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VOLUME xra. 

France, i8i 5-1904; Netherlands. 

Comers; Hunting Horn, symbol of Princes of Orange. 

Groundwork; Billets. 

Crown; Royal Crown of Netherlands. 

Skidd; No. i. Arms of Holland. 

No. 2. Flanders. 

No. 3. Zealand. 

No. 4. Brabant. 

Center shield, Nassau, royal arms of the reigning family 
of Holland. 
Supporters; Right side, Lion of Flanders. 

Left side, Lion of Nassau. 






COPTBIOHT, 1904, 1907 
Bt henry smith WILLIAMS 


Contributors, and Editorial Revisers 

Prof. Adolf Erman, TJniTerHity of Berlin. 

Prof. Joaeph Hal^ry, College of France. 

Prof. Thomaa K. CheTne, Oxford TTniverBity. 

Prof. Andrew C. McLaughlin, UniverBity of Michigan. 
Prof. David H. MQiler, University of Vienna. 

Prof. Alfred Rambaad, University of Faria. 
Oapt. F. Brinkley, Tokio. 

Prof. Edaard Meyer, Univeraity of Berlin. 

Dr. James T, Shotwell, Golambia University. 

Prof. Theodor Noldeke, University of Strasbnrg. 
Prof. Albert B. Hart, Harvard University. 

Dr. Panl Br5nnle, Royal Asiatic Society. 
Dr. James Gairdner, G.B., London, 

Prof. Ulrich von Wilamowita MfiUendorfif, University of Berlin. 
Prof. H. Marczali, Univeraity of Budapest. 

Dr. O. W. Botaford, Columbia University. 

ProL Jolius Wellhaaaen, Univeraity of Gdttingen. 

Prof. Franz R. von Krones, University of Graa. 
Prof. Wilhelm Soltan, Zabem University, 

Prof. B. W. Rogers, Drew Theological Seminary. 
Prof. A. Vambfiry, University of Budapest. 

Prof. Otto Hirsohfeld, University of Berlin, 

Dr. Frederick Robertaon Jones, Bryn Mawr College. 

Barou Bernardo di San Severino Quaranta, London. 
Dr. John P. Peters, Kew York. 

Prof. Adolph Harnack, University of Berlin. 

Dr. S. Rappoport, School of Oriental Languages, Paris. 
Prof. Hermann Diels, University of Berlin, 

ProL C. W. C. Oman, Oxford University. 

Prof. W. L. Fleming, University of West Virginia, 
ProL L Goldziher, University of Vienna, 

Prof. R. Koser, Univeraity of Berlin. 







The Bourbon Restoration (1815-1824 a.d.) .... 9 

Laznartine's view of the restoration, 9. Excess of the royalisU and the invaders, 
11. The "Whit« Terror "of 1816, 12. Richelieu the new minister, 14. Treaty of 

1815, 15. Execution of Marshal Ney and others, 16. Death of Murat, 18. La Cham- 
bre Introuvable, 18, The division of parties, 10, The coup d^Hat of September 5th, 

1816, 20. The new chamber, 22. The ministry of Decazes. 23. Assassination of the 
duke de Berri and its results. 24. Events in Europe, 25. The Congregation and the 
Jesuits, 25. The Carbonari, 26. The ministry of Vill^le and the Spanish Crusade, 
28. The ministry of Vill^le. 30. Alison on the kst days of Louis XVIII, 31. La- 
martine's estimate of Louis XVIII, 32. 




First mistakes of the new government, 36. Growing discontent, 38. The min- 
istry of Martignac, 39. The ministry of Polignac, 41. War with Algeria, 42. The 
ordinances of Polignac and war with the Press, 44. Pelletan's account of the three 
days of July, 45. Charles X deposed, 47. The duke of Orleans made lieutenant- 
general of the kingdom, 49. Hillebrand's parallel between the revolution of 1688 and 
1830, 50. Martin on the July revolution, 53. 

LouiB Philippe and the Revolution op 1848 (1830-1848 a.d.) . 


State of the country and first acts of the reign, 55. Socialistic movements, 56. 
Lftffllte^s ministry, 57. Casimir-Perier and foreign affairs, 59. Lom6nie*s estimate 
oi Oasimir-P^er, 61. Succeeding ministries, 62. Fieschi's Infernal Machine and 



the " September Laws," 63. The rise of Thiers and Guizot, 65. War with Abdul- 
Kadir, 67. Ministerial crises, 69. The Strasburg Bonapartist plot, 70. The Soult 
ministry, 71. The return of Napoleon's remains, 72. The eastern question, 73. 
Louis Napoleon's second attempt at a coup SHat^ 73. Bvents from 1840-184S, 76. 
War with Abdul-Kadir, 76. The Spanish marriages. 77. Rising discontent, 79. The 
banquet of 1848^ 79. The revolution of 1848, 8L The king abdicates and takes flight, 
88. Alison's estimate of Louis Philippe, 83. 

The Repubuo or 1848 

The provisional government, 85. The first problems of the provisional govern- 
ment, 9Q. The national workshops and other expedients, 91. The republic estab- 
lished, 94. The insurrection of May 16th, 1848, 96. Civil war in Paris, 99. The 
"days of June," 100. The dictatorship of Cavaignac, 103. The new constitution 
and the plebiscite, 103. The candidacy of Louis Napoleon, 105. The elections of 
December, 1848, 105. Victor Hugo's portrait of *' Napoleon the Little," 107. 


LoTTis Napoleon as President and Ekpebob (1849-1870 a.d.) . . 110 

End of the constituent assembly, 1849, 111. Siege of Rome, 112. Struggle 
between the president and the legislative assembly, 113. The coup dPHat of Decem- 
ber 8nd, 1851, 116. Victor Hugo's account of the Boulevard Massacre, 117. Severities 
of the government, 120. The appeal to the people, 122. Exile by wholesale, 124. 
The constitution of 1852, 126. Napoleon's address at Bordeaux, 1852, 126. The ac 
cession of Napoleon IH, 127. Napoleon's marriage, 128. Erskine May on the court 
life, 128. The Crimean War, 129. The congress of Paris, 130. Internal affairs, 131. 
Orsini's attempt to kill the emperor, 132. The " new terror" of 1858, 133. War in 
Italy: Solferino, 135. Expeditions and wars in Syria, China, Cochin China, and 
Mexico, 137. The rise of Prussia, 139. Fyffe on Napoleon's new policy, 139. 
French and Prussian dispute over Luxemburg, 140. New friction with Prussia, 144. 
The ministry of Ollivier, 144. Cause of the Franco-Prussian War, 146. 


The Franoo-Pbussian War (1870-1871 a.d.) . ,147 

The preparedness of France, 148. Opening of the war, 149. The battles of 
Worth and Spicheren, 150. Bazaine at Metz, 153. Battle of Mars-La-Tour, 154. Bat- 
tle of St. Privat, 155. Confusion at Paris, 156. Battle of Sedan, 157. The surrender 
of Napoleon HI and the army, 160. The third republic proclaimed, 162. The siege 
of Paris, 163. Q-irard's account of Ch&teaudun, 165. Continued German successes, 
167. Martin on the surrender of Metz, 174. The uprising of Paris, 175. Paris suf- 
fers from cold, hunger, and bombardment, 176. The last sortie, 177. The end of the 
war, 179. 


Thk TnniD Kkpitbuc (1871-1903 a.d.> 

. 180 

The central committee, 183. The commune of 1871 or^nised, 183. The recap- 
tore of Paris, 184. The administration of Thiers, 186. MocMahon becomes president, 
188. Martin on the constitution of 1875, 188. Simon's ministry, 189. The coup 
d'etat of May 16th, 190. Grevy becomes president, 191. The last days of Qambetta; 
ascendency of Ferry, 192. The presidency of Camot, 194. The presidencies of Casi- 
mir-Pfirier and Faure, 196. The Dreyfus trial, 196. Colonial wars, 197. The separ- 
ation of church and state, 198. 


The Social Evolution of France since 1815 . . . 900 

The labour question, 200. Sad state of the working classes, 202. Early strikes 
and revolts. 203. Utopian philosophies. 204. The national workshops and their con- 
sequences, 206. The working classes under Louis Napoleon, 209. The commune of 
1871, 211. Recent legislation for the betterment of labour, 214. Present-day doc- 
trines, 216. 

Beukp Reterence-Libt of Autborities bt Chapters 219 


A Chrokolooioal Suvmary of THE History of France, from the Treaty 
OF Verdun 235 

paet xvii. the history of the 

Historical Introduction to the History of the Netherlands 


The land, 267. The early peoples, 2C8. Early forms of government and religion, 
S70. Relations with Home, 272. The Batavian hero Oivilis, 273. Fall of Rome and 
rise of the Prankish Empire, 276. OoTemment and civilisation of feudal times, 279. 

The First Counts of Holland (843-1299 a.d.) 


The periods of Dutch history, 284. Holland as a German fief. 285. The first 
Dirks, I-IV, 286. Wars with Utrecht, Flanders, and the empire, 287. Floris I to 
rV, 288. An early charter, 292. Count William II, emperor of Germany, 293. The 
constitution of Holland, 294. Constitution of the guilds. 295. The nobility, 296. 
The estates, 298. Taxation. 298. Floris V, 300. The great flood. 301. The kidnap- 
ping of Floris, 302. John I, the last of the counts, 304. 



Eablt HiffroRY OF BELaiuM AND Flanders (61 B.O.-1384 a.d.) . . 306 

Theodore Juste on Belgium^s place in history, 306. Primitive history, 308. Under 
the Romans, 308. Under the Franks and the dukes, 309. Brabant, 309. Luxem- 
burg and Lidge, 310. Flanders : its early history, 310. Rise of the Belgium com- 
munes, 311. Flanders versus France, 314. The '* Bruges Matins," 316. Battle of 
the Spurs, 317. I^ust years of Guy's reign, 318. Robert of Bethune, 319. Louis of 
Nevers at war with the people, 330. The communes defeated at Cassel, 330. Van 
Artevelde appears, 333. Froissart's account of Artevelde and his death, 334. Kervijn 
de Lettenhove's estimate of Van Artevelde, 336. The reign of Louis of Male, 337. 
Philip Van Artevelde chosen as leader, 328. Battle of Roosebeke, and fall of the 
guilds, 339. 


Holland under the Houses of Hainault and Bavaru (1399-1436 a.d.) 331 

The sway of Hainault, 333. William HZ, 334. William IV, 334. Margaret and 
the disputed claim, 336. Wars of the "cods'' and " hooks," 336. Wenzelburger on 
the wars of the " cods " and " hooks ", 337. The Bavarian house in power, 339. Wil- 
liam VI, 341. The romantic story of Jacqueline, 343. Jacqueline's letter to her hus- 
band, 344. Last days of Jacqueline, 345. 


The Netherlands under Bubgundy and the Ebipirb (143(^1566 a.d.) . 360 

The rise of Burgundy, 360. Philip the Bold, 351. Philip at war with England, 
363. Art and culture of the period, 357. Charles the Bold, 358. Motley's estimate 
of Charles the Bold, 361. Mary and the Great Privilege, 363. MairimiliaTi, 364. 
Philip the Handsome, 366. Margaret, governess for Charles V, 367. Charles V, 36& 
The Reformation, 368. Motley's estimate of Charles V, 370. Prosperous condition 
of the cotmtry, 373. 


Philip H and Spanish Oppression (1555-1667 a.d.} . .376 

Early Netherland heresy, 376. Severe punishment of heresy : the anabaptists, 
377. A backward glance, 379. The accession of Philip II, 380. First deeds of Philip, 
381. Schiller's portrait of William of Orange, 384. Count Egmont, 386. Margaret 
of Parma, regent of the Netherlands, 387. Granvella and the regency, 889. The 
Inquisition, 393. The compromise of February, 396. The "request" of the '* beg- 
gars," 397. The Calvinist outbreak, 400. Strada's account of the image-breaking 
frenzy, 403. The sack of the Antwerp cathedral, 403. Results of the outbreak ; the 
accord, 406. A brief respite, 407. Early failures of the rebels, 409. William of 
Orange withdraws, 410. 



Alva (1667-1573 a.d,) 



The arrival of Alva, 414. The bloody council of Troubles, 416. Departure of the 
regent, 419. Trial and fate of Egmont and Horn, 421. The first campaign, 424, 
Oppressive taxation ; the amnesty, 425. The '* sea beggars *' take Briel, 427. The 
revolt of the towns, 430. The states-general at Dort, 431. First successes, 433. Col- 
lapse of William's plans. 435. Spanish atrocities, 435. The siege of Haarlem, 438. 
Bevival of Dutch efforts. 438. The recall of Alva, 440. Motley's estimate of Alva, 


PRoaRsas TOWARDS Union (1573-1579 a.d.) .... 444 

Cost of the war, 445. Military affairs, 445. The siege of Leyden, 447. The slad- 
holder's powers enlarged, 452. A Spanish exploit, 455. Independence declared, 456. 
Death of Requesens, 457. The rise of Flanders and Brabant, 467. The Spanish fury 
at Antwerp, 459. The pacification of Ghent, 462. Don John of Austria, 464. Con- 
ciliatory policy of Don John, 465, Orange made ruward ; Matthias governor, 467. 
Outbreak of war. 469. The disaster of Qembloux, 470. Administration of the duke 
of Parma. 471. The union of Utrecht, 472. 


The Last Tkars of Wiluam the Silent (1579-1584 a.d.) 


Parma besieges Maestricht, 477. Subterranean fighting. 477. Orange becomes 
atadholder of Flanders, 479. Further secession from the cause, 480. The "ban" 
against William, 483. The '* apology " of William, 483. Allegiance to Philip formally 
renounced, 485. William becomes sovereign of Holland, 487. The sovereignty of 
Anjou, 490. Attempts to assassinate William, 491. The constitution of 1583, 494. 
Anjou's plot and the " French fury." 496. Further attempts on Williaui's life, 498. 
Motley's estimate of William the Silent, 501. 

Lkicestkb in the Low Codntries 

. 506 


The situation after the death of Prince William, 608. The activity of Parma, 
B09. Antwerp besieged, 1584, 611. Motley's portrait of Olden-Bameveld, 515. The 
embassy to Elizabeth, 516. The English under Leicester in Holland, 517. Deatlt of 
Sir Philip Sidney, 521. The failure of Leicester, 522. The Spanish Armada, 524- 
The military genius of Maurice. 527. The death of Parma : his successor, 528. The 
archduke Albert, 630. The provinces ceded to Albert and Isabella, 531. The death 
of Philip II, 532. 




Thx Swat of Oldek-Babnsvsld (1698-1605 a.d.) . . .533 

Battle of Nieuport, 586. The siege of Ostend, 638. The campaigns of 1605-1606, 
640. Heemakerk at Gibraltar, 548. The Twelve Yean* Truce, 647. Dutch coznmezve 
and ezploratioiu, 547. Arctic exploration, 548. The Dutch East India Company, 560. 


Prirob Macriob m Powsr (1609-1625 a.d.). .653 

The Arminian controversy, 664. Bameveld outwits Eing James, 555. Maurice 
versus Bameveld, or Autocracy versus Aristocracy, 667. The arrest of Bameveld, 
661. The synod of Dort (or Dordrecht), 662. The trial of Bameveld, 564. The exe- 
cution of Bameveld, 666. Religious persecutions, 667. The escape of Grotius, 569. 
End of the truce, 670. The plot of Bameveld's scms, 571. The last acts of Maurice, 
679. Prosperity of the period, 673. 


CoNCLUBioir or the Eighty Yeabs' Wab (1625-1648 a.d.) . 576 

Alliance with France : Belgian efforts for freedom, 679. Marriage of William 
and Mary, 681. Death of Frederick Henry ; Ascension of William n, 582. Treaties 
of Monster and Westphalia, 588. Davies* review of the war and the Dutch charac- 
ter, 686. 



Spinosa, 591. Golden Age of Dutch Literature, 693. The Visscher Family, 593. 
Hooft and Vondel, 594. Oats and Huygens, 596. Hugo Grotius, 696. Taine on 
Flemish art, 698. Peter Paul Rubens, 599. Fromentin*s estimate of Vandyke, 601. 
David Tenien, 603. Dutch art, 603. Taine*s estimate of Rembrandt, 603. Fromen* 
tin's estimate of Frans Hals, 605. Public paintings, 606. Terburg and other painters 
of the Dutch school, 606. Terburg, Van Ostade, and Steen, 607. Landscape, still 
life, and animal painters, 607. Decline of Dutch art, 608w 


Ted Di Wim ahd thk Wab with Eiioi.aiii> (164&-1678 A.D.). . 610 

The ambitions of William II, 611. Foreign relations, 618. Losses of the war 
with England, 613. The act of navigation, 1661, €16. Urst naval engagement, 617. 
War openly declared, 617. Death of Tromp, 690. Jan de Witt, 6SS^ Peace with 
England, 683. War with Sweden, 683. England declares war, 684. Richer's ac- 
ooont of the great FOur Days' Battle, 685. The English win a victory, 689. The 
F«aee of Breda, 630. War with Louis XIV, 638. Guiaot's account of the late of the 
brothers De Witt, 634. 



WUXUX ni AND THK WAR WITH FRAHOB (1673 A.D.) . . 686 

England withdraws from the war, 637. The last battle of De Buyter, 687. Wil- 
liam marries Princess Mary of Ens^land, 640. The Peace of Ximeguen and the Augs- 
burg League, 640. Williiun becomes king of England, 643. War with France, 643. 
Peace of Ryswiok, 644. Death of William m, 646. Davies' estimate of William III, 
645. The stadholderate abolished, 646. The triumvirate against France, 643. Trouble 
with England, 661. The Treaty of Utrecht and the Barrier Treaty, 663. The decline 
of Holland, 653. 



Wkitteh Spboiallt for the pRSBEirr Work 


ProfcAsor in the University of PariSf Member of tbe Institute 


blem which none of the revolutionary assemblies and forms of 
government — the con.stituent and legislative assemblies, tlie convention, 
directory, considate, or empire — had been able to solve, and which consisted 
in providing France with an adequate and solid constitution, confronted the 
governments that immediately followed the Revolution. 

Louis XVIII "conceded'' the charter of 1814, which was an offshoot of 
the British constitution. Thin cliarter gave the executive power into the 
hands of a king declared non-responsible, who was to be assisted by respon- 
sible ministers; the legislative power was to be divided between the king 
and two chambers composed — one of hereditary pcere, the other of deputies 
j»aying one thousand francs of tlirect taxes and cliosen by electors who paid 
five hundred francs. 

Louis X-VIII had merely to "lie dowTi in the bed of Napoleon," to find 
himself invested with all the prerogatives necessary to a king, and to come 
into possession of such a police and administrative system as tlic world liad 
never seen before. The latent despotism, however, was held in check by 
the ministerial responsibility, by the rights of the chambers, by the very 
rudimentary liberties of the people, and finally by the king's ovm strong 
common sense. Under such a rule France might have enjoyed the period 
of peace needed after twenty-five years of turmoil and upheaval, ha<l the 
pasaions of the different parties — the royalists, the liberals, the Honapartists 
.who later coalesced with the earlier republicans — permitted such repose. 

* nifftones of the Restoration hare been written by de Vaiilabelle. Lamartine, Viel-C«Rtel, 
Fettement, Hamcl ; of the nionan-hy of July, by rx>uis Blaiic, Klias Regnault, de Nouvion» 
"iiirefta Dangin, with tho Mhnuires of Guizot, duke de Broglie, Doctor V^ron, Victor Huro 
[CAnjt« \'iiftt) ; of the revolution of 1848, by I)ani*»l Stern. A. Delvau, Normanby. K. Spuller. 
CasUiie, Victor Pienr, P. de ta Gorce ; of the Second Empire, by Taitile Delord, P. de la 
; of the third reptiblic, by E. Zevort, G. ilanotaux. Fauatin Hfelie, Le» Constitutions de la 
mee; Duvergier de Hauranne, HUtoite de r/ourernemfnt parlhnentaire. 
n. w. — VOL. XIII. H 1 


[1814-183S X.V.] 

The experiment was furthermore disturbed by Napoleon's return from 
Elba and the consequent defection of almost all of his former troops, and by 
the " Hundred Days " of Waterloo with their disastrous consequences. Na- 
poleon, running his last adventure as a despot, at least paid homage to the 
new ideas, all strange to him, which had arisen, and gave the state a consti- 
tution bearing the name of Additional Act that, like the charter of Louis 
XVIII, might have been thought a copy of the constitution of Great Britain. 
In this act he promised to the people freedom of the press as well as all other 

Napoleon was no sooner embarked for St. Helena than legitimate royalty 
returned and with it the charter of 1814, Under its provisions France 
might at last have grown accustomed to the use of liberty, had not 
Charles X conceived the idea of searching out, in Article 14, which charged 
him to enforce the laws, a clause which gave him the right to violate them. 
The revolution of 1830 ensued. 


The sovereignty which issued from this struggle was a compromise be- 
tween the monarchic and the republican ideas; Louis Philippe, though a 
descendant of St. Louis, and even of Hugh Capet, was the son of a regicide 
and member of the convention, and had himself fought at Valmy, Jemmapes, 
and Neerwinden under the folds of the tricolour. Thereby, he offered guar- 
antees to the men of 1789. On the other hand, the legitimists reproached 
him with his father's regicidal vote and with his own usurpation, the repub- 
licans utterly refused to see in his reign the " best of republics " as La 
Fayette desired, and the Bonapartists held themselves in reserve for Napo- 
leon II. 

Here again the violence of political passions made a liberal form of gov- 
ernment very difficult to maintain. Plots and insurrections followed fast 
upon each other. The kine was made the object of twenty-three murderous 
attempts, the most terrible being that of Fieschi and the infernal machine, 
which wounded or killed forty-two persons, among whom was the marechal 
Mortier.^ Louis Philippe used to say of himself that he was the ^'only game 
that could be hunted at every season of the year." 

The charter was amended in a somewhat more democratic sense, and 
Article 14, which had been so unfortunately construed by Charles X, was 
annulled^ The office of peer was henceforth to be held for life and not to 
be hereditary. The electoral qualification or fee was reduced from three 
himdred to two hundred francs (to one hundred in the case of officers and 
members of the institute); and the qualification of eligibility was reduced 
from one thousand to five hundred. The number of electors was increased 
from 90,000 to 200,000 ; later, in 1847, to 240,000 — a small enough number 
for a nation of thirty-five million souls I 

The charter formally abolished "preliminary authorisation" and press 
censure, and referred to a jury all offences of the press. Even after various 
organs had been guilty of excess, and had instigated regicide and insurrec- 
tions, these provisions were steadfastly observed. The only extra stringency 
to be adopted was the enactment of September 9th, 1836, which gave a 
clearer definition of press misdemeanors and imposed new penalties. 

It was in the matter of meetings and associations, however, that this 
government, otherwise so liberal, displayed the most timidity, and not with- 

' Prince de JoinviUe (who assisted at this terrible scene), VUux Souvenirs, Chap. XII. 





^ FEAJ^CE AFTER 1815 T^^^" S 

[1830-1834 A.D.] 

out rca«on. The law of the 10th of April, 1834, wa,s intended to supply any 
detlcieiicies that might have escaped the discerniug eye of Napoleon : for 
JMainple, in his Penal Code, he had in view only meetings and associations 
Brover twenty persons ; the law of 1834 reached those which were subdivided 
into fractions of less than twenty members. Napoleon had aimed exclusively 
at *' chiefs, adnnuistnitors, or directors" ; the law of 1834 fell upon aimplo 
members. The penalty named by Napoleon had been a fine of from sixteen 
to two hundred francs ; this fine was hencefortli to be five times greater, and 
there was a risk attached of from two months' to a year's imprisonment, etc. 

We must not overlook the fact tliat neither Napoleon's life nor his throne 
had ever been endangered by associations, whereas certain powerful societies, 
either open or secret, had been at work undermining the sovereignty of 
Philippe and instigating attempts on his life. It was no small honour 
this king should have bestowed upon France the maximum of liberties 
it had ever enjoyed while he himself was being made each year the object of 
one or more murderous attempts. 

The monarchv of July rested upon three institutions : 

(1) Qualified suffrage. In 1830 the modification of the electoral quali- 
fication and that of eligibility had, in effect, caused the preponderance to pass 
from rural to urban electors, and from social forces pertaining to agriculture 
to industrial and commercial forces. 

(2) A qualified national guard. The national guard had been suppressed 
under the Restoration because of its turbulent deniunstrutions against the 
prime minister of Charles X, M. dc Villdle. To be revenged it fought 
against the royal troops on the barricades of July, 1830. From this moment, 
however, it became the pn»p of order» the defender of the charter and of the 
citizen-king ; and upon it devolved the duty of carrying the barricades. 
This band of merchants, of licensed traders, of Parisian shop-keepers, many 
of whom had taken part in tlie previous wars and who wore the great shako 
with all the ease of Napoleon^s seasoned "grumblers,'* fought valiantly 
against the rioters, whose bravery equalled theii^ own. More lluiu two thou- 
sand members of the national guard, most of whom were heads of families, 
fell in the street combats, shedding their blood freely for tlie dynasty they 
themselves had raised up. Louis XVITI and Charles X had eaeli had a 
special royal guard partly comj^osed of Swiss ; Louis Philippe would liave 
about him no other body than the national guard, knowing well how much 
he owed each individual member. Thus at every review held by him crosses 
of the Legion of Honour were freely distributed among them. The national 
euard elected its own non-commissioned officers and commissioned olliuers 
below the rank of captain ; appointments to all the higher grades were made 
by the king from a list of ten names proposed by the battalion. In order 
to preserve to the organisation its bourgeois character and to prevent any 
admixture of the popular element, it was simply necessary to exact the wear- 
ing of a uniform. The national guard was both a militia and an opinion ; 
at the king's reviews it manifested by its silence or by its acclamations what 
it thought of politics. Hence it was called "the intelligent bayonets.'* 

(3) The same class from which were recruited electors and members of 
the national guard also furnished members of the jury before whom were 
arraigned all the enemies of the government, whether accused of conspiracy 
and attempt at assassination or ofsome misdemeanor of the press. 

Thus it was the same men who sustained the monarchy of July by their 
Voters, their bayonets, and their decisions. They constituted what was then 
the ^^ legal nation." The rest of the people were forbidden all share in public 


[1848 A.D.] 

affairs. When therefore these electors, national guardsmen, and jurors began 
to show hostility or even simple indifference towards the government they 
had helped to found, that government fell of itself. When, on the 28th 
of February, 1848, Louis Philippe saw himself abandoned by his faithful 
national guard, he refused to sanction further bloodshed ; his power, based 
on the favour of public opinion, could not stand once that support had been 
withdrawn. Hitherto his reign had had to do chiefly with the "legal nation"; 
over the true nation he did not feel himself competent to rule. 

The government of Louis Philippe had shown itself as liberal as the ideas 
of the times would permit ; it had assured to France, to all Europe in fact, 
despite certain provocations from the old " Holy Alliance," eighteen years of 
honourable and profound peace; it had endowed France with its richest 
colony, Algeria, and under it the country's agriculture, industry, commerce, 
and all the branches of public prosperity had attained enormous development. 


The misunderstanding which finally led to rupture between the nation, 
even the "legal nation" and the monarchy, arose out of a question relating 
to the extension of suffrage. The revolution of the 24th of February, 1848, 
was unquestionably the least justified and least justifiable in the history of 
France. Its consequences were even more disastrous to the country in 
general than to the reigning dynasty. Those who advocated extension of the 
right of suffrage were soon to experience sharply what evils an electoral 
body — suddenly increased, without preparation or gradation, from 241,000 
voters to ten millions — could inflict upon the land ; and those who accused 
the well-disposed king of illiberalism were shortly to taste the joys of a 
revival of Csesarism. 

The personages whom the revolution of the 24th of February bombarded 
into power as the "provisory government" were men of high intelligence, 
giving evidence of the very best intentions but totally devoid of political 
experience. They exhausted their eloquence and talents in criticising and 
reviling power, without in the least knowing what were its essential attributes. 
One of their first acts was to proclaim universal suffrage, being forced thereto 
possibly by the circumstance that the revolution had removed all restrictions 
standing in its way, and that new ones could not be invented by any small 
body of men had they the wish. The provisory government, at the same 
time that it accorded to all the right to vote, opened the way to wider mem- 
bership in the national guard by abolishing the uniform. Later the second 
constituent assembly, by a decree issued the 27th of August, 1848, admitted 
nearly the whole number of electors to jury rights ; thus the pillars of the 
monarchy of July were employed to strengthen and consolidate the demo- 
cratic power. The provisory government also annulled aU laws restricting 
freedom of the press and the right to form unions and associations, and 
abolished titles of nobility as well as capital punishment for political offences. 

By the transformation of the national guard, all the opinions of the 
different political parties into which the country was divided took the form 
of armed opinion, of opinion bloodthirsty and crossbelted, with gun in hand 
and cartridge box on back. Political feeling was indeed everywhere excited 
to excess, owing to the hatching of innumerable revolutionary newspapers, 
and the opening of the clubs (" red " clubs, be it understood) all over Paris. 
When the provisory government shortly after retired to give place to a 
constituent assembly, the latter — first-fruit as it was of universal suffrage 

■ ^^^ FKA^CK AFTER 1815 ^^^ 5 

(lSta~18K! ad] 

and composed of members far too numerous (about nine hundred), who 
.were scarcely known to each other and were seated for the first time in an 
■Bserably — gave proof of inexperience equal to that of the provisory govern- 
Snent ; or rather it professed deep contempt for any political experience that 
liad ever been gained. 

The constitution this body voted contained two noteworthy provisions, 
either of which would have been sufficient to destroy it: (1) Opposite 
the president of the republic wiis to be a single chamber called legislative, 
with no intermediary power between it and the president. This arrangement 
had already been tried by the provisions of the constitution of 1791. One 
single assembly had then destro^^ed the king; this time it was the president 
who was to destroy the single assembly. (2) The election of the president 
of the republic was to be effected by universal suffrage; what power was it 
possible lor any assembly to possess in face of a 2>resiiJent who held his oflice 
by virtue of a veritable plebiscite ? 

There remained one last folly to be committed, and that by the agency of 
universal suffrage. On the 10th of December, 1848, it elected as president 
Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. 

What happened had to happen — it was decreed on the 10th of December, 
1848. In just what manner it happened it is needless to detail. The coup 
cTHat of the 2nd of December, 1851, made the president who had been faith- 
less to his vow master of France. At first the nation had no other constitu- 
tion than the terror diffused by the Paris massacres and the bloody acts of 
repression that took place throughout the provinces.* When Louis Napoleon 
finally bethouglit himself of the necessity of providing a constitution (that 
of the 14th of January, 1852), he had but to seek inspiration in the example 
of his uncle. Just as under the first empire, there was appointed for leading 
functions a council of state ; next, ranking sufficiently high, a senate ; and 
lastly a corp» ligiilatif^ which seemed to exist solely for show, composed as it 
was of members elected under pressure of the prefects, having no initiative 
in matters of law or of state finance and sitting under a president elected 
by the prince and ministers not responsible to it. All civil and military 
officials were obliged under pain of revocation to take an oath to the man 
who had violated his. Ten months had not elapsed after the proclamation 
of that constitution, before the (tenatu^ vonBult^ of the 7tli of November, 1862, 
made the prince-president eiiiperur of the French, a dignity which was con- 
firmed by the plebiscite of the 20th-21st of November. 


Naturally all liberties were suppressed. In the matter of meetings and 
Ittsociations, Article 291 and the law of 1834 reappeared in vigour, and the 
press was subjected to the harshest rule it had known since the first empire. 
AU rigours, fiscal, preventive, and repressive, were brought to bear upon it; 
ft security of from 15,000 to 50,000 francs was demanded, and a stamp-tax of 
six centimes for Paris and three centimes for the provinces on every number 
of a newspaper. No organ could exist without " preliminary authorisation " 
by the government. Jurisdiction in press misdemeanors was withdrawn 
m the jury and given to criminal judges who held their office from the 
vereign. Administrative repression was added to or supplemented judi- 
cial repression ; every newspaper that received two notices from the police 

> T^not. PttriM «n Dictmbre 1861 tt la province en DUtmbre 1851 ; Victor Hiigo. Hist^ite 
iTjin Crimt. 



within two years was immediately suppressed. Even books were made the 
subject of exceptional rules, L'histoire de$ princes de CondS^ by the duke 
d'Aumale, being seized without process of law (1863), 

Such was the " authoiitative empire " ; it subsisted until 1867. It would 
be idle and tedious to relate by what successive concessions on the part of 
the imperial power, ma(^e under pressure of political opinion that took its 
colour from the blunders of Mexico, Sadowa, etc., the "authoritative empire" 
was gradually transmuted to the liberal empire, that restored to the legisla- 
tive body many of its legitimate prerogatives ; softened the rule that bore so 
heavily on the press; took the risk even of authorising (by the enactment of 
June 6th, 1868) meetings that were non-political in character, and also of 
public meetings held in view of legislative elections. 

The empire had been able to exist at all only on condition that the 
particulars concerning its origin should be kept from view ; the publication 
of the books by Tenot describing the violences that attended the coup d'Stat 
both in Paris and the provinces, and the wide diffusion of Victor Hugo*8 
Napoleon le petit^ together with his mighty poetical pamphlet, Les ChdttTnenta^ 
recalled to the old and revealed to the young in what waves of blood had 
been effaced the oath sworn to the republic by the president, Louis Napoleon. 
Thereafter every new form of liberty bestowed on the nation by the emperor 
awoke — not gratitude, but the determination to use it as an arm against 
him. Still it is probable that the second empire would have prolonged its 
existence by yet a few more years had it not ventured, by the declaration of 
war against Germany, to face a violent death. 


The trials that France underwent during the " terrible year " are too well 
known to need narration; no horrors were spared her, neither those of civil 
nor of foreign war. Borne down by disaster and by the weight of financial 
ruin precipitated by the demand of the invaders for five thousand millions of 
francs, the most difficult and complicated of all problems was the reorganisa- 
tion of the government. How the national assembly, elected on February 
8th, 1871, composed two-thirds of royalists, was ever brought to consent first 
to a " head of the executive power of the French Republic," then to a 
" president of the French Republic," and finally, even after the overthrow of 
M. Thiers, even under the presidency of Marshal MacMahon, to vote the 
republican constitution of February 25th, 1875, is a mystery that can be 
explained only by the force of circumstances. Certainly the royalists had 
the majority in the assembly ; but they were divided into two nearly equal 
camps, lefi^timists and Orleanists, who could never bring about a fusion 
between the two branches of the house of Bourbon. Henceforth the republic 
which, contrary to expectations, had offered for five months a resolute 
resistance to invasion, which had showed itself sufficiently powerful to quell 
an insurrection twenty times more redoubtable than those to which the 
monarchies had succumbed — the republic which had inspired Europe, the 
whole world in fact, with confidence sufficient to obtain for it the prodigious 
loans it needed for the liberation of its territories — the republic, we say, was 
looked on as the form of government most natural to the land, the one already 
firmly established there, antedating the national assembly itself. The 
complementary elections of July, 1871, and all the partial elections which 
followed, testified to the obstinate, unalterable attachment of the French 
people to the republican idea. Even the rash act of the assembly on the 

■^ -^^^^r^ FRAJNCE APTEK 1815 ^^^ 7 

(larrs a j>.] 

24th of May, and later that o£ Marslml MacMahon, which seemed to place 
the t^uestiqn of a republic once more iii the biilauce, served but to exalt the 
passion of democracy and galvanise republican energies. 

The constitution of 1875, gift of the national assembly to the republic, is, 
all things considered, tlie best that France has ever had. Tlie country seems 
to have profited by the experience, favourable or the reverse, of tlie past, to 
steer safely past the reefs that wrecked the constitutions of 1791 and 1848. 
Like the constitutions of all the free peoples of Europe, this creation of the 
national assembly was plainly inspired by the old constitution of Great 
Britain; it also recalls the charter of 1830, but with an added democratic- 
republican character. Certain it is that the president of the republic, like 
Louis Philippe, " reigns but does not govern," and that like him also he has 
ministers who are responsible to the chambers. Of these chambers one is the 
product of universal suffrage and furnishes the motive power for the entire 
machinery of state, president and senate being but wheels to regulate the 
action. The senate is elected by a special body composed mainly of delegates 
from the different communes, which is wliy Ganibetta called it the "grand 
council of the communes of France." Since the reforms eflfected in 1884 
there are no longer any life-senators, all being appointed for a term of 'nine 
years. No one of the great powers of the state can encroach upon the others. 
If a president violates his oath of office he can, by vote of the chamber, bo 
impeached before the senate ; if the chamber shows a disposition to exceed 
its proper authority it can be dissolved by the president, with the affirmative 
vote of the senate. The senate enjoys the advantage of having its member- 
ship renewed only to the extent of one-third every third year, and con- 
sequently may be said to be a permanent assembly, .whereas the office of 
president receives a new incumbent every seven and the chamber entire new 
membership every four years. Nevertheless this triennial change of personnel 
is quite sufficient to keep the senate within the bounds of its legitimate 

Such was at least the theory of the French constitution of 1875; but no 
constitution is worth more than the men who i)ut it into practice. It is plain 
that if the chamber of deputies were made up from elections falsified under 
official pressure, by fraud at the baJlot-bt)xea, or by giiueral eorru])tion; or if 
the senate, instead of being composed of picked men, as should be the case 
with any assembly of high functions, recruited its senators from among the 
miscellaneous candidates presented by universal suffrage or the ranks of 
village notabilities; if on the occasion of a presidential election all candidates 
possessing high character or intelligence were carefully rejected — that 
constitution would be thrown out of gear in every cog. Not upon its authors 
could the blame be made to fall, but upon those who strove to disfigure and 
pervert the original conception. 

One reproach can be raised against the constitution of 1875 — it is based 
upon an English instead of an American prototype. Has not a great and 
prosperous republic like the United States ofiPered the best model for the 
constitution of the most powerful democracy of the Old World? Has not 
ils type been adopted by all the republics^ even the Latin, nf the New World ? 
This thesis lias been sustained in France, particularly by M. Andrieux, former 
deputy from Lyons and prefect of police, who made it the object, in 1884, 
of m proposed law, Tlie chief drawback to its adoption, however, seemed to 
be that France occupied a territory of only 625,000 square kilometres, while 
that covered by the United States is 9,854,000. Hence the France of to-day, 
product as it is of a thousand years of history, of the old regime, of the 


[1881-1001 A J>.] 

Revolution, of the Napoleonic empires, is a highly concentrated state, essen- 
tially a unit. It has reached this condition of unity hy reason of its situa- 
tion in the midst of powerful neighbours, who all, at one time or another, 
have had to be resisted ; the United States, on the other hand, has no anxiety 
of war. From these observations certain consequences undeniably follow. 

We can still, however, envy the United States its Supreme Court, which 
guarantees to every citizen his essential rights in the face of any possible 
arbitrariness on the part of Congress or executive power. In the matter of 
our essential rights the law of July 29th, 1881, is all that can be desired as 
regards the press ; moreover, the law of June 30th, 1881, authorised all public 
meetings on presentation of a simple declai-ation signed by two citizens. 
Associations in the interests of public charities, commerce, or the sciences 
had long been allowed to form with perfect freedom, and the law of March 
21st, 1884, completely broke down all previous legislation in favour of asso- 
ciations having the character of sjrndics. Also the law of the 2nd of July, 
1901, would certainly have endowed France with the greatest possible liberty 
of association,^ if it had not borne so arbitrarily upon congregations. 

Save on this latter point it can be affirmed that French democracy, if by 
that'term is understood the nation in its entirety and not a few detached 
revolutionary groups, has evolved in our more recent laws and constitution 
the most perfect of all political formulas. It seems indeed that the end of 
the mighty struggle begun in 1789 has been reached. A social system such 
as ours could hardly attain to a greater degree of liberty and equality ; it 
is rather in the matter of fraternity that there still remains something to 

Having set forth the political evolution that has taken place in France 
since 1815, 1 shall later show how society has become transformed during the 
same period. 

^The law of the 2nd of July, 1901, abrogates not only articles 291 and following of the 
Penal Code and the law of 1834, but it repefids the act of March 14th, 1872, pFoscribing the 
Workers* International Union, Article 7 of the law of the 30th of June, 1881, forbidding dubs, 
the law of the 28th of July, 1848, prohlbitiog secret societies, etc. 



[1816-1824 A.i>.] 

France had now strupsled, suffered, and bled for flve-and-twenty 
yean, through a fearful revolution and niinouH wan*; and what were 
the results ? Her enemies were in possession of her capital : all her 
conqaestB were surrendered ; and the Bourbons were restored to the 
tbroDO of their ancestors. But these were not the only consequences of 
the late cunvuluions, to France or to Europe. France^ indeed, was 
governed by another Bourbon king ; but the anclen rfgime was no 
more: the oppressive privileges of feudalism had bDen abolbdied ; and 
a CoustiCutionai cltart^^r was granted by Louis XVlIt. But all these 
benefits had been secured in the tirRt two years of the Revolution, 
before the monarchy had been destroyed, williout a reign of terror, 
and without desolating; wars. She had pained nuttung by her crimes, 
her tuadnoss, her sacriflcea, and liur sufFcringR, since the constituiion 
of the 14th September, 1701. Upoa Europe, the effects of the Revo- 
Intion were conspicuous. Tlie oUJ regime of France was Bubverted ; 
and in most European states, where a similar system had been main- 
tained, since the Middle Ages, its foundations were nhaken. TIte prin- 
ciples of the Revolution awakened the minds of men to political 
thought ; and the power of absolute governments was controlled by 
tbe force of public opinion. — Sir Thomas Erski.vb &Ut.6 


Nations are like men ; they have the same passions, vicissitudes, exagger- 
ations, indecisions, and uncertainties. That which is called public opinion 
in free governments is only the movable needle of the dial plate which marks 
by turns the variations in this atmosphere of human affairs. This instability 
is still more sudden and prodigious in France than in tlie other nations of 
the world, if we except the ancient Athenian race. It has become a proverb 
of Europe. 

The French historian ought to acknowledge this vice of the nation, whose 
ricissitudes he recounts, as he ought to point out its virtuen. Even this 
instahility belongs to a quality of the great French race — imagination ; it 
forms part of its destiny. In its wars it is called impulse; in its arts, 
genius; in its reverses, despondency; in its despondency, inconsistency; and 



[1789-181A X.i>.; 

in its patriotism, enthusiasm. It is the modem nation which has the most 
fire in its soul; and this fire is fanned by the wind of its mobility. We can- 
not explain, except by this character of the French race, those frenzies — 
which simultaneously seem to seize upon the whole nation after the lapse of 
some months — for principles, for men, and for governments the most opposed 
to each other. 

We are on the ere of one of those astonishing inconstancies of public 
opinion in France. Let us explain its causes : The gleam of those philo- 
sophical principles, the whole of which constitute what is called the Revolu- 
tion, had nowhere, so much as in France, dazzled and warmed the souls of 
the people, at the end of the eighteenth century. At the voice of her writers, 
her orators, her tribunes, and her warriors, France took the initiative in the 
work of reformation, without considering what it would cost in fatigues, 
treasure, and blood, to renew her institutions, vitiated by the rust of ages, 
in religion, legislation, civilisation, and government. The throne had crum- 
bled amidst the tumult, pulled down like a counter-revolutionary flag raised 
in the midst of the Revolution. The country, however, was beginning to 
know itself, to purify itself, to constitute itself into a tolerant democracy 
under the republican government of the Directory, when Bonaparte, personi- 
fying at once in himself the usurpation of the army over the laws and the 
counter-revolution, violently interrupted, on the 18th Brumaire (November 
9th), the silent work of the new civilisation, which was elaborating and culling 
out the elements of the new order of things. To divert the nation's thoughts 
from its revolution he launched it and led it on to the conquest of Europe. 
He exhausted it of its blood and population, to prevent it from thinking and 
agitating under him. He had made it apostatise by his publicists, by his 
silent system, and by his police, from all the principles of its regeneration of 
1789. While he was hurling kings from their thrones, he declared himself 
the avenger and restorer of priesthoods and royalties. 

France had begun to breathe after his first fall in 1814. The charter 
had resumed the work of Louis XVI, and promulgated the principles of the 
constituent assembly. The Revolution had gone back to its first glorious 
days. It had no longer to apprehend either the intoxication of illusions, or 
the resistance of the church, of the court, of the nobility, or the crimes of 
the demagogues. 

The return of Bonaparte, thanks to the complicity of the army,* had 
again interrupted this era of renovation, of peace, and of hope. This 
violence to the nation and to Europe had been punished by a second 
invasion, which humbled, ruined, and decimated France ; and even threat- 
ened to partition it into fragments. Bonaparte, in quitting his army after 
his defeat at Waterloo, and in abdicating, had carried away with him the 
responsibility of this disaster ; but he had left behind him the resentment of 
the nation against the army, against his party, his accomplices, and against 
his name. Everybody had a grievance, a resentment, a mourning, or a ruin 
to avenge upon this name of one man. The paroxysm of anger compressed 
by the presence of the army, by dread of the imperial police, and by the hope 
of a repetition of that glory with which he had for a moment fascinated 
France before Waterloo, burst forth from every heart, except those of his 
soldiers, immediately after his fall. Public opinion threw itself, without 

[1 Seignobose speaks of " the Episode of the Hundred Days" which compassed Napoleon^s 
return from Elba and his fall at Waterloo, as " nothing but a military revolt, a pronuncictmetUo 
of the army of Napoleon." It must be remembered, however, that a very luge part of the 
army did not respond to this call or take part in the last disaster. 1 





[1810 AJ>,] 

reflection, without foresight, and without discretion, into the opposite party 
in the elections. Public opinion in France, when irritated, listens neither 
to middle courses, nor to intrigues, nor to prudence; it goes direct from 
one side to the other, like the ocean in its ebh and flow. This is the whole 
explanation of the elections of 1815, wliich sent up to the crown a chamber 
more counter-revolutionary than all Europe, and more royalist than the 
V\n g.d 


Louis XVIII, being too indififerent and too fond of repose to be vindictive, 
bad re-entered the city with the disposition to be moderate ; that was also 
the attitude of the ministry which he had given himself. It was for the 
interest of Talleyrand and Fouche that there should bo no reaction and 
the other ministers. Baron Louis, Pasquier, Marslml Gouvion-vSiiint-('yr who 
had been chosen by the king because he had not rallied to Napoleon during 
the Hundred Days, were by character and reason opposed to all excess. 
But it soon became evident that the king would be powerless to keep the 
royalists within bounds and that the niinistera wonhl be left licliind and 
disregarded. The new emigration was returning from Ghent eager for 
vengeance, and its friends in the interior had awaited no signal to let loose 
their rage against everything which in any way held to the Revolution or 
the empire. The ultras made I'aris resound with their outbursts of shameful 
joy and insulted those in the street who wnuld not join them, while the 
capital was at the same time brutally trodden under foot by foreigners. 
The royalist journals heaped abuse on the French army and spoke only of 
punishment and proscription. 

If the king and his ministers were unable to restrain the royalists, with 
still greater reason they were not in a condition to protect the city and 
country from the allied armies. The foreign occupation offered a sinister 
contrast to what it had been in 1814. It was Bliicher, the fiercest enemy of 
France, who with his Prussians occupied the interior of Paris, while the 
English were encamped in the Bais de Boulogne. The very evening of his 
re-entry Louis XVIII was warned tliat the Prussians were preparing to 
blow up the bridge of Jena, the name of which recalled their great disaster 
in 1806. In vain did the king have recourse to Wellington. Tlie fierce 
Blucher listened to no one. Fortunately the first explosion of the mines 
wa« not sufficient to overthrow the piles, and the arrival of the Russian and 
Austrian emperors with the king of Prussia on July 10th prevented Bliicher 
from recommencing. Emperor Alexander intervened ; the bridge was saved 
and the one hundred million francs which Blucher proposed to demand of 
Paris, regardless of the capitulation, were reduced to eight. 

The presence of foreign rulers, Mobile it encumbered Paris with new 
masses of troops, at least diminished Homewhat the disorder caused by the 
occupation within the capital; but without, the invaded departments were 
everywhere exposed to pillage. Never had the abuse of victory* with which 
the French had been accused in (itn'uiany, approached what took jilace in 
France. In the wars beyond the Rhine, Napoleon's severe character imposed 
a certain order even on the requisitions ; here the military chiefs, great and 
small, acted, each on his own account, like leaders of the old bands of invad- 
ing barlmrians ; they plundered their hosts, despoiled cities and villages, laid 
hands on the public treasuries, and when the ollieials of the ro^^al govern- 
ment tried to hinder their pillaging, they arrested them and sent them as 
prisoners across the Rhine. The Prussians put a feeling of implacable 


[1815 A^.] 

vengeance into their excesses. But the violence and depredations of the 
Prussians were at least equalled by those who had nothing to avenge, by 
those Germans of the south, the Swabians (the inhabitants of Baden and 
Wiirtemberg) and Bavarians, who were now pillaging France in the name of 
the coalition as they had shortly before, in the name of France, pillaged 
Russia, Austria, and Prussia, much more violently than the French. Popular 
Russian tales of 1812 show what a difference Russian peasants made between 
French soldiers and the German allies of France. French peasants in de- 
spair responded here and there, as those of Russia had done, by sanguinary 
acts of retaliation and resorted to the woods to carry on a guerilla warfare. 

The numbers of the invaders increased daily. All the reserves of every 
country arrived on the scene. Germany especially passed over the Rhine as 
a whole to come and live at the expense of France. At one time there were 
as many as 1,240,000 soldiers on French territory. 

Emperor Alexander and the duke of Wellington, the one out of humanity, 
the other out of a spirit of discipline and fear of provoking a general uprising 
of the French people, tried to put an end to this immense disorder and, acting 
on their proposition, the four great powers attempted to regulate the occu- 
pation by a convention agreed upon on the 24th of July. The danger of pro- 
voking France to desperation was very real. Besides the army of the Loire, 
the French had still several corps under arms, under Marshal Suchet and 
other generals. Free companies in the departments of the east were ener- 
getically harassing the enemy, and most of the strongholds were still intact 
and maintained a threatening attitude. The defence of Hiiningen has 
become celebrated: General Barbanegre sustained a long siege in this little 
place with one hundred and thirty-five soldiers against twenty-five thousand 

The French army at that time had been disbanded for fifteen days. The 
troops separated in a spirit of sad resignation, without attempting a resistance 
which would only have aggravated the misfortunes of their country. Thus 
came to an end the most illustrious army the modern world has ever seen. 
The royal ordinance which had dissolved the army had fixed the basis upon 
which a new army was to be organised. 

THE "WHITE terror" OF 1815 

In the meantime two-thirds of France was occupied by strangers and 
the part which was exempt from invasion was afflicted by another scourge, 
by a violent reaction. The triumphal return of the "usurper," the enforced 
submission to the restored empire, which had undergone feeble attempts at 
resistance, had aroused an ill-contained rage in the heart of the royalists of 
the south ; it broke out at the news of Waterloo. At Marseilles, beginning 
with the 25th of June, furious bands had pillaged several houses and massa- 
cred the owners who were partisans of the emperor. Others had thrown 
themselves on the poor quarter where lived a certain number of mamelukes, 
brought back from Egypt by Napoleon. These unfortunates were butch- 
ered together with their wives and children. 

From Marseilles the murders and conflagrations spread to Avignon, Car- 
pentras, Nimes, and Uzes. The 17th of July at Nimes a small garrison of 
200 men, very much hated by the ultras because they had kept up the tricol- 
oured flag until the 15th of July, capitulated before an urban and rural mob. 
Scarcely had the soldiers surrendered their arms, when the "royal volun- 
teers " shot them down at the end of the muzzle. Crowds of fanatics and 



[1S15 A.P.] 


during several days, plunderii 


marauders overran 

rich Protestants ; several were assassinated. 

Murder, devastation, and conflagration overflowed into the country; 
houses were burned, tlie. olive trees and gnipe-vincs of the ** wrong think- 
ers" were cut down. Tlie royal authorities were powerless or else in league 
with the movement. Hundreds of persons were arrested on all sides arbi- 
trarily by the marauding bands. The military commander and the under 
prefect at Uzos disgraced themselves by delivering up eight of their prison- 
ers to the chief of the assassins at Uzea, called Graffan, who had them shot 
without the form of a trial, after having massacred a certain number of the 
inhabitants in their homes. 

The reaction reunited all kinds of infamy ; obscenity was joined to rapac- 
ity and ferocit}*. On tlio 15th of August, the day of the fSte of the Virgin, 
at Kuues the wives of the brigands who ruled in the department of the 
Gard dragged in the streets the Protestant women they could get hold of, 
subjecting them to the most dishonourable insults. 

The ^' White 'I^error '* of 1815 exceeded in ignominy the reaction in 
Therraidor of the year III. It wan not, as in the latter, crime against crime, 
terror after terror. The Hundred Days had seen neither bloodshed nor 
proscriptions, and the reactionary J^arty of 1816 had noticing to avenge. 
The worst days of the League were recalled by the alliance of tlie ultra-aris- 
tocracy with the depraved, lazy, and santruinary populace, which ferments 
under the feet of the real peoj^le, and which statisticians speak of as "the 
dangerous classes." 

Jutliciary persecution was soon added to the massacres. The victims 
who had escaj>ed the knife of the assassin were now to be confronted with 
the judges of the reaction. The king and the ministers were innocent of the 
riots and brigandage of the south, which they Juid nut been able to prevent 
and which they had not tlie strength to chastise. They seem on the other 
band to be responsible before history for the terrible succession of political 
trials which they ordained. There again, however, they endured rather 
than inspired to action ; not only the whole court, the whole royalist party, but 
even the foreign powers demanded imperiously that those who were called 
the '* conspirators of March 20th " should be pursued to the utmost. An 
erroneous appreciation of the facts connected with the " return from the 
island ai F^lha" contributed mucli to incite the second restoration to those 
deeds of implacable vengeance Avhicli gave it such a sanguinary character. 
The foreigners, like the royalists, imagined that the 20th of March had been 
the result of an immense conspiracy embracing the whole army and most of 
the officials. That was the reason of the redoubling of envenomed hatred 
which the leaders of tlie coalitimi felt for the French army. What had been 
pure impulse was taken to be the result of a plot, and it was not known that 
the only conspiracy which took place before the 20th of March had a wholly 
different aim than the re-cstablishmcnt of the emperor. The foreigners had 
now but one idea, and that was to do away with Napoleon and the French 
army and to inspire the French military spirit with a terror, which as they 
said would insure the repose of Europe. 

While the prisons were filling up, while political trials were beginning 
on all sides, the constitutional government was being reorganised under had 
auspices. The peerage was reconstituted by the nomination of ninety-four 
new peers and declared hereditary. The electoral colleges had been con- 
voked on August 14th. The ordinance of convocation established new 
rules provisionally. The colleges of the arrondissoment were to present 


[1S15 A J>.] 

candidates and the colleges of the department were to name the deputies, 
half from among the candidates, half from their own free choosing. This 
was puttin? the election in the hands of the aristocracy. The age of eligi- 
bility was lowered to twenty-five years, that of the electorate to twenty- 
one, and the number of deputies increased from 253 to 402. All that 
concerned electoral conditions was to be submitted to revision by the legis- 
lative power. The elections were carried out everywhere under the 
influence of authorities dominated by the ultras and in the south at the point 
of the dagger. Massacre had begun again at Nimes on the eve of the elec- 
tions. It was found necessary to occupy four departments of the south with 
Austrian troops, at the moment when the Protestants were organising to 
resist the butchery and when civil war was on the point of succeeding 

The elections gave the majority to the ultras. The royal government 
was placed between the fury of its partisans, whom it could not control, 
and the menacing demands of the allies who humiliated and oppressed it. 
Louis XVIII had hoped that after the overthrow of the " usurper " Europe 
would maintain the treaty of May 30th, 1814, which was already so hard for 
France. He was very much mistaken. The foreigners, making light of their 
declarations and their promises, dreamed only of a new dismemberment and 
of the ruin of France.* 

The ministry was at that moment very near its fall. Fouche was the 
first to be attacked. The ultras of the provinces had never accepted him, 
and those of the court, having no more need of him, abandoned him. Wel- 
ling^n's protection sustained him for some time ; but he soon felt the im- 
pos^biiity of maintaining himself before the chambers. He resigned and 
accepted the insignificant post of minister of France at the court of the king 
of Saxony.* 

The whole ministry soon followed him. Furious counter-revolutionary 
addresses came from a large number of electoral colleges and from general 
and municipal councils which heralded the storm which would burst at the 
opening of the chambers. The king gave way to the current which was set- 
ting in against the ministry, without difficulty ; Talleyrand displeased him 
as much as Fouche, and, knowing him to be at variance with the emperor 
Alexander, he saw no reason for keeping him. Talleyrand, having offered 
his resignation and that of his colleagues more or less sincerely, the king 
took him at his word. This man, whose egoism had contributed to aggravate 
the ills of France, was to have nothing more to do with its affairs as long 
as the restoration lasted./ 


Along with Talleyrand there retired from the ministry Louis, Pasquin, 
Jaucourt, and Gouvion-Saint-Cyr. The ministry required to be entirely 
remodelled ; and the king, who had long foreseen the necessity of this 
step, and who was not sorry for an opportunity of breaking with his revolu- 
tionary mentors, immediately authorised Decazes, who had insinuated him- 
self into his entire confidence, to offer the place of president of the council, 
corresponding to the English premier, to the duke de Richelieu. 

ii We have already seen in the preceding chapter the results of the treaties of 1816.] 
* Having accepted the trifling and distant embassy to Dresden, Foucb6 hastened to depart, 
eft Paris under a disguise which he only changed when he reached the frontier, fearful of 
being seen in his native land, which he was fated never again to behold. — Qdizot.«] 



tlM5 A.D.] 

Arraand, duke de Richelieu, graud-nepliew by his Bister of the cardinal 
of the same name, was grandson of the marshal de Richelieu, so celebrated 
in the reign of Louis XV as the Alcibiades of France. When called to the 
ministry, in 1815, he was forty-nine years of age. Consumed from his earli- 
est years, like so nianj^ other great men, by an ardent thirst for glory, he had 
joined the Russian army in 1785, and shared in the dangers of the assault 
of Ismail under Suvaroff. When the French Revolution rent the nobles 
and the people of France asunder, he had hastened from the Crimea to join 
the srmy of the emigrant noblesse under the prince of Condt^, and remained 
with it till the corps was finally dissolved in 1794. He had then relurneii 
to Russia. On the accession of Alexander, Richelieu was selected to carry 
into execution the philanthropic views which he had formed for the improve- 
ment of the southern provinces of his vast dominions. 

The progress of the province intrusted to his care was unparalleled, its pros- 
perity unbroken during his administration. To his sagacious foresiglit and 
prophetic wisdom Russia owes the seaport of Odessa, the great export town 
of its southern provinces, which opened to their boundless agricultural plains 
the commerce of the world. The French invasion of 1812 recalled him from 
his pacific labours to the defence of the country, and he shared the intimacy 
and counsels of Alexander during the eventful years which succeeded, till 
the taking of Paris in 1814. Alternately at Paris, at Vienna, or at Ghent, 
he had represented his sovereign* and Hcrvcd as a link between the court of 
Russia and the newly established throne of Louis XVIII. 

His character qualified him in a peculiar manner for this delicate task, 
and now for the still more perilous duty to which he was called — that of 
standing, like the Jewish lawgiver, between the people and the plague. lie 
was the model of the ancient French nobility, for he united in his person all 
their virtues, and he was free from their weaknesses. He was considered, 
alike in the army and in diplomatic circles at home and abroad, as the most 
pure and estimable character that had arisen during the storms of the Revo- 
lution. His fortunate distance from France during so long a period at once 
preserved him from its dangers, and caused him to bo exempt from its delu- 
sions. His talents were not of the iirst order, but his moral qualities were 
of the purest kind.ff 

Treaty of 1815 

The first duty of the new minister was to negotiate the treaty with the 
enemy which was signed on Noverab(?r 20th, 1815. The cuudilions of 
the treaty, unfortunately agreed to beyond the necessity of the case, by the 
pliancy of Talleyrand, and the impatience of the court for the throne at any 
price, were, however, modified within limits which a statesman might, with- 
out being satisfied, submit to. Richelieu, in despair at not being able to 
obtain more advantageous conditions, still considered them too unfavourable, 
and obstinately refused to sign them. The king, who saw the chambers, 
then about to open, disposed to call him to account for his sterile inter- 
vention for the pacification of the country, and who saw on the other 
aide Austria, Prussia, Holland, and the powers of the Rhine crushing 
his j)eople under the devastations of 800,000 men, sent for the duke de 
Richelieu, one night, by Decazes, and, bedewing the hand of his prime min- 
ister with tears, implored him for the sacrifice whicli is dearest to a man of 
honour — that of his name. The duke de Richelieu went away, moved 
and vanquished by this conference with his unhappy master, and signed the 


[1815 A.D.] 

This treaty left France in possession of its frontiers of 1790, as we have 
seen, with the exception of some unimportant portions of territory enclosed 
within other states, and of Savoy, a conquest of the Revolution which had 
been respected by the treaty of 1814. It imposed an indemnity to Europe 
of 700,000,000 francs for the last war commenced by Napoleon, an armed 
occupation for ^ve years of 150,000 men, the generalissimo of which was 
to be nominated by the allied powers, and the fortress to be delivered up to 
this garrison of security. This occupation might terminate in three years, if 
Europe considered France sufficiently pacified to offer it moral guarantees of 
tranquillity. The prisoners of war were to be given up, and the liquidation 
of the 700,000,000 indemnity was to be effected day by day. Besides this war 
indemnity, France recognised the principle of the indemnities to be assigned 
after its liquidation to each power for the ravages, the requisitions, or the 
confiscations that each of these states had sustained, during the last wars, 
by the occupation of the French armies. France was further burdened with 
the pay and the subsistence of the 150,000 men of the army of occupation, left 
by the allied powers upon its territory. The national penalty incurred by 
France for Napoleon's return from Elba was, in money, about 1,600,000,000 
francs ; in national strength, its fortresses ; in bloodshed in the field, 60,000 
men ; and in honour, the disbanding of its army, and a foreign garrison to keep 
a close watch over an empire in chains. This is what the last aspiration of 
Bonaparte to the throne and to glory cost his country. Eleven hundred and 
forty thousand foreign soldiers were at that moment trampling under foot 
the soil of France.** 


Among the distinguished victims of royalist fury were Marshal Bnine, 
who was assassinated while on his way to Paris to swear allegiance, and 
Colonel Labedoyere, whose defection at Grenoble had admitted Napoleon to 
France from Elba, and who, refusing the opportunities proffered him for 
escape, was tried and condemned by judges who wept while they condemned 
him. His last words were, " Fire, my friends," to the soldiers who shot him. 
The next victim of high distinction was Ney, who had also gone over to 
Napoleon after joining Louis XVIII. Immediately after the capitulation of 
Paris he had made his escape with a false name and false passport, but re- 
turned and was arrested at the chateau of Bossonis, among the mountains of 
Cantal. Curiously enough, he was discovered by means of a Turkish sabre 
of peculiar form and exquisite workmanship, a present from Napoleon, which 
he had carelessly left on a table in the salon of the chateau. General Mon- 
cey refused to preside at the military trial, and was imprisoned for three 
months. Richelieu then accused Ney of treason before the chamber of 
Peers, in spite of the capitulation of Paris which promised amnesty for all 
who took part in the Hundred Days. Ney himself declared : " The article 
was so entirely protective that I relied on it ; but for it, can anyone believe 
that I would not have died, sword in hand!" The peers disclaimed the 
capitulation concluded between foreign generals and a provisional govern- 
ment to which the king was a stranger. As a last resort, Ney's counsel 
pleaded that he was no longer a Frenchman, his birthplace having been 
detached from France by a recent treaty, but Ney checked him exclaim- 
ing : " I am a Frenchman and will die a Frenchman. I am accused in 
breach of the faith of treaties, and I imitate Moreau. I appeal from Europe 
to posterity." 



f 18U A.D.] 

He was nevertheless condemned to die. When his death-warrant was 
read with its long preamble and his many titles, as duke of Elchingen and 
prince of the Moskova, he broke forth : "Come to the point I say simply 
Michel Ney soon a little dust." Importunate appeals were made to the 
king, and even to the duke of Wellington, for a commutation of the capital 
penalty, but in vain.^ 

He was not taken to the usual place for military executions (the plain of 
Grenelle) because a popular rising was feared. They took him from the 
Luxembourg, where he had been imprisoned, to the avenue de TObserva- 
toire. A platoon of veterans awaited him there, on the spot where his 
statue stands to-day. The marshal cried, ^^ I j>rotest before my country 
gainst the judgment which condemns me, I appeal to posterity and God, 
Vive la France!" Then, putting his hand on his breast, he called in as firm 
a voice as though commanding a charge^ ** Soldiers, straight to the heart." 

The commanding oflicer, awestruck, horrilied. had not courage to give 
the word. A courtier, a colonel on the staff, took his place. The marshal 
fell riddled with balls (December Tth, 1816). Ney's appeal to posterity 
has been heard. France has never pardoned the murder of this hero./ 

The death of Ney was one of the greatest faults that the Bourbons ever 
committed. His guilt was self-evident ; never did criminal more richly 
deserve the penalties of treason. Like Marlborough, he had not only 
betrayed his sovereign, but he had done so when in high command, and 
when, like him, he had recently before been prodigal of protestations of 
fidelity to the cause he undertook. His treachery had brouglH on his coun- 
try unheard-of calamities — defeat in battle, conquest by Europe, the 
dethronement and captivity of its sovereign, occupation of its capital and 
provinces by 1,100,000 armed men, contributions to an unparalleled amount 
from its suffering people. Double trcacliery had marked his career ; he had 
first abandoned in adversity his fellow-soldier, benefactor, and emperor, to 
take service with his enemy, and, having done so, he next betrayed his trust 
to that enemy, and converted the power given him into the means of de- 
stroying his sovereign. If ever a man deserved death, according to the laws 
of all ci\*ilised countries — if ever there was one to wliom continued life 
would have been an opprobrium — it was Ney. But all that will not justify 
the breach of a capitulation. He was in Paris at the time it was concluded 

— he remained in it on its faith — he fell directly under its word as well as 
its spirit. To say that it was a military convention, which could not tie up 
the hands of the king of France, who was no party to it, is a sophism alike 
contrary to the principles of law and the feelings of honour. If Louis 
XVHI was not a party to it, he became such by entering Paris, and resum- 
ing his throne, the ver^' day after it was concluded, without firing a shot. 
The throne of the Bourbons would have been better inaugurated by a deed 
of generosity which would have spoken to the heart of man through every 
succeeding age, than by the sacrifice of the greatest, though also the most 
guilty, hero of the empire. tf 

Two other generals, Mouton-Duvernet and Chartrand, who had aided 
Napoleon's re-entry to Italy, were executed, and Lavalette, who in Alison'si; 
phrase "was in civil administration what AhirHlial Ney had been in military 

— the great criminal of the Hundred Days," and whose seizure of the post- 
office had been of greatest assistance to Napoleon, was also condemned, but 
escaped from prison in liis wife's clothes and made his way out of the country 
with the aid of tliree Englishmen who underwent three months' imprisonment 
for their chivalry. <» 

It u- ~ VOL. TLllU C 


[1815 A J>.] 


It is fitting to speak here of the catastrophe which terminated the days 
of another of the most illustrious companions of Bonaparte's exploits. King 
Joachim Murat had taken refuge in France, during the Hundred Days, and 
after the failure of his expedition against Austria. He had not advanced 
nearer than Provence, when the battle of Waterloo condemned him to a life 
of exile. After having been twenty times on the point of being arrested, he 
managed to embark for Corsica. The welcome he received in that island 
raised his confidence to too high a degree. He dared to entertain the idea 
of once more ascending the throne of Naples. He set out on this expedition 
with two hundred and fifty men and six ships. On his way to Naples he 
met with much disloyalty and received sinister warnings. His resolution 
wavered; he would have liked to disembark at Trieste and place himself 
under the protection of Austria, who had offered him hospitality, but con- 
trary winds and also perhaps treacherous advice prevented him from doing 
this. On October 8th, 1815, he landed at Pizzo, in Calabria, with forty 
followers. He was the first to leap ashore, was recognised by some peasants, 
and at first was received with interest. He asked for a guide to conduct 
him to Monteleone, and a soldier offered his services ; but the so-called guide 
was none other than the colonel of the armed police, who intended to deliver 
him up to the king. At a certain spot the colonel made a sign to a band of 
peasants, who fell on Murat and his companions. Murat, after some resist- 
ance, sacrificed himself in order to save his friends from the fury of the 
crowd. Soon a military commission condemned this marvellously intrepid 
captain to be shot, and he underwent the penalty in that same country where 
he had so long exercised royal authority. a 


The chambers, which had been convoked in August, met at Paris, Octo- 
ber 16th, 1815. The chamber of deputies, which included an immense 
majority of royalists, decided on making no compact, and having no trans- 
actions with either Bonapartists or Revolutionists. Laine was elected 
president. Louis XVIII, seeing it more royalist than he had imagined, 
christened it by a name it retained — La Ohambre IntrouvableA 

It began by making exceptional or emergency laws. It forbade seditious 
cries ; suspended, in certain cases, individual liberty. It instituted, on the 
5th of December, courts of provosts, composed of a military provost assisted 
by five civil judges, who went wherever troubles arose, to judge the authors 
of them summarily. Liberal writers, in protesting against these severities, 
are wrong in trymg to make the chamber of 1815 responsible for the sad 
conditions which it had not caused. It had, moreover, merits with which it 
should be credited, combining a fierce independence with pitiless honesty. 
It abolished divorce, which was struck out of the civil code. It opposed 
excess of centralisation and all that was contrary to true liberty. 

[} The chambers opened on October 7th. Louis XVIII, on learning that the elections had 
been entirely "royalist," had at first appeared very well content thereat, and had let fall a 
remark which became celebrated : " We have found a chambre introuvable.^* He very soon had 
cause to regret having '^ found*' it, and the name has had a very different meaning in history 
than the one he gave it. — Martin/ The play on words is haurd to transfer to English. In 
effect Louis XVIII said : *' We have found (trouvS) the thing unfiudable (introuvable)^^^ that is, 
a completely royalist chamber in Revolutionary France.] 


pSlfi A.D.J 

The chamber of 1815 did not limit itself to reclaiming for the clergy neces- 
sary guarantees and influence. It showed an intemperance in religious zeal 
that alarmed many. Not content with taking the part, to a legitimate extent, 
of the men set a^ide by the Revolution, it ap])eared animated by a desire of 
assuring domination to one class to the prejudice of all others. It did not 
haggle, however, concerning the increased taxes that the cost of the war and 
the treaty had rendered inevitable, and it created a sinking fund that would 
some day render these taxes unnecessary. It recognised hH pnljlic debts 
without regard to their origin, in spite of opposition frimi an obstinate 
faction. The session ended April 25th, 1816, the ministry feelin": itself 
incompetent to act with a chamber it could not control. In this chamber 
was a group of not inconsiderable men, strangers at first to one another, but 
tending to unite in forming a constitutional party. The principal were 
Pasquier, Serre, Barante, Beugnot, Simeon, Saint-Aulaire, Royer-Collard, 
and Camille Jordan. Although reduced to lie low and adapt themselves to 
circumstances, reckoning on the passions of those among wliom they were 
thrown, they sought nevertheless to establish the doctrines of parliamentary 
government conforming to the charter — efforts which gained them the title 
of doctrinaires J 


From this moment were formulated the two opposing doctrines which 
will reappear in the time of Louis Philippe under the name of '^constitu- 
tional monarchy" and "parliamentary government." The " constitutional " 
doctrine recognises in the king tlio right to choose his ministers according 
to his plciisure, even against Hit; will of tlie chamber, provided that Ihi^y do 
not govern contrary to the constitution ; it leaves him master of the execu- 
tive power, the only real force, and by consequence master of the country ; 
the chambers have no other hold over him than the illusory right to bring the 
ministers to trial for violation of the constitution. The *' parliamentary" 
doctrine declares the king obliged to take his ministers from the majority ; 
it places the executive power under the domination of the parliament, who 
may compel its withdrawal by a vote of want of confidence ; it indirectly 
transfers the sovereignty to the chamber. In 181 6 the ultra-royalists were sup- 
porting the doctrine of the righta of the parliament against the king, and the 
liberals were defending the king's prerogatives against the royalists. 

On the electoral question the ultras demanded election by two stages, in 
the canton and the df partment, and for the electors of the canton the lower- 
ing of the qualification to fifty francs; that is to say the extension of the 
suffrage to nearly two milli4>ns of electors; they demanded a numerous 
chamber and the complete renewal of the chamber at the end of ^\e years. 
The king and the liberal minority wished to preserve direct election by a 
very restricted electoral body (less than 100,000 electors), while exacting 
a qualification of three hundred francs in taxes; they demanded partial 
renewal and a reduction of the number of deputies. The electoral law 
proposed by tlie ultras was voted by the chamber and rejected by the 
chunber of peers (March-April, 1816). The ultras also wished to diminish 
the power of the prefects and to give the local administration to the land- 
owners. The liberals defended the centralisation created by the empire. 

Thus the roles seemed reversed ; it was the party of the old regime 
which wished to weaken the king to the profit of the parliament, to enlarge 
the electoral body and to increase local self-government ; it was the liberal 
party which was supporting the king's supremacy, the power of the prefect.s. 



and the limitation of the snfTnge. The fact was the parties regarded the 
political mechauism solelj as an instrtunent for secaring power for them-, 
seh'es and were less anxious about the form of govemmeat than the direo- 
tloD given to politics: the ultras wished to restore the power to tho mral 
nobility^ who, through the fifty-franc electors, would have been masters of the 

chamber, in order to re-establish an 
aristocratic regime; tbeliberals were 
anxious to preserve the supremacy 
to the king, the prefects, and the 
three-hundred- franc electors, be- 
cause they were known to be favour- 
able to the maintenance of the social 
order to which the Revolution had 
given birth. 

Louis XVI 11, supported by the 
foreign governments, retained his 
ministers and resbted the chamber; 
he began by closing the session 
^^ (ApriL 1816) and, without again 
^^ convoking it* dissolved it in i>ep- 
tember. For the future chamber the 
ordinance of dissolution re-estab- 
lished the number of 2oS deputies 
as in 1814. The king, by a simple 
ordinance, changed the composition 
of the chamber; it was a coup tT^tat, 
analogous to that of 1830. To make 
stire of the chamber of peers he 
created new peers, ex-generals and 
officials of the empire. During this 
struggle between the king and the 
chamber, the party of the tricolour 
flag, reduced to nine deputies, had 
taken no direct action. The plots 
to overturn the monarchy (Didier's at Grenoble, the '^patriots'" at Paris) 
were merely isolated attempts unknown to the party or disavowed by it.« 

Loris xvni 


THE COUP D'^AT of SEPTEMBER 6lh, 1816 

The king had finally made up his mind. The secret was well guarded. 
A royal ordinance published September 5th, 1816» surprised the ultras like 
a thunderbolt. It declared that none of the articles of the charter under 
discussion should be reviseil and that the chamber was dissolved. To the 
cries of fury that rose from the aristocratic faubourg Saint- Germain, 
responded an explosion of public joy that recalled the 9th Theniiidor; 
people kissed each other in the streets. In the ensuing elections a majority 
of the upper middle class and of tlie ofiicials replaced the majority of ffrandB 
Metffneura of the old regime and the provincial nohles who had dominated 
the ahambre introuvable. The attempt at restoring the old regime had 
miscjirried ; what followed was a first attempt at a bourgeois monarchy 
by an understanding between tho bourgeoisie and the legitimatists./ 

It is worthy of observation how early the French nation, after they had 
attained the blessing, had shown themselves unfitted, either from character 


[UlS-1816 JlJ>.] 

or circumstances, for the enjoyment of constitutional government. After 
the overthrow of Napoleon, scarcely a year had passed which was not 
marked by some coup d'^taU or violent infringement, by the sovereign, 
of the constitution. The restoration of the Bourbons in 1815 was imme- 
diately attended by the creation of sixty peers on the I'oyalist side, and 
the expulsion of as many from the democratic ; this was followed, within 
four years, by the creation of as many on the liberal. The whole history 
of England prior to 1832 could only present one instance of a similar 
creation, and that was of twelve peers only, in 1713, to carry through the 
infamous project of impeaching the duke of Marlborough. It was threatened 
to be repeated, indeed, during tlie heat of the reform contest ; but the wise 
ad\'ice of the duke of Wellington prevented such an irretrievable wound 
being inflicted on the constitution. The French chamber of deputies was 
first entirely remodelled, and 133 new members added to its numbers, by 
a simple royal ordinance in 1815 ; and again changed — the added members 
being taken away, and the suffrage established on a uniform and highly 
democratic basis — by another royal ordinance, issued, by tlie sole authority 
of the king, the following year. Changes, on alternately the one side or 
the other, greater than were accomplished in England by the whole legis- 
lature in two centuries, were carried into execution in France in the very 
outset of its constitutional career, by the sole authority of the king, in two 

What is still more remarkable, and at first sight seems almost unaccount- 
able, every one of those violent stretches of regal power was done in the inter- 
cst^ and to gratify the passions, of the majority at the moment. The royalist 
creation of peers in 1815, the democratic addition of sixty to their numbers 
in 1819, the addition of 133 members to the chamber of deputies in the first 
of these years, tlieir withdrawal, and tlie change of tlie electoral law by the 
coup tTit^ii of September Sth, 1816, were all done to conciliate the feelings, 
and in oljedience to the fierce demand, of the majority. That these repeated 
infringements of the constitution in so short a time, and in obedience to 
whatever was the prevailing cry of the moment, would prove utterly fatal to 
the stability of the new institutions, and subversive of the growth of any- 
thing like real freedom in the land, was indeed certain, and has been abun- 
dantly proved by the event. 

But the remarkable thing is that, such as they were, and fraught with 
these consequences, they were all loudly demanded by the majority; and 
the power of the cro^vn was exerted only to pacify tlie demands which in 
truth it had not the means of resisting. f/ 

The royal ordinance of September 5th dissolving the cKamhrt introuv- 
M(. also announced that another chamber, less numerous, composed of only 
250 deputies, would be immediately elected by the electoral corporations. A 
provifiionary electoral law, the work of Laine, who had replaced Vaublanc as 
minister of the interior, fixed the bounds of the departments, of which the 
numbers were diminished. Deputies were required to be at least forty years 
of age, and their taxes must amount to 1^000 francs. The measure was a bold 
one. It caused great excitement among the ultras, and was the subject of 
violent recriminations, above all from Chateaubriand,™ who had constituted 
himself the mouthpiece of the Bourbons in his work '•^ La Monarchie aelon 
la Charte^^^ but who mingled with wavy exalted ideas concerning constitu- 
tional government e(pially absurd ones born of an ill-regulatetl imagination. 
However, his exaggerations often missed their aim. The royahst party 
remonstrated and submiUed. 


THE HEW CHAMBER (1816-1818) 

The new chamber opened its session on the 4th of November, 1816. 
Many members of the preceding one were there, but the general feeling was 
no longer the same. The doctrinaires, on whom Decazes relied, returned 
stronger and better grouped. 

The first law to be made was an electoral one. Laine presented a 
project which would abolish the two degrees of election ; establish direct 
election bj all tax-payers paying three hundred francs taxes, and substitute 
for a general election renewal by one-fifth. The charter declared, without 
directly specifying anything, that all tax -payers paying three hundred francs 
might be electors. The object of the law was to create an important electoral 
body to the number of about 100,000 members possessing guarantee of 
fortune, conservative interest and intelligence generally, of what was called 
the middle class, in contradistinction to the aristocracy. By this partial 
renewal they hoped, by keeping the chamber au courant with the changes 
of public opinion, to avoid those brusque changes which might agitate the 
country and transform legislative spirit too suddenly. 

After a discussion, the detaib of which furnish curious reading to-day, 
showing how very different ideas on this subject were in those days, the law 
was passed in both chambers, but by a very feeble majority (January 30th, 

The financial scheme of Corvetto was voted. Opponents were quieted 
by the grant of 4,000,000 francs to the clergy as compensation for the forest 
land which it was wished to give as pledge for a loan. The bu<^t, com- 
piled with great care and resting on a large sinking fund, assured the finan- 
cial future of the country. Credit, until that time paralysed, again revived. 
The dividends rose from fifty-four to sixty francs, and a loan, the most con- 
siderable ever raised, was obtained to hasten the liberation of state lands. 
The foreign houses of Baring and Hope undertook it, at the rate of fifty-five 
francs. No banks in France were at that time sufficiently powerful to do 
this alone. 

Order and calm seemed to be re-established. But the inclemency of the 
weather and a very bad harvest caused profound misery. There were dis- 
turbances in several market towns, but no serious trouble occurred except at 
Lyons, where three assassinations took place on the same day, June 8th, and 
these, coinciding with risings in several neighbouring villages, were taken 
as a signal for revolt. The authorities, however, who were quite ready, had 
foreseen the disorders and took vigorous measures. The national guard 
was disarmed. The court of provosts pronounced many condemnations. 
The elections of 1817 brought to the chamber a group of liberals, such as 
Laffitte, Voyer d'Argenson, Dupont de I'Eure, and Casimir Perier. They 
were dubbed " the independents." The important question of this session 
was the re-organisation of the army. Marshal Grouvion-Saint-Cyr, having 
replaced the duke de Feltre as minister of war (because the latter was lack- 
ing in initiative) made an excellent law which became the base of the French 
military system. This law consisted of three parts : (1) forced recruit- 
ment ; (2) a reserve made up of former sub-officers ; (3) fixed rules for 
promotion. Gouvion-Saint-Cyr defended his law with vigour and obtained 
a complete success. The chambers joined with him in the homage he ren- 
dered the French troops — homage which the marshals supported with their 
authority and Chateaubriand with his eloquence. It was really a reconcilia- 
tion of the Restoration and the army. It was also a decisive step towards 


[1818 A.D.] 

removing foreign troops which were no longer necessary to defend France 
Against herself. 

The chambers approved, moreover, the figure at which fttreign credit had 
been regulated by diplomacy. Riclielieu had long had a fixed idea — that of 
obtaining the evacuation before the five years which had been stipulated for 
in the treaty of 1815. Thanks to his activity, the sovereigns, united in con- 
ference at Aachen (Aix-la-Cliai)elle), signed, on the 9th of October, a dec- 
laration announcing the departure of their troops for the 30th of November. 
A loan of 141,000,000 francs, issued at sixty -seven per cent, and raised by 
public subscription, allowed tlie indemnities to be paid. 

Richelieu now considered bin tusk ended, and thought only of retiring. 
When the elections of November, 1818, returned La Fayette, Manuel, and 
other liberals of the Hundred Days, he was alarmed at the results of the elec- 
toral law, and resolved to change it. But after vain efforts to find colleagues 
and draw up a common programme, he retired on the '2nd of December. He 
was succeeded by Decazes who composeJ a ministry of constitutionalists. A 
remarkable journalistic war ensued.^ 


Decazes, so hostile to the ultras, was not a liberal. He was the man of 
that system of balance (baicule) or the "see-saw," as it has been cidled, which 
consists in keeping the balance between parties and in giving the government 
the greatest possible authority but using it with caution./ 

Decazes saw himself more involved with the liberals than he wished to be, 
and these became exacting. The royalists, even such moderates as Laine and 
Roy, gave him little sympathy. Tliey were alarmed at seeing successive elec- 
tions introduce into parliament men who, while professing attachment to the 
Bourbons, put certain absolute principles above fidelity to their king. 

The chamber nf peers pronounced in favour of the re-establishment of the 
electoral law of two degrees. Decazes, still using his ministerial prerogative, 
on the 6th of March formed a batch of sixty-one new peers, of whom half were 
chosen from among the peers unseated in 1815, or from the marshals, gener- 
als, and ministers of the empire. Thus \w. re-opcncd the doors of government 
to the most noted men wlio had been excluded, and so tried to bring about a 
reconciliation between the parties. The ministry passed several laws that 
were liberal enough, among others throe laws regarding the press, which are 
still the basis of actual French laws, although experience has since shed light 
on many points. The Restoration arrived at the happy result of doing away 
with exceptional laws — a result which no government had before obtained. 
While giving proof of liberalism the ministry, nevertheless, on certain points 
made a firm stand against revolutionary exactions, stoutl}' rejecting an organ- 
ised petition for the recall of regicides and exiles. 

Thus in spite of apparent agitations — the necessary consequence of a free 
government — in spite of frequent struggles between the tribune and the press, 
in spite of a certain re-awakening of parties and a spirit of fermentation 
reigning in the schools, France had a renascence to prosperity. One could 
look forward with more confidence to the futui-e. The budget was sound, 
With the abandonment of exceptional laws rovolutiouiiry traces began to 
disappear. The new laws seemed to echo public wishes ; minds gradually 
became habituated to a free government. The certitude of order, the free- 
ing of lands, the re-opening of foreign markets, all tended to prosperitj'. 
Wtirk abounded. Agriculture and industry took a new flight, putting to 



full use scientific discoveries and particularly that of steam. The move- 
ment which was taking place was analogous to that of the first days of the 
consulate. Decazes reinstated on a wider basis councils to discuss agri- 
culture, manufactures, and commerce generally. He opened an industrial 
exhibition, and at the same time an exhibition of painting. Strangers 
flocked to Paris, especially the English. 

The elections of 1819 were, like the preceding ones, favourable to the 
liberals. The return of the regicide abb^ Gregoire for Grenoble by a ma- 
noeuvre hostile to the ministry caused a scandal. The deputies, however, 
took advantage of the irregularity of the election to refuse admission to the 


Matters stood thus, when, on the 13th of February, 1820, the duke de 
Berri [the second in succession to the crown] was assassinated by a fanatic 
named Louvel as he was coming from the opera. This frightful crime stupe- 
fied people generally, and produced an outburst of royalist fury.' 

In tne midst of the general confusion, those even who must have been 
the most deeply affected by it, sought to find the triumph of their party in 
this outrage. From early the following morning, Decazes, the principal 
author of the unpopular decree of September 5th, was spoken of in most 
severe terms. He was blamed, as minister of the interior, and therefore 
[ responsible for the safety of the state, for not having kept watch over the 

' dangers which surrounded the prince. One of the daily newspapers, Xe 

; Drapeau hlanc^ hurled the most abominable accusations against the minister. 

The assassination of the prince was represented as the result of a vast con- 
spiracy covering the whole of Europe, which was in favour of a policy bene- 
ficial to the enemies of royalty. They pretended that his royal highness, 
the duke de Berri, had fallen a victim to the aversion he had always shown 
to a policy which insured neither the honour nor the safety of his family. 
; On the benches of the Left, the sorrow was great ; a presentiment of the 

fatal consequence to liberty was added to the horror of the crime. 

M. Clausel de Goussergues ascended the tribune and in a loud voice 
uttered these words : " Gentlemen, there is no law referring to the mode of 
accusing ministers, but the nature of such an act warrants its taking place 
in a public meeting and before the representatives of France ; I propose 
therefore before the chamber, the impeachment of M. Decazes, minister of 
the interior, as accomplice in the assassination of his royal highness, the 
duke de Berri, and I claim permission to explain my proposition." A cry 
of indignation broke out from every part of the house. De Labourdonnaie 
ascended the tribune and in his turn said that he could only see the instru- 
ment of an infamous party in the obscure assassin, who without personal 
hatred, without ambition, had struck down the descendant of kings — him 
whose duty it was to continue the race ; this deed being committed with 
the intention, openly admitted, of preventing its perpetuation. He asked 
for strong measures to destroy in its infancy such execrable fanaticism, and 
once more to stifle the revolutionary spirit which an iron hand had sup- 
i pressed for so long ; the unscrupulous writers whose unpunished doctrines 

had provoked the most odious crimes should be especially severely dealt 

In the meanwhile the chiefs of the liberal party came to hear of the 
sombre agitation which reigned at court. They felt torn between the hor- 


U830-18S1 A.O.] 

ror of the exceptional laws and the fear of seeing the fall of a minister, 
victim of his devotion to the charter. The duke de Richelieu ohstinately 
refused the court*s appeal to re-ent^3r the ministry. He was more hurt than 
anyone at the charges made against a young minister of whose goodness of 
heart he was thoroughly convinced. 

This heart-breaking state of affairs seemed likely to prolong itself. 
Decazes insisted upon retiring ; tlie king conferred ii dukedom upon him, 
and made him ambassador to London. The duke de Iliche!ieu*s resistance 
was overcome ; and he was again nominated president of the council, but 
would not accept any particulur departniciil.A 

From this moment the liberal party loses the direction of affairs. Power 
ifl going to pass into the hands of royalists, and France, attacked almost con- 
tinuously by a series of anti-national measures, destroying its liberty, will 
not emerge from the retrograde path into which a rash hand has thrust her 
except in overturning the throne upon the torn charter. 


The largest part of Europe was at that time in a state of violent eflFer- 
▼escence and the celebrated prediction, "The French Revolution will make 
the round of the world," was being fulfilled.) 

A revolution at the same time burst out in Spain. Ferdinand, the basest 
of poltroons and crudest of tyrants, luid refused the reforms lie had sworn to 
introduce. The constitution of 1812 (an imitation of the French constitu- 
tion of 1791) was proclaimed. The example was followed by Naples, which 
had a similar king to complain of. The states of the church threw ofE the 
hated yoke of the cross-keys and the three-crowned hat, and Benevento and 
Pontecorvo declared themselves republics. Piedmont was not left behind 
in its figlit for freedom (1820). A cry was heard even at the extreme cast 
of Europe for a new life and a resuscitation of ancient glories. It came 
from Greece, which for centuries liad been trampled down by the brutal and 
utterly irreclaimable Turks ; and, in fact, an outcry for change and improve- 
ment arose from all the nations whiiih had aidi^d or even wished the fall of 
Napoleon. The countrymen of iMilliades were fiivourably regarded, or at 
least not forcibly repressed, by tlie classical potentates — who, besides, were 
not displeased at the commencement of the dismemberment of Turkey; but 
the Neapolitans, Romans, and Piedmontese had no dead and innocuous 
Demosthenes to plead their cause, and the armies of Austria were employed 
in extinguishing the hopes of freedom from Turin to Naples.* 

In France individual liberty was suspended, the censorship re-established, 
and the ''double vote" instituted iu order to make political influence pass 
into the hands of the large land-owners who voted twice, with the depart- 
ment and the arrondissement. The birth of the duke de Bordeaux, posthu- 
mous son of the duke de Berri (Sept. 29th, 1820), and the death of Napoleon 
(.May 5th, 1821), augmented the hopes of the ultra-royalists, which brought 
Villele and Corbiere into the ministry.' 


At the same time an occult power was taking hold of the court, of the 
chambers, and of all branches of public administration. 

For ten years men of sincere piety like Montmorency and the abbe 
Legris-Duval had formed an influential society in France, whose primary 



[1815-1822 AJ>.} 

object had been to perform good works and acts prescribed by a fervent 
devotion. The Restoration opened the political field for their society, which, 
imbued with the ultramontane and other royalist principles under the pat- 
ronage of Polignac and Riviere, became the most redoubtable obstacle to the 
ministries of Decazes and Richelieu. Generally designated by the name of 
"Congregation," it allied itself with the Jesuits. The latter, not being 
allowed to live in France in the capacity of members of their order, again 
established their power in the state under the name of "Fathers of the 

From the moment when they began to direct the Congregation, intrigue 
exercised a sovereign influence over it and a crowd of ambitious men made 
their way into it. Montrouge, whither the Jesuits had transferred the place 
of residence for their novices, became the centre for all the schemes of the 
court and church against the charter and French institutions. The Jesuits 
had powerful supporters even in the royal family; and Louis XVIII, con- 
stantly assailed by petitions in their favour, consented to tolerate them, 
although without recognising their existence as legal. The Jesuits founded 
schools called petits seminairea, in which children of the most distinguished 
families of the realm were placed ; they dominated the court, the church, the 
majority in the chamber. Missionaries, affiliated with the Congregation and 
imbued with its doctrines, traversed the kingdom. Almost everywhere they 
were the occasion or the involuntary cause of strange disorders. 

The French unfortunately blamed religion for the scandals of those who 
outraged while they invoked her ; they were seized with indignation against 
her on account of the shameful yoke which had roused their anger, and it 
was necessary to have recourse to force to protect the missionaries against 
the infuriated populace. At Paris, at Brest, at Rouen, in all the great 
towns, they preached under the protection of swords and bayonets, and men 
beheld the spectacle of priests calling down the chastisements of human 
justice on those whom they had been unable to convince by the authority of 
their words.i 


Parallel to the Congregation grew another secret society absolutely dif- 
ferent. This was that of the Carbonari,^ or " Charbonnerie, which, stamped 
out in Italy, took root in France and established there its methods of organ- 
isation and conspiracy. La Fayette and his friends joined it, and Carbo- 
narism spread rapidly, its members uniting with another secret association in 
the west under the title of " Knights of Liberty." La Fayette thought that 
if an insurrection succeeded, a constituent assembly would choose between a 
republic and a constitutional monarchy. It was scarcely practicable to think 
of a revolution while the country was so unsettled. 

The Carbonari made preparations for a double military and popular 
rising in Alsace and the west. The second of these plots, which was to 
break out at Saumur, was discovered by accident and many pupils in the 
military college of this town were arrested. The Carbonari hoped for better 
success in Alsace. La Fayette Avent secretly to direct the movement person- 
ally. The Belfort garrison was to rise on the night of the Ist of January, 

[^ The word carbonari means in Italian "charcoal-makers,** and the name rose from the 
prevalence of charcoal-making in the mountainous regions of Italy where tiie malcontents 
gathered and organised into secret societies, using terms from the charcoal trade as well as 
from Christian ritual for their passwords. As Lamartine f' said : **Carbonarisra, the origin of 
which is lost in the night of the Middle Ages, like freemasonry^ of which it was by tarns the 
ally and the enemy, was a sort of Italian Jacobinism/*] 



[1K32 A.D.] 

1822. There, again, a misunderstanding divulged the plot to the military 

authorities some iiours earlier. The officers and non-commissioned officers 
who were compromised escaped, and La Fayette, who was not far o£f, was 
warned in time. 

The oppressive laws voted by the Right were the cause of fresh plots 
among the Carbonari. The movement which had failed at Saumur was tried 
again. A retired general, Berton, raised tlio tricolour (lag at Thoujirs and 
marched to Saumur at the head of a little body of insurgt^uta. The inhabitants 
of the places through which he passed showed indecision. He reckoned on 
the national guard at Saumnr and on the pupils of the military school, but 
these, when they saw so small a force, did not stir. Bcrton's companions 
dispersed; he himself hid in the I'ouutry, hoping for better success another 
time (February 24th). For the third time the Saumur plot was set going, 
but this time its execution did not even arrive at a beginning. General Ber- 
ton, betrayed by a non-commissioned odicer who had really only joined the 
Carbonari to betray them, was arrested in the country with two of his friends 
(June 17th), 

A retired officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Caron, tried to revive the movement 
in Alsace. There the authorities carried out their former action on a larger 
scale. They introduced Canuel's methnd at Lyons, (^uron was allowed 
perfect freedom of action. On the 2iid of July a squadron of mounted 
lancers came from Colmar and put themselves under Caron*s orders; a 
second squadron soon rejoined the first. They made for MiUhausen, crying 
" flw Napoleon II! A haa les Bourbons!" Suddenly, towards dusk, when 
at some distance from Miilhausen, oflicers in disguise who led the pretended 
insurrection, gave the signal: Carun was seized, and, the next day, taken 
back to Colmar gagged, to cries of " live !e rot ! '* 

Berton and his accomplices were brought before the court at Poitiers. 
The procureur-general, Mangin, in the writ of accusation, denounced La 
Fayette and the principal leaders of the Left, including many who were 
quite strangers to Carbonarism, as General Foy, Benjamin Constant, and 
Laffitte the banker. These latter were indignant and demanded an investi- 
gation. La Fayette himself showed no indignation but only proud con- 
tempt, though he supported the demand for an investigation. This was not 

The procureur-general answered the demand of the deputies with insult, 
and in the trial of the case at Poitiers shamefully outraged the accused. 
The prosecution employed the language of 1815. The Poiticra jury, com- 
posed wholly of ultras and emigres, condemned Kcrton and the greater 
number of those accused with him. Berton and two others were executed. 
A fourth committed suicide (October 5th). 

Lieutenant-Colonel Caron had been executed a few days before at Col- 
mar. The details of his case had raised a storm of reprobation ; the army 
was dishonoured ; whole squadrons had been made to play the part of gov- 
ernment spies in the midst of the people of Alsace. 

Another affair which had excised exceptional interest had ended the 
month before. This was the SAse of the "four sergeants of Rochellc" — 
Bories, Goubin, Pommier, and RaouL These four young men, enrolled 
amongst the Carbonari, had been arrested for a plot in which they had 
joined with certain men not in the army, and brought before the tribunal 
in Paris. Their age, their bearing, and generous sentiments had touched 
public opinion. There had been no beginning of carrying the plot into effect 
on their part, but they were, all the same, condemned to death. "France 


[1821-1822 A.O.] 

will judge us I ** said Bories, the one of them most remarkable by his intelli- 
gence and character. 

La Fayette and his friends did their utmost, but in vain, to insure the 
escape of these four condemned men. They were executed the 21st of Sep- 
tember. A great display of military force rendered useless every attempt 
on the part of the Carbonari to save them. They died crying, " Vive la 
libertS/^* That same evening a grand birthday fete was given at the Tuile- 
ries for the duke de Berri's daughter. The contrast produced a sinister 
effect. The memory of the four Rochelle sergeants has remained popular 
from among all those of the political victims of this time. Every year, on 
le jour des morts [All Souls' Day], the Parisians cover with flowers and 
wreaths the tomb erected to them in the cemetery of Mont-Pamasse after 
the revolution of 1830. 

Many other malcontents had been put to death and numbers of others 
had suffered severe penalties. This was the end of the bloody executions of 
the Restoration. Carbonarism was discouraged and in fact dissolved. The 
struggle against the Restoration took other forms./ 


At the opening of the session of 1821 the Congregation redoubled its 
efforts against Richelieu's ministry. The liberals felt obliged to unite with 
the ultra-royalists to overturn the cabinet, in the dangerous hope that the 
majority, if it came to the head of affairs, would perish as in 1815 through 
its own excesses. The address in the chamber, composed by that majority, 
was hostile and insulting to tlie monarch. Richelieu having demanded new 
restrictions of the press, the royalists, whose most immediate interest was to 
vanquish him, pretended a great horror of the censorship, an ardent zeal 
for the liberty he was attacking. The position of the ministry was no 
longer tenable, and it retired on December 15th, 1821, after twenty-three 
months of existence. 

Madame du Cayla, a woman whose patronage favoured the associate of the 
Congregation, and who kept Louis XVI II under the charms of her fascination 
up to the end of his da3's, was not a stranger to the foundation of the new 
cabinet, the most influential members of which were Peyronnet, keeper of 
the seals; Villele, minister of finance; Corbiere, minister of the interior. The 
viscount Mathieu de Montmorency had received the portfolio of foreign 
affairs, and the duke de Bellune [formerly the Napoleonic marshal Victor], 
that of war. Villele already exercised a great influence in the council and 
soon became its chief. His fortune had been rapid; endowed with a 
great talent for intrigue and with a remarkable capacity for affairs, he had 
neither the lofty views of a statesman nor force of character sufficient to 
escape the influence of a faction whose fatal blindness he deplored. In a 
word, he thought he could fight against the sympathies and the political and 
moral demands of a great people, by means of ruse and corruption. The Con- 
gregation understood that it could dominate in spite of him, while the nomi- 
nation of the pious viscount de Montmorency assured its triumph. Its 
allies immediately took possession of the offices and seized the prominent 
posts of every ministry. 

From that moment the chamber of deputies and the government marched 
hand in hand towards a counter-revolution. The Jesuit* first attacked their 
most serious enemy, the university, by causing the oourst^s given by Cousin 
and Guizot to be suppressed (1822). To intimidate the press a law was 



[I8S2-1S23 A.D.] 

made which made it possible to bring suit not for one particular offence, but 
for the general tendency of opinion of a journal. Royer-Collard, who was 
not a revolter» described the situation in a word: "The government is in a 
sense the inverse of society. "J 

The victors of 1814 and 1815, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, had formed 
the " Holy Alliance " for the purpose of smothering, to their common advan- 
tage, the ideas of liberty wliich the Revolution had thrown into the world, 
and which were fermenting everywhere. They were violently suppressed in 
Germany. Naples, and Piedmont, and the French government, which had just 
prevented their return by laws and punishments, received from the congress 
of Verona (1822) a strange task. ' 

To try the firmness of Louis XVIII in eiupi»ort of the monarchic cause, 
the sovereigns assembled at Verona committed to France the task of putting 
down the Spanish liberals who still maintained their constitution of 1812, 
and reinstating Ferdinand on his absolute throne.^ 

A hundred thousand men crossed the Pyrenees (1823) under the command 
of the duke d'Angouleme,2and were joiiu.'d by the remains of a CHtholic army 
called the "army of the faitli," which the priests and other absolutists had 
raised in defence of the irresponsible cro\vii. 

These allies brought more dishonour and dislike on the invading forces, 
by their cruelty and insulMirdination, thun wore conipcnsatt'd ff>r by their 
numWrs or moral weight in the country. The cortes carried Ferdinand in 
honourable durance with them to Seville. 

Angouleme entered JIaili'id, and, after heroic resistance on the part of 
Mina, Quiroga, and Halhistoros, HUot'L'cded in thu object of his n^ission [as 
has been already described at U^ngth in the history of Spain]. The consti- 
tutional regenc}' was dissolved, and a loose given to the feuds and pas- 
sions of the triumphant army of tlie faith. But Angouleme was a French 
gentleman, and not a Spanish butcher. He bridled the lawlessness of both 
mob and army, and placed the late rebels, and all who were suspected of dis- 
affection, under the protection of French tribunals and impartial law. 
Impartiality in the eyes of the Spanish enthusiasts was worse than hostility ; 
and a royalist insurrection was with dilHculty prevented against the protec- 
UiTs of rnyalt}', since they would not condescend to be also the oppressors of 
the people. 

At length the struggle came to an end. The king was liberated, free- 
dom withdrawn, and a frantic mob received their monarch when he returned 
to his capital with cries of "Long live the absolute kingl Death to the 
liberals! Perish the nation !" By an unfortunate coincidence, though per- 
haps designed by his admirers, the duke d'Angouleme madu liis entry into 
Paris on the anniversary of the battle of Austerlitz (December 2nd, 1823), 
The arch of triumph, which forms so splendid a termination to the view 
from the Tuileries, had been left uncom]tlete<l on the downfall of Napoleon ; 
but wooden scaffoldings were rained im the uulinished walls, painted carpets 
were suspended from the top, and the arch itself garlanded with laurels. 
The ridicule, however, was not of the duke*s seeking, and even Beranger 
spared him for the sake of his moderation and love of justice. 

[ 1 Sacb a policy vu repufi:nant to the liberal party in France, and throuf^bout Europe ; bat 
miUury glory haa war rallu'd tlio Firrich people round their rulors \vhcttier royal or republican. 
For A time Uie moiittrcliy wnu Klrengtlieiied by ihis Huccebs ; but the preteiititoii8 of the royalists 
were dani^eroajily encouraged. France had accepted the represRJve (wilicy of the Holy Alliance ; 
:ii)d ber rulets were to become yet more defiant of the prinoipleu of the Revolution. — EttsttivB 

[^The duke d* Angouleme was the son of the heir to the tbroDC, the count d'Artoia.] 


The monarchy appeared strengthened for a while by the Spanish crusade,* 
and the minister, YUlele, thought he might venture on the introduction of 
various measures.^ 


Villele carried out the traditional administration of his predecessors. 
As to politics, he wanted to steer clear of emergency laws and expedients. 
He proposed a press law — no longer preventive, but repressive, and more 
severe than that of 1819 — transferring from the jury to the magistracy the 
judgment of the greater number of law-suits and multiplying penalties of 
suspension and suppression of the newspapers. 

Count Mole, who had acquired in his high offices a profound knowledge 
of the administration, of government and men generally, said to the peers : 
" Those institutions which would have prevented the Revolution of 1789 are 
now the only methods of ending it." Without a press and publicity all sorts 
of abuses would be possible. Other peers supported these ideas. The 
chamber, in voting for the project, introduced important amendments. 
Although the government could thenceforth count on success, Villele con- 
tinued to exercise power without too much demonstration. He had a great 
end in view, a vast financial operation, destined to end the debate on the 
national lands. He flattered himself that he would thus forever destroy one 
of the most irritating causes of the struggles and recriminations of opposite 
parties, and proudly believed himself destined to put an end to revolution. 
But he was not yet sure of support from the chamber of deputies, mutilated 
by the resignation of the Left, and influential members of the Right kept a 
most independent attitude. He obtained a decree of dissolution from the 
king on December 24th, and made every possible effort to get deputies 
favourable to himself elected in the following January. 

Assured henceforth of a loyal majority, Villele resolved to keep it, and 
govern for several years without fresh elections. With this object he formu- 
lated a law which made the government septennial — the only way, he urged, 
to give it a spirit of continuity and cut short the uncertainty of majorities 
which annual elections constantly raised. He met with much opposition, 
some urging very reasonably the inconvenience of general elections which 
disturbed the whole country and threatened it with changes otherwise per- 
fect. Royer-CoUard, however, went a little too far when he declared that 
representative government ought to be an organised mobility. Opinions 
were very diverse, but as the deputies were as interested as the minister in 
passing the bill it was passed. 

Villele then advanced a project for the conversion of five per cent, stock to 
three per cent., ofFering fund-holders a diminution of income with an aug- 
mentation of capital. Government bonds were at par, a proof of public 
prosperity and definitively established confidence ; this was a necessary con- 
dition of the measure. His idea was to obtain a thousand million francs, 
which he intended to employ in indemnities to emigres whose estates had 
been confiscated during the Revolution. The financial side of the project 
was skilfully planned ; but competent financiers opposed it, and orators on 
the Left, judging from another point of view, reproached him with destroy- 

P There had been some resistance to the vote of a hundred million francs for the war, and 
one deputy named Manuel had been dragged out of the chamber by the gendarmes for opposing 
intervention in the Spanish quarrel, in a speech which was taken to be of regicide spirit. The 
entire I^ft, including Ia Fayette, Foy, Caaimir- Purler, and fifty-nine others, departed from the 
chamber and did not return.] 


[18M A.D.] 

ing under pretext of consolidating the work of the Revolution, and of making 
a retrograde act. Villele adjourned his project, but did not renounce it. 

The ministry lacked necessary homogeneity. The decided character of 
Corbiere was cause of dispute. Chateaubriand, who affected independence, 
and rendered himself insupportable to everyone and particularly to the court 
by his desire to outshine and bis immense self-esteem, was dismissed Jiine 
6th. To please the clergy, Villele created a Ministry of Public Worship 
and Instructioni and gave the post to a prelate. 

After the close of the session on August 4th, he re-established the censor- 
ship. He wiis obliged to buy over papers to defend his policy, and he over- 
whelmed those who attacked him with law-suits. Neither the ordinary law 
court nor the superior courts had condemned as frequently or as severely as 
he desired J 


During this year Louis XVIII lived, but did not reign. His mission 
was accomplished ; his work wan done. The reception of tiie duke 
d*Angouleme and his triumphant host at the TuiLehes wa^ the la^t real act of 
his eventful career ; thenceforward the royal functions, nominally his own, 
were in reality performed by others. It must be confessed he could not have 
terminated his reign with a brighter ray of glory. The magnitude of tlie 
services he rendered to France can only be appreciated by rt^colliicting in 
what state he found, and in what he left it. He found iL divided, he left 
it united ; he found it overrun by conquerors, he left it returning from con- 
quest ; he found it in slavery, he left it in freedom ; he found it bankrupt, 
he left it in aflfiuence ; he found it drained of its heart's blood, ho left it 
teeming with life ; he found it overspread witli mourning, he left it radiant 
with happiness. An old man had vanquished the Revolution ; he had done 
that which Robespierre and Napoleon had left undone. 

He had ruled France, and showed that it could be ruled without either 
foreign conquest or domestic blood. Foreign bayonets had placed him on 
the throne, but his own wisdom maintained him on it* Other sovereigns of 
France may have left more dui-able records of their reign, for they have written 
them in blood, and engraven them in characters of fire upon the minds of 
men ; but none have left so really ghmous a monument of their rule, for 
it was written in the hearts, and might be read in the eyes, of his subjects. 

This arduous and memorable reign, however, so beset with difliculties, so 
crossed by obstacles, so opposed by faction, was now drawing to a close. 
His constitution, long oppressed by a complication of disorders, the result in 
part of the constitutional disorders of his famil}', was now worn out. Unable 
to earry on the affairs of state, sinking under the load of goveriinieul, he 
silently relinquished the direction to De Villele and the count d'Artois, who 
really conducted the administration of affairs. Madame du Cayla w*as the 
organ by whose influence they directed the royal mind. [Louis said to one 
of his ministers, " My brother is impatient to squander my realm. I hoj>e 
he will remember that if be does not change, the soil will tremble beneath 
him.'* On his death-bed he warned his brotlier against the royalists, painted 
for him in words feeble and broken the difticulties of his reign, the means of 
escaping the reefs that a too great exaltation of royalist opinion could pro- 
duce, and added, "Do as I have done and you will arrive at the same peace- 
ful aud tranquil end." — Capefigi'e.] 

Though abundantly sensible of the necessity of the support of religion to 
the maintenance of his throne, and at once careful and resi>ectful in its out- 


[182i A J>.] 

ward observances, Louis was far from bein^ a bigot, and in no way the slave 
of the Jesuits, who in his declining days had got possession of his palace. 
In secret, his opinions on religious subjects, though far from sceptical, were 
still farther from devout : he had never surmounted the influence of the 
philosophers who, when he began life, ruled general opinion in Paris. He 
listened to the suggestions of the priests, when they were presented to him 
from the charming lips of Madame du Cayla ; but he never permitted 
themselves any nearer approach to his person. 

At length the last hour approached. The extremities of the king became 
cold, and symptoms of mortification began to appear ; but his mind con- 
tinued as distinct, his courage as great as ever. He was careful to conceal 
his most dangerous symptoms from his attendants. " A king of France," 
said he, " may die, but he is never ill ; " and around his death-bed he re- 
ceived the foreign diplomatists and oflficers of the national guard, with whom 
he cheerfully conversed upon the affairs of the day. " Love each other," 
said the dying monarch to his family, ''and console yourselves by that 
affection for the disasters of our house. Providence has replaced us upon 
the throne ; and I have succeeded in maintaining you on it by concessions 
which, without weakening the real strength of the crown, have secured for 
it the support of the people. The Charter is your best inheritance ; pre- 
serve it entire, my brothers, for me, for our subjects, for yourselves ; " then 
stretching out his hand to the duke de Bordeaux, who was brought to his 
bedside, he added, " and also for this dear child, to whom you should trans- 
mit the throne after my children are gone. May you be more wise than 
your parents." 

Louis XVIII, who thus paid the debt of nature, after having sat for ten 
years on the throne of France, during the most difficult and stormy period in 
its whole annals, was undoubtedly a very remarkable man. Alone of all 
the sovereigns who have ruled its destinies since the Revolution, he suc- 
ceeded in conducting the government without either serious foreign war or 
domestic overthrow. In fliis respect he was more fortunate, or rather more 
wise, than either Napoleon, Charles X, or Louis Philippe ; for the first kept 
his seat on the throne only by keeping the nation constantly in a state of 
hostility, and the last two lost their crowns mainly by having attempted to 
do without it. He was no common man who at such a time, and with such 
people, could succeed in effecting such a prodigy. Louis Philippe aimed at 
being the Napoleon of peace ; but Louis XVIII really was so, and succeeded 
so far that he died the king of France. The secret of his success was, that 
he entirely accommodated himself to the temper of the times. He was the 
man of the age — neither before it, like great, nor behind it, like little men. 
Thus he succeeded in steering the vessel of the state successfully through 
shoals which would have in all probability stranded a man of a greater or 
less capacity. The career of Napoleon illustrated the danger of the first, 
that of Charles X the peril of the last. 9 

lamaktine's estimate of loots xvni 

The natural cast of his mind, cultivated, reflective, but quick withal, 
stored with recollections, rich in anecdotes, ripe with philosophy, full of 
reading, ready at quotation, but by no means of a pedantic character, placed 
him at that period on a level with the most celebrated geniuses and literary 
men of his age. Chateaubriand had not more elegance, Talleyrand more 
fancy, or Madame de Stael more brilliancy. 





(18M A.D.] 

Since the suppers of Potsdam, the cabinet of a prince had never been the 
Hanetuary of more philosophy, more literature, more wit, jiuJ more lively' 
sallies. Louis XVIII would have served for a king of Athens equally as well 
aa a king of Paris ; for his nature was Grecian more than French, universal, 
elastic, artistic, deliciite, graceful, feminine, sceptical, somewhat corrupted 
by the age, but if not capable of doing everything, capable at least of under- 
standing and expressing everything with propriety, Sach. without any 
flattery, was the mind of Louis XVIIL His intimac}' with Madame du 
Cayla, which her wit and allurement made every day more necessary to his 
heart, was no longer a mystery to anyone. Hut Matlame du Cayla was not 
merely the affectionate friend and comforter of the king ; she was the eonii- 
deutial minister, and the secret negotiator of a triple, or quadruple intrigue. 
An emissary of the clerical i^rty, like Madame de Maintenon, in the cabinet 
of the king, the pledge and the instrument of favour for the houses of La 
Kochefoucauld and Montmorency, the hidden link between the policy of the 
count d*Artois and the heart of his royal brother, and finally, the iuter- 
mediute agent between Villele, the clerical party, the count d'Artoia, and 
the king himself; she was the multiplied connection between these four 
diversified intluences, the accordance of which formed and maintained the 
harmony of the government. No woman ever had so many and such deb- 
c&te strings of intrigue and policy to manage In the same baud. 

Posterity, when it approaches too closely the memory of a deceased mon- 
arch, is influenced in its judgment of that memory by tlie prejudices, the 
partialities, and the party-feelings which prevailed during liis life; and by 
tho6e posthumous feelings the reign of Louis XVIII has been hitherto 
judged. Almost all men were equally interested in misrei) resenting, depre- 
ciating, and lessening the merit of his life and person. The partisans of the 
empire had to avenge themselves ujjon him for the fall of their idol ; and to 
eclipse disdainfully under the military glory of Napoleon, and the splendour 
of his reign, the civil and modest merits of policy, of peace, and of freedom. 
It was necessar}^ to debase the king in order to elevate the hero ; to sacrifice 
z memory to exalt a fanaticism ; and they have accordingly continued to 
pour forth instead of history. 

No king ever bore with more dignity and constancy dethronement and 
exile, tests which are almost always fatal to men who are elevated only by 
their situation : no king ever waited with more patience, or more certainty, 
the restoration of his race : no king ever re-ascended the throne under cir- 
cumstances of greater dilliculty, ct)niirmed himself upon it against greater 
obstacles, or left it to his family with a fairer prospect of maintaining it long 
after bis death. << 

a. w. — vou xin. D 




Charles X was neither a fanatic, a slave, nor a persecutor, bat he 
was a believer. Hla zeal, unknown to himself, influenced his policy ; 
and he thought ho owed a portion of his reign to his religion. The 
people were misled by thiit; it was supposed that he wished to restore 
France to the church; and the first of the liberties conquered by the 
Revolution, the freedom of the human mind, felt itself threatened. 
Heuce arose the disquietude, the disafFection, the brevity, and the 
catastrophe of this reign. He wa^ destined to fall a victim to his faith. 
Thil was not the fault of his conHcience. but of hiti reason. In him the 
Christian was destined to ruin the kin^ — Lahartinb.'' 

Never did a monarch ascend a throne with fairer prospects and greater 
advantages than the count d'Artois, who took the name, Charles X ; never 
was one precipitated from it under circumstances of greater disaster. Every- 
thing at tirst seemed to smilo on the new sovereign, and to prognosticate a 
reign of concord, peace, and happiness. The great contests wliich had dis- 
tracted the government of his predecessor seemed to be over. The Spanish 
revolution had exhausted itself; it had shaken, without overturning, the 
monarchies of France and England, and led to a campaign glorious to the 
French, which on the peninsula, so long the theatre of defeat and disaster, 
had restored the credit of their arms and the lustre of their influence. In 
Italy, the efforts of the revolutionists, for a brief season successful, had ter- 
minated in defeat and ignominy. After infinite difficulty, and no small danger*- 
the composition of the chamber of deputies had been put on a practical foot- 
ing, and government was assured of a majority sufficient for all purposes, ia 
harmony with the great bod}' of the peers, and the principles of a constitu- 
tional monarchy. Internal prosperity prevailed to an unprecedented degree; 
every branch of industry was flourishing, and ten years of peace had both 
healed the wounds of war, and enabled the nation to discharge, with honour- 
able fidelity, the heavy burdens imposed on it at its termination. After 
an arduous reign and a long struggle, Louis had reaped the reward of hia 
wisdom and perseverance. 

The character and personal qualities of Charles X were in many respeota 
such as were well calculated to improve and cultivate to the utmost these 
advantages. Hurke had said, at the very outset of the French Revolution, 
that if the deposed race was ever to be restored, it must be by a sovereign 



wbo could sit eight hours a day on horseback. No sovereign could be so far 
removed from this requisite as Louis XVII I, whose figure wiis so unwieldy 
and his intirmities so great, that, for some years before his death, he had to 
be wheeled about his apartments in an arm-chair. But the case was very 
different with his successor. No captain in his guards managed his charger 
with more skill and address, or exhibited in greater perfection the noble art 
of horsemanship ; no courtier in his saloons was more perfect in all the graces 
which dignify manners, and cause the inequalities of rank to be forgotten, in 
the courtesy with which their distinctions are thrown aside. 

Many of the sayings lie made use of, in the most important crises of his 
life, became historical ; repeated from one end of Europe to the other, they 
rivalled the most celebrated of Henry IV in warmth of heart, and the most 
felicitous of Louis XIV in terseness of expression. But, with all these valu- 
able qualities, which, under other circumstances, might have rendered him 
one of the most popular monarchs that ever sat upon the throne of France, 
he was subject to several weaknesses still more prejudicial, which, in the end, 
precipitated himself and his family from the throne. He was extremely fond 
of the chase, and rivalled any of his royal ancestors in the passion for hunt- 
ing ; but with him it was not a recreation to amuse his mind amidst more 
serious cares, but, as with the Spanish and Neapolitan princes of the house of 
Bourbon, a serious occupation, which absorbed both the time and the strength 
that should have been devoted to affairs of state. A still more dangerous 
weakness was the blind submission, which increased with his advancing years, 
that he yielded to the priesthood. 

No change was made by the new sovereign in the ministers of state, who 
indeed were as favourable to the royal cause as any that he could well have 
selected. But from the very outset of his reign tliere was a Camarilla,^ or 
secret court, composed entirely of ecclesiastics, who had more real influence 
than any of the ostensible ministers, and to whose ascendency in the royal 
council the misfortunes in which his reign terminated are mainly to be 
ascribed. The most important of these were the cardinal Latil, archbishop 
of Rheims, who had been the king's confessor during the time he was in exile, 
and earnestly recommended to liim by his mistress, Madame de Pollastron, 
who possessed the greatest influence over his mind ; the pope's legate, 
Lambruschini, a subtle and dangerous ecclesiastical diplomatist ; and Quelen, 
archbishop of Paris, a man of probity and worth, but full of ambition, and 
ardently devoted to the interests of his order. To these, who formed, as it 
were, the secret cabinet, that directed the king, and of which he took counsel 
in all cases, were added all the chiefs of the ultra-Royalist and ultra-Cath- 
olic party, who, like a more numerous privy council, were summoned on 
important emergencies. The most important of these were the duke de 
Riviere and Prince Polignac. Such was the secret council by which Charles 
was from the first almost entirely directed, and the history of his reign is 
little more than the annals of the consequences of their administration. 

The king made his public entry into Paris on the 27th of September. 
The day was cloudy, and the rain fell in torrents as he moved through the 
streets^ surrounded by a brilliant cortege ; but nothing could damp the ardour 
of the people. Mounted on an Arab steed of mottled silver colour, which he 
managed with perfect skill, the monarch traversed the whole distance 
between St. Cloud and the palace, bowing to the people in acknowledgment 
of their salutations with that inimitable grace which proclaimed him at once, 

[1 Ttiis term is laken from the htstory of the contemporaaeoua Spanish Bourbons. See the 
falADiy of Sp&in.] 


like the prince-regent in England, the first gentleman in his dominions. His 
answers on his way to and when he arrived at the palace were not less felici- 
tous than his manner. When asked if he did not feel fatigued, he replied, 
"No ; joy never feels weariness." "No halberts between my people and me," 
cried he to some of his attendants, who were repelling the crowd which 
pressed in too rudely upon his passage — an expression which recalled his 
famous saying on AprU 12th, 1814, "There is but one Frenchman the 
more." * Never had a monarch been received with such universal joy by his 
subjects. " He is charming as hope," said one of the numerous ladies who 
were enchanted by his manner. Some of his courtiers had suggested the pro- 
priety of taking some precautions against the ball of an assassin in the 
course of his entry. "Why so?" said he: "they cannot hate me without 
knowing me; and when they know me, I am sure they wiU not hate me." 
Everything in his manner and expressions towards those by whom his family 
had been opposed, seemed to breathe the words, " I have forgotten."^ 


Charles introduced his son the duke d*Angoulerae into the government, 
by giving him the supreme direction of the array, whose esteem this prince 
had justly acquired. Eager for that popularity of which he had just tasted 
the nrst*f ruits, he himseli proposed to the council of ministers to abolish the 
censorship of the public journals, which was an odious restriction that had 
been impatiently submitted to during the last few months of the late reign. 
The press responded to this generous act by an effusion of gratitude which 
raised the enthusiasm of Paris to a pitch of delirium. " A new reign opens 
upon us," exclaimed the journalists who had been most bitter against the 
Bourbons; "the king is desirous of doing good; his wisdom scatters at 
the first word the cloud under which bad governments conceal their evil 
thoughts ; there is no snare to apprehend from one who himself invokes the 
light." 6 

But in granting liberty to the press, Charles X did not at all repudiate 
the acts of a ministry which had been stigmatised by it. He accepted it on the 
contrary, declaring his formal intention of keeping it in power. Those who 
had been too quick in hoping were disabused and public opinion pronounced 
with terrifying rapidity against a series of unpopular projects presented to 
the chambers by the crown. One of them, in connection with which the 
ministry had skilfully formed the plan of converting government bonds to 
a three per cent, rate, gave a billion francs indemnity to the emigres;* 
another re-established religious communities for women; a third attached 
infamous and atrocious penalties to profanities and thefts committed in 
churches, in certain cases the sacrilege was to be punished by the penalty 
of parricide.** Some moderate and rational-minded men in the chamber of 
peers, the Moles, the Lally-Tollendals, the Broglies and Chateaubriand 
himself, revolted in the name of human reason, of humanity, and of religion 
against this unjust and barbarous law. In the chamber of deputies, Royer- 
Collard vindicated reason, liberty of conscience, humanity, and the Deity, 

El This epigram, as we have seen, he had borrowed from a courtier.] 
> In fact this law, very unpopular, and onerous to the national finances, was adrantageooa 
to the owners of the properties formerly held by the ^migrfe. The fear of seeing the titles con- 
tested vanished and with it the inferiority in market value of these properties to other estates. 
As for the families of the ^migr^s, the poor provincial ^ntry had had but little ; but the people 
of the court who had already largely regained their i^uence, redoubled it and though lacking 
the immoderate luxury of old, yet found themst'lrea richer than ever. — Mabtih.«] 


[183i-lB27 A.D.] 

all outniged by this law in one of the most powerful speeches ever inspired 
at the French tribune by philosoph}*, religion, and elaquence.& 

But the project which wounded the greatest number of interests and 
aroused tlie greatest resentment tended in put a stop to the division of 
estates by creating in the law of inheritance the right of primogeniture,^ in 
default of a wish formerly expressed by the testator. All these proposed 
laws, dictated under the influence of the old emigres and the Congregation, 
were conceived in a spirit contrary to that of the Kevolution. The chamber 
of deputies adopted them, the peers fought some of them with success, suc- 
ceeded in eliminating the most objectionable clauses, and for some time 
shared popular favour with the royal courts. 

These governmental acts were interrupted in 1825 by the solemnities of 
the coronation. Charles X appeared ut Rheims surrounded by the ancient 
app&rel of royal majesty. There he took oath on the charter and received 
the crown from the hands of the archbishop, in the midst of the ancient 
ceremonial which was not at all in harmony with the customs of the cen- 
tury, and in which the new generation saw only an act of deference to the 

The liberal party was growing, and drawing new force from all the faults 
of the party in power. It saw with pride men like Benjamin Constant, 
Roy er-Col lard, and Caaimir Perier at its head in the elective chamber. One 
immense loss was to be deplored, Foy, the general of Napoleon, the states- 
man of Restoration times, was no more. A hundred thousand citizens, the 
elite of trade, of the bar, of literature, and of the army followed his cortege 
and energetically protested against the procedure of government, by adopt- 
ing his children in the name of their country, on the still open tomb of their 
father, who had been the most redoubtable and the most eloquent adversary 
of the ministers. 

In the first days of 1827 Peyronnet presented to the chamber of deputies 
the law under which the liberty of the press was to perish. He defended 
it against the desperate attacks of the Left [wliich called it the "Vandal 
Law"] by calling it the "law of justice and love." It hardly became known 
before it caused a general uprising of public opinion. The French Academy 
did itself honour by protesting against it on the motion of Charles de 
I.«acretelle, actively supported by Chateaubriand, Lemercier, Jouy, Michaud, 
Joseph Droz, Alexandre Duval, and Villemain. A commission was appointed 
from their midst to beg the king to withdraw so fatal a project, Charles X 
refused to receive the commission and answered by punishing this act of 
courageous independence. He removed from office Villemain, Lacretelle, 
mnd Michaud himself, the author of History of the Crumdesy and one of 
the oldest 8uj»porters of the raonareliy. The law, adopted by the chamber 
of deputies, met with violent opposition in that of the peers.* The ministry 
understood that, even if the latter should adopt it, it would at least eliminate 
its roost rigorous clauses. The project was withdrawn without being sub- 
mitted to this dangerous test. 

The people did honour to the monarch for this wise measure. Paris was 
illuminated and cries of " Vive le roil" were heard in the midst of bonflres 
and popular acclamations. <2 

P The law vras more timid than its title and cast only a moderate reproach on the existing 
law, out feeble as It was this reproach was an enormous fault. Nothing wu worse conceived 
than thla challenge to ** Equality," the grand passion of the nation. — Dabestb./] 

[* MOller A apeaJia of the law as one *' which sought to smother all education and reason, turn 
Pranoe Into a Jesuit machine, and set it back tA tlic days of the Inquisition.^*] 




(1627 A.D.] 

The masses seemed to wish to open to the king a peaceful issue. An 
expression of Casiniir Perier nunle u great stir. Some members of the Left 
alone rising in favour of a liberal petition, the Right cried, *^ There are only 

six of them." Casimir Perier replied, 
" We are only six in this place, but 
there are thirty million men in France 
who rise with us.'* 

The partial elections were to the 
advantage of the liberals, and the return 
of La Fayette was a sign of the time. 
Charles X, uneasy and chagrined, could 
not conceal his unpopularity. He 
thought to regain it in Paris by review- 
ing the national guard. Villele waa 
greatly alarmed ; the dauphin advised 
iiguitmt the review, but the guard waa 
summoned on the Champ de Mars 
AprU 29th, 1827. The word had been 
passed to the soldiers to cry nothing 
hut " I W le Roi!^" and *^ live le charts!'* 
At certain phices, however, tliey cried, 
" j1 has lesminhtres! A has le8J49uite$r* 
To one national guardsman who 
repeated tbis cry near him, the king 
answered, " I came to receive your 
homage, not your instructions." On 
returning from the Champ de Mars, 
tumultuous groups surrounded the car- 
riages of the princesses crying, "j4 baM 
les jSs^uitesses!^^ Two legions of the 
national guard cried violently, "j4 has llllele! A has Peyromut!'' in passing 
the ministers of finance and of justice. 

Villele advised the king to disljand the national guard of Paris and double 
the garrison. Tlie majority of the ministers agreed. The ordinance of dis- 
bandment appeared the next day. The liberal journals protested fiercely 
against this measure and the opposition on the Right associated itself with 
the liberals. The act alienated irrevocably the entire middle class of Paris. 
The majority was lost in the chamber. Tiie session terminated June 22nd ; 
it was the fourth and ought to have been the last of the "septennial" cham- 
ber; besides, this chamber was used up and, as it were, decomposed. 

The day after the closing, the censorship was re-established despite the 
dauphin's wishes. The minister instituted above the bureau of censure a 
council of supervision presided over by De Donald, the implacable enemy of 
the liberty of the press as of all liberty. The illustrious scientist Guvier, 
who had shown in the council of state much administrative capacity but 
till now little independence, refused to take part in the committee of super- 
vision ; nor would two of the nominees for the bureau of censure serve. 
The censure fell into odious ridiculous excesses which called forth Chateau- 
briand and a throng of other writers in pamphlets full of ironic and indignant 

A crisis was imminent, and the approaching elections looked ominous. A 

Chablks X 





[tflSr-lKZB A.D.] 

powerful society was formed to prepare the country, under the significant 
name of "Heaven helps those ti»at help themselves" (^Aide-toiy le cielVaidera). 
Guiznt was president of the governing committee. An allied society of 
republican tendencies was formed, the " Free-speakers. '*« 

When the duke de Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, a liberal member of the 
chamber of Peers, died, some of the old pupihi of the Academy of Chalons, 
to whom he had been very kind, endeavoured to show their gratitude to 
their neighbour and benefactor by bearing his body to the Barrier, where 
the hearse was waiting to convey it to his estate. In the church of the Made- 
leine the police seized the coffin — unwilling that such a mark of respect should 
be aliown to a member of the opposition ; the pupils resisted: in the struggle 
the coffin fell to the ground, and the authorities in triumph carried it off.^ 

Later a similar scene was enacted on a greater scale at the funeral of 
Manuel the expelled deputy. The irritated crowd was hardly prevented from 
a pitched battle with the troops. The discourse spoken over the grave by 
La Fayette was of a very different character from that which signalised the 
funered of General Foy. Under this not yet lawless struggle, one felt 

Seventy-six new peers were named ; the chaml>er of Deputies, from which 
still less subserviency was expected, was dismissed (Nov. 6th, 1827); and the 
gauntlet was fairly thrown down. 

In this year the battle of Navarino (Oct. 20th, 1827) had practically 
delivered Greece from its oppressors, and was hailed as the first national 
resurrection to freedom since the reaction had begun. The English and 
French navies, which were united with the Russian in t!ie entire destruction 
of tlie Turkish fleet, took also different views of the result of their valour 
and preponderating force. France was so enraptured with a naval victory, 
however obtained, that even the supporters of the ministry rejoiced in an 
action which greatly excited tlie liberal hopes throughout Europe. The 
English, on the other hand, perceived too late the fault they had committed 
in exposing Turkey unprotected to the maritime attacks of Russia, and 
called the victory of Navarino ** an untoward event.'* Yet, as naval victories 
•were of more importance to France than England, an opportunity was found 
for another triumph in an expedition against the dey of Algiers. Success- 
ful to a certain degree, but not so brilliantly decisive as its promoters had 
expected, the squadron came back with its work only Iialf performed, but 
furnishing information which led to a greater effort and more satisfactory 
result in a future year. In spite of government influence, which was unscru- 
pulously used, the elections of 1828 returned a majority for the liberals. 
There were riots and loss of life in Paris and other towns. The Villele 
ministry retired for fear of the coming storm. i? 


Charles X was obliged to form a liberal government. The Restoration 
again found itself obliged to rely on the support of the left benches. The 
first time this hain>ened it was the result of the initiative of Louis XVIII; 
this second time it was due to the will of the electors. 

The new ministry was formed Jan. 4th, 1828, with Martignac as leader 
of the cabinet. Possessed of undoubted eloquence and an attractive manner, 
he bad more charm than strength. Although he was a man of moderate 
mind he had been one of the majority of Villele, With him, Portalis, Roy, 
and soon afterwards Hyde de Neuville and Feutrier, the bishop of Beauvais, 


[1828 A.D.] 

made up a cabinet wMcli the public at first considered lacking in weight and 
in authority.' 

The king had made haste to say to his new ministers, " M. de Villeie's 
system is mine " ; and the chamber made haste to write down in its address 
that M. de VillSle's system was "deplorable." The whole history of the 
Restoration is epitomised on this simple juxtaposition of facts. How was 
the chamber to be prevented from exercising the paramount strength it pos- 
sessed? And what should hinder the head of the state from crying out» 
under the exasperation of insult, as did Charles X upon the presentation of 
the address, " I will not suffer my crown to be flung into the mire I " What 
then remained to be tried ? To side completely with the elective power ? 
Martignac could not do so without declaring war against royalty. To serve 
royalty in accordance with its own- views? He could not do so without 
declaring war on the chamber. To combine these two sorts of servitude^ 
and to hold the reins of government on the tenure of being doubly a slave ? 
He tried this.i 

The Martignac ministry began by suppressing the " black cabinet," where 
letters were opened for the police, and by passing a liberal law with regard 
to the press. In Greece, France received from the two other powers the 
glorious charge of putting an end to the struggle which was going on. A 
Force of 14,000 men under the orders of General Maison landed in the 
Morea on the 29th of August. Ibrahim, who had been sent by his father 
the pasha of Egypt as commander of the Egyptian troops, to help the sultan 
of Turkey, made no attempt to fight ; on the 9th of September he sailed 
away with his troops. The only case in which force had to be employed 
was in the taking of Fort Morea, and Greece was delivered. Two burning- 
questions occupied the public mind : one was that of an inquiry into the pro- 
ceedings of the Villele ministry, a measure on which the liberals insisted ; 
the other the enforcing of the laws against the Jesuits, which was demanded 
by a strong wave of public opinion, by a decision of the court in Paris, 
and by the new chamber. The ministry decided on carrying out the latter 
measure in order to avoid the former. They prepared two ordinances^ 
in which the name of the Jesuits was not so much as mentioned. The first, 
which was countersigned by Portalis, deprived them of their educational 
establishments ; the second, which was inspired by the bishop of Beauvais,. 
dictated the necessary precautions to be observed in order to exclude them 
from the management of ecclesiastical schools (June 19th, 1828). 

Thus the throne seemed anxious to be reconciled to the liberal party. 
But this was only apparently true. Between the two parties who were 
struggling for possession of the country, one supported by the king, the 
other by the people, one wishing to go back to the eve of '89, the other to 
march forward with the century, there was no room for equivocation or for 
compromise. Those who were anxious to conciliate both parties ran the risk 
of being crushed between the two. Martignac, in spite of his wonderful 
eloquence, his charm, and the sympathy he inspired, was looked upon with 
suspicion by both camps. 

As for Charles X, he submitted to this ministry as to a personal defeat ; 
he was still the ardent partisan of the cabinet which had been overthrown. It 
was therefore most obnoxious to him to have to sign the ordinances against 
the Jesuits. The ministers were obliged to threaten to resign in order to get 
him to do it. The furious outcry raised by the whole body of the clergy,, 
the maledictions of the bishops directed even against the bishop of Beauvais,. 
brought the devout frenzy to a climax. 


[UM-1S20 A.O.] 

He could only endure this .return to liberalism for a time by nursing 
tboughU of revenge. But he still had patiently to endure the session of 
jl829, which was occupied by discussions on the organisation of the depart- 
lents and the communes, in which the cabinet was weakened by several 
reverses. Hardly had the chambers dissolved when the king dismissed hi» 
ministers. The session had closed on the 30th of July ; on the 9th of 
August the list of the new ministry was published.! 

When the names were made known a cry of indignation broke out from 
one end of Franco to the other : Polignac, Labourdonnaie, Bounnont. 
The patriots who, from piLssion or principlps, had never admitted tlie 
possibdity of a compromise with the old dynasty, experienced that sort of 
satisfaction which a soldier feels on the eve of a decisive battle. Those who 
bad dreamed of liberty with monarchy were now overwhelmed with con- 
sternation. "Seel" cried Royer-Collard, '^ Cliarles X is still the count 
d'Artois of 1789." 

The lil)eral journals in general responded by an explosion of anger 
and menaces to the defiance which had just been nung at the nation. Tha 
Journal de» DibaU^ attached to tho Bourbons by bonds which its ardent 
opposition had not hitherto broken, terminated an article full of an elo- 
quent suffering by the cry so often quoted : '* Unhappy France ! Unhappy 
king I" 

The ministry brought a suit against it. Answer was made by a violent 
attack from a young eilitor, Saint-Marc (iirardin, on Folignac, " the man of 
C'oblenz and the counter-revolution," on Bourmont, *^ the deserter of Waterloo 
now exposed on the scaffold of the ministry," and on Labourdonnaie, the 
man who in the White Terror of 1816 had constantly demanded irons, hang» 
men, and executious.ff 


The president of the new cabinet, Jules de Polignac, son of the chief 
equerry of Louis XVI and of the duchess de PoFignae, who was an intimate 
friend of Marie Antoinette, was a sort of incarnation of the old regime, lie 
had been one of the most enthusiastic amongst the emigres and later hud 
become a leading member of the Congregation. He was perhaps the most 
ardent adherent that body possessed. His minister of war, Bourmont, had, 
in 1816, on the eve of the battle of Waterloo, deserted Napoleon*s army for 
that of the enemy, and had thus gained the rank of marshal. 

It was certain that such a minister would advocate extreme measures. 
The country prepared for a struggle. Societies were formed quite openly, 
at first in Brittanyand then throughout France, with the purpose of refusing 
to pay the taxes in case the cabinet should attempt to force any violent 
measure on the country. The papers which advertised these associations 
were in every case prosecuted, but were either acquitted or very lightly 
punished. The courts themselves seemed to condemn in advance the projecta 
with which the ministry was credited.' 

This was indeed a ministry of madness. Not only every libei-al senti- 
lent but every national sentiment was defied. The unfortunate Charles X 
ras so much a stranger to his age and country that he did not understand that 
France would take the siimmons of Bourmont to the head of the army as the 
most deadly of outrages. He believed that in order to justify the deserter 
of Fleurus in the eyes of the public it would suffice to give out that he had 
the king's orders. 


If the king and his advisers had been capable of reflection, the attitude 
of the country would have made them tremble. At this moment La Fayette 
paid a visit to Auvergne, his native province, and then to Dauphine and Lyons. 
In the towns of Dauphine, especially in VizLlle, the little place famous for 
having given the signal for the revolution of 1789, La Fayette was welcomed 
by demonstrations which recalled that great epoch ; at Grenoble the popu- 
lation offered him an oak wreath *^ as a witness of the people's gratitude and 
as the emblem of the force which the people of Grenoble, following his 
example, would be able to bring into action to maintain their rights and the 
constitution." At Lyons he made a truly royal entry : the whole city went 
out to meet him, deputations from the neighbouring departments waited on 
him. At the banquet which was given him La Fayette declared that he was 
happy to receive proof of the determination of that great and patriotic city 
to resist all the attempts of the incorrigible counter revolution. The 
ofBoial journals of this party had said recently *^ no more concessions." " No 
more concessions " says in its turn the French people, which knows its rights 
and will know how to defend them. Then he added, " How are the pro- 
jects with which the people are threatened to be executed ? By means of 
the chamber of deputies ? It would show itself faithful to patriotism and 
honour. Bv a dissolution? The electors would have something to say to 
that. By simple ordinances ? The partisans of such measures would then 
learn that the strength of every government lies only in the arms and the 
purse of the citizens which compose the nation." 

The triumphant journey of La Fayette afforded royalty an alarming con- 
trast to the reception which the dauphin and dauphiness received about the 
same time in Normandy. Silence and a desert surrounded them everywhere. 
At Cherbourg the authorities could not even organise a ball in their honour.« 

On the 2ud of March, 1830, Charles X, displaying for the last time all 
the pomp of royalty, declared in the presence of the assembled deputies and 
iKiors his intention to preserve intact the prerogatives of the crown and 
French institutions. The address of the deputies in response to the speech 
from the throne showed the king that the composition of his new cabinet 
was dangerous and menacing to public liberty. Two hundred and twenty- 
ono members as against 186 voted for this memorable address. The king 
was indignant. He complained in his response of a lack of support and con- 
cluded by stating that his resolves were known and were unchangeable. 
The chamber A\'as prorogued and then dissolved. 

However, the council had tried to acquire some popularity by means of a 
military success, and an insult offered to the French consul by the dey of 
Algiers furnishtHl the ministers a favourable opportunity to clear the sea 
of barl>arv>us pirates.*' 


The Algerian dey, Hussein, had tH>me into power in 1818. No dey had 
been so well obeveil. His foreign ixtlioy was less fortunate, because he had 
illusions alnnit liis own stnMigth and thought he could brave the European 
lowers with impunity. This error caused his downfall. The relations with 
France, interrupte^l Iluring the empire, were renewetl in ISIO ; but the un- 
derstanding was never very oi^niial, esj^e^nally after the accession of Hussein. 
He wished the annual re\*euue ^^aid for the l^>niV;!!sdons to amount to 300,000 
frauosk according to the oouvention made in 1817 with the dey Omar: France 
wi&hcii to keep to the amount of iH\000 franca, which was the revenue paid 
to Ali Khodja. who rtngne^l Wtwe«n Omar and Hussein. The dey would not 


[iai9-1830 AJ>.] 

consent to the fortifying of the French establisliinents ; the execution of some 
works of defence had greatly annoyed him. But the Bakri aflfair caused him 
more annoyance than anything else. 

Baki'i and Busnah, two Algerian Jews^ had furnished the Directory with 
a large amount of corn which hnd not been entirely paid for; the empire 
gave some instalments. In ISli* the credit was fixed at seven millions, but 
the convention then concluded expressly reserved the rights of certain 
Frenchmen of whom Bakri and Busnah were debtors. Opposition arose, 
and a part of the sura was kept back while awaiting the decision of the 

Hussein, who had large interests in the business, and who understood noth- 
ing of the complicated forms of French justice, was indignant at the delay. At 
a solemn audience he questioned the French consul sharply and then hit him 
with Ills fan and sent him out of hts presence ; a more prudent and dignified 
consid would not have provoked such a scene ; but Deval represented France ; 
a reparation was necessary. 

A naval division appeared before Algiers. Hussein absolutel}' refused 
satisfaction; June 15th, 1827, war was declared; immediately tlie French 
settlements, which they had taken the precaution to evacuate, were pillaged 
and destroyed. A cruising expediticm then began ; but the blockade soon 
proved useless ; it imposed a diflicult and dangerous service on the French 
navy, it cost upwards of twenty millions in three years, and the dey appeared 
no more disposed to give in than on the first day. 

Since 1827 Clermont-Tonnerre, then minister of war, had been inclined 
to act vigorously ; England made almost imperious representations, which 
were answered as they should have been. Even in France, the opposing 
parties disapproved of an ex[)editiou; they saw in this, not without some 
reason, a politiuid artihee to turn men's minds from interior ufTairs, but they 
also forgot that national honour was engaged. 

An admiral, Duperre, at hist decided to accept the command of the fieet. 
Bourmont, minister of war, kept that of the army for himself, with the sole 
direction of the enterprise. It was decided to fortify the peninsula to make 
it into an entrenched camp, a place of refuge in case of defeat. The enemy, 
however, had taken its forces to Staoueli; Ibrahim, Hussein's son-in- 
law, took with him the Turkish militia, some Kolougis and Moors of 
Algiers, the contingent of the beys, and some thousand Kabyles. Among the 
eye-witnesses, some enumerate this army at 60,000 men, others only at 20,000. 
The confused manoeuvring, the rapid and disorderly movements of the 
Arabian cavalry, must have promoted the illusion of an immense multitude. 
With the exception of the Turks all these undisciplined troops presented a 
poor appearance when drawn up in battle order. The first shock, however, 
was terrible; on the morning of the 19th iill the French lines were assailed, 
but the attack told more on the wings, weaker and not so well posted as 
the centre. The left was exposed for a moment; the Turks fought with 
incredible ardour; the horsemen spurred their horses and sprang over 
the entrenchments. But the French army had the advantage of tactics 
and discipline. After a desperate fight the Algerians retreated to their 

The dey and the inhabitants of Algiers had no doubt of success ; there 
was consternativ'>n at the arrival of the fugitives. The Algerians hastened 
to defend Fort Empert>r, which protected the town on the southwest. Emis- 
saries were sent on all sides to rally the Arabs, the Ulemas preached the 
holy war. 


[1830 A.i>.) 

On the 24th the French lines of Staoueli were attacked ; the French army 
easily repulsed the aggressors, pursued them, and established itself on the 
plateau of Sidi-Khaled. The days of the 25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th were 
difficult and murderous. On the 29th, before day, the offensive movement 
commenced all along the line. The fleet cannonaded the place and, without 
causing much damage, added by this opportune demonstration to the con- 
sternation of the population. On July 4th, at four o'clock in the morning, 
the entrenchment was opened against Fort Emperor; the French batteries 
then uncovered and destroyed it with their fire. 

The garrison made a brave defence, but the contest of the two artilleries 
was too unequal ; at the end of a few hours the Turks had their embrasures 
demolished, their guns dismounted, their gunners disabled. 

Fort Emperor once taken, Algiers could no longer hold out ; Hussein 
signed a capitulation.^ 

The victory, however, was little heeded at home and war was declared 
between France and monarchy. The struggle had been desperate on both 
sides. The opposition brought out a new paper, the National^ edited by 
Thiers and Mignet, the two historians of tlie Revolution, and Armand 
Carrel, who had begun his public career as leader of an armed conspiracy- 
This paper propagated the views of the opposition with extreme ardour. 
On the other side the king vainly threw his name and his influence into the 
scale. The result was a crushing defeat. The opposition had fought for 
the 221 deputies who had condemned the Polignac ministry, as in 1877 they 
were to fight for the 863. They were all returned again and fifty more elec- 
tions were also gained. 

The Ordinances of Polignac and War with the Pressy 18S0 A.D, 

The defeated ministry prepared a coup d'etat. Taking as a pretext the 
wording of Article 14 of the charter, they resolved to suppress the liberties 
of the coimtry. Three ordinances signed by all the ministers formed the 
reply of Charles X to the French nation. One of these dissolved the cham- 
ber before it had ever met ; so that the country had been consulted and had 
given its answer, but that answer was treated with contempt. Another 
abolished liberty of the press. Henceforth every paper would be forced 
to obtain the royal sanction ; otherwise, it would not only be forbidden to 
appear, but its plant would be destroyed. The third created a new electoral 
system. It would no longer be a sufficient qualification for a vote to pay 
300 francs in taxes ; patents were no longer to be taken into account ; and 
all electors who were engaged in commerce or manufactures were to be 
deprived of their votes. 

The last two ordinances were manifestly unconstitutional : they violated 
the laws and usurped their functions. The king's pleasure was substituted 
for the votes of the chambers. This was a return to absolute monarchy. 
This attempt at violence was made in incredible ignorance of the actual situ- 
ation. Up to the time of the elections the ministers had thought themselves 
certain of a majority, and, even after the results were known, seemed to 
have an inexplicable confidence in the measures they were preparing. They 
had only 19,000 men at their command to subdue Paris. 

Secrecy was most carefully observed. Nobody, except those who had 
drawn them up and signed them, knew the contents of the ordinances, when, 
on the evening of Sunday, 25th July, they were handed over to the chief 
editor of the Moniteur for publication the following morning. The editor 



gimced over them, and turning pale said to the minister: ^^I am fifty-seven 
yeftrs of age ; I have passed through all the revolutious, but I now withdraw 
overwhelmed with fear." On the morning of the 26th of July^ 1830, the 
ordinances publi^tied in tlie Moniteur burst on the nation like a thunderbolt. 
At first people seemed stupefied. The press had the honour of setting an 
example of action. 

It has already been said that one of the edicts suppressed all the opposi- 
tion papers. That very day all their editors signed a protest of which the 
following words contain the gist : To-day the government lias lost that con- 
stitutional character which alone commands obedience. And they added 
that they would use every possible means to publish their papers in defiance 
of the authority of the government. Among the young writers who perhaps 
risked their lives by affixing their signatures to this bold protest, were some 
who were destined to play an important part in public affairs. The protest 
was signed by Thiers, Mignet, Armand Carrel, Remusat, and Pierre Leroux, 
This intrepid action of tlie press was the first reply to the coup d'etat. 
Their actions were as bold as their words; and when on the following day 
the police attempted to carry out the provisions of the ordinance, the com- 
missary of police found the proprietor of the paper, with tite law in his hand, 
threatening the agent of the government with the punishment due to theft 
aggravated by housebreaking. A crowd collected and protested loudly. 

The locksmith who had been summoned to break up the phint refused to 
do 80, and was heartily applauded. Another was sent for, wlio also refused. 
Not a workman could be found who was willing to raise his himd against the 
instrument of public liberty. It was found necessary at last to have recourse 
to the wretch whose duty it was to aliix the fetters worn by convicts. 

Sucli was the laAvful resistance which most politicians of that time, whether 
journalists or deputies, considered the only possible eouise. 

PELLETAN'S account op the three days op J0LY 

The first day, the wrath of Paris, kept in check by amazement, had the 
appearance of hesitation ; people were waiting and consulting. The next 
day, July 2Tth, the dissatisfaction of the city became articulate. The mid- 
dle classes and the working people began to express their feelings; street 
orators were active, and stones were thrown at the police outside the Palais 
Uoyal. A barricade was raised near the French Theatre ; men formed them- 
aelves into bands ; shots were fired and the pavements had begun to be stained 
with blood; but the movement had begun outside the popular quarters of 
the town ; the mass of the people had not yet joined it. 

However, the last rays of the setting sun shone on a well-nigh forgotten 
sight — an unknown man ran along the quays waving a strip of blue» white, 
and red stuff. This was the tricolour flag, which had formerly sprung from 
the ruins of the Bastille to wave over a nation rescued and delivered from 
tyranny. This was the flag of the convention and the empire, which, borne 
by the regiments from Madrid to Moscow, from Cairo to Amsterdam, had 
shaken liberty from its folds in its passage through the nations. This was 
the proscribed flag, which througliout Europe lay hidflen in the depths of 
men^s memories, as the symbol of liberties destroyed and nations remorse- 
leaaly crushed. 

Whoever the unknown man was who first waved the tricolour in the 
sunlight^ he had thoroughly grasped the spirit of the situation. The ques- 
tion at issue had ceased to be the maintenance of a royal constitution, the 


downfall of a minister, or the re-establishment of a king: above all these 
more limited ideas, the cause of popular liberty was now supreme. A father- 
land whioh had been assailed, a revolution which had been defeated, had now 
to be reckoned with. 

The question at issue was between the people and the Bourbons. On 
the 28th the people rose in arms. Workmen, citizens, students, marched 
out pell-mell to fight. A student from the Polytechnic who had been ex- 
pelled for having sung the MaraeillaiBe — Charras, afterwards a minister 
under the republic, and one of the most celebrated among those who were 
proscribed under the second empire — had informed his comrades the day 
before of what was to take place, and they had forced the gates of the school 
in order to be present at the battle. None of the people had any weapons, 
and they were obliged to equip themselves as well as they could. Here an 
armourer's shop was broken into and pillaged, there a military post was sur> 
prised, or barracks were attacked ; and manufacturers and merchants might 
be seen distributing muskets. 

To the open space in front of the Exchange two carriages, driven by 
jStienne Arago, brought a store of guns and uniforms, which were being 
used at the Vaudeville in a military play. Next the Musee d'Artillerie waa 
attacked, and military equipments which had belonged to warriors of the 
Middle Ages were seized ; so for this epic battle the people borrowed theat- 
rical properties and the rusty uniforms of ancient knights. 

Since the day before, the government had understood that they reqidred 
an efficient military leader : they had chosen Marshal Marmont, duke de 
Raguse. His was a very unpopular name. In 1814, at the time of Napoleon's 
first defeat, Marmont, whilst negotiations were going on, had prematurely 
yielded to the enemy some important positions before Paris. This shadow 
of a terrible suspicion hung over him. Besides, having served as a soldier 
under the republic and the empire, he was now about to shed French blood 
in support of a coup d'etat of which he did not approve. His plan of 
action was soon made ; from the Tuileries where he was, two columns of 
troops would drive back the insurgents, one by the boulevards, the other by 
the quays. A body of troops posted at the market of the Innocents, and 
clearing the whole length of the rue St. Denis, would maintain communica- 
tions between the two columns. 

But on all sides, in that close network of streets and alleys which formed 
the heart of Paris, and which were not yet intersected by the wide thorough- 
fares which exist in the present day, in front and behind the lines of troops, 
combatants seemed to spring up in myriads as if they rose out of the very 
ground ; the streets were bristling with barricades, and a battle was waging 
at every cross-road. The columns were both stopped, one at the Hotel-de- 
ViUe and one at the Bastille ; the troops at the market of the Innocents 
were surrounded and cut off ; the army seemed lost in this immense rising 
of Parisians. 

What an heroic crowd it was I After fifteen years of peace, the citizens 
of 1830 proved themselves worthy of the soldiers of Jeramapes, Fleurus, 
and Austerlitz. A fine sense of a fraternity in courage and enthusiasm 
united the rich and the poor. The Paris street-boy shared in the perils of 
the day with his usual saucy intrepidity. During the battle, a boy of fifteen 
brought a packet of cartridges to Charras, saying, " We will go shares, but 
only on condition that you will lend me your gun so that I may take my 
turn at firing." Certain of the combatants had not money to buy bread ; 
in the rue St. Joseph a citizen saw a workman who was fighting at his side 


stagger, and said to him: "You are -wounded?" "No, I am starving." 
The other offered him a Hve-franc piece. Then the workman puUed out 
from his blood-stained shirt a strip of the royaliat flag, saying: '* I will give 
vou this in exchange/* A hundred incidents proved that the combatants 
felt that the same blood was flowing in their veins, though they were fight- 
ing on different sides. In one case an otticer had received a dangerous l)low 
from an iron bar, but, with his face batlied in blood, he warded off with his 
svford the bayonets which were about to pierce the man who had struck him. 
In another place the corpse of an insurgent was lying near the tricolour flag; 
some soldiers passed by and they and their officers all saluted. 

It would be impossible to describe the war that raged all over Paris. 
On the 28th the thick of the fight had been at the market of the Innocents 
id round the Hotel-de-Ville. To reach it, it wiis necessary to cross the 
ispension bridge, which was under a constant fire. A young man sprang 
forwanl with a tricolour flag in his hand: "If I fall,'* he criea, "remember 
that my name was Arcole." Hia name was given to tlie bridge which was 
consecrated by his heroic death. Nightfall interrupted the fighting. 
Silence and solitude descended on the bloody streets, on the deserted barri- 
cades, and on the corpses lying in the shadow. Nothing disturbed the 

It solemnity of that terrible night but the footsteps of the troops as they 
'Bcuated the town in order to mass themselves round the Tuileries, 

On the morning of the 29th, fighting began again. Two battles took 
place that day, both against the Swiss Guard. This foreign guard was the 
last resource of the monarchy, just as it had been on the occasion of the 10th 
of August, 1792. The Swiss troops belonged to the king, not to the nation. 
On the left bank of the river the Polytechnic school, at the head of several 
cobimns of workmen and students, laid siege to the Babylon barracks. 
Charras led one of the columns. Vaneau was killed by a bullet in the head, 
and the street where he fell was called after him. The barracks were taken, 
but a more decisive struggle had taken place elsewliere. 

On the right bank, the people had only to get possession of tlie vast 
enclosure of the palace formed by the Louvre and the Tuileries. Since the 
day before they had been besieging the front of the Louvre before St. Germain 
TAuxerrois. The Swiss, posted in the colonnade, directed a murderous fire 
on the assailants. A blunder, made while changing the battalion posted 
there, left the colonnade unprotected : in an instant the people stormed tlie 
entrance and broke in through the windows, firing from those which looked 
on to the courtyard. The Swiss, taken by surprise, were seized with a 
panic, the officers were unable to restore order, and they were chased by the 
people as far as the place de la Concorde. The crowd then for the second 
time made their way into the conquered palace. They had already entered 
it on the 10th of August, 1792, and they were to enter it again in February, 
1848, and in September, 1870. 

Charles X deposed 

Each of these visits signified the fall of a monarchy. And this time, as 
on every similar occasion, was seen the spectacle of a crowd of starving men 
keeping guard, without attempting to touch it, over the wealth of treasure 
which was passing from the king to the nation. Thus ended that most glori- 
ous struggle, the result of which was greeted by universal acclamations. 
Where, during those terrible days, were the men who on one side or the 
other represented the principles for which France was fighting? 


[1830 Aj>.] 

Charles X was at St. Cloud. The day the ordinances appeared (July 
26th) he was stag-hunting until the evening at Rambouillet. Partly owing 
to an incomprehensible carelessness and partly to avoid the unpleasantness 
of the struggle, he had kept out of reach of the storm which had assailed his 
crown. He was told : " Stocks have fallen " ; and replied, " They will go 
up again." Then they said, *' Paris is in a state of anarchy." To this he 
answered, " Anarchy will bring her to my feet." The most faithful royal- 
ists, trying to make the king realise his position, found him incredulous. 
Even on the 29th, when the revolutionists, after three days' fighting, were 
driving the army from Paris, Charles X, six miles away, kept on repeating 
that every measure was being taken to suppress the insurrection. 

Three days' war had raged ; officers and men alike sad at heart had found 
themselves obliged to shed French blood. Men who should have been the 
glory of their country, politicians, artists, and philc^ophers, had been made 
the mark for French bullets ; the people and the army had covered the 
streets with corpses, and all the time the king refused to believe what was 

It was only on the evening of the 29th, when the army returned to St. 
Cloud and he heard of their defeat, that he agreed to withdraw the ordinances 
and change the ministry. There was a great deal of talk about a game of 
whist that he played, whilst Mortemart, who was to be the new minister, 
was awaiting his instructions. Ten hours later Charles X was still hesitat- 
ing, and it was only at daybreak on the 30th of July that the king made 
up his mind — just twenty -four hours after the triumph of the Revolution. 

The next evening, after two long days of hesitation, in the midst of 
troops decimated by desertion, Charles X at last resolved to retire to Ram- 
bouillet ; this was the first stage on his way to exile. Most of the men who 
were looked upon as the leaders of the victorious party had done little more 
fighting on their side than Charles X had done on his. When they met on 
the very day the edicts were issued there was division in the camp. If some, 
notably La Fayette, were anxious for revolt, others not only did not desire it, 
but actually feared it. All the deliberations of the deputies and other influ- 
ential persons during these three days were fruitless, as no decision was 
reached. At last, on the 28th of July, they sent five of their number to 
Marshal Marmont, who was already being urged by the great astronomer 
Arago to put a stop to bloodshed. Polignac refused to see the five deputies, 
and while they were opening tardy negotiations with St. Cloud, the people 
completed their victory. 

On the evening of the 28th, the monarchy being abolished, there was no 
recognised authority in Paris. ^ An unknown man named Dubourg, dressed 
in a general's uniform borrowed from a theatre, and the journalist Baude 
who appointed himself secretary to a provisional government which did not 
exist, had only to take their places in the H6tel-de-Ville, which the troops 
had abandoned, in order to exercise a certain amount of power. On the 
evening of the 29th La Fayette took possession of the H6tel-de-Ville and was 
reinforced by a commission consisting of Casimir Perier, Lobau, Schonen, 
Audry de Puyraveau, and Mauguin ; Laffitte, whose house had been latterly 
the headquarters of the victors, and General Gerard, who continued to be the 
military chief of the new government, declining to join the commission. 

[1 Men who had received their warrant from themselves alone, installed themselves in the 
Hfttel-de-Ville as representatives of the provisional government ; and in that capacity they 
parodied the majesty of command, signed orders, distributed employments, and conferred dig- 
nities. Their reign was short, because those who would dare greatly must be able to do greatly ; 
but it was real, and gave occasion to scenes of unexampled buffoonery. — Louis Blano.^J 


[1830 A.D.] 


Those who Ijad taken no part in the Oghting wished to take advantage of 
the victory. Most of them had already begun to think of the duke of Orleans. 
As often happens in reigning families the Orleans branch, the younger branch, 
was always in a state of rivalry with the elder branch of Bourbons. Since 
1789 the duke of Orleans had supported the revolutionary party; whilst his 
cousins were amongst the emigres, he, a member of the convention, having 
given up using his title and assumed the name of FhiUp])e Egalite, voted in 
favour of the death of Louis XVI. His son, duke of Orleans in 1792, had 
fought under the tricolour with Dumouriez at Jeinmapes. Though he had 
emigrated afterwards, yet on the Restoration ho had again declared himself 
a liberal. The family has always maintained this variable attitude, some- 
times supporting, sometimes deserting the revolutionary party. 

After 1815 the duke of Orleans was sometimes a prince of the blood, 
sometimes the hope of the revolutionists. He alternately claimed the largest 
share of the indemnity paid to the emigres, or openly took tlie part of Beranger 
and General Foy; he at one time obtained from Charles X tlie title of Royal 
Highness, and at another would pose as a citizen-prince. 

The example of England was in everybody's mind. It wfis by detlironing 
the lawful king and putting in his place a prince of a lateral branch that the 
English had gained their liberties in 1688. For a long time many jieople 
had been hoping that a similar change might bring about a similar result in 

On the 80th Thiers and Mignet hurried to Neuilly where the prince lived, 
but he was not there. In the morning the deputies met at the house of 
Laffitte, and decided to hold a session at noon at the Bourbon palace. There 
it was decided to offer the "lieutenanc}' of the kingdom" to the duke of 
Orleans. He hesitated, tried to gain time, and was finally, it is said, per- 
suaded by the advice of Talleyrand. On the 31st he accejrted. 

The Revolution was sacrificed for his benefit. But would those who 
had brought it about permit this? It was doubtful. The duke of Orleans 
decided to confront the danger by going through Paris to the H6tel-de-Ville. 
A good deal of dissatisfaction was manifested in the streets. People were 
saying to themselves, "What? Another Bourbon !" His life was at the 
mercy of the populace. An adverse movement seemed imminent, but it did 
not take place. At the H6tel-de-Ville La Fayette appeared on the balcony 
and was received with acclamations; the duke of Orleans embraced htm and 
was applauded too. Ho had gained the crown. 

Charles X had finally abdicated in favour of a child, the duke de Bor- 
deaux. His was a strange destiny. He, whom the royalists called Henry V, 
was only to reign for one day an<i that at the age of ten I The old king was 
convinced that the duke of Orleans had only accepted the *' lieutenancy of 
the kingdom '* for the purpose of re-establishing legitimate authority in the 
person of Henry V. The duke found himself in a difiicult position between 
the revolutionists who had offered him a throne, and Charles X, to whom he 
owed so much I Very opportvinely, owing to an alarm raised in Paris, on 
the 3rd of August a little band of Parisians marched on Runibouillet. It 
vas a strange jumble of national guards, volunteers, students with soldiers^ 
belts over their black coats, workmen wearing helmets, many of them in 
omnibuses or cabs chartered for the occasion. This disorderly troop set out 
on a march of forty-five miles without victuals and quite unprepared for any 
emergency. At the same time the duke of Orleans sent Marshal Matson, 

IL W. — VOL. XUl. B 


[1688-1830 A.l>.] 

Schonen, and Odilon Barrot to Rambouillet. He had eiven the Parisians to 
understand that Charles X might prove dangerous, and he warned Charles X 
that sixty thousand Parisians were marching against him, and that he had 
better provide for his safety. Thus he got rid of the old king. Charles X 
and his family were accompanied as far as Cherbourg by his cousin's three 
envoys. Thence he went into exile where the elder branch of the Bourbons 
was to die out. On the 9th of August, 1830, the duke of Orleans was 
solemnly proclaimed king under the name of Louis Philippe I, king of the 

HILLEBBAND'S parallel between the revolution op 1688 AND 1830 

The French 1688 was accomplished : the kingdom of God*s grace had 
made way for a kingdom of conventions. Whilst the ^'Glorious Revolu- 
tion " had sealed the representative system in England, the " Great Week " 
forever put an end to it in France. Instead of the balance of power between 
the crown, the house of peers, and the house of commons, the real or seem- 
ingly unlimited authority of the latter stepped in. The victory of the 221, 
that is to say the majority of the house, was like that of Pyrrhus, as is every 
victory which is only due to the assistance of uncertain confederates. Their 
leaders would infallibly have come into power, even if the throne had not 
been overturned, and they would have taken over the government under 
circumstances far more favourable to themselves and the land, if the irre- 
sponsibility of the throne had been regarded, and the dangerous support of 
the street riots disdained. 

Be that as it may, Charles X was the last monarch of France who 
attempted to oppose his will to the majority of the House. From hence- 
forth not only did the minister require a similar majority so as to retain his 
office, but also the leaders of the state — king, emperor, or president — were 
dependent on Parliament, the fiction of an irresponsible leader of the state 
was forever ended, and the upper house was practically a thing of the past. 
According to this it was only natural and right that from henceforth all 
leaders of the state should, if only artificially, seek to assure the majority in 
the Commons and to accustom themselves to consider every opponent of tneir 
minister as their own opponent, views which the nation ^ared and still 

At times the capital which helped the parliamentary majority to win in 
1830 may have fought and conquered this majority, as in the years 1848 
and 1870, but only to withdraw her taxes after a short interregnum. Iii 
England, the House of Commons only became all-powerful a century after 
the Revolution, and the irresponsibility of the crown is still undisputed 
to-day. The convention of 1688 was the voluntary agreement of two 
equally powerful contractors ; the convention of 1830 was a one-sided and 
conditional offer to which the one party submitted and which the other 
simply signed. 

In other respects the popular comparison between 1688 and 1830 was no 
less sound. The eminent German statesman Stein at that time wrote to 
Gagern that only the spirit of falsehood and deception could find a resem- 
blance between Charles X and James II. He asks, "Where is the barbarian 
Jeffreys? Where are the endeavours and attempts to establish a strange 
church in the place of the national church ? Where is the treaty with a 
strange monarch to destroy the administration and religion of his own 
land ? Where is the money that the stranger will receive for this purpose ? 





^^^^BO A.D.] 

And we might further ask : Avherein lay the future danger ? Was Henry V 
born into a church hostile to his own country, and baptised like James III? 
Did the Parisian workers and students — whose political wisdom had at first 
discovered and made known the inconsistency of the eip^ht hundred years 
of national dynasty with the interests and views of France, whilst the 
entire nation held contrary views — possess the same importance as the 
experienced statesmen who, in 1688, amidst the rejoicings of the middle 
classes and people of the land, and assisted by the church and aristocracy, 
called the daughter of James II to the throne of Enjrland ? Did Louia 
Philippe gain his crown against foreign armies, as William fought for his 
at the bloody battle of tlie Boyne, after having at th« head of his troops 
obtained it by defiance from the politicians who would so willingly have 
made of him prince consort and their creature? And William was not 
content with the acts of Parliament but also made his own. The childless 
monarch only acted in the interests of the statesmen, not in that of his own 
person or of the family, and considering his childless position, as well aa 
his Dutch disposition and the confessional side of his rdle, one might well 
gay; William of Orange as regent for his brfither-iu-law a minor — in the 
guardianship of whom none could have excelled him — could nt'ver attain 
that which he attained as king, and thiit Louis Pliilij>pe on his side would 
have attained without trouble, had he reigned in his own name, instead of 
in that of the minor Henry V for whom he had been appointed regent." 

The insurrection which served as motive for the violation of the con- 
stitution on the 25th of July, was artfully called forth by some secret cove- 
nanters and journalists; but when after long procrastination it really broke 
out, the whole of the middle class of France backed up the July combatants, 
although they took no active part in the fight — for seldom in history has a 
deed been so firmly corroborated by eye-witnesses on all sides, as the inac- 
tivity of the middle class in this fight. Even after they had been carried 
away by a moral if not active participation they only wished to defend the 
constitution, at the most to extend it and to prevent its being attacked — 
not to change the dynasty. Certainly the sense of the insurrection was 
first falsified by the conspirators — republicans and Orlcaniats — who made 
themselves masters of the situation, and under pretext of protecting the 
threatened sUitutes undertook to dismiss the kiug*s guilty counsellors, to do 
itxTAy with his law and the king himself. Thus the nation remains respon- 
Bible to history for the result, as the wearer of the new crown accepted the 
responsibility of what had happened, although throughout the whole affair 
be lud been more sinned against than sinning. And if there is no doubt 
that he had often dreamed of the throne, there is no proof that he ever 
aspired to it through conspiracy or intrigue. 

For in public as in private life we not only act by what we do, but also 
by what we allow to be done, how much more by that which is termed good- 
ness. When and where did a people acknowletlge having done something 
more energetically and unconditionally than the French after the July days? 

Not only those who were late in liastening to the fight but also those not 
concerned in it wished to acknowledge this as a great national event ; and 
if the feeling shown towards the new monarch, almost unknown to the mass 
of the nation, was less spirited and less genera! than that shown for this 
event, the nation nevertheless imposed on it, and in no way reacted- against 
it as it did against the republic in 1848, towards which it would have acted 
differently in 1830. And it not only confirmed this change by silent 
acknowledgment but also by the expressed oath of representatives of the 


(1688-1830 A.l>.] 

people, of the House of Lords, of almost all military and civil state officii 
above all by tbe loud and unanimous respect shown by all towiis» plaoe8>^ 
villages, and communities of the land. 

The old dynasty which had been estranged from the nation by the twenty- 
five years of revolution and empire had not yet sufficiently grown accustomed 
to it, and Charles X had placed every difficulty in the way of approximation. 
No doubt tlie nation would have liked to see the reigning family retained, 
but as they were only drawn to it by considerations of profit and fear 
of overthrow, and not by a feeling of warm attachment or a deep insight 
into the afifairs of the kingdom, they gave it up with all the cheerfulness 
so peculiar to the French in public affairs. No idea was formed as to the 
extent of this change ; the kingdom still existed ; that its life-giving roots 
had been cut off wiia not taken into consideration. They were only too 
glad to have been let off so .cheaply. This feeling effaced all regret as 
well as all feai-s, which the fall of the old kingdom might have instilled 
into less unscrupulous minds. 

The July Revolution was generally felt to be a liberation and was accepted 
with enthusiasm ; and no less outside of France, and rightly ; for tliia revolu- 
tion was more protitable to foreign parts than to the country which made it. 
Europe breathed again as after a nightmare. Everywhere nations awoke at 
this earl}' call, stirred and stretched Uiemselves in their chains, and although 
they were not yet to succeed looked to see where they could cast them off, 
for the long, long night was over. It had been a gloomy time for Europe: 
fifteen years of darkness only illimiinated by the reflection of princely 
feasts and congresses, fifteen years of silence only broken by tbe melodious 
voices of incomparable artists who seemed to wish t-o sing the people into 
a deeper slt^ep. For Franre it had Loun a bright and alert time which was 
now so suddenly interrupted : a time of lighting for the highest treasures, 
strong reliance in the victory of the good, and of pure enthusiasm for 
ideal aims. Now all this was ended. 

The July Revolution was the last flicker of the flame of 1789, and 
although a great deal of deception was mixed in the enthusinsni, and pathos 
and declamation were less naive than forty years before, " the great week ** 
rightfully lives in the traditions of the nation as the most heroic and glorious 
of all the great battles of the past ninety years, not so much because the 
victory was more unsullied, sacrificing, and magnanimous than all others, 
but because the elevation was the sublimest of all. 

With this elevation, the poetry of the Revolution ended, the hour of prose 
had struck. There began a bitter strife for power and gain, a life in the 
moment and for the moment, a mastery of phrases such as had never been seen 
before and which in the end degenenited into conscious lies. For the entire 
movement was the outcome of the great reaction of Rousseau and his times 
against the calmness of the eighteenth century, and it lasted until the fresh 
calmness stepped in, in the middle of the nineteenth century. All the inspira- 
tions of the times were hollowed out into empty words during those twenty 
years ; instead of the thoughts and sentiments which had filled the race, there 
arose vain forms, behind which covetousness and pure egotism were hidden. 
These were not to be dethroned after tbe cooling down of 1849-1850, but 
they were unmasked, and it is characteristic of our times that after the 
extinction of enthusiasm and want of idealism, under the ever more grasping 
rule of a sceptical and positive comprehension of life, they have at least the 
courage to honour the truth, on which the former race, either consciously or 
unconsciously, laid so little stress. I 


(1830 AJ).] 


It mast be recognised that — given the conditions of French history 
since '89, and the social state of France being what it was, and so different 
from that of England — after the national sovereignty had ouce been re-estab- 
lished, the republic must also take its turn. In 1830 the question however 
was not to know if the republic were the last word of the French Revolution, 
but if the time were come to pronounce that word irrevocably. 

France was not then at all ready. Memories of the Terror oppressed the 
im^ination and were stiU generally confounded with the idea of a republic ; 
an irresistible current carried the liberal citizenry to an imitation of the Eng- 
lish revolution of 1688 and the trial of an elective monarchy . As for the 
popular masses, they had in the highest degree the national sentiment, which 
had raised again with passion the tricoloured flag, but they had little senti- 
ment for universal suffrage which is inseparable in the modem world from 
the republican idea. 

The regime established August 9th, 1830, has then its raison d'Stre in 
French history, but could be only a transition, and the blame that attaches 
to its authors is that of neglecting to introduce in the Charter a means of 
operating this transition peacefully by giving the nation the power to revise 
its constitutional laws, a faculty inalienable and inseparable from national 


[1830-1848 AO.,] 

The reTolution of July middenly frustrated the ropressive policy of 
the great powers, and was the commencement of a new era in the lib- 
erties of Europe. It Kave an impulse to the revolution in Belgium ; to 
the insurrection in Poland ; to the democratic constitutions of Switzer- 
land ; to political refonns in scvenil of the statve uf Germany ; aud to 
parliamentary reform in England. Its Inlluence was felt in ItAly, in 
Spain, and Portugal ; in Hunjraryj and in the Slavonic provinces of 
Austria. And, even beyond Uie bounds of Europe, it reached from 
Eg>pt and Syria, in the east, to South America, In the west. The 
period of reaction was now closed, to be succeeded by the progressiva 
development of conslilutioual freedom. — Sih Tuohas EasKiific Mat.6 

Placed as Louis Philippe was between the past and the future* between 
the ancient monarchy c.rumblod without hope of return and the republic 
brought forward, then adjourned, his position was complex and his spirit 
contradictory. He was at the same time a prince at heart and a bourgeois 
in form ; revolutionary by his memories, and reactionary, or at least station- 
ary, from the fear which these very memories inspired in him, as well as by 
his royal memories. 

** King-citizen,'* promeiuiding Paris in round hat and with an umbrella^ 
not only by cidculation, but by taste as well, he was at the same time a 
descendant of Louis XIV — the issue of the brother of Louis XIV, on the 
male side; he descended on the female side from the Grand Monarch himself 
and Mme. de Monteapan. He had kept from Voltairianism sentiments of 
humauity and religious scepticism, but nothing more from that great breath 
of the eighteenth century which had for a moment animated his youth and 
inspired the entire life of La Fayette. 

One of the men who did most to enthrone Louis Philippe was Thiers, 
who has defined the constitutional monarchy in tlie i)hrase, *' It reigns but 
it does not govern/* Tlie new king never accepted this maxim and aspired 
from the first day to rule in all things, less from any theory of monarchy 
than from a passion for atfairs, big or little, and above all from a conviction 



[1830 A.D.] 

of iLe superiority he fancied he held over his ministers* even when he had 
before him a Casimir Perier or a Thiers. He could not even delegate 
authority as Napoleon did and Charles X wanted to do. It was necessary 
then that he govern by address and by artifice, not by imposing and order- 
ing, but by reducing and dividing, by subalternising his ministers and gaining 
his parliamentary majorities by interesting groups and individuals. Such a 
policy was incompatible with sincerity towards persons and things ; incaj^able 
of violating the laws, Louis Philippe used all his skill to contract the laws 
and to undermine free institutitniH. These dangerous tendencies, however, 
manifested themselves but gradually .« 


Although the political revolution was over, and the throne of Louis 
Philippe, so far as external appearances went, firmly established, tlie interior 
of society was in a very different state, and the seeds of evil which were des- 
tined in the end to overturn it were beginning to germinate. The state of the 
working-classes, especially in the great towns, which had rapidly degenerated 
since and in consequence of the first revolution, had been brought to a per- 
fect climax of horror by the effects of the second. The almost entire stop- 
page of purchiises and expenditure in France, in consequence of the terrors 
which had seized all the affluent classes, combined with the corresponding 
reductions in the English market, from the effect of the simultaneous reform 
agitation in that country, had reduced all who were engaged in the produc- 
tion of luxuries — that is, the immense 
majority of the working-classes — to the 
last stages of destitution. Jt was hard to 
say whether the vine-groweraof the Gironde, 
the silk-weavers of Lyons, the cotton-spin- 
ners of Rouen, the jewellers or the printers 
of Paris, were in the greatest distress. In 
Bordeaux there were twenty-two thousand 
workmen out of emplo^'ment ; in Paris the 
number exceeded sixty thousand. At 
NImes the fancy silks had sunk to a third 
in price, while the wages of the work- 
men had undergone a simihir diminution. 
Moutpellier, which depended ehiefiy on the 
sale of wines, was in the utmost distress, 
and loudly complained of the recent rise in 
the octroi on that article ; and in Lyons the 
suffering had become such that the only 
question seemed to be when a half of the 
entire inhabitants were to expire of famine. 
Nor was the condition of the masters more 
consoling, foreven at the low rates of wages, 
such had been the fall of prices In the manu- 
factured article that they could not work 
at a profit ; and numerous failures among 

the most considerable both threw numbers of workmen out of employment 
and fearfully augmented the general conHternatiou.d 

The first acts of the reign of Louis Philippe were prudent and modest. 
He modified and completed the ministry which he had formed during his 

hoxra PmLtpFB 


[1830 A.D.] 

lieutenant-generalsbip. He called Mole to take charge of the foreign affaitB 
and Broglie to the ministry of public instruction. The other ministers 
remained. Laffitte, Casimir Perier, Dupin, and Bignon were members of the 
cabinet of ministers without portfolios. There was no president of the 
council, neither Laffitte nor Casimir Perier accepting this high post. This 
ministry included very opposite tendencies. 

The chambers, in accord with the government during the month of 
August, voted certain measures which were the natural result of the July 
Revolution. Political condemnations from the time of the restoration were 
annulled. Aid and recompense were voted for the July combatants; for 
the wounded and for the families of the dead. The Pantheon, which under 
the empire had become the church of Ste. Genevieve, was restored to the 
destination given it in 1791, which was to receive the remains of great men. 
The double vote was suppressed, also the great electoral colleges, or depart- 
mental colleges, which the restoration had founded as citadels of the 
aristocracy to control the electoral bourgeoisie. 

However, difficulties were beginning for the new government. Commer- 
cial affairs had weighed heavy before the Revolution ; they became, as we 
have seen, worse after it. The working-classes were surprised and angry to 
find themselves more unhappy the day after than on the eve of the " great 
days " which owed so much to their courage and devotion. They gathered 
together in the streets and on the squares to command the government to 
procure for them diminution of labour or increase of wages. The less 
enlightened wanted to break the machines which) they said, suppressed the 
em^uoyment of their arms.^: 


Although mischievous to society (the return and repose of which they 
delayed) and troublesome to the authority which as yet wanted the power to 
repress them, these palpable irregularities would have signified little, if 
beyond and above street demonstrations, other causes of disorder, older and 
more deeply rooted, had not taken possession of many minds. The revolu- 
tion of July had not confined itself to the overthrow of a dynasty, and the 
modification of a charter : it ' had given rise to pretensions and hopes, not 
alone in the political party who desired for France a form of government 
opposed to monarchy, but in all the schools, and in every sect, through aU the 
varied divisions of life, whether prominent or obscure, who were dreaming 
of another state of social organisation quite distinct from that which France 
had received from her origin, her Christian faith, and her fourteen ages of 
political existence. 

Besides the republicans — and divided between a desire to join and to 
separate from them — the Saint Simonians, the Fourierists, the socialists, and 
the communists, much opposed to each other in principle and unequal in 
strength, as in intellectual power, were all in a state of ambitious effervescence. 

The secret societies of the Restoration had transferred themselves into 
revolutionary clubs, thus combining the remains of silent discipline with the 
extravagant enthusiasm of unbridled speech. There at daily and public 
meetings, all events and questions, whether of principle or incidental occur- 
rence, were warmly discussed. All designs, hopes, and dreams were boldly 
investigated. The entire government, the monarchy, the chambers, the 
magistracy, the administration, were attacked with undissembled violence. 
Their total overthrow was unreservedly proposed. Working-people and 


[1830 k.D.] 

you^iB, casual passers-by, entered into these places of assembly as to a public 
spectacle, enjoying their audacious license ; and rouni.1 the leaders of these 
old republican, Bunapartist, socialist, or other associations, advocates of the 
popular party were grouped, ready to declare against the existing authori- 
ties, which from day to day they were in the habit of hearing insulted and 
denounced as enemies. « 

The chamber of deputies voted a credit of five millions for public works, 
one of thirty millions to make advances to commercial houses. Disturbances 
at home and abroad united to prevent the resumption of affairs. These 
alarms were confirmed by the continued low state of public funds. Four of 
Charles X's ministers, among them Poliguac and Peyronnet, had been 
arrested and confined at Vincennes. The expectation of their trial agitated 
people's minds.* 

Foreign affairs caused the most lively anxiety. Louis Philippe and the 
men who surrounded him realised llmt the counter action of the July Revo- 
lution would inevitably make itself felt abroad, and that the new regime 
would not subsist in France if it i>ermitted the Holy Alliance to recom- 
mence, in respect to the French, what the Restoration had done in Spain. 
The English minister was the first to announce an intention to recognise the 
new government in France, on condition that it respected existing treaties. 
Public opinion in England had been very sincere and active in favour of the 
July Revolution. Prussia and Austria also, in spite of the displeasure and 
anxiety of Metternich, had received the communications of the new govern- 
ment, properly although with reserve. The great question was the attitude 
whicli Russia would take. Against all expectation Nicholas repulsed Louis 
Philippe's advances rudely, almost brutally. When to his great regret Eng- 
land, Austria, and Prussia had recognised the new government, he consented 
to keep relations of peace and friendship, but he refused to give the title of 
"brother" to the king of the French, and recalled his ambassador.c 

Belgium had separated itself from Holland and offered itself to France, 
but was refuse*l in order not to excite the jealousy of England. Spanish 
refugees wanted to attempt a revolution iu their country. They were 
arrested at the frontier in order not to violate international rights, even with 
a prince who was a secret enemy. Poland* delivered for a short period by a 
heroic effort, called to the French. Was it possible to save lier by arms? 
As she herself said in the midst of her great sufferings : ** God is too high 
and France is too far." Only isolated assistance was sent, which did not 
prevent Warsaw from succumbing. Its fall found a sad echo in the heart of 

The approach of the trial of the ministers was causing a fermentation in 
Pans. Guizotand liroglie retired from the ministry, their demission entail- 
ing that of Mole, Louis and Casimir Perier. Laftitte at the urgent insist- 
ence of the king accepted the task of forming a new ministry (November 
2nd, 1830)./ 

laffitte's ministry 

On the 15th of December the ministers of Charles X were tried. La 
Fayette took every precaution to preserve order. Taken from Vincennes 
to the Luxembourg they defended themselves before the chamber of peers, 

[ ^ The populace demanded the death of ihcuu-. who, by signing the ordfnancGfl, had brought 
the Revolution, and were therefore indirectly the cause of au many deatliR. But even La Fay- 
opposed this, being generous enough to wiah their escape, especially hecaiiAe they were his 
enemiea. Tbla alao OMised a dissension in the cabinet. -^ Muller.] 


[1830-1831 X.D.] 

being represented by their advocates, Martignac, Hennequin, Sauzet, and 

For three days, from the 18th to the 20th of December, the mob besieged 
the Luxembourg, accusing the government of treason. Paris was terrified. 
La Fayette tried to negotiate with the ringleaders. On the 20th the inner 
court of the Luxembourg was forced and the peers were obliged to suspend 
their sitting. By the 21st the riot had become more formidable. Before pro- 
nouncing sentence, Montalivet, minister of the interior, went at the head of 
the detachment which reconducted the prisoners to Vincennes. The sentence, 
read at ten o'clock in the evening, condemned the ministers to imprisonment 
for life. On account of the "clemency" of this verdict a new riot occurred 
on the 22nd, which was suppressed by the national guards and the troops. ^ 

At the moment when these new tumults burst forth the chamber of depu- 
ties was busily engaged in discussing the bill for the organisation of the 
national guards. This bill naturally brought into question the position of La 
Fayette. After a long debate the chamber adopted the article suppressing 
the functions of commandant-in-general of the national guards of the king- 
dom (December 24th). Without delay La Fayette sent in his resignation 
to the king, who resolved to accept it.« 

On the 22nd of January, 1831, there was a riot among the students at the 
Sorbonne against the academic council assembled to forbid collective demon- 
strations. The 13th of February a memorial service was held in St. Germain- 
I'Auxerrois in memory of the assassination of the duke de Berri ; there the 
legitimists made an imprudent demonstration in honour of the duke de Bor- 
deaux. The crowd, thoroughly roused, pillaged the presbytery, profaned 
the church, and committed many acts of vandalism. In the evening the 
republicans promenaded carrying arms. Dupin was threatened in his house. 
The 14th saw the archbishop^s palace pillaged. There were fresh scenes of 
vandalism : the archbishop's country house at Confians was sacked ; the 
church of Bonne Nouvelle was pillaged, and several public buildings were 
attacked. Baude, prefect of police, and Odilon Barrot, prefect of the Seine, 
were perfectly inert. Their complacent proclamations only touched the 
counter-revolutionists and the legitimists. The fleurs-de-lis were torn down 
everywhere, and the scenes of anarchy were not limited to Paris. 

Those who loved order, and had hailed the government as a saviour, began 
to doubt its strength and even its will. On the 17th of February Delessert 
denounced the negligence and weakness of the ministry in the chamber. 
There was yet time to act vigorously against the plotters of sedition, and 
prevent civil war. Baude and Odilon Barrot made a very" poor defence and 
criticised the retrograde methods hitherto pursued. Guizot wanted the 
government to free itself from all illegal pressure, and to act in harmony 
with the chamber, putting itself at the head of society and not at the tail, 
renouncing a popularity both impossible and compromising. Laffitte still 
avoided expressing his opinion, and contented himself by replacing Baude 
and Odilon Barrot by Vivien and Bondy. His position personally became 
more and more false ; even the other ministers acted without him. 

The risings continued; strikes spread ; credit was low. Laffitte obtained 
on the 5th of March two hundred million special credit with difficulty ; but 
the chamber refused him a vote of contidence. His friends persuaded him to 
retire, and he was, moreover, obliged to do so owing to pecuniary embarrass- 
ments and the losses sustained by his banking house.* 

One of the direct causes of Laffitte's fall was his position on the Italian 
question, the minister wishing to aid an insurrection against Austria which 



[1831 A.O.] 

was on foot there. But the king was even more unwilling to intervene for 
the independence of Italy than he had been to interfere in the affairs of 
Belgium. The king had gone behind the back of liis minister and made an 
agreement with Austria, on learning of which Laflitte resigned March 9th, 


Casimir Perier, the new minister, had been endowed with a gift at the 
same time very striking and almost universally appreciated, namely a force 
of character which amounted almost to heroism. President of the chamber 
before he became prime-minister, he was the man of the majority. His 
policy may be very briefly summed up : order at home maintained by such 
means as were authorised by the charter an<i the law; peace abroad, with- 
out sacrificing in the slightest degree the honour of the natiim ; in foreign 
affairs three great Questions claimed the attention of the French govern- 
ment — Belgium, Poland, and Italy. Wlien Casiniir Perier was called upon 
for a statement of his policy before the chambers, he said : "The principle 
already laid down of non-intervention is the one wo will adopt," and his 
actions verified his words. 

In 1831 the centre of Italy was occupied by the Anstrians on the pre- 
text of overcoming revolution. On tlie 2nd of February the conclave 
proclaimed Gregory XVI sovereign pontiflF. In oi-tk^r to pacify men's 
minds, the European powers addressed a memorial to the pope in which 
they pointed out such reforms as seemed to them likely to appease the dis- 
satisfaction of his subjects. The j>ope refused to pledge himself, so secret 
societies were again formed and reliellion broke out anew. Gregory XVI 
appealed to the Austrians for help. Austria by granting it violated the 
principle of non-intervention. 

Casimir Perier, in the name of France, protested in a way that might 
have brought about war ; on the 7th of February a French fleet carrying a 
line regiment left Toulon and arrived on the 22nd within siglit of Ancona. 
The troops landed during the night ami thti town was tjiken. 1''he pope, 
indignant, cried, **Sucli an attempt has not bet^n nnide against the holy see 
since the time of the Saracens." The government made known its intentions. 
It would protect the holy father even against attacks from within, but it 
would not suffer Austria to rule in his states ; to the foreign ambassadors, 
who in the name of public justice called upon him for an explauatiou, Casimir 
Perier replied, " It is I who defend the rights of Europe at large. Do you 
think it is easy to keep the peace and insist on the observance of treaties? 
The honour of France must be maintained," The pope soon agreed to 
what he was powerless to prevent. Austria did not pick up the gauntlet 
which had been thrown down. The Austrian troops evacuateti the legations 
and, on the 24th of October, 1838, the French soldiers set sail for France. 

Poland had attempted in 1830 to release herself from the iron grasp of 
Russia. The institutions granted by the czar Alexander and guaranteed by 
Europe in 1815 had fallen one by one under the p^^'Histenl attacks of the 
Russian government. When the emperor Nicholas came to Warsaw to be 
crowned in 1829, he refuse<l to revoke the measures of which Poland com- 
plained. In the evening of the 29th of November, 1830, at a signal given 
by means of two fires, an insurrection broke out in Warsaw and the RuHsian 
army retired. Hut the Poles were divided amongst themselves, and the 
emperor of Russia took advantage of the time wasted by them. A desperate 
battle, lasting for two days, did not shake the determination of the Poles, 


[1831-1832 XJ>.] 

who resisted the Russians for several months. In the meantime they 
cliiimed help from the western nations, especially from France, who made 
them understand that they must not expect any support from her arms. 
At the same time France reminded Russia of the sacredness of treaties, and 
proposed to act as a mediator. She begged the other European nations to 
succour the Poles, but without result. 

After the disaster, all she could do was to open her arms to the exiles. 
This she did eagerly, and gave an asylum to ten thousand Polish refugees. 
In the streets the mob constantly cried: "Poland forever !" and pursued 
witli this cry the great administrator.* 

Ca-simir P^rier wiui the only man capable of controlling the situation 
and of directing what was called the party of the opposition. But he 
was not inclined to make himself the tool of anyone. He had demanded, 
together with the presidency of the council, the ministry of the interior. 
He declared that he intended to preside actively over the council and that 
the king should not be present. He thought that where responsibility is 
located, there should also be the power of action. He was resolved to prac- 
tice the principle laid down by Thiers in Le Natiotial before the Days of 
July: "The king reigns, but does not govern. ''c 

He plainly stated two things: that he wished legal order and that he 
would consequently fight the republicans and legitimists to the death ; that 
he would not precipitate France into a universal war, and consequently that 
he would make all sacrifices to the peace of the world, which were com- 
patible with the honour of the country. This language sounded proud; 
action confirmed it.f 

Dom Miguel in Portugal had treated two Frenchmen outrageously. 
A fleet forced its way through the straits of the Tagus, hitherto consid- 
ered impregnable, and anchored at tliree hundred toises from the quays of 
Lisbon. The Portuguese ministers humbled themselves, and a just repara- 
tion was made. The Dutch had invaded Belgium ; fifty thousand French- 
men advanced thither and the Dutch flag gave way. 

In the interior the president of the council followed with the same energy 
the line dI conduct he had laid down for hiraaelf. Legitimists agitated 
the departments of the west. Mobile columns extinguished the revolt. The 
working-classes of Lyons, incited by too severe suffering, but also by agita- 
tors, had rebelled, inscribing on their banner this sad and sinister device : 
"Live in working or die in fighting." After a frightful melee in the city 
itself, they were disarmed and order appeared re-established on the surface. 
Grenoble in its turn ran with blood." 

In Paris the different parties were not wanting in energy. Two legiti- 
mist plots broke out — first, that of " the Towers of Notre-Dame." Six indi- 
viduals secreted themselves in the bell-tower of the cathedral toringtlie tocsin 
and thus give the signal for insurrection. They were arrested and imprisoned. 
The following month a new conspiracy was (uscovered, that of the " rue des 
Prouvaires." The agent Poncelet had managed to enrol twentv-five hundred 
men in Paris. At a given moment these men were to rise and carry off the 
royal family by force. They were arrested in rue des Prouvaires. However, 
the government was attacked by the papers of all parties with an ever- 
increasing bitterness. In speaking of Frenchmen M. de Montalivet used 
the word "subjects," and someone cried : "What about the minister?" and 
a deputy added : " Men who make kings are not subjects." 

Soon after this the overwhelming anxiety caused by a terrible epidemic 
of cholera absorbed the thoughts and attention of the whole nation. The 



IISS2 A^,] 

scourge, which came originally from India, had already spread all over the 
Old World froin China and Russia to England. It spread from town to town 
and from capital to capital defying all efforts to arrest its progress. It broke 
out in Paris on the 26th of March, 1832, raged for a hundred and etghty-nine 
da^-s and carried off nineteen thousand persons. ^ It spread through twenty- 
seven departments. Casimir Perier had visited the hospital with the duke 
of Orleans ; two days afterwards lie was conlined to his bed. His health 
had for some time been feeble, and he died on the 10th of May after severe 
and protracted suffering. When Louis Philippe heard of his death he said 
to one who waa present : "Casimir Perier ia dead : is it a blessing or a mis- 
fortune? The future will show." The king was not always quite comfort- 
able with such an imperious minister.^ 


No man better understood or did more to maintain representative gov- 
ernment than Perier. That is to say he thought the government should be 
carried on under an open sky, so to speak, and always under the eyes and 
control of the country. It has been truly said of him that he governed from 
the tribunal^ and that he was sometimes indiscreet in his fear of not being 
sufficiently frank. No statesman ever had a stronger sense of the duties or 
of the rights apj^ertaining to responsibility and the exercise of power. He 
wished the throne to be respected and to be worthy of respect as the chief 
magistracy of the kingdom, but he wished it to remain inviolable and strictly 
within its own exalted sphere, ruling over parties without mixing in them. 

An open enemy of what has since been called personal government, 
Perier was no less hostile to emergency laws ; he refused them, with equal 
firmness before the entreaties of his friends and the representations of his ene- 
mies. His courageous confidence in public oi>inion always made him look 
on the common law euergeticully administered as the only instrument which 
could be suitably employed by the "government of July." " Our system of 
home policy," he would say, " is to make the laws of the land our constant 
rule of action, to support the government by restoring to it tlie power and 
unity which it lacks, to reinstate and tranquillise all sorts of interests, by 
giving them guarantees of order and stability, to respect the laws and to 
draw from our legislative system and the moral strength which arises from 
it, all our methods of action and of influence ; it is in short never to consent 
to form a party government and, while keeping a strict watch over any 
intrigues that may be woven in secret, never to yield to the temptation of 
crushing the vanquished ; for, in so doing, victory is dishonoured." 

In his dealings with other nations the language and behaviour of the 
statesman of the 13th of March were always worthy of France. He desired 
peace but he would not have sacrificed either the interests or honour of his 
country to preserve it. He would not nishly enter upon a quarrel but when 
once he had declared himself he never drew back, and when he considered 
the moment for action had arrived, he acted quite independently without 
the sanction of anyone else. Thus he entered Belgium entirely on his own 
initiative and without waiting for the conference of London to authorise 
him in doing so. Thus he blockaded and took the port of Lisbon, without 
troubling himself about the dissatisfaction of England. It was thus that in 
order to convince Austria that she had better retire from the Ilomau states 
he could find no better way than forcing an entry into Ancona and establish- 

[i la the whole of France it oouated 120,000 victims \n I832.c] 


[1833-1834 A.D.] 

ing himself there. Thus it was in short that he was capahle, with a vivacity 
which was characteristically French, of reducing to silence a Russian ambas- 
sador who dared to speak to him about the " decisions " of the emperor. 

To sum up : whatever judgment we may form of the political career of 
Casimir Perier, it would be impossible for any unprejudiced person to fail 
to recognise in him two valuable qualities which essentially distinguished 
him, namely : energy and loyalty.' 


Montalivet replaced Casimir Perier in the office of minister for home 
affairs, but not in the presidency of the council. Louis Philippe did not 
care to share the power with a viceroy. Laborious, intelligent, gifted with 
a line sense of honour, unimpulsive, courageous as he was merciful and easy- 
tempered, the king was impressed by his own superiority, and wished to 
direct the government himself, and to establish what he called his 'system.' 
He was too inclined to attribute the merit of success to himself. For a Ipng 
time he sought to place at the head of the cabinet a president who would 
inspire confidence in foreign nations, and to induce orators to enter who could 
defend his politics victoriously before the chambers. His ideas led to the 
resignation of Sebastian! and Montalivet, looked upon as court followers ; 
the formation of the ministry of October 11th, composed of Marshal Soult the 
president, with Broglie, minister of foreign affairs, Thiers, home secretary ; 
Guizot, minister of education, Humann, minister of finance, Admiral de 
Rigny, Barthe, and d'Argout; and the creation of sixty-two new peers.* 

Meanwhile society had been moved to Its lowest depths by the partisans 
of Saint-Simon and of Fourier, who demanded another social order. They 
themselves still played the part of mere apostles of peace, but the insurrec- 
tion at Lyons had shown that among the proletariat there was a whole army 
ready to apply their doctrines. The national guard energetically defended 
the monarchy, when, in consequence of the obsequies attending the funeral 
of General Lamarque, the republicans gave battle behind the barricades of 
St. Merry on the 5th and 6th of June. This check arrested their party for 
some time. A month later (July 22nd, 1882) the death of Napoleon's son, 
the duke of Reichstadt, relieved the Orleanist dynasty of a redoubtable rival 
and the marriage of Princess Louise with the king of the Belgians seemed 
to give it an added support. 

Another pretender also lost her cause. The duchess de Berri, who had 
landed secretly on the coasts of Provence with the title of regent, was come 
to stir up civil war in the west, in the name of her son Henry V. But there 
were no longer either Vend^ans or royalists of the Loire (Chouans) in 
existence. The new ideas had made way there as elsewhere, and more than 
elsewhere even, " Those people are patriots and republicans," said an officer 
charged to combat them. A few nobles, some refractory persons, few peas- 
ants responded to the call. The country, overrun with troops, was quickly 
pacified, and the duchess, after wandering for a long time from farm to 
farm, entered Nantes, disguised as a peasant. This adventurous attempt 
showed the weakness of the legitimist party. To complete its ruin Thiers, 
who was at that time minister, instituted an active search for the duchess.^ 

[} MUller^says that she waa betrayed to the authorities by a Jew named Deuz who was paid 
600,000 francs. *' Her relative Louis Philippe was relieved from his predicament as to her diapiMal 
by her giving birth to a daughter whose paternity she could not satisfactorily explain. She was 
allowed to go to Palermo and the legitimists ceased for a time to be willing to risk their heroes aad 
heroines on the slippery ground of France. They fixed their only hope on a general reaction."] 


tl832-lKW A.D.] 

Discovered on the 7tli of November and imprisoned at Blaye, she was obliged 
to confess to a secret marriage which made any other attempt of the same 
kind impossible for the future. 

The capture by French soldiers of the citadel of Antwerp which the 
Dutch refused to give up to the Belgians put an end to the critical situation 
from which war might result at any moment (December 23rd, 1832). The 
occupation of Arzeu, of Mostaganera, and of Bougie confirmed the French 
occupation of Algeria, and these expeditions to the border of the Schelde 
and on the shores of the Mediterranean brought some glory to French 

In Portugal, Dom Miguel, absolutist prince, bad been dethroned in the 
interests of Donna Maria, who gave the people a constitutional charter. In 
Spain, Ferdinand VII was on the point of death, excluding from the crown, 
with the aWishraent of the Salic law, his brother Don Carlos, who was sus- 
tained by the retrograde party. Thus the whole peninsula escaped from an 
absolutist party at the same time./ 

In the discussion on the budget of 1833 the opposition combated the 
idea of raising detached forts round Paris, *' making a Bantille of it." In 
such an act they saw a danger to liberty. The revolutionists appealed to 
the national guard and the working-classes, and prepared to celebrate 
the July anniversary. The plot was unearthed by the police, who seized the 
stores of arms aud arrested several heads of sections. Later on, nearly all the 
accused were acquitted l>ecause the |>lot had been without result. The acquit- 
ments led to deplorable results. The republicans organised strikes. On 
October 23rd, the Sociiti de» droits de Vhomme published a manifesto in La 
Tribune and put themselves under the patronage of ttobcapierre. 

The new session opened December 2'2ndi 1833. The republicans who 
Lad signed the Tribune manifesto were called upon to declare themselves. 
New repressive laws were passed: one, 17th February, 1834, against street- 
criers ; this was followed on tlie 24th by a rising, which was promptly sup- 
pressed. On March 25th a severe law was issued against associations. Not 
more than twenty persons were to meet. The cognisance of political offences 
committed by them belonged to a jury ; that of infractions of the law to the 
ordinary tribunes, and attempts against the safety of the state to the cham- 
ber of peers. The opposition vainly brought all their forces to weaken 
these provisions, but the majority was a strong one and obtained a decisive 
triumph. A law was passed against the fabrication or storing of arms and 
ammunition. The government was henceforward armed with every possi- 
ble means of resistance, and yet these were not called emergency laws. A 

The Treaty of the (Quadruple Alliance, signed April 22nd, 1834, between 
the courts of Paris, London, Lisbon, and Madrid^ promised to the new Spanish 
and Portuguese governments the sure support of two great constitutional 
countries, against the ill-will of the northern courts. In France these prom- 
ises even led to some effect. To sustain the young queen lsal>ella, in case 
of need, against the Spanish legitimists, the natural allies of the FVench 
legitimists, an army corps of fifty thousand men was organised at the foot 
of the Pyrenees. / 


For some time rumours of plots against the king's life had been in circu- 
hition. There was, so to speak, a presage of evil in the air. The public was 
onensy. The republican and legitimist newspapers attributed these reports 


[18S5 A.D.] 

to tlie police ; but they had too real a foundation. The police had not in- 
vented conspiracies, but had prevented many; now it wan said in France and 
abroad that there would be an attempt upon the life of Louis Pliilippe dur- 
ing the annual review of July 28th. This might have no other origin than 
the thought of the opportunity that this day offered to the king's enemies ; 
but from Jnly 2t)th to 2TtIi, the rumours grew more distinct ; the police was 
warned that an infernal machine had been constructed, and that the blow 
would be struck near the boulevard du Temple ; they made diligent search 
but without success. It was most imprudent to pass the troops in review on 
the boulevards, where an unexpected would be so easy, rather than 
in the Champ de Mars. 

The information by which the police had been unable to profit was unfor- 
tunately not imaginary. At the moment when the royal procession reached 
the boulevard du Temple, on the spot where the Jardin Turc then was, the 
king perceived a puff of smoke burst forth from beneath the shutters of a 
house on the boulevard. He quickly exclaimed to one of his sons who was 
besitLe him, "Joinville, that is intended for me." 

A loud detonation was heard, the roadway was strewn with slain and 
wounded; more than forty people fell. Aniong the dead was Marshal Mor- 
tier, who had escaped so many battles to perisli, murdered in Paris, by a 
blow intended for another. With liim were killed a general officer, superior 
officers of the army and of the national guard, some old men and women, 
Five other generals were wounded. The horses of the king and the prince 
de Joinville had been struck, but the projectiles whistled around the king and 
his sous witliout touching them. 

In the midst of the universal terror, Louis Philippe said composedly, 
"Now, gentlemen, let us proceed.'* And he finished nis progress amongst 
the acclamations of the national guard and the indignant populace. The 
police hastened to the spot whence the explosions had proceeded; it proved 
to be a small house of mean appearance, No. 50, boulevard du Temple. They 
found here a machine composed of twenty-four gun-barrels arranged like 
organ-pipes. There was no one in the room ; but, in a neighbouring court- 
yard, a man who had descended from the roof, by means of a rope, was 
arrested. He was covered with blood and mutilated — he had been wounded 
by his own machine, several of the gun-barrels having burst. He said his 
name was Girard, but it was soon discovered that he was a Corsican, called 

The public feeling was one of horror at this outrage, which as in the case 
of the first infernal machine directed against Bonaparte had indiscriminately 
struck 80 many victims whilst attempting to reach the intended one. The 
reaction produced was profitable to the king, whose brave composure was 
praised. Tlie population took part with emotion in the solemn obsequies of 
the dead, which were held on July 28th. Then followed the same conse- 

?[uence8 as after the assassination of the duke de Berri ; free institutions paid 
or Fieschi's crime, as they had paid for that of Louvel. On August 4th, in 
imitation of the royalist ministry of 1820, Louis Philippe's ministers pre- 
sented to the chamber of deputies a number of restrictive and reactionary laws. 
After the catastrophe which had just terrified Paris and France, it was 
not to be wondered at that all possible precautions should be taken to protect 
the king's person against hatreds which were manifested in so terrible a man- 
ner, but far more than this was intended. The bills interdicted not only all 
offensive aUusion to the king^s person, but all discussion regarding his claims 
to the throne, and the principle of his government. It was forbidflen to 


pass A.D.] 

assume the name of repnblican, and to express a desire for the restoration of 
the elder branch of the Bourbons. The number of votes necessary for the 
condemnation of accused persons was reduced from eight to seven out of 
twelve in the jury ; it was tl»e simple majority instead of the two-thirds. 
The offences of exciting hatred or contempt of the king's person, or of his 
constitutional authority, were in these bills made crimes liable to be brought 
before the court of peers. The penalties were increased in extravagant pro- 
portions. Terms of imprisonment were much lengthened and fines were 
raised from ten thousand to fifty thousand franca. In proportion as the 
penalties were increased the difficulty of escaping them was augmented not 
only by changes in jurisdiction, but by the introduction of a ilood of new 

The deposits required of newspapers were considerably increased. All 
the illustrations and engravings were submitted to preliminary autliorisation, 
that is to say, to the censorship. Some republican artists of much talent had 
made caricature a perfect implement of war against Louis Philippe and 
against all men of the Juste Milieu; they had far surjjassed the English in 
this style of polemicSf the sharpest and most incisive of all. The new laws 
broke this weapon in their hands. 

The constitutional opposition resisted energetically; it felt that the gov- 
ernment of July, by seeking to exaggerate its actual strength^ was risking 
its future. There was deep emotion in the assembly when Royer-Collard, 
the aged head of the doctrinal school, recalled to constitutional principles his 
disciples, Broglie and Guizot. He worthily crowned his career by his grand 
and aiustere defence of legitimate liberty. One seemed to have gone back 
to the Restoration, and it was the doctrinaires and one of the liberal parties 
who replaced Villele and Peyronnet. 

Dupin, M'ith less haughtiness, but plenty of common-sense and logic, 
also supported the cause of press and jury. But all in vain. The majority 
was maddened by Fieschi's attempt, and voted for everything ; evcji increas- 
ing the terms proposed. The chamber of peers followed the chamber of 
deputies. There also, however, eloquent protests were made ; Viliemain, 
Guizot's former and celebrated colleague at the Sorbonne, made a brilliant 
but ineffectual defence of liberty. The laws against press and jury were 
termed the "laws of September," because the decisive vote took place on the 
9th of that month. The republicans called them the ^^Fleschi luwB."^ 


Amongst the prominent possibilities for ministerial power two were spe- 
cially prominent — Guizot and Thiers. Guizot was a Protestant and a 
native of Ntraes. He was still quite young in 1815, but had already occu- 
pied important positions. At first an enthusiastic royalist^ the extremist 
members of his party had driven him to join the opposition. As a professor 
of history he had won the applause of his pupils. His mind was dry but 
powerful ; as a writer he was stiff but dignified ; in the tribune the ideas he 
expressed were methodically formiihit^nl and his style was cold and haughty ; 
in public life he maintained an attitude of proud severity. Since Royer- 
Collard had grown too old for public functions Guizot had been the leading 
man of the "theoretical politicians." This name was given at the Restora* 
tion to a party of men whose power consisted more in their talents than in 
their number (a wag had said that the whole j>arty could sit on one sofa). 
The name did not imply that they were consistently attached to the same 
R. w. — vou XI u. r 




[1833-lMO A. 

theories for long together, but there was a certain Bententiouanesa in 
language which justified the title. 

Guizot wa** the historian and the theoretical exponent of the policy 
whose statesman had been Casiniir Perier. He had founded a historical and 
philosophical system on the power given to the upper middle class, that is: 
say on the most ephemeral of expedients. His past life and his opiiii< 
constituted him the most conservative of the Orleanist party. 

Thiers was just tlie reverse; at that time he was young and modern 
little rotund man, with a pecidiar face already adorned by the traditional 
spectacles, sparkling with wit ami vivacity, very supple minded, clever in 
adapting himself to circumstances, understanding or at least in toucli with 
everything, drawn to the people by the poverty of his early life and by his 
ardent enthusiasm, imbued with the history of the empire, an ardent admirer 
of military exploits and of strong measures, he formed, during six years of 
uninterrupted rivalry, the strongest possible contrast to Guizot. ^m 

Guizot and Thiers both became members of the same government that^l 
the 11th uf October, 1833. This ministry passed through many vicissitudes, 
was modified several times, and had many different chiefs. 

The marked feature of all succeeding combinations, the union of Guizot 
and Thiers, disappeared in 1836. For a short time Thiers wtis alone. But 
the king had mada a plan of his owu, and on the 15th of April, 1837, as we 
shall see, he made Mole prime minister. Mole's chief merit in the king's 
eyes was that lie was ready to do as he was told ; in short, he acknowledged 
the king as his master. The idea of a personal government made men of 
all shades of opinion, and even those who were bitter rivals, unite against 
the new minister. Thiers, Guizot, and the man who wished to bring the 
new regime back to the traditions of the Revolution of 1830, Odilon Barrot, 
formed a coalition which included men of every party who had united with 
all those who hud taken leading parts in the government of July. Mole 
tried to make himself i)opuliir. He set free political prisoners, and resolved 
to grant the amnesty which everyone, as everyone always doe^, had declared 
to be impossible, but which everybody, and this too is a common occurrence, 
applauded as soon as it was accomplished. The amnesty reflects credit on 
the Mole ministry, but it did not save it. It succumbed in 1839 beneath the 
repeated attiicks of its opponetits. 

The latter split up into sections immediately after their victory. A 
crisis which seemed interminable supervened. For two months, abortive 
measures and manoeuvres which became the laughing-stock of the news* 
papers perpetually proclaimed the inefficacy of the government. It was only 
when, during an insurrection, the sound of firing was lieard, that a ministry 
was formed in which neither of the leaders of tlie party had a place. Tliis 
was the last expedient of the reign. Soon, after so many short ministrii 
there was to be one which was too durable and which was to put an end 
the existing state of things. 

The struggle between Thiers and Guizot occupied the closing years 
the reign. On the 1st of March, 1840, Louis Philippe decided to requ( 
Thiers to form a government. In doing this the king acknowledged himself 
defeated: first because Thiers was most intolerant of the king*s interference 
in affairs of state, and secondly because he represented the boldest elemei 
the section which was most nearly allied to the Left benches, of the OrleanI 
party, Louis Philippe resigned fiimself, not without misgivings, to this sts^ 
of things, and Guizot agreed to absent himself from the debates in the cham- 
ber, and even to serve under his rival by accepting the embassy in Lond< 








[lS3t-l{H0 A.D.} 

And what was Thiers going to do that would not have been done by a 
docile instrument of the king? He gave up all the reforms, and all the 
principles in whose name he had just made such a determined opposition. 
The minister's language was different, his relations with the left benches 
were dissimilar, but the policy was the same. Thiers began by refusing 
either to change anything in the repressive laws made during the previous 
ten years, or to undertake any electoral reform. One or two hundred 
thousand rich men would continue to vote and to govern* to the exclusion 
of the ten million citizens ; and, in order to keep the latter in subjection, all 
the weapons which had been forged during the government of July for the 
maintenance of authority were preserved. 

Outside the kingdom Thiers did nothing more ; indeed he could do noth- 
ing. The fact was it was difficult enough for him to get the king to accept 
him at all. Unpopular and feeling his position continually threatened at 
the Tuileries, he dared not act. He governed, but was paralysed by 

Only two measures were prepared by him, and he had not time to carry 
them through. He formed the plan for the fortification of Paris, a plan 
which was variously regarded by different parties. The liberals looked 
upon it as a military precaution against foreign foes ; the court as a means 
of subduing Paris in case of need. The events of 1870 sufTicieutly proved 
that, from a national point of vieAv, Thiers was right. The plan was revived 
by Mai'shal Soult during the next ministry and was sanctioned. Thus, 
thirty years later, Paris was able to defend herself. 

With Thiers, too, originated the idea of briut^^ing back the remains of 
Napoleon I in triumph from St. Helena and placing them in the Invalides. 
Tlius more warlike ideas, which would have given France a prouder position 
amongst the nations of Europe, but which were held in check by the king, 
and which the minister found himself obliged to abandon one after another, 
were all merged in a sort of funeral procession in honour of the conqueror 
who, in the name of France, had dictated laws to the whole world.* We 
may now review in some detail the ministries from 1836 to 1840, first noting 
the war with Abdul-Kadir.a 


In the province of Oran a new power had arisen, one very dangerous to 
the French, that of a young Arab chief, full of courage !in<l intelligence, the 
descendant of a family which exercised a hereditary religious influence. 
Abdul-Kadir presented himself to the Moslem tribes as being tlie man whom 
the prophet Mohammed had destined to deliver ihem from the ** Rumis " 
(Christians). General Desmichels, wlio commanded at Oran was imprudent 
enough to treat Abdul-Kadir as an equal and to recognise liim as the emir, 
the prince of all the Moslems of that country (February 25th, 1834). French 
authority thus imposed Abdul-Kadir on those very Moslems who till then 
had not wished to submit to him. He was not content with dominating the 
province of Oran, where the French occupied only a few points ; he presumed 
to establish his lieutenants even in the province of Algeria. 

A rupture was inevitable ; and, at the battle of the Macta, a small French 
force commanded by General Trezel disengaged itself only with gi*eat diffi- 
cqlty and loss from the midst of large numbers of Arabs united Tinder Abdul- 
Kadir (June 26th, 1835). The French government decided finally to send 
loto Africa General (later Marshal) Clausel, accompanied by the duke of 


[1S3S-1R37 A.D.J 

Orleans. Marshal Clausel took the offensive against Abdul-Kadir, scored a 
victory at Mascara, the residence of the emir, and occupied Tlemcen (Novem- 
ber, 1835-January, 1836), These were the two principal cities of the 
province of Oran. 

The marshal, however, had not received sufficient forces; Abdul-Kadir 
might continue the war, and, on the other hand, the bey of Constantine, who 
ruled in the east of Algeria and constituted another independent power in 
that region, was defying and harassing the French. Clausel returned to 
Paris to ask for reinforcements. It was during the ministry of Thiers, who 
had understood the necessity of putting an end to half-measures. He would 
have enabled Clausel to act on a large scale. Unfortunately he fell and hia 
successors did not inherit his broad views. Clausel did not have at his dis- 
posal all the resources which he thought necessary to make an attack upoa 
Constantine. There was necessity for it, however, if all authority in the 
eastern province was not to be lost. The weather was bad, the season 
advanced. Clausel decided nevertheless to risk the expedition. 

The marshal set out from Bona November 8th, 1836, with a small force of 
less than nine thousand men, including some native auxiliaries. He arrived 
before Constantine on the 21st, after having crossed the Little Atlas with 
great difficulty in the midst of winter rains which made tliis rugged country 
almost impassable. As Ahmed Bey wjis un2)opular, it had been hoped that 
the Kabyle and Arab tribes would join the French. But upon seeing the 
numerical weakness of the French, they remained on the side of the bey and 
the French troops saw them upon their flanks while the city was defended 
by a strong garrison well provided with artillery. The ground was so soft 
that it had not even been possible to bring up the light field-guns on this 
kind of isthmus. 

A double attack failed. Provisions and even munitions were growing 
scarce. Retreat became inevitable. It was forty leagues to Bona and the 
French troops must cross the mountains harassed by thousands of Arab 
horsemen. The Arabs tried to destroy the rearguard, where a weak battal- 
ion of the 2nd light cavalry was protecting the ammunition wagons loaded 
with the wounded. The Arab cavalry threw themselves in a body upon 
this handful of men. The commandant Changarnier gave orders to form a 
square and resolutely await the multitude of enemies. The fire of two ranks 
at pistol range covered the ground with men and horses. The Arabs were 
thoroughly tired of the charge and contented themselves henceforth with 
sharpshooting at a distance. This incident made the military fortune of 
the commandant Changarnier. 

Marshal Clausel conducted the retreat to Bona with much vigour and 
skill. The ministry, with which he was not in favour, made him bear all 
the responsibility of this defeat and recalled him. Tliey appointed General 
Damremont to succeed him, but returned to the bad system of having a 
general at Oran who was independent of the governor of Algiers. General 
Hugeaud, who had the reputation of an energetic officer, was sent to Oran ; 
there was reason to hope that he would dispose of Abdul-Kadir. But he 
allowed himself to be entangled in the diplomatic schemes of the Arab chief 
and signed a new treaty with him worse than that of his predecessor, Des- 
michels. In return for a vague acceptance of the sovereignty of France, 
Bugeaud recognised Abdul-Kadir as emir, not only of nearly the whole of 
the province of Oran, but of the province of Titery, intermediate between 
the provinces of Oran and Algiers ; he even conceded to him a part of the 
territory of Algiers. Abdul-Kadir's authority extended then beyond Medea, 




[183&-]87r 4.D.1 

to the last chain of the Little Atlas, above BliJa, in fact, into the Metidja 
itself- The wretched Treaty of the Tafiia thus meant a precarious peace 
which gave the erair the means and the time to organise a strong opposition. 
The governor of Algiers at least made use of it to operate in the province 
of Constantine and repair the losses of Ciausel ; for it had been felt to be 
impossible to remain quiet under this blow. 

General Damremout had not a much larger force than Ciausel — 10,000 
men altogether ; but ho set out much earlier in the season, well provisioned 
and eqaip|>ed with siege guns. The army arrived before Fort Constantino 
in the best of condition on the 6th of October. The autumn rains had be- 
gun. Unprecedented efforts were necessary to drag the cannon up Coudiat- 
Aty. The breach, nevertheless, was opened the 11th of October. On the 
following morning General Damremont approaclied to reconnoitre the 
breach. He was instantly killed by a bullet. The loss of tliis brave leader, 
instead of disheartening the army, inspired it. An old soldier of the repub- 
lic, the artillery-general Valee, took the command, immediately ordered the 
firing to recommence, and on the morning of the ISth sent three columns to 
the assault. The first was in command of Lieutenant-Colonel Lamoriciere, 
and was composed principally of Zouaves. This corps, since become so 
famous, had originally been formed of native auxiliaries and retained its 
picturesque oriental costume, though recruited with Frenchmen and fre- 
quently with Parisians. Lamoriciere imjjetuously spurred on his men, 
scaled the breach, and penetrated into the city, supported by the other two 
columns. A bloody struggle was kept up from house to house in the 
narrow streets and amid the ruins made by the cannon. Lamoriciere was 
cruelly burned by the explosion of a powder magazine, but he survived and 
had a brilliant military career. 

When the French columns had united in the middle of the city, what was 
left of the Mussulman authorities surrendered, and the firing ceased. A 
frightful scene marked the end of resistance. A great number of the 
inhabitants had madly attempted to escape from the city by descending tho 
jagged rocks of the gorge of the Ruuimel. Many of these unfortunates 
tumbled from rock to rock and were dashed to pieces in the bed of the tor- 
rent. The conquest of the ancient capital of Nuraidia gave France a firm 
base for the future in the interior of Algeria. The event did the army much 
honour ; but the ministry did not derive from the amnesty nor from the 
taking of Constantine the hoped-for effect upon the elections. c 


Between 183G and 1840, the cabinet was modified five times successively: 
its leaders were Thiers, Count Mole, Broglie, Marshal Soult, and once again 

In the first ministry of Thiers the cabinet did not last long. Thiers 
soon settled the internal difficulties ; he succeeded in adjourning the eon- 
vpi-sion of stock, and was supported by the majority of the chamber. It 
was during this ministry that one of the men who were to a great extent 
responsible for the revolution of July, having, with Thiers and Mignet, 
' tunded Le Natxonah disappeared from the scene. Armand Carrel, sep- 
ited from his former colleagues, had ardently embraced republican doc- 
trines of which his paper soon became the mouthpiece , he had however 
rejected communism. A political quarrel with M. de Girardtn who had just 
founded La Presne brought about a duel in which the editor of Le National 


[I83e-183T A.X).l 

was mortally wounded. He died at St. Mandc, after having refused the 
consolations of religion, saying tliat be died in the faith of Benjamin Con- 
stant, of Manuel, and of liberty. The home policy of Thiers was very judi- 
cious but his foreign policy was a failure. Wishing to restore France to the 
position she had formerly occupied amongst tlie powers of Europe, Thiers 
was anxious for the French government to interfere in Spanish affairs by 
sending troops to put a stop to the civil war in Spain, by repulsing Don 
Carlos and by supporting the young queen Isabella II. The king took fright 
at the idea of an expedition into the Peninsula. "Let ua help the Spaniards 
from without," he said, " but do not Itit us embark on their ship ; if we do 
we shall certainly have to take the helm, and God knows what will happen." 
Thiers sent in his resignation and was succeeded by Mole and Guizot. 

The union of these two ministers did not last long and was brought to 
an end by au important event. 


This ministry had not been in existence two months when the attempt 
made at Strasburg by Louis Bonaparte took place. 

The nephew of Napoleon I had been living for some years at the castle 
of Arenenberg in Switzerland with bis mother, and was a captain of artillery 
in the Swiss array. The continual risings which took place in France, and 
the letters of his partisans, made him believe that the time had come for 
attempting, by means of a military revolution, to replace on the throne the 
Napoleonic dynasty of which he was the head now that the duke of Reich- 
stadt was dead. He had succeeded in opening communications with the 
garrison of Strasburg. On the 29th of October, IHliiy, he arrived at Stras- 
burg. The next day at five o'clock in the morning. Colonel Vaudrey 
presented him to the fourth artillery regiment. For a few moments he 
succeeded in arousing t!ie enthusiiism of the soldiers who cried "Long live 
Napoleon I Long live the Emperor!" But the 46th line regiment, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Taillandier, tiirned a deaf ear to these outcries and 
remained faithful to their duly. By order of their commanding ofticer, the 
infantry surrounded Louis Bonaparte and took him prisoner. Louis Philippe 
sent him to America. The other conspirators were brought to trial and 
acquitted, for the jury were unwilling to pronounce them guilty when the 
chief culprit luid been sent away unpunished. 

This acquittal made the government uneasy and the "bill of Separation," 
or law of Disjunction, was brought I)efore the chambers. This bill pro- 
vided that wlien civil and military offenders were both implicated in the 
same plot, the former only should be tried at the assizes, and the others by 
a court martial. The bill, which was fiercely attacked by Berryer, was 
rejected. The ministry \vei*e unable to survive this reverse. A ministerial 
crisis supervened, and ten days were spent in intrigues and negotiations, but 
eventually the court party led by Mole carried the day. 

Mole remained in power nearly two years. Four important events 
relating to foreign policy took place during this ministry. The first was the 
marriage of the duke of Orleans, the king's eldest son. This young prince 
married on the 30th of May, 1837, the Lutheran princess Helen of Mecklen- 
burg. It was on the occasion of this marriage that the galleries of Versailles, 
containing sculptures and paintings illustrating the chief events of French 
history, were thrown open to the public. An amnesty was granted to all 
criminal and political offenders who were then in prison. The second public 


^838-1810 A.D.] 

act of the ministry was their intervention in America. The Mexican govern- 
ment refused to make any reparation for injuries buffered bjj Frenuh merchants. 
^ fleet comraauded by Rear- Admiral Baudin and the prince de Joiiiville bom- 
Ibarded the fort of San Juan de Ulua near Vera Cruz. JJy tlie treaty of 
March 9th Mexico granted the claims of France. An intervention of the same 
kind took place in Huenos Ayres, but it was many years before the required 
reparation was obtained. 

The republic of Haiti, formerly under French rule, had obtained its 
independence in 1825 by paying an indemnity of 150,000,000 francs to the 
original colonists. The payment of this indemnity was so long delayed that 
it was found necessary to send a fleet to these parts also. The republic thus 
intimidated, yielded and agreed to pay 60,000,000 francs, which sum the 
French consented to accept. The other two events, which have been already 
recorded, were the recognition of Belgium and the evacuation of Ancona. 

The ministry ^vas keenly attacked by the coalition. The heads of par- 
tiea in the chaml)er, Thiers, Guixot^ and Odilon Barrot, united against 
M. Mole. Tlie debate on the address in reply to the king's speech wim very 
heated (January, 1839). AL Mole obtained only a very slight majority in 
favour of the amendments, which he himself proposed, to this document, 
which was drawn up in a spirit very hostile to the ministry. He wished to 
retire, but the king retained him and dissolved the chamber. The elections 
went in favour of the coalition. Mole retired on the Stli of March, 1839. 
Parliamentary tradition triumphed over monarchical tradition. The deputies 
had vanquished the king, of whom Thiers said "he reigns but he does not 

For two months all aorta of ayatema and plana were discussed. Tlie 
three chiefs could not agree ; each one wished to Lave the chief power. 
The king, who did not much relish being ruled by them, jmt tliem aside saying, 
•• Gentlemen, try to como to an agreement." Provisional ministers were 
appoint^3d to carry ou the necessary business. Their names were greeted 
by peals of laughter and by gibes. The disorder became so great that the 
republican party took advantage of it to raise an insurrection. Ou the 
12th of May the society called "-The Seasons," led by Barbes and Blanqui, 
attacked an armourer's store. Being rt-pnlscd, they entrenched themselves 
behind a barricade. After a desperate resistance, they were almost all killed 
or taken prisoners. Barbes and Blanqui were condemned to death, but 
their punishment was commuted to imprisonment for life. However, they 
were released in 1848. On tlie very evening of this attempted rising a 
regular ministry was formed. 


This ministry lasted only ten months. At this period the Eastern ques- 
tion began to occupy public attention, but its difliculties wore not the cause 
of the fall of the ministry, which was due to the disagreements on the ques- 
tion of a royal dowry. The marriage of the duke de Nemours seemed to 
Louis Philippe a suitable occasion for demanding for his son an income of 
lialf a million, to l)e provided from the i)ublic treasury. Public opinion was 
very hostile to such demands for money. Numerous petitions called ou the 
chamber to refuse the dowry. The day for deciding the question by vote 
arrived- The ministr}', feeling certain of success, did not defend the meas- 
ure, and realised what an error had been committed only when the votes 
were counted and two hundred and twenty-six black balls were announced 


against two hundred white ones. The ministry went out of office. M. 
Thiers loved revojutions, glory, and fighting, and professed a sort of cult 
for the. genius of the emperor. These predilections being in accordance 
with popular feeling, he was recalled to power. 

Since 1792 Louis Philippe had been fearing lest a victory of his foreign 
foes might encourage them to march on Paris, which was uudefended. In 
1814 and in 1817 he had vainly tried to induce Louis XVIII to render the 
heart of France invulnerable, by the adequate fortification of Paris. Since 
1830 all propositions in favour of carrying out this scheme had been frus- 
trated. At length, however, the march of events supplemented the king's 
convictions and perseverance. France was apprehensive of a war with the 
whole of Europe. A French defeat, and a bold march on the part of the 
enemy might lead to the taking of Paris. A bill was passed for encircling 
Paris with ramparts protected by enormous forts. This work, which was 
carried out in less than seven years, cost 140,000,000 francs. 


Either as a mefina of exciting patriotic feeling or in accordance with the 
policy which wished to found the government of July on the renown of tlie 
first Napoleon, the king, in accordance with his ministers, resolved to 
demand from England the ashes of the emperor, who had died at St. 
Helena. Lord Palmcrston granted tlie demantl, and the prince de Joinville, 
on board the frigate Belle Poule^ went to fetch these precious relics.' 

The frigate made a gixid passage, and arrived in safety at St. Helena. The 
officers intrusted with the melancholy duty were received with the utmost 
respect by the English garrison, and every preparation was made to give due 
solemnity to the disinterment of the emperor's remains. The soHtary tomb 
iindtir the willow tree was opened, the winding-sheet rolled back with pious 
care, and the features of the immortal hero exposed to the view of the 
entranced spectators. So perfectly had the body been embalmed that the 
features were undecayed, the countenance serene, even a smile on the lips, 
and hia dress the same, since imriiortalised in statuary, as when he stood ou 
the fields of Austerlitz or Jena. Borne first on a magnificent hearse, aud 
then down to the harbour on the shoulders of the British grenadiers, amidst 
the discharge of artillery from the vessels, batteries, and all parts of the 
island, the body was lowered into the French frigate, and England nobly 
and in a right spirit parted with the proudest trophy of her national glory. 
The Belle Poule had a favourable voyage home, and reached Havre in safety 
in the beginning of December. The interment was fixed for the 15th cj 
the same month — not at St. Denis, amidst her ancient sovereigns, but in 
the church of the Tnvalides, beside the graves of Tnrenne, Vanban, Lannes, 
and the paladins of France; and every preparation was made for giving the 
utmost magnificence to the absorbing spectacle. 

Nothing could exceed the enthusiasm and excitement which prevailed in 
Paris when the day fixed for the august ceremony arrived. The weather 
was favourable ; the sun shone forth in unclouded brilliancy, but a piercing 
wind from the north blew with such severity that several persons perished 
of cold as they were waiting for the funeral procession. Early on the 
morning of the 15th, the coifin, which had been brought by the Seine to 
Courbevoie the preceding evening, was placed on a gigantic funeral-car, and 
at ten it began its march, attended b}' an immense and splendid military 
escort, and amidst a crowd of six hundred thousand spectators. So dense 



[1840 AJ>.] 

was the throng tliat it was half-post one when the procession reached the 
place de la Concorde, from whence it passed by the bridge of the same name 
to the church of the Invalides, where it was received by the king, the royal 
family, with the archbishop and all the clergy of Paris, "Sire," said the 
prince de Joinville, who approached at the head of the coffin, "I pi*esent to 
you the body of the emperor Napoleon.'* "(leneral Bertrand," said the king, 
"I command you to place the sword of the emperor on his coffin." When 
this was done, he said, " General Gourgaud, place the hat of the emperor on 
his coffin." Tliis also was done ; an<l, tlio king having withdrawn, the coffin 
was placed on a magnificent altar in the centre of the church, the. funeral 
service was {jerformed with the utmost solemnity, and the Dies Iros chanted 
with inexpre^ble effect by a thousand voices. Finally, the coffin, amidst 
entrancing melody, was lowered into the grave, while every eye in the vast 
assemblage was wet with tears, and the bones of Napoleon '^finally reposed 
on the banks of the Seine, amidst the people v^hom he had loved so well."<{ 


France intervened in the interests of the pacha of Egypt, for whose suc- 
cess she was anxious, though she did not desire the destruction of Turkey. 
The pacha checked the march of his victorious army. France and England 
ought to have come to an understanding, for their interests were aimihir; 
but England was jealous of France's position in Egypt. Besides, the czar 
Nicholas hated Louis Philippe. In Loudon a conference met to discuss the 
affairs of the East; Russia, England, Austria, and Prussia signed a treaty 
without deigning to include France. When this insult became known, pop- 
ular feeling was aroused, and a sentiment of keen irritation spread through 
Franc-e. It was suggested that the nation sliould rise in arms to avenge this 
insult to the national honour, Thiers made preparations for war, and called 
out the national guard. This was a dangerous attitude for France to adopt 
for it was imjMJssible to declare war on the whole of Europe. Louis Philippe 
understood this, and when Thiers, having drawn up a statement which assumed 
war to be imminent, asked the immediate convocation of the clmnibera to 
support this polic3\ the king refused to follow his advice. This was equal 
to dismissing the minister and Thiers resigned. A short time after, the 
Eastern difficulty was settled by tlie Convention of the Straits, which was 
signed by Franco as well as by the other powers. Tliis treaty forba*ie all 
vessels, of whatever nationality, to enter the Dardanelles, and made Egypt 
subject to Turkey. France had thus regained her position in Europe. There 
followed the ministry which lasted from the 29th of October, 1840, till the 
24th of February, 1848. 

Marshal Soult was directed to form a ministry. This cabinet had more 
stability than those which preceded it and lasted till the fall of Louis Philippe, 
M, Guizot had complete management of affairs, and relied constantly on the 
support of the majority in the chamber, without taking into consideration 
either the wishes or opinion of the country.* 

louis-napoleon's second attempt at a coup d'Atat 

Louis Philippe left Paris for his castle of Eu, where he had given a ren- 
dezvous to MM. Thiers and Guizot for the purpose of discussing Eastern 
affairs. There he received strajige tidings: Louis Napoleon had landed at 
Boulogae on August 6th, 1840. The latter, since he had transferred his 


[\^%0 A.D.] 

residence to England, had recommenced the same operations as in Switzer- 
land ; bribing newspapers, distributing pamphlets, tampering with officers 
and sergeants. He believed he cnuld count upon the commander of the 
departement du Nord, General Magnan, an equivocal character, to whom he 
had offered a large sum of money, and who, later on, was to be one of his 
chief accomplices on December 2ntl. He had even entered into relations 
with a higher official, Marshal Clausel. He determined to land near Bou- 
logne, purposing to capture the small garrison of that town, to seize the 
castle, which contained a gun magazine, then to direct his steps towards 
the departement dn Nord, and from thence to Paris. 

He prepared declamatory prnclamations wherein he promised to the 
soldiers ** glory, honour, wealth," and to the people reduction of taxes, 
order, and liberty. *' Soldiers," he said, " the great spirit of Najxileon 
speaks to you through me. Traitors, be gone, the Napoleonic spirit, which 
cares but for the welfare of the nation, advances to overwhelm you ! " 

He asserted that he had powerful friends abroad as well as at home, who 
had promised to uphold him ; this was an allusion to Russia, whose support 
he believed he possessed and from whom he had very probably received some 
encouragement. In a sketch of a decree, lie named Thiers president of the 
provisional government, and Marshal Clause!, commander of the Army of 
Paris. His plans thus laid, lii^ left London hy steamer, with General Mon- 
tholon, several officers, about sixty men, and an eagle, destined to play the 
part of a living symbol in the forthcoming drama. 

The expedition landed at night at Vimereux, north of Boulogne, and 
proceeded to that town- The confederates entered the courtyard of the 
l)arrackH (if the 42nd regiment of the line. A lieutenant, who was for 
Napoleon, had mustered the men and told them that Louis Plulippe reigned 
no longer ; then Louis Bonaparte harangued them. Confused, fascinated, 
they were beginning to shout ** Long live the emperor," when there appeared 
upon the scene a captain, who, breaking through the confederates, and regard- 
less of their threats, summoned the non-commissioned officers and men to his 
side. Louis Bonaparte lired a pistol at him, but it missed him and wounded 
a grenadier ; the soldiers rallied roimd their captain. 

The confederates left the barracks without delay, and ascended to the 
castle, but they were unable to break in the doors. None of the townspeople 
had joined them. The rappel was sounded, and the national guard assembled, 
but against them. They left the town and retreated to the foot of the column 
raised in Napoleon's time in honour of the Grande Armee. The national 
guard and the line regiment advanced upon them. They disappeared. 
I^uis Bonaparte and a few of Iiis followers fled towards the sea and swam 
to a yawl, in which they attempted to regain their vessel. 

The national guards opened iire upon the fugitives, several of whom 
were severely wounded ; the yawl capsized and a spent bullet struck Louia 
Bonaparte. Two of his accomplices peri.shed, one was shot, the other •" 
drowned. Louis Bonaparte survived for the sorrow of France. 

The pretender was this time arraigned with his accomplices before the 
court of peers, which condemned him to imprisonment for life (October 6th)- 
He was imprisoned in the castle of Ham, in the same chaml>er where Polignac 
had been confined. This non-capital sentence confirmed in effect the aboli- 
tion of the death penalty in political affairs, which had been implied in the 
pardon of Barbes. 

This attempt, even more feebly conceived than that of Strasburg, had 
thus failed still more miserably. The pretender had made himself ridicu- 


[IftWVlM5 A.D.] 

lous in the eyes of the enlightened and educated classes.^ who perused 
the newspapers and knew the details of his adventures. But it was a 
great mistake to look upon him now as harmless, and to forget that the 
majority are not in the habit of reading.c 

EVENTS FROM 1840-1842 

On the 13th of July, 1842, an unfortunate event cast a gloom over the 
whole country without distinction of party. The duke of Orleans, a kind 
and justly loved prince, was thrown from his carriage and killed. At his 
death, his right of succession passed to his son, tlie comte de Paris, and a 
child of four years became the heir of the heaviest crown that could be 
borne. From tliat day the legitimistH charted to hope. The liberals and the 
republicans expected everytliing for the triumph of their ideas from the 
inevitable weakness of a regency. 

The chambers were convoked at once. They were present-ed with a law 
which in advance named the duke de Nemours regent. This prince did not 
have the brilliant reputation of tlie duke of Orleans, the popularity which 
the prince de Joinville had acquired by his services off San Juan de Uliia, 
nor the budding renown which the capture of Abdul-Kadir's smala had 
brought to the duke d'Aumaie. The law was psissed but without public 

During several 3^ears France had enjoyed a period of remarkable pros- 
perity attested by a budget of receiptn amounting to 1,343,000,000 francs. 
Popular instruction was advancing; the penal code had been lightened in 
severity and the lottery suppressed. The law of expropriation for the cause 
of public utility prevented work undertaken in the interest of the general 
good from beiug impeded by private intereHls. Industry took a new start 
from the introduction of machinery and commerce was extending. The 
coasts began to be lit up by lighthouses, the primitive roads to be improved, 
and a vast network of railways was planned* But this plan once conceived, 
instead of first ooni-entrating all the energy of France on the chief artery of 
the country, from Boulogne to Marseilles, the resources were scattered on 
all the lines at once for the sake of satisfying every locality and of thus 
preparing favourable elections. 

These enterprises, as often happens, gave rise to boundless speculation. 
The evil went far, for a minister of the king had been condemned for hav- 
ing sold his signature, a peer of France for having bought it. 

National sentiments had been deeply wounded by the events of 1840. 
Guizot sought a compensation for French pride. lie caused the Marquesas 
Islands, sterile rocks in the Pacitic Ocean, to be occupied (May, 1842). 
New Zealand was more worth while. The French were about to descend 
upon it when England, being forewarned, took possession and began to 
show jealous susceptibilities. A French officer placed the flag of France on 
the large oceanic island of New Caledonia; the ministry had it torn down. 
Tlie states of Honduras and Nicaragua claimed French protection. Santo 
Domingo wished the same. It was refused and England seemed to have 
imposed the refusal. On the Society Islands, which the French also took, 
their commercial interests were not sufficient to necessitate an expensive 
establishment. The cession of Mayotte (1843) was a better negotiation 
because that island offered a refuge to French ships which Bourbon could 

P A tame cowrie, which he carried to suggest tbo Napolconfc eagles, was captured, and put in 
the Zoi^logical Gardens of I'aris,] 


[1843-1845 A.V.] 

not give them, and a naval station in the ricinity of Madagascar. On 
Tahiti, in the Society Islands, an English missionary, Pritchard, stirred up 
the natives against the French./ 

Queen Poinare, who governed the island of Tahiti, placed herself under 
French protection. But Pritchard, the Englishman, who was at the same 
time consul, Protestant missionary, and dispensing chemist, fearing to lose 
his influence over the natives, urged the queen to pull down the French flag 
and rnus^d the natives to rebeliiun ; many French sailors were massacred. 
The admiral, indignant at this conduct, had Pritchard arrested, and he was 
set at liberty only on condition that he would go to tlie Sandwich Isles. 
The English government claimed that it had been insulted, and demanded 
satisfaction. The king refused first of all; then, fearing a rupture, disavowed 
the admiral's act and oflered a pecuniary indemnity to England, which was 

Public opinion considered that the dignity of the country had been com- 
promised by this act. People were tired of always yielding to England. 
In the address to tlie throne in 1845, a majority of only eight votes pre- 
vented the expression of severe censure on the conduct of the government 
in the Pritchard affair.' 

The right of mutually inspecting ships, agreed upon with England in 
1841, for the reprcsaion of the slave-trade, was another concession to the 
proud neighbours of France. This time the opposition in the country was 
80 active that the chamber forced the minister to tear up the treat)' and, 
by new conventions, to replace the French marine under the protection of 
the national flag (May, 1845). 

War with Ahdul-Kadir 

The chamber, impelled in this direction by public opinion, wanted at 
least to continue the conquest of Algeria. The ministry had the merit nf 
choosing an energetic and skilful man. General Bugeaud, who succeeded in 
impressing botli respect and terror on the Arabs. 

Abdul-Kadir had violated the Treaty of Tafna, proclaimed the holy war, 
and by the rapidity of his movements spread terror in the province of Oran, 
and even brought inquietude to the very gates of Algeria. The general 
pursued him without relaxation clear to the mountains uf the Ouarensenis, 
pacified this diflicult region and crowded the enemy back into the desert. 
It was in his flight towards the Sahara that the emir, attacked by the duke 
d'Aumale, lost his gmala (his family and flocks). May, 1843. 

Taking refuge in Morocco, the emir engaged the emperor in his cause. 
England, perhaps, was not a stranger to this resolve. French territory was 
violated on several occasions and an army wliich seemed formidable was 
collected on the banks of the Muluiah. France responded to these provoca- 
tions by the bombardment of Tangiers and Mogador, which the prince de 
Juinville directed under the eyes of the irritated English fleet, and by the 
victory of Isly, which General Bugeaud gained with 8,500 men and 1,400 
horses over 2.5,000 horsemen (August 14th, 1844). The emperor, being so 
severely punished, signed the peace — whicli was not made onerous for him, 
since France was rich enough, said the ministry, to pay for its glory. The 
principal clause of the treaty, providing that Abdul-Kadir be oocU&ned to 
the west, remained for a long time unexecuted ; but after a new and vain 
attempt upon Algeria the emir tried to establish a party in the empire 
itself. This time Abd ar-Rahman, being directly threatened, bethought 


[lftlO-lS47 A.D.] 

himself of his treaty with the French, and Abdul-Kadir, thrown back on the 
French advance posts, was reduced to surrendering to General Lamoriciere 
(November 23rd, 1847). 

In Morocco, as at Tahiti, England had been found opposed to France. 
Thus the English alliance, too eagerly sought after, hud brought only 
trouble. But it was said that it assured the peace of the world. However, 
a marriage came near breaking it — that of the duke of Montpenaier with 
the sister of the queen of Spain. 

The Spanuh Marriages 

Queen Christina, then regent of Spain, feeling herself entirely depend- 
ent on the liberal party for the preservation of her daughter's throne, and 
being well aware that it was in France alone that she could find the prompt 
military assistance requisite to support her against the Carltsts, who formed 
a great majority of the Spanish population, naturally bethought herself of 
the favourable opportunity presented by the marriageable condition of the 
princes of one country and the princesses of the other, to cement their 
union by matrimonial alliances. With this view, although the princesses, 
her daughters, were as yet too young for marriage, she made formal pro- 
posals before 1840 to Louis Philippe for a <louble marriage, one between the 
duke d^Aumale, the king's tliird son, and Queen Isabella, her eldest daugli- 
ter, and another between the duke of Montpenaier^ his fourth son, and tlie 
infanta Luisa Fernanda, her second daughter. 

How agreeable soever these proposals were to Louis Philippe, who 
desired nothing so much as to see his descendants admitted into the family 
of European sovereigns, he was too sagacious not to perceive that the hazard 
with which they were attended more than counterbalanced the advantages. 
It was evident that such a marriage of the duke d*Aumale with the queen 
of Spain would at once dissolve the ejitenic cordiah with Great Britain, on 
which the stability of his throne so much depended; for however much the 
liberal government of Eiiglan<l might desire to see constitutional monarchies 
established in the peninsula, it was not to be expected it wuukl like to see 
the crown of Spain placed on the head of a French prince. It was already 
surmised, too, that the cabinet of London had views of its own for ttie liand 
of the younger princess. He therefore returned a coui'teous answer, declining 
the hand of the queen for the duke d'Aumale, but expressing the satisfac- 
tion it would afford him to see the duke of Montpensier united to the infajita. 

The next occasion on which the subject of the Spanish marriages was 
brought forward was when Queen Christina took refuge in Paris, during one 
of the numerous convulsions to which Spain had been subject since the 
attempt was made to introduce democratic institutions among its inhabit- 
ants. Louis Philippe then declared to the exiled queen-regent that the 
most suitable spouse for her daughter the queen would be found in one of 
the descendants in the male line of Philip V, king of Spain, the sovereign 
on the throne when the Treaty of Utrecht was signed. The object of this 
proposal was indirectly to exclude the preteimionH of the prince of Coburg, 
Gousin-german to Prince Albert, whom rumour had assigned as one of the 
suitors for the hand of the young queen, and at the same time avoid excit- 
ing the jealousy of the British government by openly courting the alliance 
for a French prince. 

Matters were in this situation, with the question still open^ so far as 
diplomatic intercourse was concerned, but the views and interests of the two 


[1842-lft46 A.D.} 

cabinets were well understood by the ministers on both sides, when Queen 
Victoria in the autumn of 1842 paid a visit to the French monarch at the 
chateau d'Eu in Normandy, which was followed next spring by a similar act 
of courtesy on the part of Louis Philippe to the queen of England in the 
princely halls of Wiiidsm-. Fortunately the pacific inclinations of the two 
sovereigns were aided by tlie wisdom and moderation of the ministers on 
both sides ; and under the direction of Lord Aberdeen and Guizot a com- 
jiromise was agreed on of the most fair and equitable kind. It was stipu- 
hited that the king of France should renounce all pretensions, on the part of 
any of his sons, to the hand of the queen of Spain ; and, on the other hand, 
that the royal heiress should make her selection among the princes descend- 
ants of Philip V, which excluded the dreaded competition of a prince of 
the lumse of Coburg. And in regard to the marriage of the duke of Mont- 
pensier with the infanta Dona Luisa Fernanda, Louis Philippe positively 
engaged that it should not take place till the queen was married and had 
had children (den enfant$). On this condition the queen of England con- 
sented to waive all olijcctions to the marriage when these events liad taken 
place ; and it was uudernLood that this consent on both sides was to be depend- 
ent on the hand of the queen being bestowed on a descendant of Philip V 
and no other competitor./ 

The sagacious Louis Philippe now discovered a certain half-idiotic cousin 
of IsabtOla of Spain, delkient in every power both of body and mind; and in 
a secret and underhand manner he celebrated the wedding of tlus miserable 
being with the queen ; and immediately afterwards that of his son with the 
handsome, blooming, and wealthy Luisa Fernandii, who, in addition to her 
present possessions, which were very large, carried to her husband the 
succession to the Spanish crown, in the absolute impossibility of any issue 
from her sister^s unhappy marriage. Hard feeling and political opposition 
were roused by this degrading trickery — and England learned, with a senti- 
ment of regret and compassion, that Guizot, whose talents and character had 
hitherto commanded her respect, had been deluded by the crowned tempter 
at liis ear to dcftead his conduct on the quibble that the marriages were not 
celebrated at the same time — some little interval having occurred between 
thera — and that tliis was all he had promised. Suspicion and jealousy- 
took the place of the former cordial relations. Losing tlie fervent friend- 
shij) of the only constitutional ncighi)our on whom it could rely, France, like 
8 beggar with its bonnet in its hand, waited at the gates of Austria and 
Russia, and begged the moral support of the most despotic of the powers. 
The moral support of Austria and Russia there was but one way to gain, and 
that was by an abnegation nf all the principles represented by the accession 
of Louis Philippe, and an active co-operation in their policy of repression. 

At this time the Swiss broke out into violent efforts to obtain a reform. 
Austria quelled the Swiss aspirations with the strong hand, an<l took up 
a menacing attitude towards the benevolent pontiff, Pius IX. France was 
quiescent; and the opposition rose into invectives, which were repeated in 
harsher language out of doors. 

The stout shopkeeper who now occupied the throne of Henry IV thought 
that all the requirements of a government were fulfilled if it maintained 
jmace with the neighbouring states. Trade he thought might flourish though 
honour and glory were trampled under foot. He accordingly neglected, or 
failed to understand, the disaffection of the middle class, whose pecuniary 
interests he was supposed to represent, but whose higher aspirations he had 
insulted by his truckling attempts to win the sympathy of the old aristocracy 


IlMi-lMS A.i>.] 

and the foreigri despots. Statesmen like Tluers and Odilon Barrot, when 
the scales of office fell from their eyes and the blandishments of the sover- 
eign were withdrawn, pereeived that the parliamentary government of the 
charter had become a mockery, and that power had got more firmly consoli- 
dated in royal hands under these deceptive forms than in the time of the 
legitimate kings. A cry therefore suddenly rose from all quarters, except 
the benches of the ministrj', for electoral and parliamentary reform ; and 
there was also heard the uniformly recnrritic;' exclamation, premonitory of nil 
serious disturbance, for a diminution of the taxes. The cries were founded 
on justice, and urged in a constitutional manner. Corruption had entered 
into all the elections; parliamentary purity had become a byword under the 
skilful manipulation of the purse-bearing king; and tlio expenses of the 
country far exceeded its income, owing to the extravagant building of forts 
and palaces, with which, in the years of his prosperity, he had endeavoured 
to amuse the people. J 


The state of the budget, which was threatened with a yearly deficit, 
increased tlio difTicultyof the situation which was still further aggravated 
by a scarcity of |)rovisious. The method of taxing corn made it diilicult to 
provision the country, a matter which was never easy in times previous to 
the construction of railwaj's. There was a succession of bad harvests, and in 
the winter of 1847 a famine resulted. There were riots in all directions, 
and bands of men tramped thnuigh ttie country. At Buzant^ais, ca^es of death 
fn>m starvation occurred. ThuH everything combined to make the people 
dissatisfied with the government. And there was indeed little to be said in 
it« favour. It had achieved nothing and no progress had been made. "To 
carry out such a policy as this,'* said Lamartine, "a statesman is not required, 
a finger-post would do." And one of the moderate party summed up the 
work done by this ministry as: •'•Nothing, nothing, nothing." 

In short, this strange result was all that Guizot could boast. Little by 
little public opinion unanimously turned against him, and the more unpopu- 
lar he became, the more solid became his majority in the chamber, thanks to 
the system, which, placing the country in the hands of a handful of rich men, 
made the elections a mere mockery. Then a universal outcry arose, and the 
demand for progress and democracy seemed to be concentrated on one point : 
"electoral reform." 

Guizot opposed an obstinate refusal to this demand. Yet very little 
was asked for — not universal suffrage (and Guixot said "the day for uni- 
versal sufifrage will never come"), but some reform, however slight it might 
be. Guizot refused to give the vote even to jurymen and academicians ! The 
opposition appealed to public opinion. Banquets were organised in many 
different places for the discussion of reform, at Paris, then at Colmar, Stras- 
burg, Soissons, St. Quentin, and Macon. 


It could not be denied that the excitement was singularly out of propor- 
tion to the idea which was its ostensible cause. The spirit of democracy in 
France had been aroused. Lamartine*s book Le» Q^irondins added the charm 
of lyric poetTy to the recollections of the Revolution. The spectacle offered 
by the July monarchy had gradually influenced the great poet to espouse 


the cause of popTilar progress. lu Lis slrikmg speech at the banquet of 
MaQon, which was organised as a tribute to him in honour of his G^iroruling 
in the midst of a violent thunderstorm which had not deterred a crowded 
audience from coming to hear him speak, he threatened Guizot*8 retrograde 
government with "a revolution of scorn." 

The year 1848 opened with heated debates, in the course of which Gui- 
zot'a whole policy was denounced. A banquet on a vast scale was organised 
in Paris immediately after for the purpose of forwarding electoral reform. 
A large piece of ground enclosed by walls near the Champs-Elysees had been 
taken for the ooctision. 

The ministry, with less tolerance than it had shown in the preceding 
year, claimed the right to forbid this banquet. This involved the question 
of the liberty of holding public meetings. This right had never yet been 
contested, but Guizot wished to take one more retrograde step. 

Orleaiiists, liberals, republicans, and legitimists all united in defending 
their rights. Parliament rang with the vehement discussions which ensued 
and in whicJi Ledru-RoUin showed all his great oi*atorical powers. In spite 
of the tlireats of the government, it was decided to meet at the Madeleine 
and proceed from there to the banquet. Tlie very evening before the 
banquet was to take place this plan was changed for fear of bringing about 
a massacre. It was stated in the morning papei*s that the meeting was 
put off, and instead of the demonstration which they had been obliged 
to abandon, the opposition members signed a vote t>f censure on Guizot. 
But the people nevertheless assembled at the appointed time in front of the 

History repeats itself strangely. It had been the chief anxiety of Louis 
Philippe to avoid another 1830, and yet he was noAv about to undergo, in 
every detail, the experience of Charles X. The rising of the people to sup- 
port the claims of the opposition, but soon leaving these behind them ; a 
disturbance indefinite at first, but developing into a fierce struggle ; a king 
obstinate at first, then willing to make one concession after another, but 
never agreeing to make them until it was too late ; then the flight across 
France and the departure for England : such was the history of both these 

Two things increased Louis Philippe's confidence : Firstly, he had not 
>'iolatL'(l the hotter of the law. Though he had in a metisure twisted the 
revolution of 1830 to his own purposes, he had done so by ruling his miuLs- 
tersi and by gaining over the electoral bod}'. He did not realise that he was 
in the long run preparing a lasting disgrace for himself. His fall was none 
the less certain because instead of violating the rights of the people he had 
merely distorted them. His fall would only be the more petty for that. 
Secondly, he had in Paris, what Polignac had so signally lacked, a strong 
and numerous army. 

Had he not easily succeeded in suppressing all risings which had taken 
place ? He forgot that troops which are always firm and always victorious 
when dealing with the revolt of part of a nation, are useless when the people 
as a whole are actuated by the same opinion. LTnder such circumstances 
revolution pervades the air and paralyses the powers of the army. The troops 
hesitate, and sometimes recede. However this may be, on the 22nd of 
February, while the deputies of the opposition were pi*eparing to ask Guizot 's 
majority to pass a vote of censure on Guizot, an enormous crowd surged 
round the Madeleine, the populace began to parade the streets, and columns 
were formed at various points. 

[1U8 a.dJ} 





Among the troops called out to defend the government, the municipal 
guards, tlien very unpopular, made a vigorous charge and several on the 
other side were wounded. The army began to hesitate. At one place the 
crowd awaited an attack crying, " The dragoons forever ! " The dragoons 
sheathed their swords. The government was afraid to call out the national 
guards, whom they mistrusted : wherever they were called out they cried, 
" Reform forever ! ' and tried t^ interpose between the troops and the people. 
But though a storm was brewing it did not burst yet. The streets were 
crowded with an infuriated mob, demonstrations were continually taking 
place, and now and then there was a skirmish witli the troops. That was 
all, 80 far, but the more enthusiastic amoug the republicans were making 
st-eady efforts to get the populace to rise. 

The king slept that evening confident that nothing serious would happen. 
During tlie night the troops bivouacked in tlie silence of Paris beneath a 
rainy sky, and tlie cannon were fixed ready for use. The next morning 
(February 23rd) the troops, who had spent the night in the mud, were Aveary 
and discontented. 

Barricades had been hastily raised in all parts of the town. There was 
no desperate struggle like that of 1830. The barricades were attacked 
without much spirit and were soon deserted only to be reconstructed at a 
little distance. However — in the part where risings usually took place, in the 
populous heart of Paris — the battle raged more fiercely : the veterans of St. 
Merry were fighting against the municipal guard. At the Tuileries no anxiety 
was felt: "What do you call barricades ?" said the king, "do you call an 
overturned cab a barricade ?" However, General Jacqueminot resolved on 
that day to call out the national guard. 

During a reign which was virtually that of the bourgeoisie, the national 
guard, like the electoral boJy, cinisisted only of bourgeois. The governing 
class alone carried arms, just as they only were allowed to vote. Therefore 
in the elections previous to 1840 the national guard Lad been the faithful 
ally of the government. They had shown themselves no less energetic 
against the barricades of the first lialf of the reign than the rest of the 
troops. But times had changed and everyone was thoroughly sick of 
Guizot's policy. When the soldiers wxre called out, they assembled crying, 
" Reform forever I " One regiment had inscribed this on its tlag ; another 
refused to cry "God save the king I" A third sent a deputation to the 
Bourlwn palace to try to overcome the resistance of the ministry. At 
another place when the municipal guards were going to charge the crowd, 
the national guard opposed them with their bayonets. When the news of 
all this reached the king at the Tuileries he was filled with surprise and 
^ef. He realised that he had lont the allegiance of the national guard in 
which he had such absolute confidence, the men for whose sake he bad 
governed I 

He then made a first concession agreeing that Mole should form a min- 
istry. It was not much of a concession, for the difference between Guizot 
and Mole was only a difference in mental capacity and the rivalry for power 
which existed between them. Besides Mole had already represented the 
personal policy of the king. The king liked him, and in calling him to the 
ministry ho merely changed the surname of his minister. But there are 
times when, if a certain name has become universally hateful, such a change 
iB sufficient to pacify the public. Besides Mole was obliged to choose his 

— roL. xui. o 


[1848 A.D.} 

cabinet in a conciliatory spirit. Paris, delighted to think that the strife 
was at an end, put on a festive appearance ; the streets were illuminated^ 
and gay crowds filled the boulevards when a spark re-ignited the fiame of 

Near the Madeleine, troops barred the way. A column of demonstrators 
wished to pass through, and, in accordance with the peaceable feelings just 
then prevailing in Paris, to fraternise with the soldiers. The officer in com- 
mand gave the order to fix bayonets : a shot was fired — whether by the sol- 
diers or by the crowd is not known. How many times in French history 
have such accidents, the source of which is wrapped in mystery, proved the 
cause of terrible bloodshed I What sinister results may ensue from the 
chance which causes a gun to go off and, at the same time, gives the signal 
for a battle ! 

A soldier had been wounded — the troops fired ; a storm of bullets rid- 
dled the peaceful crowds on the boulevards. At first there was a cry of 
terror, then a cry of furious rage, as here and there iben fell dead, and the 
street was sprinkled with blood. 

Some men then improvised a sort of theatrical background for the mas- 
sacre, with the genius that Parisians certainly possess for giving dramatic 
effect even to their most painful emotions. A cart was stopped, and the 
corpses were placed upon it ; men walking beside it carried torches which 
illumined the ghastly cargo. The procession passed on through Paris while 
a man standing on the cart lifted up and showed to the people the dead body 
of a woman whose face was horribly mutilated by bullets. This frightful 
spectacle aroused a frenzy of rage throughout the city and Paris was again 
plunged into civil war. The real battle was that of the 24th. On this occa- 
sion the king had placed Marshal Bugeaud in command of the royal forces. 
Bugeaud was the best of the African generals, but at the same time he was 
the one whose name was most dreaded by the people ; he had the reputation 
of having gained some most bloody victories over insurgents on former 

This time Paris was covered with barricades ; the fighting continued all 
the morning. Whenever the army seemed likely to yield or retreat, the 
king, who but a short time since was so full of confidence, and to whom the 
marshal had promised a brilliant victory, made some fresh concession. First 
he agreed that Thiers should form a ministry, then Odilon Barrot, as if the 
shades of difference which separated the centre of the chamber from the left- 
centre or the left-centre from the dynastic centre were of any importance in 
this mortal struggle between the people and the monarchy. 


All these flimsy negotiations were going on amidst the smoke of battle. 
Now Thiers, now Odilon Barrot was to be seen rushing from one barricade to 
another announcing the king's last concession. Ministerial episodes mingled 
with the episodes of battle, and raised their weak voice amid the thunder of 
the cannon. Then, one after another, these political personages gave up what 
was an impossible task ; and, like Charles X, Louis Philippe abdicated in 
favour of a child, his grandson, the count de Paris. 

The battle at this moment was brought to an end by its most bloody 
episode : the attack on the cb&teau d'Eau opposite the Palais Royal. The 
people on one side and the municipal guard on the other showed, at thia 
point, indescribable energy, and fought with the courage of desperation. 


[IMS JLo.] 

HulleU were dealing out death all around, and all the staunchest republicans 
were there, including Caussidiere, Albert, and Lagrange. By two o clock the 
people had gained the victory. 

Loui-s Philippe and his family fled from the Tuileries. There was some 
difficulty in finding a cab to take him as fur aa St. Cloud. The crowd 
allowed this fallen king to pass, while behind him, the people for the third 
time invaded the Tuileries where they wrote, " Death to robbers ! " 

The duchess of Orleans had gone with her son to the chamber. The sight 
of a child and an unhajipy woman, surrounded by sympathy, might induce the 
people in a moment of emotional excitement to agree to the maintenance of 
the monarchy. Some seemed ready to accept a regency. Lamartine felt the 
weakness and inadequacy of such a solution of the difficulty. Meantime the 
crowd was taking possession of the palace. The duchess of Orleans fol- 
lowed the old king into exile. 

The latter was going abroad like Charles X, but he had more to make him 
anxious. He was obliged to conceal himself, was often suspected, and some- 
times had not enough money to supply his needs. When at last he reached 
the little Norman port which was his destination hi* found a stormy sea, and 
could not for a long time get any vessel to take hiiu across the Channel ; 
finally, having disguised himself, he secured a passage from Havre on board 
an English ship. 

On leaving the chamber the leaders of the people had gone to the Hotcl- 
de-Ville. Crowds assembled from every direction, crying out in favour of 
ten different ministries at the same time; contradictory lists were made, but 
in the end the government was composed of Lamartine, Dupont de TEure 
Arago, Ledru-Rollin,Cremieux, Marie, Garnier- Pages, thedei^uties of the Left 
l>enches to wliora were added lat-cr Louis Blanc, Albert a working-man, 
Flocon, and Armand Marrast.* 


Louis Philippe, who by the force of circumstances and the influence of 
dissimulation and fraud obtained possession of the throne of France, is, of all 
recent sovereigns, the one concerning whose ciiaracter the most difference of 
opinion has prevailed. By some, who were impressed with the length and 
general success of his reign, he was regarded as a man of the greatest 
capacity; and the "Napoleon of peace" was triumphantly referred to aa 
having achieved that which the "Napoleon of war" had sought in vain to 
effect. The prudent and cautious statesman who, during a considerable 
portion of his reign, guideei the affairs of England, had, it is well known, the 
highest opinion of his wisdom and judgment. By others, and especially the 
royalists, whom he had dispossessed, and the republicans, whom he had dis- 
appointed, he was regarded as a mere successful tyrant, who won a crown by 
perfidy, and maintained it by corruption, and in wliom it was hanl to say 
whether profound powers of dissimulalion, or innate selfishness of disposi- 
tion, were most conspicuous. And in tlie chise of all, his conduct belied the 
assertions and disappointed the expectations of both ; for, when he fell from 
the throne, he neither exhibited the vigour which was anticipated by his 
admirers, nor the selfishness which was imputed to him by his enemies. 

In truth, however, he was consistent throughout; and when his character 
comes to be surveyed in the historic mirror, the same features are everywhere 
conspicuous. His elevation, his duration^ and his fall are seen to have been all 
brought about by the same qualities. He rose to greatness, and was long 


[1848 A J>.] 

maintained in it because he was the man of the age ; but that age was neither 
an age of heroism nor of virtue, but of selfishness. 

The vicissitudes of his life had exceeded everything that romance had 
figured, or imagination could have conceived. The gallery of portraits in the 
sumptuous halls of the Palais Royal exhibited him with truth, successively 
a young prince basking in the sunshine of rank and opulence at Paris, a 
soldier combating under the tricolour flag at Valmy, a schoolmaster instruct- 
ing his humble scholars in Switzerland, a fugitive in misery in America, a 
sovereign on the throne of Frauce. 

These extraordinary changes had made him as thoroughly acquainted with 
the ruling principles of human nature in all grades as the misfortunes of his 
own house, the recollection of his father guillotined had with the perils by 
which, in his exalted rank, he was environed. Essentially ruled by the self- 
ish, he was incapable of feeling the generous emotions ; like all egotists, he 
was ungrateful. Thankfulness finds a place only in a warm heart. He was 
long deterred from accepting the crown by the prospects of the risk with 
which it would be attended to himself, but not for one moment by the reflec- 
tion that, in taking it, he was becoming a traitor to his sovereign, a renegade 
to his order, a recreant to his benefactor. His hypocrisy, to the last moment, 
to Charles X was equalled only by his stern and hard-hearted rigour to 
his family, when he had an opportunity of making some return for their 

His government was extremely expensive ; it at once added a third to 
the expenditure of Charles X, as the Long Parliament had done to that of 
Charles I ; and it was mainly based on corruption. This, however, is not 
to be imputed to him as a fault, further than as being a direct consequence 
of the way in which he obtained the throne. When the " unbought loyalty of 
men " has come to an end, government has no hold but of their selfish desires, 
and must rule by them ; and when the " cheap defence of nations " has ter- 
minated, the costly empire of force must commence. As a set-off to these 
dark stains upon his moral character, there are many bright spots on his 
political one. He stood between Europe and the plague of revolution, and, 
by the temperance of his language and the wisdom of his measures at once 
conciliated the absolute continental sovereigns, when they might have been 
expected to be hostile, and overawed the discontented in his own country 
when they were most threatening.^ 



Perh»p« ttere is no event in lier hiBtory which ba* done more to 
lower France in the estrniation of the world than the revohitvon of 
1848. The old monarchy had u glamour and brilllaiicj' which gave it 
a high place in the world's afTairt^ a« they stood then, hut the evUs 
and the injustice which it hrought about furniuhed some excuBca for 
the first Revolution, even in tlie eyes of those who most hitterly con- 
demned that event. The first empire, though infinitelv more dinaHtrons 
to Prance than the Revolution, covered its Hius in a Llaze of military 
glory. The revolution of 183U had its explanation, if m»l juHtiRcntion, 
m the inquietude and th^ reactionary character of Clmrle>4 X and hin 
Burroundings. The errors and calamities of IHTO-Tl were condoned by 
the courage, the endurance, and the elasticity of the French people. 
But in 1848 Franco had enjoyed eighteen years of constitutional gov- 
ernment. It had maintained |>eace abroad and in gwHl measure at 
home, and the country had advanced greatly in we-alth and prtisperity. 
The king was humane, liberal, and well Inlentioned.and it seemed as if 
gradual reform might have reme<iied the moderate comparative dis- 
advantages from which the country Kuflferod. But all this was over- 
turned at a blow, the country ])luugt^d into auarcby, civil war averted 
odIt by fierce IdwKlshed in Paris, and after a fnw years of hesitation 
ana fear the nation was handed over to despotiBm almost as mean and 
contemptible as that of Louis XV. — Uamalibl Bradford.^ 


It was the 24th of February; the hour was half past one. The king had 
gone, and the dynasty had now no representative. The count de Paris was 
a child» with no immediate right to (he throne. The duke de Nemours, 
investeil legally with the regency, had followed the king^s example and ab- 
dicated; the duchess of Orleans was not yet regent. The king, out of respect 
to l^ality, had not appointed her; and she had not been recognised by any 
public power. Some friends ha<l gone with her to the chamber of deputies 
m the hope of renewing in her favour the election of 1830. To support this 
monarcliy with no constitutional title, there was neither armv, ministry, 




nor ministers. Thiers felt himself left behind, and abandoned the struggle. 
Odilon Barrot alone, an obstinate minister with only undefined and tem- 
porary powers, had made himself minister of the interior. But such was 
the effect of the Revolution that in the midst of all the news he knew nothing; 
in the very centre of action, he was quite devoid of power. Influence, au- 
thority, power were elsewhere — in the open street, at the discretion of the 
first comer. 

Moreover, Armand Marrast, thanks to his tact and quick decision, had 
managed for some weeks both the intrigue and the intriguers. He knew, 
as a true disciple of Aristophanes, that the people love to be flattered and 
led; that they vote and applaud, but must have matters decided for them. 
In a secret coimcil, which was held a few days before the Revolution, Marie 
had suggested the advisability of naming a provisional government. This 
advice, when adopted, became the signal for order. Le National hastened 
to name those who should compose the government: Dupont (de I'Eure), 
Francois Arago, Marie, Gamier-Pag^, Ledru-Rollin, Odilon Barrot, and 
Marrast; a compromise list, doubtfess, since Armand Marrast figured by 
the side of Ledru-Rollin and the latter with Odilon Barrot. But it was a 
list with a double tendency, favouring both the republic and the regency. 

Emmanuel Arago, who brought the corrected list to Le Nationalf amved 
at the Palais Bourbon and went m at the same time as the duchess of Orleans. 
This latter placed herself in the semicircle at the foot of the tribune, having 
beside her the duke de Nemours and her two sons, the count de Paris and the 
duke de Chartres. Dupin spoke, interrupted by acclamations from the 
national guard, the army, and the people who had thronged round the duchess 
as she passed from the Tuileries to the Palais Bourbon and in the palace 
itself. He demanded a formal act of prociu^ation. Cheers burst out again, 
while on the other hand they cried, "A provisional govemmenti" 

Lamartine demanded that the sitting be suspended " out of respect to 
the national representation and the duchess of Orleans." " It was almost 
the same thing," says Dupin, "as proposing to put the young kmg and his 
mother out of the hall as intruders who \md no right to be present at the 
sitting. But this same sitting, because the king was present, was in reality 
a royal one." Sauzet suspended the sitting, but the duchess did not leave 
the hall. She only went to the higher seats in the amphitheatre. An outburst 
of enthusiasm in the chamber, the presence of the duchess, the concurrence 
of several resolute men might have determined for a r^ency. Like those of 
1830, the barricades of 1^8 might have served to support a throne. The 
men of Le National felt the perfl. La Rochejaquelein demanded an appeal 
to the people: "You count for nothing here; you are no longer in power," 
he said to the deputies; "the chamber of deputies as a chamber no longer 
exists. I say, gentlemen, that the nation should be convoked, and then 

Here the nation indeed interrupted by an irruption of the crowd, which 
now for the first time came pourmg in, uttering cries of "Dethronement! 
Dethronement! " The cause of the regency was lost. Crowd followed crowd, 
orator followed orator. Cr^mieux, Lamartine, Ledru-Rollin contested the 
tribune with invaders from the people. "No more Bourbons! Down with 
traitors!" they cried. 

Lamartine succeeded Ledru-Rollin in the tribime. Even before he began 
to speak they cheered and applauded him, as if to win him over forever to 
the republic. In 1842 he had defended the regency of the duchess of Orleans, 
but he dismissed this inopportune recollection. He let fall, however, a sym- 


(1848 A.i>.] 

pathetic phrase about "this augast princess and her innocent son." Then 
fearing, from the murmurs which arose, that he woulil he taken for a partisan 
of the monarchy, he hastened to demand a provisional government. He 
made no distinction between *' national representation and representation by 
citizens from the people, but accepted the competency of tliis multitude and 
drew up the programme of a government which would first restore public 
peace and then convoke all t!ie citizens in popular assemblies. At the-se 
words, and as if touched by one common impulse, new combatants invaded 
the assembly — men from the chateau d'Eau, pillagers and deva.stators of the 
Tuileries, who came to soil with their presence the palace of national repre- 
sentation as they had soiled the royal abode. 
The dynastic deputies slipped out. Sauzet put 
on his hat. rang his bell, and ordered silence; not 
obtaiiiing it, he declared the sitting closed and 
ouitt4xl Uie chair. It was at this juncture that the 
Guchess of OrleanB escaped with her 

Dupont de I'Eure. venerated Nestor 
of the repubhcjin party, consented to 
preside over this horde of excited con- 
stituents. But what human voice had 
power to dominate the tumult? Bas- 
tide thought of writhig on an imuienbe 
sheet of paper, with a finger 
dipped in ink, the five 
names of those who should 
compose the government; 
but the sheet slipped and 
fell down from the rail 
where it was hung. The 
list was pafised to Lamar- 
tine: "I cannot read it," 
he sai<i ; ** mv own name is 
there." They asked M. 
Crtmieux: " I cannot read 
it," he answered ; "my name 
is not there." Atlast, aff4?r 
many fruitless efforts^ while 
rejxrated cries of " No more 
Bourbons! We want a re- 
public!" arost\ Dupont de I'Eure succeeded in reading out the names of 
Lamartine, Ledm-Rollin, Aragn, DuT)ont ile TEure, and Marie, which were 
accepted unanimously. A voice cried: "The members of the provisional gov- 
ernment must shout * Vive la R^publique* before being named and nrceptcd." 
But Socage, the democratic actor, cried, " To the H5to]-de-Ville with Lamartine 
at our head!" and lamartine, accompanied by Bocage and a large number 
of citizens, left the hall. 

While this tumultuous proclamation was being matlc in the chamber of 
deputies, Louis Blanc in the office of La R^forme was holding a meeting of 
the eilitors of the journal and some political friends, He also was drawing 
up a list for a provisional government. 

However, the provisional government wandered about the nation's palace 
without finding any spot where they could deliberate in peace, or where they 



[1848 A.D.] 

would he free from the importunate sovereignty of the people?. They shut 
themselves up in a room^ but petitioners hunted them out; they hid in another, 
certain delegates intonxned with authority; with much trouble they found 
refuge in a third. Lamartine drew up the first proolamation to the French 
nation; then the members of the government disposed of the ministerial 
offices. Dupont de TEure, on account of his age, was exempted, but was 
given the title of president of councU. Lamartine became foi*eign minister; 
Arago, head of the admiralty; Cn5mieux, soHcitor-general; Marie, minister 
of public works; Ledru-Rollin, minister of the interior (home secretary). 
Gamier-Pages was confirmed in his office of mayor of Paris. 

Towards half past eight Louis Blanc, Marrast, and Flocon were intro- 
duced into the deliberating asaembly. Louis Blanc im|x*riously demanded 
the inscription of his name and those of Marrast and Flocon on the list of 
members of the provisional government. He was offered the post of secre- 
tary. He refused at first; then, seeing himself abandoned by Marrast and 
Flocon, he retracted his refusal. 

Thus the government was finally completed. Every shade of republi- 
canism was represented: mo*!crate opinions, by Dupont de I'Eure, Araeo, 
and Marie; adaptability, bv Garnier-Pag^s and Cr^mieux; socialism, oy 
Louis Blanc; communism, by Albert; recollections of the convention, by 
Ledru-Rollin and Flocon; republican bourgeoisie, by Armand Marrast. 
Lamartine, who by his pa*Ht, his name, and his aristocratic connections was 
looked on with the least favour by the public, personified in himself the 
diverse characters of his colleagues. He was not exactly the adversary nor 
the ally of any of them, but was donnnated by a superior impartiality. But 
this same impartiality which constituted his strength was also a source of 
weakness. Sometimes he resisted, sometimes he yielded — less from force of 
conviction than from a spirit of tolerance, and in order to evade imme<iiate 
embarnussnient or peril. Among the mendx^rs there wius one whose ideas 
and sentiments were totally opposed to these — Louis Blanc. According to 
him the Revolution ought to call itself the republic, and tlie republic ought to 
realise high ideals. He would allow no temporising, no concession. We 
have seen h'un exact the inscription of his name on the goverimient list: we 
shall see him in the council oppose himself to all, supporter:! in his isolation 
by the intervention of the masses, and succeed in dictating measures most 
fatal to the republic. 

In short, from the first hour, such was the critical situation of the pro- 
visional government, which owed its origin to popular sovereignty, that it 
was constantly in dispute with that sovereignty. Tlie crowd had encroached 
upon royalty; it now began to complain that the provisional govermnent 
encroached upon its domain. First it had applauded; then it asked arro- 
gantly by what right they had seized the power. 

"By what right?" cried Lamartine, who facfxl the danger; "by the right 
of the blood which flows, of the fire which devours your buildings, of the 
nation without leaders, of the people without a guide or orders, and to- 
morrow, perhajxs, without bread. By right of our most devoted and cour- 
ageous citizens. Since I must say it, in right of those who were the first 
to yield their souls to suspicion, their blood to the scaffokl, their heads to 
the vengeance of peoples or kings to save the nation." The provisional gov- 
ernment, after it had acquired power, paid for it at the price of complaint, 
opposition, and hostility from the crowd. In the narrow place where they 
deliberated their electors besieged tliem, kept them prisoners. None of their 
decrees reached their destination \\ithout having passed through the hands 


' ^^^ THE BEPUBLIO OF 1848 8» 

of strict censors who took note of their contents and their destination. It 
was the puiiislimeut of thase wlio all their lives had invoked the sovereignty 
of the people, to be suddenly left face to face witli them, with no alternative 
save to bow before their decrees or perish under their blows.'' 


The first care which devolved upon tlie provLsional government was to 
make head against the violence of its own support-ers. DurinE the three 
tlays that Paris had been in a state of insun*ection, no work had been any- 
where done; and as the great bulk of the labouring classes were alike destitute 
of capital or credit, they already began to feel the pangs of hunger on the 
nioming of the 2,')th, when the provLsional government, ha\'ing sunnounted 
the storms of the night, was bcguming to discharge its functions. An enor- 
mous crowd, amoiuiting to above one hundred thousand persons, filled the 
place de Gr<^ve and surrounded the lifttol-de-V'ille on every side, as well as 
every passage, stair, and ai)artment in that spacious edifice itself. So {iense 
was the throng, so severe the pressure, that the members of the government 
itself could scarcely breathe where they sat; and if they attempted to go out 
to aildress the people outside, or for any other cause, it Wiis only by the most 
\iolent exertion of personal strength that their purpose could be effected. 

Decrees to satisfy the mob were drawn up every quarter of an hour, an<l, 
when signed, were passed over the heads of the throng into an adjoining 
apartment, where they were instantly thrown off by the printers of Le Moni- 
teuTf and thence plac-arded in Paris, and sent by the telegraph over all France. 
Under these influences were brought forth the first acts of the provisional 
government, some of which wore singularly trifling, but very descriptive of 
the pressure under which they had been drawn up. One issued on the 25th 
of February changed the placing of the colours on the tricolour flag, putting 
the blue where the red had Fjeen; a second abolisheii the expressions Alonsieur 
and Mad/ime, sut)8tituting for them the words Ciloyen- and Ciioyeiine: a third 
liberated all functionaries from their oaths of allegiance; a fourth directed 
the words LiherUy KgalUij FralemitS to be inscribed on all devices and on all 
the walls of Paris, and changed the names of the streets and squares into 
otliers of a revolutionary sound and meaning. This was followed on the 27th 
by others of a more alarming import, or deeper signification. One ordered 
everyone to wear a red rosett^e in his button-hole; another directeil trees of 
liberty to be planttnl in all the public squares, and reopened the clubs; a 
third changed the names of the colleges of Paris, and of the titles of general 
officers; and a fourth abolished all titles of nobility, forbidding anyone to 
assume them. 

But the provisional government soon found that it was not by such decrees 
that the passions of the people were to be satiated, or their hunger appeaseil. 
Alreatly, on the morn'mg of the 25th, before tliey hud had time to do any- 
thing, the well-known features of popular insurrection had displayed them- 
selves. The Tuiieries antl the Palais Royal had bwn abaniloned to the 
populace the evening before, as in truth, after the king had abdicated, there 
was no longer any government to withstand their excesst^s. Tliese august 
palaces were sacked from top to bottom, their splendid furniture was burnwl 
or thrown out of the windows, the ceflars were emptictl of all the wines which 
they contained. Tlic presence of tlie national guard and troops of the line, 
who were still under arms, prevented these excesses going further in the 
metropolis; but tlrnt only caused the storm to burst with the more fury on the 



[IMS ▲.D.l 

comparatively unprotected buildings in the country around it. Over a 
circle formed by a radius of thirty leagues round Paris, all the railway sta- 
tions were sacked and bume<i; the bridges were in great part broken down, 
or set on fire; even the rails in many places were torn up and scattered about. 
The beautiful chateau of Neuilly near Paris, the favourite abode of the late 
king, was plundered and half-burned. Versailles was threatened with a 
similar fate, which was only averted by the firm attitude of the national 
guard, which turned out for the protection of that palace, no longer of kings 
but of the fine arts. But the magnificent chdteau of RothscliiUi near Su- 

resnes was sacked and burned by 
a mob from Melun, at the very 
time when that banker was put- 
ting at the dispxjsal of the pro- 
visional government fifty thou- 
sand francs, to assuage the 
sufferings of the wounded in the 

Imagination may figure, but 
no w^ords can convey, an adequate 
idea of the tremendous pressure 
exercised on the provisional gov- 
ernment during the first days 
succeeding their installation. But 
of all the pressing cases, by far 
the most urgent was to pacify 
and feed the enormous multitude 
of destitute workmen whom the 
Revolution had throw7i out of 
employment, and who crowded 
into tlie place de Gr6ve, threat- 
enbig the government with de- 
struction if they did not instantly 
give them bread and work. They 
nunidated the salle du govveme- 
mentj and extorted from the over- 
whelmed members a decree '* guar- 
anteeing employment to all, and 
bestowing on the combatants on 
the barricades the million of 
francs eavetl by the tennination 
of the civil list.'^ Though this decree was a vast concession to the working' 
classes, and indicated not ol>scurely the commencement of that socialist pres- 
sure on the government which was ere long felt so severely, yet it was far 
from meeting the wishes of the angrj' and famishing crowd who filled the 
place de Gr^ve and all the adjoining streets.* 

Har<:Uy hai:l they publishe<.l the proclamation on the labour question, when 
a great uprising broke forth on the square of the H6tel-de-\'ille. New 
bands sallied forth firing off their muskets and crying, "Theral flag! the red 
flag!" They penetrated into the hotel, a red banner at their head. It was 
a decisive moment. It was important to know whether the flag of the Revo- 
lution anfl of modern France were t« disappear Ijefore a factional standard; 
if all tradition were broken, and society plunged into an unknown abyss. 
Lamartme forced his way to the grand staircase, from the top of which, 

BtTRMixo or A Cratbac 


^ ^^^ THE REPUBLIC OF 1848 91 

(1848 A.D.] 

siter the most heroic efforts, he made himself heard by the crowd. He en- 
deavourrtl to calm this seething muUihide by appeahn^ to the sentiments 
of harmony and humanity which they had sho\\Ti in the victory of the previous 
evening; he Lmplonxl the people riot to impose on his government a standard 
of civil war, not to force it to change the flag of the nation and the name of 
France: "The government," cried he, "will die rather than dishonour itself 
by obeying you — I will resist unto the end this flag of blood. The rod flag 
has made but the tour of the Champ de Mars, bedraggled witli the blood of 
the people in '91; the tricolouretl flag had made the tour of the world, with 
the name, the glory, and the liberty of the countrj'." These men, passionat-e 
but easily influence*.!, broke fortli mto cheers. Lamartine had conquered 
them. They tore down their red flag. 

The high stature, the noble an<l handsome face of Lamartine, his fine 
gestures, his grave and sonorous voicC; his serene attitude during the most 
violent demonstrations of the unruly populace, had, as much as his elr>quent 
wonJs, seized the imagination and touched the heart of his stormy audience. 
These scenes, which occurred many times, made of Lamartine. for several weeks, 
one of the most original and most majestic figures in the history of France. 
He resembled perhaps more the ancient orators than those of tlie Revolution./ 


But although the danger of a bloody republic was got over at the moment, 
yet it was evident to all that some lasting measures were indispensable in 
order to provide security for tlie government, and the employment of the 
idle and violent persons who were assembled in the streets. The municipal 
guard had been disbanded, and the whole military ha<l been sent out of the 
city by the provisional government, in order to appease the |>eople and avoid 
the risk of collisions, which might be highly dangerous. Thus the govern- 
ment was entirely at the mercy f)f the mob, and the only protection they could 
invoke consisted in two battalions formed of volunteers, who had pbiced their 
bayonets at the disposal of the authorities. 

They decreed the forniati*>n, accordingly, of a new urban corps called the 
garde mobilet to be compose^l of those who had been most fletermined on 
the barricades; and the plan would, it was hoped, enrol on the side of the 
government the most fonniihible of those who had recently iK'cn leagued 
together for its overthrow. It perfectly succeeded. High pay — (.louble 
that of the troops of the line — soon attracted into the ranks the most ardent 
of those who had been engaged in the hit^ disturbances, ami the garde mobile, 
which soon consisted of twenty-four battalions, and mustered fourteen thou- 
sand bayonets, rendered essential service to the cause of order in the subse- 
quent convulsions. 

Several other mea.sures, less creditable to the authorities but not less 
descriptive of the pressure umler which they laboured, emanated at the same 
time from the busy legislative mill in the II6tel-<le-Ville. Acts of accusa- 
tion were launched forth against Duchatel, Salvandy, Montebello, and all the 
members of the late ministry, March 1st; but this was a mere feigned cortces- 
sion to the passions of the people; the provisional government, to its honour 
be it spoken, ha<l no intention of proceeding seriously against them. Gra- 
tuitous tickets to the opera were largely distributed among the people; but, 
as well observed, it was poor consolation for a man who had gi»t no iliuiier 
to be presented with an opera ticket. The licentious mob who had plundered 
and kept possession of the Tuileries were at length got out March 6th, but 



[1848 A.D.] 
only by a great display of military force, and on the express condition that 
they were to be taken to the Hitel-de-V^ille, thanked for their patriotic con- 
duct, and presented with certificates of good behaviour. 

A fresh element of discord soon arose from the liberation of Blanqui, 
Barb^s, Bernard, Huber, and all the political prisoners in Paris, whom long 
confinement had roused to perfect frenzy against authority of every kind. 
Then* first measure was to reopen all the chibs, whicli soon resountled with 
declamations as violent as any which had ushered in the horrors of the Reign 
of Terror. A hundred of them were opened in a few days, chiefly in the worst 
parts of Paris, and every night crowded by furious multitudes. The gov- 
ernment, in compliance with their demands, authorised the planting of trees 
of liberty, in imitation of the orgies of the first revolution. 

But the provisional government had soon more serious cares to occupy 
them. Distrust aiul distress, the inevitable attendants on successful revo- 
lution, ere long appeared m their most appalling form. The government, 
having guaranteeu employment and sufficient wages to every citizen, soon 
found thcm.selvcs embarrassed to the very last degree by the mullitndes 
every day thrown upon them. Credit was at a stand; the manufactories 
and workshops were closed, and the thousands who earned their bread in 
them were thrown destitute upon the streets. So violent was the panic, so 
strong (he desire to realLs<\ that the five-per-cents fell in the l>eginning of 
March to forty-five! 

"Nothing," says Lord Normanbyjjr "surprised me more, in the wonderful 
changes of the last few days, than the utter destruction of all conventional 
value attached to articles of luxiuy or display. Pictures, statues, plat-e, 
jewels, shawls, furs, laces, all one is accustomed to consider property, became 
as useless lumber. Ladies, anxious to realise a smaU sum in order to seek 
safety in flight, have in va'm endeavoured to raise a pittance upon the most 
costly jewels. What signifietl that they were *rich and rare,' when no one 
couLl or would buy them?" It was melancholy to see the most civilised cap- 
ital in the world suddenly re<iuced to the primitive condition of barter. 

In these circumstances it was vain to think of the ordinary channels of 
employment being reopene<l, and nothing remained but for the government 
to take upon themselves, in the meantime at least, the employment of the 
people. For this jjurpose, on the 27th and 2Sth of February, decrees were 
passed appointing great workshops called aieliers nationuux, where all the 
unemploycil nuight be set to work. As the idle were the very men who had 
mtule the Revolution, it was indispensable to keep them ingood humour, and 
for this purpose the wages given were two francs a day. This was more than 
the average rate even in prosperous periods, and it had the effect of bringing 
a host of needy and clamorous claimants, not only from Paris but all the towns 
in the neighbourhood. The numbers in the first week were only five thousand, 
but they soon increased in a fearful progression; from the Ist to the 15th of 
April they swelletl to 36,250, and at length reached the enormous number of 
IIT.CKX)! The daily cost of their maintenance exceeded two hundred thou- 
sand francs. Thus enormous expenditure was necessary, for the universal 
prostration of credit, hoarding of specie, and disappearance of capital ren- 
dered it impossible to get quit of workmen once enrolled in the brigades of 
the unemployed; the government were obliged to add much from the secret- 
service money to support them, in addition to the vast sums publicly applied 
to their relief; and, m truth, they were kept up as well from the desire always 
to have a huge army of dependants reatly to support the revolutionary gov- 
ernment as from Uie necessities of their situation. 



[1848 4.D.J 

' In these huge workshops were collected a crowd of workmen, all of difFercrit 
traties; and they were all set to the same emplojinent, which was generally 
that of removing nuisances, levelling barricades, or taking away dunghills. 
Even these humble employments were soon done: nothing remained for the 
enormous multitude to do; for as to making articles of luxury, or even con- 
venience, for the public, that was out of the question at a time when no one 
was purchasing more than the absolute necessaries of life. Thus the ateliers 
nalionaiix soon turned into vast pay-shops^ where idle crowds hung about all 
day, receiving two francs a day for doing nothing. In the latter period of 
their existence there were not two thousand actually at work out of 110,000 
on the public rolls. There was no one concerned in the administration who 
was to blame for this state of things. It was unavoidable in the circum- 
stances, just as was the employing of two hundred thousand starv^ing labourers 
on the public roads in Ireland, at the same time. 

\\Tien the increasing necessities of the numeroTis classes whom the Revo- 
lution had deprived of breatl forced the subject of their maintenance on an 
unwilling government, the cry was for the appointment of a minister pour 
V organisation de travail; and the public voice, exprea^ed on an hundred 
banners reared aloft in the place de Gr^ve, designated Louis Blanc, whose 
socialist prmciples had long been known, for the high office. To avoid the 
danger, and yet escape the obloquy of openly resisting a demand so supported, 
they fell upon the device of appointing Louis Blanc president of a commission 
appointed to sit at the Luxembourg and inquire into the condition of the 
working anrl the means of relieving their distresses. They avssociateil 
with Louis Blanc in this commission the acknowledged chiefs of all the sects 
of socialists and communists. The ateliers nationaux^ however, were not put 
under their direction. They remained under the orders of Marie, the minister 
of commerce; and in consequence of this not being generally adverted to, 
and the Luxembourg being regarded as the centre of the communist action 
and the source of communist measures, much unjust obloquy has been brought 
upon Louis Blanc and his socialist supporters. 

Three circumstances distinguished this revolution from both of those 
which had preceded it. The first is the entire absence of all religious jeal- 
ousy or rancour by which it was distinguished. No one needs be told that 
the very reverse was the case in the first revolution. The same was the case, 
though in a lesser degree, in the revolution of 1830. Hatred of the Jesuits, 
and je^dousy of the influence they were supposed to be acquiring in the gov- 
ernment and the educational establishments of the country, were the chief 
causes of the overthrow of Charles X. But on this occasion, this, the most 
deadly poison that can be mixed up with the revolutionary passions, was 
entirely wanting. The old animosity of the revolutionists against the clergy 
seemed to have disappeared. The Revolution was ardently supported by the 
clergy, in the first instance at least, esiK*cially in the rural districts. The priests 
blesse<l the trees of liberty which were planted in the villages and squares; 
fer\'ent prayers were offered up for the republic from the altars; the priests, 
surrounded by their flocks, marchetl to the polling-places for the elections 
for the assembly when they came on. This cliange is very remarkable^ and 
suggests much matter for reflection; but it is easily explained when we rec- 
ollect that the Church had lost all its property during the first revolution, 
and ceased to be either an object of ^xwy from its wealth, or of jealousy 
from its power. Thrown upon their flot^ks for support, since the miserable 
pittance of forty pounds a year allowed by the government barely sufficed 
lor existence, the clergy had identified themselves with their interests and 



shared their desires. The government of Louis Philippe had been so hostile 
to religion that they in secret rejoiced at its overthrow. 

The second circumstance which distinguished this revolution was the 
sedulous attention now paid to the demands and interests of labour. It was 
the interests of capital and the bourgeoisie which were chiefly, if not exclu- 
sively, considered m the revolution of 1830. Robespierre and Saint-Just had 
professed, and probably felt, a warm interest in the concerns of the working 
classes; but they could see no other way of serving them but by cutting off 
the heads of all above them. The lapse of thirty-three years' peace smce 
1815, and the vast increase of industry which had in consequence taken 
p^ce, had now, however, given a more practical direction to men's thoughts. 
They no longer thought that they were to be benefited by placing the heads 
of the rich under the guillotine; they adopted a plan, in appearance at least, 
more likely to be attended with the desired effect, and that was to put their 
own hands into their pockets. Encouraged by the conferences at the Lux- 
embourg and the socialist declamations of Louis Blanc, as well as the decrees 
of the government, which guaranteed employment and full wages to all the 
working classes, they all imited now in demanding from their employers at 
once an increase of wages and a diminution in the hours of labour! By a 
decree of the government, the hoiu^s of labour of all sorts in Paris were fixed 
at ten hours a day, though in the provinces they were left at twelve hours. 
Tliese demands, too, were made at a time when, in consequence of the panic 
consequent on the Revolution, and the imivei^ hoarding of the precious 
metals which had ensued, the price of every species of industrial produce, so 
far from rismg, was rapidly falling, and sale of everything, except the mere 
necessaries of life, had become impossible! The consequence, as might have 
been anticipated, was that mostly all the master-manufacturers closed their 
workshops; and in the first two weeks of March, above an hundred thousand 
were out of employment in Paris alone, and thirty or forty thousand in 
Rouen, Lyons, and Bordeaux! 

A third effect which ensued from the peculiar character of this revolution, 
as the revolt of labour against capital, was the strongest aversion on the part 
of all its promoters to the principles of free trade, and a decided adherence 
to that of protection. 

But all other consequences of the Revolution fade into insignificance 
compared with the commercial and monetary crisis which resulted from its 
success, and, in its ultimate results, was attended with the most important 
effects upon the fortimes of the republic. The panic soon spread from the 
towns to the country; the peasants, fearful of being plundered, either by 
robbery or the emission of assignats, hastened to hide their little stores of 
money; specie disappeared from the circulation. 


The time was now approaching when something definite required to be 
adopted by the provisional government in regard to the future constitution 
of the republic. With this view the government felt that it was necessary 
to convoke a national assembly; but before that could be done, the basis 
required to be fixed on which the election of its members should proceed. 
In these moments of republican fervour, there could be no doubt of the prin- 
ciple which required to be adopted. The convention of 1793 presented the 
model ready made to their hwids. The precedent of that year accordingly 
was followed, with a trifling alteration, merely in form, which subsequent 



[1848 A«D.] 

experience had proved to be necessary. The number of the assembly was 
fixed at nine hundred, hicluding the representatives of Algeria and the other 
colonies, and it was declared that the members should Ijc distributed in exact 
proiX)rtion to the popuhition. The whole was to form one assembly, chosen 
by universal suffrage. Every person was to be atlmitted to vote who had 
attained tlie age of twenty-one, who had resided six months in a commune, 
and had not been judicially deprived of his suiTrage. Any Frenchman of 
the age of twenty-five, not judicially deprived of his rights, was declared 
eligible as a representative. The voting was to be secret, by signing lists; 
and no one could be elected unless he had at least two thousand votes. The 
deputies were to receive twenty-five francs a day for their expenses during 
the sitting of the assembly. This was soon followed by another decree, 
which ordered all prisoners for civil or conunercial debts to be inunetliately 
aet at liberty. 

The provisional government, at the head of which was Lamartine^ were 
at the same time labouring courageously and energetically to coerce the vio- 
lent party, and direct tlie RevoKiHon into comparatively safe and pacific 
channels. Tlie first act whicli evinced the objects of this section of the gov- 
ernment, and obtained the concurrence of the whole, was a important 
and noble one — the abolition of the punishment of death in purely political 
cases. This great victory of humanity and justice over the strongest pas- 
sions of excited and revengeful man was achieved by the provisional gov- 
ernment in the very first moments of their installation in power, and when 
surrounded by a violent nioh loudly clainouring Utr the drapfau rouge and 
the conmicncement of foreign war and the reign of blo<xi. Wliatever may 
be said of the tricolour flag making the tour of the globe, there can be no 
doubt that this great and just innovation will do so. To regard internal 
eneniies, provided they engage only in open and legitimate warfare, in the 
same manner as external foes, to slav them in battle, but give quarter and 
treat them as prisoners of war after the conflict is over, is the first great step 
in lessening the horrors of civil conflict. On the contrary, the full merit of 
their noble and courageous conduct will not be appreciated unless it is recol- 
lected that, without guards or protection of any sort, tliey were, at the very 
time they passed this decree, exposed to the hostility of a bloodthirsty fac- 
tion, loudly clamoiu-ing for the restoration of the guillotine, a s<M'ond reign 
of terror, and a forcible propagandism to spread revolution through foreign 

Though the republic, generally speaking, was received in silent submis- 
sion in the provinces when the telegraph announced its establishment in Paris, 
yet, in those places where the democratic spirit was peculiarly strong, it was 
not inaugurated without verj' serious disorders. At Lyons it was proclaimed 
at ei^ht at night, on the 2oth of February, 1848, by t^irchlight; and before 
midnight, the incendiar>' torch had been applied to the religious and chari- 
table establishments of the Croix Rouge, FourvierCj and the faubourg du Paix. 

Delivered over to the rule of u tutniiltnous mob, the condition of Lyons 
for several months was miserable in the extreme; and though perfectly aware 
of these disorders, the government did not venture to attempt their suppres- 
sion. In the midst of this universal excitement and fever, a very serious 
run took place on the savings banks, and these establishments soon found 
that they were unable to pay the deposits in specie. 

When such elements of discord existed, not only in the state but in tlie 
provisional government itself, it was only a qucf^tion of time when an open 
rupture was to take place between them. It was brought on, however, 


[1848 A.D.] 

somewhat sooner than had been expected, by an ordinance of Ledru-RoUin, 
published on the 14th of March, ordering the dissolution of the flank com- 
panies, or campagnies d*dite as they were called, of the national guard, and 
the dispersion of their members, without distinction or equipment, among 
the ordinary companies of the legion. The object of this was to destroy 
the exclusive aspect and moral influence of these companies, which, being 
composed of the richer class of citizen, formed the nucleus of a body which 
naturally inclined to conservative principles, and mi^ht impede the designs 
of the extreme revolutionary partv. To "democratise," as it was called, 
the whole body, the decree ordered these companies to be dispersed among 
the others, and the whole to vote together for the election of the officers, 
which was to take place in a few days.« 

On the 16th of March, these 61ite companies of the old national guard 
made a demonstration in a body twenty-flve thousand strong at the H6tel- 
de-Ville in order to test the strength of the forces at the disposal of the peo- 
ple. In revenge, on the following day, the workmen's corporations, the 
del^ates to the Luxemboui^, and the national workshops, excited by leaders 
who wished to drive them to extremes, organised a counter-demonstration 
in favour of the proletariat. The provisional government, whose members 
dung together in spite of internal rivalries, was obliged every day to deliver 
speeches and proclamations which gave Lamartine an ever-increasing but 
ephemeral popularity. In order not to leave the capital tmdefended in the 
hands of the factionists, the provisional government ordered back to Paris 
some battalions of the army which had left humiliated on the 23rd of Feb- 

After a new socialistic demonstration which repulsed the national guard 
and a feast of fraternity on the 21st of April which reconciled no one, the 
electoral colleges met on Sunday, the 23rd of April. The elections were 
held, for the first tune, by universal suffrage. This meant passing from 
222,000 electors to 9,000,000 — a sudden upheaval of political life which had 
not been expected and which would inevitably cause disaster. 

The election of Lamartine in ten departments characterised this moment 
of the Revolution. The 4th of May the constituent assembly met and sol- 
emnly proclaimed the republic; and, despite the remembrance of the feeble- 
ness of the Directory, it imprudently placed the agreement in the hands of 
an executive commission composed of five members: Arago, Gamier-Pagte, 
Marie, Lamartine, and Ledru-Rollin. 

It seemed that nothing was left but to frame a constitution. Unfortu- 
nately, every day the Revolution was interpreted in a different way. Some 
held that it was exclusively political and tried to restrict it to a few modifica- 
tions in the form of government, while others wanted it to be social and aimed 
at transforming society. Many even spoke of returning to the monarchy, 
and some dreamed of entirely demolishing all public authority. 

They began by an attack on the national assembly. The 15th of May, 
under the pretext of carrying to the deputies a petition in favour of Poland, 
a movement was made against the chamber.^ 


The petitioners assembled at the place de la Bastille, and began their 
march about 11 o'clock. Their attitude was not hostile; but, on the boule- 
vard du Temple, Blanqui and his club awaited their coming, quickly placed 
themselves at the head of the coliunn, and moved forward with the greatest 



(IMS A-D.] 

rapidity. The assembly came forth on the place de la Madeleine much earlier 
than they were expected. The national guard, weary of being summoned 
so often in vain, had not responded in a large number to the call upon them; 
in spite of this they would have been able to avert the danger had they con- 
centrated. Insteatl of taking thia necessary measure at once, General Cour- 
tais ha<l the unfortunate idea of overtakmg this mass of people — he imagined 
he could stop them by kind words. In the first lines were the most violent 
characters; amongst Ihein were some armed men. Tliese paid no attention 
to Courtais, but passed on; the rest followed. The crowd bordered the place 
de la Concorde and advanced toward the bridge. In a short time it hurled 
itself against the gratings of the assembly. 

Lamartine and Ledru-Rollin attempted to harangue the multitude from 
the top of the stairs where the assembly, some days before, had come to mix 
hs republican acclamations with those of the people of Paris. The eloquence 
of the poet and of the tribune did not have the same a^scendency at this 
moment as at the H6te!-vie-\*ille. The multitude continued to shake the 
gratings and cry, "Down with the bayonets!" Courtais gave the command 
to a thoasand of the national j^ard and the garde mobile Ui slu-athe their 
bayonets; then he had a grating ofx-ned to admit twenty delegates: a much 
larger number followed Blanqui. The crowd went round the palace to the 

Elace de Bourgogne; there they joined the club de Barb^s, not to invade 
ut to ob8er\'e. VVhen they were sure that Blanqui had entered they wished 
also to enter; there took place, on the place de Bourgogne, a m*'Ue, a terrible 
stampede. The gratings on that side were forced: the multitude poured 
into the a&sembly room; others enteretl directly by forcing the doors. At 
the moment of the invasion the assembly were discussing Poland and Italy. 

In the midst of the tumult which followed, Louis Blanc, with the permis- 
sion of the president, began to s|ieak; he demanded silence in onk-r that the 
petition in favour of Poland might be read, and the right of petition sanc- 
tioned. In spite of the protest-ations of a number of representatives, Raspail, 
who was not a member of the assembly, mounted the tribune and read the 
petition. The president, Buchez, asked the crowd to leave and allow the 
assembly to deliberate. Barbes, seeing Blanqui at the foot of the tribune, 
hastened to make the first move, and preased the assembly to carry out the 
wishes of the people for Poland. "Citizens,^' cried he, "you have done well 
to come and exercise your right to petition, and the duty of the asvsembly 
is to execute what you demand, which is the wish of France; but in order 
that she should not appear violent it is necessary that you retire.'* 

Cries of "Nol No!'* were heard, and Blanqui on the other hand demanded 
of the assembly a decree that France should not put her sword in the scab- 
bard until Poland had attained her independence. He added that the jieople 
came also to demand justice for the mas.sacres of Rouen and claim from the 
assembly that it should see that they had work and bread. Contradictory 
cries broke forth: "Poland! we are interested only in Pohmd!" and "The 
minister of work, immcfliately!" 

The struggle was, in fact, between those Wlio wished to continue the in- 
vasion of the assembly and those who wished it to cease. Raspail, who 
found himself carried there without intending it, joined Ledru-Hollin and 
Barb^ in trying to clear the assembly room; Hiiber himself, the promoter 
of the manifestation, tried to induce the people to retire before the assembly, 
whose representatives had held their posts with dignity in the midst of 
this chaos. The party of Blanfjiii resisted, the struggle became intense in this 
close atmosphere — when, from outside, was heard the sound of drums. 

R. W.— TOU SHI. U 



[1848 A.O.J 

Garnier-Pag^ had sent, in the name of the executive commission, the 
order to beat to arms all the legions. At the news of what liad luipjx'ned 
the national jG^iiard gathered in great throngs. The crowd, on the contrary, 
around the Palais Hoiirbon, on the bridge, at the place de la Concorde, began 
to thin. All those who had come with no evil intentions became disquieted, 
grieved; and one by one they went away. In the interior of the hall, among 
the invatlers, many were exhausted, some even fainted. Barb^s' head was 
turned. He, who had no intention but to defend the a.ssembly against 
Blanqui, declared that it was necessary that they should vote, at that sitting, 
the sending of an army to Poland, a tax of a thou.sand millions on the rich, 
and that they should forbid the caU to arms; if not, the representatives 
would l>e declared traitors to the country! He and those around him were 
delirious. The clamours redoubled at the same time for Poland and for tJie 
organisation of work. "We wish IjOuis Blanc," cried someone, and Louis 
Blanc was brought forward, against his will, in triumph; harassed, almost 
fainting, he protested in vain and felt that he vit\s lost. The fury increaised 
in a measure at the sound of the drums. Armed men with sinister faces 
surrounded and threatened the president Huchez, who had remained im- 
movable on his seat, and the vice-president Corbon, who had eorne to join 
Buchez at his perilous post. The president was called on to give the order 
to stop the call to arms. He resisted. The commands became frantic. An 
officer of the national guard carne to the president to tell him that the legions 
would be ready to act before a quarter of an hour. 

Tlie onler to the mayors to cease the call to arms could no longer have 
any result. The refusal to give this order would inevitably have led to a 
catastrophe. Men of unquestioned courage amongst the rej)resentatives 
counselled the president to gain a (juarter of an hour at anj' price and to accede 
to the wishes of the people. He signed the orders. This action without 
doubt prevented violent acts, hut did not quiet the tumult, as the invaders 
seemed to be possesses! by an uncontrollable fury. Amidst the stamping 
and howling of the crowd, Huber suddenly mounted the tribune and declared 
the national a^ssenibly dissolved. A grouji of the most frantic hurled them- 
selves on the desk and threw tlie jjresitlent from his seat. The president and the 
vice-president at last went forth accompanied by most of the representatives. 

The invaders, remaining masters of the Iiall, commenced to argue on 
the candidates for a new provisional government, when the tlrums Ix'gan 
echoing in the interior of the palace. ''The garde mobile!" they cried; a 
panic seized the invaders and the)'- fled in disorder from the hall, crying, 
"To the H6tol-de-Ville!" This political orgy had last4?d nearly four hours. 
A little after four o'clock, the garde mobile and the national guard entered 
and finished clearing the hall./ 

The assembly came back and reop)ened the sitting. Lamartine and Ledru- 
Rollin, at the head of the repre.sentatives and of the national guard, marched 
to the H6tel-de-VilIe, where Marrast, the mayor of Paris, had seized a new 
provisional government which had attempted to install itst^lf there; the 
agitators were sent to Vincennes. This riot, a sad and senseless parody of 
the too famous days of the first revolution, ha<l the result of putting the 
assembly in a position of defiance against the Parisian populace. It was 
decided to dissolve the national workshops, which formed an army of one 
hundred thousand labourers having arms, officers, and discipline. This news 
excited the anger of the agitators who were still free, and the despair of the 
workmen who had been misled by dangerous Utopian ideas.^' 

In June there were several new elections, and Paris returned Proudhon 



(1848 AJ>.] 

and other socialist leaders. The general result of these elections, however, 
was not favourable to that party; wliile CVmnt Mol^, Thiers, and several other 
statesmen of the monarchy recovered seats in the assembly, and at the same 
time Prince Louis Napoleon was elected by no less than four departments- 
He had been supjwrted not only by Bonapartists but by red republicans, 
and even by communists to whom his speculative writings had commended 
him. Many parties confronted one another in the assembly, but tlie ultra- 
democrats formed an insignificant minority. Growing more desperate as 
political power Hudetl their grasp, tliey were plotting anotliiM- insurrection, 
when the assembly determined to disperse the idle and dangerous workmen 
in the national workshops^ who had now risen to one humlred and twenty 
thousand. This moment of tliscoideiit was promptly seized upon. The 
clubs and the red republican leaders appealed to the workmen^ to the revo- 
lutionary proletairists and to the formats, and Paris flew to arms.* 


Every symptom indicated the approaching movement. It broke out on 
the 22nd of June at ten at night. The gcivernment, warnetl of the rioting 
and clamour which attemled the first steps that had been taken for dis- 
tributing a portion of the workmen through the departments, a.ssembied at 
the Luxeridjourg. In the course of the evening numerous mobs had several 
times assailed the palace with furious shouts of **A has Marier' "A has 
LamaHvte! '' Tlie government had appointed General Cavaignac commander- 
in-chief of the troops of tlie iiati<»nal guard, with the view of concentrating 
the whole plan and the unity of its execution in a single individuaL 

The night was tranquil; it waa spent in arrangements for the attack and 
defence. Neither the socialists nor the anti-republican party joined in the 
insurrection. Everytliing in<licate<i that this vmdecided, feeble movement, 
incoherent in its principle, had been organised and planned in the heart of 
the national workshops themselves. It was a plebeian and not a popular 
movement, a conspiracy of subalterns antl not of chiefs, an outbreak of 
servile and not of civil war. 

At seven o'clock on the 23rd of June, the government received informa- 
tion that mol>8, forming altogether an assemblage of from eight to ten thou- 
sand men, liad collecteti oa tlie place du Pantiit'-on to attack the Luxem- 
bourg. The occupants of the national workshops poured down from the 
barriers, and the populace, excited by some of their armed leaders, threw up 
barricades. Their leaders were, for the most jKirt, tlie men who Jicted a.s 
brigadiers of the national workshops, and who were agents of the seditious 
clubs. They were irritated by the proposed disbandment of their corps, 
whose wages passed through their hands, and some of them, it was alleged, 
did not scruple to divert the money from its destined object, for the purpose 
of paying sedition. From the barriers of Charenton, Bercy, Fontainebleau, 
ana MeniJmontant, to the very heart of Paris, the capital was almost totally 
defenceless, and in the power of a few thousand men. 

General Cavaignac resolved to concentrate his troops (as had lieen de- 
termined beforehand) in the garden of the Tuileries, in the Champs filya^es, 
on the place de la Concorde, on the esplana<Ie des Invalide,s, and round the 
puluce of the representatives. Meanwlale, the conflict had commenced on 
the boulevards. Two detachments of volunteers of the 1st and 2nd legions 
attacked two barrica<les erected on that point. Most of these brave volun- 
teers perished heroically under the first fire of the insurgents. 


[1848 A.i>.] 

Duvivier commanded the central part of Paris at the H6tel-de-Ville. 
Dumesne and Lamoricifere, who seemed, as it were, to multiply themselves, 
performed prodigies of resolution and activity with the mere handful of men 
at their disposal. By four o'clock in the afternoon Dumesne had cleared and 
made himself master of the left bank of the Seine, and had overawed the 
whole mass of insurrectionaiy population in the quarter of the Fanth^n. 

Lamorici^re, invincible, though hemmed in by two hundred thousand of 
the insurgents, occupied the space extending from the rue du Temple to the 
Madeleine, and from Clichy to the Louvre. He was incessantly galloping 
from one point to another, and always exposing himself to receive the first 
shot that might be fired. He had two horses killed under him. 

A sunmier storm was at that moment breaking over Paris, General 
Cavaignac, surrounded by his staff, with Lamartine, Duclerc, and Pierre 
Bonaparte (son of Lucien), and followed by about two thousand men, ad- 
vanced amidst flashes of lightning and peals of thunder, mingled with the 
applauding shouts of the well-disposed citizens, as far as the chateau d'Eau. 
Alter repeated assaults, kept up for the space of three quarters of an hour, 
and amidst an incessant shower of balls and bullets, decimating both officers 
and men, the barricades were carried. Lamartine felt as though he could 
have wished for death to release him from the odious responsibilitv of blood- 
shed which pressed upon him so unjustly, but yet so unavoidably. Four 
hundred brave men lay killed or wounded in diflferent parts of the faubourg. 
Lamartine returned to the chateau d'Eau to rejoin General Cavaignac. 

Accompanied only by Duclerc, and a national guard named Lassaut, who 
had been his companion the whole of the day, Lamartine passed the line of 
the advanced posts, to reconnoitre the disposition of the people on the boule- 
vard of the Bastille. The immense crowd, which fell back to make way for 
him as he proceeded, still continued to shout his name, with enthusiasm 
and even amidst tears. He conversed long with the people, pacing slowly 
and pressing his way through the crowd by the breast of his horse. This 
confidence amidst the insurgent masses preserved him from any manifesta- 
tion of popular violence, 'fiie men, who by then* pale countenances, their 
excited tone, and even their tears bore evidence of deep emotion, told hun 
their complaints against the national assembly, and expressed their regret 
at seeing the revolution stained with blood. They declared their readiness 
to obey him (Lamartine), whom they had known as their counsellor and 
friend, and not as their flatterer, amidst the misery they had suffered and 
the destitution of their wives and children. "We are not bad citizens, 
Lamartine," they exclaimed, "we are not assassins, we are not factious 
agitators! We are unfortunate men, honest workmen, and we only want the 
government to help us in our misery and to provide us with work ! Govern 
us yourself! Save us! Command us! We love you! We know you! We 
will prevail on our companions to lay down their arms!" 

Lamartine, without having been either attacked or insulted, returned 
to rejoin General Cavaignac on the boulevard. At midnight the regiments 
nearest to the capital and the national guards of the adjacent towns entered 
Paris in a mass, marching through all the barriers. Victory might still be 
tardy, yet it was now certein.^ 

"the days of JUNE " 

On the morning of the 24th matters looked very serious, and the assembly, 
which had endeavoured to ignore the danger, was forced to recognise ana 



(1848 I.P.] 

take measures to avert it. The iiie/!iciency of the exf^cutive commiesion 
and the distrust they \\Sid inspired in theiiational guard having become 
painfully conspicuous, a motion was made, at/ noon on tlie 24th, to oonfcr 
absolute power on a dictator; and General Cavaignac was suggested and 
approved almost unanimously. The executive contmlsaion, finding them- 
selves thus superseded, resigned their appointments, and ubsolute uncon- 
trolled authority was vested in tlio dictator. 

The effects of this great change were soon apparent. Inuften.^o'.'WP^ the 
difference between the hesitation and disunited action of five civilians m 
presence of danger, and the decided conduct of one single experienced: rrufi- 
tary chief. The first object was to rejK'l tin* enemy from the vicinity of the 
HAtel-de-Ville. The task was no easy one, for the strcet-s around it swarmed 
with armed men; every window was filled with tirailleurs^ and from the 
summit of barricades, which were erect^^d across the narrow thoroughfares 
at every hundre^l yards, streamed a well-directed antl deadly fire of musketry. 
At length, however, after a dreadful struggle, the nearest streets were carrietl, 
and the HdteWe-Ville was put for the time in a state of comparative sfifety. 

The attack was next carried into the adjoining quarters of the Eglise St. 
Gervais and the rue St. Antoine, while General Lamoriciere pushed on towards 
the faubourg St. Denis, and then, wheeling to his left, commenced an assault 
on the faulK)urg Poissouniere. The insurgents defeudetl each barricade as it 
was attacked, as long as possible, and when it was about to be forced they 
quickly retired to the next one in rear, generally not more than one or two 
hundred yards liistant, wliicli was stulihornly hM in like manner; while upon 
the column which advanced in pursuit a heavy and murderous fire was di- 
rected from the windows of the adjoining hoUvses. 

It was not surprising that the progress even of the vast and hourly- 
increasing military force al the di-^pusid of the dictalor had been so slow; 
for the task before them was immense, and to appeiinmce insurmountable 
by any human strength. The number of barricades had risen to the enor- 
mous and almost inrredible figure of :i,H88, nearly all of which were stoutly 
defended. The great strongholds of the insurgents were in the clos St. 
Lazare and the faubourg St. Antoine, each of which was defeniled by gigantic 
barricades, constructed of stones having all the solidity of regular fortifica- 
tions, and held by the most determined and fanalicul bands. 

The night of the 24th was terrible; the opposing troops, worn out with 
fatigue and parched with thirst, sank down to rest within a few yards of 
each other on the sunmiit of the barricatles, or at their feet, and no sound was 
heard in the dark but the cry of the sentinels. Early on the morning of the 
25th the conflict was renewed at all points, an<l ere long a frightful tragetly 
signalised the determination and ferocity of the insurgents. General Brea 
humanely went with a f]i\^ of truce to the headfjuiirters of the insurgents. 
He was overwhelmed with insults, shot down, and left for dead on the ground; 
his sidenle-camp, Captain Mauguin, was at the same time put to death, and 
his remains mutilat^ni to such a degree that tlie huinarj form could hardly 
be distinguished. After waiting an hour for the return of his general^ Colonel 
Thomas, the second in command, having learneil his fate, and annoimced it 
to his soldiers, made preparations for an aasault. Infuriated by the treach- 
erous massacre of their general, the men rushed on, and carried at the point 
of the bayonet seven successive barricatles. All their defenders were put to 
the sword, to avenge their infamous treachery. 

But ere the attack commenced, a sublime instance of Christian heroism 
and devotion occurred, whicli shines forth like a heavenly glory in the midst 


[1848 I.D.] 

of these terrible seasons of carnage". fMonseigncur AfTre, archbishop of Paris, 
horror-struck with the slaujhf^ which for three days had [)een going on 
witliout Lutemiission, rfif<)lv5^1" to effect a reconciliation between the con- 
temiijig parlies, or i?erish tn the attempt. Ha\ing obtained leave from 
General Cavaignacl to-seimir to the headtjiiarters of the insurgents, he set 
out, dressed, in "hlfl* pontifical robes, having the croas in his hand, accom- 
panied by, twp vicars, also in full canonicals, and three intrepi<l niernbers of 
the asSeRit)ly' Deeply affected by this courageous act, which they well 
knew.^as'ahnost certain ileath, the people, as he walked through the streets, 
.'"f^fert their knees and besought him to desist, but he j)ersisted, sayine;, "It 
'fs iny duty. Bonus pastor dat vUam suam vro ovibus suis.'' At seven m the 
evening ho arrived in the place de la BastiUe, where the Bring was extremely 
warm on both sides. 

Undismayed by the storm of balls, the prelate advanced slowly, attended 
by his vicars, to the summit of the barricade. He had descendefl three steps 
on the other side when he was pierced through the loins l^y a sliot from a 
window. The insurgents, horror-struck, approached him when he fell, 
stanched the wound, which at once was seen to be mortal, and carried him 
to tlie iielghl)ouririg hosjiilal of Quatre-Vingts. When t^jld he had only a 
few minutes to live, he said. "God l:>e praised, and may he accept my life 
as an expiation for my omissions tiuring my episcopacy, and as an offering 
for the salvation of this misguided people"; and with these words he ex- 

Immediately after his decease, proposals came for a capitulation from 
the insurgents, on condition of an absohite and imqualilied amnesty. Gen- 
eral Cavaignac, liowever, would listen to nothing but an unconditional sur- 
remler. All attacks proved successful, and at last the enemy capitulated. 
With this the terrible insurrection came to an end. The losses on either side 
in this memorable conflict w('re never accurately known; for the insurgents 
could not estimate theirs, and the government took care not to publish their 
own. But on both sides it was imniense, as might have been expected, when 
forty or fifty tliousiirul on a side fought with the utmixst courage and desper- 
ation for four days in the streets of a crowded capital, with nearly four thou- 
sand barricades erected and requiring to be stormed. General N^grier was 
killed, and Generals Duvivier, Dumesne, Koste, Lafontaine, and Foncher 
were w^ouniled mortally — General Bedeau more sliglitly. Ten thousand 
bodies were recognisfHl and buried, and nearly as many, especially on the 
side of the insurgents, thrown unclaimed into the Seine. At the close of the 
contest nearly fifteen thousand prisoners were in the hands of the victors, 
and crowded, almost to suffocation, all places of confinement in Paris. Three 
thousand of them died of jail fever; but the immense multitude which 
remained created one of the greatest difficulties with which for long the 
government had to contend. 

The concourse of troops and national guards who flocked together from 
all quarters, on the 27th and 28th, enabled the dictator to maintain his 
authority, and restore order, by tiie stern iliscipline of the sword. The as- 
sembly tlivided the prisoners into two classes: for the first, who were the 
most guilty, deportation to Cayenne, or one of the other colonies, was at 
once adjudged; the second were condemned to transportation, which with 
them meant detention m the hulks, or in some maritime fortresses of the 
republic. But all means of detention ere long provetl inade<]uate for so 
profligious a multitude, and many were soon liberated by the government 
from absolute inability to keep tliem longer. This terrible strife cost France 


(1M8 A.D.] 

more lives than any of the battles of the empire; the number of generals 
who j)erished in it^ or from the wounds they had received, exceeded even 
those cut oflf at Borodino or Waterloo. 


Tlie victory once decidedly gained, Cavaignac lost no time in abdicating 
the dictatorial powers conferred upon him during the strife. But the assem- 
bly were too well aware fif the narrow esc^npe which they had made, to enter- 
tam the thought of resuming the powers of soveroignty. If they had lieen 
so inclined, the accounts froia (he provinces would hiive been sufficient t(t 
deter them, for the insurrection in Paris was contemporary with a bloody 
revolt at Marseilles, occasioned by the same attempt to get quit of the bur- 
densome pensioners at the ateliers nationaux, which was only put down 
after three days' hard fighting by a concentration of troops from all the 
adjoining departments. 

At Kouen and Bordeaux the agitation was so •violent that it was evident 
nothing but the presence of a large military force prevented n rebellion from 
breaking out. Taught by these events, the national assembly unanimously 
continued to General Cavaignac the powers already conferred uiK>ti him, and 
prolonged the state of siege in the metropolis. The powers of the dictator 
were to last till a permanent president was elected either by the assembly or 
the direct voice of the citizens; and in the [ueantime General Cavaignac 
proceeded to appoint his ministers, who immediately entered upon their 
several duties. 

The first care of the new government was to remodel the armed force of 
the metropolis, and extinguish those elements of insurrection which had 
brought such desolation, bloodshed, and ruin upon tlic; country. The ateliers 
nationaux were immevliately tlissolved: this had now become, comparatively 
speaking, an easy task; f<}r t!ie most formidable part of their number, and 
nearly all who had actually appeared with arms \n their hands, had either 
been slain or were in the prisons of the republic. Those legioas of the national 
guard which had either hung baek or openly joined the insurgents, on occasion 
of the late revolt, were all dissolved and ^hsarmed. -"Vlready, on June 25th, 
when the iiLsurrection was at lU height, a decree was issue<l, which suspendetl 
nearly all the journals of a violent character on either side, and even Emile 
de Girardin, an able writer and journalist of moderate character, was ar- 
rested and thrown into prison. These nieasure^, how rigorous soever, were 
all ratified by a decree of the assembly on the 1st of August, and passed 
unanimously. *'The friends of li!>erty/' says the contemporary annalist, 
"observed with grief that the republic had in a single day struck with im- 
punity a severer blow at the liberty of the press than the preceding govern- 
ments had done during tliirty years." At the same time the clubs, those 
great fountains of treason and disorder, were closed. Thus was another 
proof added to the innuinernhle ones which history had previously afforded, 
that popidar licentiousness luui insurrection, from whatever cause originatmg, 
must ever end in the despotism of the sword. 


The duty of framing a constitution had been intrusted, in the beginning 
of June, to a committee composed of the most enlightened members. The 
discussion commenced on the 2nd of July, and was oidy concluded by tlie 


[1848 A.D.] 

formal adoption of the constitution, as then modified, on the 23rd of October. 
On the important question whether the le^slature should be in one or two 
chambers, the debate was conducted by two distinguished men, Lamartine 
and Odilon Barrot. 

The assembly, as might have been anticipated, decided in favour of one 
chamber by a majority of 530 to 289. The "sovereign power" of le^lation 
accordingly was vested in a single assembly, and Lanmrtine, who was not 
without a secret hope of becoming its ruler, was triumphant. But the all- 
important question remained — by whom was the president of the chamber to 
be appointed, and what were to be his powers as the avowed chief magis- 
trate of the republic? Opinions were much divided on this point, some ad- 
hering to an election by the assembly, others to a direct appeal to the people. 
Contraiy to eiroectation, M. de Lamartine supported the nomination by 
the entire population of France. 

He could not be convinced of the fatal blow which his popularity had 
received from his coalition with Ledru-Rollin. He still thought he was lord 
of the ascendant, and woiJd be the people's choice if the nomination was 
vested in their hands. By extending the suffrage to all France, the revolu- 
tionists had dug the grave of their own power. The result, accordingly, 
decisively demonstrated the strength of this feeling even in the first assembly 
elected imder universal suffrage, and how well foimded were the mournful 
prognostications of Lamartine as to the approaching extinction of liberty 
by the very completeness of the triumph of its supporters.* 

The formation of the constitution havmg been at length concluded, it 
was finally adopted, on the 4th of November, by a majority of 737 to thirty 
votes, Among the dissentients were Pierre Leroux and Proudhon, extreme 
communisms, and Berryer and La Rochejaquelein, royalists. Victor Hugo 
and Montalembert were also in the minority, though no two men could be 
foimd whose opinions on general subjects were more opposite. On the even- 
ing of the day on which it was adopted by the assembly, the intelligence was 
communicated to the Parisians by 101 guns discharged from the Invalides. 
Tlie soimd at first excited the utmost suarm, as it was feared the civil war 
was renewed; and when it was known that it was only the announcement 
of a constitution, the panic subsided, and the people, careless and indifferent, 
dispersed to their homes. 

By the constitution thus adopted, the form of government in France was 
declared to be republican, the electors bein^ chosen by universal suffrage, 
and the president in the same way. The right of the working classes to 
employment was negatived, it being declared, however, that the government, 
so far as its resources went, was to furnish labour to the imeraployed. The 
punishment of death was abolished in purely political offences. Slavery was 
to be abolished m every part of the French dominions. The right of associa- 
tion and public meetmg was guaranteed; voting, whether for the representa- 
tives or tne president, was to be by ballot; the representatives once chosen 
might be re-elected any number of times. The president required to be a 
French citizen, of at least thirty years of age, and one who had not lost on 
any occasion his right of citizenship. He was to be elected for four years, 

1^' An expression of tlie pliilosopher Jean Rejnaud daring " the Days of June " characterised 
the situation with poignant truth : " We are lost if we are conquered ; lost if we conquer." It 
was too true : the Republic was stabbed to the heart. Victorious, the body politic drifted, in a 
few months, to a monarchic csesarism by the path of reaction ; vanquished, it had drifted, in a 
few days, to a demagogic csesarism by the path of anarchy. Like the Janus of fable, Bona- 
partism was ready to present the one or the other of its two faces to France doomed to be it& 
prey.— filABTiB./] 


[1848 A.D.] 

and a simple majority was to determine the election. The president was 
re-eligible after having served the first four years; he was to reside in the 
palace of the assembly, and receive a salary of six hundred thousand francs 
a year. All the ministers of state were to be ap[X)inted by the presiilent, 
who also was to command the armed force, declare peace and war, conduct 
negotiations with foreign powers, and generally exercise all the powers of 
sovereignty, with the exception of appointing the judges of the supreme 
coui'ts m Paris, who were to be named by the assembly, and to hohl their 
offices for life. 

Disguised under the form of a republic, this constitution was in reality 
monarchical, for the president was invested with all the substantial power 
of sovereignty; and as he was capable of being re-elected, his t**.nure of office 
might be prolonged for an indefinite i>eriod. Though there were several can- 
didates for the high office, yet it was soon apparent that the suffrage would 
really come to be divided between two— General Cavaignac and Prince Louis 


The door had already been opened to the latter by an election which took 
place at Paris on the 17 th of September, when the young prince was again 
elected by a lar^e majority. Four other departments in the country had 
already elected bim. On this occasion he no longer hesitated, but accepted 
his election for the department of the Seine. He took his seat on the 26th 
of September, and made the following speech on the occasion, which was very 
favourably received by the assembly: 

CmzKN Reprrsbntatives : 

After ihree-and-thlrty years of proscription and exile, I at length find rovBelf among yon, I 
again re^ia my country and my ripbts a-s one of its citiMus. It is to tbo repuhlic tliat I owe 
that b&ppinpi>8 : let the rr'public iben rcffive my oatb of gratitude, of devotion ; and let my 
geoerou^ fellow-citizens, to whom I am indebted for my peat in lis legislaliire, feel assured tbut 
Twill strive to justify their suffrage;!, by labouring with you for the maintenance of tranquillity, 
the first neceaaity of the country, and for the development of the demorratic institutioriH which 
the country is entitled to reclaim. My conduct, ever guided by a senae of duty and respect for 
the laws, will prove, in opjiositinn t/i the passions by wbidi I have been maligned and hi ill am 
blackened, that none is more anxious than 1 am tu devote myseU to tbe defence of order and thu 
oonsolidation of the repablic' 


Both Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and General Cavaignac had ex- 
ceptional advanUiges: the first, that of a great name; the second, that of 
the immense resources with which exe(*.utive power is necessarily invested. 
But in addition to the advantage of his name, Prince Louis Napoleon Bona- 
parte belonged to no party wliatsoever. Isolatetl between the army of social- 
ism and the "party of ordc-r/' he offered in his very person a sort of com- 
proniLHc. His attitude, his remoteness from the stiinny debaU^s of the cham- 
ber rendered his conduct conformable with his situation. In his seclusion 
at Auteuil, he had hekl conferences with men of all parties. All could place 
some of their hoj)es on hirn, without his binding himself to any single one. 
He belonged at the same time to the democracy, on account of the worship 
of the proletariat for the name of Napoleon ; to socialism, by a few of his pam- 
phlets; and to the party of order by the religious and rnilitary tendencies 
ol his policy: and this is what no one in those times of blindness perceived. 

A serious incident of far-reaching consequences dealt a terrible blow to 
tiie candidateship of General Cavaignac — the sitting of the national asscm- 



[1848 A.D.] 

bly of November 25th, 1848. As the terror of the June Days faded away, 
the exammation of facts had, little by little, convinced many that General 
Cavaignac, during those terrible days, had disdained the means of quelling 
the insiirrection in its infancy; that he had served as an instrument for the 
seditious mutinies against the executive commission; that, in consequence 
of his calculated nervelessness and inaction, the insurrection had assimied 
formidable proportions, and the general had been obliged to shed the blood 
of France in torrents. As he had greatly benefited by this same bloodshed, 

and owed his inconceivable elevation 
to it, public feeling traced in this en- 
semble the manoeuvres of criminal 
ambition. These rumours soon ac- 
quired such consistency that General 
Cavaignac thought he ought to give 
an explanation m the tribune of the 
national assembly. The debate took 
place at the sitting of November 25th. 
When General Cavaignac had chal- 
lenged his adversaries to declare if he 
had in any way betray^ed his trust, 
Barth^lemy Saint-Hilaire ascended 
the tribune and asked permission of 
the assembly to read an unpublished 

Eage of history. This statement em- 
TBced an accumulation of the most 
damaging evidence against the vacil- 
lations of General Cavaignac and 
against the faction which had striven 
for the overthrow of the executive 

General Cavaignac defended him- 
self with the skill of a barrister. The 
danger of his position sharpened his 
wits. In spite of the affirmations of 
Gamier-Pag^ and Ledru-Rollin, Gen- 
eral Cavaignac came through this dan- 
gerous debate with the appearance 
of havmg triumphed. An alleged 
order of the day, presented by Du- 
pont (de I'Eure), was adopted by a 
napoubok in very large majority. The order of 

the day was expressed thus: "The 
national assembly, persevering in the decree of June 28th, 1848 — thus worded, 
'General Cavaignac, chief of the executive power, deserves well of his coim- 
try'— passes on to the usual business of the day." 

" The country will judge," many voices exclaimed when General Ca- 
vaignac ended the discussion by vaunting his devotion to the republic; and 
indeed the coimtry was not slow in formulating its judgment. 

In the election of December 10th, 1,448,302 votes were returned for 
General Cavaignac, whilst Louis Napoleon Bonaparte obtained 5,534,520; 
Ledru-Rollin had 371,434 suffrages, Raspail 36,964, and Lamartine, who had 
once been simultaneously elected by ten departments, received a dole of 
17,914 votes. 


r THE REPUBLIC OF 1848 107 

flMSA.D J 

The election of Louis Napf)lpon Bonaparte gre^itly surprised many zealous 
minds; and seriously disturwd the dreamers. Like carrion crows wheeling 
round to seek their route and filling the air with their cries, they were seen 
raising their heads and scenting the wind, seeking the meaning of an event 
they could not comprehend. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte appeared upon the 
scene like Fortinbras at the end of Hamlet. Brutal in fact, his election cut 
the knot of a thousiind intrigues. The people, by their vote, had expressed 
tlie idea of a great popular dictntnrphip which put an end to the quarrels 
of the citizens, to the subtlety of Utopians, to i)arty rancour, and guarried 
them against the endlessly ifcurring crises engendered by the parliamentary'' 
regime amongst nations with whom sentiment dominates reason, action and 
discussion. The poll also expressed an ardent desire for unity. The pro- 
letariat knows well that what takes place in the republic of hamsters and 
landlords concerns it but little. It was by analogous n'a.sons that Oavsar 
triumphed in Rome. Having nothing to gain from party struggl >s, knowing 
by experience that for them the only result is lack of work, miprisonment, 
exile, or death, the people always aspire to rise above them, Fjoiiis Bona- 
parte, in his electoral aildress, was can^ful to give expression to this tliought: 
** Let ua be men of the country/' he said, " not men of a party! " 

Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was proclaimed president of the republic on 
December 20th at four o'ehjck, by the president of the national a^ssembly. 
We know the political oatli had been abolislied by the February revolution, 
which thus seemed to confesi? its absence of l>eiief. But by a miserable dem- 
ocratic equivocation, the oath was still taken by one man, by the president 
of the republic. The contract was not a iiuitiial (uie. Ea h one reserved 
to himself imphcitly the right of violating the constitution, and we shall see 
that the national assembly did not fail to do so; but each one desired at the 
same time that the president of the republic should be bound tliereby as with 
a strait-jacket. The least fault of this vain ceremonial was its lack of com- 
mon sense, the constitution Ix^ing fatally and necessarily violated.^ 

MOTOR Hugo's P0RTit.\iT of " napoleon the little " 

It was about four in the afternoon of December 20th, 1848; it was grow- 
ing dark, and the immense hall of the assembly having become involved in 
gloom the chandeliers were lowereil from the ceiling, and the messenger 
placeil the lamps on the tribune. The president made a sign, the door on 
the right openftl, and tlien? wa-s seen to enter the hall, and rapidly ascend 
the tribune, a man still young, attired in black, having on liis breast the 
badge and riband of the Legion of Honour. 

All eyes were turned towards this man. His face wan and pallid, its 
bony, emaciated angles develope^l in prominent relief by the shaded lamps; 
his nose large and long; his upper lip covered with moustaches; a lock of liair 
waving over a narrow forehead; his eyes small and ilull;his attitii<i(* timid 
id anxious, bearing in no respect a resemblance to the emperor — this man 
'as the citizen Charles Louis Napolf^m Bonaparte. During the murmurs 
which arose upon his entrance, lie remained for some instants standing, his 
ri^ht hand in the breast of his buttonetl coat, erect and motionless on the 
tribune, the front of which bore this date — 22nd, 23rd, 24th of February; 
and above which was inscribed these three words^Liberty, Equality, Fra- 

Prior to being elected president of the republic, Charles Louis Na]>t)leon 
Bonaparte ha».l been a representative of the people for several months, and 


[1818 ▲.!>.) 

though he had rarely attended a whole sitting, he had been frequently seen 
in the seat he had selected, in the upper benches of the left, in the fifth row in 
the zone, commonly designated the Mountain, behind his old preceptor, the 
representative Vieiflard. This man, then, was no new face in the assembly, 
yet his entrance on this occasion produced a profound emotion. It was to 
all, to friends as to foes, the future that had entered on the scene, a future 
unknown. Through the space of immense munnur, formed by the concur- 
rent voices of all present, his name circulated in connection with the most 
opposite estimates. His antagonists recalled to each other his adventures, 
his coups-de-^maiiit Strasburg, Boulogne, the tame eagle, and the piece of 
meat in the little hat. His friends uiged his exile, his proscription, his im- 
prisonment, a well-compiled work of his on artillery, his writings at Ham, 
impressed with a certam degree of liberal, democratic, and socialist spirit, 
the maturity of the graver age at which he had now arrived; and to those 
who recalled his follies, they recalled his misfortunes. 

General Cavaignac, who, not having been elected president, had just re- 
signed his power mto the hands of the assembly with that tranquil laconism 
which befits republics, was seated in his customary place at the head of the 
ministerial bench, on the left of the tribune, ana observed, in silence and 
with folded arms, this installation of the new man. 

At length, silence became restored, the president of the assembly struck 
the table before him several times with his wooden knife, and then the last 
murmurs of the assembly having subsided, said: "I will now read the form 
of the oath." 

There was an almost religious halo about this moment. The assembly 
was no longer an assembly, it was a temple. The immense significance of 
thb oath was rendered still more impresave by the circumstance that it was 
the only oath taken throughout the extent of the territory of the republic. 
February had, and rightly, abolished the political oath, and the constitution 
had, as rightly, retained only the oath of the president. This oath possessed 
the doubfe character of necessity and of grandeur. It was the oath taken 
by the executive, the subordinate power, to the legislative, the superior 

Eower; it was stronger still than this — the reverse of the monarchical fiction 
y which the people take the oath to the men invested with power, it was the 
man invested with power who took the oath to the people. The President, 
functionary and servant, swore fidelity to the people, sovereign. Bending 
before the national majesty, manifest in the omnipotent assembly, he re- 
ceived from the assembly the constitution, and swore obedience to it. Hie 
representatives were inviolable; he, not so. We repeat it: a citizen respon- 
sible to all the citizens, he was, of the whole nation, the only man so bound. 
Hence, in this oath, sole and supreme, there was a solemnity which went to 
the inmost heart of all who heard it. He who writes these pages was present 
in his place in the assembly, on the day this oath was taken; he is one of 
those who, in the face of the civilised world, called to bear witness, received 
this oath in the name of the people, and still, in their name, retain it. 

Thus it runs: "In presence of God, and before the French people, repre- 
sented by the national assembly, I swear to remain faithful to the democratic 
republic, one and indivisible, and to fulfil all the duties imposed on me by 
the constitution." 

The president of the assembly, standing, read this majestic formula; 
then, before the whole assembly, breathlessly silent, intensely expectant, the 
citizen Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, raising his right hand, said, with 
a firm, full voice, "I swear it," 

THE REPUBLIC OF 1848 10ft 


The representative Boulay (de la Mcurthe), since vice-prcsuient of the 
republic, and who had known Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte from his 
childhood, exclaimed: "He is an honest man, he will keep his oath." 

\Mien he had done speaking, the constituent assembly rose, and sent forth, 
as with a single voice, the grand cry, "Long Hve the repubhc!" Louis Na- 
poleon Bonaimrte descended from the tribune, went up to General Cavaignac, 
ajid offered him his hand. The General, for a few instants, hesitated to ac- 
cept the pressure. Al! who had just heartl the speech of Louis Napoleon 
Bonaparte, pronounced in an aeeent so redolent of candour and good faith^ 
blamed the general for his !iesitation. 

The constitution to which Louis Napoleon Bonaparte took the oath on 
the 20th of December, 1848, *' in the face of God ami man," contained, among 
other articles, these: 

Article 38. Tbe represeoUtives of tbe people are Inriolable. Article 37. Ther may not be 
arrest«d in criminal mattem unleH-s they are taken in the fact, nor proRecutf^d without the per- 
miasioD of the au»emb)y. lirut obtained. Article 68. Every act by which the president of tbe 
republic ithall diHsnlve the national assembly, prorngue it, or impede the exercise of ita decrees, 
ib a crime of high treason. 

By such act. of itself, the president forfeits his functions, the cUlxens are bound to refuse 
to him obedience, and tbe execntive power passes, nf full ri^ht, tn the natitmal assembly. The 
judgea of the supreme court »haU thereupon immediately assemble, under penalty of forfeiture ; 
thej ahaU convokes the jurors in such place as they himll apiKiint. to proceed to tbe trial of tbe 
preddent and his accomplices, and tbe/ shall thcuisclvcs appoint ma^isirates to fulfil the func- 
tioofl of tbe state administration. 

In less than three years after this memorable day, on the 2nd of Decem- 
ber, 1851, at daybreak, there might be read at the corners of all the streets 
of Paris this notice: 

In ibo name of the French jwople, the president of the rppuhlic decrees : Article 1. The 
national attsembly \a dissolved. Article 2. Universal suffrage is re-established. Tbe \&w of the 
H\%l uf May is repealed. Article 3. The French people are convoked in their comitia. Article 4. 
The stale of siege 18 decreed throughout the extern of the first military division. Article 5. The 
council of state is dissolved. Article 0. The minister of the interior is charged with tbe execu- 
tion of the present decree. 

Done at the PaUoe of tbe £lys£e, December 2nd, 1851. 

Louis Napoleon Bonatarts. 

At the same time Parii? learned that fifteen of the inviolable representa- 
tives of the f>eop!e had l>cen arresUnI in their homes, in tiic of the 
night, by order of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte.''" 



[1846-1870 A.D.] 

On the 20tb of P«!eml»er, 1^48, commenced the government of that 
maD to whom Frauce delivered herself in an acoeBa of diKziDeaa and 
who was to preside over her destinies till the 2nd of September, 1870. 
" Thia unfortunate people," according to the expression of a great 
national historian, Michelet, "stabbed itself with its own hand.** 
CAvaijBfnac, a man whose ideas were simple and hiH words sincere, 
was replaced by a sacocssor with whom all was ulterior pnrpoee and 
Bubterrauean Kcheme. Since Louis Na[M)leou's admission to the con - 
Btltueiit assembly, nothing was vii^ible in his ^K)litic» but u double 
eflort to reassure the conservatlveu and yet flatter the popular 
hopes. — Martin. *» 

Thk immense majority by which Prince Louis Napoleon had been created 
president of Ihe rej)iiliUc*, addend greatly to the power of the executive, and 
was an important .step in the restoration of order aft^r the Revolution; but 
it was far from a])pea^ing the parties, or proilucing a similar union in the 
a-si^MTihly. It was, in tnitli, a fleclaration of France a£; the Revolution, 
and bespoke the anxious ilesire of the inhabitants to terminate the disorders 
which it had introduced, and return to tlie occupations of peaceful industry. 
But to the legislature, or at least a large part of its members, it was a serious 
blow, and was felt the more severely that it had been so completely unex- 

The executive power — so important in all countries, so powerful in every 
age in France — had Ix^n apix»intod over their heads by the general voice of 
tlie people; the president was no longer their officer or administrator, but 
the nominee of a rival power, and might be expected on a crisis to be sup- 
|»rted by the army, which looked to him for promotion, employment, and 
glory. The seeds, in this way, not merely of discontent and division, but 
probably of strife, were sown in the very outst't of the pre^sident's power; 
the balance between a popular chief magistrate and an ambitious but dis- 
contented legislature coulu not long be preserved; and as the nation would 



certainly not again go back to the republic, it was already foreseen that it 
must go fonv'ani to the empire. 

The first care of the president, after installation in office, was to organise 
a powerful army under the command of Marshal Bugeuud at Lyons and the 
adjacent provinces near the Alps. It was now raisetl to seventy-two thousand 
infantr>' and eight thousand horse. The threatening aspect of affairs in the 
north of Italy amply justified these precautionary measures; and it was 
mainly owing to the formidable front thus presented that the Austrians, 
after their successes over the Piedmontosc, ha<l been prevented from crossing 
the Ticino, But the anny was destined also for another object: it was to 
this powerful force that Louis Napoleon mainly looked for the support of 
his authority, in the event of that breach with the assembly and democratic 
party which, it was evident, sooner or later, must ensue. 

Public opinion meanwhile in France was so rapidly turning against the 
legislature that it was foresc-en its existence could not be long continued. 
The general feeiiiig was forcibly expressed in nieetings held in Rennes and 
Lille. ''It will no longer do," said an orator in the former city, "for Paris 
to send us down revolutions by the mail-coach; for it is now no longer po- 
litical but social revolutions with which we are visited. The departments in 
Jura have shown unequivocally that ihey are determined to put an end to 
this system. Reflect on the days which we denominate by the 24th of Feb- 
ruary, the 15th of May, the 23rd of June. Is it to Ix? borne that we are still 
doomed to ^o to bed at night without knowing whether we shall ever waken 
in the mornmg?" 

** It is unprecedented in history/' said a speaker in Lille, " that a few thou- 
sand turbulent adventurers, ever ready for a coup de main, should have suc- 
ceeded on so many occasions in j>utting in hazard the <leHtinies of a i>eopIe so 
advanced in ci\'ilisation as that of France. \A'e present to Europe tne extra- 
ordinary spectacle of a nation of thirty-five million of men ever ready to 
take the yoke from twenty thousiind or thirty thousand creators of revolu- 
tions, who descend into the streets at a signal given by a few ambitious leaders, 
and treat France as a conquered country. A unannnous resistance has now 
declared itself against the Parisian tyranny; a violent desire to shake off 
its yoke has made it-self felt even by the central government. It is not a 
conspiracy, still less a dream of a fetierative government; it is an open and 
deliberate movement by the provinces of France, a-s the old ones of Gaul 
were determined that their interests should no longer be swallowed up in 
those of Rome." 


The general wish foimd vent in a motion made by Rateau, that the gen- 
eral election should take place on the 4(fi of next May, and the existing as- 
sembly lx» dissolved on the 19th of that month. The republicans were fjuite 
aware that it would annihihxte their ascciulency, anil they resolved to an- 
ticipate the legal dissolution of the assembly by a cou-p d'etai against the 
president. This was a direct appeal to a civil war, and an invitation to a 
coitpd'ital; for the president, having been elected by the direct votes of the 
people, and not by the assembly, could not be removed but by the same 
authority which had created him, before the legal period of his tenure of 
office expire*!. 

It was the hoisting of the signal for insurrection that was really intended; 
and this design was carried into execution on the 29th of January, 1849. It 
took plac^ accordingly, but proved a miserable failure- Tlic fire of democracy 


in the great body of the people was burned out. The government were ac- 
quainted with the whole plan of the conspirators, and from an early hour 
of the morning ail their places of rendezvous were occupied by large bodies of 
troops, who, far from joming them as they expected, forcibly prevented any 
attempt at assembling. Foiled, disconcerted, anrl utterly overmatched, the 
conspirators, who came up in considerable numl)ers from the clubs, ha<l no 
alternative but to retire, and they did so worse than defeated — turned into 

The days of the assembly lieing now numbered, its legislative acts ceased 
to be an object of any consideration; and the regulations for the approaching 
election having been passetl without a division on tlie 15th of February, the 
clubs were closed after a stormy debate on the 20th of March following, by the 
slender majority of nineteen votes — the numbers being 378 to 'A59. This 
was the last important act of the constituent assembly. It rejected, on 
May 15th, by a majority of thirty-seven, a motion to the effect that the 
ministry had lost the confidence of the comitry, and four days afterwards 
came to an end. Every eye was now fixed on the approaching general 
election, fraught as it was with the future destinies of France.*^ 

The corislitution of the Tith of Novemlxir, 1S4K, was not fitted to survive 
in the time and conditions in which it was produced. The executive and 
deliberative powers had one origin, since they both proceeded from universal 
fiuffrage and were renewed, the one after three, the other after four years' 
exercise. But the pi-esident had this advantage — that, being elected by 
millions of suffrages, he seemed to represent the entire nation; whilst the 
assembly consislerl only of deputies, each of whom represented some thou- 
sands of votes. Moreover, whilst tlie ftuuidntions were laid for an inevitable 
antagonism, the idea had been to subordinate the executive to the legislative. 
Thus the president made appointments to innumerable offices in the ad- 
ministration: he negotiated treaties and had the array at his disposition: 
but he could not be re-electetl ; he had neither the right to take command of 
the troops nor that of dissolving the assembly or to oppose a bill which might 
seem to him pernicious. He had too much or too little; and with the tempta- 
tion to rcKunie the usual prerogatives of public authority, he had been given 
the means to acquire them. 

Nevertheless, tlie president and the assembly maintained an understand- 
ing so long as it was a question of restoring order and restraining the extreme 
parties. Thus on the 29th of January, as we have seen, and again on the 
13th of June, 1849, the army of Paris under their direction triumphed over 
revolt without blooilshed. 


A matter concerning a foreign nation had caused the latter conflict. 
The Eurof)ean revolutions, to which the revolution of February had given 
birth, hafl been promptly put down by the kings whom they had alarmed. 
Already Austria, victorious in Hungary, thanks to the Russians, had defeated 
the king of Sardinia, Charles All)ert, at Novara; anti Lombardy had again 
faUon into its power. The republic proclaimed at Rome, after the flight of 
the poix?, vainly endeavoured to make the walls of the Holy City the last 
rampart of the independence of the peninsula. Victorious for an instant, 
six months before, Italy hacl refused the aid of France; now that she was 
vanquished and threatened by a heavier yoke, policy, and the solicitations 
of the Catholics who were then dominant in the chamber an<^l the ministry, 
made it a duty of the government to protect the Italian {)eninsula and the 




holy set^ against the revolutionarirs who wished to suppress the pope's tem- 
poral roydty. An amiy coinnianded by General Oudinot was sent into 
Italy to restore Rome to the pontiff. 

The repubhcans of Paris endeavoured by an insurrection to save the 
repiiblic of Rome. A tnenibc*r of the former provisional government, Ledru- 
RolUn, was with them. On the 13th of June, 1849, a timely display of troops 
nipped the rising in the bud. This riot cost the party its leaders, wlio were 
condemned by the liigli court of Versailles, anti the Romans their last hope. 
On the 2nd of Jul^' General Oudinot, after showing the utmost dtHtTction in 
the siege of the place, entered Rome, where the pope was reinstated. Tlie 
legislative assemoly^ which had succeeded the constituent a.ssembly. May 
28th, 1849, although less unanimous on this question, nevertheless approved 
the president's conduct and it was ik^cided that the troops should remain in 
Home for the protection of the pope. From that day France had one anu 
occupied m Italy, to the advantage of the ultramontanea but to the detriment 
of her general interests.'' 


The first thing the assembly attacked was education, just as the ultra- 
royalists had done under t!ie Restoration. A curious spectacle presented 
iteelf: those of the Orleanists who were best known for never having lieen 
devout, but wlio liad shown themselves rather tlie reverse, as Thiers, for 
instance, were among the most enthusiastic in helping on this work for the 
Church. All conservatives, fearing the influence which was pushing the 
democratic section into the anns of the advanced republicans, courted the 
alli:me(» of the clergy, and intrui*ted tlieni with the mental training of France. 
Mont4ilemlx»rt put the question in these terms: "^Vo mast choose tetween 
socialism and Catholicism," 

This was the idea wliirh influenced the best known of the followers of 
Voltaire to return to the church. They thought the elementary teachers 
were dangerous to the cause of order. They looked upon the unassuming 
conscientious men who taught the people to read as the forerunners, if not 
as apostles of revolution. Therefon* the first law dealing with education 
withdrew from them the sanctions which the monarchy of July hati granted 
them. The prefects had full power to deal with them, and a law treatmg 
them as *' suspects" was passt^d. 

Nor was the University any more favourably regarded; another law 
placed it imder the supervision of a superior council, m which the bishops 
were largely represented. Some time after^ tlic classes held by the great 
historian Michelet were closed. It was not long Ix^fore universal suffrage 
WM attacked. Some elections had taken place, ant! the assembly was alarmed 
to find that tlie country had changed its opinions, and now gave a majority 
to the advanced republicans. On the 10th of May Paris nominated its can- 
didates — Camot, Vidal, and Flotte. In all France, out of twenty-eight 
elections, the advanced party gained eighteen. 

It was impossible openly to attack universal suffrage itself; but a resi- 
dence of three years wxis required to entitle a man to vote; ami this could 
only be proved by certiiin methods — for iiistancCj by the payment of taxes. 
This measure involved the political fall of the greater part of the working 
population. Figures will give us an exact idea of the effect of the law: before 
It was passed, there were 9,98H,000 electors in France; afterwards there were 
only 6,709,000. With a stroke of the pen the aasembly had suppressed a 

n. w. — vol*, xni. i 



third part of the nation — 3,200,000 citizens who had had votes since 1848. 
Thiers stamped this mutilation of the suffrage with its true character when 
he made use, during the debate, of the notorious words "vile multitude/' 
These were the principal achievement's by which the assembly showed 
the kind of spirit that animated it. It would take up too much time to 
recount the details of this long reaction. We will onl^' quote a law on trana- 
j>ortation which was described by the tragic expression *' a bloodless guillo- 
tine." This meant, for the party threatened by the assembly, death in a 
distant country, with all the physical suffering which the deadly mists of a 
tropical climate hold in reserve for political offenders. Of course the press 
was not overlooked, and measures were passed limiting its liberties. 

All these laws were brought about by an alliance between Louis Napoleon 
and the majority. Tlie latter did not foresee how the former woulii be able 
to turn their joint work against them in the future. Of the two, which 

became unpopular? The assembly. And 
when, on the 2nd of December, the president 
wished to get rid of the assembly, what pre- 
text did he allege? The kw of the 3 1st of 
May, supported by liimself. Louis Bona- 
parte, the president, had assisted through 
his ministers in the mutilation of univer^ 
suffrage. Louis Napoleon, wishing to be- 
come emperor, gave as his motive for the 
coup d'etat his desire to re-establish univer- 
.sal suffrage. 

Nothing now remained but to substitute 
a monarchy for the republic. It was on 
this po'mt that the president and the ma- 
jority in the assembly, who were united 
against the republican spirit, were to dis- 
agree. Natunilly tlie Bonapartists wished 
to reinstate the empire; and the majority of 
the Right benches only desired a monarchy. 
The schism had begun less than a year after the prcsidentiid election. TJl 
then, tin* president, Louis Napoleon, had allowed the united Orleaixists and 
legitimist parties to goveni, under the name of Odilon Barrot. On the Slst of 
October, 1849, with a suddenness that was almost melodramatic, he dismissed 
his ministers; and saying that France desireil "to feel the hand and the will 
of him who had been electeii on the 10th of December" — that '' the name of 
Napoleon in itself constituted a programme,'' he formed a Bonapartist min- 
istry, including Baroche, Rouher, Fould, Ferdinand Barrot, and others. 

This did not prevent the Bonapartist ministry and the royalist majority 
from working together, in 1850, in their work of reaction against the republic, 
by means of the laws we have just mentioned. But as soon as the assembly 
was dispersed, on his return from a journey through France, the president 
reviewed the army at Satory. The cavalry cried, "Long live the emperor!" 
but the infantry was silent. And as proof that this demonstration was made 
to order is the fact that on inquiry the peneral, having asserted that the troops 
ought not to have uttered this cry while under arms and that they had thus 
prevented the infantry from joining in it, was immediately deprived of his 

In this way plans for a restoration of the empire were revealed; and a 
visit paid by Berryer to the count de Chambord at Wiesbaden, and the fact 

AdolpDC Thikbh 



[1860-1861 A.D.] 

that Thiers made a journey to Claremont to visit the Orleans family/ aiul 
energetic attempts to reconcile the two branches of the Bourbons, who ha<l 
been estranged since 1830, showed that the royalists also were planning a 
restoration. The imperialists rallictl round the president, while the royalists 
fixed their hopes on Genera! Changamier, who was in command in Paris. 
Louis Napoleon had him dismissed by the government^ in which he had just 
made some changes. Thus showed what his plans were and a storm arose in 
the assembly. " If you yieJd/' siiid Thiers, '* the empire will \yQ established." 
The assembly overthrew the ministry, but the president replaced it by another 
Bonapartist ministry, rather more insignificant than its predecessor. Chan- 
gamier, however, was not reinstated. 

Monarchists of all shades of opinion were warmly petitioning for a re- 
vision of the constitution — the Bonapartists in order to prolong the powers of 
Louis Napoleon, who was about to stand for re-election; the royalists in 
onier to t^ke the rej)ublic. Tlu* diseuasion was a brilliant oratorical strug- 
gle between the partisans of monarchy and the republicans. Berryer was 
the chief mouthpiece of the former. The republican party, ab-eady weak- 
ened by exile, had still quite a constellation of orators, from Jules Favre to 
Mailier de Montjau. The chief of these heirs of Ledru-Rollin was Michel 
de Bourges, who, in debate on the revision, rose to splendid heights of oratory. 

Tlie advanced democrats liad a still more famous orator: Victor Hugo 
had devoted himself entirely to tlie republic. His genius, which liad at first 
taken little interest in politics, but which had blossomed in the royalist camp, 
had marched with the times. The sight of the reaction of 1850 had made him 
a radical. He was soon to show, amidst the bullets of the cmip iTHat and 
in exile, his loyalty and intrepidity in the cause of the people. His great 
speeches on the reactionary laws and his sj^eech on the revision are among 
the most brilliant and most solid of his works. It was in the latter speech 
that he called the presiilent, soon to be emjjeror, "Napoleon the Little.*' 

The struggle between the latter and the ro>;alist majority became more 
desperate. Even before the debate on the revision, at the opening of a rail- 
way, he haxi openly atUicketl the assembly. From the tribune Cnangarnier 
had replied that the soldiers would never march against the national repre- 
sentatives, adding emphatically, "Representatives of the country, continue 
your deliberations in peace." But these empty words did not allay the 
anxiety that was felt, and at the end of 1851, the quaestors of the chamber 
proposBd to promulgate as a law, and to affix in the barracks, the clause in 
the decree of 1848 giving the president of the chamber the right to call out 
the troops and compelling the officers to obey him. 

The republicans, equally distrusting the royalists who made the proposi- 
tion and the Bonapartists against whom it was directed, made the mistake 
of voting against it. Michel de Bourges, in his blind confidence, spoke of the 
** invisible sentinel who guards the republic and the people." The proposition 
was rejected. 

The coup d'etat had been long prepared. General Magnan^ minister of 
war. liad already soundctl and gainecl over the generals under his orders. The 
president Louis Napoleon was only waiting for a propitious moment to break 
the oath which he had sworn to the republic. Many times rumours had been 
set afloat, and many times the republicans hati taken their precautions; and 
there was actually a question of risking the coup d^^tat earlier. But the 

[' The chief of the Orleans braach, Ia>iiIk Philippe, died in exi!e August 20tb, 1850, at the 
agv of serentj-bix. As Martin ^ sayn, " France has not cherished a hostile feeling toward his 
memory ; If he erred in his |>oIicy, he made hitter expiation."] 


[1861 A.D.] 

wisest of the party resolved to wait until the vacation of the assembly had 


All Wits retuly. At the last moment Louis Napoleon began to hesitate. 
Bold in his projects, undecided in execution, a man of conrti>iracy without 
being really a man of action, he was capable of allowing the moment for 
action to go by; anti yet both he and his were at the end of their pecuniary 
resources. Persi^y^ who thought he might take any lilKTty in con8i(ieration 
of his absolute devotion, subjected the president to a violent scene. Morny 
and 8aint-Arnaud also made him feel that the time for tlreaming had gone 
by. The day and hour were fixetl. 

There were grouj^s in the assembly composed of Bonapartists and of men 
desiroiLs, from other motives, to come to terms with the president, who now 
at the last moment also meditated an unconstitutional revision of the con- 
stitution, but at the hands of the jLSsernbly itself. Some politicians, rather 
clfrical than legitimist or Orleanist, such as Montalembert and F'alloux, were 
working m this direction. A Bonapartist historian (Granier de Cassagnac)/ 
has asserted that on the evening of the 1st of December Falloux made Louis 
Napoleon an offer to take the initiative at the triliune in proposing a prolonga- 
tion of the president's powers by a simple majority, if it were necessary to 
have recourse to force in case the Left resisted. Louis Napoleon is said to 
have postponed liis answer till the following day. Falloux has protested 
against this inculpation; in the evening Morny, Saint-Amaud, and Maupas 
arrived at the £lys6e and in concert with the president took all the steps for 
the coup d'etat the next morning. Louis Napoleon, who paid a superstitioas 
attention to aiuiiversaries, hati clu)son that of his uncle's coronation and of 
the day of Austorlitz, the 2nd of December.^ 

On that day^ the prince went out on horseback, accompanied by a brilliant 
escorts of generals; tliey passed through the Chanips-filys^is, along the 
streets and the Ixjulevanls, greeted by the troops and by some of the people. 
It was the seal of his victory. 

However, the struggle was not ended, lawful resistance was followed by 
riots, which had no chance of success with a government and generals who 
were decidetl on action. Both the representatives of the Mountain — who 
had declared so proudly on the 17th of November that the assembly was 
under its ])rotection — and the people had tried in vain on December 2nd to 
organise* nvsistance. On the morning of the ,Srd, a barricade was raised in 
the faubourg St, Antoine; it was eiusily de.stroyed by the troops after a brief 
fire, during which a delegate, Baudin, was killed. In the course of the day 
and in the evening new barricatles were erected in the districts of St. Martin 
and the Temple; they offered but a slight resistance to the troops. Measures 
had been carefully taken, and "the people" replied but faintly to the appeal 
of its represent-atives. 

The following day, December 4th, was more serious though without en- 
dangering the new state of affairs. The troops had returned to their barracks, 
either because General Saint-Amaud believed that resistance had come to an 
end, or because, following the example of Cavaignac in June, he did not wish 
to (iisperse his troops, or else because he wished to give the rebels an oppor- 
timity to form their army so that he might destroy it by a single blow: bar- 
ricades were erected freely in the usual quarters; the troops were not brought 
out till the afternoon. There took place what has been called, not without 
exaggeration, " the boulevard massacre." A body of troops, which had been 


[1861 A.T>.] 

fired on, returned the fire without orders.? Many onlookers were countetl 
among the dead. Victor Hugo, who was banished for his opposition to 
Napoleon, ^Tote in exile an account of this massacre, from which we quote. 


A little after one o'clock, December 4th, the whole length of the boule- 
vards, from the Madeleine, was suddenly covered with cavalry and infantry, 
presenting a total of 16,410 men. Each brigiule had its artillery with it. 
Two of the cannon, with their muzzles turned different ways, had been 
pointed at the ends of the rue Montnmrtre and the faubourg Montmartre 
rc*sfH*ctively; no one knew why, aH neither the street nor the faubourg pre- 
sented even the appearance of a barricade. The spectators, who crowded 
the pavement and the windows, looked 
with affright at ail these cannon, sa- 
bres, and bayonets, which thus blocked 
up the street. 

"The troops were laughing and 
chatting," says one witness. Another 
witness says^ "The sokhers had a 
strange look about them." Most of 
them were leaning upon their muskets, 
with the butt-en^l upon tlie. ground, 
and seemed nearly falling from latigue, 
or something else. One of those old 
officers who arc accustomod to rrud a 
soldier's thoughts in liis eyes, General 

, said, as he passe<l the caf^ Fras-, 

cati, "They are dnmk." 

There were now some inilications 
of what was about U) happen. At 
one moment, when the crowd was 
crying to the trfK)ps, " V^ive la rfjyu- 
bliqiie! Dow^l with Louis Bonaparte!" 
one of the officers was heard to say, 
in a low voice, "Cm va toumer h la 
cJiOTciiterie!^' (We shall soon have a 

little to do in the pork-butchering Victor huoo 


A battalion of infantry debouches from the rue Richelieu. Before the 
cM Cardinal it is greeted by a unanimous cry of " Vive la HpuhliqneV^ A 
literary man, the editor of a conservative paper, who happened to be on the 
spot, adds the words, ^' Down with Soulouque!" The officer of the staff, 
who commanded the dftaehnient, makes a blow at him with his sabre. The 
journalist avoitis the blow and the sabre cuts in two one of the small trees on 
the boulevards. 

As the 1st regiment of Lancers, comman<1ed by Colonel Rochefort, came 
up opposite the rue Taitbout, a numerous crowd covered the pavement of 
the boulevards. This crowd was composed of some of the inhabitants of that 
quarter of the towni. of merchants, artists, journalists, and even several young 
mothers leading their children by the hand. As the regiment was passing by, 
men and women — everyone, in fact^ — cried, " Vive la comtilulion ! Vive la hi ! 
Vive la rdpublique!^* Colonel Rochefort, the same person who had presided 


[1861 i.x>.] 

at the banguet given on the 31st of October, 1851, at the ficole Militaire, by 
the 1st regiment of Lancers to the 7th regiment of Lancers, and who at this 
banquet liad proposed aa a toast "Prince Louis Napoleon, the chief of the 
state, the personification of that order of which we are the defenders!" — this 
colonel, on hearing the crowd utter the above cr>', whicli was perfectly legal, 
spiuTed his horse into the midst of the crowd, through all the chairs on the 
pavement, w^hile the Lancers precipitated themselves aft^^r him, and nien, 
women, and children were indiscriminately cut down. "A great numlx^r 
remained dead on the spot," says a defentler of the coup d'<?tat; and then 
adds, "It was done in a moment." 

About two o'clock two howitzers were pointed at the extremity of the 
boulevard Poissonni^re, at one himdred and fifty paces from the little ad- 
vanced barricaiie of the guardhouse on the boulevard Bonne-Nouvelle. 
While placing the guns in their proper position, two of the artillerj'-men, who 
are not often guilty of a false manoeuvre, broke the pole of a caisson. ** Don't 
you see they are dnmk!" exclaimed a man of the lower classes. 

At half past two — for it is necessary to follow the progress of this hideous 
drama minute b}-^ minute, and step by step — the firing commenced before 
the barricade, but it was languid and almost seemed as if done for amusement 
only. The chief cifFicers apix^ared to be thinking ftf anytlung l)ut a combat. 
We shall soon see, however, of what they were tliitikini;. The first cannon 
ball, badly aimed, passed above all the barricades and killed a little boy at 
the chAteau d'Eau as he was procuring water from the basin. The shops were 
shut, as were also almost all the windows. There was, however, one window 
left open in an upper story of the house at the comer of the rue de Sentier. 
The principal mass of mere spectators were still on the southern side of the 
street. It was an ordinary erowd and nothing more — men, women, children, 
and old people who looked upon the languid attack and defence of the bar- 
ricade as a sort of sham fight. This barricade served as a spectacle until the 
moment arrived for making it a pretext. 

The soldiers harl l>een skinni.shing in this manner, and the defenders of 
the barricade returning their fire, for about a quarter of an hour, without 
anyone being wounded on either side, when suddenly, as if by the agency of 
electricity, an extntonlinary and terril)Ie movement was obs<»rved, first in 
the infantry and then in the cavalry. All of a sudilen, as we have said l)efore, 
the cavalry, infantry, and artillery faced towards the dense crowd upon the 
pavement^ and then, without anyone being able to assign a reason for it, 
unexix!ctetlly, without any motive, without any previous warning, as the in- 
famous proclamations of the morning had armounced, the butchery com- 
menced from the theatre of the Gynuiasc, to the Bains t'hinois — that is to 
say the whole length of the richest, the most freijuented, and the most joyous 
boulevard of Pans. The army conunenceil shooting down the people, with 
the muzzles of their mu.**kets actually touching them. 

It was a horrible moment: it would be impossible to describe the cries, 
the arms of the people raised towards heaven, their surprise, their horror — 
the crowd flying m all directions, the shower of balls falhng on the pavement 
and bounding to the roofs of the houses, corpses covering tlie road in a single 
moment, young men falling with their cigars still in their mouths, women in 
velvet gowTis shot down deatl by the long rifles, two booksellers killed on 
their own thresholds without knowing what offence tliey had committed, 
shots fired down the cellar-holes and killing anyone, no matter who haf>- 
pened t-o be below. 

When the butchery was ended — that is to say when night had completely 


[1851 iuo.] 

set in, and it had begun in the middle of the day — the deiid bodies were not 
removed; they were so numerous that thirty-three of them were counted 
before a single shop. Every space of ground left open in the asphalt at the 
foot of the trees on the boulevards wjus a reservoir of blood. "The dead 
bodies," says a witness, "were piled up in heaps, one upon the other, old 
men, children, persons in blouses and paletots, all collected pell-mell, in one 
indescribable mass of headn, arms, and legs." 

Ah! you will tell nie, M. Bonaparte, that you are sorry, but tliat it was an 
unfortunate affair: that in presence of Paris, ready to rise, it was necessary 
to adopt some decided measure, and that you were forced to this extremity; 
that as regards the coup dY'tat, you were in debt, that your ministers were m 
debt, that your aides-de-camp were in debt, that your footmen were in debt, 
that you had made yourself answerable for them all, and that, deuce take it, 
a man cannot be a prince without squandering, from time to time, a few 
millions too much — that he must amuse himself and enjoy life a litlle; that 
the assembly was to blame for not having understood this, and for wishing to 
restrict you to two wretched millions a year, and, what is more, for wishing 
to make you resign your authority at the expiration of four years, and act 
up to the constitution; that, aftt^ allj you could not leave the Elys^e to enter 
the debtors' prison at Clichy; that you had in vain had recourse to those 
little expedients which are provided for by Article 405 of the criminal code; 
that an exposure was at hand; that the demagogical j)ress was sprea<ling 
strange tales; that the matter of the gold ingots threatened to become known; 
that you were bound to respect the name of Napoleon; and that, by my 
faith, having no other alternative, anil not wishing to be a vulgar criminal, 
to be dealt with in the common course of law, you preferred being one of the 
assassins of history! 

So then, instead of polluting, this blood you shed purified you! Very 

I continue my account. When all was finished, Paris came to see the 
sight. The people flocked in crowds to the scenes of these terrible occur- 
rences; no one offered them the least obstruction. This was what the butcher 
wanted. Louis Napoleon had not done all this to hide it afterwanls. 

Thirty-seven corpses were heaped up in the cit<^ Berg^re; the passers-by 
could count them through the iron raUmgs. A woman was standing at the 
comer of the rue Richelieu. She was looking on. All of a sudden, she felt 
that her feet were wet. "Why, it must have been raining here," she said; 
"my shoes are full of water.' "No, Madam," replied a person who was 
passing, *'it is not water." Her feet were in a pool of blood. 

A witness says, "The boulevards presented a horrible sight. We were 
literally walking in blood. We counted eighteen corpses in about five-and- 
twenty paces." Another witness, the keef>er of a wme-shop in the rue du 
Sentier, says, "I ca.uie along the boulevard da Temple to my house. When 
I got home I had an inch of bloo<[ around the bottom of my trousers." 

The massacre was but a means; the end was intimidation. Was this end 
attained? Yes. Immediately afterwards, as early as the 4th of December, 
the public excitement was calmed. Paris was stupefied. The voice of in- 
dignation which ha<l l^een raised at the coup d'etat was suddenly hushed at 
the carnage. Matters had assumeil an appearance completely unkno\\Ti in 
history. People felt that they had to deal with one whose nature was un- 
known. Crassus had crusheii the gladiators; Herod had slaughtered the 
mfants, Charles IX had exterminated the Huguenots; Peter of Rvjssia, the 
Strelitz guards; Mehemet Ali, the mameluke-s; Mahmoud, the janissaries; 



[1861 A.D,] 

while Danton bad massacred the prisoners: Louis Napoleon had just dia- 
covered a new eort of massacre — the massacre of the passers-by. 

From this moment, in spite of all the efforts of the committees, of the 
republican representatives, and of their courageous allies, there was — save 
at certain points only, such as the barricade of the Petit Carreau, for instance, 
where Denis Dussouhs, the brother of the representative, fell so heroicjilly — 
naught but a slight effort of resistance which more resembled the convulsions 
of despair than a combat. All was finished. The next day, the 5th, the 
victorious troops parade<l on th<^ boulevards. A genend was seen to show 
his naked sword to the people, and was heard to exclaim: "There is the re- 
public for you!" 

Thus it was this infamous butchery, this massacre of the passers-by, 
which was meant as a last resource by the measures of the 2ud of December. 
To undertake them, a man must be a traitor; to render them successful, he 
must be an assassin. It was by this wolf-like proceeding that the coup 
d'6tQX conquered France and overcame Paris. Yes, Paris! It was necessary 
for a man to repeat it over and over again to himself before he can credit it. 
Is it at Paris that all this happened? 

Is it possible that, because we stiU eat and drink; because the coach- 
makers' trade in RouriKhing; because vou, navigator, have work in the Bois 
de Boulogne; because you, mason, gam forty sous a day at the Louvre: be- 
cause you, banker, have niade money by the Austrian motallics, or by a loan 
from the house of Hope and Co.; because the titles of nobility are restored; 
because a person can now be called Monsieur le comtc or Madame la duchesse; 
because religious processions traverse the streets on the occasion of the F^te- 
Dieu; because people take their pleasure; because they are merry; because the 
walls of Paris are covered with bills of f(>tes and theatres — is it possible that, 
because this is the case, men forget that there arc corpses lying Ijeneath? 

Is it possible that because men's daught-CTS have been to the ball at the 
ficolc Militaire, because they reliinicil home with tlazzled eyes, aching heads, 
toni dresses, and faded bouquets; Ijccause, throwing themselves on their 
couches, they have dozed off to sleep, and dreamed of some handsome officer — 
is it possible that, because this is the case, we should no longer remember 
that under the turf beneath our feet, in an obscure grave, in a deep pit, in 
the inexorable gloom of death, there lies a crowd that is still icy cold and 
terrible — a multitude of human beings already become a shapeless mass, 
devoured by the worm, consumed by corruption, and beginning to he con- 
founded with the earth aroimd them; a multitude of human beings who 
existed, worked, thought, and loved; who had the right to live, and who 
were murdered ? ^ 


The aspect of Paris on the morning of December 5th was sinister. Here 
and there pools of blood were to be seen on the pavements of the boulevards. 
Corpses had been ranged in the cit6 Berg^re at the entrance to the faubourg 
Montmartre. A much larger number, more than three hundred and fifty, 
according to the testimony of the warden of the Cimetii>re du Nord, were 
transported to that cemetery; the warden had received orders to bury them 
immediately; he only half-obeyed and left the heads above ground so that 
the families might at least recognise their dead! 

The Parisians could no longer laugh at Louis Napoleon: he had succeeded 
in getting himself taken seriously; ridicule had disappeared under horror. 


[185M852 A.D.] 

The coup d*^tat was winning the day. The weak hastened to come to terms; 
the strong were furious at their impotence to punish triumphant crime; the 
crowd, stunned, was silent: the greater number bowed prostrate. During the 
day 01 the 5th of December silent and sombre figures breathing concentrated 
fury were seen wandering slowly about the Iwulevards; in the central quarters 
some feeble attempts at barricades were renewed and almost instantly aban- 
doned. All was indeed over in Paris! That same day, t!ie 5th of Deceniber, 
a decree of the president declared that when troops should have contributed 
by fighting "to re-estabhsh order" at home, that service shoulti I)e counted 
as service m the field. Service in civil war was raised to the level of service 
in foreign war. 

On the 6th of December a decree restored the Pantheon to religious wor- 
ship and reconverted it into the church of vSte. Genevieve. Advances to 
the clergy followed the favours to the army. By a circular of the 1.5th Morny 
exhorted the prefects to do wliat authority could acrnmplisti to secure respect 
for the Smuiay rest. Hn preseribed the iiit^^rruptioii of public work on Sun- 
days and holy days. He declared that " the man who in contempt of the 
most venerated traditions reserves no day for the accomplishment of his 
duties becomes sooner or later a prey to materialism [" The volup(uary 
with bloodstained hands constituted himself a teacher of religious morality 
and of orthodoxy. This was characteristic of the new regime, in which every 
kind of excess was to be associated with every kind of hypocrisy. 

A decree of the 7th of December had deferred all overt acts relative to 
what was called the insurrection, to the military jurisdiction. The next day 
it was decreed that any individual who should have ma<le part of a secret 
Bociety or who, having been placed under the surveillance of the hmUe police^ 
6ho\ild have left the place assigned to him, eoiJd be transported, as a measure 
retiuired by the general siifety, to Cayeime or Algeria. This placed a number 
of persons at the discretion of the governmen*, especially in the south. 

In Paris arrests multiplied in an alarming manner. According to the 
Bonapartist historians they exceeded twenty-six thousand. The prisons 
of Paris were filled; the overflow of prisoners was sent to the forts, where 
t-hcy were crowded together in dump and frt»ezing casemates. Workmen 
ancf bourgeois mingleil m almost equal munbers in tlie frateniity of the cell. 

The struggle, stifled at Paris, continued in the departments. The dtv 
partmenta were much divided. The lieniocratic-sociiilistic pmpaganila had 
nna«le but insignificimt progress in these n^gions, although the industrial 
populations were beginnmg to practise with success the ideas of associaticjn 
— for example, in what concerne<:l the societies of consumption. The demo- 
cratic propaganda, on the contrary, in spite of the arrest of the first organisers, 
had developeii to an extraorduiary extent in the south anrl m a part of the 
centre. There it was no longer, as formerly, the workmen of the towns; it 
was the pciisants, who were again taking action, as in '89— with this differrnce, 
to the great disadvantage of the new niovtMnent: tliere wius no longer, 
as in '89, a clear idea, a definite object, namely the destruction of privilege 
and of the old r^ime. Men accepted the vague word socialism, while reject- 
JTig anything which might resemble comnmnism. In all this nothing was 
clearly detennined except the name of "republic" and the resolution of a 
general rising in 1852. Tlie order liad gone forth to go to the voting, each 
with arms in his hand, in defiance of the law of the 31st of May; it was 
calculated that a democratic restoration would be the result of this struggle. 
In what form exactly would it be? No one could well have told. 

The year 1852 appeared to a great part of the popular masses as a sort of 



[1851-1852 AD.) 

mystic date, a new era of liberty and prosperity. The hope of some was the 
terror of others. This impending revolution inspired the conservatives with 
such fear that it prepared thorn to accept anything in order to escape upheaval. 
It goes without saying that the militarj' and civil functionaries, selected 
and prepared long beforehand^ adhered, with honourable exceptions, to the 
coup d'<?tat. In the north and west the republicans could make only feeble 
manifestations in a few to^vTis. 

Tlie attempts at revolt which had broken out on a hundred diiferent 
points in the southwest indicated what the rising might have been if one at 
Iciust of (he two great cities of the Garonne had afTordod it a centre of support. 
The democratic party was still more powerful in the southeast. The three 
old provinces of Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphin^ were everywhere 
coveretl with affiliations of the society of the Mountainists. Initiations took 
place with a ceremonial borrowed more or less from the free-mjiaons and the 
carbonari, and calculated to impress the imagination. The neophyte, his 
eyes bandaged, took an oath on a sword. In Hdrault he was made to swear 
by Christ that he woulsi defend the democratic and socialistic republic. " Dost 
thou sT^^ear," said the initiator to him, "to quit father and mother, wife and 
children, to fly to the defence of liberty?" '* I swear it three times by Clirist." 
It is said that there were sixty thousand persons affiliated in H(^rault. 

After the suppi-ession of the insurrection in H^rault more than three 
thousand persons were arrested, of whom more than two thousand were de- 
ported. In hunting down the fugitives, the pursuing soldiers constantly sliot 
dead those who endeavoured to escape them. In Baases-A1|K'S the republtr^in 
rising hatl been almost unanimous: there curi5s had been seen associating 
themselves with it with a sincere devotion, and sharing its perils. The ruin 
was general, as the movement had been. Many of the inhaliitants fled, to 
(*sca[)e the arrest^s en Uh'usse. Villages were depopulated, Sequestrations 
were employed against the fugitives — in fact, no means of persecution was 
neglected. In this department, the least populous of all, nearly one thousand 
persons were deported. The misfortunes and the patriotism of tliis honest 
and courageous population deser\'e the esteem and sympathy of France. 

The struggle was everywhere terminated towards the middle of Decem- 
ber. The few crimes committed here and there by insurgents cannot be 
brought into comparison with the atrocity of the tremenrious reaction which 
extended over a great part of France. Many harmless persons, whole groups 
of the population, had done honour to themselves by their courageous re- 
sistance; but as Eugene Tenot,*? the excellent historian of the coup d^^tat. 
has remarked, events had exiiibited on a large scale the impotence of secret 
societies to effect the general movements which decide the destinies of coun- 
tries; and yet in this cjise those societies had the exceptional advantage of 
having justice as well as law in their favour. 


The struggle ha<l come to an end; it had been replaced by the terrorising 
of the conquered. Thirty-two departments were in a stage of siege. Nearly 
one hundred thousand citizens were captives in the prisons or the fortresses. 
The casemates of the forts about Paris were overflowing with prisoners. The 
examining magistrates proceeded to summary interrogations, after which the 
persons detained were sent before military commissions. The latter, in ac- 
cordance with the dossiers of the police and a few words added by the judges 


[185t-lH5Q A.i>.] 

to those notes, classed the prisoners in one of these three categories: (1) 
Persons taken with arms in their hands or again^st whom grave charges are 
brought; (2) Persons against whom less grave charges are brought; (3) 
Dangerous persons. The first category was to be juilgeri summarily by court 
martial; the second sent before various tribunals; the third deported without 

It was under such conditions that the vote on the appeal to the people 
was proceeded -ftith on the 20th and 21st of December. It may be judged 
what degree of liberty was left t^ the electors. There were to be no news- 
papers, no meetings. The prefects classeti electoral meetings with the secret 
societies. The general commanding the department of Clirr \nu\ had placards 
put up to the effect that any person seeking to disturb the voting or criticising 
the result would l>e brought before a court martial. The prefect of Bas- 
Rliiu had formally inttTdicted the distribution of tlie voting papers. The 
prefect of Haute-Garonne annoiuicod that he would prosecute anyone who 
should distribute voting papers, even in manascript, without authority. The 
gendarmerie arrested clecti>rs on charge of having incited others to vote 
against the president of the republic. 

The consultative commission instituted by Louis Napoleon on the 3rd of 
December was cntrustefl with the counting of the ballot of the appeal to the 
people. It reported 7,439,210 aves, 646,737 noc^Sj 36,SS0 papers rejected. At 
Pans there had been 132,181 ayes, 80,691 noes, 3,200 rejected papers; 75,000 
electors had not voted. 

What was the value of these figures? It is impossible to doubt that 
violence and fraud had considerably swelled them. Wliat supervision had it 
been possible to exercise over the votes? What scruples were to be expected 
from a great number of the men who presided at the elections? The people 
voted under the influence of terror in many liepartTTients where all who were 
not in prison or in flight voted "aye" to pacify the conqueror. The immense 
majority of ten to one, which the consultative commission proclaimed was then 
evidently artificial; nevertheless, wnthout this terrori.ging, Louis Napoleon 
would have obtainetl a much smaller but still a real niajority in the greater 
part of France: the Napoleonic prestige still subsisted with some; others, as 
was inevitable in such a case, yielded to fear of the unknown, to the dread of 
a new crisis on the In^els of tlie old. 

Louis Napoleon tried to justify his usurpation by a sophism: '' France," 
he said, " has realised that I exceeded the bounds of legality only to return to 
justice. More than seven millions of votes have now absolved me." He 
said that with the assistance of "all good men, the devotion of the army, 
and the protection of heaven," he hoped to render himself worthy of the con- 
fidence which the people wouhi continue to place in him. "I hope," he 
a<]de<l, "to secure the dpslinies uf PVanee by founding iuHtitutinns which will 
answer at once to the democratic instincts of the nation and the universal 
desire to have henceforth a strong and respected government. To recon- 
stitute authority without wfjunding equality is to plant the foundations of 
the sole edifice which will later on be capable of supporting a wise and be- 
neficent liberty." Thus he fleigned to promise liberty at a futm-e date, 
while reserving to himself the choice of the moment. 

On the morning of that day of the year which o|>ened a period so differ- 
ent from that on which many hopes had waited in 1852, a decree had sub- 
stituted the imperial eagle of Rome for the cock by which the constitutional 
monarchy and the republic recalled ancient Gaul. Another decree announced 
that the chief of the state was about to take the Tuileries for his residence. 


[1651-1852 4.0.) 

Whilst Iho man of the 2nd of December was installing himself in the palace 
of the khjgs, the chief representatives of the republic were tlrivrn into exile. 


From the day which followed the coup d'etat the executors of the plot 
had given very different treatment to the captive representatives, according 
to whether they were conservatives or republicans. They had at first divided 
the 2S2 representatives, confined in the barracks of the quai d'Orsay, into 
three convoys; they had crowded them into the prison vans in which male- 
factors are carried. Forty members of the Right w^ere set at liberty. The 
republiams were conduct<*d to Mazas, where they were placed in the cells 
and under the same rules as thieves. The imprisoned generals had just been 
sent from Mazas to Hjim. At Mazas they had left Thiers who, like the gen- 
erals, had lxH*n arrested during the preceding niglit. 

On the 4th, almost all the prisoners of Vincennes were set at liberty. On 
the 8th of January the generals detained at Ham and their companion in 
captivity, the questeur Baze, were conducted into Belgium. The next day 
ap|»eared a series of decrees of proscription. The individuals " convicted of 
having taken part in the recent msurrections " were to be deported — some to 
Guiana, others to Algeria. A decree designated five representatives of the 
Mountain for deportation. The sentence of deportation wa.s aftcnvards 
commuted into exile for three of them. A second ilecree expelled from Franc-c, 
from Algeria, anfl from the colonies, " on grounds of the general safety/' sixty- 
six repros<:'niativf's of thn Left, amongst tJioni Victor Hugo and several others 
who were destined to aid in the foundation of the third republic. 

A third decree t^^mporarily removed from France and -\lgeria eighteen 
other represent^itives, amongst whom the generals figured, together with 
Thiers, Rerruisat, and some ineinberj* of the T^'ft, of whom were Edgar Quinet 
and Einilo de Gtrardin. The same ilay, January 9th, a first convoy of four 
hundred and twenty of the Parisian captives was sent from the fort of Bic^tre 
to Le HavTc; they were crowded togotlier at the bottom of the hold of a frigate. 
Convoys followed one another incessantly in the direction of the ports where, 
amid all kinds of moral ami physical sufferings, thousands of unfortunates 
wailed for tlie tloparturc of the vessels. Cayenne and Lambessa divided the 

WTiilst the prisons of Paris were being emptied in this fashion, attention 
was also given \.<y the departments. The new government was embarrassed 
by the multitude of its captives. It authoriHcd its prefect*s t-o set at liberty 
all those of the prisoners whom they might judge not dangerous (January 
29th). This measure was the famous "mixed commissions" {commissions 
mijtes). In each ilepartmcnt a sort of tribunal was set up, comi)osed of the 
prefect, the rnilit-firy commandant, and the citej dn parquet (procureur-gen^nil 
or prosecuUjr for the republic). On these commi.s.'^ions was conferretl the 
power to decree citation before a court martial, transportation, or release. 

It was the reversal of all law and justice — something worse than the 
revolutionary tribunals of '93 and than the provosts' courts (cowr* prMtales) 
of the restoration, which at least admitted discussion and defence in public. 
The mixefl commissions of 1852, as the historian of the coup d'6tat (Eugene 
T^Miot*?) says, "decided without procedure, v\ithout hearing of witnesses, 
without public sentence the fate of thousands and thousands of republicans." 
The mixed commissions have left the ineffaceable memory of one of the most 
monstrous facts of history. 



[1808 A.i>.] 


An act quite as extraordinary in another class was the promulgation of 
the new constitution fabricated by the ilictator himself without assistance 
(January 14th, 1852). The conqueror of Italy and K^ypt. the vunquLsher 
of Austria, had at least, for the sake of fornmlity, required eminent men to 
deliberate on his constitution of the year VIII. The vanqiiisher of the 2nd 
of December had not thought it necessary to cover himself by such forms. 
In a preamble skilfully enough drawn uj), with the object of proving that 
for the last fifty years the French nation had only continued in virtue of 
the institutions of the consulate and the empire, he affirmed that society as 
existing was nothing other than Fraru^e rcgeiicrateil by the revolution of '89 
and organised by the emperor. Having kept everything belonging to the 
consulate and the empire, save the political institutions overturned by the 
European coalition, why should France not resume thone political institutions 
with the rest? 

The constitution of 1852 starts by "recognising, confirming, and guaran- 
teeing the great principles proclaimed in 1789, whicTi are the base of the public 
law of the French." Only it says not a word of the liberty of the preys, Jior 
of the liberty of assembly and association. "The government of tlie French 
Republic Is confided for ten years to Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 
The constitution declares the chief of the state responsible to tlie French 
people; but it forgets to mention how this responsibility is to be realised; 
the French peoi>le will have no means of applying it except by the way of 
revolution. '*Thc chief being responsible, his action must l3e free and un- 
sliackled." The ministc^rs then must de|M'nd only on him and will no longer 
form a collectively and individually responsible council. They will no longer 
bear any relation to the deliberative assemblies. "The president of the 
rej>ublic commands the sea and land forces, declares war, makes treaties of 
peace, of alliance and of commerce, nominates to all offices, makes the regu- 
lations and decrees necessary to the execution of the laws." 

Justice is rendered in his name. He alone initiates laws. He sanctions 
and promulgates laws. All public fimctionaries make the oath of fidelity 
to him, The first wheel in the new organisation is to be a council of state 
of forty to fifty members, nominated antl liable to be dismissed by the presi- 
dent of the republic, discussing bills w^ith closed dtjors, then J)^e^^enting them 
for the acceptance of the legislative body. In fact the constitution of 1852 
outdid, as a monarchical reaction, the constitution of the year VIII. It was 
not the consulate; it was already the empire, organised dictatorship, and the 
total confiscation of public liberties. Thirty-seven years after the fall of 
Napoleon the Great, the long struggles of French liberty ended in re-estab- 
lishing absolute power in hands without genius and without glory. 

The same day, the 22nd of Jaimary, appeared a decree which obliged the 
members of the house of Orleans to sell within the space of a year all the 
property belonging to them in the territory of the republic. On the 29th 
of March the prince-president proceeded to the inauguration of the chamlxTs 
in the Hall of the Marshals at the Tuileries. It was thought that in his 
speech he would make it understood that he expected another title — that of 
emperor. He left this subject still undetermined. He spoke of still pre- 
serving the ^»publi(^ This was to mock at his listeners and at France; but he 
did not wish to appear to be in a hurry to seize what could not now escape him. 

The session of the two chambers was then opened by the presidents whom 

xejh 'ilclator Jia^i given thfrrii. I:. '.L*- -"^ri-a'.r L -l- Nif<<koii had choecn his 
'i-v;!*:, Jenjrne, the ex-kuig of \\^ii. Ir. \ir,j^ •>: th^ new coostituiion 
tJjft p'Aid'fnts clairnefl frr>m th-r :rl*:::J^T^ cf :r.-^ '.■"•o chacibers the oath of 
okA^i'viUfyft to the constitution azA of n :*::"::>• :o tL-e pr^si-ieni of the r^whlic. 
liuiing thf; w;B8ion a rumour wel- c-irr^L*. that Louts Napokon wcwld be 
pr*A:hx\m'i<i r;riifx?ror on the lOth of May. aft«-r the •ii?tribuiK» of the cades 
to the arrny. Tlie dictator 'iid not wish to siAke himself empjeror in this 
manner. He would prf>cee<l more artfully, and inten-ie'i to obtain a guaraih 
U:", thsxX the accomplishment of hU wishes fhould be imposed od himbvtiie 
eoiiXitry. He therefore undertook a new tour through the departments.^ 


Mafitcr of hinxself in the midst of the general enthusiasm, Louis Xapoieon 
wa« prrfparing for the great speech which would definitely decide his oestiny 
and the destiny of France. It wa« made at Borieaux on the 9th of October, 
at the of a banouet which had been given him by the chamber of com- 
merce. C>>ntrary to nL« castom he went --traight to the point: 

" I Hay with a frankness &s far remove^l from pride as from false modesty. 
that never has any nation manifej^tet^^i in a more direct, more spontaneous, 
more unanimous manner its wUh to rid itself of all anxiety as to the future, 
by strengthening under one control the government which Is sympathetic 
to it. The reason is that this people now realties both the false hopes which 
lulktd it and the perils which thn^ateneii it. It knows that in 1852 Society 
was hurrying to its downfall. It Ls grateful to me for having saved the ship 
by Kfstting up only the flag of France. Disabused of absiml theories, the 
nation lias acquired the conviction that its so-called reformers were but 
dreamers, for there was always an inconsistency, a disproportion, between 
their resources and the promised results.- To bring about the well-being of 
the country it is not necessary to apply new methods, but to give it, before 
all else, confidence in the present and security as to the future. These are 
the reasons why France appears anxioas to revert to an empire." 

Tlic important word had at last been uttered. With insinuating clever- 
ness Louis Napoleon also brought fon\*ard the principal objection to the 
scheme: "Tliere is an appreheasion abroad of which I must take note. In 
a spirit of distrust, ceKam persons are saying that imperialism means war. 
I say imperialism means pctace. It means peace because France desires it, 
and when France is satisfied the world Ls at rest. Glory may well be be- 
(|U(^athed as an inheritance, but not war. Did those princes who were Justly 
jjroud of Ix^mg descendants of Louis XIV revive his quarrels? War is not 
inadc! for pleasure, but by necessity; and in these times of transition when, 
side by side with m many elements of prosperity, on every hand so many 
euus(»s of death arise, one may truly say: * Woe unto him who first gives the 
signal in Kurope for a collision whose consequences would be incalculable.'" 

Prolcjnged cheers greeted these sentiments of pacific pride. The enthuffl- 
asm lx*carne tinged with emotion when the prince, continuing, outlined in 
sufxTl) liinguage the programme of his future government — a stately plan 
for an edifice never, alas! erected. On the 10th of October the presidential 
address, "The liordeaux Speech" as it was promptly dubbed, was tel^;raphed 
id Paris. So dignified, conciliatory, and loyal did its language appear, that 
it instantly pro(luced an emotion which was not artificial or simuiated, but 
profound anrl sincere. 

Louis Napoleon visited in rapid succession Angoul^me, Rocheforty La 


(From thf painting by Jvan Baptistc Tit^' 



Rochclle, and Tours; he made a last halt at Amboise and there, to impress the 
public fancy by some new and striking act, he set free the imprisoned Abdul- 

At two o'clock in the aft-emoon of the 16th of October, he arrived in Paris, 
and was received with full official pomp and circumstance. Representatives 
of official boflies went to the Gare d'Orl^ans to salute him. Tln^ .sound of 
caiuion iningleil with the pooling of bells, whilfi strains of military music 
alternated with patriotic songs. On the place do la Bastille the president of 
the municipal council, M. Dekngle, publicly congratulated him. 

Throughout the long line of the boulevards the theatres, public buildings, 
even some of the shops were decorated with triumphal arches. On one of 
them might be read some Imes from Virgil: "May the Gods of our fathers 
be favourable to this youth in this troubled age." More even than the apt 
quotation, the continuous cheers of the crowd gave its true significance to the 
reception. Thus was Louis Napoleon borne to the palace of the Tuileries. 
Then in the even'mg, satiated with homage, eager for rest and repose, he 
escapeti from the ovations and made his way to the chateau of St. 

If we except the plebiscites of the first Napoleon, which in the then existing 
condition of France and of Europe were little more than the marshalling of his 
troops by a military despot, this was the first time that any European ruler could 
assert that he held his position by the distinctly expressed will of the majority 
of the nation. On the other hand it was the first time that arw nation had 
attempted to form or expre&s any conamon will. It showed, first, that the 
French people, like every other, desires first of all internal order and peace, 
and therefore the first and necessary condition — strong executive power. It 
showed again that the united will of a people can onl}' be effectively exertefl 
through one man. The people do not sufficiently understand me-asures or 
policies to be excited by them. 

One of the promises held out to France was that the empire would mean 
peace. Yet a little rnore than two years intervened before tlie Crirtiean 
War, in which England indeetl joine<i, but which was brought on by Louis 
Napoleon and selfi^ schemers like Morny and Saint-Arnaud, who were iu*ging 
him foru^anl. The vast expenditure and loss of life led to no practictd result. 
Within three years from its close the same forces led to the Austrian war of 
1859, resulting indeed in the independence of Italy, but at a heavy cost to 
Europe in destroying the treaties of 1815 which liad given her half a century 
of peace. Three years again elapsed and there came the Mexican expedition, 
surpassing in folly and infamy any of the others, and crowned by the disgrace 
of the execution of Maximilian and the peremptciry notice to quit received 
after the close of the American Civil War. The temptation to regard the 
German invasion, with its infliction of frightful suffering, heavy indemnity, 
and the loss of two provinces, as a just retribution upon the empire is checked 
only by pity for the unfortmiate nation which thus expiated the sins of its 
rulers. It may well be said that the heaviest curse which has fallen upon 
France in two centuries is the name of Bonaparte./ 


On December 1st, 1852, at eight o'clock in the evening, in the midst of a 
thick fog, two hundred carriages, lighted by torchbearers on horseback, 
crossed the bridge of Boulogne, and went in the direction of the palace of 
St. Cloud, the windows of wnich were seen shining from afar; the members 



of the senate occupied these carriages; they carried the prince-president the 
decree of the senate which named him emperor. 

Tlie fdte of the proclamation of the empire was very similar to that of the 
return of the prince-president, and curiosity began to be exhausted: the same 
flags, the same imif orms, the same people, the same decorations, a smaller crowd 
in the streets, but more animation in the theme. The new government, by way 
of a rift to celebrate the joyous accession, delivered from imprisonment and 
fine uiose who were condemned for misdemeanours and infractions of the 
laws covering the press and the book trade: official warnings which had been 
sent to the journals were considered null and void; there was to be no am- 
nesty; exiles might return " if they acknowledged the national will/' that is, 
if they demand^ pardon. The absence of clemency, and the monotony of 
the same decorations, the same banners, the same arches, the same trans- 
parencies made the day dreary for some, fatiguing for others, long for all. Paris 
was anxious to escape from the outward trappings and to enter into the reality. 
A banc[uet for sixty persons and a simple reception at the residence of the 
sovereign ended the evening. At midnight a new guest slept in the Tuileries. 

So began the reign which was to finish at Sedan.^ 

napoleon's biarriaqe 

The foreign powers which had greeted the coup d'6tat as a bulwark against 
revolution did not so highly approve the second empire; but none the less 
they had nothing to do but accord it recognition. The three eastern powers 
were the slowest; and, as in the case of Louis Philippe, the czar Nicholas 
could not bring himself to grant the usual title "brother," but called him 
" good friend." Like his imcle in the case of his second marriage, the parvenu 
emperor sought a bride among the ancient royal families; but the eastern 
powers managed to foil his suit for the princess Charlotte of Vasa.* He 
thereupon married the beautiful Spanish woman Eugenie Montijo, duchess of 
Teba, January 30th, 1853. On March 16th, 1866, she bore him an heir. 
Prince Napoleon Eugdne.i 


After the coup d'etat, Louis Napoleon had already restored titles of 
honour, and he now endeavoured to surround himself by the most illustrious 
nobles of France. The nobility of the first empire were naturally the chief 
ornaments of his court: but the old legitimist and Orleanist nobles generally 
held themselves aloof from the Bonapartist circle, and aiTected the more 
select society of their own friends in the faubourgs St. Grermain and St. 
Honors. But if the old nobility were absent from the Tuileries, there was 
no lack of aspirants for new honours and distinctions. Military dukedoms, 
and other titles of nobility, were created, as in the first empire. Plebeian 
names were dignified by the ennobling prefix, so much cherished in French 
society; and the Legion of Honour was lavished with such profusion that to 
be without its too familiar red ribbon was, at length, accoimted a mark of 

A court so constituted could not represent the highest refinement of 
French society. It was gay, luxurious, pleasure-seeking, and extravagant; 

[' The Hohenzollems also received Mb adv&nces discouraginglj. The Spanish beauty he 
took for queen was not of royal blood. The legitimist nobility, as a rule, kept away from court 
and regarded the usurper and his circle with scorn.] 



[185i-1856 A.D.J 

but adventurers, speculators, and persons of doubtful repute were in too 
much favour to win for it the moral respect of France or of Europe. Nor 
did it gain lustre from the Intellect of the age. Men of letters were generally 
faithful to the fallen monarchies or to the republic, and were not to be won 
over by the imtronage of the empire. Tliey had been cruelly scourged by 
Louis Napoleon, and neither the principles of his rule nor the character of 
his associates attracted the intellectual chisses. Material force, wealth, and 
splendour were the idols of his court, and the poet and the philosopher were 
ill at ease in such a company. 

The empire was now firnily established, and Louis Napoleon wielded a 
power as great as that of any former king or emperor. But he ruled by a 
different title, and upon other principles of government. His empire, founded 
upon the sovereignty of the people, was a strange development of democracy. 
He had been chosen by umversjil suffrage, yet lie wielded a power all but 
absolute and irresponsible. He ruled by the voice of the people, but he for- 
bade the expression of their sentiments In the press or at public meetings. 
The chamber of deputies was elected, like himself, by the whole people. An 
assembly so popular in its origin ought to have been a check upon the will 
of the emperor; but it did not hesitate to accept his policy and approve his 
acts. Enjoying a freedom of discussion unknown beyond its walls, it was 
able to give expression to public opinion ; but it never aspired to independence. 
Yet the democracy of Frances wa.s not ignored; the einixTor was .sensitively 
alive to the national sentiments, which he was always striving to propitiate: 
he never forgot the democratic origin and basis of his throne. Political lil>- 
erties were repressed; but public opinion, so far as it could be divined with- 
out free discussion, was deferred to miii respected. 

To satisfy this public opmion, and to wm the support of various senti- 
ments, interests, and parlies, the policy of the emperor assume<l many forms. 
He liad proclaimed the empire as peace: but, to gratify the susceptibilities 
of Frenchmen, he afterwards declared that not a gun should be fimtl in 
Europe without the consent of the Tuileries; and he desired to revive the 
military glories of France, to restore his influence in the councils of Europe, 
and t-o gratify the army, to whom he mainly owed his crowni. Hence his 
forwardness in bringing about the Crimean War.'" 

THE CRIMEAN WAR <1864-185«) 

Since the treaties of 1815 Russia had exercisexl a threatening prepontler- 
ance over Europe. The caar Nicholas had become the [xTsonifi{'ation of a 
formidable ^stem of compression and conquest. He had never forgiven the 
dynasty of July for having owe<l its existence to a rebellion ; in Germany he 
had upheki the sovereigns in their resistance to the wishes of the peoples. 
He had done his utmost to denationalise Polanti, lits possession of which 
had been recognised by the treaties of 1815 on condition that he should 
assure to it a constitutional government. Dumfounded for a moment by 
the revolution of 1848, the czar htid soon retunied to his ambition. After 
having saved Austria by crushing the Hungarians who had revoltiul against 
her, he had thought that the presence of a Napoleon on the tlirone of France 
guanmteed to Russia the alliance of the English, and he had believed that 
the moment was come to seize the perjwtual object of Muscovite covetous- 
ness — Constantinople. On every opportimity he affected a protectorate 
over the Christian subjects of the Turkish Kmpire: he ended by trying to 
iouxe to a secret understanding with England for the j)artition of the spoil 

H. W.— TOL. Xm. K 



of the Sick Man (the sultan). In 1853 he occupied the Danubian princi- 
palities and armed what seemed a formidable fleet at Sebastopol. 

The emperor Napoleon gave the first signal of resistance by boldly send- 
ing the French Mediterranean fleet to Salamis to have it within reach of 
Constantinople and the Black Sea. He won over England, at first hesitating, 
to his alliance, and assured hunself of the neutrality of Austria and Prussia. 
Hostilities opened with the destruction by the Russians of a Turkish flotilla 
at Sinope. The Anglo-French fleet entered the Black Sea, whilst an army 
despatcned from the ports of Great Britain and France assembled imder the 
waJls of Constantinople. The 14th of September, 1854, the army of the allies, 
seventy thousand strong, debarked on the Crimean coasts, and the victory 
of Alma allowed the commencement of the siege of Sebastopol, a formidable 
fortress whose annihilation was necessary in order to protect Constantinople 
against a sudden attack. 

This siege, one of the most terrible in the annals of modem history, lasted 
for more than a year.* Generals Canrobert and P^lissier successively com- 
manded the French troops. Continual fighting, two victories, those of Inker- 
man and the Tchemaya, earned for the French soldiers less glory than their 
daimtless courage against a terrible climate and an enemy who ceaselessly 
renewed his ranks. At last, on the 8th of September, 1855, after miracles 
of constancy, French dash and English solidity had their reward. The tower 
of the Malakoff was carried and the town taken. The emperor Nicholas had 
died a few months before. 

In the Baltic the Anglo-French fleet had destroyed Bomarsund, the ad- 
vanced bulwark of Russia against Sweden, and in the Black Sea the French 
iron-plated gunboats, now i^ed for the first time, had compelled the fortress 
of Kmbum to surrender, thus opening southern Russia. An allied squadron 
had even taken Petropavlovsk on the Pacific Ocean. Finally French diplo- 
macy had induced the king of Sweden and the king of Sardinia to enter the 
league against Russia, and was perhaps on the point of winning over the 
emperor of Austria. The czar Alexander II, successor of Nicholas, demanded 
peace; it was concluded at Paris, March 30th, 1856, under the eyes of the 
emperor of the French.** 


The congress of Paris (March-April, 1856) was composed of two plenipo- 
tentiaries from each of the six powers — France, England, Russia, Turkey, 
Austria, and Sardinia — imder the presidency of the French plenipotentiaries. 
Prussia was invited to take part afterwards. 

The congress began by regulating the Eastern question. (1) The integrity 
of the Ottoman Empire was gxiaranteed by the powers; the sultan promised 
reforms and the powers renoimced all intervention in the internal affairs of 
the empire. (2) The Danube was declared free for navigation. (3) The 
Black Sea was recognised as neutral; no state might have arsenals or war 
ships in it, with the exception of small ships. (4) Moldavia and Wallachia 
became autonomous. 

After having signed the peace the congress regulated the question of mari- 
time law by four decisions which were incorporated in international European 
law: (1) Privateering is abolished. (2) All hostile merchandise sailing under 
a neutml flag is neutral. (3) All neutral merchandise under a hostile flag 

[' Fuller accounts of this siege, as of the whole war, wiU be found in the histories of Eng- 
land and of Russia.] 


[18&6-18&8 I.D.] 

is neutral. (4) A blockade cannot be established by a simple declaration — 
it is not valid unless it is effective. 

Cavour, representing Sardinia, auccee<led in bringing up the Italian ques- 
tion in the congress, by coming to an understanding with the representatives 
of France and En^and. They spoke of the evacuation of the Piraeus by 
French troops (which was still a discussion of the orienUd question), and 
i propos of the occupation of the Piro-us they spoke of the occupation (which 
still continued) of Tascany by the Aastrians. England demanded that it 
should come to an end; Austria refused to discuss it. But Cavour profited 
by the occa^sion to describe the lamentable condition of Italy. 

The congress of Paris had been a personal success for Napoleon and his 
policy. Not only had he made France re-enter the European concert., but 
for the first time he had caused a European congress to he held on French 
t«rritory and under her presidency. He had obtainwl the autonomy of the 
Rumanian nation and nad posed the national question of Italy, making 
the instrument which had been created by Metteniich against the nations 
to serve the cause of nationalities. He remained under this impression, and 
his policy was directed towards brin^g together a new congress to alter 
the staUts <fuo of Europe and to abolish the treaties of 1815, out he never 
succeetied m liis attempt. 

The congress of Paris changed Napoleon's position in Europe. The 
sovereigns, seeuig him solid at home and powerful abroad, drew closer to Iiim. 
The example wa.s s<*t by the princes of the Coburg family. Ernest, of Coburg- 
Gotha was the first to pay him a visit (March, 1854); then came Leopokl, king 
of the Belgians; then the king of Portugal; finally Prince Albert, husband of 
Queen Victoria, consented to see Napoleon (September, 1854). Napoleon and 
the empress went to England (April, 1855) ; Victoria and Albert returned 
their visit (it was the time since 1422 that a king of England had come 
to Paris). The example of the Coburgs decided Victor Emmanuel, who ha<i 
refused till then. Aft^-r the congress, the rulers of WiirtemlHLTg, Bavaria, 
and Tuscany arrived (lS5r>-57). 

Napoleon ^vi8hed to profit by the^e relations to adopt an active policy. 
He tried to win over the king of Prussia, who refused to be won; he spoke at 
the English court of revising the treaties of 1815, but was coldly received 
(August, 1857). He then approached Russia in an interview at Stuttgart 
with the czar, in 1857. In 1858 France and Russia acted together to main- 
tain Rumanian unity, against Turkey, Austria, and England; in Servia they 
together sustained the Obrcnovitch dynastj^ against Austria. 

Cavour, who was detennined on war with Austria, declared publicly in 
the chamber that the principles of Vienna were irreconcilable with those of 
Turin. Austria rcplietl tliiit tlio empt*ror would continue to make use of hLs 
right of intervention (May, 1856). She ended by breaking off diplomatic 
relations with Sardinia (March, 1857). 

But Napoleon still licsitated." 


During the session of 1856 the baptism of the prince imperial, who liad 
been bom (March 16th) <luring the congress of Paris, was celebrated with 
great pomp at Notre Dame, The godfather was Pius IX, represented by a 
Roman cardinal. This intimate bond with the pope was to involve the policy 
of the empire on grave occjisions. The powers of the legislative body elected 
in 1852, if they can be called powers, expired in 1857, It goes without saying 


[1857-1858 AJ>.] 

that the official candidature was worked by the prefects in every possible 
way. Billault, the minister of the interior, declared in a circular that "the 
government considered it just and politic to present for re-election the mem- 
bers of an assembly which had so well seconded the emperor and served the 
country." He was willing to admit that in face of these conditions "opeidy 
avowed and resolutely sustained," others might be brought forward. "If, 
however," he added, "the enemies of the public peace should find in this 
latitude an occasion for a serious protest against our institutions; if they 
try to make it an instrument of trouble and scandal, you know your duty, 
Monsieur le pr^fet, and justice will also know how to execute its duty with 

The prefects went further than the minister. One of them simply wrote 
to the officials of his department: "Impose silence on opponents if any are 
met with." Another was going so far as to interdict the publication and 
posting of circulars and declarations of opinion on the part of non-official 
candidates. The prefects set their newspapers violently not only against the 
enemies of the government, but against those of its friends who might permit 
themselves to dispute the ground with the official candidates. In presence 
of this attitude of the government agents the peasants said simply: "Why 
should we trouble ourselves to nominate deputies?" The government might 
as well nominate them itself. The opposition had assuredly no chance of 
depriving the government of its majority. It might attempt protests and 
obtain some partial success. There were eager debates between the repub- 
licans concerning the course to pursue. 

The elections took place the 20th of Jime. Of the ei^ht deputies of Paris 
the opposition gained five— Camot, Goudchaux, Cavaignac, Ollivier, and 
Darimon ; two republicans were nominated at Lyons and at Bordeaux. The 
struggle became almost impossible in the departments; meanwhile, in the 
large cities, a strong minority, sometimes even a majority, had declared 
itself in favour of the opposition. 

The Chambers reopened on the 28th of November. Of the five republican 
deputies of Paris, one, Cavaignac, had died; two refused the oath, Carnot 
and Goudchaux; Ollivier and Darimon took it. The session of 1857 to 1858 
seemed destined to be uneventful, when a tragic incident suddenly disturbed 
everything and added gravity to the situation. 


The evening of the 14th of January, 1858, at the moment of the arrival 
of the emperor and empress at the opera, three explosions were heard. Three 
bombs had been thrown at the emperor's carriage. Cries of grief and horror 
resounded on all sides. The bursting of the projectiles had injured more 
than one hundred and forty persons, some of whom were mortally wounded. 
The carriage of the emperor was broken and one of the horses killed. A 
terrible anxiety filled the opera house as the royal pair entered their box; 
both had escaped injury. 

The police arrested four Italians. It was seen immediately that three of 
them were but instruments; the fourth, Orsini, was remarkable in every 
way. His father had perished in 1831 in the insurrection against the i)ope 
in which Napoleon III and his elder brother had taken part. The son since 
his childhood had taken part in all the national Italian conspiracies. 

In its form the attempt on Napoleon III recalled that of Fieschi under 
Louis Philippe; but in reality there was a wide gulf between the Corsican 






bandit of 1835 and the Roman conspirator of 1858. In spit^ of the horror 
of a crime which took aim at its object across so many indifferent and un- 
knovm victims, Orsini inspired in all who saw and heard him during 
his trial an interest which it was impossible to withstand- This iTian ha<i 
been actuated solely by an impersonal passion; he was under the spell of a 
misdirected patriotism. He had chosen as his counsel Jules FaxTe, who de- 
fendetl him iis he wished to be defended, by endeavouring to save, not iiis 
head, but his memoir as far as it could be saved. A profound impression 
was made on the audience when Jules Favre, by permission of the emperor, 
reatl aloud a letter addressed to the latter by Orsini. The criminal did not 
ask mercy for liimself; he asked fn^edoin for his unhappy country, "the 
constant object of all his affections.'^ lie did not go so far as to demand 
that the blood of Frenchmen should be shed for the Italians, but only that 
France should interdict the support of Austria by Germany— " in the strug- 
gles which are perhaps soon to begin. I adjure 3^our majesty," he wmte, 
**to restore to Italy tne independence wliich her children lost in 18-19 by the 
fault of the Vreneh themselves (by the war of Rome). I^et not your majesty 
repulse the last wish of a patriot on the ste[>s of the scaffohl!'* 

Orsini and his accomplices were condenmed to death on the 26th of 
February. Orsini thanked the emperor for having autluirised the publica- 
tion of his letter. His .second letter wiis not less moving than the first. He 
formally condemned political assassination and disavowed "the fatal aber- 
ration of mind" which had led him to prepare his crime. He exhorted his 
compatriots to employ only their abnegation, their devotion, their union, 
their virtue to deliver their country. He himself offered his bloo<! in expia- 
tion to the victims of the 14th of January. The question of the cotunmtation 
of the penalty wa.^ energetically agitated by those about the emperor. Na- 
poleon would have jutlged such mercy politic if so many victims had not been 
struck by the instruments of death intended for his own person. Orsini was 
executeci on the 14th of March, with one of his accomplices. He died without 
display as without weakness, crying, '* Vive Vltaiie! Vive In France!" 

His death wiis soon to bring fiirth happy results to Italy. Before that 
his crime had had deplorable ones for France. In 1801 the first consul had 
made the affair of the infernal machine prepared by some royalists a pretext 
for proscribing a host of republicans. Napoleon ill imitated and surpassed 
his uncle. 

THE "new terror" OF 1858 

At the reopening of the chambers, a few days after the attempt of the 
opera (14th of January), the emperor delivered a speech which began with 
a splendid picture of tlie public prosperity. He called on the legislative body 
not to permit the renewal of "the scandal" of the refusals of the oath by 
elected candidates, and to vote a law which should oblige all those eligible 
for election to take the oath to the constitution t>efore standing for election. 
Finally he appealed to the assembly of the representatives of the country to 
"find means to silence factious opposition." The meaning of this threat was 
soon made kno^Ti. On the 1st of February a bill was presented to the legis- 
lative body; it punished with an imprisonment of from two to five years and 
a fine of from five hundred to ten thousand francs, whoever should have pub- 
licly incited to the crimes mentioned in articles 86 and 87 of the penal code 
(sedition, insurrection, etc.) when that provocation had not resulted in action. 
li punished with an imprisonment of one month to two years and a fine of 




from one hundred to two thousand francs whoever should have raanoeu\Ted 
or entered into negotiations either at home or abroad with the object of dis- 
turbing the public peace. Every person sentenced for one of the above 
misdemeanours or for certain others also mentioned in the bill, including the 
detention of arms, seditious assemblies, etc., should as a measure for the gen- 
eral safety be incarcerated in France or Algeria or expelled from French ter- 
ritory. Tliis same measure for the general safety could l>e applied to any 
person who had lieen either condemned, incarcerated, expelled, or trans- 
ported on the occasion of the events of May and June, 184S; of June, 1849; 
or December, 1851, and whom "grave facts should again mark as dangerous 
to the public safety." 

This was to deliver a multitude of citizens to the most lawlessly arbi- 
trary treatment; the wide field covered by the categories and the vagueness 
of the definitions made anything possible. A man might l^e deported for 
having a musket in his possession! 

The government was perfectly aware that the republican party had noth- 
ing to do with the isolated crime of Orsini; but this calunmy "had seemed 
necessary to serve as a motive for what was to follow, fcnile OUivier nmde 
his d6but as a political orator in contesting this bill. A few conservatives 
joined him, alarmed to see that a i-eturn to th<' 2nd of December was being 
made in a time of complete public tranquillity. Many deputies voted with 
reluctance and with a sense of shame; there were 227 voices for the law: 
twenty-four had the courage to vote against it. When the law was brought 
before the senate, whose mission it was to examine whether the laws adopted 
by the legislative bodv were conformable to the constitution, there was but 
a single vote against this so-called " Law of Suspects"; it was that of General 
MacMahon. History should give him credit for it. 

The law was monstrous, its execution was worse. The new terror of 
1858 did not echo so far as that of the 2nd of December; as no one resisted 
or could resist there were no fusillades, no massacres; but the absence of all 
struggle and of all peril to the persecutors rendered the persecution so much 
the more revolting. Tins time it was no longer, as on the 2nd of December, 
triiunphant conspirators striking in fury at fallen adversaries to prevent 
them from ri.sing; it was an absolute power which, in order to pniduce an 
effect of intimidation and to discourage a few attempts at legal opposition, 
proscribed in cold blnod hundreds of victims, not for their acts but for their 
opinions. Even before the law hjid been presented to the legislative body, 
citistens had been carried into exile. 

Immediately after the despatch of his circular the new minister of the 
interior ''and of the general safety," as he styled himself, had sent for all 
the prefects to Paris. He received each by himself. He liad in his hand a 
list in which the departments were inscribecl with figures opposite their names. 
"You are prefect of such a department," he said: "so many arrests." "But 
who is to be arrested?" questioned the prefect. "Whoever you like! I 
have given you the number; the rest is your affau-." 

That so many high functionaries should have consented to make them- 
selves the executors of such instructions is perhaps the most shameful fact 
in eighty years of revolutions. Besides some political adversaries who were 
still capable of and disposed to action, the government caused to be torn from 
their families and their professions a host of republicans who, while retaining 
their own opinions, sought only to court oblivion and had taken refuge in 
their work and in silence. When one was not to be found another was taken 
at haphazard: Espinasse and bis delegates had to make up their number. A 



special attack was directed against a select number of active bourgeoisie: 
merchants, lav'yers, doctors, notaries were mingled with honest and indus- 
trious working men; the old, the sick, mothers of famihes, were dragged to 
prison and thence to exile. Tlie agents forced their way into houses, like 
nocttjrnal malefactors, carried off the appointed victims without allowing them 
time to provide themselves with money and clotlung or to bid farewell to 
their families, and threw them into prison vans which did not stop till they 
reached the port of embarkation. Of about two thousand persons arrested 
more than 420 were transported to Africa. Arrived there the exiles received 
some miserable subsidies, scarcely sufficient to prevent them from dying of 
hunger until they could procure the means of subsistence; then those who 
did not find work were left to the care of such of their companions as were a 
little less unfortunate. 

The aim of the new terror was not attained: the government had not 
succeeded in Btifiing the opposition, which on the contrary increased in the 
legislative body — if not in numbers at least in talents; of three seats left 
empty amongst the deputies of I^aris, tlit* Parisian electors filled two with 
republicans. Jules Favre and Ernest Picard formed, together with Ollivier, 
H^non, and Darimon, that celebrated bench of the'* Five which held its own, 
for several years, against almost the whole assembly. 

In this imiierialist quasi-unaniniity on the part (»f the legislative body, 
a considerable number of the members asked no better than to put some 
reserve into their devotion, and flifi not regard the course of events as entirely 
for the best. In the session of 1S5K (he law tif military exemption was brought 
up. It was proved that this law had only aggravated the burden of the ser- 
vice to the detriment of the population, and the profit of the exchequer, which 
was in reality the beneficiary of what was called the endowment of the army. 
The law, instead of being mitigated, was rendered more onerous by the inter- 
diction of substitutions except among relatives. Exemption by state inter- 
vention cost double what it had cost oefore; free substitution was forbidden, 
and fellow soldiers from the same canton were no longer authorised to change 
their numbers at the drawing of lota. 

As to laws of social interests, the government presenteil one which con- 
tained penalties against the usurpers of titles of nobility. Napoleon III had 
restored the nobility by a decref* which declared it one of the mstitutions of 
the state. The parodists of the past were still more ridiculous in 1858 than 
in 1814, when the ultras at least were the natural heirs of the old regime. 
Most of those who voted the law were ashamed of it; a small number took 
these things with a grotesque seriousness.^ 

WAR IN ITALY: 80LFERIN0 085S-1859) 

As Russia was pressing on Turkey, so Austria was pressing on Italy. She 
had played an equivoc^il part during the Crimean War, whilst the kingdom 
of Sardinia, the only independent and constitutional state in Italy, had not 
feared to join her yoimg anny to the Anglo-French troops. This circum- 
stance had made France the natural protectress of Piedmont, and by conse- 
auence of Italy, of which this little kingdom was the last citadel. Thas when 
tne emperor of Austria^ Francis Joseph, in defiance of European diplomacy, 
passed the Ticino as the emperor Nicholas had passed the Pruth, France 
once more found herself face to face with this new aggressor and on the side 
of the oppressed. 

In this war the emperor Napoleon resumed the secular policy of France, 


[1B58 A.D.J 

which consists b not suffermg the preponderance of Austria or Germany in 
Italy — that is to say, on the French southeastern frontier. A French army 
reappeared on that soil where three centuries before the amis of France had 
left so many glorious traces. Europe looked on with keen attention ; Eng- 
land as a well-wisher, Russia and Prussia amazed. Austria and France were 
left alone facing each other. The war lasted scarcely two months. 

After the brilliant affair of Montebello, which defeated m\ attempted 
surprise on the part of the Austrians, the Franco-Piedmontese army concen- 
trated round Alessandria; then by a bold and 
skilful movement turned the right of the Aus- 
trians, who had ali-eady passe<l the Ticino, and 
compelled tliem to recross that river. Caught 
between the army corps of General MacMahon 
and the guard at Magenta, the Austrians lost 
7,000 killetl or wounded and 8,000 prisoners 
(June 4th). Two days later the P'rencli regi- 
ments entere<l Milan. 

The enemy, astounded at so rude a shock, 
abandoned his first line of defence, where, how- 
ever, he had long been accuiiiulating powerful 
means of action and resistance. He retired on 
the Adda, after vainly making a momentary 
stand at the already famous town of Marignano 
and on the Mincio, behind the ilhistxious phiins 
of Castiglione and between the two fortn^sst^s of 
Peschiera anrl Mantua; then betook up his posi- 
tion, backed by the great city of Verona as an 
impregnable base. The emperor of Austria, 
with a new general and considerable reinforce- 
ments, had arrived there to await the French 

The Austrians had long studied this battle- 
field; there were 160,000 of them ranged on the 
heights with their centre at the village and 
tower of Solferino, and ready to descend on the 
French in the plain. Napoleon III had scarcely 
140,000 men available, and was obliged to fi^ht 
on a line extending over five leagues. Wliilst 
the right wing was struggling agahist the enemy 
in the plain in order to prevent itself from 
Ix^ing turned, and King Victor Emmaimel with 
his Piedmontese was bravely resisting on the left, the centre delivered a vigor- 
ous attack, and after a heroic struggle successively carried Mount Fenile, the 
mount of the cypresses, and finalty the village of Solferino. The enemy's 
line was broken ; nis reserves, before they coiild come into action, were attained 
by the balls from the new rifled cannon of the French. All fled in frightful 
confusion; but a fearful storm, accompanied by hail and torrents of rain, 
stopped the victors and [permitted the Austrians to recross the Mincio; they 
left twenty-five thousand men put out of action. In the evening the emperor 
Napoleon took up his headquarters in the very room which Francis Joseph 
had occupied in the morning (June 24th). Twice a conqueror, the emperor 
suddenly offered peac^ to his enemy. Italy was freed, although a portion of 
Italian territory, namely Venetia, still remained in the hands of Austria. 

Ah OrncBR or XnrAKTBir 


(1800 A.D.] 

Europe, bewilderpcl by these rapid virtnrips, allowed her awakening jeal- 
ousy to appear. The emperor thoudit he had done enough for Italy by push- 
ing Austria, so recently established on the banks of tlieTicino, back behind 
the Mincio, and at Viilafranca he signed with Francis Joseph a peace, the 
principal conditions of which were confirmed at the end of the year by 
the Treaty of Zurich. By this peace Austria resigned Lombardy, whirli 
France added to Piedmont that she might make for herself a faithful ally 
beyond the Alps. Tlie Mincio IxH'ame the boundary of Austria in the penin- 
sula, where the various states were to form a great eonfetleration mider tlie 
presidency of the pope. But all those concerned rejected this phin, and the 
revolutionary movement continued. The emperor contine<l hinnself to pre- 
venting AiLstria from interv^ening. Then those governments of Panna, 
Modena^ the Roman legations, Tuscany and Na])!e,s, which ever since 1814 
had been merely lieutenants of Austria, were seen to fall to pieces successively, 
and Italy, minus Venice and Rome, wius about to fonn a single kingdom, 
when the emperor thought himself called upon to take a precaution necessiiry 
to the security of France: he claimed the price of the assistance he had given 
and by the Treaty of Turin, March 24th, 1S60, obtained the cession to himself 
of Savoy and the county of Nice (Niaza), which added three dejjartinents 
to France and carried her southern frontier to the summit of the Alps. 

For the first time since 1815 France, not by force and surprise but as the 
result of a great service rendered to a friendly nation, by pacific agreiMnetit, 
and according to the solenui vote of the inhabitants, hari oversteppe^l the 
limits traced round her at the periml of her reverses. Europe dared not 


Europe can no longer isolate he^st^lf frotn the otlier continents; with the 
progress of civilisation, commerce, and the general relations of the ik'0|>]*'s, 
it is the duty of France, the second of the maritime nations, to carry her eyes 
or her hand beyond the seas wherever her honour or her interests may be 
engaged. It is the first time that, with or without the support of England 
ana often imder her jealous sun'eillance, she has done so with so much mde- 
pendence and firmness. 

In 18fK) the massacre of the Christian Maronitcs by the Druses of Syria 
demonstrated anew the Ottoman ICmpire's pow^erlessness to protect its aul> 
jects, and excited the interested complaints of Russia, France, which was 
the first to move, had the honour of being charged by the great powers to 
send and maintain a body of troops in Syria to aid the Turkish government in 
punishing the guilty parties. The followmg year a diplomatic conference, 
assembled at Constantinople, regulated the government of Lebanon in such 
a manner as to avoid the return of these deplorable cata^strophes. This 
apparition of the French flag in the East was not without utility in the jnirsuit 
of a great enterprise begun by M. de Lesseps under the auspices of the Frendi 
government, namely the establishment at the isthmus of Suez of a canal 
which was to join the Mediterranean with the Red Sea, and jnit Europe in 
direct communication with the Far East. 

The same year, at the other extremity of Asia, France and England had 
been obliged to direct an expedition against China, who had violated the 
conditions of a treaty previously made with her. In less than six months 
the allied fleets had transported fifteen thousand men and the whole of an 
immense equipment a distance of six thousand leagues from the French 


[1880-1863 A.D.I 

coast, to the shores of the Peiho. The emperor of China sent seventy thou- 
sand men to meet those whom he called barbarians. This army and the 
forts accumulated on the road to Pekin did not stand before the small Euro- 
pean force commanded by General Cousin-Montauban. The mouths of the 
river were forced, and the forts which <lefended them ciirried by an energetic 
and brilliant attack, after which the allies marched resolutely on Pekin. The 
Chinese court tried to deceive them by feigned negotiations, to which some 
of the envoys fell victims, and to surprise the troops which won the battle of 
Palikao. The city of Pekin, being laid open to attack, was bombarded; 
the summer palace had already Ix'en taken and given up to pillage. Prince 
Kong, the emperor's brother, made up his inmd to treat seriously (October 
25th, 1860), The allied amiies entered Pekin to receive the ratifications of 
the treaty, in virtue of which the Chinese government pledged itself to admit 
English ami French ambassadors to the capital, paid an mdemnity of 120,- 
O0(i,{KX} franrs, opened the port of Tientsin, guaranteed advantageous com- 
mercial conditions to the conquerors, and restored to France tlie churches 
and cemeteries belonging to the Christians. The Celestial Empire was opened 
and, by way of constHiuence, the empire of Japan also, which, having in 1858 
made treaties of coinnierce with the principal European states, was disposed 
by dread of a similar le-sson to observe them better. 

The French government took advantage of its stren^h in these regions 
to conip!ct-c the expedition against the empire of Annam in Cochin China, an 
experlilion begun two years before in concert with the Spaniards. It was 
impossible to obtain from this government secxirity for French missionary 
and commercial relations. France hail resoJved to form a settlement at the 
mouths of the great river Mekong, and hail taken possession of Saigon in 
order to make it the capital. But the French lived there in continual dis- 
quiet. Vice-Admiral Chamer, who had returned from China with his troops, 
defeated the Annamites in the plains of Ki-Hoa and seizeil Mytho. Ailmiral 
Bonnard in his turn took Bien-Hoa and imposed on the emperor Tu-Duc a 
peace signe<l in 1863 which stipulated respect for missionaries, an advantageous 
treaty of commerce, and the possession of three provinces at the mouths of 
the Mekong, in a wonderfully fertile country between India anti China, and 
within reach of the Philippines and the Moluccas. "The settlement of Sai- 
gon," an English traveller had said not long before, "might change the di- 
rection of trade and become the nucleus of an empire which perhaps might 
one day equal that of India." 

Thus France, which it had become too much the custom to regard as an 
especially continental power, was carrying her activity to all tlie shores of 
the ocean. She was at the same time called to another end of the world. 
France, England, and Spam had long had injuries to avenge anrl claims to 
vindicate against the anarchical government of Mexico. At the beginning of 
the year 1862 the three powers came to an understanding to act in common, 
as the French had done in China with the English, in Cochin China with the 
Spaniards. The expeflition was alreaily on the way to be carried into effect 
when the cabinets of London and Madrid, in consequence of misunderstand- 
ings, renounced the enterprise. France, left alone, persisted in avenging the 
common injuries. A check having called in question the honour of the flag, 
the mistake was conunitted of declaring that France would not treat with the 
president Juarez; so that the French were condemned either to import a 
foreign government into the country or to conquer its immense solitudes. 
Instead of the six thousand men who had first started, it was necessary 
to send as many as thirty-five thousand soldiers, Puebla made a heroic re- 


[1888-1807 A.D.] 

aistance; but the keys of Mexico were tliere and the army took them (May 
18th, 1863). A few days later (June 10th) it entered Mexico, and the popula- 
tion, prompted by France, proclaimed as emperor an Austrian prince, the 
archduke Maximilian. After the departure of the French troops in 1867 
[owing to the forcible protest of the United States^] the unfortunate prince 
was taken anfl shot by the republicans after the mockery of a trial. This 
impnident and ill-conceived expedition was a grave check to French politics 
and finance.'' 


The Crimean and the Italian wars having been carried out to a triumphant 
issue, the French had come ttj regard themselves as the foremost nation in 
Europe. But from the middle of the '60's Napoleon's fortune had begun to 
turn. During the American Civil War he had embarked, as we have seen, 
on the adventurous undertaking in Mexico, where he attempted to establish 
an imipire, dopondnnt upon himself, uuiler Maximilian, the unfortunate 
brother of Emperor Francis Joseph ; but after wasting immense sums of 
money and thousan<ls of liuman lives, he was compelled to evacuate that 
country, and the bloody ghost of Maximilian, who was deserted by Napo- 
leon's army and executed by the republicans, stood forth as the accuser of 
his guilty ambition. 

In France itself the voice of the republicans rose ever higher against 
Bonaparte, while the victories of the Prussians over the Austrians [at Sadowa 
or Koniggratz, July 3rd, 1866, and elsewhere], as unexpected jis they were 
overwhelming, weakened his position in Europe. Napoleon had hoped that 
Pnissia wouki be ilefeated, or that a civil war of long duration would be 
started in Germany; in either case he had hoped to intervene as a |ieace- 
maker, taking as the reward of his labours certain Rhenish and Belgian 
districts, and being enabled, in addition, to play the role of protector over 
Germany and arbitfT of the destinins of Europe. But it wius fated otherwise; 
Prussia acquired a military reputation ahnost rivalling that of the first 
Napoleon, and Germany stood forth, not weak an<l disrupted, but more 
firmly united and stronger than ever before. Antl though Napoleon him- 
self was far too prudent to venture on a military demonstration against the 
successes of Prussia, yet the French nation, and especially the French army, 
could not tolerate that another people should excel it in tlie honours of war, 
while statesmen of the type of Thiers upl)raided Napoleon for permitting the 
union of North Germany. "Revenge for Sadowal" became the general cry. 
The French government made demands for "compensation'' to France in the 
shape of cessions of German frontier territory, but these were rejected by 
Prussia. Under these circumstances the latter country had to be prepared 
every moment for an attack, «> 

FYTFE ON napoleon's NEW POUCT 

The reputation of Napoleon III was perhaps at its height at the end of 
the first ten years of his reign. His \nctories over Russia and Austria had 
flattered the military pride of France; the flowing tide of commercial pros- 
perity bore witness, as it seemed, to the blessings of a government at once 
firm and enlightened; the reconstruction of Paris dazzled a generation 

r> For faller aocounts of this aff&lr, see id Uter volumes the histories of the United States 
and Hezloo.] 


[1808-1807 A.T>.] 

accustomed to the mean and dingy aspect of London and other capitals before 
1850, and scarcely conscious of the presence or absence of real beauty and 
dignity where it saw spaciousness and brilliance. The political faults of 
Napoleon, the shiftiness and incoherence of his designs, his want of grasp on 
reality, his absolute personal nullity as an administrator, were known to some 
few, but they had not been displayed to the world at large. He had done 
some great things, he had conspicuously failed in nothing. Had his reign 
ended before 1^, he would probably have left behind him in popumr 
memory the name of a great ruler. 

But from this time his fortune paled. The repulse of his intervention on 
behalf of Poland in 1863 by the Russian court, his petulant or miscalculating 
inaction during the Danish war of the following year, showed those to be 
mistaken who nad imagined that the emperor must always exercise a con- 
trolling power in Europe. During the events which formed the first stage 
in the consolidation of Germany, his policy was a succession of errors. SimiS- 
taneously with the miscarriage of his European schemes, the enterprise which 
he had undertaken beyond the Atlantic, and which seriously weakened his 
resources at a time-when concentrated strength alone could tell on European 
affairs, ended in tragedy and disgrace. 

From this time, though the outward splendour of the empire was undi- 
minished, there remained scarcely anything of the personal prestige which 
Napoleon had once enjoyed in so rich a measure. He was no longer in the 
eyes of Europe or of his own country the profound, self-contained statesman 
in whose brain lay the secret of coming events; he was rather the gambler 
whom fortune was preparing to desert, the usurper trembling for the future 
of his dynasty ancf his crown. Premature old age and a harassing bodily 
ailment began to incapacitate him for personal exertion. He sought to loosen 
the reins in which his despotism held France, and to make a compromise 
with public opinion which was now declaring against him. And although 
his own cooler judgment set little store by any addition of frontier-strips of 
alien territory to France, and he would probably have been best pleased to 
pass the remainder of his reign in undisturbed inaction, he deemed it necessary, 
after failing in Mexico had become inevitable, to seek some satisfaction in 
Europe for the injured pride of his country. He entered into negotiations 
with the king of Holland for the cession of Luxemburg, and had gained his 
assent, when rumours of the transaction reached the North German press, 
and the project passed from out the control of diplomatists and became an 
affair of rival nations.? 


Luxemburg was a small province the western portion of which had be- 
longed to Belgium since the revolution of 1830, whilst the eastern portion 
formed a grand duchy belonging to the king of Holland. Napoleon III 
wished to buy the ^and duchy, which had no natural tie witn Holland 
and was of a certain importance to France on account of the town of 
Luxemburg, which had been strongly fortified by Vauban; this fortress 
would have protected a part of the French frontier. The grand duchy had 
been annexed to the German confederation by the treaties of 1815, and was 
garrisoned by Prussia in the name of the confederation. Prussia, having 
violated the treaties and split up the confederation in her war with Austria, 
had no longer any right to occupy Luxemburg. There had seemed no doubt 

fisa? A.D.] 

before the war as to the handing over to France of thisstronp;hol(i; thr? fortress 
had already l)een evacuated by the Prussians. Neither after the war had 
Bismarck changed his tone in the matter. After having evaded the sigiung 
of the treaty about Belgium, he had promised to oppose the inchision of Luxem- 
burg in the northern confederation; he had advised the Freneli government 
to treat with the kmg of Holland without including Prussia, and to excite 
in the grancl duchy manifestations which might be taken as indicating the 
people's desire to Ix^come French. He also recomnuMuh'd tliem l-o put the 
matter through before the parliament of the new confederfition met. It is 
possible that on this occasion he nmy have been sincere. 

The goveniment did not even understand how to profit by this advice 
and act quickly. Bismarck's advice was given at the beginning of September; 
it was not until the early days of Febniary, 1S67, that Napoleon's govern- 
ment sounded the Dutch government as to a contingent cession of the grand 
duchy. They demanded from the kii*g, William IH, a total abandonment 
of his sovereign rights, in consideration of a sum of several millions; then a 
vote was taken among the populatioas. The i>ropagaudu of the French 
agents was very well received in Luxemburg; the inliahitants, alb(»it the 
majority were German-speaking, inelining to France ratlier than to Germany. 
The idea of a double treaty was advanced as a start. Tlie one would guaran- 
tee to Holland Limburg, which, like Luxemburg, had lxH*n united to the 
German confedemtion, and which Holland dn'aded to have claimed by 
Germany; a defensive alliance willi France would thus be assured to Holland. 
The other treaty would cede Luxemburg to the French. 

Hatl there not followed ho nuich tlelay the French would have been taken 
at their word. But thei-e was general hesitation. The royal family was 
divided as to the [Kiliey of an alliance. Doubts were entertained t\s to the 
emperor's health and the future of his dynasty. Then, too, gn^at unerisi- 
ness was felt at the seemingly equiv^jcal attitude of Prussia, who continually 
increased the strength of her armaments. Bismarck at Berlin, and Cioltz, 
the ambassador at Paris, reiterated tfieir advice for prompt and direct treat- 
ing Ix^tween France and Holland, It is true that Bismarck did nut bind liim- 
setf by any direct promise, and his king still less; however, tlie king of Prussia 
had the appearance of also allowing France to make her own arrang(>ments 
with the king of Holland. But the attitude of the press, the army, and the 
Prussian diplomats, beyond the Rhine, became more and more spiteful and 
provoking towards France at this time. 

It was while all this was going on that the stormy sittings of the legislative 
body took place, anti the publication of the secret treaties between I'russia 
and South Gennany. This alannetl the king of Holland. He projwsed that 
the question of the ceding of Luxemburg should be sul^mitted to the powers 
tliat had signed the treaty of 1839, and had tletinitely settled the dispute 
between France and B(»lgium. Themfore the French government tried to 
obtain the direct coasent of the king of Prussia to the cession, but did not 
succeed. The Prussian government maintained its attitude of n^sen'e; but 
the new parliament of northern Germany^ that is to aay the Prussian majority 
which dominated it, did not show the same reserve. This majority showed 
itself most violent and arrogant towartls the representatives of Frankfort 
and the other annexed countries, for the strongest reasons very hostile to 
France. Impenitive questions had l^een framed as to whether Luxemburg 
and Liraburg were to remain united to Germany. 

The king of Holland, on his side, put the question to the king of PriLssia. 
To him, as t>o France, an equivocal answer was given. However, the reply 



[1907 A.D.] 

was interpreted in the sense that haste must be nuide to bring tlie iimtter to 
a conclusion. Finally the king of Holland acceded to the proposals made 
by France and signified the same to the emperor by his son, the prince of 
Orange, on the 30th of March. The two acts of guarantee and of cession were 
on the point of t)eing signed, when the Dutcli minister, Van Zuylen, detected 
an irregularity and demanded that the signature should be postponed till the 

In Paris the decisive despatch was awaited in all confidence. In place 
of the representative of the king of Holland, it was Herr von der Goltz,the 
Prussian ambassador, who presented himself at the house of the French 
foreign minister. He had hurried to Moustier to urge him to break off all 
negotiations, l>ecause the transaction, as he pretended to have foreseen, was, 
he said, presenting the worst possible aspect to Germany. As a fact Goltz 
had always represented the transaction to Paris as assured, and had not 
ceased and to the end did not cease to play a double game. In Paris, he was 
the friend of France and on an intimate footing at the Tuileries, attentively 
listened to, and, alx>ve all, an attentive listener, surprising the badly kept 
secrets of the court; in his correspondence with Berlin, he was the enemy of 
France and in connivance with the war party. 

Indignant and astonished, Moustier replied that he came too late, that 
the French hail been decoyed into a trap, but that they would not draw back. 
There is every evidence that the "irregularity" which ha^l (Jelayed the sign- 
ing of the double treaty was not an accidental one, and that Prussia had 
checked the king of Holland by promising on behalf of Germany to renounce 
all claims over Limburg on condition of Luxemburg not being ceded to 

During this time Bismarck was addressing recriminations to the French 
ambassador, Benedetti, in which, according to his usual practice, he inverted 
their respective rfiles. It is easy to perceive that if the negotiations had been 
more rapiilly opened anil concludetl he would have claimed his share of credit 
in them. But he was now pressed between the equally warlike Prussian 
military party on the one side and the parliament of the northern confedera- 
tion on the other, and, knowing that Germany was ready and that France 
was not, he asked nothing better than to involve France in a quarrel. 

On the 1st of April, Bennigsen, leader of the national liberal party, which 
had become the devoted instrument of Bismarck, re^nved the questions ad- 
dressed to this minister on the subject of Luxemburg, and demanded war in 
preference to allowing ''a prince of a German race (the king of Holland) to 
trafHc in a country of German origin anfi sympathies." These pretended 
German syrnpathies were not at the moment manifesting themselves in Lux- 
emburg, except by popular demonstrations in favour of union with France — 
demonstrations which the Prussian governor of the fortress lamented bitterly. 

Bismarck's reply to Bennigsen was measured as to its form: he would not 
for the world have the air of provoking the French government; but, as a 
fact, he sheltered himself behind public opinion and the parliament, which 
was the mouthpiece of that opinion. The sense of his reply was, indeed, that 
Luxemburg ought not to be given cither to the northern confederation or to 
France, but not, however, that it should be evacuated by Prussia. Without 
explicitly sa>Tng so, he was awaiting an opportunity to claim for Prussia a 
pretended right of garrison which he intended to extract from the convention 
of the Gre^t Powers in 1839. He brgjin again to protect his good intentions 
to Napoleon III: but at the same time that the minister at the Hague in- 
sisted on the signing of the treaty, and that the king of Holland seemed on 


[1807 A,D.] 

the point of acquiescing, the Prussian minister at the Hague received orders 
to announce to the Dutch govomnicnt that the Prussian government would 
be driven by pubhc opinion to consi<ler the ceding of Luxemburg as a decla- 
ration of war. 

The Prussian troops were already massing themselves on the Dutch 
frontier, with the evident intention of ignoring the Belgian neutrality. Hol- 
land thereupon drew back, and did not sign tlie treaties. It was a humili- 
ating check for Napoleon III, crowning the series of diplomatic defeats 
which began on the morrow of Sadowa. 

The minister for foreign affairs did not sit still under the blow. Moustier 
was a judicious and skilful diplomatist who merited association with a differ- 
ent government. He made great efforts to palliate this reverse and to help 
France to make a dignified exit from the position into which she had been 
beguiled. Moustier knew that she was not in a position to have recourse to 
arras; though the war minister, Marshal Niel, in public uttered the contrary 
opinion, in the cabinet he was the first actively to discountenance the taking 
of the offensive. 

Since Sadowa Prussia had completely re-organised her forces, and now. 
with her northern confederation, could command close upon nine hmidred 
thousand men; and this irrespective of the engagements towards her under- 
taken by the southern states. The French had not half this number at their 
dis)x>sal. Their forts were in the worst possible state; their magazines 
empty. A circular of Bismarck's, ilerogatory to all the iiiploniatic propri- 
eties, dragged the emperor personally into the matter. He pretpn<.led that 
the emperor had been forced into war in spite of himself, and represented 
Prussia as all for peace and France as only thirsting for war. Napoleon III, 
who had not moved when he might and should have moved, had been on the 
point of hurling himself into action when it was too lat«; but Moustinr and 
Niel succeeded in preventing him from yielding to the calculated provoca- 
tions of Berlin. Moustier employed n most ingenious ruse. He inuintained 
the vaJiditv of the king of Holland's pledges^ but left the question of the 
cession of lauxemburg m suspense, antl referred to the powers wlitch had 
signed the treaty of 1839 the question of Prussia's pretended right to garrison. 

On April 26th Bismarck resigned himself to giving the consent ilenianded 
from him by the Russian ambassador to open negotiations in London, having 
the neutrality of Luxemburg as their object. Neutrality, guaranteed by the 
Eurofx^an powers, implied evacuation. This made the Prussian press shout 
more loudly for war. Not only Alsace and Lorraine, but Holland aLso, were 
now coveted. Bismarck, accaseti by the war party of mwieration, some- 
times flung away, sometimes clung to his daily papers. He delayed by sev- 
eral days the opening of the negotiationSj through his claims aufi acquire- 
ments as to the formalities of the conference and the securities resulting from 
it. Russia inten'cned in this matter between Prussia and England, and the 
conference at last took [jlace in London on May 7th. While the negotiations 
were in process Bismarck made fresh efforts to goa^l France into some im- 
prudent action by his aggravating conduct. 

The French minister did not however fall into the trap, and the treaty 
for the neutralisation of Luxemburg was signeil on the 16th of May, Bia- 
marck executed a brusque about-face. The Prussian official organs had 
orders to alter their tone. Napoleon, whon^ the evening before they had 
insulted, they now covered with flowers, and they announced the imf>entling 
visit of King William to the Universal Exhibition. On the 14th of May, 1867, 
Moustier communicated the treaty to the chambers. The neutralised grand 


[1800-1870 A.x>.] 

duchy of Lxixemburg remained under the sovereignty of Holland. The 
Prussian government pledged itself to evacuate the fortress, and the king 
grand duke was to see that it was dismantled. The Prussians did effect a 
military but not a commercial evacuation of Luxemburg. The ties between 
the grand duchy and the German ZoUverein were not severed.^ 


By the superiority of its army Prussia had attained the preponderance in 
Europe and was preparing the complete unity of Germany. The other great 
powers were not resigned to these two revolutions, which were a menace to 
the old European balance of power. But Austria was discouraged, England 
powerless, the czar pacific. France alone believed herself strong enough to 
stop Prussia and re-establish her own preponderance. Opinion nad become 
bluntly hostile to German unity. In Prussia the national pride, exalted by 
success, manifested itself in tlireats against the "hereditary enemy." But 
on both sides these belligerent sentiments were counterbalanced by the fear 
of a war which all could foresee would be terrible. 

Secret negotiations were carried on, the extent of which haa been vari- 
ously estimated, but which did not accomplish any practical result. The 
occasion was the affair of the Belgian railways which had been purchased 
by the French eastern company. The Belgian government interdicted the 
sale (February, 1869) ; the French government attributed this check to Bis- 
marck. Napoleon, in irritation, proposed to Austria and Italy a triple 
alliance to stop the encroachments of Prussia and restore to Austria her 
position in Germany (March). The negotiation was conducted between the 
ambassadors. Austria accepted a defensive alliance, but reserved the right 
to remain neutral if France should be obliged to begin war (April), llie 
Italians demanded the withdrawal of the French troops from Rome; they 
were satisfied with Napoleon's promise to withdraw them as soon as possible, 
but when it came to the ratification of the project, the Italian ministry 
demanded evacuation and a declaration that France recognised the principle 
of non-intervention. Negotiations were suspended, the three sovereigns 
merely promising to conclude no alliance without previous notice. Then 
Napoleon accepted a parliamentary ministry whose head, Ollivier, had de- 
clared in favour of peace and conciliation with Germany. This ministry 
took up again (January, 1870) the project of giving security to Europe by 
bringing about the disarmament of both France and Prussia; England 
agreed to transmit the proposal. France offered to diminish her military 
contingent by ten thousand men. Bismarck refused on the ground that the 
reorganisation of Prussia made any disarmament impossible." 


When Emile Ollivier rose to power, he brought with him men who had 
long been considered members of the opposition; the best known of these 
was Buffet. The party which had formed the imperial government was set 
aside. Everjrthing seemed changed. The so-called li&ral royalists, the 
Orleanists, rose in a body. All the staff of 1830 reappeared in the official 
salons. An attempt was going to be made to carry on the government of 
the 2nd of Decemoer by the methods of Louis Philippe. 

Suddenly a sinister piece of news was announced. Pierre Bonaparte, a 
cousin of the emperor, living at Auteuil, had challenged Henri Rochefort 


[1870 A.D.} 

to fight a duel. The journalist-deputy had sent him his seconds, Ulrich de 
Fonvielle and Victor Noir; the lalttr, who was quite young, was a rising and 
very popular journalist. The two seconds went to the prince's house at 
Autetul. Suddenly shots were heard, I'lrieh de Fonvielle rushed out of the 
house, and the corpse of Victor Noir bathed in blood was seen lying before 
the door. Pierre Bonaparte had fired on the seconds sent by Rochefort. 
The public indignation was extreme. The funeral took phice on the twelfth. 
Beneath a sullen grey sky a sombre crowd of two hundred thousand persons 
passed along the streets of Neuilly, following the corpse to the cemeter>% 
and returned to Paris in a long procession through the Champs-Elys<^, sing- 
ing the Marseillaise and led by Rochefort. Tln^ governnuint had called out 
the troops, and a tritte would have sufficed to turn that day into one of revo- 
lution or of a terrible massacre. WTien 
the crowd reachetl the place di^ la Con- 
corde, where the j^oHce were drawn up, 
it dL'^pers<Ml on the advice of those who 
luul most influence over it. 

Soon afterwards, Pierre Bonaparte, 
who was tried by a six^cial court (the high 
court of Toursl . was acquitted. The deatli 
of Victor Noir anil the ac<|uittal of Prince 
Pierre formed an inauspicious opening for 
the liberal empire. However, the decree 
was t)eing prepared which was to make 
known what reforms had been inade in 
the constitution in the interests of lib- 
erty. These reforms went no further 
than giving the senate and the legisla- 
tive body the right of taking the in- 
itiative in matters of legislation; fixing 
the categories whence the emperor might 
draw the new senators; regulating the 
order of succession to the throne; and de- 
ciding that any change in the constitution 
should be made by a plebiscite. To begin with, the decree itself was to be 
submitted to the vote of a plebiscite on imiversal sufTragt?. 

The nature of these refoniis alienated from the lib<*ral empire some of those 
who were inclined to support it, and led to the resignation of two ministers, 
of whom one was Buffet. Nothing seemed to them more opposed to liberty 
than the im|)erial plebiscites; that is, the popular vote on a i|U(^Htion pnjposfd 
by the emperor. The people coukl only say yes or no, and no meant a revo- 
lution. It was equivalent to putting the government into the hands of one 
man. So nothing was really changed and the government was still a [XTsonal 
government. After heated debates, in the course of which Gaml^etta de- 
fivered what was perhaps his most eloquent speech, the plebiscite was pro- 
ceeded with. The empire, so to speak, put itself to the vote. There were 
7.500,000 affinnative against 1,/)00.(KH) negative votes. The public consiileriMl 
that the empire was finnly established^ and it was destined to fall in two 
months and four days! The government had perhaps a clearer insight. To 
Bsk of the peace-loving people who compose the nuiss of the country, ** Yes 
or No, do you wish to overthrow me?" is a sure way of gaining the vot^es of 
many people^ whose support in time of peril would be more than doubtful. 
Only determmed and invincible euemiea will vote against you. In fact, a 

a. w.— vuu. xiu. i4 

£mix.8 OLLmXR 


[1870 ▲.!>.] 

million and a half contrary votes out of a total of 9,000,000 was a large per- 
centage. It is said that the emperor was very aiupous about the votes of 
the army, which had included a great many noes. 


The plebiscite had the most unexpected results — the imperial govern- 
ment determined to seek in victory the power it had lost. The idea was to 
render the dynasty strong enough to ensure to the son the inheritance of his 
father's empire. "This is my war," said the empress. So the conflict be- 
tween France and Prussia, which had been threatening Europe for four years, 
broke out. The immediate cause was as follows: There haid been a revolu- 
tion in Spain^ and Queen Isabella had been expelled. General Prim, how- 
ever, had no mtention of establishing a republic, and soon it became known 
that the crown had been offered to a HohenzoUem, a prince of the Prussian 
royal fam^. This would be a most unacceptable addition to the power of 
Prussia. France protested.* Prussia gave way and the prince renounced 
the crown, or rather his father renounced it for him. 

The whole affair seemed ended when suddenly a rumour was spread that 
the king of Prussia had grossly insulted the French ambassador, Benedetti. 
The king had refused to receive him. This was stated on the authority of 
a German paper.« Benedetti had been sent to wring from the Prussian king, 
at Ems, not only a promise that the prince should not take the Spanish crown, 
but also a positive order forbidding him to do so. This was too humiliating 
to endure, and the king refused. Benedetti was then sent to demand a per- 
sonal letter of good will to France. William, angered, refused to receive him 
at all. An orm tradition states that the king's lanmiage was such, according 
to Seignobos," that no one would even dare to publish it.<» 

The French ministers, fimile Ollivier and Gramont, declared in the chamber 
that war was necessary. Thiers and the republicans strongly protested. In 
the midst of the tumtut they repeated that France should have satisfaction, 
and demanded the telegram ' in which her ambassador stated that he had been 
insulted. The majority overwhelmed them with abuse, especially Thiers, who 
persisted energetically in his protests. They called him "^migr4!" and 
"traitor!" amid scenes of incredible violence and disorder. Commissioners 
were appointed who alone were to ask and hear the necessary explana- 
tions. They returned, asserting that they had seen evidence that war was 
inevitable and declaring that the army was in a good state. It was proved 
later that they had seen nothing at ail. Marshal Leboeuf, when asked, "Is 
the army ready?" replied: "There is not so much as the button of a gaiter 
wanting." The war was voted. 

Bismarck had led France to the point he wished. Thoroughly acquainted 
with the wretched state of her army, and knowing what passions and what 
interests at the Tuileries would be sure to urge on a war, he had been suf- 
ficiently artful to persuade the king of Prussia to yield to her on one point 
after another, so as to incite her government to declare war, after having, 
in tiie eyes of Europe, deprived her of all reasonable pretexts for such a course.* 

' It was said that France could not tolerate the Tevival of the empire of Charles V. The 
Gennans protested that the sovereignty was a private familv affair of tae HohenzoUems. 

[* It is now definitely known that Bismarck himself had this telegram sent, and suppressed 
certun modifying words purely for the purpose of goading France to make the first declaration 
of war.] 



[1870-1871 A.D.] 

Tbe cmtastrophe of 1870 seemed to those who witnessed It to tell 
of more than the vilenoss of aii admiultitration ; in Kugluxid, ixft lesN 
than in Oermany, voicefi of influence Rpoke of ttie doom timt had 
overtaken the depravity of a sunken nation ; of the triumph of f^lmple 
manlineHR, of l^od-fearing virtue itself, in the victories of the iJcrmaa 
army. There may have been truth in thift ; yet it would require a 
nic*e moral discernment to appraise the exact degeneracy of the French 
of 18T0 from the French of 1854 who hambled Rushia, or from the 
French of 1869 who triumphed at Solferino ; and it would need a very 
comprehennve acquaintance with the lower forms of human pleasure 
to judge in what degree the sinfulness of Paris cxcocda tlio sinfulness 
of Berlin. Had tbe French been as strict a race as the Spartans who 
fell at Thormopyla?, as devout as the Tyrolese who perished at 
Badowa. it is quite certain that, with the numbers which took the 
field against Uennany in IHld^ with Napoleon 111 at the head of affairs 
and the actual generals of 1870 in conunand, the armies of France 
could not have esca}>ed destruction. 

The main cause of the disparity of France and Germany in 1870 
was in truth that Prussia had hod from 1862 to 1866 a government so 
fTtn>ng as to be able to force upon its subjects its own gigantic scheme 
of military orgauisatloa in denancc of the votes of parUament and of 
the national will, — Fyffe.* 

It might be asked if any nation has the right to say to another nation: 
"You shall not place such and such a person at your head because it is con- 
trary to my interests." Doubtless not, if the principles of int-ernational right 
are strictly observed. But in practice this veti) has oeen frequently exercised 
under the old regime and since the Revolution. It was used in 1815 against 
Napoleon and all the members of his family ; in 1&30 against the duke de Ne- 
mours, elected king of the Belgians by the congress. The imperial govern- 
ment was in fact justified tn opposing an election that it considered tlangeroua 
lo itaelf. But was this danger worth avoiding at the risk of war with Ger- 



(1870 A.D.] 

many? A serious qufestion this, that could only be answered by casting a 
glance at the respective positions of the different European states. 

The time had gone by when France was cited as the most considerable of 
the European powers, when the vast German Confederation represented 
only inert strength and when neither Italy nor Germany existed. The past 
sixteen years had seen many changes. United Italy and United Germany 
now formed two states of the first rank to the east and southeast of France, 
and Austria was no longer a counterbalance to the aggrandisement of Prussia. 
These changes were enoi^h to engage the serious attention of the imperial 
government. France — with England in the north, Prussia in the east, and 
Italy in the southeast, three not very reliable friends — had had till now noth- 
ing to fear on her southwestern frontier; for it was not probable that in case 
of war Spain would go against her. Would matters be the same after the 
realisation of Prim's plan? With a HohenzoUem on the Spanish throne 
would not France be ooliged in cade of war to keep a standing army of one 
hundred thousand men at the foot of the Pyrenees? This contingency 
threatened the interests of France too much for her government to neglect 
making great efforte to obtain the abandonment of the candidature of Prince 
LeopoW of HohenzoUem. Doubtless Napoleon III could have attained his 
end had he simply submitted the question to the great powers in diplomatic 
form, but it was evident from the beginning of this question that the emperor 
had two ends in view : that of suppressing the candidature, and that of ob- 
taining a moral advantage over his adversary — in fact, of humiliating him. 


Was France as ready as the minister of war had said? The Situatum de 
VEmpitf, distributed among the deputies the 1st of November, 1869, is the 
best answer to this question, 

Tliis dwimient gi\*es the effecti\'e of the army on the 1st of October as 
follows: Homo troops, 350,000 men; Algiers, 64,000 men; Papal States, 5,000 
men; total, 434,000 men, from which must be deducted men absent for lea\-e 
for \*arious causes, about one hundred thousand of whom would reduce the 
available nmnber to 325,000. The effective of thereser\-e was 212,000 in all, 
for the standing army, and the resen-e 617,000 men. The mobile national 
Kuard> whose duty it was to defend the fortresses and the interior, included 
n\"e ciassetit, of wfiich the effect i\'e amoxmted to 560,000 men. These added 
to the regulars and the reser\-es gskxe, on paper, a grand total of 1,200,000 
li|^ting nten, but on the lists were a largp nunaber of non-capables. The 
mobile national guanls tiid not know how to use a gun, and the organisation 
of the staffs i»*as in a ^Tl^l• primitiNT stagp. At the beginning of the campaign. 
the emperor could only rely on the standing army and the resen-e, forming 
an effectiNT of 547,000 nien, acconling to tfe Situation de l Empire: but ac- 
ctmling to the war office, 642.000. from which must be deducted the 75.000 
\t>unc: soldiejs of the 1S69 contingent who were not incorporated until the 

1st IM AllgUf^t. 

The numlvr of men at the immediate disposition of the govenrntent was 
567.000: 393,500 with the fla^: 61.000 ex-«okiieis in the resenv ha\-ing on 
an a\^rHK^ four nKmths* drill m the barracks, but who. for the gneater part, 
hail not had sufficient time to familiari^ themsehres with the hamiling of 
the dboji^ar/HV.^ The total of 393.500 men with the flag fun&ished by the war 

i^ TW rifc—M/if «» « tw«cfcfcwitiiy rifle whidk hmd bcctt ncvsttr iuMilaoni'] 


[1870 A.D.] 

office had been formally contested by Le Constiiutionnel on the morning of 
the plebiscite. It wiis in vain that the government organ, Le Peuple Frarvrais, 
invoked against the assertions of its fellow journal "our admirable rules of 
accounts which do not admit of fictitious expenses figuring on the budget." 
Very little trust was placed in these imaginary rules when it was seen that 
immense sxmis, such as those expended for experiments in the workshops of 
Meudon, and for the construction tif official n^sidences Hir marshals at the 
centres of the great military commands, had been 8f>ent without leaving 
any trace in the budget. The government cut short the polemic between 
Le ConsiUxUionnel and Le Petiple FraTu^xiis on this delicate question. But 
it was none the less proved, even in admitting the exactitude of the min- 
isterial statement as to the number of men with the flag, that the total number 
of forces that France could bring into the fieki in the first months of the war 
would not exceed 567,000, from which it was necessarv to deduct 36,000 
tabfiont from the ranks, including those undergoing punishment, those in the 
temount department, with the ambulance corps, 13.000 of the amied police, 
2S,000 in military depots, 78,000 in garrison in the fortresses, 50,0(X) in Algiers 
— that is, 231,0fHl for the interior and Algiers. There remaine<l 336,fKX) men 
to oppose the 500,0(.)0 whom Fnissia could bring into the field at tiie beginning 
of hostilities. Nevertheless, Marshal Lcba'uf continually repeated that the 
army was quite n^uly. Tliis inexplicable and UiUil lu^surance caused despair 
to those who knew the truth and who vainly did all they could t^ make it 

The eminent field-marshal \'on Moltke ^ estimates the French army as not 
more than about three hundn.Ml thousand men, who intended U* make sur(>rise 
attacks on various portions of Prussia, but who were prevented by impos- 
sibilities of transportation, and com|)elIed to fight on their own soil and in 
great disorganisiition and unfitness for the field. He setvS the CJerman force 
at a total of 484,000, of which 100,000 wei-e not for the first three weeks 
available owing to the lack of transportation facilities. Von Moltke describes 
his guiding principles as a determination to keep his forces compact and 
numerically superior wherever engagCHl, and to strike for the heart of France 
— Paris. 

Fuller details of the Prussian side of the war will be found in the late vol- 
ume of (Jernmn histor>'. The swift movement of tfie unprepared French 
troops was not permitted to upset V<;^n Moltke s plans, nor the first minor 
French success to cause any discouragement in the great victor>' planned so 
long and with a scientific completeness that has since remained as the model 
for modern warfare.** 


On the 20th of July, Ollivter reari before the legislature the declaration 
of war. The enthusiasm had already begim to abate. Tlir tnajftrity re- 
mained silent. In the evening a large crowrl of men descended to the place 
de la Bastille, crying: ** Vwe la pais!" A struggle occurred on the boulevard 
Bonne-Nouvelle between thus party anrl the crowtl who were crying ** A 
'BerlinV The police Intervenea and made several arrests. 

The emperor conferred the regency on the empress as in 1859 at the com- 
mencement of the war with Italy. But under what different circumstances! 
In 1859 Napoleon III had left the Tuileries in an open carriage in the miflst 
of an enthusiastic, ardent crowd who greeted him with acclamations for the 
first and last time since the n^-establishment of the empire. In 1870, on 
July 28th, he left St. Cloud, going round Paris without entering it, and taking 


[uno A.i>.] 
the route to Metz. He dared not at this solemn moment face the people, 
who, he pretended, had forced him into the war. He was even then out of 
the fight, in spirit as well as in body, and seemed to have a presentiment that 
he would never retum.« 

Enga^mente between outposte ajxd scouting parties had already begun 
on July 19th, They were particularly severe at Saarbriicken on August 2nd, 
where 1,000 men (1 battalion of fusiliers and 3 squadrons of ukms) were 
stationed under Lieutenant-Colonel von Pestel. In order to reconnoitre the 
strength of the enemy and to be able to send a telegram of victory to the 
impatient Parisians, Napoleon commanded the advance of General Frossard's 
coros and began on the 2nd of August the so-called battle of Saarbrttcken 
with 30,000 men a^inst 1,000. The latter were commanded on that day by 
General Count Gneisenau. Napoleon himself and his son were present during 
this engagement, Napoleon desiring to judge for himself the superiority of 
the chaissepots and the effectiveness of the mitrailleuses. The French, being 
massed on the heights of Spicheren which surround the left side of the vaDey 
of the Saar, opened fire witn 23 ^uns on the unfortified town and the troops 
b^an to advance. General Gneisenau withdrew in order, after three hours' 
resistance, to the right bank of the Saar, and went into bivouac several miles 
northwest of Saarbriicken, having placed a small force at the town of Sankt 
Johann, and at the railway station. Towards evening General Frossard 
entered Saarbriicken/ but soon returned to the heights, not daring to 
venture pursuit. The Prussians lost in this battle, in which mainly the 
artillery took part, 4 oflScers and 79 men; the French, 6 officers and 80 men. 
A telegram announcing victory was immediately sent off to Paris, telling of 
the "baptism of fire" of the prince imperial and his wonderful calmness and 
presence of mind. Paris was insane with joy^ the press adding to the general 
exultation by fantastic perorations, describmg the army of the Rhine as 
already before Mainz, and greeting this "glorious mUitary achievement as a 
sign of the beginning of a new penod in history." 

The dream was soon at an end; on the 4th of August the crown prince of 
Prussia crossed the French borders and attacked \^issenburg on the little 
river Lauter. Here stood the advance-guard of MacMahon, General Abel 
Douay's division defending the town and the well-fortified Gaisberg with 11 
battalions and 4 batteries. The town was carried by combined Prussian and 
Bavarian batteries, and the Gaisberg by 16 batteries composed of Prussians 
alone. General Douay was killed. The loss on the French side was about 
1,200 dead and woimded, and 1,000 not wounded taken prisoners, amone 
whom were 30 officers. What was left of the French contingent retreated 
to Worth. The Germans lost 91 officers and 1,460 men. The regiment of 
royal grenadiers alone lost 23 officers and 329 men. The greatest prize 
captured was one French cannon.' 


On the 5th of August MacMahon occupied Worth and began to fortify 
the heights to the west of Saarbriicken as well as the villages ofFroschweiler 

* The town was left in ruins ; the Qermans remembered this later on to jastify thdr 
incendiarism. — Delord. ^ 

* Aside from the moral effect of this real Oerman victory, the Laater line was thenceforward 
in their hands and the door of Alsace wide open. The death of the intrepid Abel Dooay also 
produced a most profound Impression over the whole coantrj.— BoNDOie/ 


[IBTO A..D.] 

and Elsasshaiisen. Here he La tended to repiilse the advance of the crown 
prince, which he expected about the 7th of August. In order to be able to 
do this he tried to add to his force that of General Felix Douay stationed at 
Belfort and Mulhausen, and that of General Failly stationed at Bit^ch. But 
only one division of the former arriveil in time; and of the other, the division 
sent to his aid arrived on the battle-field on the evening of August 6th, after 
MacMahon had been defeateil, and it could only be used in partially covering 
his retreat. This left MacMahon with only 45,000 men to oppose to the 
eJitire array of the crown prince/ 

It had been the btention of the crown prince not to force the decisive 
battle before the 7th of August, because he could not make a concerted 
attack with his combined five corps l^efore that tirne. But when on the fore- 
noon of the 6th of August the advance-guard of the fifth corps became en- 
tangled in a most violent engagement with the enemy, while a Bavarian 
corps on the right and the 11th corps rushed to the rescue, there seemed no 
alternative but to continue the battle and throw as many troops as passible 
into the menaced positions. In this manner the decisive battle of Worth 
resulted from a skirmish of scouts of the advance-guard, in which gradually 
every other corps or division except the Baden division took part. The 
battle raged most fiercely rountl tne well-fortified village of Froschweiler 
after Worth and Elsasshausen had been taken. After this also had fallen 
and the attack of the French cuirassiers had been repulsed, MacMahon's 
army, panic-stricken, Red — part to the paases of the Vosges, part towards 
Strasburg and Bitsch. The fugitives were closely pursued on this and the 
following day. Many were the trophies of the day: 200 officers and 9,000 
men taken prisoners, 1 eagle, 4 Turco bannerSj 28 cannon, 5 mitrailleuses, 
23 wagons of guns and other anns, 125 other wagons, 1,193 horses, and the 
military chest containing 222,000 francs in golti About 6,000 men were 
killed on the French side. The Germans lost 489 officers and 10,153 men. 
Among the severely wountled was Lieutenant-Cjenera! von Bose, commander 
of the 11th corps; while Lieutenant^General von Kirchbach, commander of 
the 5th corps, had a less serious wound. On the battle-field where the vic- 
torious army bivouacked arose during tlie night the niekuly of the liymn, 
" A'w7i danket Alle Gott/' sung by thousands of voices and played on hundreds 
of instruments. 

The fugitive Marshal MacMahon arrived with part of his army in Zabera 
on the morning of August 7th antl marched thence to Chalons, whither also 
the corps of Generals Douay and Failly were drawn. A new army was to be 
formed here. Northern Alsace lay defenceless before the victorious army of 
the crown prince. The Fiadcn division was ordered to proceed to Strasburg. 
The cavalry of that division had already taken Hagenau on the 7th of August; 
on the 8th and 9th of August the whole division was massed before the citadel 
of Strasburg and the commander, General Uhrich of Pfalzburg, asked to 
surrender. Upon his refusal a special beleaguering corps were* formed, com- 
prising the Bufien division, one Prussian reserv^e division, and the Garde- 
Londivehr division. They were placed under the conmiand of General Werder 
and closely surrounded the city from the 14th of August. On the 8th of 
August the crown prince withdrew with the remainder of the third army, and 
marched through the undefended passes of the Vosges, He also had the 
small neighbouring fortifications of Lichtenberg and Liitzelstein taken by the 
Wiirtemberg troops, and that of Marsal by the Bavarians; Bitach and Pfalz- 

' AooordlDg to CaDODge c he bad less thui 88,000 agminfit the crown prince's 115,000. 


flSTD 4.D.J 

burg were blockaded. He entered Nancy on August 16th, where ho remained 
several days awaiting definite news of events on the iSaar and Moselle. 

A second victory was achieved on AiigiLst 6th, at Spieheren. This battle 
was also not tlie result of strategic mana'uvres, but of a misunderstanding. 
According to Moltke's plan, Frossard's corps, stationed on the heights of 
Spicheren, was to be forced to retreat by a simultaneous attack in the rear 
by the Isl and 2nd armies at Forbach and Saargemiind. Should it resist, 
it was to be crushed by the overwhelming forces. When, in the forenoon 
of August 6th, generals Kameke and Rheinbaben of the 1st and 2nd armies 

arrived with their troops, relying on the reports 
of the scouting troops that Frossard's corps 
was retreating, they, wshing to harm the cle- 
feated anny as much as possible, made an 
attack, drove the enemy back to the steep, 
wooded height* of Spicheren, and sfiw only 
then that tiiey had the whole of the hostile 
corps before them. As they did not h(»ld it com- 
patible with honour to surrender the territory 
once taken and to retreat to the other bank of 
the Saar, Kameke's division had to contend for 
three hours against three divisions of the 
French, which had a strong artillery and were 
favoured by a remarkably good position. Not 
until three o'clock did reinforcements of the 
two armies gradually arrive on the battle-field, 
after which twenty-^ven thousand Germans 
fought agaiiLst forty thousand French. Finally 
several battalions were successful in clunbing 
the heights and even bringing twelve cannon 
with them. The determination and endurance 
of the soldiers was wonderful. The Bninden- 
burg regiment of grenadiei-s alone lost thirty- 
five officers and 771 men. The battle seemed 
tr) c^Mitre at the .summit of the heights. Sud- 
denly Glumer's division advanced on the left 
wing and completely rout^^i it, menacing the 
line of retreat of the enerny which now U^ik 
place, culminating in panic'in some instances. 
The corps ivithdrew by way of Forbach and 
Sankt Avoid or by SaargemUnd towards Metz. 
Bazaine's corps, wliich was stationed only 
seven or eight miles from the scene of action, did the same, without coming 
to Frossard's assistance. In consequence of their unfavourable position the 
victors had greater lasses than the vanquished. The Germans lost 223 officers 
and 4,648 men, while the French according to their owni account lost 249 
officers and 3,829 men, of whom about two thousand were captured. 

The victors advanced on the 7th of August, seizing great quantities of 
provisions in Forbach, besieged Sankt Avoid, making incursions almost as 
far as Metz. The army of Prmce Charles also marched, traversing the Rhine 
Palatinate partly by way of Saarbriicken, partly via Saargemund, in the di- 
rection of Metz. Receiving the news of this victory, the king of Prussia left 
Mainz on August 7th, arrivmg in Saarbriicken on the 9th, and in Sankt Avoid 
on the 11th, and issued a proclamation to the French nation in which he 

OrnoBB or Hussabs (FiuntoH) 


[1870 A. D.] 

declared that he was carrying on war with the army of France, not with her 
citizens, whose persons and IwiongingK should be secure na long as they tlicm- 
eelves refrained from practising hostilities against the German troops> 


The general opinion in the circle of Marshal Bazaine and the emperor was 
that the idea of giving battle in Lorraine must be abandoned, the Moselle 
repassed as quickly lus possible, MacMalion'a army niUiedj and Metz, reduc(»d 
to its own forces, must stop a part of the German troops, while a mass of 
250,000 men must oppose the invasion either at Verdun, Chalons, or even 
nearer to Paris. Would this plan, 
certainly a most prudent one, have 
saved France? Well-known German 
authorities are agreed in thinking it 
would have b<*en very dangerous for 
Germany; that Moltke was much 
occupied in preventing it; that Mar- 
shal MacMahon and the gtmeral 
officers who commantled in Paris 
thought the plan goml, auil that in 
any case the danger of allowing the 
only French organise*! army to stay 
near Metz was obvious. 

In the campaipi we are entering 
on, the chief problem for the French 
was to recross ihv Moselle imme- 
diately anfl rapidly overtake the 
Prussians on the Verdun and Chftlons 
route; for the Gennans, to hinder 
the enemy^s march, to cross the Mo- 
selle to the south of Metz, and to 
occupy the approach by which Mar- 
shal Bazaine must unite his troops 
with those of Marshal MacMahon. 

Time was lost between the IHh 
and 13th tliscussing the possil)ilitles 
of a battle or retreat. On the latter 
date Bazaine took definite command and decidefl to retreat. But, whether 
owing to physical fatigue, incapacity, or criminal iruJilTerencc, he did not 
devote all hLs energi(*s to liastenmg the passage of the Moselle and the oceu- 
pation of the Venlun route. The curious incertitude of his projects, his 
mysterious attitude, give su]>port to the belief that he had determined from 
the beginning to allow liimsclf to be blockaded near Metz. But with what 
object? Had he even an object? ^ 

It is diificult to understand the extreme prudence of the armies of Stein- 
metz and P>e<lerick C.-harles (nephew of the king of Prussia) after the battle 
of Si>icheren. It must lx» supposed that this easy victory surprisfHl tlie Ger- 
mans, and that at the beginning of the campaign the system of spies was 

[■ The French view of bis conduct is that h« meant to keep this armj intact in order that 
afterwards, in conjanction with the G^ermans as his accomplitx^. he might secure, with a fresh 
militATf c<fup iTitaU the imperial rule over France. Whatever he may have meant, the (Jer- 
had no inientton of intrusting the fortress of FVance to him. — KirCBElT.'] 

MAnPHAL Bakaiths 


[1870 A.D.] 

less well oiganised than at the end. It was onlv on the 13th of August that 
the grand armv, with the king and Von Moltke, arrived at Hemv, on the 
route from Fafkenberg to Metz, and I^ince Frederick Charles had scarcely 
left Saargemiind. The advance-guard of the first army bore, on the morning 
of the 14th, towards Pange, and saw that the French army, in part at least, 
was still on the right bajok of the Moselle. Then Von Moltke stopped the 
manoeuvres, which might have destroyed or at least annulled " the French 
army of the Rhine," as Bazaine's army was henceforth called. 

On the 14th the passage of the French army began at last; generals Goltz 
and ManteufTel attacked Castagny's division of the 3rd corps, which was still 
at Colombey. But to all appearances the combat was favourable to the 
French, who attributed to themselves a victory which they called the battle 
of Bomy or Pange. The Germans, however, equally considered the victory 
theirs, an assumption founded on the fact that the French army had been 
delayed crossing the river. The battle on the 14th had allowed Frederick 
Charles to hajsten his march, and in the evening his advance-guard reached 
Pont-^-Mousson — that is, the point where the second German army crossed 
the Moselle, a crossing made practicable by the incredible carelessness of the 
commander-in-chief, who had left the bridges standing. The Prussians had 
lost nearly 5,000 men; the French 3,600. 

However, the French could now continue their march without interrup- 
tion; it was not concluded till the morning of the 15th on the trunk road of 
the two Verdun routes. The staff did not Know that two other roads forked 
off between Confians and Rezonville. So the highroad from Metz to Grave- 
lotte, between two rows of houses, was the scene of inextricable confusion; 
innxunerable wagons encumbered the route and the emperor's household 
constantly interrupted the march. The uncertainty in commands had a 
very clear influence in these disastrous delays. 


Marshal Bazaine did not seem very anxious to leave Metz. All his move- 
ments were directed, greatly to the astonishment of those around him, so as 
to keep open communications with that city, and he did not seem to consider 
it possible that the Prussians would intercept his route to Verdim. The 
retreat was not really begun again until the morning of the 16th of August. 

Marshal Bazaine had been warned of hostile parties towards Gorze, but 
he did not verify this, finding himself confirmed in his suspicion that the 
Prussians wanted to slip in between the French army and Metz. He 
therefore kept the imperial guard at Gravelotte, with General Bourbaki, so 
as to fortify his left, which still lay at Metz at Fort St. Quentin. The halt 
having been called, the generals De Forton and Murat of the advance-guard 
at Mars-la-Tour had prepared for breakfast, when suddenly shells fell in the 
midst of their men. The disorder caused by this surprise had a deplorable 
result; it allowed the Prussians, in spite of inferior numbers, to occupy both 
sides of the Verdun route. Then the Prussian corps, directed by Frederick 
Charles, turned back on Vionville, where Canrobert, by his energetic resist- 
ance, supported by Frossard, stayed the onslaught which gave to the Prussians 
possession of Mars-la-Tour and Tronville. But Marshal Canrobert, left to 
{lis own resources, was obliged to give up Vionville to the enemy. Neverthe- 
less he remained unshaken at Rezonville. 

The centre of the French army now found itself in a very favourable 
position, and towards three o'clock General Ladmirault succeeded in sweeping 



P870 A.D.] 

the Verdun route between Rezonville and Vionville. But at this moment 
several of Steinmetz's fresh divisions bore down on Gravelotte — that Ls, on 
line's left. The attack was so sudden and unforeseen that Marshal 
tine ran personal risks and was only saved by a charge of his staff. Fear- 
ing to have to support the assault of an entire army on this side, he entirely 
stopped the offensive movement on his right. 

At half past four, two fresh corps, commanded by Frederick Charles in 
person, came out from Gorze in front of Rezonville, forming an assaulting 
lino of eiglity thousand men. The capture of Rezonville wouki have ended 
the battle and would have led to the dispersion of Bazaine's army — |>erhaps 
itfi capitulation; but, after three hours of repeated attacks, the Prussians 
renoimced the idea of overthrowing Canrobert and Ladmii-ault, and at nine 
o'clock in the evening Prince Frederick Charles ordered the firing to cease. 

The magnificent moonlight which succeeded this terrible twelve hours' 
battle shone on twenty thousand dead in a line of ten kilometres. The 
Prussians lost about ten thousand men; the French nearly as many. At 
Mars-la-Tour and at Tronville, the Germans heUI the road from Verdun 
to Fresnes-en-Wocvre ; but, in spite of the mistakes of the head of the French 
army, they had not been able to concentrate a sufficient force to rentier their 
advantage decisive. 


But to carry out the necessary operations, which hwl l)ccome so difficult, 
General Bazaine required abnegation, audacity, and encrg>* to inspire his 
soldiers, who were fatigued by a terrible battle but ready for any sacrifice 
when supportetl by the moral superiority of their chief. 

The whole army was prepared to make a new move forward early on the 
17th. The fatigues of the day sufficiently explain the inactivity of the night, 
although the Prussians were taking advantage of the respite to accumuTate 
forces b(*yond Mars-hi-Ttiur. It was, then, a ci*up1 tlisappointinent for the 
soldiers to be ortlered to go back to Metz. 

These positions, defended by 120,000 men of tried valour, by forts, and 
500 cannon, were excellent with regard to Metz, but of little value if it was 
intended to take the first opportunity of leaving the town in orrler to escape 
the blockade — which was the enemy's evident intention. The 17th was 
occupied entirely in taking up their position, and the Prussians profited by it. 
The two German armies ha<.l thrown eight corps to the north of Mars-la-Tour, 
lSt),tX)0 iiifantry, 25,000 horses, and 700 cannon. Instead of rushing in 
pursuit of the French after the battle of the 16th, they had continued syste- 
matically and without disorder their flanking movement. 

The inaction of Marshal Bazaine allowed them to continue their march 
until mid-day on the 18th, and when they attacked the French positions 
from Gravelotte to Roncourt, the army of the Rhine no longer had simply to 
keep open its last issuing point, but to rcofjen it in the midst of an innumerable 
maAS of men. Marshal Bazaine did not believe in a serious attack. All that 
day he remained at headquarters without rejoining in the battle. He would 
not admit that the Prussians could so rapidly throw on his extreme right 
sufficient forces to obstruct the Montm^ly road on the north. 

But Marshal Moltke joined the king at Ste. Marie-aux-Chene£ and con- 
centrated all his energy on the position of St. Privat^la-Montagne, defended 
by Marshal Canrobert. There for two hours, from five to seven in the evening, 
the marshal repulsed most furious attacks from t!ie Germans; thrusting them 
headlong from the heights and decimating, under William's very eyes, one of 



the regiments of the Prussian guard — that of the queen — conunanding on 
foot in the foremost ranks, and forcing Moltke himself to take command ci 
the Pomeranian fusiliers to prevent a panic caused by the rout of a part of 
his cavalry. But, at seven o'clock, Alarshal Moltke, anxious for the conse- 
quences which the prolonged resistance of Canrobert might bring about, 
united 90,000 men at St. Privat, and by a long and winding march led the 
12th corps (Saxons) to Roncourt, northeast of the position occupied by the 
6th corps of the French; 240 cannon immediately opened a terrible fire on 
these 25,000 heroic soldiers, who, since two o'clock, had supported the prin- 
cipal fire of the enemy. As so often happened in this imhappy war, ammu- 
nition was lacking to the 6th corps; Marshal Canrobert, however, remained 
at his post, and when the Saxons appeared on the northeast to combine their 
attack with that of the Prussians, they were obliged to support a terrible 
fight before seizing St. Privat. 

Then the marshal was obliged to beat a retreat; Bazaine, informed of this, 
could not contain his astonishment. Instead of a battle of the advance- 
guard, he had sustained a complete defeat. He could hardly believe the 
reports, and gave orders to the Picard brigade of the imperial guard to go to 
the front. But it was too late. The necessary movement at last ordered 
could not prevent the Prussians from passing Amanvillers; they had, more- 
over, lost 20,000 men; the French 18,000, of whom 2,000 were made prison- 
ers. Nothing now could hinder Marshal Moltke from interposing a circle of 
250,000 men between the only organised army of France and the rest of the 

This conclusion of the battles imder the walls of Metz had another dis- 
astrous result — that of leaving MacMahon exposed to the crown prince's 
army, which was now free from all anxiety with regard to Bazaine./ 


The news of the battles before Mctz produced great confusion in Paris. 
On the 17th of August, following the advice of General Schmitz, the emperor 
appointed as governor of Paris General Trochu, who alone could prevent 
a revolt which threatened. A new army had been forming at Ch^ons, of 
which MacMahon took command. Coimt Palikao * wished MacMahon to join 
Bazaine, but MacMahon telegraphed the minister that he did not know where 
to find Bazaine and that he wished to remain at Ch41ons. The following day, 
on account of a false rumour, he suddenly left Chdlons and took the route to 

A council of war took place at Rheims in which Rouher took part and 
insisted on the relief of the army at Metz. The empress and Palikao wished 
this; and in accordance with their desires MacMahon marched towards the 
Maas, where he would join Bazaine at Stenay if the latter could break through 
the enemy's chain. MacMahon, through delays and the failure to receive 
despatches, did not reach Stenay in time. The Germans had occupied it, 
and on the 27th and 29th engagements took place at Buganzy, Novart, and 
Voncq. The surprise of Failly at Beaumont on the 30th, and the retirement 
of Douay before the Bavarians on August 6th (causing him to be replaced by 
General Wimpffen), forced MacMahon to retreat to Sedan. On the hills about 

[' This was General Coasln-Montaaban who was bom in 1796 and won his title from his 
victory over the Chinese at Palikao in 1860 ; he had become prime minister as well as minister 
of war on the fall of Ollirier, August 9th, 1870. due to the failure of the army. He kept his 
portfolio only until September 4th, when the disaster of Sedan overthrew the Second Empire.] 


[1870 i.D.] 

Sedan, MacMahon drew up his forces, with T^bnin commandiniB: tho right at 
Bajseilles; Douay the left at Illy and Floing; Ducrot the centre at Moncelle 
and Daigny; and Wimpffen the reserxj-e in the Garenne forest. Against these 
the PruByians and Bavarians advanced with full confidence « 


Facing all ways, that is, no way, the French army was apparently pro- 
tected on the west by the opening on to the Maas whicli wa,s stxjii tt> enclose 
its ruins. Towards M<^'zi6rcs anii south of this roiid, tlic road to safety, there 
was nothing, not even a handful of cavalry, to watch the wa}*" so clearly indi- 
cated towards Doncliery. 

At half past six m the morning of September 1st, Marsha! MacMahon, 
who had gone in the din^ciinn of La Moncelle, wa.s scnvn»ly woun<l('d and liad 
to relinquish the command. As lie knew nothing of the ordi-rs given to 
General WimpfTen, he appointed Ducrot to replace him; the latter did not 
hear of his appoiriftnt nit until nearly hiilf pttst s<wen. 

The new conuuander-in-chief Ducrot J declares that he "had received no 
instructions whatever from the nuirshal.'* lie was in entire ignorance of his 
intentions — even of whetjier he intended to engage in a defensive or offensive 
battle. Having to decide at the soonent possilile iriotnent, he gave immediate 
orders for the army to concentrate on the plateau, wlietice it \vou!<l march on 
Mezieres. The retreat was to be carried out in echelon beginning from the 

Between half past eight and nine in the morning, when in fact the move- 
ment was in course of execution, CJeneral Wimpffen claimed the chief com- 
mand. Misled by the success of the 12th corps, which, nevertheless, was 
reduced to the defensive; not believing, from want of knowledge of the pre- 
ceding days, in the serious danger tliat the flanking movements threatened, 
he stopped the retreat on Mezieres. General Ducrot vainly emphasised the 
importance of retaining the plateau of Illy, when a question of life and death 
was at issue. He was unable to convince his interlocutor: **It is not a 
retreat we want, but a victoi^M" 

The new commander-in-chief recalled the 12th and 1st corps back to their 
respective positions and ordered **a vigorous forward offensive movement 
on our right." He ho|>ed, as he aftenvards sairl, to crush the enemy*s left^ 
formed of the two Bavarian corps; ami then, having beaten him and driven 
him back on the Maas, to return with the 12th and 1st corps, and, with the 
wiiole army cumbiiu'd, fight the German riglit wing. What about the enemy's 
left wing? As a general nile, such a scheme is as a last resource possible when 
on both sides the forct*s are equal ; it ought not so nmch as to be dreamed of 
in face of an army fiusiwil with victory, well led^ and with a luunericiil 
superioritv of over one hundred thousjiiul men. 

In addition, in this particular insUmce, the real danger threatened from 
the north (the enemy's left), and the 7th corps in spite of a vigorous resistance 
was powerless to overcome it, more esjx^eially as the ruins of the 5th corps 
scarcely counted as a support. The clearest result of the course of action 
taken by General Wimpffen, at a moment when minutes were as precious as 
hours, was a loss of time which assured the ruin of the army by robbing it of 
all cliances of escape. Anything was better than Sedan. 

The important village of Bazeilles, situated at the crossing of the Douzy and 
Sedan roads, by Halan, was destined to play an important part in the defence 
of the valley of the Givonne. Repulsed at first, the Bavarians, reinforced, 


[1810 A.l>.] 

returned to the attack; from seven o'clock in the morning the battle ooncen^ 
trated around the villa Beurmann and in the western end of the yilli^. The 
defenders were compelled to give way little by little before 8up)erior numbers, 
and before the conflagpitions started by the Bavarians. They withdrew to 
Btdan; but not all retired. To the north of Bazeilles. in an isolated house 
scarcely fifty metres from the villa Beurmann, a hanoful of men, beloimng 
mostly to the marine infantry, prolonged a hopeless resistance, and for a long 
while braved the furious assaiuts of the enemy, who ended bv bringing up 
artillery. This glorious defence was organised by Commancfant Lambert, 
supported by captains Ortus and Aubert. Ammunition being exhausted,' 
Lambert had the doors thrown open, and with a view of saving the survivors 
offered himself to the Bavarians. Licensed at their losses, they were about 
to fall upon him, and he owed his life only to a captain who made a rampart 
of his own body. 

The defence of Bazeilles, in which the troop of the Grand-Champ division 
co-operated, cost the marine infantry alone tlurty-two officers killed, of whom 
one was lieutenant-colonel and four were battalion leaders. Three officers 
were shot by the Bavarians after defending a house to the very last. "To- 
wards midnday," the German accotmt says, "Bazeilles was almost entirely in 
flames." Not content with using the torch, the Bavarians dishonoured their 
tardy victory by cruelties which they have vainly attempted to excuse.' 

From Bazeilles the struggle extended to Balan. The 4th Bavarian divi- 
sion (2nd corps) occupied that village only after repelling a particularly stub- 
bom resistance from the Carteret-'fi6court brigade, the stru^e taking place 
chiefly in the park. 

From ten m the morning, Moncelle, which the French had neglected to 
defend seriously, was in the hands of tne Saxons. Supported by a battery, 
which at nine o'clock included no less than ninetjr-aix guns, they endeavoured 
to debouch from La Moncelle. The whole morning was taken up with these 
attempts, which were vigorously opposed by the Lacretelle division. The 
Saxons succeeded in taking it, and by eleven o'clock, at the moment when 
Bazeilles was falling, they had gained a permanent footing on the right bank 
of the Givonne, whose crest was quickly occupied by their artillery. An hour 
earlier Daigny had also fallen into then* power. While the German artillery 
was crushing the French batteries and the defenders of the heights, their 
infantry waited imder cover; when the moment came for action it scaled the 
heights and took possession of them with insignificant loss. 

All these subordinate engagements are dominated in importance by the 
general movement of that part of the 3rd army entrusted with the envelop- 
ment of the French army. Towards seven o'clock in the morning, the fog 
having lifted, the crown prince had ascertained with certainty, from the 
point of observation he had occupied for the past hour, that the French 
appeared to project the retention of Sedan, on the east of the curve formed 
by the Maas. He issued his orders. 

The German artillery, in keeping with its principle, boldly outstripped the 
infantry. It established itself on the knoll south of St. Menges between it 


This is the scene of De Nenville's famous picture, "The Last Cartridge."] 
It is impossible to describe or even to sketch with any precision the senes of confused 
engagements in the woods of Qarenne. Cannon without wheels, caissons abandoned, a flag 
whose bearer perished eloriously. hundreds of men and horses fell into the power of the enemy ; 
the forest was attacked at the same time on the north, the east, and the west. Only one French 
cannon still fired. It was taken when all its men were lost. A cloud of enemies, surging in 
from all sides, enwrapped this little wood, and all it contained were slain or taken. It was no 
more a battle ; it was a man-hunt. — Roussst."*] 



[1810 A.I).] 

and Floing, opened fire, and nearer and nearer, by additional arrivals, the 
battery advanced in echelon in the direction of Fleigneux. The French were 
subseciuently driven from Floing. 

Towards eleven o'clock General Galliffet received orders from General 
Mar^eritte to charge, with the squadrons of chasseurs d'Afrique, the com- 
panies which, corning dowTi from Fleigneux, had just crossed the stream 
Illy. These were momentarily checked in their advance. Towards mid- 
day the envelopment was in full progress. Towarfls eleven o'clock in the 
evening the 11th corps took Cazal; seventy-one Gennan batteries (426 gims), 
mailed in four different places, swept in every direction the plateau of Illy 
and subjected the defenders to a cruel experience. 

Not a moment was to be lost. General Ducrot had to act as commander- 
in-chief. He collected all the available artillery on the plateau, and turned 
it in the direction of Fleigneux; he replaced the Pelle and the Il^riller divi- 
sions on the heights; and lastly ordered the commandant of the {livision of 
cavalry reser\'e to charge. 

It was a question of charging in echelon towards the left, and then, after 
having overturned all that were met, to turn to the right in such a way as to 
take 5l the enemy's line in flank. This was at about two o'clock. At the 
moment when Genenil Margueritte moved forwanl to I'econnoitre the ground 
and the enemy's position, he was severely wounded. His tongue was in- 
jured, and when he arrived at the head of his division, he could only point 
with his arm to indicate the direction of the movement. Led by the gesture, 
the cavalry hurled themselve.s on Floing. 

Thereupon, under the shelter of the artillery, heroic charges succeeded 
one another. These movements were carried out under tlie most deplorable 
disjuivantiiges of ground but "with remarkable vigour and entire devotion," 
according to the Fru.ssian account. The first charge came to grief — another 
was immediately made: '^The honour of the amiy demands it,*' said General 
Ducrot, and new squadrons dashed forward. But in vain. Sabred, for the 
moment dispersed, the enemy's skinnishers fell back on the second line. 
Against this, complete and supported on its wings by squares, the reiterated 
desperate efforts of the squaorons were utterly broken, and their ruins dis- 
persed in all directions. 

We may easily understand and repeat the exclamation, "What brave 
men!" which King William made at this splendid sight. The Prussian 
account itself has said: "Although succeiss did not result from the efforts of 
these brave stjuadrons, although their heroic attempts were powerless to 
thwart the catastrophe in which the French anny was already irretrievably 
involved, that army is none the less entitled to look back with legitimate pride 
on the fields of Floing and Cazal, on which, during that memorable day of Sedan, 
its cavalry succumbed gloriously beneath the blows of a victorious adversary," 

These glorious charges have as an epilogue the heroic attempt with which 
the name of Commandant d'Alincourt is associated. Towards three o'clock 
in the afternoon he attempted to cut a way through the enemy's lines, with 
a squwlron of the Ist regiment of cuirassiers. The valiant troop set out 
from the M^zi^res gate and charged into the suburb of Cazal, overturning the 
German soldiers stationed there. But, the alarm once given, the Germans 
barred the road with the help of carriages and shot <lown the cuirassiers, 
whose noble attempt proved abortive; nearly three-quarters of them fell 
here. This is, with the exception of the vigorous attempt on Balan, the only 
tcbI attempt which was made to pierce the circle of iron from the moment 
when it first became complete. 


[1870 A.D.] 

All that still remained flowed back under the concentric movement to- 
wards Sedan, which had ah-eady eneulfed part of the army. The fire of the 
Prussian batteries was concentrated on the town, torn in all directions by 
the shells. 

At three o'clock, the emperor Napoleon III, who had remained on the 
battle-field until half paat eleven, hoisted the white flag. Two hours before. 
General Wimpffen had written to him requesting him to put himself at the 
head of his troops, who would make it a point of honour to cut the way out 
for him. Still following his idea of opening a road in the direction of Carignan, 
the general, who with great trouble had gathered together five or six thou- 
sand men, led them forward and with s^endid dash threw himself for the 
first time upon the Bavarians, driving them out of the village of Balan. 
Towards four o'clock he received a suggestion from the emperor to treat with 
the enemy. He declined, and at the head of two or three thousand men, 
this time accompanied by General Lebrun, he made a fresh attempt. He 
could not deploy beyond Balan and finally fell back on Sedan. The unfor- 
tunate army was done for.? 

In deciding to hoist a flag of truce. Napoleon III understood all the 
gravity of the responsibility he was incurring, and foresaw the accusations 
of which he would be the object. The situation appeared before his eyes in 
all its gravity, and the recollection of a glorious past arose, to augment the 
bitterness by its contrast with the present. How would it be believed that 
the army of Sebastopol and of Solferino had been obliged to lower its arms? 
How could it be imderstood that, enclosed within a narrow space, the more 
numerous the troops the greater the confusion, and the less possible was it 
to re-€stablish that order which is indispensable in battle? The prestige to 
which the French army was rightly entitled was about to vanish all at once, 
in the i)resence of a calamity that has no equal; the emperor remained alone 
responsible in the eyes of the world for the misfortunes that war brought in 
its train! ^ 


At five o'clock all was ended. The emperor sent the following letter to 
the king of Prussia by one of his aides-de-camp: 


Not having succeeded in dying in the midst of my troops, nothing remains for me but to 
deliver my sword into your majesty's hands. 

The king replied: 

While I regret the circumstances in which we meet, I accept your majesty's sword and beg 
yon to be so good as to name one of yonr officers furnished with full powers to make terms for 
the capitulation of the armv which has fought so bravely under your command. On my side. 
I have named Qeneral von Moltke for this purpose. 

Napoleon III could surrender his person — he was no longer a general; it 
was not his work to surrender the army. Another was to b^ entrusted with 
this mission. Wimpffen, with despair at his heart, was obliged to submit to 
it. He went over to the enemy's headquarters, to the castle of Bellevue, near 
Donehery, For three long hours Wimpffen struggled in vain to obtam some 
modification of the conditions which Moltke hS fixed. This cold and in- 
flexible calculator, who had reduced war to mathematical formulas, was as 
incapable of generosity as of anger. He had decided that the entire army, 
with arms and baggage, should be prisoners. 



[1870 A.D.] 

BLsmarpk took part in the conference. He made one remark which has 
an historiciU importance — General Wiinpffen* haa noted it in his book on 
Sedan: "Prussia will exact as terms of peace, not only an indemnity of four 
billion francs, but Alsace and German Lorraine. We must have a good, 
advanced strategical line." "Demand only money/' replied Wimpffen, 
"you will be sure of peace with us for an indefinite period. If you take from 
us Alsace and Lorraine, you will only have truce for a time; in France, from, 
old men down to chiltlren, all will learn the use of arms, and millions of sokliera 
will one day demand of you what you take from us." The speech which 
Wimpffen relates shows the mistake of _^^ 

those who have believed that Bismarck 
did not agree with the mihtary party 
on the question of Metz and Strasbur^. 
If his political genius had once hesi- 
tated, it hesitated no longer. One of 
General Ducrot's aides-tliM-amp, who 
was present, has quoted Bismarck's 
remark somewhat differently; but-, if 
the words differ, the sense is the same. 

On September 2nd, at seven o'clock 
in tlie morning, Wimpffen called to- 
gether in a cimiKMl of war the com- 
manders of the army corps and the gen- 
erals of division. The council recognised 
thatj " face to face with tlie physical im- 
possibility of continuing the struggle, 
we were forced to accept the conditions 
which were imposed on us." Not only 
were they totally enveloped by forces 
which were now treble tlieir own (220,- 
000 raeji against 80,000), but they had 
food only for one day. Wimpffen car- 
ried his signature to the Prussian heail- 

Napoleon III had left Sedan before 
the sitting of the council of war; he 
hojjed to see the king of Prussia before 
the capitulation was signed and per- 
suade William to grant some conces- 
sions; but the king avoided this inter- 
view; the emperor only encountered Bismarck, with whom he had a conversa- 
tion in a workman's small house, near Donchery, This was the concla'^ion of 
the Biarritz interviews! Napoleon was then sent, with an escort of cuira&sicrs 
of the Prussian guard, to await his conqueror in a chateau on the banks of 
the Maas. There he repeated to William what he had just said to Bismarck: 
that he had not desired war; that public opinion in France had forced it upon 

The shame which the defeated emperor brought on himself by excusing 
himself at the exjx'nse of France in the presence oT her victorious enemy was 
the true expiation of December 2nd. No head of a statt? had ever shown 
such absence of dignity. The solemn contradiction which Thiers made to 
this shameful speech some months later at Bordeaux is well known. The 
imperial captive was sent into Germany to the castle of WUhelnishohe, near 

B. W.— VOU XJU. U 



Cassel; it was the former residence of his uncle Jerome, during the existence 
of the short-lived kingdom of Westphalia.* Napoleon III at Wilhelmshohe 
inevitably recalls Napoleon I at Malmaison after Waterloo. There was one 
common feature between these two men, otherwise so dissimilar: they seemed 
far less two human souls mortally wounded in the realitv of their moral life 
than two actors who had played their parts and resigned themselves to quit 
the stage/ 

The army with all its material was made prisoner of war. Nearly five 
hundred oflftcers consented to give their parole. The others, marshals and 
generals at their head, were left to share in captivity the fate of their soldiers, 
llie army awaited, in imspeakable privation, on the peninsula of Iges, so 
well named the Camp of Misery, the moment of departmre. 

In round figures the French losses total thus: killed, 3,000; wounded^ 
14,000; prisoners taken in battle, 21,000; prisoners by capitulation, 83,000; 
disarmea in Belgiimi, 3,000; total, 124,000 men. The Germans captured 
beddes, one fia£, two ensigns, 419 guns and mitrailleuses, 139 garrison guns, 
1,072 wagons of all descriptions, 66,000 rifles, and 6,000 horses fit for service. 
Tlie German army lost 465 ofiicers, of whom 189 were killed, including Greneral 
von Gersdorff, and 8,459 men, of whom 2,832 were killed.^' 


Sedan gave the final blow to the empire. Not even a push was required 
to complete its overthrow. How did the news reach Paris? Nobody mows. 
A vague rumour was spread on the afternoon of September 3rd. In the 
evening one hundred thousand Parisians paraded the streets and went to the 
house of the governor of the city, General Trochu. The chamber held a sitting 
during the night. There could be nothing more tragic than this sitting. A 
deathly sDence prevailed among those official representatives of the empire. 
Jules Favre in his voice of brass read out in the midst of this silence a propo- 
sition of forfeiture. Not a sound, not a murmur was heard. A few hours 
still remained to the empire in which some extreme measure might be tried, 
but nobody thought of such a thing. 

A compact mass of people thronged the place de la Concorde. The bridge 
was guarded and the police of the empire were using their weapons for the 
last time. The crowd, partly by its own force, partly owing to the complicity 
of the soldiers, managed to clear a passage. A few moments after, the cham- 
ber was invaded; for the fourth time the people entered the Tuileries. 

The republic was proclaimed at the H6tel-ae-Ville, and also a provisional 
government xmder the name of "government of national defence." The 
government consisted of deputies elected in Paris: Jules Simon, Picard, 
Gwnbetta, Pelletan, Gamier-Pag^s, Cr^mieux, Arago, Glais-Bizoin, and 
Rochefort, with General Trochu as president, Thiers having refused this 
office. The senate had been forgotten, just as in 1848 the chamber of peers 
had been. It was not remembered till the next day. In the evening, in 
spite of the threatened invasion, a profound relief was felt. The boulevards 
were crowded. Improvised chariots bearing inscriptions, and groups of 
soldiers mingling with the citizens were cheered as they passed. The police 
had disappeared. One of the most festive occasions during the days that 

[> September 4th the empress Eugenie fled from Paris and in five dajs landed on the coast 
of E&ffland. where she was joined by her son. They took up their residence at Chiselhurst 
near London, where Kapoleon III joined them March 20th, 1871, and where he died January 
9th. 1878.] 



followed was the return of the exiles. All the great men who were welcomed 
back by their country, Victor Hugo, Louis Hhuic, Edgar Quinet, and Ledru- 
Rollin, cnrae to Paris. The return of Victor Hugo was a regular triumph. 

AVhen the empire fell, France was left unprotected. Of the two armies 
one had been captured at Sedan, and the other was shut up in Metz, whence 
it was to be delivered by treachery. The Germans thought they had nothing 
to do but U) make a military excursion into France. 

They were arriving at Paris from two directions — from Soissons and from 
Chalons. They looked upon Paris as their last remaining obstacle, and did 
not believe any resistance would be offertH:!. In 1814 and 1815 Paris had 
been given up after a few days' struggle. They could not believe that the 
capital woulcl endure the horrors of a siege. It was said to be provisioned 
for one month only, and in 1814 and 1815 the possession of Paris had meant 
the possession of France. Thus the war seemed finished; but it was really 
only begun. 


The government took up its quarters in the capital, resolved to sustain 
the siege. It had sent away only its two oldest members, Cr^*mieux and 
Glais-Bizoin, who had gone to Tours. la Paris they were hastily preparing 
the defence of the ramparts and the forts, which had been left by the empire 
in a very inefficient state. The national guard was consolidated and pro- 
vided with giuis. An attempt was ma^le to reorganise the troops which were 
returning: General Vinoy's corps, which had reached Sedan too late and had 
made a rapid retreat, some sailors, some of the mobiies^ and soldiers from 
here, there, and everywliere were to f*>rrn the Parit^iitn army. Trochu was 
commantier-in-chief antl had under him Genera! Ducrot, who had escaped 
after Sedan, Vinoy, and at the hea<i of the artillery General Fr^bault, who 
had presented to the navy some fine cannon which were now to be of great 
service in the defence of Paris. 

Preparations were hardly completed when the enemy arrived. On the 
heights of ChS,tillon, which was a valuable position for Paris, the Germans 
found no opjKwsition except from some troops who were already dcmorahs«*dj 
being, so to speak, composed of the tail-end of defeated regiments. A panic 
ensues! and the Germans gained possession of the heights, which enabletl them 
to bombard Paris. 

But a change was near. Paris was tletermined to make a defence. First 
Jules Favre went to Ferrieres to find out what conditions Germany meant 
to propose. Bismarck wantetl some of the French provinces, and Jules 
Favre replied: "Not an inch of our territory, nor a single stone of our for- 
tresses!" Paris during the siege was a noble spectacle. The city of light 
laughter and sparkling merriment, the centre of elegance and fashion, had 
been transformed h\io a military stronghold. One thought occupied nil 
minds, one passion possessed all hearts, the whole town had but one soul — 
and that was filled with the noble enthusiasm of patriotism." 

Indefatigable zeiU was displayed by the various authorities^the ministry 
of conunerce. the prefecture of the Seine, whicli was in the hands of a member 
of the government, Jules Ferry, the mayoralty of Paris, the mayoralties of 
the arrondlssements; but these complicated wheels within wheels hindered 
each other, their functions not being clearly determined. 

From September 26th a central victualling committee regulated and com- 
bined these various operations, and rendered valuable services. The gov- 


[1870 AJft.] 

eniment of national defence succeeded in adding to the resources already 
obtained more than four hundred thousand hundredweights of flour, whidi 
represented provisions for two months. 

It was not sufficient to have com ; it must be ground. After sura^ounting 
enormous difficulties, the trade of niiiler was successfully oigamsed in Paris. 
All trades connected with food were established in the great city as well as 
all those concerned with warfare. 

Was this the case with the military organisation? It must first be ad- 
mitted that there, more than in any other department, the difficulties were 
appalling. There were crowds of men, there were no real soldiers, or scarcely 
any; too few arms, and few good arms; the new chassepot rifles, already 
insufficient in number by halt, had been stored in quantities at Mets and 
Strasbuig, and there were not enough in Paris. As for the fortifications, 
ance PsJikao had become minister and the defence committee had been 
formed, to which Hiiers had been elected, they had worked feverishly to 
repair, as far as possible, the n^ligenoe of the imperial government. Mimi- 
tions had been stored; tiie enceinte of Paris and the forts had been put into 
good condition; from the various ports more than two himdred munense 
naval guns had been brought to supply the bastions of Paris, together with a 
picked set of seamen set at liberty by the disarmament of the fleet, which 
had been unable to make an effort in the Baltic for want of troops to land; 
t^ere were nearly fourteen thousand brave sailors, commanded by half a 
doxen vice-admirals and rear-admirals. This was the strongest element of 
defence, and the general officers of the naval army were chaiged with the 
defence of the greater number of the divisions of the fortifications — the 
secieurSy as they were called. 

On the 9th, the 13th corps entered Paris, led back from M^si^res by Gen- 
eral Vinoy. The 14tii corps, which was being formed, was placed by Trochu 
under command of General Ducrot, who had escaped from the hands of the 
Prussians. On September 13th there were 60,000 soldiers of the line, the 
greater nimiber of them raw recruits, 110,000 mobiles, 360,000 national 
guards. This last nimiber was purely nominal, the greater niunber of these 
guards being neither in uniform nor armed, and many not even capable of 
b«iring arms. They finally succeeded in arming 250,000. A large nimiber 
of the mobiles also were neither equipped nor armed « 

The appearance of the town was curious. Guns glittered imder the trees 
on the boulevards, and the sound of trumpets was everywhere. Theatres 
were changed into hospitals and the railway factories were busy casting can- 
non. Hiere were no carriages and no gas; at night all was in damiess. 
Instead of the boulevards, the ramparts became the centre of Pari^an life; 
here everyone, workmen and citizens alike, assembled gim in hand to guard 
liie town. The inhabitants were blockaded. A few hundred yards from 
the fortifications an invisible circle of trenches enclosed the town. Commu- 
nication with the outer world was impossible, except by balloons which were 
sent out of Paris or by the carrier pigeons which returned there pursued by 
Prussian buUets. 

IVo\Tsions might fail, so the Parisians were placed on rations.^ Gab 
horses furnished them with meat during the siege. As for bread, towards 
the end they wore out their teeth against a strange compound of com, maise, 
oats, and pulverized bones. They ate anj-thing that could be found, even 
the animals from the Zoological Gardens. Everybody endured himger cheer- 

[' Meat was apportioaed from the 1st of October at one hnndz«d grammeB to each penon ; 
after the S5th at sixtj ; and this on the 26th was to be reduced to fifty grammes.* ] 


[1870 AJ>.] 

fuDy. Later on cold weather set in. Winter was early that year and un- 
usually severe. People were terribly cold in the frozen trenches. 

At last bombardment brought the siege to an end. The Prussians launched 
enormous shells, larper than any that had yet been known, into the town, on to 
the monuments which are the pride of civilisation, on to the hospitals, on to 
the schools where sometimes the dead bodies of five or six children would be 
found. They fell, not on the ramparts, but in Paris. All through the night 
these huge masses of metal, whose fall meant death and destruction, were 
heard whizzing through the air. But the whole town only became the more 
cnthusia^stic, everyone was eager to fight, and not an angry word was heard, 
unless anyone spoke of surrender. 

The ^nerals were not so eager as the people. Trochu did not thbk it 
was possible to break through the Prussian circle of trenches. Tlie generals 
of the empire, discouragenl ny repeated ilisasters, had but little confidence 
that this improvised army composed of the remnants of different regiments 
would be able to concjuer the Germans, who had beaten their organises! army. 

Tliere were a few skirmishes during the early days in onler to recover the 
neighbouring villages, then an attack was made with a few soldiers near 
Garches; these were the only military incidents of the first few months. The 
moment when Trochu would resolve to act was awaited with feverish im- 
patience, lie had said that he had a definite plan." Among the many 
isolated instances of defence we cannot cjuote many. Let the following 
account be taken as a type of that unavailing resistance France made in 
many directions :<> 


Paris, isolatetl, blockaded, suffering already, waited, listened, and asked, 
"Where is France?" When the name of Chflteaudun resounded, when that 
brave resistance became known, when the echo of that gallant struggle struck 
the great, attentive, aiul already luixious city, then Paris nn this news of 
public mourning gave vent to an almost joyful cry, and said to herself, " France 
is arisingi France is hastening! France lives, for she knows how to die!" 
The little to^vn of Chdteaudun, which for weeks had attracled attention by 
its energy and its defensive dispositions, showed France and the world how 
a few thousand brave men could hold in check a whole army, provided they 
were willing tti Siicrifice their lives. Tlie defence of ChfiteHudun is all the 
more admirable because it represents the heroism of the humble and unknown, 
heroism without ostentation where, from the highest to the lowest in the city, 
all did their duty. The ilefence of Chiitt^audun was entirely civilian, and the 
defenders, the national guanls of Beauce, grain-sellers of peacefid mode of 
life, francs-tireurs of Paris, Nantes, and Cannes, all were simple valiant citizens. 

The news of the occupation of Orleans by the Prussians had just arrived. 
Defence, it was thought, would lie madness. But the news of this peaceful 
resolution was ilJ received by the |>eople who were already determined on 
resistance; and ulans having appeared not far from the railway, some work- 
men had attacked them, junned only with their tfwls. The enemy wjis ap- 
proaching. He had ahready reached Varize and Civey, which he had burned 
to punish the inhabitants for their resistance; while Chdteaudun was erecting 
barricades mai^ie of sharp stones, supported by hewn logs and furnished with 
fascines and sacks of earth. On October ISth, a Tuesday, the sentries at 
St. VaMrien noticed towards mid-ilay the enemy's approach! 

ChAteaudun had for its defence but 765 francs-tireurs, and 300 of the 


[1830 A.i>.] 
Dunois national guards; not a ^un nor a horsensoldier. At the most twelve 
hundred men all told; and against them the entire 22nd Prussian division 
was advancine. The German docmnents pretend, and the official despatch 
of Blumenthal dated from VersaUles affirms, that the defenders of €h&teau- 
dun nimabered 4,000.' Once again it may be declared, there were not 1,200 
of them. The F^nissian division was 12,000 strong, and had the use of 24 
pieces of artillery. 

Without takmg into consideration the artillery, whose fire was so con- 
tinued and so deadly, each Frenchman fought against ten. At nightfidl, 
driven back on every side, the defenders of Ch&teaudun collected in the mar- 
ket-place, and, black with powder, excited by the battle, drunk with patriot- 
ism and passion, under a sky already red with conflagrations, they chanted 
the powerful verses of the Marseillaise. 

'Hie Germans attacked again and again. The fighting was hand to hand 
and in the dark. There was stabbing and throat-cuttmg, and the black 
stream of Prussians rushed through the streets. Torch in hand, they already 
invaded the captured houses — pillaged, stole, and burned. The last defenders 
of ChAteaudun, while retiring, fired murderous volleys from all sides on the 
square where the Prussians swarmed; then they withdrew still fighting, whilst 
the Prussians, seeing enemies on all sides, shot each other by mistake in the 
darkness in the streets strewn with the dead. 

Then the pillage began ; ' and horrified eyes beheld the atrocious and dis- 
graceful spectacle of troopers breaking, shattering, daubing with petroleum 
doors and walls, burning, msulting, and yelling. History here records terrible 
things. A paralysed man was burned alive m his bed by drunken soldiers. 
An old soldier was killed for having said to some Bavarians, "That is bar- 
barous." Generals had the hotel Dumed down in which they had dined 
gaily and toasted their bloody victory. They treated themselves to a spec- 
tacle of conflagration and devastation. These disciples of Hegel witnessed 
the si^ht of two hundred and twenty-five burning houses, and houses still 
inhabited ! In one cellar alone ten human beings perished, suffocated. 
Ch&teaudun paid dearly for its devotion to its country, but German corpses 
strewed the streets, and the ruin of France was bought with German blood. 
Thirty officers and nearly two thousand men were killed. With the Germans 
everything must be paiB for. Fire was not enough, the town was requisi- 
tioned. These executioners must be clothed, fed, and sheltered — and that 
after so imparalleled a pillage. The Dunois were decimated. They were 
ruined. Not one made the smallest complaint. All lived on in their ruined 
city, proud of their disasters, holdmg up their heads after having dearly 
bought the right to call themselves citizens of the little town, knowing well 
that one must pay for the right of making a living town into an eternal 

The government of Tours decreed that Chdteaudun had well deserved 
the country's thanks. The name of Ch&teaudun was soon famous even in 
besieged Paris, Poets have been inspired by its sacrifice. The mayor of 
Paris, Arago, gave the name rue de Ch&teaudun to the rue Cardinal Fesch. 
Victor Hugo had his Chdiiments read for the benefit of the subscription for 
guns and asked in a superb letter that the first gun should be called Chiteau- 
dun. Lastly the enemy himself bowed before the heroism of the defenders 
of the little town, and a historian and one who took part in this drama relates 

t' Von Moltke ^ sets the number of defenders at 1,800.] 
' Von Moltke <' simply sajs that the French soldiers retired "leaving the inhabitants to 
their &te» and these, though having taken part in the struggle, were let on with a fine."] 


the wonls of Prince Charles at Varize: "Generftl. have those francs-tireurs 
well treated; they are soldiers from Chdteaudun."o 


Gambetta, who consi4lere<:l more the quantity of the troops than their 
quality, was very hopeful, particularly as a simultaneous sortie out of Paris 
was planned for November 30th and December 1st. He continually urged 
General Aurelle to begin offensive operations. But 
neither the attacks on the right wing of the German 
army at Ladon on the 24tli, at Beaune-lu-Rolnnde 
on tlie 28th of November, nor those on the right wing 
near Lagny and Pouprj^ on December 2nd were of 
any avail. On December 3rd Prince Frederick Charles 
assumed the offensive, anil repulsed the enemy in a 
^eweeping assault; continuing the fight on the 4th, he 
stormed the railroad station as well as the suburbs of 
Orleans, and at ton o'clock in the evening the gnuid 
duke [of Mecklenburg] entered the city, which had 
been evacuated by the French. The Genimns gained 
more than twelve thousand prisoners of war, sixty 
cannon, and four gun-boats. The enemy's line of re- 
treat was along the Loire, partly up and partly down 
the stream. Gambetta, who was dissatisfied with 
the way Genenil Aurelle had managed affairs, re- 
moved him from conutuuui and divided the army of 
the Loire into two parts, which were to operate sep- 
arately or in conjunction, according to circumstances. 
The first army of the Loire, c(^nsisting of three corps, 
was stationed at Nevers, and was commanded by 
General Bourbaki; the seconil, of three and one-half 
corps, at Blois, commaiuled by General Chanzy. 

Princ« Fretlerick Charles sent a part of his army 
down the Loire to meet General Chanzy. Meung, 
Beaugency, Blois, and the chAteau of Ghambord were 
garrisoned, over seven tlmusjunl prisoners taken, and 
several guns captured. The government of delegates 
at Tours, not feeling secure any longer in that city, 
removed to Bordeaux on December lOth, General 
Chanzy retreated to Vendome and from there further 

westward to Le Mans, Prince Frederick Charles placed one corps in Vendome 
to watch any further movements on the part of General Chanzy. In the 
latter part of Deceml)er he sent the remamder of his troops into quarters, 
for rest and re-equipment. On January 6th, 1871, upon orders from head- 
quarters, he broke camp with 57,000 infantry, 15.000 cavalry, and 318 cannon, 
and rnarchetl out to meet Chanzy, who liad meanwhile been quiet at Le Mans 
with 100,000 men. 

Nobody knew where Bourbaki's army was, nor what were its plans — 
whether it proposed to join Chanzy at Le Mans, or to advance toward Paris 
by way of Montargis and Foutainebleau; or whether it Imd alreai^ly gone 

Jtward to the relief of Belfort. In order to be prepared for any emergency, 
the Hessian division remained in Orleans after the departure of the prince; 
Gieu and Blois remained garrisoned; t^e 2iid corps under Fransecky was 



[1830-1871 x,n.} 

stationed at Montanis, and the 7th under Zastrow at Auxerre to the east- 
ward of this place. The mardi of the prince through the so-called "Perche" 
in frost, snow-storms, and thaw was most difficult. The troops advanced 
by three roads towards Le Mans, skirmishing daily, and were on the point of 
cutting off the enemy's retreat. Suddenly, on the morning of the 12th of 
January, Chanzy left Le Mans, retreated in haste towards Laval and Mayenne, 
and in the evenmg the Hanoverians marched into Le Mans. The prince took 
up his headquarters in the town, and sent troops in pursuit of Chanzy, some 
to Laval, some to Mayenne. The deserted camp of Conlie was occupied, 
and great (quantities of supplies were seized. The grand duke of MecklenDurg 
marched with thirteen corps via Alengon to Rouen, to give the troops of Uie 
German army of the north an opportimity to strike a decisive blow. Nothing 
was to be apprehended from Chanzy in the near future; he had been forced 
back into Bnttany, and was not in condition to undertake important operar 
tions. Li the interval from the 6th to the 12th of January, 18,000 of his men 
had been taken prisoners and he had lost 20 guns and 2 standards, llie 
nimiber of killed and wounded could onlv be conjectured. Prince Frederick 
Charles lost 180 officers and 3,470 men, killed and wounded. 

In the same manner in which the armies of relief were annihilated in the 
south and west of Paris, they were wiped out in the north. These latter were 
commanded succ^sively by Generals Farre, Bourbaki, and Faidherbe; the 
last-named took command on December 3rd. The fortresses in the north. 
Arras, Cambray, Douai, and Valenciennes, were favourable as bases of opera- 
tion as well as places of refuge. For the moment, only one army corps was 
eqtiipped, and with this General Farre was stationed to the south of Amiens. 
General Manteuffel with the first army was to operate against him. But he 
was obliged to leave one corps behind to maintain Metz and besiege Thion- 
ville and Montm^dy; the two remaining corps, numbering 38,244 infantry 
and 4,433 cavalry, with 180 guns, had to be reduced by several detachments 
for the siege of the northern fortresses. Manteuffel left Metz on November 
7th, arrived near CJompi^gne on the 20th, and met the enemy at Moreuil on 
the 27th. He defeated him, took Amiens, and forced the citadel of the place 
and the smaller fortress of La F^re to capitulate. Hereupon Manteuffel 
turned toward Normandy, taking Rouen on December 5th, Dieppe on the 
9th, and destroyed several army detachments at different points of the 

Faidherbe, however, had meanwhile equipped a second army corps and 
marched southward, seizing the little fortress of Ham. Manteuffel therefore 
tinned back, attacked the enemy on December 23rd at the little river Hallue 
(or near Quemieux), and forced him to retreat to Douai. The fortress of 
P^ronne was obliged to capitulate on January 9th. General Bentheim, who 
remained in Normandy, had in the meantime had several skirmishes with 
detachments of the French army, numbering from fifteen thousand to twenty 
thousand men, and had forced them to retreat towards Le Havre; he had 
also stormed the ch&teau " Robert le Diable," and blocked the way of the 
men-of-war going up the Seine from Havre, by sinking eleven large vessels 
near Duclair. Among the sunken vessels were six English coal barges, the 
owners of which received indemnity. On January 3rd, Faidherbe, who was 
b^inning operations again, attacked a division of the 18th corps at Bapaume, 
but was repulsed. The commander of the 8th corps. General Goben, was 
given command of the first army, when Manteuffel was appointed to the com- 
mand of the army of the south. For the third time Faidherbe advanced, 
being ordered by Gambetta to assist at the great attempt to break out of 



[1870-1871 A.D.I 

Paris, planned for the 19th of January, and stationed himself with between 
fifty and sbctv thousand men near St. Quentin. General Goben attacked him 
on January 19th with about thirty thousand men, threw the French army out 
of all their positions after a battle of seven hours, and seized ten thousand 
prisoners and six guns. The enemy fled in wild confusion towards Cambray, 
and was for several weeia as incapable of action as the army of Chanzy. 

A third army of relief appeareti in the east. After the surrender of Stras- 
burg, General Schmeling, with a division of reserve, had forced the fortresses 
of Sohlettstadt and Neu Breisach to capitulate on October 24th and Novem- 
ber 10th, while General Tresckow with another reserve division had sur- 
rounded Belfort, the southern key to Vosges, from November 3rd. These 
two divisions and a third reserve division formed later Ix'longed to the 14th 
corps, commanded by General Werder. This latter general l)roke up from 
Strasburg in October with the Baden division and the division of troops of 
General von der Goltz, crosst^d the Vosges^ reached Epinal and Vesoul, after 
daily skirmishes, defeated the troops of General Cambriele on October 22nd 
and forced them to retreat to Besan<;on, and sent General Beyer of Baden off 
to attack Dijon. After a Hercc combat and a short bombardment this town 
was forced to capitulate. The whole of General Werder's corps took position 
at that place in November. 

Garibaldi, affected by the republican chimera, arrived in Tours on October 
9th, having lx*en appointed commander-in-t^hief of the Volunteers of the 
Vosges by Gambetta. He advanced with an army of twenty thousand men 
from Autun and was beaten back on November 26th and 27th at Pasques. 
In the same manner a division uniler General Cremer, advancing toward 
Dijon, was obliged to take flight near Muits, by a part of the Baden division 
under General Gliimer, on December 18th; while other divisions of the hostile 
army were throwm back into the fortress of Langres by General von der 
Goltz. Just then, General Werder heard that large masses of troops were 
assembling betwet^n Lyons and Besanijon and that a tremendous coup against 
Belfort was contemplated. Upon this news he evacuat^'d Dijon, and sta- 
tioned iiimself at Vesoul from DecemlxT liOth until January 9th. He had 
33,278 infantry, 4,020 cavalr>', and 120 field guns; this little army awaited 
the advance of General Bourbaki with about 150,000 men. Bourbaki had 
been commissioned by Gambetta to make a magnificent diversion in the 
rear of the German headquarters at Versailles, and had brought the 3rd 
army corps to Besanc^on in the middle of December^ drawn a fourth to himself 
from Lyons, and also joined Gremer's division to his army. His plan was, 
having such an overwhelming force, to annihilate Werder's corps, relieve 
Belfort, penetrate into Alsace, int<^rrupt the communication of the German 
armies with their bases of supply, and perhaps even imderLake a campaign of 
revenge in South Germany. Belfort and the rear of the German beleaguering 
army were in no little danger. As soon as Moltke was apprised of the situation 
he at once, on the 6th of January, ordered the formation of the army of the 
south, composed of the 3rd, 7th, and 14th corps (of General Werder), made 
General Manteuffel commander-in-chief, and gave him |iersonal instructions 
at Versailles on January 10th. The 2nd and 7th corps left Montargis and 
Auxerre, and met on January 12th at Ch£itillon-sur-Seme. 

As soon as General Werder realised that Bourbaki's next aim was not 
Vesoul but Belfort, he left Vesoul, interrupted Bourbaki's advance on Jan- 
uary 9th by an attack at Villersexel, and arrived in good time at the famous 
defensive position southwest of Belfort. To strengthen this position, ten 
thousand men and thurty-seven siege-guns were taken from the besieging 


anny at Belfort. The line of defence was drawn from Frahier, past H6ri- 
court and MontWliard, to Delle on the Swiss frontier, and was lx)unded in 
front by the river LLsaine and the swampy valley of the Allaine. Whoever 
should storm this position and seize the road to Belfort would fiiBt have to 
cut down the whole of Werder's corps; for the Grerman troops, well recognising 
the danger menacing the fatherland, had raised the historical rallying-cry, 
"We dare not let them through, not for the world!" 

Outside conditions, not considering the fourfold greater numbers of the 
enemy's troops, were most unfavourable. The supply of provisions was small, 
the cold was intense (17**), and the river Lisaine was frozen. But the sense 
of duty of the German soldiers overcame all difficulties. Bourbaki did not 
understand how to make the best use of his superior forces, and either to 
break through the centre or surround the feeble right win^ of his opponent. 
All his attacks in the three days' battle of Belfort, or H^ncourt, on January 
15th, 16th, and 17th were repulsed. He was only able to take for a few 
hours the feebly garrisoned village of Chenebier; and he had to evacuate and 
begin his retreat on January 18th. He was influenced to this step by the 
news of the approach of Greneral Manteuffel. The loss of the French in this 
battle and in the skirmishes on their retreat were 6,000 — 8,000 killed and 
woimded ancl 2,000 taken prisoners. General Werder lost 81 officers and 
1,847 men. On the 19th he followed the enemy, who was retreating toward 
Belfort and intended to march from there to Lyons. But unless he were 
very expeditious he would reach neither Lyons nor Belfort. 

General Manteuffel, who had taken command of the army of the south 
on January 12th, was approaching by forced marches. He marched through 
the mountaui chains of the C6te d'Or, thence between the fortresses of Langres 
and Dijon, without molestation from Garibaldi, who had occupied Dijon 
with 25,000 men after Werder's evacuation. On the news of Bourbaki's 
retreat he turned towards the southeast with his two corps, 44,950 infantry, 
2,866 cavalry and 168 guns in all, in order to block the way of the enemy 
towards Lyons. He wished to force the enemy to choose lietween a battle 
by his demoralised troops, a surrender \\dthout battle, or a crossing of the 
Swiss frontier. On January 23rd the road to Lyons was occupied, the first 
skirmishes began; the 2nd and 7th corps crowded in from the south and west, 
that of General Werder from the nortn. No way remained open but to the 
east. Bourbaki tried to commit suicide on the 26th of January. 

At the same time a telegram from Gambetta arrived, superseding Bourbaki 
and putting General Clincmmt in his place as commander-in-chief of the army 
of the e.ast. But he was no less unable to realise Gambetta's project of march- 
ing the army southward, and was obliged to retreat to Pontarlier. He hoped 
to make use of the news of the truce of Versailles as a sheet anchor; but it was 
soon evident that it did not apply to the seat of war in the east. Thus the 
catastrophe codd not be averted. On February Ist the last mountain pass 
toward the south was blocked, Pontarlier stormed, and the retreating foe 
was pursued as far as the two border fortresses of La Cluse; 90,000 men and 
11,787 horses crossed the Swiss frontier at La Verri^res, were disarmed there 
and scattered through the different cantons. During these days the Ger- 
mans took more thaii 15,000 prisoners and seized 2 standards, 28 cannon 
and mitrailleuses, and great numbers of wagons and weapons. 

Graribaldi meanwhile had been held in check by 6,000 men under General 
Kettler, during which battle the enemy found a German flag under a heap 
of corpses. He evacuated Dijon on the night of February 1st on the report 
that stronger forces were approaching, withdrew southwards, and soon after- 



[1871 A.©.] 

wards returned to the island of Caprera, The fortress of Belfort, defended 
by Colonel Denfert-Rochcrea\i, had so far hekl out, as the conditions of the 
siirroundinf^ t<?rritory were so favourable. The assault on the two forts of 
Upper and Lower Perche was a failure; it was renewed on Febnuir>' 8th and 
then with success. After this Belfort could not hold out much loriger. In 
order, however, to obtain control of the fortress before the coiichisioii of the 
truce, King William consented to an extension, only on condition of the 
surrender of Belfort. On Februar>' 18th the garrison, still 12,000 miMi strong, 
marched out with military honours, atuj Belfort was taken possession of by 
Tresckow a divLsion. Other fortresses, such as Hoissons, Verdun, Thion\nlle, 
Pfidzburg, and Montmddy, had already in 1870 been forced to surrender; 
only Bitsch remained in possession of the French until March 26th. 

After the annihilation of all the armies of relief, Paris had nothing more 
to hope for, unless the grounds for hope were in the city itself. A grand 
sortie had been planned with Gambetta for the 30th of Novemix^r. General 
Ducrot, with about fift}' thoasand men, was to break through the eastern 
line of the belea^ering army, march to Fontainebleau, join the army of the 
Loire, and with it return to the relief of Paris. TOiile demonstrations were 
being made at other point'^, Ducrot a<lvanced towanls Champigiiy and Brie 
on the Mame, drove back the Wiirtemlx^rg <liv!sion, of which a part rppulse<l 
an attack near Bonncuil and Mesly, and also an incomplete Saxon division 
out of the villages of Champigny and Brie; but lie cfniid advance no further 
on account of the stubborn resistance of the German troops. 

On December 2nd the two divisions, assisted by the 2n(l army corps and a 
brigade of the 6th corps under General Fransecky, atJvanced and aft-er a hot 
fight retook half of Charnpigny; whereupon the French evacuat4:*d the other 
half of the place and Brie, and returned with all their troops to the right bank 
of the Manie. Tlie AViirteinbergers lost, in these two days of battle, 63 
officers and 1,557 men; the Saxona, 82 officers and 1,864 men; the Pomera- 
nians, 87 officers and 1,447 nun\ ; the loss of the French was about 10,000 men, 
among which were aoout 1,600 prisoners. The sorties against Stains and 
Le Bourget on December 2l3t and 22nd were also repulsed. Mont Avron, 
which had very hea\'y guns, was abandonetl by the French after a bombard- 
ment of two days, anil the bombardment of the eastern forts was begun. 
On January 5th after the arrival of the siege-park the bombardment of the 
|flOuthem forts was begun; their fire was soon silenced; and on January 9th 
'began the bombardment of Paris, in which the left bank of the Seine princi- 
pally suffered, although not to any great extent. 

TVo facts soon l^ecame apparent: sorties of the Parisians, seeking to re- 
pulse the besiegers, broke through their lines and operated in their rear; and 
the formation of armies in the pro\nnces, which were Intended to go to the 
relief of the capital, and in conjunction with the Parisian troops, forced the 
Gorman headquart(^rs to raise the siege. This latter measure was ])articu- 
larly urged by Gaml>etta, who had left Paris in a Ixalloon on October 6th for 
Touts, where an external government had been established. Here he took 
charge of the ministry of war as well as that of the interior, and finally 
U8urpe<i the dictatorship of France. He aimed to stir up the national hatred 
of the French for the Germans, and to call to the defence of their flag all the 
able-bodied men of the harassed country; he gathered large forces on the 
Loire, others to the north and west of Paris, and finally succeeded in causing 
alarm to the besiegers for the safety of their line of retreat. Thus he had 
indeed the credit of prolonging the war, but he incurred also the responsi- 
bility of its taking on a more sanguinary character and of the country's 


[1870 A.1>.) 

receiving still deeper wounds. The generals of Gambetta were not equal in 
strategy to those of Moltke, and the dlsciplme of their soldiers was not much 
better than that of the garde mobile in raris. 

After the capitulation of Sedan the headquarters of King William wa» 
fixed in Rheims on the 5th of September; in Meaux on the 15th; in the Yilla 
Ferri^res of Rothschild near Lagn;^ on the 18th. From here he went to Ver- 
sailles on October 15th. Man^r miportant diplomatic documents and oral 
transactions date from this period. In a circular letter of September 6th, 
Favre declared that since the fall of the empire the king of Prussia could have 
no pretext for continuing the war; that the present government never de- 
sired the war with Grennany, but if the king insisted, would indeed accept it, 
but would make him responsible for it; and in any case, no matter how the 
war might result, not a foot of land, not a stone of a fortress would be ceded. 

Bismarck's answer to this, in a circular letter of September 13th. was that 
since the representatives, the senate, and the press in France had in July, 
1870, almost unanimously demanded the war of conquest in Germany, it 
could not be said that France had not desired it, and that the imperial gov- 
ernment alone was responsible for it. Germany would have to expect a war 
of revenge on the part of France, even though she should demand no surrender 
of territory and no indemnity, and should be content with glory alone. For 
this reason Germany was forced to take measures for her own safety, by 
setting back somewhat her boundaries, thus making the next attack by the 
French on the heretofore defenceless south-German border more difficult. 
Tlie neutral powers, with the exception of Russia, were in favour of France, 
and seemed to be inclined to interfere in any possible negotiations for peace, 
and to hinder any oppressive measures against France. As Thiers was at that 
time making his tour through Europe for this very purpose, Bismarck issued 
a second circular letter on September 16th, in which he advised the powers 
not to prolong the war by fostering in the heart of the French nation the hope 
of their intervention ; for since the German nation had fought this war alone, 
it would also conclude it without assistance, and would submit to no inter- 
ference from any side whatever. The German governments and the German 
nation were determined that Germany should be protected against France 
by strengthened frontiers. The fortresses of Strasburg and Metz, until now 
always open to sorties against Germany, must be surrendered to Germany, 
and be for her defence henceforth. 

The Parisian government, which since the annihDation of the French 
armies had been so much in favoiu* of peace, now wished to know under what 
conditions King William would consent to a truce. Favre demanded a meet- 
ing with Bismarck, and had several interviews with him on this subject in 
the Villa Ferri^res, on September 19th and 20th. He declared that the most 
France could consent to was to agree to pay an mdemnity, but any cession of 
territory was out of this question. In order to decide this, a national assem- 
bly must be convened, which would then appoint a regular government, and 
to facilitate these measures a truce of from fourteen to twenty-one days was 
necessary; and he now asked for this favour. Bismarck replied that such a 
truce would be not at all to the military interest of Germany, and could only 
be conceded on condition of the surrender of Metz, Toul, and Bitsch. As the 
Parisian government would not consent to these conditions, negotiations were 
stopped, and Favre and other French diplomats issued new circular letters 
in wnich they deplored the intention of Prussia to reduce France to a power 
of the second degree. The absurdity of such an assertion — that a state of 
thirty-eight million inhabitants, or including Algeria forty-two million, could 


(1870 A,i>.] 

by the loss of a territory containing about one and one-half millions be re- 
duced to the condition of a second-rate power — was exposed in its entire 
falsity by Bismarck in his despatch of October 1st. 

Nevertheless, a few weeks later, negotiations were once more resumed; 
Thiers, who had returned from his tour, appeared at Versailles on November 
1st as the new negotiator. Here also the first question to be discussed was 
the cessation of hostilities; and when Bismarck asked in surprise what France 
had to offer as a return for all these concessions, Thiers absurdly enough 
imagined he was very ingenious when he angwere<l that she had nothing: and 
upon this, these negotiations also fell through. The republican government 
was, as was plainly to be seen, animated by a childish stubbornness — con- 
mimed by the idea of its own importance. In every war in which France was 
victorious, the hardest passible conditions were imposed upon the vanquished 
enemy, who was never permitted to escape territorial concessions. Even 
quite recently, in the Italian war of 1859, aft^r the two victories of Magenta 
and tSolferino, the surrender of Lombaniy was demanded. Tliat in case of 
French victory the whoh* left bank of the Rhine would be lost to Germany 
was disputed by no int-clligent person in Europe. And yet France had the 
effrontery to demand from the same opponent from whom she had taken so 
many territories in former decadeSj and from whom she as victor hati just 
taken her fairest provinces, that the entirety of the French frontiers should 
be respected as sacred, and that no attempt should be made to recover the 
lost provinces. Such arrogant prct^nsiona could he answered only by new 
defeats. Humiliations mast be much deeper, distress especially in Paris 
much more bitter, before France could realise that every nation, consequently 
even the French, must suffer for its sins. 

So the cannon had to speak again, and times were very lively before Paris, 
as well as at other points. Immediately, on the first day of uivestment, the 
19th of September^ the Parisians made a sortie with forty thoasimd men 
against CMtilion. But they were defeated by the Prussian and Bavarian 
trf>ops, and fled in shameful disorder. The Parisians fared no b(;tter in their 
sorties of September 30th and October 13th and 2l8t, Although they suc- 
ceeded in taking the thinly garrisoned village of Le Rnurget north of Paris on 
October 2St]i, they were driven out of it again by a tlivision of the guards on 
the 30th. Much dissatisfaction was felt in Paris on account of these constant 
defeats. The social democrats took advantage of this to overthrow the gov- 
ernment and substitute the commune. Tliey created an uprising on October 
3l8t and on Noveml>er 1st took possession of the H6teKle-Ville for a few 
hours, but were soon ejected. Rochefort, who was greatly compromised, was 
obliged to retire from the government. 

The Parisians now placed all their hopes oa the arrival of the armies of 
relief, and allowed themselves a few weeks of quiet. The earliest relief was 
to come from the Ijoire. General de la Motterouge was stationed there with 
an army corps and was advancing from Orleans towards Paris. Tlie first 
Bavarian corps under General von der Tann, the Wittich division of infantry, 
and two divisions of cavalry, were sent to meet him. The French were de- 
feated at Artenay and other points, on October 10th luid 11th, and on the 
evening of October 11th General von der Tann entered Orleans. The Bava- 
rians held the city, the other divisions of the army took Chdteaudun, Chartres, 
and Dreux, northwest of Orleans, and dispersed the gardes mobiles and francs- 
tireurs who were stationed there. Gambetta, in council on military subjects 
with an ex-mining engineer, Freycinet, called to arms all men between the 
ages of twenty and forty, ordered the formation of five new army corps and 


[1870 AJi.) 

had them drilled in special instruction camps. He deposed General de la 
Motterouge, and made General Aurelle de Paladines commander-in-chief of 
the army of the Loire. The latter crossed the Loire with two corps and 
advanced toward the road of Paris, in order to cut off the line of retreat of 
the Bavarian general. Von der Tann, however, left Orleans at once, on the 
report of the advance of large masses of troops, and on the 9th of November 
had a stubborn fight while retreatmg and established himself at Tours, in 
order to block the way of the enemy. A division of infantry was sent to his 
assistance from Versailles under command of the grand duke of Mecklenburg, 
Against these forces, strengthened by three corps under Prince Frederick 
Charles, General Aurelle with his poorly equipped troops, now reduced to 
four corps, did not dare to venture an attack, much as Gambetta urged him 
to do so. He intrenched himself before Orleans, and awaited the attack. 
Thus he was lost, and the headquarters at Versailles and the besieging army 
at Paris were freed from all danger. 

In the eastern part of France, meanwhile, great successes had been attained 
[by the Prussians], important partly in themselves, partly on account of the 
possibilities of new and magnificent operations. The fortress of Toul sur- 
rendered on September 23rd, by which means the railroad between Strasburg 
and Paris was opened again. Strasburg, the ancient imperial German city, 
capitulated on September 28th. Since the bombardment of August 24th 
to 27th did not bring the commander Greneral Uhrich to terms, a regular 
siege was begun. Everything was ready for assatdt and sticcess was certain. 
The commander did not wait for this, but surrendered, and he and 451 officers 
and 17,111 men became prisoners of war. Joy in Germany was very great 
on the news that Strasburg, lost through treachery on September 30th, 1681, 
was once a^ain Grerman. 

The capitulation of Metz on October 29th left the beleaguering army free 
for most urgent purposes. The 2nd corps under General Fransecky marched 
off toward Paris, to strengthen the army of the crown prince of Pnissia. From 
the remaining 6 corps, a firet army imder General Manteuffel and a second 
under Prince Frederick Charles were formed, each consisting of three corps 
and one cavalry division. Prince Frederick Charles, with 49,607 infantry, 
5,000 cavalry, and 276 guns, set out on November 2nd from Metz and on the 
14th was able to join in operations on the Loire. The troops of the grand 
duke of Mecklenburg, some divisions of which had repulsed the army of the 
west under General Keratry and occupied Dreux and Ch&teauneuf, joined the 
troops of the prince, and formed their right wing. There were about 105.275 
men and 556 guns in all, to whom the task had been appointed to force General 
Aurelle de Paiadines's well-equipped army of 200,000 men out of its strong 
position, drive it over the Loire, and reteke Orleans.^ 


Before descending the sorrowful road that leads to the supreme catastro- 
phes, it is necessary to recount the fall of Metz. Metz presents a most extra- 
ordinan' and revolting spectacle, a picture never before seen in history — that 
of a military chief vomntarily sterilising the powerful means of action which 
he held in his hands, embarrassing himself by tortuous combinations, falling 
into traps of his own making, and m the end delivering to the enemy without 
a struggle a large army and a large imconquered place; accomplishmg his 
own ruin and the ruin of his country. It is not easy to imderstand this man 
and his actions, to discover any plan, any intention in this series of contra- 


flSTO A.D.] 

dictions, lies, and inexplicaWc mistakes, viewed not only from the stand- 
point of his duty but of his own interest. It would s*^em as though Bazaine, 
like Napoleon III, was born to ruin that which it should have been his duty 
to save. 

Wishing to stay at Metz, why did not Bazaine provision the place for a 
long sojoiuTi? If Bazaine had strategic motives for not leaving Metz, he 
should, with the large force at his disposal, have harassed the enemy. Dur- 
ing the fifteen days which followed the buttle of Noisseville, August 31st and 
September 1st,* he took no action, either against the enemy or to provision 
the place. The criminal negligence of Bazaine produced its results. After 
neglecting all chances of breaking through the enemy's ranks, allowing Metz 
Uihe reduced to famine and the arm3' to become demoralised, Bazaine sur- 
rendered. The cajjitulation was signed on the 27th of October,^ 

The capitulation of Metz is one of the greatest blots on French history. 
It ha.s le<l many almost to forget how completely uncliaracteristic it was of 
French warrior type of that or any other time. It is in reality only a proof 
of how largely warfare is a matter of good or bad commanders. At Metz 
197,;i26 Pnissians reecive<i the surrenfler of ti.OOO French officers, 1S7,0C)0 
men (including 20,000 sick), 56 imperial eagles, 622 field and 2,876 fixed guns, 
72 mitrailleuses, and 260,000 small arms. It is small wonder that even 
Moltke*^ credits Bazaine with some ulterior design in trying to keep from 
battle so large a force, and hlnti^ the siinie motive previously idluded to — 
the hope of being chosen by the Germans as king of the French. The fact 
that Bazaine was not overthrown by his own men must be blamed ujxjn the 
utter disgust with which Napoleon III was now regarded. His was a poor 
cause to die for, and there was no other immetUate object in view.« 


Paris had been thriUed with excitement at the news that her troops had 
by a sortie taken Bourget from the Germans, October 21st. But a few days 
afterwards three pieces of news arrived simultaneously; Metz had surrendered; 
Bourget was retaken, October 30th; and Thiers was going to negotiate. 

Paris, already very uneasy at the slow progress of operations and resolved 
to hold out to the bitter end, was enraged. On the 31st of October crowds 
of people from all parts and whole battalions of soldiers assembled in front 
of the H6te!Hle-Ville, filling the square with a seething, swaying mass of 
humanity. Soon they uivadcd the H(^tel-de-Ville; the members oT the gov- 
ernment were collected in one room; they were guarded and even threatened. 

The leaders of the extreme party, Blanqui, Flourens, and Delescluze. 
formed a new government. At six o'clock in the evening the government 
of the 4th of September seemed overthrown ; some of its members who were 
prisoners refused to resign. The news spread. A reaction took place. In 
the morning the calmer among the people did not act. In the evening, how- 
ever, they ass(*mbled before the H(jtel-de-Ville; but this time it was to pro- 
test against the new government. Trochu had called out the army. 

(' The French had had about 100,000 men engaged out of the 120,0CW who took part in the 
attempt at a fmrtie. The GermanB opposed them, on the 81st of Au^unt, with B6,0U0 men. 4,800 
cavaJrf, and 188 guns ; on the 1st of September, with 69.000 men, 4.800 horees, and 290 guns. 
They had contrived with far inferior numbers to get the best in a defensive action, waged, it 
mast be said, noder the mo^t advantageous conditions. If we put aeide the conditions which 
the nature of tlie ground imposed, we see that in spite of the vigour of the attaclc evervthing 
failed, owing to the weakness and irresolution of the commandcrTnchief : these were carried to 
such an extreme that cue is juHtifittd in asHuming that he bad uu intention of brealung through 
the inveoting lines, and that he did not care to engage in a big battle. — Canonob.' ] 


[1800-1871 ▲.!».] 

The palace, shut up and barricaded, was completely surrounded by soldiers, 
•and bayonets were bristling as far as the eye could see. Hie new occupants 
began to be disheartened, but at last Ferry entered by a subterranean pas- 
sage at the head of a company of gardes mobiles. No fighting took place; 
one side promised an amnesty, the other abandoned its resistance, and they 
all left the building together. Hie government of the 4th of September 
made an appeal to the people to confirm their power, and this was done by 
■an enormous majority.^ 


The torture caused by cold and hunger was terrible. The daily ration 
had to suffice; this consisted of indescribable bread, made of residues and 
bad bran, and thirty grammes of horseflesh; for the government, having in 
its guilty improvidence allowed provisions of all kinds to be wasted at the 
beginning of the siege, was compelled, in spite of solemn promises, to resort 
to rationing. Those who possessed neither wealth, nor a gun of the national 
guard, nor a recognised state of poverty, could no longer warm nor feed 
themselves. The mortality every week reached the enormous total of three 
thousand six hundred; epidemics which had broken out in the city, almost 
from the beginning of the siege, raged more furiously every day; and small- 
pox especially, from September 18th, 1870, to February 24th, 1871, the date 
of the armistice, claimed 64,200 victims — 42,000 more than during the cor- 
responding period of 1869-1870. As for the mortality of infants, it was 
appalling, and attained in one single week, the last of the siege, the frightful 
total of two thousand five hundred! 

The Parisian women, no matter to what class of society they belonged, 
proved themselves admirable. The wealthy, whose emblazoned carriages 
remained in the coach-houses for want of horses, went on foot each day to 
the sheds in the Champs-Elys^es, or to the ambulance in the Grand Hotel, 
to take part in the clinics of N^laton, Ricord, and P^an, of all the famous 
men of the school of medicine, and to make the most nauseating and occa- 
^onally the most dangerous dressings. Others went to the scene of action in 
company with the ambulances of the society for the succour of the wounded. 
Actresses lavished their care on the woimded soldiers, nursed them in their 
theatres now transformed into hospitals; and all, yotmg, old, and celebrated 
alike, played the part of sister of mercy with the same ardour which they had 
lately displayed in winning their triumphs. 

And if the devotion of fortime's favourites was praiseworthy, how much 
more admirable was the stoical courage of tho women of the people, the 
bourgeoise, the workwoman, forced to wait during the icy hours of early 
dawn, in the cold, adhesive mire, lashed by the wind and rain, for a meagre 
ration of siege bread and a piece of horseflesh! How they must have suffered, 
those poor creatures, drawn up in file, benumbed with cold, crushed by the 
burden of their poor housekeeping, and torn between the cares of material 
life and the mortal anxiety which consumed them at every caimon-shot. 

Great astonishment was felt when, in the afternoon of January 5th, 
several shells were flung into the southern quarter of the city. As they 
seemed to be thrown here and there without any definite aim, it was thought 
that they were the result of ill-regulated firing, or the fault of some gimner, 
for the Parisians refused to believe that the German armies could, by an act 
worthy of Vandals, seriously intend to destroy with their shells the capital 
of the civilised world. But soon the persistence and progressive regularity 



[1871 AJ>.1 

of the discharges left no room for illusion, and one was forced to yield to 
evidence. It most certainly wiis upon Paris that the soldiers of King William 
were levelling their cannon. 

The attempt at intimidation essayed by the foe as their last resource was 
merely useless cruelty. They even received that light ridicule which is 
always attached to p-eat measures producing but slight results. As for 
the fall of Paris, it was not hast^^'iied by a sinde tiay. Neverthe- 
less, from January 6tli, all the monuments on the loft bank were bound to 
suffer more or less. The districts of St. Victor, the Jardin des Plantes, the 
Staff College, the Pantheon, the Invalides, the Library of 8te. Genevi^ve, the 
Luxembourg Ganleius, wherein were the ambulance quarters, the ficole 
Polvtechnique, and the convent of the Sacred Heart were ploughed with 

Jls, occasionally causing conflagrations which were hastily extinguished. 

By an aggnivation of barbarity, the hospitals seemecl to be the centre of 
the circle attackeii. The lunatic asylum of Montrouge received 127 pro- 
jectiles between January 5th and 27th, the Val de Grilce hospital 75, the 
Salp^tri^re 31. It will be seen that the bombardment was methodical; it 
cost the civil population 89f> victims (of wliom 107 were wrimen, children, or 
old men), who were instantly killed. But, notwithstanding these most re- 
p^ttable effects, the only immediate result was a certain emigration of the 
mhabitunts of the left bunk to the right bank. Others "flockeil in crowds 
to the bombarded districts to contemplate with curiosity the curve described 
by the shells, fragments of which were picked up and sold by urchins for five 
centimes up to five francs, according to the size.'' As the Germans threw 
altogether ten thousand projectiles, it may be assumed that the receipts must 
certainly have been profitable.''* 


Still the bombardment had not attained its object. Its odious and useless 
barbarity had not brought the fall of Paris one day nearer, 8teel and fire 
could effect nothing; famine was the oidy adversary, eai)able of conquering 
the great city. Before succumbing to it the supreme effort had to be tried, 
the battle of despair to be fought which might still save everything. Did not 
Gambettji's despatches give grounds to hope for the march of Chanzy on 
Paris and a victory by Bourbaki in the east? 

At all costs it was necessary to preserve the honour of four months of 
constancy and concord, and not to plunge into civil war in tlie presence of 
the enemy. Tlie storm was rising in Paris and the blame of Iier misfortunes 
was laid on the military authorities. On the 5th of January one of the 
chiefs of the revolutionary party, Delescluze, mayor of the 20th arrondisse- 
ment, had endeavoured to bring the mayors to vote a violent adtlress de- 
manding the dismissal of Trochu. 

He hatl not been listened to, and had resigned; but two days later a great 
sortie which had l^een prepared, being countermanded because the enemy had 
learned or divined the plan of attack, the agitation was extreme. The violent 
cried treason, the masses cried out at the incapacity of the commanders. 
They began vehemently to demand the supersession of the governor of Paris. 
On the 15th of January the council of government <leci<Ied on a last effort 
against the Prussian lines. The next day the council of war acce[)teil this 
decision; the military chiefs yielded to the necessity, but without confidence. 
Ducrot had no longer any of the dash exhibitc*^! at Champigny. Cldment 
Thomas, the conummder of the national guard, declared that the regiments 

■. W. — VOL. XUl. N 



[1871 ▲.o.] 

of foot of the mobilisefl Parisians would furnish fifty thousand men. In this 
there was an ardour which the troops no longer possessed. 

Troops of the line, gardes niobileS; and mobilised national guards wore 
set in motion during the 18th, It had been decided to put into action sixty 
thousand men who would be supported by a reserve of forty thousand. The 
attack was made in the direction of Versailles. The enemy, who had been 
so greatly alarmed by a former sortie on the same side, three months before, 
had strongly fortified himself there. 

Tlie French army had been divided into three corps under generals Vinoy, 
Belleraare, and Ducrot. The routes were few in numVxr and were moreover 
confined at various points by barricades which left only narrow pa^isages. 
The three generals not having concerted together on the matter of time, the 

various corps jostled one another and 
became mutually entangled in this pain- 
ful night-march. But the day began 

The cannon of the French, which 
they had at last manageti to mount to 
the right of Montretout, swept the ranks 
of the assaibnts. They gave way; the 
summit was at last in the hands of the 
French. The fire of the enemy relaxed, 
then cea,sed. 

The line of the German outposts re- 
mained in the liands of the French; might 
they hope that the next day they would 
he able to force that second and formi- 
dable line against which they had Bung 
tlienis(*lvos? The leaders thought not. 
Trochu had hurried from Mont Valdrien 
to that ridge of Montretout which had 
been victoriously retaine(^L He judged 
it useless to renew the effort and ordered 
the retreat. The Germans made no at- 
tempt to harass the retiring force-s. 
It was as at Clmmpigny, a half victory tenTiiiiat^d by a retreat; but this 
time it was impossible to begin again. Little confident in the morning, 
Trochu was wholly discouraged by the evening. On hearing of the retreat 
Jides Favre felt with Trochu that all was lost. At most tlie means of ward- 
ing off star\'ation were only sufficient for twelve or thirteen days. It was 
calculated that it would take ten to collect new supplies. That same night 
the government receiveii two despatches, one of which announced the un- 
fortunate issue of the battle of Le Mans; in the other, written before Chanzy's 
reverse was known at Bordeaux, Gambetta called on his colleagues in Paris 
to give battle, threat-ening to inform France of his sentiments on their inaction 
if they still delayed. The painful irritation of this letter testified that the 
writer felt the supreme hour was approaching. The fight he demanded hud 
just been ended; the cautious general at Paris bad fought like the bold general 
of Le Mans* both had failed. 

A minority of the members of the government at Paris once more stiffened 
themselves against the terrible necessity. They demanded another geneml 
if Trochu refuscnl to make a new elTort, The line ^nd the garde mobile de- 
manded peace; the national guard aloue wished to fight again. Jules Favrc 

JuuES Favrb 


[1871 A.©.] 

despatched to Gambetta a nidancholy messao^e which was to be the last of 
the siege. "Though Paris surrender, France is not lost; thanks to you, she 
is animated by a patriotic spirit which will save her; in any case we will sign 
no preliniinaries of peace." 

Eventually the members of the government contrived that Trtichu should 
resign the mi]itar>' command while binding him to remain president of the 
council. This wa.s the neatest token of self-abnegation and devotion that 
he could give. In so doing he resignerl himself to going back on his word by 
signing the capitulation. 

Vinoy succeeded in the command. His succession was inaugurated by 
an insurrection. Several persons wore killed in the crowd. This was the 
first act of ci^'^l war after four months of sie^e. After two conferences with 
Bismarck, Jules Fa\Te agreed to the capitulation of Paris, concluded with the 
condition that the German army sliould not enter Paris during the duration 
of the armistice. The convention of Paris was concluded on January 28th.« 


An armistice of three weeks was agreed to, although this did not include 
the three eiist+^rn departments in which the destruction of Bourbaki^s army 
was just taking place. During this time a national assembly was to be chosen 
to decide on the question of war or peace; all the forts of Paris and the war 
supplies were handed over to the German troops; the garrisons of Paris and 
of the forts were taken jiriscmers and had to give up their armSj although they 
still remained in Paris and had to be supported by the town authorities. One 
division of twelve thousand men was to be kept to maintain order and the 
same exception was ma*te in the case of the w^hole national guard, against 
Moltke's will and at the desire of Favre, w4io repented of it later. The city 
of Paris had to pay a war tax of two hundred million francs within fourteen 
days, and was allowed to provision itself. On the 29th of January the sur- 
render of the twenty-five larger and smaller forts to the German troops took 
place and the black-white-and-red flag was raised on them. 

This convention was very unwelcome to Gambetta. However, he thought 
he might use the respite of three weeks to equip new troops and hoped by 
controlling tlio impending elections to bring together a radical national assem- 
bly, resolved to continue the war h i'oxilrance. For this purpose he pub- 
lished a proscription list on the 31st of January, according to which every- 
one who had received a higher office or an official candidacy from the imperial 
government was tleclared ineligible. Bismarck and the Parisian government 
protested energetically against such an arbitrary act and insisted upon free 
elections. In the German headquarters it was decided to take the most 
extreme measures, anil new plans of operations were already drawn up. 
Gambetta, lx?ing akmdoned by the other members of the representative gov- 
ernment, resigned on February 6th, On the 8th of February elections were 
held throughout France, and on the 12th the national assemoly was opened 
at Bordeaux. Thiers was chosen chief of the executive on the 17th, formed 
his ministry on the 19th, and on the 2lst, accompanied by the ministers Fa\Te 
and Picard, he went to Versailles, commissioned by the national assembly, 
to begin the peace negotiations.^ 



[1871-1900 A.D.] 

Perhaps the moBt general feeling throughout the civUised world 
with reffaitl to French liistory in the nineteenth century is that it is a 
chaoM or revolutions, one government after another bein^ set up and 
pulled, down in obedience to the fluctuating impulse of the mob. It 
may well be maintained, as against this view, that nowhere in history 
is visible a more logical and consistent operation of cause and effect, 
the whole fonuiug a struggle to solve the problem, which indeed 
nnderlies all the history of popular government — ^how to eslahlifih an 
executive strong enough to govern, and yet not strong enough to 
abuse ita power. — Qauxlsel Bradford.^ 

France and Paris had so long been separated that, when they again met 
face to face, they did not recognise each oUkt. Paris could not forgive the 
provinces for not coming to her rescue, the provinces could not forgive Paris 
her perpetual revolutions and the state of nervous excitability in which she 
seemed to delight. Wldle the provinces, crushed, requisitioned, worn out 
by the enemy, were hoping for rest which would enable their woimds to heal, 
Paris, like an Olympic circus, was re-echoing more noisily tlum ever to the 
sound of arms and warlike cries. It was the intermediate time l>etween a 
government which had censed to exist and a govemnieiit which wiis not yet 
formed; executive bodies were hesitating, not knowing exactly whom to obey, 
not tiaring to come to any decision under any circumstances: dissolution 
was general and indecision permanent.*^ 

That it was a costly mistake for the Germans to insist on the spectacular 
parade through so inflammable a city as Paris, is emphasised in the recent 
work of Z<^»vort^; and Jule.s Favro* describes the earnestness with which 
Thiers pleaded with Bisniarck and Von Moltke against the project. The 
Prussians insisted, however, either on keeping the city of Belfort, or on the 

^ ^^^ TUE TlllUn REPUBLIC ^^^ 181 


glory of the triiimph in Paris. Thiers protested against the seizure of Belforfc 

in the following words :« 

"Well, then, let it be as you will, Monsieur le comte — these negotiations 
are nothing but a pretence. We may seem to deliberate, but we must pass 
under your yoke. Wc demand of you a city which i« absolutely French: you 
refuse it: that amounts to confessing that you are resolved on a war of ex- 
termination against lis. Carry it into effect: ravage our provinces, bum our 
houses, slaughter the inoffensive inhabitants — in a worfl, finish your work. 
We \^ill figlit you to the liust gasji. We may succunili; at lejist we slmll not 


Herr von Bismarck seemed disturbed, says Favre, The emotion of Tliiers 
had won him ovct. He Jinswered that he imderstood what he must be suffer- 
ing, and that he should hv happy to be able to make a concession, if the king 

It is an unlooked-for spectacle — a Bismarck almost melted and a Moltke 
almost sentimental, preferriiig a barren honour, the entry of their troops into 
Paris, to the posscvssion of a French town, and succeetling in making their 
master share their point of view. We also see for ourselves that Tlners, 
though he was well known to be a determined advocate of peace, only ob- 
tained the very s^lenfler concessions tliat were made to him by threatening to 
struggle to the last gasp, and we repeat that a less pacific chamber and ne- 
gotiators, animated by the same spirit as Gambetta, might, to all apix^arance, 
have obtahied less hard couditioiis."^ 

After the end of the siege there may be said to have been hardly any gov- 
ernment in Paris. General Vinoy, who was in conunand, had, like all the 
military leaders, lost his whole prestige during the siege. Tlie army by mix- 
ing with the people had imbibed the same spirit, and the government did not 
interfere in anything. The news of the entry of the Pru.'tsians exasperated 
the people, who were burning with the fever of despair. Tumultuous dcnion- 
strations took place at the Bastille; at the same time the erow^l seized the 
guns which had been left in the part of Paris which the Prussians were to 
occupy. At first they wisheii to keej) the conquerors from getting possession 
of them; then they kept them, and the most distrustful of the people took 
them up to Montmartre. The entry of the Pnissians nearly brought about a 
terrible conflict with the^« crowds, which were buniing with fury. This mis- 
fortime was, however, avoided. But the march of me. conquerors through 
Paris was not of a triumphal character. Restricted within the space which 
leads from Neuilly through the Champ&-£lys^s to the Louvre, they were 
defied by the street boys of Paris, and were met at every turning by 
threatening crowds who pursued tlicni with yells. The second day they 
were obliged to beat a dejected retreat. 

Meanwhile the advanced republicans were organising their party; they 
expected to have to fight the monarchical assembly by force. The law 
agauist Paris, the law of ^rh^ance,. caused great indignation. The name of 
Tniers recalled his struggle against the republic after 1848 and his services as 
minister under Louis Philippe. All this was too far distant to enable people 
to judge of the new r61e he interuletl to play. The republicans of the mm- 
iatry, Jules Favre, Picard^ and Jules Simon, had, after the siege, lost all 
influence in Paris. A great many men who inspired confidence, left the 
assembly. Victor Hugo, whose speech ha<i been shouted down by the pop- 
lilace, and Gambetta had resigned. A severe conflict seemed imminent. 

Though Thiers wished on the one hand to control the royalists of the as- 
flembiy, he was determined on the other to deprive of weapons the republicans 


[1871 A.D.J 

of the large towns. He made a pretext for doing this by demanding the 
restitution of the cannon which had been seized. Some of the radical dep- 
uties intervened to prevent civil war. They had twice almost succeeded m 
obtaining the restitution of the camion, and were making further efforts to 
do so. Paris, too, seemed gradually calming down, when Thiers decided to 
employ force. On the 18th of March, at daybreak, the troops, under the 
orders of General Vinoy, ascended the slopes of Montmartre and took pos- 
session of the cannon. But things had been so badly managed that the 
people were aware of what was happening. The sight of those who had been 
woimded in the morning enraged the crowd; the troops were surroimded and 
dispersed: there was not even a stru^le. The soldiers no longer obeyed 
theu" officers, but mingled with the populace. 

All Paris was in arms: instantly barricades were raised in every direction. 
Thiers had for a long time held that when a rebellion is serious it is best to 
abandon the revolting town and only re-enter it as a conqueror. He com- 
manded a retreat to Versailles. During the night the lidtelnde-Ville was 
evacuated by the government. The insurrection nad been inaugurated with 
terrible bloodshed. General Leconte, who in the morning commanded part 
of the troops at Montmartre, had been detained by the crowd with some other 
prisoners, and the republican Clement Thomas, who had commanded the 
national guard in 18^ and during the siege, had been recognised and ar- 
rested on the boulevard. These prisoners had been dragged from place to 
place. At last they were brought to the rue des Hosiers where a committee 
from Montmartre was sitting. A crowd of infuriated people assailed the 
house, and in the midst of a scene of wild confusion the two generals, Leconte 
and Clement Thomas, were pushed against the walls of the garden and riddled 
with bullets. This slaughter made a bloody stain on uie proceedings of 
the day. 


Among the numerous organisations formed in Paris during the two pre- 
ceding months, the most active and enterprising was that which was known 
as "The central committee of the national guard," although it was com- 
posed of very obscure men. The central committee had taken as large a 
part as it possibly coxild in the doings of the 18th of March. It now instSled 
itself in the deserted H6tel-de-Ville, posted up a proclamation, and thus be- 
came the government of the rebel party. 

The following day the party of the population of Paris, who had done 
nothing on the 18th of March, but had remained passive, now began to resist 
the movement. The deputies of Paris and the mayors elected during the 
siege joined this party of the people, and summoned to their aid the portion 
of the national guard led by Admiral Saisset. 

Paris was cut in two. A spark would ignite the flame of civil war, nego- 
tiations were opened. The central committee offered to retire in favour of 
men chosen by the cit^; they were willing to stand for election, but only in 
order to continue the Revolution and not for the purpose of restoring legal or- 
der. Meantime they were governing the part of Paris which belonged to them. 
Arrests were made at the railway stations, and they threw General Chanzy 
and Floquet into prison. A series of abortive measures led up to the elections 
of the 23rd of March. In general members of the central committee, well- 
known socialists and partisans of the Revolution, gained enormous ma- 

[isn A.D.] 




The commune — this was the name assumed by the insurgents La whose 
hands Paris hail just placed the government — took possession of the whole 
town, except a corner of the 16th arrondissement, and Mont Val^rien, which 
remained in the power of the army of Versailles, incre^ising day by day by 
reinforcements from all directions, and which Thiers placed under the com- 
mand of Marslml MacMahon, the man who had been defeated at Worth and 

At Versailles, Paris was looked upon as the refuge of scoundrels and mad- 
men. Thus, in both t»f tliesf^ (centres, a spirit of civil war seemed part of the 
air men breathed. On the 2nd the army took poasession of the barricade on 
the bridge at Neuilly. On the 3rd a united attack on Versailles was led by 
Gustave Flourens. 

Tlie first volleys from Mont Val^rien threw the crowd into disorder. 
Flourens, desert-ed and in hiding at Rueil, was killed by a sabre wound in- 
flicted by an officer of police. Next day near Chtltillon the federals were 
repulsed in the same way, and, amongst others, their leader Duval was taken 

After this it was impossible for the commime to think of threatening 
Versailles. Driven back into Paris, it was about to be besirgod there. From 
the first the prisoners were put to death. General de GalUfTet had had two 
of the national guanls placed agamst a wall and shot. Duval was executed 
without any formal trial. 

The commune respondetl by a decree that rdl prisoners and partisans of 
the assembler who were arrested and condemned were to l>e kept as the " host- 
ages of ParL*!," and that three of them should be shot each time that one of 
the federal prisoners \vi\^ shot by the army. The effect produced by such a 
terrible threat may be imagineiL Aftrr this no prisoiierM wore executed on 
either side till the troops re-entered Paris. Tlie struggle continued during 
the months of April and May without any fresh battle in the open. The 
army could only succpnd in taking Neuilly street by street, slowly, after a 
month's fighting. The fort of Issy was defended with desjjerate tletennina- 
tion. Meanwhile Thiers was having Paris bombartled from St. Cloud. The 
shells poured down upon the Champs-Elys^s, reaching as far as the place 
de la Concorde. 

And what was beuig done by the commune^ the mistress of Paris? These 
were the plans the communists desired to carry out, and which represented 
the doctnnes antl politica.1 signihcance of the movement known as "the 
revolution of the 18th of March ^' — inside the fortifications the following 
measures had been proclaimed: the separation of Church and State; the 
suppression of the mmisterial officials, who were all absent; the suppression 
of nigiit-work for bakers, and a manifesto tending to bring about home rule 
in every commune in Francet for each was to be a distinct state having its 
own army, its own laws, and its own s>'stem of taxation. 

The violent measures taken by the commune had soon alienated most of 
the people from it. It confiscated and destroyed the house of Thiers, seized 
his collections, and then demolished the Vend6me column. The papers 
which opposetl it most firmly were suppressed one after the other. Arrests 
and the searching of houses often toi:)k place simply on the authority of any 
officer of the national guard who chose to command them. In this way a 
Urge number of priests, monks, police officers, and former magistrates hatl 


[1871 A.D,] 

bepn arrested, and with them republicans like Chaudcy. The commune waa 
divided into two parties. The most celebrated man in the conmiune, Deltas- 
cluze, did not belong to either party. Tlie commune was without money and 
had recourse to the bank in order to raise funds. 


Paris had an unusual appearance: the national tricolour liad disappeared 
and was replaced by the rod flag. Strange uniforms w'ere seen in tlie stnH»t.s. 
Certain churches where the services had been put a stop to were used for 
holdiiip: ]5ublic meetings, and orators of both sexes discussed socialistic ques- 
tions from the pulpit. The wealthy parts of the town were deserted. The 
distant thunder of the cannon never ceased night or day. The commune had 
not succeeded in inciting other towns in France to rise in rebellion, except St. 
fttienne, Lyons^ and Toulouse; there was also a rising in Aude: but these 
had either failerj or l>een speedily suppressed. The municipal elections took.' 
place throughout the country in April and resulted in a victory for the dem-! 
ocratic party. From all directions delegates from tlie new municipalities 
W(*re sent to Versailles to try if possible to avert a civil war. It was in dealing 
with these delegates that Thiers first clearly and definitely pledged himself 
to a republican policy. On the 21st of May the army entered Paris unex- 
pectedly, making an entry by the left bank of the river. Then began that ter- 
rible battle which lasted nearly a week, when Paris was retaken street by 
street amid scenes of indescribable horror./ 

The poAvers of resistance of which the insurrection could dispose after its 
victory of March 18th must have been considerable, to enable it to sustain 
two months of constant fighting and the great seven days' Iwittlc in Paris. 
Its artillery- consisted of 1,047 pieces. Deducting the guns employed on tfie 
outposts, the forts, and the walls, 726 were used in the streets when the regu- 
lar troops at last penetrated into Paris. The cavalry was ineffective and 
never L'oxinted more than 449 horses; but, on the contrar>', the infantry wj 
very numerous. Twenty regiments, consisting of 254 battalions, were divided 
into active and stationary parts: the first set in movement 3,649 officers and 
76,081 soldiers; the effective of the second was 106,909 men led by 4,284 
officers, which produced a total of more than 191,000 men, from which must 
be deducted 30,000 individuals who always found means to escape service. 
Briefly, the commune had an army of from 140,000 to 150,000 soldiers, 
which it commanded both outside and inside Paris. 

To this already imposing mass must be added twenty-eight free companies, 
very independent in conduct, which acted according to the fancy of the 
moment and obeyed no one. Their very fluctuatijig contingent rose, to- 
wards the middle of the month of May, to the number of 10,820 followers, led 
by 310 officers. There were among them men of every origin and of every 
description^ who chose the wildest names — ^Turcos of the commune, Bergeret's 
scouts, children of Paris, Father Duchene's children, Lost Children, Lascars. 
Marseillais sharpshooters, volunteers of la colonne de JuHlet, and avengers of' 

From the beginning it was evident that the conquerors would be impla/- 
cable. Hardly had the army entered the city, when the executions b^an. 
Some of the vanquished, feeling they need hope for no mercy, soon began 
the criminal work which was to electrify the world. In the evening of the 
23rd, volumes of flame and smoke enveloped the city. Massacres on tlie one 
aide were avenged by arson and murder on the other. No poet, not even 



[1871 A.D.l 

Dant^, when he was piling horror upon horror in his Inferno^ ever imagined 
such a ghastly spectacle as was presented by Paris during the whole of that 
week. At the barracks people were shot down by the dozen. Wliole districts 
were depopulated by flight, arrests, and executions. In the part of Paris 
which was still held by the federals, the fury of the populace Decame more 
violent as defeat bc^came more c-ertain. 

On the 24th, at La Roquette, Raoul Rigault and Ferrti lia<:i six " hostages " 
massacred. These included the archbishop of Paris and the curd of the 
Madeleine. On the 25th the Dominicans of Arctieil, in a terribie and ahnost 
incredible scene, were driven forth, torn almost limb from limb, and killed 
near the Gobelins. Some of the Paris guards and some priests were massa- 
cred in the rue Haxo. Other victims also suffered at La Roquette. When 
the troops reached the chdt^au d'Eau, Deleseluze, wearing a frock-coat and 
carrying a walking-stick, walked all alone, with his head held high, straight 
into the thick of the firing; his corpse was found there riddle<i with bullets. 
It was at the taking of the last federal strongholds, Helloville, that the slaugh- 
ter was most terrible, wliile in the parts of Paris already taken the summary 
shooting of prisoners was going on steadily. 

Meanwhile long processions of prisoners (forty thousand had been taken) 
were journeying with parched throats, blistered feet, and fet-lered hands along 
the road from Paris to Versailles, and as they passed through the boulevards 
of Louis XIV's town, they were greeted with yells and sometimes with blows, 
lliey were crowded hastily into improvised prisons, one of wliieh was merely 
a large courtyard where thousands of jioor wretches lived for weeks with no 
loilging but the muildy ground, where they were exposed to all the inclemency 
of the weather, and whence they were despatched by a bullet in the head 
when desperation incited them to rebel. The Germans, from llie terraces of 
St. Germain, were watching the spectacle of the taking of Paris, and at night 
saw the great city which was the glory of France decked with its hideous 
crown of fires. 

Certain it is that if such sighl^s as these have not made the country hate 
the very idea of civil war, if they have not taught France what a crime it is 
to set armed Frenchmen against each other, it seems as if the lessons taught 
by history were intleed useless. On the 29th of May the conriuest of Paris 
was complete. A terrible day of reckoning succeeded the misfortunes which 
the city had endured while the fighting was going on. Nearly ten thousiind 
con\nction8 were pronounced by the courts martial. New Calednnia was 
peopled TAith convicts. Besides these a large portion of the population had 
taken flight; and thus many industries, which had hitherto been exclusively 
Parisian, were introfiuced into foreign countries. 

Anger was so bitU'r iigainst the refugees that the right of other nsitions to 
afford an asylum to them was disputed and Belgium even promised to give 
them up to France. The famous poet Victor Hugo was at that time in Brus- 
sels, and published a letter in which he stated that all refugee rebels would 
find a shelter in his house. The following night an attack was made on his 
house, which was pelted with stones. Immediately afterwards, the Belgian 
government expelled " the individual named Victor Hugo/' But neither 
Belgium nor any other country could give the exiles of the commune back to 

History has rarely known a more unpatriotic crime tlian that of the in- 
surrection of the commune; but the punishment infiicte<i on the insurgents 
by the Versailles troopm was so rutliless that it seemetl to l>e a counter-mani- 
festation of French hatred for Frenchmen in civil disturbance rather than a 


[1871-18K A.i».] 

judicial penalty applied to a heinous offence. The number of Parisians kiUed 
oy French soldiers in the last week of May, 1871, was probably twenty thou- 
sand, though the partisans of the commune declared that thirty-six thousand 
men and women were shot in the streets or after summary court-martial. 

It is from this point that the histoiy of the Third Republic commences. 
In spite of the doubly tragic ending of the war the vitality of the country 
seemed unimpaired. With ease and without murmur it supported the new 
burden of taxation called for by the war indenmity and by the reorganisation 
of the shattered forces of France. M. Thiers was thus aided in his task of 
liberating the territory from the presence of the <5nemy. His proposal at 
Bordeaux to make the essai loyal of the republic, as the form of government 
which caused the least division amon§ Frenchmen, was discouraged by the 
excesses of the commime, which associated republicanism with revolutionary 
disorder. Nevertheless, the monarchists of the national assembly received 
a note of warning that the country might dispense with their services unless 
they displayed governmental capacity, when in July, 1871, the republican 
minority was largely increased at the by-elections. The next montn, within 
a year of Sedan, a provisional constitution was voted, the title of president of 
the French Republic being then conferred on Thiers. The monarchists con- 
sented to this against their will ; but they had their own way when they con- 
ferred constituent powers on the assembly in opposition to the republicans, 
who argued that it was a usurpation of the sovereignty of the people for a body 
elected for another purpose to assume the power of giving a constitution to the 
land without a special mandate from the nation. The debate gave Gambetta 
his first opportunity of appearing as a serious politician. The fou furiettx 
of Tours, whom Thiers had denounced for his efforts to prolong the hopeless 
war, was about to become the chief support of the aged Orleanist statesman 
whose supreme achievement was to be the foundation of the republic? 


The French government had two immediate ends in view — to rid the coun- 
try of foreign occupation as speedily as possible, and to improve the military 
organisation on a Prussian model. Since the liquidation of great sums of 
money was necessary for attainmg both these ends, a great demand was put 
on the taxable strength of the country. The object to be gained by the second 
aim was not to increase the defensive power of the land, since an imaggressive 
France had to fear no attack, but to prepare for a war of revenge against 
Germany. The shattered military glory was to be restored, the lost provinces 
were to be given back, or some compensation, perhaps in Belgium, was to be 
obtained for them. All parties in France, the monarchists as well as the ex- 
treme republicans, were filled with this idea, voted funds after funds for mili- 
tary purposes in the national assembly, and even offered the government 
more money than it asked for. 

Thiers, who had been made president of the French Republic on August 
31st, 1871, by the national assembly, negotiated a loan of two thousand five 
hundred milhon francs for the payment of the first two milliards of the war 
indemnity in June, 1871, and a loan of more than three milliards for the pay- 
ment of the rest in July, 1872. The "financial miracle" was then enacted 
— namely, forty-four milliards was registered in the public subscription list, 
in which German banking houses also participated disgracefully. Even if 
this sum were not intended in earnest, it was nevertheless an extremely 
favourable testimony to the French credit. 




By the military law of July 2Sth, 1872, universal compulsory service wae 
introduced, providing that one part of the community was to serve for five 
years, the other in periods of six months' drill. This law was completed b^ 
the oi^nisation law of July 24th, 1873 — which fixed tlie number of the regi- 
ments and divided them into eighteen army corps — and by the c^re law of 
March 13th, 1875. This latter increased 
the battalion cadrej? by creating a new 
fourth battalion for every three which 
already existed, so that now instead of 
the regiments of three battalions with 
a maximum strength of three thousand 
men, there were regiments of four bat- 
talions, which brought the maximum 
strength of the regiment up to four 
thousand men. After this law had 
been carried out, the French infantry, 
consisting of 641 battalions, numbered 
269 field battalions more than in the 
year 1870,and 171 field battalions more 
than the German army in time of peace. 

Tliis cadre law caused such a sensa- 
tion that in the spring of 1875 it was 
generally reported that there was an- 
other war " in sight" ; that the German 
Empire wished to declare war on France 
before these colossal preparations were 
carried into effect. Nevertheless, the 
war did not go beyond diplomatic in- 
quirie^i. The "great" nation tried to 
put all the responsibility for the mili- 
tary <lisgrace in the late war upon Mar- 
slial Bazaine, who, it iimst be said, 
had signed the capitulation of Metz 
at a very convenient moment for the 
Germans. He was brought before a 
military tribunal and condemned to 
death on December 10th, 1873, but 
this sentence was commuted to twenty 
years' imprisonment. He began his 
period of captivity on December 26th 
m a fort on the i^and of Ste. Margue- 
rite, but he e.scaped on August 10th, 
1874, with the help of his wife, and fled 
to Spain. 

The national assembly, dividetl into 
parties which were bitterly opposed 

to each other, developed a very meagre legislative activity. On one side 
stood the three monarchistic parties of the legitimists, the Orleaniata, and 
the Bom-bons, each of which had its pretender to the throne; on the other 
the republicans, who were divided into a moderate and an extreme Left. 
Between them stood a group of parliamentarians, who could be satisfied with 
either form of government, if only the constitutional system were preserved. 
It is true that tne monarchists held the majority, but in the course of the next 



[1878-1876 A.D.] 

few years they lost considerable ground through the supplementary elections, 
and they were so disunited among themselves that in the most important 
questions frequently a fraction of the Right voted with the Left, and the 
majority thus became a minority. The "lusion," i,e, the imion of the legiti- 
mists and Orleanists mto one single party, did not succeed. 

Tliiers preferred the actual republic to any one of the three possible 
monarchies, and for that very reason the monarchists were very much dis- 
satisfied with him. When, at the re-formation of the ministry on May 18th, 
1873, he wholly disregaraed the monarchistic majority and recruited his 
cabinet entirely from the moderate Left, the monarchists moved a vote of 
censure upon Thiers, This was carried on May 24th, 1873, by a vote of 360 
against 344. 

macmahon becomes president 

Thiers and his ministry resigned; whereupon, in the same sitting, MacMa- 
hon was elected president of the republic. The duke de Broglie held the place 
of vice-president under him. In order to strengthen the position of the presi- 
dent the national assembly voted on November 19th, 1873, to fix the term 
of his service at seven years. The Broglie ministry could not long succeed in 
this difficult art of steering safely between the parties. It was compelled to 
retire on May 16th, 1874, through the result of the baUot on the electoral 
law, and on May 22tad the war minister, Cissey, took over the presidency of 
the cabinet. 

But when the eovemment seemed to favour the Bonapartists and a choice 
between the repuWic or a third empire was imminent, the moderate Orleanists 
separated themselves from the government; from the left and right Centre 
a new majority was formed, which, on the motion of the delegate Wallon, by 
its final vote on February 25th, 1875, established a republic with regular presi- 
dential elections, and with a senate and second chamber. Thereupon the 
formation of the Buffet ministir followed on March 10th, the most prominent 
member of which belonged to the right Centre.^ 


The constitution was formed as foDows: at the head of the executive a 
president, named in advance by the 1871 assembly, to hold office for seven 
years, with power to dissolve the chamber of deputies subject to agreement 
by the senate. He had also a more formidable right — that of suspending 
both chambers for one month, though not more than twice in a session; that 
is, he was to be sole and tmcontrolled governor in case of disagreement be- 
tween himself and the direct or indirect representatives of the nation. The 
senate was composed of two hundred and twenty-five members appointed by 
the departments and the colonies for nine years, and seventy-five appointed 
by the national a^embly: these last for life. The others were elected by a 
departmental circle composed of deputies, councillors-general, suburban coun- 
cilloi^, and delegates, one from each mimicipal council. 

So it came about that the smallest French commune, having hardly 
enou^ electors to compose a mimicipal council, played as considerable a 
|»rt uk the eo\Tmment as Lj*ons or Marseilles. This meant the subordina- 
tion of republican towns to country districts, over which the government 
hopeii to exercis«» a powerful influence. An elector in a tiny commune 
weighed in the electoral balance as much as two or three thousand electors in 
Uugp cities;. At bottom it vras an election of senators in the hands of village 


■^ ^^"^ THE THIRD REPUBLIC ^^"^ 18ft 

[187ft A.D.I 

mayors, under governmental influence. This was a very different thing from 
the declaration of rights — "All men are equal in the eyes of the Law." 

There remained the chaitil>er of deputiea electe<i by universal miffrage. It 
wafi elected by borough balloting, but it was not included in the artfclcs of 
the constitution. This chamber shared the introduction of laws with the 
senate and the president of the republic. It was nametl by a mode of ballot 
that diminished its importance and threatened it with dissolution on the 
slightest disagreement witli the assembly, which was chosen by restricted 
sunrage. The constitution, however, gave it a supreme prerogative — a su- 
preme meiins of making the national will Inuinplinnt: the introduction of 
financial laws^ the key of the money chest! The chamlitT of deputies had 
the most weight in matters of taxing, a prerogative which is not only a re- 
publican right but one which is also exerciseti in all constitutional monarchies. 
This right the chamber of deputies tliil not even know how to uphold and 

Tlie Versailles as.senibly, which was unenthusiastic, monarchical, and far 
more clerical, was principally concerne<l in promoting in the new constitution 
the interests of the higher classes above those of democracy, of crushing 
universal suffrage which it was unable to suppress under the feet of limited 
suffrage, anti fettering as far as possible every liberal or democratic refonn. 
At the entl of ten years jt*s entire work still existed anrl in this sense one may 
say that the assembly of 1S71 was successful. 

From the 22nd to the 24th of February the Wallon proposition was dis- 
putei.1 foot by foot, word by word, by the Hight, who niineil a shower of 
amendments on it. They wanted universal suffnxge; an appeal to the people; 
the declaration of the sovereignty of the people; the interdiction of princes 
as presidents of the republic. Everything was commenced, but to httle pur- 
pose. The republicans turned a deaf ear, maintained a staunch resistance 
and, from the highest to the lowest, kept the promis*? made in their name. 
On the 24th of I^ebniary the senate law ami the transmission of the presi- 
dent's powers had a majority. On the 25th of February the bill relative to 
the organisation of jniblic powers was carried in a third and final debate by 
425 against 254. The republic was complete! » 


This constitution, the fourteenth since 1789, was the result of dissensions 
among tlie monarchists, who preferred repubUcan ciinditlates to their rivals 
b the legitimist or Orleanist ranks. After this unexpected aid, the rejiubli- 
cans gained a large majority in the elections to the chamber, thanks largely 
to the efforts of CJambetta, who was not, however, rewarded with representa- 
tion in the cabinet. The finst minister under the m*w constitution was 
Dufaure, formerly in Louis PhilipixVs cabinet; late in 1876 he retired, and 
the new premier was Jules Simon. Simon was of deeply Catholic sympathies 
and aided in a nioveinent to interfere in lUdiiin affairs for the restoration of 
the pope to U^mporal power ainl the control of R(>me.« 

During Simon's mmistry the struggle, from being political, sutldenty be- 
came a religious one between the republicans and the conservatives. Some 
incidents of extenud politics in Italy and Germany, whose reverberations ex- 
tended to France, a demand for the authorisation of conferences, presented 
to the minister of the interior by the ex-pt^rt* Hyacinthe, the aggressive 
ardour of archbishops and bishops ami the aiiti-rehgious violence of a part 
of tlie radical press, all miited to set lay society and the clerical world in 


[187S A.D.] 

opposition to one another and to provoke in parliament a formidable crisis 
— m the country an agitation which might have produced first a revolution 
and afterwards war. 

Gambetta set himself against the clerical party and demanded that the 
Concordat should be interpreted as a twoHsided contract, obligatory and 
equally binding on both pju-ties; and he ended by repeating the words of 
Peyrat: "Clericalism, that is the enemy!" {Le dSricaiisme, vaUh Vennemif) 
It has been said that this war-cry was too sweeping, because it included all 
the members of the clergy amongst the enemies of society. But from that 
time the epithet " clericaT' designated rather the laity than the ecclesiastics, 
including all those who mingle religion and politics, who wish to use spiritual 
matters for temporal ends and take their electoral cue elsewhere than in 

There was strong feeling against the agitation meant to ferment a reli- 
gious war and embroil France in ultramontaiie politics. Simon declared that 
he had done all in his power to repress the spirit of war for Catholicism. But 
votes on two bills only indirectly related to clericalism went against the policy 
of the minister and were made a pretext for an unusual step. 


On the 16th of May President MacMahon published in the ofi^cial oi^an 
an open letter of rebiuce to his minister. This strange act has been c^ed 
the coup d'4tat of May 16th. 

The president's letter closed as follows: « 

The attitude of the chief of the cabinet raises the question as to whether he has preserved 
that influence over the chamber which is neorasarr to make his views prevail. An explanation 
on this head is indispensable ; for, if I am not, like you, responsible to the parliament, I have 
a responsibility towards France which I ou^ht now more than ever to consider. 
Accept, Monsieur le president du conseil, the assurance of my high esteem. 

Le Pr^ident de ia R£publiqae, 
Mab^chal dk MacMajbon. 

On this strange docxmient Zevort comments severely: 
Before studying the real meaning of this letter it will be well to estimate 
what the very sending of it implied, the unheard-of proceeding to which the 
marshal had recoiu'se to rid himself of a president of the councu who had rep- 
resented him to the parliament as the model of parliamentary and constitu- 
tional chiefs. The letter specified nothing. If Jules Simon had wished to 
play a close game with his unskilful antagonist, he might indcid have either 
presented himself before the chamber, procured a vote of confidence, and 
thus demonstrated that he had preserved that influence which was necessary 
to make his views prevail; or he might have waited till the approaching 
council of ministers, and had that explanation with the marshal which the 
latter declared indispensable. In either case the president of the republic 
would have found himself in a position of cruel embarrassment, and the con- 
flict he had raised would perhaps have received, on the 17th or 18th of May, 
1877, the solution which it was to receive only in the month of January, 1879. 
Like all timid persons the marshal dreaded nothing so much as an explanation 
with those he had offended ; and his letter, in its prodigious clumsiness, was 
very skilfully drawn up, if he wished to avoid an interview in the council with 
the ministers so cavalierly dismissed. 

As to the pretexts devised to separate him from the cabinet of the 12th of 
December, they were really altogether too frivolous. However inexperienced 



[I87ft-187Q A.D] 

the marshal might be, he was not ignorant of the fact that a law under dis- 
cuBsiou is not a law passed. 

The question as to whether Jules Simon had sufficient authority over the 
chamber was either a premeditated insult or the proof of a singular defect of 
memory; and had not Jules Simon — in the most weighty divisions, on the 
4th of May. IS77, and the 28th of December, 1876, when the prerogatives of 
the chamber were themselves at stake — had more than two-thirds of the 
voters witli him, and was the law of majorities no longer, as on the 26th of 
May, 187;:J, the supreme rule of parliamentary governments? 

"I am responsible to France/' said the marshal, who had been elected by 
390 deputies, thus borrowing the phraseology of Napoleon III, who had been 
chosen by five million electors; and was not France directly and regularly 
represented by the senate and the chamber of deputies, and had not the 
constitution (Article 6) already indicated 
the single case in which the president of 
the republic is responsible — namely, the 
case of nigh treason? 

Such was that document of the 16th 
of May, which left everything to be feared 
because it went beyond all measure, 
which did not exceed the bounds of 
legality but which exhausted it at the 
first blow. The marshal was about to 
declare in his speech, in his Orders of 
the Day, that he would go to the farthest 
bounds of this legality, whose utmost 
limit he hail attainetl with one leap. 
The constitution of 1K75 had assured 
him a quasi-royalty: yet he was now 
going to put hioLself outside or above 
the laws, unfler pretence of tlie higher 
interests of the public safety, that facile 
pretext for all dictatorship ; he was 
about to engage, haphazard, in a for- 
midable venture, ignorant of what 
might result from his victory or his de- 

The coup dV'tat of the 16th of May was from its inception condemned 
throughout Europe. MacMahon was neither sufficiently ambitious nor un- 
scrupulous to institute a military dictatorship. The most important events 
in the political calendar were the electoral campaign and Gambetta's noted 
speech at LiUe^ on the 15th of August, when he wound up with, " Believe me, 
ntlemen, when France has once spoken with her sovereign voice there will 

nothing left but submission or resignation" (se soumettre ou se dhneitre). 
Tlic jingle wiught t]i<^ p<vf)ular ear and Marshal MacMahon on the 13th of 
December submitted unconditionally. 


Gr6vY becomes PKESIDENT (1879) 

Garabetta, it is generally conceded, was at this period the foremost poli- 
tician in France. A thoroughly republican ministry was formed under 
Dufaure, president of the council and rniniHter of justice, with Freycinet as 
minister of public works. President MacMahon in his message ''accepted 


[\9m-\979 kjk,] 
the will of the country." Garobetta now sagaciously exprefleed his wish that 

MacMnhon .shouj'l be iKTinitt^d toconiplctehisterm; ana thus the advantttges 
f)f rf*f)iiblican rule might [ye the better demonstrated by his duly and peace- 
fully (rhctod succeasor. The great exposition of 1878 brought MacSfahon 
some ororninence, but the old soldier foimd himself isolate, and utterly 
«ck of the part lie hud to play. 

On the 28th of January, 1879, MacMahon, finding himself unable to agree 
with his niiniaters and hopeless of forming a new ministry conformable to his 

views, resigne<i and in his last acts con- 
ducted himself with such dignity as to 
wring even from Zevort ^ this commen- 

" From the begiiming of the govern- 
mental crisis the marshal had con- 
ducted himself as a man of honour, and 
preser\'ed an attitude the most correct 
and most deserving of respect, and era- 
ployed the niniplest and most becoming 
language. From the moment that the 
politician had vanished, the honest man, 
the good citizen, the successful soldier 
had reappeared, and the lofty dignity 
^ ^^'^^^m^B^^^ " ^^ ^'® retreat made men forget the errors 

'^'^^^^I^^^S^^^^^^^^ for which he was only half responsible." 
^v ~ ^^SF^^^^SK^^L What part Gambetta acte<J in the 

^ ^^^r> crisis of January, 1879, wlien Mac- 

Mahon's ministry fell, it is difficult to 
decide. At the critical juncture he 
aj^pears to have absented himself from 
Paris. He abstained from speaking in 
tlie debate on the policy of the ministry, 
neither tlid he vote in the final division. 
There is every reason to believe that, 
hail he willed, he might have contested 
the presidency of the republic success- 
fully. Rut lie waivtMl IiIh claims in favour of Jules Gr^^v>% who was elected 
president on the :i()lh of January, 1879, by 536 votes against 99 for General 
rhnii/.y, (JnmlH'tta becoming president of the chamber and Waddington the 
[irimi* miniHt^*r. 

liKtiri Uaui*ictta 


The deputies were united now as "the national assembly," and the legis- 
latiut? n'turned from Versjiillcs to Paris. Both executive and legislature were 
now thortnigliiv rt^pnblican. 

Prominent m (W*vy's cabinet was the minister of education, Jules Ferry, 
who was strongly anti-clerical ui his views and advocated an educational bill 
excluding the Jesuits and all "unauthorised orders*' from acting as teachers 
in France, Jules Sin)on securetl the rejection of the bill by the senate, but 
the unauthoristHl orders wen* liisbiindeil luid many priests and nuns e:icpelled 
amidst pul>lie feeling etnbitliMt^l by the wmth of trie clerical party anil the 
seal of the anti-^ericals. The Uona|>artist cause suffered when the young 



prince imperial was killed by the Zulus. Waddington resigned the ministry 
to Freycinet and he to Ferry, who still kept Gainbetta from office. 

Ganibetta now began to fight for power and to gather republican senti- 
ment about him until it was necessary to call hini to the prime-ministry. 
The jealousy of his magnetism or "occult power/' as it was called, and his 
distribution of the portfolios succeeded in shortening his lease of power to 
ten weeks. Gambetta, in the days of his power, advocated all measures that 
would tend to place France in the position she occupied before the war. He 
approved of the expedition to Tunis, for he desired to extend her influence in 
the Mediterranean. And he upheld the dual action of France and England 
in Eg>'pt. To quote his own words iu ahnost the last speech he ever made: 
" For the last ten years there has been a west^=^m policy in Europe represented 
by England and France, and allow me to say here that I know of no other 
European policy likely to avail us in the most terrible of the contingencies we 
may have to face hereafter. What induced me to seek for the English alli- 
ance, for the co-operation of Englanil in the basin of the Mediterranean and 
in Egypt, is — and I pray you mark me well — tliat what I most apprehend, 
in a^^fdition to an ill-omened estrangement, that you should deliver over to 
England and forever territories, and rivers, and waterways where your right 
to Bve and traffic Ls equal to her own," 

On the 3Ist of December, 1882, Ganibetta died at the age of forty-four 
.from an accidental wound. Thus ended prematurely the strange career of 
le ffrand ministre, as he was called ironically, less memorable for what he did 
than for what everyone felt he might have done. 

In the first month of the same year (January, 1882) another new ministry 
had been fonned with Freycinet president of tlie council and minister for 
foreign affairs. This ministry lasted only half a year, being succeeded by 
'that of Duclcrc, during which all the members of royal families were exiled 
from France in consequence of a campaign of placards waged by tlie son of 
Jerome Bonaparte of Westphalia. The brief premiership of Fallit^res gave 
way to that of Jules Ferry who, though a former rival of Gambetta's, united 
with his disciples to form the so-called "opportunist" party. 

During Ferry's comparatively lengthy tenure of office of over two years, 
some revision of the constitution was accomplLshed in uncharacteristic peace- 
fulness. The typical volatility of the people, however, was revealed by the 
explosion of rage over the news of a check received by the French army at 
Tongking. The bitter s|>eeches of the cynical Cl^menceau brought about 
Ferry's resignation and Brisson became prime minister. A reaction now 
grew against the republican administration, and the elections of 1885 were 
forty-five per cent, monarchical. The alarm over this dangerous weakness 
put a momentary end to republican internal factions^ and Gr6vy waa re-elected 
president December 28th, for a second septennate. 

Freycinet formed a new ministry, his tnird, giving the portfolio of war to 
Genera! Boulanger — a curious figure neither whose past nor whose future 
justified the remarkable prominence he acquired. His first acts were sen- 
sational in that he erased from the army list all the princes of royal families 
id exiled his first patron, the duke d'Aumale ; he also repressed all the army 
officers of reactionist sympathies. The populace showered on Boidanger the 
favour it withdrew from the president, and he became powerfiil enough to 
unseat Freycinet, who was succeeded by Goblet, Boulanger took a spectac- 
ular position on the arrest by the Germans of a French officer named Schnae- 
bele, and showed great energ>' in preparing for a war with Prussia. Goblet 
resigned. Rouvier followed, and sent Boulanger to an army post. In 1887 

B. W.— VOL. XIII. N 


[I8;&-18D4 A.D.1 

scandals arose concpming the sale of Legion of Honour decorations, in which 
a deputy named Daniel Wilson was implicated and in which it was shown that 
he used the president's residence as a sort of office. This provoked an out- 
cry before which Gre\'y resigned. 

In his nine years of administration, President Gr^vy had had eleven 
ministers — in itself a proof of lack of policy or at least of power to carry out 
a policy. In the first period, from 1879 to March 20th, 1885, however, much 
had been accomplished for the establishment of public liberties — the freedom 
of the press being assured in 1881, the municipal councils given the right to 
elect their mayors in 1882, and the laws of divorce replaced in the civil code 
whence the Restoration liad removed them. The schools had also been 
rendered secular, as we have seen. 

The application of these reforms, reductions in the taxes, coinciding with 

bad years and the ruin of the vintage, pro- 
duced the most serious difficulties with re- 
gard to the budget — difficulties which were 
still further au|;raented by the participa- 
tion of France m the colonising movement 
then attracting all Europe. The Timis 
expedition (1880-1881), that of Tongking 
(1883-1885), the first Madagascar expedi- 
tion f 1883-1885), the fouiuiation of the 
French Congo (1884), and the advance 
towards the Sudan belong to this period. 
In the second period parliament and pub- 
lic opinion are in a state of profoimd dis- 
turbance after the 30th of March, 1885, and 
anarchy reigned in the ministries, the par- 
liament, and public opinion.'' 

In this critical situation, when Frey- 
cinet and Floquet, aiming for the radical 
vote, are said to have had a secret agree- 
ment to restore Boulanger to power; when 
the monarchists were planning to vote for 
sadi Carmot Ferry in the hope that his unpopularity 

would provoke one of those mob distiirb- 
ances which had so often brought back the monarchy, Cl^menceau skilfully 
secured the nomination and election of an unexpected figure — Sadi Camot, a 
man of unaasailed reputation, whose grandfather was the great Camot to 
whom France had owed her magnificent military organisation during the 


Sadi Camot, though perhaps not a great man, displayed as president of 
the republic the same qualities of conscientiousness, diligence, and modesty 
for which he had been noted in those more humble days when he built bridges 
at Annecy. These years were unexampled in France for the \irulence of 
political passion and the acrimonious license of the press. The decoration 
scandal, the Boulangist movement, and the Panama affair filled this period 
with opprobrious accusations and counter-charges. 

Carnot chose Tirard for his premier; under nim Wilson was sentenced to 
two years for fraud, and Boulanger was deprived of command for absenting 
himself from his post without leave. Wilson appealed, and the higher courta 


[18S7-18&4 A.D.] 

reversed the decision against him. As he was a relative of Gr6vy, this pro- 
voked public suspicion, which was aggravated when Boulanger was elected 
a deputy by an overwhelming majority and was immediately expelled from 
the army. 

Tirard's ministry fell and Floquet succeeded, with Freycinet as minister 
of war, A duel ensued between Floquet and Boulanger, in which, singularly, 
the civilian, who was also of advanced age, w^oundedthe doughty general in 
the throat. None the less, Boulangism increased rapidly and was enlarged by 
the royalist vote. The time was ripe for a coup d'etat, but the general did 
not move; indeed, he denied in his speeches any ambition for dictatorship 
and actually withdrew to Brussels, April, 1889, when he heard that Tirara, 
who had been recalled as premier, was about to arrest him. He was now 
found guilty of high treason and the senate sentenced him to life imprisonment. 

He went to Jersey and lived there 
c^uietly, while Boulangism died of inani- 
tion. In July, 1890, his mistress, Mme. 
deBonnemain, died, and September 30th, 
1891, he blew out his own brains on her 
grave. This last act was consistent witli 
his whole career, both in its strong emo- 
tionalism and in its weakness. He was 
a man idolised hy liis soldiers, whom he 
treated with great democracy and even 
tenderness; he was thrilled with a pas- 
sion to revenge France on Prussia, a 
passion bound to be popular then in 
France; he was a smart soldier and on 
his black horse made a picturesque figure; 
a popular tune added to his vogue — " Vest 
Boulanger qu'il nous jauV; and it might 
have proved a " fa fra" of insurrection, 
but he lacked the courage — or shall we not 
more mercifully and justly say, he lacked 
the villany ? — to lead a revolution. "WTiile 
he missed the glor>' of a Napoleon, he also 
escaped the bloody crimes of that despot. 

Boulangism having committed suicide^ it suffered disgrace from the mo- 
narchic coalition, and reform went on peacefully. In 1890 Freycinet added 
the premiership to the war ministry^ and 1891 saw no change of cabinet. 
Concihation with Rome was the policy of both France and the Church; and 
in February, 1892, Leo XIII recognised the republic in an encyclical, Frey- 
cinet resigned the premiership and Simile Louoet became premier. 

Now the Panama scandal came to shock all the world ivith the revelations 
of official corruption, of wholesale blackmail, and of the abuse of funds largely 
subscribed by the poorer masses. The trials were peacefully conducted, and 
while only one former minister was convicted and a sentence was passed on 
De Lesseps, the engineer of the Suez Canal and also of the Panama venture, 
the deep disgust of the public did not take the usual recourse to riotous 
expression. Loubet was followed in December, 1892, by Ribot and he later 
by Dupuy. Casimir-P^rier, grandson of the famous statesman, succeeded 
for a time, to be followed again by Dupuy. June 24th, 1894, President 
Camot was stabbed to death by an Italian anarchist named Caaerio. 






Caaimir-P6rier, who like Carnot bore a name unsullied by scandal, was 
elected by the congress June 27th, 1894, but he could not endure the attacks 
of opposition newspapers; and January 15th, 1895, he resigned on the ground 
nf overbuRlensome irsponsibilities without adequate j^owers. 

Ft'lix Faure was chosen to succeed him; he was of humble origin and a 
successful merchant. Ribot was his first premier, Leon Bourgeois his second, 
and M^line the third; Molina's ministry lasted from April, 1896, to June 28th, 
1S98, the visit of the czar, and the sealing of the Franco-Russian alliance 
giving it distinction. Dupuy came back as premier, but February 16th, 1899, 

President Faure died of apoplexy 
and the then president of the sen- 
ate, Loubet, was elected in his 
place. The Dupuy ministry held 
over till June, when Waldeck- 
Rousseau became premier and 
mana^sd by a combination of firm- 
ness with an effort at conciliating 
the various parties to rarry France 
through the violence of anti-Sem- 
itism and its culmination in the 
two trials of the Jewish captain 
Alfred Dreyfus. 


Tn January, 1895, Dre>'fus had 
been sentenced to life imprison- 
ment on Devil's Island off French 
Guiana, the charge being that he 
had sold military secrets to Ger- 
many. The dramatic ceremonies 
FbLix facbb of his degradation and his eai-nest 

denials of guilt attracted the atten- 
tion of the world, and it was claimed that he was the innocent scape-goat 
of anti-Jewish rancour and of true guilt among Gentile officers. The efforts atj 
certain French officers, writers, and editors, notably Colonel Picquart and 
Emile Zola, to reopen the case were vain for some time, Colonel Picquart 
being imprisoned and Zola driven into exile. In 1898 new proofs against 
Drej^'us were produced, but Colonel Henry confessed to forging these and 
committed suicide. 

After a ferocious newspaper war in which the foreign press joined with 
unusual vigour, Captain Dreyfus was brought back for retrial in August, 1899, 
It is difficult for a foreigner to decide on the merits of the case, as the sin- 
cerity of both factions was only too evident, and the charges of militarism 
and anti-Semitism against the anti-Dreyfusards were met by charges of ve- 
nality and of purchiise by Jewish gold. Even the new president, Loubet, was 
accused of this. The new court, by a majority of five to two, again foundi 
Dreyfus "guilty of treason with extenuating circumstances," and sentenced 
him to ten years' detention. The curious wording of the sentence, as well 
as certain methods of court procedure, amazed the foreign world, in which 


the opinion is practically unanimous that the evidence published haa no 
value at all in proving Dreyfus guilty. 

The French government, however, put a stop to the agitation by pardon- 
ing the prisoner and recommending a general amnesty. This was perhaps 
the wisest coursp, thougli hanlly satisfactory a>s an example of fearless justice. 
Every nation has its juiliclai scandals, but no other has had so miiversal an 
airings and a prejutlice has Iwen excited against the whole French people 

a result of this affair. A British writer, J. E. C. Bodley^ has thus 
ed up its manifold phases: 

"The Dreyfus affair was severely judged by foreign critics as a miscarriage 
of justice resulting from race-prejudice. If that simple appreciation rightly 
describes its origin, it Ijecaine in its dtn'plojinient one of th4>fse scanduls sympto- 
matic of the unhealthy political condition of France, which on a smaller scale 
had often recurred under the Thirrl Republic^ and which were ma<le the 
pretext by the malcontents of all parties for gratifying their animosities. 
That in its later stages it was not a ciuestion of race-persecution was seen in 
the curious phenomenon of journals owned or edited by ,Jews leading the 
outcry against the Jewish officer and his defenders. That it was not a mere 
episode of the rivalry' between re|:)ul>licans and monarchists, or l:)etwcen the 
advocates of parliamentarism and of military autocracy, was evident from 
the fact that the most formidable opponents of Dreyfus, without whose 
hostility that of the clericals and reactionaries would have been ineffective, 
were republican politicians. That it was not a phase of the anti-capitalist 
movement was shown by the zealoas adherence of the socialist leaders and 
journalists to the cause of Dreyfus; indeed, one remarkable resiilt of the 
affair was its diversion of the socialist party and press for years from their 
normal campaign against propherty. 

"The Dreyfus affair was utilised by the reactionaries against the republic, 
by the clericals against the non-C^atholics, by the anti-clericals against the 
Church, by the military party against the parliamentarians, and by the 
revolutionary socialists against the army. It was also conspicuously utilised 
by rival republican politicians against one another, and the chaos of political 
{^oups was further confused by it. The controversy was conducterl with 
' e unseemly weapons which in France have ma^le parliamentary institutions 
by-word and an unlicensed press a national calamity: while the judicial 
proceedings arising out of it showed that at the end of the nineteenth cen- 
tury the French conception of lil)erty wa« as f)eculiar aB it had been during 
the Revolution a hundred years before." 

COLONIAL WARS (1882-1895) 

Foreign affairs in P>ance have been marked by various small wars, notably 
the war in Tongking, where in 1882 the successful commandant RivlfTC was 
Exiled. Admiral Courbet^ however, retrieved these disasters by vigorous 
ition and won a treaty, August 25th, 1882, by which the French protec- 
>rate over Annam and Tongking was acknowledged. General Millot now 
t*K>k control of the land forces and C'ourbet by means of his fleet secured 
from Li Hung Giang a recognition of the Tongking protectorate, after bom- 
barding certain ports and destroying two Chinese cruisers.** 

The joy caused by the signing of peace with China was disturbed by the 
news of the death of the man to whom peace was due. Admiral CourlM^t ilied 
on June 11th, 1885, from the effects of an illness against which he had long 
struggled. Although he felt he was dangerously ill, he would not leave his 


[1861-1900 A.D.] 

poet. He understood perhaps that no one could have replaced him. All 
France felt the blow; a magnificent funeral was given the sailor who had 
raised the glory of his flag in the extreme East i 

In 1892 there waa a short and successful war with Dahomey. It has been 
summed up by Lanier^ as follows: "This glorious campaign, where two 
thousand soldiers had had to struggle against twenty tnousand natives, 
admirably supplied with implements of warfare, taught and trained to the 
offensive, not to speak of jungles, swamps, dysentery, and fevers, had lasted 
just three months, and cost France ten million francs. It reflected the great- 
est honour on the general who commanded it." 

Disputes had been of frequent occurrence between France and Mada- 
gascar since 1642, when the French destroyed a Portuguese settlement. In 
1861 a treaty between France, Great Britain, and Madagascar was signed. 

But in 1864 again there were disputes be- 
tween the French and Hovas; to be followed 
in 1877 by a serious quarrel respecting cer- 
tain lands given to one Laborde, a missionary, 
which the Hovas now reclaimed. In 1882 
the French claimed the protectorate of part 
of northwest Madagascar by virtue of a treaty 
made in 1840-41. This resulted in an appeal 
to the British government; a native embassy 
V was also sent to France to protest. Peaceful 
measures failed; and Admiral Pierre with a 
French fleet, in the year 1883, bombarded and 
captured Tamatave. From that time for- 
ward there was constant warfare; sometimes 
one side and sometimes the other ^ning 
. indecisive victories. On the 12th of Decem- 

EiiiLB LouBBT ^^^ ig95^ Madagascar was attached to the 

French colonies. 

In 1899 the poet Paul D^roulMe vainly tried to prevail on General Roget. 
to leave President Faure's funeral and march to evict President Loubet from 
the Elys^e palace. A like failure attended the effort to provoke a war with 
England over the Fashoda affair, in which Major Marchand with a handful 
of men claimed a right over territories he had explored for France. The 
British government treated him and his claims with small respect and French 
pride was injured, but fortunately no further steps were taken. 

In 1900 the world's exposition failed to have a political effect, and was not 
a financial success. A great sensation was caused by the revelation that the 
French birth-rate was on the decrease, but similar statements concerning 
England were later made. When the nineteenth century began, France had 
one-fifth of the total population of Europe; at the beginning of the twentieth 
century she has hardly a tenth. In that time her population has increased 
only forty-six per cent., while that of Great Britain and Ireland has increased 
one hundred and fifty-six per cent. 


The past five years of French history have witnessed a series of acts 
culminating in the complete separation of church and state. Since the es- 
tablishment of the Third Republic the influence of the church and especially 
of certain orders within it has frequently been cast against the government. 


[1M0-L9M A.D.] 

Possessed of a vast amount of wealth which escaped taxation, these orders, 
whose leaders were in many cases foreigners, independent of French authority 
and often Hving abroad, inclined to a monarchical form of government and 
not infrequently assisted the royalists in promoting their propaganda. As 
the education of a large part of the youth of the country was in their hands they 
constituted a distinct menace to the Republic. Actuat-ed by a desire to lessen 
this danger and perhaps also by a more general hostility to the ecclesiastical 
system, the Waldeck-Rousseau ministry in 1901 secured the passage of an 
act requiring religious associations to secure legal authorization from the 
government. It appears that the intention of the framers of the act was that 
it should not be enforced very rigorously and should be rather in tlie nature 
of a weapon that was held in reserve; but, owing to the ill health of the premier 
and to internal dissensions, the Waldeck-Rousseau ministry, after an unpre- 
cedentedly long tenure of office, resigned in June, 1902, antl the new ministry 
of M. Combes at once entered upon an extreme anti-clerical policy. Despite 
violent resistance in some parts of the country, particularly in Brittany, 
the law was rigidly enforced, and a vast numl>er of associations were broken 
up. Stringent measures were also taken to secure complete governmont 
control over education. Quite naturally a conflict resulted with the papacy. 
Angered by attempted interference on the part of the pope^ the government 
recalled its embassy from the Vatican and infonne<l tlie papal nuncio at 
Paris that his presence was superfluous. In Januar>% 1905, some months 
after this rupture, the Combes ministry lost its majority and resigned; but 
its downfall was due rather to personal enmities than to purely political 
causes, and the new ministry, the head of which was M. Rouvier, continued 
an anti-clerical policy and was supported by a large majority in both houses. 
A bill for the complete divorcement of church and state was carried through 
the deputies on July 3d, and was passed by the senate on December 6th, 

In foreign affairs there has been a Tapprockemeni with England. In 
April, 1904, a treaty was arranged whereby France recognised England's 
position in Eygpt, and England recognised the predominance of France 
m Morocco. Spain signified her approval of the Morocco agreement; but 
Germany, though at first expressing no opposition, later was much opposed 
to this step towards a great French colonial empire in western Africu and 
serious results were feared. After considerable negotiation an international 
conference to discuss European control of Moroccan affairs met at Algeciras 
early in 1906. Its sessions, lasting several months, repeatedly threatened to 
close without settling the disputed points, but an agreement was finally 

On January 17th, 1906, M. Clement Armand Falli^res was chosen 
president to succeed M. Loubet. The retiring president had won tlie 
respect of the world by his sterhng qualities, and his term of office had 
been marked by progress. In it there had been a decided reaction 
from militarism, as is evidenced by the fact that in 1904 the length of the 
term of military service was shortened to two years and by the fact that the 
idea of a revanche on Germany occupied much less attention than formerly. 
In fact, France has seldom been in a more contented, sane, and wholesome 
condition than when, umter her worthy peasant president, she has devoted 
her best efforts to extending and solidifying her prosperity. 

In the fields of art and science her position remains still an en\dable one 
in the eyes of the world, and in many fields of experiment and industry she 
shows that passion for new things together with that genius for perfection of 
technique that has always characterised the work of France.^ 



WRiTTxn Bpeciaixt kob tbb Preskrt Work 

ProtaKr In the UnlTenStr of Pari*, Member of the liutitale 


During the period that was ushered in by the fall of Napoleon I, if a 
social question existed it was no longer an agrarian-social question as had 
been the case in the past — it was above all a question of labour. The tillers 
of the soil had at last come into realisation of the hopes and dreams of so many 
centuries: the land belonged to them freely, fully, without any burden of 
renl5 or taxes beyond that which was necessary for the public support. Tlius 
rural democracy became what it will long remain, the most truly conserva- 
tive of the nation's elements. 

The great importance of the labour question may be accurately estimated 
by a glance over the field of industry from which we will cull a few figures 
to obtain a correct idea of the progress made. 

In 1815 the united French mdustries did not consume more than a mil- 
lion tons of coal; in 1831 the quantity had increased to two millions and in 
1847 to seven and a half millions. 

In 1829 France produced 205,243 tons of brass, 145,519 of iron, and 4,914 
of steel; in 1847 these figures had increased respectively to 472,412, 276,253, 
and 7,130, Thus in twenty-two years the production had not quite doubled. 

In 1815 the use of machines in the different branches of industry had not 
become general, textile industries being practised among families in the home 
rather than in factories. In the manufacture of cotton fabrics but ten mil- 
lion kilogrammes of raw cotton were consumed; raetallurgic industries were 
still in a primitive state, scarcely any fuel but wood being used in the manu- 
facture of brass and of articles of iron ware. 

The most marked development is to be observed during the thirty-three 
years from 1815 to 1847. In the latter yejir the cotton industries consumed 
55,000,000 kilogrammes of raw cotton, and employed 116,000 looms and 
3,500,000 spindles; they produced to the value of 416,000,000 francs. The 
cousuniption of wool increjuscd from 46,500,000 kilogrammes in 1812 to 
89,000,000. Philippe de Girard left France in 1815. havmg lost all hope of 
ever being able to introduce the machine for spinning flax that he had in- 
vented; twenty years later the manufacture of hnen employed 200,000 
spindles, 40,000 of which were in the department of the north. Similarly 
the Jacquard machine was not taken into use until 1827 by the silk-mills 
of Lyons which twenty years later had arrived at full prosperity. The city 
alone employed both for spinning and weaving 60,000 out of the 90,000 
looms contained in all France. 




In 1846 (the first year concerning which any reliable statistics exist) the 
urban population of France comprised only 8,646,743 inhabitants, or 24.4 
per cent, of the entire population. The remainder, more than three-quarters 
of the nation, composed agricultural France. 

I^t us again take up for the present epoch certain of the figures already 
given. In 1897 the consumption of coal has increased to 37,000,000 tons 
or thirty-seven times what it was in 1815. In metals the production Ls 
2,484,000 tons of brass, 784,000 of iron, and 995,000 of steel; thus since 1848 
the production of brass and iron has doubled, that of steel has increased a 
hundredfold. In all other industries a corresponding advance is to be ob- 
served, our entire industrial production representing to-day a value of over 
15,000,O^X).fKX) francs. 

What ha.*^ Ix'en the incrciuse in urban population up to the present time? 
In 1896 there were 15,000,000 inhabitants of cities as against 23,487,000 
rural inhabitants, a proportion which had altered from 24.4 per cent, at the 
close of the parliamentary monarchy to 39.5 per cent.* Great cities which 
are the direct creations of industrj' have come into existence, such as Creusot, 
Saint Etienne, Roubaix, Tourcoing, towns which w^ere formerly stagnant 
have revived to bustling activity, and lastly a large number of industrial 
plants have become established in the country, mostly by the side of water- 
falls whose power has eJiriclied the national industries with another variety 
of fuel, *'whit€ coal.'' 

It becomes appan^nt from an inspection of the foregoing figures that the 
social question pertaining to labour was of no more importance under the 
Restoration than at the time of the first constituent assembly; that it had 
risen to a certain prominence during the monarchy of July; that from 1848 
on it was destined to grow with great rapidity; that imiversal suffrage to- 
gether with hve and ol)Iigatory ethication, by assuring workingmen a certain 
share of influence in public affairs, hastened the arrival of the time when 
the Utopian ideas in vogue among them, when their prejudices and their 
passions would nil (end to dominate in the interior, eventually even in the 
exterior policy of France. 

Under the Restoration the working-classes as a body caused the govern- 
ment very little trouble, but individually the workingmen were in a large 
part hostile to it. It cannot quite be said that they w^re republicans; rather 
the republicanism they professed was confounded with their worship for 
the "Little Corporal." During the reign of Napoleon the working-cla.S9e3 
had had very little cause for satisfaction, but many of them had served in 
his armies, thus gaining the name of ^'veteran," and (he glory of the con- 
queror had swallowed up aU memory of the legislator's harshness towards 

They detested the Bourbons, principally because the reigning dynasty 
was of that house, and because it seemed to lean with special confidence on 
the clergy. The law of 1814 w^hioh made obligatory Sunday rest (although 
they might have been idle Mondtiy as well as Sunday), the law of 1816 abol- 
ishing divorce (they had not the slightest use for the institution of divorce), 
the law of 1826 upon sacrilege (notwithstanding that it was never put int^ 
effect), the interior "missions ' organised by over-zealous priests and religious 
workers, but above all the executions of the "four sergeants of LaRochelle," 

' Let ns bear in mind that in En^rland tills proportton has for eome time been ravened ; it 
is still reversed in Qermany after llie expiraliou of a quarter of a centarv. These two nations 
have become chleflj Indastrla] ; France still remains a rural nation, and naa eaoM to oongnta- 
lat« herself on the fact. 


who have remained popular heroes to tiiis day— these were the principal 
grievances of workingmen. particularly Parisian workingmen, against the 
governments of Louis XVlII and Charles X. It was possibly during this 
period that the popular mind received that decided bent towards blind and 
irrational anti-clencalism that has characterised it ever since, and that still 
leads it to the commission of the most dangerous follies. 

Sad State of the Working Classes 

French workingmen — particularly those of Paris — were to play a leadiii 
part in the battle of the trots Glorteuses which placed the younger branc! 
of the house of Bourbon on the throne. For this branch itself the workmian 
cared but little; he had believed the conflict to be in the cause of a Napoleon 
or of the republic: Louis Philippe was to him simply the king of the hour- 
g^is, that IS to say of the employers. He had hoped much of this revolu- 
tion, but was soon to see that it had profited him but little; for the landed 
aristocracy had been substituted an industrial bourgeoisie, or rather the latter 
had been called to have a share in the power, and no notice at all was taken 
of the "heroes of July," or the "people with the bare arms." 

Yet there was so much that could have been done for the workingman! 
Upon him fell the full weight of all the shocks, the disappointment, the sus- 
pense that mark the beginning of a §reat industrial transformation. He 
sufTercd from the introduction of machmes which had for effect, before the 
great reparatory impulse set in, diminution in wages, the dismissal of many 
workmen, and utter ruin for the artisan who had set up in business for him- 
self. The troubles resulting from this cause in France cannot, however, be 
compared to the riots of the Luddites, or "machine breakers" in England, 
notaoly during the year 1816.' 

French manufacturers, less experienced — consequently more timorous than 
those of to-day— showed a tendency to depress wages at the least appearance 
on the horizon of a menace of failure for their markets or of the establish- 
ment of a formidable rival. It was the workman who bore the bnmt of this 
cruelly prudent policy, nor were any adequate measures taken to protect him 
against the accidents incident to labour. In the factories defectively in- 
stalled machinery and in mines the almost total absence of ventilation, the 
rarity and ignorant use of the Davy lamp, the insufficient precautions taken 
against fire-damp resulted in a multitude of victims. 

'Rie employer found it to his advantage to raise up competitors by the 
side of the workman in the latter's own wue and children, and no more limit 
was set to the work of women and children than to that of adult men. Some- 
times an entire family would exhaust its forces and destroy its health for 
a total gain that was only equivalent to the salary that the husband and 
father ought rightfully to have earned.* In cotton-goods factories there 
WTre frequently to be seen children of six, even of five years working four- 
teen and fifteen hours tocether tying threads. 

In the great industrial cenUts the employer took no notice at aU of the 

' Si^at^r WUpole, HUiory of Bm^lamd finm ISIS, toI. I. pp, 401-434. 

* VUlenDtf, Taitmu 4* Vitai pAyawm* «f morai 4— ovrrwr* emnio^ dan» tes manufaeiurea 
4» t^ihm^ 4« iaim4 ti d* «om, 3 toIs., IMO. Jvles fiSmoa. L*Ourn>rf, IS61 : U TVttraa. 1866 ; 
£*OH«ri>r d* kmii «iw, 1S6T. K. Lrrusear. Autom 4m cIomw mtrriM* m Pnmr* depuu 1789, 
% ToK. 1S6T. 8«1^ abo pvblkxtioBs of L"ofh$ 4m trmmi, founded in 1871. insUtntod hw the 
Mlnlstrr of cmnrnvree : imitkatariT SteMifn* 44a fr^: Lta oaaoeiatiotuprofeagiomneiita 
mtrriina: StmHMiimt g fm i r mk 4* to Fnmn; J^imrna imdmairi^U ; Lij^%aUU%cm omtriin at 
aaentU m Atiraiia tt AMirrilf i W—rfg . •«r.] 



manner in which his workmen were lodged. The families herded together 
in damp cellarSj in garrets that were st'iflmgly hot or bitterly cold according 
to the season, in insalubrious dens that received neither air nor light and 
were providea with no conveniences whatever/ A single room, sometimes 
a single bed was the home of an entire family, and half of the new-born chil- 
dren died before the age of fifteen months. There thus grew up a generation 
of working people feeble in mind and body, without morality or education^ 
schools were in any case rare at that epoch; which represented just so much 
lost energy and power to france. 

Much of this suffering was caused by the indifference, one may say the 
inhumanity of the employers; but a large part also resulted from the neces- 
sity of utilising old, tumble-dowTi buildings, from the inevitable hazards and 
difficulties surrDuiulrng industries at their birth, from the over-rapid growth 
of the^ industries in France precluding amelioration in the conditions of 
either factory or home. That this is so is prove<i by the superior accommoda- 
tions provided for workmen in the new centres of industry in Alsace and in 
the north. There factory workers were lodged in clean, airy houses, as was 
likewise the case at Roubaix and Tourcoing. At Morvillars (Alsace) the 
employer rented to the employ<5 for thirty-six francs a year a conmiodious 
apartment with a small garden attached. 

Under the old regime it had been common to compare the life of the 
French peasant with that of the negro in the colonies, and to esteem that the 
latter was the !uippicr of the two; now it was the workers in citieii who were 
given the name of "white negroes," and who in many respects would have 
been justified in envying their dark-skinned brothers to whom at least food, 
fresh air, sunlight, and the sight of sky and trees were free. 

In the main, however, the lot of the French workmen was the same as 
that of the workers in every great industrial country, particularly in England, 
where the investigation started by Thomas Sadler in 1831, having in view 
the limitation of hours of work for children, had revealed a horrible condition 
of things. 

Between the bourgeoise monarchy which seemed insensible to so much 
sxiffering and the sufferers themselves (the workers in the cities), strife could 
not fail to arise. 

Early Strikes and Revolts 

In October, 1831, the silk weavers of La Croix-Rousse at Lyons demanded 
an increase in wages. The prefect offered to mediate, an action for which he 
was afterwards bitterly censured by the oligarchy of employers. The mayor 
convoked an assembly of twenty-lwn delegates each from the workiiignien 
and from the employers, that a minimum tariff of wages might be fixed upon. 
The employers' delegates refused to make any concession, and after a meet- 
ing that followed, the weavers descended in a body from La Croix-Rousse an<l 
poured silently into the place de Bellecour and the square before the pre- 
fecture. The prefect succeeded in inducing them to disperse, that the tariff 
might not seem to have been imposed by force. The weavers nevertheless 
signed the agreement: but the prefect having been disavowed by his govern- 
ment, the tariff was not put into effect. Inmaediately La Croix-Rousse rose 
in insurrection, erected barriers, and raised a black flag bearing the inscrip- 
tion, " We will live working or die fighting," The insurgents in a struggle of 

' The lodj^D^ of this sort to be D^tBeverelr condemned were : &t Lille the 8aint Sauveur 
qoarter and the cellant of the rue desEtaqaea, at MQIhauson the cellars of the * * white negroes," 
at Boaen the Mart&inville quarter, etc. 



two days (2l8ir*22zid of November) repulsed the national guard, which did 
not mske any great display of courage, forced General Roguet and the three 
thousand soldiers of the garrison to retreat, and for ten aa3r8 remained ab- 
solute masters of Lyons. They committed no excesses — nay, even detailed 
some of their nimiber to keep guard over the houses of the rich. On the 3rd 
of December they offered no resistance to the entrance of an enlarged body 
of troops headed by Marshal Soult and the duke of Orleans, eldest son of the 
king. The workmen were disarmed, the national guard was dismissed, and 
the tariff abolished. What especially characterised this first Lyons insur- 
rection was that politics, properly speaking, had absolutely no share in it; 
the movement from first to laist revolved aroimd a question of wages. 

It was different in Paris, where a series of insurrections burst forth, the 
most terrible of which were those of the 5th and 6th of June, 1832, on the 
occasion of the fimeral of General Lamarque. These uprisings were the work 
of certain republican associations, secret or avowed, and the working people 
in general had but little share in them. Nevertheless it was the workmg 
people at whom the government aimed when it passed the law of 1834 on 
associations (26th of March). 

The month of April, 1834, was marked by agitation. Troubles arose at 
Saint Etienne, Grenoble, Besangon, Arbois, Poitiers, Vienne, Marseilles, 
Perpignan, Auxerre, Ch&lon-stu'-Sa6ne, Epinal, Lun^ville, Clermont-Ferrand, 
etc.; out the only really serious demonstrations were the second Lyons in- 
surrection and the new revolt in Paris. 

In Lyons a change had been brought about in the spirit of the working- 
classes by the operations of several secret societies. The question of wages 
was, as before, paramount; but it was no longer immingled with political 
feeling. A new idea had arisen for which to do battle, the republican idea. 
The news of the vote deciding the passage of the law on associations stirred 
the chiefs to declare revolt. This time the stru^le lasted five days — from 
the 9th to the 13th of April. The workingmen of Lyons displayed a courage 
so desperate that at one time General Aymar thought seriously of retreat, but 
in the end the royal troops were victorious. 

The Lyons insurrection had not been completely quelled when, on the 
13th, broke forth in Paris the revolt that had the church and cloister of Saint 
Merri for its centre. Fighting continued the whole of that day and the next, 
but the movement was finaUy put down by the numerous force employed 
against it — forty thousand soldiers of the line and of the national guard. 

The explosions that shook' simultaneously fifteen or twenty cities of 
France had for result the monster trial called " trial of the April offenders." 
The accused, to the number of 121, of whom 41 belonged to Paris and 80 to 
the departments, were arraigned before the chamber of peers, which was 
formed for the occasion into a high coiu't, presenting a total of 88 judges. 

Utopian Philosophies 

A last echo of these conflicts was the law voted on the 9th of September, 
1835, concerning freedom of the press. From that time forth through a 
period of twelve years the monarchy enjoyed comparative peace without 
presage of the fresh revolution that was brewing, a revolution of a character 
both political and social. The political phase lasted but a single day, the 
24th of February; the second or social phase was of longer duration and of a 
nature more serious and sanguinary. The French workman, however, owed 
to the monarchy of July the law of March 22nd, 1841, on child labour in 



factories, aiming to protrct the chililron of working pf^plp against both the 
weakness of iheir parents and the greed of employers. The principle of this 
protective measure was combated by Gay-Lussac who denounced it, in the 
name of the right of all to work and make contracts, as tlie beginning of 
•* Saint-Simonism or Phalansterianism." His arguments were a succession of 
sophistries unworthy of a great mind and maskmg but imperfectly the ^o- 
tistica] spirit of resistance that animated employers. The law applied only 
to such industrial establislmients as employed mechanical motive power or 
fires that were never allowed to go out, and gave occupation to twenty or 
more workers. It interdicted the employment in factories of children under 
twelve years of age; authorised elsewhere only eight hours of labour a day 
broken bv a rest for children of from eight to twelve, twelve hours of labour 
from twelve to thirteen, and no night work at all for those imder thirteen. 
Up to the age of twelve years the apprentice, in his leisure hours, was sup- 
posed to attend school. Legal sanction was given by a corps of inspectors 
who had the right to impose fines for any contravention on the part of em- 

It was under the monarchy of July that the crude and vague ideas of 
which labour socialism was competed began to assume some definite shape 
and to issue forth as systems. Saint-Simon, the author of the "New Chris- 
tianity," had died in 1825, but he left behind him a sort of lay congr^:ation, 
the members of which practised obedience to a suigle chief, and the liolding 
of all things in common. They were called Saint-Simonians, and at one 
time under Enfantin engaged in the practice of mysteriously mystic rites, 
at another in conjunction with the financier Pereire and the economist Michel 
Chevalier set out to reform the entire economic world. In 1832 the Saint- 
Simonians, accused of having violated public morality, were arraigned be- 
fore the court of assizes, where they appeared in the full uniform of their 
sect (blue tunic, white trousers, and viimisheii leiither belt); tliree of their 
number, one of whom was the "father" Enfantin himself, were sentenced to 
a month's imprisonment. After that the "family" became "secularised" — 
that is, it dispersed. 

Other chiefs and other doctrines arose: Fourier, with his theory of the 
suppression of property and communal life in his Phalansteries; Cabet, with 
his dream of Icaria, tlie blessed isle whereon the state, sole proprietor, pro- 
ducer, and dLsp)cns<!r, was tx) lay down for its subjects their daily tasks, to 
Erescribe the cut of their gannents and the menu of their repasts; Pierre 
eroux, with his books on Equality and Humanity, in which mysticism was 
blended with socialism; Ix)uis Blanc, who in his Ijobour Organisation (1844) 
advised the state's absorption of all agricultural property and industrial 
establishments. These various theories shared one trait in common: they 
all professed conmiunism or collectivism, which simply means suppression 
of proprietary rights and of individual initiative. 

Proutlhon dei)arts radically from this idea. Like the other theorists he 
objects to individual holding of property and sums up his views in a phrase 
borrowed from Brissot de Warville, one of the most illustrious of Girondins: 
"What is property? It is theft." Ownership is unjust because it creates 
inequality, equality is e.xact justice. But Proudhon opposes communism 
with equal energy; according to him it is contrary to the primordial as well 
as to the noblest instincts of humanity. 

He would not only do away altogether with state intervention, even 
where the state is communistic — he demands the total abolition of the state, 
of its diplomacy, its armies, its frontiers. The principle he advocates is 



an-arcby in the etymological sense of the word, that is to say the suppression 
of all authority save that of the father. The only social force that he admits 
is the force tlmt springs from the free association of workimmen. 

The sincere and ardent republicans who, on the 24th of February, formed 
the provisory government, promised to assure the workingman, to whose 
coiutige was due the success of the Revolution, an improved position in 
society. Iliey conferred upon him the right of suffrage and free admission 
into the national guard, which was thus changed from a body of fifty or sixty 
thousand men to one of two hundred thousand. 

In restoring absolute liberty of association and of the press, the provisory 
government made two very dangerous gifts to the excitable and profoundly 
Ignorant Parisian workingmen who, in consequence of the general perturbation 
caused by the sitting of February 24th, found themselves suddenly without 
work. Idleness and want made them accept as the wisest coimsels the 
seditious utterances of the newspapers and of the demagogues at the clubs. 

As early as the 25th of Febniwry a crowd of arm^ workmen bearing 
the red flag as sjrmbol of republican socialism assembled at the H6tel-de- 
Ville. It required all Lamartine's eloquence to induce them to discard their 
unworthy emblem and raise in its place the tricolour, which had already 
made the " tour of the world," * 

The situation of the workers soon assumed an aspect too serious to admit 
of any delay in providing relief. But was it possible to succour all the sxiflfer- 
ing toilers who were depnved of work? The attempt was made. Orders were 
given to the bakers and butchers to supply with bread and meat any of the 
armed citizens who had a requisition from their chief. All the articles pledged 
at the Mont-de-Pi6t6 since February 1st upon which had been advanc^ a 
loan of not over ten francs were to be returned to their former owners. The 
palace of the Tuileries was thrown open to receive invalided workmen, and 
the government proposed to "restore to the workingmen, to whom they 
rightfully belonged, the million francs that were about to fall due from the 
civil list." To these acts of gross flattery towards the men of the people were 
added declarations of the utmost gravitv. The government took upon itself 
to "guarantee the existence of the workman by means of work," that is to 
"guarantee work to every citizen." Twenty-four battalions of "mobile 
national guard" were created, each soldier of which was to receive a daily 
pay of thirty sous. At the same time were opened the "national workshops 
wmch cost enormous sums to support and which completed the demoralisa- 
tion of the artisan by exacting from him a merely nominal return in work 
for a daily wage of one and a half or two francs. Also followers of the finer 
crafts, such as jewellers, clockmakers, engravers, etc., were frequently to be 
seen spoiling the delicacy of their hands by pushing a wheelbarrow or digging 

The National Workshops and Their Consequences 

The government determined to efTect still more. It instituted in the 
palace of the Luxembourg "a governmental commission" for working people, 
of which several workmen were elected members, and which was given a 
president and vice-president in the persons of two members of the govern- 
ment, Louis Blanc and the workman Albert. Louis Blanc in addition to 
his other duties undertook to explain to the workers just what was meant 

[' Concemizig Lamartine, the politician, a very interesting book appeared in 190S hj fif. 
Pierre Qaentln-Baachart.] 


by the "organisation of labour/' Thus by lectures and fine speeches the 
govemmeni sought to make the people forget their miseries. 

The many secret societies and professional demagogues (Blanqui, Barbds, 
and F^hx Pyat had already made for themselves a wicle reputation) profited 
by the inexperience of the labouring classes and drew them into all sorts of 
dangerous manifestations. Such for instance was the movement of the 17th 
of March, which demanded the withdrawal of the troops from Paris, and 
that of the 16th of April, so menacing for the government that it ordered 
out the national guard into the square r>efore the Hotel-ile-Ville. The work- 
ingmen, incited by their leaders to mingle in matters that did not concern or 
even interest them, were beginning to make of themselves an intolerable 
nuisance, while the Bonapartist or royalist agents that took an active part in 
their manifestations constituted a grave peril to the republic. 

Another source of danger, and one that threatened more seriously day by 
day, was the workshops. In the beginning the number of workers they con- 
tained was but a few thousand; a short time after, the total had risen to 
110,000. Tlie strikes, encouraged by the commission of the Luxembourg, 
multiplied without any apparent reason; the participants doubtless pre- 
ferred the dolce jar nierUe of the national workshops to any serious toil else- 
where. Instead of breaking up these workshops into groups more or less 
widely distant from each other, their director, Emile Thomas, allowed them 
to become concentrated in the single district that to-day forms the Pare 
Monceau. He had instituted in these workshops an almost military discipline 
and organisation. By such measures the government hoped to raise up for 
itself a great power of defence ; but it was soon found that the vast assemblages 
of workmen fumishe<i nearly all the recruits for the popular manifestations. 

When the constituent assembly came together (the 4th of May) the 
gravity of the situation was revealed to it by the audacious action of the 
labour leaders. On the 15th of May, under pretext of presenting a petition 
on behalf of Poland — many workmen believed that that very evening a relief 
expedition was to be undertaken in favour of the " France of the North ^' — a 
mass of people, nearly two thousand unarmed men, led by Blanqui, Raspail, 
Quentin, Huber, and Sobrier, made irruption into the assembly. Huber 
proclaimed it to be dissolved. After that the rioters were expelled without 
bloodshed by the mobile guard. They proceeded at once to the H6tel-de- 
Ville, but were dispersed by Lamartine, who followed them at the head of 
the mobile guard. 

The assembly showed less disposition to forgive this criminal aggression 
than had the governments of the H6tel-de-VilIe. It proceeded at once to 
close several clubs, decreed the arrest of Barbes, Blanqui, Sobrier, Quentin, 
and even Albert, the former member of the provisory government. It broke 
with Louis Blanc, and made minister of war a tried republican and valiant 
African general, Eugene Cavaignac. Lastly it formed a commission solely 
to investigate the matter of the national workshops and render a report. 

L^nfortunately the i>erson charged ^ith making this report was one of the 
most ardent members of the legitimist and clerical Right, the apologist of 
the terrible pope-inquisitor Pius V, and future author of the law of 1850 on 
public instruction, Alfred de Falloux. The assembly, acting on blind im- 
pulse, adopted his conclusions. It displayed as great an inexperience in 
closing the national workshops as that revealed by the governments of the 
H6teWe-Ville in creating them and allowing them to develop. It had not, 
however, the excuse of the latter in the eyes of posterity — their profound 
pity for the sufferings of the people. 


One circumstance which was certain to produce bloodshed in Paris was 
the precipitate haste of the enemies of the national workshops in carrying out 
their measures of repression. On the 29th of May, by means of an arbitrary 
warrant that recalls the tettres de cachet, fimile Thomas was arrested and 
taken to Bordeaux. 

The watchword of the reactionists was "An end must be made at once." 
In his report Falloux, with odious hypocrisy, denounced the national work- 
shops as tJie agency which had worked the "saddest deterioration in the 
character formerly so pure and glorious of the Parisian workman." 

On the 22nd of June a decree, published in Le Moniteur and signed by 
Minister Goudchaux, declared that "all workmen between the ages of seven- 
teen and twenty-five must on the following day enlist in the army under pain 
of being refused admission to the workshops." On the 23rd barricades were 
erected all over the city and firing commenced. Eugene Cavaignac, "chief 
of the executive power," was in supreme command, havingunder him several 
of the ablest and bravest generals of the African service. The battle between 
the workmen and the regular state forces waged with unparalleled fury for 
four whole days; the troops had the task of tearing down hundreds of bar- 
ricades. On the 25th General Damesme was fatally woimded, the generals 
Br^a and de N^grier were assassinated, and Monseigneur Affre, archbishop 
of Paris, was killed. 

The assembly now saw the mistake it had committed and voted three 
millions for the relief of needy workmen; thegreater part of the insurgents, 
however, never even heard of the measure. The struggle ended on the 26th 
by the bombardment and capture of the faubourg St. Antoine. The work- 
men of this quarter had taken up arms on hearing the rumour that the royal- 
ists were attacking the republic; what was their surprise to see the troops, 
the national guard, the mobile guard — the latter composed entirely of work- 
men — all scalmg the barricades to cries of " Vive la ripiiblimie." During that 
series of wretched misunderstandings which have come down to us as the 
"days of June," French blood was shed in streams. There were in all six or 
seven thousand wounded. The government troops, which went uncovered 
to the attack of the barricades, behind which were sheltered the insurgents, 
counted fifteen hundred dead, and among them seven generals. The in- 
surgents lost but half that number. Of the rebels who were taken captive, 
3,376 were transported to Algeria, where many of them foimded colonies.' 

The recognition of the "right to work" and the faulty organisation of 
the national workshops have cast a great weight of blame on the memory 
of the provisory government; but still severer condemnation attaches to 
the assembly and to those political intriguers who made it da their will; 
who showed themselves so woefully ignorant of the psychology of the mass 
of workers, and so forgetful of their devotion on the 24th of February. 

It was the republic that had to suffer by the mistakes made on every 
side. TTie remembrance of the "days of June" had due weight on the occa- 
sion of the presidential election on the 10th of December, 1848. Tlie name 
of Louis Napoleon was cast into the um by citizens eager for peace, and by 
workingmen who hoped to obtain through the nephew of the first emperor, 
through the author of UExtinction du pawp^risme, a signal revenge. 

[* Alexandre Quentin-Bauchart, Rapport de la Commission d*enquite sur U IS Mai et 
rinsurrecUon de Juin, 1348. 8 voU. in 4. See also the apolofpes of "MvoMe Thomas, Histoire 
des ateliers naitonaux, 1850. Hisioires de la JSivolution de 18J^t which are likewise apologies, 
bj Lamartinef Qamier-Pagds, and Loais Blanc] 


The Working Classes under Louis Napoleon 

The two republican assemblies, the constituent and the legislative, were 
neither of them capable of offering a final solution to the labour problem; 
the first because of its brief term of existence, the second because of its in- 
ternal divisions and over-conservative tendencies. The laws they passed 
were merely those of the 18th of Juno, 1850^ on superannuation funds; of 
the 15th of July, 1850, on mutual aid societies; and of the 22nd of February, 
1851, abolishing certain limitations — a survival of the old regime — to the 
number of apprentices. The law of the 27th of November, 1849, on coali- 
tions of working people simply reproduces certain provisions of the Penal 
Code of Napoleon. The humiliating formality of the livrct and Article 1,781 
of the Civil Code were also allowed to remain in force. 

Moreover, both republican assemblies, but especially the legislative, which 
more directly felt the pressure of the Napoleonic executive power, had de- 
parted widely from the [>rinciplerf of well-nigh absolute liberty promised 
by the provisory government as the foundation of the new republic. The 
constituent assembly by the enactment of July 28^ 1848, which aimed partic- 
ularly at secret societies, restricted liberty of meeting and association, and 
the legislative interdicted, for a period of time which was afterwards renewed, 
all clubs and public meetings. It did not ventiu-e, however, to re-enforce 
either Article 291 of the Penal Code or the law of 1834. 

About the same course was pursued in regard to freedom of the press. 
That a stop might be put to the multiplication of subversive journals the 
constituent assembly redemanded the former security; then it pronounced 
penalties against writers who should attack any of the existing institutions — 
the national assembly, the executive power, the constitution, property-rights, 
the principles of universal suflfrage or the sovereignty of the people, liberty 
of worship, the family, etc. The legislative reissued almost all the provi- 
sions of the law of 1835, then re-established the stamp-tax in addition to the 
obligatory security. 

Fuially the legislative committed the supreme folly of exacting, in the 
law of May 31, 1850, not six months' but three years' residence as quidification 
for the right to vote, which was virtually to exclude the whole body of work- 
iugnien, forced as they are by the exigencies of labour to frequent changes of 
habitation. Tlius the a.sseinbly struck an annihilating blow at the very 
system to which it owed its existence, luiiversal suffrage. No enemy ani- 
mated by the most perfidious designs could have counselled it to a more 
Belf-destructive act. The proclamation of the usurper-president had now, 
in order to make sure of the workingmen's neutrality, but to include this 
siinple declaration: "Universal suffrage is again established.'' 

To sum up, the republic — provisory government or assembly — had given 
BO little satisfaction to the masses of the people whether urban or rural, had 
fallen so far short of fulfilling, not their dmams but their most legitimate 
hopes, that it was an easy matter for any new rule, however autocratic, to 
establish its sway over them. The act of perjury and the massacres in which 
this dawning power took its rise might render inimical to it a certain high 
element among the people; it none the less succeeded in flattering the inter- 
ests and thereby gaining the s>Tnpathies of the great majority of the nation. 

Its first display of ability was in recognising that it was above all a gov- 
ernment of universal suffrage and tliat its most pressing need was to con- 
ciliate the masses. All new laws must be framed with these facts in view; 
H. w.— vou xin. p 



they were the key-note that dominated the policy both at home and abroad. 
For how, if universal suffrage had not existed in France, could they have 
instituted a plebiscite before taking possession of Savoy and Nice, and have 
denianded ol the king Victor Emmanuel that he confirm by a plebiscite his 
Italian conquests? 

The rule that followed upon the coup d*^tat, bearing first the name of 
decennial presidency, then that of empire, had the support of the rural classes, 
which the provisory gjovernment had alienated by establishing the impost of 
45 centimes — that is, increasing direct taxation by 45 per cent. It was easy 
enough for Napoleon III to win the favour of vUlage inhabitants by building 
dwellmgs for the mayors, erecting churches, and cutting new parish roads; 
and to capture their suffrage by means of a cleverly-executed system of 
official candidateship. A series of full crops and har\'e8ts completed the 
general well-being in the coimtry, and the superstitious peasant was inclined 
to attribute all to the magic name of Napoleon. Even now old inhabitants 
love to recall the times when grain and cattle "sold so high." 

Napoleon III also rendered inestimable services to the workers in cities; in 
him imleed may be seen the organiser, hesitating at times, without full knowl- 
edge of the work he was accomplishing, of that great power, urban democ- 
racy. His autocratic rule brought to realisation what none of the liberal 
monarchie.s or republicaji assemlilies liad even dared to attempt. The nephew 
of the great emperor in his law of the 25th of May, 1864, struck out of the 
Code Napoleon Articles 414, 415, and 416 which interdicted coalitions, abro- 
gated at the same time the law of 1849 and put an end to a system which 
forced the tribunals to judge each year an average of seventy-five trials re- 
sulting itom strikes. The new law recognised the right of workingmen to 
concert for the purpose of obtaining an increase of wages, and to make use 
of the means most effectual for this end, the strike. It punished only those 
offences which brought about simultaneous cessation of labour by means of 
acts of violence, menace, or fraud. The government made it a point of 
honour to protect as fully the labourer's right to cease work as his right to 
work. Freedom so unrestrained might become, according to the use it was 
given in the hands of workingmen, either a powerful instrument for their 
material improvement or the most dangerous weapon that was ever turned 
against both themselves and the industries of tlie nation. Was it to be hoped 
that they would always use it wisely? Led away by the ardour of political 
feeling, they were frequently guilty of unwarrantable acts that brought them 
into violent contact with the public authorities charged with protecting 
liberty of labour. From such encounters resulted sanguinary episodes like 
that of the Ricamarie "massacre" (1869), in which were killed eleven persons, 
two of whom were women. 

By the law of the 2nd of August, 1868, the government abrogated Article 
1,781 of the Civil Code. In 1854 more timidity had been shown, as for in- 
stance when the livret was insisted upon with greater rigour, and it was ob- 
ligatory upon each new employer to have it endorsed by the police. The 
evils resulting from this practice becoming more apparent as time went on, 
an inquest was ordered in 1869, which was about to end in the suppression of 
the Hwel when the Franco-Prussian War broke out. Hospitals were multi- 
plied for the labouring classes, and asylums for infants and old people. The 
empress took under her especial patronage all these works of public charity, 
ana one of the asylums on the Seine was given the name of Prince Imperial. 

The species of popularity wliich Napoleon III enjoyed among Parisian 
workingmen was founded on the abundance of work provided by the recon* 


struction of a large part of the capital by Haussmann, the prefect of the 
Seine. The people were fond of sayine in presence of this gigantic kauss- 
mannisation, "When the building trade flourishes everything goes well." 
The number Of workmen employed in building alone was almost doubled — 
71,240 instead of 41,600. The total nimiber oflabourers employed in all the 
twenty districts of Paris had increased from 342,530 to 416,811, of which 
285,861 were men, and the rest were women, girls, and voung boys. Besides 
these, 42,028 people were employed in the pirnhc estiiblishnients and by the 
great companies, 26,242 were sub-contractors, and 62,199 were engaged in 
work on theu- own account. The whole made up an army of more than 
500,000 Parisian workers. 

The labour delegates that the emperor had allowed to be sent to the 
Universal Exhibition of London in 1863 noted the liberty enjoyed by the 
English labourers, and studied the working of their trade unions. Some 
returned affiliated to the dangerous International Association of Workinginen; 
others, more practical, merely brought back a deep veneration for the prin- 
ciples of mutuality. In the report of the typographers is to be read : " Asso- 
ciation is the truest and most efficacious method of promoting the peaceful 
and progressive emancipation of the working-classes." Moreover, the in- 
fluence was widely felt in France of the success obtained in Germany by 
Schulze-Delitzsch, who had created the workmen's mutual credit system 
and the people's banks. Soon in every part of France— nut urjiUy with the 
authorisation of the government — co-operative societies in the fields of con- 
sumption, production, and credit began to multiply. The progress of the 
urban working-cla&ses was also shown by the great number of mutual aid 
societies that arose among them: five years after the passtij^e of the law of 
July 15th, 1850, there were no less than 2,695 of these associations. 

In 1853 the manufacturer Jean DoUfus of Miilhausen founded the Miil- 
haasen Society of Labour Settlements, which not only a-ssured tlic workman 
comfortable ami salubrioas quarters, but permitted him to own his home 
after the lapse of a few vears by the payment of a small sum annually. This 
example was shortly followed in every part of France. 

The Commune of 1871 

The fall of the second empire, occurring as it did when a foreign war was 
at its heieht, was preceded and followed by revolutionary movements. After 
war had been declared it was found necessary all over the country, in order 
to supply the ileficicncy of troops of the line, to muster in the ** mobile guards," 
the "mobUised troops," and the "national guard,'^ which altogether made 
up a force that held discipline in contempt and, being also without military 
training or instruction, coultl render effective service — glorioas service it was 
jmetiraes — only in case of siege. 

In Paris, especially, nothing had been accomplished save to organise an 
armed conflict between political opinions of the bitterest and most fervid 
character. Those members of the ''government of the national defence" 
who remained shut up in Paris soon hail an opportunity to distinguish be- 
tween the *'good battalions" and the "bad battalions."' The latter were 
in general ciuite as active in opposing the German invasion as the others, but 
under all their patriotism lay the ulterior purpose of making the republic 
that was proclaimed on September 4th, and acknowledged throughout France, 

' DepoBltions before the committee investigating the acts of the govemmeot of the national 
defence, preceded by the report of the Count Daru. 



a socialistic republic. Many of these "bad battalions" were under the direct 
influence of leaders who had gained fame in previous revolutions, Blanqui, 
F6Iix Pyat, or certain new demagogues who, with the exception of Flourena 
or Delescluze, were for the most part unknoi^Ti. Among the "bad battal- 
ions" there were many "worse" ones, for example those of Belleville who 
tore up the flag given them to raise on their march towards the enemy, but 
who were always in the lead when any rioting took place.* 

In reality the famous " commune ' existed when Paris was still in a state 
of siege. The events of October Ist, 1870, when the government was penned 
up for fourteen hours in the H6tel-de-Ville by riots which fortunately ter- 
minated without bloodshed, also those of the 22nd of January, 1871, when 
firing broke out in the sciuare of the HfiteWe-VUle between the "mobiles" 
of Brittany and the 101st battalion of the national guard, were all the work 
of the commune. 

After Paris had capitulated, nearly one hundred thousand men belonging 
to the well-to-do clashes, hence to the "good battalions," hurried to rejoin their 
families and the field was left free to the revolutionists, who until then had 
not been in the majority. It was at this juncture that they assumed tlie 
name of "federates." Upon the temper of this populace possessing 450,000 
rifles, 2,000 cannon, and innumerable stores of powder, upon the spirit of men, 
already tried by the sufferings of the siege — suflorings that had resulted in 
enormous infant mortality — and a prey X/o the hallucinations of the "siege 
fever," and of patriotism exasperated by defeat, a number of incidents that 
now took place acted witli disastrous effect. On the 1st and 2nd of March 
the Parisians saw the Gennau troops march, according to the terms of capitu- 
lation, from the .\rc de Triomphe to the garden of the Tuileriee; they also 
had reason to believe that the national iissembly, now in session at Bordeaux, 
was acting disloyally to the republic, and learned on the arrival of the repre- 
sentatives at Versailles that the royalist majority had received with violent 
hostility the complaints of the Paris mayors. 

Finally, the dearest interests of all were attacked when the assembly gave 
forth that the notes which had been allowed to lapse through the whole dura- 
tion of the siege were now demandable within forty-eight hours, such a decision 
being equivalent to paralysing Parisian commerce and plunging its leaders 
into bankruptcy. The e|>iti!ode af tlie catuion of MonttTiartre on March 18th 
caused the insurrection to burst forth with a fury that resulted in the shameful 
assassination of two generals. The revolutionists of Lyons rose at the same 
time and ;issassinated the prefect of Loire, and in Marseillc-S the riots were 
not put down without much bloodshed. M. Thiers resolved to evacuate 
Paris that he might obtain possession of it again the more surely. Though 
justifiable from a strategic point of view, this action virtually delfvered Paris 
over to the tyranny of mob rule, with all its Pttendant chances of pillage, 
burning — perhaps even of total destruction. 

Talang up his position at Versailles with a body of troops, small at first 
but growing in number as the prisoners from Germany returned, M. Thiers 
for two months held Paris in a state of siege, visiting terrible reprisals on 
those "communard" battalions which ventured out into the plain. On the 
21st of May the Versailles troop© took by surprise the gate of Saint Qoud 
and poured into Paris; after which conunenced the "week of blood" or the 
"battle of seven days," which as far exceeded in horror the terrible days of 
June, 1848, as the latter surpassed the uprisings of 1831, 1832, and 1834. 

[* Jules F^rrv. deposition before the committee of investigation on the 18th of March, 1871, 
Toprodoeed in vol. 1, page 549, of his Oiteours ei opiniona.] 



The "proletariat" manifested its new-found power in an ever-growing thirst 
for destruction. The whole centre of Paris — Legion of Honour, court of 
Accountfi, Tuileries, Ministry of Finance, Palais Royal, Palais de Justice, 
Prefecture of Police, and Hdtel-de-Ville, that marvel of the Renaissance — 
formed but one cauldron; everyivhere insurgents of both sexes were going 
about making use of petroleum. The cannon of the Versailles artillcrj' and 
those of the coninmnards opened fire on each other from one quarter to 
another of the very heart of Paris. Unable to hold out longer, the commime 
ordered the massacre of the " hostages/' among whom were the archbishop of 
Paris, Monseigneur Darboy, and the president, Bonjean. The last of the 
federates were finally crushed among the tombs of Perc-Lachaise. 

Of the members of the comnume, Delescluze had found death on a barri- 
cade, Jacques Durand and Varlin had been executed, the ferocious Raoul 
Rigault had lx*rti killed by a pistol in tlie hands of a pnliceman, and five 
others had received wounds. All the rest had taken to flight. 

It was upon the poor de\nls, the humble members of the various national 
guards who were for the most part imwitting instalments, that the punish- 
ment fell most heavily. Seventeen thousand of these participants perished 
during or after the combat, and 37,000 were driven on foot through torrid 
heat to Versailles, where they were arraigned before a council of war. This 
trial resulted in 26 executions, 3,417 deportations^ 1,247 (Intentions, 332 
banishments, 251 conrlenmations to penal servitude^ and 4,873 diverse pen- 
alties. " Paris has cruelly expiated the error into which it was plunged by 
certain guilty and irresponsible men; surely after the sufferings endured and 
the heroism displayed during the siege the city did not deserve a destiny 
so hard."' 

For more than two months the commune ruled supreme over one of the 
greatest capitals of the world, and to this day tlie collcctivists, the anarchists, 
the unruly, and the lawless of every country on the globe celebrate that brief 
triumph as the most splendid manifestation of the power of the people that 
the world hius ever seen. 

It cannot be denied that the commune was guilty of monstrous crimes. 
To offset these crimes, what social ideals did it realise, what doctrines or 
plans of reform did it hand down t^ posterity, what guiding signs did it 
place along the route of succeeding generations or what foundations lay 
ready for the future constnictions of humanity? The tnith is that the com- 
mune distinguished it^self for nothing so much as a complete dearth of ideas, 
a prodigious inability to do anything but repeat certain terrorist proceedings 
of '93. to strut about under the same stripes and dignities as those worn by 
the citizen-governors. The ''central committee of the commune*' waa made 
up in the beginning of very ordinary individuals, who wore obscure at the 
time of their selection and remained so even while wielding a power that 
was practically unlimited. Boimtl together by no common ties and for the 
most part grossly ignorant, these men had not even a true conception of the 
principles they represented; hence were utterly incapable of arranging, either 
singly or in concert, any plan for united action. 

The central committee was supposed to consist of a hundreil members, 
but rarely did more than twenty or thirty come together at a sitting. ''The 
records of these meetings reveal the strange body to have been after all little 
more than a makeshift; instability is always apparent, as well a^ great con- 
fusion and a lack of sequence in ideas. Certain successful candidates sudilenly 

' Q*briel Hanotaux (formor minister u{ foreign affairs), MUtoire <U la France aonlemporainet 
ToL I, Paris, 1908. 


relinquished membership, others abetaiiied from attending any of the dttings, 
wlule yet other individuals, without having been elected, presented themselves 
in company with a friend and took part in tiie deliberations until a complaint 
was made and both were expelled. ^ 

An all-powerful commune (using the word in its true sense), holding 
universal sway by virtue of the terror it inspired, demanding of all provi- 
ffions, bravery, and willing arms, was a legend rather than a fact. In realitv 
a few audacious men both within and without the conunittee, such as Rossel, 
Flourens, the "generals" Duval and Beigeret, Raoul Rigault, and Delescluze, 
arrogated to themselves the greater part of tiie power and abused it shame- 
fxilly. So lon^ as lasted the commune the conditions imder which men gov- 
erned, t3a-anmsed, fought, killed, and themselves found death were those 
of pure anarchy. Were it otherwise, had any serious organisation or system 
existed, would it have been possible for the Versailles troops to enter Paris 
and pass through the gate of Saint Goud without discharging a shot from 
their rifles? 

The suppression of the Paris revolt might — so hoped the assembly's Right 
— wipe out the republic itself, but this hope was not fulfilled. Democracy, 
though vanquished, was still formidable, and the republic in whose name it 
had been subdued retained such an appearance of power that M. Thiers, 
in whose hand lay the destinies of France, accentuated his evolution towards 
the Left. Moreover, the rural populations and the boui^^isie of 1871 dis- 
played more reason and self-possession than had characterised similar classes 
m 1848. Far from hastenir^ to set over themselves a master, as had tiie 
latter, they gave all their support to the aged statesman who was doing his 
utmost to place the republic m a position of safety. 

Recent Legislation far the Betterment of Labour 

It was now universally com{)rehended that a republic should exist for 
the good of all classes of the nation, should be res publica in the full mean- 
ing of the words; whereas former revolutions had furthered the interests of 
one class alone. The assemblies which succeeded each other after 1875, 
having greater wisdom, more time for deliberation, and wider experience 
tiian those of the second republic, elaborated so many useful laws that a 
complete change was brought about in the situation of the workingman. 

Powerful as was the instrument of emancipation put into the hands of 
working people when universal suffrage was proclaimed in 1848, the gift 
needed another to complete it — free and obliRatory education for the masses 
as provided by the Ferry laws; also the adult schools, complementary to 
the primary school S3nstem, and technical instruction of all sorts. 

The law of the 21st of March, 1884, on syndicates, borrowed the best 
features of early laboiu* organisation in France and at the same time guaran- 
teed, it was hoped, full liberty to the individual. The law of July ^d, 1890, 
suppressed the obligation of the workingman to carry a livretf or certificate. 
The law of the 8th of July, 1890, provided for the appointment of ddegates 
of miners, who were to be elected by their comrades and charged with se- 
curing safe conditions of labour. The law of the 27th of December, 1892, 
instituteil optional arbitration in litigations between employers and em- 
ployed. The law of the 9th of April, 1898, awarded an indenmity to work- 
men injured while performing any ordered task, even when the injiuy could 

(■ Camille PellflUn, Lt Omit4 eetUral de la Oommwu, New Bdition.] 



be Bhown to be the result of their own imprudence. In case of death from 
such a cause the indemnity is to be paid to the wife and children of the de- 
ceased. The law of the 30Lli of June, 1899, extended to agricultural hibourera 
this same ri^ht of indemnity in cases where an accident was caused by the 
use of machines worked by inanimate forces (steam or electricity) and not 
by men or animals. Tlie laws of the 19th of March, 1874, and of the 2nd of 
November, 1892, interpreted by numerous decrees, were intended as revisions 
of those elaborated by the chambers under Louis Philippe; but so compli- 
cated is the matter owing to the endless diversity of professions that it is 
found difficult to formulate a good general law. The many provisions and 

Erohibitions come near to being vexatious, even ruinous, to the workingman 

By a law of 1883 commissioners and inspectors of child-labour are also 
charged with the enforcement of the law of May I7th, 1851^ regulating the 
niunber of hours of work a day for adults. 

The progress of the working-classes can always be estimated by the rate 
of advance of certain allied institutions. Thus the mutual aid societies, 
which in 1853 numbered 2,695, had attained in 1899 a total of 12,292, with 
1,725,439 active members, 292,748 honorary members, and a capital of 
312,000,000 francs. 

The superannuation funds, including the "national" fund of that name 
founded in 1850, also entered upon a period of great development. The laws 
of June 25th, 1894, and July 16th, 1896, organised similar institutions for the 
benefit of miners, and the French parliament is constantly entertaining pro- 
jects looking to the further extension of the idea. 

In 1847 the savings banks contained in deposits only 358,000,000 of 
francs, in 1869 the amount had increased to 711,000,000, and in 1882 to 

1,754,000,000. At the beginning of 1899 the banks had received in deposits 
4,000,500,000 francs, represented by 7,000.000 bank-books. 

The free medical aid system was established by the law of January 22nd, 
1893; that of free judicial aid, created by the law of January 22nd, 1851, 
was reorganised by the law of July 8th, 1901. 

It is evident that the working people, not wholly but in great part, com- 
pose the mutual aid societies, contribute to the superannuation funds, and 
own the three or four thousand million franco deposited in the savings banks 
of France, It is equally apparent that to them falls the largest share of the 
benefits arising from prosperity. According to calculations the consumption 
of meat has almost doub!e<i since the beginning of the nineteenth century, 
the consumption of wine has doubled, that of coffee trebled, of sugar increased 
tenfold, and of beer augmented in the proportion of 70 per cent. Now the 
rich man hanlly consumes a greater quantity of meat, wine, beer, coffee, and 
sugar than does the labourer, nor is the economical nn^al worker given to 
usmg half as much of these commodities as his urban brother; hence it will 
be seen that the general increase of prosperity has benefited most of all the 
labourers in cities. 

The workingman of to-day is better fed, better clad, better housed, more 
generously provided in every way with worldly goods than was the working- 
man of thirty years ago. He profits by all the inventions of a philanthropic 
legislature, enjoys for himself and his children free medical service and judi- 
cial aid, but can it truly be said that he is happier than his congener of fifty 
or sixty years ago? And if it is true, will heai^hnitit? It is ingrained in the 
nature of man to let his sufferings for the lack of certain things outweigh his 
happiness in the possession of others, French workingmen are not inclined 



to seek comparisons in bygone times, they refuse to take bto account any 
period but the present, to see anything but the existing difference between 
their own and tneir employer's condition. They display a greater animosity 
to-day toward the bourgeois class, that has made for them many sacrifices, 
than was ever cherished by their forerunners against the egoistical employers 
of 1830. Many among them would think it quite right to work only eight 
hours a day for high wages, and to have funds established for them to which 
they themselves would not have to contribute. Others also, who are de- 
positors in savings hanks and mutual aid societies, and in receipt of the in- 
come assured them by these institutions, give themselves airs of " proletarians " 
after the fashion of the workingjnan of 1830 whose only capital was a pair of 
shrunken arms. If they vote it is very often in favour of some extremist 
candidate, as though they had a horror of public tranquillity, and were not 
themselves the first to suffer from any disturbance of the peace. Furthermore 
they are beset by solicitations to join one or more of the many socialistic 
organisations — the Blanquista or the Allemanists — whose avowed mission it 
is to foment hatred between the classes, to prepare the way for a " universal 
strike," and whose favourite counsel to the workingman is to "study the 
chemistry of revolution." 

Present-day Doctrines 

We have left far behind us the days of Saint-Simon, of Enfantin, of 
Fourier, of Cabet and other mild Utopians, of Proudhon, anrl nf Louis Blanc. 
The new masters to whom socialists swear allegiance are more terrible ones 
whom they have found across the Rhine; from rcrdinaiul, but more especially 
from Karl Marx, proceed the movst radical collectivist aiul tlie most destructive 
internationalist doctrines that have ever been uttered. Among the French 
disciples of Karl Marx a certain set of fanatics acknowledged as their leader 
Jules Guesdc, the high priest with the wasted visage, who styles himself 
'* chief of the French labour party ^' ; others, who are the truly clever ones, call 
themselves independent, and, in company with Millerand and Jaur^, have 
enjoyed more than one foretaste of the bliss thej'' promise the people in a 
more or less distant future. 

Many workingmen were carried away by the formula, lately fallen into 
disuse, of the "three eights" (eight hours for labour, eight for relaxation, 
eight for slec^p). Its inventors concerned themselves but little ^^ith those 
trades or profes-sions that are marked by alternations of activity and stagna- 
tion. Other labourers — forming not a tenth part of the mass of French 
workers — allowed themselves to be drawn into the so-called professional 
syndicates which, in violation of the law of 1884, were diverted from their 
original purpose and transformed into agencies for strikes. Fortunately 
there arose against the despotism of strike leaders and "red" syndicates the 
powerful association of "yellow" syndicates, which dared show themselves 
independent even in the face of revolutionary tyranny. 

The collectivists are hostile to the idea of country, army, uniform, or flag, 
and their bitter hatred of the priesthood leads them into complete forgetfm- 
ness not only of the nation's interests but of their own. This is what makes 
the management of public affairs so easy for unscrupulous politicians: one 
good campaign against religion will take the place of ever so nmny social 
reforms, even those that have been declared the most lu^ent. 

The power gained by the labo\;ring classes, now the "fourth estate," liaa 
by no means contributed everything towards the general welfare; it has pro- 


moted neither the public peace, continually disturbed by so-called "social 
reclamations,'* nor the industrial prospt^rity of the country, repeatedly en- 
dangered by unjustifiable and sanguinary strikes such as those of 1S98 and 
1899; while it has as certainly not addefl to France s glory in the eyes of the 
world, since all her institutions of national defence are the subject of the 
most hostile and aimihilating criticism. 

The old r^ginie of France with its kings and nobles counts fourteen cen- 
turies of a glory whose origin is lost in the legends of antiquity; the pre- 
dominance of the bourgeoisie during the revolution, the first empire, and 
the parliamentary monarchies was marked by splendid progress, victories, 
and expansion of ideas; just what w^Lll distinguish the era ushered in by 
socialism in every coimtry of the globe it is difficult to conceive, nor is it 
easier to foretell the future lot of humanity when the collectivist state shall 
have become an accomplished fact. 

We are frequently assured that if every country were to disband its armiea 
the peace of the w^orld would be secured. Who can guarantee, though, that 
all the inhabitants of any given country would calnily consent to relinquish 
their property, bow thnir necks to the heaviest bureaucratic yoke that has 
ever been inipiOHed (for many more officials woulfl be required to rim such 
an enomioas phalanstery of a state than are employed to-<lay), and endure 
without rebelling the wearisome, monotonous, and depreasing existence that 
would be theirs under the sway of the least enltgliteiied classes of the nation? 
Nor would the suppression of the states do away either with the different 
ethnological groups that form their support, nor with the inclination of these 
groups to live their own life, to speak their own tongue, to draw inspiration 
from the legends of their own past, to feel themselves in a word separate and 
distinct from all the other groups around them. There have been innu- 
merable wars in former times between those national personalities calling 
themselves in the present France, Germany, England, Spain, and Italy — 
feudal wars, monarchical wars, Jacobin wars, bourgeois \vars, and tariff wars, 
wars for pillage, wars for principles, and wars for display. It is not clearly 
apparent how any of these wars could have lx?en averted Iiad each of the na- 
tions participating been ruled by a collectivist autocracy and bureaucracy. 
And a^ain, who can assert that the diplomacy of the future will be as skilled 
in avoiding of conflict as the diplomacy of the present ? The collecti- 
vist state, moreover, having assumed control in each country of all the agri- 
cultural, industrial, and commercial interests, vriW be ill inclined to brook 
that a neighbour shall hinder its traffic in grains and other produce, or shall 
contend for the markets in its possession. Evidently a custom-service will be 
a necessity, with a regiment of officials, and frontier-lines will again come 
into prommence. Thus, with a police force on land to guard against sedition 
by malcontents, and warships on sea to protect its counting-houses, the 
collectivist stat**\s int^titutions of defence will offer a very close parallel to the 
standing army of to-<iay. 

The futiu-e that has been pictured for us in such glowing colours may, 
after all is said and done, be simply a reijetition of the present with a few 
worse featiu*es thrown in. There will doubtless still be wars, but the war- 
fare will rage about a singularly diminished object; in the poverty-stricken 
commonwealths that will succeed to the opulent nations of to-day there will 
be no doing battle for glory or for the propagation of ide^s, the mhabitants 
will seek to extenninate each other on account of a few sacks of rye. The 
citizen wars of the Revolution and the empire were marked by a fiercer 
spirit tlian had characterised any of the previous monarchical wars; it is to 



be feared that the "labour" wars will exceed them all in ferocity and hate, 
will in fact turn the world back a^iun to the modes of living and d^ree of 
civilisation of the cave-dwellers. Let us hope, however, that the men of the 
"fourth estate" will discover before it is too late the vanity, the danger, the 
absurdity of the collectivist utopia; it is not well to serve as a springboard 
for ambitious men who, without oelieving in the possibility of the realisation 
of their utopia, understand marvellously well how to exploit it. 


[The letter « is reserved for Editorial Matter.] 

Chapter I. The Bo0kbon Rkstoration (1816-1824) 

''Tbohis Erskimk May, Democracy in Europe. — "Charles Skionobos, BUtoirt poUti^ie 
de r Europe eontemporaiwi^ 1814-1896. — ''Alphonsedb Lajaavtise, Histort/ of the Resiorah<m 
of Monarchv in Fratice. — • F. GuizoT, Memoirs of my own Time. — /Henri Martin, Ilisloire 
ae France depuis 1789, — » A. Alison, History of Europe from th« Fall of NapoU^m, IHIS, to 
the Accession of Louie NapoUon^ 185S, — ^CuABLCb Lacketelli, Histoxre de France depnis la 
Besiauration. — *C. Dareste de la Chavakke, Ilisloire de France. — i Emilk de Bonxecho8E» 
Uisioire de France. — '' James WniTB, History of France, — ' V. Duruy, Histoire de France. — 
"*Fran<;;o[s R. Chateaubrund^ La JUonarchie eehn la Charte. — "J. B. H. Capepiouk, Uis- 
ioire de la Jiestauralion. 

Chapter II. Charles X and thh July Rkyolution 

*A. DE IiAUARTlNB. Op. cH. — 'A. AlISON, Op, Ctt. — ** E. DB BoNNECHOBR, Op. cit. — • H. 

Martin, op. cit. — /C. Dareste de la Chavanne, op. eit. — oj. White, op. cit. — * VVilbelm 
McLLKR. Politische. Ofschichie der nenesten Zeit. — *Ca)Iille Pellktan. De 1S16 A nos jours. — 
JliOUis Blanc. Uie History of Ten Years, l^SO-lS^O. — *Mauri(:e Wahl» VAlg^rie. — 'Karl 
HkllebraND, Oeschichte Frankreich* von der Thronbesttiijutitj I^uis Philippes bis sum Faile 
NapdUona III. (lo Ilecrea and Ukert's Oeschichte der europditehen Siaateti,) 

Cbaftu in. Loms Phiuppk and the Revolution of 1848 

*T. EkbioneMay, op. cit. — "II. Martin, op. eit. —''A. Alison, op. cit. — 'F. Guizot. op. 
cit, — /v. UuRUY, op, cii. — t' W. MOller, op. cit. — *C. Dareste de la Chavanne, op. eit. — 
* AbbA Girard, NoHvtUe IHstoire. de France. — ^J. White, op. eit. — *C. Pellbtan,*^. cit,^ 
<L. DK LoM^NiB, Galerie des Contemporains iUustres. 

Chapter IV. The Repl-buc or 1848 

^Gahaubl Bradford, The Lesson of Popular Government. — 'A, M. Dupin, Mfmoires. — 
''Victor Pierre, Bistoire de la Repttbligue ae 2S48. — 'A. Alison, op. cit. — H, Martin, op. 
cit. — Marquis op Normanby, A Year of Bevolution, from a Journal kept in Paris in 1848. — 
*V, DuHUY. op. cit. — *T. Krskine Mat, op. cit. — ^Hippolyte Castillk, Bisioxre de la See- 
ondc Republique. — * Victor Hugo, Napoleon the Little. — *A. de Lamartine, Bistory of the 
French Jievolution of 1848, 

Chapter V. Louis Napoleon, President and Emperor (1849-70) 

» H.Martin, op, cit.—^A. Alison, op. eit. — ''V. Durut, op.cit.— *C. Pelletan, op. ciY.— 
/p. A. M. p. de Granierde Cahsaohah, jjhistoire de NapotSon HI. — ff A. Rastoul, Bistoire 
de France. — *V. Huoo, op. c»7. — 'Pierre dk la Gorge. Histoire du Sfcond Empire.— iQ. 
Bradford, op. ctt. — »fT. Delord, Bistoire du Second Empire. — ' W. Muller, op. cit. — "• T. 
EiutKiNE Mat, op. eit. — "C. SsiotfOBoe. op. ei/.^-o David MthxBR, OesckicMe des Deutscften 
Volhts. —pC. a. Pttfe. a Bislory of Modem Europe, — cEuoiNE T*not. Paris en DSeembre 



Ciu?m VI. Tbs FEAVOO-Pftussuir Wis (1870-1871) 

^G. A. Ftffk, op, m/. — 'Taxilb Dklokd. Eistoire iUusir4e du Second Enmn. —^Couvr 
▼OK MoLTKB, The FrtMco-Otrman War of 1870^1871, (transUted by CUrft Bell and H. W. 
FiBoher).-- H. liURTiK.op. ci7.— /PaulBondois. Miaioire dt la Ouerre de 2870-1871.— ^F. 
Canonoe. Eistoire mdlUatre eonten^oradne, — ^W. Ht^LLKB, op, eit, — <Gsoboe W. Kitchim. 
The Hietory of France,— i A.. A. Ducbot, La Joumie de Sedan.— ^"E. F. WiMpprxK, 
Sedtm. — ' EL ijCBKRT, EiaUtire de la Ouerre de 1870-1871. — ■" B. Boubsbt, Bietoire gMrdU de 
la Ouerre JVanco-AOMnofuis.— »G. Pmllktav, op, oil. — 'Huru Gi&abj). ffiatotre iOuetrSe 
de la TVoinhne ESpubli^ue. 

Chapter VII. The Third Rkpobuc (1871-1008) 

*G. Bradford, op. cit. — 'Maxihb du Oakp, Lee Convuisione de Paris. — •'B. Zetort, 
Hietoire de la Troiaihne Shtubliwe. —* Jules Fatrb, Le Oouvemement de la DSfense naiion- 
cle, — /C. Pellbtan, op. ea. — ' J. K C. Bodlet, article on '* France " in the New Volamefl of 
the J^ieyelopadia£ri£annica,^^W. Mullbr, op. 0»7. — <H. Martin, op,cit.—ik. Bastoul, 
Hitioire de Frtmct depwie la revolution de Juillet juaqu'd noe jours,— ffH, L. Laioer, 





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PUrre de BourdeiUes de BraniSme was born about 1540, and died in 1614. After fighting 
against the Huguenots, Turles, and Moors, he attoclicd hiioself to the court of Charles IX. 
At the death or this monarch ho withdrew from active life, retired to his estates, and spent 
the last years of his life In writing his memoirs. His works include lives of illustrious men. 
of French and foreign captains, lives of illustrious ladies, anecdotes of duels, etc. His writ- 
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1884-1835, Svohi.; L'Europe pendant le couaulat et IVmplre de Napolfion, Paris, 1889-1841, 
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Im Tie de Frangois de Scfipeaux, Sire de Vieilloville^ Paris, 1757. — Oarlyle, T.. History of the 
^Tuch Revolution, London and New York, 1837, 2 vols.; Frederick the Qreat, London and 
Kcw York. 185S-1866, 6 vols.; The Ihamond Necklace, in the Essays; Mirabeau, in the 
Essays. — Oam«, Louis Marcein, Conite de, Etudes sur Thistoire du gouvernetnent repr^sen- 
latif de 178t^-1848, Paris, 1855, 2 vols. ; J.* monarchie fran^aJse au ie»» sidcle. — Oamot, H.. 
Il&aoires snr Carnot par son fils, Paris, 1871. — Oasiagnac, soc Orauier. — Oastelnau, M. dc. 
lUmoires. in Nouvelle Collection de Memuires pour servir h I'histoire de France, Paris, 1888. — 
OastUla, C. H., Histoire de la seconde R^publique, Parin, 1B54-1656, 4 vols. — Oaralli, Marino, 
Relation de Marino Cavaili (ambassador to France from Venice). 1546, Italian and French; in 
Collection de documents inMits, etc., 1st series, Paris, 1836 ff. — Ohabannes^dhfimar, in 
MonumentA Germanize historica, Bcriptores. vol. IV. — Ohalambert, Victor de, Histoire de la 
Li^e, Paris, 1854, 2 vols. — Ohallamel, J. B., Histoire de la liberie en France depuis 1780, 
Paris, 1836 — Ohambray, G. de, Vie de Vauban; Histoire dc I'FIspcdition de RuHsie, Paris, 
1833. — Ohamfort, SeboMtien-Roch Nicholas, Caractdres et anecdotes, new edition, Paris, 1860. 

— Ohampier. Symphorien, Les (testes ensemble la vie du preulx Chevalier Bayard, etc., in 
Cimbcr's Archives curieuses de I'htstoire de France, 1st series, vol. 2, Paris, 1834 ft. — Ohaptal, 
A. C, Mes souvenirs sur Napolfion, Paris, 1893. — Oharlott*, Elisabeth, Memoires sur la cour 
de Louis XrV et de la r£gencc, cxtraits de la corrcspon dance de Madame Elisabeth Cliarlotte, 
Paris, 1833. — Oharmaa, F., Etudes historiauea et diplomatlques. Paris, 1893. — Oharraa, 
J. B. A., Histoire de la campagne de 1816, Waterloo. Brussels, 1858, 2 vols. — Ohartler. J., 
Oironique de Charles VII. H76. reprinted Paris, 1858, 8 vols. — Ohastelaln, Georges, Chro- 
nique de Normandie, published at London, 1850; Chronique dea dues de Bourco^ne, published 
bv Buchon, in Collection des chroniqncs nationalcs fmn^aises, vols. 42 and 43, Paris, 1827. — 
ChateaubriancL Fran9ois R., Vicomte de, La monarchie selon la charte, London, 1816. -~ 
Chanler, Andre, Hymne & la France, Paris, 1894. — Oherest, A., La chute de I'ancien regime, 
Paris, 1884-1886, 8 vols. — Ohemel, A., Dictionnaire historlque dea institutions, m<cura, etc., 
Paris, 1855, 2 vols.; M€moires de Fouquet, Paris, 1862, 2 vols.; Histoire de France pendant la 
minority de Louis XIV, Paris, 1880,4 vols.; Histoire de France sous le niinislere de Maxarin, 
Paris, 1883, 3 vols, (the last two works are based on the letters and eameia de Mazarln). — 
Ohevremont, F., Jean Paul Marat, Paris, 1880, 2 vols. — OhoUy, F. T. de, Memoires pour 
■ervir^ I'hiatoire de Louis XIV, Paris, 1727, 2 vols. — 01mb«r, L.. and Daojou, J., Archives 
curieuses de I'histoire de France, Paris, 1834-1840, 17 vols. — Olarati*, J,, Catuille Desinoulins 
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— element, P., Histoire de la vie et de radministration de (Albert. Paris, 1846; La police sous 
liOuis XIV. Paris, 1866. — Oocbut, A., Law, son gystSme et son £poque, Paris, 1868. — Oolgiiat, 
Mme. C. Gauthier-. Fin de la viclllo France, Francois lor, portraits ct dpisodcs du XVIo siEk^le; 
Engliah translation, Francis 1st and His Times, London. 1889; A Oentleuiau of the Olden 
Times. Life of de Sc^peaux, London, 1888. — OolUer, Admiral G., France, Holland, and the 
Netherlands a Century A^, I.KJndou. 1861. — Oollln, V., La question du Haut-Nil et le point 
de vue beige, Antwerp, 1809. — Oolmache, Reminiscences of Talleyrand (translation), Lon- 
don. 1881. — CcmluM, Philip de, Mdmolres, 1523; translated into English, London, 1865, 2 

Philip de Coming was born in 1446 at the rb&teau dc Comines. His godfather was Philip 
the Good, and he himself became attached to the service of Charles the Bold. He was entrusted 
with diplomatic commissions to Calais, Loudon, Brittany, and Spain. In 1473 he left the service 
of Charles, and attached himself to Louis XI, who made him councillor and chamberlain, and 
gave him several estates, among tliem the seiyTWurie uf Argentou. Comines rendered Louis XI 
many important services, but fell into disgrace under his successor. For eight months he was 
Imprisoned in an iron cage for having espoused the cause of the duke of Orleans. He returned 
to favour for a time under Charles VII. and again nnder Louis XII, but he never regained his 
old influence. The latter years of his life were spent in comparative retreat, and it was then 
tbftt he wrote his memoirs, which cover the period from 1464 to 1488, and from 1488 to 1498. 
HallAm says of them : '* The memoirs of Philip de Comines almost make an epoch in historical 
literature. If Frolssart by his picturesque descriptions and fertility of historical invention may 
Iw reckoned the Livy of France, she had her Tacitus in Philip de Comines. He is the tirst 
modem writer who in any degree has displayed sagacity in reaaoning on the chaxacters of men. 


and the consequences of their actions* and who has heen able to generallM hia obserratioD bj 
oomparisori or rt'tleciion." 

Oondorc»t, Marie J. A. N. C. do. Vie de Turgot, Paris, 1786; Vie de Voltaire, London. 
1791. — OoMtant| Benjamin, Mfimoires »ur les Cent Jours, Paris, 1820. — Ooston, F. 0. de, 

flograpbie dea premieres annSes de Napol^n, Valencia, 1840, 2 vols. — OonbarUn, P. de, 
tudea d'histolre contemporalne, L'^rolution fran^aiae sous la 8me H^publique, Paris, 1696; 
English translation, Evolution of France under Srd Republic, New York. 1897. — Ooolangea, 
F. de, Uiatuire dea inatitutiuns pulitiques de I'ancieane France, Paria, 1877. — Ooualnot. Guil- 
laume, Chroniquo do la Pucello, in P. L. Jacob's Biblintheque Ciauloiae, Paris, 1857 ff. — 
Or6tlneau-Joly, J., Hiatoire do la Vendue, Parity, 1841 ; Bonaparte, le concordat de 1601 et le 
Cardinal Consalvi, Paris, 1869. — Oroker, J. W., Esaaya on the early Period of the French 
Revolution, London, 1657. — Orowe, £. K., History of France, Loudon, 1881, S vols.; 1868- 
1B66. 5 vols. 

XHbaay, R. H., The Oauses of the French Revolution, New York. 1888. — Dagaet, A*. 
Histoire de La Confederation Suisse, NeuchStel, 1851, 9 voU. — DAndliker, Karl, Kieine Ge- 
Bchichte der Schwoiz, ZQrich, 1876 ; translated by E, Salisbury, A Short Iliitorv of Switzerland, 
LoudoQ, 1899. — Dangvao, Piiilippe de Courcillon de. Journal, Pari?, 18^>4-18f>l, 19 vula. — 
Danlal, Qabriel, Histoire de France, Amsterdnin. 1720-1725. — Daraste de la Ohavanne, H M. 
C., Histoire de radminiatratian en France, Paris, 1848, 2 vols.; Histoiro des classes agriooleef 
Paris. 1854-1858 ; Histoire de France depuia lea onpines, ParU, 1865-1878, 8 vols. 

Hodolphe Madelcino Ciiovhao Dartstt de la Chavanne was bom at Paris, October 28th, 
1S20, and died at the same place in 1882. He was professor of history at Orenoble aud Lyons 
and in 1871 was rector of the Academy at Nancy. On account of his ultramontane views and 
intolerance towards the i^tudeiits he was obliged to leave Nancy in 1678. Dareste's history of 
France is one of the best of the general histories of that country. It lacks the brilliancy of 
Michelet and some of the conspicuous exccllcncios of Martin, but the author has thoroughlv 
iuvestigated his subject, bis material is well arranged and the narrative is enlivened with 
accurate descriptions. The Academy of France twice distingulahed the worlc with the Gobert 

Dam, P. A. N. B., L'Histoiro de la republioue de V^nise, Paris, 1819. — DaabaOf C. A,, 
Lea Prisons de Paris sous la Revolution, Paris, 1807-1870, 8 vols.; Histoire de la rue. du club, 
de la famine. Paris. 1867-1870. 8 vols.; La demagogic en 1798. 1794 et 1795 a Paris. Paris, 
1867-1870, 3 voh. — Daudat, E., A President of Franco, in Cosmopolitan Magazine, New York, 
1895. — Davenport, R. A., History of the Bastille. London, 1838. — Davila, H. C. Uiiitoire dos 

fuerres civiles do France depui.sla mort de Henri II, Venice, 1630, — Dayot, A., Napoleon par 
image, Paris, 1894. — Delabarra-Duparcq, N. £., HiBtoiro do Charies IX, Paris, 1875.— 
Dslbrflok, Hans, Leben des Feldmarscbails von Gnelsenau, Berlin, 1880. — DeIoche,M., La 
trtiste et rantrustion royalo sous les deux premiers races, Paris, 1873. — Delord, T.. HLstolre 
du second empire. Paris. 1869-1875. 6 vols., publisbed with illustrations. Pariy, 1880-1888, 
vols. — Delrau, A., Histoire de la Revolution de fevrier, Paris, 1850, 2 vols. — Demogeot, J., 
History of French Literature, London, 1789. — Depplng, O. B., Histoire dea expodiliona 
maritimea dea Normands, Paris, 1848. ^ Dea Cam, duke. Memoirs of Ducheaa de Foursal, 
(translation), Cambridge, Mass., 1881. — DftiimouUns, Camilln. RevoUitiana de Prance et du 
Brabant, Journal published in Paris. 1789-1790, 7 vols.; extracts in Aujard's L'eloquence parle- 
mentaire pendant la Revolution franchise. Paris, 1883. — Doniol, H., Histoire des classes ruraics 
en France, Paris, 18.'57 ; La Revolution frau^aiso et la Feodalite, Paris, 1874. — Dreyaa, C, 
Memoires de Louis XiV, Paris, 18.')9: Chroiiologio Universelle, Paris, 187;i. — Droz, J., Histoire 
du regne de Louis XVI, Paris. 1839-ia42, 3 vols. -- Du Ballay, Q. et M., M6nioire3, Paris. 1588. 

— Du Oamp, M.. Les couvulaioua de Paris, Paris, 1878-1879, 4 vols. — Du Oleroq, J,, Me- 
moires, Brussela, 1822. 

Jacques du Cl^rcq was born in Artois about 1420 and died abotit 1475. His memoirs begin 
at the year 1418 and extend to the deatti of Philip the Good in 1407, givint; n detailed account 
of events in Flanders, at court aud elsewhere. Bis narrnlivc is a very (personal one, dealing 
largely with people, thus giving an iulorcstiag picture of the society of llie lime. 

Daclos, C Pineau, Memoires secrets des rignes de Louis XIV et de Louis XV, Paris, 1791. 

— Duorot, A. A., La journ6o do Sedan, Paris. 1^71. — Dumont, E. L.. Souvenirs sur Mlrabeaa, 
Paris, 1851 — Dimham, 8, A.. History of Europe during the Middle Ages, London, 1838-1836, 
4 vols. — Dupin, A. M., Memoires, Paris, 1855-1863, 4 vols. —Dupay, Pierre et Jacques, Tralti 
dea droits et libortes do reglise galHcane, Paris, 1639. — Durand, &luip,, Napoleon and Marie- 
Louise, 1810-1814. London, 1883. — Dnruy, G., Vie de Turnnno, Paris. 1880. — Dumy, V., 
Histoirede France, Paris, 1855, Svols.; 20th edition. Paris, 1898 ; Histoire du moyen 4ge. Paris, 
1846 ; 14th edition 1890 : Petite Histoire de France, Pari-;, 1863. The Histoire de France and 
the Histoire du moyen Age form part of the Histoire UnivordcUo, published by a " Society of 
professors and acholani, under the dirwction of M. Duruy. 

Jean Victor Ihirny. hi.storian. miniaier, and member of the French Academy, was bom at 
Paris, September 11th, 1611. of a family of artists employed in the Gobelins factories. He was 
himself at first destined for the same profeaalon and did not commence his studiM until a rather 
late data at the RolUn College. He panafiH a brilliant examination at the Ecole nonoaU 



auperipure, after whicli, until 1861, be li«ld a miiriber of 8ecom1ai7' profesfiorsliips in history. 
DurinK 'his tiinf he took part in the collflboratinn of XAjwilcon Ill's *fulitts Caesar, thus draw- 
ing the Emppror'f) attention to his ability, and in 1863 he was made Minister of Education. He 
introduced various reforms into the educational system, amoDff them being the institution of 
public leciures, a course of secondary education for girla, schools for higher education, and 
IalM)ratorieH for special rebearch. He Hu^^ested making primary education compulsorr. bnt waa 
not supported in the plan by the Emperor. Krom 1881-1886 hi* served on the Cotuteil tuipirieur 
de VJjuiruciion Pubhque, and in 1864 waft chosen to succeed Ml^ct in the French Academy. 
Duruy's greatest work was his hisstory of Home, for which the author received various decora- 
tions and prizes. His history of Franco is oae of the best ever written in such a small compass, 
and is of specia.1 value to students who wish readable information in a compact form. 

Du Saolx, Jean, Tie I'insurrectkm parlsienne et de la pri^e de la Bastille, Paris, 1790. in 
J, F. Barri^re'a Biblioth4<iue des M^moires, 26 vols. — Z>tusi0UX, L. E . Le Canada S4)uh Iu domi- 
nation fran^aise, Paris, 1856; L'arraee en France, Versailles, 1884. 3 vols. — Duvergier d« 
Haimuine, P., Uistolre da goavememeot parlement&ire en France 1614-1848, Paris, 1857-1872, 
10 vols. 

Bdmee, H., L*£vasion du Temple da Dauphin, Louis XVII, Paris, 1874. — Bglantine, 
see Fabre. — BllJott, F., Old Court Life in Krauce, London, 1878 and 1886. 3 vols. — Elv, 
R. T., French and German Socialism in Modern Times, New York, 1883. — Bmanon, R. W., 
Napoleon the Man of the World, in Representative Men. — Bitlaima, U,. I^s trlomphes de 
Loiiia XIII, avec les i>ortraits des rois, princps, etc., Paris, 164fl. — Eatolle, Pierre de 1'. Journal 
de Henri 111. published by Servln, Paris, 1621; by Lenglet Dufresuoy, Paris. 1744; Journal do 
Henri IV, most complete edition, Hague, 1744; reproduced in Petitol's and Michaud's Collec- 
tion des MSmoires. 

Fabre d'ilglantlne, P. F. N., PortrMt de Marat. Paris, 1793. —Pain, A. J. F., Baron. 
Manuscrit de 1812. Paris. 1827. — FaUet, C, Uuih XIV et la HoUande. Rouen, 1860. — Fol- 
loux, A. P. de, M^moires d'un HoyaliBte, Paris. 1888, 2 vols. — Fantln-Dafl-Odoarta, A., Hls- 
toire philo8ophi(iue de la revolution fran^ai-^e, Paris, 1796 and 1817, 6 vols. — Fauchet, C, Lea 
Antiquit^s gauloise!> et franyoiseM, Paris, 1579; L'origine de la langue el de la poesie frangoise, 
Paris, 1581. — Fauriel, C. C., lUstoire de la (iaule mdridionale sous la dnmination des con- 
audrantfi germains, Paris, 1836. 4 vols.; Histoire do la ptj^slo provon9ale, Paris, 1846; I.«es 
oemiers juurs du consulat, Paris, 1886, edited by L. l^lauue; KugHsh translation, Last Days 
of the Consulate. London, 1886. — Favre, J., Le ffouvernement de la defense natinnale, Paris, 
1871-1875. 3 parts. — Faynies, U., £itudes siar 1 Industrie et sur la closse indnstriclle, Paris, 
1877. — Feliblen, Andr^, et Ixibineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, Paris, 1755. 5 vols. — P«r- 
riAret, Ch. KUe, Marquis de, M^moires pour servlr A Fhtstoiro de raKsemblef" ronstituante et do 
la revolution de 1789, Paris, 1799; reprint&il in Collection dts M^iuuires rclutifH £ la HSvolution 
fran^aise. Pari.s. 1821. — Parry, J., La I u lie elentoralenn 186;3. Pari.s. 186:]. -Fetrtdge^W. P., 
Kit* and Fall of the Commune, N"ew York, 1871 — Flack, J., I^es oripnes de rancieniio France, 
Puriti, 1885. — Plaiaan, CJ. R. de, llistnire generale et rai.'itonnee de la diptomatle fmnyaise, 
Paris, 1811,7 vol5^. — Flathe, H. T.. l>a.s Zeitalter der Kestaurationund Uevolutlnn, in ihicken's 
Allgemeine tieschichte, Berlin, 1883. — Fleury, L'abb^. Pr6cis Uistorique du droit fran9aiB, 
Paris, 1676. — Poncln, P., Esjiai sur le minisiere de Turgot, Paris, 1877. — FontraiUea. L. 
d'Astarac, Marquis de. Relation des choses particoli^res de la coar pendant la faveiir de M. de 
Onq-Mars, in Michaud's Cnllectinn, 3rd series, vol 8, Paris. — Pomeron, IL, Les dues de (Julae 
et leur <5poque, Paris, 1877, 2 vols. — Ffiratar, F., I>er Feldmarschall BlUclier und seine Umge- 
bung, liipsic. 1821. — Forgylh, W., Napoleon ot St. Helena, 1853. — Fouche, J., duke of 
Otranto, MAmoires. Paris, 1824. — Foumlar, A., Xapoleon I, Prague, Vienna, and I^ipsic. 1896^ 
188D. 8 vols. — Fox, Henry R. V&ssall, Lord Holland. Foreign Heminlscences. Loudon, 1850. — 
Poy, M. S., Comte, Histoire des guerres de la Pfininsule sous Napoli6oii, Paris, 1S27, 4 vols. — 
Franklin, A,. I^es anurc«is de ThiKtoire de France, Poris, 1877. ~-FV«anuui, K. A., Teutonic Con- 
quest in Oaul and Britain, London and New York, 1888. — Fre«r, M. W,, Henr)* III, King of 
France and Poland: his court and times, Jjondon, 1859, 8 vols. ; History of the Reign of Henry 
IV. King of France and Navarre, IjOndon. 1960, 2 vols. ; Life of Jeanne d'Albret. London, 1861 ; 
Married Life of Anne of Austria, London, 1864 ; The Regency of Anne of Austria. I.<ondon, 
1866 ; Life of Margaret of Anjou, I^ndon, 1884. — Frlcciua. K., Geschichtc des Krieges in den 
Jabren 1813 und 1814, Altenburg, 1843. — Frarou, L. S.. M&noires, Paris. 1796-1824. ~Pri»- 
dviicb U (King of Prussia), CEuvres posthumes, Berlin, 1788-1789, 15 vols. — FroUaart, Jean, 
Chroniques de France, d'Angleterre. d'£cosae et d'Espagne, Paris, 1769 ; Brussels, 1870-1877, 
20 vols. ; English translation, I»ndon, 1689. 

Jean FraUsart is the historian of the fourteenth century, as Villehardouin isof the twelfth 
and Joinvtlle of the thirteenth. His chronicle includes the period 1328-1400 and treats of 
events which took place in France, England, Scotland, Ireland. Flanders, Spain, and other 
European countries. The author wa.s born in Valenciennes in 1837 and was early destined for 
the cuurch, although he put off taking orders as long as possible, wishing first to fnloy some 
of the plea-sures of Hfe. In 1356 he went to England and became clerk of the chapel of Pliilippe 
of Haiuault, who encouraged him to describe the great events of hla century. For thiu puxpoae 

B. w.— rou xm. Q 


be visited Scotland. Brittany, and Bnrdeaui. aiid KocninpaniH the duke of (Murenco to Italy. 
After the death of the queen he entered the ben'ice of the duke of Brabftnt and on his death 
became clerk of the cha^^l of the count of Bloia, The latter encouraged hixu tu conljuiie hi» 
travels for the purpose of continuing his chrontcle, and after visiting various places in France 
he returned again to England. The U»t fourteen years of hla life were spent in quiet in Flan- 
ders. Froissart deals mainly with the deeds of valour and chivalry which took place around 
him, telling of toumamenta and battleiielda, knights and ladlea. As to the deeper problems of 
society, the trauhition stage from the old feadjui&m which was fast dying out, uh is wholly 

Pyffo, A. C, Modern Europe. 1891-1892. 

Ghdllard, G. H.. Hiaioire de la rivalit^ de la France et de rAngleterr«>. Parffl. 1778; 
Histoire de la rivalitS de la France et de TEspatrne. Paris, 1601 ; Uitftolrv de Charlemaguo 
Buivie de I'hiHtnirP de Marie de Bourgogne. Paris. 1819 ; HtHtoire da Francois I. mi de France, 
Paris. 1766-1709. 7 vols. ; 1829. 4 vols. — Oardlner, Mrs. B. M,. French Uevolution, London, 
18B3. — Gfrstdner, I>. . yuatrebras, Ligny and \VtiTerlf>o, London, 1H8:3. — Qamier-Pagea, L. A,, 
Hiwtoirt; de la revolution de 1848, Paris, 1861-1862,8 vols. — Oasquet, A., Precis des institutions 
politlques et sociales de I'ancienDe France, 1885, 2 vols. — Qaudin, M. M. C, Duo de Ga€te. 
M^moires et Souvenirs, Paris, 1826-1884 8 vols. — Gaulot, Paul, BililiothiSqup do souvenirs et 
Ticits militaires. — OauUerf L., Epopees fnuiQaises, Paris. 1865-1868. — Oantier, T., Lea 

Ctesques. Paris, 1844. 3 vols. — Oenlio, Marquise de Sillery, Mme. de. Adele el Theodore ou 
res Rur I'^ducation. Paris, 1782. 3 vols. ; souvenirs do Ffilicie, in Barrit'rt''H Biblinthdque des 
Meiuoires, vol. 14. Paris. 1846 IT. ; M^molres, Paris, 1825, 10 vols. — Oeruz«y, K., Essais 
d'histoire litieraire, Paris. 1889 ; Litteraturo de la lU'Vohition. Paris, 1859. — Qeyer, P., Frank- 
relch under Xapoleon III, unfer 1865. — Glgaolt, Vie poUtlquo du Marquis de Lafayette, 
Paris, 1833. — Oiguet, P., Hlstoire militaire de la Franne, Pari.s, 1849, 3 vols, — Oirard, 
Ah\t6, S'ouvello histoiro de France, Paris, 1888. — Qlrard, H., Histoire illuetnSe de la 3mo 
R^publique, Paris, 1885. — Qirmud, Charles, Histoiro du droit fran^ais au moyen Age, Paris, 
1846. 2 vols. — OlaiflOD. E., Hlstoire du droit et des institutions de la France, Pari*. 1887. — 
Oodehroy, F., Histolre ae la litteraturo frangaise depuls le Itfme slfecle, Paris, 1859, 10 vols. — 
Godwin, P., History of France. New York, 1860. — Gonoourt. E. et J. de, Uistoire de la 
BO<'i^H(' fran^ pendant la revolution et sous le directoiro, Paris, 1854-1855, 2 vols.; I.iea 
maitresseti de l^uis XV, Paris, 1860, 3 vols. — Ooroe, P. de la, Hibtoire du second empire, 
Paris, 1894. — Gouvlon-Salnt-Oyr, Mnrnuis de, Journal des operations de rarm£e de 
Catalogne en 1808 et 1809, Paris, 1621; Memolres sur los campagncs des arm^s du Rhln et 
de Itliin-et-Moselle, Paris, 1829; t'ampagnes de 1812 et de 1813, Paris. 1831, — Granler de 
Oassagnac, A., Histoire des classes nobles et des« anoblies, Paris, 1840; Histoire da 
Directnire. Paris, 1851-1863, 8 vols.; Histolre populaire de Napoleon III. Paris, 1874. — 
Graviere, .). de la, (Juerres inaritimea sous la r^publique et Tempire, Paris, 1888. — Oragory 
of TourSf in I^e Haerou's Histoire des Institutions des M6rovingiens. PariM, 18-11. — Grimths, 
A.. French Hevolutionary Generals, London, 1891. — Grobnaun-Damitz, Karl W. von, Ge~ 
schirhte des Feldzuges von 1815 in den Niederlanden. Berlin, 1887. — Gronltmd, L., Ca Ira! or 
Danton in the French Revolution. Boston. 1888. — Groveatixia, S. de, GuillauDte III et Louis 
XIV. Paris, 1855. 8 vols. — Ouentber, R., (Jeschichte des FeUI/uges von 1800 in Oher-Dentsrh- 
land, dor Schwciz und In Ober-ltalion. Frauenfeld, 1893. — Gu£rlnf L^on, Histolre do la der- 
ni^re guerre avec la Russie, Paris. 1860 ; Histolre maritime de France, Paris, 1808. 6 vols. — 
GuiUoia, A., Napnl^n, rhomme, le politiijue, Vorateur d'apr^s sa correspondance, etc., Paris, 
1889. 2 voIb. — Guizot, F, , (JuUection des meuioires relatifs & I'histoire de France, Paris, 1834- 
1835. 31 vols., divided in following efliiiouH into: Cours dliistoire mi3derne, Paris, 1828-1880, 
6 vols. ; Hlstoire de la civilisation en Europe. Paris, 1881, and Histoire de la civilisation en 
France, 4 vols. ; English translation. History of CivlUsatioD in Europe, London, 1886; History 
of Qviliaation in France, New York, 1860, 8 vols. ; E.ssais sur I'hixtoire de France, Paris, 1867; 
Mdmnlres pour servlr & I'histoire de mon temps, Paris and I^ipslc, 1858-1865, 8 vols. ; 1859, 
4 voIb, ; France under Louis Philippe, London, 1885; Last Days of the Reign of Louis 
Philippe, Loudon, 1865; Histoire de France depuis les temps les plus recul^^, Paris, 1873- 
1875. 5 vols. ; translation, Outlines of the History of France from Earliest Times, London, 
1873, 8 vols. ; Memoirs of a Minister of State from the Year 1840, I.Hindan, 1684. 

Francois Fierre &uxUaum^ Ouizot, statesman and writer, was bom at Nlmea In 1787. Hia 
father died on the scaffold in 1794. Young Guizot studied at Geneva, and came to Paris in 1805, 
where he busied himself with law and literature. His name is eloeely connected with the stirring 
events in France in the first half of the 19th century, and Guixot alternately took part in politics 
and lectured at the Sorhonne. In 1K40 be was ambassador to London, where his literary and 
political fame, and his works on Enfjlish literature and history, made him very popular. In 
1851 he was obliged to leave France after the coup d'itat of Napoleon, and on his return he 
was made president of the Paris Acodomv of Moral and Political Sciences, In 1854. Guizot 
died in 1874 on his estate in Normandy. Mr. Reeve says of him : " Public life, ambition, the 
love of power, and the triumph of debate no doubt shook and agitated his career, andsome- 
times muidirected it ; but they produced no effect u|>on the solid structure of his character, 
which remained throughout perfectly simple, indifferent to wealth, and prouder of its own 



it«fn^tj tkftn of all the hononr the world could bestow. M. Gaizot wilt be remembered in 
hSstorr lees by what be did as a politician than by what he wrote as a man of Icttere, and by 
what be was as a umn ; and in these respects he takes rank amongst the most illuutrioua repre- 
aentatires of Ma nation and Mh age." 

Baag, E., La France Protestante, Paris, 10 toIs. ^Haas, C. P. M.. La France depulales 
temps hs plas recoles, Paris, 1860, 4 vols.; Administration de la France. Paris, 1801, 
4 vols. — Halevy, L., L'Invasion. rfeclts do guerre, Paris, 1870-1871. — Ballam, Henry, View 
of the Stale of Europe during the Middle Ages, London and New York, 1858, 3 vols, — 
Hamel, E., Histoire de la Rilpublique fran^aise. Pariii, 1872; Histoire de Robespierre et du 
coup d'etat, etc., Paris, 1878, 8 vols. — Bamerton, P. G., Modem F-^nchmen ; five biogra- 
phies. London. 1878. — Han,otaaZf G., L'affaire de Madagascar, Paris, 189B. — Bar^e, 
Documents lu^dits sur les Btuts G^ndraux, Paris, 1879. — Harrison, F. B.. Contempurary 
History of the French Revolution (compiled from Annual Register, 1788-1794), l..ondon, 1889. — 
Hatiall, A., Mirabean. London, 1889. — Batin, L, E., Histoire politique et littdraire de la presse 
en France, Paris, 1850-1861, 8 vols. — BAusaer, L., GeschichtederfranzCsischen Revolution 1789- 
1799. Berlin, 1867. — BauasonvUle, J. O. B., de Clfiron, Comte d', Histoire de la poliliqac 
ei.t£rieure du gouveriiPiufiit fran^uiH de 1830 &1848, Paris, 1850, 3 vols.; Histoire de la reunion 
de la Lorraine & la France. Paris, 1854-1859 ; Puchesse de Bourgngne et Palliance savoyarde 
sous Louis XIV, Paris. 1898. — Haien, W. B., School and Army of Germany (Fran(.'^>-Qeniuan 
War), New York, 1872. — BazHtt, W., The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, London. 1853, 4 vols.. 
2nd edition. — Beath, J. B., Collectinn of Letters of Buonaparte Family, Phlloblblion Society, 
London, 1866. — Belfert, A. von, Maria Luise, £rzherzogin von Osterreich, Kaiserin der 
Franzosen, Vienna, 1873 ; Joacbiin Afurat, Vienna, 1878 ; Ausgang der fr&nzAsischen Herrscbaft 
in Oberitalien, Vienna, 1690. — Belie, F. A., Les constitutions de la France, Paris, 1875-1879.— 
Beockel von Donnersmarck, W.. Krinneruncen aus m(<inem iicben, Zerbst. 1847. — Bettner, 
H., (ieschiclito (icr'^rbf^n Litlorntur. in Tiis Littoraturgnachichte des ISten Jabrbiinderts, 
Brunswick, 1880, 2 vuIm. — Blllabrand, K., Gettchlchte Frankreichs von der Tbruobesteigung 
l^uia Philipps bis zuni Falle Napoleon HI., in Heeren und Ukert's Geschichte der europftiBcheu 
Staaien. Gotba, 1877-1879, 3 vols. — Blppeau, E. G., Histoire diplomatique de la 3me r6pub]ique. 
1^70-1889. Paris, 1889. — Bolland, Lord, see Fox. — Bortanse, Queen, M^moires, Paris, 1884. 
— Bonssaye, A., La r<6gence, Paris, 16fH). — BoxieTi H. M., Military Life of Turcnne, London, 
1885. — Bueff«r, F.. The Troubadours, London, 1878. — Bugo, V., Napoleon le petit, Paria. 
1852; Les Miserables, 1863; Histoire d'un crime, 1877. — Button, \V., Philip Augustus, 
London, 1896. 

IdeviUe, Comte d', Le marechal Bugeaud, Paris, 1885. 

Jackaon, Lady C. C. The Old Regime, London, 1880 ; French Court and Society, London, 
1881 ; Court of Tuilcrles, from Restoration to Flight of L^ouia Philippe, London, 18811 ; Last of 
the Valoia and Accession of Henr}' of Navarre* London, 1888; The first of the Bourbons, 
London. 1889. — J&hns, Max, Da.s franzCsische Heer vnn der groHSfln Revnlution bin xur Gegen- 
wart, Leipsic, 1873. — Jamea, G. P. R.. Mary of Bureundy. Louilou. 18^3. — Jamison, D. F., 
The Life and Times of Bertrnnd du Guesclin. CharTestown, 1864. 2 vo3s. — Janet, P., Phi- 
loaophie de la Revolution franQaise. Paris, 1875. — Jaoln, J., Paris et Versailles U y a cent ana. 
Paiis, 1874. — Jean de Troyes, Histoire de Louis XI, . . . autremeut dlcte l^a Chronlque 
ScandaleuRe, in Philippe de Cominea' Croniqae, Brussfela, 1706. 

The chronicle of Jean de IVoyes la one of the most valuable sources for the history of 
Louis Xi. The title Chronigue SeandaUuse was probably added by some publisher and the 
first edition of it gives neither the date nor the author's name. Jean de Troyes relates occur. 
nacea as the king wished them to be known to the people, without thinking of seeking any 
oaderlying p<ililical cause for them. He also gives a grpat manr details which give more than 
any other work a deep insight Into the inner life of Paris at t\ie end of the fifteenth century. 
Unfortunately the chronicler often relates from hearsay, so that his work requires comparison 
with other writers. 

Jeannin, P.. N^gociations, Paris, 1656 ; (Kuvres mSl^es in Petitot's Collection complete des 
m^oires relktifs i I'histoire de France, 1819, ser. 3, vol. 10. — Jarrold, B., Life of Napoleon 
III, London, 1871-1874.4 vols. — JerrlajW. H.. History of France, New York. 1898. — Jobo«, 
A., La France sous Louis XVI, Paris, 1877-1881, 2 vok. —Johnson, A. H,, The Normans in 
Europe, London, 1877. — JoinviUe, J. de. Vie do St. I.*ouifl, first edition 1546 ; translated by J. 
Button, Loudon, 1668. 

The Sire de Joinvtlle was bom in 1234 and was for a time attached to the service of Count 
Thibaot of Champagne. Ho afterwards became the friend and chronicler of Louis IX and 
Booomponied him on his first crusade to Eg^pt, fighting at his side and sharing his captivity. 
It was not nntil long after the author's return to his own country, when he wa.t an old man, 
that he wrote the biography which has made him famous, writing it. as he says, at the request 
of the king's mother Jeanne de Navarre. The narrative is wonderfully attractive, bringingout 
dearly the character of the " saint king" for which the history of the crusade forms a ^ck< 


Jomini, H. Baron, Histoire critique et mUiUire des rampagnefl de 1a Revolution. Paris. 
1819-18:^, 15 voIh.; Vie politique et militaire de Nai>ol6no, I^aris, 1630,4vol8. — Jourgniac d# 
Baint-M6ard, Fr. fin, Mon (ignnie de 38 liMurfiH, Paris, 1792, 6lh edition. — Jang, T.. I^yi prrt- 
mieres anutV'S de Bfjnaparto, Paris, 1880 : Bonaparte vt non temps, Paris, 1880-1881, 8 vols.. — 
Journal d'on Bourgeola de Farla, edittNl l)r Uodefroy, Ktid in Honchin'a collection de inemoires 
rolatifs a rhistoire de France, vol. 40. — ^onot, Mine,, M^moires, Paris. 1881-18S4, IHvola.; 
Hietoire dee salons de Paris et portraits du tfrand tnonde sous Louis XVI, le Directoire, Con- 
sulate Empire, Hestauratiun et regno de Louis Puilippe, Paris, 1887-1838. — Jut^daI dM Unlna, 
Hifitolre de Charles VI, published by Godefroy, Paris, 1614; in Michaud's collection, vol. 2. 

Salaer, S.^ FranzOsische Verfossunneaschichte, Leipsic, 1803. — Sarvanean, F. M. de. et 
Olavalln, Uistoire de la Il^volution de Prance, Paris, 1793-180;j. 19 vols. —Slag, £., French 
Political Leaders, New York, 1876. — Elnglake, A. W., The Invasion of the Crimea ; ita origin 
and an account of its progress down to the dt^ath of Lord Haelan, Edinburjch, 1868-1887. — 
Kirk, J, K., History of Charies the Bold, Philadelphia, 1846-18fe, 3 vols. — Kitchln, O. W.. A 
History of France, Oxford and New York, 1877. 8 vols.; article Franco, In Encyclopanlia Bri- 
tannica, 0th edition. — Knighton^ Henry, Chronica de eventibus Angliw a tempore r^ia £dgari 
usque mortem regis Ricardi Sccundi, edited bv R. Twysdcn. in Historiw angUcann Boriptarea, 
vol. 10, London. 1653 fT. —Koch, J. B. i\ Mdmoires de Masa^na, Paris. 1849-1850, 7 toIb. 

La Bruy^re, Jean de. Les caract^rea ou Ics mosurs de ce ai^le, Paris, 1688 ; edited by 
Chassang, Paris, 1876. — £*aoombe, B. de, Catherine deMMicis, Paris, 1899. — Xjaoombe, C. de, 
Henry IV et sa politique, Paris, 1877. — liaoomba, P., A Short History of the French People, 
New York. 1B75. — Lacretelle, Ch., Ulsluire de France pendant le XVIII siecle. Paris, 1808. 6 
vols.; 6th ed.. 1^80; Histoire de France depuis la liestauration, Paris, 1829-1836, 4 vols. ; Dix 
anni^^s d'dpreuves p4*ndant la revolution, Paris, 1842; Histoire du Consulat et de I'Empiro, 
Paris, 1846. — Lady of Rank, liouk of Costume. Londoxi. 1847, — La Fara, C. A. Marquis de, 
M^moiros sur Louis XIV, Kottdrdiun, 1715. — La Fayett«, Comtesse di?. CEuvros, Paris, 1814. — 
La Fayette, Marquis de, Memoires, Paris. 18S7-1840. — La Marohe, Olivier de, M^moires. 
Lyons, 1562 ; Paris, 1843, in the Pantheon litt^raire; Le Parement et le Triomphe des dames 
d'honneur, Paris, 1566. 

Olivier de La Marche was born at La Marche in Burgundy In 1426 and died in 1501. He 
lived at the coart of the dukes of Burgundv, and describes events thnn^ from the year 1435 to 
1492. His memoirs are valuable for mihtary history and the general history of the time, 
although their style is somewhat duU. He also wrote several works in varse, among them the 
second montiontHl above. 

Lamartine, A. de, Les Qlrondlns, Parla, 1847, 4 vols. ; London, 1868. 8 vols. ; History of the 
French Revolution, London, 1849 ; History of the Restoration of the Monarchy in Fnuice, 
London, 1652. 4 vols. 

Alphonse Marie Louis de Lamartine, poet, politician, historian, the aon of an officer and 
himself a member of the guard in 1814, was born in 1700 at M&con. A fall-fledged poet, he 
WBs elected a member of tiie French Academy In 1820. He at once embarked in politics. In 
1847 h(* publi-fbed the ni»loir» des Oirondifui, a work which, while at times iimccurate, poaaeased 
brilliant qualities and did much to pre|iarf public sentiment for the republic. He oontinned 
his diplomatic career until the coup d'Hat of the 2nd of December, 1851, forced him into 
private life. He continued to produce miscoUonoous works until his death in 1868. A brilliant 
stylist and word-painter, he is perhaps not the most accurate of historians, and allowances 
must lit* inadft for bis flights of imagination. 

Lanessan. J. L. de. L'Expansion colonlale de la France, Paris. 1866. — Lanfrvy, P., His- 
toire (le Nspolt^on ler, Paris 1867-1876, 5 vols.; translation. Historvof Napoleon I, Ixiudon and 
New York, 1871-1879, 4 vols. — Lanierj L., L'Afriquo, Paris, 1^84. — Lanoue, Frangois de. 
M^moires, in Petitot's Collection complete des mSmoires relatlfs & I'histoire de France, Paris, 
1819. — La Popelini^re, L. Voisin de, Histoire de France de 1550 a 1557, Ija Hochelle. 1561. — 
Larchey, L., Bayard. London, 1883. — La Rochefoncauld, Francois. Due de, M^molres sur le 
i^gne d Anne d'Autriche, Paris, 1663; Maximes, Paris, 1665. — La Rooh^faqoeleln, Mme. de, 
Memoiros, Bordeaux, 1816. — Las Oases, D., Comto de. Memorial de Sainte-Helene, Pari», 1828, 
8 vols. — La Tour d'Auvergne, H. de < Due de Bouillon). Memoires, Paris, 1666: 1836. — 
Lavaletta, M. J. de, MSmoirt'S et Miuvenirs du Comte de la Valette, Paris, 1631. — La^aHee, 
T.. Histoire des Frangais. Paris, 1845, 2 vols. ; Hiutoire de Paris, Paris, 1852. — LaTlate, see 
Rambaud. — I«e Bal, Jean, I.#s vrayes chroniqnes de Mesalre, Brussels. 1863. — Xfeber, M., 
E^ssai sur I'appr^ciation de la fortune priv^e au Moyen Age, Paris, 1847. — Leoointa. C, Annalca 
eoclfeiastiques de la France, Paris, 1665-1680, 8 vols. — I^efranc, A., Olivier de QiBson, Paris, 
1888. — Legeay, IT., Histoire de Louis XI. Paris. 1874. 2 vols. — Le Oofl^ F.. TheUfeof Louis 
Adolphe Thiers, New York, 1879. — L« Grand d'Auaiy, Histoire de la vie priv£e des Fran^aifl, 
Paris, 1768 ; 1851, 8 vols. — Le Haeron, J. M., Histoire des institutiona m^rovingiennes, Paris, 
1841 ; Histoire des Institutions c&rolin^ennea, Paris. 1848. — Lemontey, Pierre K., Histoire de 
la regence et de la minority de Louis Xv, Paris, 1882. — Leolent, C, La satire en France, Paris, 
1866. — Leacure, M. F. A. de, La Princosse de Lamballp. Paris, 1864 ; Jeanne d'Arc, L'hdroine 
de la France. 1866 ; Napol^n et sa faoiille, 1867. — LllatoiU, P. de, M^molree, Jouniaux, in 



Micliftnd H Poujftlot'3 Collection, Paris, 1835-1B26. — LeTB8B«ur, P. E.. Rccherches historiques 
Bur le syBt^me d« Law, Paris, 1854; Histoire des cla.sses nuvriervs en France, Paris, 1859, 2 
rols. — Leveique, P. C, La France sous les cinq premiers Valois, Paris, 1788, 4 vols. — lisvy, 
A., Napoleon intime. Paris, 189S. — Lew«i, O. H., Biographical Uistorv of Philosophy. Lon- 
don, 1845-1846 ; Life of Robespierre. Ixmdon. 1864. — LiUy, W. S., A Ceutarv of Revolution, 
London. 1B89. — Unguat, H.. M^moires sur la Bastille, London. 1788. — ZJnagaraj, P. C. 
Histoire de la (.'ommuiie de 1871, Brus&elB, 1876 ; translation. History of the I'ommunw of 1871, 
London. 1886. — Z«lttri, E., llistoire de la lanpno fran^aiiw. Parifi, 1863, 2 vols. — Uvy, Titos, 
T. Livil Foro-JnlieoRia vita Henrici Quinti, regis Anpliw, Oxford, 1710. — Lockhart, J. 6., Life 
of Buonaparte, London, 1889. — Lomenie, L. de, Oalerio descontemporainsillustres, Brussels, 
lSi8. — Londonderry, C. W. S., Marquis of. Narrative of the War In Germany and Franc* in 
1813 and 1814, Luiuioii, 1830. — Longnon, A.. Atla s His torigue de la France, Paris, 1884. — 
ZjOt, Les demiers Carolinpens, Paris, 1892. — I*oula XIV, M^moirca, most complete' edition by 
Dreyss, Paris, 1859. — Lubls, E., Histoire de la Kestauration. Paris, 1848. 6 vols.— Luce, S.. 
Histoire de la Jacquerie, Paris, 1869. — Lachalre, A., Histoire des InBtitationsMonarchiques de 
U Franco sous les premiers Cap^tiens, Paris, 1884-1885. — Luynea, Ch. Philippe, Due de, 
M^moires. published by Pussieux and Sooli^, Paris, 1800-1862. 17 vols. 

Mably, O.Bonnot de. Observations snr I'hiHtoire de France, Geneva, 1765. — Macanlay. 
T. B., Mirabeau, in Essays. — Macdonnell, J., France since the First Empire, Loudon and 
New York, 1879. — Maokintoah, J., Vindica? GolHoe, London. 1791. — Maimbourg, L., Historv 
of the Holy War, etc.. transluted by Dr. Nalson, London, lflH6. — Maintenon, Mme. de, M^- 
moires, 1766, 6 vols. — Mallesoo, G. B., Eugene of Savoy, London, 1888 ; History of the French 
lu India, London, 1808. — MaUet-I>upan, J.. M^moires, Paris, 1851; Correspondance pour 
aervir k I'histoire do La Revolution, Paris, 1851 (both published by Hayous). — Marceau, 
Seivent, Notices historiques sur le gdut^rol Marceau, Milan, 1830. — Margaret de Valola, 
L'Ueptameron, Paris, 1559; M^raoires. Paris, 1628. — Margry, P.. IKicouvertcs et dtablisse- 
ments des Fran^als, Paris. 1879-1881. 4 vols. — Marmont, A. F. L. de, M6moire8. Paris, 1836- 
1887, 9 vols. — Bflarmoniel, J. F., M^moires, Paris, 1799. — Marot, Jean. Recueil de Jehan 
Marot de Caen, Paris, 1582. —Martin, 11.. Histoire de Franco jusqu'en 1789. Paris. 1865-1860. 
17 vols., 4ih edition ; popular edition, 1867-1885, 7 vols.; Histoire de France modeme, depals 
1789 iusqu'A nosjours, Paris. 1878-1885, 8 vols., 3nd edition. 

Bon Louis Henri Mart 171 was bom at St. Quentin(Ai8iie) in 1810, and died in 1883. He bepan 
his literary career by writing historical novels, but soon turned bis attention more cxclusivelv 
to history and in 1833 published the first edition of his chief work, '*Th© History of France.^' 
After the second edition the work was completely revised and enlarged, and in 1856 received the 
first prize of the Academy. The first work, extending tothe Revolution, was supplemented by 
his Histoire cU France modfme, the two together giving a complel* history of France, which 
stands perhaps at the head of general histories of that country. It shows profound rese&rch 
and is characterised by great impartiality, accurncv, and courage in dealine with political events. 
Martin was prominent m political life. In 1848 he was a lecturer at the Sorbonne, but waa 
obliged to retin* during the reaction from democratic tendencies. In 1871 he was chosen delegate 
from Aisne to the National Assembly, and in 1876 was wnator for tho same province. Martin 
aimed at writing a national history of hlscountry aiidhts work has had a groat national influence. 

Marx, E.. tssai sur les pouvoirs de Gouverneur de Province, etc., Paris, 1880. — Marziala, 
F. T., Life of Leon Gambetla, London. 1890. — Maison, F,, Napoldon lerei les femmes, Paris, 
1898; Nam)16on cbez lui, Pari.s 1894. — Masson, fi,, Earlv (.'hroniclers of France, London, 
1879 ; Richelieu, 1884 ; Mazarin, 1887. — Matthew Parta, Chronica Majora, edited by Parker, 
1571 ; best edition by Dr. Luard in Rolls Series. 1872-1880, 6 vols. — Maupaa, C. E. de. M6- 
moiressurle Second Empire, Paris, 1884 ; English translation. Story of the C(nij>d'£)i!at, !x)ndon, 
1884, 2 vols. — Maxwell, H., Life of Wollington, London, 1893. — May, Thoiiia.M Erskine, 
Pemocracy in Eun»pe, l./<indon, 1^77, 2 vols. — Mazarin, Jules, Cardinal, Negociatjons Kecr^tea 
dea Pyr^nfies, Anistonlnm, 169;t ; Lettres de Mazarin relatives d la Frondp, published by Tamizey 
de Larroque, Paris. 1861 ; Lettres {published by A. Ch^ruel at the order of the French govern- 
ment, in progress), 2 vols. — Meaux, Vicomte ne, La Revolution et TEmpire, Paris, 1867 ; Les 
Inttee religieiises en France an XVI sifecle. Paris. 1879. — Mercter, L. S.. Nouvpru Paris, Paris, 
1800, 6 vols.; Paris i>endant la revolution, Paris. 1802, 2nd edition. — Merimee, P., I*a 
chronique dn regne de Charles IX. 1829. — Mettemich-Wlnnebnrg, Prince Clemens, Aus Met- 
temich's nachgelassencn Papieren, Vienna. lW::ii)-1884, 8 vols. — Mezeray, E. de, Histoire de 
France, Paris, 1643-1651, 3 vols.; 1839. — Michaud, Joseph, Histoire des croisades, Paris, 
1812-1822, 7 vols.; new edition, 1877. 2 vols.; with Pot^Joulat, J. J. F.. Nouvelle collection do 
m6moires pour servir & I'histoin* de France depuis le Xllle sl^le jusqu'au XVIlle si^le, 
Paris. 18a6-ia'19, 32 vo1:i. —Michel, G.. Vie de Vauban, Paris. 1879. — BAiohelet, J., Histoire 
de France, 1837-1867, 16 vols.; last edition 1879, 19 vols.; translated into English, History of 
France, by W. Kelly, London. 1846, 2 vols.; La France devant I'Europe, Florence. 1871 ; His- 
toire de la Revolution fran9aise, Paris, 1889. 5 vola.. 4th edition ; Histoire du XIXe si&'le (to 
Waterioo), Paris. 1876. 3 vols. 

Julf^ MicMUt was bom at Paris in 1798 and died in 1874. From 1821 to 1826 he was pro 
feesor of history and philoaophy at RolUn college, daring which period he published the remark- 


able PrScta de Tkistoire modeme. He was made member of the Academy in 1888, and sacoeedadj 
DaaDon in the chair of hi^torr at the CollA^ de FVanc^. He refused in 1848 nomination to th«; 
National Assembly and devoted himself cxcluaively to his historiral labours. The coup d'Uad' 
of the 2nd of December, 1851, deprived him of Lis chair in the College de France, and he con-' 
tinned in retirement hia Sistoire de France and Uistoire dt la Sivotution. A virld colorist, hft! 
is sometimes called a poetical historian because his imaginative representation i» imbued with 
the ideals of democracy. He regnrdpd everything from a personal point of view no that every- 
thing he wrote is strongly stamped with his indivldualitv. with his violent prejudices and ardent 
patriotism. In this respect he is one of the must remaruble of historians. It hatt truly been 
said that there are no dry bones in his writings. 

Mignet, F. A., Histoire de la Revolution frangaise, Paris. 1834, 2 vols.; 8th edition, ldAt» 
2 vols. ; N^ncitttions relativPM i la fiurcpKsion d'Rf^pa^i^. Parifi, 183ft~1844, 4 vols.; Hivalit^ d^i 
Franoots I et de Charles V, Paris, 1875-1876. 2 vols ; Vio do Franklin, in Acad^mio des Sriencea, 
Morales et Poliliques, Paris, 1848. — Mikh aTl o waki-Danile wskl. A.. L'Histoiro de la jruerre 
de 1K12, 4 vols.; Mdmoires sur ]'exp6dition de iSlS; I^ passage de la Bdr^xina, Paris, 1843; 
Relation de la compare de 1805. Paris, 1846; Complete works published at St. Petersburg, 
1849-1850, 7 vols. — Mllman, H. H., Higtory of Ijitin Christianity, I-rf>ndon, 1867. — Bfflot de 
MelltOf A. E.. M^moires, Paris. 1858, 3 vols. — Mirabeau, Marquis de. L'ami dfs hommcs ou 
traits de la iKjpulation, The Hague, 1758, 8 vols. — Moltke, llellmuth Kurl Bernhardt, Graf 
von, DeutHch-fronaiSsischer Kripg vnn 1871. Bt>rHn, 1801 ; translated by C. Bell and H. W. 
FiBher, London, 1891, 2 vols. — Moutrelet, E. de, Cbroniquo, in Buchon's Collection des chro- 
niques franQaises, Paris, 1826; English translation ; The (I'hroniclesof . . . Monstrelet, containing' < 
an account of the Civil Wars between the Houses of Orleans and Burgundy, London, 186^ ' 
S vols. 

En^fierrand de MontttreUt was bom of a noble family of Flanders in about the vear 1890. 
He attached himself to the duke of Burgundy and becamo provost of Cambray. He ditnl in 
1453. His chronicle begins where Froisaart left off, at the year 1400. and continues to 1444, 
having been continued by other writers until 1516. He describes the events of his time, chiefly 
the wars of France, Artois, and Picardr. While his narration lacks the brilliancy of that of 
Froisaart, it is almost uniformly accurate and is very valuable for the original documents it 

MonUdgne, Michel de, Essals, Bordeaux, 1580. — Moiit«il, A. A., Histoire des PranQals 
des divers Etats, Paris, 1858, 5 vols.; Histoire Agricole de la France, Paris, 1877; Histoire de 
rindustrie Fran^aise. Paris and Limoges, 1878-1880, 2 vols.; Histoire financidre de la France, 
Limogen, 1881. — Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, Baron de. Pens^os de Montesquieu in 
Pieces int^resitaDtes et pea cuimues pour servtr k I'hiBtoire et k la litt^rature ; Esprit des Lois, 
Geneva, 1748. — MontgaiUord, G. H. R.. Histoire de France chronologique, 1787-1818. Paris, 
1828. — Montholon. Ch. T. de, with General Ooorgaad, Mfemoircs pour servir k Thistoiro de 
France sous Napol£on, Merits & 8te. H^I^ae sous sa dictee, Paris. 1838, 8 vols. — Montjoiai 
Christopbe, F. L., Eloge historique de Marie Antoinf^ttn, Pari». 1797. — Montloo, Blaise dft< 
Xiaaseran MasHencome, Commentaires. Bordeaux, 1592. — Montvon, A. de, Particularity et 
observations sur les ministrt^s des financets de France, London, 1812. — MoreUet, Andre, M6- 
iD(drea, Paria, 1821. — Morley, J. Rousseau. London and New York, 188fi ; Voltaire, London 
and Kew York. 1886. — Morris, W. O'Connor. French Revolution and the First Empire, London, 
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Philtp Mouskes was Bishop of Tournay in 1374. and died about 1283. His metrical chron. 
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lines. A great deal of the work has been borrowed from the old chansons de geste and belongs* 
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Mnel, L£on, Goavernements, ministdres et constitutions de la France, Paris, 1800. — 
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tungen Qber die grossen Operationen und Schlachten der FeldzUge von 1813 und 1814. Berlin, 
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Nangta. Guillanme de. Vies de St. I>ouis et de Philippe le Hard! ; Chroniqne universelle ; 
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Very Little is known conoeming the life of OuiUaume de Nangia, except that he was a monk 
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of St. Denis, notably by Je&n de Vlnette, who brougrht it down to tbe year 1368. It is almofit 
the only authority for tbe first sixt««D years of PhUip the Fair. The chronicle was pablisbed 
by H. (i^rftud. for the Socidi^ de I'Histoire de Franco, Paris, 1843. 3 vols. 

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Chof^raif d» ViUehardouin was th« fint great historian to write in Frencli prose. He was 
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On the death uf Louis 1e Debonnaire (840) the empire of Charlemagne is dismembered. 
The two younecr sons of the dead monarch. Charles and Ludwij?. dispute the right of 
the oldeat. Lothair. to supreme authority over all the Franks. War results, and at the 
battle of Fontenailles (841) I^nthuir is complptely defeated. This important pvent leads 
to the Treaty of Verdun (843). in which three kingdoms are distinctly marked : for 
Lothair, Italy and Lorraine ; for Ladwlg, Germany ; and for Charles, France. 

OF VERDUN (843-987 a.d.) 

Ad epoch "in which," says Kltcbln, "France passes through a dreary and confused 
period of formation." 

843 Oh&rlea (U) the Bald iH king of alt Gaul west of the Schelde, the Maas, the Badne, and 

the Rhone, down to the Minliterrauean, and north of the Pyrenees; bni three states 
rtill resist his authority, Brittany, Septiinania. and Aqaitaine. The Northmen are now 
coming every year, ravaging the coast and ascending the rivers. 

844 The diet of Thionvitle cunfirms the partition of the empire effected at Verdun. 

846 Nomeno€, count (or duke) of Brittany defeats Charles. Pepin of Aquitaine continues 

his reaietance. 

847 CTharlei> and bis two brothers conclude an nfTensive and defensive alliance at Mersen. 

848 Brittany made independent by Nomeno^, who takes title of king. 

850 Pepin of Aquitaine allies himself with the Northmen and Saracens against Charles. 

861 Charles defeats and imprisons Pepin and takes j>osses8ion nf Aquitaine. 

8S2 Charles makes peace with Muhammed, the Saracen ruler of Spain, who has sent his gen- 
eral, Musa, to invade France. 

858 The Northmen capture Nantes and Tours. 

854 Pepin escapes from prison and recovers Aquitaine. 

868 Ludwig of Germany invades France, but is persuaded to withdraw. The Northmen 
settle on the Oise. 

881 Charles makes Itnbert the Strong count of Paris. 

868 Charles conferH the duchy of Flanders on Baldwin, who had abducted and married his 
daughter Judith. On death of King Chariest of Provence {son of the t;m[>erur Lothair) 
Charleti the Bald makes an unH>ucce.sKfi]| attempt to seize the kingdom. 

865 Charles oeain captures Popin and takes Aquitaine. 

866 Death of Kobert the Strong at battle of Brissarthe against the Northmen. 

867 Charles makes his sod Louih king of Aquitaine, 

870 After the death of Ijothair II, Cliarles divides Lorraine with Ludwig the German. 

875 On death of the emperor Ludwig II, Charles the Bald obtains the imperial succession. 

The Northmen take Rouen. 

876 Charles fails in an attempt to seize the possessions of the son of Ludwig the German. 

877 The pope calls on Charles to drive the Saracens from Italy. Edict of Quierzy, making 

hereditary the Hef^ of the count.s who accompany him to Italy. Death of Charles. His 

son IjOuia (11) the Stammerer king of Aquitaine succeeds. 
870 Death of Luuis. His two sonn divide the kingdom ; Louis m ruling in northern France, 

Carloznan in Burgundy and Aquitaine. 
880 The French and lierman kings proceed against King Boson of Burgundy, who hu 

assumed that title. Siege of Vienne. 

882 Death of Louis ; Carlomau rules over the whole of France. 

884 Death of Carloman. The nobles make the emperor Oharlaa tli« Fat, grandson of Ijouis 

le Debonnaire, king of France. The empire of CharlcmAgne is reunited. 

885 The Northmen under Rollo besiege Paris. 

886 Charles buys the Northmen oft. 

887 Deposition of Charles at diet of Tribur. He retires to Germany. 

888 Death of Charles. The nobles, disgusted with the degenerate Carlnvingians, elect Eudsi 

king. He rules over the land between the Maaa and the Loire* Beyond the Maas, 



Amnlf of Qermany is raoognised ; and south of the Loire, Doke Bainnlf of Aqnittine 

takes the title of King. Louis, son of Boson, founds (^urane Burgundy ; and Rudolf 

of Auzerre founds Transjurane Burgundj. 
889 Eudes proceeds vigorously against the Northmen. The Saracens settle at Fraxinet in 

Provence. Eudes forces BAinulf to renounce his title, but is unable to conquer southern 

Fiance. The count of Flanders refuses obedience to Eudes. 
892 Victory of Eudes at Montpensier over the Northmen. 
898 The opponents of Eudes meet at Rheims and elect duurles (IIZ) the Simple, natural son 

of Louis n. king. Eudes compels Charles to flee to Amulf. 
896 Amulf makes Lorraine into a kingdom for his son Zwentibold. 
896 Eudes recognises title of Charles and cedes him some territory in eastern France. 
898 Death of Eudes. Charles the Simple sole king. 


911 Northmen under Rollo settle at Rouen. The Lorndners give their kingdom to Charles. 
913 Charles gives Rollo his daughter and the duchy of Normandv for a fief. Conversion of 

Bollo to Christianity. He takes the name of Robert. Tne Northmen are henceforth 

the Normans of France. 
990 The Lorralners take back their kingdom. 
923 The nobles crown Robert I (broUier of Eudes and duke of France) king of France. 

Charles proceeds against him. 

928 Defeat of Charles at Soissons by Robert. Death of Robert in battle. His son-in-law 

Rnddf of Burgundy is elected to succeed. The strife with Charles continues. He is 
betrayed and imprisoned. Lorraine Is given to Henry the Fowler. 

929 Death of Charles the Simple. Rudolf repulses a Magyar invasion. 

986 Death of Rudolf. Zaouls (IV ) d'Outre-Mer, son of Charles the Simple, is made king. 
988 Otto the QreaX prevents Louis from seizing Lorraine. 

941 Louis is defeated by Hugh the Great, duke of France. 

942 Assassination of William Longsword of Normandy. 

945 Louis defeated in his attempts on Normandy. He is vanquished and Imprisoned by the 

national party under Hugh the Great. 

946 Otto the Great invades France as far as Rouen. Louis is liberated. 
9^ Excommunication of Hugh at council of Ingelheim. 

954 Death of Louis. His younff son TiOthair is raised to the throne. 

955 Louis gives Burgundy to Hugh. 

956 Death of Hugh the Great ; nis son Hugh Capet succeeds to his title. Ix)th^r gn^^es him 

978 The Saracens are driven from the south of France. 
978 Lothair invades Lorraine. Otto Invades France as far as Paris, and in retreat loses a 

large part of his army. 
980 Lothtdr abandons Upper Lorraine to Otto, but obtains Lower Lorraine and Brabant for 

his son Charles. 
986 Death of Lothair. His son I^nils (V) le Faineant succeeds. 



987 Death of Louis. Hugh Oapet takes the throne supported by some of the nobles. Others 

advocate the dsim of Charles of Lorraine. Hugh is the first French king in the modern 
sense of the word, for as duke of France, count of Paris, Orleans, etc., he has territories 
of his own. The Carlovingians ruled as emperors with little or no territorial possessions. 
Hugh associates his son IU>bert on the throne. 

988 Charles of Lorndne invades France. 

991 Capture and Imprisonment of Charles. Opposition to Hugh by the duke of Aquitaine. 
994 Dispute of Hugh and Pope John XV over Archbishop Geri)ert. 
996 Death of Hugh. His son Robert II succeeds as sole king. 

998 The pope forces Robert to repudiate his wife and cousin, Bertha. He marries Constance 
of Aquitaine. 


1010 Persecution of the Jews in France. 

1016 Rot>ert acquires his right to the duchy of Burgundy after a fourteen vears' war with the 
rebellions Otho WillLun, who had assumed the title of Duke Henry in 1002. 



1017 TTftnry, Bon of Robert, crowned joint king. 

10*22 Thirteen Maniclitpau heretics burned at Orleans ; the firwl nf these executiooH. 

1028 Kobcrt le IHftble uRurpm ih© ducal crown of Normandy. He helps Henry crush the revolt- 
ing barons. 

1031 Death of Kobert. Bexkry I succeeds ns sole king. 

1033 Henry gives the duchy of Burgundy to his brother Robert, who founds the first Ckpetlon 
house of Burgundy, which l&tits until 1361. 

1033 Robert le Diable failH in an invasion of England, and ravageM Brittany. 

103B Death of Robert le Diable. Hia son William the Bastard succeeds him. The •'Peace of 
(iud " proclaimed. 

1041 The " Truce of God " proclaimed. Henry captures his rebellious brother Eudes. 

1046 At the battle of Val-e»-Dunes. William the Bastard brings hia rebe11iou*« l>arons to obedi- 
ence. The dukes of Ix)rraine and Flanders give their liomage to the German emperor. 

1064 Great victory of William over Eudes of Anjou, at Mortemer. 

1099 Henry makes his sou Philip joint king. 

1060 Death of Honry. Philip I solo king. Britt&ny still Independent. 
1066 The Xornian invasion of England. 

1069 WjlUara the Bastard (the Conqueror) seizes Maine. 

1070 The people of l^e Mana use the word commune nr *' municipality " for the first time. 

1071 Ruburt the Friblau invades France and defeats I'hilip at Cassel. 

1075 Philip compels William the Conquerf>r to raise the siegrt of Dol in Britt&ny. 

1076 Peace made between Philip and William. Revolt of the commune at Cuabray, 
1079 Robert, son of William, rebels against his father. 

1087 Deatli of William, Robert succeeds as duke of Normandy ; his brother William RufuB as 

king of England. 
1090 William Rufus invades Normandy. 

1094 Quarrel of Philip and Urban 11 over the divorce of Queen Bertha. 

1095 Henry, son of the duke of Burgundy, receives the county of I'ortugml from Alfonso VI of 

Leon and Castile, and becomies the ancestor of the kings of Portugal. 
1066 The first crusaders start from Fratice. 

1097 Roi>*'rt of Normandy joins the crusade, mortjp-aging the duchy to William Rnfus. 
1097-1099 Hostilities witb VViliiam Rufus of England, wlio claimR the French Vexin. 

1100 On death of William Rufns, Robert returns to Normandy to resume his rule. Philip 

makes hia son Louia joint king. 


The opening of this century la noted for the rapid growth of town liberties. 
1104 Henry I of England Invades Normandy. 
1106 Battle of Tinrbebray and defeat and capture of Robert of Normandy by Henry of England. 

Nornuuidy (mce more attached tm England. 
1108 Death of Philip. Louia VI nole king. 
1100 War breaks out between France and England. 

1111 The count of Anjou takes }x)S8ession of Maine. 

1112 Beginning of the riots of the commune of Laon. 

1110 The war lH?twcen France and England is ended by the dccbivo defeat of Loaia at Brenne- 

ville. The cause of William cTito is lost. 
1124 War renewed between France and England over the pc^session of Normandy. 

1127 Marriage of Matilda, daughter of Henry of England, to UeulTrey Plantageuet of Anjou, 

brings the Anglo-Norman domination down to the Loire. Murder of the count of 
Flanders. Louis gives that province to William ClJto. 

1128 Death of William Clito, Louia loses bis influence in Flanders. 

1129 Peace arranged between Louis and Henry, 
1181 Tlie king makes hlH son Loulb joint king. 

1186 The marriage of the young IjouIh to Eleauor of Gulenne (Aqnitaine) unites that duchy to 

the cro^vn. 

1137 Death of Louis. Itooli (VII> th« Tonn|r sole king. He continues the policy uf hts 

fatlier, and seconds the communal movement. King Str^pben of England makes a short 

invasion of Normandy. 
1140 Beginning of quarrel of Louia with the papacy over the archblahopric of Bourges. Suger 

advises Lonis. 

1143 Louis attacks the count of Champagne and burns down Vitry church. 

1144 Louis makes peace with the papacy and promises to undertake a crusade. Louis interfered 

In the quarrel of Stephen and Gr-ofFrey Plantagenet. Dismemberment of the Anglo- 
Norman monarchy ; Stephen remains king of England and count of Boulogne ; Geoffrey, 
duke of Normandy, count of Aniou, Maine, and Touraine. 

1146 Death of Geoffrey Plantagenet. Hia mm. Henry of Anjou, inherits his possessions, 

1147 Louis departs on the Second Crusade, leaving the kingdom in charge of Suger. 


1149 Retam of Louis. Qaeen B3euior peUtUms the pope for a divoroe. 

1163 The pope gimnta Eleanor's divorce. Bhe marries Henrj of AnjoQ, son of 0eoffr^ PUata- 

genet and Matilda. 
1154 Heniy of Anjon becomes Henir II of England. Besides his French territoiy inherited 

from Geoffrey, he is, in his wife's name, count of Poitoa and doke of Oaienne. 
1158 Henry U of England adds Nantes to his possessions on death of his brother Geoilrey. 

1150 War breaks out between France and England over the poss e ss i on of Tooloose. 

1161 Peace made between Henry and Lools. 

1162 Foundation of the Paris cathedral lidd. 
1167 Louis renews hostilities with England. 

1169 Peace of Montmirail between England and France. 

1171 Brittany passes by marriage to Geoffrey, son of Henry IL 

1178 Louis supports the sons of Henry H in tiieir rebellion agidast their father, but is unable 

to wrest any territoiy from the king of England. 
1177 Henry seises Berri and buys the county of La Marche. 

1179 Louis makes his son Philip Augustus Joint king. 

1180 Death of Louis. Philip (ZI) Augustus sole kkg. 

1189 Philip banishes the Jews from Fnnce, and issues edicts sgainst heretics. 
1186 Philip at war with the count of Flanders, during which he obtains Vermandols, Valois. 
and the county of Amiens. The duke of Burgundy is reduced to submission. 

1188 Philip induces Richard Cceur de Lion to rebel aminst his father Henry II. 

1189 Henry forced to make a disastrous peace with Philip, yielding Berri to France. Death of 

Henry II marks the beginning of the decline of the Angevin power in France. 

1190 Philip teaves for the crusade. 

1191 Philip returns to France. He abolishes the powerful office of seneschal. 

1198 Philip breaks faith with Richard, makes alliance with Prince John of England, and invades 

Normandy. The garrison of Rouen repels him. 
1198 PhUip repudiates his new queen Ingeborg of Denmark. 
1194 Richard, released from captivity, m^es war on Philip. 
1196 A truce between Philip and Richard. The former withdraws from Normandy and retains 

Auvergne, PiiiUp marries Agnes of Meran. 

1198 Battle of Gisors. 

1199 Definite peace between Philip and Richard. Death of Richard. England and Normandy 

receive John as king. Brittany, Anjou, Maine, Poltou, and Touraine declare for Arthur 
of Brittany, son of Geoffrey, under protection of Philip. 
1800 Philip seizes Brittany. He makes peace with John. Excommunication of Philip and 
Agnes. The pope compels the former to take back Ingeborg. 


1803 The house of Capet prevails. John seizes Arthur of Brittany and puts him to death. 
1208 Philip invades Normandy. 

1804 Fall of Chftteau Gaillard. John flees from Rouen to England. Normandy and Brittany 

pass to Philip. John retains only La Rochelle and a few places near the coast. Maine, 

Anjou, Touraine, and Poltou are also reunited to the royal domain, 
1806 John fails in an attempt to capture Angers. 

1308 Crusade against Raymond of Toulouse and the Albigenses (Manichsan heretics) begins. 
1809 The crusi^ers under Amaud Amalric seize B^ziers and massacre 60,000 Inhabitants. 

Simon de Montfort takes Carcassonne. 
1818 Raymond, defeated at Castelnaudary, goes to Aragon for help. 
1818 Battle of Muret. Raymond of Toulouse assisted by Pedro II of Aragon is badly defeated 

by Simon de Montfort. Raymond's possessions are given to Simon. 
1814 Philip wins a great victory at Bouvlnes over a coalition of John of BIngland, Otto IV, and 

the count of Flanders. This battle firmly establishes the French monarchy. 

1816 The Lateran council ratifies the dispossession of Raymond of Toulouse. 

1316 Louis son of Pliilip Invades England, having been invited there by the barons, 

1817 The earl of Pembroke defeats Lioids near Lincoln and he returns to France. Toulouse 

shuts out Simon de Montfort and recalls Count Raymond. 

1818 Death of Simon at idege of Toulouse. His son Amaury continues the war. 
1888 Death of Raymond of Toulouse. 

1888 Death of Phulp Augustus. In his reign he doubledthe royal domain and attacked feudal- 
ism in many of Its vital points. Hu son Zionia (VnX) the Uon succeeds. He carries 
on the struggles with Ezigland and with the Albigenses. Henry HI of England de- 
mands the restitution of I^rmandy and other provinces. 

1884 Amaury de Montfort, driven from the south, transfers his claim on Toulouse to Louis. 
Lower Poitou taken from England. Capture of La Rochelle. Salntonge, Angoumois, 
lAmourin, Pdrigord, and part of Bordelais submit, Bordeaux and Gascony alone remain 
to Enj^and. I^nis begins to free the serfs. 



121^ Loais undertaken a new (^runadc against thi^ Albi^nnm, 

1826 The country between the Rbone and Toulouse (lower Langnedoc) submitu to Louis. Siege 

of Avignon. Death of I^ouis. succeeded by bis joung son I«oulfl IX or Balat LouU 

under regency of the queeo, Blanche of Castile. The barons form a coalition, but 

Blanche defeats their plana. 
1220 The AlbigenBlan War ended by the Treaty of Meaux. The count of Touloase^s daughter 

is married to Louis* brother. Upper Languedoc added tu the royal domains. 
1380 Henry 111 of England lands in Brittany, but his expedition comes to nothing. 
1231 The Treaty of 8t, Aubin du Cormier between Blanche and the revolting nobles. 
1234 Count Thibaut of Champagne, succeeding to the throne of Navarre, sells Sancerre and 

other valuable fiefs to Louia. 
1236 Louis attains his majority ; end of the regency of Blanche of Castile. 
1238 Louis purchases the county of M&con. 

1242 Louis attempts to set his brother Alphonse over Poitou and Anvergne. and the unwilling 

banms call on Henry UI of England. Henry cumeti to France, but is badly defeated at 
Taillebourg and Saintes by I^ouis. 

1243 Henry makes peace with Louis. Haymond VII of Toulouse revolts. 

1244 Kaymond reduced to submission. The last of the Albigenses perish at Mont S^gur. 

Louia with his three brothers assumes the cross. Louis forbids his lords to hold nefs 
under both the king of England and of France at the aame time. Thla greatly helps to 
develop national feeling. 

1245 Provence passes to the house of Anjou on marriage of (Hiarlesof Anjou (Louis* brother) 

to Beatrice of Provence. 
124m Txiuis departs for the crusade, leaving Blanche of Castile regent. 
1241) Louis capture»4 Damietta. 

1250 Battle of Mnnsurah. Capture of Louis. He is lilierated upon restoring Damietta to the 

Mohammedans, and retires to Acre. 

1251 The crusade "des Paatoureaux." 

1252 Rol>ert de Sorbon founds the Sorbnnne. 

1253 Death of Blanche of Castile recalls Louis to France. 
1854 Keturn of I/ouia to Fruncp, a disappointed man. 

1258 By Peace of Corbel! with King Jumes of Aragon, Louis settles the frontier dtfflcuUles and 

recognises the independence of the countv of Barcelona. 
1269 Peace of Abbeville, yielding the Limousin, t'^rigord, and parts of 8aintonge to Henry IIJ, 

who renounces all claims on Normandy, Anjou, Maine, and Poitou. 
1902 Louis refuses the crown of Sicily, offered by Urban IV, and it is accepted by hia brother, 

Charles of Anioa. 

1268 Loots arbitrates In the disputes of Heury III and his barons. 

1266 Charles of Anjou acknowledged king of Sicily. 

1267 Louis again assumes the cross. 

1269 The "Pragmatic Sanction " of Louis lays the foundation of the liberties of the Qalllcan 

church. Its genuineness is doubted. 

1270 Publication of tne " Establishments." Louis sets out on his crusade, goes to Tunis, and 

at the siege of the city dies of the plague. End of the crusading era, and close of the 
most remarkable period of the Middle Ages. The power of the king now predomlnatea 
over that of the feudal nobles, and the prerogatives of imperial autuurity havu become 
reunited to the crown. Roman law has been substituted for feudal justice in many 
provinces of France. The " Third Estate " has Iwen developed in France, and the con- 
test against feudal society, ending in the French Kevolution, has begun. 


Th£ Eu}kr or Philtpptks LrNK (1270-1589 a.d.) 

1270 Louis succeeded by his son, Philip (III) tha Bold. 

1271 Death of AJfonso and Joan of Toulouse. Philip inherits the county. 

12T2 Philip goes to war with the counts of Foix and Armagnac and defeats them. 

1278 Philip yields the pope tbe county of Venaissin and half of Avignon, 

1274 On death of Henry I of Navarre, Philip occupies his French possessions. Champagne and 

Brie, as guardian of the infant heiress Joan, and places French officials in Navarre. Ha 

buys tbe county of Nemours. 
1278 War breaks out with Caaiile over the occupation of Navarre. Siege of Pamplona. 

Philip's expedition la unfortunate, and a truce ia concluded with CastUe. 
1870 Philip gives some fiefa to Edward I of England. 


1388 At the ias^ig&tloo of Charles of Anjoa^ Philip iDAkes war on Angon. The pope offers 

the throne of Aragon to Charles of Valoia, son of Philip. 
1284 Marriage of the king's son, Philip, to Joan of Navarre. 
1385 The war with Aragon continues. Philip captures Elne. His fleet is badly defeated, and 

he dies at Perpignan. The Langfue d'oU begins to replace the Langue d'oc. 

Elder Sraneh of the Philippine Line 

1385 Philip (IV) the Fair succeeds his father. By his marriage with Joan of Navarre, 
- Champagne, Chartres, and Blois are united to France. One year's truce made between 
France and Aragon. 
1387 Edward I of England arranges peace between France and Aragon. Charles of Valois 
abandons his pretensions to the crown of Aragon. 

1389 The pope Induces Charles of Valois to resume his claim to Aragon. 
1391 Treaty of Aix, between France and Angon. 

1298 War breaks out between France and England. Philip invades Guienne. 

1394 The emperor of Germany and the count of Flanders join Edward I against Philip. 

1395 John Ballol of Scotland joins France agiUnst England. 

1396 Philip resists the papal bull forbidding the clergy to pay taxes to princes. He forbids the 

exportation of money from France. Boniface VIII threatens excommunication. The 

earl of Lancaster invades Guienne. 
1297 Philip defeats the count of Flanders at Fumes. Philip and Boniface are reconciled. 
1399 Boniface arranges peace between France and England. A marriage between Philip's 

daughter and Edward's son is arranged. 

1800 Charles of Valois conquers the count of Flanders ; his lands united to the crown. 


1801 Quarrel with Boniface over the bishop of Pamlers. 

1802 The Flemings revolt against Philip, who is badly defeated at Coartrai, "Battle of the 

Spurs." The first states-general convoked. 
1808 Philip sends Guillaume de Nogaret to Italy, who, with the aid of the Colonna, captures 
and imprisons Boniface. He is thus rid of his worst antagonist. 

1804 Fresh revolt of the Flemish, who are defeated at Monsen-Pevdie. Philip makes peace. 

They cede him some territory, and he fives them back their count. 

1805 Philip procures the election of Clement v to the papacy. 
1306 Revocations of the bulls of Boniface against Philip. 

1807 Arrest of the Templars. Jacques de Molay. and other knights. 

1309 The holy see is fixed at Avignon. 

1310 Trial and condemnation of the Templars. Many are burned alive. 

1813 Suppression of the order of the Templars at the council of Vienna. The Beghards and 

Beffuines of Flanders are condemned. Philip acquires Lyon by purchase. 

1814 Burning of Jacques de Molay. Death of Philip the Fair. His son, Louis (Z) the Quar- 

raliome, already king of Navarre, which is now united to France, succeeds. 
1816 Execution of Enguerrand de Marigny. 

1815-1816 Great famine in France. Louis fails in an expedition against Flanders. 
1816 Death of Louis. A posthumous son, John (^, Uvea only seven days. Go account of the 

Salic law, the throne of France passes to Ix)uis' brother, Philip (V) the TalL 
1318 The state council established. 
1822 Death of Philip. His brother, Oharlea (XV) the Fair, succeeds. He has constant 

trouble in Flanders, and favours the rebellion of Isabella of England and Mortimer. 
1824 First historical mention of gunpowder, used by the inhabitants of Metz. 
1838 Death of Charles without maXe issue. The direct line of the Capets comes to an end. 

You,nger Branch of the Philippine Line {Ho%ae of VcUoia). (Deacendants of Philip III through 

a Younger Son, Charles of Valoie) 

1828 Philip (VI) of Valola, cousin of Charles IV, and son of Charles of Valois, succeeds to 
the throne of France. Navarre is given to Joan II, daughter of Louis X. Edward III 
of England puts forward a claim to the French throne through his mother, Isabella, 
daughter of Philip the Fair. Philip defeats the Flemings at Cassel. 

1820 Edward III gives homage for Guienne and Ponthieu. 

1882 Trial and banishment of Robert of Artois. 

1884 Edward III, influenced by Robert of Artois, claims the French throne. 

1886 The count of Flanders, on Philip's suggestion, arrests the Elnglish merchants in Antwerp. 

Edward prohibits exports of wool. 

1887 The Flemish cities, led by Jacob van Artevelde, put themselves under the protection of 



Enj^l&nd. Edward Rpcds a fleet to Flandeni. The blockftde of Cadsand is raiaed. Be^n. 

nJDg of ihe Hundred Years' War. 
1338 Edward arrives at Antwerp. 
13iJ0 K(i^ra^<l assumes title of king of France. 

1340 Defeat of the French fleet at SIu,V8. The Enellsh obtain masterj of the BrltUh Channel. 

Kdward besieges Tnurnay unsuccesa fully. Philip neizea Ouienne. A truce is concluded. 

1341 Death of John III of Brittany without i&8ue. The duchy claimed by lUs brother, John de 
Montfort. and his niece, Joan de Penthievre, wife of Charles of Bluia. Philip eapouses 
cause of Joan» and Edward that of John. Philip captures De Montfort. His wife, 
Juan, coatiuues the war. Charles of Blois takes the ducnv. 

1842 Joan de Montfort besieged in Hennebon. and is relieved by the English. Edward besieges 
Vannes. Rennes. and Xautes. 

1343 The war in Brittany interrupted by & three years' truce. 

1344 Philip invites Olivier do CliBson and other Breton chiefs to Paris, and ireacherouslv 

beheads them ; upon which the war with England breaks out afresh. The Frenca 
defeated at Bergerac in Guienne. The English mvade Perigord. 

1345 The French defeated at Auberoche ; the count de Lisle id taken prisoner. Van Artevelde 

hlaiu in a riot in Ghent. Edward returns to Kugtand. 
1S46 B^ward lands at La Hogue. He and the Black Prince administer a crushing defeat to the 

French at Cr^cy. Edward returns to Calais, which he besieges. Philip recalls his son 

from the south, which ihe English overrun. They take Poitiers. 
1847 Charles of Blois captured by Joan do Montfort In the struggle for the duchy of Brittany. 

Uis wife, Joan de Penthidvre. continues the war. Capture of Calais by Edward. 

Philip obtains a ten months' truce. 

1348 The Black Death rages in France. 

1349 Philip buys Montpf'^llier from James 11 of Majorca. Humbert IT, heir to Dauphin^, 

concludes treaty with Philip, selling his estates to him on condition that the eldest son 
of the French king shall take the name of dauphin. The fief and title given to the 
king's grandson Charles. France now reaches to the Alps. 

1350 Death of Philip. His son, John (II) the Good, succeeds. Charles the Bad of Navarre 

claims Champagne and Angoumois, but John holds them and seizes Charles' fiefa In 

Normandy. Charles passes to the English side. 
1851 The first court order, "the Star," eBtablished. True chivalry is being replaced by an 

official one. 
13.^2 The Breton war continued. " Battle of the Thirty," 
1865 The Elnglish renew their ravages. John appeals to the people. 

1356 Great defeat of the French at Poitiers. John captured and token to England. His bod 

Charles assumes the regency. A two years' truce cunctuded, 

1357 Marcel brings forwanl his reform measures, restricting n>yal prerogatives, in the states* 

general. Charles of Navarre champions the cause. 

1358 Murder of the dauphin's ministers. Kevolts of the peasants. "La J acquerle " is put 

diiwn with much blmidshed. Murder of Marcel by the dauphin's party. 

1359 E*iward again invades France, and beniBges Kheims. 

1300 Inward advances to Paris. Peace of Bretigny concluded. Edward renounces claim to 
French throne, and all terrHory north of the Loire except Calais, Clulnes, and Ponthleu 
in Picardy. He takes iJulenne and adjoining provinces, John ransomed. 

1881 Defeat of James de Bourbon br brigands near Brignals. End of the first line of Bur- 

guudian dukes with death of Philip de Rouvre. "The duchy reverts to the crown. 

1882 John returns to England. 

I36;i John gives Burgundy to his fourth son Philip, who founds the second Burgundian house, 
1884 Death of John in London. The dauphin, Oharlea (7) the Wise, already regent, 

succeeds. Charles the Bad sends an anny to Normandy to recover bis confiscated lefs. 

Bertrand du QuescUn defeats it at Cocherel. End of war uf the Breton Succession, by 

the battle of Auray, in which Charles of Blois is killed. 

1365 By the treaty of Gu^randc, John de Montfort is recognised duke of Brittany. Charles 

of Blois' widow receives Penthievre and Limoges. John does homage to Charles V. 
Peace with Charles of Navarre. He exchanges Montpelller for his Norman fiefs. 

1366 The English parliament declares the succession of John the Good to have been illegal. 

Du Guesclin forms a great company, marches to Avignon, receives a large sum from 
the pope, and goes tn Castile, expelling Pedro the Cruel from the throne. 

1367 The Black Prince sides with Pedro. &ttle of Kavarrette. Du Guesclin captured and 

Pedro restored. 

1888 The (Jascon nobles appeal to Charles from the Black Prince, now prince of Aquitaine. 

1889 The war Is renewed. Du Guesclin restores Henry of Trastamara to the throne of Castile. 

The states -general declare Guienne confiscated. An English army lands at Calais. The 
Blaok Prince attacks from the south. 
1870 Sack of Limogey bv the P^nglish. The Black Prince i» succeeded by the earl of Pembroke. 
Du Guesclin made constable of France. A part of the Limousin is conquered by France. 
The count of Auxerre sells his county to the crown. 

B. W.— VOL. Jllll. u 



1873 Poitierfl and La Uocbelle retaken by the Freoch. Euglaad loses Poitou. 
1B78 The Knglinh under John of Oaunt make a futile iovasIoD of France. 
1375 A truce concluded between Kdward and Charles. 
1377 Death of Edward 111. Charles breaks the truce and renews the war. 

1878 Charles be^ns a futile attempt to seize Brittany. 

1879 Ch&rlee of Navarro cedes manv places Uy the French. The Bretona sign articlee of OOB* 

federation and recall John iV'. Cruelties of Anjou in Xjanguedoc. 
1380 Treaty signed Iwtweeu Enj^land and Brittany. Death of Pu Guesolin, and of Charles. 
Bayoune, Bordeaux, Brest, Cherbourg, and Cahiia alone remain to the English. 

JElder Branch of (he JItmse of Vaioia 

18d0 OharlM (VI) tha Well Beloved succeeds his father at the age of twelve under the 

guardianship of hiji three uucles — the dukes of Anjou. Burgundy, and Berri. Olirier 

de CHisson made constable of France. 
1882 Revolt of Philip van Arteveldo In FhLndera. The French defeat the men of Ghent at 

Roosebeke. Artevelde ia slain. 
1884 At death of Louis de M&le. count of Flanders, that county Is united to Burgundy, the 

duke of which has married Luuls de M&le's daughter. Truce wHli England. 
1JJ85 Peace made with Flanders. 

13H6 Charles declares war on England, and makes extensive ]> reparations. 
1388 Failure of an expedition ti4;ain«t LJeiderlaud. Charles begins his rule. 
m92 Attempt to asaassiaate the constable Do CUssoa. Charles becomes insane. Burgundy 

and Berri seize government, betting aside the king's brother, the duke of Orleans. 

The great civil discord between Burgundy and Orleans begins. 
13d5 A twenty-eight years* truce signed with Richard 11 of England. Charles accepts the 

protectorate of Uenoa. 
1390 Marriage of Richanl II with Isabella, daughter of Charles. Great defeat of John the 

Fearless, sou of the duke of Burgundy, in his crusade against Bajaxet at Nicojwlhi. 
1399 Deposition of Richard H deHtruys tne alliance with England. 







14 1 G 




•1404 The Btntggle between the dukes of Burgundy and Orlean** continaes. 

Death nf Philip of Burgundy, succeeded by his son John the Fearless. 

John the Fearlesa enters Paris. 

The duke of Orleans obtains the dnchy of Aqnltaine. 

Murder nf liie duke of Orleans at the instigation of John the Fearless. 

Jrihii (leTeEilH the LiSgeois at Hasbaln. 

Peace of Chartrea between the Burgundian and Orleans factions. 

The CDUut d'Armoguac — whose daughter married the murdered duke of Orleans* son — 

a-^smues liejul of the Orleans faction, henceforth known as the Armagnacs. Peace of 

Bic^tre between Burgundlans and Armagnacs. Insurrection of the CaboohJans In Paris. 
The Armagnacs break the Peace of BlcStre, and Iwgiu to ravage the north nf France. 

The Burgundlans apply to Henry IV of England for aid. John the Fearless makes 

himself ma>!ter of Paris and Picarily. 
The Armagnacs invest Bourges. Peace of Bourges, renewing that of Chartres. 
The Armagnacs obtain the ascendency in Paris, the dauphin Louis at their head. 
Treaty of Arras between the Burguudians and Armagnacs. Henry V of England preiMtrei 

for war. 
Henry takes HaHleur, and wins at Agincourt. 

The count of Armagnac lays eiege to uarfleur, but desists for want of funds. 
Henry takes Caen ; makes treaties with Anjou, Brittany, and Burgundy. 
^MasNUcre of the Armagnacs in Paris. 
Henry cajilures Rouen. John the Fearless is murdered. His son Philip the Good succeeds 

him and joins the English party. Queen Isabella joins the Anglo-Burgundians. Paris 

leans towards the English. 
The Treaty of Troves. Henry V recognised as heir to the French throne. He marries 

the princess Catherine. All France north of the I^jire becomes English. 
Defeat of the English by the national party at Bauff^, 

Death of Henry V. His young son Henry declarea king of Franco with the duke of Bed- 
ford as regent. Death of Charles VI two months after Henry's. The dauphin Obarlet 

Vn is proclaimed king at Mehun. 
Lords Salisbury and Sunolk defeat the French and their Scotch allies at Crmvaot. 
The duke of Bedford defeats the French and Scotch at Verneuil. 
The duke of Bedford begins siege of Orleans, 
The French badly defeated at Rourray, " battle of the Herrings." Joan of Arc appears 



at Orleans and raises the siege. Englisb defeated at Palay bj Joan. She enters Troyes 
and the En^lmh withdraw. Ch&lona opens its gates to the French. Coronation of 
Charles at Rheims. The duke of Burgundy founds the order of the Ooldcn Flooce. 

1430 The dukft of liurpundy acquires Brabant. Joan's success continues until she is captared 

by the Burgandions at Compidgne and sold to the duke of Bedford. 

1431 Henry VX crowned king of France at Paris. ExecvUon of Joan of Arc at Rouen. 

1433 The French take Chartres from the English- 

1434 Revolts in Nonnandy against the English. 

1435 Congress of all the Christian states at Arras to re-eatahllsh peace. The duke of Burgundy 

joins the French. 
1430 The EngUsh are ponnitted to retire from Paris. 
1487 Charles enters Paris. 

1458 Charles summons council at Bourges. The ** Pragmatic Sanction " enacted therein 

declares the pope subordinate to a general council and annuls his fiscal rights. 

1459 The states-gen eral provides for the csuiblishment of a standing army. The nobles form 

an opposition known as the " Praguerie/' headed by theduupLiu Louis. 

1440 Tho PragTierie overthrown. Louis is sent to Daupiiin^ to govern. 

1441 Charles crushes the freebooters in Champag-ne and drives the English from Pontoiae. 

1443 Charles and the dauphin repulse the English from Dieppe and suppress tho count of 

Armaguac in the south. 

1444 Two years' truce concluded with England. Marriage of Alargaret of Anjou and Henry 

VI of England arranged. The French win a victory at Sankt Jakob near BAle. Charl^ 
nnsuocesB fully besieges Metz. 

1445 Organisation of the regular army effected. 

1419 The last sta^o of tho Hundred Years' War begins. Burienne seixes Fougdrca. Many 

towns in Normandy and Brittany taken by the French. 
1450 Kvriell, with an armv from England, is beaten at Formigny. Rehabilitation of Joan of 

14'51 The French attack Ouienne. Bordeaux and Bayonne captured. 
1453 Battle of Castillon. The English defeated. Charles enters Bordeaux, and the Hundred 

Years' War is over. Guienne again a part of France, The English retain only Calais 

and two neighbouring towns in France. 
1456 The dauphin takes refuge at court of Philip of Burgundy. 
14tll rk>uth of L'harlcH ; succeeded by his son Loala XI. 

1462 I<ouis receives RoussUlon and Ccrdagne as guarantee for a loan to the king of Castile. 

1463 Louis ransoms back from the duke of Burgundy the towns on the Somme given him by 

the Treaty of Arras. 

1405 Formation of tlic "league of the Public Weal" nominally beaded by Louis' brother, 

Charles the duke of Berri, against tho king. Louis, besieged in Paris, agrees to the 
treaties of Conflans and St. >!aur, favourable to the nobles. 

1406 Louis takes Nonnandy from bin brother. 

1467 Death of Philip the Good of Burgundy; succeeded by Oiarles the Bold. Edward IV of 
England, the kings of Castile and of Aragon, and the dakes of Burgundy and of Brit- 
tany form a new league against Louis. 

1408 Interview with Charles the Bold at PSronne. Louis signs a treaty similar to that of 

1469 Guienne is given to the duke of Berri. Charles the Bold compels Louis to accompany 

him on his expedition to punLsh the men of Lidge. Louis aids Warwick against 
Edward IV. 

1470 Assembly at Tours declares Treaty of P^ronne null. 

1471 Coalition of the dukes of Brittany and Guienne against Louis. Truce of Amiens. 

147d Death of the duke of Guienne breaks up the coalition. Charles of Burgundy attacks 
Ixiuis. Charles makes truce with I^iuis at Senlis. 

1478 Charles the Buld acquires a portion of Lorraine. Arrest of the duke of A]en9ou. Assas- 

sination of the count d'Armagnac. 

1474 League headed by the archdnko Siglsmaud formed against Charles the Bold. He 

bmieses Neuss, but is forced to retire. Louis takes towns in Picardy from him. 
Revolt in Roussillon. Ijouis sends an army to take Perpignan. 

1475 Treaty of Picquiguy. Truce between Ix>uis and Charles. Charles conquers Lorraine and 

enters Nancy. 

1476 (liarles defenied by the Swiss at Qmnson and at Morat. 

1477 The duke of Ixirraine and the Swiss attack Nancy. Charles falls la its defence. As he 

leaves no male heir the crown reflomes possession of Burgundy. Louis also seizes 
Pranche-Comt^. His armies recover Picardy and enter Flanders. Mary of Burgundy 
marries Maximilian, son of Frederick III. This transfers Brabant, Luxemburg, Franche- 
Comt£, Flanders, Hain&ult, etc.. to Austria. 

1479 Louis defeated by Maximilian at Guinegate. 

1460 Truce with Maximilian. The free-archer army abandoned; the cities supply money in 

place of men. The age of foreign mercenaries begins. 



1481 Lonl8 Inherits Anjou, Maine, and Provence on death of Charles of Aojon. 

1483 Trrjitr of Arras with the Biir^DdianH. Maximilian gives his daugoter to the danphin 

with Anois and Kranelio Comto for hor dowry. 
1483 Deatb of Louis. He has c rushed feudalism and subHtJtuted arbtocracj for ao&rohj. £Ua 

young 8on Oharlea Vlii hucc^mwIr, with Anne de Beaujeu aa regent. 

1485 The duke of OrleanB revolts. Orleans U captured, but Frands II of Brittao; prepares for 

war with France. 

1486 Ma?cimiltan invades Artols, breaking the Treaty of Arras. 

1488 Louis de la Trvmonille defeats the Bretons at St. Aubin da Cormier. Treaty of Sabl^. 
Death of Francis II. Anne outwits plan of Maximilian to marry Francis' daughter 
Anue uf Brittany, and secures her for Charles, who abandons the proposed alliaace 
with Maximilian's daup^hter. 

1491 Marriage of Charles and Anne of Brittany unites Brittany and the crown of France. 

Anne de Beanjea retires from the regencv. 

1492 Henry VII of England invades France an^ lays siege to Bonlogne. Maximilian attacks 

Artols. Peace uf Etaples with England. 

1408 Treaty of Narbonne with Ferdinand the Cjitholic. Charles restores HousailJon and Cer- 
dagne to Spain. Treaty of SenlLs with Maximilian, who recovers Artois, Pranche- 
Comt^, and Charoliia fur his son. 

14&4 Charles invades Italy. The duke of Orleans defeats the Neapolitan fleet at RapaUo. 
Charles enters Pisa, Florence, and Rome in triumph. 

1496 Charles enters Naples. The lulian princes unite with the pope, the emperor, and Fer- 
dinand and Isabella agaloHt him. Charles defeats the allies ai Fornovo. Treaty of 
Nuvara. CTharles cuts his way through tu France. 

1496 The French garris4>n ai Naples capitulates and returns to France. 

1498 Death of Charles VIII with no living heir. The crown passes to the duke of Orleans. 

Th€ Younger Branch of ih^ Souse of ViUoia [{Valois-Orleana) descended from Charles V 
through Louis, Duke of Orleans, his Second Son] 

1498 liOuis XH. Ills assnmptlon of the crown rennltes Orleans and Valois to the kingdom. 

In order to preserve the union with Brittany, Louis obtains the pope's permission to 
divorce his virtuous but unloved wife Joan of France, that he may marry Anne of 
Brittany. Louis in return invests C^caar Borgia with the Valontinois and Diols. 

1499 Marriage uf Luuis and Anne assures the union of Brittany. Louis claims Milan throngh 

his grandmother Valentlna Visconti. Alliance with Venice. Louis enters the Milanese 
with an army and takes possession of the city. Lodovico Sforza flees to the Tyrol. 

1500 The Milanese recall Lodovico. He is l>etrayed into Louis' hands at Novara, and the latter 

takes him to France. Treaty with Ferdinand the Catholic to take the kingdom of Sicily. 


1501 Frederick H of Naples surrenders to Louis' army. 

1502 France ami Spain begin to quarrel over the partition of Sicily. Hof^tilities in Naples. 

1503 French defeat at Setuinara. The duke of Nemours killed at Congnola. Gonaalvo de 

Cordova wins a decisive victory over the French on the Oarigllano and the whole 
kingdom of Sicily becomes subject to Spain. 

1504 Louis signs tht> three treaties of Blots : the Brst, an alliance with Maximilian to attack 

Venice ; the second, to arrange for the investiture of the Milanese ; the third, to ar- 
range the marriage of Charles of Austria with Ixiuis' daughter Claude, giving Brit- 
tany, Burgundy, Blois. and the French claims in Italy as dowry. 

1505 Louis gives his claim to the kingdom of Sicily to Uermaine de Foix on her marriage to 

Ferdinand the Catholic, which breaks the third treaty of Blois. 

1506 Louis convokes the states- general at Tours to declare that Brittany and Burgundy cannot 

be alienated from the crown. 

1507 Louis takes Genoa. Ho returns to France, giving the city back its laws and liberties. 

Interview with Ferdinand at Savoua. 

1508 Formation of the I^eagun of Caml)ray against Venice. 

1506 l-touis defeats the Venetians at .\gnadello, and soon has possession of northern Italy. 
1610 Pope Julius H makes peace with Venire, and allies hioiself with the Swiss. 

1511 The French army surprises the pontifical forces before Bologna. Defeat of Julius at 

Cajsak'CL-hio. Louis convokes a council at Pisa to depose the pope. Julius interdicts 
Pisa and summons a new council at St. John the Lateran. Formation of the Holy 
League, the ]>o)>e. Spain. England, the empire, Venice, and the Swiss, one of its objects 
being to drive the French from Italy. 

1512 Qaston de FoIx takes Bologna, Brescia, and wins a brilliant victory at Ravenna, bat loaea 

his Ufe. The French lose Italy. Ferdinand the Oatholio invades and conquers Navarre. 



Henry VTTI declaKff war on France and sends an army to help Ferdinand Invade Q«s> 
conr. The English return home. 
1518 Louis continues struggle in Italy. Henry VIII lands an army at Calais. Defeat of La 
Trdmouillft at Novara by the 8wiHs and Massimilianf> Sforxa. Genoa frees itself from 
French mizorainty. The English and the emperor-eluct Maximilian bedegeTh<^rouanne 
and defeat a relief army of thw FVench at Golnegate (" battle of the Spars "). The Swiss 
invade Franre. Treaty of Dijon between French and Swiss reconciles France with the 
holy see. ludecisive naval battle of tlie French and English ofT Brest. 

1514 Death of Anne of Briflany. Marriage of the princess Claude and Francis d'Angouleme. 
They are invested with the duchy of Brittany. Trace of Orleans with the emperor 
and Ferdinand the Catholic. Treaty of peace with Henry VIll signed at London. 
Louis marries Mary Tudor, Plster of Henry. 

1515 Death of Louis XII ; succeeded by bis son-in-law, Francia I, of the Orleans-Aogoulfime 

family. Francis makes alliance witli tlie nrcbduko CTiarles (princ* of Castile). Francis 
Invades Italy with a large army, and defeats the forces of the pope, the emperor, and 
Ferdinand at Marignano. Genoa places itself in France's hands. 

1616 Concordat with Leo X, bartering away the liberiies of the French clergy. Francis re- 
turns to Prance, bringing hock the ideas of the Kenaissance. Treaty of Nyon with 
Charles, by which French Navarre is restored to the D'Albrets, Perpetual peace signed 
with the Swiss. 

1518 Henry VIII sells Tournaisis to France. Foundation of Le Havre. 

1510 Death of tho emporor Mftximilian. Strngglp for the imperial crown between Francis, 
Charles, and Henrv VIII. Election of C^harles V, 

1620 Meeting of KranciH and Henry VIII on the Field of the Cloth of Gold, bat Francis fails to 
make the desired alliance, which Henry cnnchidea with Cliarles V. 

1631 Charles claims Burgundy. A French army invades Navarre. Capture of Pamplona. 
Ijeo treats with Francia and tlion dosorts him for Cliarlps. The duke de Bouillon at- 
tacks Luxemburg, The imperials seize the duchy uf Bouillon and invade (Champagne, 
Bayard drives them from Mezieres. The French lose Tournay. French defeat at 
IjOgrofto. Tho Spaniards recover Navarre. Laulrec abandons Milan. Parma, and 
Piocenza in lyDmbardy. 

1522 Defeat of Lautrec by Proppero Colonna at La Bicocca. Colonna takes Genoa. Francis 

goes to tbe war, leaving the kingdom under the regency of his mother, I^ouise of 
avoy. The Spaniards forced to raise the siege of Fuenterrabia in Navarre. The earl 
of Furrey ravages the coasts of Brittany and Normandy. 

1523 Tlie pope, tbti emperor. Henry VIII, and many of ihtu Italian governments form a league 

against France. Secret alliance of the Porta and France. Bourbon joins the tipanish 
army in Italy. 

1524 The French driven out of the Milanese. The Imperials fail in an attack on Picardy. The 
constable Do Bourbon invades Provence. Siege of Marseilles. Francis goes to Italy 
with a lai^ army, reoccupies Milan ; besieges Pavia, to which Francis lays siege. 
The pope rnnrludos a secret treaty with France and Florence. 

1525 Battle of Pavia. Francis made pri8<Jiier and token to Madrid. The Spaniards masters of 

Milan. Henry VIU breaks the alliance with Charles and makes treaty with Ijoaise of 
8axony. First persecution of Protestants in France. 
1530 Treaty of Madrid to effect release of Francis, who agrees to give up Burgundy, his Italian 
claims. Artois, and Flanders. On his return to France he refuses to give up Burgundy. 
Formation of a lioly league by Francis with the pope, England, Venice, Florence, and 
the Swiss, to deliver Italy from the Spaniards. 

1637 Capture and sack of Rome by the imperials under the constable De Bourbon, who is 
killed. Lautrec takes Genoa and nearly all the duchy of Milan and marches on Rome. 
By Bourbon's death, Bnnrbonnais, Ij« Marche, and Auvergne are united to the crown. 
Lnsuccessful siege of Nai>leK by Lautrec. 

French under Saint-Pol defeated at Landriano. Tbe French driven from Italy. The pope 

deserts France and signs alliance with Charles V. The Treaty of Cambray (the ' " I>adies' 

Peace") arranged by Louise of Savoy and the emperor's aunt, Margaret of Austria. 

1682 Francis makes alliance with Henry VIII, who has quarrelled with the pnpp, and also with 

the Protestant league of Smalkald. 

1638 Meeting of Francis and the pope at Marseilles. The friendship of Francis and Henry 

VIII is broken up. Francis demands the hand of Catherine de' Medici for his son 

1534 Francis makes a definite alliance with thn Porte. 

1535 Francis decides to occupy Savoy on behalf of a claim de^^ending from his mother. 

1630 Charles V seiKes Milan, and Francis declares war<m him. The emperor invades Provence, 
loses half his army, and returns to Italy. Sudden death of tbe d&uphln ; Buaptolona of 
poison. Treaty with Turkey. 

1687 War continues in Art^iis. Truce between France and tho Netherlands. 

1688 Tell years' Truce of Nice with tho emperor. FrnmiH hulds Hewlin, Savoy, and Piedmont* 
1688 Friendly interview at AJ^^es-Mortes between Charles and Francis. 



1541 Francis ded&res war on Charles and forms league with Detunark^ Sweden, and th« 

Protestant states of Germany. 

1542 Stoge of Perpignan by the dauohin Henry. 

19^ Henry VUI, reconciled to Charles V, concludes au alliance against France, Gampaign of 
Charles V against the duke of Cleves. A Franco-Turkish fleet besieges Nice, which 
sarrendera. The Spaniards enter Provence and Dauphin^ and take Lyons. 

1544 The duke d'Enghien wins the battle of Ceresole. Henry VIH lands at Calais, takes 

Boulogne, and besieges Montreuil. Charles V takes St. Dialer. Peace of Crospy between 
Charles and Francis, giving back their recent conquests. Uenry Vlll will not agree to 
the peace and returns to England. 

1545 French Beet threatens England, but is repulsed. Severe persecution of the VaadoU. 

1546 Peace with Henry VIII, who promiiies to give bock Boulogne in eight years. 

1547 Death of Francis, succeeded by his son Henry H. 

1548 A revolution against the gabeUe in Guienne put do^vn by Anne de Montmorency. Bordeaux 

is cruelly chastised. Alliance with Scotland. Mary Btuart afHanoed to the daaphin. 
Marriage of Jeanne d'Albret and Anthony de Btjurbon. 

1549 Henry 11 enters Boulogne, whtln an English fleet is defeated off Guernsey. 

1650 Treaty of peace between France, En^rland. and Scotland. France recovers Boulogne. 

1551 Edict of CuAteaubriant against heretics. 

1552 Henry invades Lorraine. He connuers the Three Bishoprics and adds them to the crown. 

The emperor besieges the French in Metz. 
1558 The French and the Turks take a portion of Corsica from the Genoese. 
1554 Andrea Doria recovers the Corsican conquest. Henry II ravages Brabant and Hainaolt. 
1566 Brisaac takes CVsale. 

1556 Truce of Vaiicr>lles between Henry and Charles V. Al>dication of Charles. Henry and 

Pope Paul IV unite. The pope absolves Henry from the truce, 

1557 Elmmauuel Philibert, with tne help of the English, badly defeats the French at St. 

Quentin. Brave defence of St. Qaentln by Admiral Coliguy. Guise and the pope 
defeated at Civitella in the Abruszi by the duke of Alva. Tne pope compelled to moke 
peace with the Spaniards. 

1558 Investment of Calais by the duke of Guise. The town surrenders and the English lose 

their last inch of French territory. Marriage of Mary, queen of Scots, and the dauphin 
Francis. Guise takes Dunkirk, Nieuport, and other coast towns, but is defeated at 
Gravellnes by Count Kgmont. 
1659 Peace of Cateau-Cambr&iis, between Franco, Spain, and England. France retains the 
Three Bishoprics and Calais, rocovern Ham and St. Quentin. France and Spain secretlv 
agree to suppress heresy. Henry holds a tournament in honour of the peace, at which 
he is accidentally slain. His young son Pranois n sncceeds. Francis is governed by 
his mother Catherine de* Me<i)ci, the duke of Guise, and the cardinal De Lorraine. 

1560 Failure of a Huguenot plan to abduct the king. The states-general asspmbles at Orleans 

to consider the Huguenot question. Arrest of the prince of Cond^ and the king of 
Navarre ut Orlrans for complicity in the Huguenot plot. Death of Francis. His young 
brother Charles IX, ten vears old, fiucceeds. The Golses are defeated in their plans to 
crush the Hugueuots in the south. 

1561 Mary Stuart compelled to ieave France. This marks the fall of the Guises. Conference 

of Poiasy. Montmorency goes over to the Guises and the triumvirate of Quise, Mont- 
morency, and Marshal Saint-Andr6 is formed. L'Hdpital convokes the states-general at 

1563 Edict of January favourable to the Huguenots, Massacre of the Huguenots at Vossy 

marks the opening of the civil or religious wars. CoUgny and Conrltj rolli-ct an army. 
Anthony of Navarre captures Houen and dies of a wound* Englisli auxiliaries arrive 
to idd the Huguenots. They take possession of Le Havre. Defeat of the Huguenots 
at Dreux. Jeanne d'Albret encourages Protestantism in Navarre. The French abandon 
Turin and other Piedmontese towns to the duke of Savoy. 
1568 Catherine de' Medici makes the Peace of Amboise with Cond£, giving the CaMnists free- 
dom of worship in the towns they hold. End of the 5rst religious war. Le Harro 
retaken from the English. 

1564 Peace concluded at Troyes between Catherine and Elizabeth of England. Catherine and 

Charles L& visit the provinces in the interest of thn stnigglo against Calvinism. 
1566 Conference at Bayonne between Catherine and the duke of Alva, supposedly concerning 
the extermination of the Protestants. 

1566 L'Hdpital iasaes the ordinance of Moulins for the reformation of justice. 

1567 Rumours that Catherine Is raising on army to destroy the Protestants leads to the second 

civil war. Cond^ blockades Paris. Battle of St. Denis, in which the Catholics are 
victorious. The Spaniards expel the French colonists in Florida as heretics. 

1568 Peace of Longjumeau closes the second war. Peace of Amboise renewed. The third 

religious war. Catherine de* Medici issues an edict prohibiting the exercise of the 
Huguenot religion. 
1560 The Huguenots defeated at Jornoc by Henry of Anjoa. AasasBiaation of the captive prlncs 



of CoDd£. The jonng Henrv of Navarre, son of Jeanno d'Albret, named general iNti mo 
of the Calvinist army. Coligny defeated at Monoontoor. 
1570 Peace of St. Germain closes the third war. It Is ttie most favourable peace the Uugae> 
nots have vet won. Charles marries Elisabeth, daughter of Maximilian. 

1671 The court makes treacherous advances to the Huguenot!^. The Huj^uenots hold the 

avnod of I*a Rochelle. Growth of the poliligue party — the moderate Catholice. 

1672 Catherine plans a massacre. Death of Joanne d'Albrot at the court. Henry of Navarro 

marries Marg^uerito of Valois. Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Great slaughter of the 

Haguenots in Paris and the provinces. Henry of Navarre and the prince of Condd aave 

their lives by a sudden conversion to Catholicism. The fourth religious war follows. 
1578 The cities in the Houth revolt. The duke of Anjou proclaimed king of Poland. Treaty of 

La RochoUo with the Huguenots, allomng them greater privileges than they have yet 

1674 The duke of Alen9on and the politiquftt join the Huguenot**. Death of Hiarle.'^. His 

brother Bvury III resigns the Pollsn crown to take that of France. The fifth reUgioaa 

war breakf* out, 

1575 Marriage of Henry and Loulfie de Vand^mont. The king attaches himself to the Guise 

party. Compact of Hjlhand between the poUtlques and the Ituguenots. Victory of 
Guise at Dnrmans over a German army sent by Cond^. 

1576 The Peace of Monsieur, concluded by the duke d'Alen^on at BeauUeu, ends the fifth war. 

It is favourable both for the politiques and the Huguenots. The high Catholic party 
forms the league headed by the duke of Guise. Henry of Navarro renounces Calholi- 
ciam and again heads the Huguenots. The sixth religious war breaks out. 

1577 The Peaire of Bergerac ends the sixth war. 

1578 The duke of Anjou (formerly d'Alenyon). having rejoined the court party, deserts it and 

makes friends with the Calvinists In the Netherlands. 

1579 Henry founds the order of the Holy Ghost. Tho "Gallants' War," or seventh rellgjoua 

war, breaks out between Henry of Navarre and Henry HI. Heformation of the civil 
code by the ordinance of Bloia. 

1690 Treaty o'f Fleix closes the seventh war. It is brought about by the mediation of the dake 
of Anjou, to whom the United I'rovtnces have offered their sovereignty. 

1663 Elizabeth of England refuses marriage offer of the duke of Anjou. 

1688 The duke of Anjou fails to capture Antwerp, and retires in iH-sgrace to France. 

1684 Death of the duke of Anjou makes Henry of Navarro heir presumptive. Treaty of Join- 
ville between the duke of Guise and Philip of S|>aln to exclude heretics from the throne 
of France. 

1585 Henry III concludes Treaty of Nemours with the duke of Guise, becoming nominal head 
of the league. The " war of the Three Henrys" (the king, Guise, and Navarre), or 
the eightli religious war, brejiks out. The leaguers are defrated at Gien and in 
Touraine. Paris is threatened. The pope attempts to repudiate Henry of Navarre's 
claim to the French throne. The English assist Cond6, and relieve Ijo. Rochelle. 

1687 Henrv of Navarre wins at Contras ; tho duke of Guise, at Viraorv and Auneau. 

1588 The (iukeof Guise marches to Paris. Day of the Barricades. The king is obliged to flee 

and appoint Guise lieoteDant-gGneral. The king has both the duke of Guise and his 
brother, the cardinal, assa.<^inatod. 

1589 Henry III joins his army with that of the Huguenots to oppose the league, now headed by 

the duke of Mayenne. Henry of Navarre take.<4 many towns, and the two kings appear 
in sight of Paris. On the eve of the attack Henry lU is assassinated. 


Thx Toitkoer or ROBBRTntB LiNE (HousE OF BouRsoy) (1689-1792 A.a) 
[DeMended from Robert de Clerinoni, Sixth Son of St. Louis, and Brother of Philip Iir\ 

HMuy (IV) the Great, king of Navarro, becomes king of France, joining hiu dominions of 
Navarre (which include Foix, P6rigord, B^rn, a portion of Gascony, and the LimouKin) 
to the crown. His accession is opposed by the poUtiques and the league, and he has 
only the Huguenots at his back. The Guises proclaim Cardinal de Bourbon as 
(Jharles X. The duke of Lorraine and the king of Spain are other claimants. Victory 
of Henry over the league at Arques. He is acknowledged in parts of Normandy, 
Dauphin^, Brittanyi Provence, and Longuedoo. 

1600 Disaen^^ion breaks out in the league. Henry wins at 1^17. and lays siege to Paris. 
Philip H sends the duke of Parma to assist the Parisians. Parma b^iieges Meaux and 
relieves Paris*. Philip II clniitis tlininc for his daughter Elisabeth. 

1591 Henrv obtaius assistance from England and Germany. He takes Chartres, and lays siego 
to kouen. Violent measures of the " Sixteen of Paris." 



1693 Parma reliflVM Rnnen. Mayeone loses the leadership of the l(^Agu(*. Parma dies at Arras. 

1593 The league treats witli SpBio in the interests of Philip II's daughter. It is proposed to 

break the Salic law. To save the situation, Henry becomes a Catholic. TheHagitenots 
do not oppose the step. 

1594 Coronation of Henry at C*hartre8. He enters Paris. The leaders of the league give their 

allegiance. Henry drives the Spaniards from Normandy and makes peace with the 
duke of I^rraine. 
1695 Attempt of Chfitel to assassinate ITenry leads to the expulsion of the Jesuits from f^rance. 
Henry declares war on Philip II. Brave resistance of Henry at Fontaine Frangaiae. 
The Spanianiii ravage the Homme, and C-ambray submits to tbem. Henry, reconciled 
with the [mpe. receives absolutinn. 

1596 The duko of Mayenne Bubmits to the king, and receives the government of Burgundy. 

This puts an end to the league. The Spaniards take Calais. 

1597 The Spaniards take Amiens. Henry recovers it later. The baron de Rosny (after. 

wards duke of Sully) is made head of the finances. He makes many urgent reforms. 
1508 Henry issues the Edict of Nantes, granting freedom of worship and political privileges to 
the Huguenote. Treaty of Peace with Spain signed at Vervins, 

1599 Death of (iabrielle d'Estr^es, the king's mistress. Divorce of Henry and Marguerite. 

1600 Henry marries Marie de' Medici. War breaks out with Savoy over the marqoiaate of 

BaluBio. Henry takes Montm^liAu and the duke's possessions oq the Rhone. 


1601 Treaty of peace with Savoy. Henry exchanges Saluzxo for Bresae, Bugey, Valromey, 
and the Pays de Gei. 

1603 Plot of the duko of Biron with Spain and Savoy. Biron is tried and l)eheaded. 
Ift03 The Jesuits recalled. 

1604 Treaty between Henry and James 1 of England to uphold the United Provinces. Henrr 

sends Cliamplain to Canada to found Port Royal (AnnapoIlH). Advantageous commercial 
treaty with Turkey. 
1606 Submission of the duke de Bouillon completes the reduction of the recalcitrant nobles. 

1608 Foundation of Quebec. 

1609 Henry assisLs in the twelve years' truce between Spain and the U nited Provinces. 

1610 Henry is assassinated by Ravaillac. His uine-year-old son I<onij ( JUU) the Juat succeeds 

under the regency of Marie de' Medici. Henry IV'h policy is abandoned. 
1614 Revolt of Conao and other nobles against the regency. Marie de* Medici makee the 

Peace of Ste. Menehould witii them. Concini declares the king's majority. Louis 

convokes the states-gcnoral (thf^ last before the revolution) at Paris. It accomplishes 

nothing, bat proves that the third eutate has reached a high d^ree of political 

1616 Marriage of Louis and Anne of Austria, daughter of Philip III of Spain. She renounoes 

all rights to the Spanitth throne. Second revolt of the nobles against the government. 

Conde places himself at the head of the discontented Huguenots. Ivouis inherits the 

county of Auvergne. 

1616 Peace laade with the malcontents at Loudnn. The future duke of Richelieu becomes a 

member of the council. He causes the arrest of Condd, and troops are sent to put down 
the rebels in Pir^rdy, Champagne, and Berri. 

1617 Quarrel between Concini and Luynes, the king's favourite. The king has Concini mur- 

dered. His wife, Leonora Oaligal. is l>eheaded. Marie de' Medici exiled to Blois. 
Richelieu is dismissed. Luynes directs ihegovemroenl. Edict by which the B^arnais 
are bereft of their rights as Protestants. The king takes an army to B^am to enfoice 
the edict. 

1618 The great power assumed by Luynes drives the nobles over to the side of M&rie de' 

Medici, Tlie Thirty Years* War breaks out in Bohemia. 

1619 Assisted by the nobles, Marie de' Medici escapes from Blois. Richelieu reconciles her 

with Louis. She receives the government of Anjou. Cond6 released from prii«on. 

1620 France decides to protect the emperor in the Thirty Years' War. Marie de' Medici aims 

to regain her power. The king marches upon Angers and defeats Marie's adherents at 
the Ponts-de-Cfi. Treaty of Angers reconciles the King and his mother, 

1621 The Huguenots aMsemhle at Ija Rochelle, publish a declaration of independence, and raise 

an army of which the duko do Rohan taices the head. Luynes proceeds against it. He 
is forced to abandon the siege of Montanban, and die.<; shortly after. 

1622 Loais continues the Huguenot war. Montpelllcr i» besieged. Peace made with the 

Huguenot!i. The Edict of Nantes Is renewed. Richelieu made cardinal. 
1624 Richelieu dominate** the ministry and begins to map out his |K)|icy. which is chiefly 
directed to resisting the A ustro- Spanish house. He interferes in the Valtelllne war and. 
sending an army to drive the Spaniards and papal troops from the valley, restores it to 
the Giuons. liiclielieu makes treaties with toe United Provinces, Savoy, and Venice. 

















Revolt of the duke de 8oabi»e and the Rocliellois. Richelieu wins nAval victories. 

Temporary peace with, the Haffuenots. Treaty of MonKon with Spain. Conspiracy to 
depose Louis XIll and place tus brother Gaaton, duke of Orleans, on the throne. Gas- 
ton submitH to Kichelieu. 

Richelieu lave Rie^e to La Rochelle. 

Surrender of La Rochelle after fifteen months' siege. Peace made with England* which 
has espoused the Uuguenot cause. 

Peace of Alais marks the end of the religious wars. Richelieu interrenee in the quarrel 
over the Mautuan succesaioD. Louis Xlll and hJs army force the paas of Basa, and the 
Spaniards raise the siege of Casale. Protestant movpinent in Languedoc put down. 

Richelieu lead.i an army iulo Savoy, where the Spaniards havH rcapi>eared. Richelieu 
frustrates the plot of Marie de' Me<iici and others to overthrow him. The " Day of 
Dupes." Marie flees to BruBseis, Gaston to Lorraine, and the duke of Guise to Italy. 

Treaty of Barenwald; alliance with Guatavus Adolphus. Treaty of Cherasco ends the 
war in Italy, Treaty with the duke of Savoy, securing Pinerolo to France. Richelieu 
made duke and receives the government of Brittany. 

The exiled nobles attempt to raise the provinces against Richelieu. The royal army wins 
at Costelnaudary. Gaston flees. England returns to France, by treaty, Acadia and 
Capo Breton, which she beized in 1629. On death of Giistavus Adolphus, France takes 
the first place in struggle a^inst tlie Austrian hniine. 

New treaty of alliance between France and Sweden. Treaty with the United Provinces. 
Louis and Richelieu seize Lorraine. Nancy and Bar-1e-duc occupied. 

Gaston makes treaty with the king of Spain. Gaston submits to France. 

The Spaniards seizti the archbishop of Treves. Richelieu declares war on Spain. Founda* 
tion of tiie French Arademy. 

Richelieu narrowly escapes aKsassination by the machinations of Gaston. This war is 
without result in Italy and on the sea. 

The invaders are swept out of France. 

The Austro-Si^auish jwwer seems to be checlted. A French fleet destroys that of Spain 
and ravages the coasts of Naples and Spain. Great success of Bemhard of Saxe- Weimar 
on the Rhine. Imperials beaten at Rheinfelden and Breisach taken. The birth of the 
dauphin destroys the hope of Gaston and his friends. The French forced to rats(> the 
siege of Fontarabla In Spain. Death of Father Joseph. Richelieu's counnellor and agent. 
His place is taken by Maznrin. 

Death of Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar. The French occupy his conquests, and t«ke over his 
army. Richelieu assists the English covenanters with money. Spanish disasters in 
Flanders and on the sea. The French army enters Roussillon. 

Revolt in Nonuandy put down. Sieffe of Arras and conquest of Arlois by T^uis XIIL 
Capture of Turin. Bri/^ wins naval victory at Cadiz. 

Richelieu assists Jolin of Bragan^-a, the new liing of Portugal, and the Catalonian rebels. 
The Spaniards driven from Catalonia by Harcourl. Conquest of Rnusnillon and Cerdagne 
by Louis. Thov are added to France. Uu^briant and Ban^r defeat the imi)«<rialB and 
Piccolomini at >V'rilfonb!lttel. Conspiracy of Cinq-Mars. 

Victorv of Uuebriant over Laniboy at Kempen. The French fleet takes Collioure. Defeat 
of the French at Honnec-ourt. Arrfst and execution of Cinq-Mars and De Thou. The 
duke de Bouillun forced to cede Bouillon and Sedan to France. Perpignan falls before 
the French. Louis Xlll recognised as count of Barcelona and RousAiTlon. Un^briant 
goes to Germany and forces the surrender of Lclpsic. Death of Richelieu. He has suc- 
ceeded in de-stroyiug the balance of Austria's power. Mazarin succeeds as prime mlniHter. 

Death nf Ixiuis XIH; succefnied by his five-year-nld son, Louis (XIV) the Qreat. Anne 
of Austria obtainu the regency. Mazarin retained as prime minister. The duke d'Eng- 
hien (the great Condi) wins great victory over the Spaniards at Rocroi. The friends of 
the queen return from exile and form the cabal of the Imporiants. They plot to kill 
Maiarin. The queen decides to break with them, and they are again banished. Enghien 
aetzes Thion^ille. The VVeimarian army loses its general, Gu^briant. It is defeated by 
the imperials at Tuttlingen, but is reorganised by Marshal Turenne. French naval 
victory at Cartapena. Negotiations for peace befjin at MOnster. 

Turenne wins victory over the imperials at Freiburg. Gaston wins at Gravelines. Condi 
and Turenne take Philippsburg, Worms, and Mainz, and drive the imperials from the 
middle Rhine. 

Turenne defeated by Mercy at Marienthal, but Condi defeats and kills Mercy at NSrd- 
linden. Turenne takes Treves. The Spaniards regain Mardyck from the French. 

C«nde goes to Flanders, and takes Dunkirk and other places. 

Turenne and the Swe<lish general Wrangel win the battle of Lawingen. 

Victory of Turenne and \\ rangel at Zusmar^hausfn. Thev march upon Vienna. Schom- 
berg captures Tctrtosa, Condi administers a crushing defeat to the Spaniards at Ij«na. 
Treaty of VVestphalia between the empire and Frauct* ends the Thirty Years' War, 
France kL'ei)3 her conquests in Lorraine and Artois. The quarrel between France and 
Spain remains unsettled. The hardens and extravagances of Maxarin's rule, together 



wltb the preteDBlonfl of the pulUments for more power, lead to the ontbreak of the 
Fronde. Day of the B&rric«dee. Cardinal de Rets heads the popular party. Peace of 
St. QermalD. gtrlng advantages to the magistracy, ends the first insurrection of the 
(Old) Fronde. 

1649 The Spaniards rotam to Flanders and seize Ypres. Mazarin determines to deal harshly 

with the frondeurt and the court leaves Paris. Parliament obtains the assistance m 
many of the nobles discontented with Mazarin's rale. Cond6 refuses to join them and 
lays siege to Paris, which leads to the Peace of Rue], dLnunishlng a few t&xes. The 
rebellious nobles refuse to accept the peace and the New Fronde begins. The New 
Il^onde opens negotiations with Spain. A Spanish army enters nnrthern France. 
1050 The queen, sustained by the Old Fronde, arrests Cond£, Conti, and Longueville. Turenne 
joins the New Fronde and with Spanish troops threatens Paris. The royal army takee 
Rothol from Turenne. Mazarin releases Cond6 and his friends. 

1651 The two Frondes unite through influence of De Ketz and force the queen to erile M&zarin. 

The Old Fronde, jealous of Cond^, goes over to the side of the queen. Cond6 rouses a 
revolt in Quienne. Tarenne goes over to the court and proceeds against Cond£. Ma- 
zarin returns to France. 

1652 Condd defeats the royal troops at B16neau and at the fanbourg St. Antolne, and entera 

Paris. Mazarin retires to Flanders. The Spaniards recover Gravelines, Dunkirk, and 

1653 Weary of the struggle, parliament and the citizens of Paris invite the queen to return to 

Paris. De Retz is imprisoned. Cond^ joins the Spanish army. Maxarin comes back all- 
powerful. End of the Fronde. 

1654 Condtf and the Spaniards lay sieffe to Arras, but Tarenne drives them off. Turenne takes 

Qaesnoy and Stenay. Jansenist doctrines spread. 

1650 Blasarin makes a treaty of peace and commerce with Cromwell. French make a fruitlesa 

aiege of Pavia. Mazarin founds the Academy of Sculpture and Painting. 
1650 Tarenne continues his campaign against CondS. 

1657 Mazarin m&kes alliance with Cromwell, and England declares w&r on Spain. The 

Spaniards begin to give way before Turenne's army, strengtbeued by the Puritans. 

1658 Tarenne wins tlie decisive battle of the Dunes over the Spaniards. Dunkirk surrenders 

and is given over to the English. Gravelines, Qadenarde, and Furnes fall before the 

French. Llonne, Mazarin's agent, forms the League of the Rhine, to uphold the Peace 

of Westphalia. 
1650 Spain yields and th« Treaty of the Pyrenees is signed. French conquests of Artois, Rons- 

sillun, and Cerdagne confirmed. France restores conqueBts [in Catalonia to Spain, but 

retains Gravelines and otb^^r towns in Flanders. The duchy of Bar ceded to France by 

Lorraine. Marriage compact between Louis XIV and the infanta Maria Theresa. 

Cond^ is pardoned. 
1660 Marriago of Louis and Maria Theresa. She renounces her rights to the Spanish throne, 

but her marriage dowry is not paid. Death of Gaston, duke of Orleans, at Blois. 
1681 Death of Mazarin. The personal rule of Louis begins. Disgrace and imprisonment of 

Fouquet; Co]b«rt takes his place as superiDteadeDt of the finances. Marriage of Philip, 

duko of Orleans, brother of Louis, to Henrietta of England. 
1663 Louis buys Dunkirk and Mardyck from Charles II. The French ambassador insalted at 

Rome. Treaty with the Dutch against England. 

1663 Louis occupies Martial, Avignon, and VenaLBsin. Colbert introduces many reforms in the 

flnancea, manufactures, commerce, etc. 

1664 The pope yields, and the quarrel with Rome is settled. Avignon and Venaissin restored. 

Louis aids the emperor and the Venetians arainst the Turks. The French take an 
important part in the battle of St. Qotthard. Xfouis prepares to take part in the war 
between England and Holland. Colbert obtains many islands in the West Indies. 

1665 Successful campaign against the Barbair pirates. On death of Philip IV of Spain. Louis 

asserts Maria Theresa's claim to the Netherlands by the right of devolntion. Alliance 
with the Dutch. Gor^e taken from the Dutch. 
1600 War declared against England, but the French make little effort to take part in it. Foun^ 
dation of the Academy of Sciences. 

1667 Louiia makes the Peace of Breda with England. France restores some of the West India 

Islands and England gives back Acadia. Louis enters Flanders and the war of the 
Queen's Rights begins. Rapid French conquests. The whole of Flanders reduced. 

1668 Louis makes a rapid conquest of Franc he-Comti, Holland, alarmed at Louis* progress, 

makes a triple alliance with England and Sweden, and forces Louis to mediatioD. He 
signs the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle and ends the war of the Qupen's Rights, giving up 
Franche-Comt6 and keeping his conquests in Flanders. 

1070 Louis attempts to break the triple alliance. He buys Charles II, and the secret Treaty of 
Dover ia signed. Secret Treaty of alliance with the emperor. Louis secnrea several of 
the imperial powers as allies, renewing the League of the Rhino. 

IflTl Death of Liocme; succeeded by Pomponne. 

1672 Louis detachea Sweden from the alliance. Charlea II and Louis renew the Treaty of 





DoTAr, and Loais declares war on the United Provincea. English ships augment the 
Frencb fleet. OTeiyBsel, Gelderland, and Utrecht submit. William of Orange opens 
the sluices and saves Holland. 
1678 William of Orange sacoeeda in forming tho first coalition against France, composed of the 
United Provinoee, Spain, the emperor, the duke of Lorraine, and several of the imperial 
princes, who deeert L«otiifl. William recovers Naarden, and with the imperial army 
takes Bonn. Louis takes Maestrioht. Indecisive naval combats. 

1674 The war having become European, Louis abandons Uollaod and attacks the Spauiards in 

Franche-Comtfi. The province is reduced In six weeks. The Great Elector joins the 
allies. The English parliament forces Charles II to make peace with Holland. Turenne 
defends Alsace, defeats tbe imperials at Sinsheim, and ravages the entire Palatinate. 
Cond6 defeats tho Spaniards and Dutch at Seneffe. Turenne defeats the imperials at 
MfUhausen and Colmar. The Spaniards seise Bellegarde in Koussilion. 

1675 Victorr of Turenne at TOrkheim. The imperials driven across the Rhine. Turenne 

enters the Palatinate. Battle of Salzbach and death of Turenne. The French flee 
across the Rhine, pursued bv the imperials. Cond6 enters Lorraine and drives the 
imperials back across the Rhine. Messina revolts from Spain. Louis sends a fleet. 
Negotiations for peace begin at Nimeguen. 

1676 The French take Cond6 and Bonchain. The Germans regain Philippshurg. Great naval 

victories of Duquesne in Sicily over the Dutch and SpaniHh fleets, 

1677 Cr^qui, Tureune's successor, conducts a brilliant campaign in Germany. He wins the 

battle of Kochersberg, and takes Freiburg. Luxemburg, Condo's Buccessor. together 
with Ijouis, captures Valenciennes and Cambray ; with the duke of Orleans he wins tbe 
battle of Cassel and takes St. Omer. 

1678 Charles II forced by parliament to make treaty with the Dutch and declare war on France. 

Surrender of Ghent, besieged by Louvois and Ix>uis. Louis witbdraws forces from 
Bicily. Peace negotiationK w^ncluded at Kimeguen. William tries t« break thfm by 
giving battle to Luxemburg at ^t. Denis near Mons, but is defeated. Treaty of 
Kimeffuen between Holland and France. Treaty with Spain. The conquest of 
Franche-ComtS confirmed. Valenciennes and other frontier towns in the Netherlands 
given to France, 
167B Treaty with the emperor. Philippshurg given up, but Freiburg retained. The Treaty 
of Westphalia confirmed. 

1680 I^onis XIv at the height of his power. The title "tbe Great" bestowed upon him. 

''Chambers of Reunion" regulate the frontier. They declare many fiefs In Alsace and 
Lorraine united to France. Restrictions of the religious liberty of the Huguenots. 
Foundation of Pondicherry. 

1661 Strasburg unit-ed to Franco by force. Luxemburg blockaded. Louis purchases Casale. 

1682 Algiers besieged by Duquesne. England, Spain, and Holland force I>ouis to raise the 
siege of Luxemburg. The council called by Louis, to settle tbe differences with the 
pope, emphasises the liberties of the GaUican church. La Salle takes Louisiana. 

1688 Surrenderof Algiers. Death of Maria Theresa. Death of ColUopt. 

1681 Tbe diet of Ratisbon makes a twenty years' truce with Louis, allowing him to keep 

Luxemburg, Strasburg, and other towns united before 1682 : but his ambition is not 
satisfied. Duquesne bombards Genoa (or assisting the Algerians and Spaniards. 

1685 Hevocation of the Edict of Kantes, abolishing all privileges of the Huguenots, They 

emigrat« to other countries, causing irreparable lobs to Frsnco. Tbe doge of Genoa 
eabmits to terms dictated by Louis. French fleet bombards Tripoli aud Tunis. Louis 
claims the lower Palatinate in the name of the duke of Orleans' second wife. 

1686 Louis marries Madame de Maintenon, Tbe emperor, the empire. Spain, Holland, and 

Sweden form the League of Augsburg — tbe second coalition against France. 

1687 Quarrel with the pope. Louis seizes Avignon and the pope accedes to the league in secret. 

1688 Dispute over Cologne. Louts occupies Philippshurg, the Palatinate, and important places 

nn the Rhine. 

1689 William III, placed by the Revolution on the Hngllsh throne, joins the league, which 

declares war on France. Louis gives the depos^ James II a fleet to recover tbe English 
throne, and tries his strength against Spain and Savoy. The dauphin ravages tbe 
Pklatinate. Mainz and other places on tho Rlilne recovered from the French, The 
Spanianls repulse the French in Catalonia. 

1690 Lotiis restores Avignon to the pope. Luxemburg defcat-s the prince of Waldeck at 

Fleurus. James 11 returns to France after his defeat on the Boyne. Catinat defeats the 
duke of Savoy at Staffarda. Tho French take Saluzzo, Chamti^ry. and Susa. 

1691 Louis besieges and. captures Mons. 

1693 Louis prepares a descent on England, but his fleet, under Admiral Tonrville. is defeated 
at La Ho^o. Luxemburg takes Nomur. 

1098 Tourville wins naval victory from the English off Cape St. Vincent. William III defeated 
at Neerwlnden by Luxemburg. The French take Huy and Charleroi. All Piedmont, 
except Turin, in the hands of the French. Louis settles with the pope the dispute con- 
cerning the appointment of bishops. 



1694 The Enfflisli fall In an attack on Brectt. Dieppe. Le Havre, and Dunkirk bombarded. 
Thpi aliip-R rer^iver Huy, 

1605 VUleroi attarks Brussels. William III takes Namur. Caaale suirenderB to the duke of 

Savoy, who destroys it. 

1606 Ijouis makes peace with the dnko of Savoy and gircs him back Casale and Pinerolo. 

James II goes to England with a French anny. but the plot is discovered, and he returns 
to France. Destniction of the French magazines at Givet by the English. 

1697 Catinat, Villeroi. and Boufflers enter Belgium. Ath iscaptured. William saves Brussels. 

The duke de VendSme captures Barcelona. Pointis captures Cartagena In New 
Grenada. William III accepts Sweden's offer of mediation and the Peace of Ryswick 
ends the war of the league of Augsburg. Ix)uis recognises William III as king of 
England. All conquests from England, ^pain, and Holland since the Treaty of Nune- 
guen are restored. The empire gets back all places taken since the Peace of Ximegnen, 
except Strasburg. The duke of Lorraine is restored. 

1698 France, England, and Ilolland sign the first treaty of partition of the Spanish monarchy. 

It is to be divided between France, Austria, and Bavaria. 
1690 Second treaty of partition, made nftreHsary by death of the electoral prince of Bavaria. 
1700 Death of Charles II of Spain leaving by will bis entire iuheiitanco to Louis' grandson, 

Philip, duke of Anjou. Louis accepts this for him. 


1701 Alarm and protests in Europe over Louis' violation of the treaty of partition. Louis 

XIV breaks the Treaty of Ryswick, and orders the elector of Bavaria, governor of 
Belfftum, and bis ally to drive the Dutch garrisons from the Netherlands. Formation 
of the third coalition against France — the grand League of the Hague — by England. 
Holland, Austria, and the empire. Louis tias for allies the Bavari&n princes and the 
duke of Modena and Savov. The war of the Spanish Succession begins. Prince 
Eugene defeats Catinat and Villeroi. 

1702 Surprise of Cremona by Prince Eugpne. Capture of Villeroi, who is replaced by Ven- 

domo. England declares war on France and Spain. Louis sends Boufflors into the 
Netherlands to u|ipot*e Mnrlborougb. Victory of Venddme at Lnz'/Arn. The imperials 
are driven beyond the Mincio. Catinat takes command on the Rhine, where the prince 
of Baden takes Landau. Welssenburg. and Hagenau from him. Villars defeats the 
prince of Baden at Friedlingen. The French flwjt is defeated in Vigo Bay. Outbreak 
of the ramisanJA (ProtestAnts) in the C^vonnes. Marlborough takes many towns in the 
Netherlands. I^uis unites the principality of Orange to France. 
1708 The duke of Savoy and Portuf^al join the coalition. Marlboroug^h captures Bonn, Huy, 
and Limburg. Villars defeats Louis of Baden at StoUhofcn. takes Kehl, and joins the 
elector of IJavarta, who has driven the Austrians from the upper Danube. The Franco- 
Bavarians enter Innsbruck and threaten Vienna. They win at HOchstidU Tallard 
takes Breisacb, defeats Louis at Speier, and recovers Landau. 

1704 Marlborouf^h and Prince Louis of Baden defeat the Bavarians and take DonauwSrth. 

Marlborough joius Priuoe Eugene. The elector unites with the French, and together 
they suffer a crushing defeat at the hands of the allies at Blenheim. The empire is 
saved. The elector takes refuge in Flanders. Louis of Baden crosses the Rhine and 
retakes I.andau. Marll>oroagh takes Trarbach and Treves. V^illars recalled to Alsace. 
The French and Spanianis b^iege Gibraltar, which has been capluriHl by the Enf^lish. 
and win great naval victorv off Velcz Malaga. Surrender of Susa to La Feuillade. 
Suppression of the camUara revolt by Villars. 

1705 The French and Spaniards compelled to raise the siege of Gibraltar. Marlborough de- 

feats the French at Tirlemont. Louis of Baden drives Villars across the Rhine. Ven- 
ddme wins from Prince Eugene at Cassino. 

1706 Venddmo defeats the allies at Calcinato and drives them from Milanese territory. Marl- 

borough wins the great victory of Rainillies from Villeroi. La Feuillade Lakes Nice and 
lays siego to Turin. Italy falls into the hands of the allies. The archduke Charles 
enten!i Madrid, drives Philip V from his capital, and is prodairoed Kin^; Charles III. 
The allies take I-rfiavain, Brussels, and Malines in the name of Charles 111. The Cas- 
tilians replace Philip on the Spanish throne. The allies reject Louis XIV's proposals 
for peace. 

1707 Charles Xll of Sweden appears In Germany and paralyser both sides for a thne. Villars 

breaks through the Stoilhofen Unea to join blm. but Charles does not desire the French 
alliance and marches towards Poland. Villars returns to tlie Rhine. Duguay-Trouin 
makes great bavnc with the English and Dutch commerce. 

1708 Franre is in des|)erato linancial straits. Failure of a French expe<lHinn to Holland. 

Prince Eugene joins Marlborough, and they surprise Ghent and Bruges and defeat 
Vendome and the duke of Burgundy at Oudenarde. The allieB cross ioio France and 

















}ge Lille, whicli Boafflera Is C4>mpelled tn Rurrender. The Dutch penetrate as far an 
Venailles. TLo duko of Suvoy recovers his frontier fortresses from France. Measures 
taken a^iDHt the Jantwuiints. Port Royal fiuppressed. 

TjOuiH renews of peace, but his terms are rejorlcfJ. Famine and misery in France. 
The alUos toko Toamay and defeat Villars and Bonfflers at Malploqact, though with 
tremendous losses. Mons surrenders to the allies. 

Louis makes further concessions to obtain peace, but ts unsuccessful. The alUeii take 
Montaieiie and Douai. Marlborough takes Bethune. The allies take St. Tenant and 
Aire. Philip V again driven from Madrid by Charles III. Vendfime takes command of 
the French in Spain, restores Philip, and defeats the Austrfans at VlUaviciosa. 

Slarlboruugh defeats the French at Arleux and takes Bouchain. The French take lieruna 
in Spain. Fall of the Whig government In England. The Tories declare for peace. 
Marlborough retired from the command. The succession of Charles to the empire 
changes the attitude towards the Spanisli succession. Truce made with England. 
Daguay-Trouin captures Rio Janeiro. Death of the dauphin. 

Peace congress opened at Utreeht. The emjwnjr and the empire refuse to take part. 
Prince Eugene continues his cami>aign in the Neiherlands ; is defeated at Denain by 
Villars. I>3uai, Marchienues, .\nchlD. and Le Quesnoy retaken. The French frontier 
is saved. Philip V renounces his claim to the French throne. The Dutch enter the 
truce with England. Death of the duke of Burgundy (the second dauphin) and hia 
eldest son, the duke uf Brittany. 

Treaty of peace signed at Utrecht between all powers except the omperor and the empire, 
on the basis of Uie Treaty of Ryswlck. The permanent separation of the French and 
Spanish crown agrenl upon. France obtains Barceloonelte but gives up Newfound- 
land, Acadia, and Hudson Bay Territory to England. Dunkirk dismantled. The em- 
peror and the empire continue the war. Villars takes I^andau and Freiburg. 

Treaty of Uaslatt with the emperor, and Tn'aty of liaden with the empire. Freiburg, 
Brisach, and Kehl re!»tor(.4d to Germany. France retains Strauburg. End of the war 
of the Spanish Succession. Death of the duke de Berri, leaving Louis, duka of Anjou, 
son of tlie duko of Burgundy, heir to the throne. Louia legitimatisos his children by 
Madame de Montespan. 

Death of Louis XIV; succeeded by his grandson XfCula (XV) the Well Baiovad, under 
regency of the duke of Orleans. 

John Law's bank established. 

Formation of a Triple Alliance by France, England, and Holland, to resist the Spanish 
minister Alberoni. Creation of Law's Mississippi Company {Conipaynie tTOcatient), 

Plot of tlie Spanish party to asBossinate the regent. Compagnie des IndfS formed ; the 
Royal Bank founded. The emperor joins the Triple Alliance, forming the Quadruple 

War with Spain. 

Alberoni yields to the Quadruple Alliance, and the war enda. The *' Miaaisaippl Bubble " 

Dubois made cardinal. 

Coronatiun uf Louis ; Dabois prime minister. 

Louis* majority proclaimed. Deaths of the regent and Cardinal Dubois. Duke de 
Bourbon prime minister. 

IjouIs marries Marie ]>*szcynska. 

Fleury, bishop of Frejiis, prime minister. 

The war of the Polish Succession liegins. Berwick takes Kehl and lays elege to Philipps- 

Villars and Charles Emmanuel lay siege to Milan. Novara, Arona, and Tortona surrender 
to them. Death of Villars at Turin. Berwick killed at the siege of Philippsburg, 

Peace congress opened at Vienna, End of war of Polish Succession. 

The French assist the Genoese in Corsica. 

The French reduce nearly the whole of Corsica. 

The French retain their hold on Corsica. 

The First Silesian War (the Austrian Succession) begins. Franco joins Prussia by the 
Treaty of Nvmphenburg. A French army enters Bohemia. Prague is captured. 

Frederick U makes y»eace with Maria Theresa. The French, left alone in Bohemia, are 
forced to rctnuil from Prague. 

Death of Fleury, French defeated at Dettlngen ; the '* JourrtSf ties Baionti Rompus." 

Vigorous renewal of the war (sometimes called Second Silesian War) by a league 
against France formed at Frankfort, Failure of French expedition to Scotland to sup- 
port the young Pretender. In Flanders, Marshal Saxe captures several towns. Louis 
has severe illness at Metz ; on his recovery he is called *' the Well-Beloved." Indecisive 
naval battle between French and English ufT Tuulon. 

Marshal Saxe takes Tournny and defeats tbi^ Kngllsh and Dutch at Fontenoy and Antoin. 
The Austrian Netherlands fall into his hands. Victory of Bassignano. In America the 
Ehiglish take Louisburg and Cape Breton from the French. Maria Theresa makes 



Peace of DroAdeD with the king of Prussia. End of tb« Second SUesLan War, leaviog 
France practieallr iaolatad. 

1746 The Freoch and Spaniards defeated at Piacenza. Baxe wiue victory at Ptaacoax. In 

India Labourdonnais and Dupleix take Madras from tho English. English invade 
Provence ; forced by Marshal Belle-Isle to withdraw. Madame de Pompadour beoomee 
mistress of Louts. 

1747 Saxo wins victory of Lawfeld from the English. Coont da LOwendahl takes Bergen-op- 

Zoom, and Holland is invaded by the French. Great defeat of the French fleet by 
Admiral Hawke off Belle-tie. 

1748 Dupleix repul&es English from Pondicherry. Peace concluded at Aix- la- Chapel le (Aachen). 

England and France mutually restore their conqnests. France enters on a period of 
great commercial prosperity. 
17G1 Clive defeats Dupleix and his' Indian allies at Arcot. The Ecole MUitalre established at 

1753 Beginning of quarrel between parliament of Brituny and the dake d'Aigoillon. Exile of 

the magistrates of the parliament of Paris fur interference in religious matters. 

1754 Oupleix recalled from India. His sucoeBsor Godcheu makes a trucei with tbe English. 

George WaHlnng^ton with Kugli»b and Indian troo])s is sent from Virginia into the Ohio 
valley and takes possession of Fort Necessity. JumonviUe, sent by Villiers to demand 

its evacuation, is surprised and killed. Viltiers besieges Fort Necessity and obligea 
surrender. The French and Indian War l>eglns. The king impoMs 
silence on parliament on questions of religion. 

Washington to 

1755 England prepares for war on France. Admiral Boscawen captures two French ships. 

Defeat of Braddock. The French defeattsl on l^e George. 

1756 France allies herself with Austria and Russia— " Alliance of the Three Petticoats." The 

Seven Years' War begins. French fleet defeats Admiral Byng and takes Port Mahon. 
French defeat on the Onouda^^a. but Montcalm takes Fort Oswego. 

1757 France declares war on Frederick the Ureal and joins the league, composed of Russia, 

Saxony, the German diet, and Sweden, against him. French army under D'Eatr^ea 
defeats the English under the dnko of Cumberland at Hastenbock. Tbe French occupy 
Hanover, G5ttmgeu, and Cassel. Richelieu drives the English to the Elbe, and Cum- 
berland surrenders to him at Closter-Seven. Frederick the Great defeats Soublse at 
RoRBbach. English fleet repulsed at La Rochelle. In America, Montcalm captures Fort 
William Henry. War resumed in India. Clive captures Cbandamagar. Attempt of 
Damiens to assassinate Louis XV. 

1758 Eiigll^h uxpel French from Emden. Ferdinand of Brunswick dislodges Clermont from 

Brunsvi'ick, defeats him at Crefeld, and takes Dflsseldorf. Soubise wins battles of 
Bonderehausen and LQtzelberg and takes Cassel. Admiral Osborne defeats Duqoesne 
oflE Cartagena. English fleets ravage the French coast, and capture Cherbourg. Eng- 
lish defeated in an attack at St. Malo. In .America Fort Duqueane, Louisburg, and 
Cape Breton are taken by the Engliuh, but General Abercrombie is repulsed at Ticon- 
deroga. English rapture Fort. Louis in Senegi*! and drive the French from Gorfie. 
Qeneral Lally Rails for Icdin ; his ships are defeated by Admiral Pococke. Gn arrival 
he besieges and captures Fort tit. David and besieges Madras. 

1759 Disastrous year for France. The duke de Broglie defeats Ferdinand of Brunswick and 

the English at Bergen ; but Ferdinand and the Engllah win at Minden, Tbe French 
evacuate Hanovef and Hease. Failure of a French attempt to invade England. Le 
Havre bombarded by an English fleet. Admiral Boscawen defeats Admiral La Cine in 
Laj^os Bay. Admiral Conflans defeated by Admiral Uawke in Quiberon Bay, and bis 
fleet destroyed. In America the French lose Fort Niagara, Ticonderoga, and Crown 
Point. General Wolfe defeats the French on the Heights uf Abraham. Montcalm and 
Wolfe slain. Sarrender of Quebec. Admiral Pocooke defeats a French fleet near 

1760 A French fleet under Thnrot is captured. The French regain Marburg and win at Kor- 

bach : lose at Warburg ; win at KlosierCamp. English conquest of ^nada completed. 
In India, the English take tbe ofTensive and win most of the French towns. 

1761 The French armies defeated bv Ferdinand ot Vellinghansen. English fleet captures 

Belle Ue. Choiseul arranges l^e " Family Compoct," an offensive and defensive league 
siffned by all the Bourbon sovereigns — France, Spain, the Two Sicilies, Parma, and 
Piacenza. Surrender of Pondicherry, the last French stronghold in India. 
1703 Defeat of the Hanoverians by the French at Johannisburg. Martinique surrenders to 
the English fleet. Further conquests stopped by peace negotiations. 

1768 Treatv of peace signed at Paris ends France's part in the Seven Years' War. 

1764 The /esuits snppreated in France. Death of Madame de Pom)iaduur. 

1765 Death of tbe dauphin ; the title passing to his son, afterwards Louis XVI. Arrest and 

imprisonment of La Chalotais by the dake d'Aiguilloo. 

1766 Dochy of Lorraine reunited to Prance. 
176'^ France acqaires Corsica. 

1769 Birth of Napoleon Bonaparte in Corsica, 



1770 Trial o( d'AigulUon by the parliament of Paris. Louis XV revokes its decitdon. Through 

influence of Madamo riu Harry, tbe king's new mistress, Choiseul is dismissed. Mar- 
riage of the dauphin and Mario Antoinette of Austria. 

1771 Suppression of the parliameuta of France. The chancellor Manpeou forms a new parlia- 

ment in Paris, which bears his name. Reconst ruct ion o f the proTinclal parliaments. 

1774 Death of I^uis XV, succeeded by his grandson X«oals ZVL Turgot, miziister of finances, 

proposes radical reforms and the ftlKilition of privileges. 

1775 Beginning of a throe years* faminu in France. 

1778 'I'urgot replaced by Neckwr. Frauklin solicits aid for the American colonies. 
1777 Treaty of alliance between France and the American colonies. 

177b Treaty of offence and defence signed with the American colonies ; their indei>endence recog- 
nised. A fleet sent to America. England declares war on France. Indecisive naval 
contest off Usbant. The French seize Dominica and the English St. Lucia In the West 
Indies. The English seise Fondicherry in India, and St. Pierru and Miquelon in North 

1779 Spain joins France. French attack on Jersey repulsed. The French take St. Vincent 

and Ur&nada in the West Indies. The Engtiah seize Senegal and Uorce in Africa. 
Admiral D'KsUing repulsed at Savannah, Georgia. The French attack Gibraltar. 
Peace of Tescben. 

1780 Admiral Bodney defeats tlie Franco Spanish flevt and relievnn Gibraltar. In the West 

Indies he defeats Admiral Quichen. French Army sent to America under Rochambeau. 

1781 Necker resigns; Joly de Meury succeeds him. Admiral de Grasse captures Tobago. 

Rochambeau and the French army take an important part in the victory of Yorktown. 
Gra*ise returns to the \Vv»i Indies and assists Bouilltf to recover the Dutch islands taken 
by the British. 

1782 The English cfarriflon at Minorca surrenders. Rodney defeats tbe French fleet under 

Graisse off Santo Domingo. Admiral Suffren ligbts Admiral Hughes, and forms vast 
plans with Ilyder Ali, sultan of Mysore, for the destruction of &tglish domination in 
India. Gandelour is besieged. 
1788 Preliminary peace articles signed; conquests restored In Afriea, the East Indies, and 
America, except Tobago. 

1785 Affair of the queen's necklace, 

1786 Conuncrcial treaty with England. 

1787 Convocation of tbe Notables. Calonne's plan of reform rejected ; he is replaced by 

Cardinal de lirienne, who insiHts on Calonne's proposals. Two parties are formed — 
one of the king, queen, Brienne, and some of the nobility ; the other of the duke of 
Orleans, the hulk of the nobles, and the parliament of Paris : the latter defend privile^; 
the former is almost willing to attandon the nobility. The people hold their own rights 
and claims against both. Louis XVI holds a Bed of Justice. The Paris jiarhament 
stateii tb« forgotten doctrine that the states-general alone may impose taxes, and the 
king exiles it to Troyes. Parliament recalled to Paris. Louia XVI holds a "royal 
sitting." The duke of Orleans exiled. 

1788 Parliament declarer le.ttres de cachet illegal ; several meml>er8 of the Paritt parliament 

arrested. Other parliaments treated the same way. The Breton parliament forms the 
elub afterwards known as the Jacobins. Necker recalled. Second assembly of tbe 
1780 Election to the states-general, which meet at Versailles May 4th. Tbe cahiers, con- 
taining demandn for reform in all l>ranches of the government, pre.sented. Tlie three 
orders united Into one body called the National Assembly. Oath of the Tennis Court 
(June 2(Hh). The (Jonstitueut Assembly. Xecker resigns. The duke of Orleans and 
forty-six nobles join the assembly. First collision of the troops and tho people. The 
old municipality of Paris is done away with. Fall of the Bastille (July 14th). The 
emigration of nobles begins. Necker recalled. Abolition of privileges by the aHAembly, 
August 4th, and Declaration of the Rights of Man. Freedom of conscience and liberty 
of the press decreed. Famine in Paris ; a mob proceeds to Versailles, attacks tbe 
palace, and brings back the king and queen to Parin (October 6th). The assembly 
fulluw!(. Church property taken by the state. Parliatueut la suspended. Issue of 
paper money ; crown domain and estates of tbe empire seized by the Btate. 

1790 The marquis de Favras, the first judicially condemned victim of the revolution, Is executed. 

The assembly redivides France into departments. Sale of church lands and civil con- 
stitution of the clergy. Grand federation of tbe Champ de Mara. The assembly alwl- 
Ishes titles of nobility (June 19th). Keeker resigns. The king negotiates with the 
kings *if Europe for help. 

1791 Death of Mlrabcau. Flight and arrest of the king. The Feuillants Club formed of the 

moderate Jacobins. Tue constitution completed ; the king agrees to it and Is re-estab- 
lished in his functions. Treaty of Pillnitx between Prussia and Austria to restore 
Louis XVI. The constituent assembly dissolves and tbe legislative holds its first meet- 
ing, October Ist. Insurrections in LaVend^ and Brittany. Massacres at Avignon, 
Maraeillea, axul Alx. 



1793 Austria, Prusutia. and tijardinia threaten France*, which puts three armies in the field. 
War declared on Austria (April dUth). The French invnde Flanders. The AuMriann 
win at Quosnny and Mons. La Fayette wina at Maubeu^, and Luckner at Menin. The 
populace invades the Tuileriea (June 30th). Brunswick announces hi» intention of tn- 
vading France. Insurrection of Ausiist 10th. The king seeks refuge in the asaemb]/ 
and 18 taken to the Temple. The Prussians take l^^ngwy and Verdun. Outrages In 
PariR ; murder of the princess de Lamballe. Kellermann drives the Prussians from 
Va!my. Dumounez wins in Flanders. The siegv of Thionville raified. The Germans 
are driven from France. The coarention votes the abolition of royalty (September Slat). 


The Convmti<m (1793-1795) 

The executive power lodgtid in the committee of the constitution. Qeneral Custine 
takes Hpeiei. Wamuj, and Maina. The Austrians repulsed from UUe. Victory of 
Jemmapes. Belgium conquered. ^^^^ made a department. 

1793 Trial aud execution of Louis XVI. The First Cualitiun of European powers. The con- 

vention declares war on England, Holland, and Spain. The empire, Denmark, and 
Sweden declare war upon it. Duraouriex, defeated at Neerwindon. ovacuatea Belgium; 
accompanied by the duke de ChsrtreK takes refuse in the Austrian Camp. Civil war in 
La Vend6e. Committee of public safety established at Paris. Girondist ministry over- 
thrown. The Reign of Terror begins (June 2ud). The English take Tobago and Pon- 
dicberry; Santo Domingo occupied. Revolt of Lyons and Marseilles. The Constitution 
(that of the Year I) drawn up. Assassination of Marat by Charlotte Cordmy, who is 
guillotined. The Austrians take Conde and Valenciennes, Mains surrenders to the 
Prussians. The levy en maase ordered. The Spaniards invade Rous.si11on. The Kng* 
lisb take Toulon, but are defeated at Dunkirk. Camot appointed to conduct the war, 
Houcliard defeats the English at Tlondschoote; Brunswick wins at PirmaJiens. General 
Jourdan defeats Coburg at Wattigiiies. Lyons retaken by the republicans, who show 
terrible barbarity. Trial and execution of Marie Antoinette, the duke of Orleans, the 
Girondistfi, Madame Holand. and Bailly. The convention decrees the worship of the 
Goddess of Reason. The new caleudar introduced. Victory of Brunswick at Kaisers- 
lantern. The French regain Toulon, at the siege of which Napoleon Bonaparte first 
distinguishes himself. Hoche and Pichcgru drive the Austrians acioss tue Rhine. 
The republic annexes the county of Montbcliard. 

1794 The convention decrees the abolition of .slavery ; the blacks under Tousaaint I^uvertare 

revolt in Santo Domingo. The Spaniards driven from Rousaillon. The English take 
Martinique and Guadeloupe; and win some success in Belgium. The French win at 
Mouscron and Turcoing. Robespierre at head of affaire. The revolutionary tribunal 
commits fearful atrocities. Uebert and others of the Cordelier |>arty, Danton and 
C-amille Desmoulins, put to death. "The Great Terror.** General Mass^na routs the 
Piedmontestf. The emperor takes Landrrfcies. Charlerol surrenders aud Cobui^ is 
defeated at Fleurus, which re-opens the Neiheriands to the French. Admiral ViUaret- 
Joyeuse defeated by l^rd Howe. Paoli establishes the dominion of Great Britain in 
Corsica. Fall of Itobespierre and his party on the 9th Thermidnr (July 37th), followed 
by the execution of himself and sovonty-ono of his adherents. The committee of pabUc 
safety re established. End of the Reign of Terror. The Jacobin clubs suppressed. 
Pichegru drives the English behind the Waal ; Jourdan the Austrians beyond the Maas 
and tne Rhine, Frencu conquest of Belgium completed. Dugommier victorious iu 
H])ain. The French invade Holland. Prutwia negr>tiates for peace. 

1795 Pichegru enters Amsterdam and completes conquest of Holland. The Dutch fleet captured 

in the ice at Tezel. Final suppression of the Chouans and the people uf La Vendue. 
The grand duke of Tascany make^ pear^ with France. Jacobins fail to regain ascen* 
dancy (riot of the 12th Germinal). Treaty of B&le with the king of Pru