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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT  LOS  ANGELES 


THE  LIVES,  &c. 

OF 

3fame#  I.    C&arles  I. 
Cromfoell  ana 


TO  WHICH   19   PREFIXED, 

THE     LIFE     OF 


Peters, 


VOL.  I. 


AN 

HISTORICAL  AND  CRITICAL 
ACCOUNT 

OF  THE 

LIVES     AND    WRITINGS 

OF 

games  I.  an*  Cfjatles  I. 

AND  OF 

THE   LIVES 

OF 

©Itoer  Ctomtoell  anD  Charles  n. 

AFTER  THE  MANNER  OF  MR.  BAYLE. 

FROM 

ORIGINAL  WRITERS  AND  STATE-PAPERS. 


BY  WILLIAM  HARRIS. 


A    NEW    EDITION, 

WITH    A    LIFE    OF    THE    AUTHOR,    A    GENERAL    INDEX,   &C. 

IN  FIVE  VOLUMES. 


VOL.  I. 


LONDON : 

PRINTED  FOR  F.  C.  AND  J.  RIVINGTON ;  T.  PAYNE;  WILKIE  AND 
ROBINSON;  LONGMAN,  HURST,  REES,  ORME,  AND  BROWN;  CADEI.I. 
AXD  DAMES  j  J.  MURRAY  J  J.  MAWMAN  J  AND  R.  BALDWIN. 


2575 


0.  WOODFALL,  Printer,  Artgel  Court,  Skinner  Street,  London. 


Y.   . 

SKETCH 


OF  THE 


LIFE  OF  THE  AUTHOR. 


OF  Dr.  William  Harris,  the  writer 

of  these  Lives,  few  memoirs  have  been  pre- 

*>     served,   and  what  is  now  laid  before  the 

*l      reader,  rests  on  no  better  authority,  than 

^     that  of  a  fugitive  publication,  except  a  few 

,   incidental  notices   from   the    Memoirs   of 

Hollis. 

A 

Dr.  Harris  was  the  son  of  a  tradesman 
at  Salisbury,  who  probably  was  a  dissenter. 

He  was  born  in  that  city  in  1720,  and  re- 

r 

ceived  his  education  at  an  academy  kept  at 
Taunton  by  Messrs.  Grove  and  Amory,  men 
of  learning  and  note,  as  dissenting  teachers. 
An  early  love  of  books  and  a  thirst  for 
knowledge,  rendered  application  easy  and 


VOL.  I. 


ii  SKETCH  OF  THE 

profitable,  and  he  was  thought  qualified  to 

preach  before  he  was  nineteen  years  of  age. 

He  first  officiated  to  a  congregation  at 
St.  Loo,  in  Cornwall,  and  was  afterwards 
invited  to  another  in  the  city  of  Wells, 
where  he  was  ordained  in  1741.  Within  a 
few  years,  his  marriage  to  a  Miss  Bo  vet  of 
Honiton,  occasioned  his  removal  to  that 
town,  and  his  ministerial  labours,  for  the 
rest  of  his  life,  were  confined  to  a  very  small 
congregation  at  Luppit  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. To  what  denomination  of  dissenters 
he  belonged  we  are  not  told.  The  strain  of 
his  discourses  is  said  to  have  been  plain  and 
practical,  but  none  of  them  have  been  pub- 
lished, and  he  appears  to  have  soon  courted 
fame  in  a  different  pursuit. 

His  political,  if  not  his  religious  creed, 
led  him  to  study  the  history  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  which  in  his  time  had  re- 
ceived few  of  the  lights  that  have  since  been 
thrown  upon  it ;  and  what  he  read,  he  read 
with  the  eager  eye  of  a  nonconformist,  de- 


LIFE  OF  THE  AUTHOR.  iii 

sirous  to  rescue  his  brethren  from  obloquy, 
and  afford  them  a  larger  share  in  the  merit 
of  perpetuating  the  liberties  of  this  kingdom. 
With  this  view,  he  resolved  to  become  the 
biographer  of  the  English  branch  of  the 
Stuart  family,  and  of  Cromwell,  and  to  as- 
sign to  each  their  agency  in  the  production 
of  those  great  events  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  the  REBELLION,  the  RESTORA- 
TION and  the  REVOLUTION. 

His  preliminary  attempt  was  on  a  singu- 
lar subject,  the  LIFE  of  HUGH  PETERS, 
which  as  he  published  it  without  his  name, 
has  escaped  the  notice  of  the  collectors  of 
his  works,  but  is  now  prefixed,  as  the  first 
in  the  order  of  time,  and  essentially  con- 
nected with  one  of  the  subjects  of  his  future 
inquiries.  In  this  life  he  professed  to  follow 
"  the  manner  of  Bayle,"  and  it  might  have 
been  thought  that  its  appearance  in  print 
would  have  shown  Dr.  Harris  that  his  choice 
was  injudicious ;  but,  for  whatever  reason, 
he  followed  the  same  in  his  subsequent 

a  2 


iv  SKETCH  OF  Till-; 

works.  The  Life  of  Peters  was  published  in 
1751,  and  in  1753  appeared  his  Life  of 
JAMES  I ;  in  1758,  that  of  CHARLES  I ;  in 
1761,  that  of  CROMWELL;  and  in  1765, 
that  of  CHARLES  II :  this  last  in  2  vols.  Svo. 
It  was  his  design  to  have  completed  this 
series  with  a  life  of  James  II ;  but  he  was 
interrupted  by  an  illness  which  terminated 
fatally  in  February  1770,  in  the  fiftieth  year 
of  his  age.  His  degree  of  Doctor  in  Divi- 
nity was  procured  for  him  from  the  Univer- 
sity of  Glasgow,  in  1765,  by  his  friend 

Mr.  Thomas  Hollis,  who  had  assisted  him 
t  •  ff-. 

in  his  various  undertakings,  by  many  curi- 
ous and  interesting  communications,  and 
the  use  of  scarce  books  and  pamphlets.  Dr. 
Birch  and  other  gentlemen  in  London  seem 
also  to  have  contributed  liberally  to  his 
stock  of  historical  materials.  It  is  indeed 
as  a  collection  of  such,  that  these  Lives 
have  been  principally  valued,  for  Dr.  Har- 
ris cannot  be  ranked  among  elegant  writ- 
ers. They  were  all  well  received  on  their 


LIFE  OF  THE  AUTHOR.  v 

first  publication,  and  the  recent  demand 
has  raised  them  to  an  enormous  price,  which 
alone  might  justify  the  appearance  of  a  new 
edition,  if  their  curious  and  valuable  con- 
tents had  not  given  them  a  claim  to  a  place 
in  every  English  historical  library.  That 
Dr.  Harris  is  always  impartial  cannot  be 
gravely  asserted,  and  that  his  reasonings  are 
tinged  with  his  early  prejudices  cannot  be 
denied,  but  his  facts  are  in  general  narrated 
with  great  fidelity,  and  the  evidence  on  both 
sides  is  given  without  mutilation. 


AN 


HISTORICAL  AND  CRITICAL 
ACCOUNT 


OF 


feter*. 


AN 


HISTORICAL  AND  CRITICAL 

ACCOUNT 

OF 

HUGH    PETERS, 


HUGH  PETERS*  born  in  the  year  1599, 
was  the  son  of  considerable  parents,  of  Foy 
in  Cornwall.  His  father  was  a  merchant ; 
his  mother  of  the  ancient  family  of  the 
Treffys1  of  Place  in  that  town.  He  was 
sent  to  Cambridge  at  fourteen  years  of  age; 

1  The  ancient  family  of  the  Treffys  of  Place.]  Thus 
the  name  is  spelt  in  Peters's  last  legacy :  but  the  same 
family  was  lately,  if  it  is  not  now  in  being,  in  the  same 
house,  whose  name  is  always,  I  think,  spelled  TreffryT 
However,  from  hence  it  is  very  apparent,  that  Peters's 
parentage  by  the  mother,  was  very  considerable.  For 
the  antiquity  of  the  family  is  known  to  most ;  nor  < 
it  yield  in  gentility  to  any  of  the  Cornish ;  which  is  no 
mean,  character  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  value  them- 
selves on  birth  and  descent. 

•  Chiefly  extracted  from  a  dying  Father's  last  Legacy  to  an  only  Child; 
or  Mr.  Hugh  Peters's  Adrice  to  his  Daughter.    London,  1660,  12iao. 


x  THE  LIFE  OF 

where,  being  placed  in  Trinity  College,  he 
took  the  dearee  of  batchelor  of  arts  in  1616, 

< — '  ' 

and  of  master  in  1622.  He  was  licensed 
by  Dr.  Mountain,  bishop  of  London,  and 
preached  at  Sepulchre's  with  great  success 2. 

Preached  at  Sepulchre's  with  great  success.]  His 
account,  of  his  coming  to  Sepulchre's,  and  the  success 
that  he  met  with,  will  let  us  see  something  of  the  man. 
" a  To  Sepulchre's  I  was  brought  by  a  very  strange 
providence;  for  preaching  before  at  another  place,  and 
a  young  man  receiving  some  good,  would  not  be  satis- 
fied, but  I  must  preach  at  Sepulchre's,  once  monthly, 
for  the  good  of  his  friends.  In  which  he  got  his  end 
(if  I  might  not  shew  vanity)  and  he  allowed  thirty 
pounds  per  ann.  to  that  lecture;  but  his  person  un- 
known to  me.  He  was  a  chandler,  and  died  a  good 
man,  and  member  of  parliament.  At  this  lecture  the 
resort  grew  so  great,  that  it  contracted  envy  and  anger; 
though  I  believe  above  a  hundred  every  week  were  per- 
suaded from  sin  to  Christ:  There  were  six  or  seven 
thousand  hearers,  and  the  circumstances  fit  for  such 

good   work." Great   success   this!    and  what   few 

preachers  are  blessed  with.  But  some,  I  know,  would 
attribute  this  to  enthusiasm,  which  is  very  contagious, 
and  produces  surprising,  though  not  lasting  effects. 
However  this  be,  it  is  no  wonder  envy  and  anger  were 
contracted  by  it.  For  church  governors  are  wont  to 
dislike  popular  preachers,  especially  when  they  set 
themselves  to  teach  in  a  manner  different  from  them. 
— — I  will  only  remark  further,  that  Peters  was  as  great 
a  converter  as  our  modern  Methodists. 

8  Peters's  Legacy,  p.  101. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xi 

Meeting  with  some  trouble  on  the  account 

o 

of  his  nonconformity',  he  went  to  Holland, 

3  Trouble  on  the  account  of  his  nonconformity.]  Ne- 
ver was  there  any  thing  in  the  world  more  inconsistent 
with  Christianity  or  good  policy  than  persecution  for 
conscience  sake.  Yet,  such  was  the  madness  of  the 
prelates,  during  the  reigns  of  the  Stuarts,  as  to  harass 
and  distress  men  most  cruelly,  merely  on  account  of 
nonconformity  to  ecclesiastical  ceremonies.  Laud  was 
an  arch  tyrant  this  way,  as  is  known  to  all  acquainted 
with  our  histories  ;  nor  were  Wren  and  others  much  in- 
ferior to  him.  The  very  spirit  of  tyranny  actuated 
their  breast*,  and  made  them  feared  and  loathed  whilst 
living,  caused  them  to  be  abhorred  since  dead,  and 
will  render  them  infamous  throughout  all  generations. 
I  can  add  nothing  to  what  Locke  and  Bayle  have  said 
on  the  reasonableness  and  equity  of  toleration  :  tq  them 
I  will  refer  those,  who  have  any  doubts  about  it.  Only 
as  to  the  popular  objections  of  its  being  inconsistent 
with  the  good  of  the  state,  and  the  wars  and  tumults 
occasioned  by  it,  I  w  ill  beg  leave  to  observe,  that  it  is 
evident  to  a  demonstration,  that  those  communities  are 
more  happy  in  which  the  greatest  number  of  sects 
abound.  Holland,  the  free  cities  of  Germany,  and 
England,  since  the  revolution,  prove  the  truth  of  my 
assertion.  And  1  will  venture,  without  pretending  to 
the  spirit  of  prophecy,  to  affirm,  that,  whenever  the 
sects  in  England  shall  cease,  learning  and  liberty  will 
be  no  more  amongst  us.  So  that,  instead  of  suppress- 
ing, we  ought  to  wish  their  increase.  For  they  are 
curbs  to  the  slate  clergy,  excite  a  spirit  of  emulation, 
and  occasion  a  dectvcy  and  regularity  of  behaviour 
among  them,  which  tney  would,  probably,  be  other- 
wise strangers  to. 


xii  THE  LIFE  OF 

where  he  was  five  or  six  years4;  from  whence 
he  removed  to  New  England,  and,  after 

And  for  civil  wars  about  religion ;  they  are  so  far 
from  arising  from  toleration,  that,  for  the  most  part, 
they  are  the  effect  of  the  prince's  imprudence.  "  He 
must  needs  (says  an  indisputable  judge)  have  unseason- 
ably favoured  one  sect,  at  the  expence  of  another :  He 
must  either  have  too  much  promoted,  or  too  much  dis- 
couraged the  public  exercise  of  certain  forms  of  wor- 
ship: He  must  have  added  weight  to  party-quarrels, 
which  are  only  transient  sparks  of  fire,  when  the  sove- 
reign does  not  interfere,  but  become  conflagrations 
when  he  foments  them.  To  maintain  the  civil  govern- 
ment with  vigour,  to  grant  every  man  a  liberty  of  con- 
science, to  act  always  like  a  king,  and  never  to  put  on 
the  priest,  is  the  sure  means  of  preserving  a  state  from 
those  storms  and  hurricanes,  which  the  dogmatical  spi- 
rit of  divines  is  continually  labouring  to  conjure  upa." 
Had  Charles  the  first  had  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of 
this  great  writer,  he  never  had  plunged  his  kingdoms 
into  the  miseries  of  a  civil  war;  nor  by  hearkening  to 
his  chaplains,  refused  terms  which  would  have  pre- 
vented his  unhappy  catastrophe. 

4  Where  he  was  five  or  six  years.]  Tt  seems  that  he 
behaved  himself  so  well,  during  his  stay  in  Holland,  as 
to  procure  great  interest  and  reputation  in  that  coun- 
try; for,  being  afterwards  in  Ireland,  and  seeing  the 
great  distress  of  the  poor  protestants,  that  had  been 
plundered  by  the  Irish  rebels,  he  went  into  Holland, 
and  procured  about  thirty  thousand  pounds  to  be  sent 
from  thence  into  Ireland  for  their  relief. — Lndlow's 
Memoirs,  Vol.  III.  p.  75. 

a  Anti-Machiavel  Eng.  Trav.  p.  328,  edit.  174-1. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xiii 

residing  there  seven  years,  was  sent  into 
England  by  that  colony,  to  mediate  for 
ease  in  customs  and  excise.  The  civil  war 
being  then  on  foot,  he  went  into  Ireland, 
and  upon  his  return,  was  entertained  by  the 
earl  of  Warwick,  sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  and 
Oliver  Cromwell,  afterwards  protector5.  He 

5  Entertained  by  the  earl  of  Warwick,  sir  Thomas 
Fairfax,  and  Oliver  Cromwell.]  Mr.  Whitlock  shall 
be  my  voucher  for  this.  a  Mr.  Peters,  says  he,  gave  a 
large  relation  to  the  commons,  of  all  the  business  of 
Lyme,  where  he  was  with  the  earl  of  Warwick.  Again  b, 
Air.  Peters,  who  brought  up  letters  from  sir  Thomas 
Fairfax,  was  called  into  the  house,  and  made  a  large 
relation  of  the  particular  passages  in  the  taking  of 
Bridgwater.  Andc  Mr.  Peters  was  called  into  the 
house,  and  gave  them  a  particular  account  of  the  siege 
of  Bristol ; — and  he  pressed  the  desire  of  sir  Thomas 
Fairfax  to  have  recruits  sent  him. — d  Letters  brought 
by  Mr.  Peters,  from  lieutenant-general  Cromwell,  con- 
cerning the  taking  Winchester  Castle  ;  after  which  he 
was  called  in,  and  gave  a  particular  relation  of  it. — 
e  He  came  from  the  army  to  the  house,  and  made  them 
a  narration  of  the  storming  and  taking  of  Dartmouth, 
and  of  the  valour,  unity,  and  affection  of  the  army, 
and  presented  several  letters,  papers,  crucifixes,  and 
other  popish  things  taken  in  the  town. — It  is  plain 
from  these  quotations,  that  Peters  must  have  been  in 
favour  with  the  generals,  and  that  he  must  have  made 
some  considerable  figure  in  the  transactions  of  those 

*  Whitlock's  Memorials,  p.  92,  Lond.  1732,  folio.  b  ibid.  p.  16?. 

c  Ibid.  p.  171.  a  Ibid.  p.  175.  e  Ibid.  p.  189. 


xiv  THE  LIFE  OF 

was  much  valued  by  the  parliament,  and 
improved  his  interest  with  them  in  the  be- 
half of  the  unfortunate6.  He  was  very  zeal- 
ous and  active  in  their  cause,  and  had  pre- 
sents made  him,  and  an  estate  given  him 
by  them 7. 

times.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  distinction  with 
which  he  was  treated  by  them,  attached  him  so  firmly 
to  their  interest,  that  in  the  end  it  cost  him  his  life. 

6  Improved  his  interest  with  them  in  the  behalf  of 
the  unfortunate.]     "  At  his  trial  he  averred  he  had  a 
certificate  under  the  marchioness  of  Worcester's  hand, 
beginning  with  these  words :  I  do  here  testify,  that  in 
all  the  sufferings  of  my  husband,  Mr.  Peters  was  my 
great  friend.     And  added  he,  I  have  here  a  seal,  (and 
then  produced  it)  that  the  earl  of  Norwich  gave  me  to 
keep  for  his  sake,  for  saving  his  life,  which  1  will  keep 
as  long  as  I  liveV    And  how  great  the  opinion  was  of 
his  interest  with  the  persons  in  power,  we  find  from 
the  following  words  in  a  letter  addressed  to  secretary 
Nicholas,  March  8,  1648.    Mr.  Peters  presenting  yes- 
terday Hamilton's  petition  to  the  speaker,  made  many 
believe  he  at  last  would  escapeb.    Indeed,  here  he  was 
unsuccessful :   but  his  good-nature,  and  readiness  to 
oblige,  were  manifested,  and  one  would  have  thought 
should  have  merited  some  return  to  him  when  in  dis- 
tress. 

7  The  presents  made  him,  and  an  estate  given  him 
by  them.]     We  find  in  Whitlock,  that  he  had    100 

•  Exact  and  impartial  account  of  the  trial  of  the  regicides.     Lond.  4to, 
1660,  p.  173. 

b  Ormond's  Papers  published  by  Carte,  vol.  I.  p.  233.  Lond.  J  739. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xv 

He  assisted  Mr.  Chaloner  in  his  last  mo- 
ments, as  he  afterwards  did  sir  Jn.  Hotham8. 

pounds  given  him,  when  he  brought  the  news  of  taking 
Bridgwater ;  60  pounds,  when  he  brought  letters  from 
Cromwell  concerning  the  taking  Winchester  Castle ; 
that  there  was  an  order  for  100  pounds  a  year  for  him 
and  his  heirs  ;  and  another  ordinance  for  200  pounds  a 
year.  *  To  all  which  we  may  add,  the  estate  the  par- 
liament gave  him,  mentioned  in  the  body  of  the  article 
(if  it  was  distinct  from  the  100  and  200  pounds  per  an- 
num mentioned  by  Whitlock)  which  was  part  of  the 
lord  Craven's ;  and  the  bishop's  books  (Laud's,  I  sup- 
pose) valued,  as  he  tells  us,  at  140  pounds;  and  like- 
wise the  pay  of  a  preacher  as  he  could  get  it.  b  These 
were  handsome  rewards,  and  shew  the  parliament  to 
have  been  no  bad  masters.  But,  notwithstanding,  "  he 
says,  he  lived  in  debt,  because  what  he  had,  others 
shared  in0."  From  hence,  generosity  or  prodigality  of 
temper,  may  be  inferred  :  but  as  it  may  as  well  be  at- 
tributed to  the  former  as  to  the  latter,  I  know  not  why 
we  should  not  consider  him  rather  as  laudable  than 
culpable.  Indeed,  the  clergy  have  been  branded  for 
their  covetousness ;  though  certain  it  is,  there  have 
been  some  among  them,  who  have  performed  as  many 
generous,  good-natured  actions,  as  any  of  their  ill- 
wilier  s. 

8  He  assisted  Mr.  Chaloner  and  sir  John  Hotham.] 
Mr.  Chaloner  wasd  executed  for  what  was  called  Wal- 
ler's plot,  an  account  of  which  is  to  be  found  in  the 
historians  of  those  times.  He  owned  he  died  justly, 
and  deserved  his  punishment.  In  compliance  with  Pe- 


*  See  the  pages  before  quoted  in  remark  5,  b  Peters's  Legacy, 

p.  102,  104,  115.  c  Id.  p.  103.  "  July  5,  1643. 

8 


xvi  THE  LIFE  OF 

ters's  request,  he  explained  the  part  he  had  had  in  it, 
and  being  desired  by  him,  Peters  prayed  with  him a. 
— The  business  of  sir  John  Hotham  is  well  known. 
Peters  attended  him  on  the  scaffold b,  and  received  pub- 
lic thanks  on  it  from  him.  I  will  transcribe  part  of  his 
speech,  and  likewise  of  Peters's,  by  his  command,  that 
the  reader  may  judge  something  of  his  temper  and  be- 
haviour. "  I  hope,"  said  sir  John,  "  God  Almighty 
will  forgive  me,  the  parliament,  and  the  court  martial, 
and  all  men  that  have  had  any  thing  to  do  with  my 
death.  And,  gentlemen,  I  thank  this  worthy  gentle- 
man0 for  putting  me  in  mind  of  it." — Then  Mr.  Peters 
spoke  again  [he  had  before  mentioned  the  desire  of  sir 
John,  not  to  have  many  questions  put  to  him,  he  hav- 
ing fully  discovered  his  mind  to  him  and  other  minis- 
ters :  but  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  speak  only  what 
he  thought  fit  concerning  himself]  "  and  told  the  audi- 
ence, that  he  had  something  further  to  commend  unto 
them  from  sir  John  Hotham,  which  was,  that  he  had 
lived  in  abundance  of  plenty,  his  estate  large,,  about 
'2000  pounds  a  year  at  first,  and  that  he  had  gained 
much  to  it ;  that,  in  the  beginning  of  his  days,  he  was 
a  soldier  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  was  at  the  battle 
of  Prague  :  that  at  his  first  going  out  for  a  soldier,  his 
father  spoke  to  him  to  this  effect ;  Son !  when  the  crown 
of  England  lies  at  stake,  you  will  have  fighting  enough. 
That  he  had  run  through  great  hazards  and  undertak- 
ings; and  now  coming  to  this  end,  desired  they  would 
take  notice  in  him,  of  the  vanity  of  all  things  here  be- 
low, as  wit,  parts,  prowess,  strength,  friends,  honour, 
or  what  else." 

"  Then  Mr.  Peters  having  prayed,  and  after  him  sir 

'Rushw.  Hist  Collect  Part  III.  vol.  II.  p.  327,  328.     Lond.   1692, 
fol.  b  Jan.  2,  1644.  c  He  was  hereunto  moved  by  Mr. 

Peters,  says  Rushworth. 

6 


HUGH  PETERS.  xvii 

He  could  fight9  as  well  as  pray;  though, 

John,  they  sung  the  38th  Psalm ;  and  sir  John  kneeling 
behind  the  block,  spent  above  a  quarter  of  an  hour  in 
private  prayer;  after  which,  lying  down,  the  execu- 
tioner, at  one  blow,  did  his  office3." 

We  see  nothing  here  but  great  civility  in  Peters,  and 
the  due  discharge  of  his  office.  Here  is  nothing  trou- 
blesome or  impertinent,  but  as  one  would  wish  to  have 
it  in  like  circumstances.  Let  the  reader  compare  the 
following  account  of  sir  John.'s  behaviour  with  Rush- 
worth's,  and  judge  of  the  truth  of  the  narration,  and 
the  justness  of  the  epithet  bestowed  on  Peters. 

"  The  poor  man  (sir  John  Hotham)  appeared  so  dis- 
pirited, that  he  spoke  but  few  words  after  he  came  up- 
on the  scaffold,  and  suffered  his  ungodly  confessor  Pe- 
ters, to  tell  the  people,  that  he  had  revealed  himself  to 
him,  and  confessed  his  offences  against  the  parliament; 
and  so  he  committed  his  head  to  the  block  V 

Peters,  we  see,  said  nothing  like  his  having  confessed 
his  offences  against  the  parliament.  This,  therefore,  is 
mere  invention,  like  too  many  other  things  to  be  found 
in  this  celebrated  history:  the  charge  of  interpolations 
and  additions  against  which  I  am  sorry,  for  the  noble 
writer's  sake,  to  find  affirmed  to  be  groundless,  by  so 
worthy  a  man,  and  so  good  a  judge,  as  Mr.  Birch c. — 
As  to  the  epithet  ungodly  conferred  on  Peters,  the  con- 
siderate reader  will  judge  of  it  as  it  deserves. 

9  Fight  as  well  as  pray.]  Let  us  hear  Whitlock. 
"  Mr.  Peters,  at  the  beginning  of  the  troubles  in  Ire- 
land, led  a  brigade  against  the  rebels,  and  came  off 

*  Rushworth,  Hist.  Collect.  Part  III.  Vol.  II.  p.  803,  804.  Lond.  1692, 
fol.  b  Clarendon's  History  of  the  grand  Rebellion,  Vol.  II.  Part 

II.  p.  622.    Oxford,  1707.  c  Life  of  Hampden  among  the  tivesof 

illustrious  Men.  A.  78. 

VOL.  I.  b 


xviii  THE  LIFE  OF 

perhaps,  in  his  capacity  of  a  preacher  he 
was  most  serviceable  to  the  cause I0. 

with  honour  and  victory2."  So  that  we  see  he  knew 
how  to  use  both  swords,  and  could  slay  and  kill,  as  well 
as  feed  the  sheep  ;  which,  in  the  opinion  of  Baronius, 
Christ  gave  Peter  authority  to  exercise  equally,  as  oc- 
casion might  require  b.  But,  to  be  serious,  this  lead- 
ing a  brigade  against  the  Irish  rebels,  ought  not  to  be 
imputed  to  Peters  as  a  crime  :  it  being  equally  as  jus- 
tifiable as  archbishop  Williams's  arming  in  the  civil 
wars  in  England,  or  Dr.  Walker's  defending  London- 
derry, and  fighting  at  the  battle  of  the  Boyne(in  which 
he  gloriously  lost  his  life)  in  Ireland  ;  more  especially 
as  the  Irish  against  whom  Peters  fought,  were  a  blood- 
thirsty crew,  who  had  committed  c  acts  of  wickedness, 
hardly  to  be  paralleled  even  in  the  annals  of  Rome  pa- 
pal. Against  such  villains,  therefore,  it  was  meritori- 
ous to  engage,  and  Peters  was  undeniably  praise-wor- 
thy. For  there  are  times  and  seasons  when  the  gown 
must  give  place  to  arms,  even  at  those  times  when  our 
laws,  liberties,  and  religion  are  endangered  by  ambi- 
tious, bloody,  and  superstitious  men.  And  were  the 
clergy  in  all  countries  as  much  concerned  for  these 
blessings  as  they  ought,  they  would  deserve  the  reve- 
rence of  all  orders  of  men. 

10  In  his  capacity  of  a  preacher  he  was  most  service- 
able to  the  cause.]  Whitlock  tells  us d,  that  when  sir 
Thomas  Fairfax  moved  for  storming  Bridgwater  anew, 
and  it  was  assented  to,  the  Lord's  day  before,  Mr.  Pe- 
ters, in  his  sermon,  encouraged  the  soldiers  to  the  work. 

1  Whitlock,  p.  426.  «•  Bedel's  Life,  p.   6.  8vo.   Lond.  1685. 

*  See  a  breviate  of  some  of  the  cruelties,  murders,  &c.  committed  by 
the  Irish  popish  rebels  upon  the  protestants,  Oct.  23,  1641,  in  Rushwortb, 
Part  III.  Vol.  I.  p.  405.  "  Whitlock,  p.  162, 


HUGH  PETERS.  xifc 

He  was  thought  to  be  deeply  concerned 
in  the  king's  death,  and  his  name  has  been 

And  at  Milford  Haven,  the  country  did  unanimously 
take  the  engagement,  and  Mr.  Peters  opened  the  mat- 
ter to  them,  and  did  much  encourage  them  to  take  it. 

He  preachexl  also  in  the  market-place  at  Torring- 

tona,  and  convinced  many  of  their  errors  in  adhering  to 
the  king's  party. — A  man  of  this  temper b,  it  is  easily 
seen,  must  be  of  great  service  to  any  party  ;  and  seems 
to  deserve  the  rewards  he  received.  For  in  factions,  it 
is  the  bold  and  daring  man,  the  man  that  will  spare  no 
pains,  that  is  to  be  valued  and  encouraged ;  and  not 
the  meek,  the  modest,  and  moderate  one.  A  man  of 
wisdom  would  not  have  taken  these  employments  upon 
him,  nor  would  a  minister,  one  should  think,  who  was 
animated  b}'  the  meek  and  merciful  spirit  of  the  gos- 
pel, have  set  himself  from  the  pulpit,  to  encourage  the 
soldiers  to  storm  a  town,  in  which  his  brethren  and 
countrymen  were  besieged.  If  storming  was  thought 
necessary  by  the  generals,  they  themselves  should  have 
encouraged  the  soldiers  thereunto;  but  Peters,  as  a 
minister  of  the  gospel,  should  have  excited  them  rather 
to  spare  the  effusion  of  human  blood  as  much  as  possi- 
ble, and  to  have  compassion  on  the  innocent.  Peters, 
however,  was  not  singular  in  his  conduct.  The  im- 
mortal Chillingworth,  led  away  with  party  spirit,  and 
forgetting  that  he  was  a  minister  of  the  Prince  of  Peace, 
attended  the  king's  army  before  Gloucester;  and  "ob- 
serving that  they  wanted  materials  to  carry  on  the 
siege,  suggested  the  making  of  some  engines,  after  the 
manner  of  the  Roman  testudines  cum  pluteis'" — Indeed, 

*  Whitlock,  p.  447.  »  Ibid.  p.  194.  c  Maizeaux's  Life  of 

Chillingworth,  p.  280,  Load.  1725,  8vo.  and  Rushworth.  fart  ?d,  Vol. 
II.  p.  290. 


xx  THE  LIFE  OF 

treated  with  much  severity  by  reason  of 
it". 

the  divines  of  both  sides  too  much  addicted  themselves 
to  their  respective  parties;  and  were  too  unmindful  of 
the  duties  of  their  function. 

11  Deeply  concerned  in  the  king's  death,  &c.]  Eve- 
ry one  knows  he  suffered  for  this  after  the  Restoration. 
He  had  judgment  passed  on  him  as  a  traitor,  and  as 
such  was  executed*,  and  his  head  afterwards  set  on  a 
pole  on  London  bridge. 

Burnet  tells  usb,  "  that  he  had  been  outragious  in 
pressing  the  king's  death,  with  the  cruelty  and  rude- 
ness of  an  inquisitor." — Dr.  Barwick  says,  "  he  was 
upon  no  slight  grounds  accused  to  have  been  one  of 
the  king's  murtherers,  though  it  could  not  be  sufficient- 
ly proved  against.himc." 

And  we  find  in  a  satirical  piece,  styled  Epufo  Thyesta, 
printed  1649,  the  following  lines  : 

"  There's  Peters,  the  denyer  (nay  'tis  said) 
He  that  (disguis'd)  cut  off  his  master's  head.; 
That  godly  pigeon  of  apostacy 
Does  buz  about  his  anti-monarchy, 
His  scaffold  doctrines." 

One  Mr.  Starkey  at  his  trial  swore d,  that  "  he  stiled 
the  king  tyrant  and  fool,  asserted  that  he  was  not  fit  to 
be  a  king,  and  that  the  office  was  dangerous,  charge- 
able, and  useless." 

It  was  likewise  sworn  on  his  trial,  that  in  a  sermon, 
a  few  days  before  the  king's  trial,  he  addressed  himself 
to  the  members  of  the  two  houses,  in  these  terms": 
"  My  lords,  and  you  noble  gentlemen, — It  is  you,  we 

a  Oct.  16,  1660.  b  Hist,  of  his  own  Times,  Dutch  edit  in  12mo. 

vol.  I.  p.  264.  c  Barwick's  Life,  Eng.  trans,  p.  296,  Lond.  1724. 

*  Trial  of  the  Regicides,  p.  159.  •  Ibid.  p.  166. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxi 

He  was  appointed  one  of  the  triers  for 

chiefly  look  for  justice  from;  Do  not  prefer  the  great 
Barabbas,  murtherer,  ty  rant  and  tray  tor,  before  these 
poor  hearts  (pointing  to  the  red  coats)  and  the  army, 
who  are  our  saviours.'x 

In  another  sermon  before  Cromwell  and  Bradshaw, 
he  said,  "  Here  is  a  great  discourse  and  talk  in  the 
world ;  what,  will  ye  cut  off  the  head  of  a  protestant 
prince*  ?  Turn  to  your  bibles,  and  ye  shall  find  it  there, 
whosoever  sheds  man's  blood,  by  man  shall  his  blood 
be  shed. — I  see  neither  king  Charles,  prince  Charles, 
nor  prince  Rupert,  nor  prince  Maurice,  nor  any  of  that 
rabble  excepted  out  of  itb."— These  and  many  other 
things  of  the  like  nature,  were  sworn  against  him  at  his 
trial,  and  notwithstanding  his  denial  of  the  most  part 
of  them,  caused  his  condemnation.  So  that  there  seems 
pretty  clear  proof  of  his  guilt,  and  sufficient  reason  for 
his  censure. 

Let  us  now  hear  Peters  speak  for  himself:  "  I  had 
access  ta  the  king, — he  used  me  civilly  ;  I,  in  requital, 
offered  my  poor  thoughts  three  times  for  his  safety ;  I 
never  had  hand  in  contriving  or  acting  his  death,  as  I 
am  scandalized,  but  the  contrary,  to  my  mean  power  V 
Which,  if  true,  no  wonder  he  should  think  the  act  of 
indemnity  would  have  included  him,  as  well  as  others, 
as  he  declares  he  did,  of  which  we  shall  speak  more 
hereafter. 

That  he  was  useful  and  serviceable  to  the  king,  du- 
ring his  confinement,  there  is  undeniable  proof. 'Whit- 
lock  writes  "  that  upon  a  conference  between  the  king 
and  Mr.  Hugh  Peters,  and  the  king  desiring  one  of  hra 

*  i.  e.  Kinf's.  b  Trial  of  the  Regicides,  p,  168. 

^  Peters'*  Legacy,  p.  102. 


xxii  THE  LIFE  OF 

own  chaplains  might  be  permitted  to  come  to  him,  for 
his  satisfaction  in  some  scruples  of  conscience,  Dr. 
Juxon,  bishop  of  London,  was  ordered  to  go  to  his 
majesty*."  And  "  sir  John  Denham,  being  entrusted 
by  the  queen,  to  deliver  a  message  to  his  Majesty,  who, 
at  that  time,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  army,  by  Hugh 
Peters's  assistance,  he  got  admittance  to  the  kingV 

These  were  considerable  services,  and  could  hardly 
have  been  expected  from  a  man,  who  was  outrageous 
in  pressing  the  king's  death,  with  the  cruelty  and  rude- 
ness of  an  inquisitor. 

And  as  to  what  was  said  of  his  being  supposed  to  be 
the  king's  executioner,  one,  who  was  his  servant,  de- 
posed on  his  trial,  that  he  kept  his  chamber,  being 
sick,  on  the  day  the  king  suffered :  and  no  stress  was 
laid  by  the  king's  counsel  on  the  suspicions  uttered 
against  him  on  this  head.  So  that,  in  all  reason,  Dr. 
Barwick  should  have  forborne  saying,  "  that  he  was  up- 
on no  slight  grounds  accused  to  have  been  one  of  the 
king's  murtherers." 

Certain  it  is,  he  too  much  fell  in  with  the  times, 
and,  like  a  true  court  chaplain,  applauded  and  justifi- 
ed what  his  masters  did,  or  intended  to  do  ;  though  he 
himself  might  be  far  enough  from  urging  them  before- 
hand to  do  it.  He  would  perhaps  have  been  pleased, 
if  the  king  and  army  had  come  to  an  agreement :  but 
as  that  did  not  happen,  he  stuck  close  to  his  party,  and 
would  not  leave  defending  their  most  iniquitous  beha- 
viour. 

Which  conduct  is  not  peculiar  to  Peters.  Charles 
the  First,  at  this  day,  is  spoke  of  as  the  best,  not  only 
of  men,  but  of  kings ;  and  the  parliament  is  said  to 

a  Whitlock,  p.  370.  b  Denham's  EpisU  Dexlicat  to  Charles  II. 

of  his  Poems,  second  edition,  1671. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxiii 

the  ministry".     And  a  commissioner  for 

have  acted  right  in  opposing  his  tyranny,  and  likewise 
in  bringing  him  to  the  block,  by  the  staunch  party- 
men  of  each  side  respectively.  No  wickedness  is  owned, 
no  errors  are  acknowledged  on  the  one  part,  nor  is  there 
any  such  thing  to  be  granted  as  wisdom  or  honesty  on 
the  other. — These  are  the  men  that  often  turn  the  world 
upside  down,  and  spirit  up  mobs,  tumults  and  sedi- 
tions, till  at  length  they  become  quite  contemptible, 
and  perhaps  undergo  the  fate  allotted  to  folly  and  vil- 
lany. 

*  One  of  the  triers  for  the  ministry.]  These  were 
men  appointed  by  Cromwell,  to  try  the  abilities  of  all 
entrants  into  the  ministry,  and  likewise  the  capacity  of 
such  others,  as  were  presented,  or  invited  to  new  places. 
Butler,  according  to  his  manner,  has  represented  their 
business  in  a  ludicrous  light  in  the  following  lines: 

"  Whose  business  is,  by  cunning  slight, 
To  cast  a  figure  for  men's  light ; 
To  find  in  lines  of  beard  and  face, 
The  physiognomy  of  grace  ; 
And  by  the  sound  and  twang  of  nose, 
If  all  be  sound  within  disclose  j 
Free  from  a  crack  or  flaw  of  sinning, 
As  men  try  pipkins  by  the  ringing." 

HUDIB.  CANTO  III. 

\ 

However,  jesting  apart,  it  must  be  owned,  the  thing 
in  itself  was  good  enough :  but  instead  of  examining 
those  who  came  before  them  in  languages,  divinity, 
and  more  especially  morality,  things  of  the  highest  im- 
portance, one  should  think ;  they  used  to  ask  them, 
whether  they  had  ever  any  experience  of  a  work  of 
grace  on  their  hearts'?  And  according  as  they  could 

'  How's  Life,  by  Calamy,  p.  21.  -  Lond.  1724.  8vo. 


xxiv  THE  LIFE  OF 

answer  hereunto,  were  they  received  or  rejected. — How 
much  more  intelligible  would  it  have  been,  to  have  en- 
quhed,  whether  they  were  "  blameless,  husbands  of  one 
wife,  vigilant,  sober,  of  good  behaviour,  given  to  hos- 
pitality, apt  to  teach,  not  given  to  wine,  no  strikers, 
not  greedy  of  filthy  lucre,  patient,  not  brawlers,  not 
covetous?    Whether  they  ruled  well  their  own  houses, 
and  had  a  good  report  of  them  which  were  without3  r" 
I   say,    how   much   more   intelligible   and   important 
would  these  questions  have  been,  yea,  how  much  easier 
and  more  certainly  determined,  than  that  abovemen- 
tioned  ?  But  it  is  a  very  long  time  ago,  that  these  were 
the  qualifications  required  and  expected  from  clergy- 
men :  for  ages  past,  subscription  to  doubtful  articles  of 
faitb,  declarations  very  ambiguous,  or  most  difficult  to 
be  made  by  understanding  minds,  or  the  Shibboleth  of 
the   prevailing  party  in  the   church,    have   been  the 
things  required  and  insisted  on.   .Whence  it  has  come 
to  pass,  that  so  many  of  our  divines,  as  they  are  styled, 
understand  so  little  of  the  scriptures,  and  that  they 
know  and  practise  so  little  of  pure,  genuine  Christian- 
ity.   I  would  not  be  thought  to  reflect  on  any  particu- 
lar persons ;  but  hope  those,  in  whose  hands  the  go- 
vernment of  the  church  is  lodged,  will  consider  whe- 
ther they  are  not  much  too  careless  in  their  examina- 
tions of  young  men  for  ordination  ?    Whether  very 
many  of  them  are  not  unqualified  to  teach  and  instruct, 
through  neglect  of  having  carefully  studied  the  word 
of  God  ?     And  whether  their  conversation  be  not  such 
as  is  unsuitable  to  the  character  conferred  on  them  ? — 
It  is  with  uneasiness  one  is  obliged  to  hint  at  these 
things.     But,  surely,  it  is  more  than  time  that  they 
were  reformed,  and  St.  Paul's  rules  were  put  in  practice. 

a  1  Tim.  iii.  2—7. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxv 

amending  the  laws1*,  though  poorly  quali- 
fied for  it. 

A  wise,  virtuous,  prudent  clergy  is  the  glory  and 
happiness  of  a  community,  and  there  cannot  be  too 
much  care  taken  to  procure  ita.  But  if  triers  neglect 
the  means  of  doing  this,  and  admit  all  who  are  pre- 
sented to  a  curacy  to  orders,  if  so  he  they  will  make 
use  of  the  terms  in  vogue,  whether  they  understand 
them  or  no,  they  deserve  censure,  and  are  answerable 
for  all  the  sad  consequences  which  flow  from  ignorance, 

folly  and  vice. 

•> 

1  Commissioner  for  amending  the  laws,  though 
poorly  qualified  for  it.]  He  as  good  as  owns  this  in 
the  following  passage  :  "  When  I  was  a  trier  of  others, 
I  went  to  hear  and  gain  experience,  rather  than  to 
judge;  when  I  was  called  about  mending  laws,  I  ra- 
ther was  there  to  pray,  than  to  mend  laws :  but  in  all 
these  I  confess,  I  might  as  well  have  been  spared b." 
This  is  modest,  and  very  ingenuous  :  but  such  a  confes- 
sion, as  few  of  our  gentlemen  concerned  in  such  mat- 
ters, would  choose  to  make.  They  frequently  boast  of 
the  great  share  they  have  in  business;  though  many  of 
them  may  well  be  spared. — Let  us  confirm  the  truth  of 
Peters's  confession,  by  Whitlock  :  "  I  was  often  ad- 
vised with  by  some  of  this  committee,  and  none  of 
them  was  more  active  in  this  business,  than  Mr.  Hugh 
Peters  the  minister,  who  understood  little  of  the  law, 
but  was  very  opinionative,  and  would  frequently  men- 
tion some  proceedings  of  law  in  Holland,  wherein  he 
was  altogether  mistaken  °." — The  ignorance  and  inabi- 
lity of  the  man,  with  regard  to  these  matters,  we  see 

*  See  Hutchinson's   Introduction  to  Moral  Philosophy,  B.  ITI.  Ch.  8. 
Sect.  1.  *  Peters's  Legacy,  p.  109.  'Whitlock,  p.  521. 


xxvi  THE  LIFE  OF 

are  as  plainly  described  here,  as  in  his  own  words ; 
though  how  to  reconcile  his  opinionativeness  and  ac- 
tivity in  it,  with  his  going  to  the  committee  rather  to 
pray  than  to  mend  laws,  I  confess,  I  know  not.  Per- 
haps he  had  forgot  the  part  he  had  acted. — This* 
"  committee  were  to  take  into  consideration  what  in- 
conveniences were  in  the  law,  how  the  mischiefs  that 
grow  from  delays,  the  chargeableness  and  irregularities 
in  the  proceedings  of  the  law  may  be  prevented,  and 
the  speediest  way  to  prevent  the  same."  In  this  com- 
mittee with  Peters,  were  Mr.  Fountain,  Mr.  Rush- 
worth,  and  sir  Anthony  Ashley  Cooper,  afterwards  earl 
of  Shaftesbury,  and  lord  high  chancellor;  besides  ma- 
ny others  of  rank  and  figure.  No  great  matters  fol- 
lowed from  this  committee,  by  reason  of  the  hurry  of 
the  times,  and  the  opposition  which  the  lawyers  made 
to  it.  But  the  parliament  had  a  little  beforeb  passed 
an  "  act  that  all  the  books  of  the  law  should  be  put 
into  English ;  and  that  all  writs,  process,  and  returns 
thereof,  and  all  patents,  commissions,  indictments, 
judgments,  records,  and  all  rules  and  proceedings  in 
courts  of  justice,  shall  be  in  the  English  tongue  on- 
ly." This  act  or  ordinance  (to  speak  in  the  language 
of  the  times  of  which  I  am  writing)  does  great  honour 
to  the  parliament,  and  is  an  argument  of  their  good 
sense,  and  concern  for  the  welfare  of  the  people.  It  is 
amazing  so  good  a  law  should  not  have  been  continued 
by  proper  authority  after  the  Restoration  !  But  it  was 
a  sufficient  reason  then  to  disuse  a  thing,  though  ever 
so  good  in  itself,  that  it  had  been  enacted  by  an 
usurped  power.  Of  such  fatal  consequences  are  preju- 
dices !  But  thanks  be  unto  God !  we  have  seen  the 


*  This  committee  was  appointed  Jan.  20,  1651.  b  Oct.  25,  1650. 

Whitlock,  p.  475. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxvii 

He  is  accused  of  great  vices  ;  but  whe- 
ther justly,  or  not,  is  a  question1*. 

time  when  this  most  excellent  ordinance  has  been  again 
revived,  and  received  the  sanction  of  the  whole  legis- 
lature.— How  much  were  it  to  be  wished,  that  a  com- 
mittee of  wise  and  prudent  persons  were  once  more  em- 
ployed to  revise,  amend,  and  abridge  our  laws !  that 
we  might  know  ourselves  how  to  act,  and  not  be  neces- 
sitated to  make  use  of  those,  who  (we  are  sensible)  live 
on  our  spoils. — This  would  add  greatly  to  the  glory  of 
our  most  excellent  prince  ;  and  would  be  the  best  em- 
ployment of  that  peace,  which  his  wisdom  has  procured 
for  us.  But  much  is  it  to  be  feared,  that  our  adversa- 
ries will  be  too  hard  for  us,  and  that  we  shall  be  obliged, 
for  a  time  at  least,  to  submit  to  their  yoke.  But  when- 
ever the  spirit  of  true  patriotism  shall  generally  possess 
the  breasts  of  our  senators,  I  doubt  not,  but  that  they 
will  apply  themselves  to  our  deliverance  in  good  earn- 
est, and  bring  it  to  perfection  (as  it  was  long  ago  done 
in  Denmark,  and  very  lately  in  Prussia)  in  as  much  as 
the  happiness  of  the  community  absolutely  depends 
thereon. 

14  Accused  of  great  vices;  but  whether  justly,  or  not, 
is  a  question.]  I  will  transcribe  Dr.  Barwick  at  large*. 
"  The  wild  prophecies  uttered  by  his  (Hugh  Peters's) 
impure  mouth,  were  still  received  by  the  people  with 
the  same  veneration, as  if  they'liad  been  oracles;  though 
he  was  known  to  be  infamous  for  more  than  one  kind 
of  wickedness.  A  fact,  which  Milton  himself  did  not 
dare  to  deny,  when  he  purposely  wrote  his  apology, 
for  this  very  end,  to  defend  even  by  name  (as  far  as 
was  possible)  the  very  blackest  of  the  conspirators,  and 

*  Barwick's  Life,  p.  155,  156, 


xxviii  THE  LIFE  OF 

He  was  executed  shortly  after  the  Resto- 

Hugh  Peters  among  the  chief  of  them,  who  were  by 
name  accused  of  manifest  impieties  by  their  adversa- 
ries."— Burnet1  says  likewise,  "  He  was  a  very  vicious 
man."  And  Langbaineb  hints  something  of  an  "  affair 
that  he  had  with  a  butcher's  wife  of  Sepulchre's." — 
Peters  himself  was  not  insensible  of  his  ill  character 
amongst  the  opposite  party,  nor  of  the  particular  vice 
laid  to  his  charge  by  Langbaine:  but  he  terms  it  re- 
proach, and  attributes  it  to  his  zeal  in  the  cause. — 
"  By  my  zeal,  it  seems,  I  have  exposed  myself  to  all 
manner  of  reproach  :  but  wish  you  to  know,  that  (be- 
sides your  mother)  I  have  had  no  fellowship  that  way 
with  any  woman  since  I  knew  her,  having  a  godly 
wife  before  also,  I  bless  God c." 

A  man  is  not  allowed  to  be  a  witness  in  his  own 
cause;  nor  should,  I  think,  his  adversaries' testimony 
be  deemed  full  proof.  One  loaden  with  such  an  accu- 
sation as  Peters  was,  and  suffering  as  a  traitor,  when 
the  party  spirit  ran  high,  and  revenge  actuated  the 
breasts  of  those  who  bore  rule :  for  such  a  one  to  be 
traduced,  and  blackened  beyond  his  deserts,  is  no  won- 
der.— It  is  indeed  hard  to  prove  a  negative;  and  the 
concurring  testimony  of  writers  to  Peters's  bad  charac- 
ter, makes  one  with  difficulty  suspend  assent  unto  it. 
But  if  the  following  considerations  be  weighed,  I  shall 
not,  perhaps,  be  blamed,  for  saying  it  was  a  question 
whether  he  was  accused  justly,  or  not? 

1.  The  accusations  against  him  came  from  known 
enemies,  those  who  hated  the  cause  he  was  engaged  in, 
and  looked  on  it  as  detestable.  It  may  easily  therefore 

a  Hist.  vol.  I.  p.  264.  k  Dramatic  Poets,  p.  339. 

'  Legacy,  p.  106. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxix 

•ration  ;  though  doubtless,  he  had  as  much 

•be  supposed,  that  they  were  willing  to  blacken  the 
actors  in  it,  or  at  least,  that  they  were  susceptible  of 
ill  impressions  concerning  them,  and  ready  to  believe 
any  evil  thing  they  heard  of  them.  This  will,  if 
attended  to,  lessen  the  weight  of  their  evidence  con- 
siderably, and  dispose  us  to  think  that  they  may  have 
misrepresented  the  characters  of  their  opponents.  Bar- 
wick,  at  first  sight,  appears  an  angry  partial  writer; 
Burnet's  characters  were  never  thought  too  soft;  they 
were  both  enemies  to  the  republican  party,  though 
not  equally  furious  and  violent.  Add  to  this,  that 
neither  of  them,  as  far  as  appears,  knew  any  thing  of 
Peters  themselves;  and  therefore  what  they  write 
must  be  considered  only  as  common  fame,  than  which 
nothing  is  more  uncertain. 

2.  The  times  in  which  Peters  was  on  the  stage, 
were  far  enough  from  favouring  vice  (public  vice,  for 
it  is  of  this  Peters  is  accused)  in  the  ministerial  cha- 
racter. He  must  be  a  novice  in  the  history  of  those 
times,  who  knows  not  what  a  precise,  demure  kind  of 
men  the  preachers  among  the  parliamentarians  were. 
They  were  careful  not  only  of  their  actions,  but 
likewise  of  their  words  and  looks ;  and  allowed  not 
themselves  in  the  innocent  gaieties  and  pleasures  of 
life.  I  do  not  take  on  me  to  say,  they  were  as  good, 
as  they  pretended  to  be.  For  aught  I  know,  they  might 
be,  yea,  perhaps,  were  proud,  conceited,  censorious,  un- 
charitable, avaricious.  But  then  drunkenness,  whore- 
dom, adultery,  and  swearing,  were  things  quite  out  of 
vogue  among  them,  nor  was  it  suffered  in  them.  So 
that  how  vicious  soever  their  inclinations  might  be, 
they  were  obliged  to  conceal  them,  and  keep  them  from 
the  eye  of  the  public.  It  was  this  sobriety  of  behaviour, 


xxx  THE  LIFE  OF 

this  strictness  of  conversation,  joined  with  their  popular 
talents  in  the  pulpit,  that  created  them  so  much  respect, 
and  caused  such  a  regard  to  be  paid  unto  their  advice 
and  direction.  The  people  in  a  manner  adored  them, 
and  were  under  their  government  almost  absolutely. 
So  that  the  leading  men  in  the  house  of  commons,  arrd 
those,  who  after  the  king's  death  were  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  affairs,  were  obliged  to  court  them,  and  pro- 
fess to  admire  them.  Hence  it  was,  that  men  of  such 
sense  as  Pym,  Hampden,  Holies,  Whitlock,  Selden, 
St.  John,  Cromwell,  &c.  sat  so  many  hours  hearing 
their  long-winded  weak  prayers,  and  preachments ;  that 
men  of  the  greatest  note  took  it  as  an  honour  to  sit 
with  the  assembly  of  divines,  and  treated  them  with  so 
much  deference  and  regard.  For  it  was  necessary  to 
gain  the  preachers,  in  order  to  maintain  their  credit 
with  the  people:  ISow,  certainly,  if  Peters  had  been  a 
man  so  vicious  as  he  is  represented,  he  could  have 
had  no  influence  over  the  people,  nor  would  he  have 
been  treated  by  the  then  great  men,  in  the  manner  he 
was.  For  they  must  have  parted  with  him  even  for 
their  own  sakes,  unless  they  would  have  been  looked 
on  as  enemies  to  godliness.  But  Peters  was  caressed 
by  the  great;  his  prophecies  were  received  as  oracles 
by  the  people;  and  he  was  of  great  service  to  Crom- 
well :  and  therefore  he  could  not  surely  (at  least  pub- 
licly) be  known  to  be  infamous  for  more  than  one 
kind  of  wickedness,  as  Barwick  asserts.  In  short, 
hypocrisy  was  the  characteristic  of  Peters's  age:  and, 


"  Hypocritic  zeal 


Allows  no  sins,  but  those  it  can  conceal."  DRYDEN. 

3.  Peters's  patrons  seem  to  render  the  account  of 
his  wickedness  very  improbable.  We  have  seen  that 
he  was  entertained  by  the  earl  of  Warwick,  sir  Thomas 
Fairfax,  and  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  that  he  was  much 

6 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxxi 

reason  to  think  he  should  have  escaped,  as 
many  others15. 

The  charge  against  him  was  for  compass- 
ing and  imagining  the  death  of  the  king, 
by  conspiring  with  Oliver  Cromwell,  at  se- 
veral times  and  places ;  and  procuring  the 

caressed  and  rewarded  by  the  parliament.  How  im- 
probable then  is  it,  that  Peters  should  be  infamous  for 
wickedness!  His  patrons  were  never  accused  of  person- 
al vices  ;  they  were  men  who  made  high  pretensions  to 
religion  ;  and  the  cause  they  fought  for,  they  talked  of 
(if  they  did  not  think  it  to  be)as  the  cause  of  God.  Now, 
with  what  face  could  they  have  done  this,  if  their  chap- 
lain, confident  and  tool,  had  been  known  to  have  been 
a  very  vicious  man  ?  Or,  how  could  they  have  talked 
against  scandalous  ministers,  who  employed  one  most 
scandalous  ?  In  short,  how  could  they  reward  Peters  pub- 
licly, when  they  always  professed  great  zeal  for  godliness, 
and  were  for  promoting  it  to  the  highest  pitch  ?  Men 
of  their  wisdom  can  hardly  be  thought  to  have  acted  so 
inconsistent  a  part;  nor  is  there  any  thing  in  their  whole 
conduct,  which  would  lead  one  to  think  they  could  be 
guilty  of  it.  From  all  these  considerations  therefore  I 
think  it  reasonable  to  make  it  a  question,  whether  Pe- 
ters was  charged  justly  with  great  vices  ? 

I$  As  much  reason  to  think  he  should  have  escaped, 
as  many  others].  "  I  thought  the  act  of  indemnity 
would  have  included  me,  but  the  hard  character  upon 
me  excluded  me  V  And  no  wonder  he  should  think 
so,  if  it  was  true,  "  that  he  never  had  his  hand  in  any 

*  Legacy,  p.  106. 


xxxii  THE  LIFE  OF 

soldiers  to  demand  justice,  by  preaching 
divers  sermons  to  persuade  them  to  take  off 
the  king,  comparing  him  to  Barabbas,  &c. 
To  which  he  pleaded  in  his  own  defence, 
that  the  Avar  began  before  he  came  into 
England  ;  that  since  his  arrival,  he  had  en- 


man's  blood,  but  saved  many  in  life  and  estate*."  All 
that  was  laid  to  Peters's  charge  was  words  ;  but  words, 
it  must  be  owned,  unfit  to  be  uttered:  yet  if  we 
consider  how  many  greater  offenders  than  Peters 
escaped  capital  punishment,  we  may  possibly  think 
he  had  hard  measure.  Harry  Martyn,  John  Good- 
win, and  John  Milton,  spoke  of  Charles  the  First 
most  reproachfully,  and  the  two  latter  vindicated  his 
murther  in  their  public  writings.  As  early  as  1643, 
we  find  Martyn  speaking  out  plainly,  "  that  it  was 
better  the  king  and  his  children  were  destroyed,  than 
many ;"  which  words  were  then  looked  on  as  so  high 
and  dangerous,  that  he  was  committed  by  the  house 
to  the  Tower;  though  shortly  after  released  and  re-ad- 
mitted to  his  place  in  parliament b.  He  continued  still 
virulent  against  the  king,  was  one  of  his  judges,  and 
acted  as  much  as  possible  against  him.  Goodwin  jus- 
tified the  seclusion  of  the  members,  which  was  the 
prelude  to  Charles's  tragedy;  vindicated  his  murther, 
and  went  into  all  the  measures  of  his  masters ;  and 
being  a  man  of  ready  wit  and  great  learning,  was  of 
good  service  to  them.  And  as  for  Milton,  there  is  no 
one  but  knows,  that  he  wrote  most  sharply  against 
king  Charles,  and  set  forth  his  actions  in  a  terribly 

8  Legacy,  p.  104.    See  remark  6.  b  Whitlock,  p.  71. 

3 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxxiii 

deavoured  to  promote  sound  religion,  the 
reformation  of  learning,  and  the  law,  and 
employment  of  the  poor ;  that,  for  the  bet- 
ter effecting  these  things,  he  had  espoused 
the  interest  of  the  parliament,  in  which  he 
had  acted  without  malice,  avarice,  or  am- 

black  light.  To  take  no  notice  of  his  writings  against 
Salmasius  and  More;  what  could  be  more  cruel 
against  Charles,  than  his  Iconoclastes  !  How  bitter  are 
his  observations,  how  cutting  his  remarks  on  his  con- 
duct !  How  horribly  provoking,  to  point  out  sir  Philip 
Sidney's  Arcadia,  as  the  book  from  whence  the  "  prayer 
in  the  time  of  captivity,"  delivered  to  Dr.  Juxon, 
immediately  before  his  death,  was  chiefly  taken*? 
One  should  have  thought  this  an  indignity  never  to 
have  been  forgotten,  nor  forgiven,  especially  as  it  was 
offered  by  one  who  was  secretary  to  Cromwell,  and 
..  who  had  spent  the  best  part  of  his  life  in  the  service 
of  the  anti-royalists.  But  yet  Milton  was  preserved 
as  to  life  and  fortune  (happy  for  the  polite  arts  he  was 
preserved)  and  lived  in  great  esteem  among  men  of 
worth  all  his  days.  Goodwin  had  the  same  good  for- 
tune; and  Martin  escaped  the  fate  of  many  of  his 
fellow  judges;  though  on  his  trial,  he  behaved  no 
way  abjectly  or  meanly.  All  this  had  the  appearance 
of  clemency,  and  Peters  might  reasonably  have  ex- 
pected to  share  in  it.  But,  poor  wretch!  he  had 
nothing  to  recommend  him,  as  these  had,  and  there- 
fore, though  more  innocent,  fell  without  pity.  Mar- 
tin, as  it  was  reported,  escaped  merely  by  his 

a  Vid.   Bayle's   Diet.  Article    Milton.     Milton's  Works,   ejr  Toland's 
Amyntor.— See  also  Vol.  II.  p.  119,  of  the  present  work. 
VOL.  I.  C 


xxxiv  THE  LIFE  OF 

bition ;  and  that  whatever  prejudices  or  pas- 
sions might  possess  the  minds  of  men,  yet 
there  was  a  God  who  knew  these  things  to 
be  true. 

At  the  place  of  execution,  when  chief 
justice  Coke  was  cut  down  and  embowelled, 

vices3:  Goodwin  having  been  a  zealous  Arminian, 
and  a  sower  of  division  among  the  sectaries,  on  these 
accounts  had  friends:  but  what  Milton's  merit  with 
the  courtiers  was,  Burnet  says  not.  Though,  if  I  am 
not  mistaken,  it  was  his  having  saved  sir  William 
Davenant's  life  formerly,  which  was  the  occasion  of 
the  favour  shewn  to  him.  Merit  or  interest,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  then  courtiers  these  had ;  but  Peters, 
though  he  had  saved  many  a  life  and  estate,  was  for- 
gotten by  those  whom  in  their  distress  he  had  served, 
and  given  up  to  the  hangman. — But  the  sentence 
passed  on  him,  and  much  more  the  execution  of  it, 
will  seem  very  rigorous,  if  we  consider  that  it  was 
only  for  words;  for  words  uttered  in  a  time  of  con- 
fusion, uproar  and  war.  I  am  not  lawyer  enough 
to  determine,  whether  by  any  statute  then  in 
force,  words  were  treason.  Lord  Straffordb,  in  his 
defence  at  the  bar  of  the  house  of  lords,  says  ex- 
pressly, "  No  statute  makes  words  treason."  But 
allowing  they  were,  such  a  law  must  be  deemed  to 
have  been  hard,  and  unfit  for  execution :  especially  as 
the  words  were  spoken  in  times  of  civil  commotion. 
For  in  such  seasons  men  say  and  do,  in  a  manner, 
what  they  list,  the  laws  are  disregarded,  and  rank  and 

3  Burnet,  rol.  I.  p.  265.  b  Trial,  p.  561.    fol.  Lond.  1680. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxxv 

Hugh  Peters  was  then  ordered  to  be  brought 
that  he  might  see  it ;  and  the  executioner 
came  to  him,  rubbing  his  bloody  hands, 
asked  him  how  he  liked  that  work?  He 
told  him,  that  he  was  not  at  all  terrified, 
and  that  he  might  do  his  worst.  And  when 

o 

character  unminded.  Contempt  is  poured  on  princes, 
and  the  nobles  are  had  in  derision.  These  are  the 
natural  consequences  of  wars  and  tumults;  and  wise 
men  foresee  and  expect  them.  But  were  all  concerned 
in  them  to  be  punished,  whole  cities  would  be  turned 
into  shambles.  To  overlook  and  forgive  what  has 
been  said  on  such  occasions,  is  a  part  of  wisdom  and 
prudence,  and  what  has  been  almost  always  prac- 
tised. Never  were  there  greater  liberties  taken  with 
princes,  never  more  dangerous  doctrines  inculcated 
by  preachers,  than  in  France,  during  part  of  the 
reigns  of  the  third  and  fourth  Henry.  "  The  college  of 
Sorbonne,  by  common  consent,  concluded  that  the 
French  were  discharged  from  the  oath  of  allegi- 
ance to  Henry  the  Third,  and  that  they  might  arm 
themselves  in  opposition  to  him."  In  consequence 
of  which,  the  people  vented  their  rage  against  him,  in 
satires,  lampoons,  libels,  infamous  reports  and  calum- 
nies, of  which  the  most  moderate  were  tyrant  and  apos- 
tate. And  the  curates  refused  absolution  to  such  as 
owned  they  could  not  renounce  hima.  And  the  same 
Sorbonists  decreed  all  those  who  favoured  the  party  of 
Henry  the  Fourth,  to  be  in  a  mortal  sin,  and  liable  to 
damnation ;  and  such  as  resisted  him,  champions  of 

*  Maimbourgh's  History  of  the  League,  translated  by  Dryd#n,  Oct. 
Ifi84,  Lond.  p.  432  and  437. 

c  2 


THE  LIFE  OF 

lie  was  upon  the  ladder,  he  said  to  the  she- 
riff, Sir,  you  have  butchered  one  of  the 
servants  of  God  before  my  eyes,  and  have 
forced  me  to  see  it,  in  order  to  terrify  and 
discourage  me;  but  God  has  permitted  it 
for  my  support  and  encouragement. 

the  faith,  and  to  be  rewarded  with  a  crown  of  martyr- 
dom3. These  decrees  produced  terrible  effects:  and 
yet,  when  Henry  the  Fourth  had  fully  established  him- 
self on  the  throne,  I  do  not  remember  that  he  called 
any  of  these  doctors  to  an  account,  or  that  one  of  them 
was  executed.  That  wise  prince,  undoubtedly,  consi- 
dered the  times,  and  viewed  these  wretches  with  pity 
and  contempt,  for  being  the  tools  of  cunning  artful 
men,  who  veiled  their  ambitious  designs  under  the 
cloke  of  religion. 

O 

So  that  really  considering  what  had  passed  abroad, 
and  what  passed  under  his  own  observation,  Peters 
had  reason  to  think  that  the  act  of  indemnity  would  have 
included  him. — But  setting  aside  all  this,  I  believe  all 
impartial  judges  will  think  he  had  hard  measure  dealt 
him,  when  they  consider  that  those  who  preached 
up  doctrines  in  the  palpit  as  bad  as  Peters's,  and 
those  likewise  who,  though  guardians  of  our  laws 
and  liberties,  and  sworn  to  maintain  them,  delivered 
opinions  destructive  of  them,  even  from  the  bench:  1 
say,  whoever  considers  the  comparatively  mild  treat- 
ment these  men  have  met  with,  will  be  apt  to  judge 
the  punishment  of  Peters  very  severe.  What  was 
the  crime  of  Peters?  Was  it  not  the  justifying  and 

*   Maimbourgh's  History  of  the  League,  translated  by  Diydcn,  Oct. 
1684.  Lend.  p.  805. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxxvii 

One  of  the  prodigies  of  those  times  at- 
tended Peters  going  to  the  gibbet16;  which, 

magnifying  the  king's  death?  And  is  this  worse  than 
the  doctrine  of  Montague,  Sibthorp,  and  Man  war  ing, 
which  set  the  king  ahove  all  laws,  and  gave  him  a 
power  to  do  as  he  list?  Is  this  worse  than  the  opinion 
of  the  judges  in  Charles  the  First  and  James  the 
Second's  time,  whereby  it  was  given  for  law,  that  the 
king  might  take  from  his  subjects  without  consent  of 
parliament,  and  dispense  with  the  laws  enacted  by 
it?  Far  from  it.  For  the. depriving  of  the  people  of 
their  rights  and  liberties,  or  the  arguing  for  the  ex- 
pediency and  justice  of  so  doing,  is  a  crime  of  a 
higher  nature,  than  the  murdering  or  magnifying  the 
murder  of  the  wisest  and  best  prince  under  henven. 
The  loss  of  a  good  prince  is  greatly  to  be  lamented ; 
but  it  is  a  loss  which  may  be  repaired  :  whereas  the 
loss  of  a  people's  liberties  is  seldom  or  ever  to  be  re- 
covered :  and,  consequently,  the  foe  to  the  latter  is 
much  more  detestable  than  the  foe  to  the  former.*— 
But  what  was  the  punishment  of  the  justifiers  and 
magnifiers  of  the  destruction  of  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  the  people?  Reprimands  at  the  bar  of  one  or  other 
of  the  houses,  fines,  or  imprisonment:  not  a  man  of 
them  graced  the  gallows,  though  none,  perhaps,  would 
better  have  become  it.  Peters,  therefore,  suffered 
more  than  others,  though  he  had  done  less  to  deserve 
it  than  others,  which  we  may  well  suppose  was  contra- 
ry to  his  expectation. 

16  One  of  the  prodigies  of  those  times  attended 
Peters  going  to  the  gibbet.]  "  Amongst  the  innumer- 
able libels  which  they  (the  fanatics)  published  for  two 
years  .together,  those  were  most  pregnant  with  sedi- 


xxxviii  THE  LIFE  OF 

as  it  may  afford  some  diversion  to  the  read- 
er, I  shall  give  an  account  of. 

tion,  which  they  published  concerning  prodigies. 
Amongst  these,  all  the  prodigies  in  Livy  were  seen 
every  day:  two  suns;  ships  sailing  in  the  air;  a  bloody 
rainbow;  it  rained  stones;  a  lamb  with  two  heads; 
cathedral  churches  every  where  set  on  fire  by  light- 
ning; an  ox  that  spoke;  a  hen  turned  into  a  cock  ;  a 
mule  brought  forth ;  five  beautiful  young  men  stood 
by  the  regicides  while  they  suffered;  a  very  bright 
star  shone  round  their  quarters  that  were  stuck  upon 
the  city  gates. — A  certain  person  rejoicing  at  the 
execution  of  Harrison  the  regicide,  was  struck  with 
a  sudden  palsy ;  another  inveighing  against  Peters  as 
he  went  to  the  gibbet,  was  torn  and  almost  killed  by 
his  own  tame  favourite  dog; — with  an  infinite  number 
of  such  prodigious  lies*."  What  ridiculous  tales  are 
here!  How  worthy  to  be  preserved  in  a  work  called 
an  history !  The  fanatics,  if  they  reported  these 
things,  undoubtedly  reported  lies;  though  many  of 
them,  in  great  simplicity  of  heart,  believed  them. 
However,  it  is  no  great  wisdom  to  relate  idle  stories 
to  disgrace  the  understanding,  or  impeach  the  honesty 
of  parties.  For  weak,  credulous,  superstitious  men, 
are  to  be  found  on  all  sides.  The  reader,  as  he  has  a 
right,  is  welcome  to  laugh  at  these  stories.  And,  to 
contribute  to  his  mirth,  I  will  add  the  following  "  rela- 
tion, of  a  child  born  in  London  with  a  double  or  divided 
tongue,  which  the  third  day  after  it  was  born,  cried 
a  king,  a  king,  and  bid  them  bring  it  to  the  king. 


*  Parker's  Hist,  of  his  own  Tune,  p.  23.  translated  by  Newlin.     Load. 
1727.  8vo. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xxxix 

He  was  weak,  ignorant,  and  zealous,  and 
consequently,  a  proper  tool  for  ambitious, 
artful  men  to  make  use  of17.  All  preachers 

The  mother  of  the  child  saith,  it  told  her  of  all  that 
happened  in  England  since,  and  much  more,  which 
she  dare  not  utter. — A  gentleman,  in  the  company, 
took  the  child  in  his  arms,  and  gave  it  money ;  and 
asked  what  it  would  do  with  it?  to  which  it  answered 
aloud,  that  it  would  give  it  to  the  king."  This  story 
matches  pretty  well  the  others,  and,  I  believe,  will  be 
thought  equally  as  ridiculous,  and  yet  the  relater  of 
it,  (no  less  a  man  than  bishop  Bramhall)  says,  he  can- 
not esteem  it  less  than  a  miracle8.  But  let  us  away 
with  these  trifles ;  they  are  fit  for  nothing  but  ridicule, 
and  can  serve  no  purpose,  unless  it  be  to  show  the 
weakness  of  the  human  understanding,  or  the  wicked- 
ness of  the  human  heart:  though  these  are  many 
times,  by  other  things,  but  too  apparent. 

17  Weak,  ignorant,  and  zealous,  and,  consequently, 
a  proper  tool  for  ambitious,  artful  men  to  make  use 
of.]  Peters's  weakness,  ignorance,  and  zeal,  appear 
from  his  own  confession,  as  well  as  the  testimony  of 
Whitlock  before  quoted.  Now  such  a  man  as  this 
was  thoroughly  qualified  to  be  a  tool,  and  could 
hardly  fail  of  being  employed  for  that  purpose.  Fools 
are  the  instruments  of  knaves:  or,  to  speak  softer, 
men  of  small  understandings  are  under  the  direction 
and  influence  of  those  who  possess  great  abilities. 
Let  a  man  be  ever  so  wise  and  ambitious,  he  never 
would  gain  the  point  he  aims  at,  were  all  men  pos- 
sessed of  equal  talents  with  himself.  For  they  would 

•  Ormond's  Tapers,  by  Carte,  vol.  IL  p.  20». 


xl  THE  LIFE  OF 

ought  to  be  warned  by  his  fate,  against  go- 
see  his  aims,  and  would  refuse  to  be  made  use  of  as 
tools  to  accomplish  them.  They  would  look  through 
his  specious  pretences,  they  would  separate  appear- 
ances from  realities,  and  frustrate  his  selfish  inten- 
tions :  so  that  his  skill  would  stand  him  in  little 
stead. 

But  as  the  bulk  of  men  are  formed,  nothing  in  the 
world  is  easier  than  to  impose  on  them.  They  see 
not  beyond  the  present  moment,  and  take  all  for 
gospel  that  is  told  them.  And  of  these,  there  are 
none  who  become  so  easily  the  dupes  of  crafty,  ambi- 
tious men,  as  those  who  have  attained  just  knowledge 
enough  to  be  proud  and  vain.  It  is  but  to  flatter 
them,  and  you  become  their  master,  and  lead  them 
what  lengths  you  please.  And  if  they  happen  to  have 
active  spirits,  you  may  make  them  accomplish  your 
designs,  even  without  their  being  sensible  of  it.  Those 
•who  have  great  things  to  execute,  know  this;  and 
therefore  are  careful  to  have  as  many  of  these  instru- 
ments as  possible,  to  manage  the  multitude  when 
there  is  occasion ;  for  which  end  they  carefully  observe 
their  foibles,  and  seemingly  fall  in  with  their  notions, 
and  thereby  secure  them.  Hence  it  has  come  to  pass, 
that  real  great  men  have  paid  very  uncommon  respect 
to  those  they  despised.  They  knew  they  might  be  of 
use;  and  therefore  were  worth  gaining. — Peters  must 
necessarily  have  appeared  in  a  contemptible  light  to 
Cromwell:  but  as  his  ignorance  and  zeal  qualified  him 
for  business,  which  wiser  and  more  moderate  men 
would  have  declined,  he  was  thought  worthy  of  being 
caressed ;  and  had  that  respect  paid  him,  which  was 
necessary  to  keep  him  tight  to  the  cause.  And, 
generally  speaking,  they  have  been  men  of  Peters's 


HUGH  PETERS.  xli 

ing  out  of  their  province,  and  meddling 

size  of  understanding,  who  have  been  subservient  to 
the  interests  of  aspiring  statesmen,  and  the  imple- 
ments of  those  in  power.  Were  not3  Shaa  and  Pinker 
weak  men,  in  assisting  the  then  duke  of  Gloucester, 
protector,  afterwards  Richard  the  Third,  to  fix  the 
crown  on  his  own  head?  Armed  with  impudence,  Shaa 
at  Paul's  Cross,  declared  the  children  of  Edward  the 
Fourth  bastards;  and  Pinker  at  St.  Mary's  Hospital, 
sounded  forth  the  praise  of  the  protector:  both  so 
full,  adds  the  historian,  of  tedious  flattery,  as  no 
man's  ear  could  abide  them.  What  was  John  Pa- 
dilla's  priest b,  who  did  not  fail  every  Sunday  to  recom- 
mend him,  and  the  sedition  of  which  he  was  the  great 
promoter,  with  a  Pater-Noster  and  an  Ave-Maria? 
Indeed,  ill  usage  from  the  rebels  caused  him  to  change 
his  note  soon  after,  and  to  advise  his  people  to  cry  out, 
Long  live  the  king,  and  let  Padilla  perish ! 

To  come  nearer  home. — Was  not  Sacheverel  a  weak, 
ignorant  man,  to  be  made  the  tool  of  a  party  ?  Would 
any  but  such  a  one,  have  exposed  himself  by  a  non- 
sensical sermon,  set  the  nation  in  a  flame,  and  brought 
himself  into  trouble? — But  he  was  in  the  hands  of 
intriguing  politicians,  who  spurred  him  on,  and  made 
him  the  instrument  of  raising  a  cry  of  an  imaginary 
danger,  which  served  many  purposes  to  themselves, 
though  detrimental  to  the  nation. — And  what  cha- 
racter have  our  Jacobite  clergymen  universally  deserv- 
ed? If  we  will  not  be  uncharitable,  we  must  impute 
their  behaviour  to  ignorance,  and  the  influence  they 
have  been  under.  For  men  of  sense  and  penetration 

m  Speed's  Hist.  p.  902,    fol.  Lond.  1632.  b  Bayle's  Diet  Article 

Pad  ilia  ( John  de). 


xlii  THE  LIFE  OF 

with  things,  which  no  way  belong  to  them'*, 

could  never  have  set  themselves  to  infuse  notions  into 
their  flocks,  which  have  no  other  tendency  than  to  in- 
slave  body  and  soul:  and  men  uninfluenced,  would 
not  run  the  risk  of  the  gallows,  for  the  sake  of  non- 
sense and  absurdity,  as  jacobitism  really  is.  But  they 
have  been  the  dupes  of  wicked,  artful,  and  ambitious 
men,  who  have  blinded  their  understandings,  and  by 
flatteries  and  caresses,  gained  their  affections;  and 
consequently  the  poor  wretches  are  the  objects  of 
pity. 

So  that  Peters,  we  see,  was  as  his  brethren  have 
been  and  are.  His  faults  arose  chiefly  from  his  weak- 
ness, and  his  being  in  the  hands  of  those  who  knew 
how  to  make  use  of  him.  Had  he  contented  himself 
with  obscurity,  he  had  avoided  danger;  which  indeed 
is  the  chief  security  for  the  virtue,  ease,  and  welfare 
of  men,  in  such  a  noisy,  contentious  world  as  this. 

18  All  preachers  ought  to  be  warned  by  his  fate, 
against  going  out  of  their  province.]  The  business  of 
the  clergy  is  that  of  instructing  the  people  in  piety 
and  virtue.  If  ever  they  meddle  with  civil  matters, 
it  ought  to  be  only  with  an  intent  to  promote  peace 
and  happiness,  by  exhorting  princes  to  rule  with 
equity  and  moderation,  and  subjects  to  obey  with 
willingness  and  pleasure.  This,  I  say,  is  what  alone 
concerns  them ;  and  if  they  confine  themselves  within 
these  bounds,  they  merit  praise.  But,  if  instead 
hereof  they  mix  with  civil  factions,  and  endeavour  to 
promote  hatred,  strife,  and  contention ;  if  they  aspire 
to  bear  rule,  and  attempt  to  embroil  matters,  in  order 
to  render  themselves  of  some  importance ;  they  then 
become  not  only  really  contemptible,  but  likewise 
criminal. 


HUGH  PETERS.  xliii 

-"The  clergy,  as  the  marquis  of  Ormonde*  justly  ob- 
serves, have  not  been  happy  to  themselves  or  others, 
when  they  have  aspired  to  a  rule,  so  contrary  to  their 
function." — Nature  never  seems  to  have  intended  the 
clergy,  any  more  than  the  gospel,  for  state-affairs. 
For  men  brought  up  in  colleges,  and  little  versed  in 
the  world,  as  they  generally  are,  make  wretched 
work  when  they  come  to  intermeddle  with  secular 
matters. — To  govern  well,  requires  great  knowledge 
of  human  nature,  the  particular  interests,  dispositions 
and  tempers  of  the  people  one  has  to  do  with,  the 
law  of  nations,  and  more  especially  the  laws  of  the 
country.  Great  skill  and  address  likewise  are  re- 
quired to  manage  the  different  and  contradictory 
tempers  of  men,  and  make  them  conspire  to  promote 
the  public  happiness;  as  likewise  great  practice  in, 
business,  in  order  to  dispatch  it  with  speed  and 
safety.  And  therefore  it  is  evident,  that  the  clergy, 
from  the  nature  of  their  education,  as  well  as  their 
profession,  cannot  be  qualified  for  it. — They  should 
therefore  seriously  weigh  their  incapacity  for  civil 
affairs  ;  and  how  inconsistent  they  are  with  the 
business,  to  which  they  have  solemnly  engaged  to 
devote  themselves.  They  should  consider  how  con- 
temptible and  ridiculous  they  render  themselves  in  the 
eyes  of  all  wise  and  good  men,  when  they  engage  in 
parties,  and  most  hateful,  when  they  stir  up  wars  and 
tumults.  They  should  have  the  dignity  of  their 
character  before  their  eyes,  and  scorn  to  disgrace  it, 
by  letting  themselves  out  to  ambitious,  self-interested 
men.  These  things  they  should  do ;  and  a  very  small 
degree  of  knowledge  and  reflection  will  enable  them 
to  keep  themselves  from  this,  which  is  one  of  the  great- 
est blemishes  which  can  be  found  in  their  character.— 

*  Ormonde's  Papers,  vol.  II.  p.  467. 


xliv  THE  LIFE  OF 

But,  perhaps,  they  are  cautioned  in  vain19. 

If  this  is  not  sufficient,  let  them  call  to  their  minds 
Peters:  who,  after  having  been  sought  to,  and  caressed 
by  the  most  eminent  personages,  was  obliged  to 
skulk  about  privately;  was  seized  by  the  officers  of 
public  justice;  laden  with  infamy  and  reproach,  and 
embowelled  by  the  hangman. — He  that  hath  ears  to 
hear,  let  him  hear. 

19  Perhaps  they  are  cautioned  in  vain.]  No  men 
in  the  world  seem  less  willing  to  hearken  to  advice 
than  the  clergy.  Puffed  up  with  a  conceit  of  their 
own  knowledge  and  abilities,  and  being  used  to  dictate 
uncontrouled  from  the  pulpit,  they  with  contempt 
hearken  to  instruction,  and  are  uninfluenced  by  per- 
suasion. For  which  reason,  I  say,  perhaps  they  are 
cautioned  in  vain.  Peters's  fate  will  not  deter  them, 
but  engage  in  factions  they  still  will. After  the  Res- 
toration, the  pulpits  sounded  loud  with  the  doctrines 
of  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance;  the  whigs  and 
presbyterians  were  represented  as  villains ;  the  power 
of  the  church  was  magnified,  and  the  regal  power  was 
represented  as  sacred  as  that  of  God  himself.  Then 
Sam.  Parker  and  his  fellows  arose,  full  of  rage  and  ve- 
nom ;  who  treated  all  who  opposed  them,  with  ill  man- 
ners and  severity.  Then  were  Englishmen  pronounced 
slaves,  in  effect,  by  Hicks  in  his  Jovian ;  and  then  was 
the  infamous  Oxford  decree  framed,  which  was  doomed 
to  the  flames,  by  the  sentence  of  the  most  august  as- 
sembly in  the  world,  anno  1710. 

The  bishops  stood  firm  by  the  duke  of  York  ;  and 
the  whole  clergy,  in  a  manner,  damned  the  bill  of  ex- 
clusion. In  short,  such  was  their  behaviour,  that  they 
fell  under  great  contempt,  and  were  treated  with  much 
severity.- — Under  James  the  Second,  they  acted  the  same 


HUGH  PETERS,  xlv 

part;  and  would  undoubtedly  have  continued  his  fast 
friends,  had  he  not  given  liberty  to  the  dissenters, 
and  touched  them  in  their  most  tender  part,  even  that 
of  their  revenue,  by  thrusting  in  popish  persons  into 
their  colleges.  This  alarmed  them :  they  suddenly 
tacked  about;  wished  heartily  for  the  coming  of 
the  prince  of  Orange,  and  prayed  for  his  success. 
He  came  and  delivered  them  out  of  the  hands  of 
their  enemies  ;  but  they  could  not  be  quiet  and  thank- 
ful. Numbers  of  them  refused  to  own  his  govern- 
ment ;  many  of  them  joined  in  measures  to  restore 
the  tyrant  James;  and  a  great  part  did  all  that  in 
them  lay,  to  blacken  and  distress  their  deliverer. — 
Lesly,  Sacheverel,  &c.  worked  hard  to  inculcate  on 
men's  minds  the  danger  of  the  church;  the  designs 
of  the  dissenters ;  the  villany  of  the  ministry,  during 
the  first  and  glorious  part  of  queen  Ann's  reign ;  in 
which  they  were  but  too  successful. — 

When  the  protestant  succession  took  place,  it  was 
railed  at,  and  even  cursed  by  these  men,  and  many  of 
them  attempted  to  set  up  an  abjured  pretender.  Their 
attempts  however  were  vain :  though  for  these  their 
endeavours,  parson  Paul  made  his  exit  at  the  gallows, 
and  the  celebrated  Atterbury  died  in  exile. — What  has 
been,  and  is  the  temper  since,  every  one  knows.  The 
Oxford  affair  is  too  fresh  in  memory,  to  let  us  remain 
ignorant  of  the  disposition  of  many  of  the  clergy.  They 
are  of  Peters's  busy,  meddling  disposition  ;  though,  I 
hope,  they  will  not  merit  his  fate. 

Far  be  it  from  me,  to  point  these  reflections  at  the 
whole  body  of  the  clergy.  Numbers  of  them  have 
been,  and  are  men  of  great  worth:  who  not  only  dig- 
nify their  office,  but  add  lustre  to  the  human  nature. 
He  must  have  lost  all  sense  of  excellency,  who  is  not 
struck  with  the  generosity  of  Tillotson,  the  integrity  of 


xlvi        THE  LIFE  OF  HUGH  PETERS. 

Clarke,  the  Christian  sentiments  of  Hoadley,  the  worth 
of  Butler  (on  whose  late  advancement,  I  beg  leave  to 
congratulate  the  public)  and  the  piety,  humanity,  and 
patriotism  of  Herring. 

These,  and  many  others  have  been  ornaments  of 
the  body,  to  which  they  belong,  and  have  never 
studied  to  embroil  us,  or  promote  a  party-spirit  among 
us.  Rectitude  and  benevolence,  piety,  and  self- 
government,  have  been  their  themes :  these  with  un- 
common abilities  they  have  taught;  and  those  who 
tread  in  their  steps,  cannot  fail  of  being  honoured 
now  and  for  ever! — But  those  who  make  it  their  busi- 
ness to  poison  the  minds  of  the  people  with  factious 
and  seditious  discourses;  those  who  censure  their 
governors  for  actions,  of  which  they  are  frequently 
no  competent  judges,  and  traduce  and  vilify  every 
thing,  right  or  wrong;  those  who  join  with  the  sworn 
foes  of  the  best  of  princes,  and  strive  to  promote  an 
interest  incompatible  with  the  public  good,  are  the 
men,  who  deserve  titles,  which  I  do  not  care  to  give ; 
and  they  may  be  certain,  that  though  through  the 
lenity  of  the  present  government  they  may  escape  un- 
punished, yet  contempt  will  be  their  portion  from  all 
men  of  sense.  For,  when  men  pervert  so  excellent  an 
office  as  that  of  the  ministry,  to  the  purposes  of  ambi- 
tion and  the  lust  of  power,  hardly  any  censure  too 
severe  can  be  cast  on  them. 


POSTSCRIPT. 


SlNCE  transcribing  these  Papers  for  the 
press,  a  very  learned  gentleman*  has  been 
so  kind  as  to  impart  to  me  an  account  of 
Peters's  writings  (his  Last  Legacy  excepted, 
from  which  a  good  deal  has  been  inserted 
in  this  work)  which  I  doubt  not  will  be 
highly  acceptable  to  the  curious1. 

1  Which  I  doubt  not  will  be  highly  acceptable  to  the 
curious.]  In  April,  1646,  he  preached  a  sermon  before 
both  houses  of  parliament,  the  lord  mayor  and  alder- 
men of  London,  and  the  assembly  of  divines,  which 
was  printed  in  quarto.  In  this  sermon  he  expresses  his 
desire  that  "  some  shorter  way  might  be  found  to  fur- 
ther justice;  and  that  two  or  three  friend-makers  might 
be  set  up  in  every  parish,  without  whose  labour  and 
leave,  none  should  im plead  another."  He  proposed 
likewise  that  the  Charter-House  should  be  converted 
into  an  Hospital  for  lame  soldiers. 

In  the  same  year  1646,  he  published  at  London, 
in  a  quarto  pamphlet  of  fifteen  pages,  intitled, "  Peters's 
last  Report  of  the  English  Wars,  occasioned  by  the  im- 
portunity of  a  friend,  pressing  an  answer  to  some 
queries :" 


"The  Reverend  Mr.  Birch,  F.R.S. 
8 


xlviii  POSTSCRIPT. 

As  likewise  a  letter  from  col.  Lockhart 
to  secretary  Thurloe,  concerning  Peters, 
which,  as  very  characteristical  of  the  man, 

I.  Why  he  was  silent  at  the  surrender  of  Oxford  ? 

II.  What  he  observed  at  Worcester,  it  being  the 
last  town  in  the  king's  hand? 

III.  What  were  best  to  be  done  with  the  array  ? 

IV.  If  he  had  any  expedient  for  the  present  differ- 
ence ? 

V.  What  his  thoughts  were  in  relation  to  foreign 
states  ? 

VI.  How  these  late  mercies  and  conquests  might  be 
preserved  and  improved  ? 

VII.  Why  his  name  appears  in  so  many  books,  not 
without  blots,  and  he  never  wipe  them  off? 

In  this  pamphlet  he  observes,  p.  14.  that  he  had 
lived  about  six  years  near  that  famous  Scotsman,  Mr. 
John  Forbes  ;  "  with  whom,"  says  he,  "  I  travelled  in- 
to Germany,  and  enjoyed  him  in  much  love  and  sweet- 
ness constantly ;  from  whom  I  never  had  but  encou- 
ragement, though  we  differed  in  the  way  of  our 
churches.  Learned  Amesius  breathed  his  last  breath 
into  my  bosom,  who  left  his  professorship  in  Frize- 
land,  to  live  with  me,  because  of  my  church's  indepen- 
dency, at  Rotterdam :  he  was  my  collegue  and  chosen 
brother  to  the  church,  where  I  was  an  unworthy 
pastor." 

In  1647,  he  published  at  London,  in  quarto,  a 
pamphlet  of  fourteen  pages,  intitled,  "A  Word  for  the 
Army,  and  two  Words  to  the  Kingdom,  to  clear  the 
one  and  cure  the  other,  forced  in  much  plainness  and 
brevity,  from  their  faithful  servant,  Hugh  Peters." 


POSTSCRIPT.  xlix 

and  containing  some  curious  particulars  re- 
lating to  him,  I  cannot  forbear  giving  at 


It  appears  by  a  pamphlet,  printed  in  1651,  written 
by  R.  V.  of  Gray's-Inn,  and  intitled,  A  Plea  for  the 
Common  Laws  of  England,  that  it  was  written  in 
answer  to  Mr.  Peters's  Good  Work  for  a  Good  Ma- 
gistrate, or  a  short  Cut  to  great  Quiet;  in  which  Mr. 
Peters  had  proposed  the  extirpation  of  the  whole 
system  of  our  laws,  and  particularly  recommended,  that 
the  old  records  in  the  Tower  should  be  burnt,  as  the 
monuments  of  tyranny. — 

*  I  cannot  forbear  giving  at  length.] 

Colonel  Lockhart  to  Secretary  Thurloe*. 

"  From  Dunkirk,  July  8-18,  1658. 

"  May  it  please  your  Lordship, 
"  I  could  not  suffer  our  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Peters, 
to  come  away  from  Dunkirk,  without  a  testimony  of 
the  great  benefits  we  have  all  received  from  him  in  this 
place,  where  he  hath  laid  himself  forth  in  great  charity 
and  goodness  in  sermons,  prayers,  and  exhortations, 
in  visiting  and  relieving  the  sick  and  wounded  j  and, 
in  all  these,  profitably  applying  the  singular  talent  God 
hath  bestowed  upon  him  to  the  chief  ends,  proper  for 
our  auditory :  for  he  hath  not  only  shewed  the  soldiers 
their  duty  to  God,  and  pressed  it  home  upon  them,  I 
hope  to  good  advantage,  but  hath  likewise  ac- 
quainted them  with  their  obligations  of  obedience 
to  his  highness's  government,  and  affection  to  his 
person.  He  hath  laboured  amongst  us  here  with 

*  Thurloe's  State  Papers,  voL  VII.  p.  249. 
VOL.  I.  d 


.1  POSTSCRIPT. 

much  good-will,  and  seems  to  enlarge  his  heart 
towards  us,  and  care  of  us  for  many  other  things,  the 
effects  whereof  I  design  to  leave  upon  that  providence 
which  hath  brought  us  hither.  It  were  superfluous  to 
tell  your  lordship  the  story  of  our  preseitt  condition, 
either  as  to  the  civil  government,  works,  or  soldiery. 
He  who  hath  studied  all  these  more  than  any  I  know 
here,  can  certainly  give  the  best  account  of  them. 
Wherefore  I  commit  the  whole  to  his  information, 
and  beg  your  lordship's  casting  a  favourable  eye  upon 
such  propositions,  as  he  will  offer  to  your  lordship 
for  the  good  of  this  garrison.  I  am, 

May  it  please  your  lordship,  your  most  humble, 
faithful  and  obedient  servant, 

WILL.  LOCKHART. 

[This  part  is  all  written  with  Lockhart's  own  hand.] 

«  My  Lord, 

"  Mr.  Peters  hath  taken  leave  at  least  three  or  four 
times,  but  still  something  falls  out,  which  hinders  his 
return  to  England.  He  hath  been  twice  at  Bergh,  and 
hath  spoke  with  the  cardinal2  three  or  four  times;  I 
kept  myself  by,  and  had  a  care  that  he  did  not  impor- 
tune him  with  too  long  speeches.  He  returns,  loaden 
with  an  account  of  all  things  here,  and  hath  undertaken 
every  man's  business.  I  must  give  him  that  testimony, 
that  he  gave  us  three  or  four  very  honest  sermons ; 
and  if  it  were  possible  to  get  him  to  mind  preach- 
ing, and  to  forbear  the  troubling  himself  with  other 
things,  he  would  certainly  prove  a  very  fit  minister 
for  soldiers.  I  hope  he  coineth  well  satisfied  from 
this  place.  He  hath  often  insinuated  to  me  his 

1  Mazariu. 


POSTSCRIPT.  li 

desire  to  stay  here,  if  he  had  a  call.  Some  of  the 
officers  also  have  been  with  me  to  that  purpose;  but 
I  have  shifted  him  so  handsomely,  as,  I  hope,  he  will 
not  be  displeased:  for  I  have  told  him,  that  the 
greatest  service  he  can  do  us,  is  to  go  to  England, 
and  carry  on  his  propositions,  and  to  own  us  in  all 
our  other  interests,  which  he  hath  undertaken  with 
much  zeal."— 


THE    END. 


AN 


HISTORICAL  AND  CRITICAL 


LIFE    AND   WRITINGS 


KING   OF   GREAT   BRITAIN. 


PREFACE. 


THE  design  of  the  following  sheets  is  to  give 
a  fuller  and  more  distinct  view  of  the  character 
of  King  James  the  First,  than  has  ever  yet  been 
exhibited  by  any  writer.  It  is  readily  acknow- 
ledged that  this  character  is,  in  itself,  a  very 
mean  and  despicable  subject  5  but  as  it  was 
attended  with  very  extensive  and  important 
consequences  both  in  his  and  the  succeeding 
reigns ;  so  it  is  humbly  presumed  that  an  at- 
tempt to  illustrate  that  period  of  English  history 
which  falls  within  the  plan  of  this  subject,  will 
meet  with  a  favourable  acceptance  from  the 
public. 

There  are  inserted  in  these  papers  a  great 
number  of  curious  and  interesting  facts,  entirely 
omitted  by  our  historians,  who  seem  to  have 
very  little  consulted  those  original  writers,  and 
state  papers  from  whence  the  following  account 
is  chiefly  compiled. 

The  author  does  not  think  it  necessary  to 
make  any  apology  for  the  freedom  of  his  reflec- 
tions j  but  only  to  declare  that  they  were  not 


Ivi  PREFACE. 

made  for  the  sake  of  pleasing  or  displeasing  any 
sect  or  party  in  church  or  state ;  but  wholly  in- 
tended to  serve  the  cause  of  liberty  and  truth. 
He  professes  himself  inviolably  attached  to  the 
civil  and  religious  liberties  of  mankind ;  and 
therefore  hopes  the  reader  will  indulge  him  in 
that  warmth  of  his  resentment,  that  honest  in- 
dignation, that  is  naturally  raised  by  every 
instance  of  persecution,  tyranny,  and  oppres- 
sion; provided  he  has  not  any  where  expressed 
himself  in  a  manner  unworthy  of  the  character 
of  a  gentleman  or  a  Christian. 

For  the  rest  it  is  hoped  that  the  curious  will 
find  some  entertainment,  if  not  information,  in 
this  account;  and  that  they  will  pardon  the 
faults  and  imperfections  of  it,  for  the  sake  of 
its  general  tendency  and  design. 

One  thing  the  judicious  and  impartial  reader 
will,  at  least,  not  be  displeased  with,  viz.  that  as 
the  authorities  here  quoted  are  the  most  au- 
thentic in  themselves,  so  the  manner  of  quoting 
them  is  the  most  unexceptionable  and  just,  that 
is,  in  the  very  words,  letters  and  points  of  the 
respective  authors,  by  which  the  reader  may  be 
infallibly  certain  that  their  sense  is  rightly  repre- 
sented. 


AN 
HISTORICAL  AND  CRITICAL  ACCOUNT 

OF   THE 

LIFE    AND    WRITINGS 


JAMES    I. 

KING  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 


JAMES  STUART,  the  sixth  of  that 

name  in  Scotland,  and  first  in  England, 
was  born  June  19,  1566.  He  was  the 
son  of  Henry  Lord  Darnley  (son  to  Mat- 
thew earl  of  Lennox,  by  Margaret  Dowg- 
las  daughter  to  the  widow  of  James  the 
fourth,  who  was  the  eldest  daughter  to 
Henry  the  seventh  of  England)  and  Mary 
queen  of  Scots,  the  only  child  of  James 
the  fifth,  king  of  Scots,  who  was  son  of 
James  the  fourth  and  Margaret  his 
queen,  the  said  eldest  daughter  of  Henry 
the  seventh  of  England.  The  murther  of 
a  favourite  secretary '  when  she  was  .great 

1  A  favourite  secretary,  &c.]  This  was  the  fa- 
mous "David  Rixio,  or  Riscio,  an  Italian,  a  merry 
fellow  and  good  musician,  who  was  taken  notice  of 

VOL.    I.  B 


2  THE  LIFE  OF 

with  child,  in   her  presence,  had  such  an 

first  of  all  on  account  of  his  voice.  He  was  drawn  in 
(says  Melvil)  to  sing  sometimes  with  the  rest,  and 
afterwards,  when  the  queen's  French  secretary  re- 
tired himself  to  France,  he  obtained  the  said  office. 
And  as  he  thereby  entered  in  greater  credit,  so  he 
had  not  the  prudence  how  to  manage  the  same  rightly. 
For  frequently,  in  presence  of  the  nobility,  he  would 
be  publickly  speaking  to  her,  even  when  there  were 
the  greatest  conventions  of  the  states.  Which  made 
him  to  be  much  envied  and  hated,  especially  when 
he  became  so  great,  that  he  presented  all  signatours 
to  be  subscribed  by  her  majesty.  So  that  some  of 
the  nobility  would  frown  upon  him,  others  would 
shoulder  him  and  shut  him  by,  when  they  entered  the 
queen's  chamber,  and  found  him  always  speaking 
with  her.  For  those  who  had  great  actions  of  law, 
new  infestments  to  be  taken,  or  who  desired  to  pre- 
vail against  their  enemies  at  court,  or  in  law-suits 
before  the  session,  addressed  themselves  to  him,  and 
depended  upon  him,  whereby  in  short  time  he  be- 
came very  rich*."  Here  was  great  familiarity  we  see, 
and  such  as  could  not  be  much  to  the  credit  of  a  sove- 
reign princess.  For  'tis  expected  that  such  a  one 
should  maintain  her  rank,  and  scorn  to  stoop  to  those 
who  have  neither  birth  nor  breeding.  But  Mary  gave 
herself  up  to  David,  and  was  advised  by  him  in  things 
of  the  utmost  importance.  This  appears  from  Melvil, 
who  knew  them  well,  and  likewise  from  Spotswood. 
For  both  these  assure  us,  he  was  the  person,  the  only 


•  Memoirs  of  Sir  James  Melvil,  p.  54.  fol.  Loml.  1683.  See  likewise 
the  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  by  archbp.  Spotswood,  j>.  189,  193. 
fdit,  3d.  fol.  Lond.  1668. 


JAMES  I.  3 

effect  on  this  her  son,  that  even  through  his 

person  who  prevailed  on  the  queen  to  marry  Henry 
Lord  Darnley.  She  at  first  disrelished  the  proposal, 
but  thro'  means  of  Rixio,  "she  took  ay  the  longer 
the  better  liking  of  him,  and  at  length  determined  to 
marry  him3."  No  wonder  then  common  fame  was  not 
favourable  in  her  reports  of  Mary,  and  that  the  en- 
vious and  ill-natured  hinted  things  reproachful  to  her 
virtue,  I  pretend  not  to  say  any  thing  criminal  passed 
between  the  queen  and  her  secretary  (though  her  affair, 
after  her  husband's  death,  with  Bothwell,  would  in- 
duce one  to  suspect  her  not  incapable  of  a  familiarity 
so  dishonourable);  but  I  think,  all  men  must  allow 
that  things  were  not  so  decently  managed  between 
them  as  they  ought.  Persons  of  an  elevated  rank, 
should  strive  not  only  to  be  good,  but  to  appear  so ; 
and  careful  to  act  in  so  pure  and  unexceptionable  a 
manner,  that  envy  itself  may  not  be  able  to  blast  their 

reputation. However   Mary   had   little  regard   to 

what  the  world  said.  She  continued  her  favour  to  her 
fiddling  secretary,  'till  a  violent  death  put  an  end  to 
it,  to  her  great  horror  and  amazement.  Rixio,  though 
he  had  procured  the  queen  for  Darnley,  could  not  long 
continue  in  his  favour;  suspicions  being  put  into  his 
head,  he  consented  to  his  murther,  which  was  perpe- 
trated in  the  following  manner :  "  At  six  o'clock  at 
night,  when  the  queen  was  at  supper  in  her  closet, 
a  number  of  armed  men  entered  within  the  court,  and 
going  up  into  the  closet  (where  the  king  was  leaning 
on  the  queen's  chair)  overthrew  the  table,  candles, 
meat  and  dishes.  Rixio  took  the  queen  about  the 
waste,  crying  for  mercy,  but  George  Dowglas,  plucked 

a  Melvil,  p.  55.  and  Spotswood,  p.  189. 
B  2 


4  THE  LIFE  OF 

life  he  could  not  bear  the  sight  of  a  drawn 

out  the  king's  dagger,  and  struck  Rixio  first  with  it, 
leaving  it  sticking  in  him.  He  making  great  shrieks 
and  cries,  was  rudely  snatched  from  the  queen,  who 
could  not  prevail  either  with  threats  or  entreaties  to 
save  him.  But  he  was  forcibly  drawn  forth  of  the 
closet,  and  slain  in  the  outer  hall,  and  her  majest}' 
kept  as  a  captiveV But  they  had  no  command- 
ment from  the  contrivers  so  to  kill  him,  but  to  bring 
him  to  public  execution.  "  And  good  it  had  been  for 
them  so  to  have  done,  or  then  to  have  taken  him  in 
another  place,  and  at  another  time  than  in  the  queen's 
presence.  For  besides  the  great  peril  of  abortion 
which  her  fear  might  have  caused,  the  false  aspersions 
cast  upon  her  fame  and  honour  by  that  occasion,  were 
such  as  she  could  never  digest,  and  drew  on  all  the 
pitiful  accidents  that  afterwards  ensued15."  The  fright 
and  terror  the  queen  was  in  at  the  sight  of  the  drawn 
sword,  so  far  influenced  the  child  in  her  womb,  that, 
"  Sir  Kenelin  Digby  assures  us,  he  had  such  an  aver- 
sion to  a  naked  sword  all  his  life-time,  that  he  could 
not  see  one  without  a  great  emotion  of  spirits ;  and 
though  otherwise  couragious  enough,  he  could  not 
over-master  his  passions  in  this  particular.  I  remem- 
ber, adds  he,  when  he  dub'd  me  knight,  in  the  cere- 
mony of  putting  a  naked  sword  upon  my  shoulder,  he 
could  not  endure  to  look  upon  it,  but  turned  his  face 
another  way ;  insomuch  that  in  lieu  of  touching  my 
shoulder,  he  had  almost  thrust  the  point  into  my 
eyes,  had  not  the  duke  of  Buckingham  guided  his 
hand  aright0." 

»  Melvil,  p.  64.  b  Spotswood,  p.  195.  «  Digby  of  the  Power  of 
Sympathy,  p.  188.  at  the  end  of  his  Discourse  on  Bodies.  4to.  Lond. 
1669. 


JAMES  I.  5 

sword.  He  was  placed  in  the  throne  after  his 
mother's  forced  resignation,  July  25,  1567, 
being  but  little  above  a  year  old.  He  had 
the  famous  George  Buchanan  for  his  tutor, 
by  whom  he  seems  to  have  profited  little, 
and  towards  whose  memory  he  had  a  great 
aversion  *.  During  his  minority  the  king- 

1  The  famous  George  Buchanan  for  his  tutor,  by 
whom  he  seems  to  have  profited  little,  and  towards 
whose  memory  he  had  a  great  aversion.]  Buchanan's 
merit  needs  not  to  be  celebrated  by  me.  His  fame  as 
a  polite  writer,  and  a  man  of  deep  learning  and  solid 
judgment,  is  established  on  the  most  lasting  founda- 
tions a.  Even  those  who  dislike  most  of  all  his  prin- 
ciples, refuse  not  to  give  him  his  due  praise.  And  I 
need  not  be  afraid  to  assert  that  his  writings  will  be 
read  and  admired  as  long  as  learning  in  this  part  of  the 
world  shall  live.  Melvil  says,  "  he  was  a  man  of 
notable  endowments  for  his  learning  and  knowledge  in 
Latin  poesie,  much  honoured  in  other  countries,  pleas- 
ant in  conversation,  rehearsing  at  all  occasions  morali- 
ties short  and  instructive,  whereof  he  had  abundance, 
inventing  where  he  wanted6."  A  tutor  this,  worthy  a 
great  prince,  and  fit  to  form  the  mind  to  virtue  and 
politeness!  for  I  doubt  not  but  he  discharged  with 
honour  the  duty  of  his  trust,  and  did  what  in  him  lay 
to  inspire  his  pupil  with  just  opinions,  and  elegant 
sentiments.  But  his  labour  was  in  vain.  For  it  does 
not  appear  that  James  improved  any  thing  by  his 
master,  or  studied  at  all  to  copy  after  him,  for  his 
writings  are  wholly  pedantic;  his  style  low  and  mean; 
his  arguments  taken  from  those  barbarians  the  school- 

«  See  Thuanus's  judgment  of  him  in  Bayle's  Dictionary,  article  Bu- 
chanan, note  (H).  k  Melvil,  p.  125.     See  also  Spotswood,  p.  325. 


6  THE  LIFE  OF 

dom  had  several    regents,    viz.  his    uncle 

men;  and  his  method  of  treating  his  adversaries  was 
after  the  manner  of  your  country  controvertists,  in- 
spired with  the  most  fervent  zeal.  Abundant  proof 
of  these  assertions  will  be  found  in  the  extracts  I  shall 
give  of  some  of  his  writings  in  the  ensuing  notes. 
However,  not  contented  to  disgrace  his  tutor  by  his 
want  of  improvement,  he  treated  him  with  contempt 
also  and  reproach.  Thus  for  instance,  when  the  au- 
thority of  Buchanan,  for  resisting  kings,  was  alleged 
by  cardinal  Perron,  James  replies,  "  Buchanan  I  reckon 
and  rank  among  poets,  not  among  divines,  classical 
or  common.  If  the  man  hath  burst  out  here  and  there 
into  some  terms  of  excess,  or  speech  of  bad  temper ; 
that  must  be  imputed  to  the  violence  of  his  humour, 

and  heat  of  his  spirit*."- What  a  contemptible  way 

of  speaking  of  a  tutor  is  this,  more  especially  of  so 
great  a  man  as  Buchanan  ?  Had  Buchanan  been  evef 
so  wrong  in  his  opinion,  the  least  sense  of  decency  or 
gratitude  should  have  restrained  his  pupil  from  speak- 
ing of  him  after  such  a  manner.  JSext  to  parents, 
tutors  (if  they  have  discharged  their  parts  well)  have 
always  been  thought  to  have  deserved  honour*;  and 

*  Dii  majorum  umbris  tenuem  &  sine  pondere  terrain, 
Spirantesque  crocos,  &;  in  urns  perpetuum  ver, 
Qui  praeceptorem  sancti  voluere  parentis 
Es.se  loco.  Jvv.  Sat.  VII.  v.  207. 

In  peace,  ye  shades  of  our  great  grandsires  rest, 
No  heavy  earth  your  sacred  bones  molest: 
Eternal  spring,  and  rising  flow'rs  adorn 
The  relicks  of  each  venerable  urn, 
Who  pious  reverence  to  their  tutors  paid, 
As  parents  honour'd  and  as  Gods  obey'd. 

CHARIES  DRYDEH. 

*  The  Works  of  the  most  high  and  mighty  prince  James  by  the  grace 
of  God,  &c.  published  by  James  bishop  of  Winton,  1616.  Lond.  fol. 
p.  480. 


JAMES  I.  7 

the  carl  of  Murray,  his  grandfather  the 
earl  of  Lennox,  and  the  earls  of  Mar  and 
Morton ;  with  the  latter  of  whom  the  no- 

those  who  have  refused  to  give  it,  have  been  branded 
with  baseness  and  ingratitude.  For  to  form  the  mind 
to  knowledge  and  virtue,  to  teach  youth  prudence, 
self-government,  and  proper  behaviour,  is  a  work  of 
labour  and  merit;  and  such  as  perform  it  are  entitled 

to  gratitude   and   respect. But  in   another   place 

James  plainly  discovers  his  hatred  and  aversion  to  the 
memory  of  his  instructor ;  for  he  stiles  his  History  an 
infamous  invective:  "  I  would  have  you,  says  he,  to 
his  son  prince  Henry,  to  be  well  versed  in  authentic 

histories,  and   especially  in  our  own  histories  :< 1 

mean  not  of  such  infamous  invectives  as  Buchanan's 
or  Knox's  chronicles :  and  if  any  of  these  infamou* 
libels  remain  unto  your  days,  use  the  law  upon  the 
keepers  thereof*."  1  will  leave  the  reader  to  make  his 
own  remarks  on  the  baseness  of  this  passage,  and  the 
littleness  of  that  soul  that  was  capable  of  writing  it 
concerning  a  preceptor.  I  will  conclude  ,this  note  by 
observing  that  the  probable  causes  of  this  hatred  of 
the  memory  of  Buchanan  were  the  part  he  had  acted 
against  his  mother;  the  principles  of  his  history, 
which  were  opposite  to  the  notions  of  regal  power 
entertained  by  James  ;  and  the  great  awe  in  which  he 
held  him  in  his  youth,  according  to  Melvilb.  I  would 
have  it  carefully  observed,  that  this  history  stiled  by 
James  an  infamous  invective,  is  said  by  archbishop 
Spots  wood  to  be  "  penned  with  such  judgment  and 
eloquence  as  no  country  can  shew  a  better0." 

"  The  Works  of  the  most  high  and  mighty  prince  James  by  the  grace  of 
&c.  published  by  James  bishop  of  Winton,  1616.  Lond.  fol.  p.  ITS, 
h  Melvil,  p.  125.  c  Spotswood,  p.  325. 


S  THE  LIFE  OF 

bility  being  dissatisfied,  he  was  obliged  to 
quit  the  regency,  and  James  entered  upon 
the  government  March  12,  1578.  Too 
soon,  it  may  easily  be  supposed,  for  his 
own  honour,  or  the  welfare  of  his  subjects. 
He  was  greatly  in  the  power  of  his  favour- 
ites the  duke  of  Lennox  and  the  earl  of 
Arran,  through  whose  instigations  he  per- 
formed many  unpopular  actions  5.  AVhere- 

3  He  was  greatly  in  the  power  of  his  favourites,  the 
duke  of  Lennox  and  the  earl  of  Arran,  &c.]  The 
duke  of  Lennox  was  cousin-german  to  James's  father, 
the  earl  of  Arran  was  captain  James  Stuart,  promoted 
to  that  dignity  at  the  expence  of  the  house  of  Hamil- 
ton, unjustly  deprived  of  it.  "The  duke  of  Lennox 
was  led  hy  evil  counsel  and  wrong  informations, 
whereby  he  was  moved  to  meddle  in  such  hurtful  and 
dangerous  courses,  that  the  rest  of  the  nobility  became 
jealous  of  his  intentions,  and  feared  their  estates.  As 
for  the  earl  of  Arran,  they  detested  his  proceedings, 
and  esteemed  him  the  worst  and  most  insolent  instru- 
ment that  could  be  found  out,  to  wrack  king,  kirk  and 
country.  The  duke  had  been  tolerable,  had  he  hap- 
pened upon  as  honest  counsellors,  as  he  was  well  in- 
clined of  himself:  but  he  wanted  experience,  and  was 
no  ways  versed  in  the  state  of  the  country,  nor  brought 
up  in  our  religion,  which  by  time  he  might  have  been 
brought  to  have  embraced.  But  the  earl  of  Arran 
was  a  scomer  of  religion,  presumptuous,  ambitious, 
covetous,  careless  of  the  commonwealth,  a  despiser  of 
the  nobility  and  of  all  honest  nienV  Hopeful  coun- 

•  Melvil,  p.  131. 


JAMES  I.  9 

upon  being  seized  by  the  earls  of  Mar  and 
Gowry,  with  others  of  the  nobility,  as  he 
returned  from  hunting,  and  conveyed  to 
Ruthven  castle,  they  obtained  a  charge  for 
the  duke  of  Lennox  to  depart  the  country, 
and  for  the  confinement  of  the  earl  of 
Arran4.  This  was  followed  by  a  proclama- 

sellors  these  for  a  young  king !  and  admirably  fit  for 
governing  a  kingdom.  And  yet  these  were  the  men 
who  carried  all  before  them,  and  obtained  honours  and 
estates  by  wholesale.  Arran  from  a  private  gentleman 
*'  was  made  gentleman  of  the  bed-chamber,  knight- 
ed, made  a  privy  counsellor,  and  tutor  of  Arran.  A 
few  weeks  after  he  was  made  captain  of  his  majesty's 
guards,  and  created  earl  of  Arran  V  Lennox  "  in  a  few 
days  after  his  appearance  at  court,  had  a  grant  of  the 
lordship  of  Arbroath,  then  he  was  created  earl  of 
Lennox,  governor  of  Dumbarton  castle,  captain  of 
the  guard,  first  gentleman  of  the  bedchamber,  and 
great  chamberlain  of  Scotland,  and  duke  of  Lennox b." 

These  sudden  promotions  to  honour,  and  places 

of  profit  to  such  men,  must  necessarily  have  been  very 
unpopular  and  distasteful,  and  could  not  but  be  highly 
resented.  However  'tis  but  justice  to  James,  to  ac- 
quaint the  reader  that  he  was  very  young,  and  con- 
sequently most  easily  drawn  aside  by  those  who  had 
influence  over  him ;  and  therefore  more  excusable  than 
he  was  in  misplacing  his  favours  afterwards,  as  he 
almost  always  did. 

4  Being  seized  by  the  earls  of  Mar,  &c.  they  ob- 

a  Lives  and  Characters  of  the  Officers  of  the  Crown  and  State  of  Scot- 
land, by  George  Crawfurd,  Esq;  p.  137.  fol.  Load.  1736.          k  Id.  p.  331. 


10  THE  LIFE  OF 

tion  from  the  king,  discharging  the  com- 
missions which  he  had  formerly  given 
them,  and  declaring  that  in  so  doii;g  he 
acted  not  by  compulsion.  However,  having 
regained  his  liberty,  he  turned  out  of  place 
those  who  had  been  enemies  to  his  favour- 

tained  a  charge  for  the  duke  of  Lennox  to  depart  the 
country,  and  for  the  confinement  of  the  earl  of  Arran, 
5cc.]  "  As  the  king  was  returning  from  stag-hunting 
in  Athole,  in  his  way  towards  Dumferling,  he  was 
invited  by  the  earl  of  Gowry  to  his  house  of  Ruthven, 
near  Perth.  The  earl,  who  was  at  the  head  of  thje 
conspiracy,  instantly  sent  to  advertise  his  friends  of 
what  had  happened.  Whereupon  several  of  the  dis- 
contented nobility,  and  all  those  that  were  in  the 
English  interest  at  hand,  repaired  to  Ruthven,  where 
without  any  ceremony  they  resolved  to  detain  the 
king,  and  keep  him  prisoner.  The  next  day*  when  the 
king  was  essaying  to  get  out,  they  stopt  him;  where- 
fore growing  into  a  passion  and  weeping,  Sir  Thomas 
Lyon  boldly,  though  rudely,  told  him,  it  was  no 
matter  for  his  tears,  better  that  bairns  greet  than 
bearded  tnenV  After  they  had  him  in  custody  they 
presented  a  supplication  to  him,  "representing  the 
false  accusations,  calumnies,  oppressions  and  persecu- 
tions they  had  suffered  for  two  years,  by  means  of  the 
duke  of  Lennox,  and  the  earl  of  Arran,  the  like, where- 
of were  never  heretofore  borne  in  Scotland."  Upon 
this  representation,  the  king,  sore  against  his  will, 
sent  orders  to  the  duke  to  leave  the  kingdom,  who 
obeying,  died  soon  after  at  Paris,  and  the  earl  was 

•  August  23,  1582.  b  Crawfurd,  p.  332.     Spotswood,  p.  320. 

See  also  Melvii.p.  129,  &c. 


JAMES  I.  11 

ites,  and  insisted  on  such  of  the  nobility's 
asking  pardon  as  had  been  concerned  in 
the  affair  of  Ruthven ;  which  causing  a 
confederacy  and  a  rising,  issued  in  the  death 
of  the  earl  of  Gowry  5,  in  revenge  of  which, 

confined  for  a  time.  Before  this  a  proclamation  had 
been  issued  forth,  "declaring  that  it  was  his  own 
voluntary  act  to  abide  at  Perth;  and  that  the  noblemen 
and  others  that  attended  him,  had  done  nothing  but 

'  O 

what  their  duties  obliged  them  unto,  and  which  he 
took  for  a  good  service  performed  both  to  himself  and 
tfee  commonwealth*."  But  all  this  was  a  mere  act  of 
dissimulation,  and  the  effect  of  constraint.  As  soon 
a*  he  was  at  liberty  he  returned  to  the  same  courses, 
and'  behaved  after  his  wonted  manner.  For  favourites 
he  must  have,  and  so  their  pleasure  was  consulted,  no 
matter  how  the  kingdom  was  pleased. 

5  Having  obtained  his  liberty,  he  insisted  on  such 
of  the  nobility's  asking  pardon  as  were  concerned  in 
the  affair  of  Ruthven,  &c.]  James  was  never  a  man  of, 
his  word.  We  see  just  now,  that,  by  proclamation,  he 
had  allowed  what  was  done  at  Ruthven  to  he  good  ser- 
vice, and  he  moreover  had  desired  the  kirk  "  to  find  it 
good  for  their  parts,  and  to  ordain  the  ministers  and 
commissioners  of  every  shire  to  publish  the  same  to 
their  parishioners,  and  to  get  the  principal  gentle- 
men's subscription  to  maintain  the  same6."  But  no 
sooner  had  he  got  his  liberty,  but  he  acted  quite  dif- 
ferently from  what  he  had  declared  to  be  his  sentiments. 
Arran  was  introduced  again  into  court,  "  was  made 
Chancellor,  captain  of  the  castles  of  Edinburgh  and 

1  Spotswood,  p.  321.  k  Melvil,  p.  183. 

7 


12  THE  LIFE  OF 

as  was  said,  his  son  engaged  in  the  conspi- 
racy so  much  talked  of,  and  variously  cen- 

Stirling,  and  ruled  so  as  to  make  the  whole  subjects 
to  tremble  under  him,  and  every  man  to  depend  upon 
him,  daily  inventing  and  seeking  out  new  faults  against 
diverse,  to  get  their  escheats,  lands,  benefices."  He 
wrought  so  far  with  the  king,  that  a  proclamation  was 
published,  "  condemning  the  detaining  his  majesty's 
person  at  Ruthven  as  a  fact  most  treasonable.  Yet  his 
majesty  declared,  that  he  was  resolved  to  forget  and 
forgive  that  offence*  providing  the  actors  and  assisters 
do  shew  themselves  penitent  for  the  same,  ask  pardon 
in  due  time,  and  do  not  provoke  him  by  their  unlaw- 
ful actions  hereafter,  to  remember  that  attempt8!" 
Whereupon  divers  noblemen  and  others  withdrew  from 
the  court,  for  fear,  to  some  place  of  security ;  for  they 
well  knew  that  their  destruction  was  aimed  at.  Where- 
upon the  principal  of  them  were  ordered  to  confine- 
ment, which  they  not  obeying,  were  denounced  re- 
bels1*. This  was  shocking  behaviour,  and  enough  to 
provoke  the  most  patient  men  to  take  a  severe  re- 
venge ;  for  the  king's  word  was  no  security,  his  pro- 
mise could  not  be  relied  on,  and  no  man  was  safe  who 
affronted  his  favourite,  who  made  a  mere  dupe  of  his 
master,  and  sacrificed  his  honour  on  all  occasions.  .A 
sure  proof  this  of  James's  weakness,  and  a  sufficient 
indication  of  what  the  world  was  to  expect  from  him 
hereafter ;  for  the  tempers  and  dispositions  of  men  are 
pretty  much  the  same  through  life.  As  they  are  in 
youth,  so  are  they  in  reality  in  age,  though  they  may 

know  better  how  to  gloss  •  and  disguise. By  this 

treatment  of  those  concerned  in  the  Ruthven  affair, 

*  Crawfurd,  p.  139.     Spotswood,  p.  326.  Id.  iU 

8 


JAMES  I.  13 

sured ;  which  terminated  in  the  ruin  of  his 
family. 

several  of  the  nobility  were  induced  to  enter  into  an 
association,  for  reforming  abuses,  securing  religion, 
and  the  preservation  of  the  king's  person  and  estate, 
among  whom  was  the  earl  of  Gowry,  who  being  taken, 
tried  and  condemned,  was  executed  for  treason.  "  His 
majesty  (says  Melvil)  had  no  intention  of  taking  his 
life,  but  the  earl  of  Arran  was  fully  resolved  to  have 
his  lands,  and  therefore  to  make  a  party  to  assist  him 
in  that  design,  he  engaged  to  divide  them  with  several 
others,  upon  condition  that  they  would  assist  him  in 
the  design  of  ruining  him ;  which  afterwards  lie  did, 
having  by  this  means  procured  their  consent  and 
votes3."  What  weakness  and  feebleness  of  government 
was  this!  Arran  was  in  effect  king,  whilst  James  bore 
the  name,  and  under  the  royal  authority  committed 
the  most  unjust  actions;  for  all  agree  that  Gowry  had 

hard  measure  dealt  him. In  time  the  Gowry  family 

was  restored  to  honour  and  estate,  but,  as  historians 
tell  us,  nothing  could  allay  the  revenge  of  the  two 
eldest  sons,  for  their  father's  blood,  but  the  death  of 
the  king,  which  they  attempted  to  have  taken  away  at 

the  earl's  own  house,  August  5,  I600b. But  they 

both  lost  their  lives  in  the  attempt,  and  ruined  thereby 
their  family ;  for  their  houses  were  demolished,  their 
estates  confiscated,  and  the  whole  family,  by  act  of 
parliament,  prohibited  to  cany  the  name  of  Ruthven. 
The  5th  of  August  was  likewise  ordered  to  be  kept 
yearly  in  remembrance  of  this  deliverance. Whe- 
ther there  was  any  such  conspiracy  of  the  Cowries 

*  Melvil,  p.  156.     Spotswood,  p.  332.     Crawfurd,  p.  390. 
"  Crawfurd,  p.  390.     Spotswood,  p.  458. 


14  THE  LIFE  OF 

Mary,  queen  of  Scots,  having  sentence 
of  death  pronounced  on  her,  Oct.  11,  1586, 
at  Fotheringhay,  by  the  commissioners  of 
queen  Elizabeth,  notwithstanding  her  refus- 

against  the  king,  or  whether  it  was  only  a  pretence,  in 
order  to  palliate  the  murther  of  them,  has  been  very 
much  debated.  Spotswood  believed  it :  it  was  gene- 
rally received  as  truth  by  the  courtiers  at  the  time  it 
happened;  and  the  assisters  of  the  king  received  ho- 
nours and  rewards*.  Burnet  (no  way  prejudiced  in 
favour  of  the  king)  gives  credit  to  it;  and  Mr.  Craw- 
furd  tells  us,  that  after  what  the  earl  of  Cromarty  hath 
lain  together  in  his  historical  account  of  the  conspi- 
racies by  the  earls  of  Gowry  against  king  James,  he 
hopes  few  or  none  will  suspect,  far  less  doubt  its  truth 
and  reality b.  I  hope  I  shall  not  be  thought  to  be 
"  maliciously  set  against  the  royal  family,  or  the c  great 
king  who  was  more  immediately  concerned  in  this 
affair,"  if  I  give  the  reasons  that  may  be  assigned  for 
the  doubting  concerning  the  truth  of  the  king's  narra- 
tion. I  could  not  act  the  part  of  a  faithful  historian 
without  it,  and  therefore  must  beg  the  reader's  pardon 
for  detaining  him  a  little  longer  on  this  subject. 

1.  We  are  to  observe,  that  the  next  day  after  this 
happened,  the  ministers  were  called  together  at  Edin- 
burgh, and  desired  to  convene  their  people,  and  give 
thanks  unto  God  for  the  king's  deliverance:  but  they 
by  no  persuasion  could  be  moved  to  do  itd. 

2.  Though  most  of  the  ministers  being  hereupon 
commanded  to  leave  the  city  in  24  hours,  and  forbid 

*  Burnet's  History  of  his  own  Times,  vol.  T.  p.  22.    Dutch  edit.    12mo. 

b  Crawfurd,  p.  390.  c  Crawford's  epithet  and  expressions. 

d  Spotswood,  p.  460.     Calderwood,  p.  444. 


JAMES  I.  15 

ing  to  answer  and  be  tried ;  and  the  sen- 
tence being  confirmed  by  the  English  par- 
liament, and  their  desire  moreover  added, 
that  it  might  be  put  in  execution ;  James 

to  preach  in  his  majesty's  dominions,  on  pain  of  death, 
complied,  owning  themselves  convinced  of  the  truth  of 
the  conspiracy;  yet  we  find  Mr.  Robert  Bruce  saying, 
he  would  reverence  his  majesty's  reports  of  that  ac- 
cident,.but  could  not  say  he  was  persuaded  of  the  truth 
of  it". 

3.  Osborn  tells  us,  no  Scotchman  you  could  meet 
beyond  sea  but  did  laugh  at  it,  and  the  Peripatetic 
politicians  said,  the  relation  in  print  did  murder  all 
possibility  of  credit.     But  I  will  not  (adds  he)  wade 
farther  in  this  business,  not  knowing  how  dangerous 
the  bottom  may  prove,  being  by  all  men's  relations 
foul  and  bloody,  having  nothing  to  palliate  it  but  jeal- 
ousy on  the  one  side,  and  fear  of  the  other5.     And  in- 
deed the  relation  of  this  affair  in  Spotswood  is  confused 
and    marvellous.     The    drawing  the   king   to  Perth; 
the  getting  him  from  dinner  to  examine  a  stranger; 
the  discourse  of  Cowry's  brother  with  him;  and  his 
stout  and  gallant  behaviour  (which  in  no  other  part  of 
his  life  appeared);  and  his  causing  the  two  brothers  to 
be  killed,  when  he  might  with  the  same  ease  have  se- 
cured them;  the  denials  of  Cowry's  servants  of  their 
knowledge  of  the  affair;    and   the  tale  of  the  earl's 
girdle,  are  circumstances  which  are  not  easily  to  be 
swallowed  by  the  inquisitive  or  sceptical. 

4.  Burnet  himself  allows,  that  this  conspiracy  was 
charged  at  that  time  by  the  puritans  in  Scotland  on  the 

*  Spotswood,  p.  461.         b  \Vorks  of  Francis  Osborn,  E§q;  p.  535.  8vo. 
Loud.  1673.     See  also  Calderwood,  p.  451. 


16  THE  LIFE  OF 

ordered  it  to  be  represented  to  queen  Eli- 
zabeth how  unjust  he  held  that  proceeding 
against  his  mother,  and  that  it  did  neither 
agree  with  the  will  of  God,  who  prohibited 

king,  as  a  contrivance  of  his  to  get  rid  of  that  earl, 
who  was  then  held  in  great  esteem*.  And  afterwards 
he  says,  it  was  not  easy  to  persuade  the  nation  of  the 
truth  of  this  conspiracy :  for  eight  years  before  that 
time,  king  James,  on  a  secret  jealousy  of  the  earl  of 
Murray,  then  esteemed  the  handsomest  man  in  Scot- 
land, set  on  the  marquis  of  Huntley,  who  was  his 
mortal  enemy,  to  murder  him;  and  by  a  writing  all 
in  his  own  hand,  he  promised  to  save  him  harmless 
for  it.  He  set  the  house  in  which  he  was  on  fire,  and 
the  earl  flying  away,  was  followed  and  murdered,  and 
Huntley  sent  Gordon  of  Buckey  with  the  news  to  the 
king.  Soon  after,  all  who  were  concerned  in  that  vile 
fact  were  pardoned,  which  laid  the  king  open  to  much 
censure :  and  this  made  the  matter  of  Gowry  to  be  less 
believed. 

5.  Sir  Henry  Neville,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Winwood, 
dated  Nov.  15,  1600,  from  London,  writes,  "  Out  of 
Scotland  we  hear  there  is  no  good  agreement  between 
the  king  of  Scots  and  his  wife,  and  many  are  of  opi- 
nion, that  the  discovery  of  some  affection  between 
her  and  the  earl  Cowry's  brother,  (who  was  killed 
with  him)  was  the  truest  cause  and  uiotife  of  all  that 
tragedy  b." 

And  Mr.  Winwood,  in  a  letter  to  secretary  Cecyll, 

*  Burnet,  p.  22.  See  a  very  honourable  character  of  Gowry,  from  Sir 
Henry  Neville,  to  secretary  Cecyll,  in  Winwood's  State  Papers,  vol.  I. 
p.  156. 

b  Winwood's  Memorials  of  Affairs  of  State  in  the  Reigns  of  Elizabeth 
and  King  James  I.  vol.  I.  p.  274.  fol.  Lond.  1725. 


JAMES  I.  17 

to  touch  his  anointed  ones;  nor  with  the 
law  of  nations,  that  an  absolute  prince 
should  be  sentenced  and  judged  by  sub- 
jects ;  that  if  she  would  be  the  first  to  give 


from  Paris,  dated  17  May,  1601,  O.  S.  says,  "  The 
ambassador  of  Scotland  hath  been  advertized  of  a  dan- 
gerous practice  against  the  Scots  king;  that  lately  one 
called  Glarnet,  hath  been  sent  out  of  Scotland,  with 
letters  to  Bothwell,  to  hasten  home  with  diligence, 
where  he  should  find  sufficient  assistance.  The  prin- 
cipal party  who  employed  this  party  is  the  Queen  of 

Scotland. And  letters  have  been  intercepted  out  of 

England  from  master  Gray,  that  the  death  of  Gowry 
should  shortly  be  revenged*."  These  passages  com- 
pared, may  possibly  give  the  reader  some  light  in  this 
affair.  A  gallant,  or  a  supposed  one  slain,  was  cause 
sufficient  to  induce  a  lady  to  give  her  husband  trouble, 
and  nothing  so  likely  as  this  to  excite  her  to  re- 
venge.— These  are  the  reasons  which  may  induce  some 
persons  to  doubt  about  the  truth  of  Gowry's  conspi- 
racy ;  whether  they  are  sufficient  the  considerate  reader 
will  determine.  However,  one  reflection  naturally 
arises  from  this  subject,  viz.  that  the  people  enter- 
tained but  a  very  poor  opinion  of  James's  veracity  and 
honesty.  The  ministers,  we  see,  could  not  be  induced 
to  give  thanks  for  his  deliverance,  out  of  a  distrust  of 
his  account,  till  fear  of  their  own  safety  brought  them 
to  a  compliance;  and  the  general  belief  of  the  people 
of  lhat  nation,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  was,  that 
'twas  mere  contrivance  in  order  to  screen  himself  from 

*  Fpotswood,  p.  326 

VOL.  l.  c 


18  THE  LIFE  OF 

that  pernicious  example  of  profaning  her 
own  and  other  princes  diadems,  she  should 
remember  that  both  in  nature  and  honour 
it  concerned  him  to  be  revenged  of  so  great 
an  indignity;  which  if  he  should  not  do,  he 
should  peril  his  credit  both  at  home  and 
abroad2. — But  these  threats  were  not  re- 
garded by  Elizabeth,  nor  were  they  of  any 
service  to  his  mother ;  for  she  was  executed 
in  pursuance  to  a  warrant  directed  to  se- 
cretary Davidson6,  the  seventh  of  February 


the  guilt  and  infamy  he  must  otherwise  have  lain 
under.  Unhappy  situation  this  !  truly  worthy  of  com- 
miseration. For  a  prince  believed  false,  treacherous, 
and  bloody,  must  be  despised,  hated  and  contemned, 
and  can  expect  nothing  but  unwilling  obedience  from 
his  subjects.  And  it  must  be  confessed,  James  had 
given  but  too  much  reason  to  them,  to  view  him  in 
these  lights. 

6  She  was  executed  in  pursuance  of  a  warrant,  &c.J 
The  sentence  passed  on  her  was  approved  by  the 
English  parliament,  and  earnestly  pressed  by  it  to  be- 
put  in  execution.  Nor  was  any  one  more  earnest  in 
the  matter  than  Elizabeth  herself;  for  she  deemed 
Mary's  life  incompatible  with  her  own  safety,  and 
therefore  determined  to  shorten  it.  But  it  was  a  matter 
of  much  delicacy,  and  what  she  would  have  been  glad 
to  have  been  excused  ffom  appearing  in.  She  would 

•  SpotBWOod,  p.  '351. 


JAMES  I.  19 

following:  though  Elizabeth  pretended  it 
was  quite  contrary  to  her  intentions,  seemed 

fain  therefore  have  had  her  put  out  of  the  way  by  Sir 
Amias  Paulet,  and  Sir  Drue  Drury,  and  had  it  hinted 
to  them  by  the  secretaries  Davidson  and  Walsingham. 
But  they  were  too  wise  to  be  caught,  and  too  honest 
to  execute  so  barbarous  a  deed;  and  therefore  boldly 
refused,  to  the  queen's  no  small  mortification.  Mn 
Tindal  seems  to  intimate  something  of  a  doubt  about 
the  genuineness  of  the  letters  here  referred  toa,  but  I 
think  without  reason.  For  to  me  they  have  all  the 
marks  of  genuineness,  and  are  perfectly  agreeable  to 
that  dexterity  and  management  for  which  Elizabeth 
was  so  famous. When  these  arts  failed,  the  war- 
rant in  the  hands  of  Davidson,  signed  by  the  queen, 
was  made  use  of  by  the  council,  the  queen  being  not 
openly  acquainted  with  it,  and  Mar}',  by  means  of  it, 
had  her  head  severed  from  her  body.— So  that  James's 
conduct  could  not  save  his  mother,  nor  could  Henry 
III.  of  France,  by  his  ambassador,  respite  the  execu- 
tion of  her  sentence,  but  a  violent  death  was  her  fate. 
But,  if  what  historians  tell  us  is  true,  'tis  no  wonder 
Elizabeth  paid  so  little  regard  to  the  solicitations  in 
the  behalf  of  the  unfortunate  Mary.  For  'tis  affirmed, 
that  Bellievre,  the  French  ambassador,  whatever  in 
public  he  pretended,  had  private  orders  to  solicit  the 
death  of  the  queen b.  And  Gray,  the  Scotch  envoy, 
on  this  occasion,  is  said  likewise  iri  private,  to  advis,e 
the  making  her  away,  saying,  a  dead  woman  bite? 
notc. 

*  Rap'm's  History  of  England,  translated  by  Tind.il,  vol.  II.  p.  134, 
in  the  notes,  fo!.  Lond.  1733.          b  Id.  vol.  II.  p.  122.  c  Id.  p.  131. 

"tt'jnweod's  State  Paper,  vol.  I.  p  11. 

C   * 


to  THE  LIFE  OF 

greatly  grieved  at  it,  and  turned  out,  and 
fined  the  secretary  by  reason  of  it7. 

r  Though  Elizabeth  pretended  it  was  contrary  to 
her  intentions,  and  turned  out,  and  fined  the  secretary 
by  reason  of  it.]  The  execution  of  Mary  could  not 
be  concealed,  nor  was  it  thought  proper  by  Elizabeth 
to  justify  it.  She  therefore  threw  the  blame  upon 
poor  Davidson,  and  made  him  suffer  for  being  an  in- 
strument in  bringing  about  what  she  most  of  all  de- 
sired. She  denied  not,  but  she  commanded  him  to 
draw  a  warrant  under  the  great  seal  for  the  queen  of 
Scots'  execution;  but  after  it  was  done,  she  seemed 
angry  :  however  she  left  it  in  his  hands,  without  tell- 
ing him  what  he  should  do  with  it.  Whereupon  the 
council  being  consulted  by  Davidson,  it  was  unani- 
mously resolved  to  execute  the  warrant,  and  accordingly 
it  was  carried  to  Fotheringay,  and  produced  the  de- 
sired effect.  Elizabeth,  in  the  mean  time,  pretended 
she  had  changed  her  mind ;  but  none  of  her  counsellor, 
talked  to  her  upon  the  subject,  or  attempted  to  hinder 
the  execution,  as  they  certainly  would  have  done,  had 
they  not  been  satisfied  in  her  intentions.  But  when 
the  wished-for  event  took  place,  then  Elizabeth  pre- 
tended great  sorrow,  and  professed  her  disinclination 
towards  it ;  and  to  convince  the  world  thereof,  she 
wrote  to  the  Scotch  king,  by  a  cousin  of  hers,  and 
had  Davidson  cited  into  the  Star-chamber,  where  he 
was  fined  £  10,000,  and  imprisoned  during  the  queen's 
pleasure.  Though  "  she  herself  could  not  deny,  but 
that  which  she  laid  to  his  charge  was  done  without 
hope,  fear,  malice,  envy,  or  any  respect  of  his  own, 
but  merely  for  her  safety  both  of  state  and  person*." 

a  Cabala,  p.  250.  fol.  Lond.  1663. 


JAMES  I.  21 

Indeed  Elizabeth  and  her  ministers  ma- 
naged James  as  they  pleased ;  they  fully 

This  sentence  on  Davidson  was  very  severe,  and  car- 
ried  the  dissimulation  to  a  great  pitch,  for  the  man 
lost  his  post,  and  lay'd  long  in  prison.     So  hard  and 
difficult  is  the  service  of  princes!     So  dangerous  com- 
plying with  their  inclinations,  for  there  is  no  laying 
obligations  upon  them;  and  after  you  have  done  all  to 
please  and  oblige  them,  to  serve  a  turn,  or  even  gratify 
a  present  humour,  they  will  discard  or  ruin  you  :  for 
they  think  their  subjects  made  for  them;  that 'tis  a 
favour  to  employ  them ;  and  that  they  are  of  no  worth, 
any  farther  than  they  promote  their  designs.  If  people 
therefore  knew  when  they  were  well,  they  would  be 
thankful  for  a  peaceable  retreat,  and  strive  not  to  mix- 
in  counsels  with  those  whose  aim  it  is  to  outwit  and 
mischief  each  other;  nor  would  they  be  desirous  of 
climbing  up  so  high,  as  that  a  fall  is  fatal.     But  the 
ambitious   in  vain  are  c.autioned  to  check  their  career. 
Kothing  but  some  sad  miscarriage,  disappointment  or 
disgrace,    wijl  teach  them  the  needful  lessons  of  hu- 
mility and  moderation,  or  cause  them  to  enjoy  con- 
tentedly the  blessings  of  private  life.     Before  I  take 
my  leave  of  this  affair,  I  will  observe  that  from  the 
proceedings  against  Mary,  it  appears,  that  the  queen 
and  her  parliament  had  no  notion  of  such  a  sacredness 
in  the  persons  of  princes,  as  to   render  them   unac- 
countable to  any  earthly  tribunal.     For  here  is  a  so- 
vereign   princess,    tried,    condemned,    and   executed, 
with  the  approbation,   yea  in  pursuance  of  the  request 
of  the  parliament ;  and  though  Elizabeth,  to  save  ap- 
pearances, feigned  sorrow  and  indignation  at  the  exe- 
cution, yet  no  one  has  been  so  hardy  as  to  put  into 


understanding  his  temper,  councils,  and 
designs8 :  so  that  they  acted  as  they  thought 

her  mouth  a  sentence  tending  to  condemn  the  lawful- 
ness of  it.  For  she  was  too  wise  and  understanding 
to  have  done  it ;  nor  could  any  who  knew  her  charac- 
ter suppose  her  capable  of  it.  This  doctrine  was  left 
to  her  successor,  who  had  weakness  enough  to  declare 
expressly,  "  that  kings  were'accountable  to  God  only  V 
A  doctrine  big  with  mischief,  and  fit  for  nothing  but 
to  make  tyrants.  But  of  this  I  shall  have  occasion  to 
speak  more  hereafter. 

*  Elizabeth  and  her  ministers  managed  James  as 
they  pleased,  and  understood  his  temper,  councils  and 
designs.]  It  appears  from  Melville,  that  the  English 
were  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  temper  and  beha- 
viour of  the  king,  and  had  those  about  him  who  took 
every  opportunity  to  insinuate  those  notions  into  him, 
•which  were  most  acceptable  to  Elizabeth.  "  Wootton, 
the  ambassador  became  one  of  his  most  familiar  mi- 
nions, waiting  upon  him  at  all  fixed  pastimes* "  And 
Sir  Richard  Wigmore  "  was  particularly  instructed 
by  Walsingham,  in  all  the  proper  methods  to  gain 
ppon  the  king's  confidence,  and  to  observe  and  give  an, 
account  of  all  he  saw  in  him  ;  which  he  did  very  faith- 
fully'." And  though  James  little  thought  it,  his  most 
secret  actions  were  known  to  the  English  ministry, 
and  all  his  transactions  abroad,  how  privately  soever 
they  were  carried.  For  Elizabeth's  ambassadors  had  a 
very  watchful  eye  over  the  Scotch ;  and  what  by  ad- 
dress, what  by  considerations  of  religion,  but  chiefly 
by  money,  they  became  acquainted  with  every  thing. 

*  King  James's  Works,  p.  52°.  b  Melvil,  p.  161. 

e  Burner.,  vol.  I.  p.  5.  and  Wehvood's  Memoirs,  p.  9.  8vo.  Lond.  IT  10. 


JAMES  I.  23 

fit,  without  any  regard  to  him,  any  farther 
than  mere  compliments.  For  the  fear  of 

James  was  negotiating  every  where.  Thus  for  in- 
stance, Sir  Henry  Neville,  though  at  Paris,  had  a 
watchful  eye  over  the  transactions  of  the  Scotch  king 
at  Rome,  and  made  himself  master  of  them,  though 
they  were  managed  with  the  greatest  caution3 :  and  he 
was  apprized  also  of  the  negotiation  of  baron  Qgilhy 
in  Spain,  who  offered  in  the  name  of  "  James  to  be  re* 
conciled  to  the  apostolic  see,  and  to  enter  into  a  conr 
federacy  with  that  crown,  in  order  to  rescue  himself 
from  the  dangers  he  was  exposed  to  from  Elizabeth,  on 
whom  he  offered,  (upon  condition  of  being  assisted  with 
twelve  thousand  men  armed  and  paid  all  the  time  the 
war  should  last,  and  five  hundred  thousand  ducats  to 
begin  it)  to  make  war  immediately,  and  declare  himself 
her  enemy  b."  So  that  from  hence  it  appears  that  Eli- 
zabeth had  him  fast,  and  could  have  exposed  him  to 
the  resentments  of  the  English  and  Scottish  nations 
whenever  she  pleased.  For  as  Walsingham,  Burnet 
says,  "  thought  the  king  was  either  inclined  to  turn 
papist,  or  to  be  of  no  religion0;"  so  these  negotiations, 
had  they  been  published,  would  have  brought  over 
multitudes  of  others  to  the  same  opinion;  the  conse- 
quence of  which  to  him  might  have  been  fatal.  No 
wonder  then  James's  threatnings  were  little  heeded: 
he  was  well  known  by  the  English  court,  and  to  know 
him  was  to  stand  in  no  awe  of  him  ;  for  big  as  he  would 
talk  on  occasion,  fighting  was  his  known  aversion. 
Indeed,  after  he  -came  into  England,  he  was  weak 
enough  to  pretend  that  he  had  the  direction  of  the 

11  Winwoocrs  State  Paper,  p.  145,  146.     The  letters  are  well  ^orth  rad- 
ing  ?t  large.        • "  Witjwood,  vol.  I.  p.  5,  6,  7.         c  Burnet,  vol.  I.  p.  6, 


24  THE  LIFE  OF 

losing  the  succession  to  the  English  crown, 
and  the  pension  he  enjoyed  from  Elizabeth, 
made  him  in  all  things  obedient  to  her 
will'. 

English  affairs  during  his  predecessor's  reign  :  had  this 
been  so,  they  would  n"ave  heen  managed  like  his  own 
in  Scotland,  and  as  matters  afterwards  were  by  him  in 
England.  Whereas  every  body  knows,  never  councils 
were  better  conducted,  never  more  glory  by  any  admi-* 
nistration  acquired,  than  by  Elizabeih's,  and  therefore 
he  could  have  had  no  hand  in  the  direction.  That  in 
the  latter  part  of  that  queen's  reign,  he  cultivated  a 
correspondence  with  some  of  her  courtiers,  and  endea-r 
voured  by  means  of  them  to  secure  the  succession,  is 
true;  iuid  he  was  successful  in  his  applications.  But 
still  he  guided  not,  but  was  guided,  and  as  carefully 
watched  as  could  be;  and,  perhaps,  a  knowledge  of  his 
weakness,  love  of  ease,  and  aversion  to  business,  did 
not  a  little  contribute  to  engage  some  of  the  great 
ones  in  his  favour;  who  hoped  that  under  him  they 
might  acquire  honours,  power,  and  wealth,  in  which 
they  were  not  much  mistaken.  For  a  prince  of  great 
abilities,  how  valuable  soever  to  a  nation,  is  not  the  de- 
light of  self-interested  statesmen.  He  will  see  with 
his  own  eyes,  will  judge  of  men  as  they  deserve,  and 
reward  only  the  wise  and  good ;  and  therefore  under 
such  an  one  little  is  to  be  hoped  for  by  them. 

9  The  fear  of  losing  the  succession  to  the  English 
crown,  and  the  pension  he  enjoyed  from  Elizabeth, 
made  him  in  all  things  obedient  to  her  will.]  James 
loved  not  Elizabeth,  for  she  kept'him  under  restraint; 
protected  his  nobility  against  him;  fomented  divisions 
in  his  kingdom  ;  and  had  caused  his  mother  to  be  put 


JAMES  I.  25 

He  was  not  much  regarded  in  Scotland 
by  his  nobility,  which  was  owing,  perhaps, 

to  death.  In  short,  he  looked  on  her  as  the  cause  of 
all  his  troubles.  These  things  he  strongly  complains 
of  in  his  reasons  for  his  reconcilement  with  Rome, 
and  confederacy  with  Spain*.  But  yet  notwithstand- 
ing the  grudge  he  bore  her,  he  refused  her  nothing, 
nor  dared  to  contradict  her.  For  he  had  a  yearly  pen- 
sion from  the  queen,  I  think,  ten  thousand  pounds,  the 
loss  of  which  he  could  not  well  bear  ;  which  was  in- 
creased in  the  year  1601,  two  thousand  more,  upon  his 
request.  "  Her  majesty  (says  Cecyll)  promising  to 
continue  it,  as  long  as  he  shall  make  it  appear  to  the 
world,  that  he  is  willing  to  deserve  her  extraordinary 
care  and  kindness  towards  himb."  This  was  a  good 
round  sum  at  that  time  of  day  in  Scotland,  and  there- 
fore it  behoved  James  to  make  it  appear  that  he  de- 
served it,  by  complying  with  her,  whose  bounty  he  so 
largely  shared  in.  But  that  which  kept  James  most  in 
awe  was  the  fear  of  losing  the  succession  to  the  English 
crown.  His  being  next  in  blood  (though  afterwards 
much  talked  of  by  him)  was  no  security;  had  he  be- 
haved displeasingly  to  Elizabeth,  and  once  made  her 
heartily  angry,  'tis  more  than  probable  he  would  have 
died  in  his  own  country.  For  by  a  statute  of  the  13th 
year  of  her  reign,  it  was  made  high  treason  for  any 
person  to  affirm,  "  that  the  reigning  prince  with  the 
authority  of  the  parliament,  is  not  able  to  limit  and 
bind  the  crown,  and  the  descent  and  inheritance  there- 
of."  This  was  the  rod  which  was  held  over  James, 
and  made  him  fear  and  tremble.  For  he  could  never 
get  himself  declared  by  Elizabeth  her  successor,  and  he 

*  Wiuwood,  vol.  L  p.  «.  »  Id.  p.  3Q5. 


S6  THE  LIFE  OF 

as  much  to  their  restless  temper,  as  his 
weakness10;  nor  had  he  power  to  govern 

knew  full  well  what  she  was  capable  of  doing  when  pro* 
voked.  He  therefore  stifled  his  anger,  dissembled  his 
resentments,  and  did  not  publicly  do  any  thing  dis- 
obliging to  Elizabeth.  His  private  behaviour  in  his 
negotiations  with  Rome  and  Spain,  could  not  but  be 
unacceptable.  But  she  probably  despised  them,  and 
took  care  to  frustrate  them,  and  contented  herself  with 
letting  the  whole  world  see  that  she  was  mistress  of 
the  Scotch  king,  and  stood  in  no  fear  of  what  he  might 
do.  So  that  the  passion  with  which  he  received  the 
news  of  his  mother's  death,  and  the  threats  he  uttered 
were  but  mere  words,  and  he  was  cooled  down  present^ 
ly  by  Walsingham's  letter,  "  representing  how  much 
his  pretending  to  revenge  it,  would  prejudice  him  in, 
the  eyes  of  the  ancient  nobility,  by  the  greatest  part  of 
whom  she  was  condemned,  and  of  principal  part  of  the 
gentlemen  of  the  realm,  who  confirmed  the  same  in 
parliament;  who  would  never  submit  to  his  govern- 
ment, if  he  shewed  so  vindictive  a  mindV  Those 
Scotch  and  English  therefore  were  in  the  right,  who 
assured  the  English  council,  it  would  soon  be  forgot; 
and  "  that  the  blood  was  alread}r  fallen  from  his  ma- 
jesty's heart  V  For  he  was  afraid  of  consequences, 
and  therefore  durst  not  attempt  to  fulfil  his  threats. 

10  He  was  not  much  regarded  by  his  nobility,  &c.] 
He  makes  it  a  reason  for  his  joining  with  Spain,  that 
"  queen  Elizabeth  had  always  protected  his  enemies 
and  rebels,  and  that  by  their  means  she  had  caused  him 
to  be  three  or  four  times  taken  into  custody0."  Whc~ 

*  Spotswood,  p.  360.  b  Melvil,  p.  173. 

c  Winwood,  vol.  I.  p.  4. 


JAMES  I.  «r 

his  clergy,   who  behaved,  as  he  thought, 
disobediently  towards  him  ". 

ther  or  no  Elizabeth  was  at  the  bottom  of  all  the  at- 
tempts of  the  nobility  against  James,  is  not  my  busi- 
ness to  determine.  But  'tis  very  certain  they  paid  him 
but  little  regard,  and  scrupled  not  to  bring  him  to 
'ferms,  even  by  rough  methods.  The  affair  of  Ruthven 
has  been  already  mentioned  :  besides  which  we  find 
the  banished  lords  surprised  him  at  Stirling,  and  caus.- 
ed  him  once  more  to  dismiss  Arran,  and  deprive  him 
of  his  honours ;  and  Bothwell  look  the  same  course 
with  him  to  obtain  his  pardon,  and  hinder  his  adver- 
saries from  returning  to  court*. 

These  were  instances  of  disrespect  and  disregard, 
and  could  arise  from  nothing  but  an  opinion  of  the 
weakness  of  the  prince  to  whom  they  were  offered. 
Though  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  Scotch  nobility 
in  those  days  were  of  a  bold,  restless  temper,  and  were 
seldom  quiet  any  longer  than  things  went  just  as  they 
pleased;  and  therefore  were  unlikely  to  stand  in  much 
awe  of  one,  \yhoseirresolutionand  want  of  courage  had 
been  from  his  childhood  so  very  remarkable. 

11  His  clergy  behaved  disobediently,  as  he  thought, 
towards  him.]  "  The  king  perceiving  that  the  death 
pf  his  mother  was  determined,  gave  orders  to  the  mi- 
nisters to  remember  her  in  their  public  prayers  ;  which 
they  denied  to  do.  Upon  their  denial,  charges  were 
directed  to  command  all  bishops,  ministers,  and  other 
office-bearers  in  the  church,  to  make  mention  of  her 
distress  in  their  public  prayers,  and  commend  her  to 
God.  But  of  all  the  number,  Mr.  David  Lindesay  at 
J^eith,  and  the  king's  own  ministers,  gave  obedjence: 

a  Spotswood,  p.  341.  394. 


28  THE  LIFE  O? 

For  this  he  hated  them  most  heartily; 
but  dissembled  his  resentment,  till  he  could 

At  Edinburgh,  where  the  disobedience  was  most  pub- 
lic, the  king  purposing  to  have  their  fault  amended, 
did  appoint  the  third  of  February  for  solemn  prayers 
to  be  made  in  her  behalf,  commanding  the  bishop  of 
St.  Andrews  to  prepare  himself  for  that  day;  which 
when  the  ministers  understood,  they  stirred  up  Mr. 
John  Cowper,  a  young  man  not  entered  as  yet  in  the 
function,  to  take  the  pulpit  before  the  time,  and  ex- 
clude the  bishop.  The  king  coining  at  the  hour  ap- 
pointed, and  seeing  him  in  the  place,  called  to  him  from 
his  seat,  and  said,  Mr.  John,  that  place  was  destinate 
for  another;  yet  since  you  are  there,  if  you  will  obey 
the  charge  that  is  given,  and  remember  my  mother  in 
your  prayers,  you  shall  go  on.  He  replying,  he  would 
do  as  the  spirit  of  God  should  direct  him,  was  com- 
manded to  leave  the  place  ;  and  making  as  though  he 
would  stay,  the  captain  of  the  guard  wei:t  to  pull  him 
out;  whereupon  he  burst  forth  in  these  speeches,  this 
day  shall  be  a  witness  against  the  king,  in  the  great 
day  of  the  Lord  ;  and  then  denouncing  a  woe  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Edinburgh,  he  went  down  V  This  be- 
haviour seems  to  savour  much  of  indecency  and  diso- 
bedience, and  I  doubt  not  but  the  reader  is  inclined  to 
censure  it  accordingly.  But  let  us  not  be  too  hasty, 
lest  we  judge  unrighteous  judgment.  The  ministers, 
I  think,  failed  more  in  breeding  than  any  thing  else; 
for  what  was  required  of  them,  was  to  pray  that  God 
would  illuminate  her  (Mary)  with  the  light  of  his  truth, 
and  save  her  from  the  apparent  danger  in  which  she 
was  cast.  Now  this  latter  they  could  not  in  conscience 

*  Spotswood,  p.  554. 


JAMES  I.  29 

show  it  with  safety ;  when  he  let  all  men 

do  :  for  they  looked  upon  her  in  the  most  detestable 
light,  and  wished  not  for  her  preservation,  believing  it 
inconsistent  with  the  good  of  the  state  and  religion. 
And  therefore,  says  secretary  Walsingham,  "  it  was 
wondered  by  all  wise  and  religious  men  in  England, 
that  the  king  should  be  so  earnest  in  the  cause  of  his 
mother,  seeing  all  the  papists  in  Europe  that  affected 
the  change  of  religion  in  both  realms,  did  build  their 
hopes  altogether  upon  hera."  If  therefore  the  Scots 
ministers  thought  as  all  the  wise  and  religious  men  in 
England  did,  about  this  matter,  they  could  not,  con- 
sistently with  sincerity,  have  prayed  for  her  deliver- 
ance. The  king  therefore  should  have  forborne  press- 
ing them  to  do  what  was  contrary  to  their  judgments, 
and  they  should  have  used  civil  and  respectful  terms  of 
refusal ;  which,  if  they  had  done,  I  apprehend,  they 
would  have  been  free  from  blame.  But  this  was  not 
the  only  affair  in  which  the  clergy  of  Scotland  behaved 
disobediently  and  irreverently  towards  James. 

For  Mr.  Robert  Bruce,  finding  the  king  willing  that 
Huntley  should  return  into  Scotland,  boldly  told  him, 
"  I  see,  Sir,  that  your  resolution  is  to  take  Huntley  in- 
to favour,  which  if  you  do,  I  will  oppose,  and  you  shall 
chuse  whether  you  will  lose  Huntley  or  me;  for  both 
you  cannot  keep6."  Mr.  Blake  was  likewise  charged 
by  him  with  saying,  "  that  he  had  detected  the  trea- 
chery of  his  heart;  that  all  kings  were  the  devil's 
barns ;  and  that  the  devil  was  in  the  court,  and  in  the 
guiders  of  it c." — And  Mr.  John  Welch,  in  the  high 
church  of  Edinburgh,  said,  "  the  king  was  possessed 
with  a  devil,  and  one  devil  being  put  out,  seven  worse 

*  SpoUwood,  p.  354.  *  Id.  p.  417.  '  Id.  p.  423. 


30  THE  LTFE  OF 

know  how  much  their  conduct  galled  him* 
and  what  ill  will  he  bare  unto  them  Iz. 

•were  entered  in  his  p]aced."  This  was  strange  talking, 
and  what  could  not  but  be  very  displeasing  to  James, 
though  he  had  not  power  enough  to  curb  and  restrain 
those  who  were  guilty  of  it. 

11  He  dissembled  with  them,  till  with  safety  he  could 
shew  his  resentment,  Sec.]  Notwithstanding  all  the 
rudeness  with  which  he  had  been  treated  by  his  clergy 
in  the  general  assembly  at  Edinburgh,  1590,  he  stood 
"  up  with  his  bonnet  off,  and  his  hands  lifted  up  to 
heaven,  and  said,  he  praised  God,  that  he  was  born  in 
the  time  of  the  light  of  the  gospel,  and  in  such  a  place, 
as  to  be  king  of  such  a  church,  the  sincerest  [purest] 
kirk  in  the  world.  The  Church  of  Geneva  keep  pasche 
and  yule  [Easter  and  Christmas]  what  have  they  for 
them  ?  they  have  no  institution.  As  for  our  neighbour 
kirk  of  England,  their  service  is  an  evil  said  mass  in 
English ;  they  want  nothing  of  the  mass  but  the  lift- 
ings. I  charge  you  my  good  ministers,  doctors,  elders, 
nobles,  gentlemen,  and  barons,  to  stand  to  your  purity, 
and  to  exhort  the  people  to  do  the  same ;  and  I,  for- 
sooth, as  long  as  I  brook  my  life,  shall  maintain  the 
sameb."  And  in  his  speech  to  the  parliament,  1598, 
he  tells  them,  "  he  minded  not  to  bring  in  papistical 
or  anglicane  bishops0."  And  in  1602,  he  assured  the 
general  assembly,  "  that  he  would  stand  for  the  church 
and  be  an  advocate  for  the  ministry  d."  A  nlan  would 
think  by  this,  that  James  had  a  very  great  regard  for 
his  clergy,  and  an  high  esteem  of  them ;  and  doubtless 


*  Spotswood,  p.  430.  b  Calderwood's  Church  History  of  Scotland, 

p.  256.  fol.  Edinb.  1680.  •  Id.  p.  418.  f  Spotswood,  p.  463. 


JAMES  L  31 

Though  \ve  are  not  to  suppose,  however 

he  himself  intended  they  should  think  so  too.  But 
this  was  mere  artifice  and  dissimulation;  for  at  bot- 
tom he  hated  them  heartily,  and  could  not  bear  the 
thoughts  of  them.  This  will  appear  to  a  demonstra- 
tion from  his  writings.  "  Some  fiery  spirited  men  in 
the  ministry,  he  says,  oftentimes  calumniated  him  in 
their  popular  sermons,  not  for  any  evil  or  vice  in  him, 
but  because  he  was  a  king,  which  they  thought  the 
highest  evil."  This  was  the  effect  he  thought  of  parity 
in  the  church.  Therefore  he  advises  his  son  [prince 
Henry]  "  to  take  heed  to  such  puritans,  very  pests  in 
the  church  and  commonwealth,  whom  no  deserts  can 
oblige,  neither  oaths  nor  promises  bind,  breathing 
nothing  but  sedition  and  calumnies,  aspiring  without 
measure,  railing  without  reason,  and  making  their  own 
imaginations  (without  any  warrant  of  the  word)  the 
square  of  their  conscience.  I  protest  before  the  great 
God,  and  since  I  am  here  upon  my  testament,  it  is 
no  place  for  me  to  lye  in,  that  ye  shall  never  find 
with  any  hie-land  or  border  thieves,  greater  ingratitude, 
and  more  lies  and  vile  perjuries,  than  with  these  pha- 
natic  spirits,  and  suffer  not  the  principal  of  them  to 
brook  your  land,  if  ye  list  to  set  at  rest ;  except  ye 
would  keep  them  for  trying  your  patience,  as  Socrates 
did  an  evil  wife*." 

And  in  his  premonition  to  all  Christian  monarchs, 
&c.  he  tells  us  "  he  was  ever  an  enemy  to  the  confused 
anarchy  or  parity  of  the  puritans,  as  well  appeareth  in 
his  BA2IAIKON  AI1PON."  And  therefore  adds  he,  "  I 
cannot  enough  wonder  with  what  brazen  face  this  an- 
swerer (Bellannine)  could  say,  that  I  was  a  puritan  in 

»  King  /amei's  Works,  p.  160. 
5 


32  THE  LIFE  OF 

it  has  been  otherwise  represented,  either 
through  ignorance  or  prejudice  to  the  then 

Scotland,  and  an  enemy  to  protestants :  I  that  waa 
persecuted  by  puritans  there,  not  from  my  birth  only, 
but  even  since  four  months  before  my  birth  ?  I  that  in 
the  year  of  God  84,  erected  bishops,  and  depressed  all 
their  popular  parity.  I  then  not  being  18  years  of  age, 
[this  was  the  year  in  which  the  earl  of  Gowry  was  ex- 
ecuted, and  Ari'an  committed  the  vilest  acts  of  injus- 
tice] "  I  that  in  my  said  book  to  my  son,  do  speak  ten 
times  more  bitterly  of  them  than  of  the  papists  ;  hav- 
ing in  my  second  edition  thereof  affixed  a  long  apolo- 
getic preface,  only  jn  odium  puritanorwn*."  This  wai 
written  in  England  when  the  king  could  speak  hia 
mind,  and  therefore  we  may  be  sure  we  have  his  reaf 
sentiments,  especially  as  all  his  actions  were  corre- 
spondent unto  them.  So  that  I  had  reason  to  say,  that 
James  dissembled  his  hatred  and  resentment  till  a  pro- 
per opportunity.  But  how  worthy  this  was  of  a  king 
is  not  hard  to  judge.  For  nothing  is  more  unbeconv- 
ing  the  rank  and  character  of  such  an  one,  than  dissi- 
mulation, especially  towards  his  own  subjects.  It  is 
setting  an  ill  example  unto  them,  which  may  be  of  the 
most  fatal  consequences ;  and  depriving  princes  of  that 
love,  trust  and  confidence,  in  which  their  safety, 
strength  and  reputation  most  of  all  consist.  But  to 
dissemble  in  the  affairs  of  religion,  is  vile  hypocrisy; 
which  yet  'tis  plain  from  the  king's  own  speeches  and 
writings  he  did.  But  James  was  a  weak  prince,  and 
lord  Bacon  has  finely  observed,  "  that  the  weaker  sort 
of  politicks  are  the  great  dissemblers." — "  For,  adds  he, 
if  a  man  have  that  penetration  of  judgment,  as  he 

*  King  James's  Works^p.  305. 


JAMES  1.  33 

Scottish  clergy,  but  that  they  had  received 

discern  what  things  are  to  be  laid  open,  and  what  to  be 
secreted,  and  what  to  be  shewed  at  half  lights,  and  to 
whom  and  when,  (which  indeed  are  arts  of  state,  and 
arts  of  life,  as  Tacitus  well  calleth  them)  to  him  a  habit 
of  dissimulation  is  an  hindrance  and  a  poorness.     But 
if  a  man  cannot  attain  to  that  judgment,  then  it  is  left 
to  him  generally  to  be  a  dissembler a."     I  will  conclude 
this  note  with  a  passage  from  honest  Montaigne,  which 
I  dare  say  every  reader  of  like  character  will  applaud. 
"  As  to  this  virtue  of  dissimulation,  I  mortally  hate  it ; 
and  of  all  vices  find  none  that  does  evidence  so  much 
baseness  and  meanness  of  spirit.    'Tis  a  cowardly  and 
servile  humour  to  hide  and  disguise  a  man's  self  under 
a  vizor,  and  not  to  dare  to  shew  himself  what  he  is. 
By  that  our  followers  are   trained  up  to  treachery. 
Being  brought  up  to  speak  what  is  not  true,  they  make 
no  conscience  of  a  lye.     A  generous  heart  ought  not 
to  belye  its  own  thoughts,  but  will  make  itself  seen 
within,  all  there  is  good,  or  at  least  manly.     Aristotle 
reputes  it  the  office  of  magnanimity,  openly  and  pro- 
fessedly to  love  and  hate,  to  judge  and  speak  with  all 
freedom;  and  not  to  value  the  approbation  or  dislike 
of  others  in  comparison  of  truth.     Apollonius  said,  it 
was  for  slaves  to  lye,  and  for  free  men  to  speak  truth. 
'Tis  the  chief  and  fundamental  part  of  virtue,  we  must 

love  it  for  itself. A  man  must  not  always  tell  all;  for 

that  were  folly ;  but  what  a  man  says,  should  be  what 
he  thinks,  otherwise  'tis  knavery.  I  do  not  know  what 
advantage  men  pretend  to  by  eternally  counterfeiting 
and  dissembling,  if  not,  never  to  be  believed  wfyen  they 
speak  the  truth.  This  may  once  or  twice  pass  upon 

*  Lord  IJacou's  Essay  on  Simulation  *nd  Dissimulation. 
VOL.    I.  D 


34  THE  LIFE  OF 

provocations  by  the  king's  actions,  to  be- 
have towards  him  as  they  did IJ. 

men  ;  but  to  profess  concealing  their  thoughts,  and  to* 
brag,  as  some  of  our  princes  have  done,  that  they 
would  burn  their  shirts  if  they  knew  their  intentions, 
and  that  who  knows  not  how  to  dissemble,  knows  not 
how  to  rule;  is  to  give  warning  to  all  who  have  any 
thing  to  do  with  them,  that  all  they  say  is  nothing  but 
lying  and  deceit3." 

13  The  clergy  had  received  provocations  to  behave 
towards  him  as  they  did.]  I  have  given  an  account  of 
the  undutiful  behaviour  of  the  clergy  towards  James 
from  Spotswood :  but  bishop  Burnet  tells  us,  "  there 
is  a  great  defect  runs  through  archbishop  Spotswood's 
history,  where  much  of  the  rude  opposition  the  king 
inet  with,  particularly  from  the  assemblies  of  the  kirk, 
is  set  forth ;  but  the  true  ground  of  all  the  jealousies 
they  were  possessed  with,  is  suppressed  by  him  V 
These  jealousies  were  of  his  being  in  his  heart  a  papist, 
founded  on  facts  delivered  to  them  by  the  English 
ministry,  and  from  his  favouring  and  employing  those 
of  that  religion.  Walsingham,  as  I  have  already  ob- 
served, "  thought  James  was  either  inclined  to  turn 
papist,  or  to  be  of  no  religion.  And  when  the  English 
court  saw  that  they  could  not  depend  on  him,  they 
raised  all  possible  opposition  to  him  in  Scotland,  in- 
fusing strong  jealousies  into  those  who  were  enough 
inclined  to  receive  them,0."  Dr.  Birch  says,  "  the  king 
of  Scots  was  indeed  at  this  time  [1599]  much  suspected 
of  inclining  to  popery;  and  a  copy  of  a  letter,  offering 
obedience  to  the  pope,  signed  by  that  king,  was  brought 

a  Montaigne's  Essays,  by  Cotton,  vol.  II  p.  507.  8vo.  Lond.  1636. 
.  b  Burnet,  vol.  I.  p.  5.  c  Id.  ib. 


JAMES  I.  S5 

However,  I  am  far  enough  from  defend- 

from  Rome  by  the  master  of  Gray,  and  shewn  to  queen 
Elizabeth  ;  who  sent  Sir  William  Bowes  ambassador  to 
him,  to  advertise  him  hot  to  build  on  the  friendship  of 

Rome*." [This  was  the  letter  for  which  lord  Balme- 

rino  was  condemned,  but  pardoned,  in  the  year  160Q ; 
it  being  said  he  surreptitiously  got  the  king's  hand 
thereto,  which  he  himself  confessed.]  And  we  find,  in 
1590,  the  ministers  complaining  to  the  king  of  u  the 
favour  granted  to  the  popish  lords;  the  countenance 
given  to  the  lady  Huntley,  and  her  invitation  to  the 
baptism  of  the  princess  ;  the  putting  her  in  the  hands 
of  the  lady  Levingstone,  an  avowed  and  obstinate  pa- 
pist ;  and  the  alienation  of  his  majesty's  heart  from 
the  ministers,  as  appeared  by  all  his  speeches  public  and 

private  V- In  short,  the  ministers  were  jealous  of 

his  majesty's  intentions;  they  suspected  his  behaviour, 
and  were  afraid  that  he  only  wanted  an  opportunity  to 
crush  them,  and  the  religion  they  professed.  'Twas 
the  belief  of  this,  that  made  them  break  out  into  such 
indecent  expressions,  and  undutiful  behaviour;  and 
the  knowledge  of  their  own  power  and  influence  over 
the  people,  which  inspired  them  with  courage  and 
boldness.  And,  I  think,  all  impartial  persons  must 
allow,  that  if  ever  'tis  excuseable  to  go  beyond  bounds 
in  any  thing,  it  is  in  defence  of  religion  and  liberty,  in 
opposition  to  popery  and  tyranny.  Most  of  these  men 
remembered  the  fires  which  popish  zeal  had  lighted ; 
they  had  seen  the  blood  spilt  by  it,  and  therefore  it 
is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  they  were  more  than 

*  Uirch's  Historical  View  of  the  Negotiations  between  the  Courts  of  Eng- 
land, France,  and  Brussels,  p.  177.  8vo.  Lond.  1749.  Spotswood,  p.  455. 
Uurnet,  p.  6.  and  note  43.  b  Spotswood,  p.  419. 

D    2 


36  THE  LIFE  OF 

ing  their  whole  behaviour14.  In  158$, 
James  married  a  daughter  of  Denmark,  (af- 
ter having  objected  against  the  dignity  of 
that  royal  house,  merely  through  ignorance 
about  it TJ :)  and  the  lady  being  driven  by  a 

ordinarily  moved  at  every  thing  which  had  the  least 
tendency  to  bring  them  back  into  so  deplorable  a 
state. 

4  I  am  far  enough  from  defending  their  whole  be- 
haviour.] The  behaviour  of  the  clergy  was  very  rough, 
and  bordering  upon  rudeness.  They  treated  majesty 
with  too  much  familiarity.  They  prostituted  their  pul- 
pits to  affairs  of  state,  and  rebuked  after  such  a  man- 
ner as  tended  more  to  provoke,  than  to  reclaim.  In 
these  things  they  were  blameworthy.  But  I  should 
not  do  them  justice,  were  I  to  omit  their  zeal  for  what 
they  thought  truth ;  their  labour  and  diligence  in  the 
business  of  the  ministry,  and  their  speaking  the  truth 
with  all  boldness.  These  were  virtues  for  whieh  James's 
clergy  were  eminent;  and  therefore  they  were  held  in 
high  esteem  by  the  major  part  of  that  kingdom,  as  will 
all  of  that  profession  every  where  be,  who  imitate  them 
herein,  for  they  are  things  praiseworthy,  and  of  good 
report. 

15  He  married  a  daughter  of  Denmark,  after  having 
objected  against  the  dignity  of  that  royal  house,  through 
mere  ignorance  about  it.]  James,  notwithstanding  all 
his  boasted  learning,  was  defective  in  history,  the 
knowledge  of  which  is  most  necessary  for  princes.  He 
had  so  little  skill  in  this,  that  he  knew  net  the  state 
and  condition  of  so  near  a  country  to  him  as  Denmark  j 
nor  was  he  acquainted  with  the  rank  the  kings  of  it 
bare  in  Christendom.  "  He  was  informed,  he  said, 


JAMES  I,  37 

tempest  into  Norway,  he,  impatient  of  the 

that  the  king  of  Denmark  was  descended  but  of  mer- 
chants, and  that  few  made  account  of  him  or  his  coun- 
try, but  such  as  spoke  the  Dutch  tongue*."  'Tis 
amazing  that  any  one  of  James's  elevated  station  should 
be  so  grossly  ignorant.  Had  he  never  read  of  the 
power  of  the  Danes,  their  ravages  and  conquests  both 
in  England  and  Scotland  ?  was  he  never  informed  that 
marriage  had  been  contracted  between  his  own  family 
and  that  of  Denmark  ?  nor  that  in  the  year  1468  Chris- 
tian I.  king  of  Norway  and  Denmark,  renounced  all 
right  and  title  for  himself  and  his  successors  to  James 
III.  king  of  Scotland,  to  the  isles  of  Orkney,  upon  a 
marriage  between  him  and  his  daughter b?  Tis  plain 
he  knew  none  of  these  things,  and  therefore  was 
miserably  qualified  to  contract  alliances,  or  enter  into 

treaties. However  Melvil  informed  him  of  these 

matters,  which  made  him  so  exceeding  glad,  "  that  he 
said  he  would  not  for  his  head  but  that  he  had  shewn 
the  verity  unto  him."  "  Sometime  after,  as  said  is, 
he  called  his  council  together  in  his  cabinet,  and  told 
them  how  he  had  been  advising  about  his  marriage 
fifteen  days, and  asked  council  of  God  by  devout  prayer 
thereon,  and  that  he  was  now  resolved  to  marry  in 
Denmark0."  The  lady  whom  James  took  to  wife  was 
Ann,  second  daughter  of  Frederick  king  of  .Denmark. 
Our  historians  give  her  the  character  of  a  courteous 
and  humane  princess,  and  one  in  whom  there  was  much 
goodness*1.  It  will  not  perhaps  be  unacceptable  to  the 
reader  if  I  give  the  character  she  bore  among  foreigners, 

*  Melvil,  p.  164.         b  Camden's  Britannia,  by  Gibson,  edit.  2.  p.  1470. 
Lond.  17-22.  c  Melvil,  p.  177.  d  Spotswood,  p.  540.  aud 

Wilson's  Life  of  King  James,  p.  lv>9.  f0l.  Lond.  16J3. 


A  i  >  T   -f 


38  THE  LIFE  OF 

detention  of  his  bride,  went  thither  and  con- 

who,  oftentimes,  speak  more  justly  than  subjects, 
*'  She  was  naturally,  says  the  duke  of  Sully,  hold  and 
enterprizing :  she  loved  pomp  and  grandeur,  tumult 
and  intrigue.  She  was  acquainted  with  all  the  civil 
factions,  not  only  in  Scotland,  occasioned  by  the  catho- 
lics, whom  she  supported,  and  had  even  first  encourag- 
ed ;  but  also  in  England,  where  the  discontented, 
whose  numbers  were  not  inconsiderable,  were  not  sorry 
to  be  supported  by  a  princess  destined  to  become  their 
queen. — In  public  she  affected  absolutely  to  govern 
her  son  (prince  Henry)  whom  it  was  said  she  thought 
to  inspire  with  sentiments  in  favour  of  Spain :  for  none 
doubted  but  she  was  inclined  to  declare  herself  absolute- 
ly on  that  side a.  Afterwards,  he  tells  us,  he  received 
letters  from  Beaumont,  (the  French  resident)  informing 
him,  that  the  queen  was  disposed  to  pleasures  and 
amusements,  and  seemed  wholly  engaged  in  them,  and 
nothing  else.  She  so  entirely  neglected  or  forgot  the 
Spanish  politics,  as  gave  reason  to  believe  she  had  in 
reality  only  pretended  to  be  attached  to  them,  through 
the  necessity  of  eventual  conjunctures V  Whoever 
knows  the  rank  of  Sully,  as  favourite  and  prime  mi- 
nister to  Henry  the  Great  of  France,  and  ambassador 
extraordinary  to  James,  will  pay  great  deference  to  his 
account;  for  it  cannot  but  be  supposed  he  had  the  best 
informations.  And  indeed  from  Winwood's  state  pa- 
pers the  character  of  queen  Ann  will  be  found  nearly  as 
Sully  has  given  it,  but  different  with  regard  to  her  in- 
clinations to  Spain,  from  what  Beaumont  informed 
him.  1  have  before  observed,  that  while  in  Scotland 

•  Memoirs  of  the  Duke  of  Sully,  p.  211,  213.  vol.  I.  12mo.  Lond.  1751. 
b  Id.  vol.  II.  p.  179. 


JAMES  I.  39 

summated  the  marriage.  From  whence, 
upon  invitation,  he  proceeded  into  Den- 
mark, where  being  royally  entertained,  he 

she  employed  a  person  to  Bothwell,  to  hasten  him. 
home,  assuring  him  of  assistance,  in  order  thatGovvry's 
death  might  be  revenged  *. 

And  Mr.  Winwood,  in  a  letter  to  the  lord  Cran- 
borne,  Sept.  12,  1604,  O.  S.  says,  "the  followers  of 
the  constable  (of  Castile)  in  their  relation  of  England, 
gave  forth  that  the  queen  was  wholly  theirsV  Mr. 
Levinus  Muncke  (secretary  to  the  earl  of  Salisbury) 
in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Winwood,  Oct.  29,  1605,  tells  him, 
"  Mons  Caron  (the  Dutch  ambassador)  with  much 
ado  spake  first  with  the  queen,  and  afterward  with  the 
prince.  I  was  glad,  adds  he,  I  was  made  an  instru-> 
ment,  under  my  lord,  of  his  accesses ;  for  otherwise, 
without  his  assistance,  I  fear  me,  he  had  never  spoken 
with  her  ;  for  let  me  tell  you  in  your  ear  without  of- 
fence, she  is  meerly  Spanish,  and  had  promised  Aren- 
berg  (ambassador  from  the  arch-dukes)  not  to  speak 
with  Caron.  But  the  best  is,  she  carrieth  no  sway  in  state 
matters,  and  prater  rem  uxoriam  hath  no  great  reach 
in  other  affairs0."  However  the  Spaniards  valued  her 
friendship,  and  upon  a  letter  from  her  to  the  queen  of 
Spain,  "a  large  pension  was  granted  to  one  Carre,  a 
Scottd."  Sir  Charles  Cornwallis,  ambassador  in  Spain, 
in  a  letter  to  the  earl  of  Salisbury,  April  13,  1609, 
writes,  that  "the  [Spanish]  ambassador  hath  advertised 
that  the  queen  should  say  unto  him,  he  might  one  day 
perad venture  see  the  prince  on  a  pilgrimage  at  St. 
,lago.  Whereupon,  tho'  doubtless  she  spake  in  mer- 

a  See  note  5.  *  Winwood,  vol.  [[.  p.  31.  c  Id.  p.  155. 

"  Id.  p.  H9. 


40  THE  LIFE  OF 

spent  the  winter,  and  returned  not  into 
Scotland  till  May  20,  1590. 

During  the   remainder  of  his  reign  ia 

riment,  they  here  much  infer,  and  seem  to  hope  that 
his  majesty  will  be  contented  to  send  him  hither  to  re- 
ceive the  rest  of  his  education  here,  yf  the  inclination 
of  alliance  continues1."  So  that  from  these  passages 
'tis  plain  Sully  did  not  misrepresent  this  queen,  in 
saying,  "  no  one  doubted  but  she  was  inclined  to  de- 
clare herself  absolutely  on  the  Spanish  side."  As  to 
pomp  and  grandeur,  pleasures  and  amusements,  who- 
ever will  take  the  trouble  of  consulting  the  pages  re- 
ferred to  in  the  margin,  will  see  abundant  proof  of  it h. 
For  from  these  it  appears  that  her  inclinations  were 
much  towards  masques  and  revels,  state  and  grandeur, 
which  probably  ran  her  in  debt,  and  made  her  melan- 
choly, 'till  the  king  augmented  her  jointure,  and  paid 
her  debtsc .  Sir  Edward  Peyton  represents  her  indeed 
in  a  much  worse  light.  According  to  him,  besides 
Gowry,  [it  should  be  Gowry's  brother]  she  had  a  great 
number  of  gallants,  both  in  Scotland  and  England d. 
But  what  he  says  on  this  head,  is  to  me  so  very  im- 
probable, that  I  will  not  trouble  the  reader  with  it. 

She   died   of  a  dropsy  March   1,  1618-19,  at 

Hampton-Court,  without  much  lamentation  from  the 
king,  though  she  was  not  unbeloved  by  the  people. 
Osborn  observes,  that  he  himself  saw  "James  one 
evening  parting  from  the  queen,  and  taking  his  leave 
at  her  coach  side,  by  kissing  her  sufficiently  to  the 
middle  of  the  shoulders ;  for  so  low,  says  he,  she  went 

»  Winwood,   vol.  IIL  p.  12.          b  H.  vol.  II.  p.  44.     rol.  III.  p.  11 7. 
and  454.  e  Id.  p.  117.  "  Peyton's  Divine  Catastrophe  of 

the  House  of  Stuarts,  p.  10,  11.  Lond.  1731.  8ro. 


JAMES  I.  41 

Scotland,  he  was  engaged  in  troubles  with 
his  nobility  ;  in  quarrels  with  his  clergy ; 
and  in  writing  his  paraphrase  on  the  Reve- 
lations16. His  Daemonologie,  stiled  a  rare 

bare  all  the  days  I  had  the  fortune  to  know  her; 
having  a  skin  far  more  amiable  than  the  features  it 
covered,  though  not  the  disposition,  in  which  report 
rendered  her  very  debonair*."  But  notwithstanding 
the  debonairness  of  her  disposition,  she  could  not  in- 
fluence her  husband,  who  weakly  permitted  his  fa- 
vourites to  ill-treat  herb.  This  probably  might  in  time 
alter  her  disposition,  and  cause  her  to  act  with  wisdom 
and  prudence,  and  avoid  feastings,  revels  and  factions. 
For  archbishop  Abbot,  (a  worthy  venerable  prelate) 
many  years  after  her  death,  speaks  of  her  with  great 
respect,  and  as  of  one  whose  virtue  he  had  not  the 
least  doubt  of,  which,  I  dare  say,  he  would  not  have 
done,  had  her  character,  in  his  eye,  been  upon  the 
whole  faulty0.  I  have  been  the  longer  upon  the  cha- 
racter of  this  princess,  because  it  has  been  little  known; 
our  historians  contenting  themselves  to  speak  one  after 
the  other,  without  examination,  whereby,  for  the  most 
part,  it  cometh  to  pass,  that  they  tend  little  to  improve 
or  instruct ;  and,  which  is  worse,  fix  such  ideas  of 
things  and  persons  as  are  difficult  to  be  eradicated, 
tho'  ever  so  false. 

16  In  writing  his  paraphrase  on  the  Revelations.] 
"This  paraphrase  (says  Dr.  Montague)  was  written 
by  his  majesty  before  he  was  twenty  years  of  age  V 

m  Osborn,  p.  496.  b  PushwortVs  Historical  Collections,  vol.  I. 

p.  456.  fol.  Lond.  1659.  c  IJ.  ib.  d  Preface  to  king  Jnmes's 

Works. 


42  THE  LIFE  OF 

piece  for  many  precepts  and  experiments 

And  James,  at  the  end  of  his  epistle  to  the  church  mi-  V 
litant,  prefixed  to  this  paraphrase,  desires  "  that  what 
was  found  amiss  in  it  might  be  imputed  to  his  lack  of 
years  and  learning8."    A  strange  work  this  for  a  youth 
to  undertake,  and  an  argument  of  very  great  weakness. 
For  who  knows  not  that  this  book  has  exercised  the 
wits  of  the  most  learned  and  understanding  men,  from 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  church ;  and  who  is 
there  ignorant  that  the  world  has  been  little  the  wiser 
for  their  lucubrations  r     Great  learning,  industry,  and 
piety  have  been  discovered,  it  must  be  owned,  in  se- 
veral commentators  on  this  book,  but  still  it  remains 
in  many  parts  obscure,  as  at  the  beginning b.     What 
then  must  we  think  of  a  raw  young  man  who  shall 
wade  so  far  out  of  his  depth,  and  set  up  for  an  ex- 
pounder of  the  deepest  mysteries  ?     Ought  we  not  to 
censure    his    temerity,    and   condemn  his   boldness  ? 
And  much  more  reasonable  will  this  appear  when  we 
consider  that  James  was  a  prince,  and  consequently  a 
person  whose  business  it  was  to  apply  himself  to  affairs 
of  government,  and  consult  the  welfare  of  his  people. 
This  was  his  proper  business ;  the  other  was  out  of 
his  province,  and  answered  no  end,  either  to  himself 
or  others.     Indeed,  if   Montague   is   right,  these  re- 
flections are  ill  founded.     He  tells  us   "  kings  have  a 
kind  of  interest  in  this  book  [the  Revelations]  be}'ond 
any  other ;  for  as  the  execution  of  the  most  part  of  the 
prophecies  of  that  book  is  committed  unto  them,  so  it 
may  be,  that  the  interpretation  of  it  may  more  happily 
be  made  by  them  ;  and  since  they  are  the  principal  in- 

m  King  James's  Works,  p.  3.  b  See  Mede,  More,  Newton, 

Lowman,  &c. 


JAMES  I.  43 

siruments  that  God  hath  described  in  that  book  to 
destroy  the  kingdom  of  Antichrist,  to  consume  his 
state  and  city ;  I  see  not  but  it  may  stand  with  the 
wisdom  of  God  to  inspire  their  hearts  to  expound  ita." 
This  is  admirable  !  and  well  worthy  of  a  court  chaplain 
who  had  still  hopes  of  preferment.  But,  with  this 
bishop's  good  leave,  I  will  take  on  me  to  affirm,  that 
James's  work  is  far  enough  from  being  a  proof  that 
the  Revelations  may  be  more  happily  interpreted 
by  kings  than  by  others  ;  or  that  God  puts  it  into 
their  royal  hearts  at  any  time  to  expound  it.  For  to 
speak  in  the  softest  manner  of  this  performance,  it 
must  be  said  to  be  poor,  low,  and  mean,  and  in- 
capable of  bringing  any  honour  to  the  composer. 
Subjoined  to  this  paraphrase  is  a  "  fruitful  meditation, 
containing  a  plain  and  easy  exposition,  or  laying 
open  of  the  seventh,  eighth,  ninth  and  tenth  verses 
of  the  twentieth  chapter  of  the  Revelation,  in  form 
and  manner  of  a  sermon."  Here  he  plainly  inti- 
mates his  opinion  that  the  church  of  Rome  is  Anti- 
christ. When  this  was  first  printed  at  Edinburgh  it 

had  this  title. "  Ane  fruitful  meditation  containing 

ane  plaine  and  facile  exposition  of  the  7,  8,  9  and  10 
verses  of  the  XX.  chap,  of  the  Revelation  in  forme 
of  ane  sermone.  Set  down  by  the  maist  Christiane 
king  and  syncier  professour  and  cheif  defender  of  the 
faith,  James  the  6th  king  of  Scottis.  2  Thess.  i.  G,  7, 
8.  For  it  is  ane  righteous  thing  with  God.  Impremit 

at  Edinburgh' be  Henrie  Charteris,  1588b." James 

was  fond  of  meditations  on  select  portions  of  scripture. 
After  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  armado  in  1588, 
he  wrote  a  "  meditation  upon  the  25,  26,  27,  28  and 


11  Preface  to  James's  Works.  b  Lewis's  History  of  the  English 

Translations  of  the  Bi5le,  p.  296. 


44  THE  LIFE  OF 

f9th  verses  of  the  xvth  chapter  of  the  first  book  of 
Chronicles  of  the  kings  :"  in  which  he  compares  the 
protestants  to  the  "  Israelites,  and  the  catholicks  to 
the  Philistines,  adorers  of  legions  of  gods,  and  ruled 
by  the  foolish  traditions  of  men  V  And  long  after- 
wards [1619]  he  wrote  a  "meditation  on  the  Lord's 
Praver,  of  which  I  shall  speak  more  hereafter ;  and  a 
meditation  upon  the  27,  28,  29th  verses  of  the  xxviith 
chapter  of  St.  Matthew,  or  a  pattern  for  a  king's  in- 
auguration/' This  was  dedicated  to  prince  Charles. 
Among  several  other  things  we  have  the  following 
passage,  "  telling  Buckingham  my  intention,  [of  writ- 
ing this  meditation]  and  that  I  thought  you  the  fittest 
person  to  whom  I  could  dedicate  it,  for  divers  reasons 
following,  he  humbly  and  earnestly  desired  me,  that 
he  might  have  the  honour  to  be  my  amanuensis  in  this 
work.  First,  because  it  would  free  me  from  the  pain 
of  writing,  by  sparing  the  labour  both  of  mine  eyes 
and  hands ;  and  next,  that  he  might  do  you  some 
piece  of  service  thereby ;  protesting  that  his  natural 
obligation  to  you  (next  me)  is  redoubled  by  the  many 
favours  that  you  daily  heap  upon  him.  And  indeed  I 
must  ingenuously  confess  to  my  comfort,  that  in 
making  your  affections  to  follow  and  second  thus  your 
fathers,  you  shew  what  reverent  love  you  carry  towards 
me  in  your  heart.  And  indeed  my  granting  this  re- 
quest to  Buckingham  hath  much  eased  my  labour,  con- 
sidering the  slowness,  illness,  and  uncorrectness  of  my 
handb."  Many  of  my  readers,  I  doubt  not,  will  be 
pleased  with  such  like  passages  as  this  ;  for  they  shew 
the  man  more  than  any  thing  besides.  However,  I 
must  ask  pardon  for  running  away  from  the  Revela- 
tions, of  which  James  was  a  paraphrast,  to  these  me- 

*  James's  Works,  p.  87.  »  Id.  p.  602, 


JAMES  I.  45 

in    divinity    and    natural    philosophy a  I? ; 

dilations ;  but  the  connexion  between  that  annexed  to 
that  book,  and  the  rest,  I  hope  will  be  deemed  a  suffi- 
cient excuse. 

17  His  Daemonologie.]  This  was  printed  at  Edin- 
burgh, cum  privil.  reg.  4to.  1597.  It  is  in  form  of  a 
dialogue,  divided  into  three  books.  The  occasion  and 
end  of  this  piece,  to  do  James  justice,  I  shall  give  in 
his  own  words.  "  The  fearful  abounding  (says  he)  at 
this  time,  in  this  country,  of  these  detestable  slaves  of 
the  devil,  the  witches  or  enchanters,  hath  moved  me, 
beloved  reader,  to  dispatch  in  post  this  following 
treatise  of  mine,  not  in  any  wise  (as  I  protest)  to  serve 
for  a  shew  of  my  learning  and  ingene,  but  only  (moved 
of  conscience)  to  press  thereby  so  far  as  I  can,  to  re- 
solve the  doubting  hearts  of  many;  both  that  such 
assaults  of  Satan  are  most  certainly  practised,  and 
that  the  instrument  thereof  merits  most  severely  to 
be  punished,  against  the  damnable  opinions  of  two 
principally  in  our  age,  whereof  the  one  called  Scot, 
an  Englishman,  is  not  ashamed  in  public  print  to  deny, 
that  there  can  be  such  a  thing  as  witchcraft;  and  so 
maintains  the  old  errors  of  the  Sadducees  in  denying  of 
spirits ;  the  other  called  Wierus,  a  German  physician, 
sets  out  a  public  apology  for  all  these  crafts-folks, 
whereby,  procuring  for  their  impunity,  he  plainly  be- 
wrays himself  to  have  been  one  of  that  profession. 
And  for  to  make  this  treatise  the  more  pleasant  and 
facile,  I  have  put  it  in  form  of  a  dialogue,  which  I 
have  divided  into  three  books ;  the  first  speaking  of 
magic  in  general,  and  necromancie  in  special :  the 
second  of  sorcerie  and  witchcraft :  and  the  third  coa- 

•  Preface  to  James'i  Works. 


46  THE  LIFE  OF 

tains  a  discourse  of  all  these  kinds  of  spirits,  and 
spectres  that  appear  and  trouble  persons :  together 
with  a  conclusion  of  the  whole  worka."  From  this 
account  'tis  plain  James  believed  that  there  were 
witches,  &c.  and  that  sthey  deserved  a  most  severe 
punishment.  And  afterwards  he  tell  us,  "that  witches 
ought  to  be  put  to  death  according  to  the  law  of  God, 
the  civil  and  imperial  law,  and  the  municipal  law  of 
all  Christian  nations.  Yea,  he  declares,  that  to  spare 
the  life,  and  not  to  strike  when  God  bids  strike,  and 
so  severely  punish  in  so  odious  a  fault  and  treason 
against  God,  it  is  not  only  unlawful,  but  doubtless 
no  less  sin  in  the  magistrate,  nor  it  was  in  Saul's 
sparing  AgagV  Yea,  so  zealous  was  he  for  punish- 
ing these  poor  wretches,  that  he  declares  it  to  be  his 
opinion  "  that  barnes  or  wives,  or  never  so  defamed 
persons,  may  serve  for  sufficient  witnesses  against 
them  c."  But  lest  innocent  persons  should  be  accused, 
and  suffer  falsely,  he  tells  us  "  there  are  two  good  helps 
that  may  be  used  for  their  trial:  the  one  is  the  finding 
of  their  mark,  and  the  trying  the  insensibleness  thereof: 
the  other  is  their  fleeting  on  the  water:  for,  as  in  a 
secret  murther,  if  the  dead  carkas  be  at  any  time 
thereafter  handled  by  the  murtherer,  it  will  gush  out 
of  blood,  as  if  the  blood  were  crying  to  the  heaven 
for  revenge  of  the  murtherer  :  God  having  appointed 
that  secret  supernatural  sign,  for  trial  of  that  secret 
unnatural  crime :  so  that  it  appears  that  God  hath  ap- 
pointed (for  a  supernatural  sign  of  the  monstrous  im- 
piety of  witches)  that  the  water  shall  refuse  to  receive 
them  in  her  bosom,  that  have  shaken  off  them  the 
sacred  water  of  baptism,  and  wilfully  refused  the  bene- 
fit thereof:  no,  not  so  much  as  their  eyes  are  able  to 

a  James's  Works,  p.  91.  b  Id.  p.  134.  c  Id.  p.  135. 


JAMES   I.  47 

shed  tears  (threaten  and  torture  them  as  you  please) 
while  first  they  repent  (God  not  permitting  them  to 
dissemble  their  obstinacie  in  so  horrible  a  crime). 
Albeit  the  women-kind  especially,  be  able  otherwise 
to  shed  tears  at  every  light  occasion  when  they  will, 
yea,  although  it  were  dissembling  like  the  crocodiles  V 
James,  wre  see,  was  well  qualified  for  a  witch-finder; 
he  knew  their  marks,  and  could  discover  them  by 
swimming,  and  refraining  tears.  And  accordingly,  he 
permitted  persons  to  be  executed  who  were  found  guilty 
thereof.  In  1597,  "there  was  a  great  business  in  the 
trial  of  witches;  amongst  others,  one  Margaret  Atkins, 
being  apprehended  upon  suspicion,  and  threatened 
with  torture,  did  confess  herself  guilty.  Being  ex- 
amined concerning  her  associates  in  that  trade,  she 
named  a  few,  and  finding  she  gained  credit,  made  offer 
to  detect  all  of  that  sort,  and  to  purge  the  country  of 
them,  so  she  might  have  her  life  granted.  For  the 
reason  of  her  knowledge,  she  said,  that  they  had  a 
secret  mark,  all  of  that  sort,  in  their  eyes,  whereby 
she  could  surely  tell,  how  soon  she  looked  upon  any, 
whether  they  were  witches  or  not.  In  this  she  was  so 
readily  believed,  that  for  the  space  of  three  or  four 
months  she  was  carried  from  town  to  town,  to  make 
discoveries  in  that  kind.  She  accused  many,  and 
many  innocent  women  were  put  to  death.  In  the  end 
she  was  found  to  be  a  mere  deceiverV  And  most  of 
the  winter  of  the  year  1591,  wras  spent  in  the  discovery 
and  examination  of  witches  and  sorcerers.  "In  this 
year  the  famous  Agnes  Samson  (commonly  called  the 
wise  wife  of  Keith)  was  examined,  who  confessed  she 
had  a  familiar  spirit,  who  had  no  power  over  the  king, 
but  said,  as  she  took  the  words  to  be,  il  est  homme  de 

*  James's  Works,  p.  136.  b  Spots-rood,  p.  443. 


48  THE  LIFE  OF 

Dieu3"  This  speech,  I  doubt  not,  flattered  James's 
vanity,  and  made  him  the  more  stedfast  in  the  belief 
of  the  doctrine  of  witches.  For  believe  it,  I  suppose, 
he  did,  or  otherwise  he  would  not  have  passed  such  a 
bloody  statute,  formed  out  of  compliment  (as  has  been 
well  conjectured)  b  to  him,  by  both  houses  of  parlia- 
ment, soon  after  his  accession  to  the  English  throne. 
By  this  statute  it  was  enacted,  "  that  if  any  person  or 
persons  shall  use,  practise,  or  exercise  any  invocation, 
or  conjuration  of  any  evil  and  wicked  spirit,  or  shall 
consult,  covenant  with,  entertain,  employ,  feed  or  re- 
ward any  evil  and  wicked  spirit,  to  or  for  any  intent 
and  purpose:  or  take  up  any  dead  man,  woman,  on 
child,  out  of  his,  her,  or  their  grave,  or  any  other 
place  where  the  dead  body  resteth,  or  the  skin,  bone, 
or  any  part  of  any  dead  person,  to  be  employed  or 
used  in  any  manner  of  witchcraft,  sorcery,  charm,  or 
inchaotment ;  or  shall  use,  practise,  or  exercise  any 
witchcraft,  inchantment,  charm  or  sorcery,  whereby 
any  person  shall  be  killed,  destroyed,  wasted,  con* 
sumed,  pined  or  lamed  in  his  or  her  body,  or  any  part 
thereof;  that  then  every  such  offender  or  offenders, 
their  aiders,  abettors,  and  counsellors,  being  of  any 
the  said  offences  duly  and  lawfully  convicted  and  at- 
tainted, shall  suffer  pains  of  death  as  a  felon  or  felons ; 
and  shall  lose  the  privilege  and  benefit  of  clergy  and 
sanctuary0."  Upon  this  statute  great  numbers  have 
been  condemned  and  executed,  to  the  reproach  of 
common  sense  and  humanity.  And  even  great  and 
good  men  have  been  the  instruments  hereby  of  con- 
demning miserable  innocent  creatures. 

A  caution  to  law -makers  this,  not  (in  order  to  please 

*  Spotswood,  p.  383.  b  Hutchinson's  Historical  Essay  concerning 

Witchcraft,  p.  180.  Lend.  1718,  8vo,  c  Stat.  anno  primo  Jacobi 

regis,  c.  12.  sect.  2. 


JAMES  I.  49 

u  prince)  to  enacl  statutes,  especially  on  the  penalty  of 
death,  unless  upon  the  most  solid,  weighty  reasons. — 
For  though  the  general  opinion  then  was,  that  there 
were  witches,  and  that  they  did  much  hurt  and  damage, 
yet  ought  the  parliament  to  have  weighed  well  the 
foundation  on  which  it  was  built,  and  the  consequences 
of  it.  Whereas  they  took  the  opinion  on  trust,  and 
enacted  a  most  dreadful  punishment  for  an  imaginary 

crime. James  tells  us,"  that  witches  ought  to  be 

put  to  death,  according  to  the  municipal  law  of  all 
Christian  nations."  He  spoke  as  he  knew;  but  had 
his  learning  been  as  universal  as  it  was  proclaimed,  he 
could  not  with  truth  have  said  so.  For  Dr.  Hutchin- 
son  assures  us,  that  'tis  so  far  from  being  true,  that  all 
nations  have  always  had  such  laws  as  ours,  that  he  had 
some  reason  to  doubt,  whether  any  nation  in  the  world 
hath,  unless  it  be  Scotland*.  And  with  great  pleasure 
I  find  that  there  "  was  a  law  in  Ethiopia,  which  pro- 
hibited the  people  to  believe  that  there  is  any  such 
thing  as  witches;  the  belief  whereof,  they  say,  is 
founded  upon  the  error  of  the  Manichees,  that  there 
are  two  independent  gods,  a  good  one,  and  a  bad 
oneV  But  1  will  leave  this  subject,  after  having  ob- 
served that  we  have  reason  to  be  thankful  to  almighty 
God,  and  to  acknowledge  the  wisdom  and  goodness 
of  our  government,  for  repealing  the  statute  aforesaid, 
and  "  enacting,  that  no  prosecution,  suit,  or  proceeding 
shall  be  commenced,  or  carried  on  against  any  person 
or  persons  for  witchcraft,  sorcery,  inchantment,  or  con- 
juration, in  any  court  whatsoever  in  Great  Britain0." 
This  is  a  statute  as  much  in  honour  to  our  legislators 

a  Historical  Discourse  of  Witchcraft,  p.  158. 
"Gedcles  Church  History  of  Ethiopia,  p.  361.  Svo.   Lond.  1696, 
c  Stat.  anno  nono  Georgii  II.  regis,  c.  5.  sect.  3. 
VOL.  I,  E 


50  THE  LIFE  OF 

his  Trew  law  of  free  monarchy18;  but  espe- 
cially his  piece  so  highly  extolled,  entitled 

as  any  ever  enacted,  and  will  transmit  their  fame  down 
to  posterity ;  it  being  founded  on  reason  and  justice, 
and  productive  of  the  safety  of  the  people,  whose 
welfare  is  the  end  of  all  government.  I  have  said 
above,  that  I  supposed  James  did  believe  the  doctrine 
of  witches.  But,  in  justice  to  his  character,  I  must 
here  add,  that  after  his  being  in  England,  having  met 
with  a  number  of  forgeries  and  cheats,  they  wrought 
such  an  alteration  upon  his  judgment,  that  at  first  he 
grew  diffident  of,  and  then  flatly  denied  the  workings 
of  witches  and  devils*. 

13  His  Trew  law  of  free  monarchy.]  This  was  printed 
in  September  1598,  without  his  name.  "  The  bent  of 
it,  says  Calderwood,  was  directed  against  the  course 
of  God's  work,  in  the  reformation  of  our  kirk,  and 
elsewhere,  as  rebellious  to  kingsV  And  it  must  be 
confessed,  if  the  doctrine  contained  in  this  treatise  is 
true,  the  Scotch  and  many  other  of  the  reformers,  will 
with  difficulty  be  cleared  from  rebellion.  For  he  as- 
serts the  regal  power  strongly ;  allows  resistance  or 
disobedience  to  it  upon  no  account  whatsoever;  and 
reflects  on  the  "  seditious  preachers  of  whatsoever 
religion,  either  in  Scotland  or  in  France,  that  had 
busied  themselves  most  to  stir  up  rebellion  under  cloke 
of  religion0."  In  short,  he  plainly  says,  "  the  king  is 
above  the  law,  and  that  he  is  not  bound  thereto,  but  of 
his  good  will,  and  for  good  example-giving  to  his  sub- 
jects"." This  is  the  doctrine  contained  in  the  law  of 

a  Fuller's  Church  Hist,  cent  17.  book  10.  p.  74.  and  Osborn's  Works, 
p.  551.  b  CaMerwood's  Church  Hirt.  p.  426.  'James's  Works, 

p.  199.  d  Id.  p.  203. 


JAMES  I.  5J 

BA2IAIKON  AHPON'9,  for  the  use  of  his 
son  prince  Henry ;  which  being  published 

free  monarchy,  than  which  nothing  can  be  more  vile 
and  abominable. 

I9BA2)IAIKON  AHPON.]  This  book  is  dedicated  to 
his  dearest  son  and  natural  successor,  prince  Henry. 
'Tis  divided  into  three  parts.  "  The  first  teacheth  your 
duty  towards  God  as  a  Christian ;  the  next  your  duty 
in  your  office  as  a  king;  and  the  third  informeth  you 
how  to  behave  yourself  in  indifferent  things,  says  he 
to  the  prince*.  It  was  wrote  for  an  exercise  of  his 
own  ingenie  and  instruction  of  him,  who,  he  hoped, 
was  appointed  of  God  to  sit  on  his  throne  after  him." 

— "  Seven  copies  only  were  permitted  to  be  printed, 
the  printer  being  first  sworn  to  secresie;  but,  con- 
trary to  his  intention  and  expectation,  the  book  was 
vented,  and  set  forth  to  public  viewV  This  was  in 
the  year  1599.  This  book  contains  some  tolerable 
things,  but  intermixed  with  strange  passages ;  those 
relating  to  the  clergy,  whom  he  opprobriously  terms 
puritans,  I  have  had  occasion  before  to  mention6: 
what  follows,  I  think,  is  not  less  remarkable.  "  Suffer 
not  your  princes  and  your  parents  to  be  dishonoured 
by  any :  the  infaming  and  making  odious  of  the  pa- 
rent, is  the  readiest  way  to  bring  the  son  into  con- 
tempt.  1  never  yet  found  a  constant  biding  by 

me  in  all  my  streights,  by  any  that  were  of  perfit  age 
in  my  parents  days,  but  only  by  such  as  constantly 
bode  by  them  ;  I  mean,  specially  by  them  that  served 
the  queen  my  motherd."  So  that  princes,  even  after 
their  death,  are  not  to  have  much  truth  spoken  con- 

*  Works,  p.  139.  b  Id.  p.  142. 

c  See  note  12.  d  Works,  p.  158. 

E  2 


52  THE  LIFE  OF 

(though  censured  by  the  synod  of  St.  An- 
drews) was  well  accepted  in  England,  and 

cerning  them,  if  they  have  children  to  reign  after 
them;  and  all  their  tyrannies,  oppressions,  and  vices 
are  to  be  buried  in  oblivion,  or  concealed  at  least  from 
the  eyes  of  the  vulgar.  What  monstrous  doctrine  is 
this!  how  does  it  take  off  all  awe  and  restraint  from 
princes,  and  give  them  hope  of  reputation  after  death, 
how  ill  soever  they  may  behave!  How  much  more 
sensible  and  judicious  were  the  sentiments  of  the  vir- 
tuous and  amiable  "  Queen  Mary,  who  when  reflec- 
tions were  once  made  before  her,  of  the  sharpness  of 
some  historians,  who  had  left  heavy  imputations  on 
the  memory  of  some  princes ;  answered,  that  if  those 
princes  were  truly  such,  as  the  historians  represented 
them,  they  had  well  deserved  that  treatment;  and 
others  who  tread  their  steps  might  look  for  the  same  ; 
for  truth  would  be  told  at  last,  and  that  with  the  more 
acrimony  of  style,  for  being  so  long  restrained  it  was 
a  gentle  suffering  (added  she)  to  be  exposed  to  the 
world  in  their  true  colours,  much  below  what  others 
had  suffered  at  their  hands.  She  thought  also  that  all 
sovereigns  ought  to  read  such  histories  as  Procopius ; 
for  how  much  soever  he  may  have  aggravated  matters, 
and  how  unbecomingly  soever  he  may  have  writ,  yet 
by  such  books  they  might  see  what  would  be  probably 
said  of  themselves,  when  all  terrors  and  restraints 
should  fall  off  with  their  lives'."  These  reflections  are 
solid  and  just,  and  could  proceed  only  from  a  mind 
conscious  of  its  own  innocency  and  integrity ;  whereas 
the  advice  of  James  has  the  appearance  of  a  sense  of 

»  Burnefs  Essay  on  the  Memory  of  Queen  Mary,  p.  1 13.   19mo.  Land. 
1696. 


JAMES  I.  35 

raised  an  admiration  in  all  men's  hearts, 
says  Spotswood,  of  his  piety  and  wisdom. 

guilt,  and  dread  of  shame.  But  the  praise  of  his 
mother's  servants,  and  the  acknowledgment  of  their 
singular  fidelity  to  him  is  most  amazing:  for  who  were 
they  but  most  bigoted  papists,  and  enemies  to  the 
reformation?  who  but  they  who  justified  her  and 
defended  her,  even  in  the  most  iniquitous  and  shame- 
ful actions  ?  who  were  they  but  men  enemies  to  the 
constitution  of  Scotland,  and  foes  to  law  and  liberty? 
Tis  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  the  synod  of  St.  An- 
drews took  fire  at  a  book  containing  these  and  like 
passages,  and  asked  "  what  censure  should  be  inflicted 
upon  him  that  had  given  such  instructions  to  the 
prince,  and  if  he  could  be  thought  well  affected  to 
religion,  that  delivered  such  precepts  of  govern- 

menta?" These    things   being    considered,    I 

fancy  the  judicious  reader  will  not  think  the  judg- 
ment of  the  learned  Gataker  of  this  book  much  amiss ; 
which  being  contained  in  a  piece  very  difficult  to  be 
got,  I  will  transcribe  at  large,  and  with  it  conclude  the 
note.  "  King  James,  a  prince  of  more  policy  than 
puissance,  while  he  was  yet  king  of  Scotland,  penned, 
or  owned b  at  least,  a  book  entituled  Awfoi/  B«<nM*ov, 
which  whoso  shall  advisedly  read,  though  of  no  very 
sharp  eye-sight  or  deep  reach,  yet  may  easily  descry  a 
design  carried  all  along  in  it  to  ingratiate  himself  with 
the  popish  side,  by  commending  the  fidelity  of  his 
mother's  servants,  as  to  her,  so  to  himself;  with  the 

*  Spotswood,  p.  456. 

b  Dr.  Balcanqual  (who  was  at  the  synod  of  Dort,  and  afterwards  dean  of 
Rochester)  is  said  to  have  helped  king  James  to  write  his  Basilicon  Doron. 
Journey  through  Scotland,  p.  70. 


54  THE  LIFE  OF 

Certain  *tis,  adds  the  same  writer,  that  all 
the  discourses  that  came  forth  at  that  time 
for  maintaining  his  right  to  the  crown  of 
England,  prevailed  nothing  so  much  as  did 
this  treatise. 

prelatical  party,  by  giving  them  hope  of  continuing 
that  government  that  he  should  find  here  established ; 
with  the  common  people,  by  allowing  them  their  may- 
games,  and  the  like  sports;  only  he  had  bitterly  ex- 
pressed himself  in  high  terms  against  the  poor  puri- 
tans, whom  he  least  feared,  and  deemed  generally 
disaffected  by  those  other  three  parties.  Howbeit, 
when  the  time  drew  near  of  queen  Elizabeth's  de- 
parture, that  his  quiet  coming  in  might  not  meet  with 
any  disturbance  from  that  party,  he  prefixed  a  preface 
to  his  book  then  reprinted,  wherein  on  his  honour  he 
protesteth,  that  by  the  name  of  puritans  he  meant  not 
all  preachers  in  general,  or  others,  that  misliked  the 
ceremonies  as  badges  of  popery,  and  the  episcopacie 
as  smelling  of  a  papal  supremacie,  but  did  equally  love 
the  learned  and  grave  on  either  side ;  intended  only 
such  brainsick  and  heady  preachers,  that  leaned  too 
much  to  their  own  dreams,  contemned  all  authority, 
counted  all  profane  that  would  not  swear  to  all  their 
fantasies3."  The  reader  will  be  pleased  to  compare 
this  with  what  James  says,  note  12,  of  his  having  writ- 
ten a  long  apologetick  preface  to  the  second  edition  o.f 
this  book,  only  in  odium  puritanorum,  and  then  judge 
what  stress  is  to  be  laid  on  his  word.  • 

8  Thomas  Gataker,  B.  D.  his  Vindication  of  his  Annotations,  against 
the  scurrilous  Aspersions  of  that  grand  Impostor  Mr.  William  Lillie,  p.  75. 
4to.  Lond.  1653. 


JAMES  I.  6b 

However,  James  was  not  so  much  taken 
up  with  these  matters,  as  to  neglect  making 
interest  with  the  great  men  at  the  English 
court10,  to  secure  to  him  the  right  of  suc- 

90  James  was  not  so  much  taken  up  with  these 
matters,  as  to  neglect  making  interest  with  the  great 
men  at  the  English  court.]  "  He  was  careful,  says 
Burnet,  to  secure  to  himself  the  body  of  the  English 
nation.  Cecil,  afterwards  earl  of  Salisbury,  secretary 
to  queen  Elizabeth,  entered  into  a  particular  confidence 
with  him ;  and  this  was  managed  by  his  ambassador 
Bruce,  who  carried  the  matter  with  such  address  and 
secrecy,  that  all  the  great  men  of  England,  without 
knowing  of  one  another's  doing  it,  and  without  the 
queen  suspecting  any  thing  concerning  it,  signed 
in  writing  an  engagement  to  assert  and  stand  by  the 
king  of  Scots  right  of  succession3."  A  pleasant  story 
or  two  from  Sir  Henry  Wotton,  whose  testimony  in 
this  affair  is  indisputable,  will -convince  us  of  the  pro- 
bability of  what  Burnet  has  here  asserted,  and  confirm 
the  truth  of  the  text. 

"  There  were  in  court  [queen  Elizabeth's]  two  names 
of  power,  and  almost  of  faction,  the  Essexian  and  the 
Cecilian,  with  their  adherents,  both  well  enough  enjoy- 
ing the  present,  and  yet  both  looking  to  the  future, 
and  therefore  both  holding  correspondency  with  some 
of  the  principal  in  Scotland,  and  had  received  adver- 
tisements and  instructions,  either  from  them,  or  imme- 
diately from  the  king.  But  lest  they  might  detect  one 
another,  this  was  mysteriously  carried  by  several  in- 
struments and  conducts,  and  on  the  Essexian  side,  in 
truth  with  infinite  hazard  ;  for  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  who 

a  Burnet,  p.  6. 


56  THE  LIFE  OF 

ceeding  Elizabeth,  in  which  he  was  success- 
ful, as  the  event  shewed  ;  though  how  w^ise, 

(as  secretary  of  state)  did  dispose  the  public  addresses, 
had  prompter  and  safer  conveyance ;  whereupon  I  can- 
not but  relate  a  memorable  passage  on  either  party,  as 
the  story  following  shall  declare.  The  earl  of  Essex 
had  accommodated  master  Anthony  Bacon  in  a  parti- 
tion of  his  house,  and  had  assigned  him  a  noble  enter- 
tainment. This  was  a  gentleman  of  impotent  feet,  but 
a  nimble  head,  and  through  his  hand  ran  all  the  intel- 
ligences with  Scotland,' who  being  of  a  provident  na- 
ture (contrary  to  his  brother  the  lord  viscount  St. 
Albans)  and  well  knowing  the  advantage  of  a  dan- 
gerous secret,  would  many  times  cunningly  let  fall 
some  words,  as  if  he  could  much  amend  his  fortunes 
under  the  Cecilians,  (to  whom  he  was  near  of  alliance 
and  in  blood  also)  and  who  had  made  (as  he  was  not 
unwilling  should  be  believed)  some  great  proffers  to 
win  him  away;  which  once  or  twice  he  pressed  so  far, 
and  with  such  tokens  and  signs  of  apparent  discontent 
to  my  lord  Henry  Howard,  afterwards  earl  of  North- 
ampton, (who  was  of  the  party,  and  stood  himself  in 
much  umbrage  with  the  queen)  that  he  flies  presently 
to  my  lord  of  Essex  (with  whom  he  was  commonly 
prim(E  admissionis,  by  his  bed-side  in  the  morning)  and 
tells  him,  that  unless  that  gentleman  were  presently 
satisfied  with  some  round  sum,  all  would  be  vented. 
This  took  the  earl  at  that  time  ill  provided  (as  indeed 
oftentimes  his  coffers  were  low)  whereupon  he  was  fain 
suddenly  to  give  him  Essex  house,  which  the  good  old 
lady  Walsingham  did  afterwards  disengage  out  of  her 
own  store  with  £500  pounds:  and  before  he  had  dis- 
tilled 1500^  pounds  at  another  time  by  the  same  skill. 


JAMES  I.  57 

or  rather  honest,  those  were  who  admitted 

So  as  we  may  rate  this  one  secret,  as  it  was  finely  car- 
ried, at  4000  pounds  in  present  money,  besides  at  the 
least  a  1000  pounds  of  annual  pension  to  a  private  arid 
bed-rid  gentleman :  what  would  he  have  gotten  if  he 
could  have  gone  about  his  own  business  ?  There  was 
another  accident  of  the  same  nature  on  the  Cecilian 
side,  much  more  pleasant  but  less  chargeable,  for  it 
cost  nothing  but  wit.  The  queen  having  for  a  good 
while  not  heard  any  thing  from  Scotland,  and  being 
thirsty  of  news,  it  fell  out  that  her  majesty  going  to 
take  the  air  towards  the  heath  (the  court  being  then  at 
Greenwich)  and  master  secretary  Cecil  then  attending 
her,  a  post  came  crossing  by,  and  blew  his  horn ;  the 
queen  out  of  curiosity  asked  him  from  whence  the 
dispatch  came;  and  being  answered  from  Scotland, 
she  stops  the  coach,  and  calleth  for  the  packet.  The 
secretary,  though  he  knew  there  were  in  it  some  let- 
ters from  his  correspondents,  which  to  discover  were 
as  so  many  serpents  ;  yet  made  more  shew  of  diligence 
than  of  doubt  to  obey ;  and  asks  some  that  stood  by 
(forsooth  in  great  haste)  for  a  knife  to  cut  up  the 
packet  (for  otherwise  perhaps  he  might  have  awaked 
a  little  apprehension)  but  in  the  mean  time  approach- 
ing with  the  packet  in  his  hand,  at  a  pretty  distance 
from  the  queen,  he  telleth  her,  it  looked  and  smelled 
ill  favouredly,  coming  out  of  a  filthy  budget,  and  that 
it  should  be  fit  first  to  open  and  air  it,  because  he  knew 
she  was  averse  from  ill  scents.  And  so  being  dismissed 
home,  he  got  leisure  by  this  seasonable  shift,  to  sever 
what  he  would  not  have  seen1." 

*  Reliquiae  Wottonianae,  p.  168.   8vo.    Lond.  1672.     See  also  Birch's 
Introduction  to  his  Historical  View,  p.  21. 


58  THE  LIFE  OF 

him   without  any  limitations,    or  restric- 
tions, is  not  over  difficult  to  guess".     Eli- 

41  How  wise,  or  rather  how  honest,  those  were  who 
admitted  him  without  any  limitations,  or  restrictions, 
is  not  over  difficult  to  guess.]  No  time  can  be  so 
proper  for  a  people  to  claim  their  just  rights  and  pri- 
vileges, and  curb  the  regal  power  within  proper  bounds, 
as  the  accession  of  a  stranger  king,  who,  it  may  natu- 
rally be  supposed,  at  such  a  time  will  do  any  thing  rea- 
sonable, rather  than  disgust  those  whom  he  is  about  to 
rule  over,  or  impede  his  own  advancement ;  for  the  de- 
sire of  rule  is  so  very  natural,  that  few  will  stand  upon 
trifles  in  order  to  enjoy  it;  nor  will  any  refuse  to  grant 
the  just  conditions  of  it.  A  people,  therefore,  when 
about  to  place  a  foreign  prince  on  the  throne,  ought 
well  to  consider  what  grievances  they  have  labouied 
under,  what  exorbitances  have  been  committed,  and 
what  restrictions  of  the  regal  power,  prone  always  to 
extend  itself,  are  necessary,  in  order  to  secure  the  hap- 
piness of  the  society.  By  these  considerations  proper 
laws  might  be  formed,  which  will  be  as  a  rule  to  a 
prince  how  to  behave,  and  restrain  him  within  the 
bounds  of  equity.  Nor  will  the  most  ambitious 
prince,  who  has  a  regard  to  his  own  safety,  dare 
break  through  what  he  has  consented  to,  as  the  terms 
of  his  admission.  And  therefore  the  lords  and  com- 
mons, February  13,  1688,  with  great  wisdom  presented 
to  the  then  prince  and  princess  of  Orange,  a  declara- 
tion of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  subject,  previous 
to  the  setting  the  crown  on  their  heads;  the  several 
articles  of  which  they  "  claimed,  demanded,  and  in- 
sisted upon  as  their  undoubted  rights  and  privileges ; 
and  it  was  declared  and  enacted,  that  all  and  singular 
6 


JAMES  I.  59 

zabeth,  after  having  reigned  with  the  highest 
glory  more  than  forty-four  years,  at  length 

the  rights  and  privileges  asserted  and  claimed  in  the 
said  declaration,  are  the  true,  antient,  and  undubitable 
rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  of  this  kingdom,  and 
so  shall  be  esteemed,  allowed,  adjudged,  deemed  and 
taken  to  be;  and  that  all  and  every  the  particulars 
therein  contained,  shall  be  firmly  and  strictly  holden 
and  observed ;  and  all  officers  and  ministers  whatso- 
ever, shall  serve  their  majesties  and  their  successors, 
according  to  the  same  in  all  times  to  come8."     And 
the  event  shewed  how  wisely  this  was  enacted ;  for  it 
produced  a  reign  most  happy  to  the  subject,  and  laid 
a  foundation  for  all  the  blessings  we  now  enjoy.     But 
when  the  death  of  the  duke  of  Gloucester11  rendered  it 
necessary  to  provide  for  the  succession  to  the  crown, 
in  order  to  prevent  all  imaginable  inconveniencies,  it 
was  thought  proper  still  farther  to  pass  an  Act  for  the 
better  securing  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  subject; 
and  accordingly  many  excellent  conditions  were  laid 
down  on  which  the  stranger  prince  was  to  succeed c. 
I  call  them  excellent  conditions,  though  Burnet  tells 
us,  "  King  William  was  not  pleased  with  them,  sup- 
posing they  implied  a  reflection  on  him  and  his  ad- 
ministration*1."    'Tis  not  improbable  the  knowledge  of 
the  persons  who  proposed  these  conditions,  and  the 
opposition  he  had  many  times  undeservedly  met  with 
from  them,  might  make  that  truly  good  prince  have 
no  favourable   opinion  of  this  act  enacted  by  them. 

*Vid.  Stat  Sess.  secuncl.  anno  primo  Gulielmi  &  Mariae,  cap  2.  per 
totutn.  b  July  30,  1700.  c  Statutes  anno  duodecimo  &  decimo 

tertio  Gulielmi  III.  regis,  c.  2.  sect  3.  d  Burnet,  vol.  V.  p.  523. 


60  THE  LIFE  OF 

submitted  to  the  stroke  of  death,  March  24, 
1603,  in  the  seventieth  year  of  her  age,  and 

» 

But,  whatever  were  the  motives  of  the  framers  of  this 
act,  I  think  all  impartial  persons  must  allow  that  it 
was  a  good  one  in  itself,  productive  of  much  happiness 
to  these  kingdoms.  Every  particular  I  approve  not, 
but,  in  general,  highly  applaud  it. 

These  were  instances  of  wisdom,  prudence  and  dis- 
cretion, and  as  such  they  will  be  admired  and  praised 
through  all  generations. But  James  had  no  li- 
mitations or  restrictions  laid  on  him;  he  without  any 
ceremony  was  proclaimed  king,  and  by  that  title 
thought  he  had  a  right  to  do  as  he  pleased.  What- 
ever had  been  done  by  the  prerogative  royal  in  afore- 
times,  whatever  the  most  enterprizing  princes  had 
attempted  on  the  liberties  of  the  subject,  he  had 
liberty  to  do  likewise;  and  accordingly  exerted  him- 
self in  a  very  extraordinary  manner,  as  I  shall  hereafter 
shew.  Whereas  had  he  been  tied  up,  whatever  had 
been  his  weakness,  whatever  his  depravity  of  heart,  he 
could  have  done  but  little  mischief;  and  the  miseries 
brought  on  the  people  by  his  successors,  might  have 
been  prevented.  This  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  Lord  Cob- 
ham,  Sir  John  Fortescue,  &c.  were  sensible  of,  and 
therefore  desired  he  might  be  obliged  to  articles  ;  but 
Cecil,  Northumberland,  and  others  over-ruled  them, 
and  permitted  him  to  enter  uncontrouled a. 

To  these  men  then,  the  nation  in  a  good  part  owed 
the  calamities  it  suffered  from  the  Stuart  race.  They 
might  easily  have  prevented  them,  but  they  would 
not  attempt  it;  doubtless  hoping  hereby  to  make  their 

1  Osborn,  p.  4*70. 


JAMES  I.  61 

thereby  made  way  for  James,  to  the  incre- 
dible joy  of  his  Scottish  subjects,  and  to 
the  110  less  pleasure  of  his  English  ones, 
who  in  such  crouds  hastened  to  see  him, 
that  he  issued  out  a  proclamation  against 
their  thronging  about  him. 

In  his  coming  to  London  he  displayed 
something  of  his  arbitrary  disposition,  by 
ordering*  a  cutpurse  to  be  hanged  without 
any  legal  process ;  as  quickly  afterwards 
he  did  his  revenge  on  one  "Valentine  Tho- 

court  to  James,  and  enjoy  his  favour,  from  whence 
what  they  wished  for  must  flow.  Wretched  meanness 
of  spirit  this!  inexcusable  disregard  for  the  public! 
Tis  allowable  for  ministers  to  avail  themselves  of  their 
own  services,  and  their  prince's  favour;  but  the  man 
who  sacrifices  the  interest  of  his  country,  or  neglects 
taking  those  steps  which  are  necessary  to  establish  its 
happiness,  when  he  has  it  in  his  power,  deserves  to  be 
treated  with  hatred  and  contempt,  let  his  abilities  be 
ever  so  great.  The  good  of  the  people  is  the  supreme 
law.  By  this  the  actions  of  all  ministers  are  to  be 
tried,  and  he,  who,  to  please  a  prince  or  obtain  wealth 
and  honour  for  himself,  shall  act  inconsistent  there- 
with, merits  the  highest  punishments;  for  he  must  be 
lost  to  liberty,  virtue,  and  his  country. 

**  Valentine  Thomas,  &c.]  "  In  the  year  1598,  this 
man  being  in  custody  for  theft,  charged  the  Scots 
king  with  ill  designs  against  the  queen.  But  her  ina- 

*  Coke's  Detection,  vol.  I.  p.  5.  8vo.  Lond.  1696. 


62  THE  LIFE  OF 

mas,  who  had  many  years  before  accused 
him  of  having  ill  designs  against  Elizabeth; 

jesty  (says  secretary  Cecil,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Ed- 
mondes)  deferred  his  arraignment,  and  suppresseth  the 
matter,  to  avoid  offence  to  the  king  of  Scots,  who  hath 
very  vehemently  denied  it  with  detestation.  The  king 
of  Scots  had  wrote  to  the  queen  on  the  30th  of  July 
15Q8,  upon  this  affair,  in  these  terms:  'my  suit  only  is, 
that,  while  ye  hear  further  from  me  (which  shall  be 
with  all  diligence)  ye  would  favour  me  so  far  as  to 
delay  the  fellow's  execution,  if  he  be  yet  alive,  to  the 
effect,  that  by  some  honourable  means,  wherein  I  am 
to  deal  with  you,  my  undeserved  slander  may  be  re- 
moved from  the  minds  of  men.'  The  queen,  on  the 
other  hand,  sent  instructions  to  Sir  William  Bowes, 
her  embassador  at  Edinburgh,  to  assure  king  James, 
that  she  had  stayed  Thomas's  arraignment,  and  would 
do  so  as  long  as  the  king  should  give  no  cause  to  the 

contrary. But    that   king  kept  a   severe   memory 

of  the  accusation  cast  upon  him  by  Valentine  Thomas; 
and  upon  his  accession  to  the  crown  of  England,  and 
within  a  month  after  his  arrival  in  London,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  June  1603,  ordered  him  to  be  brought  to 
his  trial  and  executed*."  This  every  one  will  easily 
see  was  revenge,  and  a  very  mean  revenge  too.  After 
five  years  to  take  away  a  fellow's  life  for  an  accusation 
against  himself,  (for  that  'tis  easily  seen  was  the  cause, 
though  the  former  theft  was  the  pretence)  could  pro- 
ceed from  nothing  but  so  cowardly  a  principle.  I  say 
cowardly;  for  James  himself  tells  us,  "rancor  and  re- 
venge proceeds  from  baseness  and  want  of  courage  in 

*  Birch's  Negotiations  between  England,   France,    and  Brussels,    p. 
117—179. 


JAMES  1.  63 

hereby  making  good  the  observation  that 
cowards  never  forgive. 

He  was  attended  by  great  numbers  of 
Scots  in  his  coming  into   England,  who 

men,  and  even  amongst  beasts  and  creeping  things,  it 
proceeds  of  a  defect  and  want  of  courage  in  them. 

And  it  is  a  known  and  undeniable  truth,  that 

cowards  are  much  more  cruel  and  vindictive  than  men 
of  courage  are :  for  a  coward  can  never  enough  secure 
himself  of  his  enemy ;  insomuch  as  when  he  is  lying 
dead  at  his  feet,  he  is  yet  afraid*."  Never  was  the  truth 
of  this  doctrine  better  exemplified  than  in  the  execu- 
tion of  Thomas;  and  therefore  I  had  reason  to  say, 
that  James  thereby  made  good  the  observation,  that 

cowards  never  forgive. How  much  more  amiable 

is  the  character  of  those  princes  who  have  forgot,  on 
their  accession  to  the  throne,  personal  injuries  ?  how 
deservedly  famous  is  the  saying  of  Lewis  XII.  of 
France,  in  answer  to  those  who  would  have  persuaded 
him  to  shew  severity  to  La  Tremouille:  "  God  forbid 
that  Lewis  XII.  should  revenge  the  quarrels  of  the 
duke  of  Orleans  b."  This  was  truly  great  and  magna- 
nimous. But  James's  conduct  was  wholly  mean,  and 
betrayed  the  poorness  of  his  soul. 


Quippe  minuti 

Semper  &  infirm!  est  animi  exiguique  voluptas 
Ultioc. 

Reveng" ,  which  still  we  find 

The  weakest  frailty  of  a  feeble  mind.  CREECH. 


1  King  James's  Works,  p.  587.  b  See  Bolingbroke's  Letters  on 

the  Spirit  of  Patriotism,  p.  248.  8vo.  Load.  1749.  "Juvenal,  Sat. 

13.  v.  189, 


64  THE  LIFE  OF 

were  advanced  to  great  honours13,  and  shar- 

13  He  was  attended  by  a  large  number  of  Scots,  who 
were  advanced  to  great  honours.]  "  The  persons  who 
attended  him  were  the  duke  of  Lennox,  the  earls  of 
Marr,  Murray,  and  Argile,  the  lord  Hume,  Sir  George 
Hume,  Mr.  James  Elphinston,  Sir  David  Murray,  Sir 
Robert  Ker,  with  the  ordinary  gentlemen  of  the  cham- 
ber, besides  several  of  the  clergy  V  But  besides  these, 
there  were  a  great  multitude  who  came  in  with  him, 
and  reaped  the  benefit  of  his  favour.  Lennox,  Marr, 
Hume,  and  Elphinstone  were  made  privy  counsellors 
of  England,  and  many  of  the  Scots  became  afterwards 
adorned  with  some  of  the  highest  English  titles.  Sir 
Robert  Kerb  was  advanced  to  the  earldom  of  Somerset, 
Lennox  was  made  duke  of  Richmond,  Esme  Stuart, 
his  younger  brother  was  created  earl  of  March,  the 
marquis  of  Hamilton  earl  of  Cambridge,  Sir  John 
Ramsey  viscount  Haddington  of  Scotland,  earl  of  Hol- 
derness,  and  James  Hay  earl  of  Carlisle c.  Nor  were 
they  bare  honours  which  the  Scots  got,  for  they  had 
also  large  lucrative  posts,  and  uncommon  donations,  as 
will  appear  bye  and  bye.  So  that  there  seems  some 
reason  for  the  following  lines  of  a  satyrical  writer, 
though  they  are  much  too  severe. 

"  Thed  royal  branch  from  Pictland  did  succeed, 
With  troops  of  Scots  and  scabs  from  north  by  Tweed. 
The  seven  first  years  of  his  paci6c  reign, 
Made  him  and  half  his  nation  Englishmeu. 
Scots  from  the  northern  frozen  banks  of  Tay, 
With  packs  and  plods  came  whigging  all  away. 


*  Spotswood,  p.  47.  b  Thus  his  name  is  always  written  by  the 

Scottish  writers,  and  not  Carr,  as  by  the  English.         c  Baker's  Chronicle, 
p.  448.  Lond.  1 684.  fol.  d  King  James. 


JAMES  I.  C5 

ed  largely  in  his  bounty,  at  the  expence  and 
much  to  the  regret  of  the  English  nation  **, 

Thick  as  the  locusts  which  in  Egypt  swarm'd, 
With  pride  and  hungry  hopes  completely  arm'd  ! 
With  native  truth,  diseases,  and  no  money, 
Plunder'd  our  Canaan  of  the  milk  and  honey. 
Here  they  grew  quickly  lords  and  gentlemen, 
And  all  their  race  are  true-born  Englishmen*." 

Had  there  been  then  an  union  of  the  two  kingdoms,  this 
had  doubtless  been  good  policy  ;  but  as  there  was  not, 
these  promotions  could  serve  no  other  end,  but  to  cre- 
ate jealousies  among  the  English,  and  excite  com- 
plaints. For  why  should  men  of  another  country  have 
the  power  of  legislation  ?  why  should  they  whose  pro- 
perty lay  elsewhere,  and  whose  connexions  were  at  a 
distance,  have  a  power  of  enacting  laws  which  they 
themselves  might  easily  get  out  of  the  reach  of,  and 
their  families  be  wholly  free  from?  But  such  was  the 
will  of  James,  who,  though  he  seldom  considered  him- 
self, cared  not  to  be  counselled,  and  therefore  general- 
ly acted  unwisely. 

24  Shared  largely  in  his  bounty,  at  the  expence  and 
much  to  the  regret  of  the  English.]  Osborn  observes, 
lhat  the  "  exactions  rose  on  the  English  were  spent 
upon  the  Scots,  by  whom  nothing  was  unasked,  and 
to  whom  nothing  was  denied ;  who  for  want  of  honest 
traffic  did  extract  gold  out  of  the  faults  of  the  English, 
whose  pardons  they  begged,  and  sold  at  intolerable 
rates,  murther  itself  not  being  cxceptedV  The  same 
writer  tells  us,  "  that  the  earl  of  Dunbar  swallowed  at 
one  gulp,  together  with  the  chancellorship  of  the  ex- 
chequer, all  the  standing  wardrobe,  wherein  were  more 

*  State  Poems,  vol.  II.  p.  21.  Lond.  1703.  8vo. 

b  Osborn's  Works,  p.  495. 
VOL.    J.  F 


66  THE  LIFE  OF 

to  whom  it  is,  with  some  good  degree  of 

jewels,  pearl,  rich  robes,  and  princely  apparel,  than 
ever  any  king  of  Scotland  (if  all  of  them  put  together) 
could  call  his  own  before ;  all  which  I  have  since  heard 
rated  by  the  officers  at  an  incredible  sum,  whose  ser- 
vants did  use  to  shew  them  for  money,  it  appearing 
none  of  the  least  rarities  in  London  before  this  great 
dissolution*."  Lord  Clarendon  assures  us,  "  that 
James  Hay,  earl  of  Carlisle,  spent  in  a  very  jovial  life, 
above  four  hundred  thousand  pounds,  which,  upon  a 

strict  calculation,  he  received  from  the  crown  V 

Robert  Ker,  earl  of  Somerset,  had  such  vast  favours 
bestowed  upon  him,  that  even  at  the  time  of  his  fall, 
his  estate  was  rated  to  the  crown  at  three  hundred 
thousand  pounds'."  And  Sir  John  Ramsay,  when 
made  a  viscount,  had  a  thousand  pounds  land  given 
him  to  support  the  title d.  Again,  says  Osborn,  "  the 
Scots  hung  on  James  like  horse-leeches,  till  they  could 
get  no  more,  falling  then  off  by  retiring  into  their  own 
country,  or  living  at  ease,  leaving  all  chargeable  at- 
tendance on  the  English6."  This  is  likewise  confirm- 
ed by  Frankland.  The  king's  gifts  in  lands  to  the 
Scots,  unthankfully  and  unfittingly,  they  sold  (says  he) 
conveying  that  treasure  into  Scotland f.  These  pas- 
sages sufficiently  shew  how  much  of  the  wealth  of 
England  was  bestowed  on  the  Scots,  and  how  much 
cause  the  English  had  to  be  displeased  at  it;  for  there 
was  not  one  of  these  men  that  was  any  way  useful  to 
the  English  nation,  though  D  unbar  and  Carlisle  were 
men  of  great  abilities ;  and  therefore  there  could  be  no 

*  Osborn's  Works,  p.  516.  *  Clarendon's  History  of  the  Rebellion, 

vol.  I.  p.  62.  8vo.  Oxford,  1712.  c  Osborn,  p.  517.  *  Winwood's 

Memorial,  vol.  II.  p.  217.  e  Osborn.  p.  532.  f  Annals  of 

King  James,  p.  10.  Lond.  1631.  fol. 


JAMES  I.  67 

probability,  said,  that  they  behaved  with 
much  rudeness  and  insolency zs. 

cause  for  these  excessive  donations. The  king  him- 
self was  sensible  that  his  liberality  to  the  Scots  was  very 
distasting,  and  therefore  apologizes  for  it  in  a  speech 
to  the  parliament,  and  promises  for  the  future  to  be 
more  sparing.  Let  us  hear  his  words.  "  Had  I  been 
over-sparing  to  them,  they  might  have  thought  Joseph 
had  forgotten  his  brethren,  or  that  the  king  had  been 
drunk  with  his  new  kingdom.  If  I  did  respect  the 

English  when  I  came  first, what  might  the  Scottish 

have  justly  said,  if  I  had  not  in  some  measure  dealt 
bountifully  with  them  that  so  long  had  served  me,  so 
far  adventured  themselves  with  me,  and  been  so  faith- 
ful to  me  ? Such  particular  persons  of  the  Scottish 

nation,  as  might  claim  any  extraordinary  merit  at  my 
hands,  I  have  already  reasonably  rewarded ;  and  I  can 
assure  you,  that  there  is  none  left  whom  for  I  mean  ex- 
traordinary to  strain  myself  further*,"  This  was  spo- 
ken Anno  1607,  a  little  before  his  majesty  received 
Ker  as  a  favourite,  and  heaped  on  him  such  immense 
treasures  and  large  possessions  as  I  have  just  mentioned. 
Well  therefore  might  the  English  grumble,  despise  the 
king,  and  hate  his  countrymen,  by  whom  they  were 
thus  fleeced. 

s  To  whom  they  behaved  with  much  rudeness  and 
insolency.]  This  is  attested  by  the  following  homely 
lines,  which  were  every  where  posted, 

"  They  beg  our  lands,  our  goods,  our  lives, 
They  switch  our  nobles,  and  lie  with  their  wives  ; 
They  pinch  our  gentry,  and  send  for  our  benchers  ; 
Ttyey  stab  our  sergeants,  and.pbtol  our  fencers." 

*  King  James's  Works,  p.  515.     See  also  p.  54-3. 
F2 


G8  THE  LIFE  OF 

However  the  English  were  not  neglected 
by  James,  for  on  them  also  he  heaped  ho- 

Mr.  Osborn  has  explained  these  in  a  very  entertain- 
ing manner,  to  whose  works  I  refer  the  inquisitive 

readera. Notcontented  to  drain  the  kingdom  of  its 

wealth,  and  snatch  its  honours,  they  moreover  claimed 
precedency  of  the  English  nobility  of  the  same  rank. 

f<  At  a  supper  made  by  the  lady  Elizabeth  Hatton, 

there  grew  a  question  between  the  earls  of  Argile  and 
Pembroke,  about  place,  which  the  Scot  maintained  to 
be  his  by  seniority,  as  being  now  become  all  Britons : 
at  which  our  nobility  began  to  startle  V  And  no 
wonder,  for  whatever  might  be  the  antiquity  of  many 
of  the  Scotch  nobility,  on  which  probably  they  valued 
themselves ;  yet  that  could  entitle  them  to  no  place  in 
England,  any  farther  than  what  courtesy  and  civility 
might  require.  To  set  up  a  claim  of  right  to  superio- 
rity by  reason  of  it,  could  be  looked  on  as  nothing  but 
an  insult,  and  as  such,  doubtless,  was  resented.  In- 
deed the  Scots  seemed  so  unable  to  bear  their  good 
fortune,  and  the  English  were  so  provoked  at  their  in- 
solent behaviour,  that  it  was  almost  a  miracle  it  had  not 

issued  in  torrents  of  blood  c. A  lesson  this  to  princes 

not  to  be  too  bountiful  to  persons  used  to  low  circum- 
stances; seeing  it  will  only  tend  to  inspire  them  with 
pride  and  haughtiness,  and  excite  envy  and  contempt  in 
standers-by ;  much  more  not  to  enrich  aliens  at  the 
expence  of  the  natives,  and  cause  them  to  lift  too  high 
their  heads.  There  may  indeed  be  exceptions  to  this 
rule,  as  when  distinguished  merit  and  great  abilities  are 
possessed,  and  these  exerted  for  the  good  of  a  coun- 

a  Osborn,  p.  504.  p.  452  of  the  edition  in  1682.  b  Winwood'« 

Memorials,  vol.  III.  Y.  Ill*  c  See  Oiborn,  p.  595. 


JAMES  I.  69 

nours    in   abundance46;    and   'tis   certain, 

try ;  but  where  these  are  not,  or  not  in  a  most  eminent 
degree,  it  is  weakness  and  imprudence  to  heap  favours, 
which  will  not  fail  to  bring  on  complaints,  uneasinesses, 
and  distresses  on  the  conferrors. 

6  Honours  in  abundance  were  heaped  on  the  Eng- 
lish also.]  James  in  his  speech  to  the  parliament, 
Anno  1609,  owns  that  they  saw  him  at  his  entrance 
into  England,  "make  knights  by  hundreths,  and  ba- 
rons in  great  number3."  This  account  is  not  beyond 
the  truth.  For  Sir  Richard  Baker,  who  had  the  honour 
of  knighthood  from  him  at  that  time,  tells  us,  that 
"  before  his  first  year  went  about,  he  made  God  knows 
how  many  hundred  knights  b."  And  if  a  certain  author 
is  to  be  credited,  in  the  two  first  years  of  James's  reign, 
no  less  than  one  thousand  twenty-two  knights  were 
made  by  himc.  A  prodigious  number  this!  and  such 
as  almost  exceeds  belief.  But  the  authorities  already 
quoted  in  this  remark,  may  possibly  reconcile  us  unto 
it.  For  when  knights  were  made  by  hundreds,  a  large 
sum  total  must  run  up  in  a  comparatively  short  space 

of  time. But   James  contented   not  himself  with 

dubbing  knights;  he  made  barons  also,  and  enlarged 
the  peerage  to  a  great  degree.  In  the  first  year  of  his 
reign  he  made  four  earls  and  nine  barons,  among  whom 
were  Henry  Howard,  created  earl  of  Northampton, 
Thomas  Howard  earl  of  Suffolk,  and  the  famous  Sir 
Robert  Cecil,  lord  Cecil,  afterwards  earl  of  Salisbury. 
These  were  persons  who  had  dexterity  enough  to  insi- 
nuate themselves  into  James's  favour,  and  obtain  al- 
most whatever  they  had  a-mind  to,  for  themselves  or 

*  King  James's  Works,  p.  542.  b  Baker's  Chronicle,  p.  402. 

c  Yid.  Osborn'B  Catalogue  of  tho  Library  of  Webb,  &.o.  p.  6f>.  1751. 


70  THE  LIFE  OF 

that  a  great  many  particular  persons  obtain- 
ed great  wealth,  and  large  possessions  from 

dependants;  these  were  the  persons  who  transacted 
most  of  the  business  of  state  during  their  lives,  and 
reaped  very  great  rewards  by  reason  of  it,  as  will 
soon  appear.  So  that  though  James  was  lavish  of  his 
honours  on  his  own  countrymen,  the  English  could  not 
say  they  were  slighted  ;  for  he  created  so  great  a  num- 
ber of  them  peers,  that,  with  the  Scots  already  mention- 
ed, no  less  than  OC  were  added  to  that  illustrious  body 
by  him  a.  This  occasioned  a  "  pasquil  to  be  pasted 
up  in  St.  Paul's,  wherein  was  pretended  an  art  to  help 
weak  memories  to  a  competent  knowledge  of  the  names 
of  the  nobility b."  Had  these  great  dignities  been 
conferred  only  on  the  deserving,  there  would  have  been 
little  room  for  complaint.  But  "  the  honours  James 
bestowed  were  in  so  lavish  a  manner,  and  with  so 
little  distinction,  that  they  ceased  in  some  sense  to  be 
honours c." This  was  highly  injurious  to  the  charac- 
ter of  the  conferror,  and  a  contempt  cast  on  those 
whose  birth  and  great  virtues  intitled  them  to  such  dis- 
tinctions. It  shewed  a  want  of  judgment  in  James, 
and  tended  to  take  off  that  reverence  which  ought  to 
be  kept  up  in  the  minds  of  the  people  towards  the 
English  nobility.  For  what  must  men  think  of  the 
understanding  of  that  prince,  who  could  place  among 
the  great  council  of  the  nation,  John  Villiers,  Christo- 
pher  Villiers,  and  Lyonel  Cranfield  ?  In  how  contempti- 
ble a  light  must  the  peerage  be  viewed  b}'  those  who 
knew  that  these  meri  had  no  pretence  to  such  an  ho- 

m 

1  Torbuck's  Parliamentary  Debates,  vol.  VII.  p.  135.  Svo»  T,ond.  1741. 
k  Wilson,  p.  7.  e  Remarks  on  the  History  of  England,  by  Humphrey 

Oldcastle,  Esq;  p.  235.  Svo.  Lond.  1743. 

1 


JAMES  I.  71 

him 47,  to  the  impoverishing  of  the  crown, 

nour,  but  as  related  to  George  Villiers,  the  insolent 
prime  minister? 'Twere  to  be  wished  that  the  great- 
est care  at  all  times  was  taken  not  to  debase  so  illus- 
trious an  order  of  men  by  undeserved  creations,  and 
that  nothing  but  real  merit  was  the  occasion  of  them. 
Then  would  the  prince  be  applauded,  the  dignity  of  the 
peers  be  preserved,  and  all  due  deference  paid  to  their 
decisions.  But  when  it  is  known  publickly,  that  unde- 
serving men  are  advanced  to  this  elevated  rank  in  order 
to  serve  a  party  or  please  a  favourite,  then  do  men  mur- 
mur at  the  crown,  and  pay  little  respect  to  those  thus 
distinguished  by  it.  For  the  public  will  judge  of  per- 
sons as  they  are;  titles  and  coronets  cannot  bias  its 
judgment,  or  cause  it  to  applaud  the  ignorant  or  un- 
worthy. 

*7  Many  persons  obtained  great  wealth,  and  large 
possessions  from  him.]  "  They  that  then  lived  at 
court,  and  were  curious  observers  of  every  man's  ac- 
tions, could  have  affirmed  that  Salisbury,  Suffolk,  and 
Northampton,  and  their  friends,  did  get  more  than  the 

whole  nation  of  Scotland (Dunbar  excepted). All 

the  Scots  in  general  scarce  got  the  ty  the  of  those  English 
getters,  that  can  be  said  did  stick  by  them,  or  their 
posterity.  Besides  Salisbury  had  one  trick  to  get  the 
kernel,  and  leave  the  Scots  but  the  shell,  yet  cast  all  the 
envy  upon  them ;  he  would  make  them  buy  books  of 
fee- farms,  some  one  hundred  pounds  per  annum,  some 
one  hundred  marks,  and  he  would  compound  with  them 
for  a  thousand  pounds,  which  they  were  willing  to  em- 
brace, because  they  were  sure  to  have  them  pass  with- 
out any  controul  or  charge,  and  one  thousand  pounds 
appeared  to  them  that  never  saw  ten  pounds  before,  an 
inexhaustible  treasure  j  then  would  Salisbury  fill  up 


72  THE  LIFE  OF 

and  the  reducing  himself  in  a  few  years  to 
great  want.     He  soon  shewed  his  gratitude 

this  book  with  such  prime  land  as  should  be  worth  ten 
or  twenty  thousand  pounds,  which  was  easy  for  him, 
being  treasurer,  so  to  do;  and  by  this  means  Salisbury 
enriched  himself  infinitely,  yet  cast  the  envy  on  the 
Scots,  in  whose  names  these  books  appeared,  and  are 
still  upon  record  to  all  posterity  ;  though  Salisbury 
had  the  honey,  they,  poor  gentlemen,  but  part  of  the 
waxa." — Wilson  tells  us,  "  that  James  being  one  day 
in  his  gallery  at  Whitehall,  and  none  with  him  but  Sir 
Henry  Rich  (afterwards  earl  of  Holland)  and  James 
Maxwell,  some  porters  past  by  them,  with  three  thou- 
sand pounds  going  to  the  privy  purse:  Rich  whis- 
pering Maxwell,  the  king  turned  upon  them,  and 
asked  Maxwell  what  says  he?  what  says  he?  Maxwell 
told  him,  he  wished  he  had  so  much  money ;  Marry 
shalt  thou  Harry  (saith  the  king)  and  presently  com- 
manded the  porters  to  carry  it  to  his  lodging,  with  this 
expression,  you  think  now  you  have  a  great  purchase, 
but  I  am  more  delighted  to  think  how  much  I  have 
pleasured  you  in  giving  this  money,  than  you  can  be 
in  receiving  it  V  And  Sir  Philip  Herbert  (afterwards 
earl  of  Pembroke)  on  his  marriage  with  the  lady  Susan 
Vere,  had  a  gift  of  the  king  of  500/.  land  for  the  bride's 
jointure c. — In  short,  James  himself  assures  us,  "  that 
he  had  dealt  twice  as  much  amongst  the  Englishmen 

as  he  had  done  to  ScotishmenV The  truth  is,  those 

of  the  English  who  had  the  king's  ear,  and  could  fall 


*  Sir  Anthony  Weldon's  Court  and  Character  of  King  James,  p.  54, 55. 
iQmo.  Lond.  1651.  See  also  Raleigh's  Works,  vol.  I.  p.  201.  8vo.  Loud 
1751.  b  Wilson,  p. 76.  c  Winwood,  vol.  II.  4.43.  "King 

James's  Wotks,  p.  542. 


JAMES  I.  7^5 

to  Elizabeth  for  the  crown  she  had  left 
him,  by  permitting  no  one  to  appear  in 
mourning  for  hera8  before  him,  and  even 

readily  into  his  humours,  and  contribute  to  his  plea- 
sures and  amusements,  were  sure  of  being  enriched  by 
him.  The  true  courtier  in  this  reign  had  a  good  time 
of  it,  for  James  was  thoughtless  and  inconsiderate,  and 
never  knew  the  value  of  money  till  he  was  in  want  of 
it.  But  merit,  as  such,  was  always  neglected  or  over- 
looked by  him;  he  knew  it  not,  or  regarded  it  not,  but 
preferred  his  flatterers  to  all  others. 

s  lie  shewed  his  gratitude  to  Elizabeth,  by  permit- 
ting no  one  to  appear  in  mourning  for  her  before  him.] 
For  this  curious  particular  we  are  indebted  to  the  duke 
of  Sully,  whose  account  cannot  but  be  looked  on  as 
most  authentic.  "  One  part  of  the  orders  I  had  given, 
(says  he,  speaking  of  his  English  cmbassage)  in  regard 
to  the  ceremony  of  my  audience,  was,  that  all  my  re- 
tinue shall  appear  in  mourning  ;  whereby  I  should  ex- 
ecute the  first  part  of  my  commission,  which  consisted 
in  complimenting  the  new  king  on  the  death  of  Eliza- 
beth; though  1  had  been  informed  at  Calais,  that  no 
one,  whether  ambassador,  foreign  or  English,  was  ad- 
mitted into  the  presence  of  the  new  king  in  black  :  and 
Beaumont  (the  French  resident)  had  since  represented 
to  me,  that  what  I  intended  would  most  certainly  be 
highly  disagreeable  to  the  court,  where  so  strong  an 
affectation  prevailed  to  obliterate  the  memory  of  that 
great  queen,  that  she  was  never  spoke  of,  and  even  the 
mention  of  her  name  industriously  avoided.  1  should 
have  been  very  glad  not  to  have  been  sensible  of  the 
necessity  under  which  I  was  of  appearing  in  a  garb, 


74  THE  LIFE  OF 

speaking  himself  not  only  without  gratitude, 

which  would  seem  to  cast  a  reproach  on  the  king  and 
all  England ;  but  iny  orders  were  hereupon  positive, 
not  to  mention  that  they  were  also  most  laudahle:  and 
this  was  the  reason  I  paid  no  regard  to  Beaumont, 
who  intreated  me  to  defer  putting  myself  to  this  trouble 
and  expence,  till  he  had  wrote  about  it  to  Erskine,  and 
some  others,  who  were  best  acquainted  with  the  court 
ceremonial.  He  wrote  accordingly,  but  received  no 
answer  on  Thursday,  Friday,  nor  even  all  day  on  Satur- 
day ;  and  I  still  persisted  in  my  resolution,  notwith- 
standing the  reasons  which  he  continually  gave  me  to 
the  contrary.  On  Saturday  night,  which  was  the  even- 
ing of  the  day  preceding  my  audience,  and  so  late  that 
I  was  in  bed,  Beaumont  came  to  tell  me,  that  Erskine 
had  sent  to  acquaint  him,  that  the  whole  court  consi- 
dered my  intention  as  a  premeditated  affront ;  and  that 
I  had  so  offended  the  king  by  it,  that  nothing  could 
more  effectually  prevent  the  success  of  my  negotiation 
from  its  very  commencement.  This  information  agree- 
ing with  that  of  my  lord  Sidney,  Sic.  it  was  impossi- 
ble for  me  to  be  in  doubt  about  it:  and  through  fear 
lest  a  greater  evil  might  ensue,  I  caused  all  my  retinue 
to  change  their  apparel,  and  provide  themselves  others 
as  well  as  they  could.  Leukoner  (master  of  the  cere- 
ironies)  being  come  the  next  morning  to  inform  me, 
that  I  should  be  presented  to  the  king  at  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon;  I  perceived  from  the  satisfaction 
which  he  expressed  at  the  new  orders  which  I  had 
given,  that  it  was  indispensably  necessary  to  vanquish 
my  repugnance  :  nevertheless,  it  publicly  gained  me 
as  much  honour  as  if  I  had  persisted  in  it  throughout, 
because  none  were  ignorant  I  had  complied  only 


JAMES  I.  75 

respect,   or  regard  of  her ;  but  also  with 
contempt,  to  the  amazement  of  standers- 

through  absolute  necessity  a."  I  make  no  apology  for 
the  length  of  this  quotation ;  readers  of  taste  will  be 
glad  to  find  it  here,  and  will  not  fail  of  remarking  on 
the  unaccountable  ingratitude  and  weakness  of  James. 
His  obligations  to  Elizabeth  were  great;  she  had  sup- 
plied him  constantly  with  money  when  in  Scotland, 
and  though  she  had  a  power,  with  consent  of  parlia- 
ment, she  gave  not  away  the  crown  of  England  from 
him ;  on  her  death-bed  she  declared  him  her  heir,  and 
in  consequence  thereof  he  took  peaceable  possession 
of  the  throne.  Ought  he  not  then  to  have  retained  a 
respect  for  her  memory,  and  treated  her  name  with  ho- 
nour ?  should  he  not  have  owned  his  obligations,  and 
celebrated  her  fame  ?  should  he  have  forbid  his  sub- 
jects mourning  for  the  Joss  of  so  excellent  a  princess, 
or  refused  compliments  of  condolence  from  foreigners 
on  the  account  of  it?  What!  should  the  memory  of  such 
a  princess  be  obliterated  in  a  few  months,  even  in  her 
own  court,  and  the  glory  of  all  her  great  actions  be  for- 
gotten ?  Must  her  humbling  Spain,  her  supporting  the 
protestant  interest  abroad, and  establishing  it  at  home; 
her  attention  to  the  national  interest  and  honour,  and 
raising  the  English  crown  to  be  the  envy  and  admiration 
of  Europe ;  must  these  be  unspoken,  uncelebrated  ? 
such  was  the  intention  of  James.  But  posterity  more 
grateful,  more  just  than  that  court,  has  mentioned  her 
name  with  honour,  and  sounded  forth  the  glories  of 
her  reign.  To  resemble  her  has  been  thought  honour- 
able to  princes,  and  her  government  has  been  set  forth 
as  a  model  for  their  imitation. — So  that  envy,  iguo- 

a  Sully's  Memoirs,  vol.  II.  p.  19. 


76  THE  LIFE  OF 

by  *9.     He  was  excessively  addicted  to  ease 

ranee,  spite,  revenge  and  malice,  with  their  united 
force,  avail  little  against  the  reputations  founded  on 
great  and  beneficent  actions;  and  the  true  hero,  the 
patriot  prince,  may  despise  their  efforts,  and  rest  se- 
cure that  in  the  annals  of  after-ages,  their  characters 
shall  shine  with  the  greatest  lustre,  and  their  actions 
be  celebrated  as  they  deserve.  A  noble  motive  this  to 
generous  minds  to  pursue  the  public  good  with  ear- 
nestness! and  a  motive,  which,  if  well  considered,  will 
cause  them  to  be  unwearied,  and  persevering  in  the 
pursuit. 

*9  He  spoke  with  contempt  of  her.]  Sully  giving 
an  account  of  his  first  audience  at  court,  tells  us,  that 
after  James  had  spoken  several  things  to  him,  "  the 
late  queen  (Elizabeth)  was  mentioned,  but  without  one 
word  in  her  praise  V  In  another  conversation  he  had 
with  the  king,  he  observes,  "  that  an  opportunity  pre- 
senting for  the  king  to  speak  of  the  late  queen  of  Eng- 
land, he  did  it,  and  to  my  great  regret,  adds  he,  with 
some  sort  of  contempt.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  say, 
that  in  Scotland,  long  before  the  death  of  that  prin- 
cess, he  had  directed  her  whole  council,  and  governed 
all  her  ministers,  by  whom  he  had  been  better  served 
and  obeyed  than  herb."  I  doubt  not  Sulty  smiled  in- 
wardly at  the  vanity  of  James,  and  heartily  detested 
his  baseness  with  regard  to  the  memory  of  Elizabeth ; 
for  no  one  better  knew  her  worth  than  this  ambassador, 
no  one  set  a  greater  value  on  it.  With  what  indigna- 
tion then  may  we  suppose  him  filled,  when  he  heard 
her  name  thus  treated  by  her  successor?  and  what  a 

•Sully, vol.  II. p.  26. 
*  Id.  p.  89.  compare  this  witU  \vKat  is  said  in  note  8. 


JAMES  I.  77 

and    pleasure30,   and  indulged   himself  in 

despicable  opinion  must  he  entertain  of  him?  but  he 
suppressed  his  sentiments  on  this  head,  and  set  himself 
to  please  him,  of  whom  'tis  plain  from  his  memorials, 
he  had  but  a  poor  opinion.  I  shall  only  add  here,  that 
the  highest  merit  cannot  escape  the  tongues  of  the 
ignorant  and  malicious,  though,  for  the  most  part,  it  is 
unhurt  by  them. 

0  He  was  excessively  given  to  ease  and  pleasure.] 
Sully  relates,  that  "  James  quitted  the  company  to  go 
to  bed,  where  he  usually  passed  part  of  the  afternoon, 

sometimes  the  whole  of  ita." "  And  his  thoughts 

were  intent  on  ease  and  pleasure,  says  OsbornV 
This  would  have  been  far  enough  from  a  virtue  in  a 
private  man,  but  in  a  prince  it  must  be  looked  on  as  a 
vice.  For  the  love  of  ease  and  pleasure  enervates  the 
mind,  and  tends  to  render  it  incapable  of  what  is  great. 
And  there  are  but  few  princes  who  have  indulged  this 
disposition,  that  have  made  any  greater  figure  in  his- 
tory than  the  prince  of  whom  we  are  discoursing. 
Alexander,  Caesar,  and  Henry  IV.  of  France,  loved 
pleasure  as  well  as  any  men ;  but  then  they  had  Clo- 
thing indolent  in  their  temper,  and  had  so  much  am- 
bition, that  they  could  not  possibly  abstain  from  striv- 
ing to  render  their  narn^s  glorious.  But  James  not 
only  loved  pleasure,  but  ease,  and  therefore  was  inca- 
pable of  being  more  significant  in  life,  than  are  the 
generality  of  eastern  princes,  immured  in  seraglios, 
and  strangers  to  every  thing  but  what  their  viziers  or 
eunuchs  please  to  inform  them  of,  for  their  entertain- 
ment or  amusement.  So  that  princes  of  this  indolent 
disposition  neglect  the  affairs  of  government,  and  are 

*  Sully,  yol.  II.  p.  92.  *  Osboru,  p.  470. 


78  THE  LIFE  OF 

drinking,  even  so  far  as  to  render  himself 
sometimes  contemptible31.  And  from  his 

ruled  by  ministers  and  favourites,  and  the  people  are 
left  to  be  fleeced  and  oppressed,  to  supply  the  calls  of 
luxury  and  pleasure.  Unhappy  princes !  unhappy 
people!  the  former  destitute  of  true  worth,  the  latter 
groaning  under  vile  bondage. — How  much  then  does  it 
concern  those  who  are  advanced  to  dominion,  to  exert 
themselves,  and  employ  their  time  and  talents  in  exa- 
mining the  state  of  those  under  them,  and  promoting 
their  welfare?  how  much  does  it  behove  them  to  be 
diligent  in  business,  skilful  in  affairs,  and  attentive  to 
the  representations  and  complaints  of  their  subjects  ? 
By  these  means  alone  can  they  answer  the  end  of  their 
advancement,  obtain  reputation,  procure  succes's,  and 
have  the  love  and  affection  of  those  over  whom  they 
bear  rule.  To  which  let  me  add,  that  indolent  princes 
are  very  insecure ;  they  become  victims  frequently  to 
the  ambition  of  their  own  servants,  and  fall,  though 
not  unpitied,  yet  quite  unlamented.  For  the  people 
have  sense  enough  to  know,  that  a  life  devoted  to  ease 
an(t  pleasure,  is  of  no  importance  to  them,  and  there- 
fore, with  indifference,  see  it  destroyed,  though  bv 
those  who  ought  to  have  defended  it. 

31  Indulged  himself  in  driaking,  &c.]  Weldon  ob- 
serves, that  "  James  was  not  intemperate  in  his  drink- 
ing ;"  but  he  adds,  "  however  in  his  old  age,  and 
Buckingham's  jovial  suppers,  when  he  had  any  turn  to 
do  with  him,  made  him  sometimes  overtaken,  which 
he  would  the  very  next  day  remember,  and  repent  with 
tears:  it  is  true,  he  drank  very  often,  which  was  rather 
out  of  a  custom  than  any  delight,  and  his  drinks  were 
of  that  kind  for  strength,  as  frontiniack,  canary,  high- 
country  wine,  tent  wine,  and  Scotish  ale,  that  had  he 


JAMES  1.  79 

known  love  of  masculine  beauty,  his  exces- 

not  had  a  very  strong  brain,  might  have  daily  been 
overtaken,  although  he  seldom  drank  at  any  one  time 
above  four  spoonfulls,  many  times  not  above  one  or 

two*." This  is  very  modest  in  Weldon.     But  other 

authors  go  a  little  farther,  and  make  James  shew  him- 
self beneath  a  man  by  his  intemperance.  "  The  king 
was  excessively  addicted  to  hunting  and  drinking  (says 
Coke)  not  ordinary  French  and  Spanish  wines,  but 
strong  Greek  wines  ;  and  though  he  would  divide  his 
hunting  from  drinking  these  wines,  yet  he  would  com- 
pound his  hunting  with  drinking  these  wines,  and  to 
that  purpose  he  was  attended  with  a  special  officer, 
who  was  as  much  as  could  be  always  at  hand,  to  fill 
the  king's  cup  in  his  hunting,  when  he  called  for  it. 
I  have  heard  my  father  say,  that  being  hunting  with 
the  king,  after  the  king  had  drank  of  the  wine,  he  also 
drank  of  it,  and  though  he  was  young  and  of  an  health- 
ful constitution,  it  so  disordered  his  head  that  it  spoiled 
his  pleasure,  and  disordered  him  for  three  days  after. 
Whether  it  was  from  drinking  these  wines,  or  from 
§ome  other  cause,  the  king  became  so  lazy  and  un- 
wieldy, that  he  was  trust  on  horseback,  and  as  he  was 
set  so  would  he  ride,  without  otherwise  poising  himself 
on  his  saddle;  nay,  when  his  hat  was  set  on  his  head, 
he  would  not  take  the  pains  to  alter  it,  but  it  sat  as  it 
was  upon  himV"  I  doubt  not  but  this  account  is  true, 
Sully  taking  notice,  that  "  James's  custom  was  never 
to  mix  water  with  his  winec."  And  therefore,  though 
Sir  Edward  Peyton  be  a  partial  writer,  and  prejudiced 
much  against  the  Stuart  race,  yet  I  believe  the  follow- 

°  N 

*  Weldon,  p.  1G6.  '  b  Coke's  Detection,  vol.  I.  p.  4£. 

•  Sully,  vol.  II.  p.  90. 


80  THE  LIFE  OF 

sive  favour  to  such  as  were  possessed  of  it, 

ing  story  from  him  will  not  be  deemed  improbable. 
"  When  the  king  of  Denmark  [brother-in-law  to  James] 
was  first  of  all  in  England,  both  kings  were  so  drunk 
at  Theobald's,  as  our  king  was  carried  in  the  arms  of 
the  courtiers,  when  one  cheated  another  of  the  bed- 
chamber, for  getting  a  grant  from  king  James,  for  that 
he  would  give  him  the  best  jewel  in  England  for  a  jewel 
of  a  hundred  pound  he  promised  him  ;  and  so  put  king 
James  in  his  arms,  and  carried  him  to  his  lodging,  and 
defrauded  the  bed-chamber  man,  who  had  much  ado  to 
get  the  king  into  his  bed.  And  Denmark  was  so  dis- 
guised, as  he  would  have  lain  with  the  countess  of 
Nottingham,  making  horns  in  derision  at  her  husband, 
the  high  admiral  of  England  V  I  said  just  now,  this 
story,  I  believed,  would  not  be  thought  improbable ; 
and  I  doubt  not  the  reader  by  the  following  letter  of 
the  countess  of  Nottingham  to  the  Danish  ambassa- 
dor, will  readily  assent  to  it,  seeing  it  confirms  so  chief 
a  part  of  it  as  the  rude  behaviour  of  the  Danish  king  to 
that  lady.  'Tis  wrote  with  spirit,  and  worthy  perusal, 
which  therefore  I  insert  at  large. 

"  SIR, 

"  I  am  very  sorry  this  occasion  should  have  been  of- 
fered me  by  the  king  your  master,  which  makes  me 
troublesome  to  you  for  the  present.  It  is  reported  to 
me  by  men  of  honour,  the  great  wrong  the  king  of 
Danes  hath  done  me,  when  I  was  not  by  to  answer  for 

*  Peyton's  Divine  Catastrophe  of  the  Kingly  Family  of  the  House  of 
Stuarts,  p.  30.  8vo.  Lend.  1731.  These  quotations  from  Weldou,  Coke, 
and  Peyton,  are  very  oddly  and  inaccurately  expressed;  but  the  reader 
must  take  them  as  they  are,  and  not  expect  them  to  be  altered  in  order  t» 
please. 


JAMES  I.  81 

and  unseemly  caresses  of  them,  one  would 

myself;  for  if  I  had  been  present,  I  would  have  letten. 
him  know  how  much  I  scorn  to  receive  that  wrong  at 
his  hands.  I  need  not  to  urge  the  particular  of  it,  for 
the  king  himself  knows  it  best.  I  protest  to  you,  Sir, 
I  did  think  as  honourably  of  the  king  your  master,  as 
I  did  of  my  own  prince;  but  now  I  persuade  myself 
there  is  as  much  baseness  in  him  as  can  be  in  any  man ; 
for  although  he  be  a  prince  by  birth,  it  seems  not  to 
me  that  there  harbours  any  princely  thought  in  his 
breast ;  for  either  in  prince  or  subject,  it  is  the  basest 
that  can  be  to  wrong  any  woman  of  honour.  I  deserve 
as  little  that  name  he  gave  me,  as  either  the  mother  of 
himself,  or  of  his  children  :  and  if  ever  I  come  to  know 
what  man  hath  informed  your  master  so  wrongfully  of 
me,  I  shall  do  my  best  for  putting  him  from  doing  the 
like  to  any  other :  but  if  it  hath  come  by  the  tongue 
of  any  woman,  I  dare  say  she  would  be  glad  to  have 
companions.  So  leaving  to  trouble  you  any  further,  I 
rest 

"  your  friend, 

"  M.  NOTTINGHAM  VV"" 

There  can,  I  think,  remain  no  doubt  but  that  Pey- 
ton's account  is  true;  and  consequently,  when  consi- 
dered with  what  Weldon  and  Coke  relate,  it  must  be 
believed,  that  James  addicted  himself  to  drinking  in 
such  a  manner,  as  to  render  himself  sometimes  con- 
temptible. "  For  it  is  not  for  kings  to  drink  wine,  nor 
for  princes  strong  drink  ;  lest  they  drink  and  forget  the 
law,  and  pervert  the  judgment  of  any  of  the  afflicted  b." 
Drunkenness  throws  princes  off  their  guard,  and  ex- 

*  Supplement  to  the  Cabala,  p.  96.  4to.  LonA.  1654.         k  Prov.  x»i.  4. 
VOL.    I.  G 


&C  THE  LIFE  OF 

be  tempted  to  think,  that  he  was  not  wholly 
free  from  a  vice  most  unnatural  z\ 

poses  those  weaknesses  which  it  most  of  all  behoves 
them  to  conceal ;  and  it  takes  off  that  reverence  for 
their  persons,  which  is  necessary  to  make  their  sub- 
jects stand  in  a  proper  awe  of  them,  and  pay  a  submis- 
sion to  their  commands.  It  debases  the  man,  sinks  the 
prince,  spoils  the  politician,  and  reveals  those  secrets 
which  are  most  necessary  to  be  concealed.  "  Drun- 
kenness, says  Montaigne,  seems  to  me  to  be  a  gross 
and  brutish  vice.  The  soul  has  the  greatest  interest  in 
all  the  rest,  and  there  are  some  vices  that  have  some- 
thing, if  a  man  may  so  say,  of  generous  in  them. 
There  are  vices  wherein  there  is  a  mixture  of  know- 
ledge, diligence,  valour,  prudence,  dexterity  and  cun- 
ning: this  is  totally  corporeal  and  earthly,  and  the 
thickest  skulled  nation  [the  Germans]  this  day  in  Eu- 
rope, is  that  where  it  is  most  in  fashion.  Other  vices 
discompose  the  understanding,  this  totally  overthrows 
it,  and  renders  the  body  stupid3."  These  reflections 
seem  just  and  obvious,  but  they  occurred  not  to  the 
mind  of  James,  or  made  little  impression  on  him ;  for 
he  seems  to  have  been  guided  in  his  whole  behaviour 
more  by  will  and  humour,  by  passion  and  inclination, 
than  by  wisdom,  prudence,  or  discretion.  So  that  his 
knowledge  was  of  little  service  to  him,  and  seldom 
caused  him  to  act  as  a  wise  man,  or  an  understanding 
king.  It  enabled  him  to  talk,  but  was  wholly  insuffi- 
cient to  regulate  his  actions ;  and  so,  in  effect,  was  no 
better  than  ignorance. 

31  From  his  known  love  of  masculine  beauty,  8tc.] 
1  shall  giv«  my  authorities,  and  leave  the  reader  to 

*  Montaigne,  vol.  II.  p.  15. 


JAMES  I.  83 

He  used  cursing:  and  swearing  in  his  com- 

C3  ^«* 

judge  what  conclusion  is  to  be  drawn  from  them. — 
"  As  no  other  reason  appeared  in  favour  of  their  [the 
favourites  of  James]  choice  but  handsomeness,  so  the 
love  the  king  shewed,  was  as  amorously  conveyed  as  if 
he  had  mistaken  their  sex,  and  thought  them  ladies ; 
which  I  have  seen  Somerset  and  Buckingham  labour  to 
resemble  in  the  effeminateness  of  their  dressings; 
though  in  w looks,  and  wanton  gestures,  they  ex- 
ceeded any  part  of  woman-kind  my  conversation  did 
ever  cope  withal.  Nor  was  his  love,  or  whatever  else 
posterity  will  please  to  call  it,  (who  must  be  the  judges 
of  all  that  history  shall  inform)  carried  on  with  a  dis- 
cretion sufficient  to  cover  a  less  scandalous  behaviour; 
for  the  king's  kissing  them  after  so  lascivious  a  mode 
in  public,  and  upon  the  theatre  as  it  were  of  the  world, 
prompted  many  to  imagine  some  things  done  in  the 
tyring-house,  that  exceed  my  expressions  no  less  than 
they  do  niy  experience;  and  therefore  left  floating  on  the 
waves  of  conjecture,  which  hath  in  my  hearing  tossed 
them  from  one  side  to  another.  I  have  heard  that  Sir 
Henry  Rich,  since  earl  of  Holland,  and  some  others, 
refused  his  majesty's  favour  upon  those  conditions  thej 
subscribed  to,  who  filled  that  place  in  his  affection : 
Rich  losing  that  opportunity  his  curious  face  and  com- 
plexion afforded  him,  by  turning  aside  and  spitting 
after  the  king  had  slabbered  his  mouth2." — Wcldon, 
who  saw  James's  parting  with  Somerset,  just  before  his 
commitment  for  Overbury's  murther,  says,  "  that  had 
you  seen  that  seeming  affection,  you  would  rather 
have  believed  he  tras  in  his  rising  than  setting.  The 
«arl  when  he  kissed  his  hand,  the.  king  hung  about 

•  Osborn,  p.  534. 
G  2 


his  neck,  slabbering  his  cheeks,  saying,  for  God's  sake 
when  shall  I  see  thee  again  ?  on  my  soul  I  shall  neither 
eat  nor  sleep  until  you  come  again ;  the  earl  told  him 
on  Monday  (this  being  on  the  Friday)  for  God's  sak« 
let  me,  said  the  king;  shall  I?  shall  I?  then  lolled 
about  his  neck  ;  then  for  God's  sake  give  thy  lady  this 
kiss  for  me :  in  the  same  manner  at  the  stairs  head,  at 
the  middle  of  the  stairs,  and  at  the  stairs-foot  V  The 
same  writer  observes,  that  "  he  was  not  very  uxorious, 
for  he  was  ever  best  when  farthest  from  his  queen b." 
And  in  another  place  he  says,  "  that  James  naturally 
hated  women0."  Peyton  writes,  that  "James  was 
more  addicted  to  love  males  than  females ;  and  that 
though  for  compliment  he  visited  queen  Ann,  yet  he 

never  lodged  with  her  a  night  for  many  years d." 

The  following  satire,  said  to  be  left  on  his  cupboard, 
will  shew  us  the  sense  those  times  had  of  this  matter. 

Aula prophana,  religione  vana , 
Spreta  uxore,  Ganymedis  amove, 
Lege  sublata,  prerogativa  inflata. 
Tolle  libertatem,  incende  civitatem, 

Ducas  spadonem 
& 

Suparasti  Neronem  e. 

I  know  not  well  the  authority  of  the  book  from  which 
I  quote  these  lines;  'tis  very  bitter  against  the  Stuart 
race,  and  written  with  great  partiality.  I  am  informed 
by  a  learned  friend,  that  'tis  thought  to  be  written  by 
the  above-cited  Peyton :  But  I  am  of  a  different  opi- 
nion. Peyton's  Divine  Catastrophe,  though  partial 
enough,  has  many  true  passages  in  it ;  but  the  Nonsuch 
Charles  seems  chiefly  invention,  in  order  to  blacken 

•  Weldon,  p.  95.         b  W.  p.  168.         e  Id.  p.  125.         d  Peyton's  Divine 
Catastrophe,  p.  14.  '  The  Nonsuch  Charles,  his  Character,  p.  17. 

12mo.  Lond.  1651. 


JAMES  I.  85 

and  defame.     Besides,  such  was  the  zeal  of  Peyton 
against  Charles  and  his  house,  that  I  fancy  he  would 
have  thought  it  a  merit  to  have  been  the  author  of  any 
work  tending  to  its  disgrace,  and  therefore  have  set 
his  name  to  it;  for  he  who  had  been  afraid  of  after- 
resentment,  would  never  have  publickly  owned  the  Di- 
vine Catastrophe,    Add  to  this,  that  Wood,  in  reckon- 
ing up  Peyton's  writings,   mentions  nothing  of  this 
piece,  which  if  it  had  been  his  'tis  difficult  to  account 
for  a.     However,  as  the  insinuation  in  the  satire  is  sup- 
ported by  other  authorities,  'tis  of  little  importance 
whether  the  author  who  gives  it  us  be  of  any  great 
account,  or  no. — Let  us  now  return  to  our  subject.— — 
The  authors  above  quoted  may  be  deemed  by  some 
not  quite  so  favourable  to  the  character  of  James  as 
could  be  wished,  and  therefore  not  so  much  to  be  relied 
on.     But  what  shall  we  say  to  Clarendon,  who  owns, 
that  the  "  first  introduction   of  George  Villiers  into 
favour,  was  purely  from  the  handsomeness  of  his  per- 
son b  :  and  that  the  king's  natural  disposition  was  very 
flowing  in  affection  towards  persons  so  adorned."     Dr. 
Birch  observes  of  this  same  Villiers,  that  "  he  had 
scarce  any  other  advantages  to  recommend  him  to  his 
majesty,  than  those  of  a  most  graceful  person.     Upon 
what  terms  of  familiarity,  adds  he,  he  wa.s  with  his 
royal  master  is  evident,  not  much  to  the  honour  of 
either  of  them,  from  two  volumes  of  original  letters 
which  passed  between  them,  still  extant  in  the  Harleian 
library,  full  of  the  obscenest  expressions  in  our  lan- 
guage, and  such  as  Dr.  Welwood,  who  has  given  some 
extracts  from  those  letters,  says,  might  make  a  bawd 
to  blush  to  repeat.     So  impure  a  correspondence  is  an 
amazing  inconsistency  with  those  theological  and  de- 

*  Wood's  Athenaa  Oxonienses,  TO!.  II.  c.  156.  edit.  2.  Ixmd.  1721.  folio. 
b  Clarendon,  voL  L  p.  9,  1C. 


Sff  THE  LIFE  OF 

votional  tracts  which  the  king  gave  the  world  with  so 
much  pomp  among  his  works,  and  which  he  caused  to 
be  translated  into  and  published  in  both  the  Latin 
and  French  tongues  a." 

That  the  reader  may  have  as  much  light  as  possible 
in  this  matter,  I  will  transcribe  Dr.  Wei  wood's  account 
of  the  letters  which  passed  between  James  and  Buck- 
ingham, to  which  Dr.  Birch  refers.  "  The  letters, 
says  he,  which  passed  between  the  king  and  Bucking- 
ham, are  wrote  in  a  peculiar  stile  of  familiarity,  the 
king  for  the  most  part  calling  him  his  dear  child  and 
gossip,  and  his  dear  child  and  gossip  Stetny  ;  and  sub- 
scribing him  his  dear  dad  and  gossip,  and  sometimes 
his  dear  dad  and  Stuart ;  and  once,  when  he  sends  him 
partridges,  his  dear  dad  and  purveyor.  Buckingham 
calls  the  king,  for  the  most  part,  dear  dad  and  gossip, 
and  sometimes,  dear  dad,  gossip,  and  Stuart ;  and  sub- 
scribes always,  your  majesty's  most  humble  slave  and 
dog,  Steiny. 

"  Not  to  blot  these  papers  with  the  bawdy  that  is  in 
some  of  these  letters  of  king  James,  I  shall  only  ob- 
serve, that  such  was  the  familiarity  and  friendship 
between  him  and  Buckingham,  that  in  one  of  them  he 
tells  Buckingham,  he  wears  Steiny's  picture  under  his 
waistcoat,  next  his  heart;  and  in  another,  he  bids  him, 
his  only  sweet  and  dear  child,  hasten  to  him  to  Birely 
that  night,  that  his  white  teeth  might  shine  upon  him-. 
But  the  reader  may  better  judge  of  the  rest  of  king 
James's  familial'  letters  to  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  by 
the  following  short  one,  which  runs  thus  verbatim,  and 
is  without  date. 

"  My  only  sweet  and  dear  child, 
"  Blessing,  blessing,  blessing  on  thy  heart's  roots, 
and  all  thine,  this  Thursday  morning.     Here  is  great 

•  Birch's  View  of  the  Negotiations,  &c.  p.  384. 


JAMES  I.  87 

mon  conversation";  and  stuck  not  on  oc- 

store  of  game  as  they  say,  partridges  and  stoncorleurs : 
I  know  who  shall  get  their  part  of  them ;  and  here  is 
the  finest  company  of  young  hounds  that  ever  was 
seen.  God  bless  the  sweet  master  of  my  harriers, 
that  made  them  to  be  so  well  kept  all  summer;  I 
mean  Tom  Badger.  I  assure  myself  thou  wilt  punc- 
tually observe  the  dyet  and  journey  I  set  thee  down 
in  my  first  letter  from  Theobald's,  God  bless  thee, 
and  my  sweet  Kate,  and  Mall,  to  the  comfort  of  thy 

"  dear  Dad, 

"  JAMES  R. 

lt  P.  S.  Let  my  last  compliment  settle  to  thy  heart, 
till  we  have  a  sweet  and  comfortable  meeting,  which 
God  send,  and  give  thee  grace  to  bid  the  drogues  adieu 
this  day. 

"  Now  the  reason  why  James  gave  Buckingham  the 
name  pf  Steiny,  was  for  his  handsomeness,  it  being 
the  diminutive  of  St.  Stephen,  who  is  always  painted 
with  a  glory  about  his  face  V 

I  have  now  given  my  authorities  for  the  assertion  in 
the  text,  the  inference  I  leave  to  the  reader,  being  un- 
willing to  say  more  on  a  subject  so  disagreeable  to  the 
ears  of  the  chaste  and  virtuous.  I  have  added  nothing, 
nor  suppressed  any  thing ;  and  therefore,  as  a  mere 
relator,  am  liable,  I  think,  to  no  censure.  Had  I 
met  with  any  thing  favourable  to  James  in  this 
matter,  I  would  have  declared  it  with  great  pleasure; 
but  I  cannot  allow  myself  to  invent,  in  order  to 
vindicate. 

33  He  used  cursing  and  swearing.]  Here  follow  my 
proofs. "  He  would  make  a  great  deal  too  bold 

*  Compleat  History  of  England,  vol.  II.  p.  697.  folio,  Lond.  1706. 


88  THE  LIFE  OF 

casion,  to  utter  the  most  bitter  impreca- 

with  God  in  his  passion,  both  in  cursing  and  swear- 
ing, and  one  strain  higher,  verging  on  blasphemy ; 
but  would  *in  his  better  temper  say,  he  hoped  God 
would  not  impute  them  as  sins,  and  lay  them  to  his 
charge,  seeing  they  proceeded  from  passion3."  An 
excellent  reason  this !  and  an  admirable  excuse  for  an 
acknowledged  crime.  James,  weak  as  he  was,  would 
have  seen  the  folly  of  this  plea  in  others,  and  would 
have  censured  them  for  making  use  of  it.  But  any 
thing  will  serve  for  an  excuse  to  those  who  chuse  to 
do  as  they  have  been  accustomed,  and  will  not  be  at 
the  pains  to  reform. That  James  was  a  swearer,  ap- 
pears from  Lord  Clarendon,  who  says  "  he  renounced 
with  many  oaths  the  having  communicated  the  prince's 
journey  into  SpainV  Oaths  are  highly  indecent  in 
princes :  they  are  greatly  impolitic  also,  as  lessening 
the  regard  which  ought  to  be  paid  unto  them  in 
courts  of  judicature,  and  leading  thereby  to  perjury. 
Princes  therefore  should  shew  the  greatest  reverence 
to  oaths,  in  order  thereby  to  keep  up  their  sacredness, 
and  secure  the  truth  and  fidelity  of  their  subjects. 
Those  of  them  who  will  not  thus  behave,  pay  generally 
very  dear  for  their  liberty ;  for  their  servants  and  sub- 
jects taking  example  by  them,  run  into  the  same  ex- 
cess, whereby  they  receive  the  greatest  damage.  So 
that  interest  alone,  if  well  understood  and  considered, 
will  engage  those  who  bear  rule,  to  set  before  men 
good  examples,  and  abstain  from  the  appearance  of 
evil ;  and  such  of  them  as  are  not  induced  hereunto 
by  a  sense  of  it,  have  no  great  reason  to  boast  of  their 
understanding. 

*  Weldon,  p.  172.  b  Clarendon,  voL  L  p.  16. 


JAMES  I.  89 

tions   on  himself,  and   on  his  posterity34. 

3*  He  stuck  not  to  utter  the  most  bitter  impreca- 
tions on  himself,  and  on  his  posterity.]  When  the 
trial  of  the  inurtherers  of  Sir  Thomas  Overbury  was 
going  forwards,  the  king  went  from  Whitehall  to 
Theobald's,  and  so  to  Royston,  and  having  sent  for 
all  the  judges,  he  kneeled  down  in  the  midst  of  his 
lords  and  servants,  and  used  these  words  to  the  judges. 
"  My  lords,  I  charge  you,  as  you  will  answer  it  at 
that  great  and  dreadful  day  of  judgment,  that  you  ex- 
amine it  [the  poisoning  of  Overbury]  strictly  without 
favour,  affection,  or  partiality  ;  and  if  you  spare  any 
guilty  of  this  crime,  God's  curse  light  upon  you  and 
your  posterity ;  and  if  I  spare  any  that  are  found 
guilty,  God's  curse  light  on  me  and  my  posterity 
for  ever*."  And  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign 
"  several  lords  having  declared  in  the  star-chamber, 
that  some  of  the  puritans  had  raised  a  false  rumour 
of  the  king,  how  he  intended  to  grant  a  toleration 
to  papists;  the  lords  severally  declared,  how  the  king 
was  discontented  with  the  said  false  rumour,  and  had 
made  but  the  day  before  a  protestation  unto  them, 
that  he  never  intended  it,  and  that  he  would  spend  the 
last  drop  of  his  blood  before  he  would  do  it;  and 
prayed,  that  before  any  of  his  issue  should  maintain 
any  other  religion  than  what  he  truly  professed  and 
maintained,  that  God  would  take  them  out  of  the 
world  b."  These  are  deep  and  horrible  imprecations, 
and  enough  to  make  a  man  tremble  to  think  on  the 
profaneness  of  the  mouth  that  could  utter  them; 
especially  when  it  is  known  (that  notwithstanding 

*  Weldon,  p.  93,  b  Croke's  Reports,  part  2.  p.  33.  Loud.  1683, 

folio* 


90  THE  LIFE  OF 

And  yet  notwithstanding,  upon  times,  he 
gave  himself  great  airs  of  religion  ",  and 

there  were  so  many  witnesses  to  these  his  words)  he 
spared  Somerset  and  his  lady,  the  principal  actors  in 
Overbury's   tragedy;  and  that  he  not  only  intended, 
but  did  grant  a  toleration  to  papists,  as  will  be  shewn 
hereafter.     How  far  his  imprecations  have  affected  his 
posterity,  is  not,  I  think  for  man  to  say.     But,  with- 
out breach  of  charity,  we  may  assert,  that  James  was 
very  rash   and  inconsiderate,  and  guilty   of  a   great 
fault  in  calling  down  the  judgments  of  heaven  thus  on 
himself  and  his  family.     'Tis  good  advice  which  the 
wise  man  gives,  and  which  was  worthy  of  the  regard 
of  this  British  Solomon,  in  the  following  words,  "  Be 
not  rash  with  thy  mouth,  and  let  not  thy  heart  be  hasty 
to  utter  any  thing  before  God;  for  God  is  in  heaven, 
and  thou  upon  earth;  therefore  let  thy  words  be  fewa." 
A   sense   of  the   omnipresence,    power,  wisdom,  and 
majesty  of  the  superintending  mind,  would  have  re- 
strained James  from  these  rash  and  horrible  wishes ; 
but  he  seems  to  have  had  little  notion  of  any  of  these 
things,  but  rather  to  have  been  one  of  those  who  deal 
in  holy  things   without  any  feeling.     These,  in   lord 
Bacon's  opinion,  are  "the  great  atheists,  who  must, 
says  he,  be  needs  cauterized  in  the  endb."     Deplorable 
state !  dismal   condition !    happy  those,   who,  by   an 
uniform  course  of  virtuous  actions,  can  look  on  the 
almighty  Being  as  their  friend !  who  are  careful  at  all 
times  to  do  what  they    themselves  think  right,  and 
agreeable  to  him  :  the  religion   of  such  is  real,  and 
their  happiness  certain. 

35  He   gave  himself  airs  of  religion,    &c.]      Here 

*  Eccles.  v.  2.  k  Bacon's  Essay  on  Atheism. 

5 


JAMES  I.  91 

talked  after  such  a  manner,  as  to  lead  those 

follows   a  passage  from  Sully,  tending  to  verify  the 
text.     "  James  asked  me,  says  he,  whether  I  went  to 
the  protestant  church  in  London?  upon  my  replying 
that  I  did,  then,  said  he,  you  are  not  resolved,  as  I 
have  been  informed,  to  quit  our  religion,  after  the  ex- 
ample of  Sancy,  who  thought  thereby  to   make  his 
fortune,  but  by  God's  permission,  did  just  the  con- 
trary.    I  treated  this  report  as  a  calumny,  and  said, 
that  my  living  in  France  in  friendship  with  so  many 
ecclesiasticks,  and  being  so  frequently  visited  by  the 
pope's  nuncio,  might,  perhaps,  have  given  rise  to  it. 
Do  you    give   the  pope    the  title  of  holiness  ?     said 
James.     I  replied,  that,  to  conform  to  the  custom  es- 
tablished in  France,  I  did.     He  was  then  for  proving 
to  me,  that  this  custom  was  an  offence  against  God, 
to  whom  alone   this  title  could  justly  belong.     Ire- 
plied,  that  I  supposed  a  greater  crime  was  not  hereby 
committed,  than  by  so  frequently  giving  to  princes 
such  titles  as  they  were  well  known  not  to  deserve  V* 
Let  us  add  the  following  memorandum  of  the  illustri- 
ous archbishop   Usher  to   Sully,  and  we  shall   need 
nothing  more  to  convince  us  of  the  solemn  airs  of  re- 
ligion James,   at  some  times,  could  put  on.     "  I  was 
appointed  by  the  lower  house  of  parliament,  to  preach 
at  St.  Margaret's,  Westminster,  Feb.  7,  1620.     Feb. 
1:),  being  Shrove  Tuesday,  I  dined  at  court,  and  be- 
twixt four  and  five  kissed  the  king's  hand,  and  had 
conference  with  him  touching  my  sermon.     He  said, 
I  had  charge  of  an  unruly  flock  to  look  unto  the  next 
Sunday.     He  asked  me  how  I  thought  it  could  stand 
with  true  divinity,  that  so  many  hundred  should  be 

*  Sully's  Memoirs,  TO!.  II.  p.  33. 


02  THE  LIFE  OF 

who  were  unacquainted  with  him,  to  be- 

tied  (upon  so  short  warning)  to  receive  the  communion 
upon  a  day,  all  could  not  be  in  chanty,  after  so  late 
contentions  in  the  house :  many  must  needs  come 
without  preparation,  and  eat  their  own  condemnation  : 
that  himself  required  all  his  whole  houshold  to  re- 
ceive the  communion,  but  not  all  the  same  day,  unless 
at  Easter,  when  the  whole  Lent  was  a  time  of  prepa- 
ration. He  bad  me  to  tell  them,  I  hoped  they  were 
all  prepared,  but  wished  they  might  be  better;  to 
exhort  them  to  unity  and  concord ;  to  love  God  first, 
and  then  their  prince  and  country ;  to  look  to  the 
urgent  necessities  of  the  times,  and  the  miserable  state 
of  Christendom,  with  bis  dat  qui  citd  dat  V-  —This 
kind  of  talk  would  have  suited  well  enough  the  mouth 
of  some  honest,  well-meaning  ecclesiastic,  and  edified, 
no  doubt,  very  much  those  who  heard  it.  But  it 
sounds  strange  from  James,  who  was  addicted  to  so 
many  vices,  and  whose  oaths  and  imprecations  were 
so  common.  Shall  we  suppose  him  wholly  hypocri- 
tical in  these  speeches,  and  entirely  unconcerned  about 
the  things  he  talked  of;  though  from  other  parts 
of  his  behaviour,  one  might  be  led  to  make  this  con- 
clusion, yet,  perhaps,  we  should  be  mistaken  in  so 
doing.  For,  however  it  be,  men's  characters  are  too 
often  inconsistent,  and  they  strangely  blend  what  they 
call  religion,  with  the  practice  of  the  most  odious  and 
detestable  vices.  By  a  concern  for  the  one,  they  ex- 
cuse to  themselves  the  other,  and  so  come  at  length  to 
imagine,  that  they  are  acceptable  to  the  Deity,  though 
they  break  the  most  sacred  of  his  laws.  Thus  we 
read  of  John  Basilides,  great  duke  of  Muscovy,  the 

*  Usher's  Life  and  Letters  by  Parr,  p.  17,  IS.  Lond.  1686.  folio. 


JAMES  I.  93 

lieve  that  he  had  a  more  than  ordinary  de- 
most  wicked  of  men,  the  most  detestable  of  tyrants, 
that  he  would  pray  and  fast  in  a  most  extraordinary 
manner,  and  be  as  devout  as  possible  himself,  and 
make  others  so  too  a.  And,  in  the  same  manner,  num- 
bers of  cruel  persecutors,  and  ambitious,  selfish,  ava- 
ritious  wretches,  are  exceedingly  2ealous  and  exact 
in  their  devotions,  and  come  not  behind,  in  these 
things,  the  most  sincere  and  virtuous  persons.  So 
that  'tis  not  improbable  James  might  be  in  earnest 
when  he  talked  in  these  strains,  and  please  himself  to 
think,  that  he  was  both  so  wise  and  so  religious  a 
king.  Amazing  delusion!  terrible  deceit!  To  the 
all-piercing  eye  of  heaven  all  is  naked  and  open,  no 
disguises  can  conceal  from,  no  artifices  impose  on  it; 
and  therefore  men  should  look  well  to  it,  that  they  are 

what   they  would  seem   to  be. A  prince   openly 

vicious  and  profane,  only  hurts  the  interest  of  religion, 
by  appearing,  on  occasion,  its  votary.  Standers-by 
will  look  with  ridicule  and  abhorrence  on  his  interest- 
ing himself  in  its  affairs,  and  will  not  be  prevailed  on 

to  believe  that  he  is  in  earnest  about  it. Hence 

possibly  it  has  come  to  pass,  that  courts  have  been  so 
little  famed  for  the  practice  of  religion.  For  the  man- 
ners of  the  generality  of  princes  being  not  over  good, 
those  about  them  think  they  shall  pay  their  court  to 
them  more  by  conforming  to  their  example,  than  by 
obeying  their  edict.  When  they  speak  therefore  of 
religion,  they  are  not  listened  unto ;  when  they  com- 
mand, by  those  about  them,  they  are  not  obeyed :  for 
they  are  considered  as  only  acting  a  part,  and  there 

*  See  Casaubon  of  Enthusiasm,  p.  279.  8vo.  Lond.   1656. 


94  THE  LIFE  OF 

gree  of   sanctity.      Hunting56  was   a  fa-> 

fore  having  no  real  concern  about  what  they  seem  to 
engage  in. 

6  Hunting  was  a  favourite  diversion  with  him,  &c.] 
Let  us  hear  Sully.  "  From  this  subject  [the  insincerity 
of  the  Spaniards]  the  king  of  England  passed  to  that 
of  the  chace,  for  which  he  shewed  me  an  extraordinary 
passion.  He  said  he  knew  very  well  that  I  was  no 
great  lover  of  the  chace ;  that  he  had  attributed  the 
late  success  of  his  sport  to  me,  not  as  marquis  of 
Rosny,  but  as  ambassador  from  the  king,  who  was 
not  only  the  greatest  prince,  but  the  greatest  hunter 
in  the  world ;  to  which,  with  the  greatest  politeness, 
he  added,  that  Henry  was  in  the  right  not  to  carry  me 
to  the  chace,  because  I  was  of  greater  service  to  him 
elsewhere;  and  that  if  I  pursued  the  chace,  the  king 
of  France  could  not.  I  replied,  that  Henry  loved  all 
the  exercises ;  but  that  none  of  them  ever  made  him 
neglect  the  care  of  his  affairs,  nor  prevented  him  from 
a  close  inspection  into  the  proceedings  of  his  minis- 
ters3." Had  James  imitated  his  brother  of  France  in 
attending  his  affairs,  and  inspecting  the  proceeding  of 
his  ministers,  he  might  have  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of 
hunting  without  censure.  For  'tis  but  reasonable  that 
princes  should  have  a  relaxation  from  business  as  well 
as  other  men. 

But  says  Mr.  Chamberlaine  to  Mr.  Winwood,  in  a 
letter  dated  Jan.  26,  1604,  "  the  king  finds  that  feli- 
city in  that  hunting  life,  that  he  hath  written  to  the 
council,  that  it  is  the  only  means  to  maintain  his 
health,  which  being  the  health  and  welfare  of  us  all> 

•  Sully,  vol.  II  p.  29. 


JAMES  I.   •  95 

vourite  diversion  with  him,  which  he  prac- 
tised so  much,  as  to  neglect  the  great  and 

he  desires  them  to  take  the  charge  and  burden  of 
affairs,  and  foresee  that  he  be  not  interrupted  nor 
troubled  with  too  much  business8."  A  man  who  pre- 
ferred hunting  to  the  affairs  of  state,  was  unworthy  of 
the  crown  he  wore,  and  undeserving  the  regard  of  his 
people.  For  such  a  one  neglected  the  end  of  his  ap- 
pointment, and  therefore  merited  the  contempt  he  met 

with. James  never  loved  business.     "  In  Scotland, 

says  Melvil,  the  earl  of  Arran  desired  him  to  recreate 
himself  at  hunting,  and  he  would  attend  the  council, 
and  report  again  at  his  majesty's  return,  all  our  opi- 
nions and  conclusions15."  He  hearkened  to  his  advice, 
or  rather  followed  his  own  inclinations,  and  thereby 
numberless  mischiefs  ensued.  He  was  never  the  wiser 
for  this  we  see;  for  his  aversion  to  business  was  the 
same,  and  so  was  his  passion  for  hunting  :  so  that  he 
had  lived  to  no  purpose,  and  was  incapable  of  being 
taught  by  experience. 

Osborn  tells  us,  he  saw  "  him  dressed  in  colours 
green  as  the  grass  he  trod  on,  with  a  feather  in  his 
cap,  and  a  horn  instead  of  a  sword  by  his  side  V  A 
pretty  picture  this  of  a  prince,  and  tending  to  excite 
much  reverence  in  the  beholders.  But  when  men's 
minds  are  bent  on  diversions,  they  care  for  nothing 
more  than  their  own  pleasure  and  amusement,  and  are 
thoughtless  of  what  standers-by  think  or  say  of  them. 

1  will  give  the  reader  some  fine  observations  on 

this  subject  of  hunting,  from  a  writer  whose  great 
genius  and  elevated  rank  entitle  him  to  be  heard  with 
deference  and  respect,  and  with  them  conclude  the 

*  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  46.         fc  Melvil,  p.  139.         c  Osborn,  p.  495. 


96  THE  LIFE  OF 

weighty  business  of  state,  and  leave  every 
thing  of  consequence  to  be  transacted  by  his 
council,  to  his  no  small  dishonour. 

note.  "  Hunting  is  one  of  those  sensual  pleasures 
which  exercise  the  body,  without  affecting  the  mind  ; 
it  is  an  ardent  desire  of  pursuing  some  wild  beast,  for 
the  cruel  satisfaction  of  destroying  it;  an  amusement 
which  renders  the  body  robust  and  active,  and  leaves 
the  rnind  fallow  and  uncultivated.  Sportsmen,  per- 
haps, will  reproach  me  here  with  gravity  and  preach- 
ing, and  alledge,  that  I  assume  the  prerogative  of  a 
priest  in  his  pulpit,  who  may  assert  whatever  he  pleases, 
without  being  atraid  of  contradiction.  Hunting,  say 
they,  is  the  noblest  and  most  antient  of  all  amuse- 
ments :  the  patriarchs  and  many  other  eminent  men 
were  hunters;  and  by  this  we  continue  to  exercise 
that  dominion  over  the  beasts,  which  God  vouchsafed 
to  s;ive  Adam.  But  no  follv  is  the  better  for  beinq- 

J 

antient,  especially  if  it  is  carried  to  extravagance : 
many  great  men,  I  own,  have  been  passionately  fond 
of  this  diversion;  but  these  had  their  weaknesses  as 
well  as  perfections  :  Let  us  imitate  their  great  quali- 
ties, without  copying  after  their  little  and  idle  occu- 
pations. The  same  patriarchs  were  not  only  given  to 
hunting,  but  to  polygamy,  nay,  would  marry  their 
own  sisters,  and  had  many  other  customs  which  savour- 
ed of  the  barbarous  ages  wherein  they  lived.  They 
were  rude,  ignorant,  and  uncultivated  idle  men,  who, 
to  kill  time,  employed  it  in  hunting,  and  threw  away 
those  moments  in  useless  amusements,  which  the}' had 
no  capacity  to  employ  in  the  company  and  conversa- 
tion of  men  of  understanding.  Let  me  now  ask 
whether  these  are  examples  to  be  imitated;  whether 

2 


JAMES  I.  07 

He  had  a  vehement  desire  to  be  thought 
learned,  and  master  of  the  controversies 

these  barbarous  ages,  or  others  that  were  more  refined, 
ought  to  be  the  model  of  the  present  ?  To  enquire 
whether  Adam  received  dominion  over  the  beasts, 
would  be  foreign  to  my  subject ;  but  it  is  well  known, 
that  men  have  been  alwavs  more  cruel  and  ravenous 

tf 

than  the  beasts  themselves,  and  make  the  most  tyran- 
nical use  of  that  dominion  they  pretend  to.  If  any 
thing  gives  us  advantage  over  these  animals,  it  is  cer- 
tainly our  reason  ;  but  professed  hunters,  for  the  most 
part,  have  their  heads  furnished  with  nothing  but  horses, 
dogs,  boars,  stags,  and  the  like.  They  are  sometimes  as 
wild  and  savage  themselves  as  the  beasts  they  pursue; 
and  it  may  well  be  feared  lest  they  should  become  as  in- 
human to  their  fellow-creatures  as  they  are  to  their  fel- 
low-animals, or  at  least  that  the  cruel  custom  of  perse- 
cuting and  destroying  these,  may  take  away  their  sym- 
pathy for  the  misfortunes  of  the  others.  And  is  this  so 
noble  an  occupation,  so  worthy  of  a  thinking  being  ?  It 
may  be  objected  that  hunting  is  an  healthful  exercise, 
and  that  those  who  are  given  to  it  live  to  a  great  age,  as 
appears  by  experience ;  that  it  is  a  harmless  amusement, 
and  very  proper  for  sovereigns,  as  it  displays  their  mag- 
riificence,  dissipates  their  cares,  and  in  times  of  peace 
presents  them  with  an  image  of  war.  I  would  be  far 
from  condemning  a  moderate  use  of  this  exercise,  but 
let  it  be  remembered,  that  exercise  in  general  is  hardly 
necessary  to  any  but  the  intemperate.  Never  prince 
lived  longer  than  cardinal  Fleury,  cardinal  Ximenes, 
or  the  late  pope,  and  yet  neither  of  the  three  was  a 
hunter.  But  is  it  necessary  to  chuse  an  employment 
which  has  no  other  merit  but  that  of  promising  long 

VOL.    I.  H 


98  THE  LIFE  OF 

then  on    foot,    which    made    him  expose 
himself  much  in  the  conference  at  Hamp- 

life  ?  Monks  commonly  live  longer  than  other  men ; 
must  a  man  therefore  become  a  monk  ?  there  is  no 
need  of  leading  an  indolent  and  useless  life,  as  long 
as  that  of  Methusalem  :  the  more  a  man  improves  his 
understanding,  and  the  more  great  and  useful  actions 
he  performs,  the  longer  he  lives.  Hunting,  besides, 
is  of  all  amusements  that  which  is  least  proper  for  a 
prince :  he  may  display  his  magnificence  a  thousand 
ways,  that  are  all  more  useful  to  his  subjects  :  and  if  it 
should  be  found,  that  the  peasants  were  ruined  by  the 
too  great  number  of  wild  beasts,  the  care  of  destroying 
these  might  be  committed  to  professed  hunters  hired 
for  that  purpose.  The  proper  employment  of  a  prince 
is  that  of  improving  his  own  mind,  and  governing  his 
people,  in  order  to  acquire  more  knowledge,  and  con- 
sequently be  able  to  accommodate  his  government  to 
their  interest.  It  must  not  be  omitted,  that  to  be  a 
great  general,  there  is  no  need  of  being  a  hunter. 
Gustavus  Adolphus,  marshal  Turenne,  the  duke  of 
Marlborough,  and  prince  Eugene,  whose  characters  as 
able  generals  and  illustrious  men,  will  not  be  question- 
ed, were  not  hunters ;  nor  do  we  read  of  the  huntings 
of  Alexander,  Caesar,  or  Scipio. 1  conclude  there- 
fore, that  it  is  excusable  in  a  prince  to  go  a  hunting, 
if  it  is  but  seldom,  and  to  refresh  him  after  his  serious 
and  often  melancholy  employments.  I  say  once  more, 
I  object  to  no  honest  pleasure  ;  but  the  care  of  render- 
ing a  state  flourishing  and  happy,  and  of  protecting 
and  encouraging  arts  and  sciences,  is  unquestionably 
a  much  superior  pleasure,  and  much  fitter  employ- 
for  a  prince;  and  whoever  betakes  himself  to 
3 


JAMES  I.  99 

ton-Court 37,  between  the  episcopalians  and 

any  other,  neither  consults   his  pleasure  nor  his  in- 
terest3." 

37  Which  made  him  expose  himself  much  in  the 
conference  at  Hampton-Court,  &c.]  This  conference 
was  begun  Jan.  14,  1603,  in  pursuance  of  a  proclama- 
tion for  that  purpose,  dated  Oct.  £4,  of  the  same  year. 
The  professed  design  of  it  was  to  examine  into  the  ob- 
jections of  the  puritans,  against  the  doctrine,  govern- 
ment and  discipline  of  the  established  church,  and  rec- 
tify abuses  crept  into  it.  But  the  king  had  little  of 
this  at  heart ;  his  design  was  to  shew  his  learning,  and 
mortify  the  puritans,  which  he  did  as  well  as  he  could. 
He  talked  therefore  of  the  name  and  use  of  confirma- 
tion, and  the  occasion  of  its  being  first  brought  in ; 
of  absolution,  private  baptism,  and  excommunication  ; 
points  well  worthy  the  study  of  a  king,  and  coming 
with  great  propriety  from  his  mouth.  "  Absolution, 
he  declared,  was  apostolical,  and  a  very  good  ordi- 
nance, in  that  it  was  given  in  the  name  of  Christ  to 
one  that  desired  it,  and  upon  the  clearing  of  his  con- 
scienceb."  He  maintained  "the  necessity  of  bap- 
tism, where  it  might  be  lawfully  had,  id  est,  ministered 
by  lawful  ministers,  by  whom  alone,  and  by  no  private 
person,  he  thought  it  might  not  in  any  case  be  ad- 
ministered. After  which  he  learnedly  observed,  that 
though  the  minister  be  not  of  the  essence  of  the  sacra- 
ment [of  baptism]  yet  he  is  of  the  essence  of  the  right 
and  lawful  ministry  of  the  sacrament0."  These  dis- 
courses passed  between  the  king  and  bishops  alone  on 

*  Anti-Machiavel,  p.  155—164.  8vt>.  Lorul.  1741.  b  Barlow's 

Account  of  the  Conference  at  Hampton-Court,  in  vol.  I.  of  the   Phenix, 
p.  145.  8vo.  Lond.  1707.  c  Id.  p.  147. 

H  2 


100  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  puritans,   where  he  set  up  for  a  dispu* 

the  first  day,  greatly,  I  dare  say,  to  their  rejoicing. 
On  the  second  day,  the  ministers  who  were  to  propose 
the  demands  of  the  puritans  being  called  in,  viz.  Rey- 
nolds, Sparks,  Knewstubbs,  and  Chadderton,  together 
with  Patrick  Galloway,  sometime  minister  of  Perth 
in  Scotland  ;  and  their  objections  being  all  reduced 
into  four  heads,  the  king  took  on  him  to  dispute  the 
matters  contained  in  them,  with  the  ministers.  It 
would  be  endless  to  relate  all  he  said,  for  he  loved 
speaking,  and  was  in  his  element  whilst  disputing. 
Two  or  three  instances  of  his  ostentatious  pedantry 
shall  therefore  suffice.  "  His  majesty  taxed  St.  Jerom 
for  his  assertion,  that  a  bishop  was  not  divines  ordina- 
tionis ;  which  opinion  he  much  distasted,  approving 
their  calling  and  use  in  the  church,  and  closed  it  up 
with  this  short  aphorism,  no  bishop,  no  king  '"*' 

"  Dr.  Reynolds  having  made  it  an  objection  against 
the  Apocrypha  (ordered  by  the  Common  Prayer  to  be 
read)  that  the  author  of  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus, 
chap,  xlviii.  10.  held  the  same  opinion  with  the  Jews 
at  this  day,  namely,  that  Elias  in  person  was  to  come 
before  Christ;  and  therefore  as  yet  Christ,  by  that 
reason,  not  come  in  the  flesh :  I  say  Dr.  Reynolds 
having  made  this  objection,  his  majesty  calling  for  a 
bible,  first  shewed  the  author  of  that  book ;  who  he 
was,  then  the  cause  why  he  wrote  that  book ;  next 
analized  the  chapter  itself,  shewing  the  precedents  and 
consequences  thereof;  lastly,  unfolded  the  sum  of  that 
place,  arguing  and  demonstrating  that  whatsoever 
Ben  Sirach  had  said  there  of  Elias,  Elias  had,  in  his 

a  Barlow's  Account  of  the  Conference  at  Hampton-Court,  in  vol;  I,  «f 
the  Phenix,  p.  153.  8vo,  Loud.  1707. 

4 


JAMES  I.  101 

tant,  and  behaved  with  a  great  and  visible 

own  person  while  he  lived,  performed  and  accomplish- 
ed*." He  moreover  declared,  "  that  he  had  never  seen 
a  bible  well  translated  into  English ;  that  the  transla- 
tion of  Geneva  was  the  worst  of  all;  that  pains  should 
be  taken  about  an  uniform  translation  of  it,  under  cer- 
tain restrictions,  and  more  especially  that  no  marginal 
notes  should  be  added,  having  found,  said  he,  in 
them  which  are  annexed  to  the  Geneva  translation, 
some  notes  very  partial,  untrue,  seditious,  and  savour- 
ing too  much  of  dangerous  and  traiterous  conceits  V* 
Thus  James  shewed  his  learning  in  the  midst  of  the 
lords  of  the  council,  and  the  bishops  and  deans  who 
attended.  I  doubt  not,  though  Reynolds  was  awed  by 
the  presence,  and  made  not  the  figure  he  was  capable 
of,  that  he  heartily  despised  the  prince  who  could  talk 
after  this  rate,  and  dictate  in  matters  out  of  his  pro- 
vince.  Let  us  now  see  how  his  majesty  endea- 
voured to  mortify  the  puritans. 

After  expounding  the  chapter  of  Ecclesiasticus  just 
mentioned,  he  addressed  himself  to  the  lords,  and 
said,  "  what  trow  ye,  make  these  men  so  angry  with 
Ecclesiasticus?  by  my  soul  I  think  he  was  a  bishop, 

or  else  they  would  never  use  him  soc." In  answer 

to  a  question  started  how  far  an  ordinance  of  the  church 
was  to  bind,  without  impeaching  Christian  liberty? 
James  said,  <(  he  would  not  argue  that  point,  but  an- 
swer therein  as  kings  are  wont  to  do  in  parliament, 
le  roy  s'avisera;  adding  withal,  that  it  smelled  very 
rankly  of  anabaptism,  comparing  it  to  the  usage  of  a 

*  Barlow's  Account  of  the  Conference  at  Hampton-Court,  in  vol.  I. 
•f  the  Phenix,  p.  162,  163.  8vo.  Lend.  1707.  »  Id.  p.  157. 

c  Id.  p.  163. 


1Q3  THE  LIFE  OF 

partiality.      Indeed,    his   conduct   in   this 

beardless  boy  (one  Mr.  John  Black)  who  the  last  con- 
ference his  majesty  had  with  the  ministers  of  Scotland, 
in  Dec.  1602,  told  him,  that  he  would  hold  conformity 
with  his  majesty's  ordinances  for  matters  of  doctrine  ; 
but  for  matters  of  ceremony,  they  were  to  be  left  in 
Christian  liberty  to  every  man,  as  he  received  more 
and  more  light  from  the  illumination  of  God's  spirit, 
even  till  they  go  mad,  quoth  the  king,  with  their  own 
light.  But  I  will  none  of  that,  I  will  have  one  doc- 
trine, and  one  discipline,  one  religion  in  substance 
and  in  ceremony ;  and  therefore  I  charge  you  never 
to  speak  more  to  that  point  (how  far  you  are  bound 
to  obey)  when  the  church  hath  ordained  it  V  After- 
wards speaking  to  the  lords  and  bishops,  he  said,  "  I 
will  tell  you,  I  have  lived  among  this  sort  of  men 
ever  since  I  was  ten  years  old ;  but  I  may  say  of  my- 
self, as  Christ  said  of  himself,  though  I  lived  among 
them,  yet,  since  I  had  ability  to  judge,  I  was  never 
of  them  V— Thinking  by  somewhat  Dr.  Reynolds 
said,  that  the;  puritans  aimed  at  a  Scotch  presbytery, 
the  king  observed,  "  that  it  agreed  with  a  monarchy, 
as  God  and  the  devil.  Then  Jack  and  Tom,  and 
Will  and  Dick  shall  meet,  added  he,  and  at  their  plea- 
sure censure  me  and  my  council,  and  all  our  proceed- 
ings. Then  Will  shall  stand  up  and  say,  it  must  be 
thus  ;  then  Dick  shall  reply,  and  say,  nay,  marry,  but 
we  will  have  it  thus6."  Afterwards  asking  if  they  had 
any  thing  further  to  object  ?  and  being  answered  no, 
he  said,  "  if  this  was  all,  he  would  make  them  con- 

•  Barlow's  Account  of  the  Conference  at  Hampton-Court,  in  vol.  I.  of 
the  Phenix,  p.  166.  8vo.  Lond.  1707.  b  Compare  this  with  the  notes 

12  and  18.  c  Id.  p.  169. 


JAMES  I.  108 

affair  was  such,  as  has  been  severely  cen- 

form,  or   would  hurry  them  out  of  the  land,  or  else  do 

worse3." This  was  the  behaviour  of  James  in  thU 

celebrated  conference  ;  a  behaviour  contemptible  and 
ridiculous,  and  such  as  must  expose  him  to  stand ers- 

by. What  then  must  we  think  of  archbishop 

Whitgift,  who  said  "  that  undoubtedly  his  majesty 
spake  by  the  special  assistance  of  God's  spirit  ?" 
What  of  bishop  Bancroft,  who  on  his  knee  protested 
"  that  his  heart  melted  with  joy,  and  made  haste  to 
acknowledge  unto  almighty  God,  the  singular  mercy- 
in  giving  them  such  a  king,  as,  since  Christ's  time, 
the  like  had  not  beenV  Or  what  of  the  temporal 
lords,  who  could  applaud  his  majesty's  speeches  as 
"  proceeding  from  the  spirit  of  God,  and  from  an  un- 
derstanding heart0."  May  we  not  say,  that  they  knew 
well  how  to  dissemble,  and  to  maintain  the  character 

of  good  courtiers  better  than  of  honest  men? - 

Barlow  thought  he  had  done  a  great  piece  of  service 
to  James,  by  publishing  this  conference ;  but  a  worse 
office,  in  reality,  could  not  have  been  done  him. 
Posterity,  by  his  account,  see  James's  pedantry;  and 
to  see  it,  is  to  despise  it.  The  puritans,  therefore, 
needed  not  to  have  complained  so  much  as  they  have 
done  of  Barlow d.  If  he  has  not  represented  their  ar- 
guments in  as  just  a  light,  nor  related  what  was  done 
by  the  ministers  as  advantageously  as  truth  required, 
he  has  abundantly  made  it  up  to  them  by  shewing, 
that  the  bishops,  their  adversaries,  were  gross  flatter- 
ers, and  had  no  regard  to  their  sacred  characters  ;  and 

•  Barlow's  Account  of  the  Conference  at  Hampton-Court,  in  vol.  I.  of 
the  Phenix,  p.  170.  8vo.  Lond.  1707.  "  Id.  p.  174.  c  Id.  p.  170. 

*  See  Fuller's  Church  Hist,  book  10.  cent.  17.  p.  21.  Lond.  1655.  folio, 


104  THE  LIFE  OF 

sured  on  almost  all  hands  ?s,  as  it  well  de- 


that  their  mortal  foe  James  had  but  a  low  understand- 
ing, and  was  undeserving  of  the  rank  he  assumed  in 
the  republic  of  learning.  This  hehas  done  effectually, 
and  therefore,  whatever  was  his  intention,  the  puritans 
should  have  applauded  his  performance,  and  appealed 
to  it  for  proof  of  the  insufficiency  of  him  who  set 
himself  up  as  a  decider  of  their  controversies. 

8  His  conduct  was  such,  as  has  been  severely  cen- 
sured, &c.]  I  say  nothing  of  the  puritans ;  they  were 
too  much  parties  to  be  looked  on  as  impartial  judges  ; 
and  James's  conduct  towards  them  was  such,  as  must 
necessarily  give  them  but  a  poor  opinion  of  his  under- 
standing and  justice.  Nor  will  I  give  the  opinion  of 
Barlow  or  Heylin :  the  first  had  his  court  to  make,  the 
other  was  a  bigot  in  the  greatest  degree  a  man  of  sense 
(for  such  he  was)  could  be ;  and  therefore  the  judgment 
of  neither  of  them  is  much  to  be  regarded.  I  will  give 
the  sentiments  of  a  clergyman,  zealous  enough  for  the 
church  ;  and  a  statesman,  who  cannot  be  thought  par- 
tial to  the  puritans,  when  'tis  known  that  he  most  zeal- 
ously promoted  the  occasional  conformity,  and  schism 
bills.  "Had  there  not  been  too  stiff  an  adherence 
(says  the  reverend  writer)  to  some  few  things  at  this 
conference  at  Hampton-Court,  which,  without  danger, 
might  have  been  altered,  had  not  the  bishops  then  had 
such  an  ascendant  throughout  the  whole  conference 
over  the  king,  which  he  was  well  pleased  withal, 
having  by  the  contrary  party  in  Scotland  been  so  roughly 
handled  all  his  time ;  I  say,  certainly  that  conference  had 
terminated  in  a  great  advantage  to  the  church  of  Eng- 
land ;  for  the  puritan  party  was  not  so  numerous,  nor 
Qonsequeatly  so  strong  as  afterwards;  nor  yet  their  dis- 


JAMES  I.  105 

served.  In  the  year  1605,  on  the  fifth  day 
of  Nov.  was  that  most  detestable  conspi- 

affections  so  great  as  they  have  been  since,  a  very  little 
and  easy  condescension  had  spoiled  the  market  of  the 

designing  men,  both  gentry  and  ministers  tooV 

"  Learning,  says  the  other  writer,  was  the  part  upon 
which  James  valued  himself;  this  he  affected  more  than 
became  a  king,  and  broached,  on  every  occasion,  in, 
such  a  manner  as  would  have  misbecome  a  school- 
master. His  pedantry  was  too  much  even  for  the  age 
in  which  he  lived.  It  would  be  tedious  to  quote  the 

part  he  took  in  the  conference  at  Hampton-Court. 

Let  us  only  observe  that  the  ridicule  which  arose  from 
hence,  and  which  fixed  on  him  was  just,  because  the 
merit  of  a  chief  governor  is  wisely  to  superintend  the 
whole,  and  not  to  shine  in  any  inferior  class,  because 
different,  and  in  some  cases  perhaps,  opposite  talents, 
both  natural  and  acquired,  are  necessary  to  move,  and 
to  regulate  the  movements  of  the  machine  of  govern- 
ment; in  short,  because  as  a  good  adjutant  may  make 
a  very  bad  general ;  so  a  great  reader,  and  a  writer 
too,  may  be  a  very  ignorant  kingV  And  in  another 
place,  the  same  fine  writer  observes,  "  that  in  haste  to 
shew  his  parts,  he  had  a  conference  between  the  bishops 
and  the  puritan  ministers  at  Hampton-Court,  where 

he  made  himself  a  principal  party  in  the  dispute. 

But  surely  such  a  conference,  however  it  might  frighten 
and  silence,  could  neither  instruct  nor  persuade,  and 
the  king  was  so  far  from  trusting,  like  his  predecessor, 
to  the  force  of  truth,  and  aid  of  time,  that  in  this  very 
conference  he  threatened  to  employ  another  kind  of 

*  A  Vindication  of  their  Majesties  Wisdom  in  the  nomination  to  the  va- 
cant hishopricks,  p.  7.  4to.  Loud.  1691.        «•  Oldcastle's  Remarks,  p.  237. 


108  THE  LIFE  OF 

many,  yet  cannot,  I  think,  reasonably  be19 

love  flourish  and  prevail  among  all  those  who  profess 
the  religion  of  the  meek  and  holy  Jesus. 

39  The  powder-plot cannot,  I  think,  reasonably 

be  doubted  of.]     The  history  of  this  is  so  well  known, 
that  'tis  needless  to  relate  it  in  this  place.     I  will  only 
observe,  that  the  writers  of  the  narratives  of  this  aifair, 
pay  a  compliment   to  James's  understanding  at  the 
expence  of  truth;  for  it  was  not  he  that  guessed  from 
the  expression  in  the  letter  to  lord  Monteagle,  "  that 
they  should  receive  a  terrible  blow  this  parliament, 
and  yet  they  should  not  see  who  hurts  them."     I  say, 
it  was  not  he  who  guessed  that  it  should  be  some  sud- 
den danger  by  blowing  up  of  powder,  but  the  earl  of 
Suffolk,  lord  chamberlain,  and  the  earl  of  Salisbury, 
as  the  latter  himself  relates  in  a  letter  to  Sir  Charles 
Cornwallis,  dated  JSov.  9,   l605a.     However,  the  wri- 
ters on  this  subject  are  excusable,  having  authority  to 
rely  on.     For  such  was  the  flattery  of  James's  cour- 
tiers, that  they  g  t  it  inserted  into  the  preamble  of  the 
act  for  a  public  thanksgiving  to  almighty  God,  every 
year  on  the  fifth  of  November,  that  "  the  conspiracy 
would  have  turned  to  the  utter  ruin  of  this  whole  king- 
dom, had  it  not  pleased  almighty  God,  by  inspiring 
the  king's  most  excellent  majesty  with  a  divine  spirit, 
to  interpret  some  dark  phrases  of  a  letter  shewed  to  his 
majesty,  above  and  beyond  all  ordinary  construction, 
thereby  miraculously  discovering  this  hidden  treason." 
This  appears  to  be  gross  flattery,  and  'tis  amazing  how 
any  man,  who  knew  it  to  be  such,  could  thus  publicly 
receive  it,  much  more  the  most  great,  learned,  and  reli- 
gious king  that  ever  reigned  in  this  kingdom,  as  in  the 
said  preamble  James  is  stiled.    But  the  drawers  of  this 

*  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  171. 


JAMES  I.  109 

doubted  of.  Every  body  knows,  that  in 
consequence  of  the  discovery,  several  of  the 

act,  I  dare  say,  knew  his  taste,  and  were  willing  to 
gratify  it,  though  thereby  they  exposed  him  to  the 
laughter  of  those  who  were  in  the  secret,  as  great 
numbers  must  have  been.  However,  by  the  way,  it 
ought  never  to  be  permitted  to  recite  falshoods  for 
truths  in  statutes;  for  these  being  enacted  by  the 
highest  authority,  the  facts  in  them  declared  should 
be  strictly  true;  otherwise  whatever  obedience  may 
be  yielded,  the  enactors  will  have  little  esteem  or 
regard  from  the  people,  to  whom  the  dealers  in  un- 
truths seldom  appear  in  an  amiable  light. 'Tis 

well  known,  that  many  of  the  papists  then  and  now 
have  denied  the  fact,  and  imputed  the  whole  of  the 
affair  to  the  artifice  of  Salisbury;  and  we  are  told,  that 
others  of  opposite  principles  have  confidently  asserted, 
"  that  there  never  was  any  such  thing  really  as  the 
gunpowder  plot,  but  that  it  was  a  plot  of  king  James's 
contriving,  to  endear  himself  unto  the  people3."  But 
whether  this  is  not  all  idle  talk  will  appear,  if  we  con- 
sider a  few  confessions  of  Roman  catholics  themselves. 
That  worthy  good-natured  man,  Dr.  Tillotson,  speak- 
ing of  this  horrid  affair,  says,  "  Sir  Everard  Digby, 
whose  very  original  papers  and  letters  are  now  in  my 
hands,  after  he  was  in  prison,  and  knew  he  must  suffer, 
calls  it  the  best  cause;  and  was  extremely  troubled  to 
hear  it  censured  by  catholics  and  priests,  contrary  to 
his  expectation,  for  a  great  sin.  Let  me  tell  you  (says 
he)  what  a  grief  it  is,  to  hear  that  so  much  condemned 
which  I  did  believe  would  have  been  otherwise  thought 
of  by  catholics.  And  yet  he  concludes  that  letter  in 

a  Casaubon  of  Credulity  and  Incredulity,  vol.  I.  p.  202.  8ro.  Lond.  1668. 


108  THE  LIFE  OF 

many,  yet  cannot,  I  think,  reasonably  be59 

love  flourish  and  prevail  among  all  those  who  profess 
the  religion  of  the  meek  and  holy  Jesus. 

39  The  powder-plot cannot,  1  think,  reasonably 

be  doubted  of.]  The  history  of  this  is  so  well  known, 
that 'tis  needless  to  relate  it  in  this  place.  I  will  only 
observe,  that  the  writers  of  the  narratives  of  this  affair, 
pay  a  compliment  to  James's  understanding  at  the 
expence  of  truth;  for  it  was  not  he  that  guessed  from 
the  expression  in  the  letter  to  lord  Monteagle,  "  that 
they  should  receive  a  terrible  blow  this  parliament, 
and  yet  they  should  not  see  who  hurts  them."  I  say, 
it  was  not  he  who  guessed  that  it  should  be  some  sud- 
den danger  by  blowing  up  of  powder,  but  the  earl  of 
Suffolk,  lord  chamberlain,  and  the  earl  of  Salisbury, 
as  the  latter  himself  relates  in  a  letter  to  Sir  Charles 
Cornwallis,  dated  ISov.  9,  l605a.  However,  the  wri- 
ters on  this  subject  are  excusable,  having  authority  to 
rely  on.  For  such  was  the  flattery  of  James's  cour- 
tiers, that  they  g  t  it  inserted  into  the  preamble  of  the 
act  for  a  public  thanksgiving  to  almighty  God,  every 
year  on  the  fifth  of  November,  that  "  the  conspiracy 
would  have  turned  to  the  utter  ruin  of  this  whole  king- 
dom, had  it  not  pleased  almighty  God,  by  inspiring 
the  king's  most  excellent  majesty  with  a  divine  spirit, 
to  interpret  some  dark  phrases  of  a  letter  shewed  to  his 
majesty,  above  and  beyond  all  ordinary  construction, 
thereby  miraculously  discovering  this  hidden  treason." 
This  appears  to  be  gross  flattery,  and  'tis  amazing  how 
any  man,  who  knew  it  to  be  such,  could  thus  publicly 
receive  it,  much  more  the  most  great,  learned,  and  reli- 
gious king  that  ever  reigned  in  this  kingdom,  as  in  the 
said  preamble  James  is  stiled.  But  the  drawers  of  this 

*  Winwood,  TO!,  II.  p.  171. 


JAMES  I.  109 

doubted  of.  Every  body  knows,  that  in 
consequence  of  the  discovery,  several  of  the 

act,  I  dare  say,  knew  his  taste,  and  were  willing  to 
gratify  it,  though  thereby  they  exposed  him  to  the 
laughter  of  those  who  were  in  the  secret,  as  great 
numbers  must  have  been.  However,  by  the  way,  it 
ought  never  to  be  permitted  to  recite  falshoods  for 
truths  in  statutes ;  for  these  being  enacted  by  the 
highest  authority,  the  facts  in  them  declared  should 
be  strictly  true;  otherwise  whatever  obedience  may 
be  yielded,  the  enactors  will  have  little  esteem  or 
regard  from  the  people,  to  whom  the  dealers  in  un- 
truths seldom  appear  in  an  amiable  light. Tis 

well  known,  that  many  of  the  papists  then  and  now 
have  denied  the  fact,  and  imputed  the  whole  of  the 
affair  to  the  artifice  of  Salisbury;  and  we  are  told,  that 
others  of  opposite  principles  have  confidently  asserted, 
"  that  there  never  was  any  such  thing  really  as  the 
gunpowder  plot,  but  that  it  was  a  plot  of  king  James's 
contriving,  to  endear  himself  unto  the  people3."  But 
whether  this  is  not  all  idle  talk  will  appear,  if  we  con- 
sider a  few  confessions  of  Roman  catholics  themselves. 
That  worthy  good-natured  man,  Dr.  Tillotson,  speak- 
ing of  this  horrid  affair,  says,  "  Sir  Everard  Digby, 
whose  very  original  papers  and  letters  are  now  in  my 
hands,  after  he  was  in  prison,  and  knew  he  must  suffer, 
calls  it  the  best  cause;  and  was  extremely  troubled  to 
hear  it  censured  by  catholics  and  priests,  contrary  to 
his  expectation,  for  a  great  sin.  Let  me  tell  you  (says 
he)  what  a  grief  it  is,  to  hear  that  so  much  condemned 
which  I  did  believe  would  have  been  otherwise  thought 
of  by  catholics.  And  yet  he  concludes  that  letter  in 

*  CasauLon  of  Credulity  and  Incredulity,  vol,  I.  p.  202.  8ro.  Lond.  1668. 


110  THE  LIFE  OF 

chief  conspirators  were  executed,  and  an 
annual  thanksgiving  ordained.  And  in 

these  words:  in  how  full  of  joy  should  I  die,  if  I  could 
do  any  thing  for  the  cause  which  I  love  more  than 
my  life.  And  in  another  letter  he  says,  he  could  have 
said  something  to  have  mitigated  the  odium  of  this 
business,  as  to  that  point  of  involving  those  of  his 
own  religion  in  the  common  ruin.  I  dare  not,  says 
he,  take  that  course  that  I  could,  to  make  it  appear 
less  odious;  for  divers  were  to  have  been  brought  out 
of  danger,  who  now  would  rather  hurt  them  than 
otherwise.  I  do  not  think  that  there  would  have  been 
three  worth  the  saving,  that  should  have  been  lost. 
And  as  to  the  rest  that  were  to  have  been  swallowed 
up  in  that  destruction,  he  seems  not  to  have  the  least 
relenting  in  his  mind  about  them3."  Dr.  Burnet  tells 
us,  he  had  the  same  papers  in  his  possession,  and  gives' 

the  like  account  from  themb. But  to  put  the  matter 

beyond  all  dispute,  I  will  give  part  of  a  speech  of  lord 
Stafford  at  the  bar  of  the  house  of  lords,  Dec.  1,  1680. 
which,  as  far  as  I  know,  has  never  been  quoted  by  any 
writer.  Every  body  almost  knows  that  this  unfortu- 
nate nobleman  was  strongly  attached  to  the  Romish 
religion  ;  and  that  upon  the  evidence  of  those  times  he 
was  convicted  and  executed  for  the  popish  plot.  It 
may  well  enough  therefore  be  supposed,  that  he  would 
not  blacken  his  own  side  on  this  occasion,  or  endea- 
vour to  render  his  prosecutors  more  apprehensive  of 
the  enterprizing  spirit  of  the  catholics,  than  the  truth 
compelled  him  to  do.  His  evidence  therefore  being 
unexceptionable,  let  us  attend  unto  it.  "  My  lords, 

•  Tillotson's  Sermon  before  the  House  of  Commons,  Nov.  5,  1678. 
6  Buraet,  vol.  I.  p.  10. 


JAMES  I.  Ill 

order  the  better  to  secure  the  obedience  of 
the  catholics,  the  oath  of  allegiance*,  by  au- 

said  he,  I  have  heard  very  much  of  a  thing  that  was 
named  by  these  gentlemen  of  the  house  of  commons, 
and  that  very  properly  too,  to  wit,  of  the  gunpowder 
treason.  My  lords,  I  was  not  born  then,  but  some 
years  after  heard  very  much  discourse  of  it,  and  very 
various  reports;  and  I  made  a  particular  enquiry, 
perhaps  more  than  any  one  person  did  else,  both 
of  my  father,  who  was  alive  then,  and  my  uncle, 
and  others ;  and  I  am  satisfied,  and  do  clearly  be- 
lieve, by  the  evidence  I  have  received,  that  that 
thing  called  the  gunpowder  treason,  was  a  wicked 
and  horrid  design  (among  the  rest)  of  some  of  the  Je- 
suits, and  I  think  the  malice  of  the  Jesuits,  or  the  wit 
of  man,  cannot  offer  an  excuse  for  it,  it  was  so  exe- 
crable a  thing.  Besides,  my  lords,  I  was  acquainted 
with  one  of  them  that  was  concerned  in  it,  who  had 
his  pardon,  and  lived  many  years  after :  I  discoursed 
with  him  about  it,  and  he  confessed  it,  and  said,  he 
was  sorry  for  it  then ;  and  I  here  declare  to  your  lord- 
ships, that  I  never  heard  any  one  of  the  church  of 
Rome  speak  a  good  word  of  it:  it  was  so  horrid  a 
thing  it  cannot  be  expressed  nor  excused.  And  God 
almighty  shewed  his  judgments  upon  them  for  their 
wickedness ;  for  hardly  any  of  the  persons  or  their 
posterity  are  left  that  were  concerned  in  it ;  and  even 
a  very  great  family  too  [Peircy,  earl  of  Northumber- 
land, I  suppose]  that  had  collaterally  something  to  do 
in  it,  is  in  the  male  line  extinct  totally;  and  I  do  think 
God  almighty  always  shews  his  judgments  upon  such 
vile  actions*."  What  will  any  one  say  to  this?  need* 

*  Stat  anno  tertio  Jacobi  regis,  c.  4.  sect,  15. 

•  Lord  Stafford's  Trial,  p.  53.  Lond.  J 680-1.  fo}. 


112  THE  LIFE  OF 

thority  of  parliament,  was  enacted,  whereby 
the  power  of  the  pope  to  depose  the  king, 

there  any  further  witnesses  when  a  popish  lord  de- 
clares the  thing  to  be  fact,  and  that  he  himself  was 
acquainted  with  one  concerned  in  it,  who  confessed  it  ? 
must  not  those  be  past  conviction  who  will  still  dis- 
pute it,  or  obstinately  deny  it?  I  will  add,  that  it  ap- 
pears from  Dr.  Birch's  view  ;"of  the  negotiations  be- 
tween  England,    France,    and    Brussels,    that    many 
catholics  abroad  were  acquainted  with  it,  and  that  the 
English  regiment  in  the  arch-duke's  service,  was  de- 
signed to  be  transported  upon  the  execution  of  it*. 
Indeed,  says  Sir  Thomas  Edmonds,  ambassador  with 
the  archduke,  in  a  letter  to  Sir  Charles  Cornwallis, 
dated  Dec.  27,   1605,  O.  S.  "  It  was  long  ere  I  could 
persuade  them  here  to  believe  the  truth  of  the  said 
conspiracy,   because  the   catholiques   were  interested 
therein;  but  sometimes  they  would  have  it  to  be  an 
artifice  of  the  puritans  against  those  sanctified  per- 
sons, and  then  a  design  of  the  Hollanders  (which  are 
enemies  to  monarchy)  to  have  reduced  our  estate  to 
the  same  condition  as  theirs  is  of  a  commonwealth. 
But  now  lastly,  when  they  see  they  can  no  longer  dis- 
pute the  doubtfulness  and  incertaintie  thereof,  they 
report  to  this  consideration,  that  it  is  a  work  of  the 
devil's  expressly  to  banish  and  extirpate  the  catholique 
religion  out  of  England.     For  my  own  part,  adds  he,  I 
will  freely  confess,  that  I  do  effectually  desire  (whatso- 
ever judgment  they  make  thereof)  that  we  make  that 
use  of  it,  as  we  have  just  cause  so  to  dob."     These 
things  considered,  I  believe  the  reader  will  think  with 
Dr.  Birch,  "  that  the  papists  of  later  times  afford  an 
instance  of  amazing  scepticism,  and  equal  assurance, 

*  See  Birch's  Negotiations,  p.  235,  256.         b  Winwood,vol.  II  p.  183. 


JAMES  I.  113 

or  dispose  of  any  of  his  majesty's  dominions, 
was  to  be  disowned,  and  true  faith  and  al- 

who  affect,  without  the  least  shadow  of  probability,  to 
represent  so  complicated  and  deep  laid  a  conspiracy, 
us  a  nicer  ministerial  and  political  contrivance,  formed 
by  the  earl  of  Salisbury,  for  the  disgrace  and  ruin  of 
the  Roman  catholic  religion  in  England*."  However, 
though  their  scepticism  and  assurance  arc  thus  amazing, 
yet  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  they  are  unwilling 
to  avow  a  fact,  which  admitted,  must  cast  the  greatest 
odium  on  a  church  whose  ministers  not  only  counselled 
it,  but  were  actors  in  it;  and  though  by  the  judgment 
of  their  country  pronounced  conspirators  and  traitors, 
and  as  such  treated ;  yet  have  been  deemed  by  her 
infallible  self,  saints  and  martyrs,  and  reckoned  among 
their  miracle  workers'*.  A  proof  this,  that  zeal  for 

a  Negotiations,  p.  255.  In  the  Calendar! um  Catholicum,  for  the  year 
Wf>fi,  among  the  memorable  observations  is  the  following. 

Since  the  horrid  powder-plot,  suspected  to  bepolitickly  contrived-) 
by  Cecil,  but  known  to  he  acted  by  a  few  desperadoes  of  a  religion  I  years 
that  detests  such  treasons,  though  ambition  and  discontent  madeC  0081 
them  traytors.  ^ 

Consult  bishop  Barlow's  Genuine  Remains,  p.  388.  Lond.  1693.  8vo. 
where  is  a  censure  of  a  passage  of  a  like  nature  iu  the  Calendarium  Ca- 
thuiieum,  or  I'niversal  Almanack  for  the  year  1662,  which  the  bishop 
say*,  was  writ  by  a  man  of  some  parts  and  quality. 

h  See  Osborn,  p.  485.  Fuller's  Church  Hist.  cent.  17.  hook  10.  p.  40, 
and  Winwood,  vol.  ii.  p.  500.  Monsieur  S.  Amour  tells  us,  that  among  the 
several  portraits  of  Jesuits,  publickly  sold  at  Rome  with  permission  of  the 
superiour,  lie  saw  one  of  Garnet,  with  this  inscription,  Pater  IffnricusfJnr- 
ncttns  Angkis,  Lonttini  pro  Jitle  catholicu  susfensns  &>'  scclits,  3  Mali  1606. 
Father  Henry  Garnet  hanged  and  quartered  at  London,  for  the  catholic 
faith ;  by  which  we  see.  that  treason  and  catholic  faith  are  all  one  at  Rome; 
for  nothing  can  be  more  notorious,  than  that  Garnet  suffered  only  on  the 
account  of  the  gunpowder  treason,  of  which,  as  M.  S.  Amour  observes,  he 
acknowledged  himstlf  guilty  before  he  died.  StUlinf  fleet's  Idolatry  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  p.  345.  8vo.  Lond.  1676. 
VOL.  1.  I 


114  THE  LIFE  OF 

legiance  to  him  promised,  notwithstanding 
any  excommunication  or  deprivation  made 
by  the  pope.  This  oath  the  catholics,  for 
the  most  part,  complied  with,  as  thinking 
it  lawful,  and  among  the  rest  the  arch-priest 
Blackwell.  At  this  the  pope  was  alarmed, 
and  on  the  10th  of  the  calends  of  October 
1606,  issued  out  a  brief,  forbidding  the  tak- 
ing the  oath ;  but  the  catholics  apprehend- 
ing it  a  forgery,  paid  little  regard  to  it, 
whereupon  the  next  year  his  holiness  sent 
them  another43,  in  which  he  plainly  told 

mother  church  will  sanctify  the  greatest  villanies,  and 
raise  men  to  the  highest  honours,  though  ever  so  un- 
worthy. May  all  men  have  in  abhorrence  this  spirit! 
may  they  guard  against  all  attempts  to  revive  it,  and 
look  upon  it  as  their  greatest  happiness,  that  they  are 
not  under  the  rule  of  those  who  are  actuated  by  it. 

40  His  holiness  sent  them  another  brief,  Sec.]  In  his 
first  brief  the  pope  [Paul  V.]  tells  the  English  catho- 
lics, "  that  the  oath  of  allegiance  could  not  be  taken 
without  hurting  the  catholic  faith,  and  the  salvation  of 
their  souls,  seeing  it  contains  many  things  fiat  con- 
trary to  faith  and  salvation;  and  therefore  he  admo- 
nishes them  utterly  to  abstain  from  taking  this  and 
the  like  oaths"."  Mr.  Rapin  therefore  should  have 
said,  that  the  pope  in  this  first  brief,  plainly  told  the 

*  Kiny- James's  Works,  p.  £51. 


JAMES  I. 

them,  that  they  were  bound  fuily  to  observe 
the  things  contained  in  the  former,  and  to 
reject  all  interpretations  persuading  to  the 
contrary.  Bellarmine  also  writ  a  letter  to 

catholics,  "  if  they  took  the  oath  they  forfeited  all 
hopes  of  salvation2:"  I  say,  he  should  have  said  this 
of  the  first,  and  not  the  second  hrief,  as  he  has  done ; 
though  forfeiting  all  hopes  of  salvation,  is  very  dif- 
ferent, in  my  opinion,  from  hurting  the  salvation  of 

their  souls,  which  are  the  words  of  ihe  brief. But  his 

holiness's  commands  were  not  obeyed.  The  catholics 
pretended  that  "  his  brief  was  issued  not  of  his  own 
proper  will,  but  rather  for  the  respect  and  instigation  of 
other  men."  This  he  assures  them  was  false  in  his  se- 
cond brief,  dated  the  10th  of  the  calends  of  Sept.  1607, 
and  lets  them  know  "  that  his  former  letters  concerning 
the  prohibition  of  the  oath,  were  written  not  only  upon 
his  own  proper  motion,  and  of  his  certain  knowledge, 
but  also  after  long  and  weighty  deliberation  used  con- 
cerning all  those  things  which  were  contained  in  them; 
and  that  for  that  cause  they  were  bound  fully  to  ob- 
serve them,  rejecting  all  interpretation  persuading  to 
the  contrary  V  Strange  sort  of  mortals  these  popes! 
who  pretending  to  be  vicars  of  Jesus  Christ,  who  owned 
his  kingdom  was  not  of  this  world,  intrude  into  the 
affairs  of  foreign  nations,  and  prescribe  laws  to  the 
subjects  of  them.  This  Paul  V.  was  possessed  of  the 
true  spirit  of  Hildebrand.  He  laid  the  Venetians  un- 
der an  interdict,  raised  Ignatius  Loyola  to  be  a  saint, 
and  talked  and  acted  in  such  a  manner,  as  if  he  had 
indeed  thought  himself  superior  to  all  that  "  is  called 
God,  or  is  worshipped."  And  had  he  happened  to  have 

•  Rap'm,  vol.  II.  p.  17-!.          b  King  James's  Wor^s,  p.  258. 


116  THE  LIKE  OF 

Blackwell,  against  the  oath,  and  exhorted 
him  to  repair  the  fault -he  had  committed,  by 
taking  of  it,,  even  though41  death  should  be 
the  consequence.  Hereupon  James  drew 

lived  in  those  ages  when  the  spirit  of  croisading  for  the 
sake  of  what  was  called  religion,  prevailed,  I  doubt 
not  hut  he  would  have  made  as  vile  work  as  the 
worst,  and  most  enterprising  of  his  predecessors.  But 
the  times  in  which  he  lived  permitted  him  not  to  act 
agreeably  to  his  wishes.  Princes  had  more  wisdom 
than  to  become  his  dupes,  and  excommunications  were 
of  little  significa.iey,  for  learning  and  good  sense  now 
began  to  prevail,  and  where  these  are,  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority will  be  little  regarded.  However,  this  pope, 
we  see,  talked  big;  his  briefs  have  an  air  of  authority, 
and  he  did  what  in  him  lay  to  dispose  the  English 
catholics  to  behave  contrary  to  their  own  interest  and 
the  laws  of  their  country,  and  consequently  to  keep  up 
a  party  dependant  on  himself,  and  subservient  to  his 
will,  a  thing  of  the  worst  consequence,  and  therefore 
loudly  complained  of  by  James,  as  we  shall  soon  see. 

41  Bellarmine  also  writ  a  letter  to  Black  well  against 
the  oath,  &c.]  This  letter  begins  with  remembering 
Blackwell  of  the  long  friendship  that  had  been  between 
them;  expresses  his  grief  for  Blackwell's  sufferings; 
but  more  especially  for  his  having,  as  it  was  feared, 
taken  the  oath,  which  he  says  tends  to  this  end,  that 
the  authority  of  the  head  of  the  church  in  England 
ruay  be  transferred  from  the  successor  of  St.  Peter  to 
the  successor  of  king  Henry  VIII.  He  declares  that 
for  this  one  head  of  doctrine,  Fisher  and  More  led  the 
way  to  martyrdom  to  many  others,  to  the  exceeding 
glory  of  the  English  nation.  And  then  he  concludes 
with  desiring  him  "  not  to  prefer  a  temporal  liberty  to 


JAMES  I.  117 

/ 

his  pen,  and  published  his  apology  for  the 

the  liberty  of  the  glory  of  the  sons  of  God  :  neither  for 
escaping  a  light  and  momentary  tribulation,  lose  an 
eternal  weight  of  glory,  which  tribulation  itself  doth 
work  in  you.  You  have  fought  a  good  fight  a  long 
time ;  you  have  well  near  finished  your  course ;  so 
ninny  years  have  you  kept  the  faith ;  do  not  therefore 
lose  the  reward  of  such  labours ;  do  not  deprive  your- 
self of  that  crown  of  righteousness,  which  so  long  ago 
is  prepared  for  you ;  do  not  make  the  faces  of  so  many 
yours  both  brethren  and  children,  ashamed  ;  upon  you 
at  this  time  are  fixed  the  eyes  of  all  the  church  ;  yea 
also  you  are  made  a  spectacle  to  the  world,  to  angels,  to 
men;  do  not  so  carry  yourself  in  this  your  last  act,  that 
you  leave  nothing  but  laments  to  your  friends,  and  joy 
to  your  enemies :  but  rather  on  the  contrary,  which 
we  assuredly  hope,  and  for  which  we  continually 
pour  forth  prayers  to  God,  display  gloriously  the  ban- 
ner of  faith,  and  make  to  rejoice  the  church,  which 
you  have  made  heavy;  so  shall  you  not  only  merit 
pardon  at  God's  hands,  but  a  crown.  Farewel  ;  quit 
you  like  a  man,  and  let  your  heart  be  strengthened. 
This  letter  is  dated  from  Rome,  Sept.  28,  1G07  V 
"Bellarmine  mistook  the  sense  of  the  oath  about  which 
he  writes,  as  we  shall  see  by  James's  answer.  But  not 
to  insist  on  this,  for  the  present,  I  would  ask  whether 
there  is  not  something  very  odd  in  this  persuading 
men  to  undergo  martyrdom,  when  we  ourselves  are  in 
case,  and  like  to  continue  so  ?  does  it  come  with  a 
good  grace  from  the  mouth  of  a  rich  cardinal,xwho  had 
aspired  to  the  papacy,  and  even  now  enjoyed  the  great- 
est plenty  of  all  things.  When  we  see  men  under  suf- 
ferings, triumph  and  rejoice  in  them,  and  contentedly 

*  King  James's  Work?,  p.  261. 


118  THE  LIFE  OF 

oath  of  allegiance,  against  the  iwo  briefs  of* 

bear  them  themselves,  and  exhort  others  to  do  so  like- 
wise, their  exhortations  will  have  great  force  and  effi- 
cacy; their  propriety  is  seen  and  acknowledged,  and 
all  virtuous  men  are  edified.  But  to  persuade  others 
to  submit  to  what  we  ourselves  are  strangers  to,  and 
which  probably  we  should  shrink  at  the  undergoing, 
is  not  quite  so  well  in  the  eyes  of  the  world.  But  Bel- 
larmine  was  at  a  distance;  Blackwell's  reproaches 
could  not  have  made  him  blush;  and  so  the  authority 
of  the  pope  was  maintained,  it  mattered  not  who  sui- 
f;rcd.  Modest  man!  good  frieud!  happy  for  him  to 
\vhom  he  writ,  that  he  knew  what  was  right,  and  for 
his  own  interest,  or  else  probably  tribulation  would 

have  been  his  portion. One  would  be  apt  to  wonder 

how  it  comes  to  pass,  that  those  men  who  were  so  for- 
ward to  send  others  on  dangerous  expeditions,  to 
promote  the  interest  of  the  church,  and  make  men 
proselytes  among  infidels  and  heretics,  and  encourage 
them  so  much  with  the  prospects  of  the  highest  rewards 
hereafter:  I  say  one  would  be  apt  to  wonder  why 
hardh-  any  of  these  persons  ever  set  out  on  these  expe- 
ditions themselves,  and  strive  to  obtain  those  glorious 
crowns  they  set  before  the  eyes  of  others.  \Ve  see 
they  chiise  themselves  that  part  of  the  vineyard  where 
is  the  richest  soil,  and  the  least  work  to  be  done.  la 
this  they  take  their  ease,  and  enjoy  themselves  com- 
fortably, and  never  change  unless  it  be  for  the  better. 
"\Vhat  are  we  to  conclude  from  hence?  do  not  they 
believe  what  they  teach  to  c  :e  they  disposed 

to  procure  their  own   advantage  by  the  sweat,  labour, 
and  blood  of  the  honest,  the  simple,  the  credulous:  the 
unbelieving   race  would  say  so;  and  those  who  be: 
not  to  that  tribe  of  men,  would  yet  be  glad  to   k. 
how,  on  this  head,  to  confute  them. 


JAMES  I. 
pope  Paulas  Quintus4*,  and  the  letter  of  car- 

4*  James  published  his  apology  for  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance against  the  two  briefs,  Sec.]  Take  the  follow- 
ing account  of  the  occasion  of  this  apology  from 
bishop  Mountague,  James's  prefacer.  "  After  the  pope 
had  put  forth  his  briefs,  and  the  cardinal  had  sent  his 
letters  to  the  arch-priest;  the  one  to  enjoin  the  people 
not  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  affirming  that  they 
could  not  take  it  with  safety  of  their  salvation :  the 
other  to  reprove  the  arch-priest  for  that  he  had  taken 
it,  and  to  draw  him  to  a  penitency  for  so  foul  a  lapse. 
His  majesty,  like  as  become  a  prudent  and  religious 
prince,  thought  it  not  meet,  that  these  things  should 
pass  for  current,  but  that  it  was  expedient  his  people 
should  know,  that  the  taking  this  oath  was  so  far  from 
endangering  their  souls,  as  that  it  intended  nothing 
but  civil  obedience,  and  without  touching  any  point 
of  their  conscience,  made  the  state  secure  of  their  alle- 
giance. To  perform  this  work,  his  majesty  thought 
the  bishop  of  Winchester3  [Dr.  Bilson,  if  I  rightly  re- 
member] that  then  was,  a  very  fit  man,  both  for  his 
singular  learning,  as  for  that  he  had  long  laboured  in 
an  argument,  not  much  of  a  diverse  nature  from  this; 
whereupon  his  majesty  calling  for  pen  and  ink,  to  give 

"This  Bishop  was  Dr.  T.  "Bilson,  who  was  advanced  to  that  see  in  1597, 
and  died  in  1616.  The  book  of  his  referred  to  by  bishop  Montague,  was 
probably  that  printed  at  Oxford  1585,  in  4to.  and  intitled,  '  The  true  differ- 
ence bctweene  Christian  subjection  and  antichristian  rebellion ;  wherein  the 
princes  lawful!  power  and  command  for  trueth,  and  indepriveable  right  to 
beare  the  sword  arc  defended  against  the  pope's  censures,  and  the  Jesuits 
sophismes  uttered  in  their  apologie  and  defence  of  English  catholikes  with 
a  demonstration,  that  the  things  refourmcd  in  the  church  of  England  by  the 
I  awes  of  this  realme  are  truly  catholike,  notwithstanding  the  vaine  shew 
inade  to  the  contrary  in  their  Inte  Rhemish  Testament,  by  Thomas  Bilson, 
warden  of  Winchester.  Perused  :md  allowed  by  pub) ike  authentic.' 


120  THE  LIFE  OF 

dinal  Bellarmine  to  G.  Blackwell  the  arch- 

.  my  lord  of  Winchester  directions  how  and  in  what 
manner  lo  proceed  in  this  argument,  I  know  not  ho\r 
it  came  to  pass,  but  it  fell  out  true  that  the  poet  saith, 


Amphora  cotpit 


Institui :  currente  rota  post  urceus  exit, 

"  for  the  king's  pen  ran  so  fast,  that  in  the  compass  of 
six  days,  his  majesty  had  accomplished  that  which  he 
now  calleth  his  apology;  which  when  my  lord  of  Can- 
terbury [Bancroft]  that  then  was,  and  my  lord  of  Ely 
[Andrews]  had  perused,  being  indeed  delivered  by  his 
majesty  but  as  briefnot.es,  and  in  the  nature  of  a  mi- 
nute to  be  explicated  by  the  bishops  in  a  larger  vo- 
lume ;  yet  they  thought  it  so  sufficient  an  answer  both 
to  the  pope  and  cardinal,  as  there  needed  no  other. 
Whereupon  his  majesty  was  persuaded  to  give  way  to 
the  coming  of  it  forth,  but  was  pleased  to  conceal  his 
name ;  and  so  have  we  the  apology  beyond  his  ma- 
jesty's own  purpose  or  determination  V  The  reader  is 
welcome  to  believe  as  much  or  as  little  of  all  this  as  he 
pleases.  For  my  own  part,  I  doubt  not,  but  James 
was  well  enough  pleased  to  engage  in  a  controversy  in 
which  he  was  almost  sure  of  success.  For  the  pope, 
with  all  his  infallibility,  had  urged  nothing  material 
against  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  the  cardinal  had 
quite  mistook  the  sense  of  it ;  as  every  one  upon  com- 
paring the  briefs  of  the  one,  and  the  letter  of  the  other 
with  the  oath,  will  plainly  see,  as  James  in  this  piece 
has  fully  shewn.  Indeed  all  objections  of  the  latter 
are  pointed  against  the  oath  of  supremacy,  which  is  a 
\ery  different  thing  from  the  oath  of  allegiance.  In 

*  Preface  to  King  James's  Works. 


JAMES  I.  121 

priest.  Though  James  had  not  set  his  name 
to  this  piece,  no  one  doubted  but  he  was  the 

this  piece  James,  after  mentioning  the  powder  plot, 
takes  notice  of  the  intention  of  the  oath,  which  he 
says,  "  was  specially  to  make  a  separation  between  so 
many  of  his  subjects,  who  although  popishly  affected, 
yet  retained  in  their  hearts  the  prints  of  their  natural 
duty  to  their  sovereign;  and  those  who  being  carried 
away  with  the  like  fanatical  zeal  that  the  powder- 
tray  tors  were,  could  not  contain  themselves  within  the 
bounds  of  their  natural  allegiance,  but  thought  diver- 
sity of  religion  a  safe  pretext  for  all  kinds  of  treasons 
and  rebellions  against  their  sovereign  V  He  then 
mentions  the  good  effects  the  oath  had  produced; 
the  mischiefs  of  the  pope's  briefs  ;  the  incivility  of  the 
pope  in  condemning  him  unheard;  and  after  that  pro- 
ceeds to  a  formal  examination  of  them.  In  this  part 
of  his  work  he  sets  forth  his  great  favour  to  the  catho- 
lics, in  admitting  them  to  his  presence,  dubbing  many 
of  them  knights,  freeing  recusants  from  their  ordinary 
payments,  and  bestowing  favours  and  honours  equally 
on  them  with  the  protcstants.  lie  then  formally  en- 
ters into  the  discussion  of  the  pope's  briefs,  and  by 
scripture,  fathers,  and  councils,  attempts  to  confute 
them.  He  proceeds  to  attack  Bellarmine;  and  shews 
that  he  had  mistook  the  oath  of  supremacy  for  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  and  on  this  mistake  had  proceeded  in 
his  letter  to  Blackwell.  He  asserts  the  oath  of  alleu'i- 

O 

ance  to  be  conh'rmed  by  the  authority  of  ancient  coun- 
cils :  shews  that  no  decision  of  any  point  of  religion 
is  contained  in  it;  that  Bellarmine  had  contradicted 

*  King  James's  Works,  p.  243. 


122  THE  LIFE  OF 

author  of  it.  It  remained  not  long  without 
replies4',  containing  such  things  as  highly 

his  former  writings  ;  and  that  his  authorities  from  the 
fathers  were  insufficient.  This  is  the  substance  of  this 
apology,  in  which,  though  there  is  nothing  in  it  of 
great  merit,  we  may  justly  say  James  came  off  con- 
queror. However,  we  may  remark,  that  though  his 
favours  to  the  catholics  might  manifest  them  guilty  of 
ingratitude  towards  him,  yet  could  they  be  no  great 
recommendation  of  him  to  his  protestant  subjects. 
They  shewed  an  indifferency  with  respect  to  the  two 
religions,  which,  I  suppose,  was  not  so  well  digested 
by  them.  But  James  was  not  one  of  those  who  fore- 
saw consequences.  What  made  for  his  present  pur- 
pose he  catched  hold  of,  without  reflecting  that  one 
day  or  other  it  might  be  made  to  serve  against  himself. 
An  imprudence  which  controvertists  frequently  are 
guilty  of.  The  least  shadow  of  an  argument  they 
make  use  of;  weaken,  or  endeavour  to  invalidate  the 
most  important  doctrines  which  at  any  time  stand  in 
their  way;  and  blab  out  those  things  which  it  is  most 
their  interest  to  conceal,  and  which  hereafter  they 
bitterly  repent  of,  when  they  find  the  uses  made  of 
them  by  able  or  artful  opponents. 

41  It  remained  not  long  without  replies,  containing 
such  things  as  highly  displeased  him.]  Though  James's 
name  was  not  prefixed  to  the  first  edition  of  his  apo- 
logy, yet  he  made  presents  of  it  to  the  foreign  ambas- 
sadors in  his  own  name,  and  his  arms  were  put  in  the 
frontispiece  thereof,  as  himself  tells  usa.  This  was  suf- 
ficient to  put  the  author  cut  of  doubt.  But  notwith- 
standing his  adversaries  treated  him  without  ceremony. 

»  Works,  p.  290. 


JAMES  I.  123 

displeased  him.      Whereupon  he  writ  his 

The  famous  Eobert  Parsons  began  the  attack,  in  a 
book  called  the  Judgment  of  a  Catholic  gentleman, 
concerning  king  James's  apology  for  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance. Qu.  S.  Omcrs,  1608 a. Bellarmine  continued 

it,  under  the  feigned  name  of  Mattheus  Tortus,  and 
gave  his  majesty  the  lie  in  express  terms,  and  seven 
times  charged  him  with  falsehood,  which  was  thought 
by  him  equivalent  to  a  lieb.  The  king  is  here  told, 
that  pope  Clement  thought  him  to  be  inclined  to  their 
religion;  that  he  was  a  puritan  in  Scotland,  and  a  per- 
secutor of  the  protestants;  that  he  was.  a  heretic  and 
no  Christian.  His  majesty  was  also  let  know,  "  that 
some  of  his  officers  of  estate  put  the  pope  and  cardi- 
nals in  hope  that  he  would  profess  himself  a  catholic, 
when  he  came  to  the- crown  of  England;  yea,  that  he 
himself  had  written  letters  full  of  courtesie.  to  the  two 
cardinals  Aldo-brandmo  and  Beljarniine,  wherein  he 
craved,  that  oneof  the  Scottish  nation  might  he  created 
cardinal;  that  by  him,  as  an  agent, he  might  the  more 

easily  and  safely  do  his  business  with  the  pope0." 

This  must  have  vexed  James  pretty  much,  I  suppose, 
as  the  reader,  by  comparing  what  is  contained  in  notes 
8  and  13,  will  be  apt  to  think  there  was  some  truth  in 
it.  A  third  answerer  of  this  apology  was  Francis 
Suarez,  well  known  in  the  learned  world.  Sir  Henry 
Saville,  whose  edition  of  St.  Chrysostom  has  perpe- 
tuated his  fame,  being  prevailed  on,  I  know  not  by 
what  motive,  to  help  translate  James's  book  into  Latin: 
it  soon  got  to  Home ;  from  thence  Suarez  was  com- 

a  Wood's  Athens  Oxoniensrs,  vol.  I.c.362.  b  King  James's  Works,p.'2'.H. 
c  Calderwood,  p.  600.  See  the  letter  itself  in  the  same  writer,  p.  427. 
it  is  addressed  to  the  pope  ;  but  there  are  instructions  nftenvards  added, 
for  apply  ing  to  the  cardinals.  See  also  Rushworth,  vol.  J.  p.  1C2. 

.5 


124  THE  LIFE  OF 

premonition  u  to  all  most  mighty  monarchs, 

manded  to  answer  it,  who  performing  his  task,  it  was 
published,  and  as  soon  as  the  copies  came  into  England, 

one  of  them  was   burnt3. Nicolaus   Cot1  (let  can, 

bishop  of  Dardanie,  preacher  to  Hear}-  IV.  of  France, 
answered  James,  as  he  said,  very  moderately  and  mo- 
destly. "  But  the  king  was  nothing  pleased  with  his 
fawning,  nor  took  it  in  better  part  than  if  (as  he  said) 
he  should  have  bid  a  t — d  in  his  teeth,  and  then  cry 
Sir  reverence  V  Let  us  observe  here  by  the  way,  a 
mistake  of  ]\lr.  Perranlt,  in  speaking  of  CcefTeteau, 
says  he,  "  the  king  (Henry  the  Great)  committed  to 
him,  at  the  solicitation  of  Perron,  the  answering  of  the 
king  of  England's  book  on  the  eucharist,  which  he  did 
with  a  great  deal  of  cogency0."  Now  James  never 
writ  on  the  eucharist.  The  book  Coeffeteau  answered, 
was  his  apology  ;  consequently  Perrault  is  mistaken. 
Nor  can  1  persuade  myself  he  speaks  truly,  when  he 
says,  the  then  French  king  committed  to  him  the  an- 
swering James's  book.  The  doctrine  contained  in  it 
could  not  be  displeasing  to  Henry,  and  I  believe  he 
would  have  been  sorry  it  should  have  been  subverted. 
1  know  of  no  more  answers  to  James's  apology;  and 
whether  I  am  as  exact  as  I  should  be  in  my  account 
of  these,  I  cannot  well  determine  ;  being  far  removed 
from  libraries,  from  which  help  might  be  expected  d." 

44  Y\  hereupon  he  writ  his  premonition  to  all  most 
mighty  monarchs,  8cc.]  "  After  the  apology  was  out, 
says  Dr.  Mountague,  his  majesty  divers  times  would  be 
pleased  to  utter  a  resolution  of  his,  that  if  the  pope 
and  cardinal  would  not  rest  in  his  answer,  and  sit  down 

1  Wood,  vol.  I.  c.  468.  b  Winwood,  vol.  III.  p.  11 7.  c  Characters 
Historical  and  Panegyrical,  vol.  II  p.  ll.Svo.  Lond.  1"05.  *  Vid, 

Appendix. 


JAMES  I.  125 

kings,  free  princes,  and  states  of  Christen- 
by  it,  take  the  oath  as  it  was  intended  for  a  point  of 
allegiance  and  civil  obedience,  he  would  publish  the 
apology  in  his  own  name,  with  a  preface  to  all  the 
princes  in  Christendom ;  wherein  he  would  publish 
such  a  confession  of  his  faith,  persuade  the  princes  so 
to  vindicate  their  own  power,  discover  so  much  of  the 
mystery  of  iniquity  unto  them,  as  the  pope's  bulls 
should  pull  in  their  horns,  and  himself  wish  he  had 
never  meddled  with  this  matter.  The  cardinal  con- 
tending against  the  apology,  his  majesty  confirmed 
his  resolution,  and  with  the  like  celerity  in  the  com- 
pass of  one  week,  wrote  his  monitory  preface ;  and  being 
so  written,  published  it  and  the  apology  in  his  own 
name,  and  made  good  his  word,  sent  it  to  the  emperor, 
and  all  the  kings  and  free  princes  in  Christendom  V 
Great  dispatch  this!  but  as  we  have  a  bishop's  word 
for  it,  we  cannot  refuse  to  subscribe  to  the  truth  of  it. 
In  his  dedication  to  the  emperor  llodolph  II.  and  ihc 
princes  and  states  of  Christendom,  he  stiles  himself 
professor,  maintainer,  and  defender  of  the  true,  chris- 
tian,  catholic,  and  apostolic  faith,  professed  by  the 
antient  and  primitive  church,  and  sealed  with  the  blood 
o'i  so  many  holy  bishops,  and  other  faithful  crowned 
with  the  glory  of  martyrdom  b. He  then  in  a  particu- 
lar manner  addresses  himself  unto  them,  and  tells  them, 
"  that  the  cause  in  which  he  is  engaged  is  general,  and 
concerned!  the  authority  and  privilege  of  kings  in  ge- 
neral, and  all  super-eminent  temporal  powers0."  He 
proceeds  to  give  reasons  for  printing  the  apology  with- 
out iiis  name;  shews  why  he  thought  now  proper  to 
avow  it,  and  gues  on  to  shew  the  occasion  of  it.  He 

*  Preface  to  James's  Works.         "  James's  Works,  p.  238.          c  Id.  p.  2 so. 


126  THE  LIFE  OF 

dom,  published  it,  and  the  apology  in  his 

lets  them  know,  that  the  publishing  his  book  had 
brought  such  two  answerers,  or  rather  raiiers,  upon  him, 
as  all  the  world  might  wonder  at.  He  then  falls  foul 
on  Parsons,  for  whom  he  says  a  rope  is  the  fittest  an- 
swer; and  proceeds  to  Mattheus  Tortus,  who  called 
himself  Bellarmine's  chaplain.  "  An  obscure  author, 
says  he,  utterly  unknown  to  me,  being  yet  little  known 
to  the  world  for  any  other  of  his  works;  and  therefore 
must  be  a  very  desperate  fellow  in  beginning  his  ap- 
prentisage,  not  only  to  refute,  but  to  rail  upon  a  king  V 
One  would  think  by  this  James  knew  not  that  in  the 
republic  of  letters  no  man  holds  any  other  rank  than 
what  he  can  procure  by  his  own  industry  and  abilities. 
For  which  reason  if  the  greatest  prince  commences  a 
member  of  it,  he  is  to  expect,  in  justice,  no  other  re- 
gard than  what  his  fellow-members  shall  judge  he 
really  merits.  If  he  would  not  be  treated  like  an  au- 
thor, he  should  not  commence  author.  The  moment 
lie  acts  publicly  in  that  character,  he  is  liable  to  be 
refuted,  ridiculed,  or  exposed ;  nor  has  he  any  body 

but  himself  to  thank  for  it. But  let  us  go  on  with  our 

subject.  James,  from  some  passages,  concludes  that 
Bellarmine  was  his  real  answerer,  under  the  feigned 
name  of  Tortus,  and  as  such  he  speaks  of  him.  After 
mentioning  the  epithets  bestowed  on  himself  by  his 
answerer,  he  asks  the  princes  whether  this  be  mannerly 
dealing  with  a  king  ?  and  he  doubts  not  but  that  they 
will  resent  such  indignities  done  to  one  of  their  qua- 
lity. He  then  shews  the  insufficiency  of  the  cardinal's 
reply  to  his  apology,  aggravates  the  power  he  gives  to 
the  popes,  shews  that  they  formerly  were  in  subjection 

•Jaaei's  Works,  p.  2S3. 


JAMES  I.  12? 

own  name,  and  sent  it  to  the  emperor,  and 
princes,  to  whom  it  was  addressed.     The 

to  Christian  emperors,  and  that  their  assent  was  neces 
sary  to  their  elections,  and  that  they  had  been  deposed 
by  them.     Kings  also,  he  says,  have  denied  the  tempo- 
ral superiority  of  the  popes,  more  especially  his  own 
predecessors.     Apostate  he  shews  he  is  none,  and  he- 
retic  that  he    cannot  be,  as  believing  all    the  three 
creeds,  and  as  "  acknowledging  for  orthodox  all  those 
other   forms  of  creeds,   that  either  were  devised  by 
councils  or  particular  fathers,  against  such  particular 
heresies  as  most  reigned  in  their   times2."     He  then 
gives  a  long-winded  confession  of  faith,  with  reasons, 
such  as  they  are,  of  his  belief;  and  afterwards  spends 
no  less  than  twenty  folio  pages  on  the  subject  of  Anti- 
christ, which  he  thus  concludes,  "  Thus  has  the  cardi- 
nals shameless  wresting  two  of  those  places  of  scripture, 
pasce  ores  metis,  $   tibi  dabo  claves,  for  proving    the 
pope's  temporal  authority  over  princes,  animated  me 
to  prove  the  pope  to  be  the  antichrist  out  of  the  book 
of  scripture;  so  to   pay  him  his  o\vn  money  again. 
And  this  opinion  no  pope  can  ever  make  me  to  recant, 
except  they  first  renounce  any  farther  meddling  with 
princes,  in  any  thing  belonging  to  their  temporal  juris- 
diction15."    Returning  then  to  Bellarmine's  reply,  he 
complains  loudly  of  the  lies  contained  in  it,  and  of  the 
ill-manners  wherewith  it  abounds  ;  and  after  a  great 
deal  of  heavy  stuff  about  the  powder-plot,  oath  of  alle- 
giance, the  villany  of  Garner,  &c.  he  addresses  himself 
to  the  kings  and   princes,  and  prays  God  that  he  and 
they  may  not  suffer  the  iucroaching  Babylonian  mo- 

•  Works,  p.  302.  k  IJ.  p.  328. 


128  THE  LIFE  OF 

prefacer  of  his  majesty's  works  tells  us  of 
the  great  effects  produced  by  this  prcmoni- 

narch  to  gain  ground  upon  them.  It  is  verv  remark- 
able, that  in  this  answer  to  Bellannine,  contained  in 
the  premonition,  James  takes  not  the  least  notice  of 
the  account  given  by  him  of  his  having  formerly  writ- 
ten to  the  pope,  and  begged  a  cardinal's  hat  for  one  of 
his  subjects,  in  order  that  through  him  he  might  be 
the  more  able  to  advance  his  aftairs  in  the  court  of 
Rome.  This,  I  say,  is  remarkable,  and  argues  in 
James  a  conviction  of  the  truth  of  what  was  alledged 
against  him.  Indeed,  with  no  face  could  he  pretend 
to  deny  it :  for  it  was  well  known  to  his  own  and  for- 
ministers,  that  his  ambassador  at  the  French  court  had 
frequently  solicited  it,  and  thereby  had  reflected  on  his 
honour  and  judgment*;  and  that  he  himself  had  nego- 
tiated with  the  pope  by  means  of  cardinal  Aldo-bran- 
dini,  in  order,  as  was  thought,  to  his  becoming  cctho-. 
licb.  He  had  not  the  face  therefore  to  deny,  in  a 
work  addressed  to  foreigners,  a  fact  which  could  so 
easily  have  been  made  good  against  him.  However, 
in  order  to  amuse  his  own  subjects,  he  pretended  the 
letter  written  to  the  pope,  produced  in  this  contrcn 
was  surreptitiously  obtained  by  lord  Balmerioo;  and 
accordingly  that  lord,  following  the  direction  in  all 
things  of  lord  Dunbar c,  after  having  confessed  that  he 
himself  drew  the  letter  without  his  majesty's  know- 
ledge or  consent,  and  got  him  igncrantly  to  sign  it, 
had  sentence  of  death  passed  on  him  for  this  his  ac- 
tion. No  doubt  of  it,  James  thought  hereby  to  have 
cleared  himself  in  die  eyes  of  his  subjects  of  all  cor- 

*  Wimrood's  Mwcoria's,  vol  L  p.  3S3.  fcBirch's  Negotiations,  p.  3S. 

c  See  Ca-dtmood,  p.  60  4.  and  Spots  wood,  p.  507. 


JAMES  I.  129 

tion 4y,  but,  if  we  deal  impartially,  we  must 

respondence  with  the  pope.  "  But  when  Balmerino 
was  presently  pardoned,  and,  after  a  short  confinement, 
restored  to  his  liberty :  all  men,  says  Burnet,  believed 
that  the  king  knew  of  the  letter,  and  that  the  pretend- 
ed confession  of  the  secretary  was  only  collusion  to 
lay  the  jealousies  of  the  king's  favouring  popery, 
which  still  hung  upon  him,  notwithstanding  his  writing 
on  the  Revelations,  and  his  affecting  to  enter  on  all 
occasions  into  controversy,  asserting  in  particular  that 

the  pope  was  antichrist  V So  that  his  artifice  was  of 

no  avail,  the  covering  was  too  thin ;  and  all  who  had 
eyes  must  see  that  there  was  but  too  much  truth  in 
what  had  been  said  concerning  him.  Such  are  the  ef- 
fects of  dissimulation !  whereas  honesty,  integrity,  and 
fair-dealing,  appear  openly  and  above-board,  and  al- 
ways on  examination  are  honourable  to  those  by  whom 
they  are  practised,  and  generally  profitable. 

!  The  prefacer  to  his  majesty's  works  tells  us  of  the 
great  effects  produced  by  this  premonition.]  He  ob- 
serves, "  that  upon  the  coming  forth  of  that  book, 
there  were  no  states  that  disavowed  the  doctrine  of  it 
in  the  point  of  the  king's  power;  and  the  Venetians 
maintained  it  in  their  writings,  and  put  it  in  execu- 
tion ;  the  Sorbons  maintained  it  likewise  in  France." 

2dly,  "  That  their  own  writers  that  opposed  it,  so 
overlashed,  as  they  were  corrected  and  castigated  by 
men  of  their  own  religion." 

3dly,  "  That  his  majesty's  confession  of  faith  had 
been  so  generally  approved,  as  that  it  had  converted 
many  of  their  party  ;  and  that  had  it  not  been  for  the 
treatise  of  antichrist,  he  had  been  informed  many  more 

*  Burnet,  vol.  I.  p.  6. 
VOL.   I.  K 


130  THE  LIFE  OF 

acknowledge  that  it  met  but  with  a  very 

would  easily  have  been  induced  to  subscribe  to  all  in 
that  preface." 

4thly,  "  That  kings  and  princes  had  by  his  majesty's 
premonition  a  more  clear  insight,  and  a  more  perfect 
discovery,  into  the  injury  offered  to  them  by  the  pope 
in  the  point  of  their  temporal  power,  than  ever  they 
had,  insomuch  as  that  point  was  never  so  thoroughly 
disputed  in  Christendom,  as  it  had  been  by  the  occa- 
sion of  his  majesty's  book." 

Lastly,  "  That  for  the  point  of  antichrist,  he  had 
heard  many  confess,  that  they  never  saw  so  much  light 
given  into  it,  as  they  had  done  by  this  performance." 
So  that,  adds  he,  "  though  controversies  be  fitter  sub- 
jects for  scholars  ordinarily,  than  for  kings,  yet  when 
there  was  such  a  necessity  in  undertaking,  and  such  a 
success  being  performed,  I  leave  it  to  the  world  to 
judge,  whether  there  was  not  a  special  hand  in  it  of 
God  or  no  V 

And  I  will  leave  the  world  to  judge  of  the  gross  flat- 
tery, not  to  say  impiety,  of  this  prelate  in  talking  after 
this  rate.  What!  must  we  attribute  the  squabbles  of 
pedants  to  God  ?  must  his  hand  be  concerned  in  usher- 
ing into  the  world  the  dull  heavy  performance  of  a 
king?  far  be  such  thoughts  from  us!  when  God  acts, 
he  acts  like  himself ;  all  is  wise,  good  and  successful : 
nor  can  we  more  dishonour  him  than  by  calling  him  in 
as  an  encourager  or  assister  of  our  whims  and  extra- 
vagancies. But  this  bishop  had  no  sense  of  propriety  ; 
as  long  as  he  could  praise  he  was  satisfied,  let  it  be  in 
ever  so  wrong  a  place ;  by  which  his  own  character 
suffered,  and  his  master  was  despised. 

4  Preface  to  James's  Works. 


JAMES  I.  131 

indifferent  reception  abroad,  especially  from 

It  is  pleasant  enough,  however,  to  see  such  effects  at- 
tributed to  this  work  of  James's.  The  Venetians,  up- 
on the  coming  out  of  this  book,  maintained  the  doc- 
trine of  the  supreme  power  of  temporals  in  princes  and 
free  states.  It  is  true  they  did  ;  and  they  had  done  it 
before  ever  James  had  put  pen  to  paper  on  this  sub- 
ject ;  for  the  quarrel  with  the  pope,  which  produced 
the  interdict,  arose  from  thence :  now  this  commenced 
Anno  1606,  and  James's  Apology  was  not  printed  till 
the  year  1609,  and  consequently  neither  it  nor  the  pre- 
monition which  came  after  it,  could  be  the  cause  of 
their  holding  this  doctrine*.  As  to  theSorbonne,  ever 
since  the  extinction  of  the  civil  wars  in  France,  they 
had  taught  it ;  nor  could  be  expected  any  sovereign 
state  would  disavow  it:  so  that  whatever  the  bishop 
might  say,  it  is  certain  nothing  this  way  was  produced. 
As  for  James's  adversaries  being  opposed  by  men  of 
their  own  religion,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at.  There 
are  every  where  men  who  love  controversy,  and  there- 
fore that  will  oppose,  if  only  for  a  shew  of  their  parts 
and  learning.  How  many  were  converted  by  his  ma- 
jesty's confession  of  faith  I  cannot  say,  I  remember  to 
have  read  but  of  one,  the  archbishop  of  Spalatro b ;  but 
I  know  very  well  that  within  a  few  years  of  this  con- 
troversy, great  numbers  of  the  British  protestant  sub- 
jects revolted  to  the  Romish  communion,  none  of 
which,  I  believe,  were  induced  to  return  by  this  per- 
formance.  If  many  were  converted  by  it,  why  had 

they  not  been  pointed  out  ?  we  know  Waddesworth, 

*  Father  Paul's  Life,  by  Lockman,  prefixed  to  his  treatise  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal benefices,  p.  48.  8vo.  Lond.  1736.  and  Birch's  Negotiations,  p.  298. 
b  Frankland's  Annals,  p.  27, 
K    2 


132  THE  LIFE  OF 

most  of  the  princes  and  states  to  whom 
it  was  addressed  *6 ;  though  there  were  not 

chaplain  to  Sir  Charles  Corn  wall  is,  ambassador  in 
Spain,  was  reconciled  to  the  church  of  Rome,  and 
several  of  the  said  Sir  Charles's  kinsmen* :  We  know 
likewise  that  Toby  Matthews  (afterwards  Sir  Toby) 
son  to  the  archbishop  of  York,  went  over  to  it  like- 
wiseb;  but  their  return  is  never  mentioned,  nor  are 
there  any  conversions  by  means  of  his  majesty's  book, 
except  that  one  I  have  spoke  of,  recorded,  and  which, 
if  true,  was  of  no  consequence :  for  it  is  well  known 
that  Spalatro  went  off  from  the  protestants,  and  came 
to  a  most  unhappy  end  at  Rome  :  so  that  the  bishop 
has  been  very  unhappy  in  his  assertions  with  respect 
to  the  consequences  of  the  premonition,  and  cannot 
but  be  put  down  as  an  inventor.  As  to  the  fourth  and 
last  things  mentioned  as  following  from  this  book,  I 
have  nothing  to  say  to  them :  they  are  before  the 
reader,  and  he  may  view  them  in  what  light  he 
pleases. 

46  It  met  with  but  a  very  indifferent  reception 
abroad,  &c.]  Let  us  hear  a  zealous  hugonot :  "  This 
work  [the  apology  and  premonition  prefixed]  served 
for  no  more  than  to  shew  the  little  account  the  catho- 
lics made  of  the  author.  It  was  not  looked  upon  in 
Spain ;  'twas  burnt  in  Florence ;  the  inquisition  at 
Rome  put  it  in  the  number  of  prohibited  books ;  'twas 
ill  received  in  France  by  the  catholics,  and  the  king 
forbad  it  should  be  translated  or  printed.  'Twas  only 
at  Venice  where  the  reading  of  it  was  not  prohibited'." 

*  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  131,  136,  260,  295,  441. 

b  Cabala,  p.  56.  fol.  Lond.  1663. 

e  History  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  vol.  I.  p.  451.  4to.  Lond.  1694. 


JAMES  I.  133 

wanting  those  at  home  who  applauded  and 
defended  it. 

Arminius  dying  Oct.  19,  1609,  Conrad 
Vorstius  was  invited  to  succeed  him  in  his 

There  is  some  truth  in  this,  though  the  account  given  is 
not  very  exact.  Let  us  correct  it  as  well  as  we  can 
from  Winwood's  State  Papers.  Lord  Salisbury,  in  a 
letter  to  Sir  Charles  Cornwallis,  dated  June  8,  1609, 
tells  him  that  "  his  majesty  had  thought  fit  to  send 
his  book  to  the  Emperor,  to  the  French  king,  who  hath 
received  it,  and  all  other  Christian  kings  and  princes, 
as  a  matter  which  jointly  concerns  their  absolute  ju- 
risdiction and  temporalities  V  But  though  it  was 
sent  to  all  other  Christian  kings  and  princes,  it  was  not 
received  by  them.  The  arch-dukes  would  not  accept 
of  itb;  and  even  the  state  of  Venice,  "  after  they  had 
received  the  king's  books,  they  did  by  public  ordi- 
nance forbid  the  publishing  of  the  same ;  which  (says 
Sir  Thomas  Edmondes)  Sir  Henry  Wooton  took  so 
tenderly,  as  thereupon  he  charged  them  with  the  breach 
of  their  amity  with  his  majesty,  and  declared  unto 
them  that  in  respect  thereof  he  could  not  longer  ex- 
ercise his  charge  of  a  public  minister  among  them. 
This  protestation  of  his  was  found  so  strange  by  that 
state,  as  they  sent  hither0  in  great  diligence  to  under- 
stand whether  his  majesty  would  avow  him  therein, 
which  did  very  much  trouble  them  here  to  make  a 
cleanly  answer  thereunto,  for  the  salving  the  ambassa- 
dor's credit,  who  is  censured  to  have  prosecuted  the 
matter  to  an  over  great  extremity d."  This  must  have 

a  Winwood,  vol.  III.  p.  51.  b  Id.  p.  68.  c  This  is  written  from 

London,  Oct.  4. 1609.         "  Winwood,  vol.  III.  p.  77, 78. 


134  THE  LIFE  OF 

professor's  chair  of  divinity  at  Leyden :  after 
a  year's  deliberation  he  accepted  of  it.  But 
James,  in  the  mean  time,  having  seen  some 
of  his  writings,  sent  orders  to  his  ambassa- 

been  a  great  mortification  to  James,  had  he  had  much 
sensibility  of  temper;  but  yet,  even  this  was  nothing 
to  the  slight  which  was  put  upon  his  piece  by  the  Spa- 
niards ;  for  it  was  no  sooner  known  in  Spain  that 
James  was  about  to  write  against  the  pope,  than  the 
secretary  of  state  sent  word  to  Sir  Charles  Cornwallis, 
"  that  the  king  his  master  did  much  grieve  at  it,  and 
marvelled  that  the  king  of  Great  Britain  (the  pope  in 
no  sort  meddling  with  him)  would  put  his  own  hand 
into  such  a  business  V  But  though  the  ministers  of 
state  in  England  knew  this,  yet,  when  Sir  Charles 
Cornwallis  received  his  majesty's  letter  of  revocation, 
"  he  also  received  a  book  of  his  majesty's,  together 
with  a  letter  to  the  king  of  Spain."  But  for  fear  of  an 
indifferent  reception,  or  rather  a  refusal  of  both  the 
one  and  the  other,  he  was  ordered  by  Lord  Salisbury, 
from  the  king,  to  "  present  the  letter  and  the  book  to 
the  king  of  Spain  himself,  as  speedily  and  conveniently 
as  might  be,  without  giving  any  foreknowledge  that 
he  was  to  present  any  such  matter ;  for  which  purpose, 
adds  his  lordship,  the  letter  for  your  revocation  may 
serve  you  for  a  good  pretext  of  access  b."  They  saw 
there  was  need  of  dexterity  to  get  the  book  accepted ; 
indeed  they  could  not  help  it ;  for  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador at  London  had  refused  the  book,  when  sent  him 
by  the  lord  treasurer0 ;  and  what  he  had  done,  it  was  to 
be  feared,  his  master  would  do.  And  so  it  fell  out ; 

a  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  486.        b  Id.  vol.  III.  p.  51.        *  Id.  vol.  III.  p.  55. 

7 


JAMES  I.  135 

dor,  Sir  Ralph  Winwood,  in  Holland,  to  re- 
present the  vileness  of  his  doctrines,  and  de- 
sire that  he  might  not  be  admitted  to  his 

for  just  before  Sir  Charles  had  his  last  audience  of  the 
king  of  Spain,  the  duke  of  Lerma  let  him  know  plainly, 
that  he  was  informed  that  he  intended  at  his  taking 
leave  of  his  master,  to  present  his  Britannic  majesty's 
book  to  him;  that  he  was  surprised  that  it  could  be 
imagined  it  would  be  received;  and  therefore  gave 
him  fair  warning  to  forbear  presenting  the  book, 
"  whereby,  said  he,  might  be  avoided  a  refusal  that 
would  be  so  unpleasing  to  the  one  to  give,  and  so  dis- 
tasteful to  the  other  to  receive."  Cornwallis  replied  to 
Lerma  with  zeal  and  understanding;  but  it  was  all  in 
vain  :  he  was  told  positively,  "  the  king  of  Spain 
would  never  receive,  much  less  give  reading  to  any 
book  containing  matter  derogatory  to  his  religion  and 
obedience  to  the  see  of  Rome."  This  silenced  him ; 
he  took  his  leave  of  the  Spanish  king,  and  was  obliged 
to  carry  back  the  book  with  him a.  What  an  affront 
this !  how  provoking  to  one  so  full  of  his  own  abilities 
as  James !  he  thought,  doubtless,  that  his  fellow  kings 
with  attention  would  have  read  his  works,  applauded 
his  talents,  and  magnified  his  art  and  dexterity  in  con- 
troversy. But  he  was  mistaken,  few  foreigners  spoke 
well  of  his  writings,  and  we  see  with  what  contempt 
he  was  treated  by  some  of  those  to  whom  his  book  was 
addressed.  However  his  flatterers  at  home  kept  up  his 
spirits.  Most  wise,  most  learned,  most  understanding 
were  the  epithets  bestowed  on  him  by  the  designing 
courtiers,  and  aspiring  clergy.  These  he  was  so  long 

'  Winwood,  vol.  III.  p.  67,  68. 


136  THE  LIFE  OF 

place.  The  states  returning  an  answer  not 
satisfactory,  he  renewed  his  application; 
and  in  order  the  more  effectually  to  exclude 

used  to  hear,  that  it  is  not  improbable  he  might  come 
at  length  to  think  he  deserved  them.  It  would  be 
useless  to  take  notice  of  the  several  writers  of  the 
English  nation  who  appeared  in  defence  of  James 
against  his  adversaries.  Their  names  may  be  seen  in 
Fuller*;  but  for  their  works  they  are  almost  out  of  re- 
membrance long  ago,  the  reverends  and  right  reverends, 
by  cruel  fate,  were  doomed  to  be 

Martyrs  of  pies,  and  reliques  of  the  bum. 

DUYDEN. 

But  all  writings  are  not  formed  to  abide  any  con- 
siderable space  of  time  :  and  well  were  it  for  the  world, 
if  the  dread  of  oblivion  would  restrain  the  zealot,  the 
pedant,  the  half-thinker  from  troubling  its  repose  by 
their  controversies. 

I  will  only  observe  before  I  conclude  this  note,  that 
Gaspar  Scioppius,  that  man  of  great  read  ing  and  much 
learning,  who  had  parts  superior  to  most,  and  severity 
and  ill  manners  equal  to  his  abilities,  published  two 
pieces  against  James's  apology  and  premonition  ;  the 
one  entitled  Ecclesicisticus  auctoritati  sereitissimi  D.  Ja- 
cobi  Magriff,  Britannia;  regis  oppositus,  printed  in  l6l  1 ; 
and  the  other  stiled  CoHyrium  regium  Britannia  regi 
graiiter  ex  oculis  laboraitti  muneri  missum,  printed  the 
same  year.  It  may  be  supposed  no  great  regard  could 
be  paid  James  by  a  writer  of  such  a  character  ;  but  it 
had  been  better  for  him  to  have  used  a  little  more  de- 

*  Church  History,  cent  17.  book  10.  p.  43. 


JAMES  I.  137 

Vorstius  from  the  place  to  which  he  had 
been  chosen,  and  also  had  accepted,  he  pub- 
lished a  declaration 47  concerning  the  pro- 

cency,  for  he  had  well  near  lost  his  life  by  the  hands  of 
some  of  the  English  ambassador's  servants  at  Madrid, 
for  his  want  of  ita.  The  truth  is,  no  men  deserve 
punishment  more  than  writers  of  Scioppius's  temper. 
He  railed,  he  reviled,  he  reproached,  he  uttered  a  thou- 
sand falsehoods  against  his  adversaries,  and  stuck  at 
nothing  in  order  to  defame.  Men's  reputations  he 
valued  not,  nor  cared  he  who  was  hurt  by  his  calum- 
nies. He  deserved  chastisement  from  the  hand  of  the 
magistrate  ;  and  it  would  have  been  no  more  than  jus- 
tice to  have  treated  him  as  a  criminal.  For  there  is  a 
great  deal  of  difference  between  refuting  and  defaming 
an  adversary,  between  shewing  the  inconclusiveness 
of  his  reasonings,  and  inventing  lies  in  order  to  blast 
his  character ;  and  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  he  who 
does  the  latter,  ought  to  be  looked  on  as  a  wretch  who 
is  a  disgrace  both  to  learning  and  humanity,  and  ex- 
posed to  the  punishment  of  calumniators. 

47  He  published  a  declaration  concerning  the  pro- 
ceedings in  the  cause  of  Vorstius.]  This  declaration 
is  "  dedicated  and  consecrated  to  the  honour  of  our 
Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  the  eternal  Son  of  the 
eternal  Father,  the  only  ©EANOPHIIOS,  mediator  and 
reconciler  of  mankind,  in  sign  of  thankfulness,  by  his 
most  humble,  and  most  obliged  servant,  James,  &c.  b" 
If  this  dedication  be  thought  extraordinary,  the  decla- 
ration itself  will  be  judged  more  so;  for  he  declares  it 


a  See  Bayle's  Diet,  article  Scioppius,  notes  (o)  and  (H). 
b  James's  Works,  p.  348. 


138  THE  LIFE  OF 

ceedings  with  the  States  General  of  the  Unit- 
ed Provinces  of  the  Low  Countries  in  the 
cause  of  D.  Conradus  Vorstius,  in  which, 

to  be  the  duty  of  a  Christian  king  to  extirpate  heresies ; 
professes  that  it  is  zeal  for  the  glory  of  God  which 
alone  induces  him  to  move  for  the  banishment  of  Vor- 
stius, whom  he  stiles  a  wretched  heretic,  or  rather 
atheist,  out  of  the  State's  dominions ;  and  then  goes 
on  to  give  an  account  of  what  he  had  done  in  that  af- 
fair. He  gives  us  a  copy  of  his  first  letter  to  Sir  Ralph 
Winwood,  in  which  he  orders  him  to  tell  the  States, 
that  "  there  had  lately  come  to  his  hands  a  piece  of 
work  of  one  Vorstius,  a  divine  in  those  parts,  wherein 
he  had  published  such  monstrous  blasphemies,  and 
horrible  atheism,  as  he  held  not  only  the  book  worthy 
to  be  burnt,  but  even  the  author  himself  to  be  most 
severely  punished;"  and  withal  he  commands  him  to 
"  let  them  know  how  infinitely  he  shall  be  displeased 
if  such  a  monster  receive  advancement  in  the  church; 
and  that  if  they  continue  their  resolution  to  advance 
him,  he  will  make  known  to  the  world  in  print  how 
much  he  detested  such  abominable  heresies,  and  all 
allowers  and  tolerators  of  them ;"  and  that  the  states 
might  not  want  proper  information,  he  sent  a  catalogue 

of  his  damnable  positions  V But  the  states  were 

not  so  furious  as  James;  they  had  more  knowledge, 
and  consequently  more  discretion.  All  the  answer 
he  could  get  amounted  to  no  more  than  a  representa- 
tion of  the  good  character  of  Vorstius,  his  great  abili- 
ties, the  reasonableness  of  allowing  him  to  defend 
himself  against  his  adversaries,  and  an  assurance  that 

1  Works,  p.  35a 


JAMES  I.  139 

among  other  things,  he  declares,  that  only 

for  the  title  of  one  of  his  books,  viz.  de 

filiatione  Christi,  an  author  so  suspected  as 

if  upon  examination  lie  should  be  found  guilty,  he 
should  not  be  admitted  to  the  professor's  place8.  Be- 
fore the  receipt  of  this  answer  James  was  determined 
to  shew  his  zeal,  and  manifest  his  indignation  against 
the  heretic.  He  ordered  his  books  to  be  burnt  in  St. 
Paul's  church-yard,  and  both  the  universities ;  by  this" 
means  confuting  them  in  the  shortest  manner.  But  he 
stopt  not  here ;  he  renewed  his  instances  to  the  states 
for  the  setting  aside  Vorstius,  and  again  represented 
his  execrable  blasphemies,  and  assures  them  never  any 
heretic  better  deserved  to  be  burnt  than  he;  and  lest 
they  should  hearken  to  his  denials  of  what  was  charged 
on  him,  he  asks  them,  "  what  will  not  he  deny,  that 
denieth  the  eternity  and  omnipotency  of  God.  He 
concludes  with  threatening  them  that  if  they  should 
fail  of  that  which  he  expected  at  their  hands,  and  suf- 
fer such  pestilent  heretics  to  nestle  among  them,  he 
should  depart  and  separate  himself  from  such  false  and 
heretical  churches,  and  also  exhort  all  other  reformed 
churches  to  join  with  him  in  a  common  council,  how  to 
extinguish  and  remand  to  hell  those  abominable  here- 
tics1"."— But  notwithstanding  these  threatenings,  Vor- 
stius came  to  Leyden.  This  caused  Winwood  to  pre- 
sent himself  before  the  States,  who  in  a  set  speech  back- 
ed his  master's  letters,  and  gave  in  a  catalogue  of  Vor- 
stius's  errors.  But  the  States  answered  coldly,  and  no- 
thing to  James's  expectation.  Winwood  therefore, 
according  to  his  orders,  protested  against  the  States  re- 
ceiving Vorstius ;  and  at  length  an  answer  was  given 

*  Works,  p.  352,  353.  b  Id.  p.  356. 


140  THE  LIFE  OF 

he,  is  worthy  of  the  faggot ;  and  that  if  he 
had  been  his  own  subject,  he  would  have 

by  them  more  satisfactory  to  James.  This  pleased 
him,  but  still  in  his  writings  he  went  on  to  expose  the 
professor,  and  entered  into  a  very  tedious  and  insipid 

reply  to  his  apology  for  his  writings. This  was  the 

treatment  which  a  man  of  piety,  parts,  and  learning 
met  with  from  James,  upon  account  of  some  metaphy- 
sical reasonings  on  the  nature  and  attributes  of  God, 
and  an  error  which  he  held  with  some  of  the  fathers, 
concerning  the  corporeity  of  deity a.  I  should  not 
wonder  to  hear  an  inquisitor  talk  after  the  manner  he 
did ;  it  would  only  be  in  the  way  of  his  profession. 
But,  I  own,  I  can  hardly  tell  how  to  bear  such  language 
from  a  professed  protestant,  and  a  temporal  prince. 
And  it  excites  my  indignation  to  behold  a  man  who 
made  no  scruple  of  breaking  the  laws  of  the  gospel, 
and  living  in  defiance  of  God  himself,  by  acting 
counter  to  his  commands  :  I  say  it  fills  me  with  in- 
dignation to  hear  such  a  one  making  a  loud  cry  about 
heresy,  and  stirring  up  men  to  punish  it.  But  thus  it 
has  been,  thus,  perhaps,  it  always  will  be.  The  great- 
est persecutors  have  been  some  of  the  most  wicked  and 
abandoned  of  men.  Without  a  sense  of  God,  or  re- 
ligion on  their  minds,  they  have  pretended  to  be  actu- 
ated by  a  great  zeal  for  them;  and  covered  with  this 
pretence  they  have  gone  on,  even  with  the  applause  of 
the  superstitious  and  bigotted,  to  glut  their  ambition, 

their  pride,  their  revenge. James  is  said  to  have 

been  excited  to  declare  against  Vorstius,  by  Abbot, 
archbishop   of  Canterbury b ;   and  it  is  not  unlikely. 

a  See  Dupin's  Hist,  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  vol.  I.  p.  92.  fol.  Lond, 
1692.  b  Abridgment  of  Brandt's  Hist,  of  the  Reformation  of  the 

Low  Countries,  vol.  I.  p.  318.  8vo.  Lond.  1725.  and  Winwood,  vol.  IIL 
p.  296. 


JAMES  I.  141 

forced  him  to  have  confessed  those  wicked 
heresies  that  were  rooted  in  his  heart ;  and 

Most  of  the  ecclesiastics  of  that  time  abounded  with  a 
fiery  zeal,  which  frequently  hurried  them  into  actions 
not  to  be  justified.  But  had  not  James  had  an  incli- 
nation to  the  work,  Abbot  would  not  have  been  able 
to  have  prevailed  upon  him  to  undertake  it.  He 
thought,  doubtless,  that  he  should  acquire  fresh  ho- 
nour by  his  pen;  that  his  people  would  applaud  his 
zeal,  and  hold  in  admiration  his  piety;  and  it  is  not  to 
be  doubted  but  many  were  imposed  on  by  him.  How- 
ever Sir  Ralph  Winwood  did  not  escape  censure  at 
home,  for  what  he  had  done  in  this  affair.  He  had 
protested,  as  I  had  just  observed,  against  the  States 
receiving  of  Vorstius ;  but  he  added  also,  that  he  pro- 
tested against  the  violence  offered  unto  the  alliance 
between  his  majesty  and  those  provinces,  which,  said 
he,  "  being  founded  upon  the  preservation  and  main- 
tenance of  the  reformed  religion,  you  have  not  letted 
(so  much  as  in  you  lies)  absolutely  to  violate  in  the 

proceeding  of  this  cause a." James,  when  he  first 

heard  of  this,  said,  Winwood  hath  done  secundum  cor 
meum  :  but  soon  afterwards  he  changed  his  note,  and 
said  "  the  protest  was  made  at  an  unreasonable  time, 
when  he  was  to  receive  kindness  (namely  reimburse- 
ment of  money)  at  the  States  hands;  and  so  calling 
for  the  copies  of  his  letters,  found  that  the  ambassador 
had  exceeded  his  commission,  in  protesting  against 
the  alliance  which  should  have  been  but  against  the 
religion15."  This  it  is  to  serve  weak  princes;  they  take 
up  their  resolutions  without  consideration,  and  are 
soon  turned  from  them.  To-day  their  servants  are 

a  King  James's  Works,  p.  363.  k  Winwood,  vol.  III.  p.  319. 

6 


14<2  THE  LIFE  OF 

I  doubt  not  but  he  would  have  been  as 
good  as  his  word ;  for  soon  after  he  caused 

commended,  to-morrow  blamed  for  following  their  in- 
structions. So  that  little  reputation  is  to  be  got  in 
their  employment.  Wimvood  received  notice  of  this, 
"  but  the  wiser  part  of  the  world  (says  his  friend  Mr. 
John  More  to  him)  considering  the  tenor  of  his  ma- 
jesty's sharp  letter  to  the  States,  and  how  often,  in 
open  discourse,  he  hath  threatened  not  only  to  write, 
but  to  fight  against  them,  rather  than  Vorstius  should 
rest  at  Leyden,  will  more  readily  conclude  that  his 
majesty  varieth  in  himself,  than  that  you  have  erred  V 
At  length,  however,  Winwood  had  the  pleasure  of 
hearing  that  his  majesty  held  him  in  his  favour,  and 
spoke  well  of  him ;  but  for  Vorstius,  he  was  obliged, 
through  these  solicitations  of  James,  to  renounce 
provisionally  his  employment,  and  leave  Leyden, 
and  expect  elsewhere  a  definitive  sentence  concern- 
ing this  dispute.  He  retired  to  Gouda  about  May 
1612,  where  he  lived  quiet  till  the  year  1619,  when  he 
was  forced  to  leave  Holland ;  for  the  synod  of  Dort 
having  declared  him  unworthy  of  the  professor's  chair, 
the  states  of  the  province  deprived  him  of  that  em- 
ployment, and  condemned  him  to  a  perpetual  banish- 
ment b. So  sad  a  thing  it  is  for  private  men  to  have 

princes  for  their  adversaries !  right  or  wrong  they 
must  submit,  and  cannot  make  resistance.  Though 
how  honourable  it  is  for  princes  to  attack  such,  the 
reader  will  determine. 

I  will  conclude  this  note  with  observing  that  this  de- 
claration  of  James  against  Vorstius,  was  printed  in 

*  Winwood,  vol.  III.  p.  331. 

b  Bayle's  Dictionary,  article  Vorstius  (Conrad.) 


145 

two  of  his  own  subjects  to  be  burnt  for 
heresy 48. 

French,  Latin,  Dutch,  and  English,  and  consequently 
his  monstrous  zeal,  his  unprincely  revilings,  and  his 
weak  and  pitiful  reasonings  were  known  throughout 
Europe8.  But  after  alj,  I  presume,  it  was  held  in 
small  account.  For  Mr.  Norton,  who  "  had  the  print- 
ing of  it  in  Latin,  swore  he  would  not  print  it,  unless 
he  might  have  money  to  print  itb." 

48  He  caused  two  of  his  own  subjects  to  he  burnt 
for  heresy.]  The  names  of  these  two  were  Bartholo- 
mew Legate,  and  Edward  Wightman.  The  first  of 
these  was  a  man  of  great  skill  in  the  scriptures,  and 
his  conversation  unblameable.  His  errors  were  some- 
what of  the  same  kind  with  those  attributed  to  Soci- 
nus  ;  and  withal  he  had  the  hardiness  to  say,  that  the 
Nicene  and  Athanasian  creeds  contain  not  a  profession 
of  the  true  Christian  faith.  James  caused  him  to  be 
brought  to  him,  and  attempted  his  conversion;  but 
when  he  found  that  he  was  intractable,  he  dismissed 
him  with  a  contemptuous  speech;  and  afterwards  by 
the  bishops  being  declared  an  incorrigible  heretic,  he 
gave  orders  to  direct  the  writ  de  h&retico  comburendo  to 
the  sheriffs  of  London,  and  in  Smithfield  he  was 
burned  to  ashes.  What  Wightman  was,  or  what  his 
errors,  is  hard  to  say.  The  heresies  of  Ebion,  Cerin- 
thus,  Valentinian,  Arrius,  Macedonius,  Simon  Magus, 
Manes,  Manichaeus,  Photinus,  and  the  Anabaptists, 
were  reckoned  up  against  him  in  the  warrant  for  his 
burning;  but  probably,  he  knew  not  what  they  meant 
thereby,  any  more  than  they  themselves  did  who  insert- 
ed them  in  his  accusation.  They  were  hard  words,  and 

*  Wihwood,  vol.  III.  p.  339.  b  Usher's  Letters,  p.  13. 


144  THE  LIFE  OF 

It  Js  very  remarkable,  that  in  this  decla- 

they  thought,  it  may  be,  that  they  would  terrify  and 
affright.  However,  this  is  certain,  that  for  his  errors, 
whatever  they  were,  he  was  burnt  at  Litchfield*. 
These  executions  were  in  the  year  1611. 

James  had  another  heretic  to  exercise  his  zeal  on 
also  ;  but  seeing  those  that  suffered  were  much  pitied, 
he  very  mercifully  let  him  linger  out  his  life  in  New- 
gate. Had  I  not  reason  then  to  say,  that  I  doubted 
not  James  would  have  been  as  good  as  his  word, 
in  making  Vorstius  confess  his  heresies,  had  he  been 
his  subject  ?  I  make  no  doubt  but  that  he  would  have 
used  his  endeavours ;  and  if  these  had  failed,  would 
have  treated  him  as  bad  as  he  did  Legate  and  Wight- 
man.  For  he  had  the  spirit  of  an  inquisitor  :  no  pity, 
no  compassion  was  within  him:  he  had  no  sense  of 
the  worth  of  those  men  who  preferred  a  good  con- 
science before  all  things  ;  he  thought  it  was  only  obsti- 
nacy in  them,  and  therefore  deemed  them  worthy  of 
punishment.  So  easy  is  it  for  men  who  have  no  prin- 
ciples themselves,  to  censure  and  condemn  those  who 
are  truly  honest  and  sincere.  I  wish  for  the  honour  of 
human  nature,  for  the  honour  of  Christianity,  and  the 
honour  of  the  reformation,  that  no  such  instances  of 
persecution  had  been  to  be  found ;  but,  as  we  cannot 
blot  them  out,  we  ought  to  set  a  mark  on  those  who 
occasioned  them,  that  so  their  names  may  be  treated 
with  that  indignation  they  so  justly  merit. 

Since  the  writing  the  above,  by  means  of  a  very 
worthy  friend,  I  have  got  sight  of  the  commissions 
and  warrants  for  the  condemnation  and  burning  of 
Legate  and  Wightman.  The  commissions  are  directed 

a  Fuller's  Church  Hist.  cent.  17.  book  10.  p.  64,  65. 


JAMES  I.  145 

ration  against  Vorstius,  he  falls  foul  on  the 

to  Thomas  lord  Elsmere,  chancellor  of  England.  The 
warrant  for  the  burning  Legate  is  addressed  to  the 
sheriffs  of  London,  the  other  for  Wightman,  to  the 
sheriff  of  Litchiield.  By  the  commissions  the  chan- 
cellor is  ordered  to  award  and  make  out,  under  the 
great  seal  of  England,  writs  of  execution;  and  the 
sheriffs  by  the  warrant,  are  required  to  commit  the 
heretics  to  the  fire.  The  heresies  of  Legate  are  (as  I 
have  represented  them  from  Fuller)  reckoned  up  as  the 
reason  for  putting  him  to  death.  As  for  what  is  charged 
to  Wightman's  account,  if  it  be  true,  (for  great  doubt 
is  to  be  made  of  the  truth  of  persecutors)  he  was  cer- 
tainly an  enthusiast,  but,  for  aught  appears,  a  harm- 
less one;  for  he  is  charged  with  holding,  that  "he  was 
the  prophet  spoken  of  in  the  eighteenth  of  Deutero- 
nomy in  these  words,  I  will  rise  them  up  a  prophet, 
&c.  and  that  this  place  of  Isaiah,  I  alone  have  trodden 
the  winepress  ;  and  that  other  place,  whose  fan  is  in 
his  hand,  are  proper  and  personal  to  him  the  said  Ed- 
ward Wightman.  He  is  also  accused  with  believing 
himself  the  comforter  spoken  of  in  St.  John's  gospel, 
and  the  Elias  to  come  ;  and  that  he  was  sent  to  perform 
his  part  in  the  work  of  the  salvation  of  the  world." 
But  for  his  holding  the  opinions  of  Manes,  and  Ma- 
nichees,  (as  with  great  learning  and  judgment  they 
are  distinguished  in  the  warrant)  and  Simon  Magus, 
nothing  at  all  appears  even  from  the  enumeration  of  his 
adversaries.  So  that  1  guessed  right,  that  the  inserting 
of  these  hard  names  was  to  terrify  and  affright3.  1 
will  insert  a  paragraph  from,  the  warrant  for  the  exe- 


*  The  Connexion,    being   some   choice    Collections  of    some 
Matters  in  king  JanuVr  nign,  Svo.  p.  T2,  —  90.   Loncl.  1631. 
VOL.    1.  JL 


146  THE  LIFE  OF 

name  of  Arminius  49  ;  and  that  afterwards 


cution  of  Legate,  with  the  reader's  leave,  which 
Shew  us  pretty  much  the  temper  of  James,  aud  so 
conclude.  "As  a  zealot  of  justice,  and  a  defender  of 
the  catholic  faith,  and  willing  to  defend  and  maintain 
the  holy  church,  and  rights  and  liberties  of  the  same, 
and  the  catholic  faith,  and  such  heresies  and  errors 
every  where  what  in  us  lieth,  to  root  out  and  extirpate, 
and  to  punish  with  condign  punishment  such  heretics 
so  convicted,  and  deeming  that  such  an  heretic  in 
form  aforesaid,  convicted  and  condemned  according  la- 
the laws  and  customs  of  this  our  kingdom  of  England,. 
in  this  part  occasioned,  ought  to  be  burned  with  fire, 
we  do  command,  Scc.V 

4J  He  falls  foul  on  the  name  of  Arminius.]  - 
Arminius  was  a  man  of  sense;  he  saw  the  consequences 
of  the  calvinistical  doctrines,  and  set  himself  to  op- 
pose them  ;  but  he  did  it  with  candour  and  modesty. 
Whether  his  scheme  be  in  all  parts  of  it  defensible,  or 
whether  he  in  any  place  lias  run  into  one  extreme  in 
order  to  avoid  another,  and  needlessly  made  innova- 
tions in  the  received  doctrines  of  the  reformed  churches/ 
I  leave  to  divines  to  be  considered.  It  is  sufficient 
here  to  observe  that  his  doctrine  was  received  by  many 
men  of  great  understandings,  and  that  his  manners 
were  irreproachable.  His  memory  therefore  ought  to 
have  been  dear  to  every  good  man,  and  his  reputation 
should  have  remained  unsullied.  But  James  attacked 
him  ;  he  calls  him  a  "  seditious  and  heretical  preacher, 
an  infector  of  Ley  den  with  heresy,  and  an  enemy  of 
Godb  ;"  and  withal  he  complains  of  his  "hard  hap  not 

*  The    Connexion,  being  some   choice  Collections  of  some   principal 
Matters  in  king  James's  reign,  8vo.  p.  79.  Lond.  1681. 
Works,  p.  350,  354,  355. 


JAMES  t.  147 

lie  contributed  much  to  the  condemnation 
of  his  followers,  by  sending  his  divines  to 

to  hear  of  him  before  lie  was  dead,  arid  that  all  the 
reformed  churches  in  Germany  had  with  open  mouths 

complained  of  himV Hard   hap   indeed!  to   be 

ignorant  of  the  sentiments  of  a  professor  of  divinity, 
and  unable  to  enter  the  lists  with  him;  for  this  pro- 
bably he  would  have  done,  had  he  found  any  thing  to 

have  fastened  on. But  James's  anger  against  Armi- 

nius  soon  declined.  Though  he  here  branded  him  for 
an  enemy  to  God,  "yet  having  seen  the  opinion  of 
his  followers,  and  their  adversaries,  and  the  arguments 
by  which  they  were  supported,  discussed  at  large,  he 
tells  the  States  General,  it  did  not  appear  to  him  that 
either  of  them  were  inconsistent  with  the  truth  of  the 
Christian  faith,  and  the  salvation  of  souls b."  This 
letter  is  dated  March  6,  1613,  and  is  plainly  contradic- 
tory to  what  I  have  just  cited  from  his  writings.  But 
a  contradiction  was  nothing  to  him.  A  man  shall 
be  an  enemy  to  God,  or  the  contrary,  just  as  he  takes 
it  in  his  head;  for  it  was  a  small  matter  with  him  to 
accuse,  revile,  and  rail:  he  was  a  king,  and  he  ex- 
pected his  word  should  be  taken,  though  he  rendered 
not  a  reason.  However  James's  fit  of  good-humour 
lasted  not  long,  with  respect  to  the  followers  of  Armi- 
nius  in  Holland;  they  soon  again  were  bad  men,  held 
wicked  doctrines,  and  such  as  were  worthy  of  his  care 
to  extirpate,  as  we  shall  presently  see.  He  joined 
with  their  adversaries,  and  contributed  to  their  undo- 
ing; so  that  he  had  no  stability  of  judgment,  or  reso- 
lution, but  was  various  as  the  wind. 

a  James's  Works,  p.  350,  354,  355.  b  Abridgment  of  Brandt1? 

Hist,  ef  the  Reformation,  vol.  I.  p.  3$5.  and  Winwood,  vol  111.  p.  452. 

JL  % 


146  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  synod  of  Dort50,  where  their  doctrine 
was  rejected,  the  contrary  thereunto  con- 

0  He  contributed  much  to  the  condemnation  of  his 
followers,  by  sending  his  divines  to  the  synod  of  Dort.] 
The  end  and  design  of  this  synod  was  to  condemn  the 
remonstrants  ;  it  was  called  by  their  professed  ene- 
mies, and  composed  of  such  as  were  most  of  all  set 
against  them.  They  took  an  oath  indeed,  "  that  in 
examining  and  deciding,  they  would  use  no  human 
writing,  hut  only  the  word  of  God.  And  that  during 
all  their  discussions,  they  would  aim  only  at  the  glory 
of  God,  the  peace  of  the  church,  and  especially  the 
preservation  of  the  purity  of  doctrine3."  But  this 
was  no  guard ;  every  thing  was  determined  according 
to  their  preconceived  opinions,  and  the  contrary  was 
judged  false  and  heretical.  For  it  is  the  manner  of 
these  assemblies  to  assume  to  themselves  somewhat 
more  wisdom  than  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament 
ever  pretended  to.  They  know  better  how  to  express 
doctrines,  how  to  guard  against  heresies,  how  to  secure 
the  peace  of  the  church,  and  above  all  how  to  silence 
and  convince  gainsayers  in  the  most  effectual  manner. 
But,  somewhat  unluckily,  it  has  happened  out,  that 
where  they  have  once  done  good,  they  have  ten  times 
done  hurt.  Where  one  breach  in  the  church  has  been 
made  up  by  them,  many  have  been  caused  ;  and  where 
one  heresv,  as  it  is  called,  has  been  suppressed,  numbers 
have  been  occasioned  by  them.  So  that  it  would  be  a 
very  difficult  matter  to  say  what  good  purpose  they 
have  ever  answered.  To  the  members  of  them,  in- 
deed, they  have  been  useful.  They  have  established 
th^ir  reputation  for  orthodoxy  with  ihe  unthinking 

*  Abridgment  of  Brandt,  voU  IL  p.  41T. 


JAMES  I.  149 

•firmed,  and  they  themselves  stigmatized  as 
introductors  of  novelties,  obstinate  and  dis- 

vulgar ;  given  them  an  opportunity  of  gratifying  their 
ambition  and  love  of  power  ;  and  above  all  of  satiating 
their  revenge  on  those  who  have  eclipsed  their  reputa- 
tion, and  hindered  them  from  making  the  figure  they 
were  inclined  to.  But  too  sad  a  truth  is  it,  that  they 
never  have  promoted  peace,  unity,  and  love  among 
Christians,  or  the  practice  of  those  other  virtues 
which  are  so  strongly  inculcated  in  the  gospel3.  And 
therefore  well  were  it  for  the  world,  if  it  had  an  as- 
surance of  their  never  more  coming  into  reputation  ; 
for  the  mischiefs  they  always  cause  are  innumerable. 
-No  wonder  then  that  the  synod  of  Dort  turned 
out  as  it  did.  It  had  been  a  miracle  if  peace  had  been 
the  consequence  of  it.  For  whatever  has  been  the 
pretence,  I  believe  it  hardly  ever  was  the  real  end  of 
the  meetings  of  this  sort.  But  let  us  see  what  hand 
James  had  in  this  synod,  and  how  he  contributed  to 

the  condemnation  of  the  followers  of  Arminius. 

The  synod  began  to  meet  Nov.  13, 1618.  It  consisted 
of  thirty-six  ministers  of  the  United  Provinces,  and 
five  professors,  together  with  twenty  elders;  to  these 
were  added  twenty-eight  foreign  divines,  among  whom 
were  the  following  sent  by  James,  George  Garleton 
bishop  of  Landaff,  Joseph  Hall  dean  of  Worcester, 
John  Davenant  professor  of  divinity  and  master  of 
queen's  college  at  Cambridge,  and  Samuel  Ward  arch- 
deacon of  Ta union,  head  of  Sydney  college  at  Cain- 
bridge,  and  sometime  after,  Walter  Balcanqual,  a 

*  See  Andrew  Man-el's  Hist.  Essay  touching  general  councils,  creeds, 
&ic.  and  Jortin's  Preface  to  his  Remarks  OH  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  J. 
p.  14. 

4 


150  THE  LIFE  OF 

obedient,  preachers  of  erroneous  doctrine, 
and  corrupters  of  religion ;  and  as  such 

Scotch  divine,  was  added  to  them,  to  represent  the 
churches  of  his  country8.  [The  ever  memorable  John 
Hales  also  attended  the  synod,  not  as  a  member,  but 
was  sent  by  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  the  English  am- 
bassador at  Holland,  whose  chaplain  he  was,  to  give 
him  an  account  of  what  passed  in  the  synod  Vj  These 
divines  sent  by  James  were  not  as  furious  in  their  be- 
haviour towards  the  remonstrants,  as  their  own  coun- 
trymen ;  but  they  performed  the  errand  for  which  they 
were  sent,  the  condemnation  of  the  opinions  of  Armi- 
nius,  and  establishment  of  those  of  Calvin.  For  this 
purpose  these  gentlemen,  though  one  of  them  a  bishop, 
and  most  of  the  other  dignified  in  an  episcopal  church  ; 
these  gentlemen,  I  say,  took  on  them  to  handle  the 
controverted  points,  and  to  engage  against  the  errors  of 
the  Arminians,  in  a  synod  made  up  of  mere  presbyters, 
and  the  president  of  which  was  only  one  of  the  same 
character0.  They  made  speeches  to  overthrow  certain 
distinctions  framed  by  the  remonstrants,  for  the  main- 
tenance of  their  positions,  and  evasion  from  the  con- 
tra-remonstrants  arguments'1.  They  differed  among 
themselves  *t  and  fell  into  heats  with  some  of  the 
other  members f;  but  they  agreed  in  approving  the 
Beigic  confession  of  faith,  and  the  Heidelberg  cate- 
chism g.  In  short,  they  dispatched  the  work  intended, 
and  contributed  to  the  woes  which  followed  soon  after 

upon  the  poor  Arminians.- It  is  remarkable  also  that 

seven  years  did  not  suffice  to  aliay  the  wrath  of  James 

«  Abridgment  of  Brandt,  vol.  II.  p.  406.  b  Hales's  Golden  Re- 

mains, p.  454.  8vo.  Lond.  1687.  c  Id.  jb.  "  Id.  p.  459. 

•  Id.  p.  470.  f  Id.  p.  484,  and  506.  «  Abridgment  of  Brandt, 

vol.  II.  p.  51 1. 


JAMES  I.  151 

condemned  to  be  deprived  of  all  ecclesias- 
tical and  academical  functions. 

against  Vorstius  :  for  almost  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
synod,  his  clergy  read  an  extract  of  that  professor's 
errors  ;  they  called  those  errors  blasphemies  against 
the  nature  of  God,  and  said  that  the  sale  of  Vorstius's 
book  should  be  prohibited.  Lastly,  they  demanded 
that  his  book  de  Dee  should  be  burned  in  a  solemn 
manner  ;  and  they  produced  a  decree  of  the  university 
of  Cambridge,  by  virtue  of  which  that  book  had  been 
burnt  publicly  a.  The  effect  of  these  representations 
I  have  mentioned  in  note  (45).  If  it  be  asked  why 
the  part  the  English  clergy  took  in  the  affairs  at  Dorr, 
is  attributed  to  James  ?  the  answer  is,  that  they  them- 
selves owned,  that  they  had  been  deputed  to  the  synod 
by  the  king,  and  not  by  the  church  of  England b. 
And  so  intent  was  he  on  the  business  of  the  synod, 
"  that  he  commanded  them  to  give  him  a  weekly  ac- 
count of  all  its  memorable  passages,  with  the  receipt 
of  which  he  was  highly  pleased0."  "  Yea,  they  were 
instructed  at  all  times  to  consult  with  the  English 
ambassador  [Sir  Dudley  Carleton]  who  was  acquainted 
with  the  form  of  the  Low  countries,  understood  well  the 
questions  and  differences  amongst  them,  and  from  time 

to  time  received  James's  princely  directions'1." So 

that  he  was  properly  the  actor  in  this  place,  and  the 
condemner  of  the  opinions  held  by  the  enemy  of  Gode 
and  his  followers.  Whoever  calls  to  mind  the  depri- 
vations and  banishment  which  followed  the  decisions 
of  this  synod,  of  such  great  men  as  Episcopius,  Uyteii- 
bogart,  Corvinus,  &c.  and  the  persecution  which  en- 

a  Abridgment  of  Rrandt,  vol.  II.  p.  514.          *  Id.  p.  50].  c  Fuller's 

Church  Hist.  cent. .IT.  b.  10.  p.  79.  d  Id.  p.  78.  •  Sec  note  49. 


152  THE  LIFE  OF 

But  severe  as  James  was  against  the 
minians  abroad,  he  favoured  them  much  at 

sued  throughout  the  United  Provinces,  against  the 
Anninians  ;  whoever  considers  these,  will  be  apt  to 
entertain  but  a  poor  opinion  of  those  men  who  were 
actors  in  it.  Some  of  the  divines  might  possibly 
mean  well  ;  but  the  kings,  princes,  and  great  men 
concerned  therein,  had,  undoubtedly,  worldly  views, 
and  were  actuated  by  them.  For  though  purity  of 
doctrine,  peace  of  the  church,  extirpation  cf  heresy, 
were  pretended,  the  state  faction  of  the  Anninians 
was  to  be  suppressed,  and  that  of  Maurice  prince  of 
Orange  exalted.  A  synod  was  judged  necessary  for 
these  purposes,  and  it  extremely  well  performed  what 
it  was  intended  for.  The  remonstrants  were  rendered 
odious  to  the  populace;  their  men  of  parts  sent  into 
exile;  their  strength  was  exhausted;  and  they  could 
no  longer  oppose  the  measures  of  their  adversaries. 

Dr.  Heylin  observes,  that    "  as    king  James  had 

formerly  aspersed  the  remonstrant  parry,  so  he  con- 
tinued a  most  bitter  enemy  unto  them,  till  he  had 
brought  them  at  the  last  to  an  extermination.  But 
he  seems  at  a  loss  to  tell  what  should  induce  him  here- 
unto. Seme  suppose,  says  he,  that  he  was  drawn  in- 
to it  by  Abbot  and  Mountague;  others  imputed  it  to 
his  education  in  the  church  of  Scotland  :  one  thought 
that  he  was  drawn  into  it  by  his  affection  for  prince 
Maurice ;  another  that  he  was  moved  by  reasons  of  state, 
for  the  preventing  a  dangerous  and  incurable  rupture, 
which  otherwise  was  like  to  follow  in  the  state  of  the 
Ketherlands."  This  last  reason  he  thinks  most  pro- 
bable. He  afterwards  adds,  "that  James  sent  such  of 
his  divines  as  were  most  likely  to  be  sufficiently  active 


JAMES  I.  1.53 

home51,  and  advanced  several  of  them  to 

in  the  condemnation  of  the  ArminiansV  Reasons  of 
state  might  have  had  some  influence  on  James,  though 
he  had  little  knowledge  of  it,  and  generally  was  little 
influenced  by  it.  But  I  fancy  it  was  a  regard  to  his 
own  character  which  chiefly  induced  him  to  act  as  he 
did  in  this  affair.  For  we  have  seen  how  he  had  treated 
the  name  of  Arniinius,  in  a  writing  dispersed  through- 
out Kuropc.  Had  he  failed  on  such  an  opportunity  to 
extirpate  his  errors,  his  zeal  for  orthodoxy  might  have 
been  thought  to  have  been  lessened,  and  he  to  have 
failed  in  that  which  he  had  declared  to  be  the  duty  of 
a  king,  the  extirpation  of  heresy. 

51  He  favoured  the  Arminians  much  at  home.]  The 
articles  of  the  church  of  England  are  plainly  calvi- 
nistical,  as  will  appear  to  every  one  who  will  read  them 
attentively.  They  were  "  agreed  on  by  the  archbishops 
and  bishops  of  both  provinces,  and  the  whole  clergy, 
in  the  convocation  holden  at  London,  in  the  year  1562, 
for  the  avoiding  of  diversities  of  opinions,  and  for  the 
establishment  of  consent  touching  true  religion1*." 
The  avoiding  of  diversities  of  opinions,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  consent  was  the  professed  design  of  them, 
and  doubtless  the  compilers  of  them  imagined  that 
they  should  effectually  accomplish  it,  by  requiring  all 
who  entered  into  the  church  to  subscribe  to  them. 
But  they  were  very  much  mistaken.  Diversity  of 
opinions  soon  arose,  and  men  who  subscribed  the  same 
articles,  held  contradictory  opinions.  Nor  could  it 
possibly  be  otherwise;  for  while  men  are  inquisitive 
they  will  see  things  in  new  lights  ;  and  those  who  are 

'  Heylin's  Hist,  of  the  Presbyterians,  p.  402.  fol.  Oxford,  1670. 
b  Vide  the  Articles  of  Religion,  and  Constitutions  and  Canons  Ecclesias- 
tical, Canon  Cfr  and  Statute  13  Eliz.c.  12.  sect.  1.  and  3. 


THE  LIFE  OF 

the  greatest  dignities.     So  amazingly  in- 
consistent was  his  conduct. 

honest  and  sincere,  will  not  speak  contrary  to  their 
sentiments.  Subscriptions  then  are  only  clogs  and  in- 
cumbrances;  they  answer  no  good  end,  but  may  oc- 
casion many  mischiefs.  Yea,  many  there  are  who 
believe  that  "  the  imposing  articles  has  given,  occasion 
to  almost  all  the  uncharitableness  and  persecutions, 
the  devastations  and  destruction  of  christians,  that 
have  ever  been  since  articles  first  were  made2.''-  —In 
the  time  of  Elizabeth  there  was  a  pretty  great  uni- 
formity of  belief  in  the  doctrinal  points  of  religion 
among  the  clergy  ;  they  in  general  were  Calvinists, 
and  so  were  their  successors  in  the  reign  of  James. 
Bancroft  indeed  was  very  different  in  his  opinion. 
But  Abbot,  Mountague,  and  almost  all  the  rest  of  the 
hi  shops  adhered  to  the  doctrine  of  the  church  in 
like  manner  as  their  predecessors.  Thus  things  con- 
tinued till  about  the  year  1616,  when  James  being 
acquainted  with  what  dangers  would  proceed  from 
training  up  of  young  students  in  the  grounds  of  Cal- 
vinism, dispatched  some  directions  to  the  vice-chan- 
cellor, and  professors  of  divinity  at  Oxford,  which 
was  <f  the  first  step,  says  Dr.  Heylin,  towards  the  sup- 
pressing of  that  reputation  which  Calvin  and  his  wri- 
tings had  attained  unto  in  that  university b."  And 
in  the  year  1622,  instructions  were  drawn  up  and  sent 
to  the  archbishops,  and  by  them  to  the  bishops,  in 
which  they  were  required  to  see  to  it,  "  that  no  preacher 
of  what  title  soever,  under  the  degree  of  a  bishop  or 

1  Essay  on  imposing  and  subscribing  Articles  of  Religion,  by  Philcleu- 
therus  Cantabrigiensis,  p.  31.  Lond.  1719.  8vo.  b  Heylin's  Life  of 

Laud,  p.  72.  Loud.  1668.  fol. 

5 


JAMES  I.  155 

Cardinal  Perron  having  pronounced  in 
the  chamber  of  the  third  estate  at  Paris, 

dean  at  the  least,  do  henceforth  presume  to  preach  in 
any  popular  auditory,  the  deep  points  of  predestina- 
tion, election,  reprobation,  or  of  the  universality,  effi- 
cacy, resistihility,  or  irresistibility  of  God's  grace  V 
Laud  had  a  hand  in  drawing  this  up,  and  what  his  in- 
tent was  thereby,  is  not  difficult  to  guess.  However 
so  it  was,  that  the  Calvinists  continually  lost  ground 
in  the  king's  favour,  and  the  Arminians  had  credit 
with  him.  Laud,  Howson,  and  Corbet  were  advanced 
to  bishopricks  by  him,  though  publicly  known  to  be 
Arminians :  Neile,  of  the  like  opinion,  was  in  great 
favour,  and  received  many  promotions  from  him: 
and  Richard  Montague,  one  of  the  most  violent  Armi- 
nians of  the  age,  received  his  open  protection  and  ap- 
probation of  all  the  opinions  contained  in  the  book 
for  which  he  was  afterwards  questioned  in  parliament15. 
What  shall  we  think  of  such  a. conduct  as  this  ?  are 
the  same  doctrines  heresies  abroad,  and  truths  at  home? 
are  men  in  Holland  to  be  deemed  enemies  to  God, 
and  worthy  of  synodical  condemnation  for  holding 
particular  opinions,  and  in  England  fit  for  the  highest 
ecclesiastical  promotions  ?  what  must  the  world  judge 

of  the  man  who  behaved  so  very  contradictory  ': 

But  James  had  his  reasons  for  favouring  the  Arminians 
in  England.  They  were  supple  and  fawning,  they 
knew  how  to  flatter  artfully,  and,  above  all,  they 
seemed  very  zealous  in  preaching  up 

The  right  divine  of  kings  to  govern  wrong, 

And 
Tli'  enormous  faith  of  millions  made  for  one  c. 

a  Beylin's  T.ife  of  Land,  p.  98.  I.ond.  1668.  fol.  b  M.  p.  125.  and 

Cabala,  p.  111.  e  Pope's  Essay  on  Man,  pp.  3. 1.  243. 


156  THE  LIFE  OF 

Jan.  15,  1615,  an  oration,  and  sent  it  to 
James,  lie  soon  after  published  his  remon- 

Nothing  could  be  more  acceptable  to  him  than  this,  it 
atoned  for  their  errors,  yea  made  them  most  orthodox 
in  his  sight.  For  he  was  either  indifferent  as  to  all 
religious  principles,  or  believed  just  nothing  at  all 
about  them  ;  or  otherwise  he  could  not  have  acted  as, 
we  see  he  did. 

The  following  account  from  Mr.  Waller's  life  will 
make  a  proper  supplement  to  what  has  been  said  con- 
cerning the  artful  flattery,  and  high  prerogative  notions 

of  the  Anninian  clergy  at  this  time. "  On  the  day 

of  the  dissolution  of  the  last  parliament  of  king 
James  I.  Mr.  Waller,  out  of  curiosity  or  respect, 
went  to  see  the  king  at  dinner,  with  whom  were  Dr. 
Andrews  the  bishop  of  Winchester,  and  Dr.  Neal 
bishop  of  Durham,  standing  behind  his  majesty's 
chair.  There  happened  something  very  extraordinary 
in  the  conversation  those  prelates  had  with  the  king, 
on  which  Mr.  Waller  did  often  reflect.  His  majesty 
asked  the  bishops,  My  lords,  cannot  I  take  my  sub- 
jects money  when  I  want  it,  without  all  this  formality 
in  parliament  ?  The  bishop  of  Durham  readily  answer- 
ed, God  forbid,  Sir,  but  you  should ;  you  are  the 
breath  of  our  nostrils  :  whereupon  the  king  turned 
and  said  to  the  bishop  of  Winchester,  well,  my  lord, 
what  say  you  ?  Sir,  replied  the  bishop,  I  have  no 
skill  to  judge  of  parliamentary  cases.  The  king 
answered,  no  put-ofls,  my  lord,  answer  me  presently. 
Then,  Sir,  said  he,  I  think  it  is  lawful  for  you  to  take 
my  brother  TSeal's  money,  for  he  offers  it.  Mr.  Wal- 
ler said  the  company  was  pleased  with  this  answer, 
and  the  wit  of  it  seemed  to  affect  the  kingV 

*  Accouot  of  the  Life  and  Writings  of  Mr.  Waller,  prefixed  to  hi« 
poems,  p.  C 7.  edit.  Lond.  1712.  I2mo. 


JAMES  t  itti 

strancfc5*  for  the  right  of  kings,  and  the 
independance  of  their  crowns,  against  the 

11  He  published  his  remonstrance  for  the  rights  of 
kings.]  This  piece  is  written  with  much  more  de- 
cency than  the  other  controversial  tracts  of  James. 
He  acknowledged!  Perron  to  be  a  prelate  in  great  au- 
thority, and  of  no  less  learning*,  and  owns  his  cour- 
tesy in  sending  him  a  copy  of  his  oration b.  But  at 
the  same  time  he  insinuates  that  in  the  cardinal's 
speech,  his  lips  looked  one  way,  and  his  conscience 
another:  and  professes,  "his  rest  is  up,  that  one  of 
the  maynes  for  which  God  had  advanced  him  upon 
the  loftie  stage  of  the  supream  throne,  was,  that  his 
words  uttered  from  so  eminent  a  place,  for  God's 
honour,  most  shamefully  traduced  and  vilified  in  his 
own  deputies  and  lieutenants,  might  with  greater  fa- 
cility be  conceived'."  Then  he  gives  the  reasons  for 
his  engaging  in  this  controversy  :  \vhich  were  first, 
"  the  common  interest  of  kings." 

Secondly,  "The  cardinal's  speaking  as  one  repre- 
senting the  clergy  and  nobility." 

Thirdly,  "Because  he  himself  had  been  represented 
by  him  as  a  sower  of  dissention,  and  a  persecutor,  under 
whom  the  church  is  hardly  able  to  fetch  her  breath  ; 
yea,  for  one  by  whom  the  catholics  of  his  kingdom 
are  compelled  to  endure  all  sorts  of  punishments." 

Lastly,  "  By  reason  that  France  was  reduced  to  so 
miserable  terms,  that  it  was  become  a  crime  for  a 
Frenchman  to  stand  for  his  king,  it  was  a  necessary 
duetie  of  her  neighbours  to  speak  in  her  behalfd." 
These  are  the  reasons  alledged  by  James  for  en- 
gaging against  Perron.  After  this  he  proceeds  to  his 

*  King  James's  Works,  p.  53:3.      b  Id.  p.  fiSC.      c  Id.  p.  "52.      *  Id.  p.  390. 


J58  THE  LIFE  OF 

oration  of  the  most  illustrious  cardinal  of 
Perron.  This  was  his  last  controversial 

defence  of  the  right  of  kings,  and  endeavours  to  shew 
"  that  what  the  cardinal  had  advanced  in  support  of  his 
doctrine,  that  it  was  absurd  and  incongruous  to  con- 
demn, or  wrappe  under  the  solemn  curse,  the  abetters 
of  the  pope's  power  to  unking  lawful  and  sovereign 
kings  :  he  endeavours  to  prove  that  what  was  said  by 
the  cardinal  in  behalf  hereof,  was  meer  nullity,  matter 
of  imagination,  and  built  upon  false  presuppositions3." 
To  enter  into  a  minute  detail  of  James's  arguments 
would  be  tiresome  to  the  reader.  Let  it  therefore 
suffice  to  say,  .that  he  quotes  fathers,  councils  and 
schoolmen ;  and  that  history  and  scripture  are  alledged 
by  him,  and  sometimes  not  impertinently. It  ap- 
pears from  this  defence  of  the  right  of  kings,  that 
James  had  had  a  correspondence  with  Perron  for  years 
before ;  that  he  had  sent  him  a  discourse  in  writing, 
to  which  in  three  years  the  cardinal  had  not  replied, 
which  is  attributed  not  to  a  want  of  capacity,  but  to 
"  well  advised  agnition  of  his  own  working  and  build- 
ing upon  a  weak  foundation13."  If  one  knew  nothing 
snore  of  James  than  what  might  be  gathered  from  this 
book,  one  -should  be  tempted  to  imagine  that  he  was 
a  most  zealous  protestant.  For  he  attributes  all  the 
miseries  of  France  and  Great  Britain  to  the  Romish 
clergy c,  whom  he  paints  out  in  no  very  agreeable  co- 
lours ;  and  at  the  same  time  praises  the  French  pro- 
testants  in  an  extraordinary  manner.  He  tells  us  he 
could  never  "  learn  that  those  of  the  religion  in  France, 
took  arms  against  their  king.  In  the  first  civil  wars, 
says  he,  they  stood  only  upon  their  guard ;  they  armed 

•  King  James's  Works,  p.  396.  b  Id,  p.  470.  c  Id.  p.  293, 


JAMES  I.  159 

work.      But    besides    the    pieces    already 

not,  nor  took  the  field  before  they  were  pursued  with 
lire  and  sword,  burnt  up  and  slaughtered.  They  were 
a  refuge  and  succour  to  the  princes  of  the  blood  ;  in 
regard  of  which  worthy  and  honourable  service,  the 
French  king  hath  reason  to  have  the  protestants  in 
his  gracious  remembrance.  He  then  sets  forth  their 
great  merit  with  respect  to  the  third  and  fourth  Henry, 
to  whom  they  stood  in  all  their  battles,  to  bear  up  the 
crown  then  tottering  and  ready  to  fall1."  This  is  a 
very  remarkable  testimony  to  the  fidelity  and  loyalty 
of  the  Hugonots,  as  it  comes  from  one  who  hated 
their  principle  of  parity  in  the  church,  looked  on  such 
as  held  it  as  very  pests  in  church  and  commonwealth, 
and  who  spoke  more  bitterly  of  them  than  of  the  pa- 
pists b.  For  the  French  protestants  differed  nothing 
at  all  from  the  English  and  Scotch  puritans,  either  in 
discipline  or  doctrine.  This  remonstrance  against 
Perron,  was  written  first  in  French  by  his  majesty,  af- 
terwards by  his  leave  translated  into  English,  as  also 
into  Latin,  Anno  l6l(>,  in  4to.  for  I  remember  to  have 

seen  such  an  edition  of  it  in  that  language. Perron 

though  he  had  neglected  James's  private  writing  re- 
turned an  answer  to  this  public  remonstrance,  for  in 
the  account  of  the  said  cardinal's  writings  in  Perrault's 
characters0,  and  in  Collier's  dictionary41,  I  find  a  work 
intitled,  "a  reply  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain's  an- 
swer." Whether  this  is  the  whole  of  the  title  I  know 
not,  any  more  than  I  do  what  the  answer  contained, 
for  both  these  authors  are  by  much  too  superficial  in 
their  accounts  of  the  most  eminent  writers,  and  their 

1  King  James's  Works,  p.  480.  b  See  note  12.  c  Characters 

Historical  and  Panegyrical,  vol.  II.  p.  5.  *  Great  Historical 

Oary,  article  Perroa  (James  Davy  du.) 


100                        THE  LIFE  OF 
mentioned,    he  published  also  a  counter- 
performances*. As   this  remonstrance  is   the  last 

polemical  work  of  James  which  we  have  to  mention, 
Lord  Shafts  bury 's  description  of  him  as  a  prince-writer, 
will  not  improperly  conclude  this  note.  As  to  which, 
from  what  has  been  seen  by  the  reader  already,  he  may 
in  a  good  measure  be  able  to  judge  of  its  truth  and 
propriety.  "A  prince  of  a  pacific  nature  and  fluent 
thought,  submitting  arms  and  martial  discipline  to  the 
gown ;  and  confiding  in  his  princely  science  and  pro- 
found learning,  made  his  style  and  speech  the  nerve 
and  sinew  of  his  government.  He  gave  us  his  works 
full  of  wise  exhortation  and  advice  to  his  royal  son,  as 
well  as  of  instruction  to  his  good  people;  who  could 
not  without  admiration  observe  their  author-sovereign, 
thus  studious  and  contemplative  in  their  behalf.  'T\vas 
then  one  might  have  seen  our  nation  growing  young 
and  docile,  with  that  simplicity  of  heart  which  qua- 
lified them  to  profit  like  a  scholar-people  under  their 
royal  preceptor.  For  with  abundant  eloquence  he 
graciously  gave  lessons  to  his  parliament,  tutored  his 
ministers,  and  edified  the  greatest  churchmen  and 
divines  themselves;  by  whose  suffrage  he  obtained  the 
highest  appellations  which  could  be  merited  by  the 
acutest  wit,  and  truest  understanding.  From  hence 
the  British  nations  were  taught  to  own  in  common  a 
Solomon  for  their  joint  sovereign,  the  founder  of  their 
late  compleated  union b."  Whether  this  description 
of  our  author-sovereign,  as  his  lordship  styles  him,  be 
too  soft  or  severe,  I  leave  entirely  to  the  judgment  of 
the  reader :  nothing  doubting  but  he  will  be  pleased  to 
see  it,  whatever  he  may  think  of  it. 

»  Vide  Appendix.  b  Characteristicks,  vol.  I.  p.  192.  edit.  12mo.  1746. 


JAMES  I.  161 

blaste  to  tobacco  "9  began  a  translation  of 
the  psalms    of  king   David ;    and   writ  a 

53  He  published  a  counterblaste  to  tobacco.]  This 
was  first  printed  in  quarto,  without  name  or  date.  It 
is  a  wretched  performance  both  for  matter  and  manner. 
In  it  he  sets  forth  how  dishonourable  it  is  in  us  to  imi- 
tate the  beastly  Indians  in  so  vile  and  stinking  a  custom, 
as  using  tobacco  ;  how  unreasonable  the  pleas  alledged 
in  defence  of  it  are ;  and  the  mischievous  consequences 
flowing  from  the  use,  or  filthy  abuse  of  it.  Here  he 
tells  us  that  by  using  tobacco  men  are  guilty  of  sinful 
and  shameful  lust ;  that  it  is  a  branch  of  the  sin  of 
drunkenness  ;  that  it  enervates  the  body,  and  ruins  the 
estate ;  for,  adds  he,  "  some  gentlemen  bestow  three, 
some  four  hundred  pounds  a  year  upon  this  precious 
stink  V  If  this  is  true  it  is  very  amazing.  Though  it  is 
certain  James  laid  a  most  heavy  duty  on  it,  in  order 
to  hinder  its  consumption.  "For  there  is  extant  his 
warrant  to  the  lord  treasurer  Dorset,  Anno  1604,  for 
laying  a  good  heavy  imposition  on  tobacco,  that  less 
quantity  may  be  brought  into  the  realm,  and  only  suf- 
ficient for  the  better  sort,  who  will  use  it  with  mode- 
ration for  their  health ;  wherefore  he  authorizes  the 
said  treasurer  to  order,  that  from  the  26th  of  October 
ensuing,  the  proper  officers  should  take  of  all  who 
import  tobacco,  the  sum  of  six  shillings  and  eight 
pence  upon  every  pound  weight,  over  and  above  the 
custom  of  two  pence  per  pound  usually  paid  hereto- 
fore b."  Excellent  policy  this !  to  discourage  the  taking 
of  that  which  has  since  proved  one  of  the  greatest  re- 

*  King  James's  Works,  p.    221.  b  Rymer's  Fcedera,  torn. 

XVI.  fol.  601.  apud  Oldys's  Life  of  Raleigh,  p. 32.  noted,  fol.  Lend. 
1733.  and  Acta  Regia,  p.  518.  fol.  Lond,  1734. 
VOL.  I.  M 


162  THE  LIFE  OF 

few  sonnets  and  epitaphs54.  So  fond  was- 
he  of  shewing  his  parts,  instructing  and 

venues  of  the  crown,  and  has  produced  \7ast  benefit  to 
Britain,  and  her  plantations.  For  two  of  our  colonies 
are  supported  by  it;  great  numbers  of  ships  and  sea- 
men are  employed  in  bringing  it  over;  and  the  custom 
duties  of  it  are  counted,  on  a  medium,  to  amount  to 
169,0791.  Os.  lOd.  per  annum.  But  it  is  no  wonder 
"  that  such  a  philosopher,  as  could  magnify  the  power 
of  witches,  after  the  manner  he  has  done  in  one  of  his 
learned  pamphlets,  should  be  such  a  politician  as  to 
discourage  the  taking  of  tobacco  in  another,"  says  Mr. 
Oldys3.  "  But  those  who  have  not  admired,"  conti- 
nues the  same  gentleman,  "at  his  prejudice  in  this  at- 
tempt to  dispel  the  fumes  of  that  herb  with  greater  of 
his  own,  if  I  may  allude  to  the  witty  title  of  his  per- 
formance without  imputation  of  irreverence  to  his 
memory,  may  yet  applaud  his  policy,  in  so  far  con- 
ducing to  its  suppression,  as  to  exclude  it  from  the 
body  of  his  works,  when  this  royal  pamphleteer  re- 
solved to  become  an  author  in  folio."  If  I  understand 
this  paragraph  aright,  it  is  asserted  in  it  that  the  coun- 
terblast to  tobacco,  makes  no  part  of  James's  folio 
volume.  But  this  is  a  mistake,  and  could  proceed 
from  nothing  but  trusting,  I  suppose,  too  much  to 
memory,  in  a  thing  of  small  importance.  A  fault,  that 
even  the  most  exact  authors  are  liable  to  fall  into. 

54  He  began  a  translation  of  the  psalms  of  king 
David,  &c.]  In  lord  Anglesey's  catalogue,  I  find 
king  James's  translation  of  the  psalm's  to  be  sung  after 
the  old  tunes,  1651  b;  and  I  am  assured  by  a  learned 

*  Oldys,  p.  32.         b  Bibliotheca  Anglesiana,  article  (Divinity,  in  soiall 
8vo.  12mo.  &c.  p.  19.)    Load.  1636.  4to. 


JAMES  I.  163 

entertaining  his  good  subjects,  and  over- 
coming his  adversaries  in  literary  contests ! 

friend,  from  one  who  has  seen  it,  that  such  a  transla- 
tion was  published  in  his  name,  though  I  have  not  yet 
been  so  fortunate  as  to  meet  with  it.  But  this  transla- 
tion was  only  begun  by  James,  as  we  may  learn  from 
the  following  quotation.  "  This  translation  he  was  in. 
hand  with,  says  bishop  Williams,  (when  God  called 

him  to  sing  psalms  with  the  angels.) He  intended  to 

have  finished  and  dedicated  it  to  the  only  saint  of  his 
devotion,  the  church  of  Great  Britain,  and  that  of 
Ireland.  This  work  was  staied  in  the  one  and  thirty 

psalm3." We  have  two  sonnets    of  his   in  his 

works b;  an  epitaph  on  the  chancellor  of  Scotland,  in 
Spotswood0;  and  another  on  that  vajiant,  polite,  aud 
learned  gentleman,  Sir  Philip  Sydney,  in  Collier's  dic- 
tionary. This  latter,  being  but  short,  I  will  give  19 
the  reader,  as  a  specimen  of  James's  poetry. 

When  Venus  saw  the  noble  Sydney  dying, 
She  thought  it  her  beloved  Mars  had  been ; 

£nd  with  the  thought  thereof  she  fell  a  crying, 
And  cast  away  her  rings  and  carknets  clean. 

He  that  in  death  a  goddess  mock'd  and  griev'd, 

What  had  he  done  (trow  you)  if  he  had  lived  d. 

This,  I  think,  is  one  of  the  best  of  his  poetical  com- 
positions. The  reader,  a^fter  this,  need  not  be  told  that 
James's  talents  for  poetry  were  not  extraordinary.  Be- 
sides the  pieces  of  poetry  I  have  mentioned,  I  am  in- 

*  Great  Britain's  Salomon.  A  sermon  preached  at  the  magnificent 
funeral  of  the  most  high  and  mighty  king  James.  By  ,John  lord  bishop 
of  Lincolne,  lord  keeper  of  the  great  seale  of  England.  London,  printed 
for  John  Bill,  printer  to  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty.  1625.  p.  42. 
4to.  b  James's  Works,  p.  89,  137.  c  Ch.  Hist.  p.  411.  "Great- 
Historical  Dictionary,  article  Sidney,  (Sir  Philip.) 

M  2 


164  THE  LIFE  OF 

but  he  had  an  absolute  aversion  to  war". 
This  led  him  hastily  to  conclude  a  peace 

formed  by  the  very  worthy  and  learned  Dr.  Birch,  that 
there  is  extant  in  James's  name,  another  intitled, 
"  His  Majesty's  Lepanto,  or  Heroical  Story,  being 
part  of  his  poetical  exercises  at  vacant  hours,  Lon- 
don, 1603.  in  4to."  A  sight  of  this,  perhaps,  might 
afford  some  diversion.  This  book  being  burnt  among 
those  of  the  honourable  Charles  York,  Esq.  at  Lin- 
coln's Inn  in  the  late  fire  there,  Mr.  Birch  could  give 
no  further  account  of  it. 

55  He  had  an  absolute  aversion  to  war.]  "  I  know 
not  by  what  fortune  the  dicton  of  Pacificus  was  added 
to  my  title,  at  niy  coming  into  England :  that  of  the 
lyon  expressing  true  fortitude,  having  been  my  dicton 
before:  but  I  am  not  ashamed  of  this  addition;  for 
king  Solomon  was  a  figure  of  Christ  in  that,  that  he 
was  a  king  of  peace.  The  greatest  gift  that  our  Sa- 
viour gave  his  apostles,  immediately  before  his  ascen- 
sion, was,  that  he  left  his  peace  with  them;  he  himself 
having  prayed  for  his  persecutors,  and  forgiven  his 
own  death,  as  the  proverb  isa." In  the  first  au- 
dience the  duke  of  Sully  had  of  James,  he  told  him, 
"  that  if  he  had  found  the  English  at  war  with  the  French, 
his  endeavours  would,  nevertheless,  have  been  to  live 
in  peace  with  a  prince,  [Henry  the  fourth]  who,  like 
himself,  had  been  called  from  the  crown  of  Navarre  to 
that  of  France :  it  being  always  commendable,  said  he, 
to  overcome  evil  with  goodb."  These  are  good  senti- 
ments enough  for  private  persons;  but  they  may  be 
carried  much  too  far  by  princes.  Forgiveness  and  im- 
punity from  these  only  draw  on  fresh  injuries;  and  he 

•  King  James's  Works,  p.  590.  b  Sully's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  23. 

3 


JAMES  I.  ]fo 

with  Spain16,  to  the  amazement  and  great 

who  will  not  at  any  time  avenge  wrongs  received,  will 
be  sure  to  meet  with  enough  of  them.  Princes  owe 
protection  to  their  subjects;  but  this  cannot  be  af- 
forded many  times,  unless  chastisement  be  inflicted  on 
those  who  injure  them.  Wars  therefore  are  sometimes 
necessary;  and  a  warlike  prince  will  be  always  respect- 
able to  his  neighbours.  But  the  known  coward  will 
be  looked  on  with  contempt.  He  will  be  affronted 
perpetually,  and  every  opportunity  will  be  taken  to  ri- 
dicule and  oppress  him.  So  that  though  the  love  of 
peace  in  princes  be  commendable,  yet,  when  it  is  car- 
ried too  far,  it  degenerates  into  a  fault,  and  gives  just 
ground  for  the  subjects'  complaints.  Happy  the  people 
who  have  a  prince  who  neither  loves  nor  fears  to  draw 
his  sword!  They  may  be  sure  of  being  defended  in 
their  just  rights  by  him;  of  being  guarded  from  unjust 
invasions,  and  secured  by  his  valour  from  the  evils 
which  threaten  them.  His  power  will  make  him  con- 
siderable in  the  eyes  of  his  neighbours;  they  will  at- 
tend to  his  reasons,  and  be  influenced  by  his  persua- 
sions. For  they  will  not  slightly  provoke  one  known 
not  tamely  to  put  up  injuries.  So  that  the  profession  of 
fortitude  and  resolution,  of  courage  and  magnanimity, 
becomes  better  the  mouths  of  princes,  than  that  of 
meekness  and  forgiving  of  injuries:  for  the  former 
may,  possibly,  be  of  use  and  service,  but  the  latter  can 
answer  no  good  purpose  in  the  present  state  of  the 
world. 

6  This  led  him  to  conclude  a  peace  with  Spain, 
&c.]  The  peace  was  concluded  Aug.  18,  1604.  But 
before  this,  in  a  few  weeks  after  James  came  into  Eng- 
land, he  revoked  the  letters  of  reprisal  on  the  subjects 
of  Spain,  which  had  been  granted  by  Elizabeth,1  with- 


166  THE  LIFE  O'F 

advantage  of  the  Spaniards ;  who  thereby 

out  staying  to  be  solicited  on  that  head,  or  to  be  com- 
plimented on  his  accession  to  the  throne,  by  the  king 
of  Spain3.  So  that  he  disarmed  his  subjects  before  he 
had  provided  for  their  better  security.  He  stopped 
them  in  the  course  of  doing  themselves  justice,  before 
he  was  sure  of  obtaining  reparation  for  their  past 
losses. The  king  of  Spain  had  now  reduced  him- 
self to  a  very  low  ebb,  by  his  wars  with  England  and 
the  Netherlands,  in  which,  for  the  most  part,  he  had 
been  unsuccessful.  The  king  of  Spain,  says  Sir  Wal- 
ter Raleigh,  in  his  discourse  touching  a  war  with 
Spain,  written  before  the  conclusion  of  the  peace,  and 
intended  to  be  presented  to  James.  "  The  king  of 
Spain,  says  he,  is  now  so  poor,  as  he  employed  his 
Jesuits  to  beg  for  him  at  every  church-door  in  Spain. 

"  His  revenues  are  mortgaged  in  such  sort,  as  of 
twenty -five  millions,  he  has  but  five  millions  free ; 
his  ships  are  worn-out  and  consumed,  and  his  people 
in  general  exceeding  poor. 

"  He  hath  of  late  received  many  affronts  and  losses ; 
and  in  Peru  many  of  the  chiefest  and  best  towns  are 
recovered  from  him  by  the  natives. 

"  And  commonly,  when  great  monarchies  begin 
once  in  the  least  to  decline,  their  dissipation  will  soon 
follow  after. 

"  The  Spanish  empire  hath  been  greatly  shaken,  and 
hath  begun  of  late  years  to  decline;  and  it  is  a  prin- 
ciple in  philosophy,  that  omnis  dimimitio  est  preparatio 
ad  cormpfionem.  That  the  least  decay  of  any  part  is  a 
forerunner  of  the  destruction  of  the  whole. 


•  Oldcastle's  Remarks  on  the  Hist,  of  England,  p.  238.  and  Acta  Regis, 
p.  521, 


JAMES  I.  107 

had  an  opportunity  given  them  of  rctricv- 

"  And  though  it  may  be  awhile  upheld,  as  the  state 
of  Rome  was  by  Vespasian  and  Trajan  ;  yet  following 
the  former  declination,  retro  statim  mblapsa  fertur 
usque  dum  plane  subversa  fuit.  It  presently  fell  back 
again,  and  never  left  declining  till  the  Roman  state 
was  utterly  overthrown. 

"  But  if  now  the  king  of  Spain  can  obtain  peace 
upon  any  condition  reasonable,  so  as  he  may  fortify  his 
weakness,  both  in  Europe  and  the  Indies,  and  gather 
again  sufficient  riches,  putting  the  English  from  the 
exercise  of  war  in  those  parts,  and  so  make  us  to  for- 
get his  Indies,  till  those  be  consumed  that  know  them; 
he  will  soon  grow  to  his  former  greatness  and  pride: 
and  then  if  your  majesty  shall  leave  the  Low  Countries, 
and  he  finds  us  by  ourselves,  it  will  not  be  long  e'er  he 

remembers  his  old  practices  and  attempts  *." But 

no  such  considerations  as  these  could  have  any  influ- 
ence on  James.  He  had  revoked  the  letters  of  reprisal, 

and  a  peace  he  was  determined  to  have. You  shall 

now  understand  (says  lord  Cecyll  to  Mr.  Winwood,  in 
a  letter  dated  Ap.  12,  1604.)  "  that  the  constable  of 
Castile  is  come  to  Dunkirk,  and  resolved  presently  to 
take  his  passage;  so  as  there  is  now  nothing  so  cer- 
tain as  a  treaty,  and  in  my  opinion  nothing  more  likely 
than  a  peace.  For  as  it  is  most  true,  that  his  majesty's 
mind  is  most  inclinable  thereunto,  and  that  in  con- 
templation thereof,  things  have  been  so  carried  here, 
as  if  a  war  were  now  somevyhat  unseasonable,  so  you 
may  see  by  the  king  of  Spain's  great  descent  from  the 
heighth  of  his  forms  towards  other  princes,  as  he  is 

a  The  Works  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  Kt.  political,  commercial,  and  pfci- 
l«30pbical,  by  Tho.  Birch,  M.  A.  vol.  II.  p.  12.  8vo.  Ix)nd.  1751. 


16S  THE  LIFE  OF 

ing  their  almost  desperate  affairs,  and  of 

determined  to  go  through  with  it;  being  now  it  seems 
confirmed  in  the  French  position,  qui  a  le profit  a  thon- 
neur.  A  matter  I  do  confess  to  you  I  do  clearly  fore- 
see he  will  have,  unless  the  estates  of  those  poor  coun- 
tries [the  Netherlands]  have  some  more  adjuvances 

towards  their   subsisting1." The  treaty  was  soon 

concluded,  of  friendship  and  amity,  and  mutual  trade 

to  each  other's  dominions'3. It  is  very  remarkable, 

that  low  as  the  Spaniards  were,  depending  on  James's 
pacific  disposition,  they  stiffly  denied  the  English  free 
trade  and  commerce  with  the  East  and  West  Indies0; 
and  got  it  inserted  in  the  articles  that  no  aid  or  assist- 
ance whatsoever  should  be  given  to  the  enemies  or  re- 
bels on  either  part;  yea  moreover  they  had  the  English 
in  Spain  subjected  to  the  power  of  the  inquisition d. 
Cecyll  indeed  said  it  were  vanity  to  have  expected 
more  than  they  had  concerning  the  matter  of  trade  to 
the  Indies,  and  the  inquisition.  But  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  he  had  reason  for  his  affirmation.  For  the 
Spaniards  were  in  so  much  want  of  a  peace,  that  they 
would  have  submitted  to  almost  any  thing  to  obtain 
it;  and  they  themselves  were  surprised  to  find  that  it 
was  made  on  so  advantageous  conditions.  Sir  Charles 
Cornwallis,  in  a  letter  to  the  same  Cecyll,  lord  viscount 
Cranborne,  principal  secretary  to  his  majesty,  from 
Spain,  dated  June  2,  1605,  has  the  following  remark- 
able expressions.  "  I  find  here  by  many  arguments 
that  this  peace  came  opportunely  for  this  kingdom, 
and  is  admired  of  all  Europe,  yea  of  this  kingdom  itself, 
how  it  was  possible  with  so  advantageous  conditions 

»  Wioirood,  vol.  II.  p.  18.  "  Id.  p.  22.  c  Id.  p.  22. 

'  Id.  p.  29. 


JAMES  I.  169 

pushing  on  the  war  with  the  Dutch,  against 

to  them,  and  so  little  profitable  to  our  realm  it  could 
be  effected.  The  duke  of  Anera  discoursing  with  one 
of  great  privacie  and  trust  with  him,  after  he  had  heard 
that  the  peace  was  in  such  forme  concluded,  said  in 
plain  termes,  that  the  king  and  counsellors  of  England 
had  not  their  senses  when  in  such  sort  they  agreed 
upon  it.  And  some  Spaniards  have  lately  reported, 
that  the  king  of  Spain's  money  purchased  this  quiet; 
otherwise  peace,  with  so  good  conditions  could  never 
have  been  obtained.  I  know  that  besides  your  lord- 
ship's exceeding  wisdom,  your  lordship  out  of  your 
true  noble  disposition,  hath  ever  equalled  the  care  of 
the  saftie  and  honor  of  your  countrie  with  your  own 
life.  I  verily  persuade  myself  that  the  king's  own 
Christian  and  earnest  inclination  to  peace,  lead  on  the 

treaty  with  speedy  feet. But  by  those  collections 

that  I  have  made,  and  relations  of  others  well  practised 
in  this  state,  I  find  that  England  never  lost  such  an 
opportunity  of  winning  honor  and  wealth  unto  it,  as 
by  relinquishing  the  war  with  Spain.  The  king  and 
kingdom  were  reduced  to  such  an  estate,  as  they  could 
not  in  all  likelihood  have  endured  the  space  of  two 
years  more;  his  own  treasurie  was  exhausted,  his  rent* 
and  customs  sussigned  for  the  most  part  for  the  pay- 
ment of  money  borrowed,  his  nobility  poor  and  much 
indebted,  his  merchants  wasted,  his  people  of  the 
countrie  in  all  extremitie  of  necessity,  his  devices  of 
gaming  by  the  increase  of  the  valuation  of  money,  and 
other  such  of  that  nature,  all  plaid  over;  his  credit  in 
borrowing,  by  means  of  the  incertaintie  of  his  estate 
during  the  war  with  England  much  decayed,  the  sub- 
jects of  his  many  distracted  dominions  held  in  obedi- 
ence by  force  and  feare,  not  by  love  and  dutie ;  and 


170  THE  LIFE  OF 

whom  they  were,  in  a  manner,  implacable, 

therefore  rather  a  care  and  burthen,  than  a  relief  and 
strength  to  him.  Himself  very  young,  and  in  that  re- 
gard with  his  people  in  no  great  veneration ;  and  the 
less  for  suffering  himself  to  be  wholly  governed  by  a 
man  generally  hated  of  his  own  country;  his  strength 
at  sea  not  able  to  secure  his  ports  at  home,  much  less 
his  Indies,  or  his  treasure  homewards3."  This  is  rather 
a  stronger  picture  of  the  deplorable  state  of  Spain  than 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh's,  and  from  it,  it  clearly  appears 
that  we  needed  not  have  been  afraid  to  have  insisted 
on  almost  any  thing  from  it;  and  consequently  much 
less  have  submitted  to  a  deprivation  of  the  Indian  trade 
and  to  the  inquisition.  But  James's  earnest  inclination 
for  peace,  and  the  king  of  Spain's  money  procured  this 
treaty :  for  money  was  distributed  in  abundance  among 
the  English  courtiers  who  promoted  the  peace,  as  ap- 
pears not  only  from  what  is  asserted  by  Sir  Charles 
Cornwallis  in  the  above  letter,  but  from  other  unques- 
tionable authorities.  In  the  memoirs  of  Sully  we  read, 
"  That  no  sooner  was  the  Spanish  ambassador  arrived 
in  London,  than  he  multiplied  the  number  of  his  crea- 
tures, by  his  extraordinary  liberalities  to  all  those  whom 
he  considered  as  necessary  to  be  gained  V  And  Sir 
Henry  Neville  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Winwood,  dated 
Aug.  19,  16G4,  writes,  "  We  say  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sadors have  taken  up  many  jewels  here  (we  suppose  to 
bestow  upon  our  grandees;  so  not  to  leave  any  advan- 
tage to  the  French,  who  began  that  angling  fashion 
unto  them)  with  the  king's  privity  and  all  iron's 
wonder0." And  after  the  peace  was  made,  the  earl 

1  \Vinwood,  yoL  II.  p.  75.  b  Sully's  Memorials,  vol.  II.  p.  ISL 

c  Winwood,  voL  II.  p.  26. 


JAMES  I.  171 

on  account  of  their  revolt  for  religion  and 

of  Nottingham,  lord  admiral,  ambassador  extraordinary 
into  Spain,  had  bestowed  on  him  at  his  departure,  iu 
plate,  jewels  and  horses,  to  the  value  of  twenty  thou- 
sand pounds,  by  that  king.  And  to  some  other  of  his 
principal  attendants  were  given  chains  and  jewels  of 
great  value a.  And  it  appears  from  Sir  Charles 'Corn- 
wallis's  letter  to  the  earl  of  Salisbury,  out  of  Spain, 
that  there  were  many  pensions  given  in  the  court  of 
England  b.  Osborn,  therefore,  seems  to  have  reason 
for  saying,  "  that  James  cast  himself  as  it  were  blind- 
fold into  a  peace  with  Spain,  far  more  destructive  to 
England  than  a  war;  for  it  hath  not  only  found  that 
prince  an  opportunity  to  recover  his  strength  (much 
abated  by  the  queen's  happy  successes  at  sea)  but  gave 
him  a  fair  advantage  to  establish  himself  in  tire  king- 
dom of  Portugal,  and  quiet  the  distempers  of  his  own 
people.  And  as  this  peace,  adds  he,  was  of  infinite 
consequence  to  the  Spaniard,  so  he  spared  for  no  cost 
to  procure  it:  and  to  prevent  the  inserting  any  article 
that  might  obstruct  his  recourse  to  or  from  the  Indies 
(the  magazine  of  strife)  either  on  this  side  or  beyond 
the  line  (thought  by  the  English  commissioners  not  in- 
cluded, however  the  contrary  was  after  pretended,  and 
no  farther  disputed  by  king  James,  than  with  patience 
and  a  quiet  submission  of  his  subjects  to  their  sense, 
not  rarely  punishing  such  as  transgrest,  at  their  coming 
home)  he  presented  all,  both  Scotish  and  English  witii 
gifts,  and  those  no  small  ones ;  for  by  that  the  earl  of 
Northampton,  brother  to  Suffolk,  had,  he  was  alone 
able  to  raise  and  finish  the  goodly  pile  he  built  in  the 


•  Winwood,  vol.  II-  p.  89.  and  Birch's  Negotiations,  p.  223. 
b  Id.  p.  96. 


172  THE  LIFE  OF 

liberty.     But  notwithstanding,  the  articles 

strand. — Nor  are  there  a  few  others  no  less  brave  houses 
jresh  in  my  memory,  that  had  their  foundations,  if  not 
their  walls  and  roofs,  plastered  with  the  same  mortar. — 
This  I  shall  add  as  no  improbable  conjecture  made  by 
many  in  those  days,  that  his  Catholic  majesty  was  so 
frighted  by  the  apprehension  of  a  possibility  that  our 
king,  according  to  the  nature,  no  less  than  the  obliga- 
tion of  his  country,  might  fall  into  a  conjunction  with 
France,  that  he  would  scarce  at  that  time  have  denied 
him  any  thing,  to  the  half  of  his  Indies.  And  from 
hence  all  princes  may  calculate  the  vast  difference  that 
lies  between  a  council  suborned,  and  one  free  from  cor- 
ruption *."  This  last  reflection,  appears  to  me  very 
judicious.  "  A  gift  blindeth  the  wise,  and  perverteth 
the  words  of  the  righteous,"  says  the  great  Hebrew 
legislator b.  No  prince  can  ever  be  safe  who  permits 
his  counsellors  to  take  presents  from  foreign  princes. 
For  their  judgments  will  be  biassed,  their  affections  be 
engaged,  and  they  be  disposed  to  serve  others,  more 
than  their  own  master ;  so  that  of  the  utmost  conse- 
quence is  it  to  have  ministers  depend  wholly  on  their 
prince,  if  they  receive  presents  from  others,  they  must 
earn  them;  by  giving  counsel  suitable  to  the  instruc- 
tions they  receive,  or  by  divulging  those  resolutions 
which  ought  most  of  all  to  be  concealed.  They  must 
be  spies  to  those  who  bribe  them,  and  unfaithful  to 
their  master  by  whom  they  are  intrusted.  So  that  it  is 
amazing  that  James  should  consent  to  his  grandees  re- 
ceiving the  Spanish  presents ;  for  a  moment's  reflection 
would  have  set  before  him  the  pernicious  consequences 
of  it.  The  prince  who  would  preserve  his  reputation, 

a  Osborn's  Works,  p.  470.  b  Exod.  23.  8. 


JAMES  I.  173 

of  the  peace  were  but  poorly  observed  by 
them  57,  and  produced  not  the  effect  ex- 

and  accomplish  his  ends,  should  keep  his  counsels  se- 
cret. He  should  have  a  strict  eye  on  the  ambassadors 
sent  to  him,  that  they  gain  not  the  weak  by  their  ad- 
dress, the  proud  by  their  fawning,  or  the  interested  by 
their  bounty.  For  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that 
by  flattery,  cunning  and  seduction,  they  endeavour  to 
delude  ministers  into  a  discovery  of  the  secrets  of  state. 
In  short,  as  a  great  writer  expresses  it,  "  they  do  all 
the  mischief  they  can ;  their  profession  allows  them  to 
transgress;  they  sin  out  of  duty,  and  are  sure  of  impu- 
nity: 'tis  against  the  wiles  of  those  spies  that  princes 
ought  to  be  chiefly  on  their  guard  V 

57  The  articles  of  the  peace  were  but  poorly  observed 
by  them,  &c.]  My  authorities  for  this  will  not  be  dis- 
puted. Sir  Henry  Neville,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Win- 
wood,  dated  London,  December  8,  1604,  writes,  "  It 
is  commonly  reported  that  our  merchants  are  ill-used 
in  Spain  by  the  inquisition ;  and  besides  that,  that  the 
trade  proves  nothing  so  beneficial  as  was  expected ; 
partly  by  reason  that  the  merchants  there  are  become 
poor  by  these  wars,  and  not  able  to  buy  but  upon  days, 
and  many  of  those  that  have  been  trusted,  have  played 
bankrupts,  insomuch  as  some  of  ours  have  brought 
back  their  commodities,  rather  than  they  would  sell 
upon  credit;  and  partly,  by  reason,  that  in  this  time 
of  long  restraint  of  trade,  they  have  been  forced  to 
betake  themselves  to  the  making  of  cloth  there,  and 
do  make  it  now  in  that  quantity,  as  they  care  not 
much  for  ours,  which  was  wont  to  be  our  chiefest  trade 
thither.  And  as  for  corn,  the  French,  both  by  reason 

•  Anti-Machiavel,  p.  3 1C. 


174  THE  LIFE  OF 

pected  in  point  of  profit,  by  the  English,  to 
Avhom  the  peace  soon  became  very  disagree- 

of  their  nearness  and  abundance,  will  ever  furnish  them 
better  cheap  than  we  can.  So  as  there  appears  little 
hope  of  any  fruit  of  our  peace  in  that  regard ;  which 
joined  with  some  other  considerations  of  state,  that 
have  reference  to  your  affairs  there,  [Holland]  begins 
to  cool  that  ardent  affection  which  carried  us  so  strong- 
ly to  that  treaty,  and  begets  some  discourses,  (even 
amongst  our  greatest  governors)  that  this  will  be  but  a 
short  peace a." 

And  Sir  Charles  Cornwallis  in  a  letter  to  the  earl  of 
Salisbury,  dated  Valladolid,  October  18,  1605.  O.  S. 
tells  him,  "  the  Spaniards  had  made  a  general  stay  of 
justice  to  all  or  any  of  the  king  his  masters  subjects11 ." 
And  the  same  gentleman,  in  a  letter  written  from  Ma- 
drid, in  May  ]606,  tells  lord  Salisbury  also,  "  that  'tis 
written  to  him  from  Sevill,  that  Don  Lewis  Firardo,  in 
his  voyage;  met  with  certain  ships  from  England, 
loaden  with  corn  and  bound  to  Sevill.  That  he  first 
took  the  masters,  and  first  set  their  necks  in  the  stocks ; 
after  removed  them  to  the  admiral,  and  there  with  his 
own  hands  did  as  much  to  their  leggs  ;  revileing  them, 
and  calling  them  heretiques,  Lutheran  dogs,  and  ene- 
mies of  Christ,  threatning  to  hang  them;  and  in  con- 
clusion having  taken  from  them  what  he  thought  fit, 
returned  them  into  their  own  ships.  Besides  the  cruelty 
he  shewed  to  those  of  Mr.  Edward's  ship  in  the  Indies, 
he  holdeth  still  in  the  gallies  all  the  marriners  of  Mr. 
Hall's  and  Mr.  Eldrid's  ships,  also  those  of  Mr.  Brom- 
ley0." The  letters  of  Sir  Charles  are  full  of  the  wrongs 

a  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  38.  and  Cabala,  p.  199.          b  Winwood,  vol.  IL 
•p.  1W.  '  I-!.  p.£13.  see  also  Cabala,  p.  201. 


JAMES  I. 
able,  by  reason  of  the  ill  treatment  they  re- 

the  English  received,  and  the  endeavours  he  used  in 
order  to  get  satisfaction,  though  many  times  in  Vain. 
When  he  complained  to  the  duke  of  Lerma,  prime 
minister  of  Spain,  of  the  behaviour  of  Firardo  with  re- 
gard to  confiscating  the  merchants'  effects,  and  sending 
the  mariners  whom  he  took  in  the  Indies  to  the  gallies; 
Lerma  very  sharply  answered,  "  that  Firardo  shall  be 
called  to  account  for  that  he  did  not  instantly  execute 
them,*."  In  short,  such  was  the  ill-treatment  the  sub- 
jects of  the  British  Crown  received  from  the  Spaniards, 
that  Sir  Henry  Neville,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  AYinwood, 
dated  June  4,  160(5,  writes,  "that  upon  Sunday  last 
divers  merchants  and  merchants  wives  were  at  the 
court,  and  made  grievous  complaint  unto  the  king,  the 
one  of  their  servants,  and  the  other  of  their  husbands, 
imprisoned  and  put  to  the  gallies  in  Spain,  and  of  much 
injustice  and  oppression  done  there  to  our  nation;  be- 
sides some  particular  contumely  to  the  king  person- 
ally ;  the  like  complaint  was  made  before  to  the  lords. 
I  hear  it  hath  moved  much,  and  this  I  will  assure  you, 
that  the  kingdom  generally  wishes  this  peace  broken, 
but  Jacobus  Pacificus  1  believe  will  scarce  incline  to 
that  side  b."  At  length  the  patience  of  the  merchants 
began  to  fail.  They  saw  no  relief  from  James,  aad 
therefore  applied  to  the  house  of  commons,  to  be  a 
means  for  them  to  obtain  letters  of  mart.  The  com- 
mons received  favourably  their  address,  and  desired  tfafc 
assistance  of  the  upper  house.  But  this  was  refused. 
Though  this  gave  occasion,  says  lord  Salisbury,  in  a  let- 
ter to  Sir  Charles  Cornwallis,  dated  July  15,  1607,  "  to 
the  lords  of  the  council  yesterday,  to  call  the  rncr- 

•  Wimrood,  vol.  4L  p.  621.  *  M.  P-  217. 


176  THE  LIFE  OF 

ceived.      But   James's  pacific  disposition 

chants  before  them,  and  to  acquaint  them  with  the 
substance  of  these  answers  sent  from  Spain;  and  to 
advise  them  (if  they  find  such  a  general  ill  usage  in 
Spain  as  they  complain  of)  to  be  more  moderate  in 
their  trade  thither,  and  to  withdraw  their  stock  and 
factors  from  thence,  that  so  his  majesty  might  grant 
them  letters  of  reprisal,  without  prejudice  to  others 
that  have  large  stocks  there.  Otherwise  it  would  prove 
a  most  preposterous  course,  to  grant  letters  of  marte, 
where  the  king  of  Spayne  hath  so  great  occasion  to  re- 
venge himself  upon,  and  we  scarse  a  ship  or  man  to 
requite  him  in  ita."  But  letters  of  mart  and  reprisal 
were  never  granted ;  though  the  Spaniards  continued 
treat  the  English  extremely  ill,  even  when  they  pre- 
tended great  friendship.  For  Sir  Walter  Raleigh 
speaks  of  it  as  a  known  fact,  in  a  letter  to  king  James 
himself,  "  that  the  Spaniards  murthered  twenty-six 
Englishmen,  tying  them  back  to  back,  and  then  cut- 
ting their  throats,  when  they  had  traded  with  them  a 
whole  month,  and  came  to  them  on  the  land,  without 
so  much  as  one  sword b." — Surely  the  Spaniards  must 
have  had  a  very  great  reliance  on  the  pacific  disposi- 
tion of  James,  to  act  after  this  manner,  in  their  circum- 
stances !  and  most  amazing  is  it,  that  the  national 
spirit  had  not  exerted  itself,  in  its  own  defence,  more 
than  it  did. — Before  I  leave  this  subject,  I  cannot  help 
remarking  that  almost  all  our  treaties  with  Spain,  seem 
to  have  been  but  badly  observed  by  her.  This  first 
arose  from  the  negligence  of  James,  in  making  the 
peace.  He  contented  himself  with  concluding  a  treaty 
of  amity,  and  mutual  trade  to  each  other's  dominions ; 

*  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  326.  b  Raleigh's  Works,  vol.  II.  p.  376. 


JAMES  I.  177 

continued  ;  nor  could  the  distresses  of  his 
only  daughter,  and  her  numerous  progeny, 

but  trade  and  commerce  being  denied  to  the  East  and 
West  Indies,  and  the  Spaniards  looking  on  all  America 
as  their  own,  it  came  to  pass  that  they  seized  all  vessels 
they  found  in  those  seas,  though  going  only  to  those 
colonies  which  were  indisputably  discovered  by  the 
English.  So  that  there  was  a  continual  war  there, 
when  there  was  peace  in  Europe.  In  1668,  and  1671, 
treaties  were  again  made  with  that  nation,  whereby 
the  right  of  commerce  and  navigation,  and  the  bounds 
of  the  several  territories  possessed  by  the  two  crowns 
in  America,  were  fixed.  But  these  treaties  were  but 
ill  observed  likewise;  and  great  complaints  were  made 
by  the  English,  of  the  hardships  they  suffered  from,  the 
Spaniards3.  In  1713,  a  new  treaty  was  made  at 
Utrecht.  But  this  was  observed  like  the  others.  Com- 
plaints soon  followed  it;  as  they  did  that  made  at 
Seville,  in  1729-  The  representation  of  our  merchants 
with  regard  to  their  ill-treatment  by  the  Spanish  guarda 
costas ;  the  imprisonment  of  our  brave  sailors  to  the 
number  of  seventy;  the  cutting  off  Jenkins's  ear,  and 
many  other  things  still  fresh  in  memory  brought  on 
the  late  war,  which  was  ended  by  the  peace  at  Aix  la 
Chappelle,  the  effect  of  which  must  be  left  to  time  to 

discover. What  can  be  the  reason  that  our  treaties 

with  Spain  have  been  thus  ineffectual  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  peace  and  friendship  ?  Are  they  more  false 
than  others,  or  we  more  incroaching  in  order  to  obtain 
those  riches  they  so  carefully  guard  from  us  ?  are  not 
the  treaties  sufficiently  plain  and  explicit?  do  they 

*  See  the  representation  of  the  board  of  trade  to  K.  George  L  in  Tor- 
buck's  Parliamentary  Debates,  vol.  IX.  p.  414. 
VOL.    J.  N 


178  THE  LIFE  OF 

excite  him  to  enter  into  a  war s!  for  their 
defence :  But  he  suffered  them  to  lose  their 

admit  of  different  senses,  and  bear  divers  constructions? 
or  hare  we  not  capacity  sufficient  to  negotiate  advan- 
tageously with  them? — These  things  must  be  deter- 
mined by  those  who  have  opportunities  and  abilities 
for  their  discussion.  For  my  own  part,  I  must  say 

Non  nostrum  tantas  componere  lites «. 

'Tis  not  in  me  this  contest  to  decide.  TRAPP. 

M  Nor  could  the  distresses  of  his  only  daughter,  and 
her  numerous  progeny,  excite  him  to  enter  into  a  war, 
&c.]  This  his  daughter  was  Elizabeth,  married  to 
Frederick  the  fifth,  elector  Palatine,  Feb.  14,  1613, 
N.  S.  to  the  great  joy  of  all  true  protestants  b.  The 
marriage  was  celebrated  with  great  pomp,  and  the 
prince  gained  the  love  and  good-will  of  the  English  by 
his  affability  and  great  generosity c.  The  Spanish  am- 
bassador, and  the  ambassador  from  the  arch-dukes, 
were  not  present  at  the  marriage,  being  greatly  enraged 
at  it,  "  fearing  indeed  thereby,"  says  Mr.  Trumbull  to 
Sir  Ralph  Winwood,  "that  we  do  aim  at  wresting  the 
empire  out  of  the  Austrian's  hands,  which  they  say 
shall  never  be  effected,  so  long  as  the  conjoyned  forces 
of  all  the  catholiques  in  Christendom,  shall  be  able  to 
maintain  them  in  that  right,  which  now  they  have  in 
a  manner  gotten  by  prescription*1."  But  they  had  no 
reason  for  this  their  fear,  for  James  so  far  from  think- 
ing to  wrest  the  empire  out  of  the  Austrians'  hands,  did 
not  so  much  as  seriously  resolve  to  support  his  own 
daughter,  and  her  children,  in  their  possessions. — I 
need  not  enter  into  a  detail  of  the  reasons  which  in- 

»  Vir.  E.  3. 1. 108.  b  Winwood,  vol.  III.  p.  434. 

£  Id.  p.  421.  "  d  Id.  p.  439. 


JAMES  I.  179 

territories,  and  be  exiles  in  a  foreign  land, 

duced  the  Bdfierflians  fo^shake  off  tlie  Austrian  yoke, 
and  assert  their  own  just  privileges  by  electing  Frede- 
rick for  their  king,  Aug.  28,  161Q.  Our  historians  will 
satisfy  the  curiosity  of  such  as  want  information  in 
this  matter.  Let  it  suffice  to  say,  that  after  the  elec- 
tor of  Saxony,  and  the  duke  of  Savoy,  had  refused  the 
kingdom  of  Bohemia,  Frederick  accepted  of  it,  without 
waiting  the  advice  of  James,  his  father-in-law,  which, 
by  his  ambassador,  he  had  asked  *.  In  consequence  of 
this  he  was  crowned  kiri£? of  Bohemia,  and  at  first  met 

_^^^^2^   f,  f\^_^^_ 

with  great  suedes  s.  r  or  "sues  ia)"  'Moravia,  Lusatia,  and 
Austria*  htui'taKeff1  up  Srms  agarflst'  the  emperor  Ferdi- 
nand ;  as  fti&^ik' ew'fte^Bethlem  Gabor,  a  prince  of  great 
credit  at  the*%tu>niari  port?£  l&liant,  courageous,  and 
already  mastlrfef  the  greaflift  part  of  Hungary. — But 
his  success  di'd  hot  last  Iflng.  On  November  8,  1620, 
was  the  battle  of  Prague  'fought,  which  proved  fatal  to 
Frederick,  and  his  brave  Bohemians.  His  army  was 
scattered  and  routed;  himself  and  queen  obliged  to  fly 
with  precipitation  from  that  country ;  and  his  people 
were  subjected  to  all  the  insults  and  cruelties  of  an  en- 
raged conqueror,  and  a  bigotted  prince ;  and  withal 
he  was  censured  for  having  engaged  in  an  affair,  with- 
out probability  of  success,  the  consequence  of  which 
was  like  to  be  fatal  to  him.  But  this  censure  seems  to 
have  been  ill  founded.  Things  turned  out  very  differ- 
ent from  what  might  have  been  reasonably  expected, 
and  therefore  though  the  elector  Palatine  was  unfor- 
tunate, he  was  not  to  be  deemed  unwise. 

"  For  who  could  have  believed  that  the  protestants 
of  Germany  would  have  abandoned  him,  they  who  un- 

•  Rush  worth,  vol.  I.  p.  12. 
N  (2 


180  THE  LIFE  OF 

to.  the  great  amazement  of  strangers,  and 

der  the  name  of  correspondents  had  engaged  from  the 
year  1609,  to  maintain  liberty  and  the  protestant  reli- 
gion in  the  empire  ?  They  who  believed  that  the  em- 
peror was  an  enemy  to  both  ?  They,  in  short,  who 
having  been  consulted  by  Frederick,  their  chief,  in  the 
assembly  held  at  Rottenburgh,  Septem.  12,  1619,  an- 
swered that  he  ought  to  accept  the  crown  of  Bohemia, 
not  only  as  being  a  new  dignity,  but  also  as  what  was 
necessary  for  the  public  good  of  Germany,  and  that  of 
their  allies,  and  advised  him  to  set  out  immediately 
for  Bohemia  ?  Who  could  have  believed  that  France, 
which  in  those  times  exclaimed  so  loudly  against 
princes  that  are  too  powerful,  and  solicited  all  Europe 
to  make  leagues  against  the  house  of  Austria,  would 
neglect  so  favourable  an  opportunity  of  weakening  it? 
who  would  have  believed  that  France  would  side  with 
Ferdinand,  against  those  who  aimed  at  depriving  him 
of  a  part  of  his  power  ?  who  could  have  believed  that 
Bethlem  Gabor,  after  such  fortunate  beginnings,  after 
all  the  reputation  he  had  acquired,  and  all  the  interest 
he  had  with  the  Turk,  would  be  of  no  service  to  the 
Palatine  ?  Let  us  therefore  say,  that  Frederick  was  de- 
ceived by  a  train  of  events  so  singular,  that  the  most 
refined  prudence  could  never  have  suspected  it.  Let 
us  not  believe  those  who  pretend  that  the  vanity  of  the 
duke  of  Bovillon,  his  uncle,  joined  with  that  of  the 
electress,  threw  him  into  an  imprudent  undertaking. 
They  say,  that  the  duke  wrote  to  his  friends  at  Paris, 
that  while  the  king  of  France  was  making  knights  at 
Fountainbleau,  he  was  making  kings  in  Germany. 
He  might  have  said  so ;  but  as  he  was  one  of  the  ablest 
men  of  his  age,  it  is  not  probable  that  he  would  have 
advised  his  nephew  to  accept  a  crown,  if  he  ought  in 


JAMES  I.  381 

the  grief  of  his  own  subjects;  who  most 

prudence  to  have  refused  itV     But  leY  us  return  to 

our  history. No  sooner  had  Frederick  lost  the  battle 

of  Prague,  and  with  it  the  kingdom  of  Bohemia,  but 
almost  all  his  allies  forsook  him.  He  now  found  him- 
self proscribed  by  the  emperor,  attacked  by  the  Spa- 
niards in  his  own  country  the  Palatinate,  and  had  at 
length  the  misfortune  to  become  an  exile  in  Holland, 
deprived  of  his  patrimony,  together  with  his  regal  and 
electoral  dignities ;  and  reduced  to  great  necessities, 
from  which  it  never  was  his  fortune  to  get  free.  In 
his  fate  his  wife  and  children  were  involved,  and  con- 
sequently he  was  an  object  of  great  compassion. 

Let  us  now  see  how  his  father-in-law  behaved  towards 
him  in  these  circumstances.  No  sooner  had  Frederick 
accepted  the  crown  of  Bohemia,  but  he  shewed  his  dis- 
like of  it,  and  would  never  suffer  the  title  of  king  to 
be  given  him  in  his  presence1*.  Yea,  he  ordered  his 
ambassador,  Sir  Henry  Wotton  to  make  it  known  "  to 
all  princes,  whom  it  might  any  way  concern,  that  in 
the  election  of  his  son-in-law  to  the  crown  of  Bohemia, 
he  had  no  part  by  any  precedent  counsel  or  practice6." 
And  in  pursuance  of  his  instructions,  the  said  Sir 
Henry  Wotton  assured  the  emperor,  "that  his  majesty 
had  not  given  the  title  of  king  to  his  son-in-law,  or  of 
queen  to  his  daughter,  in  any  letter  either  public  or 
private;  nor  had  permitted  the  same  title,  in  any  ser- 
mons within  his  kingdom  d."  Indeed  he  declared,  that 
"  though  he  was  resolved  to  suspend  his  judgment 
about  the  differences  between  the  emperor  and  the  Bo- 


*  Bayle's  Historical  Discourse  on  the  Life  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  at  tht 
«nd  of  the  last  edition  of  his  dictionary,  p.  678.  b  Rushworth,  vol.  I. 

p.  12.  e  Reliquire  Wottonianae,  p.  496.  "  Id.  p.  503. 


182  THE  LIFE  OF 

readily  and  willingly  would  have  assisted 


hemians,  ymt^fe  found  himself  tied  both  by  nature  and 
by  reason^rii^t  to  leave  the  patrimonial  inherence  of 
his  own  d^pndants,  that  is^  neither  the  inferior,  nor 
superior  Ba.lfltin^yjin.th,e  hfcirds  of  any  alien  usurper8." 
Accordingly  when  Spinola  was  about  to  march  into  the 
Palatinate  with  thirty  thousand  men,  he  sent  one  regi- 
ment thither  under  the  command  of  Sir  Horatio  Vere, 
for  its  defence,  who  performed  good  service  b.  But 
even  this  he  meanly  apologized  for  to  the  emperor, 
and  declared  that  "  the  troops  sent  towards  the  Pala- 
tinate, were  meerly  voluntaries,  without  his  majesties 
contribution,  and  defensively  intended,-*  bafore  any 
noise  of  the  iovaciQatjV-^-^r-Ajftfir  Frederick's  misfor- 
tune before  Prague,  and  whan  his  own  territories  began 
to  be  seized,  James  sent  the  princes  of  the  union  thirty 
thousand  pound  to  keep  them  in  arms,  but  withal  re- 
solved at  the  same  time  to  treat  of  peace  d.  In  short, 
though  an  order  of  council  was  made  for  raising  money 
by  way  of  free  gift,  for  the  support  of  the  Palatinate, 
and  afterwards  the  parliament  gave  a  supply  for  the  re- 
covery of  it;  and  the  people  were  disposed  zealously  to 
engage  in  its  behalf;  yet  James  contented  himself  with 
sending  embassies  to  recover  it  when  it  was  attacked 
on  all  sides;  and  weakly  imagined  that  princes  flushed 
with  victory,  would  hearken  to  his  intreaties,  or  per- 
suasions. Doncaster,  Wotton,  Digby,  Weston  and 
others  were  sent  from  time  to  time,  who  though  men 
of  sense,  and  able  negotiators,  could  prevail  nothing: 
the  Palatinate  was  taken  while  they  were  treating,  and 
they  had  the  mortification  of  finding  themselves  laugh- 

*  Reliquiae  Wottonianse,  p.  516.  b  Rushworth,  vol.  1.  p.  14. 

•  Reliquwe  Wottonianae,  p.  518.  d  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.  IS. 


JAMES  I.  183 

them  with  all  their  power.    Yea  so  strongly 

ed  at,  and  contemned,  as  well  as  their  master  who  sent 
them. That  I  have  not  exaggerated  matters  will  ap- 
pear from  the  following  extracts  from  James's  own  let- 
ters. In  a  letter  to  the  earl  of  Bristol,  dated  October  3, 
1622,  he  writes  thus:  "There  is  none  knows  better 
than  yourself  how  we  have  laboured,  ever  since  the  be- 
ginning of  these  unfortunate  troubles  of  the  empire, 
notwithstanding  all  opposition  to  the  contrary,  to 
merit  well  of  our  dear  brother  the  king  of  Spain,  and 
the  whole  house  of  Austria,  by  a  long  and  lingering 
patience,  grounded  still  upon  his  friendship,  and  pro- 
mises that  care  should  be  had  of  our  honor,  and  of  our 
children,  patrimony,  and  inheritance.  We  have  ac- 
quainted you  also,  from  time  to  time,  since  the  begin 
ning  of  the  treaty  of  Bruxels,  how  crossly  things  there 
have  proceeded,  notwithstanding  the  fair  professions 
made  unto  us,  both  by  the  king  of  Spain,  the  Infanta, 
and  all  his  ministers,  and  the  letters  written  by  him 
unto  the  emperor,  and  them  effectually,  (at  the  least, 
as  they  endeavoured  to  make  us  believe.)  But  whsti, 
fruits  have  we  of  these,  other  than  dishonor  and  scorn? 
whilst  we  are  treating,  the  town  and  castle  of  Heidel- 
bergh  taken  by  force,  our  garrison  put  to  the  sword, 
Manhehn  besieged,  and  all  the  hostility  used  that  is 
within  the  power  of  an  enemy  V  And  in  a  letter  to 
the  emperor  Ferdinand,  dated  November  12,  1621,  ha 
complains  "  that  whilst  treaty  was  in  hand,  his  son-in- 
law  was  wholly  despoiled  and  robbed  of  his  hereditary 
patrimony  that  remained  unto  him,  excepting  the  lower 
Palatinate,  which  was  all,  says  he,  by  commandment 
of  your  imperial  majesty,  taken  and  possessed  by  the 

»  Cabala,  p.  259. 


184  THE  LIFE  OF 

\vas  this  disposition  to  peace  rooted  within 

duke  of  Bavaria,  according  as  himself  confessed,  with 
strong  hand  and  force  of  arms,  and  that  for  such  reasons 
as  are  meerly  new,  and  such  as  the  like  were  never 
hitherto  once  heard  of."     He  further  represents  unto 
him,  "  that  notwithstanding  it  plainly  appeared,  by 
the  answer  given  to  his  ambassador,  that  his  Imperial 
majesty  had  caused  the  suspension  of  the  bann  or  pro- 
scription in  those  countries,  yet  he  permitted  the  taking 
of  arms  again  in  hand,  whereby  there  had  been  raised 
a  most  cruel  war,  and  most  part  of  the  country  taken 
in   by  the  Spaniards    powerful   strength3."     And  as 
James  complained,  so  did  his  ambassadors  likewise; 
"  whilst '  things  (says  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  to  the  duke 
of  Buckingham,  in  a  letter  dated  Dec.  13,  1623,)  have 
been  held  sometimes  in  terms,  always  in  talk  of  accom- 
modation, the  electoral  is  given  to  Bavaria  by  the  em- 
peror, and  avowed  by  a  congratulatory  embassage  from 
Bruxels  :  the  upper  Palatinate  is  settled  in  his  posses- 
sion, with  some  portion  to  Newburg,  for  his  contenta- 
tion  and  engagement.     A  principal  part  of  the  lower 
Palatinate  is  given  to  the  elector  of  Mentz,  with  the 
consent  of  those  of  Bruxels,  where  he  (was  lately  in 
person  to  obtain  it)  though  they  grossly  dissemble  it, 
and  promises  of  parts  of  the  rest  are  made  to  other 
princesb  ."    And  Sir  Richard  Weston,  in  a  letter  from, 
Bruxels  to  Buckingham,  dated  Sept.  3,  1622,  has  the 
following  expressions.    "  Notwithstanding  his  majesty 
hath  followed  them  in  all  their  desires,  and  the  prince 
elector  hath  conformed  himself  to  what  was  demanded ; 
that  the  count  Mansfelt,  and  duke  of  Brunswick,  the 
pretended  obstacles  of  the  treaty,  are  now,  with  all 

»  Cabala,  p.  260.  b  Id.  p.  192. 


JAMES  I.  185 

him,  that  though  he  met  with  scorn,  and 
derision  from  those  with  whom  he  treated 
about  the  restitution  of  the  Palatinate,  and 

their  forces  removed;  no  face  of  an  enemy  in  the  Pa- 
latinate, but  his  majesty's  power  in  the  garrisons ;  all 
other  places  repossessed  which  Mansfelt  had  taken; 
no  cause  of  continuing  any  war  now,  nor  any  cause  of 
jealousy  or  fear,  for  the  future,  considering  his  ma- 
jesty's fair  and  honourable  offers ;  yet  are  they  so  far 
from  a  cessation,  that  they  are  fallen  upon  Heidel- 
bergh,  and  either  want  the  will  or  power  to  remove  the 
siege.  And  all  I  can  get,  is  two  letters  of  intreaty 
from  her  highness  to  the  chiefs  of  the  emperor,  to  pro- 
ceed no  further ;  and  after  some  eighteen  days  since, 
I  made  rny  proposition  for  the  cessation,  I  have  yet 
no  answer;  so  that  being  able  to  raise  no  more  doubts, 
they  make  use  of  delays.  I  have  said,  and  done,  and 
used  all  diligencies  within  my  power  to  bring  forth 
better  effects,  and  can  go  no  further ;  and  therefore,  I 
humbly  beseech  your  lordship  that  I  may  have  leave  to 
return,  when  I  shall  hear  that  they  will  not  remove 
the  siege  at  Heidelbergh.  For  their  pretending  to  re- 
store all,  when  all  is  taken,  is  a  poor  comfort  to  me, 
and  as  little  honour  to  his  majesty:  and  how  far  they 
are  to  be  believed  in  that,  is  to  be  examined,  more 
exactly  than  by  writing,  by  weighing,  how  the  weak 
hopes  given  me  here,  agree  with  the  strong  assurances 

given  by  my  lord   Digby  out  of  Spain*." Thus 

was  James  treated,  as  he  himself  says,  with  scorn  and 
dishonour;  but  yet  he  made  no  efforts  to  avenge  him- 
self or  his  family,  till  the  breaking  off  the  match  with 

»  Cabala,  p.  402. 


186  THE  LIFE  OF 

found  himself  deceived  by  the  emperor, 
Spaniards,  and  arch-dukes,  he  still  went  on 
to  treat  with  them,  and  thereby  rendered 

Spain,  when  twelve  regiments  were  rose,  and  put  un- 
der the  command  of  the  gallant  Mansfield :  but  these, 
by  an  unaccountable  weakness  or  neglect,  having  had 
no  passage  stipulated  for  them  through  France  or  Hol- 
land, through  famine  and  pestilence  mouldered  away, 
and  the  design  of  recovering  the  Palatinate  came  to 

nothing3. Thus  did  James  suffer  his  son-in-law,  his 

daughter,  and  his  grandchildren  to  be  driven  out  from 
their  dominions,  without  affording  them  that  relief, 
and  assistance  which  were  necessary.  Strange  conduct! 
unheard  of  behaviour!  but  James  dreaded  war,  and 
would  submit  to  any  thing  rather  than  engage  in  it. 
For  even  the  breaking  off  the  Spanish  match,  and  the 
raising  the  regiments  under  the  command  of  Mansfield, 
were  things  greatly  displeasing  to  him,  and  brought 
about  contrary  to  his  inclinations  by  his  son,  and  his 
great  favourite  Buckingham  b.  And,  then  he  was  out- 
witted by  the  Spaniards,  who  made  him  believe  that 
notwithstanding  Frederick  was  overcome,  and  his  af- 
fairs in  a  very  desperate  condition,  yet  he  need  but 
signify  his  pleasure  about  his  restitution,  and  he  should 
be  obeyed  c.  Nor  did  James  in  the  least  suspect,  but 
that  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  marriage  of  his  son 
with  the  Infanta  of  Spain,  the  restitution  of  the  Pala- 
tinate would  follow,  though  he  had  made  no  terms  in 
that  treaty  about  it  d.  "  The  count  de  Gondoinor,  the 
Spanish  ambassador,  who  had  an  absolute  ascendant 
over  him,  gave  him  to  understand,  that  the  king  of 

a  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.  154.  b  See  Clarendon,  rol.  I.  p.  34. 

'Rushworth,  voLI.p.  18.  *  Id.  p.  91. 


•     JAMES  I.  187 

the  affairs  of  the  unfortunate  Frederick  his 
son-in-law  desperate  and  deplorable. 

Nor  was    his  conduct    better  in  other 

Spain  being  on  the  point  of  giving  his  daughter  to  the 
prince  of  Wales,"  (which,  hy  the  way,  he  never  in- 
tended, though  his  successo^  probably  was  sincere  in 
the  treaty  for  the  match)  "  would  look  on  the  interest 
of  the  Palatine  prince  as  his  own,  and  not  suffer  him 
to  lose  the  Palatinate,  that  even  though  the  emperor 
should  be  master  of  that  country,  there  was  a  good 
way  for  both  sides  to  come  off  with  honor ;  for,  by 
favour  of  the  marriage,  the  emperor  might  make  a 
present  of  the  Palatinate  to  the  Infahta^who  would  give 
it  the  prince  her  husband,  and  then  the  prince  might 
restore  it  to  his  brother-in-law.  James  took  all  this  to 
be  gospel,  as  if  indeed  he  had  had  a  positive  promise 
from  the  emperor  and  the  king  of  Spain,  that  every 
thing  should  be  done  as  the  ambassador  had  proposed. 
This  was  the  reason  he  was  more  and  more  intoxicated 
with  the  notion  that  the  best  way  to  save  the  Palati- 
nate, was  to  live  in  a  good  understanding  with  the 
court  of  Vienna,  and  Madrid a."  In  short,  such  was 
the  management  of  Gondomor  in  this  affair,  and  such 
the  weakness  of  James,  that  in  a  letter  to  the  duke  of 
Lerma,  we  find  the  ambassador  boasting,  "  that  he  had 
lulled  king  James  so  fast  asleep,  that  he  hoped  neither 
the  cries  of  his  daughter  nor  her  children,  nor  the  re- 
peated solicitations  of  his  parliament  and  subjects  in 
their  behalf  should  be  able  to  awaken  him  b." 

I  shall  only  add  that  the  Palatine  family  remained 
in  exile  till  the  year  1648,  when,  by  the  treaty  of 
Munster,  they  were  restored  to  the  best  part  of  their 
dominions,  without  having  received  any  considerable 

•  Welwood's  Memoirs,  p.  28.  b  AcU  Regia,  p.  549. 


188  THE  LIFE  OF 

affairs.  He  tamely  suffered  the  British 
flag  "  to  be  affronted,  and  his  merchants' 
ships  to  be  taken  by  the  Dutch,  when 

helps  from  the  royal  house  to  which  they  were  so 
nearly  allied,  during  all  their  misfortunes. 

59  He  tamely  suffered  the  British  flag  to  be  affronted, 
Sec.]  Let.  us  hear  Weldon.  "  The  earl  of  Hertford, 
•who  was  sent  ambassador  to  the  arch-duke,  was  con- 
veyed over  in  one  of  the  king's  ships,  by  sir  William 
Monson.  In  whose  passage  a  Dutch  man  of  war 
coming  by  that  ship,  would  not  vaile,  as  the  manner 
was,  acknowledging  by  that  our  sovereignty  over  the 
sea.  Sir  William  Monson  gave  him  a  shot  to  instruct 
him  in  manners ;  but  instead  of  learning,  he  taught 
him  by  returning  another,  he  /acknowledged  no  such 
sovereignty.  This  was  the  very  first  indignity  and 
affront  ever  offered  to  the  royal  ships  of  England, 
which  since  have  been  most  frequent.  Sir  William 
Monson  desired  my  lord  of  Hertford  to  go  into  the 
hold,  and  he  would  instruct  him  by  stripes  that  re- 
fused to  be  taught  by  fair  means  :  but  the  earl  charged 
him  on  his  allegiance  first  to  land  him,  on  whom  he 
was  appointed  to  attend.  So  to  his  great  regret,  he 
was  forced  to  endure  that  indignity;  for  which  I  have 
often  heard  him  wish  he  had  been  hanged,  rather  than: 
live  that  unfortunate  commander  of  a  king's  ship,  to 
be  chronicled  for  the  first  that  ever  endured  that  af- 
front, although  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  have  helped 

itV But,  says   an  admirable  writer,  speaking  of 

this  affair,  "two  things  are  certain;  one  that  queen 
Elizabeth  would  have  severely  punished  her  officer, 
and  have  exacted  ample  reparation  from  the.  States- 
general;  the  other,  that  king  James  did  neither.  This 

*  Weldon's  Court  of  King  James,  p.  45. 


JAMES  I.  189 

trading  to  the  ports  of  Spain  or  Flanders, 
though  their  own,  at  the  same  time,   did 

commonwealth  had  been  raised  by  queen  Elizabeth, 
and  was  still  in  want  of  the  support  of  England.    The 
sovereignty  of  her  state  had  not  been  yet  acknowledged 
by  any  of  the  powers  of  Europe.     How  much  the  pacific 
temper  of  James  was  capable  of  bearing,  had  not  yet 
become  so  apparent  as  he  made  it  in  the  course  of  his 
reign.     From  all  which  it  is  easy  to  collect  that  if  he 
had  demanded  satisfaction,  he  must  and  would  have 
received  it.     But  the  good  prince  was  afraid,  where  no 
fear  was,  and  bore  dishonourably  what  he  might  have 
resented  safely ;  nay,  what  he  ought  to  have  resented 
in  any  circumstances,  and  at  any  hazard.     We  are  not 
to  wonder  if  so  poor  a  conduct  as  this,  soon  brought 
king  James  into  contempt,  mingled  with  indignation, 
amongst  a  people  eagerly  bent  on  commerce,  and  in 
whom  high  notions  of  honour  and  a  gallant  spirit  had 
been  infused,  by  the  example  of  queen  Elizabeth,  and 
encouraged  during  the  whole  course  of  a  long  reign8." 
Though  what  I  have  related  from  Weldon  is  pro- 
bably true,  yet  it  is  but  justice  due  to  the  reader  to  in- 
form him,  that  Sir  William    Monson  himself,  in  his 
naval  tracts,  says  nothing  of  striking  or  not  striking 
the  flag;  but  confesses  that  an  affront  was  offered  by 
two  Dutch  men  of  war.     He  adds,  that  he  sent  for  the 
captains  aboard  his  ship;  that  he  threatened  to  right 
himself  upon  them;  but  that  he  dismissed  them  at  the 
entreaty  of  my  lord  Hertford,  on  their  excusing  them- 
selves,  and  promising  to  punish  the  offenders.     How 
severely  these  offenders  were  punished,  may  be  collect- 
ed from  hence.     One  of  these  captains,  says  Sir  Wil- 
liam Monson,  was  he,  who  since  that  time  committed 

*  Oldcastle's  Remarks  oa  the  History  of  England,  p.  240. 


190  THE  LIFE  OF 

it  with  impunity,  and  he  contented  him- 
self with  remonstrating,  when  he  ought  to 

a  foul  murder  upon  his  majesty's  subjects  in  Ireland, 
that  were  under  protection*  V — But  for  the  honour  of 
the  English  nation  let  it  be  observed,  that  till  the  dis- 
position of  Jarnes  was  known  byhis  subjects,  the  com- 
manders of  our  ships  acted  very  differently.  For  on 
his  accession  to  the  throne,  "  the  duke  of  Sully  being 
chosen  by  Henry  the  Great  of  France,  for  an  extraor- 
dinary embassy  into  England,  embarked  at  Calais  in 
a  French  ship,  with  the  French  flag  on  the  main  top- 
mast ;  but  no  sooner  was  he  in  the  channel,  than  meet- 
ing with  a  yatch  which  came  to  receive  him,  the  com- 
mander of  it  commanded  the  French  ship  to  strike. 
The  duke  thinking  his  quality  would  secure  him  from 
such  an  affront,  refused  it  boldly;  but  his  refusal  being 
answered  with  three  cannon,  shot  with  bullets,  which 
piercing  his  ship,  pierced  tile  heart  of  the  French, 
force  constrained  him  to  do,  what  reason  ought  to  have 
secured  him  from,  and  whatever  complaints  he  could 
make,  he  could  get  no  other  reason  from  the  English 
captain,  than  that  as  his  duty  obliged  him  to  honor 
his  quality  of  ambassador,  it  obliged  him  also  to  com- 
pel others'  to  pay  that  respect  to  his  master's  flag, 
which  was  due  to  the  sovereign  of  the  seab."  Thus 

o 

speaks  the  famous  cardinal  Richlieu  ;  and  Sully  him- 
self, though  he  tells  the  story  somewhat  differently, 
owns  that  the  English  commander  fired  on  the  French, 
and  obliged  him  to  take  down  his  flagc.  It  is  pity 

a  Oldcastle's  Remarks,  p.  239,  in  the  note.  b  Cardinal  Richlieu's 

Political  Will  and  Testament,  part  2d.  p.  82.  Svo.  Lond.  1695.  c  Sully's 
Memoirs,  vol.  I.  p.  1T4 — 178.  It  is  surprising  that  this  gallant  action 
has  been  overlooked  by  our  historians,  and  even  by  Burchet,  in  his  naval 
history. 


JAMES  I.  191 

have  required  in  a  proper  manner  satis* 
faction.  But  notwithstanding  this  treat- 

the  name  of  this  English  captain  has  not  been  handed 

down  to  posterity. 1  have   said  in  the  text   that 

James  suffered  not  only  the  British  flag  to  be  affronted, 
but  his  merchant  ships  to  be  taken  by  the  Dutch,  when 
trading  to  the  ports  of  Spain  or  Flanders.  In  order  to 
understand  this,  it  is  necessary  to  observe,  that  though 
James  had  made  a  peace  with  the  Spaniards,  the  war 
was  continued  several  years  after  between  them  and 
the  Hollanders.  Such  therefore  of  the  English  ships 
as  were  found  carrying  goods  to  the  Spaniards  and 
trading  with  them,  were  frequently  seized  under  a 
pretence  of  their  being  contraband ;  when  they  them- 
selves connived  at  their  own  subjects  doing  the  same; 
and  consequently  were  guilty  of  the  greatest  insults. 
Here  follow  some  of  my  authorities.  Lord  Crnuborne 
[Cecyle]  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Winwood,  dated  Oct.  23, 
1604,  tells  him,  "we  are  credibly  informed,  that  the 
States  have  not  only  sent  new  orders  to  their  men  of 
war  on  the  coast  of  Flanders,  to  impeach  our  trade  to 
the  arch-dukes  ports  by  all  means  possible,  but  also  to 
burn  all  such  ships  as  they  shall  take  of  foreign 
princes.  And  withal  are  advertised,  that  many  of 
their  own  people  are  daily  resorting  (under  colour  of 
private  licences)  to  the  said  ports  with  all  kind  of 
victuals  and  commodities.  And  that  these  be  no  vain 
reports,  their  daily  practice  maketh  demonstration ; 
for  on  Monday  last  was  seven-night,  five  of  their  ships, 
laden  with  wine  and  salt,  were  seen  peaceably  to  go 
into  Newport,  their  men  of  war  riding  before  the 
harbour;  and  since  likewise,  his  majesty's  admiral  of 
the  narrow  seas,  being  upon  occasion  of  service  upon 

S 


19«  THE  LIFE  OF 

ment,  he  delivered  up  to  them  the  cau- 
tionary towns60,  which  they  had  deposited 

the  coast  of  Flanders,  did  see  two  Ulissingers  put  into 
Ostend,  in  sight  of  four  of  their  men  of  war,  who 
never  offered  them  violence.  Besides,  there  are  fifteen 
small  fly-boats  and  pinks  of  Holland  laden  with  fish, 
gone  this  last  spring-tide  from  Yarmouth  towards 
Newport,  with  private  licences  as  they  gave  out  from 
the  admiralty  there  V  And  it  appears  from  a  variety 
of  other  letters  of  the  same  secretary  to  Winwood 
ambassador  in  Holland,  that  the  Dutch  ships  never 
made  any  scruple  of  violating  the  neutrality  of  our 
ports,  and  treating  even  the  English  after  such  a  man- 
ner as  produced  complaints  infinite  and  unsupport- 
ableb.  But  all  these  things  James  bore  with  patience. 
He  contented  himself  with  remonstrating,  and  the 
Dutch  understanding  his  humour,  went  on  pillaging 
his  subjects,  often  times  their  utter  undoing0.  To 
such  a  contemptible  pass  was  this  nation  brought,  in 
a  short  time,. by  the  cowardice  and  pusillanimity  of  its 
sovereign ! 

60  He  delivered  up  to  them  the  cautionary  towns, 
&c.]  In  the  year  1585,  the  States  of  the  Netherlands 
were  so  greatly  distressed  by  the  Spaniards,  that  they 
renewed  the  applications  they  had  formerly  made  to 
Elizabeth,  to  accept  of  the  government  of  the  United 
Provinces,  and  take  them  into  her  protection.  The 
queen  heard  their  deputies  with  favour,  but  at  first  re- 
fused both  their  protection  and  government.  But 
Antwerp  being  taken  by  the  prince  of  Parma,  she  soon 
afterwards,  by  the  advice  of  her  council,  determined 
to  assist  them  upon  condition,  among  other  things, 

*  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  34.  b  Id.  p.  277.  c  Id.  p.  31. 


JAMES  I.  193 

in  the  hands  of  queen  Elizabeth,  for  the 

that  Flushing  and  the  castle  of  Rammekins  in  Walker- 
in,  and  the  Isle  of  Brill,  with  the  city  and  two  forts, 
should  be  delivered  into  the  queen's  hands,  for  caution 
to  pay  back  the  money  which  she  should  expend  on 
her  forces,  with  which  she  might  assist  them  during 
the  war.  It  was  moreover  stipulated  that  the  said 
places,  after  the  money  was  repaid,  should  be  restored 
again  to  the  estates,  and  not  delivered  to  the  Spaniards, 
or  any  other  enemy  whatsoever.  And  also  that  the 
governor-general,  and  two  Englishmen  whom  the 
-queen  should  name,  should  be  admitted  into  the  coun- 
•cil  of  the  estates a.  Accordingly  Elizabeth  sent  the 
earl  of  Leicester  to  their  aid,  had  the  towns  put  into 
her  hands,  and  her  governor  had  a  place  among  the 
States-general ;  whereby  the  English  had  a  share  in 
their  councils,  and  they  were  kept  in  dependance  on 
them.  It  is  well  known  with  what  valour  and  conduct 
the  Dutch  resisted  the  Spaniards,  and  by  the  help  of 
their  auxiliaries,  rose  themselves  to  an  admired  and 
envied  state  of  power,  wealth  and  liberty.  Spain 
weary  with  endeavouring  to  enslave  them,  was  con- 
tented to  treat  with  them  as  Free-States,  and  con- 
cluded a  truce  at  Antwerp,  March  29,  1609.  It  was 
then  Holland  lifted  high  its  head,  and  looking  on  the 
cautionary  towns  as  manacles  and  shackles  on  them, 
and  fearing  that  James,  whose  meanness  of  spirit,  con- 
nexion with  the  Spaniards,  and  great  want  of  money 
were  known,  might  one  day  deliver  them  into  their 
enemies  hands,  as  by  them  he  had  been  requested  \ 
it  was  then,  I  say,  that  they  determined  if  possible  to 
get  them  from  him,  but  upon  the  easiest  terms.  But 

a  Camden's  Hist,  of  Q.  Elizab.  in  complcat  Hist-  vol.  II.  p.  $P8. 
VOL.  1.  O 


194-  THE  LIFE  OF 

money  she  had  from  time  to  time  expended 

this  was  not  to  be  done  in  a  hurry,  they  took  time,  and 
acted  after  such  a  manner,  as  fully  accomplished  their 
purpose.     Though  the  towns  were  garrisoned  by  the 
English,  the  garrison  was  paid  by  the  Dutch.     In  order 
therefore  to  bring  about  what  they  had  in  view,  they 
ceased,  all  at  once,  to  pay  the  English  garrison,  as  by 
treaty  they  were  obliged.     Complaints  were  hereupon 
made  to  Sir  Noel  Caron,  the  Dutch  ambassador  at 
London.     He  excused  it  by  the  poverty  of  his  masters; 
but  withal  insinuated  as  from  himself,  that  if  his  Bri- 
tannic majesty  would  desire  it  of  the  States,  they,  out 
of  their  regard  for  him,  would  take  up  money  at  high 
interest,  and  at  once  discharge  the  whole  debt  due  to 
the  crown  of  England.     James  listened  to  the  proposal, 
and  wrote  about  it  to  the  States.     By  them  Barnevelt 
was  sent  over,  who  negotiated  so  ably,  that  the  king 
agreed  to  deliver  up  the  towns  for  less  than  three  mil- 
lions of  florins,  in  lieu  of  eight  millions  that  were  due, 
and  about  18  years  interest3.     This  was  in  May  1616. 
What  the  opinion  of  the  world  was  on  this  affair,  will 
appear  from  part  of  a  letter  from  Sir  Thomas  Ed- 
mondes,  written  from  Paris  the  same  month,  to  Sir 
Ralph  Win  wood.     In  it  he  observes  that  the  agree- 
ment  for   the   restoring  the    cautionary  towns,    wa* 
thought  strange  by  the  principal  persons  in  the  French 
council,  and  particularly  by  Mons.  Villeroy,  who  was 
of  opinion,  "  that  no  consideration  of  utility  ought  to 
have  made  his  majesty  quit  so  great  an  interest  as  he 
had,  for  the  retaining  that  people,  by  that  means,  in 
devotion  to  him  ;  alledging  for  example  that  they  here, 

11  See  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.   3.  Cabala,  p.  206.  Acta  Regia,  p.  523. 
C.*lie,  v»l.  I.  p.  52.     Howell's  Letters,  p.  16.  Lond.  1715.  8ro. 
2 


JAMES  I.  195 

on  her  troops  in  their  service,  for  compara- 
tively a  trilling  sum ;   and  thereby  lost  the 

without  any  such  gages,  do  disburse  yearly  unto  the 
States,  the  sum  of  200,000  crowns,  besides  the  abso- 
lute remittal  of  twelve  or  thirteen  millions  of  livres, 
which  they  had  disbursed  for  them  in  the  last  wars, 
only  to  draw  that  people  to  a  like  dependence  on  this 
state,  as  they  do  on  his  majesty.     Adding  also  there- 
unto, that  his   majesty  having    ordinarily  a  greater 
power  over  the  affections  of  that  people,  by  the  more 
natural  love  which  they  bare  unto  him,  than  they  here 
can  promise  themselves,  but  only  in  respect  of  the 
present   great  faction,  which  they  have  made  by  the 
means  of  Mons.  Barnevelt ;  it  seemeth,  by  the  course 
which  we  have    now   taken,  that  we  absolutely  quit 
the  advantage  to  them.     Sir  Thomas  then  adds,  that 
those  who  be  his  majesty's  zealous  servants,  are  sorry 
to  see  such  a  divorce,  as  they  interpret  it,  between  his 
majesty  and  that  people:  and  after  mentioning  the  ne- 
gotiation for  a  match  with,  Spain,  he  concludes  with 
saying,  I  am  sorry,  that  our  necessities  (if  that  be  the 

cause)  should  carry  us  to  these  extremities3." 

Coke,  and  Burnet  in  speaking  of  this  affair  are  guilty 
of  a  great  mistake.  The  former  supposes  it  was  con- 
trary to  the  seventh  article  of  the  peace  made  with 
the  Spaniards  in  the  year  1604  b :  And  the  other  says, 
that  James,  after  his  coming  to  the  crown  of  England, 
had  entered  into  secret  treaties  with  Spain,  in  order 
to  the  forcing  the  States  to  a  peace;  one  article  of 
which  was,  that  if  they  were  obstinate,  he  would  de- 
liver these  places  to  the  Spaniards c.  But  in  fact  there 

*  Birch's  Negotiations  of  Sir  Tho.  Edmondes,  p.  396.          fc  Coke,  vol.  t 
p.  53.  c  Burnet,  vol.  I.  p.  17. 

02 


196  THE  LIFE  OF 

dependence  those  provinces  before  had  on 
the  English  crown.  Nor  did  the  cruelties 

is  just  nothing  at  all  in  this.  The  Spaniards,  in  making 
the  treaty  in  1604,  insisted  on  having  the  cautionary 
towns  delivered  up  to  them,  upon  payment  of  the 
monies  due  from  Holland.  This  was  stiffly  denied. 
Whereupon  says  secretary  Cecyll,  in  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Winvvood,  dated  June  13,  1604,  "They  are  descended 
to  content  themselves  with  some  modification,  which 
we  have  delivered  in  form  of  an  article,  (which  may  be 
seen  in  Coke;)  wherein,  as  we  do  forbear  (at  their 
motion)  to  express  that  his  majesty  meaneth  not  to 
deliver  the  said  cautionaries,  to  any  other  but  the 
States  united,  so  if  the  modification  be  well  examined, 
you  see  it  cannot  anywise  prejudice  either  his  majesty, 
in  honor,  or  the  States  in  their  interest  in  the  towns; 
for  as  long  as  the  election  of  good  and  reasonable  con- 
ditions for  the  States  pacification,  is  referred  to  his 
majesty's  judgment,  there  can  arise  no  inconveniency 
of  it ;  it  being  always  in  his  majesty's  hands,  to  allow 
or  disallow  of  that,  which  shall  not  be  agreeable  to  the 
concurrency  of  his  affairs  with  the  united  provinces a." 
Thus  speaks  lord  Cecyll  who  had  the  chief  hand  in  this 
treaty ;  and  upon  a  careful  perusal  of  the  article  re- 
ferred to,  I  am  persuaded  he  is  right;  and  consequent- 
ly the  above-cited  historians,  as  I  said,  are  greatly 
mistaken. 

The  following  remark  was  communicated  to  me  by 
the  reverend  Dr.  Birch.  The  account  given  by  Burnet, 
vol.  i.  p.  15.  Rapin,  8cc.  of  Barnevelt's  coming  over  to 
England  to  negotiate  the  purchase  of  the  cautionary 
towns  from  king  James  I.  in  1616,  is  absolutely  false; 

*  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p,  23. 

V* 


I 

JAMES  I.  197 

exercised  by  the  Dutch  on  the  English,  at 

as  I  cannot  find  the  least  trace  of  it  in  a  series  of  MS. 
letters,  which  I  have  read,  between  SirDudley  Carleton, 
who  went  over  ambassador  to  Holland,  in  March  1615- 
16,  and  the  two  secretaries  of  state,  Sir  Ralph  Win- 
wood  and  Sir  Thomas  Lake.  The  former,  Sir  Ralph 
Winwood,  in  his  letters  from  Whitehall  to  the  ambas- 
sador, of  the  10th  of  April  1616,  mentions,  that  the 
lords  had  delivered  their  resolutions  to  the  king,  that 
it  was  more  for  his  majesty's  service,  upon  honourable 
conditions,  to  render  up  the  towns,  than  still  to  retain 
them ;  and  that  his  majesty  had  taken  some  days  to 
advise  of  it.  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  in  his  letter  tp  Sir 
Rich.  Winwood  from  the  Hague,  of  May  3d,  com-* 
plains,  that  a  matter  of  that  great  consequence  (though 
"  it  had,"  says  he,  "  the  beginning,  before  my  coming 
hither,  yet  since  my  arrival,  hath  had  some  subject  of 
further  treaty)  is  altogether  managed  by  the  minister 
of  this  state,  (Sir  Noel  Caron)  resident  with  his  ma- 
jesty, without  my  having  any  hand  therein."  The 
king's  commission  to  the  lords  to  treat  with  Sir  Noel 
Caron  concerning  the  surrender  of  the  cautionary 
towns,  is  dated  May  21,  1616,  and  that  to  Sir  Horace 
Vere,  to  deliver  up  the  Brill,  on  the  22d. — Sir  R.  Win- 
wood,  in  a  letter  to  Sir  Dudley,  from  Greenwich,  on 
the  C3d  of  May,  gives  him  a  particular  relation  of  the 
proceedings  in  this  treaty,  that  some  years  before,  dur- 
ing his  employment  in  Holland,  Sir  Noel  Caron,  in  the 
name  of  his  superiors,  made  an  overture  to  the  king 
for  the  reddition  of  these  towns,  upon  seasonable  ancl 
honest  composition;  which  being  not  hearkened  unto, 
it  lay  asleep,  until  the  month  of  December,  }6l5,  at 
which  time,  Sir  Noel  being  newly  returne4  from  his 
superiors,  revived  that  motion  with  earnest  instance, 


THE  LIFE  OF 
Amboyna61,  and  the  depriving  them   of 

and  for  that  purpose  expressly  demanded  audience  of 
his  majesty.  It  happened  at  the  self-same  time,  that 
the  governor  of  these  towns  delivered  to  Sir  Ralph 
Wimvood,  to  be  exhibited  to  the  lords,  a  complaint, 
that  the  garrison  had  not  received  their  pay  for  many 
weeks :  the  danger  whereof  the  lords  taking  into  their 
consideration,  the  question  was  moved  by  a  great  coun- 
sellor of  eminent  place,  whether  it  were  not  better  for 
his  majesty's  service  to  render  these  towns,  than  still  to 
hold  them  at  so  great  a  charge.  Report  being  made 
to  the  king  at  the  rising  of  the  lords,  that  this  question 
had  been  moved  in  council,  he  acquainted  them  with 
ihe  instance  of  Sir  Noel,  and  then  gave  them  charge 
to  advise  and  consult  thereof,  to  deliver  to  him  their 
judgment  and  resolutions ;  with  which  he,  after  the 
deliberations  of  ten  or  twelve  days,  concurred  for  the 
sale  of  the  towns. 

This  account  is  absolutely  inconsistent  with  the  sup- 
position of  Barnevelt's  journey  to  England,  on  the  af- 
fair of  the  purchase. 

Sir  Thomas  Lake  mentions  the  result  of  the  treaty, 
in  a  letter  to  Sir  Dudley,  from  Greenwich,  of  the  28th 
of  May,  in  these  words  : 

"  We  have  now  determined  of  the  return  of  the  cau- 
tionary towns,  a  matter  vulgarly  ill  taken  here,  and 
with  many  of  the  best.  But  necessity  is  of  the  coun- 
cil. I  think  your  lordship  will  hear  of  it  by  those 
that  have  more  hand  in  it  than  I." 

61  The  cruelties  exercised  by  the  Dutch  on  the  Eng- 
lish at  Amboyna,  &c.]  Amboyna  is  an  island  in  the 
East-Indies,  and  is  the  principal  place  where  nutmegs, 
mace,  cinnamon,  cloves  and  spice  grow.  In  the  year 
1619,  a  treaty  was  concluded  between  James  and  the 


JAMES  I.  199 

their  share  of  the  spice  trade,  cause  him  to, 
attempt  the  vindication  of  the  rights  of  his 

Dutch,  with  regard  to  the  trade  of  the  East-Indies,  in 
consequence  whereof,  the  English  enjoyed  part  of  the 
spice  trade,  and  greatly  enriched  themselves.  This 
made  them  envied  by  the  Dutch,  who  were  determined, 
if  possible,  to  deprive  them  of  the  advantages  they 
reaped.  A  plot  therefore  was  pretended,  in  which  the 
English,  with  the  assistance  of  a  few  Japonese  soldiers, 
were  to  seize  on  the  fortress,  and  put  the  Dutch  to  the 
sword :  whereupon  they  were  seized  and  examined ; 
but  stiffly  denying  the  fact,  they  were  tortured  most 
barbarously.  This  produced  (what  the  rack  almost  al- 
ways does  produce) a  confession;  hereupon  ten  English- 
men, seven  of  whom  were  agents,  factors,  and  assistants, 
were  ordered  to  be  executed,  Feb.  1623,  six  Japonese, 
and  three  natives,  who  all  uniformly  denied  their  know- 
ledge of  the  plot  to  the  last  moment.  The  Dutch  ac- 
count transmitted  to  the  English  East-India  company, 
in  vindication  of  this  affair,  admits  that  all  the  evidence 
they  had  was  obtained  by  torture,  and  that  those  who 
suffered  professed  their  innocency,  a  clear  proof  this 
that  they  were  condemned  wrongfully ;  for  when  men, 
of  different  countries  and  interests  are  accused  of  joint 
conspiracy,  the  denial  of  every  individual  at  the  article 
of  death,  amounts  with  me  to  the  clearest  proof  of  their 
innocency.  However,  these  executions  so  terrified  the 
English,  that  they  thought  they  could  not  safely  abide 
in  Amboyna;  they  departed  thence,  therefore,  and  the 
Dutch  very  honestly  took  their  effects,  to  the  value  of 
400,000  pounds.  After  this  the  neighbouring  spice 
islands  were  seized  by  them,  and  the  English  wholly 
dispossessed  of  their  factors  and  trade,  to  their  incredi- 


too  THE  LIFE  OF 

people,  or  punish  those  who  had  so  vilely 
treated  them. 

ble  loss  and  damage*.  It  may  well  be  supposed,  that 
an  affair  of  this  nature  could  not  long  remain  a  secret. 
The  news  reached  England,  and  sufficient  proof  was 
made  of  the  treachery  and  cruelty  of  the  Dutch  in  it : 
and,  no  doubt,  it  was  expected  that  reparation  would 
be  demanded  and  obtained.  And  had  James  made  pro- 
per representations  to  the  States-General,  justice  pro- 
bably would  have  been  done;  for  no  state  would  openly 
have  abetted  such  villauies.  But  he  pocketed  up  the 
affront;  submitted  to  the  injury  even  without  requiring 
satisfaction;  and  contented  himself  with  barely  telling 
the  Dutch  ambassador,  "  that  he  never  heard,  nor  read, 
a  more  cruel  and  impious  act,  than  that  of  Amboyna. 
But,"  added  he,  "  I  do  forgive  them,  and  I  hope  God 
will ;  but  my  son's  son  shall  revenge  this  blood,  and 
punish  this  horrid  massacre  V  Wretched  must  be  the 
people  who  have  a  prince  thus  pusillanimous!  What 
can  they  hope  for  from  those  about  them,  but  oppres- 
sion, insults  and  injuries  r  Princes  owe  to  their  subjects 
protection ;  if  they  afford  it  not,  they  have  no  reason 
to  expect  allegiance,  nor  should  they  murmur  if  it  is 
refused. 

By  the  way,  we  may  observe  that  James  was  a  false 
prophet;  neither  his  son,  nor  his  son's  son,  revenged 
this  bloodshed  at  Amboyna,  or  punished  this  horrid 
massacre.  But  Cromwell,  born  to  avenge  the  wrongs 
of  the  British  nation,  and  restore  her  lost  glory,  effec- 
tually did  it ;  for  among  the  conditions  on  which  he 

*  See  the  Hist,  of  the  barbarous  Cruelties  committed  by  the  Dutch  in  the 
East-Indies.  Svo.  Lond.  1712.  Coke,  voL  L  p.  96.  Wilson,  p.  281.  Bur- 
net's  Naval  Hist.  p.  369.  foL  Lond.  1720.  »  Coke,  vol.  L  p.  97. 


JAMES  I.  201 

To  all  these  instances,  if  we  add  his  per- 
mitting his  only  son  to  go  into  Spain,  to 
bring  to  a  conclusion  the  match 6l  with  the 

gave  peace  to  the  Dutch,  in  April,  1654,  it  was  insert- 
ed, "  that  they  should  deliver  up  the  island  of  Polerone, 
in  the  East-Indies,  (which  they  had  taken  from  the 
English  in  the  time  of  king  James,  and  usurped  it  ever 
since)  into  the  hands  of  the  English  East-India  com- 
pany again;  and  pay  a  good  sum  of  money  [300,000] 
for  the  old  barbarous  violence,  exercised  so  many  years 
since  at  Amboyna;  for  which  the  two  last  kings  could 
never  obtain  satisfaction  and  reparation8."  It  were  to 
be  wished  all  princes  had  the  honor  of  their  country 
so  much  at  heart,  as  it  appears  from  this,  and  many 
other  instances,  Cromwell  had  ;  then  would  their  cha- 
racters truly  shine  in  history,  and  instead  of  the  disa- 
greeable task  of  censuring,  Writers  would  be  emulous 
of  pointing  out  their  excellencies,  and  their  fame  would 
be  as  lasting  as  letters.  Whereas  most  princes  have 
been  contented  with  the  incense  offered  them  by  flat- 
terers, and  therefore  have  seldom  endeavoured  to  pro- 
cure that  solid  reputation,  which  alone  results  from 
great  and  benevolent  actions ;  by  which  means  their 
weaknesses  or  wickednesses  fill  up  their  annals,  and 
cause  their  names  to  be  treated  with  indignation  and 
contempt. 

61  His  permitting  his  only  son  to  go  into  Spain,  &c.] 
James  had  treated  both  with  France  and  Spain,  for  a 
match  with  prince  Charles,  though  he  knew  well  the 
inconveniencies  which  would  arise  from  his  marrying 
a  lady  of  a  different  religion;  for  in  his  Basilicon 

*  Clarendon's  Hist.  vol.  VI.  p.  489.  and  Tindal's  Notes  on  Rapin,  vol.  II. 
p.  591. 


20<2  THE  LIFE  OF 

Infanta,  we  shall  perhaps  be  fully  satisfied 
of  the  weakness  of  his  conduct. 

Doron,  addressed  to  prince  Henry,  he  has  the  follow- 
ing remarkable  passage  :  "  I  would  ratherest  have  you 
to  marrie  one  that  was  fully  of  your  own  religion ;  her 
rank  and  other  qualities  being  agreeable  to  your  estate: 
for  although  to  my  great  regrate,  the  number  of  any 
princes  of  power,  and  accounts  professing  our  religion, 
be  but  very  small ;  and  that  therefore  this  advice 
seems  to  be  the  more  strait  and  difficile  :  yet  ye  have 
deeply  to  weigh,  and  consider  upon  these  doubts, 
how  ye  and  your  wife  can  be  of  one  flesh,  and  keep 
unitie  betwixt  you,  being  members  of  two  opposite 
churches  :  disagreement  in  religion  bringeth  ever  with 
it  disagreement  in  manners;  and  the  dissention  be- 
twixt your  preachers  and  hers,  will  breed  and  foster  a 
dissention  among  your  subjects,  taking  their  example 
from  your  family  ;  besides  the  peril  of  the  evil  educa- 
tion of  your  children.  Neither  pride  you  that  ye  will 
be  able  to  make  her  as  ye  please :  that  deceived 
Solomon  the  wisest  king  that  ever  was  a."  There  is 
sense  in  this  passage ;  and'  yet  the  writer  of  it  never 
attempted  to  match  either  of  his  sons  with  a  pro- 
testant  princess.  The  eldest,  prince  Henry,  he  en- 
deavoured to  marry  with  a  daughter  of  France  or 
Savoy ;  the  youngest,  prince  Charles,  as  I  have  just 
observed,  with  France  or  Spain.  With  France  the 
negotiations  were  broke  off  for  that  purpose,  and 
those  with  Spain  commenced  about  the  year  lCl6b. 
But  for  several  years  the  Spaniards  had  no  other  end  in 
entertaining  the  negotiations,  but  to  amuse  James  and 

*  K,  Jam.  Work?,  p,  172.  b  Birch's  View  of  the  Negotiations,  &c. 

p.  393. 


JAMES  I.  203 

No  wonder  then  that  he  was  burlesqued, 

hinder  him  from  concerning  himself  in  the  business  of 
Cleves,  or  effectually  succouring  the  Palatinate.  This 
appears  plainly  from  the  king  of  Spain's  letter  to 
Conde  Olivares,  dated  Nov.  5,  l622a.  However,  it 
seems  probable,  that  afterwards  the  Spaniards'  inten- 
tions were  sincere  for  the  match,  and  that  a  short  space 
of  time  would  have  completed  it.  For  matters  had 
been  carried  to  such  a  length,  and  James  had  yielded 
to  all  their  proposals  so  readily,  that  they  could  not 
well  refuse  to  conclude  it.  This  match  was  odious  to 
the  body  of  the  English  nation,  and  the  parliament 
advised  the  breaking  off  the  treaty  b.  But  James  gave 
them  a  severe  reprimand  for  their  advice,  and  deter- 
mined not  to  comply  with  it.  He  longed  for  the 
Spanish  gold,  (two  millions,  but  of  what  value  appears 
not)  which  the  Infanta  was  to  bring  with  her,  and  was 
in  hopes  of  getting  the  restitution  of  the  Palatinate; 
and  therefore  proceeded  with  zeal  and  earnestness. 
—While  things  were  in  this  state,  the  prince, 
persuaded  by  Buckingham,  had  an  inclination  to  see 
and  woo  his  mistress.  They  opened  it  to  the  king, 
and  he,  after  much  opposition,  being  bullied  into  it 
by  Steney c,  complied  ;  to  the  amazement  of  the  whole 
world.  For  it  was  an  unparalleled  thing  to  see  "  the 
only  son  of  a  king,  the  heir  of  the  kingdom,  hazard 
himself  in  such  a  long  voyage,  and  carry  himself  rather 
as  an  hostage  than  a  spouse,  to  a  court  of  contrary 
maxims  of  religion  and  state,  humbly  to  supplicate 
fora  wife*.8  What  was  this  but  exposing  him  to  the 
danger  of  imprisonment,  the  solicitations  of  Jesuits, 

*  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p  11.  b  Id.  p.  42.  e  See  lord  Clarendon, 

fol.  I.  p.  1 1—18.  d  Nam's  Hist,  of  Venice,  p.  196.  fol.  Lond.  1673. 


404  THE  LIFE  OF 

ridiculed,  and   exposed  abroad,   by  those 

the  importunities  of  the  Romish  clergy,  and  thereby 
exciting  fears  and  terrors  in  the  minds  of  the  subject, 
and  make  them  draw  the  worst  conclusions  possible  ? 
yea,  what  was  this  but  to  put  it  in  the  power  of  the 
Spaniards,  to  insist  on  what  terms  they  thought  fit, 
and  cause  him  to  execute  them,  they  having  the  person 
of  the  prince  thus  in  their  power  ?  And  how  weak  and 
imprudent  must  it  be,  to  take  a  step  of  this  nature, 
•without  so  much  as  communicating  it  to  the  council, 
and  taking  their  advice  on  it?  What  was  easily  to  be 
foreseen  happened.  "  The  change  of  his  religion 
(prince  Charles's)  was  much  hoped  for  by  the  court  of 
Spain,  at  this  first  coming  thither.  To  perfect  which, 
he  was  plied  from  time  to  time  with  many  persuasive 
arguments,  by  many  persons  of  great  honor  about  the 
king :  and  many  of  the  most  learned  priests  and  Jesuits 
made  their  addresses  to  him,  with  such  rhetorical  ora- 
tions, with  such  insinuating  artifices,  and  subtile  prac- 
tices, as  if  they  had  a  purpose  rather  to  conquer  him 

by  kindness  than   by  disputation. The  pope  also 

addressed  his  lines  unto  the  prince,  extolling  the  piety 
of  his  predecessors,  their  zeal  unto  the  catholic  church, 
and  to  the  head  thereof  the  pope,  inviting  him  by  all 
the  blandishments  of  art,  to  put  himself  upon  following 
of  their  brave  examples.  Never  a  prince  had  a  harder 
game  to  play,  than  prince  Charles  had  now.  He  found 
himself  under  the  power  of  the  king  of  Spain,  and 
knew  that  the  whole  business  did  depend  on  the  pope's 
dispensation,  with  whom  if  he  complied  not  in  some 
handsome- way,  his  expectation  might  be  frustrate,  and 
all  the  fruits  of  that  long  treaty  would  be  suddenly 
blasted.  He  therefore  writes  unto  the  pope  in  such 
general  terms,  as  seemed  to  give  his  holiness  some 


JAMES  I.  205 

who  observed  his   conduct ;   and  that  he 

assurances  of  him  :  but  being  reduced  into  particulars, 
signified  nothing  else  but  some  civil  complements, 
inixt  with  some  promises  of  his  endeavours  to  make 
up  the  breaches  in  the  church,  and  restore  Christendom 

to  an  happy  and  desirable  peace. In  England  the 

king  had  as  hard  a  game  to  play.  For  having  left  such 
a  pawn  in  Spain,  he  was  in  a  manner  bound  to  his 
good  behaviour,  and  of  necessity  to  gratify  the  popish 
party  in  this  kingdom  with  more  than  ordinary  favour. 
He  knew  no  marriage  could  be  made  without  the 
pope's  dispensation,  and  that  the  pope's  dispensation 
could  not  be  obtained,  without  indulging  many  graces 
to  his  catholic  subjects.  To  smooth  his  way  therefore 
to  the  point  desired,  he  addressed  several  letters  to  the 
pope  and  cardinals,  in  which  he  gives  him  the  title  of 
most  holy  father*;  and  employs  Gage  as  his  agent  in 
the  court  of  Rome,  to  attend  the  business.  At  home 
he  discharged!  all  such  priests  and  Jesuits  as  had  been 
formerly  imprisoned ;  inhibiting  all  processes,  and  su- 
perseding all  proceedings  against  recusants ;  and  in  a 
word,  suspends  the  execution  of  such  penal  laws  as 
were  made  against  them. 

"  The  people  hereupon  began  to  cry  out  generally 
of  a  toleration,  and  murmur  in  all  places,  as  if  he  were 
resolved  to  grant  itb."  See  here  some  of  the  effects  of 
this  weak  expedition.  The  same  prince  who  was  for 
proving  to  the  duke  of  Sully,  that  it  was  an  offence 
against  God,  to  give  the  title  of  holiness  to  any  other 
than  him,  now  very  freely  gives  it  to  the.  popec:  and 
the  man  who  had  proclaimed  aloud  in  his  writing,  that 

*  See  a  letter  in  Cabala,  from  James,  to  Gregory  XVth,  on  this  occa- 
sion, p.  412.  k  Heylin's  Life  of  Laud,  p.  109,  11 1.          c  See  notL-  34. 


206  THE  LIFE  OF 

was  spoken  of  most  contemptuously,  even  by 

the  pope  was  anti-christ,  now  dignifies  him  with  the 
title  of  most  holy  father.  But  James,  I  fancy,  had 
forgot  to  blush,  or  he  could  hardly  have  thus  publicly 
contradicted  himself.  However,  fortune  favoured  prince 
Charles,  in  freeing  him  from  the  dangers  into  which 
this  absurd  and  romantic  voyage  brought  him.  He 
got  through  France,  though  pursued  after;  and  by  the 
honor  and  generosity  of  the  Spaniards,  was  permitted 
to  return  safe  into  England,  where,  by  the  instigation 
of  Buckingham,  he  set  himself  in  an  abrupt  and  ungra- 
cious manner  to  break  off  the  treaty  of  marriage,  and 
earnestly  endeavoured  to  engage  the  nation  in  a  war 
with  Spain,  in  which  he  was  successful.  But  it  is  very 
observable,  "  that  the  reason  given  for  breaking  the 
match  was  not  the  true  one.  The  restitution  of  the 
Palatinate  had  been  very  coolly  pressed,  not  to  say 
neglected,  even  whilst  the  prince  was' at  Madrid  ;  and 
yet  after  he  came  from  thence,  the  king  of  Spain  had 
signed  an  act  by  which  he  engaged  for  this  restitution ; 
so  that  on  the  principles  on  which  this  negotiation  had 
been  conducted,  there  seemed  to  have  been  no  reason 
for  breaking  it  off,  given  by  Spain  at  the  time,  when  it 
was  broken3.'' — I  will  conclude  this  note  by  observing, 
that  I  do  not  remember  any  one  writer,  who  has  thought 
this  journey  of  prince  Charles  into  Spain  prudent  or 
justifiable,  and  consequently  James  could  not  but  be 
blameworthy  for  permitting  it.  For  he  ought  not  to 
have  been  overcome  by  the  solicitations  of  his  son, 
much  less  by  the  rudeness  and  insolence  of  Bucking- 
ham. He  should  have  adhered  to  what  he  could  not 
but  see  to  be  for  the  interest  of  the  State,  and  not 

*  Oldcastle's  Remark",  p.  299. 


JAMES  I.  207 

his  best  friends,  Maurice  prince  of  Orange, 
and  Henry  the  Great  of  France  6\  as  well 

have  given  it  up  to  please  son  or  favourite.  But  he 
weakly  gave  way  to  them,  and  thereby  exposed  those 
most  dear  to  him  to  the  greatest  dangers,  and  involved 
himself  in  such  difficulties  as  exposed  him  to  the  ridi- 
cule of  foreigners,  and  the  contempt  and  ill-will  of  his 
subjects. 

1  He  was  ridiculed  abroad,  and  contemptuously 
•poken  of,  by  Maurice  prince  of  Orange,  and  Henry 
the  Great  of  France.]  In  Sir  Walter  Rawleigh's  Ghost, 
written  in  1620,  [not  1622,  as  in  the  printed  copy,] 
we  find  him  introduced  speaking  to  Gondomar,  a  friar 
and  a  Jesuit,  concerning  the  cruel  representations  that 
had  been  made  of  some  of  our  princes,  since  the  refor^ 
mation,  by  the  Spaniards  in  their  pictures.  And  after 
having  spoken  of  their  painting  Henry  VIII.  naked, 
without  a  grave,  as  if  a  heretic  were  not  worthy  to  be 
buried;  of  the  picture  of  Elizabeth,  who  was  used  as 
bad  by  them  for  the  same  reason,  and  because  she  was 
their  mortal  foe;  after  having  spoken  of  these,  he  adds, 
"  but  to  come  to  his  majesty,  (king  James)  what  have 
you  done  by  him  even  of  late  days  ?  in  one  place  you 
picture  him  with  a  scabbard  without  a  sword;  in  ano- 
ther, with  a  sword  so  fast  in  his  scabbard,  that  no  body 
could  draw  it.  In  Brussels  you  made  him  in  his  hose 
doublet ;  his  pockets  hanging  out,  and  never  a  penny 
in  his  purse.  In  Antwerp  you  painted  the  queen  of 
Bohemia  like  an  Irish  Glibbin,  her  hair  dishevelled, 
a  child  at  her  back,  and  in  a  mantle,  with  the  king 
(her  father)  carrying  the  cradle  for  her*." In  the 

*  Sir  Walter  Rawleigh's  Ghost,  in  Morgan's  Phoenix  Britaniucus,  p.  393. 
Jxmd.  1732.  4to.  ami  Wilson,  p.  192.  Oldys,  p.  111. 


208  THE  LIFE  OF 

as  by  his  subjects,  who  could  not  without 
indignation  behold  the  empty,  insignificant 

year  1609,  was  the  truce  concluded  between  Spain  and 
the  United  Provinces ;  under  the  mediation  of  James 
and  Henry  the  fourth  of  France.  During  the  nego- 
tiations great  complaints  were  made  of  the  partial  it  v 
of  James  towards  the  Spaniards,  by  the  French  mi- 
nisters to  their  master;  how  justly  I  shall  not  deter- 
mine. But  in  answer  to  a  letter  from  one  of  his  am- 
bassadors, Henry  writes,  "  that  he  knew  James's  ill 
intentions  towards  the  States;  and  withal  tells  him, 
his  carriage  did  not  break  his  sleep;  ending  his  letter 
with  this  word  of  contempt,  rarely  used  among  princes 
of  that  rank,  I  know  his  capacity  and  the  inclinations 
of  his  subjects a."  And  the  same  Henry,  when  one 
called  "  James  a  second  Solomon,  replied,  that  he 

hoped  he  was  not  David  the  fidler's  son  V Nor  had 

Maurice  prince  of  Orange  any  better  opinion  of  him, 
than  the  most  Christian  king,  as  will  appear  from  the 
following  curious  relation. 

Sir  Ralph  Winwood  being  present  in  the  council  of 
State,  where  the  sincerity  of  the  courts  of  Madrid  and 
Brussels  in  the  treaty  [for  the  truce]  was  questioned  by 
the  prince,  told  his  highness,  that,  notwithstanding  he 
thought  it  the  interest  of  the  republic  to  go  on  with  it, 
because  if  the  archdukes  should  at  last  refuse  to  com- 
prehend the  king  of  Spain,  as  well  as  themselves,  an 
eternal  dishonor  would  light  upon  them,  and  the  two 
kings  of  England  and  France  would  have  more  reason 
to  assist  the  States.  The  prince  took  him  up  briskly 
with  these  words,  we  will  not  go  plead  a  process  before 

*  Compleat  Hist.  vol.  II.  p.  683,  in  the  notes.  fc  Osborn,  p.  511. 

see  note  [A]. 

1 


JAMES  I.  £09 

figure  the  nation  was  reduced  to  by  his  ma- 

the  king's :  and  le  Roi  vostre  maistre  n'ose  pas 
parler  au  Roi  d'Espagne,  (and  the  king  your  master 
dares  not  speak  to  the  king  of  Spain.)  Sir  Ralph  an- 
swered, Monsieur,  vous  avez  tort:  le  Roi  mon  uiaitre 
a  &  resolution  de  se  ressentir,  &,  puissance  de  se  re- 
vencher  du  Roi  &  prince  qui  se  soit.  (Sir,  you  are 
mistaken.  The  king,  my  master,  hath  both  spirit  to 
resent  an  injury,  and  power  to  avenge  himself  on  any 
king  or  prince  that  shall  offer  it.)  The  prince  replied, 
Comment  s'est-il  ressenti  de  la  trahison  du  poudre  ? 
(How  did  he  resent  the  gun-powder  plotf)  Sir  Ralph 
rejoined,  Comment  scavez-vous,  qui  le  roi  d'Espagne 
s'y  soit  mele?  (How  do  yo-u  know  that  the  king  of 
Spain  had  any  hand  in  that  affair?)  Owen  en  a  etc. 
(Owen  had)  said  the  prince,  Lequel  on  a  demande  ;  8t 
le  Comte  de  Tyrone  est  soutenu  par  le  roi  d'Espagne. 
(Whom  they  have  in  vain  required  the  king  of  Spain 
to  deliver  up ;  and  the  earl  of  Tyrone  it  is  notorious  is 
supported  by  him.)  Sir  Ralph  replied,  Quant  a  Owen, 
ee  n'est  pas  a  vous,  a  qui  le  roi  mon  maistre  en  rendra 
conte:  8t  pour  Tyrone,  tout  le  monde  scait  qu'il  est  a 
Rome,  &  non  pas  en  Espagne.  (As  for  Owen,  his  ma- 
jesty is  not  accountable  to  you  for  his  behaviour  in 
regard  of  him;  and  for  Tyrone,  all  the  world  knows 
he  is  at  Rome,  and  not  in  Spain.)  Owen3,  here  spoken 
of  by  the  prince,  had  been  demanded  of  the  archdukes 
and  the  king  of  Spain,  to  be  delivered  up  by  Sir  Thomas 
Edmondes,  being  charged  with  being  privy  to  the  gun- 
powder plot;  and  Tyrone,  who  had  fled  out  of  Ireland, 
upon  account  of  his  attempting  a  rebellion,  had  been 
asked  of  them  likewise,  but  both  unsuccessfully.  Jn- 

*  Birch's  View  of  the  Negotiations,  &c.  p.  236. 
VOL.1-  P 


110  THE  LIFE  OF 

nagement,  and  the  scoffs  and  jeers  where^ 

deed  they  were  both  caressed  by  the  Spaniards;  and 
Tyrone  in  particular,  though  he  resided  at  Rome,  as 
Winwood  said,  had  a  pension  of  six  hundred  crowns  a 
month  from  the  kins:  of  Spain,  and  therefore  the  in- 
terest of  James  was  justly  deemed  insignificant  at  the 
Spanish  court,  by  prince  Maurice  *.  It  is  true,  upon 
complaint  of  the  English  court,  prince  Maurice,  in  a 
very  respectful  letter,  endeavoured  to  mollify  James's 
anger ;  and  afterwards,  in  a  second  letter,  he  acknow- 
ledged his  offence,  and  cleared  himself  in  the  1 
manner  he  could,  from  any  malicious  intention  to  im- 
peach his  majesty's  service,  or  asperse  his  character. 
But  it  is  easy  enough  to  see,  that  his  apologies  arose 
from  the  situation  of'  his  affairs,  and  that  what  in 
warmth  he  had  spoken,  he  indeed  thought. — Let  u> 
then  conclude,  that  James's  best  friends,  as  I  observed 
in  the  text,  spoke  most  contemptuously  of  him ;  for 
such  Henry  and  Maurice  were. — If  we  would  knovr 
further  in  what  esteem  James  was  with  his  neighbours, 
the  following  epigram  made  in  France  will,  in  some 
measure,  perhaps  satisfy  us. 

"  Tandis  qu'  Elizabeth  fut  Roy, 
L'Anglois  fut  d'Espagne  Feffroy. 
Maintenant,  devise  et  caquette, 
Regi  par  la  Rtine  Jaquette." 

That  is  literally  in  English, 

Whilst  Elizabeth  was  fciDg, 
The  English  were  of  Spain  the  terror. 
But  now  governed  by  Qoeen  Jaquet, 
They  only  talk  and  prattle. 

Or,  if  the  reader  likes  it  better  in  rhyme,  it  is  given  in 
English,  thus  : 

•  See  Birch's  Negotiations,  p.  849,  275. 
3 


JAMES  I.  fill 

with  they  were  insulted  by  their  neigh- 
bours. But  however  weak  and  pusillani- 

While  Elizabeth  was  England's  King, 
That  dreadful  name  through  Spain  did  ring. 

How  alter'd  is  the  case, ad  sa'  me  ! 

These  jugling  days  of  glide  Queen  Jamie  a  ! 

And  that  it  may  not  be  imagined  that  libellers  and 
satyrists  only  contemned  James,  and  represented  him 
in  a  more  ridiculous  light  than  they  ought,  I  will  add, 
that  the  grave  and  knowing  duke  of  Sully  tells  us, 
that  Henry,  in  derision,  called  James  captain  of  arts 
and  clerk  of  arms  b;  and  that  he  himself,  and  his  bro- 
ther, had  spoken  in  terms  not  very  respectful  of  him. 

Nor  did  his  own  people  come  behind  in  ridiculing 
and  censuring  his  conduct.  "  They  mouthed  out  that 
Great  Britain  was  become  less  than  little  England ; 
that  they  had  lost  strength  by  changing  sexes,  and 
that  he  was  no  king,  but  a  fidler's  son,  otherwise  he 
would  not  suffer  such  disorders  at  home,  and  so  much 
dishonor  abroad. —  -—And  they  say  further,  why 
should  he  assume  to  himself  the  title  of  defender  of 
the  faith,  that  sufTers  the  protestants  of  Germany  and 
France  to  be  extirpated.  That  he  might  almost  have 
purchased  such  a  country  as  the  Palatinate,  with  the 
money  spent  on  ambassages;  and  that  his  promising 
the  French  protestants  assistance  (by  their  agents  that 
interceded  for  them)  made  them  the  more  resolute,  and 
confident  to  their  ruin  :  So  that  they  might  well  call 
England  the  land  of  promise.  And  all  that  he  got  by 
his  lip-labour  assistance  from  the  French  king  was,  that 
his  ambassador,  Sir  Edward  Herbert,  was  snapt  up  \>y 

*  Rapin,  vol.  II.  p.  236.  and  Morgan's  Phoenix  Britannicus,  p.  324. 
*  Sally's  Memoirs,  vol.  I.  p.  209.  Edict  of  Nantz,  vol.  I.  p.  452. 

p  2 


212  THE  LIFE  OF 

mous  James's  conduct  was  abroad,  at  home 
he  behaved   very   haughtily.      He  valued 

Luynes  the  young  constable,  and  favourite  there,  with 
what  hath  your  master  to  do  with  us  and  our  business  ? 
Whereas  the  English  fleets,  the  glory  of  the  world,  (if 
employed)  would  have  taught  the  French  pride  to 
know,  that  a  looker-on  sees  more  than  the  gamester, 
and  he  that  strikes  with  passion,  will  many  times  thank 
them  that  take  him  off  by  friendly  admonition:  such 
discourses  as  these  flew  up  and  down  from  lip  to  lip, 
that  it  was  almost  treason  to  hear,  much  more  to 
speak  V — How  weakly,  how  imprudently  must  a  prince 
have  behaved,  to  have  drawn  on  himself  such  bitter 
reflections  and  cutting  sarcasms,  both  at  home  and 
abroad  ?  How  mean  a  figure  must  he  have  made,  and 
with  what  contempt  must  his  promises  and  threaten- 
ings  be  received  ?  It  could  not  be  ill-will,  it  could  not 
be  malice,  or  the  love  of  slander  alone,  which  could 
bring  on  a  regal  character  so  much  contempt  when 
living :  there  must  have  been  foolish  wretched  manage- 
ment, as  we  have  seen  there  was,  to  render  it  passable. 
But  of  all  things,  princes  should  dread  falling  into 
contempt:  seeing  that  thereby  their  reputation,  and 
consequently  their  power  ceases,  and  they  are  rendered 
incapable  of  executing  any  great  design.  For,  as  Car- 
dinal Richlieu  has  well  observed,  "  reputation  is  the 
more  necessary  in  princes,  in  that  those  we  have  a 
good  opinion  of,  do  more  by  their  bare  words,  than 
those  who  are  not  esteemed  with  armies.  They  are 
obliged  to  value  it  beyond  life;  and  they  ought  sooner 
to  venture  their  fortune  and  grandeur,  than  to  suffer 
the  least  breach  to  be  made  in  the  same,  since  it  is 

*  Wilson,  p.  190. 


JAMES  I.  213 

himself  much  on  his  hereditary  right,  and 
lineal  descent 64,  to  the  crown,  and  talked 

most  certain  that  the  least  diminution  a  prince  re- 
ceives, though  never  so  slight,  is  the  step  which  is  of 
most  dangerous  consequence  for  his  ruin.  In  consi- 
deration of  which  I  declare  freely,  that  princes  ought 
never  to  esteem  any  profit  advantageous,  when  it  re- 
flects the  least  upon  their  honour;  and  they  are  either 
blinded  or  insensible  to  their  true  interests,  if  they  re- 
ceive any  of  this  nature.  And  indeed  history  teaches 
us,  that  in  all  times  and  in  all  states,  princes  of  great 
reputation  are  always  happier  than  those,  who  being 
inferior  to  them  in  that  point,  have  surpassed  them  in 
force  and  riches,  and  in  all  other  power*."  Pity  it  is 
but  princes  knew  what  was  said  of  them!  If  they  had 
any  thirst  after  fame,  any  desire  of  real  glory,  it  would 
excite  them  to  direct  their  actions  to  the  good  of  the 
public,  and  it  would  make  them  weigh  and  consider 
things  so,  as  that  their  resolutions  might  appear  to  be 
the  result  of  prudence  and  discretion.  If  they  will  not 
act  thus,  but  blindly  follow  their  own  whims  and  hu- 
mours, or  submit  to  be  led  by  weak,  ignorant,  self- 
seeking  men,  as  was  the  case  of  James,  they  may  de- 
pend on  it,  that  though  flattery  mounts  up  their  ima- 
ginary excellencies  to  the  clouds,  and  represents  them 
as  demi-gods  for  power  and  wisdom,  standers  by  will 
laugh  at  them,  and  posterity  expose  and  condemn 
them. 

64  He  valued  himself  much  on  his  hereditary  right 
and  lineal  descent.]  In  his  first  speech  to  the  parlia- 
ment, March  19,  1603,  he  tells  them,  that  the  first  rea- 
son of  his  calling  them  together  was,  "  that  they 

*  Richlieu's  Political  Testament,  part  2d.  p.  46. 


S14  THE  LIFE  OF 

of  it  in  most  pompous  terms,  though  no- 
thing could  be  more  absurd  and  chimerical. 

might  with  their  own  ears  hear  him  deliver  unto  them 
the  assurance  of  his  thankfulness,  for  their  so  joyful 
and  general  applause,  to  the  declaring  and  receiving  of 
him  in  that  seat,  which  God,  by  his  birth-right  and 
lineal  descent,  had  in  the  fulness  of  time  provided  for 
him8."  And  in  other  parts  of  the  same  speech,  he 
speaks  of  his  lineal  descent  out  of  the  "  loins  of  Henry 
the  seventh;"  and  of  his  being  "  lineally  descended  of 
both  the  crowns  b"  (of  England  and  Scotland.)  One 
should  have  thought  an  English  parliament  should 
have  stared  at  hearing  such  an  unusual  language  from 
the  throne.  But  such  was  the  complaisance  they  had 
for  their  new  king,  and  so  willing  were  they  to  make 
their  court  to  him,  that  they  spoke  in  like  terms  with 
him,  and  echoed  back,  not  as  has  sometimes  been  done 
in  an  address,  but  in  an  act  of  parliament,  his  words 
and  sentiments  on  this  subject.  For  in  the  first  act  of 
parliament  passed  in  this  reign,  intitled  a  "most  joyful 
and  just  recognition  of  the  immediate,  lawful  and  un- 
doubted succession,  descent  and  right  of  the  crown," 
•we  find  the  following  expressions  :  "  Your  majesty's 
royal  person,  who  is  lineally,  rightfully,  and  lawfully 
descended  of  the  body  of  the  most  excellent  lady- 
Margaret,  eldest  daughter  of  the  most  renowned  king 
Henry  the  seventh,  and  they  therein  desire  it  may  be 
published  and  declared  in  the  high  court  of  parliament, 
and  enacted  by  authority  of  the  same,  that  they  (being 
bounden  thereunto  both  by  the  laws  of  God  and  man) 
do  recognize  and  acknowledge  that  immediately  upon 
the  dissolution  and  decease  of  Elizabeth,  late  queen  0f 

»  King  James's  Works,  p.  485.  b  id  p.  4*7,  488. 


'"' JAMES  I.  215 

In  consequence   hereof   he  entertained 

England,  the  imperial  crown  of  the  realm  of  England, 
and  of  all  the  kingdoms,  dominions  and  rights  belong- 
ing to  the  same  did  by  inherent  birthright,  and  lawful 
and  undoubted  succession,  descend  and  come  unto  his 
most  excellent  majesty,  as  being  lineally,  justly,  and 
lawfully,  next  and  sole  heir  of  the  blood  royal  of  this 
realm3."  This  was  complaisance  indeed!  And  this, 
together  with  their  ascribing  to  him  in  the  same  act, 
"  the  rarest  gifts  of  mind  and  body,"  and  acknowledg- 
ing "  his  great  wisdom,  knowledge,  experience,  and 
dexterity,"  could  hardly  help  rivetting  in  his  mind  lii* 
absurd  opinions,  and  high  self-estimation. 

I  call  his  notions  of  hereditary  right  and  lineal  de- 
pcent,  absurd.  For  I  know  of  no  right  that  any  person 
has  to  succeed  another  in  wearing  a  crown,  but  what 
the  laws  give  him;  if  he  is  by  law  appointed  the  next 
heir,  his  right  to  succeed  is  built  upon  the  most  stable 
foundation.  But  the  laws  relating  to  the  succession 
may  be  changed,  according  as  the  exigencies  of  the 
state  and  the  public  good  require;  and  if,  by  such  a 
change,  any  person  or  family  is  set  aside  from  succeed- 
ing, the  right  they  might  before  have  had  vanishes, 
and  without  usurpation  cannot  take  place.  When  that 
political  law  (says  a  justly  admired  writer)  which  has 
established  in  "  the  kingdom  a  certain  order  of  succes- 
sion, becomes  destructive  to  the  body  politic  for  whose 
sake  it  was  established,  there  is  not  the  least  room  to 
doubt  but  another  political  law  may  be  made  to  change 
this  order;  and  so  far  would  this  law  be  from  opposing 
the  first,  it  would  in  the  main  be  entirely  conformable 
to  it,  since  both  would  depend  on  this  principle,  that, 

*  Vide  SUt  Anno  Fikno  Jacob!  c.  1.  per  totnna. 


216  THE  LIFE  OF 

high  notions  of  the  prerogative,  and  car- 

the  safety  of  the  people  is  the  supream  lawa." — And 
indeed  this  hereditary  right  to  the  crown,  here  boasted 
of  by  James,  was  le  a  meer  chimera ;  contradicted  by 
the  general  tenor  of  custom  from  the  Norman  invasion 
to  his  time ;  by  the  declared  sense  of  his  immediate 
predecessors;  by  many  solemn  proceedings  of  parlia- 
ment, and  by  the  express  terms  of  law, Two  fami- 
lies (for  the  race  of  Plantagenet  was  grafted  on  the 
Norrnan  race,  and  they  may  be  reckoned  properly  as 
one)  had  furnished,  indeed,  all  our  kings;  but  this  con- 
stituted no  hereditary  right.  When  a  prince  of  the 
royal  family,  but  in  a  degree  remote  from  the  succes- 
sion, comes  to  the  crown,  in  prejudice  to  the  next  heir, 
hereditary  right  is  violated,  as  really  as  it  would  be  if 
an  absolute  stranger  to  this  family  succeeded.  Such  a 
prince  may  have  another,  and  we  think  a  better  right, 
that  for  instance,  which  is  derived  from  a  settlement  of 
the  crown,  made  by  the  authority  of  parliament;  but 
to  say  he  hath  an  hereditary  right,  is  the  grossest  abuse 
of  words  imaginable.  This  we  think  so  plain,  that  we 
should  be  ashamed  to  go  about  to  prove  it. — Our  kings 
of  the  Norman  race  were  so  far  from  succeeding  as 
next  heirs  to  one  another,  and  in  a  regular  course  of 
descent,  that  no  instance  can  be  produced  of  the  next 
heirs  succeeding,  which  is  not  preceded  and  followed 

by  instances  of  the  next  heirs  being  set  aside. 

Thus  Edward  the  first  succeeded  his  father  Henry  the 
third ;  but  his  father  Henry  the  third,  and  his  grand- 
father John,  had  both  been  raised  to  the  throne,  in 
plain  defiance  of  hereditary  right :  the  right  of  Arthur, 
nephew  to  John,  and  the  right  of  Arthur's  sister,  cou- 

*  Spirit  of  Lan>,  vol.  II.  p.  218.  Lond.  1750. 


JAMES  I.  217 

sin-german  to  Henry. Edward  the  second  suc- 
ceeded his  father  Edward  the  first;  but  Edward  the 
third  deposed  Edward  the  second ;  the  parliament  re- 
nounced all  allegiance  to  him;  and  Edward  the  third 
held  the  crown  by  a  parliamentary  title,  as  much  as 

William  the  third. If  we  go  up  higher  than  this 

sera,  or  descend  lower,  we  shall  find  the  examples  uni- 
form. Examples,  sufficient  to  countenance  this  pre- 
tension of  hereditary  right  to  the  crown  of  England, 

are  no  where  to  be  found. The  British  race  began 

in  Henry  the  seventh ;  and  from  him  alone  king  James 
derived  that  right,  which  he  asserted  in  such  pompous 
terms.  Now  surely,  if  ever  any  prince  came  to  the 
crown  without  the  least  colour  of  hereditary  right,  it 
was  Henry  the  seventh.  He  had  no  pretence  to  it, 
even  as  heir  to  the  house  of  Lancaster.  His  wife 
might  have  some  as  heir  of  the  house  of  York  ;  hut  the 
title  of  his  wife  had  no  regard  paid  to  it  either  by  him 
or  the  parliament,  in  making  this  new  settlement.  He 
gained  the  crown  by  the  good  will  of  the  people.  He 
kept  it  by  the  confirmation  of  parliament,  and  by  his 
own  ability.  The  notional  union  of  the  two  roses  was 
a  much  better  expedient  for  quiet  than  foundation  of 
right.  It  took  place  in  Henry  the  eighth ;  it  was  con- 
tinued in  his  successors;  and  this  nation  was  willing 
it  should  continue  in  James  and  his  family.  But  nei- 
ther Henry  the  eighth,  nor  his  son  Edward  the  sixth, 
who  might  have  done  so  with  much  better  grace,  laid 
the  same  stress  on  hereditary  right,  as  king  James  did. 
One  of  them  had  recourse  to  parliament  on  every  oc- 
casion, where  the  succession  to  the  crown  was  con- 
cerned ;  and  the  other  made  no  scruple  of  giving  the 
crown  by  will  to  his  cousin,  in  prejudice  of  his  sisters 
right.  This  right,  however,  such  as  it  was,  prevailed; 
but  the  authority  of  parliament  was  called  in  aid  by 


t!8  THE  LIFE  OF 

Mary,  to  remove  the  objection  of  illegitimacy,  which 
lay  against  it.  Elizabeth  had  so  little  concern  about 
hereditary  right,  that  she  neither  held,  nor  desired  to 
hold  her  crown  by  any  other  tenure  than  the  statute  of 
the  35  of  her  father's  reign.  In  the  13th  of  her  own 
reign  she  declared  it  by  law  high  treason,  during  her 
life,  and  a  Praamunire,  after  her  decease,  to  deny  the 
power  of  parliament,  in  limiting  and  binding  the  de- 
scent and  inheritance  of  die  crown,  or  the  claims  to  it; 
and  whatever  private  motives  there  were  for  putting  to 
death  Mary,  queen  of  Scotland,  her  claiming  a  right, 
in  opposition  to  an  act  of  parliament,  was  the  founda- 
tion of  the  public  proceedings  against  her. 

"  Such  examples  as  we  have  quoted,  ought  to  have 
eome  weight  with  king  James.  A  prince  who  had 
worn  the  crown  of  Scotland,  under  so  many  restraints, 
and  in  so  great  penury,  might  have  contented  himself, 
one  would  think,  to  hold  that  of  England,  whose  pen- 
sioner he  had  been,  by  the  same  tenure,  and  to  establish 
his  authority  on  the  same  principles,  as  had  contented 
the  best  and  greatest  of  his  Predecessors  ;  but  his  de- 
signs were  as  bad  as  those  of  the  very  worst  princes, 
who  went  before  him  V  The  good  sense  and  unan- 
swerable reasoning  in  this  quotation  will  make  ample 
amends  for  the  length  of  it,  and  therefore  needs  ao 
apology.  But  it  is  amazing  to  consider,  that,  notwith- 
standing such  facts  and  reasonings,  there  should  yet 
be  found  people  weak  enough  to  hold  this  doctrine  of 
hereditary  right,  a  doctrine  absurd  in  itself,  and  big 
with  mischief.  Did  men  but  think  and  consider,  did 
they  weigh  and  examine,  were  they  honest  and  impar- 
tial, they  soon  would  see  its  folly  and  ridicule  it.  But 

*  Oldcastle's  Remarks,  p.  241.  See  also  the  Brief  History  of  the  Suc- 
cession, in  the  State  Tracts,  relating  to  the  times  of  Charles  the  2d.  and 
Sir  John  Hawles's  Speech  at  the  Trial  of  SacheveraL 


JAMES  I.  219 

ried  the  doctrine  of  the  regal  power65,  to 

such  is  the  laziness  of  mankind,  that  they  are  at  all 
times  inclined  more  to  helieve  on  trust,  than  to  take 
the  pains  to  consider;  and  therefore  run  into  the  most 
whimsical  and  ridiculous  opinions.  Princes  may  think 
it  their  interest  to  have  such  a  doctrine  as  this  incul- 
cated ;  but  the  teachers  of  it  ought  to  be  looked  upon 
as  the  foes  of  mankind,  and  had  in  abhorrence  by  those 
to  whom  liberty  and  virtue  are  amiable. 

15  He  entertained  high  notions  of  the  prerogative, 
and  carried  the  doctrine  of  the  regal  power  to  a  very 
great  pitch.]  James,  as  I  have  observed,  was  bred  up 
under  Buchanajj,  whose  hatred  of  tyranny  is  well 
known,  aad  who,  like  a  very  honest  man,  endeavoured 
to  inspire  his  pupil  with  a  detestation  of  it;  and  he 
seemed  to  have  had  some  hopes,  that  his  labours  would 
not  have  been  wholly  vain.  For  in  the  conclusion  of 
his  short  dedication  to  James,  of  his  Baptistes,  size 
calumni  traga'dia,  among  his  poetical  works,  there  are 

the  following  expressions : "  Illud  autem  peculia- 

rius  ad  te  videri  potest  spectare,  quod  tyrannorum  cru- 
ciatus,  &,  cum  florere  maxhne  videntur,  rniserias  dilu- 
cide  exponat.  Quod  te  nunc  intelligere  non  conducibile 
modo,  sed  etiam  necessarium  existimo:  ut  mature  odisse 
incipias,  quod  tibi  semper  est  fugicndum.  Volo  etiam 
hunc  libellum  apud  posteros  testem  fore,  si  quid  ali- 
quando  pravis  consultoribus  impulsus  vel  regni  licentia 
rectain  educa.tione.ui  superante  secus  committas,  non 
praeceptoribus,  sed  tibi,  qui  eis  recte  monentibus  non 
sis  obsecutus,  id  vitio  vertendmu  esse.  Det  Domiuus 
nieliora,  &  quod  est  apud  tuum  Salustium,  tibi  bene 
facere  ex  consuctudine  in  naturam  vertat.  Quod  equi- 
dem  cum  multis  Si  spero,  &  opto.  Sterlino,  ad  Cajend. 
Kovembris,  lp?6."  i.  e.  "  But  this  more  especially 


G20  THE  LIFE  OF 

a  pitch  was  amazingly  great,  and  bordering 

seeins  to  belong  to  you,  which  explains  the  torments 
and  miseries  of  tyrants,  even  when  they  seem  to  be  in 
the  most  flourishing  state,  which  I  esteem  not  only  ad- 
vantageous, but  even  necessary  for  you  now  to  under- 
stand :  that  you  may  begin  early  to  hate,  what  you 
should  always  avoid.  I  desire  also  that  this  book  may 
be  a  witness  to  posterity,  that  if  at  any  time  you  act 
otherwise,  by  the  influence  of  wicked  counsellors,  or 
the  wantonness  of  power  getting  the  better  of  educa- 
tion, you  may  impute  it  not  to  your  preceptors,  but  to 

yourself  that  slighted  their  good  advice. God  grant 

you  a  better  fate,  and  (as  your  favourite  Sallust  has  it) 
render  beneficence  natural  to  you  bv  custom.  "Which 

*  * 

I  sincerely  wish,  and  hope  with  many  others." 

James  was  little  more  than  ten  }-ears  of  age  when 
this  was  written  to  him.  Two  years  afterwards  Bu- 
chanan dedicated  his  celebrated  piece,  intitled,  Dejurc 
Regni  apud  Scotos,  to  James,  in  which  he  tells  him, 
"  that  he  thought  good  to  publish  it,  that  it  might  be 
a  standing  witness  of  his  affection  towards  him,  and 
admonish  him  of  his  duty  towards  his  subjects.  Now 
many  things,  adds  he,  persuaded  me  that  this  my  en- 
deavour should  not  be  in  vain  :  especially  your  age 
not  yet  corrupted  by  prave  opinions,  and  inclination 
far  above  your  years  for  undertaking  all  heroical  and 
noble  attempts,  spontaneously  making  haste  thereunto; 
and  not  only  your  promptitude  in  obeying  your  in- 
structors and  governors,  but  all  such  as  give  you  sound 
admonition  ;  and  your  judgment  and  diligence  in  exa- 
mining affairs,  so  that  no  man's  authority  can  have 
much  weight  with  you,  unless  it  be  confirmed  by  pro- 
bable reason.  I  do  perceive  also  that  you  by  a  certain 
natural  instinct  do  so  much  abhor  flattery,  which  is 


JAMES  I.  221 

on  impiety.     Nor  could  he  with  any  pa- 

the  nurse  of  tyranny,  and  a  most  grievous  plague  of  a 
kingdom;  so  as  you  do  hate  the  court  solecisms  and 
barbarisms,  no  less  than  those  that  seem  to  censure  all 
elegancy,  do  love  and  affect  such  things,  and  every 
where  in  discourse  spread  abroad,  as  the  sauce  thereof 
those  titles  of  majesty,  highness,  and  many  other  un- 
savoury compellations.     Kovv  albeit  your  good  natural 
disposition,  and  sound  instructions,  wherein  you  have 
been  principled,  may  at  present  draw  you  away  from  fall- 
ing into  this  error,  yet  I  am  forced  to  be  something  jea- 
lous of  you,  lest  bad  company,  the  fawning  foster-mother 
of  all  vices,  draw  aside  your  soft  and  tender  mind  into 
the  worst  part ;  especially  seeing  I  am  not  ignorant, 
how  easily  our  other  senses  yield  to  seduction.     This 
book  therefore  I  have  sent  unto  you,  to  be  not  only 
your  monitor,  but  also  an  importunate  and   bold  ex- 
actor which,   in  this  your  flexible  and  tender  years, 
may  conduct  you  in  safety  from  the  rocks  of  flattery, 
and  not  only  may  admonish  you,  but  also  keep  you  in 
the  way  you  are  once  entered  into:  and  if  at  any  time 
you  deviate,  it  may  reprehend  and  draw  you  back,  the 
which  if  you  obey,  you  shall  for  yourself  and  for  all 
your  subjects,  acquire   tranquillity  and  peace   in  this 
life,  and  eternal  glory  in  the  life  to  come.     Farewel, 
from  Sterveling,  Jan.  10,  1579*. " 

I  have  been  forced  to  give  this  in  the  words  of  a 
Translation,  for  want  of  an  opportunity  of  turning  to 
the  original:  which  the  good-natured  reader,  I  hope, 
will  pardon.  In  these  dedications  we  may  see  the  en- 
deavours and  hopes  of  Buchanan,  which  I  have  just 

*  Dedication  of  Buchanan  de  jure  regni  apud  Scotos,  in  English.  4t«. 
Lond.  1689. 


e-2'2  THE  LIFE  OF 

tience  bear  that  any  should  assert  its  being 

mentioned,  of  inspiring  his  pupil  with  a  detestation  of 
tyranny.  But  his  hopes  were  ill-founded,  his  endea- 
vours were  ineffectual.  James  hated  the  man  who 
counselled  him,  and  spoke  a  doctrine  directly  contrary 
unto  that  taught  by  hima.  What  he  writ  on  this  sub- 
ject when  in  Scotland,  we  have  before  mentioned15.  He 
there  inculcated  the  doctrine  of  tyranny,  and  in  England 
he  continued  to  avow  it,  and  that  even  before  the  par- 
liament itself.  In  his  speech  to  the  lords  and  commons 
at  Whitehall,  Anno  1609,  we  have  the  following  pas- 
sage: "  Kings  are  justly  called  Gods,  for  that  they 
exercise  a  manner  or  resemblance  of  divine  power 
upon  earth :  for  if  you  will  consider  the  attributes  of 
God,  you  shall  see  how  they  agree  in  the  person  of  a 
king.  God  hath  power  to  create  or  destroy,  make  or 
unmake  at  his  pleasure,  to  give  life  or  send  death,  to 
judge  all,  and  to  be  judged,  nor  accomptable  to  none; 
to  raise  low  things,  and  to  make  high  things  low  at 
his  pleasure,  and  to  God  are  both  soul  and  body  due.- 
and  the  like  power  have  kings :  they  make  and  unmake 
their  subjects;  they  have  power  of  raising,  and  casting 
down;  of  life  and  of  death;  judges  over  all  their  sub- 
jects, and  in  all  causes;  and  yet  accomptable  to  none 
but  God  only.  They  have  power  to  exalt  low  things, 
and  abase  high  things,  and  make  of  their  subjects  like 
men  at  chess;  a  pawne  to  take  a  bishop  or  a  knight, 
and  to  cry  up  or  down  any  of  their  subjects,  as  they 
do  their  money.  And  to  the  king  is  due  both  the  af- 
fection of  the  soul,  and  the  service  of  the  body  of  his 
subjects0."  And  in  the  same  speech  are  the  following 
words :  "  I  conclude  then  this  point  touching  the 

»  See  note  2.  b  In  note  41.  CK.  James's  Works,  p.  529. 


JAMES  I.  2<2S 

liable  to  be  contradicted  or  controuled.  He 
treated  his  parliaments  in  many  cases  most 

power  of  kings,  with  this  axiom  of  divinity,  that  as  to 
dispute  what  God  may  do,  is  blasphemie;  but  quid 
vult  Dais,  that  divines  may  lawfully  and  do  ordinarily 
dispute  and  discusse;  for  to  dispute  a  posse  ad  esse  is 
both  against  logicke  and  divinitie:  so  is  it  sedition  in 
subjects  to  dispute  what  a  king  may  do  in  the  height 
of  his  power3."  These  passages  shall  suffice  to  shew 
James's  notions  of  the  regal  power ;  their  opposition  to 
those  of  his  preceptor;  and  that  lord  Bolingbroke  was 
very  much  mistaken  in  saying  that  "  James  retailed 
the  scraps  of  Buchanan  V  I  thought  to  have  con- 
cluded this  note  here,  but  I  find  it  proper  to  add  that 
James  had  the  utmost  indignation  against  those  who 
held  that  princes  were  accountable,  or  controulable. 
This  appeared  from  his  citing  a  preacher  before  him 
from  Oxford,  who  had  asserted  that  the  inferior  ma- 
gistrate had  a  lawful  power  to  order  and  correct  the 
king  if  he  did  amiss;  and  who  for  the  illustration  of- 
his  doctrine,  had  used  that  speech  of  Trajan's  unto  the 
captain  of  his  guard;  Accipe  Imnc  gladiurn,  quern  pro 
me  si  bene  imperavero  dutfiatga ;  sin  minus  contra  me ; 
i.  e.  receive  this  sword,  which  I  would  have  thee  use 
for  my  defence  if  I  govern  well;  but  if  I  rule  the 
empire  ill,  to  be  turned  against  me.  The  preacher  of 
this  doctrine  being  strictly  examined  by  the  king-  con- 
cerning it,  laid  the  blame  on  Pareus,  who  in  his  com- 
mentary on  the  Romans,  had  positively  delivered  all 
which  he  had  vented  in  his  sermon,  even  to  that  very 
saying  of  the  emperor  Trajan.  Whereupon  the  king, 

•  K.  James's  Works,  p.  531.  b  Letters  on  the  Spirit  of  Patriotism, 

p.  21 6. 

I 


THE  LIFE  OF 

contemptuously 6t  both  by  words  and  ac- 
tions ;  giving  himself  extraordinary  airs  of 

though  he  dismissed  the  preacher,  on  account  of  his 
youth,  and  the  authority  he  had  produced,  gave  order 
to  have  the  book  of  Pareus  burnt  in  Oxford,  London 
and  Cambridge;  which  was  done  accordingly11.  So 
high  was  James's  opinion  of  regal  power,  so  ill  could 
he  bear  opposition  to  it,  though  in  a  foreigner,  and 
one  with  whom  he  had  nothing  to  do ! 

66  He  treated  his  parliaments  in  many  cases  most 
contemptuously]  Here  follow  my  proofs.  In  his 
speech  to  the  parliament  in  1605,  speaking  of  the 
house  of  commons,  he  tells  them,  that  "  that  was  not  a 
place  for  every  rash  and  hair-brained  fello\v  to  propose 
new  laws  of  his  own  invention."  That  "  they  should 
be  warie  not  to  propose  any  bitter  or  seditious  laws, 
which  could  produce  nothing  but  grudges  and  discon- 
tents between  the  prince  and  his  people;  and  that  it 
was  no  place  for  particular  men  to  utter  their  private 
conceits,  nor  for  satisfaction  of  their  curiosities,  and 
least  of  all  to  make  shew  of  their  eloquence,  by  tyning 
the  time  with  long  studied  and  eloquent  orations'3." 
And  he  adds  just  afterwards,  "  that  men  should  be 
ashamed  to  make  shew  of  the  quickness  of  their  wits 
here,  either  in  taunting,  scoffing,  or  detracting  the 
prince  or  state  in  any  point,  or  yet  in  breaking  jests 
upon  their  fellows,  for  which  the  ordinaries  or  ale- 
houses are  fitter  places,  than  this  honourable  and  high 
court  of  parliament." 

In  his  speech  to  the  parliament  at  Whitehall,  in  the 
year  1609,  he  "  wishes  the  commons  to  avoid  three 
things  in  matters  of  grievances. 

Life  of  Laud,  p.  95.  "  K.  James's  \Vorks,  p.  506,  507. 


JAMES  I.  S25 

wisdom  and  authority,  and   undervaluing 

"  First,"  says  he,  "  that  you  do  not  meddle  with  the 
main  points  of  government;  that  is  my  craft:  tractent 
fabriliafabri;  to  meddle  with  that  were  to  lesson  me  : 
I  am  now  an  old  king;  for  six  and  thirty  years  have  I 
governed  in  Scotland  personally,  and  now  have  I  ac- 
complished my  apprenticeship  of  seven  years  here; 
and  seven  years  is  a  great  time  for  a  king's  experience 
in  government.  Therefore  there  would  be  too  many 
Phormios  to  teach  Hannibal:  I  must  not  be  taught 
my  office. 

"  Secondly,  I  would  not  have  you  meddle  with  such 
antient  rights  of  mine,  as  I  have  received  from  my 
predecessors,  possessing  them,  more  majorum:  such 
things  I  would  be  sorrie  should  be  accounted  for 
grievances. 

"  And  lastly,  I  pray  you  to  beware  to  exhibit  for 
grievance,  any  thing  that  is  established  by  a  settled 
law,  and  whereunto  (as  you  have  already  had  a  proof) 
you  know  I  will  never  give  a  plausible  answer :  for  it 
is  an  undutiful  part  in  subjects  to  press  their  king, 
wherein  they  know  before-hand  he  will  refuse  them3." 

Had  James  stopped  here  he  might  have  been  ex- 
cused. Elizabeth  had  set  him  an  example  of  directing 
the  commons  to  be  cautious  in  making  use  of  their 
liberty  of  speech;  and  they  complained  not  of  itb. 
But  he  went  farther.  For  in  the  year  1621,  the  com- 
mons having  drawn  up  a  petition  and  remonstrance  to 
the  king,  concerning  the  danger  of  the  protestant  re- 
ligion at  home  and  abroad,  and  advised  him  to  aid  the 
protestants  in  the  wars  in  which  they  were  engaged; 

*  K.  James's  Works,  p.  537.  b  See  Heywood  Townshend's  Historical 

Collections,  p.  37,  53,  63.  fol.  Lond.  1680. 
VOL.  I. 


THE  LIFE  OF 
their  power,  skill  and  capacity.     And  not 

break  with  the  king  of  Spain,  and  marry  his  son  to  a 
princess  of  the  reformed  religion,  with  some  other 
things  :  the  commons  having  drawn  up  this  petition 
and  remonstrance,  and  it  coming  to  the  king's  ears 
that  they  were  about  to  present  it,  the  following  letter 
was  written  by  him  to  the  speaker,  from  Newmarket. 

"    MR.  SPEAKER, 

"  We  have  heard,  by  divers  reports,  to  our  great 
grief,  that  our  distance  from  the  houses  of  parliament 
caused  by  our  indisposition  of  health,  hath  emboldned 
some  fiery  and  popular  spirits  of  some  of  the  house  of 
commons,  to  argue  and  debate  publickly  of  the  matters 
far  above  their  reach  and  capacity,  tending  to  our  high 
dishonor,  and  breach  of  prerogative  royal.  These  are 
therefore  to  command  you,  to  make  known,  in  our 
name,  unto  the  house,  that  none  therein  shall  presume 
henceforth  to  meddle  with  any  thing  concerning  our 
government,  or  deep  matters  of  state,  and  namely  not 
to  deal  with  our  dearest  son's  match  with  the  daughter 
of  Spain,  nor  to  touch  the  honour  of  that  king,  or  any 
other  our  friends  and  confederates :  and  also  not  to 
meddle  with  any  man's  particulars,  which  have  their 
due  motion  in  our  ordinary  courts  of  justice.  And 
whereas  we  hear,  that  they  have  sent  a  message  to  Sir 
Edward  Sandys,  to  know  the  reasons  of  his  late  re- 
straint, you  shall  in  our  name  resolve  them,  that  it  was 
not  for  any  misdemeanor  of  his  in  parliament.  But  to 
put  them  out  of  doubt  of  any  question  of  that  nature 
that  may  arise  among  them  hereafter,  you  shall  resolve 
them  in  our  name,  that  we  think  ourselves  very  free 
and  able  to  punish  any  man's  misdemeanors  in  parlia- 
ment, as  well  during  their  sitting  as  after :  which  we 
4 


JAMES  I.  227 

contented  herewith  he  openly  and  avowedly 

mean  not  to  spare  hereafter,  upon  any  occasion  of  any 
man's  insolent  behaviour  there,  that  shall  be  ministred 
unto  us ;  and  if  they  have  already  touched  any  of  these 
points,  which  we  have  forbidden,  in  any  petition  of 
theirs,  which  is  to  be  sent  unto  us,  it  is  our  pleasure 
that  you  shall  tell  them,  that  except  they  reform  it 
before  it  come  to  our  hands  we  will  not  deign  the 
hearing,  nor  answering  of  ita."  Hereupon  the  com- 
mons drew  up  another  petition,  which  they  sent  ac- 
companied with  the  former  remonstrance ;  to  which 
the  king  answered  among  other  things,  "  that  he  must 
use  the  first  words  which  queen  Elizabeth  had  used,  in 
an  answer  to  an  insolent  proposition,  made  by  a  Po- 
lonian  ambassador  unto  her;  that  is,  hgatum  expecta- 
bamus,  heraldum  accipimus;  that  he  wished  them  to 
remember  that  he  was  an  old  and  experienced  king, 
needed  no  such  lessons  as  they  had  given  him ;  that 
they  had  usurped  upon  the  prerogative  royal,  and 
meddled  with  things  far  above  their  reach,  and  then  in 
the  conclusion  protested  the  contrary  ;  as  if  a  robber, 
says  he,  would  take  a  man's  purse,  and  then  protest  he 
meant  not  to  rob  him.  After  this  he  asks  them  how 
they  could  have  presumed  to  determine  about  his  son's 
match,  without  committing  of  high  treason  ?  These 
are  unfit  things,  (the  breaking  of  the  match  with  Spain, 
and  concluding  one  with  a  protestant)  to  be  handled  in 
parliament,  except  your  king  should  require  it  of  you: 
for  who  can  have  wisdom  to  judge  of  things  of  that 
nature,  but  such  as  are  daily  acquainted  with  the  par- 
ticulars of  treaties,  and  of  the  variable  and  fixed  con- 
nexion of  affairs  of  state,  together  with  the  knowledge 

'Franklin's  Annal?  of  Kinjr  James's,  p.  60,  and  Rushworth,  yol.  I.  p.  43. 


2-28  THE  LIFE  OF 

violated   tlieir  privileges,   by  imprisoning, 

of  the  secret  ways,  ends,  and  intentions  of  princes  in 
their  several  negotiations  ?  otherwise  a  small  mistaking 
of  matters  of  this  nature  may  produce  more  effects 
than  can  be  imagined  :  and  therefore,  ne  sutor  ultra 
crepidam."  He  concludes  with  saying,  "  we  cannot 
allow  of  the  style  (in  the  petition  and  remonstrance) 
calling  it  your  antient  and  undoubted  right  and  inhe- 
ritance; but  could  rather  have  wished,  that  ye  had 
said,  that  your  privileges  were  derived  from  the  grace 
and  permission  of  our  ancestors,  and  us ;  for  most  of 
them  grow  from  precedents,  which  shews  rather  a  tole- 
ration than  inheritance." 

At  this  the  commons  were  alarmed  ;  and  therefore 
solemnly  protested  that  the  liberties,  franchises,  privi- 
leges and  jurisdictions  of  parliament,  are  the  antient 
and  undoubted  birthright  and  inheritance  of  the  sub- 
jects of  England;  that  the  affairs  of  church  and  state 
are  proper  subjects  of  counsel  and  debate  in  parlia- 
ment ;  that  in  handling  of  them  every  member  ought 
to  have  freedom  of  speech ;  and  that  they  are  not  to 
be  impeached,  molested  or  imprisoned  for  the  same, 
without  the  advice    and  assent  of  all   the   commons 
assembled    in   parliament.     But   this    protest  had    no 
effect  on  the   king.     His  anger  was   not  abated,   he 
grew  not  more  calm   or  considerate,  but  in  full  as- 
sembly of  his   council,  and  in  the   presence  of  the 
judges  declared  the  said  protestation  to  be  invalid, 
void,   and   of  no   effect;    and   did   further  manu   sua 
propria,  take  the  said  protestation  out  of  the  journal 
book  of  the  clerk  of  the  commons  house  of  parlia- 
ment*  With  reason  then  did  I  say,   that  James 

•Franklin,?.  61—66.     Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.  46 — 54. 


JAMES  I.  229 

and  otherwise  grieving  such  of  their  mem- 
treated  his  parliaments,  in  many  cases,  most  contemp- 
tuously; and  even  a  parliament,  concerning  which  he 
himself  had  declared,  that  a  part  of  it,  "  the  house  of 
commons,  had  shewed  greater  love,  and  used  him  with 
more  respect  in  all  their  proceedings ;  than  ever  any 
house  of  commons  had  hitherto  done  to  him,  or,  as  he 
thought,  to  any  of  his  predecessors  V  Their  love  and 
respect  were  requited  by  language  destitute  of  all 
civility  and  politeness,  and  they  were  threatened,  bul- 
lied, and  insulted.  Yea,  what  was  more  extraordinary 
was,  that  a  new  doctrine  was  broached  by  James,  that 
the  privileges  and  liberties  of  parliament,  with  respect 
to  the  commons,  were  derived  from  the  crown,  and 
were  rather  matters  of  toleration,  than  inheritance : 
This  struck  directly  at  their  rights  and  privileges,  and 
was  that  which  they  had  the  greatest  reason  to  resent. 
For  if  they  were  derived  from  the  crown,  and  were 
things  barely  tolerated  by  it,  they  might  be  abrogated 
and  destroyed ;  and  consequently  the  constitution 
might  be  altered,  and  despotism  take  place.  But 
James  was  mistaken  with  regard  to  the  foundation  of 
the  privileges  and  rights  of  the  house  of  commons. 
They  flowed  not  from  the  grace  of  our  kings ;  but 
were  coeval  with  our  constitution;  as  some  of  our 
best  writers  b  have  shewn  in  opposition  to  those  eccle- 
siastical, or  court  parasites,  who  vainly  strove  to  per- 
suade the  world  of  the  contrary.  May  they  be  per- 
petual! may  all  our  princes  think  it  their  duty  and 


a  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.  25.  *  See  Sir  Rob.  Atkyns's  Power,  Jurisdic- 

tion, and  Privileges  of  Parliament,  fol.  Loud.  1689.  Sydney  on  Govern- 
ment, p.  379.  fol.  Loml.  1698.  See  also  Spirit  of  Laws,  vol.  I.  p.  230, 
and  Townshend's  Collections,  p.  45. 


230  THE  LIFE  OF 

bers  as  had67  dared  to  speak  contrary  to 

interest  inviolably  to  preserve  them ;  and  may  they  be 
used  so  as  to  secure  the  liberties,  the  rights  and  the 
welfare  of  the  meanest  individual. 

67  He  violated  the  privileges  of  parliament,  by  im- 
prisoning and  otherwise  grieving  such  of  the  members 
as  had  acted  in  the  house  disagreeable  to  his  will.] 
We  have  heard  James  in  the  foregoing  note,  declaring 
that  he  meant  not  to  spare  punishing  any  man's  beha- 
viour in  parliament,  which  should  be  insolent*  By 
insolent,  I  suppose  he  meant  unacceptable,  or  disa- 
greeable to  himself  or  minister,  how  beneficial  soever 
it  might  be,  or  intended  to  be  to  the  public.  For  it  is 
the  manner  of  -princes  bent  on  establishing  their  own 
wicked  wills,  in  contradiction  to  law  and  the  common 
good,  to  give  odious  names  to  the  actions  of  the  sons 
of  liberty,  and  brand  them  with  ignominious  titles. 

However,  James  fully  made  good  his  threats.  He 
punished  those  who  were  for  assisting  the  protestants 
abroad,  for  breaking  with  Spain,  and  making  a  mar- 
riage for  prince  Charles  with  one  of  their  own  religion. 
For  soon  after  his  tearing  the  protestation  of  the  com- 
mons out  of  the  journal  book  with  his  own  hand,  he 
dissolved  the  parliament,  and  "  committed  Sir  Edward 
Cook,  and  Sir  Robert  Philips  to  the  Tower;  Mr.  Sel- 
den,  Mr.  Pym,  and  Mr.  Mallory,  to  other  prisons  and 
confinements.  Likewise  Sir  Dudley  Diggs,  and  Sir 
Thomas  Crew,  Sir  ISathaniel  Rich,  and  Sir  James 
Perrot,  for  punishment  were  sent  into  Ireland,  to  en- 
quire into  sundry  matters  concerning  his  majesty's 
service*."  This  was  a  direct  breach  of  the  privileges 
of  the  parliament  as  every  one  must  see.  For  if  the 

*  Rushwortb,  vol.  L  p.  55.    Franklin,  p.  66, 


JAMES  I.  231 

his  mind  in  the  house ;  to  their  no  small 
loss  and  damage. Nor  did  he  be- 

o 

members  of  it  are  liable  to  be  called  to  an  account  and 
punished  for  what  they  may  have  spoken,  by  any  but 
the  body  to  which  they  belong,  the  freedom  of  it 
ceases,  and  it  no  longer  has  that  power  and  indepen- 
dency which  is  allotted  to  it  by  the  constitution.  But 
the  violating  the  privileges  of  parliament  was  no  new 
thing  to  James.  For  having  dissolved  the  parliament 
in  1614,  "it  pleased  him  the  very  next  morning  to 
call  to  examination,  before  the  lords  of  his  council, 
divers  members  of  the  house  of  commons,  for  some 
speeches  better  becoming  a  senate  of  Venice,  where 
the  treaters  are  perpetual  princes,  than  where  those 
that  speak  so  irreverently,  are  so  soon  to  return, 
(which  they  should  remember)  to  the  natural  capacity 
of  subjects.  Of  these  examinants  four  are  committed 
close  prisoners  to  the  Tower:  1.  Sir  Walter  Chute. 
2.  John  Hoskyns,"  (a  man  of  great  parts,  learning  and 
merit,  who  lay  in  prison  a  full  year,  where  he  was  in- 
timate with  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  and  revised  his  his- 
tory, and  where  he  wrote  the  following  lines  to  his 
little  child  Benjamin. 

Sweet  Benjamin,  since  thou  art  young, 

And  hast  not  yet  the  use  of  tongue.  % 

Make  it  thy  slave  while  thou  art  free, 

Imprison  it,  lest  it  do  thee.) 

"  3.  One  Wentworth,  a  lawyer.  4.  Mr.  Christopher 
Nevil,  second  son  to  my  lord  of  Abergaveny  V  In- 
deed the  principle  on  which  James  set  out  was  that  of 
crushing  the  freedom  and  privileges  of  parliament. 

a  Reliquiae  Wottonianae,  p.  431.  398,  and  Wood's  Athenae  Oxoniense^ 
vol.  I.  col.  614. 


232  THE  LIFE  OF 

have  better  with  regard  to  his  other  subjects. 
Those  who  opposed  his  will,  surely  smarted 

For  in  his  proclamation  for  calling  his  first  parliament, 
"he  gave  order  what  sort  of  men,  and  how  qualified, 
should  be  chosen  by  the  commons  ;  and  concludes,  we 
notify  by  these  presents,  that  all  returns  and  certificates 
of  knights,  citizens  and  burgesses,  ought,  and  are  to 
be  brought  to  the  court  of  chancery,  and  there  to  be 
filed  upon  record ;  and  if  any  be  found   to  be  made 
contrary  to  this  proclamation,  the  same  is  to  be  re- 
jected as   unlawful,  and   insufficient,  and  the  city  or 
borough  to  be  fined  for  the  same;  and  if  it  be  found 
that  they  have  committed  any  gross  or  wilful  default 
or  contempt  in  the  election,  return  or  certificate,  that 
then  their  liberties,  according  to  the  law,  are  to  be 
seized  as  forfeited :  and  if  any  person  take  upon  him 
the  place  of  a  knight,  citizen  or  burgess,  not  being 
duly  elected  and   sworn,  according  to  the  laws  and 
statutes  in  that  behalf  provided,  and  according  to  the 
purport,  effect  and  true  meaning  of  this  our  proclama- 
tion, then  every  person  so  offending,  to  be  fined  and 
imprisoned  for  the  same3 ."     As  soon  as  the  members 
were  chosen,  James  shewed  his  authority  by  vacating 
the  election  of  Sir  Francis  Goodwin,  knight  of  the 
shire  for  Buckingham,  (under  pretence  of  his  having 
been  outlawed)  and  sending  a  new  writ,  in  virtue  whereof 
Sir  John  Fortescue  was  chosen,  "notwithstanding  (says 
lord  Cecyll,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Winwood,  dated  April 
12,   1604)   the   lower  house   having  had   notice    that 
he  was  once  chosen,  and  having  found  that  the  out- 
lawry was  pardoned  in  effect,  by  bis  majesty's  general 
pardon  upon  his  inauguration  (although  in  true  coft- 

•Coke,  vol.  I,p.£0. 


JAMES  I.  239 

for  it,   and  very  light  and  trifling,  or  even 

strnction  of  law  he  is  not  rectns  in  curia,  until  he  hath 
sued  out  his  Scire  facias)  they  somewhat  suddenly, 
fearing  some  opposition  (which  was  never  intended) 
allowed  of  him,  and  rejected  the  other  ;  which  form  of 
proceeding  appeared  harsh  to  the  king  rather  in  form 
than  matter.  And  therefore  being  then  desirous  that 
the  higher  house  might  have  some  conference  with  the 
lower  house,  (which  as  we  of  ourselves  did  intimate 
unto  them)  they  grew  jealous  of  that  proposition,  as 
a  matter  which  they  mi  si  iked  to  yield  to  after  a  judg- 
ment ;  and  therefore  did  rather  chuse  to  send  to  the 
king,  that  they  would  be  glad  to  shew  himself  the 
reasons  (to  whom  they  owed  all  duty  as  their  sovereign) 
rather  than  to  any  other,  taking  it  somewhat  derogative 
from  their  house,  to  attribute  any  superiority  to  the 
higher  house,  seeing  both  houses  make  but  one  body, 
whereof  the  king  is  thehead.  This  being  done  after  two 
conferences,  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  the  council 
and  judges,  the  matter  was  compounded  to  all  men's 
liking ;  wherein  that  which  is.  due  is  only  due  to  Caesar ; 
for,  but  for  his  wisdom  and  dexterity,  it  could  not 
have  had  any  conclusion,  with  so  general  an  applause; 
this  being  found  by  debate,  to  be  most  certaine, 
namely,  that  neither  of  them  both  were  duely  returned, 
and  therefore  resolved  of  all  parties,  that  a  new  writ 
should  go  forth  by  warrant  from  the  speaker,  wherein 
none  of  them  should  stand  to  be  elected ;  and  so  much 
•for  the  truth  of  that  cause1."  This  is  the  representa- 
tion of  a  courtier.  I  will  give  the  reader  the  judgment  of 
the  house  of  commons  on  this  same  alfair,  and  leave 
it  with  him  to  form  his  opinion. "For  the  matter 

*  Winwood,  voL  II.  p.  19. 


234  THE  LIFE  OF 

innocent  actions  were  most  rigorously  pun- 

of  Sir  Francis  Goodwin  chosen  for  Bucks,  (say  they) 
we  were,  and  still  are  of  a  clear  opinion,  that  the 
freedom  of  election  was  in  that  action  extreamly  in- 
jured. 

"  That,  by  the  same  right,  it  might  be  at  all  times 
in  a  lord  chancellor's  power  to  reverse,  defeat,  erect, 
or  substitute,  all  the  elections  and  persons  elected, 
over  all  the  realm;  neither  thought  we  that  the  judges 
opinions  (which  yet  in  due  place  we  greatly  reverence) 
being  delivered  what  the  common  law  was  (which  ex- 
tends only  to  inferior  and  standing  courts)  ought  to 
bring  in  a  prejudice  to  this  high  court  of  parliament, 
whose  power  being  above  the  law,  is  not  founded  on 
the  common  law,  but  have  therein  rights  and  privileges 
peculiar  to  themselves. 

"  For  the  manner  of  our  proceeding  (which  your 
majesty  seemed  to  blame,  in  that  the  second  writ  going 
out  in  your  majesty's  name,  we  seemed  to  censure 
it,  without  first  craving  access  to  acquaint  your  high- 
ness with  our  reasons  therein)  we  trust  our  defence  shall 
appear  just  and  reasonable.  It  is  the  form  of  the  court 
of  chancery  (as  of  divers  other  courts)  that  writs  going 
out  in  your  majesty's  name,  are  returned  also,  as  to 
your  majesty,  in  that  court  from  whence  they  issue. 
Howbeit,  therefore  no  man  ever  repaireth  to  your 
majesty's  person,  but  proceedeth  according  to  law, 
notwithstanding  the  writ. 

"  This  being  the  universal  custom  of  this  kingdom, 
it  was  not,  nor  could  be  admitted  into  our  councils, 
that  the  difference  was  between  your  majesty  and  us: 
but  it  was  and  still  is  conceived,  that  the  controversy 
was  between  courts  about  preheminencies  and  privi- 
leges ;  and  that  the  question  was,  whether  the  cban- 


JAMES  I.  235 

ished  68.     Justice  he  seems  indeed  to  have 

cer}T,  or  our  house  of  commons,  were  judge  of  the 
members  returned  for  it  ?  Wherein  tho'  we  supposed 
the  wrong  done  to  be  most  apparent,  and  extreamly 
prejudicial  to  the  rights  and  privileges  of  this  realm  ; 
yet  such,  and  so  great  was  our  willingness  to  please 
your  majesty,  as  to  yield  to  a  middle  course  proposed 
by  your  highness,  preserving  only  our  privileges,  by 
a  voluntary  cession  of  the  lawful  knight. 

"  And  this  course  (as  if  it  were  of  deceiving  our- ' 
selves,  and  yielding  in  our  apparent  rights,  whereso- 
ever we  could  but  invent  such  ways  of  escape,  as  that 
the  precedent  might  not  be  hurtful)  we  have  held 
more  than  once  this  parliament,  upon  desire  to  avoid 
that,  which  to  your  majesty,  by  misinformation, 
(whereof  we  had  cause  to  stand  alvvay  in  doubt)  might 
be  distasteful,  nor  not  approvable ;  so  dear  hath  your 

majesty  been  unto  usa." From  these  instances,  and 

many  more  might  be  produced,  of  James's  treatment 
of  his  parliaments,  we  may  be  able  to  judge  of  the 
knowledge,  or  honesty  of  father  Orleans,  who  speaks 
of  his  "extraordinary  complaisance  towards  the  par- 
liament, from  his  first  accession  to  the  throne,  which  he 
always  consulted,"  says  he,  "  not  only  in  the  weighty 
affairs  of  state,  but  even  in  most  of  those  that  con- 
cerned his  family;  condescending  to  their  advice;  pre- 
tending a  mighty  regard  not  to  infringe  their  privi- 
leges; asking  few  extraordinary  supplies,  and  choosing 
rather  to  be  streightened  in  his  way  of  living,  than 
to  administer  occasion  of  complaint  by  filling  his 
coffers  b." 

Light  and  trifling,  or  even  innocent  actions  were 

a  Commons'  protestation :  Anno  primo  Jac.  primi,  in  Morgan's  Phoenix 
Britannicus,  p.  120.  See  also  Oldcastle's  Remarks,  p.  248.  h  D,  Or- 
leans' Revolutions  in  England,  p.  4.  Bvo.  Lend.  1711. 


236  THE  LIFE  OF 

had  little  or  no  regard  to,   as  appeared  by 

most  severely  punished  by  him.]  A  few  instances  will 
be  sufficient  to  prove  this.  In  April  1615,  Oliver  St. 
John,  afterwards  lord  Grandison,  and  lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  was  fined  five  thousand  pounds  in  the  star- 
chamber,  for  opposingthat  benevolence  moved  in  the 
foregoing  session  of  parliament,  which  was  so  abruptly 
dissolved,  though  that  kind  of  benevolence  as  he 

shewed    was  against  law,  reason,  and   religion  a. 

And  Sir  Robert  Mansfield  was  committed  to  the  Mar- 
shalsea,  partly  for  having  consulted  with  Mr.  Whitlock 
the  lawyer,  about  the  validity  of  a  commission  drawn 
for  a  research  into  the  office  of  the  admiralty;  and 
partly  for  denying  to  reveal  the  name  of  the  said  lawyer 
his  friend ;  the  point  touching  a  limb  of  the  king's 
prerogati ve  and  author! ty  b.  And  a  vast  sum  of  money 
was  exacted,  says  Cambden,  in  16 17,  of  the  citizens 
of  London,  not  without  murmuring0.  What  shall  I 
say  more?  James's  reign  was  full  of  rigour,  severity, 
and  hard  dealing.  Witness  the  earl  of  Northumber- 
land, who  was  fined  thirty  thousand  pounds,  and  con- 
fined from  the  year  1605  to  the  year  1619  in  the 
Tower,  upon  a  mere  suspicion,  without  the  least  proof 
of  his  having  had  knowledge  of  the  powder-plot,  a* 
Cecyll  himself  confessed  in  a  letter  to  Sir  Thomas  Ed- 
monds, dated  Dec.  2,  1605 d.  Witness  Sir  Robert 
Dudly,  who  was  not  allowed  to  make  use  of  the  de- 
positions of  his  witnesses  to  prove  himself  the  legal 
heir  of  his  father,  the  great  earl  of  Leicester;  and  who 
was  also  deprived  of  his  honours  and  estates  most  ini- 
quitously,  as  appeared  to  prince  Henry,  and  to  king 

a  Cabala,  p.  361.  and  Oldys's  Life  of  Raleigh,  p.  180.  note a.  b  Reli- 
quiae Wottonianae,  p.  418.  c  Annals  of  K.  James  in  compleat  Hist. 
p.  647.  "  Birch's  View  of  the  Negotiations,  p.  245.  See  also  Osborn, 
p.  500. 


JAMES  I.  237 

Iris  unparalleled  treatment  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh 69,  the  glory  of  his  age  and  nation, 

Charles  the  first*.  And  witness  Sir  Thomas  Lake, 
and  many  others  whose  fines  were  vastly  beyond  their 
supposed  crimes,  and  such  as  ought  not  in  justice  or 
equity  to  have  been  inflicted  on  them.  In  short,  such 
ns  displeased  James,  he  had  no  mercy  on,  but  made 
them  feel  the  weight  of  his  sore  displeasure. 

ep  His  unparalleled  treatment  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh.} 
Raleigh  was  a  man  in  point  of  bravery  and  conduct, 
of  wit  and  understanding,  of  prudence  and  ability,  of 
learning  and  judgment,  inferior  to  none  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived,  and  superior  to  most.  What  were  his 
actions  before  the  accession  of  James,  those  who  have 
curiosity  may  see  admirably  described  either  by  Mr. 
Oldys,  or  Dr.  Birch,  in  their  respective  lives  of  this 
wonderful  man,  prefixed  to  his  history  of  the  world, 
and  his  political,  commercial  and  philosophical  works. 

Queen  Elizabeth  knew  his  merit,  and  valued  him 
highly.  James  on  the  contrary  was  prejudiced  against 
him  ;  had  little  sense  of  his  worth,  and  soon  ill  treated 
him  by  taking  from  him  his  postof  captain  of  the  guards, 
and  giving  it  to  Sir  Thomas  Erskin,  a  Scotish  favourite. 
In  July,  1603,  he  was  confined  on  account  of  a  plot  in 
which  he  was  said  to  be  engaged  with  the  lords  Cobham 
and  Grey,  and  several  priests,  and  gentlemen,  in  order 
to  extirpate  the  king  and  his  issue;  set  the  lady  Ara- 
bella on  the  throne;  give  peace  to  Spain  ;  and  tolerate 
the  Romish  religion.  On  the  15th  of  November  the 
same  year  he  was  arraigned  at  Winchester  for  these 

a  See  the  Patent  of  K.  Charles  I.  for  creating  Alice,  lady  Dudly,  a 
duchess  of  England,  in  the  appendix  to  Leicester's  Life,  note  13.  Lond. 
1727.  8vo. 


238  THE  LIFE  OF 

whom  he  caused  to  be  executed  after  a  res- 
pite of  a  great  number  of  years,  without  the 

things  ;  and  after  having  had  the  civil  and  polite  appel- 
lations of  viper,  traitor,  and  odious  man,  who  had  a 
Spanish  heart,  and  was  a  spider  of  hell,  bestowed  on 
him  by  the  famous  Coke,  attorney-general :  after  having 
been  dignified  with  these   titles,  he  was   brought  in 
guilty,  though  not  the  least  shadow  of  a  proof  was 
brought  against  him.     I  say  not  the  least  shadow  of  a 
proof;  for  whoever  will  read  his  trial,  or  any  impartial 
accounts  which  are  given  of  it,  will  not  help  standing 
amazed  to  find  how  it  was  possible,  after  the  defence 
he  made,  upon  such  wretched  allegations  to  convict 
him.     But  he  was  out  of  favour  at  court ;  like  Sydney, 
he  was  talked  to  death  by  the  lawyers ;  and  in  those 
times  when  the  crown  was  against  a  man,  he  was  al- 
most sure  of  being  condemned.     When  I  consider  the 
bitterness,  severity,  and  almost  malice  which  appeared 
in  the  council  for  the  crown,  against  the  state   pri- 
soners in  this,  the  foregoing,  and  some  of  the  subse- 
quent reigns,  I  cannot  help  thinking,  that  the  gentle- 
men of  that  profession  are  very  much  altered  for  the 
better.     They  have  more  regard  to  truth,  justice,  and 
humanity;  and   consequently,  though  they  may   not 
have  as  many  cases,  precedents  or  statutes  to  cite,  or 
pervert  as  Coke  had,  yet  are  they  vastly  more  valuable. 
I  hope  the  reader  will  pardon  a  digression,  into  which 
indignation  at  Raleigh's  vile  treatment  drew  me.     I 
now  go  on   with  the  narration.     Upon  Sir  Walter's 
condemnation,  all  his  lands  and  offices  were  seized, 
and  himself  committed  close  prisoner  to  the  Tower. 
But  the  iniquity  of  his  sentence  was  visible   to   all. 
The  king  of  Denmark,  queen  Anne,  prince  Henry, 


JAMES  I.  239 

least  colour  of  a  pretence:  and  likewise 

all  thought  him  innocent,  after  having  examined  into 
his  crimes  a ;  and  even  James,  I  believe,  did  not  deem 
him  guilty.  He  respited  his  sentence,  and  suffered 
him  to  enjoy  his  fortune  seven  years  after.  Then  Sher- 
burn  castle  was  thought  a  thing  worth  having  by  Ker, 
(afterwards  earl  of  Somerset)  and  though  it  was  en- 
tailed on  his  children,  means  were  found,  for  the  want 
of  one  single  word,  to  have  the  conveyance  pro- 
nounced invalid,  and  Sherburn  forfeited  to  the  crown. 
After  sixteen  years  imprisonment,  Sir  Walter  proposed 
his  voyage  to  Guiana;  got  his  liberty,  gave  in  his 
scheme  of  his  intended  proceedings  to  James,  who 
after  having  given  him  power  of  life  and  death,  and  a 
proper  commission,  revealed  his  designs  to  Gonda- 
more,  and  thereby  rendered  them  abortive.  Upon  his 
returning  unsuccessful  through  the  fault  of  his  master, 
and  other  causes,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Spanish 
ambassador,  he  was  seized,  imprisoned,  and,  to  the 
admiration  of  all  men,  on  his  old  sentence  beheaded. 
In  charging  James  with  betraying  Raleigh  to  the 
Spanish  ambassador,  I  do  him  no  injustice ;  as  will 
appear  from  a  letter  of  Sir  Walter's  to  secretary  Win- 
wood.  "  It  pleased  his  majesty  so  little  to  value  us,  as 
to  command  me  upon  my  allegiance,  to  set  down 
under  my  hand  the  country,  and  the  very  river  by 
which  I  was  to  enter  it,  to  set  down  the  number 
of  my  men,  and  burthen  of  my  ships,  and  what  ord- 
nance every  ship  carried,  which  being  known,  to  the 
Spanish  ambassador,  and  by  him  sent  to  the  king  of 
Spain,  a  dispatch  was  made,  and  letters  sent  from 
Madrid,  before  my  departure  out  of  the  Thames ;  for 

«  Raleigh's  Works,  vol.  II.  p.  362. 


240  THE  LIFE  OF 

by  his  saving  Somerset,   and  his  lady  7°, 

his  first  letter  sent  by  a  bark  of  advice,  was  dated  the 
19th  of  March,  1617,  at  Madrid,  which  letter  I  have 
here  enclosed  sent  to  your  honour;  the  rest  1  reserve, 
not  knowing  whether  they  may  be  intercepted  or  not2." 
The  reader,  no  doubt,  is  shocked  at  such  vile  treatment 
of  so  worthy  a  man,  and  cannot  fail  of  being  filled 
with  horror  at  it.  The  sentence  in  the  first  place  was 
unjust;  his  imprisonment  was  a  monstrous  hardship; 
but  the  execution  of  his  sentence  cruel  and  abominable. 
70  He  saved  Somerset  and  his  lady  from  the  punish- 
ment which  the  laws  had  justly  doomed  them  to,  for 
their  crimes.]  Robert  Ker  had  been  first  one  of  the 
king's  pages  ;  being  dismissed  from  this  post,  he  went 
into  France,  and  from  thence  returning,  through  ac- 
cident he  was  taken  notice  of  by  James,  and  quickly 
was  made  gentleman  of  the  bed-chamber,  and  became 
sole  favourite.  In  1613,  he  was  advanced  to  be  lord 
high  treasurer  of  Scotland,  and  the  same  year  was 
raised  to  be  a  peer  of  England,  by  the  stile  and  title 
of  viscount  Rochester  Soon  after  he  had  the  garter, 
and  was  created  earl  of  Somerset,  and  made  lord  cham- 
berlain of  the  household.  A  little  before  this,  he  had 
become  intimate  with  the  wife  of  the  earl  of  Essex, 
Frances  Howard,  daughter  of  the  earl  of  Suffolk,  who, 
in  order  to  make  way  for  her  marriage  with  him,  got 
a  divorce  from  her  husband.  Soon  after  they  were 
married;  and  soon  after  one  of  the  most  iniquitous 

actions  was  done,  that  we  read  of  in  history. Sir 

Thomas  Overbury,  the  friend  of  Somerset,  and  one  to 
whom  he  owed,  as  Sir  Thomas  himself  says,  "more 
than  to  any  soul  living,  both  for  his  fortune,  under- 

»  Raleigh's  Works,  vol.  II.  p.  367. 


JAMES  I.  241 

from  that  punishment  which  the  laws  had 
justly  doomed  them  to,  by  reason  of  their 

standing  and  reputation8:"  he,  I  say,  endeavouring 
to  dissuade  him  from  the  match,  thereby  incurred  the 
hatred  of  him,  and  his  lady.  For  refusing  to  go  as 
ambassador  abroad,  which  Somerset  advised  him  to 
refuse,  he  was  clapt  up  into  the  Tower,  and  there 
confined  many  months ;  and  by  a  variety  of  poisons, 
made  use  of  by  the  agents  of  the  earl  and  his  lady, 
which  cruelly  tormented  him,  was  at  length  put  an  end 
to,  and  it  was  given  out  that  he  died  of  the  pox  b. 
But  the  truth  could  not  be  long  concealed.  Villiers 
now  began  to  supplant  Somerset,  and  soon  got  the  as- 
cendancy. Every  man  endeavoured  to  raise  the  one, 
and  pull  down  the  other.  The  murder  was  discovered. 
James  came  to  the  knowledge  of  it,  and  uttered  the 
deepest  imprecations  against  himself  and  posterity,  if 
he  spared  any  that  were  found  guilty0,  But  his  reso- 
lution remained  not.  The  instruments  were  brought  to 
their  deserved  end;  but  those  who  made  use  of  them 
escaped.  On  the  24th  of  May,  1616,  the  countess  of 
Somerset  was  brought  to  her  trial,  and  the  earl  the 
next  day ;  the  first,  after  some  denials  in  the  court, 
confessed  the  fact,  and  begged  for  mercy ;  the  other 
stood  upon  his  innocency,  and  was  found  guilty ;  as 
there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  he  was.  All  mankind 
expected  upon  this,  that  the  judgment  against  them 
would  have  been  executed.  But  on  the  contrary,  a 
pardon  was  granted  the  lady,  "  because  the  processe 
and  judgment  against  her  were  not  as  of  a  principal 

•  Winwood,  vol.  III.  p.  478.  b  See  Sir  Francis  Bacon's  Speech  at 

tbe  arraignment  of  the  earl  of  Somerset,  and  Truth  brought  to  Light  by 
Time,  p.  52.  Loud.  1651.  4to.  c  See  note  33. 

VOL.    I.  B 


THE  LIFE  OF 

abominable  crimes.  Somerset,  indeed,  had 
been  a  favourite;  and  to  his  favourites, 

(says  the  pardon)  but  as  of  an  accessary  before  the 
fact  V  .As  for  the  earl  he  had  a  remission  under  the 
great  seal  of  England,  Oct.  7,  16G4,  and  was  suffered 
to  enjoy  the  greatest  part  of  his  estate,  and  thought 
himself  but  ill-used  that  he  was  not  restored  to  the 
whole  b.  And  such  was  the  favour  shewed  unto  him 
by  James,  that  though  he  was  convicted  of  felony, 
his  arms  were  not  permitted  to  be  removed  out  of  the 
chapel  of  Windsor ;  and  upon  his  account  it  was 
ordered  "  that  felony  should  not  be  reckoned  amongst 
the  disgraces  for  those  who  were  to  be  excluded  from 
the  order  of  St.  George ;  which  was  without  prece- 
dent c." This  was  the  justice  of  James.  One  of  the 

best  of  his  subjects  was  executed  for  no  real  crime  ; 
two  of  the  worst  of  them  escaped  punishment  for  the 
blackest  and  most  detestable.  It  is  the  duty  of  kings 
to  protect  the  innocent,  and  punish  the  guilty.  It  is 
the  part  of  a  just  king,  as  well  as  of  an  honest  man, 
to  render  unto  every  one  his  due.  Honour  and  praise 
should  be  bestowed  on  the  deserving ;  ignominy,  shame 
and  punishment  should  follow  those  who  trample  under 
foot  the  sacred  laws  of  society,  and  humanity.  But 
James  permitted  not  these  to  follow  (as  far  as  he  could 
help  it)  the  crimes  of  Somerset  and  his  lady,  though 
none  were  more  deserving  of  them.  Princes  it  must 
be  owned  have  a  right  to  relax  the  rigour  of  the  laws, 
or  suspend  their  execution  in  some  cases.  But  then 
there  ought  to  be  a  just  reason  for  it.  Whereas  in  the 

*  See  the  Pardon  in  Truth  brought  to  Light  by  Time,  p.  1 82.        "  Craw- 
furd's  Lives,  p.  402.  and  Cabala,  p.  221.  e  Cambden's  Annals  of 

K.  James  in  the  Compleat  Hist.  p.  646. 


JAMES  I.  fi43 

James  was  kind  in  all  things ;  condescend- 
ing to  what ?1  was  below  his  dignity  in  order 

case  of  Somerset,  as  well  as  of  his  lady  (though  a 
respect  to  her  father,  friends  and  family  are  mentioned 
as  a  motive  to  the  pardoning  of  her)  hardly  one  of 
those  causes  of  relaxing  punishment  mentioned  by  the 
civilians  are  found  a.  But  there  certainly  was  a  reason, 
whatever  it  was,  for  this  favour  shewed  to  Somerset. 
Mr.  Mallet  has  quoted  some  passages  from  the  original 
letter  of  Sir  Francis  Bacon  (a  name  always  to  be  valued 
by  the  lovers  of  learning)  then  attorney-general,  and 
particularly  employed  in  this  very  affair,  from  whence 
it  appears  that  James  shewed  an  extreme  solicitude 
about  the  earl's  behaviour  at  his  trial  and  the  event  of 
it ;  that  he  was  afraid  lest  by  his  insolent  and  con- 
temptuous behaviour  at  the  bar,  he  should  make  him- 
self incapable  or  unworthy  of  favour  and  mercy; 
which,  together  with  the  letter  written  by  him  after 
his  condemnation  to  the  king,  in  a  stile  rather  of  ex- 
postulation and  demand,  than  of  humility  and  suppli- 
cation, makes  him  conclude,  and,  I  think,  not  unjustly, 
that  there  was  an  important  secret  in  his  keeping,  of 
which  the  king  dreaded  a  discovery b.  Some  have 
thought  the  discovery  dreaded,  was  the  manner  of 
prince  Henry's  death,  which  was  believed  to  have  been 
by  poison  ;  but  if  I  may  be  allowed  to  offer  a  conjee-1 
ture,  for  I  deem  it  no  more,  it  was  the  revealing  of 
that  vice  to  which  James  seems  to  have  been  addicted  % 
that  was  the  object  of  his  fear.  Whether  in  this  con- 
jecture I  am  right,  the  reader  will  determine. 

1  To  his  favourites  James  was  kind  in  all  things ; 

•  See  Puffendorf,  b.  8.  c.  3.  sect.  17.  and  Grotius  de  jure  belli  ac  pads, 
lib.  2.  cap.  20.  sec.  25,  26.  b  Mallet's  Life  of  Lord  Bacon,  p.  65 — 72,, 

Svo.  Lond.  1740,  and  Cabala,  p.  53.         c  See  note  31. 
R  2 


THE  LIFE  OF 
to  please  or  serve  them  in  almost  anv  mat- 

*       .    'A  •/ 

ters  ;  submitting  even  to  be  affronted,  and 

condescending  to  what  was  below  his  dignity,  in  order 
to  please  or  serve  them.]  I  have  already  taken  notice 
of  James's  favour  to  Lennox  and  Arran  when  in  Scot- 
land a,  to  Kerand  others  after  his  coining  into  England  b; 
and  now  I  must  inform  my  reader,  that  he  promoted 
George  Villiers  from  the  rank  of  a  mere  private  gentle- 
man, on  the  account  of  his  beauty,  to  the  degree  of  a 
knight,  and  gentleman  of  the  bedchamber;  master  of 
the  horse;  baron,  viscount,  earl,  marquis,  and  duke 
of  Buckingham,  and  admiral  of  England,  within  the 
space  of  a  very  few  years0.  This  man,  who  seems  to 
have  had  no  great  capacity,  and  less  knowledge,  ruled 
every  thing ;  he  advanced  his  relations  to  some  of  the 
highest  honours,  and  greatly  enriched  himself;  for  at 
the  time  of  his  death  he  was  possessed,  of  near  4000 
pounds  a  year,  and  had  300,000  pounds  in  jewels, 
though  he  owed  60,000  pounds  d.  I  do  not  think  this 
account  of  his  jewels,  beyond  the  truth.  "  For  it  was 
common  with  him  at  an  ordinary  dancing  to  have  his 
cloaths  trimmed  with  great  diamond  buttons,  and  to 
have  diamond  hat-bands,  cockades  and  earrings  ;  to  be 
yoked  with  great  and  manifold  ropes  and  knots  of 
pearl ;  in  short  to  be  manacled,  fettered  and  imprisoned 
in  jewels  ;  insomuch  that  at  his  going  over  to  Paris,  in 
16*25,  he  had  27  suits  of  cloaths  made,  the  richest 
that  embroidery,  lace,  silk,  velvet,  gold  and  gems 
could  contribute;  one  of  which  was  a  white  uncut 
velvet,  set  all  over,  both  suit  and  cloak,  with  diamonds, 

*  Note  3.  b  Notes  23  and  24.  c  See  Cambden's  Annals  of 

K.  James,  in  the  Compleat  History.  d  SeeTindal's  Notes  on  Rapin, 

vol.  II.  p.  276. 


JAMES  I.  t  245 

insulted  by  them ;  and  -yielding*  to'  their  de- 
valued at  fourscore  thousand  pounds,  besides  a  great 
feather  stuck  all  over  with  diamonds ;  as  were  also  his 
sword,  girdle,  hat-band  and  spurs."  This  account  is 
taken  from  a  MS  in  the  Harleian  library,  B.  H.  QO. 
c.  7.  fol.  642.  as  I  find  it  quoted  by  Mr.  Oldys a.  A 
man  who  in  the  midst  of  pleasures  could  find  money 
for  such  monstrous  extravagancies,  and  yet  at  the 
same  time  grow  rich,  must  have  had  a  very  kind  and 
bountiful  master  indeed ! — But  James  was  not  only 
kind  to  his  favourites  in  respect  of  giving  them  wealth 
and  honours,  but  he  studied  by  all  possible  methods  to 
please  and  serve  them.  For  Somerset  had  no  sooner 
determined  to  marry  lord  Essex's  wife,  than  the  king  • 
yielded  him  all  possible  assistance  in  order  to  accom- 
plish it.  For  he  got  over  the  bishops  of  Ely  and  Co- 
ventry, (Andrews  and  Neal)  who  had  been  vehemently 
against  the  divorce  from  Essex,  for  alleged,  and,  in-* 
deed,  confessed  impotency  on  his  part  with  respect  to 
her  b.  And  when  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  (Ab- 
bot) could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  change  sides  that  he 
might  please,  his  majesty  himself  undertook  to  answer 
his  reasons,  and  to  shew  that  there  was  "  warrant  in 
scripture  for  pronouncing  a  nullity  propterfiigiditatem, 
and  that  all  the  means  which  might  make  \\imfrigidus 
vtrsus hanc  must  be  included  therein6;"  in  prosecution 

*  Life  of  ftaleigh,  p.  145,  in  the  note  c.  b  Winwood,  vol.  III. 

p.  475.  c  Truth  brought  to  Light  by  Time,  p.  101.  Franklin,  p.  3. 

Welrlon,  p.  71.  Aulicus  Coquinariae,  p.  112.  Lond.  1650.  12mo.  The 
referring  to  Aulicus  Coquinar'ue,  gives  me  an  opportunity  of  pointing  out 
to  the  public  its  true  author  ;  of  which  both  Wood,  Tindal,  and  Oldys,  as 
well  as  Dr.  Grey,  and  all  the  writers  I  have  hitherto  seen,  seem  to  be 
ignorant.-  •  The  writer  of  this  piece  is  no  other  than  Will.  Saunderson, 
author  of  the  History  of  James  I.  deservedly  treated  with  contempt,  on  ac- 
count of  the  poorness  of  its  composition,  and  gross  partiality.  See  Saunder- 
600'sproeme  to  the  Second  Part  of  the  History  of  James  I.  folio.  Load.  1656. 


$46  THE  LIFE  OF 

sires  even  sometimes  contrary  to  his  own 

of  which  he  made  use  of  many  obscene  expressions. 
Jlowever,  he  carried  the  cause.  The  lady  was  divorced, 
and  soon  after  married  Somerset;  and  then  they  per- 
petrated the  crime  for  which  they  were  condemned,  and 
which  I  have  spoken  of  in  the  note  preceding. — With 
Regard  to  Buckingham  his  next  favourite,  James  was 
still  more  obliging.  In  his  speech  to  his  parliament 
in  the  year  1620,  among  other  things  he  tells  them, 
"that  he  had  abated  much  in  his  navies,  in  the  charge 
of  his  munition  ;  and  had  made  not  choice  of  an  old 
Beaten  soldier  for  his  admiral,  but  rather  chose  a  young 
man,  [Buckingham]  whose  honesty  and  integrity  he 
knew,  whose  care  had  been  to  appoint  under  him  suffi- 
cient men,  to  lessen  his  charges,  which  he  had  done1." 
••->.  .  In  another  speech  to  the  lords,  in  the  year  1621, 
in  order  to  recommend  his  minion  to  their  esteem,  he 
tells  them,  "  that  he  hath  been  ready  on  all  occasions 
of  good  offices,  both  for  the  house  in  general,  and 
every  member  in  particular  V  And  in  an  answer  of 
his  to  both  houses  of  parliament,  Anno  1623,  he  stiles 
him  "  his  disciple  and  scholar,  and  a  good  scholar  of 
his0."  These  expressions  sound  odd  enough,  but  they 
are  tolerable  when  compared  with  those  we  find  in  his 
preface  to  his  meditation  on  the  Lord's  Prayer.  For  in 
this  James  tells  Buckingham,  that  he  may  claim  an 
interest  in  it  for  divers  respects.  "  First,"  says  he, 
"from  the  ground  of  my  writing  it;  fox  divers  times 
before  I  meddled  with  it,  I  told  you,  and  only  you,  of 
some  of  my  conceptions  upon  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and 
you  often  sollicited  me  to  put  pen  to  paper :  next,  as 
the  person  to  whom  we  pray  it,  is  our  heavenly  father, 

»  RusUwortb,  vol.  L  p.  ?.?.  and  Franklin,  p.  49.  b  Id.  p.  25. 

f  Id.  p.  127. 


JAMES  I.  247 

sense  of  things. He  professed  himself 

so  am  I  that  offer  it  unto  you,  not  only  your  politike, 
but  also  your  ceconomicke  father,  and  that  in  a  nearer 
degree  than  unto  others.  Thirdly,  that  you  may  make 
good  use  of  it;  for  since  I  daily  take  care  to  better 
your  understanding,  to  enable  you  the  more  for  my 
service  in  worldly  affairs,  reason  would  that  God's  part 
should  not  be  left  out,  for  timor  Domini  is  witium  sapi- 
cntia.  And  lastly,  I  must  with  joy  acknowledge,  that 
you  deserve  this  gift  of  me,  in  not  only  giving  so  good 
-example  to  the  rest  of  the  court,  in  frequent  hearing 
of  the  word  of  God :  But  in  special,  in  so  often  re- 
ceiving the  sacrament,  which  is  a  notable  demonstra- 
tion of  ytmr  charitie  in  pardoning  them  that  offend 
you,  that  being  the  thing  I  most  labour  to  recommend 
to  the  world  in  this  meditation  of  mine  :  and  how  godly 
and  virtuous  all  my  advices  have  ever  been  unto  you, 
I  hope  you  will  faithfully  witness  to  the  world  *."  How 
godly  and  virtuous  all  his  advices  weye  to  this  his  dis- 
ciple, the  reader  will  easily  judge  by  looking  back  to 
\vhatis  contained  in  note  31.  But  had  they  been  such 
as  he  would  have  the  world  believe,  it  was  very  mean 
in  a  king  to  trumpet  forth  his  own,  and  his  favourite's 
praises.  Possibly,  however,  James  may  be  excused 
on  account  of  his  age,  as  he  himself  seems  to  think  he 
should  be  for  uttering  trifles.  "  I  grow  in  years,"  says 
he,  "  and  old-men  are  twice  babes,  as  the  proverb  is  b." 
But  if  they  are  babes,  and  pretend  to  act  the  part  of 
men,  to  reason,  dictate  and  command,  though  they 
may  be  borne  with,  they  will  be  laughed  at.  For  there 
is  not  a  more  ridiculous  object,  than  that  which  is  com- 
pounded of  ignorance,  conceit  and  vanity. Let  us 

»  King  James's  Works,  p.  513.  !»  Ib.p.  572. 

4 


248  THE  LIFE  OF 

to  be  a  protestant,  and  boasted  that  he  had 

go  on  with  our  subject.  If  we  may  credit  Sir  Edward 
Peyton,  his  majesty  condescended  even  to  pimp  for 
Buckingham.  "  To  please  this  favourite,  (says  he) 
king  James  gave  way  for  the  duke  to  entice  others  to 
his  will.  Two  examples  I  will  recite  :  First,  the  king 
entertained  Sir  John  Crafts,  and  his  daughter,  a  beau- 
tiful lass,  at  Newmarket,  to  set  at  the  table  with  the 
king.  This  he  did  then,  to  procure  Buckingham  the 
easier  to  vitiate  her.  Secondly,  Mrs.  Dorothy  Gawdy, 
being  a  rare  creature,  king  James  carried  Buckingham 
to  Culford  to  have  his  will  on  that  beauty :  But  Sir 
Nicholas  Bacon's  sons  conveyed  her  out  of  a  window 
into  a  private  chamber,  over  the  leads,  and  so  disap- 
pointed the  duke  of  his  wicked  purpose.  In  which 
cleanly  conveyance  the  author  had  a  hand,  with  the 
knight's  sons*."  These  were  the  fruits  no  doubt  of 
James's  virtuous  and  ijodlv  advices,  and  bv  these  they 

O  •/  '  •  d 

were  faithfully  witnessed  to  the  world  by  Buckingham, 
as  we  see  his  master  hoped.  For  certain  it  is  he  was 
exceedingly  addicted  to  women,  and  had  debauched 
his  own  wife  before  marriage;  and  "  if  his  eye  culled 
out  a  wanton  beauty,  he  had  his  setters  that  could 
spread  his  nets,  and  point  a  meeting  at  some  lady's 
house,  where  he  should  come  as  by  accident  and  find 
accesses,  while  all  his  train  attended  at  the  door,  as  if 
it  were  an  honourable  visit b." And  in  order  to  en- 
rich himself  and  kindred,  he  was  permitted  by  James 
to  make  the  most  he  could  of  every  thing.  He  who 
understood  neither  law  nor  divinity,  who  had  no  ap- 
pearances of  virtue,  nor  concern  about  any  thing  but 
to  gratify  his  passions;  Buckingham,  I  say,  had  the 

Divine  Catastrophe,  p.  1*7.  b  Wilson,  p.  14P. 


JAMES  I.  249 

been  a  kind  of  martyr  for  that  profession, 

disposal  of  the  highest  posts  in  the  law  and  in  the 
church,  and  to  him  were  the  most  submissive  addresses 
made  by  the  right  reverend  fathers  in  God.  Those  who 
would  give  the  greatest  sums,  or  pay  the  largest  yearly 
pensions  to  him,  were  the  men  generally  preferred  ; 
and  few  who  would  pay  nothing,  had  any  thing a. 

What  the  power  of  Buckingham  was,  and  what  kind 
of  addresses  were  made  to  him,  will  best  appear  from 
the  following  letter,  among  many  which  might  be  pro- 
duced, from  Dr.  Field,  bishop  of  Landaffe,  to  him, 
though  written  I  think,  sometime  after  James's  death. 

"  My  gracious  good  lord, 

"  In  the  great  library  of  men,  that  I  have  studied 
these  many  years,  your  grace  is  the  best  book,  and 
most  classick  author,  that  i  have  read,  in  whom  I  find 
so  much  goodness,  sweetness  and  nobleness  of  nature, 
such  an  heroick  spirit,  for  boundless  bounty,  as  I  never 
did  in  any.  I  could  instance  in  many,  some  of  whom 
you  have  made  deans,  some  bishops,  some  lords,  and 
privy  counsellors  ;  none  that  ever  looked  towards  your 
grace  did  ever  go  away  empty.  I  need  go  no  further 
than  myself  (a  gum  of  the  earth)  whom  you  raised  out 
of  the  dust,  for  raising  but  a  thought  so  high  as  to 
serve  your  highness.  Since  that  1  have  not  played 
the  truant,  but  more  diligently  studied  you  than  ever 
before  :  and  yet  (dunce  that  1  am)  I  stand  at  a  stay, 
and  am  a  non  proficient,  the  book  being  the  same  that 
ever  it  was,  as  may  appear  by  the  great  proficiency  of 
others.  This  wonderfully  poseth  me,  and  sure  there  is 
some  guile,  some  wile,  in  some  of  my  fellow  students, 

»  See  Weldon,  p.  119. 


£50  THE  LIFE  OF 

though  he  never  shewed  his  regard  to  those 

o  ** 

who  hide  my  book  from  me,  or  some  part  of  it;  all 
the  fault  is  not  in  my  own  blockishness,  that  I  thrive 
no  better ;  I  once  feared  this  before,  that  some  did 
me  ill  offices.  Your  grace  was  pleased  to  protest  no 
man  had;  and  to  assure  me  no  man  could.  My  heart 
tells  me  it  hath  been  always  upright,  and  is  still  most 
faithful  unto  you.  I  have  examined  my  actions,  my 
words,  and  my  very  thoughts,  and  found  all  of  them, 
ever  since,  most  sound  unto  your  grace.  Give  me 
leave  to  comfort  myself  with  recordatiou  of  your  loving 
kindnesses  of  old,  when  on  that  great  feast  day  of  your 
being  inaugured  our  chancellor  [of  Cambridge]  my 
look  was  your  book,  wherein  you  read  sadness,  to 
which  I  was  bold  to  answer,  I  trusted  your  grace 
would  give  me  no  cause.  You  replied  (with  loss  of 
blood  rather.)  But  God  forbid  so  precious  an  effusion. 
(I  would  rather  empty  all  my  veins  than  you  should 
bleed  one  drop)  when  as  one  blast  of  your  breath  is 
able  to  bring  me  to  the  haven  where  I  would  be.  My 
lord,  I  am  grown  an  old  man,  and  am  like  old  hous- 
hold  stuff,  apt  to  be  broke  upon  often  removing.  I 
desire  it  therefore  but  once  for  all,  be  it  Ely,  or  Bath 
and  Wells;  and  I  will  spend  the  remainder  of  my  clays 
in  writing  an  history  of  your  good  deeds  to  me  and 
others,  whereby  I  may  vindicate  you  from  the  envy, 
and  obloquy  of  this  present  wicked  age  wherein  we 
live,  and  whilst  I  live  in  praying  for  your  grace,  whose 
I  am,  totally  and  finally. 

"  Theophilus  Landaven  V 

A  man  who  could  obtain  a  good  bishoprick,  by  such 
arts  as   these,  with  great  sincerity  of  soul,  no  doubt, 

»  Cabala,  p.  117. 


JAMES  I.  25 i 

of  that  persuasion  in  Germany  or  France, 
but  suffered  them  to  be  oppressed  by  the 

might  say,  wo/o  epixcopari !  I  do  not  know  whether  it 
is  worth  while  to  observe  that  Field's  Battery  and  syco- 
phancy availed  nothing  with  Buckingham.  He  had 
been  too  much  used  to  it,  and  so  had  lost  its  relish. 
Money  was  what  he  wanted  :  but  Field  was  poor,  had 
a  wife  and  six  children,  and  consequently  could  ad- 
•vance  little;  and  therefore  remained  where  he  was,  till 
Dec.  15,  1635,  long  after  Villiers'  death,  when  he  was 
removed  to  Hereford,  which  he  enjoyed  not  more  than 
half  a  year*.  I  would  not  have  the  reader  think  ec- 
clesiastical preferments  are  now  obtained  by  like  means 
as  in  the  days  of  James.  Buckingham  having  obtained 
riches  and  honours  in  abundance  for  himself  and  all  his 
relations,  grew  quite  insolent :  Insomuch  that  he  was 
once  about  to  strike  prince  Charles b  :  and  at  another 

time  bid  him  in  plain  terms  kiss  his  a ,  yea  towards 

James  himself,  he  was  highly  insolent.  For  when  his 
majesty  attempted  to  dissuade  him  and  the  prince 
from  taking  the  journey  into  Spain,  to  which  he  had 
before  thoughtlessly  given  his  consent;  he  rudely  told 
him,  "  no  body  could  believe  any  thing  he  said,  when 
he  retracted  so  soon  the  promise  he  had  made  ;  that  he 
plainly  discerned  that  it  proceeded  from  another  breach 
of  his  word,  in  communicating  with  some  rascal,  who 
had  furnished  him  with  those  pitiful  reasons  he  had 
alledged,  and  that  he  doubted  not  but  he  should  here- 
after know  who  his  counsellor  had  been0."  In  short, 
directly  contrary  to  the  mind  of  his  master,  he  irri- 

a  See  Cabala,  p.  116.  and  Willis's  Survey  of  Cathedrals,  vol.  I.  p.  526. 
4to.  Lend.  1727.  b  Clarendon,  vol.  I.  p.  25.  and  Weldon,  p.  140. 

'  Clarendon,  vol.  I.  p.  16. 


«52  THE  LIFE  OF 

houses  of  Bourbon,  and  Austria  7%  without 
affording  them  assistance  of  any  value  ; 

tated  the  parliament  against  Spain ;  reflected  on  the 
conduct  of  the  earl  of  Bristol,  and  told  them  what  was 
not  true  with  relation  to  him,  and  set  on  a  prosecution 
against  him;  and  ruined  the  earl  of  Middlesex,  (I 
mean  with  respect  to  his  power)  though  intreated  by 
the  king  to  the  contrary51.  But  James  bore  all  this, 
though  not  without  uneasiness ;  and  submitted  to  be 
led  by  his  favourite  quite  contrary  to  his  inclinations. 
A  sure  sign  of  his  weakness !  For  princes  have  it  in 
their  power  at  all  times  to  be  obeyed,  if  they  require 
nothing  contrary  to  the  laws :  and  such  of  them  as 
suffer  themselves  to  be  affronted,  contradicted  or  me- 
naced by  their  servants,  and  yet  continue  unto  them 
their  favour,  shew  unto  all  men  that  they  are  unworthy 
to  be  trusted  with  the  government  and  defence  of  a 
whole  people.  For  their  courage  and  understanding 

can  be  but  of  a  very  low  kind. However,  possibly 

the  same  reason  which  induced  James  to  pardon  Somer- 
set, made  him  bear  the  insolence  of  Buckingham. 

72  He  professed  himself  a  protestant,  and  boasted 
of  his  having  been  a  kind  of  martyr  for  that  profession, 
— but  he  suffered  those  of  that  persuasion  in  France 
and  Germany,  to  be  oppressed  by  the  houses  of  Bour- 
bon, and  Austria.]  In  his  speech  to  the  parliament  in 
the  year  16G4,  we  have  the  following  expressions  : 
"  What  religion  I  am  of,  my  books  do  declare,  my 
profession  and  behaviour  doth  shew  ;  and  I  hope  in 
God  I  shall  never  live  to  be  thought  otherwise ;  surely 
I  shall  never  deserve  it;  and  for  my  part,  I  wish  it 
may  be  written  in  marble,  and  remain  to  posterity  as 

•  Clarendon,  vol.  I.  p.  18—24. 


JAMES  I. 
directly  contrary  to  all  the  maxims  of  good 

u  mark  upon  me,  when  I  shall  swerve  from  my  religion ; 
for  he  that  doth  dissemble  with  God,-  is  not  to  be 
trusted  with  men. 

"  My  lords,  for  my  part,  I  protest  before  God,  that 
my  heart  hath  bled,  when  I  have  heard  of  the  increase 
of  popery ;  God  is  my  judge,  it  hath  been  such  a  great 
grief  to  me,  that  it  hath  been  as  thorns  in  my  eyes, 
and  pricks  in  my  sides ;  and  so  far  I  have  been,  and 
shall  be,  from  turning  another  way.  And,  my  lords 
and  gentlemen,  you  shall  be  my  confessors,  that  one 
way  or  other  it  hath  been  my  desire  to  hinder  the 
growth  of  popery  ;  and  I  could  not  have  been  an  honest 
man,  if  I  should  have  done  otherwise.  And  this  I 
may  say  further,  that  if  I  be  not  a  martyr,  I  ain  sure 
1  am  a  confessor ;  and  in  some  sense  I  may  be  called 
a  martyr,  as  in  the  scripture,  Isaac  was  persecuted  by 
Ishmael,  by  mocking  words;  for  never  king  suffered 
more  ill  tongues  than  I  have  done ;  and  J  am  sure 
for  no  cause*." — "  Long  before  this,  in  the  year 
1.609,  in  a  speech  at  Whitehall,  he  says,  that  with 
his  own  pen  he  had  brought  the  pope's  quarrel  upon 
him,  and  proclaimed  publique  defiance  to  Babylon  V 
Would  not  one  think  from  thence  that  James  had  the 
protestant  interest  at  heart,  and  that  he  was  a  mighty 
champion  for  it?  that  he  had  taken  it  under  his  pro- 
tection, .and  had  fought  zealously  in  its  cause?  those 
who  knew  not  the  man,  might  have  been  imposed  on 
by  his  speeches  ;  such  as  did,  could  not.  We  have 
seen  his  unaccountable  behaviour  in  the  business  of 
the  Palatinate,  the  loss  of  which  had  well  nigh  termi- 
nated in  the  total  ruin  of  the  protestant  religion  in 

*  Frankland's  Annals,  p.  101.  b  King  James's  Works,  p.  544^ 


254  THE  LIFE  OF 

policy,  and  the  conduct  of  queen  Elizabeth, 

Germany,  as  alsd  of  the  liberties  of  Europe.  For  Fer- 
dinand the  second  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  being  ab- 
solute master  over  the  Germanic  body,  and  in  conjun- 
ction with  Spain,  to  have  given  the  law  to  all  around 
him.  The  consequence  of  which  must  have  been  the 
total  extirpation  of  the  reformed  every  where.  But 
James  was  no  way  alarmed  at  the  consequence.  He 
would  not  endeavour  to  prevent  it,  but  remained  in 
a  manner  neuter,  if  you  will  believe  him,  "for  con- 
science, honour  and  example's  sake.  In  regard  of 
conscience  judging  it  unlawful  to  inthrone  or  dethrone 
kings  for  religion's  sake;  having  a  quarrel  against  the 
Jesuits,  for  holding  that  opinion.  Besides,  he  saw 
the  world  inclined  to  make  that  a  war  of  religion,  which 
he  would  never  do.  In  point  of  honour  ;  for  that  when 
he  sent  his  ambassador  into  Germany,  to  treat  of  peace, 
in  the  interim,  his  son-in-law  had  taken  the  crown 
upon  him.  And  for  example's  sake ;  holding  it  a 
dangerous  president  against  all  Christian  princes,  to 
allow  a  sudden  translation  of  crowns  by  the  people's 
authority  V  With  such  pretences  as  these  did  he 
cover  his  cowardice,  and  his  unconcern  about  the  civil 
and  religious  rights  of  Europe. 

Wars  to  propagate  religion,  are  whimsical  and  im- 
pious :  But  wars  for  the  defence  of  its  professors,  may 
be  very  just  and  lawful.  To  have  assisted  Frederick 
and  his  honest  Bohemians ;  to  have  encouraged  and 
kept  together  the  princes  of  the  union ;  to  have  di- 
verted the  power  of  Spain,  which  was  at  the  command 
of  Ferdinand;  and  by  every  honest  art  to  have  risen  a 
force  capable  of  withstanding  the  emperor,  was  at  that 

'  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.  16. 


JAMES  I,  255 

who  valued  herself,  not  unjustly,  on  the  aids 

time  incumbent  on  a  king  of  Great  Britain.  This  I 
know  has  been  denied  by  a  very  able  writer*,  who 
asserts,  "  that  if  James  had  entered  into  an  immediate 
war  to  maintain  the  elector  Palatine  on  the  throne  of 
Bohemia,  he  must  have  exhausted  and  ruined  this 
nation  to  support  it."  But  I  must  confess  I  cannot 
see  that  this  would  have  been  the  event.  The  princes 
of  the  union  were,  it  is  true,  not  so  closely  connected 
in  temper  and  interest  as  might  have  been  wished ; 
France  weakly  refused  to  aid  the  foes  of  Ferdinand ; 
and  the  popish  party  at  that  time  was  most  powerful : 
But  still  a  resistance  might  have  been  made;  and  had 
James  had  skill  and  courage  enough  to  have  joined  in 
it,  it  might  have  been  effectual  to  have  withstood  tbe 
attempts  towards  bringing  on  the  whole  world  a  blind 
superstition,  and  a  lawless  rule. 

To  talk  of  ruining  and  exhausting  the  British  na- 
tion, by  engaging  in  this  war  as  a  priucipal,  is,  in  my 
opinion,  unworthy  of  the  penetration  and  abilities  of 
this  writer.  Was  France  ruined  and  exhausted  by 
encountering  this  same  Ferdinand,  when  his  power  by 
success  was  much  more  formidable  than  it  now  was? 
did  not  Richlieu  obtain  the  greatest  glory  by  advising 
the  assistance  of  Gustavus  Adolphus;  by  supporting 
him  with  money  and  troops ;  by  drawing  off  the  con- 
federates of  the  emperor,  and  engaging  every  State 
possible  against  him  ?  Might  not  the  same  thing  have 
been  done  by  James,  and  that  without  injuring  the 
British,  any  more  than  Lewis  the  thirteenth  did  the 
French  nation?  Gustavus  Adolphus  indeed  was  a  great 
captain,  and  headed  a  brave  army:  But  a  great  captain 

*  Oldcastle's  Remarks,  p.  285. 


S56  THE  LIFE  OF 

she  from  time  to  time  had  given  them,  to 

and  a  brave  army  could  not  have  been  wanting,  had 
the  king  of  Great  Britain  fallen  heartily  into  the  war, 
and  supported  it,  as  the  king  of  France  afterwards  did 
by  the  persons  and  purses  of  his  people.  In  short  as  a 
protestant,  James  was  concerned  to  prevent  the  in- 
crease of  the  power  of  Ferdinand,  and  hinder  him  from 
triumphing ;  for  every  victory  of  his  was  a  wound  to 
the  interest  of  the  religion  professed  by  him. 

But  we  see  that  he  was  so  far  from  doing  what  he 
ought  to  have  done  in  this  matter,  that  he  suffered  the 
Bohemians  to  be  reduced;  his  son-in-law  to  be  expelled 
his  dominions;  and  the  protestants  to  be  brought  to 
the  very  brink  of  ruin  in  Germany;  from  which  only 
they  were  delivered  by  the  force  of  Gustavus,  and  the 
abilities  of  Richlieu.  Nor  were  the  reformed  in 
France  more  indebted  to  James,  than  those  in  the 
empire.  At  his  accession  to  the  English  throne,  the 
dukes  la  Tremouille,  and  Bouillon,  together  with  the 
famous  du  Plessis,  had  a  design  to  make  him  protector 
of  the  calvinist  party  in  France3.  But  they  soon  laid 
aside  their  design  after  having  had  a  thorough  know- 
ledge of  his  character.  For  no  man  interested  himself 
less  than  James  in  their  affairs,  no  prince  gave  them 
less  assistance.  He  refused  to  speak  to  Henry  the 
fourth  in  favour  of  Bouillon,  when  solicited  by  him  to 
do  it,  because  he  said  it  did  not  become  a  great  prince 
to  intercede  for  a  rebel  subject b.  And  though  the 
reformed  were  a  very  considerable  body  in  France, 
possessed  of  places  of  strength  and  importance  and 
capable  with  proper  help,  of  making  head  against  all 
tjieir  enemies,  as  they  had  fully  manifested  in  the 

8  See  Sully's  Memoirs,  vol.  II.  p:  15.  b  Id.  ibid. 


JAMES  I.  2,37 

her  own,  as  well  as  their  great  advantage. 
Though  he  was  not  a  catholic  in  persuasion, 

former  civil  wars:  though  they  were  thus  powerful, 
and  consequently  important,  he  stood  tamely  by,  and 
saw  them  divested  of  their  strong  holds,  and  rendered 
almost  wholly  insignificant  as  a  party.  It  is  true, 
James  kept  up  a  kind  of  correspondence  with  Bouil- 
lon, whom  at  first  he  had  refused  to  intercede  for,  and 
by  him  gave  assurances  of  his  "  assisting  the  reformed 
if  the  whole  body  was  assailed,  the  edicts  broken,  and 
fhey  in  danger  of  apparent  ruin:  in  which  case  (says 
Buckingham,  in  a  letter  to  Sir  Thomas  Edmonds)  his 
majesty  doth  engage  himself  to  assist  them;  which 
though  he  should  have  no  other  means  to  perform,  he 
will  call  a  parliament  for  that  purpose,  not  doubting 
but  his  people  will  be  as  ready  to  furnish  him  with 
means,  as  his  majesty  to  engage  himself  to  aid  them 
in  that  cause3."  But  James  was  not  as  good  as  his 
word.  The  reformed  were  assailed  soon  after,  though 
not  in  a  body  :  the  edicts  were  broken  in  numberless 
instances,  particularly  in  taking  from  them  their  strong 
towns;  and  they  were  in  danger  of  apparent  ruinb; 
and  yet  i  know  not  that  James  afforded  them  the.  least 
assistance,  any  farther  than  by  ordering  his  ambassa- 
dors to  use  their  good  offices  on  their  behalf.  "  Yea, 
we  are  assured  by  the  duke  of  Rohan  himself,  one  of 
the  protestant  chiefs,  that  James  urged  him  by  letters 
(in  any  case)  to  make  a  peace,  and  to  submit  to,  and 
wholly  rely  upon  the  promises  of  his  own  sovereign, 
pressing  him  moreover  to  consider  the  affairs  of  his 


1  Birch's- View  of  the  Negotiations,   See.  p.  406.  b  See  How-ell's 

tetters,  p.  90.  and  Hist,  of  the  Edict  of  Nantz,  vol.  it  p.  343,  420. 

VOL      I.  S 


2,58  THE  LIFE  OF 

he  favoured  those  that  were,  provided  they 
would  swear  allegiance  unto  him ;  and  he 

son-in-law,  and  assuring  him  that  he  could  not  pos- 
sibly give  the  reformed  any  assistance1." 

Had  the  reformed  been  properly  aided  during  the 
minority  of  Lewis  the  thirteenth,  their  power  probably 
would  have  been  so  great  that  Richlieu's  arts  would  not 
have  overturned  it :  nor  would  France  have  given  that 
disturbance  to  Europe  she  did,  under  Lewis  the  four- 
teenth.  "  Advantages  (says  a  noble  author)  might 

have  been  taken  of  the  divisions  which  religion  occa- 
sioned; and  supporting  the  protestant  party  in  France, 
would  have  kept  that  crown  under  restraints,  and  under 
inabilities,  in  some  measure  equal  to  those  which  were 
occasioned  anciently  by  the  vast  alienations  of  its  de- 
mesnes, and  by  the  exorbitant  power  of  its  vassals. 
But  James  the  first  was  incapable  of  thinking  with 
sense,  or  acting  with  spirit  V 

And  the  writer  of  Tom  Tell-Troath,  addressed  to 
James,  arid  printed  about  the  year  1(322,  has  the  fol- 
lowing passage.  "  They  (the  French  protestants)  are 
indeed  so  many  hostages  which  God  almighty  has  put 
into  your  majesties  hands  to  secure  you,  and  your  ma- 
jesties dominions  from  all  danger  of  that  country : 
and  to  lose  them  were  no  other  (in  my  opinion)  than 
wilfully  to  tempt  God  to  deliver  us  into  the  hands  of 
our  enemies.  As  long  as  God  hath  any  children  in 
France,  we  shall  be  sure  to  have  brethren  there.  But 
they  once  gone,  your  brother  of  France  will  quickly 

a  Duke  of  Rohan's  Discourse  upon  the  Peace  made  before  Montpellier, 
p.  44.  at  the  end  of  his  Memoirs,  8vo.  Lond.  1660.  b  Uolingbroke's 

Letters  on  the  Study  and  Use  of  History,  vol.  II.  p.  181.  8vo.  Lond. 
1752. 


JAMES  I.  259 

i 

not  only  relaxed73  the  rigour  of  the  laws  in 

shew  whose  child  he  is,  and  how  incompatible  the 
obedience  he  owes  him  (the  pope)  is  with  any  good- 
will he  can  bear  your  majestic.  Since  then  the  tye 
you  have  upon  that  prince's  friendship  is  of  so  loose  a 
knot,  what  can  your  majesty  do  better  for  yourself  and 
yours,  than  to  keep  his  enmity  still  clogged,  by  che- 
rishing and  maintaining  so  good  a  party  in  his  coun- 
try, as  those  of  the  religion8." 

What  Mr.  Kelly  means  by  saying  James  made  the 
interest  of  the  protestants  his  own,  on  more  than  one 
occasion,  1  know  not.  He  refers  us  indeed  to  the  em- 
bassies of  Sir  Edward  Herbert,  and  the  earl  of  Carlisle 
into  France,  in  order  to  intercede  for  the  Hugonots, 
the  latter  of  whom  he  observes  from  Rapin,  spent  vast 
sums,  and  consequently  his  master  must  be  much  in 
earnest  to  do  them  service1*.  But  what  service  did 
James  do  them?  what  success  had  his  applications? 
none ;  and  therefore  we  may  be  sure  he  very  little  re- 
garded them.  Had  this  gentleman  known  the  charac- 
ter of  the  earl  of  Carlisle  as  one  of  the  most  expensive, 
luxurious  men  then  living,  he  would  have  interpreted 
the  words  of  Rapin  as  he  ought.  The  vast  sums  spent 
by  Carlisle,  were  not  on  the  business  of  the  Hugonots, 
or  to  promote  the^r  affairs ;  but  in  dress,  equipage,  and 
house-keeping,  in  which  he  knew  no  bounds.  But  I 
ask  pardon  for  taking  so  much  notice  of  the  mistakes 
of  a  writer  of  so  little  consequence,  either  as  to  know- 
ledge or  judgment. 

73  He  not  only  relaxed  the  rigour  of  the  laws  in  their 
favour,  but  consented  to  such  terms  for  them  in  the 

*  Harleian  Miscellany,  vol.  I!.  512.  b  See  Kelly's  Supplemsntai 

Remarks  on  the  Life  of  James  I.  p.  1.  fol.  Lond. 

S  % 


THE  LIFE  OF 
their  favour,  but  consented  to  such  terms 

marriage  articles  with  Spain  and  France,  as  few  of  hia 
protestant    subjects    approved.]     It    appears   from  a 
letter  of  Matthew  Hutton,   archbishop   of  York,    to 
Cecyll,   lord  Cranborne,   dated    December   18,   1604, 
that  the  papists  by   "  reason  of  some  extraordinary 
favour  were  grown  mightily  in  number,  courage,  and 
influence2."     They  were  in  great  hopes  of  a  toleration, 
when  they  saw  James  set  against  the  puritans;  and  it 
became  so  much  the  general  expectation  among  them, 
that  in  order  to  clear  himself  of  having  intentions  of 
granting  it  to   them,  his  majesty  thought  proper  to 
declare  that  "  he  never  intended  it,  and  would  spend 
the  last  drop  of  his  blood  before  he  would  do  it,  and 
uttered  that  imprecation  on  his  posterity,  if  they  should 
maintain  any  other  religion,  than  what  he  truly  professed 
and  maintained,'*  of  which  I  have  before  taken  notice  b. 
Not  content  herewith  he  ordered  the  laws  against 
them  to  be  put  in  execution,  and  they  underwent  many 
of  them  great  hardships5.     Upon  the  discovery  of  the 
popish  plot,  there  was  a  general  prosecution  of  all 
papists  set  on  foot,  as  might  well  be  expected  :  "  but 
king  James  was  very  uneasy  at  it,"  says  Burnet,  "  which 
was  much  increased  by  what  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  told 
him  upon  his  return  from  Spain,  where  he  had  been 
ambassador;  (which  I  had  from  lord  Hollis,  who  said 
to  me,  that  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  told  it  to  himself,  and 
was  much  troubled  when  he  saw  it  had  an  effect  con- 
trary to  what  he  had  intended.)  When  he  came  home, 
he  found  the  king  at  Theobald's,  hunting  in  a  very 
careless  aud  unguarded  manner:   and   upon  that,  in 

•  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  40.  b  Id.  p  49.  and  note  33.  e  See 

Osborn,  p.  481. 


JAMES  I. 
for  them,    in   the   marriage  articles   with 

order  to  the  putting  him  on  a  more  careful  looking  to 
himself,  he  told  the  king  he  must  either  give  over  that 
way  of  hunting,  or  stop  another  hunting  he  was  en- 
gaged in,  which  was  priest  hunting  :  For  he  had  intel- 
ligence in  Spain,  that  the  priests  were  comforting 
themselves  with  this,  that  if  he  went  on  against  them, 

they  would  soon  get  rid  of  him. The  king  sent 

for  him  in  private  to  enquire  more  particularly  into 
this ;  and  he  saw  it  had  made  a  great  impression  on 
him,  but  wrought  otherwise  than  he  intended.  For 
the  king  resolved  to  gratify  his  humour  in  hunting, 
and  in  a  careless  and  irregular  way  of  life,  did  imme- 
diately order  all  that  prosecution  to  be  let  fall.  1  have 
the  minutes  of  the  council  books  of  the  year  1606, 
which  are  full  of  orders  to  discharge  and  transport 
priests,  sometimes  ten  in  a  day  a."  I  was  inclined  at 
first  to  call  this  whole  story  of  Burnet's  into  question, 
by  reason  that  Carleton  was  never  ambassador  into 
Spain  b  :  but  on  further  search  find  it  probable  enough. 
For  Carleton,  in  the  year  1605,  accompanied  the  lord 
Norris  into  Spain,  and  there  might  hear  what  he  is  said 
to  have  spoken  to  James c.  So  that  there  is  only  a 
small  mistake  in  Burnet,  and  his  account  is  very  pro- 
bable. For  though  laws  were  enacted  against  the  ca- 
tholics, and  the  judges  commanded  on  occasion  to  put 
them  in  execution,  yet  James  had  a  great  affection  for 
them,  and  conferred  on  them  many  marks  of  his  favour. 
Let  us  hear  an  indisputable  writer  on  this  matter,  even 
James  himself.  "  Not  only,"  says  he,  "  the  papists 
themselves  grew  to  that  hight  of  pride,  in  confidence 

1  Burnet,  vol.  I.  p.  ]  1.          b  See  Wood's  Athenae  Oxon.  vol.  I.  col.  563. 
•  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  54,  i7.  and  Birch's  Vie*  of  the  Negotiation,  p.  227. 


262  THE  LIFE  OF 

Spain  and  France,  as  but  very  few  of  his 

of  1113-  mildness,  as  they  did  directly  expect,  and  assu- 
redly promise  to  themselves  libertie  of  conscience,  and 
equalitie  with  other  of  m}-  subjects  in  all  things  ;  but 
even  a  number  of  the  best  and  faithfulliest  of  my  said 
subjects,  were  cast  in  great  fear  and  amazement  of  my 
course  and  proceedings,  ever  prognosticating  and  justly 
suspecting  that  sowre  fruit  to  come  of  it,  which  shewed 
itself  early  in  the  powder-treason.  How  many  did  I 
honor  with  knighthood,  of  known  and  open  recusants? 
how  indifferent]}*  did  I  give  audience,  and  accesse  to 
both  sides,  bestowing  equally  all  favours  and  honors 
on  both  professions  ?  How  free  and  continual  accesse 
had  all  ranks  and  degrees  of  papists  in  my  court  and 
company  r  and  above  all,  how  frankly  and  freely  did  I 
free  recusants  of  their  ordinary  paiments  ?  Besides,  it 
is  evident  what  strait  order  was  given  out  of  my  own 
mouth  to  the  judges,  to  spare  the  execution  of  all 
priests  (notwithstanding  their  conviction)  joining  there- 
unto a  gracious  proclamation,  whereby  all  priests  that 
•were  at  liberty,  and  not  taken,  might  goe  out  of  the 
country  b)r  such  a  day  :  my  general  pardon  having  been 
extended  to  all  convicted  priests  in  prison  :  whereupon 
they  were  set  at  libertie  as  good  subjects:  and  all 
priests  that  were  taken  after,  sent  over,  and  set  at 
libertie  there.  But  time  and  paper  will  fail  me,  to 
make  enumeration  of  all  the  benefits  and  favours  that 
I  bestowed  in  general,  and  particular  upon  papists'." 

< There  is  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  these  lines. 

The  Howards,  most  of  tln-m  catholics,  were  advanced 
to  honours  and  power  by  him;  the  families  of  Petre, 
and  Arundel,  of  the  same  persuasion,  Mere  admitted 

*  King  James's  Works,  p.  253. 


JAMES  I.  263 

protestant  subjects,  who  were  independent 

into  the  peerage ;  and  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign, 
we  find  Villiers's  mother  made  a  countess,  and  Cal- 
vert,  secretary  of  state,  created  lord  Baltimore,  though 
they  were  openly  of  the  Romish  communion.  In  the 
year  1610,  we  find  the  commons  complaining  of  the 
"  non  execution  of  the  laws  against  the  priests,  who," 
say  they,  "  are  the  corrupters  of  the  people  in  religion 
and  loyalty ;"  and,  continue  they,  in  a  petition  to 
James,  "  many  recusants  have  already  compounded, 
and  (as  it  is  to  be  feared)  more  and  more  (except  your 
majesty,  in  your  great  wisdom,  prevent  the  same)  will 
compound  with  those  that  beg  their  penalties,  which 
maketh  the  laws  altogether  fruitless,  or  of  little  or 
none  effect,  and  the  offenders  to  become  bold,  obdu- 
rate, and  unconformable.  Wherefore  they  entreat  his 
majestic  to  lay  his  royal  commands  upon  all  his  mi- 
nisters of  justice  both  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  to  see 
the  laws  made  against  Jesuits,  seminarie  priests  and 
recusants  (of  what  kind  and  sect  soever)  to  be  duly 
and  exactly  executed,  without  dread  or  delay.  And 
that  his  majestic  would  be  pleased  likewise  to  take 
into  his  own  hands  the  penalties  due  for  recusancie, 
and  that  the  same  be  not  converted  to  the  private  gain 
of  some,  to  his  majesties  infinite  loss,  the  emboldening 

of  the  papists,  and  decay  of  true  religion3." But 

notwithstanding  these  complaints  of  the  parliament; 
notwithstanding  James's  own  heart  bled,  when  he  heard 
of  the  increase  of  popery,  by  the  marriage  articles 
with  Spain  and  France,  many  things  were  granted  in 
their  favour,  and  consequently  the  papists  were  migh- 

*  Record  of   some   worthy  Proceedings  in  the  honourable,  wise,   and 
faithful  House  of  Commons,  in  the  late  Parliament,  p.  19.  printed  iu  161 1. 


364  THE  LIFE  OF 

of  the  court,  approved,  and  many  greatly 

til}*  encouraged.  The  Infanta  was  to  be  allowed  a 
chapel  in  the  palace,  and  a  public  church  in  London  ; 
all  her  servants  were  to  be  catholics,  under  the  autho- 
rity of  a  bishop,  or  his  vicar;  they  were  not  to  be 
liable  to  the  laws  of  England  with  regard  to  religion  ; 
though  the  children  begot  on  her  body  should  be 
catholics,  they  might  not  lose  the  right  of  succeeding 
to  the  kingdom  and  dominions  of  Great  Britain ;  and 
they  were  to  be  brought  up  by  her  till  the  age  of  ten 
years.  Besides  these  articles,  with  many  other  made 
public,  there  were  private  ones,  by  which  great  liberty 
was  given  to  those  of  the  Romish  church.  For  by 
these  James  promised  that  the  laws  in  being  against 
them,  should  not  be  commanded  to  b«  put  in  execu- 
tion ;  that  no  new  laws  for  the  future  should  be  en- 
acted to  their  hurt,  that  there  should  be  a  perpetual 
toleration  of  the  Roman  catholic  religion,  within  pri- 
vate houses,  throughout  all  his  dominions  ;  and  that 
he  would  do  his  endeavour,  that  the  Parliament  should 
ratify  all  and  singular  articles  in  favour  of  the  Roman 
catholics3.  About  the  same  time  a  declaration  was 
signed  by  lord  Conway,  and  others  in  his  majesty's 
name,  dated  Aug.  7,  1623,  touching  pardons,  suspen- 
sions, and  dispensations  for  the  Roman  catholics, 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  earl  of  Bristol,  the  great 
negotiator  of  the  Spanish  match,  in  effect  was  little 
less  than  a  toleration  b.  And  "  the  king  directed  the 
lord  keeper  (Williams)  and  other  commissioners,  to 
draw  up  a  pardon  for  all  offences  past,  with  a  dispen- 
sation for  those  to  come,  to  be  granted  to  all  Roman 

*  See  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.  86—89.     Frankland's  Annals,  p.  78—80. 
o  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.  288. 


JAMES  I.  265 

murmured   at.     The  church  of  England, 

catholics,  obnoxious  to  any  laws  against  recusants; 
and  then  to  issue  forth  two  general  commands  under 
the  great  seal  of  England:  the  one  to  all  judges  and 
justices  of  the  peace;  and  the  other  to  all  hishops, 
chancellors,  and  commissaries,  not  to  execute  any  sta- 
tute against  them  a." The  Spanish  match  took  not 

place;  but  prince  Charles  was  married  to  Henrietta 
Maria,  of  France;  and  James,  before  his  death,  signed 
articles  equally  as  favourable  to  the  English  catholics, 
as  conditions  to  that  match  b.  This  cardinal  Richlieu 
boasts  of.  "  The  Spanish  match,"  says  he,  "  was 
broken  off,  and  soon  after  it,  that  of  France  was 
treated  of,  concluded  and  accomplished,  with  condi- 
tions three  times  more  advantageous  for  religion,  than 
those  which  were  designed  to  be  proposed  in  the  late 
king's  (Henry  the  fourth)  time6."  This  was  the  man 
who  never  intended  to  grant  a  toleration  to  papists, 
who  would  spend  the  last  drop  of  his  blood  before  he 
would  do  it,  and  whose  heart  bled  when  he  heard  of 
the  increase  of  popery.  Vile  hypocrisy !  mean  dissi- 
mulation !  which  could  answer  no  other  purpose  than 
to  expose  himself  to  the  scorn  and  contempt  of  those 
who  knew  him.  What  the  favour  which  was  shewn 
the  catholics  when  the  Spanish  match  was  thought 
near  a  conclusion,  was,  will  best  appear  from  the  fol- 
lowing paragraph  in  a  letter  written,  if  I  am  not  greatly 
mistaken,  by  Buckingham  to  count  Gondomar,  then  in 

Spain. "  As  for  news  from  hence,  I  can  assure  you, 

that  they  are,  in  all  points,  as  your  heart  could  wish: 
for  here  is  a  king,  a  prince,  and  a  faithful  friend  and 

a  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.  101.  b  Id.  p.  162.  c  Political  Testa- 

ment, p.  7.     See  also  his  Letters,  vol  I.  p.  2.  265.  8vo.  Lond.  1698. 


266  THE  LIFE  OF 

under  James,  was  in  a  happy  state,  being 

servant  unto  you,  besides  a  number  of  your  other  good 
friends,  that  long  so  much  for  the  happy  accomplish- 
ment of  this  match,  as  every  day  seems  a  year  unto  us ; 
and  I  can  assure  you,  in  the  word  of  your  honest 
friend,  that  we  have  a  prince  here,  that  is  so  sharp  set 
upon  the  business,  as  it  would  much  comfort  yon  to 
see  it,  and  her  there  to  hear  it.  Here  are  all  things 
prepared  upon  our  parts ;  priests  and  recusants  all  at 
liberty ;  all  the  Roman  catholics  well  satisfied ;  and, 
which  will  seem  a  wonder  unto  you,  our  prisons  are 
emptied  of  priests  and  recusants,  and  rilled  with  zealous 
ministers,  for  preaching  against  the  match;  for  no  man 
can  sooner,  now,  mutter  a  word  in  the  pulpit,  tho'  in- 
directly against  it,  but  he  is  presently  catched,  and  set 
in  streight  prison.  We  have  also  published  orders, 
both  for  the  universities,  and  the  pulpits,  that  no  man 
hereafter  shall  meddle,  but  to  preach  Christ  crucified  ; 
nay,  it  shall  not  be  lawful  hereafter  for  them  to  rail 
against  the  pope,  or  the  doctrine  of  the  church  of 
Koine,  further  than  for  edification  of  ours  :  and  for 
proof  hereof,  you  shall  herewith  receive  the  orders  set 

down  and  published1." This  great  liberty  given  to 

the  catholics  was  highly  offensive  to  the  protestants, 
as  we  may  learn  from  what  follows,  which  was  written 
by  archbishop  Abbot  to  James,  on  occasion  of  it. — 
'*'  Your  majesty  hath  propounded  a  toleration  of  reli- 
gion :  I  beseech  you,  to  take  into  your  consideration, 
what  your  act  is,  and  what  the  consequence  may  be. 
By  your  act  you  labour  to  set  up  that  most  damnable 
and  heretical  doctrine  of  the  church  of  Rome,  the 
whore  of  Babylon,  how  hateful  will  it  be  to  God,  and 

a  Cabala,  p.  242. 
1 


JAMES  I.  267 

highly  praised,  protected,  and  favoured  by 

grievous  to  your  subjects,  (the  true  professors  of  the 
gospel)  that  your  majesty  who  hath  often  defended, 
and  learnedly  written  against  those  wicked  heresies, 
should  now  shew  yourself  a  patron  of  those  doctrines, 
which  your  pen  hath  told  the  world,  and  your  con- 
science tells  yourself,  are  superstitious,  idolatrous,  and 
detestable.—- Besides,  this  toleration  you  endeavour  to 
set  up  by  your  proclamation,  it  cannot  be  done  with- 
out a  parliament,  unless  your  majesty  will  let  your 
subjects  see,  that  you  now  take  unto  yourself  a  liberty 
to  throw  down  the  laws  of  the  land  at  your  pleasure. 
\Vhat  dreadful  consequences  these  things  may  draw 
after,  1  beseech  your  majesty  to  consider.  And  above 
ail,  lest  by  this  toleration,  and  discountenance  of  the 
true  profession  of  the  gospel  (wherewith  God  hath 
blessed  us,  and  under  which  this  kingdom  hath  flou- 
rished these  many  years)  your  majesty  doth  draw  upon 
the  kingdom  in  general,  and  yourself  in  particular, 
God's  heavie  wrath  and  indignation.  Thus,  in  dis- 
charge of  my  duty  to  your  majesty,  and  the  place  of 
my  calling,  I  have  taken  the  humble  boldness  to  deli- 
ver my  conscience.  And  now,  Sir,  do  with  me  what 
you  please3."  1  will  not  here  enter  into  the  question 
whether  the  intolerant  principles  of  the  Roman  catho- 
lics do  not  render  them  unfit  to  be  tolerated  amongst 
protestants.  All  I  shall  say,  is,  that  it  has  been  the 
opinion  of  some  of  the  best  friends  to  liberty,  that  they 
are  to  be  excluded  from  it,  for  the  preservation  of 
liberty  itself;  with  which  it  is  thought  their  principles 
•are  incompatible  b.  But  be  this  as  it  will,  it  cannot  be 

a  Cabala,  p.  114.     Rush  worth,  vol.  I.  p.  85,  b  See  Bayle's  Diet, 

article  Milton,  note  [oj. 


£68  THE  LIFE  OF 

him 74,  yea,  moreover  advanced  to  riches, 

at  all  wondered  at,  that  the  protestants  in  James's  reign 
should  be  alarmed  at  an  open  toleration  of  those  of  the 
communion  of  the  church  of  Rome.  For  they  could 
not  but  remember  the  bull  of  pope  Pius  the  fifth,  con- 
cerning the  damnation,  excommunication,  and  deposi- 
tion of  queen  Elizabeth,  and  the  plots  which,  in  con* 
sequence  thereof,  were  laid  against  her  life  :  they  could 
not  but  remember  the  detestable  powder  treason ;  nor 
could  they  forget  that  James  himself  had  publickly 
avowed  that  the  pope  of  Rome  was  antichrist,  the  man 
of  sin,  the  mother  of  harlots,  and  abominations,  who 
was  drunk  with  the  blood  of  the  saints  and  the  martyrs 
of  Jesus.  And  remembering  these  things,  could  they 
chuse  but  murmur  against  the  toleration  of  so  bloody 
a  sect,  or  look  on  Buckingham,  the  supposed  instru- 
ment of  it,  but  as  a  betrayer  of  king  and  country,  and 
as  odious,  as  he  himself  declares  they  dida. 

74  The  church  of  England  under  James  was  in  a 
flourishing  state,  being  highly  praised,  protected,  and 
favoured  by  him.]  When  I  speak  of  the  church,  I 
would  not  be  understood  to  mean  "  a  congregation  of 
faithful  men,"  as  our  articles  in  an  antiquated  manner 
define  it b  j  but  the  clergy,  who  have  for  a  long  time 
appropriated  that  term  to  themselves,  and  the  places 
in  which  they  officiate.  And  when  I  speak  of  the 
church  as  in  a  flourishing  state,  I  mean,  what  I  think 
churchmen  generally  mean  by  it,  their  possessing 
power,  honour  and  wealth ;  and  not  the  increase  of  un- 
feigned piety,  and  real  virtue. — That  in  this  sense  the 
church  of  England  flourished  under  James,  is  beyond 
all  contradiction.  In  a  speech  in  the  star-chamber, 

*  Cabala,  p.  244.  *  See  article  the  19th. 

3 


JAMES  I.  S69 

honour,  and  power ;  whereby  she  became  in 

in  the  year  16 16,  his  majesty  complains,  "  that  church- 
men were  had  in  too  much  contempt,  I  must  speak 
trewth,"  says  he,  "  great  men,  lords,  judges,  and  people 
of  all  degrees  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  have  too 
much  contemned  them.  And  God  will  not  bless  us  in 
our  own  laws,  if  we  do  not  reverence  and  obey  God's 
law;  which  cannot  be,  except  the  interpreters  of  it  be 
respected  and  reverenced,  and  it  is  a  sign  of  the  latter 
day's  drawing  on ;  even  the  contempt  of  the  church, 
and  of  the  governors  and  teachers  thereof  now  in  the 
church  of  England,  which  1  say  in  my  conscience  of 
any  church  that  ever  I  read  or  knew  of,  present  or 
past,  is  most  pure,  and  nearest  the  primitive  and  apos- 
tolical church  in  doctrine  and  discipline,  and  is  sure- 
liest  founded  on  the  word  of  God,  of  any  church  in 
ChristendomeV  In  the  same  speech  he  tells  the 
judges,  "  God  will  bless  every  good  business  the  bet- 
ter, that  he  and  his  qhurch  have  the  precedence b." 
And  again,  addressing  himself  to  the  judges,  he  says, 
"  Let  not  the  church  nor  churchmen  be  disgraced  in. 
your  charges  ;-—countenance  and  encourage  the  good 
churchmen,  and  teach  the  people  by  your  example  ta 
reverence  them  :  for  if  they  be  good,  they  are  worthy 
of  double  honour  for  their  office  sake ;  if  they  be  faultie 
it  is  not  your  place  to  admonish  them  ;  they  have  ano- 
ther Forum  to  answer  to  for  their  misbehaviour c." 
And  in  another  placs,  he  te41s  us,  "  that  as  soon  as  a 
person  hath  made  his?  choice,  what,  church  to  live  and 
die  in,  audi  earn,  as  Christ  commands  :  for  his  con- 
science in  this  must  only  serve  him  for  a  guide  to  the 

•  King  James's  Works  p.  554.  b  Id.  p.  565.  «  U.  p.  969. 


£70  THE  LIFE  OF 

a  condition  to  be  both  dreaded  and  envied 

right  church,  but  not  to  judge  her,  but  to  be  judged 
by  her V 

This  is  very  good,  and  what  most  churchmen  would 
be  very  glad  their  flocks  did  believe.  For  they  then 
might  teach  authoritatively,  and  a  blind  submission 
would  be  yielded.  Profane  wits  would  not  think  them- 
selves at  liberty  to  examine  the  reasonableness  of  the 
church's  doctrine,  but  swallow  down  glibly  the  most 
mysterious  unintelligible  points,  to  their  own  great 

edification,    and    the    peace    of    the   church. But 

James  not  only  spoke  well  of  churchmen,  and  endea- 
voured to  recommend  them  to  the  esteem  and  regard 
of  his  subjects,  but  he  heaped  on  them  wealth,  and 
suffered  them  to  enjoy  riches  in  abundance.  "  He 
founded  a  dean  and  chapter  of  seven  prebendaries  at 
Rippon,  in  Yorkshire ;  and  settled  two  hundred  and 
forty-seven  pounds  per  ann.  of  crown  lands  for  their 
maintenance  b."  Williams,  dean  of  Westminster,  re- 
tained at  the  same  time,  as  himself  tells  the  duke  of 
Buckingham,  the  rectories  of  Dinum,  Walgrave,  Graf- 
ton,  and  Peterborough,  and  was  also  chaunter  of  Lin- 
coln, prebendary  of  Asgarbie,  prebendary  of  Nonning- 
ton,  and  residentiary  of  Lincoln0.  And  when  advanced 
to  the  see  of  Lincoln,  and  made  lord-keeper  of  the 
great  seal,  he  was  continued  dean  of  Westminster,  and 
held  his  other  preferments ;  so  that,  says  Heylin,  he 
was  a  perfect  diocess  within  himself,  as  being  bishop, 
dean,  prebend,  residentiary,  and  parson  ;  and  all  these 


a  King  James's  Works,  p.  577.  b  Grey's  Examination  of  the  Second 
Volume  of  Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans,  p.  75.  8vo.  Load.  17.36, 
c  Cabala,  p.  409. 


JAMES  T.  271 

by  her  adversaries.     Not  so  the  puritans. 

at  oncea.  This  was  a  goodly  sight  in  the  eyes  of 
Laud,  who  made  use  of  the  example,  in  retaining  with 
his  bishopric  of  St.  David's,  not  only  his  prebend's 
place  in  the  church  of  Westminster,  and  his  benefices 
in  the  country,  but  also  the  presidentships  of  his  col- 
lege in  Oxon  b.  In  short,  the  churchmen  throve  well 
under  James,  and  were  greatly  cherished  by  him  ;  for, 
to  the  wealth  he  permitted  them  to  enjoy,  he  added  real 
power,  and  gave  them  liberty  to  crush  all  their  opposers. 

In  the  canons  compiled  Anno  1603,  to  which  his 

majesty  gave  his  royal  sanction,  we  find,  that  whoever 
should  hereafter  affirm,  that  the  form  of  God's  worship 
in  the  church  of  England,  established  by  law,  and  con- 
tained in  the  book  of  common  prayer,  is  a  corrupt, 
superstitious,  or  unlawful  worship  of  God,  or  contain- 
eth  any  thing  in  it  that  is  repugnant  to  the  scriptures; 
whosoever  should  affirm  that  any  of  the  thirty-nine 
articles,  are  in  any  part  superstitious  or  erroneous,  or 
such  as  he  may  not  with  a  good  conscience  subscribe 
unto  ;  whosoever  should  affirm,  that  the  rites  and  cere- 
monies of  the  church  were  such  as  men  who  were 
godly  affected,  may  not  with  any  good  conscience  ap- 
prove them,  use  them,  or,  as  occasion  requireth,  sub- 
scribe unto  them  ;  whosoever  should  affirm,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  church  of  England,  under  his  majesty,  by 
archbishops,  &c.  is  antichristian,  or  repugnant  to  the 
word  of  God,  were  to  be  excommunicated0.  The  same 
punishment  was  denounced  against  the  authors  of 
schism,  the  maintainers  of  schismaticks  and  maintain- 
ers  of  conventicles d.  Thus  were  churchmen  armed 


*  Life  of  Laud,  p.  86.  b  Id.  ibid.  c  See  Canons  3,  4,  5,  6,  7. 

«  In  Canons  9,  10,  11. 


•272  THE  LIFE  OF 

These  were   the  objects   of  his  majesty's 

with  power,  with  which,  we  may  be  assured,  they  took 
care  to  defend  themselves  and  annoy  their  adversaries. 
Add  to  this,  that  the  high  commission  was  then  in 
being,  in  which  the  bishops  were  the  judges  who,  by 
administering  the  oath  ex  officio,  compelled  men  to  ac- 
cuse themselves,  and  then  punished  them  in  the  se- 
verest manner.  It  was  this  court  which  obliged  the 
renowned  Selden  to  make  his  submission,  and  beg  par- 
don for  having  published  his  book  on  tythes*;  though 
most  learned  men,  since  that  time,  have  acquiesced  in 
what  he  has  asserted  concerning  their  original ;  and 
before  this,  we  find  by  a  complaint  of  the  parliament, 
that  "  lay-men  were  punished  by  this  court  for  speak- 
ing of  the  symonie  and  other  misdemeanours  of  spiri- 
tual men,  though  the  thing  spoken  were  true,  and  the 
speech  tending  to  bring  them  to  condigne  punish- 
ment1*."— Such  was  the  power  of  the  clergy  under 
James,  such  was  the  use  that  was  made  of  it !  Honest, 
learned,  and  worthy  men  were  called  in  question,  and 
subjected  to  all  the  terrible  consequences  of  that  thing 
called  an  excommunication,  for  daring  to  tell  church- 
men of  their  vices,  or  denying  their  whimsical  pre- 
tences. This  at  length  bred  much  ill-blood,  and  issued 
in  dreadful  consequences.  Let  the  prince,  therefore, 
that  would  reign  gloriously,  curb  the  power  of  his 
clergy  ;  let  him  never  be  made  the  tool  of  their  wrath 
or  resentment;  but,  by  distributing  equal  and  impar- 
tial justice  to  all  his  subjects,  shew  himself  their  com- 
mon father  and  sovereign,  and  thereby  establish  his 
throne  in  their  hearts,  and  render  it  imnioveable. 

*•  Heylin's  History  of  the  Presbyterians,  p.  392.  b  Record  of  sooir 

Proceedings  in  the  Parliament,  Anno  1610,  p.  29. 


JAMES  I.  273 

highest  aversion75  and  greatest  hatred;  these 

s  The  puritans  were  the  objects  of  his  highest  aver- 
sion, &c.]  This  appears  from  what  has  been  said  in 
the  notes  12  and  36  so  clearly,  that  I  need  say  no  more 
concerning  it.  But  James  contented  not  himself  with 
reproaching;  them,  but  he  let  his  clergy  loose  upon 
them,  and  subjected  them  to  great  penalties,  merely 
on  account  of  their  non-conformity  to  the  established 
ceremonies.  Hutton,  archbishop  of  York,  received 
orders  from  the  privy-council,  "  that  the  puritans 
should  be  proceeded  against  according  to  law,  except 
they  conformed  themselves ;  tho*  I  think,"  says  he,  "  all 
or  most  of  them  love  his  majesty,  and  the  present 
estate  V  And,  says  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  in  a  letter 
to  Mr.  Winwood,  dated  Feb.  £0,  1604,  "  the  poor  pu- 
ritan ministers  have  been  ferrited  out  in  all  corners, 
and  some  of  them  suspended,  others  deprived  of  their 
livings.  Certain  lecturers  are  silenced,  and  a  crew  of 
gentlemen  of  Northamptonshire,  who  put  up  a  petition 
to  the  king  in  their  behalfe,  told  roundly  of  their  bold- 
ness, both  at  the  council-table  and  star-chamber  :  and 
Sir  Francis  Hastings,  for  drawing  the  petition,  and 
standing  to  it,  when  he  had  done  it,  put  from  his  lieu- 
tenancy and  justiceship  of  the  peace  in  his  shire:  Sir 
Edward  Mountague,  and  Sir  Valentine  Knightly,  for 
refusing  to  subscribe  to  a  submission,  have  the  like 
sentence:  the  rest  upon  acknowledgment  of  a  fault 

have  no  more  said  to  them  V And  his  majesty 

summoned  the  judges  into  the  star-chamber,  and,  in, 
the  presence  of  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the 
bishop  of  London,  and  about  twelve  lords  of  the  privy- 
council,  asked  of  them  three  questions  with  regard  t0 

8  Winwood,  vol.  II.  p.  40.  *  Id.  p.  48. 

VOL.  I.  T 


274  THE  LIFE  OF 

.he  was  continually  reproaching  in  his  writ- 

the  punishment  of  the  puritans;  the  third  of  which 
was,  "  whether  it  be  an  offence  punishable,  and  what 
punishment  they  deserved,  who  framed  petitions,  and 
collected  a  multitude  of  hands  thereto,  to  prefer  to  the 
king  in  a  public  cause,  as  the  puritans  had  done,  with 
an  intimation  to  the  king,  that  if  he  denied  their  suit, 
many  thousands  of  his  subjects  would  be  discontent- 
ed ?"  To  this  the  judges  in  their  great  wisdom  replied, 
<f  that  it  was  an  offence  fineable  at  discretion,  and  very 
near  to  treason  and  felony  in  the  punishment,  for  it 
tended  to  the  raising  sedition,  rebellion  and  discontent 
among  the  people3."  This  judicious  resolution  was 
agreed  to  by  the  lords  then  present.  Bancroft  here- 
upon "  required  a  strict  conformity  to  the  rules  of  the 
church,  according  to  the  laws  and  canons  in  that  be- 
half; and  without  sparing  non-conformists,  or  half- 
conformists,  at  last  reduced  them  to  that  point,  that 
they  must  either  leave  their  churches,  or  obey  the 
church  b."  And  that  none  might  escape  the  penalties  of 
the  canons  and  high  commission  court,  this  pious  prelate 
required  "  some  who  had  formerly  subscribed  to  testify 
their  conformity  by  a  new  subscription,  in  which  it 
was  to  be  declared,  that  they  did  willingly  and  ex 
animo  subscribe  to  the  three  articles  (inserted  in  the 
36th  canon)  and  to  all  things  in  the  same  contained. 
Which  leaving  no  starting-hole  either  for  practising 
those  rites  and  ceremonies  which  they  did  not  approve, 
or  for  approving  that  which  they  meant  not  to  prac- 
tise, as  they  had  done  formerly ;  occasioned  many  of 
them  to  forsake  their  benefices,  rather  than  to  sub- 

>  Croke's  Reports,    part  2d.   p.  37.    and  Winwood,    vol.  II.    p.  49. 
*  Heylm's  History  of  the  Presbyterians,  p.  37$, 


JAMES  I.  275 

ings;  and  not  contented  herewith  he  ex- 

scribe  according  to  the  true  intention  of  the  church  in 
the  said  three  articles  V  In  short,  such  was  the  rigour 
of  the  prelates,  such  the  sufferings  of  the  puritans,  that 
we  find  the  parliament,  in  the  year  1610,  interceding 
with  the  king  in  their  behalf.  "  Whereas,"  say  they, 
"  divers  painful  and  learned  pastors,  that  have  long 
travelled  in  the  work  of  the  ministerie  with  good  fruit 
and  blessing  of  their  labours,  who  were  ever  ready  to 
perform  the  legal  subscription  appointed  by  the  statute 
of  13  Eliz.  which  only  concerneth  the  confession  of 
the  true  Christian  faith  and  doctrine  of  the  sacraments, 
yet  for  not  conforming  in  some  points  of  ceremonies, 
and  refusing  the  subscription  directed  by  the  late  ca- 
nons, have  been  removed  from  their  ecclesiastical  liv- 
ings, being  their  freehold,  and  debarred  from  all  means 
of  maintenance,  to  the  great  grief  of  sundrie  your  ma- 
jesties well-affected  subjects;  seeing  the  whole  people^ 
that  want  instruction,  are  by  this  means  punished,  and 
through  ignorance,  lye  open  to  the  seducements  of 
popish,  and  ill-affected  persons  :  We  therefore  most 
humbly  beseech,  your  majesty  would  be  graciously 
pleased,  that  such  deprived  and  silenced  ministers  may 
by  licence,  or  permission  of  the  reverend  fathers,  in 
their  several  diocesses,  instruct,  and  preach  unto  their 
people  in  such  parishes,  and  places,  where  they  may  be 
emplo3red  :  so  as  they  apply  themselves,  in  their  mi- 
nistery,  to  wholesome  doctrine,  and  exhortation,  and 
live  quietly,  and  peaceably  in  their  callings,  and  shall 
not  by  writing  or  preaching,  impugn  things  established 
by  public  authority  b."  -  Soon  after  this  Bancroft 


a  Heylin's  History  of  the  Presbyterians,  p.  377,  k  Proceedings  in 

the  House  of  Commons  in  1610. 


276  THE  LIFE  OF 

posed  them  to  the  censure  of  the  high  corn- 
died,  and  was  succeeded  by  George  Abbot,  a  man  of 
a  more  gentle  and  merciful  disposition,  who  was  much 
more  favourable  to  the  puritans  than  his  predecessor. 
But  the  rigour  against  them  was  far  from  being  wholly 
remitted.  They  were  so  ill  used,  that  they  preferred 
dwelling  in  a  wilderness  to  their  native  soil,  and  chose 
the  perils  of  waters  before  the  perils  they  were  in 
among  their  brethren ;  though  for  a  time  even  this 
was  denied  them.  "  Some  of  the  bishops,"  says  Wil- 
son, "  were  not  contented  to  suppress  many  pious  and 
religious  men ;  but  I  know  not  for  what  policy,  re- 
strained their  going  beyond  sea :  for  there  were  divers 
families,  about  this  time,  (1613)  shipped  for  New- 
England,  and  were  not  suffered  to  go ;  though  after- 
wards, they  were  upon  better  thoughts  permitted2." 
In  short,  James  heartily  hated  the  people  of 
this  denomination ;  and  to  be  a  puritan,  was  with  him 
to  be  every  thing  odious  and  abominable.  How  mis- 
chievous an  effect  this  prejudice  of  his  majesty  had, 
will  best  appear  from  a  letter  written  to  the  illustrious 
Usher,  from  Emanuel  Downing,  out  of  Ireland,  who  is 
styled  a  worthy  divine,  by  Dr.  Parr : 

"  REVEKEND  SIR, 

"  I  hope  you  are  not  ignorant  of  the  hurt  that  is 
come  to  the  church  by  this  name  Puritan,  and  how 
his  majesty's  good  intent  and  meaning  therein  is  much 
abused  and  wronged  $  and  especially  in  this  poor  coun- 
try where  the  pope  and  popery  is  so  much  affected.  I 
being  lately  in  the  country  had  conference  with  a  wor- 
thy, painful  preacher,  who  hath  been  an  instrument  of 
drawing  many  of  themeer  Irish  there,  from  the  blind- 

?  Wilson,  p.  74. 


JAMES  I.  277 

mission,  who  suspended,  deprived  and  ex- 
ness  of  popery  to  embrace  the  gospel,  with  much  com- 
fort to  themselves,  and  heart-breaking  to  the  priests, 
who  perceiving  that  they  cannot  now  prevail  with  their 
jugling  tricks,  have  forged  a  new  device:  They  have 
now  stirred  up  some  crafty  papists,  who  very  boldly 
rail  both  at  ministers  and  people,  saying,  they  seek  to 
sow  this  damnable  heresie  of  puritanism  among  them ; 
which  word,  though  not  understood,  but  only  known 
to  be  most  odious  to  his  majesty,  makes  many  afraid 
of  joining  themselves  to  the  gospel,  though  in  confe- 
rence their  consciences  are  convicted  herein :  so  to 
prevent  a  greater  mischief  which  may  follow,  it  were 
good  to  petition  his  majesty  to  define  a  puritan,  where- 
by the  mouths  of  those  scoffing  enemies  would  be 
stopt;  and  if  his  majesty  be  not  at  leizure,  that  he 

would  appoint  some  good  men  to  do  it  for  him  V 

Had  a  puritan  been  truly  defined,  the  world  would 
have  been  at  a  loss  to  have  known  the  reason  of  the 
severity  used  towards  those  who  were  reproached  with 

that  title. The  puritans  had  their  fancies,  as  well 

as  their  adversaries.  The  surplice,  the  cross  in  bap- 
tism, the  ring  in  marriage,  bowing  at  the  name  of 
Jesus,  and  some  other  articles  of  equal  importance, 
were  the  objects  of  their  aversion  ;  they  thought  they 
smelt  of  popery,  which  they  could  not  bear  with.  The 
bishops,  on  the  contrary,  had  a  very  great  fondness  for 
these,  as  well  as  for  the  whole  hierarchy.  A  dispute 
therefore  on  these  subjects  was  natural;  and,  had  it 
been  managed  fairly,  no  ill  consequences  could  have 
happened.  But  the  bishops  were  in  power;  the  king 
was  their  friend,  and  a  foe  to  those  who  opposed  them  i 

*  Parr's  Life  of  Usher,  p.  16, 


C7S  THE  LIFE  OF 

communicated  them,  notwithstanding  the 

and  they  were  determined  to  carry  their  point  at  all 
adventures.  The  shortest  way,  therefore,  was  taken. 
The  puritans  were  silenced,  deprived,  excommunicated, 
and  all  for  trifles.  I  will  not  say  but  the  bishops  might 
have  more  sense,  but  the  puritans  had  more  honesty. 
The  first  were  persecutors,  the  latter  were  persecuted ; 
and  consequently  were  entitled  to  the  pity  and  com- 
passion of  the  humane  and  benevolent. James  and 

his  clergy  did  not  understand  the  use  of  sects,  "  to 
purify  religion,  arid  also  to  set  the  great  truths  of  it  in 
a  full  light ;  and  to  shew  their  practical  importance  a." 
"  Nor  did  they  know  the  best  way  to  stop  the  rising 
of  new  sects  and  schisms,  by  reforming  abuses,  com- 
pounding smaller  differences,  proceeding  mildly,  and 
not  with  sanguinary  persecutions;  and  taking  off  the 
principal  authors  by  winning  and  advancing  them,  ra- 
ther than  enraging  them  by  violence  and  bitterness  b ;" 
and  consequently  instead  of  crushing,  they  increased 
them.  For  lord  Shaftesbury  justly  remarks,  "  that 
there  is  nothing  so  ridiculous  in  respect  of  policy,  or 
so  wrong  and  odious  in  respect  of  common  humanit}', 
as  a  moderate  and  half-way  persecution ;  it  only  frets 
the  sore;  it  raises  the  ill-humour  of  mankind  ;  excites 
the  keener  spirits;  moves  indignation  in  beholders; 
and  sows  the  very  seeds  of  schism  in  men's  bosoms. 
A  resolute  and  bold  faced  persecution  leaves  no  time  or 
scope  for  these  engendring  distempers,  or  gathering  ill-- 
humours. It  does  the  work  at  once ;  by  extirpation, 
banishment,  or  massacre  :  and  like  a  bold  stroke  in 
surgery,  dispatches  by  one  short  amputation,  what  a 

»  Hartley's  Observations  on  Man,  p.  377.  vol.  II.  8vo.  Lond.  1749.  See 
also  Historical  and  Critical  Account  of  Hugh  Peters,  note  [c]  Lond.  1751. 
Svo.  fc  Bacon's  Essay  on  the  Vicissitude  of  Things. 


JAMES  I.  279 

intercession  made  for  them  by  many  per- 
sons of  quality,  and  by  one  of  his  parlia- 
ments. In  Scotland  he  pursued  them  with 

bungling  hand  would  make  worse  and  worse,  to  the 

perpetual  sufferance  and  misery  of  the  patient a." 

But  let  us  leave  these  reflections  and  return  to  James, 
who  was  as  much  set  on  the  ruin  of  puritanism  in 
Scotland,  as  in  England.  In  the  Parliament  at  Perth, 
in  the  year  1606,  he  got  an  act  passed,  entitnled  the 
restitution  of  the  estate  of  bishops :  afterwards  they 
were  declared  perpetual  moderators,  and  had  the  high 
commission  put  into  their  hands.  In  1610,  the  king 
sent  for  three  of  the  bishops  elect,  in  order  to  have 
them  consecrated  in  England,  which  was  done  without 
first  giving  them  deacons  or  priests  orders  ;  and  conse- 
quently the  validity  of  their  former  orders  were  ac- 
knowledged. Soon  afterwards  they  had  great  power 
committed  unto  them,  to  the  no  small  uneasiness  of 
ministers  and  people  ".  In  the  year  1617,  James  made 
a  progress  into  Scotland,  in  order  to  bring  the  Scots 
nearer  to  conformity  with  the  church  of  England. 

"  But  his  majesty,"  says  Heylin,  "  gained  nothing 
by  that  chargeable  journey,  but  a  neglect  of  his  com- 
mands, and  a  contempt  of  his  authority.  His  majesty 
therefore  took  a  better  course,  than  to  put  the  point 
to  argument  and  disputation ;  which  was  to  beat  them 
by  the  belly,  and  to  withdraw  those  augmentations 
which  he  had  formerly  allowed  them  out  of  his  exche- 
quer :  which  pill  so  wrought  upon  this  indigent  and 
obstinate  people,  that  the  next  year,  in  an  assembly  at 
Perth,  they  passed  an  act  for  admitting  the  five  articles, 

1  Characteristics,  vol.  III.  p.  95.  b  Spotswood,  p.  406.  Calderwood, 
p.  616. 


?80  THE  LIFE  OF 

rigour,  and  was  not  contented  till  he  set  up 
episcopacy,  though  contrary  to  the  incli- 
nations of  ministers  and  people.  Being 

for  which  his  majesty  had  been  courting  them  for  two 
years  together3."  These  articles,  which  his  majesty 
had  courted  them  so  long  to  admit,  it  must  be  owned, 
were  very  important.  The  fi,rst  requires  the  blessed 
sacrament  to  be  celebrated  meekly  and  reverently  upon 
their  knees.  The  second  allows  the  lawfulness  of  pri- 
vate communion.  The  third  permits  private  baptism. 
The  fourth  commands  confirmation.  The  fifth  the  ob- 
servation of  some  festivals1*.  "  These  articles  being 
thus  settled,  order  was  given  to  read  them  in  all  parish 
churches ;  the  ministers  were  likewise  obliged  to  preach 
upon  the  lawfulness  of  them,  and  exhort  their  people 
to  submission.  And  to  give  them  the  greater  autho- 
rity, the  king  ordered  them  to  be  published  at  the 
market-cross  of  the  principal  burroughs,  and  com- 
manded conformity  under  pain  of  his  displeasure.  But 
all  this  not  being  enough  to  enforce  such  a  conformity 
to  the  ceremonies  as  was  expected,  it  was  thought  fur- 
ther necessary  to  establish  them  by  the  sanction  of  an 
act  of  parliament,  and  tq  give  them  the  force  of  a  law, 
this  was  done  according]}'  in  the  year  1621 c."  A  prince 
must  be  strangely  infatuated,  and  strongly  prejudiced, 
to  employ  his  power  and  influence  in  establishing  such 
matters  as  these !  Let  us  grant  episcopacy  to  be  the 
most  expedient  government  of  the  church  (and  ex- 
pedient enough  it  must  }>e  acknowledged  in  proper 
j)laces  d  and  rightly  executed,  by  overseeing  the  man- 
ners of  the  clergy,  and  keeping  them  within  the  bounds 

3  Life  of  Laud,  p.  74.  b  Spotswood,  p.  538.  e  Crawfor** 

Lives,  p.  174.  f  See  Spirit  of  Laws,  vol.  II.  p.  150. 


JAMES  I.  281 

seized  with  an  ague,  he  died  March  27, 
1625,  in  the  59th  year  of  his  age 76  not 

of  decency  and  regularity ;)  yet  what  man  of  sense  will 
think  it  worth  establishing  at  the  risk  of  the  peace  of 
the  community?  Let  rites  and  ceremonies  be  deemed 
ever  so  decent;  who  will  say  they  are  fit  to  be  imposed 
by  methods  of  severity  and  constraint  ?  yet  by  these 
ways,  we  see,  these  matters  were  introduced  among  the 
Scots ;  to  the  disgrace  of  humanity,  and  the  eternal 
blemish  of  a  prince  who  boasted  of  his  learning,  and 
was  for  ever  displaying  his  abilities. 

5  He  died  not  without  suspicion  of  having  been 
poisoned  by  Buckingham.]  "  The  king  that  was  very 
much  impatient  in  his  health,  was  patient  in  his  sick- 
ness and  death.  Whether  he  had  received  any  thing 
that  extorted  his  aguish  fits  into  a  fever,  which  might 
the  sooner  stupify  the  spirits,  and  hasten  his  end,  can- 
not be  asserted ;  but  the  countess  of  Buckingham  had 
been  tampering  with  him,  in  the  absence  of  the  doc- 
tors, and  had  given  him  a  medicine  to  drink,  and  laid 
a  plaister  to  his  side,  which  the  king  much  complained 
of,  and  they  did  rather  exasperate  his  distemper  than 
allay  it :  and  these  things  were  admitted  by  the  insinu- 
ating persuasions  of  the  duke  her  son,  who  told  the 
king  they  were  approved  medicines,  and  would  do  him 
much  good.  And  though  the  duke  after  strove  to 
purge  himself  for  this  application,  as  having  received 
both  medicine  and  plaister  from  Dr.  Remington,  at 
Dunmow,  in  Essex,  who  had  often  cured  agues,  and 
such  distempers  with  the  same ;  yet  they  were  argu- 
ments of  a  complicated  kind  not  easy  to  unfold;  con- 
sidering that  whatsoever  he  received  from  the  doctor 
in  the  country,  he  might  apply  to  the  king  what  he 


THE  LIFE  OF 

without  suspicion  of  having  been  poisoned 
by  Buckingham.  He  was  buried  with  great 

pleased  in  the  court.  Besides,  the  act  itself  (though 
it  had  been  the  best  medicine  in  the  world)  was  a 
daring  not  justifiable;  and  some  of  the  king's  physiti- 
ans  muttered  against  it,  others  made  a  great  noise,  and 
were  forced  to  fly  for  it ;  and  though  the  still  voice 
was  quickly  silenced  by  the  duke's  power,  yet  the 
clamourous  made  so  deep  impressions,  that  his  inno- 
cence could  never  wear  them  out.  And  one  of  Buck- 
ingham's great  provocations  was  thought  to  be  his  fear, 
that  the  king  being  now  weary  of  his  too  much  great- 
ness, and  power,  would  set  up  Bristol,  his  deadly  enemy 
against  him  to  pull  him  down.  And  this  medicine  was 
one  of  those  13  articles  that  after  were  laid  to  his 
charge  in  parliament3." — Dr.  Welwood  in  his  note  on 
this  passage  observes,  "  that  Dr.  Eglisham,  one  of  the 
king's  physitians,  was  obliged  to  flee  beyond  seas,  for 
some  expressions  he  had  muttered  about  the  manner 
of  his  majesty's  death,  and  lived  at  Brussels  many 
years  after.  It  was  there  he  published  a  book  to  prove 
king  James  was1  poisoned ;  giving  a  particular  account 
of  all  the  circumstances  of  his  sickness,  and  laying  his 
death  upon  the  duke  of  Buckingham  and  his  mother. 

Among  other  remarkable  passages,  there   is  one 

about  the  plaister  applied  to  the  king's  stomach. 

"  He  says  it  was  given  out  to  have  been  mithridate, 
and  that  one  Dr.  Remington  had  sent  it  to  the  duke, 
as  a  medicine  with  which  he  had  cured  a  great  many 
agues  in  Essex.  Now  Eglisham  denies  it  was  mithri- 
date, and  says,  neither  he,  nor  any  other  physitians 

8  Wilson,  p.  287. 


JAMES  I.  233 

magnificence  at   Westmi nster- Abbey  *  on 

vould  tell  what  it  was.  He  adds,  that  Sir  Matthew 
Lister  and  he  being,  the  week  after  the  king's  death,  at 
the  earl  of  Warwick's  house  in  Essex,  they  sent  for 
Dr.  Remington,  who  lived  hard  by,  and  asking  him 
what  kind  of  plaister  it  was  he  had  sent  to  Bucking- 
ham, for  the  cure  of  an  ague,  and  whether  he  knew  it 
was  the  king  the  duke  designed  it  for?  Remington 
answered,  that  one  Baker,  a  servant  of  the  duke's, 
came  to  him  in  his  master's  name,  and  desired  him  if 
he  had  any  certain  specific  remedy  against  an  ague,  to 
send  it  him  :  and  accordingly  he  sent  him  mithri- 
date  spread  upon  leather,  but  knew  not  till  then  that  it 
was  designed  for  the  king.  But,"  continues  Eglisham, 
"  Sir  Matthew  Lister,  and  I  shewing  him  a  piece  of  the 
plaister  we  had  kept,  after  it  was  taken  off,  he  seemed 
greatly  surprized,  and  offered  to  take  his  corporal  oath, 
that  it  was  none  of  what  he  had  given  Baker,  nor  did 

he  know    what  kind   of  mixture  it  was. But  the 

truth  is,  this  book  of  Eglisham's  is  wrote  with  such 
an  air  of  rancour  and  prejudice,  that  the  manner  of 
his  narrative  takes  off  much  from  the  credit  of  what 
he  writes b." The  parliament,  in  the  year  1626, 

*  Gibson's  Cambden,  vol.  I.  p.  386. 

b  Compleat  History,  vol.  II.  p.  790.  It  is  to  be  wished  Welwood  had  given 
us  the  title  of  this  book  of  Eglisham.  In  the  second  volume  of  the  Harleiaa 
Miscellany  there  is  a  tract  intitled  the  Forerunner  of  Revenge.  Being  two 
petitions:  the  one  to  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty,  the  other  to  the 
most  honourable  houses  of  parliament.  Wherein  are  expressed  divers  actions 
of  the  late  earl  of  Buckingham,  especially  concerning  the  death  of  king 
James,  and  the  marquis  of  Hamilton,  supposed  by  poison.  By  George  Eg- 
lisliam,  doctor  of  physic,  and  one  of  the  pliysitiaus  to  king  James,  of  happy 
memory,  for  his  majesty's  person  above  ten  years,  4to.  Ix>nd.  164'2,  though 
it  appears  to  have  been  written  in  Buckingham's  life-time,  and  I  doubt  not, 
wns  then  printed.  There  is  an  air  of  rancour  and  prejudice  in  this  small 
piece;  but  not  a  word  of  what  Dr.  Welwood  relates. 

"  The  king,"  says  be,  "  being  sick  of  an  ague,  the  duke  took  this  op- 
portunity, 


284  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  seventh  of  May  following ;  his  son  and 

charged  Buckingham  with  having  caused  certain 
plaisters,  and  a  certain  drink  to  be  provided  for  the 
use  of  his  majesty  king  James,  without  the  privity  or 
direction  of  the  physicians,  and  compounded  of  several 
ingredients  to  them  unknown,  notwithstanding  the 
same  plaisters,  or  some  plaister  like  thereunto,  having 
been  formerly  administered  unto  him,  did  produce 
such  ill  effects  as  that  some  of  the  physicians  did  dis- 
allow thereof,  and  utterly  refuse  to  meddle  any  further 
with  his  majesty,  until  these  plaisters  were  removed, 
as  being  prejudicial  to  his  health,  yet  the  same  plaisters 
and  drink  was  provided  by  the  duke,  and  the  plaisters 
applied  to  the  king's  breast  and  wrist,  and  the  drink 
given  to  him  at  seasons  prohibited  by  the  physicians. 
After  which,  they  set  forth,  divers  ill  symptoms  ap- 
peared upon  his  majesty,  and  his  majesty  attributed 
the  cause  of  his  trouble  to  the  plaister  and  drink 
which  the  duke  had  given  hima.  The  duke  in  his 

portunity,  when  all  the  king's  doctors  of  physic  were  at  dinner,  and  offered 
to  him  a  wliite  powder  to  take,  the  which  he  a  long  time  refused  ;  but  over- 
come with  his  flattering  importunity,  at  length  took  it  in  wine,  and  im- 
mediately became  worse  and  worse,  falling  into  many  swoonings  and  pains, 
and  violent  fluxes  of  the  belly,  so  tormented,  that  his  majesty  cried  out 
aloud  of  this  white  powder,  would  to  God  I  had  never  taken  it." — He  then 
tells  us  of  "  the  countess  of  Buckingham's  applying  the  plaister  to  the 
king's  heart  and  breast;  whereupon  he  grew  faint,  and  short  breathed  and 
in  agony.  That  the  physitians  exclaimed  that  the  king  was  poisoned  ; 
that  Buckingham  commanded  them  out  of  the  room,  and  caused  one 
of  them  to  be  committed  prisoner  to  his  own  chamber,  and  another  to  be 
removed  from  court;  and  that  after  his  majesty's  death,  his  body  and 
head  swelled  above  measure,  his  hair  with  the  skin  of  his  bead  stuck  to  the 
pillow,  and  his  nails  became  loose  upon  his  fingers  and  toes."  See  Har- 
leian  Miscellany,  vol.  II.  p.  fl.  4  to.  Lond.  1744.  If  this  was  the  book  in 
which  Dr.  Welwood  remembered  to  have  read  \vliat  I  have  quoted  in  the 
note,  his  memory  discharged  its  office  but  very  ill.  However,  I  rather 
suspect,  there  is  a  larger  account  of  Eglisham's  in  print,  than  that  Wel- 
wood should  have  invented. 

.  »  See  Rushworth,  vol.  I.  p.  351, 


JAMES  I.  285 

successor  Charles  following,  attending  his 

answer  insists  on  his  innocency,  declaring  that  the 
drink  and  plaister  were  procured  by  the  king's  own 
desire,  on  his  recommendation  ;  that  by  his  own  com- 
mand they  were  applied  ;  that  he  (Buckingham)  gave 
the  drink  in  the  presence  of  some  of  the  physicians, 
who  tasted  it,  and  did  not  shew  their  dislike  of  it ; 
and  that  when  he  told  the  king  it  was  rumoured  that 
the  physic  he  had  gave  him,  had  done  him  hurt,  his 
majesty  with  much  discontent  answered,  they  are 
worse  than  the  devils  that  say  ita.  The  commons 
having  received  a  copy  of  the  duke's  answer  from  the 
lords,  say,  "  they  shall  presently  reply  in  such  sort, 
according  to  the  laws  of  parliament,  that  unless  his 
power  and  practice  undermine  our  proceedings,  we 
do  hot  doubt  but  we  upon  the  same  have  judgment 
aga;nst  himb."  But  his  power  and  practice  so  far  un- 
dermined their  proceedings,  that  a  dissolution  soon 
followed,  by  which  they  were  prevented  from  pro- 
ducing their  proofs  of  what  they  had  asserted.  This 
made  a  deep  impression  on  men's  minds,  and  caused 
them  to  apprehend  that  James  had  not  had  fair  play 
for  his  life.  The  hindering  a  parliamentary  inquiry 
into  the  death  of  a  king,  by  putting  an  end  to  the 
parliament  itself,  had  an  odd  appearance,  and  caused 
many  to  think  that  there  was  more  at  the  bottom  than 
it  was  convenient  should  see  the  light. — I  will  add  a 
passage  from  Burnet,  to  what  has  been  now  produced, 
which,  if  true,  will  pretty  well  clear  up  this  matter. 
"  King  James,"  says  he,  "  in  the  end  of  his  reign  was 
become  weary  of  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  who 
treated  him  with  such  an  air  of  insolent  contempt, 

»  Rushworth,  yol.  I.  p.  389.  b  Id.  p.  403. 


286  THE  LIFE  OF 

interment ;  Dr.  Williams,  lord  keeper,  and 

that  he  seemed  at  last  resolved  to  throw  him  off,  but 
could  not  think  of  taking  the  load  of  government  on 
himself,  and  so  resolved  to  bring  the  earl  of  Somerset 
again  into  favour,  as  that  lord   reported  it  to  some 
from  whom  I  had  it.     He  met  with  him  in  the  night, 
in  the  gardens  at  Theobalds  :     Two  bed  chamber  men 
were  only  in  the  secret;  the  king  embraced  him  ten- 
derly and  with  many  tears.     The  earl  of  Somerset  be- 
lieved the  secret  was  not  well  kept ;  for  soon  after  the 
king  was  taken  ill  with  some  fits  of  an  ague  and  died. 
My  father  was  then  in  London,  and  did  very  much 
suspect  an  ill  practice  in  the  matter:  But  perhaps  Dr. 
Craig,  my  mother's  uncle,  who  was  one  of  the  king's 
physitians,  possessed  him  with  these  apprehensions; 
for  he  was  disgraced  for  saying  he  believed  the  king 
•was  poisoned  *."     These  are  the  foundations  on  which 
the  suspicion  of  James's  being  poisoned  by  Bucking- 
ham relies.     Whether  any  thing  more  than  suspicion 
arises  from  them,  must  be  left  to  the  reader  to  deter- 
mine.    Lord  Clarendon,  who  could  not  be  ignorant  of 
a  good  part  of  what  has  been  now  related,  speaking 
of  James's  death,  says,  "it  was  occasioned  by  an  ague, 
(after  a  short  indisposition  by  the  gout)  which  meet- 
ing many  humours  in  a  fat  unwieldy  body  of  58  years 
old,  in  four  or  five  fits  carried  him  out  of  the  world. 
After  whose  death,"  adds  he,  "  many  scandalous  and 
libellous  discourses  were  raised  without  the  least  colour, 
or  ground:  as  appeared  upon  the  strictest  and  most 
malicious  examination  that  could  be  made,  long  after, 
in  a  time  of  licence,  when  no  body  was  afraid  of  of- 
fending majesty,  and  when  prosecuting  the  highest  re- 

*  Eurnet,  vol.  I.  p.  20. 


JAMES  I.  287 

bishop   of   Lincoln,  preached  his    funeral 
sermon,  which  soon  after  was  printed  with 

preaches  and  contumelies  against  the  royal  family,  was 
held  very  meritorious  V  This  is  talking  with  a  great 
air  of  authority  indeed!  was  there  no  colour  or  ground 
for  suspicion  of  foul  play,  when  Buckingham  himself 
owned  that  he  had  recommended  the  plaister  and  drink 
to  the  king,  and  had  them  administered  to  him,  with- 
out consulting  the  physicians?  was  there  no  ground 
for  such  a  suspicion,  when  some  of  his  majesty's  own 
physicians  helieved  it,  and  the  king  himself  attributed 
the  cause  of  his  trouble  to  the  plaister  and  drink  which 
the  duke  had  given  him  ?  had  the  house  of  commons 
no  colour  or  ground  to  impeach  the  duke  of  Bucking- 
ham for  his  behaviour  in  this  affair?  or  were  they  the 
authors  of  the  scandalous  and  libellous  discourses  that 
were  raised  about  it  ?  A  writer  who  gives  himself 
such  a  strange  liberty  of  censuring,  ought  to  be  pretty 
sure  he  is  in  the  right,  or  otherwise  he  stands  but  a 
very  poor  chance  of  being  believed.  Will.  Sanderson, 
very  roundly  says,  "  that  what  Buckingham  gave  James 
to  drink  was  a  posset  drink  of  milk  and  ale,  hartshorn, 
and  marygold  flowers,  ingredients  harmless  and  ordi- 
nary. And  though,"  says  he,  "  the  doctors  were  of- 
fended that  any  one  durst  assume  this  boldness  (of  ap- 
plying the  plaister)  without  their  consent;  by  after 
examination,  all  men  then  were  assured  of  the  com- 
position, and  a  piece  thereof  eaten  down  by  such  as 
made  it ;  and  the  plaister  many  months  afterwards  in 
being  for  further  tryal  of  any  suspition  of  poysonb." 

*  Clarendon,  vol.  I.  p.  24.  b  Sanderson's  Reign  of  K.  James, 

p.  592,  he  had  given  almost  the  very  same  account  before,  in  his  Aulicu*, 
Goquinariar,  p.  194. 


288  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  title  of  Great  Britain's  Salomon77, 
full  of  the  most  gross  flattery,  and  palpable 

The  reader  must  give  what  credit  to  this  he  thinks  it 
deserves,  for  my  own  part,  I  doubt  it  is  apocryphal. 

77  Dr.  Williams  preached  and  printed  his  funeral 
sermon,  with  the  title  of  Great  Britain's  Salomon] 
This  sermon  is  a  curiosity  and  deserves  to  be  known, 
as  it  gives  us  a  specimen  of  the  gross  flattery  of  those 
times.  His  text  was  1  Kings  xi.  41,  42,  and  part  of 
43  verse.  "  And  the  rest  of  the  words  of  Salomon, 
and  all  that  he  did,  and  his  wisdorne,  are  they  not 
written  in  the  book  of  the  acts  of  Salomon ;  and  the 
time  that  Salomon  reigned  in  Hierusalem  over  all  Israel, 
was  forty  years.  And  Salomon  slept  with  his  fathers, 
and  was  buried  in  the  city  of  David  his  father."  After 
having  mentioned  the  text  he  begins  thus  :  "  Most 
high  and  mighty,  most  honourable,  worshipful  and 
well  beloved  in  our  Lord,  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ; 
it  is  not  I,  but  this  woful  accident  that  chuseth  this 
text."  He  proceeds  then  to  consider  it  as  applicable 
to  Solomon  ;  and  afterwards  compares  him,  and  James, 
"  first  as  it  were  in  one  general  lump,  or  mould," 
says  he,  "  that  you  may  see  by  the  oddness  of  their 
proportion,  how  they  differ  from  all  kings  besides. 
And  then  with  a  particular  examination  of  the  parts 
of  my  text,  that  you  may  observe  by  the  several  mem- 
bers, how  well  they  resemble  the  one  the  other. 

"  For  the  bulke  or  the  mould,  I  dare  presume  to  say, 
you  never  read  in  your  lives,  of  two  kings  more  fully 
paralleled  amongst  themselves,  and  better  distinguish- 
ed from  all  other  kings  besides  themselves.  King  Sa- 
lomon is  said  to  be  itnigenitus  coram  matre  sua,  the 
only  sonne  of  his  mother,  Prov.  4.  3,  So  was  king 


JAMES  I.  £89 

untruths ;  insomuch  that  instead  of  cele- 
brating his  memory,  he  has  only  exposed 

James.  Salomon  was  of  a  complexion  white,  and  ruddy, 
Canticl.  v.  10.  So  was  king  James.  Salomon  was  an 
infant  king,  puer  pan-ulus,  a  little  child,  1  Chron.  xxii. 
5.  so  was  king  James  a  king  at  the  age  of. thirteen 
months.  Salomon  began  his  reign  in  the  life  of  his 
predecessor,  1  Kings  1.  32.  so,  by  the  force  and  com- 
pulsion of  that  state,  did  our  late  soveraigne  king 
James.  Salomon  was  twice  crowned,  and  anoynted  a 
king,  1  Chron.  xxix.  22.  so  was  king  James.  Salo- 
mon's minority  was  rough  through  the  quarrels  of  the 
former  soveraigne ;  so  was  that  of  king  James.  Salomon 
was  learned  above  all  the  princes  of  the  east,  1  Kings 
iv.  30.  so  was  king  James  above  all  the  princes  in  the 
universal  world.  Salomon  was  a  writer  in  prose  and 
verse,  1  Kings  iv.  32  so  in  a  very  pure  and  exquisite 
manner  was  our  sweet  soveraigne  king  James.  Salo- 
mon was  the  greatest  patron  we  ever  read  of  to  church 
and  churchmen  ;  and  yet  no  greater  (let  the  house  of 
Aaron  now  confess)  than  king  James.  Salomon  was 
honoured  with  ambassadors  from  all  the  kings  of  the 
earth,  1  Kings  iv.  last  verse;  and  so  you  know  was 
king  James.  Salomon  was  a  main  improver  of  his 
home  commodities,  as  you  may  see  in  his  trading  with 
Hiram,  1  Kings  v.  9,  and,  God  knows,  it  was  the 
daily  study  of  king  James.  Salomon  was  a  great 
maintainer  of  shipping  and  navigation,  1  Kings  x.  14. 
a  most  proper  attribute  to  king  James.  Salomon  beau- 
tified very  much  his  capital  city,  with  buildings  and 
water-works,  1  Kings  ix.  15.  so  did  king  James. 
Every  man  lived  in  peace  under  his  vine,  an-d  his  fig- 
tree,  in  the  days  of  Salomon,  1  Kings  iv.  25.  and  so 
VOL.  i.  u 


290  THE  LIFE  OF 

it.- James,  by  his  queen,  Anne  of  Den- 
mark, had  issue  besides  Charles  who  suc- 

they  did  in  the  blessed  days  of  king  James.  And  yet 
towards  his  end  king  Salomon  had  secret  enemies, 
Kazan,  Hadad,  and  Jeroboam,  and  prepared  for  a 
warre  upon  his  going  to  his  grave  ;  so  had,  and  so  did 
king  James.  Lastly,  before  any  hostile  act  we  read  of 
in  the  history,  king  Salomon  died  in  peace,  when  he 
had  lived  about  60  years,  and  so  you  know  did  king 
James  V 

One  would  think  this  had  been  enough  of  all  con- 
science ;  but  the  right  reverend  preacher  proceeds  ac- 
cording to  the  method  of  his  text,  "  to  polish  and  re- 
fine the  members  of  this  statue  in  their  division,  and 
particular.  In  his  stile,"  says  he,  "  you  may  observe 
the  Ecclesiastes,  in  his  figures  the  Canticles,  in  his 
sentences  the  Proverbs,  and  in  his  whole  discourse 
reliquum  verborurn  Salomonis,  all  the  rest  that  was  ad- 
mirable in  the  eloquence  of  Salomon. From  his 

saying  I  come  to  his  doings.  Qua  fecerit,  all  that  he 
did.  Every  action  of  his  sacred  majesty  was  a  virtue, 
and  a  miracle  to  exempt  him  from  any  parallel  amongst 
the  modeme  kings  and  princes.  Of  all  Christian  kings 
that  ever  I  read  of,  he  was  the  most  constant  patron  of 

churches  and  churchmen. 1  will  speak  it  boldly, 

in  the  presence  here  of  God  and  men,  that  I  believe  in 
my  soul  and  conscience,  there  never  lived  a  more  con- 
stant, resolute,  and  settled  protestant  in  point  of  doc- 
trine than  our  late  soveraigne. Through  all  Eu- 
rope no  more  question  was  made  of  his  being  just,  than 

of  his  being  king. He  was  resolute  enough,  and 

somewhat  too  forward  in  those  unapproachable  places 

1  Great  Britain's  Salomon,  p.  37. 


JAMES  I.  29i 

ceeded  him,  and  Elizabeth,  who  married 

(the  Highlands)  scattering  his  enemies  as  much  with 
his  example,  as  he  did  with  his  forces.  Besides  these 
adventures  of  his  person,  he  was  unto  his  people,  to 
the  hour  of  his  death,  another  cherubim  with  a  flaming 
sword,  to  keep  out  enemies  from  this  paradice  of  ours." 
After  flourishing  upon  his  political  wisdom  and 
learned  works,  he  goes  on  to  let  his  hearers  know 
"  that  as  he  lived  like  a  king,  so  he  died  like  a  saint. 
All  his  latter  days  he  spent  in  prayer,  sending  his 
thoughts  before  into  heaven,  to  be  the  harbingers  of 
his  happy  soul.  Some  fbure  days  before  his  end  he 
desired  to  receive  the  blessed  sacrament,  and  said  he 
was  prepared  for  it  by  faith  and  charitie.  He  repeated 
the  articles  of  the  creed,  and  after  the  absolution  had 
been  read  and  pronounced,  he  received  the  sacrament 
with  that  zeal  and  devotion,  as  if  he  had  not  been  a 
fraile  man,  but  a  cherubim  cloathed  with  flesh  and 
blood,  he  twice,  or  thrice  repeated  Domiue  Jesu,  veni 
cito  ;  and  after  the  prayer  usually  said  at  the  hour  of 
death,  was  ended,  his  lords  and  servants  kneeling, 
without  any  pangs  or  convulsions  at  all,  dormivit  Sa- 
lomon, Salomon  slept.  And  his  soul,"  adds  the  good 
bishop,  "  severed  from  the  dregs  of  the  body,  doth 
now  enjoy  an  eternal  dreaming  in  the  presence  of  God, 
environed  no  more  with  lords  and  knights,  but  with 
troupes  of  angels,  and  the  souls  of  the  blessed,  called 
in  this  text  his  fore-runners  or  fathers ;  and  Salomon 
slept  with  his  fathers8." — This  was  the  character  given 
of  James  before  those  who  were  acquainted  well  with 
him :  and  yet  I  believe  there  is  no  one,  who  reads  it 
now  but  will  think  it  somewhat  too  panegyrical  for  the 

*  Great  Britain's  Salomon,  p.  73. 

V  2 


29-2  THE  LIFE  OF 

*ick,   prince   Palatine  of  the  Rhine. 


Frederi 


pulpit.  But  indeed  the  bishops  strived  (as  he  had 
been  so  great  a  friend  to  churchmen)  to  outvie  each 
other  in  praising  him ;  and  consequently  we  can  take 
no  measures  of  the  truth -from  their  descriptions.  Laud 
observes  of  him,  that  it  was  little  less  than  a  miracle, 
that  so  much  sweetness  should  be  found  in  so  great  a 
heart;  that  clemency,  mercy,  and  justice,  were  emi- 
nent in  him  ;  that  he  was  not  only  a  preserver  of  peace 
at  home,  but  the  great  peace-maker  abroad;  that  he 
was  bountiful,  and  the  greatest  patron  of  the  church ; 
that  he  was  the  most  learned  prince  in  matters  of  re- 
ligion, and  most  orthodox  therein ;  that  he  devoutly 
received  the  blessed  sacrament,  and  approved  of  abso- 
lution ;  that  he  called  for  prayers,  was  full  of  patience 
at  his  death,  and  had  his  rest  in  Abraham's  bosom  *. 

Spotswood  determining  not  to  be  outdone  by  Wil- 
liams and  Laud,  declares  "  that  he  was  the  Salomon  of 
this  age,  admired  for  his  wise  government,  and  for  his 
knowledge  in  all  manner  of  learning.  For  his  wisdom, 
moderation,  love  of  justice,  for  his  patience,  and  piety 
(which  shined  above  all  his  other  virtues,  and  is  wit- 
nessed in  the  learned  works  he  left  to  posterity)  his 
name  shall  never  be  forgotten,  but  remain  in  honor  so 
long  as  the  world  endurethV  These  are  the  characters 
given  of  James  by  three  of  the  highest  rank  in  the 
church  ;  which  yet  have  had  the  misfortune  to  be  little 
credited  by  disinterested  posterity.  And  therefore  I>r. 
Grey  did  not  do  quite  so  right  in  referring  to  Spots- 
wood's  character  of  James,  as  a  vindication  of  him 
from  what  he  had  been  charged  with  by  his  adversary  c. 

*Se«  Rushworth,  rol.   I.  p.  156.  »  Church  History,  p.   546. 

•  Examination  of  Neale'f  second  volume,  p.  77. 


JAMES  I. 
(well  known  to  the  world  by  their  misfor- 

For  court-bishops,  by  some  fate  or  other,  from  the 
time  of  Constantine,  down  at  least  to  the  death  of 
James,  and  a  little  after,  have  had  the  characters  of 
flatterers,  panegyrists,  and  others  of  like  import;  and 
therefore  are  always  to  have  great  abatements  made  ia 
their  accounts  of  those  who  have  been  their  benefac- 
tors :  it  being  well  known,  that  such  they  endeavour 
to  hand  down  to  posterity  under  the  notion  of  saints, 
as  they  always  blacken  and  defame  their  adversaries. 

I  have  just  observed  that  disinterested  posterity  have 
given  little  credit  to  the  panegyrics  of  the  three  right 
reverends  :  I  will  give  a  proof  or  two  of  it,  and  then 
conclude  this  note.  Burnet  tells  us,  "  that  James  was 
become  the  scorn  of  the  age  ;  and  while  hungry  writers 
flattered  him  out  of  measure  at  home,  he  was  despised 
by  all  abroad  as  a  pedant  without  true  judgment, 
courage,  or  steadiness,  subject  to  his  favourites,  and 
delivered  up  to  the  counsels,  or  rather  the  corruption 
of  Spain1." — Lord  Bolingbroke  observes  of  him,  "  that 
he  had  no  virtues  to  set  off,  but  he  had  failings  and 
vices  to  conceal.  He  could  not  conceal  the  latter ; 
and,  void  of  the  former,  he  could  not  compensate  for 
them.  His  failings  and  his  vices  therefore  stand  in 
full  view,  he  passed  for  a  weak  prince  and  an  ill  man, 
and  fell  into  all  the  contempt  wherein  his  memory  re- 
mains to  this  day  V Lord  Orrery  says,  "  the  cha- 
racter of  queen  Elizabeth  has  been  exalted  by  the  want 
of  merit  in  her  successor,  from  whose  misconduct 
gushed  forth  that  torrent  of  misery,  which  not  only 
bore  down  his  son,  but  overwhelmed  the  three  king- 
doms0." 

»  Burnet,  vol.  I.  p.  21.  b  Letters  on  Patriotism,  p.  214.  '  Remark* 
on  the  Life  and  Writings  of  Swift,  p.  '208. 

3 


294  THE  LIFE  OF 

tunes)  Henry78,  a  prince  of  a  most  amiable 

In  the  Abbe  Ray  rial's  history  of  the  parliament  of 
England,  we  read  "  that  James  wanted  to  be  pacific, 
and  he  was  only  indolent ;  wise,  and  he  was  only  irre- 
solute; just,  and  he  was  only  timid;  moderate,  and  he 
was  only  soft;  good,  and  he  was  only  weak  ;  a  divine, 
and  he  was  only  a  fanatic ;  a  philosopher,  and  he  was 
only  extravagant;  a  doctor,  and  he  was  only  a  pedant. 
No  one  ever  carried  the  pretensions  of  the  crown 
further  than  James,  and  few  princes  have  contributed 
so  much  to  vilify  it. — This  prince  found  it  easier  to 
suffer  injuries  than  to  revenge  them;  to  dispense  with 
the  public  esteem,  than  to  merit  it;  and  to  sacrifice 
the  rights  of  his  crown,  than  to  trouble  his  repose  by 
maintaining  them.  He  lived  on  the  throne  like  a  pri- 
vate man  in  his  family  ;  he  retained  of  the  royalty  only 
the  gift  of  healing  the  evil,  which  is  attributed  to  the 
kings  of  England.  One  would  have  said  he  was  only 
a  passenger  in  the  vessel  of  which  he  ought  to  have 
been  the  pilot.  This  inaction  made  his  days  pass  in 
obscurity,  and  prepared  a  tragical  reign  for  his  suc- 
cessor V Thus  has  the  name  of  James  been  treated 

by  the  most  disinterested  and  unbiassed  ;  whether  the 
judgment  of  his  courtiers  who  had  been  greatly  favour- 
ed by  him,  is  to  be  set  in  the  balance  with  the  opinion 
of  these  writers  is  left  to  the  reader. 

78  Prince  Henry  was  of  a  most  amiable  disposition, 
and  excellent  genius.]  This  I  take  to  be  literally  true ; 
otherwise  I  would  not  have  been  at  the  trouble  of  saying 
any  thing  about  him.  He  was  born  at  Striveling,  Feb. 
19,  1594,  and  committed  to  the  care  of  the  earl  of 
Mar  (the  family  of  Erskin,  earl  of  Mar,  was  always 

*  See  the  Monthly  Review  for  the  year  1751,  p.  448.  8ve. 


JAMES  I.  29$ 

disposition  and  excellent  genius;  the  dar- 

governor  of  the  king's  children,  from  the  time  the 
Stuarts  mounted  the  throne);  hy  the  following  letter 
writ  by  his  majesty's  own  hand. 

"    MY  LORD  OF  MARRE, 

"  Because  in  the  surety  of  my  son,  consisteth  my 
surety,  and  I  have  concredited  unto  you  the  charge  of 
his  keeping,  upon  the  trust  I  have  of  your  honesty; 
this  I  command  you  out  of  my  own  mouth,  being  in 
the  company  of  those  I  like;  otherwise  for  any  charge 
or  necessity  that  can  come  from  me,  you  shall  not  de- 
liver him ;  and  in  case  God  call  me  at  any  time,  see 
that  neither  for  the  queen  nor  estates  their  pleasure, 
you  deliver  him  till  he  be  18  years  of  age,  and  that  he 
command  you  himself. 

"  Striveling,  24th  of 
July,  1595V 

In  obedience  to  this  command,  lord  Mar  kept  the 
prince,  and  refused  to  deliver  him  to  the  queen  his 
mother,  in  the  year  1603,  till  the  duke  of  Lennox  was 
sent  with  a  warrant  to  receive  him,  and  delivered  him 
to  the  queen.  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  Adam  Newton,  was 
his  tutor,  by  whose  instructions  he  is  said  to  have  pro- 
fited greatly.  "  He  was,"  says  Sir  Charles  Cornwallis, 
"  of  a  comely,  tall,  middle  stature,  about  five  foot  and 
eight  inches  high,  of  a  strong,  streight  well-made  body, 
with  somewhat  broad  shoulders,  and  a  small  waste, 
of  an  amiable  majestic  countenance,  his  hair  of  an 
aborne  collour,  long  faced,  and  broad  forehead,  a 
piercing  grave  eye,  a  most  gracious  smile,  with  a 

•Spotswood,  p.  410. 


296  THE  LIFE  OF 

ling  of  the  people  whilst  living,  and  greatly 

terrible  frown,  courteous,  loving  and  affable;  his  fa- 
vour like  the  sun,  indifferently  seeming  to  shine  upon 
all;  naturally  shamefaced,  and  modest,  most  patient, 
which  he  shewed  both  in  life  and  death. —  Dissimula- 
tion he  esteemed  most  base,  chiefly  in  a  prince,  not 
willing,  nor  by  nature  being  able  to  flatter,  fawne,  or 
use  those  kindly  who  deserved  not  his  love.  Quick  he 
was  to  conceive  anything,  not  rash  but  mature  in  de- 
liberation, yet  most  constant,  having  resolved.  True 
of  his  promise,  most  secret  even  from  his  youth;  so 
that  he  might  have  been  trusted  in  any  thing  that  did 
not  force  a  discovery;  being  of  a  close  disposition  not 
easy  to  be  known,  or  pried  into :  of  a  fearless,  noble, 
heroic,  and  undaunted  courage,  thinking  nothing  im- 
possible, that  ever  was  done  by  any.  He  was  ardent 
in  his  love  to  religion,  which  love,  and  all  the  good 
causes  thereof,  his  heart  was  bent  by  some  means  or 
other  (if  he  had  lived)  to  have  shewed,  and  some  way 
to  have  compounded  the  unkind  jarrs  thereof. 

"  He  made  conscience  of  an  oath,  and  was  never 
heard  to  take  God's  name  in  vain.  He  hated  popery, 
though  he  was  not  unkind  to  the  persons  of  papists. — 
He  loved  and  did  mightily  strive  to  do  somewhat  of 
every  thing,  and  to  excel  in  the  most  excellent.  He 
greatly  delighted  in  all  kind  of  rare  inventions  and 
arts,  and  in  all  kind  of  engines  belonging  to  the  wars, 
both  by  sea  and  land:  In  the  bravery  and  number  of 
great  horses ;  in  shooting  and  levelling  of  great  pieces 
of  ordnance;  in  the  ordering  and  marshalling  of 
armes;  in  building  and  gardening,  and  in  all  sorts  of 
rare  musique,  chiefly  the  trumpet  and  drum ;  in 
limning  and  painting,  carving  in  all  sorts  of  excel- 
lent and  rare  pictures,  which  he  had  brought  unto 


JAMES  I.  297 

lamented  after  his  death ;   which  (though 

him,  from  all  countries3."  Thus  speaks,  of  prince 
Henry,  Sir  Charles  Cornwallis,  treasurer  of  his  house- 
hold. But  without  other  authorities,  I  should  lay 
very  little  stress  on  his  book,  which  looks  more  like  a 
panegyric  than  a  history: And  we  find  it  ob- 
served by  a  fine  writer,  "  that  princes  in  their  infancy, 
childhood  and  youth,  are  said  to  discover  prodigious 
parts  and  wit,  to  speak  things  that  surprize  and  asto- 
nish: strange,  adds  he,  so  many  hopeful  princes,  and 
so  many  shameful  kings  !  if  they  happen  to  die  young 
they  would  have  been  prodigies  of  wisdom  and  virtue: 
if  they  live,  they  are  often  prodigies  indeed,  but  of 
another  sortV — However,  it  is  certain,  prince  Henry 
had  very  great  merit.  "  The  government  of  his  house 
was  with  much  discretion, modesty,  sobriety,  and  in  an 
high  reverence  to  piety,  not  swearing  himself,  or  keep- 
ing any  that  did.  He  was  not  only  plausible  in  his 
carriage,  but  just  in  payments,  so  far  as  his  credit  out- 
reached  the  kings  both  in  the  exchange  and  the 
church'.  He  was  an  enemy  to  oppression  and  injus- 
tice ;  for  hearing  the  king  had  given  Sherburn  Castle  to 
Sir  Robert  Car,  he  came  with  some  anger  to  his  father, 
desiring  he  would  be  pleased  to  bestow  Sherburn  upon 
him,  alledging  that  it  was  a  place  of  great  strength  and 
beauty,  which  he  much  liked,  but  indeed  with  an  in- 
tention of  giving  it  back  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  whom 
he  much  esteemed*1."  The  same  noble  disposition  he 
shewed  towards  Sir  Robert  Dudley,  who  was  deprived 
of  his  honours  and  estate  by  the  injustice  of  James. 

*The  short  Life  and  much  lamented  Death  of  Henry  prince  of  Wales, 
by  Sir  Charles  Cornwallis.  8vo.  1644.  p.  93—101.  b  Swift  and  Pope's 

Miscellanies,  vol.  I.  p.  307.  l'2mo.  Lond.  1731.    See  also  Osborn,  p.  527. 
«  Id.  p.  528.  "  Raleigh's  Works,  rol.  I.  p.  1 1 7. 


298  THE  LIFE  OF 

his  physicians   declared   to  the   contrary) 

"  He  made  overtures  to  Sir  Robert,"  says  king  Charles, 
"  to  obtain  his  title  in  Kenilworth  Castle,  &c.  and  bought 
it  of  him  for  fourteen  thousand  five  hundred  pounds, 
and  promised  to  restore  him  in  honors  and  fortunes1." 

This  prince  was  the  patron  of  the  studies  of  Sir 

Walter  Raleigh,  for  whose  abilities  he  had  an  high 
esteem,  and  who  drew  up  for  his  use,  a  discourse 
touching  a  match  between  the  lady  Elizabeth  and  the 
prince  of  Piedmont;  observations  concerning  the  royal 
navy  and  sea-service  ;  and  a  letter  touching  the  model 
of  a  ship.  And  in  the  year  1611,  "  that  worthy  sea- 
man, Sir  Thomas  Button,  servant  to  prince  Henry, 
pursued  the  north-west  discoveries  at  the  instigation 

of  that  glorious  young  prince b." And  very  certain 

it  is  that  he  endeavoured  well  to  understand  state  af- 
fairs, and  applied  himself  to  get  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  them;  the  duke  of  Sully  assures  us,  "  that  as  soon 
as  he  had  obtained  his  father's  promise  that  he  would 
at  least,  not  obstruct  his  proceedings,  he  prevented 
Henry's  (the  fourth's)  wishes ;  being  animated  with  a 
thirst  of  glory,  and  a  desire  to  render  himself  worthy 
the  esteem  and  alliance  of  Henry :  for  he  was  to  marry 
the  eldest  daughter  of  France.  He  wrote  me  several 
letters  hereupon,  and  therein  expressed  himself  in  the 
manner  I  have  mentioned c."  Agreeably  hereunto,  Dr. 
Welwood  says,  "  the  duke  of  Sully,  being  in  England 

• laid  the  foundation  of  a  strict  friendship  betwixt 

his  master  and  prince  Henry ;  which  was  afterwards 
carried  on  by  letters  and  messages  till  the  death  of  that 
king.  Tho'  it's  a  secret  to  this  day  what  was  the  real 

a  Patent  for  creating  Alice,  lady  Dudley,  a  duchess  of  England.  b  Ac- 
count of  several  late  Voyages,  edit.  1711.  in  the  Introduction,  p,  15. 
*  Memoirs  of  Sully,  vol.  I.  p.  97. 


JAMES  I.      .  299 

was  supposed  to  be  by  poison :  but  how- 
design  of  all  those  vast  preparations  that  were  made 
by  Henry  the  fourth  before  his  death :  yet  I  have 
seen  some  papers  which  make  it  more  than  probable, 
that  prince  Henry  was  not  only  acquainted  with  the 

secret,   but   was   engaged   in  the   design3." Sir 

Charles  Cornwallis  having  written  to  him  from  Spain, 
where  he  was  ambassador,  prince  Henry  in  a  letter  to 
him,  replies,  "  that  he  must  particularly  thank  him  for 
imparting  to  him  his  observations  of  that  state,  where- 
of/' says  he,  "  I  w  ill  make  the  best  use  I  may ;  and  since 
that  is  a  study  very  well  befitting  me,  and  wherein  I 
delight,  I  will  desire  you  to  acquaint  me  further  in  that 
kind  as  occasions  shall  be  offered ;  that  thereby  the 
more  ye  may  deserve  my  readiness  to  acknowledge 
itb." — Before  Sir  Thomas  Edmondes's  departure  to 
France,  prince  Henry  engaged  him  to  communicate 
to  him  the  course  of  things  there;  and  on  the  second 
of  September,  Mr.  Adam  (afterwards  Sir  Adam)  New- 
ton, wrote  from  Richmond  to  Sir  Thomas,  to  remind 
him  of  his  promise  to  his  royal  highness.  "  This  op- 
portunity offering  itself  so  fitly,  maketh  me  call  unto 
your  remembrance  a  promise  which  his  highness  al- 
legeth  you  made  unto  him  at  your  departure,  of  im- 
parting to  him  such  occurrences,  as  that  country 
yieldeth.  I  find  his  highness  doth  expect  it;  and 
therefore  I  presume  to  acquaint  you  therewith. — The 
French  perceived  very  early  the  forwardness  of  this 
young  prince,  and  thought  proper  to  try  to  secure  him 
to  their  interest;  for  secretary  Villeroy  wrote  to  Mon- 
sieur de  la  Boderie,  the  French  ambassador  in  England, 
from  Fontainbleau,  the  18th  of  July,  1608,  N.S.  that 

a  Welwood's  Memoirs,  p.  20.  b  Winwood,  vol.  III.  p.  45. 


300  THE  LIFE  OF 

ever  that  be,  certain  it  is,  James  was  little 

king  Henry  the  fourth  had  told  him,  that  he  had  more 
desire  than  ever  to  seek  the  friendship  of  the  prince  of 
Wales,  and,  for  that  purpose,  to  gratify  those  about 
him,  as  that  ambassador  should  judge  fit ;  since  that 
king  foresaw,  that  the  prince  would  soon  hold  a  rank 
worthy  of  him  in  England,  on  account  of  the  little 
esteem,  which  was  had  of  the  queen  and  kingV  And 
there  is  a  letter  of  prince  Henry's  to  Sir  Thomas  Ed- 
mondes,  dated  September  10,  16 12,  urging  him  in  a 
strong  and  masterly  manner  to  prosecute  the  scheme 
of  uniting  the  princes  of  the  blood,  and  the  heads  of 
the  protestant  party  in  France,  against  the  ministers 
of  that  court b. — From  these  authorities  I  presume,  we 
may  with  great  truth  affirm  that  this  young  prince  was 
possessed  of  a  most  amiable  disposition  and  excellent 
genius.  In  short  he  was  the  very  reverse  of  his  father, 
and  therefore  not  much  esteemed  by  him.  "  The  vi- 
vacity, spirit,  and  activity  of  the  prince  soon  gave 
umbrage  to  his  father's  court,  which  grew  extreamly 
jealous  of  him;  and  Sir  Thomas  Edmondes,  though  at 
a  distance,  seems  to  have  been  sensible  of  this,  and  to 
have  been  more  cautious  on  that  account  of  cor- 
responding with  his  royal  highness0."  And  the 
prince  was  so  sensible  of  his  want  of  influence  in  his 
father's  court,  that  in  a  letter  of  his  to  Sir  Thomas, 
dated  September  10,  1612,  he  excuses  himself  from 
interposing  in  Sir  Thomas's  favour,  with  regard  to 
asking  preferment  for  him ;  "  because  as  matters  go 
nowhere,"  says  he,  "  I  will  deal  in  no  businesses  of  im- 
portance for  some  respects d."  Osborn  therefore  seems 

a  Birch's  View  of  the  Negotiations,  p.  327.        k  Id.  p.  361.         c  Birch's 
View,  p.  326.  *  Id.  p.  SfiJ. 


JAMES  I.  301 

affected  with  it.     His  other  children  were 

to  have  been  well  informed  in  saying  "  that  the  king 
though  he  would  not  deny  any  thing  the  prince 
plainly  desired,  yet  it  appeared  rather  the  result  of 
fear  and  outward  compliance,  than  love  or  natural 
affection ;  being  harder  drawn  to  confer  an  honor  or 
pardon,  in  cases  of  desert,  upon  a  retainer  of  the  prince, 
than  a  stranger*."  However,  he  was  the  darling  of  the 
English  nation,  his  court  was  well  filled,  and  his  at- 
tendants were  numerous;  in  life  he  was  highly  beloved, 
after  death,  equally  lamented,  by  all  but  his  father,  and 
his  favourite  Rochester.  "  November  the  6th,  1612, 
proved  fatal  to  him,  who  died  at  the  age  of  eighteen, 
at  St.  James's,  of  a  disease,  with  which  he  had  been 
seized  in  the  preceding  month:  but  the  prevailing 
opinion  of  that  timeb  and  since  adopted  by  some  of 
our  historians,  though  contradicted  by  the  unanimous 
report  of  his  physicians,  was,  that  his  end  was  hastened 
by  poison.  And  this  notion  received  some  counte- 
nance, from  the  little  concern,  which  was  shewn  at  his 
death  by  the  court,  though  the  nation  considered  it  as 
an  irreparable  loss.  For  it  made  so- little  impression 
upon  the  king  and  his  favourite,  that  Rochester,  on 
the  9th  of  November,  three  days  after  that  melancholy 
event,  wrote  from  Whitehall  to  Sir  Thomas  Edmondes, 
to  begin  a  negotiation  for  a  marriage  between  prince 
Charles  and  the  second  daughter  of  France  V 

Sir  Thomas  indeed  had  more  sense  of  decency,  and 
therefore  delayed  it.  This  the  king  approved  of,  on 
consideration.  "  For,"  says  his  majesty,  "  it  would 
have  been  a  very  blunt  thing  in  us,  that  you,  our  mi- 

'Osborn,  p.  531.  b  See  Burnet,  vol.  I.  p.  10.     Winwood,  vol.  III. 

p.  410.  Aulicus  Coquinariae,  p.  151.  Welwood's  Note  on  Wilson,  it 
Compleat  History,  vol.  H.  p.  6;9.  «  Birch's  View,  p.  371, 


502  THE  LIFE  OF  JAMES  I. 

Sophia,  and  Mary,  who  both  died  young, 
and  were  buried  with  great  solemnity  at 
Westminster. 

nister,  should  so  soone  after  such  an  irreparable  losse 
received  by  us,  have  begun  to  talk  of  marriage,  the 
most  contrary  thing  that  could  be,  to  death  and  fu- 

nerallsV This  conduct  is  quite  amazing  !    "U  hat 

must  the  world  judge  of  a  father,  who  was  thus  unaf- 
fected with  the  death  of  a  worthy  virtuous  son  ?  If  to  be 
without  natural  affection,  shews  the  utmost  depravity 
of  the  heart  of  man,  we  may,  without  breach  of  charity, 
say  that  James's  heart  was  utterly  depraved.  His  pas- 
sion for  his  favourite,  extinguished  his  affection  for  his 
child;  and  his  weakness  and  worthlessness  made  him 
look  on  him  as  an  object  of  terror,  whom  all  mankind 
viewed  with  esteem  and  approbation.  But  the  neglect 
of  a  father  deprived  not  prince  Henry  of  that  reputa- 
tion which  he  so  well  deserved.  Posterity  have  sounded 
forth  his  praises,  and  held  him  up  to  view  as  one  wor- 
thy the  imitation  of  all  young  princes  ;  and  wherever 
his  character  is  known,  his  memory  will  be  highly 
honoured. 

1  Birch's  View,  p.  373. 


APPENDIX. 


Additions  to  the  Life  of  King  JAMES  THE  FIRST,  communicated 
by  the  Reverend  Dr.  BIRCH,  Secretary  to  the  Royal  Society. 

THE  following  books  were  published  on  occasion  of 
king  James  I.  Triplici  nodo  Triplex  Cuneus,  printed  at 
first  without  his  name.  Cardinal  Bellarmin  published, 
in  1608,  under  the  name  of  Mattheus  Tortus,  a  book  in 
quarto,  intitled,  Responsio  ad  librum,  cui  titulus,  tri- 
plici  nodo  triplex  cuneus,  sive  apologia  pro  juramento 
fidelitatis,  adversus  duo  brevia  Papae  Pauli  V,  et  re- 
centes  literas  cardinalis  Bellarmin i  ad  Georgium  Black- 
vellum,  anglice  archi-presbyterum :  reprinted  at  Rome, 
1609,  in  quarto. 

The  king,  upon  this  answer,  republished  his  own 
book,  with  his  name,  with  a  monitory  preface. 

In  1609,  Dr.  Lancelot  Andrews,  then  bishop  of  Chi- 
chester,  published  at  London,  in  quarto,  TorturaTort; 
sive  ad  Maltha?!  Torti  librum  responsio,  qui  nuper  edi- 
tus  contra  apologiam  serenissimi  potentissimique  prin- 
cipis  Jacobi,  Dei  gratia,  Magnae  Britannia?.,  Franciaj 
et  Hiberniae  Regis,  pro  juramento  fidelitatis. 

Cardinal  Bellarmin  published  in  1610,  in  quarto,  Pro 
responsione  sua  ad  librum  Jacobi,  Magnae  Britannias 
regis,  cui  titulus  est,  triplici  nodo  triplex  cuneus, 
apologia. 

To  this  Dr.  Andrews,  now  bishop  of  Ely,  published 
at  London,  16 10,  in  quarto,  Responsio  ad  apologiam 
cardinal!*  Bellarmini,  quain  nuper  edidit  contra  praef;i- 


304  APPENDIX. 

tionem  monitoriam  serenissimi  ac  potentissimi  prin- 
cipis,  Jacobi,  Dei  gratia,  Magnae  Britannia?,  Franciae 
et  Hiberniae  regis,  fidei  defensoris,  omnibus  Christianis 
inonarchis,  principibus  atque  ordinibus  inscriptam. 

Nicolas  Coeffetau,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Marseilles, 
published  against  the  king's  preface,  at  Paris,  in  1610, 
in  octavo,  Response  a  1'avertissement,  addresse  par  le 
serenissime  Roy  de  la  Grande  Bretagne  Jacques  I.  a 
tous  les  princes  et  potentates  de  la  chretiente. 

This  was  answered  by  Peter  du  Moulin,  minister  of 
Charenton,  whose  vindication  of  the  king,  was  printed 
in  French  at  Paris,  in  1610,  in  octavo,  and  in  Latin  at 
London.  The  French  title  is,  Defence  de  la  foy  ca- 
tholique,  continue  au  livre  de  Jacques  I.  Roy  d'An- 
gleterre  contre  la  response  de  N.  Coeffetau. 

CoefFetau  replied  to  Peter  du  Moulin's  book,  in  his 
apologie  pour  la  response  a  1'avertissement  du  sereuis- 
sime  Roy  de  la  Grande  Bretagne,  contre  les  accusa- 
tions du  Pierre  du  Moulin,  ministre  de  Charenton, 
printed  at  Paris  16 14,  in  octavo. 

Mr.  John  Donne,  afterwards  doctor  of  divinity  and 
dean  of  St.  Paul's,  wrote  and  published,  before  his  en- 
trance into  orders,  a  quarto  volume,  printed  at  London 
in  1610,  in  support  of  the  king's  defences  of  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  Pseudo-martyr :  "  wherein  out  of  cer- 
taine  propositions  and  gradations,  this  conclusion  is 
evicted,  that  those,  which  are  of  the  Romane  religion 
in  this  kingdom,  may,  and  ought  to  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance." 

Father  Parsons,  the  Jesuit,  published  at  St.  Omers, 
in  1608,  in  quarto,  the  judgment  of  a  catholic  gentle- 
man, concerning  king  James's  apology  for  the  oath  of 
allegiance  :  answered  bv  Dr.  William  Barlow,  after- 

J 

wards  bishop  of  Lincoln.  Wood.  Ath.  Oxon.  Vol.  I. 
col.  362. 


APPENDIX.  305 

Martinus  Becanus  published  at  Mentz  in  1610,  in 
octavo,  Refutatio  apologia?  et  monitoriaj  praefationis 

Jacob!  regis  Anglise and  Refutatio  torturae   torti 

contra  sacellanum  regis  Angliae. 

Dr.  William  looker,  dean  of  Li tch field,  answered 
him  in  his  Certamen  cum  Martino  Becano,  futiliter 
refutante  apologiam  Jacobi  regis,  printed  in  1611,  in 
octavo,  at  London. 

Becanus  replied  to  Dr. looker,  in  his  Duellum  cum 
Gulielmo  Tooker  de  primatu  regis  Angliae,  printed  at 
Mentz,  in  octavo;  where  he  published  likewise,  the 
same  year,  and  in  the  same  form,  a  book  against  bishop 
Andrews,  intitled  Controversia  Anglicana  de  potestate 
regis  et  pontificis  contra  Lancellottum  Andraeam. 

To  which  last  book  of  Becanus  an  answer  was  given 
by  Robert  Burhill,  intitled,  Contra  Becani  controver- 
siam  Anglicanam  assertio  pro  jure  regis,  proque  epis- 
copi  Eliensis  responsione'  ad  apologiam  Bellarmini ; 
London  1613,  in  octavo Mr.  Richard  Harris  pub- 
lished likewise  an  answer  in  Latin,  at  London,  1612, 
in  octavo,  to  Becanus's  Controversia  Anglicana. 

Leonardus  Lessius  wrote  against  the  king's  Praefatio 
monitoria,  in  a  book  printed  at  Antwerp,  1611,  in 
octavo,  and  intitled  De  Antichristo  et  ejus  praecur- 
soribus  disputatio,  qua  refutatur  praefatio  monitoria 
Jacobi  regis  Magnse  Britanniae. 

This  was  answered  by  Dr.  George  Downame,  after- 
wards bishop  of  Londonderry  in  Ireland,  in  his  book, 
called,  Papa  Antichristus,  seu  diatriba  duabus  partibus, 
quarum  prior  6  libris  vindicat  Jacobi  regis  sententiam 
de  Antichristo,  posterior  refutat  Leonardi  Lessii  16  de- 
monstrationes  regis  praefationi  monitoriae  oppositas  : 
London  1620. 

Francis  Suares,  the  Jesuit,  attacked  the  king's  apo- 
logy for  the  oath  of  allegiance  in  his  Defensio  fidei 
VOL.  i.  x 


APPENDIX. 

catholicae  contra  Anglicanae  sectae  errores,  una  cum 
respbnsione  ad  Jacob!  regis  apologiam  pro  juramento 
tidelitatis,  printed  at  Coimbra  in  1613,  and  at  Mentz 
in  1619. 

Leonardus  Cocquseus,  an  Augustinian  monk,  pub- 
lished at  Friburg,  in  1610,  Examen  praefationis  apolo- 
gia; Jacobi  regis  pro  juramento  fidelitatis. 

James  Gretser,  the  Jesuit,  in  1610,  printed  at  In- 
golstad,  Baffifaxov  &uf>w,  sen  commentarius  exegeticus 
in  Jacobi  regis  Magnae  Britanniae  praefationem  moni- 
toriam,  et  in  ejusdem  apologiam  pro  juramento  fideli- 
tatis. 

Andraeas  Eudacmon-Johannes  wrote  against  bishop 
Andrews,  in  his  Parallelus  Torti  et  tortoris  ejus  L. 
Cicestrensis,  seu  responsio  ad  torturam  Torti  pro  Ro- 
berto Bellarmino;  Colen  in  1611. 

This  was  replied  to  by  Dr.  Samuel  Collins,  Regius 
Professor  of  divinity  at  Cambridge,  in  a  book,  printed 
there  in  quarto,  under  the  title  of  "  Increpatio  Andreac 
Eudaemon-Johannis  de  infami  parallelo,  et  renovata  as- 
sertio  torturae  Torti  pro  episcopo  Eliensi." — He  pub- 
lished likewise,  at  Cambridge,  in  1617,  in  quarto,  "Ep- 
phata  to  T.  T.  or  a  defence  of  the  bishop  of  Ely  con- 
cerning his  answer  to  cardinal  Bellarmin's  apology,, 
against  the  Calumnies  of  a  scandalous  pamphlet." 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


The  Numerals  \.  ii.  iii.  iv.  v.  refer  to  the  Volume;  the  Figures  to  the  Page. 
In  the  references,  no  distinction  is  made  between  the  notes  and  tin  text. 


ABBOT,  archbishop,  said  to  have  instigated  king  James  against  the 
Aiminians,  i.  152 — His  letter  to  James,  remonstrating  against  his 
toleration  of"  the  Catholics,  26G — Presides  at  the  coronation  of 
Charles  the  First,  and  administers  the  oath,  ii.  1 98 — Character  of, 
as  a  church  naler,  225 — In  disgrace  for  refusing  to  license  Sibthorpe's 
sermon,  287. 

Absurdities  eagerly  swallowed  by  some  men,  iii.  86. 

Academical  discipline  relaxed  after  the  Restoration,  v.  K. 

Academies  of  Greece  and  Rome,  object  of  their  institution,  iv.  6. 

Act  of  oblivion  passed  during  the  Commonwealth,  iii.  271. 

Act  of  uniformity,  see  Uniformity. 

Acts  of  parliament  formerly  proclaimed  in  the  markets,  iv.  40. 

Addresses  sent  from  various  places  to  congratulate  Oliver  Cromwell  on 
his  assumption  of  the  protectorate,  iii.  343 — Presented  to  Richard 
on  his  succession,  iv.  178,  182. 

Affability  mistaken  for  tenderness  and  good-nature,  as  in  the  character 
of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  ij. 

Agitators,  the,  desirous  of  a  conjunction  with  the  kin,^,  ii.  451 — Send 
Joyce  to  seize  him,  474 — A  council  of,  erected  by  the  army,  iii. 
14i — Their  share  in  the  mutiny  against  the  parliament,  162 — Re- 
fuse to  be  reconciled  to  the  kins;,  1 70. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  peace  of,  disgusting  to  the  French  king,  v.  200. 

Algiers,  number  of  English  prisoners  and  captives  there,  occasions  a 
committee  of  enquiry  in  the  house  of  commons,  ii.  132 — Number 
of  these  captives  restored  by  the  taking  of  Sallee,  196. 

Allegiance,  oath  of,  enacted,  to  secure  the  obedience  of  the  Catholics, 
i.  1 1 1 — The  taking  of  this  oath  forbidden  by  the  pope,  1 14 — James 
the  First's  apology  for  enacting  it,  in  answer  to  the  pope's  brief, 
H7,  119 — Favourable  conduct  of  James  to  such  Catholics  as  take 
it,  258— Its  nature  considered,  iv.  47. 

Allegiance  and  protection,  mutual  obligations  between  the  prince  and 
people,  iv.  339. 

Allen,  sir  Thos.  lord  mayor  of  London,  prevails  on  Moncke  to  de- 
clare against  the  Rump  Parliament,  iv.  311. 

Allington,  Wm.  lord,  pensioned  by  Charles  the  Second  for  his  par- 
liamentary services,  v.  28O. 

Altar,  ceremony  of  bowing  to  it,  when  and  by  whom  introduced,  ii. 
221 — Anecdote  of  a  man  of  letters  going  to  St.  Paul's,  to  see  Dr. 
Hare  make  his  bow,  222 — Question  of  the  harm  contained  in  this 
ceremony  answered,  223. 


308  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Ambassador,  Swedish,  how  received  by  Cromwell,  iii.  so. 
Ambassadors,  spies  by  office,  should  be  narrowly  watched,  v.  229 — 

Honours  conferred  on  them,  prohibited  by  Elizabeth  of  England,  and 

Christina  of  Sweden,  230.  • 
Amboyna,   cruelties  exercised  there  by  the  Dutch   on  the  English-, 

i.  198— These  cruelties  avenged  by  Cromwell,  it.  200 — James  and 

Cromwell  respecting  this  business  compared,  ib.  201. 
Amnesty,  a  general,  proclaimed  by  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  356. 
Ancram,  Charles  earl  of,  a  member  of  the  pensioned  parliament,  under 

Charles  the  Second,  v.  281 — Endeavours  to  screen  the  assassins  who 

had  attacked  Sir  John  Coventry,  314. 
Andover,  lord,  married  by  a  popish  priest,  ii.  233. 
Andrews,  bishop  of  Winchester,  his  witty  reply  to  James  the  First, 

i.  156. 
Andrews,  bishop  of  Chichestcr  and  Ely,  his  answers  to  Bellarmin,  i. 

303. 
Andrews,  dean,  as  chairman  of  the  Irish  convocation,  compared  by 

Wentworth  to  Ananias,  ii.  246. 
Anglesey,  lord,  leaves  a  memorandum  in  writing,  that  the  Icon  Basi- 

like  was  the  production  of  Dr.  Gauden,  ii.  126. 
Anne,  lady,  wife  to  James  duke  of  York,  her  character,   i.  37 — Her 

inclination  towards  popery,  promoted  by  the  flatteries  of  protestant 

prelates,  v.  81. 
Annesley,  Mr.  active  in   promoting  the  restoration   of  Charles  the 

Second  without  cosditions,  iv.  312 — Opposes  the  settlement  of  the 

excise  duties  on  the  crown,  373. 
Antrim,  earl  of,  supposed  concern  of,  in  the  Irish  rebellion,  ii.  396, 

4Or>,  407. 

Aprice,  Rev.  J.  his  account  of  the  last  moments  of  Charles  the  Second, 

v.  61,  370. 
Arbitrary  doctrines,  if  countenanced  by  the  court,  the  intention  is  to 

introduce  universal  slavery,  ii.  200 — Abortive  without  an  army,  v.  294. 
Argyle,  Archibald,  earl  of,  why  induced  to  be  a  covenanter,  ii.  329 — 

Proceedings  of  the  earl  of  Antrim  against,  399 — In  great  credit  with 

the  Scottish  covenanters,  iv.  77 — Remarks  on  his  case,  as  related  by 

lord  Clarendon,  v.  20 — Copy  of  a  declaration  in  his  favour,  signed 

by  Charles  the  Second*  22. 
Arlington,  lord  chamberlain,  refuses  to  let  the  commissioners  of  the 

commons  have  the  accounts  of  secret  service  money  paid  by  Sir  S. 

Fox,  V.  287. 

Arminius,  his  amiable  character,  i.  146 — Virulence  of  king  James 
against  him  and  his  followers,  ib. — Several  of  his  followers  advanced 
by  the  same  king  to  great  dignities,  154 — Their  servility,  155 — The 
preachers  of  the  doctrines  of,  encouraged  and  promoted  by  Charles 
the  First,  ii.  208,213. 

Army,  the,  seizes  Charles  the  First  at  Windsor,  ii.  450.  iv.  34 — Nego- 
tiates with  him  for  the  settlement  of  the  nation,  ii.  451 — The  treaty 
broken  off  by  the  obstinacy  and  high  terms  of  the  king,  457 — Seizes 
4iim  again  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  removes  him  to  Hurst  Castle, 
469 — Subverts  the  liberties  of  parliament,  and  brings  the  king  to  the 
scaffold,  471 — Mutinies  on  account  of  some  regiments  being  sent  to 
Ireland,  iii.  94 — New-modelled,  1 1 5 — Mischiefs  of  confiding  the  sole 
command  of,  to  one  man,  lie — Mutinies  on  account  of  the  self-de- 
nying ordinance,  118 — Cromwell  dispensed  with  paying  obedience 


GENERAL  INDEX.  rto«> 

to  that  Ordinance  to  appease  it,  ib. — Its  submission,  121 — Its  usurpa- 
ations,  139,  152 — Erects  a  council  of  officers  and  agitators,  141-^-In- 
sults  die  parliament,  142,  154 — Seizes  the  king,  162 — Addresses  him 
in  respectful  terms,  168 — The  king's  stiffness  disgusts  it,  171 — 
Again  seizes  him,  and  shuts  him  up  in  Hurst  Castle,  179 — Purges 
the  house  of"  commons,  ib. — Petitions  for  a  parliamentary  reform, 
282 — Subscribes  the  engagement  to  the  commonwealth,  iv.  56 — Pe- 
titions Richard  CromwellTor  a  redress. of  grievances,  191 — Rebuked 
by  the  parliament,  192 — Constrains  Richard  to  dissolve  the  parlia- 
ment, 193 — Deprives  him  of  the  protectorate,  ib. — Its  confession 
and  declaration  on  recalling  the  Rump  Parliament,  216 — Dissatis- 
fied, 217 — Requires  die  appointment  of  general  officers,  218 — Pe- 
tition and  remonstrance  from,  220 — Stops  the  proceedings  of  parlia- 
ment, 224 — Plea  for  this  measure,  230 — Animadversions  on  its 
plea,  237 — Opposed  by  the  citizens  of  London,  245 — Disbanded, 
S38. 

Army,  Scottish,  see  Scots  and  Scotland. 

Army,  standing,  kept  up  by  Charles  the  Second,  contrary  to  the  sense 
of  parliament,  v.  294 — Disputes  between  die  king  and  parliament  on 
this  account,  297 — Declared  to  be  illegal,  301. 

Arran,  carl  of,  his  influence  over  James  the  First,  i.  8 — Confined,  9-» 
His  arrogant  proceedings,  ib.  11. 

Arrowsmidi  composes  panegyrics  on  Cromwell,  on  occasion  of  die 
Dutch  treaty,  iii.  360,  489. 

Articles  of  faith,  injustice  of  requiring  unconditional  subscription  to,  v. 
91 — Instances  of  the  impracticability  of  die  design,  93. 

Arundel,  committed  to  the  Tower  on  account  or  his  son's  marriage 
with  the  duke  of  Lennox's  sister,  ii.  286 — Vote  of  remonstrance  to 
the  king  for  his  release,  287. 

Arundel  House,  committee  of  Catholics  held  at,  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
the  Second,  for  considering  of  the  relief  to  be  afforded  papists 
against  the  penal  laws,  v.  7-i — The  conferences  ended  by  die  Jesuits 
refusing  to  disavow  the  temporal  authority  of  the  pope,  75. 

Ashburnham,  colonel,  concerned  in  the  plot  for  awing  the  last  parlia- 
ment of  Charles  the  First,  ii.  384. 

Assassination,  the  perpetrators  of,  in  some  instances  claim  our  pity,  ii. 
38-^Schemes  of,  for  the  destruction  of  Cromwell,  countenanced  by 
Charles  the  Second  and  his  brother,  iv.  131. 

Association  for  forcing  the  parliament  to  adopt  conciliatory  measures, 
formed  in  the  west,  iv.  14 — Its  fate,  22. 

Astrology,  Charles  the  First  credulous  in,  ii.  66 — Charles  die  Second 
under  the  same  superstition,  v.  9 — Abused  by  Mountague,  to  ruin 
Danby  and  die  duchess  of  Portsmouth,  10 — Instances  of  credulity 
in  die  predictions  of,  12. 

Atkins,  Margaret,  put  to  die  torture  for  witchcraft,  i.  47. 

Atkyns,  sir  R.  on  the  illegality  of  the  king's  maintaining  a  body-guard, 
v.  302. 

Attainder,  bill  of,  against  StrafFord,  reversed,  ii.  378. 

Aubony,  or  Aubigny,  lord,  his  reasonj  for  the  king's  acceptance  of 
terms,  expected  to  be  proposed  by  the  presbyterians,  ir.  314. 

B 

Jiacon,  Andiony,  instance  of  his  political  cunning  and  intrigue,  i.  56. 
Bacon,  sir  Francis,  his  account  of  the  anxiety  ot  James  the  First  for 


sio  GENERAL  INDEX. 

the  earl  of  Somerset,  when  on  his  trial  for  the  murder  of  Sir  Thorha* 

Overbury,  i.  24  s. 
Bacon,  Nicholas,  his  sons  convey  a  lady  out  of  a  window,  to  preserve 

her  from  the  wicked  purposes  of  Buckingham,  i.  248. 
Bacon,  Nat.  one  of  Cromwell's  masters  of  requests,  iii.  419. 
Bailie,  Dr.  sub-dean  or'  Wells*  turns  papist,  and  is  bitter  again?' 

who  follow  not  his  example,  ii.  240. 
Bainton,  Mr.  riL  arguments  against  an  excise,  iv.  374. 
Balcarras,  countess  of,  procures  letters  from  the  French  Hugonots  to 

prove  that  Ch?rles  the  Second  was  no  papist,  iv.  264. 
Balfour,  sir  William,  beats  a  popish  priest  for  seeking  to  convert  his 

wile,  ii.  234 — Lieutenant  of  die  Tower,  his  conduct  respecting  the 

warrant  sent  him  for  the  execution  of  the  earl  of  Loudon,  348. 
Balmarino,  lord,  sentenced  to  death,  on  pretence  of  his  surreptitious!  v 

obtaining  a  letter  of  king  James  to  the  pope,  but  is  afterwards  par- 
doned, i.  128. 
Balmerinock,  lord,  condemned  to  death  for  opposing  the  act  relating 

to  the  apparel  of  kirkmen,  but  pardoned,  ii.  tJ-JO. 
Baltimore,  lord,  a  Catholic,  befriended  by  Cromwell,  iii.  44. 
Bamfield,  Mr.  opposes  the  establishment  of  an  excise,  iv.  374. 
^Bancroft,  bishop,  his  servility  to  James  the  First,  i.  103 — Rigour  of  his 

proceedings  against  the  puritans,  i.  274. 
Bankers,  their  rise  in  the  time  of  Cromwell,  v.  270 — Defrauded  by 

Charles  the   Second  in  shutting  up  the  exchequer,  27S — Refused 

relief  by  parliament  till  the  12th  year  of  William  and  Mary,  275. 
Bannister,  sir  Robert,  fined  three  thousand  pounds  for  forest  encroach- 
ments, ii.  296. 
Barebone,  Praisegod,  an  active  member  of  Cromwell's  first  parliament, 

iii.  328. 

Barkstead,  col.  one  of  Cromwell's  major-generals,  iii.  438. 
Barloe,  Mrs.  (the  celebrated  Lucy  Walter)  her  extravagant  profligacy, 

iv.  162 — Supposed  to  have  been  married  to  Charles  the  Second  on 

the  continent,  167. 
Barnevelt,  Dutch  envoy,  his  able  negotiation  respecting  the  surrender 

of  the  cautionary  towns,  i.  194 — His  journey  to  England  on  this 

business  contradicted,  ib.  195. 
Barnard,  Dr.  his  life  preserved  by  Cromwell  at  the  taking  of  Drogheda, 

iii.  43. 
Barnardiston,  Mr.  S.  fined  ^"10,000.  for  speaking  well  of  lord  W.  Rus- 

sel  and  Algernon  Sidney,  after  their  execution,  v.  336,  349. 
Barrington,  sir  R.  threatened  by  Charles  the  Second,  for  presenting  the 

Essex  petition,  v.  311. 
Bartholomew-day  fatal  to  the  cause  of  religion  in  England,  being  the 

day  on  which  the  nonjuring  clergy  resigned  their  livings,  v.  88. 
Bartley,  sir  John,  concerned  in  the  project  for  awing  the  last  parliament 

of  Charles  the  First,  ii.  386. 
Barwick,  Mr.  his  letter  to  Charles  the  Second,  on  the  death  of  Oliver 

Cromwell,  iv.  169. 
Basilicon  Doron,  by  James  the  First,  character  of,  i.  51 — Advises  the 

neglect  of  parliaments,  iv.  52. 
Basing  House,  storming  of,  Cromwell  accused  of  cowardice  on  that 

occasion,  iii.  68. 
Bastwick,  physician,  cruelties  inflicted  on  him,  by  the  star-chamber,  ii. 

264 — Conduct  of  himself"  and  his  wife  while  he  stood  in  the  pillory, 


GENERAL  INDEX.  Sll 

Bates,  Dr.  his  account  of  Cromwell's  discourse  to  his  wife,  in  his  last 

sickness,  ;ii.  21 — On  Cromwell's  pleasantries  and  buffooneries,  26. 
Bathurst,  Dr.  a  panegyrist  of  Cromwell's  government,  iii.  361. 
Baxter,  Rev.  Richard,  a  preacher  in  Cromwell's  court,  iii.  42 — His  ac- 
count of  the  sectarians  at  the  commencement  of  the  Commonwealth, 
iv.  35 — Letter  to,  in  favour  of  the  religious  character  of  Charles  die 
Second,  on  the  continent,  260 — His  narrative  of  the  negotiations 
with  Moncke  for  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy,  311. 
Bccanus,  Martinus,  publishes  a  refutation  of  king  James's  defence  of 

oaths  of  allegiance,  i.  305. 

Bedford  level,  disputes  about  the  drainage  of,  iii.  55. 
Bedloe,  an  accomplice  of  Titus  Gates,  confesses  himself  to  be  perjured, 

v.  134. 

Bellarmine,  writes  a  letter  to  Blackwell  against  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
i.  115 — Answers  James's  apology  for  the  oath,  under  the  feigned 
name  of  Mattheus  Toitus,  123,  303 — The  king's  reply  to  this 
answer,  126. 

Bellasis,  Henry,  member  of  parliament,  committed  to  the  Fleet  for  re- 
fusing to  answer  questions  put  by  the  council  relating  to  matters  in 
parliament,  ii.  3 GO. 
Belviere,  the  French  ambassador,   said  to  have  solicited  die  death  of 

Mary  queen  of  Scots,  i.  1 9. 
Benevolences,  exacted  by  Charles  the  First  without  pretext  of  law,  ii. 

288. 

Bennet,  colonel,  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  iii.  326. 
Berkley,  sir  J.  his  account  of  the  negotiations  carried  on  between  the 

army  and  the  king  for  settling  the  nation,  ii.  451. 
Berkley,  sir  Robert,  punished  by  parliament  for  favouring  the  exaction 

of  ship-money,  ii.  306. 

Berkshire,  earl  of,  governor  to  prince  Charles,  afterwards  Charles  tin- 
Second,  iv.  6. 

Berkshire  petition,  treated  with  contempt  by  Charles  the  Second,  v.31 1 . 
Berry,  col.  one  of  Oliver  Cromwell's  major-generals,  iii.  4:;s — His  con- 
fession of  the  means  by  which  Richard  Cromwell  might  have  per- 
petuated his  government,  iv.  203. 

Bertie,  Mr.  C.  examined  at  the  bar  of  the  House  for  corrupt  practices, 
v.  284 — Committed  to  the  serjeant  at  arms  for  contempt,  28 5 — 
Farther  particulars,  289. 

Berwick,  Charles  the  First  recommended  by  Wentworth  to  keep  it 
strongly  garrisoned  against  the  covenanters,  ii.  337 — The  measure 
opposed  by  diem,  338. 
Bethlem  Gabor,  i.  ISO. 

Bible,  James  die  First  complains  of  die  want  of  a  good  translation  of 
it,  i.  101 — Its  precepts  more  repugnant  to  priestcraft  than  the  writ- 
ings of  the  most  acute  freethinkers,  v.  1 1  a. 

Biddle,  John,  the  father  of  English  Unitarians,  pensioned   by  Crom- 
well during  his  banishment,  iii.  43. 
Bigotry,  baleful  to  the  country  whose  prince  is  tinctured  widi  it,  iii. 

$6— Cromwell  superior  to  it,  37. 
Billeting  of  soldiers,  under  Charles  the  First,  ii.  288. 
Biography  of  remarkable  personages,  a  subject  that  excites  curiosity, 

iii.  1. 

Birch,  colonel,  his  speech  against  abolishing  die  solemn  league  and 
covenant,  v.  101. 


312  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Birch,  Dr.  additions  to  the  life  of  James  the  First  by,  i.  303. 
Birkcnhead,  sir  J.  opposes  the  bill  for  a  test  oath,  v.  154. 
Bishops,  insignificance  of,  in  Scotland,  after  the  reformation  of  religion" 
tliere,  ii.  sir,  321 — Opposition  of  the  Scottish  nobility  to,  SL'2 — 
Kated  by  the  Scottish  ministers,  ib. — Hooted  by  the  populace  at 
Edinburgh  for  introducing  the  liturgy,  327 — Bills  proposed  in  the 
English  parliament  for  depriving  bishops  of  votes,  and  all  temporal 
jurisdictions  and  offices,  378,  379,  ?8l,  382 — Excluded  from  the 
house  of  peers,  iii.  300 — Oppose  the  bill  of  exclusion  against  the 
Duke  of  York,  v.  181 — Their  conduct  condemned,  ib. 
Bishops'  lands,  sale  of,  in  the  province  of  York,  iii.  306. 
Blackburn,  Dorothy,  cruelty  of  tbe  star-chamber  to,  ii.  310. 
Black-heath  army,  raised  by  Charles  the  Second  to  keep  the  city  in  awe, 

v.  295 — Disbanded,  ib. 

Blake,  admiral,  defeats  VanTromp,  iii.  68,  257 — A  member  of  Crom- 
well's little  parliament,  3-29 — Threatens  Malaga,  for  an  affront  pur. 
upon  his  seamen,  353 — Receives  the  submission  of  the  priest  who 
had  instigated  the  attack,  ib.r— His  valour  in  the  Spanish  war  pro- 
ductive of  wealth  and  honour  to  his  own  country,  387 — Destroys 
the  galleons  in  Cadiz  harbour,  388 — Burns  a  Spanish  fleet  at  Santa 
Cruz,  389 — Dies  just  as  he  was  entering  Plymouth  Sound,  390 — 
Honoured  with  a  sumptuous  funeral  in  Westminster  Abbey,  391 — 
His  remains  disinterred  on  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  ib. 

Blake,  Mr.  saying  of,  respecting  kings,  i.  29. 

Blandford,  bishop  of  Worcester,  flatters  the  inclination  of  the  duchess 
of  York  towards  popery,  v.  81. 

Bolingb:'oke,  lord,  mistaken  in  saying  that  James  the  First  retailed 
the.  scraps  of  Buchanan,  i.  223 — His  opinion  of  that  prince,  293 
— Educated  in  dissenting  principles,  ii.  7 — Ascribes  the  absurd 
principles  of  Charles  the  First  to  king  James,  his  father,  278 — 
His  account  of  the  behaviour  of  Charles  to  his  parliament  called  for 
granting  supplies  for  the  Scottish  war,  3f>4 — His  observations  on  the 
nature  and  use  of  human  reason,  v.  70 — ^On  the  motives  which  en- 
gaged Charles  the  Second  in  the  Dutch  war,  216 — His  apology  for 
the  pensioned  parliament,  291. 

Book  for  sports,  refused  to  be  read  in  the  churches  by  the  puritans, 
iii.  54. 

Booth,  sir  George,  projects  a  general  insurrection  for  the  restoration  of 
the  monarchy,  iv.  209 — Defeated,  taken  prisoner,  and  committed  to 
the  tower,  213 — Difference  between  Mordaunt's  and  Lambert's  ac- 
count of  this  affair,  ib. 

Booth,  Mr.  inveighs  in  the  commons  against  the  pensioners  retained  in 
that  house  by  Charles  the  Second, "v.  283 — Complains  of  the  per, 
version  of  justice,  329 — Exposes  the  tyranny  of  Judge  Jefferies,  331. 

Borel,  the  Dutch  ambassador,  his  simple  apology  to  Charles  the  Se- 
cond, iii.  353. 

Boscawen,  Mr.  on  the  enormities  committed  by  the  papists,  v.  167 — 
On  the  war  with  Holland,  213. 

Bouchier,  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir  James  Bouchier,  married  to  Oliver 
Cromwell,  iii.  6 — Her  character,  ib. 

Bowing  to  the  altar,  see  Altar. 

Bowyer,  severity  of  the  star-chamber  to,  for  slandering  Laud,  ii.269,3lo. 

Braddon,  Mr.  fined  for  imputing  the  death  of  lord  Essex  to  Charles 
the  Second,  v.  335.  353 — His  authorities  doubtful,  355. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  313 

Brandenburgh,  see  Frederick  William. 

Bradshaw,  lord  president  of  the  council  of  state,  during  the  common- 
wealth, iii.  244 — Protests  against  Cromwell's  violent  dissolution  of 
the  long  parliament,  315 — Proscribed  by  Charles  the  Second  during 
his  exile,  iv.  12!) — His  remains  disinterred  and  beheaded,  after  the  Re- 
storation, iii.  517. 

Eramhall,  bishop  of  Londonderry,  his  conduct  at  Bruges,  iv.  160. 

Brampstone,  sir  J.  a  member  of  the  house  of  commons,  bribed  by 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  290. 

Breda,  declaration  published  at,  by  Charles  the  Second,  promising  li- 
berty of  conscience  to  his  subjects,  in  the  event  of  his  restoration,  iv. 
26G — Treaty  of,  with  the  Dutch,  v.  190. 

Brereton,  sir  Wm.  continues  in  his  command,  notwithstanding  the 
self-denying  ordinance,  iii.  124. 

Bribery,  instances  of  its  extent  under  Charles  the  Second,  v.  280. 

Bridgman,  Mr.  opposes  the  militia  bill,  ii.  4 1C. 

Bridgman,  sir  Orlando,  pretends  that  princes  are  amenable  to  no 
earthly  tribunal}  iv.  336. 

Bright,  a  panegyrist  of  Cromwell,  iii.  361. 

Bristol,  Digby,  earl  of,  the  affair  of  the  match  with  the  infanta  entrusted 
to  him,  ii.  14 — By  the  jealousy  of  Buckingham  committed  to  prison, 
16 — His  writ  to  parliament  stopped,  286 — Pleads  the  cause  of  the 
papists  on  a  motion  in  the  lords  for  their  relief  from  the  penal  sta- 
tutes against  them,  v.  72 — Remarks  on  his  conscientious  change 
from  protestantism  to  popery,  1 54 — His  distinction  between  a  Ca- 
tholic of  the  church  of  Rome,  and  one  of  the  court  of  Rome,  ib. — 
Supports  the  motion  for  a  test  law,  ib. 

Britannia  Rediviva,  a  book  of  verses  published  by  the  university  of 
Oxford,  on  occasion  of  the  Restoration,  iv-  332. 

Broghill,  lord,  prevailed  on  by  Cromwell  to  desert  the  royal  cause,  iii. 
414 — Disarms  the  Protector's  resentment  against  the  countess  of  Or- 
monde, 426 — Becomes  zealous  for  the  restoration  of  Charles  the 
Second, iv.  252. 

Brooks,  lord,  his  study,  cabinet,  and  pockets  searched  for  papers  re- 
lative to  matters  in  parliament,  ii.  360 — Determines  to  emigrate  with 
the  puritans  to  New  England,  iii.  54. 

Brownrig,  Dr.  Bishop  of  Exeter,  respected  by  Cromwell,  iii.  43. 

Bruce,  Robert,  his  bold  speech  to  James  the  First,  i.  29. 

Buchanan,  George,  tutor  to  James  the  First,  his  character  as  a  writer, 
i.  5 — The  king's  dislike  of  him,  ib. — His  attempts  to  inspire  his  royal 
pupil  with  a  hatred  of  tyranny,  219. 

Buckingham,  Villiers,  duke  of,  dresses  effeminately  to  favour  the  unna- 
tural propensity  of  James  the  First,  l,  83 — Impure  correspond- 
ence between  him  and  the  king,  85 — Immense  favours  conferred 
on  him  by  James,  244 — Assisted  by  James  in  his  wicked  pur- 
poses on  women,  ib.  248 — Instances  of  his  insolence  to  his  master, 
ib.  251 — Suspected  of  putting  him  to  death  by  poison,  281 — Grounds 
of  this  suspicion,  ib. — His  conduct  in  the  affair  of  the  infanta, 
ii.  9 — His  head  demanded  by  the  Spanish  ambassadors,  1 2 — Charged 
with  irreverent  conduct  to  prince  Charles  while  in  Spain,  ib. — 
In  disgrace  with  James,  but  restored  through  the  intrigue  of  Dr. 
Williams,  16 — Suspected  of  poisoning  James,  in  concert  with  prince 
Charles,  i.  281  ;  ii.  21 — Sent  to  Pans  to  conduct  the  consort  of 
Charles  to  England,  21.' — The  vexations  he  caused  to  this  princess, 


3H  GENERAL  INDEX. 

by  sowing  dissensions  between  her  and  her  husband,  accounted  lor, 
32 — Assassinated  by  Fenton  37 — Manner  in  which  his  death  was 
received  by  Charles,  77 — His  narrative  of  falsehoods  respecting 
the  Spanish  court,  in  the  affair  of  the  infanta  and  the  paiatinate, 
85 — His  insolence,  the  occasion  of  a  \var  with  Spain,  and  his  lust, 
of  a  war  with  France,  1 56 — His  disasters  in  the  tatter  war,  in  which 
he  had  command  both  of  the  fleet  and  the  army,  loS. 

Buckingham,  duke  of,  useful  to  the  Scottish  covenanters,  who  therefore 
wink  at  his  licentious  and  profligate  courses^  iv.  77 — Arrested  by  the 
English  parliament,  on  suspicion  of  aiming  at  the  restorauon  of 
Charles  the  Second,  214. 

Buckingham,  Sheffield,  duke  of,  on  the  want  of  urbanity  in  Charles  the 
Second,  v.  27 — On  his  abandoned  course  of  life,  38 — On  Chariest 
religious  tenets,  55. 

BunckJey*  Mr.  supports  the  motion  for  an  excise  in  lieu  of  the  court  of 
wards,  iv.  373. 

Burgess,  Dr.  Cornelius,  reduced  to  beggary  by  the  resumption  of  the 
church  lands,  iv.  353 — Publishes  several  treatises  on  the  subject,  354. 

Burhill,  Robert,  supports  James  the  First's  "  Apology  for  Oaths  of 
Allegiance,"  i.  305. 

Burleigh,  lord,  on  the  danger  of  a  corrupt  parliament,  v.  276. 

BUrnet,  bishop,  passage  from,  respecting  the  death  of  Jame^  the  First, 
j.  285 — His.opinion  of  that  prince,  293 — His  account  of  the  papers  of 
Charles  the  First  on  church  government,  ii.  116 — Asserts,  on  the  au- 
thority of  James  the  Second,  that  the  Icon  Basiltke  was  written  by 
Gauden,26. 131 — Charged  with  omissions  in  his  memoirs  of  the  dukes 
of  Hamilton,  347 — His  reflections  on  Clarendon's  misrepresentation  of 
facts  relative  to  the  project  of  Charles  the  First  for  overawing  the  par- 
liament, 389 — Asserts  the  innocence  of  Charles  the  First  of  the  Irish 
massacre,  ii.  394 — On  tl.e  disheartened  state  of  the  royalists,  during 
the  trial  and  execution  of  Charles  the  First,  480 — His  account  of 
Charles's  dyi«g  moments,  483 — On  the  literary  attainments  of  Oliver 
Cromwell,  iii.  3 — On  his  dissimulation  between  the  parliament  and 
the  army,  96 — Description  of  the  interview  between  Cromwell  and 
the  Scottish  commissioners,  who  came  to  plead  for  the  king's  life, 
199 — On  Cromwell's  speeches  to  the  republican  enthusiasts,  388 — 
On  the  respect  p:u"d  to  Cromwell  by  foreign  powers,  352 — His  as- 
sertion right,  that  England  suffered  more  in  its  trade  by  the  Spanish 
than  by  any  former  war,  395 — A  pious  wish  of  his,  ju«t  after  the  re- 
volution, 408 — On  the  aversion  of  Cromwell  to  Charles  the  Second, 
410 — On  the  elevation  of  Sir  Matthew  Hale  to  the  bench,  by  Crom- 
well, 412 — Supposes  the  cares  of  government  to  have  exhausted 
Cromwell's  arts  and  spirits,  483 — His  account  of  the  treatment,  which 
Charles  the  Second  met  with  in  Scotland,  iv.  76 — On  the  uncondi- 
tional restoration  of  that  prince  in  England,  323 — Erroneous  in  his 
assertion,  that  the  parliament  would  have  increased  the  king's  autho- 
rity, but  for  the  discouragement  given  them  by  Clarendon,  344 — On 
the  character  and  tulents  of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  1 — His  narratives 
more  authentic  than  generally  supposed,  1 1 — On  Charles's  ingrati- 
tude to  the  royalists,^  19 — Unmerciful  temper  of  Charles,  28 — Sup- 
poses the  profligacy  of  that  prince  to  have  occasioned  all  the  dis- 
asters of  his  reign,  38 — His  account  of  the  last  moments  of  Charles, 
51 — Particulars  of  Charles's  embracing  papacy,  53 — On  the  two 
papers  found  in  Charles's  closet  after  his  death,  68— -On  the  charac- 


GENERAL  INDEX.  sis 

ter  and  testimony  of  Titus  Gates,  1 31 — On  the  passing  of  the  test  act, 
1 59— On  the  conductof  Charles  the  Second,  ra  raising'the French  navy 
to  the  detriment  of  his  own,  224 — His  description  of  the  havoc  made 
among  books  by  the  licensers  of  the  press,  256 — On  the  venality  of 
parliament,  and  the  sums  paid  to  its  leaders,  under  Charles  the  Se- 
cond, 277 — His  narrative  of  the  assault  made  on  sir  J.  Coventry,  312 
— On  the  conduct  rf  Charles  in  sitting  in  the  house  of  peers,  321 
— His  character  of  North,  331 — Of  Jefferies,  332 — His  account  of 
the  packed  juries,  335 — On  the  mysterious  death  of  lord  Essex, 
355 — On  the  suspicious  circumstances,  and  critical  moment  of 
Charles's  death,  3."7. 

Burrish,  Mr.  censures  Cromwell's  treaty  with  the  Dutch,  iii.  358. 

Burton,  censured  in  the  high  commission  for  writing  against  the  doc- 
trines broached  by  Montague,  ii.  212 — Cruelly  sentenced  by  the  star- 
chamber  on  another  occasion,  265,  2G7-— Kindly  treated  by  the  crowd 
who  attend  him  to  the  pillory,  269. 

Bircv,  Dr.  n  panegyrist  of  Cromwell,  iii.  361. 

Butlei ,  bishop,  on  forms  and  rites  in  religion,  v.  99. 

Butler,  one  of  Cromwell's  major-generals,  iii.  438. 

Byron,  lord,  his  account  of  the  arrival  of  Scottish  commissioners  at 
the  Hague  to  treat  with  Charles  the  Second,  iii.  229 — State  of  parties 
there,  iv.  58 — Why  Cliarles  was  induced  to  make  peace  with  the 
Scots,  71. 


Cabal  ministry,  their  character,  v.  125 — Induce  Charles  the  Second 

to  nublish  a  declaration  of  liberty  of  conscience  to  ail  dissenters, 

except  Roman  Catholics,  tb. 
Calamy,  Dr.  on  the  spirit  of  enthusiasm  in  Cromwell's  court,  iii.  20 — 

Consulted  by  Oliver  on  an  important  point,  42 — His  remarks  on  the 

conduct  of  Richard  Cromwell,  iv.  '202. 

Calamy,  Mr.  persuades  Moncke  to  set  up  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  311. 
Calvin,  his  doctrines  approved  and  established  at  the  synod  of  Dort,  i. 

150 — His  followers  decline  in  credit  with  king  James,  15  i. 
Cambridge,  town  of,  seized  by  Cromwell  for  the  parliament,  iii.  84. 
Cambridge  university,  eminent  characters  at,  during  the  commonwealth, 

iii.  305 — Panegyrics  upon  Cromwell  composed  there,  on  occasion  of 

the  Dutch  treaty,  360. 
Cambridge,  county  of,  copy  of  an  address  from,  to  Richard  Cromwell, 

on  his  accession  to  the  protectorate,  iv.  1 79. 
Capel,  lord,  remarks  on  his  condemnation  by  a  high  commission  court, 

iii.  449. 

Carew,  Mr.  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  iii.  326. 
Carleton,  Sir  Dudley,  his  account  of  the  investiture  of  prince  Charles 

with  the  title  of  duke  of  York,  i.  3. 
Carlisle,  James  Hay,  earl  of,  see  Hay. 
Carte,  Mr.  his  proofs  of  Charles  the  Second  having  embraced  papacy, 

v.  57. 
Cary,  .Sir  Robert,  the  infant  prince  Charles  committed  to  the  care  and 

government  of  his  lady,  ii.  2. 
Casaubon,  Dr.  M.  anecdote  of,  iii.  417. 

Case,  Mr.  deceived  by  the  hypocrisy  of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  15. 
•Case  of  the  Commonwealth,   a  pamphlet  published  with  the  appro- 
bation of  CrormwlJ,  explanatory  of  his  reasons  for  accepting  the 

7 


316  GENERAL  INDEX. 

protectorate,  iii.  841 — Translated  into  Latin,  for  his  justification  on 
the  continent,  iii.  S4l. 
Castlehaven,  earl  ot,  on  the  protestants  slain  in  the  Irish  massacre,  iL 

392. 

Castlemaine,  see  Cleveland. 

Catechism,  Heidelberg,  approved  at  the  synod  of  Doit,  i.  150 — Ob- 
jection of  Charles  the  First  to  the  licensing  a  catechism  for  children, 
ii.  7O. 

Catharine  of  Portugal,  married  to  Charles  the  Second,-  v.  39 — The 
duchess  of  Castlemaine  appointed  of  her  bed-chamber,  ib. — 111  usage 
towards  her  by  Charles,  47 — Outwardly  reconciled  to  the  duchess, 
49 — Reflections  on  her  unhappy  lot,  51 — Singularity  in  the  form  of 
her  marriage,  76. 

Catholics,  oath  of  allegiance  enacted  to  secure  their  obedience,  i.  Ill — 
The  taking  of  this  oath  forbidden  them  by  the  pope,  114 — James's 
apology  for  enacting  it,  in  answer  to  the  pope's  brief,  1 1 7,  1 19' — Fa- 
vourable conduct  of  James  to  such  as  take  it,  258 — Advanced  by 
Charles  the  First  to  employment  of  great  trust  and  profit,  ii.  229 — 
Attempts  to  free  them  from  the  rigour  of  the  penal  laws  by  Charles 
the  Second,  v.  7 1  — Also  to  include  them  in  the  indulgence  promised 
to  dissenters,  73 — Refuse  to  subscribe  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
king,  or  a  declaration  against  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope,  75 — 
The  state,  the  army,  and  the  navy  filled  by  them,  77 — Address  of  the 
commons  to  Charles  the  Second  on  their  arrogance,  78 — Their  con- 
iidence  of  success  at  this  period,  80. 

Cavaliers,  a  name  of  reproach  applied  to  the  adherents  of  Charles  thf 
First,  ii.  431 — Oppressed  by  Cromwell,  iii.  431 — Insinuate  themselves 
into  his  parliament,  and  become  high  republicans,  469 — Subscribe  the 
engagement  to  the  commonwealth,  iv.  55 — Defeated  at  Namptwich, 
213 — Their  hopes  nearly  extinguished  by  this  disaster,  215 — Sup- 
posed to  have  been  betrayed  by  Sir  R.  Willis,  ib. 
Certamen  Reiigiosum,  attributed  to  Charles  the  First,  but  not  written 

by  him,  ii.  240. 
Chambers,  rigorous  treatment  of,  for  refusing   to  pay  the  duties  of 

tonnage  and  poundage,  ii.  291. 
Character,  not  to  be  determined  by  a  few  random  expressions,  but  by 

the  whole  tenor  of  a  man's  life,  iii.  17. 

Charles,  prince,  son  of  James  the  First,  proffers  marriage  to  the  infanta  of 
Spain,  account  of  that  transaction,  i.  201 — Remonstrance  of  the  par- 
liament to  this  match,  226 — Marries  Henrietta  Maria,  of  France,  265. 
— see  Charles  the  First. 

Charles  the  First,  his  birth  and  baptism,  ii.  1 — In  the  fourth  year  of  his 
age  made  knight  of  the  bath,  and  invested  with  the  title  of  duke  of 
York,  3 — Particulars  of  that  solemnity,  ib. — His  early  proficiency 
in  learning,  6 — At  the  age  of  sixteen  is  created  prince  of  Wales,  and 
has  a  court  formed  for  him,  8 — His  hatred  to  the  duke  of  Buckingham 
changed  to  inviolable  friendship,  ib. — Particulars  of  his  projected 
marriage  with  the  infanta  of  Spain,  i.  201  ;  ii.  9 — Instance  of  his 
gallantry  in  this  courtship,  1 1 — Is  suspected  of  poisoning  his  father, 
21- — Marries  Henrietta  Maria,  daughter  of  Henry  IV.  of  France,  24 — 
His  letter  of  remonstrance  against  the  ill  conduct  of  his  wife,  28 — Her 
power  over  him,  39,  40 — Question  of  his  infidelity  to  the  mar- 
riage bed  examined,  43 — General  sobriety  of  his  conduct,  46 — Di- 
ligent and  exact  in  the  performance  of  the  external  acts  of  religion, 


GENERAL  INDEX.  317 

48—  Proclaims  sports  to  be  lawful  on  the  Lord's  day,  52 — Becomes 
superstitious,  61 — Vows,  and  other  instances  or  his  superstition,  62 
— His   extreme  bigotry,  68 — Trifling   nature  or"  his  employments, 
72 — In  correcting  writings,  compares  himself  to  a  good  cobler,  73 — 
Not  bountiful  in  his  nature,  74 — Question  of  his  sensibility  examined, 
77 — Deficient  in  sacrificing  to   the  Graces,  7y — His  contemptuous 
treatment  of  parliament,   80,  280,  282,  283,  357,  565 — His  truth 
and  sincerity  doubted,   84 — His  insincerity  one  probable  reason  of 
the  loss  of  his  life,  94,    143 — Instances  of  his  obstinacy,   9,  97 — 
Though  not  despicable  in  understanding,  easily  misled  by  his  fa- 
vourites, 101 — Accomplishments  possessed  by  him,  1O5 — Account 
of  the  writings  attributed  to  him,  1 10 — Writings,  of  which  he  was 
the  undoubted  author,  omitted  in  his  works,  136 — Letters  by  him, 
collected,  but  imprudently  suppressed  by  his  friends,  142 — Copy  of 
verses  written  by  him,  146 — Weakness  of  his  public  character  in- 
stanced in  his  unsuccessful  war  with  Spain,  1 19 — In  his  still  more 
miserable  war  with  France,  158 — In  suffering  the  violation  of  the 
neutrality  of  his  ports  both  by  the  Spaniards  and  Dutch,  166 — In 
permitting  his  ships  and  coasts  to  be  exposed  to  the  rapine  and  bar- 
barity of  the  Turks,  179 — Equips  a  fleet  to  assert  his  right  to  the 
dominion  of  the  British  seas,  and  compels  the  Dutch  to  buy  the  li- 
berty of  fishing  in  them,  184 — Wisely  refuses  to  the  French  and 
Dutch  the  partition  of  Flanders,  189— Joins  the  emperor  of  Morocco, 
and  reduces  Sallee,  193 — The  oath  used  at  his  coronation  different 
from  that  used  on  former  occasions,  194 — Encourages  innovations  in 
the  doctrines  of  the  church,  and  both  protects  the  innovators  from 
parliamentary  censure,  and  rewards  them,  207 — His  artifice  in  issuing 
a  proclamation  against  innovations,  212 — His  motives  for  encou- 
raging innovations,  214 — Advances  professed  papists  to  high  offices 
in  the  state,  228 — Question  of  his  being  himself  a  papist  examined, 
237 — Attempts  to  introduce  uniformity  in  religious  worship,  240.  iii. 
49 — Confers  high  civil  dignities  on  certain  of  his  clergy,  ii.  254 — 
His  notions  of  regal  power,  276 — Guilty  of  oppression,  287.  iii.  49 — 
Prohibits  the  emigration  of  the  puritans,  iii.  54 — Attempts  to  intro- 
duce innovations  in  Scotland,  ii.  316 — Is  crowned  there,  317 — Arbi- 
trary conduct  relative  to  the  apparel  of  kirkmen,  318 — Advances 
with  an  army  to  enforce  his  innovations,  332 — Resolves  on  going  to 
the  Assembly  and  Parliament  of  Edinburgh,  to  which  the  terms  of 
pacification  were  to  be  referred,  337 — Wentwoith's  advice  to  him  on 
this  occasion,  339 — Renews  the  war,  34* — Publishes  a  justificatory 
declaration  for  dissolving  the  parliament,  357 — Calls  another  in  con- 
sequence of  the  ill  success  of  the  war,  364.  iii.  58 — Reluctantly 
agrees  to  the  impeachment  of  Strafford,  ii.  370 — Joins  in  a  project, 
for  awing  the  parliament,  384 — Examination  of  the  question  of  his 
being  concerned  in  the  Irish  rebellion,  393  to  408 — Receives  the  re- 
monstrance of  the  Commons,  iii.  73 — Impeaches  five  members  of  the 
Commons,  ii.  4O8 — Goes  to  the  House  to  seize  them,  409 — This 
transaction  the  root  of  all  the  subsequent  evils  of  his  reign,  412 — 
Refuses  to  give  up  the  militia  to  the  Commons,  413 — Measures  taken 
by  him  for  reducing  the  parliament  and  city  to  obedience,  4 1 7*— 
Issues  a  proclamation  for  suppressing  the  rebellion  under  the  earl  of 
Essex,  425 — Erects  his  standard  at   Nottingham,  429 — Generally 
*  (Successful  in  Uje  early  part  of  the  contest,  435 — Elated  and  insolent 


J18  GENERAL  INDEX. 

with  his  advantages,  438 — Proclaims  a  free  pardon  to  the  members  of 
both  houses,  with  certain  exceptions,  439 — Uneasiness  of  his  friends 
at  his  advantages,  440 — His  attachment  to  papists  occasions  many  of 
his  friends  to  join  the  parliament,  443 — Determined  to  subdue  the 
parliament,  and  make  them  lie  at  his  discretion,  444 — Obliged  to 
fower  his  pretensions,  445 — The  balance  turned  against  him  by  the 
loss  of  the  battle  of  Naseby,  ib. — Attempts  to  negotiate  widi  the  par- 
liament, 446 — His  reasons  for  sending  his  son,  prince  Chnrles,  away 
from  his  camp,  iv.  13 — His  opinion  of  the  interest  parliament  had  in 
preserving  his  life,  ib. — Receives  a  proposal  from  the  counties  of  So- 
merset, &c.  for  an  association  to  petition  the  parliament  for 
peace,  14 — The  failure  of  his  armies  attributed  to  the  misconduct 
and  profligacy  of  their  leaders,  16— Rapid  decline  of  his1  affairs 
in  the  west,  22 — Throws  himself  into  the  hands  of  the  Scots 
at  Newark,  iii.  152 — Conferences  at  Newcastle,  153 — Delivered  up  to 
the  English,  154 — Seized  by  Joyce,  ii.  450.  iii.  162- — Rejects  the 
protection  of  Fairfax,  and  imagines  himself  popular  in  the  army,  ii. 
451.  iii.  166 — His  treatment  at  Newmarket,  167 — Displeased  with 
the  terms  proposed  by  the  army,  ii.  452 — Fails  in  his  endeavours 
to  be  reconciled  to  Cromwell,  iii.  167 — His  treachery,  and  letter  to 
the  queen  relative  to  Cromwell,  171 — Escapes  to  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
172 — Negotiations  opened  with  the  parliament,  ii.  457.  iii.  178 — Re- 
jects their  proposals,  ii.  458 — Vote,  of  no  more  addressees,  passed  by 
the  commons,  459 — His  reply  to  the  parliamentary  declaration,  461 
— The  vote  of  non-addresses  rescinded,  and  commissioners  sent  by 
the  Commons  to  treat  with  him  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  462 — Agrees 
to  recall  his  proclamations ,  &c.  but  stumbles  at  the  article  for  abolish- 
ing episcopacy,  463 — Again  seized  by  the  army,  and  confined  in 
Hurst  Castle,  467.  iii.  179.  iv.  34 — Removed  to  Windsor,  iii.  195 — 
Brought  to  trial,  ii.  471.  iii.  196.  iv.  35 — Condemned,  ib. — Particulars 
of  his  conduct  at  this  period,  ri.  477 — Commiserated  by  the  nation, 
iv.  29 — His  execution,  ii.  481.  iii.  197.  iv.  37 — His  family,  ii.  481 — 
Observations  on  his  being  styled  a  martyr,  484 — His  sufferings  com- 
pared to  those  of  Jesus  Christ,  iii.  205 — His  character  esteemed  on 
the  Restoration,  iv.  326 — Observations  on  the  example  of  his  execu- 
tion, ii.  491.  iii.  207.  iv.  338 — His  statues  pulled  down,  iii.  216 — 
Place  of  his  interment  certified  by  memorandum  in  the  register  of 
Windsor,  v.  26 — A  vote  of  parliament  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the 
Second  for  the  due  observance  of  his  funeral  obsequies  not  carried 
into  execution,  ib. 

Charles  the  Second,  his  birth,  iv.  l — Remarkable  meteor  seen  on  the 
occasion,  ib. — Rejoicings  in  the  court  of  Spain,  on  account  of,  2 
— His  baptism,  3 — His  tutors  and  education,  4 — His  high  vene- 
ration of  his  tutor,  Dr.  Duppa,  9 — Sent  into  the  West,  and  con- 
stituted general  jf  an  association  for  petitioning  the  parliament  for 
peace,  and  general  of  all  the  forces  in  England,  12,  14 — A  council  ap- 
pointed him,  on  account  of  his  youth,  i-i — Misconduct  of  this  coun- 
cil, 17 — Leaves  England,  21 — Invited  to  return  by  the  parlia- 
ment, 22—  which  he  refuses,  and  arrives  in  France,  25 — His  treat- 
ment there,  26 — Embarks  for  England,  in  the  fleet  which  had  revolted 
from  the  parliament,  31 — Arrives  in  the  Downs,  and  publishes 
a  manifesto  of  his  intentions,  ib. — Retires  to  Holland,  35 — His  pro> 
posal  to  the  peers,  ib. — Writes  to  Fairfax  in  his  father's  behalf,  36— •• 
His  carte  blanche,  to  the  parliament,  to  save  his  father's  head,  39 


GENERAL  INDEX.  si» 

— Proclaimed  king  of  Scotland,  40 — His  situation  and  sentiments 
at  this   period,  45,    51 — Proclaimed  in   Ireland,  iii.  222.  iv.    54 
— Friendly   to   the  Irish   Catholics,  57 — Disinclined  towards   the 
Scots,   58 — Prevented  from  going  to  Ireland  by  the  conquests  of 
Cromwell,  iii.  222.  iv.  59 — Remonstrated  with  by  the  Scots,  iv.  63 — 
Resolves  to  maintain  his  claim  to  the  English  throne,  64 — Publishes 
:t  declaration  asserting  his  rights,  65 — Receives  the  Scottish  commis- 
sioners at  the  Hague,  iii.  229 — Submits  to  terms  with  Scotland,  and 
embarks  for  that  country,  iv.  66 — His  reception  there,  67 — Nature 
of  the  conditions  imposed  on  him,  iii.  229.  iv.  73 —  His  dissimula- 
tion, iv.  76 — Deprived  of  the  company  of  his  favourite  ministers,  77 
— Swears  to  the  covenant,  ib. — Zeal  of  the  army  in  his  behalf,  73 — 
Signs  the  declaration,  iii.  230.  iv.  79 — Pleased  with  the  issue  of  the 
battle  of  Dunbar,  87 — His  coronation  at  Scone,  89 — Farther  instances 
of  hjs  dissimulation,  91 — Takes  the  command  of  the  army,  and 
moves  towards  England,  96 — Defeated  by  Cromwell  at  Worcester, 
iii.  242.  iv.  98 — A  price  set  on  his  head,  as  a  traitor,  by  the  English 
parliament,  104 — Escapes  to  France  in  a  destitute  and  deplorable 
condition,  iii.  243.  iv.  106 — Cardinal  Mazarine  refuses  to  see  him, 
iii.  345 — A  pension  assigned  him  from  the  French  government,  but 
which  is  never  regularly  paid,  iv.  108 — Sends  ambassadors  to  several 
princes  for  assistance,  who  are  coolly  received,  107 — Dissipates  a 
sum  received  from  Moscow  and  Poland  on  favourites,  1 1 7 — Expelled 
France,  through  the  influence  of  Cromwell,  ib. — Receives  a  pension 
from  the  king  of  Spain,  119— -Settles  at  Cologne,  ib. — Endeavours 
to  prevail  on  the  king  of  Spain  to  espouse  his  cause,  without  effect, 
ib. — Permitted  to  reside  at  Brussels,  iii.  345 — Distress  of  his  friends 
in  Flanders,  iv.  123 — Schemes  for  his  restoration  detected  and  frus- 
trated, 126 — Weakness  of  his  friends  in  England,  ib. — Copy  of  his 
proclamation  against  Cromwell,  128 — His  court  made  up  of  necessi- 
tous persons,  131 — Treacherous  conduct  of  some  of  them,  and  of 
the  Louvre,  ib. — Held  in  contempt  by  the  Commonwealth  and 
Cromwell,  138 — Strictures  on  the  legitimacy  of  his  succession,  140 
— Disputes  amongst  his  partizans,  144 — Hi,s  apathy  and  pursuit  of 
amusements  during  his  exile,  1 58 — Accused  of  plundering  a  church 
at  Bruges,  160 — His  amours,  161 — Inquiry  as  to  his  supposed  mar- 
riage with  Lucy  Walter,   167 — Other  mistresses,  169 — Begins  to 
attend  more  closely  to  his  affairs  on  the  death  of  Oliver  Cromwell, 
171 — Disappointed  in  his  offer  of  alliance  with  the  House  of  Orange, 
and  of  assistance  from  the  States-General,  172 — Comparative  view 
of  the  estimation  in  which  he  and  Richard  Cromwell  were  held  by 
France  and  Spain,  173 — Depression  of  his  hopes,  187 — Insurrections 
formed  in  his  favour,  on  the  abolition  of  the  protectorate,  which  are 
all  frustrated,  206 — Many  of  his  friends  put  under  arrest  by  the 
Rump  Parliament,  214 — The  people  begin  to  desire  his  restoration, 
on  account  of  the  disputes  between  the  army  and  the  parliament, 
231,  240 — The  city  of  London  well  disposed  towards  him,  249 — 
Receives  tenders  of  service  frpm  many  principal  actors  in  the  Com- 
monwealth, 250 — Suspected  of  being  a  papist,  259 — Measures  uken 
to  wipe  away  this  imputation,  260 — Endeavours  to  conciliate  the  af- 
fections and  good-will  of  the  nation  by  fair  promises,  266 — Publishes 
a  declaration  at  Breda,  promising  liberty  of  conscience,  ib. — His 
professions  doubted  by  thinking  men,  268 — Instances  of  his  devoted- 
ness  to  the  papists,  269 — Restored  by  general  Moncke,  29S — RevieV/ 


S20  GENERAL  INDEX. 

of  the  circumstances  and  parties  which  brought  about  this  event,  309 
—Terms  of  his  proclamation,  313— By  what  means  his  restoration 
was  unconditional,  319 — The  errors  of  his  reign  attributed  to  this 
cause,  323 — Viewed  as  the  saviour  and  deliverer  of  his  people,  326 — 
His  declaration  to  the  parliament,  previous  to  his  arrival  in  England, 
327 — Receives  supplies  from  parliament,  328 — His  first  appearance 
in  the  house  of  lords,  ib. — Avenges  the  death  of  his  father,  332 — 
Complimented  with  an  extravagant  revenue  by  the  parliament,  340 
—Contemns  the  advice  of  parliament  relative  to  leasing  the  crown- 
lands,  343 — Extorts  money  from  his  subjects,  notwithstanding  his 
large  revenue,  *'£. — Issues  proclamations  against  the  Irish  rebels,  351  ; 
against  vice  and  debauchery,  353  ;  against  duelling,  354 ;  against 
disorderly  meetings  in  taverns,  and  tippling-houses,  355  ;  for  a  gene- 
ral thanksgiving,  and  general  pardon,  356 — Abolishes  the  court  of 
wards  ana  liveries,  and  tenures  in  capite  and  by  knight's  service,  and 
purveyance,  366 — Observations  on  his  act  of  indemnity  and  oblivion, 
ib. — Issues  a  declaration  concerning  ecclesiastical  affairs,  378 — 
Cajoles  the  clergy,  381 — The  good  opinion  of  his  government  de- 
clines rapidly,  382 — Dissolves  the  convention  parliament,  and  begins 
to  appear  in  a  new  light,  385 — Becomes  negligent  of  the  affairs  of 
government,  v.  l — His  talents,  ib. — His  apathy  attributed  to  the  un- 
happy temper  of  the  royalists,  3 — The  subject  of  much  weakness  and 
credulity,  4 — Remarks  on  his  patronage  of  the  Royal  Society,  5 — 
His  faith  in  astrologers  abused  by  Mountague,  9 — A  great  dissembler, 
13 — Instances,  ib. — His  apology  for  hir,  dissimulation  with  the 
Scottish  covenanters,  ib. — Receives  a  bible  from  the  London  minis- 
ters, 15— Pretends  to  reclaim  his  brother  James  from  the  error  of 
papacy,  ib. — Memorable  instance  of  his  hypocrisy  while  at  Breda, 
ib. — Another  instance  towards  the  London  ministers,  at  the  same 
place,  16 — Accused  of  ingratitude,  17 — The  accusation  well  found- 
ed, 19 — His  treatment  of  the  marquis  of  Argyle,  2O — His  ingratitude 
to  Stanley,  earl  of  Derby,  perpetuated  by  a  monumental  inscription, 
33 — His  treachery  towards  Clarendon,  24 — His  disregard  of  the 
memory  and  remains  of  his  father,  25 — Charged  with  injustice  and 
cruelty  towards  those  who  were  not  in  his  favour,  27 — His  cruelty 
towards  his  father's  friend  Harrington,  28 — Also  towards  Nevill  and 
Wildman,  ib. — Base  conduct  towards  Sir  Henry  Vane,  29 — His 
adulteries  and  cruelty  towards  his  queen,  37,  46 — His  letter  to 
Clarendon,  insisting  on  the  appointment  of  lady  Castlemaine  to 
the  queen's  bed-chamber,  39 — Destitute  of  tenderness  or  good- 
nature, 44 — His  ungenerous  conduct  towards  the  bishop  of  Salisbury 
in  his  old  age,  46 — Banishes  the  Portuguese  attendants  of  his  queen, 
47 — Though  he  professed  himself  a  protestant  of  the  Church  of 
England,  he  probably  lived  and  died  a  papist,  52 — Extract  from 
his  letter  to  the  convention  parliament,  ib. — Particulars  of  his 
embracing  the  papal  religion,  53 — Asserted  to  have  been  a  deist,  5  5 — 
Farther  proofs  of  his  attachment  to  the  Romish  church,  57 — Extract 
from  Huddleston's  account  of  his  last  moments,  60 — and  from 
Aprice's  narrative,  both  confirmatory  of  his  having  died  a  papist,  61 
— Copies  of  two  papers  found  in  his  closet  after  his  death,  published 
by  his  successor  James  the  Second,  63 — Inquiry  into  their  genuine- 
ness, 68 — Popery  favoured,  and  its  professors  cherished  byTiim,  71 
— Singularity  in  the  form  of  his  marriage,  76 — Apprehensions  ex- 
cited in  the  minds  of  the  people  at  seeing  the  posts  of  honour  in  the 


GENERAL  INDEX.  lul 

state,  the  army,  and  the  navy,  filled  with  papists,  77 — Addressed  by 
the  commons  against  popish  recusants,  78 — Restores  episcopacy,  82 
— Signs  the  Act  of  Uniformity  in  contempt  of  his  former  promises 
and  declarations  at  Breda,  84 — The  nonjuring  clergy  ejected  from 
their  livings  to  the  number  of  about  two  thousand,  85 — The  non-con- 
formists persecuted,  102 — Extends  his  persecutions  to  Scotland,  112 
— Impolicy  of  his  conduct  towards  that  country,  120 — Constrained 
to  issue  declarations  of  indulgence,  122 — His  puerile  apology  for 
departing  from  his  promises  made  at  Breda,  ib. — Pretends  that  the 
tyrannical  statutes  were  forced  upon  him  by  parliament,  123 — Makes 
great  professions  of  regard  for  his  Roman  Catholic  subjects,  124 
— then  suffers  the  persecution  to  go  on  against  them  and  Pro- 
testant dissenters  with  more  violence  than  ever,  125 — His  cabal 
ministry  prevail  on  him  to  publish  a  new  declaration  of  liberty  of 
conscience,  ib. — Disputes  his  right  to  a  dispensing  power  with  the 
commons,  127 — His  declaration  of  indulgence  quashed,  ib. — An  act 
passed  by  the  parliament  for  the  relief  of  dissenters,  removed  from 
the  table  when  he  should  have  signed  it,  128 — Dissolves  the  par- 
liament, 129 — Penal  laws  executed  with  renewed  rigour,  ib. — 
Popish  plot,  130 — Test  Acts,  150 — Puts  the  admiralty  in  commis- 
sion, and  fills  it  with  his  brother's  creatures,  1 53 — Dissolves  the 
parliament  when  deliberating  on  the  bill  of  exclusion,  164 — Deter- 
mines to  support  his  brother  against  the  sense  of  the  nation,  ib.  178 
— Sells  Dunkirk  to  the  French,  iii.  376.  v.  182 — Engages  in  a  war 
against  the  Dutch,  and  in  die  Triple  League,  v.  187 — His  aversion  to 
the  Dutch,  188 — Renews  the  war  with  Holland,  198 — Frivolous  pre- 
texts for  this  war,  204 — Endeavours  to  persuade  the  parliament  of 
its  policy  and  justice,  206 — The  war  unpopular,  213 — Refused  sup- 
plies by  the  commons,  till  a  redress  of  grievances  be  granted,  215 — 
Concludes  a  separate  peace  with  Holland,  and  mediates  the  treaty 
of  Nimeguen,  216 — His  conduct  the  confirmation  of  the  superi- 
ority of  France  in  Europe,  217 — Particulars  of  his  private  treaty 
with  Louis  the  Fourteenth,  ib. — Endeavours  to  perfect  the  French 
navy,  to  the  injury  and  neglect  of  his  own,  217 — Relinquishes  the 
superiority  of  the  British  flag,  2 1 8 — Complains  t6  parliament  of  the 
decay  of  the  British  navy,  221 — Possessed  of  great  abilities  in  naval 
affairs,  227  :  which  he  prostituted  to  the  service  of  France,  228 — 
Communicates  private  instructions  to  Louis  XIV.  at  the  moment  he 
was  publicly  affecting  to  force  that  prince  to  a  peace,  ib. — Becomes 
a  pensioner  of  France,  229 — Intrigues  for  increasing  his  pension, 
231 — Measures  for  extiipating  the  doctrine  of  resistance,  239 — 
Corporation  Act,  ib. — Militia  Act,  240 — Act  of  Uniformity,  ib. — 
Five-mile  Act,  ib.- — The  liberty  of  the  press  abridged,  250 — Issues  a 
proclamation  against  coffee-house  politicians,  261 — Shuts  up  the  ex- 
chequer, 270 — His  apology  for  this  measure  to  the  parliament,  274 
— Pensions  the  members,  276 — List  of  his  creatures  in  the  house  of 
commons,  280 — Dissolves  the  parliament,  to  prevent  inquiry,  290 
— Maintains  a  standing  army  without  law,  294 — Inveigles  the  par- 
liament to  grant  him  money  for  a  French  war,  which  he  applies  to 
the  raising  of  troops,  and  officers  them  with  papists,  296— Quarrels 
with  the  parliament,  297 — Lays  parliaments  wholly  aside,  305 — 
Review  of  his  conduct  towards  the  people,  ib. — Desires  to  have  the 
triennial  bill  repealed,  ib. — Rebukes  the  commons  for  requesting  him 
to  make  a  league  with  the  Dutch  states  against  the  French,  307 — 
VOL.  !•  y 


522  GENERAL  INDEX. 

His  high  pretensions  to  prerogative  in  the  case  of  the  militia  bill,  80S 
— Prohibits  the  obtaining  of  signatures  to  a  petition  intended  to  be 
presented  to  him,  309— His  invierious  conduct  towards  various  pe- 
titioners, 310 — Threatens  to  remember  those  who  had  been  pro- 
tected by  the  act  of  indemnity,  311 — His  base  attack  on  Sir  John 
Coventry,  312 — Rejects  the  commons' choice  of  a  speaker,  316 — 
Seizes  Montague's  papers,  but  is  obliged  to  restore  them  by  the 
commons,  316 — His  declaration  of  the  causes  of"  his  dissatisfaction, 
with  his  two  last  parliaments,  318 — Sits  in  the  House  of  Peers,  and 
interrupts  the  business,  320 — Seizure  of  charters,  323 — Infamous 
perversion  of  justice  towards  the  close  of  his  reign,  329 — Exces- 
sive fines  inflicted  for  trifling  offences,  334 — Patriots  condemned 
and  executed  in  a  spirit  of  revenge,  336 — Rye-house  plot,  337 
— Suspected  with  his  brother  of  being  concerned  in  the  death  of 
lord  Essex,  v.  352 — Examination  of  the  circumstances  of  his  own 
death,  357 — Negligence  towards  his  remains,  and  mean  funeral,  358 
— His  reign  stigmatised  with  infamy,  361 — His  authority  adduced 
for  supposing  his  father  to  have  promoted  the  Irish  rebellion,  ii.  406. 

Charles  the  Wise,  saying  of,  ii.  84. 

Charlton,  Sir  Job,  pensioned  by  Charles  II.  for  his  parliamentary  ma- 
nagement, v.  281. 

Charters,  given  up,  or  forfeited,  v.  323. 

Chastity,  when  prevalent  in  a  prince,  productive  of  many  happy 
effects,  ii.  48. 

Cheshire,  the  inhabitants  of,  disarmed  by  the  Rump  Parliament,  iv. 
214. 

Chester,  insurrection  in,  for  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second, 
iv.  212. 

Child,  sir  Josias,  his  commendation  of  the  Navigation  Act,  iii.  277. 

Chillingworth,  converted  from  popery  by  Laud,  ii.  240 — His  declama- 
tion against  the  Parliament  for  appealing  to  arms,  425. 

Church  of  England,  flourishing  state  ofV  under  James  the  First,  i. 
268 — Innovations  in,  during  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First,  219 — 
Superstitious  ceremonies  introduced  in  consequence  of  these  innova- 
tions, 220,  225 — Securities  employedto  uphold  it  by  the  clergy  of 
Charles  the  First,  a  principal  cause  of  its  downfall,  270 — Its  property 
proposed  to  be  vested  in  the  crown,  with  a  view  to  an  equal  distribu- 
tion, iii.  306,  330. 

Church  government,  papers  written  by  Charles  the  First  concerning, 
ii.  1 1 5 — The  true  foundation  of,  iii.  296. 

Church  lands  sold,  and  the  produce  applied  towards  the  support  of 
the  Universities,  iii.  305 — Distresses  occasioned  by  their  resumption 
under  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  352. 

Churchill  on  patriotism,  v.  35. 

Churchwardens,  forbidden,  by  the  magistrates  of  Middlesex,  to  re- 
lieve dissenters,  v.  109. 

Chute,  sir  Walter,  committed  to  the  Tower  for  his  free  speaking  in 
parliament,  i.  231. 

Cicero's  Epistle  to  Lentulus,  extract  from,  as  an  apology  for  the 
change  in  the  public  mind  at  the  epocha  of  the  Restoration,  iv.  260. 

Civil  list,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  344. 

Clanricarde,  earl  ofY  the  favour  shewn  to  him,  a  proof  of  the  affection 
of  Charles  the  First  towards  the  Irish  papists,  ii.  399. 

Clare,  lord,  fined  by  the  star-chamber,  ii.  811. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  S2S 

Clarendon,  lord,  his  sentiments  respecting  the  death  of  James  the 
First,  i.  286 — Charged  with  inventing,  in  order  to  blacken  hid 
enemies,  ii.  1 1 2 — Mistaken  in  confounding  the  parliament  that  ap- 
plauded, with  that  which  attacked  Buckingham,  157— His  account 
of  the  state  of"  popery  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First,  235 — His 
sentiments  on  the  revival  of  the  old  forest  laws,  297 — Panegyrise!* 
Charles's  reign,  359 — Misrepresents  facts  respecting  the  project  for 
overawing  the  jast  parliament  of  Charles  the  First,  389 — On  the 
change  effected  in  the  public  mind  by  the  lung's  attempt  to  seize  the 
five  members,  411 — Unjust  in  his  censure  of  lord  Holland  for  join- 
ing the  parliament,  443 — On  the  king's  allowance  of  all  the  parlia- 
ment had  done,  463 — His  unjust  aspersions  of  the  conduct  of  the 
commissioners  appointed  to  treat  with  him  while  in  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
468 — Mistaken  in  their  names  and  number,  ib. — His  account  of 
Cromwell's  conduct  in  a  committee,  iii.  28 — On  the  characters  and 
yiews  of  the  members  of  the  long  parliament,  59 — Has  confounded 
the  business  of  grievances  before  that  parliament  with  lord  Straf- 
forde's  affair,  60 — His  account  of  the  passing  of  the  remonstrance, 
72 — His  character  of  the  armies  of  Charles  I.  and  of  Cromwell,  83 — 
Guilty  of  invention  in  his  narrative  of  the  self-denying  ordinance, 
110,  115 — Inattentive  to  plain  facts  in  describing  the  dispensation 
granted  to  Cromwell,  1 1 9 — His  account  of  the  battle  of  Naseby 
defective,  131 — On  the  dissimulation  of  Cromwell,  during  the  dis- 
putes between  the  army  and  the  parliament,  159 — Erroneous  in 
supposing  Charles  I.  to  have  been  removed  from  Hoi mby  against 
his  vrifl,  -166 — His  description  of  the  respect  paid  to  the  king  while 
at  Newmarket,  167- — His  account  of  the  force  put  upon  Ingoldsby  to 
make  him  sign  the  king's  death-warrant,  2O1 — On  the  conquest  of 
Ireland  by  Cromwell,  224 — Instances  of  his  ignorance  as  a  topo- 
grapher, 227 — The  battle  of  Worcester  grossly  misrepresented  by 
him,  242 — On  Barebone's  parliament,  827 — His  comments  virulent 
and  mixed  with  falsehood,  329 — His  narrative  of  the  commotions 
at  Nismes  untrue,  401,  404 — Constrained  to  allov  the  equity  of 
Cromwell's  civil  government,  41 1 — Assumes  to  himself  the  merit  of 
Charles  the  Second's  answers  to  the  parliamentary  declarations,  436 
— His  character  of  Cromwell,  487 — His  account  of  the  leaders  of 
the  royalists,  iv.  16 — Remarks  on  this  statement,  21 — Doubts  as  to 
the  accuracy  of  his  statement  of  the  distribution  of  money  among 
the  friends  of  Charles  the  Second,  118 — His  character  of  Richard 
Cromwell  injudicious,  202 — Apt  to  invent,  211 — His  account  of  the 
defeat  of  the  royalists  at  Namptwich,  213 — His  accuracy  ques- 
tioned as  to  the  alleged  treachery  of  Sir  R.  Willis,  ib. — The  report 
of  his  having  prevented  the  parliament  from  raising  the  king's 
authority,  unfounded,  344 — His  account  of  the  resumption  of 
church  lands,  359 — His  apology  for  the  negligence  of  Charles  the 
Second  to  state  affairs,  v.  3 — and  for  his  coldness  towards  the 
royalists,  17 — His  remarks,  though  well-founded,  out  of  place  in 
him,  who  had  shared  so  largely  of  the  king's  bounty,  is— 
Hated  by  the  royalists  for  the  contempt  in  which  he  held  their 
services,  ib. — Remarks  on  his  narrative  of  the  case  of  the  marquis 
of  Argyle,  20 — Unfit  for  a  statesman,  on  account  of  his  pride,  par- 
tiality, and  ignorance  of  public  affairs,  24 — Loaded  with 
honours  at  the  Restoration,  ib. — Circumstances  attending  his  banish- 
ment, /£.—His  apology  for  Charles  the  Second's  want  of  filial  duty 

Y  2 


324  GENERAL  INDEX. 

towards  his  father's  remains,  frivolous  and  untrue,  25 — His 
account  of  the  p;ofligate  associates  df  the  king,  37 — His  dishonour- 
able conduct,  in  being  pander  to  the  vile  lusts  of  his  master,  40 — • 
His  relation  of  the  conduct  of  Charles  to  his  queen,  47 — Not  privy 
to  the  change  made  by 'Charles  in  religion,  53 — On  the  favour  ma- 
nifested by  the  king  towards  the  Catholics  at  his  restoration,  73 — 
Promotes  the  restoration  of  episcopacy,  83 — Incorrect  in  his  esti- 
mate of  the  numbers  and  character  of  the  ejected  clergy,  85 — Cen- 
surable for  his  apology  for  the  conduct  of  Charles  relative  to  the  act 
of  uniformity,  87 — The  author  of  most  of  the  penal  statutes  against 
non-conformists,  105,  125 — Concerned  in  the  bargain  for  the  sale  of 
Dunkirk,  182 — Deemed  a  good  Frenchman,  and  thanked  by 
Louis  XIV.  for  his  interference  in  this  affair,  187 — Recom- 
mends a  system  of  espionage  to  Charles  the  Second,  262 — On  the 
rise  of  the  monied  interest  in  England,  and  the  shutting  of  the  ex- 
chequer, 270 — Prevails  on  Charles  to  disband  the  parliamentary 
army,  294 — On  the  profligacy  of  Charles's  court,  364. 

Clarendon,  Henry  earl  of,  extract  from  his  Diary  relative  to  the 
death  of  lord  Essex,  v.  356. 

Clarges,  Mr.  advises  Moncke  to  bring  in  Charles  the  Second,  iy. 

311,   312. 

Clarges,  sir  Thomas,  opposes  the  motion  for  settling  the  excise  revenue 
on  the  crown,  iv.  374. 

Clarges,  Dr.  his  account  of  the  French  ambassador's  audience  of  con- 
dolence with  Richard  Cromwell,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  iv.  173. 

Clergy,  English,  power  an3  wealth  of,  under  James  the  First,  i.  268 — 
Rigorous  proceedings  of,  against  the  Puritans,  273 — General 
body  of,  disapprove  of  the  new  doctrines  vended  under  the  patron- 
age of  Charles  the  First,  ii.  211 — Their  adulatory  admonition  of 
that  king,  226 — Individuals  of,  exalted  to  high  civil  dignities  by 
him,  253 — Questions  respecting,  propounded  to  the  judges,  256 — 
Character  of  their  administration,  while  holding  civil  offices  under 
Charles,  276 — Bills  proposed  in  parliament  for  taking  from  them  all 
temporal  jurisdiction  and  offices,  378,  881,  382 — Their  love  of 
riches,  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  religion  of  which  they  are 
the  ministers,  iii.  299- — Despoiled  by  Henry  the  Eighth  and  his 
successors,  300 — The  office  of  bishop  abolished  under  Charles 
the  First,  ib. — Deans  and  chapters,  &c.  abolished  by  the  common- 
wealth, 301 — Provision  made  for  preaching  ministers,  302 — An 
equitable  distribution  now  wanting,  ib. — The  removal  of  ecclesiastical 
dignities  proposed  as  a  means  of  quelling  all  differences,  of  opinion, 
S04 — Sale  of  church  lands,  for  the  promotion  of  literature,  305 — 
Recent  proposal  for  vesting  the  property  of  the  church  in  the  crown, 
with  a  view  to  an  equal  distribution,  30G,  330— -The  writer  too 
sanguine,  308 — Cruelty  of  Cromwell's  edict  against  the  episcopa- 
lians, 427 — Their  haste  to  re-enter  into  possession  of  the  church 
lands,  iv.  359 — State  of,  at  the  Restoration,  378 — Though  for  the 
most  part  Presbyterians,  yet  fond  of  domineering,  ib.— Means  taken 
by  the  Commons  to  destroy  their  apprehensions  of  the  revival  of 
papacy,  379 — Flattered  and  cajoled  by  the  court,  384 — Curtailed 
of  their  temporal  power  by  the  parliament  under  Charles  the  First, 
but  reinstated  by  his  son,  v.  82 — Their  defection  towards  popery 
in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second,  ib. — The  episcopalians  avenge 
themselves  on  their  opponents,  on  the  passing  of  the  act  of  uni? 


GENERAL  INDEX.  S«5 

fortuity,  85 — The  form  of  declaration  required  of  them,  on  entering 
upon  a  benefice,  different  from  the  intention  of  the  act,  89 — Zeal- 
ous advocates  for  the  divine  rights  of  kings,  241 — The  most  unfit 
judges  of  affairs  of  government,  245. 

"Clayton,  Dr.  on  the  artifice  adopted  in  carrying  the  act  of  uniformity 
into  execution,  to  eject  pious  men,  who  were  not  aware  of  the 
•whole  contents  of  the  act,  v.  88. 

Clergy,  Scottish,  refuse  to  pray  for  Mary  queen  of  Scots,  i.  27 — 
Grounds  of  their  dislike  of  James  I.  34. 

Cleveland,  duchess  of,  divulges  to  Charles  the  Second  the  secret  of 
Montague  having  corrupted  his  favourite  astrologer,  v.  10 — Her 
character  and  personal  charms,  38 — Becomes  mistress  to  Charles,  39 
— Created  lady  of  the  bed-chamber  to  the  queen,  ib. — Her  undue 
influence  in  the  council,  and  profligate  allowance,  48 — An  original 
letter  of  hers,  addressed  to  Charles  the  Second,  372. 

Clifford,  lord  treasurer,  one  of  the  cabal  ministry,  v.  125 — 
Ruined  by  endeavouring  to  prevent  the  passing  of  an  act  against  the 
Roman  Catholics,  126 — Resigns  his  treasurer's  staff  on  the  passing 
of  the  test  act,  1 53* — Was  the  first  British  minister  who  adopted  th» 
expedient  of  corrupting  the  parliament  with  places  and*1  pen- 
sions, 291. 

Cockeran,  extract  from  the  instructions  of  Charles  the  First  to,  in  his 
negotiation  with  the  king  of  Denmark,  ii.  139. 

Cocquaeus,  Leonardus,  attacks  James  the  First's  Apology  for  Oath* 
of  Allegiance,  i.  306. 

CoefFeteau,  bishop,  and  preacher  to  Henry  IV.  of  France,  answers 
king  James's  Apology  for  the  Oath  of  Allegiance,  i.  1 24,  S04. 

Coftee-houses  suppressed,  v.  261. 

Coke,  sir  Edward,  committed  to  the  Tower  for  his  free  speaking  in 
parliament,  i.  230 — His  gross  abuse  of  sir  Walter  Raleigh  on  his 
trial,  238— His  eulogium  on  the  English  laws,  hyperbolical,  iii.  289 — 
On  the  state  of  civil  law  under  Cromwell,  412. 

Coke,  Mr.  unreasonably  sarcastic  on  the  circumstance  of  Cromwell's 
father  having  been  a  tradesman,  iii.  3 — Injudicious  and  absurd  in  his 
censure  of  the  navigation  act,  276. 

Coke,  a  spy  in  the  council  of  Charles  the  Second  at  Breda, 
iv.  132. 

Coleman,  secretary  to  James  duke  of  York,  his  letters  to  the  pope  s 
internuncio,  threatening  destruction  to  the  Protestants,  v.  79 — Re- 
marks on  his  letters  on  the  popish  plot,  136,  143 — His  papers  ex- 
planatory of  the  duke  of  York's  intentions,  1 60. 

Colepepper,  lord,  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,  and  chief  of  prince 
Charles's  council,  on  the  continent,  iv.  16— His  misconduct  the 
cause  of  the  royalists'  disasters,  17— Persuades  Charles  to  repair 
to  Scotland,  57. 

Collins,  Dr.  S.  his  defence  of  king  James's  Apology  for  Oaths  of 
Allegiance,  i.  306. 

Collins,  Mr.  inaccurate  in  his  account  of  the  salary  assigned  by  the 
commonwealth  to  the  treasurer  of  the  navy,  iii.  260. 

Colt,  Mr.  Dutton,  heavily   fined  for  speaking  against  the  dul 
York,  v.  336. 

Committee  of  safety,  powers  of,  under  the  commonwealth,  iv.  225. 

Commons,  house  or,  five  members  impeached  by  the  king,  n.  408- 
who  are  demanded  by  his  majesty  in  person,  409— Adjourn  and 


S26  GENERAL  INDEX. 

take  refuge  in  the  city,  where  they  are  caressed,  411— -Conducted 
back  to  Westminster  in  triumph,  it. — Carry  the  militia  bill  into 
execution  without  the  king's  consent,  415 — Resolve  to  appeal  to 
arms,  421 — Resolution  for  no  more  addresses,  459 — The  vote  re- 
scinded, and  commissioners  sent  to  treat  with  the  king  in  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  461 — The  treaty  stopped  by  the  army,  467 — The  house 
purged  bv  Col.  Pride,  471 — Votes  of  non-addresses  resumed,  ib. — 
Erect  a  high  court  of  justice  for  the  trial  of  the  king,  471 — Im- 
peach Strafforde  and  Laud,  iii.  61 — Their  spirit  in  resisting  op- 
pression, ib. — Their  degeneracv,  64 — Proceedings  on  the  remon- 
strance of  the  state  of  the  kingdom,  69 — Present  it  to  the  king,  and 
publish  it  to  the  nation,  73 — Appeal  to  arms,  and  issue  commis- 
sions, 75 — Proceedings  on  the  self-denying  ordinance,  108 — Protest 
against  the  clauae  for  preserving  the  king's  person,  1 1 5 — Dispense 
Cromwell  from  paying  obedience  to  the  ordinance,  117,  120 — 
Their  rewards  to  Cromwell  after  the  battle  of  Naseby,  1 S4 — Peti- 
tioned by  the  army  for  the  settlement  of  the  nation,  155 — Obliged 
to  comply,  159 — Purged  by  the  army,  179,  186 — Vote  of  thanks 
to  Cromwell  for  his  great  services,  186 — Protestation  of  the  secluded 
members  against  their  imprisonment,  &c.  ib. — Extract  from  the 
declaration  for  annulling  former  votes  in  favour  of  a  treaty  with  the 
king,  195 — Assume  the  supreme  power  of  the  nation,  205,  215 — 
Prohibit  all  inquiry  into  the  proceedings  in  bringing  the  king  to  the 
block,  ib.—  Order  a  new  seal  to  be  made,  215 — Abolish  royalty, 
and  the  house  of  peers,  ib. — Their  declaration  to  the  nation,^216 — 
War  in  Ireland,  218 — Order  an  invasion  of  Scotland,  231 — Honours 
conferred  by,  on  Cromwell,  for  the  victory  of  Dunbar,  24O — Commis- 
sioners sent  to  compliment  him  after  the  battle  of  Worcester,  243 — 
Settle  an  estate  on  him,  244 — Proceedings  relative  to  the  embassy  to 
the  states-general,  251 — Navigation  act  passed,  257,  274 — Their 
reply  to  the  Dutch  ambassadors'  apology  for  the  conduct  of  Van 
Tromp  in  commencing  hostilities,  258 — Determine  to  prosecute  the 
war  vigorously,  260 — Insist  on  the  sovereignty  of  the  sea,  and  the 
right  of  searcK,  264,  266 — Their  vast  designs,  266 — Pass  an  act  of" 
oblivion,  271 — Project  an  union  with  Scotland,  277 — Begin  to 
model  the  parliamentary  representation,  281 — Their  designs  frus- 
trated, 286 — Attempt  to  reform  the  law,  and  order  all  proceedings 
to  be  in  the  English  tongue,  287 — Reward  literary  talents,  291 — 
Provide  for  the  state  clergy  and  the  universities,  299 — Review  of  its 
proceedings  and  applause  they  received,  308 — Dissolved  by  Crom- 
well, 309- — Various  opinions  on  this  measure,  si 7 — Mistake  in  the 
Journals  relative  to  Oliver's  commitments  of  certain  persons  to  the 
Tower,  44  fc — Act  for  the  security  of  the  protector,  450 — Proceed- 
ings relative  to  the  offer  of  the  regal  title  to  Cromwell,  477,  479 — 
Address  the  king  against  the  popish  recusants,  v.  78 — Resist  the 
exercise  of  a  dispensing  power  by  the  crown,  127 — Titus  Oates's 
popish  plot,  142 — Requests  the  king  to  suppress  the  growth  of 
popery,  151 — Prepare  a  test  bill,  ib. — Bill  of  exclusion  against  the 
duke  of  York,  159 — Motion  for  the  removal  of  the  duke  from  the 
royal  presence  and  councils,  163 — Supplies  for  the  Dutch  war 
refused,  215— Complaints  against  Mr.  Pepys  and  Sir  A.  Deane,  for 
sending  information  relative  to  the  navy  to  the  French  court,  225 — 
Commit  them  to  the  Tower,  and  order  the  attorney -general  to  pro- 
secute, 227 — Remarkable  defeat  of  a  motion  for  imposing  an 


GENERAL  INDEX.  327 

oath  of  non-resistance  on  the  whole  nation,  240 — Dispute  with  the 
lords  about  their  privileges,  241 — Most  of  the  members  pensioned  by 
Charles  the  Second,  276 — List  of  those  who  received  bribes,  280 — 
Mr.  Booth's  patriotic  speech  against  those  members,  283 — Mr. 
C.  Bertie  examined  for  corruption,  284 — Examination  of  sir  S.  Fox, 
for  the  same,  285 — Commissioners  refused  the  use  of  his  books,  by 
the  lord  chamberlain  Arlington,  287 — Quarrel  with  Charles  the 
Second  about  the  standing  army,  297 — Declare  the  right  to  petition 
to  be  inherent  in  Englishmen,  3 1 2 — Proceedings  relative  to  the  attack 
on  sir  John  Coventry,  sis — Their  choice  of  a  speaker  rejected, 
316 — Breach  of  privilege  in  the  seizure  of  Mr.  Montague's 
papers,  316 — Resolve  to  impeach  judges  Set oggs,  Jones,  and  Wes- 
ton,  for  pei-version  of  justice,  329 — (See  Parliament.) 

Commonwealth  of  England,  begins,  iii.  215.  iv.  39 — Its  transactions 
recorded  in  papers  published  by  authority  of  the  council  of  state, 
iii.  218 — No  complete  history  of  these  times  by  any  contemporary 
writer,  219 — The  Scots  defeated  at  Dunbar,  239 — Submission  of 
Scotland,  243 — Navigation  act,  257,  274 — Disputes  with  the 
Dutch,  246 — War  with  Holland,  257 — The  dominion  of  the  seas 
insisted  on,  and  allowed,  264 — Tranquillity  at  home,  268 — An 
union  with  Scotland,  277 — A  new  model  of  representation  proposed, 
281 — Encouragement  to  literature,  291,  299 — Terminated  by  Oliver 
Cromwell,  309 — Renewed  on  the  resignation  of  Richard  Crom- 
well, iv.  188 — Settlement  of  religious  liberty,  207 — Insurrections  of 
the  royalists,  212 — Disputes  between  the  army  and  the  parliament, 
216 — Factions,  241 — Many  of  the  leading  men  offer  their  services 
to  Charles  the  Second,  250 — Ends  with  the  restoration  of  mo- 
narchy, 293. 

Communion  table,  trifling  rites  respecting,  enjoined  by  a  canon,  in  a 
synod  or  convocation,  ii.  222. 

Compounding,  an  arbitrary  mode  of  taxation  adopted  by  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  292. 

Comprehension,  bills  of,  framed  for  the  approbation  of  parliament, 
v.  122 — Rendered  ineffectual  by  the  parliament,  124 — Their  design 
and  scope,  129. 

Con,  George,  a  Scot,  encouraged  by  Charles  the  First,  and  his  court, 
as  agent  from  the  pope,  ii.  230. 

Confession,  auricular,  Charles  the  First  charged  with  being  desirous  of 
introducing  it,  ii.  228. 

Conformity,  universal,  Laud's  attempt  to  introduce  it,  ii.  242. 

Conic,  Mr.  his  counsel  imprisoned  for  pleading  his  cause,  iii.  446. 

Conjurers,  singular  resolution  of  a  question  respecting,  v.  9. 

Conventicles,  penal  laws  against,  v.  103,  118. 

Convocation,  Irish,  for  uniformity  in  modes  and  forms  of  religion, 
particulars  of,  ii.  245. 

Conscience,  liberty  of,  a  favourite  maxim  of  Cromwell,  iii.  39. 

Conway,  lord,  made  general  of  the  horse,  in  the  war  against  the 
Scots,  ii.  362 — Army  under  him  fly,  364. 

Conybeare  on  subscription  to  articles  of  faith,  v.  91. 

Cooper,  sir  A.  A.  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  iii.  326— 
Dryden's  satire  on  him,  328 — Supports  the  motion  for  an  excise  in 
lieu  of  the  court  of  wards,  under  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  374. 

Coote,  sir  Charles,  engages  the  north  oi  Ireland  ia  the  interests  Oj£ 
Charles  the  Second,  iv.  254. 


32*  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Cornwall,  twenty-six  children  taken  at  once  by  the  Turks  off  the 
coasts  of",  u.  1 83. 

Cornwallis,  sir  Charles,  his  character  of  prince  Henry,  son  of  James 
the  First,  i  295. 

Coronation  oath,  that  of  Charles  the  First  different  from  what  had 
usually  been  administered,  ii.  198 — In  what  that  difference  con- 
sisted, 199 — Form  of  the  usual  oath,  200. 

Corporation  oath,  copy  of,  ii.  427.  v.  239. 

Corruption  of  ministers  by  foreign  princes,  attempted  to  be  justified, 
v.  229 — Remark  of  James  the  First  on  this  subject,  ib. — A  system 
of,  the  only  ruin  to  be  apprehended  bv  England,  276,  291 — Mem- 
bers of  the  commons  bribed  by  Charles  the  Second,  280 — Epocha 
of,  in  England,  290. 

Cosin,  Dr.  chaplain  to  Charles  the  Second,  joins  the  communion  of 
the  Hugonots,  to  exculpate  his  master  from  the  imputation  of 
popery,  iv.  262. 

Cottrington,  though  a  catholic,  made  chancellor  of  the  exchequer  by 
Charles  the  First,  ii.  23O. 

Covenant,  terms  of,  imposed  by  the  Scots  on  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  75. 

Covenanters,  Scottish,  their  negotiations  with  Charles  the  Second,  iv. 
67 — Require  him  to  remove  the  duke  of  Montrose  from  his  pre- 
sence, 68 — Oblige  the  king  to  subscribe  the  covenant,  73 — Remove 
his  friends  from  about  his  person,  76 — Their  rigorous  conduct  in 
religious  obseiTances,  77 — Oblige  the  king  to  acknowledge  the  sin 
of  his  house,  and  of  his  former  ways,  79 — Their  army  defeated  by 
Cromwell's  at  Dunbar,  85 — Put  the  crown  on  Charles's  head,  at 
Scone,  89 — Raise  a  new  army,  and  give  the  command  to  the  king, 
96 — Defeated  at  Worcester,  99. 

Coventry,  sir  John,  reflects  on  the  amours  of  Charles  the  Second, 
v.  312 — Assaulted  and  wounded  by  assassins  hired  by  the  court,  318 
— Proceedings  in  parliament  thereupon,  ib. 

Coventry,  sir  William,  secretary,  opposes  the  bill  for  a  test  oath, 
v.  153 — Opposes  the  vote  of  supply  for  the  Dutch  war,  214 — Op- 
poses the  chancellor's  suggestion  of  sending  hired  spies  to  places  of 
public  resort,  262. 

Council  of  state,  dissolved  by  Cromwell,  iii.  315 — A  new  one  con- 
stituted by  him,  323 — Debates  in,  relative  to  the  restoration  of 
Charles  the  Second,  iv.  312. 

Courts  of  law,  state  of,  under  Charles  the  First,  iii.  49. 

Courts  of  princes,  generally  incompatible  with  virtue,  iii.  4O9 — Crom- 
well's court  an  exception  to  this  rule,  ib. — Why  attended  by  a  venal 
crowd,  iv.  25O. 

Courts  of  wards  and  liveries,  relinquished  by  Charles  the  Second, 
iv.  366. 

Cowardice  imputed  to  Cromwell,  iii,  86. 

Cowards  never  forgive,  example  in  James  the  First  of  this  prin- 
ciple, i.  63. 

Cowley,  Mr.  on  Cromwell's  deficiency  in  elocution,  iii.  34 — On  the 
craft  and  dissimulation  of  Cromwell,  93 — On  his  assumption  of  the 
protectorate,  339 — On  the  revenue  and  expences  of  the  protector's 
government,  427 — On  the  critical  moment  of  Cromwell's  death, 
483. 

Cowper,  John,  excludes  the  bishop  of  St.  Andrews  from  the  pulpit, 
to  prevent  prayers  being  made  for  the  queen  of  Scots,  i.  28. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  S2». 

Cradock,  Mr.  Z.  appointed,  chaplain  to  the  English  merchants  at  Lis- 
bon, iii.  419. 

Crafts,  sir  John,  his  daughter  vitiated  by  Buckingham,  with  the 
assistance  of  king  James,  j.  248. 

Crawford,  major-general,  his  account  of  the  battle  of  Marston- 
moor,  iii.  87. 

Credulity,  a  folly  frequently  prevalent  in  the  minds  of  the  wisest 
men,  v.  8. — See  Superstition. 

Crew,  John,  member  of  parliament,  committed  to  the  Tower  for  re- 
fusing to  deliver  the  petitions  which  he  had  received  as  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  religion,  ii.  360. 

Crew,  sir  Randal,  deprived  of  his  office  of  chief  justice,  for  refusing 
to  favour  the  general  loan,  ii.  288. 

Crew,  sir  Thomas,  sent  to  Ireland  for  his  free  speaking  in  parlia- 
ment, i.  230. 

Crofts,  bishop  of  Hereford,  his  complaint  of  the  arrogance  of  the 
papists,  v.  7". 

Croke,  judge,  concludes  against  the  king  in  the  question  of  ship- 
money,  ii.  304. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  his  birth  and  lineage,  iii.  1 — His  education  and 
literary  attainments,  2 — Well  read  in  Greek  and  Roman  history,  4 — 
Neglects  his  studies  and  becomes  dissolute,  ib. — Fails  in  an  attempt 
to  wrest  his  uncle's  estate  from  him,  5 — Obtains  the  name  of  a 
royster,  on  account  of  his  boisterous  mirth,  ib. — Reforms  and  mar- 
ries the  daughter  of  sir  James  Bouchier,  6 — Settles  at  Huntingdon, 
7 — But  removes  to  the  Isle  of  Ely  on  the  death  of  his  uncle,  8 — 
Falls  into  straits  in  consequence  of  his  superstition,  ib. — The  ac- 
count of  his  great  poverty,  erroneous,  10 — Possessed  of  true  reli- 
gion, 12 — Copy  of  his  letter  to  Mr.  Storie,  ib. — Carried  away  by 
enthusiasm,  13 — Imagines  a  spirit  to  have  visited  him,  who  pre- 
dicted his  subsequent  greatness,  ib. — Extracts  from  several  of  his 
letters,  illustrative  of  this  part  of  his  character,  14 — Charged  with 
hypocrisy,  17,  93 — These  charges,  if  proved,  not  destructive  of 
his  enthusiasm,  ib. — The  age  in  which  he  lived,  an  age  of  wonders, 
19 — His  opinion  concerning  the  returns  of  prayer,  ib. — His  confi- 
dence of  recovering  from  his  last  illness,  22 — Compared  with  Ma- 
homet and  Aurengzebe,  23 — His  affability  and  buffoonery,  ib. — 
His  diversions  subservient  to  his  policy,  26 — Could  appear  on  pro- 
per occasions  with  pomp  and  magnificence,  ib. — His  first  appear- 
ance in  parliament,  27 — Reprehended  in  a  committee  for  his  bois- 
terous conduct,  29 — Improvement  in  his  manners,  as  he  rose  in  con- 
sequence, 30 — Description  of  his  inauguration,  ib. — His  ceremoni- 
ous reception  of  the  Swedish  ambassador,  32 — Not  eloquent,  34 — 
Not  so  devoid  of  ideas  as  represented  by  Mr.  Hume,  ib. — Not  a 
writer  of  sermons,  as  expressed  by  that  historian,  35 — Reasons  for 
the  obscurity  and  flatness  of  his  speeches,  35 — His  speech  to  the 
Swedish  ambassador,  ib. — Bigotry  no  part  of  his  character,  36 — His 
letter  to  the  governor  of  Edinburgh  Castle  a  proof  of  this,  37 — Hii 
reply  to  the  Scottish  ministers,  ib. — His  fixed  opinion  concerning 
liberty  of  conscience,  39 — His  speech  on  the  dissolution  of  parlia- 
ment in  1654,  40 — His  practice  conformable  to  his  principles  of 
religious  liberty,  42 — Employs  the  Presbyterians,  who  were  hii 
enemies,  about  his  court,  and  shews  favour  to  the  Episcopalians,  ib. 
—Pensions  Biddle,  the  father  of  the  English  Unitarians,  during  hii 


830  GENERAL  INDEX. 

banishment,  43 — The  Roman  Catholics  who  behaved  well,  counte- 
nanced by  him,  ib. — His  wish  to  harbour  and  protect  the  Jews  in 
England,  abortive,  44 — Falls  in  with  the  puritans,  when  greatly  op- 
pressed, 45 — Censures  and  opposes  court  prelates,  49 — Prevented 
from  emigrating  to  America,  54 — Opposes  the  draining  of  fens,  55 
— Overcomes  his  prejudices  against  this  measure,  and  becomes  a 
commissioner  for  carrying  it  into  execution,  58 — Joins  the  patriots 
in  the  long  parliament,  ib. — Appointed  of  the  committee  on  the 
petitions  of  Lilburn  and  Leighton,  59 — Also  on  a  committee  for  the 
prevention  of  abuses  at  elections,  70— Adheres  to  the  parliament 
from  principle  and  inclination,  75 — Raises  and  disciplines  a  troop  of 
horse,  ib. — Character  of  his  troops,  77 — His  success  in  training,  8O. 
• — Secures  the  town  of  Cambridge  for  the  parliament,  84 — Accused  of 
cowardice,  86 — His  success  attended  with  the  envy  and  hatred  of 
very  powerful  persons,  88 — The  mutiny  of  the  army  attributed  to 
his  contrivances  for  forwarding  his  ambitious  views,  94- — His  hypo- 
crisy  and  double-dealing  between  the  commons  and  the  army,  94 — 
Betakes  himself  to  the  ktter  for  security,  96,  159 — Rebuked  by 
Joyce  for  telling  lies,  97 — Contrives  Joyce's  ruin,  98. — Refuses  to 
reward  the  man  who  had  been  his  instrument  in  this  business,  be- 
cause he  "  had  not  acted  like  a  Christian,"  99 — Appointed  captain- 
general,  100 — The  self-denying  ordinance  peculiarly  favourable  to 
him,  106 — His  speech  introductory  to  this  measure,  108 — Dis- 
pensed with  paying  obedience  to  it,  117,  122 — Defeats  the  king  at 
Naseby,  124 — His  Tetter  to  the  speaker  on  this  occasion,  129 — Re- 
wardea  by  parliament,  131,  134 — Created  a  baron  by  the  commons, 
136 — Becomes  ambitious  through  his  success,  ib. — Makes  his  court 
to  the  officers  and  soldiers,  137 — Obtains  great  popularity,  ib. — 
Begins  to  threaten  the  parliament,  138 — Encourages  a  mutinous 
ipirit  in  the  army,  139,  151 — Principles  promulgated  by  him  at  this 
period,  148 — Accused  of  high-treason  by  major  Huntington,  150 — 
The  commons  refuse  to  receive  the  charge,  }51 — His  cunning  in  not 
appearing  openly  to  encourage  the  army  in  its  opposition  to  the  par- 
liament, 159 — In  danger  of  being  sent  to  the  Tower,  160 — Retires 
to  the  army,  161 — Further  instances  of  his  ambition,  162 — Protests 
against  the  seizure  of  the  king,  163 — Proofs  of  his  having  been 
concerned  in  it,  165 — Breaks  off  all  thoughts  of  reconciliation  with 
the  king,  167 — Motives  to  this,  169 — Vindicated  from  persuading 
the  king  to  retire  to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  172 — Defeats  the  Welsh 
and  Scots,  176 — His  reception  at  Edinburgh,  178 — Concerned  in 
colonel  Pride's  purge  of  the  commons,  185 — Receives  the  thanks  of 
that  house  for  his  eminent  services,  186 — Arguments  in  defence  of 
his  conduct  towards  the  parliament,  197 — The  chief  actor  in  the 
condemnation  and  death  of  the  king,  198 — His  conduct  defended, 
203,  207 — Appointed  commander-in-chief  in  Ireland,  222 — Takes 
Diogheda  by  storm,  223 — Gives  no  quarter,  ib. — His  justification  of 
this  measure,  ib. — Ireland  reduced  by  him  and  Ireton,  224.  iv.  59 — 
England  indebted  to  him  to  this  day  for  the  preservation  of  Ireland, 
iii.  227 — Dispatched  upon  an  expedition  to  Scotland,  231 — His 
arguments  to  prevail  on  Fairfax  to  engage  in  this  expedition,  232 — 
Supersedes  that  general,  234 — Publishes  a  declaration,  addressed  to 
the  saints  in  Scotland,  236 — Arrives  at  Berwick,  237 — Enters  Scot- 
land, 238.  iv.  84 — Defeats  the  Scots  at  Dunbar,  iii.  289.  iv.  85 — 
Honours  conferred  on  him  by  the  parliament,  iii.  240— Farther  pro- 


GENERAL  INDEX.  ssj 

gress  in  Scotland,  241 — Defeats  Charles  the  Second  at  Worcester, 
242 — Effects  of  this  victory  upon  Cromwell,  310 — Receives  a  de- 
putation from  the  commons,  near  Aylesbury,  to  congratulate  him 
on  this  victory,  244 — Met  by  the  speaker,  the  lord  president,  &c. 
at  Acton,  for  the  same  purpose,  ib. — Mis  triumphal  entry  into  Lon- 
don, ib. — An  estate  settled  on  him,  ib. — Panegyrics  written  on  the 
occasion,  245 — Procures  intelligence  of  what  is  passing  in  the  Dutch 
councils,  261 — Insists  with  the  Dutch  commissioners  on  the  right  of 
search,  264 — Supposed  to  have  promoted  an  act  of  oblivion,  to  in- 
gratiate himself  with  new  friends,  272 — Naturally  humane  and 
benevolent,  274,  422 — His  advice  to  his  son  Henry  to  deal  with 
adversaries  with  moderation,  ib. — Completes  the  union  with  Scot- 
land, 280 — Violently  expels  the  commons,  309.  iv.  1 10 — Probable 
motives  by  which  he  was  impelled  to  this  measure,  iii.  310 — Con- 
ferences with  several  persons  on  the  settlement  of  the  nation,  311 — 
Dissolves  the  council  of  state,  315 — Charged  with  falseness  and 
ingratitude  in  this  measure,  316 — His  defence  of  this  measure,  ib. — 
Constitutes  a  council  of  war,  and  summons  a  parliament,  suraamed 
the  Little,  or  Barebone's  parliament,  323 — The  parliament  resigns 
its  powers  into  his  hands,  331 — How  far  he  was  concerned  in  this 
resignation,  332 — Inaugurated  as  lord  protector  of  the  common- 
wealth, 335.  iv.  112 — His  instrument  of  government,  iii.  335 — 
Invested  with  all  the  old  real  rights  of  English  kings,  ib. — Despotism 
not  in  his  intention,  ib., — His  art  in  softening  his  opponents,  336 — 
Speech  to  his  second  parliament,  337,  452 — Strictures  on  it,  339 — 
His  reasons  for  accepting  the  protectorate,  337,  341 — Panegyric 
on  his  government,  343 — Addresses  from  many  considerable 
places,  ib. — Rivals  the  greatest  of  our  monarchs  in  glory,  and 
courted  by  foreign  nations,  345.  iv.  no — Makes  peace  with  the 
Dutch,  iii.  346,  354 — Rejects  the  offer  of  Spain  to  assist  him  in  the 
recovery  of  Calais,  846 — Sends  an  embassy  to  the  king  of  France, 
in  Flanders,  ib. — Obliges  the  king  of  France  to  expel  Charles  the 
Second  from  his  dominions,  iv.  116 — The  courtship  of  the  crowns 
of  France  and  Spain,  exposes  them  to  ridicule,  iii.  348 — A  medal 
struck  by  the  Dutch  in  derision  of  the  servility  of  these  courts,  ib. 
— Courted  by  the  elector  of  Brandenburgh,  349 — Congratulated  by 
the  queen  of  Sweden  and  the  king  of  Denmark,  ib. — Firmness  of 
his  conduct  in  the  case  of  the  Portuguese  ambassador,  whose 
brother  was  beheaded  for  murder,  ib. — Obliges  the  king  of  Por- 
tugal to  submit,  351 — Exults  at  Blake's  conduct  at  Malaga,  353 — 
Dreaded  by  the  states-general,  ib. — Italy  trembles  at  his  name,  354 
— His  fleet  scours  the  Mediterranean,  ib. — The  Turks  obliged  to 
deliver  up  Hide,  ib. — His  treaty  with  the  Dutch,  355 — Medals 
struck  by  the  Dutch,  and  panegyrics  on  Oliver  composed  in  the 
English  universities,  on  occasion  of  this  treaty,  357 — Objections  to 
this  treaty,  357 — Blamed  for  breaking  with  Spain  and  making  an 
alliance  with  France,  362 — Motives  by  which  he  was  influenced, 
369 — Dunkirk  taken  by  the  French,  and  delivered  into  his  hands, 
ib.  392 — His  conduct  justified,  374 — Jamaica  taken,  380,  382 — 
His  manifesto  against  Spain,  387— Naval  successes,  388 — Treaty 
•with  France,  392 — Interposes  in  behalf  of  the  Vaudois,  and  re- 
lieves them  in  their  sufferings,  396 — His  generosity  unjustly  im- 
peached, 398-^-Preserves  the  protestants  of  Nismes  from  destruc- 
tion, 408— Praised  by  his  admirers  for  his  concern  fgr  the  cause  of 


332  GENERAL  INDEX. 

protestantism,  404 — Review  of  his  government  at  home,  406 — His 
court  more  free  from  vice  than  the  generality  of  courts,  409 — Reli- 
gion the  only  passport  to  his  favour,    ib. — His  judges  able  and 
honest,  411 — Places  men  of  ability  in  all  the  offices  of  state,  413 — 
Anecdote  of  him  and  lord  ISroghiil,  414 — Favours  learning,  419 — 
Presents  some  valuable  manuscripts  to   the   university  of  Oxford, 
420 — Erects  a  college  at  Durham,  -121 — Kind  and  condescending  to 
his  enemies,  422 — His  interview  with  the  marquis  of  Hertford,  423 — 
Corrupts  sir  Richard  Willis,  and  obtains  information  of  the  royalists' 
designs,  425 — Disarmed  of  his  resentment  against  the  countess  of 
Ormond,  426 — Scantiness  of  his  revenue,  ib. — Cruelty  of  his  edict 
against  the  episcopal  clergy,  427 — Subjects  the   cavaliers  to  heavy 
taxes,    431 — Appoints    major-generals    over  all    England,    437 — 
Guilty  sometimes  of  packing  juries,  and  displacing  judges  for  re- 
fusing to  follow  his  directions,  443 — Perhaps  not  to  be  blamed  on 
this  account,  445 — Imprisons  men  illegally,  445 — Imitates  and  even 
exceeds  the  tyranny  of  Charles  the  First  in  this  respect,  449 — Act 
for  the  secuiity  of  his  person,  450 — Violates  the  privileges  of  par- 
liament,  452 — Accused  of  tyranny,    455 — His  enemies  numerous, 
467 — Circumstances  attending  his  refusal  of  the   royal  title,  471 — 
His  death,  475,  484.  iv.  130 — His  children,  iii.  479 — His   funeral, 
485 — His   character,  48G — Contrasted  with  Louis  the  Fourteenth, 
488 — His   memory    celebrated,    489 — To    be    ranked  among  the 
greatest  of  princes,  490 — Original  letters  and  papers   of,  491 — In- 
scription on  his  coffin,  520—  Indignities  offered  to  his  remains,  after 
the  Restoration,  517 — Proclamation   of  Charles  the  Second  for  his 
destruction,    iv.    128 — His  dissimulation  contrasted    with   that  of 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  14. 

Cromwell,  Richard,  succeeds  his  father,  Oliver,  in  the  protectorate, 
iv.  163 — Form  of  his  proclamation,  177 — State  of  parties  in  Eng- 
land at  his  accession,  169 — Receives  a  state  visit  of  condolence  from 
the  French  ambassador,  173 — Negotiates  a  peace  with  France  and 
Spain,  1 74 — Maintains  the  point  of  honour  in  the  French  treaty, 
176 — Receives  addresses  from  various  parts  of  England,  178 — Re- 
spect paid  him  by  foreign  courts,  179 — Singular  address  from  the 
aimy  to  him,  182 — Summonses  a  parliament,  which  swears  fidelity  to 
him,  184 — Animosities  breaking  out,  he  resigns  the  protectorate,  188 
— Particulars  of  his  resignation,  190,  195 — Schedule  of  his  estates, 
197 — Provision  made  for  him  by  the  parliament,  198 — His  charac- 
ter, 203 — Death,  205 — Original  letters  from,  v.  367,  369. 
Cromwell,  Henry,  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland,  his  letter  to  his  brother 
Richard  on  the  state  of  public  affairs,  iv.  188 — Copy  of  his  act  of 
resignation,  205. 

Cromwell,  Mrs.  Elizabeth,  wife  of  the  protector  Oliver,  copy  of 
her  letter  to  her  husband,  iii.  6 — Her  character  unjustly  repre- 
sented, 7. 

Crown-lands,  sold  by  order  of  the  parliament,  iv.  345 — Started  as  an 
obstacle  to  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  28O — Resumed  by 
that  prince,  341 — Names  of  some  who  were  dispossessed,  351 — 
Distresses  occasioned  by  this  measure,  353 — Might  have  been  pre- 
vented, and  the  clergy  amply  provided  for,  ib. 

Cudworth,  Dr.  a  panegyrist  of  Cromwell,  on  occasion  of  the  Dutch 
treaty,  iii.  360 — Consulted  as  to  persons  in  the  university  fit  to  be 
employed  in  the  state,4is — His  Hebrew  poem  on  Oliver's  death,48'J. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  335 

Curriton,  Mr.  committed  to  the  Tower,  for  his  free  speaking  in  par- 
liament, ii.  284. 
Cutpurse,  put  to  death  by  James  the  First,  without  legal  process,  i.  6 1 . 

D. 

Dailly,  his  defence  of  the  religious  tenets  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  262. 
Dalziel,  general,  commissioned  to  enforce  the  laws   against  non-con- 
formists and  conventicles  in  Scotland,  v.  119. 
Danby,  lord,    fined  live  hundred  pounds  for  forest  encroachments, 

ii.  296. 

Danby,  earl  of,  treasurer,  his  letters  to  Montague  on  the  increase  of 
Charles  the  Second's  pension  from  France,  v.  235 — Impeached  by 
the  commons  for  carrying  on  an  illicit  intercourse  with  a  foreign 
court,  238 — Increases  the  amount  and  number  of  pensions,  289 — 
In  danger  from  the  commons,  who  are  dissolved  to  screen  him,  29O 
— Ruined  by  Montague  and  an  astrologer,  10.  318. 

Dantzic,  English  merchants  there,  hold  a  public  rejoicing  on  the  death 
of  Charles  the  First,  iii.  214. 

Davidson,  secretary,  how  employed  by  Elizabeth  against  Mary  quee» 
of  Scots,  i.  19 — How  rewarded,  20. 

Dean  and  chapter  lands,  the  produce  from  the  sale  of,  applied  toward* 
the  promotion  of  literature  in  the  universities,  iii.  305. 

Deane,  sir  Anthony,  accused  of  holding  a  traitorous  correspondence 
with  France,  v.  225 — His  defence,  226 — Sent  to  the  Tower,  and 
ordered  to  be  prosecuted,  227. 

Debauchery,  proclamation  against,  by  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  353. 

Debt,  public,  contracted  before  the  revolution,  v.  276. 

Declaration  of  Charles  the  Second,  soon  after  his  father's  death,  de- 
nouncing vengeance  against  his  subjects  of  England  and  Wales, 
should  they  not  submit  to  his  authority,  iv.  65 — Another,  compiled 
by  the  Scottish  covenanters,  and  signed  by  Charles,  79 — Answered 
by  the  English  parliament,  82 — Another  published  by  Charles  at 
Breda,  promising  liberty  of  conscience  and  a  general  pardon,  in  the 
event  of  his  restoration,  266 — Another,  concerning  ecclesiastical 
affairs,  by  the  same,  381. 

Declaration  required  of  the  clergy  rendered  more  rigorous  than  pre- 
scribed by  the  act  of  uniformity,  by  the  omission  of  certain  qua- 
lifying words,  v.  89. 

Declarations  of  indulgence  extorted  from  Charles  the  Second  by  the 
reproaches  of  his  catholic  friends,  v.  122 — Rendered  ineffectual  by 
parliament,  124 — Anew  one  issued  under  the  cabal  ministry,  125 
—The  Roman  Catholics  excluded  from  it,  ib. — Again  quashed  by 
the  parliament,  127 — The  penal  laws  renewed,  129. 

Decyphering,  act  of,  discovered  during  the  commonwealth,  iv.  136 — 
Incredulity  of  the  royalists  on  the  subject,  1S7. 

De  la  Ware,  lord,  imprisoned  for  plotting  against  the  commonwealth, 
in  favour  of  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  214. 

Demonologie,  written  by  James  the  First,  some  account  of  it,  i.  45. 

Denbigh,  earl  of,  Charles  the  First's  contemptuous  treatment  of,  as  a 
parliament  commissioner,  ii.  81 — Strange  conduct  of,  as  commander 
of  the  fleet  before  Rochelle,  165— Resigns  his  commission  incon- 
sequence of  the  self-denying  ordinance,  iii.  116. 

Denmark,  the  king  of,  gets  drunk  with  James  the  First,  and  is  rude  to 


334  GENERAL  INDEX. 

the  countess  of"  Nottingham,  i.  so— Joins  England  in  the  war  against 
Spain  for  the  restoring  of  the  palatinate,  ii.  154 — Sends  a  congratu- 
latory embassy  to  Cromwell,  iii.  349. 

Denmark  House,  the  chapel  of,  resorted  to,  by  the  adherents  to 
popery,  ii.  234. 

Deposition  of  sovereigns,  the  power  of,  assumed  by  the  popes,  and 
still  maintained  as  part  of  their  holy  function,  v.  170. 

Derby,  Stanley,  earl  of,  ingratitude  of  Charles  the  Second  to, 
v.  23. 

Derbyshire,  the  inhabitants  of,  disarmed  by  the  Rump  parliament, 
iv.  214. 

Dering,  sir  Edward,  relates  in  a  committee  of  the  commons,  on  reli- 
gion, that  Mr.  Wilkinson  had  been  refused  ordination,  ii.  222 — 
Arraigns  the  pride  of  Laud  in  assuming  the  title  of  patriarch,  251 — 
His  speech  on  presenting  the  petition  of  a  poor  oppressed 
puritan,  258 — His  bill  for  the  eradication  of  bishops,  and  other* 
under  them,  from  temporal  offices,  379 — Joins  the  parliamentary 
party  on  account  of  Charles's  attachment  and  submission  to  the 
papists,  443. 

Desborow,  called  to  sit  in  Cromwell's  first  parliament,  iii.  326 — Adverse 
to  the  title  of  king  being  conferred  on  Oliver,  477. 

Despotism  far  from  the  intention  of  Cromwell  and  his  officers,  iii.  335 
— Not  to  be  secured  by  bloodshed,  v.  267. 

Devon,  petition  from,  for  the  admission  of  the  secluded  members  to  the 
Rump  parliament,  and  for  filling  up  vacancies,  iv.  295 — Answered 
by  Moncke,  296 — Oppression  of  the  magistrates  towards  non-con- 
formists, v.  107. 

De  Witt,  grand  pensionary,  his  exultation  at  the  peaceful  succession 
of  Richard  Cromwell  to  the  protectorate,  iv.  172. 

Digby,  lord,  his  character  of  Straffbrd,  ii.  376. 

Digby,  sir  Kenelm,  his  attachment  to  Cromwell,  the  effect  of  in  ho- 
nourable sentiment,  iii.  43. 

Dillingham,  a  panegyrist  of  Cromwell's  government,  iii.  361,  489. 

Diggs,  sir  Dudley,  punished  for  his  free  speaking  in  parliament, 
i.  230,  283. 

Disbrowe,  colonel,  one  of  Cromwell's  major-generals,  iii.  438 — Copy 
of  his  commission,  ib. — His  account  of  his  proceedings  in  this  cha- 
racter, 441. 

Discontent,  when  not  suffered  to  evaporate  by  freedom  of  speech, 
likely  to  be  dangerous  to  the  government,  v.  267. 

Dispensing  power,  disputes  between  Charles  the  Second  and  the  com- 
mons respecting,  v.  127 — The  king  forced  to  retract,  ib. 

Dispossessed  magistrates  ought  not  to  be  restored,  a  favourite  maxim 
of  the  republicans,  iv.  50. 

Dissimulation,  its  measures,  i.  33 — Instances  of,  in  Charles  the  Second, 
v.  13 — His  apology  for  it,  in  the  case  of  the  Scottish  covenant,  ib. 

Dissenters'  deputation  to  Charles  the  Second  at  Breda,  15 — Deceived 
by  his  prayers,  16 — Penal  laws  against,  102 — See  Non-conformists, 
Uniformity,  &c. 

Donne,  Dr.  supports  James  the  First's  Apology  for  Oaths  of  Allegi- 
ance, i.  304. 

Dorislaus,  Dr.  assassinated  at  the  Hague,  iii.  249. 

Dort,  synod  of,  i.  148. 

Dowglas,  George,  assassinates  Rixio,  i.  3. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  335 

Dowglas,  Robert,  extract  from  his  sermon  before  Charles  the  Second, 
on  his  coronation  at  Scone,  iv.  93. 

Down  and  Connor,  Henry  bishop  of,  extract  from  his  sermon  on  the 
death  of  Charles  the  First,  iii.  205. 

Downame,  Dr.  writes  in  support  of  king  Jamas's  Defence  of  Oaths 
of  Allegiance,  i.  305. 

Downs,  Mr.  his  exertions  in  favour  of  Charles  the  First,  ineffectual, 
iii.  200. 

Downing,  Emanuel,  his  letter  to  Usher,  showing  the  mischievous 
effect  of  persecuting  the  puritans,  i.  276. 

Downing,  sir  G.  originally  a  pauper,  v.  281 — Advises  the  oath  of  re- 
nunciation against  Charles  the  First,  ib. — Resident  in  Holland  for  the 
commonwealth,  iv.  254 — His  treacherous  conduct  there,  ib. — Makes 
his  peace  with  Charles  the  Second,  ib.' — Rewarded  for  his  parlia- 
mentary management,  v.  281. 

Draining  of  land,  disputes  about,  iii.  55. 

Drake,  sir  W.  bribed  for  his  parliamentary  management  under  Charles 
the  Second,  v.  280. 

Drelincourt  defends  Charles  the  Second  against  the  imputation  of 
popery,  iv.  262. 

Drogheda,  taken  by  storm,  by  Cromwell,  iii.  223. 

Drury,  sir  Drue,  refuses  to  be  concerned  in  putting  to  death,  pri- 
vately, Mary,  queen  of  Scots,  i.  19. 

Drunkenness  a  gross  and  brutish  vice,  i.  82. 

Dryden,  the  poet,  celebrates  the  memory  of  Cromwell,  iii.  489 — Pane- 
gyrises the  restoration  of  Charles  thejSecond,  iv.  332 — His  satire  on 
lord  Shaftesbury,  a  well-drawn  portrait,  v.  208. 

Dublin,  siege  of,  by  Ormonde,  who  is  defeated  by  the  parliamentary 
forces,  iii.  222. 

Dudley,  sir  Robert,  iniquitous  conduct  of  James  the  First  to,  i.  236. 

Dugdale,  sir  William,  believes  the  Icon  Basilike  to  have  been  written 
by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  125,  129 — His  account  of  the  lineage  of 
Cromwell,  iii.  l — Of  Oliver's  dissolute  youth,  5 — His  having  left 
the  wife  of  the  protector  unnoticed  in  his  dark  picture  of  the  whole 
family,  a  proof  of  her  good  character,  8 — His  account  of  the  affected 
cant  assumed  by  Cromwell,  9 — Of  the  election  of  Cromwell  as  a 
burgess  in  parliament,  56. 

Duelling,  interdicted  by  proclamation,  by  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  354. 

Dunbar,  earl  of,  the  honours  and  immense  wealth  bestowed  on  him  on 
the  accession  of  James  to  the  English  throne,  i.  64,  65. 

Dunbar,  battle  of,  iii.  238.  iv.  85 — Its  influence  in  the  Scottish  coun- 
cils, 90. 

Duncombe,  sir  John,  opposes  the  bill  for  a  test  law,  v.  153. 

Dunkirk,  delivered  up  to  Cromwell,  iii.  369,  392 — Sold  to  the  French, 
by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  182. 

Duport,  a  panegyrist  of  Cromwell,  iii.  361. 

Duppa,  Brian,  tutor  to  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  5— His  character,  8  ; 
and  death,  9. 

Durham,  taken  and  garrisoned  by  the  Scots,  364— A  college  erected  at, 
by  Cromwell,  iii.  420. 

Dury,  Mr.  hi«  unsuccessful  labours  to  reconcile  religious  opinions, 
iii.  304. 

Dutch,  insult  the  English  flag,  and  take  many  merchant  ships,  i.  188, 
191 — Obtain,  of  Jame«  the  First,  the  surrender  of  the  cautionary 
7 


536  GENERAL  INDEX. 

towns,  which  had  been  put  into  the  hands  of  Elizabeth,  192 — Violate 
the  law  of  nations  respecting  neutral  ports,  by  destroying  several 
English  ships,  and  are  adjudged  to  pay  the  damages,  ii.  167 — 
Violate  the  same  law  by  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet  in  the 
port  of  Dover,  172 — Purchase  of  Charles  the  First,  the  licence  of 
fishing  in  the  British  seas,  184 — Fish  without  such  licence,  186 — 
Supposed  profit  of  their  fishery,  187 — Their  churches  in  England 
molested  by  Laud,  242 — Quarrel  with  the  English  commonwealth, 
iii.  246 — Hostilities  begun  by  Van  Tromp,  257 — Their  secrets  be- 
trayed to  the  English  council,  261 — Humbled,  and  sue  for  peace,  264 
— Accept  it  on  Cromwell's  own  terms,  346,  354 — Ludicrous  medal 
struck  by  them,  in  derision  of  the  servility  of  France  and  Spain  to 
Cromwell,  348 — Dread  of  the  States-General  of  Cromwell,  353 — 
Simple  apology  of  their  ambassador  for  this  fear,  to  Charles  the 
Second,  ib. — Particulars  of  the  treaty  with  Cromwell,  355 — Engage 
with  Cromwell  to  exclude  the  prince  of  Orange  and  his  heirs  from 
the  stadtholderate,  356 — Interpose  with  the  duke  of  Savoy,  in  behalf 
of  the  persecuted  protestauts  of  Vaudois,  400 — Charles  the  Second 
declares  war  against  them,  v.  188 — Treaty  of  Breda,  190 — Triple 
league,  ib. — War  renewed,  198 — Frivolous  pretext  adopted  by 
Charles  for  this  war,  2O4 — Writers  employed  by  the  English  court 
against  the  republic,  209 — The  country  almost  ruined,  216 — Peace 
of  Nimeguen,  ib.  (See  States-General). 

E. 

Ease,  love  of,  admissible  in  private  persons,  but  censurable  in  kings, 
v.  5. 

East,  practice  of  turning  towards  that  point,  in  religious  services,  com- 
bated, ii.  224. 

Easter,  query  of  Charles  the  First  respecting  its  non-observance  by  the 
new  reformers,  ii.  75. 

Ecclesiastical  affairs,  declaration  of  Charles  the  Second  concerning, 
iv.  378 — Proceedings  in  parliament  thereupon,  379. 

Ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  restored  in  England,  v.  83.  See  Episcopacy. 

Ecclesiastical  property,  proposed  to  be  vested  in  the  crown,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  inferior  clergy,  iii.  306,  33O. 

Echard  on  the  certainty  of  Charles  the  First  being  buried  at  Windsor, 
and  the  undutiful  conduct  of  his  son  towards  his  remains,  v.  25. 

Edghill,  battle  of,  its  effects  on  the  public  mind,  ii.  435. 

Edmonds,  sir  Thomas,  cutting  jests  passed  on  him  by  the  French,  in 
his  capacity  of  ambassador,  ii.  166. 

Education  of  princes,  importance  and  nature  of,  iv.  4. 

Eglisham,  Dr.  writes  a  book  to  prove  that  James  the  First  was  poison- 
ed by  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  i.  282. 

Ejected  clergy,  hardship  and  cruelty  of  their  case,  v.  85. 

Elizabeth,  queen,  her  dissimulation  in  the  affair  of  Mary  queen  of 
Scots,  i.  19  and  20 — Her  death,  60 — Disrespect  of  James  the  First  to 
her  memory,  73 — Her  memory  treated  coldly  by  the  clergy  for  her 
conduct  respecting  the  bishoprick  of  Ely,  ii.  225. 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of  James  the  First,  her  marriage,  i.  178. 

Elliott,  sir  John,  committed  to  the  Tower  for  his  free  speaking  in  par- 
liament, 283 — Dies  there,  284. 

Engagement,  the,  act  for  subscribing,  passed,  iv.  40 — Disputations  oc- 


GENERAL  INDEX.  SS7 

casioned  by  it,  4 1 — Its  nature,  55 — Discharged  and  taken  from  the 
file  of  the  parliament,  by  the  influence  of  Moncke,  iv.  3O7. 

England  only  to  be  ruined  by  a  corrupt  parliament,  v.  27  G.  291. 

Enthusiasm  an  attendant  upon  reformation,  iii.  18. 

Episcopacy,  imposed  on  the  Scots  by  James  the  First,  i.  279 — 
Impolicy  of  this  proceeding,  ib.  280 — Abolished  by  the  treaty  of 
pacification  between  the  Scots  and  Charles  the  First,  ii.  338.  341 — 
Restored  in  England  with  the  monarchy,  iv.  379.  v.  82 — Apprehen- 
sions that  it  might  lead  to  the  revival  of  popery,  ib. — Means  adopted 
by  the  commons  to  prevent  this,  ib. — Rigour  of,  towards  dissenters, 
v.  85. 

Episcopalians,  the  avowed  enemies  of  Cromwell,  favoured  by  him,  iii. 
42 — Their  clergy  persecuted  by  him,  427. 

Essex,  Robert  Devereux,  earl  of,  story  of  his  political  intrigue,  i.  55 — 
Divorced  from  his  wife,  who  marries  the  earl  of  Somerset,  245 — 
Abruptly  dismissed  the  army  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  83 — Made 
vice-admiral  in  the  expedition  against  Spain,  152 — Removed  from 
being  general  of  the  horse,  to  belieutenant-jrenei  al  of  the  array  sent 
against  the  Scots,  334 — Believes  Charles  the  First  to  have  had  no 
snare  in  the  Irish  rebellion,  394 — Appointed  general  of  the  par- 
liamentary forces,  421.432 — Excepted  from  Charles's  proclamation 
of  pardon,  439 — Inclined  to  peace,  iii.  106 — Attached  to  monarchy, 
and  therefore  suspected  by  the  republicans,  ib. — Resigns  in  con- 
sequence of  the  self-denying  ordinance,  115 — His  arguments  in 
favour  of  the  exclusion  bill  against  the  duke  of  York,  v.  174 — Not  to 
be  corrupted  by  the  artifices  of  Charles  the  Second,  322. 

Essex,  lord,  examination  of  circumstances  attending  his  mysterious 
death,  v.  351. 

Essex  forest,  arbitrary  extension  of,  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  293. 

Essex  petition  rejected  by  Charles  die  Second,  v.  31 1. 

Estrades,  count,  his  embassy  to  England  on  the  subject  of  the  partitioH 
of  Flanders,  ii.  189. 

Eudremon- Johannes,  attacks  the  defenders  of  king  James's  Apology 
for  Oaths  of  Allegiance,  i.  306. 

Exchequer,  shut  up  oy  Charles  the  Second,  v.  205,  270. 

Excise,  revenue  of,  given  to  the  crown,  in  lieu  of  the  profits  derived 
from  the  court  of  wards,  iv.  373 — Opposition  to  the  measures,  and 
debates  on  the  bill  in  parliament,  ib. — A  similar  tax  said  to  have  pro- 
duced a  rebellion  in  Naples,  374 — The  bill  carried  by  a  majority  of 
two,  ib. — Why  preferred  to  a  land-tax,  375 — Artifices  of  the  court 
to  carry  the  bill,  376 — Origin  of  this  tax  in  England,  ib. 

Exclusion  bill  against  James  duke  of  York,  proposed,  158 — Passes  the 
commons,  but  rejected  by  the  lords,  l«l — Arguments  in  favour  of, 
and  against  it,  165,  et  seq. — Opposed  by  the  whole  bench  of  bishops* 
181. 

Excommunication,  canons  denouncing  it  against  those  who  should 
speak  any  thing  against  the  church  of  England,  i.  271. 

Executions  of  the  persons  concerned  in  the  death  of  Charles  the  First, 
iv.  335. 

Exercitation  concerning  Usurped  Powers,  extract  from,  iv.  44. 

Exiled  princes,  their  unhappy  state,  iv.  124. 

Expenses  of  a  regal  compared  with  a  republican  government,  ivV27i. 


VOL.  I. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Fairfax,  sir  Thomas,  how  styled  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  so — His 
reasons  for  engaging  in  the  cause  of  the  parliament,  42O — His  letter 
to  the  commons,  on  the  state  of  the  negotiations  with  the  king,  456 
— App  inted  general  in  chief  of  the  parliamentary  forces,  iii.  115 — 
Defeats  the  royalists  in  several  rencounters,  through  their  own  mis- 
conduct, iv.  15 — His  arduous  and  successful  enterprise  in  the  west, 
22 — Subscribes  the  "  Engagement"  in  his  own  sense  of  it,  57 — De- 
feats Charles  the  First  at  Naseby,  iii.  125 — His  letter  to  the  parlia- 
ment on  this  event,  130 — His  unambitious  and  unassuming  conduct, 
136 — His  apology  for  the  excesses  of  the  army,  committed  in  his 
came,  137 — Attributes  the  mutinous  conduct  of  the  troops  to  the 
intrigues  of  the  agitators,  162 — Protests  his  innocence  of  the  seizure 
of  the  king's  person,  163,  165 — Said  to  have  been  prevented  from 
attempting  Charles's  rescue,  on  the  morning  of  his  execution,  by 
Harrison's  long  prayer,  202 — The  story  improbable,  203 — Refuses 
to  undertake  the  expedition  against  Scotland,  232 — Superseded  by 
Cromwell,  234 — Protests  against  the  execution  of  the  regicides,  iv. 
338. 

Faith,  articles  of,  injustice  of  insisting  on  an  unconditional  subscription 
to,  v.  91 — The  design  impracticable,  93. 

Falconbridge,  lord,  son-in-law  to  Cromwell,  see  Fauconberg. 

Falkland,  lord,  secretary,  devotes  himself  in  the  battle  of  Newbury,  to 
avoid  the  distress  impending  on  the  country  from  the  ascendancy  of 
the  papists,  ii.  443. 

Falsehood  reconciled  with  the  hope  of  salvation  by  Romish  priests,  v. 
150. 

Fashion,  the  precursor  of  slavery-,  v.  201. 

Fast  for  parliamentary  sins  and  failings,  iii.  109. 

Fauconberg,  lord,  son-in-law  to  Cromwell,  sent  on  an  embassy  to  the 
king  of  France  in  Flanders,  and  is  honourably  received,  iii.  346 — His 
character  of  Cromwell,  486 — Deserts  the  republican  cause,  and  i$ 
imprisoned,  iv.  251. 

Felton,  particulars  of  his  assassination  of  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  iK 
37. 

Fenelon,  his  sentiments  on  the  education  of  princes,  iv.  5. 

Fens  of  Lincolnshire,  &c.  disputes  about  the  drainage  of,  iii.  55. 

Ferdinand  of  Austria,  defeats  Frederick  of  Bohemia,  i.  181. 

Feudal  laws,  introduced  by  the  Saxons,  and  confirmed  by  William  the 
Conqueror,  iv.  369 — In  some  respects  favourable  to  liberty,  in  others 
an  intolerable  yoke,  370 — Instances  of  their  oppression,  ib. — Com- 
muted for  the  excise  kws,  373. 

fides  dnglicana,  or  a  Plea  for  the  public  Faith,  published  on  the 
resumption  of  the  crown  and  church  lands,  extracts  from,  iv.  354 — 
The  author  imprisoned,  359. 

Field,  bishop  of  Landaffe,  his  adulatory  letter  to  the  duke  of  Bucking- 
ham, i.  249. 

Fiennes,  Mr.  N.  excepted  from  Charles  the  First's  proclamation  of 
pardon,  ii.  439-^-Employed  to  draw  up  Cromwell's  declaration 
against  the  royalists,  iii.  435. 

Filial  obligations  imperative  upon  all,  v.  27. 

Finch,  sir  H.  his  conduct  in  the  business  of  ship-money,  ii.  299 — Ac- 
quiu  the  parliament  of  all  blame  in  the  death  of  Charles;  the  First, 


GENERAL  INDEX.  339 

474 — Moves  an  excise  on  beer  and  ale  as  a  commutation  for  the 
profits  from  the  court  of  wards,  iy.  373 — His  specious  mode  of  ac- 
counting for  the  decay  of  the  British  navy,  v.  221 — Projects  a  gene- 
ral test,  which  is  lost  by  a  dispute  for  privileges,  241. 

Fines,  excessive,  inflicted  by  Charles  the  Second  for  trifling  offences, 
v.  334. 

Fishery,  Dutch,  in  the  British  seas,  license  for,  purchased  of  Charles 
the  First,  ii.  184 — Supposed  profit  of  this  fishery,  187 — Advantages 
that  would  result  from  the  establishment  of  a  rival  British  fishery, 
ib. 

Fitzgerald,  an  Irish  papist,  made  second  in  command  of  the  Blackheath 
army,  v.  29./>. 

Fivewm'le  act,  one  of  the  gradations  by  which  the  ministry  attempted 
to  suppress  the  spirit  of  liberty,  v.  240. 

Flag,  British,  first  affront  offered  to  it,  i.  188 — Spirited  conduct 
of  the  commander  of  a  British  yacht  to  a  French  ship,  refusing  to 
strike  its  flag,  ib.  190. 

Flanders,  proposed  partition  of,  by  the  French  and  Dutch,  ii.  189 — 
Importance  of  its  sea-ports  to  England,  191. 

Flatterers  follow  fortune,  iii.  362. 

Fleetwood  retains  his  commission,  in  contravention  of  the  self-denying 
ordinance,  iii.  1 2 1 —Appointed  one  of  Cromwell's  major-generals, 
438 — Opposes  the  title  of  king  being  conferred  on  Cromwell,  477 — 
Invites  the  Rump  Parliament  to  assemble,  iv.  195.  203 — Constituted 
commander  in  chief  of  the  army,  224 — Accedes  to  a  proposition  for 
making  terms  with  Charles  the  Second,  243 — Retracts,  and  resolves 
to  stand  by  the  army,  244 — His  integrity  to  the  commonwealth  con- 
misted  with  the  infidelity  of  his  colleagues,  252. 

Folkstone  harbour,  Blake  attacked  in,  by  Van  Tromp,  iii.  68. 

Folly  and  wisdom  remarkably  combined  in  certain  cases,  v.  8. 

Force  essential  to  the  subsistence  of  government,  v.  304. 

Forests,  lines  grievously  inflicted  by  Charles  the  First,  for  encroach- 
ments upon,  ii.  293. 

Forgiveness  of  sins,  the  privilege  of,  by  priests,  publicly  preached,  ii. 

226- 

Forms  in  religion  requisite  to  its  preservation,  v.  99. 

Foitescue,  sir  John,  chosen  member  for  Buckinghamshire,  instead  of 
sir  Francis  Goodwin,  whose  election  king  James  had  arbitrarily  va- 
cated, i.  2 3 1. 

Fortune  never  in  want  of  flatterers,  iii.  362. 

Fowel,  sir  J.  a  court  pensioner  in  the  house  of  commons,  under  Charles 
the  Second,  v.  289. 

Fox,  sir  S.  originally  a  footboy,  promoted  for  his  vote  in  the  house  of 
commons,  by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  282 — Particulars  of  his  exa- 
mination before  the  house,  285. 

France,  Buckingham's  passion  for  the  queen  of,  occasions  a  war 
against  it,  i.  32,  ii.  158 — The  war  miserably  conducted  under  him, 
159,  164 — Embassy  of  congratulation  from,  sent  to  Cromwell,  iii. 
346 — Honours  paid  there  to  lord  Falconberg,  347 — Joy  expressed 
on  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  with  England,  392 — Particulars  of  the 
negotiations,  366,  392 — Cool  reception  of  Charles  the  Second  at  die 
court  of,  during  his  exile,  iv.  26. 

Fraud  more  effectual  than  force,  in  the  advancement  of  men  to  grand- 
eur,  iii.  104. 


340  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Frazier,  Mr.  secretary  of  Chelsea  College,  narrative  by,  charging 
Burnet  with  omissions  in  his  memoirs  of  the  dukes  of  Hamilton,  ii. 
S47. 

Frederick,  elector  Palatine,  marries  a  daughter  of  James  the  First,  i. 
178 — Accepts  the  throne  of  Bohemia,  ib.  179 — His  subsequent  dis- 
tresses, ib.  181 — Impolicy  of  James,  in  not  aiding  him  against  the 
emperor  Ferdinand,  254 — Charles  the  First  wars  with  Spain  and 
Germany,  for  the  recovery  of  his  Palatinate,  ii.  149,  154 — Curious 
reason  assigned  by  the  clergy  of  England  for  the  loss  of  his  Pala- 
tinate, 225. 

Frederick  William,  elector  of  Brandenburgh,  courts  the  friendship  of 
Cromwell,  iii.  349. 

Frederick,  sir  John,  opposes  the  establishment  of  an  excise,  iv.  37s. 

Freedom  of  speech,  less  dangerous  to  a  government,  than  suppressed 
discontent,  v.  267. 

G 

Caches,  M.  his  letter  to  Richard  Baxter  in  favour  of  the  religious 
character  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  260. 

Gallantry  in  princes,  observations  on,  v.  43. 

Gamaliel,  Charles  the  First  compares  his  father  to,  ii.  278. 

Garnet,  father  Henry,  executed  for  his  concern  in  the  gunpowder 
plot,  i.  113. 

Garroway,  a  leader  of  the  opposition,  bribed  by  Charles  the  Second, 
v.  277. 

Gauden,  bishop  of  Exeter,  the  work  entitled  Icon  Basilike,  said  to  be 
written  by  him,  ii.  126 — Disbelieved  by  Wagstaff  from  its  dissimi- 
larity to  his  other  writings,  1 32 — Character  of  his  life  of  Hooker, 
ib.  133. 

Gawdry,  Mrs.  Dorothy,  escapes  the  wicked  purpose  of  the  duke  of 
Buckingham,  by  being  conveyed  out  of  a  window,  i.  248. 

General  warrant,  copy  of,  for  the  seizure  of  unlicensed  books,  v. 
257. 

Generosity  of  the  great,  generally  misapplied  to  unworthy  objects, 
and  withheld  from  cases  of  real  necessity,  iv.  1O7. 

Genius  frequently  buried  in  obscurity,  for  want  of  being  known,  iii. 
26. 

Gerard,  sir  Gilbert,  rebuked  by  Charles  the  Second,  for  presenting  a 
petition  from  the  inhabitants  of  London  and  Westminster,  v.  31O. 

Gibbons,  Mr.  remarks  on  his  condemnation  by  a  high  commission 
court,  iii.  449. 

Glamorgan,  earl,  employed  by  Charles  to  negotiate  with  the  Irish 
rebels,  and  bring  them  to  act  against  the  parliament  of  England,  ii. 
405 — His  negotiations  with  the  pope's  nuncio,  ib. 

Glascott,  sir  W.  a  court  pensioner  in  the  house  of  commons,  under 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  290. 

Glisson,  a  panegyrist  of  Cromwell,  iii.  361. 

Glyn,  Mr.  Recorder,  appointed  of  the  committee  for  bringing  in  the 
self-denying  ordinance,  iii.  109. 

Glynne,  chief  justice,  an  advocate  for  the  title  of  king  being  conferred 
on  Cromwell,  iii.  472. 

Godfrey,  sir  Edmondbury,  remarks  on  the  circumstances  of  his  assassi- 
nation, exculpatory  of  the  papists,  v.  136 — Exceptions  to  these  re- 
marks, 145 — Extract  from  Dr.  Lloyd's  funeral  discourse  on,  ib. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  3*J 

Goldsmiths,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second,  the  bankers  of  the 
nation,  v.  270. 

Gondomor,  count  de,  Spanish  ambassador,  his  crafty  management  of 
king  James,  i.  186. 

Good-humour  and  good -nature  widely  different  from  each  other,  exem- 
plified in  the  character  of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  45. 

Goodwin,  sir  Francis,  account  of  James  the  First  vacating  his  election 
to  parliament  for  Buckinghamshire,  i.  232. 

Goodwin,  John,  in  favour  with  the  Protector,  iii.  43. 

Goodwin's  defence  of  the  sentence  passed  and  executed  upon  Charles 
the  First,  iii.  207,  et  seq. 

Gordon  on  the  security  of  government,  and  freedom  of  speech  in  die 
subject,  v.  267. 

Goring,  Mr.  concerned  in  the  plot  for  awing  the  last  parliament  of 
Charles  the  First,  ii.  381 — His  confession,  386 — Described  by  Claren- 
don as  a  profligate  character,  probably  because  he  was  not  of  the 
chancellor's  faction  in  the  council  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  16  ; 
see  also  21 — Becomes  a  court  pensioner  in  the  house  of  commons, 
V.  290. 

Government,  instrument  of,  signed  by  Cromwell  as  protector,  iii. 
335. 

Government,  originates  in  the  people,  iii.  293 — subject  to  revolutions 
and  fatal  periods,  iv.  46 — The  study  of,  the  proper  employment  of 
princes,  v.  2 — Not  to  be  supported  without  force,  iv.  46,  v.  304. 

Gower,  Leviston,  esq.  a  member  of  the  venal  house  of  commons  under 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  281. 

Cowry,  earl  of,  his  concern  in  the  affair  of  Ruthven  castle,  i.  9 — Sup- 
posed conspiracy  of  his  sons,  in  consequence  of  his  execution,  J3. 

Grahame,  James,  duke  of  Montrose,  see  Montrose. 

Granville,  Mr.  B.  the  bearer  of  Moncke's  last  dispatches  to  Charle« 
the  Second  at  Breda,  iv.  321 — His  welcome  reception,  322. 

Gray,  Scotch  envoy,  saying  of  his  on  the  policy  of  executing  Mary 
queen  of  Scots,  i.  19. 

Great  rebellion,  inquiry  into  the  justice  of  that  term  being  applied  to 
the  civil  wars  between  Charles  the  First  and  the  parliament,  ii.  425. 

Greenville,  sir  John,  receives  five  hundred  pounds  from  parliament, 
for  bringing  over  the  letters  and  declaration  of  Charles  the  Second, 
iv.  327 — Extract  from  the  Speaker's  address  to  him  on  this  occasion, 
ib. 

Greenville,  or  Granville,  sir  Richard,  described  by  Clarendon  as  a  mon- 
ster of  iniquity,  iv.  16 — His  measures  thwarted  by  the  chancellor  and 
his  adherents  in  the  prince's  council,  19 — Superseded  in  the  com- 
mand of  the  royal  army  by  lord  Hoptoo,  20 — Arrested,  and  confined 
in  Launceston  gaol,  ib. — Examination  of  the  justice  of  Clarendon's 
censure,  21 — Accuses  the  chancellor  of  having  betrayed  the  prince 
to  Cromwell,  153 — Fails  in  substantiating  his  charge,  and  is  banish- 
ed the  prince's  presence,  1 56. 

Gregory  VII.  pope,  the  infamous  Hildebrand,  canonized  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  v.  170. 

Gretser,  James,  attacks  king  James's  Apology  for  Oaths  of  Allegi- 
ance, i.  306. 

Grey,  Dr.  charged  widi  ignorance  of  the  civil  dignities  conferred  on 
the  clergy  by  Charles  the  First,  it.  254. 

Grey,  lord,  of  Werk,  fined  by  the  atar-chamber,  ii.  811. 

3 


349  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Grey,  lord,  animadversions  on  his  declaration  relative  to  the  Rye-house 
plot,  v.  343 — His  character  too  objectionable  to  permit  his  testimony 
to  have  any  weight,  344. 

Grimstone,  sir  Harbottle,  of  Essex,  himself  and  six  poor  tradesmen, 
his  neighbours,  sturdily  oppose  the  general  loan,  ii.  288 — His  ad- 
dress, as  speaker  of  the  convention  parliament,  to  sir  J.  Greenville, 
on  his  bringing  letters  from  Charles  the  Second  at  Breda,  iv.  32" — 
His  account  of  Cromwell's  dissimulation  between  the  parliament  and 
the  army,  v.  96. 

Grove,  rebels  against  the  Protector,  and  is  executed,  iii.  428,  431. 

Grotius,  his  treatise  in  favour  of  freedom  of  navigation  and  community 
of  the  seas,  ii.  184. 

Guards,  first  raised  in  England  by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  295 — The  oc- 
casion of  great  disputes  between  the  king  and  parliament,  296 — 
Declared  to  be  an  illegal  assemblage,  by  lord  chief  justice  Vaughan, 
SOI. 

Gumble,  Dr.  on  the  projected  union  between  the  English  common- 
wealth and  Scotland,  iji.  279. 

Gwin,  Nell,  the  actress,  mistress  to  Charles  the  Second,  v.  41 — Her 
influence  over  him,  42 — Recommended  by  him  in  his  last  moments 
to  the  protection  of  his  brother,  43. 

H 

Haak,  Mr.  Theodore,  the  first  who  suggested  the  meetings  from  which 
the  Royal  Society  arose,  v.  7. 

Hairman,  sir  Peter,  sent  on  an  errand  to  the  Palatinate,  for  refusing  to 
favour  the  general  loan,  ii.  288. 

Hale,  sir  Edward,  submits  to  the  "  Engagement"  of  the  common- 
wealth, iv.  56 — His  motion  for  a  committee  to  digest  terms  to  be 
proposed  to  Charles  the  Second,  previous  to  his  restoration,  over- 
ruled by  Moncke,  iv.^320. 

Hale,  sir  Matthew,  history  of  his  elevation  to  the  bench  by  Cromwell, 
iii.  412 — Reproved  by  him  for  dismissing  a  packed  jury,  443. 

Hales,  John,  present  at  the  synod  of  Dort,  i.  1 50. 

Halifax,  SavUle,  earl  of,  on  the  genius  and  talents  of  Charles  the 
Second,  v.  3 — Endeavours  to  palliate  that  prince's  dissimulation,  16 
— On  the  free  language,  or  rather  obscenity  of  Charles,  36—  On  the 
certainty  of  his  having  embraced  popery  prior  to  his  restoration,  54 
— On  the  genuineness  of  the  papers  found  in  Charles's  closet  after 
his  decease,  69. 

Hambden,  Mr.  John,  see  Hampden. 

Hamilton,  marquis  (afterwards  duke)  of,  undertakes  to  beat,  the  earl  of 
Argyle  out  of  the  Western  Isles,  ii.  329 — In  great  credit  with 
Charles  the  First,  334 — Saves  the  life  of  the  earl  of  Loudon,  whose 
warrant  of  execution  had  been  signed,  349 — Removed  from  the 
company  of  Charles  the  Second  by  the  Scottish  covenanters,  iv.  76 
• — Defeated  and^taken  prisoner  by  them,  iii.  177 — Condemned  by  a 
high  commission  court,  449 — Would  probably  have  been  acquitted 
by  another  tribunal,  /£. 

Hammond,  Dr.  addresses  the  council  of  officers,  against  putting  the 
king  to  death,  iii.  203. 

Hampden,  Mr.  John,  refuses  to  pay  ship-money,  ii.  299 — One  of  the 
five  members  impeached  by  Charles  the  First,  409 — Excepted  from 


GENERAL  INDEX.  s*» 

the  proclamation  of  pardon,  439 — Prevented  from  emigrating  to 
America,  iii.  54 — Had  been  proposed  as  tutor  to  prince  Charles,  (afl 
terwards  Charles  the  Second)  iv.  9 — Probable  consequences  to  that 
gentleman's  patriotism,  had  the  appointment  taken  place,  10 — His 
character,  11. 

Hampden,  Mr.  John,  (grandson  to  die  former)  his  account  of  the 
means  taken  by  the  court  to  procure  the  settlement  of  the  excise,  iv. 
375 — Heavily  fined  by  the  minions  of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  335. 

Hampton-Court  conference,  particulars  of  what  passed  at  it,  i.  99 — 
Furniture,  plate,  &c.  belonging  to,  sold  by  the  Rump-parliament  for 
paying  the  debts  incurred  during  the  protectorate,  iv.  20O — The 
palace  itself  ordered  to  be  sold  for  the  supply  of  the  navy,  219. 

Harboard,  Mr.  his  spirited  motion  for  the  exclusion  bill  against  James 
duke  of  York,  v.  164. 

Harcourt,  tried  and  condemned  as  an  accomplice  in  the  popish  plot,  v. 
141. 

Harmer,  professor,  a  panegyrist  of  Cromwell,  iii.  361. 

Harrington,  author  of  the  Oceana,  Charles  the  First  fond  of  conversing 
with  him  on  government,  ii.  '276 — His  justification  of  Cromwell's 
dissolution  of  the  long  parliament,  iii.  321 — His  report  of  Booth's 
conspiracy  for  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  212 — At- 
tached to  Charles  the  First,  though  a  republican  in  principle,  v.  28 — 
Cruelly  imprisoned  by  Charles  the  Second,  ib. — On  the  absurdity  of 
clergymen  meddling  with  state  affairs,  245 — On  Mr.  Hobbes's  ideas 
of  public  liberty,  247. 

Harris,    Mr.  his    answer    to  Becanus's    Controversia  Anglicana,    i. 

305. 

Harrison,  accused  of  detaining  Fairfax  in  a  long  prayer,  while  Charles 
was  beheaded,  iii.  202 — The  story  improbable  from  his  known 
character,  203 — Forces  the  speaker  from  the  chair,  on  Cromwell's 
dissolution  of  the  long  parliament,  314 — Called  to  assist  in  Crom- 
well's first  parliament,  326. 

Hartford,  marquis  of,  anecdote  of  his  interview  with  Cromwell,  iii. 
42:5. 

Hartlib,  Mr.  S.  employed  by  Cromwell,  iii.  4 if). 

Haselrig,  sir  Arthur,  one  of  the  five  members  impeached  by  Charles 
the  First,  ii.  409 — Excepted  from  that  prince's  proclamation  of 
pardon,  439 — Also  from  the  proclamation  of  Charles  die  Second, 
ir.  130 — Attainted  after  his  death  by  Charles's  pensioned  parliament, 

V.  32. 

Hastings,  sir  Francis,  put  from  his  lieutenancy  and  justiceship,  for 
drawing  a  petition  in  favour  of  die  puritans,  i.  273. 

Ilatton,  sir  C.  fined  £12,000.  for  forest  encroachments,  ii.  296. 

Hatton,  sir  Thomas,  receives  a  pension  from  Charles  the  Second,  for 
his  parliamentary  services,  v.  280. 

Hay,  James,  made  earl  of  Carlisle,  i.  64 — His  prodigal  life  in  conse- 
quence of  the  wealdi  bestowed  on  him  by  James  the  First,  i.  66. 

Hayne,  king's  solicitor  in  Scotland,  opposes  die  religious  innovations 
of  Charles  the  First,  ii.  319. 

Haynes,  major-general,  his  oppressive  conduct  in  Norfolk,  in.  442< 

Hay  wood,  Dr.  petitions  Laud  on  die  subject  of  Ilia  parishioners  be. 
coming  Catholics,  ii.  232. 

Hazelrjgge,  sir  A.  see  Haselrig. 


S44  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Henderson,  Alexander,  engaged  in  a  controversy  with  Charles  the 
First,  on  church  government,  ii.  75 — His  dissatisfaction  with  him- 
self, in  this  trial  of  skill  with  the  king,  said  to  have  occasioned  his 
death,  115. 

Henrietta  Maria,  consort  of  Charles  the  First,  her  person  and  charac- 
ter, ii.  25 — Particulars  of  her  ill  conduct  to  her  husband,  28 — Her 
servants,  who  attended  her  into  England,  sent  home,  through  the  in- 
trigues of  Buckingham,  32 — Her  influence  over  her  husband  after 
Buckingham's  death,  38 — Acts  a  part  in  a  pastoral,  263 — Said  to 
have  been  concerned  in  the  Irish  rebellion,  406,  407. 

Henrietta,  princess,  sister  to  Charles  the  Second,  her  sudden  and  myste- 
rious death,  v.  203. 

Henry,  prince,  son  of  James  the  First,  endeavours  to  marry  with  a 
daughter  of  France  or  Savoy,  i.  202 — His  amiable  disposition  and 
excellent  genius,  294 — Supposed  to  have  died  by  poison,  243, 
301. 

Henry  the  Seventh,  strictures  on  the  legitimacy  of  his  accession  to  the 
throne  of  England,  iv.  14O. 

Henry  the  Eighth,  condemned  by  the  clergy  for  seizing  upon  the 
abbies,  ii.  225. 

Henry  the  great,  of  France,  his  contempt  of  king  James,  i.  207  and 
208 — His  attachment  to  Henry,  son  of  that  prince,  298. 

Herbert,  lord,  his  estate  given  by  the  commons  to  Cromwell,  after 
the  battle  of  Naseby,  iii.  134. 

Herbert,  sir  Thomas,  his  account  of  the  last  moments  of  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  477 — His  letter  to  the  commons  after  the  battle  of  Naseby, 
iii.  128. 

Hereditary  right,  absurdity  of  the  doctrine  of,  i.  215. 

Hertford,  earl  of,  governor  to  prince  Charles,  afterwards  Charles  the 
Second,  iv.  6. 

Heivey,  lord,  on  the  utility  and  necessity  of  freedom  of  speech  in 
subjects  to  the  well-being  of  government,  v.  268. 

Hewet,  an  advocate  for  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  exe- 
cuted, iv.  127. 

Hewson,  colonel,  sent  to  quell  the  tumults  in  the  city,  is  fired  upon 
from  the  houses,  iv.  245. 

Heylin  on  the  cause  of  the  civil  wars,  ii.  413. 

Hickman,  Dr.  Charles,  his  letter  to  the  bishop  of  Rochester,  urging 
the  suppression  of  some  manuscript  letters  of  Charles  the  First,  ii. 
144. 

High  commission  court,  its  power  under  James  the  First,  i.  272 — 
Abolished  by  the  parliament  of  England,  ii.  314.  377 — Abolished  in 
Scotland,  339. 

High  court  of  justice,  erected  for  the  trial  of  Charles  the  First,  gives 
rise  to  many  others,  iii.  449 — How  constituted,  ib. 

Hildebrand,  the  infamous  pope  Gregory  VII.  canonized,  v.  170. 

Hispaniola,  expedition  against,  unsuccessful,  iii.  374,  377. 

History,  the  knowledge  of,  indispensable  to  princes,  i.  36 — That  of 
Procopius  recommended  to  their  perusal,  52. 

Hqbart,  Mr.  warrant  of  the  council  issued  against,  for  his  free  speaking 
in  parliament,  ii.  284. 

Hobbes,  Mr.  mathematical  tutor  to  prince  Charles,  (afterwards  Charles 
the  Second)  iv.  8 — The  office  of  secretary  proffered  him  by  Crom- 


GENERAL  INDEX.  S44 

well,  iii.  419 — His  remarks  on  the  obligation  of  subjects  to  their 
sovereigns,  344— On  public  liberty,  v.  246— His  notions  erroneous, 

248. 

Holland,  earl  of,  (see  Rich)  presides  as  justice  in  eyre,  respecting  en- 
croachments on  forests,  ii.  295 — Made  general  of  the  horse,  s«4 — 
Deserts  Charles  on  account  of  his  attachment  to  the  papists,  443 — 
Observation  on  his  condemnation  by  a  high  commission  court,  iii. 
449. 

Holland,  see  Dutch  and  States  General. 

Holies,  Denzil,  one  of  the  five  members  impeached  by  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  409.  See  Hollis. 

Hollis,  Mr.  (afterwards  lord)  letter  by,  giving  the  particulars  of  Buck- 
ingham's expedition  against  France,  ii.  159 — Imprisoned  and  fined 
for  his  free  speaking  in  parliament,  284 — Refuses  £10,OOO.  voted  to 
him  by  the  commons  on  the  reversal  of  his  sentence,  285 — Particulars 
of  the  impeachment  of  Strafford,  related  by  him  to  bishop  Burnet, 
374 — On  the  motives  of  the  parliament  in  appealing  to  arms,  419 — 
Imputes  cowardice  to  Cromwell,  iii.  86 — Attributes  the  meeting  of 
the  army  to  Oliver's  contrivance,  94 — On  the  dispensation  of  Crom- 
well from  the  self-denying  ordinance,  118 — On  the  promotions  and 
rewards  bestowed  upon  his  parliamentary  antagonists,  133 — His 
character  of  sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  137 — On  the  seizure  of  Charles 
the  First  by  the  army,  163 — On  the  treaty  between  that  prince  and 
Cromwell,  1 70 — Supposed  to  be  the  author  of  the  reply  to  Crom- 
well's declaration  against  the  cavaliers,  436 — Avoided  by  Charles 
the  Second,  as  not  to  be  corrupted  or  tampered  with,  v.  322. 

Holmes,  sir  Robert,  the  instigator  of  the  two  Dutch  wars  in  the  reign 
of  Charles  the  Second,  originally  an  Irish  livery-boy,  afterwards  a 
highwayman,  v.  2  8 1 . 

Holt,  sir  R.  maintained  in  prison  by  Charles  the  Second,  for  his  parlia- 
mentary management,  v.  290. 

Holy  Ghost,  said  to  have  been  sent  from  Rome  to  the  council  of  Trent 
in  a  cloak-bag,  ii.  249. 

Hone,  his  dying  declaration  of  his  concern  in  the  Rye-house  plot,  v. 
337. 

Honesty  too  often  superseded  by  reasons  of  state  in  corrupt  govern- 
ments, iii.  295. 

Honeywood,  Mr.  threatened  by  Charles  the  Second  for  presenting  the 
Essex  petition,  v.  311. 

Honour,  punctih'o  of,  in  signing  treaties,  how  managed  for  Richard 
Cromwell,  iv.  176. 

Hopton,  lord,  defeats  the  parliamentary  forces  in  Devonshire,  ii.  437— 
chosen  general  of  the  royalists  in  the  room  of  sir  R.  Greenville,  iv. 
20 — Obliged  to  disband,  and  accept  of  terms  from  the  enemy,  ib. 

Hopton,  sir  Charles,  presents  the  remonstrance  of  the  commons  to 
Charles  the  First,  iii.  73. 

Horton,  a  panegyrist  of  Cromwell  on  occasion  of  the  Dutch  treaty,  iii. 
360 — Celebrates  his  memory  after  his  death,  480. 

Hoskyns,  John,  committed  to  the  Tower  for  his  free  spvateng  in  par- 
liament, i.  231— His  lines  to  his  little  son  Ikujamin  on  restraint  of 
the  tongue,  ib. 

Hotham,  sir  John,  committed  to  the  Fleet  for  refusing  to  answer  ques- 
tions put  by  the  council  relative  to  matters  in  parliament,  ii.  360-— 
Excepted  from  Charles  the  First's  proclamation  ot  pardon,  439, 


346  GENERAL  INDEX.- 

Howson,  though  an  Arminian,  advanced  to  a  bishoprick  by  kin-: 
James,  i.  155. 

Howe,  Mr.  preaches  against  enthusiasm  before  Cromwell,  iii.  20 — His 
account  of  the  lirmness  of  Richard  Cromwell  amidst  his  refractory 
council,  iv.  200. 

Howard,  Mr.  Thomas,  negotiates  a  pardon  with  Charles  the  Second, 
for  Downing,  the  parliamentary  resident  in  Holland,  iv.  L'.54. 

Howard,  sir  Robert,  a  proselyte  to  popery,  ii.  233 — Accuses  Mr. 
Bertie  of  corrupt  practices,  v.  284 — Insists  on  the  punishment  of 
the  assassins  who  had  attacked  sir  J.  Coventry,  si  4. 

Howard,  sir  P.  a  court  pensioner  in  the  house  of  commons,  under 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  288. 

Howard,  lord,  deserts  the  republican  cause,  iv.  251 — Gives  evidence 
against  lord  William  Russell,  v.  339 — His  testimony  at  variance 
with  what  he  afterwards  gave  against  Algernon  Sydney,  345. 

Huddleston,  Rev.  J.  extract  from  his  account  of  the  last  moments  of 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  6O. 

Hugonots,  employed  to  defend  the  religious  tenets  of  Charles  the 
Second,  against  the  imputation  of  popery,  iv.  26O. 

Hume,  his  exculpation  of  Charles  the  First,  in  the  affair  of  Bu 
ham's  lying  narrative  respecting  Spain,  combated,  ii.  86 — His 
opinion  of  that  king's  letters,  112 — Charged  with  misquoting 
Milton,  135 — Too  complaisant  to  the  memory  of  Charles  the  First, 
142 — Palliates  the  proceedings  of  the  star-chamber,  266 — Charged 
with  inaccuracy  respecting  Lilbume,  274 — With  ignorance  in  the 
question  of  ship-money,  307 — With  omission  respecting  the  pardon 
of  the  earl  of  Loudon,  350 — With  ill-natured  remarks  on  the  par- 
liament that  impeached  Strafford,  378 — Question  as  to  his  authority 
for  the  numbers  he  states  to  have  fallen  in  the  Irish  massacre,  391 — 
His  exculpation  of  Charles  from  all  concern  in  that  affair,  394 — 
Justly  attributes  the  civil  wars  to  the  impeachment  of  lord  Kimbol- 
ton  and  the  five  commoners,  412 — Unfaithful  in  his  character  of 
Oliver  Cromwell,  iii.  9— Mistakes  an  instance  of  his  pleasantry,  25 
— Inconsistent,  and  unmindful  of  facts  in  his  remarks  on  Cromwell'b 
want  of  eloquence,  34 — Partial  in  his  reflections  on  the  Remon- 
strance, 74 — Mistaken  in  asserting  that  the  self-denying  ordinance 
met  with  no  resistance  in  the  house  of  peers,  iii.  115 — Blameable 
for  copying  Clarendon's  account  of  the  battle  of  Worcester,  243 — 
Favourable  to  the  plan  of  the  republican  parliament,  but  mistaken  as 
to  the  qualification  of  electors,  287 — Censured  for  attempting  to 
amuse  his  readers  with  a  list  of  names,  which  he  gives  as  novelties 
in  the  days  of  the  republic,  though  known  to  have  been  in  use  long 
before,  334 — Misguided  in  his  reflections  on  the  unconditional  resto- 
ration of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  323 — His  estimate  of  that  prince's 
revenue  erroneous,  344 — Too  hasty  in  deciding  upon  the  circum- 
stances of  the  death  of  sir  E.  Godfrey,  v.  148. 

Huncks,  colonel,  his  account  of  the  mode  in  which  the  order  for  the 
king's  execution  was  given,  iii.  201 — At  variance  with  Perinchief  's 
relation,  202. 

Hungerford,  sir  Edward,  excepted  from  Charles  the  First's  proclama- 
tion of  pardon,  ii.  439 — Presents  the  Wiltshire  petition  to  Charles 
the  Second,  and  is  threatened  by  him,  v.  310. 

Hunting,  observations  on,  i.  96. 

Huntington,  major,  his  reasons  for  laying  down  his  commission,  iii. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  347 

139 — Prevented  from  presenting  them  to  the  commons,  150 — Hated 
by  Cromwell,  151 — Becomes  a  tool  of  Charles  the  Second,  for 
corrupting  the  commons,  v.  289. 

Huntley,  marquis  of,  contrives  the  assassination  of  the  earl  of  Mur- 
ray, i.  1 7. — Put  to  death  by  the  Scottish  covenanters,  iii.  229. 

Hutton,  judge,  concludes  against  die  king  in  the  question  of  ship- 
money,  ii.  3O4. 

Hyde,  sir  Edward,  chancellor  to  Charles  the  Second,  said  to  be  ex- 
pert in  the  Scottish  jigs  and  artifices,  iii.  230 — Usurps  all  autho- 
rity in  the  council,  iv.  17,  19 — 111  effects  of  his  influence  in 
the  army,  18 — Hated  in  the  council,  149 — Accused  of  holding  a 
secret  correspondence  with  Cromwell,  153 — Acquitted  of  this 
charge,  1 56 — Possesses  his  correspondents  in  England  with  a  high 
opinion  of  Charles's  judgment  and  urbanity,  259 — Acknowledges 
himself  to  have  been  deceived,  323 — His  apology,  324 — See 
Clarendon. 

Hyde,  Henry,  seized  by  the  Othman  court,  and  delivered  up  to  the 
English  parliament,  by  whose  order  he  is  beheaded,  iv.  115. 

Hyde,  Mr.  (afterwards  earl  of  Rochester)  opposes  the  militia  and  ex- 
clusion bills  in  the  commons,  ii.  416.  v.  171. 

I 

Icon  Basilike,  examination  of  the  question  whether  written  by 
Charles  the  First,  ii.  124. — Favourable  effect  of  this  work  upon  the 
memory  of  that  king,  1 34. 

Imprecations,  bitterness  of  those  in  which  James  the  First  indulged, 
i.  89 — Caution  against  their  use,  ib.  90. 

Imprisonment,  illegal,  instances  of  under  Cromwell,  iii.  445. 

Inauguration  of  Oliver  Cromwell  as  protector  described,  iii.  SO. 

Incorporations,  name  given  to  arbitrary  patents  under  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  292. 

Indemnity  and  pardon,  promised  by  Charles  the  Second  in  his  decla- 
ration at  Breda,  iv.  362 — Proceedings  of  parliament  upon  the  bill 
for,  ib. — Receives  the  royal  assent,  366 — Obsenrations  on,  ib. 

Indifference  of  mind,  cause  of,  exemplified  in  the  case  of  Charles  the 
Second,  v.  4. 

Indulgence,  declarations  of,  extorted  from  Charles  the  Second,  by 
the  reproaches  of  the  people,  v.  122 — Rendered  abortive  by  the 
parliament,  124 — A  new  declaration  issued  by  the  Cabal  minis- 
try, in  favour  of  protestant  dissenters  only,  1 25— Quashed  by  the 
parliament,  who  object  to  the  king's  claim  of  a  dispensing  power, 
1 27 — A  bill  passes  both  houses  for  the  relief  of  dissenters,  but  is 
purloined  from  the  table  when  about  to  receive  the  royal  assent,  12» 
—Renewed  rigours  of  the  penal  laws,  1 29. 

Infanta  of  Spain,  particulars  of  the  proposed  match  between  her  and 
the  son  of  James  the  First,  i.  201 — Privileges  granted  to  the  Catho- 
lics in  England  on  its  taking  place,  264. 

Ingoldsby,  colonel,  retains  his  military  commission,  notwithstanding 
the  self-denying  ordinance,  iii.  124 — Refuses  to  sit  as  judge  on  the 
trial  of  Charles  the  First,  201 — His  signature  forcibly  affixed  to  the 
death-warrant,  by  Cromwell,  ib. — Procures  his  pardon  of  Charles 
the  Second,  prior  to  the  Restoration,  iv.  256. 

Ingratitude  imputed  to  Charles  the  Second,  v.  1 1— Clarendon's  view 
of  this  charge,  ib. — Burnet's,  19. 


S48  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Instrument  of  government,  Cromwell's,  iii.  335. 

Insurrections  in  favour  of  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv. 
206,  209. 

Intolerance  in  religion,  absurd  and  subversive  of  die  bonds  of  so- 
ciety, V.  120. 

Irish  convocation.     See  Convocation. 

Irish  seas,  cruelly  infested  by  the  Turks,  in  the  time  of  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  179. 

Irish  rebellion,  particulars  of,  ii.  390 — Question  examined  of  Charles 
being;  concerned  in  it,  393  to  408. 

Ireland,  proceedings  in,  during  the  commonwealth,  iii.  219 — Pre- 
served to  England  by  Cromwell's  conquests  and  sagacity,  227 — 
Charles  the  Second  proclaimed  in,  iv.  54 — Preferred  by  that  prince 
to  Scotland,  57 — Conquered  by  Cromwell,  59 — Excesses  committed 
by  the  papists  in,  €4 — Charles  issues  a  proclamation  against  the 
rebels  in,  to  please  his  English  subjects,  at  his  restoration,  S5l — 
The  standing  force  of,  increased,  v.  298. 

Ireton,  colonel,  retains  his  command  in  opposition  to  the  self-denying 
ordinance,  iii.  124 — Wounded  in  the  battle  of  Naseby,  126 — Con- 
cerned in  the  seizure  of  the  king  at  Holmsby,  165 — Made  second  in 
command  in  the  Irish  war,  iii.  222 — Left  by  Cromwell  to  finish  the 
conquest  of  Ireland,  224 — Indignities  put  upon  his  remains,  after 
the  Restoration,  517. 

Italy,  trembles  at  Cromwell's  name,  iii.  354. 


Jackson,  Mr.  Arthur,  presents  a  bible  to  Charles  the  Second,  in  the 
name  of  the  London  ministers,  v.  1 5. 

Jacomb,  Dr.  an  active  agent  of  the  Presbyterians,  in  the  restoration  of 
Charles  the  Second,  iv.  312. 

Jamaica  taken  by  the  English,  380,  382 — Proclamation  for  the  set- 
ding  of,  314 — Its  importance  to  England,  387. 

James  the  First,  his  descent,  i.  1 — Could  never  bear  the  sij,ht  of  a 
drawn  sword,  4 — His  aversion  to  Buchanan,  his  tutor,  6 — Enters 
upon  the  Scottish  government,  8 — Is  seized  and  conveyed  to  Ruth- 
ven  castle,  9 — His  dissimulation  respecting  diat  event,  1 1 — His  con- 
cern in  the  murder  of  the  earl  of  Murray,  16 — Remonstrates  with 
queen  Elizabeth  against  die  execution  of  his  mother,  1 7 — Power  of 
Elizabeth  and  her  ministers  over  him,  21 — Plots  against  Elizabeth 
with  the  see  of  Rome,  23 — Motives  of  his  obedience  to  Elizabeth, 
25 — Treated  with  disregard  by  the  Scottish  nobility  and  clergy,  26, 
27 — His  dissimulation  with  the  clergy,  30 — His  marriage,  36 — His 
ignorance  of  history,  ib. — Character  of  his  consorf,  ib. — His  first 
literary  productions,  41 — Severity  of  his  proceedings  against  witch- 
craft, 44 — Succeeds  to  die  dirone  of  England,  61 — Revengeful  na- 
ture of  his  first  proceedings,  ib. — Wealth  and  honours  lavished  by 
him  on  his  Scottish  attendants,  64,  65 — On  the  English  courtiers,  71 
— His  ingratitude  to  Elizabedi,  73,  76 — His  love  of  ease  and  plea- 
sure, 77 — Addicted  to  drinking,  ib. — Not  free  from  an  unnatural 
vice,  82 — Addicted  to  cursing,  swearing,  and  the  bitterest  impreca- 
tions, 87 — Assumes  great  airs  of  religion,  90 — His  sincerity  in  diis 
respect  inquired  into,  92 — His  fondness  for  hunting,  94 — Ambitious 
of  being  diought  learned,  and  master  of  the  controversies  of  the 
day,  97 — Instances  of  his  exposing  himself  in  this  respect,  in  a  con- 


GENERAL  INDEX.  S49 

ference  with  the  puritans,  99,  105— Publishes  his  Apology  for  the 
Oath  of  Allegiance,  1 1 7 — Account  of"  this  work,  1 1 9 — Numerous  re- 
plies to  it,  122 — Writes  his  Premonition,  124 — His  motives  for 
writing  it,  /£. — Great  effects  pretended  to  have  been  produced  by  it, 
129 — Impiety  of  this  pretence,  ib. — Its  indifferent  reception  abroad, 
1 32 — Opposes  with  virulence  the  admission  of  Vorstius  to  the  nro- 
fessor  s  chair  of  divinity  at  Leyden,  134.  137 — Causes  two  of  his 
subjects  to  be  burnt  for  heresy,  143 — Further  instance  of  his  perse- 
cuting spirit,  144 — Stigmatizes  the  Arminians,  and  deprives  them 
of  all  ecclesiastical  and  academical  functions,  147,  151 — Advances 
several  of  them  to  the  greatest  dignities,  154 — Publishes  his  Remon- 
strance for  the  Rights  of  Kings,  in  answer  to  cardinal  Perron,  157 — 
Other  works  written  by  him,  161 — His  aversion  to  war  leads  him  to 
make  an  impolitic  treaty  of  peace  with  Spain,  164;  and  to  neglect 
the  interest  of  his  daughter  and  her  progeny,  177 — Suffers  the  British 
flag  to  be  affronted  with  impunity  by  the  Dutch,  i.  1 88 — Surrenders 
to  the  Dutch  the  cautionary  towns,  .192 — Overlooks  their  cruelty  to 
the  English  at  Amboyna,  197 — His  weakness  in  permitting  his  son  to 
go  into  Spain  to  conclude  the  match  with  the  infanta,  201 — Is  ridi- 
culed by  foreign  princes,  207  ;  and  by  his  own  subjects,  211 — His 
absurd  value  of  his  hereditary  right,  213 — Carries  his  notions  of  pre- 
rogative to  a  degree  of  impiety,  219 — Treats  his  parliament  con- 
temptuously, 224 — Imprisons  several  members  of  the  house  of  com- 
mons for  their  free  speaking,  230 — His  unparalleled  treatment  of  sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  237 — Iniquitously  pardons  Somerset  and  his  lady, 
the  murderers  of  sir  Thomas  Overbury,  240 — Professes  himself  a 
protestant,  but  suffers  those  of  that  persuasion  abroad  to  be  op- 
pressed, 252 — Favours  the  catholics,  260 — His  bitter  persecution  of 
the  puritans,  273 — His  death  and  burial,  281 — Question  of  his  having 
been  poisoned  by  his  son  Charles  the  First,  and  the  duke  of  Buck- 
ingham, examined,  ib.  ii.  21 — His  issue,  i.  290 — Characters  of  hira 
by  various  writers,  288 — Dr.  Birch's  additions  respecting  him,  30* 
— His  advice  to  his  successors  to  neglect  parliaments,  iv.  52- — Hi» 
jeply  to  one  who  told  him  that  his  ministers  were  bribed  by  Spain, 
V.  229. 

James,  duke  of  York,  converts  his  first  wife,  a  protestant,  to  thr 
catholic  religion,  and  married  for  his  second,  a  lady  of  that  pro- 
fession, v.  76. 

James,  sir  J.  a  tool  of  the  court  to  corrupt  the  house  of  commons, 
under  Charles  the  Second,  v.  289. 

Jefferies,  judge,  his  character,  v.  331 — His  conduct  on  the  trials  of  lord 
Russell  and  Algernon  Sydney,  341.  348. 

Jenkins,  sir  L.  son  of  a  tailor,  v.  282 — Excuses  the  duke  of  York's 
attachment  to  popery,  on  the  question  for  the  bill  of  exclusion,  and 
declares  him  to  be  no  bigot,  172 — His  arguments  heard  with  indig- 
nation, 173 — Promoted  for  his  services  in  parliament,  v.  282 — In- 
defatigable in  negotiating  a  peace  for  France,  ib. 

Jepthson,  Mr.  charges  lord  Dillon  and  lord  Taaffe  with  using  the 
king's  name  to  encourage  the  Irish  rebels,  ii.  402. 

Jermin,  Mr.  concerned  in  the  project  for  awing  the  last  parliament 
of  Charles  the  First,  ii.  384. 

Jermyn,  lord,  his  objections  to  the  expected  terms  to  be  laid  on 
Charles  the  Second,  for  his  restoration ,  oter-rulcd,  IT.  s  1 4. 


350  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Jesuits,  gunpowder  plot  ascribed  to  them,  i.  1 1 1 — Refuse  to  renounce 
the  temporal  authority  of  the  pope,  v.  75 — See  Catholics. 

Johnson,  Mr.  Samuel,  on  bishop  Tillotson's  doctrine  of  non-resist- 
ance, v.  243. 

Jolliffe,  Mr.  opposes  the  establishment  of  an  excise,  iv.  373. 

Jones,  general,  commands  the  parliamentary  forces  in  Dublin,  iii.  220 — 
Defeats  Ormonde,  222 — A  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  326. 

Jones,  sir  William,  his  speech  in  the  house  of  commons  on  the  bill  for 
the  relief  of  dissenters  having  been  removed  from  the  table  secretly, 
when  it  should  have  received  the  royal  assent,  v.  128. 

Jortin,  Dr.  on  the  heat  and  violence  attendant  on  reformation,  iii.  18. 

Joyce,  colonel,  seizes  king  Charles  the  First  at  Holmby,  and  removes 
nim  to  the  army,  ii.  450.  iii.  163 — Rebukes  Cromwell  for  protesting 
that  he  was  ignorant  of  this  measure,  97 — Cashiered  and  imprisoned 
for  speaking  against  the  protector,  98. 

Judges,  names  of,  who  sided  with  Charles  the  First,  in  the  imposition 
of  ship-money,  ii.  300 — Impeached  by  parliament  for  their  conduct 
in  this  business,  305 — Names  of  those  appointed  by  Cromwell, 
iii.  412. 

Juries  packed  by  Cromwell,  iii.  443 — One  dismissed  by  judge  Hale,  ib. 
Packed  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second,  for  the  puipose  of  ex- 
acting extravagant  lines,  v.  335. 

Justice,  perversion  of,  in  the  latter  part  of  Charles  the  Second's 
reign,  y.  329. 

Juxon,  bishop  of  London,  made  lord  high  treasurer  of  England, 
ii.  255. 

K 

Keinton,  battle  of,  conduct  of  Cromwell  during,  iii.  88. 

Kelsey,  colonel,  one  of  Cromwell's  major-generals,  iii.  438. 

Kennet,  bishop,  his  account  of  Henderson  s  controversy  with  Charles 
the  First,  ii.  115 — His  gloss  upon  the  disinterment  of  Blake's  remains 
after  the  Restoration,  the  effect  of  shame  for  his  party,  iii.  391. 

Ker,  Robert,  honours  and  wealth  conferred  on  him  by  James  the 
First,  i.  64.  66 — Dresses  effeminately  to  favour  the  king's  unnatural 
propensity,  83 — He  and  his  lady,  the  principal  actors  in  the  murder 
of  sir  Thomas  Overbury,  90 — Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  estate  of  Sher- 
burn  Castle  conferred  upon  him,  239 — Found  guilty  of  the  murder 
of  sir  Thomas  Overbury,  but  pardoned  by  James,  240 — Probable 
motive  of  this  pardon,  243. 

Keroualle,  mademoiselle  de,  duchess  of  Portsmouth,  mistress  to 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  41 — French  patent  for  creating  her  duchess  of 
Aubigny,  ib. — See  Portsmouth. 

Kettleby,  admiral,  destined  to  act  against  the  rebels  on  the  Irish  coast, 
but  called  away  by  the  king,  ii.  404. 

Keynton,  battle  of,  ii.  436, 

Killigrew,  Mrs.  E.  mistress  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  169. 

Killing  no  Murder,  wrongly  attributed  to  colonel  Titus,  colonel 
Edward  Sexby  having  avowed  himself  as  the  writer,  iii.  94. 

Kimbolton,  lord,  impeached  by  Charles  the  First,  and  protected  by 
the  parliament,  ii.  408. 

King,  Thomas,  es<j.  a  pensioner  of  Charles  the  Second,  for  parlia- 
mentary management,  v.  281. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  351 

King  of  England,  the  guardian  of  the  lights  and  liberties  of  the  pea- 
pie,  ii.  491. 

Kings,  duties  of,  ii.  72 — High  notions  of  Charles  the  First,  respect- 

ing,  277 — Lines  by  Milton,  on  the  duties  and  offices  of,  279 

Never  so  low  but  they  add  weight  to  the  party  in  which  they  ap- 
pear, iii.  165— The  people  not  prohibited,  by  any  law  of  nature, 
to  lay  them  aside,  207 — Bound  by  an  original  compact,  expressed 
or  implied,  the  breach  of  which  absolves  their  subjects  from  alle- 
giance, 208— Deiive  a  great  portion  of  their  power  from  usurpation 
and  flattery,  iv.  4<j — Milton's  description  of,  284 — Their  pretence  to 
a  divine  right  supported  by  the  clergy,  v.  2-11—  Their  best  security 
to  be  sought  for  in  the  affections  of  their  subjects,  302 — See  Princes. 

Kingston,  Mr.  his  relation  of  the  expectation  of  the  royalists,  that 
terms  would  be  insisted  on  for  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second, 
iv.  314. 

Kirkmen,  act  of  Charles  the  First  relating  to  the  apparel  of,  ii.  sis. 

Knightly,  sir  Valentine,  degraded  for  favouring  the  puritans,  i.  273. 

Knights,  number  of,  made  by  James  the  First,  i.  69 — Arbitrary  tax 
respecting,  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  291.  358. 

Knights'  services,  abolished  by  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  367. 

Knox,  his  concern  in  the  reformation  of  religion  in  Scotland,  ii.  316. 

L 

Lake,  sir  Thomas,  unjust  conduct  of  James  the  First  to,  i.  237. 

Lambert,  called  to  sit  in  Cromwell's  first  parliament,  iii.  326 — Ap- 
pointed one  of  the  protector's  major-generals,  438 — Becomes  head 
of  the  fifth  monarchy  men,  on  the  death  of  Cromwell,  iv.  170 — His 
defeat  of  the  royalists  at  Namptwich,  213 — Rewarded  by  the  par- 
liament, 214 — Made  a  major-general  by  the  army,  225 — Banished, 
v.  32. 

Lamplugh,  bishop  of  Exeter,  his  oppression  of  the  non-conformists, 
v.  109. 

Lancashire,  the  inhabitants  of,  disarmed  by  the  Rump  parliament, 
iv.  214. 

Lansdowne,  lord,  on  the  causes  of  the  royalists'  disasters,  iv.  17 — 
His  narrative  of  his  father's  interview  with  Charles  the  Second  at 
Breda,  where  he  presented  Moncke's  last  dispatches  relative  to  that 
prince's  unconditional  restoration,  321 — His  flattering  description  of" 
the  effects  produced  by  the  Restoration,  330 — Remarks  on  Burnet's 
narrative  of  the  death  of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  359. 

Laud,  though  an  Arminian,  advanced  to  a  bishopric  by  James  the 
First,  i.  155 — Other  church  preferments  enjoyed  by  him,  271 — His 
character  of  James,  292 — Wishes  to  put  Felton  to  the  rack,  ii.  38 — 
His  book  against  Fisher  epitomized  by  Charles  the  First,  74 — Charged 
with  altering  the  oath  to  be  administered  to  Charles  the  First  on  his 
coronation,  205 — His  reply  to  this  charge  on  his  trial,  206 — Sup- 
presses the  book  written  against  the  doctrines  broached  by  Mon- 
tague, 216 — His  reverential  bows  to  a  crucifix  hungup  in  the  chapel 
of  Charles,  220 — Charged  with  setting  up  pictures  in  the  windows 
of  his  chapel  at  Lambeth,  221 — His  inferiority,  as  a  church  ruler, 
to  Abbot,  225 — Refuses  to  be  a  cardinal,  237 — Acquitted  of  the 
charge  of  intending  to  introduce  popery,  239 — Attempts  to  intro- 
duce universal  conformity,  241 — High-sounding  titles  bestowed  on 
him,  251 — Named  one  of  the  commissioners  of  exchequer  by  the 
king,  254 — Orders  the  prosecution  of  Prynne,  264— Thanks  the 


352  GENERAL  INDEX. 

lords  of  the  star-chamber  for  the  severity  of  their  sentences,  265 — 
Designed  by  nature  for  the  office  of  an  inquisitor,  268 — Further  in- 
stances of  his  persecuting  spirit,  269— Complains  of  the  judges  who 
decided  against  the  king  in  the  question  of  ship-money,  3O4 — His 
high  demeanour  on  the  coronation  of  Charles  the  First,  in  Scotland, 
517 — Introduces  a  liturgy  in  Scotland,  323 — Reasons  assigned  by 
him,  why  the  opposition  to  the  liturgy  was  successful,  331 — Ex- 
tract from  his  Epistle  Dedicatory  to  Charles  the  First,  iii.  50 — Offi- 
ciates at  the  baptism  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  3. 

Lauderdale,  lord,  procures  letters  of  recommendation,  in  favour  of 
Charles  the  Second's  religious  tenets,  from  the  French  Hugonots, 
iv.  264 — Employed  in  Scotland  to  procure  an  act  for  a  standing 
army  there,  v.  294. 

Law,  true,  of  free  Monarchy,  by  James  the  First,  nature  of  its 
doctrines,  i.  50 — Reasoning  on  the  violation  of,  by  magistrates, 
ii.  314. 

Law,  attempted  to  be  reformed  by  the  republican  parliament,  iii.  287 
— Remonstrance  to  the  commons  on  the  bad  state  of  the  laws,  288 — 
Laws  suspended  during  a  civil  war,  iv.  337. 

League  and  covenant,  see  Solemn  League  and  Covenant. 

Learning,  see  Literature. 

Le  Clerk,  on  the  power  of  superstition,  v.  11. 

Lee,  a  leader  of  the  opposition  in  the  house  of  commons,  receives  a 
bribe  from  Charles  the  Second,  v.  277. 

Legate,  Bartholomew,  burned  in  Smithfield  for  heresy,  i.  143. 

Leicester,  earl  of,  appointed  lord-lieutenant  of  Irelana,  ii.  403. 

Leighton,  Alexander,  cruelties  inflicted  on,  by  the  star-chamber,  for 
writing  a  book,  entitled  An  Appeal  to  the  Parliament,  ii.  260 — 
Character  of  this  work,  261. 

Leighton,  Har.  his  letter  to  the  commons  after  the  battle  of  Naseby, 

ill.   128. 

Leith,  Charles  the  First  recommended  to  perfect  its  fortifications, 
against  the  covenanters,  ii.  337. 

Lennox,  duke  of,  regent  during  the  minority  of  James  die  First,  i.  7. 
His  character,  8 — Dies  in  banishment,  10. 

Lemhall.  speaker  of  the  commons,  his  letter  to  prince  Charles,  de- 
siring his  return  from  Scilly,  iv.  23 — Proscribed  by  that  prince,  129. 

Lenthall,  Mr.  reproved  at  the  bar  of  the  commons,  for  speaking  dis- 
respectfully of  the  last  parliament  of  Charles  the  First,  ii.  423. 

Lesly,  heads  the  Scottish  covenanters,  in  their  intended  resistance  of 
Charles  the  First  by  arms,  ii.  334. 

L'Estrange,  extract  from  his  Engagement  and  Remonstrance  of  die 
City  of  London,  iv.  247. 

Lessius,  Leonardos,  writes  against  king  James's  Defence  of  Oadis 
of  Allegiance,  i.  305. 

Letters,  of  Charles  the  First,  die  charge  by  Clarendon,  of  dieir  pub- 
lication in  a  mutilated  state,  combated,  ii.  3 — Letters  of  that  king 
to  pope  Urban  die  Eighth,  187 — Official,  relative  to  the  battle  of 
Naseby,  iii.  128 — Original,  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  491 — Copies  of 
diose  found  in  Charles  the  Second's  closet,  declaratory  of  his  attach- 
ment to  die  church  of  Rome,  v.  63 — Probability  of  dieir  being 
written  by  some  odier  hand,  and  only  copied  by  Charles,  68. 

Leven,  earl'  of,  his  petition  to  Charles  die  First,  in  the  name  of  die 
Scottish  army,  iii.  1 52. 

Liberality  to  foreign  sufferers  not  unknown  to  our  forefathers,  iiL  399. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  353 

Liberty  of  conscience,  a- favourite  maxim  of  Cromwell,  iii.  39 — Pro- 
mised by  Charles  the  Second  at  Breda,  iv.  266. 

Liberty,  essential  to  the  happiness  of  mankind,  v.  237 — Treated  as  a 
fiction  or  jest  bv  Hobbes,  246 — Natural  to  men,  248 — The  notions 
of,  entertained  by  the  northern  nations  long  before  they  were  ac- 
quainted with  the  Greek  or  Roman  writers,  ib. — Promoted  in  this 
country  by  the  reformation,  249. 

Liberty  of  the  press,  restrained  bv  Charles  the  Second,  v.  250— ^A 
committee  proposed  to  inquire  after  books  that  have  spoken  against 
the  royal  right,  Sec.  that  they  may  be  burnt,  252. 

Licensers,  appointed  to  inspect  all  works  intended  for  the  press,  T.  254. 

Lichlield,  Leonard,  esq.  printer  to  the  university  of  Oxford,  pane- 
gyrises Oliver  Cromwell,  and  afterward  Charles  the  Second,  iii.  362. 

Lilburn,  John,  severities  inflicted  on,  by  the  star-chamber,  for  printing 
without  licence,  ii.  273 — His  bold  behaviour  under  the  punishment 
of  the  pillory,  274 — Imprisoned  by  Cromwell,  iii.  281,  445. 

Lilly,  consultecl  as  an  astrologer  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  66 — Doubts 
the  Icon  Basilike  being  written  by  that  king,  124. 

Limitations  in  government,  benelicial  to  prince  and  people,  iv.  324. 

Lincoln,  bishop  of,  punished  by  the  star-chamber  for  disloyal  words, 
ii.  313 — Requires  the  clergy  of  his  diocese  to  enforce  the  laws 
against  non-conformists,  v.  107. 

Lincolnshire  fens,  disputes  about  the  drainage  of,  iii.  55. 

Lindsey,  archbishop  of  Glasgow,  rudeness  of  Laud  to,  at  the  corona- 
tion of  Charles  the  First  in  Scotland,  ii.  318. 

Litany  of  the  puritans  against  the  prelatists,  iii.  47. 

Literature,  encouraged  by  the  commonwealth,  iii.  291,  299,  305;  and 
by  Cromwell,  41  y — Less  benefited  by  the  Restoration  than  usually 
supposed,  v.  R. 

Littleton,  lord  keeper,  supports  the  militia  bill,  ii.  416. 

Liturgy,  English,  order  in  council  for  it  to  be  observed  in  all  foreign 
parts  and  plantations,  ii.  241 — Scottish  accounts  of  its  introduction, 
323' — Tumult  in  the  church  of  Edinburgh  and  other  places  on  the 
first  reading  of  it,  3*26 — From  the  means  of  enforcing  of  it  failing,  the 
act  relating  to  it  is  nulled,  329 — Restored  in  England  by  Charles  the 
Second,  v.  83. 

Lloyd,  Dr.  on  the  murder  of  sir  E.  Godfrey,  v.  145. 

Loan,  a  general  one  required  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  287 — Persons 
punished  for  refusing  to  subscribe  to  it,  288 — Rigorous  proceedings 
respecting  this  loan  the  cause  of  the  enactment  of  the  petition  of 
right,  289. 

Locke,  Mr.  on  resistance  and  passive  obedience,  ii.  432 — On  pro- 
rogation, 493 — Extract  from  his  poem  in  praise  of  Cromwell's  go- 
vernment, iii.  361 — On  the  impolicy  of  the  act  of  uniformity,  and 
the  indiscreet  hurry  with  which  it  was  carried  into  execution,  v.  88, 
94 — His  narrative  of  the  commotions  excited  by  the  episcopalian 
clergy  in  Scotland,  on  the  publication  of  an  indulgence  to  dissent- 
ers, 125— On  the  measures  pursued  by  Charles  the  Second,  for 
eradicating  the  love  of  liberty  from  the  minds  of  his  subjects,  239 — 
On  the  lawfulness  of  resistance,  25O. 

London,  vast  sum  of  money  exacted  of  the  citizens  of,  by  James  the 
First,  i.  236 — Rated  at  twenty  ships  for  the  guard  of  the  sc 
Charles  the  First,  ii.  288— Fined  by  the  star-chamber  twenty  thou- 
sand pounds,  312 — Refuse  to  assist  Chailcs  against  the  Scots  On 

VOL.   I.  -A   A 


354  GENERAL  INDEX. 

account  of  that  fine,  ib. — The  aldermen  summoned  before  the 
council  to  give  an  account  of  the  richest  citizens,  and  committed 
for  refusal,  361 — The  lord  mayor  and  sheriffs  fined  for  neglecting 
to  raise  ship-money,  ib. — The  ministers  of,  protest  against  putting 
Charles  the  First  to  death,  iii.  203 — Tumults  in,  during  the  con- 
troversy between  the  army  and  parliament,  iv.  245 — Demands  a 
free  parliament,  246 — Extract  from  a  paper  intitled  "  The  engage- 
ment and  remonstrance  of  the  city  of  London,"  247 — Disposition 
of  the  people  of,  towards  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  249' — 
Refuses  to  pay  taxes  to  the  Rump-parliament,  and  is  chastised  by 
Moncke,  299 — The  citizens  of,  prevail  on  Moncke  to  join  them  in 
favour  of  the  Restoration,  312 — The  ministers  of,  present  an 
elegantly  bound  bible  to  Charles  the  Second,  which  he  promises  to 
make  th<=>  rule  of  his  conduct,  v.  15 — A  quo  warranto  issued  against 
its  charter,  325. 

London,  and  Westminster,  petition  from,  presented  to  Charles  the 
Second,  v.  310. 

Long,  Mr.  accuses  the  Chancellor,  Hyde,  of  having  had  an  interview 
with  Cromwell,  iv.  151. 

Long  parliament,  or  the  Rump,  recalled  by  the  officers  of  the  army,  in 
the  resignation  of  Richard  Cromwell,  iv.  193, 195 — Dissolves  itself 
to  make  way  for  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  308,  326 
• — See  Parliament. 

Longland,  Mr.  his  account  of  the  surprise  of  foreigners  at  the  restora- 
tion of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  324. 

Lords,  house  of,  concur  with  the  commons  in  the  case  of  the  im- 
peachment of  members  by  Ch'arles  the  First,  ii.  408 — Agree  to  put 
the  militia  bill  in  force  without  the  king's  consent,  415 — Agree  to 
the  commons'  resolution  tor  raising  an  army  against  the  king,  421 — 
See  Parliament. — Reject  the  ordinance  of  me  commons  for  bringing 
the  king  to  trial,  471 — Proceedings  of,  on  the  self-denying  ordinance, 
113,  114 — Petitioned  by  the  army  on  the  resolution  for  disband- 
ing the  troops,  154 — Suppressed  by  the  commons,  208,  215 — Re- 
stored on  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  326 — A  com- 
mittee to  examine  the  penal  statutes  against  papists,  v,  74 — Willing 
to  remove  the  disabilities  of  those  people,  ib. — The  proceedings 
discontinued  through  the  intemperate  zeal  of  the  Jesuits,  75 — 
Popish  plot,  142 — Concur  with  the  commons  in  an  address  to  the 
king  to  prevent  the  growth  of  popery,  152 — Arguments  for  and 
against  the  exclusion  bill,  174 — The  whole  bench  of  bishops  against 
it,  181 — A  general  test  bill  passed,  but  lost  through  a  dispute  with 
the  commons,  241 — In  state  under  Charles  the  Second,  276 — Inter- 
ruption of  business  in  consequence  of  the  king's  presence,  321. 

Love  of  the  subjects,  the  best  guard  of  kings,  v.  302. 

Love,  Mr.  Christopher,  remarks  on  his  condemnation  by  a  high  com- 
mission court,  iii.  449. 

London,  earl  of,  sent  as  deputy  from  the  Scots  to  Charles  the  First, 
ii.  345 — Committed  to  the  Tower  for  a  letter  in  his  hand-writing  to 
the  king  of  France,  346 — His  life  saved  after  the  warrant  for  his 
execution  had  been  signed,  348. 

Louis  XII,  noble  saying  of,  i.  63. 

Louis  XIV,  his  character  contrasted  with  that  of  Cromwell,  iii.  488 — 
Indignant  at  the  power  of  the  Dutch  republic,  v.  200 — His  hypo- 
crisy, 201;  and  tyranny,  206— Rapidity  of  his  conquests,  216. 

8 


GENERAL  INDEX.  355 

Loyalty,  true  etymology  of  the  term,  iv.  339. 

Lucretia,  rape  or,  perhaps  a  romance,  v.  44. 

Ludlow,  Sir  Henry,  excepted  from  Charles  the  First's  proclamation 
of  pardon,  ii.  439, 

Ludlow's  account  of  the  proceedings  in  the  commons,  on  the  army 
presenting  their  remonstrance  against  treating  with  the  king,  ii. 
472 — A  passage  in  his  Memoirs,  an  evidence  of  the  good 
character  of  Mrs.  Cromwell,  the  protector's  wife,  iii.  8 — His  account 
of  the  conference  in  King-street,  25 — His  reasons  for  taking  up 
arms  against  Charles  the  First,  75 — Conference  with  Cromwell,  on 
his  being  appointed  captain-general,  99 — State  of  parties  at  the 
passing  of  the  self-denying  ordinance,  107 — Retains  his  command, 
notwithstanding  that  ordinance,  124 — Instances  of  the  beginnings 
of  Cromwell's  ambition,  138 — On  the  reasons  of  the  commons  for 
rejecting  major  Huntingdon's  memorial,  151 — On  the  seizure  of  the 
king  by  the  army,  164 — On  the  disputes  between  the  parliament 
ana  the  army,  159 — On  the  rupture  of  the  negotiations  between 
Cromwell  and  the  king,  170 — Motions  of  the  army  in  purging  the 
commons,  188 — His  answer  to  Clanricarde,  who  had  proposed  a 
conference,  228 — Attributes  the  act  of  oblivion,  passed  by  the 
commons,  to  the  ambition  of  Cromwell,  272 — Justice  of  this 
censure  questioned,  273. — On  the  projected  union  of  England  and 
Scotland,  277 — Attributes  the  resignation  of  Barebone's  parliament 
to  the  artifice  of  Cromwell,  332 — Blames  his  treaty  with  the  Dutch, 
357 — Taxes  him  with  tyranny,  455 — His  account  of  Oliver's  ene- 
mies, 467— Means  used  by  Cromwell  to  reconcile  the  army  to  his 
acceptance  of  the  regal  title,  477 — His  account  of  Cromwell's  last 
moments,  485 — On  the  distractions  occasioned  by  the  usurpations 
of  the  army,  and  the  dispersion  of  the  parliament,  iv.  244. 

Luke,  Sir  Samuel,  and  Sir  Oliver,  continue  in  their  commands  not- 
withstanding the  self-denying  ordinance,  iii.  124. 

Lyon,  Sir  Thomas,  saying  of  his  to  James  I.  i.  10. 

M 

Machiavel,  his  opinion  of  the  practice  of  virtue  by  princes,  ii.  84. 
96 — On  the  advancement  of  men,  iii.  1O4 — His  maxim  for  princes 
keeping  their  subjects  united  and  faithful,  4C6 — On  the  influence  ot 
gallantry  in  princes,  v.  43. 

Mac  Mahon,  his  confession  on  the  rack  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Irish 
rebellion,  ii.  402. 

Magic,  belief  in  the  powers  of,  remarkable  instances  of,  in  men  of 
genius  and  talent,  v.  9,  11. 

Magistrates,  only  subsist  by  and  for  the  people,  and  may  consequently 
be  deposed  by  them,  ii.  429 — Sure  to  do  well  when  actuated  by  the 
power  of  religion,  iii.  19 — When  once  dispossessed  ought  never  to  be 
restored,  iv.  5O — See  farther  under  Kings  and  Princes. 

Maidston,  Mr.  his  defence  of  the  conduct  of  Cromwell  in  dissolving 
the  long  parliament,  iii.  318 — Of  Barebone's  parliament,  326,  47O 
— Ascribes  Cromwell's  death  to  the  excessive  cares  of  his  station, 
483 — His  character  of  Oliver,  486:  and  of  Richard  Cromwell,  iv. 
203. 

Majesty  in  Misery,  poem  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  145— Burnet  and 
Hume's  opinion  of  it,  148. 

A  A  2 


556  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Major-generals  appointed  by  Cromwell  over  all  England,  iii.  437-— « 
Copy  of  their  commission,  498. 

Maleverer,  James,  appeals  to  the  exchequer,  respecting  the  fine  for 
his  refusing  the  honour  of  knighthood,  ii.  292. 

Mallet,  Mr.  on  the  impolicy  of  Charles  the  Second's  conduct  towards 
Scotland,  v.  120. 

Mallory,  Mr.  committed  to  prison  for  his  free  speaking  in  parliament, 
i.  230. 

Maltravers,  ladv,  a  declared  papist,  ii.  234. 

Manchester,  Edward  earl  of,  excepted  from  Charles  the  First's  pro- 
clamation of  pardon,  ii.  439 — Resigns  his  commission  in  con- 
sequence of  the  self-denying  ordinance,  iii.  116 — As  speaker  of  the 
house  of  lords,  invites  prince  Charles  to  return  to  England  from  the 
isle  of  Scilly,  iv.  23 — Contributes  to  determine  Moncke  in  favour 
of  the  restoration,  311 — His  extravagant  compliments  to  Charles 
the  Second,  on  his  first  appearance  in  parliament,  329. 

Manifesto  published  by  prince  Charles  on  board  the  fleet  in  the 
Downs,  iv.  31. 

Manners,  profligacy  of,  during  die  reign  of  Charles  the  Second,  v. 
361. 

Mansel,  Bussy,  Esq.  a  member  of  Cromwell's  first  parliament,  iii. 
332 — His  account  of  its  dissolution,  ib. 

Mansel,  sir  Robert,  should  have  commanded  the  fleet  fitted  out 
against  Spain,  ii.  151. 

Mansfield,  Sir  Robert,  unjust  conduct  of  James  the  First  to,  i.  236. 

Manton,  Dr.  his  singular  interview  with  Oliver  Cromwell,  on  the 
morning  of  his  proclamation  as  protector,  iii.  4 — Prays  for  his  suc- 
cess at  the  inauguration,  42. 

Manwaring,  Roger,  impeached  and  censured  by  the  lords  for  preach- 
ing doctrines  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  realm,  and  advanced  by 
Charles  the  First  to  the  rank  of  right  reverend,  ii.  209. 

Mar,  earl  of,  regent  during  the  minority  of  James  I,  i.  7 — His  con- 
cern in  seizing  that  prince,  and  conveying  him  to  Ruthven  Castle, 
9 — Appointed  governor  to  prince  Henry,  295. 

Maritime  rights,  insisted  on  by  Cromwell,  iii.  264 — Relinquished  by 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  218. 

Marston-Moor,  charge  of  cowardice  against  Cromwell,  on  that  occa- 
sion, iii.  87. 

Martial  law  executed  under  Charles  the  First,  ii.  288. 

Martyn,  Mr.  H.  excepted  from  the  pardon  proclaimed  by  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  439. 

Martyr,  observations  on  the  application  of  this  title  to  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  485. 

Marvel,  Andrew,  erroneously  supposed  to  have  been  employed  by 
the  commonwealdi,  iii.  299 — His  •  satire  on  the  restoration  of 
Charles  the  Second,  iv.  328 ;  and  on  the  ingratitude  of  that  prince 
towards  the  royalists,  v.  19 — His  indignation  at  the  crimes  of  that 
prince,  111 — Satire  on  the  venality  of  the  commons,  279 — His  list 
of  pensioned  members,  280. 

Mary,  queen  of  Scots,  her  partiality  to  Rixio,  i.  2 — Sentence  of 
death  pronounced  upon  her,  14 — Subsequent  plot  to  put  her  away 
privately,  19. 

Mason,  Col.  presents  a  petition  to  the  commons  against  conferring  the 
regal  tide  on  Cromwell,  iii.  478. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  S5T 

Massey,  Major-general,  his  declaration  against  the  parliament  and  its 
adherents,  iii.  236. 

Maxwell,  a  Scotchman,  fined  by  the  star-chamber  for  a  petition  to  the 
king  against  the  lord-keeper  and  council,  ii.  319 — Is  the  only 
Scottish  bishop  deemed  gifted  for  his  office,  321 — Contends  with 
the  earl  of  Traquair  for  the  office  of  treasurer,  322 — Favours  the 
introduction  of  the  liturgy  into  Scotland,  324. 

May,  Mr.  author  of  the  History  of  the  Parliament  of  Charles  the 
First,  character  of,  as  a  writer,  ii.  226 — His  account  of  the  protest- 
ants  slain  in  the  Irish  massacre,  392 — On  the  erroneous  mixture  of 
religion  with  the  political  quairels  between  Charles  the  First  and 
the  parliament,  435 — On  the  advantages  of  the  royalists  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  civil  wars,  ib. — His  execrable  advice  to  Charles  the 
Second  after  the  fire  of  London,  v.  37 — Pensioned,  282 — His  in- 
solent remark  on  die  life  of  a  country  gentleman,  ib. 

Mayer,  Mr.  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  iii.  326. 

Maynard,  Mr.  his  account  of  the  losses  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  Cana- 
ries, iii.  389 — Imprisoned  illegally  by  Cromwell,  446 — Supports  the 
motion  for  an  excise  under  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  374. 

Mazarine,  Cardinal,  his  conduct  towards  Charles  the  Second,  during 
his  exile,  iii.  345.  iv.  loy — Reproached  for  his  fear  of  Crom- 
well, iii.  348 — His  servile  submission  to  the  Protector,  392 — 
Obliged  by  him  to  stay  the  persecution  of  the  Vaudois  protesunts, 
397 — Basely  characterises  Cromwell,  after  his  death,  as  a  fortu- 
nate fool,  487 — Said  to  be  addicted  to  astrological  prognostica- 
tions, v.  12. 

Medals  struck  in  honour  of  Cromwell's  victory  at  Dunbar,  iii.  241 — 
A  sarcastic  one  in  ridicule  of  the  servility  of  the  French  and  Spanish 
courts,  348 — In  memory  of  Cromwell's  treaty  with  the  Dutch,  358. 

Mental  weakness  frequently  an  accompaniment  to  great  talents,  v.  8. 

Mercurius  Politicus,  a  periodical  paper  during  the  commonwealth, 
published  by  authority,  iii.  218 — Curious  extract  from,  315. 

Messengers'  warrants,  copy  of  one,  for  the  seizure  of  unlicensed 
books,  v.  257. 

Meteor,  remarkable,  seen  at  the  birth  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  l . 

Middlesex,  oppressive  measures  of  the  magistrates  of,  against  non- 
conformists, v.  109. 

Middleton,  on  the  power  of  religion  over  the  mind  and  actions 
of  a  magistrate,  iii.  19 — On  the  errors  of  the  church  establish- 
ment, V.  86. 

Mildmay,  Colonel,  rebuked  by  Charles  the  Second,  for  presenting 
the  Essex  petition,  v.  311. 

Military  genius,  dangerous  to  the  freedom  of  a  state,  iii.  310. 

Military  power,  danger  of  committing  it  to  the  hands  of  one 
man,  iii.  l  \<>. 

Militia  bill,  disputes  about,  between  Charles  the  First  and  the  parlia- 
ment, ii.  413 — Carried  into  effect  by  the  latter  without  the  king's 
consent,  415— The  act  of  Charles  the  Second,  destructive  of  the 
spirit  of  resistance,  v.  240. 

Milton,  believed  James  the  First  to  have  been  poisoned  by  his  son 
Charles  the  First,  ii.  23 — His  charge  against  Charles  of  lewdness,  44 
— Questions  the  piety  of  Charles,  5O — His  opinion  of  that  king's 
letters,  113 — Charges  him  with  stealing  a  prayer  from  Sydney's 
Arcadia,  119 — Imputes  to  him,  as  a  high  crime,  the  alteution  of 


358  GENERAL  INDEX. 

the  coronation  oath,  204 — Hindered  from  engaging  in  the  ministerial 
office,  by  consideration  of  the  prevailing  church  tyranny,  259 — 
Sentiments  of,  on  unlicensed  printing,  275 — Poetical  extract  from, 
on  the  duty  and  office  of  a  king,  279 — Doubts  the  motives  of 
Charles  in  calling  his  last  parliament,  366 — Blamed  for  insulting 
over  Charles  in  expressing  sorrow  at  StrafTbrd's  death,  376 — His  ac- 
count of  the  numbers  that  fell  by  the  Irish  massacre,  391 — Proofs  by, 
that  Charles  was  friendly  to  the  Irish  papists,  396 — His  account  of 
the  measures  adopted  by  Charles  the  First  for  reducing  the  parlia- 
ment and  city  to  obedience,  before  the  commencement  of  hostilities, 
41? — Attributes  the  fortitude  of  Charles  the  First,  in  his  dying  mo- 
ments, to  despair,  rather  than  pious  resignation,  484 — On  the  appli- 
cation of  the  title  of  Martyr  to  Charles  the  First,  488 — His  de- 
scription of  Oliver  Cromwell,  iii.  1 1 — Panegyrises  his  victories,  40 
— His  poetical  description  of  the  prela lists  not  an  exaggeration,  45 
— His  character  of  the  leaders  in  the  long  parliament,  62,  64 — Dis- 
gusted at  the  insolence  of  the  presbyterians,  67 — Complains  of  the 
gifts,  preferments,  &c.  bestowed  upon  the  members  of  parliament, 
131 — On  the  injustice  of  the  presbyterians  towards  Cromwell,  151 
— His  vindication  of  Cromwell  from  persuading  the  king  to  retire 
to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  173 — On  the  purging  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, 193,  212 — His  defence  of  the  execution  of  Charles  the  First, 
211 — On  Ormonde's  reproaches  on  the  English  parliament,  220 — 
Review  of  several  of  his  prose  writings,  291 — His  high  reputation 
during  the  commonwealth,  292 — His  declamation  against  the  abuses 
of  the  clergy,  302 — Lines  in  his  Samson  Agonistes,  probably  in- 
tended to  apply  to  Cromwell,  4O7 — His  proofs  of  the  inclination  of 
Charles  the  First  towards  the  Irish  papists,  iv.  57 — On  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  army  towards  the  parliament,  237 — His  indignation 
at  the  wish  of  the  people  for  the  restoration  of  monarchy,  249, 
283 — His  description  and  character  of  kings,  284 — Extract  from 
his  Samson  Agonistes,  supposed  to  refer  to  the  changes  conse- 
quent upon  the  Restoration,  and  the  penalties  inflicted  on  the  friends 
of  the  commonwealth,  335 — His  writings  contributive  to  the  cause 
of  liberty,  v.  238 — Danger  in  which  his  Paradise  Lost  stood  of 
being  suppressed  bv  the  ignorant  licensers,  254. 

Ministers,  vanity  of  their  relying  on  the  favour  of  their  royal  masters, 
when  ruled  by  favourites,  ii.  16 — Warned  by  the  fate  of  Buckingham 
not  to  pursue  wicked  measures,  39 — Injudiciously  selected  by  sove- 
reigns, iii.  413 — Their  characters  and  proceedings  ought  to  be  can- 
vassed, in  order  to  the  welfare  of  the  state,  v.  269. 

Minshul,  celebrates  the  character  of  Cromwell,  iii.  489. 

Mint,  money  in,  belonging  to  private  persons,  seized  by  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  361. 

Missionaries,  religious,  reprobated,  ii.  241. 

Mitchel,  Mr.  presses  for  the  introduction  of  a  liturgy  in  Scotland, 
ii.  324. 

Mixed  monarchies,  nature  of,  ii.  430. 

Molesworth,  lord,  supposes  Ireland  would  have  been  lost  to  England 
for  ever,  but  for  the  prudence  of  Cromwell,  iii.  227 — On  the  obliga- 
tion of  princes  to  observe  the  laws,  iv.  339. 

Monarchical  government,  expenses  of,  compared  with  a  republic, 
iv.  278. 

Moncke,  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  ki.  329 — Defeats  Van 


GENERAL  INDEX.  35» 

Tromp  in  a  naval  engagement,  3.5-1— Resents  Cromwell's  treaty 
with  the  Dutch,  358 — Declines  a  pension  for  supporting  the  govern- 
ment of  Richard  Cromwell,  iv.  194— His  letter  to  Fleetwood,  re- 
commending a  provision  to  be  made  for  Cromwell's  family,  195 — 
Biographical  sketch  of,  203 — His  avarice  the  probable  motive  for 
his  restoring  Charles  the  Second,  ib. — Deceives  Fleetwood  and  Hasil- 
rig,  295 — His  letter  to  the  petitioners  of  Devon,  in  favour  of  the 
parliament,  296 — Arrives  in  London,  and  is  thanked  by  the  speaker 
for  his  services,  298 — Destroys  the  gates  of  the  city  for  refusing 
to  obey  the  parliament,  299 — Endeavours  to  recover  die  good-wifi 
of  the  citizens,  800 — Orders  the  parliament  to  recall  the  excluded 
members,  and  to  fill  up  vacancies,  301 — His  dissimulation  with  the 
parliament,  303,  306 — Protests  against  royalty  and  a  house  of  peers, 
307 — Overreaches  the  parliament,  308 — His  conference  at  North- 
umberland house,  311 — Determined  in  favour  of  the  restoration  of 
Charles  the  Second  by  the  presbyterians,  311 — Prevents  terms  being 
made  with  Charles  the  Second,  319 — Unmeritedly  praised  as  the 
author  of  the  Restoration,  321. 

Monmouth,  duke  of,  son  of  Charles  the  Second,  inquiry  into  the 
legitimacy  of  his  birth,  167. 

Monied  interest,  its  rise  in  the  time  of  Cromwell,  v.  270 — Transferred 
from  the  scriveners  to  the  goldsmiths,  ib. 

Montagu,  earl  of  Sandwich,  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  iii. 
329 — Displeased  at  Cromwell's  treaty  with  Portugal,  352 — Anxious 
to  serve  his  country,  389 — Disaffected  to  the  commonwealth,  iv.  251. 

Montague,  sir  Edward,  degraded  for  favouring  the  Puritans,  i.  273. 

Montague,  Richard,  a  violent  Arminian,  patronized  by  king  James, 
i.  155 — Accused  by  the  commons  of  broaching  doctrines  contrary 
to  the  articles  of  the  church,  and  rewarded  by  Charles  the  First  with 
a  mitre,  ii.  208 — Numerous  answers  to  his  book,  which  are  at- 
tempted to  be  suppressed,  212 — His  book  called  in  by  proclamation, 
ib. — Doctrine  broached  by  him,  22<>". 

Montague,  Walter,  lord  Kimbolton,  active  in  the  cause  of  popery,  ii. 2:5:5. 

Montague's  account  of  the  overthrow  of  Richard  Cromwell's  govern- 
ment, iv.  194. 

Monson,  sir  William,  his  regret  at  not  being  permitted  to  avenge  an 
affront  offered  to  his  ship  by  the  Dutch,  i.  185. 

Montesquieu,  on  persecution,  iii.  67.  v.  120 — On  the  combination  of 
civil  and  military  powers  in  one  person,  iii.  117 — On  the  danger  of 
a  corrupt  parliament  to  the  vital  interests  of  England,  v.  276. 

Montrose,  James,  duke  of,  hated  by  the  Scottish  covenanters,  iii. 
229 — Required  by  them  to  be  removed  from  the  court  of  Charles 
the  Second,  iv.  68 — Receives  a  commission  to  suppress  the  cove- 
nanters, 71. 

Mordaunt,  lord,  his  account  of  the  battle  of  Namptwich  compared 
with  that  of  Lambert,  iv.  213 — Advises  Charles  the  Second  to  re- 
move from  the  public  mind  an  impression  that  he  had  become  a 
papist,  259. 

Mo  re,  sir  Thomas,  his  argumcntsin  favourof  the  pope's  supremacy,  v.  1 75. 

Morgan,  sir  Charles,  defeated  by  the  imperial  general  Tilly,  ii.  154. 

Morfand,  sir  Samuel,  sent  to  relieve  the  Vaudois,  by  Cromwell,  iii. 
397 — His  praise  of  Cromwell's  care  of  the  cause  of  protestanism,  401. 
— His  exculpation  of  sir  Richard  WiJlis  from  the  charge  of  treachery 
to  the  royal  cause,  iv.  215. 


360  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Morley,  colonel,  his  address  to  Fleetwood  on  the  dissensions  between 
the  army  and  the  parliament,  iv.  226. 

Morley,  Dr.  negotiates  with  .he  Presbyterians  for  the  restoration  of 
Charles  the  Second,  iv.  266. 

Morley,  lord,  severity  of  the  Star-chamber  towards,  for  an  assault  on 
sir  George  Theobalds,  ii.  311. 

Morocco,  emperor  of,  sends  an  embassy  and  presents  to  Charles  the 
First,  to  engage  him  to  join  his  forces  with  him  for  the  reduction  of 
his  revolted  province  of  Sallee,  ii.  193 — After  the  reduction  of  the 
place,  a  treaty  of  amity  renewed  between  the  two  powers,  1 57 — 
Ceremony  of  the  ambassador  of,  going  to  court,  ib. 

Morrice,  sir  William,  an  adviser  of  Moncke  for  the  restoration  of 
monarchy,  iv.  311. 

Morrice,  Mr.  his  anecdote  of  lord  Broghill  and  Cromwell,  iii.  414. 

Morse,  committed  to  prison  for  making  proselytes  to  the  church  of 
Rome,  ii.  232. 

Morton,  earl  of,  regent  during  the  minority  of  James  the  First,  i.  1,  7. 

Moulin,  Peter  du,  his  defence  of  king  James's  Apology  for  the 
Oath  of  Allegiance,  i.  304. 

Mountague,  bribes  an  astrologer  to  ruin  Danby  and  the  duchess  of 
Portsmouth  with  Charles  the  Second,  v.  10 — His  intrigues  at  the 
French  court,  231 — His  papers  seized  by  the  English  ministry  to 
prevent  disclosures,  316 — The  papers  returned  through  the  inter- 
ference of  the  commons,  317 — Produces  Danby 's  letters,  which 
causes  that  minister's  overthrow,  ib. 

Mulgrave,  lord,  his  defence  of  a  standing  guard,  v.  303. 

Murder  no  sin  in  the  visible  saints,  a  favourite  maxim  with  the 
army,  iii.  163. 

Murray,  earl,  regent  during  the  minority  of  James  the  First,  i.  7 — 
His  assassination  by  order  of  that  king,  1 6. 

Murray,  sir  Robert,  amanuensis  to  Charles  the  First  in  his  controversy 
with  Henderson,  ii.  117 — Procures  letters  commendatory  of  the  re- 
ligious tenets  of  Charles  the  Second,  to  be  written  by  the  French 
Hugonots,  in  order  to  weaken  the  jealousy  of  the  English  of  his  at- 
tachment to  popery,  iv.  264. 

Murray,  Mr.  Thomas,  a  favourer  of  presbytery,  tutor  to  prince 
Charles,  i.  4. 

Mutiny  of  the  army,  a  contrivance  of  Cromwell  and  some  others,  iii.  94. 

N 

Names  during  the  commonwealth,  Mr.  Hume  in  an  error  respecting, 
iii.  334. 

Namptwich,  defeat  of  the  royalists  at,  under  Sir  G.  Booth,  iv.  213. 

Naples,  rebellion  in,  attributed  to  the  imposition  of  an  excise,  iv.  374. 

Naseby,  battle  of,  iii.  125. 

National  religions,  embraced  by  knaves,  who  are  followed  by  fools,  v. 
97 — Destitute  of  spiritual  efficacy,  ib. — Necessary  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  religion,  99. 

Naval  engagements,  iii.  257,  354. 

Naval  rights,  see  Maritime  rights. 

Navigation  act  passed,  iii.  257 — Abstract  of  its  contents,  274 — The 
foundation  of  England's  present  maritime  superiority,  277. 

Navy,  British,  low  state  of  in  the  reign  of  Charles  theFir,gt;,  ii.  18C — 
Saying  of  sir  Walter  Raleigh  respecting  its  power  in  Elizabeth's 


GENERAL  INDEX.  s«l 

days,    186— Nearly  mined  by  the  folly  of   Charles  the  Second, 

V.  218. 

Nedham,  Marchamont,  his  raillery  at  the  troops  of  Cromwell,  iii.  80 — 
Ordered  to  translate  Selden's  Mare  Clausum  sen  de  Dominio  Regis, 
264 — A  character  of  his  writings,  292 — Extract  from  his  Case  of 
the  Commonwealth,  iv.  46 — His  objections  to  the  religious  tenets 
of  Charles  the  Second,  268. 

Neile,  an  Arminian,  receives  many  promotions  from  James  the  First, 
i.  1 .55 — Anecdote  of  his  servility,  1 56. 

Nevil,  Mr.  Christopher,  committed  to  the  Tower  for  his  free  speaking 
in  parliament,  i.  2:;i. 

Nevill,    author  of  Plato  Redivivus,  imprisoned  unjustly,  v.  29. 

Neville,  sirH.  detects,  at  Rome,  the  plots  of  James  the  First,  i.  23. 

Neville's  character  of  the  leaders  in  the  long  parliament,  iii.  61. 

Neutrality,  a  law  of  nations,  that  powers  at  war  cannot  contend  with 
each  other  in  a  neutral  port,  ii.  166 — Instances  of  the  observance  of 
this  law,  167 — Instances  of  its  violation,  tb. 

Newbury,  remarkable  inactivity  of  the  parliamentary  army  at,  iii.  107. 

Newcastle,  lord,  lined  by  the  Star-chamber,  and  imprisoned  till  the 
fine  is  paid,  ii.  312 — Appointed  governor  to  prince  Charles  (after- 
wards Charles  the  Second),  iv.  6. 

Newcastle,  taken  and  garrisoned  by  the  Scots,  ii.  364. 

Newdigate,  judge,  displaced  for  disobeying  Cromwell's  injunctions, 
iii.  444. 

New  Forest,  grievances  arising  from  the  arbitrary  extension  of,  by 
Charles  the  First,  ii.  295. 

Newgate,  the  keeper  of,  fined  by  the  Star-chamber,  ii.  312. 

Newport,  lord,  fined  three  thousand  pounds  for  forest  encroachments, 
ii.  2!)6. 

Newton,  sir  Adam,  tutor  to  prince  Henry,  son  of  James  the  First, 
i.  295. 

Nicholas,  sir  Edward,  his  account  of  the  unreasonable  demands  of  the 
Scottish  commissioners  sent  to  Charles  the  Second,  while  at  the 
Hague,  iii.  230 — On  the  disposition  of  Charles  the  Second  towards 
the  Irish  papists,  iv.  57,  62. 

Nimeguen,  peace  of,  216. 

Nismes,  commotions  at,  attributed  to  the  protestants,  iii.  401 — The 
protestants  of,  preserved  from  the  vengeance  of  the  French  court  by 
Cromwell,  403 — Clarendon's  narrative  of  this  transaction  untrue,  404. 

Nonconformists,  persecution  of,  by  the  clergy  of  Charles  the  First, 
ii.  258 — Laws  enacted  against  them  under  Charles  the  Second,  v.  102 . 

Non-juring  clergy,  ejected  from  their  livings  by  virtue  of  the  act  of 
uniformity,  v.  85 — Artifice  of  their  enemies  to  prevent  their  sub- 
scribing the  declaration,  by  the  omission  of  certain  words,  89 — Laws 
enacted  against  them,  102. 

Non-resistance,  established  by  the  act  of  Uniformity,  v.  84,  10 1 — A 
bill  for  imposing  an  oath  of,  on  the  whole  nation,  remarkably  nega- 
tived, 240 — The  doctrine  upheld  by  the  clergy,  241 — Contrary  to 
the  history  of  the  bible,  249. 

Norfolk,  Cardinal,  extracts  from  his  letters  relative  to  the  duke  of 
York,  v.  162. 

North,  solicitor-general,  opposes  the  motion  for  a  test  oath,  v.  164 — 
A  character  off  331. 

North,  Mr.  on  the  public  spirit  durirjg  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second, 


S62  GENERAL  INDEX. 

v.  265 — His  apology  for  the  suppression  of  coffee-houses,  ib. — His 
character  of  judge  Jefferies,  333. 

Northampton,  lord,  procures  a  pardon  for  Ingoldesby,  who  had 
signed  the  death-warrant  of  Charles  the  First,  iv.  256. 

Northumberland,  Percy,  earl  of,  said  by  lord  Stafford  to  have  been 
concerned  in  the  gunpowder  plot,  i.  1 1 1 — Unjust  treatment  of,  by 
James  the  First,  236. 

Northumberland,  Algernon,  earl  of,  commands  the  fleet  fitted  out  to 
prevent  the  Dutch  from  fishing  in  the  English  seas,  ii.  184 — Ap- 
pointed general  of  the  army  against  the  Scots,  but  prevented  from 
accepting  the  command  by  sickness,  362 — His  account  of  the  incli- 
nation of  the  people  towards  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second, 
iv.  313 — Protests  against  the  prosecution  of  the  regicides,  338. 

Northumberland  House,  conference  at,  for  the  restoration  of  Charles 
the  Second,  iv.  311. 

Note  of  hand  given  by  Charles  the  Second  while  at  Bruges,  iv.  121. 

Nottingham,  countess  of,  her  letter  to  the  Danish  ambassador  on  the 
rude  behaviour  of  his  master,  i.  80. 

Noy,  attorney-general,  advises  the  exactment  of  ship-money,, 
ii'.  298. 

Nuncios,  from  the  see  of  Rome,  permitted  by  Charles  the  First  to  re- 
side about  the  court,  ii.  23O. 

O 

Dates,  Titus,  examination  of  his  credibility  on  the  subject  of  the  popish 
plot,  v.  130 — Himself  a  bad  man,  ib. — His  narrative  incredible,  132 
— His  witnesses  equally  undeserving  of  credit,  134,  136,  138 — Cole- 
man's  letters  subversive  of  his  narrative,  136 — Answer  to  this  posi- 
tion, 143 — The  murder  of  sir  E.  Godfrey  by  the  Papists  incredible, 
136 — Exceptions  to  this  notion,  145 — Protestations,  of  innocency  by 
all  who  suffered  for  this  supposed  plot,  strong  presumption  of  its 
being  a  forgery,  1 38 — Yet  perhaps  the  mere  effect  of  priestcraft,  1 5O 
— Arguments  against  the  rejection  of  the  witnesses,  ib. — The  plot 
believed  by  persons  of  great  distinction,  140 — Particulars  of  the 
trials  of  several  victims  to  this  conspiracy,  141 — Effects  of  the  Pa- 
pists to  invalidate  Oates's  testimony,  149 — Fined  loo,000l.  for  call- 
ing the  duke  of  York  a  traitor,  335. 

Oath,  form  of,  used  at  coronations,  ii.  200 — Form  of,  prescribed  by 
Laud,  called  the  et  caetera  oath,  244. 

Obedience  to  magistrates,  true  grounds  of,  ii.  429 — Merely  the  price 
of  protection,  iii.  344 — Extent  of,  iv.  46. 

Oblivion,  act  of,  passed  during  the  commonwealth,  iii.  271. 

Ogilby,  baron,  proposes,  in  the  name  of  James  the  First,  a  confede- 
racy with  Spain,  i.  23. 

O'Neale,  Mr.  concerned  in  the  project  for  awing  the  last  parliament  of 
Charles  the  First,  ii.  384. 

Opinions,  none  so  absurd  as  not  to  be  embraced  by  some  men,  iii.  86- 

Orange,  Maurice  prince  of,  his  contempt  of  king  James,  i.  207. 

Orange,  prince  and  princess  of,  wisdom  of  the  declaration  of  rights 
made  to  them  previously  to  their  coronation,  i.  58. 

Orange,  princess  dowager  of,  endeavours  to  prevail  on  Charles  the 
Second  to  repair  to  Scotland  rather  than  to  Ireland,  iv.  58. 

Orleans,  duke  of,  refuses  to  give  pecuniary  relief  to  Charles  the 
Second  during  his  exile,  iv.  106. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  363 

Orleans,  duchess  of,  sent  by  Louis  XIV.  to  tickle  the  English  into 
compliance  with  his  views,  v.  200. 

Orleans,  father,  in  his  Revolution  in  England  misrepresents  James  the 
First  as  complaisant  to  his  parliament,  i.  255. 

Ormonde,  duke  of,  concludes  a  peace  with  the  Irish  catholics,  iii.  219 
— His  contemptuous  expressions  of  the  English  parliament,  and  of 
Cromwell,  220 — Invites  Charles  the  Second  to  Ireland,  221 — Be- 
sieges Dublin,  and  is  defeated  by  the  garrison,  222 — His  letter  to 
sir  E.  Nicholas,  on  the  coronation  of  Charles  the  Second  in  Scot- 
land, 231 — Proclaims  Charles  in  Ireland,  iv.  54 — His  opinion  of  the 
effects  of  the  battle  of  Worcester,  99 — His  account  of  the  profligate 
companions  of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  37 — His  discovery  of  that 
prince's  conversion  to  popery  on  the  continent,  57. 

Orrery,  lord,  his  opinion  of  James  the  First,  i.  293 — Curious  con- 
versation between  him  and  Cromwell,  iii.  4lo— On  a  mistake  in  a 
writer  as  to  the  temper  of  Charles  the  Second,  in  whom  affability 
was  made  to  supply  the  want  of  good-nature,  v.  45. 

Orthodoxy  and  heterodoxy,  ridiculous  distinctions,  v.  94. 

Osbaldston,  Mr.  severe  proceedings  of  the  star-chamber  against,  ii.  313. 

Osborn,  Mr.  Francis,  employed  by  Cromwell,  iii.  419. 

Overbury,  sir  Thomas,  imprecations  used  by  James  the  First,  in  his 
charge  to  the  judges  on  the  trial  of  his  murderers,  i.  89 — His  mur- 
derers pardoned  by  James,  240. 

Overton,  major-general,  joins  the  royalists,  on  Cromwell's  assuming 
the  protectorate,  iii.  431 — Banished  to  Jersey  by  Oliver,  and  re- 
leased by  the  parliament  after  his  death,  448. 

Oudart,  Mr.  his  testimony  of  the  respect  with  which  Charles  the 
First  was  treated  by  the  parliamentary  commissioners  in  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  ii.  468. 

Owen.  Dr.  vice-chancellor  of  Oxford,  panegyrises  Oliver  Cromwell 
and  his  government,  iii.  361. 

Owen,  charged  with  being  concerned  in  the  gunpowder  plot,  i.  209. 

Oxford,  lord,  imprisoned  for  connivance  at  a  plan  for  the  restoration 
of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  214. 

Oxford,  university  of,  titles  bestowed  on  Laud  by,  ii.  251 — State  of 
literature  in,  during  the  commonwealth,  iii.  305 — Panegyrics  com- 
posed at,  in  praise  of  Cromwell's  treaty  with  the  Dutch,  361—  En- 
riched by  Cromwell  with  ancient  manuscripts,  in  his  quality  ot 
chancellor,  420. 

P 

Palatinate,  see  Frederick,  elector  palatine. 

Palmer,  Mr.  opposes  the  militia  bill,  ii.  416. 

Palmer,  Mr.  see  Cleveland. 

Panegyrics  on  Cromwell,  iii.  3.5O,  489. 

Panzani,  resides  at  the  court  of  Charles  the  First,  as  agent  for  the  pope, 
ii.  230. 

Papal  power  of  deposing  sovereigns,  v.  169. 

Papists,  their  insolence,  and  influence  with  Charles  the  First,  after  his 
successes,  ii.  441 — Occasion  the  desertion  of  many  of  the  king's 
friends,  443 — Excesses  committed  by  them  in  Ireland,  iv.  64 — 
Their  promises  illusory,  and  not  to  be  confided  in,  v.  1 69 — Com- 
missioned in  the  army  by  Charles  the  Second,  297. 

Pardon,  see  Indemnity. 


S64  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Pareus,  his  Commentary  on   the  Romans,    burnt  by  order  of  king 
James,  i.  223. 

Parker,  Henry,  a  writer  during  the  commonwealth,  iii.  299. 

Parker,  John,  a  character  of  his  writings,  iii.  298. 

Parliament,  complaisance  of,  to  James  the  Fiist,  i.  214 — Instances  of 
that  prince's  contemptuous  treatment  of,  224 — Contemptuous  treat- 
ment of,  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  SO,  280,  282,  283 — Refuse  sup- 
plies to  Charles,  out  of  hatred  to  Buckingham,  1 55 — Draw  up 
articles  against  Richard  Montague  for  broaching  doctrines  contrary 
to  the  articles  of  the  church  of  England,  208 — Accuse  Roger  Main- 
waring  of  the  same  crime,  ib. — Protestation  of,  respecting  the  sense 
in  which  the  doctrines  of  the  church  are  to  be  understood,  213 — 
Sentiments  of  Locke,  on  the  regal  prerogative  of  assembling  and 
dismissing  parliaments,  28 1 — England  governed  twelve  years  without 
any,  291 — One  called  and  dissolved  for  refusing  supplies  to  carry 
on  the  Scottish  war,  353— Particulars  of  Charleses  conduct  to  this 
parliament,  354,  357 — The  long  one  called  in  consequence  of  the 
disasters  of  the  war,  364 — Proceedings  of  this  parliament,  3o5,  366. 
iii.  58 — Reasons  for  depriving  the  bishops  of  votes,  and  the  power 
of  holding  temporal  offices,  382 — Project  for  awing;  this  parliament 
by  the  army  discovered,  384 — Impeachment  of  lord  Kimbolton 
and  iive  members  of  the  commons,  408 — Militia  bill,  413 — Exami- 
nation of  the  motives  by  which  die  parliament  was  influenced  in  ap- 
pealing to  arms,  419 — Declaration  of  the  necessity  of  this  pro- 
cedure, 422 — Nice  distinction  between  drawing  the  sword  against 
the  king'-s  power  and  assailing  his  person,  423 — Raise  an  army  and 
appoint  the  earl  of  Essex  to  the  command,  432 — Low  state  of  their 
affairs  in  the  beginning  of  the  civil  wars,  436 — Joined  by  many  of 
the  king's  friends,  on  account  of  his  attachment  to  papists,  443 — 
Their  affairs  revive  after  the  siege  of  Gloucester  and  the  battle  of 
Naseby,  445 — Negotiations  with  the  king,  450,  457 — Resolve  that 
no  more  addresses  shall  be  sent  to  him,  459.  iv.  27,  29 — The  vote 
rescinded,  and  a  committee  sent  to  treat  with  Charles  in  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  461.  iii.  178 — The  treaty  stopped  by  the  army,  ii.  467. 
iii.  178 — Brought  under  the  influence  of  the  army,  469 — 
Votes  of  non-addresses  renewed,  471 — The  liberties  of  parlia- 
ment subverted  by  the  army,  ib. — Acquitted  of  all  blame  on  the 
death  of  the  king,  474 — Proceedings  on  the  redress  of  grievances, 
iii.  60 — On  the  remonstrance  on  the  state  of  the  kingdom,  69 — 
Self-denying  ordinance,  106 — Ordinance  for  new-modelling  the 
army,  1 1 5 — Declaration  of  pardon  to  the  mutineers  on  account  of 
the  self-denying  ordinance,  118 — Discontents  occasioned  by  the 
offices,  gifts,  &c.  bestowed  upon  the  members,  131 — Insulted  by 
the  army,  143 — Determines  to  disband  it,  1 54 — Alarmed  at  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  army,  155 — Obliged  to  retreat,  and  yield  to  it,  159 
— The  whole  power  assumed  by  the  commons,  205,  215 — See  Com- 
mons— Its  suppression  of  ecclesiastical  dignities  inadequate  to  the 
end  proposed,  304 — Violently  dissolved  by  Cromwell,  3o9 — Argu- 
ments in  favour  of,  and  against  this  violent  procedure,  317 — A  new 
one  summoned  by  Cromwell,  surnamed  the  Little,  or  Barebone's 
parliament,  323 — Resigns  its  power,  ib.  333 — Remarks  on  the 
proceedings  of,  329 — Wrongly  accused  of  designing  to  adopt  the 
Mosaic  law,  330 — Ordered  to  be  triennial  by  Cromwell's  instru- 
ment of  government,  335 — Success  of  its  arms  against  Charles  the 

3 


GENERAL  INDEX.  365 

\ 

Second,  iv.  15.  et  seq. — Im'ites  him  to  return  from  Scilly,  23 — Letter 
of  the  speakers  of  the  two  houses  on  this  occasion,  23 — Occasions  a 
revolt  of  part  of  the  fleet,  28 — Begins  to  be  unpopular,  29 — Disgusts 
the  Scots,  so — Answer  to  the  declaration  of  the  Scots,  signed  by 
Charles  the  Second,  82 — Proclaims  Charles  the  Second  a  traitor, 
and  sets  a  price  on  his  head,  104 — Dissolved  by  Oliver  Cromwell, 
100 — Summoned  by  Richard  Cromwell,  and  swears  fidelity  to  him, 
184 — State  of  parties  in,  189 — Resolutions  on  the  petition  of  the 
army  to  Richard  Cromwell,  192 — Dissolved  by  Richard,  under  the 
control  of  the  army,  193 — The  long  one  or  Rump  recalled  by  the 
army,  ib. — Provision  made  for  the  late  protector,  1 98 — Bill  of  in- 
demnity and  oblivion,  and  for  giving  liberty  of  conscience,  2O7 — 
Suppresses  the  insurrections  of  the  royalists,  212 — Jealous  of  the 
army,  216 — Resolves  against  the  appointment  of  general  officers, 
218 — Its  sittings  interrupted  by  the  army,  224 — Supported  by 
Moncke,  295 — Obliged  by  Moncke  to  recall  the  secluded  members, 
302 — Dissolved  and  a  new  one  elected,  which  restores  Charles  the 
Second,  326,  388 — The  house  of  peers  restored,  326 — Votes  five 
hundred  pounds,  and  an  address  of  thanks  to  sir  John  Grenvillr, 
bearer  of  the  king's  letters  and  declaration,  327 — Sends  money  to 
Holland,  for  the  use  of  the  king  and  his  brother,  328 — Entreats 
Charles  the  Second  to  make  a  speedy  return  to  England,  ib. — Ex- 
cludes the  persons  concerned  in  the  execution  of  Charles  the  First 
from  the  act  of  indemnity,  334 — Irregularity  and  unfairness  of  this 
proceeding,  336 — Disbands  the  army,  338 — Charges  the  arrears  due 
to  commanders  of  forces  against  Charles  the  First  on  the  excise,  iv. 
339 — Compliments  Charles  the  Second  with  a  greater  revenue  than 
his  predecessors  had  received,  34o — Orders  the  restitution  of  the 
crown  lands,  341 — Its  readiness  to  rivet  the  fetters  of  the  people,  on 
the  Restoration,  ii.  427 — Burnet's  assertion,  that  the  parliament  in- 
tended to  have  raised  the  king's  authority,  without  foundation,  iv. 
344 — Distresses  occasioned  by  its  resumption  of  crown  and  church 
lands,  and  forfeited  estates,  352 — Proceedings  upon  the  act  of  in- 
demnity and  pardon,  362 — Impediment  to  its  passing  through  the 
houses,  363 — Removed  by  the  interference  of  the  king,  365 — The 
bill  receives  the  royal  assent,  366 — Appoints  an  excise,  in  commu- 
tation of  certain  feudal  Jaws,  373 — Threatened  with  dissolution  for 
refusing  to  settle  a  moiety  of  the  excise  duty  on  the  king  for  life, 
377 — Obliged  to  comply,  378 — Attempts  to  settle  the  church,  but 
is  prevented  by  the  interference  of  the  court,  379 — Dissolution,  385 
— Act  of  uniformity  passed,  v.  84,  240 — Act  for  the  relief  of  per- 
sons unavoidably  prevented  from  subscribing  the  act  of  uniformity, 
91 — Conventicle  act,  los — Five  mile  act,  104,  240 — A  bill  for  the 
relief  of  dissenters  secreted  from  the  table,  when  about  to  receive 
the  royal  assent,  128 — Dissolution,  129— Popish  plots,  142 — Test 
act,  150 — Enlarged,  156— Bill  of  exclusion  against  the  duke  of 
York,  159 — Proceedings  stopped  by  a  dissolution,  164,  178 — Argu- 
ments as  to  its  power  to  set  up  or  put  down  kings,  175 — Speeches 
of  Charles  the  Second  and  the  chancellor  Shahesbury,  in  favour  of 
the  war  with  Holland,  206 — Debates  on  the  supplies,  213 — Speeches 
of  the  king  and  the  chancellor  Finch  on  the  decay  of  the  British 
navy,  221 — Militia  act,  240 — A  general  test  bill  lost  through  a  dis- 
pute about  privileges,  241 — Act  tor  restraining  the  liberty  of  the 
press,  253 — Negligence  towards  the  bankers  ruined  by  Charles  the 


S66  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Second  shutting  the  exchequer,  271 — Its  venality  in  this  rei^h, 
276 — Dissolved  to  prevent  inquiry,  290 — Laid  wholly  aside  tjy 
Charles  the  Second,  305. 

Parliament  of  Scotland,  its  sturdy  conduct  the  occasion  of  its  dissolu- 
tion, ii.  343 — Passes  the  act  for  establishing  episcopacy,  v.  114. 

Parliamentary  representation,  a  reform  of,  projected  during  the  com- 
monwealth, 209. 

Parliaments  disliked  by  princes,  iv.  52. 

Parochial  relief,  prohibited  to  non-conformists  by  the  magistrates  of 
Middlesex,  v.  1O9. 

Parr,  Dr.  erroneous  in  the  motive  he  -assigns  to  Cromwell  for  giving 
an  honourable  funeral  to  archbishop  Usher,  iii.  43 — Inconsistent  in 
his  accounts  of  the  sale  of  Usher's  library,  420. 

Parson,  Dryden's  character  of  a  good  one,  ii.  254. 

Parsons,  Robert,  attacks  king  James's  Apology  for  the  Oath  of  Alle- 
giance, i.  123,  304 — James's  abuse  of  him,  126. 

Parties  in  England,  at  the  commencement  of  the  commonwealth,  iv. 
54 — At  the  accession  of  Richard  Cromwell  to  the  protectorate,  188. 

Passive  obedience,  inculcated  by  the  parliament  that  restored  Charles 
the  Second,  ii.  428. 

Patents,  arbitrary  ones  granted,  to  advance  the  revenue  of  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  292. 

Paul  the  Fifth,  issues  briefs  to  the  English  catholics  against  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  i.  114 — His  haughty  spirit,  115. 

Paulet,  sir  Amias,  refuses  to  be  concerned  in  putting  to  death,  pri- 
vately, the  queen  of  Scots,  i.  19. 

Peers,  number  of,  created  by  James  the  First,  on  his  accession  to  the 
English  throne,  i.  69 — Impolicy  of  raising  any  but  persons  of  real 
merit  to  that  rank,  71. 

Peers,  house  of,  restored,  iv.  326 — See  Lords. 

Peg,  Mrs.  C.  mistress  to  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  169. 

PeU,  Dr.  J.  appointed  envoy  to  the  protestant  cantons  in  Switzerland, 
iii.  419. 

Pemberton,  judge,  eminent  for  his  vices,  v.  331. 

Pembroke,  earl  of,  rude  reply  of  Charles  the  First  to,  in  his  office  of 
parliamentary  commissioner,  ii.  81. 

Penal  laws  against  non-conformists,  abstract  of,  v.  103. 

Penn  and  Venables,  entrusted  by  Cromwell  with  an  expedition  to  His- 
paniola,  which  miscarries,  iii.  377 — Take  Jamaica,  380,  382 — Com- 
mitted to  the  Tower,  383 — Penn  joins  the  royalists,  iv.  252. 

Pennington,  sir  John,  admiral  of  the  English  fleet,  sees  the  Dutch 
fleet  destroy  the  Spanish  fleet  in  the  Downs,  in  violation  of  the  law 
of  nations,  without  interfering,  ii.  273. 

Pennington,  Isaac,  alderman  of  London,  excepted  from  the  pardon 
proclaimed  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  439. 

Penrudduck,  raises  an  insurrection  in  the  West  against  Cromwell,  iii. 
428 — Taken  and  executed,  432. 

Pensioners  in  the  House  of  Commons  during  the  reign  of  Charles 
the  Second,  v.  281. 

Pepper,  great  quantity  of,  belonging  to  merchants,  bought  up  by  Charles 
the  First  on  credit,  and  sold  at  an  undervalue,  ii.  362. 

Pepys  Samuel,  esq.  originally  a  tailor,  made  secretary  to  the  admuv 
alty,  for  voting  with  the  court  under  Charles  the  Second,  v.  281^ 
Complains  ofthe  decay  of  the  British  navy,  22 1 — Accused  of 


GENERAL  INDEX.  367 

having  sent  information  to  the  French   court  of  the  state  of  the 
navy,  225 — Committed  by  the  commons  to  the  Tower,  227. 

Percy,  Henry,  brother  of  the  earl  of  Northumberland,  concerned 
in  the  plot  for  overawing  the  last  parliament  of  Charles  the  First, 
ii.  384— Endeavours  to  determine  Charles  the  Second  to  go  to  Ire- 
land, iv.  57. 

Perinchief,  on  the  reproach  brought  upon  Charles  the  First  by  the 
Irish  massacre,  ii.  393 — His  account  of  Harrison  making  a  long 
prayer,  to  detain  Fairfax  from  attempting  the  rescue  of  Charles  the 
First,  improbable,  iii.  203. 

Perron,  cardinal,  account  of  king  James's  controversy  with,  i.  157. 

Perrot,  sir  James,  sent  to  Ireland  for  his  free  speaking  in  parlia- 
ment, i.  230. 

Persecution,  ideas  of  lord  Shaftesbury  respecting,  i.  278 — Frightful 
state  of,  under  Charles  the  First,  ii.  269 — Always  hurtful  to  those 
who  use  it,  270 — May  be  easily  slid  into  by  those  who  have  been 
the  objects  of  it,  iii.  67 — Oppressed  state  or  the  non-conformist  in 
the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  85,  102. 

Perth,  parliament  of,  acts  passed  in,  against  the  Puritaqs,  in  compli- 
ance with  the  will  of  James  the  First,  i.  279 — Subscription  to  the 
articles  of,  abolished,  ii.  339. 

Peters,  Hugh,  preacher  at  Whitehall,  iii.  200. 

Petition  of  right,  evasive  manner  of  Charles  the  First  in  passing  this 
bill,  ii.  88. 

Petitioners,  origin  of  the  association  of,  for  compelling  the  parliament 
to  a  pacification,  iv.  14. 

Petitioning,  prohibited  by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  310 — Is  a  right  in- 
herent in  Britons,  312. 

Pett,  sir  Peter,  attributes  the  answer  to  Cromwell's  declaration  against 
the  cavaliers  to  lord  Holies,  but  without  authority,  iii.  436. 

Petty,  sir  William,  employed  by  Cromwell  to  make  surveys  of  Ireland, 
iii.  419 — His  observations  on  the  revenue  of  Charles  the  Second, 
iv.  343. 

Philips,  sir  Robert,  committed  to  prison  for  his  free  speaking  in  par- 
liament, i.  230. 

Pickering,  sir  Gilbert,  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  iii.  326. 

Pictures  set  up  in  churches  from  the  superstition  of  Charles  the 
First,  i.  220. 

Piercy,  lord,  put  under  arrest,  by  order  of  the  prince's  council, 
iv.  18. 

Pierrepoint,  Mr.  supports  the  motion  for  an  excise  in  lieu  of  the  court 
of  wards,  iv.  373. 

Pilkington,  sheriff  of  London,  fined  for  reflecting  on  the  duke  of 
York,  v.  335. 

Pirates,  See  Turks. 

Poetical  effusions  on  the  accession  of  Richard  Cromwell  to  the  pro- 
tectorate, iv.  181 — On  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  332. 

Poets,  their  panegyrics  of  princes,  seldom  to  be  believed,  iv.  182. 

Point  of  honour,  in  giving  priority  to  names  in  treaties,  how  managed 
for  Richard  Cromwell,  iv.  176. 

Pollard,  captain,  concerned  in  the  plot  for  awing  the  last  parliament 
of  Charles  the  First,  ii.  384. 

Poole,  sir  C.  a  court  pensioner  in  the  House  of  Commons,  under 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  288. 


368  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Pope,  Dr.  his  narrative  of  Charles  the  Second's  ungenerous  conduct  to- 
wards the  bishop  oi  Salisbury,  v.  46. 

Popery,  approaches  made  to,  by  the  church,  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
the  First,  ii.  2L'5,  '249 — Its  alarming  progress  in  London  and  its  en- 
virons of  late  years,  iii.  297 — Its  doctrines  subversive  of  civil  free- 
dom, 298 — Its  professors- cherished  by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  71 
— Analysis  of  its  composition,  82 — Its  crafty  and  insinuating  na- 
ture, 158 — Always  the  same,  intolerant  and  bloody,  169. 

Popham,  sir  Francis,  excepted  from  Charles  the  First's  proclamation 
of  pardon,  ii.  439. 

Popham,  Mr.  A.  excepted  from  the  pardon  proclaimed  by  Charles 
the  First,  ii.  439. 

Popish  plot,  history  of,  v.  130 — See  Gates. 

Portmans,  Mr.  unjustly  imprisoned  by  Oliver,  and  released  by  the 
parliament  under  Richard  Cromwell,  iii.  448. 

Portsmouth,  Mademoiselle  Keroualle,  duchess  of,  mistress  to  Charles 
the  Second,  ruined  by  the  contrivance  of  Mountague  and  an 
astrologer,  v.  10 — Created  duchess  of  Aubigny  by  Louis  the  Four- 
teenth, 41 — Attends  Charles  in  his  dying  moments,  43 — Her  un- 
courtly  language  respecting  bishop  Burnet,  360. 

Portugal,  king  of,  obliged  to  submit  to  Cromwell's  terms  in  a 
treaty,  iii.  351. 

Portuguese  ambassador's  brother  and  master  of  horse  executed  for 
murder,  iii.  349. 

Potter,  captain,  wounded  in  the  battle  of  Naseby,  iii.  129. 

Powder-plot,  i.  106 — Discovery  of  falsely  ascribed  to  James  the  First, 
108 — Doubts  respecting  its  existence  refuted,  1O9. 

Power,  regal,  high  notions  of  Charles  the  First  respecting,  ii.  276 — 
Its  real  origin  in  the  people,  iii.  293. 

Powle,  Mr.  an  advocate  for  the  rights  of  the  people,  v.  77,  33O. 

Prague,  battle  of,  between  the  Austrians  and  Bohemians,  i.  180. 

Praise,  the  attendant  On  fortune,  iii.  362. 

Prayer,  supposed  to  be  answered  by  an  inward  impression  upon  the 
suppliant,  a  prevalent  opinion  in  Cromwell's  court,  iii.  19. 

Prayers,  used  by  Charles  the  First  in  the  time  of  his  troubles,  some 
account  of,  ii.  118. 

Predestinarian  controversy,  consequence  resulting  from  the  animosity 
with  which  it  was  carried  on,  ii.  216. 

Prejudice,  levels  or  exalts  contrary  to  sense  and  reason,  iii.  86. 

Prelatists,  their  oppression  of  the  puritans,  iii.  45 — A  satirical  litany 
against  them,  47. 

Prerogative  of  princes,  only  the  power  of  doing  good  without  a  public 
rule,  ii.  494. 

Presbyterians,  encouraged  and  cherished  by  Cromwell,  though  inclined 
to  favour  the  royal  interest,  iii.  42 — Their  insolence  in  the  long 
parliament,  64 — Refuse  to  subscribe  the  "  Engagement"  to  the  com- 
monwealth, and  are  expelled  the  Universities,  iv.  55 — Principally 
conducive  to  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  S1O — Not 
averse  to  the  restoration  of  die  liturgy,  upon  terms,  v.  83 — The 
Episcopalians  reject  an  union  with  them,  and  require  an  uncon- 
ditional submission,  ib. 

Press,  rigorous  restraints  on,  under  Charles  the  First,  ii.  271 — Re- 
newed by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  250 — A  licenser  of  appoint- 
ed, 254. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  "   369 

Preston,  Mr.  his  congratulatory  verses  to  Richard  Cromwell,  on  his 
accession  to  the-  protectorate,  iv.  181. 

Preston,  battle  of,  Hi.  177. 

Price,  Thos.  csq.  a  court  pensioner  in  the  House  of  Commons,  under 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  <!«» — Protected  from  arrests  in  Whitehall 
during  the  recess  of  parliament,  28 1. 

Prfde,  Colonel,  purges  the  House  of  Commons  of  members  obnoxious 
to  the  army,  ii.  471,  473.  iii.  177— His  address  to  Fairfax  on  the 
suite  of  the  nation,  iii.  179 — Knighted  with  a  faggot-stick,  by 
Cromwell,  478 — Opposes  Oliver's  acceptance  of  the  regal  title,  ib. 

Pride,  ludicrous  instance  of,  in  a  Scottish  knight,  iv.  !'_':). 

Pri'-ot. craft  repugnant  to  the  spirit  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  v.  1 12. 

Priests,  princes  should  curb  their  power,  i.  272 — Power  in  their  hands 
in  dangei  01  degenerating  into  tyranny,  ii.  S9 — Parasitical  ones 
compared  to  earwigs,  102 — The  doctrine  of  forgiveness*  of  sins  by, 
publicly  pieached,  ii.  226. 

Princes,  thiir  service  hard  and  difficult,  i.  21 — The  doctrine  of  the 
sacredncss   of  their  persons  not  upheld  in  Elizabeth's  time,  ib. — 
Sentiments  of  James  the  First  respecting,  51 — Sentiments  of  queen 
Mary,    ib. — Their  accession    to  a  foreign  throne  the  proper  mo- 
ment for    the  people  to  claim    their   just  rights    and    privileges, 
58 — Should  not  be  too  bountiful    to    persons  used    to     low   cir- 
cumstances, GS — Evils  resulting  from  their  love  of  ease  and  pleasure, 
77 — Oaths  by  them  highly    indecent  and   impolitic,    88 — When 
openly  vicious  and  profane,  injure  the  interests  of  religion,  by  occa- 
sionally  appearing  its  votaries,  93 — Hunting  the  least  proper  for 
them,  98 — Should  dread  falling  into  contempt,  212 — Should  curb 
the  power  of  the  clergy,  272 — Their  youth  and  subsequent  periods 
of  life  often  a  sad  contrast,  i.  297 — Chastity  in  them  productive  of 
many  happy  effects,  48 — To  ^ain  the  favour  of  iheir  subjects,  should 
be  humane  and  courteous  in  their  behaviour,  84 — Importance    of 
their  adhering  to  truth,  and  avoiding  dissimulation,  ib.  ye — Litera- 
ture best  promoted  by  their  patronising  authors,  not  by  their  becom- 
ing authors,    14f) — Their  ambition  to  swell  their  prerogative  poor 
and  contemptible,  279 — Warned  against  taking  part  in  the  squabbles 
of  ecclesiastics,  336" — The  fate  of  Charles  the  First  an  eminent  ex- 
ample to  them,  491 — Should  be  privileged  with  the  power  of  doing 
good,  but  precluded  from  doing  evil,  494 — Should  be  cautious  how 
they  give  themscives  up  to  arbitrary  counsels,  iii.  55 — Surrounded 
with  poor  tools  by  their  own  fault,  413 — Must  not  heed  the  iv- 
proach  of  being  cruel,  if  they  would  keep  their  subjects  united  and 
faithful,  466— Their  education  of  great  importance,  iv — In  what 
it  ought  and  ought  not  to  consist,  ib. — Miserable  in  a  state  of  exile, 
124 — Their  reputation  should  not  be  trusted  to  the  flimsy  effusions 
of  poetical  panegyric,  but  rather  to  be  founded  on  good  deeds  and 
noble  ac'ions,  IK 2 — Arc  always  surrounded  with  a  venal  crowd  of 
flatterers,  250 — To  be  truK  'great,   and  make  *he  people  happy, 
should  b:?  invested  with  an  unlimited  power  of  doing  good,  bir 
barred  the  opportunity  of  acting  wrong  by  the  laws,  324 — Are  sub- 
ject to  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  state,  336,  3:59 — And  may  be 
put  to  death  ii  ;hey  infringe  upon,  or  subvert  those  laws,  337-- 
Properly  employed  in  die  study  of  afairs  of  state,  v.  2 — The  love 
of  ease  censurable  in  them,  5 — Their  dissimulation  too  general  to 
remain  undetected,  14 — Rendered  odious  by  their  gallantries,  42— 
VOL.  ).  B  B 


$70  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Their  humour  always  followed  and  supported  by  their  council  and 
favourites,  168 — Compared  to  lovers  :  caress  their  people  till  they 
have  obtained  their  desires,  and  then  loath  and  maltreat  them,  305 
— Their  vices  spread  a  baleful  contagion  over  the  community,  366. 
fteejurther,  under  Governors  and  Kings. 

Printing,  its  influence  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  v.  £50 — Restrictions  im- 
posed by  Charles  the  Second,  253. 

Prisoners,  instances  of  Charles  the  First  being  a  pleased  spectator  of  their 
calamities,  ii.  78. 

Proclamation  of  acts  of  parliament,  an  ancient  custom,  revived  under 
the  Commonwealth,  but  discontinued  since  the  Restoration,  iv.  40. 

Proclamations  : — Against  the  emigration  of  the  Puritans,  iii.  54 — By 
the  parliament  setting  a  pri.ee  on  prince  Charles's  head,  iv.  104 — By 
Charles  the  Second  setting  a  price  on  Cromwell's  head,  128 — By 
Richard  Cromwell,  on  his  assumption  of  the  protectorate,  177 — By 
Charles  the  Second,  on  his  restoration,  sis — For  establishing  epis- 
copacy in  Scotland,  v.  114 — For  procuring  obedience  to  ecclesias- 
tical authority,  115 — Of  indulgence  to  dissenters,  122 — For  the 
suppression  of  coffee-houses,  261 — For  preventing  signatures  to  pe- 
titions to  the  king,  309. 

Profligacy  of  manners  introduced  by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  361. 

Project,  for  overawing  the  last  parliament  of  Charles  the  First  by 
means  of  the  army,  discovered,  ii.  384. 

Prosperity,  a  dangerous  state  to  most  men,  ii.  438 — Its  effects  upon 
Charles  the  First,  ib. 

Protection  of  sovereigns,  the  end  of  obedience  in  subjects,  iii.  344. 

Protector  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England,  his  powers,  iii.  335 — 
Limitations  to  his  authority,  ib. — Provision  in  case  of  his  death,  336. 

Protestantism,  a  revival  of  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ,  iii.  396. 

Protestants  in  Germany,  injury  done  to  their  cause  by  the  indifference 
of  James  the  First,  i.  253 — Those  in  France  subjected  to  the  will  of 
the  French  court  by  the  surrender  of  Rochelle,  ii.  162,  164 — Dread- 
ful persecution  of  by  the  duke  of  Savoy,  iii.  397 — The  persecution 
stopped  by  Cromwell's  influence,  398. 

Proverb,  Scottish,  ii.  336. 

Prynne,  censured  in  the  high  commission  for  writing  against  the  doc- 
trines of  Montague,  ii.  212 — cruelties  inflicted  on  by  the  Star-cham- 
ber, for  writing  against  interludes,  and  actors  and  actresses,  ii.  263 
— In  his  way  to  Carnarvon  Castle,  hospitably  entertained  by  a  sheriff" 
of  West-Ciiester,  269 — Extract  from  a  pamphlet  attributed  to  him, 
intitled,  The  Arraignment,  Conviction,  and  Condemnation  of  the 
Westminsterian  Juncto's  Engagement,  iv.  41 — Opposes  the  vest- 
ment of  the  excise  duties  in  the  crown,  as  a  compensation  for  the 
court  of  v/ards,  abolished  by  Charles  the  Second,  374. 

Psalms  of  David,  king  James's  translation  of,  i.  162. 

Public  characters,  open  to  investigation,  or  the  state  in  danger,  v.  269. 

Public  debt,  contracted  prior  to  the  Revolution,  consisted  of  the  sum* 
of  which  Chillies  the  Second  had  defrauded  his  creditors  by  shutting 
the  Exchequer,  v.  27G. 

Puritans,  conference  between  them  and  the  episcopalians,  at  Hamp- 
ton Court,  i.  99 — What  was  requested  by  them  at  this  conference, 
107 — Enmity  of  James  the  First  to  them,  273 — Ceremonies  to  which 
they  object,  ib. — Their  greatest  foes  educated  amongst  them,  ii.  6 
— Their  character  and  views,  iii.  45— Their  sufferings,  ib. — Their 


GENERAL  INDEX.  371 

. 

satirical  litany  against  the  prelatists,  47 — Many  of  them  emigrate 

to  America,  others  prevented,  iii.  54— Hateful  to  Charles  the  First 
from  their  attachment  to  civil  liberty,  214 — Cruel  persecution  of,  by 
the  clergy  of  Charles  the  First,  257. 

Purveyance,  right  of,  abolished  by  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  367. 

Pym,  Mr.  committed  to  prison  for  his  free  speaking  in  parliament,  i. 
230 — One  of  the  five  members  impeached  by  Charles  the  First, 
ii.  409 — Excepted  from  the  proclamation  of  pardon,  439 — Pro- 
posed to  Charles  the  First  as  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  iv.  1O — 
Remarks  on  the  probable  consequences  of  such  an  appointment 
to  the  popular  party,  /'£. 

Q 

Querouaille,  Mademoiselle  de,  See  Keroualle  and  Portsmouth. 
Quo  warranio,  writ  of,  issued  against  the  city  of  London,  v.  325. 

R 

Rainbow,  Dr.  expelled  the  University  for  refusing  to  subscribe  the 
"  Engagement"  to  the  Commonwealth,  iv.  56. 

Rainsborough,  captain,  commands  the  naval  expedition  against  Sallee, 
ii.  194 — Retains  his  commission,  notwithstanding  the  self-denying 
ordinance,  iii.  124. 

Raleigh,  sir  Walter,  cruel  conduct  of  James  the  First  to,  i.  237 

Saying  of,  respecting  the  power  of  the  English  navy,  ii.  186. 

Ramsay,  sir  John,  title  and  wealth  conferred  on,  by  James  the 
First,  i.  64,  66. 

Rapin's  defence  of  Cromwell's  conduct  towards  the  long  parliament, 
iii.  32O. 

Ray,  a  panegyrist  of  Cromwell,  iii.  361. 

Raynal,  abbe,  his  character  of  James  the  First,  i.  294 — Of  the  English 
Republicans,  iii.  271. 

Reading,  taken  by  the  earl  of  Essex,  ii.  436. 

Reason,  the  natural  and  best  guide  of  men,  v.  70 — The  only  safeguard 
against  papal  delusions,  8 1. 

Rebellion,  improper  application  of  this  term  to  the  civil  wars  between 
Charles  the  First  and  the  parliament,  ii.  425. 

Reform  of  the  representation,  proposed  under  the  Commonwealth,  iv. 
209 — Abandoned,  211. 

Reformation,  attended  with  much  heat  and  enthusiasm,  iii.  is. 

Regal  government,  compared  with  the  republican  in  point  of  ex- 
pense, iv.  278. — Not  an  hereditary  right  in  England,  v.  175. 

Regicides,  executed,  iv.  335 — Injustice  and  cruelty  of  this  measure,  336. 

Reignolds,  Dr.  E.  expelled  the  deanery  of  Christchurch,  iv.  56. 

Religion,  its  interests  injured  by  a  prince,  openly  vicious  and  profane, 
appearing  its  votary,  i.  93 — The  observance  of  its  rites  alone  does 
not  constitute  a  good  man,  ii.  50 — Formerly  a  considerable  trait  ia 
a  great  man's  character,  iii.  1 1 — A  requisite  qualification  for  a  post 
in  the  army,  ib. — Its  power  on  the  mind  of  a  man  truly  sensible  to 
its  obligations,  19 — The  outward  profession  of,  discarded  with  the 
Commonwealth,  v.  362. 

Religious  disputes,  a  certain  cure  for,  iii.  304. 

Religious  extravagancies  attendant  on  the  civil  wars  in  the  time  of 
Charles  the  First,  iii.  18. 

Religious  liberty,  granted  by  the  Rump  Parliament,  iv.  808. 

B  B  2 


572  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Remonstrance  for  the  Rights  of  Kings,  by  James  the  First,  account 

of,  i.  157. 
Remonstrance  of  the  state  of  the  kingdom,  history  of,  iii.  69 — Another 

by  the  secluded  members,  459. 

Representation,  parliamentary,  its  advantages,  iii.  282 — Corrupted  by 

the  influence  of  ministers,  ib. — By  court  intrigues,  ib. — The  aimy 

petition  for  a  reform  of,  ib. — Proceedings  in  the  commons  relative  to 

it,  285 — Rendered  nugatory,  286 — Ought  to  be  revised,  287. 

Republican  government,  unsuitable  to  such  as  have  been  accustomed  to 

indulgences  unauthorized  by  law,  iv.  251. 
Republicans,    obtain    an  ascendancy  in   the  parliament  and  in  the 

nation,  during  the  protectorate  of  Richard  Cromwell,  iv.  1 90. 
Republics,  generally  degenerate  into  despotic  governments,  iii.  309 — 

Inquiry  into  the  cause  of  this,  310. 

Resistance  of  the  tyrannical  exercise  of  power,  the  doctrine  of,  con- 
duced to  the  catastrophe  of  Charles  the  First,  v.  239 — His  son  re- 
solved to  extirpate  it,  ib. — Consonant  with  the  examples  recorded 
in  Scripture,  249 — The  exercise  of  it  not  always  subversive  of  the 
government,  25O. 

Restoration  of  Charles  the  Second  by  Moncke,  iv.  3O9 — Review  of 
circumstances,  and  the  state  of  parties  which  led  to  it,  ib. — Where- 
fore unconditional,  319 — The  report  of,  discredited  at  first  among 
foreigners,  324 — Extravagant  joy  of  the  people  at,  326 — The  anni- 
versary of,  ordered  to  be  observed  on  the  29th  of  May,  33O — Poeti- 
cal effusions  on  the  occasion,  332 — Less  beneficial  to  learning  than 
generally  imagined,  v.  8. 

Retz,  cardinal  de,  his  secret  visit  to  Charles  the  Second,  v.  53. 
Revelations,  Paraphrase  on,  by  James  the  First,  remarks  on  it,  i.  41. 
Revenge,  a  cowardly  principle,  i.  62. 

Revenue,  extravagant,  bestowed  on  Charles  the  Second  by  the  parlia- 
ment, iv.  340 — Improvident  mode  of  leaving  it  in  the  hands  of  the 
sovereign,  343. 

Rhee,  isle  of,  unfortunate  descent  of  the  English  army  at,  ii.  159. 
Rich,  Henry,  earl  of  Holland,  lavish  bounty  of  James  the  First  to,  72— 
refuses  himself  to  the  king's  unnatural  propensity,  183 — Rude  ex- 
pressions of  Charles  the  First  to,  ii.  80 — Sent  ambassador  to  the 
United  Provinces,  154. 

Rich,  sir  Nathaniel,  sent  to  Ireland  for  his  free  speaking  in  parlia- 
ment, i.  230. 

Richardson,  chief  justice,  reprimanded  in  council  by  the  bishop  of 
London  for  attempting  to  suppress  ales  and  revels  on  the  Lord's 
day,  ii.  52. 

Richlieu,  cardinal,  observation  by,  respecting  the  empire  of  the  sea, 
ii.  186 — Threatens  Charles  the  First  for  refusing  to  consent  to  the 
partition  of  Flanders,  190 — Addicted  to  astrology,  and  the  most 
ridiculous  kinds  of  divination,  v.  12. 

Richmond,  Charles  Lennox,  duke  of,  a  natural  son  of  Charles  the 
Second,  by  Mademoiselle  de  Keroualle,  duchess  of  Portsmouth,  v. 
41 — Made  a  peer  of  France,  ib. 

Richmond,  duchess  of,  her  splendid  retinue  and  ma£nificent  largesses 
on  being  deputy  sponsor  for  the  queen  mother  of  France,  at  the 
baptism  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  3. 

ight,  petition  of,  cause  of  its  enactraentx  iii.  289— Broken  by  Charles 
the  F«»t>  290. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  37f» 

Rights  of  kings  discussed,  iv.  49 — See  Kings  and  Princes. 

Rites,  religious,  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  religion,  v.  99. 

Rixio,  David,  account  of,  i.  1. 

Roberts,  Mr.  R.  a  court  pensioner  under  Charles  the  Second,  v. 
288,  289. 

Rochelle,  refuses  admission  to  Buckingham's  fleet,  ii.  158 — Declares 
for  the  English,  and  is  besieged  by  France,  162 — Is  forced  to  sur- 
render, 162. 

Rochester,  Lawrence  Hyde,  earl  of,  urges  Dr.  Spratt  to  suppress  a 
collection  of  letters  written  by  Charles  the  First,  ii.  143. 

Rochester,  John  Wilmot,  earl  <">f,  his  satire  on  the  conduct  of  Charles 
the  Second  towards  the  royalists,  v.  19. 

Rockingham,  forest  of,  arbitrarily  increased  from  six  to  sixty  miles, 
ii.  296. 

Rohan,  protestant  chief,  causes  the  inhabitants  of  Rochelle  to  declare 
for  the  English,  ii.  162 — Asserts  that  it  is  the  interest  of  the  chief 
magistrate  of  England  to  become  head  of  the  protestants,  iii.  404. 

Rolles,  Mr.  though  a  member  of  parliament,  his  goods  arbitrarily 
seized  for  duties  of  tonnage  and  poundage,  ii.  282,  290. 

Roman  Catholics,  countenanced  by  the  Protector  while  they  conducted 
themselves  peaceably,  iii.  43.  See  Papists. 

Roper,  sir  Anthony,  fines  inflicted  on,  under  the  pretence  of  forest 
encroachments,  ii.  293. 

Rothes,  earl  of,  his  courageous  opposition  to  the  act  relating  to  the 
apparel  of  kirkmen,  ii.  318. 

Roundheads,  a  name  of  reproach  applied  to  the  partisans  of  the  par- 
liament, ii.  431. 

Rouse's  dying  declaration  relative  to  the  Ryehouse  plot,  v.  337. 

Royalists,  causes  of  their  disasters  in  their  struggle  with  the  Repub- 
licans, according  to  Clarendon,  iv.  16 — according  to  Lansdowne, 
17 — They  subscribe  the  "  Engagement"  to  the  Commonwealth,  54 
— Their  hopes  elated  on  the  death  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  169 — De- 
pressed in  the  restoration  of  the  Rump  Parliament,  208 — Defeated 
by  Lambert  at  Namptwich,  213 — Supposed  to  have  been  betrayed 
by  sir  •R.Willis,  215 — Prepared  to  accept  any  terms  that  might 
have  been  proposed  for  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  314 — 
Their  unhappy  constitution  and  temper  supposed  to  be  the  cause 
of  Charles  the  Second's  indifference  to  state  affairs,  v.  3. 

Royal  Society,  history  of  its  rise,  v.  5 — Though  patronized  and 
chartered  by  Charles  the  Second,  it  began  under  the  Common- 
wealth, or  rather  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First,  6— Originally 
designed  for  friendly  conversations  on  experimental  philosophy,  in 
consequence  of  the  interruption  given  to  academical  studies  by  the 
civil  wars,  7. 

Royalty  abolished  in  England,  iii.  215 — Restored,  iv.  293. 

Rump-parliament,  see  Long-parliament. 

Rupert,  prince,  affecting  anecdote  of  one  of  his  prisoners,  ii.  78. 

Russell,  lord,  moves  the  dismissal  of  the  duke  of  York  from  the  royal 
presence  and  councils,  1 63 — Examination  of  how  far  he  could  be 
connected  \yith  the  Ryehouse-plot,  336 — Copy  of  the  paper  de- 
livered by  him  to  the  sheriffs  on  the  day  of  his  execution,  339. 

Russel,  Mr.  argues  against  a  standing  army,  v.  sol. 

Ryehouse  plot,  review  of  the  circumstances  attending  it,  v.  337. 


374  GENERAL  INDEX 


St.  Albans,  earl,  extravagant  grant  of  land  to,  in  Ireland,  by  Charles 
the  First,  a  proof  of  that  king's  regard  for  the  Irish  Catholics, 
ii.  599. 

St.  John,  a  lawyer  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  his  papers  seized,  on  suspicion 
of  his  having  assisted  Burton  in  drawing  up  his  defence,  ii.  267 — 
Becomes  solicitor-general  to  the  commonwealth,  and  is  appointed 
of  the  committee  for  bringing  in  the  self-denying  ordinance,  iii. 
109 — Becomes  lord  chief  justice,  and  goes  ambassador  to  Holland, 
252 — Negotiations  there,  ib. — His  speech  to  the  states  on  leav- 
ing the  Hague,  256 — Is  the  chief  mover  of  the  navigation  act,  276 
— Adverse  to  Cromwell's  usurping  the  sole  power,  467 — Makes 
terms  with  Charles  the  Second,  for  his  restoration,  iv.  258. 

St.  John,  Oliver,  rigorous  conduct  of  James  the  First  to,  i.  236 — His 
congratulatory  address  to  Cromwell,  on  the  victory  of  D  unbar, 
iii.  240. 

St.  John,  sir  W.  presents  the  Wiltshire  petition  to  Charles  the  Se- 
cond, v.  310. 

Salisbury,  bishop  of, .  ungenerous  conduct  of  Charles  the  Second,  to- 
wards in  his  old  age,  v.  46. 

Salisbury,  Cecil  earl  of,  pleasant  story  of  his  political  intrigue,  i.  55 
— Enriches  himself  at  the  expence  of  the  Scots,  71 — The  report  of 
the  gunpowder  plot  imputed  to  his  artifice  by  the  papists,  109. 

Salisbury,  lord,  fined  twenty  thousand  pounds  for  forest  encroach- 
ments, ii.  295. 

Sallee,  lines  by  Waller  on  the  taking  of,  ii.  192 — Particulars  of  the  ex- 
pedition against  it,  and  its  surrender,  194. 

Salomon  and  James  the  First  curiously  compared,  i.  288. 

Samson,  Agnes,  apprehended  and  examined  as  a  witch,  i.  47. 

Sanderson,  Ijishop,  his  review  of  parties  and  their  motives,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  commonwealth,  iv.  54. 

Sandwich,  lord,  his  relation  of  the  overthrow  of  Richard  Cromwell's 
government,  iv.  194. 

Savil,  claiming  to  have  been  the  assassin  of  Buckingham,  cruelty  of 
the  star-chamber  to,  ii.  309. 

Saville  lord  Halifax,  see  Halifax. 

Savoy,  duke  of,  his  cruel  persecution  of  the  protestants  of  Vaudois, 
iii.  397 — Stopped  by  the  interference  of  Cromwell,  399. 

Saunders,  judge,  eminent  for  his  vices,  v.  331. 

Sawyer,  sir  Robert,  bribed  with  1,000/.  by  Charles  the  Second,  for  his 
services  in  parliament,  v.  280. 

Say  and  Sele,  William  viscount,  excepted  from  Charles  _the  First's 
proclamation  of  pardon,  ii.  439 — Determines  on  emigration  to 
America,  iii.  54. 

Schomberg,  marshal,  refuses  the  command  of  the  Blackheath  army, 
raised  by  Charles  the  Second  to  intimidate  the  citizens  of  London, 
v.  295. 

Science  promoted,  .and  its  professors  encouraged  by  Cromwell,  in.  419. 

Scioppius,  Caspar,  virulence  of  his  answer  to  king  James's  Apology 
and  Premonition,  i.  136. 

Scotland  and  Scots;  number  of  Scots  advanced  to  honours  and  wealth 
by  James  die  First,  i.  64,  66— Claim  precedency  of  the  English 


GENERAL  INDEX.  S75" 

nobility,  68 — Attempts  of  Charles  the  First  to  introduce  innovations 
in  their  religion,  ii.  316 — Prepare  for  war,  to  resist  those  innova- 
tions, 329,  333 — Peace  restored,  334 — Terms  of  the  pacification, 
335 — The  sincerity  of  Charles  in  this  pacification  doubted,  337 — 
Dissatisfied  with  the  dissolution  of  their  parliament  by  Traquaii , 
343 — War  renewed,  344 — Enter  England,  and  take  possession  of 
Newcastle,  3G3 — Favourable  issue  to  them,  of  this  war,  364 — 
Their  army  petition  Charles  the  First  at  Newcastle,  to  settle  the 
nation,  iii.  152 — Endeavour  to  prevail  on  Cromwell  to  spare  his 
life,  199 — Their  ill  treatment  by  Charles,  229 — Send  ambassadors 
to  prince  Charles  at  the  Hague,  ib.  iv.  68 — Hie  sentiments  towards 
them,  iii.  230.  iv.  59,  cs — Charles  crowned  at  Scone,  iii.  230-^- 
State  of  Scotland  at  this  period,  2S1.  iv.  59 — Battle  of  Dunbar,  iii. 
238 — Farther  successes  of  the  English,  241 — The  nation  submit  to 
the  conquerors,  243 — An  union  with  England  projected  by  the 
commonwealth,  277;  which  is  completed  by  Cromwell,  28O — The 
non-confomusts  persecuted  on  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second, 
v.  112 — Their  hopes  miserably  disappointed  by  him,  114 — Epis- 
copacy established  first  by  the  king's  proclamation  and  afterwards 
by  the  parliament,  ib. — The  league  and  covenant  abolished,  ib. — 
Tyrannical  proclamation  for  procuring  obedience  to  ecclesiastical 
authority,  1 1 5— Acts  against  conventicles,  118 — An  indulgence  to 
dissenters  published,  125 — The  episcopalians  excite  a  cry  of  "No 
Popery,"  ib. — The  declaration  cancelled,  126. 

Scriveners,  formerly  the  agents  for  money,  v.  270. 

Scroggs,  chief  justice,  his  tyrannical  suppression  of  Carr's  Weekly 
Packet,  &c.  v.  257 — Copy  of  a  general-warrant  issued  by  him,  for 
the  seizure  of  unlicensed  books,  ib. — Farther  instances  of  his 
oppression,  258. 

Sea,  sovereignty  of,  insisted  on  by  the  commons,  during  the  com- 
monwealth, i'ii.  264 — Relinquished  by  Charles  the  Second,  in  favour 
of  France,  v.  218. 

Seaman,  Dr.  vice-chancellor  of  Cambridge,  an  eulogist  of  Cromwell, 
iii.  360,  489. 

Seamen,  called  in  contempt,  by  Charles  the  First,  water-rats,  ii.  82. 

Search,  right  of,  insisted  on  by  Cromwell,  iii.  264 — Relinquished  by 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  218. 

Sectarians,  why  they  subscribed  the  "  Engagement,"  iv.  55. 

Selden,  Mr.  committed  to  prison  for  his  free  speaking  in  parliament, 
i.  230,  284 — Obliged  to  make  his  submission  in  the  high  commis- 
sion court,  for  publishing  his  book  on  tithes,  i.  272 — \Vrites  his 
Mare  Claujum,  in  answer  to  Grotius's  Mare  Liberum,  iii.  184— 
Extract  from  his  Mare  Clausum,  iii.  264. 

Self-defence,  a  principle  of  the  law  of  nature,  ii.  418. 

Self-denying  ordinance,  mischievous  to  the  parliament,  but  beneficial  to 
the  ambition  of  Cromwell,  iii.  1 0(>— Account  of  its  progress  through 
parliament,  108 — Consequences,  116 — A  party  contrivance,  124. 

Sermons,  long,  preached  by  the  Scottish  covenanters,  at  which 
Charles  the  Second  was  obliged  to  be  present,  iv.  77. 

Service-book,  see  Liturgy,  Scottish. 

Sevigne,  Madame  de,  on  the  comparative  merits  of  Mademoiselle  dr 
Keroualle  and  Nell  Gwin,  mistresses  to  Charles  the  Second,  > 

Sexby,  colonel,  author  of  Killing  no  Murder,  iii.  94— Dies  10  prison. 
iv.  127. 


S76  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Seymour,  Edward,  Esq.  pensioned  to  betray  the  country  party,  by 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  282,  288. 

Seymour,  Mr.  chosen  speaker  by  the  commons,  and  rejected  by 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  315. 

Shaftsbury,  lord,  his  description  of  king  James  as  a  writer,  i.  160 — 
Recommends  to  sovereigns,  instead  of  becoming  authors  them- 
selves, to  patronise  literature  in  their  subjects,  as  the  surest  earnest 
of  increasing  it,  ii.  149 — Becomes  one  of  the  Cabal  ministry,  v. 
125 — Supports  the  Dutch  war  in  his  parliamentary  harangues,  207 
— Satirised  by  Dryden,  208 — His  speeches  on  the  shutting  of  the 
exchequer,  and  the  case  of  the  bankers,  274. 

Sheffield,  duke  of  Buckingham,  see  Buckingham. 

Sheldon,  Dr.  recommends  moderation  in  religious  matters  in  a  sermon 
before  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  385 — Countenances  the  duchess  of 
York's  inclination  towards  popery,  v.  81 — Extract  from  his  letter 
to  the  bishops  of  his  diocese,  desiring  them  to  enforce  the  laws 
against  conventicles  and  non-conformists,  v.  106. 

Sherlock,  bishop,  his  sanguine  description  of  the  effects  of  the  refor- 
mation, iv.  331. 

Ship-money,  levied  by  Charles  the  First,  particulars  of,  ii.  298,  358 
—Conduct  of  the  long  parliament  respecting,  305. 

Sibthorp,  Robert,  rewards  bestowed  on  him  by  Charles  the  First  for 
preaching  the  doctrine,  that  kings  were  not  bound  to  observe  the 
laws,  ii.  209. 

Sidenham,  colonel,  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  iii.  326. 

Skippen,  major-general,  retains  his  commission  in  contravention  of  the 
self-denying  ordinance,  iii.  124 — Wounded  in  the  battle  of  Naseby, 
128,  ISO — Made  one  of  Cromwell's  major-generals,  438. 

Slingsby,  executed  for  favouring  the  cause  of  Charles  the  Second, 
iv.  127. 

Smith,  Dr.  on  the  prevention  of  the  sale  of  archbishop  Usher's  library, 
iii.  420. 

Smoking  clubs,  political,  common  in  the  days  of  the  Common- 
wealth, iv.  273. 

Soldiers,  aversion  of,  to  the  war  with  the  Scots,  ii.  362. 

Solemn  league  and  covenant,  subscribed  by  Charles  the  Second,  iv. 
73 — Declared  to  be  an  unlawful  obligation,  v.  84,  114 — Observa- 
tions on  this  measure,  101. 

Solomon,  see  Salomon. 

Somerset,  earl  and  countess  of,  see  Ker. 

Somerset  House,  ordered  to  be  sold  for  the  supply  of  the  Navy, 
iv.  219. 

Somersett,  sir  John,  his  estate  in  Southampton  settled  upon  Crom- 
well, as  a  reward  for  his  valour  in  the  battle  of  Naseby,  iii.  134. 

Sonnets  by  king  James  the  First,  i.  163. 

Sorbiere's  character  of  the  English  republicans,  iii.  266. 

Sovereigns,  bound  to  protect  their  subjects,  from  whom  otherwise  they 
can  demand  no  obedience,  iii.  344;  see  Kings  and  Princes. 

Sovereignty  of  the  sea,  claimed  by  the  commons,  and  enforced  by 
Cromwell,  iii.  264 — Relinquished  by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  218. 

South,  Dr.  extract  from  his  Poem  in  praise  of  the  government  of 
Cromwell,  iii.  361 — His  subsequent  apostacy,  362 — His  poetical  cele- 
bration of  Charles's  restoration,  iv.  332. 

Southampton,  lord,  fined  for  forest  encroachments,  ii.  295. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  S7T 

Southampton,  earl  of,  deceived  by  Hide,  as  to  the  character  and  capa- 
city oi  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  323. 

Spain,  impolicy  of  James's  treaty  of  peace  with,  i.  165 — Deprives 
Frederick,  James's  son-in-law,  of  his  Palatinate,  183 — English  naval 
expedition  against,  ii.  149 — Peace  with  England  proclaimed,  154 — Its 
fleet  destroyed  by  the  Dutch,  172 — Is  ;he  first  power  that  acknow- 
ledges the  Commonwealth,  iii.  345 — Negotiates  with  Cromwell, 
363 — Its  condition  at  the  period  of  its  rupture  with  him,  376 — 
Cromwell's  manifesto  against,  387 — Rejoicings  in,  on  occasion  of 
the  birth  of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  2. 

Spaniards,  their  ill  treatment  of  British  merchants,  i.  175 — Their  cruel 
murder  of  twenty-six  Englishmen,  1 76,  ib. 

Speech,  freedom  of,  the  safeguard  of  the  government,  v.  267. 

Speke,  Mr.  iined  by  the  minions  of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  335,  353. 

Spencer,  Robert,  lord,  from  the  bawdy  discourse  of  Charles  the  First  at 
Gloucester,  supposed  himself  to  be  in  the  drawing-room,  ii.  83. 

Sports,  allowance  of,  on  Sundays,  disgustful  to  the  puritans,  iii.  54. 

Spotswood,  Bishop,  on  the  character  of  James  the  First,  i.  292— His 
conduct  respecting  Kirkman's  apparel  act,  ii.  32O — Made  chancellor, 
322 — Appeases  the  tumult  in  the  church  of  Edinburgh,  326. 

Sprat,  Dr.  panegyrises  the  memory  of  Cromwell,  hi.  489 — Hi»  ac- 
count of  the  encouragement  given  by  Charles  the  Second  to  the  Royal 
Society,  v.  5. 

Sprat,  judge,  on  the  quo  warranto  issued  against  the  city  of  London, 
v.  325 — Once  the  panegyrist  of  Cromwell,  328 — On  the  character 
of  lord  Russcl  and  Algernon  Sidney,  350— On  the  mysterious 
death  of  lord  Essex,  354. 

Stafford,  lord,  his  testimony  as  to  the  existence  of  the  gunpowder 
plot,  i.  1 10 — His  declaration  at  the  bar  of  the  house  of  peers  against 
the  overweening  influence  of  papists,  v.  79 — His  objections  to  Oates's 
testimony,  132. 

Stamford,  Henry,  earl  of,  excepted  from  Charles  the  First's  proclama- 
tion of  pardon,  ii.  439. 

Stanley,  earl  of  Derby,  see  Derby. 

Star,  uncommon  appearance  of  one  at  noon-day,  at  the  birth  of  Charles 
the  Second,  iv.  i. 

Star-chamber,  severity  of  its  proceedings  against  Leighton,  ii.  260 — 
Its  decree  respecting  the  press,  271 — Its  cruelty  to  persons  acting  in 
opposition  to  this  decree,  273 — Its  conduct  to  offenders  against  fo- 
rest laws,  292 — Some  account  of  this  court,  so? — Further  instances 
of  its  cruelty,  309 — Abolished  by  act  of  parliament,  314,376. 

-State  papers,  their  utility  in  detecting  historical  fictions,  iii.  395. 

State  reasons  substitutea  for  plain  honesty  by  corrupt  governments,  iii. 
i95. 

States-general  of  Holland  refuse  to  assist  Charles  the  Second,  unl 
will  go  to  Scothnd,  iv.  58 — Send  a  deputation  to  condole  w 
English  ambassador  on  the  death  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  iv.  l  ~ 
Dutch. 

Stayner,  capt.  his  gallant  conduct  against  the  Spaniards,  at  Cau 
Santa  Cruz,  iii.  388,  389. 

Sterry,  Peter,  chaplain  to  Cromwell,  iii.  43. 

Storie,  Mr.  Oliver  Cromwell's  letter  to,  iii.  12. 

Straftord,  lord,  his  vigour  against  the  puritans,  iii.  52— A  p; 


378-  GENERAL  INDEX. 

made  to  Charles  the  First  for  preserving  his  life  and  reinstating  him 
in  his  former  honour,  iv.  9 — Declined  by  the  king,  10,  see  Went- 
worth. 

Strickland,  Mr.  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  iii.  326. 

Strode,  Mr.  one  of  the  five  members  impeached  by  Charles  the  First, 
ii.  409 — Excepted  from  the  proclamation  of  pardon,  439. 

Stuart,  house  of,  strictures  on  the  legitimacy  of  its  succession  to  the  En- 
glish throne,  iv.  14O. 

Stubbe,  Mr.  Henry,  censures  Cromwell's  treaty  with  the  Dutch,  iii. 
357 — Writes  against  that  nation,  v.  209 — Rewarded  by  Charles  the 
Second,  211. 

Suarez,  writes  against  king  James's  Apology  for  the  Oath  of  Allegiance, 
i.  123,  305. 

Subscription  to  articles  of  faith,  mischievous  tendency  of,  i.  153 — Ob- 
servation on,  ii.  218.  v.  190. 

Subjects,  obedience  of,  co-extensive  with  the  protection  afforded  them 
by  their  sovereigns,  iii.  344. 

Submission  to  existing  authority,  founded  on  the  actual  power  of  those 
who  possess  it,  iv.  46. 

Sully,  duke  of,  in  complimenting,  in  his  office  of  ambassador,  James 
the  First  on  the  death  of  Elizabeth,  is  not  permitted  to  appear  in. 
mourning,  i.  7S — His  conversation  with  that  prince  on  religion,  91, 
and  hunting,  94 — Refuses  to  strike  the  French  flag  to  an  English 
ship,  when  coming  as  ambassador  to  England,  190. 

Sunday,  sports  on,  after  evening  prayer,  proclaimed  lawful  by  Charles 
the  First,  ii.  52 — Impolicy  of  this  measure,  59 — The  religious  ob- 
servance of  Sunday  an  article  of  faith  with  the  Scots,  321. 

Sunderland,  earl  of,  his  dissatisfaction  at  the  conduct  of  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  441 — Adheres  to  him,  and  loses  his  life  in  his  cause,  through 
a  high  seose  of  honour,  ib. 

Superstition,  nature  of,  described,  ii.  61. — Instances  of,  in  Charles  the 
First,  ib.  65, 220 — Other  instances  in  great  geniuses,  v.  9. 

Supremacy*  arguments  respecting,  v.  175. 

Sweden,  the  queen  of,  overjoyed  at  Cromwell's  assuming  the  protec- 
torate, iii.  349 — Paid  by  France  for  her  neutrality,  v.  232.  - 

Swedish  ambassador,  his  reception  in  state  by  Cromwell,  iii.  32. 

Swiss  protestant  cantons,  interpose  with  the  duke  of  Savoy,  on  behalf  of 
their  persecuted  brethren  in  the  Vaudois,  without  effect,  iii.  397 — The 
mediation  rendered  availing  by  Cromwell,  398. 

Sword,  power  of  the,  the  foundation  of  government,  iv.  46. 

Sydeserfe,  Mr.  Thomas,  favours  the  introduction  of  a  liturgy  in  Scot- 
land, ii.  324. 

Sydney,  Algernon,  on  the  folly  of  applying  the  term  "  Rebellion"  to 
the  resistance  of  the  parliament  against  the  usurpations  of  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  428 — Retains  his  commission  notwithstanding  the  self-deny- 
ing ordinance,  iii.  124 — Condemns  Cromwell  for  a  tyrant,  469 — On 
the  conduct  of  Charles  the  Second  towards  the  English,  v.  33 — His 
reasons  for  preferring  to  remain  in  exile,  ib. — On  the  popish  plot, 
141,  149 — On  the  power  of  the  priests  in  reconciling  falsehood  with- 
the  hope  of  eternal  salvation,  150 — His  character  of  Charles's  pen- 
sioned parliament,  292 — Reflections  on  his  principles,  and  examina- 
tion of  the  connection  he  could  have  with  the  Rye-house  plot,  336, 
344— Extract  from  his  address  to  the  king,  344 — Glaring  instance* , 
•f  injustice  in  the  proceedings  against  him,  ib. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  879. 

Symons,  Mr.  his  comparison  of  the  sufferings  of  Charles,  the  Pirn  with 
'those  of  Jesus  Christ,  ii.  486. 

Sympson,  Mr.  his  letter  of  congratulation  to  Cromwell,  after  the  vic- 
tory of  D  unbar,  iii.  239. 


Tangier  demolished,  and  the  garrison  brought  over  to  England,  v. 
298. 

Taverns,  meetings  at,  prohibited  by  proclamation,  iv.  355, 

Temple,  sir  John,  on  the  numbers  slain  in  the  Irish  massacre,  ii.  392 
— On  the  preparations  by  the  commons  for  the  trial  of  Charles  the 
First,  481. 

Temple,  sir  William,  on  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second  by  the 
will  of  the  people,  in  opposition  to  the  army,  iv.  308 — On  the  ta- 
lents and  character  of  Charles,  v.  2 — On  the  credibility  of  the  popish, 
plot,  14O — On  the  impolicy  of  the  Dutch  war,  190,  193. 

Tenures  in  capite,  and  by  knight's  service,  abolished  by  Charles  the 
Second,  iv.  :'.GG. 

Test,  a  general,  proposed  in  parliament,  and  lost  by  a  dispute  for  pri- 
vileges between  the  two  houses,  241. 

Test  Act,  proceedings  on  its  first  proposal,  v.  150 — Endeavours  of  the 
court  to  qualify  some  of  its  provisions,  152 — Passed,  ib. — The  duke 
of  York  excluded  from  his  post  of  lord  high  admiral,  and  lord  Clif- 
ford from  the  Treasury,  by  it,  153 — Enlarged  on  the  discovery  of 
the  popish  plot,  156 — Exemption  in  favour  of  the  duke  of  York, 
158. 

Theobalds,  sir  George,  See  Morley,  lord. 

Thirty-nine  articles,  declaration  prefixed  to,  by  authority  of  Charles 
the  First,  ii.  213 — This  declaration  canvassed  in  the  famous  Ban- 
gorian  and  Trinitarian  controversies,  215 — Observations  onsubscrip- 
tion  to  these  articles,  218. 

Thomas,  Valentine,  revengeful  conduct  of  James  the  First  towards,  i. 
61. 

Thomlinson,  colonel,  called  to  sit  in  Cromwell's  first  parliament,  iii. 

326. 

Thorpe,  baron,  displaced  for  disobeying  Cromwell's  instructions,  iii. 

444. 

Throckmorton,  sir  William,  on  the  debaucheries  of  Charles  the  Second, 

V.  43. 

Thurloe,  Mr.  on  the  negotiations  between  England,  France,  and  Spain, 
iii.  363,  39.2 — On  the  opposition  to  Cromwell's  government,  469 — 
On  the  motion  for  giving  him  the  title  of  king,  476,  48O— Hij  cha- 
racter of  Cromwell,  486 — On  the  comparative  estimation  in  which 
Richard  Cromwell  and  Charles  the  Second  were  held  by  France  and 
Spain,  iv.  173 — Makes  terms  with  Chailes  for  his  restoration,  258-^ 
On  the  inclination  of  that  prince  towards  the  Roman  Catholic  reli- 
gion, v.  57. 

Thynn,  sir  James,  fined  bv  Cromwell's  major-generals,  iii.  441. 

Thynne,  sir  Thomas,  fined  by  the  star-chamber,  ii.  31  1. 

Thynn,  Thomas,  esq.  rebuked  by  Charles  the  Second,  for  presenting 
a  petition  from  Wiltshire,  v.  310. 

Tiberius,  the  blood  he  and  his  successors  spilt  on  account  of  free  speak- 
ing ineffectual  to  produce  the  security  they  sought,  v.  ~'S7. 


S80  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Tillotson,  bishop,  his  letter  to  lord  Russell  while  under  condemnation, 
on  non-resistance,  v.  242 — Johnson's  remarks  on,  213. 

Tippling-houses,  suppressed  by  proclamation  of  Charles  the  Second, 
iv.  355. 

Titus,  colonel,  wrongly  supposed  to  be  the  author  of  "  Killing  no 
Murder,"  iii.  94 — His  speech  against  the  duke  of  York,  on  the  mo- 
tion  for  a  bill  of  exclusion,  v.  166 — On  the  necessity  of  impeaching 
the  judges,  330. 

Tobacco,  king  James  publishes  a  book  against  the  use  of  it,  i.  161. 

Toleration,  religious,  political  advantages  of,  ii.  249. 

Tom  Tell  Troath,  his  address  to  James  respecting  protestants  in 

'  France,  i.  258. 

Tonnage  and  poundage,  duties  of,  arbitrarily  levied  by  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  289. 

Tooker,  bishop,  supports  king  James's  "Defence  of  Oaths  of  Allegi- 
ance," i.  305. 

Tortus,  Matthew,  see  Bellarmine. 

Trade,  pursuit  of,  a  more  honourable  mode  of  procuring  riches  than 
following  the  levees  of  ministers,  iii.  3 — Combined  with  power, 
270 — Supposed  to  be  inimical  to  monarchical  institutions,  iv.  279. 

Trajan,  wise  saying  of,  in  giving  his  sword  to  the  captain  of  his  guard, 
i.  223. 

Tranquillity  of  mind,  not  to  be  indulged  in  princes,  v.  5. 

Traquair,  earl  of,  instructions  of  Charles  the  First  to,  as  high  commis- 
sioner in  Scotland,  ii.  341 — Prorogues  the  parliament,  343. 

Tredenham,  sir  J.  a  court  pensioner  in  the  house  of  commons,  under 
Charles  the  Second,  v.  29O. 

Trelawney,  sir  J.  extravagant  grants  to,  for  his  parliamentary  intrigues, 
under  Charles  the  Second,  v.  280,  288. 

Trenchard,  Mr.  on  the  enormities  of  Charles  the  Second's  reign,  v. 
294. 

Trevor,  Mr.  supports  the  excise  bill,  iv.  374. 

Trial  by  jury,  the  birthright  of  Englishmen,  iii.  451. 

Triennial  parliaments,  provided  for  in  Cromwell's  instrument  of  govern- 
ment, iii.  335 — Charles  the  Second  desirous  of  repealing  the  act  for, 
y.  306. 

Triple  league,  v.  187 — Offensive  to  the  French,  199. 

Tromp,  Herbert  Van,  Dutch  admiral,  defeats  the  Spanish  fleet  off  Do- 
ver, ii.,172 — Attacks  Blake  in  Folkstone  harbour,  iii.  68 — Defeated 
by  Blake,  258;  and  by  Deane  and  Moncke,  354. 

Truth,  importance  of  the  observance  of,  to  princes,  ii.  84^-Danger  of 
speaking  it  in  certain  cases,  exemplified  in  the  case  of  Geo'i^e  Withers, 
iv.  359. 

Tuckney,  Dr.  master  of  St.  John's  college,  Cambridge,  his  eulogium 
on  Cromwell's  treaty  with  the  Dutch,  iii.  360 — Celebrates  his  me- 
mory after  his  death,  489 — His  congratulatory  verses  to  Richard 
Cromwell,  on  his  accession  to  the  protectorate,  iv.  181. 

Tudor,  remarks  on  the  legitimacy  of  its  succession  to  the  English 
crown,  iv.  14O. 

Turks,  English  and  Irish  coasts  infested  by  their  pirates,  ii.  179 — 
Punishment  inflicted  on  them  by  the  expedition  against  Sallee,  19S, 

194. 

Turner,  sir  James,  commissioned  to  carry  into  effect  the  laws  agajnst 
conventicles  in  Scotland,  v.  119. 
6 


GENERAL  INDEX.  381 

Tutors,  respect  due  to  them,  i.  6. 

Twisden,  counsellor,  illegally  imprisoned  by  Cromwell,  iii.  446. 

Tyranny,  ever  insecure,  v.  267. 

Tyrone,  earl  of,  charged  with  being  concerned  ra  the  gunpowder  plot, 

i.  209. 
Tythes,  proceedings  in  Cromwell's  first  parliament   relative  to,  iii. 

330. 

V 

Valentine,  Mr.  committed  to  the  Tower  for  his  free  speaking  in  parlia- 
ment, ii.  284. 

Vane,  sir  Henry,  the  chief  manager  of  the  Dutch  war,  iii.  260 — His 
disinterestedness,  ib. — Unjustly  imprisoned  by  Cromwell,  446 — Ex- 
cepted  from  the  bill  of  indemnity,  v.  29 — Injustice  of  exception,  ib. — 
His  life  promised  by  Charles  the  Second,  ib. — Proceedings  begun 
against  him,  so — His  trial  and  justification,  ib. — Base  conduct  of 
the  king  towards  him,  31 — Executed,  ib. 

Vassal,  Mr.  imprisoned  for  not  paying  tonnage  and  poundage,  ii.  291. 

Vaudois,  persecuted  on  account  of  their  religion,  by  the  duke  of  Savoy, 
iii.  396 — The  persecution  stopped  by  the  interference  of  Cromwell, 
who  also  sends  them  relief,  397. 

Vaughan,  lord  chief  justice,  declares  a  standing  army  to  be  illegal,  v. 
30  J. 

Ven,  captain,  excepted  from  the  pardon  proclaimed  by  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  439. 

Venables,  see  Penn. 

Venetians,  intercede  with  France,  to  obtain  peace  with  England,  ii.  164, 
166. 

Vice  discouraged  in  Cromwell's  court,  iii.  409 — Proclamation  against, 
by  Charl«  the  Second,  iv.  353. 

Villars,  see  Cleveland. 

Vincent,  sir  William,  opposes  the  settlement  of  excise  for  the  revenue 
of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  373* 

Vines,  Mr.  expelled  the  university  for  refusing  to  subscribe  the  "  En- 
gagement" to  the  Commonwealth,  iv.  56. 

Virgiliana:  Sortes,  a  species  of  augury,  ii.  65 — Tried  by  Charles  the 
First  and  lord  Faulkland,  ib. 

Virtue,  the  love  and  practice  of,  conducive  to  public  liberty,  iv.  104. 

Vorstius,  Conrad,  loses  the  professor's  chair  of  divinity  at  Leyden, 
through  the  enmity  of  king  James,  i.  134. 

Vows,  observations  on,  ii.  64. 

Voltaire,  his  character  of  Cromwell,  iii.  487 — Inaccurate  in  many  of  his 
historical  writings,  iv.  109 — His  account  of  the  means  taken  to  bring 
Charles  the  Second  to  a  renewal  of  the  Dutch  war,  v.  209. 

U 

Uncertainty  of  human  affairs,  iii.  lie. 

Uniformity  in  modes  and  forms  of  religion,  attempted  by  Charles  the 
First,  ii.  240 — Injurious  nature  of  such  uniformity,  249 — An  act  of, 
imposed  on  the  clergy  by  Charles  the  Second  in  contempt  of  his  de- 
claration published  at  Breda,  v.  84 — Its  oppressive  operation,  85 — 
Number  of  clergymen  ejected  by  it,  #. — More  rigorous  than  that 
issued  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  89 — Words  omitted  in  the  declara- 
tion to  prevent  conscientious  persons  from  signing  it,  ik. — An  act 


382  GENERAL  INDEX. 

for  the  relief  of  persons  unavoidably  prevented  from  complying  with 
its  requirements,  91 — Followed  by  other  penal  laws  against  non- 
conformists, 102 — Clamours  occasioned  by  those  laws,  122 — De- 
clarations of  indulgence,  and  bills  of  comprehension  framed,  for  the 
relief  of  non-conformists,  but  never  rendered  effectual,  ib.—  Renewal 
of  the  persecution,  129 — This  act  a  step  towards  the  extirpation  of 
the  spirit  of  resistance,  24O. 

Unitarians,  countenanced  by  Cromwell,  iii.  43. 

Universities,  provided  for  by  the  commonwealth.,  iii.  299,  305 — Eminent 
men  there  at  that  period,  3O5 — The  discipline  in,  more  strict  before 
the  Restoration  than  after,  v.  8. 

Usher,  archbishop,  conversation  of  James  the  First  with  him,  on  the 
subject  of  receiving  the  communion,  i.  91 — Courteously  treated  by 
Cromwell,  and  honoured  with  a  public  funeral  at  his  death,  iii.  43 — 
His  valuable  library  sent  to  Dublin  by  the  protector,  420 — His  fruit- 
less endeavours  with  Cromwell,  to  procure  a  remission  of  the  edict 
against  Episcopalians,  429. 

W 

Wagstaff,  vindicates  Charles  the  First  against  the  charge  of  plagiarism 
in  one  of  his  prayers,  ii.  121 — Denies  Gauden  to  be  the  author  of 
the  Icon  Basilike,  132. 

Walcot,  captain,  his  confession  relative  to  the  Hye-house  plot,  v.  337. 

Walker,  sir  Edward,  curious  alteration  said  to  have  been  made  by 
Charles  the  First  in  a  book  written  by  this  baronet  on  the  Irish  re- 
bellion, ii.  401. 

Walker,  cruelty  of  the  star-chamber  to,  for  libelling  his  neighbour,  ii. 
310. 

Walker,  Mr.  author  of  the  History  of  Independency,  his  caution  to 
Charles  the  First  against  parasitical  priests,  ii.  102 — Affirms  from 
Gauden's  own  authority,  that  he  was  the  author  of  Icon  Basilike,  127 
— On  the  discontents  occasioned  by  the  gifts,  preferments,  &c. 
bestowed  upon  members  of  parliament,  iii.  131  — On  die  comparative 
merits  of  Fairfax  and  Cromwell,  137 — His  account  of  the  protesta- 
tion of  the  secluded  members,  187 — On  Cromwell's  behaviour  in 
the  commons,  on  the  first  motion  for  proceeding  capitally  against  the 
king,  199. 

Wall,  Mr.  on  the  means  of  quelling  religious  dissensions,  iii.  304. 

Waller,  Edmond,  his  anecdote  of  James  the  First,  i.  156 — Lines  by, 
on  the  taking  of  Sallee,  ii.  192 — On  Cromwell's  literary7  attainments, 
iii.  4 — Of  his  affectation  and  hypocrisy,  17 — His  poetical  compli- 
ment to  Cromwell  more  than  mere  flattery,  33 — Lines  by,  on  the 
naval  exploits  of  the  protector's  commanders,  390 — Panegyrises 
Cromwell's  government,  489 — Changes  his  strains  on  the  restoration 
of  Charles  the  Second,  iv.  332. 

Wallis,  Dr.  discovers  the  art  of  decyphering  letters,  i?.  136 — His  ac- 
count of  the  origin  of  the  Royal  Society,  v.  6. 

Wallop,  sir  Henry,  fined  by  the  star-chamber,  ii.  311. 

Walpole,  Mr.  on  the  desert  and  infliction  of  death  of  princes,  ir.  337 
— On  the  licentious  manners  of  Charles  the  Second's  court,  v.  365. 

Walter,  Lucy,  mistress  to  Charles  the  Second,  her  profligate  conduct, 
iv.  162 — Said  to  have  been  married  to  Charles,  167.. 

Walton,  Dr.  permitted  by  Cromwell  to  import  paper  free  of  duty,  for 
his  Polyglott  Bible,  iii.  420. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  as 3 

War  with  the  Dutch,  weakly  begun,  and  with  dishonour  concluded 
by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  187 — Renewed,  198 — Unpopular,  213 — 
Supplies  for  refused  by  the  Commons,  215 — Peace  of  Nimeguen,  216. 

Ward,  Dr.  Seth,  his  ingratitude  to  Cromwell's  friends,  lii.  422 — Submits 
to  the  Engagement,  iv.  56 — A  promoter  of  the  act  against  conven- 
ticles, v.  110. 

Wards  and  liveries,  courts  of,  suppressed,  iv.  366. 

Warwick,  Robert,  earl  of,  excepted  from  Charles  the  First's  proclama- 
tion of  pardon,  ii.  439 — Resigns  his  commission  in  consequence  of 
the  self-denying  ordinance,  iii.  116. 

Warwick,  sir  Philip,  his  opinion  of  the  papers  of  Charles  the  First,  in 
his  controversy  with  Henderson,  ii.  117 — Silent  in  his  History  of 
Cromwell,  respecting  his  having  ruined  himself  by  his  religious  ob- 
servances, iii.  10 — His  account  of  Oliver's  visionary  enthusiasm,  13 — 
Of  his  first  appearance  in  parliament,  27 — Of  the  passing  of  the  re- 
monstrance, 74 — Of  Cromwell's  army,  82. 

Warrants,  general,  issued  for  the  seizure  of  unlicensed  books,  v.  255, 
257. 

Warrington,  lord,  on  the  parties  instrumental  in  bringing  about  the 
Restoration,  iv.  313. 

Warton,  John,  severities  inflicted  on,  by  the  star-chamber,  for  printing 
without  license,  ii.  273. 

Watson,  sir  Lewis,  fined  three  thousand  pounds  for  forest  encroach- 
ments, ii.  296. 

Watson,  severity  of  the  star-chamber  to,  for  falsifying  its  records,  ii. 
310. 

Watson,  Mr.  on  the  misapplication  of  the  term  "  martyr"  to  Charles 
the  First,  ii.  489. 

Wayte,  Mr.  his  account  of  the  conduct  of  Cromwell  in  procuring  the 
death  of  the  king,  iii.  2OO. 

Weakness  of  mind,  attached  to  great  talents,  in  certain  instances,  v.  8. 

Welch,  Mr.  John,  saying  of,  respecting  James  the  First,  i.  29. 

Welwood,  Dr.  an  anecdote  told  by  him  relative  to  the  cession  of  Dun- 
kirk to  the  English,  an  absolute  fiction,  iii.  394 — On  the  naval  capa- 
city of  Charles  the  Second,  v.  227  ;  which  he  prostituted  to  the  ser- 
vice of  France,  228 — On  the  circumstances  attending  the  death  of 
that  prince,  359. 

Wentwoith,  Peter,  committed  to  the  Tower  for  his  free  speaking  in 
parliament,!.  231. 

Wentwoith,  Sir  Thomas,  complains  when  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland  of 
the  depredations  of  the  Turkish  pirates  on  the  Irish  coasts,  ii.  179 — 
Detained  in  Ireland  by  danger  from  those  pirates,  181 — Relates  the 
proceedings  of  the  Irish  convocation  for  conformity  in  modes  and 
forms  of  religion,  245 — Assigns  reasons  for  the  failure  of  the  intro- 
duction of  the  liturgy  in  Scotland,  330 — Advises  the  king  to  fortify 
Berwick  and  Leith  against  the  Scots,  337 — Made  earl  of  StrafFord, 
and  sent  again  as  lord  lieutenant  to  Ireland,  352 — Fills  the  king  with 
high  notions  of  the  loyalty  of  his  Irish  subjects,  ib. — Mistaken  in  this 
matter,  354 — Appointed  general  of  the  army  against  the  Scots,  on  the 
sickness  of  the  earl  of  Northumberland,  362 — Particulars  of  his  im- 
peachment, 370 — Secret  consultations  to  prevent  his  death,  384 — His 
opposition  to  the  allowance  of  forces  to  the  earl  of  Antrim,  897. 

Westmoreland,  earl  of,  fined  nineteen  thousand  pounds  for  forest  en- 
croachments, ii.  296. 


384  GENERAL  INDEX. 

Wetton,  a  catholic,  appointed  lord  treasurer  by  Charles  the  First,  ii, 

230. 

Whalley,  one  of  Cromwell's  major-generals,  iii.  438. 

Wharton,  appointed  to  command  an  army  for  the  relief  of  Munster,  and 

detained  for  want  of  the  king's  commission,  ii.  403. 
Wheeler,  Sir  C.  a  court  pensioner  under  Charles  the  Second,  v.  288. 
Whichcot,  Dr.  an  eulogist  of  Cromwell,  on  occasion   of  the  Dutch 
treaty,  iii.  360 — Extract  from  his  verses  on  the  mild  government  and 
peaceful  end  of  the  protector,  489. 
Whiston's  condemnation  of  the  courts  of  princes  as  dangerous  to  virtue, 

iii.  409. 
Whitbread,  particulars  of  his  condemnation  as  an  accomplice  in  the 

popish  plot,  v.  141. 

White,  Jeremiah,  admitted  a  chaplain  to  Cromwell,  iii.  43. 
Whitehall,  furniture,  plate,&c.  belongingto,sold  by>the  Rump  Parliament, 

for  discharging  the  debts  incurred  during  the  protectorate,  iv.  200. 
Whitfield,  rewarded  for  his  services   in  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of 

Charles  the  First,  as  to  the  enlargement  of  forests,  ii.  293. 
Whitgift,  archbishop,  his  servile  adulation  of  James  the  First,  i.  103. 
Whitlock,  on  the  conduct  of  Charles  the  First  in  the  treaty  at  Oxford, 
ii.  104 — Of  the  extremity  to  which  the  parliament  was  reduced  when 
the  Militia  Bill  was  passed,  416 — On  the  weakness  of  the  parlia- 
mentary army  in  the  early  part  of  the  war,  437 — Of  lord  Falkland's 
despair  on  account  of  the  ascendancy  of  the  papists  over  Charles  the 
First,  443 — Of  the  negotiations  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  between  Charles 
and  the  parliamentary  commissioners,  4  66 — Of  the  reception  of  the 
army's  Remonstrance  in  the  commons,  470.  iii.  69 — Of  Cromwell's 
enthusiasm,  iii.  16 — His  temper,  23 — His  inauguration,  30 — His  re- 
ception  of  the  Swedish  ambassador,  32,  35 — Of  the  conference  at 
Essex  House  for  the  overthrow  of  Cromwell,  88 — On  the  jealousies 
entertained  by  the  parliament,  of  Essex,  106 — His  speech  against  the 
self-denying  ordinance,  111 — His  account  of  the  battle  of  Naseby, 
125 — On  the  proceedings  of  Cromwell  between  the  battle  of  Wor- 
cester and  the  expulsion  of  the  parliament,  311 — Joy  with  which  the 
queen  of  Sweden  received  the  intelligence  of  Cromwell's  assumption 
of  the  protectorate,  349 — On  Cromwell's  aversion  to  persons  of  dis- 
solute lives,  410 — Displaced  from  his  commission  of  the  great  seal, 
for  refusing  to  observe  an  ordinance  of  Cromwell's,  444 — His  cha- 
racter of  Oliver's  first  parliament,  470 — On  the  factions  which  arose 
during  the  suspension  of  the  parliament  by  the  army,  iv.  241 — En- 
deavours to  persuade   Fleetwood  to  make  terms  with  Charles  the 
Secoed,  ib. — On  Charles's  predilection  for  the  church  of  Rome,  v. 
57. 
Whorehood,  lady,  consults  Lilly,  the  astrologer,  about  the  escape  of 

Charles  the  First,  ii.  66. 

Wicquefort  on  the  glory  of  Cromwell's  government,  ii.  345. 
Widdrington,  commissioner  of  the  great  seal,  displaced  for  refusing  to 

obey  an  ordinance  of  Cromwell's,  iii.  444. 
Wightman,  Edward,  burned  at  Litchiield  for  heresy,  i.  143 — Crimes 

charged  against  him  in  the  warrant,  145. 

Wigmore,  sir  R.  set  as  a  spy  on  the  conduct  of  James  the  First,  i.  22. 
Wiidman  joins  the  royalists  on  Cromwell's  assuming  the  protectorate, 

iii.  431 — Falsely  and  cruelly  imprisoned,  v.  29. 

Wilkins,  bishop,  his  noble  resistance  of  the  overtures  of  Charles  the 
Second,  with  respect  to  the  Conventicle  Act,  v.  322. 


GENERAL  INDEX.  S8« 

Wilkinson,  Mr.  refused  ordination,  ii.  223. 

Williams,  Dr.  bishop  of  Lincoln,  numerous  church  preferments  enjoyed 
by,  i.  270— His  curious  sermon  on  the  death  of  James  the  First,  288 
— Dexterity  in  discovering  the  grounds  of  Buckingham's  disgrace,  ii. 
16 — Insincere  conduct  of  Charles  the  First  towards  him,  87 — Advised 
by  lord  Coventry  to  absent  himself  from  parliament,  286 — Jostled 
from  his  see  by  Laud  and  Buckingham,  iii.  48. 

Williamson,  sir  J.  originally  a  foot-boy,  pensioned  for  his  vote  in  the 
Commons  by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  281 — Sent  to  the  Tower  for  dis- 
closing the  military  commissions  granted  to  papists,  297. 

Willis,  sir  Richard,  corrupted  by  Cromwell  to  give  information  of  the 
royalists'  plans,  iii.  425 — Inquiry  into  the  accuracy  of  the  accounts  of 
his  treachery,  iv.  215. 

Willis,  Mr.  Brown,  his  account  of  the  sale  of  bishops'  lands  in  the  pro- 
vince of  York,  iii.  306. 

Wilmot,  lord,  put  under  arrest,  by  order  of  the  council,  iv.  18. 

Wilmot,  Mr.  concerned  in  the  project  for  over-awing  the  last  parlia- 
ment of  Charles  the  First,  ii.  384. 

Wilson,  Mr.  puritan  minister,  persecuted  by  Charles  the  First's  clergy, 
ii.  258. 

Wiltshire  petition  rejected  by  Charles  the  Second,  v.  310. 

Wimbledon,  Cecil,  viscount,  his  woful  failure  in  a  naval  expedition 
against  Spain,  ii.  151. 

Windebank,  a  notorious  catholic,  made  secretary  by  Charles  the  First, 
ii.  230. 

Windham,  counsellor,  illegally  imprisoned  by  Cromwell,  iii.  446. 

Winnington,  sir  F.  his  report  from  the  committee  of  secresy,  of  corrup- 
tion exercised  on  the  members  of  the  House  of  Commons,  v.  288. 

Win  wood,  sir  R.  his  conduct  in -the  persecution  of  Vorstius,i.  138 — His 
conversation  with  prince  Maurice  respecting  the  weakness  of  James 
the  First,  208. 

Wiquefort,  attempts  to  prove  the  lawfulness  of  ministers  receiving  pay 
from  foreign  courts,  v.  229. 

Wisdom  and  folly,  frequently  united  in  the  same  character,  v.  8. 

Wiseman,  sir  R.  a  tool  of  Charles  the  Second  for  corrupting  the 
House  of  Commons,  v.  289. 

Witchcraft,  severity  of  the  proceedings  against,  during  the  reign  of 
James  the  First,  i.  44 — Sanguinary  statute  respecting,  repealed  by 
George  the  Second,  49. 

Wither,  George,  extract  from  his  "  Fides  Anglicana,  or  a  Plea  for 
the  public  Faith,"  iv.  354 — Imprisoned  for  his  free  speaking,  359. 

Withers,  judge,  a  mean  fellow  promoted  for  his  servility  to  the 
court,  v.  331. 

Wolsely,  sir  Charles,  a  member  of  Barebone's  parliament,  iii.  329. 

Wood's  account  of  the  youthful  days  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  iii.  5. 

Wootton,  ambassador,  minion  of  James  the  First,  i.  22. 

Worcester,  Charles  the  Second  defeated  at,  by  Cromwell,  iii.  244.  IT. 
99 — This  victory  probably  inspired  Cromwell  with  the  idea  of  seiz- 
ing the  government,  iii.  310 — Its  effects  upon  the  royalists,  iv.  99. 

Worcester,  earl  of,  his  lands  given  to  Cromwell,  after  the  battle  of 
Naseby,  iii.  134. 

Worsley,  Col.  one  of  Cromwell's  major-generals,  iii.  438— His  own 
account  of  his  proceedings,  440. 

Worthington,  an  eulogist  of  Cromwell's  government,  iii.  364, 489. 

VOL.1.  C  C 


386  GENERAL  INDEX, 

Wray,  see  Ray. 

Wrexham,  Charles  the  Second  proclaimed  at,  by  the  Cavaliers,  iw 

212. 
Wyndham,  sir  Edmund,  pensioned  by  the  court,  v.  281 — Endeavours 

to  stay  proceedings  in  parliament  against  the  assassins  of  sir  John 

Coventry,  v.  314. 

Y 

York,  James  duke  of,  excluded  from  the  office  of  lord  high  ad- 
miral,  by  the  test  act,  v.  1 53 — An  exception  made  in  his  favour  in 
the  renewed  act,  158 — A  bill  of  exclusion  to  the  throne  against 
him,  passes  into  the  House  of  Commons,  but  is  rejected  by  the 
lords.  160 — Motion  to  remove  him  from  the  royal  presence  and 
councils,  163 — Recapitulation  of  his  offences  against  England,  165 
• — Attempt  to  excuse  his  attachment  to  popery  heard  indignantly  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  174 — His  hatred  to  the  Dutch,  one  of  the 
causes  of  the  tiiple  league,  188 — The  grand  jury  dismissed  which 
would  have  presented  him  as  a  papist,  329. 

York,  sale  of  bishops'  lands  in  the  province  of,  iii.  306. 

%  Z 

Zouch,  Dr.  an  eulogist  of  Cromwell's  government,  iii.  SGI.. 


END    OF    VOL.    I. 


G.  WooDFAtt,  Printer, 
Angel  Court,  Skinner  Street,  London. 


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