Historical Facts For The Arabian Musical Influence

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HISTORICAL FACTS

FOR THE

ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE

MUSICAL WORKS.

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ARABIC MUSICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BODLEIAN
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STUDIES IN THE MUSIC OF THE MIDDLE AGES

HISTORICAL FACTS

FOR THE

ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE

BY

HENRY GEORGE FARMER

M.A,, Ph.D,

Author of "A History of Arabian Music."

" The Arabian Influence on Musical Theory/'

" The Arabic Musical MSS. in the Bodleian Library."

" The Ortfan of the Ancients: From Eastern Sources. (Hebrew, Syriac and Arabic.}"
"The Influence of Music: From Arabic Sources."

WILLIAM REEVES 83 CHASING CROSS ROAD,
BOOKSELLER LIMITED LONDON, W.C.2

tbe flDcmon?

of m\>
Ifatber ano flDotber

FBINTED BI THK NBW TKMFLE FKESS, NOBBUKT, LONDON, QBKAT BRITAIK.

FOREWORD.

"Man yatul dhailuhuyata' fflii." .In Arabic Proverb.

ONE of the most deplorable things in history, said
Dr. J. W. Draper, the author of "The Intellectual
Development of Europe," is the systematic way
in \\hich European writers have contrived to put out of
sight the scientific obligations to the Arabs. This was
substantially true at the time it was written, but nowadays
no person, save the merest tyro, can afford to adopt such
an attitude. Specialised research has allocated the pre-
cise position of the Arabs in the culture history of Mediae-
val Europe. In three of the courses of the quadrivium or
mathcsis, that is to say, in arithmetic, geometry and as-
tronomy, we now know quite definitely that if it had not
bem for the improvements, discoveries and inventions of
the Arabs, these sciences, in Europe, would have been
much slower in their evolution. Concerning the remain-
ing course of the qnadrrcium, that is "music," no one had
attempted to demonstrate the definite position of this
Arabian science and art in the cultural development of
Europe. I essayed to fill in this hiatus meanwhile, in a
monograph, entitled " [Clues for] The Arabian Influence
on Musical Theory," 7 in which I furnished a number of

1 Written in ]&?]. Delivered as a lecture before the Glasgow
University Oriental Society, October, 1923. Published in the
"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society," Part I, 1925. Re-issued
as a pamphlet by Harold Reeves, London, February, 1925.

1*

vi FOREWORD.

"clues" in a carefully documented way. Savants from
many parts of the globe interested themselves in the dis-
cussion, some, indeed, with helpful suggestions, for which
I am very grateful. In this country, Miss Kathleen
Schlesinger made a contribution to the discussion in a
pamphlet entitled " Is European Musical Theory Indebted
to the Arabs ? ; Reply to The Arabian Influence on Musi-
cal Theory." 2

I said in my monograph that if my work aroused suffi-
cient interest and discussion, 1 would be prepared to deal
with the question in a more extended and permanent way.
The criticisms of Miss Schlesinger and others urged
me to carry out my promise, and the present work is a
part-fulfilment of this. I say part-fulfilment, because
the most important section of my monograph, that on
"Mensural Music," has not yet received attention. My
monograph comprised only twenty pages of letterpress,
the first ten of which dealt with " clues " for the Arabian
influence in: (i) " Musical Instruments," (2) "Discant,"
(3) "Organum," (4) " Laws of Consonances," (5) "Sol-
feggio," and (6) " Instrumental Tablature," whilst the en-
suing ten pages were devoted, almost entirely, to (/) " Men-
sural Music," save for a few lines about (8) "Notation."
Obviously, the most important contribution concerned
"Mensural Music," as the London "Times" was careful
enough to notice. 5 Yet Miss Schlesinger had no words
for my carefully documented "clues" on this question,
nor even a nod of recognition for my discovery,

* Published originally in the "Musical Standard," May 2 and
1C, 1925, and re-issued as a pamphlet by Harold Reeves, London.
^ "The Times Literary Supplement," February 5, 1925, p. 90, d.

FOREWORD. vii

not only philologically but musically, of the hocket
in the Arabic tyd'at. 1 * She devoted her attention to
the relatively minor questions enumerated above. In
justice to this writer I must, however, admit that she had
reasons for this omission, for she says : "The question of
the acceptance of an Arab rather than a Greek origin of
'Mensural Music' is a weighty matter which must be left
to those who have made a specialised study of the
subject."

At the outset, let me say that Miss Schlesinger was very
appreciative of my monograph, and more than once paid
a compliment to "the great value of the research work
accomplished/' 1 ' 5 At the same time, she made definite
strictures, and fundamental historical facts were chal-
lenged, and in view of that I contributed a "reply" in
the pages of "The Musical Standard" entitled "Facts
for the Arabian Musical Influence." 6 Thereupon, Miss
Schlesinger made a "counter-reply" under the title, "The
Greek Foundations of the Theory of Music." 7

On account of the fresh ground that was being broken,
the discussion attracted still further attention, and finally
I was asked to reprint my articles on the " Facts for the

4 The musical identity was dealt with later by Professor Julian
Ribera in his " I.a Musica de las Cantigas" (1922) and " Historia
de la Musica Arabe Mediaeval y su Influencia en la Espaiiola '*
(1927). Dr. Robert Lachmann, the author of " Musik dea Ori-
ents" (1929) informs me that my " clues'* on the musical side
are being followed up by a German musico-Orientalist.

-'Pp. 3 ? 15, 16, 17, 18.

" Musical Standard" (1925-26), Vol. XXVII, Nos. 477 to 489.
? " Musical Standard (1926), Vol. XXVII, Nos. 479 to 490.

viii FOREWORD.

Arabian Musical Influence" in book form. This I could
not do very well without taking cognisance of Miss
Schlesinger's "counter-reply," and the difficulty was to
combine the two. Fortunately, Mr. William Reeves agreed
to reprint the " Facts," together with a number of Ap-
pendices which would enable me to deal with Miss
Schlesinger's " counter-reply/'

Thanks to the energy of Mr. Reeves, the "Facts" were
reprinted by the close of 1926, but, unfortunately, owing to
indifferent health, other literary work, and the more press-
ing demands of one's vocation, the final Appendices were
not completed until spring, 1929. Indeed, I feel that it is
incumbent upon me to take this opportunity of acknow-
ledging my indebtedness to both the publishers and
printers for their extreme leniency and courtesy in this
matter.

To enable my readers to appreciate what the " Arabian
Influence" really means, Chapter I has been specially
written as an introduction to what follows. Chapter II
to Chapter VIII comprise the "Facts" as they ap-
peared as articles in " The Musical Standard." They have
been revised in places, typographical errors corrected, Miss
Schlesinger quoted in full when necessary (primarily to
meet her objections), and some sentences rewritten so as to
make my meaning clearer. The " Facts " themselves re-
main, however, precisely as they appeared in " The Musi-
cal Standard."* In the forty-eight Appendices I have

*I have omitted the article on " The Question of Consonances."
Miss Schlesinger admitted ("Musical Standard," XXVII, p. 177)
that she had made a mistake in her calculations in her pamphlet
(pp. 9-10). No purpose could therefore be served in reprinting the
article, which dealt mainly with the point raised.

FOREWORD. ix

dealt at length with Miss Schlesinger's "counter-reply"
entitled "The Greek Foundations of the Theory of
Music."

As the author of the "Precursors of the Violin Fam-
ily " and of the numerous articles in the " Encyclopaedia
Britannica" (eleventh edition), I have a high regard for
Miss Schlesinger's gifts in matters of research, and in the
history of musical instruments she has probably done the
most creditable pioneer work in Britain. I would there-
fore like it to be borne in mind that if I am somewhat
critical of Miss Schlesinger's opinions, I am, more often,
actually countering what is perhaps the "accepted opin-
ion" among musicologists to-day. Indeed, it will be
obvious that my work is something more than a mere per-
sonal " reply/' as I frequently use my critic as a " theme "
for my " variations."

In concluding this preface, I would like to express my
indebtedness to friends who have read my "proofs" and
bestowed other courtesies. Among them are Mr. Wilson
Steel, Mrs. Wilson Steel, M.A., Mr. Adam Henderson,
B.Litt., and Mrs. Margaret G. Weir, M.A.

HENRY GEORGE FARMER.
GLASGOW.

CONTENTS.

PiQK

FOREWORD v

CHAPTER I. The Arabian Influence.

i. The Political Contact 1

ii. The Literary and Intellectual Contact ... ... 20

CHAPTER II. The Truo Historical Perspective ... ... 39

CHAPTER III. The Old Arabian Musical Theory 48

CHAPTER IV. The Greek Scholiasts 63

CHAPTER V. The Syllables of Solfeggio 72

CHAPTER VI. New Data for Notation Origins 83

CHAPTER VII. Arabian Influence in Instrumental Tabla-

ture 97

CHAPTER VIII. The Rise of Organum 102

APPENDICES.

1. The Pan-Grecian Conceit 117

2. The Greek Sciences in Pre-Islamic Times 130

3. The Arabian Contribution to the Quadrivium ... ... 132

4. Arabian Influence on Musical Instruments ... ... 136

6. Andres and Viardot on the Arabian Musical Influence 146

6. Mr. J. B. Trend and Professor Ribera on the Arabian

Musical Influence 147

7. Oriental Influences in Carolingian Art ... ... ... 149

8. The Minstrel Class in the Middle Ages 153

9. Pre-Ielamic Oriental Influences ... ... ... ... 162

10. Islamic Schools and Colleges ... ... 165

11. The Arabic Language in Spain 172

12. The First Arabic-Latin Translations 174

13. Gerbert and the Arabian Contact 177

14. The Study of the Theory of Music in the Middle Ages 185

xii CONTENTS.

PAGE

15. The Roman Theorists of Music 190

16. The Survival of Greek Theory 197

17. The Church and Culture 201

18. The Arabs and Monte Cassino 203

19. The Carolingian Schools 208

20. The Pre-Aurelian Theorists of Music 214

21. The Arabs of Old 229

22. The Tanlur al-Baghdadi Scale 232

23. Ibn Misjah and his Inventions ... ... ... ... 236

24. The Accordatura of the Arabian Luto ... ... ... 240

25. Ishaq al-Mausili , 247

26. The Berlin Al-Kindl MSS 256

27. Arabic Treatises on Musical Instruments 258

28. Villoteau and the Arabian Musical Influence ... ... 267

29. The Arabic Translations from the Greek 272

30. The Muristus MSS 279

31. Yahya ibn 'All ibn Yahya 280

32. Al-Farabi and Aristoxenos 286

33. The Arabs and the Speculative Art 290

34. The Revival of the Hydraulis 295

85. The Value of the Arabic Musical Documents ... ... 298

36. The Musical Notation of the Greeks 302

37. The Yahya ibn 'All Notation 304

38. The Ma'rifat at-Naghamdt al-Thaman Notation ... 307

39. The Al-Kindi Notation 312

40. The Al-Farabi Notation 315

41. The Notation in " De Harmonica Institutione ' ' ... 317

42. The Early Notations of Western Europe 321

43. The Shams al-Din al-Saidawi Notation 323

44. The Meaning of Organum .., 327

45. Al-Kindi, Ibn Sma, and Orga/num ... ... ... 329

46. Virgilius Cordubensis 333

47. Harmony in Oriental Music 346

48. John Scotus and Organum 348

Index of Persons and Works ... .. . ... ... 359

Subject and Geographical Index 367

Errata 375

ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE

CHAPTER I.
THE ARABIAN INFLUENCE.

1. THE POLITICAL CONTACT.

2. THE LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT.

'* The, effort* which hare been made to ascribe to Greek influence,
tie science of Egypt, of later Rabylon, of India, and that of the
Arabs, do not (tdd to the glory that was Greece.' 1 Professor L. C.
Karpinski, "The American Mathematical Monthly," XXVI.

WHAT is implied by the words, " Arabian culture '
in the question under discussion? I pointed
out in my monograph that the phrase had re-
ference to "Arabic speaking peoples." 1 The ex-
pression has been too long in vogue to disturb scholars,*
and it is still current. 3 Yet, as Professor D. B. Macdonald,

1 Page 3. See Appendix 1.

9 Wiistenfeld, " Greschichte der arabischen Aerzte u. Natur-
forscher" (1840). Leclerc, " Histoire de la medecine arabe"
(1876). Suter, "Die Mathematiker u. Astronomen der Araber "
(1900).

s Browne, E. G., "Arabian Medicine" (1921). O'Leary,
"Arabic Thought and its Place in History " (1922). Campbell,
D., " Arabian Medicine and its Influence on the Middle Ages "
(1926).

2

2 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

of Hartford Theological Seminary, reminds me, the
general reader must be borne in mind, and so let us make
it quite clear that when we speak of Arabian'* culture, we
do not mean that its fons ci origo are claimed for the
Arabs themselves or for Arabia, but simply that this
culture arose under a polity that was Arabian, and that
the language by which it was propagated was Arabic.
That the Syrians, Byzantines and Persians played an im-
portant part in this culture movement is well known. At
the same time we must not forget that it was at the bid-
ding of their Arab masters, who were too proud to be any-
thing but a military aristocracy, that these people supplied
tfiis culture, for indeed, the Syrians, Byzantines and Per-
sians knew but little of the treasures of Greek science,
until the Arab khalifs rescued it from oblivion/ 3

When the Arabs planted the banner of the Prophet in
Persian and Byzantine lands, they came in contact with
civilisations which had an immense influence on their
cultural outlook. The secret was that the outstanding
features of these civilisations were peculiarly adaptable
to Arab requirements, for they were of Semitic origin.
Persia itself owed much of its culture to the ancient Semi-
tic peoples of Babylonia-Assyria. Greece was similarly
indebted. Indeed, the great literary transmitters of
Greek lore to the Arabs were the Heathen Sabaeans of
Mesopotamia, and the Christian Syrians.

k To use the term Islamic in place of Arabian would deprive the
Christians, Jews, and other votaries who took an outstanding part
in this -culture, of their just claims, whilst the word Rarac.enic
is equally open to objection, since it includes the 'Uthmanll Turk*?,
and, moreover, it ie meaningless to the Oriental.
5 See Appendix 2.

THE ARABIAN INFLUENCE. 3

Yet the Arabs outdid their masters, and their achieve-
ments in art, science and literature dwarf into insignifi-
cance anything of a like nature in the East or West. All
of this was to be of profound importance to European
civilisation, because Europe owes it to the Arabs not only
that they preserved for the apostles of the Renaissance
all that was left of Greek science and philosophy, but
that their scrutinising spirit and initiative in this direction
was a tremendous force in the intellectual uprising that
led to the Renaissance. Libri, the historian of mathe-
matics, has truly said : " Efface the Arabs from history,
and the renaissance of letters would have been retarded
for several centuries." 6 '

The Arabian influence in Europe, can be traced, as I
have already pointed out in my "Arabian Influence on
Musical Theory," in two directions : (i) the mere political
contact which began in the eighth century, and (2) the
literary and intellectual contact which may be traced from
the tenth century. The political contact was brought
about by the world-wide dominion of the Khalifate and
the succeeding Muslim states, whilst the literary and in-
tellectual contact was due to the superiority of Arabian
culture. Much of the influence due to the former came
viva voce, or was handed on "by rote," whilst the influ-
ence arising from the latter was a definite transmission
by means of literature. The political contact began
earlier, and we can view its import to better advantage
by spreading out the lands that fell to the sword of
Islam, before our eyes.

6 Libri, " Hist. Math,," i, p, 151,

4 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

THE POLITICAL CONTACT.

At the time of the accession of the first khalif,
Abu Bakr (632), the Khalifate was confined to the
Arabian peninsula. By the following year the Eastern
conquests of the Arabs had begun, and they followed
in quick succession Iraq 'Arab! (633), Mesopotamia
(637), Persia (642), Afghanistan (66 1), Bukhara (674),
Sind (708), and Farghana (712). Northern con-
quests gave them Syria (638), Adharbaijan (642), and
portions of Armenia and Asia Minor (647). Western
conquests embraced Egypt and Tripoli (647), Tunisia
(670), and Morocco (708).

Of greater importance to our present inquiry are the
conquests in Asia Minor, Italy and Spain. Asia Minor
was first invaded in 647, and later, an army overawed
the land to the very threshold of Constantinople, which
was more than once besieged, and an adjacent island
held for seven years. During the Umayyad and early
'Abbasid period, the frontiers of the Khalifate extended
through a line of towns along the Taurus Range, includ-
ing Tarsus, Adana, Tyana and Melitene. The Tulunids
(868-905) took over most of this territory, but later, when
the Saljuqs of Rum (1077-1300) and the Danishmandids
(c. 1097-1165) assumed power, almost three-fourths of
Asia Minor was held by the Muslims, i.e., as far as Aidin
in the West, and up to the borders of Sultanoni in the
North.

In Italy and contiguous islands, Muslim contact may
be traced as early as the eighth century, when Sardinia
was occupied. This island remained in Muslim hands,
on and off, for three centuries (720-1050). Malta also

THE POLITICAL CONTACT. 5

became a Muslim possession (810-1090), and an attempt
was even made to hold Corsica (810, et seg.). The great-
est of all the Muslim possessions in these parts was Sicily
(827-1071). On the mainland of Italy, were other Mus-
lim states or colonies Calabria (c. 837-80), Taranto
(840-80), Bari (841-71), Trajetto (c. 878-915), as well as
the Pontine Islands, Ischia, Cape Miseno, the Ligurian
coast, and Lombardy.

In Spain, the conquests of the Muslims were more
thorough. In 711, Tariq crossed from the African shore,
and invaded Spain. By 713, the whole of the peninsula
as far as the Pyrenees and Cantabrian Range was in the
hands of the invader, who maintained a footing on the
land until 1492. The Pyrenees were crossed and the
teiritory as far as Narbonne was annexed (720-59), and
the Balearic Isles were seized and held fitfully (798-1232).
In 751 the Christians pushed the Muslims back in Spain
to a line which ran approximately from Coimbra along
the Sierra de Guadarrama to Pampeluna, whilst in the
East, a Christian advance was made in 80 1 beyond Pam-
peluna and Barcelona. This remained the frontier prac-
tically for two centuries and a half, until Salamanca
(1055), Madrid (1083), Toledo (1086), Tarragona (1089),
and Huesca (1096), fell before the onslaughts of the
Christians. By the mid-twelfth century the Tagus was
reached in the West, and by 1260 all that was left to the
Muslims was the present province of Granada. In 1484
the final struggle began, and in 1492 the city of Granada
surrendered to Ferdinand and Isabella.

The Khalifate, as a political force, did not hold sway
over its vast dominions for much more than a century.
Disintegration soon showed itself, and petty dynasties

6 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

sprang up in Spain, North Africa, Syria and Persia,
which, however, acknowledged the spiritual authority of
the Khalif save in the case of the Umayyads in Spain,
and the anti-Khali fate of the Fatimids in Egypt. This
disintegration of the Khalifate, however ruinous it was
eventually to the body politic, was helpful to general
culture and to commercial prosperity. Just as Baghdad,
the capital of the Khalifate, had ousted Byzantium as a
culture centre, and had become the emporium of the
Eastern world, so the capitals of the newly-founded
dynasties, freed from the leash of Baghdad, now vied
with the mother capital for cultural and commercial
supremacy. Whatever political or sectarian differences
existed, a common culture prevailed from Samarkand
beyond the Oxus to Cordova in Spain, a culture, by the
side of which that of Western Europe was mere
barbarism.

The glories of the "Golden Age" of Arabian civilisa-
tion have often been penned. It was the cynosure of
every eye beyond its confines. The grandeur of its edi-
fices, the splendour of its courts, the puissance of its
warriors, together with the ease, prosperity and general
well-being of its people, became a byword. In all the
great cities colleges, schools and libraries flourished. The
Bait al-Hikma, the Nizdmiyya, and the Blmaristan of
Baghdad, and the madaris of Damascus, Cairo, Cor-
dova and Palermo, were long famous as seats of learning.
Khalif, sultan and amir patronised virtuosi and scholars
unstintedly. Art, science and letters rose to an eminence
unheard of since the days of Grecian splendour. The
sciences were especially studied, and the inventions, dis-
coveries and improvements made by Arabian savants in

THE POLITICAL CONTACT. 7

astronomy, geometry, medicine, chemistry, mechanics and
botany, are generally admitted. 1

It was inevitable that Europe should find this new
spirit arousing her from the heavy slumber of the Dark
Ages.

Professor Leo Wiener, of Harvard University, has
shown that the Goths were the first carriers of Arabian
culture into Western Europe. Dispersed by the Muslim
conquerors of Spain, they found sanctuary with their
Germanic kin, who protected them not only because of
their reputed superior culture, but because they brougnt
with them " the new learning and arts of the conquerors." 2 *
Hence, we can appreciate why Alcuin should speak of
the Goths as a God- favoured nation, and that Charle-
magne should encourage them as colonists.

About 760, we find these Goths influencing St. Gall,
since we find Arabic nomenclature in the domestic lan-
guage of that region.* This is traceable in the vocabu-
laries which are based on Arabico-Gothic glosses. In
the Anglo-Saxon charters, there is quite a host of Arabico-
Gothic words, 5 and we know that the Anglo-Saxon glos-
saries came from St. Gall/' Indeed, Wiener thinks that
" it is very doubtful if the alleged Greek renaissance of
Irish scholarship is independent of, and older than the
Arabico-Gothic renaissance of Greek learning." 5 Verona

1 See Appendix 3.

** Wiener, "Contributions towards a History of Arabico-Gothic
Culture, 1, xxxiii-xxxvi. See his " Germanic Laws," 77 ct scq.

*Z&iJ., II, p. 329. /bid., I, p. 194.

4 Hessels, J. H., " A Late Eighth-Century Latin-Anglo-Saxon
Glossary," xiii.

MVienor, op. /., II, p. 329.

8 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

and other cities of Northern Italy also had colonies of
Goths in the eighth and ninth centuries. The greater
part of Gothic literature was preserved in Italy, and
Spanish bibles abounded there in the tenth century. 6

The Muslim rulers were sought by the emperors
and princes of Europe as allies, and embassies passing
to and fro were not uncommon. Pepin and Charlemagne,
as well as the Byzantine Emperors, sent their envoys to
Muslim courts, and in return received the plenipoten-
tiaries of the latter. That such missions were the means
of introducing Oriental ideas into the West is generally
acknowledged. 7 Similar diplomatic relations existed
between the Normans of Sicily and Muslim Egypt, and
between Byzantium and Muslim Spain. Muslim armies
fought on Italian soil for the Lombard princes, the
Byzantines, and even the Pope. They marched side by
side with the soldiers of the petty Christian princes north
of the Pyrenees. The Norman armies of Roger I and
Frederick II of Sicily contained whole divisions of
Muslims.

The cultural influence due to the presence of this
Muslim civilisation in Europe or in close proximity can-
not be over-estimated, for " the blessings of culture which
were given to the West by its temporary Islamitic ele-
ments are at least as important as the influence of the
East during the time of the Crusades."* Spain, Italy and
Byzantium became the great highways for the infiltration

., II, p. 276. Berger, " Histoire de la Vulgate," p. 140.
'"Cambridge Mediaeval History," ii, p. 592. Bury, "History
of the Eastern Roman Empire," p. 438.

8 " Cambridge Mediaeval History," ii, p. 390.

THE POLITICAL CONTACT. 9

of this culture, although we must not lose sight 'of the
fact that these lands had been the centres of the Visi-
gothic, Roman and Greek civilisations, because this helps
us to appreciate why the Arabian influence was able to
make itself felt so effectively.

The Crusades, too, had some influence on Western
Europe, although, probably, the military arts gained most
by the contact. One is inclined to think that more was
accomplished " m the quiet contacts of peace," 9 as in
the sphere of commerce.

The argosies of the Muslims plied the Mediterranean
long before Venice, Genoa and Pisa dominated its waters,
and the caravan routes had been in Arab hands since the
dawn of history. We know from Papal records of the
eighth and ninth century, that Arab Spain supplied Rome
with fine vestments and tapestries for ecclesiastical pur-
poscs. n Venice, as early as the ninth century, already
had a trade with Syria and Cairo. 23 The commercial tics
between Ban and the Arabs of the East are said to date
from the days when the Muslims held this town.-" Amalfi
too, was trading with the Muslims in the same century/ 4
and this town was the centre of the Oriental trade, 7 ' until
the Normans broke its independence at the close of the
eleventh century.

Robertson, J. M., "Evolution of States,'' p. 69.
10 " Cambridge Modern History,'' i, Chapter I.

nyignoli, ii, pp. 243-5.

J'Heyd, "Hist, du Commerce du Levant," i, 110.
13 Heyd, op. cit., i, p. 97.

U IbM., p. 99.
iil., p. 107. Dutt, D. C., " History of India," ii, p. 312.

io ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

France in the ninth century is claimed to have had
commercial ties with Egypt, 16 and certainly Russia and
the Baltic provinces were in touch with the East before
the opening of the eleventh century. 27 Probably Greece,
in spite of her political enmity, was as big a trader with
Syria and Egypt as any other country. Up to the tenth
century the commercial traffic between Byzantium and the
East was highly developed. 1 *

Our vocabularies reveal the incisions made on Western
Europe through its commercial intercourse with the Mus-
lims. Through the Arabic come a host of words of every-
day usage such as cotton, muslin, damask, tabby, taffeta,
camlet^ sugar, saffron, borax, orange, lemon, sherbet,
lozenge musk, camphor, amber and sandalwood.
Needless to say, the influence was not confined
to the mere nomenclature of articles of exchange. The
arts and crafts of the Muslims, as well as their manners
and customs, were freely borrowed. The Muslim sailor
brought the compass to Europe, and its gimbaP 1 is an
Arabic term. The alidade of the sextant, the admiral
of the fleet, and the Ice 1 of the ship, all tell the tale of
their origin. The land trader with his caravan and his
guide, 2 and, above all, his tariff, added to the European
stock of words. The soldier found the Muslim tactics
worthy of adoption, and even his artillery and the Moor-

, i, p. 92.
17 Hid., i, p. 57, scq.

tf/frir/., p. 53.

19 See Al-Mas'udi, " Prairies d'or," viii, p. 18.
Arabic, lwm(ila~ u io hear."
'Arabic, 'ah = "high/'
* Arabic, qa'id = "loader."

THE POLITICAL CONTACT. n

ish pike. Such words as magazine and accoutre* are
derived from the Arabic. The builder with his alcove,
the leather-worker in cordwain, the potter with his jar,
and the industrial artist with his arabesque and majolica,
copied the Muslim workman.

If we look at the sports and pastimes of Europe we
cannot fail to note those of Arabian origin. In chess,
the word rook, and in cards the term nap came through
the Arab contact. It is highly probable that the
word baccara is Arabic. Dances, especially in Southern
Europe, reveal the influence of the Arabs of Spain, as in
the zarabandci, and our morris dance is but the Moorish
dance. Hawking, a favourite pastime with the Spanish
Arabs, was reduced to an art, and the sake? and other
Arab-bred falcons were eagerly sought by Christian
Europe. How much the knightly customs of chivalry
and the tournament owe to the Muslims is generally
admitted, as we know from the zalagdrda, and one
strange officer, the tabardcr, took his office or name from
the Arabs/

We have taken a fairly broad view of the general cul-
tural influences of Arabian civilisation on Europe through
the political contact, and we can now enquire how far
music was involved. Those who are acquainted with the
literature of the Arabs can fully appreciate the statement
that music with the Arabs was part and parcel of their
daily lives. The courts of the khalifs, sultans and amirs
v;cre crowded with virtuosi, whilst every man who could
boast of a social position had his qaina or female musi-

3 Arabic, aldara = '* to make ready.*'
/'See Al-MnqriHi, i, p. 100.

12 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

cian, who was as common in the Golden Age of Muslim
civilisation as the piano was in the Victorian era. With
the common people, apart from the great public festivals
fixed by Islam, there were the household feasts, at births,
circumcisions, marriages, when music was "the one thing
needful." The song was to be heard on every side,
whether from the professional musician or from the work-
man, whilst the dance was, as with all the Semites, in-
dispensable. As for musical instruments, whilst the
names of those used in Europe might be counted on the
fingers, those of the Arabs can be enumerated by the
dozen.

The tremendous vogue of music in all its branches can
best be appreciated from the pages of the famous " Kitab
al-Agham" or "Book of Songs," written by Abu'l-Faraj
al-Isf aham (d. 96;), and the " 'Iqd al-Farld," or " Unique
Necklace," by the Spanish Arab, Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi
(d. 940). The former comprises twenty-one volumes, and
contains a collection of poems that had been set to music
from pre-Islamic times to the ninth century, together with
biographical details of authors, composers, singers, in-
strumentalists and musical litterateurs. During the thou-
sand years that have elapsed since this monument of
erudition was produced, nothing of its kind in worth
or merit has been accomplished by any writer of Western
Europe. If we look at the "Fihrist" of Muhammad ibn
Ishaq al-Nadim (c. 988), or the works of Ibn al-Qifti, Ibn
Abi Usaibi'a, or Abu'1-Fida, we can see a long list of
Greek musical theorists whose writings were known to the
Arabs, as well as innumerable Arabian musical theorists
and litterateurs.

During the political contact, the musical influence of

THE POLITICAL CONTACT. 13

Muslim peoples on Europe was mainly that ^which could
be transmitted by hand, as with musical instruments, and
what could be learned "by rote," for in those days not
only melodies, but verse and story also, were frequently
communicated in this way. Christian Spain was pos-
sibly the first to feel the new contact. A glance at the
musical instruments of mediaeval Spain, as delineated in
manuscripts of the tenth and eleventh centuries, 7 and in
the "Cantigas de Santa Maria" (thirteenth century) re-
veals the debt owed to the Arabs, 5 whilst the names of
these instruments, preserved in the verses of Juan Ruiz
(fourteenth century) fully supplement this assertion.
Laud, rabe morisco, caHo, atambor, guitarra morisca, tam-
borete> panderete, gayta, cxabeba, albogon, anafil, and
atambal, were names which came through the Arabic.
Other documents tell us of the dulgayna, adufe, exaquir,
chirimia and xelami, all of which are derived from the
same source. In the word zambras the Spaniards pre-
serve the name of the musical festivals of the Arabs, as
they do in such expressions as algazara and alarido?

Casiri, the famous Arabic bibliographer, says that the
Arabian melodies were great favourites with the Cata-
lans, not only when sung by the professional minstrels,
but by the rough sailors at the ports. 10 Juan Ruiz, the
fourteenth century poet already mentioned, quotes an

7Riano, Fig. 39. Lavignac's " Ency. de la Musique," iv, p.
1928.

8 Miss Schlesinger holds that " the greatest proportion of these
(instruments) can be traced to an Oriental origin, through the
Arabs." (" Precursors, etc.," p. 410.) See Appendix 4.
flRibera, " La Miisica de las Cantigas," p. 83.
10 Casiri, " Bibl. Arab.-Hisp. Escur."

14 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Arabian tune entitled " Cabel el orabin," or " Cabel el
garabi." n It would appear to be the identical tune given
by Salinas (d. 1590), who says that it probably came from
the Arabs, since the words calvi vi cahn calvi orabi, are
Arabic. 2 * This brilliant mathematicomusician gives ex-
amples of Spanish music of his day which show Arabian
influence. 13 Another Arabian tune mentioned by Juan
Ruiz is entitled " Caguil Hallaco." The word for song
in Spanish is cana^ and it is the Arabic ghanlya^ just as
the Castilian anaxir is the Arabic al-nashld (song, verse).
The older authorities, Eximeno,^ and Andres, 15 openly
admitted the influence of the Arabs on the music of
Spain. Nowadays, savants like Pedrell would fain deny
this influence. 16 A more recent writer says that the in-
fluence is not one of a type of construction, but rather a
mere scheme of decoration, which, he says, is identical
with what is seen in the Mudejar style of architecture. 17

Ruiz, " Libro de buen amor" (Ducainin edit.), coplas
1,250 et seq. Riano, op. cit., 129.

Salinas, "De musica libri VII," p. 339. See Ribera, op.
cit., 84.

^The melody beginning " Que me querys el Cavallero," has
the rhythm of the modern jazz, a word derived from the Arabic
jazz (= to apocopate, to cut off). Cf., jaza'a (= to curtail a
verse). The jazz passed into North- West Africa with the full tide
of Islamic culture, and was thus introduced into the southern slave
states of America, from whom we obtained it. See my article,
" The. Arab Influence on Music in the Western Soudan " (" Musi-
cal Standard," Nov. 15, 1924).

ttEximeno, "Dell' origine . . . della musica" (1774), p. 403.

*5 Andrfes, " Dell' origine e progress! e dello stato attuale d'ogni
letteratura" (1782-99), i, 289-92, iv, 259, 264. See Appendix 5.
# Pedrell, " Cancionero popular espanol," pp. 69, 84.

n "The Criterion," Feb., 1924, pp. 218-19. See Appendix 6,

THE POLITICAL CONTACT. 15

Yet when we peruse the monumental work of the erudite
Julian Ribera, " La Musica dc las Cantigas," the con-
clusion seems inevitable that the Arabian influence is far
deeper than any previous writer had imagined.

In Portugal, the Arabian influence is equally as patent,
especially in the sports and pastimes of the people.** As
in Spain, they have their zambras or festivals, where one
may hear them sing the hudas 19 and aravias or dance the
mouriscas, words alone which tell of their origin. The
musical instruments, like those of Spain, bear names which
are mostly Arabic, whilst their form and structure are
frcm the same source.

In France, contact with Arabian culture must have
begun at an early period. In the industrial arts of the
ninth-tenth centuries there can be no mistaking the Ori-
ental influences which prevail. 20 Both Pepin and Charle-
magne had intimate dealings with the Arabs of Spain
and the East, and it was Charlemagne who " probably was
the means of introducing the new Arabian instruments
to the rest of Europe." 1 The designs of musical instru-
ments in the art works of the period are, in many cases,
derived from Oriental models. Miss Schlesinger points
out that the instruments delineated in Evangelarium of
St. Medard (eighth century), and the Lothair, Aureum and
Labeo Notker psalters (ninth-tenth centuries) " are all Ori-

HBraga, T., "0 povo portuguez nos ecus costumes, cren^as e
tradisoes," p. 75.

*0 Arabic, liudd* = caravan song.

* See Appendix 7.

i Schlesinger, " Precursors," p. 280. Miss Schlesinger is quite
confident that these instruments came from the Muslims of Spain
or Sicily. See pp. 329, 342, 371, 374, 398, 399, 420.

1 6 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

ental instruments derived from the Egyptian or older
Asiatic civilisations and disseminated in Europe
mainly through the Arabs." Yet a great deal more
than the instruments themselves was borrowed. The
roving Arab minstrel was the chief means whereby these
Oriental instruments became known, and he passed on
at the same time a new type of music. Pie may, indeed,
have been the originator of the wandering minstrel class
that spread all over Europe. 2 Germanic and Romance
rhyme undoubtedly came from the Semites, as Meyer has
shown. 2 * That the Spaniards imitated Arabic verse is
stated by Alvarus in the mid-ninth century. 2b Prose was
also affected. In the beginning of the twelfth century,
the Counts of Barcelona became rulers of Provence, and
here the troubadour and his jongleur re-acted the parts
of the Arab amir and his ghanntfi.

Dr. J. M. Clark, the most recent (1926) historian of St.
Gall, says, after reading the evidence put forward by the
present writer : " It is now definitely proved that the Ara-
bic contribution to the theory and practice of music in
the Middle Ages was considerable, and I think it highly
probable that it made itself felt at St. Gall." 20

France carried the Arabic and other Oriental names for
many of its musical instruments for centuries. Guillaume
de Machaut (c. 1364) mentions the micanon, rubebe,
morache, guiterne, naquaire, cor Sarrasinois, doussainne,

*Fauriel, "Hist, de la Poesie," iii, p. 338. See Appendix 8.

2 Meyer, <c Greeammelte Abhandlungen znr rnittellateinischen
Rythmic," I, p. 6.

2b " Espafia Sagrada," xi, p. 274. Amador de los Rios, iii,
p. 48.

20 Clark, " The Abbey of St. Gall," vi.

THE POLITICAL CONTACT, i;

labour, muse cTAussay and the eschaquier. Besides these
we find the quesse, timbale^ gighe and luth. It was pro-
bably through the Basques (and the Neapolitans) that the
tambourine got a real hold on Europe, and it is still called
the tambour de Basque. (See Appendix 4.)

Italy, like the other lands in close proximity to Muslim
culture, moved forward under the stress of the contact. 5
The earlier literature of Italy bears ample trace of Ori-
ental influence. Poetry was certainly affected by Sicilian
modes, and later by Provencal devices. The brilliant
artistry of the Muslim minstrels in Sicily was bound to
find an echo in the South of Italy. When the Normans
became masters in the eleventh century, this Oriental in-
fluence continued with as much vigour as before. 4 Such
instruments as the liuto, rebccca, tambura, nacchcra,
theorba, joch, canone, and mezzo canone, carry, in their
names, the story of their birth, as do the instruments de-
lineated by Fra Angelico, Bellini and Mantegna/'*

Although it was only among the Normans of the South
that any active support was given to the Crusades, yet
no country in Europe perhaps, was more influenced by
this movement, than Italy. The great ports of Pisa,
Venice and Genoa played a conspicuous part during the
Crusades because of their hold on shipping, and they
became not only the portals of Europe for the Crusaders
themselves, but for the ideas which the latter had brought
from the East.

The Crusades (1096-1291) had a profound influence on
Western Europe, though probably not so momentous as

s Tiraboschi, iii, p. 30C.

Ency. Brit.," xxv, p. 32. <u See Appendix 4.

3

1 8 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

that due to the actual presence of the Muslim. Still, the
fact that for two hundred years there were thousands of
Crusading pilgrims journeying to the East, and returning
with thoughts of the strange world that they had seen,
must have counted considerably in culture progress. So
far as our present subject is concerned, we are able to
trace the influence of the Crusaders as distinct perhaps
from other media* by means of Oriental words and cus-
toms which are Persian, Turkish, or Syrian. As we have
pointed out already, the military arts gained considerably
by this contact. The Christian armies, hitherto only sup-
plied with military music comprised of trumpets and
horns, now adopted a regular military band which had
special functions/' In these Muslim bands would be found
such instruments as the naqqara, tabl, kfis, qas'a, tinbcil,
tablr and baldbdn, all of which belonged to the drum class.
To these were added the z'd (cymbals) and the jiiljul (gong)
and the jaghana (jingling johnny). 6 Of wind instru-
ments there were the zamr, surnay, naflr and buq.

Many of these instruments were borrowed by Europe,
together with their names the nakcr or naqnairc^ the
tabel, tabor or tambour, the quessc or caisse, the tymbala
or timbalc, the baldbdn, the jingling johnny, the sumcr or
sumber> the dulgayna or dotissaine, the anafil or anaiin^
and the albogon or alboquc.

Words like tinbal, tablr and balaban are Persian and
Turkish, and, apparently, were introduced at the time of
the Crusades. Qas'a and naqqara were not usual with the

5 See my "Rise and Development of Military Music/' p. It?,
and Ramsay's " Angevin Empire/' pp. 302-3.

6 The jaghana, hence "Johnnie," or "Jingling Johnnie," was
-e-introduced into Europe by the Turks in the seventeenth century.

r

THE POLITICAL CONTACT. 19

Arabs of Europe, and they, too, ought to be placed to
the credit of the Crusaders. I have already pointed out
that the European term fanfare is the plural of nafir
(an far) in metathesis. In a similar way, the word tucket
would perhaps appear to be the Hebrew taqa' and the
Arabic tuqa.

Through Byzantium came another tide of Arabian cul-
ture. Oriental influence had been streaming into Byzan-
tine lands since Sasanid times, much of it Persian, and
not a negligible amount Arabian, for Arabs were in the
army and administration/ With the rise of the Khahfatc,
clear and definite traces of a fresh influx of Arabian cul-
ture show themselves, and so much so, that we can count
them in the " ingredients of Byzantine civilisation."'' 1
From the mid-seventh to the beginning of the ninth cen-
tury, the arts were at low ebb in Byzantium. When the
revival came, it was due, in the main, to Arabian influ-
ences. Baghdad and other centres of Arabian culture
had aroused the envy of Thcophilus (829-42), and his
craze for building probably came from a desire to outdo
the Muslims.'' Strange to say, a revival of interest in
science also dates from this century, and our oldest
Byzantine MSS. of classical authors belong to this
period.-" Clearly the Arabian influence reveals itself here.
In the cloisonne technique of the ninth century, we can

? " Cambridge Mediaeval History," iv, p. 73o. Sec Appendix 9.

s Hw/., iv, pp. 152, 773.

9 Ibid., iv, ]>. 3 ( J. Bury, "Jlistory of the Eastern Homau
Empire," p. 435.

*0(ibbon (Bury edit.), vi, p. 104.

11 Omont, "Facsimiles des plus anciens MSS. grecs du IX e au
XlY e siecle." See Appendix 2.

20 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

trace the Oriental hand or mind/ 2 as much as in the
fabrics, and also perhaps in other industrial arts.

What Byzantium borrowed from the musical art of its
Eastern neighbour is not easily determined. One of the
earliest examples of an Arab rabab (the European rebcc\
however, may be found represented on a casket of Byzan-
tine workmanship of the eighth (?) or ninth century, now
in the Carrand Collection at Florence. JJ Later Byzantine
music was deeply influenced by Arabian modcls.* ;

THE LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT.

Whilst the political contact brought a host of
fresh Oriental customs and ideas to the West, a
deep impulse came also from the literary and in-
tellectual contact. This latter was also heightened
by the fact that the Muslims themselves were on
European soil from the eighth to the fifteenth century.
Muslim Spain, in its passion for literary, artistic and
scientific culture, became the rival of the Eastern khal-
ifate. This land was, says Stanley Lane Poole, "the
marvel of the Middle Ages, and which, when all Europe
was plunged in barbaric ignorance and strife, alone held
the torch of learning and civilisation bright and shining
before the Western world." 2 Its colleges and libraries at
Cordova, Toledo, Seville, and other towns, became world-

12 Bury, op. cit., p. 433. Diehl, " L'art Byzantine," p. 642.

WL'Art," i, p. 24.
, "Byz. Mus. and Hymn.," pp. 44, 63.
* Poolc, S. L., " Moors in Spain," p. 43.

LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT. 21

renowned. The college at Cordova reckoned its students
by the thousand.^ Material and intellectual wealth
seemed to go hand in hand. The coffers of the sultan
'Abd al-Rahman III (d. 96 1)* brimmed over with twenty
million pieces of gold/ whilst the library of the sultan
Al-Hakam II (d. 976) contained four hundred thousand
books. 5 This latter monarch founded twenty-seven free
schools in Cordova and paid the teachers from his own
purse, whilst the former brought the Greek monk, Nicolas,
to Cordova in 951, to supervise translatibns from the
Greek/ 1 *

Italy, after the Lombard invasion in the sixth century,
was left in desolation culturally, 6 ' and the educational re-
forms of Charlemagne in the ninth century scarcely
contributed to repair the damage. In Muslim Sicily, on
the other hand, "colleges and schools sprang up on all
sides, and learning and art were patronised." 7 That is
why this island became, between the tenth and twelfth
centuries, "a source of both Greek and Arabic learning
foi Western Europe/' 5

Strange as it may seem, the Arabian influence was
given even greater impulse after the Norman conquest
(1071), for " the Normans came into the inheritance of the
two most civilised nations of the time (the Arabs and

2 Dozy, "Hist, des Musul. d'Espagne," iii, p. 109.
3 He claimed the title of khalif.

//Dozy, iii, 90.
6 Casiri, i, p. 38. 5 * See Appendix 10.

cTiraboschi, " Storia," iii, p. 47.

7 Ameer AH, "Short History of the Saracens," p. 599.
* Hearnshaw, " Mediaeval Contributions to Modern Civilisation,"
121,

22 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Byzantines) and allowed them to flourish side by side." 9
Roger II 'd. 1154) and the Emperor Frederick II (d. 1250)
were both ardent Arabo-philcs. The court of the latter
monarch was as oriental as that of any amir of the Sicil-
ian Aghlabids. Here were maintained Jewish savants
who translated Arabic works for the colleges, astrologers
from Baghdad, Saracen dancers, both male and female,
and Moorish trumpeters 1 " Libraries were filled with
Greek and Arabic works, and it was Frederick II who es-
tablished the University of Naples and gave the College
of Salerno Ins special attention. Through their portals
Western Europe was to receive the bounties of the Ara-
bian contact. Professor C. ii. Haskms says : 13 " Both his-
torically and geographically Sicily was the natural meet-
ing-point of Greek, Arabic and Latin civilisation, and a
natural avenue for the transmission of Eastern art and

learning to the West The distinctne element in

southern learning lay, however, not on the Latin side, but
in its immediate contact with Greek and Arabic scholar-
ship, and the chief meeting-point of these various currents
of culture was the royal court at Palermo, direct heir to
the civilisation of Saracen Sicily"

This literary and intellectual contact of Muslim Spain
and Sicily with Christian Spain and Italy, can be
traced in two directions: (i) mere borrowings from Ara-
bic works or Arab teachers, and (2) compilations and
translations from Arabic works.

The first movement might be said to have started in

'"Eney. Brit.," xxv, p. 32.

, " Pocsie und kunst dor Araber in Spnnien und Sici-
lien," ii, p. 151.
"Hoskins, "The Normans in European History," pp. 235, 238.

LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT. 23

the eighth century. One of the oldest documents bearing
definite evidence of the Arabic influence is the "Codex
Toletanus" of Isidore's "Etymologic." 12 In this docu-
ment we have "glosses'' in Arabic which date from the
eighth century, revealing the fact that "some Goths were
already more conversant with Arabic than with Latin,
even though they remained Christians." 13

In the ninth century, Bishop Alvarus of Cordova com-
plains of the neglect of the Latin tongue in favour of
the Arabic, and of the study of Arabic books rather than
the Holy Scriptures. Alvarus says :

"Who is there among the faithful laity sufficiently
learned to understand the Holy Scriptures, or what our
doctors have written in Latin? Who is there fired with
love of the Gospels, the Prophets, the Apostles? All our
young Christians .... arc learned in infidel erudition and
perfected in Arabic eloquence. They assiduously study,
intently read and ardently discuss Arabic books (v alu-
mina C aid GO rum)}* 1 .... The Christians arc ignorant of
their own tongue; the Latin race docs not understand its
own language. Not one in a thousand of the Christian
communion can write an intelligent letter to a brother.
On the other hand, there ar great numbers of them who
expound the Arabic splendour of language, and metrically
adorn, by mono-rhyme, the final clauses of songs, better
and more sublimely than other peoples."^

w Lindsay, W. M., " Tsidori Hispalensis Epi&copi Etymolog. sive
Originum Libri XX."

w Wiener, L., "Hist, of Arabico-Gothic Culture," ii, p. 332.

u The Caltlai are the Arabs, as proved by the contemporary
"Chronicon Sebastian!" (" Espaua sagrada," xiii, p. 480).
M " Espaiia sagrada," xi, p. 274, See Appendix ll t

24 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE,

In the mid-tenth century we have direct evidence of the
result of these Arabic studies in such works as the Ripoll
MS. (tenth century) from Spain, 10 the writings of Sab-
batai ben Abraham or Donnolo (c. 946), from Italy/ 7 and
the Alcandrius treatise (c. 950) from Southern France ( ? ). JS
We then have traces of the Arabian influence in Bernelinus
(c. 990), Gerbert (d. 1003), and Hermann Contract
(d. 1054), all three being known as musical theorists or
writers.

The second movement can certainly be traced to the
tenth century, when we have vague hints in Gerbert, who
tells us (in 984) about a certain Joseph the Wise, and
Lupitus of Barcelona, who undoubtedly were translators
from the Arabic. By the following century, the steady
and systematic translation of Arabic works had begun
with Constantine the African (d. 1087), and was continued
by Petrus Anfusi (c. 1106), Abraham ben Hijja (c. 1116),
Adelard of Bath (c. 1120), Stephen of Antioch
(c. 1127), Peter of Monte Cassino, (c. 1127), Hugh of
Santalla (c. 1130), John of Seville (r. 1135), Hermann
of Carinthia (c. 1138), Robert of Retine (c. 1141), Rudolf
of Brughes (c. 1144), Plato of Tivoli (c. 1145), Eugenius
of Sicily (c. 1154), Gerard of Cremona (d. 1187), and
others.

These translators and their successors rendered into
Latin not only the Arabic translations of the Greek, but

" Haskins, " Studies," p. 8. See Beer, " Sitz. dor Wien. Akad.
(Phil.-Hist.)," civ, pp. 57-9. See Appendix ]2.

17 Steinschneider, " Virchow's Archiv.," xxxii, p. 65. See Cns-
telli, " II Commento di Sabbatai Donnolo."

tfHearnshaw, op. cit., p. 120. See Thorndyke, " Hist, of
Magic and Experimental Science."

LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT. 25

the most famed works of Arabian scholars wer$ presented
in this tongue. Among the -physicians whose works were
translated were : Ishaq ibn Imran (called Isaac), Muham-
mad ibn Zakariyya al-Razi (Rhazcs), Ishaq ibn Sulaiman
al-Isra'lli (Isaac Israeli), Ibn Sina (Avicenna), Ibn Rid-
wan (Rodoam), Abu'I-Qasim al-Zahrawl (Abulcasis), and
Hunain ibn Ishaq (Oncin). In astronomy, there were ren-
dered the works of Abu Ma'shar (Albumaser), Al-Bat-
tanl (Albatcgnius), Al-Farghani (Alfraganus), Yahya ibn
Abl al-Mansur (Almansor), Al-Zarkall (Arzachel), Mas-
lama al-Majriti (Moslcma). In mathematics, Europe took
the fullest advantage of translations from Abu 'Abdallah
al-Khwarizml (Algaurizim), Ibn al-Haitham (Alhazen),
Thabit ibn Qurra (Thcbid), Ahmad ibn al-Daya (Admet),
and the Banfi Musa ( u Liber trium f ratrum "). In philo-
sophy, there were the books of Al-Kindl (Alchindus),
Al-Farabl (Alpharabius), Ibn Sina (Avicenna), Ibn
Maimun (Maimonidcs), Ibn Bajja (Avenpace), and Ibn
Rushd (Averroes). Hundreds of treatises on the arts and
sciences were translated from the Arabic into Latin, and
it is to this movement of study and translation that we
must look for those influences which directly affected the
Renaissance. 1 - 9

Through the scholarly researches of Wiistenfelt 2C/ and
Moritz Steinschneidcr, 21 we are able to view the vast treas-

^Haskins, " Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science,'* p. 3.
Owen, " Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance," p. 66.

*0 Wiistenfelt, "Die ITebersetzungen arabischer Werke in das
Lateinische seit dem XI Jahrhundert."

21 Steinschneider, " Die arabischen ITebersetzungen aus dem
Griechischen," " Die europaischen Uebersetzungen aus dem Arab-
ivschen," u Die hebraischen Uebersetzungen des Mittelalters," etc.

26 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

ures of the Latin translations from the Arabic that have
been preserved, including what the Arabs themselves had
translated from the Greek. Unfortunately, in spite of
the considerable Arabic literature that existed on music,
as I will show, not a solitary Latin musical work from
the Arabic has come down to us, beyond the "De scien-
tiis" and the "De ortu scientiarum," of Al-Farabi, al-
though a Hebrew translation of the madkkal to Al-
Farabfs " Kitab al-Muslql " was known to Ibn ' Aqnin
(c. 1160-1226). Yet almost every other field of Arabian
art and science is well represented in Latin translation,
especially in such writers as Al-Kindl, Thabit ibn Ourra,
Muhammad ibn Zakariyya al-RazI, Al-FarabJ and Ibn
Slna, all of whom had written works on music.

That there is almost a complete absence of the musical
treatises of the Arabs in Latin, need not seriously dis-
count the theory that they may have existed, seeing that
we know of many Latin translations of original Arabic
works that have not come down to us, and that we pos-
sess many Latin translations the Arabic originals of
which have not been preserved. Music was the one science
lhat interested the Church, and it is not improbable that
she might have effaced any recognition of the " infidels/'
for we must remember that the Renaissance was as yet
at the dawn. In spite of this hiatus, however, there are
still a number of legitimate reasons why we may suggest
that besides the obvious and palpable influence which
accrued from the political contact, as already demon-
strated, there was also a considerable influence due to the
literary and intellectual contact.

I have already pointed out that between the eighth and
eleventh century, and especially during the flourishing

LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT. 27

period of the scholiasts of the Bait al-Hikma ("House
of Wisdom"), under Khalif Al-Ma'mun, the musical trea-
tises of Aristoxenos, Aristotle, Euklid, Ptolemy and Niko-
machos had been translated into Arabic. 22 Yet the Ara-
bian savants did not stop there. Works on musical theory
were written by the Arabs themselves, many of which,
such as the treatises of Al-Kindl, Al-Farabi and Ibn
Slna, are of the highest importance. Their contributions
to the physical side of music, their careful descriptions
of instruments, and their treatment of many points of
Greek and Byzantine theory that have been lost to us, must
be taken into account. That we may grasp the full sig-
nificance of this movement of study among the Arabs,
both East and West, I submit the following list of the
most important theorists [I do not include litterateurs or
biographers) from the eighth to the twelfth centuries :

Yunus al-Katib (d. c. 760).

Al-Khalil (d. 791).

Ishaq al-Matisill (d. 850).

Al-Kindl (d. 874).

Al-Sarakhsi (d. 899).

The Banu Musa .'ninth century).

Ibn Khurdadhbih (ninth century).

Thabit ibn Qurra (d. 901).

Mansur ibn Talha ibn Tahir (c. 900).

'Ubaidalla ibn 'Abdalla ibn Tahir (d. c. 912).

Yahya ibn 'All ibn Yahya (d. 912).

Muhammad ibn al-Mufaddal (d. 920).

Oust a ibn Luqa (d. 932).

^Farmer, " Arabian Influence/' p. 10,

28 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Muhammad ibn Zakariyya al-Razl (d. 932).

Al-Farabi (d 950).

Abu'1-Wafa al-Buzjanl (d. 997).

The Ikhwan al-$afa' (tenth century).

Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Khwarizml (tenth century).

Maslama al-Majntl (d. 1007).

Ibn Sina (d. 1037).

Al-Husain ibn Zaila (d. 1048).

Abu'1-Salt Umayya (d. 1134).

Ibn Bajja (d. 1138).

Abu'l-Hakim al-Bahili (d. 1154).

Muhammad al-Haddad (d. 1 165).

Aba Nasr ibn Mataran (d. 1191)-

Ibn Rushd (d. 1198).

Fakhr al-Dln al-Razl 'd. 1209).

Most of these theorists belonged to the East, but we
know that the works of many of them were known in the
West. In Muslim Spain, musical didactics existed in the
ninth century, and we can be almost positive that the
theory of music taught in the school of Ziryab, who
settled at Cordova in 822,* s was that of Yunus al-Katib
and Ishaq al-Mausill. In the same century, Ibn Firnas
(d. 888?) is said to have introduced music as a depart-
ment of the quadrivmm?'*

It was this savant who introduced the writings of Al-
Khalil into Muslim Spain. 25 Maslama al-Majrlti spread
abroad the tracts of the Ikhwan al-$afa'.* fi The treatises

, " Muh. Dyn.," ii, p, 116.
i,/., i, pp. 148, 426.
lbid., loc. cit.
p. 429, Cf., i, p. 150,

LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT. 29

of Al-Farabl, 27 Al-Kindi Qusta ibn Luqa, the Banu Musa,
Thabit ibn Qurra, Muhammad ibn Zakariyya al-Razi, and
AbCi'l-$alt Umayya, were also known in the West.

Christian Spain had little interest in science or letters
at this period, and the ignorance of the clergy was de-
plorable.' But the new learning of the infidels in their
midst had compelled attention, and we have Bishop Al-
varus (ninth cent.) of Cordova complaining that his co-
religionists spent more time in acquiring the culture and
language of the Arabs than with Christian books and
Latin. 2 Even Alvar Fafiez, the lieutenant of the gallant
Cid (d. 1099) signed his name in Arabic. 3

The intercourse between the Christians of Spain itself
and the Spanish March and beyond, must have con-
tributed to the dissemination of this Arabian intel-
lectual culture. We have evidence of the contact in a
Ripoll MSS. 'tenth century) from Spain/' whilst the ex-
istence of a Latin- Arabic glossary of the eleventh century
speaks volumes. 5 We see it in Italy in the works of Sab-
batai ben Abraham (d. 9;o). 6> His book on astrology is

27 1 do not know Mitjana's authority for saying that Ibn Firnas
introduced the theories of Al-Farabi into Spain. It was Al-
Kbalil's theory, an Al-Maqqari says, that he taught. Another
writer ("The Criterion," ii, p. 210) gratuitously describes Ibn
Firnas as a "professor of music at Toledo when Pope Sylvester
(P Gerbert) was a student there."

i Lafuente, "Hist. Gen. de Espaua," iv, p. 342.
-Dozy, "Hist, des Musulmans d'Espagne," ii, p. 103.
5 For a collection of Spanish documents written in Arabic char-
acters see Pablo Gill " Textos Aljamiados."

A Haskins, op. cit., pp. 8, 9.
5 Seybold, " Glossarium Latino- Arabicum."
^Hearnehaw, op. cit., p. 120.

30 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

dated 946. Sabbatai says that he had studied "the
sciences of the Greeks, Arabs, Babylonians and Indians." 6 * 1
Translations from the Arabic were fairly common in the
Spanish March and Aquitainc. 7 One great name which
caught the fancy of mediaeval European savants was that
of Maslama al-Majnti. s It was through him that Western
Europe got its knowledge of the astronomical tables of
Al-Khwarizml, whilst the "Planisphere" of Ptolemy has
been preserved for us solely through his version. It was
Maslama who introduced the tracts of the Ikhwan al-
Safa, including the treatise on music, and the Bodleian
Library contains two copies of the latter work bearing
his name. y

The question now arises, "What is the evidence that
European musical theorists borrowed from these Arabian
culture sources?" From what has already been empha-
sised, it is obvious that we cannot derive testimony from
any Latin compilations or translations from the Arabic,
save the aforementioned " DC scientiis " (" Ihsa al-
l Ulum"} and the "De ortu scientiarum" of Al-Farabi.
We are compelled therefore to fall back on such hints of
the Arabian contact as appear in the Latin treatises.
These may not, of course, have been borrowed direct from
actual Arabic writings or from Latin translations from
the Arabic, but may have been transmitted viva voce.

's " Arcliiv., 1 ' xxxii, p. Go.
7 " English Historic-ill Review/' vii, p. 027.

sLeclere (" Hist. <le Med. Arabe ") suggests that Gerbert's Ara-
bian learning was obtained from Maslama's works.

^See my "Arabic Musical MSS. in the Bodleian Library,"
pp. 4-6.

LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT. 31

Aurelian of Reome (mid-ninth century) is, with Remi
of Auxerre, the first of the musical theorists since the
barbarian invasion in the sixth century. 10 He follows
Boethius, Cassiodorus and Isidore slavishly. Yet one
very important point in this writer is his reference to a
new theory of eight tones, which is clearly stated to be
of recent adoption. He says it is Greek ! What Greek
source was open to him that was denied his masters?
Further, no Greek source known to us to-day has the
innovation he introduces.

Pseudo-Hucbald, Pseudo-Bcrnelinus and Notker Labeo
(1022), all use a phonetic (alphabetic) notation which might
very well have been prompted by Arabian methods. It
was certainly used by Al-Kindl (d. 874). A chapter will
be devoted to this question. The real Bernelinus (c. 990),
let us bear in mind, was one of the earliest European
scholars to refer to the Arabic (ghitbar) numerals.

Odo of Cluny (d. 942) offers another very tempting
" clue." In his section concerning the eight tones,
the chorda bear such names as bicq, re, schcmbs, c&mar,
ncth, ucichc (uichc), caphe (kaphe?), ascl, snggesse (suc-
gesse) and nar. n Many of these names have a decided
Semitic physiognomy, 22 *, and several are unmistakably
Arabic. I confess to not having yet discovered the key
that would enable us to link it up with the Arabian sys-

w\ ignore Isidore of Seville, Fseudo-Bcde. and Pseudo-Alcuin.

^Gerbert, " Scriptores," i, pp. 24<J-50.
ii& There is a rabbinical proverb which runs :

"What saith the art of music among the Christians?

1 was assuredly stolen from the land of the Hebrews."
Buxtorf, " Florilegium Hebraccrum."

32 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

tern, but the subject is still in its infancy, and the future
always holds promise in its hands.

Gerbert of Aurillac (d. 1003) was a name that illumined
the pages of mediaeval learning. His contact with the
Muslims of Spain is closer than that of his predecessors,
so far as written testimony is concerned, and for that
reason he merits our special attention. Richer tells us
that Gerbert took Holy Orders at Aurillac, but Barcelona,
having some recommendation to scholars by virtue of its
proximity to the great centres of Muslim learning, 12 at-
tracted Gerbert, and he went to this Christian province
with Borel, Duke of the Spanish March. Here, he was
placed under the care of Bishop Hatto of Vich, where
he made great progress in the mathematical sciences
(mathesis). Adhemar (d. c. 1035) tells us that Gerbert
went as far afield as Cordova. 15 This has been doubted
by his modern biographers, although William of Malmes-
bury says that he went to Spain especially to learn the
sciences of the Arabs, and that it was among them that
he became proficient in arithmetic, music, astronomy and
geometry. 14 There is no reason why Gerbert should not
have studied at Cordova, since it was not uncommon for
European students to study there at this period. 15 At
any rate, he could easily have studied among the Arabs
on the borders of the Spanish March, as did the son

# Richer, " Historiarum," iii, 43. Havet, " Lc-ttres de Ger-
bert," vii. "English Historical Review," vii, p. 627.

WRecueil des Historians des Gaules," x, p. 146.

w Richer, op. cit., iii, 44.

*5Eulogius, "Memorialis Sanctorum " (" Bibl. Max. Pair., ix,
pp. 218, 646). Salverte, " Sciences occultes," p. 177. Dozy,
"Hwt. des Musul. d'Espagne," iii, p. 107.

LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT. 33

of Alonzo of Asturia. The Muslim towns of Saragossa,
Huesca, Tarragona and Lerida were all within eighty to
one hundred and seventy miles from Vich. There were
three eminent Arab mathematicians in the Iberian penin-
sula in the second half of the tenth century whose works
were famed Maslama al-Majrlti, Abu'l-Qasim al-
Zahraw! and Ibn al-Saffar. Probably their treatises were
part of the store from which Gerbert and his teachers
drew, IC since Arabic works had already been passing over
the Pyrenees. 17

On the other hand, it is argued that Gerbert did not
know Arabic. Without even knowing Arabic, he could
still have been influenced by Arabian culture, since we
know from Latin MSS., notably the Ripoll MS. from
Spain, 16 ' and the Alcandrius MS. from Southern France, 79
that Europe had felt the literary and intellectual contact
with Muslim Spam as early as the mid-tenth century.
From Gerbert's mathematical writings we are informed
that no direct influence from Arabic sources can be
traced.- At the same time, his treatise on the astrolabe,
carries Arabic terminology,- 1 showing that the author must

Leclerc, op. cit., i, p. 421. Cf., Smith and Kar-
pinski's " Hindu-Arabic Numerals," p. 113, and Biidinger, " Ueber
Gerberts wissenschaftliche und politische Stellung," p. 10.
M Tiedcmann, " Disputatio de Qusestione," p. 98.

18 Haskins, op. cit., p. 8.

19 Hearnshaw, " Mediaeval Contributions to Modern Civilisa-
tion," p. 120. For another tenth century MS. showing Arabic
influence, see Thorndyke, "Hist, of Magic and Experimental
Science," I, 698, and Bubnov, op. cit., xlvii.

20 Bubnov, " Gerberti Opera Mathematica," p. 124.
" Patr. Lat.," cxliii, 389-404. Bubnov, op. cit., 109, seq.
Haskins, " Studies," 51. Thorndyke, op. cit., I, 098, seq.

34 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

have known at least a work or works translated from the
Arabic, perhaps the " Liber de astrologia," of Lupitus,
which we know that he was acquainted with. 2 After he
had left Spain, he frequently requested to be supplied
with Spanish mathematical writings, 2 and expressly men-
tions translations, presumably from the Arabic. 5 Nowa-
days, in spite of the long-drawn debate on the question,
Gerbert is still credited with having introduced several
"Arabian sciences" into Europe, including the Arabic
numerals/'

What most concerns us here, is Gerbert's musical repu-
tation. Music, as we have said, was part of the quad-
rivium or mathesis, and Gerbert's skill in this art and
science can only be satisfactorily accounted for by
recognition of the Arabian contact. Richer, his contem-
porary, tells us that of the science of music and astronomy
the Italians were entirely ignorant? and about 970-1, Ger-
bert was engaged in Rome, teaching these sciences (math-
eszs). The science of music was equally neglected in France^
until Gerbert remedied this sad state of things. 7 He was

^ Richer, op. cit., iii, 43.
2 Gerbert, " Epist.," 17, 24, 25.

^ Gerbert, "Epist.," pp. 17, 25. The legends handed dawn by
Vincent de Beauvais and William of Malmesbury concerning Ger-
bert and his Arabic treatises, may have a substratum of fact.

*"Encycl. Brit." (eleventh edition), xxv, p. 119.
^ Richer, iii, 44. "Musica et astronomia in Italia tune peni-
tus ignorabantur."

c Richer, iii, 49. " Inde etiam musicam, multo ante Galliis
tgnotam. ;;

7 William of Malmesbury, " Gest. Reg. AngL," ii, 167.

LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT. 35

called " Gerbert the Musician," and was " probably
beyond his age in this science."*

Hermann Contract (d. 1054) was intimately connected
with the sciences of the Arabs. Early writers like
Trithemius 5 credited him with a knowledge of Arabic,
but that has been abandoned since the time of Jourdain,
at least. 20 That he was deeply influenced by Arabian
learning is evidenced by his writings on the astrolabe,
which are based on Arabic documents or Arabic sources.
Three of these works are given under his name by Migne, H
but modern research only allows one of these to bear the
name of Hermann Contract, and that is " De rnensura
astrolabii. 2 * This writer is also known as the author of
two treatises on music, whose titles, according to
Trithemius, are "De musica lib. i," and "De monochordo,
lib. I." Martin Gerbert in his " Scriptores," includes two
tieatises by Hermann under the headings of "Musica,"
and "Versus Hermanni ad discernendum cantum." 2 - 5 A
critical edition may be consulted in W. Brambach's "Her-

8 " Encycl. Brit.," loc. cit. For his musical studies see Richer,
ii, 49. Gerbert several times mentions organs in his letters,
and the wonderful hydraulic organ is described by William of
Malmesbury. For a new translation of the organ passage in the
latter author, see my book, " The Organ of the Ancients from
Eastern Sources, Hebrew Syriac and Arabic." See Appendix 13.

Trithemius, " Annalium Hirsangensium," i, 149.
10 Jourdain, "Recherches critiques sur PAge . . . des Traduc-
tions latines d'Aristote" (1819).

""Patr. Lat.," cxliii, 379, seq.

^Haskins, "Studies," 52-3. Thorndyke, op. cit., i, 701. Of.
Clerval, " Les ecoles de Ghartres."

u Gerbert, " Scriptores Eccles. de musica/' ii, 124.

36 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

manni Contracti Musica" (Leipzig, i884). 17 ' I have sug-
gested that Hermann's curious pitch notation may have
bten due to the Arabian contact. 1 " 5

Constantine the African (d. 1087) is another writer
closely associated with Arabian learning. He was born
at Carthage (presumably Tunis) about the close of the
tenth century, when Carthage was held by the Mus-
lim Zairid dynasty (972-1148). We are told that he spent
thirty-nine years in the East, acquiring scientific know-
ledge, which, in those days, could only be obtained there.
His first sojourn was at Babylon (probably Cairo)/ 6 ' where
he studied the grammar, dialectics, physics, geometry,
arithmetic, astronomy, necromancy and music of the
Chaldceans, Arabs, Persians and Egyptians. After he
had mastered these sciences he went to India, returning
to Carthage by way of Ethiopia and Egypt. Settling in
Carthage, he became suspected, by reason of his immense
knowledge, of sinister purposes, and was compelled to
flee to Salerno. Here he remained until a brother of the
ruler of Babylon (? Cairo), who had arrived at Salerno,
introduced him to Robert Guiscard, the King of Sicily,
when he became his secretary. Finally, Constantine
retired to the monastery of Monte Cassino. 27

f. the kritik of P. Spitta in " Vierteljahrsschrift fur Musik-
wissenschaft," ii, 367.

# Farmer, " Arabian Influence," 13, 22.

*fi Both Cairo and Baghdad were named Babylon by mediaeval
Latin writers, but the title more properly belongs to the former.
See " Encycl. of Islam/' i, p. 550. At the time when Constantine
was at Cairo, Ibn al-Haitham was its famed teacher in
mathematics.

J7 Petrus Diaconus, " Chronicon Casinense," iii, p. 35. Paulus
Diaconus, "Lib. de viribus illustr. Caeinens.," p. 23. Jourdain,
" Eecherches critiques sur .... Aristote," p. 502.

LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL CONTACT. 37

The influence of Constantine and his pupils on the
scientific culture of Southern Europe was considerable.
He spent the latter years of his life in translating or
adapting Arabic scientific works into Latin. The greater
part of these works (those that have come down to us)
concern medicine, but we know that he worked at other
sciences also. Whether music was amongst them we are
not told, but in a place like Monte Cassino, music could
scarcely have boon ignored. 2711 Yet how much of that Ara-
bian musical science, which Constantine had learned at
Babylon, Sicily and rlsewhere, was passed on to Southern
Europe by this savant and his pupils, we can only con-
jecture. Constantine was known to one of the old musi-
cal writers of the thirteenth century, Johannes ^Egidius
Zamorensis, 2 * a protege of that royal Arabo-phile,
Alphonso X the Wise.

It was not until the twelfth century, however, that the
Latin translators from the Arabic made their historic con-
tributions to European culture. Among these translators
were Plato of Tivoli, John of Seville, Gundisalvi, and
Gerard of Cremona, to mention those connected with
musical studies. Through these translators, some further
ideas of the Arabian musical theorists were made known
in Latin, including Al-Farabl (Alpharabius), and Ibn SlnS.
(Avicenna). These ideas were borrowed by Vincent de
Beauvais (d. 1264), Pseudo- Aristotle (c. 1270), the author
of the "Anonymous IV" MS. (c. 1273-80), Roger Bacon
(d. 1280), Walter Odington (c. 1280), and Jerome of

tfa See Appendix 14.
# Gterbert, " Scriptores," ii, p. 392,

38 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Moravia (thirteenth century), as I have signalised in my
monograph. Al-Farabl was a name to be conjured with
until the sixteenth century w

In addition to these "clues" for the infiltration of Ara-
bian musical ideas, we have the evidence of Arabic
terminology, for just as we find such words as cipher,
algebra, algorism, appearing in mathematics, zenith, nadir
and azimuth in astronomy, and alembic, alcohol and al-
kali in chemistry, so we have such words as elmnahym,
elmnarifa and alentrade appearing in music. Certainly,
we have but a solitary example of their usage, and critics
have the right to ask why these ghosts should flit in like
this, and then disappear from view.'

These questions, however, together with my identifica-
tion of the hochet in the Arabian 'iqd'at, will be dealt with
in another book which will be devoted to " Mensural
Music." In the meantime, I proceed to discuss some of
the facts which led me to specify the other "clues" for
the Arabian influence on musical theory in my recent
monograph.

19 " Denique, Alfarabio auctore, per harmonias, gratia contem-
plationis et divinarum scientiarum, studia non mediocriter juvan-
tur." G. Reisch, " Margarita Philosophica " (Basil, 1508), lib.
v, tract, i, cap. i.

% They may, indeed, be due to Toletan Mozarabian influence,
as I have already suggested in my monograph. After the capture
of Toledo by the Christians in 1086, this city became the chief
home of the Arabian sciences and arts for European students. It
was through the portals of Toledo that many of the Latin trans-
lations from the Arabic came. In 1242, when the Christians took
Murcia, a Muelim savant, Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Raquti, who
was famed as a writer on music and mathematics, was retained
by the Christian King, to teach in his schools, Oasiri, ii, pp. 81-2.)

CHAPTER II.
THE TRUE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE.

" During the early mediaeval centuries the Byzantine Empire,
Syria and Egypt, after they had been conquered by the Arabs,
the busy streets of Baghdad and Cordova, and Persia, undoubtedly
produced a far more flourishing activity in the fine arts and the
industrial arts than was the case in backward western Christian
Europe." Professor Lynn Thorndike, "A History of Magic and
Experimental Science," 1, p. 7C2.

AFTER Ptolemy (fl. 127-151) and Galen (d 201)
Greek science began to decline and by the
end of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth
century, it was utterly gone. 1 The Dark Ages had
commenced. In Rome, Martianus Capella (c. 500),
Boethius (d. 524), and Cassiodorus (d. c. 570), attempted
to lift the veil, but, with the barbarian inroads, the night
of intellectual darkness settled completely on the West-
ern world, illumined only by a stray beam of light here
and there. 10 - Even in Byzantium itself, the very hub of
the intellectual world, there was scarcely any indication
of interest in learning. 2 After Justinian had closed the

J Hearnshaw, " Mediaeval Contributions to Modern Civilisation,''
pp. 109-10.

*See Appendix 15.
*Bury, " History of the Later Roman Empire," ii, p. 387.

40 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

schools in 529, intellectual studies were at a premium,
whilst from the mid-seventh to the beginning of the ninth
century, the Eastern Roman Empire is sterile in literary
productions. 5

In the meantime, a new power had arisen in the East,
the Arabs, who, in less than a century, claimed dominion
from the borders of China to the Atlantic, and from the
Indus and Sudan to the Caspian and Pyrenees. Just as
the Arabs accomplished this rapid world-conquest, so
did they demonstrate their greater intellectual mobility
in their conquest of learning. It is to their achievements
in art, science and letters that \vc owe those influences
which directly affected the European Renaissance.

That there were influences at work "which laid the
foundations of the intellectual, artistic and spiritual de-
velopment of the peoples of Western Europe .... long
before the rise of Islam," as Miss Schlesinger says/ no
student of history would seriously deny. Yet the ad-
mission in no way prejudices the claim for the Arabian
influence. It rather enhances this claim, because we see in
these earlier influences, where the cultural ground is well
prepared and ploughed, the reason why the sowers in the
Arabian contact were so successful. At the same time
it is possible to overstate these early influences, and a
case in point may be found in Miss Schlesinger, who says :
"The ideals, principles and practice of the music of
ancient Greece survived in Europe, and travelled west-

5 Bury, " History of the Eastern Roman Empire," p. 435.
J Schlesingor, " Is European Musical Theory Indebted to the
Arabs?; Reply to the Arabian Influence on Musical Theory," pp.
3-4.

THE TRUE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE. 41

ward by many channels; these principles were preserved
and propagated, if not understood, in the scriptorium of
the monastery. The musical treatise of Boethius formed
the common textbook of music in the schools, with the
addition, here and there, of the works of Ptolemy, Niko-
machos, Theon of Smyrna and Aristoxenos, and of other
of the later Greek theorists." 5

This statement is not quite satisfactory. Prior to
the Arabian contact there was only one channel by which
the practice, but not necessarily the ideals or principles,
of Greek music travelled westward, and that was via
Rome. For the first five centuries the music of the Chris-
tian Church was Greek. Just as in the plastic arts did
Christianity " assume the garb of decaying Greek art/'
as Liibke says, so in music do we find the more popular
expression of the art, such as existed in the relatively de-
cadent Graeco-Roman period, adapted to her ritual. As
for ideals, there could not possibly be any chance of their
survival at this period, for, as Professor Wooldridge
points out, " the intention and value of a Greek com-
position, both words and music, was purely artistic/'
whilst "the aim of the Christian composer was entirely
different, for the intention and value of the words set
by him is not artistic but religious." Similarly, we can-
not accept the statement that the principles of Greek music
survived in the way that has been suggested, for although
the early Church had, as I have said, adopted the Greek
modes and melodies in its liturgy, it must be remembered
that the theory of composition in these modes, and the
knowledge of the melodies, were preserved entirely by

6 Page 4.

42 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

oral tradition? The fifth-sixth centuries saw Boethius,
and he revived the ancient Greek theory, but alas ! there
came the great catastrophe in the fall of the Roman Em-
pire, which swept away the last vestiges of the ancient
world, including the classical theory of music! 7 From
that date until the mid-ninth century, not a solitary musi-
cal theoretical document has come down to us from Euro-
pean sources.* When Miss Schlesinger speaks about the
principles of Greek music Having survived in Europe, 1
ask for evidence, which many of us will only be too glad
to see.* 1

It is so easy to say that the monastery contained and
used the works of Boethius, Ptolemy, Nikomachos and
Aristoxenos, as textbooks? but it all vanishes into thin
air when we know what the precise culture conditions were
at this period. Although some of the early Christian
Fathers, and even some of the early Popes, were favour-
able towards Pagan culture, the Church, as a whole,
viewed all external learning as its most formidable
enemy. Many of the Fathers exhorted the faithful to avoid
all contact with Pagan learning, whilst councils and
synods heaped interdicts upon Pagan books, and even

6 Wooldridge, " Oxford History of Music,'* i. p. 33.

7 Wooldridge, loc. cit.

8 Ibid., Isidore of Seville (c. 570-636) came within this period,
but his musical knowledge as displayed in his encyclopedic
" Etymologia " reveals fhe fact that he was simply a "copy-
ist," and did not understand the theory of the ancients. He can
be left out of account. See Appendix 15.
* See Appendix 16.

0It would have been interesting to have heard the monk who
used both Boethius and Aristoxenos as textbooks !.

THE TRUE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE. 43

went so far as to destroy them. 9 * The result was, as the
ecclesiastical historians, Mosheim and Jortin, openly ad-
mit, that learning was considered destructive to true piety
and godliness. 9b The sciences especially, were held in con-
tempt, as being inconsistent with revealed truth. Lecky,
in his " History of European Morals," says : " Greek was
suffered to become almost absolutely extinct. .... The
study of the Latin classics was for the most part posi-
tively discouraged the monks were too inflated

with their imaginary knowledge to regard with any
respect a Pagan writer." 90 The great Buckle also
testifies that " from the sixth to the tenth centuries
there were not in all Europe more than three or
four men who dared to think for themselves .... The re-
maining part of society was, during these four centuries,
sunk in the most degrading ignorance. Under these cir-
cumstances, the few who were able to read, confined their
studies to works which encouraged and strengthened their
superstition, such as the legends of the saints and the
homilies of the Fathers." 9 *

All learning, meagre as it was in these days of intel-
lectual darkness, was confined to the clergy, and yet in
one of the most jamous monasteries of the period, that

9* See Appendix 17.

b Mosheim, " Inst. of Eccles. Hist." (Murdock-Reid Edit.,
1876), pp. 217, 244, 291, 329, 351. The superiority of the Arabs in
the quadriviwrn is stressed by this author, as well as Europe's in-
debtedness to the Arabs. Jortin, "Remarks on Eccles. Hist."
(Trollope Edit., 1846), i, p. 338, ii, pp. 234, 2C6.

5o Lecky, " Hist, of Eur. Morals" (1869), ii, p. 215.
Buckle, " Hist, of Civ. in England " (J. M. Robertson Edit.,
1904), p. 168,

44 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

of Monte Cassino, the library scarcely contained a clas-
sical author Even the few classics that did survive the
general neglect and devastation were looked upon as use-
less, and the writings were often erased so as to make
room for sermons or lives of saints. 11 It is no wonder
therefore that Libri, the historian of mathematics, could
say that works on the sciences of the ancients were rare,^
a complaint which Wooldridge echoes concerning music
books. 15 .

// the monastery was so replete with the works men-
tioned by Miss Schlesinger, and if these formed the text-
books of the period, how are we to explain the complete
absence of musical theorists from the end of the sixth
to the mid-ninth century ? Even the earliest of the theor-
ists in the mid-ninth century, I refer to Aurelian of
Reom, does not quote the direct authority of the Greeks,
but merely Boetkius, Cassiodorus and lsidore. l!t
Miss Schlesinger then proceeds as follows :
" Before the full tide of Islam swept over the south-
west of Europe in the eighth century, the foundations for
the study of music had been laid, and at the end of the
eighth century Charlemagne founded three schools of
music at Metz, Soissons and St. Gallen. By the ninth

^Muratori, "Antiq. Ital.," iii, p. 817.

nMuratori, " Antiq. Ital.," iii, p. 834. Libri, "Hist. Math.,"
i, p. 160.

Libri, " Hist. Math.," i, p. 158.
^Wooldridge, op. cit., i, p. 33. See Appendix 18.
^ It is precisely the same, even in the thirteenth century. The
hand of Boethius is heavy on musical writers until the appear-
ance of Berno (d. 1048). See Brambach's "Die Musiklitteratur
des Mittelalters," p. 15,

THE TRUE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE. 45

century many musical tracts in Latin on organ building,
on the proportion of pipes, on the monochord, on the tones
and modes had been written" (p. 5).

The " full tide of Islam " in the south-west of Europe
was reached in October, 732, when Charles Martel
stemmed it at Tours, so that it must have been prior to
this that the " foundations " for the study of music were
laid. Yet one naturally asks what these " foundations "
could be. 25 I have already shown that the "theorists"
did not exist, and " foundations," however admirably
adapted they may be for the finest of edifices, are not of
much use unless we have the material and the builders.

As for Charlemagne and his schools, where is it mani-
fest that the latter were, on the musical side, anything
more than " singing-schools " ? Charlemagne, as the bal-
lad literature shows, was one of the characters of the
Middle Ages, whose every circumstance in life is played
upon forzando by the annalists. He was eight feet in
stature, and all that he did (and did not) is kept in pro-
portion. We read all about his reforms in church sing-
ing in the monkish chronicles, 26 yet what amazes me is
that, in spite of the " foundations " for the study of
music, and the schools of Charlemagne, when his son,
Louis le Debonnaire, came to the throne (814) the church
singing was as bad as ever, and the Gregorian song, which
is supposed to have been so carefully fostered by Charle-
magne, was only known to a few Roman singers who had

i5 Cf., Gevaert, " La Musique de 1'Antiquite," i, p. 16.
16 Mon. Germ. Hist. " (Leges), i, pp. 106, 131. Mansi, " Con-
cilia," xiii, p. 801 ; xiv, p. 13. " Recueil des Hist, des Gaules," v,
p. 445.

46 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

learned it by rote, since there were no books in which it
was noted. 17

By the mid-ninth century, however, and that is more
than a century after the " full tide " of Islam in the south-
west of Europe, a few musical writers begin to show
themselves, and the earliest of these are Aurelian of
Reome (mid-ninth century) and Remy of Auxerre (late
ninth century). 28

To sum up: (i) The principles of music of ancient
Greece did not survive in Europe. In fact, to speak of
ancient Greece is entirely misleading. The work of
Ptolemy (fl. 127-51) clearly reveals that the musical art of
ancient Greece was no more. 19 Even Boethius (d. 524)
cannot be said to represent contemporary principles
as Wooldridge says, since his work is merely a scholastic
compilation.^ (2) After the fall of Rome there is not
a solitary original work on music by the Greeks known to
the musical theorists of Western Europe until centuries
after the Arabian contact- ** (3) From the end of the sixth
century to the mid-ninth century no work on the theory
of music in "Western Europe is known to us. (4) We have
no evidence that the theory of music was even the subject
of investigation during the last-mentioned period.

It was with these facts in my " mind's eye " that I had
a negative reason for assuming my " Arabian Influence/'

"Amalarius Fortunatus, " De Ordine antiphonarii." See Ap-
pendix 19.

18 See Appendix 20.
^Wooldridge, op. cit., i, p. 13.
w Wooldridge, op. cit., i, p. 22.

SOal know of no authority for the mention of Aristoxenos in
the Benedictine " Paleographie Musicale," i, p. 20.

THE TRUE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE. 47

Peoples do not suddenly become wise in the practical and
speculative "theory of music" by magic! Emil Nau-
mann makes Christianity the prompting, at which one im-
mediately asks why it should take a millennium? Miss
Schlesinger adopts an empirical convention, which, at best,
really begs the question. In her view, this "theory of
music " was " already within the grasp of VJ ester n races "
before the Arabian contact. That may have been the
case, but the fact remains that they did not
make up their mind to "take hold of it" until after the
Arabian contact! ! The facts are these, that whilst West-
ern Europe was sunk in barbarism following the fall of
Rome, the torch of culture and civilisation was being held
aloft by the Muslims. That can scarcely be questioned/ 1

Scaliger ("Epist.," i, p. 362) admits the "profound
ignorance " in the Church whilst the " liberal arts" were flour*
ishing with the Arabs.

CHAPTER III.
THE OLD ARABIAN MUSICAL THEORY.

" If we except the Persians and Byzantines there is no nation
that can show a more pronounced taste for music and musical in-
struments than the Arabs. 1 ' Ibn Khurdadhbih (ninth century).

are the facts concerning Arabian musical
theory ? We are told that : " Musical science,
as developed with great prolixity by Arab
writers, was acquired in the first instance deliber-
ately and of set pur-pose by command of the Prophet
from the Persians whom the Arabs had just conquered,
and more thoroughly still from the Greeks." 2

Let me say quite frankly, that there is no justification
for the opinion that the Prophet " commanded " any such
thing! The "fact" is, as Orientalists know, that music,
in Islam, is counted among the malahl or " forbidden
pleasures," and each of the four orthodox sects prescribes
" listening to music " (al-sama*) as sinful, or, if not sin-
ful, at least "religiously unworthy." Hundreds of trea-
tises have been written on the Prophet's hadlth on the
"unlawfulness of music." 1 *

J Miss Schleeinger, p. 5.

ia For a full discussion of the question of Islam in relation to
music see my " History of Arabian Music to 945 A.D.," Chapter II.

THE OLD ARABIAN MUSICAL THEORY. 49

Arabian culture and civilisation did not originate with
nomads nor with Islam, as Miss Schlesinger would sug-
gest. As early as the second millennium B.C. we have
evidence of a South Arabian kingdom, where we come
upon traces of "a high state of civilisation/' 2 whose cul-
ture had much in common with that of Babylonia-
Assyria. 5 Indeed, the Greeks were culturally indebted to
the Arabs, and Hommel and others hold that Greece pro-
bably borrowed from South Arabia, not only Apollo,
Leto, Dionysos and Hermes, but also the </>, x> and & f
its alphabet. 4 Long before Islam we read, here and there,
of the musical proclivities of the ancient Arabs, 5 and it
would be idle to pretend that they possessed no musical
theory, in the face of what we know of the general culture
of the Arab Chaldaeans, Minaeans, Sabaeans, Nabataeans
and Palmyraeans, and the later Lakhmids and Ghas-
sanids. 5ft

Miss Schlesinger, however, follows the old school, which
for a century or more has told us that the Arabs had no
musical theory save what they borrowed from the Persians
and Greeks.

" Both these nations," continues Miss Schlesinger, " pos-
sessed distinctive musical systems of their own, whereas
the Arabs had no system which they had, up to that time,
been able to reduce to theory."

^ Hommel, "Ancient Hebrew Tradition/' pp. 42, 77.
sSayce, " Early Israel," p. 127.
4 "Encycl. of Islam/' i, p. 380.

^Schrader, " Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek," ii, p. 234. Strabo,
svi, iv, 27. Julius Pollux, iv, 9, 60. Suidas, sub 'A/oa/2to$.

5a See Appendix 21.

5

50 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Wo have a similar (as well as a dissimilar) statement
in the same author's " Precursors of the Violin Family "
(pp. 397-8), where we are informed:

" In the sixth century, the Arabs conquered Persia, and
from their own records we read that, finding the musical
system of the Persians so far in advance of their own,
they adopted it, making a profound study of it with
native teachers."

The "facts" arc: (i) the Arabs conquered Persia in
the seventh century, (2) the Arabs did have a system which
had been reduced to theory prior to the conquest of
Persia, and (3) Arabic "records" do not tell us that the
Arabs made a profound study of the Persian system under
native teachers.

Time after time we have Arab musicians boasting of
.handing down the old traditional music of pre-Islamic
times, such as the pagan songstress, Ra'iqa, taught 'Azzat
.-il-Maila 1 (d. r. 700) r> Indeed, at the very period when
these alien " borrowings " arc supposed to have been made,
the Arabs were too jealous of encroachments upon that
sacred and superior thing called Arab nationality to
permit of "foreign" ways and customs to any great ex-
tent. Every word of 'Umar tells us this. Islam meant
much in these days, but the word Arab meant more. 7

To say that " the Arabs had no system which they had,
up to that time (the conquest of Persia) been able to re-
duce to theory," is not in accordance with " facts." We
have plenty of references to music and musicians in pre-

6"Kitfib nl-AghanT," xvi, p. 13.
7Jurji Zaidan, " Umayyads and 'Abbasids," pp. 29-31.

THE OLD ARABIAN MUSICAL THEORY. 51

Islamic times, 8 and it is almost impossible to conceive that
these people (to whom music was almost an absolute
necessity), who could systematise their poetry, as we see
in the " Mu'allaqat," "Hamasa" and " Muf addaliyyat,"
were not able to systematise their music. Fortunately,
Al-Farabl has preserved for us details of a pre-Islamic
system in the scale of the tanbiir al-Baghdadl y which was
arrived at by dividing a string length into forty parts. 5
Probably this scale was passed on to the Arabs of the
peninsula by the Chaldasans, who were also Arabs, who
had received it from Babylonia-Assyria. Whilst it was
superseded by Pythagorean intonation in the cultured
Near East and Persia, as well as among the Arabs of
Syria and Al-Hira, it subsisted in more remote corners
of Al-Hijaz and Al-Yaman, and found its votaries even
down to the tenth century A.D/ >ft

In pre-Islamic times, the great literary centre of Arabia,
from whence poetry radiated to all parts of the penin-
sula, was Al-Hira/ and seeing how closely music was
allied to poetry," it may be safely conjectured that music

*"Kitab al-Aghanl," viii, pp. 2, 77, 79, ix, p. 164, x, pp. 18,
48, xiii, pp. 140, xvi, p. 48, xxi, pp. 49, 191. " Al-Mas'udi, ii,
p. 296, viii, p. 93. Ibn Badrun, pp. 53, 65. Al-Tabari, i, p.
1,240. Evliya Chelebi, ii, pp. 113, 226, 233, 239. Suyu^l,
"Muzhir," ii, p. 236. Al-Tibrizi, p. 83. Al-Mufaddal (Lyall),
xxx, xxxvi, Ixxi, Ixxii, etc.

SKosegarten, "Lib. Cant.," p. 91. Land, " Recherchee," p.
108, seq.

** See Appendix 22.

wHuart, "Arab. Lit.," p. 12. Nicholson, "Lit. Hist, of the
Arabs," p. 37.

"Bn<jycl. of Islam," i, p. 403. St. Guyard, "Th^orie Nou-
velle de la M^trique Arabe " ("Journal Asiatique," 1876).

52 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

was equally favoured. Indeed, Al-Hira must have pos-
sessed a considerable musical culture, seeing that the
famous Persian King, Bahram Ghur (430-8) was sent tc
the Arab Lakhmid court in that city to be educated, and
here he was taught music among other Arabian accom-
plishments. 12 This was " before" the Arabs had con-
quered the Persians, and one might reasonably ask why
Yazdigird I and the Persians should have sent the young
prince to learn from a people who had no technique in
the art to impart (vide Miss Schlesinger). It is strange,
also, that this same Persia, the reputed fount of the Ara-
bian musical system, should, under Bahram Ghur, be so
lacking in professional musicians that they had to be im-
ported. 15 The last Lakhmid ruler of Al-Hira was
Nu'man III (c. 580-602), among whose shortcomings Al-
Tabarl places his passion for music. It was from Al-
Hira that Al-Hijaz borrowed, about the close of the sixth
century, the artistic song (ghintf) in the place of the
nasb> and also the wooden-bellied lute called the f &d, in
the place of the skin-bellied mizhar. 11 *.

That the Arabs had an indigenous musical system, is
clearly testified by numerous authorities. That this sys-
tem was influenced by both Persian and Byzantine
theories, and later still, by ancient Greek principles, may
be readily admitted, just as we cannot deny that both
Persia and Byzantium were themselves influenced by Ara-

"Al-TabarI," i, p. 185.

i* Mirkhwand, " Raudat al-Safa," i, ii, p. 357. Spiegel, " Eran-
ischs Alterthumskunde," iii, p. 550, 833.

di," viii, p. 94.

THE OLD ARABIAN MUSICAL THEORY. 53

bian musical theory * b but that is quite different from the
point of view of Miss Schlesinger.

The alien influences in Arabian music were for the most
part quite superficial, and, at first, had no bearing on
theory. We read of early musicians like Tuwais (d. c.
710) and Sa'ib Khathir (d. 683), who imitated the style
of singing of the Persians. 26 At the same time we find a
Persian musician like Nashlt taking lessons in the style
of singing of the Arabs. 27 There is no question of
" theory " involved, since it is clearly no more than one
nationality borrowing from the other a particular type or
style of song. 28

Ibn Khaldun, however, may be responsible for the view
of a much deeper foreign musical impress. He tells us
in his "Muqaddima," or "Prolegomena/' 29 that musicians
from Persia and Byzantium passing into Al-Hijaz play-
ing upon the lute ('ud), pandore (tanbtir), barbiton
(?) (mi'zaf), and reed-pipe (mizmdr), led to the Arabs
adopting Persian and Byzantine melodies for their
poetry. This does not fully agree with the earlier chroni-
clers, Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, Al-IsfahanI and Al-Mas'udl. In
the first place, the account is likely to mislead people into
giving credit to Persia and Byzantium for the intro-

nomenclature is a guide, then Persian theory could be
said to be based almost entirely on Arabian principles. See also,
" Kitab al-Agham," i, p. 151. Jeannin, " Melodies Liturgiques
Syriennes et Chaldeenn-es," i, pp. 106-7. Tillyard, op. cit., 46,63.
M" Kitab al-Aghani," ii, p. 170, i, p. 188.

nibid., vii, p. 188.
JSFreytag, "Arab. Prov.," vii, p. 124.

Ibn Khaldun, " Prolegomenes," ii, p. 360. ("Notices et
Extraits," xvii.)

54 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

duction of the above instruments into Arabia. It is not
the case, since the Arabs possessed them already. 20
Secondly, there is not one Byzantine musician mentioned
in the Kitab al-Aghani which is the great mine of informa-
tion for early Arabian music, and, with the exception of
Nashlt, probably, all the so-called Persian musicians (i.e.,
of Persian extraction) were either born or were educated
in Arabia. Indeed, there were only four musicians of
importance during this period who did not come from
Al-Hijaz, and they were, Nashlt the Persian, Abu Kamil
al-Ghuzayyil, of Damascus Ibn Tanbura of Al-Yaman, and
Hunain of Al-Hlra. So we see that whatever outside
influence came to Arabian music, even in the slight way
that has been mentioned, it came through Arab hands.

What the Arabs borrowed from Persia and Byzantium
in the question of "theory" is nowhere definitely stated
by the chroniclers. At the outset, however, let us dis-
abuse our minds of the notion that the Arabs acknow-
ledged that the Persians possessed a musical system " far
in advance of their own.' 1 Further, so far as extant trea-
tises are concerned, the earliest Persian work on music
dates from the twelfth century, 1 whilst we have Arabic

20"Hamasa," i, P- 502. " Al-Mas'udi," viii, p. 89 seq. " Al-
Tabari,'" i, p. 1,307. "Kitab al-Agham," ii, p. 172.

2"Bahjat al-ruh," Bodleian Lib., 1841. What Albert de
Lasalle, in his " La Musique des Persans," says of ancient Persian
treatises on music, is erroneous. He says: "II est avere que,
des les temps les plus recules, il existait en Perse de nombreux
traites de musique. Ce pendant il n'est pas moins certain que
lorsque cette contree fut conquise, au septieme siecle, par les
musulmans, la plus grande partie de ces documents, qui nous
seraient prScieux aujourd'hui, furent brules. II n'echappa a 1'in-
cendie qu'un seul manuscrit intitule : ' Heela Imaeli,' et dont

THE OLD ARABIAN MUSICAL THEORY. 55

treatises on music which date from the ninth century? and
we have evidence of works dating from the eighth cen-
tury? Indeed, all that we know of early Persian music,
save what the art remains tell us, comes from Arabic
sources, and the only authority who deals with the ques-
tion at any length is Al-Mas'udi (d. c. 956), who, quoting
an older writer, Ibn Khurdadhbih (ninth century), says
that it was the Persians who invented the modes (nagham),
the rhythms (~iqa\lt), the cassurae (maqtiti 1 ), and the Royal
Melodies (turtiq al-mulilkiyya). 1 * Yet to fully appreciate
this passage, we must remember that music was "unlaw-
ful " to the Arabs, and historians were not anxious to
allow an indigenous origin for an " abomination " like
music, as the Muslim legists would term it. In the ques-
tion of the " rhythms " and Persian " modes/' I believe that
it can be demonstrated that the Arabs did not " borrow '
these at any rate.

What Byzantium followed precisely in the question of
musical " theory " we do not know. From the fourth to

Fraser, ecrivain anglais, fait mention dans son ' Histoire de Nadir-
Shah.' " The work which Fraser refers to in his "Catalogue of
MSS. in the Persic, Arabic and Sanskerrit Languages," printed
at the end of his "History," is entitled " Heelha Ismaeli." It
w in Arabic, not Persian, and since its author is Abu'l-'Izz Isma/fl
al-Jazari (twelfth-thirteenth century), it is certainly not one of
those MSS. supposed to have been saved from the alleged destruc-
tion by the Arabs in the seventh century !

Al-Kindi (d. 874).

SYunus al-Katib (d. c. 7CO) ; Al-Khnlil (d. 791).
>* Al-Mas'udi, " Prairies d'or," viii, p. 9(). See my article, " The
Old Persian Musical Modes," in "Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society," January, 1926.

56 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

the eleventh century, 5 which covers the greater part of the
Byzantine period, no writings from Byzantium have come
down to us. Probably, in the face of what we know of
the culture conditions, 6 none were written. The Latins
certainly supply Martianus Capella, Boethius and Cassio-
dorus in the fifth and sixth centuries, but they do not
register contemporary theory or practice even for the
Latins, since their works are merely compilations from
the ancient Greek theorists. What little we do know of
Byzantine theory and practice in music at this period,
comes from Arabic and Syriac sources.

In the face of the fact that we have no Byzantine or
Persian treatises on music extant until the eleventh and
twelfth centuries respectively, whilst the Arabs can boast
of dozens of treatises earlier, we ought, prima facie, to
be rather chary of accepting statements as to what the
Arabs borrowed from the Persians and Byzantines. That
some sort of influence accrued from these sources may,
however, be allowed.

The first information that we have of the definite in-
fluence of Persia and Byzantium in Arabian musical
theory, also tells us of an indigenous Arabian system. It is
given in the famous " Kitab al-Aghani " (tenth century J,
where we are told about a certain Ibn Misjah (d. c. 705-14)

5 i.e., from the " Anonymous " II of Vincent to Psellos. The
musical section of the latter 's work on the quadrivium, shows us
that the author was not dealing with contemporary musical theory.

fiBekelas, D., "Seven Essays on Christian Greece," p. 104.
See ante, p. 19.

THE OLD ARABIAN MUSICAL THEORY. 5;

who was responsible for grafting sundry " foreign " musi-
cal customs upon the native art. Here is the passage in
full: 7

"In Syria, he (Ibn Mis j ah) learned the melodies
(alhdn) of Byzantium and received instruction from the
barbiton players (barbatiyya) and the theorists (astukh-
usiyya). He then turned to Persia, where he learned
much of their song ( ghina* ) as well as the art of accom-
paniment. Returning to Al-Hijaz, he chose the most ad-
vantageous of the modes (nagham) of these countries, and
rejected what was disagreeable, for instance, the intervals
(nabardt) and modes (nagham), which he found in the
song ( ghina * ) of the Persians and Byzantines, which were
alien to the Arabian song. And he sang (henceforth) ac-
cording to this method. And he was the first to demon-
strate this (method), and after this the people followed
him in this/' (See Appendix 23.)

In the life of his contemporary, Ibn Muhriz, we read
a somewhat similar record,* and one can appreciate why
that distinguished musico-Orientalist, J. P. N. Land,
should say quite definitely that " the Persian and Byzan-
tine importations did not supersede the national music,
but were engrafted upon an Arabic root with a character
of its own" 9

What was further borrowed from Byzantium and
Persia cannot be affirmed with certainty. Probably the
two systems known as the " Courses " (sing., majra] were
of Byzantine origin. The general principles of the Byzan-

*"Kit&b al-Aghani," iii, p. 84.

s "Kitab al-Aghani," i, p. 150.

$Land, "Trans. IXth Congress of Orientalists," ii, p. 156.

58 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

tine theorists (astukhnsiyya) were certainly not adopted,
or at least not much, since we are informed in the Al-
Kindi MS. already mentioned, that the principles of the
astukhusiyya of Byzantium were different frora those of
the Arabs. 10 The latter certainly did not borrow the Per-
sian scale, since we find Arab musicians in the early ninth
century, being blamed for using Persian notes, 11 which
were probably those represented by the scale of the {anbur
al-Khurasdnl. What the Arabs did borrow was the Per-
sian accordatura of the lute. (See Appendix 24)

On the question of rhythm and mensural values, we
know that the Arabs possessed a system as early as the
seventh century/ 1 which, like their prosody, was a native
one. In the eighth century, the famous Al-Khalil ibn
Ahmad wrote his " Book of Rhythm " (Kitab al-iqa 1 )
and in the ninth century we have the system fully de-
scribed by Al-Kindi.*- 1 Here we have an integral -part of
Arabian nmsic, the principles of which appear to haze
been developed in accordance with an indigenous sys-
tem. 15 The Persians borrowed their rhythms, as they did
their prosody, from the Arabs, 15 and I have already sug-
gested that the mensural music of Western Europe came
partly, if not wholly, from the same source.

w " Berlin MS.," 5530, fol. 30.

n " <Iqd al-Farid," iii, p. 190.

" Kitab al-Aghani," ii, p. 170; xvi, p. 13.

M " AI-Fihrist," p. 48.

w" Berlin MS," 5503.

^Cf., Miss Schlesinger's remarks on p. 18, lino 33.
*6 In spite of Al-Mas'udFs opinion (see ante) it is doubtful
whether the Persians possessed rhythm at this time, since they
do not seem to have had metre. Sec Browne, " Litt. Hist, of
Persia," p. 12, and his "Sources of Dawlatehfth " (J.R.A.S.,
1899, p. 56).

THE OLD ARABIAN MUSICAL THEORY. 59

The old Arabian theory was recast by the famous Ishaq
al-Mausili (767-850). This actually came about at the
time when ancient Greek theories were being translated
into Arabic, 17 yet we have the positive information that
this recasting was done without recourse to Greek writers.
The " Kitab al-Aghani " says that it was Ishaq who per-
fected the ''modes" and the "rhythms," and classified
them in a way hitherto unknown, although they had been
indicated by an earlier savant named Yunus al-Katib (d. c.
760). In this accomplishment we are told that Ishaq had
reached the conclusions of Euklid and other of the "an-
cients " (awdil) who had written on the science of music,
but that he had done this solely by his own endeavours,
and without having known a solitary book of the " an-
cient $r n That Ishaq did not know the ancient Greek
theorists, is confirmed by another passage. 19

The old Arabian system of Ishaq was in vogue in the
late ninth and early tenth centuries, which statement is
explicitly made by the author of the " Kitab al-Aghani," r>
and by Yahya ibn 'All,' the latter clearly distinguishing
it from the Greek system. 'What we know therefore of
the old Arabian system prior to the period of the Greek
Scholiasts, as illustrated by Al-Kindl, Al-Mas'udi, and
the above-mentioned writers, is sufficient to assure us that
this system was different from that of Persia, Byzantium,
and that of ancient Greece.

17 < Kitab al-Aghaiii," v, p. 53.
""Kitab al-Aghftm," v, pp. 52-3.
v. p. 53. Seo Appendix 25.

w/bicf., i, p. 2.
Brit. Mus. MS.," Or. 2301, fol. 23G, v.

60 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

In the history of the "modes 1 * we are able to gauge
how far the Arabs were implicated in borrowing from
Persia or Byzantium.

According to the RamSyana (400 B.C.-200 A.D.), India
possessed seven jdtis which were similar to rdgas* Persia
had seven "modes," as a certain Amm tells us, s but in
the time of Khusrau Parwiz (590-628), there were twelve
modes/ According to the Syrian, Bar Hebrasus, the Per-
sians are generally credited with these twelve modes, 5 and
although some of them were adopted by the Arabs, either
as they stood or in a modified form, at a later period, we
must bear in mind that for a long time the Arabs used
their own national modes, of which I will now speak.

In the eighth century, Yunus al-Katib (d." c. 760) and
Al-Khalil (d. 791) wrote a "Book of Modes" (Kitab al-
nagham). In the " Kitab al-Aghani " (written tenth cen-
tury) we read of eight modes, which did not have fanciful
names like those of Persia or Greece, but were named after
the fingers. The Syrians, too, had their ikhadias
( = 'OKT(o>7xo?) 6 and similarly the Jews/ which were not the
same as the Greek modes, a circumstance which ought not
to be lost sight of. That the "modes" of the Arabs,

*Popley, " Music of India/' p. 10.
s Jones, Sir W., " Music of Hindustan/' p. 63.
4 See my article on "The Old Persian Musical Modes'' in the
" Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society/' January, 1920. Here I
have referred to the Turuq al-miilukiyya and the Si lahn us
" modes," whereas, strictly speaking, they should be termed
" melodies " or "modal melodies."

^ Bar HebrseuB, " Ethikon " (Bedjan Edit.), p. 69. Villoteau,
"De I'e'tat actuel de 1'art musical en Egypte," p. 613.

tfJeannin, "Melodies liturgiques Syriennee et Chaldeennes"
p. 86.

?Saadia, in "Beth 'ocar hasspharoth/' year, I, xxx.

THE OLD ARABIAN MUSICAL THEORY. 61

Persians and Byzantines were different in the ninth cen-
tury, is definitely stated in the assumed Al-Kindl MS.
mentioned above. s Indeed, the fundamental system of
each of these peoples appears to have had a significant
trait. 9 The Ikhwan al-afa' say :

" Consider each nation, and the melodies and modes
which they enjoy and are pleased with, which others do
not enjoy nor are pleased with, for example, the music
of the Dailamites, the Turks, the Arabs, the Kurds, the
Armenians, the Ethiopians, the Persians, the Byzantines,
and other nations who differ in language, nature, morals
and customs." 10

What influence this old Arabian system may have had
precisely on Western Europe, I am not, as yet, prepared
to say, but that Western Europe felt the influent Arabian
culture stream in general, through what I have called the
political contact, cannot be doubted. I suggested that
popular music was influenced in this way, mainly through
the wandering minstrel, who was often an Arab or Moor.
What the West borrowed from the East in this way was
chiefly on the instrumental side, for, as Carl Engel said :
" The Arabs, when they came to Europe, in the beginning
of the eighth century, were more advanced in the cultiva-
tion of music, or at all events in the construction of musi-
cal instruments, than were the European nations. Thus
only can their astounding musical influence be accounted
for." 11 Indeed, it is the Arabs who first give us a really

s Op. cit., fol. 30. See Appendix 26.

"Kitab al-Aghani," v, p. 57.
w Ikhwan al-?afa' (Bombay Edit.), i, p. 93.
Engel, C., " Early History of the Violin Family," p. 79, See
Appendix 27.

62 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

scientific description of musical instruments, 1 * which the
Persian theorists continue, 25 and the only didactic instru-
mental methods that we possess in the Middle Ages come
from the Arabic. 14 Miss Schlesingcr fully acknowledges
that "Mediaeval Europe was indebted to the Arabs" in
the matter of musical instruments, 25 but she denies that
it learned any " theory " from them ! This overlooks the
specific indication that I made of the two points of Ara-
bian culture contact (i) the political contact which began
in the eighth century, spread abroad by the instrumental-
ists mainly, and (2) the literary and intellectual contact
which began in the tenth century, due chiefly to the in-
tellectuals. In the political contact, it must obviously be
allowed that, in the face of the advanced state of instru-
mental music with the Arabs, a certain amount of practical
theory must have passed over with the instrumental bor-
rowings. Indeed, I believe, with others, that the major
mode, due directly to the accordatura and fretting of
the Arabian lute, was among the new musical ideas in-
troduced in this way. 15 What evidence we have for the
transmission, by means of practical theory perhaps, of
solfeggio, notation, tablature, organum, consonances, etc.,
will be dealt with under separate headings.

Kosegarten, "Lib. Cant.," p. 76, seq. Land, " Recherches."

w " Kanz al-Tuhaf ," fol. 261, v. " Brit. Mus. MS.," Or. 2361.

** " Berlin MS.," 5530.

WThe acknowledgment had already been made in her " Pre-
cursors of the Violin Family," and her articles in the " Encycl.
Brit." (eleventh edition), although with modifications in the
latter. See ante, p. 15.

^Rowbotham, "Hist. Mus.," iii, p. 547. Jeannin, op. cit.,
p. 107. Villoteau, " Descr. des instruments de musique des orien-
taux," p. 858. See Appendix 28.

CHAPTER IV.
THE GREEK SCHOLIASTS.

"As to how the Ancients (the Greeks) named them (the notes),
and how we follow them worthily, and the reasons for that, then
we have already explained this." Al-Kindi, " British Museum
MS. " 2361, fol. 165, v.

"The principles which the Ancients (the Greeks) framed and
employed in their books (on music) gave explanation of the art to
us, for it is from the Ancients and not the Moderns that we take
directions." Al-Farabi, " Leyden MS." 1423, fol. 2.

IN the seventh century, when the Arabs became masters
of almost half of the then-known civilised world,
the Muslim conquerors found in Byzantine and Per-
sian lands vestiges of the literature of that wonder-
ful civilisation of ancient Greece. Save for a few Syrian
devotees in the monasteries, these treasures were but as
pearls before swine, for Byzantium and Persia had stag-
nated culturally as well as politically. The Syrians,
with a ready eye on the almost innate literary propensi-
ties of their conquerors, turned some of these treasures
into Arabic. The result is well known. Monasteries and
libraries were ransacked so as to secure copies of Greek
books on science and philosophy, which were translated
into Arabic, and, indeed, if it had not been for the zeal

64 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

of the Arabs in this direction, many of the works of
ancient Greece would not have come down to us. 1

I pointed out in my monograph that " between the eighth
and eleventh centuries the Arabs had translated from the
Greek many musical treatises hitherto unknown to West-
ern Europe? and among them I named Aristoxenos (" Har-
monics" and "Rhythmics"), Aristotle ("Problems"),
Euklid ("Harmonics" and "Canon"), Ptolemy ("Har-
monics") and Nikomachos ("Harmonics"). The Arabs
also possessed a work on music by Pythagoras, which has
not come down to us either in Greek or Arabic. 2 There
were also works on organ construction attributed to Mur-
istus ( = 'A/*e/3rros), 5 which have only been preserved
in Arabic, whilst Arabic literature mentions other Greek
writers on music, such as Fandurus al-Rumi, who is un-
known in the Greek literature that has survived** unless
Pindar (ILVSapos = Findarus) is intended, which is
doubtful.

The immediate result of all this was that music became
one of the courses of scientific study, as we see in such
writers as Al-Kindl (d. c. 874), Al-Sarakhs! (d. 899), the

i What the Arabs knew of the literature of ancient Greece, and
what was translated into Arabic, may be seen in the " Fihrist,"
Ibn al-Qifti, and Ibn AbiUsaibi'a. See M. Steinschneider's " Die
arabischen Uebersetzungen aus dem Greichischen " in (1) "Bei-
hefte zum Centralblatt fur Bibliothekswesen," v, and xii (Leip-
zig, 1889-93); (2) " Archiv. fur Pathologic," cxxiv (1891); (3)
" Zeitschrift fiir Mathematik " (hist.-litt.), xxxi (1886) ; (4) " Zeit.
der deutschen morgen. Geeellsohaft," 1 (1896).

*Wenrich, " De auct. grsec.," p. 88. See Appendix 29.
*<'Al-Mashriq,'' ix. See Appendix 30.
4 Al-Mas'udj, viii, pp. 91, 418.

THE GREEK SCHOLIASTS. 65

Banu Musa (ninth century), Thabit ibn Qurra (d 901),
Muhammad ibn Zakariyya al-Razi (d. 923), Qusta ibn
Luqa (d. 932), Al-Farabl (d 950), the Ikhwan al-Safa'
(tenth century), Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Khwarizml
(c. 980), Ibn Sma (d. 1037), Al-Husain ibn Zaila (d. 1048).
It is at this point that Miss Schlesinger, like many others
in the past, is under a misapprehension. She sees the
ancient Greek theories and systems being dealt with in
the musical treatises of the Arabs, and she immediately
concludes that this is Arabian theory! It is nothing of
the kind. The knowledge of the music of the ancient
Greeks was a scholastic accomplishment with the Arabs,
in precisely the same way as Boethius was incumbent
upon the music students of Western Europe until quite
modern times.

In the works of Al-Kmdi, Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, Al-
Husain ibn Zaila, Safi al-Din 'Abd al-Mu'min, and
others, the theories of the "ancients" (i.e., the ancient
Greeks), are quite separate and distinct from the native
practical art. Indeed, that the two systems were op-
posed at first we know from Yahya ibn 'All, who tells
us definitely about " the disagreement between the
Masters of Arabian music (gftind') and the Masters
of (Greek) music (musiql)" 5

Concerning the Arabs in their treatment of the theories
of the Greeks, Miss Schlesinger is rather contemptuous

6 Yahya ibn 'AH, " Brit. Mus. MS., 1 ' 2361, fol. 236, v. In the
" Fihrist" it is interesting to note that the " Masters of Arabian
Music" like Ishaq al-Mausili are included among the {C musi-
cians," whilst the " Masters of (Greek) Music " like Al-Kindl,
are among the "philosophers." See Appendix 31.

6

66 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

of what they did, which is quite unjust in the face of
what Helmholtz, Land and Ellis have shown to the con-
trary. Miss Schlesinger says :

" The theoretical principles set forth in their (the Arabs')
writings were borrowed from the Greeks. The Arabs
did not develop these principles in accordance with any
evolving musical system of their own; they merely elab-
orated and intellectualised the knowledge derived from
other races."

The incorrectness of her first statement I have already
shown in the preceding section on the " Old Arabian
System " which obtained prior to the period of the Greek
Scholiasts. What the Arabs " borrowed " from the latter
can be traced. The Arabic word ghtna\ which had been
the general term for music, now became applied to the
practical art, whilst theoretical music was represented by
the term mtislql or muslqa (powiKij ). In the same way
the musician, hitherto the ghanncUl or mughannl, was now
occasionally termed the musiqdr, 6 just as the instruments
of music, the alat, were sometimes named the muslqat?
The names of musical instruments also became affected
when we see the flat-chested murabba* being termed the
qltara (KiQdpa') 8 and the mi'zafa the qanun (?) (Kavcoi/). 9
Much of this nomenclature soon passed away.

What was more permanent was the newly-adopted
nomenclature in "theory." The interval, previously called

6 Al-Khwarizml, p. 236.
rikhwan al-Safa', i, p. 87.

8 Al-Khwarizmi, p. 236. Al-MasTidi, viii, p. 91. Casiri,
"Bibl. Escur.," i, p. 527.

Ibn Khallikan, iii, p. 307.

THE GREEK SCHOLIASTS. 67

the nab ra, was now the bu'd, whilst each specific interval
was given a name. The quarter-tone was the irkh&\ the
semitones were the baqiyya 10 (Act/A/wi) and infisal
(aTTorop/), the whole-tone was the tanln (row), etc. The
Greek devices of genres (y^i) and species (e%) were
adopted as the ajnas and anwa\ and became important
factors in the later theory. With the Systematists, the
genre became the basis of the mode, and it enabled them
to build up their dawctir or " circulations." That the
Arabs did " develop " these principles in accordance with
their own musical system, is patent on every hand, in
spite of what Miss Schlesinger argues per contra.

To say that the Arabs "merely elaborated and intel-
lectualised the knowledge derived from other races," is
rather a dubious stricture, since to have elaborated and
intellectualised what the Greeks had left, would, in itself,
have been sufficient to give the " crowning glory " to the
Arabs ! But I fear that Miss Schlesinger does not mean
to admit all that is implied by these words. Fortun-
ately we have plenty of documents that prove that we
cannot afford to ignore the contributions of the Arabs to
the speculative art of music. Nothing demonstrates the
critical attitude of the Arab theorists better than the
opening lines of the monumental "Kitab al-Musiql" of
Al-Farabl. He says :

" The aim of a writer in every theoretical art should be
determined by three axioms : The first, a complete state-
ment of fundamental principles. The second, the ability
to elucidate what follows from these principles. The
third, the ability to combat errors which meet him in that

10 Or fadla.

68 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

science^ and strength to restrict the opinions of others, to
discriminate between the right and the wrong, and to
rectify the imperfections of those whose opinions are
obscure"

In accordance with this, Al-Farabl devoted the second
book of his treatise to a criticism of his predecessors in
the field of speculative music, including the Greeks. In
this work he says :

" I have commented on what was obscure in their say-
ings, and I have examined the opinion of one after
another of those whom we knew as holding an opinion
which was set down in a book. And we have explained
the value of what each of these has attained .... in
this science, and we have rectified the errors of those who
have fallen into error!' (See Appendix 32.)

When Andres 11 and Munk 1 * said that Al-Farabl was
more scientific than the Greeks in the speculative art of
music, they had good grounds for the statement The
Ikhwan al-$afa', in their treatment of the laws of
the sensations of sound, are certainly in advance of the
Greeks, especially in their mention of spherical propaga-
tion. 15 In the Jew, Rabbi Isaiah ben Isaac, we have quite
a thoughtful animadversion on the "Kanon" of Euklid. u
Ibn Sina, Al-Husain ibn Zaila, afi al-Dln ( Abd al-
Mu'min, Al-Ladhiqi, and the author of the Muhammad ibn

"Andres, " Orig. d'ogni lett.," iv, pp. 250-60.

^Munk, " Melanges de philosophie juive et arabe," p. 350.
tt Ikhwan al-gafa' (Bombay Edit.), i, p. 87. See Appendix 33.

^"Betli '09*11- hasspharoth," Year I, xxxi. "The theory and
expression of music .... belongs, like all similar sciences, ori-
ginally to the Arabian school. " Steinschneider, "Jewish Litera-
ture/' p. 154.

THE GREEK SCHOLIASTS. 69

Murad MS., never lose an opportunity to be critical of
Greek and Arab theories, whilst the " Commentaries " on
the "Kitab al-Adwar" of Safi al-Dln reveal the spirit
of enquiry of the Arab theorists on every hand. Indeed,
there is nothing comparable in contemporary theorists
of Western Europe to this disposition to scrutiny and
investigation which is displayed by the Arabs.

The question now arises, how much of this newly ac-
quired musical science of the ancient Greeks were the
Arabs responsible for introducing into Western Europe?
I have already pointed out that the ancient sciences had
long fallen into desuetude, and that music was among
them, is testified by an Arab author, Al-Mas f udl (d. c.
956), who is worthy of quotation on this topic, 1 ' 5 He says ;

In the days of the ancient Greeks, and in the first
period of the kingdom of Byzantium, science was de-
veloped and scholars were honoured. 'Natural science
was particularly studied .... as well as the quadrivium y
i.e., arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music. These
sciences were honoured by all, and made progress day
by day. Then came the Christian religion, which became
fatal to scientific knowledge, since it destroyed and
blotted cut the teachings of science. All that the ancient
Greeks had placed before the world vanished, or was
distorted. Among the noble sciences which were thrown
aside with the advent of Christianity was the science of
music.

It was the Arabs who restored these sciences to mediae-
val Europe. Renan sees two distinct periods in the

i, ii, p. 320.

;o ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Middle Ages : " In the first, the human mind has, to sat-
isfy its curiosity, only the meagre fragments of the Roman
schools heaped together in the compilations of Martianus
Capella, Bede, Isidore, and certain technical treatises
whose wide circulation saved them from oblivion. In the
second period, ancient science comes back once more to
the West, but this time more fully \ in the Arabic commen-
taries or the original works of Greek science for which
the Romans had substituted compends." JC

Of Latin translations from Arabic translations of the
ancient Greek musical theorists, we have no examples nor
references, save perheips the section on sound in Aristotle's
u De Anima." The statements of Laborde, " Essai sur
la Musique," iii, p. 567) and Forkel (" Allgemeine Littera-
tur dcr Musik," p. 488) that Adelard of Bath translated
Euklid's " Harmonics " into Latin from the Arabic, is
erroneous. It was the "Elements" that he translated.
On the other hand, it is interesting to note that the
" Pneumatics" of Philon, the "Mechanics" of Heron, and
the treatises on the " Automatic Wind Instruments " of
Archimedes and Apollonios have only survived in Arabic
versions. This is of some importance to the question of
the revival of the ancient hydraulis in Europe. 17

Before leaving the Greek Scholiasts, I would like to
emphasise the extreme value of these writers in the study
of ancient Greek musical theory. Not only are many
doubtful points in the Greeks made perspicuous by the

^Renan, " Averroes," p. 200.

v See my new work, " The Organ of the Ancients from Eastern
Sources, Hebrew, Syriac and Arabic," Chapter VI. See Ap-
pendix 34.

THE GREEK SCHOLIASTS. 71

Arabs, but a few things have been handed down to us
which have been ignored or else dealt with superficially
in extant Greek theoretical works. Among them are the
"Figures of Melody" (/-teAous o^/ActTa), and the doc-
trine of the Ithos (r}0o$). Concerning the former, there
are but two Greek documents upon which we can rely,
one dating from about the fourth century of our era, and
it is the "Anonymous II" of Vincent, and the other
dating from the fourteenth century which is the work of
Bryennios. Between these dates, however, we have the
Arabic treatises of Al-Kindi, Al-FarabI, Ibn Slna and
Al-Husain ibn Zaila, which deal with these interesting
subjects. 15

Appendix 35.

CHAPTER V.
THE SYLLABLES OF SOLFEGGIO.

" On sera sans dontc etonne du rapport qni se trouve entr'clle
(la oamme Arabe) et Ja gammo Italienne. Co rapport est si frap-
pant, qu'il suffit d'avoir des yeux pour s'en c-onvaincre, on ne
faisant attention qu'aux lettros initialcs de chac-un des mots."--
Laborde, u Es>sai sur la musique ancienne et modernc."

THE suggestion of the Arabian origin of the syllables
of solfeggio was not made by me but by others.
This was made clear by my identification of Pigeon
dc Saint Paterae, utilised by Laborde, as the main
source for this claim. It was pointed out that there appeared
to be no authority for the statement in the Arabic musical
MSS. from which this Orientalist had gathered his other
material. In the face of this, and the fact that there
was no known example in Arabic manuscripts of the
Arabic alphabet used in this sequence for musical nota-
tion, it was suggested that all that one could admit was
the " phonetic likeness." 1

At the same time it was hazarded 2 that Europe was
possibly influenced by the Arabian contact in this matter,

i Pp. 8^9.
* P. 22.

THE SYLLABLES OF SOLFEGGIO. 73

because there was another direction from which this in-
fluence might have come, as we shall see in dealing with
phonetic (alphabetic) notation. Further, there is a state-
ment, a century older than Laborde, which was not men-
tioned in my monograph, but which will be adverted to
presently.

Miss Schlesinger has preference for the old theory of a
European origin, and she comments on the Arabian claim
as follows : 5

"The unsubstantial nature of the scanty data upon
which the suggestion or claim for an Arab origin of sol-
feggio rests compares unfavourably with the well authen-
ticated data upon which is based the accepted theory of
a European origin for the unmistakably Latin syllables
of our do, re, mi, fa, sol, la, si"

Miss Schlesinger makes no further contribution to the
discussion than to suggest that these vocables are "un-
mistakably Latin syllables." Most people will consider
them, from a syllabic point of view, to be common to
the human race !

Guido of Arezzo (c. 995-1050) is usually credited with
the "invention" of the hexachord system, for which the
above monosyllables were used, but that does not neces-
sarily allow that he is to be credited with the latter.*
It is said that these monosyllables were borrowed from
the initial syllables of the Hymn to St. John beginning
"Ut queant laxis," and were used as a sort of memoria

P. 9.

4 It is told by all the old musical writers Gafurius (1492), Glare-
anus (1547), Vicentino (1557), Galilei (1581), Zarlino (1589),
Kircher (1650) and a regiment of "copyists."

74 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

techntca. That, I presume, is the " accepted theory ? b But
it was also the " accepted theory" that Guido was the
" inventor " of the T and scale, the hexachord, the stave,
the clefs, diaphony, solmisation, organum, counterpoint,
the harmonic hand, the mensural note, the monochord,
etc. Nowadays, we know better, since research has con-
signed these " inventions " to their proper place, and
Guido is now only credited with the hexachord, solmisa-
tion, and the harmonic hand. 6

When, therefore, we are asked to disregard the Arabian
claim, because of the "well authenticated data" which
are said to justify the " accepted theory," we have the
right to enquire what these " proofs" are. It appears
that about a thousand years ago someone said that these
syllables had their origin in the Hymn to St. John ! 7 But
surely this evidence is just as "unsubstantial" as that of
Laborde, who, a hundred and fifty years ago, showed
that they were identical with the Arabic. We certainly
cannot establish the truth or falsity of a statement merely
by an appeal to its antiquity or otherwise. Indeed, it is
because students refuse to accept a criterion of this sort,
that the hymn origin is not the " accepted theory," as Miss
Schlesinger suggests. There have been many solutions

SRiemann, " Dictionary of Music" (fourth edition, English
translation), p. 744; ''Encyclopaedia Britannica," xii, p. 688;
Grove's "Dictionary of Music/' iv, p. 500.

tfRiemann, "Dictionary of Music," p. 310; Grove's "Diction-
ary of Music," ii, p. 258, says : " There is strong reason for believ-
ing that he invented the hexachord, solmisation and the harmonic
hand; or at least first set forth the principles upon which these
inventions were based."

7 Sigebertus Gtemblacensie (died 1113).

THE SYLLABLES OF SOLFEGGIO. 75

of the problem offered, and some have been reviewed by
George Lange in an interesting paper, "Zur Geschichte
der Solmisation/' s

Among the claims put forward for the origin of thesol-
misation syllables are the Sanscrit and Greek names of the
notes. Sa, Ri, Ga, Ma, Pa, Dha, Ni, is the order of the
notes of the scale in Indian music, which have been in
use from pre-Christian days/ 9 The main argument for
the claim is the phonetic similarity. Bassermann, on the
same grounds, proposed to make Tai~, PoO, M, <i>t, the parents
of Do, Re, Mi, Fa, etc. But it must be urged against both
these claims, as has been done against the Arabian, that
the order, when translated into the European system, is
irregular, and does not correspond with any known nota-
tion. Further, the Greeks already possessed vocables for
the mutations of the tetrachords in Ta, Te, 1\?, T<o, and one
would have thought that the natural tendency would have
been to add two like vocables so as to reach the hexa-
chord. Yet in spite of the " deeply rooted " influence of
Greece on the growing civilisation of Europe, which Miss
Schlesinger tells us of, it inspired nothing in this direc-

8 " Sammelbande der Tnternationalen Musikgesellschaft," July-
September, 1900.

^ Sylvan Levi in the " Grande Encyclopedic" (sub "Inde")
makes the Arabs borrow the solfeggio (notation) from India. See
also the " Proceedings of the Musical Association" (XlXth Ses-
sion, p. 38) for other authorities on the Indian origin. The sug-
gestion that our word gamut (usually derived from gamma and
ut) comes from the Sanscrit grdma (via the Prakit gama) is most
unlikely. Indeed, the purely Arabic words jam', jama l a[t~\ (gam 1 ,
gamd'a^t], which the Arab-Greek scholiasts from the time of Al-
Kindi (d. 874) used for the Greek crvs-nj/Aa, are far more likely to
have been the parent words. See Al-Farabi's use of the word on
p. 90, and cf. the definition in the " Mafatlh al-'Ulum," p. 241.

76 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

tion. What happened instead, according to the "ac-
cepted theory," was that certain " unmistakably Latin syl-
lables " were adopted. Even the Latin origin of the syl-
lables has been challenged on its own threshold, since it
has been shown that the somewhat bombastic style of the
language of the hymn, "Ut queant laxis," coupled with
the glaring vocal arrangement of the syllables, suggests
that the hymn was based on the syllables. 11

It is also rather curious that Joannes Cotto (c. mo)
tells us that whilst the English, French and Germans
used the syllables ut, re, mi, fa, sol, la, the Italians had
others! 1 * Why was it that Italy, the supposed home of
the syllables, should use a different system? Unfor-
tunately, we do not know what the difference amounted to,
but the circumstance lends colour to another view that
the original system used by the Italians, perhaps that
based on the Arabic, may have been altered so as to agree
with the hymn, "Ut queant laxis."

What is the Arabian claim for the origin of the syl-
lables for solmisation ? Laborde was certainly the source
for some of the claims, as I have pointed out, but there
was another source, a century earlier. Meninski, in his
"Thesaurus Linguarum Orientalium" (1680) gives, under
Durr-i-Mufassal (" Separated Pearls "), which equates with
no tee music &, the following solmisation scheme as being
in use in the Orient.

n " S.I.M.G." as cited, p. 548.
^Qerbert, "Scriptoree," ii, p. 232.

THE SYLLABLES OF SOLFEGGIO.

77

Durr-i-Mufassal.

Alif (A) Lam Mim Ra

Ba (B) Fa Pa Mim

Jim (J) ad Fa Dal

Dal (D) Lam Sad Ra

Ha (H) Lam Mim

Waw (W) Fa Dal

(A). ..(la) ...(mi). ..(re).
(B). .(fa). ..(be). ..(mi).
(C)...(sol)...(fa)...(ut).
(D)...(la) ...(sol)... (re).
(E)...(la) ...(mi)...
()... (fa). ..(ut)...

Za (Z) Sad Ra Dal (G) ... (sol)... (re) ... (ut).

Laborde, in his "Essai sur la Musique Ancienne et
Moderne" (1780), on the authority, presumably, of Pigeon
de Saint-Paterne, said that solmisation was to be met
with among the Arabs. He did not suggest that the
usage was either ancient or modern, nor did he claim that
the Arabian system was the fount of the Guidonian. This
latter claim was started by others. It is advisable to
quote this Arabian solmisation scheme as given by
Laborde, since two well-known writers like Kiesewetter 13
and Soriano-Fuertes 14 have made blunders in copying
Laborde.

Durr Mu fas sal.

Alif

(A)

Mim

Lam

(A)

...(mi).

..(la).

Ba

(B)

Fa

Sin

(B)

...(t).

..(si).

Jim

m

Sad

Dal

(C)

...(sol).

..(doj.

Dal

(D)

Lam

Ra

(D)

...(la) .

..(re).

Ha

(H)

Sin

Mim

(E)

..(si) .

..(mi).

Waw

(W)

Dal

Fa

(F)

..(ut).

(fa).

Za

(Z)

Ra

Sad

(G)

.. (re) .

..(sol).

Kiesewetter, in 1842, tried to show that the Laborde
solmisation syllables were borrowed by the Arabs from
Europe in the fourteenth century. This was evidently

13 Kiesewetter, " Musik der Araber," p. 22.
W Soriano-Fuertes, " Historia de la musica Espanola," i, p. 80.

78 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

done to back up his erroneous notion that Christian mis-
sionaries introduced, at this period, the European musi-
cal system into Persia, a theory which has been rightly
discredited. 15

Lange, on the authority of an Armenian named Kom-
itas Keworkian, with whom he was acquainted, was
persuaded that the European musical system was
introduced into Turkey and its dominions in the
second half of the seventeenth century, and thus, says
Lange, "it becomes comprehensible in the simplest way,
how the Guidonian syllables were conceived in Arabic/' 16
Soriano-Fuertes, on the other hand, makes Spain the
fount of the solmisation syllables, and argues that both
the Guidonian and the Arabian system (as given by
Laborde) were borrowed from Spain.

Not one of the authorities gives the slightest evidence
for his statements. Kiesewetter did not know, or at
least does not mention the Meninski source. Even Lange,
who is inclined to believe in a European origin, realises the
weakness of the case as presented by Kiesewetter. Con-
cerning this "very unlikely hypothesis" of Kiesewetter,
that Europe influenced the Orient, the learned Helmholtz
says: "The Europeans of those days could teach the
Orientals nothing that they did not already know better
themselves." 17 Lange, too, does not mention the Menin-
ski source, or otherwise he might not have so readily ac-
cepted the Keworkian statement.

*s Helmholtz, " Sensations of Tone" (third English edition),
p. 285.

*e Lange, " 8.I.M.G.," July-September, 1900, p. 552.
M Helmholtz, op. cit., p. 285.

THE SYLLABLES OF SOLFEGGIO. 79

Although Doni (d. 1647) was the first to use the vocable
do in place of ut> 18 yet it was some time taking root.
In Italy, it was just finding acceptance at the time of
Lorenza Penna, 7P Bononcini^ and Cantone, 1 in the " seven-
ties" of the seventeenth century. About the same time,
Meninski, writing in Vienna, equates dal with ut> which
shows that Austria still clung to the old syllable. If we
are to accept the Lange theory that the Turks, and sub-
sequently the Arabs, borrowed from Europe, how is it
that we find do (~ddl} in use in Turkey and not in
Austria ?

This alleged borrowing from Europe, said to have
taken place in the second half of the seventeenth century,
must have happened before 1680, the date of Meninski's
" Thesaurus," but when we glance at the history of Turkey
at this period when she was under the Koprili discipline,
it seems scarcely probable that any such borrowing took
place. It is also strange that the contemporary Turkish
writer, Ewliya Chelebl, whose chatty " Siyahat-Nama " is
full of details about Turkish and European music, should
not mention this " borrowing," which is said to have been
made in his time. The Keworkian story may have ori-
ginated in the Cantimir (b. 1673) claim to have "in-
vented '* the notes in Turkish music. 2 They were, how-

**Fetis, "Biog. Univ."
i9Penna, " Albori musical!" (1672).
20Bononcini, " Musico Prattico " (1673).
2 Cantone, " Armenia Gregoriana " (1678).
2 Cantimir, " Histoire de Pempire othoman," ii, p. 237; Villo-
teau, " De 1'etat actuel de Part musical en Egypte," p. 627 (folio
edition); Toderini, "Lett. Turch.," i, p. 225; Raouf Yekta- Bey,
" Demetrius Cantemir " ("Revue Musicale," 1907).

8o ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

ever, no more than the letters of the alphabet which had
been used in this way by the Arabs for eight hundred
years. 5

As for the Soriano-Fuertes claim for the Spanish ori-
gin of the syllables, it is bound up with his theory that
the Arabs of Al-Andalus took their music from Spanish
sources, a position which is quite untenable. For the ori-
gin of the syllables he brings forward no evidence save
that the hymn, "Ut queant laxis," was known in Spain
prior to Guido, which is quite irrelevant to the question
of the origin of the solmisation syllables.

The "phonetic likeness" between the Arabian systems
and the Guidonian, as I have already pointed out, is cer-
tainly striking. It was probably this fact, in consort with
Villoteau's theory that Guido borrowed his musical sys-
tem from the Arabs, 4 that induced Dalberg, 5 Crichton c
and Pocock 7 to opine a "probable'' Arabian origin for
these syllables. The "phonetic likeness" also carries
some agreement in the mutations except in the use of the
leading note, which was not used by Guido. Indeed, the
use of the Persian-Turkish syllable Pa (be) is of consid-
erable interest. The earliest known use of a syllable for
the leading note in Western Europe is the "Pallas Modu-
lata" (1599) of Puteanus, who introduces the vocable

f., Glynn, "Analysis of the Evolution of Musical Form,"
p. 32.

4 Villoteau, " Desc. dee instruments de musique des orientaux,"
p. 857,

^ Dalberg, " Ueber die musik der Indier," p. 112.

*Crichton, " History of Arabia/' ii, p. 117.

7 Pocock, " Flowers of the East," p. 41.

THE SYLLABLES OF SOLFEGGIO. 81

&i, derived, it is said, from the second syllable of labii
in the "Ut queant laxis" hymn. In Laborde, however,
we find sin (si), a vocable advocated by Sethus Calvisius
in his " Exercitatio Musicae Tertia" (1611).

I have already pointed out that the Arabic names of the
solmisation syllables occur in an irregular sequence, which
I have not seen any other example of. Yet it must be
admitted that all our Arabic musical documents which
give notations (except the Madrid " Ma'rif at al-naghamat
al-thaman") belong to the Eastern Arabs, and it is to
the Western Arabs that we ought to look rather, for in-
fluences in this respect. Further, this unconformity need
not necessarily be of much import, since we find Al-
Farabi indulging frequently in inconstant sequences of
this sort. 8 We also have proofs of an irregular sequence
due to the fact that the initial letters of the actual names
of notes and modes could be used as a notation. 9

In the various claims for the origin of the syllables of
solmisation, two only would appear to be deserving of
consideration the time-honoured hymn theory, and the
Arabian. That we have "well authenticated data" for
the former, as Miss Schlesinger thinks, is unproven. The
Arabian claim also lacks documentary proof, but it cer-
tainly looks quite as real as the hymn theory. Indeed, it
has been so tempting, that well-known German investi-
gators like Professor E. M. von Hornbostel and Dr.
Robert Lachmann have tried to solve the key to the Ara-

SKosegarten, " Lib. Cant.," pp. 78, 85 and 88.
9 " Madrid MS." No. 334 (Robles Cat.), No. 2; " Gotha MS."
No. 1350, folio 19, v,

7

82 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

bian clue in Laborde, but in vain. Yet, as the latter once
said to the present writer in a communication on this
topic : " All that one can do is to keep it in mind and
wait for a chance solution/' 10

w Although Laborde gives us no clue to the source of his inform-
ation, it is only fair that it should be pointed out, that he is
equally lax in this respect in other statements concerning Arabian
music, although in these latter cases we are able to trace his
sources. Even with Meninski, we do not know whether he refers
to ancient or modern usage.

CHAPTER VI.
NEW DATA FOR NOTATION ORIGINS.

11 L'ecriture musicale des Grecs ne laissa aucune trace dans Tart
chretien ; aprcs un intervalle assez long, ello fut remplacee par
deux systemes de notation propres aux peuples occidentaux : les
neumes et les lettres latines." Gevaert "La musique de
Tantiquite."

REGARDING the subject of notation, I said that
the curious notation of Hermann Contract (1013-
1054) "is, perhaps, nothing more than a ' borrow-
ing ' from the Arabs" (p. 13), and again, that
through the Arabian contact, " Europe may have got its
first idea of a definite pitch notation" (p. 22). Miss
Schlesinger will have none of this tentation, because, she
says :

"If we examine cursorily the science of music which
Europe inherited from ancient Greece independently of
Arab influence, we find a wonderfully complete scheme
of pitch notation (see Alypios and Aristeides), designed
by Pythagoras for the modal system, and having different
symbols for the vocal and instrumental music. This
notation like the Byzantine neumes presupposing fami-
liarity with the modal system, indicates definite pitch
values (which have until now been misinterpreted) with

84 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

the assistance of the nomenclature by degrees borrowed
from the kithara. This notation does not exist solely in
theoretical treatises; that it was extensively used may be
concluded from the fact that many valuable fragments in
this notation have been discovered, from time to time,
inscribed on marble or on papyri and covering a period
ranging from the fourth or third century B.C. to the fourth
century A.D. the latest being a Christian hymn in Greek,
found among the Oxyrhynchus Papyri " (pp. 7-8).

It is interesting to note that the Pythagoras "inven-
tion " is accepted by Miss Schlesinger, although the
attribution is stated only by one comparatively late
author, Aristeides (first-second century A.D.) 2 a circum-
stance, as Gevaert says, which does not inspire much
confidence. 2

Admitted, that the Greeks had a "wonderfully com-
plete scheme of notation," yet the point at issue is What
influence did it have on mediaeval Europe, and through
what channel did this influence filter? We are told that
this Greek notation was in use as late as the fourth cen-
tury A.D., which may be true enough, but we must also
bear in mind the remark of Gaudentios, who* speaks of
this notation as belonging to the ancients. 5 At any rate,
Boethius* and Cassiodorus 5 knew of no contemporary

1 Aristeides (Meibom), p. 28.
* Gevaert, " Mus. de 1'antiq.," i, p. 423.

s * ' Veteree porro utebantur nominibus ad notationem octodecim
illorum eonorum, et Hteris, quae Notae Musicae vocabantur, de
quibus mine eet dicendum." Gaudentios (Meibom), p. 20,
JBoethiuB, "De inst. mus.," iv, 3.
Cassiodorus, "De art.," cap. v.

NEW DATA FOR NOTATION ORIGINS. 85

method of notation, although Miss Schlesinger would try
to persuade us that Boethius was one of the media by
which Western Europe adopted the notation of the
Greeks. Here is what she says :

"This modal notation [the one mentioned above,
H. G. F.] is used by Boethius in its proper context; but
for the monochord division, he notes the points on the
canon diagrammatically with consecutive letters of the
alphabet, thus following Ptolemy.

"These are the elements which in the course of the
development of music in the West along its natural path
of evolution, as a creative art, led to the substitution of
phonetic symbols for the purely diagrammatical, hitherto
used for the divisions of the monochord, which gradu-
ally replaced the modal neumes. The notation of the
West, born of practical necessity, was established once
again, like the Greek, by means of the monochord, upon a
generally accepted octave scale" (p. 8). (See Appen-
dix 36).

// we examine this question " cursorily " as Miss
Schlesinger suggests, it is quite likely that some people
may agree; yet if we enquire ''carefully'' I submit that
few will admit this theory for one moment. Indeed, it
is to Boethius that we owe "the certainty that the Greek
notation was not adopted by the Latins"^ Boethius cer-
tainly uses the first fifteen letters of the Roman alphabet,
but they are purely relative and not absolute. They have
no constant or fixed values, as Gevaert and others have

6 " Encyclopaedia Britannica," xix, p. 86.

86 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

pointed out long since. 7 The interval A-B, for instance,
may signify an octave, a fifth, a fourth, or a semitone. 9
It is as palpable as the noonday sun that neither the
Greek notation (per se) nor the so-called Boethian nota-
tion had the influence upon the notation of Western
Europe which Miss Schlesinger claims.

I have already shown that after the fall of Rome, there
was no work of import on the theory of music known to
us in Western Europe until the mid-nintJi century. 9 Even
Isidore of Seville (d. 638) fails to tell us about a nota-
tion, although he does not neglect to mention many simi-
lar things. 10 Even the first of the so-called theorists,
Aurelian of Reome and Remy of Auxerre, are silent.
Obviously, we must look elsewhere for the fount which
influenced the adoption of a notation in Western Europe,
the earliest appearance of which dates from the tenth
century. 11 Here we have the first seven letters of the
Roman alphabet used to express the sounds of the major
mode. Unlike the diastematic notation of the neumes
which belonged to the church and vocal music, the phon-
etic notation by means of letters was originally secular
and belonged to instrumental music, 12 a very significant
fact, because it strikes a new note in Western Europe. On
the other hand, a phonetic notation had been known to
the Arabs for more than a century earlier, and with them

?Gevaert, " Mus. de 1'antiq.," i, p. 436; David et Lussy, " Hist,
de la Notation musicale," p. 38.

SBoethius, op. cit., iii, 1, 3-4 and 9-11.

0See ante, p. 46.

# Isidore, " Etyni.," xx, 1.

"Gerbert, " Script ores/ ' i, p. 118.

i*Ibid. i, p. 318.

NEW DATA FOR NOTATION ORIGINS. 87

it belonged especially to instrumental music. In both
cases, these notations were in the hands of practical musi-
cians, to whom the "theorist" was almost a closed book.
The Arabian "practicians" cared little for the " theor-
ists," as we know from the "Kitab al-Aghani," IS and
Yahya ibn 'All. 2 ^ It was the same in Western Europe,
where Guido of Arezzo tells us in plain language that
" the book of Boethius is useless for singers, and is
intended merely for philosophers." This leads us to
enquire what the Arabs possessed in the matter of a
phonetic notation prior and subsequent to its adoption by
Western Europe.

There is a story told of Al-Farabl at the court of Saif
al-Daula, where the famous musician is said to have dis-
tributed pieces (i.e., parts) of music among the court
musicians. The story is told by Pocock 25 and Clouston, i6
but it is entirely erroneous. The mistake appears to have
been due to D'Herbelot, who wrote, "II tira sur le champ
de sa poche line piece, avec toutes ses parties, qu'il dis-
tribua aux musiciens." 17 The story probably had its
origin in the " Risalat al-muslqi " of the Ikhwan al-Safa'
where the account runs, " The man ( ? Al-Farabl) brought
out implements 26 ' (for a lute), which he had, and he put

" Kitab al-Aghani," v, p. 53.
U Yaljya ibn 'AH, " British Museum MS.," 2361, folio 236, v.

*'" Pocock, " Flowers of the East," p. 41.

* 6 Clouston, "Flowers from a Persian Garden," p. 8.

17 D'Herbelot, " Bibl. Orient.," ii, 438.

18 " Khashabat " implies "unfinished or unassembled imple-
ments."

88 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

them together, and spread strings over them, and played
them." 19

The truth is that the Arabs did not use " pieces " of
music in this way to perform from. Everything was
learned by rote. That they used a phonetic notation,
however, for their practical theory is well testified. As
early as Al-Ma'mun (d. 833)* and Ishaq al-Mausili (d.
850),* a practical notation appears to have been known.

We see this practical notation in the work of Yahya
ibn 'All ibn Yahya (d. 912), a follower of the school of
Ishaq al-Mausili. Here is his notation, a practical one,
for the lute ( f ud), 2

Symbols: A. B. J. D. H. W. Z. H. T. Y.
Notes: G. a. bp. b. c. d. el;, e. f. ftforg

With the western Arabs, i.e., those of Spain and North
Africa, a practical notation, not unlike the above, was also
in use, as we know from the Madrid MS. on the Ma'rifat

al-Safa ("Cairo Edition"), i, p. 114; ("Bombay
Edition"), i, p. 85, has khashibat. It is the lute ( l ud) that is
meant. Cf. Ibn Khallikan, " Biog. Diet.," iii, p. 309, arid the
text of the " \Vafa3 T at al-A'yan," where t'he word " 'Idan "
('pieces of wood") is used instead of "khashibat."

" <Iqd al-Farld," iii, p. 188.
i "Kitab al-Agham," ix, pp. 54, 56.

2 Yahya, ibn 'All, ''British Museum MS.," Or. 2361, folio 237.
Yahya says that the tenth note is f#, i.e., the octave of the biri.sir
ul-mathlath. This is povssibly a copyist's error, and perhaps it
should be khinsir al-mathlath, as he distinctly says that the in-
terval is a whole tone from the preceding note, i.e., " the interval
that is between the fret of the sabbaba and that of the binxir,"
which was J. Therefore the tenth note would be g. The word
sabbaba could not possibly be a slip for imiafa, because irustfi to
binsir was the Pythagorean apotome 2ill> but it might be sabbaba
to wusta, as this would give the limma |J-J. Yet the argument

NEW DATA FOR NOTATION ORIGINS. 89

al-naghamat al-thamdn, which gives the following nota-
tion for the lute: 5

Symbols: A. B. J. D. H. W. Z. H.

Notes: C. D. E. F. G. a. b. c.

A theorist like Al-Kindi (d. 874) has a notation
which takes in the chromatic (?) scale. Here is the
Al-Kindi scheme/

Symbols: A. B. J. D. H. W. Z. H. T. Y. K. L.
Notes: a. bp b. c. c#. d. efr. e. f. fjj. g. a|j.

This was long before a phonetic notation was adopted
by Western Europe, and it was prior to Al-Farabi, whose
notation has been criticised by Miss Schlesinger.

She says :

"Al-Farabi has used the names of the letters of the
Arabian alphabet as correspondences for the nomencla-
ture of the Perfect Immutable System of two octaves of
ancient Greece, and it is surely more than a coincidence

in favour of f # is nullified by a remark on fol. 237, v, where the
to nth note is given as the octave (di'f) of the base ('imad), and
therefore the note was g. (Cf. also the remark on fol. 238, v,
where the tenth note is mentioned as being the first fret on the
zir string !) The lower notes of the lute gave A. B. C. C#. D.
E. F. F#. There would appear to be another lapsus of the copy-
ist in the notation, in the omission of a symbol. Ten symbols are
required, and he only gives nine. The palpable omission is D. On
the other hand, if we accept the author's symbols as they stand
we get the following scale without the question of the tenth note
being raised :

Symbols: A. B. J. H. W. Z. H. f. Y.

Notes: G. a. bfl. b. c . d. ep. e. f.
(See Appendix 37.)

*" Madrid MS.," No. 334 (2). See Appendix 38.
* Al-Kindi, " British Museum MS.," Or. 2361, fol. 167, v. See
Appendix 39.

po ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

that he has chosen the same series as did Ptolemy, plac-
ing the S (instead of the Greek Xi used by Ptolemy) be-
tween N and O, calling it sine " (page 8).

These statements are misleading, and could have been
avoided had careful reference been made to the notations
of Ptolemy and Al-Farabl, and had more attention been
paid to the cultural "borrowings" of Greece from the
Semites. Had Al-Farabl chosen the " same series," as Miss
Schlesinger suggests, it would not necessarily prove that
he had copied Ptolemy. The " coincidence " would have
been due to the fact that the Greeks owed their alphabet
to the Semites, and that is why both Ptolemy and Al-
Farabl would have chosen the " same scries.'*

Yet, strictly speaking, Ai-Farabi did not choose the
"same series" as Ptolemy.

Here is the (nxm?/xa reAaov Ste^cuy/xevov d/xcro/JoAov of
Ptolemy, which is the jama' at al-tammat al-munfasilat
ghair al-mutaghayyirat of Al-Farabl :

Ptolemy's Al-Fdrdbfs
Notes. Symbols. Symbols.

Nete hyperbolaion a' F.

Paranete hyperbolaion ...g 5 '

Tritfc hyperbolaion f e S.

Nete diezeugmenon e 8 N.

Paranete diezeugmenon ...d y M.

Trite diezeugmenon c ft L.

Paramesfc b a K.

Mese a C Y.

Lichanos meson G s T.

Parhypate meson F c H.

t> Ptolem} 7 , ii, 5. Kosegarten, pp. 01-2.

NEW DATA FOR NOTATION ORIGINS. 91

Hypate meson S Z.

Lichanos hypaton D y H.

Parhypate hypaton C /? D.

Hypate hypaton B a J.

Proslambanomenos A A.

Both of these theorists use other alphabetical or numeri-
cal symbols, but in no case do they ex-press an absolute
notation in our sense of the term*

With the later Arabian and Persian theorists however,
whilst there is sometimes the same inconstant application
of the letters of the alphabet in the treatment of the theor-
etical art, yet there is a general agreement in the practical
notation. This may be seen in such writers as afl al-Dm
'Abd al-Mu'min, w Al-ShirazJ, H Ibn Ghaibi, 12 and the
authors of the Muhammad ibn Murad MS. (fifteenth cen-
tury) 13 and the " Sharh Maulana " (fifteenth century). 1 *

Ibn Sina (d. 1037) tells us that the practical musicians
had a notation for the playing of the lute as follows :

6 For proofs, see Ptolemy, ii, 3-6 and 10 ; and Kosegarten,
pp. 01, 78, 101, 104, 106, 114 and 119. By her use of the term
sine, Miss Schlesinger evidently takes Rouanet (Lavignac's " En-
cyclopedic do la musique," v, p. 2,716) as her authority, and here,
a mere glance will convince the reader that the " same series " is
not used. There are several typographical and other errors at this
point in Rouanet. The Arabic " ya," " kaf " and " 'ain " are not
correct, whilst " qaf " should be "fa." See Appendix 40.
JOgafi al-Dm, u Bodleian MS.," 992, folio 30.

a Al-Shirazi, " British Museum MS.," Add. 7094, folio 217, v.
^Ibn GhaibI, "Bodleian MS.," 1842, folios.

w Muhammad ibn Murad, "British Museum MS.," Or. 2361,
folios 177 and 191 seq.

U" Sharh Maulana/' "British Museum MS.," Or. 2361. On
fol. 131, y, of this MS. there is an archaic Greek notation after the
o-77/Acia in Alypios that is wortty calling attention to.

92 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

( ?) = fourth string (bamm).

L = third (mathlatk).

M = second (mathna).

Z = first (zlr).

W = open (mutlaq).

S = first finger (sabbaba).

( ?) = middle (wusta).

B = third (binsir).

The rhythm and mensural values were generally noted
by means of onomatopoeia, such as tan> tanan, tananan>
etc., but letters were also used, as Ibn Sma distinctly in-
forms us. He says : " I have seen those who were writing
the rhythm as they heard it, as quickly as possible." 15 .

Al-Husain ibn Zaila (d. 1048) uses the lute fret names
in the practical part of his treatise on music, as well as
a letter notation, which also occurs in the theoretical part. 26
Strange to say, the notation of Ibn Zaila is identical with
that given in the Arabic Muristus treatise on the pneu-
matic organ, 27 which can be traced to the tenth century,
and probably to the ninth century. For that reason I
quote it :

Symbols: A. B. J. D. H. W. Z. H. T. Y. Ya. Yb.
Notes: A. B. C#D. E. Ftf G. a. b. c. d e.
Rhythmic and mensural values, as I have pointed out,
were generally expressed either by onomatopoeia or by
letters. We find the actual beats numbered as early as
Al-Kindl (d. 874).** Al-Farabi (d. 950) uses the onoma-

Sma, " India Office MS.," 1811, folio 172, v.
Zaila, " British Museum MS.," Or. 2361, fols. 226 v. 23C.

" Al-Mashriq," ix, 24.
Al-Kindl, " Berlin MS.," 5503, folio 32.

NEW DATA FOR NOTATION ORIGINS. 93

topceia and puncta. Sometimes the verbal root of the
prosodists, fa'l, was used, as in the Ikhwan al-Saf a' (tenth
century).^ Ibn Zaila uses letters. Later we find something
like the Greek signs for metrical quantities in vogue. 22

I have examined carefully, not merely cursorily, the
"wonderfully complete scheme of pitch notation" which
Miss Schlesinger suggests was the original of our phon-
etic notation, and I have to confess that I fail to agree
that we can trace it directly to the Greeks. First, there is
the fact that Western Europe did not know of the Greek
theorists themselves until after its adoption of a letter
notation. Second, there is no agreement between that of
Greece, and that first adopted by Western Europe. On
the other hand the latter does agree with the Western
Arabian notation. Let us compare the Western Arabian
notation in the "Ma'rifat al-naghamat al-thaman," and
that which first appears in Europe in the treatise, "De
harmonica institutione."
Ma'rifat al-naghamat al-thamdn :

Symbols: A. B. J. D. H. W. Z. H.

Notes: C. D. E. F. G. a. b. c.
De harmonica institutione : n

Symbols: A. B. C. D. E. F. G. A.

Notes: C. D. E. F. G. a. b. c.

The Arabian notation was purely instrumental, just as
the first western European notation was. It was the be-
ginning of the modern major mode, the introduction of

19 Kosegarten, p. 131, seq., 145, seq.
20 Ikhwan al-Saf a' (Bombay Edition), i, p. 115.
afi al-Din 'Abd' al-Mu'min, "British Museum MS.," Or,
136, folio 35 ? seq,

Appendix 41.

94 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

which has even been attributed to the Arabs, 2 or at any
rate to the Semitic Orient. 2

It is not until the eleventh century that we see in West-
ern Europe any direct or indirect contact with Greek
methods of notation, such as in the "Musica Enchiriadis,"
and the "Dialogus" of Pseudo-Odo* But all this was
long after the Arabian contact, and it evidently prompted
European theorists to improve upon the existing system,
which they eventually did. This is where Miss Schlesinger
gees astray in her remarks on Hermann Contract when
she says that his intervallic notation "was purely spora-
dic and exercised no influence upon the subsequent
development of our notation." My point was that the
Arabs already possessed a practical notation, as I have
shown, and that perhaps Hermann Contract was one
of those theorists who was influenced by it. Whether his
effort was "sporadic" or otherwise is beside the point.

A still further statement by Miss Schlesinger deserves
attention. It runs :

" What the Arabs learned from the Greeks and Persians
in the matter of notation, they carried no further, they
developed no science of notation, for use in transcribing
melodies; the names given to the frets of the lutes were
not used in our sense of notation, but rather as a tablature
or nomenclature for the degrees of certain scales."

Here are three statements, all of them either erroneous
or misleading, (i) That the Arabs learned something
from the Greeks in this question may be allowed, but from

i Rowbotham, " History of Music," iii, p. 547.

Jeannin, " Mllodiee Liturgiques Syriennes et Chaldlen&es,"
p. 107, seq.

* See Appendix 42.

NEW DATA FOR NOTATION ORIGINS. 95

the Persians^ seeing that the Arabic musical documents
are earlier than the Persian, we cannot say what they
Itarncd. (3) The names given to the frets on the lute,
such as mutlaq (open string), sab b aba (first finger), etc.,
were quite distinct from the notation which represented
the sounds which these gave. But even a tablature is a
notation. This might be proved from Miss Schlesinger
herself, since she speaks of the alphabetical notation of
the modes of the Greeks, which can be no different from
the alphabetical tablature of the scales of the Arabs. (2)
That the Arabs carried the notation that they adopted no
further, is quite untrue. At one sweep, Al-Kindl brushed
aside the cumbersome Greek notation, by using the same
symbols for each octave. The practitioners did not all
follow his lead, as we have seen in Yahya ibn 'All ibn
Yahya ( ? ) and the " Ma'rifat al-naghamat al-thaman " MS.
The Systematist school of the Eastern Arabs from the time
of Safi al-Din 'Abd al-Mu'min, certainly fell back upon a
symbol for each note, but it is with these people that we
find " a science of notation for use in transcribing melo-
dies" in a developed form, in spite of what Miss
Schlesinger thinks to the contrary. It may be seen in the
"Kitab al-adwar" of Safi al-Dm 'Abd al-Mu'min/ and
the "Jami' al-alhan" of Ibn Ghaibi the Arab-Persian
theorist/ Here we have melodies transcribed by means of
the phonetic notation already mentioned, with mensural
values under each note.

That the Arabs developed beyond this stage is evi-
denced by the treatise of Shams al-Din al-aidawi al-

'Safl al-Din, " British Museum MS.," Or. 136, folio 38, v.
* Ibn Ghaibi, "Bodleian MS.," 1842, folios 93, v, 94, v.

96 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Dhahabl. 5 Here we have an eight-lined stave for the pur-
poses of notation. 6 This system is little different from
a tenth century European method which has been given by
Vincenzo Galilei, 7 and Kircher. 8 C. F. Abdy Wil-
liams, quoting the example given by the latter (al-
though he wrongly attributes it to the former), says that
" it is untranslatable, since the Greek letters belong to no
system of notation." 3 This, however, is made up of the
first eight letters of the alphabet and it agrees with the
Arabian method of Shams al-Dm al-aidawl quoted
above. 1 *

5 Shams al-Din, " Bodleian MS.," 42, fol. 69, v, seq. See Ap-
pendix 43.

6 J. B. Trend, in " The Criterion," February, 1924, in an article,
" The Moors in Spanish Music," says that " with one possible ex-
ception no genuine Arab tune was recorded until the end of the
eighteenth century." Besides the three writers mentioned above,
reference can be made to Salinas (sixteenth century) for Arabian
melodies, as well as an interesting MS. collection of the seven-
teenth century in the British Museum, Sloane MS., 3114.

7 Galilei, " Dialogo della musica antica," p. 36.
* Kircher, " Musurgia Universalis," i, p. 213.

9 Grove's "Dictionary," iii, p. 397.

#Cf., the sixth letter in Kircher (op, cit.), Hawkins (i, p. 429),
and Grove (iii, p. 397),

CHAPTER VII.

ARABIAN INFLUENCE IN INSTRUMENTAL
TABLATURE.

" Mais il est arrive jusqu'a nous un document du plus vif in-
teret technique. Je fais allusion au curieux ' Art dc jouer le luth
(Ars de pulsatione lambuti).' .... II n'est pas necessaire do sig-
naler 1'importance du dit document, qui par nialheur ne nous
decouvre qu'une faible partie de la technique d'un instrument
comme le luth arabe, ayant joue un si grand role dans la musique
du moyen age." Rafael Mitjana, " Le Monde Oriental" (1906).

REFERENCE to my monograph will show that irre-
spective of any claim on my part, Europe itself
has acknowledged that it borrowed one type of
its instrumental tablature from the Arabs. It is to
the erudite Fr. Jayme Villanueva that we owe the "clue"
to this Arabian influence. In his "Viaje literario a las
Iglesias de Espafia" (Valencia, 1821) he gave some ex-
tracts from a MS. in the Capucin convent of Gerona, and
one concerns the art of playing certain stringed instru-
ments with a neck ( ?), as revealed by a celebrated, though
anonymous Moor of the kingdom of Granada. The MS.
is dated 1496-7, but the date of the anonymous Moor,
whose system is quoted, is obviously much earlier, because

the kingdom of Granada ceased in 1492, and further, the

8

98 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Latin author does not, apparently, quote direct from the
Moor, but from a certain Jayme Salva. I gave the open-
ing lines of this MS. in my monograph, but in view of its
general interest, I now append the original Latin as pub-
lished, together with an English translation. 1

"Sequitur ars de pulsatione lambuti, 2 et aliorum simi-
lium instrumentorum, inventa a Fulan mauro regni
Granatas.

" Mirum est, ut dona sancti spiritus ipsis infidelibus
infundantur. Ea propter hoc dico quoniam quidam
Fulan nomine, maurus de regno Granatae apud Ispanias
inter Ispanos cytharistas laude dtgnus, per pulsatus spiri-
tus scientice invenit artem dandam his qui diligunt pul-
sare lambutum, cytharam, violam et his similia instru-
menta. Et dicit dictus Fulan quod, postquam bonus
cytharista grupaverit suum instrumentum per bonam ar-
tem, attendendum est, ubi sunt semythonia in ipso instru-
mento. Est etiam attendendum, ubi sunt semythonia in
cantilena ponenda in ipso instrumento. Et ponat tali
modo cantilenam in instrumento, quod semythonia canti-
lenae respondant semythoniis instrument! ; alias autem in
vanum laborat Dicit denique dictus Fulan, quod omnis
punctus qui sit sine positione alicuis digitorum in grupis,
est Alif in eorum littera, quod in nostra sonat A. Alpha-
betum ipsorum maurorum ego ponam per ordinem ; verum
ipsi mauri incipiunt in manu dextra, et tendunt versus

* The text was quoted by Rafael Mitjana in an article in " Le
monde oriental " (1906), p. 210 seq.

* What was the " lambutum "P At first sight it looks as though
the word is a scribe's error for ' ' sambutum " ("sambuca "), but
an instrument with a neck is surely implied, and perhaps it
should be " barbutum " ("barbiton").

INSTRUMENTAL TABLATURE. 99

sinistram. Nos vero latini cum graecis e contra, qupniam
incipimus in sinistra et finimus in dextra. Sequitur alpha-
betum ipsorum maurorum ....

" Primus grupus post Alif in ipso instrumento est semy-
thonium. Secundus grupus respondet ipsi Alif per
thonum. Tercius grupus in instrumento respondet ipsi
Alif cum thono et semythono. Quartus grupus debet cor-
respondere ipsi Alif per duos thonos. Quintus grupus
respondet ipsi Alif per duos thonos cum semythono, et
sic faciunt dyathessaron. Sextus grupus distat ab Alif
per tres thonos, et sic faciunt trithonum, Septimus gru-
pus respondet ipsi Alif per tres thonos con (?) uno semy-
thono, et faciunt dyapentam. Tu vero, David 3 pone alia
plura : ego enim tedio aquarum multarum (quae me scri-
bere non permittunt) fessus sum.

" Omnia ista de pulsacione lambuti ego habui a f ratre
Jacobo Salva. ordinis Praedicatorum, filio den Bernoy
(vel Banoy) de linariis, dioc. Barchin. qui caritate devic-
tus revelavit mihi ista. Deus sit tibi merces."

Translation.

"Here follows the art of playing the lambutum and
other similar instruments, invented by Fulan, a Moor of
the Kingdom of Granada.

"It is marvellous that the gifts of the Holy Spirit
should be poured down on infidels. I say this for the
reason that a certain Fulan by name, Moor of the King-
dom of Granada, wortJiy of praise in Spain among Span-
ish guitarists, by the impulse of the spirit of learning, has
discovered the art to be given to those who have an in-
clination for playing the lambutum, guitar, viol and

* Probably the dedicatee.

ioo ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

instruments similar to these. And the said Fulan says
that after a good guitarist has arranged (fretted) his in-
strument with skill, he must take care where the semitones
are in the instrument itself. Attention must also be paid
as to where the semitones are in the song which is to be
played on the instrument itself. And he must place a
song on an instrument in such a way that the semitones
of the song correspond with the semitones of the instru-
ment; otherwise he labours in vain. The said Fulan says
further, that every note which may be without a position
for any of the fingers in the frets (i.e., the open string
H. G. F.) is Alif (A) in their letters, which sounds A in
ours. I shall place the alphabet of the Moors themselves in
order ; but the Moors themselves write from right to left.
We Latins with the Greeks, on the contrary, write from
left to right. Here follows the alphabet of the
Moors . . .

"The first fret after Alif in the instrument itself is a
semitone. The second fret answers Alif by a tone. The
third fret in the instrument answers Alif with a tone and
semitone. The fourth fret ought to correspond to Alif
by two tones. The fifth fret answers Alif by two tones
with a semitone, and thus they make a diatessdron. The
sixth fret is distant from Alif by three tones, and thus
they make a tritone. The seventh fret answers Alif by
three tones with one semitone, and they make it a did-
pente. But you, David, do the rest : for I am tired with
the weariness of many waters (which prevent me from
writing)."

"All these instructions for playing the lambutum I
have from Brother Jayme Salva. of the order of Preach-
ers, son of Bernoy (or Banoy) of the linen weavers, in

INSTRUMENTAL TABLATURE. 101

the diocese of Barchin. who, filled with kindness, has ex-
plained this to me. May God be your recompense."

This Fulan, the supposed name of the Moor of the
Kingdom of Granada, is evidently a lapsus of the Latin
scribe. The word fulan in Arabic refers to " an unknown
person," and the term being used in some Arabic treatise in
reference to the authorship appears to have led the Latin
translator to conjecture that this was the author's name.
This in itself goes to prove that the original Moorish
teacher or author must have lived long anterior to the
Jayme Salva, who it was that passed on his knowledge to
the writer of the Latin MS.

When we compare this Latin treatise with Arabic works
like the "Ma'rifat al-naghamat al-thaman" already
quoted, we can fully appreciate what has been borrowed.
Certainly this system, as Rafael Mitjana suggests/ bears a
strange resemblance to that used by the great Spanish
mhuelistas in the fifteenth century. The tablature of
the Frenchman, Adrien Le Roy, in his instruction books
for the luth (1557) and the guitcrne (15/8) is identical
with the old Spanish Latin MS. quoted above. 5

The " clues " for the Arabian influence in both phonetic
notation and instrumental tablature, are, clearly, not to
be ignored. What influence took place in diastematic
notation, I attempted to hint at in my monograph by a
number of fairly reasonable proofs. These have not as
yet been challenged, and I can afford therefore to wait,
so that I can deal with the whole question of the Arabian
influence in mensural theory at one time.

-4 " Le monde oriental " (1906), p. 213.
6 See the <{ Vierteljahrsschrift fur Musikwiseenschaft," ii, p. 34.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE RISE OF ORGANUM.

" Nunc id, quo proprie symphonies dicuntur et sunt, id est,
qunliter esodem voces sese invicem canendo habeant, prosequamiir.
Hsec namque est, quam Diaphoniam cantilenam, vel assuete, or-
ganum, vocamus." " Musica Enchiriadis."

il Symphonia quid est? Dulcis quarumdam vocurn commixtio ;
quanim tres sunt simplices, Diapason, et Diapente, ae Diates-
saron. Tres sunt composite Disdiapason, Diapason et Diapente,
Diapason ac Diatessaron." " Scholia Enchiriad\s."

HO was it that took the first step of magadizing
to organising? Could it have been the Arabs ?"
Thus I wrote in my monograph. 1 I followed
this query by giving two " clues," one from an
Arabic source and another from a Latin source. The former
was a quotation from a MS. (the Shifcf} of Ibn Sina
(d. 1037), containing a specific reference to organizing,
whilst the latter appeared to me to be a distinct reference
to Arabian music schools teaching organum at Cor-
dova. In the face of these " clues " it was hazarded that
" Europe seems to have come in contact with organum "
when it touched upon Arabian culture.- Yet Miss
Schlesinger says : *

P. 22.
'Pp. 10-11.

THE RISE OF ORGANUM. 103

"When Mr. Farmer claims for the Arabs the credit of
introducing the organum to Western Europe, while at the
same time pointing out that the device was alien to pure
Arabian music, one may crave indulgence for treating the
claim with scepticism until more convincing data are
produced." (See Appendix 44.)

It is highly probable that some people may require
" more convincing data " before they are relieved of their
" scepticism " of the Arabian claim, but surely, in the
meantime, the proper course ought to be the sifting of the
data already adduced. If these can be shown to be "un-
convincing," then, and only then, should any "indul-
gence" be claimed for ignoring them. Excuse from pro-
nouncing an opinion on the Arabic "clue" is perhaps
natural, and for that reason, I give a translation of this
particular passage/ Ibn Sina says :

" And there is connected with this chapter the tarkibat
(sing., tarklb compound, organum), and they are
produced by means of one beat which continues upon
two strings, the note sought and that which is along
with it, upon the Fourth (^) or Fifth (-|\ and other than
these, as if these two were falling in the one time. And
the tacTlfat (sing., tad 1 if double, octave), and you know
them, and they are included under the tarkibat, except
that they are in the Octave (f )."

When I wrote my monograph, I mentioned that I could
find no reference to any such device as organum in Al-
Kindi (d. 874). Since then, however, I have discovered
what I believe to be another treatise by Al-Kindi, which

& Ibn Sina, " India Office MS.," 1811, folio, 172, v. See Ap-
pendix 45.

104 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

brings some partial corroboration of the device mentioned
by Ibn Sina. 5 From this treatise, I believe that it can be
shown that the tarklb of the Arabs was originally one of
the schemes of the tofllj al-luhun or composition of melo-
dies, this latter being similar to the /^AoTroua of the
Greeks.

In the Al-Kindi MS. a section is devoted to a device
on the lute known as the jass. In the " Maf atlh al-
( Ulum" (tenth century) this jass is described as "the beat-
ing of the strings with first finger and the thumb." 5a Al-
Kindl deals with two species of jass: (i) that consisting
of three distinct movements, i.e., thumb, first finger, and

thumb successively, for example : ^- p -*~H ; (2) that

consisting of one solitary movement, i.e., the thumb and
first finger plucking the strings simultaneously, for

ex amp le :

V

In one of the Arabic-Muristus MSS. on the organ, which
we know of in the tenth century, and probably in the
ninth century, 50 we have reference to the tarkibat (com-
pounds). The symbols used in this document are identi-
cal with those of Ibn Zaila which have already been given.
If we may assume that these symbols have the same pitch

5 I hope to issue the musical treatises of Al-Kindi in text and
translation. See my article, "Some Musical Manuscripts Identi-
fied," in the " Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society," Jan., 1926.

fa Al-Khwarizmi, 239. The text has au-qar instead of awtar
(strings).

fol. 30 and 30v. Examples given by Al-Kindi.
*? See ante, p. 92.

THE RISE OF ORGANUM. 105

values, some interesting examples of tarklbat result. This

tarklb feiiES~| we are told, could not be heard by man
~&-

" except that grief enters into him " ; whilst this

--
incited to "courage and wakefulness." 5d

How did it happen that the Arabs took to this tarklb
which appears to have been alien to their musical prac-
tice? The answer may partly be sought in Miss
Schlesinger's own view of the causes of the rise of or-
ganum. She says : 6

" The rise of or ganum may be found foreshadowed in
the insistent enquiry into the simultaneous consonances
of octave fifth and fourth, and the numerous discussions
on the subject in connection with the use of the mono-
chord, which fill the pages of Ptolemy and of the later
Greek theorists, of Boethius and of the mediaeval trea-
tises // is inconceivable that such experiments

should not, in time, naturally result in some such device
as the organum"

Yet we must bear in mind that early mediaeval trea-
tises of Western Europe showing " insistent enquiry " into
the consonances and "numerous discussions" on the
monochord did not exist, for we must not lose sight of
the fact already stated, that from the end of the sixth
century to mid-ninth century not a solitary theoretical
work on music is known to us. Yet Miss Schlesinger, who

M " Al-Mashriq," ix, 25-6. A fuller discussion of the tarklbat
in the Muristus MS. will be found in my " Organ of the Ancients
fiom Eastern Sources/'

e P. 12.

106 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

quotes a passage from John Scotus as evidence, says :
" Thus, early in the ninth century, the art of the organum
was constituted already in theory and practice in
Europe/ 57 On the other hand, the Arabs had been ac-
quainted with the Greek theorists from the eighth century
onwards. " Insistent enquiry " is written on many a page
of Al-Kindl (d. 874), but I fail to discover any corres-
ponding diligence in Western Europe.

We know later that the Arabian colleges at Cordova
were teaching music, which meant the art known as or-
ganum ; so we are told by Virgilius Cordubensis [" et duo
magistri legebant de musica, de ista arte qua dicitur
organum"]

That European students were sitting at the feet of these
music professors at Cordova/ lends some colour to the
suggestion that organum was being taught at this hub
of Arabian culture and civilisation. Otherwise, it is diffi-
cult to appreciate why European students were studying
there at all, if it was merely homophony and not harmony
that was being taught. Of course, the quadrivium may,
strictly speaking, have only included the purely physical
side of music, what the Arabs called the nazarl art, in
contradistinction from the 'amah or practical art, but Vir-
gilius Cordubensis makes it quite clear as to what is
meant by the term musica\ it included the art of organum.
Indeed, I find that the scholarly Julian Ribera in his " La
Miisica de las Cantigas" (1922) allows that the Anda-
lusian Arabs practised harmony, which Soriano-Fuertes
also believed.

7 P. 11.

* Soriano-Fuertes, op. cit., i, p. 82. See Appendix 46.

THE RISE OF ORGANUM. 107

However one may feel that these "clues" upset our
accepted views that the Arabs never got beyond the stage
of homophony, and that harmony is a European product
and practice, it is to little purpose for Miss Schlesinger
to attempt to label my "clues" with such a phrase as
"shreds mostly hypothetical.'* The proper attitude is
to face them and seek for some explanation. I have
already said that the device was "alien to pure Arabian
music, and it was only adopted by the Arabs after con-
tact with Greek theories." Indeed, anyone who cares to
turn to my " Music and Musical Instruments of the
Arab/' 9 (p. 256), published many years ago, will see that I
condemned Sir C. Hubert H. Parry and Ernest Newman
for suggesting that the Arabs and other Oriental
peoples had some "notion of harmony." 10 I still maintain
that the Arabs, as a whole, have been committed to homo-
phony from their earliest appearance in musical history.
To enquire into the process by which the Arabs developed
their tarklb or simultaneous consonance from its early
use in the ttfllj or composition of melodies, up to the

London : William Reeves Bookseller Ltd. See Appendix 47.

10 See the review of this book by Ernest Newman in an article
entitled "Oriental and Western Music," in the "New Witness"
(Dec., 1915, Jan., 1916), in which he replies to my contention on
this point. See also an interesting review^ by George Underwood
(Francis Woolett) in the " Freethinker" (Feb. 6, 1916), in which
the writer says: " The (Arab) gloss itself which converts the
melodic outline, or pattern, into an arabesque of sound by sur-
rounding it with a delicate festooning of grace-notes and roulades,
is, when two or more instruments are playing, a primitive coun-
terpoint; and when it is admitted that, at times, some of the in-
struments, sustain a note, and the drums, tuned to different notes,
enforce the rhythm, I do not see how it can be denied that we
have here the beginning of the harmonic system,"

io8 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

organum that was taught in the schools at Cordova, would
be an interesting speculation. Yet, it may be hazarded
that if harmony originated in Spain, as Soriano-Fuertes
and Julian Ribera would almost persuade us, then it is
not improbable that the first impetus came from the
tarklb of the Arabs, as well as that "insistent enquiry**
into such things as these people were busy with long
before the Western Europeans. That Europe played the
leading part in its fruition cannot be doubted for one
moment, but it is through this Arabian civilisation in cul-
tural contact with the old Visigothic civilisation, that
one sees a further proof of one of the laws of artistic
and intellectual development which allows that the high-
est civilisation is that in which the greatest number of
culture-influences meet 11

That the Arabs have preserved in present-day practice
scarcely a vestige of this art of tarklb or organum y need
not discount this thesis in the slightest. 12 It is accounted
for by socio-political laws of cultural retrogression. We
see this reversion in other spheres. In spite of the pro-
gress made in medicine and surgery by the Arabs of the
Middle Ages, when their pharmacopoeias were the ac-
cepted textbooks of the civilised world, present-day prac-
tice (outside the Europeanised cities) has fallen back on
the most primitive ideas of cure.

n J. M. Robertson, " The Evolution of States " (1912), Chapter IV.
12 See the primitive methods of the modern Arabs as given by
Loret, " Quelques documents relatifs a la litterature et la mu-
sique populaires de la Haute-Egypte " (" Memoires de la Mission
archeologique du Caire," i, i, pp. 329-63). Cf. 3 Niebuhr, "Voy-
age en Arabie," i, p. 143.

THE RISE OF ORGANUM. 109

As a counter to my Arabian "clues" discussed above,
Miss Schlesinger introduces a European author, John
Scotus, as proof that organum was known "early in the
ninth century" Organum may have been known "early
in the ninth century," but if Miss Schlesinger is to be
consistent in her argument that it was the "insistent en-
quiry " into the consonances and the " numerous discus-
sions " on the monochord, that " foreshadowed " the rise
of organum she ought to produce these mediaeval en-
quirers and discussers. Further, John Scotus wrote his
" De Divisione Naturae," which contains the so-called
reference to organum^ after 851, that is to say after "De
Praedestinatione," which is scarcely "early in the ninth
century." Here is what Miss Schlesinger says :

" It would seem that Mr. Farmer has overlooked the
writings of John Scotus Erigena (c. 800-877) brought for-
ward by Hugo Riemann In his ' De Divisione

Naturae/ Erigena gives a terse description of the organum
which, considering the age in which he lived, may justly
be regarded as that of an expert, who wrote from prac-
tical knowledge and understanding, and was not a mere
compiler of the work of others."

I know of no authority for the statement that John
Scotus was an "expert*' in music, or that he had any
" practical knowledge " of the art. l No subsequent writer
that I am aware of, mentions him in this way, and the
mere passing references to music which are to be found
in his works, are little different in substance from what
we find in contemporary writers. Yet more important
points concern us.

First of all let me say that John Scotus had not been

no ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

" overlooked." On the contrary, I believe that it is Miss
Schlesinger that had "overlooked" the Neo-Platonist. 15
She certainly did not know his so-called organum when
she wrote in the " Encyclopaedia Britannica " (xx, p. 268)
that organum was " first practised by Hucbald in the tenth
century T Most students of mediaeval music know of
this John Scotus passage, which has been "so often
quo ted I' as Professor Wooldridge says. 14 It was " brought
forward" by Edmond de Coussemaker in his "Histoire
de THarmonie au Moyen Age" (i852), 15 over half-a-cen-
tury before Riemann. But this is neither here nor there,
since the point at issue is what our countryman, the
scholastic John Scotus, says, and whilst I regret the itera-
tion, we had better have the passage as used by the above
mentioned writers before our eyes :

"Ut enim organicum melos ex diversis qualitatibus et
quantitatibus conficitur dum viritim separatimque sen-
tiuntur voces 16 longe a se discrepantibus intensionis et re-
missionis proportionibus segregate dum vero sibi invicem
coaptantur secundum certas rationabilesque artis musicae
regulas per singulos tropos naturalem quandam dulce-
dinem reddentibus."

One is now compelled to ask where, in this passage, is
there " a terse description of organum? and by organum
I mean the accepted definition of the term, including that

" authority " is Riemann's " Gesch. d. Musiktheorie im
9 bis 19 Jahrhundert " (second edition, 1920).

U Wooldridge, op. cit., i, p. 61.
15 Coussemaker, op. cit., p. 11.

*6 The word voces is omitted by Coussemaker. For the proper
passage see Appendix 48.

THE RISE OF ORGANUM. in

of Riemann himself. 77 . Even the accommodating yet
always critical Professor Wooldridge was sceptical of this
" doubtful passage," as he called it. He says : " // the
difficult passage so often quoted from the 'Divisio
Naturae* of [John] Scotus Erigena can be supposed to
throw any light upon the subject, it would seem that the
free Organum of the Fourth may already have been in
existence about the middle of the ninth century, that is to
say, about one hundred and fifty years before the proba-
ble date of the Enchiriadis \ for the writer's description
of the alternate separation and coming together of the
voices quite admits of application to this method. Apart
from this doubtful passage, however, there seems to be
no actual reference to the free Organum until the period
at which we have now arrived [c. A.D. 1000], when it
was described as a part of the general account of Or-
ganum in the treatises which have just been considered
[the ' Musica Enchiriadis ' and ' Scholia Enchiriadis ']." IS
Miss Schlesinger says that when the account of the rise
of organum (including the John Scotus passage) as given
by Riemann, " is weighed in the balance with the shreds
mostly hypothetical offered in favour of an Arab origin
and introduction into Europe of this initial stage of har-
mony, the case for the Arab fades into insignificance. * ig

17 " Organum. The oldest kind of polyphonic music, consisting
of continued parallel movement of voices in fifths or fourths. "
" Diaphonia was identical with Organum, i.e., the most primitive
kind of polyphony continued par all-el motion in fourths or fifths,
only broken in exceptional cases, by thirds, seconds or unisons."
Riemann, " Dictionary of Music," as cited.

H Wooldridge, op. cit., 1, p. 61. Italics mine.
^P. 11.

ii2 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

The " facts " are that Riemann does not contribute an
iota of information on the rise of organum. His account
reveals organum as an established practice \ On the
other hand, my Arabian "clues" furnish details of the
rudimentary tarkib, which, I suggest, was probably the
forerunner of the European organum.

Fortunately, the authorities have been quoted, Ibn Slna,
Virgilius Cordubensis and John Scotus. Careful stu-
dents of musical history can judge for themselves how
far the Arab claim is deserving of credence. One thing
is certain, and that is that Ibn Slna unmistakably de-
scribes the performance of the simultaneous consonances
of the fourth, fifth and octave, and the passage does not
occur in the theoretical part of his treatise, but in the
practical. Further, we have the very important evidence
of the Al-Kindi document.

PART 2.
Appendices.

APPENDICES.

1. The Pan-Grecian Conceit.

2. The Greek Sciences in Pre-Islamic Times.

3. The Arabian Contribution to the Quadrimum.

4. Arabian Influence on Musical Instruments.

5. Andres and Viardot on the Arabian Musical

Influence.

6. Mr. J. B. Trend and Professor Ribera on the

Arabian Musical Influence.

7 Oriental Influences in Carolingian Art.

8. The Minstrel Class in the Middle Ages.

9. Pre-Islamic Oriental Influences.

10. Islamic Schools and Colleges.

11. The Arabic Language in Spain.

12. The First Arabic-Latin Translations.

13. Gerbert and the Arabian Contact.

14. The Study of the Theory of Music in the

Middle Ages.

15. The Roman Theorists of Music.

1 6. The Survival of Greek Theory.

17. The Church and Culture.

1 8. The Arabs and Monte Cassino.

19. The Carolingian Schools.

20. The Pre-Aurelian Theorists of Music,

21. The Arabs of Old.

22. The Tanbur al-Baghdadi Scale.

23. Ibn Misjah and his Inventions.

24. The Accordatura of the Arabian Lute.

25. Ishaq al-Mausili,

u6 APPENDICES.

26. The Berlin Al-Kindi MSS.

27. Arabic Treatises on Musical Instruments.

28. Villoteau and the Arabian Musical Influence.

29. The Arabic Translations from the Greek.

30. The Muristus MSS.

31. Yahya ibn ''All ibn Yahya.

32. Al-*Farabl and Aristoxenos.

33. The Arabs and the Speculative Art.

34. The Revival of the Hydraulis.

35. The Value of the Arabic Musical Documents.

36. The Musical Notation of the Greeks.

37. The Yahya ibn 'All Notation.

38. The Mrfrijat al-Nagkamat al-Thaman Nota-

tion.

39. The Al-Kindl Notation.

40. The Ai-Farabi Notation.

41. The Notation in "De Harmonica Institutione."

42. The Early Notations of Western Europe.

43. The Shams al-Din al-Saidawi Notation.

44. The Meaning of Organum.

45. Al-Kindi, Ibn Sina, and Organum.

46. Virgilius Cordubensis.

47. Harmony in Oriental Music.

48. John Scotus and Organum.

I.

THE PAN-GRECIAN CONCEIT.

ONCE upon a time it was considered the " proper
thing " to attribute all the sciences to the Greeks.
The position is now quite untenable, for, as Pro-
fessor Lynn Thorndike has recently pointed out, "it is
contrary to the law of gradual and painful acquisition
of scientific knowledge and improvement of scientific
method that one period of a few centuries should have
thus discovered everything. We have .... not held that
either the Egyptians or Babylonians had made great ad-
vance in science before the Greeks, but that is not saying
that they had not made some advance." 1 Some years ago,
Professor Jules Combarieu made a similar protest in re-
gard to music. He said : " It is customary to commence
the history of music with the Greeks, the founders of the
theory of the gamut and the modes, but this is evidently
incomplete and shortsighted. Too long have the Greeks,
intelligent and artistic as they were, prevented us from

* Thorndike, " A History of Magic and Experimental Science"
(J923), i, 31. See also Professor Karpinski's statement in " Nico-
machus of Gerasa, Introduction to Arithmetic. " Edited by
D'Ooge, Bobbins and Karpineki (1926), p. 5. Eostovtzeff, "A
History of the Ancient World " (1920), i, 9-10.

n8 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

seeing humanity as a whole. Before their time there ex-
isted the whole of the East?

Yet the Pan-Grecian school still has votaries it would
seem, including Miss Kathleen Schlesinger, who says :
"We owe our very conception of a theory of music,
of an organised and far-reaching body of knowledge con-
cerned with music to Greece alone!' 3

Whilst it may be admitted that Greece alone, among
all the nations of antiquity, has handed down its system
of music in a complete form, this fact does not warrant
us concluding that the theory of music began in vacua
in Greece, or that other nations of antiquity did not pos-
sess a theory of music. The tradition among the Greeks
themselves, as well as among the Romans, that the out-
standing features of Greek civilisation, including the art
and science of music, came from the Orient,, is too per-
sistent to be ignored.

Even if we did not have the explicit statement of lam-
blichos that the Babylonians had a theory of music which
was borrowed by the Greeks, the conclusion would still
have been inevitable that Babylonia must have possessed
" an organised and far-reaching body of knowledge con-
cerned with music " in view of its sidereal religion which
was based on a highly organised astrological science. It
was among the Semites of the Mesopotamian plains that
the " Theory of Numbers," the belief in the " Harmony of
the Spheres," and the doctrine of the ethos first saw light.
Greece borrowed these theories and passed on her acquisi-
tions to others.

*Combarieu, " Music: Its Laws and Evolution/' p. 178.
s " Musical Standard," xxvii, 23, b.

THE PAN-GRECIAN CONCEIT. 119

What did Greece actually owe to the Orient in matters
musical ? At the very threshold of our enquiry we are
met by Apollo, the titular god of music for the Greeks,
whose name ( = Jubal) has been claimed to be Semitic.' 1
Diodorus Siculus informs us that it was Linos who first
introduced verse and music to the Greeks, just as Kadmos
taught them letters. Both of these names represent Semi-
tic traditions although the persons themselves may be
quite mythical. It is also significant that two other proto-
musicians of Greece, Orpheos and Amphion, are charac-
ters bearing strong resemblance to the Babylonian ash-
shipu, a word and personage adopted by the Greeks in
sopkos. Athenaios says : " They called everyone who de-
voted himself to the study of this art [music] a sophos"*
Strabo says (x, iii, 19) that "the cultivators of ancient
music are said to have been Thracians," and that "all
Thracian music is supposed to be Asiatic."

Asia Minor was the real and acknowledged home ol
Greek music. This land owed most of its culture to the
Semites of Babylonia- Assyria and Phoenicia, and, indeed,
a large proportion of its population was Semitic. The
two semi-mythical originators of flutes and reed-pipes in
Greece, Hyagnis and Marsyas, were Phrygians. 6 The ad-
dition of a fifth and sixth string to the lyre were made
by Attis, a Lydian, and Hyagnis, a Phrygian. Aris-
toxenos divides the early musical history of Sparta, the
cradle of Greek civilisation, into two periods. The great-

JGesenius, " Heb. and Chald. Lexicon" (London, 1853). Cf.
" Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester," iii, 47.

6 Athenaios, xiv, 32. Strabo, " Geog.," x, iii, 10.
6 Plutarch, " De musica," v-vii. Strabo. "Geog.," x, iii, 13-16.

120 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

est musicians of the first period (730-665 E.C.) 7 were Ter-
pander and Olympos, both of whom clme from Asia
Minor. Terpander was the first to systematise Greek
music by the introduction of the nomoi, which regularised
the liturgic chants and kitharoidic music, whilst Olympos,
the founder of the Phrygian school of musicians, intro-
duced the nomot for the liturgic flute chants.* In the
second period (665-510 B.C.) we read of Thaletas of Crete,
Xenodamos of Lokri,, Polymnestos of Kolophon, and
Sakadas of Argos, all of them " foreigners," some of them
from Phoenician lands. 9

Strabo writes as follows : u Those who regard the whole
of Asia, as far as India as consecrated to Bacchus, refer
to that country as the origin of a great portion of the
present music. One author speaks of 'striking forcibly
the asias kithara ' ; another calls the pipes Berecynthian
and Phrygian. Some of the instruments also have bar-
barous names, as nablas, sambyke, barbitos^ magadis,
and many others." 20 The nablas (= Heb. nebel\ the
kinyra ( = Heb. kinnor\ the fhoinix, the gingras and the
tibia Sarrana came from Phoenicia. The sambykl was
of Syrian origin. The barbitos^ together with the fcktis
and magadis, came from Lydia > the elymoi, the kroumata^
and a certain trigdnon from Phrygia, 1 whilst it was ac-
knowledged that the monochordon and pandoura were

i These are the dates given by Gevaert ("La Musique de 1'An-
tiquite >J ).

* Plutarch, op. cit., vii.

9 Plutarch, op. cit., ix.

10 Strabo, " Geog.," x, iii, 17.

* Athenaios, iv, xiv.

THE PAN-GRECIAN CONCEIT. 121

borrowed from 'the Arabs and Assyrians respectively. 2
Among 1 other " foreign " instruments, as Aristoxenos in-
forms us, were the klepsiambos, skindapsos and
etineachordon,

It is worthy of note that Athenaios says that both the
Greeks and barbarians were taught instrumental music
by Egyptian refugees, 2 * 1 and Diodorus Siculus states that
poets and musicians went to Egypt for instruction. 8
Strange to say, some of the best works on music in Greek
were written in Egypt. Syrian and Arabian musicians
were employed in both Greece^ and Rome. 5

Although we have this spate of testimony as to the in-
debtedness of the Greeks to the Semites in matters musi-
cal, I can quite conceive Miss Schlesingcr saying that
this does not reach the level of her contention which con-
cerns the " theory of music," which to her means specula-
tive theory, i.e., the physical basis of sound, the laws of
intervals, etc. Yet here, too, I will show that Greece was
indebted to alien sources, and actually acknowledged
her borrowings.

The explicit statements made by the Greeks themselves
concerning their adoption of the mathematical sciences
of Babylonia, 6 Phoenicia and Egypt have, in many cases,

* Julius Pollux, iv, 74.
2a Athenaios, iv, 25.
SDiod. Sic., i, 96.
& Athenaios, iv, 76.

5 Suidas, sub 'Apdptos, Horace, " Eoist.," i, 14. " Satires," i, 1,
5 Bretschneider, "Die Geometrie und die Geometer vor Euk-
lides" (1870), 3-35. D'Ooge, Robbins and Karpinski, " Nico-
machus of Gerasa, Introduction to Arithmetic " (1926), 3-15.

122 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

been confirmed by materials from the original sources. 7
The labours of the Babylonian astronomers were found
useful to the Greeks, and both Hipparchos and Ptolemy
used their observations and computations. 8 The very
foundation of Greek astronomy, the ecliptic, the signs of
the zodiac, the planetary system, came from these Semites. 9
It was Anaximander who introduced the gnomon from
Babylonia. 10 We owe our division of the day into twenty-
four hours, the hour into sixty minutes, and the minute
into as many seconds, to the same source. 1 So much for
astronomy, a science indissolubly bound up with religion
and music in Babylonia.

It is very much the same in the question of the loaning
of the Greeks from the Orient in the sciences of arith-
metic and geometry. Sokrates in Plato's "Phaedrus," re-
peats a story that the Egyptian god Theuth (-= Thoth,
Hermes) invented arithmetic, calculation, geometry and
astronomy. 2 Aristotle certainly credits the Egyptians
with the origin of the mathematical arts, 3 and Proklos/

7 Cumont, " The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism M (1911).
and " Astrology and Religion among the Greeks and Romans 1 '
(1912), Milliaud, " Nouvelle Etudes sur 1'Histoire de la Pensee
Scientifique " (1911), and especially Wirth, " Homer und Baby-
lon (1921).

s Ptolemy, "Composition Mathematique de Claude Ptolemee "
(Edit. Halma), Paris, 1813, vol i, bk. iv.

Cumont, " Astrology and Religion/' etc., 42-3.

^Herodotos, ii, 109.
JCajori, "Hist, of Mathematics " (1919), 6.

Plato, "Phd.," 274, c.

* Aristotle, " Metaph.," 981, b.

AProklos, "Comm. on Euklid," bk. i.

THE PAN-GRECIAN CONCEIT. 123

Herodotos, 5 Heron, 6 Diodorus Siculus, 7 and Strabo, 8 all
bear like testimony so far as geometry is- concerned. Arith-
metic, or more properly "exact arithmetic/' is said by
Proklos to have started with the Phoenicians. 9

And now let us turn our attention to the science of
music. Pythagoras himself is said to have discovered or
determined the numerical ratios o-f the fourth, fifth and
octave, but the account of the discovery as given by Niko-
machos, 10 Gaudentios, 1 Boethius, 2 and others, is so absurd
that we are justified in considering the ascription to be
spurious. On the other hand, we have the statement of
lamblichos, who says : " They say that it (the harmonical
proportion) was a discovery of the Babylonians, and that
it was by Pythagoras first introduced among the Greeks?*
Then there is the statement of Philo Judasus that the
belief in the Harmony of the Spheres first arose with the
Chaldaeans/ as well as the tradition of Plutarch that the
Chaldaeans connected certain intervals, the diatessaron
(i), diapente (.?), and diapason (f ), with the seasons. 5 One
of Hilprecht's brick text-books from Nippur has revealed
the mystic " Platonic number " that we read of in Plato's

5 Hero dotes, ii, 109.

6 Heron, " Geom.," c. 2.

7Diod. Sic., i, 69, 81.

8 Strabo, xvii, c 3.

9 Proklos, loc. cit.

J0 Nikomachos (Meibom), 10, 11.

1 Gaudentios (Meibom), 13.

*Boethius, i, 10.
* lamblichos, In " Nikom. Anth. Intro. " (Edit. Pistelli), 10.

k Philo Judseus, vi, 32, 33.
* Plutarch, Opera" (Edit. Reiske), yol, x, p. 261.

124 ARABIAN 4tt[sicAL INFLUENCE.

V

" Republic." 6 Plato toojk his ideas on this subject from
the Pythagoreans, | who ^themselves received this know-
ledge from the Babylonians/

Turning meanwhile to Egypt, it is interesting to note
how Plato makes the Egyptian priest tell Solon that the
Greeks had only recently taken to literature and other
amenities of civilised life. 5 In Egypt, music was estab-
lished by law, and in the temple, as elsewhere, no change
was permitted in the established system. Plato's Athen-
ian guest, commenting on this says: "What they ordained
about music is right; and it deserves consideration that
they were able to make laws about things of this kind,
firmly establishing such melody as was fitted to rectify
the perverseness of nature." 9 In the Pseudo-Demetrios
Phalereos writings we are told that in Egypt " the priests
hymn the gods through the seven notes [or vowels]." 10
All this testimony tends to show that a definite theory
of music existed in Egypt before Greece began to build
upon the foundations of this science that she borrowed
in the first place from both Babylonia and Egypt That
Egypt was indebted musically to the Semites is borne
out by history and philology. 1

* Hillprecht, "Mathematical, Metrological and Chronological
Tablets from the Temple Library of Nippur," in Vol. XX, of
Cuneiform Texts, published by the University of Pennsylvania
(1906).

7 See Tannery, "Revue philosophique," i, 170; xiii, 210; xv,
573.

* Plato, "Timaeus," 22-23.

9 Plato, "Laws," 657, a.
M"De elocutione," 71.

1 Under the Ancient Empire music was in quite a primitive
state. A nev era began after the eighteenth century B.C. in con-

THE PAN-GRECIAN CONCEIT. 125

The Pythagorean traditions and materials bring very
strong evidence in support of thft theory of the alien ori-
gin of the science of music arotong' the Greeks. It is with
Pythagoras that the theory or science of music began in
Greece. Pythagoras, although usually said to have been
born at Samos in the -^Egean, is also claimed as a Phoeni-
cian by both the Greeks and Arabs, the former making
Tyre 2 , and the latter Sidon 5 his birthplace. His first
teacher was Pherekydes, the Syrian. At Sidon he was
instructed by the " prophets*' descended from Mochos
the Sidonian, and by the Phoenician hierophants. After
having been initiated into the mysteries of Byblos and
Tyre,, and in other of the sacred rites of Syria, Pytha-
goras passed into Egypt, where he remained twenty-one
years sedulously engaged in study. Cambyses, the Per-
sian ruler of Babylonia-Assyria, carried him as a captive

sequence of the Asiatic conquests and fresh culture influences.
Semitic words are quite common in musical nomenclature in Egyp-
tian. The term aann (" to sing") is akin to the Assyrian en,
the Hebrew 'ana//, and the Arabic ghanna. (Cf. Pelagaud's
suggestion in Lavignac's " Encyclopedic de la musique," i, 59.)
Again in the word nehes ("to mutter the incantation") we see
the Hebrew nahash and the Arabic nahasa. Among the musical
instruments one can recognise that the Icenanaur is the Hebrew
/minor; the tebn the Assyrian tabbalu and Arabic tabl; the teb
the Hebrew topli and Arabic duff ; the thupar the Hebrew
shophar; and the uara the Arabic yard 1 .

2Porph3 r res, "Vita Pyth." The East, including Egypt (see
Plato's "Timseus"), was often made the birthplace of famous
men, for it was not compatible with fame that they should be
" home products." Hence Pseud o-Kallisthenes gives Alexander
the Great an Egyptian parentage, and Stephen the Byzantine
makes Arabia (Gerasa) the birthplace of Plato, Ariston and
Kerykos.

* Mirkhwand, " Raudat al-fJafaV i, ii, 268.

126 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

to Babylon. Here he came in contact with the magi, by
whom he was instructed, says lamblichos, "in their ven-
erable knowledge, and learned from them the most per-
fect worship of the gods. Through their assistance like-
wise, he arrived at the summit of arithmetic, music and
other disciplines."* After a twelve years' stay in Babylon,
Pythagoras returned to Samos a fully-fledged ashshipu,
as the people of Babylon called their soothsayer, for his
practice of divination, as well as his actions and sayings,
reveal him clearly as a typical Semitic soothsayer. He
rose, however, to such a high estate among his people that
he scorned the title of sophos, a term which the Greeks,
following the Semites, gave to "a wise man," and he
adopted instead the term philosophos?

We know from Valerius Maximus 6 and Apuleius 7 that
Pythagoras learned in Babylon the motion of the stars,
their intrinsic properties, and their effect and influence
on mankind. All that issued from the scheme of " cosmi-
cal music" the Harmony of the Spheres, the Theory of
Numbers, the doctrine of the Ithos, and musical thera-
peutics, would appear to have been introduced to the
Greeks by Pythagoras or Pythagorean^ from Babylonia
and Egypt.*

We have already seen that lamblichos said that Pytha-
goras introduced the theory of the harmonic proportion
from Babylonia, and we can have little hesitation in ac-

J lamblichos, iii, 4.

Diog. Laertes, "Proem."

$Val. Max., iii.

7 Apuleius, "Plop.," ii.

*See my "Influence of Music; from Arabic Sources/' p, 5 et seq.

THE PAN-GRECIAN CONCEIT. 127

cepting the statement as substantially correct, since any
people who could, like the Babylonians, have made the
very creditable advance in arithmetical and geometrical
progressions that we know of, and who possessed rules
for finding the areas of squares, rectangles, right triangles
and trapezoids, could most certainly have devised the
harmonical proportion and have had as complete a
knowledge of the speculative theory of music as that pos-
sessed by the earliest Greek theorist of music in Greece,
Pythagoras.

That Greece gloriously surpassed all other nations in
her study of, and contributions to, the mathematical sci-
ences is gratefully acknowledged. That she discreetly
cast aside much of the mystical paraphernalia that en-
shrouded the sciences that were borrowed is also allowed
to her supreme genius. 5 But in testifying to the glory of
Greece w^ must not depreciate the services of those peoples
who actually gave Greece her first promptings in these
sciences. I refer to the Babylonians, Phoenicians and
Egyptians.

My reason for introducing the foregoing discussion on
the "pan-Grecian conceit" is not only to dispel the illu-
sion of the " Greek foundation of the theory of music."
but also to justify the title of my monograph, "The Ara-
bian Influence on Musical Theory." In Miss Schlesinger's
reply to this brochure, entitled "Is European Musical
Theory Indebted to the Arabs ?" we are told at the thres-
hold what is meant by the word " influence " as follows :

" The word ' influence/ as used in the pamphlet under
consideration ('The Arabian Influence on Musical

mystical element is the mark of Oriental science.

128 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Theory ') implies, the possession by the Arabs of a body
of theoretical and practical knowledge developed by
them, and not only bearing an impress of their race ac-
quired during the process of transmission, but also dis-
playing novel features of which they were the originators"
(page 5).

But nowhere in my monograph have J used the word
"influence" to mean anything more than it has meant in
the English language. By "influence" I mean, "the
bringing about of an effect, physical or moral, by a
gradual process, agency, force, or tendency of any kind
which effects, modifies, or sways. 10 All that I have been
concerned with is whether the Arabs "brought about an
effect " on the art and science of music in Western Europe,
or, by some "agency, force, or tendency of any kind/'
"effected, modified, or swayed" this art or science.
Whether the Arabs were the " originators " of the " novel
features " which " effected, modified, or swayed," is beside
the point.

In the reply to my rejoinder, which Miss Schlesinger
entitled "The Greek Foundations of the Theory of
Music," 1 she refers to this point anew,, and says she would
only be disposed to accept my claim for the Arabian " in-
fluence" provided (among other things) "that the fea-
tures claimed as innovations were originated by the Arabs
not merely mentioned by their theorists," and concludes
by saying that "an innovation cannot be understood to
be merely a further step in an evolutionary sequence, the
earlier stages of which are demonstrably present already."

10 Webster's " Diet, of the English Language" (London, 1907).
*" Musical Standard/' xxvii, 23 et seq.

THE PAN-GRECIAN CONCEIT. 129

The upshot of this is that in the face of her own pro-
position, many a claim for "the Greek foundation of the
theory of music " becomes invalid, since I have demon-
stiated that the " earlier stages" of many of the Greek
" innovations " are " demonstrably present " in the ancient
Orient. Yet the fact that Greece did not originate them
ought not to debar us from saying that it was due to
Greek "influence'' that the Western world learned them.

10

2.

THE GREEK SCIENCES IN PRE-ISLAMIC TIMES.

TO appreciate fully what the Arabian revival of the
Greek sciences meant, one must gauge the pre-
vailing intellectual interests in Byzantium, Syria
and Persia during pre-Islamic and early Islamic times.

After the days of Proklos (d. 485) the schools of Athens
declined rapidly, and in 529 they were abolished by Jus-
tinian, who drove the teachers into exile. By the eighth
century, science was practically unknown in Byzantium.
Historians are unanimous in their verdict of the poverty
of Byzantine intellectual culture at this period. 1

Syria had its famous school of Edessa from the days
of St. Ephraim (d. 373). It became the chief centre of
Hellenic studies until Nestorian heresies led to the break-
up of the school in 489. Yet even in the heyday of the
Syrian schools, intellectual interest in Greek did not go
much beyond theology. Of science there is but the
faintest trace. 2

* Gibbon, "Decline and Fall'' (Edit. Bury), vi, 103. Bury,
" History of the Later Roman Empire " (1923), ii, 366. " History
of the Eastern Roman Empire," 434.

*Severus Sebokht (seventh century) dealt with mathematical
etudies. See Wright, " Syriac Literature," 138.

GREEK SCIENCES IN PRE-ISLAMIC TIMES. 131

Persia derived benefit from Hellenic culture through
fugitive Nestorians (489) and Athenians (529), and it was
due mainly to the latter 5 that Khusrau I or Nushlrwan (d.
578) founded a school of Greek medicine at Jundeshapur
in Khuzistan. Beyond this, we have no evidence of any
interest in science in Persia.

As for the theory of music, there is not the slightest
manifestation of its study, or of any treatises being writ-
ten until long after the Arabian revival. The first Byzan-
tine treatise that we know of after the " Anonymous II "
(fourth century) 4 is that of Psellos (fl. io5o) 5 In Syriac
there is nothing earlier than Jacob bar Shakko or Severus
(d. I24i). 6 The earliest treatise on music in Persian is
the "Bahjat al-Riih" (twelfth century). 7 For Rome, see
Appendix 15.

s They were not all Athenians. Syrians and Phoenicians were
among the fugitive teachers from Athens.

* lamblichos and Alypios both lived in the fourth century, but
the above is probably later than either of these.

5 See Psellus, " De arithmetica, musica, geometria .... Elia
Vineto Santone interprete " (Paris, 1557).

* "Brit. Mus. MS.," Add. 21454. See Wright, " Catalogue, "
p. 1165.

7 " Bodleian Library," 1141. See ante Chap. Ill, p. 54.

3.

THE ARABIAN CONTRIBUTION TO THE
QUADR1VIUM.

f

" T NTELUECTUAL leadership/' says Dr. Charles
J^ Singer, " passed about the eighth century to people
* of Arabic speech and remained with them until the
thirteenth century." 1 Their " leadership " in the quadri-
vium tannot be seriously questioned. The quadrivium
( f ulum riya&yya) with these people of Arabic speech
comprised arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music,
and it may not be unprofitable to inquire what particular
contribution they made to those sciences of the quadri-
vium other than music. Florian Cajori in his "History
of Mathematics" (1919) says: "It has been said that
the Arabs were learned, but not original. 2 With our pre-
sent knowledge of their work, this dictum needs revision ;
they have to their credit several substantial accomplish-
ments. They solved cubic equations by geometric con-
struction, perfected trigonometry to a marked degree, and
made numerous small advances all along the line of

* Singer, "The Evolution of Anatomy " (1925), p. 67.
? This is also Miss Schlesinger's dictum. See her pamphlet, " Is
European Musical Theory Indebted to the Arabs?/' p. 18.

ARABIAN CONTRIBUTION TO THE QUADRIVIUM. 133

mathematics, physics and astronomy." 5 What were these
"substantial accomplishments" in detail?

It is well known that our numerals came through the
Arabs/ and that we owe our words cipher, algebra^ and
'algorism to the same 'carriers of culture to Western
Europe.

It was the arithmetic of the Arabs,, under the name of
algorism that succeeded the Boethian system in Europe.
The word was derived fro-m the name of the Arabian
mathematician, Al-Khwarizmi. Arithmetical processes
were treated as part of algebra by the Arabs, and so when
Europe borrowed algorism it also took algebra^ a word
derived from the Arabic al-jabr. It was the Arabs who
invented (or popularised) the rule for testing the results
of addition by " casting out the nines." The line separ-
ating the numerator from the denominator of a fraction
also came from the Arabs. Suter says : " In the use of
arithmetic and algebra in geometry and vice versa the
solution of algebraic problems with the aid of geometry,
the Arabs far outstripped the Greeks as well as the /-
dians? To them is due the credit of having recognised
as an obstacle the strict distinction between arithmetical
(discontinuous) and geometric (continuous) magnitudes,
which had so severely hindered the Greeks in mathemati-
cal progress. They solved twenty problems in geometry
with the help of linear, pure and mixed quadratic and
reducible biquadratic equations, nearly all of which were
borrowed by Leonardo of Pisa.

3 Page 112.

* For a full discussion, see Smith and Karpinski, "The Hindu-
Arabic Numerals " (1911), and Hill, " The Development of Arabic
Numerals in Europe" (1915),

134 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

In trigonometry, where we also find the applications of
arithmetic to geometry, "the Arabs made the greatest
advance on their Greek and Indian predecessors? says
Suter. The trigonometrical expressions now current were
derived from them. The sine, cosine and versed sine, the
Arabs borrowed from the Indians, but they added other
functions to these; found the chief formulae between the
various functions; completed the trigonometrical tables;
and finally solved all cases of the plane and spherical
triangle with the aid of rules discovered, i.e., the rule of
the four quantities, theorem of tangents, rule of the plane
and spherical sines, etc. 5

In astronomy, it is to the credit of the Arabs that they
observed the heavens methodically, with the result that
they were able to correct the numbers in Ptolemy's " Alma-
gest." "This task," says Nallino, "they splendidly per-
formed." The Greeks believed the apogee of the sun to
be immobile, but the Arabs demonstrated that it is subject
to the movement of the precession of the equinoxes. They
saw that the obliquity of the ecliptic is not invariable, as
the Greeks taught, but that it is subject to a slow secular
diminution. Nallino says that the Arabs investigated the
elements of the sun and partly also of the moon, the
length of the tropical and the sidereal year, and the pre-
cession of the equinoxes. Finally, in the application of
trigonometrical formulae, in the number and quality of
their instruments, and in the technique of their observa-

5 See Suter's brilliant contributions to the " Encyclopaedia of
Islam,' * especially ii, 257, 315.

ARABIAN CONTRIBUTION TO THE QUADRIVIUM. 135

tions, says Nallino, "the Arabs have splendidly out-
stripped their predecessors the Greeks." In astrology, the
science as developed by the Arabs, shows a distinct ad-
vance upon that of the Greeks by " the degree of perfec-
tion attained in the mathematical processes/' 6

6 See Nallino's splendid articles in the "Encyclopaedia of
Islam/' i, 494, et seq, 497, et seq., as well as in Hastings^ " En-
cyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics," xii, 101.

4.

ARABIAN INFLUENCE ON MUSICAL
INSTRUMENTS.

THE influence due to the Arabian culture contact in
respect to musical instruments was far wider than
has been generally acknowledged, although it
must be admitted that a very considerable influence has
been admitted generously on all sides I do not hold,
however, as may be seen from my reference to the Cru-
sades, that the infiltration of Arabian culture came from
Spain and Italy alone. Byzantium itself was an impor-
tant highway for this influence, and there were other
points of contact. 1 Neither do I hold that this "influ-
ence" means that all the instruments bearing Arabic
names in mediaeval Europe were necessarily of Arabian
introduction. Some of them were already known in
Europe, and the reason for the alien nomenclature may
have been due to a particular Oriental type having
been adopted, possibly an improvement, or else that
an older European type may have fallen into desuetude
and in the revival under the Arabian culture movement
it came to have an Arabic name attached to it.

i See ant c, pp. 9-10.

ARIBIAN INFLUENCE ON MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 137

The origin of the words lute, rebec, guuar and naker
from the Arabic al-tid y rabab, qitara and naqqara y is an
established fact. 2 That we owe three of these instruments
themselves to the Arabs we know for certainty. 5 It is
also acknowledged nowadays that we are indebted to the
Arabs for the words adufe, albogon, aftafil> exabeba, ata-
bal and atambal, their originals being the Arabic al-duff y
al-btiq, al-naflr, al-shabbaba^ al-tabl and al-tinbal. How
far these instruments themselves were new to Western
Europe is another question. Some of the names were
confined to Spain and Southern France.

The aduje was a square tambourine, and, as such, was
probably an innovation. The " snares " stretched across
the head would also appear to have been new to Western
Europe. I have also mentioned another tambourine, a
round type, called the panderete (dim. of fandero\ by
Juan Ruiz. The word equates with the Arabic bandair.
Another tambourine with jingling plates in* the rim was
the tar. This found its way into Europe by a Westward
route, and survives in the Polish tur.

The albogon, like the Arabian btiq y \vas in one case a
horn, and in another a sort of saxophone improved by the
Andalusian sultan, Al-Hakam II (d. 976).* Al-Shalahi
(thirteenth century) tells us that the Christians borrowed
the instrument from the Arabs. It is described by Ibn

2 See "The Oxford Dictionary."

3 As for the fourth, the guitar, the question of its introduction
into Western Europe is still under discussion. 1 have dealt with
several questions concerning the lute, rebec and guitar of the
Arabs in the " Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society " (1928).

*"Bibl. de Autores Espan.," li, p. 410. See Al-Maqqarl,
"Mohammedan Dynasties," i, 366. Ibn Ghaibi writes it fcag.

138 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Khaldun (d. I4o6), 6 and we appear to have it delineated
in the "Cdntigas de Santa Maria." 6

The anafil was a long straight trumpet, and in the time
of Ibn Ghaib! (d. 1435) its progenitor, the naflr, was
1 68 cm. in length. 7 It has been generally admitted by our
musical antiquaries that the straight cylindrical bore
trumpet came from the Arabs.* Could this have been
the particular feature of the najlr and anafilj We read
in the "Alf Laila wa Laila" ("Thousand and One
Nights") that a horn-player "blew" (nafakha) the biiq,
but that a trumpeter "blasted" (s&ha, lit. "split") the
naflr. It is possible that these terms convey the distinc-
tion between the tones of the conical bore horn and the
cylindrical bore trumpet.

The exabeba (== ajabeba) was another instrument con-
fined to Spain. Save that it was a small flute like its
parent, the Arabian shabbaba. we have no further informa-
tion concerning it.

The origin of the words atabal and atambal frcm the
Arabic al-tabl and the Persian al-tinbal, is, I believe, clear
enough philologically. It would follow in consequence
that the former is the older word, and that the latter was
adopted at the time of the Crusades. It is possible, how-
ever, that the latter word (atambal) was a mere corruption

5 Ibn Khaldun, "Prol.," ii, 411.

SRiano, op. cit., fig. 41, b.
7 Ibn Ghaibi, "Bodleian MS.," 1842, fol. 80.
*Galpin, "Old English Instruments of Music," 200. See also
Buhle, "Die musikalischen Instruments in den Miniaturen des
Fruhen Mittelalters," 28. Kastner, "Manuel General de Mu-
sique Militaire," 126. Naumann, "Hist. Mus.," i, 110. " Ency.
Brit.," xxvii, 326, 363.

ARABIAN INFLUENCE ON MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 139

of the former (atabal) without admitting the influence of
the Persian word.

The words tabur and tambor raise a similar question.
Du Cange says, "ex Arabico al-tambor." This cannot
be accepted, because the tanbur was not a drum with the
Arabs of mediaeval times. 5 Others actually deny an Ara-
bic source, 10 but scarcely with sufficient reason. It is
highly probable that the word tabur was derived either
from the Arabic tabl by way of the mediaeval Latin
tabel, or else the change came through the Persian tablr
at the time of the Crusades. As for tambor, it was a mere
corruption. 11 So far we have been dealing with the more
palpable Arabic names which occur among musical instru-
ments in European languages.

In addition to the above-mentioned instruments, there
are many others whose Arabic name or origin have not
been noticed or scarcely so. Practically the entire drum
family came into Western Europe through the Arabian
contact, or was popularised by this medium. In particu-
lar, there was the kettledrum (naker, timbale), which even
as late as the sixteenth century was called " le tambour
des Perses" 1 * In my monograph "I have surmised that the
Arabic word qas'a was the parent of the French caisse
and the Portuguese caixa. Most people will probably
fall back on the conventional Latin capsa (= "a case"),

0The modern Arabs use the word tambur for a drum, but this
has been borrowed from the French tambour.

^See " Romania," xxxi, 412-13, 418, Dozy and Engelmann,
" Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais derives de PArabe."
Littre, ''Diet, de la langue Fran^aise."

**Du Cange, "Gloss.," s.v.
WThoinot Arbeau, " Orche*sographie."

140 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

n

but the <&xabic etymon is far mbre likely. 15 Another
drum name that passed into Europe during the Arabian
contact was the Persian balaban. The sonajas de asofar,
mentioned by Juan Ruiz (fourteenth century) were metal
castanets, and the name is derived from the Arabic
sunuj al-sufr. u Even the word " Castanet," in spite of
other derivations, would appear to have originated from
the Arabic kasatan (dual of kasd). The ktter were the
bowl-shaped type, whilst the former were flat, like a mini-
ature cymbal.

Among the " wood-wind " instruments, the Arabian in-
fluence is, perhaps, equally as noteworthy, as it appears
to be generally acknowledged that the conical bore in-
struments were either introduced or popularised by this
means. The mediaeval xelami must surely be the Ara-
bian zulaml, an instrument invented at Baghdad at the
end of the eighth or beginning of the ninth century. 15 In
the thirteenth century " Vocabulista in Arabico," it equates
with fistula?* but Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) says that it was

the sixteenth century, Etienne Pasquier says in his " Re-
cherches " : " Ainsi en est-il de tabovr, que les sol date appelent
maintenant quesse, sans scauoir dire pourquoy."

U There were two instruments known to the Arabs by the name
of mnj (sing, of xunuj), one a harp (sanj dhu'l-awtarj, and the
other the castanets mentioned above.

i5 See the " Taj al-'Ariis." s.v., and Lane, " Lexicon," s.v. Dr.
Curt Sachs says that both xalamia and xeremia = chirimia.
(" Reallexikon der Musikinstrumente.") See als-o this work, p.
433, where he mentions the fourteenth century for the zuldmt or
zuldmly.

M Fistula need not of course mean of necessity " a flute," but a
"musical pipe," as in the eleventh century " Glossarium Latino-
Arabicum," where it stands for zammdra, a reed-blown instrument.

ARABIAN INFLUENCE ON MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 141

played with a reed. "As we are also told that it was fin-
gered in the same way as the flute called shabbajba, the
instrument evidently had a conical bore. 17

I said in my monograph that " the Arabian reed instru-
ments known as the zamr and al-surna or al-surndl, were
doubtless the parents of the shawm and dulcayna." 18 The
language jMlrifris certainly slightly misleading,, because I
did not have the actual instruments in mind, but merely
the names. In fact, we cannot be sure what either the
Arabian or European instruments were like at this period,
i.e., whether they were cylindrical or conical tubes, or if
played with single or double reeds. Miss Schlesinger
says : " The reed-blown instrument, zamr, or primitive
Arab oboe, cannot seriously be claimed as the parent of
the shawm, or schalmey, or of the chalumeau, both names
being derived from calamus, the mediaeval Latin equi-
valent of the Greek aulos and Roman tibia? 1 * Since the
dual "both" is used, I presume that Miss Schlesinger
means that the word zamr as well as shawm is derived
from the Latin calamus'* Zamr is pure Arabic, and the
root samara may be traced back to the ancient Semites
of Babylonia-Assyria. 20 That calamus is the ultimate
European parent of calamella, zalamella, cialamello, cara-
millo, charamela, chalameau, schalmey, shalm, shawm, and
other forms, is ancient history. The question that I was
interested in was the phonetic influence of the Arabic

17 Ibn Khaldun, " Prolegomenes," ii, 411.
** Farmer, " Arabian Influence on Musical Theory," p. 5.
^Schlesinger, "Is European Musical Theory Indebted to the
Arabs?," p. 15.

20 Muss-Arnolt, " Diet, of the Assyrian Language/' i, 284.

142 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

zamr in the formation of the word shawm. Since then I
have considered the possibility of the Middle High Ger-
man words, sumer and sumber, being connected with the
Arabic zamr. If the latter is allowable, then the former
conjecture is scarcely admissible, since both the schalmey
and sumer occur together. 1

As for al-surnd or al-surndl being the nominal parent
of the dou$aine or dul^ayna, we have, per contra^ the con-
ventional derivation from the Latin dulcis. Stainer and
Barrett in their " Dictionary ol Musical Terms " say that
dul$ayna "may be derived from the same root as the
Egyptian dalzimr ( ? al-zamr\ both instruments being of
the oboe or reed kind." The latter derivation is cer-
tainly inadmissible. An Arabic origin, as suggested
above, appears to be the more likely one, the prefixing of
the "d" being due to Latin influence.

Without offering any definite opinion on the question, I
would also like to call attention to the phonetic identity
between the Arabic ghaita and the Spanish-Portuguese
gaita> English wayght? The rackett has never had
a satisfactory explanation given for its name, yet prac-
tically the identical name and instrument have existed in
the 'iraqiyya or 'iraqya of the Arabs. Then there is the
German sink, a name which may have come through the

JHugo von Trimberg, " Der Renner," 23735. Dr. Curt Sachs
says that the sumer was a drum, no doubt following the authority
of Lexer, " Mittelhochdeutsches Handworterbuch."

2 The instrument, however, is not mentioned in Arabic docu-
ments earlier than Ibn Battuta (d. 1377).

ARABIAN INFLUENCE ON MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 143

Arabic zanbaq* (= Lat. sambucus). u At any rate, we read
at the time of the Crusades of cors sarrasinois and buccins
turcsf and it is not improbable that these were zinken,
since Michaud tells us that the Saracens had horns pierced
with many holes. 6 They were certainly novel to the Cru-
saders. Finally, there was the small flute known as the
jcch, quoted by Muratori from a thirteenth century MS.
(tabur et jock = drum and fife), and it is obviously the
Arabic juwaq.

Among stringed instruments, there are several others
beside those already referred to which are of sufficient im-
portance to be mentioned. Elsewhere/ I have already
dealt at length with the Arabian qanun, which became
the European kanon^ canon and canale, at the same time
justifying the philological identity between the Arabic
xl-shaqira and the European eschaquiel or exaquir.

The derivation of the word geige and the origin of the
instrument itself have not been satisfactorily explained.
Could they have originated in the Persian ghichak^ 8 If
we may suppose that the lira dicta 9 entered Europe not
only from the South by means of the rabab, hence the

s The word dates from the ninth century at least.
& Sambucistria = zdmira ("wind instrumentalist") in the
eleventh century " Glossarium Latino-Arabicum."

5 Guillaume de Machaut and " Chronique de Moree."

6 Michaud, " Histoire des Croisades," Ire part., tome i, p. 188.
Du Cange, " Gloss., " s.v.

7 " Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society," April, 1926, p. 239.

8 Also written ghizhak and gichak.

SThis was the generic mediaeval Latin term for the rebec and
geige family. See Vincent de Beauvais, "Spec. Doc.," Bk. i,
Sect. 34. llabdb = lira dicta in tjbe eleventh century " Gloss.
Lat.-Arab."

144 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

rebec, but also from the East by means of the Persian
ghichak, we may be able to account for the geige via the
Russian guiga, the old Norse gigja, the old Slavonic gega,
the old French ghighe, and the Middle High German gige,
Indeed, we appear to have a survival in the Moorish
ghuga (gougue). 10

I have already pointed out in another place that the
Arabs and Persians had a whole family of lutes and pan-
dores from the small 'ad qadlm (" ancient lute ") and tan-
bur baghlama (= bighilma\ ("youth's pandore") to the
large shahrud (arch-lute) and tanbur bazar k ("grand
pandore"). Two other varieties of the lute family were
the tarab al-futuh (" tarab of wide compass ") and the
tarab zur (" powerful tarab "). Tarab was a synonym for
"musical instrument" or "music," hence mutrib, an "in-
strumentalist" or "musician." Could these have been the
progenitors of the European tiorba, tuorba, theorbo, etc.,
derived either direct from the Sicilian Arabs, or through
Byzantium or Turkey, who passed on the Oriental tarab
to the Slavonic peoples as the torban (old Russian) ?

Not only in Western Europe, but in Eastern Europe,
North and Central Africa, Persia, India, the Malay ar-
chipelago, and as far afield as China, may be traced the
Arabian influence in musical instruments.

^Mahillon, cc Catalogue . . , . du Mus^e Instrumental du Con-
servatoire Royal de Musique de Bruxelles," i, 417.

5.

ANDRES AND VIARDOT ON THE ARABIAN
MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

"1T\ EFERENCE is made in the present work to an
rV article by Mr. J. B. Trend in "The Criterion"
(February, 1924), entitled "The Moors in Spanish
Music/' This has since been incorporated with his recent
work entitled "The Music of Spanish History to 1600"
(1926), but with several judicious alterations. Mr. Trend
says in his latest work (p. 63) that P. Juan Andres, in
his " DelT originc, progressi e stato attuale d'ogni
letteratura," had suggested that Alphonso X (d. 1284)
in his " Cantigas " had taken his system of notation from
Arab music." 2 Mr. Trend only mentions the book of
Andres by name, omitting any precise reference by which
this statement might be traced, but so far as I am aware,
no such claim is made by Andres in the book mentioned.*
Probably Mr. Trend is depending on the authority of
Rafael Mitjana, who makes a similar assertion. 5

*Mr. Trend repeats this statement in another book, "Alfonso
the Sage" (1926), p. 16, and in Grove, "Diet. Mus.," third edi-
tion, i, 66.

2 Andres wrote another work, " Cartas sobre la miisica de los
arabes " (Venice, 1787), which I have not seen. Cf. Fetis, " Biog.
Univ,"

*"Le Monde Oriental" (1906), p. 200.

146 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

In rebutting the alleged Andres claim, Mr. Trend says :
"This statement, though manifestly absurd, seeing that
the Arabs never used a musical notation, is true of the
form of the poems* the instruments used (when they were
used) to accompany the voice, and even the musicians who
played them, for there are miniatures in the MSS. [of the
'Cantigas'] showing musicians in Arab dress playing
upon instruments known to have been of Arab origin"
(pp. 63-4). As I show in Chapter VI, the Arabs did use
a musical notation, though not the same as that in the
" Cantigas "

Strange to say, a statement of this kind was also made
concerning Louis Viardot by Pascual de Gayangos in his
" Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain/' This, too, appears
to have been without foundation. Viardot certainly said
that Europe borrowed many of its musical instruments
from the Arabs (and in this way he attributes to the Arabs
" nne notable part a la creation de la musique moderne ") ;
that Alphonso X benefited by the writings of the Arabs
in his " Cantigas "* and that the Arabs possessed a musi-
cal notation ; 6 but I have failed to trace in his " Histoire
des Arabes et des Mores d'Espagne" (1851) the statement,
with which he is credited, that Europe borrowed its nota-
tion from the Arabs.

4 Viardot, ii, 183. He mentions the works of Al-Farabi and A1-
Isfahani among the writings that might have influenced
Alphonso X. Whilst Al-Isfaham's work might have prompted
the idea of compiling the famous " Cantigas/ ' it is difficult to see
what influence the theoretical treatises of Al-Farabi could have
had. In the University of Salamanca which Alphonso X recon-
stituted in 1254, and where he founded a chair of music, such a
writer as Al-Farabi might conceivably have exercised an influence.

* Viardot, ii, 183. See also ii, 85, where he speaks of the
" Venture musicale des Arabes,"

6.

]. B. TREND AND PROFESSOR JULIAN RIBERA
ON THE ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

THE " Music of Spanish History to 1600," by J. B.
Trend, already referred to, contains some interest-
ing points on the " borrowings" of Spain from
the Arabs in matters of literature 1 and music. He ac-
cepts the view that the Spanish villancico is dependent
on Arabic forms. 2 He says also, that "recent research
seems to show " that the troubadours, so long considered
the "inventors" of modern poetry, really derived their
sense of form, and even their subject matter, from the
Spanish Muslims/ 5 That the Arabian zajal is the regular
pattern of the " Cantigas de Santa Maria " of Alphonso X,
is admitted. 4

i The question of the influence of the Arabs on the literature of
Europe has been a crowded arena of wordy combat since the ap-
pearance of Huet's "Origine Fabularum Romanensium " (1693).
2 Trend, op. cit., p. 29.

s Op. cit., p. 30. What does Mr. Trend mean by " Spanish Mus-
lims " ? Does he mean " Arabs or Berbers of Spain," or " Spani-
ards who accepted Islam," i.e., the Muwalladun? Cf. Trend,
" Alfonso the Sage," p. 14.

*0p. cit., pp. 29, 62. See "Appendix," 8.

148 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

He is critical, however, of what he considers to be Pro-
fessor Julian Ribera's theory, that "the musical settings
of the 'Cantigas' are Moorish melodies." But is this
really the theory of the savant Arabist of Madrid ? Surely
the recent work of Ribera does no more than demonstrate
that the musical structure of the " Cantigas " reveals that
Moorish musical idiom (especially in the rhythm) had im-
pregnated Spanish music, or at least, the music of the
court of Alphonso X, which is probably nearer the truth. 5

$Cf. Ribera, "La MiSsica de las Cantigas " (Madrid, 1922),
cap. xii-xiii. See also Hurtado and Palencia, " Historia de la
Literatura Espaiiola " (Madrid, 1925), p. 93.

7.

ORIENTAL INFLUENCES IN CAROLINGIAN

ART.

THE Oriental influences in Carolingian art, which are
to be discerned for the most part in the industrial
arts, are generally considered to be Syrian. 1
Syrian, Arabian and Persian elements had already af-
fected the development of Byzantine art in general/ From
the fifth to the seventh century, Syria, Palestine, Meso-
potamia and Egypt were centres of the industrial arts. 5
Then came the specific influence of the Islamic dominion. 4
The question now arises " How did this Oriental art
reach Western Europe ?"

Italy, France, Spain and Germany harboured consider-
able colonies of peoples from the East, for the most part

* Janitschek, " Gesoh. cler Deutchen Malerci " (1890 ), 29.

Leitschek, " Gesch. der Karolingischen Malerei " (1894), 38-53.
Strzygowski, " Byzantinische Denkmaler," i, 53-67. Choisy,
"Hist. <T Architecture," ii, 84. Peirce and Tyler, "Byzantine
Art" (1926), p. 11.

Taylor, "The Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages," 340.
Peirce and Tyler, op. clt., pp. 5, 10.

SDennison and Morey, "Studies in East Christian and Roman
Art" (1918), 67. Dalton, "The Crystal of Lothair " (" Archseo-
logia," lix, 30). Garrucci, " Storia dell' Arte," 52.
f See Appendix 9.

150 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Jews and Syrians, who were engaged in commercial pur-
suits. 5 Here was a sure and certain channel for the in-
troduction of Oriental art wares. Yet there were other
means whereby this Oriental art could have penetrated
Europe (i) the nomadic habits of artists and craftsmen,
and (2) the adoption of a foreign style by native artists
trained abroad. 6 These were more likely to engender or
suscitate fresh artistic impulses than the mere acquisition
of objets d'art through traders. Where could these artists
and craftsmen be found in close proximity to the Car-
olingian empire? Obviously in Al-Andalus or Arab
Spain.

From the day when 'Abd al Rahman I (756-88) entered
Cordova as Sultan, down to the collapse of the Umayyad
dynasty in the eleventh century, the Syrian Arabs domin-
ated in Al-Andalus. Like their forebears who had sup-
ported the Umayyads at Damascus, they cared little for
the precepts of Islam, 7 and fostered the arts with open-
handed generosity. We see Syria looming rather largely
in the literature of these Umayyads, whose hearts were
gladdened by reminders of their ancestral home. The
Syrian influence in the architecture of Al-Andalus is un-
mistakable. From this one can only conclude that a con-
siderable influx of Syrian artists and craftsmen, includ-

^Brehier, " Les Colonies d'Orientaux en Occident 1 ' (" Byznn-
tinische Zeitschrift," xii, 1. Dill, "Roman Society in Gaul in
Merovingian Times/' p. 245. Heyd, op. cit.
Dalton, op. cit., 32.

7 It is curious that the Spaniards who had accepted Islam (the
Mitwalladun), were, on the other hand, most fervid and bigoted
in their religious temper, as much so as the Berbers.

ORIENTAL INFLUENCES. 151

ing Arabs as well/ followed on the heels of the establish-
ment of the Umayyad dynasty in Al-Andalus. Perhaps
the fame of Al-Andalus in its textiles and ceramics was
due originally to Syrian artists.

Dr. W. Cunningham pointed out in his " Essay on West-
ern Civilisation" (ii, 116) that there was no art in which
the Arabs could not have given much instruction to their
Christian antagonists, even though so much hostility
severed the two polities. There was a fairly constant poli-
tical and commercial intercourse, 9 and there was nothing
to prevent Andalusian artists and craftsmen from journey-
ing to Christian Spain and France. So long as the artist
had his handicraft to display, the merchant his wares to
barter, or the minstrel his instrument to play, there would
appear to have been no hindrance to the foreigner in those
days.

In the early days of the Umayyad regime, the Spanish
Christians, known as the Muzdrabes, had complete liberty
of worship as well as political freedom. 10 That they prac-
tised the arts and crafts of the Muslims is evident, for
indeed, they had adopted Muslim civilisation in almost
everything save religion. 11 They, too, were free to travel,
and so to pass on their arts and crafts to other lands.
Rivoira thinks that it was the refugee Muzdrabes seeking
shelter from the persecutions of 'Abd al-Rahman II (d.

8 This certainly obtained in music, as we read of a large influx
of musicians from the East. Al-Maqqaii, " Analectes," i, 225;
ii, 89, 96.

9 Embassies and cordial relations from 778 are emphasised more
than once by the Carolingian writers.

*0Dozy, " Recherches," i, 78 ef *eq.
Ticknor, " Hist, of Spanish Literature/' iii, 347.

152 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

852) and Muhammad I (d. 886), who took the Arabian ar-
chitectural devices into northern Christian Spain/ 2 which
only seems to have advanced culturally by imitating the
Muslims. 15

What happened in the industrial arts could similarly
have taken place in music. The instruments delineated in
the St. Menard, Lothair, Notker, and other documents of
the eighth to tenth centuries have their raison d'etre made
palpable by such culture contacts as I have tried to visu-
alise in the foregoing conditions. 2 *

, " Moslem Architecture/' 241, 284, 346.
J^Northup, " An Introduction to Spanish Literature/' 12. See
Hurtado and Palencia, " Historia de la Literatura Espanola,"
pp. 22-3: Asin, " Islam and the Divine Comedy" (1926), p. 238
et seq.

HSee Schlesinger, "Precursors/' pp. 280, 328, 370-1, 399.

8.

THE MINSTREL CLASS IN THE MIDDLE AGES.

" S~*\ F the science of music," as I remarked in my mono-

l ) graph, 2 " the wandering minstrel knew but little,

for indeed,, he was a mere performer who learned

for the most part, ' by rote.' " Miss Schlesinger uses this

point so as to prove that these wandering minstrels could

not have influenced Europe in the theory of music. 2

That the Arabian minstrels in general (especially the
qaindt) or female minstrels) were quite learned and
scholarly people, we have, fortunately, plenty of evidence. 5
Possibly, the wandering type was not so likely to contain
these elements as the domiciled class, but, at any rate, the
Arabian, unlike the generality of European minstrels, were
to some extent educated. They could read and write, at
the very least, which was more than even many of the
Christian clergy could do at that time.

What the ordinary Arabian minstrel possessed was not
a knowledge of the science of music, of speculative theory,

1 " Arabian Influence on Musical Theory," p. 4. Note my
italics.

* " Musical Standard," xxvii, 164, b.

sSee the lives of the minstrels m the " Kitab al-Aghanl" and
the <{ 'Iqd al-Farid." See also MTS. Burton's edition of the " Ara-
bian Nights," i, 314; iii, 281-2.

154 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

but something that was more necessary to him in his voca-
tion. This was the practical theory of his art, which
was passed on from master to pupil. With the Arab min-
strel it necessitated a knowledge of the various modes, of
the " circulations " or compound modes, and of the trans-
positions of both. Of the rhythmic modes, of mensural
values, of the art of " melody making/' and of the " gloss,"
he was also required to have a complete mastery/

That this individual had something fresh and novel to
impart to Western Europe in melodic and rhythmic themes
will be readily understood by those who are acquainted
with Oriental music. That he brought instruments of the
lute, pandore, and perhaps the guitar type into Europe,
although he was not necessarily the originator of them, is
generally acknowledged. A new era dawned in conse-
quence. The minstrel class, as Naumann says, 5 were the
real disseminators of music in the Middle Ages, " carrying
the themes and a knowedge of the musical elements from
one people to another." It was to their credit also that
"many an original and singular rhythm" was introduced.
This class had hitherto been served by the cithara and
harp among stringed instruments, but with the advent of
the Arabian minstrels, the new types of instruments men-
tioned above were introduced. The European citharist
and harpist had only their ears to guide them when tuning
their instruments, whereas the Arabian lutenist, pandorist
and guitarist had their notes determined by frets on

4 For a typical account of the requirements of practical theory,
see the " Kitab al-AghS.nl/' i, 125, which is quoted in my " His-
tory of Arabian Music," Chap. IV.

5 Naumann, " History of Music," i, 228.

THE MINSTREL CLASS. 155

the necks of their instruments, which were adjusted by
measurement. This was one of the reasons why I stressed
the importance of the culture contact with Arabian min-
strels. That they influenced European minstrels in the
matter of practical theory is highly probable. At any
rate, the Arabs possessed written didactical methods in
the ninth century, 5 *, long before we have the slightest hint
of their existence in Western Europe, as well as manuals
on the manufacture of musical instruments in the thir-
teenth century. 6

(d. 874).

6 Ibn Sa'id Al-MagliribI (d. 1274-86) says that works on the
science of melody " as well as on the various instruments and the
art of making them are common among us." In the time of Ibn
Rushd (d. 1198) and Al-Shaqandi (d. 1231), Seville was the centre
for the manufacture of musical instruments, in which it had an
export trade. Al-Maqqari, " Moli. Dyn.," i, 43, 197, ii, 143.

Miss Schlesinger states, however, that in Europe, " by the ninth
century many musical tracts in Latin on organ building, on the
proportion of pipes, .... had been written 1 ' (p. 5). What are
the " facts "? The earliest mediaeval treatise on organ building
in Latin is that of Theophilus, which dates from the eleventh cen-
tury. This work, which deals with "divers arts," reveals inci-
dentally how much Europe was indebted to the Arabs. (See
" Theophili, qui et Rugerus, Presbyteri, et Monachi, Libri III, Be
Diversis Artibus." Opera et studio, R. Hendrie, London, 1847.)

As for writings on the proportion of pipes, we possess one MS.
dating from the ninth century which contains a section, ( ' De men-
sura fistularum." (Bibl. Nat., Paris, No. 12949, MS. Lat., fol.
43.) It is identical with an item in the treatise, " De mensuris
organicarum fistularum," attached to the name of Hucbald, and
with portions of tracts attributed to Bernelinus and Gerlandus in
Gerbert's " Scriptores " (i, 148, 329 ; ii, 277). There is, of course,
the section " De mensura fistularum organicarum" in the works
ascribed wrongly to Notker Balbnlus (d. 912), whereas the real
author is Notker Labeo (d. 1022).

156 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

That the minstrel class in general was better equipped
on the theoretical side of the art than were the church
singers, is actually admitted by the monkish author of
the Pseudo-Hucbald " Commemoratio brevis " treatise. 7
He bears testimony to the fact that the minstrel class
(citharists, pipers, and other instrumentalists, as well as
singers) possessed a practical theory/ whilst the church
singers had no such advantage.

I have already mentioned that as early as the ninth
century the Spaniards were imitating Arabian models in
rhyme and metre.^ Indeed, some of the coplas are but
translations of Arabic songs. 10 Mr. J. B. Trend, the most
recent English writer on Spanish music, says: 11 "There
is no doubt .... that poetry in the form of villancicos
was sung in Arabic,, and even written down, by the Moors
in Spain, and there are even supposed to be villancicos
in which the refrain is in Old Spanish while the verses are
in Arabic." The Jews were similarly affected. The
rhyme and metre in the verses of such tenth century
writers as Donnolo, Menahem ben Saruq, and Dunash
ben Labrat, are imitations from the Arabic. 12

In view of all this may we not reasonably suggest that
the music which accompanied these verses was also
borrowed or imitated? Indeed, Dr. T. G. Tucker, in his

^Gerbert, " Scriptores," i, 213.
s " Ad delectandos audientes artis ratione tcmperare."

See ante pp. 16, 23.

*0 J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, "A History of Spanish Literature," 16.
** Trend, " Proceedings of the Musical Association," Fifty-
second Session (1925-6), p. 14.

** Steinschneider, "Jewish Literature," 151-2.

THE MINSTREL CLASS. 157

work on "The Foreign Debt of English Literature"
(1907), observes that in dealing with the borrowings of
Spain and Provence from the Arabs in verse, we must take
cognisance of the music 15 Mr. Trend quoted above
says : " My own experience leads me to the belief that
what is ' Oriental' about Southern Spanish music is not
the music itself, but the manner of performance." 74 This
judgment corroborates to some extent my own contention
of the instrumental borrowings from the minstrel class in
the matter of that scheme of decoration known as the
zaida or "gloss," and that first step towards organum
known as the tarklb or "compound." 15

That the Arabian minstrel contributed to the musical
progress of Western Europe long before, as well as sub-
sequent to the literary contact, there cannot be much
doubt. 16 We see both the Muslim and the Jew 17 among
the ju glares and juglaresas in Christian Spain from the

Tucker, op. cit., pp. 127. 130, 217.

U Trend, Ice. cit.
# Farmer, " Arabian Influence on Musical Theory," p. 4, et seq.

J 6 The most recent authority, R. Menendez Pidal, in his " Poesia
Juglaresca y Juglares " (Madrid, 1924), says: " Pero particular-
mente los juglares musulmanes de Arabia, Persia, Siria y Egipto
tnvieron especial acceso entre los musulmanes andaluces desde los
esplendorosos tiempos del calif ato de Cordoba, y bayo su influjo
se formaron en la Espana arabe importantes escuelas de juglares ;
.... La influencia de la juglaria musulmana hubo de ser mny
grande. Los cristiancs se recreaban con la miisica arabe y tambien
con el canto, aunque por su excesivo tecnicismo fuese casi imposible
de entender para un europeo " (pp. 13C-7).

17 The Jew in both poetry and music was dominated by Arabian
models. Steinschneider, ''Jewish Literature," 151-7.

158 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

eleventh century onwards. 1 * Earlier documents showing
their actual presence are wanting, but the instrumental
types of the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries are eloquent
testimony. 19

Even among the wandering minstrels of Europe we
can look with some certainty to the existence of a fair
sprinkling of Orientals. Here the latter would be wel-
comed for their "novelties," just as the Oriental pedlar
was similarly received in trading life. Creed or colour
would matter little in the goodly fellowship of the wan-
dering ministrelli and joculatores, so long as there was
the ability to sing or play. Perhaps the gaudy raiment
decked with festoon and ribbon, the long hair and painted
face of the minstrel class were due to Oriental influence. 20
The morris dancers undoubtedly had their origin in the
Moorish dancers, 7 and their hobby-horse and grelots are
certainly reminiscent of the Arabian minstrels. 2 The fact
that the morris dancers for a long time afterwards dyed

the year 1064, see Al-Maqqari, " Mohammedan Dynas-
ties," ii, 269. For 1139, under Alphonso VII (not 1137, Alphonso
VI, as Mitjana says), see " Espana Sagrada," xxi, 377. Out of
the twenty-seven juglares of Sancho IV of Castille in 1294, thir-
teen were Moors and one was a Jew. (See " Apendioe I," of R.
Men^ndez Pidal.) We see them also with Alphonso X (d. 1284)
and in the poem of Juan Ruiz (fourteenth century). Muslim and
Jewish juglares are condemned in an edict of 1322 (J. Tejada y
Ramiro, " Coleccidn de Canones y conoilios de la Iglesia espan-
ola," iii, 600).

19 Bee Schlesinger, " Precursors, " pp. 280, 328, 370, 371, 399.

*0For the Arabs see the " Kitab al-Agham " (sub "Juwais").
" Alf laila wa laila" (Macnaughten Edit.), iv, 166. Al-Maqqari,
"Moh. Dyn.,"ii, 108.

* Strutt's argument against the Arabian origin is quite invalid.
*Ibn Khaldun, " Prollgomfenet," ii, 421.

THE MINSTREL CLASS. 159

their faces, as Thoinot Arbeau said in 1589, almost be-
speaks their genesis. The Spanish word mascara and the
English masker ("play actor," lit. "wearer of a mask")
is the Arabic maskhara ("buffoon"), just as the mediaeval
Spanish zaharrdn is the Arabian sukhara or sukhra
(" laughing-stock," " scoffer ").*

Miss Schlesinger wishes literary proof (i.e., documents)
of the Arabian influence due to the minstrel class/ I
have already said that this influx of Oriental musical
ideas is determined by circumstances which I have called
the political contact, when documents are as rare as char-
ity between fellow musicographers. It is quite distinct
from the literary and intellectual contact. Perhaps the best
illustration of the distinction may be shown by reference
to literature itself. We can trace, for instance, the His-
pano-Latin "Disciplina Clericalis" of Petrus Anfusi (fl.
1 1 06) to the Arabic "Kalila wa Dimna," itself trans-
lated from the Pahlawl by Ibn al-Muqaffa' (d. 757). Here,
the literary ancestry of Spain's borrowing is quite definite.
On the other hand, we have cases where the loaning, whilst
palpable enough, as Professor W. P. Ker says, 5 "is not
traceable in any literary manner." For example, the use
of the word serraglio in "Flores and Blanchefloure," and
the name aucassin in " Aucassin and Nicolette." Since the
stories have "no literary ancestry that can be traced in
books," we may not be far wrong in assuming that their
origin must be due indirectly to the Arab minstrel, who
was as often as not a rawl or "story teller."

* Dozy and Engelmann, " Glossaire," sub voce,

* " Musical Standard." xxvii, 164, b,

6 " The Dark Ages," pp. 13, 14.

160 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

We see precisely the same thing in music. We know
quite definitely that Gundisalvi or Gundissalinus (fl.
H30-50) 6 Vincent de Beauvais (d. 1264)7 Roger Bacon
(d. 1294),* and Jerome of Moravia (thirteenth century), 9
borrowed from two works of Al-Farabi's known in Latin
as "De scientiis" and "De ortu scientiarum." It is this
knowledge that enables us to trace a definition here and
there in other works where the name of Al-Farabi is not
mentioned. 10 On the other hand, we cannot trace the
direct ancestry of European organum to the Arabs, but
from the evidence that I have submitted, I believe that
it is quite probable that the prompting came from the
tarklbat of the Arab minstrels.

The influence of the minstrel class in general on musi-
cal progress cannot be ignored. The minstrels were not
only the real disseminators but the innovators. Indeed,
how could music have made the progress that we see in
the early Middle Ages had the church and written music
been the only means ? The explanation must be sought
in the minstrel and the oral propagation of his art. The
minstrel was not boun'd by conventional usus like the
church singer. Further, the vast instrumental resources of
the former gave him an immense superiority, especially

6 Baer, " Dom. Gundissalinus," p. 96, et seq.
7 Vine, de Beauvais, " Speculum doctrinale," Bk. i, Sect. 17.
* Bacon, "Opera qusedam hactenus inedita " (1859), 231-2.

9 Coussemaker, " Scriptores," i, 10.

*0 Johannes Cotto (c. 1100), Pseudo-Aristotle (thirteenth cen-
tury), Johannes JEgidius (c. 1270), Kilwardby (d. 1279), Raimundo
Lull (d. 1315), Johannes de Muris (fourteenth century), and Adam
de Fulda (c. 1490).

THE MINSTREL CLASS. 161

after the Arabian contact. It was inevitable that the
church had to follow the minstrel in the long run, for the
church only moves when the world moves."

NOTE. Since the above was written fresh literature on
the subject has appeared, arid I would especially call at-
tention to Professor Julian Ribera's " La musica arabe y
su influencia en la espanola" (Madrid, 1927), and Pro-
fessor S. Singer's article, " Arabische und europaische
Poesie im Mittelalter," in " Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Philo-
logie," Bd. 52 (April, 1927).

"See the interesting lecture by Professor C. H. Haskins in
" Speculum " (April, 1926), entitled " The Spread of Ideas in the
Middle Ages."

12

9.

PRE-ISLAMIC ORIENTAL INFLUENCES.

r I ^HERE is scarcely a phase of Greek intellectual and
I artistic life that does not reflect some trace of the
Orient, some of it specifically Arabian. Coming
to the days of Byzantium, how much of the so-called
Syrian influence ought to be accounted Arabian, is still to
be investigated. The recent researches of Professor J. H.
Breasted have demonstrated that Byzantine painting can
be traced back to an oriental source, and notably to
Palmyraean art. 1 Palmyra was the chief commercial en-
trepot in Northern Arabia. It fed Antioch,. the mart of
oriental trade for Europe. Paul of Samosata (third cen-
tury), who was Bishop of Antioch, then part of the Arab
kingdom of Palmyra, was the vice-regent of the Arab
Queen Zenobia. He created a stir in ecclesiastic circles by
his innovations in the music of the Syrian church, and
one is inclined to ask what this new type of music was
that so raised the ire of Eusebius? Could it have been
the pagan music of Palmyra? He certainly employed

* Breasted, "Oriental Forerunners of Byzantine Painting "
(1923). See also Peirce and Tyler, " Byzantine Art" (1926).
Bouchier, " Syria as a Roman Prjvince " (1916), Chap. XII.

PRE-ISLAMIC ORIENTAL INFLUENCES. 163

female singers in his choirs, and the music was accom-
panied by hand-clapping, the Arabian safq. l9>

Long- ago it was suggested that the florid song, the
antiphon, and the neumes, came from the Syrian church.*
St. Basil (died 379), defending the practice of antiphonal
singing, argued in justification, that the elect of the
church in Arabia, Phoenicia, Syria, and neighbouring
lands, indulged in this custom. 5

The question of the origin of the neumes has been dis-
cussed by many able writers/ but the derivation of the
mediaeval word neuma, from the Greek vevpa ("a nod,
sign "), is not satisfactory. It seems far more likely that
the word came from the Syriac ne'mo ( = sonus, vox,
cantilena), which we find in St. Ephraem (died 378) and
Philoxenos (died circa 523). The Hebrew ne'imah and
the Arabic naghma have the same meaning as the Syriac. 5

1& Cf . "Bulletin of the John Rylands' Library, Manchester,"
xi, 160-1.

2 Gevaert, " Melopee Antique," xxxii, et seq.
s Sozomen, " Hist. Eocles.,' 7 li, Iv, cap. xxvi.

& Coussemaker, " Hist, de rharmonie au Moyen-Age " (1852);
Schubiger, " Die Sangerschule San Gallen" (1856) ; Pothier, "Les
melodies grSgoriennes ..." (1880); Fleischer, " Neumenstudien "
(1895-1904) and "Die germaniseher Neumen" (1923); Gassier,
" Les hirmoi de Paques dans 1'office grec " (1905); Gastoue, u Les
origines de Chant Romain " (1907); Thibaut, " Origine byzan-
tine de la notation neumatique de 1'Eglise Latine " (1907) ; Banis-
ter, " Monumenti Vaticani J> (1913).

6 Riemann noticed the likenes of the Latin to the Talmudio-
Hebrew word. (" Handbuch d. Musikgeschichte," 1904-13, i, ii,
82.)

164 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

In the middle ages the Latin neuma stood for vocum
emissio, modulation

It was certainly from Syria that the eight church modes
of Western Europe came. 7 They were the Syriac ikhadias

See Du Cange, "Gloss.," s.v. " Neuma" and " Pneuma."
See also Nicholson, " Early Bodleian Music " (1901) ; and Thibaut,
" Monuments de la notation ekphone*tique et neuma tique " (1912).

7 Gevaert, " M61opee Antique," 106; Jeannin, " Melodies Litur-
giques," i, 85.

Cf. " Bulletin of the John Ey lands' Library, Manchester," xi,
140.

10.

ISLAMIC SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES.

AS for the schools and colleges of the Arabs, Miss
Schlesinger suggests that the late tenth century
is the earliest that can be adduced for the Arabs
of Spain. 2 She says : " Mosheim speaks of the semin-
aries of learning established by the Arabs in Cordova and
Seville late in the tenth century and gives them full
credit for the excellence of their teaching." 2 The impres-
sion is erroneous since the Arab schools in Spain can be
traced to the eighth century. First of all, however, let us
examine the reference to Mosheim. Maclaine's transla-
tion, to which Miss Schlesinger refers, is now authorita-
tively discarded, 5 although in the question at issue the
point is unimportant.

In the first place, Mosheim refers to the learning of the
Arabs in the ninth century. He says : " The Arabians be-
gan to find pleasure in Grecian science, and to propagate
it by degrees not only in Syria and Africa, but also in

^ The words are italicised by her.
" Musical Standard," xxvii, 209 b.

5 Mosheim, " Institutes of Ecclesiastical History/' translated by
Murdock and Reid, 1848; preface, iii. " Encyclopaedia Britan-
nica," xviii, 898.

1 66 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Spain and even in Italy? 1 * Further, when he does come to
the tenth century^ not late in the tenth century as Miss
Schlesinger writes, he shows that Europe was deeply in-
debted to the Arabs. He says : 6 " Truth requires us to
say that the Saracens or Arabs, particularly of Spain,
were the principal source and fountain of whatever know-
ledge of medicine, philosophy, astronomy and mathema-
tics, flourished in Europe from the tenth century on-
wards." In the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries,
Western Europe was still borrowing from the Arabs, says
Mosheim. 6 In view of the importance of this question of
the date of Arab schools and colleges, especially in Al-
Andalus or Spain, the matter deserves attention.

Schools in Islamic lands may be traced back to the
dawn of Islam, when Abu'l-Darda (died 652) taught in
the mosque. Knowledge of the Qur'an had made schools
imperative, and the mosque was invariably the locus of
the teaching. 7 In the elementary schools, reading, writing
and computation were taught. When 'Abd al-Rahman I
(died 788) founded the principal mosque at Cordova, he
took care to endow colleges and schools attached to it. 8
His successor Hisham I (died 796) founded more schools. 9
whilst f Abd al-Rahman II (died 852) raised schools in
many other cities, and at the principal mosque at Cordova

4 Mosheim, op. cit., 291.

^ Ibid., 332.

* Mosheim, op. cit., 352, 400, 441.

?Ibn Khallikan, " Biog. Diet.," i, xxx, et seq.

Conde, " Hist, of .... the Arabs in Spain," i, 223.

9 Ibid., i, 239.

ISLAMIC SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. 167

he maintained three hundred orphan scholars. 10 Precisely
the same sort of thing may be traced in other Islamic
lands. It was said of Harun (died 809) that he never
built a mosque without endowing a school attached to it

Out of the Hadlth ("Traditions''), law schools grew
where Qur'anic exegesis and criticism, as well as jurispru-
dence, metaphysics ( ? ), rhetoric and lexicography were
taught. These were controlled by the various legal sects.
Generally speaking, however, these law schools did not
teach the quadrivium. This course was reserved for tech-
nical colleges and the schools of private professors/ 1 ex-
cept in Al-Andalus where " all the sciences were taught in
the mosques " and not in technical colleges. 22

Students desirous of treading the " seven-fold path "
after leaving the elementary schools,, entered the law
schools and technical colleges or the schools of private
professors. After a prescribed course, they received a
licentia (ijdza) which permitted them to teach, and was
the only passport to the liberal professions. The oldest
of these technical -colleges was probably the Bait al-
Hikma at Baghdad founded by Khalif Al-Ma'mun (died
833)- Some were devoted to special branches such as the
Baghdad Bimaristan, which was primarily a hospital. In
others, such as at the Ddr al-Hikma at Cairo, the entire
quadrivium and other sciences were taught. In the
schools of the private professors the student was lodged

10 Ibid., i, 274.

a Ibn Khallikan, i, xxx ; Narendra Nath Law, " Promotion! of
Learning in India during Muhammadan Rule/ 7 page 117.

Khallikan, i, xxxi; Al-Maqqari, " Moh. Dyn.," i, 140-1,

i68 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

and boarded, and many interesting particulars of this
type of teaching have been preserved. 15

Al-Andalus, and its interest in science is of particular
moment on account of its political and intellectual con-
tact with Western Europe. An Arab of Al-Andalus
named 3/id ibn Ahmad (died 1069) gives important in-
formation on this question. 1 ^ He says that in the days of
Muhammad I (852-86) "the learned of Al-Andalus ex-

1S A pupil of the famous mathematician, Kamal al-DIn ibn
Man 'a (born 1156), who was a collegiate professor, relates his first
interview with his master as follows: " He [Kamal al-Din] asked
me by what science I wished to begin. ' By [the theory of] music/
said I. ( That happens very well/ said he, ' for it is a long time
since anyone studied it under me, and I wished to converse with
some person on that science so as to renew my acquaintance with
it.' I then commenced [the theory of] music, after which I passed
successively to other sciences, and, in about the space of six
months, I went over more than forty works under his tuition. I
was already acquainted with [the theory of] music, but I wished
to be enabled to say that I had studied that science under him."
See Ibn Khallikan, iii, 471-3; and Abu'1-Fida'," " Annal. MOB!.,"
iv, 528.

For pictures of these private schools, see Martin, " Miniature
Painting and Painters of Persia, India and Turkey." A critical
work dealing with the schools and libraries of Islamic peoples is
badly needed. Middeldorpf, " Commentatio de institutis litera-
riis in Hispania" (1810); Murphy, " History of the Mahometan
Empire in Spain " (1816) ; and Viardot, " Histoire des Arabes et
des Mores d'Espagne " (1841), are out of date. More recent works,
such as Ribera, " Bibliofilos y bibliotecas en la Espafia musul-
mana" (1896) and " La Ensenanza entre los musulmanes espa-
fioles " (1893); " Sanchez Pe"rez, "Biografias d matematicos
arabes que florecieron en Espana " (1921) ; Khuda Bakhsh Khan,
"Islamic Libraries"; and Narendra Nath Law, "Promotion of
Learning in India during Muhammadan Rule," are useful.

Since the above was written the article on tho Kit&b kh&na has
appeared in the " Encyclopaedia of Islam."

^Al-Maqqari, " Moh. Dyn.," i, 140, and Appendix xl.

ISLAMIC SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. 169

erted themselves in the cultivation of science, and
laboured in it with assiduity, giving evident proofs of
their acquisitions in all manner of learning." In the sci-
ence of music, the first fruit was Ibn Firnas (died 888). 25
This continued, we are told, until the reign of Al-Hakam
II (died 976) when "the torch of science shone brighter
than ever." The scientific writings of the ancient Greeks
were especially studied. After his death the theologians
gained political power, and the study of some of the sci-
ences of the "Ancients" (the Greeks) was forbidden.
The sultan's magnificent library of four hundred thou-
sand volumes was ransacked of "heretical" books which
were destroyed wholesale. Throughout the land, the
same puritanical spirit prevailed.

The special subjects banned at this period would ap-
pear to have been natural philosophy and astronomy
( = astrology), whilst the sciences of medicine,, arithmetic
and presumably music, were permitted. That mathema-
tics in general flourished in spite of the ban, we know
from the fame of several contemporary professors. Of
the celebrity of Al-Andalus in these departments we have
the panegyric of Ibn Ghalib (died 1044) who likens the
Andalusians to the Indians " in their love of learning, as
well as their assiduous cultivation of science," and to the
Greeks " in their knowledge of the physical and natural
sciences." 16 Ibn al-Hijan (died 1194) says that during

15 See Ahmad Zaki Basha, " L' Aviation chez les Musulmans"
(Cairo, 1912).

16 Al-Maqqari, " Moh. Dyn.," i, 117-8. It is interesting to note
Ibn Ghalib' s explanation for the superiority of the Arabs of Al-
Andalus in the arts and sciences. According to him it was due to
planetary influence. Venus endowed them with " a lively imagin-

i/o ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

the rule of the Umayyads in Al-Andalus (eighth to
eleventh century), "students from all parts of the world
flocked .... to learn the sciences of which Cordova was
the most noble repository, and to derive knowledge from
the mouth of the doctors and 'ulama who swarmed in it*' 17

On the fall of the Umayyads in the eleventh century,
learning languished for a time, but with the rise of the
petty states there came a widespread revival, and it was
especially due to the Amir Yahya al-Ma'mun (died 1074)
of Toledo that the mathematical sciences were particu-
larly fostered. 1 * Indeed, Al-Shaqandl (died 1231) says
that "the cause of science and literature, instead of los-
ing, gained considerably " by the break-up of Al-Andalus
into the petty states. 29

It is worthy of notice that the phrases studium generate
and universitas collegium are equivalent to the Arabic
madrasa kulliyya? . In the Islamic colleges in Cairo
under the Fatimids, the doctors in the various faculties
wore distinctive gowns (khila*), and it is said that the
ordinary gown of British universities retains the original
form of the Arabian khiVa. In the Alhambra at Granada
there is a wall painting (thirteenth century) depicting the
sultan in conclave with two* of the l ulama or fuqaha. The
latter wear the bands or labels on their collars that we see

ation, elegance of manners .... love of pleasure and music, "
whilst Mercury was responsible for their " ardour in the acquisi-
tion of learning, love of philosophy and the natural sciences." Al-
Maqqari discreetly criticises this view.

17 Al-Maqqari, i, 30.

uibid., i, 384.

**Ibid., i, 35. See also i, 37, 40, 42, 53, 67.
*0 Davidson, " History of Education," 169,

ISLAMIC SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. 171

on the vestments of our ecclesiastics and lawyers even to
the present day. 2 The greater part of Spanish words de-
rived from the Arabic are concerned with the arts and
sciences.*

i Murphy, " The Arabian Antiquities of Spain/' pi. xlv.
*Hu.rtado and Palencia, " Hi&toria de la literatura Espanola "
(1925), page 50. See also Dozy and Engelmann, " Glossaire des
mots espanols et portugais derives de l'Arabe, n

11.

THE ARABIC LANGUAGE IN SPAIN.

f ">HE reference by Alvarus (ninth century) to " Arabic
I books" (volumina Caldaeorum) being studied so
assiduously by Spanish Christians may refer es-
pecially to the so-called "Chaldaean sciences/' 2 As
early as 719 (7724) we read that Johannes Episcopus
Seviliensis had translated the Bible into Arabic. 1 In 804
we find Arabic having official use in charters, and even
Arabic versions of canonical decrees appeared,, to say
nothing of the records of Christian churches being kept in
this language. From all this it may be taken for granted
that the Christian clergy were as well if not better ac-
quainted with Arabic than with Latin. 5 Indeed, it is
confessed that " it is a marvel with what rapidity Arabic
was adopted in the conquered territories ; in fact it seems
to have spread like wild-fire/' 4

*See Bubnov, op. cit., 372; Thorndike, op. cit., i, 711.
*Juan do Mariana, "Hist. gen. de Espana," vii, 3; Walton,
"Bibl. Polyglot 7 ' (Prol. xiv), i, 93-7. See the article by the ori-
entalist, H. S. Gehman, in " Speculum," April, 1926.

s Wiener, op. cit., i, 42; Hume, " Spanish Influence on English
Literature/' 12.

* " Speculum/' April, 1926, page 221.

THE ARABIC LANGUAGE IN SPAIN. 173

Concerning the Codex Toletanus of Isidore's "Etymo-
logiae " which contains Arabic " glosses " said to date from
the eighth century, it may be of interest to mention that
there is but a solitary Arabic "gloss" in the section on
" Music." It occurs in lib. iii, cap. xxi, which deals with
"Wind Instruments." Opposite the exordium is the Ara-
bic "gloss," al-nay. This is the generic Arabic term for
"wood-wind instruments." 5 It is accompanied by a de-
sign of a horn or trumpet. 6

It was the same with the Jews. From the ninth century
Arabic was used by them even in liturgical writings,
prayers and poems, 7 for this language, with the study of
the Halacha, flowed with the Arabs over North Africa and
Spain. 8 The complaint of Alvarus that the Christian con-
gregation spoke Arabic was echoed by Ibn Gabirol or
Avicebron (died circa 1070) concerning his Jewish co-re-
ligionists, when he said that one half of them spoke Idu-
mean (Romance) and the other half the tongue of Kedar
(Arabic).

5 This is the Persian way of writing the word. In Arabic it is
"Usually written al-nay.

* See Beer's phototype edition of this codex (Leyden, 1909), fol
28.

7 Steinschneider, " Jewish Literature," 65.
id, page 61.

12.

THE FIRST ARABIC LATIN TRANSLATIONS.

CONCERNING the Latin translation of Arabic
works, Miss Schlesinger says : *

" This would probably not be before the end of
the twelfth century or the beginning of the thirteenth cen-
tury at the earliest, for the college of translators from
Arabic into Latin, founded in 1130 by Raymund, Arch-
bishop of Toledo, set to work first of all upon Aristotle
and the medical, mathematical and philosophical writings
of the Greeks."

The first statement is erroneous, and the remainder is
assumption. As Professor Lynn Thorndike has recently
said : " The first translations of mathematical and astro-
nomical works from the Arabic go back to the tenth cen-
tury at least?* a point I have fully demonstrated. 5 From
the evidence of the vogue of Arabic among the Spanish
clergy in the eighth to ninth centuries (see Appendix 11)
it is not improbable that the work of translation began

*" Musical Standard," xxvii, 23 b.

* Thorndike, " History of Magic and Experimental Science/'
i, 772.

s See ante, p. 24.

THE FIRST ARABIC LATIN TRANSLATIONS. 175

even as early as this. I do not see how it could be other-
wise, seeing that it is now generally admitted by the best
authorities that the Arabs could claim intellectual leader-
ship from the eighth century, 4 and the sciences were al-
ready in full swing in Al-Andalus by the ninth century. 5
Latin translations from the Arabic of the Greek treatises
on the sciences can possibly be traced two centuries
earlier than the date given by Miss Schlesinger. Cer-
tainly they were made one century earlier (i.e., in the
eleventh century), as we know of Constantine the African
(d. 1087) as a translator. There were also many workers
outside of Spaing such as Adelard of Bath (c. 1120),
Stephen of Antioch (c. 1127), Peter of Monte Cassino
(c. 1127), and Eugenius of Sicily (c. 1154).

As for the statement 7 concerning a "college of trans-
lators .... founded in 1130 by Raymund," it must be
pointed out that history knows absolutely nothing of a
formal " college of translators/' 8 much less a specific date
for its foundation. What we do know is from the dedica-
tions of two Toletan translators of the period, Gundissa-
linus (= Gundisalvi) and Johannes (ibn) David (= John

4 The latest are, Dr. Charles Singer, "The Evolution of Anat-
omy" (1925), 67; and F. E. Bobbins and L. C. Karpinski, "The
Arithmetic of Nicomachus " (1926), p. 143.

*Al-Maqqari, " Moh. Dyn.," i, 140, and xl.
6 In Spain, it was not merely at Toledo that the translations
were made. Pamplona, Tarazona, Leon, Barcelona and Segovia
are mentioned in this respect.

? Schlesinger, " Musical Standard/' xxvii, 23, b.
*The phrase has certainly been used by others.

176 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

of Seville, John of Spain) that they worked at the bidding
of Raymund, whose archiepiscopate dates from 1125-51.*
In the question of Latin translations of Greek works
from the Arabic, it is interesting to note that the bulk of
the Greek MSS. are later than the Latin, and that the
Latin are later than the Arabic. 20

* Jaffe-Lowenfeld, " Regesta," No. 7273.
10 Campbell, " Arabian Medicine " (1926), i, 122.

13.

GERBERT AND THE ARABIAN CONTACT.

GERBERT (d. 1003) played a very important part
in the renewal of scientific pursuits which had
fallen into desuetude after the collapse of the
Carolingian Empire. 1 War and rapine the Norsemen,
the Slavs, and the Muslims, as well as internecine strife,
had brought exhaustion of intellectual activity, at any
rate in the sciences, to Western Europe. Rheims, the
centre of culture in France, had seriously declined since
the days of Remy of Auxerre (d. 908), and by the manner
in which Bishop Adalberon (d. 989) speaks, it would ap-
pear that studies had practically ceased. 2 At Cluny
things were not much better. The reforms of Odo (d.
942), primarily a moral ordering, had a reflex influence
on letters, although Odo looked on the classics with dis-
favour, 5 a lead which was followed by many monasteries.
At Cluny, the subjects of the quadrivium were but little
studied/ In Italy the condition of learning was equally

*Gevaert, " Melopee Antique," 187.

2 Richer, iii, 42.

JMabillon, " Acta Sanct. O.S.B.," Sfiec. V, 154.
JPfistner, ''Etudes sur la regne de Robert le Pieux," 2. Cf.
Sackiir, "Die Cluniacenser," ii, 330.

13

178 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

as deplorable. 5 Germany, however, had already moved
forward under the impulse of Bruno (d. 965). It was he,
it is said, who restored the long-ruined fabric of the seven
liberal arts. 6

With the Capetian rule in France, the Saxon in Ger-
many, and the influence of Otto I in Italy at the close of
the tenth century, there came social and political stabil-
ity. In their train there followed a revival of culture.
The external forces contributing to this revival were
Byzantium and Al-Andalus, the latter probably the
greater on account of its proximity and because its culture
was nearer the level of that of Western Europe. 7 In Al-
Andalus of the Arabs, learning flourished on every hand,
as we have already seen, 8 especially under Al-Hakam II
(961-76), the period of Gerbert's sojourn in the Spanish
March.

The socio-political importance of Al-Andalus in the
tenth century must have enhanced the propagation of Ara-
bian culture. Quite apart from the Muzdrabes and
Mudejares? to say nothing of the Jews who acted as the

6 Gregorovius, "History of the City of Rome in the Middle
Ages," iii, 136, 146.

SR. L. Poole, " Illustrations, " 86.

7 This is the view of C. W. Previte Orton, " Outlines of Mediae-
val History " (1924), p. 91.

8 See Appendix 10.

* The Mudijares were the Arabs who remained in the Spanish
lands after the Christian reconquest. We read of them as early
as the ninth century, and they remained until the final expulsion
of the Arabs in 1606-10. Of their political importance under
Christian rulers we have ample proof in the numerous filer os or
capitulations granted them, notably those of Huesca (1081), Tudela
(1115), and Jativa (1251), where we see the Mudejares in full
possession of rights to exercise their religion, laws, language,
dress and customs.

GERBERT AND THE ARABIAN CONTACT. 179

via media between Eastern and Western civilisations, the
constant intercourse, political, industrial and com-
mercial, 10 between Western Europe and Al-Andalus and
Sicily must have counted considerably in the question of
the loaning of ideas. 11 " Saragossa was fast growing into
an important seat of Arabic learning. Christians met
with little persecution at the hands of the Muhammadans,
and Jews travelled freely between the two states. It is
therefore by no means improbable that much Arabic
learning was common in the Spanish March." 12 It was
in the latter that Gerbert spent the formative years of
his intellectual life. (See ante> p. 32.)

Smith and Karpinski (" The Hindu-Arabic Numerals,"
III), following Havet ("Lettres de Gerbert," vii), say that
Barcelona was the only Christian province in immediate

1 The political intercourse was rather important. From the
time of 'Abd al-Rahman III (912-61) to Al-Hisham II (976-1009)
many important embassies from foreign courts visited Cordova,
including Asturias and Leon, Navarre, Catalonia (= Barcelona),
Castille, France, Germany, Normandy, Rome, Byzantium and
the Slav kingdom. The importance of these embassies from a
point of view of culture diffusion can best be gathered from the
accounts of Al-Maqqarl (" Moh. Dyn.," ii, 137-43; 159-68). On
two occasions, at least, the KhaliPs ambassadors to foreign courts
were Christian bishops ! Al-Maqqari, i, 482 ; ii, 139.

** Cunningham, " An Essay on Western Civilisation/* ii, 116.

*s u English Historical Review," vii, 627. In Christian Spain,
outside of the monasteries and abbeys, illiteracy prevailed, and
even the judges in civil courts could not sign their own names.
See Adreth, " Jiidische Unterrichtswesen wahrend der Spanisch-
Arabischen Periode," i, 982; vii, 74, and Kayserling, "Jiidische
Erziehungswesen." The people bartered commodities as they had
no coinage. " Espana Sagrada," xix, 383. Arabian and Jewish
scholars were always welcome. Indeed, for measuring their land
the Spaniards had to rely on the help of the "infidels," F. de
Berganza, " Antiguedades de Espana," i, 197.

i8o ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

touch with Arabian civilisation at this time. This is not
correct. The kingdom of Asturias and Leon as well as
that of Navarre were in the closest touch with Al-Andalus.
It was 'Abd al-Rahman III who* restored Sancho to his
throne in 962. His rival, Ordono, was busy at Cordova
in the reign of Al-Hakam (d. 976) with political intrigue.
During the Gerbert period, Asturias and Leon under
Ramiro III (967-82) was in peaceful contact with Al-
Andalus. 13 Barcelona, which partly derives its name
from the Arabic form, of Barshiluna, was occupied by the
Arabs from 713 to 80 1. It was again held by them for
a short time in 856, and once more in the following cen-
tury from 985 to 987.^

What Gerbert learned from Arabic sources, either from
books or from teachers, direct or indirect, during his
sojourn in the Spanish March we have no precise evidence
of. What accrued later from his contact with Arabian cul-
ture is palpable. There are strong reasons for believing
that whilst he was teaching at Rheims a more definite pre-
hension of Arabian culture was made by Western
Europe. After the death of Al-Hakam (976) and the
elevation of the wazir Al-Mansur to the chief position of
state in Al-Andalus, the " Greek " sciences were proscribed.
(See Appendix X.) The inhibition was rigorously en-

u As for fhe chief cities in culture contact, Zamora in Leon was
only forty miles distant from Salamanca in Al-Andalus. The An-
dalusian cities of Tudela and Saragassa were about fifty and
eighty miles respectively from Pamplona, in Navarre, whilst the
Andalusian towns of Tarragona and Lerida were about sixty and
eighty miles respectively from Barcelona.

WDozy, "Hist, des Musul. d'Espagne," iii, 199, says that the
final capture of Barcelona by the Christians was in 987, but Al-
Maqqari, " Moh. Dyn.," i, 74, says that it was in 993-4.

GERBERT AND THE ARABIAN CONTACT. 181

forced, and it is not unlikely that many of the profes-
sorial class were compelled to leave Cordova and contigu-
ous cities, and to seek refuge in the semi-independent
Arab states in the north, or even in the Spanish March. 75
It was possibly partly due to this immigration that a
fresh tide of Arabian culture was spread northward, rein-
forcing the movement of translation into Latin of Arabic
works that had already begun. 26 We see how this cul-
ture had penetrated by reference to two MSS. of northern
Spain which date from 976 and 992." At any rate, Ger-
bert was imbued with the new culture from the south,
which we have a fair index of in his demands for books,
and above all in his treatise on the astrolabe. We are
told that Gerbert "was the first to introduce into the
schools instruments as an assistance to the study of
arithmetic, astrology and geometry." 18 It is not im-
probable that he was also the first to make practical use
of the monochord in the speculative and practical theory

* 5 Immigrants from Al-Andalus had been carriers of its culture
on other occasions. The persecutions of the Muzarabes in the
ninth century , drove them into Christian lands, where they car-
ried with them the new architectural devices of Al-Andalus.
Rivoira, " Moslem Architecture" (1918), 241, 284, 346. In the
twelfth century, much Arabian science was spread abroad by Ara-
bian and Jewish savants, who sought an asylum beyond Al-An-
dalus out of the reach of the persecuting Muwahljtids, to say
nothing of the ten thousand Muzarabes who were driven out.
Farmer, " Arabian Influence on Musical Theory," 10, 12. Geiger,
"Lit. bl. der Israeliten" (1846), 134.

J*See ante, p. 24.

17 P. Ewald, " Mittheilungen, Neues Archiv. d. Gesells. fur
altere deutsche Geschichtskunde," viii, 354 et seq. Steffens,
" Lateinisch Palaographie," xxxix, et seq.

"Engl. Hist. Rev.," vii, 631.

1 82 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

of music. Whatever the earlier theorists of music had
to say about the monochord and its divisions, they merely
echoed the book-lore of Boethius. Gerbert, on the other
hand, appears to have used it for practical demonstra-
tion to his pupils, and was probably the first to do so in
Western Europe. 15

Music theory was one of the courses of the quadrivium>
and was purely a question of mathematics. 20 Richer, the
biographer and pupil of Gerbert, deals with his master's
contribution to the quadrivium. After the science of
arithmetic was studied, says Richer, 1 Gerbert " passed to
the theory of music, which was unknown to the Gauls
before his time. He established on the monochord its
divisions (genera), distinguishing the consonances or
symphonies in tones and semitones, ditones as well as
dieses ; and by dividing the notes (toni) into sounds con-
sistent with reason, he brought the theory of music to the
greatest perfection."*

The fact that Gerbert was known in the twelfth cen-
tury as "The Musician/' shows quite definitely that he
must have made an important impression in this sphere

19 This opinion of the practical use of the monochord is in har-
mony with Gerbert's practice in the other mathematical sciences :
hifl use of the abacus in arithmetic and of spheres in astronomy.
*0 Hearnshaw, op. cit., 195. Maitre, op. cit., 238.

*St. Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274), in his " Summa Theologiae,"
makes music proceed from arithmetic. Robert Kilwardby (d.
1279) linked them together.

'Richer, "Hist.," iii, 49. See also Gttadet, "Richer: His-
toire de son temps/' ii, 55. Maitre, " Les Ecoles Episcopales et
Monastiques de 1'Occident," 238.

GERBERT AND THE ARABIAN CONTACT. 183

in his day. 5 What his definite contribution was to music
we cannot say, since we have no word (outside his repu-
tation in organ construction) beyond what Richer has
vouchsafed. Since the time of Regino (d. 915) and pro-
bably Hucbald (d. 930) there had been no real contribu-
tion to the theory of music. 4 The former was for the
most part a servitor of Martianus Capella, Boethius, Cas-
siodorus, Isidore, and Aurelian of R6ome. 6 As for the
latter, although the critics have only left " De Harmonica
Institutione " to his credit, one cannot be too sure that
even this is his. 6 In fact, the reputation of Gerbert and
that of his illustrious successor, Guido of Arezzo (d. 1050),
(to whom almost every invention in music has been attri-
buted), leads one to wonder how many of the treatises
on the theory of music ascribed to the ninth-tenth cen-
turies really belong to the eleventh. Modern research

s " Histoire Litteraire de la France," vi, 600. So great was
Gerbert' s reputation in the qiiadrivium that students came from
many lands to study under him (Richer, iii, 55). Some are claimed
as his pupils who could not have been. Odericus Vitalis says that
both Remy of Auxerre (d. 908) and Hucbald (d. 930), studied
under him, when, as a matter of fact, they were dead before Ger-
bert was born. Possibly Remy of Treves, for whom Gerbert made
spheres, is intended for the former, whilst the latter may have
been a later Hucbald. See Riemann, " Diet. Mus.," sub
11 Hucbald."

4 The works of Hrotswitha and Odorannus (late tenth century)
contain opuscula on music which have been generally ignored by
historians of music. See " Pat. Lat.," cxxxvii, 1029, cxlii,
807-14. Hrotswitha sang the praises of Cordova.

5 Fifteen out of the nineteen chapters of his treatise are taken
up by these borrowings.

fiSee Muller, " Hucbald's echte u. unechte Schriften fiber
Musik."

184 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

has apportioned a number of these to their proper places, 7
but there still remain some anomalies.

The quadrivium, says Mosheim, was more generally
omitted in the course of studies, the trivium (grammar,
logic, rhetoric) being thought sufficient. Tt was a difficult
course/ and the most arduous of its subjects was music.
Regino (d. 915) was alarmed at the vastness of the study
(music) and the difficulty of grasping its technicalities,
which only the favoured few could master. 9 The famous
logician, Garamnus, Archdeacon of Rheims and Lothair's
ambasssador to Otto I, who became a pupil of Gerbert's
for the theory of music in the year 971, was compelled
to relinquish the study because he found it too difficult 7 ' 7
The musicus in these days was concerned only with the
speculative theory of music as a branch of mathematics.
He was therefore quite distinct from the cantor or prczcen-
tor, who, as a rule, only dealt with the practical theory
of music. 11 The time had come when the speculative

7 In Martin Gerbert's " Scriptores " the tracts called " De octo

tonis," " De tetracordis," " De octo modis" and " De mensura

fistularum organicarum," attributed to Notker Balbulus (d. 912),

really belong to Notker Labeo (d. 1022). As for Hucbald (d. 930),

the " Musica enchiriadis," " Scholia enchiriadis," " Commemor-

atio brew/' and the additional fragments appended to " De

harmonica institufcione " (Martin Gerbert, "Script.," i, 122, et

seq.) also belongf to a later period, some^ indeed, to the eleventh

century. Similarly, the tracts ascribed to Odo of Cluny (d. 942)

are much later?, "the "Dialogus" probably eleventh century, and

the* 4* Intohariumi " (Coussemaker, ii, 117) may bo thirteenth

century /| Cf . Grove, " Diet. Mus.," second edition, iii, 427.

"Pat. Lat., j; oxxxvii, 1029.

9 Gerbert, "Script.," i, 246-7.

^Richer, "Hist./' iii, 45.

"Maitre, "Les Ecoles episoopalee et monastiques," .... 238.
Guadet, " Richer," ii, 51, 55. Hearnshaw, op. cit., 195.

GERBERT AND THE ARABIAN CONTACT. 185

theory of the Greeks had to take a secondary place in
view of the needs of practical theory, and this would
appear to have been the teaching of Gerbert.

Gerbert's teaching- in the quadrivium was soon spread
abroad by his pupils, and we can see the extent of some
of it in Bernelinus (c. 990), Adalboldus (d. 1027), and
Fulbertus (d. 1028). Bernelinus passed on the teaching
of the new Arabian ghubar numerals, 12 which he appears
to have learned from Gerbert. 13 The Pseudo-Bernelinus
" Cita et vera divisio monochordi in diatonico genere "
contains these numerals, 14 and so does the Pseudo-Odo
of Cluny tract entitled " Regular Domni Oddonis super
abacum." 15 It was to Adalboldus that Gerbert addressed
" the first mathematical paper of the Middle Ages which
deserves this name." 16 The musical tract of Adalboldus
that has been preserved is based, however, on Boethius,
and is unoriginal. 17 Of Fulbertus we know only of his
general interest in the quadrivium. When he arrived at
Chartres, says Guitmundus of A versa, "the liberal arts

" (Euvree de Gerbert," 361. Picavet, "Gerbert,"
182.

^Bubnov, " Gerberti postea Silvestri II papse opera^mathe-
matica," x.

^ Martin Gerbert, " Scriptores," i, 312, et seq. Much of the
contents is identical with Pseudo-Hucbald (Gerbesrt, " Script*,"
121, et seq.). Whilst setting off from Boethian premises, it re-
veals some independent thought. *

tf Gerbert, "Script.," i, 296, et seq. See, however, the foot-
note on p. 296.

tfHankel, " Zur Geschichte der Mathem^tik in Alterthum u,
Mittelalter" (1874), 86. Cajori, "Hist, of Maths." (1919), 116.
Gerbert, " Script.," i, 303, et seq.

1 86 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

had all but become extinct in the land/ 1 He certainly
advanced the music of the liturgy at Chartres. 18

Notker Labeo (d. 1022) is another name worthy of men-
tion at this period, whether he was affected by Gerbertian
studies or not. The fact that he translated Martianus
Capella's "De Nuptiis" into German rather puts him
back into the early Middle Ages culturally. Several of
his tracts on music written in German are of interest. ig

A X is Taylor, "The Mediaeval Mind," i, 299.

^Gerbert, " Script./' i, 95, et seq. Here they are ascribed
to Notker Balbulus.

14.

THE STUDY OF THE THEORY OF MUSIC IN
THE MIDDLE AGES.

THAT the theory of music was studied at Monte
Cassino at this period we know from works written
by Albericus and Alphagus. At the same time
we must not forget that the theory of music invariably
meant a knowledge of Boethius, or Martianus Capella,
or Cassiodorus, or Isidore, or even St. Augustine. Even
when the earliest of the theorists appeared in the mid-
ninth century, their works scarcely found acceptance out-
side the land of their birth. Some years ago, when col-
lecting material for a history of mediaeval music, I drew
up a table of the treatises on the theory of music men-
tioned in the library catalogues (private collections ex-
cepted) from the eighth to the twelfth century, as given
in Becker's "Catalog! Bibliothecarum Antiqui" (Bonn,
1885). I append it because it has a certain interest. We
must bear in mind, however, that this table only has a
comparative value, and it must not be assumed that only
this number of books was in existence. Obviously, only
the library catalogues that have come down to ujhave
been scheduled. Boethius is a case in point, for although
only six manuscripts of the ninth-eleventh century are

1 88 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

mentioned by Becker, yet we actually possess to-day, at
least seven copies covering this period. 1

It is significant how Boethius and the old compends
still held sway in the twelfth century. Out of the eighty-
two treatises, only twelve can be said to represent ninth-
twelfth century teaching. 9

4 See -Friedlein's edition of Boethius (Leipzig, 1867), pp. 1-2.
*I.e., from Aurelian of Reom6 onwards, including Eemy of
Auxerre and the doubtful Folcrad.

Music IN THE MIDDLE AGES.

189

flit

g. STg

O* r

tr

B 5 o

S-/3* S

3S

B " M
i* 4 tr

* s I

" S

e

i s-

>-* cr

c-
o

?.

t

C5
I

kO h-

IIP

Century.

00 O

CO fcO

Number of catalogues consulted.

S5 CO
*>

to to

C" CO

Total number of volumes indexed.

00 H-I tO kO 1

Total number of volumes on
theory of music indexed.

the

M M | M |

Vitruvius. 3

& * ^ - 1

Macrobius.*

*-,.., |

St. Augustine.

t CO

CO | |

Martianus Cape 11 a.

i - i i

Commentaries and glossaries
Martianus Cape 1 la.

on

g ~ * ~ I

Boethius.

to |

fcO bd |

Cassiodorus.

g *. CO 00 |

Isidore.

M 1 - 1

Alcuin. 6

10 M M

Hraban Maur.

1 1

1 to 1

1 1

De sept. art. lib.

1 1

1 - 1

Sept. art. qusest.

1 - 1 1 1

De mnsica.

to |

1 1 1

Aurelian [of Re*ome*J.

- 1 - 1 1

Remy of Auxerre.

1 - 1 1 1

Folcrad. *' < *r*'* ^

"" 1

1 1 1

Hupald [? Hucbalaj^ , *

t * 1

1 1 i

Otto [? Odo j.

CO fcO 1 I 1

Musioa enchiriadis.

- 1 1 1 1

Berne [? Berno].

CO |

t 1 1

Guido.

15.

THE ROMAN THEORISTS OF MUSIC.

ALTHOUGH Rome copied Greece in philosophy
and the fine arts, its imitation, so far as music
was concerned, stopped at the practical art, and
even then, Syrian influences had almost as weighty a
claim. At no period of Roman history does the theory
of music appear to have been studied with any diligence.
Cicero (d. 43 B.C.) is a fair specimen of the Roman temper
on this question when he deplores in "De Finibus" (v, 19)
that the great Anstoxenos should have devoted so much
attention to the theory of music. Music is certainly in-
cluded in the "Libri novem disciplinarum " of Varro
(d. 27 B.C.), but we do not know what it amounted to, since
the work has not survived. 1 It was Varro probably who
introduced or popularised the quadrwium (arithmetic,
geometry, music and astronomy) 2 in the education of a
liber homo. Undoubtedly, this was the curriculum in the
time of Seneca (d. 65 A.D.) 5 and Quintilian (d. 96 A.D.)/
both of whom refer to Varro.

iRitschl, "Opuacula," iii, 371. Of. Bossier, " Etude sur la
Vie et les Ouvrages de M. T. Van-on."

2 Astronomy = astrology.

3 Seneca, " Epist. Moral.," lib. xiii, ep. iii.

k Quintilian, " Inst. Orat.," i, 10.

THE ROMAN THEORISTS OF Music. 191

Yet we must realise what was meant by the term " theory
of music " as implied in the courses of the Roman quad-
rivium, and why it was studied. Cicero shows us quite
plainly that the ideal in education was the orator. There-
fore whilst it was necessary that an educated man should
know all the so-called "liberal arts," his knowledge of
them need only be sufficient for the purposes of descrip-
tion. He illustrates the point by selecting as an exam-
ple so famous a man as Aratus, who treated of the heavens
and the constellations in so excellent a manner, and yet
was really ignorant of astronomy. 5 Clearer still is the
testimony of Quintillian, who insists that grammar and
rhetoric form the bases of education, to which a brief
study of music, astronomy, geometry and philosophy
might be added. Music was a supplement to grammar,
for, as Quintillian says, the grammarian has to deal with
metre and rhythm. 6 Again, he says, music ought to be
studied so that one could appreciate the modulation of
the voice in oratory, and also so that one could under-
stand the references to music in the poets. 7

Among the early Latins who dealt with the theory of
music were Vitruvius, Censorinus, Albinus and Macro-
bius. Since all of these writers had some influence dir-
ectly or indirectly on Western Europe, it may be profit-
able to consider their works.

Vitruvius (fl. 70 A.D.) reveals in a few words the actual
state of music theory in his day. He says : " The science
of music is an obscure and difficult subject, more so for

^ Cicero, " De Orat.," lib. i, cap. iv, xiv, xvi. Tacitus,
" Dial. Orat.," 30.

6 Quintilian, op. cit., lib. i, cap. iv, x.
7 See Seneca, " Epist.," Ixxxviii, for a view of the artes liberates.

192 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

those who do not know Greek, as the use of Greek words
is so necessary, seeing that there are no corresponding
Latin appellations/' He then goes on to summarise the
teachings of Aristoxenos, but erroneously. 8 Vitruvius
was but little known in the Middle Ages. 9

Censorinus (fl. 230) was the author of a work, " De die
natali," in which there are several chapters devoted to
music. 10 Another treatise found in some of the editions
of Censorinus entitled "Fragmentum Censoring" also
deals with music. 21 Neither of these works is of much
importance.

Albinus (fl. 335) is a writer on music only known to
us through Boethius 22 and Cassiodorus. 25 Carl von Jan
has written concerning him. 24

Macrobius (fl. 402) deals with music in his <f Com-
mentarius ex Cicero in Somnium Scipionis" and in his
" Saturnaliorum Conviviorum," the chief contribution
being in the former. He borrows from Nikomachos, and
is mainly concerned with the theory of the Harmony of
the Spheres. 25

8 Vitruvius, " De Architectural' lib. v, cap. iv. There are
other references to music, including the well-known description of
the hydrauUs. The work has been translated into English by
Newton (1771) and Gwilt (1826).

^See Appendix 14.

*0 Censorinus, " De die natali," x-xiii. It has been translated
into French by Mangeart (1843), and Nisard (1857).
"See the edition of Jahn (1845).
^Boethius, " Inst. Mus.," i, 12, 26.
Cassiodorus, in "Pat. Lat.," Ixx, 1212.

U " Philologus," Ivi, 163.
25 There is a French translation by Nisard (1863).

THE ROMAN THEORISTS OF Music. 193

These are the best known Latin theorists of music prior
to the barbarian invasions, and what they had to impart
had scarcely an iota of value for practical purposes.
Meanwhile, political and social forces were at work which
were rapidly changing the cultural outlook. The shift-
ing of the political centre from Rome to Byzantium (330)
took the practitioners, the real conservators of Greek
theory, away from Western Europe, and the art fell into
desuetude. 16 The decay was heightened by the new
social forces introduced by Christianity.

In the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries there were five
other " theorists " whose works filled the pages of almost
every writer on music from Aurelian of Reome (c. 850)
to Berno (d. 1048), when their authority began to fade, 17
I refer to St. Augustine, Martianus Capella, Boethius,
Cassiodorus and Isidore of Seville.

St. Augustine (d. 430) is counted among the theorists
of music by virtue of the treatise, " DC musica libri, vi,"
that bears his name. IS We know that he wrote such a
work in his thirty-third year (387) as part of a series on
the " liberal arts " (disciplinarum Libri), 10 and the work
named agrees with the description given by Cassiodorus. 20
Outside of lib. i, which gives a few definitions, the work

*(> Gevaert, " Melopee Antique/' 55.

17 Boethius, however, held a place at Oxford University until
/ho eighteenth century.

1&A good edition is that issued at Paris in 1830.
" Iletra,ctationes," i, 6. See also " De Ordine," ii, 10. " Con-
easiones," iv, 16, 30. In later years, St. Augustine appears to
lave regretted his earlier " sinful" intellectual labours. See his
etters ("Epist.," 110), where he refers to his treatise, " De
nusica."

20 "Pat. Lat.," Ixx, 1,212.

1 4.

IQ4 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

is not concerned with the theory of music proper, but
with rhythmi and pedes metric i, and bears out the point
already emphasised that with the Romans the "theory
of music " was more frequently studied as a complement
to grammar, as Quintillian says. Westphal calls the tract
a " very wordy and superficial discussion on rhythm and
metre." 1 It had considerable popularity, 3 and was even
circulated in an abridged version. 3

Martianus Capella (fl. 500)^ was the author of " De nup-
tiis Philologiae et Mercurii," a work which became one of
the textbooks of the Middle Ages. In the time of Gregory
of Tours (d. 594) it was practically the only textbook in
Gaul. Critics have almost unanimously condemned his
atrocious Latin. As for the material, it is, on the whole,
poor stuff that he offers as mental pabulum, revealing lack
of technical knowledge as well as careless handling. 5 His
music section is perhaps the best, which may be due to
the fact that it is in many cases a literal translation of
Aristeides (first-second cent. A.D.). Yet even here he
reveals his ignorance of his subject. 6

Boethius (d. 524) was undoubtedly the greatest of the
authorities upon whom the scholars of the Middle Ages

^Westphal, "Metrik der griechischen Dramatiker u. Lyriker "
(1868), i, 129.

2 See Appendix 14.
tf Printed in Mai, " Scriptorum vete-rum nova collectio," iii, 116.

4 For his date see the "English Historical Review/* v, 417.

sTeuffel and Schwabe, "Hist, of Roman Literature" (1900),
ii, 448.

fiWestphal, "Die Fragmente u. Lehrsatze d. griechischen
Rhythmiker " (1861), 47. Deiters, " Uber das Verhtiltniss der M
Capelle zu Aristides Quint. " (1881). For sources see also the
preface to Eyssenhardt's edition of " Mart. Cap.," xxxi.

THE ROMAN THEORISTS OF Music. 195

depended for the quadrivium, although not until the
second half of the ninth century. 7 His " Geometria " is
now practically accepted by most later critics to be an
interpolated work of a much later date. 5 His "Arith-
metica " and " Musica," however, may be considered
genuine, save perhaps for some tables in the latter.
Boethius was not a practical musician, and he tells us
nothing about contemporary practice, being mainly inter-
ested in the mathematico-musical science of the Greeks.
His sources have been partly traced by Miekley. 9 He is
not free from errors, 20 and one of these rather invites the
suspicion that his apparent knowledge of music was not
so great after all." On the whole, the influence of
Boethius wrought more harm than good.

Cassiodorus (d. c. 570), in his "De institutione divin-
arum litterarum," which deals with the trimum and quad-
rivium, naturally has a section on music. It treats of the
subject in a few words, 12 but, at any rate, its author knew
more about practical music than either Martianus Capella
or Boethius.*' 1 He also gives us an occasional glimpse of
contemporary music in his interesting letters ("Varias

7 The oldest MS. is the " Codex B amber gensis " (ninth century),
and the earliest use of Boethius is in Aurelian of Ileoine (c. 850).
s Ernst, " De Geometricis illis quge sub Boethii nomine nobis
tradita sunt qusestiones " (1903), and " Harvard Classical
Studies" (1907).
^Miekley, " De Boethii libri dc musica primi fontibus 5 ' (1899).

^W. Chappell, " Hist, of Music," i, 6-10.
"Boethius, " Inst. Mus.," i, 10. The best edition of Boethius
is that of Freidlein (1867). A German translation of "Be
Musica " was issued by Dakar Paul in 1872.

i*"Pat. Lat.," Ixx, 1,208. Gerbert, " Script.," i, 14.
is Bee Chappell, " Hist, of Music," i, 5-6.

196 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

epistolafe "). I/< For the sources in Cassiodorus see Abert,
" Zu Cassiodor. w

Isidore of Seville (d. 636) " stands last in the list, clos-
ing the development of Christian school learning in the
midst of a barbarism that was extinguishing not only
learning but civilised society in Western Europe." 16 His
" Etymologise " contains a book (No. Ill) entitled "De
quatuor disciplinis mathematicis," of which music is one.
Almost everything on this question the author derives
from Cassiodorus, but clearly he knew little about the
subject. 27

u For an English translation see Hodgkin, "The Letters of
Cassiodorus'* (1886).

15 In " Sammelbande der Internationalen Musi kgesellsch aft,"
iii, 439.

tfWest, "Alcuin," 27
""Pat. Lat.," Ixxxii. Gerbert, " Seriptores, 5> i, 19.

16.

THE SURVIVAL OF GREEK THEORY.

THE statement that " the ideals, principles and prac-
tice of the music of ancient Greece survived in
Europe," I have demonstrated was open to objec-
tion. 1 That the practice survived we have plenty of evi-
dence. As for ideals, there could be no question of their
survival under a Christian dispensation. On the ques-
tion of principles., however, Miss Schlesinger says : 2

" Mr. Farmer seems to think that if he shows taut bien
que mal the paucity of classical works surviving in the
libraries after the fall of the Roman Empire, and the
absence of any new Greek works after that date (so that
musicians could no longer study at first hand the trea-
tises of the Greek theorists) he will have proved that the
principles of Greek music did not survive in Europe!
That is an incredible fallacy,, as we shall see, for not all
the formidable array of quotations . . . will avail if we
are able to show the main principles of the Greek musical
system actually underlying the musical practice and
theory of the growing art of music at the dawn of West-

^ See ante, p. 40.
f " Musical Standard," xxvii, 23 b,

igS ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

ern civilisation. And after all, as Wooldridge says, oral
tradition took care of the theory of composition in the
modes (and so did the neums. K. S.)."

The mere absence of Greek works, either in the original
Greek or in Latin translation, was not, in itself, a deter-
mining factor with me in this question. I fully realise
the proverbial inconclusiveness of the argumentum ex
silentio. Reference to pp. 42-3 will show that my " for-
midable array of quotations " was concerned with the
causes which led to the decline of learning in the Middle
Ages. The paucity of classical works in the libraries
was simply one of the effects. Further, I was not con-
cerned with "the absence of any new Greek theoretical
works." What I did was to ask for evidence of any
Greek work whatsoever on the theory of music being used
as a textbook in Western Europe of the Middle Ages,
as had been stated. This evidence has not been -pro-
duced. If these works had existed, Vitruvius would not
have written as he did. Nor would Cassiodorus have
been compelled to admit that his sole Latin authorities
were Albinus, St. Augustine, Apuleius and the Greek
Gaudentios translated into Latin by Muciannus ( ? ). The
latter is the solitary Greek writer known in Latin in the
Middle Ages, and Miss Schlesinger has not named him.
He is of value because he follows Aristoxenos. Yet Cas-
siodorus is the only person who mentions this translation.
Boethius himself is excellent testimony to the question
at issue. Music theory, like arithmetic and geometry,
was locked away in a language which the Latins were
almost entirely ignorant of, and Bocthius declared that

DUJKV1VAL Ut VjKWLK. 1 HLJiUKY. 199

he wrote on these topics because he was a Greek scholar,
and Greek scholars alone could master them. 5

What Vitruvius, Censorinus, Albinus, Macrobius, St.
Augustine, Martianus Capella, Cassiodorus and Isidore
have to tell us about Greek theory is of little importance,
and absolutely worthless to " the growing art of music at
the dawn of western civilisation" that Miss Schlesinger
speaks of. Even Boethius might be included in this
statement, for I am not certain that we ought not to blame
him for the slow progress of music theory and practice
in the early Middle Ages. Instead of solving practical
problems, music theorists ( ! save the mark) were spending
their days thumbing the pages of this old Roman, who
himself did not solve any problems, but likewise thumbed
the pages of the " Ancients " before him. In viewing all
these old Latins, one feels inclined to echo Burney when
he wrote about them : " They teach no part of music but
the alphabet, nor can anything be acquired by the most
intense study of them, except despair and the headache."*

But Miss Schlesinger says that the main principles of
Greek music can be shown to be actually underlying the
musical practice of the Middle Ages, and that oral tradi-
tion and the neumes " took care of the theory of composi-
tion in the modes.'* But we have no evidence of neumes
before the eighth century at the very earliest (we have
no examples before the ninth century), and one naturally
asks what took care of "theory" during the preceding
centuries? Of course, Miss Schlesinger still has "musi-
cal practice*' and "oral tradition" to fall back on,, but

s Boethius, " Inst. Arith.," pn*f.
4 Burney, u Hist, of Music," i, 476.

200 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

if so, what becomes of the argument against my theory
of the oral influence in the Arabian political contact when
she writes : " None but the literary contact could be
proved to have influenced the theory ?" r> Apparently,
" musical practice " and " oral tradition " may be urged in
favour of a Greek influence, but not of an Arabian
influence !

Cf . also two other similar statements: "It is extremely de-
batable .... that the technique of a musical instrument could be
considered to constitute a 'theory of music/" and: "Singers
and executant musicians are not theorists. 7 ' "Musical Stan-
dard/' xxvii, 23b, 44b.

17.

THE CHURCH AND CULTURE.

TO attempt to account for the low state of learning
in the Middle Ages early by laying blame on the
pagan incursions alone will not be accepted at this
time of day. 2 Even Dom Mabillon,. himself a Benedic-
tine, refuses to consider this seriously as a cause. A
veritable ocean of Patristic literature has flowed down
to us practically intact. If the pagan depredations were
responsible for losses in the classics, why did not the
former class of literature suffer in a similar way ? Obvi-
ously the losses were not due to any such cause, or at
least only in an infinitesimal degree. The root of the
trouble lay elsewhere, as I have already outlined. First,
the general cultural stagnation due to socio-political
forces, and secondly, the indifference and hostility of the
Church to pagan literature.

Under the early Benedictine rule, there were but slen-
der chances of classical studies being pursued. 8 St.

i Miss Schlesinger, ''Musical Standard," xxvii, 23a.
#R. R. Cnthbert Butler, in his "Benedictine Monasticism,"
written primarily for the Benedictines (v) says: "The idea of a

universally learned benedictine body is a myth At no time

have the general mass of Benedictines been learned " (p. 337),

202 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Benedict himself names only the Holy Scriptures and ex-
position thereon by the Catholic Fathers and orthodox
doctors to be read. 5 That was only natural, since the
monastery was but " a school for the service of the Lord,"
the concern of the monks being " the work of God." Had
not the proscription of the liberal arts come from the very
bosom of the Church? Tertullian (d. c. 240) had de-
cried pagan literature/ and the authoritative "Apostolic
Constitutions " had said : " Hold aloof from Pagan books
entirely/' 5 Euscbius (d. 340) was against the study of
the Greek sciences. In the next century St. Jerome (d.
420) was warned against reading these Pagans, c and he
actually laments that so few knew about Aristotle
and Plato. 7 Even St. Augustine (d. 430) pandered to
the crowd when he said, " Heaven is for the ignorant.'' 5
Cassian (d. 480), the founder of the monastic institutions
in the West, reveals that the fiat against the classical
authors was still in full force. 9

;. S. Benedict," c. 8 (Waitzmann Edit., 1843), p. 32.

4 " Quserendum autem est etiam de ludi-mngistris et de coeteris
professoribus litterarum, imo non dubitandum affines illos esse
multimodee idololatrise." " Pat. Lat.," 1, 750.

5 Ton' ctfviKcoi' /3i/2AiW Trai'Toii' ttTTe'xov. Cotelerius, " Pat.
Apost.," i, 206.

c "Pat. Lat.," xxii, 416.

7 "Pat. Lat.," xxvi, 428.

*"Indocti ecelum rapiunt."

*"Pat, Lat.," Ixxi, 161,

18.

THE ARABS AND MONTE CASSINO.

MY reference to the paucity of classical authors in
the library at Monte Cassino, in Italy, drew the
following criticism : 2

"This is an unfortunate instance to bring forward; it
illustrates the danger of depending too much on reckless
quotation, for this celebrated monastery and library,
founded by St. Benedict in the sixth century, was ruined
shortly afterwards by the Lombards; it was then rebuilt,
and the library was in time reformed, only to be -pillaged,
again in the ninth century by the Saracens and destroyed
by fire. It was no wonder, therefore, that the classical
authors had disappeared from the library. That was un-
fortunately a common vicissitude of monastic libraries
during the dark ages, and it explains the rarity of early
copies of the classics, but there were many exceptions of
which examples may be given later on "

Miss Schlesinger brings this forward, italicising the
passage about the Saracens, as suggestive of the idea
that the Arabs are to be regarded as vandals rather than
as disseminators of culture. Even if the Saracens referred
to had been Arabs (which is doubtful), my critic's argu-
ment only reveals once more the fallacy of the inductive
inference. It is rather strange that when I claim any-

*" Musical Standard, 1 ' xxvii, 23a.

204 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

thing of merit for the Arabs (using the word in the gen-
eric sense already defined) my critic would show that
they were Persians. When, however, any blame is to
be apportioned to the Arabs she would use the still more
generic term Saracens, a name used indifferently by the
annalists for Arabs or Berbers. 2

The Saracens who destroyed Monte Cassino came from
Trajetto on the Garigliano, and we have every reason to
believe that they were Berbers. 3 The political and mili-
tary situation of the time account for its destruction. Ever
since the days when the Neapolitans helped the Muslims
to conquer Sicily, treaties and alliances had been common
between Christian and Muslim states in those parts. Pope
John VIII (872-82) aimed at the extermination of the
Muslims in Italy, and the establishment of a Roman theo-
cratic state. His attempts at territorial expansion south-
wards brought Salerno, Naples, Gaeta, Amalfi and the
Muslims into a common offensive and defensive league
against him/ Although the Muslim states of Bari, Tar-
anto and Calabria had been crushed, a new colony had
arisen at Trajetto (originally at Itri). This was actually
founded by Duke Docibilis of Gaeta about 878, as a
protection against Papal inroads.

2 We read of the Saraceni, Mauri, Foeni, Hismalitce, as well
ae the Arabi. See also Villari, " Mediaeval Italy," 21, and cf.
Amari, " Storia," i, 369. Constantino the African (d. 1087) dis-
tinguishes between the Arabs and Saracens.

*"Chron. Vult. " and " Chron. S. Monaet. Casin.," in Mura-
tori, "Rerum Ital. Script.,'* i, 405; iv, 317.

k " Mon. Germ. Hist. " (Script.), i", 253.

THE ARABS AND MONTE CASSINO. 205

On the death of Pope John VIII and the Carolingian
Louis III in 882, a state of anarchy prevailed for some
time, and in consequence, the annals arc almost silent of
the particular events of the period. What we do know
is that within thirty miles of the Muslim fortress at Tra-
jetto was Monte Cassino, the capital of a small state ad-
joining Roman territory. It was also a fortified place,
and the abbot, its ruler, was a feudal vassal of the Pope,
who was in arms against the Allies. Fire and sword were
the sole arbiters in these tumultuous days. The Muslims
had to take care of themselves as well as their allies, and
in 883 or 884, either on their own initiative or at the bid-
ding of Gaeta, they attacked and destroyed Monte Cas-
sino, which was both a political and military menace to
them. 5 So the event which my critic would suggest was
a piece of sheer vandalism, is to the historian merely an
act of political and military necessity.

What the loss was to general culture from the destruc-
tion of Monte Cassino can be mere conjecture. In view
of the appalling state of ignorance that prevailed every-
where in Italy at the time, 6 the loss would appear to be
negligible. As to the books destroyed, this is an idle
speculation, since the earliest library list at Monte Cas-
sino only dates fro-m 1023, when twenty books are listed,
seventeen concerning religion, and three on history, in-

6 Of. the attitude of the scholarly Gregorovius, op. cit. (iii,
146) in these matters.

Gregorovius, op. cit., iii, 136, 146. Cf. Ozanani, " CEuvres,"
ii, 355; iv, 455. Salvioli, " L'Istruzione publica in Italia nei
secoli," viii, ix, x. (Florence, 1898). Even Giesebrecht, ''Do lit-
ter, studiis ap. Italos," and Montalembert, " The Monks of the
West," allow the backwardness of Italy in this respect.

206 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

eluding a "Historia Saracenorum !" 7 Yet we can perhaps
determine its scope by reference to other libraries of the
period (see Appendix XIV). We certainly have no de-
finite information that the monastery books perished in
the Muslim destruction. We do know, however, that
when the monastery was destroyed by the Lombards in
589, the monks took their books with them in their flight. 8
In 883-4, on the approach of the Muslims, the monks fled
to Teano, leaving their abbot, who was the secular as
well as the religious head, to direct the defence. That
these monks took some of their books with them is proved
by the express mention by an annalist that the "Rcgula"
of St. Benedict was saved, and from the existence of the
"Regesta" of Pope John VIII, which now forms part of
the Vatican "Regesta." 9

On the whole, the losses to libraries due to pagan de-
predations were small, and those attributable to the Mus-
lims direct almost infinitesimal. As Dom Mabillon, the
Benedictine historian, says, the losses to literature owing
to pagan incursions (including those of the Muslims)
dwindle into insignificance by the side of the ravages

7 Caravita, "I codice e le arte a Monte Cassino," ii, 77. The
present library of Monte Cassino contains some forty MSS. dating
from the sixth-ninth centuries, although we must not necessarily
conclude that they were possessed by this monastery at these
dates. With the exception of five works by Hippocrates, Galen
( ? ), Martianus Capella, Boethius, and Isidore of Seville, they are
all concerned with theology.

sPaul Diacon, lt De gest. Long.," iv, 18. Miss Schlesinger was
doubtless not aware of this, or otherwise she would not have re-
ferred to the library being "reformed" after this event.

^Levi "II Tomo I dei Reg. vaticani (Arch, della Societa
Romana)," iv, 162.

THE ARABS AND MONTE CASSINO. 207

caused by the later religious wars of Europe. 10 Of course
Monte Cassino was rebuilt in the following century, and
in the eleventh century, when it reached the " highest point
of prosperity and influence," it was the adornment of
the monastery by Byzantine or Moorish artists that gave
it special renown. 11

In view of the foregoing details, one is inclined to ask
what becomes of the suggestion of "reckless quotation,*'
and further why the examples of the " early copies of the
classics " were not produced, for preference the writings of
Ptolemy, Nikomachos, Theon of Smyrna, and Aris-
toxenos, whose works were claimed by Miss Schlesinger
to have been studied in the Middle Ages. (See ante, pp.
40-1.)

Martene, ''Voyage Litternire <le Deux Benedictins "
(1717-24), ii, 13.

**Leo Ostiensis, "Chron. Cassinens," iii, 11, 20, 28, 29, 30, 33.
See also Caravita, op. cit., i, 67, 74.

19.

THE CAROLINGIAN SCHOOLS.

WE have already seen how swiftly the decadence
of learning ensued after the fall of Rome in
the sixth century. By the eighth century, little
change had come upon the cultural horizon. Indeed, if
anything, it was darker still in France. Mullinger says,
"Under the Merovingians, learning almost ceased to
exist." 1 West adds : " Whatever traditions had found
their way from the early Gallic schools into the educa-
tion of the Franks had long since been shattered and
obliterated in the wild disorders which characterised the
times of the Merovingian kings. The monastic and

cathedral schools .... were then rudely broken up

The copying of books almost ceased.'*' " Up to the time
of Charlemagne/' writes Putnam, "there appears to have
been so little facility in writing and so few scribes were
available, that government records were not kept at the
courts. The schools established by Alcuin at Tours ....
were in fact the first schools of writers which had existed
in Europe for centuries." 5 Even if we dismiss the opin-

* Mullinger, " The Schools of Charles the Great," 37.

* West, " Alcuin and the Else of the Christian Schools," 40.

^ Putnam, " Books and their Makers in the Middle Ages," i, 111.

THE CAROLINGIAN SCHOOLS. 209

ions of the historians of European culture, there still
remain the ipsissima verba of the Monk of St. Gall :
" When the illustrious Charlemagne began to reign in
Western Europe .... the study of letters was everywhere
unknown" 1 *

With "the illustrious Charlemagne" intellectual inter-
ests were aroused. Learned men were invited to his court
from abroad, and schools were eventually founded. In
this restoration of learning, the prompting evidently came
from the competitive spirit of the time, Charlemagne try-
ing perhaps to emulate the cultured courts of Baghdad
and Cordova, the talk of which had set the whole world
agog. 5 The later Louis IX (d. 1270) did precisely the
same thing when he founded a library and took interest
in intellectual pursuits in adumbration of the Muslim
sultans. 6

The quality of the intellectual studies inaugurated by
Charlemagne was based on the old Latin tradition ac-
cumulated in the compends of Cassiodorus, Isidore (the
latter for the most part), and the writings of the Church
Fathers. Although the empire of Charlemagne touched
on the superior civilisation of the Arabs of Al-Andalus,
there could scarcely have been much direct literary contact
of a documentary nature between the two polities at this
period. Yet there was intellectual contact for all that.

4"Mon. Germ. Hist. (Script.)," ii, 731. Exaggeration is
symptomatic of this annalist, and his statements have to be
received with care.

6 Dr. Donald Campbell, "Arabian Medicine in the Middle
Ages 7 ' (1926), i, 111-12, looks upon the Carolingian movement as
"the echo of the Arabian Renaissance in the East."
Taylor, " The Mediaeval Mind," i, 541.

15

210 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

How much was the Adoptionist heresy in Christian Spain
strengthened by Muslim thought? How much was the
denunciation of image-worship by the Carolingian Goths
due to similar influences ? 7 The Spanish clergy sat on
many of the church councils, and after three-quarters of
a century of political domination by the Arabs we can-
not but allow that they had imbibed some elements of
Arabian culture.

The influence of Alcuin (d. 804), Hrabanus Maurus
(d. 856) and John Scotus (d. r. 877) in this intellectual
revival has received the fullest praise, and rightly so.
Yet there were three other men of brilliant gifts who
contributed to the Carolingian renaissance of learning,
and they were Theodulfus (d. 821), Claudius (d. c. 839),
and Agobardus (d. 840), all of them Goths who were
cither born or educated in Spain or Southern France.
That they were influenced by Arabian modes and habits
there cannot be very much doubt. 8 The fact that the
" Saracen " looms so large in the literature of the period
and in the chansons de geste is ample proof of the
powerful social and intellectual forces from the South
that were operating.

The chapter entitled " The True Historical Perspec-
tive" was designed to meet the contention of Miss
Schlesinger as already expressed. 9 In reply, my critic
says that I am "satisfied to quote statements of general

7J. M. Robertson, u Short Hist, of Freethought " (1906), i, 292.
s Theodulfus, travelling as a missus dominions in the south, xe-
counts how he was offered bribes of Arabian gold and Cordovan
leather work. It reveals how highly the products of Al-Andalus
were valued,

*See ante, p. 40, line 27.

THE CAROLINGIAN SCHOOLS. 211

historians .... in order to solve questions that Engage
the attention of specialists, and to go to ballads for in-
formation about the schools founded by Charlemagne
and the work of the Carolingian renaissance." 10

The reader is reminded that I quoted from such
writers as Lecky and Buckle (who can scarcely be called
"general historians") because they were actually "special-
ists" in the history of European civilisation and culture,
which was the subject under discussion. 11 As for my re-
ference to "ballad literature," I did not use it as my
authority for information regarding the schools of
Charlemagne and the work of the Carolingian renaissance.
What I did say was that the ballad literature shows that
Charlemagne was one of the grandiose characters of the
Middle Ages. 15 Miss Schlesinger advises readers to "see
rather the contemporary biography by Einhardus, ' Vita
Karoli Magni,' " for information concerning the schools
of Charlemagne. As a matter of fact, all that Einhardus
gives us in this work on the particular question is a mere
reference to the Palace School, mainly a family concern,
and to what Charlemagne himself learned there. 13

My authorities for the Carolingian reforms in singing
had been given/ 7 ' although Miss Schlesinger does not
seem to have noticed them. They are the capitularies,
and I presume that they are the final authority, as not

M' 4 Musical Standard," xxvii, 23a.

n See ante, pp. 42-3.

12 See ante, p. 45. One chanson de geste makes Charlemagne
spend seven years in Spain, which is about as likely as his alleged
invasion of Arabia !

15 GEuvree completes d'Eginhard " (Edit. Teulet), 1, 64, 80.
U See ante, p. 45, note 16.

2i2 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

even the authority of an Einhardus is of the slightest
avail against these. From these documents we know pre-
cisely what Charlemagne's chief concern was in the estab-
lishment of "singing schools" and similar institutions.
it was political expediency as much as love of culture. 1 '
Liturgical uniformity would bring peace within the
Church which, in these days, was the keystone of the arch
politic.

Miss Schlesinger says: "At the end of the eighth
century Charlemagne founded three schools of music at
Mctz, Soissons and St. Gall." J * What are the facts ? In
a capitulary of 789 Charlemagne recommends the estab-
lishment of monastic and episcopal schools where boys
could be taught the psalms,, writing, singing, computation
and grammar. 27 It was not until 803, as the " Vita Alcuini "
tells us, that Charlemagne established "singing schools." 1 *

Even in these "singing schools," as I have already
pointed out in reference to Amalarius Fortunatus, there
were no books in which the Gregorian Song was noted
(i.e., by neumes). Amalarius, who was at the head of the
chapel of Louis le Debonnaire (814-40), tells us that he
was troubled with the divergencies in the singing of the
antiphonale, and that there were no antiphonaries at the

M " Ob unanimitatem apostolicoo sedis ot sanctee Dei ecclesiro
pacificam concordiam."

^Schlesinger, "Is European Music Theory Indebted to the
Arabs?/' p. 5.

w " Et ut scholse legentium puerorum fient, psalmos, notas can-
tus, computum, grammaticam per singula mona&teria vel episcopia
distant. " I have translated the word notas by "writing," al-
though some have used the words "musical notes." See Cajori,
"Hist. Math.," 114.

^"Mon. Hist. Germ. (Script.)," i, 306.

THE CAROLINGIAN SCHOOLS. 213

very hub of Carolingian culture, which would enable him
to correct these differences. Finally, however, four books
were found at Corbie in Picardy, but even these did not
help very far as they, too, were divergent. He then ap-
plied to the Holy See, the very fountain-head, as Charle-
magne himself would have said, for singers of the anti-
phonale in the hope of getting oral confirmation. Pope
Gregory IV informed him that he had no singers of the
antiphonalc to send. 10 In the light of the Amalarius
testimony,, one might ask what value can be placed either
on the " neumes " or on " oral tradition " to " take care "
of anything? 20

"Pat. Lat.," cv, 1243.
w See Appendix 16.

20.

THE PRE-AURELIAN THEORISTS OF MUSIC.

IT will be remembered that I made certain affirmations
concerning the state of music theory in the Middle
Ages. 2 Miss Schlesinger replies as follows : " Let
us pro tern., affect to accept Mr. Farmer's conclusions:
1 (i) The principles of music of ancient Greece did not sur-
vive in Europe. (2) From the end of the sixth century to
the mid-ninth century no work on the theory of music in
Western Europe is known to us' " 2

The writer then proceeds to give details of Greek music
theory dealt with in the works attributed to Bede, Alcuin,
Aurelian of Reome, Remy of Auxerre, and Hucbald, so
as to establish that " Mr. Farmer's verdict, that these prin-
ciples did not survive in Europe, is hopelessly wrong." 5
Unfortunately Miss Schlesinger does not discriminate be-
tween a museum specimen and a living organism. What
I said was that they did not survive. We find them men-
tioned much later, and for precisely the same reason, when

^ See ante, p. 46, and cf . pp. 41, 42 and 44.
* 1 prefer to give my own words rather than those which are
attributed to me.

9" Musical Standard," xxvii, p. 110.

THE PRE-AURELIAN THEORISTS. 215

they could have had no bearing whatever on contempor-
ary " theory."*

We now come to the second point. Miss Schlesinger
says that whilst she is " not an authority on the music of
the early Middle Ages," she wishes to call attention to
"three writers of musical theoretical tracts of the eighth
century, that have been overlooked by Mr. Farmer (there
may be others), viz., the Venerable Bede (died 735), Al-
cuin (born 735), and Hrabanus Maurus (776-S56)." 5

I am told that " On turning to the earliest treatises and
writings on music by the Christian monks and scholars
of the West, we find an early eighth century treatise
missed by Mr. Farmer attributed to the Venerable Bede
(672-735), 'De musica/ Part I, ' Musica theoretica' [ =
' De musica theorica '], in which, among other things, Bede
describes . . . . 6 The second part of Bede's ' De musica '
bears the title, * Musica quadrata sen mensurata.' " The
" facts " are that the two " parts " referred to do not form
one work called " De musica," but two separate and dis-
tinct treatises. Indeed, Miss Schlesinger herself refers to
them later as "opuscula." "We are well aware," she
says, "that these 'opuscula' ascribed to Bede are placed
by Migne among the ' dubia,' but what is known of his
musicianship, practical and theoretical, from his ' Historia
ecclesiastica ' and other works, supports their authenticity,
which is accepted by many musical experts. Bede's

J Walter Odington (thirteenth cent.), Johannes de Muris (four-
teenth cent.), and others.

5 " Musical Standard," xxvii, pp. 23-4.

6 Here occur several references to Greek theory in the work in
question.

216 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

music-teacher was the renowned Irish monk Ceolfrid, who
was responsible for the oldest monument extant of Latin
neumes, viz., the Amiatina Bible in the Laur. Med.
Library in Florence." 7

I might mention that Ceolfrid was not Irish, but a mem-
ber of a noble Anglo-Saxon family, and his name is
purely Teutonic. If by the word "responsible" is meant
that the Codex Amiatinus proceeded from the hand of
Ceolfrid, the suggestion is I think unwarrantable.*

That Ceolfrid was Bede's music-teacher, we have no
actual evidence. All that we know concerning this matter
is, what Bede himself tells us, that he was " given to the
most Reverend Abbot Benedict, and afterwards to Ceol-
frid, to be educated." 9 Although we certainly know that
Ceolfrid was a gifted singer, 20 it is more likely that Bede
was taught singing by John the Archchaunter of St.
Peter's, Rome, seeing that Bede entered the monastery at
the age of seven (c. 680), and John the Archchaunter began
teaching singing at the monastery c. 678-68 1. 11 I am
afraid that the few references to singing and harp-playing

7 "Musical Standard," xxvii, p. 109. Both Burney and Chap-
pell had already referred to this one work, " De musica," in two
parts. The legend probably began with Bale ("Illus. Maj. Brit.
Script.," fol 53), who refers to " De arte musices," lib. 1.

*"Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica," ii, 282, 285-6. Hummer,
11 Ven. Breda, Hist. Eccles.," etc. (Oxon., 3896), xviii-xix. If we
accept the allusion of Fleischer ("Die Germanischen Neumen"),
there is a much earlier monument extant of Latin neumes, but
see my opinion on p. 199.

9 " Hist. Eccles.," Notitia de se ipso.
W'Vita Beatorum Abbatum."

**"Hist. Eccles.," iv, 18. He was sent by Agatho who oc-
cupied the Papal chair from 678 to 681.

THE PRE-AURELIAN THEORISTS. 21;

in the genuine works of Bede, plus his own "daily care
of singing in the church," are but weak reeds to depend
on to "support" the "authenticity" of the "opuscula"
referred to.

As to the point that Migne places these "opuscula"
among the " dubia," it is not the whole truth, They are
placed by Migne among the " dubia et spuria." That
they should be classed as either " dubious " or " spurious "
has the sanction of responsible critics and editors like
Giles and Plummer, whilst the positive internal evidence
of one at least of these treatises practically negatives the
idea that Bede could have been the author.

These two treatises were claimed for Bede in the early
editions of his works published at Paris (1544 an d I554)>
Basel (1563) and Cologne (1612 and 1688).^ These were
uncritical times for questions of this sort, when a mere
name on a MS. was often considered sufficient warrant
to claim authorship. In addition, as Dr. Giles once
pointed out, there was invariably the desire to augment
pages so as to augment profits. 15 Even the learned Salinas
was persuaded to accept Bede as a music theorist. 14

One of the earliest to question the authenticity of the
musical treatises attributed to Bede was Oudin. 1 ' 5 He was
tacitly followed by Muratori. 16 ' When the Abbe Gerbert
refused to place them in his " Scriptores," he had good

12 1 have not seen the work entitled " Venerabilis Bedse de
Musica libri duo" (Basel, 1565).

u " Bedse Opera Omnia " (London, 1843, etc.), i, cxxxii.
W Salinas, " De musica " (1577), lib. iv, cap. v.

"Oomm. de Script. Eccles. Ant." (1722), i, 1685.
is Muratori, " Antiq. Ital." (1738*42), iii, 362.

218 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

reason for so doing as we shall see presently. 17 Burney
thought that whilst the " De musica theorica" treatise
" may have been written " by Bede, the " De musica quad-
rata " treatise was " undoubtedly the work of a much more
modern author/' and suggested the twelfth century as its
date. 2S Forkel held much about the same view and
thought that the work may have been written by another
author of the name of Bede. i9 It was Bottee de Toulmon,
however, who demonstrated that the second treatise was
the work of a thirteenth century French writer who used
the non de plume of Aristotle.^ Dr. Giles, the editor of
the first complete edition of Bede in England, definitely
rejected both of these works as " spurious," and pointed
to the " shamelessness " with which these and other works
had been attributed to Bede.- 1 Coussemaker accepted the
pseudo- Aristotle label for the tract " De musica quadrata,"
and included it as such in his " Scriptores." 1 Fetis agreed
with this, but with reservations as to date, which, as 1
will show were unfounded. 2 That the learned Plummer
has ignored these treatises is eloquent testimony of their
spuriousness/ whilst they arc definitely rejected in the

J7Gerbeit, "Script." (1784), Prsef.
** Burney, "Hist. Mus. " (1789), ii, 57.

W'Allgem. Lit. cler Musik " (1792), 117. " Allgem. Gesc-li.
der Musik" (1788-1802), ii, 283. Eitner (" Quellen-Lexikon ")
tries to evade the difficulty by allotting these works respectively
tc a Presbyter Bede and the Venerable Bede.

W" Bulletin Archeologique," ii, 651.

21 Op. cit., i, cxxxii : vi, xv.

* Coussemaker, "Script.," i, 251. "Hist, de I'Harmonie au
Moyen-Age," 47.

2 Fetis, "Biog. Univ.," s.v.
3"Ven, Bseda, Hist. Eccles. " (Oxon., 1896).

THE PRE-AURELIAN THEORISTS. 219

more recent " Dictionnaire d'Archeologie Chretienne et de
Liturgie."*

As for the internal evidence, it is worth while noting
that "De musica theorica" is actually made up of two
distinct fragments. The first is a series of glosses upon
an absent text. The second fragment begins at " Quid est
Tonus," and could scarcely have proceeded from the same
pen as the preceding. After comparison with the genuine
works of Bede, one can only conclude that " De musica
theorica" is by another writer or writers.

In regard to " De musica quadrata," it certainly could
uol have been written earlier than the twelfth century. In
the first place it deals with mensural music. Secondly, the
rather late French titles to some of the music prove its
late origin, perhaps even fourteenth century. Finally, it
contains passages from " De divisione philosophise " of
Gundisalvi (Gundissalinus), which dates from 1130-50,
and these same passages were originally extracted from
two Arabic works by Al-Farabl which had been translated
into Latin under the titles of " De scientiis " and " De
ortu scientiarum." Miss Schlesinger was nearer the truth
than she may have imagined when she labelled this as an
" advanced treatise." It is so " advanced " as to be in the
twelfth to thirteenth century at least.

Let us enquire into her statement that these " opuscula "
of Bede are " accepted as genuine by musical authorities
such as Gevaert, Oskar Fleischer, Hermann Abert, Dom
Jeannin, and many others/' 5 Gevaert (" Melopee Antique,"
105) merely refers to one of these " opuscula? the "De

*ii, i, 646.
* " Musical Standard," xxvii, 109, 198.

220 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

musica theorica," without touching upon the question of
authorship. Abert (" Die Musik. des Mittelalters, 77, 99)
likewise only refers to one of these works, the "De musica
quadrata." 6 Dom Jeannin (" Melodies liturgiques syri-
ennes et chaldeennes," i, 254) refers only to " De arte
metrica," a genuine work of Bede's which does not deal
with the theory of music. As for Fleischer, so far as his
work " Die germanischen Neumen " is concerned, he only
mentions Bede by name, but does not refer to either of
these works.

As for the claim that the " authenticity " of these works
is supported by "what is known of Bede's musicianship,
practical and theoretical, from his 'Historia Ecclesias-
tica ' and other works/' this is a fallacy. The " Historia
Ecclesiastica " does not give any hint of Bede's musician-
ship on the theoretical side, although my critic and M.
Camille Le Senne may think otherwise. 7 This reference
to "other works" is simply a revival of the old story of
Chappell, Davey and others, about Bede's references to
the organ, and about a passage which is supposed to
" prove " that Bede had not only a " knowledge of music,
but of all that constituted the 'regular' discant of the
church."* The so-called passage which refers to discant
occurs in a treatise " In psalmum lii commentarius," 5 which
is rejected by competent critics as spurious. One of the
organ references occurs in a treatise, " Interpretatio

$It is to be regretted that Dr. Abert was not careful enough to
say Pseudo-Bede.

7 Lavignac's " Encyclopedic de la musique," iii, 1863.
* Chappell, " Popular Music in the Olden Time," i, 17. Davey,
"Hist, of English Music" (1921), p. 10.

0"Patr. Lat.," xciii, 1110.

THE PRE-AURELIAN THEORISTS. 221

psalterii artis cantilenae," 10 which is also rejected by
responsible students. Even if this latter were genuine, its
value would be discounted by the fact that the passage
is copied verbatim from the "Expositio in psalterium"
(Psal. cl., 4) of Cassiodorus. The other organ passage is
certainly to be found in what is probably a genuine work,
" De orthographia," yet here also, it is borrowed from St.
Augustine's " Enarratio in psalmum cl," and another
writer. Even the few unimportant definitions which
may be found in the " Axiomata philosophica," " Elemen-
torum philosophic" 11 and in " De computo dialogus," 1 -
cannot be accepted since these works are no longer ac-
knowledged as Bede's! 13

It is evident from the foregoing that there is scarcely a
ghost of a claim for the " theoretical " musicianship of
Bede based on the evidence of the " Historia Ecclesias-
tica" and " other works/' as claimed, whilst the two
"opuscula" on music attributed to him can scarcely be
credited to Bede.

My critic's next reference is to the Carolingian theorists.
She says: "Flaccus Alcuinus (c. 735-804), writing, there-
fore, in the eighth century, a pupil of Bede (likewise over-
looked by Mr. Farmer), is the first, in the extant fragment
of his treatise, * De musica,' to record the use of the
Ecclesiastical Modes .... and insisting on their Greek
origin." 17 '

r. Lat.," xciii, 1102.
"Patr. Lat.," xe, 1016, 1175.

12 " Pair. Lat.," xc, 650.

former work introduces Arabic writers, a clear proof of
its spuriousness.

^ u Musical Standard," xxvii, p. 109.

22i ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Alcuin was not the pupil of Bede. Dates preclude the
possibility of this. The error, however, is not new. It
has been handed down from the days of the Monk of St.
Gall, who wrote the line : " ut puta discipulus doctissimi
Bedae." 75 Secondly, there are no grounds for the statement
that the author of the " fragment " has " insisted " on the
Greek origin of the Ecclesiastical Modes. All that the
author has committed himself to is to give the Greek
names for these modes. There are, however, more
apposite matters for discussion, viz., the authenticity of the
" fragment " in question, its value in the appraisement of
its author as a " Carolingian theorist " of music, and the
general claim that Alcuin may have to this title.

I have already referred to Pseudo-Alcuin, just as I have
spoken of Pseudo-Bede. 16 ' This explains why he was
"overlooked by Mr. Farmer.'' There are valid and
adequate reasons for referring this fragment to Pseudo-
Alcuin, as we shall see.

The " fragment " is given in the Abbe Gerbert's " Script-
ores" (i, 26-7) and it consists of two distinct parts,
obviously unconnected with each other: (i) a list of the
" liberal arts," with two definitions, and (2) a short notice
on the ecclesiastical modes, beginning, " Octo tonos in
musica." The first part, with the exception of the second
definition, " Musica est disciplina . . . . " which is bor-
rowed from Cassiodorus/ 7 and is repeated by Hraban
Maur,** may be found in the schemata given by Froben-

w " Mon. Hist. Germ. " (Script.), ii, 731

J^See ante, p. 31.
""Pair. Lat.," hex, 1209.
tf"Patr. Lat./' cvii, 401.

THE PRE-AURELIAN THEORISTS. 223

ius 15 and Migne' at the end of Alcuin's "Dialogus de
rhetorica." If it is genuine, then it must be compared with
the more modest lists of the " liberal arts/' which are in-
cluded elsewhere in the works attributed to Alcuin. 1 There
is, however, a certain trace of originality in the definitions
of the schemata which does not lend itself to the spirit
of Alcuin. At any rate, genuine or not, this first part of
the aforementioned " fragment " is of little import in the
" theory " of music.

The second part of the " fragment " beginning, "Octo
tonos in musica," has more interest. Its authenticity is
based solely on the fact that Gerbert found it attached
to the works of Alcuin in one MS? On the other hand
it is ignored in the " complete works " of Alcuin collated
by Frobenius, a proceeding which is ratified by Migne. 3
The "fragment" does not even find a place among the
" dubia et spuria." It is true that several writers on music
have mentioned the work as Alcuin's. That has been

"Aleuini opera " (Ratisbon, 1772).
w'Patr. Lat.," c, ci.

* Under Physica are the following sciences in the schemata
arithmetic, astronomy, astrology, mechanics, medicine, geometry
and music. ("Patr. Lat.," ci, 945-50.) The arrangement in Ger-
bert's " Scrip tores " is ridiculous as it stands, since it is mean-
ingless. In the dialogvs between disci pulus et mogister^wliich pre-
cedes the tract, " De grammatica," these sciences are listed as
arithmetic, geometry, music and astrology. (" Patr. Lat., ci,
853). At the end of <% De dialectica'' the quadrivium includes
arithmetic, geometry, music aad astronomy. ("Patr. Lat.," ci,
976).

2 Gerbert, "Script.," prsef. and p. 26.

^ West ("Alcuin and the Eise of the Christian Schools") in his
detailed list (pp. 183-91) of Alcuin's writings, does not recognise
this fragment given by Gerbert.

224 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

done, in most cases, ^obviously for the sake of identifying
this precise treatise, but the circumstance is of little weight
when the actual authenticity of the document is under
discussion/

The work as it stands has every appearance of having
been derived from Aurelian of Reome's "De musica dis-
ciplina." The general construction scarcely admits that
the borrowing proceeded vice versa. 5 The author of the
Gerbert " fragment " writes the names of three of the
modes, as well as two other words, in Greek characters.
Alcuin's knowledge of Greek would appear to have been
rather limited, and it is curious that almost every quota-
tion in Greek made by him in his genuine works is to be
found in St. Jerome. Indeed, Alcuin is somewhat chary
of using Greek characters, and generally falls back on
transliteration, even where we naturally expect to find the
former as in a treatise like "De orthographia." In the
face of this, can we believe that Alcuin would use Greek
characters where it was scarcely necessary as in the Ger-
bert " fragment " on music, and that in a work dealing in
places with Greek etymologies, he would use a cumber-
some and sometimes misleading transliteration?

Yet, taking the work at its face value, irrespective of
authorship, what justification is there to consider its
author as a musical " theorist " ? A couple of definitions,
and a mere list of the modes, whether he was the first to
mention them or not, would hardly make him a " theorist."

The legend of Alcuin as a musical theorist is of long

JGevaert ("Mel. Ant,," 105) and H. Leclercq ("Diet, d'arch.
et de liturgie," iii, i, 701), say ( { attributed " to Alcuin.
Gerbert, " Script., " i, 40.

THE pRE-AuREUAN THEORISTS. 225

standing. 6 Hawkins said that Alcuin "was well versed
in the liberal sciences, particularly in music, as appears
by a tract of his on the use of the Psalms, and by the
preface to the ' De septem disciplinis ' of Cassiodorus, first
printed in the Garetius edition of that author, 7 and which
is expressly said by Du Pin, Fabricius and others, to have
been written by Alcuin." 8

Unfortunately for the reputation of both Alcuin and
Hawkins, the evidence obtainable from the treatises " De
psalmorum usu liber," 5 and " Expositio in psalmos poeni-
tentiales " 10 is absolutely negligible. As for the preface
adverted to, whether it is Alcuin's or not, it does not con-
tribute anything that would substantiate the statement
that Alcuin was "well versed" in music.

During the Middle Ages a treatise " De artibus liberali-
bus," n seemingly an excerpt from Cassiodorus, was in-
correctly ascribed to Alcuin, 12 and probably the treatises
listed by me in Appendix XIV are in reality this work. 15

Let us, for the sake of the argument, suppose that Al-
cuin may have written a work on music in the quadrivium
group which has been lost, what could we have expected
from him on this subject? Of the genuine works of this

^Gerbert, "Script.," prsefatio.

7 Garetius (Rouen, 1679, and Venice, 1729). Migne has fol-
lowed Garetius.

* Hawkins, " Hist. Mus.," Bk. iv, Chap 30.

0"Patr. Lat.," ci, 465.
10 "Pair. Lat.," c, 569.

# Leiand, " Comm. Script. Brit.," Bale, " Illus. Maj. Brit.
Script."

Ueberweg, "History of Philosophy" (1875), i, 355.
See ante, p. 189.

16

226 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

nature there are "De grammatical "De orthographia,"
"Dialogus de rhetorica," "De dialectica," "Pippini re-
galis et nobilissirfii juvenis disputatio cum Albino scholas-
tico" and "De cursg> et saltu lunae ac bissexto." Al-
.cuin's fame as a teacher was based on his "De
grammatica^ and "De orthographia," and a most ex-
travagant encomium was showered on his head as a gram-
marian by Notker/ 4 which, incidentally, is an index to
the mentality of the latter, since the works are quite rudi-
mentary when they are not childish. As for his treatise
on "Rhetoric," he borrows from Aristotle and Cicero,
whom he mishandles. In " De dialectica " he is even less
original, because he is reduced to verbally reproducing
Isidore of Seville and Pseudo-Augustine on the " Cate-
gories." His unoriginahty continues throughout the
" Disputation with Pepin," 15 whilst " De curso et saltu
lunae ac bissexto" depends on Bede. Even in the doubt-
ful "Disputatio puerorum," where there is a reference to
music/ 6 there is no effort made by its author to get beyond
Pseudo-Jerome ("Epist," xxiii) 17 or Cassiodorus ("In
psalterium "). 28

Alcuin's most distinguished pupil was Hraban Maur,
and the latter tells us that whatever his master taught him
by word of mouth he committed to writing. 15 We also
know that he studied the "liberal arts" under Alcuin. 20

i* " Pair. Lat.," ci, 849.

M tl Zeit. f. deutscbes Alterthum " (1869), 630.

w " Patr. Lat.," ci, 1126.

17 li Patr. Lat.," xxx, 221.

*sPatr. Lat.," Ixx, 15.

"Patr. Lat.," cxii, 1600.

W'Patr. Lat.," cxi, 11.

THE PRE-AURELIAN THEORISTS. 227

It is reasonable to assume therefore that some of Alcuin's
teaching would be reflected in Hraban Hour's works, and
that in the subject under discussion, music, one might
find some slight trace of the hando^f Alcuin. Yet when
we turn to the works in question, as we shall learn pre-
sently, the hand may be that of Alcuin, but the voice is
that of Cassiodorus, Isidore of Seville, St. Augustine, and
others.

And so, all the evidence available the Gerbert " frag-
ment/* the testimony of " De psalmorum usu," the preface
to Cassiodorus, and the work on music that may have
been written by him, having been closely examined, the
reader will probably understand why Alcuin was not con-
sidered a musical " theorist " and was thus " overlooked
by Mr. Farmer."

Hrabanus Maurus (c. 776-856), a name, strange to say,
which was once thought to mean Hraban " the Moor/' 1 was
educated at Fulda, but had studied the liberal arts at
Tours under Alcuin. What the latter knew of these we
have already seen, and all that Hraban tells us confirms
this view. Although Hraban follows in the beaten track,
he is superior to his mentor Alcuin. He wrote about
music, but he tells us absolutely nothing about contem-
porary theory or practice, for indeed, he merely repeats
the Roman theorists and the Christian Fathers.- In " De
clericorum institutione (c. 819) there is a section (lib.
ii, cap. xxiv.) on music borrowed from these sources. 2 A
quarter of a century later (c. 844) Hraban wrote "De
universo," but the section on music shows no advance (lib.

JJ. M. Robertson, "Short History of Freethouglit," i, 293.
*Patr, Lat.," evil, 401.

228 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

xviii, cg,p. iv.).^ It is based almost directly on Isidore of
Seville (" Etymologiae," cap xv.) and Cassiodorus ("Ex-
pos, in PsaJ. CL ").

In conclusion, I submit that the claim on behalf of
Bede, Alcuin and Hraban Maur as "theorists" of music
is now no longer tenable.

*"Patr. Lat.," cxi, 495.

21.

THE ARABS OF OLD.

PROFESSOR SAYCE warned us years ago to aban-
don the notion that the Arabs of pre-Islamic days
were merely nomads, and that Arabia was a de-
sert. Indeed, gazing back through the dim vistas of the
past, one cannot help realising what an important role
the Semites of the Arabian peninsula played as a politi-
cal and cultural force. The Akkadians of Babylonia, the
twin cradle of civilisation, probably came from Arabia.
Certainly, the dynasty of Hammurabi (c. 2123-2081 B.C.),
the great law-giver, was of Arabian origin. Even the
Neo-Babylonian dynasty (625-539 B.C.), whose Chaldaean
descendants made such an incision on Greek and Roman
civilisation, must also have been Arabian. There is even
something deeper still. The Arab appears to have always
been the fecundator of the urban stock from the Syrian
littoral to the Mesopotamian plains.

The importance of the Sabaean and Nabataean Arab
kingdoms is testified by Greek and Roman authorities.
From the time of Theophrastos (fourth cent. B.C.) to Pliny
the Elder (first cent. A.D.), the Saba^ans pf Sputb

230 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

excite admiration for the wealth and splendour of their
kingdom. Its products, not only of myrrh, cinnamon and
incense, but of gold and pearls, enriched the marts of
Syria, Phoenicia and Egypt. Just as the Phoenicians held
the trade of the seas, so the Sabaeans held the great
Southern trade routes. The excellence of their domestic
and political life, the magnificence of their temples and
palaces, and the inordinate luxury of their kings and
merchants, were particular themes for Greek and Latin
authors. 2

Strabo (d. c. 23 A.D.) has remarked that "those who
regard the whole of Asia, as far as India, as consecrated
to Bacchus, refer to that country as the origin of a great
portion of the present music/' How far, it might be
asked, was Arabia included in the term "India"? 2

With the Nabateans in the North- West, whose influence
extended from Petra to Palmyra, including Damascus and
Bosra, we meet with the leaders of the Northern trade
routes. Of their culture, we have the eloquent testimony
of the architectural and sepulchral remains. The Naba-
taeans were succeeded by the Ghassanids, whose shaikhs
became the phylarchs of the Byzantine emperors. It was
from these lands that the music theorists, Nikomachos

J Theophrastos, " Hist. Plant./ 7 ix, 4. Strabo, xvi, iv, 2, 18-22.
Diodorus, iii, 38-48. Pliny, vi, 145 et seq.

2 In the cosmographies of jiEthicus and Julian Honoring, Arabia
is included in " India." The church historians Malalas, Nike-
phoros and Theophanes, also refer to the South Arabians as

THE ARABS OF OLD. 231

(c. 100), Porphyry (d. c. 302)* and lamblichos (d. c. 330)^
came, and they were all Semites, if not Arabs racially.
In spite of the Greek culture which dominates these
writers, the Semitic Orient conditions almost all their
utterances.

s Assuming that lie was born at Bashan and not at Tyre, as pro-
bably Tvyotov was a corruption of Svpiov. His original name was
Malchos (= Arabic Malik).

6 The original Semitic form larnltk was quite common among
the Arab Nabatseans,

22.

THE TANBUR AL-BAGHDAD1 SCALE.

IN her " Precursors of the Violin Family," Miss
Schlesinger tells us that the Arabs of early Islamic
times had a system of music " of their own/' but find-
ing the musical system of the Persians so far in advance
of their own, they adopted it. 2 A later pronouncement
by her on this subject is that the Arabs "had no system
which they had, up to that time [the conquest of Persia]
been able to reduce to theory." 2 In reply to the latter
statement I mentioned, among other things, the pre-
Islamic scale of the tanbur al-Baghdftdl? Miss
Schlesinger appears to doubt the statement so far as the
pre-Islamic Arabs are concerned. She says : " There is
the division of the tanbur al-Baghdddi described by Al-
Farabi, and claimed by Mr. Farmer (and also by
Rouanet) as forming part of a pre-Islamic system."*

It so happens that it is neither Jules Rouanet nor my-
self who makes this claim primarily, but Al-Farabi
himself ! He tells us in plain terms that the tanbur al-
Baghdadl contained these pre-Islamic frets (al-dasatin al-

* Schlesinger, " Precursors/' pp. 397-8.
*" Musical Standard/' xxvii, p. 24, a.

^ See ante, p. 51.
&" Musical Standard/' loc. cit.

THE TANBtTR AL-BAGHDADI SCALE, 233

jdhiliyya), and that they were used for the pre-Islamic
melodies (al-alhdn al-jdhiliyya) in his day, although he
admits that the more unusual of the frets were being
ignored. 6

From the " Maf atlh al-'Ulum " of Al-Khwarizmi (tenth
cent.) we learn that the tanbtir al-Baghdddl was also
called the tanbftr al-mlzdni ("measured pandore").* It
is well known that Julius Pollux actually credits the Arabs
with the one-stringed pandoura ( = ftovo'xopSov) and attri-
butes the three-stringed instrument to the Assyrians. 7 An
Arabic author, Ibn Khurdadhbih (ninth cent.), ascribed
the tanbur to the people of Lut (Sodom and Gomorrah), 8
and a similar statement is made by Ibn Ghaibl (d. 1435).
I specially mention these details because the pandore is
essentially an Oriental instrument. To the Greeks an in-
strument of this type had but little appeal, 9 and the point
is of some importance.

Miss Schlesinger continues her criticism anent the tanbnr
al-Bagkdddl scale as follows :

" The scale of the tanbtir al-Baghdddl formed part of a
system which was general all over the ancient East

*"Leyden MS., Or. 651, fol. 67. Land, " Kecherches," 112.

6 Al-Khwarizmi, p. 237.

'Julius Pollux, iv, 60. This author does not refer the pan-
doura to the Egyptians as Miss Schlesinger says in the " Encyclo-
paedia Britannica " (xx, 676). See my " Studies in Oriental
Musical Instruments/' pp. 3-4. The monochordos hanon depicted
in Ptolemy's " Harmonics " (lib. ii, cop. xii) is the Asiatic pan-
dore (Arabic, tanbur). In the Middle Ages, Western Europe
used the rubeba (Arabic, rabdb) for the same purpose. Cousse-
maker, " Soriptores," i, 152, ii, 462, iv, 208.

* " Studies in Oriental Musical Instruments/' p. 55.
9 See " Revue des Etudes grecques," viii, 371 %

234 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Ptolemy recorded the formula of that very scale as that
of the enharmonic scale of Eratosthenes I may per-
haps Bfe allowed to state with reference to this scale of the
tanbftr al-Baghdddi .... that its theoretical and mathe-
matical basis with the implications that it carries with it,
*'4s* known to me, and that I can, therefore, assert with
authority that Al-Farabi certainly did not know this basis.
The details he has preserved belong to the practical ap-
plication of the scale to the frets of the tanbfn, and to the
tuning of the strings, not to the theory or origin of the
scale, the significance of which, it is quite clear, escaped
Al-Farabi just as it escaped Ptolemy/' 20

What is the upshot of all this? The merest dabbler
m Greek music knows all about Ptolemy's reference to the
enharmonic genus of Eratosthenes. 11 As to its origin, I
h&ve thrown out a hint in my " Influence of Music from
Arabic Sources," which may be worth considering. 12 Miss
Schlesinger's a priori argument concerning what Al-
Farabi "did not know/' will hardly carry weight with
those who are acquainted with the writings of "The
Second Teacher" (i.e., the successor of Aristotle). Al-
Farabi was " quite a good mathematician/' 15 and the author
of several treatises on pure and applied mathematics.^

20 "Musical Standard/' xxvii, loc. cit.

"Ptolemy, "Harm./' ii, 14.
^"Proceedings of the Musical Association," Session lii, 121.

" Encyclopaedia of Islam," ii, 54.

2* Among his mathematical works were: "An Introduction to
Geometry," "A Commentary on the Elements of Euklid " and
"A Commentary on the Almagest of Ptolemy." He also wrote
other treatises on astronomy, optics, and mechanics (?). See
Steinschneider's " Al-Farabi " in " Memoires de PAcademie Im-
periale des Sciences de St.-Petersbourg," viie serie, tome xiii
No, 4.

THE TANBUR AL-BAGHDADI SCALE. 235

At any rate, he knew Euklid's "Elements" (Arab., " Ista-
qisat ") too well to deserve this censure*, and a perusal of
the particular section of his " Kitab al-Musiqi," which deals
with the tanbur al-Raghdad~i> will certainly confirm my
statement.

The scale of the tanbilr al-Baghdddi belonged especi*
ally to the Semitic East. It was perhaps the very parent
of the Enharmonic genus of Greece, which, we must not
forget, was introduced by Olympos, a Phrygian. 15 *

I s Jut arch, " De musica," xi f

23.

IBM MISJAH AND HIS INNOVATIONS,

I HAVE already indicated that Ibn Misjah (d. c. 705-
714) was responsible for introducing Byzantine as
well as Persian theories into Arabian music of Al-
Hijaz/ the former being borrowed from the astnkhusiyya
(sso-TOix^arai), as we are expressly told. Among the in-
novations probably, were the " Courses " (sing., majrd\
and, seemingly, the Pythagorean scale. 2 At the same time,
I pointed out that in all probability the Arabs of Syria
and Al-Hlra already possessed the Pythagorean scale, 8
and that it was not unlikely that Al-Hijaz (i.e., Mecca)
actually got a foretaste of the Pythagorean system when
it borrowed the 'Iraqian or Persian 'ad (lute) about the
close of the sixth century/ The system built up by Ibn
Misjah is the one which I have termed the "Old Arabian
System " so as to distinguish it from a " Pre-Islamic Sys-

*See ante pp. 56-7. " Musical Standard,*' xxvii, p. 30, a.
*See my " Hist, of Arabian Music," p. 71.

5 See ante p. 51 and Appendix 21.

A Bee my "Hist, of Arabian Music," p. 69, and "Studies in
Oriental Musical Instruments," p. 62.

IBN MlSJAH. 237

*

tern." The former was the system which obtained (with
some additions) in the time of Ishaq al-Mausili (d.' 850).

It was for the purpose of showing that there was a
native system of music in vogue in the second half of
the seventh century that I introduced the passage con-
cerning Ibn Misjah. I quoted the opinion of J. P. N.
Land that the importations of Ibn Misjah were engrafted
on the older system. "I am not aware," says Miss
Schlesinger, "that Land has given any indications of
what this system is/' 5 That Land has hinted what the
scale of this older system may have been may be con-
firmed by reference to his " Recherches sur Thistoire de
la gamme arabe." 6 It was evolved, says Land, from the
scale which Al-Farabi still found subsisting in the tenth
century on the tanbtir al-Baghdadl or tanbur al-mlzdnL
Perhaps the old Arabian lute with the accordatura
C D G a, had this scale in a modified form
originally.

Except for the innovations already hinted at, Arabian
music kept to its national system, which made it distinct
from that of Byzantium and Persia. It is to be noticed
that Ibrahim al-Mausili, the father of Ishaq al-Mausili,
learned both Arabian and Persian music (ghintf) whilst
in Al-Raiy in Northern Persia. 7 Obviously, the two
countries had different systems at this time. There is also
a story told of Ishaq al-Mausill recognising Byzantine
music when he heard it, and the circumstance goes to prove

6 "Musical Standard," xxvii, p. 44, b.

Land, " Recherches," sect. 7.

7 " Kitab al-Agham," v, 3.

238 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

the dissimilarity between Arabian and Byzantine music.*
Finally, Al-Kindl states quite plainly that Arabian,
Byzantine and Persian music possessed features quite
distinctive from each other. 5

There are two words of technical' import in the passage
quoted anent Ibn Mis j ah which call for attention. The
words are nagham and nabardt^ and they have been trans-
lated as "modes" and "intervals." Nagham (or naghni)
sometimes occurs as a singular, the plural being angham,
and perhaps, strictly speaking, it ought to stand for
" melody," " song," although it is used also for a " musical
sound" (= "note"), 10 In the Ibn Misjah passage, how-
ever, the word nagham 11 is the plural of naghma> which,
with the Arabic theorists of music, stood for a "musical
sound" ( = </>0oyyo'9). Not unfrequently, however, it had
the meaning of "mode," 12 just as the Greek roVos had a
similar double usage. 13

8 Ibid., v, 57.
d " Berlin MS.," 5530, fol. 29, v, 30.

* See my " Arabic Musical MSS. in the Bodleian Library," pp.
11, 14-15, 17.

11 The Maghrib! vocalisation was niyharn. See Al-Farabi's
"Ihsa' al-'Ulum" (Escorial MS., No. 646, fol. 38, v), and the
thirteenth century " Vocabulista in Arabico."

* 2 In the thirteenth century "Vocabulista in Arabico," naglima
(plur., naglimdtj nigham) stands for " modus."

M Kosegarten ("Lib. Cant.," 10) translates nagham as " modu-
Jatio," but cf. p. 37. Caussin de Perceval (" Journal Asiatique,"
Nov.-Dec., 1873, p. 416) has "sons." Land ("Remarks," p. 156)
has " sounds." Collangettes (" Journal Asiatique," Nov.-Dec.,
1904, p. 370) has "notes." Ribera ("La Miisica de las Canti-
gas," 23) has "tonos."

IBN MISJAH. 239

Nabardt (sing., nabrd] has been taken in its literal sig-
nification by Kosegarten, Caussin de Perceval, Land and
Ribera, to mean " liftings of the voice." This is simply
the definition of the Arabic lexicographers. 1 ^ I h.ave pre-
f erred to use the word " intervals."

^"Taj al-'Arus." It Is repeated by a native writer on Ara-
bian music, IJasan Husni 'Abd al-Wahab, " Le developpement
de la musique arabe en Oriente, Espagne, et Tunisie." (Tunis,
1918.)

24.
THE ACCORDATURA OF THE LUTE.

THE late J. P. N. Land once suggested that the Per-
sian lute at the time of the Arab conquest had but
two strings, called the bamm and sir. 1 Against
this, however, there is to be urged the statement of Khalid
al-Fayyad (d. c. 718) that the lute of Barbad, the favour-
ite minstrel of the Sasanid monarch, Khusrau Parwlz, had
four strings. 2 Some colour could be lent to Land's theory,
however, since Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi (d, 940) refers to a two-
stringed lute ('ud) in the seventh century, and its strings
are given the Persian names mentioned above. 5 It was
the circumstance of there being two strings that also per-
suaded Land that the Persian lute at this period was
really a tanbur or pandore. This can scarcely be correct,
seeing that we have the testimony of Sasanid art which
clearly delineates a lute.*

The Arabs of Al-Hijaz borrowed the 'Iraqian or Persian
'ud about the close of the sixth century, as we have seen
(p. 52). Prior to this, they used, in common with the

*Land, 4t Remarks," 157, 160, et seq.
* " Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society," 1899, p. 59.

* " <Iqd al-Farld," iii, 181.
JDalton, " Treasures of the Oxus," 190.

THE ACCORDATURA OF THE LUTE. 241

Arabs of the interior, lutes of a different type, known as
the mizhar, kiran, and muwattar. 6

In the early years of the eighth century (720-4) we
know that the Arabs generally were using a four-stringed
lute. 6 Whether the latter device was borrowed from
Persia, or whether it was an indigenous innovation, can-
not be said with certainty, but the fact that the lowest
and highest strings were given the Persian names of bamm
and zlr y whilst the third and second strings carried the
Arabic names of mathlath and mathna, would seem to
point to an Arabian original modified perhaps by the
adoption of a Persian ace or datura. At first, it would
seem, the accordatura was designed so as to simply reach
the octave, hence the tuning was, C D G a. Later,
however, a new accordatura of fourths was introduced,
A D G c, which, by means of a shift, gave the double
octave.

This latter accordatura was the normal method for seven
hundred years at least, certainly from Ishaq al-Mausili
(d. 850) to Ibn Ghaibl (d. 1435). At the same time, special
tunings were adopted for particular purposes, but they
are described as "makeshifts" by Al-Kindi (d. c. 874).
Three special tunings are mentioned, and they consisted
of an alteration of the low A string (bamm) to G, B, or
C. In the ninth century, a fifth string called hadd was
adopted by Ziryab in Al-Andalus, and a simliar device
is postulated in the East by both Al-Kindi and Al-Farabi.
In this new departure the tuning by "fourths" was still
maintained.

Farmer, " History of Arabian Music," pp. 15, 16.
6"Iqd al-Farid," iii, 201.

17

242 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Side by side with this accordatura there still subsisted,
among the Western Arabs, the older accordatura of
C D G a (implying a different fretting, if fretted),
which only reached the octave. It is to be found in the
Maghrib! " Ma'rifat al-naghamat al-thaman " treatise.

On the question of the accordatura of the Arabian lute
in the days of Ishaq al-Mausili, Miss Schlesinger states
that Ishaq was responsible for an "innovation" in the
accordatura of the lute, which was, she says, A D a d, 7
and further that Yahya ibn 'All, the pupil of Ishaq, actu-
ally "missed the significance of this so-called innova-
tion,"* and that even the modern writer on Arabian music,
Jules Rouanet, "has not noticed this." 9 Furthermore, we
are told further that Al-Isfahani also ascribed this ac-
cordatura to Ishaq, but that he, too, had not noted its
"real significance.^ 1 ^ Finally, "Mr. Farmer clearly be-
trays the jact that> like Yahyd, he has not grasped the
significance of Ishatfs tuning" 11 Perhaps it is advisable
to state quite definitely at this point, that the reason why
all these people (save Al-IsfahanI, who does not refer to
it!) missed the "significance'* of Ishaq's accordatura is
that it did not exist.

7 Miss Schlesinger's notes are, G C g j. It is a matter of
taste or convenience whether one makes the lowest string ( bammj
" A," as with Collangettes and myself, or "C" with Land, or
"G.'' It is, however, of importance that the strings should be
shown in the proper position. My critic has reversed their order.
The bamm or lowest string should be on the left, and not on the
right. See my arrangement on p. 283.

8 " Musical Standard," xxvii, pp. 46, a, 96, b.
9*' Musical Standard/ 1 xxvii, p. 45, b.
10 "Musical Standard/' xxvii, p. 63, b.
p. 134, b.

THE ACCORDATURA OF THE LUTE. 243

For her evidence of this innovation of Ishaq al-Mausili
my critic relies on a passage from the article on Arabian
music by Jules Rouanet in Lavignac's " Encyclop6die de
la musique" (iv, 2701), which professes to be a translation
from the "Risalat al-Musiqi" of Yahya ibn 'All ibn
Yahya (d. 91 2). 12 The passage given by Rouanet is not a
translation but a mere resume, and even then it is mislead-
ing and incorrect. For instance, Rouanet quotes Yahya
ibn 'All as follows : 2S " We will repeat what Ishaq and Ibra-
him have said, and will show the difference which exists
between the singers who, like Ishaq, have known and, p)rac-
tised music, and the musicians who assert that there 1 are
eighteen notes."

What Yahya ibn 'All does actually say, and I quote
from the text, is this: "We will explain what Ishaq ibn
Ibrahim al-Mausili, the freedman, has named among the
sounds (aswdt), some of which he drew up in the 'course*
(majrd) of the 'middle finger* (wustd) and some in the
'course 1 of the 'third finger* (binsir), and the disagree-
ment between the Masters of Arabian music (ghind!) like
Ishaq (and it seems that he is one of those who unite
theory with practice and performance) and the Masters of

i* Students are warned against placing too much reliance on
this article by Rouanet. It abounds in errors (some, however,
purely typographical), and its author has used and quoted Kiese-
wetter, Fetis, Caussin de Perceval, Barbier de Meynard, Land,
Carra de Vaux, Collangettes, Ronzevalle, and others, quite un-
critically and without proper acknowledgment.

* 5 1 give Miss Schlesinger's translation from Rouauet, " Musi-
cal Standard," xxvii, p, 45, a.

244 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

[Greek] music (musiqi)^ who assert that there are
eighteen [sounds]/' 15

The particular sentence upon which Miss Schlesinger
has based her reasons for accrediting Ishaq with the ac-
cordatura A D a d, runs thus in Rouanet's article. 16
" These two strings \bamm and rnathlath~\ only gave the
notes of the higher strings [inathna and zlr] an octave
lower/' There is, however, no passage in the treatise in
question that is quite identical with that given here. The
nearest to it, and it is obviously the one intended, reads
as follows : 17 " Certainly the mathlath and bamm [strings]
do not originate a note, because they [the people] found
every note in them occurring in the mathnd and zlr
[strings]. And that is because the open string (mutlaq)
of the matklath is like the first finger (sabbaba) upon the
zlr, and the first finger of the mathlath is like the third
(binslr) upon the zlr, and the second finger (wnsta) of
the mathlath is like the fourth finger (khinsir) upon the
sir "

The correspondences given between the notes of the
bamm and mathlath and those of the mathnd and zlr
prove conclusively the fallacy of my critic's contention,
and her idea of segregating the theory of Ishaq from that
of Yahya on this point is not justified by the treatise.
However, Miss Schlesinger cannot blame Rouanet or any-

U The word wusfgf, when it was first adopted from the Greek,
stood for the science of music as the Arabs had learnt it from the
Greeks, as distinct from their own practical theory ('ilm al-ghiniV ).

# "British Museum MS./' Or. 2361, fol. 233, v.
^Lavignac's " Ency. de la mus.," iv, 2701. " Musical Stan-
dard/' xxvii, p. 45.

""Brit. Mus. MS.," Or. 2361, fol. 237.

THE ACCORDATURA OF THE LUTE. 245

one else for her opinions on the Christian origin of Ishaq's
accordance, which, in view of her circumstantial account
of it, had better be noticed.

Miss Schlesinger says that " the accordance of Ishaq's
lute REVEALS ITS CHRISTIAN MONASTIC ORI-
GIN," and to show "the manner in which Ishaq came
upon the scale used upon his lute " she retails certain
" significant passages " from Al-Isf ahani via Kosegarten. 18

" In a passage/' she says, " . . . . which tells of the poet
Ka'b al-Ashqarl, we read : ' This is a song (cantilena)
which, they say, he composed to the malekos mode of the
melodia (or musical mode), which he had heard from the
monks/ Kosegarten then relates that : Al-Aswad ibn
'Umara, the poet, says, as recorded by Al-Isf ahani : ' To
these little verses one, Hijazi, fitted a certain monkish
melody/ "

The name malekos^ she says, " may be a modification of
the Greek adjective malakos" She also points to the ex-
istence of a rag (mode) in India called malkos, founded
on the Mixolydian, and says : " If, as I believe, some of
the Persian and Arabian singers used the real ancient
modes, which were akin as were those of ancient Hin-
dustan to those of ancient Greece, then we see here in-
dicated how the Christian monks taught the Arabs to ac-
commodate these modes to the modified form used in the
early Greek Church, and to tune their lutes in accordance
with this form, as had evidently been the case with
Ishaq/' 19

Kosegarten, " Lib. Cant.," 200. " Kitab al-Aghani," xiii,
13-14, 64.

" Musical Standard," xxvii, p. 97, b, 98, a.

246 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Unfortunately, my critic has misunderstood the Al-
Isfahani-Kosegarten passages.

In his life of Ka'b al-Ashqarl, Al-Isfahanl speaks of a
song set to music by Malik al-Tai', and then goes on to
say, in the Latin translation of Kosegarten, " h<zc est can-
tilena^ quam Mdlekum ad modum melodies^ quam ex mon-
achis audiverat % composiiisse ferunt" This, in the ori-
ginal Arabic, would read in English : " This is a song
which, they say, Malik [al-Tai'] composed to a melody
which he had heard from the monks." My critic has
turned poor Malik into a mode ! The other passage, from
the life of Al-Aswad ibn 'Umara, is given by Kosegarten
thus : " Duo bus ill is versiculis Hidsckdsensis quid am ap-
tavit cantus quendam monachicum" Anglicised, this
reads: "To these two little verses some Hijazian has
adapted a monkish song." 20

We see therefore that there is nothing about a malekos
mode, nor any mention of an "accordance" or "theory"
being borrowed by the Arabs from the Christian monks.
All that is recorded is that seme Arab musicians used
monkish themes in their songs, just as Ishaq himself in-
troduced the chant of a muezzin, and Ibn Suraij a negro
melody."

*0Even Kosegarten does not give a precise translation.
2i"Kitab al-Agham," v, 69, vi, 80,

25.

ISHAQ AL-MAUSILL

J SHAQ AL-MAU$IL1 (d. 850) was one of the greatest
I musicians in the annals of Arabian music. His
father, Ibrahim al-Mausill (d. 804), also a musician,
was a Persian by parentage, but an Arab by birth and
education^ seeing that he was born at Al-Kufa, adopted
and reared by the Banu Tamlm, and received his earliest
musical education at Al-Mausil, hence his surnames Al-
Tamlmi and Al-Mausill. Ishaq, his son, happened to be
born at Al-Raiy, in Northern Persia, where his father had
gone to prosecute his studies in both Persian and Arabian
music. 1 Ishaq, as a mere child, accompanied his father to
Baghdad, where the latter soon became famous. We know
almost every step in Ishaq's education. He was taught
the Qur'an by Al-Kisai and Al-Farra', the "traditions"
by Hushaim ibn Bushair, and history and belles lettres
by Al-Asma'i and Abu 'Ubaida al-Muthanna. In music,
he was taught, not "mainly" by his father, as Miss

*"Kitab al-AghanL" v, 3.

248 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Schlesinger says, but by his uncle Zalzal and 'Atika bint
Shudha, both of whom were famous musicians. 2

It has been found necessary to emphasise the question
of Ishaq's family, birth, and education, because my
critic has placed considerable importance on his
Persian parentage in her criticism of my statement about
Ishaq and the "Old Arabian system." 3 All that was
Persian about Ishaq was that his grandfather came from
Persia.

Ishaq al-Mausill was a man of wide culture who won a
reputation, quite apart from music, as a poet, litterateur^
philologist, and jurisconsult. His library was one of the
largest in Baghdad, and was especially rich in works on
Arabic philology from Ishaq's own hand/ Some forty
works were written by him, and seventeen of these con-
cerned music or musicians. Unfortunately, not a solitary
exemplar of these latter works has as yet been discovered.
The author of the " Fihrist " (c. 988) praises Ishaq as " a
recorder of poetry and antiquities, .... a poet, clever in
the art of music (ghina'), and versatile in the sciences/' 5
Yahya ibn 'All (d. 912) says of him : " Ishaq was the most
learned of the people of his time in music, and the most

2 " Kitiib al-Agham," v. 54. Miss Schlesinger makes Zalzal a
singer (" Musical Standard/' xxvii, p. 62, b). He was a lutenist,
singing not being his forte. (See my " Hist, of Arabian Music,"
p. 118.) Rouanet (op. cit., p. 2,693), borrowing from Caussin de
Perceval (" Journal Asiatique," Nov.-Dec., 1873, p. 548), whom
he misreads, shows Zalzal performing on the zamr (reed-pipe),
and his companion, Barsauma, on the l ud (lute). It should be
vice versa.

J " Musical Standard,'* xxvii, p. 46.

& Ibn Khallikan, " Biog. Diet.," i, 185.

Al-Fihrist," 141.

ISHAQ AL-MAUSIL1. 249

accomplished of them in all its branches, and the best per-
former on the lute and most of the other instruments of
music/'

Miss Schlesinger is contemptuous of Ishaq al-Mausili.
11 Ishaq," she says, " was a proficient lute-player and singer
not a brilliant one, since it took him ten years to mem-
orise his scale and fingering on the lute." 6 The statement
is hardly correct, although it is Jules Rouanet who would
seem to have been responsible for her making it. In the
first place, the quotation is torn from its context, and
further, its implication is misunderstood, as will be shown.

The proper passage occurs in the " Kitab al-Agham,"
which describes a scene during one of those brilliant
soirees musicales at the court of Al-Wathiq (d. 847). 7 The
dexterity and proficiency of lutenists both past and pre-
sent were under discussion, and Ishaq al-Mausili declared
that his uncle Zalzal (d. 799) was a superior performer
to Mulahiz, who was then the doyen of his craft. The
latter, who was present during the discussion, was piqued
at this criticism, and Ishaq himself was dragged into com-
parison. Ishaq, although nearly eighty years of age, and
long out of practice as a lutenist, accepted the challenge,
and turning to Mulahiz, asked him to disaccord (shaw*
wash) his lute, and then hand him the instrument. Mula-
hiz did so, and as soon as Ishaq had taken the lute into
his hands he struck the strings to ascertain its contin-
gencies. Having done this, he again turned to Mulahi?
and asked him to sing. Mulahiz then began a song, and

6 " Musical Standard," xxvii, p. 46, line 55. Cf. line 1.
7 " Kitab al-Agham/ ' v, 57-S.

250 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Ishaq accompanied him on the lute which had been thrown
into disaccordance, following the singer's melody pre-
cisely, up and down the frets (dasatin) of the lute with-
out a wrong note! s Al-Wathiq and the court were as-
tounded at this coup de maitre^ and IshSxj thereupon
related the following.

Barbad (Fahlidh), the famous minstrel of the Sasanid
monarch Khusrau Parwlz (d. 628), found on one occasion,
at the very moment when he was about to perform before
the court, that his lute had been interfered with and
thrown into disaccordance. Being a clever lutenist, how-
ever, Barbad played his instrument just as it was, with-
out exhibiting the slightest embarrassment. It was the
desire to emulate the example of Barbad, said Ishaq on
the above occasion, that led him to devote himself to the
complete mastery of the lute. This took him ten years
to accomplish, but what was achieved was something far
different from what has been referred to by Miss
Schlesingen In the scales alone, an ordinary lutenist had
to master the eight melodic modes (asdbi*), the compound
modes (adwdr), which were made up of the first tetra-
chord of one mode and the second tetrachord of another,
as well as the transposition scales (tabaqat). These had
to be learned not only in the normal accordance, but in
at least three special tunings. Ishaq, we are told, ac-
quired in this way so complete a knowledge of the ac-
cordances (taswiyyat) % frets (dasatln), and scales (taba-

s In " Trait6 ties rapports musicaux," by Baron Carra de Vaux,
this feat is related of an "Ishaq Zolzol " (Zalzal). The learned
Arabist appears to have misread the text.

ISHAQ AL-MAUSILL 25!

qat), that there was not a solitary note whose position
(mauda*) was unknown to him in any circumstance.

To have arrived at the height of technical skill as a
lutenist that is credited to Ishaq by all the annalists, an
apprenticeship of ten years was certainly not too long.
In Western Europe, two hundred years later, as Guido
of Arezzo informs us, it took ten years for choristers to
learn to sing from music. 9

The ability of Ishaq as a theorist is also in question.
" It is clear," says my critic, " that Ishaq was no theorist,"
and in proof of this statement a story is quoted from the
article by Jules Rouanet already mentioned, who himself
took it from Caussin de Perceval/ but truncated it ! It
is as follows : 12

"The Amir Muhammad once asked Ishaq this ques-
tion : If a fifth string were added to the lute, in order
to obtain the extra high note which you call the tenth and
last of the scale, what is the position on that string which
would give that note? Ishaq was unable to answer the
question [a very simple matter K. S.] and suggested to
a friend that the Amir probably got the idea from some
ancient treatise he had been reading," etc.

When we read the original, however, a different light
dawns on the scene. Here is the story direct from the
"Kitab al-Aghani":

SGerbert, " Scriptores," ii, 43.
20" Journal Asiatique," Nov.-Dec., 1873, pp. 58S-9.
22 Miss S. gives a page reference to the " Kitab al-Aghani,"
which she borrows from Rouanet, who borrowed from. Caussin de
Perceval. The latter was quoting from a MS., but there has been
a printed edition of the work since 1868.

252 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

"'All ibn Yahya al-Munajjim 12 said: 'I was with
ibn Ibrahim ibn Mus'ab when he asked Ishaq al-Mausill
(or else it was Muhammad ibn Al-Hasan ibn Mus'ab who
asked) in my presence, he said : ' O Abu Muhammad [the
surname of Ishaq al-Mausili], if one made on the lute a
fifth string for [reaching] the high note which is the tenth
in your method, where would you be fingering it on it ?'
(lit. 'where would you be going out from it?'). Ishaq
was annoyed for a long time [at this] and his ears became
red (and they were of enormous size), for when anything
like this befell him they [his ears] reddened, and his tem-
per was great. He then said to Muhammad ibn Al-
Hasan : ' The answer in regard to this is not with words,
but with playing. If you could play I would show you
where the fingering would be/ And he [Muhammad] held
his peace, for he was an Amir, and he had received an
answer from him [Ishaq] which was not pleasing. Yet he
dealt lightly with him.

"'All ibn Yahya [al-Munajjim] says : 'He [Ishaq] came
to me and said, 'O Abu'l-Hasan, this man [the Amir] has
asked me about the thing that you have heard, but his
knowledge did not originate with the like of him. It is
something that he has read in the writings of the Ancients
[the Greeks], as it has come to my knowledge that the
translators with them [the Amir's family] translate books
on music (musiql) for them. So if anything of this comes

** He was the father of the music theorist, Yafcya ibn 'All ibn
Yaljya, and died in the year 888. He was a pupil of Isljaq al-
Maus.il! in music, and the author of a biography of this virtuoso
entitled " Kitab akhbar Isttaq ibn Ibrahim. " See my "History
of Arabian Music," p. 167.

ISHAQ AL-MAUSILL 253

your way, then give it to me/ And I promised him that
I would do this, but he died before anything was avail-
able."**

This proper version of the story shows us that Ishaq
was quite able to answer the question of the Amir, but
he was dealing with a questioner who was ignorant of
the technique of lute-playing. Further, Ishaq looked
upon the matter as "baiting," and answered accordingly.
This was an ordeal which the virtuoso frequently had to
submit to at the hands of courtiers, but Ishaq always had
a "trump card" to play, according to those who relate
the stories. Of course, one recalls that even Guido of
Arezzo (d. c. 1050) admitted to Brother Michael, that there
were points in his method that he found difficult to ex-
plain on paper, which could be made quite clear viva
voce! H

We now come to the question of my statement concern-
ing the "Old Arabian System" which, I had said, was
"recast" by Ishaq al-Mausill. 15 It is not my intention
to deal with the various systems of Arabian music, as my
concern here is simply to dispose of some erroneous points
already raised. 10 In the first place, the " Old Arabian
System " was not the " Pre-Islamic System " as Miss
Schlesinger infers. The former was the one laid down

""Kitab al-Agham," v, 53.
^Gerbert, " Scriptores," ii, 43.

it See ante p. 59.

18 I propose to issue a history of the Arabian systems of music
aa a companion volume to my " History of Arabian Music " (Luzac
and Co., London).

254 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

by Ibn Misjah a native system modified by Byzantine
and Persian borrowings, as already pointed out. 27 It was
this system that was "recast" by Ishaq al-Mausill, as we
shall see.' 8

An error that Miss Schlesinger has made in this
discussion is in postulating that a <f system " or " theory "
of music simply means the scale ! That the Arabs were
using the Pythagorean scale at the time of Ishaq and even
earlier does not permit the deduction that Arabian music
was identical with the Greek or Byzantine music. There
are other things besides the scale that go to constitute a
" system " or " theory " of music. There were the melodic
mo'des (asdbi'), compound modes (adwdr, dawd'ir) t trans-
position scales (tabaqdt), rhythmic modes (iqctat), caesura
(maq&t) % glosses (zawtiid) for both the melodic and
rhythmic modes, and the various types of composition
(ta'lif), both measured (mauztin) and unmeasured
(ikhtiydrl). It is in these other constituent parts that go
to make up what is called the "Old Arabian System"
that we can discern how far Byzantine practice had not
found acceptance with the Arabs.

I have already said that the two "Courses" (sing.,
majra] into which the melodic modes (asabi 1 ) were divided,
were probably of Byzantine origin. 19 Indeed, the corres-

M See ante p. 57.
**See Appendix 31.

ante p. 57. I said "probably" advisedly, because the
" Courses" might be much older. With the Arabs the majrd al-
wusid was "feminine" a.nd the majrd al-binsir "masculine,"
The idea is Chalctaan and Pythagorean.

ISHAQ AL-MAUSILL 255

pondence had already been noticed by others, including
the late Pere Collangettes. 20 When, therefore, Miss
Schlesinger specially points out that " even this feature
\the 'courses^ ivhich has been considered purely Ara-
bian, has its prototype in the very perfect system of the
Greeks"* 1 this revelation is rather belated.

Journal Asiatique," Juil-Aout, 1906, pp. 166-7,
M" Musical Standard, 17 xxvii, 96, b.

26.

THE BERLIN AL-KINDI MANUSCRIPTS.

THE oldest Arab theorist of music whose actual
works have come down to us is Al-Kindi (d. c.
874), although, with the exception of what I have
brought forward here and elsewhere, 1 very little has been
culled from this source. Until 1926, only two of his MSS.
were known to Orientalists, the " Risala f I khubr ta'lif
al-alhan," in the British Museum (Or. 2361) and the "Ris-
eila fl ijza* khabarriya al-musiqi," in the Berlin Staats-
bibliothek (Ahlwardt, 5503). In the above year, how-
ever, I attempted to identify two other MSS. at Berlin as
Al-Kind!'s. 2 One entitled "'Risala fi'1-luhun" (Ahl-
wardt, 5531), is undoubtedly from the hand of Al-Kindi,
and the other (Ahlwardt, 5530) is most likely his also.

The British Museum treatise is an incomplete and de-
fective copy, but in it we get a fairly concise view of the
theory of music under Ancient Greek auspices. The first
of the Berlin MSS. mentioned above, deals fully with the
question of rhythm and the doctrine of the " influence of
music." The next Berlin treatise is one written for

1 See ray "Influence of Music: From Arabic Sources. "
* " Some Musical MSS. Identified " in " Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society/' Jan., 1926.

THE BERLIN AL-KINDI MANUSCRIPTS. 257

Ahmad, the son of Khalif Al-Mu'tasim. It concerns the
physical and physiological aspect of sound. The last of
the Berlin treatises is a particularly interesting document,
although incomplete and defective. In it may be found
sections dealing with (i) the construction of the lute, (2)
the strings, (3) the accordatura y (4) the notes, (5) the cos-
mical influences, and (6) the practical art of lute playing.

These treatises enable us to say quite definitely, in spite
of Ancient Greek and Sabaean (= Sabi'a) influences which
are everywhere apparent in the theories of Al-Kindi, that
A rabian theory was different from that of Byzantium and
Persia?

Another interesting point which emerges from the study
of this last tract, is the question of the language in which
Al-Kindl's Greek authorities was written. Many savants
have held that Al-Kindi was acquainted with Greek and
was a translator from the Greek. 4 In the last-mentioned
tract Al-Kindi uses the word qithura? which would ap-
pear to show that in this instance, at any rate, the author
had been consulting a Syriac work, probably a transla-
tion from the Greek.

* See my " History of Arabian Music," p. 151.
*De Sacy, "Relation cle PEgypte," p. 488. Wiistenfeld,
"Gesch. der arabischen Aerzte," 22. Sedillot, "Hist, des
arabes," 340. Leclerc, " Hist, de la Medecine arabe," i, 135.
5 Op. cit., fol. 24.

18

27.

ARABIC TREATISES ON MUSICAL
INSTRUMENTS.

IT has already been stressed that the Arabs possessed
treatises on musical instruments long before West-
ern Europe. 1 Since antiquity has not handed down
a solitary work of this type, the Arabic treatises of Al-
Kindl (d. c. 874) and Al-Farabi (d. 950) are the oldest
works of their kind that we possess. The work of the
former deals only with the lute ('ud). The latter gives
full details of instruments of the lute, pandore, and rebec
class in separate sections on the 'ud, tanbfir al-Baghdadi,
tanbur al-Khurasdnt y and rabdb> as well as sufficiently
concise references to the harp, psaltery or zither types in
the jank (or sanj\ mt'zaf (or mi'zafa), and shahrud. In
addition, the wood-wind family as represented by the
mizm&r wahidy suryanai and diyanai, is dealt with. 2

Miss Schlesinger derides the performance of Al-Farabi
in these matters. This is hardly just. At any rate, it
should be pointed out that Al-Farabi does not describe

1 See ante, p. 155.

2 See my " Studies in Oriental Musical Instruments, " p. 57,
for these names.

ARABIC TREATISES. 259

a guitar " called kithara? nor even refer to it. 3 Nor does
he speak of the frets of the tanbur al-Khurasanl producing
"seventeen intervals of one-third tone each." 4 He does
not say that the rabab was known as ihtlyra, 5 and he
does not include the rabdb among instruments with
" frets." 6

Special condemnation is reserved by my critic for Al-
Farabi's treatment of "wind instruments" as follows.
" Unfortunately/' says Miss Schlesinger, " Al-Farabl omits
the essentials in his description of flutes and reed-blown
pipes, but it is quite certain from the particulars he has
given that the notes of the lute, which he adapts on
paper to the holes of the reed-pipe, would not result
from the boring of the holes described." 8

Al-Farabl certainly omits measurements in dealing with
the particular instruments described, although in the in-
troduction to this section he lays it down that the length
and diameter of tubes, as well as the size of the digit-
holes, are material factors in determining pitch. As to the
statement that the boring of the holes described by Al-
Farabi do not give the notes that he mentions, it must be
pointed out that Al-Farabl does not describe the boring of
the holes, other than to specify their number, their position
in a straight line or otherwise, and their equal size. That
the notes described on the " wood-wind " of Al-Farabi do
correspond in general to those on the lute, there can be no

3 Schlesinger, "Precursors of the Violin Family/' 446.

^ Schlesinger, " Encyclopaedia Britannica," xx, 676.

5 Schlesinger, " Encyclopaedia Britannica," xxii, 950.

6 Schlesinger, " Musical Standard," xxvii, p. 62.

" Musical Standard," xxvii, 62, b.

260 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

question. Fortunately, readers can judge this question
for themselves as the entire section on the "wood-wind"
(masamlr) from Al-Farabi's " Kitab al-Musiqi " may be
consulted in a French translation (with Arabic text) in the
appendix to Land's " Recherches sur Thistoire de la
gamme arabe."

Miss Schlesinger then proceeds to inform us that in one
of the reed-pipes described by Al-Farabi there is a trace
of " the Pre-Islamic system," but that Al-Farabi was un-
able to detect it, "obviously from lack of knowledge."
This neglect, we are told, is " an example of how the Arab
theorists break down and are nonplussed when dealing
with the practice of Arab music which does not come
within the sphere of the Greek theorists." The reference
to Kosegarten's book and Al-Farabi's manuscript being
faulty, it cannot be deduced with certainty which pipe is
referred to, although it would apear to be the suryanai.
At any rate this pipe does not give a scale from which
"the modal tetrachord, given by afi [al-Dln 'Abd al-
Mu'min] as Isfahan, is derived," as she states. 5

All the scales on the pipes given by Al-Farabi were
" within the sphere of the Greek theorists," with the excep-
tion of those which gave the Zalzalian (rk}) and Persian
(fi) thirds. As for the statement that the Arab theorists
were nonplussed when dealing with non-Greek intervals
such as the latter, we actually have succinct accounts as to
how they arrived at these intervals. As to the suggested
" lack of knowledge " on the part of Al-Farabi it may be

Cf. Land, " Recherches," , 128-9, 163-4. Carra de Vaux,

"Le Trait6 des rapports musicaux," 60.

ARABIC ^TREATISES. 261

remarked that even if this alleged Pre-Islamic scale did
"peep through" in the pipes, it was not the business of
Al-Farabi to dissect it. His " Kitab al-Musiqi " was not
an antiquarian work, but was devised to meet the needs
of the day, and especially to codify the native music on
ancient Greek principles, as both Land and Collangettes
have long since pointed out. 10 It is scarcely to be ex-
pected that Al-Farabi should have dilated on systems
to which he was opposed.

In comparing the development of musical instruments
in Europe and among the Arabs Miss Schlesinger says :
" If we turn our attention to European music, we find that
every step in evolution is accompanied by corresponding
developments in the musical instruments. . . . During the
transition from the diatonic to the chromatic genus in
Europe, every fresh urge in the direction of a chromatic
compass was heralded or followed by a new key added to
the flutes or to the reed-blown instruments. . , . The viol
family enlarged its compass by tentative stretchings of
the fingers in stopping the strings, which led eventually
to the device of the ' shift ' on the left hand of the neck.
Many more examples might be given to show how every
new idea that may be said to have influenced the theory

, "Remarks," etc., in "Trans. Ninth Int. Cong, of Ori-
entalists/' ii, 155. Collangettes, " Journal Asiatique," Nov.-
Dec., 1904, p. 373. Following the statement of Casiri (" Bibl.
Arab.-Hisp. Escur.," i, 347) several writers have imagined that
the Escorial codex of Al-Farabi's " Kitab al-musiqi " contains
more than thirty figures of musical instruments, together with
musical notes. It is quite an exaggeration. Cf. Russell, A.,
"Nat. Hist, of Aleppo" (1794), i, 386. Crichton, A., "Hist, of
Arabia," ii, 117,

262 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE,

of music arose out of the prophetic inspiration of the
musicians, always in advance of the practice of their
day.""

This theory, however, hardly works out successfully
from a historical standpoint. We have the system of
"forking" or a similar device (so as to obtain the acciden-
tals on wood-wind instruments) in existence centuries be-
fore the so-called " transition from the diatonic to the
chromatic genus in Europe, and it lasted long afterwards.
Strange to say, the earliest reference to " forking " or a
similar device that has come my way is to be found in the
Arabic "Kitab al-Kafi fi'1-Muslqi" by Ibn Zaila (died
I048). 2 ~ As for the " shif t," it existed with the
Arabs as far back as Al-Kindl (died 874)** and Yahya
ibn 'All ibn Yahya (died 912).^

My critic continues as follows : " Now let us turn to the
Arabs and Moors. What do we find? My rabdb with
primitive bent wood bow, my zamr and bagpipe from
Northern Egypt, are all of precisely the same shape and
structure as those represented in use among the fifty-two
musicians of the 'Cantigas de Santa Maria 1 (thirteenth
century), which were introduced by the Moors into Spain.
There is no development, no progress to be chronicled in
all these seven centuries. The music of the Moors and
Arabs is still purely melodic; the organum did not take
root or develop in that soil, neither did keyboard instru-
ments. The beautiful instruments of the lute family, rang-

11 "Is European Musical Theory Indebted to the Arabs ?" p. 19.
"Brit. Mus. MS.," Or. 2361, fol. 236, v. Cf. Lavignac, i, 354.
w-' Berlin MS.," 5530, fol. 30, v.
rit r Mus f MS./' Or. 2861, fol. g37,

ARABIC TREATISES. 263

ing from the large Roman chitarrone six feet high, and
the Paduan theorbo five feet high, to the mandoline were
developed in Italy. The Arab lutes are still rough and
primitive in design and execution." 25

It may be true that there has been little progress musi-
cally with the Arabs as suggested, and the reason is not
far to seek. You cannot separate art and politics. The
cultural and economic life of the Arabian East never re-
covered from the sack and destruction of Baghdad in
1258. Egypt, which maintained a vestige of the Khali-
fate, fell into Turkish hands in 1516, when the cultural
decline was hastened there. Western Islamic civilisation
ceased with the fall of Granada in 1492, and in the sub-
sequent expulsion of the Moors. 16 Under similar condi-
tions the same results would come to any other people or
country. Yet the question is of small import in the pre-
sent argument because the Arabian influence on the music
of Western Europe had made itself felt long before these
events took place. Yet it is worth while remarking that
if an Arab were to comment on the musical instruments
of Britain by referring merely to a primitive one-stringed
fiddle, a tin whistle and a bagpipe, such as one might see
with itinerant musicians in this country, he would simply
be laughed at. Yet this is precisely what my critic does
in reference to Arabian instruments. If it be seriously
desired to compare the modern Egyptian Arab instru-
ments as used by professional musicians with those of
Europe, there will be found plenty of well constructed

c it., p. 10.
16 See my " History of Arabian Music/' Chapter VII.

264 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

specimens of the l ud t the kamanja (both the afranjl 17 and
'ajuzi species), the gdnun, the ndy> and really beautiful
drums and tambourines. In the Middle Ages in the East,
the manufacture of musical instruments was carried out
with extreme care, as we know from the "Kanz al-
Tuhaf. 2S Woods, reeds and other materials were very
carefully chosen and prepared. The adornment of these
instruments, not merely with mother-of-pearl and ivory
(which still survives in our mandolines and banjos), but
with delicate gold and silver work as well as precious
stones, was specially indulged in.

Miss Schlesinger essays to prove another point of her
theory by introducing an instrument which was the out-
come of the introduction of organum. " The first fruit of
this new departure (organum) in the music of Western
Europe was the invention of the or ganistrum, a new musi-
cal instrument designed specially, as the name indicates,
for rendering the organum. In this instrument a new
method of setting the strings in vibration appears for the
first time, as far as is known at present, viz., by means of a
rosined wheel, turned by a crank, which caused three or
four strings to sound simultaneously." 19

There would seem to be little doubt, as Canon Galpin
points out, that the rosined wheel was suggested by the
bow, 20 an implement which is generally acknowledged to
have been borrowed from the East, and probably from the

v Or rumi. This is the European type of violin.
**"Kanz al-Tuhaf," maqala 3.

^Op. cit., p. 13.
20 Galpin, " Old English Instruments of Music," p. 102.

ARABIC TREATISES. 265

Arabs. 2 The use of the bow is implied by Al-Farabi
(died 950),* the Ikhwan al-Safa' (tenth century), 5 and Ibn
Sina (d. IO3/)/ which disposes of Hugo Riemann's argu-
ment that the fourteenth century was the earliest mention
of bowed instruments by Orientals. 5 That being so, the
question arises that if Miss Schlesinger believes that
" every step in evolution is accompanied by corresponding
developments in the musical instruments " as instanced in
organum > organi$trum> may we not apply the same line
of argument to the Arabs? If the rosined wheel of the
organistrum, which caused several strings to sound simul-
taneously, was the "first fruit" of organnm in Western
Europe, then surely there is no reason why we should not

L Miss Schlesinger states in her " Precursors of the Violin Fam-
ily " p. 398 (see also her article, " Rebab," in the " Encyclo-
paedia Britannica," xxii) : "The Arabs declare that it was from
the Persians they obtained the rabab, and probably the fiddle-
bow at the same time, but this is not stated, yet the Arab name
for the bow \_kamdn'] is derived from the Persian. " I cannot
recall any Arabic authority for the statement that the Arabs de-
clare that they borrowed the rabab from the Persians. On the
other hand, there are good reasons for believing that the Arabs
looked upon the tabab as an indigenous production. (" Berlin
MS.," We. 1233, fol. 47, v. See also " Bodleian MS.," 1842, fol.
78, v, where the rectangular instrument is specially referred to
the badavn Arabs). The Arabs have always used their own word,
qaiut, for the fiddle-bow, so that her argument, taken from
Carl Engel (" Early History of the Violin Family," 13) on
the Persian name for the fiddle-bow is valueless ! On the other
hand, the Persians have borrowed the Arabic word zakhma for the
plectrum, and even use the word to denote the fiddle-bow.
*Kosegarten, "Lib Cant.," 77.

sikhwan al-Safa', i, 92.
* Ibn Sina, "India Office MS.," No. 1811, fol. 173.

^Riemann, "Diet. Mus." (4th edit.), s.v. "Arabians and
Persians."

266 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

say that the bow of the rabab, which was capable of a
somewhat similar action, was the result of the self-same
prompting (the tarkib] with the Arabs ?

We are also told that the various larger instruments of
the lute family "did not take root or develop" among the
Arabs or Moors, but with the Italians. I have already
shown that the Arabs had the arch-lute, the theorbo and
similar instruments, and have even suggested that the
name theorbo may actually be a survival of an Arabic
name. 6 It was easy enough for Italy to "develop" what
the Arabs of Sicily and Al-Andalus had already brought
to perfection.

See Appendix 4, p. 144.

28.

VILLOTEAU AND OTHERS ON THE ARABIAN
MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

VILLOTEAU (died 1839) was one of the early ad-
vocates of the Arabian influence on the theory of
music. The resemblance between the scale of the
Arabs and that of Guido of Arezzo (died circa 1050) led
Villoteau to say that there was every reason to suppose
that the latter had adopted the musical theory of the
former. He admitted however, that it was out of the
Greek system that the Arabian theory arose, but, he said :
" according to all appearances it is this latter which served
as the model for that of Guido of Arezzo." 1

Some years earlier, Sir John Hawkins (died 1789) had
hinted at the Arabian influence. He said : " With respect
to the theory of music, it does not appear to have been at
all cultivated in Spain before the time of Salinas, who
was born in the year 1513, and it is possible that this sci-

i Villoteau, op. cit., i, 858-9. See also his "Recherches sur
Panalogie de la musique avec les arts/' i, 357. Combarieu, " La
musique et la magie," p. 181-2. Raouf Yekta Bey, " Revue Musi-
cale," 15 Avril, 1908. Soriano-Fuertes (" Hist, de la musica
Espafiola," i, 152) says that Guido of Arezzo studied in Cata-
lonia, where Gerbert acquired his " Arabian sciences/* and sug-
gests that it was here that Guido acquired his knowledge of the
solfeggio. "S.I.M.G.," i ; 553,

268 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

ence, as in those of geometry and astronomy, in physics
and other branches of learning, the Arabians, and those
descended from them might be the teachers of the
Spaniards." 2

A century later, Oscar Fleischer also asked if there were
not some influence upon Spanish music theory to be
ascribed to the Arabs, seeing that France was quoting Al-
Farabi in the thirteenth century. 5 Of course, there were
several Spanish theorists prior to Salinas (died 1590)^
Two outstanding names are those of Raimimdo Lull (died
1315), and Ramos de Pareja (died circa 1521), although
perhaps, neither of them actually wrote in Spain. What
benefits these writers could have derived from the teach-
ings of the Arabs we can only conjecture. Lull was cer-
tainly an Arabist, and it might be conceded that he would
be conversant with what the Arabs had to impart in this
science. In Lull's definition of music, " Musica est
duplex : naturalis et artificialis" we may perhaps have an
echo of Al-Farabian teaching. 5 We see this definition

^ Hawkins, " A General History .... of Music," bk. ix, chap. 83.

9 " Vierteljahrsschrift fur Musikwissenschaft," iv, 277. Sori-
ano-Fuertes appears to think that Al-Farabi's " Kitab al-musiql "
was a textbook in the Spanish Christian schools. " Hist, de la
Musica Espaiiola," i, 89. " Neue Nahrung erhielten diese alle-
gorisierenden Bestrebungen durch das Eindringen arabischer Elo-
mente im 10. bis 12. Jahrhundert." Abert, " Die Musikan-
schauung des Mittelalters," pp. 143, 169, 175. ' ,*$ *

A For early Spanish theorists see Riano, " Notes on Early
Spanish Music," p. 70.

fiRaimundo Lull, "Opera" (1617), p. 209. Cf. Regino Pru-
miensis (Gerbert, " Script.," i, 232, 236). For the older classical
definitions see Aristoxenos (Meibom, i, 1) ; Aristeides (Mei-
bom, ii, 7, 207); Boethius, i, 2; Cassiodorus (Gerbert, " Script.,"
i, 16); Isidore (Gerbert, "Script.," i, 21),

VlLLOTEAU. 269

also in his contemporary Johannes ^Egidius Zamorensis
(circa 1270), a Spanish theorist who was acquainted with
the writings of Constant ine the African (died 1087), one
of the early translators of Arabic works into Latin. 6

The definition of Al-Farabi may perhaps be traced as
early as Johannes Cotto, whose "Epistola ad Fulgen-
tium" has had the date circa iioo assigned to it, and also
as late as Adam de Fulda (circa i4Qo). 7 If the definition
in Johannes Cotto is Al-Farablan, it may enable us to fix
the date of his epistle a little later. Al-Farabl's " Ihsa'
al-'Ulum" does not appear to have made its debut in
Latin as " De Scientiis " or " De Divisione Omnium Sci-
entiarum" until the mid twelfth century, when John of
Seville and Gerard of Cremona made their versions. At
the same time we must not overlook the fact that a mere
definition could have been transmitted orally by Euro-
pean students who had imbibed the "Arabian sciences.' 1
If Johannes Cotto was English, as has been generally ac-
cepted, one might point to Petrus Anfusi (circa 1106),
Adelard of Bath (circa 1130), Robert of Retine (circa
1141), or Abraham ben Ezra (circa 1158-9) as possible
media?

A reference by Mr. J. B. Trend to the influence of the

" Script.," ii, 378, 392. See ante p. 36.

? Wooldridge, op. cit., i, 77. Cf. Grove's "Diet.," s.v. Ger-
bert, "Script.," iii, 333.

8 See my "Arabian Influence on Musical Theory, " pp. 12-18.
Many English students were to be found in Spain in the twelfth
century, and John of Seville wrote a work specially for two Eng-
lishmen there, named Gauco and William. See Haskins, " Medi-
eval Science/' 127.

2/0 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

gipsy on Spanish music, 9 leads me to introduce at this
point the question of the origin of the gipsies which may
have interest. " The gipsy tribes," says Mr. Trend, " came
from the East." Their origin however is shrouded in
mystery. Many years ago the famous Dutch orientalist,
M. de Goeje, explained the origin of the name Tsigan or
Tzigane from the Persian chang (a harp) or the Arabic
zanj (the Blacks). It has been pointed out however that
the proper form of the word was Atztgan or Atzingan, a
name derived from the Athinganoi mentioned by the By-
zantine historians in the ninth century. What was far
more interesting in the theories of M. de Goeje was his
account of the passage of the gipsies from Chaldsea
through Asia Minor into Europe.

In the days of Khalif Al-Ma'mun (813-33) and Al-
Mu'tasim (833-42), we read of an Indian community oc-
cupying the marshlands between Al-Basra and Al-Wasit
in Chaldaea. They were called by the Arabs the Zutts> a
word derived, it would seem, from the Sanscrit jati
(properly yatt}. At this period, the Zutts were a serious
menace to the state by reason of their lawless behaviour,
and an expedition was sent against them. After several
months' hostilities, the Zutts capitulated, and in January,
835, dressed in their national costume, and to the music of
their national instruments, they were transported to Ana-
zarba on the Byzantine frontier. Twenty years later, we
are told, they entered Asia Minor, under the name of the
Athinganpi. 10

Trend, "The Music of Spanish History," 32-3.
*0M. de Goeje, "Memoire eur les migrations des Ziganes &
travers 1'Asie " (1903).

VlLLOTEAU. 2; I

So far M. de Goeje. The question arises however:
"How did the Zutls come to settle in Chaldaea?" A
reasonable explanation of this may perhaps be found in
the "Raudat al-afa'" of the Persian historian, Mlrkh-
wand (died 1498). This author relates that the Persian
Sasanid monarch, Bahram Ghur (died 438) colonised ten
thousand singers and dancers from Hindustan "all over
the country." Mlrkhwand says that the Jats (Zutts) were
descended from them, and that not one of them could be
found who was not a musician. 11 Probably, the Zutts had
been in their marshland colony since the days before Islam
when the Persian dihqan held sway in Chaldaea.

Gipsy music is oriental, and where we see it, perhaps to
the best advantage, in the Balkans, it carries many of the
salient features of Arabo-Turkish music. The gipsy
schetra (violin) derives its name from the Persian sitara.
When therefore Mr. Trend tells us that " Southern Spanish
song is probably more influenced by the gipsies, who still
remain in the country and sing, than by the Moors, who
have been gone for three hundred years," it simply means
that the gipsy influence is actually a reinforcement of the
oriental idiom that had already impregnated the music of
the southern half of the Iberian peninsula during the
Arab occupation. 13

"Mlrkhwand, " Raudat al-afa'," i, ii, 357. See the Persian
text in "Histoire des Sassanides " (Paris, 1843), p. 217.

^Chavarri, " Miisica Popular Espanola" (1927), 24-6.

29.

THE ARABIC TRANSLATIONS FROM THE
GREEK.

IN reply to my statement that " between the eighth and
eleventh centuries the Arabs had translated from
the Greek many musical treatises hitherto unknown
to Western Europe," Miss Schlesinger says : 1

" We require to know by whom these translations were
made or the date. We surmise that this work was accom-
plished between the eighth and eleventh centuries, by a
college of translators founded at Baghdad by Hunain ibn
Ishaq. These Arabic translations, with very few excep-
tions, benefited only the Arab theorists themselves, we
need to know when they were retranslated into Latin^ and
thus became accessible to the cultured classes in Europe.
This would probably not be before the end of the twelfth
century at the earliest, for the college of translators from
Arabic into Latin, founded in 1130 by Raymund, Arch-
bishop of Toledo, set to work first of all upon Aristotle
and the medical, mathematical and philosophical writings
of the Greeks."

What are the " facts " ? Translations from the Greek

i " Musical Standard," xxvii, p. 23, b.

THE ARABIC TRANSLATIONS. 273

into Arabic date from nearly a century before the founda-
tion of the so-called "college of translators founded at
Baghdad," as evidenced by the "'Ard Miftah al-Nujum"
of Hermes in the Ambrosian Library which is dated 743.
Treatises on other subjects of the quadrivium were trans-
lated during the reign of Al-Mansur (754-75),* and books
on music theory may have been included. We even know
the names of some of the translators, including Yuhanna
ibn al-Batrlq (died 815).

The Bait al-Hikma at Baghdad, was not merely a " col-
lege of translators,'* as has been suggested. It was a col-
lege in the broadest sense of the term, i.e., a body of scho-
lars incorporated for the study and instruction of the
higher branches of knowledge. Translation was only a
part of the work accomplished by its scholars. 5 Further,
Hunain ibn Ishaq (809-73), although one of the transla-
tors, was not its " founder." He was one of the later trans-
lators who served his apprenticeship under Yahya ibn
Masawaihi, the director of the translations from Greek
works on science and philosophy, including music, as Leo
Africanus tells us.

The real founder of the Bait al-Hikma was Khalif Al-
Ma'mun (reigned 813-33). The story of its foundation is
related in the "Fihrist" (circa 988). The precise date,
however, is not given, but it must have been between 813,
the date of the accession of the Byzantine Emperor Leo
the Armenian, and 831, the date of the death of Yahya

2Al-Mas'udI, viii, p. 291.

5 The Banu Musa, who wore among the first "Fellows" at the
Bait al-Hikma, paid about 500 pieces of gold (dananir) a month
to their translators. " Al-Fihrist," 43.

19

274 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

ibn Abl Mansur, who was one of the astronomers engaged
at the college/

There is no record of the actual dates when the treatises
on music of Aristotle, Aristoxenos, Euklid, Nikomachos,
Ptolemy and others appeared in Arabic, nor do we know
for certain who the translators were. If we possessed these
works to-day it is highly probable that both these ques-
tions could be answered. Unfortunately, all that has
come down to us are some extracts from the Greek writers
on music translated by Hunain ibn Ishaq, 5 Aristotle's
" De Anima/' which contains a section on sound, and the
treatises of Muristus, Archimedes and Apollonios on the
hydraulis and other instruments. 6 The holocausts in the
East by the mamluks of the Fatimids (eleventh century),
the Mughal sultans Hulagu (thirteenth century) and
Timur (fourteenth century), and in the West by the wazlr
Al-Mansiir (tenth century) 7 and Cardinal Ximenes
(fifteenth century), must have resulted in the loss of
millions of books. 8

Whilst the earliest specific mention of the Arabo-Greek
translations of Aristotle, Aristoxenos, Euklid, Niko-

4 Baron Carra de Vaux (" Avicenne," 55) thinks that it was
founded " about 832, " which is clearly too late.

5 See my "History of Arabian Music, " pp. 126-7.

^ See my " Organ of the Ancients."
7 See my " History of Arabian Music," pp. 184, 186.
* " Millions " is not an extravagant term. Ximenes alone w.as
responsible for the destruction of 80,000 volumes, according to a
conservative estimate. (Conde, " El Nubiense, Desc. de Espana,"
p. 1. Al-Maqqari ("Moh. Dyn.," i, viii.) Cf. Prescott, " Hist,
of Ferdinand and Isabella," and Lea, " The Moriscoes of Spain."
A Catholic historian estimates the number as 1,005,000. (Robles
" Vida de Ximenez," 104.)

THE ARABIC TRANSLATIONS. 275

machos and Ptolemy, occur in Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi (d. 940),
Al-Mas'udl (d. c. 957), and the Fihrist (c. 988), they can
be traced much earlier. 9 Al-Kindi (d. c. 874) certainly
borrowed from the Greek theorists, and most probably
from a translation. Seeing that his treatises on music
appear to have been written during the reign of Al-
Mu'tasim (833-42), and certainly before the time of
Al-Mutawakkil (847-61), it is obvious that the translations
from the Greek must have been produced earlier. 10 We
have already seen in the life of Ishaq al-Mausili that
some of these treatises were being translated even outside
the Bait al-Hikma, and from internal evidence we know
that this probably took place before the year 847.^ The
Banu Musa, one of whom Muhammad, died in 873, were
engaged in the study of the science of music. 22 They may
indeed, have been responsible for some of the translations
together with Hunain ibn Ishaq. Ibn Firnas (d. 888),
who is credited with having been the "first who taught
the science of music in Al-Andalus," was probably so
designated because he introduced the theories of the
Greek scholiasts. At any rate, by the time of Al-Farabi
(d. 950) the Arab theorists appear to have been thoroughly
acquainted with the Greek treatises on music, and in this
last-named writer we have traces of Aristoxenos, Ptolemy,
Euklid and Themistius. 15

9 See my " Greek Theorists of Music in Arabic Translation
(" Trans, of the XVIIth Inter. Congress of Orientalists ").

wSee my " Hist, of Arabian Music," pp. 127, 139.

"See Appendix 25.

** " Al-Fiharist," 271. Ibn Khallikan, " Biog. Diet./ 1 iii, 315.
w Cf. "S.I.M.G.," xi, 319.

276 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Miss Schlesinger states that " these Arabic translations,
with very few exceptions, benefited only the Arab
theorists themselves." We are not told, however, who
the " exceptions " were, but students of mediaeval Oriental
music will know that Persian, Indian, Turkish and Syrian
writers on musical theory " benefited " directly or in-
directly to a considerable extent.

As for the query that "we need to know when they
were re-translated into Latin, and thus became accessible
to the cultured classes in Europe," it might be pointed
out that a re-translation into Latin was not necessarily
an indispensable condition of Europe's "benefiting" by
the Arabo-Greek translations. During the Umayyad
period (eighth to eleventh century) in Al-Andalus,
students from all parts flocked to Cordova, 1 * and Arabic
was spoken and written by the Muzarabes, i.e., the
Christians living under Muslim rule, and the Mudejares,
i.e., the Muslims living under Christian rule. 15 Students
could therefore have " benefited " from the Arabic fount
direct. We know later that when Roger Bacon lectured
to some Spanish students at Oxford, using faulty Latin
translations from the Arabic, his listeners ridiculed him
because they evidently knew his " authorities " in Arabic. 1 *
In Christian monasteries outside of Spain, Arabic MSS.

U See Appendix 10.
M See Appendix 11.

JfiWood, "Antiq. Univ. Oxon." Adelard of Bath (twelfth
century) abandoned the schools of Gaul for those of the Saracens
("Qusest. Nat.") It would be interesting to learn whether Ade-
lard took his theory of the spherical propagation of sound from
the Arabs or from Vitruvius (" Qiuest. Nat.," cap. 21).

THE ARABIC TRANSLATIONS.

were to be found in the eleventh century, 17 whilst they
were quite common in Norman Sicily in the twelfth to the
thirteenth centuries. 28

I have elsewhere disposed of the suggestion that the
end of the twelfth century was the earliest that transla-
tions could have been made from the Arabic into Latin
on questions of music. 19 Indeed, whether the Arabo-Greek
treatises were known in Latin translation or not, the fact
remains that the mere existence of these works in Arabic,
and the study of them by the Arabs, must have yielded^
beneficial results.

It is also clear that Byzantium itself neglected the
sciences as has already been pointed out. 20 From the
fourth century, right through the most brilliant period of
Arabic translation from the Greek, Byzantium was dumb.
Indeed, as Oman says, the seventh and eighth centuries
constitute a "dark age" for Byzantium culture. Under
the pressure of the Arabian culture movement in general
we have something of a revival under the " literary
emperors' 1 (886-Q63). 1 In 968, when an envoy of the
Emperor Otto 1 visited Constantinople, he found books
on the Arabian sciences in use. 2 In the eleventh century,
Psellos broke the Byzantine silence on the question of the

*7Annales Corbeiensis," an. 1094.

is See ante pp. 21-2.
*0 See ante p. 174 et seq.

w See Appendix 2.

* In Christian Spain, when Khalif ' Abd al-Bahman III wanted
to have a fresh translation made of a Greek work into Arabic,
not a single Christian could be found in Cordova in 951 who knew
Greek. Al-Maqqari, " Moh. Dyn.," XX v.

^Liudprandi, " Legatio," cap. 39.

278 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

theory of music, although for all that he had to impart
he might just as well have held his peace. 5 // was the
Arabs alone who showed any measure of interest in specu-
lative theory.

In spite of early indiscretions, the Arabic translations
from the Greek were generally made with greater skill
than the later translations from Arabic into Latin/
Roger Bacon roundly condemns the latter translations, 5
and urges the necessity of knowing Arabic for the ac-
quisition of the sciences. 6 Like Adelard, he prefers the
Arabian to the Gaulish schools, and ridicules the Paris
schoolmen who quote Alexander of Hales " as if he were
an Aristotle, or an Avicenna, or an Averroes"l 7

* See ante, p. 131.

JLeclerc, " Hist, de la Med. Arabe," ii, 346. Browne, E. G.,
" Arabian Medicine," 26.

5 " Comp. Stud.," cap. viii.

6"Comp. Phil."
?" Op. Tern.," xxxi.

30.

THE MURISTUS MANUSCRIPTS.

WITH regard to the Muristus MSS. on the organ,"
says Miss Schlesinger, . . . . " there is the fol-
lowing to be said. Muristus, as Mr. Farmer
tells us, was a Greek, Ameristos by name, whose original
treatises in Greek are not extant, but are only preserved
in Arabic." 1 The interpretation placed on my words (see
ante p. 64) is rather misleading. What I meant was that
the Arabic Muristus stood for the Greek 'A^c/no-ros. The
latter was a mathematician and a brother of Stesichoros
(c. 640-555 B.C.). Whether this Ameristos was the author
of these treatises, or whether the name is a, scribal error, I
have discussed elsewhere. 2

*" Musical Standard,'' xxvii, 198, a.
" Studies in Oriental Musical Instruments," p. 30.

31.

YAHYA IBN 'AL! IBN YAHYA.

YAHYA ibn 'All ibn Yahya ibn Abi Mansur al-
Munajjim (856-912) was a "boon companion" of
Al-Muwaffaq, the brother of Khalif Al-Mu'tamid.
He was a learned metaphysician, and excellent poet, and
a musical theorist 1 He was the author of a " Kitab al-
Nagham" ("Book of Modes*'), 2 and other works of a
similar nature. One of the latter, a " Risala f l'1-Musiql,"
has been preserved for us. 3 His father, who was a pupil
of Ishaq al-Mausill, was also a "boon companion," poet,
and musician. 4 His grandfather was one of the cele-
brated scholiasts of the Bait al-Hikma ("House of Wis-
dom") at the time of Khalif Al-Ma'mun. 5

Yahya ibn 'All, as did several other members of his
family, belonged to a class of writers on music who dealt
with the 'amall or practical theory, like Ishaq al-Mausili,
'Ubaidallah ibn 'Abdallah, and Ibn Khurdadhbih, rather

i " Al-Fihrist," 143.
9 " Kitab al-Agham," viii, 26.

*" British Museum MS./' Or. 2361, fol. 236, v, et seq.

4 " Al-Fihrist," 143. Ibn Khallikan, " Biog. Diet.," ii, 312.

&" Al-Fihrist," 143.

YAHYA IBN 'An IBN YAHYA. 281

than with the nazari, or speculative theory, as did Al-
Kindi, Al-Sarakhsi, Thabit ibn Qurra, and Qusta ibn
Luqa. His treatise mentioned above gives a fair insight
into the bases of the "Old Arabian System" which was
known to the virtuosi who figure in the great " Kitab al-
Aghani."

I have already shown (Appendix 23) that the "Old
Arabian System*' had existed from the time of Ibn Mis-
jah (d. c. 705-14). After that date, however, several
extraneous factors had entered the system, especially as
regards the scale. First, there were the Persian () and
Zalzalian (:!) wusta notes, and possibly the consequent
inujannab notes ($-*-* and-J). Then there was the note-
worthy influx of Persian and Khurasanl musicians, who
appear to have brought with them the scale of two Urn-
mas and a comma, as found in the tanbiir al-Kkurdsdni.
In addition, there was still the old " Pre-Islamic Scale"
of the tanbur al-mlzdni (or Baghdddf). The new ideas,
together with other alien innovations, made considerable
headway, more so because they were championed by the
Amir Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdl (d. 839), the rival of Ishaq
al-Mausili. So deeply had the novelties taken root that
it was said that the old melodies could no longer be heard
in their original form. A treatise on the merits of the
innovators and the defenders of the Old Arabian School
was written by 'All ibn Harun ibn 'All ibn Yahya (d. 963),
a nephew of Yahya ibn 'All ibn Yahya, entitled " Kitab
risala fi'1-farq bain Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdl wa Ishaq al-
Mausil! fi'1-ghina " (" Treatise on the Difference between
Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdl and Ishaq al-Mausili concerning

282 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Music ").' It was these rather disturbing elements which
had invaded Arabian music that appear to have roused
Ishaq al~Mausill to "recast" the "Old Arabian System."

So far as rectifying the scale was concerned, the an-
nalists boast, as I have said, 7 that Ishaq reached the con-
clusions of Eukhd and other of the "Ancients" (the
Greeks), without actually having been acquainted with
their writings. 8 Miss Schlesinger would show how Ishaq
came upon "this so-called new development in the scaling
of the lute." It was " at first or second hand, as part of
his training, in the milieu in which he was brought up."
"Ishaq's vaunted 'Old Arabian theory/" continues this
writer, "resolves itself into the Pythagorean scale of the
Greek system of Euklid and other theorists." " The
'Old Arabian System* supposed to have been recast by
Ishaq al-Mausill was not an Arabian system at all," " but
merely that particular form of the Ancient Greek system
known as the ' Greater Complete/ which was in use in
Hellenistic Asia, in Alexandria, and the ancient kingdom
of the Ptolemies."*

In the first place, I would observe regarding this that
no one has referred to Ishaq's " recasting " as a " new de-
velopment in the scaling of the lute? This is her own
assumption. The idea of the " Christian monastic origin"
theory as to " the manner in which Ishaq came upon the
scale used upon his lute" has already been disposed of
(Appendix 24). When we are told that Ishaq's scale is

* " Al-Fihrist," 144.

* See ante p. 59.
* " Kitab al-Aghani," v, 53.
Musical Standard," xxvi, pp. 45, 46, 63.

YAHYA IBN 'An IBN YAHYA.

283

merely the Pythagorean scale of Euklid, Miss Schlesinger
is only reiterating what the author of the " Kitab al-
Aghani" hinted at nearly a thousand years ago, and
which 1 had repeated. 10 Yet this "recasting" or "re-
establishment" of the "Old Arabian scale" did not actu-
ally necessitate the learning of a Euklid, as it was not so
difficult a matter, after all, seeing that Ishaq had the lute
to work on, n although we are expressly told that he made
a rule for the adjustment of these frets by reckoning or
calculation (hisab). n

As for the statement that the " Old Arabian System " was
the " Greater Complete System " of the Ancient Greeks,

10 See Appendix 23.

w The ratios are not given in Yahya's md?a, but his description
of the accordatura (taswiyya} and the octaves (ad'af) fix the in-
tervals of the frets with certainty. See also my " Studies in
Oriental Musical Instruments," p. 61.

Mutlaq (open string)

Sabbdba (1st finger fret). [B.]
Wusta (2nd finger fret).
Bimir (3rd finger fret).
Khinir (4th finger fret).

" British Museum MS.," Or. 2361, fol. 237, v.

s -2 *i
S Is **

S 2 '~
[A.] CD.? G! (J). c?

[B.]

[E.]

a.

(I) <*

CO.]

[F.]

bt;.

(W ep.

0*.]

[F*.]

b.

/ft 1 \ A

[D.]

[G.]

c.

(S) f-

g.

284 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

the clear and definite affirmations of both Ishaq al-Mau-
sili and Yahya ibn 'All ibn Yahya rule this opinion out
of court. A short quotation from the "risala" of Yahya
on the question of the difference between Ishaq and the
"Masters of [Greek] music" has already been given, 13 but
a more lengthy passage occurs elsewhere in this tract
which is worth quoting. It is as follows :

" And the ' Ancients ' [the Greeks], from among their
Masters of music, say that the notes (nagham) are eigh-
teen. And they choose among the notes those which are
in the mathlath and bamm [strings], and they make the
first of the notes the mutlaq of the bamm, and the second
the wusta u upon it. And they are unanimous upon this
arrangement, and assert that the notes which are in the
mathlath and bamm [strings] are like the notes which are
in the mathna and zlr [strings]. . . . Then the only differ-
ence [in this question] between Ishaq and those who fol-
low him, and the Masters of [Greek] music, is that Ishaq
made the notes nine, and the tenth note the octave (4?t)>
because he thinks that the octaves . . . . 1[) And the Mas-
ters of [Greek] music betake themselves to these nine
notes and then double them. ... So they became eighteen
notes/' 16

It is evident from this account that the " Greater Com-
plete System " of the Ancient Greeks was " clearly distin-
guished " by Ishaq and Yahya from the one octave " Old
Arabian System," as I had stated. Of course, the Ancient

ls See ante p. 65.
# This would appear to be a copyist's error for sabb&ba.

16 There appears to be a hiatus here.
# u British Museum MS./ 1 Or. 2361, fol. 237, v.

YAHYA IBN 'An IBN YAHYA. 285

Greeks also had a one octave system, but this comprised
the two disjunct tetrachords Meson (E, F, G, a) and
Diezeugmenon (b, c, d, e) and was therefore quite dis-
similar from the former. Yahya states explicitly that it
was the ten-note system that distinguished the Arabian
theory. He says : " Thus all that conforms with the music
( ghintf) of the Arabs is from the ten notes (naghamdt),
although the music itself [in one composition] comprises
[only] eight notes, as some notes give place to others,
which distinguishes their system in this particular. Most
of what the vocal music (saut) is built upon is eight notes,
all of them. And with this conforms the notes (nagham)
of the music of the Arabs, and according to it runs the
whole of the forms (asnaf) of music." 17 Elsewhere we are
told, that " Ishaq ibn Ibrahim [al-Mausili] and those who
follow him say that the notes are ten. There is not in the
lutes ( t zddn) t nor in the wood-wind instruments (maza-
mlr), nor in singing (/z/., the throat, halq\ nor in any of
the instruments more than these notes." 18

17 "Brit. Mus. MS.," Or. 2361, fol. 238.
Ibid., fol. 236, v.

32.
AL-FARABI AND ARISTOXENOS.

AL-FARABI'S great theoretical work on music, the
"Kitab al-muslql," "a masterly treatise," 1 was
written at the special request of his friend, the
wazir Abu Ja'f ar Muhammad ibn al-Qasih al-Kurkhl, and
the reason for it is related in the dedicatory preface, as
follows : *

" You [Abu Ja'f ar] mentioned your desire to investigate
the content of the art of music which is referred to the
'Ancients' [the Greeks], and you ask me to demonstrate
this for you in a book which I should write, aiming to
explain it [the art of music] in such a way that would
make its attainment easy to him who investigates it. But
I hesitated in this when I considered the books that have
come down to us from the ' Ancients ' on this subject, as
well as what has been written by those who came after
them, living nearer our own time. And I had hoped to
find in them what would meet with your wishes, and so
dispense with the need of writing a new book on a sub-
ject that had already been dealt with, because, seeing that

J Land, "Remarks on the Earliest Development of Arabic
Music" ("Trans. Ninth Congress of Orientalists/' ii, 165).
* " Leyden MS.," Or. 651, fol. 1.

AL-FARAB! AND ARISTOXENOS. 287

these earlier books dealt with all branches of the, art, a
man's writing a book, taking the credit to himself, which
would merely confirm what had been said before him,
would be a redundance, folly, or iniquity, unless, indeed,
the original author had written unintelligibly, either in
the expressions employed or in some other way. In that
case a second author, following what he [the original
author] says, may expound him and make him explicit,
conformable to the text of the original. Therefore his
purpose would be to perfect the work of his predecessor.
But with the second author, where a sound description and
interpretation [or translation] is imposed on him, he
should only make explicit what was unintelligible.

"Now, I found in all of them [the Greek theorists] an
incompleteness in the various branches of the art, and
lacuna in many things in what they state. And the chief
aim of most of them is speculative theory (al-ilm al-
nazarl), but in the elucidation of it, unintelligible sayings
have been employed in such a way that it is almost un-
thinkable that the ancient theorists (nazaritn) should have
been unable to deal with this art and did not attain to
its perfection, considering their numbers and proficiency,
and their eagerness for discovery in the sciences, and their
preference for them over every other human thing, and
the excellence of their understanding, and the transmission

of it [their work] from generation to generation

Except [that we allow] that their writings in the perfec-
tion of this branch of knowledge have either perished,
or what was handed down from them in Arabic were de-
fective writings."

288 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

" In view of this, I think it proper that I should com-
ply with your wish [and write the book requested]."

Then follows the passage which I have already quoted, 8
explaining the method upon which every writer on such a
subject should base his enquiries, and then showing what
Al-Farabi's own contribution was in elucidating the ob-
scurities and correcting the errors of his predecessors/
Upon these two latter passages Miss Schlesinger com-
ments as follows : 5

" Nothing," says Mr. Farmer, " demonstrates the critical
attitude of the Arab theorists better than the opening
lines of the monumental ' Kitab al-Muslql ' of Al-Farabi. 1
If this be so, then we may condole with the Arabs, for
this quotation from Al-Farabl by no means represents
original critical faculty, it is ARISTOXENOS, pure and
simple, as anyone familiar with that theorist must have
seen at once."

In reply to this criticism, I have no hesitation in saying
that it is farcical to suggest that Al-Farabl copied Aris-
toxenos in the passages quoted by me (pp. 67-8). 6 In the

s See ante p. 67.
& See ante p. 68.

5 " Musical Standard," xxvii, 62, b, et seq.
6 Miss Schlesinger gives the passages from Professor Macran's
translation of the " Harmonics " of Aristoxonos, and invites com-
parison between the two writers. Here is the first Aristoxenos
passage : { * Our exposition cannot be a successful one unless three
conditions be fulfilled. Firstly, the phenomena themselves must
be correctly observed ; secondly, what is prior and what is deriva-
tive in them must be properly discriminated ; thirdly, our con-
clusions and inferences must follow legitimately from the
premises," etc.
For the similarity between Al-Farabl and Aristoxenos in the

AL-FARABI AND ARISTOXENOS. 289

first place, both of these writers subscribed to the Peri-
patetic school, and could scarcely have penned a scientific
work without introducing the methodology of Aristotle's
" Analytics," and in the passages under discussion we see
this quite vividly. In the second place, the opening re-
marks of Al-Farabl (given above) which precede the pas-
sages in question, show quite conclusively why Al-Farabi
wrote as he did. Further, it vindicates the truth of my
remark that " Nothing demonstrates the critical attitude
of the Arab theorists better than the opening lines of the
' Kitab al-Musiqi ' of Al-Farabl."

second passage the following is quoted from the latter : lt Tins has
been clearly illustrated in a former work in which wo examined

the views put forward by the students of Harmonic

\Ve shall find that they have been in part ignored, in part in-
adequately treated ; and while substantiating our accusations wfe
shall at the same time acquire a general conception of the nature
of our subject." Macran's translation, pp. 197, 165, 166.

20

33.

THE ARABS AND THE SPECULATIVE ART.

AL-FARABI, Ibn Bajja, and Ibn Rushd, each wrote
a book or books which carried the title or titles of
" Sharh Kitab al-Sama' al-Tabl'I," or " Kitab al-
Sama' al-Tabi'I,"* or " Sharh Kitab al-Sama' al-Tabi'i li
Aristutalis," or " Talkhls Kitab al-Sama' al-Tabi'i li Aris-
tutalis." Each of these works I considered to be (fol-
lowing the title) 2 a " Commentary on Aristotle's Theory
of Sound/' which was also the opinion of Pascual de
Gayangos. 3 I had in mind a section of Aristotle's "De
anima" (419, b), which was well known in Arabic/ as well
as the Pseudo-Aristotelian "De audibilibus." The view
was further strengthened by the title of an Aristotelian
work translated from the Arabic into Latin by Gerard of
Cremona, entitled "De naturali auditu." 5 I am now of
opinion, however, that all these titles refer to Aristotle's
" Physics " (<t>vo-iKrj aKpoao-is , " Auscultatio naturalis "),

* Steinschneider, " Al-Farabi," 220, considers these first two
titles as separate works.

2 " Musical Standard/ 5 xxvii, 44.

SAl-Maqqari, " Moh. Dyn.," i, Appendix xv (al-samd' al-tabl l l
= <; natural sound'') Cf., however, Appendix 21.

^See Appendix 29.
5 Steinschneider, "Die euror. tTbersetz.," Index, p. 90.

THE ARABS AND THE SPECULATIVE ART. 291

because the Arabic work in the Leyden Library with the
title, "Sharh al-Sama f al-Tabi'I li Aristutalls/' certainly
concerns the " Physics/' 6 ' and further, the text of the Latin
version of the "Physics' 1 at St. Mark's, Venice, 7 is based
on Gerard's translation.

Miss Schlesinger derides the suggestion that the Arabs
contributed to the speculative art of music, and asks for
some passage showing how Al-Farabi surpassed Aristotle
in scientific knowledge.* In the Muslim world, Al-Farabl
was known as "The Second Teacher" ( al-mu' allim al-
tkanl), i.e., the successor to " The First Teacher/' who was
Aristotle. As a commentator of Aristotle, Al-Farabl was
not only facile princcps in the East, but in Western
Europe also until Ibn Rushd (Averroes) eclipsed his
fame.

The particular question that was under discussion was
the theory of sound, and what we know of Aristotle's
apprehension of this question as revealed in " De anima "
and the doubtful "De audibilibus," demonstrates that he
had little to say that was original, 5 and a few things that
were erroneous.- It was not indeed, a very difficult mat-
ter for the Arabian theorists, many of whom were fairly
good physicists, to add something to what the Greeks had
to say. The Al-Kindi (died 874) treatise in the Berlin
Staatsbibliothek entitled " Risala fl'1-Luhun," written for

6 " Leyden MS.," 896 (583).
7 " St. Mark's MS.," Lat. vi (37).
" Musical Standard," sxvii, 63.

9 Lones, "Aristotle's Researches in Natural Science," 77.
w In " De sensu," where one expects to find the question dealt
with at length, since he considered hearing "the most important
of the senses," Aristotle leaves the subject untouched.

292 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Ahmad ibn al-Mu'tasim, is devoted almost entirely to the
theory of sound, and in spite of Greek loanings, is highly
original in places, especially in its physiological aspect. 11
The same author's other tract in the same library (No.
5530) is almost equally as interesting on this question.

As for Al-Farabl (died 950), I venture to say that the
madkhal or introduction to his famous " Kitab al-Musiqi "
is equal if not superior to the musical writings of Aris-
totle, including the pseudo-Aristotelian " Problems." 1 '

Al-Farabi openly borrows from the Greeks, 13 but he
does not tell us that sound is heard in a less degree in
water than in air, nor does he tell us that wool when struck
produces no sound, as Aristotle states. 14 Neither did Al-
Farabl repeat the story of Nikomachos that Pythagoras
discovered the consonances of the fourth, fifth and octave
by comparing the weight of the hammers in the black-
smith's shop, a legend which was repeated by Gaudentios
and Boethius. I;5

The Ikhwan al-Safa' (circa Q/o), as I have said, made
an advance on Greek conceptions. 26 The second division

""Berlin MS.," 5531.

^In the Leyden MS. of the "Kitab al-Musiqi," the whole of
fols. 2 to 13 are devoted to this question. For some of Al-Farabl's
definitions see Kosegarten, " Lib. Cant.,'' i; Carra de Vaux,
"Traite des Rapports musicaux," 6; but the translation of the
" Kitab al-Musiqi " promised by Baron R. d'Erlanger will soon
satisfy enquirers in this field.

is See the heading of Chapter IV of the present work.

U"T>e anima," 419, b.

Nikomachos (Meibom, 10-11) ; Gaudentios (Meibom, 13-14) ;
Boethius, i, 10.

16 Greek and Latin musical theorists are little concerned with
the physical explanation of the sensation of sound. Ptolemy (lib.
i, cap. 4) and Boethius (lib. i, cap. 3) are, perhaps, the best,

THE ARABS AND THE SPECULATIVE ART. 293

of their risdla on music deals with the theory of sound,
and it redounds to their credit. 17 Unlike the Aristotelians,
they do not teach that "the direction of sound fol-
lows a straight line."* 8 The Ikhwan say: "When one
body meets another, the air is dispersed from between
them, causing rebounding- waves in all directions in the
form of spheres, which become wider in the same way as
the bottle becomes wider at the hands of the glass blower.
And in proportion to the sphere becoming wider, its mo-
tion and undulation become weaker until they cease and
fail." 19 Aristotle said : " Not every object produces sound
when struck. On the contrary, the object that is struck,
must be smooth." 20 Hence, he says : " Bronze is resonant
because it is smooth." 1 But the Ikhwan al-Safa' show
that smooth objects produce smooth sounds, while rough
objects produce rough sounds. 2 In demonstrating the
difference between noise and musical sound, the Ikhwan
al-Safa* define as clearly as almost any modern writer on
acoustics, how the latter is distinguished by force, pitch
and quality. According to Helmholtz, force depends

Other references are, Aristoxenos (Meibom, 12), Pseudo-Euklid
(Meibom, 1), Nikomnehos (Meibom, 4-5, 7-8), Aristeides (Mei-
bom, 7), Bakchios (Meibom, 2, 16), Martianus Capella (Meibom,
182), and Gaudentios (Meibom, 2, 3).

n See my "Arabic Musical MSS. in the Bodleian Library,"
p. 5.

is " De audibilibus," 802, a.

^ Ikhwan al-Safa' (Bombay Edit.), i, 86. The idea of spherical
propagation of sound may have been derived from Greek sources,
although I do not recall any Greek author who mentions it. It
occurs, however, in Vitruvius, " De arch.," v, 3.
*0"De anima," 420, a.
J"De anima," 419, b.
2 Ikhwan al-afa' ? i, 80,

294

ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

, % .

upon " the amplitude of the oscillations of the particles of
the sounding body." 5 Preece and Stroh refused to accept
this definition and pointed out that " loudness does not
depend upon amplitude of vibration only, but upon the
quantity of air put in vibration" 1 * The Ikhwan al-Safa'
knew this when they said: "Hollow bodies, like vessels,
bottles and water jug's, will resound for a long time after
they are struck, because the air within them reverberates
time after time until it becomes still. Consequently, the
wider the vessels are, the greater the sound, because more
air is put into vibration^'*

The following table of the Ikhwan al-Safa J illustrates
to some extent how thoroughly these people approached
the question of the physical basis of sound. 6

['Rational.
Animate J
nature.

(Man.

\

irrational. {Animals.

Articulate.

| ( Laughter.

Inarticulate. \ Weeping.

I I Screaming.

Inanimate
nature.

f Stone.
(Iron.
Natural. {Wood.

| Thunder.
(Wind, etc.

[Drum.

T , , , I Horn.

Instrumental, j W ood-wind instruments.

( Stringed instruments.

^Helmholtz, " Sensations of Tone 1 ' (third English edit.), p. 10.
4"Proc. of the Royal Society," xxviii, 366.
6 Ikhwan al-Safa', i, 80.
i, 87-88,

34.

THE REVIVAL OF THE HYDRAULIS.

,__ pj revival of interest in the hydraulis in Europe/'
I I said in my monograph, " appears to have been
due to the Arabs. From the sixth to the ninth
century there is no mention of the ancient kydraulis in
Europe, 1 but in the ninth-twelfth century the Arabs were
actually constructing both the pneumatic and the hydraulic
organ."^ My critic replies to this as follows : <( Mr. Farmer
will find .... a record of a fine hydraulic organ con-
structed in the palace of Louis le Debonnaire at Aix-la-
Chapelle, by a monk named Gcorgius Benevento, for whom
the king sent to Venice/'^

The organum hydraulicum of Louis le Debonnaire is a
commonplace in history. Indeed, it was on account of
this instrument, constructed in 826 or 828, that I intro-
duced the words "ninth century." To combat my argu-
ment, my critic should produce a reference to the kydraulis
between the sixth and ninth centuries. It is also advisable
to point out that the surname of the constructor of Louis's

i Cf. Maclean ("Quarterly Magazine, Inter. Mue. Soc.," vi).

* Page 5.
3 " Is European Musical Theory Indebted to the Arabs?/' 15.

296 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

hydraulis was not Benevento, but Veneticus. Further, the
chronicles do not record that the king "sent" to Venice
for him.

The hydraitlis appears to have fallen into desuetude
about the sixth century. It is last mentioned in the East
in Syriac and Hebrew documents by Isaac of Antioch
(d. c. 460) and the authors of the " Talmud " (c. 500) re-
spectively, and in the West by Apollinarus Sidonius
(d. c. 483). From this period until the ninth century, as
I have said, the hydraulis is not mentioned, and it is to be
presumed that it fell into disuse/' The probable causes
for this were: (i) the barbarian invasions; (2) the an-
athema of the Christian Church; and (3) the simpler con-
struction of the pneumatic organ.

In the eighth and early ninth century, however, the
Arabs were busy translating Greek documents into Arabic,
and among them treatises on the hydraulis, hydraulic or-
gans, and similar devices. We know that they were ac-
quainted with these from the evidence of the "Kitab al-
Siyasa" (late eighth cent.), the Muristus treatise (ninth
cent, or earlier), and other works. By this time the Byzan-
tines, who had long before discarded the idea of the
hydraulic pressure stabiliser as exemplified in the
hydraulis, in favour of the barystathmic principle of the
weighted blast-bag, appear to have lost all knowledge of
the construction of the hydraulis. It was not until the
Arabs began to make the instrument about which they had
learned from the ancient Greek treatises, that the Byzan-
tines adopted the hydraulis again when they came under

JLavignac, " Encyclopedia de la Musique," 571-2.

THE REVIVAL OF THE HYDRAULIS. 297

the influence of the Arabian culture contact in the early
ninth century.

Up to the sixth century, the Byzantines and Romans
evidently knew of the keyboard. If the hydraulis had an
unbroken history up to the ninth century, how does it
come about that the early organs in Western Europe were
furnished with primitive valves or sliders ? Clearly, the
instrument fell into desuetude. When it was re-introduced
by Arabian or Syro-Arabian craftsmen, it made its ap-
pearance with valves or sliders for the simple reason that
the texts used by these craftsmen dealt with a very early
type of hydraulis (as with the pneumatic organ also) as
the Muristus documents show.

I have dealt with the question at greater length in my
" Organ of the Ancients : From Eastern Sources," but suffi-
cient evidence is adduced here to justify my suggestion
that "the revival of interest in the hydraulis in Europe
appears to have been due to the Arabs.' 1

35.

THE VALUE OF ARABIC MUSICAL
DOCUMENTS.

f I ^HE Arabic documents on matters musical, I said,
I were of "extreme value" for the better apprecia-
tion of ancient Greek musical theory. 2 My critic
asks for a " demonstration " of this, and not a " mere cita-
tion." 3 A "mere citation" was given in this instance
because " the doubtful points in the Greeks made perspicu-
ous by the Arabs/' as said, were, in most cases, purely
textual, a question only to be esteemed by scholars. As I
have pointed out in my " Greek Theorists of Music in
Arabic Translation," 5 when the works of Al-Kindi, Al-
Farabl, Ibn Slna, Ibn Zaila, and others, are issued in a
critical edition, many a debatable word and passage in
the Greek texts will be cleared up. Even in the little that
we know of the actual works of Aristoxenos, Euklid and
Nikomachos in Arabic, we are able to add something to
our knowledge of these writers, as I have already shown
elsewhere/ For instance, it is the Arabic title of a work

1 See ante, p. 70.
2 " Musical Standard," xxvii, 96.

* Lecture delivered before the Sixteenth Congress of Orientalists
(1928).

4 Ibid.

THE VALUE OF ARABIC MUSICAL DOCUMENTS. 299

of Aristoxenos, the "Kitab al-ru'us," which confirms the
suggestions of Marquard, Westphal and Gevaert, tfiat the
'A/D/xoviKo- o-Totxeta of Aristoxenos that has come down to
us is actually made up of two works the &px a t
(= "ru'us") and the o-Totx^ra.

Ruelle, in his " Problemes musicaux d'Aristote," admits
how " interesting " it would be to have the Arabic text of
this work which was known in the Middle Ages. 5 It would
be " interesting " to others also, for probably there is not
another text on Greek musical theory so annoyingly re-
plete with textual emendations as that of the nineteenth
section of the Pseudo-Aristotelian " Problems," and if only
an alien text were available, it would at least be a relief.

I also observed that the Arabs have handed down a
few things that had been ignored or else dealt with super-
ficially in extant Greek works. Among them, I mentioned
the "Figures of Melody" (ptXovs o^^ara) and the doc-
trine of the ethos (ijflo?). 6 Against this the following
objections have been raised.

"It is a little difficult to see how students of ancient
Greek music desirous of studying the ' Figures of Melody,'
for instance, would benefit from the treatment of the sub-
ject by Arab theorists, whose works remain untranslated,
since there are available excellent first-hand authorities in
the Greek Anonymus II and Bryennios. Methods of
acquiring knowledge of a difficult subject such as are sug-
gested by Mr. Farmer via the Arab Scholiasts are more
than a little dangerous and confusing to students; for the
Arabs make liberal use of the Greek theorists without ac-

5 Page 2.
6 See ante, p. 71,

300 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

knowledgment, paraphrasing" with the utmost licence and
rarely quoting. It is, moreover, my experience that when
an opportunity arises of explaining a difficult point of
Greek theory used by the Arabs and dressed up in Arabic
terms and phrases, they break down entirely or else pass
the matter over in silence/' 7

My critic is not an Arabist, and should hardly criticise
the Arab theorists in this way. As for her mention of the
"Figures of Melody," my point would appear to have been
missed. Reference to p. 71 will show that I mentioned
both Anonymus II and Bryennios as the original sources.
My point was that between the former, which is a fourth
century document, and the latter, which is fourteenth cen-
tury, we had the Arab theorists to help us.

That Bryennios should be cited as a " first-hand author-
ity " is strange, because he freely indulged in borrowing
and quoting verbally without acknowledgment] whereas
the statement that the Arab theorists did likewise cannot
be demonstrated.

As for the doctrine of the ethos readers can turn to my
lecture on " The Influence of Music : From Arabic
Sources," where they will find information on this ques-
tion. Material will be found there which, although de-
rived from Greek sources, cannot be traced in extant Greek
writings.

I have already pointed out what a valuable treatise we
have in the " Kitab al-mus!qi," of Al-Farabl, s and his claim
for having added something to the elucidation of the

7 " Musical Standard," xxvii, 96-7.
* See ante, p. 292,

THE VALUE OF ARABIC MUSICAL DOCUMENTS. 301

theory of music, 9 is not an extravagant one, as we shall see
in the translation of his magnum opus which is due to ap-
pear shortly. Even the similar claim made by Arab
writers for Ibn Slna has some foundation.^

Since Miss Schlesinger is sceptical of my claim that
Arabic documents can enlighten us concerning the music
of the Greeks, may I call particular attention to the
Muristus documents. In her article on the " History of
the Ancient Organ " in the " Encyclopaedia Britannica "
(xx, 266), Miss Schlesinger says that it is probable that
in the early organ the supply of wind was supplied " by
the mouth throicgh an insufflation pipe." I do not know
of a solitary Greek or Latin document other than
Kircher's testimony/ 1 to bear this out. That her conjec-
ture 12 is admissible, however, is actually proved by one of
the Muristus MSS., where we have a blast bag with four
insufflation pipes for the mouths of blowers not only de-
scribed but delineated. 13 This is the only example that
has come down to us from antiquity.^

2 See u/ifc, pp. 286-7.

my " History of Arabian Music," pp. 202, 218.
11 Kircher, " Musurgia Universalis," 53.

*-lt was also mentioned by Matthews, "A Handbook of the
Organ."

w British Museum MS., Or. 9649, fol. 10 v. " Al-Mashriq," ix, 24.
u* The whole question is dealt with in my * ' Organ of the An-
cients : From Eastern Sources."

36.

THE MUSICAL NOTATION OF THE GREEKS.

r~j~^O say that Europe adopted the notation of the
I Greeks is sheer nonsense," is Miss Schlesinger's
reply to my criticism in the chapter on " New
Data for Notation Origins," in which I have stated that
my critic believes that Europe adopted the notation of the
Greeks. 1 She says that I have misrepresented her by omit-
ting one of her paragraphs, and therefore the statement
which, without justification, I have attached to her name,
is both erroneous and misleading. 2 I may say that the
omission, which has been rectified in the present work,' 1
was not designed with a sinister purpose, but merely with
an economic one. Its inclusion, however, makes no dif-
ference to the point as I saw it, and as I still see it.

In her pamphlet/ my critic opened her criticism of the
Arabian influence on notation with the following : "If we
examine cursorily the science of music which Europe in-
herited from ancient Greece independently of Arab influ-

^ See ante, p. 85.
2 "Musical Standard/' xxvii, 109.

s See ante, p. 85.

4 " Is European Musical Theory Indebted to the Arabs?," 7. See
ante, p. 83.

THE MUSICAL NOTATION OF THE GREEKS. 303

ence, we find a wonderfully complete scheme of pitch
notation. . . ." (Italics mine.) Surely there is some "jus-
tification" in this for assuming that the passage meant
that " Europe adopted the notation of the Greeks " ? Un-
less, of course, my critic holds that Europe inherited but
did not adopt. 5 But there is considerable doubt as to
what my critic does actually mean, because in the same
publication in which she states that it is " sheer nonsense "
to say that Europe adopted the notation of the Greeks,
she also informs us that " Greek notation was occasionally
used by the musicians and theorists of Western Europe
until they had evolved out of it a notation suited to their
own needs." 6 (Italics mine.)

f. my remarks on p. 214.
6 " Musical Standard," xxvii, 109.

37.

THE YAHYA IBN 'ALI NOTATION.

IN spite of Miss Schlesinger's confession that she is
"not an authority on the music of the early Middle
Ages,'* 1 I have felt sufficient interest in debating the
question with her, because of her researches into the history
of musical instruments. Now, however, we enter on the
threshold of a far different subject the musical notation
of the Arabs in which my critic lacks the necessary ac-
quaintance with the Arabic language which would enable
her to do justice to the texts under discussion. This, how-
ever, has not hindered her from courageously dealing with
the various aspects of the question at considerable length,
in which different theories are propounded and half-a-
dozen tables of notation drawn up, including an analytical
one. Yet one of her own injunctions is that "in any at-
tempt to interpret the symbols of notation and to identify
them with those of our modern system, // should be clearly
stated on what grounds the interpretation is based, and
whether the conclusions arrived at have been suggested or
confirmed by the text of the treatise in question?*

*" Musical Standard," xxvii, 23, b.
*Ibid., 134, b.

THE YAHYA IBN 'An NOTATION. 305

Miss Schlesinger deprecates rny method of approach in
the examples of Arabian notation given by me. The ob-
jections are mainly these: (i) my use of the term "phon-
etic " for this notation; (2) my omission of grounds for the
interpretation of the symbols; (3) my equating the Arabic
letter "A" with various sounds.

(1) In objecting to my reading of the Yahya ibn 'All
notation my critic says : " No notation could be called
phonetic in which the same symbol represented two dif-
ferent notes." 5 I quite agree, but as the system of Yahya
ibn 'All embraced only ten notes, for each of which a par-
ticular symbol was allotted, the same symbol could not
possibly represent two different notes.

(2) " The first thing that strikes us in the examples of
notation given by Mr. Farmer," continues Miss Schlesinger,
" is precisely that no grounds whatever for the interpreta-
tions are stated, either from the Arabian theorists, or from
Mr. Farmer's own reasoning." The omission on my part
was intentional. One cannot devote pages to a question of
this sort, and especially when, the texts being quite clear
and definite, the symbols cannot be interpreted otherwise. 4

(3) "We notice," also says my critic, "that the Arabic
letters all follow the same sequence from ' A/ but that Mr.
Farmer equates them variously with G, C, and A of our
notation." 5 Of course they equate variously. The reason
is that the three systems of Arabian notation given by me
are of different periods and provenance. The letter "A"

s " Musical Standard," xxvii, 135.

4 In the case of Yahya ibn 'All, there is some dubiety, and I have
dealt with the doubtful points in a footnote.
*Itwf., 134, b.

306 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

in the Latin notation of Western Europe as displayed in
" De harmonica institutione " an3 the writings of Guido
of Arezzo also equate variously with C and A of our nota-
tion, for precisely the same reason. 6

I have already disposed of the statement that, accord-
ing to the theory of Ishaq al-Mausili, the two middle
strings of the lute were tuned a fifth apart. 7 Every word
of the text of Yahya ibn 'All disproves the contention. We
can therefore afford to ignore the opinion given that Yahya
ibn 'All, whose father was a pupil of Ishaq al-Mausili,
"had not grasped the significance of Ishaq's tuning of the
lute." 5

6 See Appendix 41.

t See ante, p. 242.

" Musical Standard," xxvii, 134, b.

38.

THE MA'RIFAT AL-NAGHAMAT AL-THAMAN
NOTATION.

REGARDING the notation of the "Ma'rifat al-
N^ghamat al~Thaman" treatise given by me, 1
Miss Schlesinger writes as follows :

" What is the date of the manuscript ? (Rouanet men-
tions one in Vienna with the same title ascribed to the
fifteenth century.) And what is Mr. Farmer's authority
for the correspondence?" 2 [Italics mine.]

The date of the manuscript is a pertinent question, al-
though it does not lead us very far. What we really
require to know is the date of authorship and theory. The
MS. itself, which is written in the Maghribl hand and
carelessly performed, was probably executed in Morocco.
It is undated, but it would appear to have been copied
in the second half of the sixteenth century. 5 As to author-
ship, we have several "clues" that enable us to fix an
earlier date. The Perso-Turkish musical modes are not
mentioned in the treatise, and we may therefore assume

i See ante, p. 88, 93.
*" Musical Standard," xxvii, 135.

s The date is not given either by Lafuente (" Catalago de los
Codices arabigos adquiridos en Tetuan," p. 75) or Robles ( (< Cata-
lago de los Manuscritos Arabes," p. 145).

308 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

that it dates from prior to 1504. The theory dealt with
is the single octave accordatura, a very early system, which
must have preceded the Old Arabian System built up by
Ibn Misjah (d. c. 715), and recast by Ishaq al-Mausill
(d. 850).^ This single octave system accordatura would
appear to have obtained in Al-Andalus until the time of
Ziryab, who introduced the Old Arabian system about
822.^ Whether the Arabs of North Africa adopted the
latter system at this period or kept to the older system
until later, we have no evidence. In the treatise of 'Abd
al-Rahman al-Fasi (c. 1650), we are introduced to the
lute accordatura in fourths which belongs to the Old Ara-
bian System. This author, however, is not dealing solely
with the theory of his day, but is borrowing from older
writers, including the Greek Scholiasts. 6 I hope to deal
at length with the subject when I issue the text and trans-
lation of this " Ma'rifat al-Naghamat al-Thaman "
treatise.

My critic suggests that this treatise may be identical
with one at Vienna "with the same title." The Vienna
treatise to which she refers is entitled the " Mukhtasar f I
Ma'rifat al-Nagham," 7 and this is certainly not "the same
title " as the treatise which I quoted. 8 Indeed, the former

l See my "History of Arabian Music/' 69, 70.

5 76/J., 128 ct seq.
6 Berlin MS., 5521 (Ahlwardt).

7 Fliigel, "Die arab., pers., u. tiirkischen Handschriften der
k. k. Hofbibl. zu Wien," No. 1516. Rouanet erroneously eays
al-'Naghmdt, which he borrows from Collangettes (" Journal Asi-
atique," 1904, p. 385).

8 To attempt to recognise an Arabic MS. by a title such as the
above, would be something like trying bo identify a medieval Latin
MS. by the title " De musical"

MA'RIFAT AL-NAGHAMAT AL-THAMAN NOTATION. 309

treatise, which my critic (following Rouanet) ascribes to
the fifteenth century, is actually the " Kitab al-Adwar "
of Safi al-Dm 'Abd al-Mu'mm (d. 1294), although
hitherto unrecognised. 9

As for the treatise called " Ma'rifat al-Naghamat al-
Thaman " (sic ) y it actually carries no title, but for the sake
of convenience I gave it this title based on the opening
lines of the manuscript.

My authority for the " correspondences " is the treatise
itself, as we shall see presently. Miss Schlesinger, starting
from the assumption that the accordatura was her errone-
ous Ishaq al-Mausili system, begins her objections to my
view by saying that it " necessitates a correction." She
then gives her interpretation, a "mere hypothesis," she
admits, but with " at least a probable foundation." 10 Her
interpretation is erroneous.

In her next contribution to the subject 12 my critic re-
turns to the question of what she calls my "manifestly in-
correct" interpretation. "Mr. Farmer," she says, "by
equating both the first and last symbols, A and H with
our note C, has made nonsense of it : in a recurrent octave
series the octave must have the symbol A." Here, my
critic adopts a fresh hypothesis, which, as we shall see,
is equally erroneous.

The lute accordatura of the "Ma'rifat al-Naghamat al-
Thaman" treatise is the old single octave one C, D,
G, a, so that there could not be a "recurrent octave series"
as imagined, and therefore the Arabic symbols A and H

9 In Fliigel it is anonymous.
Musical Standard," xxvii, 135.
a Ibid., 164.

3 io

ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

stood for our notes C and c respectively, as I have stated.
Here is the fingerboard of the lute based on the details
given in the treatise under discussion, and a very inter-
esting scale is revealed.

s

a
a

Open (Mutlaq) C (A).

O PH HH

H j i

^ 2 w

a g S
5 ^ PS

a a S

D (B). G (H). a

(W).

1st
3rd

finger (Sabbaba) \

|
E (J). ! b

(Z).

finger (Binxir)

F (D). c

(H).

This is what the author of the " Ma'rifat al-Naghamat
al-Thaman J> treatise says :

" Then the nearest of them [the notes] is the note of the
bamm, and it is the string named nowadays the -dll. And
next to it in place (lit. ' distance ') is the string of the
mathlath, and it is the string of the maya without finger-
ing And next to it is another note by fingering with

the first finger. Then there is next to it another note by
fingering with the third finger. Then [follows] the note
of the mathnd, and it is the ramal. Then [follows] the
sir, and it is the husain without fingering. Then [follows]
its note also by fingering with the first finger. Then [fol-
lows] its note by fingering with the third finger. Then
with that the eight notes are complete

"And they [the notes] are expressed by means of let-

MA'RIFAT AL-NAGHAMAT AL-THAMAN NOTATION. 311

ters, the A, B, J, D. So you make A the first note, which
is the nearest of the notes, and the lowest of them, and
it is the note of the dlL And B, which is next to it in
lowness, and it is a little higher than it, and a little lower
than that which is above it, and it is the note of the mdya
without fingering. And the J is that which is next to
it, and it is the note of the mdya also by fingering with
the first finger. And the D is that which is next to it,
and it is the note of the mdya also, by fingering with the
third finger. 12 And the H is that which is next to it, and
it is the note of the ramal [without fingering]. And the
W is that which is next to it, and it is the note of the
husain without fingering. And the Z is that which is
next to it, and it is the note [of the husairi\ also by finger-
ing with the first finger. And the H is that which is next
to it, and it is the note [of the husain], also, by fingering
with the third finger."

We know that the note of the second fret on the math-
lath or mdya string gave F, because c was required on
the same fret on the zlr or husain string.

In the design of the lute in the MS. in question the
strings are marked differently from the accordatura sug-
gested by the text. Here we have an accordatura G, D,
a, C. Probably it was the system (if corrected) in vogue
when the MS. was copied in the sixteenth century, because
if we reverse this C, a, D, G, we have the basis of the
modern accordatura of the l tid and kwwltra in the
Maghrib.

i* The middle finger (the wust&) was not used. We see the same
practice to this very day in the Maghrib.

39.

THE AL-KINDI NOTATION.

"rTH>HIS Al-Kindl scheme," says Miss Schlesinger,
I " proves to be an admirable one (Mr. Farmer has

^ * only given one of the three alternative schemes).
As it is evident that Mr. Farmer has not understood its
significance, it is worth while spending a little time and
space in unravelling its subtleties." 1

Whilst it is very courageous for my critic to thus enter
this arena so readily and with a keen desire to combat
error, may I say with every respect that I fear she is hardly
assisting. First of all, this particular Al-Kindi MS. is
quite a difficult one to interpret even by Arabists who have
spent years at mastering the technique of the subject in
question. The difficulties are due mainly to the copyist's
errors. When therefore, my critic, who is unfamiliar with
the language of the text, essays to "unravel the subtle-
ties" of Al-Kindi's notation, we must be pardoned for
not dealing too seriously with her "three alternative
schemes " which do not exist.

There is only one scheme of notation used by Al-Kpdi.

He certainly gives two tables of notation, one in de-
scribing the Jam' aladhl b?l-kutt (= systema diapason),

*.," Musical Standard/' xxvii, p. 135. See also pp. 163-4.

THE AL-KINDI NOTATION.

and the other in giving " all the notes " used on the lute,
but both schemes are identical. Here is the Jam' aladhl
btl-kull :

Notes. Symbols.

Al-mafruda (= Proslambanomenos?) A A.

Muqaddamat al-muqaddamat B J.

Al-qariba min muqaddamat al-muqaddamat C D.

Haddat al-muqaddamat D W.

Ra'isat al-awsat E H.

Al-qariba min al-awsat F ,...T.

Haddat al-awsat '. G K.

Wusta (= Nese) ., a A.

Here is the table giving "all the notes" on the lutert

w

H

&
<

w

H

2

3 3 K3 3

A (A). D (W). G (K)._cJD)._ f (T) .

^

W

H

<

'<!
K

ffi

<1

J
<<

I

PS

Mujannab.

c

(H). f

Sabbaba. B

(J). E

(H). a

(A). d

(W). g

Wusta. C

(D). F

(T). bfr

(B). ?9

(Z). at?

Binsir. C#

(H). F*

(Y). b

(J). e

(H). a

Khinsir. D

(W). G

(K). c

(B). f

(T). bP

[fl

[{1

"7*1"""

rn

(Y).

(K).

(L).

(A).

(B).

[fifi]

B]

rgg.gT

L 243J

CM]

rsii

124-S I

It will be noticed that the mujannab notes on the bamm,
faathlath and mathna strings are omitted. Al-Kindl says

Cf. Lachmann, " Musik des Orients," 32 et seq.

314 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

that they were "not used." This mujannab fret being a
Pythagorean apotoml from the nut, gave A sharp, D sharp
and G sharp respectively, which, naturally, did not com-
port with the b flat, e flat and a flat on the wusta fret. 3

Miss Schlesinger throws doubt on the complete authen-
ticity of the Al-Kindl MS. by suggesting that one of the
tables of notation is a later interpolation by a copyist.
The suggestion is not valid, since each table is specifically
mentioned in the text. Further, the tables could actually
be dispensed with because the principles contained therein
are also explained in the text.

tlio

This a flat k actually included in the table in the MS., al-
>ugh its use is forbidden elsewhere.

40.

THE AL-FARABI NOTATION.

IT was claimed by Miss Schlesinger that Al-Farabi's
use of the Arabic letters of the alphabet for the pur-
pose of notation coincided with the series of the
Greek letters of the alphabet used by Ptolemy. 1 I have
denied this. 2 My critic now says that I have not given
the table of Ptolemy to which she refers, and still main-
tains her claim, saying :

" The symbols of Ptolemy given by Mr. Farmer are, of
course, not those to which I referred : anyone could have
seen that, since Mr. Farmer's selection does not contain the
letters N, X, O. Why then give them in that context ?

" Anyone looking up Mr. Farmer's reference (Ptol. ii, 5)
will find two tables only given in that chapter. The "first
of these contains the alphabetical sequence I mentioned,
which is used by Ptolemy to indicate the intervals of the
Perfect Immutable System in the Diatonic Syntonon. Mr.
Farmer has passed that over and selected the other table
showing Ptolemy's usual method of numbering the degrees
of the scale, which has no relation to the matter at issue.

* " Is European Musical Theory Indebted to the Arabs ?," p. &fc
* See ant e, p. 89 et seq.

316 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

Ptolemy has used the first fifteen letters 5 of the Greek
alphabet for many different purposes, always diagram-
matically in reference to the division of the monochord."*

In the first place, my difficulty was to be sure what table
Miss Schlesinger did " refer " to. Ptolemy's " Harmonics,"
ii, 6, was given as her reference. But as the only table in
this chapter did not give the Perfect Immutable System of
two octaves^ I ignored it, and gave, what was more to the
point, identical tables from both Al-Farabl and Ptolemy,
the latter being taken from Book ii, Chapter 5.

My critic now says that " anyone looking up Ptolemy,
Book ii, Chapter 5, will find two tables only given in that
chapter/' and that it is the -first of these that contains the
alphabetical sequence that she refers to. Unfortunately,
there is only one table in Chapter V, and that is the one
that I have given ! There is, however, in Chapter 4, a
two-octave table of fifteen different letters, including
v * i (N, X, O), but neither here nor in any other of
the references to Ptolemy that either Miss Schlesinger or I
have already given, can it be shown that Al-Farabl fol-
lowed the "same series" in the alphabet. 5

5 Miss Schlesinger gwes four references for this, and in two of
them Ptolemy only uses fourteen letters.

i* " Musical Standard," xxvii, 134, b.
5 See ant e, p. 91, footnote 6, for my references.

41.

THE NOTATION IN "DE HARMONICA
INSTITUTIONS.' 1

WHEREAS the neumes were born of the Church,
the alphabetic notation that we are speaking
about came from the instrumentalists. Notker
Labeo (d. 1022) says that this alphabetic notation was
used for the lira and rota. 1 Pseudo-Bernelinus also testi-
fies that this notation was for instruments (organa) and
that it was not derived from the theoreticians. 2

The earliest example of this alphabetic notation in the
West is to be found in the treatise, " De harmonica insti-
tutione," where the first seven letters of the Roman alpha-
bet, A, B, C, D, E, F, G, are used as phonetic notation.
They do not, however, represent the sounds conveyed by
the letters, but actually express the sounds of our modern
major scale, C, D, E, F, G, a, b. When I pointed this out
(see p. 93), it aroused Miss Schlesinger, who wrote as
follows :

" ( De harmonica institutione' contains no such identify
cation [as that suggested by Mr. Farmer'], as will %e seen

JGerbert, "Script.," i, 96.
*7b., i, 318.

3i8 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

later on. Hucbald's [the author's} A to G scale possesses
the same diastematic values as in our modern notation?*

The evidence given by her is this :

"Hucbald's A to G recurrent series refers to our modern
sequence of the same letters, and not to a C major scale.
(Hucbald gives A as Proslambanomenos and G as Lich-
anos meson. Gerbert, " Script./' i, 1 1 5.") ;/

Unfortunately for the contention, the reference (i, 115)
does not cover the point at issue, since it fails to give the
Roman alphabetic notation to which I refer. This is to be
found elsewhere (i, 118), as follows:

, (FGABCDEF
Symbols: ( ? r B F C p M j

FGABCDEFG

6
Notes: A B C D E F G a b

I S 1 I ^ I .B ' g

<X>

S | 8 s g 8

^5 cs J? C5 es p cs

- "C -r ^ ^ ^

2 .>> .i

The upper line of the symbols is the alphabetic notation
to which I have referred. That the symbol A equates with
the note C, is quite clear, since it is Parhypatl hypaton.

The question that arises here is this. How did Par-
hypatl hypatdn come to have alpha attached to it? I
have already demonstrated that this alphabetic notation
had its origin with instrumentalists, and we know from

*"Mu*ieal Standard/' xxvii, 162, b.
k " Musical Standard/' xxvii, 163, a.

"DE HARMONICA 1NSTITUTIONE " JNOTATION. 319

various sources that C was the starting point 'frith them. 5
This idea is acknowledged by the theorists themselves to
be alien to the existing system, and one is naturally
tempted to ask from whence the innovation came ? I have
hazarded the opinion that the Arabs of Spain were origin-
ally responsible for it, and I have attempted to link up the
Western Arabian system as displayed in the " Ma'rif at al-
Naghamat al-Thaman " with that of " De harmonica in-
stitutione." Whether my suggestion is a feasible one or
not is another matter. What I have been concerned with
here is to refute the charge that my interpretation of the
notation in "De harmonica institutione " was incorrect.
This I have done.

Before leaving the subject, however, I would like to call
attention to one other point in the question under discus-
sion. My critic suggests that my evidence concerning the
treatise, "De harmonica institutione/' was based on
"second or third hand references," and that my "erroneous
and most mischievous statement" emanated "not from a
perusal of the treatise itself, but from Abdy Williams's
' Story of Notation ' (pp. 62-3)."

It so happens that I have been able to answer the ac-
cusation from " the treatise itself." Further, I have never
consulted Dr. Abdy Williams's work. 5 There are, how-
ever, several " second or third hand " authorities to which

*Gerbert, " Script./' i, 110, 303. Coussemaker, " Script./ 1 ii,
79, 85.

The late Dr. C. F. Abdy Williams's article on " Notation" in
Grove's "Dictionary of Music" is so uncritical and misleading
that I have no interest in hifl larger work. In Grove, he attributes
tHe alphabetic notation to which I refer, to Odo of Oluny.

320 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

I could refer in confirmation of my views, including such
notable authorities as Gevaert, 7 Christ, 8 Hugo Riemann, 1 '
Datvid and Lussy, 2C and Gastoue. 12

7 " Histoire et Theorie de la Musique de L'Antiquite " (1875),
i, 439.

* " Beitrage zur kirchlichen Literatur der Byzantiner " (1870), 47.
^"Studien zur Geschichte der Notenschrift " (1878), 28, 291.
" Handbuch der Musikgeschiclite M (1904-13), i, 2, 106. " Diction-
ary of Music " (fourth English edit.).

de la Notation Musicale (1882), 73.
en France" (1921), p. 51.

42.

THE EARLY NOTATIONS OF WESTERN
EUROPE.

" T" T is not until the eleventh century," I said, "that we
I see in Western Europe any direct or indirect con-
tact with Greek methods of notation, such as in
the ' Musica Enchiriadis/ Adelboldus and Odo of Cluny."
Miss Schlesinger points out that my three authorities
belong to the tenth century. To the merest tyro it would
be obvious from the names mentioned that the date given
by me was a lapsus scribendi. 1

I am told, however, of a Greek notation used by Bede
in the eighth century, whose " knowledge of Greek theory
is not a mere superficial book-knowledge." 2 I have al-
ready exposed the legend of Bede as a theorist of music. 5
More apposite is my critic's reference to the treatise at-
tributed to Hucbald entitled " De harmonica institutione,"
in which, she says, " exceptionally direct contact with

i Indeed, on reference to my type-script, I find that I wrote
" 10th century." Strange to say, the lapsus has remained by
an unfortunate oversight in the present work, although I made
an alteration in the same paragraph, by deleting Adelboldus. See
ante, p. 94, and Errata..

* " Musical Standard," xxvii, 109.
9 See Appendix 20.

22

ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE,

Greek methods of notation is displayed over and over
again." 4 I deliberately refrained from mentioning this
work because what is displayed "over and over again"
is Hucbald's exceptionally direct contact with Boethius! 5
On the other hand, the so-called Dasian notation in the
"Musica Enchiriadis" and Pseudo-Odo, although based
on a Greek idea, was quite original in its way. I believe
that both these treatises belong to the very late tenth
century.

"Musical Standard," xxvii, 162, b.
* Boethius, iv, 3, 4.

43.

THE SHAMS AL-DIN AL-SAIDAWI NOTATION.

THE notation contained in the treatise 2 of Shams al-
Dln al-aidawr is of signal value in more ways
than one. I have not been able to locate the pre-
cise date of this author, 5 but the treatise, of which there
is a sixteenth century copy at Paris/ would appear to be
not earlier than the thirteenth century. Of course, this
system of notation may have been used earlier, but I have
not come across an earlier example of it.

M. Viktor Uspensky, the eminent Russian writer on
Turkomanian and Uzbekian music, discovered a manu-
script with a similar kind of notation of Khwarizmian
origin. 4 * M. Fitrat, the author of the authoritative " Uzbik
qilassiq musiqasl*' (Tashkent, 1927, in Turkish), says that

1 The title differs in the various copies of the treatise. See my
" Arabic Musical MSS. in the Bodleian Library, " Nos. 13-15, and
De Slane, "Cat. des MSS. arabes de la Bibl. Nat.," No. 2480.

2 In the Paris MS. his additional surname is given as Al-Dim-
nshqi, but in the Bodleian MS. he is called Al-Dhahabl.

3 There is a Shams al-Din al-Dimashql (d. 1327) and a Shams
:al-Dln al-Dhahabi (d. 1348).

4 De Slane, op. cit., p. 440.

te Uspensky, "Sovietsky Uzbekistan" (Tashkent, 1927), p. 310*
In Russian.

324 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

this notation was known in the time of 'Ala* al-Dln
Muhammad, Shah of Khwarizm (d. I220)/ b

The Shams al-Dln system of notation consists of a stave
of seven differently coloured horizontal lines, each line
representing a note which is signified by the names of the
Arabo-Persian numerals at the beginning of each line,
thus:

Haft O Z.]

Shash 1= W.]

Banj [= H.]
Jahar 5 [= D.]

Si [= J-]

Du OB.]

Yak [ = A.]

As I have already remarked, this stave system is little
different from that given by Vincenzo Galilei (1581) and
Kircher (1650). The former gives a seven-lined stave, each
line representing a note, as follows : 6

H -
A -

n

T

12

70. See also " Promusica," March, 1927, p. 4. "The
Sackbut," January, 1924, p. 171.

^ Written JSr.
" Dialogo dclla mtisica antica et della moderna" (1581), p. 36

SHAMS AL-DIN AL-SAIDAWI NOTATION. 325

The notes themselves are shown by means of dots on each
line, but without indicating the duration. 7 Galilei says
that this system was in use before the time of Guido of
Arezzo (d. 1050).*

Kircher gives an eight-lined stave from a Greek MS. in
a Maltese Library, which he considered to be seven hun-
dred years old/ 9 As in Galilei's system, the actual notes
are represented by dots on the lines.

Kircher has been looked upon with suspicion, and the
French savant, Ch.-Em. Ruelle, said that the above was
" une pure falsification'' 11 Yet there appears to be no need
to be unduly distrustful of Kircher in view of the tes-
timony of Galilei, and the existence of the system of Shams
al-Din al-aidawi. Further, the stave system in the

? The dots in the copies of the book consulted by me have been
filled in by hand.

* This notation was copied by Martini (" Storia della Musica,"
i, 185), but he omits the eleventh note, in the same way as Haw-
kins does (" Hist, of Mus.," i, 428).

9Musurgia Universal," i, 213 (1650).

20 In the original, capitals and lower case letters are given. See
also Hawkins (i, 429), and Grove, iii, 397.

" Rvue des Etudes Grecques," v, 266.

326 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

"Musica Enchiriadis" treatise is on all fours with the
systems described above. 12

Which of these was the forerunner is difficult to decide.
At any rate, the Greek examples given by Galilei and
Kircher would be of Byzantine origin, and the stave was
certainly not invented by Guido of Arezzo. In the Arabic
document the coloured lines of the stave remind us that
the early stave in Europe was also coloured. In the
Arabic document, also, the duration of the notes is indi-
cated, which does not appear in the other documents.
Soriano-Fuertes says that the Arabs employed seven
colours, to denote the seven kinds of note duration from
the semibreve to the double-demisemiquaver. 13 I have not
seen an example of this in any of the Arabic musical MSS.
that I have consulted.

Gerbert, "Script.," i, 157.

w Soriano-Fuertes, " Hist, de la Miisica espanola," i, 77, and
" Musica ArabexEfipanola," 42-5. " Proceedings of the Musical
Association/ 9 xxxir, 26.

44.

THE MEANING OF ORGANUM.

MISS SCHLESINGER complains/ that my use of
Riemann's definition of organum from his " Dic-
tionary of Music" (fourth edition, English trans-
lation),- is "hardly fair" to this writer, and that I should
have quoted from the latest edition of his " Geschichte der
Musiktheorie" (1920), where he says : " The principal char-
acteristic of organitm is by no means the rigid parallel
movement of voices in fifths or fourths, but rather the
alternate separation and coming together again in
unison." 5

" One is almost ashamed to have to point out," says my
critic, "that in all matters of archaeology or historical
research the latest available pronouncement by any author
provides the only safe index to his theories." To supply
this, she gives the above quotation from Riemann's " Ges-
chichte der Musiktheorie" (1920), which, she says, contains
the author's " latest and last definition, which was in the
press before he died." It so happens that I am, similarly,
" almost ashamed to have to point out " that this " latest

l " Musical Standard," xxvii, 208, b.
9 See ante, p. 110,
22,

328 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

and last definition" of Riemann's appeared in the first
edition of his " Geschichte der Musiktheorie " (1898).*

I was quite aware that Riemann meant a far wider de-
finition than the one given under the heading " Organum "
in his " Dictionary of Music," which is apparent from
that given under the heading " Diaphonia." When I said,
" By organum I mean the accepted definition of the term,
including that of Riemann," it ought to have been evident
that Riemann was of secondary import. I used his de-
finition from the "Dictionary' 1 because of Miss Schlesin-
ger's dependence on his 4< authority/' and because it
was terse. What I wanted was to make it quite clear that
I was not going to recognise magadizing with the octave
being claimed as organum on account of the term vox
organalis y which is used with symphonia ac diapason or
symphonia ac disdiapason, particularly since the authority
in question, John Scotus, speaks of an organicum melos,
which was said by my critic to refer to organum. (See
Appendix 48.)

h Miss Schlesinger still confronts us with Riemann's ''masterly
exposition of the ' Rise of Organum/ " When one turns to Cousse-
maker's " Histoire de FHarmonie au Moyen Age " (1852) it is
to see that Riemann is actually in statu pupillari.

45.

AL-KINDI, IBN SINA, AND ORGANIZING.

IN my " Arabian Influence on Musical Theory " I gave
an important quotation of six lines in Arabic text
from the " Shifa' " of Ibn Sina. This concerned the
practice of certain devices known to the Arabs as the tarklb
and tad' if. 1 The former was the striking of any note sim-
ultaneously with its fourth or fifth, whilst the latter was
the same procedure with the octave? I also definitely
mentioned this Arabic quotation in my rejoinder to my
critic when I gave a translation of the Arabic into Eng-
lish. 5 But this fact seems to have been afterwards over-
looked, as it is said that " it is of little use to give ....
English readers titles of Arabic unpublished and untrans-
lated manuscripts, without quotation, as was done by Mr.
Fanner in his pamphlet."*

* Tarkib and tad'if mean literally " compound " and "double"
respectively. The former term was also used to cover both devices.
* Pages 6-7. Note 7.

9 " Musical Standard," xxvii, 175, a, and p. 103 of the present
work.

I ''Musical Standard," xxvii, 209, b, lines 36-7. In two other
places (p. 209, a, lines 39-40, and p. 209, b, lines 27-30) she repeats
her complaint that I do not give a quotation.

330 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

There are certain other criticisms of my " clues " under
this heading which I propose to deal with. Before doing
so, I would like to submit another description of the tarklb
given by Ibn Sina in his " Kitab al-Najat," which is rather
clearer than that contained in the "ShifaV It runs as
follows :

" And as for the tarklb, it is the blending (\/ ~~ khalata),
in one beat y of the principal notes (al-nagham al-asliyya)
with a note agreeing harmoniously (naghma muwfifaqa).
And the most excellent of that blending is to be found in
the large intervals, in the octave [and after that the fiftK\?
and then the fourth' 16

Miss Schlesinger has objections to offer against the Ibn
Sina "clue." The practicability of producing simultane-
ous "fourths on the Arabian lute, which was tuned nor-
mally in fourths, is admitted by her, but in regard to the
fifths it is argued that " the restrictions would be more
numerous than the possibilities.'* As for the octave \ my
critic says that "it would be still more difficult .... for
it would entail difficult double-stopping and the plucking
simultaneously of three strings." 7

In reply to this, let us consider, first of all, the "restric-
tions " that are said to exist in playing " a melody in frfths
on the lute." Probably the earliest examples of organum
are to be found in the " Musica Enchiriadis " and " Scholia

6 The passage in parentheses is omitted in this MR., probably
owing to a. copyist's slip. It occurs however, in Ibn Sina's " Dan-
ish Nama," which is in Persian. ('Brit. Mus., MS., 2361, fol.
161, v.) This work is practically identical with the " Kitab al-
Najat."

* " Bodleian MS., 1 ' 1026, fol. 170.
f " Musical Standard," xxvii, pp. 197-8.

AL-KlNDI, IBN SlNA, AND ORGANIZING. 331

Enchiriadis," and if we take the specimen of organum
simplex with the diapente, given in the latter work (Ger-
bert, "Script./' i, 185), it will be seen that if it is suitably
transposed, it could be performed by the merest tyro in
lute-playing.

As for the difficulty in playing octaves simultaneously,
my critic would seem to be unaware of the devices intro-
duced by Arab lutenists into the accordatura. Whilst the
normal tuning (Arab, taswiyya) of the Arabian lute was in
fourths (A D g c), there were special tunings in use.
The latter were particularly useful when " difficult" finger-
ing arose. Here, for instance, is one of the special tun-
ings given by Al-Kindi, G D g c. The fourth
string (bamm) was tuned an octave lower than the open
note of the second string (mathna)? We also have the
tuning of the Western Arabian iute as laid down in the
" Ma'rifat al-naghamat al-thaman " treatise, which was,
C D g a. Both of these tunings would have facili-
tated the tarkib in -fifths, whilst the former would have
made the tad'lj in octaves possible.

At the same time, it is extremely doubtful whether the
Eastern Arabs ever practised organum as we know it in
the European sense described in the " Musica Enchiriadis "
and "Scholia Enchiriadis/' With the Eastern Arabs cer-
tainly, the tarkib and tad'lf would seem to have been, as
I have already pointed out, merely part of the schemes of
the tctlli or "composition of melodies/' 9 Ibn Sina actu-
ally refuses to admit them as part of the melody itself, but

* "Berlin MS.," 5530, fol. 25, r. 26.
See ante, p. 107.

332 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

considers them as subsidiaries, and calls them tahdsin
("adornments") 10 or sawd'id ("glosses")-"

We have seen that Ibn SlnS. allowed intervals "other
than the fourth and fifth " to be used in the tarklbat> and
the second and third may have been thus admitted. On
this question there is a curious "exercise" for lutenists
given by Al-Kindi which ought not to be missed. It is
as follows : n

This opens with a tarkib in the fourth, played on the
first (sir) and second (mathntl) strings, open. It is called
by Al-Kindi, " a jass of one movement." 73 Next comes a
" jass of three movements (G, d, G). Then follows three
repeated notes (c, c, c), which is another "jass of three
movements," and so on.

10 " Bodleian MS.," 1026, fol. 169, v.

""India Office MS./' 1811, fol. 172, v.

" Berlin MS.," 5530, fol. 30, v.

is For the term jass see ante, 104.

46.

VIRGILIUS CORDUBENSIS.

" He who knows something ought to show it. Knowledge kept
out of sight is of no value." VIRGILIUS CORDUBENSIS.

IN my monograph 7 I referred to the Arabian schools
in Al-Andalus teaching organum. This assertion
was made on the authority of a certain Virgilius Cor-
dubensis, and I quoted the passage in question in full. I
again introduced this author into my reply to the pamph-
let by Miss Schjesinger, 2 whereupon the latter criticised
as follows. 5 First, she complained that I gave "neither
date nor reference " for the Virgilius testimony. The ob-
jection was not altogether valid, since I distinctly stated
that Virgilius was " contemporary " with Ibn Slna
(eleventh century). It is true enough, however, that I
gave no reference, but the omission has demonstrated the
fact (which is openly admitted by my critic) that she has
been unable to trace Virgilius Cordubensis !

Concerning my later contribution to the question/ Miss
Schlesinger says that I here rectified my omission as to

* Farmer, " Arabian Influence on Musical Theory," 7.
*See ante, p. 106, and "Musical Standard/' xxvii, 196.

*See " Musical Standard," xxvii, p. 209.
4 See ante, p. 106, and "Musical Standard," xxvii, 196.

334 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE,

" reference " by giving the " Historia de la Mtisica Espan-
ola" of M. Soriano-Fuertes as my authority. 5 Readers
turning back to p. 106 of the present work will see that
her statement is not strictly accurate. My reference here 6
was concerned with European students studying at Cor-
dova, and had no direct connection with Virgilius Cor-
dubensis. Proceeding, however, on this erroneous as-
sumption, my critic turned to M. Soriano-Fuertes, and the
result was the following :

" Mr. Farmer again introduces part of the quotation
from Virgilius, and this time there is a reference, not to
the original quotation given in the pamphlet, but to a
shorter version from the ' Historia de la Miisica Espan-
ola' (by Mariano Soriano-Fuertes, Madrid, 1855, p. 82),
where we find the following destructive information
which effectually tears Mr. Farmer's clue to shreds. On
p. 8 1, Soriano-Fuertes says (to quote him in extenso}:
'Among the Spanish Christians [therefore not Arabs, says
Miss Schlesinger] there were schools of all the sciences,
and especially of music, in the eighth century in Cordova,
according to the statement of the philosopher, Virgilius
Cordubensis. Those schools were under the protection
of the Arabian rulers, not only in Cordova, but in Seville,,
etc. In the schools 7 of Cordova, according to Virgilius,,

5 " Musical Standard/' xxvii, 209.

6> The refererce should actually have been preceded by the eon-
traction "cf." My original reference, as shown in my "Arabian
Influence on Musical Theory " (p. 14) was to Dozy (iii, 107), but
I wished readers to " compare " Soriano-Fuertes, as I did not ac-
cept his conclusion that the " celebrated musicians " mentioned by
him had studied at Christian schools, for reasons which are given*
below.

7 The word should be "school" and not " schools."

VlRGlLlUS CORDUBENSIS, 335

grammar, philosophy, botany, the mathematics, and music
were taught. To each of these faculties two professors
were appointed* Those who taught music there not only
explained the scientific part of music and plain-song, but
also simultaneous harmony or harmonic composition, as
may be inferred from the writings of the same Virgilius,
'/ duo magistri legebant de musica, de ista arte qua
dtcitur organum!

" Here Mr. Farmer stops : he reads no further. Yet the
next paragraph on the same page, continues as follows :
'In the day of Virgilius, the philosopher already men-
tioned, the twelve professors who in this University gave
instruction in the sciences, to which reference has been
made above, WERE ALL SPANIARDS : TWO WERE
NAVARRESE AND THE OTHER TEN CAS-
TILIANS/

"So with regard to the teaching of organum in Cor-
dova, Virgilius was not referring to Arabian professors
at all, nor to schools founded by Arabs, BUT TO
SPANISH CHRISTIAN PROFESSORS appointed to
the faculties of their own schools in Cordova." 6 '

I have quoted at length so that there can be no mis-
conception on the point in question.

At the outset let me say definitely that M. Soriano-
Fuertes was not my "reference" That being so, most of
my critic's advice as to how I should have conducted my
investigations from this source is nugatory. Further, my
" Arabian Influence on Musical Theory " shows that I
was cognisant of the passages in question from M. Sori-
ano-Fuertes. Yet after quoting the passage in Latin

*" Musical Standard," sxvii, 200.

336 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE

given above, my critic says: "Here Mr. Fanner stops;
he reads no further." If, however, I had read "no fur-
ther " I could not have used the succeeding paragraph as
my " reference " for a certain Jew, Elias, and a Christian,
Pedro Canciotor, studying at these schools of Cordova. 9
In the face of this my critic's objections fail.

For many years I have ignored the authority of M.
Soriano-Fuertes on the question of Arabian music. Most
of his information under this heading in his "Historia
de la Musica Espanola" (1855-9) was gleaned from
Laborde's "Essai sur la Musique ancienne et moderne"
(1780), although it is not improbable, in view of the multi-
tude of errors, that his list of musical instruments from
the " Kitab al-imta' wa'1-intif a'," was taken direct from the
Escorial MS., which he evidently could not properly de-
cipher, 10 and not from Casiri's "Bibliotheca arabico-his-

9 "Arabian Influence on Musical Theory," 14, footnote 7. Sor-
iano-Fuertes makes these two, together with a number of Mus-
lims, alumni of Christian schools. He gives the names of a num-
ber of " celebrated Arabian musicians " who had also studied there.
I rejected his " Christian schools" as highly improbable. The
Arabs mentioned by him are, Farabio Mahomed, Alfarabi, Moheb
(also written Mohed), Abil, Vadil and Ben Zaidan (ako written
Ben Zaydan). With the exception of Al-FarabI and Ibn Zaidun
(= Ben Zaidan), none of these names can be traced. Al-Farabl
does not appear to have ever set foot in Al-Andalus, and he was
certainly not educated there. Jbn Zaidun was educated at the
Muslim University of Cordova. Abil is a blunder, and is a trun-
cated form of a name (e.g., Ibn abl 5 1- . . . .).

* Escorial MS., No. 1530, now in the National Library at
Madrid, No. 603. The title in Bobles's " Catalogo de los Manu-
ecritos arabes " (1889) contains a printer's error. The correct title
is given above. The copyist was a certain Muhammad ibn Ibra-
him al-Shalahi, an Arab of Seville, and the work was copied in
the year 1301. Robles gives Al-Shalaji as the reading of the name,

VlRGILIUS CORDUBENSIS. 337

pana Escurialensis " (1760-70), whose list, by the way, is
also incorrect. 22 His earlier " Musica arabe-espanola "
(1853) dealt with Al-Farabl's " Kitab al-muslql," also in
the Escorial, part of which he appears to have known from
a translation made by Conde. 22

My critic's inability to locate Virgilius Cordubensis re-
minds me of my own earliest experience of this writer.
I first came across his name in Rowbotham's " History of
Music" (iii, 533), where it was stated on his authority that
the harmony of Hue bald was taught in the Arabian music
school at Cordova. No reference was given, but follow-
ing other " clues" in Rowbotham, I consulted Soriano-
Fuertes, where I found Virgilius used to more advantage,
but from a different point of view. Here he was con-
sidered to belong in one place (i, Si) to the eighth cen-
tury, and in another (i, 88) to the eleventh century. Fur-
ther, this writer referred the teaching of organum to Chris-
tian schools. Again there was no reference to an original
or to sources.

I then chanced to fall on Virgilius in the works of
Feijoo, in the " Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles" (Ivi,
379-81), where I also found a reference to Sarmiento
(" Mcmorias para la Historia de la Poesia Castellana,"

which is certainly less probable than the former. The author has
been given all sorts of names, from the Al-Shalani of Russell
("Natural History of Aleppo," 1794, i, 387) to the Al-Shalabi of
Grove's " Dictionary of Music " (third edition, i, 74). I do not
know the authority of the writer in Grove for the date 1415 for this
treatise,

11 Casiri, i, 627. Soriano-Fuertes has been followed by U. R.
Burke (" History of Spain," 1895, ii, 329).

"Mitjana, in " Le Monde Orientate," 1906, p. 194.

23

338 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

i, 252). Both of these Spanish authors, writing in the
eighteenth century, were dealing with codices which, at
that time, were out of my reach. Later, whilst studying
the Latin translators from the Arabic, I came across the
helpful writings of Valentine Rose, and in an article of
his in "Hermes" (viii, 327) on "Ptolemaeus und die
Schule von Toledo," I learned that the " Philosophia " of
Virgilius Cordubensis which contained the quotation that
I was seeking, had been edited by Gotthold Heine in his
" Bibliotheca Anecdotorum " (1848)."

Virgilius Cordubensis is the name of a philosopher and
necromancer of Cordova, whose work, " Philosophia," was
translated from Arabic into Latin at Toledo in the year
I2QO. U The earliest codex, in the library of the Cathe-
dral at Toledo, dates from the second half of the four-
teenth century. 15 Taking the work at its face value, I
considered the date of the original composition to have
been prior to the capture of Toledo by the Christians in
1085, seeing that students from Morocco were studying
there at the time that the author was writing, 10 and also
because half of the names of the " masters " in astrology,

19 This work not being available at the time that I was writing,
the words actually quoted by me were taken from Mitjana's ar-
ticle on Spanish music in Lavignac's " Encyclopedic de la
Musique" (iv, 1921).

U Heine, op cit., 211. The MSS. says : ll Istum librum com-
posuit Virgilius Philosophus Cordubensis in Arabico, et fuit trans-
latus de Arabico in Latinum in civitate Toletana, A.D. 1290. r;

^Bonilla y San Martin, " Historia de la Filosofia Kspaiioln "
(1908), i, 310. Cf. Feij6o, op. cit., 380. Heine, op. cit., 211.

M The Marochitani were from Morocco, as they are usually men-
tioned with those from " beyond the seas " (ultramarlni). They
were distinct from the Saraceni.

VlRGILIUS CORDUBENSIS. 339

necromancy, and similar arts, are of Arabian origin.
Further, the eleventh century was one of the dates as-
signed to Virgilius Cordubensis by Soriano-Fuertes, 17 and
even Rafael Mitjana places him quite as early as this."

Virgilius begins his treatise by trumpeting his fame as
a philosopher. Although students from all parts, even
from Cordova, went to Toledo to study the arts, they
were compelled to journey to Cordova when difficult ques-
tions had to be discussed, so as to consult him. He was
celebrated for his recondite knowledge, and his superi-
ority was due, so he tells us, to his acquaintance with that
science called " Ref ulgentia," which the ordinary folk
called necromancy. Then follows a long philosophical
discussion in which he states the opinions of the Anda-
lusian, Saracen, 13 Moroccan, Toletan, Castillian, Leon-
ese, Cantabrian and Cartaginian "masters/'

The particular point under discussion, the teaching of
organum at Cordova, occurs towards the end of the trea-
tise. After reference to the period of the academic ses-
sion, which began in October and ended in May, as it
does, strange to say, in most British universities, Vir-
gilius deals with the masters and philosophers of Spain,
who were, in his day, engaged in Cordubensian study.
Finally, he gives a list of the professors (magistri) and
the subjects taught at Cordova. This is what he says :

"These were the philosophers and masters of Spain;

u Soriano-Fuertes, i, 88.

J*Lavignac's " Encyclopedic de la Musique," iv, 1921.
* 9 The Saraceni appear to be the Arab philosophers from the
East, as distinct from those of Al-Andalus proper (AndaliciJ and
Morocco (MarochitaniJ.

340 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

and five of them were Portuguese, and seven were Leonese,
and ten were Castillians, and three were Navarrese, and
five were Aragonese, and twelve were of Toledo. Of Car-
taginians there were seven, of Cordobans there were five,
i.e., ourselves Virgilius, Seneca, Avicena, Aben Royz, and
Algacel. Of Sevillians there were seven. Of Moroccan
and all others beyond the seas there were twelve.

"All these philosophers were, in our time, engaged in
Cordubensian study, [although] some were teaching in
their own sciences and others not. Of the scholars who
were there, there were seven thousand and more in num-
ber. Of those twelve philosophers of Toledo, three were
masters of astrology, whose names were, Calafataf, Gili-
bertus, Aladansac; and another three philosophers of
those were masters of necromancy, whose disciples were
at Toledo, and what we know we have heard from them,
and know about them, and their names were, Philadelphus
and Liribaldus and Floribundus; and some of those phil-
osophers in pyromancy, in geomancy, and in many other
sciences, whose names were, Beromandrac, Dubiatalfac,
Aliafil, Quonaalfac, Mirrazanfel, Nolicaranus.*

" These twelve were in our time philosophers of Toledo,
and were always unanimously opposed to all other phil-
osophers and all their debates. Many a time they ex-
celled over all others and triumphed. And these twelve
philosophers of Toledo wrote and edited many books on
philosophy in Arabic and on many other sciences, and
they are approved and authenticated. Three of these
philosophers were physicians who cured men wonderfully
of their infirmities

w Feijdo, op. cit., gives other forms of these names.

VlRGILlUS CORDtfBENStS. 341

" .... At that time there were seven masters of gram-
mar who taught every day at Cordova ; and five continu-
ally teaching logic; and three natural science, who like-
wise taught every day ; and two were masters of astrol-
ogy, who taught every day on astrology; and one mas-
ter taught geometry; and three masters taught physics;
and two masters taught music, of that art which is called
organum ; and three masters taught necromancy, and pyro-
mancy, and geomancy. And one master taught ars
notoria^ which is a venerable art and science." 1

I have given a translation of this long passage from
the Latin of Yirgilius, the only one that is material to
the question at issue, because it is high time that it was
placed clearly before students. Presently I propose to
discuss the document itself, but meanwhile the assump-
tions of M. Soriano-Fuertes and Miss Schlesinger ought
to be dealt with.

My quotation from the original source demonstrates the
incorrectness of Soriano-Fuertes, in that (i) Virgilius does
not refer the above schools to " Spanish Christians."
(2) He does not refer to "twelve professors in this Uni-
versity" who were "all Spaniards," either Navarrese or
Castilians. There were twenty-seven % and their nation-
ality is not specified. (3) He does not refer to " two pro-
fessors" in each faculty. (4) He does not mention
" botany " as one of the " faculties."

As for my critic, I have shown (i) That I did not omit
to give the date of Virgilius Cordubensis : (2) That I did

* Heine, op. cit., pp. 241-2.

342 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

not give Soriano-Fuertes as my reference : * (3) That it is
not correct to say that Soriano-Fuertes states that there
were "SPANISH CHRISTIAN PROFESSORS ap-
pointed to the faculties of their own schools in Cordova." 5

On the other hand, I maintain that I was fully justi-
fied in the assertion that organizing was taught at the
Arabian schools at Cordova, for the simple reason that the
work of Virgilius Cordubensis claims to have been written
originally in Arabic presumably by an Arab or MuzdrabeJ*
If Christian schools were intended, the author would have
mentioned the fact. Moreover, Cordova was in Arab
hands at this time (? eleventh century), and it was not
captured by the Christians until 1236. The testimony of
Al-Hijari (d. 1194) about foreign students in the Arabian
schools at Cordova, agrees in part with the statement of
Virgilius.

The treatise of Virgilius Cordubensis deserves exam-
ination. Its authenticity has been challenged by several
writers, and notably by Comparetti and Bonilla. Com-
paretti urges that the translator could not have been a
Moor, and that he certainly did not know much about
Arabic or he would not have called his Arab author Vir-
gilius and made him a contemporary of Seneca, Avicenna

critic says that she is aware that M. Soriano-Fuertes is
" notoriously inaccurate." Verb. sap.

s Even if Christian schools were referred to, it would be wrong
to assume that its teachers were all Christians, seeing that both
Muslim and Jewish savants were to be found there.

J Andres (op. cit., edit. 1785, i, 256), speaks of the university
at Cordova mentioned by Virgilius as though it were a Muslim
institution. Mitjana (Lavignac's " Ency. de la Musique," iv,
1921) also assumes that Arabian madaris or schools are meant.

VlRGILIUS CORDUBENSIS. 343

(= Avicena), Averroes (= Aben Royz), and Al-Ghazall
(= Algacel). He suggests that the author was a char-
latan who took the name of Virgilius and simulated Ara-
bian learning in order to be looked upon as an authority.
Comparetti even takes Amador de los Rios to task for
accepting the "fabulous notices" of Virgilius concerning
the professors of the ars notoria, necromancy, etc. 5 Fur-
ther, he gives the opinion of the Orientalist, Moritz Stein-
schneider, communicated to him privately, that he had
doubts whether the work was earlier than Raimond de
Pennaforte (fl. 1232).

Bonilla, who gives extracts from Virgilius, suggests that
the author was a Toletan ecclesiastic who was influenced
by the writings of the famous Arabic translator, Michael
Scot (d. c. 1232), and indicates a similar type of litera-
ture in such works as " Sendebar," " Flores de Filosofia,"
and " Libro de los Doze Sabios." 7

These objections to the authenticity of the " Phil-
osophia" of Virgilius Cordubensis cannot be passed over
lightly, although care has to be exercised in not taking
too much for granted. First of all, it must be remembered
that Comparetti is dealing with the legendary material
which became attached to the name of Publius Virgilius
Maro, the poet (d. 19 B.C.), and he looks upon the "Phil-
osophia" of the later Virgilius Cordubensis as an out-
come of the legend. On the other hand, is it not equally
probable that the " Philosophia," instead of being the

* " Historia critica de la Lit. Esp.," ii, 159.
6 Comparetti, " Virgilio nel medio evo " (1872), ii, 95-6.
* Bonilla y San Martin, "Historia de la Filosofia Espanola "
(1908), i, 309.

344 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE*

production of a charlatan trading on the name of the
legendary necromantic Virgilius Maro, and the obsession
for "Arabian learning/' is rather a work of independent
origin which actually contributed to give further vitality
to the legend ? We probably see a similitude in the case
of Bishop Virgilius of Salzburg (d. 784), whose somewhat
extraordinary opinions may also have become attached to
the name of Virgilius Maro, and contributed to the necro-
mantic legend.

Comparer's criticism that the translator was not a
Moor, does not touch the question at all. Nearly all the
translators from Arabic into Latin were Europeans raci-
ally. 5 That the translator called the author Virgilius
does not, in itself, allow us to question his knowledge of
Arabic. In that case, we would require to know what the
original name in Arabic was, and how the original trans-
lator rendered it. Even as it stands, which may be a
Latin copyist's reading only, there is no reason for sup-
posing that an Arabic original is unlikely, seeing that we
have the examples of Faraj (ibn Salim) being Latinised
as Franchinus, and Hunain (ibn Ishaq) as ^neas.

The arguments based on the so-called "contempor-
aries " of Virgilius Cordubensis are more cogent. Only Sen-
eca (d. 65) and Averroes (d. 1198) were Cordobans, whilst
neither Avicenna (d. 1037) nor Al-Ghazall (d. mi) ever
saw Al-Andalus. Needless to say, an Arab author could
not have penned these lines about his "contemporaries,"
and if the author was a Tolctan ecclesiastic, as Bonilla

* One outstanding name to the contrary, that of the Jew, Faraj
ibn Salim, was Latinised as Farachi, Faragut, Fararius, Fer-
rarius. Franchinus.

VlRGILIUS CORDUBENSIS. 345

suggests, what about the inclusion of Seneca ? Is not the
passage a mere gloss that has crept into the text? 9 If
the author was a To let an ecclesiastic, he certainly man-
aged to keep his religion out of the " Philosophia " with
an astuteness that does not comport with the inept in-
clusion of Seneca.

Certainly, no Arabic original of the "Philosophia" is
known to us, but the same objection could be urged
against dozens of Latin works translated from the Arabic.
Toledo was long famous as the seat of Arabian science/
undoubtedly from the time of the Amir Yahya al-Ma'mun
(d. 1074), through the period of Archbishop Raymund
(fl. 1125-51), to Alphonso X (1252-84), and even later.
Would it have been possible to have palmed off a spuri-
ous work at this period, with learned Arabs and Jews on
the spot only too eager to detect the fraud? At any rate,
the philosophy of Virgilius Cordubensis comes from Ara-
bic and Rabbinic sources, and the work certainly cannot
be said to belong to the same type as the works indicated
by Bonilla.

An ignorant Latin glossator, and a later scribe, might well
have been jointly responsible for these " contemporaries/' Bat-
man (" Batman uppon Bartholome," London, 1582) says that
Avicenna lived in Spain, and belonged to the twelfth century !
Latin authors also considered Rhazes (Al-Razi) to be a Roman I
*>See "Hist. Lit. de la France," vii, 143, 158.

47.

HARMONY IN ORIENTAL MUSIC.

I HAVE said that the Arabs have preserved in present-
day practice scarcely a vestige of the primitive
tarklb of Al-Kindl, which, I have surmised, was
probably the forerunner of organum in Europe. 1 What
we do see is a far more advanced type of organum which
appears to be peculiar to bowed instruments. An exam-
ple of this is worthy of reproduction.*

1st Rabab

i

2nd Rabab 1
3rd RabSb '

i See ante, pp. 104, 108, 112.

*Loret, V., " Quelques documents relatifs & la I literature et la
musique populaires de la Haute-Egypte." (" Memoires . . . . de
la Mission arch<k>logique fran^aise au Caire/ 1 Paris, 1889, Tome i.)

HARMONY IN ORIENTAL Music.
I P i i 11 i

347

zzrrrzuizq rri^n ::i-^ ir i- 0jp^-_ : l*JCj.*. | :

:rj:!:^.:|3^|:^

"~~ J~ "" " -^- - ^ -^ "~ ~fy ~ IS

T

I ^ i

etc.

48.

JOHN SCOTUS AND ORGANUM.

JOHN SCOTUS or Erigena (d. c. 877) deserves special
attention because of the alleged reference to or-
ganum in his " De divisione naturae," which has been
conjured with by many writers since the days of the eru-
dite Coussemaker. 1 Probably greater credence has been
placed on the John Scotus reference by Hugo Riemann
than by any other writer, and the latter has even referred
to other passages in "De divisione naturae" so as to in-
crease the confidence of his readers that there are valid
reasons for averring that John Scotus refers to organum*
Indeed, the language of John Scotus is actually said to
refer to "free organum'' Professor Wooldridge thought
that this " difficult " and "doubtful" passage of John
Scotus would quite admit of this interpretation, as I have
already pointed out. 5 Dr. Ernest Walker followed the
Slade professor in this view, although he, too, said that
the passage was "none too clear/'' 4 The latest to adhere

* Coussemaker, " Histoire de rHarmonie au Moyen Age "
(1852), 11.

2 Riemann, " Gesch. d. Musiktheorie " (1920), 18, 22. " Hand-
buch d. Musikgeschichte " (1904-13), i/2, 142.

9 See ante, pp. 109-10.
'Walker, "History of Music in England" (1907), 4.

JOHN SCOTUS AND ORGANUM. 349

to the Riemann dictum is Miss Schlesinger, 5 whose fur-
ther circumstantial defence of the passage as referring to
" free organum " c prompts me to make a lengthy
examination of the claim.

The Latin quotation given by my critic, 7 which is taken
from Riemann, 5 who, it appears, depends on Schliiter, 9
does not seem to be quite correct, as we shall sec pres-
ently. In the meantime, however, let us assume that the
passage is correct, and that it refers, in the language of
Professor Wooldridge, to "the alternate separation and
coming together of the voices." What could this actu-
ally mean? Miss Schlesinger says that "a highly de-
veloped form of organum is lucidly described" by John
Scotus in this passage. 10 On the other hand, I maintain
that it could only refer to a type of symphonia.

If we turn to the chapter on symphonia in the " Scholia
Enchiriadis " we find " Discipulus " asking : " Quomodo
canitur diapason?" To this query "Magister" replies by
showing that there could be symphonia with the single
diapason as well as with both the single and double dia-
pason together. 71 Here is a specimen of the compound
symphonia :

See ante, pp. 109-10, and her pamphlet, p. 11.

6 " Musical Standard/' xxvii, pp. 208, b 209.
7 Sclilesingor, "Is European Musical Theory Indebted to the
Arabs?," 11.

SRiomann, " Gesch. d. Musiktheorio " (second edit., 1920), 18.
5 Schliiter , " Joannis Scoti Erigenae De divisione naturae 1 '
(1838).

*o (l Musical Standard/' xxvii, 197, b.
11 Examples are given in Gerbert's " Scriptores," i, 161, 163, 185.

350 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

De diapason ac disdiapason.

-0_Q Q - Q-Q.^g,. -

II 6 * ~' ~~ .-._ _____ _r_ -- ~J [Diapason i

-

Diapason remissum.

Here we have the s/0;r principalis accompanied by a
organalis at the octave below and the octave above, in
strict parallel form, which was the older, 12 and more ele-
mentary system of symphonia, 13 practically identical with
the Greek system of magadizing. Yet the lower (remis-
sus) and upper (intensits) vox organalis did not always
follow the vox principalis in strict parallel form separ-
ated by an octave, but occasionally met the vox princi-
palis in unison. Thus we see that Professor Wooldridge's
part translation of the Riemann (Schliiter) text could very
well be a reference to this class of symphonia.

At the same time, as I have already pointed out, the
text given above is scarcely to be trusted, although it is
given by [Coussemaker], 1 * Riemann 15 and Wooldridge. 76
A better text is that given by Migne, which is edited by
H. J. Floss, who collated five codices with the cditio prin-
ce ps. 17 I give both text and translation as follows :

"The Omnipotent founder of the universe .... has

^Gerbert, "Script.," i, 161.

"Gevaert, "Mel. Ant.," 422.

U Coussemaker, op. eit., 11.

^Riemann, loo. cit.

^Wooldridge, "Oxford Hist, of Music," i, 61.
17 " Patr. Lat.," cxxi, 439 et seq.

JOHN SCOTUS AND ORGANUM. 351

been able to create what is similar and dissimilar to his

own likeness In a like manner the beauty of the

whole universe of similar and dissimilar things has been
built up in a wonderful harmony from diverse genera and
various forms in different arrangements of substances and
accidents, compacted into an ineffable unity. For an or-
ganised melody composed of diverse qualities and quan-
tities of voices is discerned, note by note (viritim) indi-
vidually, to be separated by different proportions of high
and low, yet they are mutually co-adapted in accordance
with established and rational rules of the art of music
concerning each tropos, 15 rendering a natural sweetness,
so the concord of the universe out of the subdivisions of
one nature, mutually disagreeing when examined singly,
has been made one equally with the uniform will of its
founder.""

is Miss Schlesinger says that this sentence translates "definite
rules of corn-position regulating the intcr-rclationthip and progres-
sion of the different voices in each tropos or mode.' 1 This is cer-
tainly more than the text tells us.

W'Patr. Lat.," cxxii, 637, d. " Proimle pulchritude totius
universitatis oonditae, similium et dissimilium, inirahili quad a in
harmonia constituta est, ex diversis generibus variisquc formis,
differentibus quoque suhstantiarum et accidentium ordinibus, in
\mitatem quandam ineffabilem compact a. I't enirn organicum
melos ex diversis vocum qualitatibus et quantitatibus conficitur,
dum viritim separatimque sentiuntur, longe a se discrepantibus
intentionis et remissionis proportionibus segregates, dum vero
sibi iuvicem coaptantur secundum certas rationabilesque artis
musicro regulas per singulos tropos, naturalexn qunmdam [quan-
dam] dulcedinern reddentibus : ita universitatus concordia, ex
diversis naturse unius subdivisionibus a se invicem, dum singu-
lariter inspiciuntur, dissonantibus, juxta conditoris uniformem
voluntatem coadunata est." Coussemaker, Riemann and AVool-
dridge omit tho word "vocum/' but the last two put " voces"
after " sentiuntur."

352 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

It will be observed that this translation does not allow
for Professor Wooldridge's reading of " the alternate sep-
aration and coming together of the voices," which even
Coussemaker does not admit. Indeed, the very context
seems to demonstrate that we cannot allow this reading,
and the objection is strengthened by other passages in
" De divisione naturae." At any rate, neither in my texts,
not in the text of my critic, is there authority for stating
that "a highly developed form of organum is lucidly
described."

In Book V of " De divisione naturae," John Scotus re-
turns to this subject of the unity of universal nature being
due to the uniting of diverse constituents. He is urged
to this view, he says, on " musical grounds." He recog-
nises that "rational intervals^ of diverse voices, put to-
gether one after another, produce a sweetness in melody."
Here the author is speaking of the different intervals which
go to make up melody. The certitude of this is evident
from the passage which follows. "It is not," he says,
"the diverse sounds of organ pipes, lyre strings, or reed-
pipe holes that produce a harmonious sweetness, ....
but the relations and proportions of sounds which, put
together one after another, the inmost soul alone perceives
and determines the senses." 1

The central idea appears to have been derived ultim-
ately from Pseudo-Aristotle's "De mundo" (396, b),
where we read that the harmony of the universe is based
on diversities rather than on similarities as exemplified

f " Rational intervale " = internals determined by theory of
music.

i " Patr, Lat.," cxxii, 965, c.

JOHN SCOTUS AND ORGANUM. 353

in music. "Music," says this author, "by a mixing of
high and low, short and long sound of diverse voices, at-
tains to a single harmony. 2 It is what we find also in
Quintilian and Clement of Alexandria. 5

John Scotus also took a hint from his great mentor, St.
Augustine. In the latter's "De civitate Dei" (ii, 21) we
read that dissimilar sounds actually go to make up per-
fect concord. Further, there is a passage in his "De
trinitate " (iv, 2) which runs : " He [Christ] made us par-
ticipators of his divinity His single coincides with

our double Yet here is not the place to demonstrate

the value of that consonance single to double [diapason].
.... By this indeed, high and low voices are [judged]
in concord."

To strengthen her argument that this organum can be
traced back to "early in the ninth century" or to "the
beginning of the ninth century," Miss Schlesinger says:
" In the earliest known authority, Erigena [John Scotus],
.... the author is not describing anything essentially
new in practice but is using as illustration well-known
musical facts, as may be gathered from the longest pas-
sage quoted by Riemann (op. cit., p. iv, Erigena, Bk. v,
13), in which the polyphonic use of organum is implied." 4
I give a translation of the passage to which my critic
pins her faith : 6

*See also 399, a. We must remember that this is the Greek
word d/>/ion'u, i.e., "an ordered succession of intervals. "

* Quintilian, "Inst. Orat.," i, x, 12. Tollington, " Clement of
Alexandria " (1914), ii, 302.

4 Schlesinger, "Is European Music Indebted to the Arabs?/'
11-12.

5 " Patr. Lat.," cxxii, 883.

24

354 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

"The voice of man, or of pipe, or lyre, taken singly,
retains its own quality, yet these joined together make one
harmony by their concordance. Even where a clear in-
dication of the sounds is manifested, they are not mixed
with each other, but merely united. For if any voice is
silent, it alone will be silent, and no silence of the melody
results from the sounds remaining, from which it is clear
that when it [a voice] sounds among others, it still retains
its own quality."

To .say that the "polyphonic use of organum is implied "
in this passage is an abuse of language. Not only do the
context and the sources prove the intrinsic improbability
of the assumption, but the very passage itself shows that
the position is untenable.

The fifth book of "De divisione naturae" deals with
the return of nature to its primal unity, and the point in
question concerns the immortality of the individual. In-
dividual man has his own soul single and unique, although
all human souls are united in the one universal soul. To
prove this " Oneness above Unity," 6 John Scotus uses the
simile of the voices in concert. It is as old as the hills,
as we know from Seneca. 7 His immediate source, how-
ever, was the Pseudo-Dionysios treatise, " De divinis nom-
inibus," which he himself had translated into Latin. Here
we have the simile of the several lamps and the undiffer-
entiated light which, mutatis mutandis, is identical with
the simile of the several voices and the undifferentiated
sound. 8

6 Porphyry says that prior to the many there is the one.
" Select Works of Porphyry," by Thomas Taylor, p. 204.

7 " Epistolse," Ixxxiv.
8 " De divinis nominibus," ii, 4.

JOHN SCOTUS AND ORGANUM. 355

To read into the John Scotus passage, as my critic
would do, a suggestion that the voices produced con-
sonances other than the diapason and/or disdiapason t
which were the characteristics of the strict symphonia. that
I have alluded to, destroys, in my opinion, the simile. If
we admit, for instance, the consonance of the diapente or
that of the diatesseron, we introduce differentiated
sounds, which, when withdrawn, would obviously create
an " appreciable silence " from the sounds remaining. To
maintain the simile, the voices must produce one undij-
ferentiated sound.

Another passage deserved attention on account of the
reference made to it by Miss Schlesinger, who borrows it
from Riemann. My critic says : " Mr. Farmer will find a
reference to the subject of consonances in Erigena, op.
cit. t Bk. v, 4." Turning to this passage we find the phil-
osopher concerned with his fourth division of nature, i.e.,
Natura non creans et non creata the return of nature to
its primal cause. He uses the quadrivium as an illus-
tration. Arithmetic, he says, starts with the monad, and
all numbers resolve back again into this. Geometry and
astronomy are dealt with similarly. Then comes music,
and he says :

"What of music? Does it not itself start from its own
primal cause (principle) which we call the tone ? It com-
mences symphonies both simple and compound, and re-
solving again, returns to this tone, i.e., its primal cause,
since it subsists wholly by its power."*

There is certainly nothing here on the " subject of con-
sonances," other than what might refer to the diapason

9 " Pair. LaV cxxii, 869, b.

356 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

and disdiapason pf symphonia. Of course, we see these
points in the Aristotelian " Problemata " (xix, 39).

Finally, there are the references of John Scotus to the
senarius, which Miss Schlesinger considers to be "those
of an expert." 10 It was the philosopher's remarks on this
and other topics of music that led me to say that his
"passing references to music .... are little different in
substance from what we find in contemporary writers."-"
Yet my critic still holds a brief for the " expertness " of
the Irish Carolingian. 12 Let us see in what way this "ex-
pertness " is reflected in his mention of the senarius. John
Scotus asks: 15 "How much of the senarius is understood
with regard to its value? What [of its] foundation of
the entire harmony [of things] ? Who can recognise also
its connections (collationes) with its sesquialter, sesqui-
tertius, and duplices within the nature of things, while
the universe of all things visible and invisible has been
established in it [the senarius'] as in an original model."
He tells us elsewhere, 1 ^ that the senarius is called the "per-
fect number." The creation of the world took six days.
Six is the multiple of the first equal number (2) and the
first unequal number (3). Six is also the sum of the
first three numbers (1+24-3=6). The "expertness"
of John Scotus is scarcely apparent here. The first-quoted
passage, he took direct from his mentor, St. Augustine, 14
who himself was undoubtedly influenced by Philo

x> "Is European Music Indebted to the Arabs?," 11.

See ante, p. 109.
12 " Musical Standard/' xxvii, 209.

Patr. I*t.," cxxii, 966, a.

Ulbid., 655, c, 656, b, 718, b, 723, a.

*sDe civitate Dei," xi, 30. " De Trin.," iv, 7.

JOHN Scoxus AND ORGANUM. 357

Judaeus. 16 Another author well known to John Scotus was
Martianus Capella, and he tells us that from the senarius,
the " perfect number," came the hemiolios ( = sesquialter),
the diatessaron ( = sesquitertius), and the diapason
(= duplex). We also see all this in Vitruvius, 17 and
Isidore. 25

It will be recalled that Miss Schlesinger averred that the
description of John Scotus, in the special passage referred
to, "considering the age in which he lived, may justly
be regarded as that of an expert, who wrote from prac-
tical knowledge and understanding, and was not a mere
compiler of the work of others." My critic says further
that the other passages on music in " De divisione naturae "
shows that John Scotus was "speaking from first-hand
practical knowledge of the music of his day," and that
" all his utterances on music show an unusually deep know-
ledge and understanding of the subject." 19

These premises have but scant confirmation, as we have
seen. Although John Scotus, in his intellectual interests,
was rather exceptional for the age in which he lived, it is
equally certain that his writings reveal how greatly con-
ditioned he was by the meagre culture of his time. 50 In-

w " De opificio mundi," iii.
""De arch.," iii, 1.

*"Etymol."

"Is Musical Theory Indebted to the Arabs?" 11. " Musical
Standard," xxvii, 197, b.

9 Strange to say, John Scotus was once supposed to have de-
rived some of his learning from the Arabs. The legend began
with the sixteenth century Bale ("Script. Ill, Brit.," ii, 24),
and it continued to be accepted until the nineteenth century, when
R. L. Poole ("Illust. of the History of Medieval Thought," 311)
exploded it,

358 ARABIAN MUSICAL INFLUENCE.

deed, one might go further still and say with his latest
and best critic and biographer, Henry Eett, that " no phil-
osopher was ever less original, in the narrower sense, than
Erigena [John Scotus]." 21 To a considerable extent we
can gauge the extent of his borrowings, and from this we
can reasonably determine the measure of his originality.
So far as his utterances on music are concerned, there is no
evidence to be found for the claim made as to " origin-
ality/' " expertness," or "first-hand practical knowledge,"
as I have clearly demonstrated.

" Johannes Scotus Erigena" (1925),

INDEX OF PERSONS AND WORKS.

A.

<Abd al-Rahman I, 150, 166.
'Ahd al-Rahman II, 151, 166.
<Abd al-Rahman III, 21, 179-80,

277.
'Abd al-Rahman al-FasI. See

Al-Fasi.

Abert, H., 219-20.
Abraham ben Ezra, 269.
Abraham ben Hijja, 24.
Abu Bakr, 4.
Abu 'Abdallah al-Khwarizmi.

See Al-Khwarizmi, Muhammad

ibn Musa.
Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn al-

Qasih al-Kurklii, 286.
Abu Kamil al-Ghuzayyil. See

Al-Ghuzayyil.

Abulcasis, 25. See Abu Ma'shar.
Abu'l-Darda, 166.
Abu'l-Hakam al-Bahili. See Al-

Bahill.

Abu Ma'shar, 25.
Abu Nasr ibn al-Matran, 28.
Abu'l-Qasim al-Zahrawi. See

Al-Zalirawi.

Abu'l Salt Umayya, 28-9.
Abu'1-Wafa' al-Buzjani. See

Al-Buzjani.
Abu Yahya al-Batiiq. See

Yuhanna ibn al-Bati* iq .
Adalberon, 177.
Adam de Fulda, 269.
Adelard of Bath, 24, 70, 175,

269, 276, 278.
Adkemar, 32.
Admet, 25.
Adrien Le Roy, 101.
Agobardus, 210.

Ahmad ibn al-Mu'tasim, 257,

292.

'Ala' al-Dm Muhammad, Shah,
09 \

o-Z4.

Aladansnc, 310.

Albategnius. 25. See Al-Battani.

Albericus, 187.

Albinus, 192, 198-D.

Albumasor, 25. See Abu

Ma'slnu'.

Alcandrius, 24, 33.
Alchindus, 25. See Al-Kindi.
Alcuin, 7, 189, 208, 210, 214,

221-5.

Alcuin, Pseudo, 35.
Alexander the Great, 125.
Alexander of Hales, 278.
Alfraganus, 25. See Al-

Farghani.
Algaurizm, 25. See Al-Khwar-

izmi,, Muhammad ibn Musa.
Alhazen, 25. See Ibn al-Hait-

ham.
'All ibn Harun ibn C AH ibn

Yahya, 281.
Aliafi'l, 340.
'All ibn Yahya (ibn Abi Mansur)

al-Munajjim, 252.
Almansor, 25. See Yahya ibn

Abi Mansur.
Alonzo of Asturias, 33.
Alphagus, 187.

Alpharabius, 25. See Al-Farabi.
Alphonso X, 37, 145, 147-8, 345.
Alvar Fafiez, 29.
Alvarus, 16, 23, 29, 172.
Alypios, 83, 131.
Amalarius Symphosius, 46, 212.
" Amiatina Bible," 216.
Amm, A1-, 60.
Amphion. 119.

360 INDEX OF PERSONS AND WORKS.

Anaximander, 122. Bede and Pseudo Bede, 70, 214-
Andres, Juan, 14, 68, 145-6. 21. 226.

"Anonymus II" (Vincent), 21, Bellini, 17.

71, 299. Benedict, St., 201-3.

" Anonymus IV " (C o u s s e- Benedict, Abbot, 216.

maker), 37- Berne. 189.

Apollinarus Sidonius, 296. Bernelmus, 31, 185

Apollo 49 119 Bernelmus, Pseudo, 31, Io5, 185,
Apollonius, 70. 317.

Apuleius, 126, 198. Berno, 44 189 193.

Aratus, 191. Beromandrac, 340.

Arbeau T 159. Bett, H., 358

Archimedes', 70. Boetnius, 39, 41-2, 44 46 56 65,
Aristeidas 83-4 84-7, 105, 123, 182-3, 185, 187,

Ariston 125 189,193-5,198-9,206,292.

Aristotle. 27, 64, 70, 122, 174, Bonilla, 342-3, 345.

202, 226, 274, 289, 290-3, 290, Bononcmi, G. M., 79.

356 Bottee de Toulmon, 218.

Aristotle, Pseudo (I), 37, 290. Brambach, W., 35.

Aristotle, Pseudo (II), 218, 352. Breasted, J. H., 162.

Aristoxenos, 27, 41-2, 64, 190, Bruno, 178.

198, 207. 274-5, 286-9. Bryennios, 71, 299-300.

Arzachel. 25. See Al-Zarkali. Buckle, H. T., 211

Asma'I, A1-, 247. Burney C., 199, 218

Aswad, AI-, ibn Umara, 245-6. Butler, R R C. 201.

Athenaios, 119, 121. Buzjani, A1-, Abu'MVafa', 28.
'Atika bint Shuhda, 248.

Attis, 119. C.

Augustine, St., 187, 189, 193, Cajori, F., 132.

198-9, 202, 221, 226-8, 353, 356. Calafataf, 340.

Aurelian of Reome, 31, 44, 46, Calvisius S 81

86, 183, 193, 195, 214, 224, Cambyses, 125. '

Avenpace, 25. See Ibn Bajia. Cantimir, D., 79.

Averroes, 25. See Ibn Rushd. Caatigas de Santa Maria,"
Avicebron, 173. 13, 15, 146-7, 262.

Avicenna, 25. See Ibn Sma. Cantone, G., 79.

'Azza al-Maila', 50. Carra de Vaux, Baron, 243.

Caairi, M., 336.

B. Cassian, 212.

Bacchus, 120. Cassiodorus, 31, 39, 44, 56, 183,
Bacon, 6oger, 37. 160, 276. 187, 189, 193, 195-6, 209, 221-2,

BahilL A1-, Abu^-Pakam, 28. 225-8.

" Bahiat al-Ruh, n 131. Caussin de Perceval, 239, 243,
Bahrain Ghur, 52, 271. 251.

Banu Musa, 25, 27, 29, 65, 273-5. Censorinus, 191-2, 199.

Banu Tamlm, 247. Ceolfrid, 216.

Barbad or Barbud, 240, 251. Chappell, W., 20 220.

Barbier de Meynard 243. Charlemagne, 7-8, 15, 44-5, 149-
Bar Hebraeus, 60. 52, 177, 208-13.

Barsauma, 248. Christ, W., 320.

Basil, St., 163. Cicero, 190-1, 226.

Bassermann, 75. Clark, J. M.. 16.

Batman, 345. Claudius, 210.

Battam, A1-, 25. Clement of Alexandria, 353.

Becker, G., 187-9. Clouston, W. A., 87.

INDEX OF PERSONS AND WORKS.

361

Codex Toletanus," 23.
Collangettes, M., 242, 255, 261.
Combarieu. J., 117.
Comparetti, D., 342-4.
Conde, J. A., 337.
Constantine the African, 24,

36-7, 175, 269.
Coussemaker, C. E., 350.
Crichton, A., 80.
Cunningham, W., 151.

D.

Dalberg, J. F. H., 80.

David, E., 320.

Davy, H., 220.

" De Harmonica Institutione,"
93, 317-21.

Demetrios Phalerios, 124.

Dionysios, Pseudo, 354.

Dionysos, 49.

Diodorns Siculus, 119, 121, 123.

Doni, C., 19,

Donnolo. See Sabatai ben Abra-
ham.

Dubiatalfac, 340.

Dunash ben Labrat, 156.

Du Pin, 225.

E.

Einhardus, 211-2.
Elias, 336.
Ellis, A. J., 66.
Engel, Carl, 61.
Ephraim, St., 163.
Eratosthenes, 204.
Eugenius of Sicily, 24, 175.
Euklid, 27, 59, 64, 70, 234-5,
274-5. 282-3, 298.
Eueebius, 162, 202.
Evliya Chelebi, 79.
Eximento, A., 14.

F.

Fabricius, 225.

Fakhr al-Dm al-Razi. See Al-

Fandurus, 64.

Farabi, A1-, 25-30, 37-8, 51, 65,
67-8, 71, 75, 87, 89-92, 146, 160,
219, 234-5, 237, 241, 258-61,
268-9, 275, 286-92, 298-300,
315-6, 336-7.

Farabio Mohammed, 336.

Faraj ibn Salim, 344.

Fargham, A1-, 25.

Farra', A1-, 247.

Fasi, A1-, 308.

Fathers, Christian, 42, 201-2.

Feijop y Montenegro, B.J., 337.

Ferdinand II of Aragon, 5.

Fetis, F. J., 218, 243.

"Fihrist" 248.

Fitrat, 323.

Fleischer, 0., 219-20, 268.

Floribundus, 340.

Floss, H. J., 350.

Folcrad, 189.

Forkel, J. N., 70, 218.

Fra Angelica, 17.

Frederick of Sicily, 8, 22.

Fulan, 98, 100-1. '

Fulbertus, 185.

G.

Galen, 39, 206.
Galilei, V., 9(5, 324-6.
Galpin, F. W., 264.
Garamnus, 184.
Garetius, 225.
Gastoue, A., 320.
Gaudentios, 84, 123, 198, 292.
Gerard of Cremona, 24, 37, 269,

291.

Gerbert. See Sylvester, Pope.
Gerbert, M.,35, 217.
Georgius Veneticus, 256.
Gerlandus, Pseudo, 155.
Gevaert, F. A., 84-5, 219-20.
Ghazali, A1-, 340, 342, 344.
Ghuzayyil, A1-, Abu Kami!, 34.
Gilbertus, 340.
Giles, J. A., 217-8.
Gregory IV, Pope, 213.
Guido of Arezzo, 73-4, 77-8, 87,

183, 189, 251, 253, 267, 306.
Guillaume de Machaut, 16.
Guiscard, Robert, 36.
Guitmundus, 185.
Gundisalvi or Gundiesalinus, 37,

160, 175, 219.

H.

fakam, A1-, 21.
akam II, A1-, 169, 178, 180.
IJamasa " 51.
Harun al-Kashid, 167.
Ilasan IJusain J Abd al-Wahab,
239

362

INDEX OF PERSONS AND WORKS.

Haskins, C. H., 22, 161.

Hatto. Bishop, 32.

Hawkins, Sir J., 225, 267,

Heine, G., 338.

Helmholtz, H. L. F., 66, 78, 293.

Herbelot, D', 87.

Hermann Contract, 24, 35-6, 83,

94.

Hermann of Carinthia, 24.
Hermes, 49, 122, 273.
Herodotos, 123.
Heron, 70, 123.
Hipparchos, 122.
Hippocrates, 206.
Hisham I. 166.
Hisham II, 179.
Hornbostel, E. von, 81.
Hraban Maurus, 189, 210, 222,

226-8.

Hrotswitha, 183.
Huobald, 110, 183-4, 189, 214,

318, 321, 337.

Hucbald Pseudo, 31, 151, 156.
Hugh of Santalla, 24.
Hulagu, 274.
Hunam al-Hm, 54.
Sunain ibnlshaq, 25, 272~'5, 344.
Hupald, 189.
Husain, A1-, ibn Zaila. See Ibn

'Zaila.

Hushaim ibn Bushair, 247.
Hyagnis, 119.

I.

lamblichos, 123, 126, 131, 231.
Ibn'Abd Rabbihi, 12, 53, 146,

242, 245-6, 283.
IbnAbi Usaibi'a, 12.
Ibn al-Haitham, 25, 36.
Ibn aWJijari, 169, 342.
Ibn al-JftuqafiV, 159.
Ibn al-Qifti, 12.
Ibn al-atfar. 33.
Ibn 'Aqnin, 26.
Ibn Firnas l 29, 169, 275.
Ibn Gabirol, 173.
IbnGhaibi, 91, 95, 233, 241.
IbnGhalib, 169.
Ibn Khaldun, 53, 140.
Ibn Khurdadhbih, 27, 48, 55,

233, 280.
Ibn Maimun, 25.
IbnMan'a, 168.
Ibn Misjah, 56-7, 236-9, 254, 281,

308.

Ibn Rushd, 25, 155, 278, 290-1.

340, 343-4.

Ibn Sa'id al-Maghribi, 155.
IbnSma, 25-8, 37, 65, 68, 71,

91-2, 102-3, 112, 265, 278, 298,

301, 329^32, 340, 342, 344.
Ibn Tanbura, or Ibn Tunbura,

54.

Ibn Zaidan, 236.
Ibn Zaidun, 236.
IbnZoila, 92, 95, 233, 241.
Ibrahim al-Mansili, 247.
Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdi, 281.
Ikhwan al-Safa', 28, 30, 61, 65,

68, 87, 265", 292-3.
Isaac, 25.
Isaac Israeli, 25.
Isaac of Antioch, 296.
Isabella, wife of Ferdinand II,

5.

Isaiah ben Isaac, 68.
Isfahan!, A1-, Abu'l-Faraj, 12,

53, 146, 242, 245-6, 283.
Ishaq al-Mausili, 27-8, 59, 88,

237, 241-4, 247-55, 275, 280-1,

284-5, 306, 308.
Ishaq ibn Ibrahim ibn Mus'ab,

252.

Ishaq ibn Imran, 25.
Isliaq ibn Sulaiman al-Isra'ili, 25.
Isidore of Seville, 23, 31, 42, 44,

70, 86, 173, 183, 187, 189, 193,

196, 199, 206, 226-8, 357.

J.

Jazari, A1-, 55.
Jeannin, J., 219-20.
Jerome, St., 202, 224.
Jerome, Pseudo St., 226.
Jerome of Moravia, 37, 160.
Johannes Aegidins Zamorensis,

37, 269.

Johannes, Bishop of Seville, 172.
Johannes Cotto, 269.
Johannes ibn David. See John

of Seville.
Johannes Scotus, 106, 109-12,

210, 328, 348-58.
John VIII, Pope, 204.
John of Seville, 24, 37, 175, 269.
John of Spain. See John of

Seville.

John the Archchaunter, 216.
Jortin, J., 43.
Joseph the Wise, 24.

INDEX OF PERSONS AND WORKS.

363

Jubal, 119.

Julius Pollux, 233.

Justinian, Emperor, 39, 130.

K.

Ka'b al-Aehqari, 245-6.

Kadmos, 119.

"Kalila wa Dimna," 159.

Kallisthenes, 125.

Kamal al-Din ibn Man'a. See

Ibn Man'a.

"Kanz al-Tuhaf," 264.
Ker, W. P., 159.
Kerykos, 125.
Khii'lid al-Fayyad. 240.
Khalll, A1-, 27-8, 58, 60.
Khusrau 1, 331.
Khusrau Parvviz. 60, 240, 250.
Khwarizml, A1-, Muhammad ibn

Ahmad, 28, 65, 233!
Khwarizmi, Al- (Abu 'Abdallnh)

Muhammad ibn Musa, 25, 30,

333.'

Kiesewetter. R. G., 77-8.
KinclT, A1-, 25-7, 29, 31, 58-9, ftt,

64, 71, 75, 89, 92, 95, 103-4, 106,

312, 238, 241, 256-8. 262, 275,

281. 291, 298, 312-4, 329-32, 346.
Kircher, A., 96, 301, 324-5.
Kisa'i, A1-, 247.
"Kitab al-Imta< wa'1-Intifa',"

336.

11 Kitab al-Siyasa," 296.
Komitas Keworkian, 78.
Koprili, 79.
Kosegarten, J. G. L., 239, 245-6,

260

L.

Laborde, J. B., 70, 72, 74, 77,

81-2.

Lachmann, R., 81.
Ladhiqi, Ak 68.
Land, J. P. N., 57, 66, 237, 239-

40, 2CO-1.
Lange, G., 75, 78.
3Lecky, W. E., 43, 211.
T^eo Africanus, 273.
Leo the Armenian, Emperor,

273

I/eonardo of Pisa, 133.
Leto, 49.
Levy, S., 75.
Libfi, G., 3.

s, 34Q.

Loret, V., 108, 346.

Lothair, 15, 184.

u Lothair Psalter," 152.

Louis III of France, 205.

Louis IX, 209.

Louis le Dehonnaire, 45, 212,295

Lull, R., 268.

Lupitus, 24, 34.

Lussy, M., 320.

M.

Mabillon, J., 201, 206.
Maclaine, A., 165.
Macrobius, 189, 192, 199.
Maimonidos. See Ibn Maimun.
Mnjrlti, A1-, 25, 28, 30, 33.
Malik'al-Ta'i, 216.
Ma'mun, A1-, 27, 167, 271, 273,

280.

Mansvir ibn Tallin ibn Tahir, 27
Manrur, A1-, the Khalif ', 273.
Mansur, A1-, the Wazlr, 180, 274.
Mantepjna, 37.
"Ma'rifat al-Naghamat al-Tha-

mfm M,S., J) 81, 88-9, 93, 242,

307-11, 319, 331.
Marsyas, 119.
Martel, Charles, 45.
Martiamis Capella, 39. 56, 70,

183, 186-7, 189, 193-5, 199, 206.
Martini, G., 325.
Maslama al-Majrltl. See Al-

Majriti.

Maa udi, A1-, 53, 55, 59, 69, 275.
" Medard, Evangeliarium of

St.," 352.

Menendez y Pidal, 157.
Meninski, 77-9, 82.
Michael Scott, 343.
Migne, J. P., 217, 225.
Mirkhwand, 271.
Mirrazanfel, 340.
Mitiana, R., 97, 101, 146.
Mochos, 125.
Moh-ab or Mohed, 336.
Mosheim, J. L., 43, 165, 184.
Moslem a, 25.

11 Mu'allaqat," 51.
Muciannus, 198.

" Mufnddaliyvat," 51.
MUHAMMAD, the Prophet, 48.
Muhammad I of Al-Andalus, 152,

168.
Muhammad, the Amir, 251,

364

INDEX OF PERSONS AND WORKS.

Muitammad ibn Ahmad al-

Raquti. See Al-Raquti.
Muhammad ibn al-Haddad. See

Ibn. alvHaddad.
Muhammad ibn al-Hasan ibn

Mus'ab, 252.
Muhammad ibn al-Mufaddal.

See Ibn al-Dubbi.
Muhammad ibn Ishaq al-Nadim.

See Al-Warraq.
" Muhammad ibn Murad MS.,*'

68. 91.
Muhammad ibn Zakariyya al-

Ra'zi. See Al-Razi.
" Mukhtasar fi Ma'rifat al-Nag-

ham MS.'," 308.
Mulahiz, 249.
Mullinger, J. B., 208.
Munk, S., 68.
Muratori, L., 217.
Muristus, 64, 92, 104-5, 274, 279,

296, 301.
" Musica Enchiriadis," 94-, 102,

111, 184, 189, 321-2, 326, 330-1.
Mu'tamid, A1-, 280.
Mu'tasim. A1-, 270, 275.
Mutawakkil, A1-, 275.
Muthanna, A1-, 247.
Muwaffaq, A1-, 280.

N.

Nallino, C. A., 134-5.
Nashit, 53-4.
Naumann, E., 47.
Newman, E., 107.
Nicolas, Monk, 21.
Nikomachos. 27, 41-2, 64, 123,
207, 230, 274, 292.
Nolicaranus, 340.
Notker Balbulus, 155, 184.
Notker Labeo, 15, 155, 184, 186,

ai7.

" Notker Psalter/' 152.
Nu { man III, 52.
Nushirwan, 181.

O.

Odericus Vitalis, 183.
Odington, Walter, 37.
Odo, 189.

Odo of Cluny, 31, 177, 184, 321.
Odo of Cluny, Peeudo. 94, 185,
322. ?

Odorannus, 188.
Olympos, 120, 235.

Onein, 25.

Ordono, 180.

Orpheos, 119.

Otto, 189.

Otto I, 178, 184, 277.

Oudin, C., 217.

Oxford, 276.

" Oxyrynchus Papyrus," 84.

P.

Parry, C. H. H., ]07.

Pasciial de Gayangos, 146, 290.

Paul of Samosata, 162.

Pedrell, F., 14.

Pedro Canciotor, 336.

Pelagaud, P., 125.

Penna, L., 79.

Pepin, 8, 15, 226.

Peter of Monte Cassino, 24, 175.

Petrus Anfusi, 24, 159, 269.

Pherekydes, 125.

Philadelphus, 340.

Philo Judseus, 123, 356.

Philon, 70.

Pigeon de St. Paterne, 77.

Pindar. 64.

Plato, 122^5, 202.

Plato of Tivoli, 24, 37.

Pliny, 229.

Plummer, C., 217-8

Plutarch, 123.

Polymnestos, 120.

Porphyry, 231.

Preece, W. H., 294.

Proklos, 122-3, 202.

Psellos, 131, 277.

Ptolemy, 27, 39, 42, 46, 64, 90-1,

105, 122, 134, 207. 234, 274-5,

292, 315-6.
Puteanus, 80.
Putnam, G. H., 208.
Pythagoras, 51, 64. 83-4, 123-4,

125-7, 236, 292, 3^4.

Q.

Quintillian, 190.
Quonaaifac, 340.

R.

Raimond de Pennaforte, 843.
Ra'iqa, 50.
"Ramanyana," 60.
Ramiro, 111, 180 f

INDEX OF PERSONS AND WORKS.

365

Ramos de Pare j a, 268.

Raquti, A1-, 38.

Raymund, Archbishop, 174-6,

272, 345.
Razi, A1-, Muliammad ibn Zak-

ariyya, 25-6, 28-9, 65.
Regmo, 183-4.
Reisch, G., 38.
Remy of Auxerre, 31, 46, 86, 177,

183, 189.

Remy of Treves, 183.
Renan, E., 69.
Rhazes, 25, 345.
Ribera, J., 15, 106, 108, 148,

161, 239
Riemann, Hugo, 111-12, 265,

320, 327-8, 348-50, 353, 355.
"Ripoll MS.," 24, 29, 33.
Rivoira, G. T., 151, 181.
Robert of Retine, 24, 269.
Roger of Sicily, 8, 22.
Ronzevalle, P. S., 243.
Rose, V., 338.

Rouanet, J., 91, 242-3, 249, 251.
Rowbotham, J. F., 337.
Rudolf of Brughes, 24.
Ruelle, C. E., 325.
Ruiz, Juan, 1&-4.

S.
Sabatai ben Abraham, or Don-

nolo, 24, 29-30, 156.
Sa'ib Khathir, 53.
"Sharh Maulana MS.," 91.
Saif al-Daula, 87.
gafi al-Dm <Abd al-Mu'min, 65,

68, 91, 95, 260, 309.
Salinas, 14, 96, 217, 267-8.
Salva, J., 98, 100.
Sarakhsi, A1-, 27, 64, 281.
Schliiter, J., 350.
11 Scholia Enchiriadis," 101, 111,

184, 331.
Seneca, 190, 340, 342, 345,

349-50.
Severus, 131.
Shalalii, A1-, 336 (= " Kitab al-

Imta' wa'1-Intifa' ").
Shalaji, A1-, 337.
Shalam, A1-, 337.
Shams al-DIn al-Saidawi (or al-

Dhahabi), 95, 323-6.
Shaqundi, A1-, 155, 170.
Shlrazi, A1-, 91.

Singer, C., 132.
Singer, S., 161.
Soriano y Fuertes, M., 77-8, 80,

106, 108, 334-6, 339, 341-2.
Steinschneider, M., 25, 343.
Stephen of Antioch, 24, 175.
Strabo, 120, 123, 230.
Suter, H., 134.
Sylvester II, Pope, 24, 29, 32-5,

177-86.

T.

"Talmud," 296.
Terpander, 120.
Tertullian, 202.

Thabit ibn Qurra, 25-6, 29, 65,
281.

Thaletas, 120.
Thebid. 25.
Theodolphus, 210.
The5n of Smyrna, 41, 207.
Theophilus, Emperor, 19.^
Theophilus, Presbyter, 155.
Theophrastos, 229.
Thorndike, Lynn, 117, 174.
Thoth, 122.
Timur, 274.

Trend, J. B. 96, 145-8, 156-7.
Trithemius, 35.
Tucker, T. G., 156.
Tuwais, 53.

TJ.

TTbaidallah ibn 'Abdallah ibn
Tahir, 27, 280.
'timar, The Khalif, 50.
Underwood, G., 117.
Uspensky, V.. 323.

V.

Vadil, 336.

Valerius Maximus, 126.

Varro, 190.

Viardot, L., 146.

Villoteau, G. A., 80,, 267.

Vincent de Beauvais, 35, 37,

160.

Virgilius, the Poet, 343.
Virgiliue Cordubensis, 106, 112,

333-45.
Vitruvius, 189, 191-2, 198-9, 357.

366

INDEX OF PERSONS AND WORKS.

w.

Walker, E., 348.

Warraq, A1-, Muhammad ibn

Ishaq al-Nadim, 12.
Waslt, A1-. 270.
Wath'iq, A1-. 249.
Wiener, Leo, 7.

William of Malmesbury, 32, 34.
Williams, C. F. Abdy, 96, 319.
Wiistenfeld, F., 25.

X.

Xenodamos, 120.
Ximenes. Cardinal, 274.

Y.

Yahya al-Ma'mun of Toledo,
170, 345.

Yahya ibn Abl Mansur, 25, 273-4.

Yahya ibn 'All ibn Yahya ibn
Afci Mansur, 27, 59, 65, 87-8,
95, 242-4, "248, 262, 280-5, 304-6.

Yazdigird I, 52.

Yuhanna ibn al-Batriq, 273.

Z.

Zahrawi, A1-, 25, 33.
Zalzal, 248-9.
Zarkall, A1-, 25.
Zenobia, 162.
Ziryab, 28 3 241, 308.

SUBJECT AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.

A.

Aann, 125.
Ab'ad. See Bu'd.
Abacus, 182.
'Abbasids, 4.

Accordatura, 237, 240-6,
283, 308-11, 31.
Accoutre, 11.
Adana, 4.
Adharbaijan, 4.
Aethiopia,_ 36, 61.
Afghanistan, 4.
Africa, 165.
Aidin, 4.
Ajna/s. See Jins.
Alarido, 13.
Albogon, 13, 18, 137.
Alboque, 18.
Alcohol, 38.
Alcove, 11.
Alembic, 38.
Alentrade, 38.
Algazara, 13.
Algebra. 38, 133.
Anglo-Saxons, 7.
Algorizm, 38, 133.
Alnan See Lahn.
Alidade, 10.
Alkali, 38.
Amain, 9, 204.
Amber. 10.
Anafil, 13, 18, 137-8.
Anafin, 18.
'Anah, 125.
Anaxir, 14.
Anazaba, 270.
Antioch, 162.
Antiphon, 163.
Antiphonale, 213.
Anwa'. See Naw'.
Aquitaine, 30.

Arabesque, 11.

Arabia, South, 49, 229-31.

Arabic translations from the

Greek, 298, 301.
A r agon, 340.
Aravias, 15.

257, Architecture, 11, 14, 151, 181.
Argos, 120.
Arithmetic, 36, 122-3, 127, 133,

169, 181, 355.
Armenia, 4, 61.
Ars notoria, 341, 343.
Artillery, 10.
Asba' (pi. Asabi'), 250.
Asabi'. See Asba'.
Ashshipu, 126. '
Asia Minor, 4.
Assyria, 121, 233.
Astrolabe, 33, 181.
Astronomy and astrology, 7, 36,

122, 169', 181-2, 191, 268, 341,

355.

Astukhusiyya, 57, 236.
Asturias, 179-80.
Atabal, 137-9.
Atambal, 13, 137-8.
Atambor, 13.
Athinganoi, 270.
Aucassin, 159.
Aulos, 141.
A versa, 185.
Azimuth, 38.

B.

Babylonia, 30, 49, 51, 117, 127,

229-30.
Baccara, 13.
Baghdad, 6, 19, 22, 167, 209,

248, 263, 272-3.
Bagpipe, 262.
Bait al-Hikma, 6, 27, 167, 273,

275, 280.

368 SUBJECT AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEK.

Balaban, 18, 140.
Balearic Isles, 5.
Baltic, 10.
Bandair, 137.
Banjo, 264.
Baqiyya, 67.
"Rarhativva 57

Chang, 270. See Jank.
Charamela, 141.
Chartres, 185-6.

gj 1611118 ^' 7 -
Oheee, 11.
China, 40.
Chirimia, 13, 140.

Basques, V
Bernoy, 100.
Bible 8 23
Blmaristan,' 6. 167.
Borax, 10.
Bosra, 230.
Botany, 7, 335, 341.
Bow, 265.
Buccin, 143.
Bu'd (pi. Ab'ad), 67.
Bukhara, 4.
"Rfirt ift 1^7 a

Bv&os 125

Bvzantium 2 6 8 19 *) 22
jDyzanLium, ^J, o, o, iy-^u, zz,

27, 39, 52, 54. 136, 162-3, 178-9,
193 f 230, 237, 254, 257, 277,
296 7 326

' ' '

Cabel el orabin, 14.
Caesura. 58, 254.
Caguil hallaco, 14.
Cairo, 6, 9, 36, 167, 170.
Caisse, 18, 139.
Calabria, 5, 204.
Calamella, 141.
Calamus, 141.
Camlet, 10.
Camphor, 10.
Cana, 14.
Cano, 13.
Canone, 17.
Cantor, 184.
Cape Miseno, 5.
Capetian dynasty, 178.
Capsa, 139.
Caravan, 10.
Cartagina, 340.
Carthage, 36.
Caspian sea, 40.
Castille, 179, 340.
Chalameau or Chalumeau, 141.
Chaldaeans, 23, 36, 49, 51, 123,
172, 229, 270-1.

282. 296, 88M, 341.
Cialamello, 141.
Cipher, 38, 133.

Culati ?S' HI S
154j 156 '

, .^

oisonne, 19.
Cluny, 177

Colleges. See Schools.
Compass 10.
Constantinople, 4, 2i 7.
Coplas, loo.
Cordova, 6, 20-1, 23, 28-9, 32,

H, 106, 150. 166-7, 179-81.

TOO ono o^c QQT QQO
n 18 ^ 20 . 9 > 2 1 7 1 6j 337i 339 '
Cordwam, 11..
^ or Sarrasmois, 16, 143.
Corsica, 5.
Cotton, 10.
Counterpoint, 74.
Courses, 57, 254. See Majra.

B.

Da'ira (pi. dawa'ir), 67.
Dailamites, 61.
Damascus, 6, 150, 230.
Damask, 10.
Dances, 11, 22.
Danishmandids', 4.
Dar al-5ikma, 167.
Dastan (pi. dasatin), 250.
Daur (pi. adwar), 154, 250, 254.

See Da'ira.
Dialectic, 36.
Diyanai, 258.

Doussaine or Doussainne, 16, 18.
Doucaine, 142.
Drums, 264. See Tabl, Naq-

qara, Qas'a.
Duff (pi. Dufuf), 137.
Dulcayna, 13, 18, 142.
Dulcis, 142.
Durr Mufassal, 76-7.

SUBJECT AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.

369

E.

Egypt, 4, 8, 10, 16, 36, 39, 117,

121-7, 149, 230, 233, 262-3.
Elmuahym, 38.
Elmuarifa, 38.
Elymos, 120.
En, 125.

Enneachordon, 121.
Eschaquiel or Eschaquier, 143.
Ethos, 71, 299-300.
Exabeba, 13, 138.
Exaquir, 13, 143.

F.

Fanfare, 19.

Farghana, 4.

Fatunids, 6, 274.

Figures of melody, 71, 299-300.

Flute, 119-20, 259, 261. See

Nay, Shabbaba, Juwaq, $af-

fara, Yara*.
Forking, 262

' ' Freethinker " (journal), 107.
Frets, 250, 261.
Fulda, 227.

G.

Gaita, 142.

Gaeta, 204-5.

Gall, St., 209, 212, 222.

Gama, 75.

Gama'at, 75.

Gamma, 74-5.

Gamut, 75.

Garigliano, 204.

Gayta, 13.

Gega, 144.

Geige, 143-4.

Genoa, 9, 17.

Genres See Jins.

Geometry, 7, 127-8, 341, 355.

Germany, 76, 178-9, 186.

Gerona, 92.

Ghai^a, 142.

Ghanna, 125.

Ghassanids, 49, 230.

Ghichak, 143-4.

Ghizhak. 143.

Ghubar numerals, 31.

Ghuga, 144, 154, 157.

Gichak, 143.

Gige, 144.

Gighe, 17.

Gigja, 144.

Gimbal, 10.

Gingras, 120.

Gloss, 107, 254. See Za'ida

Goths, 7-8, 23, 108, 210. "

Grammar, 36 191.

Granada, 5, 97, 99, 170, 263.

Greater complete system, 283-5.

Greece, 2-3, 7, 9-10, 21, 24, 26-7,
29, 31, 39-42, 46, 49, 56, 59-60,
63-71, 75, 83-5, 90-1, 93-4, 96,
100, 106, 117-29, 132-5, 162-3,
165, 169, 180, 190, 197-200, 252,
255-7, 260, 272-8, 282-94, 298-
303, 315.

Guide, 10.

Guiga, 144.

Guitarra Morisca, 13.

Guiterne, 16.

H.

Hadith, 167.

fiarmony of the spheres, 118,
123, 126. See Ethos.
Hawking, 11.
Hebrew, 19, 26, 31, 296.
Hexachord, 74.
Hijaz, A1-, 52, 54, 236-40.
film, A1-, 51-2.
Hocket, 38.
Horn, 173. See Buq
Hudas, 15.
Huesca, 5, 33, 178.
Hydraulis, 70, 274, 295-7.
Hymn to St. John, 74.

I.

Ijaza. 167.

Ikhadias, 163.

India, 30, 36, 60, 134, 245, 271,

27*5.

Indus, 40.

Industrial arts, 11, 149.
Infisal, 67.

Influence, the word, 127.
Iqa< (pi. Iqa'at), 38, 254. See

Khytlim. Modes, Rhythmic.
'Iraq 'Arabi, 4, 236, 240.
'Iraqiyya or 'Iraqya, 142.
Irkha } , 67.
Irish, 7.
Italy, 4, 8, 21, 24, 29, 34, 76,

136, 149, 166, 177, 203, 263.
25

37

SUBJECT AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.

j.

Jaghana, 18.

Jank, 253.

Jass, 332.

Jatis, 60.

Jdtiva, 178.

Jate, 271.

Jews. 22, 60, 68, 156-8, 173,

178-9.

Jingling Johnnie, 18.
Jins (pi. Ajnas), 67.
Joch, 17, 143.
Joculatores, 158.
Jongleurs, 16.
Jugiares, 157-8
Juljul, 18.
Jundeshapur, 131.
Jurisprudence, 167.
Juwaq, 143.

K.

Kaman, 265.
Kamanja, 264.
Kanon, 143.
Kasa, 140.
Kasatan, 140.
Kenanaur, 125.
Khashabat, 88.
Khii'a, 170.
Khurasan, 281.
Khwarizm, 324.
Khuzistan, 131.
Keyboard, 262.
Kinnor, 120, 125.
Kinyra, 120.
Kiran, 241.
Kithara, 120, 259.
Klepsiambos, 121.
Kolophon, 120.
Kroumata, 120.
Kufa, A1-, 247.
Kurds, 61.
Kus, 18.
Kuwitra, 311.

L.

Lahn (pi. Alhan), 57.
LaUhmids, 49. 52.
Latin translations from Arabic,

25-6, 29, 33. 37-8, 70, 174-6, 181,

269, 272, 276-7, 344-5.
Lambutum, 99.
Laud, 13.
Lemon, 10

Leon. 340.
Lerida, 33, 180.
Lexicography, 167.
Libraries, 6/20-1, 44, 187-9.
Licentia, 167.
Ligurian Coast, 5.
Lira Dicta, 143.
Liuto, 17.
Logic, 341.
Lokri. 120.

Lombardy, 5, 8, 21, 203.
Lozenge, 10.
Lut, 233.

Lute. 58, 62, 137, 154, 240-6,
249-51, 257, 259, 282-3. See

Luth', 17.

Lydia, 120.

Lyra, 259. See Lira Dicta.

M.

Madrasa (pi. Madaris), 170. See

Schools.
Madrid, 5
Magadis, 120.
Magadizing, 102.
Magazine, 11.
Majolica, 11.
Majra (pi. Majari), 254. See

Courses.
Malekos, 245.
Malta, 4.
Maqta' (pi. Maqati'), 254. See

Caesura.
Mathematics, 34. 169, 174 2 182.

See Quadrivium, Mathesis.
Mathesis, 34.

Mauda* (pi. mawadi'), 251.
Mausil, A1-, 247.
Mecca, 236.
Mechanics, 7.
Medicine, 7. 25, 169, 174.
Melody making, 154. SeeTa'lIf

al-Luhun.
Mensural music, 38, 154, 219.

See Iqa'.

Merovingians, 208.
Mesopotamia, 4, 118, 149, 229.
Metaphysics, 167.
Metz, 44.

Mezzo Canone, 17.
Micanon, 16.
Military arts, 9-11.
Mi'zafa* (pi. Ma'azif), 66.

SUBJECT AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 371

Minaeans, 49. Nebel, 120.

Mizmar (pi. Mazamir), 53. Necromancy, 36, 341.

Modes, Ecclesiastical, 41, 221. Nehes, 125.

Modes, Melodic (Arabian), 57, Ne'imah, 163.

59, 154, 250, 254. Ne'mo, 163.

Modes, Melodic (Persian), 55, Nestorians, 130.

57, 60, 307. Neuma, 163, 164.
Modes, Melodic (Syrian), 57, 60. Neumes, 163, 213.
Modes, Rhythmic (Arabian), Ni?amiyya, 6.

58-9. Nomos, 120.

Modes, Rhythmic (Persian), 55, Normans, 8-9, 17, 21, 179.

58. Norsemen, 177.
Monochordon, 120, 233. Notation, 83-96, 146, 302-26.
Monte Cassino, 36-7, 44, 187, Numerals, 31, 133, 179, 185.

203-7.

Morache, 16. ~

Morocco, 4, 338. u *

Mouriscas, 15.

Mudejares, 14, 178, 276. Oktoechos, 60, 164. See Ikha-
Muse d'Auesay, 17. dias

Murabba', 66. Orange, 10

Murcia 38. Organ, 183, 220, 295-7, 301.

Musical instruments, 13, 15-9, Organistrum, 264-5.

61-2, 136-44, 154-5, 256-66 Organum, 74, 102-12, 157, 262,
Musicus, 184. 264, 327-8, 333, 335, 337, 341,

Musiqi, 66. 346-7, 348-58

Musk, 10. Oxus, 6.
Muslin, 10.

Muwalladun, 147. P.

Muwattar, 241.

Muzarabes, 151, 178, 181, 276, Padua, 263.

342' Palermo, 6, 22.

Palestine, 149.

N. Palmyra, 49, 162, 230.

Pampeluna or Pamplona, 5, 180.

Naba^aeans, 49, 230. Papacy, 8-9, 42.

Nablas, 120. Panderete, 13, 137.

Nabra (pi. Nabarat), 57, 67, Pandero, 137.

238-9. Pandore, 154, 240.

Nacchera, 17. Pandoura, 120, 233.

Nadir, 38. Paris, 278.

Nafir, 18-9, 137-8. Persia, 2, 4, 6, 18-9, 36, 49-50,
Nafa&ia. 138. 52-3, 56-9, 61, 78, 80, 94-5, 135,

Nagham, 238. 130-1. 149. 204, 232, 236-7, 240,

Naghma 163 245, ^54, &57, 270-1, 276.

Na|asa, 125.' Petra, 230.

Naker 18, 137. Philosophos, 126.

Naples, 22 204. Phoenicia, 119, 120-1, 123, 125,

Naqqara, l8, 137. Phoinix, 120.

Namiaire, 16, 18. Phrygia, 119-20.

Narbonne, 5. Pre-lslamic days, 130-1, 162-4.

Nashid 14 Pre-lslamic system, 51, 232,
Navarre. 1*79-80, 340. 236-7, 253, 260-1, 281.

Naw* (pi. Anw5 f ), 67. Provence, 16, 157

Nay (pi. Nayat), 173, 264. Pyrenees, 5, 33, 40.

372

SUBJECT AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.

Q.

Qaina (pi. Qainat, Qiyan), 11.
Qanun (pi. Qawanm), 66, 143,
264.

Jas'a (pi. Qasa'at), 18.
Jaus (pi. aqwas), 265.
Jitara, 66, 137.
JIthura, 257.

Juadrivium, 34, 43, 132-3, 167,
182, 184-5, 191, 225, 273, 355.
Quesse, 17-18, 140.
Qur'an, 166-7.

K.

Rabab, 20, 137, 143, 258-9, 262,

265-6.

Rabe Morisco, 13.
Raiy, A1-, 237, 247.
Rackett, 142.
Rawi, 159
Rebec, 20, 137, 143.
Rebecca, 17.
Reed-pipe, 119, 259, 261. See

Mizmar, Surna, Surnay, Ghaita.
Refulgentia, 339.
Renaissance, 3, 25-6, 40.
Rheims, 177, 180, 184.
Rhetoric, 167.

Rhythm, 191, 254. See Iqa'.
Rook, 11.
Rome, 9, 34, 39-41, 46-7, 70, 86,

118, 121, 179, 190-6, 208, 287.
Rubeba, 233.
Russia, 10.

S.

Sabamns, 49, 229-30.
Sabseans (= Sabians), 2, 257.
Saffron, 10.

afq, 163.
a^a, 138.
Sakadas, 120
Baker, 11.
Salamanca, 5, 180.
Salerno, 22, 36, 204.
Saljuqs, 4.
Sambucus, 143.
Sambyke, 120
Sainos. 125-6.
Sandal wood, 10.

fanj. See Jank.
anscrit, 75.
Saracens, 203-7, 210.

Sardinia, 4.

Sasanids, 19, 240, 271.

Saxons, 178.

Scale, 74.

Schalmey, 141.

Schetra, 271.

Schools, 6, 20-2, 165-71, 208-13,

333-45.

Senarius, 356-7.
Serraglio, or Seraglio, 159.
Seville, 20.

Shabbaba, 137-8, 141.
Shahrud, or Shahrud, 258.
Shalm, 141.
Shaqira, 143.
Shawm, 141-2.
Sherbet, 10.
Shift, The, 261.
Shophar, 125.
Sicily, 5, 8, 21-2, 36-7, 179, 204,

277.

Sidon, 125.

Sierra de Guadarrama, 5.
Sind, 4.

Singing Schools, 212.
Sinj. See unuj.
Sitara, 271.
Skindapos, 121.
Slavs, 177, 279.
Sliders, 297.
Soissons, 44, 212.
Solfeggio, 72-82.
Solmisation, 74, 80.
Sonajas, 140.
Sophos, 126

Sound, Theory of, 257, 290-4.
Spain, 4-9, 1$, 20, 22, 24, 28-9,

32-5, 38, 78, 80, 99, 136-9,

177-82, 268-70, 308, 33345.
Spanish March, 29, 30, 32.
Sparta, 119.
Species, 67.
Stave, 74, 96.
Strings of lute, 285, 310.
Studium Generale, 170.
Sudan, 40.
Sugar, 10.
Sultanom, 4.
Sukhara, 159.
Sukhra, 159.
Sumber, 18, 142.
Sumer, 18, 142. ,

tunuj (sing. inj), 140.
urna, 141-2.
Surnay, 18, 141-2.

SUBJECT AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.

373

Suryanai, 258.
Symphoma, 349-50, 355-6.
Syria, 2, 4, 6, 9-10, 18, 39, 56,

120-1, 125, 130, 149-50, 162-5,

229-30, 257, 276, 296.

T.

Tabarder, 11.

Tabaqa, 250, 254.

Tabbalu, 125.

tabby, 10.

Tabel, 18.

Tabir, 18, 139.

tabl, 18, 125, 137-9.

tablature, 95, 97-101.

Tabor, 18.

Tabour, 17-18.

Tabur, 139.

Tad'if, 103-12, 329-32.

Tafieta, 10.

Tague, 5.

Tahasin, 332.

Ta'lif al-Luhun, 104, 107, 331.

Tambor, 139.

Tamborete, 13.

Tambour, 18, 139.

Tambour de Basque, 17.

Tambourine, 264.

Tambura, 17.

Tanbur, or Tunbur, 240.

tanbur al-Khurasam, 58, 258-9,

281.

Tanbur al-Mizam, 233. 237, 281.
Tanbur bagblama (= bighilma),

144.

Tanbur buzurk, 144.
tanm, 67.
Tapestries, 9.
Taqa', 19.
Tar, 137
^arab, 144.
ri arab al-futuh, 144.
^arab zur, 144.
Taranto, 5, 204.
Tariff, 10.

Tarkib, 103-12, 157, 266, 329-32.
Tarragona, 5, 33, 180.
Tarsus, 4.
Tas^riyya. 250.
Teano, 206.
Teb, 125.
Tebn, 125.
Teorba, 144.

Theorba, 17.
Theorbo, 144, 263.
Theory of Numbers, 118, 126.
Thrace, 119.
Thupar, 125.
Tibia, 141.
Tibia Sarranse, 120.
Timbale, 17-18, 139.
Tinbal, 18, 137-8.
Toledo, 5, 20, 29, 38, 170, 174-6,
338, 340.
Tones, 31.
Tonos, 238.
Toph. 125.
Torban, 144.
Tours, 45, 208.
Trajetto, 5, 204-5.
Trigonometry, 132, 134.
Trigonon, 120.
Tripoli, 4.
Troubadours, 147.
Tucket, 19.
Tudela, 178, 180.
Tulunids, 4
Tunis, 36.
Tunisia, 4.
Tuorba. 144.
Tuqa, 19.
Tur. 137.

Turks, 61, 78-9, 261.
Tyana, 4.
Tymbala, 18.
Tzigane, 270.

U.

Uara, 125.

<TTd, 52, 137, 144, 240-6, 258,

264, 311.
'ITd qadim. 144.
'Ulama' (sing., <alim), 170.
Umayyads (Spain), 6. 150-1, 170,

276.

IJniversitas Collegium, 170.
Uzbeks, 323.

V.

Venice, 9, 296
Vich, 32-3.
Villancico, 147, 156.
Viol, 99. See Rabab, Ghichak,
Kamanja.

SUBJECT AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
w. z.

Wa 9 it. A1-, 270. Za'ida, 157, 254, 332.

Waygk, 249. Zamds, 86.

Zajal, 14/.

Zakhma, 365.

Zalagarda, 11.
X Zalamella, 141.

Zalzalian notes, 260, 281.

_ . , Zambras, 13, 15.

Xalamia, 140 Zamora, 180.

Xelamr, 13, 140. Zamr 18 141 248, 262. See

Xeremia, 140. Reed-pipe.

Zanbaq, 143.

Zarabanda, 11.
v Zenith, 38.

Y - Zink, 142-3.

Zulami, 140.
Yara', 125. Zutts, 270-1.

ERRATA.

Page 5, line 23. For "1086" read "1085."

,, 11, 8. Delete " and in cards the term nap."

11, 31. For "Maqrisi" read " Maqrisi."

12, 28. For " Fida " read " FidaV

,, 14, 8. For "song" read " Andalusian song."

,, 15, ,, 23. For " Evangelarium" read " Evangeliarium."

21, 28. For " Casiri " read " Cf. Casiri."

25, 10. For "al-Mansur" read " Mansur."

28, 12. For " Muhammad al-Haddad " read " Mu-
hammad ibn al-ljaddad."

28, 13. For " Mataran " read " al-Matran."

28, 14. For " Ibn Rushd (d. 1198)" read " Ibn Man f a

(b. 1156). J)

28, 28. For " Muh. Dyn." read " Moh. Dyn."

,, 29, ,, 1. After " Al-Kindi )J add a comma.

30, 11. For "afa" read " Safa'. n

32, 15. For <( Adhemar M read " Adhemar."

,, 46, ,, 26. For " Fortunatus " read " Symphoeius.*'

48, 22. For u 945 A.D. T> read "the XHIth century."

51, 24. For " Evliya Chelebl, ii read " Evliya

Chelebi, i, ii."

,, 54, ,, 11. Transpose the comma after " Ghuzayyil " to

after " Damascus."

54, 25. For " ruh " read " ruh."

58, 9. For " Khurasan! " read " Khurasan!."

,, 62, ,, 22. Delete "consonances."

64, 13. For " 'A/ic/Jtcrros " read " '

79, 19. For " Ewliya " read " Evliya."

89, 8. For "T" read "T- n

93, 20. For the second " H " read " 5.

94, 3. For "eleventh" read "tenth,"

376 ERRATA.

Page 96, line 1. For " eight'' read "seven."

100, 31. For "Salva." read "Salva."
104-5. Cancel the examples of tarklbat from the

Muristus MS., and the footnote on page 105.

125, 23. For " nahash " and " nahasa " read " nahash "

and " nahasa."

,, 137, ,, of heading. For " ARIBIAN " read " AKABIAN."
137, ,, 2. For " qitara m > read " qitara."

137, 30. For " 1928 " read " 1930."
,, 141, 5. For "surnai" read "eurnay."
,, 142, ,, 7. For "surnai" read "eurnay."
152, 7. For " Menard " read " Medard."

,, 154, ,, 18. For " knowedge " read "knowledge."

155, 15. For " Shaqandi " read " Shaqundl."
,, 159, 4. For " Maskhara " read " Alaskhcura."

170, 11. For "Shaqandi" read "Shaqundl."
171, 3. For "are" read "is."
,, 173, ,, 7. For "nay" read " nai."

199, 26. After "century" add " Cf . Thibaut, " Ori-
gine byzantine de la Notation pneuma-
tique."

212, 18. For " Fortunatus " read " Symphosius."

242, 14. Delete "further."

,, 248, ,, 29. For " Barsauma " read " Barsauma."
248, 2. For " Shudha " read " Shuhda."

249, 17. For "799" read "791."

277, 17. For "Byzantium" read "Byzantine."

298, 20. For "Sixteenth'* read "Seventeenth."

,, 329, of heading. For " SINA " read " SINA."

331, 22. After "practised" add "on the lute."

338, 34. For " Shalahi " read " Shalahi."

338, 26. For "says" read "say."

342, 14. For " Al-^ijari " read " Ibn ^al-

25, 24 & 28. For "Wiistenfelt" read " Wiistenfeld.'

4S \\ 12. For "prescribes" read "proscribes."

49' " 16. For "Palmyreens" read " Palmy renes."

8l' ,', 27. For "key" read "riddle."

352, 8. For, "not" read "nor."

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J4STHET1US, CRITICISMS, ESSAYS. 9

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GREATER WORKS OF CHOPIN. (Polonaises, Mazurkas,
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10 ESTHETICS, CRITICISMS, ESSAYS.

MUSIC AND MUSICIANS. Essays and Criticisms, by ROBERT
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HOW TO PLAY CHOPIN. The Works of Chopin. Their
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BEETHOVEN'S PIANOFORTE SONATAS Explained for the
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AESTHETICS, CRITICISMS, ESSAYS. 11

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MOZART'S DON GIOVANNI. A Commentary, from the
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WOMAN AS A MUSICIAN. An Art Historical Study. By
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IN THE SERVICE OF ART. A Plea for Simplicity in
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THE PLACE OF SCIENCE IN MUSIC. By H. SAINT-
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NECESSITY OF MUSIC IN THE SCHOOL CURRICULUM.

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PURITY IN MUSIC. By A. F. THIBAUT. Translated by J.
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BIOGRAPHICAL.

FRANZ SCHUBERT, Man and Composer. The Centenary
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Schubert the most poetical musician th^t ever was. Liszt.
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BORODIN THE COMPOSER AND HIS MUSIC. A De-
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REEVES' DICTIONARY OF MUSICAL BIOGRAPHY : Note-
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WITH THE GREAT COMPOSERS. By GERALD CUMBERLAND.

See Esthetics.

SKETCHES OF GREAT VIOLINISTS AND GREAT PIAN-
ISTS. Biographical and Aneedotal ? with Account of
the Violin and Early Violinists. Viotti, Spohr, Paga-
nini, De Beriot, Ole Bull, Clemen ti, Moecneles, Schu-
mann (Robert and Clara), Chopin, Thalberg, Gottschalk,
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CHOPIN: THE MAN AND HIS MUSIC. By JAMBS

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" Of works on Chopin published since Nieoks's life, this is by far the
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LIFE OF CHOPIN. By FKANZ LISZT. New and very much

Enlarged Edition. Translated in full now for the first
time by JOHN BROADHOUSE. Second Edition, Corrected.
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" Franc Liszt has written a charming sketch of Chopin's life and art."
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" Lisct's criticisms upon his separate works have all the eloquent mys-
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BIOGRAPHICAL. 13

BEETHOVEN. By RICHARD WAGNER. With a Supplement
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CHERUBINI, LIFE OF. By F. J. CROWEST. Crown 8vo^
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FREDERIC CHOPIN : HIS LIFE AND LETTERS. By

MORITZ KARASOWSKI. Translated by E. HILL. Second*
and Revised Edition ; further Letters written during,
the Composer's Sojourn in England and Scotland, 1848-9.
With numerous Portraits and a Facsimile. Two*

volumes. Crown 8yo, cloth, 12s. 6d. net. [A re-issue,
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MAKERS OF MUSIC. Biographical Sketches of the Great.

Composers. With Chronological Summaries of their
Works and Facsimiles from Musical MSS. of Bach,
Handel, Purcell, Dr. A me, Gluek, Haydn, Mozart,
Beethoven, Weber, Schubert, Berlioz, Mendelssohn,
Chopin, Schumann, Wagner, Verdi, Gounod, Tchaikov-
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The author's endeavour throughout this work has been to convey an im-
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one of his original manuscripts. A useful volume, got up in good style and
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CHOPIN: AS REVEALED BY EXTRACTS FROM HIS

DIARY. By COUNT TARNOWSKI. Translated from the

Polish by N. JANOTHA. W T ith eight Portraits. Crown

8vo, cloth, 3s. Od. net (or paper cover, 2s. net).

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PURCELL. By WILLIAM H. CUMMINGS, Mus.Doc. Crown
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DICTIONARY OF 4,000 BRITISH MUSICIANS. From the
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CHERUBINI. Memorials illustrative of his Life. By E_

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14 BIOGRAPHICAL

.LIFE OF BEETHOVEN. By Lotiig NOHL. Translated by
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BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF FIDDLERS. Including
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SKETCHES OF ENGLISH GLEE COMPOSERS. Historical,
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The greater part of the matter in above is the work of M. Vuillaume, who
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TVEBER, LIFE OF. By SIR J. BENEDICT. Cr. 8vo, cloth,
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ENGLISH GLEE AND MADRIGAL WRITERS. By W. A.

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HISTORY.

STUDIES IN THE Music OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
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THE GIPSY IN MUSIC. By FRANZ LISZT. Englished for the
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Gipsy and Jew, Two Wandering Races.
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16 H18TOBY.

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HANDEL'S "MESSIAH." The Oratorio and its History.
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ARABIC MUSICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BODLEIAN
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POLISH MUSIC AND ITS COMPOSERS. A Historical Ac-
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HISTORY. 11

THE STUDENT'S HISTORY OF MUSIC. History of Music,
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NATIONAL MUSIC OF THE WORLD. By H . F. CIIORLKY.
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Treats of th- national tunes, folk-soujra and airs of various races of
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CHRONOMETRICAL CHART OF MUSICAL HISTORY.

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ORGAN. 23

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PIANOFORTE. 25

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26 PIANOFORTE.

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PIANOFOBTE. 27

DELIVERY IN THE ART OF PIANOFORTE PLAYING, On

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TECHNICAL AND THEORETICAL. 29

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30 TECHNICAL AND THEORETICAL.

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TECHNICAL AND THEORETICAL. 31

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32 TECHNICAL AND THEORETICAL.

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VIOLIN AND STRINGED INSTRUMENTS.

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VIOLIN AND STRINGED INS'lltUMENTS. 35

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VIOLIN MANUFACTURE IN ITALY and its German Origin.
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CHATS WITH VIOLINISTS. By WALLACE RITCHIE. With

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CHAPTERS: On the Importance of being Accurate on Various Details; On
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THE VALUE OF OLD VIOLINS. By E. POLONASKI. Being
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CONTENTS : Thr Peg-* Neck Finder-board BridgeTail- Piece Saddle-
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Bride-~Bow Violin Case Repairs Preservation Conclusion.

36 VIOLIN AND STRINGED INSTRUMENTS.

SKETCHES OF GREAT VIOLINISTS AND GREAT PIAN-
ISTS. Biographical and Anecdotal, with Account of
the Violin and Early Violinists. Viotti, Spohr, Paga-
uini, De ijeriot, Ole Bull, Clomenti, Mosciieies, Schu-
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NOTICE OF ANTHONY STRADIVARI. The Celebrated
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TREATISE ON THE STRUCTURE AND PRESERVATION
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tone of instruments; tracing model for violin, mutes and fiddle holder*;

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HOW TO PLAY THE FIDDLE. For Beginners on the
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BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF FIDDLERS. Including
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ART OF HOLDING THE VIOLIN AND BOW AS EXEM-
PLIFIED BY OLE BULL. His Pose and Method
proved to be based on true Anatomical Principles. By
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of Ole Bull.

VIOLIN AND STRINGED INSTRUMENTS. 37

THE VIOLIN AND OLD VIOLIN MAKERS. Being a His-
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THE VIOLIN, ITS HISTORY AND CONSTRUCTION. Il-
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HOW TO MAKE A VIOLIN, Practically Treated. By J.
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CONTENTS: Introduction The Parts of the Violin On the Selection of
Wood The Tools requiredThe Models -The Mould The Side-pieces and
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Belly The Bass Bar The Purfling The Neck -The Finder-board The
Not and String- Gunrd Varnishing and Polishing Varnishes and Colour-
ing- Matter The Varnish A Mathematical Method of Constructing the
Outline The Hemaining Accessories of the Violin.

This new edition had the advantage of being revised throughout bj
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A MUSICAL ZOO. Twenty-four Illustrations displaying the
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THE HISTORY OF THE VIOLIN and other Instruments
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Wagner writing to his friend Uhlig said :

' Here you have my testament. I may as well die now anything fur-
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pose and the breadth of vision that sweeps so far before and after."

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JUDAISM IN MUSIC. Being the Original Essay together
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44 WAGNER.

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