s may be compared \vitlt (ialiano s cliart of the 

same Sl 

the Spaniards behind, Vancouver proceeded 
> the long channel, which In- nann-d Johnstone Strait; 

theuee ])< senl letters to Xootka overland by Indians 
who knew Ma<|ii5nna, and early in Au- u-t ciiK-i-^vd 
into the Pacific, not by tin- narrow channel followed 
a little later by (ialiano, but ly tlie wider ]> 
named in earlier years Oureii ( liarlotte Sound, where 
now the ( Itdtluiin ^rounded and narrowly iped 

wreck. 1 Yolil tile Dili to the JDtli of AtlgUSt tl 

vessels followed the const ii]. to Fitzhugh Sound, and 
the hoats were M-nt ii] t> 52 18 , with ivsults shown 
on the accompanying section of the chart. Then, 
part ly l>y ivason of news received i roin ( ajttain Sliep- 

nerd of the Venus in this region, the commander 
tui-ned his course southward, and on the 2Stli of 
August anchored at Nootka. Here he found tin- 


Daedalus store-ship of his expedition, which had ar 
rived from England by way of the Sandwich Island 
where the commander Her- est and the astronomer 


(iooch had been killed by the natives; and also the 
lri^ 77/m j Brothers of London, commanded by Lieu- 
1 -limit Alder of the navy. Galiano and Valdes came 
in the next day. 

The stay of more than a month at Nootka was not 
marked 1 >y any occurrences requiring special notice, if 
we except co-tain diplomatic negotiations between 
Vancouver and Don Juan de la Bodega y Cuadra, 
which I shall notice in the next chapter. Social! 
relations with Cuadra were in every way most friendly; 
and the broad territory just proved an island by the 
joint English and Spanish survey was named the 
Island of Cuadra and Vancouver. The Aranzazu soon 
arrived from her northern explorations, and her charts 

were placed at the Englishman s disposal. 81 Lieuten- 

The only name in Vancouver s text not on the map is that -int ion 


M h is noticeable that -while Vancouver lays down the island coasts from 
Spanish charts lie does not note the fact that Xootka is an island, so clearly 
shown on those cha. 




- - 

Smith s* \f^- 


v.\\n>r\ < NARRATIVE. i: i 

M"ud lit Avith despair])* . l.-ind 

China on ;i Pnj-tu^. trader: and <>n tin- ]:Jth <>f 

October the I)i / //, C//"///"///, and l)ti-<l<il ix -ailed 

; her f>r tin- south. ( )n tlj- y down 

Vancouver made some observation diU en-nt poini 
for i IK- purpose of reel ifvin^ his chart -: named Mount 
i Helens: and arrived at San i-Yanei-m on Novem 
ber i nh. Lieutenant Whidbey on the J3 ^ made 

a survey of Cray 1 larlx>r, SJ and readied Mo, 

the I -jd of November. Lieutenant Hrou-htmi in t 
ClnitlK 1,1 rntnvd the Columbia River, and in 1 

went U[> lliat sti-eani about one hundred mil* 

region of the Cascaded, taking ]> -ion <>{ u 

iint ry for liis kin^. JIc had (\\-. iiart; but it did 
not appear that the Anieri<-an navigator "eitlier sa\v, 
or Was ever within live leagues of its entra; 
tine distinction bein^ drawn between fche river ai 
the estuary into wliic-li it Hows. 83 Broughton arrived 
at San Francisco about the 23d of Xo\< r. Of 
A^ancouver s fxpei-iuncu in California much has bueii 
said in another volume of tliis series. 84 

The narrative of Vancouver s expedition, includin 
not only the voyage of 17^2, but two sul>se(|Uent on< 7 
of 17934, to be described in their place, was publi -In <!, 
with an atlas of finely engraved maps, in 17DS, and 
the work appeared in several later editions and trans 
lations. It was doubtless from this rxpl t, 

and particularly from his maps, including much mate 
rial from Cook, the Spanish explorers, and the fur- 
traders, that the world derived most of its knowledge 
respecting the Northwest Coast and Alaska. The 

s -7 */ /. /> / >i -ii. Point //"//> ,//, and Po iit A re tlie pplied, 

A el i> ^ivcii in r.omuvtiou witli : ! map. 

The survt ; 1 I rmn ti, O,-tnl>cr to tin 10th of X-INVIH! 

I ll _ i\ en \ s foil*. . ( lifjn- k, 

B T liiit, I oint ( - yun j ianl J. 

. Maiiliy Kivi-r. Swaiin- Jlivi-r, ! ; ami. I nint S 

[ount Coffin, K iv.r I -i-.l,-. Kni:l,t I!i\ 

Point Warrior, Roahleigh Ri> humin^ ];i\ci-, I. .r, 

Menzie Island, Baring island, Johnsl land, Point Van* MI 

]> >int <.t the sun rv). (. land, l- i-iond!; . h, I urtiu^ I oint, ami \\ lu 

u of the mouth. 
84 JSce // (tit. CV., i. ehap. xxiv., t ies. 


work deserved much of its great reputation, for its 
maps were the best thus far published, and the nar 
rative was accurate and comprehensive. The author 
had, however, some disagreeable weaknesses of char 
acter, already known to the reader from events con 
nected with his visit to California. His statements on 
many topics were often marked by an unworthy spirit 
of unfairness and petty injustice toward Spanish and 
American navigators, a defect which was pointed out 
and exaggerated by Greenhow and others in the dis 
putes of later years. It was Vancouver s good fortune 
that the geographical names applied by him were 
generally retained instead of those originally given 
by the discoverers. 


A work published at the same time and in the same 
style, containing the Spanish explorations, would have 
been in few respects inferior to the work in question, 
and would have taken away much of Vancouver s ex 
clusive fame. The logs of the American traders would 
also have made a difference in his lists of names and 
descriptions. Spain s policy, whatever its merits from 
a political point of view, was most damaging to the 
glory of her discoverers; and English enterprise 
made Vancouver a very fortunate, as he was a very 
meritorious, explorer. 85 

Besides the exploring craft Aranzazu, Sutil, and 
Mexicana, there were other Spanish vessels on the 
coast this year, whose movements it is well to record 
before proceeding to matters of diplomacy: The 

voyage of discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, and round the world; 
in which the coast of north-west America has been carefully examined and accu 
rately surveyed. Undertaken by His Majesty s command, principally ivith a view 
to ascertain the existence of any navigable communication between the North 
Pacific and North Atlantic oceans; and performed in the years 1790-1795, in the 
Discovery" 1 sloop of war, and armed tender Chatham, under the command of 
Captain George Vancouver, London, 1798; 4to, 3 vols. and folio atlas; also, 
London, 1802, 8vo, 6 vols. ; Vancouver, Voyagede D&couve.rtes, etc., Paris, an viii; 
4to, 3 vols. and atlas ; also, Paris, 1802; 8vo, 6 vols. The text contains several 
engravings of views on the coast, and the atlas has many marine views in 
addition to maps. That part of the narrative relating to Vancouver s opera 
tions on the Northwest Coast during this first voyage is found in vol. i. 19G- 
432; ii. 52-85. 


, commanded ly AL>HM> de Ton- 

ami having on hoard J )on Juan de la Bodega, COm- 

manderof San IJlas and Spanish c< >mmis>ioner. >;iilrd 
tin- l>t <>f March and arrived at Xontka at the end 
of April, win Te she wras BOOB joined hy tin- sehoom r 

//", ( apiain Salvador Menendez Vald : >. which 

n delayed until tin- middle of March at S 
]-la-. .KIi>a in tin- Cbncepciofl It-It \>otka in .Jun-, 
arriving at ^lontn cy tlu- ( .)th of July, while ( nadra 

ins ti> liavc a<-ted ,-is commander ! tin- ^ai-ii^im 

during the al>sen<-e of ( aaniaho in the. IranzaZU <>n his 

northern trip of exploration until September. .Mean- 

v.liile Lieutenant Salvador l^idal^o left San Lias 

the 2:\i\ of ^larch in the Princesa,^ and proceeded 

direct to the port of Nunez (iaona. in the >trait of 
Fuea, \vliere lie ai-rived eai ly in May, founded a regu 
lar po>t, with the necessary huildin^-s and fortiii 
tions, 86 and remained until September, when l>y oi-dur 
of ( uadra lie abandoned the settlement and trans- 
:-ed all the material to Xootka, where lie succeeded 
( aamano as commander, and retained liis vessel, with 
]rol)al)ly the newly purchased Adventure. The ,S"///" 
Gertruais, under Torres, had returned southward, 
touching at Monterey in August, ( uadra left Xootka 
in September, touched at Nunez Gaona to leave orders 
for Fidal^o, and arrived at Monterey in the Acti 
on October Uth. The only other vessel <f the year 
was the schooner //o/v/.v/V^x, which had perhaps 
leen in the north >>inee the preceding year, i-eturnin^ 
to California either with Elisa or with ( uadra, and 
whi -h now sailed a^ain for Xootka in November, 
carrying despatches I rom ( uadra to Fidalgo, sent in 
consequence of ordei-s from the viceroy which had 
11 Id ou^ht ii|) to Monterey from San Dlas by the 
ScUurnina. 91 

i .x.nis, ll ixt. <>r., MS., (i7, tells us that pieccsof masonry aiy still found 

K /A villa <;;</>. to, Inform . 1;JU i ; Snf!f >/ M- > ,< /, . 1C. _ !. Id. 1 ,. 113; 

ll ixt. </., }., cliap. \.\iv., thi^ series; Jht-itnU ^ I oy., MS., Mi 7. ! - : I un- 
co- I "//., i. 408-10. 





SPAIN had in a sense been forced by England to 
relinquish her exclusive claims to territory in the 
north-west, or at least she had not deemed herself in 
condition to fight for what appeared likely to prove a 
mere matter of pride ; for as we have seen, Spain had 
no desire for northern possessions except as a means 
of protection for those in the south. If there was no 
interoceanic passage, then a broad frontier without 
good ports was all that was desirable; consequently 
an accurate knowledge of the coast was of the first 
importance, and we have seen with what unusual 
energy the exploration was pushed forward in 1790-2 
by the successive expeditions of Fidalgo, Quirnper, 
Elisa, Malaspina, Caamano, and Galiano. Should the 
strait be found, then Spain had an equal chance with 
England to occupy the necessary points; and as for 



!, there A . room for diploE 

and alwavs for war last resort. M- 
w;i ii;i) and 1 ) y no means difficult. I viln- spirit 

of the Xootka convention tin- whole 

Francisco, or at 1 above Cape Mendocino, for there 

;i cijui; ri^ht to a broad unoccupied front i<T, 

was open for tra<!<- and settlement equally to Spain 
and England, cadi having also iVcc ac< to the set 
tlements of tlir other, though litcrallv_tlie limit fix- 1 
was_ni_-ltluT San Francisco nor^Meudochio. l>ut tl i < j 

of the coast already occupied by Spain," whirl i 
i^TrFvory ])laiisibiy be intiTrprctcd to iiieau Xoolka ; 
ni id so the Spanish goycrniiieiiiuJi^dcd to inter] >rut 
if, ~al least" as a basis For future negotiations. It i< 
not unlikely that many Spanish officials, and even 
the viceroy of Mexico, may have taken this view of the 
matter in good faith. 

By royal orders of December 1790 the carrying- 
out of the Nootka convention, so far as the restora 
tion of property and the fixing of boundaries were 
concerned, was committed as a matter of form to 
the viceroy, with a recommendation that Juan Fran 
cisco de la Bodega y Cuadra_should be the Spanish 
commissioner, and tliat the boundary between the e x - 
elusive possessions of Spain in the south an<T the 
territory tree to both powers in the north should 1 
lixed at 48^, Nootka being divided between the two. 1 
( tiadra was accordingly appointed and summoned to 
Mexico to receive instructions early in 1791. Qnim- 
per s late explorations had, however, furnished a more 
definite idea of the northern strait than the Spaniards 
had before possessed, and Revilla Gigedo took the 
liberty to introduce some changes in the royal recom- 

1 Quo los ingleses ocupasen en Xootka los territories situa<!<>- .- 1 Xrte, y 
los do la partc <U:1 Stir, iij.-indosc |s ^rado.s <U- latitiul la linca 

dc; los BBtableciinientOfl K niu stra U- : tciiciu i.i. y < 

para la reciprocidad, HBO y oomercio de i nai-ioncs. 1 y \--o- . 

i< nirant, L snjipose, the IV/I >M extendUD : nortli ami south from tin- souml. : 

thi ogemeot each ] L would have an establi bonNooti 9 n<l 

cess to vrs.>f!sof the other, but the English could not trade or settle 


mcndations; he believed it would be best to give up 
Nootka altogether, and to make the strait of Fuca 
the dividing line, transferring the Spanish establish 
ment to a convenient site on that strait. Cuadra was 
instructed accordingly, and the purport of his instruc 
tions was made known to the home government. 2 The 
viceroy took a deep interest in the matter, and made 
the fullest possible investigation respecting the occur 
rences of 1 789, closely examining all available witnesses 
on the points mentioned in Meares memorial, and 
communicating the results of his investigation both 


to Cuadra and to the government. He was satisfied 
that, as the English had been dispossessed of no lands 
or buildings at Nootka, nothing was to be restored, 
according to the first article of the convention, and he 


flattered himself that the English would be therefore 


the more ready to obtain the port of Nootka by ac 
ceding to the terms proposed. Fully acquainted with 
the facts of the case and with the viceroy s views, 
Cuadra sailed for Nootka in March 1792, and at the 
same time Fidalgo was sent to found a settlement at 
Nunez Gaona, within the strait. 3 At Nootka, while 
waiting for the English commissioner, Cuadra was 
able to make some further investigations about the 
controversy of 1789, and was so fortunate as to meet 
captains Gray, Ingraham, and Viana, -who testified 
in writing that British subjects had not been dispos 
sessed of any lands or houses whatever, thus fully con 
firming his own previous conclusions and those of his 
superior officer. 4 

In his instructions of the 8th of March 1791 Cap- 

2 In a report of the 27th of March 1791. A reply in a royal order of the 
29th of June postponed a definite decision on the changes, but led the viceroy 
to infer that they would be approved. Revilla-Gigedo also favored a north 
and south line from some point on the strait up to 60, to keep the English 
from penetrating the interior and reaching New Mexico, but it is not clear 
that Cuadra s instructions included this feature. 

3 A clear though brief account of these matters is given in Revilla-Gifjedo, 
Informe, 133 et scq., with reference to much original correspondence that is 
not accessible. 

*Qray and Ingrakam? 8 Letter of August $1 1702, in Greenhow a Or. and Cat., 
414-17. This letter and that of Viana are mentioned in Vancouver s Voy., i. 
389 et seq. 

tain Vancouver had been informed that In- might in 

tlu- course of his voyage be called upon i ive 

IVoni Spanish of the pro] at Nootka, which 

his ( atholir ma; had agreed to restore; hut he 

was to await further instructions <n the subji 
Sueh additional instructions were dated the 
of August 1 7!) I, and were sent by the /A." 
.Lieutenant Richard I L -t, together with an on 

from Count Florida Blanca to the commander at 

Nootka. II ^ was authorized to receive t 

property himself if he did not iind Vancouver at 
Nootka: hut he was killed hy savages at the Sand 
wich islands. Thomas New succeeded to the com 
mand, and on reaching Nootka in July prefer; I 
to await the arrival there of his superior oilieer. 
Vancouver was meanwhile exploring in the strait, 
where he heard, both from Galiano of the Sutil and 
Shepherd of the ]V>///x, that Cuadra was waiting to 
comply with the terms of the treaty; and lie finally 
arrived at Nootka at the end of August. 

Vancouver s instructions were to receive, and 
Cuadra s to deliver, "the buildings, and distri< 
or parrels of land. ..which were occupied hy hU 
majesty s subjects in the month of april, I 789, a 
ahle to the first article of the late convention/ 1 Cuadra 
had very properly tried to learn what lands and build 
ings were intended; Vancouver took it for grair 
without investigation that the port of Xootka, and 
probably Port Cox also, were simply to he trans 
ferred, with whatever structures might exist the . 


from Spanish to English possession. Such a sur 
render of the post of Xootka had never 1-eeii hinted 
at, so far as is known, in the Kuropean negotiations; 
there was not a word in either treaty or instructions 
to support Vancouver s theory: hut lie would have 
nothing hut an absolute surrender of the pla< 
Cuadra at once presented his evidence, showing that 

as British subj had been disp ed of no lands or 

buildings whatever, there was nothing to be restored 


under the treaty ; but at the same time he submitted 
his proposition, offering to give up Nootka and retire 
to Fuca, making all south of the strait exclusively 
Spanish, and leaving all north of Nootka free for the 
entrance of both powers. Subsequently he offered to 
give up the small lot of land on which Meares had 
built his house, and even to leave at Vancouver s 
command, without prejudice to Spanish rights, all the 
structures of the port, retiring to Fuca to await the 
decision of the respective courts. But Vancouver 
would enter into no discussion, and did not even 
attempt to defend his own position or oppose that of 
Cuadra, so far as the events of 1789 were concerned; 
he must have Nootka or nothing. In this he was 
wrong, as he was probably well aware, though Mr 
Duffin, arriving from China, furnished stronger cvi- 

O O 

deuce on his side than had ever existed before. As 
to boundaries, he said he had no powers, that matter 
having been settled by the treaty ; and in this he was 
right. Perhaps he acted wisely also in refusing to 
accept anything less than a full surrender of the port, 
if he had reason to think his government expected 
such a surrender. Of course Cuadra was not willing 
and had no authority to make the surrender; there 
fore the two commissioners, whose relations through- 

* o 

out w^ere most friendly, agreed to submit the question 
anew to their respective governments, Nootka re 
maining in the mean time a Spanish port. 5 

5 Vancouver s Voy., i. 384-409; Revilla Gigedo, Informe, 137-9, 161-3, with 
brief statements in Sutll y M< j xicana, Viage, 113-10, and IJasivell sLog, MS., 
90; also an account by Howell, supercargo of the Margaret, who acted as 
translator, quoted from Ingraham s Journal by C4reenhow, Or. and CaL, 245. 
Vancouver complains of Cuadra s vacillation in the matter, perhaps with some 
reason, but probably because he chose to understand the Spaniard s polite 
phrases at verbal interviews as implying assent to his claims; he says that 
Quadra agreed on the 12th of September to leave him in full possession, the 
Spanish flag being struck and the British raised in its place, while each should 
send his objections to his government, but next day in a letter changed his 
mind. Such an agreement on Cuadra s part seems improbable, though licvilla- 
Gigedo repeats Vancouver s complaint without disputing its accuracy in this 
respect. But it seems that the complaint as carried by Broughton to Mexico 
was also that Cuadra did not change his mind until Vancouver had worked 
for several days unloading his vessel ; that the latter s expedition had been 
detained for a whole year; and that the viceroy s instructions had been ob- 

DAMAGES I>r. :,D. 2.9 

Ya iCOUV . ;: r with to "K !!;_;- 

l;m<! n a Portuguese trad ad later from 

]\! where 1. 

with ( u- e continued, Lieutenant ]}} ; tou 

W, n on the A< :i ] Jlas iV im which 

point he went to England l>y way of M .: jo to an 
nounce the result of his superiors mi.-sion, and a sk 
for new instruction Meanwhi! - a royal order \va . 
received in Mexico re^uirm^- tliat under no condition I 
should Noot!;:i l>e surrendered. The viceroy I / 

liable : -li the order to tlie north l>y the , /- 

.;-lit be too late, but it found Cuadra 
inCalifo] i sent at once to Fidalgo at Nootka 

by tlie II<>r<-< \, wliich returned in time to accom 
pany the Activa southward early the next year. 

details have ever been published of European 
negotiations on tlie Nootka question after the sign- 
in! - of the convention of 1790, but something is knoxvu 


of final resuH Don Manuel de las He; nd ^Ir 
Rudolph Woodford were the commissioners appointed 
to determine the amount to be paid British subjects as 
a compensation for their losses caused by the seizui 
of their vessels in 1789. The commissioner,- agreed 
upon the sum of two hundred and ten thousand dolla: 
in coin in full payment of all claims, and a convention 
to that effect \\ ied at Whitehall on Februar 

1-, 17 ( J;); it was ratiiied the same day by the Brhi.-li 
monarch, and presumably the money was paid without 
delay, o the satisfaction of Meares and hi-; 

^ who if they got half the amount n I, 
though their original claim had l>rn hundivd and 


fifty thousand dollars, had every reason to l>e content. 6 

scurc, : loss delays an<l great losses. In his dr-irc t-t prevent a 

rupture, Cuadra may have gone beyond his plain instructions and duty j l>nt if 
so, tho fault > and was repaired immediately. i- ;.i:n< p- 


Ki!. tills us that D. Mariano Mozifio, wl inpanifil tin- SJK, iitiou 

it, \\ lute an % historia de ella dc- una niaiieni digiui du I -)- 

> d. 

if th" rmiM-nti.Mi of l \ liru-.ry 12, 17 iu 

. iii. :;;}-.">. 

C. X. W. CoA.-r, VOL. I. rj 


It was on April 12, 1703, that Viceroy Revilla 
Gigedo dated the report which I have so often cited. 
It is by far the best summary extant of all the trans 
actions pertaining to the Spanish occupation of the 
Northwest Coast. The author presents at the end his 
conclusions respecting the policy that Spain should 
follow in the future. The late explorations were, in his 
opinion, very nearly conclusive as to the non-existence 
of any interoceanic strait; yet the coast from Fuca 
south to San Francisco, and especially the Entrada de 
Heceta, or Columbia River, required a closer exami 
nation than had yet been made, and he had already 
taken steps to organize an expedition for that purpose. 
It was evident that British subjects desired to form 
establishments on the northern coasts, ostensibly for 
the profits of the fur-trade, but really, as he believed, 
with a view to interference with the Spanish control 
of the Pacific and to the profits of illicit trade with 
Spanish settlements. He did not think the fur-trade 
would long continue to yield extraordinary profits; 
and while it might be well to encourage Spanish 
traders to enter the field as rivals of the English, 
Americans, and Portuguese, he did not favor the for 
mation of any such great company enjoying govern 
ment support and exclusive privileges as had been 
recommended by Martinez and others. Neither did 
he deem it desirable or possible, by reason of the im 
mense expense involved, to take and keep actual pos 
session of the northern coasts merely to prevent such 
occupation by foreigners. What should be done in 
that direction was to strengthen the Californian pre 
sidios, and to occupy the port of Bodega, for which 
orders had already been issued. 7 If another port 
should be found above Bodega it might be necessary 
to occupy that also; moreover, if the Columbia River 
should be found to afford either the long sought pas 
sage to the Atlantic, or even access to the province 

7 For what was done in this direction, see Hist. Gal., i., chap, xxiv., this 


of Xew ? ilia 1 aid of con I to 

:ii d l>y ! ;i, which could be most adv 
u.-lv , >bab]y by a land force i mm \ 

ding in concert with a maritime expedition. 
J f, as WB& ! likely, there w long harb<>rl 

:st above Bodega, the Califomian j * alone would 

call for attention, and would furnish the 1,, md 
only available safeguard against English or ] Julian 
encn >achmenl As to Nootka, the viceroy 
" I am, then, of opinion that we should to the 

English wholly and generously our establishes 
of Nootka, since, so far as the way of thinking of 
the English commander Vancouver and his emi 
Broughton could be ascertained, it is that tl. 

desire and aspire to wave the British flag over that 
port without recognizing that of Spain, moved rat; 
by the idea or vainglory of sustaining what by reason 
< f opposition they have made a point of honor tl, 
by motives of interest or advantages which are truly 
problematic in connection with the fur-trade." 8 

Vancouver s v> la came back from the Hawai 
Islands in the spring of 1793; the Chatham, now 
commanded by Puget, after having spent a week in 
Port Buena Esperanza, anchored at Nootka on i 
15th of April, remaining there a montb for repair-, 
and then departing for a cruise of exploration on the 
northern coast. Vancouver in the /J/V.vo/w 
Cap* 1 Mendocino on April 2Gth, anchored at Tri 
from May 2(1 to the 5th, and then proceeded up the 
coast. He arrived at Nootka on the 20th of May, 
ived, as Puget had been before him, with 
every courtesy by Commander Fidalgo. The > 
was at anchor there, and had brought lett 
from Cuadra and the viceroy; but there were a 
no despatches from Europe, and Vancouver star 
for the north after a stay of only three days, join! 

< A I- / / /. . S 

iii. Ill (it. AiiM.;iLT t .mmrii lrd by 

tin- viceroy w< :i n <>njf;nii/;!ti(>n of the Tinas Fund ;uid a truii^i er of 

the s.iii; department ; 



Puget on the 2Gth. The highest latitude reached 
was about 5G 30 ; the only noticeable adventures 
were the poisoning of some of the men, one fatally, 
by eating mussels, and the wounding of two men in 
an attack by hostile Indians; and the geographical 
results ot the expedition, as far as my territory is 
concerned, are shown on the accompanying copy of 
the chart. A few names were retained as applied 
by earlier navigators, and the unshaded portion was 

-g3 g^*s SJS. AN ,i \^M/tJ 3 


.<!< \li -"-A ^fc*- 

= ,^r?^ r PeJvlaskelvB 


I ,) .^SS^ars j^^ ^ V 4<i/5f C 

i ..-..>. n ;" * r i. 







laid down from Caamano s chart. The country from 
Gardner Canal, in 53 30 , up to 57 was named New 
Cornwall, while that extending southward to New 
Georgia, at about 50 30 r , was called New Hanover, 
formal possession being taken of course in the name 
of the British king. On the 20th of September he 
turned southward, passing along the outer side of 
Queen Charlotte Island, and anchoring at Nootka 
on the 5th of October. No despatches from Mexico 
or Europe had arrived since his departure, and after a 
stay of three days he again put to sea for California, 

DECLIXi: OF 293 

fancied wi in which countiy 1 i <!- 

;-ibed in another volume. 9 

No other narrative or log of a r< :o on 1 
northern coast in 17 ( .):> is known to be extant; a ! 
therefore all that is known, which i- very Ii? :bout 
the movements of other ve . and \o. .fl;,-i ats 

aerally, comes IVoin Vancouver s journal. Fi 
and liis men of the garrison liad passed ;i m< try 

winter, confined within doors by almost in ant 
rains, and shaken by a violent earthquake CD tin- 

of I Ybruary; yi "notwithstanding tin; hadnos ot 
>on, lie had found means to erect a small fort 
on H<>L( Island that mounted eleven nine pound* 

1 added greatly to the respectability of th 
tahlishineii In May the San C<(r/<>* arrived from 

ii ]>las under Alferez Ramon Saavedra, the \ 

replac< the. I*i in<-< sa at the Nootka station, and 
Saavedra to succeed Fidalgo in the command. Th ; 

fcer sailed soon for the south, and touched at San 
Francisco on his way to San Bias the 21st of June. 1 

Exceedingly meagre is our information respecting 
the trading fleet of this and the following years. 

o o 

The era of exploration and diplomacy on tin- North 
west Coast had, in a sense, passed away: tin-re were 
no longer international disputes giving importance 
to items of testimony, and thus revealing the n 
visitors; there were no more exploring expeditions to 
et the trading craft in out-of-the-way pla ind 

information of the masters about their vova 


and discoveri< The fur-traders had the field to them- 
and for the most part they have left no record 

The I>> i- tli. Pri L< Boo, and J<i -k<il -two <>t 

which vessels liad beesi on the coast the year before, 
all belonging to the same English house, and all 
tinder the geixTal command of Captain l>rown--\v 
met by Vancouver in Chatham Sound in June: and 
Urown s name was givm to the passage leading into 

9 I a,> //.. ii. 2.> 

1/x-A. C t//., MS., 1 - . 1 ajt., xxi. 101; roncoMftr o- Voy., ii. 


that sound. 11 On his return to Nootka, Vancouver was 
informed by Saavedra that during his absence the 
port had been visited by the French ship Flavia, 
perhaps still searching for La Perouse, " having on 
board a very valuable cargo of European commodities, 
which was carried to Kampschatka, there to be dis 
posed of to the Russians for furs, with which a cargo 
of tea was to have been purchased in China ; but their 
expedition had not hitherto answered their expecta 
tions;" and, moreover, the crew were disposed to be 
mutinous. "Some few Americans had also arrived in 
our absence, but in a most deplorable condition, totally 
in a want of provisions, naval stores, and even such ar 
ticles of merchandize as were necessary for trading 
with the natives. Their names are not given, and 


the writer is almost sure to have exaggerated their 
destitution. 12 

The viceroy had intended to despatch the Activa 
and Mexicana in April 1794 to carry out his projected 
exploration of the coast south of Fuca; 13 but though 
there was nothing in the diplomatic developments, to 

11 Two English vessels were reported to be at Bodega in January, and in 
March two English vessels caused much uneasiness to the Spaniards by their 
suspicious movements on the coast of California ; one of them, which touched 
at Monterey for wood and water, was commanded by Captain Brown, who 
said he was bound for Nootka, and the other was understood to be the 
Princess. Probably the vessels were those of the trading fleet met by Van 
couver. Arch. CaL, MS., Prov. St. Pap., xxi. 94; Prov. Rec., ii. 102; St. Pap. 
Sac., ii. 131-2. 

^Vancouver s Voy., ii. 429, 324. In Tufts List the sloop Union, Boyd 
master, from Boston, is mentioned as having been on the coast in 1793, besides 
the ship Jefferson, Roberts, and brig Hancock, Crowell, which left Boston in 
1792. The full title of this authority is as follows: List of American Vessels 
eigayed in the Trade of the Northwest Coast of America for Sea-otter Skins 
from 1787 to 1809, compiled by William Tufts, Esq. , from his own Memoranda, 
and from the very valuable Notes kindly furnished by Captain William Siiiryis, 
of Boston. Published in Sloan s N. W. Coast, app. , 423-4. It was prepared 
in 1857, when the author writes : The foregoing list is nearly correct as it 
regards the vessels engaged in the early trade in sea-otter skins by American 
enterprise. The owners in all cases are not known. There may have been 
other vessels on the Coast during the time who were engaged in collecting 
the smaller skins and less valuable furs, but the above are the regular North - 
west traders for sea-otter skins. There are 64 voyages mentioned; but 
ne well known Boston ships are strangely omitted, possibly because their 
ov. ncrs were rivals of Sturgis and his partners. 

Revilla Gifjedo, Informe, 145-6, including Instrucciones para el prolijo 
reconocimiento de la entrada de Ezeta y rio de la Columbia. 

.Iiov REVE ::i)0. 

! which in any 1 the 

ach a ploration, it was a! .ned 
some unexplained r i, perhaps ai r from tin- war- 
lib if affairs ID Knrop. Early in the spric 
ho . 1 1-" d under .1 

Tnbar toT Xootka will) tile Year |)})li( ( )rd 

from Spain required KV\ii], nd the <<, 

inissioner back to Xootka for tin- completion of the 
suspended business with Vancouver, an a 

.in<^ been reached by the lw< court- respecting 
])oinis in dispute; but Don Juan Frai It 

!>odcn-a y Cuadra died in ^Fai di, and the viceroy ap 
pointed ( Jenei-al Jose Manuel di- Alava t<> succeed him, 

both as commander of the San JJla- establishment 

and as Xootka commissioner. The nature of the n< 
eement was not yet known to the viceroy, or at 
commissioner s instructions had not arrived; 

Imt AL ailed in May on the Prim-cui, Fidal^o in 
command. His instructions were to he forwarded as 
s<><>n as tli hould arrive. 15 

r riie Aranzazu being at Nootka in the middle of 
June, Saavedra, tlie commander of the garrison, 

-<>lved to send her to California for needed suppli 
particularly mediciix He also wished to secure I 
his garrison the men that Matute had lei t in Cali 
fornia the year before; and he sent a warning, brought 
by a trader from China, that a British ship of forty 
L iins \v;is coming in October. 16 For some unexplained 
cause, i d of Tobar our old Amei-ican 1 riehd ( aj>- 

11 It i :t OIK- of tho tlirce h vessels jf the y-ar m.i(L 

sur\ ual)i;i and ]. .umim >[ the c.;a.-t 1. 

ix-L-nnl of siu-K a t ;u-t. 

:li, \ i. BTOy t L"\c!-norof (.\ilifornia. inissi 

and bespeakii] ationsi : >ruia; the Joth <f August t.. 

iiiui! aor to presidio oommanders ; and 

at various dates. J/ - A. < ,,/., MS.. />,-,,<. St. Pap., xi. 171; xii. l i! _>, llii; 
h . 1 17 : \ fi: . . 3012, Tip iich 

in California on ln-r upward trip. 

ill ijni 

MS., incln ding also tl . An-,oii u r the suppli 

< I. i iara divci da. 1 lie g 

d from liritish vcss> 
ship hud been e- d. 


tain John Kenclrick- -or possibly his son John- -was 
sent in command of the transport, which sailed about 
June 15th and anchored at Monterey on July 2d. 17 
Kendrick at once made known his wants, which were 
supplied as far as possible, though the men desired 
had already been embarked for San Bias, and there 
was a great scarcity of some of the articles asked for. 
Padre Magin Catala, the missionary, came to Cali 
fornia by this trip of the Aranzazu, serving as chap 
lain, and was not willing to repeat the northern trip. 
As the president had no authority to send another 
father unless as a volunteer, and as the Yankee cap 
tain was horrified at the prospect of his crew being 
deprived of their pasto espiritual, the situation was 
embarrassing; but finally a retiring friar consented 
to serve as chaplain on. the Conception, and Gomez of 
the latter sailed with Kendrick. 18 

Captain Vancouver came back to the American 
coast this year, for the last time, to complete his sur 
vey of Alaska up to the head of Cook Inlet, in about 
Gl15 ; after this was accomplished he turned south 
ward, and on the 2d of September the Discovery and 
Chatham anchored at Nootka. Alava had arrived the 
day before on the Princesa. Neither commissioner 
had any idea of his official duties; and there was 
nothing to do in that direction but await the instruc- 


tions that were to be sent to the Spaniard before the 
1 5th of October. Vancouver was deeply gr;eved to 
learn that his old friend Cuadra was dead; but Alava 
rivalled his predecessor in courtesy, and together with 
Fidalgo, Saavedra, and other Spanish officers, did all 
in his power to make the stay of the Englishmen 
agreeable; though, because Vancouver s store of pow 
der was nearly exhausted, it was agreed to dispense 

17 June 15th is the date of Saavedra s letters, and the arrival at Monterey 
is recorded in Arch. Cat., MS., Prov. St. Pap., xii. 211. 

j8 Kendrick, Correspondencia sobre Cosas de Nootka, 1794, MS. ; Catala, Cartel 
sobre Nootka, 1704, MS. The Aranzazu, under Tobar, left Nootka on the 
llth of September, and again touched at Monterey September 22d to 28th 
on her way to San Bias. Vancouver s Voy., iii. 305; Arch. Cat., MS., Prov. St. 
Pap., xii. 150. 

\A. 297 

with ; ahifi Tin- oh 

up on sh . ity f work I" ! )M(j 

;itt !!) _; tli 1>; and a \ i it > the, 

<; \Fa<|uimia, up the sound." 

At Nootka Vancouver found tlx-foll.- 

craft: the 7V/ / ( aptain IIu;^]) Moor,! : iViiL 

tin- / A Boo, Captain Grordon, from China; 1 

////, Captain John Adamson, from 1 JrMol ; t 
U r/.s-/,/,/ . Captain John Ivndrick, from .15. 
and lu-ai d <>{ tin- Jitr/.-n/, ( < ;i])tain ! Irown, i roiu ( liina, 

on tin- northern coast. Tin 1 English \ !> liad IM 

(1 cessful in tlic-ir ti-adc; and tlic Ainc;i-an 1 
^as Inid up for ivp.-iirs. Respecting tlic trading il 
of 17 ( J [ notliin^ nioiv is known.* MrGreenhow t. 
us that "iu ith<T Kendrick nor his v 
tui-nrd to Ainrrica I alter I" .)!,;) implied]: lie A 
killed, in 171). ), at Karakakooa Bay, in O\vyhcc, l>y a 
l>all accidentally fired from a British \ !, while 
saluting him." 21 But the correspondence with the 
nor of California in 1794 proves this to be all 

so far as the date is concerned; and still 1 
accurate in this respect, is the statement of Mr Stm 
that the accident occurred on Kendrick s birthday, 
in I7! L>: The fatal shot was tired perhaps early in 
>5, though the Lady Washington was at Xootka in 
1 7 ( .)(), perhaps under her old master; and certainly be- 
6 1801, when Delano at the Sandwich i.-l.ui Is heard 
of the disaster, naming no date. The adventurous 
mariner, if we may credit his associate 
so wrapped in Ljrand schemes as to be behindhand 
in th inary all airs of hie. It ;ns he could not 

even die on time. 23 I have already noted the possi- 

1;) I //".-/ , iii. -Hi . !!(!. 

" M I ftnd Stu no n.-uiic.-; lict\\-fcii ITf). , and 1700. 

^Ui-K iiftnirx Or. uml < .. _ _ !. llr;i]>.> \. -J-J. !, tliat C;i])taiu Brown 

\va> kilU-tl liy tin- native-; <>f tin- SamUvich Islands in January IT . 1 

* J SV ///./". /. A "/Y/ .iu JfiDtC* Jf /--7i. 

Mr / /., \i\. 635, 

ortling to tin- Xrt)i A //></. i , if K< ndrick 

with liN t ntlu-r and ivinaiiu-d smm- tinu- at Nootka iu the Spanish I 
]n the ( alinirnia arrhivrs a .I>hu Knidric-k is naim-d as sap - >f the 

- , Jtowuu, but this is very likely an error, or ut least auothcr mail id 


bility that the Kendrick who visited California may 
have been a son of the original, 


meant. According to a report in U. 8. Gor. Doc., lOfh Co)/r/., 1st 8ess. , //. 
Iitpt. Xo. JL>, p. 14, the title-deeds to the laud purchased by Kendrick from 
the Indians were deposited in the office of the United States consul in Canton. 
In 1706 the lands were offered for sale in London by Mr Barrel, agent for 
tlie owners of the (Columbia. The author of Boston in the Northwest, MS., 2-5, 
s;iys: Captain Kendrick wrote to his wife of this purchase, also of de 
positing the original title in Canton, and transmitting the duplicate to Wash- 
;ton. It was never seen by the family, and the letter in relation to it was 
lost ... by fire. The representatives of the owners of the vessels applied to the 
U. S. government for a confirmation of the title, but a committee of congress 
reported that though the claim was a just one the rightful heirs had not ap 
peared. Kendrick bought the Washington before altering her into a brig. 
When dying he called his mate into the cabin and put him in charge of the 
vessel, with instructions to proceed direct to the United States. The vessel left 
the islands, but was never heard from afterward [therefore this must have 
been after 1796]. And thus were lost all his effects, including journals and 
records. There are proofs in the family that Captain Kendrick was one of 
the famous Boston Tea Party in 1773, and that he was with Captain Cook 
in his last voyage of 1776. Captain Amasa Delano, Narrative of Voyages, 
Boston, 1817, pp. 399-400, who met Kendrick at Canton in 1791, and who 
in 1801 at the Sandwich Islands heard of his death, eulogizes him as a 
navigator with but few equals, noted for his enterprising spirit, good judg 
ment, and courage. A man of rare merits, his faults being but few compared 
with his amiable qualities. In about 1839-40 Hall J. Kelley became inter 
ested in the Kendrick title, and was instrumental in bringing it before con 
gress. From a pamphlet on the subject, Kdhy s Discov. A 7 ". W. Coast, I 
have already cited in the preceding chapter, note 33, the title-deeds and 
some correspondence. This writer speaks of the attempt to sell the lands in 
London in 1796, when advertisements in four languages were circulated, bear 
ing impression of the Columbia medals. Mr Wardstrom, in a work on True 
Colonization, is said to have expressed confidence in the title, giving also the 
pictured medals. Kelley, Letter of January 1, 1870, states that Kendrick s 
death was on the 4th of July 1793 ; but the correspondence above cited if Mr 
Ho well, as represented, sailed for China with the papers after the captain s 
death seems to show that it must have been early in 1795 ; while if it were 
not for the date of Howell s letters I should place it after 1796. The follow 
ing, in which the reader will note a few errors, is from the New York Tribune, 
November 25, 1871 : The name of Captain John Kendrick, the first American 
explorer to the north-west Pacific, is one which our history can hardly afford 
to lose. The young and daring men who are attached to the scientific expe 
dition in that quarter to-day, could not ask a worthier figure to head their 
annals than this upright and fearless captain whom tradition says absolutely 
knew not the fear of savage or storm, whom no disaster could daunt or suffer 
ing subdue. He commanded the expedition sent out by a company of Boston 
merchants to the Pacific, which was actually the first time that an American 
ship sailed round the globe. He met with incredible hardships on different 
voyages ; two sons were killed by Indians before his eyes ; yet he returned 
again and again to the Pacific, doing great service in exploring the islands 
and the coast about Vancouver s, to the northward. For this he received finally 
the patent of a large tract of land equal in extent to nearly the whole state 
of Oregon ; but the papers were lost with him on his last voyage, and his 
family, after a few efforts, gave up their claim. He brought home maps of the 
coast and pictures of savage costume, as well as the scenery, painted with no 
small skill by the ship s painter, a man who had talent beyond his trade. Yet 
there is scarcely a trace left of this gallant navigator, and his name is barely 
mentioned in any record of north-western explorations. His services were so 


< <! 1 flih of Oct , lie, ( 

arrival, the 1 -h \ 

wh v arrived <>u the _ <! and of Xovemb . 

and were joined by the 7V/ //- on tin- 7th. K>ur 

i ructiui. . , Mexi 

I that officer,saya Vancouver, who had n no 

Wigingly confiding to me, thai ]>. 
<:f his instructions which stated, thai no further a! ;!- 
ion would take place with respect to the p; 

i;>i;- oi the iirst article of the convention of. . . 
171M). ;^ the documents transmitted by the lat. 
Quadra and myself, had enabled our respertive COU 
t<> adjust that matter in an amicable way, and nearly 
OH the terms which 1 had so re; dly offered 

r Quadra, in September 17 ( .) J. In addition to 
which the Spanish minis! > et forth, that this bu-i- 
nes.; \vas not to be cari-ied into execution by me. 

h commission luid been issiie<l Ib}- this purpose by 

ourt of London. 24 The same was announced to 

(Governor Borica by the new viceroy of Mexico, with 

tractions to receive the person acting under this 

commission into their presidios." 25 Accordingly Yan- 

iver sailed for home l>y way of Cape Horn <>n the 

Jd of December, reaching his destination in October 

17D. ). This famous explorer dud be! 

appeared in print, but not before lie had convin< 

himself by conversations with Captain Colnett that 

valued that the city of Boston gave him a public reception on his return ! 
the Iirst v ami a m- dal \\as BtniC^ in honor of the event. 

; vv<l, and papers ix.-latin^ to t ! and 63 

rations arc in the state department, but all efforts of histori. 
t of them lia j.i-oved useless. The work of 

u hieh owes him so much has been umi 
l>y loyal and loving hands, but !y hampered lor want of authentic doui- 

- in a note. ]\ .*:.". J. Vaii -or.-. - this was not the fact, as the fresh in- 

Stl i .nlill--ssed to him. 

Revitta Oigedo, I " ! < . a- 

MS. in the library cd ited 1> .how. states th;., 

sent !ant [at \ bandon the ], ! ftblyto 

il irt .lilishn. 

Xootka. T .e viceroy s ami sent that a new eonm has 

\\ of M .it the 

of .\i\-h.CaL, Ms., / . /Vor. 7. <r., vi. 29. 


the latter "had been extremely ill used, and that no 
dependence is to be placed on the accounts given 
to Senor Quadra, or myself, by the American com 
manders, who are stated to have been eye-witnesses 
of most of the transactions. The documents and 
papers which Captain Colnett has since produced to 
me, fully prove that the Americans wilfully misrep 
resented the whole affair, to the prejudice of his 
character, and the interest of his British majesty s 
subjects." 26 Vancouver was very willing to be con 
vinced of American perfidy, and the reader already 
knows what weight is to be attached to Colnetts 

Meanwhile the Nootka controversy had been defi 
nitely settled by a convention signed at Madrid on the 
11 th of January 1794, by the British and Spanish 
ministers St Helens and the Duke of Alcudia. By 
the terms of this agreement the respective commis 
sioners were tojmeet as soon as possible on or near 
the spot where stood the buildings formerly occupied 
by British subjects, and there to exchange declaration 
and counter-declaration as literally prescribed in the 
document. The former \vas a final restoration of the 
buildings and lands of which British subjects had 
been dispossessed about April 1789, and the latter a 
formal declaration that the restoration was complete 
and satisfactory. "Then the British officer shall un 
furl the British flag over the land thus restored as a 


sign of possession, and after these formalities the offi 
cers of the two crowns shall retire respectively their 
people from the said port of Nootka. And their said 
majesties have furthermore agreed that the subjects 
of both nations shall be free to frequent the said port 
as may be convenient, and to erect there temporary 
buildings for their accommodation during their resi 
dence on such occasions. But neither of the two 
parties shall make in said port any permanent estab 
lishment, or claim there any right of sovereignty or 

26 Vancouver s Voy., iii. 31G et seq., 491 et scq. 


ritorial dominion to the exclusion of t 

And their >aid majesties will ai<l each o1 t 

maintain their subj. in 1 to 1 

port of Xootl, yainst whatever oilier nation 
att.-npt to ! !i-h there any ^nty or do- 

inini<;n." 27 

(General Alava serins to have ]>, ! the win 

in California. On the loth of January 17 ( .i 
Activa sailed from San Bias, commanded by Li 

lant Cosine ]>ertodano, and having on board Li< 
tenant Thomas Pierce of the marines, the nrvvly 
appointed British commissioner. One month later 
the brig touched at Monterey, and having tal. 
Alava on hoard sailed on March 1st lor the north. 
We have fe\v details of the acts of restitution on the 
23d of March, change of flags, and final ahandonm 
of Nootka; but the formalities were clearly prescril 
in the treaty, and were doubtless closely followed. 
Letters were left with the Indians for subsequent 
English or Spanish visitors, explaining what had been 
done; then the establishment was broken up, and all 
movable property transferred to the ships. 

Of the Activas return I have no record, as 
did not probably touch at any California port; but 
the St< irlos, bringing Comandante Saavedr d 
his men, arrived at Monterey on the Ii2th of May. 
Some of the garrison remained to strengthen the 
presidial forces, and some twenty northern Jndiai: 
\\vre brought down to be baptized and to settle in 
California, as others of their rac<- had been in the 
preceding years. T\IQ next year Maquinna s sub- 
jects had t I their vill. . to the s n tlie 

abandoned Spanish post; and from 1795 to 1883, 8 > \ 
far as I know, thei e has been no settlement of whit 
men at X(K)tka. The glory of the plare ha. I . 

hi. A 

<tr( n-/i -> /" if.- I rid il 

11 ro dc r,(<, i, ii-. 


but its name was often on the lips of learned partisans 
in later discussions. 28 

The nature of this final settlement of 1794-5 has 
remained, so far as I am aware, for the most part un 
known to writers on the Northwest Coast. Lieutenant 
Broughton, who was informed the next year by letters 
from the commissioners of what had been done, chose 
to reveal in his narrative only the restitution of the 
port to the British; and most English writers have 
since stated or implied uniformly that Spain was 
obliged to give up Nootka in accordance with the 
treaty; only this, and nothing more. If any of them 
knew of the treaty and the enforced abandonment by 
England as well as Spain, they maintained a discreet 
silence. Mr Greenhow, the leading American wTiter 
on the subject, quotes an English historian: "It is 
nevertheless certain, from the most authentic subse 
quent information, that the Spanish flag flying at 
Nootka was never struck, and that the territory has 
been virtually relinquished by Great Britain ;" and he 
deems it unlikely that under the circumstances Eng 
land should have required, or Spain assented to, the 
surrender; but "more reasonable to suppose that the 
Spaniards merely abandoned the place, the occupation 
of which was useless and very expensive." 29 Doctor 

28 Arch. Cal, MS., Prov. Sf. Pap., xiii. 80, 89; Prov. Rec. , vi. 37-46; Gactta 
de Mexico, vii. 266 ; Brouyhton s Voy. , 50. The last named writer simply 
learned from a letter received at Nootka in 1796 that the Spaniards had 
delivered up the port of Nootka, etc. , to Lieutenant Pierce of the marines, 
agreeably to the mode of restitution settled between the two courts. 

^Greenhoiv s Or. and CaL, 257-8, citing J3 el sham s Hist. Great Britain, 
viii. 337. The second clause was quoted by me from the edition of 1845 ; but 
in the later edition of 1847 it reads as follows: It is more reasonable to 
suppose the agreement to have been, that the lands at Nootka should be 
delivered up in form, to save the credit of the British ministry, and that both 
parties should abandon the north-west coast of America, than that either 
should have persisted in its original demand at a moment when their cordial 
union and cooperation was so desirable for both. He also quotes the follow 
ing letter from Lieutenant Pierce from Tepic, in 1795, which still, as will be 
noticed, gives a wrong impression about the final settlement : I have the 
honor of acquainting your grace, that, in obedience to your instructions, I 
proceeded from Monterey to Nootka, in company with Brigadier-general 
Alava, the officer appointed on the part of the court of Spain, for finally ter 
minating the negotiations relative to that port; where, having satisfied 
myself respecting the state of the country at the time of the arrival of the 

NATIONAL l S. 303 

OB ill" ot hrr hand, de of 

]>!()! MI, Ivx-h, and M v)iidu 

t.liat <! Belsham, and belie\ no doubt 

that the place W; -I t<> Kn^land." i hit neither 

champion had tin- least suspicion of the formal aban- 

nnent hv Knidand, or of tin.- mutual 
in, future. 

. tin ri;_d. !l the Xor; st 

;tn>\ :i England and 

Spain a abandonment in 1795. Neither j 

ever ipt<-d to found a settlement or t> 

any i : - in this region under the treaties of 17 

I 17 ( .)-L Neither power contemplated the forming 

my permanent establishment on the co;, N"or did 
they have an opportunity to show their policy i et- 

lounded l>y other uatioi For yea 
country was practically forgotten hy all but the 
fur-traders. It is possible that there was an under- 

ndin^ in 1 7 ( J4 that the stipulations respecting 
Xootka should apply to the whole coast; that is, that 
no permanent establishments should be founded any- 
v/liere. It is almost certain, at any rate, that such 
would have been the position plausibly assumed if 
either power had subsequently attempted to occu 
any part of the territory against the wishes of the 
other. ]\y the letter of the treaties, however, both 
England and Spain had a ri^ht to trade and set 

Spaniards, juvpnvjitions \viv immediately made f<>r <li>m;mtlin;4 tin- f: t which 
hail en-eldl on an island that guarded I ithoi tlu- harlxtr, 

;\nd i iil>arUin,L, the ordnancr. )\y tin- morning f the Js-Ji, all tin; artillery 
\ver< 1, jiart on board of his ( atlmlic inajtvs; "[)ot \ 

and ]iaft .n 1-. -ard of the >> "/> Ci irlo* ^uai d^hip. I .ri^-xli 
and niy.srlf then met, agreeably to our roe] instri; I, on th 

C.iitish buildings stood, v> i d and e\ehai 

the dfi-i:irati"n and ooonter-declaratioD i r i i->torinu f those la; 
Jnaj d \ipon b-t\\ B two courts. A: :cr which eeffinoi: i 

oroerea the Ili-iii-h ; l.c hoisted in toki i; oi ; -ion, and i 

irei-iioiis for the troops to embark. 

itin;_r .17. -;., ii. 14."), and A </;.// 

Al>r- . i., .hap. The latt 

ration: Klles t nrent tennitiees le J. ! Man d< 

1 Alava. et 1- nant an_ r l,-i 

qui (jue 

lubanjUe: .ilon a; 

fut plu; 


anywhere above Bodega, subject to the condition that 
all settlements were to be free of access to subjects of 
either power, and that at Nootka there should be no 
permanent settlement. Neither nation had the slight 
est claim to exclusive possession or to sovereignty; 
cither might acquire such a claim, but only by actual 
occupation in the future. The old formalities of taking 
possession were now null and void; the Northwest 
Coast, though so fully explored, was open for settle 
ment to the whole world ; exclusive titles were matters 
for future creation. For some years no nation took 
steps to acquire such a title ; Spain never took such 
steps. The theory that the Nootka convention 
especially as supplemented by the agreement of 1794 
and resulting in official acts- -was nothing but a series 
of temporary concessions by which during the con 
tinuance of peace Spain merely encumbered her ex 
clusive title, seems to me, with due respect to the able 
men who have sustained it, an absurdity. Spain re 
tained no title which she could transfer to another 
nation; and this is equally true whether or not the 
treaties of 1790 and 1794 be deemed to have been 
ended by a subsequent war with England. 

The only trading- vessel of the year of which any 
thing is known is the Phoenix, Captain Moor, from 
Bengal, which has been noticed as one of the fleet of 

o * 

earlier years; and all that we know about her trip is 
that she touched on the California coast in August, 
leaving a Boston boy in that country, and creating 
quite a ripple of excitement among the people on guard 
against an attack by Great Britain. 31 

Captain Broughton s visit to the coast in 1796 has 
already been mentioned. He came from the Sand 
wich Islands on the sloop Discovery, after a survey 
of the northern Asiatic coas, arriving at Nootka 
Sound on the 15th of March, remaining two months 
for repairs, visiting Neah Bay, and thence proceeding 

S1 llist. Cat., L, chap, xxv., this series. 

Till: Mill 1 OTTER. 303 

to ralilbrni There is nothing i be sal 1 of 

\ i jil li 1 found tin- A "/// IT /x/// , 

\.M)tka. The only other trail -I lli- 
v.liieh we have any definite record were tin- >nov. 
(itfrr, Hill i! and a \< !. )< rha] tin- />/>/>///, 

under ( ajitain \e\vbury, both of which are nan, 

MrTuit- eua having left J>it>n the year b 

though there is no reason fco >tij]>o I trading il 
of this year was smaller than that <>{ the precedin 

There are, however, a l e\v vague referent the 
northern tradei-s in the California archives, reveal 

ing also apparently that a. Spanish ship \v;. n! U) 
(hern waters this y< tlier to obtain soli 111- 

nants of ])ropei1y at Xontka or possihly to inalv- 

Te1 examination { the Colombia, nothing hut one 

indirect i-ef ei-enee brin^ extant respecting the voya 
On the 15th of July Governor Borica writes to his 
coniandantes: "The American captain Dorr, who 
cently met Don Jose Tobar, commander of the N////7, 
at Nootka, reported to him that he had been told at 
Botany Bay by the English captain Barba that he 
had orders to attack the [Spanish] expeditions, and 
that he had similar orders for Broughton, of the 

There is nothing more about the Sntil, but Captain 
Ebene/er Dorr, commanding the Otter of Boston, the 
lirst American vessel that ever anchored in Cali- 

nian waters, made his appearance at Monterey in 
October, doubtless coming from a fur-seeking cruise 
in the north. She was pos>ibly identical with the 
>SVv/ ( Htrr already ini iitioiied, though probably not. 

Captain Dorr created some excitement by leaving in 

Ki. the will of the oilieiaK a number 

i (William Hnl, // j, A voya // to the Xorth / 

//. Lojnlon, ISO-t. 4t>. 1 lif )ii;iTtT re latiiiu to our territory is on j.p. 4^ 

The commander of tin- A / /// \\ <i*h uitjt<in is nut IKHIUM!. 

^T i N -wlury s vt >si-l is callrl ;i schooner Mid HOI n;unc<l: Imt 

in Xili.S / <. / - /. \\iii. 117. it is sai<l that the I >i.<ji<it<-H, Xeuluii-y, with 
AVilliiun Smith on I tanl, sailed fi"in liostuii on tlie Jsth of OctolxT IT . 
retui-niiiL: in .lune 17 . |( i. 

**Arch. Cal, MS., Pn ., iv. 14S-9. 

HIST . N. VT. COAST, VOL. I. 20 


of convict stowaways from Botany Bay, as related in 
another volume of this series. 35 

From 1797 we have but a meagre record of trading 

^J t^ 

vessels that visited the Northwest Coast. It is not 
probable that the names even of half the number are 
known. It is fortunate, from an historical point of 
view, that it is the latest rather than the earliest 
period of the fur-trade whose annals are so incom 
plete. In 1797 the Sea Otter remained on the coast, 
entered the Columbia, and it is said that Captain Hill 
was killed. The ships Dispatch and Indian Packet, 
commanded by Jonathan Bowers and by Rogers- 
Dorr and Sons owners and the ship Hazard, Swift 
master, owned by Perkins, Lamb, and Company,, are 
named as the Boston ships of the year. 36 

The fleet of 1798 included five vessels which 
cleared from Boston the year before with trade 
cargoes invoiced at from seven thousand to seventeen 
thousand dollars, as shown by the custom-house rec 
ords. The Alexander, under Captain Asa Dodge, 
with Charles Winship as supercargo and part owner, 
was the only one of the number whose invoice was 
less than thirteen thousand dollars. The Hazard, 
Swift master, which had wintered in the Pacific, ac 
cording to Gray entered the Columbia. The others 
were the Jenny, Bowers master; the Alert, Bowles 
master; and the Elisa, commanded by James Rowan. 
Of the adventures and achievements of the fleet we 
know nothing. 37 The cutter Dragon, Lay master, from 
China, was also on the coast this year or the year 
before. 38 

In 1799 there was one voyage recorded in a printed 

35 See Hist. Cal., i., chap, xxv., of this series, which and the following 
chapters contain also information about the war between Spain and Eng 
land as waged, on paper, in California. 

T lifts List; Gray s Hist. Or., 14; Niles* Register, xviii. 417. 

^Boston in the Northwest, MS., 71; Custom-house record, in Id., 76-7. 
In Tufts List no vessels are named for 1798, but the Elisa is accredited 
to the next year, perhaps correctly; she was owned by Perkins, Lamb, 
and Company. 

38 Cleveland s Nar., 46, 94. 


narrative, that of Richard J. Cleveland, a you 
commercial adventurer from Salem, Ma>saclm- 

IL bought the DrtHjnn. at Canton, chained her name 

to tin- Caroline^ and lifted IKT out for a far-trading 

Cruise. !!< H.^hted land on March . JOtli at Norfolk 
Sound, and mo>t of hi- operations were on the Alaskan 

coast; but lie- finally came down to Queen ( hurlo 

Islands, and with a valuable lot of furs he reach 
lln- Sandwich Islands in July, and Macao in Qctoln-r. ; 
Clc\-cland met five other trad* ) The ////x.svx, Cap 
tain Lamb, which Lit ]>>ston with a cargo valued at 
fourteen thousand dollars, had arrived in February, 
"hut tlie BUCCess which ou^ht to liave resulted i roni 
so early an an-ival, was defeated hy a mutiny of long 
and ruinous duration." 40 The EH*i, Captain Ilowan, 
had wintered prohahly at the Inlands and had arm 
on the trading-grounds in February, When Cle\ 
land met Rowan on the 9th of April he had be- n 
very successful, and "was on his way to the south 
ward to complete his cargo, and then to leave the 
coast. He mentioned, that ten vessels would proh 
ahly be despatched from Boston for the coast this 
11." In May, Rowan made his appearance at San 
Francisco, the Elisa bein^ the first American vessel t 
anchor in that port. She carried twelve guns, and 
John Kcndrick -probably not our old friend of that 
name -was understood to be her supercargo. Rowan s 
letter <>f the 27th of May, promising to pay cash for 
needed supplies, to depart at once, and to touch at 
no other port, is still preserved in the California 
archives. Cleveland met him a^ain in October at 
Macao, and was told of his visit to the Spanish coast. 41 

i!nin/ < \<t rrtit it t <>f \ catd conmcr^al etUerpritef. Cambrid 

IM J, I Jiiio, _ vuls., pp. 4.") tl, .~>1, li!l-!H; ulsoiV. Am. / < " " , x\v. 4.".S, in which 
the \v-M-l is ttTinr. l an 1 ln^lish on--. Th> naiiu-s usnl liy < k Vt-l;inl, as ap- 
]>lii-il t( tri)>rs, chiefs, ami j. lares art 1 : Skitti_ . Ciiiuina.-liaw, 

Tytantc-s Tatisk . North Islaiul, Kiganny, 1 uiut liosi-, North Islaml, 

Kit:: ill-l l\o\V. 

4t f /., 90; Boston in thcXort- M>.,7G. Owned l.y LaiuU 

and others. / >//>< / 

41 // - . W/., i., chap, xxv., Una series; ( J\ /-., 74, 10 2; 7V 

L u>t. 


Two other Boston ships, the Hancock, Crocker, and 
the Dispatch, Breck, were met by Cleveland near Nor 
folk Sound early in June, having arrived on the coast 
rather too late to insure successful voyages the present 
season. 42 The English ship Cheerful, Captain Beck, 
had also not obtained many furs, having moreover 
grounded on a sand-bank and been attacked by the 
Indians.* 3 And finally Mr Tufts names the Canton 
ship Dove, commanded by Duffin. 

The fleet of 1 800, as named by Tufts, consisted of the 
Alert, Bowles, owned by Lamb; the Jenny, Bowers; 
and Rover, Davidson, owned by Dorr and Sons; the 
Alexander, Dodd master, Bass owner; the Hazard, 
Swift, Perkins; and the Dove of Canton, commanded 
by Duffin. 


The Betsy, a Boston brigantine under the com 
mand of Captain Charles Winship, is the only other 
trader of 1800 of which we have any record. She had 
left Boston the preceding year, and after a trip in the 
north, of which nothing is known, touched at San 
Diego for supplies, remaining at anchor in that port- 
the first American vessel to enter it- -from the 25th of 
August to the 4th of September. It is not unlikely 
that a full record of her movements would show the 
Betsy to be the pioneer in a new field of west-coast 
enterprise, that of contraband trade and fur- hunting 
on the shores of the two Californias, in addition to 
legitimate trade farther north; or at least Captain 
Winship may have been engaged in exploring the new 
field, in which his brothers subsequently reaped so 
rich a harvest. He obtained the desired assistance at 
San Diego, with the usual warning to touch at no 
other Spanish port; but later he anchored at San 
Bias, again in great need. Presently a Spanish man- 
of-war entered the port, and the Yankee craft, fearing 
doubtless a confiscation of her contraband furs, put 

42 Cleveland s Nar., 83-4; Tufts List. Both ships were owned by Dorr 
and Sons. 

^Cleveland s Nar., 89; Tufts 1 List. 

1TAIN CHARLES Wixsnir. 309 

to -url) hu>l i as fo li-avr hrr captain and 

,sii] on shoiv with the suppl h- liny hud <>h- 

tahx-d. How tlK->- utlicci _;-uim-(l tl. hij> <lo- 

a]>]i ai 1 in tin- rrrords; it is >aid tliat later in 
this Y<>yai;v C a[tain Winship died of u >un>tmku at 

Valparaiso. 41 

. .MS.. / . \ Pi>.. \\: / /- . //.. viii. 132; xii. 0; 

. 8ac. t ix. 1J-13; /> o.^u/t m tluiXui Uur,*!, M.S., 71 - . 





THE vessels trading on the Northwest Coast in 
1801 from American ports were at least thirteen 
in number. From Boston, Perkins and Company had 
despatched the Globe, Captain Magee, the Caroline, 
Captain Derby, and the Charlotte, Captain Ingersoll; 
Lyman and Company, the Guatimozin, Captain Bum- 
stead, and the Atahualpa, Captain Wildes; Dorr and 
Sons, the Dispatch and Littiler, each commanded by 
one of the Dorrs; Cobb, the Lucy, Pierpont master; 
Coolidge, the Belle Savage, Captain Ockington ; and 
Thomas Parish, the Polly, commanded by Kelley. 
The Manchester, Captain Brice, was from Philadel 
phia; the Lavinia, Captain Hubbard, was owned by 


T,( 311 

7)e AYolf <,f Hri.-tol, Ifhode I -land; and the E,,t< rprise, 

Captain K/ekiel Hubbell, by Hoy and Thorn, of N 
York. 1 Their invoices ranged from $9718 to$29,253, 

tin- ainoiint :rried i -lively 1 y Pierpont and 

Ma<_r None <! the fleet has left any record <>f 
operations in isni e\eej)t the Enterprise, about which 

know that she touched at San Die<_^> f..r 
snppli.-s in June, carrying ten - iins and a crew of 
one men.- The II<r,ti, ,l, under ( aptain Swift, 
i- >aid to have entered the Columbia I iver this 
rear. The afterward famous William Smith was on 
this \ I in a subordinate capacity, making his fifth 
voyage round the world. 3 

The new naine< of 1802 were those of the Bosi 
ships Al<-rt, commanded l>y Khhetts and owned l>y 
Lanih; the Cb^Aenne, Worth captain, Coolidge owner; 
the Jamil, Crocker captain, Dorr owner; and the 
Vancouver^ l>rown captain, J^yman ownei 1 : also the 
//"////, Captain l^ri^s of Philadelphia; and OieJuno, 
Captain Kendrick, owned by De Wolf of Bristol. 4 
The Jl imc/tcxfcr toiiehed at Nootka this y<-ar, and. as 
the natives reported to Jewitt later, seven of her men 
diverted and joined Maquinna, by whose order six of 
them were ]>ut to death for an attempted ivdesertio-.i 
service of a rival chieftain, while the other, a 
loy called Jack, w old to Wicananish, and soon 
d i -d . " Accord i 1 1^ t * > Mr Tufts, ( 1 a pt a i 1 1 M a - -e of t h e 

1 CiHti]ii-lior.-:r records, in J , MS., 70 7. II; . 

:;iin < ) ( ;iin B66IQ8 to have li"-u on the m;i>t, but ju-rliaps not ill 
iiinand of a vessel. 

[rch. < ., MS., Prw. Bee., xii. II ]-2. 

t 1 //M//VO-, xviii. 418; (//" / > // ; ^. <>> ., 14. The ]l~ ird rctun. 
to Boston M.-.v ii, ls(i-J. 
4 /v/v,- /.. /. 

\A //-/V/ x Xnr., 00-1 : fie gave nn- a liook in \\lii-li I found the nain- s of 

MS l.e! to the >liip MaiK-li! Philadelphia, (. ajit. Jii-ian, 

l>aniel Smith. I.ewis (lilloii, .!ai. :n, Chu-k, .lolnisuii, lien. an<l 

.laek ... A nio.-t eruel d -ath it wa-. M I -\ a - to!. I by mu- of the nati\ 

jnen holdiniMme of ilu-ni on the .Lrround. and ; j open his mouth, M liile 

they elioaked hi])i by raim> > down his throat. As to Jack.., 1 Mas 

informed by the prine.--^ ) / /<r. that he was quite a small boy, who eried a 

. beini: ]>tit to hard labor bey. ml 1. ;i by the native.-, in 

eutt 1 brin_im_ wati i 1 . and t icn In 1 heard of the murder of 

our cruw, it hatl such an effect on him that ho fell sick ami died shortly after. 


was killed during this voyage. The 
went to the Hawaiian Islands, probably to spend the 
winter there as the traders were wont to do, and there 
Captain Derby died. His grave on the island of 
Oahu was visited the next year by Captain Cleve 
land. 6 Wildes of the Atahuatpais recorded as having 
first heard of the Stikeen River in August of this 
year while his vessel was in the region of Queen Char 
lotte Sound. 7 Captain William Sturgis, who became 
wealthy and famous in connection with the fur-trade 
of the North Pacific, seems to have visited the coast 
personally in 1802, perhaps as owner or supercargo of 
one of the vessels named. He says: "In 1801, the 
trade was most extensively, though not most profit 
ably prosecuted; that year, there were fifteen vessels 
on the coast, and in 1802 more than 15,000 sea-otter 
skins were collected, and carried to Canton. But the 
competition was so great, that few of the voyages were 
then profitable, and some were ruinous." 8 There were 
no arrivals on the Californian coast this year, or at 
least no record of such arrival appears in the archives. 

The ship Boston, owned by the Amorys of Boston, 
having obtained a cargo in England, sailed from the 
Downs in September 1802, doubled Cape Horn, and 
without touching at any port, made Woody Point, 
on the island of Cuadra and Vancouver, March 12, 
1803. John Salter was the captain, his mates were B. 
Delouisa and William Ingraham, and the crew num 
bered twenty-four. The natives had established their 
village on the site of the old Spanish post in Friendly 
Cove; and Salter anchored his vessel several miles 
farther up the sound, so near the shore that she was 

6 In a retired spot, clothed with verdure and surrounded with cocoa-nut 
trees, my guide pointed to the grave of my old friend and former shipmate, 
Charles Derby, who died here last year, on board a Boston ship, which he com 
manded, from the Northwest Coast. Charles and I had sailed many a thousand 
leagues together, and, being of the same age, the probability was as great 
when we parted, that he would visit my grave as I his. Cleveland s Nar. , 232. 

Ma**, JUxt. Soc. Col., 1804, 242, containing an extract from the log, as 
cited by Greenhow, Or. and CaL, 254. 
Northwest Fur Trade, 536. 


! l.y a haw-<T to tin- t For ral <! 

-while tin- Americans were occupied in obtaining 

and wat<T, Ma<juinna and his mm <>ften visited 1 

ship, and were entertained as was usual in Mich ca 

Thev ma*!.- them* - entirely ;it lion ,rati; 
their curiosity l>y examining everything on 1: 
and maintained tin- WOSi friendly relations with tl 
visii To Ma<|iiinna was o-iveii a double-barr 

fowling-piece, with which lie a|)]ieare<i itly plca> 
ami on March 2 I st, when the ship wa irly ready 
depart, he- eanie hack with a ^iit of wild ducks. 
lie hroiiLfnt l)ack the 14-1111, however, with one of the 
locks hroken, remark in^ that it \vas y/rsAr//-, or had. 
"Captain Salter was very much oil ended at this oh- 

vation, and considering it as a mark of contempt 
lor his present, he called the kinij a liar, adding other 
opprobrious terms, and taking the gun from him 
tossed it indignantly into the cabin. . .Maquinna knew 
a number of English words, and unfortunately under 
stood but too well the meaning of the reproachful 
terms that the Captain addressed to him. -He said 
not a word in reply, but his countenance sufficiently 
d the rage he felt, though lie exerted himself 

suppress it, and I observed him while the Captain 
was speaking repeatedly put his hand to his throat 
and rub it upon his bosom, which he afterwards 1 
me was to keep down his heart, which was rising into 
his throat and choaking him. He soon after went on 
shore with his men, evidently much discomposed." 

The Xootka chieftain had resolved on vengeance 
for the insult received at this time and for other 

9 Tliis is ,li \\ itt s account, to !>< noticed presently. The \ei-sioii received 
by Captain lli>\v;m of the //</v//-</ from tlit 1 Tatacu ehief at \-\\<::i Strait and 
brought down to California was as follows: The chief <,>uatla/a] told l>y 

the -in captain that he \\a.s a mean fellow to trade with. Tin; 

tain told him he had met many chieftains in the north, and knew that he had 
no appeanaoe of a chieftain, and appeared a very low man. The. chi; : 
}>lied, I iceime (peshak], which in their lanu ua^e means had man; and the 
captain taking a musket threatened him. and ordered him on *\ir- 
insolent fellow. (Join^ to his lancheria he .summoned all the Indians from 
i .1 Strait to the north point of Nootka, who assembled within three da. 
and it v ..Ked to capture the ship. A r<-/i. t > : . . Ms..,y. / / ., M 

>\ ; Captain Kuwan s letter of August 1 2, 1SOIJ, to Ar^iiello. 


wrongs perhaps of earlier date ; 10 and the story of what 
followed cannot be better told than by continuing to 
quote the words of one who was present. "On the 
morning of the 2 2d the natives came off to us as 
usual with salmon, and remained on board, when 
about noon Maquinna came along side with a con 
siderable number of his chiefs and men in their 
canoes, who after going through the customary ex 
amination were admitted into the ship. He had a 
whistle in his hand, and over his face a very ugly mask 
of wood representing the head of some wild beast, ap 
peared to be remarkably good humoured and gay, and 
whilst his people sung and capered about the deck, 
entertaining us with a variety of antic tricks and 
gestures, he blew his whistle to a kind of tune which 
seemed to regulate their motions." 11 Captain Salter 
was induced in the afternoon to send nine men in 
the boats to catch salmon, thus dividing the force. 
"Shortly after the departure of the boats I went 
clown to my vise-bench in the steerage," says Jewitt 
the armorer, "where I was employed in cleaning mus 
kets. I had not been there more than an hour when 
I heard the men hoisting in the long boat, which, in a 
few minutes after, was succeded by a great bustle and 
confusion on deck. I immediately ran up the steerage 
stairs, but scarcely was my head above deck, when I 
w T as caught by the hair by one of the savages, and 
lifted from my feet; fortunately for me, my hair being 
short, and the ribbon with which it was tied slipping, 
I fell from his hold into the steerage. As I was falling, 

O O 

he struck at ine with an axe, which cut a deep gash in 

10 Maquinna told Jewitt later that he had several times been ill-treated by 
foreign visitors. Captain Tawnington, commanding a schooner which win 
tered at Friendly Cove, had entered Maquimia s house in his absence and 
taken 40 fine skins, besides frightening the women. Then Martinez had 
killed four chiefs; and soon after, Captain Hanna of the Sea-otter had fired 
upon the canoes and killed over twenty of the natives, Maquinna himself 
Laving to swim for his life. His desire for revenge was rekindled by Captain 
Salter s insult. 

11 In the account given to Rowan, the Indians are said to have obtained in 
advance permission to have a dance on board as a ceremonial making- up after 
the recent dispute, all as part of a plot to seize the vessel. 


1I1V forehead, alld pelie! 1 tile >l<llll: but ill roll 

quence of his losing his hold, 1 lurkih ip<-d tin- full 

force of the blow. I fell -tunned and senseless upon 
the Hour." AVhen lie regained consciousness IK- found 

tin- hatch closed and judged l.y their yells that the 

sax i wen- in possession <>f th*- sliij. Presently 

he was Mimmoiied before Ma<|iiinna and promised his 
life on condition of In-mining a slave to make and re- 
pair weapons for his ina>t-r. ( )n tin- quarter-deck he 
u;is shown in a line tin- heads of twenty-five murd- i 
companions, and was ordered to identify each by name. 
After sei/ing the ship and killing all on deck, they 
had sent a well armed force to bring back the heads 
of those in the boats. 12 

Tin- 1 ins, 1 on was moved from her anchorage, beached 
at Fri -ndly Cove, stripped of the mor -ily ace 
sihle portions of her cargo, and a fe\v days later ac 
cidentally burned. Meanwhile another man, John 
Thompson the sail-maker was found in the hold, 
where he had concealed himself after receiving a 
knife-wound in the nose. Jewitt s life was spared 
because of his skill in making weapons; and Thomp 
son s at the intercession of Jewitt, who represen 
him as his father; though there were many who 
wished to kill both. The two survivors lived anio 
the savages in Maquinna s service for three years, 
generally well enough treated, and suifering Mich 
hardships only as were naturally connected with the 
situation. Jewitt lived for a time with a native wii 
and they travelled considerably over tin- island: but 

cape w r as ever in their minds. The trad voided 
Nootka after the massacre; but letters were sent in 
various directions, and finally in July 1805, the /._// /^/, 
Captain Hill, anchored in the port. Maquinna w, 
desirous of renewing the old commercial relations, 
and he went on board, carrying such a letter of recom- 

11 According to llmvan the in ;n vhilr tin- <lnr. 

on, ;it ;i si ;nal from tin- chi< ud <>f natives hfiiig < luuul in I 



mendation from Jcwitt as caused his immediate arrest 
as a hostage for the captive s release. After a trading 
cruise the two men left the coast in August 1806, and 
before the end of 1807 arrived in Boston cia China. 
Jewitt was an Englishman, only twenty years old at 
the time of his capture. He had shipped at Hull for 
this voyage, and kept a diary during his captivity, from 
which a book was published on his return in 1807, and 
afterward in many different editions. The narrative 
is a fascinating one of the author s personal adven 
tures, containing also much valuable information 011 
the manners and customs of the Nootka Indians. 
For details of the captivity beyond what has been 
presented I have no space. 13 

A few days after the capture of the Boston two 
ships were seen approaching the port at Nootka, but 
the} r were frightened away by the hostile demon 
strations of the natives, who opened fire upon them 
with muskets and blunderbusses. "After firing a few 
rounds of grape shot which did no harm to any one, 
they wore ship and stood out to sea. These ships, as 
I afterwards learned, were the Mary and Juno of 
Boston. They were scarcely out of sight when Ma- 
quinna expressed much regret that he had permitted 
his people to fire at them, being apprehensive that 
they would give information to others in what manner 
they had been received, and prevent them from coming 
to trade with him." 14 

13 A narrative of the adventures and sufferings of John R. Jewitt; only sur 
vivor of the crew of the ship, Boston, during a captivity of nearly three years 
among the savages of Nootka Sound; with an account of the manners, mode of 
living, and religious opinions of the natives, embellished with a plate representing 
the ship in the possession of the savages. JS"ew York, 1816, 12mo, 208 pp. This is 
marked 3d edition. I have before me another of Ithaca 1849, 12mo, 166 pp., 
embellished with engravings. According to Sabin the original, published in 
Boston 1807 and New York 1812, was entitled: A Journal kept at Nootka 
Sound ly John R. Jcwitt, etc. He also notes thirteen other editions, stating that 
one version was compiled from Jewitt s oral relations by Richard Alsop, and 
another edited by Goodrich, or Peter Parley. Sproat, Scenes and Studies, 5, 
gives some slight reminiscences of Jewitt s captivity obtained by W. E. Ban- 
field from an old Indian who had known the captive. 

li Jewitt s Nar., 36. The Juno was one of the preceding year s vessels; the 
Mary was owned by Gray of Boston and commanded by Bowles, who is said 
to have died during the voyage. Tufts List. 


Two other traders Miil ered this year from Indian 
hostilities the Al i< i\ Captain John Brown, and 

the Hazard, ( aptain James K owan. They mad.- their 

ranee at San I YaneUeo on the I lili of Aii^u 

coming t roin the north in dist , and asking lor relief. 
Captain I>ro\vn was kno\vn in California, having been 
detected at the he^-i lining of tin- year in smugglil 

operations at San Diego, and having subsequently ob 

tained supplie-at San I Yanciseo under i alsc pretentt 
Therefore no attention was paid to his present demand, 
and lie was ordered away from the port. I Le suc- 

I hettrr at Monterey, where he obtained suppli. 
running away at ni^ht to avoid payment for tin- same. 
Tin- nature and extent of the Alexander s injuries on 
tlie. northern coast arc not known. Captain H >wan, 
on the other hand, was well treated and allowed four 
days for refitting, having presented a written state 
ment of his \ 1 s condition, the truth of which w, 
verified by Comandante Argliello by a personal in 
spection. The II<r_<inl had been several times attacked 
by the natives in Chatham Strait, and had narrowly 
>caped capture, besides receiving damages from 
striking on a rock. None of her men had been lost, 
but her hull and rigging were riddled with balls, the 
Indians having been well provided with iire-arms. ( )n 
hi :y south Rowan had touched at the strait of 
Fuea, where he heard of the Bostons disaster, and 
brought the news to California, 15 

The O G / y/, Captain Joseph O Cain, sailed from 
Boston January 2 .\, 1803, and reached Sitka bet o: 
the end of the year. Jonathan Winship, one of the 
owners, made his first visit to the coast on thi -1. 

It (1 not clearly appear that she touched on the 
Northwest Coa>4 proper this year; but the vo; 

1 J/v7/. OaL, MS., > /. PlBjp.i M;.. n,,ilC6l.,i. 84-9. See//;,s. ( <>?.. ii. chap. 
i., this series, for some additional particulars about the (. xpcrii iKv of l>ro\\ n 
and llou an in < alifoi iiia. Tlu- II<t:.(ir<l is said to have had ."><) men and L 2 
guns. In A " - l!ji<t< i\ xviii. 41S, she is said to have sailed from 1 in 

lemUr IsO J, returning on the lith of May ISO,"), uudi-r Swift as ma.>UT ;:;. 1 
Smith as DUKJ .il>o in / ////> I/,*!; and as the Spaniards write the nanio 

r there is a possibility that Rowan commanded another vessel. 


lasted three years, and we shall hear more of this 
craft. 16 Mr Gray names the Alert, commanded by 
Ebbetts, and the Vancouver, by Brown, among the 
vessels that visited the coast this year. 17 

William Sturgis, probably commanding the Boston 
ship Caroline, arrived at Kaigan early in 1804. On 
a previous visit he had noticed the high value at 
tached by the natives to the ermine-skin, and he had 
obtained about five thousand of them at a cost of 
about thirty cents each in Boston. The result was 
that in half a day he purchased five hundred and sixty 
prime otter-skins, worth fifty dollars each, for half of 
his ermines, or clicks/ as the Indians called them. 18 
The Leila Byrd was a ship that had caused some ex 
citement on the Californian coast in 1803, and in 1804 
she came back under the command of Captain William 
Shaler. Comingr from China, she arrived at the mouth 


of the Columbia on the 1st of May, but for eight 
days was unable to cross the bar, and finally pro 
ceeded down the coast in search of a more accessible 
port, entering Trinidad the 9th of May. 1 

The Hazard also came back from the Hawaiian 
Islands this year, as is shown by records in the 
archives of California. Having obtained supplies at 
San Francisco in February, Captain Rowan sailed 
for the Northwest Coast. Of his operations there 
nothing is known, but in September he reappeared in 
the southern ports, as usual in great need of pro 
visions. 20 Smuggling and an illicit fur-trade on the 
coasts of upper and lower California were becoming 
much more attractive to the Boston men than the 
barter of old with the northern savages, who had 

16 Boston in the Northwest, MS., 11-12. 

^Gray s Hist. Or., 14. 

18 Sturgis Northwest Fur Trade, 536; Tufts Li*t. 

tihaler s Journal, 138-9. The operations of the Leila Byrd on the Cali 
fornian coast in 1803-5 are related in Hixt. Cal., ii., chap, i.-ii., this series. 

Arch. Cal, MS., Prow. St. Pap., xviii. 330, 301, 373, 376-9; Prov. 2!ec., 
xi. 103; St. Pap. Sac., v. 70. Gray, Hist. Or., 14, tells us that the Perkins 
company sent the Hazard under Swift to the Columbia in 1804; also that 
Theodore Lyman sent the Ouatimozin, Captain Bumstead, from Boston. 


now lived new ideas respecting the value >! th"ir 
furs, had become hostile and rev- n-i-ful, often wil 
much cause, and who had become somewhat fcoo well 
supplied with lin -arins. Cajttain O Cain had the 

nor of introducing a new development of the fur- 

tlii ir. I!- WBS si ill prepared for bar 

with the Indians, and he v. ill ali\ e to the chan 

and profits of smuggling; hut his ^vnius demand -d a 
liroader field. On his arrival at Sitka in the fall of 
1, lie induced the manager of the liussian b- 

lishnn-iits, I>ai-;inof, to furnish Aleut otter-hunt< 
Avith their A/rAo /v/x for a hunting tour in the south, 
the product to he divided hetween the Russian eoin- 

ny and the l>o>toii owin-rs. The result of this lii 
trip of the (XCfotfl wa>i eleven liundl ed otter-skll 

carried from the Californiau coasts, chiefly firom tho 

of the peninsula, to Alaska in Juno 1804, the vessel 
thence directing- her course to China and homeward* 91 
This new system of hunting on shares was continued 
for years with some profit to the contracting partii 
especially to the Americans; hut it was at last ter 
minated hy the Russians when they convinced thein- 
that their Yankee partners could neither be 
trusted nor watched, besides arousing the enmity < 
Spain by their unlawful operations. The whole sub 
ject is fully treated elsewhere in this work, mainly 
concerning ( California and Alaska. Hunting under thi 3 
new arrangement was chielly confined to the southern. 

COaMs. almost exclusively so far as the records show. 
Naturally the Spanish archives mention only compli 
cations \\ith the Californidn authorities; the Russian 
records deal only with the contracts, outfits, and result- : 
but few log-books are extant. Yet as the- 
vessel- passed each veai 1 up and down between Alaska 
and California, it seems necrssary to mention them in 
connection with the maritime annals of the Xorthwe 
Coast, even if no records appear <>f their occasional 
landings and advent me- within that territorv. 

- l l!r,.<fn,> in (/,> tfbfffof**, }IS.. ]] 1 J; f, Xdj. ^ki. S; 7V/.-/,. 
Istvr. Obvzranu , apj... -~ --. *. Sec also Jlitt. (. /., ii., cliai). ii. , this I 


No traders visited California!! waters in 1805, or at 
least they left no record of their visits; but there are 
a few items extant respecting their movements in the 
north. The ship Atahitalpa, Captain O. Porter, de 
spatched by Lyman of Boston, "was attacked by the sav 
ages in Millbank Sound, and her captain, mate, and six 
seamen, were killed ; after which the other seamen suc 
ceeded in repelling the assailants and saving the vessel." 22 
The ship Caroline was still on the coast; and new ar 
rivals included the Boston ships Vancouver, Brown, and 
Pearl, Ebbetts, despatched by Lyman and Lamb, re 
spectively. 23 Lewis and Clarke reaching the mouth of 
the Columbia by an overland journey, learned from the 
Indians their version of the names of a dozen foreigners 


who had been wont to visit their country in command 
of vessels; but none of the names can be identified. 24 
The Lydia of Boston, commanded by Samuel Hill, 
arrived at Nootka to rescue Jewitt and Thompson, 
as we have seen, in July 1805. The ship then made 
a cruise to the north, entered the Columbia for spars, 
returned to Nootka in November, and finally sailed 
for China in August of the next year. 25 The Juno, 
Captain De Wolf, very likely visited this region this 
year, as late in the autumn she was sold to the Kus- 
sian American Company at New Archangel. 26 

T1 Greenhoitfs Or. and Cat., 268. He says the Atahualpa was from Rhode 
Island. Gray, Hist. Or., 14, tells us she was sent from Boston in 1805 by 
Lyman and Company. Henry A. Peirce, Memoranda, MS., 7-8, afterward 
sailed with Nicholas Wrenthem, who had been mate of the Atakualpa, who 
said : The natives became saucy, the mate not liking the look of things 
told the captain, who pooh-poohed, but the natives made an attack on the crew. 
They were at last beaten off by the crew, but they had no sooner done this 
than they saw the Indians sawing away at the hempen cable. The captain 
took his blunderbuss and fired at the natives, killing six of them . . . The 
boatswain was named Griffin. Captain Porter was stabbed in the back and 
thrown overboard. He was carried on shore and lived a few days. In Tufts 1 
List the Atahualpa arrived in 1804. 

23 Gray s Hist. Or., 14; Tufts List. 

2i Lewis and Clarke s Journey, 497. The names were as follows: Haley, 
the favorite trader, stays some time; Zallamon, not a trader; Callalamet, 
with a wooden leg: Davidson, a hunter; Skelley, only one eye; absent for 
several years ; Youens, Sivipton, Moore, Mackey, Washington, Mesship, Jack 
son, and Bolch. 

23 Jewitt s Nar., 154-63. Gray, Hist. Or., 15, speaks of the Lydia as sent 
from Boston to the Columbia by Lyman in 1806. Tufts says she sailed in 1804. 

^Kezdnof, Zapiski, 203-4. She left Boston in 1804, being owned as well 
as commanded by De Wolf. Tufts" List. 

WTNSHIP AXD 11A. >F. 321 

Tin- imperial inspector 1 ey/mof from Al in 

I uj))!i bis company and his <_e>\ ttho 

impo of founding a K:i>-ian establishment on 

the ( olmnbia I liver, with a view of ^aiiiin^ exclusive, 

ion <{ the fur-trade. "To accomplish this it 

llld be 1) to build ooli as possihle ;m 

armed bri- to drive away tin: I>o>toniai MM this 

trade i> r. I Yoni the ( olmnhia we could gradually 

advance toward tin- >oiith to lh<- ]>ort oi San I ^raii- 

cisco, whidi {onus the houndaiy line of California. 
1 think 1 UK! v that at the Columbia <-<mld 

attract pojiulation iVoiu various localities, and in the 
course of ten years \\c should become str enoii-^li 

uiak" use of any favorable tni-n in European poli 
tic.- to include t! t of California in the llussiau 

"Captain Winsliij) told Mr Bardnof that last au- 
tuinn sixty men had starti d from the [Jnited Sta 
overland to settle on the Columbia River, which 
would have been easier for us than anybody else. 
Th merican states claim tbe rigbt to those shoiv-, 
ing that the headwaters of the Columbia are in 
their territory; but on the same principle they could 
e:,e nd their }u> ions all over the world, where 
there was no j>r us European settlement. But I 
think they have determined to settle th becai 
the Spaniards have opened to them four ports on the 
eaa . side of America under the condition that they 
.Id not touch on their w n < . 27 This 
after Winship s departure from Boston, 
and U yet unknown to the American vessels In 
Four Boston ships are at present cnii id trad: 

in the sounds, namely: ( ap-;tin Ileale on tlie b 
Li ! Captain Porter, bi-othc-r of t killed, on 

the ship J t Captain Brown on the ship 

<!<) not iin >n. 

* li>t. 

" J ( ii. .-.. i . 1,1 iitions tin- . , ; n L. \ 

i\ : .:lltl th 

liisc. N. W. COAST, VOL. I. 21 


Vancouver; 90 and Captain Giehitz in the ship Pearl. 31 
At Kaigan there are also several vessels trading, the 
Urodel, ILrju-d^ Peacock, and others. When shall 
we drive these unwelcome guests away?" Rezanof 
himself went down to California on the Juno, as is 
fully related in another volume of this work, 33 and in 
his letters he writes: "I had the intention to explore 
the Columbia River. We sighted its mouth on the 
14th of March, but contrary winds compelled us to 
stand off. After keeping a northerly course for a 
time we returned next day and expected to run in, 
but the strong current had carried us sixty miles to 
the north, and we were opposite Gray Harbor. We 
sent off a bidarka, in which Dr Langsdorff entered the 
harbor. We tried again to run into the Columbia as 
the only harbor this side of California to obtain fresh 
provisions, and we approached it on the evening of 
the 20th. The following day we expected to enter, 
but a rushing tide and a channel covered with high 

O O 

breakers opposed us;" and four days later they reached 
San Francisco. 34 

The Peacock, named in Kezanof s list, left Boston 
in September 1805, doubled Cape Horn in company 
with the Hazard, and came to California from the 
Hawaiian Islands in February 1806. She is de 
scribed as of one hundred and eight tons, with eight 
guns and fourteen men; and was commanded by 
Captain Kimball, said to have been a brother-in-law 
of O Cain. Though bound for the north with sup 
plies for the Russians, she attempted smuggling - 
that is, applied for provisions- -at several southern 
ports, and in consequence lost four men, who were 

30 Sent out to meet Lewis and Clarke, but not arriving until after their 
departure, according to Gray. 

31 The captain s name was Ebbetts. She was fitted .out by Lamb and 
Company, according to Tufts. 

3 - Left Boston July 22, 1805, under William Smith as master ; and returned 
July 23, 1808. Niks Iterjister, xviii. 418; Tufts List. Gray says she was sent 
out under Smith in 1807. 

i^. Cal., ii., chap. iv. 

, Zapiski, 233, 254, 279; see alsoLanysdor/ s Voyages, ii. 97 et seq. 


air ! at San I )i< !;< an<! sent to San I>] An 

other vessel <>f tin- year was known to tin- Spaniards 

as the // though there inny he gome error ahout 

tin- nam Sin- was apparently en^-a^vd in otter- 

liuntin^-. or at least was in company with other vessels 

< engaged, 

The ffCaw came hack this year, having left Bosl 

in ()et(l>er 1805, under the command of Jonathan 

AVinship, with Nathan \Yinship as niai She had a 

i oree of thirty men. a coppered hottom, not common 

in those day-*, and was .sprci.-d 1 y iitted out lor hunting 

w ll as trading. A hundred Aleuts witli fifty 

/wx were ol)tained at New Archangel in April, 

and some attempts at hunting were made on the \\ 

uthward. Winship s chief operations were confined, 
however, to the Haja California coasts and islands. 
\vheiv he left his hunters and returned hy the Sand 
wich Islands to Kadiak with skins valued at 00,000. 3T 
Another vessel, not named, hut commanded hy Cap 
tain Campbell, possibly Kimball of the /Vr/ror/-, mad 
a contract in October for hunting on shares, and camo 
back to Alaska the next August with 12;30 skin 

The Winships on the OCain with a new party of 
fifty hunters left Kadiak in January 1807. Touchi 
at the Farallones, at the islands of the Santa Barbara 
Channel, and at San Pedro, Winship rejoined the 
hunters he had left on the peninsular coast, wliere he 

.lained until April, and then returned to the north 
with the whole force of Aleuts. There were over two 
hundred souls on hoard, two more at the end than at 
the beginning of the trip northward, and the I 
shows some narrow escapes from shipwreck on the 
wa With a car^ o worth s 1 :U;,000 the OV ,// /, saile 1 

I, GaL, Ms.. Prov. St. Pap. % \\\. i:JU-s. i i:i-i; : IVw. /. 

xii, 4i >: /: /."r ^l i. % J7. J. 

ch. < "/ .. MS., Prov. St. Pap., xix. l-J .)-:5o. i:u-J. 141-:?. Tli.- raj.tain s 

nan ; llr<l < ) ( ;iiu ;n\>l in our jlacc is \\rif ir. 

in th- WES., !:;_ (>; Ki.i.hnih,/, z<, m. \ 

JBa tpfaanie, 1()7 -N; Tikhn 

ki> U. 


for China in October; and at the beginning of the 

" Do 

next year started for Boston in company with the 
Atahualpa and Augustus, captains Sturgis and Hill. 39 
Meanwhile the old commander of the ship, Joseph 
O Cain, was on the Eclipse, a vessel chartered by the 
Russian company, which was wrecked among the 
Aleutian Islands in September of this year, the cap 
tain and his men saving their lives after many hard 
ships. 40 According to a Russian authority, Captain 
Swift in the Derby made an otter-hunting trip to 
California this year under an arrangement similar to 
that of the Winships; but nothing further is known 
of the voyage except Mr Gray s statement that the 
Derby entered the Columbia River the next year. 41 
The Ghuxtimozin, Glanville master, Lyman owner, 
left Boston in July 1806, and was on the coast from 
March 1807 to September 1808. She entered the 
Columbia, and her trading operations extended up to 
59 30 . On July 4th the men had moose and salmon 
for dinner on the Columbia; and a pewter medal was 
found which had been given to the Indians by Lewis 
and Clarke. 42 

The Boston ships Pearl, Captain Suter, and Van 
couver, Captain Whittemore, owned and fitted out by 
Perkins, were on the coast in 1808-9, according to 
Tufts and Gray. In these years also the Mercury, 
commanded by George Washington Ayres, was en 
gaged in hunting on shares under a contract with 
the Russians. Captain Ayres lost some deserters in 
California; but he obtained two thousand and eighty 

* 9 Boston in the Northwest, MS., 12-27. The Atahualpa is in Tufts List 
for 1807, owned by Lyman. 

^Campbell s Voy., 2G-7, 42-8. The author sailed on this vessel from 
China under the assumed name of McBride. In some of the Russian author 
ities the Eclipse is spoken of as visiting the southern coast, being perhaps 
confounded with the O Cain. 

^TikhriK-nef, Istor. Obozranie, i. 171; Gray s Hist. Or., 15; Tufts List, 
owned by Perkins. 

42 SVv/.// .s Northwest Const, 406-7, 425, with a,fac-simile of the medal ; Tuft* 
List. Mr Tufts, who furnished the information published by .Swan, was 
supercargo of the Gitatimoziit, on this voyage. The vessel was wrecked in 
1810 on the New Jersey coast. 


otter skins for sharing. 43 vcnhow tells us that 
Mr Ast T, in isoi), "despatched tin- ship A ///r/^/-, 

under ( aptain Ebbetts, an Intelligent and experienced 

seaman an<l trader, ( make observations at various 

places on the ,- I coasts nf America, and par 

ticularly at the Iviissian settlem .and to prepare 

the way for tin- ne\v establishmenl hut nothing 

further is Mated ahont the voyage. 44 Captain Knskof 
visited California in 1809 with a view 1> .-electing ,-t 
site I M- the proposed Russian settlement; but lie did 

not touch on the coast between Alaska and Trinidad. 

In 1810-11 four ships, the (JCain^ A1bt, ,>.^, /.-//- 
. and J/^ /v^r//, commanded respectively by Joii- 
an and Xatlian V\ inship, William II. Davis, and 
orge W. Ayres, were engaged in hunting otters 
under Russian contracts. They also did a very largo 
and profitable business in hunting fur-seals on the 
Farailones and at other points. Their hunting opera 
tions were exclusively in southern waters, and are 
recorded in another volume of this work. 41 It is proh- 
ablc that they traded to some extent in the north, 
hut of their movements on the Northwest Coast 
nothing is known beyond their trips to and fro be 
tween Alaska and California. There is, however, one 
important exception to be noted in the case of the 
Albatross. The Winships had planned a permanent 
settlement or trading-post on the Columbi.-f, and witli 
that end in view Captain Nathan, on his first arrival 
from the Sandwich Islands, spent nearly two months, 
from May 2Gth to July 19th, in the river. A site was 
1 cted at a place called Oak Point, on the southern 
hank, about forty miles from the mouth. After eon- 
>Ueral>le progress had been made on a building, and in 
preparing land for planting, an inundation forced them 
to move the foundation to a higher spot nearby; and 

43 Ilnr \ & .111; Kh!>liitik<>j\ Ziij>;.~/:i, {>; Arc h. Cal., MS., 

Prov. /. .. Viii. !>: s ; ix. 1-JU; xii. 283 I. 

Or. "//</ Cal. t -J.i.->. 
45 So- //< . ii., this srn 


then the hostile attitude of the Indians caused the 
project to be abandoned altogether, since although 
the Indians might easily have been controlled during 
the ship s presence, it was not deemed safe to leave a 
small party exposed to such danger. Full particulars 
of this earliest attempt at settlement in Oregon will 
be given in a later chapter of this work. Captain 
Ayres also entered the Columbia in the Mercury 
while Winship was there. It seems that Ayres 
took ten or twelve natives from the Nootka region to 
serve in the south as hunters; and instead of brinmnQf 

4 O O 

them back to their home, as he had promised, he left 
them on some desert islands on the California!! coast. 46 
Kuskof started this year on a new expedition to Cal 
ifornia; but touching at Queen Charlotte Islands he 
was attacked by the Indians, who killed several of 
his men and left him in such a condition that he was 
forced to return to Alaska. 47 

Besides the four otter-hunting craft in southern 
waters, five vessels were seen in the summer of 1811 
at Kaigan, in the north. These were the New 
Hazard, Captain Nye; the Lydia, Captain Bennett; 
the Otter, Captain Hill; and two ships, not named, 
under captains Porter and Blanchard, 48 the latter s 
vessel being the Catherine, which was hunting for 
the Russians on shares. Captain Blanchard and 
Captain Thomas Meek of the Amethyst delivered to 
the compa"ny this year over fourteen hundred sea- 
otter skins. The Charon, commanded by Captain 
Whittemore, was another of the hunting craft, which 
carried north eighteen hundred skins, and was found 
at the Farallones by Winship the next year. 49 The 
Otter is said to have been attacked by the natives at 
Nootka, several of the crew being killed. 50 

4G Franchere s Nar., 187. 

47 Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosranie,ti. 208. 

48 Log of the Albatross, in Boston in the Northwest, MS., 56. 

* 9 K/tlcibnikofi Zap/ski, 9-10; Bardnof, Shizneopissanie, 148-9; Boston in 
the Northwest, MS., 62. 

^Peirce s Memoranda, MS., 14. The writer s brother, Joseph, was on 
board and was wounded. Captain Hill is spoken of as father of the actor 
known as Yankee Hill. The date is given as 1810. 


The annals oi the Pacific Fur Company and the 
Inundation of Astoria <n tin- Columbia are presented 
i ullv elsewhere in this work; bare mention of tl> 
subject in its maritime pha ill sullicr her Tl 

partv that actually founded tin- establishment can, 
in the sliij) Tn>"i iin, Captain Jonathan Thorn, which 

I. -ft NY\v York in September 1810 and entered th 
river in March 1811. After the crew had assisted 
in the preliminary work of the post, Captain Thorn 
.sailed for the north to en^a^e in trade tor the com 
pany. Two years later a native interpreter who had 
sailed on the vessel n turned to Astoria with the 
following report, as quoted from Creenhow: "The 
T<>n(jtn n, after quitting the river, sailed northward 
alone; the coast of the continent, and anchored, in the 
middle of June, 1811, opposite a villa-e on the hay of 
Clayoquot, near the entrance of the Strait of Fuca. 
She was there immediately surrounded by crowds 
of Indians in canoes, who continued for some days to 
trade in the most peaceable manner, so as to disarm 
Captain Thorn and Mr McKay of all suspicions. At 
length, either in consequence of an affront ^i ven by a 
chief to the captain, or with the view of plundering 
the vessel, the natives embraced an opportunity when 
the men were dispersed on or below the decks, in the 
performance of their duties, and in a moment put to 
death every one of the crew and passengers, except 
the interpreter, who leaped into a canoe, and was save I 
by some women, and the clerk, Mr Lewis, who re 
treated, with a few sailors, to the cabin. The survivors 
of the crew, by the employment of their tire-arms, suc 
ceeded in driving the savages from the ship; and, in 
the 1 ni^ht, four of them quitted her in a boat, leaving 
on board Mr Lewis and some others, who we \ <-iely 
wounded. On the following day. the native- ai^ain 
crowded around and on board the 7bm// ///; and while 
they were en^axed in rilling her, she w?.s blown up, 
most probably by the wounded men left In-low deck. 
Tli- amen who had endeavored to es in the 


boat were soon retaken, and put to death in a most 
cruel manner, by the Indians; the interpreter was pre 
served, and remained in slavery two years, at the end 
of which time he was suffered to depart." 51 It should 
also be stated here that a schooner of thirty tons, the 
frame for which had been brought from New York, 
was launched on the 2d of October, named the Dolly, 
and used thereafter for river navigation, beinor too 


small for coasting voyages, for which she had been 
intended. 52 

Captain Jonathan Winship came back on the Alba 
tross to California in 1812 for the purpose closing up 
his fur-trading and hunting operations, having made 
arrangements to embark in a new enterprise, the 
sandal-wood trade. He did not sro farther north than 


Drake Bay on this trip, and this seems to have been 
his last visit to the western coast, though we shall 
meet the vessel again. 53 The only vessel known to 

51 Greenhotv s Or. and Cal, 300; Irvmrfs Astoria, 45-84, 106-10; Gabriel 
Franchere came out on the Tonqitin, and in his Narrative of a Voyage gives 
a full account of the trip. This book, pp. 180-9, also contains the fullest 
account of the massacre, as reported by the Indian interpreter. Captain 
Smith of the Albatross, according to Franchere, attributed the disaster largely 
to the action of Captain Ayres of the Mercury, who, as already noted, had 
taken ten or a dozen natives of the Nootka region as hunters, and had failed 
to return them to their homes. I shall give a full description of the voyage 
and capture of the Tonqnln in connection with the Astor expeditions. 

b 2 Franchere s Nar., 130. 

53 I quote from Boston in the Northwest, MS., p. 68 et seq., as follows: 
The captains Winship returned to Boston during 1816 and retired from the 
sea. . .And now, in parting with the nautical part of Captain Jonathan Win- 
ship s life, a passing tribute is due to him as a commander. The writer was 
personally acquainted with him, and gladly records his own opinion with the 
testimony of other men of the sea who knew him intimately. As an early 
pioneer to the North- West coast, and as agent for the company and chief in 
command of the ships of the expedition, he must frequently have been called 
to the firmest exertion of authority and command. His humanity is apparent 
from his treatment of the natives, while the health, the convenience, and as 
far as it could be admitted, the enjoyment of his seamen were the constant 
objects of his attention; kind and courteous to all, he was manly and honor 
able in the transactions of the multifarious business in which he was engaged, 
whether with the savages of Nootka Sound, the savage king of the Islands, 
or the more civilized subjects of the Flowery Kingdom. As a seaman and 
navigator he ranked among the foremost. His brother appears to have been a 
counterpart of himself, and an able cooperator. . .Captain Winship was sorely 
disappointed at the result of his brother s attempt at the [Columbia] River ; 
he hoped to have planted a Garden of Eden on the shores of the Pacific, and 
made that wilderness to blossom like the rose. Repulsed on the western slope 

1812 AXD TIIK WAR. 329 

have touched the \orthweM Coast iii is I- was the 
Beaver, commanded by ( aptain Cornelius Smvle 

She brought IVom New York another d -hment of 

Aster s fur company, and entered th< Columbia on 

the loth of Ma She left the river in Ai: and 

pro<-< 1 on a trading tour up the < The in! 

tion was to ret urn to Astoria, hut the vessel proceeded 

in 1 from Sitka to tin- Sandwich Islands and to 
China, wh* be remained during- the war between 
England and the- I nited Stat 

The \var of 1812-14 caused a complete ation 

inmariti I . on the Northwest Coast. Only two 

\ Is ,- re known to have reached the Columbia in 
1(S|:;. It does not appear that any I English vessels 
ai this time were engaged in the fur-trade; and the 
American traders, fearing with much reason capture 

7 j L 

by British cruisers, hastened to take refuge in neutral 
]> >rts on receipt of the news that hostilities had begun. 
The tt<- from Astoria, having landed }Jr Hunt, 
chief agent of Astor s company, at the Sandwich 
I -lands, was fortunate enough, as we have seen, to 
reach Canton. "I had sent orders to the captain 
i i i -urn to Astoria; but he was fearful of being 
captured, and remained safely at Canton till the war 
s over, when he came home." 55 The Cfdain and 
Jsah( //<( arc said to have been blockaded at the Sand 
wich islands for nearly three years, while the ( //"/< 
was so unlucky as to fall into the hands of the foe. 50 
Another well known vessel of the ileet, engaged in 

7 O ^O 

the Russian, fur-hunting, and contraband service, the 

of the continent, he returned to the n. . .In his native town of Brighton 

he laid out and cultivated the most extensive gardens of the kind then e\- 
:itinent of Anieriea, filled with the choicest plants and : hruli- 
berv. . . Hi - l;:ta-r \ > ; v ] ;< cfully spent am <ls of i!<i\ Heditd 

aim MT !:i . 1 low useful and honorable the life how beamil ul 

B Adventures <>n the Columbia A . /v/-, eamc out on b.iard of t 

J!> f!r ,-. .- <>r. ,i<! i a/., _",)."), -J .ter, in / /.. 440; 

/ / , I..I iii; Irriixj x Axinria, . >.~>5-S, 405-7- !. 

: . . rthtno s < >r. ,;>/ ( </ ., 440. 

\<>rf/ii <:-<f, MS., (i;;. The author includes the Albn r--^ with 
the o Jie; , 11 La ] --sible that she was detained at the Islands alter her 

in the Columbia in 1813. 


Mercury, although she kept out of the way of British 
men-of-war, was captured by the Spaniards in June 
near Santa Barbara, California, and was confiscated 
as a smuggler. 57 The government at Washington 
could send no protection either for American shipping 
in the western ocean or for the American trading-post 
on the Columbia. England increased the force of her 
Pacific squadrqn, and at last succeeded in capturing 
the frigate Essex, Commodore Porter, the only United 
States man-of-war in these waters. Meanwhile early 
in 1813 Mr Astor despatched the ship Lark, laden with 
supplies for the Columbia River; but this vessel was 
wrecked at the Sandwich Islands, both ship and cargo 
being a total loss. 58 

In June the Albatross, Captain Winship, arrived at 
the Islands from the Indies with the new^s that war 
had broken out, and that fear of English cruisers had 
forced her and her three consorts- -perhaps the Isa 
bella, O Cain, and Charon- -to sail precipitately, re 
porting also the detention of the Beaver at Canton. 
The Albatross had on board some goods for Astoria; 
and she was chartered, under the command of Captain 
William Smith, to carry these goods and other sup 
plies with chief agent Hunt to the Columbia. She 
arrived at Astoria on the 4th of August, remaining 
in the river until the end of the month. Meanwhile 
the resident partners and others had determined to 
abandon the post in consequence of the war. Mr 
Hunt was obliged against his will to concur in this 
resolve; and as Captain Smith s vessel was under en 
gagements that did not permit her to wait and carry 
away the people and their effects as was desired, the 
agent returned on her to the Islands in search for 
another vessel to effect the removal. 59 

57 For particulars see Hist. CaL, ii., this series. 

58 Astor s letter, as before cited. 

^Franchere s Nar.; Greenhow s Or. and CaL; Irvinffs Astoria, 473-G et seq. 
It is not necessary to give minute references here, as the annals of Astoria 
are to be fully recorded in later chapters of this work. Captain Smith s 
eighth voyage round the world is described in NilcJ Register, xviii. 418, as 
follows: Sailed July 6, 1809, in the ship Albatros, Nathan Winship, master, 

FORT GEO: 331 

I sid ta the tra<[Ts. mosi <>f \vhich managed t:> b 

ollt of <l;il! _;vr, the ( ollimhi.M j the ollly JM 

I t< capture l>y ISritish cruiser On- of the 

several men-of-war Pacific was detach 

in the squadron foi- tliis purpose iu the south 

ocean. This was tin- sloop-of-war Raccoon, of tweii? 
six guns, commanded by Captain William J>la<-k. Shu 

arrived at A-toria on the last day of Xoveml 
but hefore that the Pacific Fur Company had 

out the whole establishment to tin- Northwest Com 
pany, so that all was now British property. Fon 
po ion Avas taken, however, for England on J 
remliiT 1 Jth: the British 1la- - was rai><-l, and the 
name was changed from Astoria to Port (Jeor 
Aft -r making Bome surveys at the river s mouth, th..- 
/ tccoon sailed for the south at the end of December, 
her officers much disappointed at the profitless char 
acter of their seizure. They had expected to secur-- 
not only an American fort, but divers American 

and returned in the ship <> < <ii/>, Robert McXeill, master, October !.", 1M7. 
1 orabout Beven yi arsof thifl \i>y;ige he commanded tho A/ xifn^, which v< 
was ( !nj.l>ycd about four years of the time in transporting sand;il wood : 
the Sandwich islands to Canton, for capts \Viu. If. Ihivi.s and .Jona. AViu- 
sliip. . .but in OCmaeqaenpe of the war, and the iirrival of the English slooj 
M;H- /t iti-i-,,,1,1 and f //<///!>, thu contract was broken, thi ough the interference 
of the commanders of those vessels; the remainder of the time eapt. Smitli 
cmising in the 1 aeilie ocean in (juestof seal islands, and ti-ading on the coast of 
( aliforiiia. On this coast, liaving gone aslioi-ein the boat, he \vastaken] 
bytli<- Spaniards with his boat s crew, and after a detention of two month- 
released, ynd proceeded to tin: Sandwich Islands, where he joined the ship 
* t < n ui, in which lie came home. By the same authority it appears that on his 
ninth voyage on the l)<>rit<-<>, which let " lioston in 1 si 7, he \\ as wrecked -I annary 
_ s. Isl .). near Kai _ an. among the, Jiaididis, losing all his journals of earlier 

. Hi- returned to IJoston in IS JO, and sul.seijuently came to Califo; 
whci-e he spent the re>t of his life when not i : i in pleasure voyages on the 

i acitic. Something about this man s life will be found in connection with the 
J/i.xfnri/ <>i < al\fomta. 1 iie author of J3o*f<m in flu- Xnrf/i>i-<*f, MS., i;:i 
gives an account of the sandal-wood contract and the way it ken. The 

AUr perhaps carried the Winships back to Huston in l >hi. and never 

i-ned to the 1 aciiic. 1 quote from this MS. ;is t ollow> -. The merchants 
of P.oston sent out the fast sailing schooner /"///" ////// /"/* to the I acit 
the nceinent of the war, to warn the American ships on the north- 

t of their danger. The warning was a timely one, and those at the i 
sian ports, and at the Sandwich Islands, mostly remained at the neutral p 

where the acln ound them. M"-t of their furs and some of their c 

ken down to China by t!i" / n/i/ /tdnit t /fi, under the commaml <>f 
Cajitain Porter. The ship ,/<i>- n f> .!<> t in lioston, and s:, 

during the \\.--r under tli-- command of Captain Ivolierts. She was a heavily 
;ted letter of martjne bound t u. 


trading craft laden with rich furs as prizes. 60 From 
the Columbia the Raccoon ran down the coast, and 
in the middle of February made her appearance in 
San Francisco Bay. Captain Black boasted of having 
captured an American battery in the north ; but in a 
subsequent collision with another vessel his sloop had 
received some injuries, which with his need of sup 
plies brought him to California. He departed for the 
Sandwich Islands on the 19th of April. 61 

Meanwhile Mr Hunt at the Hawaiian Islands ob 
tained the brig Pedler^ and taking on board Captain 
Northrop with the survivors of the unfortunate Lark, 
sailed for Astoria, where he arrived at the end of 
February 1814, only to learn of the transfer of the 
property to an English company. He accordingly 
took on board a few Americans who had not joined 
the Northwest Company and preferred a sea voyage 
to the overland trip, sailing early in April for New 
York. 6 He is said to have reached his destina 
tion after a tedious voyage, impliedly performed for 
the whole distance on the Pedler. One event of the 
voyage was the brig s capture at San Luis Obispo in 
August by a Spanish vessel. The charge of smuggling 
could not be substantiated, and she was released. The 
story told at the investigation was that she had come 
from the Sandwich Islands with a cargo for Ross, en- 

^Franchere s Nar., 196-202; Cox s Adven., i. 2G6 et seq.; Irvincfs Astoria, 

"Arch. Gal., MS., Prov. fee., xii. 226-8; ix. 132-3; Prov. St. Pop.,xix. 
308-70; Zavalishin, Delo o Koloniy Ross, 6; Soul& s Annals of San Francisco. 
Cox, Adven., i. 285-6, says: This vessel, on quitting the Columbia, struck 
several times on the bar, and was so severely damaged in consequence, that 
she was obliged to make for San Francisco, which port she reached in a sink 
ing state, with seven feet of water in her hold. Finding it impossible to pro 
cure the necessary materials there to repair the damage, Captain Black and 
his officers had determined to abandon the vessel, and proceed overland to the 
Gulf of Mexico . . . but when the Isaac Tod arrived they succeeded, with her 
assistance, in stopping the leaks. 

02 Franchere says she was purchased at the Marquesas ; Cox and Irving, 
that she was purchased at Oahu ; and Greenhow that she was chartered at the 
Sandwich Islands. 

03 Cox, Adven. , i. 276, states that Hunt afterward became governor of 


riii ^ S;m Luis because slir mi-took her captor for 
a j lii-nan ship, to which a ]>art of the cargo WBS to 
be delivered. The vessel hal l>oth American and 

Ivii ian j.a-si.orts. The officers had nothing to say 
I i 

of aH ;ir> at A-ioria. though one of them admitted 

that thev had touched at the Columbia 

Another vess< 1 of tlie year was t he ship l^iac Jo<A/. 

(oniuiaii<lt d by Captain Prazer Smith. She liad been 
despatched from London with a rar^o of supplies for 
the Xortliwest Company, as part of the scheme ibr 

i/iii"- the American establishment: and her arrival 

~* __ 

had heen expected by representatives of the English 

company who came overland to Astoria The r ]\><l<l 
carried a letter of marque, and started with the 
J*(K-<-<H>n and other men-of-war, but parted from them 
before entering the Pacific, and, having touched at 
Juan Fernandez and the Gallapagos, made her app; 
a nee at Monterey in January 1814, and subsequently 
met the I dccoon, perhaps at San Francisco. The story 
of Captain Smith in California- -it would never do to 
tell the Spaniards the truth --was that the Todd v 
an English merchantman bound to Manila for a cargo 
of tea. She lost several deserters and left three m i 
to recover from the scurvy. The former were carrie I 
away by the Raccoon; and one of the latter was John 
(iilroy, the first permanent foreign resident of Cali 
fornia. She tinally reached Fort George on the 17th 
of April, greatly to the relief of the company, several 
partners and clerks ol which were on board, as well ,- 
much needed supplies; and she soon sailed for China. 05 
In 181."> the Northwest Company sent their schoon< r 
lumbia down to California under the command of 
Captain John Jenning Wheiv this schooner came 

64 Arch. ( ">.. MS., prov. >v. Pap., rix. :x;: / /., Ben. MU. t \Iv. :;-G ; 
J f-: / Arch. Anobigpado, Ms., ii. 101. 

*Arch. Oal., MS., prov. Sf. /v//>., xi- 70] / xii. I?L"; 7: 

Ailri n., i. -Js:, (i ; FrwncJierc * \n,-.. 1!)1. Cox L r ivcs ;in aiun- ut 

if the n lvi iit 1/inir^, an Mn^lisJi 1)-ir-in;ii(l, who- 

(Miii]);;;iy IIP n !ia<l l)i ou;j;!it as a CO :O 

China i>n tin- T!<l, ;;ml diil jiut the. uleiitcft. 


from does not appear, there being a possibility that 
it was the little Dolly, purchased from the Pacific 
company with the other property. Jennings had no 
trouble in getting all the supplies he needed for his 
vessel, but he failed in his chief purpose, that of 
establishing a regular trade between Monterey and 
Fort George, and of leaving an agent in California. 
The Spaniards were suspicious that contraband and 
not legitimate trade was the aim. Governor Sola 
favored the traffic, but would not permit it without 
instructions from Mexico; and those instructions, 
when they came, were unfavorable. 66 Two Russian 
vessels, the Chirikof and Ilmen, were in California 
this year, the latter being engaged in fur-hunting as 
well as trade; but it does not appear that the Russian 
craft, in their constant trips between Sitka, Ross, 
and the Spanish ports in these years, came at all 
into contact with the Englishmen of the Columbia, 
or even touched on the coast between the latitude of 
42 and 55. 

Notwithstanding the refusal of Governor Sola in 
1815 to permit the establishment of trade between 
California and the Northwest Company at Fort 
George, it seems that the company s schooner was 
expected to return in 1816,, and that the missionaries 
had promised a cargo of produce in exchange for much 
needed goods. The governor indeed permitted them 
to do so finally, confessing to the Mexican authorities 
that he acted illegally, but pleading urgent necessity. 
The Columbia did not come, but in her place the Com 
pany s brig Colonel, commanded by Captain Daniel 
with McDougall as supercargo. She arrived at Mon 
terey late in August and obtained flour, wine, and other 

Arch. Cal, MS., Prov. St. Pap., xix. 387-9, 398-9; Prov. Rec., ix. 
135, 137; Dept, St. Pap., iv. 156-8; Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., vii. 11. 
Antonio Rocha, a Portuguese, was left in California on this trip. The 
schooner visited Bodega also. According to a statement in Brooks Japanese 
Wrecks, 10, the Forrester, Captain Pickett, was on the Calif ornian coast 
this year ; and the Forrester is also mentioned as under the command of John 
Jennings in 1813. There may be some confusion of name and vessels here. 


products to tin- value <>f about seventy thousand dol- 

lars, forthe northern hunters. I kn<>\v nothing about 
the movements of the company - vessels in t ! 
pt what is learned iVoin Californian records, 

I have no record of any other \ ! that actu 
ally touched at the ( oluuil)ia or on any pait of 
the Northwest G in islC.. Two American craft, 

however, coining from the Russian establishments in 

Alaska were in troul>l<> iii January on the Californian 

coast, probably by reason of their smuggling proclivi- 
tii Their adventures are i ully described in another 
part of this work, having hut a slight bearing on my 
- lit topic. One was the schooner /,//<//", Captain 
Henry ( iy/elaar, which was sei/ed with her crew and 
detained fwr several months. The other was our 
old acquaintance, the Albatross, still commanded by 
Captain Smith, who pretended to be bound from 
New Archangel to the Sandwich Island The ship 

escaped capture; but Smith with a boat s crew was 
taken. The charge of smuggling could not be proved 
and the prisoners were released, sailing on the /,// // 
in March. The A/lxttrox* on reaching the Islands 
seems to have sailed for Boston with Captain Win- 
ship, never to visit the Pacific a^ain; Captain Smith 
went to .Boston on the O Cdin the next year. 1 1 " Two 
other Boston ships which entered Californian ports 
this year, bound ostensibly to or from Sitka, were the 
Xnl!"n or SuttdiHi. and the Af<t/<> or .1/A/x, the latter 
under Captain Kelley, and the former perhaps under 
:ptain Reynolds. 

The Traveller, a schooner commanded by James 

Smith AVilcox, came to Santa Barbara in January 

i 17. and spent a lar^v part of the year on the Cali 

fornian coast, the captain bein^ on most friendly terms 

[rch. Santa B r6a a, .Ms., i\. ID; Arck. Anobwpado, Ms., iii. 

pt. i. r,j 5, 71. s7-7, l-Ji) I ; Arek. Col., Ms., Prw. ffee. t iz. I 

^Albatross <m<l Lii<l/. CSomtmtt etc., Ms. A t iin-ouut of the 

svhole;i flair, with nunit-roiis tv;< -to original iiapt-rs, is^ivciiin lllxt. <//., 

ii., i Seel p f tlii.s chapter for nieatiun uf Smith s captivity in 

ii (juot.iiioa from Jv <Y(.s ? 


with the Spanish authorities and people. That this 
vessel came down from Sitka is the only reason for 
naming her here. 6 

The BordelaiSj a French merchantman under the 
command of Lieutenant Cainille de Roquefeuil of the 
navy, engaged in a voyage round the world, with a 
view not only to immediate trade but to a prospective 
enlargement of national commerce, coming from San 
Francisco, arrived at Nootka at the beginning of Sep 
tember. This was the first visit to Nootka, since 
Jewitt s disastrous experience, of which we have any 
details, and it is the last trading voyage to be described 
in connection with my present topic- -that of maritime 
exploration. At Nootka Koquefeuil was well received, 
and soon had a visit from the old chieftain Maquinna, 
who was saluted with seven guns, and was as ready 
for barter as in times of old, showing himself "an im 
portunate and insatiable beggar, as Vancouver describes 
him, and not the generous prince that Meares would 
make him." 70 After a stay of three weeks, in which 
the region of the sound was pretty thoroughly ex 
plored, the Frenchman went down to Barclay Sound, 
where some furs were obtained before the Bordelais 
started for California early in October. I append 
some not very clear information derived from the 
natives respecting the fur-traders on the coast in late 
years. It w^ould seem that the Indians were as much 
in the dark on the subject as modern writers have 
been. 71 

^Wilcox, Cartas Varias, 1817, MS. 

70 Xoak [an inferior chief with whom the Frenchman had much to do] 
gave me an account of the death of Canicum [Callicum], who was killed by 
Martines, whom he had bitterly reproached, calling him a robber, on account 
of the plundering of a hut by his people. Except this officer, the natives 
speak well of the Spaniards, and have adopted many words of their lan 
guage. Voy., 29. 

1 Swanimilich, . . lived at Tchinouk, behind Cape Flattery, . . assured me 
that there were at that place four Americans, who were left by a vessel from 
New York. He named three very distinctly, Messrs Clark, Lewis, and Kcan. 
They had a house of their own, in which they were to pass the winter: he told 
me that several .ships came every year, and mentioned an English vessel called 
the Ocean. Noak told me that at Nootka the English formerly had a house, 
that the Spaniards had a larger one, but that both were abandoned. lie added 
that thirty months before an English vessel had come into the cove, the captain 

M. CAMILU-: DK BOQ L. 337 

A trip to the Mar<j" , win -re lit- m 

( . n So , f>nnerly of the / r, Roqr :il 

eame ! N -w An-! ! in April 181H, \vlici 

In- formed ,-i < -mi raet to limit sea-otters <>n joint ac 
count v.ith the Russians. This enterprise liavii. 
iled, tli trading voyage was resumed, and th 
BordelaiS roasting; soutliwar<l readied the latitude <f 
55 C about tlie middle of Au^u>t. Slie entered P 
Strait t;:idT the American lla^ and othr, dis 

guised, in the hope of sei/in^ Indians 1 held 
lor ran-om, and thus avun^in^ 1 past wr at their 

hands; l>nt this plan not heiii^ successful, Koquefeuil 

for Port Estrada and engaged in trade along 
the northern shore of Queen Charlotte, not with 
mueli profit for lack of suitable articles for bart 
Pa -in;.; down the strait between the island and the 
main, he arrived at Nootka on the 5th of September. 
Maquinna gave his visitors a warm welcome, and 
though h. had not collected the skins promised the 
year before, he showed an unabated willingness to 
receive presents. I append in a note some interesting 
items about old-time happenings at this port as ob 
tained from the aged chieftain. 7 - The southern ruler 

of which had a wood"n leg, and that he stopped only three days: that before 
that, and alter the departure of the English and Spaniards, only two 

had < the Bay, one English, the other American; that they had ancho 

at Mawimi; that at present, and fora longtime since, his countrymen sent the 
furs to Xaspate (at the western extremity of the island), where tl, 
them for handsomer blankets than ours. 

, lained, in JL very intelligible manner, that lit: had concluded 

:h the Spaniards, which he made us understand 1>. -, had i 

put in writing; that by this convention he had ceded to them a piece of 
ground, on tin; coast of the buy, in return for a quantity of iron instruments, 
woolle,! . whieh they delivered t > him at stated periods; that they li 

together on the most friendly footing, (the Spaniards occupying one part of 
the OOT8 and tlie Indians the otheri; that they had built large houses, and 
erected !>;; upon the little Islands at the entrance; that their pre> 

us to him, well as on account of the useful things which 
he i i troin tJi the terror they inspired into his em mie<. II 

I at their departure, spoke in high terms of the com 
mands Ira, Alava, and Kidalgo, and -a\ v to all the Spaniards in general, 

Martine/, pr: . Macouina >pk .-<iuver, 

llroiiiflitoM. and the Kie_dish captains who frequented Xootka at tlie same 
time. He mentioned, aiiion, others, Meares, who, he said, had built i i 

house, in .1 pl.iee which he | out to me. in tlie western the 

village. 1 took this opportunity to obtain, at the fountain-head, inform; 

on u subject which 1: .me interesting, on uccoaut of the quarrel to which 

t N.W. COAST, VOL. I. 


Wicananish was understood to be still in power at 
Clayoquot Sound, but was not visited. After a 
week s stay at Nootka, the Bordelcds sailed again for 
California, there to obtain with considerable difficulty 
a cargo of produce, which was carried to Sitka in Oc 
tober; after which M. Roquefeuil, leaving the coast 
in December, sailed for the Sandwich Islands, China, 
and France, reaching home in November 1819, after 
a voyage of thirty-seven months around the world. 73 
In Alaskan waters Roquefeuil met two vessels 
which apparently had touched at different points 
below latitude 55 in 181718, though no particulars 
about their movements are given. One was the 
Boston brig Brutus, Captain ISTye, which seems to 
have traded on the shores of Queen Charlotte; 
and the other was the British brig Columbia, com 
mander not named, which had left England in 1817, 
and had perhaps visited the Columbia River. The 
same vessel is said to have touched at Monterey in 
September, coming from the north. 74 The only foreign 
trader of the year besides the Bordelcds mentioned in 
the Californian records is the Clarion, Captain Gyze- 
laar, from the Sandwich Islands, not known to have 
visited the northern ports, though she probably did 
so. 75 There are, however, both in Roquefeuil s narra 
tive and in the Californian records a few vague allu 
sions to American trading craft not named, and which 
there are no means of identifying. 

it gave rise. The result of my inquiry was, that Meares house had been built 
with the permission of Macouina, but that there had not been any act of ces 
sion or treaty between them. These, then, are the buildings erected by Meares, 
and his rights to districts and portions of land, rights which England pretends 
were transfeiTed to it by Meares, who went from Macao to America, under the 
Portuguese flag, without any public character whatever. Such was the 
subject of the quarrel, which was on the point of kindling a war between the 
three great maritime powers, in 1790, and for which France alone fitted out 45 
.ships of the line. Voy., 96-7. 

~ 3 A Voyaye round the world between the years 1816-1810. By M. Camilla 
de Roqupfeuil, in the ship Le Bordelais, London, 1823, 8vo, 112 pp. This work 
is printed in English as part of the New Voyayes and Travels, ix. The French 
original, if any was published, I have not seen. M. Roquefeuil gives inter- 
-esting descriptions of tbte various countries and peoples visited. 

"^RoquefeulVs royaye, 81-2, 85, 107. 

^Gaerra, Doc. Hist. Cat., MS., iii. 110, 89-90. 


Tin- United ^ !<><>p-oi-\Yar Ontario 9 commsaide I 

. Captain .!. "Middle, vi>ited the Columbia in 1818. 
I Jy the tr. ending the war of 181- all ]! 

km by cither party during the war V be 

restored. Captain Middle was sent as commission 
for the United States ID receive pos- ion <>i Fur 

Cenr^e, which lie, did, in a manner not definitely de- 
; any document that I hav Q, on the 9th 
of August. Then the Ontario proceeded southward, 
touching at Monterey at the beginning of September.* 
Uut Biddle s act not being deemed satisfactory in all 

-peels, the British frigate Blossom, Captain J. 
lliekey, sailed from Valparaiso for the Columbia, 
carrying also J. B. Provost as commissioner for the 
United States. Tl. gentlemen, together Avith J. 
Keith of the Northwest Company, accomplished 
th toration in due form on the Gth of October, the 

tablishment remaining, however, as before, in the 
hands of the English company. 77 The Bloxxom, like 
the Ontario, visited California on her voyage to the 
south, her arrival at Monterey at the beginning of 
November being recorded in the archives. 78 

?. Earitime exploration of the Northwest Coast as an 
historical topic may be conveniently regarded nd- 
ing with the voyages of the Ont irio and Blossom in 
1818. So far as the furnishing of real geographical 
information is concerned the series of expeditions 
might ha vi- hern suspended many years earlier: but 
the im-agre annals of fur-hunting voyages could not 
be so appropriately presented elsewhere. The t 
visits by sea to be noticed in later years connect 
themselves naturally with the prog of affairs on 

Irck. Call MS., Pro* / .. l!7. 

"<!> ithnira (>r. <i/,>l i ,if., 308-10, with references to and rjuotuilons from 
the prendeat B mMMgw and aooompuiying documents <>f April l.">, 17. l^-j-j. 

>rl from Montrn-v latf.l Novt-mlvr llth. 

7 M/v/,. r,, ..M>.. Ben. Mi ., xlix. 2 U ,~t. 

. MS., iv. L t)-l. \ inM;il rio Colombia <-un hi eomi*ion dc vciiJicai 1 su 

" iiu c umision;nl.>i por los 

tadn.s I uidos, \ <-,i SI1 nage cl 10 o cl ll/ writes (.lovernur Sula to 

CupUiiu ( iut-rra on .iber Sth. 


shore. The topic of the Oregon title also begins with 
1818, the date of the first treaty between the rival 
claimants to this broad territory. Before proceeding 
to consider inland developments, however, I shall 
devote a chapter to the maritime fur-trade of past 

Herewith is appended a list of such vessels as have come to my knowledge 
that are known to have touched on the Northwest Coast from 1819 to 1840. 
It has been made up of such fragmentary records as could be found, many of 
them neither official nor accurate. The files of Sandwich Island newspapers 
were a useful source of information on this subject after 1836. The Cali 
fornia archives also afforded some items not elsewhere appearing; and it is 
probable that others of the vessels named in the California annual lists 
for which see another volume of this series should be added to this, but 
there are no means of knowing which ones. Printed memoirs of the Oregon 
missionaries contain some names; the Hudson s Bay Company s archives 
others ; while I have a few old log-books or fragments ; and for the rest we 
are obliged to depend on the manuscript reminiscences of men who in those 
days went down to the sea in ships. I do not include in the list the Rus 
sian vessels plying each year between Sitka, Ross, and the Spanish ports of 
California, often extending their trips to Mexico, South America, Asia, or 
the islands ; nor do I mention the whalers that visited the north Pacific in 
great numbers, and are recorded as touching in California and the Sandwich 
Islands ; though it is likely that some vessels of both these classes touched 
from time to time on the coast, between latitude 42 and 55. I shall have 
occasion to present more details respecting many of the vessels and com 
manders here mentioned, in later chapters and volumes of this work. The 
list arranged chronologically is as follows : 

[1819-20.] Borneo, George Clark, American ship; wrecked at Kaigan in 
January 1819. 

Volunteer, James Bennett, Boston ship ; carried crew of Borneo back to the 
Sandwich Islands. 

Brutus, David Nye, Boston brig ; made a trip to Alaska and probably down 
the coast. 

EcKjle, Thomas Meek, Boston ship ; from Northwest Coast to China. All 
these items are taken from a sketch of Captain William Smith s life in the 
Boston Daily Advertiser and Niles Register, xviii. 418. 

[1820.] A Japanese junk, laden with wax, cast away on Point Adams, 
according to Mr Brooks. 

[1821.] Arab, American brig; trading on the coast. I have her original 
log, which lacks, however, both beginning and end. It is in this log that I 
find the following trading-vessels of this year : 

Fredie, Stetson, Boston brig; arrived in August and went to Sandwich 

Pedler, Meek, New York brig. 

Sultan, consort of the Fredie. 

TRAIMNi: \ 341 

// mid M n vess. 1 two command 

;i].t;iii ;ui(l M;irtin, perhaps i mti. .d \\itli 

[ ls-j; ;-.">. | /, ton fa ia; 

>\\ in l;it< . Mentioned in the J/< ino- 

A. IV i: 

| ls-ji , ! //. raid, Hammatt, <>\vn 

ton, I .ryant, owned l.y Bryant and Star 

. Allen, owned l.y Bryant and M 
Co , > II, owned l.y .losi.-ih .M;ir.shall. 

[1 M.T. ivii ton brig, owned by Bryant i 

en;: b ie on the Northwest Coast. Henry A. >f the 

board, ami gives a full account of tin- trip in hi.s . 

|1S J7.| ", Sini[.son, JJritish schooiicr, from ( oluiiiliia Jlivcr; in 

i nilu-r. 

[ l s-j.s-, )o. ] ] uhni i *.h Barker, owned by Bryant and 3t) 

.1 ( i, owned by William and Company. 

/. Martin, owni d l>y William Hakcr ami C<jinjiaiiy. 

Oiriihi-i , l\(.-lly, owiH-il l.y.l<i:i!i Mai shall. 

[18 JS.] William <L- Ann, Hudson s j;.-iy Company s vessel ; wrecked inside 
the Columbia bar. 

[lS 29-30.] O//-////T, Dominis, Boston ship; traded in Columbia lliver. 

Convoy. Thompson; with the <tir>//< 

[1830.] Jxrilii-l/n, HndsMii"s Bay Company s brig; cast a way in Columbia R ivcr. 

| IS. II . ] A. Japanese junk wrecked on Queen Charlotte Island, according to 
Mr Urooks. 

[1S31-2.] Dryad, English brig; in California from the Columbia liiver 
both years. 

[IS:;. }.] Another Japanese wreck near Cape Flattery. 

[1834.] JJnnia, or Lama, William O Neill, Hudson s Bay Company s 
brig; in California for supplies, from Columbia Jtiver. 

Mni/ Dam , Lambert, American brig; in Columbia River for trade and 

Bur />a, Allen, Boston trader on the coast, according to Kelley s Memoir. 

[1835.] M(i;i l>u< re, still in the river; Wyetli owiu-r and agent. 

! <\ Kales, Hudsoi . Company s bai k ; in Columbia liivor. 

l>r;i<i>l, Keplin; left Columbia River for Sandwich Islands. 

[1830.] JowjJi l\ il>oil>/. Moon-; arrived at Honolulu from Northwest 
Coast :nid Kaigan, sailing for New York. 

. I . iby. Hudson s r>ay( omi bark; at Honolulu from Co- 

lumbi r. At Honoluli. D under Captain Royal in J)ecembi-r, and 

sailed for London. 

.V- / </, lioyal, Hudson s Bay Company s bark ; arrived at Honolulu from 
England, ;.nd arrived at C- lumbia Kiver in Augi; 

JJ- 1 1-Neill; in Columbia Civer and a; Kaiifan. 

/. William Winkworth ; from Honolnla to Korthwi ->t and 


L linn, and Bancroft n m trader, on 

service, in Columbia River, California, and Sandwich Islai 


Convoy, Bancroft and later Burch, American brig; from Kaigan to Hono 
lulu and back. 

La Grange, Snow, Boston ship ; at Honolulu from Kaigan and other ports 
on Northwest Coast. 

Beaver, Holms, Hudson s Bay Company s steamer ; in Columbia River, the 
first steamer to visit the coast. 

[1837.] Llama, Bancroft, Sangster, Brotchie. and McNeill; from Colum 
bia River to Honolulu and California. 
Nereid; still in Columbia River. 

Cadboro, William Brotchie, Hudson s Bay Company s schooner; made a 
trip from Columbia River to California. 

Loriot, Bancroft ; from Columbia River to California and Sandwich Islands ; 
also a trip to Mazatlan under Captain Handley. 

Sumatra, Duncan, English bark; carried missionaries from Honolulu to 
Columbia River. 

Hamilton, S. Barker, American ship ; trading trip from Honolulu to the 
Northwest Coast. 

Diana, William S. Hinkley, American brig; carried missionaries from 
Honolulu to Columbia River ; trip to California ; name changed to Kamamalu. 
Sulphur, Edward Belcher, H. B. M. ship ; on an exploring voyage round 
the. world; spent a week in Nootka Sound. 

Starling, H. Kellett, H. B. M. exploring schooner; in company with the 

[1838.] Llama, Bancroft, later Robinson and Perrier ; hunting and trading 
trips to California and Sandwich Islands. 

Nereid, Brotchie; at Honolulu from Columbia River, also in California. 
Cadboro, Robbins ; in California from Columbia River. 
Joseph Peabody; engaged in fur-trade, according to Kelley s Memoir. 
Columbia, Humphries; from England to Columbia River and return via 
Sandwich Islands. 

[1839.] Nereid, Brotchie; trip from the Columbia River to the Islands 
and back. 

Vancouver, Duncan, Hudson s Bay Company s bark; from London to Co 
lumbia River and back to Honolulu. 

Thomas Perkins, Varney ; left Sandwich Islands for Northwest Coast to 

Joseph Peabody, Dominis ; trading on Alaska coast and perhaps farther 

Sulphur, Belcher; in Columbia River, July to September. 
Starling, Kellett; with the preceding. 

[1840.] Columbia, Humphries; in California, Sandwich Islands, and Co 
lumbia River. 

Forager, Thompson, English brig ; left Honolulu for Columbia River and 

Lausanne, Spaulding, American ship ; in Columbia River, California, and 
Sandwich Islands ; settlers and missionaries. 

Maryland, Couch, Boston brig ; in Columbia River, trading for salmon. 



< i ON IT Tin: 1 INNING* 


riMsi-: JOHN LEDY\KD AND ins PLANS A.v EoCEHTBIG VA >;.;.; - Di3- 


LA ] - En AT 





THE home of the sea-otter was in the waters of the 
Northwest Coast, Alaska, and the Siberian islands. 
The fur of this amphibious animal, the most precious 
of all peltrifs, \vas the attraction that brought to th< 
short- 1 - all the adventurous navigators whose exploits 
have l><-on briefly recorded in the preivdini; 1 ehapters. 
A ie\v did not engage directly in the fur-trade; but all 
such, with the possible exception of Captain Cook, came 
l>e T the operations of the fur-seeker-. Much 

has been said bearing on this branch of commerce in 
the description of successive voyages; but it seems 
proper to devote a chapter to the general topic, and 
to information mainly in the words of the 

i :iieipators and writers, the same for the most part 
that have been so often cited before in this volum 

Cook describes as follows the iirst en 

by him at Xootka, he having had some doubt before 


if the skins were really those of that animal : "It was 
rather young, weighing only twenty-five pounds; of a 
shining or glossy black colour ; but many of the hairs 
being tipt with white, gave it a greyish cast at first 
sight. The face, throat, and breast were of a yellow 
ish white, or very light brown colour, which, in many 
of the skins, extended the whole length of the belly. 
It had six cutting teeth in each jaw; two of those of 
the lower jaw being very minute, and placed without, 
at the base of the two middle ones. In these circum 
stances, it seems to disagree with those found by the 
Russians; and also in not having the outer toes of 
the hind feet skirted with a membrane. There seemed 
also a greater variety in the colour of the skins, than is 
mentioned by the describers of the Russian sea-otters. 
These changes of colour certainly take place at the 
different gradations of life. The very young ones 
had brown hair, which was coarse, with very little fur 
underneath; but those of the size of the entire animal, 
which came into our possession, and just described, 
had a considerable quantity of that substance ; and 
both in that colour and state the sea-otters seem to 
remain, till they have attained their full growth. 
After that, they lose the black colour, and assume a 
deep brown or sooty colour ; but have then, a greater 
quantity of very fine fur, and scarcely any long hairs. 
Others, which we suspected to be still older, were 
of a chestnut brown ; and a few skins were seen that 
had even acquired a perfectly yellow colour." 1 "A full 
grown prime skin," said Captain William Sturgis of 
Boston, an old trader, "which has been stretched 
before drying, is about five feet long, and twenty-four 
to thirty inches wide, covered with very fine fur, about 
three-fourths of an inch in length, having a rich jet 
black, glossy surface, and exhibiting a silver color 
when blown open. Those are esteemed the finest 
skins which have some white hairs interspersed and 

1 CooUs Voyage, ii. 295-6. An otter taken by La PeYouse and apparently 
full sized weighed 70 pounds. La Pcrouse, Voyaye, ii. 17C. 


! over the whole surfs ly white 

head. Mr Sturgis said Unit it would no\v give him 
more pleasure to look at a splendid sea-o: kin than 

to < ine half the pictures that are stuck up for ex- 
hibition, and pulled up by pretended connoisseurs." 9 

There were other valtiahle furs in the country 
b< (hat of the sea-otter, and which v profit 

ably exported in connection with the latter; but tliei 
wcr :ie which of themselves would in the curly 
years have brought the world s adventurous traders 
on their long and perilous voyages to the coast. The 
fur-seal, howver, was taken in large numbers; and in 
later years yielded greater profits, on account of its 
ber abundance, than the sea-otter. 

On their first trips to the new continent and islands 
the Russians discovered the existence of the precious 
fur, and after 1741 these people, embarking from 
Siberia in their crazy craft, engaged actively in the 
hunt. The product was collected in the Kamchatka!! 
ports, and transported by land, a part to Russia, but 
most to Kiakhta on the frontier, where they were ex 
changed for Chinese goods, which were carried over 
land to Europe. Notwithstanding the distances and 
consequent expense of transportation, making the pri< 
of a skin at least three times as much at Kiakhta a 
at Okhotsk, the traffic was a profitable one. 3 "Furs 

2 Sf /i r<i ;.> Xnrthimt Fur />">/,, ,").,4. They are sometimes seen many 
I from land, sleeping on their barks, on the surface of the water, 
wi. :r young ones reclining on their breast. . .The cuh.s are incapable of 

swimming till t i;d months old. . .She Avill not leave her you: 

ones in the moment of danger, and therefore shares their fate... They are 
unable to remain under water longer than two minutes. . . Th- is, 

beyond all comparison, more beautiful than the female. . .Skins of this animal 
taken in roan and Japan seas, arc hose or :a or the 

rth Western Coast of America. M> r .. Jll-4. Xoihip- can be 

mi- ntiful than one of these animals when seen dally 

M-lien on the lookout for any object. At such thm .|uite 

above the surface. ./ \>i,-., (i7. See full description, -with quotations 

from \ authors, in JA//v//a//</, \ <>i/fi>j> , ii. J!>-. {7. 

3 Tln :i fur-trade of th- exti-eiue noi-th will be fully t . ; n a l:i 

volume o: ! ii>tory of Alaska. CaxtfaR Ion, 17 

th-.- authority by which this trade \va-> made known ; I n- 

tio: of fan yielding about $50,000 in . :;a. Irvii: 

-1^ ing view of the overland transit: The ; as 


form the principal and favorite dress of the inhabi 
tants of the Northern provinces of China; and those 
of the rarest kind and the highest prices are eagerly 
purchased by them. From five hundred to one thou 
sand dollars, and even a larger sum, are frequently 
paid for a single suit of this precious cloathing." In 
the southern provinces also everybody who can afford 
it has a sea-otter cape at a cost of 6. And after 
the new system of importation had been introduced, 
"the reputation of the sea -otter skins brought. . .the 
Northern Chinese and Pekin merchants to Canton, a 
port which they had never before visited, and at the 
distance of near one thousand miles from the places of 
their residence. Yet. . .they found it answered to 
their entire satisfaction, from being able to obtain the 
same species of furs which they had been accustomed 
to purchase at Kiascha, at a price so much below the 
usual rate of that market. They arrived at Canton 
laden with teas, silk and ivory; and took back in 
return furs and broadcloths." 4 Yet the Chinese, with 
all their extravagant fondness for furs, by their 
peculiar commercial policy involving many burden 
some restrictions, made the fur-trader s road to for 
tune by no means a straight and pleasant one. 

What was learned from the works of Coxe and 
others respecting the Russian trade with China, seems 
to have made no sensation in European commercial 
circles until verified and amplified by the reports of 


had the advantage over their competitors in the trade. The latter had to 
take their peltries to Canton, which, however, was a mere receiving mart. . . 
The Russians, on the contrary, carried their furs, by a shorter voyage [?] 
directly to the northern parts of the Chinese empire ; thus being able to afford 
them in the market without the additional cost of internal transportation. 
Greenho w writes : The trade in furs had been conducted, almost wholly, 
by the British and the Russians, between whom, however, there had been 
no opportunity for competition. The Russians procured their furs chiefly in 
the northern parts of their own empire ; and they exported to China, by land, 
all such as were not required for their own use. The British market was 
supplied entirely from Hudson s Bay and Canada ; and a great portion of 
the skins there collected was sent to Russia, whence many of them found 
their way to China, though none had ever been shipped directly for the latter 
country. Or. and Gal., 161. 

4 J/eare6 Account of the Trade, etc., Ixxxvi. 


n\i English voyager. Caj)i;iin Cook s special purpo 

in his expedition of 177C.-80, so far as north-v 

Ameri a was ooncernedj was to find a pa 

Atlantic. Ho did not su< >pening a cl 

l>y which Canadian and Hudson .1 bt be 

peel to China by water; but ho found wl 
proved to be a richer store of furs than that <m 
the Atlantic C J, and he eventually found a good 

The ( >Kplorer and his men obtained from the i 
t i v< - at Nootka and other points a quantity of sea-otter 
skins, of whose real value they had no proper id 
Most of the furs had been injured by being made into 

im-nts; they were used for bedclothes on the v< 

and preserved with but little care; two thirds of 
obtained were spoiled or given away in Kam 
chatka, and it was thought that the full value was not 
obtained in China; yet the remnant was sold for about 
ten thousand dollars. Little wonder that, as Capt 
King says, "the rage with which our seamen W 
possessed to return to Cook s River, and, by another 

go of skins, to make their fortunes, at one tii 
was not far short of mutiny; and I must own, I coi 
not help indulging myself in a project," which was to 
have the work of exploration undertaken in connect ion 
with the fur-trade by the East India Company, in two 

Is of one hundred and one hundred and fifty t< 
which could be fitted out at a cost of six thoi: 
pounds. "Each ship should have five ton of un- 
wrought iron, a forge, and an exp rt smith, with a 
journeyman and apprentice, who might be ready to 
forge such tools, as it should appear the Indians w 
most desirous of. . .It is well known, that the fancy of 
these people for articles of ornament, is exceed! 
tis; and that iron is the only sure comin 
for their market. To this nii-^ht be added, a I 

O 7 

gro>s of large pointed case-knives, some bales of 

1 woollen cloth (linen t would not iv\- 

from us) and a barrel or two of copper and gl 


trinkets." This enterprise was to be directed chiefly 
to the Alaskan coast. 5 

"The last voyage of that renowned but unfortunate 
discoverer, Captain Cook, had made known the vast 
quantities of the sea -otter to be found along that 
coast, and the immense prices to be obtained for its 
fur in China. It was as if a new gold coast had been 
discovered. Individuals from various countries dashed 
into this lucrative traffic," says Irving; and Dixon, 
"A new and inexhaustible mine of wealth was laid 
open to future Navigators, by trading for furs of the 
most valuable kind, on the North West Coast of Amer 
ica." The information gained by Cook "became gen 
erally diffused before the publication of the journals 
[in 1784-5], and it did not fail to attract the attention 
of enterprising men in all maritime countries. That 
the furs might be sold advantageously at Canton was 
certain from a comparison of prices; and it was clear 
that still greater profits might be secured by a direct 
trade between China and the north-west coasts of 
America." 6 

But so far away was this new mine of wealth, 
and so little was known of the methods of working 
it, and so fully foreseen were the dangers and risks to 
be encountered, that the world s merchants "dashed 
into this lucrative traffic" somewhat deliberately. The 
earliest attempt in this direction, about wiiich, how- 

5 <7oo s Voyage, ii. 296, 401; iii. 370, 430-9. The best sea-otter skins sell 
in Kamchatka for 30 roubles each, but at Kiakhta, on the Chinese frontier, at 
more than double that price. Then they are sold at a good profit in Peking, 
and some of them again at an advance in Japan. What a prodigiously ad 
vantageous trade might be carried on between this place and Japan, which ia 
but about a fortnight s, at most, three weeks sail from it ! . . .The fur of these 
animals, as mentioned in the Russian accounts, is certainly softer and finer 
than that of any others we know of ; and, therefore, the discovery of this part 
of the continent of North America, where so valuable an article of commerce 
may be met with, cannot be a matter of indifference. . . . There is not the least 
doubt, that a very beneficial fur trade might be carried oil with the inhabitants 
of this vast coast. But unless a northern passage should be found practicable, 
it seems rather too remote from Great Britain to receive any emolument from 
it. Twenty skins belonging to the dead commanders were sold for .$800. One 
of the seamen sold his for $800. A few fine ones sold for ,$120 each. 

G Irviny s Astoria, 32; Dixon sVoyaye,}).ix..; Greenhow a Or. and CaL, 160-1. 


r. very little i- known, was that of William 

wh<> irly as 17s| i- -aid to h;. d ut i 

V, an armed ship of seven hundred t for 

the north-west coast of America. She: was to 1 

led from Trieste, accompanied by a tender of f 
five tons, under imperial colours, and was equally fiti 

out for trade or discovery; men of eminence in < 
department of science were eii-a^-d on hoard; all the 
maritime courts <>f Kurope were written to in order 
secure a ^ood reception; yet, after all, th! .pedi- 
ii so exceedingly promising in every point of view, 
was overturned by a set of interested men, then in 
power at Vienna." 7 

John Ledyard was an eccentric American, a native 
of Connecticut, and educated at Dartmouth, who in 
his search for adventure had served as corporal of 
marines during Cook s voyage, an account of which 
lie published. The prospective excitement and profits 
of the fur-trade in the new regions visited made 
lasting impression on his mind; and on deserting 
from the British naval service in 1782, being the L 
thirty-one years of age, almost without a dollar, he 
proceeded to devote himself with all the enthusiasm 
of his nature to "the greatest commercial enterprise 
that has ever been embarked on in the country; and 
one of the first moment as it respects the trade of 
America" -that is, the fur-trade on the Northwest 
Coast in American vessels. "It was clear, therefore, 
in his mind, that they, who should first engage in this 
trade, would reap immense profits by their earli- 
efforts, and at the- same time gain such knowledge and 
experience. as would enable them to pursue it for years 
with advantages superior to any, that could be com 
manded by the competitors, who might be drawn i ; 
the same channel of commerce." "In Xew York 1 

/)i, ,<>. .-; \ ni/tt : /, , j.j>. xx. -i. Unc intrigue dont on ignore ft k s<>; 
tnoyena cnlbnl / ".in M<ir<-lntu<l. \ <>y., j>. rxxiii. 

rtof ;m imprudent man failed prematurely, owing to causes no: 
plained. Portlock s I oi/., 2. 


was unsuccessful; his scheme was called wild and 
visionary, and set down as bearing the marks rather 
of a warm imagination, and sanguine temperament, 
than of a sober and mature judgment. No merchant 
was found willing to hazard his money, or his reputa 
tion, in an adventure so novel in its kind, and so 
questionable in its promise . . . His first inquiries in 
Philadelphia met with no better favor, till Mr Robert 
Morris. . .entered into his views, and made arrange 
ments to furnish the outfits of a voyage according to 
the plan he drew up." Then followed a strange series 
of obstacles in the matter of obtaining a suitable vessel. 
"Thus a year was spent, in a vexatious and fruitless 
struggle to overcome difficulties, which thickened as 
he advanced, till his patience, and that of Mr Morris 
also, would seem to have been exhausted, for the voy 
age was altogether abandoned." 

New London was the scene of Ledyard s next 
efforts, and one Captain Deshon was almost per 
suaded to embark in the scheme; but so glowing was 
the picture drawn and so extravagant the promise of 
profit that Deshon finally declined to place his trust 
in hopes so enthusiastic, afterward regretting his 
decision, it is said. "As far as can be ascertained," 
says Mr Sparks, "Ledyard s views of the subject, 
both as unfolded in the transactions with Mr Morris 
and with Captain Deshon, accorded exactly with those 
acted upon by the first adventurers, who were re 
warded with extraordinary success. It was a part of 
his plan to purchase lands of the natives, and estab 
lish a factory, or colony, for the purpose of a continued 
intercourse and trade." "To some of his friends Led- 
yard mentioned his intention of leaving the ship on 
the coast, when the cargo should be obtained and ex 
ploring the country overland from Nootka Sound." 

Disappointed in his own country, Ledyard went to 
Europe. In Spain he was encouraged by an English 
commissioner of the emperor of Morocco, but nothing 
came of it. Then he went to France in 1784, and 


at L Orient "his plan was r ; i so much ap- 

>n, that within twelve d In- completed a 
:i witli a company of mcrcha!: sliip 

fted for the intended 7oyaf "I ha\ 
so mii -h the sport <>f ac. -ident," said lie, "that I ; 

-picious. It is true, that in this L Orient 

i o 1 1 , I have guard e < I every ave nuo to f ut i : 
appointment, yet this head I wear ich a 

dnpe to my heart, and at other times my heart is so 
red by my head, that in matters <>{ bn inesa I 
have not much confidence in either," and his lore- 
were well founded, for it was d late 

to sail that year, and, though the adventurer was 
liberally supported during the winter by his n 

"we hear no more of the L Orient negotia 
tion, --pt that it failed," like the others. 

Mr Jefferson, United States minister to France, 
"received Ledyard with great kindness, and appro v ! 
most highly his design," which approval had no im 
mediate effect, but is said to have suggested the idea 

* f oo 

of Lewis and Clarke s expedition of later years. Soon 
our adventurer formed the acquaintance of the famous 
Paul Jones, who "eagerly seized Ledyard s idea, and 
an arrangement was closed, by which they i od to 
unite in an expedition, somewhat larger than Ledyard 

I before contemplated. Two vessels were to be 
fitted out, and, if possible, commissioned by the king." 
The schriin Vv-as arranged in all its details, and "so 
much was Jones take a with it, that he advanced 
money to Ledyard with which to purchase a part of 
the cargo," besides "an allowance of money sufficient 
maintenance;" but Jones was called away from 
Paris on other business and his ardor in the new eii- 

prise cooled with reflection. 

After an unsuccessful attempt to organize a com 
mercial company in Paris, writes Thomas Jeffei -^11, 
"I then proposed to him to go by land to Kam 
chatka, cross in some of the Russian \ Is to 
Xootka Sound, fall down into the latitude of the 


Missouri, and penetrate to and through that to the 
United States. He eagerly seized the idea, and only 
asked to be assured of the permission of the Russian 
government." The desired permission was obtained 
from the empress after some delay. Meanwhile Led- 
yard went to London, where a more direct means 
of accomplishing his purpose presented itself. He 
actually embarked on an English ship for the North 
west Coast. His plan was to land at Nootka and 
thence "pursue his course, as fortune should guide him, 
to Virginia;" but "the vessel was not out of sight of 

O J O 

land, before it was brought back by an order from the 
government, and the voyage was finally broken off." 
Then Sir Joseph Banks and other prominent English 
men raised a little money by subscription, and Led- 
yard went to Hamburg, and started on a trip by land 
to Siberia, He reached St Petersburg, after many 
adventures, in the spring of 1787. There he obtained 
his passport, and proceeded to Yakutsk, in Siberia. 
His usual ill-luck did not desert him, for while win 
tering so near his destination he was suddenly ar 
rested in February 1788, in accordance with imperial 
secret orders, and carried to Moscow and to the fron 
tiers of Poland, the reasons for his arrest not being 
known. The empress claimed to have been actuated 
by humanity; but it is not unlikely that the explorer 
was stopped through the machinations of the Russian- 
American Fur Company. 

Ledyard reached London in May, and was soon 
recommended "to an adventure almost as perilous as 
the one from which he had returned," namely, the 
exploration of the African interior under the auspices 
of an English association. "When he returned to 
Paris," writes Mr Jefferson, "his bodily strength was 
much impaired. His mind, however, remained firm, 
and he after this undertook the journey to Egypt. 
I received a letter from him, full of sanguine hopes, 
dated at Cairo, the fifteenth of November, 1788, 
the day before he was to set out for the head of the 


Nile: on which day, however, be ended his car 

and life: ;ind failed the first attempt t 

the wet part of oar northern continent." 

"The Russians were the first to avail tli- of 

Cook s discovi ijs Greenhow--thai is, his dis- 

COVi f th : -otter to the south of Alas!.; -hy 

fur company in 1 7S 1 , leading to Shelikofs 

edition. () .and disregarding the unsuc- 

sful efforts of Dolts and Ledyard. the first to . 


re practically in tlie new branch of trade were 

English mere] iding in India and China. Die 

chief obstacle encountered hv them arose from the 


gr. tonopolies, the East India and South Sea com- 
and 1 TG obliged to resort t > various 

more or less irregular expedients, notably that of 
sailing under other than Kn^lidi colors. Captain 
]ia;ma m the first trip in 1785 from China, and 
was followed by several others whose voyages have 
already l>een described. All, save one or two who 
were ship kcd, seem to have been successful from 
a commercial point of view. Meaivs was the only 
one of the number who published an account of his 
adventures; and notwithstanding the disastrous ter 
mination of hi n enterprise, arising from Spanish 
interference, he wa ry enthusiastic respecting the 
future 1 its to be derived by (livat J Britain from 
the fur-trade. <J Captain Barclay also made a tr, 


/, passim; Jcff< / of Lewis, in 
. i. 

the Ti- i l- ! Xorflni-, .^ A in, 

iiu-1 the Chin !>, the- fur-trad r lmt ;: mall 

; hilt 

16 Nvhai .;id the acijui- 

siti" fore, the pn 

< ia, ipposing the ir-traide to ]. >. innlcr 

t an opinion which h;: i advr i 

. ;. iliat thf market may ) 

l. . .fur u-iit to t!uj i; the 

lion, that skins whirh have 

ini]> iitoftl: . . 

11 -t i to answer the demands of the single provin. 

( antuit. / /.. l.\\\\ i. \ ii. 

IIisx. N. W. COAST, VOL. I. 23 


voyage to the coast in 1786-7, sailing from Ostend 
under the flag of the Austrian East India Company. 
The first successful attempt in this direction from 
England, one failure at least having been noted in 
connection with Ledyard s career, was made in 1786, 
by Portlock and Dixon. Says the latter: Cook s 
discovery, "though obviously a source from whence 
immense riches might be expected, and communicated, 
no doubt, to numbers in the year 1780, was not imme 
diately attended to. The prosecution of any effectual 
plan to carry on this novel undertaking, required not 
only patience and perseverance, but a degree of spirit 
and enterprize which does not often fall to the lot of 
individuals: however, in the Spring of 1785, a set 
of Gentlemen procured a Charter from the South Sea 
Company, for the sole right of carrying on this traffic 
to its utmost extent;" hence the voyage in question. 
Besides having to get a license from the South 
Sea .Company, "whatever furs might be procured in 
our traffic on the American Coast, were to be dis 
posed of in China, subject to the immediate control of 
the East India Company s Supercargoes, and in con 
sequence of this consignment, both vessels were to be 
freighted home on the Company s account." The 
expedition was a very successful one, and both the 
merchant-navigators became enthusiastic in their pre 
dictions for the future. To put the fur-trade on a 
permanent footing, says Dixon, "I should conceive 
the most eligible plan to be, to establish a factory on 
the coast, and the North end of Queen Charlotte s 
Islands seems peculiarly well adapted for that pur 
pose; the situation is nearly central, between Cook s 
River and King George s Sound; and we are well 
assured, that the furs to the Southward are of a very 
inferior quality. Two small vessels would not only 
collect all the skins in what harbours are hitherto 
known, but likewise explore . . . ; besides, there are 
other valuable articles to be procured here, such as 
ginseng, copper, oil, spars, etc., and vast quantities of 

FRENCH vi:vrri;] 

ilmon might be cured." And Portlock to the >amc 
Feet: "The inestimable value of their furs will evei 
make it a desirable trade, and whenever it i- estab 
lished upon a proper foundation, and a settlement, mad 
will become a very valuable and lucrative branch of 
commerce. It would be an easy matter for eith 
( io\ ei iimeiit or our Ka>t India Company to make 
a >ettleinent of this kind; and the thinne-s <>{ the 
inhabitants will make it a matter of easy practica 
bility; and as the Company are under the i ^ity 
of paving the Chinese in cash for their teas, I look 
upon it ; tleinent on this coast might be effected 

ai a \erv inconsiderable expence. . .Another conven 
ience likely to accrue;, is from a well-known enter* 
prising character having, if he in with proper 

encouragement from the country, intentions of going 
overland to these parts .. .That such an event may 
take place, must be the wish of every lover of his 
country; and though the enterprise is fraught with 
every danger that idea can suggest, yet what is it 
that British valour dares not attempt A. sub 

quent expedition was despatched by Etches and Com 
pany of London, in which enterprise that of Mear 
was merged before the end of 173 ( J. 

In France, where attention had been called to the 
subject both by Cook s report and Ledyard s efforts, 

the famous La Perouse was instructed in his ex- 

10 !>;.< i yage, fc x. 23& 321-2; Pbrefodfr tf 294-5, Of tho 

(arly\ I ortliK-k s;iys: J hfsc i-nti i prises lia\ < .-d extremely iin- 

int to tla- world, though their ]>n>lits, ronsidcrin^ the cajiital and the 
i-isijucs, Mfi-c not enviously great. These enterprises, however. \>\ i-\\];>< 
the limits of di- . made na\i_atiou more safe in the North l ;i 

Oceai: . . .They taught the Aineri.-aii UN that strength mu.-t always be 

ubordinate to discipline: and. having discovered the Ali ioa Jndians on the 
hiirdersof NootUa Sound, who liad so far advanced from their :eas 

to sell to Mr Strange, for any price, the }>eltry which they had already 
i to Mr Manna, the-e enterju ises have ascertained this exhilarating 
truth to mankind, that civilization and morals must for ompany 

other! And l>i\on, of the }>rospects: Thus much we r;.n venture toathrm, . . 
that the fur trade is iiiexhaustihle wherever tin-re aie inhahitants. and t. 
(e\, are not OOO fined to any particular situation, hut are >cat- 

d in trihes all alon^ the \vhich uis far as coiicein> future traders 

.niiiu) extends Horn 40 to 01 de^r. 


ploring expedition of 1786-90 round the world to 
fully investigate the prospects of the fur-trade for 
French enterprise. Consequently he obtained about 
a thousand sea-otter skins, mostly in pieces, which 
were sold for ten thousand dollars in China, and 
the proceeds divided among the crews of the two 
vessels. 11 "I believe," writes the navigator, "that 
there is no country in the world where the sea-otter 
is more common than in this part of America; and I 
should be little surprised that a factory extending 
its operations only forty or fifty leagues along the 
sea -shore might collect each year ten thousand 
skins of this animal." 12 Yet he did not favor any 
project of a French fur- trading establishment on the 
Northwest Coast, or even the granting an exclu 
sive right to engage in this trade to a French com 
pany. Such were his views as expressed in a memoir 
written in December 1786, on the way from California 
to China. He had no doubt that sea -otter skins 
might be obtained in unlimited quantities; indeed so 
plentiful was the supply that the Chinese market in 
his opinion could not possibly maintain prices on a 
profitable basis. Moreover, he feared that an estab 
lishment on the coast might cause trouble with the 
courts of Madrid or St Petersburg. He gave, how 
ever, an approval of private experimental expeditions 
undertaken by French traders. 13 

11 La Pcrouse, Voyage, i. 29-30; iv. 165-7; Fleurieu, in Marchand, Voyaye, 

12 La Pcrouse, Voyage, ii. 176. 

13 LaP<^rouse, Mtmoire sur le commerce des peaux de loutre de mer, inld., Voy., 
162-172. Quelqu e tendu que soit 1 empire de la Chine, il me parait impossible 
que les peaux de loutre s y mantiennent & tres-haut prix, lorsque les diffcrentes 
nations de PEuropey en apporteront en concurrence. J ai beaucoup re"flcjchi 
sur le projet d une factorerie au Port des Francais ou dans les environs; et 
j y trouve de tres-grands inconv6niens, a cause de rimmense eloignement 
ou ce comptoir se trouverait de PEurope, et de 1 incertitude des re"sultats de ce 
commerce a la Chine, lorsque les Espagnols, les Russes, les Anglais et les 
Francais y apporteront en concurrence ces peaux, qu il est si facile de se pro 
curer sur toute la cote. On ne pent d ailleurs douter que notre compagnie des 
Iiides ne re"clamat contre le privilege qu il faudrait accorder aux armateurs 
pour qu ils pussentfaire leur vente & la Chine. . . Ces privileges exclusifs tuent 
le commerce, cornme les grands arbres e"touffent les arbustes qui les environ- 
nent. Ainsi, en resumant les diffe rens articles de ce m^moire, mon opinion 
est qu on ne doit point encore songer & 1 etablissement d une factorerie, qu il 


The JKIJMTS (.f La lY nm lit ion not having 

hi- ii published, kb I Ynich common writes M. 
rieii, had imt been abh- fco ngage in at 
nl rivalry with thai nl other iint mns in the fur-trade. 
It would linvr brrii rash indeed fco < ir_ without 

preliminary mination in speculations wnich would 

require in order t< lit- realized that vessels should 
make voyages round the world. Before embarking in 
this new C8 it v "iitial that our ineivhan; 

should have been able to procuredata aearl y accural 

\vhidi oh tin- olio hand ini^lit put tlu-iu in a mndi- 

tion to I nnn a ]lan on th i conduct to l)o < A ud 

lh tin, A.mericans of the north-west eo;; ;id on 

tlie ; ion of merchandise aecessary for barter with 

them, and which on the other hand ini^ht ^ivc them 
a glimpse- of the profits to he expected fro in t he second 

haii^e of American i urs for Chinese- productions/ 
I )ut Captain Marchand met Portlock in 1788, and 
obtained from him such information as to induce a 
French house to make the venture in 1790-1. u 

Marchand obtained a fair quantity of furs, but on 
carrying them to China in 1791 he found that an order 
had been issued prohibiting any further introduc 
tion of peltries into the ports; then lore they were 
carried home and deposited at Lyons, Avhere they were 
destroyed by worms during the siege of that city. 
involving the owners in a serious lo>-. Marchand 
confirmed the ideas of La Perouse as to the abun 
dance of sea-otter skins ; but he also feared that the 

nV ; jus incinc temps <lYtal)lir line compairm* 1 exclusive pour faire ce com 
merce ;i L ayentdre ; <|u <>n doit em-ure liieu iiidins le c-untier a la ennij>;i;_qiio des 
lndes, (|iii no leferait pas, <.nle t erait nial, et en (l-^ i iterait le gouvrnieim-nt ; 
mai.s (jii il c<ui\ iendrait d en une de ims jilaces de emiimerce a. f.->.iyrr 

trois exjxjditions. eu lui accordant la certitude d un fret en Chine. M. Mon- 
nei-ou. chief engineer of the exjieilition, re^ai ils a French fur-trading ] 
inexpedient, and is ivady to ar^-iu- the case if the government so desiivs. He 
that i 16 \\rote a pa]ier against such an estahlislimesit. II 

n" - dilliciie de ].). -inner ijiu; 1 apret.- de ce climat, le ]> u dc raaoara I de 

nt prodigieoz de la me^tropole, la concurrence de^ ! 

et : iii sont places conveiialilement poui 1 faire commerce, doivi-nt 

eloi .;ner toute autre ]uii;ince euroji. enne tjue celles ipie je viens de ni-mmer, 
<lc li.rmer aiicun ftalili.-^einent cntre M- iitcn-v et runtive ilu riincc-\\"liuai; 
J.I., iv. I JO 1. 

n i . cl\\\i\-.-v. 


trade would not be permanently profitable, though 
he had no doubt the Chinese prohibition would l>r 
evaded, unless it could be regulated and systematized. 15 
There was another French trader on the coast in 1792, 
but nothing definite is known of results. 

It was in 1788 that the Americans began their fur- 
trading operations on the coast by the expedition of 
Kendrick and Gray, fully recorded elsewhere in this 
volume. In the Coolidge building, opposite the Revere 
House, Boston, writes Bulfinch, " was assembled, in 
the year 1787, a group, consisting of the master of 
the mansion, Dr Bulfinch, his only son Charles, and 
Joseph Barrell, their neighbor, an eminent merchant 
of Boston. The conversation turned upon the topic of 
the day,- - the voyages and discoveries of Capt. Cook, 
the account of which had lately been published. The 
brilliant achievements of Capt. Cook, his admirable 
qualities, and his sad fate. . .these formed the current 
of the conversation ; till at last it changed, and turned 
more upon the commercial aspects of the subject. Mr 
Barrell was particularly struck with what Cook relates 
of the abundance of valuable furs offered by the na 
tives in exchange for beads, knives, and other trifling 
commodities valued by them . . . Mr Barrell remarked : 
( There is a rich harvest to be reaped there by those 
who shall first go in. The idea thus suggested was 
followed out in future conversations at the doctor s 
fireside, admitting other congenial spirits to the dis 
cussion, and resulted in the equipping of an expedi 
tion," by Messrs Barrell, Brown, Bulfinch, Darby, 
Hatch, and Pintard. 16 It is not unlikely either that 

Voyage, ii. 368-72, 391-4, 521-2. He learned also that the 
year before the average price had been forced by competition down to fif 
teen dollars. Nothing of the prohibition appears in the statements of other 
traders of the year. Mais le commerce des Fourrures a des limites fixers par 
la Nature et par la Raison : . .11 est ais6 de concevoir que la nouvelle intro 
duction tie Pelleteries par la voie de mer et les Ports du Midi de la Chine, en 
appelant les Anglais, les AmeYicains, les Francais, les Espagnols et les Por- 
tugais au partage de ce commerce, en les faisant entrer en concurrence et en 
rivalite" avec les Russes, doit faire descendre les marchandises qui en sont 1 ob- 
jet, a des prix qui ne preseiiteront plus un be ne fice suffisant, etc. 
16 B ulfutch s Oreyou and El Dorado, 1-3. 

LH> MI:\ <r BOSTON, 3r>9 

Ledvard s old-time enthusiasm had left an influence 

still more or less ] lot i -nt. in tin- minds of Boston s 
lid men. 

Though figures an- lacking, this first venture 5- -aid 
not to have been profitable, and sonic of tin- partnT- 

withdrew from the enterprise; but the resi persevered, 

and others entered the new field with lar^e hut vary- 
in^ success, Perkins, Lamk Dorr , Boardman, Lyman, 

and Stur- -isare oames connected with firms that are 


said to have made fortunes in the fur-trade. Down to 

1788-9 there had been 1 ourteen Kn;_dish vessels en 
gaged in the trade; hut from 1 7 ( .H) to 1818 there were 
one hundred and ei<_dit American ^ Is and only 
twent y-t \vo I ji^lish, nearly all before 1800, with three 
Kreneh,and two Portn^nese, so far as record ed. though 
the list of all classes, particularly of the I>ritish craft, 
is donhtle^ incomplete. Indeed very little is known 
in detail of English ventures in this direction after the 
Nootka controversy of 1789-95; but it appears that 
the trade was gradually abandoned by reason of divers 
obstacles, notably the opposition of the East India 

Said Captain Sturgis in his lecture on the subject: 
"The trade was confined almost exclusively to Boston. 
It was attempted, unsuccessfully, from Philadelphia 
and New York, and from Providence and Bristol, in 
Rhode Island. Even the intelligent and enterprising 
merchants of Salem failed of success. ..So many of 
the vessels en^a^ed in this trade belonged here, the 
Indians had the impression that Boston was our 
whole country. At the close of the last century, 
with the exception of the Russian establishments, the 
whole trade was in our hands, and so remained until 
the close of the war with (ireat Britain, in 1815. In 

1801, the trade was most extensively, though not 

most profitably prosecuted; that year, there w. 

fifteen \V- nil tile cna>t.aild ill ISO J llloiv t hail 

iiftern thousand sea-otter skins were collected, and 
earned to Canton. But the competition wa> BO at, 


that few of the voyages were then profitable, and 
some were ruinous. Subsequently, the war with Great 
Britain interrupted the trade for a time; but after the 
peace in 1815 it was resumed, and flourished for some 
years." 17 

"In the year 1792, there were twenty-one vessels 
under different flags," writes Mr Irving, "plying 
along the coast and trading with the natives. The 
greater part of them were American, and owned by 
Boston merchants. They generally remained on the 
coast, and about the adjacent seas, for two years, carry 
ing on as wandering and adventurous a commerce on 
the water as did the traders and trappers on land. 
Their trade extended along the whole coast from 
California to the high northern latitudes. They would 
run in near shore, anchor, and wait for the natives to 
come off in their canoes with peltries. The trade ex 
hausted at one place, they would up anchor and off to 
another. In this way they would consume the sum 
mer, and when autumn came on, would run down to 
the Sandwich Islands and winter in some friendly and 
plentiful harbor. In the following year they would 
resume their summer trade, commencing at California 
and proceeding north: and, having in the course of 
the two seasons collected a sufficient cargo of peltries, 
would make the best of their way to China. Here 
they would sell their furs, take in teas, nankeens, and 
other merchandise, and return to Boston, after an 
absence of two or three years." 18 

I7 8turgis Northwest Fur Trade, 534-6. The direct trade between the 
American coasts and China remained, from 1796 to 1814, almost entirely, . . . 
in the hands of the citizens of the United States. Grcenhow s Or. and Cat., 2G6. 

^Irviiifj * Astoria, 32-3. Dcsde el aiio de 1787, hasta el presente han 
anclado en aquel puerto [Xootka] veinte y ocho embarcaciones de varias 
Potencias con el fin de comerciar con los Indies de toda la costa . . . atendiendo 
todos 6stos a la crecida utilidad que les promete el comercio clandestine que 
tienen sobre nuestras costas, pues por un pequeno pedazo de cobre, cuyo 
valor no es mas que tres reales en. Nueva-Espafia, logran comprar una piel de 
nutria, que vendida en Canton asciende su precio a ciento y veinte pesos, 6 a 
ciento y ochenta, segim la calidad que estiman los Chinos, siendo la mcjor la 
mas grande y negra, con la condicion que tenga el hocico bianco. Tobar t 
Jiiforme, 157-8. 


; ~Fji"-lisli navigator of I 7 J-J writes: " The v> 

^ i > 

ployed in c lereial pursuits tlr >n on the 

i America, 1; 1. believe found 
their adventn. 5 wer their expectations: ma 

eoiit i It the cargo f furs they had C 1 

]ecie:| in the course of the summer: \\liil-t <t!i. 
Avho liad prol I their voyage, either ].. I the 

winter at tli- wich islands, or on the const, \vh< 

they completed small vessels which they brought out 
in Iran 1 An Knglish and an American shallop 
at this time on the stocks in the cove, and when fin 
ished \v- iployed in the inland navigation, in 

collecting the skins of the sea- other fu 

ide tlh i French ship was then en^a^ed in i 
Qe juirsuit," and the Spaniards wcro also collect 
ing information on commerce. 10 And a Spanish voy- 
a i that year says, Uixon s jd olits excited the 

ddity of traders, and thus, "although various cir- 
cuinstaiiees have caused a considerable diminution of 
the profits which this traffic yielded at first, twenty- 
two \ is en^a^ed in it have been counted in 17 J J, 
eleven English, ei^-lit American, two Portuguese, and 
one French; and the American ]\Ir Gray has col 
lected by himself alone 3000 skins. Hardly is there 
a point on the coast from o7 to G0 which is not 

d by these vessels ; so that, if we lack a detailed 
and accurate map from the reports, explorations, and 
surveys of these navigators, it is because those who 
discover a port or entrance not known before, where 
they find inhabitants and an opportunity to procure 
skins advantageously, take advantage of the occasion 
nnd conceal the m-ws of the discovery with a view of 
an exclusive trade for a long tini 

. i. 408. . \insi Y/Ji/rope, IVlx/V, ct 1 V" 1 <lu 

mi moavement nmultante out dini^ - In: 

dit N(uvf.-ni Mmnlr, rt out multiplir- ;i I l -.r.-i. 

principcs ciiiiiint sans in >-ul;itiuns ha.sinl.Ts. M 

i/ M ... Ill !.">. SabemOfl tainl i. ii (jin- la naci iu 

. ansin cteoider merdo por todo el globo, o; > las 

- del Capil >k sobre el tralico ik- pick-.s c-ii las al X. O. dc la 


"There are better ships nowadays, but no better sea 
men/ says one of the old Boston commanders; 21 and 
another, "The vessels usually employed were from one 
hundred to two hundred and fifty tons burthen, each. 
The time occupied for a voyage by vessels that remained 
upon the coast only a single season, was from twenty- 
two months to two years, but they generally remained 
out two seasons, and were absent from home nearly 
three years." "The American vessels, employed on 
the N. w. coast, * says a writer whose patriotism was 
excited in 1822 by rumors of Russian interference, "are 
well armed, and amply furnished with the munitions of 
war. Separated from the civilized world, and cut off, 
for a long time, from all communication with it, they 
have been accustomed to rely on their own resources 
for protection and defence; and to consider, and treat 
as enemies, all who attempted to interrupt them in 
the prosecution of their lawful pursuits. To induce 
them to relinquish this commerce, persuasion will 
be unavailing; threats will be disregarded," and 
force will be met by force- -unless the odds appear 
too great. 23 

English writers did not always greatly admire the 
American methods of carrying on the fur-trade, 

America, que lo emprendi6 inmediatamente, que cogi6 sus primicias, y que lo 
contimia con actividad, quiza con otras miras de mayor interns ; pero si las 
ganancias de aquel traftco pueden haberse minorado, tambien hay razones que 
persuaden a que esta adquisicion se vaya haciendo cada dia mas dincil y 
costosa. Frecuentan aquellos mares muchos buques de distintas naciones: 
todos se emplean en el comercio de pieles. ReviUa-Giuedo, Infonne 1,2 de 
Abrit, 1793, pp. 147-51. For half a century or more after declaring their 
independence of Great Britain the people of the United States conducted, by 
sea and land, a lucrative commerce with the north-west coast. During this 
time discoveries were made and possession taken of many places which shrewd 
merchants did not regard it advantageous to their business then to make 
known, franchere a Nar., 17. 

2l Boston in the Northwest, MS., 31. Such is the spirit of enterprize and 
the activity of these mariners, who are inured to danger and fatigue, that an 
American has been known to leave a detachment of his crew at the Falkland 
Islands, to double Cape Horn, ascend to the north, leave a second detach 
ment on the rocks before St Francisco, in California, 2500 leagues from the 
other, then repass the Cape with some men, collect his detachments on both 
coasts, and purchase in China with the produce of their fishery, a cargo for 
the United States. RoquefeuWs Voyage, 17. 

tittirf/ii Northwest Fur Trade, 533. 

23 North American Review, xv. 393-4. The writer seems to have been 
Captain Sturgis. 

Tin-: AMI: N MKTII:I> n. 303 

it nowhere appears that those method.- dif- 

<| materially from those of the Uritish traders, 

ept in their ter BUCCess and more energetic 

application. Says Alexander Mackenzie in Isoo: The 
Pacific trade "is at present left to American adven 
turers, \vlio without regularity or capital, or th< 

sire of conciliating future confidence, look altogether 

,i 7 

to the interest of the moment. They therefor.- c<l- 

1 all the skins they can procure, and in any manner 
that suits them, and having exchanged them at 
( anton for the produce of ( hina. return to their 
own country. Such adventurers, and many of them, 

as I have !>cen informed, have l>cm very successful, 

would instantly disappear from before a well-regu 
lated trade" such as Kngland is ur^vd to e-taMisli 

by opening overland communication aero-- Americ 
Another writer describes the operations of the Yankees 

in a manner l>y no means so uncomplimentary to the 
latter as it was intended to l>e, as follows: These 
"adventurers set out on the voyage with a few 
trinkets of little value; in the southern Pacific they 
pick up some seal-skins, and perhaps a few butts of 
oil; at the Gallipagos they lay in turtle, of which 
they preserve the shells; at Valparaiso they rais. 
few dollars in exchange for European articles; at 
Nootka and other pails of the north-west coast they 
traflic with the natives for furs which, when winter 
commences, they carry to the Sandwich Island- to 
dry and preserve from vermin: here they leave their 
own peopl.- to take rare of them, and in the spri 
embark in lieu the native- of the islands to assist in 
navigating to the north-west coa^t in search of moiv 
skins. The remainder of the cargo Lfi then made up 

of sandal,, .tortoise-shell, shark-fins, and pearl- of an 

inferior kind,, .and with these and their dollars they 
purchase car- f tea, silks, and nankeen-, and tl 

complete their voyage in the course of two or tin 

. in. 

2d , >/ / < </" , xvi. M. 


In reply to the unfavorable imputations referred to, 
Mr Greenhow says: "It would, however, be easy to 
si low, from custom-house returns and other authentic 
evidence, that the greater number of the vessels sent 
from the United States to the north-west coasts were 
fine ships or brigs, laden with valuable cargoes of West 
India productions, . . and that the owners were men of 
large capital and high reputation in the commercial 
world. . .The American traders have also been ac 
cused, by British writers, of practising every species 
of fraud and violence in their dealings with the na- 


tives of the coasts of that sea; yet the acts cited in 
support of these general accusations are only such *is 
have been, and ever will be, committed by people of 
civilized nations,- -and by none more frequently than 
the British,- -when unrestrained by laws, in their 
intercourse with ignorant, brutal, and treacherous sav 
ages, always ready to rob and murder upon the slight 
est prospect of gain, or in revenge for the slightest 
affront. Seldom did an American ship complete a 
voyage through the Pacific without the loss of some 
of her men, by the treachery or the ferocity of the 
natives . . ; and several instances have occurred of 
the seizure of such vessels, and the massacre of their 
whole crews." 26 

Among the acts of hostility committed by the na 
tives from time to time against the voyagers of differ 
ent nations, as already recorded, may be mentioned 
the following: Seven of Heceta s men in 1775, landing 
in latitude 47 20 for wood and water, were killed by 
the ambushed Indians for no other apparent motive 
than to obtain the nails which held the boat together. 
In 1778 the natives farther north made an absurd 
attempt to plunder one of Cook s ships and steal her 
boat. Hanna in 1785 inaugurated the fur-trade by a 
fight with the Nootka people. Barclay had a boat s 
crew of five men murdered in 1787. Captain Gray s 
men were attacked in 1788 at Murderers Harbor, or 

26 Greenhow s Or. and Cal, 2G7-8. 


Tillamook, and one man was killed, othe- 

with serious wounds after a desperate r In 

tli* .ic vear Meares boal \\ I by the sav 

ages within tin- strait of Fuca, and several nidi wei 


wounded. Cendrick s men were attacked at Barrel! 

Sound in 17 Jl, and the same commander had several 

minor conflicts with th<- natives, of which not much i > 
known; and (Iray lost, his male and two men in the 

The reader is familial 1 with the plot of the Indians 
IZe the ( (ii/injunt \\\ \ ~\) l. The l><MtOll W; 1, 

nil her men but t\v<> being massacred tit Nootka in 

180-">; and otlier t i-adin^ craft were annoyed l>y Jiost ile 
demonstrations ahoiit th< i same time. Ki^-ht men of 
i]\(>Af(r/t"f/>" were killed in 180.1; and the crew of the 
ii was massacred in 181 1. 

Thus it appears that the ordinary perils of 1 
ocean voyages were not the only ones the traders had 
to encounter. Indeed I do not remember that on 
the Northwest Coast proper, or on the voyage to and 
from Boston, England, or China, there is any definite 
record of a shipwreck among trading craft in early 
tunes, though there were several on the Alaskan t. 
There, is hardly one of the voyages, ho\ T, wl 
log would not afford more than one thrilling descrip 
tion of situations where wreck seemed in vhablo and 

ipending death was faced by the bold marii; 
Besides what was suffered from the hostilities ol 
north-western Indians, several vessels came to grief 
at the hands of Hawaiian Islanders, or dwellers on 
other inhospitable coasts and islands of the Paciiic. 
And the scurvy was an ever present scourge, that <K - 
d not a few lives in spite- of all piveauti; . . -. 
Plenty of mola r, and tea, as well as v, , 

clothing, was deemed ntial; and a var of 

vegetables and fruits was obtained from the Islands 
as a preventive. Spruce-beer was al>o a standard 
remedy and luxury to all who visited the c -ast, y. 
being brought for the purpose, and the brewing of 


beer being as regular a duty at each anchorage as the 
obtaining of wood and water. 

There can be no doubt that in some cases the 
hostile acts of the natives were provoked by wrongs 
committed by unscrupulous traders, though in most in 
stances evidence respecting the exact causes is not ob 
tainable. Englishmen accused Americans of frequent 
outrages on the Indians; Gray and Kendrick repre 
sented that Meares and his companions took prop 
erty by force, giving in return what they chose; and 
in turn the Americans were accused by the Indians of 
doing the same thing, in one instance killing seven 
of their number in order to get possession of their 
furs. 27 Respecting the causes of these troubles, Cap 
tain Belcher writes: "When offering objects for sale 
they are very sulky if their tender is not responded 
to ... Upon mature consideration of what I have 
seen and heard respecting this subject, I think many 
of the unprovoked attacks we have heard of have 
originated in some transaction of this nature refusal 
to trade being deemed almost a declaration of war. 
Facts, however, which have been acknowledged, prove 
that wanton malice has visited upon the next tribe 
the sins of their offending neighbours." There can 
be no doubt that the Spaniards treated the natives 
more justly and humanely than did either English or 
Americans; but it is also true that they had less 
provocation for injustice. The Indians w r ere not only 
fickle and thievish, but they seem to have been as a 
rule, if not ferocious and blood-thirsty, at least dis 
posed to attach no value to a foreigner s life, and to 
have been kept in check solely by fear of detection. 

21 Sutil y Mexkana, Viage, 24. On this subject the Spanish editor says : 
Habienclo baxada el valor respective del cobre por la concurrencia de las 
embarcaciones Europeas, el capitan mercante que viene a traficar sin este 
conocimiento calcula sobre el valor que antes tenia para proporcionar su 
cargamento : llega a negociar, halla que los Indies hail subido el precio de las 
pieles, y que, baxo el cambio que quieren, le van a resultar crecidas pe"rdidas ; 
olvida los principles de equidad, cree inaveriguables sus operaciones, y se vale 
de la fuerza para sus ventajas. 3 

28 elcher s Voyage, i. 101. 


The traders for safety had to depend on constant 
watehfnhi and they <-uld not trust to appivcia- 
ti-ui of kind treatment. < )! foreigners a- of ahori-r- 
ines it niav be truly said that one party liad often to 
sutler for \\roi i^s inflicted by another: and on both 
sides there were instances of unprovoked outra;_ 

"In trafficking with u write- Captain O>ok, 

>me "I tliem would betray a knavish disposition, 
and earrv oif <>U) ds without making any return. 
But, in Lreneral, it. was otherwise; and we had abun 
dant reason to commend the fairne>s of their eondtict. 

However, their eagerness to possess iron and hra 

and indeed any kind of metal, was so threat, that feu 
of them could resist the temptation to steal it, when 
ever an opportunity offered." And Meares: "The 
natives no\\ favoured us with their daily visits, and 

never failed to exert their extraordinary talents in the 

art of thievery. They would employ such a slight 
of hand in getting iron materials of any kind as i; 
hardly to he conceived. It has often been observed 
when the head of a nail either in the ship or boats 
stood a little without the wood, that they would 
apply their teeth in order to pull it out. Indeed, 
if the different losses we sustained, and the manner of 
them were to be related, many a reader would have- 
isoii to suspect that this page exalted the purloin 
ing talents of these people at the expence of truth." 31 

29 It is noticeable that nowhere in the records of the fur- trade doe> it appear 
that any troubles arose from irregular sexual relations between the visitors and 
nati ien. Most voyagers represent the latter as apparently cold-blooded 

.ell as destitute -oiial attractions, while the men were jealous and 

The Prench MtUors found the women, howeyer, 1 points on 

t more eomjilaisaiit than cleanly when they could elude the watehl nl- 
ness of their husbands ; and one Aniet icaii captain of 1 vj"> tdls us that native 
women \\ ularly admitted to the >hi]is to sleep with the crew. 

; .s- I "// /;/ , ii. . {1 1. 11s traversaient un iuiis tres-fourre. dans leijm-1 
il nous etait impossible de pciietrer le jour ; ct. sc ^lissant sur h- vciitiv coimnc 
ii-. reimier pn-sijue nne feuille, ils parV -naient, inal^i nos 
iiiellrs, ;i di -rober i |Ueli|iles-uns dt- nos ellet>: eillill ils eurent 1 addresse 
d entierde unit dans la tente ou couchaient MM... <jni etaient de -ar<le a 
1 . .bsei \atoire ; ils enlevcreiit nn fusil ^arni d ar^cnt, ainsi ijite les habits de 
. (|iii les avaicnt places par precaution sous leur chevet. La 
J i roU* , I //";/ , ii. ITS- J. 
31 J/fa/-(.s Voyayc, xiii. 


Haswell pronounces one tribe " like all others on this 
coast without one exception, addicted to theft." 3 2 A 
peculiarity of their character was that when detected 
in a theft, even from a visitor who had treated them 
most generously, they were not in the slightest de 
gree abashed; if the detection preceded the comple 
tion of the theft they gracefully admitted their defeat, 
but if it was later they could never understand that 
the original owner had any claim to an article success 
fully stolen. And the traders generally found it to 
be best to adopt the native view of the matter and 
trust to precautions only. 

" Trade," says Captain Sturgis, "was always carried 
on alongside, or on board the ship, usually anchored 
near the shore, the Indians cominof off in their canoes. 


It was seldom safe to admit many of the natives into 
the ship at the same time, and a departure from this 
prudent course has, in numerous instances, been 
followed by the most disastrous and tragical results." 
Dixon tells us that at Cloak Bay, Queen Charlotte 
Island. "A scene now commenced, which absolutelv 


beggars all description . . . There were ten canoes about 
the ship, which contained about one hundred and 
twenty people; many of these brought the most 
beautiful beaver cloaks ; others excellent skins, and, in 
short, none came empty handed, and the rapidity with 
which they sold them, was a circumstance additionally 
pleasing; they fairly quarrelled with each other about 
which should sell his cloak first; and some actually 
threw their furs on board if nobody was at hand to 
receive them. Toes were almost the only article we 
bartered ... In less than half an hour we purchased 
near three hundred beaver skins." Each cloak was 
made of three sea-otter skins. 33 Meares trade is cle- 

s royage of the Columbia, MS., 21. 

Voyage, 201, 222. On Queen Charlotte Island, he says, The chief 
visually trades for the whole tribe ; but I have sometimes observed that v/hen 
his method of barter has been disapproved of, each separate family has claimed 
a right to dispose of their own furs, and the chief always complied with this 
request. And Haswell, Voy., MS., 62, says that at Barrell Sound the chief 
bartered for all his subjects. 

ROUT IX I :s OF T 1C. 309 

a ceremonial . of pr< y. 

"On our arrival ai the habitation of the ch 

i, number of spectators 

inon skins were produced with Lnvat 

shoi ;ind gestlU uid then laid ; 

11. of expectation Hi d< 1 

ainon-- tl . and their most eager attention was em- 

ployed on the returns we sltoiild ma! One tribe 

would not sell a skin until the women permitted it. 

At one place on the Oregon coast, says IL il, *Th< 
would hand their skins on board without scruple and 
lake Y (ion wluit given in rrtnrn. 

Iliis \\ Idoiu foun<l to bo tin- in any other 

part of the coast." "In all our commercial Iran 
actions \\iili this people/ say- M \ at Clayoquot, 

"we v nioru or ! the dupes of tln-ir cunning; 
and with such peculiar artilice did they soinetinn 
conduct themselves, that all the precaution we could 
employ was not sufficient to prevent our being over 
reached by them. The women, in particular, would 
play us a thousand tricks, and treat the discovery 
of their finesse with an arch kind of pleasantry that 
bat lied reproach." 

Iron, copper, and coarse woollen good* were, one 
year and one place with another, standard articles of 
barter, while beads and i^ew^aws had less value than 
\\itli : res in most other parts of the world. So 
far, how< 3 any one place at any one time was 

concerned, the choice of a cargo to suit the t;; of 
customers was a m> ame of chance, so fickle and 
whimsical were the native* traders, so peculiar and 
varying their ideas of value. 37 ArticL veil by the 

M . -24. 

MS., i4. 

S; Mri,->-fi",n/, JY"/..ii.l). On pent dire que, sous le rap 
port df Hat- du ti iitiif, ils (,nt df j;i fait ! gi-aini :ans la civili 
ti iK ft q B ;ix iiiMclfracs aui-oicat jifiit-ftiv pi-u dc L-!I ,;r 
apprendre. 1 

: - f .-nlvfiitn: 1 iron, licails, -lass, and Indian p-xv- 

iiifdiuin of l);irtfi-; luit tliost- M lii. ^;. d tlidn addfl r.ritish 

ollens 1 \ illam s of Anifrican nati I 

iu Mai. - r SOUK- tinif tlu- Indiana bvcuuic so foud of woolen urticlt , 

HIST. N. W. COAST, VOL. I. 21 


Winsliips in 1800 averaged from two to fifty cents 
each for sea-otter skins. Captain Sturgis "had seen 
prime sea-otter skins obtained for articles that did not 
cost fifty cents at home, and had seen given for them 
articles that cost here twice as much as the skins would 
sell for in China." " Such as were dressed in furs," writes 
another trader, "instantly stripped themselves, and for 
a moderate quantity of large spike nails, we received 
sixty fine skins." It has already been recorded how 
Haswell got two hundred skins for one small chisel 
on the shores of Queen Charlotte Island. An old 
woman on the same coast contemptuously refused all 
of Dixon s offers of axes or anything else for a curious 
lip ornament, but when some bright buttons ap 
peared she yielded to the temptation. "Brass pans, 
pewter basons, and tin kettles," were the articles most 
esteemed at one place, while at another near by only 
toes were prized. Yet Dixon found iron the staple 
commodity, "everything else depending, in a great 
measure, on fancy and caprice." Says Captain Cook: 
" Six of the finest skins purchased by us were got for 
a dozen large, green, glass beads." Elsewhere they 
rejected all pieces of iron that did not exceed eight 
inches in length. Of the articles carried by Marchand, 
copper and tin pots and kettles were preferred; also 
weapons, iron things generally not being cared for; 
but only for articles of clothing, of which there were 
none save those kept in stock for the sailors, they 
would give their finest furs. 38 

that 110 trade could be carried on without them. The fickleness that they 
at times discovered in their traffic, was occasionally very troublesome. At 
one time copper was their favorite object; at another, iron was the only 
commodity in estimation among them ; beads would also have their turn of 
preference. But this hesitation in their choice was generally determined by 
a medley of them all. Meares 1 Voyages, Ixix. 121. 

38 Boston in the Northwest, MS., 17; Sturgis Northwest Fur Trade, 537; 
Meares Voyages, xv. Haswell, Voy., MS., 24, 61-2, who says clothing was 
more in demand than iron at Barrel! Sound, adds : We purchased a num 
ber of otter skins for knives, axes, adzes, etc.; but had we had copper, a 
piece two or three inches square would have been far more valuable to them; 
Dixon, Voyage, 62, 68, 192, 203, 208, 228-9, 245, says: Saws were not cared 
for. At our first trading the natives took toes and blue beads, but the toes 
are held in the greatest estimation, a middling sized toe fetching the best 
otter-skin they had got . . . The number of sea-otter skins purchased by us 

FI< Tin: \. 371 

The Indian- re often ill in their 

particularly when they had hern vi>it <l by 
mam Is, that no trallic was |Ms>ihIe -that 

without paving nearly half the value of the t i; 
which was n<- be t hoii^ht of. Thus at one point 

where fur- \ plentiful, Qothing luit muskets would 
ken; while at another place the Indians WO1 

their peltrie^ for great-coats only, .land 
ing, moreover, two greal -coats for each sea-ott< .in. 

The Spaniards found that shell- from Mm. v would 
purchase not only furs, but the choicest articl for 
which their furs had been bartered. Captain Sti 

!;inls. was no le>s th:ui IvJl. many of th--m very 
line: other t r. found in less variety here than in many other j 

tin- the few raccoon \v pine marten, and son;. the 

kinds \vc saw. Toes, ai WGTG ijiiiti- a It-adini: article in 

hut so L l eat a nuinher of ti adfi s re(|iiirel a variety of trade, and v, < \vere 
: d to jirodi; le in our I.O.-.XO.MOU, )> >u\<\ 

ar numerous frii in one fortunate month has our 

i nmeii greater than that j>rol>al>Iy of hoth vi^sels during the 
the voyage so uin-eilain is the fur trade on this inhospitable OB ! 

larehand. To//. ,ii. ~>. etoic.-nt les seuls ell ets pour lesipu 1- il fut 
dtlcs d obtenir les hi-iles jx-aux de Lotitre de la pri inieri- (jualite. L<- | <-tits 
eouteaux, les grains dr verre eolor. -, les li:i^-,ies. lr> Imutons de metal, et ton.; 
solifichets d EUTOpe etoient a ]>einf a;._ f r>Vs en ]ur don, on en })ot-d.--vin. 
Coo/.- .s I nifni/ , ii. 3,1H; iii. 4. >S. Says I ortlock. l n//</r/r , -_>s4: I OOold not par* 
eha-< .il skin tor less than a light-horsi nuiuV cap. t\\ o yards of in:, 

iu-oadeloth. a pair of Imekles, two handfuls of small Leads, and two fi>h-h 

articles we hartered \\ ith \\cn; the light-hor.>emen"s eaps. .striped A\-o.,llen 

hla: i 18 or 20 inches long, buckles, buttons, and tx i 

could D. ore even a ]>iece ot .-,kin with any of the latter articles ; they were 

(tidy <:iven hy \\ay of concluding a l/ar^ain. as \\cre tin kettles, brass pan.-, and 
ons; l)iit hatche- ;< .wels, they \\ould .- ;.ny- 

thing whate\ (]-. k 1 ). fits les articles de commerce ils ne desiraient ardem- 
7:u iit <(!!. i . Tent aussi ((iielijiies i a- : mais elles ser\ aient 

jilutot a coin-lure un inari ln -, tin a former la base de lYehange. Xon jKirvimne-s 
dans la a letir fai v re^evoii- des a J et des pots d etain : mail 

articles n enrent qn*nn sncc r, etle \-alutsur: 

. ii. 17-. A modi ratt !;. kin ^ ill fetch from six ; 

blankets, increasing to thirteen for the best; no bargain being conclusive 
v.ithouf sundry nicknacks similar to the ( liin. //-. These generally 

mated at one blanket, which should be worth twelve -hillin 
in money they frequently ask forty dollars ; on the coast of ( aliforni.i 

.:id M much a.seigh hundred. lit /,-/ t < ,- ,< .V- /// 

L, Este comercio ha llegado muy ! .to the nativ 

ulti: ni])os }>or haber aumentado el precio de las pick n dc 

l-)iji;e ha crecido su consum .. \ el . . mctn >. de c.unpl adores. I) ( cia M..cuina 

habia vemlido al ( apitan M. die/ por plancha (de odbn 

afio de 17- i el dia se da una jilaiiclui de media arrob;; 1 do 

prii lidad. Mn nuestra I ato con los Nuchii: : .m-s 

jUe nos dieMii t: ;lar tamano y calidad por dos plunchas Je 
cobre de una arroba tie , lua, Viujf., 111*. 


elsewhere related, once obtained a large quantity 
of ermines at about thirty cents each from Europe, 
and with these he had no difficulty in purchasing the 
best skins at the rate of five ermines, or clicks/ for 
each. " It is the usage of the natives," says Mar- 
land, "to terminate no bargain without demanding 
a present, which they call stoL On voit que deja ils 
commencent a s europdaniser;" and on the same sub 
ject Sturgis also remarks: "Several smaller articles 
were given as presents nominally, but in reality formed 
part of the price." "To avoid trouble, which would 
(Vrtainly follow if he yielded in a single instance, he 
had found it necessary to w r aste hours in a contest 
with a woman about articles of no greater value than 
a skein of thread." " Most of the skins/ writes 
Cook, "which we purchased were made up into gar 
ments. Some of them were in good condition, but 
others were old and ragged enough, and all of them 
very lousy." 39 All, including the chieftains, w r ere 
usually ready enough to strip off their fur cloaks and 
reduce themselves to a state of nudity. 4( In later 
years, when the Indians had learned to expect the 
traders regular visits, the furs were less frequently 
damaged by cutting and by being worn as garments; 
but in respect of vermin the improvement was less 
marked. 41 

It is not possible from existing sources of infor 
mation to form a statistical statement of the fur-trade 
south of Alaska. It was carried on by individual 
adventurers or private companies; and only fragmen 
tary reports of prices, profits, or quantities of furs 
obtained were incidentally made public in connection 
with special voyages. From 1785 to 1787, not in 
cluding the operations of Meares, according to Dixon s 

39 CooVs Voyage, ii. 401. 

40 An exception was when Wicananish and his companions on his first in 
terview with Meares could not be persuaded to part with their beautiful 
cloaks. Meares Voy., 125. 

41 On peut dire qu en prenant une cargaison de fourrures on prend une 
cargaison de poux. Marchand, Voy., ii. 52. 


>SOO sea- i" f h 

for si do, 7on, an average price of not <] -h. 1 

"MV Swan gi 1 shipments of sea-otter 

Coasi in 17 .) .) l 1,000, 

in, 1, and 14,000, or a total of -1-V OO in four 

Jtfore than once/ 1 said Stu . " he 1. 

kn<>\vn a capital of s 10,000, employed in a north 

ye vi -ld a return < I.") 0,000. In one 

in outfit not exc >0,000 gave 

ini >00." " Jle had personally coll 

00 in a single voyage, and he once pure! 
of prime quality in half a day. 1 " " "In 1801," say 
writer in 1S22, "which was perhaps the most flourish 
ing period of the trade, there were 1(5 ships on the 
, i,"j of which were American and one English. 
Upwards of 18,000 sea-otter skins were collected for 
the ( liina market in that year by the American ves 
alone. 44 According to Coxe the price at Kamchatka 
in 1772 was from 15 to 40; and at Kiaklita from 

) to $140. From 30 to 60 were the figures quoted 
by La Perouse in the year 178G, he believing the latter 
price to be "celui qu il faut demander pour obtenir 
inoins." Marchand tells us that the average price 
was forced down in 1790 to 15; and according to 
Sturgis the skins sold for 20 in 1802; the price of 
prime skins advancing to 150 in 1846. Mr Hitteli 
states that the number of sea-otter skins taken on 
coast annually after 1880 is 5500, worth in San 
Franci 10,000, or 80 each. The fur-seal -kins 

are mu"h more numerous, and in the aggregate m- 
valuable. 40 

Statistical and other information respecting II \n 
fur-hunting operations, both in Alaska and California, 

42 ^ . 1.1. 

"Sturgi** North r Trade, .">: .( , 7. 

ft . 1 //. . -7-. 

4r " ,13-14; /- . iv. 171 : .V 

. Uttttli s L uimii , 
lu .1. 


is comparatively complete, because the business was 
carried on by a company with a systematic organiza 
tion; but this matter is fully treated in other volumes 
of this work, there being nothing that calls for special 
notice in Russian operations on the Northwest Coast 
proper. In 1822, however, there were some feeble 
premonitions of an intention to extend Russian control 
over that coast down at least to the Columbia River, 
the northern hunters complaining not so much of the 
rivalry of the Americans- -who moreover were in 
several respects very useful- -as of their habit of sell 
ing arms and ammunition to the Indians, and making 
them in many cases more formidable foes to the forces 
of the Russian American Fur Company. 47 

On the Californian fur-trade, for the meagre items 


that exist on that subject in addition to what was clone 
by the Russians, I may also refer the reader to other 
volumes. The native hunters employed by the com 
pany and their Yankee partners did not quite anni 
hilate the sea-otter in Californian waters, where that 
animal was very abundant, though producing a fur 
somewhat inferior to that obtained in the north. The 
Californian Indians succeeded in killing a few otters 
each year, whose skins were collected by the padres 
and others, either to be sold clandestinely to Amer 
ican contrabandistas or sent to China via San Bias, 
by the yearly transport ships and Manila galleons. 43 
Enough were left on the coasts to employ a dozen or 
more trappers from New Mexico for a part of their 

47 A writer in the North Amer. Review, xv. 394, admits that arms and 
ammunition were furnished to independent aboriginal inhabitants, but not 
to natives subject to Russia. The Indians of Clayoquot venian provistos 
de fusiles y polvora, porque Wicananish ha adquirido muchas armas en. los 
cambios de su peleteria con los Europeos; y a estos el deseo de la ganancia 
les ha hecho caer en la imprudencia de dar fomento a un poder respetable en 
los dominios de aquel Tais. Sutil y Mex., Vicifje, 19-20. 

48 Sea-otter skins to the number of several thousand collected on the coast of 
California are sent by the Spanish missionaries to China [each year] by way 
of Manilla. HasweWa Voy., MS., 20. The Spaniards within these two years 
have imported the sea-otter to China : they collect their skins near their settle 
ments of Monterey and San Francisco. . .The Padres are the principal con 
ductors of this traffic. In 1787 they imported about 200 skins, and the 
beginning of this year near 1500. . .They are sent. . .to Acapulco, and thence 
by the annual galleon to Manilla. Dixoiis Voyaye, 320. 


time down 1" and later; and :i native Cali- 

Inriii. I mildly and occasionally in tin- hunt 

during t une period. La JVroiix- liad 1 . I the 
uir. ( liim-M- market of tlic 10,000 

skins that might easily be obtained cadi year at 
Monterey and San l- rancix-o when their value became 

known; hut beyond discoursing occasionally, in some 

grand commercial scheme never carried into eil ect, on 
thf constituting an important element in 

California!) wealth, the Spaniards, and alter them the 

^\I did nothing in the matter. Spain, as we 

ha\ en, attached no value to the Northwest Co, 

by reason of its peltries. Martinez, indeed, on his i 

turn iVom the north in 178 ( J proposed a fur-trading 
ociation under government auspices; but the vice 
roy withheld his approval. He believed the profits 
under the prospective competition could not be long 
iuncra ; and the extent of his recommendation 
was that Spanish traders be encouraged to secure a 
portion of those profits while they should last. 

While private English traders practically aban 
doned this iield of maritime fur-trade early in the 
nil. nth century, yet in later years the English 
companies, the Northwest and Hudson s Bay, in con 
nection with their great hunt for fur-bearing animals 
in the interior, engaged to a considerable nt in 

r for sea-otter skins, as it was abandon 
by the regular traders, despatching their \ Is on 
iVe(|Uent trips from the Columbia up and down the 
coast. So the Itiissian company continued its etlbrts 
uninterruptedly until succeeded by the American 
compai! igaged in this industry. In 1840, 

Stui whole business of collecting furs 

upon our \ -I ll continent, without the acknowledged 

limits of the United Stat< -. is now monopolized by 
two great corporations, the Kuian and British Fur 



The Boston merchants not only carried on the fur- 
trade much more extensively than those of other 
nations, but they continued their operations long after 
others had abandoned the field- -longer, indeed, than 
the barter for skins alone would have been profitable. 
From time to time, however, they combined new 
enterprises with the old, thus largely increasing their 
profits. Not only did they buy otter- skins of the 
northern natives but of Calif ornian padres; and the 
goods given in exchange were smuggled with a most 
profitable disregard for Spanish and Mexican revenue 
laws. Not only did they barter for furs, but pro 
curing native hunters from Alaska they obtained from 
California large numbers of skins, half of which had 
to be given to the Russian company; and some of 
them made fortunes by hunting fur-seals on the Far- 
allones and other islands. Then they did a profitable 
business in furnishing the Russian establishments 
with needed articles from Boston, China, the Sand 
wich Islands, and California; and it is even stated 
that after 1815 they carried to the Columbia River 
all the stores required by the western British estab 
lishments, carrying away also to Canton all the furs 
obtained by the English company. 50 However this 
may have been, with the expedients named and 
others, including the sandal- wood trade at the Islands, 
the Americans were able to continue the fur-trade 
much longer than would otherwise have been possi 
ble. Says Sturgis: "The difficulties and uncertainty 
in procuring furs became so serious, that in 1829 
the business north of California was abandoned . . . At 
the present time, (1846,) the whole amount collected 
annually within the same limits does not exceed two 
hundred, and those of very ordinary quality. The 
north-west trade as far as we are concerned has 
ceased to be of importance in a commercial view." 
And Greenhow, writing at the same date: "The fur- 
trade has been, hitherto, very profitable to those en- 

Sturgis 1 Northwest Fur Trade, 536. 

Til \TAT.\I LADE. 

if: Imt, i i\v, from ;i \ 
i-- every \v! 

A topic < allied 1< that of tlii- 

ftli Inn: itinental fur-hunt 1 >m- 

>f <lil: -iviit ions, will IK- record 
<lct;iil in a later |>;irt of tliis voltm 

. n-_ i:i; 8tw} 

liiu <1. th 

Tin tiiiir ab 

liiliilird \\itll lli;it t-< the >;ui(l\\ idi 

tons Inn-then. 

!1\ ;il..nt thr. iijilrliii . ;i v- 

1 . ,ml;il \\-IM, (|, . .r;irrir<l thither 1 

I in tin- trad .rt of half ;i mil: 

"V.-iliKiblu t IK- ijui<-tly r< iinqui.-i 
ii-tk A //;</-. /, . 17--3. 





THUS far in this history we have directed our atten 
tion more especially to affairs relative to the seaboard 
of the great north-west, merely glancing at explora 
tions by land in various quarters. Let us now turn 
and review, still very briefly, the early affairs of 
French and English in Canada, their gradual move 
ments westward, and finally the occupation as a game 
preserve of the immense area to the north and west 
by the subjects of Great Britain. 

All England rang rejoicings, all save the little vil 
lage where dwelt Wolfe s widowed mother. Scotland 



too v. lad: for on the plains of Altraliain the bay 
onets of her wild highland !iad unlo> oppor- 

iunitv for multitudes of 1. d sons. Nor 

A nii l"- American colonies displ.-a>ed: for with the 
duetion of a foreign power pen-hed since hirth up 
their border, was removed , nding menace, which mad*- them hesitate t,, declare indepeiid of 

their too severely protecting mother, ae 

irs later they did not fail to do. It was in S . -p- 
tember I7.VJ that the eitadel of Quebec surrender^!; 
and one vear after Canada, with all her p< >ns 

of the Mississippi, passed to tlu: British crown. 

Hitherto France had heen the gr> indholderupon 
this continent. Nearly all that is now British Ajnerica 
was hers; nearly all that is now the United Sta* 
she claimed and held. Of all this continental triangle, 
from Uarieii to Labrador and Alaska, there onl 
mained to other European powers the comparatively 
insignificant areas of Central America and Mexico, a 


few little patches on the Atlantic seaboard, a narrow 
border round Hudson Bay, and the far-off Russian 
American corner, together with what we call the 
Northwest Coast all the rest belonged to Fran 


and of this, by the peace of Paris in 17G3, and subse 
quently following the conquest of Canada, France 
hastened to divest herself, that portion west of the 
Mi ippi going secretly to Spain, and all the 

being swept into the maw of Great Britain. 

If not the earliest to obtain footing in Aineri 
Francis I. was not far behind his rivals of Spain and 
England; for while- Cortes was Beating hi If on 
Montezuma s throne, and I lenry VIII. was he>itat : 
whether to dispute Pope Alexander s partition, Gio 
vanni Verrazano, a Florentine in the French servi 
crossed t. Carolina, and thence coasted northward 
to Newfoundland, where even twenty years pre\i->us 

the fishermen of Normandy and 1 any had ph 
their craft. 


Ten years later- -that is to say in 1534, still three 
quarters of a century before John Smith entered Ches 
apeake Bay, or Carver landed on Plymouth Rock- 
Jacques Cartier sailed from France under the au 
spices of Philippe de Brion-Chabot and found the St 
Lawrence, which the following year he ascended to 
Montreal. Erected into a viceroyalty under Jean 
Francois cle la Roque, Sieur de Roberval, La Nou- 
velle France 1 was again visited by Cartier, with cer 
tain exclusive rights, in 1541; in the year following 
came Roberval, but only to find himself the woful 
follower of preceding woes. Then rested colonization 
in this region for half a century; perturbed French 
men filling the interval with buccaneering and prot 

For while like a grim shadow the sixteenth-century 
superstitions of Spain hung quiescent over the greater 
part of Europe, France was alive with heresy, and 
from the burning of men and burying alive of women 
for opinion s sake, the Huguenots, with a sprinkling 
of restless orthodox adventurers, in 1555 under Ville- 
gagnon, and again in 1562 under Jean Ribault, turned 
and sought homes in the New World. 

Villegagnon landed his colony on an island in the 
harbor of Rio de Janeiro, and with an arrogance char 
acteristic of the adventurers of that day took pos 
session of all South America for the king of France, 
calling it La France Antarctique. After quarrelling 
fiercely with certain of his Calvinistic associates about 
the legality of mixing water with the wine of the 


eucharist, and making the sacramental bread of corn- 
meal instead of wheaten flour, he returned with all 
his followers to Europe, thus missing an opportunity 
which, but for the important theological issues that 
must be immediately settled, might indeed have given 
the continent to France. 

1 Cartier mistook the native word kcwata, which signifies a collection of 
huts, for the name of the country, which in consequence became known later 
as Canada, though for a century or two called New France. 

or :\ 381 

; tin- landing-p] <f I 

Ivin s i disci, in tliis IVuiti ul 

wildem- e \\a- not a European 1.. 

:tli of that Ci hola \vli< i cities with tli 

mi ble wealth, the nath iredthenij <-hut 

i nd that ly water, v . t in l ) 

LYii de 1 ,audonni roii;_dit to this shore a comp;. 

of .ich ( alvini-i 5, no1 "i th< ill >t whi 

siit I ul roloni mad- , hut rather pirates, d 

tiiR d 1 . nine hundred <{ th -m 

Luther-hating Spaniards un<l r I \.<lr 

^Iciicndc/., Uiliault liinisclf lallin^ \\itli tli t I:i 

aliation Dominique <! (iour in irifitf, wliilo 

^r. iir!i(lc/ was in Spain, sinpriscd and slaii. 

th- iards, lour liundn-d in nuinlx i 1 ; after \vli 

abandoned to the nati lor demolition the fort 
Avliieli had been built, Thus di^d Huguenot eflTori in 

>rida. Itwa-ii .t for France to plant proi 

in America. 

The next we hear of Xcw Fraix-r 5< in lf>78, when, 
oil Newfoundland, l>esides one hundred Spanish, ii 
I rtuguese, and lifty l^n^lish vessels, tlierc ar- 
hundred and fifty I- r.-ncli fishing craft and sometwei. 
li\-e ! van whalers. Soon these fishermen find th 

v U[> the St Lawrence and j>ly a more lucrat 
trinket^ t<r beaver and 1>. 

And hen-, it may In- said. Ix-^ins tlie liistory 
l ur-ti in America, which t ..r two and a halt o 
turii-s is indeed the hUt<>ry of Canada. Not that t! 

skins of wild 1 had not before this been hou^-ht 

and s-ld, hut now lor the first time do \v 

traffic in jM-lti-i--- a--umin<4 under i-oyal ]>r< on a 

jirimary influence on coluni/ation. In early tin. ud 

indeed in some localities until a comparatively receni 

date, Canada ha- presented this anoi , that while 
j i oj.c. 1\- classed ani Ui-- a- i icultural colonies, fche cul 
tivation of l oil has heeii importance tl. 
lishiii -- and t ur-t radii 

o o 


The history of the fur-trade is the history of explo 
ration, with its full quota of adventurers and heroes. 
To the courageous endurance of fur-hunters is due 
the earlier opening to the civilized world of distant 
and inhospitable regions, and the extension of geo 
graphical knowledge and settlement. Thus in some 
degree was lifted the veil that hid the Ultima Thule 
from the Latin world. As early as the sixth century 
Rome made tributary to her comfort the wild beasts 
of the north ; and this trade would have been consid 
erable but for difficulties of conveyance and profits of 
middle-men, which made the article too expensive for 
common use. By the eleventh century, however, in 
tercourse being freer, prices were less exorbitant, and 
furs became fashionable throughout Europe, particu 
larly among the nobility, who reserved for themselves 
the choicest kinds. At one time skins were almost 
the only article of export of certain northern coun 
tries. They were sometimes employed as a medium 
of exchange and taxation. In this commodity Russia 
received tribute from Siberia, whose wealth in furred 
animals had alone made her an object worth the con 
quest. England obtained supplies from Russia and 
northern Asia through Hanseatic and Italian traders, 
and notwithstanding the expense of this route the 
custom of wearing furs must have become prevalent, 
since Edward III. in 1337 thought fit to prohibit 
their use to those whose income was less than one 
hundred pounds a year. During the sixteenth cen 
tury the English opened direct trade with Russia, and 
a British company was allowed to establish ports on 
the White Sea, and a depot at Moscow for its com 
merce with Persia and the Caspian region; but this 
promising trade was necessarily abandoned wiien Eliz 
abeth issued a decree forbidding the use of foreign 

The opening of trade with northern America 
proved most opportune for the European market. It 
was like finding a vast mine of gold; indeed in the 

EXC1 1: l;l;in 383 

Xe\\- World furs were fco the l-Ye!i<-h wl: >} I \ 

Spaniard, and tin- obtaining of them 1V- 

<|U< ill exchange in! 1 J H ! t y QXi 1C >f lit : <>r 

value was often easier than tin- \\rki f the riche-t 
Id niin 

Here upon the Si Lawrence at lliis time furs w 

jtleiitiful and easily secured ; it i id 1 . l 1 

bison then inhabited these parts. 

wi- !! article of trallie, whieh, with the < 

racti drew annually from St Main fl of \ 

Wrangling with each oilier, and out m "inn 1 t! 


natives, the French fur-traders spread al >ng 

l)oard, C ( d the islands of the .^iilf, and ;ided 

treiuns, ]>lyin^ theii- vocation ly methods \\hidi 
led to Nil !>( jiu Mit disorder. 

KjMn the strength of their uncle s s . two 

ne])h> f Cartiei-, X <>{. ! and ( hat on, \vh 
i t:l traffic had excited thejeal*.- .f tin 

that extent that ihey seized and spitefully l>un, 
al of their -Is, in lf)S8 i; . and notaii. 

from Henri TIT. letters patent givin-;- them mo 

exclusive rights alon^ the St La\vrt-ii<-e and irs trib 
utaries Avhieh wei-e Miee arcorded C artier himself. 
]>ut so ;t was the stii iii raised by the merehants 

of St Main, by reason of this favoritism, that the 
grant wa n i-i-voked. 

The triuni[)h of the St Malo merehants h >v. 

ioi t duration, for in 1 .V.)S the <lomiuatinji 
of A -;idia, as Xova Seotia with indefinite limits v. 
then called, Canada, and the region contiguous ,,f 

almn.-t liiiiiile bent, 2 was given to the Marquis de 

la lioch .-. ,-i ( atholic nol)leman of Jh ittai 

2 Tl i n .pean powers in assort in ! i n s 

t<> Anirri-;in trn-it<>: n <.f unknown and all 

<|IH" ; the ludicrous. Thus Lcsrark.t, 

the limits of I .a Roche 1 nnn iit in Hill, writes: Aii;-i Qotre n>u , 

:L ].our liiuites.l;: a ] ;l n, 

i du ti-(>i>i.|ne dii ( an. . inidi . - de la n. 

Tile 1 : an levant la nier du N.-:d 

iiouvrl! et an .irion - | la 

)oaqa*Mi Pole arotiqne. 1 Beealaol 


other exclusive rights obtained by La Roche in the 
colonization of New France was that of trading in 


furs, and the noisy Bretons of St Malo were obliged 
again to stand aside. Famine and pestilence swept 
away La Roche s best efforts, but private adventurers 
crept inland and continued a peddling traffic with the 

For example, among the colonists of La Roche 
were forty convicts, whom on reaching Sable Island 
he landed, while he went farther to choose a site for 
a city. But the ship being driven away by a storm, 
the outcasts were left, some to kill each other, and 
the remainder to wander for five years, when twelve 
of their number, all that were left, were rescued and 
carried back to France. Arrayed in valuable furs, 
their long beards hanging upon their breasts, they 
uncovered their shaggy heads before the king, who 
permitted them to embark in trade on their own ac 
count, the skins brought back affording them sufficient 
capital. The men of St Malo were again lords in the 

With the opening of the seventeenth century 
French colonization in America becomes permanent. 
To speculation and self-aggrandizement as incentives 
is now added religious zeal. Luther and Rome are 
still at war in France, and Henri IV. is in a dilemma. 
As in France, Protestants may enjoy in America 
freedom of opinion and worship, but Catholics alone 
may make proselytes among the natives. 

In 1599 Pontgrave, a merchant of St Malo, and 
Captain Chauvin, 3 who had secured the royal privi- 

3 F. X. Garneau, L lfistoire du Canada, torn. t. lib. viii. cap. 1, asserts 
that Chauvin s was the first regular patent granted ; this I am at a loss to 
comprehend, as I find on good authority those which I have already named. 
There may be distinctions between regular and irregular patents which I do 
not understand, and which I cannot determine, not having before me all the 
patents granted at that time. The fact is, no one dared to cross the ocean 
in those days and colonize and trade without exclusive advantages; there 
was no necessity or object in doing so; and I can but think M. Gariieau mis 
taken, though his History of Canada is exceedingly valuable, by far the best 
extant, and such as would be an honor to any country. 

DI-: M 

leges I l-lin-rly < dcd to La Roche, d !, 

.Hid buildiii" SOUK- Imt- ,-it Tadousac, then- lea\ 


sixteen men to gather furs; bul some tin- merciless 

-winter kills, while others are driven to take refug 
with tin- n;it i\ 

Cliauvin dies, ,-ind his mantle falls mi Avmar de 
Cha ivernor of Dieppe, whom I outbrave now 

persuade form a trading society, with the leadin 

nieivh;mts of Ixoiien and several men of rank as chief 
parine. The command of an expedition is ^iveii to 

n naval officer, Samuel de Champlain, who in ir,o:i, 

\vith three harks of twelve, or fifteen tuns eadi, 
sails for the St Lawreiico, which he in company 
\vith I ) oiitu i > a\ -ends as far as the Sault St Louis. 


and then returns to France. Meanwhile, DeChasi 

dyin^, IMen-e du (^uat, Sieiir de Mont>. succeeds to 
his privileges as vicei oy of Acadia. De Monts is a 
Calvini>t, though he hy no means ohjeets to tlie 
])i-esence of the Cathohc clergy ill his expedition. 
His sovereignty lies between the fortieth and fiftieth 
parallels, the territory beyond these limits hein^ re- 
e-arded as worthless. 4 To the exclusive control of 
government and the soil, a monopoly of the fur-trade 
and all other commerce was added. 

]t was a discordant company that sailed with ])e 
Monts from Havre de (irace in H ,04 to colonize 
Acadia. There gentlemen and vagabonds, arti- 

s and idlers, hoiK-st men and villains; gamblers 
]> tlieir dice, and ministers of Christ fell to 
.is closing arguments in theological disputes. 1 

Arrived in Acadian waters, !) Moiits I ound five 

4 1 o !< Sully licld in li,i, lit i even these lands. In liis 

lie AV: :\v whi ,,> 

jiuiiiluT of thinga ill not me ]iproli;ition. Tl I of 

ri< {>;irts of tin- i:e\\ \vorld whicli lie U-yoiid the 
fortieth d; 

( I. nuaed at some of theae demand IM his 

.I .-ii VII le Hi!:: 

lln |Ur le ditl .Telid de la n !ie 

S<; illunt, on ijiii donnoit le nieilKair COUp, mail je 

.> ! 

scai> tr.> ! ioit ((iielquelois a;i 

d a\oi|- . ! 1. II eett [<ojnt .S dt la eo:i t r. . . 

N. \v . VOL. I. "Jo 


vessels quietly collecting furs, which, following the 
terms of his commission, he seized and appropriated 
to his own use, though the unfortunate traders prob 
ably had never heard of such a man as De Monts, 
certainly not of the exclusive privileges lately ac 
corded him. At Port Royal, now Annapolis, was 
erected a fort consisting of wooden buildings enclosing 
a quadrangular court, with cannon-mounted bastions 
and palisades. L Ordre de Bon-Temps was created, 
and a winter of good cheer and festivity was passed, 
which augured ill for a colony with so much work 
before it. The association originated by Pontrave 

O i/ o 

was continued and enlarged by De Monts; but the 
merchants of St Malo and Dieppe never ceased in 
their efforts to overthrow the monopoly, and finally 
succeeded. This, with the seizure by a party of 
Dutchmen of a year s accumulation of peltries at the 
depot of this society, completed its ruin after three 
years of busy industry. A hundred thousand livres 
the Port Royal Company had spent in this adventure, 
in return for which six thousand were given them, 
which were collected by taxation from the fur- traders 
who supplanted them. 

And now in 1611 appear the Jesuits in New 
France, and under the protection of Marquise de 
Guercheville force Poutrincourt to admit them into 
the abandoned fort of De Monts at Port Royal, 
whence they go out in their cap and robe, close- 
fitting and black, gliding through the forest and sit 
ting round distant camp-fires, restless in their holy 
zeal, until from the St Lawrence to California the 
blessed oross is carried. Now suddenly hordes of 
scalping savages become saints, no less eager than 
their teachers to kill all who do not profess Christ. 
Fostered by fanatics at home, the Society of Jesus 
establish missions in New France, and after some con 
flict with the colonists buy out the temporal power, 
and become proprietors of a large part of what now 


constitute- tlio United States ;m<l IJriti>h Amen 

J)own upon Acadia like a I>ir<l ni evil pur] 

comes Samuel Argall, with his Mn^li.-li OT8W, and in 

i 3, not withstanding France and Kngland were t hen 
at )M takes p. don of tin- country, destroys 

Port lloyal, and tln-n retires. 

Meanwhile !)< Monts again obtains a monopoly of 
tin- fur-trade for one year, and in 1007 semis two 
ships to the St Lawrence, one under Pontgrave to 
trade lor furs, and the other under Champlaiu for 
purpo-es of colonization. The Masques who are then- 
peltry-hunting are put down, and Tadousac, at the 
mouth of the Saguenay, becomes the centre of the 
fur-trade. Thence the Monta^uais, of Algonquin 
ailinit\. in their li^lit birchen canoes a-cend the 
sti-eanis in cvei-y direction for furs, and roam the 
stunted forests as far as Hudson liay. 

Win-re (Jnehec stood later Champlain builds a fort, 
and then sets out to find a new route to India, finding 
Lake Champlain instead, while the Iroquois open 
their long and terrible role of revenge. 

Elsewhere the peltry interest assumes importance. 
( reorge Waymouth trades with the natives of Maine 
in 1005; and in 1G10 and subsequently, while the 
Dutch merchants open a lucrative traffic on the banks 
of the Hudson, John Smith forms a partnership with 
four wealthy London merchants for fur-trading and 
colonizing purposes in New England. 

De Monts, failing to obtain a renewal of his mo 
nopoly, continues operations without it, and the St 
Lawrence again swarms with competitive trad- 
Proceeding to Paris. Champlain makes Comte de 
Soissons the king s lieutenant-general in New France, 

and Soissons then makes Champlain his lieutenant in 
return. Monopoly in furs is again in order. A society 
for colonization and traffic, with exclusive privileges, 

but yet in which every merchant who will may par 
ticipate, is formed, and the merchants of La 


St Malo, and Rouen arc invited to join. The mer 
chants of La Rochelle decline, and carry on a contra 
band trade in defiance of the law, while the others 
form the company of St Malo and Rouen, and build 
a factory and fort at Montreal. In 1611 Champlain 
proceeds to Montreal, while a hungry crew hunt in his 
wake. Montreal becomes the rendezvous, where every 
summer fleets of canoes come from distant lakes and 
streams, where Huron and Frenchmen meet, and furs 
and fire-water are exchanged, and no little scalping is 
done, in which latter refinement the chivalrous Cham- 
plain joins for sport. 

That Soissons speedy death should place Henri 
of Bourbon, Prince of Conde, at the head of French 
American affairs, did not prevent Champlain from 
carrying it royally in New France. The souls of 
savages now chiefly concerned him; their bodies were 
of trifling moment. In his Indian policy he was gov 
erned neither by justice, humanity, nor interest. In 
the wars of the Montaguais and Hurons with the 


Iroquois he took a base and foolish part, applying the 
arts of his civilization to the cruelties and treacheries 
of savagism. Instead of cultivating the friendship of 
all, and dealing fairly with all, holding meanwhile the 
balance of power in his own hands, he made allies 
of those nearest him, and then rashly threw himself 
against the most powerful people of the east. Life at 
the settlements became a vagabond existence; the 
winters were passed by the traders in a state of tor 
pidity, and the summers in drinking and trafficking. 
In 1613 Champlain penetrated northward into the 
land of the Ottawas, and two years later he visited 
the Nipissings, and thence crossed to Lake Huron, 
afterward discovering and naming Lake Ontario. To 
the great perplexity of the natives, who wondered 
why men should systematically turn the good things 
of their God to bitterness, mendicant Franciscans, 
they of strict observance called Recollets, appeared 
in their coarse gray garb with peaked hood and 


kn 1 cord, and planting their altar near O ham- 

plain s fortified dwelling Ouehec in L615 celebral : 

their first mass in New France, alt hougli half a cen- 
turv later the Franciscans were an excluded order. 

Yet more hitter disorder followed the suppression 

in K rJI ni the company of St Malo and Ji-. Mien. 
The two I luguenots, William and Finery de ( ;i . 
on whom the monopoly was now conferred ly the 
Yi v Montmorcncy, were SO l>eset l.y the en, 

. that they were <>Ui-ed temporarily to admit 

them as partner 

Notwithstanding all the previous magnificent at- 

.adian settlement in L 6 27 consisted of little 

inoi e than M-alterin^ eollections of trading-huts, with 
^Montreal, Tadoiisac, Quehee, Trois ]liviuri-> and the 
rapids of St Louis as centres. 6 And yet the traffic 
was increased from fifteen thousand to twenty-two 
thousand heaver as the annual shipment; for this 
state of things, for obtaining the skins of wild beasts, 
was indeed better than a state of agricultural hit 
i ere nee. 

Then came forward the great Richelieu, and took 
New France under his wing. Hating the Huguenots, he 
stripped the Caens of their priviL placed himself at 
the head of a hundred associates, under the name of La 

mpagnie des Cent Associes de la Nouvelle France, 
with a capital of three hundred thousand livres. and 
obtained from the crown a monopoly of all commerce 
fifteen years, and a perpetual monopoly of the fur- 
trade. .In return the company agreed to carry t> Xew 
France during the year Kj JS not less than two hun 
dred artisans; and within the next fifteen years four 
thousand men and women were to be conveyed thith 

6 A cettc rpo.jue, Charlevoix nnunrks, le Canada consistait dans le fort 
!> On, | \ irunii - <!< (|Ur!<|iifS nnVhaiitrs muisons. -t lc iiurlijui s l)ai-:i(, 

I ou troia cabanrs dans 1 ilc dr Munti-. al, antant prut-ctri a Tadouss;. 
fii (|:u l(|Ufs autrcs cndroits sur le Saiut-l-iuri-nt, poiir If ci>nuui i\-t drs 

c t dt- la jirdit-: enfin, un oommenoMment d*nabttati(Hi 4 trui 
KM * H;~t. DiCOV. t 82-3; liaymtl, lli*t. Phil., viii. ( JG-10l. 


and there supported at the expense of the company 
for three years. None but Frenchmen and Catholics 
should be permitted a residence in the country. Ha< I 
these brilliant opportunities been embraced and the 
promises kept, we might see, through this feudal pro 
prietorship of a commercial and colonization company, 
the whole vast domain of northern America become 
permanently French in thought, language, and insti 
tutions as now it is English. 

About this time war broke out in France, and 
England helped the Huguenots. Sir William Alex 
ander had attempted to colonize Acadia, and now, 
with the assistance of the brothers Kirk and other 
Calvinist rebels and refugees, he essayed no less a 
thing than to wrest from France her American pos 

Appearing in the St Lawrence while famine reigned 
at Quebec, the English sacked the fort at Cape 
Fourniente, attacked and sank the vessels of the 
Hundred Associates, and sailed for home. The fol 
lowing year the cross of St George was planted by 
Louis Kirk at Quebec. In the treaty which followed, 
Canada was restored to the French, but only to fall 
again into the hands of the English one hundred and 
thirty years later. 

The treaty was of little moment unless enforced. 
Hence to Emery de Caen in 1632 was given a com 
mission to clear New France of the English, for which 
service he was to enjoy a monopoly of the fur-trade 
for one year, after which exclusive privilege was to 
revert to the Hundred Associates. 

Champlain meanwhile became saintly in his fanati 
cism, and turned the trading -post at Quebec into a 
Jesuit mission. Brandy and debauchery were ban 
ished, and civilized and savage vied with each other in 
prayers and repentance. Jesuit missions were estab 
lished among the Hurons. In 1635 Champlain died 
and was buried by the Blackfriars. 


The war of extermination between tlie Hurons and 
tin* Inxjuois which now raided under Montmagny, 
originated chielly from tin- presumptive hope- of 

irailic and revenge raised in the l>r of tin- llur 
by tin- Hundred Associates, following tin- envenom 

policy f ( hamplain. The fruit of their evil example 
they were now made t it. After spending more 
than a million li\ in these disastrous Strug 
the Hundred Associates were ^lad to relin<|ui>h their 
rights to the ]((. pie for an annual seigniorial rent of 
one million beaver. By 1650 the downfall of the 

] I ui-oi is was complete. 

Ill 1648 fifty-one envoys were sent from New 
Finland to Quebec, and from Canada to Boston, 
having in view a treaty of perpetual amity between 
the two colonies, which were to remain neutral in all 
disputes of the mother countries. The negotiations 

i ailed. 

The Iroquois, after their dispersion of the Hurons, 
fell upon the French. Trade in skins meanwhile was 
much reduced, and so remained until the ratification 
of a treaty in 166 -!. The Compagnie des Cent As- 
socies had dwindled to forty-five members, when in 
Jt )G3 the governor-general, Baron d Avaugour, ad 
vised Louis XIV. to dissolve it and himself to resume 
territorial jurisdiction, which was done, and Canada 
became a royal province of France. 

Serious contentions followed the treaty of St Ger 
main, by which France was made mistress of Acadia. 
For lifty years jealousy was rife, and wars succeeded 
each other. In 1654 Cromwell sei/ed Port Royal, 
and granted the province to La Tour, Temple, and 
Crown, as an English dependency; but by the treaty 
of Breda in 1667 Acadia was again restored to Fran 

For the first time since Fernando de Soto in 1541 
vauntingly led his bedizened train from Florida to 
the Mississippi, and the following year with clip] 
courage made his bed beneath its waters, the valley 


of the Great River now takes a prominent place in 
history. No section of equal extent and importance 
in all the two Americas has changed permanent pro 
prietorship so often as this. Spain, in silken vesture 
and burnished armor, with blood-hounds for hunting 1 

7 O 

natives, and chains with which to bind them, first 
found this mighty stream; France with breviary and 
crucifix, in humble attitude and garb, first peacefully 
explored and planted settlements upon its banks; 
England first conquered it from a European power 
and held its eastern bank, while Spain claimed the 
western, and subsequently conquered from England 
the Florida portion of the eastern; and last of all, 
thus far, the United States was the first by honorable 
treaty to obtain possession. 

Several missionary and trading expeditions had 
been made into the region beyond lakes Michigan and 
Superior, and information of the Father of Waters 
given, when in 1673 M. Joliet and Pere Marquette 
crossed the narrow portage between Fox River and 
the Wisconsin, and embarking in two light canoes 
glided down to the Mississippi and descended the river 
to the thirty-third parallel, near the spot touched by 
Soto. Their provisions exhausted, and their mission, 
they returned, Marquette to his missionary labors 
among the Indians, and Joliet to Quebec. 

To Robert de la Salle it remained to descend the 
Great River to its mouth and determine whether it 
discharged into the gulf of Mexico or into the Pacific 
Ocean. La Salle was a fur- trader, having a factory 
at Lachine, near Montreal, whence he made frequent 
visits to lakes Ontario and Erie. To the governor and 
others he suggested that the Pacific might perhaps be 
better reached by ascending than by descending the 
Mississippi. In 1680, having received royal privileges, 
he sent Pere Hennepin down the Illinois to the Mis 
sissippi, with instructions to ascend the latter stream 
as far as he was able, which proved to be to the Sault 
St Antoine, while two years later La Salle himself 


desc n led the Mississippi to its moutli and took ]> 

n df 1 untry, railing it Loiiisiane. Ueturn- 

r to ( v )n . La Salle emharked for Fi . where 

lii . Mrt caused itrmmt. To the bold dis 

coverer \v. ;i tin- colonization <i Louisiane, which 

: hi then emh:- ! the whole <>f that vast. tract 
drained l>v the Mi ij>[>i, ami which now In-rain* 
province of Xew I Vancc. 

Sailing i roiu France for the Mi->i-si]>]>i in July 
16 i. with four ships and two hundred and eighty 
( !iii"Taiiis, La Salic missed the mouth of the ri\ 

*3 7 W 

lost one \ 1, and iinally in a sad plight struck the 

coast of where a colony was ]>!-<;i(ed, thus 

adding that country to his discovery. \Vhii -kin^ 
lii> lost j-iver, La Salle wandcivd into thu l)asin of 
the; Colorado, where he was traitorously shot l>y one 
of his company, leaving it with Leinoine d Hn-rville 
to lay in 1 <> l .)i) the foundation of the future colony. In 
due time, 1>y posts and settlements up the St Law- 
icc, round the great lakes, and down the fertile 
valley of the Mississippi, the two extremities of 
French American domain became united. 7 

Now, more than ever, the jealousy of the English 
colonists was aroused. Their actual occupancy in 
North America was confined to a narrow space on 
the Atlantic sea hoard, while the French and Spanish 
claimed all the rest. Indeed, France had left hut 
little footing even for Spain, the Mexican and Cen 
tral American isthmuses, together with the lands 
drained hy the Ilio del Xorte and the Rio Colorado, 
and on the Pacific, the two Californias of undefined 
limits, l>cin^ but a bagatelle compared with the \a>t 
of the middle and north. 8 

7 The lilies of France exit on forest trees, and crosses erected on bluffs of 

the Mi i, .-it 1. ngth niarkc l a chain >f posts from the Mrxi.-.ui ^ulf to 

Hud -"ii s Hay/ B ///*(/ /// IT- . . Tout U Nurd 

du Missouri nous in-lit im-onim. !. / /ij- // Profe, // -/. /. 

7. T" i)c(lition of La Salic arc added the Milocnucnt adventures of 

Jlciinejiin, in .I//?. A //// /. .S- <<.., 7 /vy/> .. i. Hi !)l. 

nc .sitiH-cdaiis la jiai tic Scpii iitrionale di- rAineri(|tie. est lion. 
au Midi par le Uolfe du Muxiipuu, au Levaut par la (Juroliiie, Coloiiie Anglaise, & 


When in 1G82 Lefebvre de la Barrc assumed the 
governor-generalship of Canada in place of the Count 
de Frontenac, hostilities had broken out between tlu- 
Iroquois and the Illinois. It was said that the 
people of New Netherlands, now New York, wishing 
to monopolize the fur-trade of that region, were con 
stantly exciting the Iroquois against the French, and 
to the latter it now seemed necessary that they should 
assist the Illinois. 

Taking the field against the Iroquois, Le Barro 
failed to accomplish any important purpose; and his 
successor, the Marquis de Denonville, succeeded but 
little better in attempting to exclude the Iroquois 
and English traders from the St Lawrence. After a 
period of unwonted tranquillity, in August 1689 four 
teen hundred Iroquois suddenly appeared at Lachine 
and massacred the inhabitants. 

Following the dissolution of the Hundred Asso 
ciates, in 1664 was formed for New France another 
withering monopoly, known as the West India Com 
pany. Although exclusive trade was vested in the 
association for forty years, and the Atlantic seaboard 
of Africa was given them as well as America; and 
although Louis XIV., in addition to all the privileges 
formerly granted the Hundred Associates, placed a 
premium of forty livres on every ton of exported or 
imported merchandise, the company finally fell in 
pieces by the very weight of royal favors, for com 
modities so rose in price that purchasers could not be 
found, and the importation of goods ceased. In 1666 
Colbert withdrew from the monopolists the peltry 
traffic, and at the same time relieved them from the 

partie du Canada, au Couchant par le nouveau Mexique, au Nord en partie par 
le Canada : le reste n a point de bornes, & s 6xtend jusqu aux Terres inconnues 
voisines de la Baye de Hudson. La Page, du Pratz, Hist. Louixiane, i. 138. 
At the close of the year 1757, France possessed twenty times as much American 
territory as England ; and five times as much as England and Spain together. 
Jiidpath s U. 8., 270. Putting aside the untenable claims which France 
asserted in the patents granted to De Monts, she actually possessed settle 
ments in all parts of North America, as far as Mexico on the south and Cali 
fornia on the west. Bury a Exodus, ii. 6. 

DIVKI;- \io\oroLI! 

restriction of their trade to Fran* -till tin- insti 

tution could not thrive; and with a hundred vessels 
employed, and with a debt of three and a lialt millions 

of livres, in l * 7 J, the company became extin< The 

wise rulers had yet to learn of /" faire, to learn 

that trade thrives best when let alone. 

r riie peltry monopoly in Canada n<>\\- took an inde 
pendent departure, and was hereafter less involved 
with other ruyal privile although to Oudiett e. into 
whose hands from the West India Company it fell, 

P6 also farmed the duties on tobacco, which w< 
then ten per cent. This continued until 1700, when 
the people a-j ain begged relief. 

Roddes was ilie next fur-king; and after him 
Piccaud, who paid seventy thousand francs per annum 
for the monopoly, and formed an association called 
the Company of Canada, with shares at fifty livres, of 
which any Canadian might take any number. With 
this association the Hudson s Bay Company, whose 
history we shall trace in the next chapter, was con 
cerned. The Canada Company falling into dissolution, 
Aubcrt, Nerot, and Guyot agreed to pay its debts- 
1,812,000 francs- for its privileges. With the ex 
piration of their term the monopoly of Aubert and 
Company fell in 1717 to the Western Company, a- 
the Mississippi Bubble Scheme of John Law was at 
one time kno\\ n. 

This was the grand epoch of the fur-trade in 
( anada under the old adventurous and lawless 
I M aver-skins were the life of New I r ranee. It was all 
in vain that the government sought to control this 
traffic; and what is strangest of all to us is that after 
a century of failures rulers could not that it was 

not possible. Xo more than the United States with 
all her armies would have been able to guard the gold 
banked in the Sierra. Drainage, could i^ra! ;uard 
the wild beasts of the Canadian for . or prevent 
her people from catching and skinning them. 

As one among the many preventive measur- 



adopted by the king, an annual fair was ordered held 
at Montreal. It was at the opening of this commer 
cial by- play that the arm-chaired governor- general, 
whom we read so much about in all the books, took 
his seat on the common, and midst much solemn 
smoking harangued the savages ranged round him 

~ O O O 

upon the benefits accruing to mankind by reason of 
the peltry-packs which they had brought from distant 
forests to trade. 

The scenes enacted here, where the highest mer 
chants erected booths, and huckstering savages stalked 
the street, and half the town w^ere drunk or nearly so, 
were conducive neither to commercial prosperity nor 
to good morals. Infatuated with the trade, scores of 
young men every summer returned with the savages 
to their distant homes, and became almost savage them 
selves, paddling their canoes and ranging the woods, 
whence the clan of voyage-urs and coureurs des bois 
greatly multiplied, and became a striking feature of 
the century. For this forest traffic licenses were 
issued, but many preferred to take their chances 
without them. 

An illustration of the futility and absurdity of 
government protection and trade monopoly here pre 
sents itself. While Oudiette and his associates held 
sway, the supply increased so largely as to ruin them. 
The hunters might sell to the merchants; but the 
merchants might sell only to Oudiette, and Oudiette 
must take all the furs offered him at a fixed price. 
The consequence was that when from over supply 
the market became glutted, and France refused to 
take them at half their cost, Oudiette was obliged 
to succumb ; and the only way out of the difficulty, his 
successors found, was to burn three fourths of the stock 
on hand. And this was done more than once. 

Round the trading-posts planted by La Salle along 
the Mississippi, and the missions established by the 
Jesuits south and west of Lake Michigan, little set- 

Till-: Mi -il I I C OMI ANY. 397 

tlemenfs sprung up, until in 1711, when England 
declared \v;ir against I Yancr. throughout the great 

valley were ><-attered fur-traders of every whos 

inteivnurse on the north was with Quebec, and on th 
south witli the Isle l)au])hin, in Mobile Day. 

In 17 12 Antoine Crozat obtained from the French 
court the appointment of governor of Louisiana, witli 
a monopoly for mining and trading in that r< lor 

tteen years. Crozat attempted to open commercial 

lations with Mexico, and in 171:) despa I a 

vessel to Vera Cruz, but the viceroy ord I its im- 

mediate departure. Moreover, the Virginians greatly 
troubled liini by interfering with his pehry trade 
among the Natchez and other native nations of the 
Mississippi. Crozat was already a millionaire, and very 
grasping. By charging exorbitant prices for his goods, 
and paying the minimum rate for furs, ho soon drove 
hum out of the country, when lie threw up his 
] talent in disgust. It finally fell with others into the 
meshes of the famous Mississippi Bubble scheme. 

New adventurers entered the field in 1717 under 
the name of the Western or Mississippi Company, 
before mentioned, which was connected with the 
Bank of France, and whose charter was to run for 
twenty-five years. To this were added the dormant 
rights of the Santo Domingo Association, formed 
in IMS, the Senegal and (uiinea Companies, the 
Chinese Company of 1700, the Old West India 
Company, the Canada Company, and Aubert and 

The capital of the Mississippi Company was orl 
nally one hundred millions of livres. based on a pop 
ular belief in the resources of that country. It was a 
lonization scheme invented by the Scotcl i John 
Law t<> free the French government from debt. To 
absorb new issues the name was ehaii -vd to that of 


the West India Company, now revived for that pur- 

])o The resources { the Mississippi, by in .- of 

certain financial legerdemain, were pledged, and im- 


mediately to be applied to the payment of this indebt 
edness of two thousand millions of livres. The future 
for ten centuries was discounted. For a time the in 
terest was promptly paid, and the shares rapidly ad 
vanced. Then madness seized the people. The stock 
rose one hundred per cent., one thousand per cent., 
two thousand and fifty per cent. ! Then a crash, and 
the ruined ten thousand fell a-cursing their late idol, 
wishing to hang him. 

In 1723 the defunct West India Company was 
succeeded by the Company of the Indies, with the 
duke of Orleans as governor. His jurisdiction ex 
tended over all the colonies of France, whether in 
America or elsewhere. From the wreck of the Law 
scheme a trading monopoly in the Louisiana and 
Illinois territories was saved, which continued until 
1731, in which year the exclusive rights passed under 
immediate regal sway, and so continued throughout 
the remainder of French domination. 

With the building of Fort Oswego a keen competi 
tion set in between the French and British fur- 
traders, the latter being disposed to pay the natives 
higher prices than the French had been accustomed to 
pay. The evil effects arising therefrom were in some 
degree obviated by the king, who by taking charge 
of the forts at Kingston, Niagara,, and Toronto, and 
cutting off hitherto misapplied bounties to dealers, 
was enabled to compete with the British, and pay 
the natives higher prices. 9 

Until 1713, when by the treaty of Utrecht trade 
in the Hudson Bay and other territories must be re 
linquished, almost the entire peltry traffic of North 

9 At this time the average price of beaver-skins in money, at Montreal 
was 2 livres 13 sous, or about 2s. 3d. sterling, per pound. Smith s Hint. 
Canada, i. Iviii. It is not possible precisely to fix the value of furs exported 
from Canada under French regime. D Auteuil places the annual returns in 
1677 at 550,000 francs, and in 1715 at 2,000,000 francs. From the customs 
registers Governor Murray found the returns of 1754 valued at 1,547,885 
livres, and those of 1755 at 1,265,650 livres. F. X. Garneau, Canada, torn. i. 
lib. viii. cap. 1, estimates the value of peltry exported from New France, 
immediately before and after the conquest, at 3,500,000 livres. 


-an but observe, was iii the hands of 

the Kreneh. K\vr \ < 11< >rt was mat 1< 1 y 1 1 . rernors 

of \r\V York t<> lessen l-Yelirh illllllrlicr ill tile \V 

Imt without iniicli success. Tin- Knglish p<> jed 

BOme advant; Kuropean goods W* i at 

I)o>lon and Xe\v York tlian at Oiiebee and Montreal, 

and there was considerable contraband trade between 

the colonists, even tin- monopolists themselves intro 
ducing into Canada cloth I roin Albany; l>ut in the 

main during these earlier competitive times tin- lY.-neh 

found favor with the savages, while the English were 

more Suspiciously regarded. 

Seeing that the advantages of contraband traffic 

were employed against their fur inter by tin; 

Canadian traders, in 17-0-7 laws prohibiting the 
exchange of European goods for ( lanadian peltry were 
d l>y the X\ W Voi-k assemhly, which was a hea\"y 
blow to the French traders. In retaliation Louis 
X 1 V. forbade by edict all commercial intercourse with 
the British colonies. Thereafter the blighting mo 
nopolies met with little opposition in New France. 
Those who dealt in peltries bought privileges from 
them, usually in the form of factory licenses, granted 
as a rule for three years. Those who held these tem 
porary privileges of course made as much of them as 
possible while opportunity lasted, and the poor .savage 
was usually the sufferer. 1 


The English possessions in America were granted 
to settlers in strips fronting on the Atlantic and ex 
tending through on fixed parallels to the Pacific. 
Thus to the London Company wen- given by James I. 
all lands lyin;^ between the thirty-fourth and thirty- 
eighth lines of latitude; to the Plymouth Company 
the forty-first to the forty-fifth parallels, the belt b<j- 
tween being common; to the Council of Plymouth 

10 Mr Bell, thr Kn.irlish editor >f < larnr.-m s ///x/o/ /v <1,i < > that 

in 17")-t- at a, \\vstrrn jxi>t, on one occasion U-;i :ns urrr IM; .lit for four 

grains of peppiT i-a- li ; ami that as murh as SIM) francs \\viv realized ly selling 
a pmul of vcnnilioii, probably dealt out in pinches. 


the fortieth to the forty- eighth parallel, and so on. 
Now, as the two nationalities quarrelled on their 
respective frontiers, the French would point trium 
phantly to the discoveries of Joliet and La Salic, 
while the English declared their lands had no west 
ern bound. 

Banding for mutual protection, the American colo 
nies resorted to arms as England declared war against 
France. Each seeking allies among the natives, the 
French and Indian war was inaugurated, which should 
forever settle this question of colonial supremacy. 
The immediate cause of this war was the intrusion of 
French fur-gatherers south of Lake Erie, to prevent 
which the Ohio Company was formed by a number of 
Virginians for the purpose of taking possession of the 
disputed territory. The French, however, were too 
quick for them. Bienville with three hundred men 
occupied the valley of the Ohio in the summer of 
1749; but it was not until after 1753, when twelve 
hundred men were sent down the Alleghany by Du 
Quesne to colonize the country, and Washington was 
sent to remonstrate with General St Pierre, com 
mander of the French forces in the west, that hos 
tilities broke out. Then followed the expedition and 
defeat of the English under Braddock in 1755. In 
retaliation, with wanton cruelty, the English drove 
the French from Acadia. Meanwhile Johnson won 
a victory over the French at Lake George. In 1756 
Washington repelled the enemy in the valley of the 
Shenandoah, while Montcalm successfully led the 
French across Lake Ontario, and the following year 
made a brilliant compaign into the Lake George 
country. In 1758 the English acquired Cape Breton 
and Prince Edward Island, but failed before Ticon- 
deroga. Fort Frontenac was taken by Bradstreet, and 
Du Quesne was burned. Twelve million pounds were 
voted by the British parliament to carry on the war, 
and Amherst was placed in command of the British 
and colonial forces, which by midsummer 1759 nuin- 


beivd fifty thousand men, while tin- French army 

led Seven thousand. It \vas then-ion- 
ii : to crush tin-in ; and nothing else would 

Pitt. To (his did tlircc campaign- 
planned: Aiuhcrst, with the main division, wa 

;iivli againsi Ticonden^a and ( row n Point: Pir- 
dcaux w;is to take Nia and Mont real, wliiic \Yolte 

uas to capture ( v )uclcc. Farh accomplished liis pur- 

( )n >ceaii the war lingered for tin 

Montreal had fallen, but tin- IJriiish \ finaliy 
\ ad bv the treaty of J ari^, made t. 

loili of February I7c;:j, half of the area of \.-rih 
merica c!ian--fd hands. To Spain, with whom Ei; 

land liad also lu-cii at wai , France surrendered that 

portion of Louisiana lying wesl of the Mississippi, 

\vhi!e Spain ceded to England all her domain i-ast of 
that river. And thus it was made plain that decaying 
mediaeval institutions should not stand l>eforc the uii- 
lightened and liberal progress of the New World. 

By the treaty of Paris, made the 3d of November 
17s:), by v/hich the independence of the Unit 
States was recognized, Florida was ceded by Great 
Britain back to Spain, and all English territory south 
of the great lakes and east of the Mississippi fell into 
the 1 lands of the American confederation. 

The territory west of the Mississippi, called Lou 
isiana, was held by Spain until 1800, when Napoleon 
caused a secret cession of that domain to be made 
Prance, and prepared to place an army at New 
Orleans, which should there maintain his authority 
hut the United States remonstrating, and aiiairs at 
home thickening, Napoleoo finally authorized the sale 
of Louisiana. Mr Livingston and James Monroe were 
appointed by the President to negotiate the puivha- 
Terms were agreed upon by the 30th of April 1803, 
and for * 1 1 ,-JjQ,000 t< _r< t her with the promise to 
pay certain claims of American citi/ens due from 
France, not to exceed s:;,7;o,ooo - s I -" .000,000 in 
all- -Louisiana was added to the United Stat< 



In determining the boundaries of this purchase, 
Spain and Great Britain were concerned no less than 
the United States and France. The Mississippi River 
from the thirty-first parallel to its source was the 
eastern bound, and the gulf of Mexico to the north 
of the Sabine River the southern without question. 
The thirty-first parallel from the Mississippi to the 
Appalachicola, and down that stream to the gulf, was 
claimed by the United States, France, and England 
as the south-east boundary. To this, however, Spain 
dissented, asserting Iberville and lakes Maurepas and 
Pontchartrain to be the true line between Louisi 
ana and west Florida. But she was finally overruled. 
On the south-west the line ran along the Sabine 
River to the thirty -first parallel; thence due north to 
Red River, and along that stream to the one hun 
dredth degree of longitude west from Greenwich; 
thence north to the Arkansas, and up that river to 
the mountains, following them to the forty-second 
parallel of latitude. Thus far the western limits were 
fixed after much disagreement; and when the United 
States would continue the boundary line along the 
forty-second parallel to the Pacific Ocean, Spain made 
but slight objection, and finally in the treaty of 1819 
gave her consent. 

The northern limits of what should be United States 
territory affected only that country and Great Britain, 
and the line of partition was finally made the forty- 
ninth parallel from the Lake of theWoods to the Pacific. 
Thus by the most momentous event of Jefferson s 
administration the possession of the great valley of 
the Mississippi fell to the United States. Out of the 
southern portion of the newly acquired domain was 
formed the territory of Orleans, while the remainder 
continued to be called the territory of Louisiana. 11 

11 Between the years 1803 and 1819 there was some ground for contro 
versy, but since the latter date none whatever, except as to the northern 
line. Ridpath a U. 8., 379, note; in American State Papers see topics Treaty 
of Parts, 1763 ; Definite Treaty between Great Britain and the U. *S ., 17SJ; 
Text of the Louisiana Cession, 1803; Boundary Conventions between the U. S. 
and Great llritaiii, 1818 and 1840; Treaty of Washington, 1810. 


T>y the treaty of Washington of the 22d of Feb 
ruary 1ST,). t and west Florida \\ ded l>y 
Spain to tin: United Stat<-<; in consideration for 

which Hi - latter power relinquished all claim to 
Tc and promised to pay her own citizens u sum 
not t millions of dollars dam done 

them by Spanish i la The Sahine }l\\ 

made t h drm boundary <>f Mexi 

For many v in several particulars that portion. 

of the partition line between Canada and the Unit i 

St; ;idin^ I rom the Atlantic- to Lake Huron 

had 1 in dispute. At tin; treaty of (Client, in 

1814, it v/as decided to refer the matter to three com 
missioners, Imt it was not until the Wel>.-t<T-Ash- 
lnirton treaty of the 9th of August 184 2 that the 
question was tinally settled, that portion of the treaty 
of () r IS IS tixini^ the forty-ninth parallel from 
the Lake of the Woods westward as the dividing line 


being confirmed. 13 

- It appears, in their i-jnorance of western geography, statesmen of that 
day supposed tli : forty-ninth parallel crossed the Mississippi somewhere, and 
it wa-; to tin s point only, Bouehette affirms, that partition should lia\ 

i . d. But it was afterwards found, he says, lirit. .1 ><nn., i. S 1), that such 
aline would never strike the river, as its highest waters did not extend be 
yond lat. 47 : ; north, whilst the ]ioint of the Lake of the Woods, win 
the liin > depart, stood in lat. 4!) J JO north, and therefore 1 : .phi- 

ral unit s farthci 1 north than the source of the Mississippi. The fourth article 
of tiie treaty of London in J7 .)t provided for the amicable adjustment of 
this anomaly, but its intentions were never Carried into effect; and the sub- 
iect Came under ud -t-ation of Lord Holland and the late Lord Auck 

land, on o: and Mr .Monroe and Mr Pickering on the other, during the 

US cf 1 ,->()(!. Tlie liritish negotiators contended that the nea 
line iiTini the Lake of the \\ o<>ds to the Mississippi was the bound 

to the true intent of the treaty of 1783; the Americans in 
the l;nr \\ as to run due we<t, and, since it could never i 
sippi, that it must run due west acns the whole continent. As I shall have 

-ion to discuss this matter at length in another place, I will let it 
for the present. 




PICTURE in your mind a sweep of country three 
thousand by two thousand miles in extent, stretching 
from ocean to ocean across the continent s broadest 
part, from Labrador to Alaska, and on the Pacific 
from the Arctic Ocean to the river Umpqua; picture 
this expanse bright with lakes and linking streams, 
basined by intersecting ridges between which are 
spread open plains and feathery forests, warm valleys 
and frozen hills, fertile prairies, marshes, dry scraggy 
undulations, and thirsty deserts in quick succession; 
picture it a primeval wilderness, thickly inhabited by 
wild beasts and thinly peopled by wild men, but with 
civilization s latest invention brought to their border 
and kept for their present curse and final extinction 
in small palisaded squares fifty or three hundred miles 
apart by white men who ever and forever urged the 
wild man against the wild beast for the benefit of the 
mighty and the cunning imagine such a scene, and 
you have before you the domain and doings of the 
Honorable Hudson s Bay Company as it was fifty 
years ago. 

For clearer conception, place yourself upon the 
continental apex near the great National Park and 
between the springs of the Columbia, the Colorado, 



tin- Athabasca, the Saskatrln Wa li, ;uid flu- MisSOUTl 
ri\ T! of the lir-i llo\v \ vard, tho 

of t!i niid >oiithward. of the third northward, 

the fourth north \v;ird, and ni the iii tli soiith- 

Wa 1 Yom where V<>U stand, the continent s! 

in every direction. British America slopes northward 

from States border to tin- Frozen Ocean; 

tlii- I slopes southward from the Bi-iiisli 

American border to tin- Californian and .Mexican 
guli>: iVMin it Rocky Mountain water-shed 

the ront ii a-t\vard to thu Atlantic an<L 

wesl ward t<> the Pacific. 

Bv iotu- main mountain systems and a latitudinal 

divide j low taolc-land aiv iornied the four hydro- 

ieal ha-ins of North America, whence into the 

them, rn, and eastern oceans and the southern 

<^ii!f- is discliar^ed one third of all the fresh water 
that .Mauds or ilows. These lour ranges, which cut 
the continent into longitudinal strips, are all parallel 
to the ocean shore line, to which they lie nearest. 
B ii the Appalachian system of the east and the 

Mountains of the west is the central plain of 
th-- continent, which sweeps from the gulf of Mexico 
through the valley of the Mississippi round by the 
St Lawrence to Nelson River. Beyond the 4 Jth 
parallel divide, which, as from the east it approach 

Bocky Mountains, is , ice a pi well 

political partition line, and on to the Fro/i-n ( )<< 

i broken li-vel of transfixed billow- in^ly 

limit! . and in its cold winter dress as silent a 
p-t riiied - : ward of the Stony Mountains, and 

until the Ca and Snowy ranges are reached,! 

sandy basin, desert toward the south but at the north 

fertile. B fall, crossing the ( de -Nevada ridge 

we come upon the warm garden-valleys of the Pacific, 
the Willame of Oregon, and the Sacramento a 

:i Joatjiiin of California, protected on their west by 

the Coasl 1 ()f 1 r altitude than either the 

Snowy or the Bocky i a . the ( east Mountains for 


the most part rise from the very verge of the ocean ; 
and though broken in places, and sometimes separated 
from the sea by a low level surface twenty-five or fifty 
miles in width, they form a continuous chain from the 
California!! Gulf to Bering Strait. At San Fran 
cisco Bay they open to the California!! valley drain 
age, on the Oregon coast to that of the Columbia; 
on reaching the 48th parallel the range breaks in an 
archipelago, twelve hundred islands here guarding the 
shore for seven hundred miles, and then strikes the 
mainland again at mounts Fairweather and Elias. 
South of California all the ranges of western North 
America combine in a series of more or less elevated 
mountains and plateaux. The Chepewyan Mountains, 
by which name the northern extremity of the Rocky 
Mountains is known, form the water- shed between the 
Mackenzie and the Yukon. On the east side of the 
main continental ridge are lesser parallel ridges which 
subside into plain as the rivers are reached; on the 
western side mountain and plain are more distinctly 
marked. In Oregon there are the Blue Mountains; 
as a divide between Oresron and California we have 


the Siskiyou Mountains, where the Coast, Cascade, 
and Nevada ranges meet, with snow-capped Mount 
Shasta as their sentinel; in Alaska there is the 
Alaskan chain, extending from the Alaskan peninsula 
beyond the Yukon River. The interior of British 
Columbia is a mountainous plateau. 

British America was the fur-hunter s paradise. Cold 
enough to require of nature thick coverings for her 
animal creations; fertile enough to furnish food for 
those animals; rugged enough in soil and climate to 
require of native man constant displays of energy; 
sterile and forbidding enough to keep out settlers so 
long as better land might be had nearer civilization, 

o o 

it offered precisely the field, of all the world, a fur 
corporation might choose for a century or two of 
exclusive dominion. 

Starting from the rugged shores of Labrador, we 


leave withoi < its bleak interior table-land, 

ered with stunted poplar, spruce, birch, willow, and 

en, ami strewn with casibon-ni Covered bowlders, 

and j round through Canada, with its ir !ar 

plateaux, it- wei wooded terra and alluvial plains 
r<>\ i wit h hard-wood forests, when we enter Uup 
Land and Canada s north-we>t teiritorie 

Prominent here is frozen stillness, if it be wini 
01- if sunniKT general wetness, with substrata of ice. 
Inland ), lakes, and watercourses stand conspicu 

ous. Not to mention the bays, sounds, and channels 
which communicate by straits directly with the ocean, 

there is a chain of lakes beginning with Superior, the 
hodv of fresh water on the glohe, and stretch 
ing due north-west; Winnipeg, with Winnipegoos and 

Manitoba beside it, Deer, Wollastoii, Athabasca, Great 

Slave, Creat Bear, and scores of lesser sheets. By 

n of these aqueous concatenations, this linking 

of lakes and rivers, one can travel from the Atlantic 

the Pacific, from the gulf of Mexico to the Arctic 

Ocean, almost wholly by water. 

Througbout much of this domain the climate is 
dreary, the country treeless, and game scarce. T 
winters are extremely cold, the summers short, with 
plentiful rainfalls along the eastern border, wh< 
wealth is in its fisheries rather than in its furs. Ti 

of all that region, agriculturally, is the fertile 
1 extending from lied Hiver to the Saskatchewan 


and the Rocky .Mountains, at the threshold of which 

on the east lies the Laureiitian wilderness. North of 

00 v ation almost wholly ceases; and yet God > 

attires are nowhere more boisterous in their fro I 

than her 

Notwithstanding so much general moisture, there 
are wide tracts M.-rile, from dryness. J>et \\cen the 

; Appelle and the Saskatchewan, west of the 100th 

meridian, is a long lonely waste of ti s plain, rolling 

midst thicket-fringed hills, while north of the chain 
of kikc> >prcads an immensity of arid surface feebly 


supporting a stunted vegetation, often declining into 
desert absolute. West of this we find desert, prairie, 
and forest; Peace River flows through much rugged 

. oo 

country, between high banks relieved in places by 
wooded terraces, but once upon the higher level the 
indentations disappear, leaving the eye to meet copses 
and prairies in endless perspective. 

Although spring is tardy after the long cold winter, 
yet flowers are quick enough to bloom and grass to 
grow when once the snow melts, and summer with its 
ripening sun and pure elastic air seems suddenly to 
drop upon the land, and finally to overspread the sur 
face with a warm transparent haze, as if in tenderness 
to veil the land from such unaccustomed joy. 

In autumn nature assumes her most gorgeous 
drapery. Even the shivering shrubs that nestle in 
some hollow or nervously cling to the base of hills 
show color when the frost strikes them, while the 
luxuriant forests revel in rainbow hues. A fortnight 


later, and the gold and amber-leaved beech, the red 
and yellow leaved maple, and the copper-leaved oak, 
are stripped of their gaudy drapery and stand naked 
upon an endless sheet of snow. Then breathes upon 
them the moist breath of nature, and lo! every twig 
is jewelled, encased in ice which glitters in the sun 
like a forest of glass. 

Pass over the mountains into British Columbia, 
and on the rough, hilly plateau are found water, and 
wood, and plain, though there is no lack of wild, 
rolling mountains, bare and by no means prepossess 
ing. Rivers here plow their deep furrows through 
the uneven surface, and leap down the sides of the 
plateau. There are, first the Fraser, then Thompson 
River, and Stuart, Babine, Quesnelle, Okanagan, and 
Chilcotin lakes and rivers. Almost all the tributaries 
of the great rivers here have a freak of becoming in 
flated by a sense of their importance, and so widening 
in places into lakes. The rivers and lakes of the 
western slope are less in number and extent than 

A\I> CLIMATE. 409 

11, of tlir ern. With the M ie, Peace 

River, the Athal>asr,-i. :hewan, St Lawren*- 

M i->ksippi, Missouri, Yellowstone, Platte, Arl. is, 

and Rio del Xorte, we have the ( nloradn, the Sacru- 
niento. the < olumbia. and t lit- Yukon. 

The upjier i MS are rainy, and tli< ,<T lands 

where fertile, aiv densely Wooded ill tile (! 

green. Then- is, however, in the interior much uiiviu- 

Jatin^- liiditlv wooded land, as well as open prairies of 

r or 1 188 adaptation to pastoral and agricultural 

As a rule the valleys are fertile, and t! 
til] re wooded, while the plateaux are lianvn. 

A lar-i level tract between Thompson and Praser 

r r. wooded. There ai e places in these high 

lands of awful, unspeakable ^randeur: towel-in-^ cliii-. 
yawning chasms; |lacrs where granite walls tower a 
thousand feet and more above foaming water-fall 
dash down dill s and thunder through ravines, 
in* - the wild beasts roar, and flinging raiiib 

< i * O i^ 

through the descending spi-ay upon the sky. Into 
the dear liquid blue, for example, of Stuart Lake, 
where the salmon after liis wonderful journey from 
the Pacific rests as a stranger, forest-dad promon 
tories stretch themselves, while from its v ;-n and 

northern shores tall mountains rise. Near the highest 

land that separates the Arctic from the Paciiic is 
Madeod Lake, whence to the Coast Ixan^v extends 
an uneven plateau, south of which are 
with shor. . : forest. 

Kxeept in^ north -western Alaska, the Pad lie slope is 
\vannei-, and towai d the -outh di ier than coj-i espond- 
ini;- latitiuh s on the Atlantic: and yet in pla it is 

cold en- The of British Columbia is broken 

into inlands and inlets which allbi-d multitudes of ex- 

leiit harhoi X aneouver Island is rocky, moiin- 

inoUS, and wooded. Climale here is modified b\* 

the ocean. The site of Victoria is one of the most 

picturesque in the woi ld. The whole Xorthw. 
( near the sea is warm and wet. rain falliii"- abun- 



dantly during all the months of the year. The southern 
shore of Alaska presents a remarkable contrast in this 
respect to northern Labrador and southern Greenland, 
being for so high a latitude exceedingly mild, owing to 
the warm currents sent northward from the Japan Sea. 
East of the Cascade Range the climate is more like 
that of California, being dry in summer and rainy 
during winter. In the interior it is warmer in summer 
and colder in winter than on the coast. 

Descending southward through the transparent 
waters of Admiralty Inlet and Puget Sound, whose 
gravelly shores are feathered by dense forests ex 
tending far back in opaque wilderness, we come to 
the Columbia, flowing from afar silently, majestically, 
though here and there falling in cataracts or rushing 
boisterously through narrow mountain gorges, the 
fertile fields of Oregon often drenched in moisture, 
then to the drier valleys of California; and finally 
turning to the eastward we encounter the arid sands 
of Arizona. East of the Cascade -Nevada range we 
find the same meteorological gradations. Between 
the Blue Mountains and the Cascade Range in the 
northern part there is much level country whose 
woodless surface of yellow sand and clay when cov 
ered with bunch-grass and shrubs was deemed worth 
less, but since converted into fields of waving grain. 
Proceeding southward, the Great Basin is entered, 
and the sandy sagebrush country of Nevada and 
Utah. East of the Blue Mountains are bare rocky 
chains interlaced with deep gorges, through which 
flows and foams the melted snow from the surround 
ing summits. Though there are on the Pacific slope 
hundreds of lakes so pellucid as to bring apparently 
within arm s length pebbles ten or twenty feet distant, 
yet there are some unattractive sheets, thick and 
murky with saline substances, and having no visible 
outlet, the greatest of which is Great Salt Lake of 

Eastern Washington is elevated and irregular, the 


western part only being < ! ly wooded. Idaho and 
Montana consist of rolling table-lands, with many < 
pn-sed valleys. In "ting ranges of mountains 

r their summits in places into the iv^ion of p 
petual snow. The climate <>f the lower land- i- mild. 
I . of j>int\ iii-, and cedar are interspersed wi 

grassy plain TheWahsatch Mountains divide rtah, 

UK- western part with Nevada belonging to the (ireat 

]!asin with no outlet i or their waters, while tin; 

HI part is drained by the Colorado. All tl 
region is arid, with sluggish streams, hrackish lak 
and sandy plains, interspersed with small short ridges 
of mountains. 

The t<Tm prairie is applied to a variety of open 
.I stirfac There are the alluvial prairies of 
the Mississippi Valley, the sandy prairies of the 
Qu Appelle and Assiniboine, with their saline pond- 
hali hidden by willow and aspen. Likewise parts of 
the low fertile belt of the Red River we mi^ht call 
prairie. The word plains is also applied to innu- 
rable localities; but what emigrants to Oregon and 
California understood as the Plains was the eeuntry 
they were obliged to cross with so much tedious labor 
which .stretches westward from the Missouri along the 
Platte, and far to the north and to the south of it. 

Animals of various kinds, and fish and fowl, were 
originally distributed in prodigal profusion throu 
ihi J n, though, as we ha\ !KTU v\ 

si places in which game Avas scare 

Almost everywhere beaver were plentiful; tl, 

-toothed otter, on which no other beast but 
man preys, likewise had a wide range, having b 

n in Mexico and Central America; and < 11 the 
plains east of the Rocky Mountains were bui/al- 
and indeed the builalo onee found it ty westward 
far as the plains of the upper Columbia, but its 
r< Mdence there was of short duration. Moose flour 
ished about the Athabasca and Peace River count 


In Arctic quarters were reindeer, herds of ten thou 
sand being sometimes driven from thickets to the 
shore of the ocean; also musk-oxen, white foxes, and 
polar bears; brown, grizzly, and cinnamon bears were 
their neighbors on the south and dominated the forests 
as far as Mexico. So numerous here during summer 
were geese, swans, ducks, pelicans, bustard, cranes, and 
cormorants as to cloud the sky, and so noisy as to 
fling round the listener a curtain of sound. The 
ermine was a northern animal, while the habitat of 
the American sable or marten was a little south, say 
between latitude 65 and 37; yet its presence on the 
Arctic shores has been attested. Mention may be 
made of the walrus on Arctic shores, and seals, sea- 
unicorns, and black and white whales. Geese and ducks 
were everywhere from the Mexican gulf to the Arctic 
Ocean, and swans were plentiful in places. Wolves 
were numerous at the north, and coyotes south. In 
the northern forests were also the raccoon, badger, 
and musk-rat; the gray fox fancied the prairie. 

Between the northern and southern extremes the 
elk ranged; likewise the black-tailed deer. The red 
deer or white-tailed deer enjoyed a wider range, cov 
ering in fact almost the entire continent. The ante 
lope belonged specially to the great plains. The 
mountain sheep and goats found their homes among 
the rocky crags of the continental range. Lewis and 
Clarke saw mountain sheep at the Cascades. The 
grizzly bear, the largest of American carriivora, lived 
in the mountains, though descending every autumn 
to the plains for grapes and berries. The California 
lion is little more than a huge cat, but with senses 
exceedingly acute ; the panther is his smaller brother. 
The wolverene spread over the whole of northern 
North America, extending as far south as latitude 39, 
or perhaps farther. The great interior valley between 
Hudson Bay and the gulf of Mexico was the habitat 
of the American badger ; south-west of this limit was 
the Mexican badger. The special domain of the sea- 

DRESMM, -KIN S. 413 

otter was tlic Northwest Coast, whose shores and 
inlands it covered from Alaska to Lower California. 
l- i>h of all 6 abounded in tin- lakes and ri\ 

the piscatorial feature of the 1 acilic slope heiniv i 
salmon. Over the plains northward and ward 

from the gulf of Mexico innumerable hands of cattle 
and ho ran wild. Most marketable furs are pro 
cured north of the fortieth parallel. 1 

It was the policy of the fur companies not to ex 
haust any part of the country; hence when it is 
found that animals are on the decrease, the distrid is 
ahandoned for a tim There were pi.- where 
I aver v. trapped hut one reason in five. Tl 
heaver was usually taken by means of a smooth-jawed 
steel- trap, fastened to a stake driven in the pond, near 
the dam. Most fur-bearing animals were captured by 
a steel-trap, poisoning and shooting bein.Li objection 
able on account of injury to the skin. There was the 
clumsy dead-fall contrivance, among others, which 
the sted spring trap superseded. 

When stripped, the skin was stretched until dry, 
after which it was folded, with the fur inward. Ten 
or twenty made a bundle, which when tightly pressed 
and corded was ready for transportation. The eighty- 
four or ninety-pound packs of the British American 
companies were uniform in size and shape, and were 
pi wedges or screws into the smallest com] 

and bound with thongs, the smaller and finer skins, 
such marten, musk-rat, and otter, of which 

th are often four or five hundred in a bale, hein<>- 


put inside and inclosed by the coarser kinds, deer, 
wolf, buffalo, and bear. 

Hunters commonly used the brains of the animal 
for dressing the skin. After the j]e>h and grain were 

* * [ * ... ..,- ^i---^-"-- - i t - it / . i / > .*_ *^ rrf 

Nar. t in U. S. 1. . \. \\-\\ Farnham s / . i:,u : Mo 

/ ,: Hearnt 8Jottr*ey,22ti; Burnett * R s,MS.,i.H8 

1 ./ U. >; Lnriuil < /<>,/.: *./oi/ny, o77; and many other 

belonging to hunting and natural history. 


removed from tlie pelt it was soaked in a decoction 
of brains and water, and rubbed with the hands as 
it dried. 

Between 1812 and 1841 the southern fur districts of 
the Pacific States, that is to say the California coun 
try lying between Oregon and Mexico, aside from in 
dividual trappers and private trading companies, was 
occupied by the Russians. Likewise at the extreme 
north-west, from Simpson River to Bering Strait, 
the Russians held sway; while from 1821 to 1841, 
between these two distant points the intermediate 
region as well as the interior back of Alaska was 
dominated solely by the Hudson s Bay Company. 

The company then numbered among its servants 
many French Canadians, as well as Scotch, English, 
and Irish, though at first Orkney men were chiefly 
employed as boatmen, hunters, and laborers. I will 
now endeavor to give the reader more complete 
knowledge of the origin and character of that singular 
class, the Canadian boatmen and fur-hunters, and then 
proceed to institute some comparisons between them 
and the Anglo-American wood-ranger. 

Out of the desire of Montreal merchants for the 
distant savage s stock of peltries arose a class sui 
generis. There is no being like the Canadian voya- 
geur or, if he be on land, the coureur des bois- 
except himself. He cannot be called a cross between 
French and Indian, though that would be the nearest 
approach to race measurement that we could make. 
His Gallic original he certainly retains, volatile enough 
at first, but when sublimated by sylvan freedom from 
restraint he is a new creation. It was his nature, 
different from that of other men, that made him thus; 
for of none but a Frenchman, not matter what were 
the engendering circumstances, could a voyageur be 
made, any more than another metal beside potassium 
thrown upon water would float and burn. 


( )riginally the wild animals of America were limited 
onlv for food and clothing sufficient i j b the 
moderate requirements of BO thinly peupl.-d a n 
]>ut with the advent of tin- all-devouring white 

;i f<>r< iv soon made t-nantl .md 1 

trader was obliged gradually to press we>t and north. 
In a surprisingly short time the French ( anad 

would In-conic ball savage, and so attached to his v, 

life and dates that civilization wit, h its stilling con 
ventionalities and oppressive comforts became fore, 
after d ; -cful. To the fur-trade tin,- coureurs (l-s 
hois were as the miners in gold -producing distri* 
It w;is they who riske<l the danger and performed the 
lal)or, while the prudent politic trader reaped the h 

at. The coureurs des IH/IS were forest pedlers rather 
than liuiiters: they seldom engaged in trapping, but 
confined thiMnselves principally to trafficking with the 
natives; they were a go-between, assisting both the 
hunter and the merchant. To the early French trader 
they were a forest factotum, but with British domi 
nation their calling declined, and they became simply 
v( >yugeurs, or boatmen. They were the first in Canada 

!ink sava-dsm to civilization, and in the conscience- 


3 race that followed they were dragged to death 
with the sylvan society they loved. 

Like the orthodox miner, they were always penni 
less. Success had little to do with permanent pros 
perity. ( )bfaining from the merchant credit for such 
artic! 9 they required, knives, hatchets, guns, am 
munition, tobacco, calico, blankets, beads, and other 
trinkets, they >ct out from the trading-post singly or 

companies of two, three, or four, in canoes usually 
of birch bark y which they could easily carry round the 
many rapids they encountered, or even for some dis 
tance across the country. Sometimes they joined their 
stock and labors in an adventure of six: or twelve 
months, and penetrating the more distant parts tl 
either followed the nat ives in their huntiii" 1 excursions, 

(> 7 

or meeting them on their return relieved them of their 


precious burdens in exchange for such trifles as capti 
vated the red man s childish eye. 

Returning with rich cargoes, not unfrequently at 
tended by a concourse of savage huntsmen with their 
wives and children, they were greeted with smiles 
among general rejoicings. Settling their account with 
the merchant, thus insuring fresh credit, they gave 
themselves up to pleasure, and quickly squandered all 
their gains. A few short days and nights sufficed to 
place their finances exactly where they were a year or 
ten years before- -that is, at zero; and it is a question 
in which they most delighted, the free licentiousness 
of the forest or the drunkenness and debauchery of 

Because the Frenchman was so unlike the Indian, 
so much more unlike him than w^as the Englishman. 


in the closer relationships he was less unendurable 
to the American aboriginal than any other foreigner. 
Like the Spaniard, the Indian was pompous, proud, 
superstitious, treacherous, and cruel ; like the English 
man, he was cold, dignified, egotistical, crafty, and co 
ercive. Now the Frenchman may have a purpose, but 
he never forgets that he is a Frenchman. Without 
the slightest hesitation he braves danger and embraces 
fatigue; without being one whit less courageous than 
the Spaniard or Englishman, possibly he may not be 
so enduring. In this respect he is not unlike the 
Indian ; without a murmur he accepts suffering as his 
fate, bearing up under it with the utmost good-humor; 
but the apex of patience passed and he at once suc 
cumbs. There is no wailing over his fate; overcome 
by labor and misfortune, or lost or starved in the 
forest, he lays himself down to death with the same 
nonchalance with which he bore life s heavy burdens. 
But it was his French suavity of manner, his mer 
curial light-heartedness and soft winsome ways that 
captivated the stern, staid North American, and made 
the savage love to have him near him. The English- 

Til MAN. 417 

man was a being to be r d and fear the 

I ; -enclmian to be embraced and l<>\vd; hence, \vl 
from Montreal, soon alter ( artiT liad found 
place, {In f Franer, will) li-art 

and buoyant as their little boats, paddled tlicir \ 
far up new to Kuropean eyes, and with 1 

- playfulii 38 ! kittens spread tlicir l>riHiant 
trinK !>ri ore . glittering with admiration, and 
coaxed an joled these dismal den i /ens of the f. 

<jiiiekly falling into their ways, (juieklv jx-iveivini;- all 
th<-ir \veaki . jdiekly tin-owing off whateN ei 1 re 

maining shreds of civilization nii^ht yet le han^in^ to 

tli- . and becoming as filthy and as tV-- the 

lordliest savage there, eating, drinking, and smoking 
^-iih the men, lau^hin^, chattiiiL; , and marrying \\ 
the women, filling the air with fragrant good ch 
and merriment wherever they went- -no wonder hard-featured, hard-hearted, beastly, and bloody 
grown-up babes of the wood welcomed such eompan- 
ionshi]), and rejoiced in the coming of a French trmier 
as in the arrival of a prismal ray from a new orb. 

And so, coming and going between town and en 
campment, boating streams and lakes, and tram]) 
foi and prairies, working, playing, buying, selling, 
laughing, singing, praying, swearing, but always either 
sweating for gain or revelling in a speedy riddance of 
their hard earnings, they easily adapted to chai: 
of circumstance and dress, change of heart, head, a 


They easily affected the weaknesses of their forest 
frien nlopted long hair, which if light and cm-led 
delighted dusky maids; arrayed themsek. im- 

cra -rating their broad bonnets with - 

there, and their leathern hunting-coats with b- 
or horse-hair fringo; and if sutlicientlv renegade 
and vagi-ant they did n,,t disdain to render their 

ttures in< spressive by vermilion, grea><\ and 
ochre, to receive their boiled lmilM<> meat and light I 
pipe from the hand of an affectionate and admiring 

HIST. N. W. COAST, VOL. I. u7 


native nymph, or even to assist in the national scalp- 

o > 

Their beautiful language greatly deteriorated when 
brought into such familiar contact with the harsh 
guttural of the American aboriginal. In disposition 
and daily intercourse with each other they were 
affectionate and obliging, addressing each other as 
cousin and brother, with constant interchange of 
kind offices. Except when under engagement, at 
which times they worked fast and faithfully, they 
were as lazy as they were improvident. To their em 
ployers they were respectful and submissive. In all 
his long and perilous journeyings, Mackenzie mentions 
but one act of w T ilful disobedience, and that was a 
refusal to descend a fearful rapid in a crazy canoe, to 
which any free agent in his senses would have objected. 
And although a willing, competent, and faithful man, 
for this single act he was stigmatized by his com 
mander and his comrades as poltroon and coward 
throughout the remainder of the journey. 

No less prominent in the character of the French 
Canadian than his companionableness in aboriginal 
quarters is his contentedness in lowly estates. He 
seems to take to Scotch service as naturally as to savage 
domesticity. Although he loves to talk, and dance, 
and sing, he does not disdain work, particularly if ad 
ministered spasmodically and in riot too large doses. 

This willingness always to remain the Scotchman s 
beast of burden may be traced likewise from his origin 
and American environment. His mother country 
and his ancestors were a mixture of feudalism and de 
mocracy, of popery and protestantism. The people 
w T ere nothing, the government everything. Priests 
and princes divided between them the fruits of the 
peasant s labor. So in the early settlement of the 
St Lawrence feudal seigneurs brought their droits 
d aubaine and droits de moulinage, which made a 
stockade the necessary beginning of every town. 
There the old system was continued; seigneurs were 


of seigneurs, and serfs of serfs. Governments 


not f.:r tin- funny- and tin- more haughtily the 

Britisher carried himself, the more obedient became 

the poor yova 4 eur. The independent life which lie 
! with loss of country, the abolition of the lieei 
in and general rhaiige of customs, I will not E 
were not severely felt. It was a sad Mow to the 
French Canadian when iVoni his unrestrained condi 
tion he was obliged to descend and take service with 
his country s enemies; but. being forced to it he yielded 


lleligion, I must say, laid its fetters lightly upon 
the Gallic adventurer in the New World; for unlike 
the Spanish zealot or the English puritan, the mer 
curial mind of the Frenchman, who at home was 
something <>f a free-thinker, became emancipal ! 

in traditional thraldom almost immediately upon 
landing among the strange scenes of the western 
wilderness; so that while on the St Lawrence, Jesuit, 
Franciscan, and Calvinist fought for the promul 
gation of their own peculiar faith, the tough cou- 
reurs des bois, delighting in adventure, cared little for 

As the blood of the Frenchman mixed more and 
more with that of the native American the occupation 
of \oyageur fell into the bauds of half-breeds, in whom 
was united to some small extent the intelligence of 

ilization with the instinctive cunning of sava"ism. 

~~ ^ o 

From the former they inherit a social disposition, 
from the latter gregarious habits. Their home in 
winter is a fixed log-house, in summer a movable 
wigwam. Their lazy efforts at agriculture are usually 
I with ill success; though where the blood is 
properly brewed with suitable sun and soil they have 
produced line farm>.- 

. //. January IS. U, 311- 2D; /. ^//W. //;></. Phil., viii. 
07 : Xiiii]>< iii x /. < . .V.i t .:; : he-Mi s -viMT.-il history nii<l travels; l!nl>t* 

"/- i.nmi, -\(\ ::.; II . ; in ( . s. Ex. Expcd.i Lv. 407. 418 l ( .; 

, Monthly tJamuaryiyjO; 1 <. i.-JH 5; / 

., -7 8, :;_; .: - Jv o/-/ /<//-.</ Cuimt, MS., -J3-5. 


Although the An^lo- American wood -rangers be- 

o o o 

came demoralized enough in their intimacy with the 
natives, and although they were perhaps coarser, more 
brutal and bloody in their state of semi-savagism than 
the French, the trapper upon the United States fron 
tier never became so a part of the Indian with whom 
he associated as did the Canadian; and for the very 
good reason that he could not. 

Between the English colonists and the American 
aboriginals there was ever a deadly antagonism, which 
did not prevail in Canadian hunting-grounds, where 
the fur-trade was regarded as of greater importance 
than agricultural occupation. A fierce hatred of the 
intruding race, as the progressive people of the United 
States rapidly crowded their way westward, was re 
turned by the intruders with merciless contempt and 

Upon the broad shoulders of the usually tall, spare, 
tough frame of the trapper whose birthplace may be 
Kentucky, Missouri, New York, or Connecticut, a 
big -boned frame, interknit "\yith sinews of steel, it is 
not uncommon to see a head holding at once the 
sagacity of the savage and the instinct of the wild 
beast, together with the stronger cunning of civiliza 
tion, the whole faced by features of almost child 
like openness and simplicity. Yet stir the inner pool 
with any injury, and straightway that so lately guile 
less countenance will blaze with hellish hate, while the 
muscles move convulsively and hot blood courses 
through swollen veins, and the eyes shoot forth forked 
revenge. Being himself the righter of his wrongs, 
he means to do the work of justice thoroughly. He 
never forgets a kindness or an injury; and unless 
maddened by drink or injustice, he is as harmless as 
a sleeping serpent. As surely as the unlettered abo 
riginal race fades before predominant civilization, so 
surely sinks the civilized man who ventures alone 
upon the sea of savagism. 

If possible, the reckless extravagance of the fur- 


]iunl( r was more insane than thai of the miner. Think 

of a life of danger and privation in tin- distant wild 

for one, three, or live years, with at 1< ;ial 

chanc.- of never returning; think of the toil attend! 
the slo\\ accumulation of furs and of bringing t h m 
market, then a1 last of arrivin a rend <rt, 

01- town; think of the whole catch hein^- every dollar 
the poor fool is worth, except what he may carry on 
his hack ; think of the results of all this risk and la 1 tor 

being squandered in three days, in two days: or of the 
hunt i T night s revelry ing hack to 

th< as pool- as when he iirst went th< liu 

and to squander. I say the fur-hunter is, 

if possible, more insane in his dissipations than the 
id-hunter: lor the former tak ;ter i . and 

sure of never securing a fortune, whicli the latter 
ver forgets is within his ran f possibiliti- 
Since- the discovery of gold in fur-hunting districts 
: wo pursuits have often been united. In British 
kimbia many mined during summer and trapped 
in winter. Nor were partners and proprietors free 
from this propensity to prodigality. Nowhere was 
ever seen mon- lavish hospitality during the earlier 
y.-ars of this century than in the homes of the Fro- 
. the McGillivrays, and the MrTavishes of 
Montreal, who vied wit h ea--h other in luxurious osten 
tation and conviviality. When the fur king travelled, 
lie was, like the representative California!! of 1850, 
a marked man. .More particularly the jeweller knew 

Once having fallen within the subtle influence of 
J fascinations, lew ever were content to return 
to the stilling atmosphere of straitlaced convention 
alisms. Of all the thousands who left loving hearts 
and wended their way to the wilderness, not one in 
ten wa heard of hy his friends again. Some 

perished from hunger or fatigue; some were stung 
by \< nomotis reptiles, or were torn in pieces by wild 
me fell from dills and others were swallowed 


by treacherous waters; fever seized some and icy 
winter others; and finally there were those who were 
tortured to death by savages, and those who wen; 
shot from behind by their comrades for the pack which 
they carried, while some few died in their blankets in 
peace. And yet, while the bones of the ninety and 

nine lie bleaching in the wilderness, the one returning 


with horse or boat packed high with rich peltries 
alone is remembered. I am told by an old fur-trader, 
who has given me many facts of interest, that while 
stationed at various posts he was obliged to bring into 
the field annual recruits, amounting to one new man 
for every two sent out the previous year, and that in 
a term of three years, during which two hundred 
might have been employed, not more than forty would 
be known to be alive. The enticements of fur-hunting 


were much the same as those of gold-gathering. Both 
were alluring in their risks no less than in their re 
wards. While holding their victim firmly within their 
grasp, both encouraged him with the perpetual hope 
of some day returning to home and friends, even him 
self not knowing that he would not if he could. 

It is the fate of progressive humanity always to be 
wanting something ; nor do I see that it matters much 
whether it be empire, fame, or beaver- skins that urge 
men forward. As we are constituted, something with 
in must prompt action, else were we already dead, 
though fortune flit us for years to come. Here in 
the wilderness we see comforts abandoned and life sys 
tematically risked for so poor a trifle that many would 
not reach out their hand to obtain it. Without a mur 
mur we see hardships met before which brave men 
might quail without dishonor ; met and held in cheer 
ful embrace until violent death or premature old age 
cuts short their career. As matters of course, long, 
difficult, and dangerous journeys are undertaken month 
after month and year after year, in which patience and 
endurance are equally tried. Long excursions are 
sometimes made to far-off trading-grounds, involving 


travel day and night in order to return before 
snows enclose them t<> their destruction, and tliis only 
I- be <; illicit for the winter in the wilden without 
shelter, and dependent for food wholly on the preca 
rious siij)j)lv of wood or stream. Their daily 1 
cor d of thrilling adventures and hair- 1 Ith 
. perils and sniferings unheard of, yet which 
when pa>sed they deemed scarcely worth the men- 


Then- was a class on the United States frontier 
called free trappers, who were their own masters in 
everything, hunting only on their own account, either 
singly or in companies of two or four. They were 
much courted by traders, who by retaining them near 
at hand not only added to their strength and safety, 
hut to their profits, as with their liquor and supp] 
it was seldom difficult to secure all the furs a hunter 
could gather, and keep him in debt beside. 

In fur-hunting parlance the word voyage was ap 
plied to all terraqueous journeys, and voyayvt rx were 
simply boatmen, that is to say, French Canadian boat 
men, though their duties were various, and as such 
the^ retained their peculiarities until their calling 
was extinguished by the spread of civilization. The 
coureurs </cx />o/x, or rangers of the woods, or bush 
rangers as they are sometimes called, were those 
originally brought into yet closer contact with the 
natives, eating, sleeping, and hunting with them, and 
BO d( rating into savagism, only the more quickly 

t disappear with their savage friends, while the boat- 

n, as indiyidual traffic became less profitable, took 
with the for companies, and by pushing farther 
and farther into the wilderness, retained their indi 
viduality until their occupation was gone. The wood- 
rnnnerof ( anada was about on a par with the trapper 
of l lie United St. . one who hunted either for 
himself or for an dition or company, while the 

boatman proper almost in irily took service either 


for a longer or shorter period, especially in later years, 
with a fur-hunting company. 

The French Canadians have been called the finest 
boatmen in the world. This statement, perhaps, is 
true if confined to white men. But there are many 
tribes of Indians and islanders more expert with 
their canoes as for example the Alaskans and the 
Kanakas- -than any European, however savagized by 
forest life. 

The orthodox fur-hunting canoe was birch bark, 
sewed with spruce-root fibre, and the seams made 
tight with resin. They were from thirty to forty feet 
long, five or six wide, light and graceful, gaudily 
painted, and capable of carrying three passengers, 
with a crew of eight ; and though readily floating four 
tons of freight, might be easily borne on the shoul 
ders of two men. But the birch canoe was not the 
one usually employed in the Oregon waters. Here 
prevailed the bateau, thirty-two feet long and six 
and a half feet amidships, made of quarter-inch pine 
boards, both ends sharp, without keel, and propelled 
either with oars or paddles. Larger and smaller boats 
than these were made ; also canoes consisting of a single 
log dug out. A boat was made at Okanagan specially 
for the trade and modelled after a whale-boat, only 
larger. They were clinker-built, with all the timbers 
flat, and so light as to be easily carried. In their 
construction pine gum was used instead of pitch. 

Discharged from an engagement, the voyageurs 
were very much like sailors ashore. Some few carried 
their earnings to their wives, but most of them lav 
ished their gains upon their sweethearts, bought for 
themselves new finery, and ate, drank, and played 
until nothing was left. 

To make up a company of voyageurs for an expedi 
tion was like enrolling a crew of sailors for a voyage. 
They were usually engaged for a certain time, and 
received part of their pay in advance, as they were 
proverbially penniless, and needed an outfit, besides 


having old jay. Then i must be a gen 

eral use with their friends bef< uv pan which 

they drink, light, frolic, and dance until it is time for 
tin-in t<> take their place in the b-at. 

It is a wild unfettered lii .-. a buoyant, joyous, rev 
elling, rollicking lite, full of beauty, with ever fresh 
and recurring fascination. Sec them as they sit at 
night eating, smoking, and chatting round the ruddy 
camp-fire! with weary limbs and soiled cloth Her 
a day of many portages, or perhaps after a wi in a 

rapid, or a beating siorm, their dark luxuriant hair 

lliii"- in tangled ma.- round their bronzed face 
30 * 

and their uncouth figures casting weird shadows on 
background foliage. Sec them as they rise from 
their hard though welcome bed, at the first faint 
streak <>f dawn on a frosty morning, to the guide s, 
harsh leathern -voiced call of "Ar/v/ /<Vr/ 3 joking 
1-humor gradually arising out of the wheeze 
zes, grunts, and grumbles of their somnolence. 
See them now, merry and musical as larks, throwing 
themselves with their luggage into the boats, and 
shoving from the; bank out upon the placid, polished 
water, striking up their morning song to the soft, low 
rhythmic dip of their paddles, which rise and fall in 
unison as if moved by one hand. The deepening 
flu>h upon the sky, as from some huge bea<-on-iir 
hidden beyond the distant hills, marks the approach 
of all-awakening day; or if through the trees the sun 
is first seen Hooding the landscape 1 with a crackling 
li.H ht and setting ablaze the ice-covered foliage, it 
were enough to turn cold petrifaction into responsive 


Landing about nine o clock, breakfast is hastily 
cooked and eateD : then comes the long, >t roiig. heavy 
pull of the day if it be up the stream, or the frequent 
death-dodging descent of rapids if it be downward; 

a five-minute pipe of tobacco every two hours, dran 

at (! intervals usually three or four a day if 


liquor be plentiful, and luncheon in the boat at noon; 
and thus the usual routine wears time away. 

One other picture, and only one, may fittingly be 
hung beside that of hyperborean morning, and that 
is summer s golden sunset. Paint Jehovah, joy, and 
life with a handful of clay! Faintly, ah! how faintly 
to yearning consciousness nature s surpassing radiance 
is felt; but no tongue of man may name it. Never 
theless these poor ignorant French boatmen felt it, 
were thoroughly in sympathy with it, were indeed a 
part of it ; and from their lips broke spontaneous song, 
half prayer, half praise, which brought them nearer 
heaven than might have done any cathedral choir. 
The play of beauty which the sun flings back in its 
diurnal departure is best reflected where the planet 
has been least mutilated by man. Nothing can be 
more impressive than nature s silent voice felt in the 
fragrant air, breathed over the placid lake by the 
gently waving forest, all glowing in glimmering twi 

But it w r as when reaching the end of a lonof and 

o O 

perilous journey that the voyageur merged into his 
gayest mood. It was then the elaborate toilet was 
made : men and boats decorated, with ribbons, tassels, 
and gaudy feathers streaming from gaiters and cap ; it 
was then, in their most brilliant bunting, the chanson a 
Vaviron was struck and the plaintive paddling melody, 
which the distant listener might almost fancy to be 
the very voice of mountain, wood, and stream united, 
swelled on nearer approach into a hymn of deep manly 
exultation, and with flourish of paddle keeping time 
to song and chorus they swept round bend or point, 
and landed with a whoop and wild halloo which caused 
the timid deer or eagle poised on cloud-tipped moun 
tain to pause and listen, or which might almost bring 
to life the tree-top buried mummy of their red-faced 
friend. It was a most brilliant and inspiriting scene 
to stand upon the bank and witness the arrival of a 
brigade of light canoes, dashing up with arrow swift- 


to tin* very edge <>f th<- little wharf 1. 

fort, then, like a Mexican with liis inustan 
to a sudden Mop, accomplished as if by mira<-l" by 
hacking wai imultaneoufi aeh with his utm 
strength, then rolling their paddles all i 

tin- gunwale, shake from fcheir bright vermilion 1> 

a shown- <} >pra\ MIL which the rowvrs lightly 

emerge as iVom a cloud. 

At any of the torts along the route great was tl 
jov upon ihe arrival of the annual express which 
brought Lu irs from friends and intelligence from 1 

J ^-5 

outside world The cry once raised, it rapidly p 

from mouth to mouth : "The express!" "Theexpiv 
and hefore tlie hoats liad touched the bank a motley 
crowd had gathered there; and if such a sight has 
n frequent and exhilarating at all the posts during 
the past century what shall we say of the numerous 
ileets that enlivened the solitudes during the pal 1 
days of the Northwest Company? Between Montreal 
and Fort William not less than ten brigades of twenty 
canoes each used to pass and repass every summer, 
carrying supplies to the country above and bring! 
down furs, all their traffic then passing over this rou 
Upon a stranger the effect of these passing briga< 
was most thrilling; how then must it have been with 
him who through tedious summers and long dreary 
winters was for years buried in these western wilds? 
buried until coming hack to city hustle was like re- 


turning to life, and who now found himself surroum 
by forty or sixty of these fantastically paint 
bright-paddled boats rushing through the water at 
reindeer speed under a cloud of Hying spray tow; 
their last landing, while in the breast of every t: 
gin-- oarsman there were twenty caged hozam 

i:ig faintly iirst, \ poured in song upon the 1> 
from live Inii! ! tremulous ton . until iinally, 
breaking all control, t hey would burst forth in one loud, 
long peal of triumphant joy. 

SOUK-; IT lr; - a lleet of boats, some- 


times a train of horses, and sometimes a train of dog- 
sledges. It was not uncommon in the mountains of 
British Columbia to sec two hundred horses, laden 
each with two packages of furs, winding with the 
narrow trail round cliffs and through passes on their 
way from the bleak uplands to canoe navigation on 
some river. 

Probably there is nothing more exciting in a fur- 
hunter s life, or in any life, unless it be where one is 
brought face to face with the probability of death in 
the form of an attacking foe, man or beast, than the 
running of rapids, which in the watercourses of hyper 
borean America are a feature. 

Rapids were run under two conditions, uninten 
tionally and intentionally. The explorer descending an 
unknown stream might find himself suddenly in the 
toils of waters. An ominous roar would first notify him 
of danger from which retreat was impossible, the only 
course being in directing the boat down the torrent. At 
such times thought and action must be simultaneous; 
for the boatman, knowing nothing of the current or 
what the next instant would bring forth, had only his 
eye to guide him, and should his frail craft strike upon 
a rock it was dashed in pieces. It is difficult to con 
ceive of a place where coolness and quickness were 
more requisite, for besides the tumult in which he 
found himself engaged, he knew not the moment when 
he might come upon a perpendicular fall or other un 
known passage to inevitable destruction. 

Such cases, however, were not common. There was 
excitement enough in shooting a rapid where knowl 
edge was united with skill and the venture was made 

Rapids were run with full or half -loaded boats; 
sometimes part of the men would step out to lighten 
the boat; or cargo and men, all save the boatmen, 
might be discharged, leaving the canoe empty. 

As the rapid is approached the bowman and steers- 


!i rise ered and quiekly exchai flxir oars for 

short paddles; then propping their km gainst the 

iniidi to steady tin- l> fchemseh 

they hold their paddles in tin- water edgewi-e with 
thr canoe, while tin- middle-men ]>ut forth nil 
str< :i upon tlirir oars that it maybe the ) 

guid< d, 

Thus into the seethin"- flood the frail bark down- 


wai-d jiliin^- \o\v it. rushes, as if to inevitable 
destruction, toward a rock: but one strong slnml- 

L6OU8 sti-oki of bowman and steersman, who alw; 
act in concert, sheers it fore and al t to one sL 

while onwai-d it eroes midst the hisses of iiei-ce cur- 


renN, i-isiiiM-, falling, beating and beaten against, 

whirled here by an eddy, thrown violently th< 
a bowlder which makes its ribs crack, esc 
>ne danger only to find itself instantly upon an 
other, until finally with long-drawn breath it read 
the (juiet waters below, if indeed it be not wrecked 
in the perilous passage. 

It is interesting to mark the carriage respectively 
of voyain ur and Indian in such emergencies: one mer 
rily chants his boat son^, the other is stern as silent 
death. Yet as the Frenchman in many respects 

;dily became Indian, so the Indian in some few 
things beside drinking, smoking, swearing, and the 
like, became French. In due time the savage bo. 
man >o tar forgot his taciturnity as to take up t 
custom of singing, which enabled him to paddle more 
steadily and keep better time. It is etiquette now 
among the natives of 1 Jritish Columbia for the st 
man to lead with the song, the crew joining only in 
the chorus. 

I Jet ween the caiioeineii there was quite a distinc 
tion. The foreman and steersman were those on 
wh skill and nerve the safety of life and cargo 
depended; hence their pay was often twice or thrice 
much as the middle-men, who merely propelled 
th at. 


To make these merry boatmen, who in the face of 
fatigue, hunger, or clanger would strike into a Cana 
dian barcarolle as they lustily plied their paddles, 
material was necessary different from that brought 
from the Orkney Islands, which was well enough in 
its way, to be sure, staid steady Scotchmen, but slow, 
clumsy, without skill and without enthusiasm, and far 
from their border land of naturalness. 

While boats, horses, and sometimes carts were em 
ployed in summer travel in many parts of British 
North America, only snow-shoes or sledges drawn by 
dogs could be used in winter, the streams being frozen 
over. A dog s sled, to which three or four intelligent 
brutes are hitched tandem, is usually about nine feet 
long by sixteen inches in width. It consists of two 
thin boards, of oak or birch, turned up in front and 
lashed together with deer -thongs, sometimes with 
sides, but often without. Sleds of double width are 
made, before which dogs, usually six in number, are 
harnessed two abreast. Four dogs will draw from 
two to four hundred pounds twenty-five or thirty-five 
miles a clay. 

Thus journeying as day departs and the crimson 
light fro:.Ti the western horizon flushes the cold white 


solitude, the traveller looks about him for a resting- 
place. Water and wood are usually the first con 
siderations in selecting a site; sometimes feed for 
animals and protection from savages claim attention. 
Quick work is made of it when each of the party has 
his special duty and knows how to perform it. An 
Indian woman will have her lord s tent ready while 
yet his animals are scarcely unladen. Camping in the 
forest in winter, while one is felling trees for the fire 
another spreads branches for beds; others prepare 
.food, brought in by the hunters, attend to cargoes and 
boats, or wagons and animals, as the case may be. A 
fur-trader s tent or lodge on the United States frontier 
consisted of eight, ten, or twelve poles, the lower ends of 
which were pointed and placed in the ground so as to 

Pi: VXD FOOD. 4.31 

circle right < T : i I iii diameter, the blunt 
i is being drawn together ,-m.[ fastened hytli 

TIi is frame. was then covered by dr I buffalo-skins 

sewed lordlier, luit left open in one place for rntran 

Not 1 lin 3 more cheering than a blazing logcamp-i 

in the wilderness at night, and nothing more pi<-tu- 

jiie than a band oi hunters in their long liair a 
fanciful costume Hitting hel orc tlic ruddy g] .hich 
ilii-i-Nv \\-eird ji^ures upon tlie surrounding f oli or 
; at full 1< 1,<_.-11) after supper, smoking, Ian- hi; 

, and story-telling. 

Of the French and Scotch fur-hunter the ordinary 
dress was a striped or colored cotton shirt, open in 
front, leathern, woollen, or corduroy trousers, and 
blue cloth or blanket capote, that is, an outside gar 
ment made from cloth or a blanket, having a hood, and 

rving the double purpose of cloak and hat. This 
Avas strapped closely to the body by a scarlet worst ; . 
vest. Capotes were sometimes made of leather, line I 
with ilannel and ed^vd with fur, which made them 

ry warm. The corduroy pantaloons were frequently 
tied at the knee with bead Baiters. When the capote 
was not employed, head-dresses were as varied as they 
were fantastic. Some wore coarse 1 cloth caps; o\ 
their lon<_;- black glistening hair some wound a color 

handkerchief into a turban; black beaver hats 
the moiv foppish, and bonnets with gold and silver 
tinsel hat-cords were now and then Been, almost hid- 
d- ii, however, under feathers and tassels. Ornamental 

red the feet; round their swarthy necks 
Iliant cotton handkerchiefs ^ dlor fashion, 

and from their scarlet belt were suspended knife and 
tobacco pouch. Leggings were l re<[uenily worn; and 
Avhen the cold was intense, two or three suits would 
be put on at OIK The voyageurs loved to decorate 
v part of their dress with plumes and bunch-. i s of 
di\ Colored ribbons with the ends gayly floating in 
the breeze. 


Somewhat similar was the dress of the United 
States trapper, though greatly modified. The blanket 
coat, often without the hood, the moccasins, and the 
deerskin pantaloons were there, though in place of 
ribbons, feathers, and tassels leather fringes answered 
every purpose. As an outside garment a shirt of leather 
or flannel was worn belted round the waist. Kit 
Carson dyed with bright vermilion the long fringes 
of his soft pliable deerskin hunting shirt and trousers, 
not disdaining to ornament the latter with porcu 
pine quills of various colors. A rich fur cap covered 
his head and embroidered moccasins his feet. On his 
left shoulder he carried his gun, while under his right 
arm hung his bullet -pouch and powder-horn. At 
his belt were fastened sheath-knife, tomahawk, and 

For food the fur-hunter took what he could get. 
As a rule his chief dependence was his rifle. His diet 
was principally meat, fresh or dried. Sometimes for 
months or even years he saw neither bread, salt, nor 
any vegetable. Meat alone, fish, flesh, or fowl, was all 
his larder contained, and well contented was he always 
to have it full, even of his sole sustenance. To a cap 
tive among the Indians living only on meat, bread 
becomes distasteful. 

But usually each fort had its little garden-patch, and 
in some instances even grain was raised. The rations 
a voyageur received, however, were very different in 
the several parts of the fur-hunting region. Thus in 
New Caledonia there might be given him for his 
day s food a dried salmon or eight rabbits; at Atha 
basca it would be eight pounds of moose meat; on 
the Saskatchewan ten pounds of buffalo meat; at 
English River three white fish, while in the far north 
his fare would be half fish, half reindeer. Rations, 
however, were by no means regular; when food was 
plentiful, all fared sumptuously; when scarce, each 
contented himself with his portion, whatever that 


lit TV b came to 


utilized. and 

I. ( i and (lllcks Wei 

York in great quantities in summer and Baited 
winter u- 

Complaints were frequent at the fill 1 <-onrpani< 
posts l>v the servants as i > the qu-i.-itity and <pial 
their f .xxl. Wilkes testifies that (J 

at Port Vancouver were not what th bould 
be. When a littl" 1 < thought and application w 
;) bring abundance then- ms no excuse lor a 

] ick of plain healthy food. Men revivin^ 
pounds per anniini, though hoai d was included, could 
not sometimes with their wa-^es thrown in obtain f 
and do enough to make them comfortable: and 
the fur-hunters ideas of comfort were l>y no means 
.trav r. ]\Euch, however, was the fault of t 

n themselves; i oi- land was allotted them, and time 
allowed in which to plant and gather; or if that w< 
much to expect, wives were furnished them of 
whom it was the fashion to make drudges. 

In preserved food the great staple is pemican- -that 
is, dri 1 meat pounded. The flesh commonly use 1 U 
that of the. bunalo, dcr, elk, or antelope, and for long 

in Arctic voyages, it may he prepa; 
with fat, spices, and raisins. For it, as for many of 
their forest conveniences and comforts, the fur-hunt 
are indehted to the Indians. 

Pemican is prepared l>y cutting the lean flesh \\ 
thin slices, an;l partially cooking or curing them in the 

i, hy exposure to frost, or l>y ]>lacing them on a 
wood rate over a slow tire. When dried they , 

inded het ween two stones .r with other implements. 
Often the sun-dried il sh-Hakcs are haled. But this 
is simply dried meat: it must he hroken into small 
pi hefoiv it is pemican. When thus pulverized 
it is put into a hag mad of the animal s hide, with 
the hair outside; after being well mixed in about 

* ,~N 

equal proportions with the melted fat of the animal, 

Ills i. N. W. COAST, VuL. I. 28 


the bag is sewed up, when it cools and hardens, and 
is ready for storage or transportation. In this state 
it will keep for years, but should it be massed in large 
quantities it is inclined to ferment in warm weather, 
in which case it must be opened and aired. 

It is usually eatdh uncooked, and without salt or 
other seasoning; when flour is at hand, some may ad 
vantageously be added, and the whole boiled in water, 
in which state in Hudson Bay countries it is known 
as robbiboo. Berries are sometimes added, when it 
is called sweet pemican. It is a healthy, nutritious 
food, and though not palatable at first, habit and 
hunger soon reconcile the palate to its use. Pemican 
is specially adapted to long journeys, being nutriment 
in a greatly condensed form; a hundred-pound bag, 
measuring three feet by ten inches, will comfortably 
sustain four men a month. It is made in all the great 
buffalo ranges, the chief depots for its manufacture in 
British America being the Red River and Saskatche 
wan districts. 

Of incalculable benefit, not only to the poor Indian 
but to his white extinguisher, has been the flesh of 
the buffalo, whether in the form of fresh or dried 
meat or pemican; indeed, without it long journeys 
in certain directions and at certain seasons could not 
be made. Dried buffalo meat, which is regarded as 
plainer food than pemican, so crusty as to break to 
pieces in one s fingers, with cold water has been the 
principal fare of uncomplaining thousands for years. 

In wilderness travel it often becomes necessary to 
abandon articles which for some reason cannot be car 
ried, or to store them for use on returning. A boat may 
be broken, animals or men may succumb under fatigue, 
or provisions may be required in a certain place at a 
future time. Contingencies thus arise in which it be 
comes necessary to secure property from molestation 
by savages or wild beasts. 

This is done by hiding it either in the brandies of 


P III ] l)llt Ulld :l)d 

bus i 

Tl- i Nkill and car rm 

tlii it the pryin tor of 

b I not dk ii. 

;ill br as (! nu 

;i in diameter, r< 

-ink a hoi,- perpendicularly or 

inch J, after which widen it ; . n, 

illy to have ;i 8llb1 -rranean piirh i 

at t! 
BE T] !i thus remoi .ust ; 

away and thrown into a stream, or 

nil; !i.-a[)|rar. l^or a ilooi laid 

=, on v/liich drird g kins are E . thus 

X > lire an opportunity to settle at the bot- 

struction to the proper, Sticks are 
lik ]-l;i(vd against the sides to serve as j <-tion 

damp earth. The goods are then stow* 
T all a skin is laid; the top of the hole 
arth, which is covered with the original 
! or surface so as to present as natural and imdis- 
tu ranee as possible. 

<-an -fully obliterated, and if in the 
forest,! iv\ved \vith leaves and brand. 


D of the direction and distance from 
y prominent object, so that upon description 

;it at the caching can iind thu phi 
( J f holes of lai ^cr or smaller dimension 

ling 1 v. 

In latitudes i i- ffiddenand 

a river by cuttii; hole in the i ud BU 
it from in a CM ud tlien pouring v, 

until t i- smooth ] ,in. 

This in c ! may have been Jit 

d it Ion- b 
t upon t! - or even 1 


own clogs, whose instinct directs them to cache their 
surplus food. 3 

3 Those who desire fuller descriptions will find them in Fhihnfufvf* 7//V. 
Vancouver Island, MS. ,98; ( <niii>foii*S<>rriiii-<*t ( <><t*i, MS. ,28; Hex-fry M<nn/- 
ta t/t Journal, 1805-0, MS., 1-39; Dinni s Or., 80,234; Town send * Nar., 1152; 
Co.r .t A<fv., 117; Ballauh/nc n Hudson Bay, 249; Victor* 8 River <>/ flu- JJY*/, 

.-}, --,;, 80, 82-3, 85, 87-8, 110-11, 142, 140; WM wmi*, Ausflug t 0-9, 57-05, 
92; It<)l>>i.>i> <, /<>!/ Far Lan<l, 27-40 et seq. ; I/ar/><>r x Mag., xii. 340-0; 

/ .s- \, a- ( aee2onia,MS.)3j and the several fort journals and correspondence 
of traders and factors. 




VKUY- !Ii.\i:v HrnsoN- o I.IF.X AND R \ 


VAI.I: llri KKT LAND Tm; I LANTIM; OF Fours Kor\i> EUDBOB 1. 

\i;ii:s Tin-: TUKATY OF I. TKECHT CHAKA<TKU AND 1 ourv <>F 


Gin: AT BRITAIN was not the nation all this while to 
look upon a lucrative traffic anywhere without having 
a finder in it. Least of all in America, where spoil 
was the just reward of the strongest, and whose ulti 
mate partition should mark the relative importance 
of European powers, was glowing opportunity to be 
neglected. Yet of the three great names forever 
linked to the discovery of the far north-east two w 
foreigners and the other a yenniless sailor. Beside 
the flag of England upon the coast of Labrador in 
149G Cabot planted the banner of the Venetian re 
public. The son Sebastian, unable to collect his pay 
from Henry VII., whose previous parsimony had I 
him Columbus, took service under Ferdinand of Spain. 
Little was done during the following eighty years. 

Alphonse de Xaintoigne, who had accompani 
Roberval to Canada, followed Cabot s course, and John 
Davis readied the entrance to Baffin Bay. Elizabeth 

came ^omewhat excited over the spurious gold 


brought back by SVobislaer, and in 1577-8 gave him 
new Hoots; but with the opening of the seventeenth 
rontury English cupidity. awoke, and while the colo 
nists wore planting settlements under Kincf James 

1 O o 

patents, the more northern regions w r ere not neglected. 

On behalf of a company of London merchants 
Henry Hudson in 1607 sailed to the cast coast of 
Greenland in an attempt to discover a north-west 
passage. The year following a similar attempt re 
sulted in failure. The enthusiasm of the London 
merchants cooling, Hudson turned his steps toward 
Holland, where a small yacht, called the Half Moon, 
was furnished him by the Dutch East India Com 
pany, in which in 1609 he sailed northward, but 
baffled by icebergs he turned his prow west, touched 
at Newfoundland, whence coasting southward he en 
tered New York harbor, and ascended the river which 
bears his name. 

After this success for the Dutch, almost before 
Holland had independent national existence, the 
London merchants were ready for another venture. 
Sailing in the Discovery in 1610 Hudson followed 
Frobisher s track, and passing through Hudson Strait 
entered an inland sea virgin to European keels. This 
was indeed a long sought highway to India. But as 
he continued his course the astonished shores of 
Hudson Bay held him in wintry embrace, and when 
spring approached the patience of the crew w T as gone. 
Breaking into mutiny, they seized their commander 
and his son, and with seven faithful sailors cast them 
off in an open shallop among the icebergs. This was 
the last that was heard of them. 

Exploration, English and French, by sea and land, 
slowly followed. Captain James wintered at Hudson 
or James Bay in 1632, and in 1656 Jean Bourbon 
sailed to the farther end of the bay in a vessel of 
thirty tons, trafficking with the natives. Little was 
thought of this far north inland icy sea, with its low 


in : at this time it v ly <1 d 

Tth ii^litin^ for. Though i tir-lu -in n;_;- animal 
plentiful, there was no lack of them in : 

clime I Eenoe, when in ! Louis Xi II. 

L\ U the Comp la Xoiivelle Franc liMrtrr 

of the district, litt!- attention was paid to it. 

Some tim , however, a Frenchman named 

G ! visiting that region became deeply im- 

l l>y its neglected wealth, and proposal ; 
his L;-overnnient to utilize it, but without sue 
Til :d ownership In/in^ questions of little moment, 
G Tie/ a<ldr I himself to the court of [England, 
in Prince llupert he found a patron. A. v< 1 

lied the Nonsuchketch, Captain Zachary Gillain, 
w, j nipped, in which Grossehez, with a i !e 

companion named Rabisson, sailed in 1GG8 for Ilud- 

n Bay, wintered on th-- st main near Rupert 
Rivei-, and built there the first fort, calling it Fort 
Chark Returning with the prestige of succe> . a 
charter was obtained from Charles II. in favor of tl. 
Governor and Company of Adventurers of England 
trading into Hudson Bay, dated May 2, 1670, witli 
Prince Rupert as first governor, assuring the dukes, 
j, lords, knights, and gentlemen composing it, and 
their successors, of the sole trade to Hudson strait 
and bay, with permanent proprietorship over all the 

amtries, coasts, and confines of lands, seas, la , 
and rivers not actually possessed by the sul >f 

any other Christian prince, with all the aniin . !i, 

id minerals therein contained, to Ire reckoned as one 
of the British plantations or colonies in America, 
under the name of Rupert Land. Over this territory 
and the natives thereof the company was to exercifi 
forever supreme civil and criminal jurisdiction, with 

1 Known also as ] >esgrozelicrs, the Huguenot. M. < . .-inieau <lcsi^natrs him 
as a French iv : -\ ulently is not favorably impressed with L : 

ci)in})lains bitterly of his tivari. \ he calls it. st 

. Foy., 376-7 calls him 
UTS, or 1 burgher of Canada. 

-The I "!- . Kuj iTt <>f Hudson li.iy stood nwir the mouth of the Kivcr 
, in the bottom of the buy/ and was built Lu 1077. 


power to pass laws, grant lands, and make war and 

ace with any nations not Christian. For exactly 
two hundred years, or until 1870, when the territory 
was brought under the dominion of Canada, the com 
pany thus enjoyed, under the crown, all the rights 
and powers of commercial sovereignty; in which gift 
there was but one flaw, which was that the land given 
did not belong to the giver. 

It will be noticed that the territorial limits of 
the company are here vaguely defined; and many 
fierce disputes with the French nation and bloody 
affrays with rival fur companies arose in consequence. 
But before bounds could be of much importance, the 
principles of ownership must be several times fought 

As the company planted posts at the entrance of 
streams round the shores of the bay, the jealousy 
of the French was newly aroused. By way of the 
Saguenay River in 1671 an expedition was sent from 
Quebec by Governor d Avougour under St Simon 
and La Couture. Of the region of desolation which 
they found they took formal possession in the name 
of the king of France, burying upon the shore a brass 
plate graven with the royal armorials in token of 

Fearful of the power he had invoked in England, 
Grosseliez returned to his old allegiance, craved par 
don of France, was forgiven, and his services were ac- 


cepted, though too late to be of any benefit. In 1G81 
an association was formed in Canada, called the North 
ern Company, for the purpose of establishing trade at 
Hudson Bay. With two vessels Grosseliez was sent 
thither to drive out the English, whom he had pre 
viously introduced to those parts, and to demolish 
their factories, which now numbered three, there being, 
beside Fort Rupert, one at the Monsonis River and 
one at the St Anne River. Instead of fighting the 
English, however, the French proceeded to the mouth 
of the River St Therese. and there built a fortress 


thev called F< Bourbon, trnin 

Quebec, Grosseliez quarrelled witli his company and 
proceeded tn I Yance for redress, which ho Tailed to 
obtain. In a rage In- sold Foil Bourbon, with it >re 


of I m-- valued at lour hundred thousand francs, throu 
tin- British ambassador a1 Pan-, to tin- Knglish, who 
-rd the establishmenl into a four-bastioned fort, 

with a water-ditch ten IV-ct in \vidtli, inaiinrd it 
and storcil it with munitions of war. Th<- 
co\n-t -oin])luinc(l oi this runaway proceeding to 
^lisli king, who promised that the fori -liould 

iirncd; Init the Ivin;^ \vas unal)le to keep his word. 
The Northern ( 1 <>ni]>any was finally merged into tin; 
Company of Canada, which latter society, it will he 
remembered, had Ixvn formed. by M. Piccaud,to whom 
the Oiidiette peltry monopoly had l>eeii transfer! 
by M. Jtoddt -. 

For some time prior to the close of the century the 
Anglo-Americans had been pursuing an aggressive 
policy in Xew France; but the French now deter 
mined to wrest Hudson Bay and Newfoundland from 
Uritish domination; in pursuance of which plan M. de 
Troves, D Iberville, Ste Helene, and Maricourt, with 
a body of Canadian regulars, proceeded overland in 
1G85 to dispose the English on Hudson Bay. 

First invested was the four-bastioned fort of Mon- 
sonis, mounting fourteen .U uns, which was carried by 
assault. Fort Rupert was next dismantled, and a 
British vessel at anchor in the bay captured, the 
Hudson s Bay Company s governor heinir <>nc. of the 
prisoners taken. St Anne, mounting forty-three ean- 
non, then capitulated. It was the la t and most 
important factory at that time on the hay. having in 
its store peltries valued at fifty thousand crown 

Returning to Quebec in the autumn of 1G87 with 
the captured vessel laden with furs, D Iberville. on 
whom the command now fell, rein-wed hostilities the 
following year, and again cl I Hudson Bay of the 
British. Rallying, the English were repulsed before 


St Anne in 1G89, but capturing the fortress the fol 
lowing year, it was wrested from them by the French, 
only again to fall into British hands two years later. 
In 1694 Fort Bourbon was reduced by D Iberville, 
whose brother, M. de Chateauguay, was killed in the 
attack. 3 

Meanwhile the Hudson s Bay Company, nothing 
daunted, continued to plant forts and reap their annual 
harvest of rich peltries; and notwithstanding losses 
of over one hundred thousand pounds during these 
affrays, they were able to pay shareholders a dividend 
of fifty per cent. 

Yet the French were at their heels. After direct 
ing attention eastward for a time, during which oc 
curred the reduction of Pemaquid in 1697, and a 
successful attack on St John with a squadron of five 
ships brought for him from France for the final re 
duction of Hudson Bay domination by M. de Serigny, 
D Iberville sailed to Fort Nelson, where he arrived 
with one vessel, the Pelican, having parted company 
with the others on the way. There he found three 
British ships, the Hampshire^ the Dehring, and the 
Hudson s Bay; after destroying them all he took the 
fort, the reduction of which placed him in possession 
of the whole territory. 4 

Europe, having spent its strength in most interest 
ing and necessary human slaughters, proposed for a 
time general pacification, and a quadruple treaty was 
signed at Ryswick, by the terms of which the French 

3 The French were in possession of Fort Bourbon, which we call now 
York Fort, from the year 1697 to 1714. Dobbs Hudson s Bay, 18. During 
this time M. Jeremie was at first lieutenant and afterward governor there. 

4 French trappers cried down English goods, while on all occasions the 
English depreciated French articles. While the French held Michilmacki- 
nac the natives of Lake Winnipeg told Carver that if they could always be 
sure of a supply of goods at that place they would not cariy their furs to the 
factories on Hudson Bay. At the same time they displayed some cloth of an 
inferior quality, which they said they had purchased from the English, and 
in which they were badly cheated. Raynal, Hist. Phil., viii. 99; Kohl s Hist. 
Discov., ii. 82; Russell s Hist. Am., ii. 265; Carver s Travels, iii. Notwith 
standing which, on the whole, English goods were superior to the French. 
The Indians became quick judges of the quality of goods, and few English 
manufactured articles then, as now, were surpassed by any in the world. 

TTvK., -XD PARIS. 443 

11 they lia<l i in 

At t! me time I I.uds<.n I 

lii Fi 

Uowed, Xe\v < souses, ho- 

butcheri In 17<M ( 

iVoni Canada northward again set in; A! -nd 

oil icv I irt : : (.h g 

and former lollies reenacted. Barlow - rnor 

at Albany at the time, and played ith c 

su<-< Notified by an Indian of \ p- 

h of the French, Barlow kept the strl t guard. 

At night the enemy came and deni; ion. 

, who was looking out for tli .-ni, replied t 
Hi;.- governor was asleep, but if they would wait a 

t he would get the key and open the 
tl The French, thrown off their guard, crowded 

r< mud the entrance. Instead < >f opening the gate, how- 
Barlow opened two loop-holes and discharged 
upon the expectant besiegers the contents of two >six- 
poun . which killed more than half of them, in 
cluding their commander, a renegade Irishman. The 
remainder then went their way. It was only with 

ity of Utrecht, following the war of succ 
n, that peace to the far-off dismal bord f Hud 
son Bay was fully assured. In the treaty signed at 
Ut. t the 30th of March 1713, French domination 
in America was much abridged, while Kngli^h tei 
tory was largely extended, France ceding t>> Kngland 

midland, the province of <*adia, or Nova 
Scotia, and the Hudson Bay territory. It had b. 
admitted by the treaty of Ilyswick. I in S 

iber 1G97, that all the Hudson Bay territories 
beloi> to France; by the treaty of Utrecht it v 
admitted that three fourths of the lauds hitherto 
claimed by the company belonged to France; it v 
only by the treaty of Paris, in 17f>:i, that title to 
all those territories was confirmed to ( Jreat Britain. 

The treaty of Utrecht attempted to define the 
limits of the lands then ceded in the north, but with 


ill success. Broadly speaking, the surfaces drained by 
streams emptying into Hudson strait and bay were 
given to England, while those drained by streams 
flowing in opposite directions belonged to France. 
This line, beginning at some point on the north 
eastern coast of Labrador, is easily enough carried 
south-westerly round the sources of Rupert, Abbit- 
tibbe, Moose, and Albany rivers; but when the re 
gion of Lake Winnipeg is reached, difficulties are 
met ; for if all the waters hence flowing into Hudson 
Bay were encircled, the Red River and Saskatchewan 
districts would be included, which obviously was never 
intended either by the charter or the treaty. 5 The 
truth is, at that time the geography of this western 
region was wholly unknown. When the company as 
certained the connecting links of this water-chain 
they claimed as their southern bound the highlands 
diverging south-westerly from Lake Superior and 
winding round between the sources of Red River 
and the Mississippi, which would bring them within 
United States territory two degrees or more. British 
geographers, immediately after the conquest, drew 
the boundary line between Canada and the Hudson s 
Bay Company s territory within three or four hun 
dred miles of the bay on the south-western side. 6 
During the second hundred years of its existence, how 
ever, the monster monopoly, playing ruse contre ruse 
in its century-games for domination, exceeded in terri 
torial limits the wildest anticipations of its managers ; 
spreading northward and westward until its area was 
nearly one third larger than all Europe; and while 

5 Reaching the banks of Nelson s River, the ridge ceases to divide streams 
at their heads, and is traversed by the outlet of Lake Winnipeg, which re 
ceives from the southward the waters of the Red River, and discharges itself 
through Play Green Lake and Nelson River, into Hudson s Bay. West of 
this river, the highlands resume their former characteristic, and rise at the 
sources of Burntwood, Churchill, and Beaver rivers. Bouchette s Brit. Dom., 
i. 29-30. 

G Regarding the northern and western bounds, as no lines had been de 
fined, the company laid claim to the northern and western oceans. See plans 
referred to in the Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson s Bay 


the C nent at its br ];;rt. and 

touching at mice the three Q rul<-d 

supreme a hundred mil >ns held as >] 

it 3 jn)licy and laws. 

Uiii not, without much management and many se- 

3 this mighty end act 1. ])uring 

the lirst century <>f its fcence the company did \\< 

I \m with its operations more than lour hundred 

miles inland. Its policy was that of a close corpoi 
lion in an epoch of the closest commercial seer 
Not knowing the extent of its resourn domain, 

it was determined no one else should know them. 
Discovery and settlement were discouraged. "For 
the discovery of a new passage into the South S 
was one of the purposes for which they asked a char 
ter, and yet, until forced to it hy the pressure of [>rog- 
. all their powers were e.M-rtvd to prevent the 
opening of an iiiteroceanic passage along their bor- 
ders. 7 Not only did they systematically keep their 

rvants and agents in ignorance respecting such par 
of the business as did not come under their hum to 
observation, but they made frequent changes in their 
appointments, Winding them as to their movement 
enjoining upon them the strictest secrecy, and for 
bidding the cultivation of the soil further than a 

7 They conceal all the advantages to be made in that country, and give 
out that the climate, and country, . 11111 ]>aage thither are much v ,id 

more dan i than they really net therefore oblige their captains not 

make any charts or journals that may d 

have lu di BO base to their country a.s not only !vt it th m>ch . s. luit 

it and disomraijv any attempt to find out so l>eneti>-ial a ]>as-:K 
])lil,.S 11* <1-,, i /la;/. _ . .">7. Mills, II,)l)sin. !>! ami Vmfreville l.r 

imilar accusations, lliese caaraes are denied i>y lle.inu 1 , who ]>oints \i> \ 

attempts of | >c;iu, Christopher, Johnston, and Duncan t<> find am>!lh-\\. 
]>;: and coiicluiled that the air of Tiiyst> f\. and all ectatioi 

perhaps, which .formerly attended M-nifof the Company s proceedings in I 
Bay, might givi to those conjectures. 1 fleon 

total ird of . object for which they obtained, and have m>\\- held, 

a royal charter for nearly one linndred and i irs. cntit: 

tiling lut ] olur ISlli, 1 H. I" 

Huaaon ]!">/, 71, c-har^es the l- nudish ;nl\ 

of tit-- 111 L 788 they had a tc\\- interior .,here;i l;i rade \ 

fried OH. Th^y paid their iiu ii : i as did 

North west Company, and* 1 .. Winterbotiuun, v, 

iv. 1!), \viJi twenty be 6aii. 


garden patch for the immediate or temporary supply 
of vegetables. Even the springs that moved the vast 
machinery were pressed behind closed doors, and or 
ders of weightiest import were breathed in whispers. 
When, finally, in 1769-72 Samuel Hearne was ordered 
by the company to journey northward and ascertain 
what manner of things were there, his journal was 
kept concealed for twenty years thereafter. 

While the French counted their establishments by 
scores, during the first half century of the company s 
existence there were planted in Rupert Land, that 
is to say the country round Hudson Bay, scarcely 
over a half dozen posts; but during the latter part of 
the same century their establishments increased. 8 The 
sloop Beaver sailed from Albany River to Moose River 
to found a factory there the 7th of September 1729; 
thence westward and back from the shore the com 
pany extended their occupation, paying no more at 
tention to chartered limits than did the rival traders 
who erected forts in regions surrounding. 9 

In all its relations to the country, then and subse 
quently, the company has stood in the position of a 
trading colony, being in direct antagonism to agri 
cultural and mining interests; although mining colo 
nies bring scarcely a denser population than trading 
colonies. 10 

Various efforts were made to break the monopoly, 
which w r as to these misty hyperborean regions what 
the East India Company was to the soft-aired Orient. 
Arthur Dobbs and Umfreville, among others, pub- 

8 Until the Northwest Company wakened them to life by daring opposi 
tion there was no great display of intelligence or enterprise on the part of the 
adventurers trading into Hudson Bay. Gass Journal, 4. 

9 Seldom were the rights of fur companies, that is to say if any of them 
ever had any rights, to domain granted respected by rival companies. Enter- 

; a territory at a distance from any fort, the natives there found were always 
-lad to save themselves a difficult and often dangerous journey through the 
domain of enemies by disposing of their peltries at home. Carver s Travels, 112. 
lu Trading colonies, says Heeren, consist at first of nothing more than 
factories and staples for the convenience of trade ; but force or fraud soon en 
larges them, and the colonists become conquerors, without, however, losing 
sight of the original object of their settlement. Hist. licseardies, 24. 


Looks, OIK- in 1711 and the oilier in 1790, 
o] the continual f the charter on the ground 

of i ori 1: mv and inj notice. 11 All -ivat monopoE 
unjust and injurious; men combine and monopoliz 

for no oilier purpose than t<> exrludr others 1 

I right Probably, however, th coran 

I well for England in thai i 

any otli .vonld havrdnne. By the treaty of Utrecht 
th ion of the company ^ lateriallv iiiiproved, 

liad no longer the French to trouble them. 

The western part of Rupert Land, that is to Fay, 

country immediately west of Hudson Bay, 
once denominated Xew South Wai Between this 
and the Stony Mountains were the Mackenzie River, 
Athabasca, and Saskatchewan districts; while between 
the great dividing ridge and the Pacific Ocean British 
<T Anglo-American territory was first called, begin 
ning at Mount St Elias, Xew Norfolk, Now Cornwall, 
New Hanover, New Caledonia, and Xew Georgia. On 
some i > New Hanover comprised the coast north 
of Frascr River, and New Georgia the coast south of 
that point, while New Caledonia covered the great 
interior. 12 Others called it all Oregon west of the 
Rocky Mountains, between latitudes 5440 / and 4J . 

To facilitate business their territory was divided by 
the Huds< m s Bay Company at various times in various 
w. . When the whole western English. America 

/ o 

finally overspread by them, affairs were conducted 
under four departments, the northern, the southern, 
the Montreal, and the Columbia, the first belting the 

11 rnifivville, who was in tlio Hudson s Bay Company s service from 1771 
t" roughly familar with their system, dei "of 

th ; >ari > >]!:; 1 :i tlu-ni and the Caii 111- 

I ally favorable to the former. The truth is, the Prin-v Ivn 

i.iv. d very much as any m ieir }>laces wouhl \, 

I ration composed of ; higli and lo\v d. 

n for gain, and it was scarcely to be expected that they .- 
be : iii c-vcr\ > t. 

"Vancouver I the coast between 4"^ and aO Xew Qeorgia : b 

W Ilannvt-r. Sii, , ,f N-\-. 

chette snt-lt. JJuin., i. ;>;>, 54; maps in <jr. (Jaial., MulJJuHn a Ur. 


Frozen Ocean, the second .extending from Rupert 
River to the Rocky Mountains, the third lying round 
Montreal and thence north -eastward, and the fourth 
comprising the British Columbia and Oregon countries. 
The Columbia department was afterward divided and 
called the Oregon and Western, the term Columbia 
being used thereafter as a district. All the depart 
ments were subdivided into thirty-four districts, con 
taining at one time one hundred and fifty-four posts. u 

li llouse of Commons Report on Hudson s Bay Company, 365-7. In this 
report, printed *in 1857, the Northwest Coast is accredited with two depart 
ments, eight districts, and thirty posts, as follows : 

Number of 

Post. Locality. Department. District. Indians fre 

quenting it. 

Fort Vancouver Washington Ter. .Oregon. . .Columbia,. . . . 200 

Umpqua Oregon Ter Oregon. . .Columbia 800 

Cape Disappointment. .Washington Ter. .Oregon. . .Columbia 100 

Chinook Point Washington Ter. .Oregon. . .Columbia 100 

Caweeman Washington Ter. . Oregon. . .Columbia 100 

Champoeg. . , Oregon Ter Oregon. . .Columbia 150 

Nisqually Oregon Ter Oregon . . . Columbia 500 

Cowlitz Oregon Ter Oregon . . . Columbia 250 

Fort Colville Washington Ter . . Oregon . . . Col ville 800 

Pend d Oreille River. . .Indian Ter Oregon. . .Colville 400 

Flatheads Washington Ter . . Oregon . . . Colville 500 

Kootenais Washington Ter . . Oregon . . . Colville 500 

Olianagaii Washington Ter . . Oregon . . . Colville 300 

Walla AValla , . . . .Oregon Ter Oregon. . .Snake Country. . . 300 

Fort Hall Oregon Ter Oregon . . . Snake Country . . . 200 

Fort Bois<5 Oregon Ter Oregon . . . Snake Country . . . 200 

Fort Victoria Vancouver Is. . . .Western. .Vancouver Is. ... 5,000 

Fort Rupert Vancouver Is. . . .Western. .Vancouver Is. ... 4,000 

Nanaimo Vancouver Is. . . .Western. .Vancouver Is. ... 3,000 

Fort Langley Indian Ter Western. .Fraser River 4,000 

Q . T r rp ^TT f N. W. Coast 10,000 

Fort Simpson Indian Ter Western | Northem Tribeg 

Kamloops I nc ]! an Ter Western \ Th River 

Fort Hope Indian Ter Western j 

Stuart Lake Indian Ter Western. .New Caledonia. \ 

M Leod Lake. .*. Indian Ter Western. .New Caledonia. J 

Fraser Lake Indian Ter Western . . New Caledonia. I 

Alexandria Indian Ter Western. .New Caledonia. Vl2,000 

Fort George Indian Ter Western. .New Caledonia, j 

Babines Indian Ter Western. .New Caledonia. I 

Connolly Lake Indian Ter Western. .New Caledonia./ 

Though official, this is by no means a complete list of the forts on the 
Pacific, but it may include all in active operation at that time. At Honolulu 
was a post, and some time previously there had been one at San Francisco. 
In New Caledonia north and east of Kamloops were Forts William, Carry, 
and Abercrombie, not mentioned in the list, not to mention Wrangell or 
u. Mr Stuart, one of the first to cross the mountains with a view to 
occupation, in his Antn<jr(ij>h Xotcs given by Mr Anderson in his7//.sf. North- 
wett Coa-^t, MS., 234-9, applies the term Western Caledonia to the whole 


In t: -ral fur < re W<TO >us 

grades : .-md servic In tin- Hudson 

mpany, if we except the London governor ; 
dir were nine; in the Northwest Com- 

pan \vn. Of the former there were, fir 

ling in America, having liis li.-a 
t at Prince of Wales Fort, afterward at \ 
Y< and later at Fort Garry, with jurisd! 

r all the establishments of the company --ond, 
chid factors, who might have charge of a department 
or of a factory, supplying the lesser forts of a distri 
third, chief traders, usually in charge of some sin 
but important post; fourth, chief clerks, who are s< 
\vith a crew of voyageurs on frequent expeditions or 
placed in charge of minor posts; iifth, apprenticed 
a kind of forest midshipmen, raw lads fr 

iii home or school, full of fun, spiced with mischief, 
who write, keep store, and attend their seniors; sixth, 
postmasters, usually laborers promoted for good > 

vior to the rank of gentlemen, and often placed in 
charge of a small station or outpost; seventh, inter- 
rs, generally laborers with a smattering of the 
native dialects of their vicinity; eighth, voyageurs, or 
boatmen; ninth, laborers, employed in various wa 
as in chopping, carrying, mending, trapping, fishing, 

of that tract westward of the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, extending from 
the Columbia JUver until it intersects that ideal line that is supposed to 
divide tin I acilic from the Frozen Ocean. But surely you are not serio 
limed Mr Anderson once in reply. Western Caledonia, properly 

tract of country occupied by the Tacully or Carrier tribe, and the 
ict of New Caledonia, our commercial division of the country. Again, 
the territory west of the Rocky Mountains ! minuted the western. 

department. The whole trading territory, writes Mr Finlayson in his 
\ nn >///(/ A o/Y//>rr.x/ i MS., 88-9, was divided into four de 

partments, namely, Montreal, the southern, the northern, and the western. 
There were four chief factors for each. These departments were constituted 
. commanded by chief traders and clerks. There sixteen 

chi and thirty-t\vo ehief traders in all. All districts west of the 

.y Mountains made up tl .ern department, which was under the 

direction of < ,u, who a;_rain was subjert to the governor of all - 

Evidently the terms district and department are here lew 
.died the territory traded in by each fort a district. T" 

Nuqually extended from the Cheha! r to V* 

i m Wnidbey Island to Millbank Sound; Mel 

the latter i . Simpson from t ua to the i i boundary 

of Alaska. .vere the trading allotments. 

i. N.W. COAST, VOL. I. 


rough carpentering, blacksmithing, or boat-building. 
The laborer could not rise bigherthan postmaster, while 

the apprenticed clerk might become chief factor, or even 
governor. Five years of intelligent, faithful service 
entitled the apprentice to a clerkship, and after from 
ten to twenty years further service he became chief 
trader, who was a half shareholder, and in a few 
years thereafter chief factor or shareholder. Speak 
ing generally, the chief factor directed the affairs of 
the company, and the chief trader, acting under the 
chief factor, managed traffic with the natives. 

The systems of the Northwest, Pacific, and other 
large companies were essentially the same, except the 
highest office, which instead of being that of gov 
ernor w T as vested in a board of partners, or proprietors. 
The commander of a fort or district was often called 
governor, while the term partner took the place of 
both chief factor and chief trader. Likewise some 
of the inferior places, such as apprenticed clerk, post 
master, and interpreter, were not formally recognized. 
The compensation of the higher officers w r as partly 
salary and partly commissions. Clerks and all lesser 
servants received only their wages, without any par 
ticipation in the profits. Wages greatly varied with 
time and place. Laborers received from ten to thirty 

JL t- 

pounds a year, seventeen pounds being the usual 
rate. Apprenticed clerks began usually with twenty 
pounds ; apprenticeship ended, their salary was raised 
to one hundred or one hundred and fifty pounds and 
board. The returns of a chief trader were from four 
hundred to eight hundred pounds, while the chief 
factor usually realized from eight hundred to fifteen 
hundred pounds per annum. Umfreville complains of 
the petty tyranny often exercised by the governor 
of a fort. Such a governor was appointed for three or 
five years at a salary of one hundred and fifty pounds, 
with a percentage on the amount of business done. 
In his day, 1790, servants were treated scarcely as 
men, receiving but six pounds a year, and this pit- 


4 withheld >n acrou: bad brhavi 

A tailor in those d. -.vas paid eight pound- 

num. Apprenticed clerks then I n pom. 

and \ advanced at long interval- to lift ecu, twn, 
live, and forty pounds per annum. It was in i n- 

listment and treatment of servants that tin? \>- 

absolutism oft! bem was mani During all 

the long journey iVoin apprenticeship to chiri-trad 
ship the employ. v called the rompaiix 
common laborers might seldom aspire to that honor. 

Of the servants of the Northwest and Hud- 
]>av companies full three fourths were Scotch high- 

land Ts and Orkney men. There were a few Iri-h- 
men, and fewer Knglish. Voyageurs and labon 
Were composed la,i^vly of French (Canadians and halt- 
breeds. In 1835 there were hut two chief i actors 
of the Rocky Mountains, John McLoughlin and 
Duncan Finlayson, ahove whom in the organization 

od alone the local governor in Canada and the gov 
ernor and. hoard of directors in London. 

Chief factors were ex officio members of the council, 
i of whom with the governor formed a quorum. 
Norway House was their place of meeting during the 
t half of the present century, and their delibera 
tions were strictly private. In 1857 there was nn< 
of council lor the northern departments at Norway 
] louse, and another for the southern at Moo-e 1 
tory. The chief factors failing in their attendai. 
chief traders \\ere admitted to council to make up a 

At all the principal stations of all the great com 
panies a local council sat every year to appoint mas 
ters of posts and apportion the various duties; but 
none of less rank than bourgeois, partner, or share 
holder were admitted except by special invitation. 
Then trembled all outside the doors. It was the 
policy of the company to change the places <f their 
- frequently, thus breaking up any irregular 
practices which they might easily have fallen into in 


their isolation, and during those solemn deliberations 


the unpopular or shiftless were sure to have given 
them some distant or disagreeable business. The 
council had power to reprimand, mulct by penalties, 
or suspend any subordinate. Offenders were some 
times tried before a fort governor, chief traders or 
clerks appearing on either side as counsel. 

A deed poll executed by the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany the Gth of June 1834, following that of the 
-Gtli of March 1821, more particularly prescribed the 
duties of chief factors and chief traders, and regulated 
the inner workings of the material composing the 
organization. All traffic for personal profit was strictly 
prohibited. Umfreville says in his day, 1780-90, any 
one taking service must before embarking send his 
box to the Hudson Bay House, there to be examined, 
lest it should contain articles used in private trade; 
and should the subordinate happen to have a few 
more shirts or socks than were deemed necessary, the 
.surplus was taken from him. So on his discharge, not 
only his effects but his person was carefully examined, 
lest he should purloin a scrap of fur. 

A factor or trader after wintering three years in 
the country might retire with his full share of profits 
for one year, and half profits for four years. Three 
factors and two traders might have leave of absence 
for one year. Wintering five years in the field en 
titled the factor or trader to half profits for six years. 
Three factors, or two factors and two traders, might 
annually retire in rotation. The legal representative 
of a deceased officer was entitled to the same profits 
as would have accrued to such person if living. 

Obedience was the main duty of the subordinate; 
after that intelligence and energy were profitable. 
Enlistment was for thre