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3fame# I. C&arles I. 
Cromfoell ana 




VOL. I. 






games I. an* Cfjatles I. 




Itoer Ctomtoell anD Charles n. 








VOL. I. 




0. WOODFALL, Printer, Artgel Court, Skinner Street, London. 

Y. . 




OF Dr. William Harris, the writer 

of these Lives, few memoirs have been pre- 

*> served, and what is now laid before the 

*l reader, rests on no better authority, than 

^ that of a fugitive publication, except a few 

, incidental notices from the Memoirs of 



Dr. Harris was the son of a tradesman 
at Salisbury, who probably was a dissenter. 

He was born in that city in 1720, and re- 


ceived his education at an academy kept at 
Taunton by Messrs. Grove and Amory, men 
of learning and note, as dissenting teachers. 
An early love of books and a thirst for 
knowledge, rendered application easy and 

VOL. I. 


profitable, and he was thought qualified to 

preach before he was nineteen years of age. 

He first officiated to a congregation at 
St. Loo, in Cornwall, and was afterwards 
invited to another in the city of Wells, 
where he was ordained in 1741. Within a 
few years, his marriage to a Miss Bo vet of 
Honiton, occasioned his removal to that 
town, and his ministerial labours, for the 
rest of his life, were confined to a very small 
congregation at Luppit in the neighbour- 
hood. To what denomination of dissenters 
he belonged we are not told. The strain of 
his discourses is said to have been plain and 
practical, but none of them have been pub- 
lished, and he appears to have soon courted 
fame in a different pursuit. 

His political, if not his religious creed, 
led him to study the history of the seven- 
teenth century, which in his time had re- 
ceived few of the lights that have since been 
thrown upon it ; and what he read, he read 
with the eager eye of a nonconformist, de- 


sirous to rescue his brethren from obloquy, 
and afford them a larger share in the merit 
of perpetuating the liberties of this kingdom. 
With this view, he resolved to become the 
biographer of the English branch of the 
Stuart family, and of Cromwell, and to as- 
sign to each their agency in the production 
of those great events in the seventeenth 
century, the REBELLION, the RESTORA- 

His preliminary attempt was on a singu- 
lar subject, the LIFE of HUGH PETERS, 
which as he published it without his name, 
has escaped the notice of the collectors of 
his works, but is now prefixed, as the first 
in the order of time, and essentially con- 
nected with one of the subjects of his future 
inquiries. In this life he professed to follow 
" the manner of Bayle," and it might have 
been thought that its appearance in print 
would have shown Dr. Harris that his choice 
was injudicious ; but, for whatever reason, 
he followed the same in his subsequent 

a 2 

iv SKETCH OF Till-; 

works. The Life of Peters was published in 
1751, and in 1753 appeared his Life of 
JAMES I ; in 1758, that of CHARLES I ; in 
1761, that of CROMWELL; and in 1765, 
that of CHARLES II : this last in 2 vols. Svo. 
It was his design to have completed this 
series with a life of James II ; but he was 
interrupted by an illness which terminated 
fatally in February 1770, in the fiftieth year 
of his age. His degree of Doctor in Divi- 
nity was procured for him from the Univer- 
sity of Glasgow, in 1765, by his friend 

Mr. Thomas Hollis, who had assisted him 
t ff-. 

in his various undertakings, by many curi- 
ous and interesting communications, and 
the use of scarce books and pamphlets. Dr. 
Birch and other gentlemen in London seem 
also to have contributed liberally to his 
stock of historical materials. It is indeed 
as a collection of such, that these Lives 
have been principally valued, for Dr. Har- 
ris cannot be ranked among elegant writ- 
ers. They were all well received on their 


first publication, and the recent demand 
has raised them to an enormous price, which 
alone might justify the appearance of a new 
edition, if their curious and valuable con- 
tents had not given them a claim to a place 
in every English historical library. That 
Dr. Harris is always impartial cannot be 
gravely asserted, and that his reasonings are 
tinged with his early prejudices cannot be 
denied, but his facts are in general narrated 
with great fidelity, and the evidence on both 
sides is given without mutilation. 










HUGH PETERS* born in the year 1599, 
was the son of considerable parents, of Foy 
in Cornwall. His father was a merchant ; 
his mother of the ancient family of the 
Treffys 1 of Place in that town. He was 
sent to Cambridge at fourteen years of age; 

1 The ancient family of the Treffys of Place.] Thus 
the name is spelt in Peters's last legacy : but the same 
family was lately, if it is not now in being, in the same 
house, whose name is always, I think, spelled Treffry T 
However, from hence it is very apparent, that Peters's 
parentage by the mother, was very considerable. For 
the antiquity of the family is known to most ; nor < 
it yield in gentility to any of the Cornish ; which is no 
mean, character in the eyes of those who value them- 
selves on birth and descent. 

Chiefly extracted from a dying Father's last Legacy to an only Child; 
or Mr. Hugh Peters's Adrice to his Daughter. London, 1660, 12iao. 


where, being placed in Trinity College, he 
took the dearee of batchelor of arts in 1616, 

< ' ' 

and of master in 1622. He was licensed 
by Dr. Mountain, bishop of London, and 
preached at Sepulchre's with great success 2 . 

Preached at Sepulchre's with great success.] His 
account, of his coming to Sepulchre's, and the success 
that he met with, will let us see something of the man. 
" a To Sepulchre's I was brought by a very strange 
providence; for preaching before at another place, and 
a young man receiving some good, would not be satis- 
fied, but I must preach at Sepulchre's, once monthly, 
for the good of his friends. In which he got his end 
(if I might not shew vanity) and he allowed thirty 
pounds per ann. to that lecture; but his person un- 
known to me. He was a chandler, and died a good 
man, and member of parliament. At this lecture the 
resort grew so great, that it contracted envy and anger; 
though I believe above a hundred every week were per- 
suaded from sin to Christ: There were six or seven 
thousand hearers, and the circumstances fit for such 

good work." Great success this! and what few 

preachers are blessed with. But some, I know, would 
attribute this to enthusiasm, which is very contagious, 
and produces surprising, though not lasting effects. 
However this be, it is no wonder envy and anger were 
contracted by it. For church governors are wont to 
dislike popular preachers, especially when they set 
themselves to teach in a manner different from them. 
I will only remark further, that Peters was as great 
a converter as our modern Methodists. 

8 Peters's Legacy, p. 101. 


Meeting with some trouble on the account 


of his nonconformity', he went to Holland, 

3 Trouble on the account of his nonconformity.] Ne- 
ver was there any thing in the world more inconsistent 
with Christianity or good policy than persecution for 
conscience sake. Yet, such was the madness of the 
prelates, during the reigns of the Stuarts, as to harass 
and distress men most cruelly, merely on account of 
nonconformity to ecclesiastical ceremonies. Laud was 
an arch tyrant this way, as is known to all acquainted 
with our histories ; nor were Wren and others much in- 
ferior to him. The very spirit of tyranny actuated 
their breast*, and made them feared and loathed whilst 
living, caused them to be abhorred since dead, and 
will render them infamous throughout all generations. 
I can add nothing to what Locke and Bayle have said 
on the reasonableness and equity of toleration : tq them 
I will refer those, who have any doubts about it. Only 
as to the popular objections of its being inconsistent 
with the good of the state, and the wars and tumults 
occasioned by it, I w ill beg leave to observe, that it is 
evident to a demonstration, that those communities are 
more happy in which the greatest number of sects 
abound. Holland, the free cities of Germany, and 
England, since the revolution, prove the truth of my 
assertion. And 1 will venture, without pretending to 
the spirit of prophecy, to affirm, that, whenever the 
sects in England shall cease, learning and liberty will 
be no more amongst us. So that, instead of suppress- 
ing, we ought to wish their increase. For they are 
curbs to the slate clergy, excite a spirit of emulation, 
and occasion a dectvcy and regularity of behaviour 
among them, which tney would, probably, be other- 
wise strangers to. 


where he was five or six years 4 ; from whence 
he removed to New England, and, after 

And for civil wars about religion ; they are so far 
from arising from toleration, that, for the most part, 
they are the effect of the prince's imprudence. " He 
must needs (says an indisputable judge) have unseason- 
ably favoured one sect, at the expence of another : He 
must either have too much promoted, or too much dis- 
couraged the public exercise of certain forms of wor- 
ship: He must have added weight to party-quarrels, 
which are only transient sparks of fire, when the sove- 
reign does not interfere, but become conflagrations 
when he foments them. To maintain the civil govern- 
ment with vigour, to grant every man a liberty of con- 
science, to act always like a king, and never to put on 
the priest, is the sure means of preserving a state from 
those storms and hurricanes, which the dogmatical spi- 
rit of divines is continually labouring to conjure up a ." 
Had Charles the first had the wisdom and prudence of 
this great writer, he never had plunged his kingdoms 
into the miseries of a civil war; nor by hearkening to 
his chaplains, refused terms which would have pre- 
vented his unhappy catastrophe. 

4 Where he was five or six years.] Tt seems that he 
behaved himself so well, during his stay in Holland, as 
to procure great interest and reputation in that coun- 
try; for, being afterwards in Ireland, and seeing the 
great distress of the poor protestants, that had been 
plundered by the Irish rebels, he went into Holland, 
and procured about thirty thousand pounds to be sent 
from thence into Ireland for their relief. Lndlow's 
Memoirs, Vol. III. p. 75. 

a Anti-Machiavel Eng. Trav. p. 328, edit. 174-1. 


residing there seven years, was sent into 
England by that colony, to mediate for 
ease in customs and excise. The civil war 
being then on foot, he went into Ireland, 
and upon his return, was entertained by the 
earl of Warwick, sir Thomas Fairfax, and 
Oliver Cromwell, afterwards protector 5 . He 

5 Entertained by the earl of Warwick, sir Thomas 
Fairfax, and Oliver Cromwell.] Mr. Whitlock shall 
be my voucher for this. a Mr. Peters, says he, gave a 
large relation to the commons, of all the business of 
Lyme, where he was with the earl of Warwick. Again b , 
Air. Peters, who brought up letters from sir Thomas 
Fairfax, was called into the house, and made a large 
relation of the particular passages in the taking of 
Bridgwater. And c Mr. Peters was called into the 
house, and gave them a particular account of the siege 
of Bristol ; and he pressed the desire of sir Thomas 
Fairfax to have recruits sent him. d Letters brought 
by Mr. Peters, from lieutenant-general Cromwell, con- 
cerning the taking Winchester Castle ; after which he 
was called in, and gave a particular relation of it. 
e He came from the army to the house, and made them 
a narration of the storming and taking of Dartmouth, 
and of the valour, unity, and affection of the army, 
and presented several letters, papers, crucifixes, and 
other popish things taken in the town. It is plain 
from these quotations, that Peters must have been in 
favour with the generals, and that he must have made 
some considerable figure in the transactions of those 

* Whitlock's Memorials, p. 92, Lond. 1732, folio. b ibid. p. 16?. 

c Ibid. p. 171. a Ibid. p. 175. e Ibid. p. 189. 


was much valued by the parliament, and 
improved his interest with them in the be- 
half of the unfortunate 6 . He was very zeal- 
ous and active in their cause, and had pre- 
sents made him, and an estate given him 
by them 7 . 

times. It is not improbable that the distinction with 
which he was treated by them, attached him so firmly 
to their interest, that in the end it cost him his life. 

6 Improved his interest with them in the behalf of 
the unfortunate.] " At his trial he averred he had a 
certificate under the marchioness of Worcester's hand, 
beginning with these words : I do here testify, that in 
all the sufferings of my husband, Mr. Peters was my 
great friend. And added he, I have here a seal, (and 
then produced it) that the earl of Norwich gave me to 
keep for his sake, for saving his life, which 1 will keep 
as long as I liveV And how great the opinion was of 
his interest with the persons in power, we find from 
the following words in a letter addressed to secretary 
Nicholas, March 8, 1648. Mr. Peters presenting yes- 
terday Hamilton's petition to the speaker, made many 
believe he at last would escape b . Indeed, here he was 
unsuccessful : but his good-nature, and readiness to 
oblige, were manifested, and one would have thought 
should have merited some return to him when in dis- 

7 The presents made him, and an estate given him 
by them.] We find in Whitlock, that he had 100 

Exact and impartial account of the trial of the regicides. Lond. 4to, 
1660, p. 173. 

b Ormond's Papers published by Carte, vol. I. p. 233. Lond. J 739. 


He assisted Mr. Chaloner in his last mo- 
ments, as he afterwards did sir Jn. Hotham 8 . 

pounds given him, when he brought the news of taking 
Bridgwater ; 60 pounds, when he brought letters from 
Cromwell concerning the taking Winchester Castle ; 
that there was an order for 100 pounds a year for him 
and his heirs ; and another ordinance for 200 pounds a 
year. * To all which we may add, the estate the par- 
liament gave him, mentioned in the body of the article 
(if it was distinct from the 100 and 200 pounds per an- 
num mentioned by Whitlock) which was part of the 
lord Craven's ; and the bishop's books (Laud's, I sup- 
pose) valued, as he tells us, at 140 pounds; and like- 
wise the pay of a preacher as he could get it. b These 
were handsome rewards, and shew the parliament to 
have been no bad masters. But, notwithstanding, " he 
says, he lived in debt, because what he had, others 
shared in ." From hence, generosity or prodigality of 
temper, may be inferred : but as it may as well be at- 
tributed to the former as to the latter, I know not why 
we should not consider him rather as laudable than 
culpable. Indeed, the clergy have been branded for 
their covetousness ; though certain it is, there have 
been some among them, who have performed as many 
generous, good-natured actions, as any of their ill- 
wilier s. 

8 He assisted Mr. Chaloner and sir John Hotham.] 
Mr. Chaloner was d executed for what was called Wal- 
ler's plot, an account of which is to be found in the 
historians of those times. He owned he died justly, 
and deserved his punishment. In compliance with Pe- 

* See the pages before quoted in remark 5, b Peters's Legacy, 

p. 102, 104, 115. c Id. p. 103. " July 5, 1643. 



ters's request, he explained the part he had had in it, 
and being desired by him, Peters prayed with him a . 
The business of sir John Hotham is well known. 
Peters attended him on the scaffold b , and received pub- 
lic thanks on it from him. I will transcribe part of his 
speech, and likewise of Peters's, by his command, that 
the reader may judge something of his temper and be- 
haviour. " I hope," said sir John, " God Almighty 
will forgive me, the parliament, and the court martial, 
and all men that have had any thing to do with my 
death. And, gentlemen, I thank this worthy gentle- 
man for putting me in mind of it." Then Mr. Peters 
spoke again [he had before mentioned the desire of sir 
John, not to have many questions put to him, he hav- 
ing fully discovered his mind to him and other minis- 
ters : but that he might have liberty to speak only what 
he thought fit concerning himself] " and told the audi- 
ence, that he had something further to commend unto 
them from sir John Hotham, which was, that he had 
lived in abundance of plenty, his estate large,, about 
'2000 pounds a year at first, and that he had gained 
much to it ; that, in the beginning of his days, he was 
a soldier in the Low Countries, and was at the battle 
of Prague : that at his first going out for a soldier, his 
father spoke to him to this effect ; Son ! when the crown 
of England lies at stake, you will have fighting enough. 
That he had run through great hazards and undertak- 
ings; and now coming to this end, desired they would 
take notice in him, of the vanity of all things here be- 
low, as wit, parts, prowess, strength, friends, honour, 
or what else." 

" Then Mr. Peters having prayed, and after him sir 

'Rushw. Hist Collect Part III. vol. II. p. 327, 328. Lond. 1692, 
fol. b Jan. 2, 1644. c He was hereunto moved by Mr. 

Peters, says Rushworth. 



He could fight 9 as well as pray; though, 

John, they sung the 38th Psalm ; and sir John kneeling 
behind the block, spent above a quarter of an hour in 
private prayer; after which, lying down, the execu- 
tioner, at one blow, did his office 3 ." 

We see nothing here but great civility in Peters, and 
the due discharge of his office. Here is nothing trou- 
blesome or impertinent, but as one would wish to have 
it in like circumstances. Let the reader compare the 
following account of sir John.'s behaviour with Rush- 
worth's, and judge of the truth of the narration, and 
the justness of the epithet bestowed on Peters. 

" The poor man (sir John Hotham) appeared so dis- 
pirited, that he spoke but few words after he came up- 
on the scaffold, and suffered his ungodly confessor Pe- 
ters, to tell the people, that he had revealed himself to 
him, and confessed his offences against the parliament; 
and so he committed his head to the block V 

Peters, we see, said nothing like his having confessed 
his offences against the parliament. This, therefore, is 
mere invention, like too many other things to be found 
in this celebrated history: the charge of interpolations 
and additions against which I am sorry, for the noble 
writer's sake, to find affirmed to be groundless, by so 
worthy a man, and so good a judge, as Mr. Birch c . 
As to the epithet ungodly conferred on Peters, the con- 
siderate reader will judge of it as it deserves. 

9 Fight as well as pray.] Let us hear Whitlock. 
" Mr. Peters, at the beginning of the troubles in Ire- 
land, led a brigade against the rebels, and came off 

* Rushworth, Hist. Collect. Part III. Vol. II. p. 803, 804. Lond. 1692, 
fol. b Clarendon's History of the grand Rebellion, Vol. II. Part 

II. p. 622. Oxford, 1707. c Life of Hampden among the tivesof 

illustrious Men. A. 78. 

VOL. I. b 

xviii THE LIFE OF 

perhaps, in his capacity of a preacher he 
was most serviceable to the cause I0 . 

with honour and victory 2 ." So that we see he knew 
how to use both swords, and could slay and kill, as well 
as feed the sheep ; which, in the opinion of Baronius, 
Christ gave Peter authority to exercise equally, as oc- 
casion might require b . But, to be serious, this lead- 
ing a brigade against the Irish rebels, ought not to be 
imputed to Peters as a crime : it being equally as jus- 
tifiable as archbishop Williams's arming in the civil 
wars in England, or Dr. Walker's defending London- 
derry, and fighting at the battle of the Boyne(in which 
he gloriously lost his life) in Ireland ; more especially 
as the Irish against whom Peters fought, were a blood- 
thirsty crew, who had committed c acts of wickedness, 
hardly to be paralleled even in the annals of Rome pa- 
pal. Against such villains, therefore, it was meritori- 
ous to engage, and Peters was undeniably praise-wor- 
thy. For there are times and seasons when the gown 
must give place to arms, even at those times when our 
laws, liberties, and religion are endangered by ambi- 
tious, bloody, and superstitious men. And were the 
clergy in all countries as much concerned for these 
blessings as they ought, they would deserve the reve- 
rence of all orders of men. 

10 In his capacity of a preacher he was most service- 
able to the cause.] Whitlock tells us d , that when sir 
Thomas Fairfax moved for storming Bridgwater anew, 
and it was assented to, the Lord's day before, Mr. Pe- 
ters, in his sermon, encouraged the soldiers to the work. 

1 Whitlock, p. 426. Bedel's Life, p. 6. 8vo. Lond. 1685. 

* See a breviate of some of the cruelties, murders, &c. committed by 
the Irish popish rebels upon the protestants, Oct. 23, 1641, in Rushwortb, 
Part III. Vol. I. p. 405. " Whitlock, p. 162, 


He was thought to be deeply concerned 
in the king's death, and his name has been 

And at Milford Haven, the country did unanimously 
take the engagement, and Mr. Peters opened the mat- 
ter to them, and did much encourage them to take it. 

He preachexl also in the market-place at Torring- 

ton a , and convinced many of their errors in adhering to 
the king's party. A man of this temper b , it is easily 
seen, must be of great service to any party ; and seems 
to deserve the rewards he received. For in factions, it 
is the bold and daring man, the man that will spare no 
pains, that is to be valued and encouraged ; and not 
the meek, the modest, and moderate one. A man of 
wisdom would not have taken these employments upon 
him, nor would a minister, one should think, who was 
animated b}' the meek and merciful spirit of the gos- 
pel, have set himself from the pulpit, to encourage the 
soldiers to storm a town, in which his brethren and 
countrymen were besieged. If storming was thought 
necessary by the generals, they themselves should have 
encouraged the soldiers thereunto; but Peters, as a 
minister of the gospel, should have excited them rather 
to spare the effusion of human blood as much as possi- 
ble, and to have compassion on the innocent. Peters, 
however, was not singular in his conduct. The im- 
mortal Chillingworth, led away with party spirit, and 
forgetting that he was a minister of the Prince of Peace, 
attended the king's army before Gloucester; and "ob- 
serving that they wanted materials to carry on the 
siege, suggested the making of some engines, after the 
manner of the Roman testudines cum pluteis'" Indeed, 

* Whitlock, p. 447. Ibid. p. 194. c Maizeaux's Life of 

Chillingworth, p. 280, Load. 1725, 8vo. and Rushworth. fart ?d, Vol. 
II. p. 290. 


treated with much severity by reason of 

the divines of both sides too much addicted themselves 
to their respective parties; and were too unmindful of 
the duties of their function. 

11 Deeply concerned in the king's death, &c.] Eve- 
ry one knows he suffered for this after the Restoration. 
He had judgment passed on him as a traitor, and as 
such was executed*, and his head afterwards set on a 
pole on London bridge. 

Burnet tells us b , " that he had been outragious in 
pressing the king's death, with the cruelty and rude- 
ness of an inquisitor." Dr. Barwick says, " he was 
upon no slight grounds accused to have been one of 
the king's murtherers, though it could not be sufficient- 
ly proved against.him c ." 

And we find in a satirical piece, styled Epufo Thyesta, 
printed 1649, the following lines : 

" There's Peters, the denyer (nay 'tis said) 
He that (disguis'd) cut off his master's head.; 
That godly pigeon of apostacy 
Does buz about his anti-monarchy, 
His scaffold doctrines." 

One Mr. Starkey at his trial swore d , that " he stiled 
the king tyrant and fool, asserted that he was not fit to 
be a king, and that the office was dangerous, charge- 
able, and useless." 

It was likewise sworn on his trial, that in a sermon, 
a few days before the king's trial, he addressed himself 
to the members of the two houses, in these terms": 
" My lords, and you noble gentlemen, It is you, we 

a Oct. 16, 1660. b Hist, of his own Times, Dutch edit in 12mo. 

vol. I. p. 264. c Barwick's Life, Eng. trans, p. 296, Lond. 1724. 

* Trial of the Regicides, p. 159. Ibid. p. 166. 


He was appointed one of the triers for 

chiefly look for justice from; Do not prefer the great 
Barabbas, murtherer, ty rant and tray tor, before these 
poor hearts (pointing to the red coats) and the army, 
who are our saviours.' x 

In another sermon before Cromwell and Bradshaw, 
he said, " Here is a great discourse and talk in the 
world ; what, will ye cut off the head of a protestant 
prince* ? Turn to your bibles, and ye shall find it there, 
whosoever sheds man's blood, by man shall his blood 
be shed. I see neither king Charles, prince Charles, 
nor prince Rupert, nor prince Maurice, nor any of that 
rabble excepted out of it b ." These and many other 
things of the like nature, were sworn against him at his 
trial, and notwithstanding his denial of the most part 
of them, caused his condemnation. So that there seems 
pretty clear proof of his guilt, and sufficient reason for 
his censure. 

Let us now hear Peters speak for himself: " I had 
access ta the king, he used me civilly ; I, in requital, 
offered my poor thoughts three times for his safety ; I 
never had hand in contriving or acting his death, as I 
am scandalized, but the contrary, to my mean power V 
Which, if true, no wonder he should think the act of 
indemnity would have included him, as well as others, 
as he declares he did, of which we shall speak more 

That he was useful and serviceable to the king, du- 
ring his confinement, there is undeniable proof. 'Whit- 
lock writes " that upon a conference between the king 
and Mr. Hugh Peters, and the king desiring one of hra 

* i. e. Kinf's. b Trial of the Regicides, p, 168. 

^ Peters'* Legacy, p. 102. 


own chaplains might be permitted to come to him, for 
his satisfaction in some scruples of conscience, Dr. 
Juxon, bishop of London, was ordered to go to his 
majesty*." And " sir John Denham, being entrusted 
by the queen, to deliver a message to his Majesty, who, 
at that time, was in the hands of the army, by Hugh 
Peters's assistance, he got admittance to the kingV 

These were considerable services, and could hardly 
have been expected from a man, who was outrageous 
in pressing the king's death, with the cruelty and rude- 
ness of an inquisitor. 

And as to what was said of his being supposed to be 
the king's executioner, one, who was his servant, de- 
posed on his trial, that he kept his chamber, being 
sick, on the day the king suffered : and no stress was 
laid by the king's counsel on the suspicions uttered 
against him on this head. So that, in all reason, Dr. 
Barwick should have forborne saying, " that he was up- 
on no slight grounds accused to have been one of the 
king's murtherers." 

Certain it is, he too much fell in with the times, 
and, like a true court chaplain, applauded and justifi- 
ed what his masters did, or intended to do ; though he 
himself might be far enough from urging them before- 
hand to do it. He would perhaps have been pleased, 
if the king and army had come to an agreement : but 
as that did not happen, he stuck close to his party, and 
would not leave defending their most iniquitous beha- 

Which conduct is not peculiar to Peters. Charles 
the First, at this day, is spoke of as the best, not only 
of men, but of kings ; and the parliament is said to 

a Whitlock, p. 370. b Denham's EpisU Dexlicat to Charles II. 

of his Poems, second edition, 1671. 


the ministry". And a commissioner for 

have acted right in opposing his tyranny, and likewise 
in bringing him to the block, by the staunch party- 
men of each side respectively. No wickedness is owned, 
no errors are acknowledged on the one part, nor is there 
any such thing to be granted as wisdom or honesty on 
the other. These are the men that often turn the world 
upside down, and spirit up mobs, tumults and sedi- 
tions, till at length they become quite contemptible, 
and perhaps undergo the fate allotted to folly and vil- 

* One of the triers for the ministry.] These were 
men appointed by Cromwell, to try the abilities of all 
entrants into the ministry, and likewise the capacity of 
such others, as were presented, or invited to new places. 
Butler, according to his manner, has represented their 
business in a ludicrous light in the following lines: 

" Whose business is, by cunning slight, 
To cast a figure for men's light ; 
To find in lines of beard and face, 
The physiognomy of grace ; 
And by the sound and twang of nose, 
If all be sound within disclose j 
Free from a crack or flaw of sinning, 
As men try pipkins by the ringing." 



However, jesting apart, it must be owned, the thing 
in itself was good enough : but instead of examining 
those who came before them in languages, divinity, 
and more especially morality, things of the highest im- 
portance, one should think ; they used to ask them, 
whether they had ever any experience of a work of 
grace on their hearts'? And according as they could 

' How's Life, by Calamy, p. 21. - Lond. 1724. 8vo. 


answer hereunto, were they received or rejected. How 
much more intelligible would it have been, to have en- 
quhed, whether they were " blameless, husbands of one 
wife, vigilant, sober, of good behaviour, given to hos- 
pitality, apt to teach, not given to wine, no strikers, 
not greedy of filthy lucre, patient, not brawlers, not 
covetous? Whether they ruled well their own houses, 
and had a good report of them which were without 3 r" 
I say, how much more intelligible and important 
would these questions have been, yea, how much easier 
and more certainly determined, than that abovemen- 
tioned ? But it is a very long time ago, that these were 
the qualifications required and expected from clergy- 
men : for ages past, subscription to doubtful articles of 
faitb, declarations very ambiguous, or most difficult to 
be made by understanding minds, or the Shibboleth of 
the prevailing party in the church, have been the 
things required and insisted on. .Whence it has come 
to pass, that so many of our divines, as they are styled, 
understand so little of the scriptures, and that they 
know and practise so little of pure, genuine Christian- 
ity. I would not be thought to reflect on any particu- 
lar persons ; but hope those, in whose hands the go- 
vernment of the church is lodged, will consider whe- 
ther they are not much too careless in their examina- 
tions of young men for ordination ? Whether very 
many of them are not unqualified to teach and instruct, 
through neglect of having carefully studied the word 
of God ? And whether their conversation be not such 
as is unsuitable to the character conferred on them ? 
It is with uneasiness one is obliged to hint at these 
things. But, surely, it is more than time that they 
were reformed, and St. Paul's rules were put in practice. 

a 1 Tim. iii. 27. 


amending the laws 1 *, though poorly quali- 
fied for it. 

A wise, virtuous, prudent clergy is the glory and 
happiness of a community, and there cannot be too 
much care taken to procure it a . But if triers neglect 
the means of doing this, and admit all who are pre- 
sented to a curacy to orders, if so he they will make 
use of the terms in vogue, whether they understand 
them or no, they deserve censure, and are answerable 
for all the sad consequences which flow from ignorance, 

folly and vice. 


1 Commissioner for amending the laws, though 
poorly qualified for it.] He as good as owns this in 
the following passage : " When I was a trier of others, 
I went to hear and gain experience, rather than to 
judge; when I was called about mending laws, I ra- 
ther was there to pray, than to mend laws : but in all 
these I confess, I might as well have been spared b ." 
This is modest, and very ingenuous : but such a confes- 
sion, as few of our gentlemen concerned in such mat- 
ters, would choose to make. They frequently boast of 
the great share they have in business; though many of 
them may well be spared. Let us confirm the truth of 
Peters's confession, by Whitlock : " I was often ad- 
vised with by some of this committee, and none of 
them was more active in this business, than Mr. Hugh 
Peters the minister, who understood little of the law, 
but was very opinionative, and would frequently men- 
tion some proceedings of law in Holland, wherein he 
was altogether mistaken ." The ignorance and inabi- 
lity of the man, with regard to these matters, we see 

* See Hutchinson's Introduction to Moral Philosophy, B. ITI. Ch. 8. 
Sect. 1. * Peters's Legacy, p. 109. 'Whitlock, p. 521. 


are as plainly described here, as in his own words ; 
though how to reconcile his opinionativeness and ac- 
tivity in it, with his going to the committee rather to 
pray than to mend laws, I confess, I know not. Per- 
haps he had forgot the part he had acted. This* 
" committee were to take into consideration what in- 
conveniences were in the law, how the mischiefs that 
grow from delays, the chargeableness and irregularities 
in the proceedings of the law may be prevented, and 
the speediest way to prevent the same." In this com- 
mittee with Peters, were Mr. Fountain, Mr. Rush- 
worth, and sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, afterwards earl 
of Shaftesbury, and lord high chancellor; besides ma- 
ny others of rank and figure. No great matters fol- 
lowed from this committee, by reason of the hurry of 
the times, and the opposition which the lawyers made 
to it. But the parliament had a little before b passed 
an " act that all the books of the law should be put 
into English ; and that all writs, process, and returns 
thereof, and all patents, commissions, indictments, 
judgments, records, and all rules and proceedings in 
courts of justice, shall be in the English tongue on- 
ly." This act or ordinance (to speak in the language 
of the times of which I am writing) does great honour 
to the parliament, and is an argument of their good 
sense, and concern for the welfare of the people. It is 
amazing so good a law should not have been continued 
by proper authority after the Restoration ! But it was 
a sufficient reason then to disuse a thing, though ever 
so good in itself, that it had been enacted by an 
usurped power. Of such fatal consequences are preju- 
dices ! But thanks be unto God ! we have seen the 

* This committee was appointed Jan. 20, 1651. b Oct. 25, 1650. 

Whitlock, p. 475. 


He is accused of great vices ; but whe- 
ther justly, or not, is a question 1 *. 

time when this most excellent ordinance has been again 
revived, and received the sanction of the whole legis- 
lature. How much were it to be wished, that a com- 
mittee of wise and prudent persons were once more em- 
ployed to revise, amend, and abridge our laws ! that 
we might know ourselves how to act, and not be neces- 
sitated to make use of those, who (we are sensible) live 
on our spoils. This would add greatly to the glory of 
our most excellent prince ; and would be the best em- 
ployment of that peace, which his wisdom has procured 
for us. But much is it to be feared, that our adversa- 
ries will be too hard for us, and that we shall be obliged, 
for a time at least, to submit to their yoke. But when- 
ever the spirit of true patriotism shall generally possess 
the breasts of our senators, I doubt not, but that they 
will apply themselves to our deliverance in good earn- 
est, and bring it to perfection (as it was long ago done 
in Denmark, and very lately in Prussia) in as much as 
the happiness of the community absolutely depends 

14 Accused of great vices; but whether justly, or not, 
is a question.] I will transcribe Dr. Barwick at large*. 
" The wild prophecies uttered by his (Hugh Peters's) 
impure mouth, were still received by the people with 
the same veneration, as if they'liad been oracles; though 
he was known to be infamous for more than one kind 
of wickedness. A fact, which Milton himself did not 
dare to deny, when he purposely wrote his apology, 
for this very end, to defend even by name (as far as 
was possible) the very blackest of the conspirators, and 

* Barwick's Life, p. 155, 156, 

xxviii THE LIFE OF 

He was executed shortly after the Resto- 

Hugh Peters among the chief of them, who were by 
name accused of manifest impieties by their adversa- 
ries." Burnet 1 says likewise, " He was a very vicious 
man." And Langbaine b hints something of an " affair 
that he had with a butcher's wife of Sepulchre's." 
Peters himself was not insensible of his ill character 
amongst the opposite party, nor of the particular vice 
laid to his charge by Langbaine: but he terms it re- 
proach, and attributes it to his zeal in the cause. 
" By my zeal, it seems, I have exposed myself to all 
manner of reproach : but wish you to know, that (be- 
sides your mother) I have had no fellowship that way 
with any woman since I knew her, having a godly 
wife before also, I bless God c ." 

A man is not allowed to be a witness in his own 
cause; nor should, I think, his adversaries' testimony 
be deemed full proof. One loaden with such an accu- 
sation as Peters was, and suffering as a traitor, when 
the party spirit ran high, and revenge actuated the 
breasts of those who bore rule : for such a one to be 
traduced, and blackened beyond his deserts, is no won- 
der. It is indeed hard to prove a negative; and the 
concurring testimony of writers to Peters's bad charac- 
ter, makes one with difficulty suspend assent unto it. 
But if the following considerations be weighed, I shall 
not, perhaps, be blamed, for saying it was a question 
whether he was accused justly, or not? 

1. The accusations against him came from known 
enemies, those who hated the cause he was engaged in, 
and looked on it as detestable. It may easily therefore 

a Hist. vol. I. p. 264. k Dramatic Poets, p. 339. 

' Legacy, p. 106. 


ration ; though doubtless, he had as much 

be supposed, that they were willing to blacken the 
actors in it, or at least, that they were susceptible of 
ill impressions concerning them, and ready to believe 
any evil thing they heard of them. This will, if 
attended to, lessen the weight of their evidence con- 
siderably, and dispose us to think that they may have 
misrepresented the characters of their opponents. Bar- 
wick, at first sight, appears an angry partial writer; 
Burnet's characters were never thought too soft; they 
were both enemies to the republican party, though 
not equally furious and violent. Add to this, that 
neither of them, as far as appears, knew any thing of 
Peters themselves; and therefore what they write 
must be considered only as common fame, than which 
nothing is more uncertain. 

2. The times in which Peters was on the stage, 
were far enough from favouring vice (public vice, for 
it is of this Peters is accused) in the ministerial cha- 
racter. He must be a novice in the history of those 
times, who knows not what a precise, demure kind of 
men the preachers among the parliamentarians were. 
They were careful not only of their actions, but 
likewise of their words and looks ; and allowed not 
themselves in the innocent gaieties and pleasures of 
life. I do not take on me to say, they were as good, 
as they pretended to be. For aught I know, they might 
be, yea, perhaps, were proud, conceited, censorious, un- 
charitable, avaricious. But then drunkenness, whore- 
dom, adultery, and swearing, were things quite out of 
vogue among them, nor was it suffered in them. So 
that how vicious soever their inclinations might be, 
they were obliged to conceal them, and keep them from 
the eye of the public. It was this sobriety of behaviour, 


this strictness of conversation, joined with their popular 
talents in the pulpit, that created them so much respect, 
and caused such a regard to be paid unto their advice 
and direction. The people in a manner adored them, 
and were under their government almost absolutely. 
So that the leading men in the house of commons, arrd 
those, who after the king's death were in the adminis- 
tration of affairs, were obliged to court them, and pro- 
fess to admire them. Hence it was, that men of such 
sense as Pym, Hampden, Holies, Whitlock, Selden, 
St. John, Cromwell, &c. sat so many hours hearing 
their long-winded weak prayers, and preachments ; that 
men of the greatest note took it as an honour to sit 
with the assembly of divines, and treated them with so 
much deference and regard. For it was necessary to 
gain the preachers, in order to maintain their credit 
with the people: ISow, certainly, if Peters had been a 
man so vicious as he is represented, he could have 
had no influence over the people, nor would he have 
been treated by the then great men, in the manner he 
was. For they must have parted with him even for 
their own sakes, unless they would have been looked 
on as enemies to godliness. But Peters was caressed 
by the great; his prophecies were received as oracles 
by the people; and he was of great service to Crom- 
well : and therefore he could not surely (at least pub- 
licly) be known to be infamous for more than one 
kind of wickedness, as Barwick asserts. In short, 
hypocrisy was the characteristic of Peters's age: and, 

" Hypocritic zeal 

Allows no sins, but those it can conceal." DRYDEN. 

3. Peters's patrons seem to render the account of 
his wickedness very improbable. We have seen that 
he was entertained by the earl of Warwick, sir Thomas 
Fairfax, and Oliver Cromwell, and that he was much 



reason to think he should have escaped, as 
many others 15 . 

The charge against him was for compass- 
ing and imagining the death of the king, 
by conspiring with Oliver Cromwell, at se- 
veral times and places ; and procuring the 

caressed and rewarded by the parliament. How im- 
probable then is it, that Peters should be infamous for 
wickedness! His patrons were never accused of person- 
al vices ; they were men who made high pretensions to 
religion ; and the cause they fought for, they talked of 
(if they did not think it to be)as the cause of God. Now, 
with what face could they have done this, if their chap- 
lain, confident and tool, had been known to have been 
a very vicious man ? Or, how could they have talked 
against scandalous ministers, who employed one most 
scandalous ? In short, how could they reward Peters pub- 
licly, when they always professed great zeal for godliness, 
and were for promoting it to the highest pitch ? Men 
of their wisdom can hardly be thought to have acted so 
inconsistent a part; nor is there any thing in their whole 
conduct, which would lead one to think they could be 
guilty of it. From all these considerations therefore I 
think it reasonable to make it a question, whether Pe- 
ters was charged justly with great vices ? 

I$ As much reason to think he should have escaped, 
as many others]. " I thought the act of indemnity 
would have included me, but the hard character upon 
me excluded me V And no wonder he should think 
so, if it was true, " that he never had his hand in any 

* Legacy, p. 106. 

xxxii THE LIFE OF 

soldiers to demand justice, by preaching 
divers sermons to persuade them to take off 
the king, comparing him to Barabbas, &c. 
To which he pleaded in his own defence, 
that the Avar began before he came into 
England ; that since his arrival, he had en- 

man's blood, but saved many in life and estate*." All 
that was laid to Peters's charge was words ; but words, 
it must be owned, unfit to be uttered: yet if we 
consider how many greater offenders than Peters 
escaped capital punishment, we may possibly think 
he had hard measure. Harry Martyn, John Good- 
win, and John Milton, spoke of Charles the First 
most reproachfully, and the two latter vindicated his 
murther in their public writings. As early as 1643, 
we find Martyn speaking out plainly, " that it was 
better the king and his children were destroyed, than 
many ;" which words were then looked on as so high 
and dangerous, that he was committed by the house 
to the Tower; though shortly after released and re-ad- 
mitted to his place in parliament b . He continued still 
virulent against the king, was one of his judges, and 
acted as much as possible against him. Goodwin jus- 
tified the seclusion of the members, which was the 
prelude to Charles's tragedy; vindicated his murther, 
and went into all the measures of his masters ; and 
being a man of ready wit and great learning, was of 
good service to them. And as for Milton, there is no 
one but knows, that he wrote most sharply against 
king Charles, and set forth his actions in a terribly 

8 Legacy, p. 104. See remark 6. b Whitlock, p. 71. 


HUGH PETERS. xxxiii 

deavoured to promote sound religion, the 
reformation of learning, and the law, and 
employment of the poor ; that, for the bet- 
ter effecting these things, he had espoused 
the interest of the parliament, in which he 
had acted without malice, avarice, or am- 

black light. To take no notice of his writings against 
Salmasius and More; what could be more cruel 
against Charles, than his Iconoclastes ! How bitter are 
his observations, how cutting his remarks on his con- 
duct ! How horribly provoking, to point out sir Philip 
Sidney's Arcadia, as the book from whence the " prayer 
in the time of captivity," delivered to Dr. Juxon, 
immediately before his death, was chiefly taken*? 
One should have thought this an indignity never to 
have been forgotten, nor forgiven, especially as it was 
offered by one who was secretary to Cromwell, and 
.. who had spent the best part of his life in the service 
of the anti-royalists. But yet Milton was preserved 
as to life and fortune (happy for the polite arts he was 
preserved) and lived in great esteem among men of 
worth all his days. Goodwin had the same good for- 
tune; and Martin escaped the fate of many of his 
fellow judges; though on his trial, he behaved no 
way abjectly or meanly. All this had the appearance 
of clemency, and Peters might reasonably have ex- 
pected to share in it. But, poor wretch! he had 
nothing to recommend him, as these had, and there- 
fore, though more innocent, fell without pity. Mar- 
tin, as it was reported, escaped merely by his 

a Vid. Bayle's Diet. Article Milton. Milton's Works, ejr Toland's 
Amyntor. See also Vol. II. p. 119, of the present work. 
VOL. I. C 

xxxiv THE LIFE OF 

bition ; and that whatever prejudices or pas- 
sions might possess the minds of men, yet 
there was a God who knew these things to 
be true. 

At the place of execution, when chief 
justice Coke was cut down and embowelled, 

vices 3 : Goodwin having been a zealous Arminian, 
and a sower of division among the sectaries, on these 
accounts had friends: but what Milton's merit with 
the courtiers was, Burnet says not. Though, if I am 
not mistaken, it was his having saved sir William 
Davenant's life formerly, which was the occasion of 
the favour shewn to him. Merit or interest, in the 
eyes of the then courtiers these had ; but Peters, 
though he had saved many a life and estate, was for- 
gotten by those whom in their distress he had served, 
and given up to the hangman. But the sentence 
passed on him, and much more the execution of it, 
will seem very rigorous, if we consider that it was 
only for words; for words uttered in a time of con- 
fusion, uproar and war. I am not lawyer enough 
to determine, whether by any statute then in 
force, words were treason. Lord Strafford b , in his 
defence at the bar of the house of lords, says ex- 
pressly, " No statute makes words treason." But 
allowing they were, such a law must be deemed to 
have been hard, and unfit for execution : especially as 
the words were spoken in times of civil commotion. 
For in such seasons men say and do, in a manner, 
what they list, the laws are disregarded, and rank and 

3 Burnet, rol. I. p. 265. b Trial, p. 561. fol. Lond. 1680. 


Hugh Peters was then ordered to be brought 
that he might see it ; and the executioner 
came to him, rubbing his bloody hands, 
asked him how he liked that work? He 
told him, that he was not at all terrified, 
and that he might do his worst. And when 


character unminded. Contempt is poured on princes, 
and the nobles are had in derision. These are the 
natural consequences of wars and tumults; and wise 
men foresee and expect them. But were all concerned 
in them to be punished, whole cities would be turned 
into shambles. To overlook and forgive what has 
been said on such occasions, is a part of wisdom and 
prudence, and what has been almost always prac- 
tised. Never were there greater liberties taken with 
princes, never more dangerous doctrines inculcated 
by preachers, than in France, during part of the 
reigns of the third and fourth Henry. " The college of 
Sorbonne, by common consent, concluded that the 
French were discharged from the oath of allegi- 
ance to Henry the Third, and that they might arm 
themselves in opposition to him." In consequence 
of which, the people vented their rage against him, in 
satires, lampoons, libels, infamous reports and calum- 
nies, of which the most moderate were tyrant and apos- 
tate. And the curates refused absolution to such as 
owned they could not renounce him a . And the same 
Sorbonists decreed all those who favoured the party of 
Henry the Fourth, to be in a mortal sin, and liable to 
damnation ; and such as resisted him, champions of 

* Maimbourgh's History of the League, translated by Dryd#n, Oct. 
Ifi84, Lond. p. 432 and 437. 

c 2 


lie was upon the ladder, he said to the she- 
riff, Sir, you have butchered one of the 
servants of God before my eyes, and have 
forced me to see it, in order to terrify and 
discourage me; but God has permitted it 
for my support and encouragement. 

the faith, and to be rewarded with a crown of martyr- 
dom 3 . These decrees produced terrible effects: and 
yet, when Henry the Fourth had fully established him- 
self on the throne, I do not remember that he called 
any of these doctors to an account, or that one of them 
was executed. That wise prince, undoubtedly, consi- 
dered the times, and viewed these wretches with pity 
and contempt, for being the tools of cunning artful 
men, who veiled their ambitious designs under the 
cloke of religion. 


So that really considering what had passed abroad, 
and what passed under his own observation, Peters 
had reason to think that the act of indemnity would have 
included him. But setting aside all this, I believe all 
impartial judges will think he had hard measure dealt 
him, when they consider that those who preached 
up doctrines in the palpit as bad as Peters's, and 
those likewise who, though guardians of our laws 
and liberties, and sworn to maintain them, delivered 
opinions destructive of them, even from the bench: 1 
say, whoever considers the comparatively mild treat- 
ment these men have met with, will be apt to judge 
the punishment of Peters very severe. What was 
the crime of Peters? Was it not the justifying and 

* Maimbourgh's History of the League, translated by Diydcn, Oct. 
1684. Lend. p. 805. 

HUGH PETERS. xxxvii 

One of the prodigies of those times at- 
tended Peters going to the gibbet 16 ; which, 

magnifying the king's death? And is this worse than 
the doctrine of Montague, Sibthorp, and Man war ing, 
which set the king ahove all laws, and gave him a 
power to do as he list? Is this worse than the opinion 
of the judges in Charles the First and James the 
Second's time, whereby it was given for law, that the 
king might take from his subjects without consent of 
parliament, and dispense with the laws enacted by 
it? Far from it. For the. depriving of the people of 
their rights and liberties, or the arguing for the ex- 
pediency and justice of so doing, is a crime of a 
higher nature, than the murdering or magnifying the 
murder of the wisest and best prince under henven. 
The loss of a good prince is greatly to be lamented ; 
but it is a loss which may be repaired : whereas the 
loss of a people's liberties is seldom or ever to be re- 
covered : and, consequently, the foe to the latter is 
much more detestable than the foe to the former.* 
But what was the punishment of the justifiers and 
magnifiers of the destruction of the rights and liberties 
of the people? Reprimands at the bar of one or other 
of the houses, fines, or imprisonment: not a man of 
them graced the gallows, though none, perhaps, would 
better have become it. Peters, therefore, suffered 
more than others, though he had done less to deserve 
it than others, which we may well suppose was contra- 
ry to his expectation. 

16 One of the prodigies of those times attended 
Peters going to the gibbet.] " Amongst the innumer- 
able libels which they (the fanatics) published for two 
years .together, those were most pregnant with sedi- 

xxxviii THE LIFE OF 

as it may afford some diversion to the read- 
er, I shall give an account of. 

tion, which they published concerning prodigies. 
Amongst these, all the prodigies in Livy were seen 
every day: two suns; ships sailing in the air; a bloody 
rainbow; it rained stones; a lamb with two heads; 
cathedral churches every where set on fire by light- 
ning; an ox that spoke; a hen turned into a cock ; a 
mule brought forth ; five beautiful young men stood 
by the regicides while they suffered; a very bright 
star shone round their quarters that were stuck upon 
the city gates. A certain person rejoicing at the 
execution of Harrison the regicide, was struck with 
a sudden palsy ; another inveighing against Peters as 
he went to the gibbet, was torn and almost killed by 
his own tame favourite dog; with an infinite number 
of such prodigious lies*." What ridiculous tales are 
here! How worthy to be preserved in a work called 
an history ! The fanatics, if they reported these 
things, undoubtedly reported lies; though many of 
them, in great simplicity of heart, believed them. 
However, it is no great wisdom to relate idle stories 
to disgrace the understanding, or impeach the honesty 
of parties. For weak, credulous, superstitious men, 
are to be found on all sides. The reader, as he has a 
right, is welcome to laugh at these stories. And, to 
contribute to his mirth, I will add the following " rela- 
tion, of a child born in London with a double or divided 
tongue, which the third day after it was born, cried 
a king, a king, and bid them bring it to the king. 

* Parker's Hist, of his own Tune, p. 23. translated by Newlin. Load. 
1727. 8vo. 


He was weak, ignorant, and zealous, and 
consequently, a proper tool for ambitious, 
artful men to make use of 17 . All preachers 

The mother of the child saith, it told her of all that 
happened in England since, and much more, which 
she dare not utter. A gentleman, in the company, 
took the child in his arms, and gave it money ; and 
asked what it would do with it? to which it answered 
aloud, that it would give it to the king." This story 
matches pretty well the others, and, I believe, will be 
thought equally as ridiculous, and yet the relater of 
it, (no less a man than bishop Bramhall) says, he can- 
not esteem it less than a miracle 8 . But let us away 
with these trifles ; they are fit for nothing but ridicule, 
and can serve no purpose, unless it be to show the 
weakness of the human understanding, or the wicked- 
ness of the human heart: though these are many 
times, by other things, but too apparent. 

17 Weak, ignorant, and zealous, and, consequently, 
a proper tool for ambitious, artful men to make use 
of.] Peters's weakness, ignorance, and zeal, appear 
from his own confession, as well as the testimony of 
Whitlock before quoted. Now such a man as this 
was thoroughly qualified to be a tool, and could 
hardly fail of being employed for that purpose. Fools 
are the instruments of knaves: or, to speak softer, 
men of small understandings are under the direction 
and influence of those who possess great abilities. 
Let a man be ever so wise and ambitious, he never 
would gain the point he aims at, were all men pos- 
sessed of equal talents with himself. For they would 

Ormond's Tapers, by Carte, vol. IL p. 20. 


ought to be warned by his fate, against go- 
see his aims, and would refuse to be made use of as 
tools to accomplish them. They would look through 
his specious pretences, they would separate appear- 
ances from realities, and frustrate his selfish inten- 
tions : so that his skill would stand him in little 

But as the bulk of men are formed, nothing in the 
world is easier than to impose on them. They see 
not beyond the present moment, and take all for 
gospel that is told them. And of these, there are 
none who become so easily the dupes of crafty, ambi- 
tious men, as those who have attained just knowledge 
enough to be proud and vain. It is but to flatter 
them, and you become their master, and lead them 
what lengths you please. And if they happen to have 
active spirits, you may make them accomplish your 
designs, even without their being sensible of it. Those 
who have great things to execute, know this; and 
therefore are careful to have as many of these instru- 
ments as possible, to manage the multitude when 
there is occasion ; for which end they carefully observe 
their foibles, and seemingly fall in with their notions, 
and thereby secure them. Hence it has come to pass, 
that real great men have paid very uncommon respect 
to those they despised. They knew they might be of 
use; and therefore were worth gaining. Peters must 
necessarily have appeared in a contemptible light to 
Cromwell: but as his ignorance and zeal qualified him 
for business, which wiser and more moderate men 
would have declined, he was thought worthy of being 
caressed ; and had that respect paid him, which was 
necessary to keep him tight to the cause. And, 
generally speaking, they have been men of Peters's 


ing out of their province, and meddling 

size of understanding, who have been subservient to 
the interests of aspiring statesmen, and the imple- 
ments of those in power. Were not 3 Shaa and Pinker 
weak men, in assisting the then duke of Gloucester, 
protector, afterwards Richard the Third, to fix the 
crown on his own head? Armed with impudence, Shaa 
at Paul's Cross, declared the children of Edward the 
Fourth bastards; and Pinker at St. Mary's Hospital, 
sounded forth the praise of the protector: both so 
full, adds the historian, of tedious flattery, as no 
man's ear could abide them. What was John Pa- 
dilla's priest b , who did not fail every Sunday to recom- 
mend him, and the sedition of which he was the great 
promoter, with a Pater-Noster and an Ave-Maria? 
Indeed, ill usage from the rebels caused him to change 
his note soon after, and to advise his people to cry out, 
Long live the king, and let Padilla perish ! 

To come nearer home. Was not Sacheverel a weak, 
ignorant man, to be made the tool of a party ? Would 
any but such a one, have exposed himself by a non- 
sensical sermon, set the nation in a flame, and brought 
himself into trouble? But he was in the hands of 
intriguing politicians, who spurred him on, and made 
him the instrument of raising a cry of an imaginary 
danger, which served many purposes to themselves, 
though detrimental to the nation. And what cha- 
racter have our Jacobite clergymen universally deserv- 
ed? If we will not be uncharitable, we must impute 
their behaviour to ignorance, and the influence they 
have been under. For men of sense and penetration 

m Speed's Hist. p. 902, fol. Lond. 1632. b Bayle's Diet Article 

Pad ilia ( John de). 


with things, which no way belong to them'*, 

could never have set themselves to infuse notions into 
their flocks, which have no other tendency than to in- 
slave body and soul: and men uninfluenced, would 
not run the risk of the gallows, for the sake of non- 
sense and absurdity, as jacobitism really is. But they 
have been the dupes of wicked, artful, and ambitious 
men, who have blinded their understandings, and by 
flatteries and caresses, gained their affections; and 
consequently the poor wretches are the objects of 

So that Peters, we see, was as his brethren have 
been and are. His faults arose chiefly from his weak- 
ness, and his being in the hands of those who knew 
how to make use of him. Had he contented himself 
with obscurity, he had avoided danger; which indeed 
is the chief security for the virtue, ease, and welfare 
of men, in such a noisy, contentious world as this. 

18 All preachers ought to be warned by his fate, 
against going out of their province.] The business of 
the clergy is that of instructing the people in piety 
and virtue. If ever they meddle with civil matters, 
it ought to be only with an intent to promote peace 
and happiness, by exhorting princes to rule with 
equity and moderation, and subjects to obey with 
willingness and pleasure. This, I say, is what alone 
concerns them ; and if they confine themselves within 
these bounds, they merit praise. But, if instead 
hereof they mix with civil factions, and endeavour to 
promote hatred, strife, and contention ; if they aspire 
to bear rule, and attempt to embroil matters, in order 
to render themselves of some importance ; they then 
become not only really contemptible, but likewise 


-"The clergy, as the marquis of Ormonde* justly ob- 
serves, have not been happy to themselves or others, 
when they have aspired to a rule, so contrary to their 
function." Nature never seems to have intended the 
clergy, any more than the gospel, for state-affairs. 
For men brought up in colleges, and little versed in 
the world, as they generally are, make wretched 
work when they come to intermeddle with secular 
matters. To govern well, requires great knowledge 
of human nature, the particular interests, dispositions 
and tempers of the people one has to do with, the 
law of nations, and more especially the laws of the 
country. Great skill and address likewise are re- 
quired to manage the different and contradictory 
tempers of men, and make them conspire to promote 
the public happiness; as likewise great practice in, 
business, in order to dispatch it with speed and 
safety. And therefore it is evident, that the clergy, 
from the nature of their education, as well as their 
profession, cannot be qualified for it. They should 
therefore seriously weigh their incapacity for civil 
affairs ; and how inconsistent they are with the 
business, to which they have solemnly engaged to 
devote themselves. They should consider how con- 
temptible and ridiculous they render themselves in the 
eyes of all wise and good men, when they engage in 
parties, and most hateful, when they stir up wars and 
tumults. They should have the dignity of their 
character before their eyes, and scorn to disgrace it, 
by letting themselves out to ambitious, self-interested 
men. These things they should do ; and a very small 
degree of knowledge and reflection will enable them 
to keep themselves from this, which is one of the great- 
est blemishes which can be found in their character. 

* Ormonde's Papers, vol. II. p. 467. 


But, perhaps, they are cautioned in vain 19 . 

If this is not sufficient, let them call to their minds 
Peters: who, after having been sought to, and caressed 
by the most eminent personages, was obliged to 
skulk about privately; was seized by the officers of 
public justice; laden with infamy and reproach, and 
embowelled by the hangman. He that hath ears to 
hear, let him hear. 

19 Perhaps they are cautioned in vain.] No men 
in the world seem less willing to hearken to advice 
than the clergy. Puffed up with a conceit of their 
own knowledge and abilities, and being used to dictate 
uncontrouled from the pulpit, they with contempt 
hearken to instruction, and are uninfluenced by per- 
suasion. For which reason, I say, perhaps they are 
cautioned in vain. Peters's fate will not deter them, 
but engage in factions they still will. After the Res- 
toration, the pulpits sounded loud with the doctrines 
of passive obedience and non-resistance; the whigs and 
presbyterians were represented as villains ; the power 
of the church was magnified, and the regal power was 
represented as sacred as that of God himself. Then 
Sam. Parker and his fellows arose, full of rage and ve- 
nom ; who treated all who opposed them, with ill man- 
ners and severity. Then were Englishmen pronounced 
slaves, in effect, by Hicks in his Jovian ; and then was 
the infamous Oxford decree framed, which was doomed 
to the flames, by the sentence of the most august as- 
sembly in the world, anno 1710. 

The bishops stood firm by the duke of York ; and 
the whole clergy, in a manner, damned the bill of ex- 
clusion. In short, such was their behaviour, that they 
fell under great contempt, and were treated with much 
severity.- Under James the Second, they acted the same 


part; and would undoubtedly have continued his fast 
friends, had he not given liberty to the dissenters, 
and touched them in their most tender part, even that 
of their revenue, by thrusting in popish persons into 
their colleges. This alarmed them : they suddenly 
tacked about; wished heartily for the coming of 
the prince of Orange, and prayed for his success. 
He came and delivered them out of the hands of 
their enemies ; but they could not be quiet and thank- 
ful. Numbers of them refused to own his govern- 
ment ; many of them joined in measures to restore 
the tyrant James; and a great part did all that in 
them lay, to blacken and distress their deliverer. 
Lesly, Sacheverel, &c. worked hard to inculcate on 
men's minds the danger of the church; the designs 
of the dissenters ; the villany of the ministry, during 
the first and glorious part of queen Ann's reign ; in 
which they were but too successful. 

When the protestant succession took place, it was 
railed at, and even cursed by these men, and many of 
them attempted to set up an abjured pretender. Their 
attempts however were vain : though for these their 
endeavours, parson Paul made his exit at the gallows, 
and the celebrated Atterbury died in exile. What has 
been, and is the temper since, every one knows. The 
Oxford affair is too fresh in memory, to let us remain 
ignorant of the disposition of many of the clergy. They 
are of Peters's busy, meddling disposition ; though, I 
hope, they will not merit his fate. 

Far be it from me, to point these reflections at the 
whole body of the clergy. Numbers of them have 
been, and are men of great worth: who not only dig- 
nify their office, but add lustre to the human nature. 
He must have lost all sense of excellency, who is not 
struck with the generosity of Tillotson, the integrity of 


Clarke, the Christian sentiments of Hoadley, the worth 
of Butler (on whose late advancement, I beg leave to 
congratulate the public) and the piety, humanity, and 
patriotism of Herring. 

These, and many others have been ornaments of 
the body, to which they belong, and have never 
studied to embroil us, or promote a party-spirit among 
us. Rectitude and benevolence, piety, and self- 
government, have been their themes : these with un- 
common abilities they have taught; and those who 
tread in their steps, cannot fail of being honoured 
now and for ever! But those who make it their busi- 
ness to poison the minds of the people with factious 
and seditious discourses; those who censure their 
governors for actions, of which they are frequently 
no competent judges, and traduce and vilify every 
thing, right or wrong; those who join with the sworn 
foes of the best of princes, and strive to promote an 
interest incompatible with the public good, are the 
men, who deserve titles, which I do not care to give ; 
and they may be certain, that though through the 
lenity of the present government they may escape un- 
punished, yet contempt will be their portion from all 
men of sense. For, when men pervert so excellent an 
office as that of the ministry, to the purposes of ambi- 
tion and the lust of power, hardly any censure too 
severe can be cast on them. 


SlNCE transcribing these Papers for the 
press, a very learned gentleman* has been 
so kind as to impart to me an account of 
Peters's writings (his Last Legacy excepted, 
from which a good deal has been inserted 
in this work) which I doubt not will be 
highly acceptable to the curious 1 . 

1 Which I doubt not will be highly acceptable to the 
curious.] In April, 1646, he preached a sermon before 
both houses of parliament, the lord mayor and alder- 
men of London, and the assembly of divines, which 
was printed in quarto. In this sermon he expresses his 
desire that " some shorter way might be found to fur- 
ther justice; and that two or three friend-makers might 
be set up in every parish, without whose labour and 
leave, none should im plead another." He proposed 
likewise that the Charter-House should be converted 
into an Hospital for lame soldiers. 

In the same year 1646, he published at London, 
in a quarto pamphlet of fifteen pages, intitled, " Peters's 
last Report of the English Wars, occasioned by the im- 
portunity of a friend, pressing an answer to some 
queries :" 

"The Reverend Mr. Birch, F.R.S. 


As likewise a letter from col. Lockhart 
to secretary Thurloe, concerning Peters, 
which, as very characteristical of the man, 

I. Why he was silent at the surrender of Oxford ? 

II. What he observed at Worcester, it being the 
last town in the king's hand? 

III. What were best to be done with the array ? 

IV. If he had any expedient for the present differ- 
ence ? 

V. What his thoughts were in relation to foreign 
states ? 

VI. How these late mercies and conquests might be 
preserved and improved ? 

VII. Why his name appears in so many books, not 
without blots, and he never wipe them off? 

In this pamphlet he observes, p. 14. that he had 
lived about six years near that famous Scotsman, Mr. 
John Forbes ; " with whom," says he, " I travelled in- 
to Germany, and enjoyed him in much love and sweet- 
ness constantly ; from whom I never had but encou- 
ragement, though we differed in the way of our 
churches. Learned Amesius breathed his last breath 
into my bosom, who left his professorship in Frize- 
land, to live with me, because of my church's indepen- 
dency, at Rotterdam : he was my collegue and chosen 
brother to the church, where I was an unworthy 

In 1647, he published at London, in quarto, a 
pamphlet of fourteen pages, intitled, "A Word for the 
Army, and two Words to the Kingdom, to clear the 
one and cure the other, forced in much plainness and 
brevity, from their faithful servant, Hugh Peters." 


and containing some curious particulars re- 
lating to him, I cannot forbear giving at 

It appears by a pamphlet, printed in 1651, written 
by R. V. of Gray's-Inn, and intitled, A Plea for the 
Common Laws of England, that it was written in 
answer to Mr. Peters's Good Work for a Good Ma- 
gistrate, or a short Cut to great Quiet; in which Mr. 
Peters had proposed the extirpation of the whole 
system of our laws, and particularly recommended, that 
the old records in the Tower should be burnt, as the 
monuments of tyranny. 

* I cannot forbear giving at length.] 

Colonel Lockhart to Secretary Thurloe*. 

" From Dunkirk, July 8-18, 1658. 

" May it please your Lordship, 
" I could not suffer our worthy friend, Mr. Peters, 
to come away from Dunkirk, without a testimony of 
the great benefits we have all received from him in this 
place, where he hath laid himself forth in great charity 
and goodness in sermons, prayers, and exhortations, 
in visiting and relieving the sick and wounded j and, 
in all these, profitably applying the singular talent God 
hath bestowed upon him to the chief ends, proper for 
our auditory : for he hath not only shewed the soldiers 
their duty to God, and pressed it home upon them, I 
hope to good advantage, but hath likewise ac- 
quainted them with their obligations of obedience 
to his highness's government, and affection to his 
person. He hath laboured amongst us here with 

* Thurloe's State Papers, voL VII. p. 249. 
VOL. I. d 


much good-will, and seems to enlarge his heart 
towards us, and care of us for many other things, the 
effects whereof I design to leave upon that providence 
which hath brought us hither. It were superfluous to 
tell your lordship the story of our preseitt condition, 
either as to the civil government, works, or soldiery. 
He who hath studied all these more than any I know 
here, can certainly give the best account of them. 
Wherefore I commit the whole to his information, 
and beg your lordship's casting a favourable eye upon 
such propositions, as he will offer to your lordship 
for the good of this garrison. I am, 

May it please your lordship, your most humble, 
faithful and obedient servant, 


[This part is all written with Lockhart's own hand.] 

My Lord, 

" Mr. Peters hath taken leave at least three or four 
times, but still something falls out, which hinders his 
return to England. He hath been twice at Bergh, and 
hath spoke with the cardinal 2 three or four times; I 
kept myself by, and had a care that he did not impor- 
tune him with too long speeches. He returns, loaden 
with an account of all things here, and hath undertaken 
every man's business. I must give him that testimony, 
that he gave us three or four very honest sermons ; 
and if it were possible to get him to mind preach- 
ing, and to forbear the troubling himself with other 
things, he would certainly prove a very fit minister 
for soldiers. I hope he coineth well satisfied from 
this place. He hath often insinuated to me his 

1 Mazariu. 


desire to stay here, if he had a call. Some of the 
officers also have been with me to that purpose; but 
I have shifted him so handsomely, as, I hope, he will 
not be displeased: for I have told him, that the 
greatest service he can do us, is to go to England, 
and carry on his propositions, and to own us in all 
our other interests, which he hath undertaken with 
much zeal." 







THE design of the following sheets is to give 
a fuller and more distinct view of the character 
of King James the First, than has ever yet been 
exhibited by any writer. It is readily acknow- 
ledged that this character is, in itself, a very 
mean and despicable subject 5 but as it was 
attended with very extensive and important 
consequences both in his and the succeeding 
reigns ; so it is humbly presumed that an at- 
tempt to illustrate that period of English history 
which falls within the plan of this subject, will 
meet with a favourable acceptance from the 

There are inserted in these papers a great 
number of curious and interesting facts, entirely 
omitted by our historians, who seem to have 
very little consulted those original writers, and 
state papers from whence the following account 
is chiefly compiled. 

The author does not think it necessary to 
make any apology for the freedom of his reflec- 
tions j but only to declare that they were not 


made for the sake of pleasing or displeasing any 
sect or party in church or state ; but wholly in- 
tended to serve the cause of liberty and truth. 
He professes himself inviolably attached to the 
civil and religious liberties of mankind ; and 
therefore hopes the reader will indulge him in 
that warmth of his resentment, that honest in- 
dignation, that is naturally raised by every 
instance of persecution, tyranny, and oppres- 
sion; provided he has not any where expressed 
himself in a manner unworthy of the character 
of a gentleman or a Christian. 

For the rest it is hoped that the curious will 
find some entertainment, if not information, in 
this account; and that they will pardon the 
faults and imperfections of it, for the sake of 
its general tendency and design. 

One thing the judicious and impartial reader 
will, at least, not be displeased with, viz. that as 
the authorities here quoted are the most au- 
thentic in themselves, so the manner of quoting 
them is the most unexceptionable and just, that 
is, in the very words, letters and points of the 
respective authors, by which the reader may be 
infallibly certain that their sense is rightly repre- 






JAMES STUART, the sixth of that 

name in Scotland, and first in England, 
was born June 19, 1566. He was the 
son of Henry Lord Darnley (son to Mat- 
thew earl of Lennox, by Margaret Dowg- 
las daughter to the widow of James the 
fourth, who was the eldest daughter to 
Henry the seventh of England) and Mary 
queen of Scots, the only child of James 
the fifth, king of Scots, who was son of 
James the fourth and Margaret his 
queen, the said eldest daughter of Henry 
the seventh of England. The murther of 
a favourite secretary ' when she was .great 

1 A favourite secretary, &c.] This was the fa- 
mous "David Rixio, or Riscio, an Italian, a merry 
fellow and good musician, who was taken notice of 

VOL. I. B 


with child, in her presence, had such an 

first of all on account of his voice. He was drawn in 
(says Melvil) to sing sometimes with the rest, and 
afterwards, when the queen's French secretary re- 
tired himself to France, he obtained the said office. 
And as he thereby entered in greater credit, so he 
had not the prudence how to manage the same rightly. 
For frequently, in presence of the nobility, he would 
be publickly speaking to her, even when there were 
the greatest conventions of the states. Which made 
him to be much envied and hated, especially when 
he became so great, that he presented all signatours 
to be subscribed by her majesty. So that some of 
the nobility would frown upon him, others would 
shoulder him and shut him by, when they entered the 
queen's chamber, and found him always speaking 
with her. For those who had great actions of law, 
new infestments to be taken, or who desired to pre- 
vail against their enemies at court, or in law-suits 
before the session, addressed themselves to him, and 
depended upon him, whereby in short time he be- 
came very rich*." Here was great familiarity we see, 
and such as could not be much to the credit of a sove- 
reign princess. For 'tis expected that such a one 
should maintain her rank, and scorn to stoop to those 
who have neither birth nor breeding. But Mary gave 
herself up to David, and was advised by him in things 
of the utmost importance. This appears from Melvil, 
who knew them well, and likewise from Spotswood. 
For both these assure us, he was the person, the only 

Memoirs of Sir James Melvil, p. 54. fol. Loml. 1683. See likewise 
the History of the Church of Scotland by archbp. Spotswood, j>. 189, 193. 
fdit, 3d. fol. Lond. 1668. 


effect on this her son, that even through his 

person who prevailed on the queen to marry Henry 
Lord Darnley. She at first disrelished the proposal, 
but thro' means of Rixio, "she took ay the longer 
the better liking of him, and at length determined to 
marry him 3 ." No wonder then common fame was not 
favourable in her reports of Mary, and that the en- 
vious and ill-natured hinted things reproachful to her 
virtue, I pretend not to say any thing criminal passed 
between the queen and her secretary (though her affair, 
after her husband's death, with Bothwell, would in- 
duce one to suspect her not incapable of a familiarity 
so dishonourable); but I think, all men must allow 
that things were not so decently managed between 
them as they ought. Persons of an elevated rank, 
should strive not only to be good, but to appear so ; 
and careful to act in so pure and unexceptionable a 
manner, that envy itself may not be able to blast their 

reputation. However Mary had little regard to 

what the world said. She continued her favour to her 
fiddling secretary, 'till a violent death put an end to 
it, to her great horror and amazement. Rixio, though 
he had procured the queen for Darnley, could not long 
continue in his favour; suspicions being put into his 
head, he consented to his murther, which was perpe- 
trated in the following manner : " At six o'clock at 
night, when the queen was at supper in her closet, 
a number of armed men entered within the court, and 
going up into the closet (where the king was leaning 
on the queen's chair) overthrew the table, candles, 
meat and dishes. Rixio took the queen about the 
waste, crying for mercy, but George Dowglas, plucked 

a Melvil, p. 55. and Spotswood, p. 189. 
B 2 


life he could not bear the sight of a drawn 

out the king's dagger, and struck Rixio first with it, 
leaving it sticking in him. He making great shrieks 
and cries, was rudely snatched from the queen, who 
could not prevail either with threats or entreaties to 
save him. But he was forcibly drawn forth of the 
closet, and slain in the outer hall, and her majest}' 
kept as a captiveV But they had no command- 
ment from the contrivers so to kill him, but to bring 
him to public execution. " And good it had been for 
them so to have done, or then to have taken him in 
another place, and at another time than in the queen's 
presence. For besides the great peril of abortion 
which her fear might have caused, the false aspersions 
cast upon her fame and honour by that occasion, were 
such as she could never digest, and drew on all the 
pitiful accidents that afterwards ensued 15 ." The fright 
and terror the queen was in at the sight of the drawn 
sword, so far influenced the child in her womb, that, 
" Sir Kenelin Digby assures us, he had such an aver- 
sion to a naked sword all his life-time, that he could 
not see one without a great emotion of spirits ; and 
though otherwise couragious enough, he could not 
over-master his passions in this particular. I remem- 
ber, adds he, when he dub'd me knight, in the cere- 
mony of putting a naked sword upon my shoulder, he 
could not endure to look upon it, but turned his face 
another way ; insomuch that in lieu of touching my 
shoulder, he had almost thrust the point into my 
eyes, had not the duke of Buckingham guided his 
hand aright ." 

Melvil, p. 64. b Spotswood, p. 195. Digby of the Power of 
Sympathy, p. 188. at the end of his Discourse on Bodies. 4to. Lond. 


sword. He was placed in the throne after his 
mother's forced resignation, July 25, 1567, 
being but little above a year old. He had 
the famous George Buchanan for his tutor, 
by whom he seems to have profited little, 
and towards whose memory he had a great 
aversion *. During his minority the king- 

1 The famous George Buchanan for his tutor, by 
whom he seems to have profited little, and towards 
whose memory he had a great aversion.] Buchanan's 
merit needs not to be celebrated by me. His fame as 
a polite writer, and a man of deep learning and solid 
judgment, is established on the most lasting founda- 
tions a . Even those who dislike most of all his prin- 
ciples, refuse not to give him his due praise. And I 
need not be afraid to assert that his writings will be 
read and admired as long as learning in this part of the 
world shall live. Melvil says, " he was a man of 
notable endowments for his learning and knowledge in 
Latin poesie, much honoured in other countries, pleas- 
ant in conversation, rehearsing at all occasions morali- 
ties short and instructive, whereof he had abundance, 
inventing where he wanted 6 ." A tutor this, worthy a 
great prince, and fit to form the mind to virtue and 
politeness! for I doubt not but he discharged with 
honour the duty of his trust, and did what in him lay 
to inspire his pupil with just opinions, and elegant 
sentiments. But his labour was in vain. For it does 
not appear that James improved any thing by his 
master, or studied at all to copy after him, for his 
writings are wholly pedantic; his style low and mean; 
his arguments taken from those barbarians the school- 

See Thuanus's judgment of him in Bayle's Dictionary, article Bu- 
chanan, note (H). k Melvil, p. 125. See also Spotswood, p. 325. 


dom had several regents, viz. his uncle 

men; and his method of treating his adversaries was 
after the manner of your country controvertists, in- 
spired with the most fervent zeal. Abundant proof 
of these assertions will be found in the extracts I shall 
give of some of his writings in the ensuing notes. 
However, not contented to disgrace his tutor by his 
want of improvement, he treated him with contempt 
also and reproach. Thus for instance, when the au- 
thority of Buchanan, for resisting kings, was alleged 
by cardinal Perron, James replies, " Buchanan I reckon 
and rank among poets, not among divines, classical 
or common. If the man hath burst out here and there 
into some terms of excess, or speech of bad temper ; 
that must be imputed to the violence of his humour, 

and heat of his spirit*."- What a contemptible way 

of speaking of a tutor is this, more especially of so 
great a man as Buchanan ? Had Buchanan been evef 
so wrong in his opinion, the least sense of decency or 
gratitude should have restrained his pupil from speak- 
ing of him after such a manner. JSext to parents, 
tutors (if they have discharged their parts well) have 
always been thought to have deserved honour*; and 

* Dii majorum umbris tenuem & sine pondere terrain, 
Spirantesque crocos, &; in urns perpetuum ver, 
Qui praeceptorem sancti voluere parentis loco. Jvv. Sat. VII. v. 207. 

In peace, ye shades of our great grandsires rest, 
No heavy earth your sacred bones molest: 
Eternal spring, and rising flow'rs adorn 
The relicks of each venerable urn, 
Who pious reverence to their tutors paid, 
As parents honour'd and as Gods obey'd. 


* The Works of the most high and mighty prince James by the grace 
of God, &c. published by James bishop of Winton, 1616. Lond. fol. 
p. 480. 


the carl of Murray, his grandfather the 
earl of Lennox, and the earls of Mar and 
Morton ; with the latter of whom the no- 

those who have refused to give it, have been branded 
with baseness and ingratitude. For to form the mind 
to knowledge and virtue, to teach youth prudence, 
self-government, and proper behaviour, is a work of 
labour and merit; and such as perform it are entitled 

to gratitude and respect. But in another place 

James plainly discovers his hatred and aversion to the 
memory of his instructor ; for he stiles his History an 
infamous invective: " I would have you, says he, to 
his son prince Henry, to be well versed in authentic 

histories, and especially in our own histories :< 1 

mean not of such infamous invectives as Buchanan's 
or Knox's chronicles : and if any of these infamou* 
libels remain unto your days, use the law upon the 
keepers thereof*." 1 will leave the reader to make his 
own remarks on the baseness of this passage, and the 
littleness of that soul that was capable of writing it 
concerning a preceptor. I will conclude ,this note by 
observing that the probable causes of this hatred of 
the memory of Buchanan were the part he had acted 
against his mother; the principles of his history, 
which were opposite to the notions of regal power 
entertained by James ; and the great awe in which he 
held him in his youth, according to Melvil b . I would 
have it carefully observed, that this history stiled by 
James an infamous invective, is said by archbishop 
Spots wood to be " penned with such judgment and 
eloquence as no country can shew a better ." 

" The Works of the most high and mighty prince James by the grace of 
&c. published by James bishop of Winton, 1616. Lond. fol. p. ITS, 
h Melvil, p. 125. c Spotswood, p. 325. 


bility being dissatisfied, he was obliged to 
quit the regency, and James entered upon 
the government March 12, 1578. Too 
soon, it may easily be supposed, for his 
own honour, or the welfare of his subjects. 
He was greatly in the power of his favour- 
ites the duke of Lennox and the earl of 
Arran, through whose instigations he per- 
formed many unpopular actions 5 . AVhere- 

3 He was greatly in the power of his favourites, the 
duke of Lennox and the earl of Arran, &c.] The 
duke of Lennox was cousin-german to James's father, 
the earl of Arran was captain James Stuart, promoted 
to that dignity at the expence of the house of Hamil- 
ton, unjustly deprived of it. "The duke of Lennox 
was led hy evil counsel and wrong informations, 
whereby he was moved to meddle in such hurtful and 
dangerous courses, that the rest of the nobility became 
jealous of his intentions, and feared their estates. As 
for the earl of Arran, they detested his proceedings, 
and esteemed him the worst and most insolent instru- 
ment that could be found out, to wrack king, kirk and 
country. The duke had been tolerable, had he hap- 
pened upon as honest counsellors, as he was well in- 
clined of himself: but he wanted experience, and was 
no ways versed in the state of the country, nor brought 
up in our religion, which by time he might have been 
brought to have embraced. But the earl of Arran 
was a scomer of religion, presumptuous, ambitious, 
covetous, careless of the commonwealth, a despiser of 
the nobility and of all honest nienV Hopeful coun- 

Melvil, p. 131. 


upon being seized by the earls of Mar and 
Gowry, with others of the nobility, as he 
returned from hunting, and conveyed to 
Ruthven castle, they obtained a charge for 
the duke of Lennox to depart the country, 
and for the confinement of the earl of 
Arran 4 . This was followed by a proclama- 

sellors these for a young king ! and admirably fit for 
governing a kingdom. And yet these were the men 
who carried all before them, and obtained honours and 
estates by wholesale. Arran from a private gentleman 
*' was made gentleman of the bed-chamber, knight- 
ed, made a privy counsellor, and tutor of Arran. A 
few weeks after he was made captain of his majesty's 
guards, and created earl of Arran V Lennox " in a few 
days after his appearance at court, had a grant of the 
lordship of Arbroath, then he was created earl of 
Lennox, governor of Dumbarton castle, captain of 
the guard, first gentleman of the bedchamber, and 
great chamberlain of Scotland, and duke of Lennox b ." 

These sudden promotions to honour, and places 

of profit to such men, must necessarily have been very 
unpopular and distasteful, and could not but be highly 
resented. However 'tis but justice to James, to ac- 
quaint the reader that he was very young, and con- 
sequently most easily drawn aside by those who had 
influence over him ; and therefore more excusable than 
he was in misplacing his favours afterwards, as he 
almost always did. 

4 Being seized by the earls of Mar, &c. they ob- 

a Lives and Characters of the Officers of the Crown and State of Scot- 
land, by George Crawfurd, Esq; p. 137. fol. Load. 1736. k Id. p. 331. 


tion from the king, discharging the com- 
missions which he had formerly given 
them, and declaring that in so doii;g he 
acted not by compulsion. However, having 
regained his liberty, he turned out of place 
those who had been enemies to his favour- 

tained a charge for the duke of Lennox to depart the 
country, and for the confinement of the earl of Arran, 
5cc.] " As the king was returning from stag-hunting 
in Athole, in his way towards Dumferling, he was 
invited by the earl of Gowry to his house of Ruthven, 
near Perth. The earl, who was at the head of thje 
conspiracy, instantly sent to advertise his friends of 
what had happened. Whereupon several of the dis- 
contented nobility, and all those that were in the 
English interest at hand, repaired to Ruthven, where 
without any ceremony they resolved to detain the 
king, and keep him prisoner. The next day* when the 
king was essaying to get out, they stopt him; where- 
fore growing into a passion and weeping, Sir Thomas 
Lyon boldly, though rudely, told him, it was no 
matter for his tears, better that bairns greet than 
bearded tnenV After they had him in custody they 
presented a supplication to him, "representing the 
false accusations, calumnies, oppressions and persecu- 
tions they had suffered for two years, by means of the 
duke of Lennox, and the earl of Arran, the like, where- 
of were never heretofore borne in Scotland." Upon 
this representation, the king, sore against his will, 
sent orders to the duke to leave the kingdom, who 
obeying, died soon after at Paris, and the earl was 

August 23, 1582. b Crawfurd, p. 332. Spotswood, p. 320. 

See also Melvii.p. 129, &c. 

JAMES I. 11 

ites, and insisted on such of the nobility's 
asking pardon as had been concerned in 
the affair of Ruthven ; which causing a 
confederacy and a rising, issued in the death 
of the earl of Gowry 5 , in revenge of which, 

confined for a time. Before this a proclamation had 
been issued forth, "declaring that it was his own 
voluntary act to abide at Perth; and that the noblemen 
and others that attended him, had done nothing but 

' O 

what their duties obliged them unto, and which he 
took for a good service performed both to himself and 
tfee commonwealth*." But all this was a mere act of 
dissimulation, and the effect of constraint. As soon 
a* he was at liberty he returned to the same courses, 
and' behaved after his wonted manner. For favourites 
he must have, and so their pleasure was consulted, no 
matter how the kingdom was pleased. 

5 Having obtained his liberty, he insisted on such 
of the nobility's asking pardon as were concerned in 
the affair of Ruthven, &c.] James was never a man of, 
his word. We see just now, that, by proclamation, he 
had allowed what was done at Ruthven to he good ser- 
vice, and he moreover had desired the kirk " to find it 
good for their parts, and to ordain the ministers and 
commissioners of every shire to publish the same to 
their parishioners, and to get the principal gentle- 
men's subscription to maintain the same 6 ." But no 
sooner had he got his liberty, but he acted quite dif- 
ferently from what he had declared to be his sentiments. 
Arran was introduced again into court, " was made 
Chancellor, captain of the castles of Edinburgh and 

1 Spotswood, p. 321. k Melvil, p. 183. 



as was said, his son engaged in the conspi- 
racy so much talked of, and variously cen- 

Stirling, and ruled so as to make the whole subjects 
to tremble under him, and every man to depend upon 
him, daily inventing and seeking out new faults against 
diverse, to get their escheats, lands, benefices." He 
wrought so far with the king, that a proclamation was 
published, " condemning the detaining his majesty's 
person at Ruthven as a fact most treasonable. Yet his 
majesty declared, that he was resolved to forget and 
forgive that offence* providing the actors and assisters 
do shew themselves penitent for the same, ask pardon 
in due time, and do not provoke him by their unlaw- 
ful actions hereafter, to remember that attempt 8 !" 
Whereupon divers noblemen and others withdrew from 
the court, for fear, to some place of security ; for they 
well knew that their destruction was aimed at. Where- 
upon the principal of them were ordered to confine- 
ment, which they not obeying, were denounced re- 
bels 1 *. This was shocking behaviour, and enough to 
provoke the most patient men to take a severe re- 
venge ; for the king's word was no security, his pro- 
mise could not be relied on, and no man was safe who 
affronted his favourite, who made a mere dupe of his 
master, and sacrificed his honour on all occasions. .A 
sure proof this of James's weakness, and a sufficient 
indication of what the world was to expect from him 
hereafter ; for the tempers and dispositions of men are 
pretty much the same through life. As they are in 
youth, so are they in reality in age, though they may 

know better how to gloss and disguise. By this 

treatment of those concerned in the Ruthven affair, 

* Crawfurd, p. 139. Spotswood, p. 326. Id. iU 


JAMES I. 13 

sured ; which terminated in the ruin of his 

several of the nobility were induced to enter into an 
association, for reforming abuses, securing religion, 
and the preservation of the king's person and estate, 
among whom was the earl of Gowry, who being taken, 
tried and condemned, was executed for treason. " His 
majesty (says Melvil) had no intention of taking his 
life, but the earl of Arran was fully resolved to have 
his lands, and therefore to make a party to assist him 
in that design, he engaged to divide them with several 
others, upon condition that they would assist him in 
the design of ruining him ; which afterwards lie did, 
having by this means procured their consent and 
votes 3 ." What weakness and feebleness of government 
was this! Arran was in effect king, whilst James bore 
the name, and under the royal authority committed 
the most unjust actions; for all agree that Gowry had 

hard measure dealt him. In time the Gowry family 

was restored to honour and estate, but, as historians 
tell us, nothing could allay the revenge of the two 
eldest sons, for their father's blood, but the death of 
the king, which they attempted to have taken away at 

the earl's own house, August 5, I600 b . But they 

both lost their lives in the attempt, and ruined thereby 
their family ; for their houses were demolished, their 
estates confiscated, and the whole family, by act of 
parliament, prohibited to cany the name of Ruthven. 
The 5th of August was likewise ordered to be kept 
yearly in remembrance of this deliverance. Whe- 
ther there was any such conspiracy of the Cowries 

* Melvil, p. 156. Spotswood, p. 332. Crawfurd, p. 390. 
" Crawfurd, p. 390. Spotswood, p. 458. 


Mary, queen of Scots, having sentence 
of death pronounced on her, Oct. 11, 1586, 
at Fotheringhay, by the commissioners of 
queen Elizabeth, notwithstanding her refus- 

against the king, or whether it was only a pretence, in 
order to palliate the murther of them, has been very 
much debated. Spotswood believed it : it was gene- 
rally received as truth by the courtiers at the time it 
happened; and the assisters of the king received ho- 
nours and rewards*. Burnet (no way prejudiced in 
favour of the king) gives credit to it; and Mr. Craw- 
furd tells us, that after what the earl of Cromarty hath 
lain together in his historical account of the conspi- 
racies by the earls of Gowry against king James, he 
hopes few or none will suspect, far less doubt its truth 
and reality b . I hope I shall not be thought to be 
" maliciously set against the royal family, or the c great 
king who was more immediately concerned in this 
affair," if I give the reasons that may be assigned for 
the doubting concerning the truth of the king's narra- 
tion. I could not act the part of a faithful historian 
without it, and therefore must beg the reader's pardon 
for detaining him a little longer on this subject. 

1. We are to observe, that the next day after this 
happened, the ministers were called together at Edin- 
burgh, and desired to convene their people, and give 
thanks unto God for the king's deliverance: but they 
by no persuasion could be moved to do it d . 

2. Though most of the ministers being hereupon 
commanded to leave the city in 24 hours, and forbid 

* Burnet's History of his own Times, vol. T. p. 22. Dutch edit. 12mo. 

b Crawfurd, p. 390. c Crawford's epithet and expressions. 

d Spotswood, p. 460. Calderwood, p. 444. 

JAMES I. 15 

ing to answer and be tried ; and the sen- 
tence being confirmed by the English par- 
liament, and their desire moreover added, 
that it might be put in execution ; James 

to preach in his majesty's dominions, on pain of death, 
complied, owning themselves convinced of the truth of 
the conspiracy; yet we find Mr. Robert Bruce saying, 
he would reverence his majesty's reports of that ac- 
cident,. but could not say he was persuaded of the truth 
of it". 

3. Osborn tells us, no Scotchman you could meet 
beyond sea but did laugh at it, and the Peripatetic 
politicians said, the relation in print did murder all 
possibility of credit. But I will not (adds he) wade 
farther in this business, not knowing how dangerous 
the bottom may prove, being by all men's relations 
foul and bloody, having nothing to palliate it but jeal- 
ousy on the one side, and fear of the other 5 . And in- 
deed the relation of this affair in Spotswood is confused 
and marvellous. The drawing the king to Perth; 
the getting him from dinner to examine a stranger; 
the discourse of Cowry's brother with him; and his 
stout and gallant behaviour (which in no other part of 
his life appeared); and his causing the two brothers to 
be killed, when he might with the same ease have se- 
cured them; the denials of Cowry's servants of their 
knowledge of the affair; and the tale of the earl's 
girdle, are circumstances which are not easily to be 
swallowed by the inquisitive or sceptical. 

4. Burnet himself allows, that this conspiracy was 
charged at that time by the puritans in Scotland on the 

* Spotswood, p. 461. b \Vorks of Francis Osborn, Eq; p. 535. 8vo. 
Loud. 1673. See also Calderwood, p. 451. 


ordered it to be represented to queen Eli- 
zabeth how unjust he held that proceeding 
against his mother, and that it did neither 
agree with the will of God, who prohibited 

king, as a contrivance of his to get rid of that earl, 
who was then held in great esteem*. And afterwards 
he says, it was not easy to persuade the nation of the 
truth of this conspiracy : for eight years before that 
time, king James, on a secret jealousy of the earl of 
Murray, then esteemed the handsomest man in Scot- 
land, set on the marquis of Huntley, who was his 
mortal enemy, to murder him; and by a writing all 
in his own hand, he promised to save him harmless 
for it. He set the house in which he was on fire, and 
the earl flying away, was followed and murdered, and 
Huntley sent Gordon of Buckey with the news to the 
king. Soon after, all who were concerned in that vile 
fact were pardoned, which laid the king open to much 
censure : and this made the matter of Gowry to be less 

5. Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. Winwood, 
dated Nov. 15, 1600, from London, writes, " Out of 
Scotland we hear there is no good agreement between 
the king of Scots and his wife, and many are of opi- 
nion, that the discovery of some affection between 
her and the earl Cowry's brother, (who was killed 
with him) was the truest cause and uiotife of all that 
tragedy b ." 

And Mr. Winwood, in a letter to secretary Cecyll, 

* Burnet, p. 22. See a very honourable character of Gowry, from Sir 
Henry Neville, to secretary Cecyll, in Winwood's State Papers, vol. I. 
p. 156. 

b Winwood's Memorials of Affairs of State in the Reigns of Elizabeth 
and King James I. vol. I. p. 274. fol. Lond. 1725. 

JAMES I. 17 

to touch his anointed ones; nor with the 
law of nations, that an absolute prince 
should be sentenced and judged by sub- 
jects ; that if she would be the first to give 

from Paris, dated 17 May, 1601, O. S. says, " The 
ambassador of Scotland hath been advertized of a dan- 
gerous practice against the Scots king; that lately one 
called Glarnet, hath been sent out of Scotland, with 
letters to Bothwell, to hasten home with diligence, 
where he should find sufficient assistance. The prin- 
cipal party who employed this party is the Queen of 

Scotland. And letters have been intercepted out of 

England from master Gray, that the death of Gowry 
should shortly be revenged*." These passages com- 
pared, may possibly give the reader some light in this 
affair. A gallant, or a supposed one slain, was cause 
sufficient to induce a lady to give her husband trouble, 
and nothing so likely as this to excite her to re- 
venge. These are the reasons which may induce some 
persons to doubt about the truth of Gowry's conspi- 
racy ; whether they are sufficient the considerate reader 
will determine. However, one reflection naturally 
arises from this subject, viz. that the people enter- 
tained but a very poor opinion of James's veracity and 
honesty. The ministers, we see, could not be induced 
to give thanks for his deliverance, out of a distrust of 
his account, till fear of their own safety brought them 
to a compliance; and the general belief of the people 
of lhat nation, both at home and abroad, was, that 
'twas mere contrivance in order to screen himself from 

* Fpotswood, p. 326 

VOL. l. c 


that pernicious example of profaning her 
own and other princes diadems, she should 
remember that both in nature and honour 
it concerned him to be revenged of so great 
an indignity; which if he should not do, he 
should peril his credit both at home and 
abroad 2 . But these threats were not re- 
garded by Elizabeth, nor were they of any 
service to his mother ; for she was executed 
in pursuance to a warrant directed to se- 
cretary Davidson 6 , the seventh of February 

the guilt and infamy he must otherwise have lain 
under. Unhappy situation this ! truly worthy of com- 
miseration. For a prince believed false, treacherous, 
and bloody, must be despised, hated and contemned, 
and can expect nothing but unwilling obedience from 
his subjects. And it must be confessed, James had 
given but too much reason to them, to view him in 
these lights. 

6 She was executed in pursuance of a warrant, &c.J 
The sentence passed on her was approved by the 
English parliament, and earnestly pressed by it to be- 
put in execution. Nor was any one more earnest in 
the matter than Elizabeth herself; for she deemed 
Mary's life incompatible with her own safety, and 
therefore determined to shorten it. But it was a matter 
of much delicacy, and what she would have been glad 
to have been excused ffom appearing in. She would 

SpotBWOod, p. '351. 

JAMES I. 19 

following: though Elizabeth pretended it 
was quite contrary to her intentions, seemed 

fain therefore have had her put out of the way by Sir 
Amias Paulet, and Sir Drue Drury, and had it hinted 
to them by the secretaries Davidson and Walsingham. 
But they were too wise to be caught, and too honest 
to execute so barbarous a deed; and therefore boldly 
refused, to the queen's no small mortification. Mn 
Tindal seems to intimate something of a doubt about 
the genuineness of the letters here referred to a , but I 
think without reason. For to me they have all the 
marks of genuineness, and are perfectly agreeable to 
that dexterity and management for which Elizabeth 
was so famous. When these arts failed, the war- 
rant in the hands of Davidson, signed by the queen, 
was made use of by the council, the queen being not 
openly acquainted with it, and Mar}', by means of it, 
had her head severed from her body. So that James's 
conduct could not save his mother, nor could Henry 
III. of France, by his ambassador, respite the execu- 
tion of her sentence, but a violent death was her fate. 
But, if what historians tell us is true, 'tis no wonder 
Elizabeth paid so little regard to the solicitations in 
the behalf of the unfortunate Mary. For 'tis affirmed, 
that Bellievre, the French ambassador, whatever in 
public he pretended, had private orders to solicit the 
death of the queen b . And Gray, the Scotch envoy, 
on this occasion, is said likewise iri private, to advis,e 
the making her away, saying, a dead woman bite? 
not c . 

* Rap'm's History of England, translated by, vol. II. p. 134, 
in the notes, fo!. Lond. 1733. b Id. vol. II. p. 122. c Id. p. 131. 

"tt'jnweod's State Paper, vol. I. p 11. 

C * 


greatly grieved at it, and turned out, and 
fined the secretary by reason of it 7 . 

r Though Elizabeth pretended it was contrary to 
her intentions, and turned out, and fined the secretary 
by reason of it.] The execution of Mary could not 
be concealed, nor was it thought proper by Elizabeth 
to justify it. She therefore threw the blame upon 
poor Davidson, and made him suffer for being an in- 
strument in bringing about what she most of all de- 
sired. She denied not, but she commanded him to 
draw a warrant under the great seal for the queen of 
Scots' execution; but after it was done, she seemed 
angry : however she left it in his hands, without tell- 
ing him what he should do with it. Whereupon the 
council being consulted by Davidson, it was unani- 
mously resolved to execute the warrant, and accordingly 
it was carried to Fotheringay, and produced the de- 
sired effect. Elizabeth, in the mean time, pretended 
she had changed her mind ; but none of her counsellor, 
talked to her upon the subject, or attempted to hinder 
the execution, as they certainly would have done, had 
they not been satisfied in her intentions. But when 
the wished-for event took place, then Elizabeth pre- 
tended great sorrow, and professed her disinclination 
towards it ; and to convince the world thereof, she 
wrote to the Scotch king, by a cousin of hers, and 
had Davidson cited into the Star-chamber, where he 
was fined 10,000, and imprisoned during the queen's 
pleasure. Though " she herself could not deny, but 
that which she laid to his charge was done without 
hope, fear, malice, envy, or any respect of his own, 
but merely for her safety both of state and person*." 

a Cabala, p. 250. fol. Lond. 1663. 

JAMES I. 21 

Indeed Elizabeth and her ministers ma- 
naged James as they pleased ; they fully 

This sentence on Davidson was very severe, and car- 
ried the dissimulation to a great pitch, for the man 
lost his post, and lay'd long in prison. So hard and 
difficult is the service of princes! So dangerous com- 
plying with their inclinations, for there is no laying 
obligations upon them; and after you have done all to 
please and oblige them, to serve a turn, or even gratify 
a present humour, they will discard or ruin you : for 
they think their subjects made for them; that 'tis a 
favour to employ them ; and that they are of no worth, 
any farther than they promote their designs. If people 
therefore knew when they were well, they would be 
thankful for a peaceable retreat, and strive not to mix- 
in counsels with those whose aim it is to outwit and 
mischief each other; nor would they be desirous of 
climbing up so high, as that a fall is fatal. But the 
ambitious in vain are c.autioned to check their career. 
Kothing but some sad miscarriage, disappointment or 
disgrace, wijl teach them the needful lessons of hu- 
mility and moderation, or cause them to enjoy con- 
tentedly the blessings of private life. Before I take 
my leave of this affair, I will observe that from the 
proceedings against Mary, it appears, that the queen 
and her parliament had no notion of such a sacredness 
in the persons of princes, as to render them unac- 
countable to any earthly tribunal. For here is a so- 
vereign princess, tried, condemned, and executed, 
with the approbation, yea in pursuance of the request 
of the parliament ; and though Elizabeth, to save ap- 
pearances, feigned sorrow and indignation at the exe- 
cution, yet no one has been so hardy as to put into 

understanding his temper, councils, and 
designs 8 : so that they acted as they thought 

her mouth a sentence tending to condemn the lawful- 
ness of it. For she was too wise and understanding 
to have done it ; nor could any who knew her charac- 
ter suppose her capable of it. This doctrine was left 
to her successor, who had weakness enough to declare 
expressly, " that kings were'accountable to God only V 
A doctrine big with mischief, and fit for nothing but 
to make tyrants. But of this I shall have occasion to 
speak more hereafter. 

* Elizabeth and her ministers managed James as 
they pleased, and understood his temper, councils and 
designs.] It appears from Melville, that the English 
were thoroughly acquainted with the temper and beha- 
viour of the king, and had those about him who took 
every opportunity to insinuate those notions into him, 
which were most acceptable to Elizabeth. " Wootton, 
the ambassador became one of his most familiar mi- 
nions, waiting upon him at all fixed pastimes* " And 
Sir Richard Wigmore " was particularly instructed 
by Walsingham, in all the proper methods to gain 
ppon the king's confidence, and to observe and give an, 
account of all he saw in him ; which he did very faith- 
fully'." And though James little thought it, his most 
secret actions were known to the English ministry, 
and all his transactions abroad, how privately soever 
they were carried. For Elizabeth's ambassadors had a 
very watchful eye over the Scotch ; and what by ad- 
dress, what by considerations of religion, but chiefly 
by money, they became acquainted with every thing. 

* King James's Works, p. 52. b Melvil, p. 161. 

e Burner., vol. I. p. 5. and Wehvood's Memoirs, p. 9. 8vo. Lond. IT 10. 

JAMES I. 23 

fit, without any regard to him, any farther 
than mere compliments. For the fear of 

James was negotiating every where. Thus for in- 
stance, Sir Henry Neville, though at Paris, had a 
watchful eye over the transactions of the Scotch king 
at Rome, and made himself master of them, though 
they were managed with the greatest caution 3 : and he 
was apprized also of the negotiation of baron Qgilhy 
in Spain, who offered in the name of " James to be re* 
conciled to the apostolic see, and to enter into a conr 
federacy with that crown, in order to rescue himself 
from the dangers he was exposed to from Elizabeth, on 
whom he offered, (upon condition of being assisted with 
twelve thousand men armed and paid all the time the 
war should last, and five hundred thousand ducats to 
begin it) to make war immediately, and declare himself 
her enemy b ." So that from hence it appears that Eli- 
zabeth had him fast, and could have exposed him to 
the resentments of the English and Scottish nations 
whenever she pleased. For as Walsingham, Burnet 
says, " thought the king was either inclined to turn 
papist, or to be of no religion ;" so these negotiations, 
had they been published, would have brought over 
multitudes of others to the same opinion; the conse- 
quence of which to him might have been fatal. No 
wonder then James's threatnings were little heeded: 
he was well known by the English court, and to know 
him was to stand in no awe of him ; for big as he would 
talk on occasion, fighting was his known aversion. 
Indeed, after he -came into England, he was weak 
enough to pretend that he had the direction of the 

11 Winwoocrs State Paper, p. 145, 146. The letters are well ^orth rad- 
ing ?t large. " Witjwood, vol. I. p. 5, 6, 7. c Burnet, vol. I. p. 6, 


losing the succession to the English crown, 
and the pension he enjoyed from Elizabeth, 
made him in all things obedient to her 

English affairs during his predecessor's reign : had this 
been so, they would n"ave heen managed like his own 
in Scotland, and as matters afterwards were by him in 
England. Whereas every body knows, never councils 
were better conducted, never more glory by any admi-* 
nistration acquired, than by Elizabeih's, and therefore 
he could have had no hand in the direction. That in 
the latter part of that queen's reign, he cultivated a 
correspondence with some of her courtiers, and endea-r 
voured by means of them to secure the succession, is 
true; iuid he was successful in his applications. But 
still he guided not, but was guided, and as carefully 
watched as could be; and, perhaps, a knowledge of his 
weakness, love of ease, and aversion to business, did 
not a little contribute to engage some of the great 
ones in his favour; who hoped that under him they 
might acquire honours, power, and wealth, in which 
they were not much mistaken. For a prince of great 
abilities, how valuable soever to a nation, is not the de- 
light of self-interested statesmen. He will see with 
his own eyes, will judge of men as they deserve, and 
reward only the wise and good ; and therefore under 
such an one little is to be hoped for by them. 

9 The fear of losing the succession to the English 
crown, and the pension he enjoyed from Elizabeth, 
made him in all things obedient to her will.] James 
loved not Elizabeth, for she kept'him under restraint; 
protected his nobility against him; fomented divisions 
in his kingdom ; and had caused his mother to be put 

JAMES I. 25 

He was not much regarded in Scotland 
by his nobility, which was owing, perhaps, 

to death. In short, he looked on her as the cause of 
all his troubles. These things he strongly complains 
of in his reasons for his reconcilement with Rome, 
and confederacy with Spain*. But yet notwithstand- 
ing the grudge he bore her, he refused her nothing, 
nor dared to contradict her. For he had a yearly pen- 
sion from the queen, I think, ten thousand pounds, the 
loss of which he could not well bear ; which was in- 
creased in the year 1601, two thousand more, upon his 
request. " Her majesty (says Cecyll) promising to 
continue it, as long as he shall make it appear to the 
world, that he is willing to deserve her extraordinary 
care and kindness towards him b ." This was a good 
round sum at that time of day in Scotland, and there- 
fore it behoved James to make it appear that he de- 
served it, by complying with her, whose bounty he so 
largely shared in. But that which kept James most in 
awe was the fear of losing the succession to the English 
crown. His being next in blood (though afterwards 
much talked of by him) was no security; had he be- 
haved displeasingly to Elizabeth, and once made her 
heartily angry, 'tis more than probable he would have 
died in his own country. For by a statute of the 13th 
year of her reign, it was made high treason for any 
person to affirm, " that the reigning prince with the 
authority of the parliament, is not able to limit and 
bind the crown, and the descent and inheritance there- 
of." This was the rod which was held over James, 
and made him fear and tremble. For he could never 
get himself declared by Elizabeth her successor, and he 

* Wiuwood, vol. L p. . Id. p. 3Q5. 


as much to their restless temper, as his 
weakness 10 ; nor had he power to govern 

knew full well what she was capable of doing when pro* 
voked. He therefore stifled his anger, dissembled his 
resentments, and did not publicly do any thing dis- 
obliging to Elizabeth. His private behaviour in his 
negotiations with Rome and Spain, could not but be 
unacceptable. But she probably despised them, and 
took care to frustrate them, and contented herself with 
letting the whole world see that she was mistress of 
the Scotch king, and stood in no fear of what he might 
do. So that the passion with which he received the 
news of his mother's death, and the threats he uttered 
were but mere words, and he was cooled down present^ 
ly by Walsingham's letter, " representing how much 
his pretending to revenge it, would prejudice him in, 
the eyes of the ancient nobility, by the greatest part of 
whom she was condemned, and of principal part of the 
gentlemen of the realm, who confirmed the same in 
parliament; who would never submit to his govern- 
ment, if he shewed so vindictive a mindV Those 
Scotch and English therefore were in the right, who 
assured the English council, it would soon be forgot; 
and " that the blood was alread} r fallen from his ma- 
jesty's heart V For he was afraid of consequences, 
and therefore durst not attempt to fulfil his threats. 

10 He was not much regarded by his nobility, &c.] 
He makes it a reason for his joining with Spain, that 
" queen Elizabeth had always protected his enemies 
and rebels, and that by their means she had caused him 
to be three or four times taken into custody ." Whc~ 

* Spotswood, p. 360. b Melvil, p. 173. 

c Winwood, vol. I. p. 4. 


his clergy, who behaved, as he thought, 
disobediently towards him ". 

ther or no Elizabeth was at the bottom of all the at- 
tempts of the nobility against James, is not my busi- 
ness to determine. But 'tis very certain they paid him 
but little regard, and scrupled not to bring him to 
'ferms, even by rough methods. The affair of Ruthven 
has been already mentioned : besides which we find 
the banished lords surprised him at Stirling, and caus.- 
ed him once more to dismiss Arran, and deprive him 
of his honours ; and Bothwell look the same course 
with him to obtain his pardon, and hinder his adver- 
saries from returning to court*. 

These were instances of disrespect and disregard, 
and could arise from nothing but an opinion of the 
weakness of the prince to whom they were offered. 
Though it must be confessed that the Scotch nobility 
in those days were of a bold, restless temper, and were 
seldom quiet any longer than things went just as they 
pleased; and therefore were unlikely to stand in much 
awe of one, \yhoseirresolutionand want of courage had 
been from his childhood so very remarkable. 

11 His clergy behaved disobediently, as he thought, 
towards him.] " The king perceiving that the death 
pf his mother was determined, gave orders to the mi- 
nisters to remember her in their public prayers ; which 
they denied to do. Upon their denial, charges were 
directed to command all bishops, ministers, and other 
office-bearers in the church, to make mention of her 
distress in their public prayers, and commend her to 
God. But of all the number, Mr. David Lindesay at 
J^eith, and the king's own ministers, gave obedjence : 

a Spotswood, p. 341. 394. 


For this he hated them most heartily; 
but dissembled his resentment, till he could 

At Edinburgh, where the disobedience was most pub- 
lic, the king purposing to have their fault amended, 
did appoint the third of February for solemn prayers 
to be made in her behalf, commanding the bishop of 
St. Andrews to prepare himself for that day; which 
when the ministers understood, they stirred up Mr. 
John Cowper, a young man not entered as yet in the 
function, to take the pulpit before the time, and ex- 
clude the bishop. The king coining at the hour ap- 
pointed, and seeing him in the place, called to him from 
his seat, and said, Mr. John, that place was destinate 
for another; yet since you are there, if you will obey 
the charge that is given, and remember my mother in 
your prayers, you shall go on. He replying, he would 
do as the spirit of God should direct him, was com- 
manded to leave the place ; and making as though he 
would stay, the captain of the guard wei:t to pull him 
out; whereupon he burst forth in these speeches, this 
day shall be a witness against the king, in the great 
day of the Lord ; and then denouncing a woe to the 
inhabitants of Edinburgh, he went down V This be- 
haviour seems to savour much of indecency and diso- 
bedience, and I doubt not but the reader is inclined to 
censure it accordingly. But let us not be too hasty, 
lest we judge unrighteous judgment. The ministers, 
I think, failed more in breeding than any thing else; 
for what was required of them, was to pray that God 
would illuminate her (Mary) with the light of his truth, 
and save her from the apparent danger in which she 
was cast. Now this latter they could not in conscience 

* Spotswood, p. 554. 

JAMES I. 29 

show it with safety ; when he let all men 

do : for they looked upon her in the most detestable 
light, and wished not for her preservation, believing it 
inconsistent with the good of the state and religion. 
And therefore, says secretary Walsingham, " it was 
wondered by all wise and religious men in England, 
that the king should be so earnest in the cause of his 
mother, seeing all the papists in Europe that affected 
the change of religion in both realms, did build their 
hopes altogether upon her a ." If therefore the Scots 
ministers thought as all the wise and religious men in 
England did, about this matter, they could not, con- 
sistently with sincerity, have prayed for her deliver- 
ance. The king therefore should have forborne press- 
ing them to do what was contrary to their judgments, 
and they should have used civil and respectful terms of 
refusal ; which, if they had done, I apprehend, they 
would have been free from blame. But this was not 
the only affair in which the clergy of Scotland behaved 
disobediently and irreverently towards James. 

For Mr. Robert Bruce, finding the king willing that 
Huntley should return into Scotland, boldly told him, 
" I see, Sir, that your resolution is to take Huntley in- 
to favour, which if you do, I will oppose, and you shall 
chuse whether you will lose Huntley or me; for both 
you cannot keep 6 ." Mr. Blake was likewise charged 
by him with saying, " that he had detected the trea- 
chery of his heart; that all kings were the devil's 
barns ; and that the devil was in the court, and in the 
guiders of it c ." And Mr. John Welch, in the high 
church of Edinburgh, said, " the king was possessed 
with a devil, and one devil being put out, seven worse 

* SpoUwood, p. 354. * Id. p. 417. ' Id. p. 423. 


know how much their conduct galled him* 
and what ill will he bare unto them Iz . 

were entered in his p]ace d ." This was strange talking, 
and what could not but be very displeasing to James, 
though he had not power enough to curb and restrain 
those who were guilty of it. 

11 He dissembled with them, till with safety he could 
shew his resentment, Sec.] Notwithstanding all the 
rudeness with which he had been treated by his clergy 
in the general assembly at Edinburgh, 1590, he stood 
" up with his bonnet off, and his hands lifted up to 
heaven, and said, he praised God, that he was born in 
the time of the light of the gospel, and in such a place, 
as to be king of such a church, the sincerest [purest] 
kirk in the world. The Church of Geneva keep pasche 
and yule [Easter and Christmas] what have they for 
them ? they have no institution. As for our neighbour 
kirk of England, their service is an evil said mass in 
English ; they want nothing of the mass but the lift- 
ings. I charge you my good ministers, doctors, elders, 
nobles, gentlemen, and barons, to stand to your purity, 
and to exhort the people to do the same ; and I, for- 
sooth, as long as I brook my life, shall maintain the 
same b ." And in his speech to the parliament, 1598, 
he tells them, " he minded not to bring in papistical 
or anglicane bishops ." And in 1602, he assured the 
general assembly, " that he would stand for the church 
and be an advocate for the ministry d ." A nlan would 
think by this, that James had a very great regard for 
his clergy, and an high esteem of them ; and doubtless 

* Spotswood, p. 430. b Calderwood's Church History of Scotland, 

p. 256. fol. Edinb. 1680. Id. p. 418. f Spotswood, p. 463. 


Though \ve are not to suppose, however 

he himself intended they should think so too. But 
this was mere artifice and dissimulation; for at bot- 
tom he hated them heartily, and could not bear the 
thoughts of them. This will appear to a demonstra- 
tion from his writings. " Some fiery spirited men in 
the ministry, he says, oftentimes calumniated him in 
their popular sermons, not for any evil or vice in him, 
but because he was a king, which they thought the 
highest evil." This was the effect he thought of parity 
in the church. Therefore he advises his son [prince 
Henry] " to take heed to such puritans, very pests in 
the church and commonwealth, whom no deserts can 
oblige, neither oaths nor promises bind, breathing 
nothing but sedition and calumnies, aspiring without 
measure, railing without reason, and making their own 
imaginations (without any warrant of the word) the 
square of their conscience. I protest before the great 
God, and since I am here upon my testament, it is 
no place for me to lye in, that ye shall never find 
with any hie-land or border thieves, greater ingratitude, 
and more lies and vile perjuries, than with these pha- 
natic spirits, and suffer not the principal of them to 
brook your land, if ye list to set at rest ; except ye 
would keep them for trying your patience, as Socrates 
did an evil wife*." 

And in his premonition to all Christian monarchs, 
&c. he tells us " he was ever an enemy to the confused 
anarchy or parity of the puritans, as well appeareth in 
his BA2IAIKON AI1PON." And therefore adds he, " I 
cannot enough wonder with what brazen face this an- 
swerer (Bellannine) could say, that I was a puritan in 

King /amei's Works, p. 160. 


it has been otherwise represented, either 
through ignorance or prejudice to the then 

Scotland, and an enemy to protestants : I that waa 
persecuted by puritans there, not from my birth only, 
but even since four months before my birth ? I that in 
the year of God 84, erected bishops, and depressed all 
their popular parity. I then not being 18 years of age, 
[this was the year in which the earl of Gowry was ex- 
ecuted, and Ari'an committed the vilest acts of injus- 
tice] " I that in my said book to my son, do speak ten 
times more bitterly of them than of the papists ; hav- 
ing in my second edition thereof affixed a long apolo- 
getic preface, only jn odium puritanorwn*." This wai 
written in England when the king could speak hia 
mind, and therefore we may be sure we have his reaf 
sentiments, especially as all his actions were corre- 
spondent unto them. So that I had reason to say, that 
James dissembled his hatred and resentment till a pro- 
per opportunity. But how worthy this was of a king 
is not hard to judge. For nothing is more unbeconv- 
ing the rank and character of such an one, than dissi- 
mulation, especially towards his own subjects. It is 
setting an ill example unto them, which may be of the 
most fatal consequences ; and depriving princes of that 
love, trust and confidence, in which their safety, 
strength and reputation most of all consist. But to 
dissemble in the affairs of religion, is vile hypocrisy; 
which yet 'tis plain from the king's own speeches and 
writings he did. But James was a weak prince, and 
lord Bacon has finely observed, " that the weaker sort 
of politicks are the great dissemblers." " For, adds he, 
if a man have that penetration of judgment, as he 

* King James's Works^p. 305. 

JAMES 1. 33 

Scottish clergy, but that they had received 

discern what things are to be laid open, and what to be 
secreted, and what to be shewed at half lights, and to 
whom and when, (which indeed are arts of state, and 
arts of life, as Tacitus well calleth them) to him a habit 
of dissimulation is an hindrance and a poorness. But 
if a man cannot attain to that judgment, then it is left 
to him generally to be a dissembler a ." I will conclude 
this note with a passage from honest Montaigne, which 
I dare say every reader of like character will applaud. 
" As to this virtue of dissimulation, I mortally hate it ; 
and of all vices find none that does evidence so much 
baseness and meanness of spirit. 'Tis a cowardly and 
servile humour to hide and disguise a man's self under 
a vizor, and not to dare to shew himself what he is. 
By that our followers are trained up to treachery. 
Being brought up to speak what is not true, they make 
no conscience of a lye. A generous heart ought not 
to belye its own thoughts, but will make itself seen 
within, all there is good, or at least manly. Aristotle 
reputes it the office of magnanimity, openly and pro- 
fessedly to love and hate, to judge and speak with all 
freedom; and not to value the approbation or dislike 
of others in comparison of truth. Apollonius said, it 
was for slaves to lye, and for free men to speak truth. 
'Tis the chief and fundamental part of virtue, we must 

love it for itself. A man must not always tell all; for 

that were folly ; but what a man says, should be what 
he thinks, otherwise 'tis knavery. I do not know what 
advantage men pretend to by eternally counterfeiting 
and dissembling, if not, never to be believed wfyen they 
speak the truth. This may once or twice pass upon 

* Lord IJacou's Essay on Simulation *nd Dissimulation. 
VOL. I. D 


provocations by the king's actions, to be- 
have towards him as they did IJ . 

men ; but to profess concealing their thoughts, and to* 
brag, as some of our princes have done, that they 
would burn their shirts if they knew their intentions, 
and that who knows not how to dissemble, knows not 
how to rule; is to give warning to all who have any 
thing to do with them, that all they say is nothing but 
lying and deceit 3 ." 

13 The clergy had received provocations to behave 
towards him as they did.] I have given an account of 
the undutiful behaviour of the clergy towards James 
from Spotswood : but bishop Burnet tells us, " there 
is a great defect runs through archbishop Spotswood's 
history, where much of the rude opposition the king 
inet with, particularly from the assemblies of the kirk, 
is set forth ; but the true ground of all the jealousies 
they were possessed with, is suppressed by him V 
These jealousies were of his being in his heart a papist, 
founded on facts delivered to them by the English 
ministry, and from his favouring and employing those 
of that religion. Walsingham, as I have already ob- 
served, " thought James was either inclined to turn 
papist, or to be of no religion. And when the English 
court saw that they could not depend on him, they 
raised all possible opposition to him in Scotland, in- 
fusing strong jealousies into those who were enough 
inclined to receive them, ." Dr. Birch says, " the king 
of Scots was indeed at this time [1599] much suspected 
of inclining to popery; and a copy of a letter, offering 
obedience to the pope, signed by that king, was brought 

a Montaigne's Essays, by Cotton, vol. II p. 507. 8vo. Lond. 1636. 
. b Burnet, vol. I. p. 5. c Id. ib. 


However, I am far enough from defend- 

from Rome by the master of Gray, and shewn to queen 
Elizabeth ; who sent Sir William Bowes ambassador to 
him, to advertise him hot to build on the friendship of 

Rome*." [This was the letter for which lord Balme- 

rino was condemned, but pardoned, in the year 160Q ; 
it being said he surreptitiously got the king's hand 
thereto, which he himself confessed.] And we find, in 
1590, the ministers complaining to the king of u the 
favour granted to the popish lords; the countenance 
given to the lady Huntley, and her invitation to the 
baptism of the princess ; the putting her in the hands 
of the lady Levingstone, an avowed and obstinate pa- 
pist ; and the alienation of his majesty's heart from 
the ministers, as appeared by all his speeches public and 

private V- In short, the ministers were jealous of 

his majesty's intentions; they suspected his behaviour, 
and were afraid that he only wanted an opportunity to 
crush them, and the religion they professed. 'Twas 
the belief of this, that made them break out into such 
indecent expressions, and undutiful behaviour; and 
the knowledge of their own power and influence over 
the people, which inspired them with courage and 
boldness. And, I think, all impartial persons must 
allow, that if ever 'tis excuseable to go beyond bounds 
in any thing, it is in defence of religion and liberty, in 
opposition to popery and tyranny. Most of these men 
remembered the fires which popish zeal had lighted ; 
they had seen the blood spilt by it, and therefore it 
is not to be wondered at, that they were more than 

* Uirch's Historical View of the Negotiations between the Courts of Eng- 
land, France, and Brussels, p. 177. 8vo. Lond. 1749. Spotswood, p. 455. 
Uurnet, p. 6. and note 43. b Spotswood, p. 419. 

D 2 


ing their whole behaviour 14 . In 158$, 
James married a daughter of Denmark, (af- 
ter having objected against the dignity of 
that royal house, merely through ignorance 
about it TJ :) and the lady being driven by a 

ordinarily moved at every thing which had the least 
tendency to bring them back into so deplorable a 

4 I am far enough from defending their whole be- 
haviour.] The behaviour of the clergy was very rough, 
and bordering upon rudeness. They treated majesty 
with too much familiarity. They prostituted their pul- 
pits to affairs of state, and rebuked after such a man- 
ner as tended more to provoke, than to reclaim. In 
these things they were blameworthy. But I should 
not do them justice, were I to omit their zeal for what 
they thought truth ; their labour and diligence in the 
business of the ministry, and their speaking the truth 
with all boldness. These were virtues for whieh James's 
clergy were eminent; and therefore they were held in 
high esteem by the major part of that kingdom, as will 
all of that profession every where be, who imitate them 
herein, for they are things praiseworthy, and of good 

15 He married a daughter of Denmark, after having 
objected against the dignity of that royal house, through 
mere ignorance about it.] James, notwithstanding all 
his boasted learning, was defective in history, the 
knowledge of which is most necessary for princes. He 
had so little skill in this, that he knew net the state 
and condition of so near a country to him as Denmark j 
nor was he acquainted with the rank the kings of it 
bare in Christendom. " He was informed, he said, 

JAMES I, 37 

tempest into Norway, he, impatient of the 

that the king of Denmark was descended but of mer- 
chants, and that few made account of him or his coun- 
try, but such as spoke the Dutch tongue*." 'Tis 
amazing that any one of James's elevated station should 
be so grossly ignorant. Had he never read of the 
power of the Danes, their ravages and conquests both 
in England and Scotland ? was he never informed that 
marriage had been contracted between his own family 
and that of Denmark ? nor that in the year 1468 Chris- 
tian I. king of Norway and Denmark, renounced all 
right and title for himself and his successors to James 
III. king of Scotland, to the isles of Orkney, upon a 
marriage between him and his daughter b ? Tis plain 
he knew none of these things, and therefore was 
miserably qualified to contract alliances, or enter into 

treaties. However Melvil informed him of these 

matters, which made him so exceeding glad, " that he 
said he would not for his head but that he had shewn 
the verity unto him." " Sometime after, as said is, 
he called his council together in his cabinet, and told 
them how he had been advising about his marriage 
fifteen days, and asked council of God by devout prayer 
thereon, and that he was now resolved to marry in 
Denmark ." The lady whom James took to wife was 
Ann, second daughter of Frederick king of .Denmark. 
Our historians give her the character of a courteous 
and humane princess, and one in whom there was much 
goodness* 1 . It will not perhaps be unacceptable to the 
reader if I give the character she bore among foreigners, 

* Melvil, p. 164. b Camden's Britannia, by Gibson, edit. 2. p. 1470. 
Lond. 17-22. c Melvil, p. 177. d Spotswood, p. 540. aud 

Wilson's Life of King James, p. lv>9. f l. Lond. 16J3. 

A i > T -f 


detention of his bride, went thither and con- 

who, oftentimes, speak more justly than subjects, 
*' She was naturally, says the duke of Sully, hold and 
enterprizing : she loved pomp and grandeur, tumult 
and intrigue. She was acquainted with all the civil 
factions, not only in Scotland, occasioned by the catho- 
lics, whom she supported, and had even first encourag- 
ed ; but also in England, where the discontented, 
whose numbers were not inconsiderable, were not sorry 
to be supported by a princess destined to become their 
queen. In public she affected absolutely to govern 
her son (prince Henry) whom it was said she thought 
to inspire with sentiments in favour of Spain : for none 
doubted but she was inclined to declare herself absolute- 
ly on that side a . Afterwards, he tells us, he received 
letters from Beaumont, (the French resident) informing 
him, that the queen was disposed to pleasures and 
amusements, and seemed wholly engaged in them, and 
nothing else. She so entirely neglected or forgot the 
Spanish politics, as gave reason to believe she had in 
reality only pretended to be attached to them, through 
the necessity of eventual conjunctures V Whoever 
knows the rank of Sully, as favourite and prime mi- 
nister to Henry the Great of France, and ambassador 
extraordinary to James, will pay great deference to his 
account; for it cannot but be supposed he had the best 
informations. And indeed from Winwood's state pa- 
pers the character of queen Ann will be found nearly as 
Sully has given it, but different with regard to her in- 
clinations to Spain, from what Beaumont informed 
him. 1 have before observed, that while in Scotland 

Memoirs of the Duke of Sully, p. 211, 213. vol. I. 12mo. Lond. 1751. 
b Id. vol. II. p. 179. 

JAMES I. 39 

summated the marriage. From whence, 
upon invitation, he proceeded into Den- 
mark, where being royally entertained, he 

she employed a person to Bothwell, to hasten him. 
home, assuring him of assistance, in order thatGovvry's 
death might be revenged *. 

And Mr. Winwood, in a letter to the lord Cran- 
borne, Sept. 12, 1604, O. S. says, "the followers of 
the constable (of Castile) in their relation of England, 
gave forth that the queen was wholly theirsV Mr. 
Levinus Muncke (secretary to the earl of Salisbury) 
in a letter to Mr. Winwood, Oct. 29, 1605, tells him, 
" Mons Caron (the Dutch ambassador) with much 
ado spake first with the queen, and afterward with the 
prince. I was glad, adds he, I was made an instru-> 
ment, under my lord, of his accesses ; for otherwise, 
without his assistance, I fear me, he had never spoken 
with her ; for let me tell you in your ear without of- 
fence, she is meerly Spanish, and had promised Aren- 
berg (ambassador from the arch-dukes) not to speak 
with Caron. But the best is, she carrieth no sway in state 
matters, and prater rem uxoriam hath no great reach 
in other affairs ." However the Spaniards valued her 
friendship, and upon a letter from her to the queen of 
Spain, "a large pension was granted to one Carre, a 
Scott d ." Sir Charles Cornwallis, ambassador in Spain, 
in a letter to the earl of Salisbury, April 13, 1609, 
writes, that "the [Spanish] ambassador hath advertised 
that the queen should say unto him, he might one day 
perad venture see the prince on a pilgrimage at St. 
,lago. Whereupon, tho' doubtless she spake in mer- 

a See note 5. * Winwood, vol. [[. p. 31. c Id. p. 155. 

" Id. p. H9. 


spent the winter, and returned not into 
Scotland till May 20, 1590. 

During the remainder of his reign ia 

riment, they here much infer, and seem to hope that 
his majesty will be contented to send him hither to re- 
ceive the rest of his education here, yf the inclination 
of alliance continues 1 ." So that from these passages 
'tis plain Sully did not misrepresent this queen, in 
saying, " no one doubted but she was inclined to de- 
clare herself absolutely on the Spanish side." As to 
pomp and grandeur, pleasures and amusements, who- 
ever will take the trouble of consulting the pages re- 
ferred to in the margin, will see abundant proof of it h . 
For from these it appears that her inclinations were 
much towards masques and revels, state and grandeur, 
which probably ran her in debt, and made her melan- 
choly, 'till the king augmented her jointure, and paid 
her debts c . Sir Edward Peyton represents her indeed 
in a much worse light. According to him, besides 
Gowry, [it should be Gowry's brother] she had a great 
number of gallants, both in Scotland and England d . 
But what he says on this head, is to me so very im- 
probable, that I will not trouble the reader with it. 

She died of a dropsy March 1, 1618-19, at 

Hampton-Court, without much lamentation from the 
king, though she was not unbeloved by the people. 
Osborn observes, that he himself saw "James one 
evening parting from the queen, and taking his leave 
at her coach side, by kissing her sufficiently to the 
middle of the shoulders ; for so low, says he, she went 

Winwood, vol. IIL p. 12. b H. vol. II. p. 44. rol. III. p. 11 7. 
and 454. e Id. p. 117. " Peyton's Divine Catastrophe of 

the House of Stuarts, p. 10, 11. Lond. 1731. 8ro. 

JAMES I. 41 

Scotland, he was engaged in troubles with 
his nobility ; in quarrels with his clergy ; 
and in writing his paraphrase on the Reve- 
lations 16 . His Daemonologie, stiled a rare 

bare all the days I had the fortune to know her; 
having a skin far more amiable than the features it 
covered, though not the disposition, in which report 
rendered her very debonair*." But notwithstanding 
the debonairness of her disposition, she could not in- 
fluence her husband, who weakly permitted his fa- 
vourites to ill-treat her b . This probably might in time 
alter her disposition, and cause her to act with wisdom 
and prudence, and avoid feastings, revels and factions. 
For archbishop Abbot, (a worthy venerable prelate) 
many years after her death, speaks of her with great 
respect, and as of one whose virtue he had not the 
least doubt of, which, I dare say, he would not have 
done, had her character, in his eye, been upon the 
whole faulty . I have been the longer upon the cha- 
racter of this princess, because it has been little known; 
our historians contenting themselves to speak one after 
the other, without examination, whereby, for the most 
part, it cometh to pass, that they tend little to improve 
or instruct ; and, which is worse, fix such ideas of 
things and persons as are difficult to be eradicated, 
tho' ever so false. 

16 In writing his paraphrase on the Revelations.] 
"This paraphrase (says Dr. Montague) was written 
by his majesty before he was twenty years of age V 

m Osborn, p. 496. b PushwortVs Historical Collections, vol. I. 

p. 456. fol. Lond. 1659. c IJ. ib. d Preface to king Jnmes's 



piece for many precepts and experiments 

And James, at the end of his epistle to the church mi- V 
litant, prefixed to this paraphrase, desires " that what 
was found amiss in it might be imputed to his lack of 
years and learning 8 ." A strange work this for a youth 
to undertake, and an argument of very great weakness. 
For who knows not that this book has exercised the 
wits of the most learned and understanding men, from 
the beginning of the Christian church ; and who is 
there ignorant that the world has been little the wiser 
for their lucubrations r Great learning, industry, and 
piety have been discovered, it must be owned, in se- 
veral commentators on this book, but still it remains 
in many parts obscure, as at the beginning b . What 
then must we think of a raw young man who shall 
wade so far out of his depth, and set up for an ex- 
pounder of the deepest mysteries ? Ought we not to 
censure his temerity, and condemn his boldness ? 
And much more reasonable will this appear when we 
consider that James was a prince, and consequently a 
person whose business it was to apply himself to affairs 
of government, and consult the welfare of his people. 
This was his proper business ; the other was out of 
his province, and answered no end, either to himself 
or others. Indeed, if Montague is right, these re- 
flections are ill founded. He tells us " kings have a 
kind of interest in this book [the Revelations] be}'ond 
any other ; for as the execution of the most part of the 
prophecies of that book is committed unto them, so it 
may be, that the interpretation of it may more happily 
be made by them ; and since they are the principal in- 

m King James's Works, p. 3. b See Mede, More, Newton, 

Lowman, &c. 

JAMES I. 43 

siruments that God hath described in that book to 
destroy the kingdom of Antichrist, to consume his 
state and city ; I see not but it may stand with the 
wisdom of God to inspire their hearts to expound it a ." 
This is admirable ! and well worthy of a court chaplain 
who had still hopes of preferment. But, with this 
bishop's good leave, I will take on me to affirm, that 
James's work is far enough from being a proof that 
the Revelations may be more happily interpreted 
by kings than by others ; or that God puts it into 
their royal hearts at any time to expound it. For to 
speak in the softest manner of this performance, it 
must be said to be poor, low, and mean, and in- 
capable of bringing any honour to the composer. 
Subjoined to this paraphrase is a " fruitful meditation, 
containing a plain and easy exposition, or laying 
open of the seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth verses 
of the twentieth chapter of the Revelation, in form 
and manner of a sermon." Here he plainly inti- 
mates his opinion that the church of Rome is Anti- 
christ. When this was first printed at Edinburgh it 

had this title. " Ane fruitful meditation containing 

ane plaine and facile exposition of the 7, 8, 9 and 10 
verses of the XX. chap, of the Revelation in forme 
of ane sermone. Set down by the maist Christiane 
king and syncier professour and cheif defender of the 
faith, James the 6th king of Scottis. 2 Thess. i. G, 7, 
8. For it is ane righteous thing with God. Impremit 

at Edinburgh' be Henrie Charteris, 1588 b ." James 

was fond of meditations on select portions of scripture. 
After the destruction of the Spanish armado in 1588, 
he wrote a " meditation upon the 25, 26, 27, 28 and 

11 Preface to James's Works. b Lewis's History of the English 

Translations of the Bi5le, p. 296. 


f9th verses of the xvth chapter of the first book of 
Chronicles of the kings :" in which he compares the 
protestants to the " Israelites, and the catholicks to 
the Philistines, adorers of legions of gods, and ruled 
by the foolish traditions of men V And long after- 
wards [1619] he wrote a "meditation on the Lord's 
Praver, of which I shall speak more hereafter ; and a 
meditation upon the 27, 28, 29th verses of the xxviith 
chapter of St. Matthew, or a pattern for a king's in- 
auguration/' This was dedicated to prince Charles. 
Among several other things we have the following 
passage, " telling Buckingham my intention, [of writ- 
ing this meditation] and that I thought you the fittest 
person to whom I could dedicate it, for divers reasons 
following, he humbly and earnestly desired me, that 
he might have the honour to be my amanuensis in this 
work. First, because it would free me from the pain 
of writing, by sparing the labour both of mine eyes 
and hands ; and next, that he might do you some 
piece of service thereby ; protesting that his natural 
obligation to you (next me) is redoubled by the many 
favours that you daily heap upon him. And indeed I 
must ingenuously confess to my comfort, that in 
making your affections to follow and second thus your 
fathers, you shew what reverent love you carry towards 
me in your heart. And indeed my granting this re- 
quest to Buckingham hath much eased my labour, con- 
sidering the slowness, illness, and uncorrectness of my 
hand b ." Many of my readers, I doubt not, will be 
pleased with such like passages as this ; for they shew 
the man more than any thing besides. However, I 
must ask pardon for running away from the Revela- 
tions, of which James was a paraphrast, to these me- 

* James's Works, p. 87. Id. p. 602, 

JAMES I. 45 

in divinity and natural philosophy a I? ; 

dilations ; but the connexion between that annexed to 
that book, and the rest, I hope will be deemed a suffi- 
cient excuse. 

17 His Daemonologie.] This was printed at Edin- 
burgh, cum privil. reg. 4to. 1597. It is in form of a 
dialogue, divided into three books. The occasion and 
end of this piece, to do James justice, I shall give in 
his own words. " The fearful abounding (says he) at 
this time, in this country, of these detestable slaves of 
the devil, the witches or enchanters, hath moved me, 
beloved reader, to dispatch in post this following 
treatise of mine, not in any wise (as I protest) to serve 
for a shew of my learning and ingene, but only (moved 
of conscience) to press thereby so far as I can, to re- 
solve the doubting hearts of many; both that such 
assaults of Satan are most certainly practised, and 
that the instrument thereof merits most severely to 
be punished, against the damnable opinions of two 
principally in our age, whereof the one called Scot, 
an Englishman, is not ashamed in public print to deny, 
that there can be such a thing as witchcraft; and so 
maintains the old errors of the Sadducees in denying of 
spirits ; the other called Wierus, a German physician, 
sets out a public apology for all these crafts-folks, 
whereby, procuring for their impunity, he plainly be- 
wrays himself to have been one of that profession. 
And for to make this treatise the more pleasant and 
facile, I have put it in form of a dialogue, which I 
have divided into three books ; the first speaking of 
magic in general, and necromancie in special : the 
second of sorcerie and witchcraft : and the third coa- 

Preface to James'i Works. 


tains a discourse of all these kinds of spirits, and 
spectres that appear and trouble persons : together 
with a conclusion of the whole work a ." From this 
account 'tis plain James believed that there were 
witches, &c. and that s they deserved a most severe 
punishment. And afterwards he tell us, "that witches 
ought to be put to death according to the law of God, 
the civil and imperial law, and the municipal law of 
all Christian nations. Yea, he declares, that to spare 
the life, and not to strike when God bids strike, and 
so severely punish in so odious a fault and treason 
against God, it is not only unlawful, but doubtless 
no less sin in the magistrate, nor it was in Saul's 
sparing AgagV Yea, so zealous was he for punish- 
ing these poor wretches, that he declares it to be his 
opinion " that barnes or wives, or never so defamed 
persons, may serve for sufficient witnesses against 
them c ." But lest innocent persons should be accused, 
and suffer falsely, he tells us " there are two good helps 
that may be used for their trial: the one is the finding 
of their mark, and the trying the insensibleness thereof: 
the other is their fleeting on the water: for, as in a 
secret murther, if the dead carkas be at any time 
thereafter handled by the murtherer, it will gush out 
of blood, as if the blood were crying to the heaven 
for revenge of the murtherer : God having appointed 
that secret supernatural sign, for trial of that secret 
unnatural crime : so that it appears that God hath ap- 
pointed (for a supernatural sign of the monstrous im- 
piety of witches) that the water shall refuse to receive 
them in her bosom, that have shaken off them the 
sacred water of baptism, and wilfully refused the bene- 
fit thereof: no, not so much as their eyes are able to 

a James's Works, p. 91. b Id. p. 134. c Id. p. 135. 

JAMES I. 47 

shed tears (threaten and torture them as you please) 
while first they repent (God not permitting them to 
dissemble their obstinacie in so horrible a crime). 
Albeit the women-kind especially, be able otherwise 
to shed tears at every light occasion when they will, 
yea, although it were dissembling like the crocodiles V 
James, w r e see, was well qualified for a witch-finder; 
he knew their marks, and could discover them by 
swimming, and refraining tears. And accordingly, he 
permitted persons to be executed who were found guilty 
thereof. In 1597, "there was a great business in the 
trial of witches; amongst others, one Margaret Atkins, 
being apprehended upon suspicion, and threatened 
with torture, did confess herself guilty. Being ex- 
amined concerning her associates in that trade, she 
named a few, and finding she gained credit, made offer 
to detect all of that sort, and to purge the country of 
them, so she might have her life granted. For the 
reason of her knowledge, she said, that they had a 
secret mark, all of that sort, in their eyes, whereby 
she could surely tell, how soon she looked upon any, 
whether they were witches or not. In this she was so 
readily believed, that for the space of three or four 
months she was carried from town to town, to make 
discoveries in that kind. She accused many, and 
many innocent women were put to death. In the end 
she was found to be a mere deceiverV And most of 
the winter of the year 1591, w r as spent in the discovery 
and examination of witches and sorcerers. "In this 
year the famous Agnes Samson (commonly called the 
wise wife of Keith) was examined, who confessed she 
had a familiar spirit, who had no power over the king, 
but said, as she took the words to be, il est homme de 

* James's Works, p. 136. b Spots-rood, p. 443. 


Dieu 3 " This speech, I doubt not, flattered James's 
vanity, and made him the more stedfast in the belief 
of the doctrine of witches. For believe it, I suppose, 
he did, or otherwise he would not have passed such a 
bloody statute, formed out of compliment (as has been 
well conjectured) b to him, by both houses of parlia- 
ment, soon after his accession to the English throne. 
By this statute it was enacted, " that if any person or 
persons shall use, practise, or exercise any invocation, 
or conjuration of any evil and wicked spirit, or shall 
consult, covenant with, entertain, employ, feed or re- 
ward any evil and wicked spirit, to or for any intent 
and purpose: or take up any dead man, woman, on 
child, out of his, her, or their grave, or any other 
place where the dead body resteth, or the skin, bone, 
or any part of any dead person, to be employed or 
used in any manner of witchcraft, sorcery, charm, or 
inchaotment ; or shall use, practise, or exercise any 
witchcraft, inchantment, charm or sorcery, whereby 
any person shall be killed, destroyed, wasted, con* 
sumed, pined or lamed in his or her body, or any part 
thereof; that then every such offender or offenders, 
their aiders, abettors, and counsellors, being of any 
the said offences duly and lawfully convicted and at- 
tainted, shall suffer pains of death as a felon or felons ; 
and shall lose the privilege and benefit of clergy and 
sanctuary ." Upon this statute great numbers have 
been condemned and executed, to the reproach of 
common sense and humanity. And even great and 
good men have been the instruments hereby of con- 
demning miserable innocent creatures. 

A caution to law -makers this, not (in order to please 

* Spotswood, p. 383. b Hutchinson's Historical Essay concerning 

Witchcraft, p. 180. Lend. 1718, 8vo, c Stat. anno primo Jacobi 

regis, c. 12. sect. 2. 

JAMES I. 49 

u prince) to enacl statutes, especially on the penalty of 
death, unless upon the most solid, weighty reasons. 
For though the general opinion then was, that there 
were witches, and that they did much hurt and damage, 
yet ought the parliament to have weighed well the 
foundation on which it was built, and the consequences 
of it. Whereas they took the opinion on trust, and 
enacted a most dreadful punishment for an imaginary 

crime. James tells us," that witches ought to be 

put to death, according to the municipal law of all 
Christian nations." He spoke as he knew; but had 
his learning been as universal as it was proclaimed, he 
could not with truth have said so. For Dr. Hutchin- 
son assures us, that 'tis so far from being true, that all 
nations have always had such laws as ours, that he had 
some reason to doubt, whether any nation in the world 
hath, unless it be Scotland*. And with great pleasure 
I find that there " was a law in Ethiopia, which pro- 
hibited the people to believe that there is any such 
thing as witches; the belief whereof, they say, is 
founded upon the error of the Manichees, that there 
are two independent gods, a good one, and a bad 
oneV But 1 will leave this subject, after having ob- 
served that we have reason to be thankful to almighty 
God, and to acknowledge the wisdom and goodness 
of our government, for repealing the statute aforesaid, 
and " enacting, that no prosecution, suit, or proceeding 
shall be commenced, or carried on against any person 
or persons for witchcraft, sorcery, inchantment, or con- 
juration, in any court whatsoever in Great Britain ." 
This is a statute as much in honour to our legislators 

a Historical Discourse of Witchcraft, p. 158. 
"Gedcles Church History of Ethiopia, p. 361. Svo. Lond. 1696, 
c Stat. anno nono Georgii II. regis, c. 5. sect. 3. 
VOL. I, E 


his Trew law of free monarchy 18 ; but espe- 
cially his piece so highly extolled, entitled 

as any ever enacted, and will transmit their fame down 
to posterity ; it being founded on reason and justice, 
and productive of the safety of the people, whose 
welfare is the end of all government. I have said 
above, that I supposed James did believe the doctrine 
of witches. But, in justice to his character, I must 
here add, that after his being in England, having met 
with a number of forgeries and cheats, they wrought 
such an alteration upon his judgment, that at first he 
grew diffident of, and then flatly denied the workings 
of witches and devils*. 

13 His Trew law of free monarchy.] This was printed 
in September 1598, without his name. " The bent of 
it, says Calderwood, was directed against the course 
of God's work, in the reformation of our kirk, and 
elsewhere, as rebellious to kingsV And it must be 
confessed, if the doctrine contained in this treatise is 
true, the Scotch and many other of the reformers, will 
with difficulty be cleared from rebellion. For he as- 
serts the regal power strongly ; allows resistance or 
disobedience to it upon no account whatsoever; and 
reflects on the " seditious preachers of whatsoever 
religion, either in Scotland or in France, that had 
busied themselves most to stir up rebellion under cloke 
of religion ." In short, he plainly says, " the king is 
above the law, and that he is not bound thereto, but of 
his good will, and for good example-giving to his sub- 
jects"." This is the doctrine contained in the law of 

a Fuller's Church Hist, cent 17. book 10. p. 74. and Osborn's Works, 
p. 551. b CaMerwood's Church Hirt. p. 426. 'James's Works, 

p. 199. d Id. p. 203. 


BA2IAIKON AHPON' 9 , for the use of his 
son prince Henry ; which being published 

free monarchy, than which nothing can be more vile 
and abominable. 

I9 BA2)IAIKON AHPON.] This book is dedicated to 
his dearest son and natural successor, prince Henry. 
'Tis divided into three parts. " The first teacheth your 
duty towards God as a Christian ; the next your duty 
in your office as a king; and the third informeth you 
how to behave yourself in indifferent things, says he 
to the prince*. It was wrote for an exercise of his 
own ingenie and instruction of him, who, he hoped, 
was appointed of God to sit on his throne after him." 

" Seven copies only were permitted to be printed, 
the printer being first sworn to secresie; but, con- 
trary to his intention and expectation, the book was 
vented, and set forth to public viewV This was in 
the year 1599. This book contains some tolerable 
things, but intermixed with strange passages ; those 
relating to the clergy, whom he opprobriously terms 
puritans, I have had occasion before to mention 6 : 
what follows, I think, is not less remarkable. " Suffer 
not your princes and your parents to be dishonoured 
by any : the infaming and making odious of the pa- 
rent, is the readiest way to bring the son into con- 
tempt. 1 never yet found a constant biding by 

me in all my streights, by any that were of perfit age 
in my parents days, but only by such as constantly 
bode by them ; I mean, specially by them that served 
the queen my mother d ." So that princes, even after 
their death, are not to have much truth spoken con- 

* Works, p. 139. b Id. p. 142. 

c See note 12. d Works, p. 158. 

E 2 


(though censured by the synod of St. An- 
drews) was well accepted in England, and 

cerning them, if they have children to reign after 
them; and all their tyrannies, oppressions, and vices 
are to be buried in oblivion, or concealed at least from 
the eyes of the vulgar. What monstrous doctrine is 
this! how does it take off all awe and restraint from 
princes, and give them hope of reputation after death, 
how ill soever they may behave! How much more 
sensible and judicious were the sentiments of the vir- 
tuous and amiable " Queen Mary, who when reflec- 
tions were once made before her, of the sharpness of 
some historians, who had left heavy imputations on 
the memory of some princes ; answered, that if those 
princes were truly such, as the historians represented 
them, they had well deserved that treatment; and 
others who tread their steps might look for the same ; 
for truth would be told at last, and that with the more 
acrimony of style, for being so long restrained it was 
a gentle suffering (added she) to be exposed to the 
world in their true colours, much below what others 
had suffered at their hands. She thought also that all 
sovereigns ought to read such histories as Procopius ; 
for how much soever he may have aggravated matters, 
and how unbecomingly soever he may have writ, yet 
by such books they might see what would be probably 
said of themselves, when all terrors and restraints 
should fall off with their lives'." These reflections are 
solid and just, and could proceed only from a mind 
conscious of its own innocency and integrity ; whereas 
the advice of James has the appearance of a sense of 

Burnefs Essay on the Memory of Queen Mary, p. 1 13. 19mo. Land. 

JAMES I. 35 

raised an admiration in all men's hearts, 
says Spotswood, of his piety and wisdom. 

guilt, and dread of shame. But the praise of his 
mother's servants, and the acknowledgment of their 
singular fidelity to him is most amazing: for who were 
they but most bigoted papists, and enemies to the 
reformation? who but they who justified her and 
defended her, even in the most iniquitous and shame- 
ful actions ? who were they but men enemies to the 
constitution of Scotland, and foes to law and liberty? 
Tis no wonder, therefore, that the synod of St. An- 
drews took fire at a book containing these and like 
passages, and asked " what censure should be inflicted 
upon him that had given such instructions to the 
prince, and if he could be thought well affected to 
religion, that delivered such precepts of govern- 

ment a ?" These things being considered, I 

fancy the judicious reader will not think the judg- 
ment of the learned Gataker of this book much amiss ; 
which being contained in a piece very difficult to be 
got, I will transcribe at large, and with it conclude the 
note. " King James, a prince of more policy than 
puissance, while he was yet king of Scotland, penned, 
or owned b at least, a book entituled Awfoi/ B<nM*ov, 
which whoso shall advisedly read, though of no very 
sharp eye-sight or deep reach, yet may easily descry a 
design carried all along in it to ingratiate himself with 
the popish side, by commending the fidelity of his 
mother's servants, as to her, so to himself; with the 

* Spotswood, p. 456. 

b Dr. Balcanqual (who was at the synod of Dort, and afterwards dean of 
Rochester) is said to have helped king James to write his Basilicon Doron. 
Journey through Scotland, p. 70. 


Certain *tis, adds the same writer, that all 
the discourses that came forth at that time 
for maintaining his right to the crown of 
England, prevailed nothing so much as did 
this treatise. 

prelatical party, by giving them hope of continuing 
that government that he should find here established ; 
with the common people, by allowing them their may- 
games, and the like sports; only he had bitterly ex- 
pressed himself in high terms against the poor puri- 
tans, whom he least feared, and deemed generally 
disaffected by those other three parties. Howbeit, 
when the time drew near of queen Elizabeth's de- 
parture, that his quiet coming in might not meet with 
any disturbance from that party, he prefixed a preface 
to his book then reprinted, wherein on his honour he 
protesteth, that by the name of puritans he meant not 
all preachers in general, or others, that misliked the 
ceremonies as badges of popery, and the episcopacie 
as smelling of a papal supremacie, but did equally love 
the learned and grave on either side ; intended only 
such brainsick and heady preachers, that leaned too 
much to their own dreams, contemned all authority, 
counted all profane that would not swear to all their 
fantasies 3 ." The reader will be pleased to compare 
this with what James says, note 12, of his having writ- 
ten a long apologetick preface to the second edition o.f 
this book, only in odium puritanorum, and then judge 
what stress is to be laid on his word. 

8 Thomas Gataker, B. D. his Vindication of his Annotations, against 
the scurrilous Aspersions of that grand Impostor Mr. William Lillie, p. 75. 
4to. Lond. 1653. 

JAMES I. 6b 

However, James was not so much taken 
up with these matters, as to neglect making 
interest with the great men at the English 
court 10 , to secure to him the right of suc- 

90 James was not so much taken up with these 
matters, as to neglect making interest with the great 
men at the English court.] " He was careful, says 
Burnet, to secure to himself the body of the English 
nation. Cecil, afterwards earl of Salisbury, secretary 
to queen Elizabeth, entered into a particular confidence 
with him ; and this was managed by his ambassador 
Bruce, who carried the matter with such address and 
secrecy, that all the great men of England, without 
knowing of one another's doing it, and without the 
queen suspecting any thing concerning it, signed 
in writing an engagement to assert and stand by the 
king of Scots right of succession 3 ." A pleasant story 
or two from Sir Henry Wotton, whose testimony in 
this affair is indisputable, will -convince us of the pro- 
bability of what Burnet has here asserted, and confirm 
the truth of the text. 

" There were in court [queen Elizabeth's] two names 
of power, and almost of faction, the Essexian and the 
Cecilian, with their adherents, both well enough enjoy- 
ing the present, and yet both looking to the future, 
and therefore both holding correspondency with some 
of the principal in Scotland, and had received adver- 
tisements and instructions, either from them, or imme- 
diately from the king. But lest they might detect one 
another, this was mysteriously carried by several in- 
struments and conducts, and on the Essexian side, in 
truth with infinite hazard ; for Sir Robert Cecil, who 

a Burnet, p. 6. 


ceeding Elizabeth, in which he was success- 
ful, as the event shewed ; though how w^ise, 

(as secretary of state) did dispose the public addresses, 
had prompter and safer conveyance ; whereupon I can- 
not but relate a memorable passage on either party, as 
the story following shall declare. The earl of Essex 
had accommodated master Anthony Bacon in a parti- 
tion of his house, and had assigned him a noble enter- 
tainment. This was a gentleman of impotent feet, but 
a nimble head, and through his hand ran all the intel- 
ligences with Scotland,' who being of a provident na- 
ture (contrary to his brother the lord viscount St. 
Albans) and well knowing the advantage of a dan- 
gerous secret, would many times cunningly let fall 
some words, as if he could much amend his fortunes 
under the Cecilians, (to whom he was near of alliance 
and in blood also) and who had made (as he was not 
unwilling should be believed) some great proffers to 
win him away; which once or twice he pressed so far, 
and with such tokens and signs of apparent discontent 
to my lord Henry Howard, afterwards earl of North- 
ampton, (who was of the party, and stood himself in 
much umbrage with the queen) that he flies presently 
to my lord of Essex (with whom he was commonly 
prim(E admissionis, by his bed-side in the morning) and 
tells him, that unless that gentleman were presently 
satisfied with some round sum, all would be vented. 
This took the earl at that time ill provided (as indeed 
oftentimes his coffers were low) whereupon he was fain 
suddenly to give him Essex house, which the good old 
lady Walsingham did afterwards disengage out of her 
own store with 500 pounds: and before he had dis- 
tilled 1500^ pounds at another time by the same skill. 

JAMES I. 57 

or rather honest, those were who admitted 

So as we may rate this one secret, as it was finely car- 
ried, at 4000 pounds in present money, besides at the 
least a 1000 pounds of annual pension to a private arid 
bed-rid gentleman : what would he have gotten if he 
could have gone about his own business ? There was 
another accident of the same nature on the Cecilian 
side, much more pleasant but less chargeable, for it 
cost nothing but wit. The queen having for a good 
while not heard any thing from Scotland, and being 
thirsty of news, it fell out that her majesty going to 
take the air towards the heath (the court being then at 
Greenwich) and master secretary Cecil then attending 
her, a post came crossing by, and blew his horn ; the 
queen out of curiosity asked him from whence the 
dispatch came; and being answered from Scotland, 
she stops the coach, and calleth for the packet. The 
secretary, though he knew there were in it some let- 
ters from his correspondents, which to discover were 
as so many serpents ; yet made more shew of diligence 
than of doubt to obey ; and asks some that stood by 
(forsooth in great haste) for a knife to cut up the 
packet (for otherwise perhaps he might have awaked 
a little apprehension) but in the mean time approach- 
ing with the packet in his hand, at a pretty distance 
from the queen, he telleth her, it looked and smelled 
ill favouredly, coming out of a filthy budget, and that 
it should be fit first to open and air it, because he knew 
she was averse from ill scents. And so being dismissed 
home, he got leisure by this seasonable shift, to sever 
what he would not have seen 1 ." 

* Reliquiae Wottonianae, p. 168. 8vo. Lond. 1672. See also Birch's 
Introduction to his Historical View, p. 21. 


him without any limitations, or restric- 
tions, is not over difficult to guess". Eli- 

41 How wise, or rather how honest, those were who 
admitted him without any limitations, or restrictions, 
is not over difficult to guess.] No time can be so 
proper for a people to claim their just rights and pri- 
vileges, and curb the regal power within proper bounds, 
as the accession of a stranger king, who, it may natu- 
rally be supposed, at such a time will do any thing rea- 
sonable, rather than disgust those whom he is about to 
rule over, or impede his own advancement ; for the de- 
sire of rule is so very natural, that few will stand upon 
trifles in order to enjoy it; nor will any refuse to grant 
the just conditions of it. A people, therefore, when 
about to place a foreign prince on the throne, ought 
well to consider what grievances they have labouied 
under, what exorbitances have been committed, and 
what restrictions of the regal power, prone always to 
extend itself, are necessary, in order to secure the hap- 
piness of the society. By these considerations proper 
laws might be formed, which will be as a rule to a 
prince how to behave, and restrain him within the 
bounds of equity. Nor will the most ambitious 
prince, who has a regard to his own safety, dare 
break through what he has consented to, as the terms 
of his admission. And therefore the lords and com- 
mons, February 13, 1688, with great wisdom presented 
to the then prince and princess of Orange, a declara- 
tion of the rights and liberties of the subject, previous 
to the setting the crown on their heads; the several 
articles of which they " claimed, demanded, and in- 
sisted upon as their undoubted rights and privileges ; 
and it was declared and enacted, that all and singular 

JAMES I. 59 

zabeth, after having reigned with the highest 
glory more than forty-four years, at length 

the rights and privileges asserted and claimed in the 
said declaration, are the true, antient, and undubitable 
rights and liberties of the people of this kingdom, and 
so shall be esteemed, allowed, adjudged, deemed and 
taken to be; and that all and every the particulars 
therein contained, shall be firmly and strictly holden 
and observed ; and all officers and ministers whatso- 
ever, shall serve their majesties and their successors, 
according to the same in all times to come 8 ." And 
the event shewed how wisely this was enacted ; for it 
produced a reign most happy to the subject, and laid 
a foundation for all the blessings we now enjoy. But 
when the death of the duke of Gloucester 11 rendered it 
necessary to provide for the succession to the crown, 
in order to prevent all imaginable inconveniencies, it 
was thought proper still farther to pass an Act for the 
better securing the rights and liberties of the subject; 
and accordingly many excellent conditions were laid 
down on which the stranger prince was to succeed c . 
I call them excellent conditions, though Burnet tells 
us, " King William was not pleased with them, sup- 
posing they implied a reflection on him and his ad- 
ministration* 1 ." 'Tis not improbable the knowledge of 
the persons who proposed these conditions, and the 
opposition he had many times undeservedly met with 
from them, might make that truly good prince have 
no favourable opinion of this act enacted by them. 

*Vid. Stat Sess. secuncl. anno primo Gulielmi & Mariae, cap 2. per 
totutn. b July 30, 1700. c Statutes anno duodecimo & decimo 

tertio Gulielmi III. regis, c. 2. sect 3. d Burnet, vol. V. p. 523. 


submitted to the stroke of death, March 24, 
1603, in the seventieth year of her age, and 

But, whatever were the motives of the framers of this 
act, I think all impartial persons must allow that it 
was a good one in itself, productive of much happiness 
to these kingdoms. Every particular I approve not, 
but, in general, highly applaud it. 

These were instances of wisdom, prudence and dis- 
cretion, and as such they will be admired and praised 
through all generations. But James had no li- 
mitations or restrictions laid on him; he without any 
ceremony was proclaimed king, and by that title 
thought he had a right to do as he pleased. What- 
ever had been done by the prerogative royal in afore- 
times, whatever the most enterprizing princes had 
attempted on the liberties of the subject, he had 
liberty to do likewise; and accordingly exerted him- 
self in a very extraordinary manner, as I shall hereafter 
shew. Whereas had he been tied up, whatever had 
been his weakness, whatever his depravity of heart, he 
could have done but little mischief; and the miseries 
brought on the people by his successors, might have 
been prevented. This Sir Walter Raleigh, Lord Cob- 
ham, Sir John Fortescue, &c. were sensible of, and 
therefore desired he might be obliged to articles ; but 
Cecil, Northumberland, and others over-ruled them, 
and permitted him to enter uncontrouled a . 

To these men then, the nation in a good part owed 
the calamities it suffered from the Stuart race. They 
might easily have prevented them, but they would 
not attempt it; doubtless hoping hereby to make their 

1 Osborn, p. 4*70. 

JAMES I. 61 

thereby made way for James, to the incre- 
dible joy of his Scottish subjects, and to 
the 110 less pleasure of his English ones, 
who in such crouds hastened to see him, 
that he issued out a proclamation against 
their thronging about him. 

In his coming to London he displayed 
something of his arbitrary disposition, by 
ordering* a cutpurse to be hanged without 
any legal process ; as quickly afterwards 
he did his revenge on one "Valentine Tho- 

court to James, and enjoy his favour, from whence 
what they wished for must flow. Wretched meanness 
of spirit this! inexcusable disregard for the public! 
Tis allowable for ministers to avail themselves of their 
own services, and their prince's favour; but the man 
who sacrifices the interest of his country, or neglects 
taking those steps which are necessary to establish its 
happiness, when he has it in his power, deserves to be 
treated with hatred and contempt, let his abilities be 
ever so great. The good of the people is the supreme 
law. By this the actions of all ministers are to be 
tried, and he, who, to please a prince or obtain wealth 
and honour for himself, shall act inconsistent there- 
with, merits the highest punishments; for he must be 
lost to liberty, virtue, and his country. 

** Valentine Thomas, &c.] " In the year 1598, this 
man being in custody for theft, charged the Scots 
king with ill designs against the queen. But her ina- 

* Coke's Detection, vol. I. p. 5. 8vo. Lond. 1696. 


mas, who had many years before accused 
him of having ill designs against Elizabeth; 

jesty (says secretary Cecil, in a letter to Mr. Ed- 
mondes) deferred his arraignment, and suppresseth the 
matter, to avoid offence to the king of Scots, who hath 
very vehemently denied it with detestation. The king 
of Scots had wrote to the queen on the 30th of July 
15Q8, upon this affair, in these terms: 'my suit only is, 
that, while ye hear further from me (which shall be 
with all diligence) ye would favour me so far as to 
delay the fellow's execution, if he be yet alive, to the 
effect, that by some honourable means, wherein I am 
to deal with you, my undeserved slander may be re- 
moved from the minds of men.' The queen, on the 
other hand, sent instructions to Sir William Bowes, 
her embassador at Edinburgh, to assure king James, 
that she had stayed Thomas's arraignment, and would 
do so as long as the king should give no cause to the 

contrary. But that king kept a severe memory 

of the accusation cast upon him by Valentine Thomas; 
and upon his accession to the crown of England, and 
within a month after his arrival in London, in the be- 
ginning of June 1603, ordered him to be brought to 
his trial and executed*." This every one will easily 
see was revenge, and a very mean revenge too. After 
five years to take away a fellow's life for an accusation 
against himself, (for that 'tis easily seen was the cause, 
though the former theft was the pretence) could pro- 
ceed from nothing but so cowardly a principle. I say 
cowardly; for James himself tells us, "rancor and re- 
venge proceeds from baseness and want of courage in 

* Birch's Negotiations between England, France, and Brussels, p. 

JAMES 1. 63 

hereby making good the observation that 
cowards never forgive. 

He was attended by great numbers of 
Scots in his coming into England, who 

men, and even amongst beasts and creeping things, it 
proceeds of a defect and want of courage in them. 

And it is a known and undeniable truth, that 

cowards are much more cruel and vindictive than men 
of courage are : for a coward can never enough secure 
himself of his enemy ; insomuch as when he is lying 
dead at his feet, he is yet afraid*." Never was the truth 
of this doctrine better exemplified than in the execu- 
tion of Thomas; and therefore I had reason to say, 
that James thereby made good the observation, that 

cowards never forgive. How much more amiable 

is the character of those princes who have forgot, on 
their accession to the throne, personal injuries ? how 
deservedly famous is the saying of Lewis XII. of 
France, in answer to those who would have persuaded 
him to shew severity to La Tremouille: " God forbid 
that Lewis XII. should revenge the quarrels of the 
duke of Orleans b ." This was truly great and magna- 
nimous. But James's conduct was wholly mean, and 
betrayed the poorness of his soul. 

Quippe minuti 

Semper & infirm! est animi exiguique voluptas 
Ultio c . 

Reveng" , which still we find 

The weakest frailty of a feeble mind. CREECH. 

1 King James's Works, p. 587. b See Bolingbroke's Letters on 

the Spirit of Patriotism, p. 248. 8vo. Load. 1749. "Juvenal, Sat. 

13. v. 189, 


were advanced to great honours 13 , and shar- 

13 He was attended by a large number of Scots, who 
were advanced to great honours.] " The persons who 
attended him were the duke of Lennox, the earls of 
Marr, Murray, and Argile, the lord Hume, Sir George 
Hume, Mr. James Elphinston, Sir David Murray, Sir 
Robert Ker, with the ordinary gentlemen of the cham- 
ber, besides several of the clergy V But besides these, 
there were a great multitude who came in with him, 
and reaped the benefit of his favour. Lennox, Marr, 
Hume, and Elphinstone were made privy counsellors 
of England, and many of the Scots became afterwards 
adorned with some of the highest English titles. Sir 
Robert Ker b was advanced to the earldom of Somerset, 
Lennox was made duke of Richmond, Esme Stuart, 
his younger brother was created earl of March, the 
marquis of Hamilton earl of Cambridge, Sir John 
Ramsey viscount Haddington of Scotland, earl of Hol- 
derness, and James Hay earl of Carlisle c . Nor were 
they bare honours which the Scots got, for they had 
also large lucrative posts, and uncommon donations, as 
will appear bye and bye. So that there seems some 
reason for the following lines of a satyrical writer, 
though they are much too severe. 

" The d royal branch from Pictland did succeed, 
With troops of Scots and scabs from north by Tweed. 
The seven first years of his paci6c reign, 
Made him and half his nation Englishmeu. 
Scots from the northern frozen banks of Tay, 
With packs and plods came whigging all away. 

* Spotswood, p. 47. b Thus his name is always written by the 

Scottish writers, and not Carr, as by the English. c Baker's Chronicle, 
p. 448. Lond. 1 684. fol. d King James. 


ed largely in his bounty, at the expence and 
much to the regret of the English nation **, 

Thick as the locusts which in Egypt swarm'd, 
With pride and hungry hopes completely arm'd ! 
With native truth, diseases, and no money, 
Plunder'd our Canaan of the milk and honey. 
Here they grew quickly lords and gentlemen, 
And all their race are true-born Englishmen*." 

Had there been then an union of the two kingdoms, this 
had doubtless been good policy ; but as there was not, 
these promotions could serve no other end, but to cre- 
ate jealousies among the English, and excite com- 
plaints. For why should men of another country have 
the power of legislation ? why should they whose pro- 
perty lay elsewhere, and whose connexions were at a 
distance, have a power of enacting laws which they 
themselves might easily get out of the reach of, and 
their families be wholly free from? But such was the 
will of James, who, though he seldom considered him- 
self, cared not to be counselled, and therefore general- 
ly acted unwisely. 

24 Shared largely in his bounty, at the expence and 
much to the regret of the English.] Osborn observes, 
lhat the " exactions rose on the English were spent 
upon the Scots, by whom nothing was unasked, and 
to whom nothing was denied ; who for want of honest 
traffic did extract gold out of the faults of the English, 
whose pardons they begged, and sold at intolerable 
rates, murther itself not being cxceptedV The same 
writer tells us, " that the earl of Dunbar swallowed at 
one gulp, together with the chancellorship of the ex- 
chequer, all the standing wardrobe, wherein were more 

* State Poems, vol. II. p. 21. Lond. 1703. 8vo. 

b Osborn's Works, p. 495. 
VOL. J. F 


to whom it is, with some good degree of 

jewels, pearl, rich robes, and princely apparel, than 
ever any king of Scotland (if all of them put together) 
could call his own before ; all which I have since heard 
rated by the officers at an incredible sum, whose ser- 
vants did use to shew them for money, it appearing 
none of the least rarities in London before this great 
dissolution*." Lord Clarendon assures us, " that 
James Hay, earl of Carlisle, spent in a very jovial life, 
above four hundred thousand pounds, which, upon a 

strict calculation, he received from the crown V 

Robert Ker, earl of Somerset, had such vast favours 
bestowed upon him, that even at the time of his fall, 
his estate was rated to the crown at three hundred 
thousand pounds'." And Sir John Ramsay, when 
made a viscount, had a thousand pounds land given 
him to support the title d . Again, says Osborn, " the 
Scots hung on James like horse-leeches, till they could 
get no more, falling then off by retiring into their own 
country, or living at ease, leaving all chargeable at- 
tendance on the English 6 ." This is likewise confirm- 
ed by Frankland. The king's gifts in lands to the 
Scots, unthankfully and unfittingly, they sold (says he) 
conveying that treasure into Scotland f . These pas- 
sages sufficiently shew how much of the wealth of 
England was bestowed on the Scots, and how much 
cause the English had to be displeased at it; for there 
was not one of these men that was any way useful to 
the English nation, though D unbar and Carlisle were 
men of great abilities ; and therefore there could be no 

* Osborn's Works, p. 516. * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, 

vol. I. p. 62. 8vo. Oxford, 1712. c Osborn, p. 517. * Winwood's 

Memorial, vol. II. p. 217. e Osborn. p. 532. f Annals of 

King James, p. 10. Lond. 1631. fol. 

JAMES I. 67 

probability, said, that they behaved with 
much rudeness and insolency zs . 

cause for these excessive donations. The king him- 
self was sensible that his liberality to the Scots was very 
distasting, and therefore apologizes for it in a speech 
to the parliament, and promises for the future to be 
more sparing. Let us hear his words. " Had I been 
over-sparing to them, they might have thought Joseph 
had forgotten his brethren, or that the king had been 
drunk with his new kingdom. If I did respect the 

English when I came first, what might the Scottish 

have justly said, if I had not in some measure dealt 
bountifully with them that so long had served me, so 
far adventured themselves with me, and been so faith- 
ful to me ? Such particular persons of the Scottish 

nation, as might claim any extraordinary merit at my 
hands, I have already reasonably rewarded ; and I can 
assure you, that there is none left whom for I mean ex- 
traordinary to strain myself further*," This was spo- 
ken Anno 1607, a little before his majesty received 
Ker as a favourite, and heaped on him such immense 
treasures and large possessions as I have just mentioned. 
Well therefore might the English grumble, despise the 
king, and hate his countrymen, by whom they were 
thus fleeced. 

s To whom they behaved with much rudeness and 
insolency.] This is attested by the following homely 
lines, which were every where posted, 

" They beg our lands, our goods, our lives, 
They switch our nobles, and lie with their wives ; 
They pinch our gentry, and send for our benchers ; 
Ttyey stab our sergeants, and.pbtol our fencers." 

* King James's Works, p. 515. See also p. 54-3. 


However the English were not neglected 
by James, for on them also he heaped ho- 

Mr. Osborn has explained these in a very entertain- 
ing manner, to whose works I refer the inquisitive 

reader a . Notcontented to drain the kingdom of its 

wealth, and snatch its honours, they moreover claimed 
precedency of the English nobility of the same rank. 

f< At a supper made by the lady Elizabeth Hatton, 

there grew a question between the earls of Argile and 
Pembroke, about place, which the Scot maintained to 
be his by seniority, as being now become all Britons : 
at which our nobility began to startle V And no 
wonder, for whatever might be the antiquity of many 
of the Scotch nobility, on which probably they valued 
themselves ; yet that could entitle them to no place in 
England, any farther than what courtesy and civility 
might require. To set up a claim of right to superio- 
rity by reason of it, could be looked on as nothing but 
an insult, and as such, doubtless, was resented. In- 
deed the Scots seemed so unable to bear their good 
fortune, and the English were so provoked at their in- 
solent behaviour, that it was almost a miracle it had not 

issued in torrents of blood c . A lesson this to princes 

not to be too bountiful to persons used to low circum- 
stances; seeing it will only tend to inspire them with 
pride and haughtiness, and excite envy and contempt in 
standers-by ; much more not to enrich aliens at the 
expence of the natives, and cause them to lift too high 
their heads. There may indeed be exceptions to this 
rule, as when distinguished merit and great abilities are 
possessed, and these exerted for the good of a coun- 

a Osborn, p. 504. p. 452 of the edition in 1682. b Winwood' 

Memorials, vol. III. Y. Ill* c See Oiborn, p. 595. 

JAMES I. 69 

nours in abundance 46 ; and 'tis certain, 

try ; but where these are not, or not in a most eminent 
degree, it is weakness and imprudence to heap favours, 
which will not fail to bring on complaints, uneasinesses, 
and distresses on the conferrors. 

6 Honours in abundance were heaped on the Eng- 
lish also.] James in his speech to the parliament, 
Anno 1609, owns that they saw him at his entrance 
into England, "make knights by hundreths, and ba- 
rons in great number 3 ." This account is not beyond 
the truth. For Sir Richard Baker, who had the honour 
of knighthood from him at that time, tells us, that 
" before his first year went about, he made God knows 
how many hundred knights b ." And if a certain author 
is to be credited, in the two first years of James's reign, 
no less than one thousand twenty-two knights were 
made by him c . A prodigious number this! and such 
as almost exceeds belief. But the authorities already 
quoted in this remark, may possibly reconcile us unto 
it. For when knights were made by hundreds, a large 
sum total must run up in a comparatively short space 

of time. But James contented not himself with 

dubbing knights; he made barons also, and enlarged 
the peerage to a great degree. In the first year of his 
reign he made four earls and nine barons, among whom 
were Henry Howard, created earl of Northampton, 
Thomas Howard earl of Suffolk, and the famous Sir 
Robert Cecil, lord Cecil, afterwards earl of Salisbury. 
These were persons who had dexterity enough to insi- 
nuate themselves into James's favour, and obtain al- 
most whatever they had a-mind to, for themselves or 

* King James's Works, p. 542. b Baker's Chronicle, p. 402. 

c Yid. Osborn'B Catalogue of tho Library of Webb, &.o. p. 6f>. 1751. 


that a great many particular persons obtain- 
ed great wealth, and large possessions from 

dependants; these were the persons who transacted 
most of the business of state during their lives, and 
reaped very great rewards by reason of it, as will 
soon appear. So that though James was lavish of his 
honours on his own countrymen, the English could not 
say they were slighted ; for he created so great a num- 
ber of them peers, that, with the Scots already mention- 
ed, no less than OC were added to that illustrious body 
by him a . This occasioned a " pasquil to be pasted 
up in St. Paul's, wherein was pretended an art to help 
weak memories to a competent knowledge of the names 
of the nobility b ." Had these great dignities been 
conferred only on the deserving, there would have been 
little room for complaint. But " the honours James 
bestowed were in so lavish a manner, and with so 
little distinction, that they ceased in some sense to be 
honours c ." This was highly injurious to the charac- 
ter of the conferror, and a contempt cast on those 
whose birth and great virtues intitled them to such dis- 
tinctions. It shewed a want of judgment in James, 
and tended to take off that reverence which ought to 
be kept up in the minds of the people towards the 
English nobility. For what must men think of the 
understanding of that prince, who could place among 
the great council of the nation, John Villiers, Christo- 
pher Villiers, and Lyonel Cranfield ? In how contempti- 
ble a light must the peerage be viewed b}' those who 
knew that these meri had no pretence to such an ho- 


1 Torbuck's Parliamentary Debates, vol. VII. p. 135. Svo T,ond. 1741. 
k Wilson, p. 7. e Remarks on the History of England, by Humphrey 

Oldcastle, Esq; p. 235. Svo. Lond. 1743. 


JAMES I. 71 

him 47 , to the impoverishing of the crown, 

nour, but as related to George Villiers, the insolent 
prime minister? 'Twere to be wished that the great- 
est care at all times was taken not to debase so illus- 
trious an order of men by undeserved creations, and 
that nothing but real merit was the occasion of them. 
Then would the prince be applauded, the dignity of the 
peers be preserved, and all due deference paid to their 
decisions. But when it is known publickly, that unde- 
serving men are advanced to this elevated rank in order 
to serve a party or please a favourite, then do men mur- 
mur at the crown, and pay little respect to those thus 
distinguished by it. For the public will judge of per- 
sons as they are; titles and coronets cannot bias its 
judgment, or cause it to applaud the ignorant or un- 

* 7 Many persons obtained great wealth, and large 
possessions from him.] " They that then lived at 
court, and were curious observers of every man's ac- 
tions, could have affirmed that Salisbury, Suffolk, and 
Northampton, and their friends, did get more than the 

whole nation of Scotland (Dunbar excepted). All 

the Scots in general scarce got the ty the of those English 
getters, that can be said did stick by them, or their 
posterity. Besides Salisbury had one trick to get the 
kernel, and leave the Scots but the shell, yet cast all the 
envy upon them ; he would make them buy books of 
fee- farms, some one hundred pounds per annum, some 
one hundred marks, and he would compound with them 
for a thousand pounds, which they were willing to em- 
brace, because they were sure to have them pass with- 
out any controul or charge, and one thousand pounds 
appeared to them that never saw ten pounds before, an 
inexhaustible treasure j then would Salisbury fill up 


and the reducing himself in a few years to 
great want. He soon shewed his gratitude 

this book with such prime land as should be worth ten 
or twenty thousand pounds, which was easy for him, 
being treasurer, so to do; and by this means Salisbury 
enriched himself infinitely, yet cast the envy on the 
Scots, in whose names these books appeared, and are 
still upon record to all posterity ; though Salisbury 
had the honey, they, poor gentlemen, but part of the 
wax a ." Wilson tells us, " that James being one day 
in his gallery at Whitehall, and none with him but Sir 
Henry Rich (afterwards earl of Holland) and James 
Maxwell, some porters past by them, with three thou- 
sand pounds going to the privy purse: Rich whis- 
pering Maxwell, the king turned upon them, and 
asked Maxwell what says he? what says he? Maxwell 
told him, he wished he had so much money ; Marry 
shalt thou Harry (saith the king) and presently com- 
manded the porters to carry it to his lodging, with this 
expression, you think now you have a great purchase, 
but I am more delighted to think how much I have 
pleasured you in giving this money, than you can be 
in receiving it V And Sir Philip Herbert (afterwards 
earl of Pembroke) on his marriage with the lady Susan 
Vere, had a gift of the king of 500/. land for the bride's 
jointure c . In short, James himself assures us, " that 
he had dealt twice as much amongst the Englishmen 

as he had done to ScotishmenV The truth is, those 

of the English who had the king's ear, and could fall 

* Sir Anthony Weldon's Court and Character of King James, p. 54, 55. 
iQmo. Lond. 1651. See also Raleigh's Works, vol. I. p. 201. 8vo. Loud 
1751. b Wilson, p. 76. c Winwood, vol. II. 4.43. "King 

James's Wotks, p. 542. 

JAMES I. 7^5 

to Elizabeth for the crown she had left 
him, by permitting no one to appear in 
mourning for her a8 before him, and even 

readily into his humours, and contribute to his plea- 
sures and amusements, were sure of being enriched by 
him. The true courtier in this reign had a good time 
of it, for James was thoughtless and inconsiderate, and 
never knew the value of money till he was in want of 
it. But merit, as such, was always neglected or over- 
looked by him; he knew it not, or regarded it not, but 
preferred his flatterers to all others. 

s lie shewed his gratitude to Elizabeth, by permit- 
ting no one to appear in mourning for her before him.] 
For this curious particular we are indebted to the duke 
of Sully, whose account cannot but be looked on as 
most authentic. " One part of the orders I had given, 
(says he, speaking of his English cmbassage) in regard 
to the ceremony of my audience, was, that all my re- 
tinue shall appear in mourning ; whereby I should ex- 
ecute the first part of my commission, which consisted 
in complimenting the new king on the death of Eliza- 
beth; though 1 had been informed at Calais, that no 
one, whether ambassador, foreign or English, was ad- 
mitted into the presence of the new king in black : and 
Beaumont (the French resident) had since represented 
to me, that what I intended would most certainly be 
highly disagreeable to the court, where so strong an 
affectation prevailed to obliterate the memory of that 
great queen, that she was never spoke of, and even the 
mention of her name industriously avoided. 1 should 
have been very glad not to have been sensible of the 
necessity under which I was of appearing in a garb, 


speaking himself not only without gratitude, 

which would seem to cast a reproach on the king and 
all England ; but iny orders were hereupon positive, 
not to mention that they were also most laudahle: and 
this was the reason I paid no regard to Beaumont, 
who intreated me to defer putting myself to this trouble 
and expence, till he had wrote about it to Erskine, and 
some others, who were best acquainted with the court 
ceremonial. He wrote accordingly, but received no 
answer on Thursday, Friday, nor even all day on Satur- 
day ; and I still persisted in my resolution, notwith- 
standing the reasons which he continually gave me to 
the contrary. On Saturday night, which was the even- 
ing of the day preceding my audience, and so late that 
I was in bed, Beaumont came to tell me, that Erskine 
had sent to acquaint him, that the whole court consi- 
dered my intention as a premeditated affront ; and that 
I had so offended the king by it, that nothing could 
more effectually prevent the success of my negotiation 
from its very commencement. This information agree- 
ing with that of my lord Sidney, Sic. it was impossi- 
ble for me to be in doubt about it: and through fear 
lest a greater evil might ensue, I caused all my retinue 
to change their apparel, and provide themselves others 
as well as they could. Leukoner (master of the cere- 
ironies) being come the next morning to inform me, 
that I should be presented to the king at three o'clock 
in the afternoon; I perceived from the satisfaction 
which he expressed at the new orders which I had 
given, that it was indispensably necessary to vanquish 
my repugnance : nevertheless, it publicly gained me 
as much honour as if I had persisted in it throughout, 
because none were ignorant I had complied only 

JAMES I. 75 

respect, or regard of her ; but also with 
contempt, to the amazement of standers- 

through absolute necessity a ." I make no apology for 
the length of this quotation ; readers of taste will be 
glad to find it here, and will not fail of remarking on 
the unaccountable ingratitude and weakness of James. 
His obligations to Elizabeth were great; she had sup- 
plied him constantly with money when in Scotland, 
and though she had a power, with consent of parlia- 
ment, she gave not away the crown of England from 
him ; on her death-bed she declared him her heir, and 
in consequence thereof he took peaceable possession 
of the throne. Ought he not then to have retained a 
respect for her memory, and treated her name with ho- 
nour ? should he not have owned his obligations, and 
celebrated her fame ? should he have forbid his sub- 
jects mourning for the Joss of so excellent a princess, 
or refused compliments of condolence from foreigners 
on the account of it? What! should the memory of such 
a princess be obliterated in a few months, even in her 
own court, and the glory of all her great actions be for- 
gotten ? Must her humbling Spain, her supporting the 
protestant interest abroad, and establishing it at home; 
her attention to the national interest and honour, and 
raising the English crown to be the envy and admiration 
of Europe ; must these be unspoken, uncelebrated ? 
such was the intention of James. But posterity more 
grateful, more just than that court, has mentioned her 
name with honour, and sounded forth the glories of 
her reign. To resemble her has been thought honour- 
able to princes, and her government has been set forth 
as a model for their imitation. So that envy, iguo- 

a Sully's Memoirs, vol. II. p. 19. 


by * 9 . He was excessively addicted to ease 

ranee, spite, revenge and malice, with their united 
force, avail little against the reputations founded on 
great and beneficent actions; and the true hero, the 
patriot prince, may despise their efforts, and rest se- 
cure that in the annals of after-ages, their characters 
shall shine with the greatest lustre, and their actions 
be celebrated as they deserve. A noble motive this to 
generous minds to pursue the public good with ear- 
nestness! and a motive, which, if well considered, will 
cause them to be unwearied, and persevering in the 

* 9 He spoke with contempt of her.] Sully giving 
an account of his first audience at court, tells us, that 
after James had spoken several things to him, " the 
late queen (Elizabeth) was mentioned, but without one 
word in her praise V In another conversation he had 
with the king, he observes, " that an opportunity pre- 
senting for the king to speak of the late queen of Eng- 
land, he did it, and to my great regret, adds he, with 
some sort of contempt. He even went so far as to say, 
that in Scotland, long before the death of that prin- 
cess, he had directed her whole council, and governed 
all her ministers, by whom he had been better served 
and obeyed than her b ." I doubt not Sulty smiled in- 
wardly at the vanity of James, and heartily detested 
his baseness with regard to the memory of Elizabeth ; 
for no one better knew her worth than this ambassador, 
no one set a greater value on it. With what indigna- 
tion then may we suppose him filled, when he heard 
her name thus treated by her successor? and what a 

Sully, vol. II. p. 26. 
* Id. p. 89. compare this witU \vKat is said in note 8. 

JAMES I. 77 

and pleasure 30 , and indulged himself in 

despicable opinion must he entertain of him? but he 
suppressed his sentiments on this head, and set himself 
to please him, of whom 'tis plain from his memorials, 
he had but a poor opinion. I shall only add here, that 
the highest merit cannot escape the tongues of the 
ignorant and malicious, though, for the most part, it is 
unhurt by them. 

He was excessively given to ease and pleasure.] 
Sully relates, that " James quitted the company to go 
to bed, where he usually passed part of the afternoon, 

sometimes the whole of it a ." " And his thoughts 

were intent on ease and pleasure, says OsbornV 
This would have been far enough from a virtue in a 
private man, but in a prince it must be looked on as a 
vice. For the love of ease and pleasure enervates the 
mind, and tends to render it incapable of what is great. 
And there are but few princes who have indulged this 
disposition, that have made any greater figure in his- 
tory than the prince of whom we are discoursing. 
Alexander, Caesar, and Henry IV. of France, loved 
pleasure as well as any men ; but then they had Clo- 
thing indolent in their temper, and had so much am- 
bition, that they could not possibly abstain from striv- 
ing to render their narn^s glorious. But James not 
only loved pleasure, but ease, and therefore was inca- 
pable of being more significant in life, than are the 
generality of eastern princes, immured in seraglios, 
and strangers to every thing but what their viziers or 
eunuchs please to inform them of, for their entertain- 
ment or amusement. So that princes of this indolent 
disposition neglect the affairs of government, and are 

* Sully, yol. II. p. 92. * Osboru, p. 470. 


drinking, even so far as to render himself 
sometimes contemptible 31 . And from his 

ruled by ministers and favourites, and the people are 
left to be fleeced and oppressed, to supply the calls of 
luxury and pleasure. Unhappy princes ! unhappy 
people! the former destitute of true worth, the latter 
groaning under vile bondage. How much then does it 
concern those who are advanced to dominion, to exert 
themselves, and employ their time and talents in exa- 
mining the state of those under them, and promoting 
their welfare? how much does it behove them to be 
diligent in business, skilful in affairs, and attentive to 
the representations and complaints of their subjects ? 
By these means alone can they answer the end of their 
advancement, obtain reputation, procure succes's, and 
have the love and affection of those over whom they 
bear rule. To which let me add, that indolent princes 
are very insecure ; they become victims frequently to 
the ambition of their own servants, and fall, though 
not unpitied, yet quite unlamented. For the people 
have sense enough to know, that a life devoted to ease 
an(t pleasure, is of no importance to them, and there- 
fore, with indifference, see it destroyed, though bv 
those who ought to have defended it. 

31 Indulged himself in driaking, &c.] Weldon ob- 
serves, that " James was not intemperate in his drink- 
ing ;" but he adds, " however in his old age, and 
Buckingham's jovial suppers, when he had any turn to 
do with him, made him sometimes overtaken, which 
he would the very next day remember, and repent with 
tears: it is true, he drank very often, which was rather 
out of a custom than any delight, and his drinks were 
of that kind for strength, as frontiniack, canary, high- 
country wine, tent wine, and Scotish ale, that had he 

JAMES 1. 79 

known love of masculine beauty, his exces- 

not had a very strong brain, might have daily been 
overtaken, although he seldom drank at any one time 
above four spoonfulls, many times not above one or 

two*." This is very modest in Weldon. But other 

authors go a little farther, and make James shew him- 
self beneath a man by his intemperance. " The king 
was excessively addicted to hunting and drinking (says 
Coke) not ordinary French and Spanish wines, but 
strong Greek wines ; and though he would divide his 
hunting from drinking these wines, yet he would com- 
pound his hunting with drinking these wines, and to 
that purpose he was attended with a special officer, 
who was as much as could be always at hand, to fill 
the king's cup in his hunting, when he called for it. 
I have heard my father say, that being hunting with 
the king, after the king had drank of the wine, he also 
drank of it, and though he was young and of an health- 
ful constitution, it so disordered his head that it spoiled 
his pleasure, and disordered him for three days after. 
Whether it was from drinking these wines, or from 
ome other cause, the king became so lazy and un- 
wieldy, that he was trust on horseback, and as he was 
set so would he ride, without otherwise poising himself 
on his saddle; nay, when his hat was set on his head, 
he would not take the pains to alter it, but it sat as it 
was upon himV" I doubt not but this account is true, 
Sully taking notice, that " James's custom was never 
to mix water with his wine c ." And therefore, though 
Sir Edward Peyton be a partial writer, and prejudiced 
much against the Stuart race, yet I believe the follow- 


* Weldon, p. 1G6. ' b Coke's Detection, vol. I. p. 4. 

Sully, vol. II. p. 90. 


sive favour to such as were possessed of it, 

ing story from him will not be deemed improbable. 
" When the king of Denmark [brother-in-law to James] 
was first of all in England, both kings were so drunk 
at Theobald's, as our king was carried in the arms of 
the courtiers, when one cheated another of the bed- 
chamber, for getting a grant from king James, for that 
he would give him the best jewel in England for a jewel 
of a hundred pound he promised him ; and so put king 
James in his arms, and carried him to his lodging, and 
defrauded the bed-chamber man, who had much ado to 
get the king into his bed. And Denmark was so dis- 
guised, as he would have lain with the countess of 
Nottingham, making horns in derision at her husband, 
the high admiral of England V I said just now, this 
story, I believed, would not be thought improbable ; 
and I doubt not the reader by the following letter of 
the countess of Nottingham to the Danish ambassa- 
dor, will readily assent to it, seeing it confirms so chief 
a part of it as the rude behaviour of the Danish king to 
that lady. 'Tis wrote with spirit, and worthy perusal, 
which therefore I insert at large. 

" SIR, 

" I am very sorry this occasion should have been of- 
fered me by the king your master, which makes me 
troublesome to you for the present. It is reported to 
me by men of honour, the great wrong the king of 
Danes hath done me, when I was not by to answer for 

* Peyton's Divine Catastrophe of the Kingly Family of the House of 
Stuarts, p. 30. 8vo. Lend. 1731. These quotations from Weldou, Coke, 
and Peyton, are very oddly and inaccurately expressed; but the reader 
must take them as they are, and not expect them to be altered in order t 

JAMES I. 81 

and unseemly caresses of them, one would 

myself; for if I had been present, I would have letten. 
him know how much I scorn to receive that wrong at 
his hands. I need not to urge the particular of it, for 
the king himself knows it best. I protest to you, Sir, 
I did think as honourably of the king your master, as 
I did of my own prince; but now I persuade myself 
there is as much baseness in him as can be in any man ; 
for although he be a prince by birth, it seems not to 
me that there harbours any princely thought in his 
breast ; for either in prince or subject, it is the basest 
that can be to wrong any woman of honour. I deserve 
as little that name he gave me, as either the mother of 
himself, or of his children : and if ever I come to know 
what man hath informed your master so wrongfully of 
me, I shall do my best for putting him from doing the 
like to any other : but if it hath come by the tongue 
of any woman, I dare say she would be glad to have 
companions. So leaving to trouble you any further, I 

" your friend, 


There can, I think, remain no doubt but that Pey- 
ton's account is true; and consequently, when consi- 
dered with what Weldon and Coke relate, it must be 
believed, that James addicted himself to drinking in 
such a manner, as to render himself sometimes con- 
temptible. " For it is not for kings to drink wine, nor 
for princes strong drink ; lest they drink and forget the 
law, and pervert the judgment of any of the afflicted b ." 
Drunkenness throws princes off their guard, and ex- 

* Supplement to the Cabala, p. 96. 4to. LonA. 1654. k Prov. xi. 4. 
VOL. I. G 


be tempted to think, that he was not wholly 
free from a vice most unnatural z \ 

poses those weaknesses which it most of all behoves 
them to conceal ; and it takes off that reverence for 
their persons, which is necessary to make their sub- 
jects stand in a proper awe of them, and pay a submis- 
sion to their commands. It debases the man, sinks the 
prince, spoils the politician, and reveals those secrets 
which are most necessary to be concealed. " Drun- 
kenness, says Montaigne, seems to me to be a gross 
and brutish vice. The soul has the greatest interest in 
all the rest, and there are some vices that have some- 
thing, if a man may so say, of generous in them. 
There are vices wherein there is a mixture of know- 
ledge, diligence, valour, prudence, dexterity and cun- 
ning: this is totally corporeal and earthly, and the 
thickest skulled nation [the Germans] this day in Eu- 
rope, is that where it is most in fashion. Other vices 
discompose the understanding, this totally overthrows 
it, and renders the body stupid 3 ." These reflections 
seem just and obvious, but they occurred not to the 
mind of James, or made little impression on him ; for 
he seems to have been guided in his whole behaviour 
more by will and humour, by passion and inclination, 
than by wisdom, prudence, or discretion. So that his 
knowledge was of little service to him, and seldom 
caused him to act as a wise man, or an understanding 
king. It enabled him to talk, but was wholly insuffi- 
cient to regulate his actions ; and so, in effect, was no 
better than ignorance. 

31 From his known love of masculine beauty, 8tc.] 
1 shall giv my authorities, and leave the reader to 

* Montaigne, vol. II. p. 15. 

JAMES I. 83 

He used cursing: and swearing in his com- 

C3 ^* 

judge what conclusion is to be drawn from them. 
" As no other reason appeared in favour of their [the 
favourites of James] choice but handsomeness, so the 
love the king shewed, was as amorously conveyed as if 
he had mistaken their sex, and thought them ladies ; 
which I have seen Somerset and Buckingham labour to 
resemble in the effeminateness of their dressings; 
though in w looks, and wanton gestures, they ex- 
ceeded any part of woman-kind my conversation did 
ever cope withal. Nor was his love, or whatever else 
posterity will please to call it, (who must be the judges 
of all that history shall inform) carried on with a dis- 
cretion sufficient to cover a less scandalous behaviour; 
for the king's kissing them after so lascivious a mode 
in public, and upon the theatre as it were of the world, 
prompted many to imagine some things done in the 
tyring-house, that exceed my expressions no less than 
they do niy experience; and therefore left floating on the 
waves of conjecture, which hath in my hearing tossed 
them from one side to another. I have heard that Sir 
Henry Rich, since earl of Holland, and some others, 
refused his majesty's favour upon those conditions thej 
subscribed to, who filled that place in his affection : 
Rich losing that opportunity his curious face and com- 
plexion afforded him, by turning aside and spitting 
after the king had slabbered his mouth 2 ." Wcldon, 
who saw James's parting with Somerset, just before his 
commitment for Overbury's murther, says, " that had 
you seen that seeming affection, you would rather 
have believed he tras in his rising than setting. The 
arl when he kissed his hand, the. king hung about 

Osborn, p. 534. 
G 2 

his neck, slabbering his cheeks, saying, for God's sake 
when shall I see thee again ? on my soul I shall neither 
eat nor sleep until you come again ; the earl told him 
on Monday (this being on the Friday) for God's sak 
let me, said the king; shall I? shall I? then lolled 
about his neck ; then for God's sake give thy lady this 
kiss for me : in the same manner at the stairs head, at 
the middle of the stairs, and at the stairs-foot V The 
same writer observes, that " he was not very uxorious, 
for he was ever best when farthest from his queen b ." 
And in another place he says, " that James naturally 
hated women ." Peyton writes, that "James was 
more addicted to love males than females ; and that 
though for compliment he visited queen Ann, yet he 

never lodged with her a night for many years d ." 

The following satire, said to be left on his cupboard, 
will shew us the sense those times had of this matter. 

Aula prophana, religione vana , 
Spreta uxore, Ganymedis amove, 
Lege sublata, prerogativa inflata. 
Tolle libertatem, incende civitatem, 

Ducas spadonem 

Suparasti Neronem e . 

I know not well the authority of the book from which 
I quote these lines; 'tis very bitter against the Stuart 
race, and written with great partiality. I am informed 
by a learned friend, that 'tis thought to be written by 
the above-cited Peyton : But I am of a different opi- 
nion. Peyton's Divine Catastrophe, though partial 
enough, has many true passages in it ; but the Nonsuch 
Charles seems chiefly invention, in order to blacken 

Weldon, p. 95. b W. p. 168. e Id. p. 125. d Peyton's Divine 
Catastrophe, p. 14. ' The Nonsuch Charles, his Character, p. 17. 

12mo. Lond. 1651. 

JAMES I. 85 

and defame. Besides, such was the zeal of Peyton 
against Charles and his house, that I fancy he would 
have thought it a merit to have been the author of any 
work tending to its disgrace, and therefore have set 
his name to it; for he who had been afraid of after- 
resentment, would never have publickly owned the Di- 
vine Catastrophe, Add to this, that Wood, in reckon- 
ing up Peyton's writings, mentions nothing of this 
piece, which if it had been his 'tis difficult to account 
for a . However, as the insinuation in the satire is sup- 
ported by other authorities, 'tis of little importance 
whether the author who gives it us be of any great 
account, or no. Let us now return to our subject. 
The authors above quoted may be deemed by some 
not quite so favourable to the character of James as 
could be wished, and therefore not so much to be relied 
on. But what shall we say to Clarendon, who owns, 
that the " first introduction of George Villiers into 
favour, was purely from the handsomeness of his per- 
son b : and that the king's natural disposition was very 
flowing in affection towards persons so adorned." Dr. 
Birch observes of this same Villiers, that " he had 
scarce any other advantages to recommend him to his 
majesty, than those of a most graceful person. Upon 
what terms of familiarity, adds he, he wa.s with his 
royal master is evident, not much to the honour of 
either of them, from two volumes of original letters 
which passed between them, still extant in the Harleian 
library, full of the obscenest expressions in our lan- 
guage, and such as Dr. Welwood, who has given some 
extracts from those letters, says, might make a bawd 
to blush to repeat. So impure a correspondence is an 
amazing inconsistency with those theological and de- 

* Wood's Athenaa Oxonienses, TO!. II. c. 156. edit. 2. Ixmd. 1721. folio. 
b Clarendon, voL L p. 9, 1C. 


votional tracts which the king gave the world with so 
much pomp among his works, and which he caused to 
be translated into and published in both the Latin 
and French tongues a ." 

That the reader may have as much light as possible 
in this matter, I will transcribe Dr. Wei wood's account 
of the letters which passed between James and Buck- 
ingham, to which Dr. Birch refers. " The letters, 
says he, which passed between the king and Bucking- 
ham, are wrote in a peculiar stile of familiarity, the 
king for the most part calling him his dear child and 
gossip, and his dear child and gossip Stetny ; and sub- 
scribing him his dear dad and gossip, and sometimes 
his dear dad and Stuart ; and once, when he sends him 
partridges, his dear dad and purveyor. Buckingham 
calls the king, for the most part, dear dad and gossip, 
and sometimes, dear dad, gossip, and Stuart ; and sub- 
scribes always, your majesty's most humble slave and 
dog, Steiny. 

" Not to blot these papers with the bawdy that is in 
some of these letters of king James, I shall only ob- 
serve, that such was the familiarity and friendship 
between him and Buckingham, that in one of them he 
tells Buckingham, he wears Steiny's picture under his 
waistcoat, next his heart; and in another, he bids him, 
his only sweet and dear child, hasten to him to Birely 
that night, that his white teeth might shine upon him-. 
But the reader may better judge of the rest of king 
James's familial' letters to the duke of Buckingham, by 
the following short one, which runs thus verbatim, and 
is without date. 

" My only sweet and dear child, 
" Blessing, blessing, blessing on thy heart's roots, 
and all thine, this Thursday morning. Here is great 

Birch's View of the Negotiations, &c. p. 384. 

JAMES I. 87 

mon conversation"; and stuck not on oc- 

store of game as they say, partridges and stoncorleurs : 
I know who shall get their part of them ; and here is 
the finest company of young hounds that ever was 
seen. God bless the sweet master of my harriers, 
that made them to be so well kept all summer; I 
mean Tom Badger. I assure myself thou wilt punc- 
tually observe the dyet and journey I set thee down 
in my first letter from Theobald's, God bless thee, 
and my sweet Kate, and Mall, to the comfort of thy 

" dear Dad, 


lt P. S. Let my last compliment settle to thy heart, 
till we have a sweet and comfortable meeting, which 
God send, and give thee grace to bid the drogues adieu 
this day. 

" Now the reason why James gave Buckingham the 
name pf Steiny, was for his handsomeness, it being 
the diminutive of St. Stephen, who is always painted 
with a glory about his face V 

I have now given my authorities for the assertion in 
the text, the inference I leave to the reader, being un- 
willing to say more on a subject so disagreeable to the 
ears of the chaste and virtuous. I have added nothing, 
nor suppressed any thing ; and therefore, as a mere 
relator, am liable, I think, to no censure. Had I 
met with any thing favourable to James in this 
matter, I would have declared it with great pleasure; 
but I cannot allow myself to invent, in order to 

33 He used cursing and swearing.] Here follow my 
proofs. " He would make a great deal too bold 

* Compleat History of England, vol. II. p. 697. folio, Lond. 1706. 


casion, to utter the most bitter impreca- 

with God in his passion, both in cursing and swear- 
ing, and one strain higher, verging on blasphemy ; 
but would *in his better temper say, he hoped God 
would not impute them as sins, and lay them to his 
charge, seeing they proceeded from passion 3 ." An 
excellent reason this ! and an admirable excuse for an 
acknowledged crime. James, weak as he was, would 
have seen the folly of this plea in others, and would 
have censured them for making use of it. But any 
thing will serve for an excuse to those who chuse to 
do as they have been accustomed, and will not be at 
the pains to reform. That James was a swearer, ap- 
pears from Lord Clarendon, who says " he renounced 
with many oaths the having communicated the prince's 
journey into SpainV Oaths are highly indecent in 
princes : they are greatly impolitic also, as lessening 
the regard which ought to be paid unto them in 
courts of judicature, and leading thereby to perjury. 
Princes therefore should shew the greatest reverence 
to oaths, in order thereby to keep up their sacredness, 
and secure the truth and fidelity of their subjects. 
Those of them who will not thus behave, pay generally 
very dear for their liberty ; for their servants and sub- 
jects taking example by them, run into the same ex- 
cess, whereby they receive the greatest damage. So 
that interest alone, if well understood and considered, 
will engage those who bear rule, to set before men 
good examples, and abstain from the appearance of 
evil ; and such of them as are not induced hereunto 
by a sense of it, have no great reason to boast of their 

* Weldon, p. 172. b Clarendon, voL L p. 16. 

JAMES I. 89 

tions on himself, and on his posterity 34 . 

3 * He stuck not to utter the most bitter impreca- 
tions on himself, and on his posterity.] When the 
trial of the inurtherers of Sir Thomas Overbury was 
going forwards, the king went from Whitehall to 
Theobald's, and so to Royston, and having sent for 
all the judges, he kneeled down in the midst of his 
lords and servants, and used these words to the judges. 
" My lords, I charge you, as you will answer it at 
that great and dreadful day of judgment, that you ex- 
amine it [the poisoning of Overbury] strictly without 
favour, affection, or partiality ; and if you spare any 
guilty of this crime, God's curse light upon you and 
your posterity ; and if I spare any that are found 
guilty, God's curse light on me and my posterity 
for ever*." And in the second year of his reign 
" several lords having declared in the star-chamber, 
that some of the puritans had raised a false rumour 
of the king, how he intended to grant a toleration 
to papists; the lords severally declared, how the king 
was discontented with the said false rumour, and had 
made but the day before a protestation unto them, 
that he never intended it, and that he would spend the 
last drop of his blood before he would do it; and 
prayed, that before any of his issue should maintain 
any other religion than what he truly professed and 
maintained, that God would take them out of the 
world b ." These are deep and horrible imprecations, 
and enough to make a man tremble to think on the 
profaneness of the mouth that could utter them; 
especially when it is known (that notwithstanding 

* Weldon, p. 93, b Croke's Reports, part 2. p. 33. Loud. 1683, 



And yet notwithstanding, upon times, he 
gave himself great airs of religion ", and 

there were so many witnesses to these his words) he 
spared Somerset and his lady, the principal actors in 
Overbury's tragedy; and that he not only intended, 
but did grant a toleration to papists, as will be shewn 
hereafter. How far his imprecations have affected his 
posterity, is not, I think for man to say. But, with- 
out breach of charity, we may assert, that James was 
very rash and inconsiderate, and guilty of a great 
fault in calling down the judgments of heaven thus on 
himself and his family. 'Tis good advice which the 
wise man gives, and which was worthy of the regard 
of this British Solomon, in the following words, " Be 
not rash with thy mouth, and let not thy heart be hasty 
to utter any thing before God; for God is in heaven, 
and thou upon earth; therefore let thy words be few a ." 
A sense of the omnipresence, power, wisdom, and 
majesty of the superintending mind, would have re- 
strained James from these rash and horrible wishes ; 
but he seems to have had little notion of any of these 
things, but rather to have been one of those who deal 
in holy things without any feeling. These, in lord 
Bacon's opinion, are "the great atheists, who must, 
says he, be needs cauterized in the end b ." Deplorable 
state ! dismal condition ! happy those, who, by an 
uniform course of virtuous actions, can look on the 
almighty Being as their friend ! who are careful at all 
times to do what they themselves think right, and 
agreeable to him : the religion of such is real, and 
their happiness certain. 

35 He gave himself airs of religion, &c.] Here 

* Eccles. v. 2. k Bacon's Essay on Atheism. 


JAMES I. 91 

talked after such a manner, as to lead those 

follows a passage from Sully, tending to verify the 
text. " James asked me, says he, whether I went to 
the protestant church in London? upon my replying 
that I did, then, said he, you are not resolved, as I 
have been informed, to quit our religion, after the ex- 
ample of Sancy, who thought thereby to make his 
fortune, but by God's permission, did just the con- 
trary. I treated this report as a calumny, and said, 
that my living in France in friendship with so many 
ecclesiasticks, and being so frequently visited by the 
pope's nuncio, might, perhaps, have given rise to it. 
Do you give the pope the title of holiness ? said 
James. I replied, that, to conform to the custom es- 
tablished in France, I did. He was then for proving 
to me, that this custom was an offence against God, 
to whom alone this title could justly belong. Ire- 
plied, that I supposed a greater crime was not hereby 
committed, than by so frequently giving to princes 
such titles as they were well known not to deserve V* 
Let us add the following memorandum of the illustri- 
ous archbishop Usher to Sully, and we shall need 
nothing more to convince us of the solemn airs of re- 
ligion James, at some times, could put on. " I was 
appointed by the lower house of parliament, to preach 
at St. Margaret's, Westminster, Feb. 7, 1620. Feb. 
1:), being Shrove Tuesday, I dined at court, and be- 
twixt four and five kissed the king's hand, and had 
conference with him touching my sermon. He said, 
I had charge of an unruly flock to look unto the next 
Sunday. He asked me how I thought it could stand 
with true divinity, that so many hundred should be 

* Sully's Memoirs, TO!. II. p. 33. 


who were unacquainted with him, to be- 

tied (upon so short warning) to receive the communion 
upon a day, all could not be in chanty, after so late 
contentions in the house : many must needs come 
without preparation, and eat their own condemnation : 
that himself required all his whole houshold to re- 
ceive the communion, but not all the same day, unless 
at Easter, when the whole Lent was a time of prepa- 
ration. He bad me to tell them, I hoped they were 
all prepared, but wished they might be better; to 
exhort them to unity and concord ; to love God first, 
and then their prince and country ; to look to the 
urgent necessities of the times, and the miserable state 
of Christendom, with bis dat qui citd dat V- This 
kind of talk would have suited well enough the mouth 
of some honest, well-meaning ecclesiastic, and edified, 
no doubt, very much those who heard it. But it 
sounds strange from James, who was addicted to so 
many vices, and whose oaths and imprecations were 
so common. Shall we suppose him wholly hypocri- 
tical in these speeches, and entirely unconcerned about 
the things he talked of; though from other parts 
of his behaviour, one might be led to make this con- 
clusion, yet, perhaps, we should be mistaken in so 
doing. For, however it be, men's characters are too 
often inconsistent, and they strangely blend what they 
call religion, with the practice of the most odious and 
detestable vices. By a concern for the one, they ex- 
cuse to themselves the other, and so come at length to 
imagine, that they are acceptable to the Deity, though 
they break the most sacred of his laws. Thus we 
read of John Basilides, great duke of Muscovy, the 

* Usher's Life and Letters by Parr, p. 17, IS. Lond. 1686. folio. 

JAMES I. 93 

lieve that he had a more than ordinary de- 
most wicked of men, the most detestable of tyrants, 
that he would pray and fast in a most extraordinary 
manner, and be as devout as possible himself, and 
make others so too a . And, in the same manner, num- 
bers of cruel persecutors, and ambitious, selfish, ava- 
ritious wretches, are exceedingly 2ealous and exact 
in their devotions, and come not behind, in these 
things, the most sincere and virtuous persons. So 
that 'tis not improbable James might be in earnest 
when he talked in these strains, and please himself to 
think, that he was both so wise and so religious a 
king. Amazing delusion! terrible deceit! To the 
all-piercing eye of heaven all is naked and open, no 
disguises can conceal from, no artifices impose on it; 
and therefore men should look well to it, that they are 

what they would seem to be. A prince openly 

vicious and profane, only hurts the interest of religion, 
by appearing, on occasion, its votary. Standers-by 
will look with ridicule and abhorrence on his interest- 
ing himself in its affairs, and will not be prevailed on 

to believe that he is in earnest about it. Hence 

possibly it has come to pass, that courts have been so 
little famed for the practice of religion. For the man- 
ners of the generality of princes being not over good, 
those about them think they shall pay their court to 
them more by conforming to their example, than by 
obeying their edict. When they speak therefore of 
religion, they are not listened unto ; when they com- 
mand, by those about them, they are not obeyed : for 
they are considered as only acting a part, and there 

* See Casaubon of Enthusiasm, p. 279. 8vo. Lond. 1656. 


gree of sanctity. Hunting 56 was a fa-> 

fore having no real concern about what they seem to 
engage in. 

6 Hunting was a favourite diversion with him, &c.] 
Let us hear Sully. " From this subject [the insincerity 
of the Spaniards] the king of England passed to that 
of the chace, for which he shewed me an extraordinary 
passion. He said he knew very well that I was no 
great lover of the chace ; that he had attributed the 
late success of his sport to me, not as marquis of 
Rosny, but as ambassador from the king, who was 
not only the greatest prince, but the greatest hunter 
in the world ; to which, with the greatest politeness, 
he added, that Henry was in the right not to carry me 
to the chace, because I was of greater service to him 
elsewhere; and that if I pursued the chace, the king 
of France could not. I replied, that Henry loved all 
the exercises ; but that none of them ever made him 
neglect the care of his affairs, nor prevented him from 
a close inspection into the proceedings of his minis- 
ters 3 ." Had James imitated his brother of France in 
attending his affairs, and inspecting the proceeding of 
his ministers, he might have enjoyed the pleasure of 
hunting without censure. For 'tis but reasonable that 
princes should have a relaxation from business as well 
as other men. 

But says Mr. Chamberlaine to Mr. Winwood, in a 
letter dated Jan. 26, 1604, " the king finds that feli- 
city in that hunting life, that he hath written to the 
council, that it is the only means to maintain his 
health, which being the health and welfare of us all> 

Sully, vol. II p. 29. 

JAMES I. 95 

vourite diversion with him, which he prac- 
tised so much, as to neglect the great and 

he desires them to take the charge and burden of 
affairs, and foresee that he be not interrupted nor 
troubled with too much business 8 ." A man who pre- 
ferred hunting to the affairs of state, was unworthy of 
the crown he wore, and undeserving the regard of his 
people. For such a one neglected the end of his ap- 
pointment, and therefore merited the contempt he met 

with. James never loved business. " In Scotland, 

says Melvil, the earl of Arran desired him to recreate 
himself at hunting, and he would attend the council, 
and report again at his majesty's return, all our opi- 
nions and conclusions 15 ." He hearkened to his advice, 
or rather followed his own inclinations, and thereby 
numberless mischiefs ensued. He was never the wiser 
for this we see; for his aversion to business was the 
same, and so was his passion for hunting : so that he 
had lived to no purpose, and was incapable of being 
taught by experience. 

Osborn tells us, he saw " him dressed in colours 
green as the grass he trod on, with a feather in his 
cap, and a horn instead of a sword by his side V A 
pretty picture this of a prince, and tending to excite 
much reverence in the beholders. But when men's 
minds are bent on diversions, they care for nothing 
more than their own pleasure and amusement, and are 
thoughtless of what standers-by think or say of them. 

1 will give the reader some fine observations on 

this subject of hunting, from a writer whose great 
genius and elevated rank entitle him to be heard with 
deference and respect, and with them conclude the 

* Winwood, vol. II. p. 46. fc Melvil, p. 139. c Osborn, p. 495. 


weighty business of state, and leave every 
thing of consequence to be transacted by his 
council, to his no small dishonour. 

note. " Hunting is one of those sensual pleasures 
which exercise the body, without affecting the mind ; 
it is an ardent desire of pursuing some wild beast, for 
the cruel satisfaction of destroying it; an amusement 
which renders the body robust and active, and leaves 
the rnind fallow and uncultivated. Sportsmen, per- 
haps, will reproach me here with gravity and preach- 
ing, and alledge, that I assume the prerogative of a 
priest in his pulpit, who may assert whatever he pleases, 
without being atraid of contradiction. Hunting, say 
they, is the noblest and most antient of all amuse- 
ments : the patriarchs and many other eminent men 
were hunters; and by this we continue to exercise 
that dominion over the beasts, which God vouchsafed 
to s;ive Adam. But no follv is the better for beinq- 


antient, especially if it is carried to extravagance : 
many great men, I own, have been passionately fond 
of this diversion; but these had their weaknesses as 
well as perfections : Let us imitate their great quali- 
ties, without copying after their little and idle occu- 
pations. The same patriarchs were not only given to 
hunting, but to polygamy, nay, would marry their 
own sisters, and had many other customs which savour- 
ed of the barbarous ages wherein they lived. They 
were rude, ignorant, and uncultivated idle men, who, 
to kill time, employed it in hunting, and threw away 
those moments in useless amusements, which the}' had 
no capacity to employ in the company and conversa- 
tion of men of understanding. Let me now ask 
whether these are examples to be imitated; whether 


JAMES I. 07 

He had a vehement desire to be thought 
learned, and master of the controversies 

these barbarous ages, or others that were more refined, 
ought to be the model of the present ? To enquire 
whether Adam received dominion over the beasts, 
would be foreign to my subject ; but it is well known, 
that men have been alwavs more cruel and ravenous 


than the beasts themselves, and make the most tyran- 
nical use of that dominion they pretend to. If any 
thing gives us advantage over these animals, it is cer- 
tainly our reason ; but professed hunters, for the most 
part, have their heads furnished with nothing but horses, 
dogs, boars, stags, and the like. They are sometimes as 
wild and savage themselves as the beasts they pursue; 
and it may well be feared lest they should become as in- 
human to their fellow-creatures as they are to their fel- 
low-animals, or at least that the cruel custom of perse- 
cuting and destroying these, may take away their sym- 
pathy for the misfortunes of the others. And is this so 
noble an occupation, so worthy of a thinking being ? It 
may be objected that hunting is an healthful exercise, 
and that those who are given to it live to a great age, as 
appears by experience ; that it is a harmless amusement, 
and very proper for sovereigns, as it displays their mag- 
riificence, dissipates their cares, and in times of peace 
presents them with an image of war. I would be far 
from condemning a moderate use of this exercise, but 
let it be remembered, that exercise in general is hardly 
necessary to any but the intemperate. Never prince 
lived longer than cardinal Fleury, cardinal Ximenes, 
or the late pope, and yet neither of the three was a 
hunter. But is it necessary to chuse an employment 
which has no other merit but that of promising long 

VOL. I. H 


then on foot, which made him expose 
himself much in the conference at Hamp- 

life ? Monks commonly live longer than other men ; 
must a man therefore become a monk ? there is no 
need of leading an indolent and useless life, as long 
as that of Methusalem : the more a man improves his 
understanding, and the more great and useful actions 
he performs, the longer he lives. Hunting, besides, 
is of all amusements that which is least proper for a 
prince : he may display his magnificence a thousand 
ways, that are all more useful to his subjects : and if it 
should be found, that the peasants were ruined by the 
too great number of wild beasts, the care of destroying 
these might be committed to professed hunters hired 
for that purpose. The proper employment of a prince 
is that of improving his own mind, and governing his 
people, in order to acquire more knowledge, and con- 
sequently be able to accommodate his government to 
their interest. It must not be omitted, that to be a 
great general, there is no need of being a hunter. 
Gustavus Adolphus, marshal Turenne, the duke of 
Marlborough, and prince Eugene, whose characters as 
able generals and illustrious men, will not be question- 
ed, were not hunters ; nor do we read of the huntings 
of Alexander, Caesar, or Scipio. 1 conclude there- 
fore, that it is excusable in a prince to go a hunting, 
if it is but seldom, and to refresh him after his serious 
and often melancholy employments. I say once more, 
I object to no honest pleasure ; but the care of render- 
ing a state flourishing and happy, and of protecting 
and encouraging arts and sciences, is unquestionably 
a much superior pleasure, and much fitter employ- 
for a prince; and whoever betakes himself to 

JAMES I. 99 

ton-Court 37 , between the episcopalians and 

any other, neither consults his pleasure nor his in- 
terest 3 ." 

37 Which made him expose himself much in the 
conference at Hampton-Court, &c.] This conference 
was begun Jan. 14, 1603, in pursuance of a proclama- 
tion for that purpose, dated Oct. 4, of the same year. 
The professed design of it was to examine into the ob- 
jections of the puritans, against the doctrine, govern- 
ment and discipline of the established church, and rec- 
tify abuses crept into it. But the king had little of 
this at heart ; his design was to shew his learning, and 
mortify the puritans, which he did as well as he could. 
He talked therefore of the name and use of confirma- 
tion, and the occasion of its being first brought in ; 
of absolution, private baptism, and excommunication ; 
points well worthy the study of a king, and coming 
with great propriety from his mouth. " Absolution, 
he declared, was apostolical, and a very good ordi- 
nance, in that it was given in the name of Christ to 
one that desired it, and upon the clearing of his con- 
science b ." He maintained "the necessity of bap- 
tism, where it might be lawfully had, id est, ministered 
by lawful ministers, by whom alone, and by no private 
person, he thought it might not in any case be ad- 
ministered. After which he learnedly observed, that 
though the minister be not of the essence of the sacra- 
ment [of baptism] yet he is of the essence of the right 
and lawful ministry of the sacrament ." These dis- 
courses passed between the king and bishops alone on 

* Anti-Machiavel, p. 155164. 8vt>. Lorul. 1741. b Barlow's 

Account of the Conference at Hampton-Court, in vol. I. of the Phenix, 
p. 145. 8vo. Lond. 1707. c Id. p. 147. 

H 2 


the puritans, where he set up for a dispu* 

the first day, greatly, I dare say, to their rejoicing. 
On the second day, the ministers who were to propose 
the demands of the puritans being called in, viz. Rey- 
nolds, Sparks, Knewstubbs, and Chadderton, together 
with Patrick Galloway, sometime minister of Perth 
in Scotland ; and their objections being all reduced 
into four heads, the king took on him to dispute the 
matters contained in them, with the ministers. It 
would be endless to relate all he said, for he loved 
speaking, and was in his element whilst disputing. 
Two or three instances of his ostentatious pedantry 
shall therefore suffice. " His majesty taxed St. Jerom 
for his assertion, that a bishop was not divines ordina- 
tionis ; which opinion he much distasted, approving 
their calling and use in the church, and closed it up 
with this short aphorism, no bishop, no king '"*' 

" Dr. Reynolds having made it an objection against 
the Apocrypha (ordered by the Common Prayer to be 
read) that the author of the book of Ecclesiasticus, 
chap, xlviii. 10. held the same opinion with the Jews 
at this day, namely, that Elias in person was to come 
before Christ; and therefore as yet Christ, by that 
reason, not come in the flesh : I say Dr. Reynolds 
having made this objection, his majesty calling for a 
bible, first shewed the author of that book ; who he 
was, then the cause why he wrote that book ; next 
analized the chapter itself, shewing the precedents and 
consequences thereof; lastly, unfolded the sum of that 
place, arguing and demonstrating that whatsoever 
Ben Sirach had said there of Elias, Elias had, in his 

a Barlow's Account of the Conference at Hampton-Court, in vol; I, f 
the Phenix, p. 153. 8vo, Loud. 1707. 


JAMES I. 101 

tant, and behaved with a great and visible 

own person while he lived, performed and accomplish- 
ed*." He moreover declared, " that he had never seen 
a bible well translated into English ; that the transla- 
tion of Geneva was the worst of all; that pains should 
be taken about an uniform translation of it, under cer- 
tain restrictions, and more especially that no marginal 
notes should be added, having found, said he, in 
them which are annexed to the Geneva translation, 
some notes very partial, untrue, seditious, and savour- 
ing too much of dangerous and traiterous conceits V* 
Thus James shewed his learning in the midst of the 
lords of the council, and the bishops and deans who 
attended. I doubt not, though Reynolds was awed by 
the presence, and made not the figure he was capable 
of, that he heartily despised the prince who could talk 
after this rate, and dictate in matters out of his pro- 
vince. Let us now see how his majesty endea- 
voured to mortify the puritans. 

After expounding the chapter of Ecclesiasticus just 
mentioned, he addressed himself to the lords, and 
said, " what trow ye, make these men so angry with 
Ecclesiasticus? by my soul I think he was a bishop, 

or else they would never use him so c ." In answer 

to a question started how far an ordinance of the church 
was to bind, without impeaching Christian liberty? 
James said, <( he would not argue that point, but an- 
swer therein as kings are wont to do in parliament, 
le roy s'avisera; adding withal, that it smelled very 
rankly of anabaptism, comparing it to the usage of a 

* Barlow's Account of the Conference at Hampton-Court, in vol. I. 
f the Phenix, p. 162, 163. 8vo. Lend. 1707. Id. p. 157. 

c Id. p. 163. 


partiality. Indeed, his conduct in this 

beardless boy (one Mr. John Black) who the last con- 
ference his majesty had with the ministers of Scotland, 
in Dec. 1602, told him, that he would hold conformity 
with his majesty's ordinances for matters of doctrine ; 
but for matters of ceremony, they were to be left in 
Christian liberty to every man, as he received more 
and more light from the illumination of God's spirit, 
even till they go mad, quoth the king, with their own 
light. But I will none of that, I will have one doc- 
trine, and one discipline, one religion in substance 
and in ceremony ; and therefore I charge you never 
to speak more to that point (how far you are bound 
to obey) when the church hath ordained it V After- 
wards speaking to the lords and bishops, he said, " I 
will tell you, I have lived among this sort of men 
ever since I was ten years old ; but I may say of my- 
self, as Christ said of himself, though I lived among 
them, yet, since I had ability to judge, I was never 
of them V Thinking by somewhat Dr. Reynolds 
said, that the ; puritans aimed at a Scotch presbytery, 
the king observed, " that it agreed with a monarchy, 
as God and the devil. Then Jack and Tom, and 
Will and Dick shall meet, added he, and at their plea- 
sure censure me and my council, and all our proceed- 
ings. Then Will shall stand up and say, it must be 
thus ; then Dick shall reply, and say, nay, marry, but 
we will have it thus 6 ." Afterwards asking if they had 
any thing further to object ? and being answered no, 
he said, " if this was all, he would make them con- 

Barlow's Account of the Conference at Hampton-Court, in vol. I. of 
the Phenix, p. 166. 8vo. Lond. 1707. b Compare this with the notes 

12 and 18. c Id. p. 169. 

JAMES I. 108 

affair was such, as has been severely cen- 

form, or would hurry them out of the land, or else do 

worse 3 ." This was the behaviour of James in thU 

celebrated conference ; a behaviour contemptible and 
ridiculous, and such as must expose him to stand ers- 

by. What then must we think of archbishop 

Whitgift, who said " that undoubtedly his majesty 
spake by the special assistance of God's spirit ?" 
What of bishop Bancroft, who on his knee protested 
" that his heart melted with joy, and made haste to 
acknowledge unto almighty God, the singular mercy- 
in giving them such a king, as, since Christ's time, 
the like had not beenV Or what of the temporal 
lords, who could applaud his majesty's speeches as 
" proceeding from the spirit of God, and from an un- 
derstanding heart ." May we not say, that they knew 
well how to dissemble, and to maintain the character 

of good courtiers better than of honest men? - 

Barlow thought he had done a great piece of service 
to James, by publishing this conference ; but a worse 
office, in reality, could not have been done him. 
Posterity, by his account, see James's pedantry; and 
to see it, is to despise it. The puritans, therefore, 
needed not to have complained so much as they have 
done of Barlow d . If he has not represented their ar- 
guments in as just a light, nor related what was done 
by the ministers as advantageously as truth required, 
he has abundantly made it up to them by shewing, 
that the bishops, their adversaries, were gross flatter- 
ers, and had no regard to their sacred characters ; and 

Barlow's Account of the Conference at Hampton-Court, in vol. I. of 
the Phenix, p. 170. 8vo. Lond. 1707. " Id. p. 174. c Id. p. 170. 

* See Fuller's Church Hist, book 10. cent. 17. p. 21. Lond. 1655. folio, 


sured on almost all hands ?s , as it well de- 

that their mortal foe James had but a low understand- 
ing, and was undeserving of the rank he assumed in 
the republic of learning. This hehas done effectually, 
and therefore, whatever was his intention, the puritans 
should have applauded his performance, and appealed 
to it for proof of the insufficiency of him who set 
himself up as a decider of their controversies. 

8 His conduct was such, as has been severely cen- 
sured, &c.] I say nothing of the puritans ; they were 
too much parties to be looked on as impartial judges ; 
and James's conduct towards them was such, as must 
necessarily give them but a poor opinion of his under- 
standing and justice. Nor will I give the opinion of 
Barlow or Heylin : the first had his court to make, the 
other was a bigot in the greatest degree a man of sense 
(for such he was) could be ; and therefore the judgment 
of neither of them is much to be regarded. I will give 
the sentiments of a clergyman, zealous enough for the 
church ; and a statesman, who cannot be thought par- 
tial to the puritans, when 'tis known that he most zeal- 
ously promoted the occasional conformity, and schism 
bills. "Had there not been too stiff an adherence 
(says the reverend writer) to some few things at this 
conference at Hampton-Court, which, without danger, 
might have been altered, had not the bishops then had 
such an ascendant throughout the whole conference 
over the king, which he was well pleased withal, 
having by the contrary party in Scotland been so roughly 
handled all his time ; I say, certainly that conference had 
terminated in a great advantage to the church of Eng- 
land ; for the puritan party was not so numerous, nor 
Qonsequeatly so strong as afterwards; nor yet their dis- 

JAMES I. 105 

served. In the year 1605, on the fifth day 
of Nov. was that most detestable conspi- 

affections so great as they have been since, a very little 
and easy condescension had spoiled the market of the 

designing men, both gentry and ministers tooV 

" Learning, says the other writer, was the part upon 
which James valued himself; this he affected more than 
became a king, and broached, on every occasion, in, 
such a manner as would have misbecome a school- 
master. His pedantry was too much even for the age 
in which he lived. It would be tedious to quote the 

part he took in the conference at Hampton-Court. 

Let us only observe that the ridicule which arose from 
hence, and which fixed on him was just, because the 
merit of a chief governor is wisely to superintend the 
whole, and not to shine in any inferior class, because 
different, and in some cases perhaps, opposite talents, 
both natural and acquired, are necessary to move, and 
to regulate the movements of the machine of govern- 
ment; in short, because as a good adjutant may make 
a very bad general ; so a great reader, and a writer 
too, may be a very ignorant kingV And in another 
place, the same fine writer observes, " that in haste to 
shew his parts, he had a conference between the bishops 
and the puritan ministers at Hampton-Court, where 

he made himself a principal party in the dispute. 

But surely such a conference, however it might frighten 
and silence, could neither instruct nor persuade, and 
the king was so far from trusting, like his predecessor, 
to the force of truth, and aid of time, that in this very 
conference he threatened to employ another kind of 

* A Vindication of their Majesties Wisdom in the nomination to the va- 
cant hishopricks, p. 7. 4to. Loud. 1691. Oldcastle's Remarks, p. 237. 


many, yet cannot, I think, reasonably be 19 

love flourish and prevail among all those who profess 
the religion of the meek and holy Jesus. 

39 The powder-plot cannot, I think, reasonably 

be doubted of.] The history of this is so well known, 
that 'tis needless to relate it in this place. I will only 
observe, that the writers of the narratives of this aifair, 
pay a compliment to James's understanding at the 
expence of truth; for it was not he that guessed from 
the expression in the letter to lord Monteagle, " that 
they should receive a terrible blow this parliament, 
and yet they should not see who hurts them." I say, 
it was not he who guessed that it should be some sud- 
den danger by blowing up of powder, but the earl of 
Suffolk, lord chamberlain, and the earl of Salisbury, 
as the latter himself relates in a letter to Sir Charles 
Cornwallis, dated JSov. 9, l605 a . However, the wri- 
ters on this subject are excusable, having authority to 
rely on. For such was the flattery of James's cour- 
tiers, that they g t it inserted into the preamble of the 
act for a public thanksgiving to almighty God, every 
year on the fifth of November, that " the conspiracy 
would have turned to the utter ruin of this whole king- 
dom, had it not pleased almighty God, by inspiring 
the king's most excellent majesty with a divine spirit, 
to interpret some dark phrases of a letter shewed to his 
majesty, above and beyond all ordinary construction, 
thereby miraculously discovering this hidden treason." 
This appears to be gross flattery, and 'tis amazing how 
any man, who knew it to be such, could thus publicly 
receive it, much more the most great, learned, and reli- 
gious king that ever reigned in this kingdom, as in the 
said preamble James is stiled. But the drawers of this 

* Winwood, vol. II. p. 171. 

JAMES I. 109 

doubted of. Every body knows, that in 
consequence of the discovery, several of the 

act, I dare say, knew his taste, and were willing to 
gratify it, though thereby they exposed him to the 
laughter of those who were in the secret, as great 
numbers must have been. However, by the way, it 
ought never to be permitted to recite falshoods for 
truths in statutes; for these being enacted by the 
highest authority, the facts in them declared should 
be strictly true; otherwise whatever obedience may 
be yielded, the enactors will have little esteem or 
regard from the people, to whom the dealers in un- 
truths seldom appear in an amiable light. 'Tis 

well known, that many of the papists then and now 
have denied the fact, and imputed the whole of the 
affair to the artifice of Salisbury; and we are told, that 
others of opposite principles have confidently asserted, 
" that there never was any such thing really as the 
gunpowder plot, but that it was a plot of king James's 
contriving, to endear himself unto the people 3 ." But 
whether this is not all idle talk will appear, if we con- 
sider a few confessions of Roman catholics themselves. 
That worthy good-natured man, Dr. Tillotson, speak- 
ing of this horrid affair, says, " Sir Everard Digby, 
whose very original papers and letters are now in my 
hands, after he was in prison, and knew he must suffer, 
calls it the best cause; and was extremely troubled to 
hear it censured by catholics and priests, contrary to 
his expectation, for a great sin. Let me tell you (says 
he) what a grief it is, to hear that so much condemned 
which I did believe would have been otherwise thought 
of by catholics. And yet he concludes that letter in 

a Casaubon of Credulity and Incredulity, vol. I. p. 202. 8ro. Lond. 1668. 


many, yet cannot, I think, reasonably be 59 

love flourish and prevail among all those who profess 
the religion of the meek and holy Jesus. 

39 The powder-plot cannot, 1 think, reasonably 

be doubted of.] The history of this is so well known, 
that 'tis needless to relate it in this place. I will only 
observe, that the writers of the narratives of this affair, 
pay a compliment to James's understanding at the 
expence of truth; for it was not he that guessed from 
the expression in the letter to lord Monteagle, " that 
they should receive a terrible blow this parliament, 
and yet they should not see who hurts them." I say, 
it was not he who guessed that it should be some sud- 
den danger by blowing up of powder, but the earl of 
Suffolk, lord chamberlain, and the earl of Salisbury, 
as the latter himself relates in a letter to Sir Charles 
Cornwallis, dated ISov. 9, l605 a . However, the wri- 
ters on this subject are excusable, having authority to 
rely on. For such was the flattery of James's cour- 
tiers, that they g t it inserted into the preamble of the 
act for a public thanksgiving to almighty God, every 
year on the fifth of November, that " the conspiracy 
would have turned to the utter ruin of this whole king- 
dom, had it not pleased almighty God, by inspiring 
the king's most excellent majesty with a divine spirit, 
to interpret some dark phrases of a letter shewed to his 
majesty, above and beyond all ordinary construction, 
thereby miraculously discovering this hidden treason." 
This appears to be gross flattery, and 'tis amazing how 
any man, who knew it to be such, could thus publicly 
receive it, much more the most great, learned, and reli- 
gious king that ever reigned in this kingdom, as in the 
said preamble James is stiled. But the drawers of this 

* Winwood, TO!, II. p. 171. 

JAMES I. 109 

doubted of. Every body knows, that in 
consequence of the discovery, several of the 

act, I dare say, knew his taste, and were willing to 
gratify it, though thereby they exposed him to the 
laughter of those who were in the secret, as great 
numbers must have been. However, by the way, it 
ought never to be permitted to recite falshoods for 
truths in statutes ; for these being enacted by the 
highest authority, the facts in them declared should 
be strictly true; otherwise whatever obedience may 
be yielded, the enactors will have little esteem or 
regard from the people, to whom the dealers in un- 
truths seldom appear in an amiable light. Tis 

well known, that many of the papists then and now 
have denied the fact, and imputed the whole of the 
affair to the artifice of Salisbury; and we are told, that 
others of opposite principles have confidently asserted, 
" that there never was any such thing really as the 
gunpowder plot, but that it was a plot of king James's 
contriving, to endear himself unto the people 3 ." But 
whether this is not all idle talk will appear, if we con- 
sider a few confessions of Roman catholics themselves. 
That worthy good-natured man, Dr. Tillotson, speak- 
ing of this horrid affair, says, " Sir Everard Digby, 
whose very original papers and letters are now in my 
hands, after he was in prison, and knew he must suffer, 
calls it the best cause; and was extremely troubled to 
hear it censured by catholics and priests, contrary to 
his expectation, for a great sin. Let me tell you (says 
he) what a grief it is, to hear that so much condemned 
which I did believe would have been otherwise thought 
of by catholics. And yet he concludes that letter in 

* CasauLon of Credulity and Incredulity, vol, I. p. 202. 8ro. Lond. 1668. 


chief conspirators were executed, and an 
annual thanksgiving ordained. And in 

these words: in how full of joy should I die, if I could 
do any thing for the cause which I love more than 
my life. And in another letter he says, he could have 
said something to have mitigated the odium of this 
business, as to that point of involving those of his 
own religion in the common ruin. I dare not, says 
he, take that course that I could, to make it appear 
less odious; for divers were to have been brought out 
of danger, who now would rather hurt them than 
otherwise. I do not think that there would have been 
three worth the saving, that should have been lost. 
And as to the rest that were to have been swallowed 
up in that destruction, he seems not to have the least 
relenting in his mind about them 3 ." Dr. Burnet tells 
us, he had the same papers in his possession, and gives' 

the like account from them b . But to put the matter 

beyond all dispute, I will give part of a speech of lord 
Stafford at the bar of the house of lords, Dec. 1, 1680. 
which, as far as I know, has never been quoted by any 
writer. Every body almost knows that this unfortu- 
nate nobleman was strongly attached to the Romish 
religion ; and that upon the evidence of those times he 
was convicted and executed for the popish plot. It 
may well enough therefore be supposed, that he would 
not blacken his own side on this occasion, or endea- 
vour to render his prosecutors more apprehensive of 
the enterprizing spirit of the catholics, than the truth 
compelled him to do. His evidence therefore being 
unexceptionable, let us attend unto it. " My lords, 

Tillotson's Sermon before the House of Commons, Nov. 5, 1678. 
6 Buraet, vol. I. p. 10. 


order the better to secure the obedience of 
the catholics, the oath of allegiance*, by au- 

said he, I have heard very much of a thing that was 
named by these gentlemen of the house of commons, 
and that very properly too, to wit, of the gunpowder 
treason. My lords, I was not born then, but some 
years after heard very much discourse of it, and very 
various reports; and I made a particular enquiry, 
perhaps more than any one person did else, both 
of my father, who was alive then, and my uncle, 
and others ; and I am satisfied, and do clearly be- 
lieve, by the evidence I have received, that that 
thing called the gunpowder treason, was a wicked 
and horrid design (among the rest) of some of the Je- 
suits, and I think the malice of the Jesuits, or the wit 
of man, cannot offer an excuse for it, it was so exe- 
crable a thing. Besides, my lords, I was acquainted 
with one of them that was concerned in it, who had 
his pardon, and lived many years after : I discoursed 
with him about it, and he confessed it, and said, he 
was sorry for it then ; and I here declare to your lord- 
ships, that I never heard any one of the church of 
Rome speak a good word of it: it was so horrid a 
thing it cannot be expressed nor excused. And God 
almighty shewed his judgments upon them for their 
wickedness ; for hardly any of the persons or their 
posterity are left that were concerned in it ; and even 
a very great family too [Peircy, earl of Northumber- 
land, I suppose] that had collaterally something to do 
in it, is in the male line extinct totally; and I do think 
God almighty always shews his judgments upon such 
vile actions*." What will any one say to this? need* 

* Stat anno tertio Jacobi regis, c. 4. sect, 15. 

Lord Stafford's Trial, p. 53. Lond. J 680-1. fo}. 


thority of parliament, was enacted, whereby 
the power of the pope to depose the king, 

there any further witnesses when a popish lord de- 
clares the thing to be fact, and that he himself was 
acquainted with one concerned in it, who confessed it ? 
must not those be past conviction who will still dis- 
pute it, or obstinately deny it? I will add, that it ap- 
pears from Dr. Birch's view ;"of the negotiations be- 
tween England, France, and Brussels, that many 
catholics abroad were acquainted with it, and that the 
English regiment in the arch-duke's service, was de- 
signed to be transported upon the execution of it*. 
Indeed, says Sir Thomas Edmonds, ambassador with 
the archduke, in a letter to Sir Charles Cornwallis, 
dated Dec. 27, 1605, O. S. " It was long ere I could 
persuade them here to believe the truth of the said 
conspiracy, because the catholiques were interested 
therein; but sometimes they would have it to be an 
artifice of the puritans against those sanctified per- 
sons, and then a design of the Hollanders (which are 
enemies to monarchy) to have reduced our estate to 
the same condition as theirs is of a commonwealth. 
But now lastly, when they see they can no longer dis- 
pute the doubtfulness and incertaintie thereof, they 
report to this consideration, that it is a work of the 
devil's expressly to banish and extirpate the catholique 
religion out of England. For my own part, adds he, I 
will freely confess, that I do effectually desire (whatso- 
ever judgment they make thereof) that we make that 
use of it, as we have just cause so to do b ." These 
things considered, I believe the reader will think with 
Dr. Birch, " that the papists of later times afford an 
instance of amazing scepticism, and equal assurance, 

* See Birch's Negotiations, p. 235, 256. b Winwood,vol. II p. 183. 

JAMES I. 113 

or dispose of any of his majesty's dominions, 
was to be disowned, and true faith and al- 

who affect, without the least shadow of probability, to 
represent so complicated and deep laid a conspiracy, 
us a nicer ministerial and political contrivance, formed 
by the earl of Salisbury, for the disgrace and ruin of 
the Roman catholic religion in England*." However, 
though their scepticism and assurance arc thus amazing, 
yet it is not to be wondered at, that they are unwilling 
to avow a fact, which admitted, must cast the greatest 
odium on a church whose ministers not only counselled 
it, but were actors in it; and though by the judgment 
of their country pronounced conspirators and traitors, 
and as such treated ; yet have been deemed by her 
infallible self, saints and martyrs, and reckoned among 
their miracle workers'*. A proof this, that zeal for 

a Negotiations, p. 255. In the Calendar! um Catholicum, for the year 
Wf>fi, among the memorable observations is the following. 

Since the horrid powder-plot, suspected to bepolitickly contrived-) 
by Cecil, but known to he acted by a few desperadoes of a religion I years 
that detests such treasons, though ambition and discontent madeC 0081 
them traytors. ^ 

Consult bishop Barlow's Genuine Remains, p. 388. Lond. 1693. 8vo. 
where is a censure of a passage of a like nature iu the Calendarium Ca- 
thuiieum, or I'niversal Almanack for the year 1662, which the bishop 
say*, was writ by a man of some parts and quality. 

h See Osborn, p. 485. Fuller's Church Hist. cent. 17. hook 10. p. 40, 
and Winwood, vol. ii. p. 500. Monsieur S. Amour tells us, that among the 
several portraits of Jesuits, publickly sold at Rome with permission of the 
superiour, lie saw one of Garnet, with this inscription, Pater IffnricusfJnr- 
ncttns Angkis, Lonttini pro Jitle catholicu susfensns &>' scclits, 3 Mali 1606. 
Father Henry Garnet hanged and quartered at London, for the catholic 
faith ; by which we see. that treason and catholic faith are all one at Rome; 
for nothing can be more notorious, than that Garnet suffered only on the 
account of the gunpowder treason, of which, as M. S. Amour observes, he 
acknowledged himstlf guilty before he died. StUlinf fleet's Idolatry of the 
Church of Rome, p. 345. 8vo. Lond. 1676. 
VOL. 1. I 


legiance to him promised, notwithstanding 
any excommunication or deprivation made 
by the pope. This oath the catholics, for 
the most part, complied with, as thinking 
it lawful, and among the rest the arch-priest 
Blackwell. At this the pope was alarmed, 
and on the 10th of the calends of October 
1606, issued out a brief, forbidding the tak- 
ing the oath ; but the catholics apprehend- 
ing it a forgery, paid little regard to it, 
whereupon the next year his holiness sent 
them another 43 , in which he plainly told 

mother church will sanctify the greatest villanies, and 
raise men to the highest honours, though ever so un- 
worthy. May all men have in abhorrence this spirit! 
may they guard against all attempts to revive it, and 
look upon it as their greatest happiness, that they are 
not under the rule of those who are actuated by it. 

40 His holiness sent them another brief, Sec.] In his 
first brief the pope [Paul V.] tells the English catho- 
lics, " that the oath of allegiance could not be taken 
without hurting the catholic faith, and the salvation of 
their souls, seeing it contains many things fiat con- 
trary to faith and salvation; and therefore he admo- 
nishes them utterly to abstain from taking this and 
the like oaths"." Mr. Rapin therefore should have 
said, that the pope in this first brief, plainly told the 

* Kiny- James's Works, p. 51. 


them, that they were bound fuily to observe 
the things contained in the former, and to 
reject all interpretations persuading to the 
contrary. Bellarmine also writ a letter to 

catholics, " if they took the oath they forfeited all 
hopes of salvation 2 :" I say, he should have said this 
of the first, and not the second hrief, as he has done ; 
though forfeiting all hopes of salvation, is very dif- 
ferent, in my opinion, from hurting the salvation of 

their souls, which are the words of ihe brief. But his 

holiness's commands were not obeyed. The catholics 
pretended that " his brief was issued not of his own 
proper will, but rather for the respect and instigation of 
other men." This he assures them was false in his se- 
cond brief, dated the 10th of the calends of Sept. 1607, 
and lets them know " that his former letters concerning 
the prohibition of the oath, were written not only upon 
his own proper motion, and of his certain knowledge, 
but also after long and weighty deliberation used con- 
cerning all those things which were contained in them; 
and that for that cause they were bound fully to ob- 
serve them, rejecting all interpretation persuading to 
the contrary V Strange sort of mortals these popes! 
who pretending to be vicars of Jesus Christ, who owned 
his kingdom was not of this world, intrude into the 
affairs of foreign nations, and prescribe laws to the 
subjects of them. This Paul V. was possessed of the 
true spirit of Hildebrand. He laid the Venetians un- 
der an interdict, raised Ignatius Loyola to be a saint, 
and talked and acted in such a manner, as if he had 
indeed thought himself superior to all that " is called 
God, or is worshipped." And had he happened to have 

Rap'm, vol. II. p. 17-!. b King James's Wor^s, p. 258. 


Blackwell, against the oath, and exhorted 
him to repair the fault -he had committed, by 
taking of it,, even though 41 death should be 
the consequence. Hereupon James drew 

lived in those ages when the spirit of croisading for the 
sake of what was called religion, prevailed, I doubt 
not hut he would have made as vile work as the 
worst, and most enterprising of his predecessors. But 
the times in which he lived permitted him not to act 
agreeably to his wishes. Princes had more wisdom 
than to become his dupes, and excommunications were 
of little significa.iey, for learning and good sense now 
began to prevail, and where these are, ecclesiastical au- 
thority will be little regarded. However, this pope, 
we see, talked big; his briefs have an air of authority, 
and he did what in him lay to dispose the English 
catholics to behave contrary to their own interest and 
the laws of their country, and consequently to keep up 
a party dependant on himself, and subservient to his 
will, a thing of the worst consequence, and therefore 
loudly complained of by James, as we shall soon see. 

41 Bellarmine also writ a letter to Black well against 
the oath, &c.] This letter begins with remembering 
Blackwell of the long friendship that had been between 
them; expresses his grief for Blackwell's sufferings; 
but more especially for his having, as it was feared, 
taken the oath, which he says tends to this end, that 
the authority of the head of the church in England 
ruay be transferred from the successor of St. Peter to 
the successor of king Henry VIII. He declares that 
for this one head of doctrine, Fisher and More led the 
way to martyrdom to many others, to the exceeding 
glory of the English nation. And then he concludes 
with desiring him " not to prefer a temporal liberty to 

JAMES I. 117 


his pen, and published his apology for the 

the liberty of the glory of the sons of God : neither for 
escaping a light and momentary tribulation, lose an 
eternal weight of glory, which tribulation itself doth 
work in you. You have fought a good fight a long 
time ; you have well near finished your course ; so 
ninny years have you kept the faith ; do not therefore 
lose the reward of such labours ; do not deprive your- 
self of that crown of righteousness, which so long ago 
is prepared for you ; do not make the faces of so many 
yours both brethren and children, ashamed ; upon you 
at this time are fixed the eyes of all the church ; yea 
also you are made a spectacle to the world, to angels, to 
men; do not so carry yourself in this your last act, that 
you leave nothing but laments to your friends, and joy 
to your enemies : but rather on the contrary, which 
we assuredly hope, and for which we continually 
pour forth prayers to God, display gloriously the ban- 
ner of faith, and make to rejoice the church, which 
you have made heavy; so shall you not only merit 
pardon at God's hands, but a crown. Farewel ; quit 
you like a man, and let your heart be strengthened. 
This letter is dated from Rome, Sept. 28, 1G07 V 
"Bellarmine mistook the sense of the oath about which 
he writes, as we shall see by James's answer. But not 
to insist on this, for the present, I would ask whether 
there is not something very odd in this persuading 
men to undergo martyrdom, when we ourselves are in 
case, and like to continue so ? does it come with a 
good grace from the mouth of a rich cardinal, x who had 
aspired to the papacy, and even now enjoyed the great- 
est plenty of all things. When we see men under suf- 
ferings, triumph and rejoice in them, and contentedly 

* King James's Work?, p. 261. 


oath of allegiance, against the iwo briefs of* 

bear them themselves, and exhort others to do so like- 
wise, their exhortations will have great force and effi- 
cacy; their propriety is seen and acknowledged, and 
all virtuous men are edified. But to persuade others 
to submit to what we ourselves are strangers to, and 
which probably we should shrink at the undergoing, 
is not quite so well in the eyes of the world. But Bel- 
larmine was at a distance; Blackwell's reproaches 
could not have made him blush; and so the authority 
of the pope was maintained, it mattered not who sui- 
f;rcd. Modest man! good frieud! happy for him to 
\vhom he writ, that he knew what was right, and for 
his own interest, or else probably tribulation would 

have been his portion. One would be apt to wonder 

how it comes to pass, that those men who were so for- 
ward to send others on dangerous expeditions, to 
promote the interest of the church, and make men 
proselytes among infidels and heretics, and encourage 
them so much with the prospects of the highest rewards 
hereafter: I say one would be apt to wonder why 
hardh- any of these persons ever set out on these expe- 
ditions themselves, and strive to obtain those glorious 
crowns they set before the eyes of others. \Ve see 
they chiise themselves that part of the vineyard where 
is the richest soil, and the least work to be done. la 
this they take their ease, and enjoy themselves com- 
fortably, and never change unless it be for the better. 
"\Vhat are we to conclude from hence? do not they 
believe what they teach to c :e they disposed 

to procure their own advantage by the sweat, labour, 
and blood of the honest, the simple, the credulous: the 
unbelieving race would say so; and those who be: 
not to that tribe of men, would yet be glad to k. 
how, on this head, to confute them. 

pope Paulas Quintus 4 *, and the letter of car- 

4 * James published his apology for the oath of alle- 
giance against the two briefs, Sec.] Take the follow- 
ing account of the occasion of this apology from 
bishop Mountague, James's prefacer. " After the pope 
had put forth his briefs, and the cardinal had sent his 
letters to the arch-priest; the one to enjoin the people 
not to take the oath of allegiance, affirming that they 
could not take it with safety of their salvation : the 
other to reprove the arch-priest for that he had taken 
it, and to draw him to a penitency for so foul a lapse. 
His majesty, like as become a prudent and religious 
prince, thought it not meet, that these things should 
pass for current, but that it was expedient his people 
should know, that the taking this oath was so far from 
endangering their souls, as that it intended nothing 
but civil obedience, and without touching any point 
of their conscience, made the state secure of their alle- 
giance. To perform this work, his majesty thought 
the bishop of Winchester 3 [Dr. Bilson, if I rightly re- 
member] that then was, a very fit man, both for his 
singular learning, as for that he had long laboured in 
an argument, not much of a diverse nature from this; 
whereupon his majesty calling for pen and ink, to give 

"This Bishop was Dr. T. "Bilson, who was advanced to that see in 1597, 
and died in 1616. The book of his referred to by bishop Montague, was 
probably that printed at Oxford 1585, in 4to. and intitled, ' The true differ- 
ence bctweene Christian subjection and antichristian rebellion ; wherein the 
princes lawful! power and command for trueth, and indepriveable right to 
beare the sword arc defended against the pope's censures, and the Jesuits 
sophismes uttered in their apologie and defence of English catholikes with 
a demonstration, that the things refourmcd in the church of England by the 
I awes of this realme are truly catholike, notwithstanding the vaine shew 
inade to the contrary in their Inte Rhemish Testament, by Thomas Bilson, 
warden of Winchester. Perused :md allowed by pub) ike authentic.' 


dinal Bellarmine to G. Blackwell the arch- 

. my lord of Winchester directions how and in what 
manner lo proceed in this argument, I know not ho\r 
it came to pass, but it fell out true that the poet saith, 

Amphora cotpit 

Institui : currente rota post urceus exit, 

" for the king's pen ran so fast, that in the compass of 
six days, his majesty had accomplished that which he 
now calleth his apology; which when my lord of Can- 
terbury [Bancroft] that then was, and my lord of Ely 
[Andrews] had perused, being indeed delivered by his 
majesty but as, and in the nature of a mi- 
nute to be explicated by the bishops in a larger vo- 
lume ; yet they thought it so sufficient an answer both 
to the pope and cardinal, as there needed no other. 
Whereupon his majesty was persuaded to give way to 
the coming of it forth, but was pleased to conceal his 
name ; and so have we the apology beyond his ma- 
jesty's own purpose or determination V The reader is 
welcome to believe as much or as little of all this as he 
pleases. For my own part, I doubt not, but James 
was well enough pleased to engage in a controversy in 
which he was almost sure of success. For the pope, 
with all his infallibility, had urged nothing material 
against the oath of allegiance, and the cardinal had 
quite mistook the sense of it ; as every one upon com- 
paring the briefs of the one, and the letter of the other 
with the oath, will plainly see, as James in this piece 
has fully shewn. Indeed all objections of the latter 
are pointed against the oath of supremacy, which is a 
\ery different thing from the oath of allegiance. In 

* Preface to King James's Works. 

JAMES I. 121 

priest. Though James had not set his name 
to this piece, no one doubted but he was the 

this piece James, after mentioning the powder plot, 
takes notice of the intention of the oath, which he 
says, " was specially to make a separation between so 
many of his subjects, who although popishly affected, 
yet retained in their hearts the prints of their natural 
duty to their sovereign; and those who being carried 
away with the like fanatical zeal that the powder- 
tray tors were, could not contain themselves within the 
bounds of their natural allegiance, but thought diver- 
sity of religion a safe pretext for all kinds of treasons 
and rebellions against their sovereign V He then 
mentions the good effects the oath had produced; 
the mischiefs of the pope's briefs ; the incivility of the 
pope in condemning him unheard; and after that pro- 
ceeds to a formal examination of them. In this part 
of his work he sets forth his great favour to the catho- 
lics, in admitting them to his presence, dubbing many 
of them knights, freeing recusants from their ordinary 
payments, and bestowing favours and honours equally 
on them with the protcstants. lie then formally en- 
ters into the discussion of the pope's briefs, and by 
scripture, fathers, and councils, attempts to confute 
them. He proceeds to attack Bellarmine; and shews 
that he had mistook the oath of supremacy for the oath 
of allegiance, and on this mistake had proceeded in 
his letter to Blackwell. He asserts the oath of alleu'i- 


ance to be conh'rmed by the authority of ancient coun- 
cils : shews that no decision of any point of religion 
is contained in it; that Bellarmine had contradicted 

* King James's Works, p. 243. 


author of it. It remained not long without 
replies 4 ', containing such things as highly 

his former writings ; and that his authorities from the 
fathers were insufficient. This is the substance of this 
apology, in which, though there is nothing in it of 
great merit, we may justly say James came off con- 
queror. However, we may remark, that though his 
favours to the catholics might manifest them guilty of 
ingratitude towards him, yet could they be no great 
recommendation of him to his protestant subjects. 
They shewed an indifferency with respect to the two 
religions, which, I suppose, was not so well digested 
by them. But James was not one of those who fore- 
saw consequences. What made for his present pur- 
pose he catched hold of, without reflecting that one 
day or other it might be made to serve against himself. 
An imprudence which controvertists frequently are 
guilty of. The least shadow of an argument they 
make use of; weaken, or endeavour to invalidate the 
most important doctrines which at any time stand in 
their way; and blab out those things which it is most 
their interest to conceal, and which hereafter they 
bitterly repent of, when they find the uses made of 
them by able or artful opponents. 

41 It remained not long without replies, containing 
such things as highly displeased him.] Though James's 
name was not prefixed to the first edition of his apo- 
logy, yet he made presents of it to the foreign ambas- 
sadors in his own name, and his arms were put in the 
frontispiece thereof, as himself tells us a . This was suf- 
ficient to put the author cut of doubt. But notwith- 
standing his adversaries treated him without ceremony. 

Works, p. 290. 

JAMES I. 123 

displeased him. Whereupon he writ his 

The famous Eobert Parsons began the attack, in a 
book called the Judgment of a Catholic gentleman, 
concerning king James's apology for the oath of alle- 
giance. Qu. S. Omcrs, 1608 a . Bellarmine continued 

it, under the feigned name of Mattheus Tortus, and 
gave his majesty the lie in express terms, and seven 
times charged him with falsehood, which was thought 
by him equivalent to a lie b . The king is here told, 
that pope Clement thought him to be inclined to their 
religion; that he was a puritan in Scotland, and a per- 
secutor of the protestants; that he was. a heretic and 
no Christian. His majesty was also let know, " that 
some of his officers of estate put the pope and cardi- 
nals in hope that he would profess himself a catholic, 
when he came to the- crown of England; yea, that he 
himself had written letters full of courtesie. to the two 
cardinals Aldo-brandmo and Beljarniine, wherein he 
craved, that oneof the Scottish nation might he created 
cardinal; that by him, as an agent, he might the more 

easily and safely do his business with the pope ." 

This must have vexed James pretty much, I suppose, 
as the reader, by comparing what is contained in notes 
8 and 13, will be apt to think there was some truth in 
it. A third answerer of this apology was Francis 
Suarez, well known in the learned world. Sir Henry 
Saville, whose edition of St. Chrysostom has perpe- 
tuated his fame, being prevailed on, I know not by 
what motive, to help translate James's book into Latin: 
it soon got to Home ; from thence Suarez was com- 

a Wood's Athens Oxoniensrs, vol. I.c.362. b King James's Works,p.'2'.H. 
c Calderwood, p. 600. See the letter itself in the same writer, p. 427. 
it is addressed to the pope ; but there are instructions nftenvards added, 
for apply ing to the cardinals. See also Rushworth, vol. J. p. 1C2. 



premonition u to all most mighty monarchs, 

manded to answer it, who performing his task, it was 
published, and as soon as the copies came into England, 

one of them was burnt 3 . Nicolaus Cot 1 (let can, 

bishop of Dardanie, preacher to Hear}- IV. of France, 
answered James, as he said, very moderately and mo- 
destly. " But the king was nothing pleased with his 
fawning, nor took it in better part than if (as he said) 
he should have bid a t d in his teeth, and then cry 
Sir reverence V Let us observe here by the way, a 
mistake of ]\lr. Perranlt, in speaking of CcefTeteau, 
says he, " the king (Henry the Great) committed to 
him, at the solicitation of Perron, the answering of the 
king of England's book on the eucharist, which he did 
with a great deal of cogency ." Now James never 
writ on the eucharist. The book Coeffeteau answered, 
was his apology ; consequently Perrault is mistaken. 
Nor can 1 persuade myself he speaks truly, when he 
says, the then French king committed to him the an- 
swering James's book. The doctrine contained in it 
could not be displeasing to Henry, and I believe he 
would have been sorry it should have been subverted. 
1 know of no more answers to James's apology; and 
whether I am as exact as I should be in my account 
of these, I cannot well determine ; being far removed 
from libraries, from which help might be expected d ." 

44 Y\ hereupon he writ his premonition to all most 
mighty monarchs, 8cc.] " After the apology was out, 
says Dr. Mountague, his majesty divers times would be 
pleased to utter a resolution of his, that if the pope 
and cardinal would not rest in his answer, and sit down 

1 Wood, vol. I. c. 468. b Winwood, vol. III. p. 11 7. c Characters 
Historical and Panegyrical, vol. II p. ll.Svo. Lond. 1"05. * Vid, 


JAMES I. 125 

kings, free princes, and states of Christen- 
by it, take the oath as it was intended for a point of 
allegiance and civil obedience, he would publish the 
apology in his own name, with a preface to all the 
princes in Christendom ; wherein he would publish 
such a confession of his faith, persuade the princes so 
to vindicate their own power, discover so much of the 
mystery of iniquity unto them, as the pope's bulls 
should pull in their horns, and himself wish he had 
never meddled with this matter. The cardinal con- 
tending against the apology, his majesty confirmed 
his resolution, and with the like celerity in the com- 
pass of one week, wrote his monitory preface ; and being 
so written, published it and the apology in his own 
name, and made good his word, sent it to the emperor, 
and all the kings and free princes in Christendom V 
Great dispatch this! but as we have a bishop's word 
for it, we cannot refuse to subscribe to the truth of it. 
In his dedication to the emperor llodolph II. and ihc 
princes and states of Christendom, he stiles himself 
professor, maintainer, and defender of the true, chris- 
tian, catholic, and apostolic faith, professed by the 
antient and primitive church, and sealed with the blood 
o'i so many holy bishops, and other faithful crowned 
with the glory of martyrdom b . He then in a particu- 
lar manner addresses himself unto them, and tells them, 
" that the cause in which he is engaged is general, and 
concerned! the authority and privilege of kings in ge- 
neral, and all super-eminent temporal powers ." He 
proceeds to give reasons for printing the apology with- 
out iiis name; shews why he thought now proper to 
avow it, and gues on to shew the occasion of it. He 

* Preface to James's Works. " James's Works, p. 238. c Id. p. 2 so. 


dom, published it, and the apology in his 

lets them know, that the publishing his book had 
brought such two answerers, or rather raiiers, upon him, 
as all the world might wonder at. He then falls foul 
on Parsons, for whom he says a rope is the fittest an- 
swer; and proceeds to Mattheus Tortus, who called 
himself Bellarmine's chaplain. " An obscure author, 
says he, utterly unknown to me, being yet little known 
to the world for any other of his works; and therefore 
must be a very desperate fellow in beginning his ap- 
prentisage, not only to refute, but to rail upon a king V 
One would think by this James knew not that in the 
republic of letters no man holds any other rank than 
what he can procure by his own industry and abilities. 
For which reason if the greatest prince commences a 
member of it, he is to expect, in justice, no other re- 
gard than what his fellow-members shall judge he 
really merits. If he would not be treated like an au- 
thor, he should not commence author. The moment 
lie acts publicly in that character, he is liable to be 
refuted, ridiculed, or exposed ; nor has he any body 

but himself to thank for it. But let us go on with our 

subject. James, from some passages, concludes that 
Bellarmine was his real answerer, under the feigned 
name of Tortus, and as such he speaks of him. After 
mentioning the epithets bestowed on himself by his 
answerer, he asks the princes whether this be mannerly 
dealing with a king ? and he doubts not but that they 
will resent such indignities done to one of their qua- 
lity. He then shews the insufficiency of the cardinal's 
reply to his apology, aggravates the power he gives to 
the popes, shews that they formerly were in subjection 

Jaaei's Works, p. 2S3. 

JAMES I. 12? 

own name, and sent it to the emperor, and 
princes, to whom it was addressed. The 

to Christian emperors, and that their assent was neces 
sary to their elections, and that they had been deposed 
by them. Kings also, he says, have denied the tempo- 
ral superiority of the popes, more especially his own 
predecessors. Apostate he shews he is none, and he- 
retic that he cannot be, as believing all the three 
creeds, and as " acknowledging for orthodox all those 
other forms of creeds, that either were devised by 
councils or particular fathers, against such particular 
heresies as most reigned in their times 2 ." He then 
gives a long-winded confession of faith, with reasons, 
such as they are, of his belief; and afterwards spends 
no less than twenty folio pages on the subject of Anti- 
christ, which he thus concludes, " Thus has the cardi- 
nals shameless wresting two of those places of scripture, 
pasce ores metis, $ tibi dabo claves, for proving the 
pope's temporal authority over princes, animated me 
to prove the pope to be the antichrist out of the book 
of scripture; so to pay him his o\vn money again. 
And this opinion no pope can ever make me to recant, 
except they first renounce any farther meddling with 
princes, in any thing belonging to their temporal juris- 
diction 15 ." Returning then to Bellarmine's reply, he 
complains loudly of the lies contained in it, and of the 
ill-manners wherewith it abounds ; and after a great 
deal of heavy stuff about the powder-plot, oath of alle- 
giance, the villany of Garner, &c. he addresses himself 
to the kings and princes, and prays God that he and 
they may not suffer the iucroaching Babylonian mo- 

Works, p. 302. k IJ. p. 328. 


prefacer of his majesty's works tells us of 
the great effects produced by this prcmoni- 

narch to gain ground upon them. It is verv remark- 
able, that in this answer to Bellannine, contained in 
the premonition, James takes not the least notice of 
the account given by him of his having formerly writ- 
ten to the pope, and begged a cardinal's hat for one of 
his subjects, in order that through him he might be 
the more able to advance his aftairs in the court of 
Rome. This, I say, is remarkable, and argues in 
James a conviction of the truth of what was alledged 
against him. Indeed, with no face could he pretend 
to deny it : for it was well known to his own and for- 
ministers, that his ambassador at the French court had 
frequently solicited it, and thereby had reflected on his 
honour and judgment*; and that he himself had nego- 
tiated with the pope by means of cardinal Aldo-bran- 
dini, in order, as was thought, to his becoming cctho-. 
lic b . He had not the face therefore to deny, in a 
work addressed to foreigners, a fact which could so 
easily have been made good against him. However, 
in order to amuse his own subjects, he pretended the 
letter written to the pope, produced in this contrcn 
was surreptitiously obtained by lord Balmerioo; and 
accordingly that lord, following the direction in all 
things of lord Dunbar c , after having confessed that he 
himself drew the letter without his majesty's know- 
ledge or consent, and got him igncrantly to sign it, 
had sentence of death passed on him for this his ac- 
tion. No doubt of it, James thought hereby to have 
cleared himself in die eyes of his subjects of all cor- 

* Wimrood's Mwcoria's, vol L p. 3S3. fc Birch's Negotiations, p. 3S. 

c See Ca-dtmood, p. 60 4. and Spots wood, p. 507. 

JAMES I. 129 

tion 4y , but, if we deal impartially, we must 

respondence with the pope. " But when Balmerino 
was presently pardoned, and, after a short confinement, 
restored to his liberty : all men, says Burnet, believed 
that the king knew of the letter, and that the pretend- 
ed confession of the secretary was only collusion to 
lay the jealousies of the king's favouring popery, 
which still hung upon him, notwithstanding his writing 
on the Revelations, and his affecting to enter on all 
occasions into controversy, asserting in particular that 

the pope was antichrist V So that his artifice was of 

no avail, the covering was too thin ; and all who had 
eyes must see that there was but too much truth in 
what had been said concerning him. Such are the ef- 
fects of dissimulation ! whereas honesty, integrity, and 
fair-dealing, appear openly and above-board, and al- 
ways on examination are honourable to those by whom 
they are practised, and generally profitable. 

! The prefacer to his majesty's works tells us of the 
great effects produced by this premonition.] He ob- 
serves, " that upon the coming forth of that book, 
there were no states that disavowed the doctrine of it 
in the point of the king's power; and the Venetians 
maintained it in their writings, and put it in execu- 
tion ; the Sorbons maintained it likewise in France." 

2dly, " That their own writers that opposed it, so 
overlashed, as they were corrected and castigated by 
men of their own religion." 

3dly, " That his majesty's confession of faith had 
been so generally approved, as that it had converted 
many of their party ; and that had it not been for the 
treatise of antichrist, he had been informed many more 

* Burnet, vol. I. p. 6. 
VOL. I. K 


acknowledge that it met but with a very 

would easily have been induced to subscribe to all in 
that preface." 

4thly, " That kings and princes had by his majesty's 
premonition a more clear insight, and a more perfect 
discovery, into the injury offered to them by the pope 
in the point of their temporal power, than ever they 
had, insomuch as that point was never so thoroughly 
disputed in Christendom, as it had been by the occa- 
sion of his majesty's book." 

Lastly, " That for the point of antichrist, he had 
heard many confess, that they never saw so much light 
given into it, as they had done by this performance." 
So that, adds he, " though controversies be fitter sub- 
jects for scholars ordinarily, than for kings, yet when 
there was such a necessity in undertaking, and such a 
success being performed, I leave it to the world to 
judge, whether there was not a special hand in it of 
God or no V 

And I will leave the world to judge of the gross flat- 
tery, not to say impiety, of this prelate in talking after 
this rate. What! must we attribute the squabbles of 
pedants to God ? must his hand be concerned in usher- 
ing into the world the dull heavy performance of a 
king? far be such thoughts from us! when God acts, 
he acts like himself ; all is wise, good and successful : 
nor can we more dishonour him than by calling him in 
as an encourager or assister of our whims and extra- 
vagancies. But this bishop had no sense of propriety ; 
as long as he could praise he was satisfied, let it be in 
ever so wrong a place ; by which his own character 
suffered, and his master was despised. 

4 Preface to James's Works. 

JAMES I. 131 

indifferent reception abroad, especially from 

It is pleasant enough, however, to see such effects at- 
tributed to this work of James's. The Venetians, up- 
on the coming out of this book, maintained the doc- 
trine of the supreme power of temporals in princes and 
free states. It is true they did ; and they had done it 
before ever James had put pen to paper on this sub- 
ject ; for the quarrel with the pope, which produced 
the interdict, arose from thence : now this commenced 
Anno 1606, and James's Apology was not printed till 
the year 1609, and consequently neither it nor the pre- 
monition which came after it, could be the cause of 
their holding this doctrine*. As to theSorbonne, ever 
since the extinction of the civil wars in France, they 
had taught it ; nor could be expected any sovereign 
state would disavow it: so that whatever the bishop 
might say, it is certain nothing this way was produced. 
As for James's adversaries being opposed by men of 
their own religion, it is not to be wondered at. There 
are every where men who love controversy, and there- 
fore that will oppose, if only for a shew of their parts 
and learning. How many were converted by his ma- 
jesty's confession of faith I cannot say, I remember to 
have read but of one, the archbishop of Spalatro b ; but 
I know very well that within a few years of this con- 
troversy, great numbers of the British protestant sub- 
jects revolted to the Romish communion, none of 
which, I believe, were induced to return by this per- 
formance. If many were converted by it, why had 

they not been pointed out ? we know Waddesworth, 

* Father Paul's Life, by Lockman, prefixed to his treatise of ecclesiasti- 
cal benefices, p. 48. 8vo. Lond. 1736. and Birch's Negotiations, p. 298. 
b Frankland's Annals, p. 27, 
K 2 


most of the princes and states to whom 
it was addressed * 6 ; though there were not 

chaplain to Sir Charles Corn wall is, ambassador in 
Spain, was reconciled to the church of Rome, and 
several of the said Sir Charles's kinsmen* : We know 
likewise that Toby Matthews (afterwards Sir Toby) 
son to the archbishop of York, went over to it like- 
wise b ; but their return is never mentioned, nor are 
there any conversions by means of his majesty's book, 
except that one I have spoke of, recorded, and which, 
if true, was of no consequence : for it is well known 
that Spalatro went off from the protestants, and came 
to a most unhappy end at Rome : so that the bishop 
has been very unhappy in his assertions with respect 
to the consequences of the premonition, and cannot 
but be put down as an inventor. As to the fourth and 
last things mentioned as following from this book, I 
have nothing to say to them : they are before the 
reader, and he may view them in what light he 

46 It met with but a very indifferent reception 
abroad, &c.] Let us hear a zealous hugonot : " This 
work [the apology and premonition prefixed] served 
for no more than to shew the little account the catho- 
lics made of the author. It was not looked upon in 
Spain ; 'twas burnt in Florence ; the inquisition at 
Rome put it in the number of prohibited books ; 'twas 
ill received in France by the catholics, and the king 
forbad it should be translated or printed. 'Twas only 
at Venice where the reading of it was not prohibited'." 

* Winwood, vol. II. p. 131, 136, 260, 295, 441. 

b Cabala, p. 56. fol. Lond. 1663. 

e History of the Edict of Nantes, vol. I. p. 451. 4to. Lond. 1694. 

JAMES I. 133 

wanting those at home who applauded and 
defended it. 

Arminius dying Oct. 19, 1609, Conrad 
Vorstius was invited to succeed him in his 

There is some truth in this, though the account given is 
not very exact. Let us correct it as well as we can 
from Winwood's State Papers. Lord Salisbury, in a 
letter to Sir Charles Cornwallis, dated June 8, 1609, 
tells him that " his majesty had thought fit to send 
his book to the Emperor, to the French king, who hath 
received it, and all other Christian kings and princes, 
as a matter which jointly concerns their absolute ju- 
risdiction and temporalities V But though it was 
sent to all other Christian kings and princes, it was not 
received by them. The arch-dukes would not accept 
of it b ; and even the state of Venice, " after they had 
received the king's books, they did by public ordi- 
nance forbid the publishing of the same ; which (says 
Sir Thomas Edmondes) Sir Henry Wooton took so 
tenderly, as thereupon he charged them with the breach 
of their amity with his majesty, and declared unto 
them that in respect thereof he could not longer ex- 
ercise his charge of a public minister among them. 
This protestation of his was found so strange by that 
state, as they sent hither in great diligence to under- 
stand whether his majesty would avow him therein, 
which did very much trouble them here to make a 
cleanly answer thereunto, for the salving the ambassa- 
dor's credit, who is censured to have prosecuted the 
matter to an over great extremity d ." This must have 

a Winwood, vol. III. p. 51. b Id. p. 68. c This is written from 

London, Oct. 4. 1609. " Winwood, vol. III. p. 77, 78. 


professor's chair of divinity at Leyden : after 
a year's deliberation he accepted of it. But 
James, in the mean time, having seen some 
of his writings, sent orders to his ambassa- 

been a great mortification to James, had he had much 
sensibility of temper; but yet, even this was nothing 
to the slight which was put upon his piece by the Spa- 
niards ; for it was no sooner known in Spain that 
James was about to write against the pope, than the 
secretary of state sent word to Sir Charles Cornwallis, 
" that the king his master did much grieve at it, and 
marvelled that the king of Great Britain (the pope in 
no sort meddling with him) would put his own hand 
into such a business V But though the ministers of 
state in England knew this, yet, when Sir Charles 
Cornwallis received his majesty's letter of revocation, 
" he also received a book of his majesty's, together 
with a letter to the king of Spain." But for fear of an 
indifferent reception, or rather a refusal of both the 
one and the other, he was ordered by Lord Salisbury, 
from the king, to " present the letter and the book to 
the king of Spain himself, as speedily and conveniently 
as might be, without giving any foreknowledge that 
he was to present any such matter ; for which purpose, 
adds his lordship, the letter for your revocation may 
serve you for a good pretext of access b ." They saw 
there was need of dexterity to get the book accepted ; 
indeed they could not help it ; for the Spanish ambas- 
sador at London had refused the book, when sent him 
by the lord treasurer ; and what he had done, it was to 
be feared, his master would do. And so it fell out ; 

a Winwood, vol. II. p. 486. b Id. vol. III. p. 51. * Id. vol. III. p. 55. 


JAMES I. 135 

dor, Sir Ralph Winwood, in Holland, to re- 
present the vileness of his doctrines, and de- 
sire that he might not be admitted to his 

for just before Sir Charles had his last audience of the 
king of Spain, the duke of Lerma let him know plainly, 
that he was informed that he intended at his taking 
leave of his master, to present his Britannic majesty's 
book to him; that he was surprised that it could be 
imagined it would be received; and therefore gave 
him fair warning to forbear presenting the book, 
" whereby, said he, might be avoided a refusal that 
would be so unpleasing to the one to give, and so dis- 
tasteful to the other to receive." Cornwallis replied to 
Lerma with zeal and understanding; but it was all in 
vain : he was told positively, " the king of Spain 
would never receive, much less give reading to any 
book containing matter derogatory to his religion and 
obedience to the see of Rome." This silenced him ; 
he took his leave of the Spanish king, and was obliged 
to carry back the book with him a . What an affront 
this ! how provoking to one so full of his own abilities 
as James ! he thought, doubtless, that his fellow kings 
with attention would have read his works, applauded 
his talents, and magnified his art and dexterity in con- 
troversy. But he was mistaken, few foreigners spoke 
well of his writings, and we see with what contempt 
he was treated by some of those to whom his book was 
addressed. However his flatterers at home kept up his 
spirits. Most wise, most learned, most understanding 
were the epithets bestowed on him by the designing 
courtiers, and aspiring clergy. These he was so long 

' Winwood, vol. III. p. 67, 68. 


place. The states returning an answer not 
satisfactory, he renewed his application; 
and in order the more effectually to exclude 

used to hear, that it is not improbable he might come 
at length to think he deserved them. It would be 
useless to take notice of the several writers of the 
English nation who appeared in defence of James 
against his adversaries. Their names may be seen in 
Fuller*; but for their works they are almost out of re- 
membrance long ago, the reverends and right reverends, 
by cruel fate, were doomed to be 

Martyrs of pies, and reliques of the bum. 


But all writings are not formed to abide any con- 
siderable space of time : and well were it for the world, 
if the dread of oblivion would restrain the zealot, the 
pedant, the half-thinker from troubling its repose by 
their controversies. 

I will only observe before I conclude this note, that 
Gaspar Scioppius, that man of great read ing and much 
learning, who had parts superior to most, and severity 
and ill manners equal to his abilities, published two 
pieces against James's apology and premonition ; the 
one entitled Ecclesicisticus auctoritati sereitissimi D. Ja- 
cobi Magriff, Britannia; regis oppositus, printed in l6l 1 ; 
and the other stiled CoHyrium regium Britannia regi 
graiiter ex oculis laboraitti muneri missum, printed the 
same year. It may be supposed no great regard could 
be paid James by a writer of such a character ; but it 
had been better for him to have used a little more de- 

* Church History, cent 17. book 10. p. 43. 

JAMES I. 137 

Vorstius from the place to which he had 
been chosen, and also had accepted, he pub- 
lished a declaration 47 concerning the pro- 

cency, for he had well near lost his life by the hands of 
some of the English ambassador's servants at Madrid, 
for his want of it a . The truth is, no men deserve 
punishment more than writers of Scioppius's temper. 
He railed, he reviled, he reproached, he uttered a thou- 
sand falsehoods against his adversaries, and stuck at 
nothing in order to defame. Men's reputations he 
valued not, nor cared he who was hurt by his calum- 
nies. He deserved chastisement from the hand of the 
magistrate ; and it would have been no more than jus- 
tice to have treated him as a criminal. For there is a 
great deal of difference between refuting and defaming 
an adversary, between shewing the inconclusiveness 
of his reasonings, and inventing lies in order to blast 
his character ; and I cannot help thinking that he who 
does the latter, ought to be looked on as a wretch who 
is a disgrace both to learning and humanity, and ex- 
posed to the punishment of calumniators. 

47 He published a declaration concerning the pro- 
ceedings in the cause of Vorstius.] This declaration 
is " dedicated and consecrated to the honour of our 
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the eternal Son of the 
eternal Father, the only EANOPHIIOS, mediator and 
reconciler of mankind, in sign of thankfulness, by his 
most humble, and most obliged servant, James, &c. b " 
If this dedication be thought extraordinary, the decla- 
ration itself will be judged more so; for he declares it 

a See Bayle's Diet, article Scioppius, notes (o) and (H). 
b James's Works, p. 348. 


ceedings with the States General of the Unit- 
ed Provinces of the Low Countries in the 
cause of D. Conradus Vorstius, in which, 

to be the duty of a Christian king to extirpate heresies ; 
professes that it is zeal for the glory of God which 
alone induces him to move for the banishment of Vor- 
stius, whom he stiles a wretched heretic, or rather 
atheist, out of the State's dominions ; and then goes 
on to give an account of what he had done in that af- 
fair. He gives us a copy of his first letter to Sir Ralph 
Winwood, in which he orders him to tell the States, 
that " there had lately come to his hands a piece of 
work of one Vorstius, a divine in those parts, wherein 
he had published such monstrous blasphemies, and 
horrible atheism, as he held not only the book worthy 
to be burnt, but even the author himself to be most 
severely punished;" and withal he commands him to 
" let them know how infinitely he shall be displeased 
if such a monster receive advancement in the church; 
and that if they continue their resolution to advance 
him, he will make known to the world in print how 
much he detested such abominable heresies, and all 
allowers and tolerators of them ;" and that the states 
might not want proper information, he sent a catalogue 

of his damnable positions V But the states were 

not so furious as James; they had more knowledge, 
and consequently more discretion. All the answer 
he could get amounted to no more than a representa- 
tion of the good character of Vorstius, his great abili- 
ties, the reasonableness of allowing him to defend 
himself against his adversaries, and an assurance that 

1 Works, p. 35a 

JAMES I. 139 

among other things, he declares, that only 

for the title of one of his books, viz. de 

filiatione Christi, an author so suspected as 

if upon examination lie should be found guilty, he 
should not be admitted to the professor's place 8 . Be- 
fore the receipt of this answer James was determined 
to shew his zeal, and manifest his indignation against 
the heretic. He ordered his books to be burnt in St. 
Paul's church-yard, and both the universities ; by this" 
means confuting them in the shortest manner. But he 
stopt not here ; he renewed his instances to the states 
for the setting aside Vorstius, and again represented 
his execrable blasphemies, and assures them never any 
heretic better deserved to be burnt than he; and lest 
they should hearken to his denials of what was charged 
on him, he asks them, " what will not he deny, that 
denieth the eternity and omnipotency of God. He 
concludes with threatening them that if they should 
fail of that which he expected at their hands, and suf- 
fer such pestilent heretics to nestle among them, he 
should depart and separate himself from such false and 
heretical churches, and also exhort all other reformed 
churches to join with him in a common council, how to 
extinguish and remand to hell those abominable here- 
tics 1 "." But notwithstanding these threatenings, Vor- 
stius came to Leyden. This caused Winwood to pre- 
sent himself before the States, who in a set speech back- 
ed his master's letters, and gave in a catalogue of Vor- 
stius's errors. But the States answered coldly, and no- 
thing to James's expectation. Winwood therefore, 
according to his orders, protested against the States re- 
ceiving Vorstius ; and at length an answer was given 

* Works, p. 352, 353. b Id. p. 356. 


he, is worthy of the faggot ; and that if he 
had been his own subject, he would have 

by them more satisfactory to James. This pleased 
him, but still in his writings he went on to expose the 
professor, and entered into a very tedious and insipid 

reply to his apology for his writings. This was the 

treatment which a man of piety, parts, and learning 
met with from James, upon account of some metaphy- 
sical reasonings on the nature and attributes of God, 
and an error which he held with some of the fathers, 
concerning the corporeity of deity a . I should not 
wonder to hear an inquisitor talk after the manner he 
did ; it would only be in the way of his profession. 
But, I own, I can hardly tell how to bear such language 
from a professed protestant, and a temporal prince. 
And it excites my indignation to behold a man who 
made no scruple of breaking the laws of the gospel, 
and living in defiance of God himself, by acting 
counter to his commands : I say it fills me with in- 
dignation to hear such a one making a loud cry about 
heresy, and stirring up men to punish it. But thus it 
has been, thus, perhaps, it always will be. The great- 
est persecutors have been some of the most wicked and 
abandoned of men. Without a sense of God, or re- 
ligion on their minds, they have pretended to be actu- 
ated by a great zeal for them; and covered with this 
pretence they have gone on, even with the applause of 
the superstitious and bigotted, to glut their ambition, 

their pride, their revenge. James is said to have 

been excited to declare against Vorstius, by Abbot, 
archbishop of Canterbury b ; and it is not unlikely. 

a See Dupin's Hist, of Ecclesiastical Writers, vol. I. p. 92. fol. Lond, 
1692. b Abridgment of Brandt's Hist, of the Reformation of the 

Low Countries, vol. I. p. 318. 8vo. Lond. 1725. and Winwood, vol. IIL 
p. 296. 

JAMES I. 141 

forced him to have confessed those wicked 
heresies that were rooted in his heart ; and 

Most of the ecclesiastics of that time abounded with a 
fiery zeal, which frequently hurried them into actions 
not to be justified. But had not James had an incli- 
nation to the work, Abbot would not have been able 
to have prevailed upon him to undertake it. He 
thought, doubtless, that he should acquire fresh ho- 
nour by his pen; that his people would applaud his 
zeal, and hold in admiration his piety; and it is not to 
be doubted but many were imposed on by him. How- 
ever Sir Ralph Winwood did not escape censure at 
home, for what he had done in this affair. He had 
protested, as I had just observed, against the States 
receiving of Vorstius ; but he added also, that he pro- 
tested against the violence offered unto the alliance 
between his majesty and those provinces, which, said 
he, " being founded upon the preservation and main- 
tenance of the reformed religion, you have not letted 
(so much as in you lies) absolutely to violate in the 

proceeding of this cause a ." James, when he first 

heard of this, said, Winwood hath done secundum cor 
meum : but soon afterwards he changed his note, and 
said " the protest was made at an unreasonable time, 
when he was to receive kindness (namely reimburse- 
ment of money) at the States hands; and so calling 
for the copies of his letters, found that the ambassador 
had exceeded his commission, in protesting against 
the alliance which should have been but against the 
religion 15 ." This it is to serve weak princes; they take 
up their resolutions without consideration, and are 
soon turned from them. To-day their servants are 

a King James's Works, p. 363. k Winwood, vol. III. p. 319. 



I doubt not but he would have been as 
good as his word ; for soon after he caused 

commended, to-morrow blamed for following their in- 
structions. So that little reputation is to be got in 
their employment. Wimvood received notice of this, 
" but the wiser part of the world (says his friend Mr. 
John More to him) considering the tenor of his ma- 
jesty's sharp letter to the States, and how often, in 
open discourse, he hath threatened not only to write, 
but to fight against them, rather than Vorstius should 
rest at Leyden, will more readily conclude that his 
majesty varieth in himself, than that you have erred V 
At length, however, Winwood had the pleasure of 
hearing that his majesty held him in his favour, and 
spoke well of him ; but for Vorstius, he was obliged, 
through these solicitations of James, to renounce 
provisionally his employment, and leave Leyden, 
and expect elsewhere a definitive sentence concern- 
ing this dispute. He retired to Gouda about May 
1612, where he lived quiet till the year 1619, when he 
was forced to leave Holland ; for the synod of Dort 
having declared him unworthy of the professor's chair, 
the states of the province deprived him of that em- 
ployment, and condemned him to a perpetual banish- 
ment b . So sad a thing it is for private men to have 

princes for their adversaries ! right or wrong they 
must submit, and cannot make resistance. Though 
how honourable it is for princes to attack such, the 
reader will determine. 

I will conclude this note with observing that this de- 
claration of James against Vorstius, was printed in 

* Winwood, vol. III. p. 331. 

b Bayle's Dictionary, article Vorstius (Conrad.) 


two of his own subjects to be burnt for 
heresy 48 . 

French, Latin, Dutch, and English, and consequently 
his monstrous zeal, his unprincely revilings, and his 
weak and pitiful reasonings were known throughout 
Europe 8 . But after alj, I presume, it was held in 
small account. For Mr. Norton, who " had the print- 
ing of it in Latin, swore he would not print it, unless 
he might have money to print it b ." 

48 He caused two of his own subjects to he burnt 
for heresy.] The names of these two were Bartholo- 
mew Legate, and Edward Wightman. The first of 
these was a man of great skill in the scriptures, and 
his conversation unblameable. His errors were some- 
what of the same kind with those attributed to Soci- 
nus ; and withal he had the hardiness to say, that the 
Nicene and Athanasian creeds contain not a profession 
of the true Christian faith. James caused him to be 
brought to him, and attempted his conversion; but 
when he found that he was intractable, he dismissed 
him with a contemptuous speech; and afterwards by 
the bishops being declared an incorrigible heretic, he 
gave orders to direct the writ de h&retico comburendo to 
the sheriffs of London, and in Smithfield he was 
burned to ashes. What Wightman was, or what his 
errors, is hard to say. The heresies of Ebion, Cerin- 
thus, Valentinian, Arrius, Macedonius, Simon Magus, 
Manes, Manichaeus, Photinus, and the Anabaptists, 
were reckoned up against him in the warrant for his 
burning; but probably, he knew not what they meant 
thereby, any more than they themselves did who insert- 
ed them in his accusation. They were hard words, and 

* Wihwood, vol. III. p. 339. b Usher's Letters, p. 13. 


It Js very remarkable, that in this decla- 

they thought, it may be, that they would terrify and 
affright. However, this is certain, that for his errors, 
whatever they were, he was burnt at Litchfield*. 
These executions were in the year 1611. 

James had another heretic to exercise his zeal on 
also ; but seeing those that suffered were much pitied, 
he very mercifully let him linger out his life in New- 
gate. Had I not reason then to say, that I doubted 
not James would have been as good as his word, 
in making Vorstius confess his heresies, had he been 
his subject ? I make no doubt but that he would have 
used his endeavours ; and if these had failed, would 
have treated him as bad as he did Legate and Wight- 
man. For he had the spirit of an inquisitor : no pity, 
no compassion was within him: he had no sense of 
the worth of those men who preferred a good con- 
science before all things ; he thought it was only obsti- 
nacy in them, and therefore deemed them worthy of 
punishment. So easy is it for men who have no prin- 
ciples themselves, to censure and condemn those who 
are truly honest and sincere. I wish for the honour of 
human nature, for the honour of Christianity, and the 
honour of the reformation, that no such instances of 
persecution had been to be found ; but, as we cannot 
blot them out, we ought to set a mark on those who 
occasioned them, that so their names may be treated 
with that indignation they so justly merit. 

Since the writing the above, by means of a very 
worthy friend, I have got sight of the commissions 
and warrants for the condemnation and burning of 
Legate and Wightman. The commissions are directed 

a Fuller's Church Hist. cent. 17. book 10. p. 64, 65. 

JAMES I. 145 

ration against Vorstius, he falls foul on the 

to Thomas lord Elsmere, chancellor of England. The 
warrant for the burning Legate is addressed to the 
sheriffs of London, the other for Wightman, to the 
sheriff of Litchiield. By the commissions the chan- 
cellor is ordered to award and make out, under the 
great seal of England, writs of execution; and the 
sheriffs by the warrant, are required to commit the 
heretics to the fire. The heresies of Legate are (as I 
have represented them from Fuller) reckoned up as the 
reason for putting him to death. As for what is charged 
to Wightman's account, if it be true, (for great doubt 
is to be made of the truth of persecutors) he was cer- 
tainly an enthusiast, but, for aught appears, a harm- 
less one; for he is charged with holding, that "he was 
the prophet spoken of in the eighteenth of Deutero- 
nomy in these words, I will rise them up a prophet, 
&c. and that this place of Isaiah, I alone have trodden 
the winepress ; and that other place, whose fan is in 
his hand, are proper and personal to him the said Ed- 
ward Wightman. He is also accused with believing 
himself the comforter spoken of in St. John's gospel, 
and the Elias to come ; and that he was sent to perform 
his part in the work of the salvation of the world." 
But for his holding the opinions of Manes, and Ma- 
nichees, (as with great learning and judgment they 
are distinguished in the warrant) and Simon Magus, 
nothing at all appears even from the enumeration of his 
adversaries. So that 1 guessed right, that the inserting 
of these hard names was to terrify and affright 3 . 1 
will insert a paragraph from, the warrant for the exe- 

* The Connexion, being some choice Collections of some 
Matters in king JanuVr nign, Svo. p. T2, 90. Loncl. 1631. 
VOL. 1. JL 


name of Arminius 49 ; and that afterwards 

cution of Legate, with the reader's leave, which 
Shew us pretty much the temper of James, aud so 
conclude. "As a zealot of justice, and a defender of 
the catholic faith, and willing to defend and maintain 
the holy church, and rights and liberties of the same, 
and the catholic faith, and such heresies and errors 
every where what in us lieth, to root out and extirpate, 
and to punish with condign punishment such heretics 
so convicted, and deeming that such an heretic in 
form aforesaid, convicted and condemned according la- 
the laws and customs of this our kingdom of England,. 
in this part occasioned, ought to be burned with fire, 
we do command, Scc.V 

4J He falls foul on the name of Arminius.] - 
Arminius was a man of sense; he saw the consequences 
of the calvinistical doctrines, and set himself to op- 
pose them ; but he did it with candour and modesty. 
Whether his scheme be in all parts of it defensible, or 
whether he in any place lias run into one extreme in 
order to avoid another, and needlessly made innova- 
tions in the received doctrines of the reformed churches/ 
I leave to divines to be considered. It is sufficient 
here to observe that his doctrine was received by many 
men of great understandings, and that his manners 
were irreproachable. His memory therefore ought to 
have been dear to every good man, and his reputation 
should have remained unsullied. But James attacked 
him ; he calls him a " seditious and heretical preacher, 
an infector of Ley den with heresy, and an enemy of 
God b ;" and withal he complains of his "hard hap not 

* The Connexion, being some choice Collections of some principal 
Matters in king James's reign, 8vo. p. 79. Lond. 1681. 
Works, p. 350, 354, 355. 

JAMES t. 147 

lie contributed much to the condemnation 
of his followers, by sending his divines to 

to hear of him before lie was dead, arid that all the 
reformed churches in Germany had with open mouths 

complained of himV Hard hap indeed! to be 

ignorant of the sentiments of a professor of divinity, 
and unable to enter the lists with him; for this pro- 
bably he would have done, had he found any thing to 

have fastened on. But James's anger against Armi- 

nius soon declined. Though he here branded him for 
an enemy to God, "yet having seen the opinion of 
his followers, and their adversaries, and the arguments 
by which they were supported, discussed at large, he 
tells the States General, it did not appear to him that 
either of them were inconsistent with the truth of the 
Christian faith, and the salvation of souls b ." This 
letter is dated March 6, 1613, and is plainly contradic- 
tory to what I have just cited from his writings. But 
a contradiction was nothing to him. A man shall 
be an enemy to God, or the contrary, just as he takes 
it in his head; for it was a small matter with him to 
accuse, revile, and rail: he was a king, and he ex- 
pected his word should be taken, though he rendered 
not a reason. However James's fit of good-humour 
lasted not long, with respect to the followers of Armi- 
nius in Holland; they soon again were bad men, held 
wicked doctrines, and such as were worthy of his care 
to extirpate, as we shall presently see. He joined 
with their adversaries, and contributed to their undo- 
ing; so that he had no stability of judgment, or reso- 
lution, but was various as the wind. 

a James's Works, p. 350, 354, 355. b Abridgment of Brandt 1 ? 

Hist, ef the Reformation, vol. I. p. 3$5. and Winwood, vol 111. p. 452. 

JL % 


the synod of Dort 50 , where their doctrine 
was rejected, the contrary thereunto con- 

He contributed much to the condemnation of his 
followers, by sending his divines to the synod of Dort.] 
The end and design of this synod was to condemn the 
remonstrants ; it was called by their professed ene- 
mies, and composed of such as were most of all set 
against them. They took an oath indeed, " that in 
examining and deciding, they would use no human 
writing, hut only the word of God. And that during 
all their discussions, they would aim only at the glory 
of God, the peace of the church, and especially the 
preservation of the purity of doctrine 3 ." But this 
was no guard ; every thing was determined according 
to their preconceived opinions, and the contrary was 
judged false and heretical. For it is the manner of 
these assemblies to assume to themselves somewhat 
more wisdom than the writers of the New Testament 
ever pretended to. They know better how to express 
doctrines, how to guard against heresies, how to secure 
the peace of the church, and above all how to silence 
and convince gainsayers in the most effectual manner. 
But, somewhat unluckily, it has happened out, that 
where they have once done good, they have ten times 
done hurt. Where one breach in the church has been 
made up by them, many have been caused ; and where 
one heresv, as it is called, has been suppressed, numbers 
have been occasioned by them. So that it would be a 
very difficult matter to say what good purpose they 
have ever answered. To the members of them, in- 
deed, they have been useful. They have established 
th^ir reputation for orthodoxy with ihe unthinking 

* Abridgment of Brandt, voU IL p. 41T. 

JAMES I. 149 

firmed, and they themselves stigmatized as 
introductors of novelties, obstinate and dis- 

vulgar ; given them an opportunity of gratifying their 
ambition and love of power ; and above all of satiating 
their revenge on those who have eclipsed their reputa- 
tion, and hindered them from making the figure they 
were inclined to. But too sad a truth is it, that they 
never have promoted peace, unity, and love among 
Christians, or the practice of those other virtues 
which are so strongly inculcated in the gospel 3 . And 
therefore well were it for the world, if it had an as- 
surance of their never more coming into reputation ; 
for the mischiefs they always cause are innumerable. 
-No wonder then that the synod of Dort turned 
out as it did. It had been a miracle if peace had been 
the consequence of it. For whatever has been the 
pretence, I believe it hardly ever was the real end of 
the meetings of this sort. But let us see what hand 
James had in this synod, and how he contributed to 

the condemnation of the followers of Arminius. 

The synod began to meet Nov. 13, 1618. It consisted 
of thirty-six ministers of the United Provinces, and 
five professors, together with twenty elders; to these 
were added twenty-eight foreign divines, among whom 
were the following sent by James, George Garleton 
bishop of Landaff, Joseph Hall dean of Worcester, 
John Davenant professor of divinity and master of 
queen's college at Cambridge, and Samuel Ward arch- 
deacon of Ta union, head of Sydney college at Cain- 
bridge, and sometime after, Walter Balcanqual, a 

* See Andrew Man-el's Hist. Essay touching general councils, creeds, 
&ic. and Jortin's Preface to his Remarks OH Ecclesiastical History, vol. J. 
p. 14. 



obedient, preachers of erroneous doctrine, 
and corrupters of religion ; and as such 

Scotch divine, was added to them, to represent the 
churches of his country 8 . [The ever memorable John 
Hales also attended the synod, not as a member, but 
was sent by Sir Dudley Carleton, the English am- 
bassador at Holland, whose chaplain he was, to give 
him an account of what passed in the synod Vj These 
divines sent by James were not as furious in their be- 
haviour towards the remonstrants, as their own coun- 
trymen ; but they performed the errand for which they 
were sent, the condemnation of the opinions of Armi- 
nius, and establishment of those of Calvin. For this 
purpose these gentlemen, though one of them a bishop, 
and most of the other dignified in an episcopal church ; 
these gentlemen, I say, took on them to handle the 
controverted points, and to engage against the errors of 
the Arminians, in a synod made up of mere presbyters, 
and the president of which was only one of the same 
character . They made speeches to overthrow certain 
distinctions framed by the remonstrants, for the main- 
tenance of their positions, and evasion from the con- 
tra-remonstrants arguments' 1 . They differed among 
themselves * t and fell into heats with some of the 
other members f ; but they agreed in approving the 
Beigic confession of faith, and the Heidelberg cate- 
chism g . In short, they dispatched the work intended, 
and contributed to the woes which followed soon after 

upon the poor Arminians.- It is remarkable also that 

seven years did not suffice to aliay the wrath of James 

Abridgment of Brandt, vol. II. p. 406. b Hales's Golden Re- 

mains, p. 454. 8vo. Lond. 1687. c Id. jb. " Id. p. 459. 

Id. p. 470. f Id. p. 484, and 506. Abridgment of Brandt, 

vol. II. p. 51 1. 

JAMES I. 151 

condemned to be deprived of all ecclesias- 
tical and academical functions. 

against Vorstius : for almost at the conclusion of the 
synod, his clergy read an extract of that professor's 
errors ; they called those errors blasphemies against 
the nature of God, and said that the sale of Vorstius's 
book should be prohibited. Lastly, they demanded 
that his book de Dee should be burned in a solemn 
manner ; and they produced a decree of the university 
of Cambridge, by virtue of which that book had been 
burnt publicly a . The effect of these representations 
I have mentioned in note (45). If it be asked why 
the part the English clergy took in the affairs at Dorr, 
is attributed to James ? the answer is, that they them- 
selves owned, that they had been deputed to the synod 
by the king, and not by the church of England b . 
And so intent was he on the business of the synod, 
" that he commanded them to give him a weekly ac- 
count of all its memorable passages, with the receipt 
of which he was highly pleased ." " Yea, they were 
instructed at all times to consult with the English 
ambassador [Sir Dudley Carleton] who was acquainted 
with the form of the Low countries, understood well the 
questions and differences amongst them, and from time 

to time received James's princely directions' 1 ." So 

that he was properly the actor in this place, and the 
condemner of the opinions held by the enemy of God e 
and his followers. Whoever calls to mind the depri- 
vations and banishment which followed the decisions 
of this synod, of such great men as Episcopius, Uyteii- 
bogart, Corvinus, &c. and the persecution which en- 

a Abridgment of Rrandt, vol. II. p. 514. * Id. p. 50]. c Fuller's 

Church Hist. cent. .IT. b. 10. p. 79. d Id. p. 78. Sec note 49. 


But severe as James was against the 
minians abroad, he favoured them much at 

sued throughout the United Provinces, against the 
Anninians ; whoever considers these, will be apt to 
entertain but a poor opinion of those men who were 
actors in it. Some of the divines might possibly 
mean well ; but the kings, princes, and great men 
concerned therein, had, undoubtedly, worldly views, 
and were actuated by them. For though purity of 
doctrine, peace of the church, extirpation cf heresy, 
were pretended, the state faction of the Anninians 
was to be suppressed, and that of Maurice prince of 
Orange exalted. A synod was judged necessary for 
these purposes, and it extremely well performed what 
it was intended for. The remonstrants were rendered 
odious to the populace; their men of parts sent into 
exile; their strength was exhausted; and they could 
no longer oppose the measures of their adversaries. 

Dr. Heylin observes, that " as king James had 

formerly aspersed the remonstrant parry, so he con- 
tinued a most bitter enemy unto them, till he had 
brought them at the last to an extermination. But 
he seems at a loss to tell what should induce him here- 
unto. Seme suppose, says he, that he was drawn in- 
to it by Abbot and Mountague; others imputed it to 
his education in the church of Scotland : one thought 
that he was drawn into it by his affection for prince 
Maurice ; another that he was moved by reasons of state, 
for the preventing a dangerous and incurable rupture, 
which otherwise was like to follow in the state of the 
Ketherlands." This last reason he thinks most pro- 
bable. He afterwards adds, "that James sent such of 
his divines as were most likely to be sufficiently active 

JAMES I. 1.53 

home 51 , and advanced several of them to 

in the condemnation of the ArminiansV Reasons of 
state might have had some influence on James, though 
he had little knowledge of it, and generally was little 
influenced by it. But I fancy it was a regard to his 
own character which chiefly induced him to act as he 
did in this affair. For we have seen how he had treated 
the name of Arniinius, in a writing dispersed through- 
out Kuropc. Had he failed on such an opportunity to 
extirpate his errors, his zeal for orthodoxy might have 
been thought to have been lessened, and he to have 
failed in that which he had declared to be the duty of 
a king, the extirpation of heresy. 

51 He favoured the Arminians much at home.] The 
articles of the church of England are plainly calvi- 
nistical, as will appear to every one who will read them 
attentively. They were " agreed on by the archbishops 
and bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergy, 
in the convocation holden at London, in the year 1562, 
for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the 
establishment of consent touching true religion 1 *." 
The avoiding of diversities of opinions, and the estab- 
lishment of consent was the professed design of them, 
and doubtless the compilers of them imagined that 
they should effectually accomplish it, by requiring all 
who entered into the church to subscribe to them. 
But they were very much mistaken. Diversity of 
opinions soon arose, and men who subscribed the same 
articles, held contradictory opinions. Nor could it 
possibly be otherwise; for while men are inquisitive 
they will see things in new lights ; and those who are 

' Heylin's Hist, of the Presbyterians, p. 402. fol. Oxford, 1670. 
b Vide the Articles of Religion, and Constitutions and Canons Ecclesias- 
tical, Canon Cfr and Statute 13 Eliz.c. 12. sect. 1. and 3. 


the greatest dignities. So amazingly in- 
consistent was his conduct. 

honest and sincere, will not speak contrary to their 
sentiments. Subscriptions then are only clogs and in- 
cumbrances; they answer no good end, but may oc- 
casion many mischiefs. Yea, many there are who 
believe that " the imposing articles has given, occasion 
to almost all the uncharitableness and persecutions, 
the devastations and destruction of christians, that 
have ever been since articles first were made 2 .''- In 
the time of Elizabeth there was a pretty great uni- 
formity of belief in the doctrinal points of religion 
among the clergy ; they in general were Calvinists, 
and so were their successors in the reign of James. 
Bancroft indeed was very different in his opinion. 
But Abbot, Mountague, and almost all the rest of the 
hi shops adhered to the doctrine of the church in 
like manner as their predecessors. Thus things con- 
tinued till about the year 1616, when James being 
acquainted with what dangers would proceed from 
training up of young students in the grounds of Cal- 
vinism, dispatched some directions to the vice-chan- 
cellor, and professors of divinity at Oxford, which 
was <f the first step, says Dr. Heylin, towards the sup- 
pressing of that reputation which Calvin and his wri- 
tings had attained unto in that university b ." And 
in the year 1622, instructions were drawn up and sent 
to the archbishops, and by them to the bishops, in 
which they were required to see to it, " that no preacher 
of what title soever, under the degree of a bishop or 

1 Essay on imposing and subscribing Articles of Religion, by Philcleu- 
therus Cantabrigiensis, p. 31. Lond. 1719. 8vo. b Heylin's Life of 

Laud, p. 72. Loud. 1668. fol. 


JAMES I. 155 

Cardinal Perron having pronounced in 
the chamber of the third estate at Paris, 

dean at the least, do henceforth presume to preach in 
any popular auditory, the deep points of predestina- 
tion, election, reprobation, or of the universality, effi- 
cacy, resistihility, or irresistibility of God's grace V 
Laud had a hand in drawing this up, and what his in- 
tent was thereby, is not difficult to guess. However 
so it was, that the Calvinists continually lost ground 
in the king's favour, and the Arminians had credit 
with him. Laud, Howson, and Corbet were advanced 
to bishopricks by him, though publicly known to be 
Arminians : Neile, of the like opinion, was in great 
favour, and received many promotions from him: 
and Richard Montague, one of the most violent Armi- 
nians of the age, received his open protection and ap- 
probation of all the opinions contained in the book 
for which he was afterwards questioned in parliament 15 . 
What shall we think of such a. conduct as this ? are 
the same doctrines heresies abroad, and truths at home? 
are men in Holland to be deemed enemies to God, 
and worthy of synodical condemnation for holding 
particular opinions, and in England fit for the highest 
ecclesiastical promotions ? what must the world judge 

of the man who behaved so very contradictory ': 

But James had his reasons for favouring the Arminians 
in England. They were supple and fawning, they 
knew how to flatter artfully, and, above all, they 
seemed very zealous in preaching up 

The right divine of kings to govern wrong, 

Tli' enormous faith of millions made for one c . 

a Beylin's T.ife of Land, p. 98. I.ond. 1668. fol. b M. p. 125. and 

Cabala, p. 111. e Pope's Essay on Man, pp. 3. 1. 243. 


Jan. 15, 1615, an oration, and sent it to 
James, lie soon after published his remon- 

Nothing could be more acceptable to him than this, it 
atoned for their errors, yea made them most orthodox 
in his sight. For he was either indifferent as to all 
religious principles, or believed just nothing at all 
about them ; or otherwise he could not have acted as, 
we see he did. 

The following account from Mr. Waller's life will 
make a proper supplement to what has been said con- 
cerning the artful flattery, and high prerogative notions 

of the Anninian clergy at this time. " On the day 

of the dissolution of the last parliament of king 
James I. Mr. Waller, out of curiosity or respect, 
went to see the king at dinner, with whom were Dr. 
Andrews the bishop of Winchester, and Dr. Neal 
bishop of Durham, standing behind his majesty's 
chair. There happened something very extraordinary 
in the conversation those prelates had with the king, 
on which Mr. Waller did often reflect. His majesty 
asked the bishops, My lords, cannot I take my sub- 
jects money when I want it, without all this formality 
in parliament ? The bishop of Durham readily answer- 
ed, God forbid, Sir, but you should ; you are the 
breath of our nostrils : whereupon the king turned 
and said to the bishop of Winchester, well, my lord, 
what say you ? Sir, replied the bishop, I have no 
skill to judge of parliamentary cases. The king 
answered, no put-ofls, my lord, answer me presently. 
Then, Sir, said he, I think it is lawful for you to take 
my brother TSeal's money, for he offers it. Mr. Wal- 
ler said the company was pleased with this answer, 
and the wit of it seemed to affect the kingV 

* Accouot of the Life and Writings of Mr. Waller, prefixed to hi 
poems, p. C 7. edit. Lond. 1712. I2mo. 

JAMES t itti 

strancfc 5 * for the right of kings, and the 
independance of their crowns, against the 

11 He published his remonstrance for the rights of 
kings.] This piece is written with much more de- 
cency than the other controversial tracts of James. 
He acknowledged! Perron to be a prelate in great au- 
thority, and of no less learning*, and owns his cour- 
tesy in sending him a copy of his oration b . But at 
the same time he insinuates that in the cardinal's 
speech, his lips looked one way, and his conscience 
another: and professes, "his rest is up, that one of 
the maynes for which God had advanced him upon 
the loftie stage of the supream throne, was, that his 
words uttered from so eminent a place, for God's 
honour, most shamefully traduced and vilified in his 
own deputies and lieutenants, might with greater fa- 
cility be conceived'." Then he gives the reasons for 
his engaging in this controversy : \vhich were first, 
" the common interest of kings." 

Secondly, "The cardinal's speaking as one repre- 
senting the clergy and nobility." 

Thirdly, "Because he himself had been represented 
by him as a sower of dissention, and a persecutor, under 
whom the church is hardly able to fetch her breath ; 
yea, for one by whom the catholics of his kingdom 
are compelled to endure all sorts of punishments." 

Lastly, " By reason that France was reduced to so 
miserable terms, that it was become a crime for a 
Frenchman to stand for his king, it was a necessary 
duetie of her neighbours to speak in her behalf d ." 
These are the reasons alledged by James for en- 
gaging against Perron. After this he proceeds to his 

* King James's Works, p. 53:3. b Id. p. fiSC. c Id. p. "52. * Id. p. 390. 


oration of the most illustrious cardinal of 
Perron. This was his last controversial 

defence of the right of kings, and endeavours to shew 
" that what the cardinal had advanced in support of his 
doctrine, that it was absurd and incongruous to con- 
demn, or wrappe under the solemn curse, the abetters 
of the pope's power to unking lawful and sovereign 
kings : he endeavours to prove that what was said by 
the cardinal in behalf hereof, was meer nullity, matter 
of imagination, and built upon false presuppositions 3 ." 
To enter into a minute detail of James's arguments 
would be tiresome to the reader. Let it therefore 
suffice to say, .that he quotes fathers, councils and 
schoolmen ; and that history and scripture are alledged 
by him, and sometimes not impertinently. It ap- 
pears from this defence of the right of kings, that 
James had had a correspondence with Perron for years 
before ; that he had sent him a discourse in writing, 
to which in three years the cardinal had not replied, 
which is attributed not to a want of capacity, but to 
" well advised agnition of his own working and build- 
ing upon a weak foundation 13 ." If one knew nothing 
snore of James than what might be gathered from this 
book, one -should be tempted to imagine that he was 
a most zealous protestant. For he attributes all the 
miseries of France and Great Britain to the Romish 
clergy c , whom he paints out in no very agreeable co- 
lours ; and at the same time praises the French pro- 
testants in an extraordinary manner. He tells us he 
could never " learn that those of the religion in France, 
took arms against their king. In the first civil wars, 
says he, they stood only upon their guard ; they armed 

King James's Works, p. 396. b Id, p. 470. c Id. p. 293, 

JAMES I. 159 

work. But besides the pieces already 

not, nor took the field before they were pursued with 
lire and sword, burnt up and slaughtered. They were 
a refuge and succour to the princes of the blood ; in 
regard of which worthy and honourable service, the 
French king hath reason to have the protestants in 
his gracious remembrance. He then sets forth their 
great merit with respect to the third and fourth Henry, 
to whom they stood in all their battles, to bear up the 
crown then tottering and ready to fall 1 ." This is a 
very remarkable testimony to the fidelity and loyalty 
of the Hugonots, as it comes from one who hated 
their principle of parity in the church, looked on such 
as held it as very pests in church and commonwealth, 
and who spoke more bitterly of them than of the pa- 
pists b . For the French protestants differed nothing 
at all from the English and Scotch puritans, either in 
discipline or doctrine. This remonstrance against 
Perron, was written first in French by his majesty, af- 
terwards by his leave translated into English, as also 
into Latin, Anno l6l(>, in 4to. for I remember to have 

seen such an edition of it in that language. Perron 

though he had neglected James's private writing re- 
turned an answer to this public remonstrance, for in 
the account of the said cardinal's writings in Perrault's 
characters , and in Collier's dictionary 41 , I find a work 
intitled, "a reply to the king of Great Britain's an- 
swer." Whether this is the whole of the title I know 
not, any more than I do what the answer contained, 
for both these authors are by much too superficial in 
their accounts of the most eminent writers, and their 

1 King James's Works, p. 480. b See note 12. c Characters 

Historical and Panegyrical, vol. II. p. 5. * Great Historical 

Oary, article Perroa (James Davy du.) 

mentioned, he published also a counter- 
performances*. As this remonstrance is the last 

polemical work of James which we have to mention, 
Lord Shafts bury 's description of him as a prince-writer, 
will not improperly conclude this note. As to which, 
from what has been seen by the reader already, he may 
in a good measure be able to judge of its truth and 
propriety. "A prince of a pacific nature and fluent 
thought, submitting arms and martial discipline to the 
gown ; and confiding in his princely science and pro- 
found learning, made his style and speech the nerve 
and sinew of his government. He gave us his works 
full of wise exhortation and advice to his royal son, as 
well as of instruction to his good people; who could 
not without admiration observe their author-sovereign, 
thus studious and contemplative in their behalf. 'T\vas 
then one might have seen our nation growing young 
and docile, with that simplicity of heart which qua- 
lified them to profit like a scholar-people under their 
royal preceptor. For with abundant eloquence he 
graciously gave lessons to his parliament, tutored his 
ministers, and edified the greatest churchmen and 
divines themselves; by whose suffrage he obtained the 
highest appellations which could be merited by the 
acutest wit, and truest understanding. From hence 
the British nations were taught to own in common a 
Solomon for their joint sovereign, the founder of their 
late compleated union b ." Whether this description 
of our author-sovereign, as his lordship styles him, be 
too soft or severe, I leave entirely to the judgment of 
the reader : nothing doubting but he will be pleased to 
see it, whatever he may think of it. 

Vide Appendix. b Characteristicks, vol. I. p. 192. edit. 12mo. 1746. 

JAMES I. 161 

blaste to tobacco " 9 began a translation of 
the psalms of king David ; and writ a 

53 He published a counterblaste to tobacco.] This 
was first printed in quarto, without name or date. It 
is a wretched performance both for matter and manner. 
In it he sets forth how dishonourable it is in us to imi- 
tate the beastly Indians in so vile and stinking a custom, 
as using tobacco ; how unreasonable the pleas alledged 
in defence of it are ; and the mischievous consequences 
flowing from the use, or filthy abuse of it. Here he 
tells us that by using tobacco men are guilty of sinful 
and shameful lust ; that it is a branch of the sin of 
drunkenness ; that it enervates the body, and ruins the 
estate ; for, adds he, " some gentlemen bestow three, 
some four hundred pounds a year upon this precious 
stink V If this is true it is very amazing. Though it is 
certain James laid a most heavy duty on it, in order 
to hinder its consumption. "For there is extant his 
warrant to the lord treasurer Dorset, Anno 1604, for 
laying a good heavy imposition on tobacco, that less 
quantity may be brought into the realm, and only suf- 
ficient for the better sort, who will use it with mode- 
ration for their health ; wherefore he authorizes the 
said treasurer to order, that from the 26th of October 
ensuing, the proper officers should take of all who 
import tobacco, the sum of six shillings and eight 
pence upon every pound weight, over and above the 
custom of two pence per pound usually paid hereto- 
fore b ." Excellent policy this ! to discourage the taking 
of that which has since proved one of the greatest re- 

* King James's Works, p. 221. b Rymer's Fcedera, torn. 

XVI. fol. 601. apud Oldys's Life of Raleigh, p. 32. noted, fol. Lend. 
1733. and Acta Regia, p. 518. fol. Lond, 1734. 
VOL. I. M 


few sonnets and epitaphs 54 . So fond was- 
he of shewing his parts, instructing and 

venues of the crown, and has produced \ 7 ast benefit to 
Britain, and her plantations. For two of our colonies 
are supported by it; great numbers of ships and sea- 
men are employed in bringing it over; and the custom 
duties of it are counted, on a medium, to amount to 
169,0791. Os. lOd. per annum. But it is no wonder 
" that such a philosopher, as could magnify the power 
of witches, after the manner he has done in one of his 
learned pamphlets, should be such a politician as to 
discourage the taking of tobacco in another," says Mr. 
Oldys 3 . " But those who have not admired," conti- 
nues the same gentleman, "at his prejudice in this at- 
tempt to dispel the fumes of that herb with greater of 
his own, if I may allude to the witty title of his per- 
formance without imputation of irreverence to his 
memory, may yet applaud his policy, in so far con- 
ducing to its suppression, as to exclude it from the 
body of his works, when this royal pamphleteer re- 
solved to become an author in folio." If I understand 
this paragraph aright, it is asserted in it that the coun- 
terblast to tobacco, makes no part of James's folio 
volume. But this is a mistake, and could proceed 
from nothing but trusting, I suppose, too much to 
memory, in a thing of small importance. A fault, that 
even the most exact authors are liable to fall into. 

54 He began a translation of the psalms of king 
David, &c.] In lord Anglesey's catalogue, I find 
king James's translation of the psalm's to be sung after 
the old tunes, 1651 b ; and I am assured by a learned 

* Oldys, p. 32. b Bibliotheca Anglesiana, article (Divinity, in soiall 
8vo. 12mo. &c. p. 19.) Load. 1636. 4to. 

JAMES I. 163 

entertaining his good subjects, and over- 
coming his adversaries in literary contests ! 

friend, from one who has seen it, that such a transla- 
tion was published in his name, though I have not yet 
been so fortunate as to meet with it. But this transla- 
tion was only begun by James, as we may learn from 
the following quotation. " This translation he was in. 
hand with, says bishop Williams, (when God called 

him to sing psalms with the angels.) He intended to 

have finished and dedicated it to the only saint of his 
devotion, the church of Great Britain, and that of 
Ireland. This work was staied in the one and thirty 

psalm 3 ." We have two sonnets of his in his 

works b ; an epitaph on the chancellor of Scotland, in 
Spotswood ; and another on that vajiant, polite, aud 
learned gentleman, Sir Philip Sydney, in Collier's dic- 
tionary. This latter, being but short, I will give 19 
the reader, as a specimen of James's poetry. 

When Venus saw the noble Sydney dying, 
She thought it her beloved Mars had been ; 

nd with the thought thereof she fell a crying, 
And cast away her rings and carknets clean. 

He that in death a goddess mock'd and griev'd, 

What had he done (trow you) if he had lived d . 

This, I think, is one of the best of his poetical com- 
positions. The reader, a^fter this, need not be told that 
James's talents for poetry were not extraordinary. Be- 
sides the pieces of poetry I have mentioned, I am in- 

* Great Britain's Salomon. A sermon preached at the magnificent 
funeral of the most high and mighty king James. By ,John lord bishop 
of Lincolne, lord keeper of the great seale of England. London, printed 
for John Bill, printer to the king's most excellent majesty. 1625. p. 42. 
4to. b James's Works, p. 89, 137. c Ch. Hist. p. 411. "Great- 
Historical Dictionary, article Sidney, (Sir Philip.) 

M 2 


but he had an absolute aversion to war". 
This led him hastily to conclude a peace 

formed by the very worthy and learned Dr. Birch, that 
there is extant in James's name, another intitled, 
" His Majesty's Lepanto, or Heroical Story, being 
part of his poetical exercises at vacant hours, Lon- 
don, 1603. in 4to." A sight of this, perhaps, might 
afford some diversion. This book being burnt among 
those of the honourable Charles York, Esq. at Lin- 
coln's Inn in the late fire there, Mr. Birch could give 
no further account of it. 

55 He had an absolute aversion to war.] " I know 
not by what fortune the dicton of Pacificus was added 
to my title, at niy coming into England : that of the 
lyon expressing true fortitude, having been my dicton 
before: but I am not ashamed of this addition; for 
king Solomon was a figure of Christ in that, that he 
was a king of peace. The greatest gift that our Sa- 
viour gave his apostles, immediately before his ascen- 
sion, was, that he left his peace with them; he himself 
having prayed for his persecutors, and forgiven his 
own death, as the proverb is a ." In the first au- 
dience the duke of Sully had of James, he told him, 
" that if he had found the English at war with the French, 
his endeavours would, nevertheless, have been to live 
in peace with a prince, [Henry the fourth] who, like 
himself, had been called from the crown of Navarre to 
that of France : it being always commendable, said he, 
to overcome evil with good b ." These are good senti- 
ments enough for private persons; but they may be 
carried much too far by princes. Forgiveness and im- 
punity from these only draw on fresh injuries; and he 

King James's Works, p. 590. b Sully's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 23. 


JAMES I. ]fo 

with Spain 16 , to the amazement and great 

who will not at any time avenge wrongs received, will 
be sure to meet with enough of them. Princes owe 
protection to their subjects; but this cannot be af- 
forded many times, unless chastisement be inflicted on 
those who injure them. Wars therefore are sometimes 
necessary; and a warlike prince will be always respect- 
able to his neighbours. But the known coward will 
be looked on with contempt. He will be affronted 
perpetually, and every opportunity will be taken to ri- 
dicule and oppress him. So that though the love of 
peace in princes be commendable, yet, when it is car- 
ried too far, it degenerates into a fault, and gives just 
ground for the subjects' complaints. Happy the people 
who have a prince who neither loves nor fears to draw 
his sword! They may be sure of being defended in 
their just rights by him; of being guarded from unjust 
invasions, and secured by his valour from the evils 
which threaten them. His power will make him con- 
siderable in the eyes of his neighbours; they will at- 
tend to his reasons, and be influenced by his persua- 
sions. For they will not slightly provoke one known 
not tamely to put up injuries. So that the profession of 
fortitude and resolution, of courage and magnanimity, 
becomes better the mouths of princes, than that of 
meekness and forgiving of injuries: for the former 
may, possibly, be of use and service, but the latter can 
answer no good purpose in the present state of the 

6 This led him to conclude a peace with Spain, 
&c.] The peace was concluded Aug. 18, 1604. But 
before this, in a few weeks after James came into Eng- 
land, he revoked the letters of reprisal on the subjects 
of Spain, which had been granted by Elizabeth, 1 with- 


advantage of the Spaniards ; who thereby 

out staying to be solicited on that head, or to be com- 
plimented on his accession to the throne, by the king 
of Spain 3 . So that he disarmed his subjects before he 
had provided for their better security. He stopped 
them in the course of doing themselves justice, before 
he was sure of obtaining reparation for their past 
losses. The king of Spain had now reduced him- 
self to a very low ebb, by his wars with England and 
the Netherlands, in which, for the most part, he had 
been unsuccessful. The king of Spain, says Sir Wal- 
ter Raleigh, in his discourse touching a war with 
Spain, written before the conclusion of the peace, and 
intended to be presented to James. " The king of 
Spain, says he, is now so poor, as he employed his 
Jesuits to beg for him at every church-door in Spain. 

" His revenues are mortgaged in such sort, as of 
twenty -five millions, he has but five millions free ; 
his ships are worn-out and consumed, and his people 
in general exceeding poor. 

" He hath of late received many affronts and losses ; 
and in Peru many of the chiefest and best towns are 
recovered from him by the natives. 

" And commonly, when great monarchies begin 
once in the least to decline, their dissipation will soon 
follow after. 

" The Spanish empire hath been greatly shaken, and 
hath begun of late years to decline; and it is a prin- 
ciple in philosophy, that omnis dimimitio est preparatio 
ad cormpfionem. That the least decay of any part is a 
forerunner of the destruction of the whole. 

Oldcastle's Remarks on the Hist, of England, p. 238. and Acta Regis, 
p. 521, 

JAMES I. 107 

had an opportunity given them of rctricv- 

" And though it may be awhile upheld, as the state 
of Rome was by Vespasian and Trajan ; yet following 
the former declination, retro statim mblapsa fertur 
usque dum plane subversa fuit. It presently fell back 
again, and never left declining till the Roman state 
was utterly overthrown. 

" But if now the king of Spain can obtain peace 
upon any condition reasonable, so as he may fortify his 
weakness, both in Europe and the Indies, and gather 
again sufficient riches, putting the English from the 
exercise of war in those parts, and so make us to for- 
get his Indies, till those be consumed that know them; 
he will soon grow to his former greatness and pride: 
and then if your majesty shall leave the Low Countries, 
and he finds us by ourselves, it will not be long e'er he 

remembers his old practices and attempts *." But 

no such considerations as these could have any influ- 
ence on James. He had revoked the letters of reprisal, 

and a peace he was determined to have. You shall 

now understand (says lord Cecyll to Mr. Winwood, in 
a letter dated Ap. 12, 1604.) " that the constable of 
Castile is come to Dunkirk, and resolved presently to 
take his passage; so as there is now nothing so cer- 
tain as a treaty, and in my opinion nothing more likely 
than a peace. For as it is most true, that his majesty's 
mind is most inclinable thereunto, and that in con- 
templation thereof, things have been so carried here, 
as if a war were now somevyhat unseasonable, so you 
may see by the king of Spain's great descent from the 
heighth of his forms towards other princes, as he is 

a The Works of Sir Walter Raleigh, Kt. political, commercial, and pfci- 
l30pbical, by Tho. Birch, M. A. vol. II. p. 12. 8vo. Ix)nd. 1751. 


ing their almost desperate affairs, and of 

determined to go through with it; being now it seems 
confirmed in the French position, qui a le profit a thon- 
neur. A matter I do confess to you I do clearly fore- 
see he will have, unless the estates of those poor coun- 
tries [the Netherlands] have some more adjuvances 

towards their subsisting 1 ." The treaty was soon 

concluded, of friendship and amity, and mutual trade 

to each other's dominions' 3 . It is very remarkable, 

that low as the Spaniards were, depending on James's 
pacific disposition, they stiffly denied the English free 
trade and commerce with the East and West Indies ; 
and got it inserted in the articles that no aid or assist- 
ance whatsoever should be given to the enemies or re- 
bels on either part; yea moreover they had the English 
in Spain subjected to the power of the inquisition d . 
Cecyll indeed said it were vanity to have expected 
more than they had concerning the matter of trade to 
the Indies, and the inquisition. But it does not ap- 
pear that he had reason for his affirmation. For the 
Spaniards were in so much want of a peace, that they 
would have submitted to almost any thing to obtain 
it; and they themselves were surprised to find that it 
was made on so advantageous conditions. Sir Charles 
Cornwallis, in a letter to the same Cecyll, lord viscount 
Cranborne, principal secretary to his majesty, from 
Spain, dated June 2, 1605, has the following remark- 
able expressions. " I find here by many arguments 
that this peace came opportunely for this kingdom, 
and is admired of all Europe, yea of this kingdom itself, 
how it was possible with so advantageous conditions 

Wioirood, vol. II. p. 18. " Id. p. 22. c Id. p. 22. 

' Id. p. 29. 

JAMES I. 169 

pushing on the war with the Dutch, against 

to them, and so little profitable to our realm it could 
be effected. The duke of Anera discoursing with one 
of great privacie and trust with him, after he had heard 
that the peace was in such forme concluded, said in 
plain termes, that the king and counsellors of England 
had not their senses when in such sort they agreed 
upon it. And some Spaniards have lately reported, 
that the king of Spain's money purchased this quiet; 
otherwise peace, with so good conditions could never 
have been obtained. I know that besides your lord- 
ship's exceeding wisdom, your lordship out of your 
true noble disposition, hath ever equalled the care of 
the saftie and honor of your countrie with your own 
life. I verily persuade myself that the king's own 
Christian and earnest inclination to peace, lead on the 

treaty with speedy feet. But by those collections 

that I have made, and relations of others well practised 
in this state, I find that England never lost such an 
opportunity of winning honor and wealth unto it, as 
by relinquishing the war with Spain. The king and 
kingdom were reduced to such an estate, as they could 
not in all likelihood have endured the space of two 
years more; his own treasurie was exhausted, his rent* 
and customs sussigned for the most part for the pay- 
ment of money borrowed, his nobility poor and much 
indebted, his merchants wasted, his people of the 
countrie in all extremitie of necessity, his devices of 
gaming by the increase of the valuation of money, and 
other such of that nature, all plaid over; his credit in 
borrowing, by means of the incertaintie of his estate 
during the war with England much decayed, the sub- 
jects of his many distracted dominions held in obedi- 
ence by force and feare, not by love and dutie ; and 


whom they were, in a manner, implacable, 

therefore rather a care and burthen, than a relief and 
strength to him. Himself very young, and in that re- 
gard with his people in no great veneration ; and the 
less for suffering himself to be wholly governed by a 
man generally hated of his own country; his strength 
at sea not able to secure his ports at home, much less 
his Indies, or his treasure homewards 3 ." This is rather 
a stronger picture of the deplorable state of Spain than 
Sir Walter Raleigh's, and from it, it clearly appears 
that we needed not have been afraid to have insisted 
on almost any thing from it; and consequently much 
less have submitted to a deprivation of the Indian trade 
and to the inquisition. But James's earnest inclination 
for peace, and the king of Spain's money procured this 
treaty : for money was distributed in abundance among 
the English courtiers who promoted the peace, as ap- 
pears not only from what is asserted by Sir Charles 
Cornwallis in the above letter, but from other unques- 
tionable authorities. In the memoirs of Sully we read, 
" That no sooner was the Spanish ambassador arrived 
in London, than he multiplied the number of his crea- 
tures, by his extraordinary liberalities to all those whom 
he considered as necessary to be gained V And Sir 
Henry Neville in a letter to Mr. Winwood, dated 
Aug. 19, 16G4, writes, " We say the Spanish ambas- 
sadors have taken up many jewels here (we suppose to 
bestow upon our grandees; so not to leave any advan- 
tage to the French, who began that angling fashion 
unto them) with the king's privity and all iron's 
wonder ." And after the peace was made, the earl 

1 \Vinwood, yoL II. p. 75. b Sully's Memorials, vol. II. p. ISL 

c Winwood, voL II. p. 26. 

JAMES I. 171 

on account of their revolt for religion and 

of Nottingham, lord admiral, ambassador extraordinary 
into Spain, had bestowed on him at his departure, iu 
plate, jewels and horses, to the value of twenty thou- 
sand pounds, by that king. And to some other of his 
principal attendants were given chains and jewels of 
great value a . And it appears from Sir Charles 'Corn- 
wallis's letter to the earl of Salisbury, out of Spain, 
that there were many pensions given in the court of 
England b . Osborn, therefore, seems to have reason 
for saying, " that James cast himself as it were blind- 
fold into a peace with Spain, far more destructive to 
England than a war; for it hath not only found that 
prince an opportunity to recover his strength (much 
abated by the queen's happy successes at sea) but gave 
him a fair advantage to establish himself in tire king- 
dom of Portugal, and quiet the distempers of his own 
people. And as this peace, adds he, was of infinite 
consequence to the Spaniard, so he spared for no cost 
to procure it: and to prevent the inserting any article 
that might obstruct his recourse to or from the Indies 
(the magazine of strife) either on this side or beyond 
the line (thought by the English commissioners not in- 
cluded, however the contrary was after pretended, and 
no farther disputed by king James, than with patience 
and a quiet submission of his subjects to their sense, 
not rarely punishing such as transgrest, at their coming 
home) he presented all, both Scotish and English witii 
gifts, and those no small ones ; for by that the earl of 
Northampton, brother to Suffolk, had, he was alone 
able to raise and finish the goodly pile he built in the 

Winwood, vol. II- p. 89. and Birch's Negotiations, p. 223. 
b Id. p. 96. 


liberty. But notwithstanding, the articles 

strand. Nor are there a few others no less brave houses 
jresh in my memory, that had their foundations, if not 
their walls and roofs, plastered with the same mortar. 
This I shall add as no improbable conjecture made by 
many in those days, that his Catholic majesty was so 
frighted by the apprehension of a possibility that our 
king, according to the nature, no less than the obliga- 
tion of his country, might fall into a conjunction with 
France, that he would scarce at that time have denied 
him any thing, to the half of his Indies. And from 
hence all princes may calculate the vast difference that 
lies between a council suborned, and one free from cor- 
ruption *." This last reflection, appears to me very 
judicious. " A gift blindeth the wise, and perverteth 
the words of the righteous," says the great Hebrew 
legislator b . No prince can ever be safe who permits 
his counsellors to take presents from foreign princes. 
For their judgments will be biassed, their affections be 
engaged, and they be disposed to serve others, more 
than their own master ; so that of the utmost conse- 
quence is it to have ministers depend wholly on their 
prince, if they receive presents from others, they must 
earn them; by giving counsel suitable to the instruc- 
tions they receive, or by divulging those resolutions 
which ought most of all to be concealed. They must 
be spies to those who bribe them, and unfaithful to 
their master by whom they are intrusted. So that it is 
amazing that James should consent to his grandees re- 
ceiving the Spanish presents ; for a moment's reflection 
would have set before him the pernicious consequences 
of it. The prince who would preserve his reputation, 

a Osborn's Works, p. 470. b Exod. 23. 8. 

JAMES I. 173 

of the peace were but poorly observed by 
them 57 , and produced not the effect ex- 

and accomplish his ends, should keep his counsels se- 
cret. He should have a strict eye on the ambassadors 
sent to him, that they gain not the weak by their ad- 
dress, the proud by their fawning, or the interested by 
their bounty. For nothing is more certain than that 
by flattery, cunning and seduction, they endeavour to 
delude ministers into a discovery of the secrets of state. 
In short, as a great writer expresses it, " they do all 
the mischief they can ; their profession allows them to 
transgress; they sin out of duty, and are sure of impu- 
nity: 'tis against the wiles of those spies that princes 
ought to be chiefly on their guard V 

57 The articles of the peace were but poorly observed 
by them, &c.] My authorities for this will not be dis- 
puted. Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. Win- 
wood, dated London, December 8, 1604, writes, " It 
is commonly reported that our merchants are ill-used 
in Spain by the inquisition ; and besides that, that the 
trade proves nothing so beneficial as was expected ; 
partly by reason that the merchants there are become 
poor by these wars, and not able to buy but upon days, 
and many of those that have been trusted, have played 
bankrupts, insomuch as some of ours have brought 
back their commodities, rather than they would sell 
upon credit; and partly, by reason, that in this time 
of long restraint of trade, they have been forced to 
betake themselves to the making of cloth there, and 
do make it now in that quantity, as they care not 
much for ours, which was wont to be our chiefest trade 
thither. And as for corn, the French, both by reason 

Anti-Machiavel, p. 3 1C. 


pected in point of profit, by the English, to 
Avhom the peace soon became very disagree- 

of their nearness and abundance, will ever furnish them 
better cheap than we can. So as there appears little 
hope of any fruit of our peace in that regard ; which 
joined with some other considerations of state, that 
have reference to your affairs there, [Holland] begins 
to cool that ardent affection which carried us so strong- 
ly to that treaty, and begets some discourses, (even 
amongst our greatest governors) that this will be but a 
short peace a ." 

And Sir Charles Cornwallis in a letter to the earl of 
Salisbury, dated Valladolid, October 18, 1605. O. S. 
tells him, " the Spaniards had made a general stay of 
justice to all or any of the king his masters subjects 11 ." 
And the same gentleman, in a letter written from Ma- 
drid, in May ]606, tells lord Salisbury also, " that 'tis 
written to him from Sevill, that Don Lewis Firardo, in 
his voyage; met with certain ships from England, 
loaden with corn and bound to Sevill. That he first 
took the masters, and first set their necks in the stocks ; 
after removed them to the admiral, and there with his 
own hands did as much to their leggs ; revileing them, 
and calling them heretiques, Lutheran dogs, and ene- 
mies of Christ, threatning to hang them; and in con- 
clusion having taken from them what he thought fit, 
returned them into their own ships. Besides the cruelty 
he shewed to those of Mr. Edward's ship in the Indies, 
he holdeth still in the gallies all the marriners of Mr. 
Hall's and Mr. Eldrid's ships, also those of Mr. Brom- 
ley ." The letters of Sir Charles are full of the wrongs 

a Winwood, vol. II. p. 38. and Cabala, p. 199. b Winwood, vol. IL 
p. 1W. ' I-!. p.13. see also Cabala, p. 201. 

able, by reason of the ill treatment they re- 

the English received, and the endeavours he used in 
order to get satisfaction, though many times in Vain. 
When he complained to the duke of Lerma, prime 
minister of Spain, of the behaviour of Firardo with re- 
gard to confiscating the merchants' effects, and sending 
the mariners whom he took in the Indies to the gallies; 
Lerma very sharply answered, " that Firardo shall be 
called to account for that he did not instantly execute 
them,*." In short, such was the ill-treatment the sub- 
jects of the British Crown received from the Spaniards, 
that Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. AYinwood, 
dated June 4, 160(5, writes, "that upon Sunday last 
divers merchants and merchants wives were at the 
court, and made grievous complaint unto the king, the 
one of their servants, and the other of their husbands, 
imprisoned and put to the gallies in Spain, and of much 
injustice and oppression done there to our nation; be- 
sides some particular contumely to the king person- 
ally ; the like complaint was made before to the lords. 
I hear it hath moved much, and this I will assure you, 
that the kingdom generally wishes this peace broken, 
but Jacobus Pacificus 1 believe will scarce incline to 
that side b ." At length the patience of the merchants 
began to fail. They saw no relief from James, aad 
therefore applied to the house of commons, to be a 
means for them to obtain letters of mart. The com- 
mons received favourably their address, and desired tfafc 
assistance of the upper house. But this was refused. 
Though this gave occasion, says lord Salisbury, in a let- 
ter to Sir Charles Cornwallis, dated July 15, 1607, " to 
the lords of the council yesterday, to call the rncr- 

Wimrood, vol. 4L p. 621. * M. P- 217. 


ceived. But James's pacific disposition 

chants before them, and to acquaint them with the 
substance of these answers sent from Spain; and to 
advise them (if they find such a general ill usage in 
Spain as they complain of) to be more moderate in 
their trade thither, and to withdraw their stock and 
factors from thence, that so his majesty might grant 
them letters of reprisal, without prejudice to others 
that have large stocks there. Otherwise it would prove 
a most preposterous course, to grant letters of marte, 
where the king of Spayne hath so great occasion to re- 
venge himself upon, and we scarse a ship or man to 
requite him in it a ." But letters of mart and reprisal 
were never granted ; though the Spaniards continued 
treat the English extremely ill, even when they pre- 
tended great friendship. For Sir Walter Raleigh 
speaks of it as a known fact, in a letter to king James 
himself, " that the Spaniards murthered twenty-six 
Englishmen, tying them back to back, and then cut- 
ting their throats, when they had traded with them a 
whole month, and came to them on the land, without 
so much as one sword b ." Surely the Spaniards must 
have had a very great reliance on the pacific disposi- 
tion of James, to act after this manner, in their circum- 
stances ! and most amazing is it, that the national 
spirit had not exerted itself, in its own defence, more 
than it did. Before I leave this subject, I cannot help 
remarking that almost all our treaties with Spain, seem 
to have been but badly observed by her. This first 
arose from the negligence of James, in making the 
peace. He contented himself with concluding a treaty 
of amity, and mutual trade to each other's dominions ; 

* Winwood, vol. II. p. 326. b Raleigh's Works, vol. II. p. 376. 

JAMES I. 177 

continued ; nor could the distresses of his 
only daughter, and her numerous progeny, 

but trade and commerce being denied to the East and 
West Indies, and the Spaniards looking on all America 
as their own, it came to pass that they seized all vessels 
they found in those seas, though going only to those 
colonies which were indisputably discovered by the 
English. So that there was a continual war there, 
when there was peace in Europe. In 1668, and 1671, 
treaties were again made with that nation, whereby 
the right of commerce and navigation, and the bounds 
of the several territories possessed by the two crowns 
in America, were fixed. But these treaties were but 
ill observed likewise; and great complaints were made 
by the English, of the hardships they suffered from, the 
Spaniards 3 . In 1713, a new treaty was made at 
Utrecht. But this was observed like the others. Com- 
plaints soon followed it; as they did that made at 
Seville, in 1729- The representation of our merchants 
with regard to their ill-treatment by the Spanish guarda 
costas ; the imprisonment of our brave sailors to the 
number of seventy; the cutting off Jenkins's ear, and 
many other things still fresh in memory brought on 
the late war, which was ended by the peace at Aix la 
Chappelle, the effect of which must be left to time to 

discover. What can be the reason that our treaties 

with Spain have been thus ineffectual for the mainte- 
nance of peace and friendship ? Are they more false 
than others, or we more incroaching in order to obtain 
those riches they so carefully guard from us ? are not 
the treaties sufficiently plain and explicit? do they 

* See the representation of the board of trade to K. George L in Tor- 
buck's Parliamentary Debates, vol. IX. p. 414. 
VOL. J. N 


excite him to enter into a war s! for their 
defence : But he suffered them to lose their 

admit of different senses, and bear divers constructions? 
or hare we not capacity sufficient to negotiate advan- 
tageously with them? These things must be deter- 
mined by those who have opportunities and abilities 
for their discussion. For my own part, I must say 

Non nostrum tantas componere lites . 

'Tis not in me this contest to decide. TRAPP. 

M Nor could the distresses of his only daughter, and 
her numerous progeny, excite him to enter into a war, 
&c.] This his daughter was Elizabeth, married to 
Frederick the fifth, elector Palatine, Feb. 14, 1613, 
N. S. to the great joy of all true protestants b . The 
marriage was celebrated with great pomp, and the 
prince gained the love and good-will of the English by 
his affability and great generosity c . The Spanish am- 
bassador, and the ambassador from the arch-dukes, 
were not present at the marriage, being greatly enraged 
at it, " fearing indeed thereby," says Mr. Trumbull to 
Sir Ralph Winwood, "that we do aim at wresting the 
empire out of the Austrian's hands, which they say 
shall never be effected, so long as the conjoyned forces 
of all the catholiques in Christendom, shall be able to 
maintain them in that right, which now they have in 
a manner gotten by prescription* 1 ." But they had no 
reason for this their fear, for James so far from think- 
ing to wrest the empire out of the Austrians' hands, did 
not so much as seriously resolve to support his own 
daughter, and her children, in their possessions. I 
need not enter into a detail of the reasons which in- 

Vir. E. 3. 1. 108. b Winwood, vol. III. p. 434. 

Id. p. 421. " d Id. p. 439. 

JAMES I. 179 

territories, and be exiles in a foreign land, 

duced the Bdfierflians fo^shake off tlie Austrian yoke, 
and assert their own just privileges by electing Frede- 
rick for their king, Aug. 28, 161Q. Our historians will 
satisfy the curiosity of such as want information in 
this matter. Let it suffice to say, that after the elec- 
tor of Saxony, and the duke of Savoy, had refused the 
kingdom of Bohemia, Frederick accepted of it, without 
waiting the advice of James, his father-in-law, which, 
by his ambassador, he had asked *. In consequence of 
this he was crowned kiri? of Bohemia, and at first met 

_^^^^2^ f, f\^_^^_ 

with great suedes s. r or "sues ia)" 'Moravia, Lusatia, and 
Austria* htui'taKeff 1 up Srms agarflst' the emperor Ferdi- 
nand ; as fti&^ik' ew'fte^Bethlem Gabor, a prince of great 
credit at the*%tu>niari port? l&liant, courageous, and 
already mastlrfef the greaflift part of Hungary. But 
his success di'd hot last Iflng. On November 8, 1620, 
was the battle of Prague 'fought, which proved fatal to 
Frederick, and his brave Bohemians. His army was 
scattered and routed; himself and queen obliged to fly 
with precipitation from that country ; and his people 
were subjected to all the insults and cruelties of an en- 
raged conqueror, and a bigotted prince ; and withal 
he was censured for having engaged in an affair, with- 
out probability of success, the consequence of which 
was like to be fatal to him. But this censure seems to 
have been ill founded. Things turned out very differ- 
ent from what might have been reasonably expected, 
and therefore though the elector Palatine was unfor- 
tunate, he was not to be deemed unwise. 

" For who could have believed that the protestants 
of Germany would have abandoned him, they who un- 

Rush worth, vol. I. p. 12. 
N (2 


to. the great amazement of strangers, and 

der the name of correspondents had engaged from the 
year 1609, to maintain liberty and the protestant reli- 
gion in the empire ? They who believed that the em- 
peror was an enemy to both ? They, in short, who 
having been consulted by Frederick, their chief, in the 
assembly held at Rottenburgh, Septem. 12, 1619, an- 
swered that he ought to accept the crown of Bohemia, 
not only as being a new dignity, but also as what was 
necessary for the public good of Germany, and that of 
their allies, and advised him to set out immediately 
for Bohemia ? Who could have believed that France, 
which in those times exclaimed so loudly against 
princes that are too powerful, and solicited all Europe 
to make leagues against the house of Austria, would 
neglect so favourable an opportunity of weakening it? 
who would have believed that France would side with 
Ferdinand, against those who aimed at depriving him 
of a part of his power ? who could have believed that 
Bethlem Gabor, after such fortunate beginnings, after 
all the reputation he had acquired, and all the interest 
he had with the Turk, would be of no service to the 
Palatine ? Let us therefore say, that Frederick was de- 
ceived by a train of events so singular, that the most 
refined prudence could never have suspected it. Let 
us not believe those who pretend that the vanity of the 
duke of Bovillon, his uncle, joined with that of the 
electress, threw him into an imprudent undertaking. 
They say, that the duke wrote to his friends at Paris, 
that while the king of France was making knights at 
Fountainbleau, he was making kings in Germany. 
He might have said so ; but as he was one of the ablest 
men of his age, it is not probable that he would have 
advised his nephew to accept a crown, if he ought in 

JAMES I. 381 

the grief of his own subjects; who most 

prudence to have refused itV But leY us return to 

our history. No sooner had Frederick lost the battle 

of Prague, and with it the kingdom of Bohemia, but 
almost all his allies forsook him. He now found him- 
self proscribed by the emperor, attacked by the Spa- 
niards in his own country the Palatinate, and had at 
length the misfortune to become an exile in Holland, 
deprived of his patrimony, together with his regal and 
electoral dignities ; and reduced to great necessities, 
from which it never was his fortune to get free. In 
his fate his wife and children were involved, and con- 
sequently he was an object of great compassion. 

Let us now see how his father-in-law behaved towards 
him in these circumstances. No sooner had Frederick 
accepted the crown of Bohemia, but he shewed his dis- 
like of it, and would never suffer the title of king to 
be given him in his presence 1 *. Yea, he ordered his 
ambassador, Sir Henry Wotton to make it known " to 
all princes, whom it might any way concern, that in 
the election of his son-in-law to the crown of Bohemia, 
he had no part by any precedent counsel or practice 6 ." 
And in pursuance of his instructions, the said Sir 
Henry Wotton assured the emperor, "that his majesty 
had not given the title of king to his son-in-law, or of 
queen to his daughter, in any letter either public or 
private; nor had permitted the same title, in any ser- 
mons within his kingdom d ." Indeed he declared, that 
" though he was resolved to suspend his judgment 
about the differences between the emperor and the Bo- 

* Bayle's Historical Discourse on the Life of Gustavus Adolphus at tht 
nd of the last edition of his dictionary, p. 678. b Rushworth, vol. I. 

p. 12. e Reliquire Wottonianae, p. 496. " Id. p. 503. 


readily and willingly would have assisted 

hemians, ymt^fe found himself tied both by nature and 
by reason^rii^t to leave the patrimonial inherence of 
his own d^pndants, that is^ neither the inferior, nor 
superior Ba.lfltin^,e hfcirds of any alien usurper 8 ." 
Accordingly when Spinola was about to march into the 
Palatinate with thirty thousand men, he sent one regi- 
ment thither under the command of Sir Horatio Vere, 
for its defence, who performed good service b . But 
even this he meanly apologized for to the emperor, 
and declared that " the troops sent towards the Pala- 
tinate, were meerly voluntaries, without his majesties 
contribution, and defensively intended,-* bafore any 
noise of the iovaciQatjV-^-^r-Ajftfir Frederick's misfor- 
tune before Prague, and whan his own territories began 
to be seized, James sent the princes of the union thirty 
thousand pound to keep them in arms, but withal re- 
solved at the same time to treat of peace d . In short, 
though an order of council was made for raising money 
by way of free gift, for the support of the Palatinate, 
and afterwards the parliament gave a supply for the re- 
covery of it; and the people were disposed zealously to 
engage in its behalf; yet James contented himself with 
sending embassies to recover it when it was attacked 
on all sides; and weakly imagined that princes flushed 
with victory, would hearken to his intreaties, or per- 
suasions. Doncaster, Wotton, Digby, Weston and 
others were sent from time to time, who though men 
of sense, and able negotiators, could prevail nothing: 
the Palatinate was taken while they were treating, and 
they had the mortification of finding themselves laugh- 

* Reliquiae Wottonianse, p. 516. b Rushworth, vol. 1. p. 14. 

Reliquwe Wottonianae, p. 518. d Rushworth, vol. I. p. IS. 

JAMES I. 183 

them with all their power. Yea so strongly 

ed at, and contemned, as well as their master who sent 
them. That I have not exaggerated matters will ap- 
pear from the following extracts from James's own let- 
ters. In a letter to the earl of Bristol, dated October 3, 
1622, he writes thus: "There is none knows better 
than yourself how we have laboured, ever since the be- 
ginning of these unfortunate troubles of the empire, 
notwithstanding all opposition to the contrary, to 
merit well of our dear brother the king of Spain, and 
the whole house of Austria, by a long and lingering 
patience, grounded still upon his friendship, and pro- 
mises that care should be had of our honor, and of our 
children, patrimony, and inheritance. We have ac- 
quainted you also, from time to time, since the begin 
ning of the treaty of Bruxels, how crossly things there 
have proceeded, notwithstanding the fair professions 
made unto us, both by the king of Spain, the Infanta, 
and all his ministers, and the letters written by him 
unto the emperor, and them effectually, (at the least, 
as they endeavoured to make us believe.) But whsti, 
fruits have we of these, other than dishonor and scorn? 
whilst we are treating, the town and castle of Heidel- 
bergh taken by force, our garrison put to the sword, 
Manhehn besieged, and all the hostility used that is 
within the power of an enemy V And in a letter to 
the emperor Ferdinand, dated November 12, 1621, ha 
complains " that whilst treaty was in hand, his son-in- 
law was wholly despoiled and robbed of his hereditary 
patrimony that remained unto him, excepting the lower 
Palatinate, which was all, says he, by commandment 
of your imperial majesty, taken and possessed by the 

Cabala, p. 259. 


\vas this disposition to peace rooted within 

duke of Bavaria, according as himself confessed, with 
strong hand and force of arms, and that for such reasons 
as are meerly new, and such as the like were never 
hitherto once heard of." He further represents unto 
him, " that notwithstanding it plainly appeared, by 
the answer given to his ambassador, that his Imperial 
majesty had caused the suspension of the bann or pro- 
scription in those countries, yet he permitted the taking 
of arms again in hand, whereby there had been raised 
a most cruel war, and most part of the country taken 
in by the Spaniards powerful strength 3 ." And as 
James complained, so did his ambassadors likewise; 
" whilst ' things (says Sir Dudley Carleton to the duke 
of Buckingham, in a letter dated Dec. 13, 1623,) have 
been held sometimes in terms, always in talk of accom- 
modation, the electoral is given to Bavaria by the em- 
peror, and avowed by a congratulatory embassage from 
Bruxels : the upper Palatinate is settled in his posses- 
sion, with some portion to Newburg, for his contenta- 
tion and engagement. A principal part of the lower 
Palatinate is given to the elector of Mentz, with the 
consent of those of Bruxels, where he (was lately in 
person to obtain it) though they grossly dissemble it, 
and promises of parts of the rest are made to other 
princes b ." And Sir Richard Weston, in a letter from, 
Bruxels to Buckingham, dated Sept. 3, 1622, has the 
following expressions. " Notwithstanding his majesty 
hath followed them in all their desires, and the prince 
elector hath conformed himself to what was demanded ; 
that the count Mansfelt, and duke of Brunswick, the 
pretended obstacles of the treaty, are now, with all 

Cabala, p. 260. b Id. p. 192. 

JAMES I. 185 

him, that though he met with scorn, and 
derision from those with whom he treated 
about the restitution of the Palatinate, and 

their forces removed; no face of an enemy in the Pa- 
latinate, but his majesty's power in the garrisons ; all 
other places repossessed which Mansfelt had taken; 
no cause of continuing any war now, nor any cause of 
jealousy or fear, for the future, considering his ma- 
jesty's fair and honourable offers ; yet are they so far 
from a cessation, that they are fallen upon Heidel- 
bergh, and either want the will or power to remove the 
siege. And all I can get, is two letters of intreaty 
from her highness to the chiefs of the emperor, to pro- 
ceed no further ; and after some eighteen days since, 
I made rny proposition for the cessation, I have yet 
no answer; so that being able to raise no more doubts, 
they make use of delays. I have said, and done, and 
used all diligencies within my power to bring forth 
better effects, and can go no further ; and therefore, I 
humbly beseech your lordship that I may have leave to 
return, when I shall hear that they will not remove 
the siege at Heidelbergh. For their pretending to re- 
store all, when all is taken, is a poor comfort to me, 
and as little honour to his majesty: and how far they 
are to be believed in that, is to be examined, more 
exactly than by writing, by weighing, how the weak 
hopes given me here, agree with the strong assurances 

given by my lord Digby out of Spain*." Thus 

was James treated, as he himself says, with scorn and 
dishonour; but yet he made no efforts to avenge him- 
self or his family, till the breaking off the match with 

Cabala, p. 402. 


found himself deceived by the emperor, 
Spaniards, and arch-dukes, he still went on 
to treat with them, and thereby rendered 

Spain, when twelve regiments were rose, and put un- 
der the command of the gallant Mansfield : but these, 
by an unaccountable weakness or neglect, having had 
no passage stipulated for them through France or Hol- 
land, through famine and pestilence mouldered away, 
and the design of recovering the Palatinate came to 

nothing 3 . Thus did James suffer his son-in-law, his 

daughter, and his grandchildren to be driven out from 
their dominions, without affording them that relief, 
and assistance which were necessary. Strange conduct! 
unheard of behaviour! but James dreaded war, and 
would submit to any thing rather than engage in it. 
For even the breaking off the Spanish match, and the 
raising the regiments under the command of Mansfield, 
were things greatly displeasing to him, and brought 
about contrary to his inclinations by his son, and his 
great favourite Buckingham b . And, then he was out- 
witted by the Spaniards, who made him believe that 
notwithstanding Frederick was overcome, and his af- 
fairs in a very desperate condition, yet he need but 
signify his pleasure about his restitution, and he should 
be obeyed c . Nor did James in the least suspect, but 
that upon the conclusion of the marriage of his son 
with the Infanta of Spain, the restitution of the Pala- 
tinate would follow, though he had made no terms in 
that treaty about it d . " The count de Gondoinor, the 
Spanish ambassador, who had an absolute ascendant 
over him, gave him to understand, that the king of 

a Rushworth, vol. I. p. 154. b See Clarendon, rol. I. p. 34. 

'Rushworth, voLI.p. 18. * Id. p. 91. 

JAMES I. 187 

the affairs of the unfortunate Frederick his 
son-in-law desperate and deplorable. 

Nor was his conduct better in other 

Spain being on the point of giving his daughter to the 
prince of Wales," (which, hy the way, he never in- 
tended, though his successo^ probably was sincere in 
the treaty for the match) " would look on the interest 
of the Palatine prince as his own, and not suffer him 
to lose the Palatinate, that even though the emperor 
should be master of that country, there was a good 
way for both sides to come off with honor ; for, by 
favour of the marriage, the emperor might make a 
present of the Palatinate to the Infahta^who would give 
it the prince her husband, and then the prince might 
restore it to his brother-in-law. James took all this to 
be gospel, as if indeed he had had a positive promise 
from the emperor and the king of Spain, that every 
thing should be done as the ambassador had proposed. 
This was the reason he was more and more intoxicated 
with the notion that the best way to save the Palati- 
nate, was to live in a good understanding with the 
court of Vienna, and Madrid a ." In short, such was 
the management of Gondomor in this affair, and such 
the weakness of James, that in a letter to the duke of 
Lerma, we find the ambassador boasting, " that he had 
lulled king James so fast asleep, that he hoped neither 
the cries of his daughter nor her children, nor the re- 
peated solicitations of his parliament and subjects in 
their behalf should be able to awaken him b ." 

I shall only add that the Palatine family remained 
in exile till the year 1648, when, by the treaty of 
Munster, they were restored to the best part of their 
dominions, without having received any considerable 

Welwood's Memoirs, p. 28. b AcU Regia, p. 549. 


affairs. He tamely suffered the British 
flag " to be affronted, and his merchants' 
ships to be taken by the Dutch, when 

helps from the royal house to which they were so 
nearly allied, during all their misfortunes. 

59 He tamely suffered the British flag to be affronted, 
Sec.] Let. us hear Weldon. " The earl of Hertford, 
who was sent ambassador to the arch-duke, was con- 
veyed over in one of the king's ships, by sir William 
Monson. In whose passage a Dutch man of war 
coming by that ship, would not vaile, as the manner 
was, acknowledging by that our sovereignty over the 
sea. Sir William Monson gave him a shot to instruct 
him in manners ; but instead of learning, he taught 
him by returning another, he /acknowledged no such 
sovereignty. This was the very first indignity and 
affront ever offered to the royal ships of England, 
which since have been most frequent. Sir William 
Monson desired my lord of Hertford to go into the 
hold, and he would instruct him by stripes that re- 
fused to be taught by fair means : but the earl charged 
him on his allegiance first to land him, on whom he 
was appointed to attend. So to his great regret, he 
was forced to endure that indignity; for which I have 
often heard him wish he had been hanged, rather than: 
live that unfortunate commander of a king's ship, to 
be chronicled for the first that ever endured that af- 
front, although it was not in his power to have helped 

itV But, says an admirable writer, speaking of 

this affair, "two things are certain; one that queen 
Elizabeth would have severely punished her officer, 
and have exacted ample reparation from the. States- 
general; the other, that king James did neither. This 

* Weldon's Court of King James, p. 45. 

JAMES I. 189 

trading to the ports of Spain or Flanders, 
though their own, at the same time, did 

commonwealth had been raised by queen Elizabeth, 
and was still in want of the support of England. The 
sovereignty of her state had not been yet acknowledged 
by any of the powers of Europe. How much the pacific 
temper of James was capable of bearing, had not yet 
become so apparent as he made it in the course of his 
reign. From all which it is easy to collect that if he 
had demanded satisfaction, he must and would have 
received it. But the good prince was afraid, where no 
fear was, and bore dishonourably what he might have 
resented safely ; nay, what he ought to have resented 
in any circumstances, and at any hazard. We are not 
to wonder if so poor a conduct as this, soon brought 
king James into contempt, mingled with indignation, 
amongst a people eagerly bent on commerce, and in 
whom high notions of honour and a gallant spirit had 
been infused, by the example of queen Elizabeth, and 
encouraged during the whole course of a long reign 8 ." 
Though what I have related from Weldon is pro- 
bably true, yet it is but justice due to the reader to in- 
form him, that Sir William Monson himself, in his 
naval tracts, says nothing of striking or not striking 
the flag; but confesses that an affront was offered by 
two Dutch men of war. He adds, that he sent for the 
captains aboard his ship; that he threatened to right 
himself upon them; but that he dismissed them at the 
entreaty of my lord Hertford, on their excusing them- 
selves, and promising to punish the offenders. How 
severely these offenders were punished, may be collect- 
ed from hence. One of these captains, says Sir Wil- 
liam Monson, was he, who since that time committed 

* Oldcastle's Remarks oa the History of England, p. 240. 


it with impunity, and he contented him- 
self with remonstrating, when he ought to 

a foul murder upon his majesty's subjects in Ireland, 
that were under protection* V But for the honour of 
the English nation let it be observed, that till the dis- 
position of Jarnes was known byhis subjects, the com- 
manders of our ships acted very differently. For on 
his accession to the throne, " the duke of Sully being 
chosen by Henry the Great of France, for an extraor- 
dinary embassy into England, embarked at Calais in 
a French ship, with the French flag on the main top- 
mast ; but no sooner was he in the channel, than meet- 
ing with a yatch which came to receive him, the com- 
mander of it commanded the French ship to strike. 
The duke thinking his quality would secure him from 
such an affront, refused it boldly; but his refusal being 
answered with three cannon, shot with bullets, which 
piercing his ship, pierced tile heart of the French, 
force constrained him to do, what reason ought to have 
secured him from, and whatever complaints he could 
make, he could get no other reason from the English 
captain, than that as his duty obliged him to honor 
his quality of ambassador, it obliged him also to com- 
pel others' to pay that respect to his master's flag, 
which was due to the sovereign of the sea b ." Thus 


speaks the famous cardinal Richlieu ; and Sully him- 
self, though he tells the story somewhat differently, 
owns that the English commander fired on the French, 
and obliged him to take down his flag c . It is pity 

a Oldcastle's Remarks, p. 239, in the note. b Cardinal Richlieu's 

Political Will and Testament, part 2d. p. 82. Svo. Lond. 1695. c Sully's 
Memoirs, vol. I. p. 1T4 178. It is surprising that this gallant action 
has been overlooked by our historians, and even by Burchet, in his naval 

JAMES I. 191 

have required in a proper manner satis* 
faction. But notwithstanding this treat- 

the name of this English captain has not been handed 

down to posterity. 1 have said in the text that 

James suffered not only the British flag to be affronted, 
but his merchant ships to be taken by the Dutch, when 
trading to the ports of Spain or Flanders. In order to 
understand this, it is necessary to observe, that though 
James had made a peace with the Spaniards, the war 
was continued several years after between them and 
the Hollanders. Such therefore of the English ships 
as were found carrying goods to the Spaniards and 
trading with them, were frequently seized under a 
pretence of their being contraband ; when they them- 
selves connived at their own subjects doing the same; 
and consequently were guilty of the greatest insults. 
Here follow some of my authorities. Lord Crnuborne 
[Cecyle] in a letter to Mr. Winwood, dated Oct. 23, 
1604, tells him, "we are credibly informed, that the 
States have not only sent new orders to their men of 
war on the coast of Flanders, to impeach our trade to 
the arch-dukes ports by all means possible, but also to 
burn all such ships as they shall take of foreign 
princes. And withal are advertised, that many of 
their own people are daily resorting (under colour of 
private licences) to the said ports with all kind of 
victuals and commodities. And that these be no vain 
reports, their daily practice maketh demonstration ; 
for on Monday last was seven-night, five of their ships, 
laden with wine and salt, were seen peaceably to go 
into Newport, their men of war riding before the 
harbour; and since likewise, his majesty's admiral of 
the narrow seas, being upon occasion of service upon 



ment, he delivered up to them the cau- 
tionary towns 60 , which they had deposited 

the coast of Flanders, did see two Ulissingers put into 
Ostend, in sight of four of their men of war, who 
never offered them violence. Besides, there are fifteen 
small fly-boats and pinks of Holland laden with fish, 
gone this last spring-tide from Yarmouth towards 
Newport, with private licences as they gave out from 
the admiralty there V And it appears from a variety 
of other letters of the same secretary to Winwood 
ambassador in Holland, that the Dutch ships never 
made any scruple of violating the neutrality of our 
ports, and treating even the English after such a man- 
ner as produced complaints infinite and unsupport- 
able b . But all these things James bore with patience. 
He contented himself with remonstrating, and the 
Dutch understanding his humour, went on pillaging 
his subjects, often times their utter undoing . To 
such a contemptible pass was this nation brought, in 
a short time,. by the cowardice and pusillanimity of its 
sovereign ! 

60 He delivered up to them the cautionary towns, 
&c.] In the year 1585, the States of the Netherlands 
were so greatly distressed by the Spaniards, that they 
renewed the applications they had formerly made to 
Elizabeth, to accept of the government of the United 
Provinces, and take them into her protection. The 
queen heard their deputies with favour, but at first re- 
fused both their protection and government. But 
Antwerp being taken by the prince of Parma, she soon 
afterwards, by the advice of her council, determined 
to assist them upon condition, among other things, 

* Winwood, vol. II. p. 34. b Id. p. 277. c Id. p. 31. 

JAMES I. 193 

in the hands of queen Elizabeth, for the 

that Flushing and the castle of Rammekins in Walker- 
in, and the Isle of Brill, with the city and two forts, 
should be delivered into the queen's hands, for caution 
to pay back the money which she should expend on 
her forces, with which she might assist them during 
the war. It was moreover stipulated that the said 
places, after the money was repaid, should be restored 
again to the estates, and not delivered to the Spaniards, 
or any other enemy whatsoever. And also that the 
governor-general, and two Englishmen whom the 
-queen should name, should be admitted into the coun- 
cil of the estates a . Accordingly Elizabeth sent the 
earl of Leicester to their aid, had the towns put into 
her hands, and her governor had a place among the 
States-general ; whereby the English had a share in 
their councils, and they were kept in dependance on 
them. It is well known with what valour and conduct 
the Dutch resisted the Spaniards, and by the help of 
their auxiliaries, rose themselves to an admired and 
envied state of power, wealth and liberty. Spain 
weary with endeavouring to enslave them, was con- 
tented to treat with them as Free-States, and con- 
cluded a truce at Antwerp, March 29, 1609. It was 
then Holland lifted high its head, and looking on the 
cautionary towns as manacles and shackles on them, 
and fearing that James, whose meanness of spirit, con- 
nexion with the Spaniards, and great want of money 
were known, might one day deliver them into their 
enemies hands, as by them he had been requested \ 
it was then, I say, that they determined if possible to 
get them from him, but upon the easiest terms. But 

a Camden's Hist, of Q. Elizab. in complcat Hist- vol. II. p. $P8. 
VOL. 1. O 


money she had from time to time expended 

this was not to be done in a hurry, they took time, and 
acted after such a manner, as fully accomplished their 
purpose. Though the towns were garrisoned by the 
English, the garrison was paid by the Dutch. In order 
therefore to bring about what they had in view, they 
ceased, all at once, to pay the English garrison, as by 
treaty they were obliged. Complaints were hereupon 
made to Sir Noel Caron, the Dutch ambassador at 
London. He excused it by the poverty of his masters; 
but withal insinuated as from himself, that if his Bri- 
tannic majesty would desire it of the States, they, out 
of their regard for him, would take up money at high 
interest, and at once discharge the whole debt due to 
the crown of England. James listened to the proposal, 
and wrote about it to the States. By them Barnevelt 
was sent over, who negotiated so ably, that the king 
agreed to deliver up the towns for less than three mil- 
lions of florins, in lieu of eight millions that were due, 
and about 18 years interest 3 . This was in May 1616. 
What the opinion of the world was on this affair, will 
appear from part of a letter from Sir Thomas Ed- 
mondes, written from Paris the same month, to Sir 
Ralph Win wood. In it he observes that the agree- 
ment for the restoring the cautionary towns, wa* 
thought strange by the principal persons in the French 
council, and particularly by Mons. Villeroy, who was 
of opinion, " that no consideration of utility ought to 
have made his majesty quit so great an interest as he 
had, for the retaining that people, by that means, in 
devotion to him ; alledging for example that they here, 

11 See Rushworth, vol. I. p. 3. Cabala, p. 206. Acta Regia, p. 523. 
C.*lie, vl. I. p. 52. Howell's Letters, p. 16. Lond. 1715. 8ro. 

JAMES I. 195 

on her troops in their service, for compara- 
tively a trilling sum ; and thereby lost the 

without any such gages, do disburse yearly unto the 
States, the sum of 200,000 crowns, besides the abso- 
lute remittal of twelve or thirteen millions of livres, 
which they had disbursed for them in the last wars, 
only to draw that people to a like dependence on this 
state, as they do on his majesty. Adding also there- 
unto, that his majesty having ordinarily a greater 
power over the affections of that people, by the more 
natural love which they bare unto him, than they here 
can promise themselves, but only in respect of the 
present great faction, which they have made by the 
means of Mons. Barnevelt ; it seemeth, by the course 
which we have now taken, that we absolutely quit 
the advantage to them. Sir Thomas then adds, that 
those who be his majesty's zealous servants, are sorry 
to see such a divorce, as they interpret it, between his 
majesty and that people: and after mentioning the ne- 
gotiation for a match with, Spain, he concludes with 
saying, I am sorry, that our necessities (if that be the 

cause) should carry us to these extremities 3 ." 

Coke, and Burnet in speaking of this affair are guilty 
of a great mistake. The former supposes it was con- 
trary to the seventh article of the peace made with 
the Spaniards in the year 1604 b : And the other says, 
that James, after his coming to the crown of England, 
had entered into secret treaties with Spain, in order 
to the forcing the States to a peace; one article of 
which was, that if they were obstinate, he would de- 
liver these places to the Spaniards c . But in fact there 

* Birch's Negotiations of Sir Tho. Edmondes, p. 396. fc Coke, vol. t 
p. 53. c Burnet, vol. I. p. 17. 



dependence those provinces before had on 
the English crown. Nor did the cruelties 

is just nothing at all in this. The Spaniards, in making 
the treaty in 1604, insisted on having the cautionary 
towns delivered up to them, upon payment of the 
monies due from Holland. This was stiffly denied. 
Whereupon says secretary Cecyll, in a letter to Mr. 
Winvvood, dated June 13, 1604, "They are descended 
to content themselves with some modification, which 
we have delivered in form of an article, (which may be 
seen in Coke;) wherein, as we do forbear (at their 
motion) to express that his majesty meaneth not to 
deliver the said cautionaries, to any other but the 
States united, so if the modification be well examined, 
you see it cannot anywise prejudice either his majesty, 
in honor, or the States in their interest in the towns; 
for as long as the election of good and reasonable con- 
ditions for the States pacification, is referred to his 
majesty's judgment, there can arise no inconveniency 
of it ; it being always in his majesty's hands, to allow 
or disallow of that, which shall not be agreeable to the 
concurrency of his affairs with the united provinces a ." 
Thus speaks lord Cecyll who had the chief hand in this 
treaty ; and upon a careful perusal of the article re- 
ferred to, I am persuaded he is right; and consequent- 
ly the above-cited historians, as I said, are greatly 

The following remark was communicated to me by 
the reverend Dr. Birch. The account given by Burnet, 
vol. i. p. 15. Rapin, 8cc. of Barnevelt's coming over to 
England to negotiate the purchase of the cautionary 
towns from king James I. in 1616, is absolutely false; 

* Winwood, vol. II. p, 23. 



JAMES I. 197 

exercised by the Dutch on the English, at 

as I cannot find the least trace of it in a series of MS. 
letters, which I have read, between SirDudley Carleton, 
who went over ambassador to Holland, in March 1615- 
16, and the two secretaries of state, Sir Ralph Win- 
wood and Sir Thomas Lake. The former, Sir Ralph 
Winwood, in his letters from Whitehall to the ambas- 
sador, of the 10th of April 1616, mentions, that the 
lords had delivered their resolutions to the king, that 
it was more for his majesty's service, upon honourable 
conditions, to render up the towns, than still to retain 
them ; and that his majesty had taken some days to 
advise of it. Sir Dudley Carleton, in his letter tp Sir 
Rich. Winwood from the Hague, of May 3d, com-* 
plains, that a matter of that great consequence (though 
" it had," says he, " the beginning, before my coming 
hither, yet since my arrival, hath had some subject of 
further treaty) is altogether managed by the minister 
of this state, (Sir Noel Caron) resident with his ma- 
jesty, without my having any hand therein." The 
king's commission to the lords to treat with Sir Noel 
Caron concerning the surrender of the cautionary 
towns, is dated May 21, 1616, and that to Sir Horace 
Vere, to deliver up the Brill, on the 22d. Sir R. Win- 
wood, in a letter to Sir Dudley, from Greenwich, on 
the C3d of May, gives him a particular relation of the 
proceedings in this treaty, that some years before, dur- 
ing his employment in Holland, Sir Noel Caron, in the 
name of his superiors, made an overture to the king 
for the reddition of these towns, upon seasonable ancl 
honest composition; which being not hearkened unto, 
it lay asleep, until the month of December, }6l5, at 
which time, Sir Noel being newly returne4 from his 
superiors, revived that motion with earnest instance, 

Amboyna 61 , and the depriving them of 

and for that purpose expressly demanded audience of 
his majesty. It happened at the self-same time, that 
the governor of these towns delivered to Sir Ralph 
Wimvood, to be exhibited to the lords, a complaint, 
that the garrison had not received their pay for many 
weeks : the danger whereof the lords taking into their 
consideration, the question was moved by a great coun- 
sellor of eminent place, whether it were not better for 
his majesty's service to render these towns, than still to 
hold them at so great a charge. Report being made 
to the king at the rising of the lords, that this question 
had been moved in council, he acquainted them with 
ihe instance of Sir Noel, and then gave them charge 
to advise and consult thereof, to deliver to him their 
judgment and resolutions ; with which he, after the 
deliberations of ten or twelve days, concurred for the 
sale of the towns. 

This account is absolutely inconsistent with the sup- 
position of Barnevelt's journey to England, on the af- 
fair of the purchase. 

Sir Thomas Lake mentions the result of the treaty, 
in a letter to Sir Dudley, from Greenwich, of the 28th 
of May, in these words : 

" We have now determined of the return of the cau- 
tionary towns, a matter vulgarly ill taken here, and 
with many of the best. But necessity is of the coun- 
cil. I think your lordship will hear of it by those 
that have more hand in it than I." 

61 The cruelties exercised by the Dutch on the Eng- 
lish at Amboyna, &c.] Amboyna is an island in the 
East-Indies, and is the principal place where nutmegs, 
mace, cinnamon, cloves and spice grow. In the year 
1619, a treaty was concluded between James and the 

JAMES I. 199 

their share of the spice trade, cause him to, 
attempt the vindication of the rights of his 

Dutch, with regard to the trade of the East-Indies, in 
consequence whereof, the English enjoyed part of the 
spice trade, and greatly enriched themselves. This 
made them envied by the Dutch, who were determined, 
if possible, to deprive them of the advantages they 
reaped. A plot therefore was pretended, in which the 
English, with the assistance of a few Japonese soldiers, 
were to seize on the fortress, and put the Dutch to the 
sword : whereupon they were seized and examined ; 
but stiffly denying the fact, they were tortured most 
barbarously. This produced (what the rack almost al- 
ways does produce) a confession; hereupon ten English- 
men, seven of whom were agents, factors, and assistants, 
were ordered to be executed, Feb. 1623, six Japonese, 
and three natives, who all uniformly denied their know- 
ledge of the plot to the last moment. The Dutch ac- 
count transmitted to the English East-India company, 
in vindication of this affair, admits that all the evidence 
they had was obtained by torture, and that those who 
suffered professed their innocency, a clear proof this 
that they were condemned wrongfully ; for when men, 
of different countries and interests are accused of joint 
conspiracy, the denial of every individual at the article 
of death, amounts with me to the clearest proof of their 
innocency. However, these executions so terrified the 
English, that they thought they could not safely abide 
in Amboyna; they departed thence, therefore, and the 
Dutch very honestly took their effects, to the value of 
400,000 pounds. After this the neighbouring spice 
islands were seized by them, and the English wholly 
dispossessed of their factors and trade, to their incredi- 


people, or punish those who had so vilely 
treated them. 

ble loss and damage*. It may well be supposed, that 
an affair of this nature could not long remain a secret. 
The news reached England, and sufficient proof was 
made of the treachery and cruelty of the Dutch in it : 
and, no doubt, it was expected that reparation would 
be demanded and obtained. And had James made pro- 
per representations to the States-General, justice pro- 
bably would have been done; for no state would openly 
have abetted such villauies. But he pocketed up the 
affront; submitted to the injury even without requiring 
satisfaction; and contented himself with barely telling 
the Dutch ambassador, " that he never heard, nor read, 
a more cruel and impious act, than that of Amboyna. 
But," added he, " I do forgive them, and I hope God 
will ; but my son's son shall revenge this blood, and 
punish this horrid massacre V Wretched must be the 
people who have a prince thus pusillanimous! What 
can they hope for from those about them, but oppres- 
sion, insults and injuries r Princes owe to their subjects 
protection ; if they afford it not, they have no reason 
to expect allegiance, nor should they murmur if it is 

By the way, we may observe that James was a false 
prophet; neither his son, nor his son's son, revenged 
this bloodshed at Amboyna, or punished this horrid 
massacre. But Cromwell, born to avenge the wrongs 
of the British nation, and restore her lost glory, effec- 
tually did it ; for among the conditions on which he 

* See the Hist, of the barbarous Cruelties committed by the Dutch in the 
East-Indies. Svo. Lond. 1712. Coke, voL L p. 96. Wilson, p. 281. Bur- 
net's Naval Hist. p. 369. foL Lond. 1720. Coke, vol. L p. 97. 

JAMES I. 201 

To all these instances, if we add his per- 
mitting his only son to go into Spain, to 
bring to a conclusion the match 6l with the 

gave peace to the Dutch, in April, 1654, it was insert- 
ed, " that they should deliver up the island of Polerone, 
in the East-Indies, (which they had taken from the 
English in the time of king James, and usurped it ever 
since) into the hands of the English East-India com- 
pany again; and pay a good sum of money [300,000] 
for the old barbarous violence, exercised so many years 
since at Amboyna; for which the two last kings could 
never obtain satisfaction and reparation 8 ." It were to 
be wished all princes had the honor of their country 
so much at heart, as it appears from this, and many 
other instances, Cromwell had ; then would their cha- 
racters truly shine in history, and instead of the disa- 
greeable task of censuring, Writers would be emulous 
of pointing out their excellencies, and their fame would 
be as lasting as letters. Whereas most princes have 
been contented with the incense offered them by flat- 
terers, and therefore have seldom endeavoured to pro- 
cure that solid reputation, which alone results from 
great and benevolent actions ; by which means their 
weaknesses or wickednesses fill up their annals, and 
cause their names to be treated with indignation and 

61 His permitting his only son to go into Spain, &c.] 
James had treated both with France and Spain, for a 
match with prince Charles, though he knew well the 
inconveniencies which would arise from his marrying 
a lady of a different religion; for in his Basilicon 

* Clarendon's Hist. vol. VI. p. 489. and Tindal's Notes on Rapin, vol. II. 
p. 591. 


Infanta, we shall perhaps be fully satisfied 
of the weakness of his conduct. 

Doron, addressed to prince Henry, he has the follow- 
ing remarkable passage : " I would ratherest have you 
to marrie one that was fully of your own religion ; her 
rank and other qualities being agreeable to your estate: 
for although to my great regrate, the number of any 
princes of power, and accounts professing our religion, 
be but very small ; and that therefore this advice 
seems to be the more strait and difficile : yet ye have 
deeply to weigh, and consider upon these doubts, 
how ye and your wife can be of one flesh, and keep 
unitie betwixt you, being members of two opposite 
churches : disagreement in religion bringeth ever with 
it disagreement in manners; and the dissention be- 
twixt your preachers and hers, will breed and foster a 
dissention among your subjects, taking their example 
from your family ; besides the peril of the evil educa- 
tion of your children. Neither pride you that ye will 
be able to make her as ye please : that deceived 
Solomon the wisest king that ever was a ." There is 
sense in this passage ; and' yet the writer of it never 
attempted to match either of his sons with a pro- 
testant princess. The eldest, prince Henry, he en- 
deavoured to marry with a daughter of France or 
Savoy ; the youngest, prince Charles, as I have just 
observed, with France or Spain. With France the 
negotiations were broke off for that purpose, and 
those with Spain commenced about the year lCl6 b . 
But for several years the Spaniards had no other end in 
entertaining the negotiations, but to amuse James and 

* K, Jam. Work?, p, 172. b Birch's View of the Negotiations, &c. 

p. 393. 

JAMES I. 203 

No wonder then that he was burlesqued, 

hinder him from concerning himself in the business of 
Cleves, or effectually succouring the Palatinate. This 
appears plainly from the king of Spain's letter to 
Conde Olivares, dated Nov. 5, l622 a . However, it 
seems probable, that afterwards the Spaniards' inten- 
tions were sincere for the match, and that a short space 
of time would have completed it. For matters had 
been carried to such a length, and James had yielded 
to all their proposals so readily, that they could not 
well refuse to conclude it. This match was odious to 
the body of the English nation, and the parliament 
advised the breaking off the treaty b . But James gave 
them a severe reprimand for their advice, and deter- 
mined not to comply with it. He longed for the 
Spanish gold, (two millions, but of what value appears 
not) which the Infanta was to bring with her, and was 
in hopes of getting the restitution of the Palatinate; 
and therefore proceeded with zeal and earnestness. 
While things were in this state, the prince, 
persuaded by Buckingham, had an inclination to see 
and woo his mistress. They opened it to the king, 
and he, after much opposition, being bullied into it 
by Steney c , complied ; to the amazement of the whole 
world. For it was an unparalleled thing to see " the 
only son of a king, the heir of the kingdom, hazard 
himself in such a long voyage, and carry himself rather 
as an hostage than a spouse, to a court of contrary 
maxims of religion and state, humbly to supplicate 
fora wife*. 8 What was this but exposing him to the 
danger of imprisonment, the solicitations of Jesuits, 

* Rushworth, vol. I. p 11. b Id. p. 42. e See lord Clarendon, 

fol. I. p. 1 118. d Nam's Hist, of Venice, p. 196. fol. Lond. 1673. 


ridiculed, and exposed abroad, by those 

the importunities of the Romish clergy, and thereby 
exciting fears and terrors in the minds of the subject, 
and make them draw the worst conclusions possible ? 
yea, what was this but to put it in the power of the 
Spaniards, to insist on what terms they thought fit, 
and cause him to execute them, they having the person 
of the prince thus in their power ? And how weak and 
imprudent must it be, to take a step of this nature, 
without so much as communicating it to the council, 
and taking their advice on it? What was easily to be 
foreseen happened. " The change of his religion 
(prince Charles's) was much hoped for by the court of 
Spain, at this first coming thither. To perfect which, 
he was plied from time to time with many persuasive 
arguments, by many persons of great honor about the 
king : and many of the most learned priests and Jesuits 
made their addresses to him, with such rhetorical ora- 
tions, with such insinuating artifices, and subtile prac- 
tices, as if they had a purpose rather to conquer him 

by kindness than by disputation. The pope also 

addressed his lines unto the prince, extolling the piety 
of his predecessors, their zeal unto the catholic church, 
and to the head thereof the pope, inviting him by all 
the blandishments of art, to put himself upon following 
of their brave examples. Never a prince had a harder 
game to play, than prince Charles had now. He found 
himself under the power of the king of Spain, and 
knew that the whole business did depend on the pope's 
dispensation, with whom if he complied not in some 
handsome- way, his expectation might be frustrate, and 
all the fruits of that long treaty would be suddenly 
blasted. He therefore writes unto the pope in such 
general terms, as seemed to give his holiness some 

JAMES I. 205 

who observed his conduct ; and that he 

assurances of him : but being reduced into particulars, 
signified nothing else but some civil complements, 
inixt with some promises of his endeavours to make 
up the breaches in the church, and restore Christendom 

to an happy and desirable peace. In England the 

king had as hard a game to play. For having left such 
a pawn in Spain, he was in a manner bound to his 
good behaviour, and of necessity to gratify the popish 
party in this kingdom with more than ordinary favour. 
He knew no marriage could be made without the 
pope's dispensation, and that the pope's dispensation 
could not be obtained, without indulging many graces 
to his catholic subjects. To smooth his way therefore 
to the point desired, he addressed several letters to the 
pope and cardinals, in which he gives him the title of 
most holy father*; and employs Gage as his agent in 
the court of Rome, to attend the business. At home 
he discharged! all such priests and Jesuits as had been 
formerly imprisoned ; inhibiting all processes, and su- 
perseding all proceedings against recusants ; and in a 
word, suspends the execution of such penal laws as 
were made against them. 

" The people hereupon began to cry out generally 
of a toleration, and murmur in all places, as if he were 
resolved to grant it b ." See here some of the effects of 
this weak expedition. The same prince who was for 
proving to the duke of Sully, that it was an offence 
against God, to give the title of holiness to any other 
than him, now very freely gives it to the. pope c : and 
the man who had proclaimed aloud in his writing, that 

* See a letter in Cabala, from James, to Gregory XVth, on this occa- 
sion, p. 412. k Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 109, 11 1. c See notL- 34. 


was spoken of most contemptuously, even by 

the pope was anti-christ, now dignifies him with the 
title of most holy father. But James, I fancy, had 
forgot to blush, or he could hardly have thus publicly 
contradicted himself. However, fortune favoured prince 
Charles, in freeing him from the dangers into which 
this absurd and romantic voyage brought him. He 
got through France, though pursued after; and by the 
honor and generosity of the Spaniards, was permitted 
to return safe into England, where, by the instigation 
of Buckingham, he set himself in an abrupt and ungra- 
cious manner to break off the treaty of marriage, and 
earnestly endeavoured to engage the nation in a war 
with Spain, in which he was successful. But it is very 
observable, " that the reason given for breaking the 
match was not the true one. The restitution of the 
Palatinate had been very coolly pressed, not to say 
neglected, even whilst the prince was' at Madrid ; and 
yet after he came from thence, the king of Spain had 
signed an act by which he engaged for this restitution ; 
so that on the principles on which this negotiation had 
been conducted, there seemed to have been no reason 
for breaking it off, given by Spain at the time, when it 
was broken 3 .'' I will conclude this note by observing, 
that I do not remember any one writer, who has thought 
this journey of prince Charles into Spain prudent or 
justifiable, and consequently James could not but be 
blameworthy for permitting it. For he ought not to 
have been overcome by the solicitations of his son, 
much less by the rudeness and insolence of Bucking- 
ham. He should have adhered to what he could not 
but see to be for the interest of the State, and not 

* Oldcastle's Remark", p. 299. 

JAMES I. 207 

his best friends, Maurice prince of Orange, 
and Henry the Great of France 6 \ as well 

have given it up to please son or favourite. But he 
weakly gave way to them, and thereby exposed those 
most dear to him to the greatest dangers, and involved 
himself in such difficulties as exposed him to the ridi- 
cule of foreigners, and the contempt and ill-will of his 

1 He was ridiculed abroad, and contemptuously 
poken of, by Maurice prince of Orange, and Henry 
the Great of France.] In Sir Walter Rawleigh's Ghost, 
written in 1620, [not 1622, as in the printed copy,] 
we find him introduced speaking to Gondomar, a friar 
and a Jesuit, concerning the cruel representations that 
had been made of some of our princes, since the refor^ 
mation, by the Spaniards in their pictures. And after 
having spoken of their painting Henry VIII. naked, 
without a grave, as if a heretic were not worthy to be 
buried; of the picture of Elizabeth, who was used as 
bad by them for the same reason, and because she was 
their mortal foe; after having spoken of these, he adds, 
" but to come to his majesty, (king James) what have 
you done by him even of late days ? in one place you 
picture him with a scabbard without a sword; in ano- 
ther, with a sword so fast in his scabbard, that no body 
could draw it. In Brussels you made him in his hose 
doublet ; his pockets hanging out, and never a penny 
in his purse. In Antwerp you painted the queen of 
Bohemia like an Irish Glibbin, her hair dishevelled, 
a child at her back, and in a mantle, with the king 
(her father) carrying the cradle for her*." In the 

* Sir Walter Rawleigh's Ghost, in Morgan's Phoenix Britaniucus, p. 393. 
Jxmd. 1732. 4to. ami Wilson, p. 192. Oldys, p. 111. 


as by his subjects, who could not without 
indignation behold the empty, insignificant 

year 1609, was the truce concluded between Spain and 
the United Provinces ; under the mediation of James 
and Henry the fourth of France. During the nego- 
tiations great complaints were made of the partial it v 
of James towards the Spaniards, by the French mi- 
nisters to their master; how justly I shall not deter- 
mine. But in answer to a letter from one of his am- 
bassadors, Henry writes, " that he knew James's ill 
intentions towards the States; and withal tells him, 
his carriage did not break his sleep; ending his letter 
with this word of contempt, rarely used among princes 
of that rank, I know his capacity and the inclinations 
of his subjects a ." And the same Henry, when one 
called " James a second Solomon, replied, that he 

hoped he was not David the fidler's son V Nor had 

Maurice prince of Orange any better opinion of him, 
than the most Christian king, as will appear from the 
following curious relation. 

Sir Ralph Winwood being present in the council of 
State, where the sincerity of the courts of Madrid and 
Brussels in the treaty [for the truce] was questioned by 
the prince, told his highness, that, notwithstanding he 
thought it the interest of the republic to go on with it, 
because if the archdukes should at last refuse to com- 
prehend the king of Spain, as well as themselves, an 
eternal dishonor would light upon them, and the two 
kings of England and France would have more reason 
to assist the States. The prince took him up briskly 
with these words, we will not go plead a process before 

* Compleat Hist. vol. II. p. 683, in the notes. fc Osborn, p. 511. 

see note [A]. 


JAMES I. 09 

figure the nation was reduced to by his ma- 

the king's : and le Roi vostre maistre n'ose pas 
parler au Roi d'Espagne, (and the king your master 
dares not speak to the king of Spain.) Sir Ralph an- 
swered, Monsieur, vous avez tort: le Roi mon uiaitre 
a & resolution de se ressentir, &, puissance de se re- 
vencher du Roi & prince qui se soit. (Sir, you are 
mistaken. The king, my master, hath both spirit to 
resent an injury, and power to avenge himself on any 
king or prince that shall offer it.) The prince replied, 
Comment s'est-il ressenti de la trahison du poudre ? 
(How did he resent the gun-powder plotf) Sir Ralph 
rejoined, Comment scavez-vous, qui le roi d'Espagne 
s'y soit mele? (How do yo-u know that the king of 
Spain had any hand in that affair?) Owen en a etc. 
(Owen had) said the prince, Lequel on a demande ; 8t 
le Comte de Tyrone est soutenu par le roi d'Espagne. 
(Whom they have in vain required the king of Spain 
to deliver up ; and the earl of Tyrone it is notorious is 
supported by him.) Sir Ralph replied, Quant a Owen, 
ee n'est pas a vous, a qui le roi mon maistre en rendra 
conte: 8t pour Tyrone, tout le monde scait qu'il est a 
Rome, & non pas en Espagne. (As for Owen, his ma- 
jesty is not accountable to you for his behaviour in 
regard of him; and for Tyrone, all the world knows 
he is at Rome, and not in Spain.) Owen 3 , here spoken 
of by the prince, had been demanded of the archdukes 
and the king of Spain, to be delivered up by Sir Thomas 
Edmondes, being charged with being privy to the gun- 
powder plot; and Tyrone, who had fled out of Ireland, 
upon account of his attempting a rebellion, had been 
asked of them likewise, but both unsuccessfully. Jn- 

* Birch's View of the Negotiations, &c. p. 236. 
VOL.1- P 


nagement, and the scoffs and jeers where^ 

deed they were both caressed by the Spaniards; and 
Tyrone in particular, though he resided at Rome, as 
Winwood said, had a pension of six hundred crowns a 
month from the kins: of Spain, and therefore the in- 
terest of James was justly deemed insignificant at the 
Spanish court, by prince Maurice *. It is true, upon 
complaint of the English court, prince Maurice, in a 
very respectful letter, endeavoured to mollify James's 
anger ; and afterwards, in a second letter, he acknow- 
ledged his offence, and cleared himself in the 1 
manner he could, from any malicious intention to im- 
peach his majesty's service, or asperse his character. 
But it is easy enough to see, that his apologies arose 
from the situation of' his affairs, and that what in 
warmth he had spoken, he indeed thought. Let u> 
then conclude, that James's best friends, as I observed 
in the text, spoke most contemptuously of him ; for 
such Henry and Maurice were. If we would knovr 
further in what esteem James was with his neighbours, 
the following epigram made in France will, in some 
measure, perhaps satisfy us. 

" Tandis qu' Elizabeth fut Roy, 
L'Anglois fut d'Espagne Feffroy. 
Maintenant, devise et caquette, 
Regi par la Rtine Jaquette." 

That is literally in English, 

Whilst Elizabeth was fciDg, 
The English were of Spain the terror. 
But now governed by Qoeen Jaquet, 
They only talk and prattle. 

Or, if the reader likes it better in rhyme, it is given in 
English, thus : 

See Birch's Negotiations, p. 849, 275. 

JAMES I. fill 

with they were insulted by their neigh- 
bours. But however weak and pusillani- 

While Elizabeth was England's King, 
That dreadful name through Spain did ring. 

How alter'd is the case, ad sa' me ! 

These jugling days of glide Queen Jamie a ! 

And that it may not be imagined that libellers and 
satyrists only contemned James, and represented him 
in a more ridiculous light than they ought, I will add, 
that the grave and knowing duke of Sully tells us, 
that Henry, in derision, called James captain of arts 
and clerk of arms b ; and that he himself, and his bro- 
ther, had spoken in terms not very respectful of him. 

Nor did his own people come behind in ridiculing 
and censuring his conduct. " They mouthed out that 
Great Britain was become less than little England ; 
that they had lost strength by changing sexes, and 
that he was no king, but a fidler's son, otherwise he 
would not suffer such disorders at home, and so much 
dishonor abroad. -And they say further, why 
should he assume to himself the title of defender of 
the faith, that sufTers the protestants of Germany and 
France to be extirpated. That he might almost have 
purchased such a country as the Palatinate, with the 
money spent on ambassages; and that his promising 
the French protestants assistance (by their agents that 
interceded for them) made them the more resolute, and 
confident to their ruin : So that they might well call 
England the land of promise. And all that he got by 
his lip-labour assistance from the French king was, that 
his ambassador, Sir Edward Herbert, was snapt up \>y 

* Rapin, vol. II. p. 236. and Morgan's Phoenix Britannicus, p. 324. 
* Sally's Memoirs, vol. I. p. 209. Edict of Nantz, vol. I. p. 452. 

p 2 


mous James's conduct was abroad, at home 
he behaved very haughtily. He valued 

Luynes the young constable, and favourite there, with 
what hath your master to do with us and our business ? 
Whereas the English fleets, the glory of the world, (if 
employed) would have taught the French pride to 
know, that a looker-on sees more than the gamester, 
and he that strikes with passion, will many times thank 
them that take him off by friendly admonition: such 
discourses as these flew up and down from lip to lip, 
that it was almost treason to hear, much more to 
speak V How weakly, how imprudently must a prince 
have behaved, to have drawn on himself such bitter 
reflections and cutting sarcasms, both at home and 
abroad ? How mean a figure must he have made, and 
with what contempt must his promises and threaten- 
ings be received ? It could not be ill-will, it could not 
be malice, or the love of slander alone, which could 
bring on a regal character so much contempt when 
living : there must have been foolish wretched manage- 
ment, as we have seen there was, to render it passable. 
But of all things, princes should dread falling into 
contempt: seeing that thereby their reputation, and 
consequently their power ceases, and they are rendered 
incapable of executing any great design. For, as Car- 
dinal Richlieu has well observed, " reputation is the 
more necessary in princes, in that those we have a 
good opinion of, do more by their bare words, than 
those who are not esteemed with armies. They are 
obliged to value it beyond life; and they ought sooner 
to venture their fortune and grandeur, than to suffer 
the least breach to be made in the same, since it is 

* Wilson, p. 190. 

JAMES I. 213 

himself much on his hereditary right, and 
lineal descent 64 , to the crown, and talked 

most certain that the least diminution a prince re- 
ceives, though never so slight, is the step which is of 
most dangerous consequence for his ruin. In consi- 
deration of which I declare freely, that princes ought 
never to esteem any profit advantageous, when it re- 
flects the least upon their honour; and they are either 
blinded or insensible to their true interests, if they re- 
ceive any of this nature. And indeed history teaches 
us, that in all times and in all states, princes of great 
reputation are always happier than those, who being 
inferior to them in that point, have surpassed them in 
force and riches, and in all other power*." Pity it is 
but princes knew what was said of them! If they had 
any thirst after fame, any desire of real glory, it would 
excite them to direct their actions to the good of the 
public, and it would make them weigh and consider 
things so, as that their resolutions might appear to be 
the result of prudence and discretion. If they will not 
act thus, but blindly follow their own whims and hu- 
mours, or submit to be led by weak, ignorant, self- 
seeking men, as was the case of James, they may de- 
pend on it, that though flattery mounts up their ima- 
ginary excellencies to the clouds, and represents them 
as demi-gods for power and wisdom, standers by will 
laugh at them, and posterity expose and condemn 

64 He valued himself much on his hereditary right 
and lineal descent.] In his first speech to the parlia- 
ment, March 19, 1603, he tells them, that the first rea- 
son of his calling them together was, " that they 

* Richlieu's Political Testament, part 2d. p. 46. 


of it in most pompous terms, though no- 
thing could be more absurd and chimerical. 

might with their own ears hear him deliver unto them 
the assurance of his thankfulness, for their so joyful 
and general applause, to the declaring and receiving of 
him in that seat, which God, by his birth-right and 
lineal descent, had in the fulness of time provided for 
him 8 ." And in other parts of the same speech, he 
speaks of his lineal descent out of the " loins of Henry 
the seventh;" and of his being " lineally descended of 
both the crowns b " (of England and Scotland.) One 
should have thought an English parliament should 
have stared at hearing such an unusual language from 
the throne. But such was the complaisance they had 
for their new king, and so willing were they to make 
their court to him, that they spoke in like terms with 
him, and echoed back, not as has sometimes been done 
in an address, but in an act of parliament, his words 
and sentiments on this subject. For in the first act of 
parliament passed in this reign, intitled a "most joyful 
and just recognition of the immediate, lawful and un- 
doubted succession, descent and right of the crown," 
we find the following expressions : " Your majesty's 
royal person, who is lineally, rightfully, and lawfully 
descended of the body of the most excellent lady- 
Margaret, eldest daughter of the most renowned king 
Henry the seventh, and they therein desire it may be 
published and declared in the high court of parliament, 
and enacted by authority of the same, that they (being 
bounden thereunto both by the laws of God and man) 
do recognize and acknowledge that immediately upon 
the dissolution and decease of Elizabeth, late queen 0f 

King James's Works, p. 485. b id p. 4*7, 488. 

'"' JAMES I. 215 

In consequence hereof he entertained 

England, the imperial crown of the realm of England, 
and of all the kingdoms, dominions and rights belong- 
ing to the same did by inherent birthright, and lawful 
and undoubted succession, descend and come unto his 
most excellent majesty, as being lineally, justly, and 
lawfully, next and sole heir of the blood royal of this 
realm 3 ." This was complaisance indeed! And this, 
together with their ascribing to him in the same act, 
" the rarest gifts of mind and body," and acknowledg- 
ing " his great wisdom, knowledge, experience, and 
dexterity," could hardly help rivetting in his mind lii* 
absurd opinions, and high self-estimation. 

I call his notions of hereditary right and lineal de- 
pcent, absurd. For I know of no right that any person 
has to succeed another in wearing a crown, but what 
the laws give him; if he is by law appointed the next 
heir, his right to succeed is built upon the most stable 
foundation. But the laws relating to the succession 
may be changed, according as the exigencies of the 
state and the public good require; and if, by such a 
change, any person or family is set aside from succeed- 
ing, the right they might before have had vanishes, 
and without usurpation cannot take place. When that 
political law (says a justly admired writer) which has 
established in " the kingdom a certain order of succes- 
sion, becomes destructive to the body politic for whose 
sake it was established, there is not the least room to 
doubt but another political law may be made to change 
this order; and so far would this law be from opposing 
the first, it would in the main be entirely conformable 
to it, since both would depend on this principle, that, 

* Vide SUt Anno Fikno Jacob! c. 1. per totnna. 


high notions of the prerogative, and car- 

the safety of the people is the supream law a ." And 
indeed this hereditary right to the crown, here boasted 
of by James, was le a meer chimera ; contradicted by 
the general tenor of custom from the Norman invasion 
to his time ; by the declared sense of his immediate 
predecessors; by many solemn proceedings of parlia- 
ment, and by the express terms of law, Two fami- 
lies (for the race of Plantagenet was grafted on the 
Norrnan race, and they may be reckoned properly as 
one) had furnished, indeed, all our kings; but this con- 
stituted no hereditary right. When a prince of the 
royal family, but in a degree remote from the succes- 
sion, comes to the crown, in prejudice to the next heir, 
hereditary right is violated, as really as it would be if 
an absolute stranger to this family succeeded. Such a 
prince may have another, and we think a better right, 
that for instance, which is derived from a settlement of 
the crown, made by the authority of parliament; but 
to say he hath an hereditary right, is the grossest abuse 
of words imaginable. This we think so plain, that we 
should be ashamed to go about to prove it. Our kings 
of the Norman race were so far from succeeding as 
next heirs to one another, and in a regular course of 
descent, that no instance can be produced of the next 
heirs succeeding, which is not preceded and followed 

by instances of the next heirs being set aside. 

Thus Edward the first succeeded his father Henry the 
third ; but his father Henry the third, and his grand- 
father John, had both been raised to the throne, in 
plain defiance of hereditary right : the right of Arthur, 
nephew to John, and the right of Arthur's sister, cou- 

* Spirit of Lan>, vol. II. p. 218. Lond. 1750. 

JAMES I. 217 

sin-german to Henry. Edward the second suc- 
ceeded his father Edward the first; but Edward the 
third deposed Edward the second ; the parliament re- 
nounced all allegiance to him; and Edward the third 
held the crown by a parliamentary title, as much as 

William the third. If we go up higher than this 

sera, or descend lower, we shall find the examples uni- 
form. Examples, sufficient to countenance this pre- 
tension of hereditary right to the crown of England, 

are no where to be found. The British race began 

in Henry the seventh ; and from him alone king James 
derived that right, which he asserted in such pompous 
terms. Now surely, if ever any prince came to the 
crown without the least colour of hereditary right, it 
was Henry the seventh. He had no pretence to it, 
even as heir to the house of Lancaster. His wife 
might have some as heir of the house of York ; hut the 
title of his wife had no regard paid to it either by him 
or the parliament, in making this new settlement. He 
gained the crown by the good will of the people. He 
kept it by the confirmation of parliament, and by his 
own ability. The notional union of the two roses was 
a much better expedient for quiet than foundation of 
right. It took place in Henry the eighth ; it was con- 
tinued in his successors; and this nation was willing 
it should continue in James and his family. But nei- 
ther Henry the eighth, nor his son Edward the sixth, 
who might have done so with much better grace, laid 
the same stress on hereditary right, as king James did. 
One of them had recourse to parliament on every oc- 
casion, where the succession to the crown was con- 
cerned ; and the other made no scruple of giving the 
crown by will to his cousin, in prejudice of his sisters 
right. This right, however, such as it was, prevailed; 
but the authority of parliament was called in aid by 


Mary, to remove the objection of illegitimacy, which 
lay against it. Elizabeth had so little concern about 
hereditary right, that she neither held, nor desired to 
hold her crown by any other tenure than the statute of 
the 35 of her father's reign. In the 13th of her own 
reign she declared it by law high treason, during her 
life, and a Praamunire, after her decease, to deny the 
power of parliament, in limiting and binding the de- 
scent and inheritance of die crown, or the claims to it; 
and whatever private motives there were for putting to 
death Mary, queen of Scotland, her claiming a right, 
in opposition to an act of parliament, was the founda- 
tion of the public proceedings against her. 

" Such examples as we have quoted, ought to have 
eome weight with king James. A prince who had 
worn the crown of Scotland, under so many restraints, 
and in so great penury, might have contented himself, 
one would think, to hold that of England, whose pen- 
sioner he had been, by the same tenure, and to establish 
his authority on the same principles, as had contented 
the best and greatest of his Predecessors ; but his de- 
signs were as bad as those of the very worst princes, 
who went before him V The good sense and unan- 
swerable reasoning in this quotation will make ample 
amends for the length of it, and therefore needs ao 
apology. But it is amazing to consider, that, notwith- 
standing such facts and reasonings, there should yet 
be found people weak enough to hold this doctrine of 
hereditary right, a doctrine absurd in itself, and big 
with mischief. Did men but think and consider, did 
they weigh and examine, were they honest and impar- 
tial, they soon would see its folly and ridicule it. But 

* Oldcastle's Remarks, p. 241. See also the Brief History of the Suc- 
cession, in the State Tracts, relating to the times of Charles the 2d. and 
Sir John Hawles's Speech at the Trial of SacheveraL 

JAMES I. 219 

ried the doctrine of the regal power 65 , to 

such is the laziness of mankind, that they are at all 
times inclined more to helieve on trust, than to take 
the pains to consider; and therefore run into the most 
whimsical and ridiculous opinions. Princes may think 
it their interest to have such a doctrine as this incul- 
cated ; but the teachers of it ought to be looked upon 
as the foes of mankind, and had in abhorrence by those 
to whom liberty and virtue are amiable. 

15 He entertained high notions of the prerogative, 
and carried the doctrine of the regal power to a very 
great pitch.] James, as I have observed, was bred up 
under Buchanajj, whose hatred of tyranny is well 
known, aad who, like a very honest man, endeavoured 
to inspire his pupil with a detestation of it; and he 
seemed to have had some hopes, that his labours would 
not have been wholly vain. For in the conclusion of 
his short dedication to James, of his Baptistes, size 
calumni traga'dia, among his poetical works, there are 

the following expressions : " Illud autem peculia- 

rius ad te videri potest spectare, quod tyrannorum cru- 
ciatus, &, cum florere maxhne videntur, rniserias dilu- 
cide exponat. Quod te nunc intelligere non conducibile 
modo, sed etiam necessarium existimo: ut mature odisse 
incipias, quod tibi semper est fugicndum. Volo etiam 
hunc libellum apud posteros testem fore, si quid ali- 
quando pravis consultoribus impulsus vel regni licentia 
rectain educa.tione.ui superante secus committas, non 
praeceptoribus, sed tibi, qui eis recte monentibus non 
sis obsecutus, id vitio vertendmu esse. Det Domiuus 
nieliora, & quod est apud tuum Salustium, tibi bene 
facere ex consuctudine in naturam vertat. Quod equi- 
dem cum multis Si spero, & opto. Sterlino, ad Cajend. 
Kovembris, lp?6." i. e. " But this more especially 


a pitch was amazingly great, and bordering 

seeins to belong to you, which explains the torments 
and miseries of tyrants, even when they seem to be in 
the most flourishing state, which I esteem not only ad- 
vantageous, but even necessary for you now to under- 
stand : that you may begin early to hate, what you 
should always avoid. I desire also that this book may 
be a witness to posterity, that if at any time you act 
otherwise, by the influence of wicked counsellors, or 
the wantonness of power getting the better of educa- 
tion, you may impute it not to your preceptors, but to 

yourself that slighted their good advice. God grant 

you a better fate, and (as your favourite Sallust has it) 
render beneficence natural to you bv custom. "Which 

* * 

I sincerely wish, and hope with many others." 

James was little more than ten }-ears of age when 
this was written to him. Two years afterwards Bu- 
chanan dedicated his celebrated piece, intitled, Dejurc 
Regni apud Scotos, to James, in which he tells him, 
" that he thought good to publish it, that it might be 
a standing witness of his affection towards him, and 
admonish him of his duty towards his subjects. Now 
many things, adds he, persuaded me that this my en- 
deavour should not be in vain : especially your age 
not yet corrupted by prave opinions, and inclination 
far above your years for undertaking all heroical and 
noble attempts, spontaneously making haste thereunto; 
and not only your promptitude in obeying your in- 
structors and governors, but all such as give you sound 
admonition ; and your judgment and diligence in exa- 
mining affairs, so that no man's authority can have 
much weight with you, unless it be confirmed by pro- 
bable reason. I do perceive also that you by a certain 
natural instinct do so much abhor flattery, which is 

JAMES I. 221 

on impiety. Nor could he with any pa- 

the nurse of tyranny, and a most grievous plague of a 
kingdom; so as you do hate the court solecisms and 
barbarisms, no less than those that seem to censure all 
elegancy, do love and affect such things, and every 
where in discourse spread abroad, as the sauce thereof 
those titles of majesty, highness, and many other un- 
savoury compellations. Kovv albeit your good natural 
disposition, and sound instructions, wherein you have 
been principled, may at present draw you away from fall- 
ing into this error, yet I am forced to be something jea- 
lous of you, lest bad company, the fawning foster-mother 
of all vices, draw aside your soft and tender mind into 
the worst part ; especially seeing I am not ignorant, 
how easily our other senses yield to seduction. This 
book therefore I have sent unto you, to be not only 
your monitor, but also an importunate and bold ex- 
actor which, in this your flexible and tender years, 
may conduct you in safety from the rocks of flattery, 
and not only may admonish you, but also keep you in 
the way you are once entered into: and if at any time 
you deviate, it may reprehend and draw you back, the 
which if you obey, you shall for yourself and for all 
your subjects, acquire tranquillity and peace in this 
life, and eternal glory in the life to come. Farewel, 
from Sterveling, Jan. 10, 1579*. " 

I have been forced to give this in the words of a 
Translation, for want of an opportunity of turning to 
the original: which the good-natured reader, I hope, 
will pardon. In these dedications we may see the en- 
deavours and hopes of Buchanan, which I have just 

* Dedication of Buchanan de jure regni apud Scotos, in English. 4t. 
Lond. 1689. 

e-2'2 THE LIFE OF 

tience bear that any should assert its being 

mentioned, of inspiring his pupil with a detestation of 
tyranny. But his hopes were ill-founded, his endea- 
vours were ineffectual. James hated the man who 
counselled him, and spoke a doctrine directly contrary 
unto that taught by him a . What he writ on this sub- 
ject when in Scotland, we have before mentioned 15 . He 
there inculcated the doctrine of tyranny, and in England 
he continued to avow it, and that even before the par- 
liament itself. In his speech to the lords and commons 
at Whitehall, Anno 1609, we have the following pas- 
sage: " Kings are justly called Gods, for that they 
exercise a manner or resemblance of divine power 
upon earth : for if you will consider the attributes of 
God, you shall see how they agree in the person of a 
king. God hath power to create or destroy, make or 
unmake at his pleasure, to give life or send death, to 
judge all, and to be judged, nor accomptable to none; 
to raise low things, and to make high things low at 
his pleasure, and to God are both soul and body due.- 
and the like power have kings : they make and unmake 
their subjects; they have power of raising, and casting 
down; of life and of death; judges over all their sub- 
jects, and in all causes; and yet accomptable to none 
but God only. They have power to exalt low things, 
and abase high things, and make of their subjects like 
men at chess; a pawne to take a bishop or a knight, 
and to cry up or down any of their subjects, as they 
do their money. And to the king is due both the af- 
fection of the soul, and the service of the body of his 
subjects ." And in the same speech are the following 
words : " I conclude then this point touching the 

See note 2. b In note 41. C K. James's Works, p. 529. 

JAMES I. 2<2S 

liable to be contradicted or controuled. He 
treated his parliaments in many cases most 

power of kings, with this axiom of divinity, that as to 
dispute what God may do, is blasphemie; but quid 
vult Dais, that divines may lawfully and do ordinarily 
dispute and discusse; for to dispute a posse ad esse is 
both against logicke and divinitie: so is it sedition in 
subjects to dispute what a king may do in the height 
of his power 3 ." These passages shall suffice to shew 
James's notions of the regal power ; their opposition to 
those of his preceptor; and that lord Bolingbroke was 
very much mistaken in saying that " James retailed 
the scraps of Buchanan V I thought to have con- 
cluded this note here, but I find it proper to add that 
James had the utmost indignation against those who 
held that princes were accountable, or controulable. 
This appeared from his citing a preacher before him 
from Oxford, who had asserted that the inferior ma- 
gistrate had a lawful power to order and correct the 
king if he did amiss; and who for the illustration of- 
his doctrine, had used that speech of Trajan's unto the 
captain of his guard; Accipe Imnc gladiurn, quern pro 
me si bene imperavero dutfiatga ; sin minus contra me ; 
i. e. receive this sword, which I would have thee use 
for my defence if I govern well; but if I rule the 
empire ill, to be turned against me. The preacher of 
this doctrine being strictly examined by the king- con- 
cerning it, laid the blame on Pareus, who in his com- 
mentary on the Romans, had positively delivered all 
which he had vented in his sermon, even to that very 
saying of the emperor Trajan. Whereupon the king, 

K. James's Works, p. 531. b Letters on the Spirit of Patriotism, 

p. 21 6. 



contemptuously 6t both by words and ac- 
tions ; giving himself extraordinary airs of 

though he dismissed the preacher, on account of his 
youth, and the authority he had produced, gave order 
to have the book of Pareus burnt in Oxford, London 
and Cambridge; which was done accordingly 11 . So 
high was James's opinion of regal power, so ill could 
he bear opposition to it, though in a foreigner, and 
one with whom he had nothing to do ! 

66 He treated his parliaments in many cases most 
contemptuously] Here follow my proofs. In his 
speech to the parliament in 1605, speaking of the 
house of commons, he tells them, that " that was not a 
place for every rash and hair-brained fello\v to propose 
new laws of his own invention." That " they should 
be warie not to propose any bitter or seditious laws, 
which could produce nothing but grudges and discon- 
tents between the prince and his people; and that it 
was no place for particular men to utter their private 
conceits, nor for satisfaction of their curiosities, and 
least of all to make shew of their eloquence, by tyning 
the time with long studied and eloquent orations' 3 ." 
And he adds just afterwards, " that men should be 
ashamed to make shew of the quickness of their wits 
here, either in taunting, scoffing, or detracting the 
prince or state in any point, or yet in breaking jests 
upon their fellows, for which the ordinaries or ale- 
houses are fitter places, than this honourable and high 
court of parliament." 

In his speech to the parliament at Whitehall, in the 
year 1609, he " wishes the commons to avoid three 
things in matters of grievances. 

Life of Laud, p. 95. " K. James's \Vorks, p. 506, 507. 


wisdom and authority, and undervaluing 

" First," says he, " that you do not meddle with the 
main points of government; that is my craft: tractent 
fabriliafabri; to meddle with that were to lesson me : 
I am now an old king; for six and thirty years have I 
governed in Scotland personally, and now have I ac- 
complished my apprenticeship of seven years here; 
and seven years is a great time for a king's experience 
in government. Therefore there would be too many 
Phormios to teach Hannibal: I must not be taught 
my office. 

" Secondly, I would not have you meddle with such 
antient rights of mine, as I have received from my 
predecessors, possessing them, more majorum: such 
things I would be sorrie should be accounted for 

" And lastly, I pray you to beware to exhibit for 
grievance, any thing that is established by a settled 
law, and whereunto (as you have already had a proof) 
you know I will never give a plausible answer : for it 
is an undutiful part in subjects to press their king, 
wherein they know before-hand he will refuse them 3 ." 

Had James stopped here he might have been ex- 
cused. Elizabeth had set him an example of directing 
the commons to be cautious in making use of their 
liberty of speech; and they complained not of it b . 
But he went farther. For in the year 1621, the com- 
mons having drawn up a petition and remonstrance to 
the king, concerning the danger of the protestant re- 
ligion at home and abroad, and advised him to aid the 
protestants in the wars in which they were engaged; 

* K. James's Works, p. 537. b See Heywood Townshend's Historical 

Collections, p. 37, 53, 63. fol. Lond. 1680. 
VOL. I. 

their power, skill and capacity. And not 

break with the king of Spain, and marry his son to a 
princess of the reformed religion, with some other 
things : the commons having drawn up this petition 
and remonstrance, and it coming to the king's ears 
that they were about to present it, the following letter 
was written by him to the speaker, from Newmarket. 


" We have heard, by divers reports, to our great 
grief, that our distance from the houses of parliament 
caused by our indisposition of health, hath emboldned 
some fiery and popular spirits of some of the house of 
commons, to argue and debate publickly of the matters 
far above their reach and capacity, tending to our high 
dishonor, and breach of prerogative royal. These are 
therefore to command you, to make known, in our 
name, unto the house, that none therein shall presume 
henceforth to meddle with any thing concerning our 
government, or deep matters of state, and namely not 
to deal with our dearest son's match with the daughter 
of Spain, nor to touch the honour of that king, or any 
other our friends and confederates : and also not to 
meddle with any man's particulars, which have their 
due motion in our ordinary courts of justice. And 
whereas we hear, that they have sent a message to Sir 
Edward Sandys, to know the reasons of his late re- 
straint, you shall in our name resolve them, that it was 
not for any misdemeanor of his in parliament. But to 
put them out of doubt of any question of that nature 
that may arise among them hereafter, you shall resolve 
them in our name, that we think ourselves very free 
and able to punish any man's misdemeanors in parlia- 
ment, as well during their sitting as after : which we 

JAMES I. 227 

contented herewith he openly and avowedly 

mean not to spare hereafter, upon any occasion of any 
man's insolent behaviour there, that shall be ministred 
unto us ; and if they have already touched any of these 
points, which we have forbidden, in any petition of 
theirs, which is to be sent unto us, it is our pleasure 
that you shall tell them, that except they reform it 
before it come to our hands we will not deign the 
hearing, nor answering of it a ." Hereupon the com- 
mons drew up another petition, which they sent ac- 
companied with the former remonstrance ; to which 
the king answered among other things, " that he must 
use the first words which queen Elizabeth had used, in 
an answer to an insolent proposition, made by a Po- 
lonian ambassador unto her; that is, hgatum expecta- 
bamus, heraldum accipimus; that he wished them to 
remember that he was an old and experienced king, 
needed no such lessons as they had given him ; that 
they had usurped upon the prerogative royal, and 
meddled with things far above their reach, and then in 
the conclusion protested the contrary ; as if a robber, 
says he, would take a man's purse, and then protest he 
meant not to rob him. After this he asks them how 
they could have presumed to determine about his son's 
match, without committing of high treason ? These 
are unfit things, (the breaking of the match with Spain, 
and concluding one with a protestant) to be handled in 
parliament, except your king should require it of you: 
for who can have wisdom to judge of things of that 
nature, but such as are daily acquainted with the par- 
ticulars of treaties, and of the variable and fixed con- 
nexion of affairs of state, together with the knowledge 

'Franklin's Annal? of Kinjr James's, p. 60, and Rushworth, yol. I. p. 43. 


violated tlieir privileges, by imprisoning, 

of the secret ways, ends, and intentions of princes in 
their several negotiations ? otherwise a small mistaking 
of matters of this nature may produce more effects 
than can be imagined : and therefore, ne sutor ultra 
crepidam." He concludes with saying, " we cannot 
allow of the style (in the petition and remonstrance) 
calling it your antient and undoubted right and inhe- 
ritance; but could rather have wished, that ye had 
said, that your privileges were derived from the grace 
and permission of our ancestors, and us ; for most of 
them grow from precedents, which shews rather a tole- 
ration than inheritance." 

At this the commons were alarmed ; and therefore 
solemnly protested that the liberties, franchises, privi- 
leges and jurisdictions of parliament, are the antient 
and undoubted birthright and inheritance of the sub- 
jects of England; that the affairs of church and state 
are proper subjects of counsel and debate in parlia- 
ment ; that in handling of them every member ought 
to have freedom of speech ; and that they are not to 
be impeached, molested or imprisoned for the same, 
without the advice and assent of all the commons 
assembled in parliament. But this protest had no 
effect on the king. His anger was not abated, he 
grew not more calm or considerate, but in full as- 
sembly of his council, and in the presence of the 
judges declared the said protestation to be invalid, 
void, and of no effect; and did further manu sua 
propria, take the said protestation out of the journal 
book of the clerk of the commons house of parlia- 
ment* With reason then did I say, that James 

Franklin,?. 6166. Rushworth, vol. I. p. 46 54. 

JAMES I. 229 

and otherwise grieving such of their mem- 
treated his parliaments, in many cases, most contemp- 
tuously; and even a parliament, concerning which he 
himself had declared, that a part of it, " the house of 
commons, had shewed greater love, and used him with 
more respect in all their proceedings ; than ever any 
house of commons had hitherto done to him, or, as he 
thought, to any of his predecessors V Their love and 
respect were requited by language destitute of all 
civility and politeness, and they were threatened, bul- 
lied, and insulted. Yea, what was more extraordinary 
was, that a new doctrine was broached by James, that 
the privileges and liberties of parliament, with respect 
to the commons, were derived from the crown, and 
were rather matters of toleration, than inheritance : 
This struck directly at their rights and privileges, and 
was that which they had the greatest reason to resent. 
For if they were derived from the crown, and were 
things barely tolerated by it, they might be abrogated 
and destroyed ; and consequently the constitution 
might be altered, and despotism take place. But 
James was mistaken with regard to the foundation of 
the privileges and rights of the house of commons. 
They flowed not from the grace of our kings ; but 
were coeval with our constitution; as some of our 
best writers b have shewn in opposition to those eccle- 
siastical, or court parasites, who vainly strove to per- 
suade the world of the contrary. May they be per- 
petual! may all our princes think it their duty and 

a Rushworth, vol. I. p. 25. * See Sir Rob. Atkyns's Power, Jurisdic- 

tion, and Privileges of Parliament, fol. Loud. 1689. Sydney on Govern- 
ment, p. 379. fol. Loml. 1698. See also Spirit of Laws, vol. I. p. 230, 
and Townshend's Collections, p. 45. 


bers as had 67 dared to speak contrary to 

interest inviolably to preserve them ; and may they be 
used so as to secure the liberties, the rights and the 
welfare of the meanest individual. 

67 He violated the privileges of parliament, by im- 
prisoning and otherwise grieving such of the members 
as had acted in the house disagreeable to his will.] 
We have heard James in the foregoing note, declaring 
that he meant not to spare punishing any man's beha- 
viour in parliament, which should be insolent* By 
insolent, I suppose he meant unacceptable, or disa- 
greeable to himself or minister, how beneficial soever 
it might be, or intended to be to the public. For it is 
the manner of -princes bent on establishing their own 
wicked wills, in contradiction to law and the common 
good, to give odious names to the actions of the sons 
of liberty, and brand them with ignominious titles. 

However, James fully made good his threats. He 
punished those who were for assisting the protestants 
abroad, for breaking with Spain, and making a mar- 
riage for prince Charles with one of their own religion. 
For soon after his tearing the protestation of the com- 
mons out of the journal book with his own hand, he 
dissolved the parliament, and " committed Sir Edward 
Cook, and Sir Robert Philips to the Tower; Mr. Sel- 
den, Mr. Pym, and Mr. Mallory, to other prisons and 
confinements. Likewise Sir Dudley Diggs, and Sir 
Thomas Crew, Sir ISathaniel Rich, and Sir James 
Perrot, for punishment were sent into Ireland, to en- 
quire into sundry matters concerning his majesty's 
service*." This was a direct breach of the privileges 
of the parliament as every one must see. For if the 

* Rushwortb, vol. L p. 55. Franklin, p. 66, 

JAMES I. 231 

his mind in the house ; to their no small 
loss and damage. Nor did he be- 


members of it are liable to be called to an account and 
punished for what they may have spoken, by any but 
the body to which they belong, the freedom of it 
ceases, and it no longer has that power and indepen- 
dency which is allotted to it by the constitution. But 
the violating the privileges of parliament was no new 
thing to James. For having dissolved the parliament 
in 1614, "it pleased him the very next morning to 
call to examination, before the lords of his council, 
divers members of the house of commons, for some 
speeches better becoming a senate of Venice, where 
the treaters are perpetual princes, than where those 
that speak so irreverently, are so soon to return, 
(which they should remember) to the natural capacity 
of subjects. Of these examinants four are committed 
close prisoners to the Tower: 1. Sir Walter Chute. 
2. John Hoskyns," (a man of great parts, learning and 
merit, who lay in prison a full year, where he was in- 
timate with Sir Walter Raleigh, and revised his his- 
tory, and where he wrote the following lines to his 
little child Benjamin. 

Sweet Benjamin, since thou art young, 

And hast not yet the use of tongue. % 

Make it thy slave while thou art free, 

Imprison it, lest it do thee.) 

" 3. One Wentworth, a lawyer. 4. Mr. Christopher 
Nevil, second son to my lord of Abergaveny V In- 
deed the principle on which James set out was that of 
crushing the freedom and privileges of parliament. 

a Reliquiae Wottonianae, p. 431. 398, and Wood's Athenae Oxoniense^ 
vol. I. col. 614. 


have better with regard to his other subjects. 
Those who opposed his will, surely smarted 

For in his proclamation for calling his first parliament, 
"he gave order what sort of men, and how qualified, 
should be chosen by the commons ; and concludes, we 
notify by these presents, that all returns and certificates 
of knights, citizens and burgesses, ought, and are to 
be brought to the court of chancery, and there to be 
filed upon record ; and if any be found to be made 
contrary to this proclamation, the same is to be re- 
jected as unlawful, and insufficient, and the city or 
borough to be fined for the same; and if it be found 
that they have committed any gross or wilful default 
or contempt in the election, return or certificate, that 
then their liberties, according to the law, are to be 
seized as forfeited : and if any person take upon him 
the place of a knight, citizen or burgess, not being 
duly elected and sworn, according to the laws and 
statutes in that behalf provided, and according to the 
purport, effect and true meaning of this our proclama- 
tion, then every person so offending, to be fined and 
imprisoned for the same 3 ." As soon as the members 
were chosen, James shewed his authority by vacating 
the election of Sir Francis Goodwin, knight of the 
shire for Buckingham, (under pretence of his having 
been outlawed) and sending a new writ, in virtue whereof 
Sir John Fortescue was chosen, "notwithstanding (says 
lord Cecyll, in a letter to Mr. Winwood, dated April 
12, 1604) the lower house having had notice that 
he was once chosen, and having found that the out- 
lawry was pardoned in effect, by bis majesty's general 
pardon upon his inauguration (although in true coft- 

Coke, vol. I,p.0. 

JAMES I. 239 

for it, and very light and trifling, or even 

strnction of law he is not rectns in curia, until he hath 
sued out his Scire facias) they somewhat suddenly, 
fearing some opposition (which was never intended) 
allowed of him, and rejected the other ; which form of 
proceeding appeared harsh to the king rather in form 
than matter. And therefore being then desirous that 
the higher house might have some conference with the 
lower house, (which as we of ourselves did intimate 
unto them) they grew jealous of that proposition, as 
a matter which they mi si iked to yield to after a judg- 
ment ; and therefore did rather chuse to send to the 
king, that they would be glad to shew himself the 
reasons (to whom they owed all duty as their sovereign) 
rather than to any other, taking it somewhat derogative 
from their house, to attribute any superiority to the 
higher house, seeing both houses make but one body, 
whereof the king is thehead. This being done after two 
conferences, in the presence of the king, the council 
and judges, the matter was compounded to all men's 
liking ; wherein that which is. due is only due to Caesar ; 
for, but for his wisdom and dexterity, it could not 
have had any conclusion, with so general an applause; 
this being found by debate, to be most certaine, 
namely, that neither of them both were duely returned, 
and therefore resolved of all parties, that a new writ 
should go forth by warrant from the speaker, wherein 
none of them should stand to be elected ; and so much 
for the truth of that cause 1 ." This is the representa- 
tion of a courtier. I will give the reader the judgment of 
the house of commons on this same alfair, and leave 
it with him to form his opinion. "For the matter 

* Winwood, voL II. p. 19. 


innocent actions were most rigorously pun- 

of Sir Francis Goodwin chosen for Bucks, (say they) 
we were, and still are of a clear opinion, that the 
freedom of election was in that action extreamly in- 

" That, by the same right, it might be at all times 
in a lord chancellor's power to reverse, defeat, erect, 
or substitute, all the elections and persons elected, 
over all the realm; neither thought we that the judges 
opinions (which yet in due place we greatly reverence) 
being delivered what the common law was (which ex- 
tends only to inferior and standing courts) ought to 
bring in a prejudice to this high court of parliament, 
whose power being above the law, is not founded on 
the common law, but have therein rights and privileges 
peculiar to themselves. 

" For the manner of our proceeding (which your 
majesty seemed to blame, in that the second writ going 
out in your majesty's name, we seemed to censure 
it, without first craving access to acquaint your high- 
ness with our reasons therein) we trust our defence shall 
appear just and reasonable. It is the form of the court 
of chancery (as of divers other courts) that writs going 
out in your majesty's name, are returned also, as to 
your majesty, in that court from whence they issue. 
Howbeit, therefore no man ever repaireth to your 
majesty's person, but proceedeth according to law, 
notwithstanding the writ. 

" This being the universal custom of this kingdom, 
it was not, nor could be admitted into our councils, 
that the difference was between your majesty and us: 
but it was and still is conceived, that the controversy 
was between courts about preheminencies and privi- 
leges ; and that the question was, whether the cban- 

JAMES I. 235 

ished 68 . Justice he seems indeed to have 

cer} T , or our house of commons, were judge of the 
members returned for it ? Wherein tho' we supposed 
the wrong done to be most apparent, and extreamly 
prejudicial to the rights and privileges of this realm ; 
yet such, and so great was our willingness to please 
your majesty, as to yield to a middle course proposed 
by your highness, preserving only our privileges, by 
a voluntary cession of the lawful knight. 

" And this course (as if it were of deceiving our- ' 
selves, and yielding in our apparent rights, whereso- 
ever we could but invent such ways of escape, as that 
the precedent might not be hurtful) we have held 
more than once this parliament, upon desire to avoid 
that, which to your majesty, by misinformation, 
(whereof we had cause to stand alvvay in doubt) might 
be distasteful, nor not approvable ; so dear hath your 

majesty been unto us a ." From these instances, and 

many more might be produced, of James's treatment 
of his parliaments, we may be able to judge of the 
knowledge, or honesty of father Orleans, who speaks 
of his "extraordinary complaisance towards the par- 
liament, from his first accession to the throne, which he 
always consulted," says he, " not only in the weighty 
affairs of state, but even in most of those that con- 
cerned his family; condescending to their advice; pre- 
tending a mighty regard not to infringe their privi- 
leges; asking few extraordinary supplies, and choosing 
rather to be streightened in his way of living, than 
to administer occasion of complaint by filling his 
coffers b ." 

Light and trifling, or even innocent actions were 

a Commons' protestation : Anno primo Jac. primi, in Morgan's Phoenix 
Britannicus, p. 120. See also Oldcastle's Remarks, p. 248. h D, Or- 
leans' Revolutions in England, p. 4. Bvo. Lend. 1711. 


had little or no regard to, as appeared by 

most severely punished by him.] A few instances will 
be sufficient to prove this. In April 1615, Oliver St. 
John, afterwards lord Grandison, and lieutenant of 
Ireland, was fined five thousand pounds in the star- 
chamber, for opposingthat benevolence moved in the 
foregoing session of parliament, which was so abruptly 
dissolved, though that kind of benevolence as he 

shewed was against law, reason, and religion a . 

And Sir Robert Mansfield was committed to the Mar- 
shalsea, partly for having consulted with Mr. Whitlock 
the lawyer, about the validity of a commission drawn 
for a research into the office of the admiralty; and 
partly for denying to reveal the name of the said lawyer 
his friend ; the point touching a limb of the king's 
prerogati ve and author! ty b . And a vast sum of money 
was exacted, says Cambden, in 16 17, of the citizens 
of London, not without murmuring . What shall I 
say more? James's reign was full of rigour, severity, 
and hard dealing. Witness the earl of Northumber- 
land, who was fined thirty thousand pounds, and con- 
fined from the year 1605 to the year 1619 in the 
Tower, upon a mere suspicion, without the least proof 
of his having had knowledge of the powder-plot, a* 
Cecyll himself confessed in a letter to Sir Thomas Ed- 
monds, dated Dec. 2, 1605 d . Witness Sir Robert 
Dudly, who was not allowed to make use of the de- 
positions of his witnesses to prove himself the legal 
heir of his father, the great earl of Leicester; and who 
was also deprived of his honours and estates most ini- 
quitously, as appeared to prince Henry, and to king 

a Cabala, p. 361. and Oldys's Life of Raleigh, p. 180. note a . b Reli- 
quiae Wottonianae, p. 418. c Annals of K. James in compleat Hist. 
p. 647. " Birch's View of the Negotiations, p. 245. See also Osborn, 
p. 500. 

JAMES I. 237 

Iris unparalleled treatment of Sir Walter 
Raleigh 69 , the glory of his age and nation, 

Charles the first*. And witness Sir Thomas Lake, 
and many others whose fines were vastly beyond their 
supposed crimes, and such as ought not in justice or 
equity to have been inflicted on them. In short, such 
ns displeased James, he had no mercy on, but made 
them feel the weight of his sore displeasure. 

ep His unparalleled treatment of Sir Walter Raleigh.} 
Raleigh was a man in point of bravery and conduct, 
of wit and understanding, of prudence and ability, of 
learning and judgment, inferior to none of the age in 
which he lived, and superior to most. What were his 
actions before the accession of James, those who have 
curiosity may see admirably described either by Mr. 
Oldys, or Dr. Birch, in their respective lives of this 
wonderful man, prefixed to his history of the world, 
and his political, commercial and philosophical works. 

Queen Elizabeth knew his merit, and valued him 
highly. James on the contrary was prejudiced against 
him ; had little sense of his worth, and soon ill treated 
him by taking from him his postof captain of the guards, 
and giving it to Sir Thomas Erskin, a Scotish favourite. 
In July, 1603, he was confined on account of a plot in 
which he was said to be engaged with the lords Cobham 
and Grey, and several priests, and gentlemen, in order 
to extirpate the king and his issue; set the lady Ara- 
bella on the throne; give peace to Spain ; and tolerate 
the Romish religion. On the 15th of November the 
same year he was arraigned at Winchester for these 

a See the Patent of K. Charles I. for creating Alice, lady Dudly, a 
duchess of England, in the appendix to Leicester's Life, note 13. Lond. 
1727. 8vo. 


whom he caused to be executed after a res- 
pite of a great number of years, without the 

things ; and after having had the civil and polite appel- 
lations of viper, traitor, and odious man, who had a 
Spanish heart, and was a spider of hell, bestowed on 
him by the famous Coke, attorney-general : after having 
been dignified with these titles, he was brought in 
guilty, though not the least shadow of a proof was 
brought against him. I say not the least shadow of a 
proof; for whoever will read his trial, or any impartial 
accounts which are given of it, will not help standing 
amazed to find how it was possible, after the defence 
he made, upon such wretched allegations to convict 
him. But he was out of favour at court ; like Sydney, 
he was talked to death by the lawyers ; and in those 
times when the crown was against a man, he was al- 
most sure of being condemned. When I consider the 
bitterness, severity, and almost malice which appeared 
in the council for the crown, against the state pri- 
soners in this, the foregoing, and some of the subse- 
quent reigns, I cannot help thinking, that the gentle- 
men of that profession are very much altered for the 
better. They have more regard to truth, justice, and 
humanity; and consequently, though they may not 
have as many cases, precedents or statutes to cite, or 
pervert as Coke had, yet are they vastly more valuable. 
I hope the reader will pardon a digression, into which 
indignation at Raleigh's vile treatment drew me. I 
now go on with the narration. Upon Sir Walter's 
condemnation, all his lands and offices were seized, 
and himself committed close prisoner to the Tower. 
But the iniquity of his sentence was visible to all. 
The king of Denmark, queen Anne, prince Henry, 

JAMES I. 239 

least colour of a pretence: and likewise 

all thought him innocent, after having examined into 
his crimes a ; and even James, I believe, did not deem 
him guilty. He respited his sentence, and suffered 
him to enjoy his fortune seven years after. Then Sher- 
burn castle was thought a thing worth having by Ker, 
(afterwards earl of Somerset) and though it was en- 
tailed on his children, means were found, for the want 
of one single word, to have the conveyance pro- 
nounced invalid, and Sherburn forfeited to the crown. 
After sixteen years imprisonment, Sir Walter proposed 
his voyage to Guiana; got his liberty, gave in his 
scheme of his intended proceedings to James, who 
after having given him power of life and death, and a 
proper commission, revealed his designs to Gonda- 
more, and thereby rendered them abortive. Upon his 
returning unsuccessful through the fault of his master, 
and other causes, at the instigation of the Spanish 
ambassador, he was seized, imprisoned, and, to the 
admiration of all men, on his old sentence beheaded. 
In charging James with betraying Raleigh to the 
Spanish ambassador, I do him no injustice ; as will 
appear from a letter of Sir Walter's to secretary Win- 
wood. " It pleased his majesty so little to value us, as 
to command me upon my allegiance, to set down 
under my hand the country, and the very river by 
which I was to enter it, to set down the number 
of my men, and burthen of my ships, and what ord- 
nance every ship carried, which being known, to the 
Spanish ambassador, and by him sent to the king of 
Spain, a dispatch was made, and letters sent from 
Madrid, before my departure out of the Thames ; for 

Raleigh's Works, vol. II. p. 362. 


by his saving Somerset, and his lady 7 , 

his first letter sent by a bark of advice, was dated the 
19th of March, 1617, at Madrid, which letter I have 
here enclosed sent to your honour; the rest 1 reserve, 
not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not 2 ." 
The reader, no doubt, is shocked at such vile treatment 
of so worthy a man, and cannot fail of being filled 
with horror at it. The sentence in the first place was 
unjust; his imprisonment was a monstrous hardship; 
but the execution of his sentence cruel and abominable. 
70 He saved Somerset and his lady from the punish- 
ment which the laws had justly doomed them to, for 
their crimes.] Robert Ker had been first one of the 
king's pages ; being dismissed from this post, he went 
into France, and from thence returning, through ac- 
cident he was taken notice of by James, and quickly 
was made gentleman of the bed-chamber, and became 
sole favourite. In 1613, he was advanced to be lord 
high treasurer of Scotland, and the same year was 
raised to be a peer of England, by the stile and title 
of viscount Rochester Soon after he had the garter, 
and was created earl of Somerset, and made lord cham- 
berlain of the household. A little before this, he had 
become intimate with the wife of the earl of Essex, 
Frances Howard, daughter of the earl of Suffolk, who, 
in order to make way for her marriage with him, got 
a divorce from her husband. Soon after they were 
married; and soon after one of the most iniquitous 

actions was done, that we read of in history. Sir 

Thomas Overbury, the friend of Somerset, and one to 
whom he owed, as Sir Thomas himself says, "more 
than to any soul living, both for his fortune, under- 

Raleigh's Works, vol. II. p. 367. 

JAMES I. 241 

from that punishment which the laws had 
justly doomed them to, by reason of their 

standing and reputation 8 :" he, I say, endeavouring 
to dissuade him from the match, thereby incurred the 
hatred of him, and his lady. For refusing to go as 
ambassador abroad, which Somerset advised him to 
refuse, he was clapt up into the Tower, and there 
confined many months ; and by a variety of poisons, 
made use of by the agents of the earl and his lady, 
which cruelly tormented him, was at length put an end 
to, and it was given out that he died of the pox b . 
But the truth could not be long concealed. Villiers 
now began to supplant Somerset, and soon got the as- 
cendancy. Every man endeavoured to raise the one, 
and pull down the other. The murder was discovered. 
James came to the knowledge of it, and uttered the 
deepest imprecations against himself and posterity, if 
he spared any that were found guilty , But his reso- 
lution remained not. The instruments were brought to 
their deserved end; but those who made use of them 
escaped. On the 24th of May, 1616, the countess of 
Somerset was brought to her trial, and the earl the 
next day ; the first, after some denials in the court, 
confessed the fact, and begged for mercy ; the other 
stood upon his innocency, and was found guilty ; as 
there can be no doubt but that he was. All mankind 
expected upon this, that the judgment against them 
would have been executed. But on the contrary, a 
pardon was granted the lady, " because the processe 
and judgment against her were not as of a principal 

Winwood, vol. III. p. 478. b See Sir Francis Bacon's Speech at 

tbe arraignment of the earl of Somerset, and Truth brought to Light by 
Time, p. 52. Loud. 1651. 4to. c See note 33. 

VOL. I. B 


abominable crimes. Somerset, indeed, had 
been a favourite; and to his favourites, 

(says the pardon) but as of an accessary before the 
fact V .As for the earl he had a remission under the 
great seal of England, Oct. 7, 16G4, and was suffered 
to enjoy the greatest part of his estate, and thought 
himself but ill-used that he was not restored to the 
whole b . And such was the favour shewed unto him 
by James, that though he was convicted of felony, 
his arms were not permitted to be removed out of the 
chapel of Windsor ; and upon his account it was 
ordered " that felony should not be reckoned amongst 
the disgraces for those who were to be excluded from 
the order of St. George ; which was without prece- 
dent c ." This was the justice of James. One of the 

best of his subjects was executed for no real crime ; 
two of the worst of them escaped punishment for the 
blackest and most detestable. It is the duty of kings 
to protect the innocent, and punish the guilty. It is 
the part of a just king, as well as of an honest man, 
to render unto every one his due. Honour and praise 
should be bestowed on the deserving ; ignominy, shame 
and punishment should follow those who trample under 
foot the sacred laws of society, and humanity. But 
James permitted not these to follow (as far as he could 
help it) the crimes of Somerset and his lady, though 
none were more deserving of them. Princes it must 
be owned have a right to relax the rigour of the laws, 
or suspend their execution in some cases. But then 
there ought to be a just reason for it. Whereas in the 

* See the Pardon in Truth brought to Light by Time, p. 1 82. " Craw- 
furd's Lives, p. 402. and Cabala, p. 221. e Cambden's Annals of 

K. James in the Compleat Hist. p. 646. 

JAMES I. fi43 

James was kind in all things ; condescend- 
ing to what ?1 was below his dignity in order 

case of Somerset, as well as of his lady (though a 
respect to her father, friends and family are mentioned 
as a motive to the pardoning of her) hardly one of 
those causes of relaxing punishment mentioned by the 
civilians are found a . But there certainly was a reason, 
whatever it was, for this favour shewed to Somerset. 
Mr. Mallet has quoted some passages from the original 
letter of Sir Francis Bacon (a name always to be valued 
by the lovers of learning) then attorney-general, and 
particularly employed in this very affair, from whence 
it appears that James shewed an extreme solicitude 
about the earl's behaviour at his trial and the event of 
it ; that he was afraid lest by his insolent and con- 
temptuous behaviour at the bar, he should make him- 
self incapable or unworthy of favour and mercy; 
which, together with the letter written by him after 
his condemnation to the king, in a stile rather of ex- 
postulation and demand, than of humility and suppli- 
cation, makes him conclude, and, I think, not unjustly, 
that there was an important secret in his keeping, of 
which the king dreaded a discovery b . Some have 
thought the discovery dreaded, was the manner of 
prince Henry's death, which was believed to have been 
by poison ; but if I may be allowed to offer a conjee- 1 
ture, for I deem it no more, it was the revealing of 
that vice to which James seems to have been addicted % 
that was the object of his fear. Whether in this con- 
jecture I am right, the reader will determine. 

1 To his favourites James was kind in all things ; 

See Puffendorf, b. 8. c. 3. sect. 17. and Grotius de jure belli ac pads, 
lib. 2. cap. 20. sec. 25, 26. b Mallet's Life of Lord Bacon, p. 65 72,, 

Svo. Lond. 1740, and Cabala, p. 53. c See note 31. 
R 2 

to please or serve them in almost anv mat- 

* . 'A / 

ters ; submitting even to be affronted, and 

condescending to what was below his dignity, in order 
to please or serve them.] I have already taken notice 
of James's favour to Lennox and Arran when in Scot- 
land a , to Kerand others after his coining into England b ; 
and now I must inform my reader, that he promoted 
George Villiers from the rank of a mere private gentle- 
man, on the account of his beauty, to the degree of a 
knight, and gentleman of the bedchamber; master of 
the horse; baron, viscount, earl, marquis, and duke 
of Buckingham, and admiral of England, within the 
space of a very few years . This man, who seems to 
have had no great capacity, and less knowledge, ruled 
every thing ; he advanced his relations to some of the 
highest honours, and greatly enriched himself; for at 
the time of his death he was possessed, of near 4000 
pounds a year, and had 300,000 pounds in jewels, 
though he owed 60,000 pounds d . I do not think this 
account of his jewels, beyond the truth. " For it was 
common with him at an ordinary dancing to have his 
cloaths trimmed with great diamond buttons, and to 
have diamond hat-bands, cockades and earrings ; to be 
yoked with great and manifold ropes and knots of 
pearl ; in short to be manacled, fettered and imprisoned 
in jewels ; insomuch that at his going over to Paris, in 
16*25, he had 27 suits of cloaths made, the richest 
that embroidery, lace, silk, velvet, gold and gems 
could contribute; one of which was a white uncut 
velvet, set all over, both suit and cloak, with diamonds, 

* Note 3. b Notes 23 and 24. c See Cambden's Annals of 

K. James, in the Compleat History. d SeeTindal's Notes on Rapin, 

vol. II. p. 276. 

JAMES I. t 245 

insulted by them ; and -yielding* to' their de- 
valued at fourscore thousand pounds, besides a great 
feather stuck all over with diamonds ; as were also his 
sword, girdle, hat-band and spurs." This account is 
taken from a MS in the Harleian library, B. H. QO. 
c. 7. fol. 642. as I find it quoted by Mr. Oldys a . A 
man who in the midst of pleasures could find money 
for such monstrous extravagancies, and yet at the 
same time grow rich, must have had a very kind and 
bountiful master indeed ! But James was not only 
kind to his favourites in respect of giving them wealth 
and honours, but he studied by all possible methods to 
please and serve them. For Somerset had no sooner 
determined to marry lord Essex's wife, than the king 
yielded him all possible assistance in order to accom- 
plish it. For he got over the bishops of Ely and Co- 
ventry, (Andrews and Neal) who had been vehemently 
against the divorce from Essex, for alleged, and, in-* 
deed, confessed impotency on his part with respect to 
her b . And when the archbishop of Canterbury, (Ab- 
bot) could not be prevailed on to change sides that he 
might please, his majesty himself undertook to answer 
his reasons, and to shew that there was " warrant in 
scripture for pronouncing a nullity propterfiigiditatem, 
and that all the means which might make \\imfrigidus 
vtrsus hanc must be included therein 6 ;" in prosecution 

* Life of ftaleigh, p. 145, in the note c. b Winwood, vol. III. 

p. 475. c Truth brought to Light by Time, p. 101. Franklin, p. 3. 

Welrlon, p. 71. Aulicus Coquinariae, p. 112. Lond. 1650. 12mo. The 
referring to Aulicus Coquinar'ue, gives me an opportunity of pointing out 
to the public its true author ; of which both Wood, Tindal, and Oldys, as 
well as Dr. Grey, and all the writers I have hitherto seen, seem to be 
ignorant.- The writer of this piece is no other than Will. Saunderson, 
author of the History of James I. deservedly treated with contempt, on ac- 
count of the poorness of its composition, and gross partiality. See Saunder- 
600'sproeme to the Second Part of the History of James I. folio. Load. 1656. 


sires even sometimes contrary to his own 

of which he made use of many obscene expressions. 
Jlowever, he carried the cause. The lady was divorced, 
and soon after married Somerset; and then they per- 
petrated the crime for which they were condemned, and 
which I have spoken of in the note preceding. With 
Regard to Buckingham his next favourite, James was 
still more obliging. In his speech to his parliament 
in the year 1620, among other things he tells them, 
"that he had abated much in his navies, in the charge 
of his munition ; and had made not choice of an old 
Beaten soldier for his admiral, but rather chose a young 
man, [Buckingham] whose honesty and integrity he 
knew, whose care had been to appoint under him suffi- 
cient men, to lessen his charges, which he had done 1 ." 
->. . In another speech to the lords, in the year 1621, 
in order to recommend his minion to their esteem, he 
tells them, " that he hath been ready on all occasions 
of good offices, both for the house in general, and 
every member in particular V And in an answer of 
his to both houses of parliament, Anno 1623, he stiles 
him " his disciple and scholar, and a good scholar of 
his ." These expressions sound odd enough, but they 
are tolerable when compared with those we find in his 
preface to his meditation on the Lord's Prayer. For in 
this James tells Buckingham, that he may claim an 
interest in it for divers respects. " First," says he, 
"from the ground of my writing it; fox divers times 
before I meddled with it, I told you, and only you, of 
some of my conceptions upon the Lord's Prayer, and 
you often sollicited me to put pen to paper : next, as 
the person to whom we pray it, is our heavenly father, 

RusUwortb, vol. L p. ?.?. and Franklin, p. 49. b Id. p. 25. 

f Id. p. 127. 

JAMES I. 247 

sense of things. He professed himself 

so am I that offer it unto you, not only your politike, 
but also your ceconomicke father, and that in a nearer 
degree than unto others. Thirdly, that you may make 
good use of it; for since I daily take care to better 
your understanding, to enable you the more for my 
service in worldly affairs, reason would that God's part 
should not be left out, for timor Domini is witium sapi- 
cntia. And lastly, I must with joy acknowledge, that 
you deserve this gift of me, in not only giving so good 
-example to the rest of the court, in frequent hearing 
of the word of God : But in special, in so often re- 
ceiving the sacrament, which is a notable demonstra- 
tion of ytmr charitie in pardoning them that offend 
you, that being the thing I most labour to recommend 
to the world in this meditation of mine : and how godly 
and virtuous all my advices have ever been unto you, 
I hope you will faithfully witness to the world *." How 
godly and virtuous all his advices weye to this his dis- 
ciple, the reader will easily judge by looking back to 
\vhatis contained in note 31. But had they been such 
as he would have the world believe, it was very mean 
in a king to trumpet forth his own, and his favourite's 
praises. Possibly, however, James may be excused 
on account of his age, as he himself seems to think he 
should be for uttering trifles. " I grow in years," says 
he, " and old-men are twice babes, as the proverb is b ." 
But if they are babes, and pretend to act the part of 
men, to reason, dictate and command, though they 
may be borne with, they will be laughed at. For there 
is not a more ridiculous object, than that which is com- 
pounded of ignorance, conceit and vanity. Let us 

King James's Works, p. 513. ! Ib.p. 572. 



to be a protestant, and boasted that he had 

go on with our subject. If we may credit Sir Edward 
Peyton, his majesty condescended even to pimp for 
Buckingham. " To please this favourite, (says he) 
king James gave way for the duke to entice others to 
his will. Two examples I will recite : First, the king 
entertained Sir John Crafts, and his daughter, a beau- 
tiful lass, at Newmarket, to set at the table with the 
king. This he did then, to procure Buckingham the 
easier to vitiate her. Secondly, Mrs. Dorothy Gawdy, 
being a rare creature, king James carried Buckingham 
to Culford to have his will on that beauty : But Sir 
Nicholas Bacon's sons conveyed her out of a window 
into a private chamber, over the leads, and so disap- 
pointed the duke of his wicked purpose. In which 
cleanly conveyance the author had a hand, with the 
knight's sons*." These were the fruits no doubt of 
James's virtuous and ijodlv advices, and bv these they 

O / ' d 

were faithfully witnessed to the world by Buckingham, 
as we see his master hoped. For certain it is he was 
exceedingly addicted to women, and had debauched 
his own wife before marriage; and " if his eye culled 
out a wanton beauty, he had his setters that could 
spread his nets, and point a meeting at some lady's 
house, where he should come as by accident and find 
accesses, while all his train attended at the door, as if 
it were an honourable visit b ." And in order to en- 
rich himself and kindred, he was permitted by James 
to make the most he could of every thing. He who 
understood neither law nor divinity, who had no ap- 
pearances of virtue, nor concern about any thing but 
to gratify his passions; Buckingham, I say, had the 

Divine Catastrophe, p. 1*7. b Wilson, p. 14P. 

JAMES I. 249 

been a kind of martyr for that profession, 

disposal of the highest posts in the law and in the 
church, and to him were the most submissive addresses 
made by the right reverend fathers in God. Those who 
would give the greatest sums, or pay the largest yearly 
pensions to him, were the men generally preferred ; 
and few who would pay nothing, had any thing a . 

What the power of Buckingham was, and what kind 
of addresses were made to him, will best appear from 
the following letter, among many which might be pro- 
duced, from Dr. Field, bishop of Landaffe, to him, 
though written I think, sometime after James's death. 

" My gracious good lord, 

" In the great library of men, that I have studied 
these many years, your grace is the best book, and 
most classick author, that i have read, in whom I find 
so much goodness, sweetness and nobleness of nature, 
such an heroick spirit, for boundless bounty, as I never 
did in any. I could instance in many, some of whom 
you have made deans, some bishops, some lords, and 
privy counsellors ; none that ever looked towards your 
grace did ever go away empty. I need go no further 
than myself (a gum of the earth) whom you raised out 
of the dust, for raising but a thought so high as to 
serve your highness. Since that 1 have not played 
the truant, but more diligently studied you than ever 
before : and yet (dunce that 1 am) I stand at a stay, 
and am a non proficient, the book being the same that 
ever it was, as may appear by the great proficiency of 
others. This wonderfully poseth me, and sure there is 
some guile, some wile, in some of my fellow students, 

See Weldon, p. 119. 


though he never shewed his regard to those 

o ** 

who hide my book from me, or some part of it; all 
the fault is not in my own blockishness, that I thrive 
no better ; I once feared this before, that some did 
me ill offices. Your grace was pleased to protest no 
man had; and to assure me no man could. My heart 
tells me it hath been always upright, and is still most 
faithful unto you. I have examined my actions, my 
words, and my very thoughts, and found all of them, 
ever since, most sound unto your grace. Give me 
leave to comfort myself with recordatiou of your loving 
kindnesses of old, when on that great feast day of your 
being inaugured our chancellor [of Cambridge] my 
look was your book, wherein you read sadness, to 
which I was bold to answer, I trusted your grace 
would give me no cause. You replied (with loss of 
blood rather.) But God forbid so precious an effusion. 
(I would rather empty all my veins than you should 
bleed one drop) when as one blast of your breath is 
able to bring me to the haven where I would be. My 
lord, I am grown an old man, and am like old hous- 
hold stuff, apt to be broke upon often removing. I 
desire it therefore but once for all, be it Ely, or Bath 
and Wells; and I will spend the remainder of my clays 
in writing an history of your good deeds to me and 
others, whereby I may vindicate you from the envy, 
and obloquy of this present wicked age wherein we 
live, and whilst I live in praying for your grace, whose 
I am, totally and finally. 

" Theophilus Landaven V 

A man who could obtain a good bishoprick, by such 
arts as these, with great sincerity of soul, no doubt, 

Cabala, p. 117. 

JAMES I. 25 i 

of that persuasion in Germany or France, 
but suffered them to be oppressed by the 

might say, wo/o epixcopari ! I do not know whether it 
is worth while to observe that Field's Battery and syco- 
phancy availed nothing with Buckingham. He had 
been too much used to it, and so had lost its relish. 
Money was what he wanted : but Field was poor, had 
a wife and six children, and consequently could ad- 
vance little; and therefore remained where he was, till 
Dec. 15, 1635, long after Villiers' death, when he was 
removed to Hereford, which he enjoyed not more than 
half a year*. I would not have the reader think ec- 
clesiastical preferments are now obtained by like means 
as in the days of James. Buckingham having obtained 
riches and honours in abundance for himself and all his 
relations, grew quite insolent : Insomuch that he was 
once about to strike prince Charles b : and at another 

time bid him in plain terms kiss his a , yea towards 

James himself, he was highly insolent. For when his 
majesty attempted to dissuade him and the prince 
from taking the journey into Spain, to which he had 
before thoughtlessly given his consent; he rudely told 
him, " no body could believe any thing he said, when 
he retracted so soon the promise he had made ; that he 
plainly discerned that it proceeded from another breach 
of his word, in communicating with some rascal, who 
had furnished him with those pitiful reasons he had 
alledged, and that he doubted not but he should here- 
after know who his counsellor had been ." In short, 
directly contrary to the mind of his master, he irri- 

a See Cabala, p. 116. and Willis's Survey of Cathedrals, vol. I. p. 526. 
4to. Lend. 1727. b Clarendon, vol. I. p. 25. and Weldon, p. 140. 

' Clarendon, vol. I. p. 16. 


houses of Bourbon, and Austria 7 % without 
affording them assistance of any value ; 

tated the parliament against Spain ; reflected on the 
conduct of the earl of Bristol, and told them what was 
not true with relation to him, and set on a prosecution 
against him; and ruined the earl of Middlesex, (I 
mean with respect to his power) though intreated by 
the king to the contrary 51 . But James bore all this, 
though not without uneasiness ; and submitted to be 
led by his favourite quite contrary to his inclinations. 
A sure sign of his weakness ! For princes have it in 
their power at all times to be obeyed, if they require 
nothing contrary to the laws : and such of them as 
suffer themselves to be affronted, contradicted or me- 
naced by their servants, and yet continue unto them 
their favour, shew unto all men that they are unworthy 
to be trusted with the government and defence of a 
whole people. For their courage and understanding 

can be but of a very low kind. However, possibly 

the same reason which induced James to pardon Somer- 
set, made him bear the insolence of Buckingham. 

72 He professed himself a protestant, and boasted 
of his having been a kind of martyr for that profession, 
but he suffered those of that persuasion in France 
and Germany, to be oppressed by the houses of Bour- 
bon, and Austria.] In his speech to the parliament in 
the year 16G4, we have the following expressions : 
" What religion I am of, my books do declare, my 
profession and behaviour doth shew ; and I hope in 
God I shall never live to be thought otherwise ; surely 
I shall never deserve it; and for my part, I wish it 
may be written in marble, and remain to posterity as 

Clarendon, vol. I. p. 1824. 

directly contrary to all the maxims of good 

u mark upon me, when I shall swerve from my religion ; 
for he that doth dissemble with God,- is not to be 
trusted with men. 

" My lords, for my part, I protest before God, that 
my heart hath bled, when I have heard of the increase 
of popery ; God is my judge, it hath been such a great 
grief to me, that it hath been as thorns in my eyes, 
and pricks in my sides ; and so far I have been, and 
shall be, from turning another way. And, my lords 
and gentlemen, you shall be my confessors, that one 
way or other it hath been my desire to hinder the 
growth of popery ; and I could not have been an honest 
man, if I should have done otherwise. And this I 
may say further, that if I be not a martyr, I ain sure 
1 am a confessor ; and in some sense I may be called 
a martyr, as in the scripture, Isaac was persecuted by 
Ishmael, by mocking words; for never king suffered 
more ill tongues than I have done ; and J am sure 
for no cause*." " Long before this, in the year 
1.609, in a speech at Whitehall, he says, that with 
his own pen he had brought the pope's quarrel upon 
him, and proclaimed publique defiance to Babylon V 
Would not one think from thence that James had the 
protestant interest at heart, and that he was a mighty 
champion for it? that he had taken it under his pro- 
tection, .and had fought zealously in its cause? those 
who knew not the man, might have been imposed on 
by his speeches ; such as did, could not. We have 
seen his unaccountable behaviour in the business of 
the Palatinate, the loss of which had well nigh termi- 
nated in the total ruin of the protestant religion in 

* Frankland's Annals, p. 101. b King James's Works, p. 544^ 


policy, and the conduct of queen Elizabeth, 

Germany, as alsd of the liberties of Europe. For Fer- 
dinand the second aimed at nothing less than being ab- 
solute master over the Germanic body, and in conjun- 
ction with Spain, to have given the law to all around 
him. The consequence of which must have been the 
total extirpation of the reformed every where. But 
James was no way alarmed at the consequence. He 
would not endeavour to prevent it, but remained in 
a manner neuter, if you will believe him, "for con- 
science, honour and example's sake. In regard of 
conscience judging it unlawful to inthrone or dethrone 
kings for religion's sake; having a quarrel against the 
Jesuits, for holding that opinion. Besides, he saw 
the world inclined to make that a war of religion, which 
he would never do. In point of honour ; for that when 
he sent his ambassador into Germany, to treat of peace, 
in the interim, his son-in-law had taken the crown 
upon him. And for example's sake ; holding it a 
dangerous president against all Christian princes, to 
allow a sudden translation of crowns by the people's 
authority V With such pretences as these did he 
cover his cowardice, and his unconcern about the civil 
and religious rights of Europe. 

Wars to propagate religion, are whimsical and im- 
pious : But wars for the defence of its professors, may 
be very just and lawful. To have assisted Frederick 
and his honest Bohemians ; to have encouraged and 
kept together the princes of the union ; to have di- 
verted the power of Spain, which was at the command 
of Ferdinand; and by every honest art to have risen a 
force capable of withstanding the emperor, was at that 

' Rushworth, vol. I. p. 16. 

JAMES I, 255 

who valued herself, not unjustly, on the aids 

time incumbent on a king of Great Britain. This I 
know has been denied by a very able writer*, who 
asserts, " that if James had entered into an immediate 
war to maintain the elector Palatine on the throne of 
Bohemia, he must have exhausted and ruined this 
nation to support it." But I must confess I cannot 
see that this would have been the event. The princes 
of the union were, it is true, not so closely connected 
in temper and interest as might have been wished ; 
France weakly refused to aid the foes of Ferdinand ; 
and the popish party at that time was most powerful : 
But still a resistance might have been made; and had 
James had skill and courage enough to have joined in 
it, it might have been effectual to have withstood tbe 
attempts towards bringing on the whole world a blind 
superstition, and a lawless rule. 

To talk of ruining and exhausting the British na- 
tion, by engaging in this war as a priucipal, is, in my 
opinion, unworthy of the penetration and abilities of 
this writer. Was France ruined and exhausted by 
encountering this same Ferdinand, when his power by 
success was much more formidable than it now was? 
did not Richlieu obtain the greatest glory by advising 
the assistance of Gustavus Adolphus; by supporting 
him with money and troops ; by drawing off the con- 
federates of the emperor, and engaging every State 
possible against him ? Might not the same thing have 
been done by James, and that without injuring the 
British, any more than Lewis the thirteenth did the 
French nation? Gustavus Adolphus indeed was a great 
captain, and headed a brave army: But a great captain 

* Oldcastle's Remarks, p. 285. 


she from time to time had given them, to 

and a brave army could not have been wanting, had 
the king of Great Britain fallen heartily into the war, 
and supported it, as the king of France afterwards did 
by the persons and purses of his people. In short as a 
protestant, James was concerned to prevent the in- 
crease of the power of Ferdinand, and hinder him from 
triumphing ; for every victory of his was a wound to 
the interest of the religion professed by him. 

But we see that he was so far from doing what he 
ought to have done in this matter, that he suffered the 
Bohemians to be reduced; his son-in-law to be expelled 
his dominions; and the protestants to be brought to 
the very brink of ruin in Germany; from which only 
they were delivered by the force of Gustavus, and the 
abilities of Richlieu. Nor were the reformed in 
France more indebted to James, than those in the 
empire. At his accession to the English throne, the 
dukes la Tremouille, and Bouillon, together with the 
famous du Plessis, had a design to make him protector 
of the calvinist party in France 3 . But they soon laid 
aside their design after having had a thorough know- 
ledge of his character. For no man interested himself 
less than James in their affairs, no prince gave them 
less assistance. He refused to speak to Henry the 
fourth in favour of Bouillon, when solicited by him to 
do it, because he said it did not become a great prince 
to intercede for a rebel subject b . And though the 
reformed were a very considerable body in France, 
possessed of places of strength and importance and 
capable with proper help, of making head against all 
tjieir enemies, as they had fully manifested in the 

8 See Sully's Memoirs, vol. II. p: 15. b Id. ibid. 

JAMES I. 2,37 

her own, as well as their great advantage. 
Though he was not a catholic in persuasion, 

former civil wars: though they were thus powerful, 
and consequently important, he stood tamely by, and 
saw them divested of their strong holds, and rendered 
almost wholly insignificant as a party. It is true, 
James kept up a kind of correspondence with Bouil- 
lon, whom at first he had refused to intercede for, and 
by him gave assurances of his " assisting the reformed 
if the whole body was assailed, the edicts broken, and 
fhey in danger of apparent ruin: in which case (says 
Buckingham, in a letter to Sir Thomas Edmonds) his 
majesty doth engage himself to assist them; which 
though he should have no other means to perform, he 
will call a parliament for that purpose, not doubting 
but his people will be as ready to furnish him with 
means, as his majesty to engage himself to aid them 
in that cause 3 ." But James was not as good as his 
word. The reformed were assailed soon after, though 
not in a body : the edicts were broken in numberless 
instances, particularly in taking from them their strong 
towns; and they were in danger of apparent ruin b ; 
and yet i know not that James afforded them the. least 
assistance, any farther than by ordering his ambassa- 
dors to use their good offices on their behalf. " Yea, 
we are assured by the duke of Rohan himself, one of 
the protestant chiefs, that James urged him by letters 
(in any case) to make a peace, and to submit to, and 
wholly rely upon the promises of his own sovereign, 
pressing him moreover to consider the affairs of his 

1 Birch's- View of the Negotiations, See. p. 406. b See How-ell's 

tetters, p. 90. and Hist, of the Edict of Nantz, vol. it p. 343, 420. 



he favoured those that were, provided they 
would swear allegiance unto him ; and he 

son-in-law, and assuring him that he could not pos- 
sibly give the reformed any assistance 1 ." 

Had the reformed been properly aided during the 
minority of Lewis the thirteenth, their power probably 
would have been so great that Richlieu's arts would not 
have overturned it : nor would France have given that 
disturbance to Europe she did, under Lewis the four- 
teenth. " Advantages (says a noble author) might 

have been taken of the divisions which religion occa- 
sioned; and supporting the protestant party in France, 
would have kept that crown under restraints, and under 
inabilities, in some measure equal to those which were 
occasioned anciently by the vast alienations of its de- 
mesnes, and by the exorbitant power of its vassals. 
But James the first was incapable of thinking with 
sense, or acting with spirit V 

And the writer of Tom Tell-Troath, addressed to 
James, arid printed about the year 1(322, has the fol- 
lowing passage. " They (the French protestants) are 
indeed so many hostages which God almighty has put 
into your majesties hands to secure you, and your ma- 
jesties dominions from all danger of that country : 
and to lose them were no other (in my opinion) than 
wilfully to tempt God to deliver us into the hands of 
our enemies. As long as God hath any children in 
France, we shall be sure to have brethren there. But 
they once gone, your brother of France will quickly 

a Duke of Rohan's Discourse upon the Peace made before Montpellier, 
p. 44. at the end of his Memoirs, 8vo. Lond. 1660. b Uolingbroke's 

Letters on the Study and Use of History, vol. II. p. 181. 8vo. Lond. 

JAMES I. 259 


not only relaxed 73 the rigour of the laws in 

shew whose child he is, and how incompatible the 
obedience he owes him (the pope) is with any good- 
will he can bear your majestic. Since then the tye 
you have upon that prince's friendship is of so loose a 
knot, what can your majesty do better for yourself and 
yours, than to keep his enmity still clogged, by che- 
rishing and maintaining so good a party in his coun- 
try, as those of the religion 8 ." 

What Mr. Kelly means by saying James made the 
interest of the protestants his own, on more than one 
occasion, 1 know not. He refers us indeed to the em- 
bassies of Sir Edward Herbert, and the earl of Carlisle 
into France, in order to intercede for the Hugonots, 
the latter of whom he observes from Rapin, spent vast 
sums, and consequently his master must be much in 
earnest to do them service 1 *. But what service did 
James do them? what success had his applications? 
none ; and therefore we may be sure he very little re- 
garded them. Had this gentleman known the charac- 
ter of the earl of Carlisle as one of the most expensive, 
luxurious men then living, he would have interpreted 
the words of Rapin as he ought. The vast sums spent 
by Carlisle, were not on the business of the Hugonots, 
or to promote the^r affairs ; but in dress, equipage, and 
house-keeping, in which he knew no bounds. But I 
ask pardon for taking so much notice of the mistakes 
of a writer of so little consequence, either as to know- 
ledge or judgment. 

73 He not only relaxed the rigour of the laws in their 
favour, but consented to such terms for them in the 

* Harleian Miscellany, vol. I!. 512. b See Kelly's Supplemsntai 

Remarks on the Life of James I. p. 1. fol. Lond. 

S % 

their favour, but consented to such terms 

marriage articles with Spain and France, as few of hia 
protestant subjects approved.] It appears from a 
letter of Matthew Hutton, archbishop of York, to 
Cecyll, lord Cranborne, dated December 18, 1604, 
that the papists by " reason of some extraordinary 
favour were grown mightily in number, courage, and 
influence 2 ." They were in great hopes of a toleration, 
when they saw James set against the puritans; and it 
became so much the general expectation among them, 
that in order to clear himself of having intentions of 
granting it to them, his majesty thought proper to 
declare that " he never intended it, and would spend 
the last drop of his blood before he would do it, and 
uttered that imprecation on his posterity, if they should 
maintain any other religion, than what he truly professed 
and maintained,'* of which I have before taken notice b . 
Not content herewith he ordered the laws against 
them to be put in execution, and they underwent many 
of them great hardships 5 . Upon the discovery of the 
popish plot, there was a general prosecution of all 
papists set on foot, as might well be expected : " but 
king James was very uneasy at it," says Burnet, " which 
was much increased by what Sir Dudley Carleton told 
him upon his return from Spain, where he had been 
ambassador; (which I had from lord Hollis, who said 
to me, that Sir Dudley Carleton told it to himself, and 
was much troubled when he saw it had an effect con- 
trary to what he had intended.) When he came home, 
he found the king at Theobald's, hunting in a very 
careless aud unguarded manner: and upon that, in 

Winwood, vol. II. p. 40. b Id. p 49. and note 33. e See 

Osborn, p. 481. 

for them, in the marriage articles with 

order to the putting him on a more careful looking to 
himself, he told the king he must either give over that 
way of hunting, or stop another hunting he was en- 
gaged in, which was priest hunting : For he had intel- 
ligence in Spain, that the priests were comforting 
themselves with this, that if he went on against them, 

they would soon get rid of him. The king sent 

for him in private to enquire more particularly into 
this ; and he saw it had made a great impression on 
him, but wrought otherwise than he intended. For 
the king resolved to gratify his humour in hunting, 
and in a careless and irregular way of life, did imme- 
diately order all that prosecution to be let fall. 1 have 
the minutes of the council books of the year 1606, 
which are full of orders to discharge and transport 
priests, sometimes ten in a day a ." I was inclined at 
first to call this whole story of Burnet's into question, 
by reason that Carleton was never ambassador into 
Spain b : but on further search find it probable enough. 
For Carleton, in the year 1605, accompanied the lord 
Norris into Spain, and there might hear what he is said 
to have spoken to James c . So that there is only a 
small mistake in Burnet, and his account is very pro- 
bable. For though laws were enacted against the ca- 
tholics, and the judges commanded on occasion to put 
them in execution, yet James had a great affection for 
them, and conferred on them many marks of his favour. 
Let us hear an indisputable writer on this matter, even 
James himself. " Not only," says he, " the papists 
themselves grew to that hight of pride, in confidence 

1 Burnet, vol. I. p. ] 1. b See Wood's Athenae Oxon. vol. I. col. 563. 
Winwood, vol. II. p. 54, i7. and Birch's Vie* of the Negotiation, p. 227. 


Spain and France, as but very few of his 

of 1113- mildness, as they did directly expect, and assu- 
redly promise to themselves libertie of conscience, and 
equalitie with other of m}- subjects in all things ; but 
even a number of the best and faithfulliest of my said 
subjects, were cast in great fear and amazement of my 
course and proceedings, ever prognosticating and justly 
suspecting that sowre fruit to come of it, which shewed 
itself early in the powder-treason. How many did I 
honor with knighthood, of known and open recusants? 
how indifferent]}* did I give audience, and accesse to 
both sides, bestowing equally all favours and honors 
on both professions ? How free and continual accesse 
had all ranks and degrees of papists in my court and 
company r and above all, how frankly and freely did I 
free recusants of their ordinary paiments ? Besides, it 
is evident what strait order was given out of my own 
mouth to the judges, to spare the execution of all 
priests (notwithstanding their conviction) joining there- 
unto a gracious proclamation, whereby all priests that 
were at liberty, and not taken, might goe out of the 
country b) r such a day : my general pardon having been 
extended to all convicted priests in prison : whereupon 
they were set at libertie as good subjects: and all 
priests that were taken after, sent over, and set at 
libertie there. But time and paper will fail me, to 
make enumeration of all the benefits and favours that 
I bestowed in general, and particular upon papists'." 

< There is a great deal of truth in these lines. 

The Howards, most of tln-m catholics, were advanced 
to honours and power by him; the families of Petre, 
and Arundel, of the same persuasion, Mere admitted 

* King James's Works, p. 253. 

JAMES I. 263 

protestant subjects, who were independent 

into the peerage ; and in the latter part of his reign, 
we find Villiers's mother made a countess, and Cal- 
vert, secretary of state, created lord Baltimore, though 
they were openly of the Romish communion. In the 
year 1610, we find the commons complaining of the 
" non execution of the laws against the priests, who," 
say they, " are the corrupters of the people in religion 
and loyalty ;" and, continue they, in a petition to 
James, " many recusants have already compounded, 
and (as it is to be feared) more and more (except your 
majesty, in your great wisdom, prevent the same) will 
compound with those that beg their penalties, which 
maketh the laws altogether fruitless, or of little or 
none effect, and the offenders to become bold, obdu- 
rate, and unconformable. Wherefore they entreat his 
majestic to lay his royal commands upon all his mi- 
nisters of justice both ecclesiastical and civil, to see 
the laws made against Jesuits, seminarie priests and 
recusants (of what kind and sect soever) to be duly 
and exactly executed, without dread or delay. And 
that his majestic would be pleased likewise to take 
into his own hands the penalties due for recusancie, 
and that the same be not converted to the private gain 
of some, to his majesties infinite loss, the emboldening 

of the papists, and decay of true religion 3 ." But 

notwithstanding these complaints of the parliament; 
notwithstanding James's own heart bled, when he heard 
of the increase of popery, by the marriage articles 
with Spain and France, many things were granted in 
their favour, and consequently the papists were migh- 

* Record of some worthy Proceedings in the honourable, wise, and 
faithful House of Commons, in the late Parliament, p. 19. printed iu 161 1. 


of the court, approved, and many greatly 

til}* encouraged. The Infanta was to be allowed a 
chapel in the palace, and a public church in London ; 
all her servants were to be catholics, under the autho- 
rity of a bishop, or his vicar; they were not to be 
liable to the laws of England with regard to religion ; 
though the children begot on her body should be 
catholics, they might not lose the right of succeeding 
to the kingdom and dominions of Great Britain ; and 
they were to be brought up by her till the age of ten 
years. Besides these articles, with many other made 
public, there were private ones, by which great liberty 
was given to those of the Romish church. For by 
these James promised that the laws in being against 
them, should not be commanded to b put in execu- 
tion ; that no new laws for the future should be en- 
acted to their hurt, that there should be a perpetual 
toleration of the Roman catholic religion, within pri- 
vate houses, throughout all his dominions ; and that 
he would do his endeavour, that the Parliament should 
ratify all and singular articles in favour of the Roman 
catholics 3 . About the same time a declaration was 
signed by lord Conway, and others in his majesty's 
name, dated Aug. 7, 1623, touching pardons, suspen- 
sions, and dispensations for the Roman catholics, 
which, in the opinion of the earl of Bristol, the great 
negotiator of the Spanish match, in effect was little 
less than a toleration b . And " the king directed the 
lord keeper (Williams) and other commissioners, to 
draw up a pardon for all offences past, with a dispen- 
sation for those to come, to be granted to all Roman 

* See Rushworth, vol. I. p. 8689. Frankland's Annals, p. 7880. 
o Rushworth, vol. I. p. 288. 

JAMES I. 265 

murmured at. The church of England, 

catholics, obnoxious to any laws against recusants; 
and then to issue forth two general commands under 
the great seal of England: the one to all judges and 
justices of the peace; and the other to all hishops, 
chancellors, and commissaries, not to execute any sta- 
tute against them a ." The Spanish match took not 

place; but prince Charles was married to Henrietta 
Maria, of France; and James, before his death, signed 
articles equally as favourable to the English catholics, 
as conditions to that match b . This cardinal Richlieu 
boasts of. " The Spanish match," says he, " was 
broken off, and soon after it, that of France was 
treated of, concluded and accomplished, with condi- 
tions three times more advantageous for religion, than 
those which were designed to be proposed in the late 
king's (Henry the fourth) time 6 ." This was the man 
who never intended to grant a toleration to papists, 
who would spend the last drop of his blood before he 
would do it, and whose heart bled when he heard of 
the increase of popery. Vile hypocrisy ! mean dissi- 
mulation ! which could answer no other purpose than 
to expose himself to the scorn and contempt of those 
who knew him. What the favour which was shewn 
the catholics when the Spanish match was thought 
near a conclusion, was, will best appear from the fol- 
lowing paragraph in a letter written, if I am not greatly 
mistaken, by Buckingham to count Gondomar, then in 

Spain. " As for news from hence, I can assure you, 

that they are, in all points, as your heart could wish: 
for here is a king, a prince, and a faithful friend and 

a Rushworth, vol. I. p. 101. b Id. p. 162. c Political Testa- 

ment, p. 7. See also his Letters, vol I. p. 2. 265. 8vo. Lond. 1698. 


under James, was in a happy state, being 

servant unto you, besides a number of your other good 
friends, that long so much for the happy accomplish- 
ment of this match, as every day seems a year unto us ; 
and I can assure you, in the word of your honest 
friend, that we have a prince here, that is so sharp set 
upon the business, as it would much comfort yon to 
see it, and her there to hear it. Here are all things 
prepared upon our parts ; priests and recusants all at 
liberty ; all the Roman catholics well satisfied ; and, 
which will seem a wonder unto you, our prisons are 
emptied of priests and recusants, and rilled with zealous 
ministers, for preaching against the match; for no man 
can sooner, now, mutter a word in the pulpit, tho' in- 
directly against it, but he is presently catched, and set 
in streight prison. We have also published orders, 
both for the universities, and the pulpits, that no man 
hereafter shall meddle, but to preach Christ crucified ; 
nay, it shall not be lawful hereafter for them to rail 
against the pope, or the doctrine of the church of 
Koine, further than for edification of ours : and for 
proof hereof, you shall herewith receive the orders set 

down and published 1 ." This great liberty given to 

the catholics was highly offensive to the protestants, 
as we may learn from what follows, which was written 
by archbishop Abbot to James, on occasion of it. 
'*' Your majesty hath propounded a toleration of reli- 
gion : I beseech you, to take into your consideration, 
what your act is, and what the consequence may be. 
By your act you labour to set up that most damnable 
and heretical doctrine of the church of Rome, the 
whore of Babylon, how hateful will it be to God, and 

a Cabala, p. 242. 

JAMES I. 267 

highly praised, protected, and favoured by 

grievous to your subjects, (the true professors of the 
gospel) that your majesty who hath often defended, 
and learnedly written against those wicked heresies, 
should now shew yourself a patron of those doctrines, 
which your pen hath told the world, and your con- 
science tells yourself, are superstitious, idolatrous, and 
detestable.- Besides, this toleration you endeavour to 
set up by your proclamation, it cannot be done with- 
out a parliament, unless your majesty will let your 
subjects see, that you now take unto yourself a liberty 
to throw down the laws of the land at your pleasure. 
\Vhat dreadful consequences these things may draw 
after, 1 beseech your majesty to consider. And above 
ail, lest by this toleration, and discountenance of the 
true profession of the gospel (wherewith God hath 
blessed us, and under which this kingdom hath flou- 
rished these many years) your majesty doth draw upon 
the kingdom in general, and yourself in particular, 
God's heavie wrath and indignation. Thus, in dis- 
charge of my duty to your majesty, and the place of 
my calling, I have taken the humble boldness to deli- 
ver my conscience. And now, Sir, do with me what 
you please 3 ." 1 will not here enter into the question 
whether the intolerant principles of the Roman catho- 
lics do not render them unfit to be tolerated amongst 
protestants. All I shall say, is, that it has been the 
opinion of some of the best friends to liberty, that they 
are to be excluded from it, for the preservation of 
liberty itself; with which it is thought their principles 
are incompatible b . But be this as it will, it cannot be 

a Cabala, p. 114. Rush worth, vol. I. p. 85, b See Bayle's Diet, 

article Milton, note [oj. 


him 74 , yea, moreover advanced to riches, 

at all wondered at, that the protestants in James's reign 
should be alarmed at an open toleration of those of the 
communion of the church of Rome. For they could 
not but remember the bull of pope Pius the fifth, con- 
cerning the damnation, excommunication, and deposi- 
tion of queen Elizabeth, and the plots which, in con* 
sequence thereof, were laid against her life : they could 
not but remember the detestable powder treason ; nor 
could they forget that James himself had publickly 
avowed that the pope of Rome was antichrist, the man 
of sin, the mother of harlots, and abominations, who 
was drunk with the blood of the saints and the martyrs 
of Jesus. And remembering these things, could they 
chuse but murmur against the toleration of so bloody 
a sect, or look on Buckingham, the supposed instru- 
ment of it, but as a betrayer of king and country, and 
as odious, as he himself declares they did a . 

74 The church of England under James was in a 
flourishing state, being highly praised, protected, and 
favoured by him.] When I speak of the church, I 
would not be understood to mean " a congregation of 
faithful men," as our articles in an antiquated manner 
define it b j but the clergy, who have for a long time 
appropriated that term to themselves, and the places 
in which they officiate. And when I speak of the 
church as in a flourishing state, I mean, what I think 
churchmen generally mean by it, their possessing 
power, honour and wealth ; and not the increase of un- 
feigned piety, and real virtue. That in this sense the 
church of England flourished under James, is beyond 
all contradiction. In a speech in the star-chamber, 

* Cabala, p. 244. * See article the 19th. 



honour, and power ; whereby she became in 

in the year 16 16, his majesty complains, " that church- 
men were had in too much contempt, I must speak 
trewth," says he, " great men, lords, judges, and people 
of all degrees from the highest to the lowest, have too 
much contemned them. And God will not bless us in 
our own laws, if we do not reverence and obey God's 
law; which cannot be, except the interpreters of it be 
respected and reverenced, and it is a sign of the latter 
day's drawing on ; even the contempt of the church, 
and of the governors and teachers thereof now in the 
church of England, which 1 say in my conscience of 
any church that ever I read or knew of, present or 
past, is most pure, and nearest the primitive and apos- 
tolical church in doctrine and discipline, and is sure- 
liest founded on the word of God, of any church in 
ChristendomeV In the same speech he tells the 
judges, " God will bless every good business the bet- 
ter, that he and his qhurch have the precedence b ." 
And again, addressing himself to the judges, he says, 
" Let not the church nor churchmen be disgraced in. 
your charges ;-countenance and encourage the good 
churchmen, and teach the people by your example ta 
reverence them : for if they be good, they are worthy 
of double honour for their office sake ; if they be faultie 
it is not your place to admonish them ; they have ano- 
ther Forum to answer to for their misbehaviour c ." 
And in another placs, he te41s us, " that as soon as a 
person hath made his? choice, what, church to live and 
die in, audi earn, as Christ commands : for his con- 
science in this must only serve him for a guide to the 

King James's Works p. 554. b Id. p. 565. U. p. 969. 


a condition to be both dreaded and envied 

right church, but not to judge her, but to be judged 
by her V 

This is very good, and what most churchmen would 
be very glad their flocks did believe. For they then 
might teach authoritatively, and a blind submission 
would be yielded. Profane wits would not think them- 
selves at liberty to examine the reasonableness of the 
church's doctrine, but swallow down glibly the most 
mysterious unintelligible points, to their own great 

edification, and the peace of the church. But 

James not only spoke well of churchmen, and endea- 
voured to recommend them to the esteem and regard 
of his subjects, but he heaped on them wealth, and 
suffered them to enjoy riches in abundance. " He 
founded a dean and chapter of seven prebendaries at 
Rippon, in Yorkshire ; and settled two hundred and 
forty-seven pounds per ann. of crown lands for their 
maintenance b ." Williams, dean of Westminster, re- 
tained at the same time, as himself tells the duke of 
Buckingham, the rectories of Dinum, Walgrave, Graf- 
ton, and Peterborough, and was also chaunter of Lin- 
coln, prebendary of Asgarbie, prebendary of Nonning- 
ton, and residentiary of Lincoln . And when advanced 
to the see of Lincoln, and made lord-keeper of the 
great seal, he was continued dean of Westminster, and 
held his other preferments ; so that, says Heylin, he 
was a perfect diocess within himself, as being bishop, 
dean, prebend, residentiary, and parson ; and all these 

a King James's Works, p. 577. b Grey's Examination of the Second 
Volume of Neal's History of the Puritans, p. 75. 8vo. Load. 17.36, 
c Cabala, p. 409. 

JAMES T. 271 

by her adversaries. Not so the puritans. 

at once a . This was a goodly sight in the eyes of 
Laud, who made use of the example, in retaining with 
his bishopric of St. David's, not only his prebend's 
place in the church of Westminster, and his benefices 
in the country, but also the presidentships of his col- 
lege in Oxon b . In short, the churchmen throve well 
under James, and were greatly cherished by him ; for, 
to the wealth he permitted them to enjoy, he added real 
power, and gave them liberty to crush all their opposers. 

In the canons compiled Anno 1603, to which his 

majesty gave his royal sanction, we find, that whoever 
should hereafter affirm, that the form of God's worship 
in the church of England, established by law, and con- 
tained in the book of common prayer, is a corrupt, 
superstitious, or unlawful worship of God, or contain- 
eth any thing in it that is repugnant to the scriptures; 
whosoever should affirm that any of the thirty-nine 
articles, are in any part superstitious or erroneous, or 
such as he may not with a good conscience subscribe 
unto ; whosoever should affirm, that the rites and cere- 
monies of the church were such as men who were 
godly affected, may not with any good conscience ap- 
prove them, use them, or, as occasion requireth, sub- 
scribe unto them ; whosoever should affirm, the govern- 
ment of the church of England, under his majesty, by 
archbishops, &c. is antichristian, or repugnant to the 
word of God, were to be excommunicated . The same 
punishment was denounced against the authors of 
schism, the maintainers of schismaticks and maintain- 
ers of conventicles d . Thus were churchmen armed 

* Life of Laud, p. 86. b Id. ibid. c See Canons 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. 

In Canons 9, 10, 11. 


These were the objects of his majesty's 

with power, with which, we may be assured, they took 
care to defend themselves and annoy their adversaries. 
Add to this, that the high commission was then in 
being, in which the bishops were the judges who, by 
administering the oath ex officio, compelled men to ac- 
cuse themselves, and then punished them in the se- 
verest manner. It was this court which obliged the 
renowned Selden to make his submission, and beg par- 
don for having published his book on tythes*; though 
most learned men, since that time, have acquiesced in 
what he has asserted concerning their original ; and 
before this, we find by a complaint of the parliament, 
that " lay-men were punished by this court for speak- 
ing of the symonie and other misdemeanours of spiri- 
tual men, though the thing spoken were true, and the 
speech tending to bring them to condigne punish- 
ment 1 *." Such was the power of the clergy under 
James, such was the use that was made of it ! Honest, 
learned, and worthy men were called in question, and 
subjected to all the terrible consequences of that thing 
called an excommunication, for daring to tell church- 
men of their vices, or denying their whimsical pre- 
tences. This at length bred much ill-blood, and issued 
in dreadful consequences. Let the prince, therefore, 
that would reign gloriously, curb the power of his 
clergy ; let him never be made the tool of their wrath 
or resentment; but, by distributing equal and impar- 
tial justice to all his subjects, shew himself their com- 
mon father and sovereign, and thereby establish his 
throne in their hearts, and render it imnioveable. 

* Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, p. 392. b Record of sooir 

Proceedings in the Parliament, Anno 1610, p. 29. 

JAMES I. 273 

highest aversion 75 and greatest hatred; these 

s The puritans were the objects of his highest aver- 
sion, &c.] This appears from what has been said in 
the notes 12 and 36 so clearly, that I need say no more 
concerning it. But James contented not himself with 
reproaching; them, but he let his clergy loose upon 
them, and subjected them to great penalties, merely 
on account of their non-conformity to the established 
ceremonies. Hutton, archbishop of York, received 
orders from the privy-council, " that the puritans 
should be proceeded against according to law, except 
they conformed themselves ; tho* I think," says he, " all 
or most of them love his majesty, and the present 
estate V And, says Sir Dudley Carleton, in a letter 
to Mr. Winwood, dated Feb. 0, 1604, " the poor pu- 
ritan ministers have been ferrited out in all corners, 
and some of them suspended, others deprived of their 
livings. Certain lecturers are silenced, and a crew of 
gentlemen of Northamptonshire, who put up a petition 
to the king in their behalfe, told roundly of their bold- 
ness, both at the council-table and star-chamber : and 
Sir Francis Hastings, for drawing the petition, and 
standing to it, when he had done it, put from his lieu- 
tenancy and justiceship of the peace in his shire: Sir 
Edward Mountague, and Sir Valentine Knightly, for 
refusing to subscribe to a submission, have the like 
sentence: the rest upon acknowledgment of a fault 

have no more said to them V And his majesty 

summoned the judges into the star-chamber, and, in, 
the presence of the archbishop of Canterbury and the 
bishop of London, and about twelve lords of the privy- 
council, asked of them three questions with regard t0 

8 Winwood, vol. II. p. 40. * Id. p. 48. 

VOL. I. T 


.he was continually reproaching in his writ- 

the punishment of the puritans; the third of which 
was, " whether it be an offence punishable, and what 
punishment they deserved, who framed petitions, and 
collected a multitude of hands thereto, to prefer to the 
king in a public cause, as the puritans had done, with 
an intimation to the king, that if he denied their suit, 
many thousands of his subjects would be discontent- 
ed ?" To this the judges in their great wisdom replied, 
<f that it was an offence fineable at discretion, and very 
near to treason and felony in the punishment, for it 
tended to the raising sedition, rebellion and discontent 
among the people 3 ." This judicious resolution was 
agreed to by the lords then present. Bancroft here- 
upon " required a strict conformity to the rules of the 
church, according to the laws and canons in that be- 
half; and without sparing non-conformists, or half- 
conformists, at last reduced them to that point, that 
they must either leave their churches, or obey the 
church b ." And that none might escape the penalties of 
the canons and high commission court, this pious prelate 
required " some who had formerly subscribed to testify 
their conformity by a new subscription, in which it 
was to be declared, that they did willingly and ex 
animo subscribe to the three articles (inserted in the 
36th canon) and to all things in the same contained. 
Which leaving no starting-hole either for practising 
those rites and ceremonies which they did not approve, 
or for approving that which they meant not to prac- 
tise, as they had done formerly ; occasioned many of 
them to forsake their benefices, rather than to sub- 

> Croke's Reports, part 2d. p. 37. and Winwood, vol. II. p. 49. 
* Heylm's History of the Presbyterians, p. 37$, 

JAMES I. 275 

ings; and not contented herewith he ex- 

scribe according to the true intention of the church in 
the said three articles V In short, such was the rigour 
of the prelates, such the sufferings of the puritans, that 
we find the parliament, in the year 1610, interceding 
with the king in their behalf. " Whereas," say they, 
" divers painful and learned pastors, that have long 
travelled in the work of the ministerie with good fruit 
and blessing of their labours, who were ever ready to 
perform the legal subscription appointed by the statute 
of 13 Eliz. which only concerneth the confession of 
the true Christian faith and doctrine of the sacraments, 
yet for not conforming in some points of ceremonies, 
and refusing the subscription directed by the late ca- 
nons, have been removed from their ecclesiastical liv- 
ings, being their freehold, and debarred from all means 
of maintenance, to the great grief of sundrie your ma- 
jesties well-affected subjects; seeing the whole people^ 
that want instruction, are by this means punished, and 
through ignorance, lye open to the seducements of 
popish, and ill-affected persons : We therefore most 
humbly beseech, your majesty would be graciously 
pleased, that such deprived and silenced ministers may 
by licence, or permission of the reverend fathers, in 
their several diocesses, instruct, and preach unto their 
people in such parishes, and places, where they may be 
emplo3 r ed : so as they apply themselves, in their mi- 
nistery, to wholesome doctrine, and exhortation, and 
live quietly, and peaceably in their callings, and shall 
not by writing or preaching, impugn things established 
by public authority b ." - Soon after this Bancroft 

a Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, p. 377, k Proceedings in 

the House of Commons in 1610. 


posed them to the censure of the high corn- 
died, and was succeeded by George Abbot, a man of 
a more gentle and merciful disposition, who was much 
more favourable to the puritans than his predecessor. 
But the rigour against them was far from being wholly 
remitted. They were so ill used, that they preferred 
dwelling in a wilderness to their native soil, and chose 
the perils of waters before the perils they were in 
among their brethren ; though for a time even this 
was denied them. " Some of the bishops," says Wil- 
son, " were not contented to suppress many pious and 
religious men ; but I know not for what policy, re- 
strained their going beyond sea : for there were divers 
families, about this time, (1613) shipped for New- 
England, and were not suffered to go ; though after- 
wards, they were upon better thoughts permitted 2 ." 
In short, James heartily hated the people of 
this denomination ; and to be a puritan, was with him 
to be every thing odious and abominable. How mis- 
chievous an effect this prejudice of his majesty had, 
will best appear from a letter written to the illustrious 
Usher, from Emanuel Downing, out of Ireland, who is 
styled a worthy divine, by Dr. Parr : 


" I hope you are not ignorant of the hurt that is 
come to the church by this name Puritan, and how 
his majesty's good intent and meaning therein is much 
abused and wronged $ and especially in this poor coun- 
try where the pope and popery is so much affected. I 
being lately in the country had conference with a wor- 
thy, painful preacher, who hath been an instrument of 
drawing many of themeer Irish there, from the blind- 

? Wilson, p. 74. 

JAMES I. 277 

mission, who suspended, deprived and ex- 
ness of popery to embrace the gospel, with much com- 
fort to themselves, and heart-breaking to the priests, 
who perceiving that they cannot now prevail with their 
jugling tricks, have forged a new device: They have 
now stirred up some crafty papists, who very boldly 
rail both at ministers and people, saying, they seek to 
sow this damnable heresie of puritanism among them ; 
which word, though not understood, but only known 
to be most odious to his majesty, makes many afraid 
of joining themselves to the gospel, though in confe- 
rence their consciences are convicted herein : so to 
prevent a greater mischief which may follow, it were 
good to petition his majesty to define a puritan, where- 
by the mouths of those scoffing enemies would be 
stopt; and if his majesty be not at leizure, that he 

would appoint some good men to do it for him V 

Had a puritan been truly defined, the world would 
have been at a loss to have known the reason of the 
severity used towards those who were reproached with 

that title. The puritans had their fancies, as well 

as their adversaries. The surplice, the cross in bap- 
tism, the ring in marriage, bowing at the name of 
Jesus, and some other articles of equal importance, 
were the objects of their aversion ; they thought they 
smelt of popery, which they could not bear with. The 
bishops, on the contrary, had a very great fondness for 
these, as well as for the whole hierarchy. A dispute 
therefore on these subjects was natural; and, had it 
been managed fairly, no ill consequences could have 
happened. But the bishops were in power; the king 
was their friend, and a foe to those who opposed them i 

* Parr's Life of Usher, p. 16, 


communicated them, notwithstanding the 

and they were determined to carry their point at all 
adventures. The shortest way, therefore, was taken. 
The puritans were silenced, deprived, excommunicated, 
and all for trifles. I will not say but the bishops might 
have more sense, but the puritans had more honesty. 
The first were persecutors, the latter were persecuted ; 
and consequently were entitled to the pity and com- 
passion of the humane and benevolent. James and 

his clergy did not understand the use of sects, " to 
purify religion, arid also to set the great truths of it in 
a full light ; and to shew their practical importance a ." 
" Nor did they know the best way to stop the rising 
of new sects and schisms, by reforming abuses, com- 
pounding smaller differences, proceeding mildly, and 
not with sanguinary persecutions; and taking off the 
principal authors by winning and advancing them, ra- 
ther than enraging them by violence and bitterness b ;" 
and consequently instead of crushing, they increased 
them. For lord Shaftesbury justly remarks, " that 
there is nothing so ridiculous in respect of policy, or 
so wrong and odious in respect of common humanit}', 
as a moderate and half-way persecution ; it only frets 
the sore; it raises the ill-humour of mankind ; excites 
the keener spirits; moves indignation in beholders; 
and sows the very seeds of schism in men's bosoms. 
A resolute and bold faced persecution leaves no time or 
scope for these engendring distempers, or gathering ill-- 
humours. It does the work at once ; by extirpation, 
banishment, or massacre : and like a bold stroke in 
surgery, dispatches by one short amputation, what a 

Hartley's Observations on Man, p. 377. vol. II. 8vo. Lond. 1749. See 
also Historical and Critical Account of Hugh Peters, note [c] Lond. 1751. 
Svo. fc Bacon's Essay on the Vicissitude of Things. 

JAMES I. 279 

intercession made for them by many per- 
sons of quality, and by one of his parlia- 
ments. In Scotland he pursued them with 

bungling hand would make worse and worse, to the 

perpetual sufferance and misery of the patient a ." 

But let us leave these reflections and return to James, 
who was as much set on the ruin of puritanism in 
Scotland, as in England. In the Parliament at Perth, 
in the year 1606, he got an act passed, entitnled the 
restitution of the estate of bishops : afterwards they 
were declared perpetual moderators, and had the high 
commission put into their hands. In 1610, the king 
sent for three of the bishops elect, in order to have 
them consecrated in England, which was done without 
first giving them deacons or priests orders ; and conse- 
quently the validity of their former orders were ac- 
knowledged. Soon afterwards they had great power 
committed unto them, to the no small uneasiness of 
ministers and people ". In the year 1617, James made 
a progress into Scotland, in order to bring the Scots 
nearer to conformity with the church of England. 

" But his majesty," says Heylin, " gained nothing 
by that chargeable journey, but a neglect of his com- 
mands, and a contempt of his authority. His majesty 
therefore took a better course, than to put the point 
to argument and disputation ; which was to beat them 
by the belly, and to withdraw those augmentations 
which he had formerly allowed them out of his exche- 
quer : which pill so wrought upon this indigent and 
obstinate people, that the next year, in an assembly at 
Perth, they passed an act for admitting the five articles, 

1 Characteristics, vol. III. p. 95. b Spotswood, p. 406. Calderwood, 
p. 616. 


rigour, and was not contented till he set up 
episcopacy, though contrary to the incli- 
nations of ministers and people. Being 

for which his majesty had been courting them for two 
years together 3 ." These articles, which his majesty 
had courted them so long to admit, it must be owned, 
were very important. The fi,rst requires the blessed 
sacrament to be celebrated meekly and reverently upon 
their knees. The second allows the lawfulness of pri- 
vate communion. The third permits private baptism. 
The fourth commands confirmation. The fifth the ob- 
servation of some festivals 1 *. " These articles being 
thus settled, order was given to read them in all parish 
churches ; the ministers were likewise obliged to preach 
upon the lawfulness of them, and exhort their people 
to submission. And to give them the greater autho- 
rity, the king ordered them to be published at the 
market-cross of the principal burroughs, and com- 
manded conformity under pain of his displeasure. But 
all this not being enough to enforce such a conformity 
to the ceremonies as was expected, it was thought fur- 
ther necessary to establish them by the sanction of an 
act of parliament, and tq give them the force of a law, 
this was done according]}' in the year 1621 c ." A prince 
must be strangely infatuated, and strongly prejudiced, 
to employ his power and influence in establishing such 
matters as these ! Let us grant episcopacy to be the 
most expedient government of the church (and ex- 
pedient enough it must }>e acknowledged in proper 
j)laces d and rightly executed, by overseeing the man- 
ners of the clergy, and keeping them within the bounds 

3 Life of Laud, p. 74. b Spotswood, p. 538. e Crawfor** 

Lives, p. 174. f See Spirit of Laws, vol. II. p. 150. 

JAMES I. 281 

seized with an ague, he died March 27, 
1625, in the 59th year of his age 76 not 

of decency and regularity ;) yet what man of sense will 
think it worth establishing at the risk of the peace of 
the community? Let rites and ceremonies be deemed 
ever so decent; who will say they are fit to be imposed 
by methods of severity and constraint ? yet by these 
ways, we see, these matters were introduced among the 
Scots ; to the disgrace of humanity, and the eternal 
blemish of a prince who boasted of his learning, and 
was for ever displaying his abilities. 

5 He died not without suspicion of having been 
poisoned by Buckingham.] " The king that was very 
much impatient in his health, was patient in his sick- 
ness and death. Whether he had received any thing 
that extorted his aguish fits into a fever, which might 
the sooner stupify the spirits, and hasten his end, can- 
not be asserted ; but the countess of Buckingham had 
been tampering with him, in the absence of the doc- 
tors, and had given him a medicine to drink, and laid 
a plaister to his side, which the king much complained 
of, and they did rather exasperate his distemper than 
allay it : and these things were admitted by the insinu- 
ating persuasions of the duke her son, who told the 
king they were approved medicines, and would do him 
much good. And though the duke after strove to 
purge himself for this application, as having received 
both medicine and plaister from Dr. Remington, at 
Dunmow, in Essex, who had often cured agues, and 
such distempers with the same ; yet they were argu- 
ments of a complicated kind not easy to unfold; con- 
sidering that whatsoever he received from the doctor 
in the country, he might apply to the king what he 


without suspicion of having been poisoned 
by Buckingham. He was buried with great 

pleased in the court. Besides, the act itself (though 
it had been the best medicine in the world) was a 
daring not justifiable; and some of the king's physiti- 
ans muttered against it, others made a great noise, and 
were forced to fly for it ; and though the still voice 
was quickly silenced by the duke's power, yet the 
clamourous made so deep impressions, that his inno- 
cence could never wear them out. And one of Buck- 
ingham's great provocations was thought to be his fear, 
that the king being now weary of his too much great- 
ness, and power, would set up Bristol, his deadly enemy 
against him to pull him down. And this medicine was 
one of those 13 articles that after were laid to his 
charge in parliament 3 ." Dr. Welwood in his note on 
this passage observes, " that Dr. Eglisham, one of the 
king's physitians, was obliged to flee beyond seas, for 
some expressions he had muttered about the manner 
of his majesty's death, and lived at Brussels many 
years after. It was there he published a book to prove 
king James was 1 poisoned ; giving a particular account 
of all the circumstances of his sickness, and laying his 
death upon the duke of Buckingham and his mother. 

Among other remarkable passages, there is one 

about the plaister applied to the king's stomach. 

" He says it was given out to have been mithridate, 
and that one Dr. Remington had sent it to the duke, 
as a medicine with which he had cured a great many 
agues in Essex. Now Eglisham denies it was mithri- 
date, and says, neither he, nor any other physitians 

8 Wilson, p. 287. 

JAMES I. 233 

magnificence at Westmi nster- Abbey * on 

vould tell what it was. He adds, that Sir Matthew 
Lister and he being, the week after the king's death, at 
the earl of Warwick's house in Essex, they sent for 
Dr. Remington, who lived hard by, and asking him 
what kind of plaister it was he had sent to Bucking- 
ham, for the cure of an ague, and whether he knew it 
was the king the duke designed it for? Remington 
answered, that one Baker, a servant of the duke's, 
came to him in his master's name, and desired him if 
he had any certain specific remedy against an ague, to 
send it him : and accordingly he sent him mithri- 
date spread upon leather, but knew not till then that it 
was designed for the king. But," continues Eglisham, 
" Sir Matthew Lister, and I shewing him a piece of the 
plaister we had kept, after it was taken off, he seemed 
greatly surprized, and offered to take his corporal oath, 
that it was none of what he had given Baker, nor did 

he know what kind of mixture it was. But the 

truth is, this book of Eglisham's is wrote with such 
an air of rancour and prejudice, that the manner of 
his narrative takes off much from the credit of what 
he writes b ." The parliament, in the year 1626, 

* Gibson's Cambden, vol. I. p. 386. 

b Compleat History, vol. II. p. 790. It is to be wished Welwood had given 
us the title of this book of Eglisham. In the second volume of the Harleiaa 
Miscellany there is a tract intitled the Forerunner of Revenge. Being two 
petitions: the one to the king's most excellent majesty, the other to the 
most honourable houses of parliament. Wherein are expressed divers actions 
of the late earl of Buckingham, especially concerning the death of king 
James, and the marquis of Hamilton, supposed by poison. By George Eg- 
lisliam, doctor of physic, and one of the pliysitiaus to king James, of happy 
memory, for his majesty's person above ten years, 4to. Ix>nd. 164'2, though 
it appears to have been written in Buckingham's life-time, and I doubt not, 
wns then printed. There is an air of rancour and prejudice in this small 
piece; but not a word of what Dr. Welwood relates. 

" The king," says be, " being sick of an ague, the duke took this op- 


the seventh of May following ; his son and 

charged Buckingham with having caused certain 
plaisters, and a certain drink to be provided for the 
use of his majesty king James, without the privity or 
direction of the physicians, and compounded of several 
ingredients to them unknown, notwithstanding the 
same plaisters, or some plaister like thereunto, having 
been formerly administered unto him, did produce 
such ill effects as that some of the physicians did dis- 
allow thereof, and utterly refuse to meddle any further 
with his majesty, until these plaisters were removed, 
as being prejudicial to his health, yet the same plaisters 
and drink was provided by the duke, and the plaisters 
applied to the king's breast and wrist, and the drink 
given to him at seasons prohibited by the physicians. 
After which, they set forth, divers ill symptoms ap- 
peared upon his majesty, and his majesty attributed 
the cause of his trouble to the plaister and drink 
which the duke had given him a . The duke in his 

portunity, when all the king's doctors of physic were at dinner, and offered 
to him a wliite powder to take, the which he a long time refused ; but over- 
come with his flattering importunity, at length took it in wine, and im- 
mediately became worse and worse, falling into many swoonings and pains, 
and violent fluxes of the belly, so tormented, that his majesty cried out 
aloud of this white powder, would to God I had never taken it." He then 
tells us of " the countess of Buckingham's applying the plaister to the 
king's heart and breast; whereupon he grew faint, and short breathed and 
in agony. That the physitians exclaimed that the king was poisoned ; 
that Buckingham commanded them out of the room, and caused one 
of them to be committed prisoner to his own chamber, and another to be 
removed from court; and that after his majesty's death, his body and 
head swelled above measure, his hair with the skin of his bead stuck to the 
pillow, and his nails became loose upon his fingers and toes." See Har- 
leian Miscellany, vol. II. p. fl. 4 to. Lond. 1744. If this was the book in 
which Dr. Welwood remembered to have read \vliat I have quoted in the 
note, his memory discharged its office but very ill. However, I rather 
suspect, there is a larger account of Eglisham's in print, than that Wel- 
wood should have invented. 

. See Rushworth, vol. I. p. 351, 

JAMES I. 285 

successor Charles following, attending his 

answer insists on his innocency, declaring that the 
drink and plaister were procured by the king's own 
desire, on his recommendation ; that by his own com- 
mand they were applied ; that he (Buckingham) gave 
the drink in the presence of some of the physicians, 
who tasted it, and did not shew their dislike of it ; 
and that when he told the king it was rumoured that 
the physic he had gave him, had done him hurt, his 
majesty with much discontent answered, they are 
worse than the devils that say it a . The commons 
having received a copy of the duke's answer from the 
lords, say, " they shall presently reply in such sort, 
according to the laws of parliament, that unless his 
power and practice undermine our proceedings, we 
do hot doubt but we upon the same have judgment 
aga ; nst him b ." But his power and practice so far un- 
dermined their proceedings, that a dissolution soon 
followed, by which they were prevented from pro- 
ducing their proofs of what they had asserted. This 
made a deep impression on men's minds, and caused 
them to apprehend that James had not had fair play 
for his life. The hindering a parliamentary inquiry 
into the death of a king, by putting an end to the 
parliament itself, had an odd appearance, and caused 
many to think that there was more at the bottom than 
it was convenient should see the light. I will add a 
passage from Burnet, to what has been now produced, 
which, if true, will pretty well clear up this matter. 
" King James," says he, " in the end of his reign was 
become weary of the duke of Buckingham, who 
treated him with such an air of insolent contempt, 

Rushworth, yol. I. p. 389. b Id. p. 403. 


interment ; Dr. Williams, lord keeper, and 

that he seemed at last resolved to throw him off, but 
could not think of taking the load of government on 
himself, and so resolved to bring the earl of Somerset 
again into favour, as that lord reported it to some 
from whom I had it. He met with him in the night, 
in the gardens at Theobalds : Two bed chamber men 
were only in the secret; the king embraced him ten- 
derly and with many tears. The earl of Somerset be- 
lieved the secret was not well kept ; for soon after the 
king was taken ill with some fits of an ague and died. 
My father was then in London, and did very much 
suspect an ill practice in the matter: But perhaps Dr. 
Craig, my mother's uncle, who was one of the king's 
physitians, possessed him with these apprehensions; 
for he was disgraced for saying he believed the king 
was poisoned *." These are the foundations on which 
the suspicion of James's being poisoned by Bucking- 
ham relies. Whether any thing more than suspicion 
arises from them, must be left to the reader to deter- 
mine. Lord Clarendon, who could not be ignorant of 
a good part of what has been now related, speaking 
of James's death, says, "it was occasioned by an ague, 
(after a short indisposition by the gout) which meet- 
ing many humours in a fat unwieldy body of 58 years 
old, in four or five fits carried him out of the world. 
After whose death," adds he, " many scandalous and 
libellous discourses were raised without the least colour, 
or ground: as appeared upon the strictest and most 
malicious examination that could be made, long after, 
in a time of licence, when no body was afraid of of- 
fending majesty, and when prosecuting the highest re- 

* Eurnet, vol. I. p. 20. 

JAMES I. 287 

bishop of Lincoln, preached his funeral 
sermon, which soon after was printed with 

preaches and contumelies against the royal family, was 
held very meritorious V This is talking with a great 
air of authority indeed! was there no colour or ground 
for suspicion of foul play, when Buckingham himself 
owned that he had recommended the plaister and drink 
to the king, and had them administered to him, with- 
out consulting the physicians? was there no ground 
for such a suspicion, when some of his majesty's own 
physicians helieved it, and the king himself attributed 
the cause of his trouble to the plaister and drink which 
the duke had given him ? had the house of commons 
no colour or ground to impeach the duke of Bucking- 
ham for his behaviour in this affair? or were they the 
authors of the scandalous and libellous discourses that 
were raised about it ? A writer who gives himself 
such a strange liberty of censuring, ought to be pretty 
sure he is in the right, or otherwise he stands but a 
very poor chance of being believed. Will. Sanderson, 
very roundly says, " that what Buckingham gave James 
to drink was a posset drink of milk and ale, hartshorn, 
and marygold flowers, ingredients harmless and ordi- 
nary. And though," says he, " the doctors were of- 
fended that any one durst assume this boldness (of ap- 
plying the plaister) without their consent; by after 
examination, all men then were assured of the com- 
position, and a piece thereof eaten down by such as 
made it ; and the plaister many months afterwards in 
being for further tryal of any suspition of poyson b ." 

* Clarendon, vol. I. p. 24. b Sanderson's Reign of K. James, 

p. 592, he had given almost the very same account before, in his Aulicu*, 
Goquinariar, p. 194. 


the title of Great Britain's Salomon 77 , 
full of the most gross flattery, and palpable 

The reader must give what credit to this he thinks it 
deserves, for my own part, I doubt it is apocryphal. 

77 Dr. Williams preached and printed his funeral 
sermon, with the title of Great Britain's Salomon] 
This sermon is a curiosity and deserves to be known, 
as it gives us a specimen of the gross flattery of those 
times. His text was 1 Kings xi. 41, 42, and part of 
43 verse. " And the rest of the words of Salomon, 
and all that he did, and his wisdorne, are they not 
written in the book of the acts of Salomon ; and the 
time that Salomon reigned in Hierusalem over all Israel, 
was forty years. And Salomon slept with his fathers, 
and was buried in the city of David his father." After 
having mentioned the text he begins thus : " Most 
high and mighty, most honourable, worshipful and 
well beloved in our Lord, and Saviour Jesus Christ; 
it is not I, but this woful accident that chuseth this 
text." He proceeds then to consider it as applicable 
to Solomon ; and afterwards compares him, and James, 
" first as it were in one general lump, or mould," 
says he, " that you may see by the oddness of their 
proportion, how they differ from all kings besides. 
And then with a particular examination of the parts 
of my text, that you may observe by the several mem- 
bers, how well they resemble the one the other. 

" For the bulke or the mould, I dare presume to say, 
you never read in your lives, of two kings more fully 
paralleled amongst themselves, and better distinguish- 
ed from all other kings besides themselves. King Sa- 
lomon is said to be itnigenitus coram matre sua, the 
only sonne of his mother, Prov. 4. 3, So was king 

JAMES I. 89 

untruths ; insomuch that instead of cele- 
brating his memory, he has only exposed 

James. Salomon was of a complexion white, and ruddy, 
Canticl. v. 10. So was king James. Salomon was an 
infant king, puer pan-ulus, a little child, 1 Chron. xxii. 
5. so was king James a king at the age of. thirteen 
months. Salomon began his reign in the life of his 
predecessor, 1 Kings 1. 32. so, by the force and com- 
pulsion of that state, did our late soveraigne king 
James. Salomon was twice crowned, and anoynted a 
king, 1 Chron. xxix. 22. so was king James. Salo- 
mon's minority was rough through the quarrels of the 
former soveraigne ; so was that of king James. Salomon 
was learned above all the princes of the east, 1 Kings 
iv. 30. so was king James above all the princes in the 
universal world. Salomon was a writer in prose and 
verse, 1 Kings iv. 32 so in a very pure and exquisite 
manner was our sweet soveraigne king James. Salo- 
mon was the greatest patron we ever read of to church 
and churchmen ; and yet no greater (let the house of 
Aaron now confess) than king James. Salomon was 
honoured with ambassadors from all the kings of the 
earth, 1 Kings iv. last verse; and so you know was 
king James. Salomon was a main improver of his 
home commodities, as you may see in his trading with 
Hiram, 1 Kings v. 9, and, God knows, it was the 
daily study of king James. Salomon was a great 
maintainer of shipping and navigation, 1 Kings x. 14. 
a most proper attribute to king James. Salomon beau- 
tified very much his capital city, with buildings and 
water-works, 1 Kings ix. 15. so did king James. 
Every man lived in peace under his vine, an-d his fig- 
tree, in the days of Salomon, 1 Kings iv. 25. and so 
VOL. i. u 


it.- James, by his queen, Anne of Den- 
mark, had issue besides Charles who suc- 

they did in the blessed days of king James. And yet 
towards his end king Salomon had secret enemies, 
Kazan, Hadad, and Jeroboam, and prepared for a 
warre upon his going to his grave ; so had, and so did 
king James. Lastly, before any hostile act we read of 
in the history, king Salomon died in peace, when he 
had lived about 60 years, and so you know did king 
James V 

One would think this had been enough of all con- 
science ; but the right reverend preacher proceeds ac- 
cording to the method of his text, " to polish and re- 
fine the members of this statue in their division, and 
particular. In his stile," says he, " you may observe 
the Ecclesiastes, in his figures the Canticles, in his 
sentences the Proverbs, and in his whole discourse 
reliquum verborurn Salomonis, all the rest that was ad- 
mirable in the eloquence of Salomon. From his 

saying I come to his doings. Qua fecerit, all that he 
did. Every action of his sacred majesty was a virtue, 
and a miracle to exempt him from any parallel amongst 
the modeme kings and princes. Of all Christian kings 
that ever I read of, he was the most constant patron of 

churches and churchmen. 1 will speak it boldly, 

in the presence here of God and men, that I believe in 
my soul and conscience, there never lived a more con- 
stant, resolute, and settled protestant in point of doc- 
trine than our late soveraigne. Through all Eu- 
rope no more question was made of his being just, than 

of his being king. He was resolute enough, and 

somewhat too forward in those unapproachable places 

1 Great Britain's Salomon, p. 37. 

JAMES I. 29i 

ceeded him, and Elizabeth, who married 

(the Highlands) scattering his enemies as much with 
his example, as he did with his forces. Besides these 
adventures of his person, he was unto his people, to 
the hour of his death, another cherubim with a flaming 
sword, to keep out enemies from this paradice of ours." 
After flourishing upon his political wisdom and 
learned works, he goes on to let his hearers know 
" that as he lived like a king, so he died like a saint. 
All his latter days he spent in prayer, sending his 
thoughts before into heaven, to be the harbingers of 
his happy soul. Some fbure days before his end he 
desired to receive the blessed sacrament, and said he 
was prepared for it by faith and charitie. He repeated 
the articles of the creed, and after the absolution had 
been read and pronounced, he received the sacrament 
with that zeal and devotion, as if he had not been a 
fraile man, but a cherubim cloathed with flesh and 
blood, he twice, or thrice repeated Domiue Jesu, veni 
cito ; and after the prayer usually said at the hour of 
death, was ended, his lords and servants kneeling, 
without any pangs or convulsions at all, dormivit Sa- 
lomon, Salomon slept. And his soul," adds the good 
bishop, " severed from the dregs of the body, doth 
now enjoy an eternal dreaming in the presence of God, 
environed no more with lords and knights, but with 
troupes of angels, and the souls of the blessed, called 
in this text his fore-runners or fathers ; and Salomon 
slept with his fathers 8 ." This was the character given 
of James before those who were acquainted well with 
him : and yet I believe there is no one, who reads it 
now but will think it somewhat too panegyrical for the 

* Great Britain's Salomon, p. 73. 

V 2 


*ick, prince Palatine of the Rhine. 


pulpit. But indeed the bishops strived (as he had 
been so great a friend to churchmen) to outvie each 
other in praising him ; and consequently we can take 
no measures of the truth -from their descriptions. Laud 
observes of him, that it was little less than a miracle, 
that so much sweetness should be found in so great a 
heart; that clemency, mercy, and justice, were emi- 
nent in him ; that he was not only a preserver of peace 
at home, but the great peace-maker abroad; that he 
was bountiful, and the greatest patron of the church ; 
that he was the most learned prince in matters of re- 
ligion, and most orthodox therein ; that he devoutly 
received the blessed sacrament, and approved of abso- 
lution ; that he called for prayers, was full of patience 
at his death, and had his rest in Abraham's bosom *. 

Spotswood determining not to be outdone by Wil- 
liams and Laud, declares " that he was the Salomon of 
this age, admired for his wise government, and for his 
knowledge in all manner of learning. For his wisdom, 
moderation, love of justice, for his patience, and piety 
(which shined above all his other virtues, and is wit- 
nessed in the learned works he left to posterity) his 
name shall never be forgotten, but remain in honor so 
long as the world endurethV These are the characters 
given of James by three of the highest rank in the 
church ; which yet have had the misfortune to be little 
credited by disinterested posterity. And therefore I>r. 
Grey did not do quite so right in referring to Spots- 
wood's character of James, as a vindication of him 
from what he had been charged with by his adversary c . 

*Se Rushworth, rol. I. p. 156. Church History, p. 546. 

Examination of Neale'f second volume, p. 77. 

(well known to the world by their misfor- 

For court-bishops, by some fate or other, from the 
time of Constantine, down at least to the death of 
James, and a little after, have had the characters of 
flatterers, panegyrists, and others of like import; and 
therefore are always to have great abatements made ia 
their accounts of those who have been their benefac- 
tors : it being well known, that such they endeavour 
to hand down to posterity under the notion of saints, 
as they always blacken and defame their adversaries. 

I have just observed that disinterested posterity have 
given little credit to the panegyrics of the three right 
reverends : I will give a proof or two of it, and then 
conclude this note. Burnet tells us, " that James was 
become the scorn of the age ; and while hungry writers 
flattered him out of measure at home, he was despised 
by all abroad as a pedant without true judgment, 
courage, or steadiness, subject to his favourites, and 
delivered up to the counsels, or rather the corruption 
of Spain 1 ." Lord Bolingbroke observes of him, " that 
he had no virtues to set off, but he had failings and 
vices to conceal. He could not conceal the latter ; 
and, void of the former, he could not compensate for 
them. His failings and his vices therefore stand in 
full view, he passed for a weak prince and an ill man, 
and fell into all the contempt wherein his memory re- 
mains to this day V Lord Orrery says, " the cha- 
racter of queen Elizabeth has been exalted by the want 
of merit in her successor, from whose misconduct 
gushed forth that torrent of misery, which not only 
bore down his son, but overwhelmed the three king- 
doms ." 

Burnet, vol. I. p. 21. b Letters on Patriotism, p. 214. ' Remark* 
on the Life and Writings of Swift, p. '208. 



tunes) Henry 78 , a prince of a most amiable 

In the Abbe Ray rial's history of the parliament of 
England, we read " that James wanted to be pacific, 
and he was only indolent ; wise, and he was only irre- 
solute; just, and he was only timid; moderate, and he 
was only soft; good, and he was only weak ; a divine, 
and he was only a fanatic ; a philosopher, and he was 
only extravagant; a doctor, and he was only a pedant. 
No one ever carried the pretensions of the crown 
further than James, and few princes have contributed 
so much to vilify it. This prince found it easier to 
suffer injuries than to revenge them; to dispense with 
the public esteem, than to merit it; and to sacrifice 
the rights of his crown, than to trouble his repose by 
maintaining them. He lived on the throne like a pri- 
vate man in his family ; he retained of the royalty only 
the gift of healing the evil, which is attributed to the 
kings of England. One would have said he was only 
a passenger in the vessel of which he ought to have 
been the pilot. This inaction made his days pass in 
obscurity, and prepared a tragical reign for his suc- 
cessor V Thus has the name of James been treated 

by the most disinterested and unbiassed ; whether the 
judgment of his courtiers who had been greatly favour- 
ed by him, is to be set in the balance with the opinion 
of these writers is left to the reader. 

78 Prince Henry was of a most amiable disposition, 
and excellent genius.] This I take to be literally true ; 
otherwise I would not have been at the trouble of saying 
any thing about him. He was born at Striveling, Feb. 
19, 1594, and committed to the care of the earl of 
Mar (the family of Erskin, earl of Mar, was always 

* See the Monthly Review for the year 1751, p. 448. 8ve. 

JAMES I. 29$ 

disposition and excellent genius; the dar- 

governor of the king's children, from the time the 
Stuarts mounted the throne); hy the following letter 
writ by his majesty's own hand. 


" Because in the surety of my son, consisteth my 
surety, and I have concredited unto you the charge of 
his keeping, upon the trust I have of your honesty; 
this I command you out of my own mouth, being in 
the company of those I like; otherwise for any charge 
or necessity that can come from me, you shall not de- 
liver him ; and in case God call me at any time, see 
that neither for the queen nor estates their pleasure, 
you deliver him till he be 18 years of age, and that he 
command you himself. 

" Striveling, 24th of 
July, 1595V 

In obedience to this command, lord Mar kept the 
prince, and refused to deliver him to the queen his 
mother, in the year 1603, till the duke of Lennox was 
sent with a warrant to receive him, and delivered him 
to the queen. Mr. (afterwards Sir) Adam Newton, was 
his tutor, by whose instructions he is said to have pro- 
fited greatly. " He was," says Sir Charles Cornwallis, 
" of a comely, tall, middle stature, about five foot and 
eight inches high, of a strong, streight well-made body, 
with somewhat broad shoulders, and a small waste, 
of an amiable majestic countenance, his hair of an 
aborne collour, long faced, and broad forehead, a 
piercing grave eye, a most gracious smile, with a 

Spotswood, p. 410. 


ling of the people whilst living, and greatly 

terrible frown, courteous, loving and affable; his fa- 
vour like the sun, indifferently seeming to shine upon 
all; naturally shamefaced, and modest, most patient, 
which he shewed both in life and death. Dissimula- 
tion he esteemed most base, chiefly in a prince, not 
willing, nor by nature being able to flatter, fawne, or 
use those kindly who deserved not his love. Quick he 
was to conceive anything, not rash but mature in de- 
liberation, yet most constant, having resolved. True 
of his promise, most secret even from his youth; so 
that he might have been trusted in any thing that did 
not force a discovery; being of a close disposition not 
easy to be known, or pried into : of a fearless, noble, 
heroic, and undaunted courage, thinking nothing im- 
possible, that ever was done by any. He was ardent 
in his love to religion, which love, and all the good 
causes thereof, his heart was bent by some means or 
other (if he had lived) to have shewed, and some way 
to have compounded the unkind jarrs thereof. 

" He made conscience of an oath, and was never 
heard to take God's name in vain. He hated popery, 
though he was not unkind to the persons of papists. 
He loved and did mightily strive to do somewhat of 
every thing, and to excel in the most excellent. He 
greatly delighted in all kind of rare inventions and 
arts, and in all kind of engines belonging to the wars, 
both by sea and land: In the bravery and number of 
great horses ; in shooting and levelling of great pieces 
of ordnance; in the ordering and marshalling of 
armes; in building and gardening, and in all sorts of 
rare musique, chiefly the trumpet and drum ; in 
limning and painting, carving in all sorts of excel- 
lent and rare pictures, which he had brought unto 

JAMES I. 297 

lamented after his death ; which (though 

him, from all countries 3 ." Thus speaks, of prince 
Henry, Sir Charles Cornwallis, treasurer of his house- 
hold. But without other authorities, I should lay 
very little stress on his book, which looks more like a 
panegyric than a history: And we find it ob- 
served by a fine writer, " that princes in their infancy, 
childhood and youth, are said to discover prodigious 
parts and wit, to speak things that surprize and asto- 
nish: strange, adds he, so many hopeful princes, and 
so many shameful kings ! if they happen to die young 
they would have been prodigies of wisdom and virtue: 
if they live, they are often prodigies indeed, but of 
another sortV However, it is certain, prince Henry 
had very great merit. " The government of his house 
was with much discretion, modesty, sobriety, and in an 
high reverence to piety, not swearing himself, or keep- 
ing any that did. He was not only plausible in his 
carriage, but just in payments, so far as his credit out- 
reached the kings both in the exchange and the 
church'. He was an enemy to oppression and injus- 
tice ; for hearing the king had given Sherburn Castle to 
Sir Robert Car, he came with some anger to his father, 
desiring he would be pleased to bestow Sherburn upon 
him, alledging that it was a place of great strength and 
beauty, which he much liked, but indeed with an in- 
tention of giving it back to Sir Walter Raleigh, whom 
he much esteemed* 1 ." The same noble disposition he 
shewed towards Sir Robert Dudley, who was deprived 
of his honours and estate by the injustice of James. 

*The short Life and much lamented Death of Henry prince of Wales, 
by Sir Charles Cornwallis. 8vo. 1644. p. 93101. b Swift and Pope's 

Miscellanies, vol. I. p. 307. l'2mo. Lond. 1731. See also Osborn, p. 527. 
Id. p. 528. " Raleigh's Works, rol. I. p. 1 1 7. 


his physicians declared to the contrary) 

" He made overtures to Sir Robert," says king Charles, 
" to obtain his title in Kenilworth Castle, &c. and bought 
it of him for fourteen thousand five hundred pounds, 
and promised to restore him in honors and fortunes 1 ." 

This prince was the patron of the studies of Sir 

Walter Raleigh, for whose abilities he had an high 
esteem, and who drew up for his use, a discourse 
touching a match between the lady Elizabeth and the 
prince of Piedmont; observations concerning the royal 
navy and sea-service ; and a letter touching the model 
of a ship. And in the year 1611, " that worthy sea- 
man, Sir Thomas Button, servant to prince Henry, 
pursued the north-west discoveries at the instigation 

of that glorious young prince b ." And very certain 

it is that he endeavoured well to understand state af- 
fairs, and applied himself to get a thorough knowledge 
of them; the duke of Sully assures us, " that as soon 
as he had obtained his father's promise that he would 
at least, not obstruct his proceedings, he prevented 
Henry's (the fourth's) wishes ; being animated with a 
thirst of glory, and a desire to render himself worthy 
the esteem and alliance of Henry : for he was to marry 
the eldest daughter of France. He wrote me several 
letters hereupon, and therein expressed himself in the 
manner I have mentioned c ." Agreeably hereunto, Dr. 
Welwood says, " the duke of Sully, being in England 

laid the foundation of a strict friendship betwixt 

his master and prince Henry ; which was afterwards 
carried on by letters and messages till the death of that 
king. Tho' it's a secret to this day what was the real 

a Patent for creating Alice, lady Dudley, a duchess of England. b Ac- 
count of several late Voyages, edit. 1711. in the Introduction, p, 15. 
* Memoirs of Sully, vol. I. p. 97. 

JAMES I. . 299 

was supposed to be by poison : but how- 
design of all those vast preparations that were made 
by Henry the fourth before his death : yet I have 
seen some papers which make it more than probable, 
that prince Henry was not only acquainted with the 

secret, but was engaged in the design 3 ." Sir 

Charles Cornwallis having written to him from Spain, 
where he was ambassador, prince Henry in a letter to 
him, replies, " that he must particularly thank him for 
imparting to him his observations of that state, where- 
of/' says he, " I w ill make the best use I may ; and since 
that is a study very well befitting me, and wherein I 
delight, I will desire you to acquaint me further in that 
kind as occasions shall be offered ; that thereby the 
more ye may deserve my readiness to acknowledge 
it b ." Before Sir Thomas Edmondes's departure to 
France, prince Henry engaged him to communicate 
to him the course of things there; and on the second 
of September, Mr. Adam (afterwards Sir Adam) New- 
ton, wrote from Richmond to Sir Thomas, to remind 
him of his promise to his royal highness. " This op- 
portunity offering itself so fitly, maketh me call unto 
your remembrance a promise which his highness al- 
legeth you made unto him at your departure, of im- 
parting to him such occurrences, as that country 
yieldeth. I find his highness doth expect it; and 
therefore I presume to acquaint you therewith. The 
French perceived very early the forwardness of this 
young prince, and thought proper to try to secure him 
to their interest; for secretary Villeroy wrote to Mon- 
sieur de la Boderie, the French ambassador in England, 
from Fontainbleau, the 18th of July, 1608, N.S. that 

a Welwood's Memoirs, p. 20. b Winwood, vol. III. p. 45. 


ever that be, certain it is, James was little 

king Henry the fourth had told him, that he had more 
desire than ever to seek the friendship of the prince of 
Wales, and, for that purpose, to gratify those about 
him, as that ambassador should judge fit ; since that 
king foresaw, that the prince would soon hold a rank 
worthy of him in England, on account of the little 
esteem, which was had of the queen and kingV And 
there is a letter of prince Henry's to Sir Thomas Ed- 
mondes, dated September 10, 16 12, urging him in a 
strong and masterly manner to prosecute the scheme 
of uniting the princes of the blood, and the heads of 
the protestant party in France, against the ministers 
of that court b . From these authorities I presume, we 
may with great truth affirm that this young prince was 
possessed of a most amiable disposition and excellent 
genius. In short he was the very reverse of his father, 
and therefore not much esteemed by him. " The vi- 
vacity, spirit, and activity of the prince soon gave 
umbrage to his father's court, which grew extreamly 
jealous of him; and Sir Thomas Edmondes, though at 
a distance, seems to have been sensible of this, and to 
have been more cautious on that account of cor- 
responding with his royal highness ." And the 
prince was so sensible of his want of influence in his 
father's court, that in a letter of his to Sir Thomas, 
dated September 10, 1612, he excuses himself from 
interposing in Sir Thomas's favour, with regard to 
asking preferment for him ; " because as matters go 
nowhere," says he, " I will deal in no businesses of im- 
portance for some respects d ." Osborn therefore seems 

a Birch's View of the Negotiations, p. 327. k Id. p. 361. c Birch's 
View, p. 326. * Id. p. SfiJ. 

JAMES I. 301 

affected with it. His other children were 

to have been well informed in saying " that the king 
though he would not deny any thing the prince 
plainly desired, yet it appeared rather the result of 
fear and outward compliance, than love or natural 
affection ; being harder drawn to confer an honor or 
pardon, in cases of desert, upon a retainer of the prince, 
than a stranger*." However, he was the darling of the 
English nation, his court was well filled, and his at- 
tendants were numerous; in life he was highly beloved, 
after death, equally lamented, by all but his father, and 
his favourite Rochester. " November the 6th, 1612, 
proved fatal to him, who died at the age of eighteen, 
at St. James's, of a disease, with which he had been 
seized in the preceding month: but the prevailing 
opinion of that time b and since adopted by some of 
our historians, though contradicted by the unanimous 
report of his physicians, was, that his end was hastened 
by poison. And this notion received some counte- 
nance, from the little concern, which was shewn at his 
death by the court, though the nation considered it as 
an irreparable loss. For it made so- little impression 
upon the king and his favourite, that Rochester, on 
the 9th of November, three days after that melancholy 
event, wrote from Whitehall to Sir Thomas Edmondes, 
to begin a negotiation for a marriage between prince 
Charles and the second daughter of France V 

Sir Thomas indeed had more sense of decency, and 
therefore delayed it. This the king approved of, on 
consideration. " For," says his majesty, " it would 
have been a very blunt thing in us, that you, our mi- 

'Osborn, p. 531. b See Burnet, vol. I. p. 10. Winwood, vol. III. 

p. 410. Aulicus Coquinariae, p. 151. Welwood's Note on Wilson, it 
Compleat History, vol. H. p. 6;9. Birch's View, p. 371, 


Sophia, and Mary, who both died young, 
and were buried with great solemnity at 

nister, should so soone after such an irreparable losse 
received by us, have begun to talk of marriage, the 
most contrary thing that could be, to death and fu- 

nerallsV This conduct is quite amazing ! "U hat 

must the world judge of a father, who was thus unaf- 
fected with the death of a worthy virtuous son ? If to be 
without natural affection, shews the utmost depravity 
of the heart of man, we may, without breach of charity, 
say that James's heart was utterly depraved. His pas- 
sion for his favourite, extinguished his affection for his 
child; and his weakness and worthlessness made him 
look on him as an object of terror, whom all mankind 
viewed with esteem and approbation. But the neglect 
of a father deprived not prince Henry of that reputa- 
tion which he so well deserved. Posterity have sounded 
forth his praises, and held him up to view as one wor- 
thy the imitation of all young princes ; and wherever 
his character is known, his memory will be highly 

1 Birch's View, p. 373. 


Additions to the Life of King JAMES THE FIRST, communicated 
by the Reverend Dr. BIRCH, Secretary to the Royal Society. 

THE following books were published on occasion of 
king James I. Triplici nodo Triplex Cuneus, printed at 
first without his name. Cardinal Bellarmin published, 
in 1608, under the name of Mattheus Tortus, a book in 
quarto, intitled, Responsio ad librum, cui titulus, tri- 
plici nodo triplex cuneus, sive apologia pro juramento 
fidelitatis, adversus duo brevia Papae Pauli V, et re- 
centes literas cardinalis Bellarmin i ad Georgium Black- 
vellum, anglice archi-presbyterum : reprinted at Rome, 
1609, in quarto. 

The king, upon this answer, republished his own 
book, with his name, with a monitory preface. 

In 1609, Dr. Lancelot Andrews, then bishop of Chi- 
chester, published at London, in quarto, TorturaTort; 
sive ad Maltha?! Torti librum responsio, qui nuper edi- 
tus contra apologiam serenissimi potentissimique prin- 
cipis Jacobi, Dei gratia, Magnae Britannia?., Franciaj 
et Hiberniae Regis, pro juramento fidelitatis. 

Cardinal Bellarmin published in 1610, in quarto, Pro 
responsione sua ad librum Jacobi, Magnae Britannias 
regis, cui titulus est, triplici nodo triplex cuneus, 

To this Dr. Andrews, now bishop of Ely, published 
at London, 16 10, in quarto, Responsio ad apologiam 
cardinal!* Bellarmini, quain nuper edidit contra praef;i- 


tionem monitoriam serenissimi ac potentissimi prin- 
cipis, Jacobi, Dei gratia, Magnae Britannia?, Franciae 
et Hiberniae regis, fidei defensoris, omnibus Christianis 
inonarchis, principibus atque ordinibus inscriptam. 

Nicolas Coeffetau, afterwards Bishop of Marseilles, 
published against the king's preface, at Paris, in 1610, 
in octavo, Response a 1'avertissement, addresse par le 
serenissime Roy de la Grande Bretagne Jacques I. a 
tous les princes et potentates de la chretiente. 

This was answered by Peter du Moulin, minister of 
Charenton, whose vindication of the king, was printed 
in French at Paris, in 1610, in octavo, and in Latin at 
London. The French title is, Defence de la foy ca- 
tholique, continue au livre de Jacques I. Roy d'An- 
gleterre contre la response de N. Coeffetau. 

CoefFetau replied to Peter du Moulin's book, in his 
apologie pour la response a 1'avertissement du sereuis- 
sime Roy de la Grande Bretagne, contre les accusa- 
tions du Pierre du Moulin, ministre de Charenton, 
printed at Paris 16 14, in octavo. 

Mr. John Donne, afterwards doctor of divinity and 
dean of St. Paul's, wrote and published, before his en- 
trance into orders, a quarto volume, printed at London 
in 1610, in support of the king's defences of the oath 
of allegiance, Pseudo-martyr : " wherein out of cer- 
taine propositions and gradations, this conclusion is 
evicted, that those, which are of the Romane religion 
in this kingdom, may, and ought to take the oath of 

Father Parsons, the Jesuit, published at St. Omers, 
in 1608, in quarto, the judgment of a catholic gentle- 
man, concerning king James's apology for the oath of 
allegiance : answered bv Dr. William Barlow, after- 


wards bishop of Lincoln. Wood. Ath. Oxon. Vol. I. 
col. 362. 


Martinus Becanus published at Mentz in 1610, in 
octavo, Refutatio apologia? et monitoriaj praefationis 

Jacob! regis Anglise and Refutatio torturae torti 

contra sacellanum regis Angliae. 

Dr. William looker, dean of Li tch field, answered 
him in his Certamen cum Martino Becano, futiliter 
refutante apologiam Jacobi regis, printed in 1611, in 
octavo, at London. 

Becanus replied to Dr. looker, in his Duellum cum 
Gulielmo Tooker de primatu regis Angliae, printed at 
Mentz, in octavo; where he published likewise, the 
same year, and in the same form, a book against bishop 
Andrews, intitled Controversia Anglicana de potestate 
regis et pontificis contra Lancellottum Andraeam. 

To which last book of Becanus an answer was given 
by Robert Burhill, intitled, Contra Becani controver- 
siam Anglicanam assertio pro jure regis, proque epis- 
copi Eliensis responsione' ad apologiam Bellarmini ; 
London 1613, in octavo Mr. Richard Harris pub- 
lished likewise an answer in Latin, at London, 1612, 
in octavo, to Becanus's Controversia Anglicana. 

Leonardus Lessius wrote against the king's Praefatio 
monitoria, in a book printed at Antwerp, 1611, in 
octavo, and intitled De Antichristo et ejus praecur- 
soribus disputatio, qua refutatur praefatio monitoria 
Jacobi regis Magnse Britanniae. 

This was answered by Dr. George Downame, after- 
wards bishop of Londonderry in Ireland, in his book, 
called, Papa Antichristus, seu diatriba duabus partibus, 
quarum prior 6 libris vindicat Jacobi regis sententiam 
de Antichristo, posterior refutat Leonardi Lessii 16 de- 
monstrationes regis praefationi monitoriae oppositas : 
London 1620. 

Francis Suares, the Jesuit, attacked the king's apo- 
logy for the oath of allegiance in his Defensio fidei 
VOL. i. x 


catholicae contra Anglicanae sectae errores, una cum 
respbnsione ad Jacob! regis apologiam pro juramento 
tidelitatis, printed at Coimbra in 1613, and at Mentz 
in 1619. 

Leonardus Cocquseus, an Augustinian monk, pub- 
lished at Friburg, in 1610, Examen praefationis apolo- 
gia; Jacobi regis pro juramento fidelitatis. 

James Gretser, the Jesuit, in 1610, printed at In- 
golstad, Baffifaxov &uf>w, sen commentarius exegeticus 
in Jacobi regis Magnae Britanniae praefationem moni- 
toriam, et in ejusdem apologiam pro juramento fideli- 

Andraeas Eudacmon-Johannes wrote against bishop 
Andrews, in his Parallelus Torti et tortoris ejus L. 
Cicestrensis, seu responsio ad torturam Torti pro Ro- 
berto Bellarmino; Colen in 1611. 

This was replied to by Dr. Samuel Collins, Regius 
Professor of divinity at Cambridge, in a book, printed 
there in quarto, under the title of " Increpatio Andreac 
Eudaemon-Johannis de infami parallelo, et renovata as- 
sertio torturae Torti pro episcopo Eliensi." He pub- 
lished likewise, at Cambridge, in 1617, in quarto, "Ep- 
phata to T. T. or a defence of the bishop of Ely con- 
cerning his answer to cardinal Bellarmin's apology,, 
against the Calumnies of a scandalous pamphlet." 


The Numerals \. ii. iii. iv. v. refer to the Volume; the Figures to the Page. 
In the references, no distinction is made between the notes and tin text. 

ABBOT, archbishop, said to have instigated king James against the 
Aiminians, i. 152 His letter to James, remonstrating against his 
toleration of" the Catholics, 26G Presides at the coronation of 
Charles the First, and administers the oath, ii. 1 98 Character of, 
as a church naler, 225 In disgrace for refusing to license Sibthorpe's 
sermon, 287. 

Absurdities eagerly swallowed by some men, iii. 86. 

Academical discipline relaxed after the Restoration, v. K. 

Academies of Greece and Rome, object of their institution, iv. 6. 

Act of oblivion passed during the Commonwealth, iii. 271. 

Act of uniformity, see Uniformity. 

Acts of parliament formerly proclaimed in the markets, iv. 40. 

Addresses sent from various places to congratulate Oliver Cromwell on 
his assumption of the protectorate, iii. 343 Presented to Richard 
on his succession, iv. 178, 182. 

Affability mistaken for tenderness and good-nature, as in the character 
of Charles the Second, v. ij. 

Agitators, the, desirous of a conjunction with the kin,^, ii. 451 Send 
Joyce to seize him, 474 A council of, erected by the army, iii. 
14i Their share in the mutiny against the parliament, 162 Re- 
fuse to be reconciled to the kins;, 1 70. 

Aix-la-Chapelle, peace of, disgusting to the French king, v. 200. 

Algiers, number of English prisoners and captives there, occasions a 
committee of enquiry in the house of commons, ii. 132 Number 
of these captives restored by the taking of Sallee, 196. 

Allegiance, oath of, enacted, to secure the obedience of the Catholics, 
i. 1 1 1 The taking of this oath forbidden by the pope, 1 14 James 
the First's apology for enacting it, in answer to the pope's brief, 
H7, 119 Favourable conduct of James to such Catholics as take 
it, 258 Its nature considered, iv. 47. 

Allegiance and protection, mutual obligations between the prince and 
people, iv. 339. 

Allen, sir Thos. lord mayor of London, prevails on Moncke to de- 
clare against the Rump Parliament, iv. 311. 

Allington, Wm. lord, pensioned by Charles the Second for his par- 
liamentary services, v. 28O. 

Altar, ceremony of bowing to it, when and by whom introduced, ii. 
221 Anecdote of a man of letters going to St. Paul's, to see Dr. 
Hare make his bow, 222 Question of the harm contained in this 
ceremony answered, 223. 


Ambassador, Swedish, how received by Cromwell, iii. so. 
Ambassadors, spies by office, should be narrowly watched, v. 229 

Honours conferred on them, prohibited by Elizabeth of England, and 

Christina of Sweden, 230. 
Amboyna, cruelties exercised there by the Dutch on the English-, 

i. 198 These cruelties avenged by Cromwell, it. 200 James and 

Cromwell respecting this business compared, ib. 201. 
Amnesty, a general, proclaimed by Charles the Second, iv. 356. 
Ancram, Charles earl of, a member of the pensioned parliament, under 

Charles the Second, v. 281 Endeavours to screen the assassins who 

had attacked Sir John Coventry, 314. 
Andover, lord, married by a popish priest, ii. 233. 
Andrews, bishop of Winchester, his witty reply to James the First, 

i. 156. 
Andrews, bishop of Chichestcr and Ely, his answers to Bellarmin, i. 

Andrews, dean, as chairman of the Irish convocation, compared by 

Wentworth to Ananias, ii. 246. 
Anglesey, lord, leaves a memorandum in writing, that the Icon Basi- 

like was the production of Dr. Gauden, ii. 126. 
Anne, lady, wife to James duke of York, her character, i. 37 Her 

inclination towards popery, promoted by the flatteries of protestant 

prelates, v. 81. 
Annesley, Mr. active in promoting the restoration of Charles the 

Second without cosditions, iv. 312 Opposes the settlement of the 

excise duties on the crown, 373. 
Antrim, earl of, supposed concern of, in the Irish rebellion, ii. 396, 

4Or>, 407. 

Aprice, Rev. J. his account of the last moments of Charles the Second, 

v. 61, 370. 
Arbitrary doctrines, if countenanced by the court, the intention is to 

introduce universal slavery, ii. 200 Abortive without an army, v. 294. 
Argyle, Archibald, earl of, why induced to be a covenanter, ii. 329 

Proceedings of the earl of Antrim against, 399 In great credit with 

the Scottish covenanters, iv. 77 Remarks on his case, as related by 

lord Clarendon, v. 20 Copy of a declaration in his favour, signed 

by Charles the Second* 22. 
Arlington, lord chamberlain, refuses to let the commissioners of the 

commons have the accounts of secret service money paid by Sir S. 

Fox, V. 287. 

Arminius, his amiable character, i. 146 Virulence of king James 
against him and his followers, ib. Several of his followers advanced 
by the same king to great dignities, 154 Their servility, 155 The 
preachers of the doctrines of, encouraged and promoted by Charles 
the First, ii. 208,213. 

Army, the, seizes Charles the First at Windsor, ii. 450. iv. 34 Nego- 
tiates with him for the settlement of the nation, ii. 451 The treaty 
broken off by the obstinacy and high terms of the king, 457 Seizes 
4iim again in the Isle of Wight, and removes him to Hurst Castle, 
469 Subverts the liberties of parliament, and brings the king to the 
scaffold, 471 Mutinies on account of some regiments being sent to 
Ireland, iii. 94 New-modelled, 1 1 5 Mischiefs of confiding the sole 
command of, to one man, lie Mutinies on account of the self-de- 
nying ordinance, 118 Cromwell dispensed with paying obedience 


to that Ordinance to appease it, ib. Its submission, 121 Its usurpa- 
ations, 139, 152 Erects a council of officers and agitators, 141-^-In- 
sults die parliament, 142, 154 Seizes the king, 162 Addresses him 
in respectful terms, 168 The king's stiffness disgusts it, 171 
Again seizes him, and shuts him up in Hurst Castle, 179 Purges 
the house of" commons, ib. Petitions for a parliamentary reform, 
282 Subscribes the engagement to the commonwealth, iv. 56 Pe- 
titions Richard CromwellTor a redress. of grievances, 191 Rebuked 
by the parliament, 192 Constrains Richard to dissolve the parlia- 
ment, 193 Deprives him of the protectorate, ib. Its confession 
and declaration on recalling the Rump Parliament, 216 Dissatis- 
fied, 217 Requires die appointment of general officers, 218 Pe- 
tition and remonstrance from, 220 Stops the proceedings of parlia- 
ment, 224 Plea for this measure, 230 Animadversions on its 
plea, 237 Opposed by the citizens of London, 245 Disbanded, 

Army, Scottish, see Scots and Scotland. 

Army, standing, kept up by Charles the Second, contrary to the sense 
of parliament, v. 294 Disputes between die king and parliament on 
this account, 297 Declared to be illegal, 301. 

Arran, carl of, his influence over James the First, i. 8 Confined, 9- 
His arrogant proceedings, ib. 11. 

Arrowsmidi composes panegyrics on Cromwell, on occasion of die 
Dutch treaty, iii. 360, 489. 

Articles of faith, injustice of requiring unconditional subscription to, v. 
91 Instances of the impracticability of die design, 93. 

Arundel, committed to the Tower on account or his son's marriage 
with the duke of Lennox's sister, ii. 286 Vote of remonstrance to 
the king for his release, 287. 

Arundel House, committee of Catholics held at, in the reign of Charles 
the Second, for considering of the relief to be afforded papists 
against the penal laws, v. 7-i The conferences ended by die Jesuits 
refusing to disavow the temporal authority of the pope, 75. 

Ashburnham, colonel, concerned in the plot for awing the last parlia- 
ment of Charles the First, ii. 384. 

Assassination, the perpetrators of, in some instances claim our pity, ii. 
38-^Schemes of, for the destruction of Cromwell, countenanced by 
Charles the Second and his brother, iv. 131. 

Association for forcing the parliament to adopt conciliatory measures, 
formed in the west, iv. 14 Its fate, 22. 

Astrology, Charles the First credulous in, ii. 66 Charles die Second 
under the same superstition, v. 9 Abused by Mountague, to ruin 
Danby and die duchess of Portsmouth, 10 Instances of credulity 
in die predictions of, 12. 

Atkins, Margaret, put to die torture for witchcraft, i. 47. 

Atkyns, sir R. on the illegality of the king's maintaining a body-guard, 
v. 302. 

Attainder, bill of, against StrafFord, reversed, ii. 378. 

Aubony, or Aubigny, lord, his reasonj for the king's acceptance of 
terms, expected to be proposed by the presbyterians, ir. 314. 


Jiacon, Andiony, instance of his political cunning and intrigue, i. 56. 
Bacon, sir Francis, his account of the anxiety ot James the First for 


the earl of Somerset, when on his trial for the murder of Sir Thorha* 

Overbury, i. 24 s. 
Bacon, Nicholas, his sons convey a lady out of a window, to preserve 

her from the wicked purposes of Buckingham, i. 248. 
Bacon, Nat. one of Cromwell's masters of requests, iii. 419. 
Bailie, Dr. sub-dean or' Wells* turns papist, and is bitter again?' 

who follow not his example, ii. 240. 
Bainton, M r . riL arguments against an excise, iv. 374. 
Balcarras, countess of, procures letters from the French Hugonots to 

prove that Ch?rles the Second was no papist, iv. 264. 
Balfour, sir William, beats a popish priest for seeking to convert his 

wile, ii. 234 Lieutenant of die Tower, his conduct respecting the 

warrant sent him for the execution of the earl of Loudon, 348. 
Balmarino, lord, sentenced to death, on pretence of his surreptitious! v 

obtaining a letter of king James to the pope, but is afterwards par- 
doned, i. 128. 
Balmerinock, lord, condemned to death for opposing the act relating 

to the apparel of kirkmen, but pardoned, ii. tJ-JO. 
Baltimore, lord, a Catholic, befriended by Cromwell, iii. 44. 
Bamfield, Mr. opposes the establishment of an excise, iv. 374. 
^Bancroft, bishop, his servility to James the First, i. 103 Rigour of his 

proceedings against the puritans, i. 274. 
Bankers, their rise in the time of Cromwell, v. 270 Defrauded by 

Charles the Second in shutting up the exchequer, 27S Refused 

relief by parliament till the 12th year of William and Mary, 275. 
Bannister, sir Robert, fined three thousand pounds for forest encroach- 
ments, ii. 296. 
Barebone, Praisegod, an active member of Cromwell's first parliament, 

iii. 328. 

Barkstead, col. one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438. 
Barloe, Mrs. (the celebrated Lucy Walter) her extravagant profligacy, 

iv. 162 Supposed to have been married to Charles the Second on 

the continent, 167. 
Barnevelt, Dutch envoy, his able negotiation respecting the surrender 

of the cautionary towns, i. 194 His journey to England on this 

business contradicted, ib. 195. 
Barnard, Dr. his life preserved by Cromwell at the taking of Drogheda, 

iii. 43. 
Barnardiston, Mr. S. fined ^"10,000. for speaking well of lord W. Rus- 

sel and Algernon Sidney, after their execution, v. 336, 349. 
Barrington, sir R. threatened by Charles the Second, for presenting the 

Essex petition, v. 311. 
Bartholomew-day fatal to the cause of religion in England, being the 

day on which the nonjuring clergy resigned their livings, v. 88. 
Bartley, sir John, concerned in the project for awing the last parliament 

of Charles the First, ii. 386. 
Barwick, Mr. his letter to Charles the Second, on the death of Oliver 

Cromwell, iv. 169. 
Basilicon Doron, by James the First, character of, i. 51 Advises the 

neglect of parliaments, iv. 52. 
Basing House, storming of, Cromwell accused of cowardice on that 

occasion, iii. 68. 
Bastwick, physician, cruelties inflicted on him, by the star-chamber, ii. 

264 Conduct of himself" and his wife while he stood in the pillory, 


Bates, Dr. his account of Cromwell's discourse to his wife, in his last 

sickness, ; ii. 21 On Cromwell's pleasantries and buffooneries, 26. 
Bathurst, Dr. a panegyrist of Cromwell's government, iii. 361. 
Baxter, Rev. Richard, a preacher in Cromwell's court, iii. 42 His ac- 
count of the sectarians at the commencement of the Commonwealth, 
iv. 35 Letter to, in favour of the religious character of Charles die 
Second, on the continent, 260 His narrative of the negotiations 
with Moncke for the restoration of the monarchy, 311. 
Bccanus, Martinus, publishes a refutation of king James's defence of 

oaths of allegiance, i. 305. 

Bedford level, disputes about the drainage of, iii. 55. 
Bedloe, an accomplice of Titus Gates, confesses himself to be perjured, 

v. 134. 

Bellarmine, writes a letter to Blackwell against the oath of allegiance, 
i. 115 Answers James's apology for the oath, under the feigned 
name of Mattheus Toitus, 123, 303 The king's reply to this 
answer, 126. 

Bellasis, Henry, member of parliament, committed to the Fleet for re- 
fusing to answer questions put by the council relating to matters in 
parliament, ii. 3 GO. 
Belviere, the French ambassador, said to have solicited die death of 

Mary queen of Scots, i. 1 9. 
Benevolences, exacted by Charles the First without pretext of law, ii. 


Bennet, colonel, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326. 
Berkley, sir J. his account of the negotiations carried on between the 

army and the king for settling the nation, ii. 451. 
Berkley, sir Robert, punished by parliament for favouring the exaction 

of ship-money, ii. 306. 

Berkshire, earl of, governor to prince Charles, afterwards Charles tin- 
Second, iv. 6. 

Berkshire petition, treated with contempt by Charles the Second, v.31 1 . 
Berry, col. one of Oliver Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 4:;s His con- 
fession of the means by which Richard Cromwell might have per- 
petuated his government, iv. 203. 

Bertie, Mr. C. examined at the bar of the House for corrupt practices, 
v. 284 Committed to the serjeant at arms for contempt, 28 5 
Farther particulars, 289. 

Berwick, Charles the First recommended by Wentworth to keep it 
strongly garrisoned against the covenanters, ii. 337 The measure 
opposed by diem, 338. 
Bethlem Gabor, i. ISO. 

Bible, James die First complains of die want of a good translation of 
it, i. 101 Its precepts more repugnant to priestcraft than the writ- 
ings of the most acute freethinkers, v. 1 1 a. 

Biddle, John, the father of English Unitarians, pensioned by Crom- 
well during his banishment, iii. 43. 
Bigotry, baleful to the country whose prince is tinctured widi it, iii. 

$6 Cromwell superior to it, 37. 
Billeting of soldiers, under Charles the First, ii. 288. 
Biography of remarkable personages, a subject that excites curiosity, 

iii. 1. 

Birch, colonel, his speech against abolishing die solemn league and 
covenant, v. 101. 


Birch, Dr. additions to the life of James the First by, i. 303. 
Birkcnhead, sir J. opposes the bill for a test oath, v. 154. 
Bishops, insignificance of, in Scotland, after the reformation of religion" 
tliere, ii. sir, 321 Opposition of the Scottish nobility to, SL'2 
Kated by the Scottish ministers, ib. Hooted by the populace at 
Edinburgh for introducing the liturgy, 327 Bills proposed in the 
English parliament for depriving bishops of votes, and all temporal 
jurisdictions and offices, 378, 379, ?8l, 382 Excluded from the 
house of peers, iii. 300 Oppose the bill of exclusion against the 
Duke of York, v. 181 Their conduct condemned, ib. 
Bishops' lands, sale of, in the province of York, iii. 306. 
Blackburn, Dorothy, cruelty of tbe star-chamber to, ii. 310. 
Black-heath army, raised by Charles the Second to keep the city in awe, 

v. 295 Disbanded, ib. 

Blake, admiral, defeats VanTromp, iii. 68, 257 A member of Crom- 
well's little parliament, 3-29 Threatens Malaga, for an affront pur. 
upon his seamen, 353 Receives the submission of the priest who 
had instigated the attack, ib.r His valour in the Spanish war pro- 
ductive of wealth and honour to his own country, 387 Destroys 
the galleons in Cadiz harbour, 388 Burns a Spanish fleet at Santa 
Cruz, 389 Dies just as he was entering Plymouth Sound, 390 
Honoured with a sumptuous funeral in Westminster Abbey, 391 
His remains disinterred on the restoration of Charles the Second, ib. 

Blake, Mr. saying of, respecting kings, i. 29. 

Blandford, bishop of Worcester, flatters the inclination of the duchess 
of York towards popery, v. 81. 

Bolingb:'oke, lord, mistaken in saying that James the First retailed 
the. scraps of Buchanan, i. 223 His opinion of that prince, 293 
Educated in dissenting principles, ii. 7 Ascribes the absurd 
principles of Charles the First to king James, his father, 278 
His account of the behaviour of Charles to his parliament called for 
granting supplies for the Scottish war, 3f>4 His observations on the 
nature and use of human reason, v. 70 ^On the motives which en- 
gaged Charles the Second in the Dutch war, 216 His apology for 
the pensioned parliament, 291. 

Book for sports, refused to be read in the churches by the puritans, 
iii. 54. 

Booth, sir George, projects a general insurrection for the restoration of 
the monarchy, iv. 209 Defeated, taken prisoner, and committed to 
the tower, 213 Difference between Mordaunt's and Lambert's ac- 
count of this affair, ib. 

Booth, Mr. inveighs in the commons against the pensioners retained in 
that house by Charles the Second, "v. 283 Complains of the per, 
version of justice, 329 Exposes the tyranny of Judge Jefferies, 331. 

Borel, the Dutch ambassador, his simple apology to Charles the Se- 
cond, iii. 353. 

Boscawen, Mr. on the enormities committed by the papists, v. 167 
On the war with Holland, 213. 

Bouchier, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir James Bouchier, married to Oliver 
Cromwell, iii. 6 Her character, ib. 

Bowing to the altar, see Altar. 

Bowyer, severity of the star-chamber to, for slandering Laud, ii.269,3lo. 

Braddon, Mr. fined for imputing the death of lord Essex to Charles 
the Second, v. 335. 353 His authorities doubtful, 355. 


Brandenburgh, see Frederick William. 

Bradshaw, lord president of the council of state, during the common- 
wealth, iii. 244 Protests against Cromwell's violent dissolution of 
the long parliament, 315 Proscribed by Charles the Second during 
his exile, iv. 12!) His remains disinterred and beheaded, after the Re- 
storation, iii. 517. 

Eramhall, bishop of Londonderry, his conduct at Bruges, iv. 160. 

Brampstone, sir J. a member of the house of commons, bribed by 
Charles the Second, v. 290. 

Breda, declaration published at, by Charles the Second, promising li- 
berty of conscience to his subjects, in the event of his restoration, iv. 
26G Treaty of, with the Dutch, v. 190. 

Brereton, sir Wm. continues in his command, notwithstanding the 
self-denying ordinance, iii. 124. 

Bribery, instances of its extent under Charles the Second, v. 280. 

Bridgman, Mr. opposes the militia bill, ii. 4 1C. 

Bridgman, sir Orlando, pretends that princes are amenable to no 
earthly tribunal} iv. 336. 

Bright, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361. 

Bristol, Digby, earl of, the affair of the match with the infanta entrusted 
to him, ii. 14 By the jealousy of Buckingham committed to prison, 
16 His writ to parliament stopped, 286 Pleads the cause of the 
papists on a motion in the lords for their relief from the penal sta- 
tutes against them, v. 72 Remarks on his conscientious change 
from protestantism to popery, 1 54 His distinction between a Ca- 
tholic of the church of Rome, and one of the court of Rome, ib. 
Supports the motion for a test law, ib. 

Britannia Rediviva, a book of verses published by the university of 
Oxford, on occasion of the Restoration, iv- 332. 

Broghill, lord, prevailed on by Cromwell to desert the royal cause, iii. 
414 Disarms the Protector's resentment against the countess of Or- 
monde, 426 Becomes zealous for the restoration of Charles the 
Second, iv. 252. 

Brooks, lord, his study, cabinet, and pockets searched for papers re- 
lative to matters in parliament, ii. 360 Determines to emigrate with 
the puritans to New England, iii. 54. 

Brownrig, Dr. Bishop of Exeter, respected by Cromwell, iii. 43. 

Bruce, Robert, his bold speech to James the First, i. 29. 

Buchanan, George, tutor to James the First, his character as a writer, 
i. 5 The king's dislike of him, ib. His attempts to inspire his royal 
pupil with a hatred of tyranny, 219. 

Buckingham, Villiers, duke of, dresses effeminately to favour the unna- 
tural propensity of James the First, l, 83 Impure correspond- 
ence between him and the king, 85 Immense favours conferred 
on him by James, 244 Assisted by James in his wicked pur- 
poses on women, ib. 248 Instances of his insolence to his master, 
ib. 251 Suspected of putting him to death by poison, 281 Grounds 
of this suspicion, ib. His conduct in the affair of the infanta, 
ii. 9 His head demanded by the Spanish ambassadors, 1 2 Charged 
with irreverent conduct to prince Charles while in Spain, ib. 
In disgrace with James, but restored through the intrigue of Dr. 
Williams, 16 Suspected of poisoning James, in concert with prince 
Charles, i. 281 ; ii. 21 Sent to Pans to conduct the consort of 
Charles to England, 21.' The vexations he caused to this princess, 


by sowing dissensions between her and her husband, accounted lor, 
32 Assassinated by Fenton 37 Manner in which his death was 
received by Charles, 77 His narrative of falsehoods respecting 
the Spanish court, in the affair of the infanta and the paiatinate, 
85 His insolence, the occasion of a \var with Spain, and his lust, 
of a war with France, 1 56 His disasters in the tatter war, in which 
he had command both of the fleet and the army, loS. 

Buckingham, duke of, useful to the Scottish covenanters, who therefore 
wink at his licentious and profligate courses^ iv. 77 Arrested by the 
English parliament, on suspicion of aiming at the restorauon of 
Charles the Second, 214. 

Buckingham, Sheffield, duke of, on the want of urbanity in Charles the 
Second, v. 27 On his abandoned course of life, 38 On Chariest 
religious tenets, 55. 

BunckJey* Mr. supports the motion for an excise in lieu of the court of 
wards, iv. 373. 

Burgess, Dr. Cornelius, reduced to beggary by the resumption of the 
church lands, iv. 353 Publishes several treatises on the subject, 354. 

Burhill, Robert, supports James the First's " Apology for Oaths of 
Allegiance," i. 305. 

Burleigh, lord, on the danger of a corrupt parliament, v. 276. 

BUrnet, bishop, passage from, respecting the death of Jame^ the First, 
j. 285 His.opinion of that prince, 293 His account of the papers of 
Charles the First on church government, ii. 116 Asserts, on the au- 
thority of James the Second, that the Icon Basiltke was written by 
Gauden,26. 131 Charged with omissions in his memoirs of the dukes 
of Hamilton, 347 His reflections on Clarendon's misrepresentation of 
facts relative to the project of Charles the First for overawing the par- 
liament, 389 Asserts the innocence of Charles the First of the Irish 
massacre, ii. 394 On tl.e disheartened state of the royalists, during 
the trial and execution of Charles the First, 480 His account of 
Charles's dyig moments, 483 On the literary attainments of Oliver 
Cromwell, iii. 3 On his dissimulation between the parliament and 
the army, 96 Description of the interview between Cromwell and 
the Scottish commissioners, who came to plead for the king's life, 
199 On Cromwell's speeches to the republican enthusiasts, 388 
On the respect p:u"d to Cromwell by foreign powers, 352 His as- 
sertion right, that England suffered more in its trade by the Spanish 
than by any former war, 395 A pious wish of his, jut after the re- 
volution, 408 On the aversion of Cromwell to Charles the Second, 
410 On the elevation of Sir Matthew Hale to the bench, by Crom- 
well, 412 Supposes the cares of government to have exhausted 
Cromwell's arts and spirits, 483 His account of the treatment, which 
Charles the Second met with in Scotland, iv. 76 On the uncondi- 
tional restoration of that prince in England, 323 Erroneous in his 
assertion, that the parliament would have increased the king's autho- 
rity, but for the discouragement given them by Clarendon, 344 On 
the character and tulents of Charles the Second, v. 1 His narratives 
more authentic than generally supposed, 1 1 On Charles's ingrati- 
tude to the royalists,^ 19 Unmerciful temper of Charles, 28 Sup- 
poses the profligacy of that prince to have occasioned all the dis- 
asters of his reign, 38 His account of the last moments of Charles, 
51 Particulars of Charles's embracing papacy, 53 On the two 
papers found in Charles's closet after his death, 68 -On the charac- 


ter and testimony of Titus Gates, 1 31 On the passing of the test act, 
1 59 On the conductof Charles the Second, ra raising'the French navy 
to the detriment of his own, 224 His description of the havoc made 
among books by the licensers of the press, 256 On the venality of 
parliament, and the sums paid to its leaders, under Charles the Se- 
cond, 277 His narrative of the assault made on sir J. Coventry, 312 
On the conduct rf Charles in sitting in the house of peers, 321 
His character of North, 331 Of Jefferies, 332 His account of 
the packed juries, 335 On the mysterious death of lord Essex, 
355 On the suspicious circumstances, and critical moment of 
Charles's death, 3."7. 

Burrish, Mr. censures Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, iii. 358. 

Burton, censured in the high commission for writing against the doc- 
trines broached by Montague, ii. 212 Cruelly sentenced by the star- 
chamber on another occasion, 265, 2G7- Kindly treated by the crowd 
who attend him to the pillory, 269. 

Bircv, Dr. n panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361. 

Butlei , bishop, on forms and rites in religion, v. 99. 

Butler, one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438. 

Byron, lord, his account of the arrival of Scottish commissioners at 
the Hague to treat with Charles the Second, iii. 229 State of parties 
there, iv. 58 Why Cliarles was induced to make peace with the 
Scots, 71. 

Cabal ministry, their character, v. 125 Induce Charles the Second 

to nublish a declaration of liberty of conscience to ail dissenters, 

except Roman Catholics, tb. 
Calamy, Dr. on the spirit of enthusiasm in Cromwell's court, iii. 20 

Consulted by Oliver on an important point, 42 His remarks on the 

conduct of Richard Cromwell, iv. '202. 

Calamy, Mr. persuades Moncke to set up Charles the Second, iv. 311. 
Calvin, his doctrines approved and established at the synod of Dort, i. 

150 His followers decline in credit with king James, 15 i. 
Cambridge, town of, seized by Cromwell for the parliament, iii. 84. 
Cambridge university, eminent characters at, during the commonwealth, 

iii. 305 Panegyrics upon Cromwell composed there, on occasion of 

the Dutch treaty, 360. 
Cambridge, county of, copy of an address from, to Richard Cromwell, 

on his accession to the protectorate, iv. 1 79. 
Capel, lord, remarks on his condemnation by a high commission court, 

iii. 449. 

Carew, Mr. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326. 
Carleton, Sir Dudley, his account of the investiture of prince Charles 

with the title of duke of York, i. 3. 
Carlisle, James Hay, earl of, see Hay. 
Carte, Mr. his proofs of Charles the Second having embraced papacy, 

v. 57. 
Cary, .Sir Robert, the infant prince Charles committed to the care and 

government of his lady, ii. 2. 
Casaubon, Dr. M. anecdote of, iii. 417. 

Case, Mr. deceived by the hypocrisy of Charles the Second, v. 15. 
Case of the Commonwealth, a pamphlet published with the appro- 
bation of CrormwlJ, explanatory of his reasons for accepting the 



protectorate, iii. 841 Translated into Latin, for his justification on 
the continent, iii. S4l. 
Castlehaven, earl ot, on the protestants slain in the Irish massacre, iL 


Castlemaine, see Cleveland. 

Catechism, Heidelberg, approved at the synod of Doit, i. 150 Ob- 
jection of Charles the First to the licensing a catechism for children, 
ii. 7O. 

Catharine of Portugal, married to Charles the Second,- v. 39 The 
duchess of Castlemaine appointed of her bed-chamber, ib. 111 usage 
towards her by Charles, 47 Outwardly reconciled to the duchess, 
49 Reflections on her unhappy lot, 51 Singularity in the form of 
her marriage, 76. 

Catholics, oath of allegiance enacted to secure their obedience, i. Ill 
The taking of this oath forbidden them by the pope, 114 James's 
apology for enacting it, in answer to the pope's brief, 1 1 7, 1 19' Fa- 
vourable conduct of James to such as take it, 258 Advanced by 
Charles the First to employment of great trust and profit, ii. 229 
Attempts to free them from the rigour of the penal laws by Charles 
the Second, v. 7 1 Also to include them in the indulgence promised 
to dissenters, 73 Refuse to subscribe an oath of allegiance to the 
king, or a declaration against the temporal power of the pope, 75 
The state, the army, and the navy filled by them, 77 Address of the 
commons to Charles the Second on their arrogance, 78 Their con- 
iidence of success at this period, 80. 

Cavaliers, a name of reproach applied to the adherents of Charles thf 
First, ii. 431 Oppressed by Cromwell, iii. 431 Insinuate themselves 
into his parliament, and become high republicans, 469 Subscribe the 
engagement to the commonwealth, iv. 55 Defeated at Namptwich, 
213 Their hopes nearly extinguished by this disaster, 215 Sup- 
posed to have been betrayed by Sir R. Willis, ib. 
Certamen Reiigiosum, attributed to Charles the First, but not written 

by him, ii. 240. 
Chambers, rigorous treatment of, for refusing to pay the duties of 

tonnage and poundage, ii. 291. 
Character, not to be determined by a few random expressions, but by 

the whole tenor of a man's life, iii. 17. 

Charles, prince, son of James the First, proffers marriage to the infanta of 
Spain, account of that transaction, i. 201 Remonstrance of the par- 
liament to this match, 226 Marries Henrietta Maria, of France, 265. 
see Charles the First. 

Charles the First, his birth and baptism, ii. 1 In the fourth year of his 
age made knight of the bath, and invested with the title of duke of 
York, 3 Particulars of that solemnity, ib. His early proficiency 
in learning, 6 At the age of sixteen is created prince of Wales, and 
has a court formed for him, 8 His hatred to the duke of Buckingham 
changed to inviolable friendship, ib. Particulars of his projected 
marriage with the infanta of Spain, i. 201 ; ii. 9 Instance of his 
gallantry in this courtship, 1 1 Is suspected of poisoning his father, 
21- Marries Henrietta Maria, daughter of Henry IV. of France, 24 
His letter of remonstrance against the ill conduct of his wife, 28 Her 
power over him, 39, 40 Question of his infidelity to the mar- 
riage bed examined, 43 General sobriety of his conduct, 46 Di- 
ligent and exact in the performance of the external acts of religion, 


48 Proclaims sports to be lawful on the Lord's day, 52 Becomes 
superstitious, 61 Vows, and other instances or his superstition, 62 
His extreme bigotry, 68 Trifling nature or" his employments, 
72 In correcting writings, compares himself to a good cobler, 73 
Not bountiful in his nature, 74 Question of his sensibility examined, 
77 Deficient in sacrificing to the Graces, 7y His contemptuous 
treatment of parliament, 80, 280, 282, 283, 357, 565 His truth 
and sincerity doubted, 84 His insincerity one probable reason of 
the loss of his life, 94, 143 Instances of his obstinacy, 9, 97 
Though not despicable in understanding, easily misled by his fa- 
vourites, 101 Accomplishments possessed by him, 1O5 Account 
of the writings attributed to him, 1 10 Writings, of which he was 
the undoubted author, omitted in his works, 136 Letters by him, 
collected, but imprudently suppressed by his friends, 142 Copy of 
verses written by him, 146 Weakness of his public character in- 
stanced in his unsuccessful war with Spain, 1 19 In his still more 
miserable war with France, 158 In suffering the violation of the 
neutrality of his ports both by the Spaniards and Dutch, 166 In 
permitting his ships and coasts to be exposed to the rapine and bar- 
barity of the Turks, 179 Equips a fleet to assert his right to the 
dominion of the British seas, and compels the Dutch to buy the li- 
berty of fishing in them, 184 Wisely refuses to the French and 
Dutch the partition of Flanders, 189 Joins the emperor of Morocco, 
and reduces Sallee, 193 The oath used at his coronation different 
from that used on former occasions, 194 Encourages innovations in 
the doctrines of the church, and both protects the innovators from 
parliamentary censure, and rewards them, 207 His artifice in issuing 
a proclamation against innovations, 212 His motives for encou- 
raging innovations, 214 Advances professed papists to high offices 
in the state, 228 Question of his being himself a papist examined, 
237 Attempts to introduce uniformity in religious worship, 240. iii. 
49 Confers high civil dignities on certain of his clergy, ii. 254 
His notions of regal power, 276 Guilty of oppression, 287. iii. 49 
Prohibits the emigration of the puritans, iii. 54 Attempts to intro- 
duce innovations in Scotland, ii. 316 Is crowned there, 317 Arbi- 
trary conduct relative to the apparel of kirkmen, 318 Advances 
with an army to enforce his innovations, 332 Resolves on going to 
the Assembly and Parliament of Edinburgh, to which the terms of 
pacification were to be referred, 337 Wentwoith's advice to him on 
this occasion, 339 Renews the war, 34* Publishes a justificatory 
declaration for dissolving the parliament, 357 Calls another in con- 
sequence of the ill success of the war, 364. iii. 58 Reluctantly 
agrees to the impeachment of Strafford, ii. 370 Joins in a project, 
for awing the parliament, 384 Examination of the question of his 
being concerned in the Irish rebellion, 393 to 408 Receives the re- 
monstrance of the Commons, iii. 73 Impeaches five members of the 
Commons, ii. 4O8 Goes to the House to seize them, 409 This 
transaction the root of all the subsequent evils of his reign, 412 
Refuses to give up the militia to the Commons, 413 Measures taken 
by him for reducing the parliament and city to obedience, 4 1 7* 
Issues a proclamation for suppressing the rebellion under the earl of 
Essex, 425 Erects his standard at Nottingham, 429 Generally 
* (Successful in Uje early part of the contest, 435 Elated and insolent 


with his advantages, 438 Proclaims a free pardon to the members of 
both houses, with certain exceptions, 439 Uneasiness of his friends 
at his advantages, 440 His attachment to papists occasions many of 
his friends to join the parliament, 443 Determined to subdue the 
parliament, and make them lie at his discretion, 444 Obliged to 
fower his pretensions, 445 The balance turned against him by the 
loss of the battle of Naseby, ib. Attempts to negotiate widi the par- 
liament, 446 His reasons for sending his son, prince Chnrles, away 
from his camp, iv. 13 His opinion of the interest parliament had in 
preserving his life, ib. Receives a proposal from the counties of So- 
merset, &c. for an association to petition the parliament for 
peace, 14 The failure of his armies attributed to the misconduct 
and profligacy of their leaders, 16 Rapid decline of his 1 affairs 
in the west, 22 Throws himself into the hands of the Scots 
at Newark, iii. 152 Conferences at Newcastle, 153 Delivered up to 
the English, 154 Seized by Joyce, ii. 450. iii. 162- Rejects the 
protection of Fairfax, and imagines himself popular in the army, ii. 
451. iii. 166 His treatment at Newmarket, 167 Displeased with 
the terms proposed by the army, ii. 452 Fails in his endeavours 
to be reconciled to Cromwell, iii. 167 His treachery, and letter to 
the queen relative to Cromwell, 171 Escapes to the Isle of Wight, 
172 Negotiations opened with the parliament, ii. 457. iii. 178 Re- 
jects their proposals, ii. 458 Vote, of no more addressees, passed by 
the commons, 459 His reply to the parliamentary declaration, 461 
The vote of non-addresses rescinded, and commissioners sent by 
the Commons to treat with him in the Isle of Wight, 462 Agrees 
to recall his proclamations , &c. but stumbles at the article for abolish- 
ing episcopacy, 463 Again seized by the army, and confined in 
Hurst Castle, 467. iii. 179. iv. 34 Removed to Windsor, iii. 195 
Brought to trial, ii. 471. iii. 196. iv. 35 Condemned, ib. Particulars 
of his conduct at this period, ri. 477 Commiserated by the nation, 
iv. 29 His execution, ii. 481. iii. 197. iv. 37 His family, ii. 481 
Observations on his being styled a martyr, 484 His sufferings com- 
pared to those of Jesus Christ, iii. 205 His character esteemed on 
the Restoration, iv. 326 Observations on the example of his execu- 
tion, ii. 491. iii. 207. iv. 338 His statues pulled down, iii. 216 
Place of his interment certified by memorandum in the register of 
Windsor, v. 26 A vote of parliament in the reign of Charles the 
Second for the due observance of his funeral obsequies not carried 
into execution, ib. 

Charles the Second, his birth, iv. l Remarkable meteor seen on the 
occasion, ib. Rejoicings in the court of Spain, on account of, 2 
His baptism, 3 His tutors and education, 4 His high vene- 
ration of his tutor, Dr. Duppa, 9 Sent into the West, and con- 
stituted general jf an association for petitioning the parliament for 
peace, and general of all the forces in England, 12, 14 A council ap- 
pointed him, on account of his youth, i-i Misconduct of this coun- 
cil, 17 Leaves England, 21 Invited to return by the parlia- 
ment, 22 which he refuses, and arrives in France, 25 His treat- 
ment there, 26 Embarks for England, in the fleet which had revolted 
from the parliament, 31 Arrives in the Downs, and publishes 
a manifesto of his intentions, ib. Retires to Holland, 35 His pro> 
posal to the peers, ib. Writes to Fairfax in his father's behalf, 36 
His carte blanche, to the parliament, to save his father's head, 39 


Proclaimed king of Scotland, 40 His situation and sentiments 
at this period, 45, 51 Proclaimed in Ireland, iii. 222. iv. 54 
Friendly to the Irish Catholics, 57 Disinclined towards the 
Scots, 58 Prevented from going to Ireland by the conquests of 
Cromwell, iii. 222. iv. 59 Remonstrated with by the Scots, iv. 63 
Resolves to maintain his claim to the English throne, 64 Publishes 
:t declaration asserting his rights, 65 Receives the Scottish commis- 
sioners at the Hague, iii. 229 Submits to terms with Scotland, and 
embarks for that country, iv. 66 His reception there, 67 Nature 
of the conditions imposed on him, iii. 229. iv. 73 His dissimula- 
tion, iv. 76 Deprived of the company of his favourite ministers, 77 
Swears to the covenant, ib. Zeal of the army in his behalf, 73 
Signs the declaration, iii. 230. iv. 79 Pleased with the issue of the 
battle of Dunbar, 87 His coronation at Scone, 89 Farther instances 
of hjs dissimulation, 91 Takes the command of the army, and 
moves towards England, 96 Defeated by Cromwell at Worcester, 
iii. 242. iv. 98 A price set on his head, as a traitor, by the English 
parliament, 104 Escapes to France in a destitute and deplorable 
condition, iii. 243. iv. 106 Cardinal Mazarine refuses to see him, 
iii. 345 A pension assigned him from the French government, but 
which is never regularly paid, iv. 108 Sends ambassadors to several 
princes for assistance, who are coolly received, 107 Dissipates a 
sum received from Moscow and Poland on favourites, 1 1 7 Expelled 
France, through the influence of Cromwell, ib. Receives a pension 
from the king of Spain, 119 -Settles at Cologne, ib. Endeavours 
to prevail on the king of Spain to espouse his cause, without effect, 
ib. Permitted to reside at Brussels, iii. 345 Distress of his friends 
in Flanders, iv. 123 Schemes for his restoration detected and frus- 
trated, 126 Weakness of his friends in England, ib. Copy of his 
proclamation against Cromwell, 128 His court made up of necessi- 
tous persons, 131 Treacherous conduct of some of them, and of 
the Louvre, ib. Held in contempt by the Commonwealth and 
Cromwell, 138 Strictures on the legitimacy of his succession, 140 
Disputes amongst his partizans, 144 Hi,s apathy and pursuit of 
amusements during his exile, 1 58 Accused of plundering a church 
at Bruges, 160 His amours, 161 Inquiry as to his supposed mar- 
riage with Lucy Walter, 167 Other mistresses, 169 Begins to 
attend more closely to his affairs on the death of Oliver Cromwell, 
171 Disappointed in his offer of alliance with the House of Orange, 
and of assistance from the States-General, 172 Comparative view 
of the estimation in which he and Richard Cromwell were held by 
France and Spain, 173 Depression of his hopes, 187 Insurrections 
formed in his favour, on the abolition of the protectorate, which are 
all frustrated, 206 Many of his friends put under arrest by the 
Rump Parliament, 214 The people begin to desire his restoration, 
on account of the disputes between the army and the parliament, 
231, 240 The city of London well disposed towards him, 249 
Receives tenders of service frpm many principal actors in the Com- 
monwealth, 250 Suspected of being a papist, 259 Measures uken 
to wipe away this imputation, 260 Endeavours to conciliate the af- 
fections and good-will of the nation by fair promises, 266 Publishes 
a declaration at Breda, promising liberty of conscience, ib. His 
professions doubted by thinking men, 268 Instances of his devoted- 
ness to the papists, 269 Restored by general Moncke, 29S RevieV/ 


of the circumstances and parties which brought about this event, 309 
Terms of his proclamation, 313 By what means his restoration 
was unconditional, 319 The errors of his reign attributed to this 
cause, 323 Viewed as the saviour and deliverer of his people, 326 
His declaration to the parliament, previous to his arrival in England, 
327 Receives supplies from parliament, 328 His first appearance 
in the house of lords, ib. Avenges the death of his father, 332 
Complimented with an extravagant revenue by the parliament, 340 
Contemns the advice of parliament relative to leasing the crown- 
lands, 343 Extorts money from his subjects, notwithstanding his 
large revenue, *'. Issues proclamations against the Irish rebels, 351 ; 
against vice and debauchery, 353 ; against duelling, 354 ; against 
disorderly meetings in taverns, and tippling-houses, 355 ; for a gene- 
ral thanksgiving, and general pardon, 356 Abolishes the court of 
wards ana liveries, and tenures in capite and by knight's service, and 
purveyance, 366 Observations on his act of indemnity and oblivion, 
ib. Issues a declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs, 378 
Cajoles the clergy, 381 The good opinion of his government de- 
clines rapidly, 382 Dissolves the convention parliament, and begins 
to appear in a new light, 385 Becomes negligent of the affairs of 
government, v. l His talents, ib. His apathy attributed to the un- 
happy temper of the royalists, 3 The subject of much weakness and 
credulity, 4 Remarks on his patronage of the Royal Society, 5 
His faith in astrologers abused by Mountague, 9 A great dissembler, 
13 Instances, ib. His apology for hir, dissimulation with the 
Scottish covenanters, ib. Receives a bible from the London minis- 
ters, 15 Pretends to reclaim his brother James from the error of 
papacy, ib. Memorable instance of his hypocrisy while at Breda, 
ib. Another instance towards the London ministers, at the same 
place, 16 Accused of ingratitude, 17 The accusation well found- 
ed, 19 His treatment of the marquis of Argyle, 2O His ingratitude 
to Stanley, earl of Derby, perpetuated by a monumental inscription, 
33 His treachery towards Clarendon, 24 His disregard of the 
memory and remains of his father, 25 Charged with injustice and 
cruelty towards those who were not in his favour, 27 His cruelty 
towards his father's friend Harrington, 28 Also towards Nevill and 
Wildman, ib. Base conduct towards Sir Henry Vane, 29 His 
adulteries and cruelty towards his queen, 37, 46 His letter to 
Clarendon, insisting on the appointment of lady Castlemaine to 
the queen's bed-chamber, 39 Destitute of tenderness or good- 
nature, 44 His ungenerous conduct towards the bishop of Salisbury 
in his old age, 46 Banishes the Portuguese attendants of his queen, 
47 Though he professed himself a protestant of the Church of 
England, he probably lived and died a papist, 52 Extract from 
his letter to the convention parliament, ib. Particulars of his 
embracing the papal religion, 53 Asserted to have been a deist, 5 5 
Farther proofs of his attachment to the Romish church, 57 Extract 
from Huddleston's account of his last moments, 60 and from 
Aprice's narrative, both confirmatory of his having died a papist, 61 
Copies of two papers found in his closet after his death, published 
by his successor James the Second, 63 Inquiry into their genuine- 
ness, 68 Popery favoured, and its professors cherished byTiim, 71 
Singularity in the form of his marriage, 76 Apprehensions ex- 
cited in the minds of the people at seeing the posts of honour in the 


state, the army, and the navy, filled with papists, 77 Addressed by 
the commons against popish recusants, 78 Restores episcopacy, 82 
Signs the Act of Uniformity in contempt of his former promises 
and declarations at Breda, 84 The nonjuring clergy ejected from 
their livings to the number of about two thousand, 85 The non-con- 
formists persecuted, 102 Extends his persecutions to Scotland, 112 
Impolicy of his conduct towards that country, 120 Constrained 
to issue declarations of indulgence, 122 His puerile apology for 
departing from his promises made at Breda, ib. Pretends that the 
tyrannical statutes were forced upon him by parliament, 123 Makes 
great professions of regard for his Roman Catholic subjects, 124 
then suffers the persecution to go on against them and Pro- 
testant dissenters with more violence than ever, 125 His cabal 
ministry prevail on him to publish a new declaration of liberty of 
conscience, ib. Disputes his right to a dispensing power with the 
commons, 127 His declaration of indulgence quashed, ib. An act 
passed by the parliament for the relief of dissenters, removed from 
the table when he should have signed it, 128 Dissolves the par- 
liament, 129 Penal laws executed with renewed rigour, ib. 
Popish plot, 130 Test Acts, 150 Puts the admiralty in commis- 
sion, and fills it with his brother's creatures, 1 53 Dissolves the 
parliament when deliberating on the bill of exclusion, 164 Deter- 
mines to support his brother against the sense of the nation, ib. 178 
Sells Dunkirk to the French, iii. 376. v. 182 Engages in a war 
against the Dutch, and in die Triple League, v. 187 His aversion to 
the Dutch, 188 Renews the war with Holland, 198 Frivolous pre- 
texts for this war, 204 Endeavours to persuade the parliament of 
its policy and justice, 206 The war unpopular, 213 Refused sup- 
plies by the commons, till a redress of grievances be granted, 215 
Concludes a separate peace with Holland, and mediates the treaty 
of Nimeguen, 216 His conduct the confirmation of the superi- 
ority of France in Europe, 217 Particulars of his private treaty 
with Louis the Fourteenth, ib. Endeavours to perfect the French 
navy, to the injury and neglect of his own, 217 Relinquishes the 
superiority of the British flag, 2 1 8 Complains t6 parliament of the 
decay of the British navy, 221 Possessed of great abilities in naval 
affairs, 227 : which he prostituted to the service of France, 228 
Communicates private instructions to Louis XIV. at the moment he 
was publicly affecting to force that prince to a peace, ib. Becomes 
a pensioner of France, 229 Intrigues for increasing his pension, 
231 Measures for extiipating the doctrine of resistance, 239 
Corporation Act, ib. Militia Act, 240 Act of Uniformity, ib. 
Five-mile Act, ib.- The liberty of the press abridged, 250 Issues a 
proclamation against coffee-house politicians, 261 Shuts up the ex- 
chequer, 270 His apology for this measure to the parliament, 274 
Pensions the members, 276 List of his creatures in the house of 
commons, 280 Dissolves the parliament, to prevent inquiry, 290 
Maintains a standing army without law, 294 Inveigles the par- 
liament to grant him money for a French war, which he applies to 
the raising of troops, and officers them with papists, 296 Quarrels 
with the parliament, 297 Lays parliaments wholly aside, 305 
Review of his conduct towards the people, ib. Desires to have the 
triennial bill repealed, ib. Rebukes the commons for requesting him 
to make a league with the Dutch states against the French, 307 
VOL. ! y 


His high pretensions to prerogative in the case of the militia bill, 80S 
Prohibits the obtaining of signatures to a petition intended to be 
presented to him, 309 His invierious conduct towards various pe- 
titioners, 310 Threatens to remember those who had been pro- 
tected by the act of indemnity, 311 His base attack on Sir John 
Coventry, 312 Rejects the commons' choice of a speaker, 316 
Seizes Montague's papers, but is obliged to restore them by the 
commons, 316 His declaration of the causes of" his dissatisfaction, 
with his two last parliaments, 318 Sits in the House of Peers, and 
interrupts the business, 320 Seizure of charters, 323 Infamous 
perversion of justice towards the close of his reign, 329 Exces- 
sive fines inflicted for trifling offences, 334 Patriots condemned 
and executed in a spirit of revenge, 336 Rye-house plot, 337 
Suspected with his brother of being concerned in the death of 
lord Essex, v. 352 Examination of the circumstances of his own 
death, 357 Negligence towards his remains, and mean funeral, 358 
His reign stigmatised with infamy, 361 His authority adduced 
for supposing his father to have promoted the Irish rebellion, ii. 406. 

Charles the Wise, saying of, ii. 84. 

Charlton, Sir Job, pensioned by Charles II. for his parliamentary ma- 
nagement, v. 281. 

Charters, given up, or forfeited, v. 323. 

Chastity, when prevalent in a prince, productive of many happy 
effects, ii. 48. 

Cheshire, the inhabitants of, disarmed by the Rump Parliament, iv. 

Chester, insurrection in, for the restoration of Charles the Second, 
iv. 212. 

Child, sir Josias, his commendation of the Navigation Act, iii. 277. 

Chillingworth, converted from popery by Laud, ii. 240 His declama- 
tion against the Parliament for appealing to arms, 425. 

Church of England, flourishing state ofV under James the First, i. 
268 Innovations in, during the reign of Charles the First, 219 
Superstitious ceremonies introduced in consequence of these innova- 
tions, 220, 225 Securities employedto uphold it by the clergy of 
Charles the First, a principal cause of its downfall, 270 Its property 
proposed to be vested in the crown, with a view to an equal distribu- 
tion, iii. 306, 330. 

Church government, papers written by Charles the First concerning, 
ii. 1 1 5 The true foundation of, iii. 296. 

Church lands sold, and the produce applied towards the support of 
the Universities, iii. 305 Distresses occasioned by their resumption 
under Charles the Second, iv. 352. 

Churchill on patriotism, v. 35. 

Churchwardens, forbidden, by the magistrates of Middlesex, to re- 
lieve dissenters, v. 109. 

Chute, sir Walter, committed to the Tower for his free speaking in 
parliament, i. 231. 

Cicero's Epistle to Lentulus, extract from, as an apology for the 
change in the public mind at the epocha of the Restoration, iv. 260. 

Civil list, in the reign of Charles the Second, iv. 344. 

Clanricarde, earl ofY the favour shewn to him, a proof of the affection 
of Charles the First towards the Irish papists, ii. 399. 

Clare, lord, fined by the star-chamber, ii. 811. 


Clarendon, lord, his sentiments respecting the death of James the 
First, i. 286 Charged with inventing, in order to blacken hid 
enemies, ii. 1 1 2 Mistaken in confounding the parliament that ap- 
plauded, with that which attacked Buckingham, 157 His account 
of the state of" popery in the reign of Charles the First, 235 His 
sentiments on the revival of the old forest laws, 297 Panegyrise!* 
Charles's reign, 359 Misrepresents facts respecting the project for 
overawing the jast parliament of Charles the First, 389 On the 
change effected in the public mind by the lung's attempt to seize the 
five members, 411 Unjust in his censure of lord Holland for join- 
ing the parliament, 443 On the king's allowance of all the parlia- 
ment had done, 463 His unjust aspersions of the conduct of the 
commissioners appointed to treat with him while in the Isle of Wight, 
468 Mistaken in their names and number, ib. His account of 
Cromwell's conduct in a committee, iii. 28 On the characters and 
yiews of the members of the long parliament, 59 Has confounded 
the business of grievances before that parliament with lord Straf- 
forde's affair, 60 His account of the passing of the remonstrance, 
72 His character of the armies of Charles I. and of Cromwell, 83 
Guilty of invention in his narrative of the self-denying ordinance, 
110, 115 Inattentive to plain facts in describing the dispensation 
granted to Cromwell, 1 1 9 His account of the battle of Naseby 
defective, 131 On the dissimulation of Cromwell, during the dis- 
putes between the army and the parliament, 159 Erroneous in 
supposing Charles I. to have been removed from Hoi mby against 
his vrifl, -166 His description of the respect paid to the king while 
at Newmarket, 167- His account of the force put upon Ingoldsby to 
make him sign the king's death-warrant, 2O1 On the conquest of 
Ireland by Cromwell, 224 Instances of his ignorance as a topo- 
grapher, 227 The battle of Worcester grossly misrepresented by 
him, 242 On Barebone's parliament, 827 His comments virulent 
and mixed with falsehood, 329 His narrative of the commotions 
at Nismes untrue, 401, 404 Constrained to allov the equity of 
Cromwell's civil government, 41 1 Assumes to himself the merit of 
Charles the Second's answers to the parliamentary declarations, 436 
His character of Cromwell, 487 His account of the leaders of 
the royalists, iv. 16 Remarks on this statement, 21 Doubts as to 
the accuracy of his statement of the distribution of money among 
the friends of Charles the Second, 118 His character of Richard 
Cromwell injudicious, 202 Apt to invent, 211 His account of the 
defeat of the royalists at Namptwich, 213 His accuracy ques- 
tioned as to the alleged treachery of Sir R. Willis, ib. The report 
of his having prevented the parliament from raising the king's 
authority, unfounded, 344 His account of the resumption of 
church lands, 359 His apology for the negligence of Charles the 
Second to state affairs, v. 3 and for his coldness towards the 
royalists, 17 His remarks, though well-founded, out of place in 
him, who had shared so largely of the king's bounty, is 
Hated by the royalists for the contempt in which he held their 
services, ib. Remarks on his narrative of the case of the marquis 
of Argyle, 20 Unfit for a statesman, on account of his pride, par- 
tiality, and ignorance of public affairs, 24 Loaded with 
honours at the Restoration, ib. Circumstances attending his banish- 
ment, /.His apology for Charles the Second's want of filial duty 

Y 2 


towards his father's remains, frivolous and untrue, 25 His 
account of the p;ofligate associates df the king, 37 His dishonour- 
able conduct, in being pander to the vile lusts of his master, 40 
His relation of the conduct of Charles to his queen, 47 Not privy 
to the change made by 'Charles in religion, 53 On the favour ma- 
nifested by the king towards the Catholics at his restoration, 73 
Promotes the restoration of episcopacy, 83 Incorrect in his esti- 
mate of the numbers and character of the ejected clergy, 85 Cen- 
surable for his apology for the conduct of Charles relative to the act 
of uniformity, 87 The author of most of the penal statutes against 
non-conformists, 105, 125 Concerned in the bargain for the sale of 
Dunkirk, 182 Deemed a good Frenchman, and thanked by 
Louis XIV. for his interference in this affair, 187 Recom- 
mends a system of espionage to Charles the Second, 262 On the 
rise of the monied interest in England, and the shutting of the ex- 
chequer, 270 Prevails on Charles to disband the parliamentary 
army, 294 On the profligacy of Charles's court, 364. 

Clarendon, Henry earl of, extract from his Diary relative to the 
death of lord Essex, v. 356. 

Clarges, Mr. advises Moncke to bring in Charles the Second, iy. 

311, 312. 

Clarges, sir Thomas, opposes the motion for settling the excise revenue 
on the crown, iv. 374. 

Clarges, Dr. his account of the French ambassador's audience of con- 
dolence with Richard Cromwell, on the death of his father, iv. 173. 

Clergy, English, power an3 wealth of, under James the First, i. 268 
Rigorous proceedings of, against the Puritans, 273 General 
body of, disapprove of the new doctrines vended under the patron- 
age of Charles the First, ii. 211 Their adulatory admonition of 
that king, 226 Individuals of, exalted to high civil dignities by 
him, 253 Questions respecting, propounded to the judges, 256 
Character of their administration, while holding civil offices under 
Charles, 276 Bills proposed in parliament for taking from them all 
temporal jurisdiction and offices, 378, 881, 382 Their love of 
riches, contrary to the spirit of the religion of which they are 
the ministers, iii. 299- Despoiled by Henry the Eighth and his 
successors, 300 The office of bishop abolished under Charles 
the First, ib. Deans and chapters, &c. abolished by the common- 
wealth, 301 Provision made for preaching ministers, 302 An 
equitable distribution now wanting, ib. The removal of ecclesiastical 
dignities proposed as a means of quelling all differences, of opinion, 
S04 Sale of church lands, for the promotion of literature, 305 
Recent proposal for vesting the property of the church in the crown, 
with a view to an equal distribution, 30G, 330 -The writer too 
sanguine, 308 Cruelty of Cromwell's edict against the episcopa- 
lians, 427 Their haste to re-enter into possession of the church 
lands, iv. 359 State of, at the Restoration, 378 Though for the 
most part Presbyterians, yet fond of domineering, ib. Means taken 
by the Commons to destroy their apprehensions of the revival of 
papacy, 379 Flattered and cajoled by the court, 384 Curtailed 
of their temporal power by the parliament under Charles the First, 
but reinstated by his son, v. 82 Their defection towards popery 
in the reign of Charles the Second, ib. The episcopalians avenge 
themselves on their opponents, on the passing of the act of uni? 


fortuity, 85 The form of declaration required of them, on entering 
upon a benefice, different from the intention of the act, 89 Zeal- 
ous advocates for the divine rights of kings, 241 The most unfit 
judges of affairs of government, 245. 

"Clayton, Dr. on the artifice adopted in carrying the act of uniformity 
into execution, to eject pious men, who were not aware of the 
whole contents of the act, v. 88. 

Clergy, Scottish, refuse to pray for Mary queen of Scots, i. 27 
Grounds of their dislike of James I. 34. 

Cleveland, duchess of, divulges to Charles the Second the secret of 
Montague having corrupted his favourite astrologer, v. 10 Her 
character and personal charms, 38 Becomes mistress to Charles, 39 
Created lady of the bed-chamber to the queen, ib. Her undue 
influence in the council, and profligate allowance, 48 An original 
letter of hers, addressed to Charles the Second, 372. 

Clifford, lord treasurer, one of the cabal ministry, v. 125 
Ruined by endeavouring to prevent the passing of an act against the 
Roman Catholics, 126 Resigns his treasurer's staff on the passing 
of the test act, 1 53* Was the first British minister who adopted th 
expedient of corrupting the parliament with places and* 1 pen- 
sions, 291. 

Cockeran, extract from the instructions of Charles the First to, in his 
negotiation with the king of Denmark, ii. 139. 

Cocquaeus, Leonardus, attacks James the First's Apology for Oath* 
of Allegiance, i. 306. 

CoefFeteau, bishop, and preacher to Henry IV. of France, answers 
king James's Apology for the Oath of Allegiance, i. 1 24, S04. 

Coftee-houses suppressed, v. 261. 

Coke, sir Edward, committed to the Tower for his free speaking in 
parliament, i. 230 His gross abuse of sir Walter Raleigh on his 
trial, 238 His eulogium on the English laws, hyperbolical, iii. 289 
On the state of civil law under Cromwell, 412. 

Coke, Mr. unreasonably sarcastic on the circumstance of Cromwell's 
father having been a tradesman, iii. 3 Injudicious and absurd in his 
censure of the navigation act, 276. 

Coke, a spy in the council of Charles the Second at Breda, 
iv. 132. 

Coleman, secretary to James duke of York, his letters to the pope s 
internuncio, threatening destruction to the Protestants, v. 79 Re- 
marks on his letters on the popish plot, 136, 143 His papers ex- 
planatory of the duke of York's intentions, 1 60. 

Colepepper, lord, chancellor of the exchequer, and chief of prince 
Charles's council, on the continent, iv. 16 His misconduct the 
cause of the royalists' disasters, 17 Persuades Charles to repair 
to Scotland, 57. 

Collins, Dr. S. his defence of king James's Apology for Oaths of 
Allegiance, i. 306. 

Collins, Mr. inaccurate in his account of the salary assigned by the 
commonwealth to the treasurer of the navy, iii. 260. 

Colt, Mr. Dutton, heavily fined for speaking against the dul 
York, v. 336. 

Committee of safety, powers of, under the commonwealth, iv. 225. 

Commons, house or, five members impeached by the king, n. 408- 
who are demanded by his majesty in person, 409 Adjourn and 


take refuge in the city, where they are caressed, 411 -Conducted 
back to Westminster in triumph, it. Carry the militia bill into 
execution without the king's consent, 415 Resolve to appeal to 
arms, 421 Resolution for no more addresses, 459 The vote re- 
scinded, and commissioners sent to treat with the king in the Isle of 
Wight, 461 The treaty stopped by the army, 467 The house 
purged bv Col. Pride, 471 Votes of non-addresses resumed, ib. 
Erect a high court of justice for the trial of the king, 471 Im- 
peach Strafforde and Laud, iii. 61 Their spirit in resisting op- 
pression, ib. Their degeneracv, 64 Proceedings on the remon- 
strance of the state of the kingdom, 69 Present it to the king, and 
publish it to the nation, 73 Appeal to arms, and issue commis- 
sions, 75 Proceedings on the self-denying ordinance, 108 Protest 
against the clauae for preserving the king's person, 1 1 5 Dispense 
Cromwell from paying obedience to the ordinance, 117, 120 
Their rewards to Cromwell after the battle of Naseby, 1 S4 Peti- 
tioned by the army for the settlement of the nation, 155 Obliged 
to comply, 159 Purged by the army, 179, 186 Vote of thanks 
to Cromwell for his great services, 186 Protestation of the secluded 
members against their imprisonment, &c. ib. Extract from the 
declaration for annulling former votes in favour of a treaty with the 
king, 195 Assume the supreme power of the nation, 205, 215 
Prohibit all inquiry into the proceedings in bringing the king to the 
block, ib. Order a new seal to be made, 215 Abolish royalty, 
and the house of peers, ib. Their declaration to the nation,^216 
War in Ireland, 218 Order an invasion of Scotland, 231 Honours 
conferred by, on Cromwell, for the victory of Dunbar, 24O Commis- 
sioners sent to compliment him after the battle of Worcester, 243 
Settle an estate on him, 244 Proceedings relative to the embassy to 
the states-general, 251 Navigation act passed, 257, 274 Their 
reply to the Dutch ambassadors' apology for the conduct of Van 
Tromp in commencing hostilities, 258 Determine to prosecute the 
war vigorously, 260 Insist on the sovereignty of the sea, and the 
right of searcK, 264, 266 Their vast designs, 266 Pass an act of" 
oblivion, 271 Project an union with Scotland, 277 Begin to 
model the parliamentary representation, 281 Their designs frus- 
trated, 286 Attempt to reform the law, and order all proceedings 
to be in the English tongue, 287 Reward literary talents, 291 
Provide for the state clergy and the universities, 299 Review of its 
proceedings and applause they received, 308 Dissolved by Crom- 
well, 309- Various opinions on this measure, si 7 Mistake in the 
Journals relative to Oliver's commitments of certain persons to the 
Tower, 44 fc Act for the security of the protector, 450 Proceed- 
ings relative to the offer of the regal title to Cromwell, 477, 479 
Address the king against the popish recusants, v. 78 Resist the 
exercise of a dispensing power by the crown, 127 Titus Oates's 
popish plot, 142 Requests the king to suppress the growth of 
popery, 151 Prepare a test bill, ib. Bill of exclusion against the 
duke of York, 159 Motion for the removal of the duke from the 
royal presence and councils, 163 Supplies for the Dutch war 
refused, 215 Complaints against Mr. Pepys and Sir A. Deane, for 
sending information relative to the navy to the French court, 225 
Commit them to the Tower, and order the attorney -general to pro- 
secute, 227 Remarkable defeat of a motion for imposing an 


oath of non-resistance on the whole nation, 240 Dispute with the 
lords about their privileges, 241 Most of the members pensioned by 
Charles the Second, 276 List of those who received bribes, 280 
Mr. Booth's patriotic speech against those members, 283 Mr. 
C. Bertie examined for corruption, 284 Examination of sir S. Fox, 
for the same, 285 Commissioners refused the use of his books, by 
the lord chamberlain Arlington, 287 Quarrel with Charles the 
Second about the standing army, 297 Declare the right to petition 
to be inherent in Englishmen, 3 1 2 Proceedings relative to the attack 
on sir John Coventry, sis Their choice of a speaker rejected, 
316 Breach of privilege in the seizure of Mr. Montague's 
papers, 316 Resolve to impeach judges Set oggs, Jones, and Wes- 
ton, for pei-version of justice, 329 (See Parliament.) 

Commonwealth of England, begins, iii. 215. iv. 39 Its transactions 
recorded in papers published by authority of the council of state, 
iii. 218 No complete history of these times by any contemporary 
writer, 219 The Scots defeated at Dunbar, 239 Submission of 
Scotland, 243 Navigation act, 257, 274 Disputes with the 
Dutch, 246 War with Holland, 257 The dominion of the seas 
insisted on, and allowed, 264 Tranquillity at home, 268 An 
union with Scotland, 277 A new model of representation proposed, 
281 Encouragement to literature, 291, 299 Terminated by Oliver 
Cromwell, 309 Renewed on the resignation of Richard Crom- 
well, iv. 188 Settlement of religious liberty, 207 Insurrections of 
the royalists, 212 Disputes between the army and the parliament, 
216 Factions, 241 Many of the leading men offer their services 
to Charles the Second, 250 Ends with the restoration of mo- 
narchy, 293. 

Communion table, trifling rites respecting, enjoined by a canon, in a 
synod or convocation, ii. 222. 

Compounding, an arbitrary mode of taxation adopted by Charles the 
First, ii. 292. 

Comprehension, bills of, framed for the approbation of parliament, 
v. 122 Rendered ineffectual by the parliament, 124 Their design 
and scope, 129. 

Con, George, a Scot, encouraged by Charles the First, and his court, 
as agent from the pope, ii. 230. 

Confession, auricular, Charles the First charged with being desirous of 
introducing it, ii. 228. 

Conformity, universal, Laud's attempt to introduce it, ii. 242. 

Conic, Mr. his counsel imprisoned for pleading his cause, iii. 446. 

Conjurers, singular resolution of a question respecting, v. 9. 

Conventicles, penal laws against, v. 103, 118. 

Convocation, Irish, for uniformity in modes and forms of religion, 
particulars of, ii. 245. 

Conscience, liberty of, a favourite maxim of Cromwell, iii. 39. 

Conway, lord, made general of the horse, in the war against the 
Scots, ii. 362 Army under him fly, 364. 

Conybeare on subscription to articles of faith, v. 91. 

Cooper, sir A. A. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326 
Dryden's satire on him, 328 Supports the motion for an excise in 
lieu of the court of wards, under Charles the Second, iv. 374. 

Coote, sir Charles, engages the north oi Ireland ia the interests Oj 
Charles the Second, iv. 254. 


Cornwall, twenty-six children taken at once by the Turks off the 
coasts of", u. 1 83. 

Cornwallis, sir Charles, his character of prince Henry, son of James 
the First, i 295. 

Coronation oath, that of Charles the First different from what had 
usually been administered, ii. 198 In what that difference con- 
sisted, 199 Form of the usual oath, 200. 

Corporation oath, copy of, ii. 427. v. 239. 

Corruption of ministers by foreign princes, attempted to be justified, 
v. 229 Remark of James the First on this subject, ib. A system 
of, the only ruin to be apprehended bv England, 276, 291 Mem- 
bers of the commons bribed by Charles the Second, 280 Epocha 
of, in England, 290. 

Cosin, Dr. chaplain to Charles the Second, joins the communion of 
the Hugonots, to exculpate his master from the imputation of 
popery, iv. 262. 

Cottrington, though a catholic, made chancellor of the exchequer by 
Charles the First, ii. 23O. 

Covenant, terms of, imposed by the Scots on Charles the Second, iv. 75. 

Covenanters, Scottish, their negotiations with Charles the Second, iv. 
67 Require him to remove the duke of Montrose from his pre- 
sence, 68 Oblige the king to subscribe the covenant, 73 Remove 
his friends from about his person, 76 Their rigorous conduct in 
religious obseiTances, 77 Oblige the king to acknowledge the sin 
of his house, and of his former ways, 79 Their army defeated by 
Cromwell's at Dunbar, 85 Put the crown on Charles's head, at 
Scone, 89 Raise a new army, and give the command to the king, 
96 Defeated at Worcester, 99. 

Coventry, sir John, reflects on the amours of Charles the Second, 
v. 312 Assaulted and wounded by assassins hired by the court, 318 
Proceedings in parliament thereupon, ib. 

Coventry, sir William, secretary, opposes the bill for a test oath, 
v. 153 Opposes the vote of supply for the Dutch war, 214 Op- 
poses the chancellor's suggestion of sending hired spies to places of 
public resort, 262. 

Council of state, dissolved by Cromwell, iii. 315 A new one con- 
stituted by him, 323 Debates in, relative to the restoration of 
Charles the Second, iv. 312. 

Courts of law, state of, under Charles the First, iii. 49. 

Courts of princes, generally incompatible with virtue, iii. 4O9 Crom- 
well's court an exception to this rule, ib. Why attended by a venal 
crowd, iv. 25O. 

Courts of wards and liveries, relinquished by Charles the Second, 
iv. 366. 

Cowardice imputed to Cromwell, iii, 86. 

Cowards never forgive, example in James the First of this prin- 
ciple, i. 63. 

Cowley, Mr. on Cromwell's deficiency in elocution, iii. 34 On the 
craft and dissimulation of Cromwell, 93 On his assumption of the 
protectorate, 339 On the revenue and expences of the protector's 
government, 427 On the critical moment of Cromwell's death, 

Cowper, John, excludes the bishop of St. Andrews from the pulpit, 
to prevent prayers being made for the queen of Scots, i. 28. 


Cradock, Mr. Z. appointed, chaplain to the English merchants at Lis- 
bon, iii. 419. 

Crafts, sir John, his daughter vitiated by Buckingham, with the 
assistance of king James, j. 248. 

Crawford, major-general, his account of the battle of Marston- 
moor, iii. 87. 

Credulity, a folly frequently prevalent in the minds of the wisest 
men, v. 8. See Superstition. 

Crew, John, member of parliament, committed to the Tower for re- 
fusing to deliver the petitions which he had received as chairman of 
the committee on religion, ii. 360. 

Crew, sir Randal, deprived of his office of chief justice, for refusing 
to favour the general loan, ii. 288. 

Crew, sir Thomas, sent to Ireland for his free speaking in parlia- 
ment, i. 230. 

Crofts, bishop of Hereford, his complaint of the arrogance of the 
papists, v. 7". 

Croke, judge, concludes against the king in the question of ship- 
money, ii. 304. 

Cromwell, Oliver, his birth and lineage, iii. 1 His education and 
literary attainments, 2 Well read in Greek and Roman history, 4 
Neglects his studies and becomes dissolute, ib. Fails in an attempt 
to wrest his uncle's estate from him, 5 Obtains the name of a 
royster, on account of his boisterous mirth, ib. Reforms and mar- 
ries the daughter of sir James Bouchier, 6 Settles at Huntingdon, 
7 But removes to the Isle of Ely on the death of his uncle, 8 
Falls into straits in consequence of his superstition, ib. The ac- 
count of his great poverty, erroneous, 10 Possessed of true reli- 
gion, 12 Copy of his letter to Mr. Storie, ib. Carried away by 
enthusiasm, 13 Imagines a spirit to have visited him, who pre- 
dicted his subsequent greatness, ib. Extracts from several of his 
letters, illustrative of this part of his character, 14 Charged with 
hypocrisy, 17, 93 These charges, if proved, not destructive of 
his enthusiasm, ib. The age in which he lived, an age of wonders, 
19 His opinion concerning the returns of prayer, ib. His confi- 
dence of recovering from his last illness, 22 Compared with Ma- 
homet and Aurengzebe, 23 His affability and buffoonery, ib. 
His diversions subservient to his policy, 26 Could appear on pro- 
per occasions with pomp and magnificence, ib. His first appear- 
ance in parliament, 27 Reprehended in a committee for his bois- 
terous conduct, 29 Improvement in his manners, as he rose in con- 
sequence, 30 Description of his inauguration, ib. His ceremoni- 
ous reception of the Swedish ambassador, 32 Not eloquent, 34 
Not so devoid of ideas as represented by Mr. Hume, ib. Not a 
writer of sermons, as expressed by that historian, 35 Reasons for 
the obscurity and flatness of his speeches, 35 His speech to the 
Swedish ambassador, ib. Bigotry no part of his character, 36 His 
letter to the governor of Edinburgh Castle a proof of this, 37 Hii 
reply to the Scottish ministers, ib. His fixed opinion concerning 
liberty of conscience, 39 His speech on the dissolution of parlia- 
ment in 1654, 40 His practice conformable to his principles of 
religious liberty, 42 Employs the Presbyterians, who were hii 
enemies, about his court, and shews favour to the Episcopalians, ib. 
Pensions Biddle, the father of the English Unitarians, during hii 


banishment, 43 The Roman Catholics who behaved well, counte- 
nanced by him, ib. His wish to harbour and protect the Jews in 
England, abortive, 44 Falls in with the puritans, when greatly op- 
pressed, 45 Censures and opposes court prelates, 49 Prevented 
from emigrating to America, 54 Opposes the draining of fens, 55 
Overcomes his prejudices against this measure, and becomes a 
commissioner for carrying it into execution, 58 Joins the patriots 
in the long parliament, ib. Appointed of the committee on the 
petitions of Lilburn and Leighton, 59 Also on a committee for the 
prevention of abuses at elections, 70 Adheres to the parliament 
from principle and inclination, 75 Raises and disciplines a troop of 
horse, ib. Character of his troops, 77 His success in training, 8O. 
Secures the town of Cambridge for the parliament, 84 Accused of 
cowardice, 86 His success attended with the envy and hatred of 
very powerful persons, 88 The mutiny of the army attributed to 
his contrivances for forwarding his ambitious views, 94- His hypo- 
crisy and double-dealing between the commons and the army, 94 
Betakes himself to the ktter for security, 96, 159 Rebuked by 
Joyce for telling lies, 97 Contrives Joyce's ruin, 98. Refuses to 
reward the man who had been his instrument in this business, be- 
cause he " had not acted like a Christian," 99 Appointed captain- 
general, 100 The self-denying ordinance peculiarly favourable to 
him, 106 His speech introductory to this measure, 108 Dis- 
pensed with paying obedience to it, 117, 122 Defeats the king at 
Naseby, 124 His Tetter to the speaker on this occasion, 129 Re- 
wardea by parliament, 131, 134 Created a baron by the commons, 
136 Becomes ambitious through his success, ib. Makes his court 
to the officers and soldiers, 137 Obtains great popularity, ib. 
Begins to threaten the parliament, 138 Encourages a mutinous 
ipirit in the army, 139, 151 Principles promulgated by him at this 
period, 148 Accused of high-treason by major Huntington, 150 
The commons refuse to receive the charge, }51 His cunning in not 
appearing openly to encourage the army in its opposition to the par- 
liament, 159 In danger of being sent to the Tower, 160 Retires 
to the army, 161 Further instances of his ambition, 162 Protests 
against the seizure of the king, 163 Proofs of his having been 
concerned in it, 165 Breaks off all thoughts of reconciliation with 
the king, 167 Motives to this, 169 Vindicated from persuading 
the king to retire to the Isle of Wight, 172 Defeats the Welsh 
and Scots, 176 His reception at Edinburgh, 178 Concerned in 
colonel Pride's purge of the commons, 185 Receives the thanks of 
that house for his eminent services, 186 Arguments in defence of 
his conduct towards the parliament, 197 The chief actor in the 
condemnation and death of the king, 198 His conduct defended, 
203, 207 Appointed commander-in-chief in Ireland, 222 Takes 
Diogheda by storm, 223 Gives no quarter, ib. His justification of 
this measure, ib. Ireland reduced by him and Ireton, 224. iv. 59 
England indebted to him to this day for the preservation of Ireland, 
iii. 227 Dispatched upon an expedition to Scotland, 231 His 
arguments to prevail on Fairfax to engage in this expedition, 232 
Supersedes that general, 234 Publishes a declaration, addressed to 
the saints in Scotland, 236 Arrives at Berwick, 237 Enters Scot- 
land, 238. iv. 84 Defeats the Scots at Dunbar, iii. 289. iv. 85 
Honours conferred on him by the parliament, iii. 240 Farther pro- 


gress in Scotland, 241 Defeats Charles the Second at Worcester, 
242 Effects of this victory upon Cromwell, 310 Receives a de- 
putation from the commons, near Aylesbury, to congratulate him 
on this victory, 244 Met by the speaker, the lord president, &c. 
at Acton, for the same purpose, ib. Mis triumphal entry into Lon- 
don, ib. An estate settled on him, ib. Panegyrics written on the 
occasion, 245 Procures intelligence of what is passing in the Dutch 
councils, 261 Insists with the Dutch commissioners on the right of 
search, 264 Supposed to have promoted an act of oblivion, to in- 
gratiate himself with new friends, 272 Naturally humane and 
benevolent, 274, 422 His advice to his son Henry to deal with 
adversaries with moderation, ib. Completes the union with Scot- 
land, 280 Violently expels the commons, 309. iv. 1 10 Probable 
motives by which he was impelled to this measure, iii. 310 Con- 
ferences with several persons on the settlement of the nation, 311 
Dissolves the council of state, 315 Charged with falseness and 
ingratitude in this measure, 316 His defence of this measure, ib. 
Constitutes a council of war, and summons a parliament, suraamed 
the Little, or Barebone's parliament, 323 The parliament resigns 
its powers into his hands, 331 How far he was concerned in this 
resignation, 332 Inaugurated as lord protector of the common- 
wealth, 335. iv. 112 His instrument of government, iii. 335 
Invested with all the old real rights of English kings, ib. Despotism 
not in his intention, ib., His art in softening his opponents, 336 
Speech to his second parliament, 337, 452 Strictures on it, 339 
His reasons for accepting the protectorate, 337, 341 Panegyric 
on his government, 343 Addresses from many considerable 
places, ib. Rivals the greatest of our monarchs in glory, and 
courted by foreign nations, 345. iv. no Makes peace with the 
Dutch, iii. 346, 354 Rejects the offer of Spain to assist him in the 
recovery of Calais, 846 Sends an embassy to the king of France, 
in Flanders, ib. Obliges the king of France to expel Charles the 
Second from his dominions, iv. 116 The courtship of the crowns 
of France and Spain, exposes them to ridicule, iii. 348 A medal 
struck by the Dutch in derision of the servility of these courts, ib. 
Courted by the elector of Brandenburgh, 349 Congratulated by 
the queen of Sweden and the king of Denmark, ib. Firmness of 
his conduct in the case of the Portuguese ambassador, whose 
brother was beheaded for murder, ib. Obliges the king of Por- 
tugal to submit, 351 Exults at Blake's conduct at Malaga, 353 
Dreaded by the states-general, ib. Italy trembles at his name, 354 
His fleet scours the Mediterranean, ib. The Turks obliged to 
deliver up Hide, ib. His treaty with the Dutch, 355 Medals 
struck by the Dutch, and panegyrics on Oliver composed in the 
English universities, on occasion of this treaty, 357 Objections to 
this treaty, 357 Blamed for breaking with Spain and making an 
alliance with France, 362 Motives by which he was influenced, 
369 Dunkirk taken by the French, and delivered into his hands, 
ib. 392 His conduct justified, 374 Jamaica taken, 380, 382 
His manifesto against Spain, 387 Naval successes, 388 Treaty 
with France, 392 Interposes in behalf of the Vaudois, and re- 
lieves them in their sufferings, 396 His generosity unjustly im- 
peached, 398-^-Preserves the protestants of Nismes from destruc- 
tion, 408 Praised by his admirers for his concern fgr the cause of 


protestantism, 404 Review of his government at home, 406 His 
court more free from vice than the generality of courts, 409 Reli- 
gion the only passport to his favour, ib. His judges able and 
honest, 411 Places men of ability in all the offices of state, 413 
Anecdote of him and lord ISroghiil, 414 Favours learning, 419 
Presents some valuable manuscripts to the university of Oxford, 
420 Erects a college at Durham, -121 Kind and condescending to 
his enemies, 422 His interview with the marquis of Hertford, 423 
Corrupts sir Richard Willis, and obtains information of the royalists' 
designs, 425 Disarmed of his resentment against the countess of 
Ormond, 426 Scantiness of his revenue, ib. Cruelty of his edict 
against the episcopal clergy, 427 Subjects the cavaliers to heavy 
taxes, 431 Appoints major-generals over all England, 437 
Guilty sometimes of packing juries, and displacing judges for re- 
fusing to follow his directions, 443 Perhaps not to be blamed on 
this account, 445 Imprisons men illegally, 445 Imitates and even 
exceeds the tyranny of Charles the First in this respect, 449 Act 
for the secuiity of his person, 450 Violates the privileges of par- 
liament, 452 Accused of tyranny, 455 His enemies numerous, 
467 Circumstances attending his refusal of the royal title, 471 
His death, 475, 484. iv. 130 His children, iii. 479 His funeral, 
485 His character, 48G Contrasted with Louis the Fourteenth, 
488 His memory celebrated, 489 To be ranked among the 
greatest of princes, 490 Original letters and papers of, 491 In- 
scription on his coffin, 520 Indignities offered to his remains, after 
the Restoration, 517 Proclamation of Charles the Second for his 
destruction, iv. 128 His dissimulation contrasted with that of 
Charles the Second, v. 14. 

Cromwell, Richard, succeeds his father, Oliver, in the protectorate, 
iv. 163 Form of his proclamation, 177 State of parties in Eng- 
land at his accession, 169 Receives a state visit of condolence from 
the French ambassador, 173 Negotiates a peace with France and 
Spain, 1 74 Maintains the point of honour in the French treaty, 
176 Receives addresses from various parts of England, 178 Re- 
spect paid him by foreign courts, 179 Singular address from the 
aimy to him, 182 Summonses a parliament, which swears fidelity to 
him, 184 Animosities breaking out, he resigns the protectorate, 188 
Particulars of his resignation, 190, 195 Schedule of his estates, 
197 Provision made for him by the parliament, 198 His charac- 
ter, 203 Death, 205 Original letters from, v. 367, 369. 
Cromwell, Henry, lord lieutenant of Ireland, his letter to his brother 
Richard on the state of public affairs, iv. 188 Copy of his act of 
resignation, 205. 

Cromwell, Mrs. Elizabeth, wife of the protector Oliver, copy of 
her letter to her husband, iii. 6 Her character unjustly repre- 
sented, 7. 

Crown-lands, sold by order of the parliament, iv. 345 Started as an 
obstacle to the restoration of Charles the Second, 28O Resumed by 
that prince, 341 Names of some who were dispossessed, 351 
Distresses occasioned by this measure, 353 Might have been pre- 
vented, and the clergy amply provided for, ib. 

Cudworth, Dr. a panegyrist of Cromwell, on occasion of the Dutch 
treaty, iii. 360 Consulted as to persons in the university fit to be 
employed in the state,4is His Hebrew poem on Oliver's death,48'J. 


Curriton, Mr. committed to the Tower, for his free speaking in par- 
liament, ii. 284. 
Cutpurse, put to death by James the First, without legal process, i. 6 1 . 


Dailly, his defence of the religious tenets of Charles the Second, iv. 262. 
Dalziel, general, commissioned to enforce the laws against non-con- 
formists and conventicles in Scotland, v. 119. 
Danby, lord, fined live hundred pounds for forest encroachments, 

ii. 296. 

Danby, earl of, treasurer, his letters to Montague on the increase of 
Charles the Second's pension from France, v. 235 Impeached by 
the commons for carrying on an illicit intercourse with a foreign 
court, 238 Increases the amount and number of pensions, 289 
In danger from the commons, who are dissolved to screen him, 29O 
Ruined by Montague and an astrologer, 10. 318. 

Dantzic, English merchants there, hold a public rejoicing on the death 
of Charles the First, iii. 214. 

Davidson, secretary, how employed by Elizabeth against Mary quee 
of Scots, i. 19 How rewarded, 20. 

Dean and chapter lands, the produce from the sale of, applied toward* 
the promotion of literature in the universities, iii. 305. 

Deane, sir Anthony, accused of holding a traitorous correspondence 
with France, v. 225 His defence, 226 Sent to the Tower, and 
ordered to be prosecuted, 227. 

Debauchery, proclamation against, by Charles the Second, iv. 353. 

Debt, public, contracted before the revolution, v. 276. 

Declaration of Charles the Second, soon after his father's death, de- 
nouncing vengeance against his subjects of England and Wales, 
should they not submit to his authority, iv. 65 Another, compiled 
by the Scottish covenanters, and signed by Charles, 79 Answered 
by the English parliament, 82 Another published by Charles at 
Breda, promising liberty of conscience and a general pardon, in the 
event of his restoration, 266 Another, concerning ecclesiastical 
affairs, by the same, 381. 

Declaration required of the clergy rendered more rigorous than pre- 
scribed by the act of uniformity, by the omission of certain qua- 
lifying words, v. 89. 

Declarations of indulgence extorted from Charles the Second by the 
reproaches of his catholic friends, v. 122 Rendered ineffectual by 
parliament, 124 Anew one issued under the cabal ministry, 125 
The Roman Catholics excluded from it, ib. Again quashed by 
the parliament, 127 The penal laws renewed, 129. 

Decyphering, act of, discovered during the commonwealth, iv. 136 
Incredulity of the royalists on the subject, 1S7. 

De la Ware, lord, imprisoned for plotting against the commonwealth, 
in favour of the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 214. 

Demonologie, written by James the First, some account of it, i. 45. 

Denbigh, earl of, Charles the First's contemptuous treatment of, as a 
parliament commissioner, ii. 81 Strange conduct of, as commander 
of the fleet before Rochelle, 165 Resigns his commission incon- 
sequence of the self-denying ordinance, iii. 116. 

Denmark, the king of, gets drunk with James the First, and is rude to 


the countess of" Nottingham, i. so Joins England in the war against 
Spain for the restoring of the palatinate, ii. 154 Sends a congratu- 
latory embassy to Cromwell, iii. 349. 

Denmark House, the chapel of, resorted to, by the adherents to 
popery, ii. 234. 

Deposition of sovereigns, the power of, assumed by the popes, and 
still maintained as part of their holy function, v. 170. 

Derby, Stanley, earl of, ingratitude of Charles the Second to, 
v. 23. 

Derbyshire, the inhabitants of, disarmed by the Rump parliament, 
iv. 214. 

Dering, sir Edward, relates in a committee of the commons, on reli- 
gion, that Mr. Wilkinson had been refused ordination, ii. 222 
Arraigns the pride of Laud in assuming the title of patriarch, 251 
His speech on presenting the petition of a poor oppressed 
puritan, 258 His bill for the eradication of bishops, and other* 
under them, from temporal offices, 379 Joins the parliamentary 
party on account of Charles's attachment and submission to the 
papists, 443. 

Desborow, called to sit in Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 326 Adverse 
to the title of king being conferred on Oliver, 477. 

Despotism far from the intention of Cromwell and his officers, iii. 335 
Not to be secured by bloodshed, v. 267. 

Devon, petition from, for the admission of the secluded members to the 
Rump parliament, and for filling up vacancies, iv. 295 Answered 
by Moncke, 296 Oppression of the magistrates towards non-con- 
formists, v. 107. 

De Witt, grand pensionary, his exultation at the peaceful succession 
of Richard Cromwell to the protectorate, iv. 172. 

Digby, lord, his character of Straffbrd, ii. 376. 

Digby, sir Kenelm, his attachment to Cromwell, the effect of in ho- 
nourable sentiment, iii. 43. 

Dillingham, a panegyrist of Cromwell's government, iii. 361, 489. 

Diggs, sir Dudley, punished for his free speaking in parliament, 
i. 230, 283. 

Disbrowe, colonel, one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438 Copy 
of his commission, ib. His account of his proceedings in this cha- 
racter, 441. 

Discontent, when not suffered to evaporate by freedom of speech, 
likely to be dangerous to the government, v. 267. 

Dispensing power, disputes between Charles the Second and the com- 
mons respecting, v. 127 The king forced to retract, ib. 

Dispossessed magistrates ought not to be restored, a favourite maxim 
of the republicans, iv. 50. 

Dissimulation, its measures, i. 33 Instances of, in Charles the Second, 
v. 13 His apology for it, in the case of the Scottish covenant, ib. 

Dissenters' deputation to Charles the Second at Breda, 15 Deceived 
by his prayers, 16 Penal laws against, 102 See Non-conformists, 
Uniformity, &c. 

Donne, Dr. supports James the First's Apology for Oaths of Allegi- 
ance, i. 304. 

Dorislaus, Dr. assassinated at the Hague, iii. 249. 

Dort, synod of, i. 148. 

Dowglas, George, assassinates Rixio, i. 3. 


Dowglas, Robert, extract from his sermon before Charles the Second, 
on his coronation at Scone, iv. 93. 

Down and Connor, Henry bishop of, extract from his sermon on the 
death of Charles the First, iii. 205. 

Downame, Dr. writes in support of king Jamas's Defence of Oaths 
of Allegiance, i. 305. 

Downs, Mr. his exertions in favour of Charles the First, ineffectual, 
iii. 200. 

Downing, Emanuel, his letter to Usher, showing the mischievous 
effect of persecuting the puritans, i. 276. 

Downing, sir G. originally a pauper, v. 281 Advises the oath of re- 
nunciation against Charles the First, ib. Resident in Holland for the 
commonwealth, iv. 254 His treacherous conduct there, ib. Makes 
his peace with Charles the Second, ib.' Rewarded for his parlia- 
mentary management, v. 281. 

Draining of land, disputes about, iii. 55. 

Drake, sir W. bribed for his parliamentary management under Charles 
the Second, v. 280. 

Drelincourt defends Charles the Second against the imputation of 
popery, iv. 262. 

Drogheda, taken by storm, by Cromwell, iii. 223. 

Drury, sir Drue, refuses to be concerned in putting to death, pri- 
vately, Mary, queen of Scots, i. 19. 

Drunkenness a gross and brutish vice, i. 82. 

Dryden, the poet, celebrates the memory of Cromwell, iii. 489 Pane- 
gyrises the restoration of Charles thejSecond, iv. 332 His satire on 
lord Shaftesbury, a well-drawn portrait, v. 208. 

Dublin, siege of, by Ormonde, who is defeated by the parliamentary 
forces, iii. 222. 

Dudley, sir Robert, iniquitous conduct of James the First to, i. 236. 

Dugdale, sir William, believes the Icon Basilike to have been written 
by Charles the First, ii. 125, 129 His account of the lineage of 
Cromwell, iii. l Of Oliver's dissolute youth, 5 His having left 
the wife of the protector unnoticed in his dark picture of the whole 
family, a proof of her good character, 8 His account of the affected 
cant assumed by Cromwell, 9 Of the election of Cromwell as a 
burgess in parliament, 56. 

Duelling, interdicted by proclamation, by Charles the Second, iv. 354. 

Dunbar, earl of, the honours and immense wealth bestowed on him on 
the accession of James to the English throne, i. 64, 65. 

Dunbar, battle of, iii. 238. iv. 85 Its influence in the Scottish coun- 
cils, 90. 

Duncombe, sir John, opposes the bill for a test law, v. 153. 

Dunkirk, delivered up to Cromwell, iii. 369, 392 Sold to the French, 
by Charles the Second, v. 182. 

Duport, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361. 

Duppa, Brian, tutor to Charles the Second, iv. 5 His character, 8 ; 
and death, 9. 

Durham, taken and garrisoned by the Scots, 364 A college erected at, 
by Cromwell, iii. 420. 

Dury, Mr. hi unsuccessful labours to reconcile religious opinions, 
iii. 304. 

Dutch, insult the English flag, and take many merchant ships, i. 188, 
191 Obtain, of Jame the First, the surrender of the cautionary 


towns, which had been put into the hands of Elizabeth, 192 Violate 
the law of nations respecting neutral ports, by destroying several 
English ships, and are adjudged to pay the damages, ii. 167 
Violate the same law by the destruction of the Spanish fleet in the 
port of Dover, 172 Purchase of Charles the First, the licence of 
fishing in the British seas, 184 Fish without such licence, 186 
Supposed profit of their fishery, 187 Their churches in England 
molested by Laud, 242 Quarrel with the English commonwealth, 
iii. 246 Hostilities begun by Van Tromp, 257 Their secrets be- 
trayed to the English council, 261 Humbled, and sue for peace, 264 
Accept it on Cromwell's own terms, 346, 354 Ludicrous medal 
struck by them, in derision of the servility of France and Spain to 
Cromwell, 348 Dread of the States-General of Cromwell, 353 
Simple apology of their ambassador for this fear, to Charles the 
Second, ib. Particulars of the treaty with Cromwell, 355 Engage 
with Cromwell to exclude the prince of Orange and his heirs from 
the stadtholderate, 356 Interpose with the duke of Savoy, in behalf 
of the persecuted protestauts of Vaudois, 400 Charles the Second 
declares war against them, v. 188 Treaty of Breda, 190 Triple 
league, ib. War renewed, 198 Frivolous pretext adopted by 
Charles for this war, 2O4 Writers employed by the English court 
against the republic, 209 The country almost ruined, 216 Peace 
of Nimeguen, ib. (See States-General). 


Ease, love of, admissible in private persons, but censurable in kings, 
v. 5. 

East, practice of turning towards that point, in religious services, com- 
bated, ii. 224. 

Easter, query of Charles the First respecting its non-observance by the 
new reformers, ii. 75. 

Ecclesiastical affairs, declaration of Charles the Second concerning, 
iv. 378 Proceedings in parliament thereupon, 379. 

Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, restored in England, v. 83. See Episcopacy. 

Ecclesiastical property, proposed to be vested in the crown, for the 
benefit of the inferior clergy, iii. 306, 33O. 

Echard on the certainty of Charles the First being buried at Windsor, 
and the undutiful conduct of his son towards his remains, v. 25. 

Edghill, battle of, its effects on the public mind, ii. 435. 

Edmonds, sir Thomas, cutting jests passed on him by the French, in 
his capacity of ambassador, ii. 166. 

Education of princes, importance and nature of, iv. 4. 

Eglisham, Dr. writes a book to prove that James the First was poison- 
ed by the duke of Buckingham, i. 282. 

Ejected clergy, hardship and cruelty of their case, v. 85. 

Elizabeth, queen, her dissimulation in the affair of Mary queen of 
Scots, i. 19 and 20 Her death, 60 Disrespect of James the First to 
her memory, 73 Her memory treated coldly by the clergy for her 
conduct respecting the bishoprick of Ely, ii. 225. 

Elizabeth, daughter of James the First, her marriage, i. 178. 

Elliott, sir John, committed to the Tower for his free speaking in par- 
liament, 283 Dies there, 284. 

Engagement, the, act for subscribing, passed, iv. 40 Disputations oc- 


casioned by it, 4 1 Its nature, 55 Discharged and taken from the 
file of the parliament, by the influence of Moncke, iv. 3O7. 

England only to be ruined by a corrupt parliament, v. 27 G. 291. 

Enthusiasm an attendant upon reformation, iii. 18. 

Episcopacy, imposed on the Scots by James the First, i. 279 
Impolicy of this proceeding, ib. 280 Abolished by the treaty of 
pacification between the Scots and Charles the First, ii. 338. 341 
Restored in England with the monarchy, iv. 379. v. 82 Apprehen- 
sions that it might lead to the revival of popery, ib. Means adopted 
by the commons to prevent this, ib. Rigour of, towards dissenters, 
v. 85. 

Episcopalians, the avowed enemies of Cromwell, favoured by him, iii. 
42 Their clergy persecuted by him, 427. 

Essex, Robert Devereux, earl of, story of his political intrigue, i. 55 
Divorced from his wife, who marries the earl of Somerset, 245 
Abruptly dismissed the army by Charles the First, ii. 83 Made 
vice-admiral in the expedition against Spain, 152 Removed from 
being general of the horse, to belieutenant-jrenei al of the array sent 
against the Scots, 334 Believes Charles the First to have had no 
snare in the Irish rebellion, 394 Appointed general of the par- 
liamentary forces, 421.432 Excepted from Charles's proclamation 
of pardon, 439 Inclined to peace, iii. 106 Attached to monarchy, 
and therefore suspected by the republicans, ib. Resigns in con- 
sequence of the self-denying ordinance, 115 His arguments in 
favour of the exclusion bill against the duke of York, v. 174 Not to 
be corrupted by the artifices of Charles the Second, 322. 

Essex, lord, examination of circumstances attending his mysterious 
death, v. 351. 

Essex forest, arbitrary extension of, by Charles the First, ii. 293. 

Essex petition rejected by Charles die Second, v. 31 1. 

Estrades, count, his embassy to England on the subject of the partitioH 
of Flanders, ii. 189. 

Eudremon- Johannes, attacks the defenders of king James's Apology 
for Oaths of Allegiance, i. 306. 

Exchequer, shut up oy Charles the Second, v. 205, 270. 

Excise, revenue of, given to the crown, in lieu of the profits derived 
from the court of wards, iv. 373 Opposition to the measures, and 
debates on the bill in parliament, ib. A similar tax said to have pro- 
duced a rebellion in Naples, 374 The bill carried by a majority of 
two, ib. Why preferred to a land-tax, 375 Artifices of the court 
to carry the bill, 376 Origin of this tax in England, ib. 

Exclusion bill against James duke of York, proposed, 158 Passes the 
commons, but rejected by the lords, ll Arguments in favour of, 
and against it, 165, et seq. Opposed by the whole bench of bishops* 

Excommunication, canons denouncing it against those who should 
speak any thing against the church of England, i. 271. 

Executions of the persons concerned in the death of Charles the First, 
iv. 335. 

Exercitation concerning Usurped Powers, extract from, iv. 44. 

Exiled princes, their unhappy state, iv. 124. 

Expenses of a regal compared with a republican government, ivV27i. 

VOL. I. 


Fairfax, sir Thomas, how styled by Charles the First, ii. so His 
reasons for engaging in the cause of the parliament, 42O His letter 
to the commons, on the state of the negotiations with the king, 456 
App inted general in chief of the parliamentary forces, iii. 115 
Defeats the royalists in several rencounters, through their own mis- 
conduct, iv. 15 His arduous and successful enterprise in the west, 
22 Subscribes the " Engagement" in his own sense of it, 57 De- 
feats Charles the First at Naseby, iii. 125 His letter to the parlia- 
ment on this event, 130 His unambitious and unassuming conduct, 
136 His apology for the excesses of the army, committed in his 
came, 137 Attributes the mutinous conduct of the troops to the 
intrigues of the agitators, 162 Protests his innocence of the seizure 
of the king's person, 163, 165 Said to have been prevented from 
attempting Charles's rescue, on the morning of his execution, by 
Harrison's long prayer, 202 The story improbable, 203 Refuses 
to undertake the expedition against Scotland, 232 Superseded by 
Cromwell, 234 Protests against the execution of the regicides, iv. 

Faith, articles of, injustice of insisting on an unconditional subscription 
to, v. 91 The design impracticable, 93. 

Falconbridge, lord, son-in-law to Cromwell, see Fauconberg. 

Falkland, lord, secretary, devotes himself in the battle of Newbury, to 
avoid the distress impending on the country from the ascendancy of 
the papists, ii. 443. 

Falsehood reconciled with the hope of salvation by Romish priests, v. 

Fashion, the precursor of slavery-, v. 201. 

Fast for parliamentary sins and failings, iii. 109. 

Fauconberg, lord, son-in-law to Cromwell, sent on an embassy to the 
king of France in Flanders, and is honourably received, iii. 346 His 
character of Cromwell, 486 Deserts the republican cause, and i$ 
imprisoned, iv. 251. 

Felton, particulars of his assassination of the duke of Buckingham, iK 

Fenelon, his sentiments on the education of princes, iv. 5. 

Fens of Lincolnshire, &c. disputes about the drainage of, iii. 55. 

Ferdinand of Austria, defeats Frederick of Bohemia, i. 181. 

Feudal laws, introduced by the Saxons, and confirmed by William the 
Conqueror, iv. 369 In some respects favourable to liberty, in others 
an intolerable yoke, 370 Instances of their oppression, ib. Com- 
muted for the excise kws, 373. 

fides dnglicana, or a Plea for the public Faith, published on the 
resumption of the crown and church lands, extracts from, iv. 354 
The author imprisoned, 359. 

Field, bishop of Landaffe, his adulatory letter to the duke of Bucking- 
ham, i. 249. 

Fiennes, Mr. N. excepted from Charles the First's proclamation of 
pardon, ii. 439-^-Employed to draw up Cromwell's declaration 
against the royalists, iii. 435. 

Filial obligations imperative upon all, v. 27. 

Finch, sir H. his conduct in the business of ship-money, ii. 299 Ac- 
quiu the parliament of all blame in the death of Charles; the First, 


474 Moves an excise on beer and ale as a commutation for the 
profits from the court of wards, iy. 373 His specious mode of ac- 
counting for the decay of the British navy, v. 221 Projects a gene- 
ral test, which is lost by a dispute for privileges, 241. 

Fines, excessive, inflicted by Charles the Second for trifling offences, 
v. 334. 

Fishery, Dutch, in the British seas, license for, purchased of Charles 
the First, ii. 184 Supposed profit of this fishery, 187 Advantages 
that would result from the establishment of a rival British fishery, 

Fitzgerald, an Irish papist, made second in command of the Blackheath 
army, v. 29. / >. 

Fivewm'le act, one of the gradations by which the ministry attempted 
to suppress the spirit of liberty, v. 240. 

Flag, British, first affront offered to it, i. 188 Spirited conduct 
of the commander of a British yacht to a French ship, refusing to 
strike its flag, ib. 190. 

Flanders, proposed partition of, by the French and Dutch, ii. 189 
Importance of its sea-ports to England, 191. 

Flatterers follow fortune, iii. 362. 

Fleetwood retains his commission, in contravention of the self-denying 
ordinance, iii. 1 2 1 Appointed one of Cromwell's major-generals, 
438 Opposes the title of king being conferred on Cromwell, 477 
Invites the Rump Parliament to assemble, iv. 195. 203 Constituted 
commander in chief of the army, 224 Accedes to a proposition for 
making terms with Charles the Second, 243 Retracts, and resolves 
to stand by the army, 244 His integrity to the commonwealth con- 
misted with the infidelity of his colleagues, 252. 

Folkstone harbour, Blake attacked in, by Van Tromp, iii. 68. 

Folly and wisdom remarkably combined in certain cases, v. 8. 

Force essential to the subsistence of government, v. 304. 

Forests, lines grievously inflicted by Charles the First, for encroach- 
ments upon, ii. 293. 

Forgiveness of sins, the privilege of, by priests, publicly preached, ii. 


Forms in religion requisite to its preservation, v. 99. 

Foitescue, sir John, chosen member for Buckinghamshire, instead of 
sir Francis Goodwin, whose election king James had arbitrarily va- 
cated, i. 2 3 1. 

Fortune never in want of flatterers, iii. 362. 

Fowel, sir J. a court pensioner in the house of commons, under Charles 
the Second, v. 289. 

Fox, sir S. originally a footboy, promoted for his vote in the house of 
commons, by Charles the Second, v. 282 Particulars of his exa- 
mination before the house, 285. 

France, Buckingham's passion for the queen of, occasions a war 
against it, i. 32, ii. 158 The war miserably conducted under him, 
159, 164 Embassy of congratulation from, sent to Cromwell, iii. 
346 Honours paid there to lord Falconberg, 347 Joy expressed 
on the conclusion of a treaty with England, 392 Particulars of the 
negotiations, 366, 392 Cool reception of Charles the Second at die 
court of, during his exile, iv. 26. 

Fraud more effectual than force, in the advancement of men to grand- 
eur, iii. 104. 


Frazier, Mr. secretary of Chelsea College, narrative by, charging 
Burnet with omissions in his memoirs of the dukes of Hamilton, ii. 

Frederick, elector Palatine, marries a daughter of James the First, i. 
178 Accepts the throne of Bohemia, ib. 179 His subsequent dis- 
tresses, ib. 181 Impolicy of James, in not aiding him against the 
emperor Ferdinand, 254 Charles the First wars with Spain and 
Germany, for the recovery of his Palatinate, ii. 149, 154 Curious 
reason assigned by the clergy of England for the loss of his Pala- 
tinate, 225. 

Frederick William, elector of Brandenburgh, courts the friendship of 
Cromwell, iii. 349. 

Frederick, sir John, opposes the establishment of an excise, iv. 37s. 

Freedom of speech, less dangerous to a government, than suppressed 
discontent, v. 267. 


Caches, M. his letter to Richard Baxter in favour of the religious 
character of Charles the Second, iv. 260. 

Gallantry in princes, observations on, v. 43. 

Gamaliel, Charles the First compares his father to, ii. 278. 

Garnet, father Henry, executed for his concern in the gunpowder 
plot, i. 113. 

Garroway, a leader of the opposition, bribed by Charles the Second, 
v. 277. 

Gauden, bishop of Exeter, the work entitled Icon Basilike, said to be 
written by him, ii. 126 Disbelieved by Wagstaff from its dissimi- 
larity to his other writings, 1 32 Character of his life of Hooker, 
ib. 133. 

Gawdry, Mrs. Dorothy, escapes the wicked purpose of the duke of 
Buckingham, by being conveyed out of a window, i. 248. 

General warrant, copy of, for the seizure of unlicensed books, v. 

Generosity of the great, generally misapplied to unworthy objects, 
and withheld from cases of real necessity, iv. 1O7. 

Genius frequently buried in obscurity, for want of being known, iii. 

Gerard, sir Gilbert, rebuked by Charles the Second, for presenting a 
petition from the inhabitants of London and Westminster, v. 31O. 

Gibbons, Mr. remarks on his condemnation by a high commission 
court, iii. 449. 

Glamorgan, earl, employed by Charles to negotiate with the Irish 
rebels, and bring them to act against the parliament of England, ii. 
405 His negotiations with the pope's nuncio, ib. 

Glascott, sir W. a court pensioner in the house of commons, under 
Charles the Second, v. 290. 

Glisson, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361. 

Glyn, Mr. Recorder, appointed of the committee for bringing in the 
self-denying ordinance, iii. 109. 

Glynne, chief justice, an advocate for the title of king being conferred 
on Cromwell, iii. 472. 

Godfrey, sir Edmondbury, remarks on the circumstances of his assassi- 
nation, exculpatory of the papists, v. 136 Exceptions to these re- 
marks, 145 Extract from Dr. Lloyd's funeral discourse on, ib. 


Goldsmiths, in the reign of Charles the Second, the bankers of the 
nation, v. 270. 

Gondomor, count de, Spanish ambassador, his crafty management of 
king James, i. 186. 

Good-humour and good -nature widely different from each other, exem- 
plified in the character of Charles the Second, v. 45. 

Goodwin, sir Francis, account of James the First vacating his election 
to parliament for Buckinghamshire, i. 232. 

Goodwin, John, in favour with the Protector, iii. 43. 

Goodwin's defence of the sentence passed and executed upon Charles 
the First, iii. 207, et seq. 

Gordon on the security of government, and freedom of speech in die 
subject, v. 267. 

Goring, Mr. concerned in the plot for awing the last parliament of 
Charles the First, ii. 381 His confession, 386 Described by Claren- 
don as a profligate character, probably because he was not of the 
chancellor's faction in the council of Charles the Second, iv. 16 ; 
see also 21 Becomes a court pensioner in the house of commons, 
V. 290. 

Government, instrument of, signed by Cromwell as protector, iii. 

Government, originates in the people, iii. 293 subject to revolutions 
and fatal periods, iv. 46 The study of, the proper employment of 
princes, v. 2 Not to be supported without force, iv. 46, v. 304. 

Gower, Leviston, esq. a member of the venal house of commons under 
Charles the Second, v. 281. 

Cowry, earl of, his concern in the affair of Ruthven castle, i. 9 Sup- 
posed conspiracy of his sons, in consequence of his execution, J3. 

Grahame, James, duke of Montrose, see Montrose. 

Granville, Mr. B. the bearer of Moncke's last dispatches to Charle 
the Second at Breda, iv. 321 His welcome reception, 322. 

Gray, Scotch envoy, saying of his on the policy of executing Mary 
queen of Scots, i. 19. 

Great rebellion, inquiry into the justice of that term being applied to 
the civil wars between Charles the First and the parliament, ii. 425. 

Greenville, sir John, receives five hundred pounds from parliament, 
for bringing over the letters and declaration of Charles the Second, 
iv. 327 Extract from the Speaker's address to him on this occasion, 

Greenville, or Granville, sir Richard, described by Clarendon as a mon- 
ster of iniquity, iv. 16 His measures thwarted by the chancellor and 
his adherents in the prince's council, 19 Superseded in the com- 
mand of the royal army by lord Hoptoo, 20 Arrested, and confined 
in Launceston gaol, ib. Examination of the justice of Clarendon's 
censure, 21 Accuses the chancellor of having betrayed the prince 
to Cromwell, 153 Fails in substantiating his charge, and is banish- 
ed the prince's presence, 1 56. 

Gregory VII. pope, the infamous Hildebrand, canonized in the 
eighteenth century, v. 170. 

Gretser, James, attacks king James's Apology for Oaths of Allegi- 
ance, i. 306. 

Grey, Dr. charged widi ignorance of the civil dignities conferred on 
the clergy by Charles the First, it. 254. 

Grey, lord, of Werk, fined by the atar-chamber, ii. 811. 



Grey, lord, animadversions on his declaration relative to the Rye-house 
plot, v. 343 His character too objectionable to permit his testimony 
to have any weight, 344. 

Grimstone, sir Harbottle, of Essex, himself and six poor tradesmen, 
his neighbours, sturdily oppose the general loan, ii. 288 His ad- 
dress, as speaker of the convention parliament, to sir J. Greenville, 
on his bringing letters from Charles the Second at Breda, iv. 32" 
His account of Cromwell's dissimulation between the parliament and 
the army, v. 96. 

Grove, rebels against the Protector, and is executed, iii. 428, 431. 

Grotius, his treatise in favour of freedom of navigation and community 
of the seas, ii. 184. 

Guards, first raised in England by Charles the Second, v. 295 The oc- 
casion of great disputes between the king and parliament, 296 
Declared to be an illegal assemblage, by lord chief justice Vaughan, 

Gumble, Dr. on the projected union between the English common- 
wealth and Scotland, iji. 279. 

Gwin, Nell, the actress, mistress to Charles the Second, v. 41 Her 
influence over him, 42 Recommended by him in his last moments 
to the protection of his brother, 43. 


Haak, Mr. Theodore, the first who suggested the meetings from which 
the Royal Society arose, v. 7. 

Hairman, sir Peter, sent on an errand to the Palatinate, for refusing to 
favour the general loan, ii. 288. 

Hale, sir Edward, submits to the " Engagement" of the common- 
wealth, iv. 56 His motion for a committee to digest terms to be 
proposed to Charles the Second, previous to his restoration, over- 
ruled by Moncke, iv.^320. 

Hale, sir Matthew, history of his elevation to the bench by Cromwell, 
iii. 412 Reproved by him for dismissing a packed jury, 443. 

Hales, John, present at the synod of Dort, i. 1 50. 

Halifax, SavUle, earl of, on the genius and talents of Charles the 
Second, v. 3 Endeavours to palliate that prince's dissimulation, 16 
On the free language, or rather obscenity of Charles, 36 On the 
certainty of his having embraced popery prior to his restoration, 54 
On the genuineness of the papers found in Charles's closet after 
his decease, 69. 

Hambden, Mr. John, see Hampden. 

Hamilton, marquis (afterwards duke) of, undertakes to beat, the earl of 
Argyle out of the Western Isles, ii. 329 In great credit with 
Charles the First, 334 Saves the life of the earl of Loudon, whose 
warrant of execution had been signed, 349 Removed from the 
company of Charles the Second by the Scottish covenanters, iv. 76 
Defeated and^taken prisoner by them, iii. 177 Condemned by a 
high commission court, 449 Would probably have been acquitted 
by another tribunal, /. 

Hammond, Dr. addresses the council of officers, against putting the 
king to death, iii. 203. 

Hampden, Mr. John, refuses to pay ship-money, ii. 299 One of the 
five members impeached by Charles the First, 409 Excepted from 


the proclamation of pardon, 439 Prevented from emigrating to 
America, iii. 54 Had been proposed as tutor to prince Charles, (afl 
terwards Charles the Second) iv. 9 Probable consequences to that 
gentleman's patriotism, had the appointment taken place, 10 His 
character, 11. 

Hampden, Mr. John, (grandson to die former) his account of the 
means taken by the court to procure the settlement of the excise, iv. 
375 Heavily fined by the minions of Charles the Second, v. 335. 

Hampton-Court conference, particulars of what passed at it, i. 99 
Furniture, plate, &c. belonging to, sold by the Rump-parliament for 
paying the debts incurred during the protectorate, iv. 20O The 
palace itself ordered to be sold for the supply of the navy, 219. 

Harboard, Mr. his spirited motion for the exclusion bill against James 
duke of York, v. 164. 

Harcourt, tried and condemned as an accomplice in the popish plot, v. 

Harmer, professor, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361. 

Harrington, author of the Oceana, Charles the First fond of conversing 
with him on government, ii. '276 His justification of Cromwell's 
dissolution of the long parliament, iii. 321 His report of Booth's 
conspiracy for the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 212 At- 
tached to Charles the First, though a republican in principle, v. 28 
Cruelly imprisoned by Charles the Second, ib. On the absurdity of 
clergymen meddling with state affairs, 245 On Mr. Hobbes's ideas 
of public liberty, 247. 

Harris, Mr. his answer to Becanus's Controversia Anglicana, i. 


Harrison, accused of detaining Fairfax in a long prayer, while Charles 
was beheaded, iii. 202 The story improbable from his known 
character, 203 Forces the speaker from the chair, on Cromwell's 
dissolution of the long parliament, 314 Called to assist in Crom- 
well's first parliament, 326. 

Hartford, marquis of, anecdote of his interview with Cromwell, iii. 

Hartlib, Mr. S. employed by Cromwell, iii. 4 if). 

Haselrig, sir Arthur, one of the five members impeached by Charles 
the First, ii. 409 Excepted from that prince's proclamation of 
pardon, 439 Also from the proclamation of Charles die Second, 
ir. 130 Attainted after his death by Charles's pensioned parliament, 

V. 32. 

Hastings, sir Francis, put from his lieutenancy and justiceship, for 
drawing a petition in favour of die puritans, i. 273. 

Ilatton, sir C. fined 12,000. for forest encroachments, ii. 296. 

Hatton, sir Thomas, receives a pension from Charles the Second, for 
his parliamentary services, v. 280. 

Hay, James, made earl of Carlisle, i. 64 His prodigal life in conse- 
quence of the wealdi bestowed on him by James the First, i. 66. 

Hayne, king's solicitor in Scotland, opposes die religious innovations 
of Charles the First, ii. 319. 

Haynes, major-general, his oppressive conduct in Norfolk, in. 442< 

Hay wood, Dr. petitions Laud on die subject of Ilia parishioners be. 
coming Catholics, ii. 232. 

Hazelrjgge, sir A. see Haselrig. 


Henderson, Alexander, engaged in a controversy with Charles the 
First, on church government, ii. 75 His dissatisfaction with him- 
self, in this trial of skill with the king, said to have occasioned his 
death, 115. 

Henrietta Maria, consort of Charles the First, her person and charac- 
ter, ii. 25 Particulars of her ill conduct to her husband, 28 Her 
servants, who attended her into England, sent home, through the in- 
trigues of Buckingham, 32 Her influence over her husband after 
Buckingham's death, 38 Acts a part in a pastoral, 263 Said to 
have been concerned in the Irish rebellion, 406, 407. 

Henrietta, princess, sister to Charles the Second, her sudden and myste- 
rious death, v. 203. 

Henry, prince, son of James the First, endeavours to marry with a 
daughter of France or Savoy, i. 202 His amiable disposition and 
excellent genius, 294 Supposed to have died by poison, 243, 

Henry the Seventh, strictures on the legitimacy of his accession to the 
throne of England, iv. 14O. 

Henry the Eighth, condemned by the clergy for seizing upon the 
abbies, ii. 225. 

Henry the great, of France, his contempt of king James, i. 207 and 
208 His attachment to Henry, son of that prince, 298. 

Herbert, lord, his estate given by the commons to Cromwell, after 
the battle of Naseby, iii. 134. 

Herbert, sir Thomas, his account of the last moments of Charles the 
First, ii. 477 His letter to the commons after the battle of Naseby, 
iii. 128. 

Hereditary right, absurdity of the doctrine of, i. 215. 

Hertford, earl of, governor to prince Charles, afterwards Charles the 
Second, iv. 6. 

Heivey, lord, on the utility and necessity of freedom of speech in 
subjects to the well-being of government, v. 268. 

Hewet, an advocate for the restoration of Charles the Second, exe- 
cuted, iv. 127. 

Hewson, colonel, sent to quell the tumults in the city, is fired upon 
from the houses, iv. 245. 

Heylin on the cause of the civil wars, ii. 413. 

Hickman, Dr. Charles, his letter to the bishop of Rochester, urging 
the suppression of some manuscript letters of Charles the First, ii. 

High commission court, its power under James the First, i. 272 
Abolished by the parliament of England, ii. 314. 377 Abolished in 
Scotland, 339. 

High court of justice, erected for the trial of Charles the First, gives 
rise to many others, iii. 449 How constituted, ib. 

Hildebrand, the infamous pope Gregory VII. canonized, v. 170. 

Hispaniola, expedition against, unsuccessful, iii. 374, 377. 

History, the knowledge of, indispensable to princes, i. 36 That of 
Procopius recommended to their perusal, 52. 

Hqbart, Mr. warrant of the council issued against, for his free speaking 
in parliament, ii. 284. 

Hobbes, Mr. mathematical tutor to prince Charles, (afterwards Charles 
the Second) iv. 8 The office of secretary proffered him by Crom- 


well, iii. 419 His remarks on the obligation of subjects to their 
sovereigns, 344 On public liberty, v. 246 His notions erroneous, 


Holland, earl of, (see Rich) presides as justice in eyre, respecting en- 
croachments on forests, ii. 295 Made general of the horse, s4 
Deserts Charles on account of his attachment to the papists, 443 
Observation on his condemnation by a high commission court, iii. 

Holland, see Dutch and States General. 

Holies, Denzil, one of the five members impeached by Charles the 
First, ii. 409. See Hollis. 

Hollis, Mr. (afterwards lord) letter by, giving the particulars of Buck- 
ingham's expedition against France, ii. 159 Imprisoned and fined 
for his free speaking in parliament, 284 Refuses 10,OOO. voted to 
him by the commons on the reversal of his sentence, 285 Particulars 
of the impeachment of Strafford, related by him to bishop Burnet, 
374 On the motives of the parliament in appealing to arms, 419 
Imputes cowardice to Cromwell, iii. 86 Attributes the meeting of 
the army to Oliver's contrivance, 94 On the dispensation of Crom- 
well from the self-denying ordinance, 118 On the promotions and 
rewards bestowed upon his parliamentary antagonists, 133 His 
character of sir Thomas Fairfax, 137 On the seizure of Charles 
the First by the army, 163 On the treaty between that prince and 
Cromwell, 1 70 Supposed to be the author of the reply to Crom- 
well's declaration against the cavaliers, 436 Avoided by Charles 
the Second, as not to be corrupted or tampered with, v. 322. 

Holmes, sir Robert, the instigator of the two Dutch wars in the reign 
of Charles the Second, originally an Irish livery-boy, afterwards a 
highwayman, v. 2 8 1 . 

Holt, sir R. maintained in prison by Charles the Second, for his parlia- 
mentary management, v. 290. 

Holy Ghost, said to have been sent from Rome to the council of Trent 
in a cloak-bag, ii. 249. 

Hone, his dying declaration of his concern in the Rye-house plot, v. 

Honesty too often superseded by reasons of state in corrupt govern- 
ments, iii. 295. 

Honeywood, Mr. threatened by Charles the Second for presenting the 
Essex petition, v. 311. 

Honour, punctih'o of, in signing treaties, how managed for Richard 
Cromwell, iv. 176. 

Hopton, lord, defeats the parliamentary forces in Devonshire, ii. 437 
chosen general of the royalists in the room of sir R. Greenville, iv. 
20 Obliged to disband, and accept of terms from the enemy, ib. 

Hopton, sir Charles, presents the remonstrance of the commons to 
Charles the First, iii. 73. 

Horton, a panegyrist of Cromwell on occasion of the Dutch treaty, iii. 
360 Celebrates his memory after his death, 480. 

Hoskyns, John, committed to the Tower for his free spvateng in par- 
liament, i. 231 His lines to his little son Ikujamin on restraint of 
the tongue, ib. 

Hotham, sir John, committed to the Fleet for refusing to answer ques- 
tions put by the council relative to matters in parliament, ii. 360- 
Excepted from Charles the First's proclamation ot pardon, 439, 


Howson, though an Arminian, advanced to a bishoprick by kin-: 
James, i. 155. 

Howe, Mr. preaches against enthusiasm before Cromwell, iii. 20 His 
account of the lirmness of Richard Cromwell amidst his refractory 
council, iv. 200. 

Howard, Mr. Thomas, negotiates a pardon with Charles the Second, 
for Downing, the parliamentary resident in Holland, iv. L'.54. 

Howard, sir Robert, a proselyte to popery, ii. 233 Accuses Mr. 
Bertie of corrupt practices, v. 284 Insists on the punishment of 
the assassins who had attacked sir J. Coventry, si 4. 

Howard, sir P. a court pensioner in the house of commons, under 
Charles the Second, v. 288. 

Howard, lord, deserts the republican cause, iv. 251 Gives evidence 
against lord William Russell, v. 339 His testimony at variance 
with what he afterwards gave against Algernon Sydney, 345. 

Huddleston, Rev. J. extract from his account of the last moments of 
Charles the Second, v. 6O. 

Hugonots, employed to defend the religious tenets of Charles the 
Second, against the imputation of popery, iv. 26O. 

Hume, his exculpation of Charles the First, in the affair of Bu 
ham's lying narrative respecting Spain, combated, ii. 86 His 
opinion of that king's letters, 112 Charged with misquoting 
Milton, 135 Too complaisant to the memory of Charles the First, 
142 Palliates the proceedings of the star-chamber, 266 Charged 
with inaccuracy respecting Lilbume, 274 With ignorance in the 
question of ship-money, 307 With omission respecting the pardon 
of the earl of Loudon, 350 With ill-natured remarks on the par- 
liament that impeached Strafford, 378 Question as to his authority 
for the numbers he states to have fallen in the Irish massacre, 391 
His exculpation of Charles from all concern in that affair, 394 
Justly attributes the civil wars to the impeachment of lord Kimbol- 
ton and the five commoners, 412 Unfaithful in his character of 
Oliver Cromwell, iii. 9 Mistakes an instance of his pleasantry, 25 
Inconsistent, and unmindful of facts in his remarks on Cromwell'b 
want of eloquence, 34 Partial in his reflections on the Remon- 
strance, 74 Mistaken in asserting that the self-denying ordinance 
met with no resistance in the house of peers, iii. 115 Blameable 
for copying Clarendon's account of the battle of Worcester, 243 
Favourable to the plan of the republican parliament, but mistaken as 
to the qualification of electors, 287 Censured for attempting to 
amuse his readers with a list of names, which he gives as novelties 
in the days of the republic, though known to have been in use long 
before, 334 Misguided in his reflections on the unconditional resto- 
ration of Charles the Second, iv. 323 His estimate of that prince's 
revenue erroneous, 344 Too hasty in deciding upon the circum- 
stances of the death of sir E. Godfrey, v. 148. 

Huncks, colonel, his account of the mode in which the order for the 
king's execution was given, iii. 201 At variance with Perinchief 's 
relation, 202. 

Hungerford, sir Edward, excepted from Charles the First's proclama- 
tion of pardon, ii. 439 Presents the Wiltshire petition to Charles 
the Second, and is threatened by him, v. 310. 

Hunting, observations on, i. 96. 

Huntington, major, his reasons for laying down his commission, iii. 


139 Prevented from presenting them to the commons, 150 Hated 
by Cromwell, 151 Becomes a tool of Charles the Second, for 
corrupting the commons, v. 289. 

Huntley, marquis of, contrives the assassination of the earl of Mur- 
ray, i. 1 7. Put to death by the Scottish covenanters, iii. 229. 

Hutton, judge, concludes against die king in the question of ship- 
money, ii. 3O4. 

Hyde, sir Edward, chancellor to Charles the Second, said to be ex- 
pert in the Scottish jigs and artifices, iii. 230 Usurps all autho- 
rity in the council, iv. 17, 19 111 effects of his influence in 
the army, 18 Hated in the council, 149 Accused of holding a 
secret correspondence with Cromwell, 153 Acquitted of this 
charge, 1 56 Possesses his correspondents in England with a high 
opinion of Charles's judgment and urbanity, 259 Acknowledges 
himself to have been deceived, 323 His apology, 324 See 

Hyde, Henry, seized by the Othman court, and delivered up to the 
English parliament, by whose order he is beheaded, iv. 115. 

Hyde, Mr. (afterwards earl of Rochester) opposes the militia and ex- 
clusion bills in the commons, ii. 416. v. 171. 


Icon Basilike, examination of the question whether written by 
Charles the First, ii. 124. Favourable effect of this work upon the 
memory of that king, 1 34. 

Imprecations, bitterness of those in which James the First indulged, 
i. 89 Caution against their use, ib. 90. 

Imprisonment, illegal, instances of under Cromwell, iii. 445. 

Inauguration of Oliver Cromwell as protector described, iii. SO. 

Incorporations, name given to arbitrary patents under Charles the 
First, ii. 292. 

Indemnity and pardon, promised by Charles the Second in his decla- 
ration at Breda, iv. 362 Proceedings of parliament upon the bill 
for, ib. Receives the royal assent, 366 Obsen r ations on, ib. 

Indifference of mind, cause of, exemplified in the case of Charles the 
Second, v. 4. 

Indulgence, declarations of, extorted from Charles the Second, by 
the reproaches of the people, v. 122 Rendered abortive by the 
parliament, 124 A new declaration issued by the Cabal minis- 
try, in favour of protestant dissenters only, 1 25 Quashed by the 
parliament, who object to the king's claim of a dispensing power, 
1 27 A bill passes both houses for the relief of dissenters, but is 
purloined from the table when about to receive the royal assent, 12 
Renewed rigours of the penal laws, 1 29. 

Infanta of Spain, particulars of the proposed match between her and 
the son of James the First, i. 201 Privileges granted to the Catho- 
lics in England on its taking place, 264. 

Ingoldsby, colonel, retains his military commission, notwithstanding 
the self-denying ordinance, iii. 124 Refuses to sit as judge on the 
trial of Charles the First, 201 His signature forcibly affixed to the 
death-warrant, by Cromwell, ib. Procures his pardon of Charles 
the Second, prior to the Restoration, iv. 256. 

Ingratitude imputed to Charles the Second, v. 1 1 Clarendon's view 
of this charge, ib. Burnet's, 19. 


Instrument of government, Cromwell's, iii. 335. 

Insurrections in favour of the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 
206, 209. 

Intolerance in religion, absurd and subversive of die bonds of so- 
ciety, V. 120. 

Irish convocation. See Convocation. 

Irish seas, cruelly infested by the Turks, in the time of Charles the 
First, ii. 179. 

Irish rebellion, particulars of, ii. 390 Question examined of Charles 
being; concerned in it, 393 to 408. 

Ireland, proceedings in, during the commonwealth, iii. 219 Pre- 
served to England by Cromwell's conquests and sagacity, 227 
Charles the Second proclaimed in, iv. 54 Preferred by that prince 
to Scotland, 57 Conquered by Cromwell, 59 Excesses committed 
by the papists in, 4 Charles issues a proclamation against the 
rebels in, to please his English subjects, at his restoration, S5l 
The standing force of, increased, v. 298. 

Ireton, colonel, retains his command in opposition to the self-denying 
ordinance, iii. 124 Wounded in the battle of Naseby, 126 Con- 
cerned in the seizure of the king at Holmsby, 165 Made second in 
command in the Irish war, iii. 222 Left by Cromwell to finish the 
conquest of Ireland, 224 Indignities put upon his remains, after 
the Restoration, 517. 

Italy, trembles at Cromwell's name, iii. 354. 

Jackson, Mr. Arthur, presents a bible to Charles the Second, in the 
name of the London ministers, v. 1 5. 

Jacomb, Dr. an active agent of the Presbyterians, in the restoration of 
Charles the Second, iv. 312. 

Jamaica taken by the English, 380, 382 Proclamation for the set- 
ding of, 314 Its importance to England, 387. 

James the First, his descent, i. 1 Could never bear the sij,ht of a 
drawn sword, 4 His aversion to Buchanan, his tutor, 6 Enters 
upon the Scottish government, 8 Is seized and conveyed to Ruth- 
ven castle, 9 His dissimulation respecting diat event, 1 1 His con- 
cern in the murder of the earl of Murray, 16 Remonstrates with 
queen Elizabeth against die execution of his mother, 1 7 Power of 
Elizabeth and her ministers over him, 21 Plots against Elizabeth 
with the see of Rome, 23 Motives of his obedience to Elizabeth, 
25 Treated with disregard by the Scottish nobility and clergy, 26, 
27 His dissimulation with the clergy, 30 His marriage, 36 His 
ignorance of history, ib. Character of his consorf, ib. His first 
literary productions, 41 Severity of his proceedings against witch- 
craft, 44 Succeeds to die dirone of England, 61 Revengeful na- 
ture of his first proceedings, ib. Wealth and honours lavished by 
him on his Scottish attendants, 64, 65 On the English courtiers, 71 
His ingratitude to Elizabedi, 73, 76 His love of ease and plea- 
sure, 77 Addicted to drinking, ib. Not free from an unnatural 
vice, 82 Addicted to cursing, swearing, and the bitterest impreca- 
tions, 87 Assumes great airs of religion, 90 His sincerity in diis 
respect inquired into, 92 His fondness for hunting, 94 Ambitious 
of being diought learned, and master of the controversies of the 
day, 97 Instances of his exposing himself in this respect, in a con- 


ference with the puritans, 99, 105 Publishes his Apology for the 
Oath of Allegiance, 1 1 7 Account of" this work, 1 1 9 Numerous re- 
plies to it, 122 Writes his Premonition, 124 His motives for 
writing it, /. Great effects pretended to have been produced by it, 
129 Impiety of this pretence, ib. Its indifferent reception abroad, 
1 32 Opposes with virulence the admission of Vorstius to the nro- 
fessor s chair of divinity at Leyden, 134. 137 Causes two of his 
subjects to be burnt for heresy, 143 Further instance of his perse- 
cuting spirit, 144 Stigmatizes the Arminians, and deprives them 
of all ecclesiastical and academical functions, 147, 151 Advances 
several of them to the greatest dignities, 154 Publishes his Remon- 
strance for the Rights of Kings, in answer to cardinal Perron, 157 
Other works written by him, 161 His aversion to war leads him to 
make an impolitic treaty of peace with Spain, 164; and to neglect 
the interest of his daughter and her progeny, 177 Suffers the British 
flag to be affronted with impunity by the Dutch, i. 1 88 Surrenders 
to the Dutch the cautionary towns, .192 Overlooks their cruelty to 
the English at Amboyna, 197 His weakness in permitting his son to 
go into Spain to conclude the match with the infanta, 201 Is ridi- 
culed by foreign princes, 207 ; and by his own subjects, 211 His 
absurd value of his hereditary right, 213 Carries his notions of pre- 
rogative to a degree of impiety, 219 Treats his parliament con- 
temptuously, 224 Imprisons several members of the house of com- 
mons for their free speaking, 230 His unparalleled treatment of sir 
Walter Raleigh, 237 Iniquitously pardons Somerset and his lady, 
the murderers of sir Thomas Overbury, 240 Professes himself a 
protestant, but suffers those of that persuasion abroad to be op- 
pressed, 252 Favours the catholics, 260 His bitter persecution of 
the puritans, 273 His death and burial, 281 Question of his having 
been poisoned by his son Charles the First, and the duke of Buck- 
ingham, examined, ib. ii. 21 His issue, i. 290 Characters of hira 
by various writers, 288 Dr. Birch's additions respecting him, 30* 
His advice to his successors to neglect parliaments, iv. 52- Hi 
jeply to one who told him that his ministers were bribed by Spain, 
V. 229. 

James, duke of York, converts his first wife, a protestant, to thr 
catholic religion, and married for his second, a lady of that pro- 
fession, v. 76. 

James, sir J. a tool of the court to corrupt the house of commons, 
under Charles the Second, v. 289. 

Jefferies, judge, his character, v. 331 His conduct on the trials of lord 
Russell and Algernon Sydney, 341. 348. 

Jenkins, sir L. son of a tailor, v. 282 Excuses the duke of York's 
attachment to popery, on the question for the bill of exclusion, and 
declares him to be no bigot, 172 His arguments heard with indig- 
nation, 173 Promoted for his services in parliament, v. 282 In- 
defatigable in negotiating a peace for France, ib. 

Jepthson, Mr. charges lord Dillon and lord Taaffe with using the 
king's name to encourage the Irish rebels, ii. 402. 

Jermin, Mr. concerned in the project for awing the last parliament 
of Charles the First, ii. 384. 

Jermyn, lord, his objections to the expected terms to be laid on 
Charles the Second, for his restoration , oter-rulcd, IT. s 1 4. 


Jesuits, gunpowder plot ascribed to them, i. 1 1 1 Refuse to renounce 
the temporal authority of the pope, v. 75 See Catholics. 

Johnson, Mr. Samuel, on bishop Tillotson's doctrine of non-resist- 
ance, v. 243. 

Jolliffe, Mr. opposes the establishment of an excise, iv. 373. 

Jones, general, commands the parliamentary forces in Dublin, iii. 220 
Defeats Ormonde, 222 A member of Barebone's parliament, 326. 

Jones, sir William, his speech in the house of commons on the bill for 
the relief of dissenters having been removed from the table secretly, 
when it should have received the royal assent, v. 128. 

Jortin, Dr. on the heat and violence attendant on reformation, iii. 18. 

Joyce, colonel, seizes king Charles the First at Holmby, and removes 
nim to the army, ii. 450. iii. 163 Rebukes Cromwell for protesting 
that he was ignorant of this measure, 97 Cashiered and imprisoned 
for speaking against the protector, 98. 

Judges, names of, who sided with Charles the First, in the imposition 
of ship-money, ii. 300 Impeached by parliament for their conduct 
in this business, 305 Names of those appointed by Cromwell, 
iii. 412. 

Juries packed by Cromwell, iii. 443 One dismissed by judge Hale, ib. 
Packed in the reign of Charles the Second, for the puipose of ex- 
acting extravagant lines, v. 335. 

Justice, perversion of, in the latter part of Charles the Second's 
reign, y. 329. 

Juxon, bishop of London, made lord high treasurer of England, 
ii. 255. 


Keinton, battle of, conduct of Cromwell during, iii. 88. 

Kelsey, colonel, one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438. 

Kennet, bishop, his account of Henderson s controversy with Charles 
the First, ii. 115 His gloss upon the disinterment of Blake's remains 
after the Restoration, the effect of shame for his party, iii. 391. 

Ker, Robert, honours and wealth conferred on him by James the 
First, i. 64. 66 Dresses effeminately to favour the king's unnatural 
propensity, 83 He and his lady, the principal actors in the murder 
of sir Thomas Overbury, 90 Sir Walter Raleigh's estate of Sher- 
burn Castle conferred upon him, 239 Found guilty of the murder 
of sir Thomas Overbury, but pardoned by James, 240 Probable 
motive of this pardon, 243. 

Keroualle, mademoiselle de, duchess of Portsmouth, mistress to 
Charles the Second, v. 41 French patent for creating her duchess of 
Aubigny, ib. See Portsmouth. 

Kettleby, admiral, destined to act against the rebels on the Irish coast, 
but called away by the king, ii. 404. 

Keynton, battle of, ii. 436, 

Killigrew, Mrs. E. mistress of Charles the Second, iv. 169. 

Killing no Murder, wrongly attributed to colonel Titus, colonel 
Edward Sexby having avowed himself as the writer, iii. 94. 

Kimbolton, lord, impeached by Charles the First, and protected by 
the parliament, ii. 408. 

King, Thomas, es<j. a pensioner of Charles the Second, for parlia- 
mentary management, v. 281. 


King of England, the guardian of the lights and liberties of the pea- 
pie, ii. 491. 

Kings, duties of, ii. 72 High notions of Charles the First, respect- 

ing, 277 Lines by Milton, on the duties and offices of, 279 

Never so low but they add weight to the party in which they ap- 
pear, iii. 165 The people not prohibited, by any law of nature, 
to lay them aside, 207 Bound by an original compact, expressed 
or implied, the breach of which absolves their subjects from alle- 
giance, 208 Deiive a great portion of their power from usurpation 
and flattery, iv. 4<j Milton's description of, 284 Their pretence to 
a divine right supported by the clergy, v. 2-11 Their best security 
to be sought for in the affections of their subjects, 302 See Princes. 

Kingston, Mr. his relation of the expectation of the royalists, that 
terms would be insisted on for the restoration of Charles the Second, 
iv. 314. 

Kirkmen, act of Charles the First relating to the apparel of, ii. sis. 

Knightly, sir Valentine, degraded for favouring the puritans, i. 273. 

Knights, number of, made by James the First, i. 69 Arbitrary tax 
respecting, by Charles the First, ii. 291. 358. 

Knights' services, abolished by Charles the Second, iv. 367. 

Knox, his concern in the reformation of religion in Scotland, ii. 316. 


Lake, sir Thomas, unjust conduct of James the First to, i. 237. 

Lambert, called to sit in Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 326 Ap- 
pointed one of the protector's major-generals, 438 Becomes head 
of the fifth monarchy men, on the death of Cromwell, iv. 170 His 
defeat of the royalists at Namptwich, 213 Rewarded by the par- 
liament, 214 Made a major-general by the army, 225 Banished, 
v. 32. 

Lamplugh, bishop of Exeter, his oppression of the non-conformists, 
v. 109. 

Lancashire, the inhabitants of, disarmed by the Rump parliament, 
iv. 214. 

Lansdowne, lord, on the causes of the royalists' disasters, iv. 17 
His narrative of his father's interview with Charles the Second at 
Breda, where he presented Moncke's last dispatches relative to that 
prince's unconditional restoration, 321 His flattering description of" 
the effects produced by the Restoration, 330 Remarks on Burnet's 
narrative of the death of Charles the Second, v. 359. 

Laud, though an Arminian, advanced to a bishopric by James the 
First, i. 155 Other church preferments enjoyed by him, 271 His 
character of James, 292 Wishes to put Felton to the rack, ii. 38 
His book against Fisher epitomized by Charles the First, 74 Charged 
with altering the oath to be administered to Charles the First on his 
coronation, 205 His reply to this charge on his trial, 206 Sup- 
presses the book written against the doctrines broached by Mon- 
tague, 216 His reverential bows to a crucifix hungup in the chapel 
of Charles, 220 Charged with setting up pictures in the windows 
of his chapel at Lambeth, 221 His inferiority, as a church ruler, 
to Abbot, 225 Refuses to be a cardinal, 237 Acquitted of the 
charge of intending to introduce popery, 239 Attempts to intro- 
duce universal conformity, 241 High-sounding titles bestowed on 
him, 251 Named one of the commissioners of exchequer by the 
king, 254 Orders the prosecution of Prynne, 264 Thanks the 


lords of the star-chamber for the severity of their sentences, 265 
Designed by nature for the office of an inquisitor, 268 Further in- 
stances of his persecuting spirit, 269 Complains of the judges who 
decided against the king in the question of ship-money, 3O4 His 
high demeanour on the coronation of Charles the First, in Scotland, 
517 Introduces a liturgy in Scotland, 323 Reasons assigned by 
him, why the opposition to the liturgy was successful, 331 Ex- 
tract from his Epistle Dedicatory to Charles the First, iii. 50 Offi- 
ciates at the baptism of Charles the Second, iv. 3. 

Lauderdale, lord, procures letters of recommendation, in favour of 
Charles the Second's religious tenets, from the French Hugonots, 
iv. 264 Employed in Scotland to procure an act for a standing 
army there, v. 294. 

Law, true, of free Monarchy, by James the First, nature of its 
doctrines, i. 50 Reasoning on the violation of, by magistrates, 
ii. 314. 

Law, attempted to be reformed by the republican parliament, iii. 287 
Remonstrance to the commons on the bad state of the laws, 288 
Laws suspended during a civil war, iv. 337. 

League and covenant, see Solemn League and Covenant. 

Learning, see Literature. 

Le Clerk, on the power of superstition, v. 11. 

Lee, a leader of the opposition in the house of commons, receives a 
bribe from Charles the Second, v. 277. 

Legate, Bartholomew, burned in Smithfield for heresy, i. 143. 

Leicester, earl of, appointed lord-lieutenant of Irelana, ii. 403. 

Leighton, Alexander, cruelties inflicted on, by the star-chamber, for 
writing a book, entitled An Appeal to the Parliament, ii. 260 
Character of this work, 261. 

Leighton, Har. his letter to the commons after the battle of Naseby, 

ill. 128. 

Leith, Charles the First recommended to perfect its fortifications, 
against the covenanters, ii. 337. 

Lennox, duke of, regent during the minority of James die First, i. 7. 
His character, 8 Dies in banishment, 10. 

Lemhall. speaker of the commons, his letter to prince Charles, de- 
siring his return from Scilly, iv. 23 Proscribed by that prince, 129. 

Lenthall, Mr. reproved at the bar of the commons, for speaking dis- 
respectfully of the last parliament of Charles the First, ii. 423. 

Lesly, heads the Scottish covenanters, in their intended resistance of 
Charles the First by arms, ii. 334. 

L'Estrange, extract from his Engagement and Remonstrance of die 
City of London, iv. 247. 

Lessius, Leonardos, writes against king James's Defence of Oadis 
of Allegiance, i. 305. 

Letters, of Charles the First, die charge by Clarendon, of dieir pub- 
lication in a mutilated state, combated, ii. 3 Letters of that king 
to pope Urban die Eighth, 187 Official, relative to the battle of 
Naseby, iii. 128 Original, of Oliver Cromwell, 491 Copies of 
diose found in Charles the Second's closet, declaratory of his attach- 
ment to die church of Rome, v. 63 Probability of dieir being 
written by some odier hand, and only copied by Charles, 68. 

Leven, earl' of, his petition to Charles die First, in the name of die 
Scottish army, iii. 1 52. 

Liberality to foreign sufferers not unknown to our forefathers, iiL 399. 


Liberty of conscience, a- favourite maxim of Cromwell, iii. 39 Pro- 
mised by Charles the Second at Breda, iv. 266. 

Liberty, essential to the happiness of mankind, v. 237 Treated as a 
fiction or jest bv Hobbes, 246 Natural to men, 248 The notions 
of, entertained by the northern nations long before they were ac- 
quainted with the Greek or Roman writers, ib. Promoted in this 
country by the reformation, 249. 

Liberty of the press, restrained bv Charles the Second, v. 250 ^A 
committee proposed to inquire after books that have spoken against 
the royal right, Sec. that they may be burnt, 252. 

Licensers, appointed to inspect all works intended for the press, T. 254. 

Lichlield, Leonard, esq. printer to the university of Oxford, pane- 
gyrises Oliver Cromwell, and afterward Charles the Second, iii. 362. 

Lilburn, John, severities inflicted on, by the star-chamber, for printing 
without licence, ii. 273 His bold behaviour under the punishment 
of the pillory, 274 Imprisoned by Cromwell, iii. 281, 445. 

Lilly, consultecl as an astrologer by Charles the First, ii. 66 Doubts 
the Icon Basilike being written by that king, 124. 

Limitations in government, benelicial to prince and people, iv. 324. 

Lincoln, bishop of, punished by the star-chamber for disloyal words, 
ii. 313 Requires the clergy of his diocese to enforce the laws 
against non-conformists, v. 107. 

Lincolnshire fens, disputes about the drainage of, iii. 55. 

Lindsey, archbishop of Glasgow, rudeness of Laud to, at the corona- 
tion of Charles the First in Scotland, ii. 318. 

Litany of the puritans against the prelatists, iii. 47. 

Literature, encouraged by the commonwealth, iii. 291, 299, 305; and 
by Cromwell, 41 y Less benefited by the Restoration than usually 
supposed, v. R. 

Littleton, lord keeper, supports the militia bill, ii. 416. 

Liturgy, English, order in council for it to be observed in all foreign 
parts and plantations, ii. 241 Scottish accounts of its introduction, 
323' Tumult in the church of Edinburgh and other places on the 
first reading of it, 3*26 From the means of enforcing of it failing, the 
act relating to it is nulled, 329 Restored in England by Charles the 
Second, v. 83. 

Lloyd, Dr. on the murder of sir E. Godfrey, v. 145. 

Loan, a general one required by Charles the First, ii. 287 Persons 
punished for refusing to subscribe to it, 288 Rigorous proceedings 
respecting this loan the cause of the enactment of the petition of 
right, 289. 

Locke, Mr. on resistance and passive obedience, ii. 432 On pro- 
rogation, 493 Extract from his poem in praise of Cromwell's go- 
vernment, iii. 361 On the impolicy of the act of uniformity, and 
the indiscreet hurry with which it was carried into execution, v. 88, 
94 His narrative of the commotions excited by the episcopalian 
clergy in Scotland, on the publication of an indulgence to dissent- 
ers, 125 On the measures pursued by Charles the Second, for 
eradicating the love of liberty from the minds of his subjects, 239 
On the lawfulness of resistance, 25O. 

London, vast sum of money exacted of the citizens of, by James the 
First, i. 236 Rated at twenty ships for the guard of the sc 
Charles the First, ii. 288 Fined by the star-chamber twenty thou- 
sand pounds, 312 Refuse to assist Chailcs against the Scots On 

VOL. I. -A A 


account of that fine, ib. The aldermen summoned before the 
council to give an account of the richest citizens, and committed 
for refusal, 361 The lord mayor and sheriffs fined for neglecting 
to raise ship-money, ib. The ministers of, protest against putting 
Charles the First to death, iii. 203 Tumults in, during the con- 
troversy between the army and parliament, iv. 245 Demands a 
free parliament, 246 Extract from a paper intitled " The engage- 
ment and remonstrance of the city of London," 247 Disposition 
of the people of, towards the restoration of Charles the Second, 249' 
Refuses to pay taxes to the Rump-parliament, and is chastised by 
Moncke, 299 The citizens of, prevail on Moncke to join them in 
favour of the Restoration, 312 The ministers of, present an 
elegantly bound bible to Charles the Second, which he promises to 
make th<=> rule of his conduct, v. 15 A quo warranto issued against 
its charter, 325. 

London, and Westminster, petition from, presented to Charles the 
Second, v. 310. 

Long, Mr. accuses the Chancellor, Hyde, of having had an interview 
with Cromwell, iv. 151. 

Long parliament, or the Rump, recalled by the officers of the army, in 
the resignation of Richard Cromwell, iv. 193, 195 Dissolves itself 
to make way for the restoration of Charles the Second, 308, 326 
See Parliament. 

Longland, Mr. his account of the surprise of foreigners at the restora- 
tion of Charles the Second, iv. 324. 

Lords, house of, concur with the commons in the case of the im- 
peachment of members by Ch'arles the First, ii. 408 Agree to put 
the militia bill in force without the king's consent, 415 Agree to 
the commons' resolution tor raising an army against the king, 421 
See Parliament. Reject the ordinance of me commons for bringing 
the king to trial, 471 Proceedings of, on the self-denying ordinance, 
113, 114 Petitioned by the army on the resolution for disband- 
ing the troops, 154 Suppressed by the commons, 208, 215 Re- 
stored on the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 326 A com- 
mittee to examine the penal statutes against papists, v, 74 Willing 
to remove the disabilities of those people, ib. The proceedings 
discontinued through the intemperate zeal of the Jesuits, 75 
Popish plot, 142 Concur with the commons in an address to the 
king to prevent the growth of popery, 152 Arguments for and 
against the exclusion bill, 174 The whole bench of bishops against 
it, 181 A general test bill passed, but lost through a dispute with 
the commons, 241 In state under Charles the Second, 276 Inter- 
ruption of business in consequence of the king's presence, 321. 

Love of the subjects, the best guard of kings, v. 302. 

Love, Mr. Christopher, remarks on his condemnation by a high com- 
mission court, iii. 449. 

London, earl of, sent as deputy from the Scots to Charles the First, 
ii. 345 Committed to the Tower for a letter in his hand-writing to 
the king of France, 346 His life saved after the warrant for his 
execution had been signed, 348. 

Louis XII, noble saying of, i. 63. 

Louis XIV, his character contrasted with that of Cromwell, iii. 488 
Indignant at the power of the Dutch republic, v. 200 His hypo- 
crisy, 201; and tyranny, 206 Rapidity of his conquests, 216. 



Loyalty, true etymology of the term, iv. 339. 

Lucretia, rape or, perhaps a romance, v. 44. 

Ludlow, Sir Henry, excepted from Charles the First's proclamation 
of pardon, ii. 439, 

Ludlow's account of the proceedings in the commons, on the army 
presenting their remonstrance against treating with the king, ii. 
472 A passage in his Memoirs, an evidence of the good 
character of Mrs. Cromwell, the protector's wife, iii. 8 His account 
of the conference in King-street, 25 His reasons for taking up 
arms against Charles the First, 75 Conference with Cromwell, on 
his being appointed captain-general, 99 State of parties at the 
passing of the self-denying ordinance, 107 Retains his command, 
notwithstanding that ordinance, 124 Instances of the beginnings 
of Cromwell's ambition, 138 On the reasons of the commons for 
rejecting major Huntingdon's memorial, 151 On the seizure of the 
king by the army, 164 On the disputes between the parliament 
ana the army, 159 On the rupture of the negotiations between 
Cromwell and the king, 170 Motions of the army in purging the 
commons, 188 His answer to Clanricarde, who had proposed a 
conference, 228 Attributes the act of oblivion, passed by the 
commons, to the ambition of Cromwell, 272 Justice of this 
censure questioned, 273. On the projected union of England and 
Scotland, 277 Attributes the resignation of Barebone's parliament 
to the artifice of Cromwell, 332 Blames his treaty with the Dutch, 
357 Taxes him with tyranny, 455 His account of Oliver's ene- 
mies, 467 Means used by Cromwell to reconcile the army to his 
acceptance of the regal title, 477 His account of Cromwell's last 
moments, 485 On the distractions occasioned by the usurpations 
of the army, and the dispersion of the parliament, iv. 244. 

Luke, Sir Samuel, and Sir Oliver, continue in their commands not- 
withstanding the self-denying ordinance, iii. 124. 

Lyon, Sir Thomas, saying of his to James I. i. 10. 


Machiavel, his opinion of the practice of virtue by princes, ii. 84. 
96 On the advancement of men, iii. 1O4 His maxim for princes 
keeping their subjects united and faithful, 4C6 On the influence ot 
gallantry in princes, v. 43. 

Mac Mahon, his confession on the rack as to the origin of the Irish 
rebellion, ii. 402. 

Magic, belief in the powers of, remarkable instances of, in men of 
genius and talent, v. 9, 11. 

Magistrates, only subsist by and for the people, and may consequently 
be deposed by them, ii. 429 Sure to do well when actuated by the 
power of religion, iii. 19 When once dispossessed ought never to be 
restored, iv. 5O See farther under Kings and Princes. 

Maidston, Mr. his defence of the conduct of Cromwell in dissolving 
the long parliament, iii. 318 Of Barebone's parliament, 326, 47O 
Ascribes Cromwell's death to the excessive cares of his station, 
483 His character of Oliver, 486: and of Richard Cromwell, iv. 

Majesty in Misery, poem by Charles the First, ii. 145 Burnet and 
Hume's opinion of it, 148. 

A A 2 


Major-generals appointed by Cromwell over all England, iii. 437- 
Copy of their commission, 498. 

Maleverer, James, appeals to the exchequer, respecting the fine for 
his refusing the honour of knighthood, ii. 292. 

Mallet, Mr. on the impolicy of Charles the Second's conduct towards 
Scotland, v. 120. 

Mallory, Mr. committed to prison for his free speaking in parliament, 
i. 230. 

Maltravers, ladv, a declared papist, ii. 234. 

Manchester, Edward earl of, excepted from Charles the First's pro- 
clamation of pardon, ii. 439 Resigns his commission in con- 
sequence of the self-denying ordinance, iii. 116 As speaker of the 
house of lords, invites prince Charles to return to England from the 
isle of Scilly, iv. 23 Contributes to determine Moncke in favour 
of the restoration, 311 His extravagant compliments to Charles 
the Second, on his first appearance in parliament, 329. 

Manifesto published by prince Charles on board the fleet in the 
Downs, iv. 31. 

Manners, profligacy of, during die reign of Charles the Second, v. 

Mansel, Bussy, Esq. a member of Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 
332 His account of its dissolution, ib. 

Mansel, sir Robert, should have commanded the fleet fitted out 
against Spain, ii. 151. 

Mansfield, Sir Robert, unjust conduct of James the First to, i. 236. 

Manton, Dr. his singular interview with Oliver Cromwell, on the 
morning of his proclamation as protector, iii. 4 Prays for his suc- 
cess at the inauguration, 42. 

Manwaring, Roger, impeached and censured by the lords for preach- 
ing doctrines contrary to the laws of the realm, and advanced by 
Charles the First to the rank of right reverend, ii. 209. 

Mar, earl of, regent during the minority of James I, i. 7 His con- 
cern in seizing that prince, and conveying him to Ruthven Castle, 
9 Appointed governor to prince Henry, 295. 

Maritime rights, insisted on by Cromwell, iii. 264 Relinquished by 
Charles the Second, v. 218. 

Marston-Moor, charge of cowardice against Cromwell, on that occa- 
sion, iii. 87. 

Martial law executed under Charles the First, ii. 288. 

Martyn, Mr. H. excepted from the pardon proclaimed by Charles the 
First, ii. 439. 

Martyr, observations on the application of this title to Charles the 
First, ii. 485. 

Marvel, Andrew, erroneously supposed to have been employed by 
the commonwealdi, iii. 299 His satire on the restoration of 
Charles the Second, iv. 328 ; and on the ingratitude of that prince 
towards the royalists, v. 19 His indignation at the crimes of that 
prince, 111 Satire on the venality of the commons, 279 His list 
of pensioned members, 280. 

Mary, queen of Scots, her partiality to Rixio, i. 2 Sentence of 
death pronounced upon her, 14 Subsequent plot to put her away 
privately, 19. 

Mason, Col. presents a petition to the commons against conferring the 
regal tide on Cromwell, iii. 478. 


Massey, Major-general, his declaration against the parliament and its 
adherents, iii. 236. 

Maxwell, a Scotchman, fined by the star-chamber for a petition to the 
king against the lord-keeper and council, ii. 319 Is the only 
Scottish bishop deemed gifted for his office, 321 Contends with 
the earl of Traquair for the office of treasurer, 322 Favours the 
introduction of the liturgy into Scotland, 324. 

May, Mr. author of the History of the Parliament of Charles the 
First, character of, as a writer, ii. 226 His account of the protest- 
ants slain in the Irish massacre, 392 On the erroneous mixture of 
religion with the political quairels between Charles the First and 
the parliament, 435 On the advantages of the royalists in the be- 
ginning of the civil wars, ib. His execrable advice to Charles the 
Second after the fire of London, v. 37 Pensioned, 282 His in- 
solent remark on die life of a country gentleman, ib. 

Mayer, Mr. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326. 

Maynard, Mr. his account of the losses of the Spaniards in the Cana- 
ries, iii. 389 Imprisoned illegally by Cromwell, 446 Supports the 
motion for an excise under Charles the Second, iv. 374. 

Mazarine, Cardinal, his conduct towards Charles the Second, during 
his exile, iii. 345. iv. loy Reproached for his fear of Crom- 
well, iii. 348 His servile submission to the Protector, 392 
Obliged by him to stay the persecution of the Vaudois protesunts, 
397 Basely characterises Cromwell, after his death, as a fortu- 
nate fool, 487 Said to be addicted to astrological prognostica- 
tions, v. 12. 

Medals struck in honour of Cromwell's victory at Dunbar, iii. 241 
A sarcastic one in ridicule of the servility of the French and Spanish 
courts, 348 In memory of Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, 358. 

Mental weakness frequently an accompaniment to great talents, v. 8. 

Mercurius Politicus, a periodical paper during the commonwealth, 
published by authority, iii. 218 Curious extract from, 315. 

Messengers' warrants, copy of one, for the seizure of unlicensed 
books, v. 257. 

Meteor, remarkable, seen at the birth of Charles the Second, iv. l . 

Middlesex, oppressive measures of the magistrates of, against non- 
conformists, v. 109. 

Middleton, on the power of religion over the mind and actions 
of a magistrate, iii. 19 On the errors of the church establish- 
ment, V. 86. 

Mildmay, Colonel, rebuked by Charles the Second, for presenting 
the Essex petition, v. 311. 

Military genius, dangerous to the freedom of a state, iii. 310. 

Military power, danger of committing it to the hands of one 
man, iii. l \<>. 

Militia bill, disputes about, between Charles the First and the parlia- 
ment, ii. 413 Carried into effect by the latter without the king's 
consent, 415 The act of Charles the Second, destructive of the 
spirit of resistance, v. 240. 

Milton, believed James the First to have been poisoned by his son 
Charles the First, ii. 23 His charge against Charles of lewdness, 44 
Questions the piety of Charles, 5O His opinion of that king's 
letters, 113 Charges him with stealing a prayer from Sydney's 
Arcadia, 119 Imputes to him, as a high crime, the alteution of 


the coronation oath, 204 Hindered from engaging in the ministerial 
office, by consideration of the prevailing church tyranny, 259 
Sentiments of, on unlicensed printing, 275 Poetical extract from, 
on the duty and office of a king, 279 Doubts the motives of 
Charles in calling his last parliament, 366 Blamed for insulting 
over Charles in expressing sorrow at StrafTbrd's death, 376 His ac- 
count of the numbers that fell by the Irish massacre, 391 Proofs by, 
that Charles was friendly to the Irish papists, 396 His account of 
the measures adopted by Charles the First for reducing the parlia- 
ment and city to obedience, before the commencement of hostilities, 
41? Attributes the fortitude of Charles the First, in his dying mo- 
ments, to despair, rather than pious resignation, 484 On the appli- 
cation of the title of Martyr to Charles the First, 488 His de- 
scription of Oliver Cromwell, iii. 1 1 Panegyrises his victories, 40 
His poetical description of the prela lists not an exaggeration, 45 
His character of the leaders in the long parliament, 62, 64 Dis- 
gusted at the insolence of the presbyterians, 67 Complains of the 
gifts, preferments, &c. bestowed upon the members of parliament, 
131 On the injustice of the presbyterians towards Cromwell, 151 
His vindication of Cromwell from persuading the king to retire 
to the Isle of Wight, 173 On the purging of the House of Com- 
mons, 193, 212 His defence of the execution of Charles the First, 
211 On Ormonde's reproaches on the English parliament, 220 
Review of several of his prose writings, 291 His high reputation 
during the commonwealth, 292 His declamation against the abuses 
of the clergy, 302 Lines in his Samson Agonistes, probably in- 
tended to apply to Cromwell, 4O7 His proofs of the inclination of 
Charles the First towards the Irish papists, iv. 57 On the pro- 
ceedings of the army towards the parliament, 237 His indignation 
at the wish of the people for the restoration of monarchy, 249, 
283 His description and character of kings, 284 Extract from 
his Samson Agonistes, supposed to refer to the changes conse- 
quent upon the Restoration, and the penalties inflicted on the friends 
of the commonwealth, 335 His writings contributive to the cause 
of liberty, v. 238 Danger in which his Paradise Lost stood of 
being suppressed bv the ignorant licensers, 254. 

Ministers, vanity of their relying on the favour of their royal masters, 
when ruled by favourites, ii. 16 Warned by the fate of Buckingham 
not to pursue wicked measures, 39 Injudiciously selected by sove- 
reigns, iii. 413 Their characters and proceedings ought to be can- 
vassed, in order to the welfare of the state, v. 269. 

Minshul, celebrates the character of Cromwell, iii. 489. 

Mint, money in, belonging to private persons, seized by Charles the 
First, ii. 361. 

Missionaries, religious, reprobated, ii. 241. 

Mitchel, Mr. presses for the introduction of a liturgy in Scotland, 
ii. 324. 

Mixed monarchies, nature of, ii. 430. 

Molesworth, lord, supposes Ireland would have been lost to England 
for ever, but for the prudence of Cromwell, iii. 227 On the obliga- 
tion of princes to observe the laws, iv. 339. 

Monarchical government, expenses of, compared with a republic, 
iv. 278. 

Moncke, a member of Barebone's parliament, ki. 329 Defeats Van 


Tromp in a naval engagement, 3.5-1 Resents Cromwell's treaty 
with the Dutch, 358 Declines a pension for supporting the govern- 
ment of Richard Cromwell, iv. 194 His letter to Fleetwood, re- 
commending a provision to be made for Cromwell's family, 195 
Biographical sketch of, 203 His avarice the probable motive for 
his restoring Charles the Second, ib. Deceives Fleetwood and Hasil- 
rig, 295 His letter to the petitioners of Devon, in favour of the 
parliament, 296 Arrives in London, and is thanked by the speaker 
for his services, 298 Destroys the gates of the city for refusing 
to obey the parliament, 299 Endeavours to recover die good-wifi 
of the citizens, 800 Orders the parliament to recall the excluded 
members, and to fill up vacancies, 301 His dissimulation with the 
parliament, 303, 306 Protests against royalty and a house of peers, 
307 Overreaches the parliament, 308 His conference at North- 
umberland house, 311 Determined in favour of the restoration of 
Charles the Second by the presbyterians, 311 Prevents terms being 
made with Charles the Second, 319 Unmeritedly praised as the 
author of the Restoration, 321. 

Monmouth, duke of, son of Charles the Second, inquiry into the 
legitimacy of his birth, 167. 

Monied interest, its rise in the time of Cromwell, v. 270 Transferred 
from the scriveners to the goldsmiths, ib. 

Montagu, earl of Sandwich, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 
329 Displeased at Cromwell's treaty with Portugal, 352 Anxious 
to serve his country, 389 Disaffected to the commonwealth, iv. 251. 

Montague, sir Edward, degraded for favouring the Puritans, i. 273. 

Montague, Richard, a violent Arminian, patronized by king James, 
i. 155 Accused by the commons of broaching doctrines contrary 
to the articles of the church, and rewarded by Charles the First with 
a mitre, ii. 208 Numerous answers to his book, which are at- 
tempted to be suppressed, 212 His book called in by proclamation, 
ib. Doctrine broached by him, 22<>". 

Montague, Walter, lord Kimbolton, active in the cause of popery, ii. 2:5:5. 

Montague's account of the overthrow of Richard Cromwell's govern- 
ment, iv. 194. 

Monson, sir William, his regret at not being permitted to avenge an 
affront offered to his ship by the Dutch, i. 185. 

Montesquieu, on persecution, iii. 67. v. 120 On the combination of 
civil and military powers in one person, iii. 117 On the danger of 
a corrupt parliament to the vital interests of England, v. 276. 

Montrose, James, duke of, hated by the Scottish covenanters, iii. 
229 Required by them to be removed from the court of Charles 
the Second, iv. 68 Receives a commission to suppress the cove- 
nanters, 71. 

Mordaunt, lord, his account of the battle of Namptwich compared 
with that of Lambert, iv. 213 Advises Charles the Second to re- 
move from the public mind an impression that he had become a 
papist, 259. 

Mo re, sir Thomas, his argumcntsin favourof the pope's supremacy, v. 1 75. 

Morgan, sir Charles, defeated by the imperial general Tilly, ii. 154. 

Morfand, sir Samuel, sent to relieve the Vaudois, by Cromwell, iii. 
397 His praise of Cromwell's care of the cause of protestanism, 401. 
His exculpation of sir Richard WiJlis from the charge of treachery 
to the royal cause, iv. 215. 


Morley, colonel, his address to Fleetwood on the dissensions between 
the army and the parliament, iv. 226. 

Morley, Dr. negotiates with .he Presbyterians for the restoration of 
Charles the Second, iv. 266. 

Morley, lord, severity of the Star-chamber towards, for an assault on 
sir George Theobalds, ii. 311. 

Morocco, emperor of, sends an embassy and presents to Charles the 
First, to engage him to join his forces with him for the reduction of 
his revolted province of Sallee, ii. 193 After the reduction of the 
place, a treaty of amity renewed between the two powers, 1 57 
Ceremony of the ambassador of, going to court, ib. 

Morrice, sir William, an adviser of Moncke for the restoration of 
monarchy, iv. 311. 

Morrice, Mr. his anecdote of lord Broghill and Cromwell, iii. 414. 

Morse, committed to prison for making proselytes to the church of 
Rome, ii. 232. 

Morton, earl of, regent during the minority of James the First, i. 1, 7. 

Moulin, Peter du, his defence of king James's Apology for the 
Oath of Allegiance, i. 304. 

Mountague, bribes an astrologer to ruin Danby and the duchess of 
Portsmouth with Charles the Second, v. 10 His intrigues at the 
French court, 231 His papers seized by the English ministry to 
prevent disclosures, 316 The papers returned through the inter- 
ference of the commons, 317 Produces Danby 's letters, which 
causes that minister's overthrow, ib. 

Mulgrave, lord, his defence of a standing guard, v. 303. 

Murder no sin in the visible saints, a favourite maxim with the 
army, iii. 163. 

Murray, earl, regent during the minority of James the First, i. 7 
His assassination by order of that king, 1 6. 

Murray, sir Robert, amanuensis to Charles the First in his controversy 
with Henderson, ii. 117 Procures letters commendatory of the re- 
ligious tenets of Charles the Second, to be written by the French 
Hugonots, in order to weaken the jealousy of the English of his at- 
tachment to popery, iv. 264. 

Murray, Mr. Thomas, a favourer of presbytery, tutor to prince 
Charles, i. 4. 

Mutiny of the army, a contrivance of Cromwell and some others, iii. 94. 


Names during the commonwealth, Mr. Hume in an error respecting, 
iii. 334. 

Namptwich, defeat of the royalists at, under Sir G. Booth, iv. 213. 

Naples, rebellion in, attributed to the imposition of an excise, iv. 374. 

Naseby, battle of, iii. 125. 

National religions, embraced by knaves, who are followed by fools, v. 
97 Destitute of spiritual efficacy, ib. Necessary to the preserva- 
tion of religion, 99. 

Naval engagements, iii. 257, 354. 

Naval rights, see Maritime rights. 

Navigation act passed, iii. 257 Abstract of its contents, 274 The 
foundation of England's present maritime superiority, 277. 

Navy, British, low state of in the reign of Charles theFir,gt;, ii. 18C 
Saying of sir Walter Raleigh respecting its power in Elizabeth's 


days, 186 Nearly mined by the folly of Charles the Second, 

V. 218. 

Nedham, Marchamont, his raillery at the troops of Cromwell, iii. 80 
Ordered to translate Selden's Mare Clausum sen de Dominio Regis, 
264 A character of his writings, 292 Extract from his Case of 
the Commonwealth, iv. 46 His objections to the religious tenets 
of Charles the Second, 268. 

Neile, an Arminian, receives many promotions from James the First, 
i. 1 .55 Anecdote of his servility, 1 56. 

Nevil, Mr. Christopher, committed to the Tower for his free speaking 
in parliament, i. 2:;i. 

Nevill, author of Plato Redivivus, imprisoned unjustly, v. 29. 

Neville, sirH. detects, at Rome, the plots of James the First, i. 23. 

Neville's character of the leaders in the long parliament, iii. 61. 

Neutrality, a law of nations, that powers at war cannot contend with 
each other in a neutral port, ii. 166 Instances of the observance of 
this law, 167 Instances of its violation, tb. 

Newbury, remarkable inactivity of the parliamentary army at, iii. 107. 

Newcastle, lord, lined by the Star-chamber, and imprisoned till the 
fine is paid, ii. 312 Appointed governor to prince Charles (after- 
wards Charles the Second), iv. 6. 

Newcastle, taken and garrisoned by the Scots, ii. 364. 

Newdigate, judge, displaced for disobeying Cromwell's injunctions, 
iii. 444. 

New Forest, grievances arising from the arbitrary extension of, by 
Charles the First, ii. 295. 

Newgate, the keeper of, fined by the Star-chamber, ii. 312. 

Newport, lord, fined three thousand pounds for forest encroachments, 
ii. 2!)6. 

Newton, sir Adam, tutor to prince Henry, son of James the First, 
i. 295. 

Nicholas, sir Edward, his account of the unreasonable demands of the 
Scottish commissioners sent to Charles the Second, while at the 
Hague, iii. 230 On the disposition of Charles the Second towards 
the Irish papists, iv. 57, 62. 

Nimeguen, peace of, 216. 

Nismes, commotions at, attributed to the protestants, iii. 401 The 
protestants of, preserved from the vengeance of the French court by 
Cromwell, 403 Clarendon's narrative of this transaction untrue, 404. 

Nonconformists, persecution of, by the clergy of Charles the First, 
ii. 258 Laws enacted against them under Charles the Second, v. 102 . 

Non-juring clergy, ejected from their livings by virtue of the act of 
uniformity, v. 85 Artifice of their enemies to prevent their sub- 
scribing the declaration, by the omission of certain words, 89 Laws 
enacted against them, 102. 

Non-resistance, established by the act of Uniformity, v. 84, 10 1 A 
bill for imposing an oath of, on the whole nation, remarkably nega- 
tived, 240 The doctrine upheld by the clergy, 241 Contrary to 
the history of the bible, 249. 

Norfolk, Cardinal, extracts from his letters relative to the duke of 
York, v. 162. 

North, solicitor-general, opposes the motion for a test oath, v. 164 
A character off 331. 

North, Mr. on the public spirit durirjg the reign of Charles the Second, 


v. 265 His apology for the suppression of coffee-houses, ib. His 
character of judge Jefferies, 333. 

Northampton, lord, procures a pardon for Ingoldesby, who had 
signed the death-warrant of Charles the First, iv. 256. 

Northumberland, Percy, earl of, said by lord Stafford to have been 
concerned in the gunpowder plot, i. 1 1 1 Unjust treatment of, by 
James the First, 236. 

Northumberland, Algernon, earl of, commands the fleet fitted out to 
prevent the Dutch from fishing in the English seas, ii. 184 Ap- 
pointed general of the army against the Scots, but prevented from 
accepting the command by sickness, 362 His account of the incli- 
nation of the people towards the restoration of Charles the Second, 
iv. 313 Protests against the prosecution of the regicides, 338. 

Northumberland House, conference at, for the restoration of Charles 
the Second, iv. 311. 

Note of hand given by Charles the Second while at Bruges, iv. 121. 

Nottingham, countess of, her letter to the Danish ambassador on the 
rude behaviour of his master, i. 80. 

Noy, attorney-general, advises the exactment of ship-money,, 
ii'. 298. 

Nuncios, from the see of Rome, permitted by Charles the First to re- 
side about the court, ii. 23O. 


Dates, Titus, examination of his credibility on the subject of the popish 
plot, v. 130 Himself a bad man, ib. His narrative incredible, 132 
His witnesses equally undeserving of credit, 134, 136, 138 Cole- 
man's letters subversive of his narrative, 136 Answer to this posi- 
tion, 143 The murder of sir E. Godfrey by the Papists incredible, 
136 Exceptions to this notion, 145 Protestations, of innocency by 
all who suffered for this supposed plot, strong presumption of its 
being a forgery, 1 38 Yet perhaps the mere effect of priestcraft, 1 5O 
Arguments against the rejection of the witnesses, ib. The plot 
believed by persons of great distinction, 140 Particulars of the 
trials of several victims to this conspiracy, 141 Effects of the Pa- 
pists to invalidate Oates's testimony, 149 Fined loo,000l. for call- 
ing the duke of York a traitor, 335. 

Oath, form of, used at coronations, ii. 200 Form of, prescribed by 
Laud, called the et caetera oath, 244. 

Obedience to magistrates, true grounds of, ii. 429 Merely the price 
of protection, iii. 344 Extent of, iv. 46. 

Oblivion, act of, passed during the commonwealth, iii. 271. 

Ogilby, baron, proposes, in the name of James the First, a confede- 
racy with Spain, i. 23. 

O'Neale, Mr. concerned in the project for awing the last parliament of 
Charles the First, ii. 384. 

Opinions, none so absurd as not to be embraced by some men, iii. 86- 

Orange, Maurice prince of, his contempt of king James, i. 207. 

Orange, prince and princess of, wisdom of the declaration of rights 
made to them previously to their coronation, i. 58. 

Orange, princess dowager of, endeavours to prevail on Charles the 
Second to repair to Scotland rather than to Ireland, iv. 58. 

Orleans, duke of, refuses to give pecuniary relief to Charles the 
Second during his exile, iv. 106. 


Orleans, duchess of, sent by Louis XIV. to tickle the English into 
compliance with his views, v. 200. 

Orleans, father, in his Revolution in England misrepresents James the 
First as complaisant to his parliament, i. 255. 

Ormonde, duke of, concludes a peace with the Irish catholics, iii. 219 
His contemptuous expressions of the English parliament, and of 
Cromwell, 220 Invites Charles the Second to Ireland, 221 Be- 
sieges Dublin, and is defeated by the garrison, 222 His letter to 
sir E. Nicholas, on the coronation of Charles the Second in Scot- 
land, 231 Proclaims Charles in Ireland, iv. 54 His opinion of the 
effects of the battle of Worcester, 99 His account of the profligate 
companions of Charles the Second, v. 37 His discovery of that 
prince's conversion to popery on the continent, 57. 

Orrery, lord, his opinion of James the First, i. 293 Curious con- 
versation between him and Cromwell, iii. 4lo On a mistake in a 
writer as to the temper of Charles the Second, in whom affability 
was made to supply the want of good-nature, v. 45. 

Orthodoxy and heterodoxy, ridiculous distinctions, v. 94. 

Osbaldston, Mr. severe proceedings of the star-chamber against, ii. 313. 

Osborn, Mr. Francis, employed by Cromwell, iii. 419. 

Overbury, sir Thomas, imprecations used by James the First, in his 
charge to the judges on the trial of his murderers, i. 89 His mur- 
derers pardoned by James, 240. 

Overton, major-general, joins the royalists, on Cromwell's assuming 
the protectorate, iii. 431 Banished to Jersey by Oliver, and re- 
leased by the parliament after his death, 448. 

Oudart, Mr. his testimony of the respect with which Charles the 
First was treated by the parliamentary commissioners in the Isle of 
Wight, ii. 468. 

Owen. Dr. vice-chancellor of Oxford, panegyrises Oliver Cromwell 
and his government, iii. 361. 

Owen, charged with being concerned in the gunpowder plot, i. 209. 

Oxford, lord, imprisoned for connivance at a plan for the restoration 
of Charles the Second, iv. 214. 

Oxford, university of, titles bestowed on Laud by, ii. 251 State of 
literature in, during the commonwealth, iii. 305 Panegyrics com- 
posed at, in praise of Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, 361 En- 
riched by Cromwell with ancient manuscripts, in his quality ot 
chancellor, 420. 


Palatinate, see Frederick, elector palatine. 

Palmer, Mr. opposes the militia bill, ii. 416. 

Palmer, Mr. see Cleveland. 

Panegyrics on Cromwell, iii. 3.5O, 489. 

Panzani, resides at the court of Charles the First, as agent for the pope, 
ii. 230. 

Papal power of deposing sovereigns, v. 169. 

Papists, their insolence, and influence with Charles the First, after his 
successes, ii. 441 Occasion the desertion of many of the king's 
friends, 443 Excesses committed by them in Ireland, iv. 64 
Their promises illusory, and not to be confided in, v. 1 69 Com- 
missioned in the army by Charles the Second, 297. 

Pardon, see Indemnity. 


Pareus, his Commentary on the Romans, burnt by order of king 
James, i. 223. 

Parker, Henry, a writer during the commonwealth, iii. 299. 

Parker, John, a character of his writings, iii. 298. 

Parliament, complaisance of, to James the Fiist, i. 214 Instances of 
that prince's contemptuous treatment of, 224 Contemptuous treat- 
ment of, by Charles the First, ii. SO, 280, 282, 283 Refuse sup- 
plies to Charles, out of hatred to Buckingham, 1 55 Draw up 
articles against Richard Montague for broaching doctrines contrary 
to the articles of the church of England, 208 Accuse Roger Main- 
waring of the same crime, ib. Protestation of, respecting the sense 
in which the doctrines of the church are to be understood, 213 
Sentiments of Locke, on the regal prerogative of assembling and 
dismissing parliaments, 28 1 England governed twelve years without 
any, 291 One called and dissolved for refusing supplies to carry 
on the Scottish war, 353 Particulars of Charleses conduct to this 
parliament, 354, 357 The long one called in consequence of the 
disasters of the war, 364 Proceedings of this parliament, 3o5, 366. 
iii. 58 Reasons for depriving the bishops of votes, and the power 
of holding temporal offices, 382 Project for awing; this parliament 
by the army discovered, 384 Impeachment of lord Kimbolton 
and iive members of the commons, 408 Militia bill, 413 Exami- 
nation of the motives by which die parliament was influenced in ap- 
pealing to arms, 419 Declaration of the necessity of this pro- 
cedure, 422 Nice distinction between drawing the sword against 
the king'-s power and assailing his person, 423 Raise an army and 
appoint the earl of Essex to the command, 432 Low state of their 
affairs in the beginning of the civil wars, 436 Joined by many of 
the king's friends, on account of his attachment to papists, 443 
Their affairs revive after the siege of Gloucester and the battle of 
Naseby, 445 Negotiations with the king, 450, 457 Resolve that 
no more addresses shall be sent to him, 459. iv. 27, 29 The vote 
rescinded, and a committee sent to treat with Charles in the Isle of 
Wight, 461. iii. 178 The treaty stopped by the army, ii. 467. 
iii. 178 Brought under the influence of the army, 469 
Votes of non-addresses renewed, 471 The liberties of parlia- 
ment subverted by the army, ib. Acquitted of all blame on the 
death of the king, 474 Proceedings on the redress of grievances, 
iii. 60 On the remonstrance on the state of the kingdom, 69 
Self-denying ordinance, 106 Ordinance for new-modelling the 
army, 1 1 5 Declaration of pardon to the mutineers on account of 
the self-denying ordinance, 118 Discontents occasioned by the 
offices, gifts, &c. bestowed upon the members, 131 Insulted by 
the army, 143 Determines to disband it, 1 54 Alarmed at the pro- 
ceedings of the army, 155 Obliged to retreat, and yield to it, 159 
The whole power assumed by the commons, 205, 215 See Com- 
mons Its suppression of ecclesiastical dignities inadequate to the 
end proposed, 304 Violently dissolved by Cromwell, 3o9 Argu- 
ments in favour of, and against this violent procedure, 317 A new 
one summoned by Cromwell, surnamed the Little, or Barebone's 
parliament, 323 Resigns its power, ib. 333 Remarks on the 
proceedings of, 329 Wrongly accused of designing to adopt the 
Mosaic law, 330 Ordered to be triennial by Cromwell's instru- 
ment of government, 335 Success of its arms against Charles the 




Second, iv. 15. et seq. Im'ites him to return from Scilly, 23 Letter 
of the speakers of the two houses on this occasion, 23 Occasions a 
revolt of part of the fleet, 28 Begins to be unpopular, 29 Disgusts 
the Scots, so Answer to the declaration of the Scots, signed by 
Charles the Second, 82 Proclaims Charles the Second a traitor, 
and sets a price on his head, 104 Dissolved by Oliver Cromwell, 
100 Summoned by Richard Cromwell, and swears fidelity to him, 
184 State of parties in, 189 Resolutions on the petition of the 
army to Richard Cromwell, 192 Dissolved by Richard, under the 
control of the army, 193 The long one or Rump recalled by the 
army, ib. Provision made for the late protector, 1 98 Bill of in- 
demnity and oblivion, and for giving liberty of conscience, 2O7 
Suppresses the insurrections of the royalists, 212 Jealous of the 
army, 216 Resolves against the appointment of general officers, 
218 Its sittings interrupted by the army, 224 Supported by 
Moncke, 295 Obliged by Moncke to recall the secluded members, 
302 Dissolved and a new one elected, which restores Charles the 
Second, 326, 388 The house of peers restored, 326 Votes five 
hundred pounds, and an address of thanks to sir John Grenvillr, 
bearer of the king's letters and declaration, 327 Sends money to 
Holland, for the use of the king and his brother, 328 Entreats 
Charles the Second to make a speedy return to England, ib. Ex- 
cludes the persons concerned in the execution of Charles the First 
from the act of indemnity, 334 Irregularity and unfairness of this 
proceeding, 336 Disbands the army, 338 Charges the arrears due 
to commanders of forces against Charles the First on the excise, iv. 
339 Compliments Charles the Second with a greater revenue than 
his predecessors had received, 34o Orders the restitution of the 
crown lands, 341 Its readiness to rivet the fetters of the people, on 
the Restoration, ii. 427 Burnet's assertion, that the parliament in- 
tended to have raised the king's authority, without foundation, iv. 
344 Distresses occasioned by its resumption of crown and church 
lands, and forfeited estates, 352 Proceedings upon the act of in- 
demnity and pardon, 362 Impediment to its passing through the 
houses, 363 Removed by the interference of the king, 365 The 
bill receives the royal assent, 366 Appoints an excise, in commu- 
tation of certain feudal Jaws, 373 Threatened with dissolution for 
refusing to settle a moiety of the excise duty on the king for life, 
377 Obliged to comply, 378 Attempts to settle the church, but 
is prevented by the interference of the court, 379 Dissolution, 385 
Act of uniformity passed, v. 84, 240 Act for the relief of per- 
sons unavoidably prevented from subscribing the act of uniformity, 
91 Conventicle act, los Five mile act, 104, 240 A bill for the 
relief of dissenters secreted from the table, when about to receive 
the royal assent, 128 Dissolution, 129 Popish plots, 142 Test 
act, 150 Enlarged, 156 Bill of exclusion against the duke of 
York, 159 Proceedings stopped by a dissolution, 164, 178 Argu- 
ments as to its power to set up or put down kings, 175 Speeches 
of Charles the Second and the chancellor Shahesbury, in favour of 
the war with Holland, 206 Debates on the supplies, 213 Speeches 
of the king and the chancellor Finch on the decay of the British 
navy, 221 Militia act, 240 A general test bill lost through a dis- 
pute about privileges, 241 Act tor restraining the liberty of the 
press, 253 Negligence towards the bankers ruined by Charles the 


Second shutting the exchequer, 271 Its venality in this rei^h, 
276 Dissolved to prevent inquiry, 290 Laid wholly aside tjy 
Charles the Second, 305. 

Parliament of Scotland, its sturdy conduct the occasion of its dissolu- 
tion, ii. 343 Passes the act for establishing episcopacy, v. 114. 

Parliamentary representation, a reform of, projected during the com- 
monwealth, 209. 

Parliaments disliked by princes, iv. 52. 

Parochial relief, prohibited to non-conformists by the magistrates of 
Middlesex, v. 1O9. 

Parr, Dr. erroneous in the motive he -assigns to Cromwell for giving 
an honourable funeral to archbishop Usher, iii. 43 Inconsistent in 
his accounts of the sale of Usher's library, 420. 

Parson, Dryden's character of a good one, ii. 254. 

Parsons, Robert, attacks king James's Apology for the Oath of Alle- 
giance, i. 123, 304 James's abuse of him, 126. 

Parties in England, at the commencement of the commonwealth, iv. 
54 At the accession of Richard Cromwell to the protectorate, 188. 

Passive obedience, inculcated by the parliament that restored Charles 
the Second, ii. 428. 

Patents, arbitrary ones granted, to advance the revenue of Charles the 
First, ii. 292. 

Paul the Fifth, issues briefs to the English catholics against the oath 
of allegiance, i. 114 His haughty spirit, 115. 

Paulet, sir Amias, refuses to be concerned in putting to death, pri- 
vately, the queen of Scots, i. 19. 

Peers, number of, created by James the First, on his accession to the 
English throne, i. 69 Impolicy of raising any but persons of real 
merit to that rank, 71. 

Peers, house of, restored, iv. 326 See Lords. 

Peg, Mrs. C. mistress to Charles the Second, iv. 169. 

PeU, Dr. J. appointed envoy to the protestant cantons in Switzerland, 
iii. 419. 

Pemberton, judge, eminent for his vices, v. 331. 

Pembroke, earl of, rude reply of Charles the First to, in his office of 
parliamentary commissioner, ii. 81. 

Penal laws against non-conformists, abstract of, v. 103. 

Penn and Venables, entrusted by Cromwell with an expedition to His- 
paniola, which miscarries, iii. 377 Take Jamaica, 380, 382 Com- 
mitted to the Tower, 383 Penn joins the royalists, iv. 252. 

Pennington, sir John, admiral of the English fleet, sees the Dutch 
fleet destroy the Spanish fleet in the Downs, in violation of the law 
of nations, without interfering, ii. 273. 

Pennington, Isaac, alderman of London, excepted from the pardon 
proclaimed by Charles the First, ii. 439. 

Penrudduck, raises an insurrection in the West against Cromwell, iii. 
428 Taken and executed, 432. 

Pensioners in the House of Commons during the reign of Charles 
the Second, v. 281. 

Pepper, great quantity of, belonging to merchants, bought up by Charles 
the First on credit, and sold at an undervalue, ii. 362. 

Pepys Samuel, esq. originally a tailor, made secretary to the admuv 
alty, for voting with the court under Charles the Second, v. 281^ 
Complains ofthe decay of the British navy, 22 1 Accused of 


having sent information to the French court of the state of the 
navy, 225 Committed by the commons to the Tower, 227. 

Percy, Henry, brother of the earl of Northumberland, concerned 
in the plot for overawing the last parliament of Charles the First, 
ii. 384 Endeavours to determine Charles the Second to go to Ire- 
land, iv. 57. 

Perinchief, on the reproach brought upon Charles the First by the 
Irish massacre, ii. 393 His account of Harrison making a long 
prayer, to detain Fairfax from attempting the rescue of Charles the 
First, improbable, iii. 203. 

Perron, cardinal, account of king James's controversy with, i. 157. 

Perrot, sir James, sent to Ireland for his free speaking in parlia- 
ment, i. 230. 

Persecution, ideas of lord Shaftesbury respecting, i. 278 Frightful 
state of, under Charles the First, ii. 269 Always hurtful to those 
who use it, 270 May be easily slid into by those who have been 
the objects of it, iii. 67 Oppressed state or the non-conformist in 
the reign of Charles the Second, v. 85, 102. 

Perth, parliament of, acts passed in, against the Puritaqs, in compli- 
ance with the will of James the First, i. 279 Subscription to the 
articles of, abolished, ii. 339. 

Peters, Hugh, preacher at Whitehall, iii. 200. 

Petition of right, evasive manner of Charles the First in passing this 
bill, ii. 88. 

Petitioners, origin of the association of, for compelling the parliament 
to a pacification, iv. 14. 

Petitioning, prohibited by Charles the Second, v. 310 Is a right in- 
herent in Britons, 312. 

Pett, sir Peter, attributes the answer to Cromwell's declaration against 
the cavaliers to lord Holies, but without authority, iii. 436. 

Petty, sir William, employed by Cromwell to make surveys of Ireland, 
iii. 419 His observations on the revenue of Charles the Second, 
iv. 343. 

Philips, sir Robert, committed to prison for his free speaking in par- 
liament, i. 230. 

Pickering, sir Gilbert, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326. 

Pictures set up in churches from the superstition of Charles the 
First, i. 220. 

Piercy, lord, put under arrest, by order of the prince's council, 
iv. 18. 

Pierrepoint, Mr. supports the motion for an excise in lieu of the court 
of wards, iv. 373. 

Pilkington, sheriff of London, fined for reflecting on the duke of 
York, v. 335. 

Pirates, See Turks. 

Poetical effusions on the accession of Richard Cromwell to the pro- 
tectorate, iv. 181 On the restoration of Charles the Second, 332. 

Poets, their panegyrics of princes, seldom to be believed, iv. 182. 

Point of honour, in giving priority to names in treaties, how managed 
for Richard Cromwell, iv. 176. 

Pollard, captain, concerned in the plot for awing the last parliament 
of Charles the First, ii. 384. 

Poole, sir C. a court pensioner in the House of Commons, under 
Charles the Second, v. 288. 


Pope, Dr. his narrative of Charles the Second's ungenerous conduct to- 
wards the bishop oi Salisbury, v. 46. 

Popery, approaches made to, by the church, in the reign of Charles 
the First, ii. 2L'5, '249 Its alarming progress in London and its en- 
virons of late years, iii. 297 Its doctrines subversive of civil free- 
dom, 298 Its professors- cherished by Charles the Second, v. 71 
Analysis of its composition, 82 Its crafty and insinuating na- 
ture, 158 Always the same, intolerant and bloody, 169. 

Popham, sir Francis, excepted from Charles the First's proclamation 
of pardon, ii. 439. 

Popham, Mr. A. excepted from the pardon proclaimed by Charles 
the First, ii. 439. 

Popish plot, history of, v. 130 See Gates. 

Portmans, Mr. unjustly imprisoned by Oliver, and released by the 
parliament under Richard Cromwell, iii. 448. 

Portsmouth, Mademoiselle Keroualle, duchess of, mistress to Charles 
the Second, ruined by the contrivance of Mountague and an 
astrologer, v. 10 Created duchess of Aubigny by Louis the Four- 
teenth, 41 Attends Charles in his dying moments, 43 Her un- 
courtly language respecting bishop Burnet, 360. 

Portugal, king of, obliged to submit to Cromwell's terms in a 
treaty, iii. 351. 

Portuguese ambassador's brother and master of horse executed for 
murder, iii. 349. 

Potter, captain, wounded in the battle of Naseby, iii. 129. 

Powder-plot, i. 106 Discovery of falsely ascribed to James the First, 
108 Doubts respecting its existence refuted, 1O9. 

Power, regal, high notions of Charles the First respecting, ii. 276 
Its real origin in the people, iii. 293. 

Powle, Mr. an advocate for the rights of the people, v. 77, 33O. 

Prague, battle of, between the Austrians and Bohemians, i. 180. 

Praise, the attendant On fortune, iii. 362. 

Prayer, supposed to be answered by an inward impression upon the 
suppliant, a prevalent opinion in Cromwell's court, iii. 19. 

Prayers, used by Charles the First in the time of his troubles, some 
account of, ii. 118. 

Predestinarian controversy, consequence resulting from the animosity 
with which it was carried on, ii. 216. 

Prejudice, levels or exalts contrary to sense and reason, iii. 86. 

Prelatists, their oppression of the puritans, iii. 45 A satirical litany 
against them, 47. 

Prerogative of princes, only the power of doing good without a public 
rule, ii. 494. 

Presbyterians, encouraged and cherished by Cromwell, though inclined 
to favour the royal interest, iii. 42 Their insolence in the long 
parliament, 64 Refuse to subscribe the " Engagement" to the com- 
monwealth, and are expelled the Universities, iv. 55 Principally 
conducive to the restoration of Charles the Second, S1O Not 
averse to the restoration of die liturgy, upon terms, v. 83 The 
Episcopalians reject an union with them, and require an uncon- 
ditional submission, ib. 

Press, rigorous restraints on, under Charles the First, ii. 271 Re- 
newed by Charles the Second, v. 250 A licenser of appoint- 
ed, 254. 


Preston, Mr. his congratulatory verses to Richard Cromwell, on his 
accession to the- protectorate, iv. 181. 

Preston, battle of, Hi. 177. 

Price, Thos. csq. a court pensioner in the House of Commons, under 
Charles the Second, v. <! Protected from arrests in Whitehall 
during the recess of parliament, 28 1. 

Prfde, Colonel, purges the House of Commons of members obnoxious 
to the army, ii. 471, 473. iii. 177 His address to Fairfax on the 
suite of the nation, iii. 179 Knighted with a faggot-stick, by 
Cromwell, 478 Opposes Oliver's acceptance of the regal title, ib. 

Pride, ludicrous instance of, in a Scottish knight, iv. !'_':). 

Pri'-ot. craft repugnant to the spirit of the Holy Scriptures, v. 1 12. 

Priests, princes should curb their power, i. 272 Power in their hands 
in dangei 01 degenerating into tyranny, ii. S9 Parasitical ones 
compared to earwigs, 102 The doctrine of forgiveness* of sins by, 
publicly pieached, ii. 226. 

Princes, thiir service hard and difficult, i. 21 The doctrine of the 
sacredncss of their persons not upheld in Elizabeth's time, ib. 
Sentiments of James the First respecting, 51 Sentiments of queen 
Mary, ib. Their accession to a foreign throne the proper mo- 
ment for the people to claim their just rights and privileges, 
58 Should not be too bountiful to persons used to low cir- 
cumstances, GS Evils resulting from their love of ease and pleasure, 
77 Oaths by them highly indecent and impolitic, 88 When 
openly vicious and profane, injure the interests of religion, by occa- 
sionally appearing its votaries, 93 Hunting the least proper for 
them, 98 Should dread falling into contempt, 212 Should curb 
the power of the clergy, 272 Their youth and subsequent periods 
of life often a sad contrast, i. 297 Chastity in them productive of 
many happy effects, 48 To ^ain the favour of iheir subjects, should 
be humane and courteous in their behaviour, 84 Importance of 
their adhering to truth, and avoiding dissimulation, ib. ye Litera- 
ture best promoted by their patronising authors, not by their becom- 
ing authors, 14f) Their ambition to swell their prerogative poor 
and contemptible, 279 Warned against taking part in the squabbles 
of ecclesiastics, 336" The fate of Charles the First an eminent ex- 
ample to them, 491 Should be privileged with the power of doing 
good, but precluded from doing evil, 494 Should be cautious how 
they give themscives up to arbitrary counsels, iii. 55 Surrounded 
with poor tools by their own fault, 413 Must not heed the iv- 
proach of being cruel, if they would keep their subjects united and 
faithful, 466 Their education of great importance, iv In what 
it ought and ought not to consist, ib. Miserable in a state of exile, 
124 Their reputation should not be trusted to the flimsy effusions 
of poetical panegyric, but rather to be founded on good deeds and 
noble ac'ions, IK 2 Arc always surrounded with a venal crowd of 
flatterers, 250 To be truK 'great, and make *he people happy, 
should b:? invested with an unlimited power of doing good, bir 
barred the opportunity of acting wrong by the laws, 324 Are sub- 
ject to the fundamental laws of the state, 336, 3:59 And may be 
put to death ii ;hey infringe upon, or subvert those laws, 337-- 
Properly employed in die study of afairs of state, v. 2 The love 
of ease censurable in them, 5 Their dissimulation too general to 
remain undetected, 14 Rendered odious by their gallantries, 42 
VOL. ). B B 


Their humour always followed and supported by their council and 
favourites, 168 Compared to lovers : caress their people till they 
have obtained their desires, and then loath and maltreat them, 305 
Their vices spread a baleful contagion over the community, 366. 
fteejurther, under Governors and Kings. 

Printing, its influence in the cause of liberty, v. 50 Restrictions im- 
posed by Charles the Second, 253. 

Prisoners, instances of Charles the First being a pleased spectator of their 
calamities, ii. 78. 

Proclamation of acts of parliament, an ancient custom, revived under 
the Commonwealth, but discontinued since the Restoration, iv. 40. 

Proclamations : Against the emigration of the Puritans, iii. 54 By 
the parliament setting a on prince Charles's head, iv. 104 By 
Charles the Second setting a price on Cromwell's head, 128 By 
Richard Cromwell, on his assumption of the protectorate, 177 By 
Charles the Second, on his restoration, sis For establishing epis- 
copacy in Scotland, v. 114 For procuring obedience to ecclesias- 
tical authority, 115 Of indulgence to dissenters, 122 For the 
suppression of coffee-houses, 261 For preventing signatures to pe- 
titions to the king, 309. 

Profligacy of manners introduced by Charles the Second, v. 361. 

Project, for overawing the last parliament of Charles the First by 
means of the army, discovered, ii. 384. 

Prosperity, a dangerous state to most men, ii. 438 Its effects upon 
Charles the First, ib. 

Protection of sovereigns, the end of obedience in subjects, iii. 344. 

Protector of the Commonwealth of England, his powers, iii. 335 
Limitations to his authority, ib. Provision in case of his death, 336. 

Protestantism, a revival of the religion of Jesus Christ, iii. 396. 

Protestants in Germany, injury done to their cause by the indifference 
of James the First, i. 253 Those in France subjected to the will of 
the French court by the surrender of Rochelle, ii. 162, 164 Dread- 
ful persecution of by the duke of Savoy, iii. 397 The persecution 
stopped by Cromwell's influence, 398. 

Proverb, Scottish, ii. 336. 

Prynne, censured in the high commission for writing against the doc- 
trines of Montague, ii. 212 cruelties inflicted on by the Star-cham- 
ber, for writing against interludes, and actors and actresses, ii. 263 
In his way to Carnarvon Castle, hospitably entertained by a sheriff" 
of West-Ciiester, 269 Extract from a pamphlet attributed to him, 
intitled, The Arraignment, Conviction, and Condemnation of the 
Westminsterian Juncto's Engagement, iv. 41 Opposes the vest- 
ment of the excise duties in the crown, as a compensation for the 
court of v/ards, abolished by Charles the Second, 374. 

Psalms of David, king James's translation of, i. 162. 

Public characters, open to investigation, or the state in danger, v. 269. 

Public debt, contracted prior to the Revolution, consisted of the sum* 
of which Chillies the Second had defrauded his creditors by shutting 
the Exchequer, v. 27G. 

Puritans, conference between them and the episcopalians, at Hamp- 
ton Court, i. 99 What was requested by them at this conference, 
107 Enmity of James the First to them, 273 Ceremonies to which 
they object, ib. Their greatest foes educated amongst them, ii. 6 
Their character and views, iii. 45 Their sufferings, ib. Their 



satirical litany against the prelatists, 47 Many of them emigrate 

to America, others prevented, iii. 54 Hateful to Charles the First 
from their attachment to civil liberty, 214 Cruel persecution of, by 
the clergy of Charles the First, 257. 

Purveyance, right of, abolished by Charles the Second, iv. 367. 

Pym, Mr. committed to prison for his free speaking in parliament, i. 
230 One of the five members impeached by Charles the First, 
ii. 409 Excepted from the proclamation of pardon, 439 Pro- 
posed to Charles the First as Chancellor of the Exchequer, iv. 1O 
Remarks on the probable consequences of such an appointment 
to the popular party, /'. 


Querouaille, Mademoiselle de, See Keroualle and Portsmouth. 
Quo warranio, writ of, issued against the city of London, v. 325. 


Rainbow, Dr. expelled the University for refusing to subscribe the 
" Engagement" to the Commonwealth, iv. 56. 

Rainsborough, captain, commands the naval expedition against Sallee, 
ii. 194 Retains his commission, notwithstanding the self-denying 
ordinance, iii. 124. 

Raleigh, sir Walter, cruel conduct of James the First to, i. 237 

Saying of, respecting the power of the English navy, ii. 186. 

Ramsay, sir John, title and wealth conferred on, by James the 
First, i. 64, 66. 

Rapin's defence of Cromwell's conduct towards the long parliament, 
iii. 32O. 

Ray, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361. 

Raynal, abbe, his character of James the First, i. 294 Of the English 
Republicans, iii. 271. 

Reading, taken by the earl of Essex, ii. 436. 

Reason, the natural and best guide of men, v. 70 The only safeguard 
against papal delusions, 8 1. 

Rebellion, improper application of this term to the civil wars between 
Charles the First and the parliament, ii. 425. 

Reform of the representation, proposed under the Commonwealth, iv. 
209 Abandoned, 211. 

Reformation, attended with much heat and enthusiasm, iii. is. 

Regal government, compared with the republican in point of ex- 
pense, iv. 278. Not an hereditary right in England, v. 175. 

Regicides, executed, iv. 335 Injustice and cruelty of this measure, 336. 

Reignolds, Dr. E. expelled the deanery of Christchurch, iv. 56. 

Religion, its interests injured by a prince, openly vicious and profane, 
appearing its votary, i. 93 The observance of its rites alone does 
not constitute a good man, ii. 50 Formerly a considerable trait ia 
a great man's character, iii. 1 1 A requisite qualification for a post 
in the army, ib. Its power on the mind of a man truly sensible to 
its obligations, 19 The outward profession of, discarded with the 
Commonwealth, v. 362. 

Religious disputes, a certain cure for, iii. 304. 

Religious extravagancies attendant on the civil wars in the time of 
Charles the First, iii. 18. 

Religious liberty, granted by the Rump Parliament, iv. 808. 

B B 2 


Remonstrance for the Rights of Kings, by James the First, account 

of, i. 157. 
Remonstrance of the state of the kingdom, history of, iii. 69 Another 

by the secluded members, 459. 

Representation, parliamentary, its advantages, iii. 282 Corrupted by 

the influence of ministers, ib. By court intrigues, ib. The aimy 

petition for a reform of, ib. Proceedings in the commons relative to 

it, 285 Rendered nugatory, 286 Ought to be revised, 287. 

Republican government, unsuitable to such as have been accustomed to 

indulgences unauthorized by law, iv. 251. 
Republicans, obtain an ascendancy in the parliament and in the 

nation, during the protectorate of Richard Cromwell, iv. 1 90. 
Republics, generally degenerate into despotic governments, iii. 309 

Inquiry into the cause of this, 310. 

Resistance of the tyrannical exercise of power, the doctrine of, con- 
duced to the catastrophe of Charles the First, v. 239 His son re- 
solved to extirpate it, ib. Consonant with the examples recorded 
in Scripture, 249 The exercise of it not always subversive of the 
government, 25O. 

Restoration of Charles the Second by Moncke, iv. 3O9 Review of 
circumstances, and the state of parties which led to it, ib. Where- 
fore unconditional, 319 The report of, discredited at first among 
foreigners, 324 Extravagant joy of the people at, 326 The anni- 
versary of, ordered to be observed on the 29th of May, 33O Poeti- 
cal effusions on the occasion, 332 Less beneficial to learning than 
generally imagined, v. 8. 

Retz, cardinal de, his secret visit to Charles the Second, v. 53. 
Revelations, Paraphrase on, by James the First, remarks on it, i. 41. 
Revenge, a cowardly principle, i. 62. 

Revenue, extravagant, bestowed on Charles the Second by the parlia- 
ment, iv. 340 Improvident mode of leaving it in the hands of the 
sovereign, 343. 

Rhee, isle of, unfortunate descent of the English army at, ii. 159. 
Rich, Henry, earl of Holland, lavish bounty of James the First to, 72 
refuses himself to the king's unnatural propensity, 183 Rude ex- 
pressions of Charles the First to, ii. 80 Sent ambassador to the 
United Provinces, 154. 

Rich, sir Nathaniel, sent to Ireland for his free speaking in parlia- 
ment, i. 230. 

Richardson, chief justice, reprimanded in council by the bishop of 
London for attempting to suppress ales and revels on the Lord's 
day, ii. 52. 

Richlieu, cardinal, observation by, respecting the empire of the sea, 
ii. 186 Threatens Charles the First for refusing to consent to the 
partition of Flanders, 190 Addicted to astrology, and the most 
ridiculous kinds of divination, v. 12. 

Richmond, Charles Lennox, duke of, a natural son of Charles the 
Second, by Mademoiselle de Keroualle, duchess of Portsmouth, v. 
41 Made a peer of France, ib. 

Richmond, duchess of, her splendid retinue and manificent largesses 
on being deputy sponsor for the queen mother of France, at the 
baptism of Charles the Second, iv. 3. 

ight, petition of, cause of its enactraent x iii. 289 Broken by Charles 
the Ft> 290. 


Rights of kings discussed, iv. 49 See Kings and Princes. 

Rites, religious, necessary to the preservation of religion, v. 99. 

Rixio, David, account of, i. 1. 

Roberts, Mr. R. a court pensioner under Charles the Second, v. 
288, 289. 

Rochelle, refuses admission to Buckingham's fleet, ii. 158 Declares 
for the English, and is besieged by France, 162 Is forced to sur- 
render, 162. 

Rochester, Lawrence Hyde, earl of, urges Dr. Spratt to suppress a 
collection of letters written by Charles the First, ii. 143. 

Rochester, John Wilmot, earl <">f, his satire on the conduct of Charles 
the Second towards the royalists, v. 19. 

Rockingham, forest of, arbitrarily increased from six to sixty miles, 
ii. 296. 

Rohan, protestant chief, causes the inhabitants of Rochelle to declare 
for the English, ii. 162 Asserts that it is the interest of the chief 
magistrate of England to become head of the protestants, iii. 404. 

Rolles, Mr. though a member of parliament, his goods arbitrarily 
seized for duties of tonnage and poundage, ii. 282, 290. 

Roman Catholics, countenanced by the Protector while they conducted 
themselves peaceably, iii. 43. See Papists. 

Roper, sir Anthony, fines inflicted on, under the pretence of forest 
encroachments, ii. 293. 

Rothes, earl of, his courageous opposition to the act relating to the 
apparel of kirkmen, ii. 318. 

Roundheads, a name of reproach applied to the partisans of the par- 
liament, ii. 431. 

Rouse's dying declaration relative to the Ryehouse plot, v. 337. 

Royalists, causes of their disasters in their struggle with the Repub- 
licans, according to Clarendon, iv. 16 according to Lansdowne, 
17 They subscribe the " Engagement" to the Commonwealth, 54 
Their hopes elated on the death of Oliver Cromwell, 169 De- 
pressed in the restoration of the Rump Parliament, 208 Defeated 
by Lambert at Namptwich, 213 Supposed to have been betrayed 
by sir R.Willis, 215 Prepared to accept any terms that might 
have been proposed for the restoration of Charles the Second, 314 
Their unhappy constitution and temper supposed to be the cause 
of Charles the Second's indifference to state affairs, v. 3. 

Royal Society, history of its rise, v. 5 Though patronized and 
chartered by Charles the Second, it began under the Common- 
wealth, or rather in the reign of Charles the First, 6 Originally 
designed for friendly conversations on experimental philosophy, in 
consequence of the interruption given to academical studies by the 
civil wars, 7. 

Royalty abolished in England, iii. 215 Restored, iv. 293. 

Rump-parliament, see Long-parliament. 

Rupert, prince, affecting anecdote of one of his prisoners, ii. 78. 

Russell, lord, moves the dismissal of the duke of York from the royal 
presence and councils, 1 63 Examination of how far he could be 
connected \yith the Ryehouse-plot, 336 Copy of the paper de- 
livered by him to the sheriffs on the day of his execution, 339. 

Russel, Mr. argues against a standing army, v. sol. 

Ryehouse plot, review of the circumstances attending it, v. 337. 


St. Albans, earl, extravagant grant of land to, in Ireland, by Charles 
the First, a proof of that king's regard for the Irish Catholics, 
ii. 599. 

St. John, a lawyer of Lincoln's Inn, his papers seized, on suspicion 
of his having assisted Burton in drawing up his defence, ii. 267 
Becomes solicitor-general to the commonwealth, and is appointed 
of the committee for bringing in the self-denying ordinance, iii. 
109 Becomes lord chief justice, and goes ambassador to Holland, 
252 Negotiations there, ib. His speech to the states on leav- 
ing the Hague, 256 Is the chief mover of the navigation act, 276 
Adverse to Cromwell's usurping the sole power, 467 Makes 
terms with Charles the Second, for his restoration, iv. 258. 

St. John, Oliver, rigorous conduct of James the First to, i. 236 His 
congratulatory address to Cromwell, on the victory of D unbar, 
iii. 240. 

St. John, sir W. presents the Wiltshire petition to Charles the Se- 
cond, v. 310. 

Salisbury, bishop of, . ungenerous conduct of Charles the Second, to- 
wards in his old age, v. 46. 

Salisbury, Cecil earl of, pleasant story of his political intrigue, i. 55 
Enriches himself at the expence of the Scots, 71 The report of 
the gunpowder plot imputed to his artifice by the papists, 109. 

Salisbury, lord, fined twenty thousand pounds for forest encroach- 
ments, ii. 295. 

Sallee, lines by Waller on the taking of, ii. 192 Particulars of the ex- 
pedition against it, and its surrender, 194. 

Salomon and James the First curiously compared, i. 288. 

Samson, Agnes, apprehended and examined as a witch, i. 47. 

Sanderson, Ijishop, his review of parties and their motives, at the be- 
ginning of the commonwealth, iv. 54. 

Sandwich, lord, his relation of the overthrow of Richard Cromwell's 
government, iv. 194. 

Savil, claiming to have been the assassin of Buckingham, cruelty of 
the star-chamber to, ii. 309. 

Saville lord Halifax, see Halifax. 

Savoy, duke of, his cruel persecution of the protestants of Vaudois, 
iii. 397 Stopped by the interference of Cromwell, 399. 

Saunders, judge, eminent for his vices, v. 331. 

Sawyer, sir Robert, bribed with 1,000/. by Charles the Second, for his 
services in parliament, v. 280. 

Say and Sele, William viscount, excepted from Charles _the First's 
proclamation of pardon, ii. 439 Determines on emigration to 
America, iii. 54. 

Schomberg, marshal, refuses the command of the Blackheath army, 
raised by Charles the Second to intimidate the citizens of London, 
v. 295. 

Science promoted, .and its professors encouraged by Cromwell, in. 419. 

Scioppius, Caspar, virulence of his answer to king James's Apology 
and Premonition, i. 136. 

Scotland and Scots; number of Scots advanced to honours and wealth 
by James die First, i. 64, 66 Claim precedency of the English 


nobility, 68 Attempts of Charles the First to introduce innovations 
in their religion, ii. 316 Prepare for war, to resist those innova- 
tions, 329, 333 Peace restored, 334 Terms of the pacification, 
335 The sincerity of Charles in this pacification doubted, 337 
Dissatisfied with the dissolution of their parliament by Traquaii , 
343 War renewed, 344 Enter England, and take possession of 
Newcastle, 3G3 Favourable issue to them, of this war, 364 
Their army petition Charles the First at Newcastle, to settle the 
nation, iii. 152 Endeavour to prevail on Cromwell to spare his 
life, 199 Their ill treatment by Charles, 229 Send ambassadors 
to prince Charles at the Hague, ib. iv. 68 Hie sentiments towards 
them, iii. 230. iv. 59, cs Charles crowned at Scone, iii. 230-^- 
State of Scotland at this period, 2S1. iv. 59 Battle of Dunbar, iii. 
238 Farther successes of the English, 241 The nation submit to 
the conquerors, 243 An union with England projected by the 
commonwealth, 277; which is completed by Cromwell, 28O The 
non-confomusts persecuted on the restoration of Charles the Second, 
v. 112 Their hopes miserably disappointed by him, 114 Epis- 
copacy established first by the king's proclamation and afterwards 
by the parliament, ib. The league and covenant abolished, ib. 
Tyrannical proclamation for procuring obedience to ecclesiastical 
authority, 1 1 5 Acts against conventicles, 118 An indulgence to 
dissenters published, 125 The episcopalians excite a cry of "No 
Popery," ib. The declaration cancelled, 126. 

Scriveners, formerly the agents for money, v. 270. 

Scroggs, chief justice, his tyrannical suppression of Carr's Weekly 
Packet, &c. v. 257 Copy of a general-warrant issued by him, for 
the seizure of unlicensed books, ib. Farther instances of his 
oppression, 258. 

Sea, sovereignty of, insisted on by the commons, during the com- 
monwealth, i'ii. 264 Relinquished by Charles the Second, in favour 
of France, v. 218. 

Seaman, Dr. vice-chancellor of Cambridge, an eulogist of Cromwell, 
iii. 360, 489. 

Seamen, called in contempt, by Charles the First, water-rats, ii. 82. 

Search, right of, insisted on by Cromwell, iii. 264 Relinquished by 
Charles the Second, v. 218. 

Sectarians, why they subscribed the " Engagement," iv. 55. 

Selden, Mr. committed to prison for his free speaking in parliament, 
i. 230, 284 Obliged to make his submission in the high commis- 
sion court, for publishing his book on tithes, i. 272 \Vrites his 
Mare Claujum, in answer to Grotius's Mare Liberum, iii. 184 
Extract from his Mare Clausum, iii. 264. 

Self-defence, a principle of the law of nature, ii. 418. 

Self-denying ordinance, mischievous to the parliament, but beneficial to 
the ambition of Cromwell, iii. 1 0(> Account of its progress through 
parliament, 108 Consequences, 116 A party contrivance, 124. 

Sermons, long, preached by the Scottish covenanters, at which 
Charles the Second was obliged to be present, iv. 77. 

Service-book, see Liturgy, Scottish. 

Sevigne, Madame de, on the comparative merits of Mademoiselle dr 
Keroualle and Nell Gwin, mistresses to Charles the Second, > 

Sexby, colonel, author of Killing no Murder, iii. 94 Dies 10 prison. 
iv. 127. 


Seymour, Edward, Esq. pensioned to betray the country party, by 
Charles the Second, v. 282, 288. 

Seymour, Mr. chosen speaker by the commons, and rejected by 
Charles the Second, v. 315. 

Shaftsbury, lord, his description of king James as a writer, i. 160 
Recommends to sovereigns, instead of becoming authors them- 
selves, to patronise literature in their subjects, as the surest earnest 
of increasing it, ii. 149 Becomes one of the Cabal ministry, v. 
125 Supports the Dutch war in his parliamentary harangues, 207 
Satirised by Dryden, 208 His speeches on the shutting of the 
exchequer, and the case of the bankers, 274. 

Sheffield, duke of Buckingham, see Buckingham. 

Sheldon, Dr. recommends moderation in religious matters in a sermon 
before Charles the Second, iv. 385 Countenances the duchess of 
York's inclination towards popery, v. 81 Extract from his letter 
to the bishops of his diocese, desiring them to enforce the laws 
against conventicles and non-conformists, v. 106. 

Sherlock, bishop, his sanguine description of the effects of the refor- 
mation, iv. 331. 

Ship-money, levied by Charles the First, particulars of, ii. 298, 358 
Conduct of the long parliament respecting, 305. 

Sibthorp, Robert, rewards bestowed on him by Charles the First for 
preaching the doctrine, that kings were not bound to observe the 
laws, ii. 209. 

Sidenham, colonel, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326. 

Skippen, major-general, retains his commission in contravention of the 
self-denying ordinance, iii. 124 Wounded in the battle of Naseby, 
128, ISO Made one of Cromwell's major-generals, 438. 

Slingsby, executed for favouring the cause of Charles the Second, 
iv. 127. 

Smith, Dr. on the prevention of the sale of archbishop Usher's library, 
iii. 420. 

Smoking clubs, political, common in the days of the Common- 
wealth, iv. 273. 

Soldiers, aversion of, to the war with the Scots, ii. 362. 

Solemn league and covenant, subscribed by Charles the Second, iv. 
73 Declared to be an unlawful obligation, v. 84, 114 Observa- 
tions on this measure, 101. 

Solomon, see Salomon. 

Somerset, earl and countess of, see Ker. 

Somerset House, ordered to be sold for the supply of the Navy, 
iv. 219. 

Somersett, sir John, his estate in Southampton settled upon Crom- 
well, as a reward for his valour in the battle of Naseby, iii. 134. 

Sonnets by king James the First, i. 163. 

Sorbiere's character of the English republicans, iii. 266. 

Sovereigns, bound to protect their subjects, from whom otherwise they 
can demand no obedience, iii. 344; see Kings and Princes. 

Sovereignty of the sea, claimed by the commons, and enforced by 
Cromwell, iii. 264 Relinquished by Charles the Second, v. 218. 

South, Dr. extract from his Poem in praise of the government of 
Cromwell, iii. 361 His subsequent apostacy, 362 His poetical cele- 
bration of Charles's restoration, iv. 332. 

Southampton, lord, fined for forest encroachments, ii. 295. 


Southampton, earl of, deceived by Hide, as to the character and capa- 
city oi Charles the Second, iv. 323. 

Spain, impolicy of James's treaty of peace with, i. 165 Deprives 
Frederick, James's son-in-law, of his Palatinate, 183 English naval 
expedition against, ii. 149 Peace with England proclaimed, 154 Its 
fleet destroyed by the Dutch, 172 Is ;he first power that acknow- 
ledges the Commonwealth, iii. 345 Negotiates with Cromwell, 
363 Its condition at the period of its rupture with him, 376 
Cromwell's manifesto against, 387 Rejoicings in, on occasion of 
the birth of Charles the Second, iv. 2. 

Spaniards, their ill treatment of British merchants, i. 175 Their cruel 
murder of twenty-six Englishmen, 1 76, ib. 

Speech, freedom of, the safeguard of the government, v. 267. 

Speke, Mr. iined by the minions of Charles the Second, v. 335, 353. 

Spencer, Robert, lord, from the bawdy discourse of Charles the First at 
Gloucester, supposed himself to be in the drawing-room, ii. 83. 

Sports, allowance of, on Sundays, disgustful to the puritans, iii. 54. 

Spotswood, Bishop, on the character of James the First, i. 292 His 
conduct respecting Kirkman's apparel act, ii. 32O Made chancellor, 
322 Appeases the tumult in the church of Edinburgh, 326. 

Sprat, Dr. panegyrises the memory of Cromwell, hi. 489 Hi ac- 
count of the encouragement given by Charles the Second to the Royal 
Society, v. 5. 

Sprat, judge, on the quo warranto issued against the city of London, 
v. 325 Once the panegyrist of Cromwell, 328 On the character 
of lord Russcl and Algernon Sidney, 350 On the mysterious 
death of lord Essex, 354. 

Stafford, lord, his testimony as to the existence of the gunpowder 
plot, i. 1 10 His declaration at the bar of the house of peers against 
the overweening influence of papists, v. 79 His objections to Oates's 
testimony, 132. 

Stamford, Henry, earl of, excepted from Charles the First's proclama- 
tion of pardon, ii. 439. 

Stanley, earl of Derby, see Derby. 

Star, uncommon appearance of one at noon-day, at the birth of Charles 
the Second, iv. i. 

Star-chamber, severity of its proceedings against Leighton, ii. 260 
Its decree respecting the press, 271 Its cruelty to persons acting in 
opposition to this decree, 273 Its conduct to offenders against fo- 
rest laws, 292 Some account of this court, so? Further instances 
of its cruelty, 309 Abolished by act of parliament, 314,376. 

-State papers, their utility in detecting historical fictions, iii. 395. 

State reasons substitutea for plain honesty by corrupt governments, iii. 

States-general of Holland refuse to assist Charles the Second, unl 
will go to Scothnd, iv. 58 Send a deputation to condole w 
English ambassador on the death of Oliver Cromwell, iv. l ~ 

Stayner, capt. his gallant conduct against the Spaniards, at Cau 
Santa Cruz, iii. 388, 389. 

Sterry, Peter, chaplain to Cromwell, iii. 43. 

Storie, Mr. Oliver Cromwell's letter to, iii. 12. 

Straftord, lord, his vigour against the puritans, iii. 52 A p; 


made to Charles the First for preserving his life and reinstating him 
in his former honour, iv. 9 Declined by the king, 10, see Went- 

Strickland, Mr. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326. 

Strode, Mr. one of the five members impeached by Charles the First, 
ii. 409 Excepted from the proclamation of pardon, 439. 

Stuart, house of, strictures on the legitimacy of its succession to the En- 
glish throne, iv. 14O. 

Stubbe, Mr. Henry, censures Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, iii. 
357 Writes against that nation, v. 209 Rewarded by Charles the 
Second, 211. 

Suarez, writes against king James's Apology for the Oath of Allegiance, 
i. 123, 305. 

Subscription to articles of faith, mischievous tendency of, i. 153 Ob- 
servation on, ii. 218. v. 190. 

Subjects, obedience of, co-extensive with the protection afforded them 
by their sovereigns, iii. 344. 

Submission to existing authority, founded on the actual power of those 
who possess it, iv. 46. 

Sully, duke of, in complimenting, in his office of ambassador, James 
the First on the death of Elizabeth, is not permitted to appear in. 
mourning, i. 7S His conversation with that prince on religion, 91, 
and hunting, 94 Refuses to strike the French flag to an English 
ship, when coming as ambassador to England, 190. 

Sunday, sports on, after evening prayer, proclaimed lawful by Charles 
the First, ii. 52 Impolicy of this measure, 59 The religious ob- 
servance of Sunday an article of faith with the Scots, 321. 

Sunderland, earl of, his dissatisfaction at the conduct of Charles the 
First, ii. 441 Adheres to him, and loses his life in his cause, through 
a high seose of honour, ib. 

Superstition, nature of, described, ii. 61. Instances of, in Charles the 
First, ib. 65, 220 Other instances in great geniuses, v. 9. 

Supremacy* arguments respecting, v. 175. 

Sweden, the queen of, overjoyed at Cromwell's assuming the protec- 
torate, iii. 349 Paid by France for her neutrality, v. 232. - 

Swedish ambassador, his reception in state by Cromwell, iii. 32. 

Swiss protestant cantons, interpose with the duke of Savoy, on behalf of 
their persecuted brethren in the Vaudois, without effect, iii. 397 The 
mediation rendered availing by Cromwell, 398. 

Sword, power of the, the foundation of government, iv. 46. 

Sydeserfe, Mr. Thomas, favours the introduction of a liturgy in Scot- 
land, ii. 324. 

Sydney, Algernon, on the folly of applying the term " Rebellion" to 
the resistance of the parliament against the usurpations of Charles the 
First, ii. 428 Retains his commission notwithstanding the self-deny- 
ing ordinance, iii. 124 Condemns Cromwell for a tyrant, 469 On 
the conduct of Charles the Second towards the English, v. 33 His 
reasons for preferring to remain in exile, ib. On the popish plot, 
141, 149 On the power of the priests in reconciling falsehood with- 
the hope of eternal salvation, 150 His character of Charles's pen- 
sioned parliament, 292 Reflections on his principles, and examina- 
tion of the connection he could have with the Rye-house plot, 336, 
344 Extract from his address to the king, 344 Glaring instance* , 
f injustice in the proceedings against him, ib. 


Symons, Mr. his comparison of the sufferings of Charles, the Pirn with 
'those of Jesus Christ, ii. 486. 

Sympson, Mr. his letter of congratulation to Cromwell, after the vic- 
tory of D unbar, iii. 239. 

Tangier demolished, and the garrison brought over to England, v. 

Taverns, meetings at, prohibited by proclamation, iv. 355, 

Temple, sir John, on the numbers slain in the Irish massacre, ii. 392 
On the preparations by the commons for the trial of Charles the 
First, 481. 

Temple, sir William, on the restoration of Charles the Second by the 
will of the people, in opposition to the army, iv. 308 On the ta- 
lents and character of Charles, v. 2 On the credibility of the popish, 
plot, 14O On the impolicy of the Dutch war, 190, 193. 

Tenures in capite, and by knight's service, abolished by Charles the 
Second, iv. :'.GG. 

Test, a general, proposed in parliament, and lost by a dispute for pri- 
vileges between the two houses, 241. 

Test Act, proceedings on its first proposal, v. 150 Endeavours of the 
court to qualify some of its provisions, 152 Passed, ib. The duke 
of York excluded from his post of lord high admiral, and lord Clif- 
ford from the Treasury, by it, 153 Enlarged on the discovery of 
the popish plot, 156 Exemption in favour of the duke of York, 

Theobalds, sir George, See Morley, lord. 

Thirty-nine articles, declaration prefixed to, by authority of Charles 
the First, ii. 213 This declaration canvassed in the famous Ban- 
gorian and Trinitarian controversies, 215 Observations onsubscrip- 
tion to these articles, 218. 

Thomas, Valentine, revengeful conduct of James the First towards, i. 

Thomlinson, colonel, called to sit in Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 


Thorpe, baron, displaced for disobeying Cromwell's instructions, iii. 


Throckmorton, sir William, on the debaucheries of Charles the Second, 

V. 43. 

Thurloe, Mr. on the negotiations between England, France, and Spain, 
iii. 363, 39.2 On the opposition to Cromwell's government, 469 
On the motion for giving him the title of king, 476, 48O Hij cha- 
racter of Cromwell, 486 On the comparative estimation in which 
Richard Cromwell and Charles the Second were held by France and 
Spain, iv. 173 Makes terms with Chailes for his restoration, 258-^ 
On the inclination of that prince towards the Roman Catholic reli- 
gion, v. 57. 

Thynn, sir James, fined bv Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 441. 

Thynne, sir Thomas, fined by the star-chamber, ii. 31 1. 

Thynn, Thomas, esq. rebuked by Charles the Second, for presenting 
a petition from Wiltshire, v. 310. 

Tiberius, the blood he and his successors spilt on account of free speak- 
ing ineffectual to produce the security they sought, v. ~'S7. 


Tillotson, bishop, his letter to lord Russell while under condemnation, 
on non-resistance, v. 242 Johnson's remarks on, 213. 

Tippling-houses, suppressed by proclamation of Charles the Second, 
iv. 355. 

Titus, colonel, wrongly supposed to be the author of " Killing no 
Murder," iii. 94 His speech against the duke of York, on the mo- 
tion for a bill of exclusion, v. 166 On the necessity of impeaching 
the judges, 330. 

Tobacco, king James publishes a book against the use of it, i. 161. 

Toleration, religious, political advantages of, ii. 249. 

Tom Tell Troath, his address to James respecting protestants in 

' France, i. 258. 

Tonnage and poundage, duties of, arbitrarily levied by Charles the 
First, ii. 289. 

Tooker, bishop, supports king James's "Defence of Oaths of Allegi- 
ance," i. 305. 

Tortus, Matthew, see Bellarmine. 

Trade, pursuit of, a more honourable mode of procuring riches than 
following the levees of ministers, iii. 3 Combined with power, 
270 Supposed to be inimical to monarchical institutions, iv. 279. 

Trajan, wise saying of, in giving his sword to the captain of his guard, 
i. 223. 

Tranquillity of mind, not to be indulged in princes, v. 5. 

Traquair, earl of, instructions of Charles the First to, as high commis- 
sioner in Scotland, ii. 341 Prorogues the parliament, 343. 

Tredenham, sir J. a court pensioner in the house of commons, under 
Charles the Second, v. 29O. 

Trelawney, sir J. extravagant grants to, for his parliamentary intrigues, 
under Charles the Second, v. 280, 288. 

Trenchard, Mr. on the enormities of Charles the Second's reign, v. 

Trevor, Mr. supports the excise bill, iv. 374. 

Trial by jury, the birthright of Englishmen, iii. 451. 

Triennial parliaments, provided for in Cromwell's instrument of govern- 
ment, iii. 335 Charles the Second desirous of repealing the act for, 
y. 306. 

Triple league, v. 187 Offensive to the French, 199. 

Tromp, Herbert Van, Dutch admiral, defeats the Spanish fleet off Do- 
ver, ii.,172 Attacks Blake in Folkstone harbour, iii. 68 Defeated 
by Blake, 258; and by Deane and Moncke, 354. 

Truth, importance of the observance of, to princes, ii. 84^-Danger of 
speaking it in certain cases, exemplified in the case of Geo'i^e Withers, 
iv. 359. 

Tuckney, Dr. master of St. John's college, Cambridge, his eulogium 
on Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, iii. 360 Celebrates his me- 
mory after his death, 489 His congratulatory verses to Richard 
Cromwell, on his accession to the protectorate, iv. 181. 

Tudor, remarks on the legitimacy of its succession to the English 
crown, iv. 14O. 

Turks, English and Irish coasts infested by their pirates, ii. 179 
Punishment inflicted on them by the expedition against Sallee, 19S, 


Turner, sir James, commissioned to carry into effect the laws agajnst 
conventicles in Scotland, v. 119. 


Tutors, respect due to them, i. 6. 

Twisden, counsellor, illegally imprisoned by Cromwell, iii. 446. 

Tyranny, ever insecure, v. 267. 

Tyrone, earl of, charged with being concerned ra the gunpowder plot, 

i. 209. 
Tythes, proceedings in Cromwell's first parliament relative to, iii. 



Valentine, Mr. committed to the Tower for his free speaking in parlia- 
ment, ii. 284. 

Vane, sir Henry, the chief manager of the Dutch war, iii. 260 His 
disinterestedness, ib. Unjustly imprisoned by Cromwell, 446 Ex- 
cepted from the bill of indemnity, v. 29 Injustice of exception, ib. 
His life promised by Charles the Second, ib. Proceedings begun 
against him, so His trial and justification, ib. Base conduct of 
the king towards him, 31 Executed, ib. 

Vassal, Mr. imprisoned for not paying tonnage and poundage, ii. 291. 

Vaudois, persecuted on account of their religion, by the duke of Savoy, 
iii. 396 The persecution stopped by the interference of Cromwell, 
who also sends them relief, 397. 

Vaughan, lord chief justice, declares a standing army to be illegal, v. 
30 J. 

Ven, captain, excepted from the pardon proclaimed by Charles the 
First, ii. 439. 

Venables, see Penn. 

Venetians, intercede with France, to obtain peace with England, ii. 164, 

Vice discouraged in Cromwell's court, iii. 409 Proclamation against, 
by Charl the Second, iv. 353. 

Villars, see Cleveland. 

Vincent, sir William, opposes the settlement of excise for the revenue 
of Charles the Second, iv. 373* 

Vines, Mr. expelled the university for refusing to subscribe the " En- 
gagement" to the Commonwealth, iv. 56. 

Virgiliana: Sortes, a species of augury, ii. 65 Tried by Charles the 
First and lord Faulkland, ib. 

Virtue, the love and practice of, conducive to public liberty, iv. 104. 

Vorstius, Conrad, loses the professor's chair of divinity at Leyden, 
through the enmity of king James, i. 134. 

Vows, observations on, ii. 64. 

Voltaire, his character of Cromwell, iii. 487 Inaccurate in many of his 
historical writings, iv. 109 His account of the means taken to bring 
Charles the Second to a renewal of the Dutch war, v. 209. 


Uncertainty of human affairs, iii. lie. 

Uniformity in modes and forms of religion, attempted by Charles the 
First, ii. 240 Injurious nature of such uniformity, 249 An act of, 
imposed on the clergy by Charles the Second in contempt of his de- 
claration published at Breda, v. 84 Its oppressive operation, 85 
Number of clergymen ejected by it, #. More rigorous than that 
issued in the reign of Elizabeth, 89 Words omitted in the declara- 
tion to prevent conscientious persons from signing it, ik. An act 


for the relief of persons unavoidably prevented from complying with 
its requirements, 91 Followed by other penal laws against non- 
conformists, 102 Clamours occasioned by those laws, 122 De- 
clarations of indulgence, and bills of comprehension framed, for the 
relief of non-conformists, but never rendered effectual, ib. Renewal 
of the persecution, 129 This act a step towards the extirpation of 
the spirit of resistance, 24O. 

Unitarians, countenanced by Cromwell, iii. 43. 

Universities, provided for by the commonwealth., iii. 299, 305 Eminent 
men there at that period, 3O5 The discipline in, more strict before 
the Restoration than after, v. 8. 

Usher, archbishop, conversation of James the First with him, on the 
subject of receiving the communion, i. 91 Courteously treated by 
Cromwell, and honoured with a public funeral at his death, iii. 43 
His valuable library sent to Dublin by the protector, 420 His fruit- 
less endeavours with Cromwell, to procure a remission of the edict 
against Episcopalians, 429. 


Wagstaff, vindicates Charles the First against the charge of plagiarism 
in one of his prayers, ii. 121 Denies Gauden to be the author of 
the Icon Basilike, 132. 

Walcot, captain, his confession relative to the Hye-house plot, v. 337. 

Walker, sir Edward, curious alteration said to have been made by 
Charles the First in a book written by this baronet on the Irish re- 
bellion, ii. 401. 

Walker, cruelty of the star-chamber to, for libelling his neighbour, ii. 

Walker, Mr. author of the History of Independency, his caution to 
Charles the First against parasitical priests, ii. 102 Affirms from 
Gauden's own authority, that he was the author of Icon Basilike, 127 
On the discontents occasioned by the gifts, preferments, &c. 
bestowed upon members of parliament, iii. 131 On die comparative 
merits of Fairfax and Cromwell, 137 His account of the protesta- 
tion of the secluded members, 187 On Cromwell's behaviour in 
the commons, on the first motion for proceeding capitally against the 
king, 199. 

Wall, Mr. on the means of quelling religious dissensions, iii. 304. 

Waller, Edmond, his anecdote of James the First, i. 156 Lines by, 
on the taking of Sallee, ii. 192 On Cromwell's literary 7 attainments, 
iii. 4 Of his affectation and hypocrisy, 17 His poetical compli- 
ment to Cromwell more than mere flattery, 33 Lines by, on the 
naval exploits of the protector's commanders, 390 Panegyrises 
Cromwell's government, 489 Changes his strains on the restoration 
of Charles the Second, iv. 332. 

Wallis, Dr. discovers the art of decyphering letters, i?. 136 His ac- 
count of the origin of the Royal Society, v. 6. 

Wallop, sir Henry, fined by the star-chamber, ii. 311. 

Walpole, Mr. on the desert and infliction of death of princes, ir. 337 
On the licentious manners of Charles the Second's court, v. 365. 

Walter, Lucy, mistress to Charles the Second, her profligate conduct, 
iv. 162 Said to have been married to Charles, 167.. 

Walton, Dr. permitted by Cromwell to import paper free of duty, for 
his Polyglott Bible, iii. 420. 


War with the Dutch, weakly begun, and with dishonour concluded 
by Charles the Second, v. 187 Renewed, 198 Unpopular, 213 
Supplies for refused by the Commons, 215 Peace of Nimeguen, 216. 

Ward, Dr. Seth, his ingratitude to Cromwell's friends, lii. 422 Submits 
to the Engagement, iv. 56 A promoter of the act against conven- 
ticles, v. 110. 

Wards and liveries, courts of, suppressed, iv. 366. 

Warwick, Robert, earl of, excepted from Charles the First's proclama- 
tion of pardon, ii. 439 Resigns his commission in consequence of 
the self-denying ordinance, iii. 116. 

Warwick, sir Philip, his opinion of the papers of Charles the First, in 
his controversy with Henderson, ii. 117 Silent in his History of 
Cromwell, respecting his having ruined himself by his religious ob- 
servances, iii. 10 His account of Oliver's visionary enthusiasm, 13 
Of his first appearance in parliament, 27 Of the passing of the re- 
monstrance, 74 Of Cromwell's army, 82. 

Warrants, general, issued for the seizure of unlicensed books, v. 255, 

Warrington, lord, on the parties instrumental in bringing about the 
Restoration, iv. 313. 

Warton, John, severities inflicted on, by the star-chamber, for printing 
without license, ii. 273. 

Watson, sir Lewis, fined three thousand pounds for forest encroach- 
ments, ii. 296. 

Watson, severity of the star-chamber to, for falsifying its records, ii. 

Watson, Mr. on the misapplication of the term " martyr" to Charles 
the First, ii. 489. 

Wayte, Mr. his account of the conduct of Cromwell in procuring the 
death of the king, iii. 2OO. 

Weakness of mind, attached to great talents, in certain instances, v. 8. 

Welch, Mr. John, saying of, respecting James the First, i. 29. 

Welwood, Dr. an anecdote told by him relative to the cession of Dun- 
kirk to the English, an absolute fiction, iii. 394 On the naval capa- 
city of Charles the Second, v. 227 ; which he prostituted to the ser- 
vice of France, 228 On the circumstances attending the death of 
that prince, 359. 

Wentwoith, Peter, committed to the Tower for his free speaking in 
parliament,!. 231. 

Wentwoith, Sir Thomas, complains when lord lieutenant of Ireland of 
the depredations of the Turkish pirates on the Irish coasts, ii. 179 
Detained in Ireland by danger from those pirates, 181 Relates the 
proceedings of the Irish convocation for conformity in modes and 
forms of religion, 245 Assigns reasons for the failure of the intro- 
duction of the liturgy in Scotland, 330 Advises the king to fortify 
Berwick and Leith against the Scots, 337 Made earl of StrafFord, 
and sent again as lord lieutenant to Ireland, 352 Fills the king with 
high notions of the loyalty of his Irish subjects, ib. Mistaken in this 
matter, 354 Appointed general of the army against the Scots, on the 
sickness of the earl of Northumberland, 362 Particulars of his im- 
peachment, 370 Secret consultations to prevent his death, 384 His 
opposition to the allowance of forces to the earl of Antrim, 897. 

Westmoreland, earl of, fined nineteen thousand pounds for forest en- 
croachments, ii. 296. 


Wetton, a catholic, appointed lord treasurer by Charles the First, ii, 


Whalley, one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438. 

Wharton, appointed to command an army for the relief of Munster, and 

detained for want of the king's commission, ii. 403. 
Wheeler, Sir C. a court pensioner under Charles the Second, v. 288. 
Whichcot, Dr. an eulogist of Cromwell, on occasion of the Dutch 
treaty, iii. 360 Extract from his verses on the mild government and 
peaceful end of the protector, 489. 
Whiston's condemnation of the courts of princes as dangerous to virtue, 

iii. 409. 
Whitbread, particulars of his condemnation as an accomplice in the 

popish plot, v. 141. 

White, Jeremiah, admitted a chaplain to Cromwell, iii. 43. 
Whitehall, furniture, plate,&c. belongingto,sold by>the Rump Parliament, 

for discharging the debts incurred during the protectorate, iv. 200. 
Whitfield, rewarded for his services in the arbitrary proceedings of 

Charles the First, as to the enlargement of forests, ii. 293. 
Whitgift, archbishop, his servile adulation of James the First, i. 103. 
Whitlock, on the conduct of Charles the First in the treaty at Oxford, 
ii. 104 Of the extremity to which the parliament was reduced when 
the Militia Bill was passed, 416 On the weakness of the parlia- 
mentary army in the early part of the war, 437 Of lord Falkland's 
despair on account of the ascendancy of the papists over Charles the 
First, 443 Of the negotiations in the Isle of Wight, between Charles 
and the parliamentary commissioners, 4 66 Of the reception of the 
army's Remonstrance in the commons, 470. iii. 69 Of Cromwell's 
enthusiasm, iii. 16 His temper, 23 His inauguration, 30 His re- 
ception of the Swedish ambassador, 32, 35 Of the conference at 
Essex House for the overthrow of Cromwell, 88 On the jealousies 
entertained by the parliament, of Essex, 106 His speech against the 
self-denying ordinance, 111 His account of the battle of Naseby, 
125 On the proceedings of Cromwell between the battle of Wor- 
cester and the expulsion of the parliament, 311 Joy with which the 
queen of Sweden received the intelligence of Cromwell's assumption 
of the protectorate, 349 On Cromwell's aversion to persons of dis- 
solute lives, 410 Displaced from his commission of the great seal, 
for refusing to observe an ordinance of Cromwell's, 444 His cha- 
racter of Oliver's first parliament, 470 On the factions which arose 
during the suspension of the parliament by the army, iv. 241 En- 
deavours to persuade Fleetwood to make terms with Charles the 
Secoed, ib. On Charles's predilection for the church of Rome, v. 
Whorehood, lady, consults Lilly, the astrologer, about the escape of 

Charles the First, ii. 66. 

Wicquefort on the glory of Cromwell's government, ii. 345. 
Widdrington, commissioner of the great seal, displaced for refusing to 

obey an ordinance of Cromwell's, iii. 444. 
Wightman, Edward, burned at Litchiield for heresy, i. 143 Crimes 

charged against him in the warrant, 145. 

Wigmore, sir R. set as a spy on the conduct of James the First, i. 22. 
Wiidman joins the royalists on Cromwell's assuming the protectorate, 

iii. 431 Falsely and cruelly imprisoned, v. 29. 

Wilkins, bishop, his noble resistance of the overtures of Charles the 
Second, with respect to the Conventicle Act, v. 322. 


Wilkinson, Mr. refused ordination, ii. 223. 

Williams, Dr. bishop of Lincoln, numerous church preferments enjoyed 
by, i. 270 His curious sermon on the death of James the First, 288 
Dexterity in discovering the grounds of Buckingham's disgrace, ii. 
16 Insincere conduct of Charles the First towards him, 87 Advised 
by lord Coventry to absent himself from parliament, 286 Jostled 
from his see by Laud and Buckingham, iii. 48. 

Williamson, sir J. originally a foot-boy, pensioned for his vote in the 
Commons by Charles the Second, v. 281 Sent to the Tower for dis- 
closing the military commissions granted to papists, 297. 

Willis, sir Richard, corrupted by Cromwell to give information of the 
royalists' plans, iii. 425 Inquiry into the accuracy of the accounts of 
his treachery, iv. 215. 

Willis, Mr. Brown, his account of the sale of bishops' lands in the pro- 
vince of York, iii. 306. 

Wilmot, lord, put under arrest, by order of the council, iv. 18. 

Wilmot, Mr. concerned in the project for over-awing the last parlia- 
ment of Charles the First, ii. 384. 

Wilson, Mr. puritan minister, persecuted by Charles the First's clergy, 
ii. 258. 

Wiltshire petition rejected by Charles the Second, v. 310. 

Wimbledon, Cecil, viscount, his woful failure in a naval expedition 
against Spain, ii. 151. 

Windebank, a notorious catholic, made secretary by Charles the First, 
ii. 230. 

Windham, counsellor, illegally imprisoned by Cromwell, iii. 446. 

Winnington, sir F. his report from the committee of secresy, of corrup- 
tion exercised on the members of the House of Commons, v. 288. 

Win wood, sir R. his conduct in -the persecution of Vorstius,i. 138 His 
conversation with prince Maurice respecting the weakness of James 
the First, 208. 

Wiquefort, attempts to prove the lawfulness of ministers receiving pay 
from foreign courts, v. 229. 

Wisdom and folly, frequently united in the same character, v. 8. 

Wiseman, sir R. a tool of Charles the Second for corrupting the 
House of Commons, v. 289. 

Witchcraft, severity of the proceedings against, during the reign of 
James the First, i. 44 Sanguinary statute respecting, repealed by 
George the Second, 49. 

Wither, George, extract from his " Fides Anglicana, or a Plea for 
the public Faith," iv. 354 Imprisoned for his free speaking, 359. 

Withers, judge, a mean fellow promoted for his servility to the 
court, v. 331. 

Wolsely, sir Charles, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 329. 

Wood's account of the youthful days of Oliver Cromwell, iii. 5. 

Wootton, ambassador, minion of James the First, i. 22. 

Worcester, Charles the Second defeated at, by Cromwell, iii. 244. IT. 
99 This victory probably inspired Cromwell with the idea of seiz- 
ing the government, iii. 310 Its effects upon the royalists, iv. 99. 

Worcester, earl of, his lands given to Cromwell, after the battle of 
Naseby, iii. 134. 

Worsley, Col. one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438 His own 
account of his proceedings, 440. 

Worthington, an eulogist of Cromwell's government, iii. 364, 489. 

VOL.1. C C 


Wray, see Ray. 

Wrexham, Charles the Second proclaimed at, by the Cavaliers, iw 

Wyndham, sir Edmund, pensioned by the court, v. 281 Endeavours 

to stay proceedings in parliament against the assassins of sir John 

Coventry, v. 314. 


York, James duke of, excluded from the office of lord high ad- 
miral, by the test act, v. 1 53 An exception made in his favour in 
the renewed act, 158 A bill of exclusion to the throne against 
him, passes into the House of Commons, but is rejected by the 
lords. 160 Motion to remove him from the royal presence and 
councils, 163 Recapitulation of his offences against England, 165 
Attempt to excuse his attachment to popery heard indignantly in 
the House of Commons, 174 His hatred to the Dutch, one of the 
causes of the tiiple league, 188 The grand jury dismissed which 
would have presented him as a papist, 329. 

York, sale of bishops' lands in the province of, iii. 306. 

% Z 

Zouch, Dr. an eulogist of Cromwell's government, iii. SGI.. 


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