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Full text of "Historical grammar of the ancient Persian language"

VANWianHbT ORIENTAL SERIES-VOL. VIU. 



HISTORICAL GRAMMAR 



OF THE 



ANCIENT PERSIAN LANGUAGE 



* 



JOHNSON 



\ 



thp: vanderbilt oriental series 

KHITKI) BY 

Herbekt Gushing Tolman and James Henkt Stevenson 



HISTORICAL GRAMMAR 



OF THE 



ANCIENT PERSIAN LANGUAGE 



EDWIN LEE JOHNSON, Ph.D. 

N AUTHOR OF INDEX VBRBORUM TO THE 



OLD PERSIAN INSCRIPTIONS 



NEW YORK : CINCINNATI : CHICAGO 
AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY 



Copyright, 1917 

BY 

Edwin Lee Johnson 






VIRO • DOCTISSIMO" 

STVDII8 • PERSICIS • PRAESTANTISSIMO 

SVO ■ PRAECEPTORI • ATQVE • AMICO • 

HERBERTO • CVSHING • TOLMAN • 

HVNC • LIBELLVM ■ 

D • D • D' 

AVCTOR 



SS3G299 



PREFACE. 

The work done in Ancient Persian dnring the 
]iast twenty years by snch scholars as King and 
Thompson, Bartholoniae, Weissbach, Jackson, and 
Tolman has rendered the earlier grannnars of the 
langnage of little valne for present day stndy. To a 
carefnl reexamination of the inscriptions, with a 
consequent revision of readings, there has been add- 
ed a determination of forms and of interpretation 
through comparative study of the languages of the 
Iranian group. This volume is accordingly designed 
to serve a twofold purpose : to present in systematic 
arrangement the results of the most recent as well 
as the earlier investigation in this field, and to show 
by comparative examples the development of the 
Ancient Persian from the parent speech and its re- 
lation to the other languages of the family, particu- 
larly the Sanskrit and the Avestan. 

While this work was in preparation Prof. A. Meil- 
let published his Grammaire dti Tieu.r Perse, an ex- 
cellent presentation of both the inflectional forms 
and the syntax of the langmige. But T believe there 
may still be a place for a grammar the distinctive 
feature of which is the historical treatment of the 
subject. 

Chapter II. serves in a measure as a bibliography, 
lu addition to the books mentioned there, I must 
acknowledge my indebtedness to Thumb's Handburh 
(ies t^anakrit, Reichelt's Airestisehes EJementarhnch, 

(V) 



vi Preface. 

Wright's Comparative Grammar of the Greek Lan- 
yuaye, aud most of all to the work of Brugiiiaun. 

In the chapters ou syutax where examples have 
been quoted the text of I'rofessor Tolman, in his 
Ancient Persian Lexicon and Texts, has generally 
been followed. 

I am under obligations also to other publications 
of Professor Tolman. But, far more than this, I 
must express to him personally my deepest grati- 
tude, since I feel that without his careful supervi- 
sion this work would have been impossible. 

Edwin Lee Johxsox. 

Vandekbilt IJNivERsrrY, February 20, 1917. 



CONTENTS. 

Page. 

Chaptek I. The Decipherment of the Inscrip- 
tions, §§ 1-38 1 

Chapter 1 1. The Location and Publication of 
THE Inscriptions, >;j5 .'{O-.")! 18 

Chapter III. Ancient Persian Writing, §§58- 
()(>; Proninciation, §§ (57-72 29 

Chapter IV. The Indo-Et'ropean Languages, 
§§ 7;}-S2 37 

Chapter V. The Vowels, §§ 83-131 46 

1. The Indo-European Vowel System, 5!§83-86. 

2. Indo-European Vowels in Ancient Persian, §§87-114. 

3. Indo-European Accent, §§115-118. 

4. Vowel Gradation, §§119-126. 

5. Bases, §§127-131. 

Chapter VL The Consonants, §§ 132-193 67 

1. The Indo-European Consonant System, §§132-140. 

2. a. Indo-European Velars in Aryan, §§141-144. 
6. The Aryan Palatal Law, §145. 

c. Aryan Velars in Ancient Persian, §§146-149. 

d. Aryan Palatalized Velars in Ancient Persian, 

§§150-152. 

3. a. Indo-European Palatals in Aryan, §§153-156. 
6. Treatment in Ancient Persian of Aryan 

Spirants Representing Indo-European Pala- 
tals, §§157-159. 

4. 0. Indo-European Dentals in Aryan, §§160-163. 

&. Aryan Dentals in Ancient Persian, §§164-168. 

5. o. Indo-European Labials in Aryan, §§169-172. 
b. Aryan Labials in Ancient Persian, §§173-175. 

6. a. Indo-European Consonantal Nasals in Aryan, 

§§176-178. 

(Vii) 



viii Contents. 

6. Aryan Nasals in Ancient Persian, §§179-180. 

7. a. Indo-European Liquids in Aryan, i^§181-182. 

b. Aryan Liquids in Ancient Persian, S§183-184. 

8. a, Indo-European Semivowels in Aryan, §§185-187. 
&. Aryan Semivowels in Ancient Persian, §§188-189. 

9. a. Indo-European Spirants in Aryan, §§190-191. 
?;. Aryan Original Spirants in Ancient Persian, 

§§192-193. 

Chapter VII. Sandhi, §§ 194-232 89 

1. Indo-European Contraction of Vowels, §§197-198, 

2. Internal Combination in Indo-European. 
a. Explosives and Spirants, §§199-203. 

7;. Nasals, §204. 

c. Semivowels, §§205-206. 

3. External Combination in Indo-European, §§207-211. 

4. Combination of Vowels in Ancient Persian, §§213-214. 

5. Anaptyxis, §215. 

6. Combination of Consonants in Ancient Persian, 

§§216-226. 

7. Permitted Finals, §§227-232. 

Chapter VIII. Word Formation, §§233-241... 99 

1. Compounds, §§234-236. 

2. Ancient Persian Suffixes, §§237-239. 
a. Primary Suffixes, §240. 

6. Secondary Suffixes, §241. 

Chapter IX. The Declension op Nouns, §§ 242- 
292 110 

1. Indo-European Case-Endings, §§246-265. 
0. Masculines and Feminines, §§247-262. 
1). Neuters, §§263-265. 

2. Ancient Persian Case-Endings, §§266-282. 
a. Masculines and Feminines, §§267-280. 
h. Neuters, §§281-282. 

3. Paradigms of Declension: 
0. Vowel Stems, §§283-287. 

h. Consonant Stems, §§288-291. 
c. Mixed Declension, §292. 



Contents. ix 

Chaptkr X. Adjectives, §5; lMKUM).") 131 

1. Declension, §§293-295. 

2. Comparison, §§296-303. 

3. Numerals, §§304-305. 

Chapter XI. The Declension op I*roxouns, 
§55 30G 353 135 

1. Personal Pronouns: 

0. First Person, §§308-320. 
6. Second Person, §§321-330. 

2. Case-Endings of Demonstrative, Interrogative, and 

Relative Pronouns, §§331-340. 

3. Ancient Persian Demonstratives, §§341-350. 

4. Ancient Persian Interrogatives, §351. 

5. Ancient Persian Relatives, §§352-353. 

Chapter XTI. Verbs, §§ 354-513 146 

1. The Indo-European Verb System, §§354-360. 

2. a. Reduplication and Augment in Indo-European, 

§§361-362. 
J). Reduplication and Augment in Ancient Persian, 
§§363-364. 

3. Indo-European Personal Endings, §§365-426. 

a. Primary Endings of the Active, §§367-375. 

b. Secondary Endings of the Active, §§376-384. 

c. Perfect Endings of the Active, §§385-393. 

d. Imperative Endings of the Active, §§394-401. 

e. Primary Endings of the Middle, §§402-410. 

/. Secondary Endings of the Middle, §§411-419. 
g. Imperative Endings of the Middle, §§420-426. 

4. Personal Endings of the Ancient Persian, §§427-438. 
a. Primary Endings of the Active, §§428-429. 

ft. Secondary Endings of the Active, §§430-432. 
0. Imperative Endings of the Active, §§433-434. 
(/. Primary Endings of the Middle, §435. 
e. Secondary Endings of the Middle, §§436-437. 
/. Imperative Endings of the Middle, §438. 

5. Paradigms of Conjugation, §§439-444, 



X Contents, 

6. The Indo-European Present System — Classifica- 

tion of Verbs, §§445-416. 

a. Unthematic Verbs, §§447-452. 

b. Thematic Vprbs, §§453-454. 

c. Nasal Stems, §§455-457. 

d. Stems in Sibilants and Explosives, §§458-460. 

e. Stems in Semivowels i-yo-, -cyo-, -ico-), §§461- 

463. 

7. The Ancient Persian Present System, §§464-475. 

8. Derivative Verbs, §§476-478. 

9. Passive Formations, §479. 

10. a. The Future, §§480-484. 
&. The Aorist, §§485-490. 
c. The Perfect, §§491-496. 

11. a. The Subjunctive, §§497-501. 

b. The Optative, §§502-503. 

c. The Injunctive, §§504-505. 

d. The Infinitive, §§506-509. 

e. The Participle, §§510-513. 

Chapter XIII. The Late Inscriptions, §§514, 
515 195 

Chapter XIV. Ancient Persian Syntax. The 
Inoun, §§ 510-531 198 

1. Gender, §§517-519. 

2. Number, §§520-523. 

3. Case: 

0. Nominative, §524. 

b. Vocative, §525. 

c. Accusative, §526. 

d. Genitive, §527. 

e. Dative-Genitive, §528. 
/. Ablative, §529. 

(7. Instrumental, §530. 
7/. Locative, §531. 

Chapter XV. Syntax of the Vkrb^ §§532-555. 210 
1. Voice, §§532, 533. 



Contents. xi 

2. Mood: ^^'"'^ 
a. Indicative, §534. 

6, Subjunctive, §535. 

c. Optative, §536. 

d. Imperative and Injunctive, §537. 

e. Infinitive, §538. 
/. Participle, §539. 

3. Tense: 

a. Present, §540. 

b. Future, §541. 

c. Imperfect and Aorist, §§542, 543. 

d. Perfect, §544. 

4. Auxiliary Verbs, §545. 

5. Verbal Prefixes, §§546-552. 

6. Direct and Indirect Quotations, §§553-555. 

Chapter XVI. Uses op the Pronoun^ §§ 550-577. 220 

1. Personal, §§556-559. 

2. Demonstrative, §§560-567. 

3. Indefinite, §§568-570. 

4. Relative, §§571-573. 

5. Adverbs from Pronominal Stems, §§574-577. 

Chapter XVII. Negatives, Connectives, En- 
clitics, §§ 578-59:? 228 

1. Negatives, §§578-581. 

2. Coordination, §§582-585. 

3. Enclitics, §§586-593. 

Chapter XVIIT. Word Order, §§ 594-012 233 

1. Nouns in Apposition, §§595-596. 

2. The Noun and Its Modifier, §§597-601. 

3. Subject, Complement, and Verb, §§602-606. 

4. The Verb and Its Modifier, §§607-610. 

5. Position of Enclitics, §611. 

6. The Interrupted Sentence, §612. 

Chapter XIX. The Ancient Persian Months, 
§§ 013-015 239 



ABBREVIATIONS. 

Aeol., Aeolic. 

Af7., Af7an, Afghan. 

AJP, American Journal of Philology. 

Anc. Pers., Ancient Persian. 

Ar., Aryan. 

Arm., Armenian. 

Art., Artaxerxes (Inscription). 

A. S., Anglo-Saxon. 

Att., Attic. 

Av., Avesta. 

Aw. Elem., Awestisches Elementarbuch (Reichelt). 

Bab., Babylonian. 

Bait., Baltic. 

Balto-Slav., Balto-Slavonic. 

Bh., Behistan (Inscription). 

Boeot., Boeotian. 

Bthl., Bartholomae. 

Bulg., Bulgarian. 

Class., Classical. 

Cun. Sup., Cuneiform Supplement (Tolman). 

Cypr., Cyprian. 

Dar., Darius (Inscription). 

Dor., Doric. 

Elam., Elamite. 

Elv., Elvend (Inscription). 

Eng., English. 

Epir., Epirote. 

GAv., Gatha-Avesta. 

Germ., German. 

Goth., Gothic. 

Grk., Greek. 

Hom., Homeric. 

I. E., Indo-European. 

Ind. Verb., Index Verborum (Johnson), 



(xiii) 



xiv Abbreviations. 

Ir., Irish. 

Iran., Iranian. 

JA, Journal Asiatique. 

JAOS, Journal of the American Oriental Society. 

JRAS, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

Kelt, Keltic. 

Ker., Kerman (Inscription). 

Kurd., Kurdish. 

KVG, Kurze Vergleichende Grammatik der indogerman- 
ischen Sprachen (Brugmann). 

KZ, Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung. 

Lat, Latin. 

Lesb., Lesbian. 

Lex., Ancient Persian Lexicon and Texts (Tolman). 

Lith., Lithuanian. 

Mid,, Middle. 

NR., Nak§-i-Rustam (Inscription). 

O., Old. 

0. H. G., Old High German. 

Osc, Oscan. 

Oss., Ossetish. 

PAPA, Proceedings of the American Philological Associa- 
tion. 

Prim., Primitive. 

PSBA, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. 

Pers., Persian, Persepolis (Inscription). 

Phi., Pahlavi. 

Prakt., PrSkrit. 

RA, Revue Asiatique. 

Skt., Sanskrit. 

Slav., Slavonic. 

Sus., Susa (Inscription). 

Ved., Veda, Vedic. 

Xerx., Xerxes (Inscription). 

YAv., Younger Avesta. 

ZA, Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie. 

ZDMG, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesell- 
schaft. 

ZKM, Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes. 



CMAPTER I. 
The Dech'hekmem' of the Inscriptions. 

1. Forty miles northeast of Sliiraz, in South Cen- 
tral Persia, is a range of limestone hills before Avhich 
in a semicircular hollow, and yet a1)ove the plain, is 
a level area extending fifteen hundred feet in one di- 
rection and eight hundred in another. This terrace, 
leveled oif and held in front by a retaining wall, 
forms a part of the ancient city of Persepolis, and 
here the Ach^emenidan kings built their royal struc- 
tures. The passing centuries have left extensive 
ruins of these gi-eat buildings, and columns and door- 
posts, portions of walls and staircases, with sculp- 
tured figures and bas-reliefs, still suggest to the trav- 
eler something of the magnificence of the Palace of 
Darius or the Palace and the Column Hall of Xerxes. 

2. In 1320 a Franciscan friar named Odoric passed 
through Persia on a journey to Cathay, and his brief 
reference to what he believed had been "an huge 
and mightie city in olde time" {antiquitatis civitas 
magna fu'd)^ was the first intimation Europe had of 
the existence of such ruins. A hundred and fifty 
years elapsed before another message came, this time 
from Josophat Barbaro, envoy from Venice to the 
court of Uzun Cassan — a message that added but lit- 
tle to that of Odoric and in its turn was forgotten for 
a hundred years or more. 

3. "When in 1586 Shah Abbas had begun to receive 
European ambassadors, Philip III. of Spain and Por- 
tugal sent to him Antonio de Gouvea, who wrote a 

(1) 



2 Decipherment of Ixscrii'tioxs. [3-6 

most interesting account of his visit to Persepolis. 
With his comments on the arrangement of doorways, 
paveirieuts, stairs, and columns, he says: "The in- 
scriptions — which relate to the foundation of the ed- 
ifice and no doubt also declare the author of it — al- 
though they remain in many parts very distinct, yet 
there is none that can read them, for they are not in 
Persian nor Arabic nor Armenian nor Hebrew, which 
are the languages current in those parts; and thus 
all helps to blot out the memory of that which the 
ambitious king hoped to make eternal." 

4. De Gotivea was followed by Don Garcia de Sylva 
y Figueroa, who also visited the ruins and from w hose 
letter to the Marquess de Bedmar in 1619 we read as 
to the inscriptions (according to an English transla- 
tion of 1625): "The Letters themselves are neither 
Chaldean, nor Hebrew, nor Greeke, nor Arabike, nor 
of any other nation which was ever found of old, or 
at this day to be extant. They are all thi'ee-cornered, 
but somewhat long, or such a little Obeliske as I have 
set in the margin (A); so that in nothing do they 
differ from one another but in their placing and situ- 
ation, yet so conformed that they are wondrous 
plaine, distinct, and perspicuous." 

5. About the same time Pietro della Valle was trav- 
eling in Persia, and in a letter to a friend at Naples he 
not only described the Persepolis inscriptions, but — 
what none before him had done — copied a few of the 
characters as a specknen and reasoned from the di- 
rection of the stroke of the wedges that the language 
must have been read from left to right. 

6. Between 1630 and 1680 Thomas Herbert, an Eng- 
lish traveler, published saveral editions of an account 



6-9] ])i:('iriii:uMK\T (if Ixsckii-tiuns. 3 

of liis travels and (lesciihed Iho inscriptions much as 
others hud done, commenting on their unlikeness to 
any known language and expressing his belief that 
they were to be read from left to right. With this 
account he furnished a copy of three lines of cunei- 
form characters, two lines from one inscription and 
one from another. 

7. Another Englishman, S. Flower, Persian agent 
of the East India Company, had made copies of char- 
acters found at Persepolis and at Kaks i-Rustam (43) 
near Persepolis. These again, unfortunately, did 
not form a complete inscription, but were taken at 
random from three languages, the Persian, the Elam- 
ite, and the Babylonian. This account, published 
after Flower's death, was criticized by Thomas Hyde, 
professor of Hebrew at Oxford, in his Illdorla He- 
Ugioju's veteru?/h Persarum^ eoruuKjue Magoruvi^ pub- 
lished in 1700. He expressed his regret that so much 
attention had been given to signs which were no lan- 
guage at all; in his own words, "J/*? autem juclice 
non sunt Literae iiec 2^0 Literis intendehantur; sed 
fuej'Kitt ftolitis Or/uftus caum.'''' 

8. So the discussion had gone on from time to time 
with no real progress in the study of the strange 
writing. Such study may be said to have begun 
with the publication of a work at Amsterdam in 1711, 
Voyages de Monsieur le Chevalier Chardin, en Perse 
et outres lleux de V Orient^ in which the author gave 
the first copy of a complete inscription, one from the 
window cornice of the Palace of Darius, now known 
as Dar. Pers. c (40). 

9. Engelrecht Kaempfer, a German phj^sician and 
oriental traveler, followed with a copy of the same 



4: Dkch'Hermext of Inscrittioxs. [9-12 

short inscription which Chardin had copied and added 
a longer one entire, but this in Elamite-Babjlonian, 
not in Persian, and, raising the question as to whether 
the signs were alphabetic, syllabic, or ideographic, 
he concluded that they were ideographic. 

10. A Dutch traveler, Cornells de Bruin, published 
in 1714 two complete inscriptions (Xerx. Pers. c and 
Dar. Pers. a) in three languages, believing them to 
be six inscriptions; also two others (Dar. Pers. b and 
Xerx. Pers. b) in Ancient Persian only. The trans- 
lation of his work from Dutch to French ( Yoyages de 
Corneille le Briin par la Muscovie en Perse et aux 
Indes Orientales) four years later gave it wide circu- 
lation. Still years passed, and practically nothing 
was accomplished toward decipherment. Even the 
discovery in 1762 of a vase (56) with certain cunei- 
form characters alongside hieroglyphics counted for 
nothing, since the Rosetta stone had not yet revealed 
the Egyptian writing to the world. 

11. A forward step was taken with the publication 
at Copenhagen of Carsten Niebuhr's Beisebeschreihung 
nach Arabien und anderii iimliegenden Ldndern 
(177^1837, 3 vols.), for it was Xiebuhr who discov- 
ered that there were three systems of writing, though 
he did not recogiiize in them three distinct languages. 
He accordingly divided the characters into the three 
classes and expressed his belief that they were alpha- 
betic signs, there being forty-two in the first and 
simplest class. 

12. It remained for Olav Gerhard Tychsen, professor 
of Oriental Languages in the University of Rostock, 
Germany, to discover that the inscriptions copied by 
Niebuhr were really trilingual and to observe that 



I2-I5I 1 )i;tII'IIi:R.MF,\T (»!■' IXSCKII'TKI.NS. 5 

the o))lique wedf^e oc-funing at intervals was a word- 
divider. He assigned the inscriptions to the period 
of the Partliian dynasty (B.C. 2^0- A.D. 227), a mis- 
take corrected by Friedrich Miinter, of Copenhagen, 
who also had independently recognized the word-di- 
vider and had ol)served a frequently recurring com- 
bination of characters which he thought must be the 
word for I'lng. 

13. In 1762 Anquetil-Duperron, of Paris, returned 
from a seven-year sojourn in India, where he had 
made a thorough study of IModern Persian and of 
Sanskrit and Avestan. He brought with him numer- 
ous oriental manuscripts and in 1771 published, for 
the first time in Europe, the Avesta. In this, there 
was every reason to believe, would be found a vocab- 
ulary and a gi'ammar that would throw much light 
on the decipherment of Ancient Persian. Much of 
the value of the linguistic material gathered by 
Anquetil-Duperron was due to the arrangement and 
presentation of it by Eugene Burnouf (20). 

14. Furthermore, the great Arabic scholar Silvestre 
de Sacy some years later succeeded in translating cer- 
tain inscriptions in Pahlavi writing belonging to the 
Sassanian period (227-641 A.D.). Their regular 

formula, " -, the great king, the king of kings, 

the king of Iran and Aniran, son of , the great 

king," etc., was at least suggestive of what one 
might expect to find in the older inscriptions. 

15. Such was the progress made in the study of the 
cuneiform writing when in 1802 this work attracted 
the attention and enlisted the service of Georg Fried- 
rich Grotefend, of the Frankfort Gymnasium. From 
the material furnished by travelers mentioned above 



DlXirilERMEXT Ol- I.NSCIUI'TIOXS. [15 

he chose two inscriptions of what he belie\ed to be 
Ancient Persian, since ho was convinced of tlie tri- 
lingual character of the writing. Of these two — now 
known as Darius Persepolis a and Xerxes Persepolis 
ea (= eh) — he had the copies that Niebuhr had made. 
(These inscriptions are given on the opposite page.) 
Each of thera appeared on door-posts and above the 
sculptured figure of a king, and Grotefend believed, 
as had Tychsen and Miinter, that here should be 
found titles or names of Achaemenidan rulers. In 
the two inscriptions he found this frequently recurring 
combination of signs «]] T< TTl K'-TCI IT ]<•- 
sometimes rejieated with several additional signs, 

thus: « IT T< TTt K-KI Tj K-TTt ;:< TTT -IIT- The 

most natural meaning for such a word was king, 'and 
for the coml)ination of shorter and longer form kijig 
of kings. This word, moreover, was followed by an- 
other group of characters, »-]^ I'"*'! ^I Jr:, the same 
in both inscriptions; and from De Sacy's translation 
of the Sassanian inscriptions it was easily inferred 
that this meant great. And from this same compari- 
son Grotefend decided that the group of signs before 
the word for king must be the king's name. This 
name, if it should be such, occurred again in the second 
inscription in a longer form, which might be a geni- 
tive, and followed by a word 'Xj ^Tl Yj which, in that 
event, ought to mean so?i. This word occm-red again 
in the fifth line of the first inscription following what 
might be a name, but Avithout the word taken to mean 
king. The problem then was to select three different 
names of rulers, the grandfather not having the title 
of " king" which was borne by the son and the grand- 



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8 DECirHERMEXT OF IXSCRII'TIOXS. [iS'I? 

son. Grotefend suspected that the names were Hys- 
taspes, Darius, and Xerxes. Partly from the Hebrew 
pronunciation of the name of Darius as Daryavesh, 
he concluded that the seven signs of the first name in 
the first of the two inscriptions might be D-A-R-H- 
E-U-SH. Relying again on the Hebrew and also on 
the Avestan and observing the signs common to the 
two names, he read the name at the beginning of the 
second inscription as CH-SH-H-A-R-SH-A. Simi- 
larly, with some help from the Avestan, he read the 
third name as G-0-SH-T-A-S-P. And thus he offered 
the partial translation: 

Darixts^ the mighty hing^ king of kings^ . . . 

so)i of Jlystaspes. . . . 
2^erxes^ the onighty Mng^ king of kings^ 

S071 of Darius the king. . . . 

i6. Other scholars were still going on with their 
work. In 1812 J. P. Morier gave some account of the 
inscriptions in his Journey through T'ersia and was 
the fii'st to publish the Murghab Inscription (52). 

17. A valuable work was published in 1822 by Sir 
Robert Ker Porter entitled Travels in Georgia, Per- 
sia, Ancient Bahylonia, dec, d:e. In his account of 
the sculptures on the Behistan rock, described below 
(39), he ventured the unique suggestion that here was 
a representation of the conquest of Israel by Shal- 
maneser, king of Assyria and the Medes, the ten fig- 
ures before the king being leaders of the ten tribes, 
the one with the high cap a Levite, and the inscrip- 
tion on the garment of the third standing figure rep- 
resenting the phylacteries of the Jews. ''What 
these signs may mean," he says, '* we have no means 



17-21 I DlClirilHK.MK.NT dl' 1 .\S( lU 1" TIoNS. 

of explaining till the diligent researches of the learned 

may he aMc to decipher the arrow-headed character." 

1 8. Champollion was now engaged in deciphering 
the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and when he and the 
Abbe Saint-Martin, Avho had caret idly examined Ch'otc- 
fend's work, had studied together the writing on the 
vase mentioned above (lo), their transliteration of the 
name of Xerxes as CII-SII-A-R-SH-A, with the same 
name occurring in the Egyptian, clearly indicated 
that Grotef end's work was not far from correct. 
Saint-Martin later (1839) published in the Memoires 
de rinstltut Royal de France his Xouvellei^ Ohserva- 
tions sur les Inscriptions de PersepoUs. 

19. Here too is to be mentioned the work of the 
Norwegian scholar, R. Rask, who was a])le to separate 
the genitive plural ending of the word meaning of 
kings, by comparison with another w^ord which, ac- 
cording to the Sassanian phrase, should be of lands. 
He had also determined correctly the characters m and 
n (/. e., m" and n* as they w^ere later shown to be). 

20. Eugene Burnouf,the Avestan grammarian, found 
in one of Kiebuhr's Naks i-Rustam inscriptions what 
seemed to be a list of countries, and from a study of 
this he made out almost a complete Ancient Persian 
alphabet. In 1836 he published in the Jlemoire sur 
deux Insc7'iptio7is cunelformes trouv'ees pres d'^IIama- 
dan the Elvend Inscription of Darius (49), after a 
copy made by Fr. E. Schultz. 

21. Christian Lassen published at about the same 
time the list of geogi-aphical names from the Naks-i- 
Rustam inscription, and they proved to be almost iden- 
tical with Burnoufs list, insomuch that his independ- 
ence has been questioned. Of greater importance was 



10 DlOCII'HEUMEXT OF LNSCRIl'TlOXh. [21-24 

Lassen's conclusiou as to the value of the Ancieut Per- 
sian characters. From finding what seemed impossible 
combinations of consonants he reasoned that this lan- 
guage must be, in part at least, syllabic; that the 
sound of a, e. cj.^ inhered in the consonant sign and 
was written only when initial or when otherwise sep- 
arate from a consonant sound. His work was supple- 
mented by that of Jacquet, of Paris, who determined 
the characters c^ and 6". Both Jacquet and Beer 
reached the conclusion that i was not distinguished 
from 1, nor ii from u, by separate signs. 

22. Claudius James Rich, an Englishman who had 
long lived in Bagdad, had copied in 1811 the texts at 
Persepolis, including those which Kiebuhr and others 
had failed to f m-nish or had given incomplete. These 
were found among Rich's papers after his death and 
were published in 1839 in i\iQ ]S\irrative of a Journey 
to the Site ofBahylon -hi 1811^ and much new material 
was thus placed in the hands of Lassen. 

23. Then followed the Danish traveler, N. L. Wester- 
gaard, who visited the toml)s of the Persian kings at 
Naks-i-Rustam (43) and brought back copies of the 
gi-eat upper inscriptions of the tomb of Darius and 
some of the lower — a number of inscriptions not 
heretofore published. He not only furnished the re- 
sults of his investigation to Lassen, but this work 
called forth other treatises, among them that of 
Holtzmann, who correctly determined the sign for j"* 
and saw that iy and uv were not ahvays to be read 
iya and uva. 

24. Between 1842 and 1852 Charles Texier published 
several of the inscriptions already known (as Dar. 
Pers. e, Xerx. Pers. b, Xerx. El v., JNIurghab) in his 



24-26I DKfirilKK.MKNT Ol' I NSCUl I'TlONS. 11 

work entitled Description de V ArntenU', la ]*ersc^ et 
la Jfesoj)of</mH'. 

25. But the work of decipherers was uot yet re- 
ceived with the utmost faith. There was needed, 
further, such work as wis now beinj^ done ])y Major 
(afterward, Sir) Henry C. Rawlinson, of Oxford, Eng- 
land, who as a boy had gone to India in the service 
of the East Ind'a Company and there had learned 
Modern P"i'sian along with several dialects of India. 
In 1833 he went to Persia to assist in the reorganiza- 
tion of the Persian army, and there his attention was 
attracted by the cuneiform inscriptions on the moun- 
tain of Elvend (49), near Hamadan (the ancient Ec- 
batana). Ho set to work on these independently 
(Schultz had made copies of them, and Burnouf had 
published one, 49), although his method was much 
the same as that of Grotefend. He recognized at 
once the trilingual writing, copied the two inscrip- 
tions, found the characters much the same in both, ex- 
cept in certain gi-oups which he inferred must be 
proper names. He observed but three of these dis- 
tinct gi'oups, and their position suggested that they 
might be names of a genealogical succession. He 
tried the names Hystaspes, Darius, Xerxes, and 
found them satisfactory. 

26. In 1835 Rawlinson was sent to Kermanshah, 
and on the way passed the Behistan mountain, sixty- 
five miles west of Hamadan. This was the beginning 
of his study of the gi-eat inscription of Darius high 
on the perpendicular face of the rock (39). At the 
risk of his life he began to copy this longest of the 
inscriptions, and two years later he had made copies of 
about half the coknnns of the Persian text. Ha then 



12 Decipherment of Ixscrh'tioxs. [26-28 

seut to the Royal Asiatic Society of London his trans- 
lation of the first two paragraphs. It was in 1836, at 
Teheran, that he first l^ecanie acquainted with the re- 
sults of the work of Grotef end and Saint-Martin and 
found that he had gone even farther than they in the 
determination of the alphabet. In 1838 he obtained 
Burnouf's work on Avestan and the material which 
Niebuhr and Le Brun had brought from Persepolis. 
Settling in Bagdad, he began his study of Sanskrit, 
and just as he was about to publish the results of his 
Persian research he was transferred to Afghanistan, 
and not till 1816 was the publication made. By this 
time he had obtained Westergaard's new copies of in- 
scriptions at Persepolis and had himself made another 
examination of those at Behistan. Of the latter he 
was able to give a nearly complete translation in his 
account which appeared in the Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society. 

27. In the Dublin University Magazine of January, 
1817, was an anonymous article with the title, Some 
Passages of the Life of King Darius. The author 
ventured some criticisms of Rawlinson's readings and 
translations and displayed a most remarkable ac- 
quaintance with the subject of the cuneiform writing. 
The unknown writer proved to be the Rev. Edward 
Hincks, of Killyleagh, Ireland, and he had done much 
independent work on the translation of the Persepol- 
itan inscriptions. 

28. In the same year Theodor Benfey published at 
Leipzig Die persiscJteii KelllnscJir/ften nut Ucherset- 
zung und Glossary gi\nng a transliteration of the 
Behistan inscription and comments along with his 
translation. Furthermore, of the other inscriptions 



28-30] 



Dkcii'iieumext of Ixsckh'tions. 



i;j 



previously published he gave both his own transla- 
tion and that of Lassen. 

29. In 1851-52 Eugene Flandin and Pascal Coste did 
valuable work in the publication of the inscriptions — 
some for the tirst time, as Xerx. Pers. db, Art. Pers. 
b — in their Yoyage en Perse. 

A few years later William Kennet Loftus, the tirst 
to give the text of Art. Sus. a and b, published his 
Travels and Researches in Chaldcea and Susiana. 

30. By this time the work of decipherment was 
practically complete; wath the reading of the rare 1* 
by F. Oppert in 1851, the entire syllabary had been 
determined. The following summary will show the 
length of time over which the work extended and the 
number of scholars who contributed to its success: 



Char- 
acter Determined hy 


Date 




a Grotefend 


1802 




i Saint-Martin 


1832 




u Grotefend 


1802 




k* Lassen 


1836 




k"^ Hincks, Rawlinson 


1846 




x" Lassen 
g* Lassen 


1836 
1836 


(kh Grotefend, 1802 
k Burnouf) 


g'' Hincks, Rawlinson 


1846 




c* Jacquet 
j* Holtzmann 


1837-8 
1845 




j' Rawlinson 


1846 




t* Lassen 
t^ AVindischmann 


1836 
1845 


(t Grotefend, 1802) 


6" Jacquet 


1837-8 





Lassen 



1844 (thr**) 



u 



Decii'Iiekmext of TxscRirTioxs. 



[30 



unar- 

acter Detennined by 


Date 




d'' 


Lassen 


1S36 




d' 


Hincks, Ravvlinson 


1846 




d" 


Hincks, Rawlinson 


1846 




P'' 


Lassen 


1836 


(p Grotefend, 1802) 


f* 


Lassen 


•1836 


(f Grotefend, 1802) 


b" 


Lassen 


1836 


(b Burnouf) 


n" 


Lassen 


1836 


(n Rask, 1821) 


n^ 


Rawlinson 


1816 




m'^ 


Hincks, Rawlinson 


1816 


(m Rask, 1821) 


m^ 


Hincks, Rawlinson 


1816 




m" 


Rawlinson 


1816 




y'' 


Beer 


1837 


(Jacquet 1837-8) 


r'' 


Lassen 


1836 


(r Grotefend, 1802) 


r" 


Jacqnet 


1837- 


■8 


r^ 


Oppert 


1851 




v'' 


Hincks, Rawlinson 


1816 


(w Lassen, 1836) 


v' 


Hincks, Rawlinson 


1816 




s'' 


Lassen 


1836 


(s Grotefend, 1802) 


s^ 


Lassen 


1836 


(sch (Irotefend, 1802) 


z" 


Lassen 


1836 


(z Burnouf) 


h'' 


Beer, Jacquet 


1837- 


-8 



Of the ideograms, XS for xsaya^iya belongs to 
Grotefend, 1802, DAH (1 and 2) and BUMI to Lassen, 
1811; while the one remaining, AURAMAZDA, was 
determined in 1890 by B. T. Evetts. 

During the period from 1860 till the present time 
the critical study of the text of the inscriptions has 
gone on, with reexamination of the writing through 
the help of photogi-aphy, with consequent modilica- 
tions of translation, with the compilation of glossa- 
ries and indexes and the preparation of gi-ammars. 



30-341 ])K("iriii:K.Mi:xT of Ixsckh'tkjxs. 15 

A number of the "works that have ])een piil)lished dur- 
ing this time are g^ven in the following paragi'aphs. 

31. In 18G2 was published the first edition of Fr. 
Spiegel's Die Altpersischeii KeiUnschvlften^ im 
Grundtexte^ wit Uebersetzuvg, Grammatih^ und 
Glosmi\ The second edition appeared in 1881. Dur- 
ing this interval Oppert had furnished (1869) the text 
of the Suez inscriptions published in the Academy of 
Inscnptions and C. Kossowicz had published (1872) a 
sumptuous edition of the Iin^criptiones Palaeo-Pers'i- 
cae^ with printed cuneiform text, transliteration, 
translation, and glossary, based largely on Spiegel's 
edition. 

32. "With the text a transliteration and translation 
and a brief gi-ammar were included in a Guide to the 
Old Persian Inscriptions^ published by H. C. Tolman 
in 1893. In the same year Weissbach and Bang pub- 
lished their Pie AltpcrsiscJ,, n Keil inschriften. 

In 1804 appeared Bartholomae's Aa'estaspracheuud 
Altpersische in Grundriss der Iranischen Philologie^ 
in 1004: his AJtiranisches WorterhucJi^ followed in 
1906 by Zura xUt iranischen WorterlurJi. 

33. In 1903 Professor A. V. Williams Jackson, of 
Columbia University, made a reexamination of the 
Persian text at Behistan, and a summary of his colla- 
tions of doubtful passages in the lower portions of 
the first four columns is given in JAOS, Vol. xxiv., 
pp. 77fl', and in his Persia, Past and Present, pp. 
186flf. (New York, 1906.) 

34. In 1901 Mr. L. W. King was conducting exca- 
vations at Kuyunjik for the trustees of the British 
Museum. He was instructed by the trustees to make, 
with the help of Mr. R. C. Thompson, a complete 



16 Decipheumext of Inscrhtions. [34-35 

collation of the BehisUm inscriptions. They Avere 
able, by climbing up a ravine around the end of the 
mountain, to reach a ledge two hundred feet above 
the inscriptions; from this they suspended ropes to 
the lower ledge, and, climbing then from the base of 
the mountain to the lower ledge, they attached cradles 
which could be drawn up along the face of the rock. 
They thus made accurate measurements and succeeded 
in clearing up many doubtful readings, filling several 
lacunae, and also found that certain signs that were 
plain in Rawlinson's time had since disappeared. 
Their work was done for the Elamite and Babylonian 
texts, as well as for the Persian, and the results of it 
were published in 1907 in The ScuJptwes and Inscrip- 
tions of Darius the Great on the Hock of Behistan in 
Persia. 

These readings were discussed the following year 
by Professor Tolman in a work entitled The Behistan. 
Inscription of King Darius and by Arthur Hoffmann- 
Kutschke in two monographs. Die Altpersischen Keil- 
inschriften des Grossh'inigs Dcirajawausch des Ersteti 
am Berge Bagistdn and Die Altpersischen Keiiin- 
schriften des GrossMnigs Darajawausch des Ersten 
hei Behistun. 

35. In 1908 Professor Tolman published an Ancient 
Persian Lexicon and Te.rfs, giving, with the translit- 
erated text, a translation and a complete glossary, 
making use of the later readings as furnished by 
Jackson, by King and Thompson, and by Stolze's 
photographs of the Persepolitan inscriptions, and 
other recent studies. This work was followed in 1910 
by the Cuneiform Supplement by the same author, 
in which he gave a new autograph copy of the cunei- 



35-38J Dech'iiek.mkxt of IxscuirTioNs. 17 

form texts in accordance with the later material men- 
tioned al)ove. With the Cuneiform Suppleim^nt is 
included a Brief lUdorkal Synopsis of the Ancient 
Persian language. To this work also is appended an 
Index Yerhorum of the Old Persian Inscriptions by 
the author of the present work. The Index gives 
also the newer readings and the proposed emenda- 
tions of various scholars. 

36. The Aramaic Papyrus Fragment containing 
portions of the Behistan inscription, was published by 
Sachau in 1911 {Aramaisrhe Paj^yrus und Ostrala) 
and was discussed by Tolman with reference to the 
cruces of the inscriptions in PAPA xlii. 50ff. 

37. It was during the same year that Weissbach 
published his Pie Keilinschrifteyi der Achdrneniden, 
which furnishes a collation of the Old Persian, 
Elamite, and Babylonian texts, arranged synoptically, 
with introduction and critical notes. From photo- 
graphs and copies AVeissbach has corrected certain 
readings in Dar. NRa (see 43) and has furnished nu- 
merous lines in NRb and several inscriptions above 
the national types supporting the throne of Darius 
on his grave relief. This later material was published, 
by him in Ahhandlungen der KonigUchen SdcJisichen 
Gesellschaft der Wissenf^chaften^ Vol. xxix. 

38. In 1915 Professor A. Meillet, of the College de 
France, published in Paris his Granmiaire dn Yieux 
Perse^ giving in full the inflectional forms of the lan- 
guage and a discussion of their uses. 



CHAPTER 11. 

The Location and Publication of the 
Inscriptions. 

In the following notes on the location and publica- 
tion of the various inscriptions reference to the works 
mentioned in the preceding paragraphs is made, for 
the most part, by the name of the author only, as: Le 
Brun (de Bruin) (lo), Burnouf (21), Flandin and 
Coste (29), Jackson (33), King and Thompson (34), 
Kossowicz (31), Lassen (21), Loftus (29), Morier (16), 
Niebuhr (11), Porter (17), Rawlinson (26), Rich (22), 
Saint-Martin (18), Spiegel (31), Texier (24). 

39. The Behistan Inscription. On the main caravan 
route betw^een Bagdad and Teheran, the last peak of 
the mountain range bounding the plain of Kerman- 
shah, is the Behistan Mount. Its earliest known 
name is that given by Diodorus Siculus, to (iayC^Tavov 
opo<;; it is now called Bisitun. The great rock rises 
more than fifteen hundred feet from the plain below, 
the lower part presenting a vertical surface on which, 
at a height of about three hundred feet, is a sculptured 
panel. A relief on this shows the figure of the king 
going forth, attended by his bowman and his lance 
carrier, his right hand raised to his god Ahura IMazda, 
his left resting his bow upon an enemy who lies be- 
fore him, lifting his hands as a suppliant. Standing 
in a line, and all bound, are nine captives, leaders of 
rel)ellions against the king. The figure of Ahura 
jSIazda above holds a wreath in the left hand and 
beckons to the king with the right. Below these tig- 
(IS) 



39-40] PlI5LU'ATI().\ OI' I-NSCKirriOXS. 10 

iircs arc live columns of cunoiforin Avritlnir in tlie 
Ancient Persian, ^riving a record of the suppression 
of the revolts. On the left of the Persian are three 
columns of the Elamite text, a translation t)f the fu'st 
four Persian columns, as is also the single column in 
Babylonian above the Elamite. Four other columns 
of cuneiform characters at the right of the sculptured 
panel are now so "weathered as to be for the most 
part illegible, only a few Elamite words appearing. 

The Persian of the minor Behistan inscriptions (a- 
k) appears aljove the carved figures, except b, which 
is under the figure of the fallen rebel, and e, which 
is on the lower part of the dress of the third stand- 
ing captive. These inscriptions are also trilingual, 
with the exception of a and k where the Babylonian 
is wanting. 

The Behistan inscriptions were first published by 
Rawlinson JRAS, Vols, ix., xi. Copies will be 
found also in Kossowicz 11-48, Spiegel 2—46, King 
and Thompson l-Dl, Tolman Lex. 2-35, Tolman 
Clin. Suj). 1—17, "Weissbach 8-79, Hoffmann-Kutschke 
8-30. 

40. Darius Persepolis a consists of six lines over the 
figure of the king and his attendants, on the door- 
posts of an inner room of the tacara at Persepolis. 
These lines were first published by Le Brun cxxxii. 
They are found p.lso in Kiebuhr, pi. 24 B, Saint- 
Martin JA, Vol. ii., pi. 2, and MemoirfH de VAcad- 
emie des Inscriptions 12, 2, 137, Kossowicz 64, 65, 
Spiegel 50 (B), Tolman Lex. 36, Tolman Cnn. Sup. 
47, Weissbach 80. 

Darius Persepolis b, consisting of one line in .-Vn- 
cient Persian only, carved on the dress of the king 



20 I*rr.Li('ATi().\ OK Ixscuii'Tioxs. [40-41 

in the relief just mentioned, is now in the Cabinet 
des jMedailles of the Bil)liotheque Rationale at Paris. 
It was tirst published by Le Brun cxxxiii. It is 
found in Tolman Lex. 36, Tolman Ciin. Sup. 47, 
Weissbach 80. 

Darius Persepolis c consists of one long line occur- 
ring eighteen times on the window cornices of the 
same room. It was first published by Chardin, later 
by Ktempf er, Le Brun, Ouseley, Lassen, and Flandin 
and Coste. Copies are given in Kossowicz 119, 
Spiegel 50 (L), Tolman Lex. 36, Tolman Cun. Sup. 
47, Weissbach 80. 

Darius Persepolis d. Of this there are twenty-four 
lines in Ancient Persian only on the south wall of the 
platform. The corresponding Elamite and Babylo- 
nian are not translations of the Persian. It was iii'st 
published by Niebuhr, later by Porter, Texier, Flan- 
din and Coste, and in Stolze's Photographs. It oc- 
curs in Kossowdcz 62, 63, Spiegel 46-48 (H), Tolman 
Lex. 36-38, Tolman Cun. Sup). 47-49, "Weissbach 
80-82. 

Darius Persepolis e, to the right of Dar. Pers. d, 
was also lirst published by Niebuhr, then by Porter, 
Texier, Flandin and Coste, and in Stolze's Photo- 
graphs. It is given in Kossowicz 63, 64, Spiegel 
48-50 (I), Tolman Lex. 38, Tolman Cun. Sup. 49, 50, 
Weissbach 82. 

41. Xerxes Persepolis a. The twenty lines of this 
inscription, four times repeated, appear over the 
winged bulls at the doorway of the palace of Xerxes 
at Persepolis and were first published by Rich. 
Later they were published by Lassen, after Wester- 
gaard's copy, Ilawlinson, Flandin and Coste, and in 



4l] IMr.l.ICATIOX OF I.NSCIUI'TIONS. 21 

Stol/e's riiotDsraphs. Copies are given in Kosso- 
wicz 1)3-9(3, Spiegrel r>S (D), Tolniun Le^r. 38-40, Tol- 
man Ciin. Sup. 50-51, "Weissljach l(i6-10S. 

Xerxes Persepolis b. These thirty lines in Ancient 
Persian only are on the Avails of the staircase at the 
north side of the Colunni Hall. They were published 
tii'st by Le Brim cxxvi., then by Niebuhr, Porter, 
Lassen, Grotefend, Texier, Flandin and Coste, and 
in Stolze's Photographs. Copies will be found in 
Kossowicz 101-103, Spiegel 62 (A), Tohnan Lcx. 40, 
Tolman Cun. Sujy. 51-52, Weissbach 108-110. 

Xerxes Persepolis ca was also first published by Le 
Brun cxxxi., later by Lassen, Rich, Flandin and 
Coste, and in Stolze's Photographs. It consists of 
fifteen lines on the door-posts at the southwest corner 
of the palace of Darius. In the form cb it consists of 
twenty-five lines on the south wall of the terrace 
and was first published by Rich, later by Flandin and 
Coste, and in Stolze's Photographs. The inscription 
may be found in Kossowicz 99-100, Spiegel 62-64 (Ca 
and Cb), Tolman Lex. 40-42, Tolman Cun. Sup. 52- 

53, Weissbach 110-112. 

Xerxes Persepolis da, fii'st published by Rich (then 
by Flandin and Coste and in Stolze's Photographs) 
consists of nineteen lines on pillars on the north side 
of the palace of Xerxes. In the form db it appears 
in twenty-eight lines on the outer side of the stairway 
at the north of the palace and was first pul^lished by 
Flandin and Coste, also in Stolze's Photographs. 
Copies are given in Kossowicz 97-98, Spiegel 60-62 
(Ea and Eb), Tolman Lex. 42, Tolman Cuik Sup. 53- 

54, Weissbach 112-114. 

Xerxes Persepolis ea and eb. These four lines, first 



22 Pluluatiox of Ixscuii'Tioxs. [41-43 

published l)y Kiebulir, are found over the carved tio;- 
ure of the king, with his attendants holding the sun- 
shade and the fiyflap, on the door-posts of the palace 
of Xerxes, ea on the north side, eb on the east side 
of the palace. They were published also by Saint- 
Martin and Rich. They are given in Kossowicz 96, 
Spiegel 60 (G), Tolman Le'.v. 42, Tolman Cun. Sup. 
54-.55, Weissbach 114. 

42. Artaxerxes Persepolis a, three times repeated 
(aa, ac, ad), appears on the north terrace wall of the 
palace of Artaxerxes III. It consists of twenty-six 
lines and was first published by Rich, pi. xxiii. In 
the form of Art. Pers. b, in thirty-iive lines, it is 
found beside the steps on the w^est side of the palace 
of Darius and was first published by Flandin and 
Coste, Vol. iii., pi. cxxv. Copies are given in Kosso- 
wicz 132-133, Spiegel 68-70 (P), Tolman Lex. 42-44, 
Tolman Cun. Sup. 55-56, Weissbach 128. 

43. Nine or ten miles northwest of Persepolis, at 
Naks-i-Rustam ("Picture of Rustam," a mythical 
hero), on the precipitous south side of the mountain, 
are hewn out the tombs of four Achjemenidan kings. 
These tombs have the same form, each with four pil- 
lars, with the entrance at the middle. Over this are 
two rows of figures upholding a platform on which 
the king stands before an altar, and above is the divine 
symbol. On one of these tombs the following in- 
scriptions are found: 

NRa, at the left of the figure of the king, consists 
of sixty lines and was first published by Lassen, 
after Westergaard's copy, given also in Stolze's Pho- 
tographs. 

NRb appears underneath the rows of figures be- 



43-44] I*ri'.LI(ATI().\ OK I.NSCKirTIONS. 23 

tvveen the pillars at the left of the entrance and con- 
sists of sixty lines. The first nine of these were first 
published by Lassen, after Westerguarcrs copy; while 
the first fifteen were pii])lished by Kawlinson, also 
after AVester<raard, only in transliteration (later also 
by Flandin and Coste). Additional readings have 
been furnished by the work of Weissbach, Die Keil- 
iiischrtften am Grahe des D<(rim. 

NRc, consisting of two lines over the figure of the 
spear-bearer at the left of the king; NRd, of two lines 
under the figure of the spear-l)earer and over that of 
the bowman; and NRe, one line, over one of the fig- 
ures carrying the throne, were first copied by Tasker 
and published by Rawliuson. 

Over the heads of several other throne-bearers are 
inscriptions which have more recently been made out 
from copies by Babin and Houssay and are translated 
by Weissbach in Die KeiUnschriften am Grabe des 
Darius^ referred to by him as NR I., II., III., IV., 
XV., XVL, XVIL, XXIX. (=NRe). 

Copies of the Naks-i-Rustam inscriptions are given 
in Kossowicz 76-80, Spiegel 52-58, Tolman Lex. 
4J-^8, Tolman Cxn. Sup. 56-61, Weissbach 86-95, 
also Weissbach Die Ke'dinschriften am Grahe des 
Darius 1-53, with plates. 

44. The Persian kings had their winter home at 
Susa, on the eastern bank of the Choaspes, in the 
province of Susiana. An area of several square 
miles is now covered hj the ruins of the ancient city. 
From the excavations carried on here we have sevei*al 
inscriptions. 

Darius Susa a and b, the one of five lines, the other 
of eleven, both mutilated, are on two clay tablets now 



24 Prr.LicATiox of Ixscrii*tio\s. L44-47 

in the Louvre. They were first published by Dicu- 
lafoy, and copies are given in Tohuan Lex. 48, Tol- 
man Cun. Sup. 61-62, Weissbach 98. 

45. Xerxes Susa, in two lines of three languages 
around a column base now in the Louvre, was photo- 
gi'aphed and published by J. de Morgan, Delegation 
en Perse i. 90. The photograph is copied with trans- 
literation and translation in Tolman Lex. 1. The 
cuneiform copy is given in Tolman Cun. Suj). 62. 

46. Artaxerxes Susa a, of five lines, is on the ped- 
estals of four columns of a hall similar to the Column 
Hall at Persepolis. The inscription was first pub- 
lished by Loftus, as was also Art. Sus. b, one line on 
a pedestal taken from another part of the ruins and 
brought to the Louvre by Dieulafoy. Art. Sus. c, of 
seven lines and in Ancient Persian only, is on a stone 
plate now in the Louvre and was fii'st published by 
Dieulafoy. 

Copies of these inscriptions are given in Kosso- 
wicz 126-127 (except Art. Sus. c), Tolman Lex. 48-50, 
Tolman Oim. Sup. 62-6-3, Weissbach 122-124. 

47. The Inscriptions of Suez, connn em orating the 
completion of the canal from the Nile to the Red Sea, 
are on a pillar found near Shaluf et-Terrabeh,in Egypt. 
On one of the two flat surfaces is a winged disc above, 
while the figures of two men below hold between 
them a tablet with an inscription of the single word 
" Darius" in Ancient Persian only (Suez a). Suez b, 
of seven lines, occurs in Persian at the right of the 
figures mentioned, in Elamite and Babylonian at the 
left. The whole lower part is occupied by Suez c, 
twelve lines, in Ancient Persian, Elamite, and Baby- 
lonian, though the last is now wholly obliterated. 



47-491 l*i'i{LicATio.\ OF I.xscKirTioxs. 25 

The hierooflyphics on the back side of the pilhir are 
not a translation of the Persian text. 

These three inscriptions were first published by 
Oppert in L'' Academle des Inscriptions. Copies are 
found in Kossowicz 52-53, Spicorel 50-52 (Sz. b 
and Sz. c designated as SZ a and SZ b, respectively; 
Sz. a wanting), J. Menant (1887), Rec. de Travaux 
9, 131, G. Daressy ib. 11, 160ff, Tolman Lex. 50-52, 
Tolman Cun. Sujk 64-65, Weissbach 102-104. 

48. Darius Kerman. On tliree sides of a quadran- 
gular pyramid of black stone from the shrine of 
Nimat-ullah at jSIaghan, a village near the city of 
Kerman, is found this inscription of nine lines. It 
was first published by J. A. Gobineau, Traite de 
VEcriture Cuneifornie i. 323ff. It is also given by 
Jackson, JAOS 27, 193ff, Tolman Lex. 52, Tolman 
Cun. Suj). 65-66, Weissbach 104. 

49. South of Hamadan, on the steep side of the 
mountain of Elvend, are two niches with inscriptions. 
In the left niche, which is somewhat higher than the 
other, is the inscription Darius Elvend, consisting of 
twenty lines, published first by Fr. E. Schulz, then 
by Burnouf, by Flandin and Coste i., pi. 26, Spiegel 
■16 (O), De Morgan Mission Scientijique (2), pi. Iviii., 
Jackson Persia.^ 170flf, Kossowicz 49, Tolman Lex. 
52, Tolman Cun. Sujk 66, Weissbach 100. 

In the niche on the right is the inscription Xerxes 
Elvend, of twenty lines, first published by Burnouf 
after Schulz's copy {Jfemoire sur denx Inscriptions^ 
pi. 4, and JA 3, 9, pi. vi. ), later in Texier 159, 
Flandin and Coste i., pi. 27, Spiegel 64-66 (F), 
Kossowicz 105, Tolman Lex. 52-53, Tolman Cun. 
Sup. 67, Weissbach 116. 



2() I*ri!LI('ATIO.\ OF IXSCRIPTIONS. [50-52 

50. Xerxes Van. In a rectano;ular niche sixty feet 
high, on the perpendicular rock of the citadel of Van, 
is found this inscription of Xerxes, consisting of 
twenty-seven lines. It was first published after 
Schulz's copy in JA iii. 9, pi. 2, and later in Texier 
139, Spiegel 66 (K), Kossowicz 109-110, Lehman 
SitzungsbericJtte d. k. P/'euss. Academie d. TF?.<f.s., 
(1900), pi. ii., Tolman Lex. 54, Tolman fun. Sup. 
67-C9, Weissbach 11*^-118. 

51. Artaxerxes Hamadan. This inscription of seven 
lines on fragments of two pedestals found in Hama- 
dan and now in the British Museum was first pub- 
lished in 1890 by B. T. Evetts in ZA 5, 413flf. It 
was described by Pinches (1885) PSBA 7, 132ff, and 
by Tolman in the Reexamination of the Inscription 
of Artaxerxes II. , PAPA 36, 32. It may be found in 
Tolman Lex. 51, Tolman Cnn. Suj). 69, Weissbach 126. 

52. Murghab. In the ruins of a palace at Murghab, 
twenty-eight miles northeast of Persepolis, is a mono- 
lith on which, above the relief of a winged figure, 
was formerly an inscription of two lines: "I (am) Cy- 
rus the king, the Achgemenide." It is repeated on 
three other pillars and was formerly on one high 
column, from which, however, it has now vanished. 
Since the name of the father is not given, some doubt 
has arisen whether it is to be assigned to Cyrus the 
Elder, son of Cambyses, or C^a-us the Younger, son 
of Darius Nothus. But the elder Cyrus had hitherto 
left only Bal)ylonian inscriptions, and it has been 
thought improbable that he would have adopted a 
new language for a single two-line inscription. And 
Darius seems to say (I>h. Ij) that he was the first to 
write an inscription in the Aryan language. 



52-54I I*('i;li('ati().\' ok Ixsckh'Tions. 27 

This inscription was first pultlished by Morier pi. 
29, Later it is o:i\cu in Onscley Trareh 2, pi. 49, 
Porter 1, pi. 13, Saiut-.Martin JA 2, Rich pi. 12, 
Texier 2, pi. 84, Flandin and Coste 4, pi. 199 A- 
E, Spiegel 2 (M), DieuUifoy rArt Antique <Je hi 
Peme 1, pis. 18 and 14, Curzon Permi^ 2T0tf, 
Jackson Persia^ 279ff, Tolman Lex, 56, Tolman Cun. 
Slip, r.!), Weissl)ach 126. 

53. Darius Seal. On one side of a small cylinder 
now in the British Museum is this inscription of a 
siug'lo line, which was first published ])y Grotefend 
in A^cuc. Beifr. .5, Fig. ii. It has been frequenth' 
copied and may be found in Kossowicz 57, Spiegel 
50 (Na), Tolman Lev. 56, Tolman Cim. Sup. 70, 
Weissbach 106. 

54. Other Seal Inscriptions are the following: 

a. This inscription, now in the British Museum, 
consists of eight lines, and was first published by 
Grotefend in 1850, ZKM 7, pi. 5. It is also given by 
Layard Discoveries 2, 607, Spiegel 70 (R), Kossowicz 
136, ]\Ienant Les AcMnienides (1872), King Hand- 
hook of Engraved Gems 203, pi. v., Tolman Lex. 
56, Tolman Cidi. Sup. 70, Weissbach 130. 

b. This consists of three mutilated lines on a seal 
formerly in the possession of A.' Raif6 in Paris. It 
was first published by Lenorniflnt in his Ckifalogue 
de la CoUection A. Baife 69, later by M^nant 153, 
also Tolman Lex. 56, Tolman Cun. Siijj. 70, Weiss- 
bach 130. 

c and d. These two inscriptions of a single word 
each were first published by De Gobineau in 18T4 in 
RA ( Nouv. ser. ) 27, 383. They are given in Tolman 
Lex. 56, Tolman Cun. Sup. 70, Weissbach 130. 



28 Publication of Inscrii'tions. [54-56 

e. This consists of three lines on a seal in the Mu- 
see des Armures^ in Brussels. It was first published 
by M^nant in Comptes Rendus de V Acadenne des In- 
scriptions (1877) 333ff, later by Justi in the Iran- 
isches Namenhuch 173. It is copied in Tolman Lex. 
56, Tolman Cun. Sup. 70-71, Weissbach 130. 

55. Darius Weight Inscription. These eight lines, 
on a weight of green basalt now in the British Mu- 
seum, were first published in 1888 by Budge in PSBA 
10, 464. They are given in Tolman Lex. 56, Tolman 
Cnn. Sup. 71, Weissbach 104. 

56. Xerxes Vase Inscriptions. Three of these vases 
are to be noted, each presenting an inscription of a 
single line: 

a. In four languages on the vase mentioned above 
(10), now in the Cabinet des Medailles of the Biblio- 
th^que Nationale, in Paris. Saint-Martin was the first 
to publish this in JA, Vol. ii., pi. 2. It was described 
by Caylus and published later by Grotefend in the 
N'eue Beitriige z. erl.^persep. I^eilinschriften pi. 2; 
by Pettigi'ew, ArchceoJogia 31, pi. 6. 

b. The same line, though mutilated, on a specimen 
in the British Museum, was first published by Newton 
History of Discoveries 2, Part 1, p. 91; Part 2, p. 
667ff. 

c. The same line again is found on a vase now at 
the University of Pennsylvania, published first by 
A. T. Clay in the Museum Journal 1, 6ff . 

This inscription (a, b, c) may be found also in 
Kossowicz 111, Spiegel ^'o (Qa), Tolman L.ex. 56, 
Tolman Cun. Sup. 71, Weissbach 118. 

Fragments of similar vases w^ere found in Snsa by 
Loftus (see 401)ff) and by Dieulafoy {Acropolis de 



[56-58 Ancient Pek.sian Writing. 29 

/Suse, 435). See also De Morgan Delegation en Perse 
1, p. 130, Tolman Lex. 68. 

57. Artaxerxes Vase Inscriptions. On three vases 
occurs the same line with slight variations: 

a. At Saint Mark's, in Venice, published first by De 
Longp^rier RA 2, 446, given also in Kossowicz 106, 
Spiegel 68 (Qb), Tolman Lex. 56, Tolman Cun. Sup. 
71, Weiss! )ach 120. 

b. In the museum in Philadelphia. 

c. In the museum in Berlin. 



CHAPTER III. 
The Ancient Persian Writing. 

58. Cuneiform characters, as mere combinations of 
straight lines, are well adapted for engi'aving on stone, 
but not for general writing. The Ancient Persian 
exhibits the simplest form of cuneiform script, hav- 
ing the fewest signs and the simplest combinations 
of their elements. It was the fact that the simplest 
kind of w^riting always came first in the trilingual in- 
scriptions that led Grotefend to believe that this 
must have been the most important and therefore the 
language of the Achjemenidan kings. The stroke is 
always downward or to the right — /. ^., the head of 
the wedge is always up or to the left and the angles 
open to the right. The reading likewise is from 
left to right. 

There are thirty-six characters of syllabic value,each 
composed of from two to five elements. In addition 
to these are four ideograms of five or six elements 
each. There are also two word-dividers and eisfhteen 



80 A.N'ciENT I'eksian Writing. 1 58-59 

numerical signs. There are three vowel signs in the 
syllabary, while the remaining thirty-three signs rep- 
resent a combination of a consonant with a vowel 
sound, twenty-two with a, four with /, and seven 
with v.. 

59. The following are the cuneiform signs: 





SYLI>ABARY. 




'nr a a 


-Kr 


T« f 


-«r« 


" ii 


^<Bf 


:=:T b'' 


--Tl'* 


<'TT uu 


:=Tri f 


:r< n^^ 


-I^v^ 


lJ= k'' 


iri-t" 


«:=n^^ 


"fr v' 


<T k" 


T<I e-^ 


-TTIm=^ 


T^ s^ 


«IIx^ 


Tr d" 


T<:::m^ 


*<< s"^ 


<U-g" 


^11 d^ 


^<-m" 


Tt ^" 


<H^r 


<B] d" 


K-r 


T— ]z- 


TY-c^' 


hr P^ 


^I r^' 


<^<h'' 



IDEOGRAMS. 

^<^K xsaya^iya WT bumi 

< <] T» ^ < I dah ^^K auramazda 



59-6iJ Ancient I'kksian W'uiting. 31 

WORD-DIVIDERS. 
< \ 

NUMERALS. 
T I UT 5 < 10 <T 22 

\ 2 V/t^8 <nji5 <<rTl25,etc. 

6o. The three vowel sio;ns are used (1) for writing 
initial vowels, with no distinction of quantity, and 
(2) theoretically for writing a medial or final long 
vowel, when added to the corresponding syllable sign. 

6i. The long vowel almost invariably occurs in the 
case of an a-consonant + a> l^^ut even here it seems 
certain that the a-sign was sometimes added at the 
end of a word, not to indicate the quantity of the 
vowel, but to represent graphically the final a {.scriptio 
plena). Thus the gen. sg. ending of a-stems (I. E. 
-syo, Skt. -sya) is generally written -hya, i. (., -hy'^a, 
e. 17., aniyahya, avahya, karahya; yet we find in sev- 
eral instances, especially in names of months, the gen. 
form in -hya, i. (\, -hy"' {.'^erij^f/'o defect iva), e. g., gar- 
mapadahya, vahyazdatahya, viyaxnahya, etc. Scrij?- 
tio p/e)ifi, may be seen again in the vocative of an a- 
stem, martiya (NKa 50). This subject is discussed in 
Tolman Zex. 105. 

The closeness of connection between the genitive 
and the word following may in some cases account 
for the variation -hya, -hya. So we find mana, avada 
(probably originally -a), avahya; but when an enclitic 
follows, manaca, avadasis, avahyaradiy. (See 586.) 
But both utamaiy and utamaiy occur. The verbal 
prefix para becomes para before forms beginning 



82 Ancient 1'ersian Writing. [61-65 

with a vowel, e, r/., paraidiy, paraita (see 213), but 
paragmata. 

62. With i- and u-consonants the vowel sign regu- 
larly follows, and there is no distinction of quantity; 
e. g., d'id'iy = didiy, k"ur"u = kuru. 

In a few instances an i- or u- vowel fails to be 
written after the i- or u-consonant. Such scriptio 
defectiva is illustrated by v'^am Bh. 1. 69, 71, v'staspa- 
hya Bh. 1.' 2-3, nabukMracara Bh. 1. 78-7l>, 84, 93. 

63. The vowel signs for i and u are added to the 
a-consonant signs to form diphthongs, as av4na = 
avaina, k'^ufa = kaufa. 

64. As may be seen from the table above, there are 
several consonants which show no differentiation of 
form when followed by an i- or u- vowel. Thus we 
transliterate p'^t'^iy, patiy; p'^ifa, pita; p'^u^'a, pu^'^a. 
Sometimes we are in doubt whether an a-sound still 
inheres in the consonant sign before i or u; thus, e. (/., 
c^ispi can be read caispi (Grk. T€L(nrr]<;) or cispi (Elam. 
zispis). See Tolman Zex. 89. Likewise it is not 
always possible to determine consonant groups and 
finals. 

65. Such a system of syllabic writing necessarily 
gives rise to much ambiguity in the matter of trans- 
literation. The Ancient Persian ad^m", e. ^., could 
be transliterated adam (as Lassen read, mistaking the 
word for the first pers. aor. of da, y^/^/et), adama, adma, 
adm, adam, adama, adma, or adm. It is only by com- 
parison with etymological equivalents — e. </., Skt. 
aham — that we know adam to be the correct form. 
Where this ambiguity exists, the form can generally 
be determined, as in this instance, by etymological 
and phonetic laws. Furthermore, for transliteration 



65-66J AxciKNT I'KKsiAx \\'Krii.\(;. :;:{ 

of pr()i)er names, iiiatciial is furnished from the Baby- 
lonian and Elamite versions, as also from (ireek 
equivalents. 

Note. — Since Aryan k ([. K. q) and g(I. E. g) before a pal- 
atal vowel were changed to c and j, respectively (145), thei"e 
could be no need in Ancient Persian for such characters as 
k' or g". Again, since c anc' i are palatals, there is no need of 
characters for c" and j". 

66. The Ancient Persian, further, presents the fol- 
lowing g^-aphical peculiarities: 

1. Final i- and u- vowels are protected by the cor- 
respondin<j semivowels y and v; t. g.^ atiy, Skt. ati; 
patuv, Skt. patu. 

(/. The y and v are reofularly not written before 
enclitics and in compounds before an element begin- 
ning with a consonant; e. 9., raucapativa, imaiva, 
hauciy, hausaiy, paribarahy (but patiyabaram). paru- 
zananam (written also paruvzananam, and again 
paruv zananam — see I ml. Verh. p. 34; we find also 
hauvciy, hauvtaiy, hauvmaiy). 

I. In one word we seem to have uv for u before an 
ending, paruvnam (p^r^'uv^n^am") in Dar. NRa. 6, 7 
(also Art. Pers. a. (>, 7: b. 8-'.>. 10), written elsewhere 
parunam. 

c. The phrase duraiy apiy is found usually as two 
words, but in one place where the word-divider is not 
used the y is also omitted, and we have duraiapiy, Dar. 
NRa. 12; but in Dar. NRa. 46, durayapiy. 

(I. After h merely -y, not -iy, is always written at 
the end of a word, as ahy, you ai't\ ])ut amiy, I am; 
so paribarahy. But with an enclitic following, the 
vowel is omitted altogether in paribarah(i)dis and vi- 
kanah(i)dis. 



34 Ancient I*ersian Writing. [66 

2. y and v after consonants appear as iy and uv 
(see Tolman Ciin. Sup. In trod. §§ 14, l'.»); c. r/., 
-jamiya (Skt. jamyat); haruva, Skt. sarva. 

a. Occasionally aiy is written ay; e. g., -tay Bh. 
4. 58, duray- Dar. KRa. 4(3, and the ending -hay (I. 
E. -sai) of the 2d sg. mid. pres. in maniyahay (see 
Tolman Lex. 116). 

3. Nasals before explosives are not written, nor is 
final n; e. r/., bM'^k'' = baMaka, subject; cf. YAv. band, 
Skt. bandh, hind; ab'*r'' = abara", they hove; Skt. 
abharan, I. E. *ebheront, Grk. l<^(.pov. 

Note. — One exception in the use of the nasal before an ex- 
plosive occurs in the co)upound verb form hamtaxsataiy, Dar. 
NRb. 16. 

4. Original nasalization of the vowel in Skt. gan, 
Av. sah, seems not to occur in the Ancient Persian 
forms of ^ah, nay. 

5. The writing shows no double consonants; e. _f/., 
Anc. Pers. ^atagus, but Bab. sa-at-ta-gu-u, Elam. 
sa-ad-da-ku-is, Grk. SarTayvSai. 

6. hy% as is mentioned above (1, d), is used as a 
gi-aphic representation of h'y; e. g. , 2d sg. pres. act. 
ending -hy {i. e. , -hiy, I. E. -si) in xsnasah'y, ah'y. 

7. h is not wi'itten before u (192) — e. g., aura, Av. 
ahura — and it is likely it was not pronounced. Cf. 
Elam. uramasda, Bab. u-ra-ma-az-da for Anc. Pers. 
auramazda. However, the Babylonian sometimes ap- 
pears to preserve the h-sound as shown in the trans- 
literation a-hu-ur-ma-az-da- ' ; yet it never occurs with 
hu in the Babylonian version of the Behistan Inscrip- 
tion, The h of *vahu (Skt. vasu) in the name daray- 
avaus was lost, though it appears in the gen. daray- 



66-68] An'ciext Picksiax WitrrixG. 35 

avahaus; so also in the first element of vaumisa, which 
the Greek (Phitarch) renders *fi/xtcn;s. 

That the h-sound (pussing over to x) once belonged 
before u (uv) in certain places may be inferred from 
such examples as uvarazmis, Grk. Xajfjua-iMia; harauvatis, 

Grk. 'A/oa;(aJcrta. 

8. Occasionally h before a or i is not written; e. g., 
6sitiy for ^aatiy, cf. a^aha; aistata for *asistata (192). 

ritONUNCIATION. 

67. The vowels a, i, and u have the usual sounds of 
the corresponding vowels in Sanskrit and Avestan, 
and when etymology shows them to be long, they are 
in this work so marked, a, i, u; so, Anc. Pers. xsa^'"a, 
Av. xsa^ra, Skt. ksatra; Anc. Pers. ga(9u, Av. gatu, 
Skt. gatu; Anc. Pers. ci^'"a, Av. ci^ra, Skt. citra; Anc. 
Pers. jiva, Av. jivaiti, Skt. jivati; Anc. Pers. pu^''a, 
Av. pu^ra, Skt. putra; Anc. Pers. bumi, A v. bumi, 
Skt. bhumi. 

Combination of these vowel sounds occurs in the 
diphthongs ai, au, ai, and au. 

68. Tenues and Mediae (139). 

The tenues k, t, p are pronounced as in the Euro- 
pean languages. 

The mediae g, d, b are pronounced as the ordinary 
European g-, d-, and b-sounds, and possibly some- 
times as spirants (= Av. y, S, w). 

The palatals c and j were somewhat like the ts- and 
dz-sounds in the Italian ctmt')^ (jente; English chwch^ 
judge. It is possible that j in certain words was 
spoken as spirant Z; e. fj. , in nijayam ( = Iran, nil -|- 
ayam); cf. A v. niz before sonants. 



36 Ancient 1*krsian Writing. [68-71 

As Ar. cy became in Anc. Pers. sy (150), j of the 
combination jy may have been pronounced z, in adu- 
rujiya, he lied^ Av. druzaiti, Skt. druhyati. 

It may be noted also that the proper name ka"bu- 
jiya is rendered in Greek Ka/x/Juo-T^s. 

69. Spiranta (139)- 

X, ^, f have the same sounds as in Av. ; x as ch in 
the Scotch locli^ Mod. Grk. x; ^ as th in Eng. thin; f 
as in English. 

The sound indicated by the ligature d"" is uncertain; 
e. g., corresponding to the Av. mi^ra we should ex- 
pect *mi^'"a, but we find this word written m'^ra, 
m'tra, -misa (vau-misa); cf. Elam. mi-is-sa, Bab. 
mi-it-ri, Grk. Mtrpa-SaTi;?. 

The sibilants s, s, z are pronounced as in Av., s 
much as the csA of English. 

70. JTasals. 

n and m have their ordinary pronunciation. For 
the omission, in w'riting, of nasals medial before ex- 
plosives, and final, see 66. 3. 

71. Semivowels and Lujidds. 

The semivowels y and v are pronounced as in Av. -, 
when initial they perhaps had something of a spirantal 
value. It is possible also that iy and uv after conso- 
nants were more or less spirantal in force, as in 
siyati, 6'uvam. 

r is a li(]uid, but the value of this sign when repre- 
senting Primitive Aryan vocalic r is imcertain. We 
transliterate ar, e. g. , Anc. Pers. karta, Skt. krta. 

It has been held that there must have been in pro- 
nunciation, although not in writing, a distinction Ijc- 
tween the consonant ra (or ar) and the vowel r. 
Meillet would even assign to the initial a before r the 



71-73] rxDo-KuRoi-EAX La\(;iages. :J7 

value of the Semitic aleph and read 'rstam, 'rstis for 
arstam, arstis; but of. Tolman, AJP 30, 402. 

It is worthy of note that 1 occurs only in two for- 
eign names: haldita (Elani. altita) and dubala, l)oth 
in Bh. 3. Ti>. The Bal). 1 is represented ^)\ the Anc. 
Pers. r in tigram, Bab. di-ik-lat. 

72. Aspiration. 

h has its ordinary pronunciation, bnt the aspiration 
in certain positions seems to have been very weak. 
For the omission of h before u and medially before 
other vowels, see 66. T; 192. 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Indo-Eueopean Languages. 

73. The following is, in general, the classification 
of Indo-European languages usually given by phil- 
ologists. 

INDO-EUROPEAN FAMILY. 

I. In do-Iranian (75). 

1, Indian: A. Sanskrit (Old Indian), <i. Vedic, 

h. Classical. 

B. Prakrit and Pali (Middle Indian). 

C. Hindi and other Modern Dia- 

lects (New Indian). 

2. Iranian: A. Old Iranian (76). 

a. (West) Ancient Persian 

(Language of the court). 
h. (East) Avesta (77-79) (Sa- 
cred Literature). 

a. Giltha-Avesta. 
J). Younger Avesta. 



38 Indo-European Languages. [73 

B. Middle Iranian: Pahlavi or Mid- 

dle Persian. 

C. New Iranian: a. Modern Persian 

and related dialects, as 
h. Kurdish. f. Balucl. 
e. Ossetish. g. Caspian Group. 

d. Afghan. //, Central Group. 

e. Pamir. 
II. Armenian. 

III. Greek. 

1. Ionic-Attic. 

2. Doric. 

3. Northwest Greek. 

4. Elian. 

5. Arcadian-Cyprian. 

6. Aeolic, Northeast Greek. 

7. Pamphylian. 

IV. Albanian. 
V. Italic. 

1. Latin, from which are Portuguese, Spanish, 

Catalanian, Provencal, French, Italian, Ras- 
toromanic, Roumanian. 

2. Other Italic Dialects, as Oscan-Unil)rian, 

Messapian, Venetian, Ligurian. 
VI. Keltic. 

1. Gallic. 

2. British: A. Welsh, B. Cornish, C. Breton. 

3. Gaelic: A. Irish, B. Scotch, C. Manx. 
Vn. Germanic. 

1. East Germanic: A. Gothic. 

B. Norse. 

2. West Germanic: Anglo-Saxon, Frisian, Low 

German (Old Saxon), Old High German, 



73-74J Ixno-lOiRorKAX Lan(;ca(;ks. 30 

Old Low Franconian (whence Dutch and 
Flomish). 
Vlll. Halto-Shivonic. 

1. Baltic: Old Prussian, Lithuanian, Lettic. 

2. Slavonic: A. Southeastern Group, includ- 

inof Russian, Bulgarian, Ser- 
vian, Croatian, Slovenian. 
B. "Western Group, including 
Bohemian (Czech), Sorbian 
(Wendish), Polish , Polabish. 
To these groups is to be added Tocharian, the newly 
discovered Indo-European language from Chinese 
Turkestan. 

74. Indo-European. Other names that have been 
used for this family of languages are Aryan, Indo- 
Germanic, Indo-Keltic. The tirst of these is objec- 
tionable, since the term belongs properly only to the 
Indo-Ii-anian group. The Sanskrit word arya means 
honorable or excellent and was applied originally to 
the three higher classes of the Indian people. Darius 
called himself (NRa 14) an Aryan, son of an Aryan, 
and the Zoroastrians call themselves Aryan. Indo- 
Germanic, as giving the extreme limits of the terri- 
tory occupied by the peoples of this family, is a name 
preferred by the Germans. But the Kelts are omit- 
ted unless, indeed, the "Germanic" limit be Iceland. 
It was this objection that led some, after the Keltic 
had been ascertained as belonging to the family, to 
suggest the name Indo-Keltic; but this has not come 
into common use. Indo-European is perhaps more 
nearly satisfactory than the other terms, but even 
here the tirst element is too restricted and the second 
too comprehensive, for the Iranian must be included 



40 Indo-Euroi'eax Languages. [74-76 

with the Indian, and some of the European languages 
must be exchided from the family, while no provi- 
sion is made for the Armenian. The Tocharian, fur- 
thermore, the language recently discovered in Chinese 
Turkestan, is not included by the use of any of these 
names. 

75. Indo-Iranian (Aryan). The chief characteristic 
of the Indo-lranian group is the leveling of Indo- 
European a-, e-, and o-sounds to the a-sound. As 
will be seen below (79), this a in A v. suffered later 
changes. The following are examples of the ludo- 
Ii-anian leveling of the vowels: I. E. *apo, Skt. apa, 
Anc. Pers. apa-, YAv. apa; I. E. *esti, Skt. asti, Anc. 
Pers. astiy, Av. asti; I. E. *mater, Skt. matar, Anc. 
Pers. -matar, Av. matar; I. E. root *dhe, Skt. dha, 
Anc. Pers. da; I. E. root *do, Skt. da, Anc. Pers. da, 
Av. da. 

76. Old Iranian. Both the Ancient Persian and the 
Avestan are, of course, closely related to the Sanskrit. 
As common Iranian characteristics distinguishing 
these two languages from the Sanskrit may be men- 
tioned briefly the following: 

(1) The original mediae aspiratas (139) gh, dh, bh 
become the simple mediffi g, d, b. They so remained 
in the Gatha dialect (77) of the Avestan, but in the 
Younger dialect, and probably sometimes in Ancient 
Persian, they became voiced spirants; e. g., Skt. 
dirgham, Anc. Pers. dargam, GAv. darsga, YAv. 
dar9ya; Skt. adha, Anc. Pers, ada, GAv. ada, YAv. 
aSa; Skt. abhi, Anc. Pers. ably, GAv. aibi, YAv. 
aiwi. 

(2) The original tenues (139) k, t, p are regularly 
changed before consonants into the spirants x, 6, f ; 



76-78J Ixno-IOriiorKAx LAXciiAUKs. 41 

c. _(/., 8kt. ksatra, Aik-. I'cis. xsa^'a, Av. xsa^ra; Skt. 
pra, Ane. Pers. fra-, A v. fra. 

(;>) Oiiijinal initial s becomes h, but in Anc, Pers. 
is not wiitlen before u; e. r/., Skt. soma, Anc. Pers. 
hauma-, YAv. haoma-; Skt. su-, Anc. Pers. u-, A v. hu-. 
Medial s may l)e written in Anc. Pers. as h (always ^^V 
omitted before u) and in A v. as hh; c. (/., Skt. vasu, 
Anc. Pers. -va(h)u, YAv. vahhu. 

(4) The development of soft sibilants; e. (/., Skt. 
asuro medhas, Anc. Pers. auramazda, Av. ahura 
mazdah. 

(5) Ori<rinal (k-)sk(h), Skt. ch, is represented by s; 
e. g., Skt. prchami, Anc. Pers. aparsam, A v. p9r8sami. 

77. The Avesta. This is the language of the oldest 
Avritings of the Zoroastrians, the sacred books of the 
Ancient Persians and (with dialectic changes) of the 
Modern Parsis. The name Avesta is from avistak, 
which, in the Pahlavl of the Sassaniau period, meant 
scriptHres, perhaps originally signifying Inoirledye^ 
like the Veda of India, or possibly meaning ordi- 
nance^ law. The term Zend or Zend-Avesta is inac- 
cm'ately used from the frequently recurring phrase 
avistak va zand, the law and the counneiitary^ or 
tJie holy text and the interpretation. In age the lan- 
guage of parts of the Avestan text almost equals the 
Vedic dialect of the Sanskrit, but some of the younger 
portions are very late. ^ 

Gathas means s'onfjs'., that is, the metrical sermons ^ 
of Zoroaster. The Younger Avesta bears much the 
same relation to the Gathus as Classical Sanskrit bears 
to the Veda or Classical Greek to Homer. 

78. It has long been a mooted question as to how 
far the Mazdeism of the Avesta and the Mazdeism of 



42 Indo-European Languages. [78-79 

the Persian Inscriptions are identical. There is much 
to show that the religion of the Achoemenidan kings 
was in close accord with that of the Avestan teach- 
ing. In the newly discovered material on the lower 
inscription of the grave of Darius (37), Tolman 
(AJP. 31, 80) compares a mutilated passage with all 
Avestan theologic phrase which may serve to show 
that the king was really employing an expression pe- 
culiar to the sacred books. 

79. (1) In phonetic and grammatical structure the 
Ancient Persian and the Avestan are very similar, 
but the Avestan developed e- and o-soimds out of the 
a- vowel and introduced several diphthongs. Avestan 
(84) is often written for Ancient Persian a before 
m or n, generally so before final m: e. g., Av. up9m9m, 
Skt. upamam. The Avestan ara (ars) corresponds to 
the Ancient Persian (a)r, Sanskrit r; e. ^., Av. p9ra- 
sami, Anc. Pers. aparsam, Skt. prchami. In Younger 
r Avestan e was written for ya in words of more than 
one sjdlable; e. </., the YAv. gen. ending -a-he for 
' Anc. Pers. -a-hya, Skt. -a-sya. The Avestan regu- 
larly shortened original long final vowels (except 0), 
as YAv. pita, Anc. Pers. pita, Skt, pita. But the 
Gatha dialect lengthened all original short final 
vowels, the Younger Avestan those of monosyllables 
only; as, Av. fra- Anc. Pers, fra, Skt, pra. i and u are 
regularly written long before final m in Avestan; e.g., 
Av, paitim, Skt. patim; Av, mainyum, Skt. manyum. 

r- (2) A marked feature of this language is the epen- 
thetic i or u when the following syllable contains i, i, 

I e, e, y, or u, v; e. g., Av. bavaiti, Anc, Pers, bavatiy. 

I Epenthesis of u takes place before r, as YAv. haurva, 
Anc. Pers. haruva. 



79-8oJ Indo-Kurui'F.ax Languages. 4.*? 

(3) The Avestan generally omits the iuiofnient, while 
the Ancient Persian retains it except in injunctive 
forms, e. g., A v. bar9m, Anc. Pers. abaram, Skt. 
abharam. 
^ (-t) Final -as of the Sanskrit is written in Avestan 
i^as -0 and in Ancient Persian as -a; c f/., Skt. putras, 
Av. pu^o, Anc. Pers. pu^'a. Final -as of the San- 
ski'it appears as a in Avestan and a in Ancient Persian ; 
"e. (j.^ Skt. senayas, A v. haenaya, Anc. Pers. hainaya. 
(5) Sanskrit j is often represented in Avestan ])y z, 
in Ancient Persian by d (/. t., 8) or z (158); e. ^., Skt. 
jrayas, YAv. zrayah, Anc. Pers. drayah. These same 
sounds also represent what in Sanskrit l)ecame h; e. g.^ 
Skt. hasta, Av. zasta, Anc. Pers. dasta. Sanskrit 9v,~| 
represented in Ancient Persian by sp and s (219. 2. a), / * *W 
appears in Avestan as sp; e. g. , Skt. agva, Anc. Pers.J 
aspa-, asa, YAv. aspa. Avestan s represents rt of thel \ 
Sanskrit and the Ancient Persian, as, Av. masya, Skt. j 
martya, Anc. Pers. martiya. 

80. Pahlavi. The Ancient Persian is the mother 
tongue of both ISIiddle and Modern Persian. The 
name Pahlavi, from Pers. pahlav, Jiero^ Anc. Pers. 
par^ava, Partlilan^ Skt. pahlava, Persian^ is applied 
to the Persian lanofuage of the middle period, from 
the third to the ninth or tenth century. It is a mix- 
ture of speech where Semitic words are used side by 
side with Persian, or Semitic words with Persian ter- 
minations. According to Il)n Mokafta (of the eighth 
century), the Persian of this period had about a 
thousand words written in Semitic form, but pro- 
nounced in Persian, malkan malka, e. (/., lilng of 
Icings^ was spoken as sahan sah — much as we read Latin 
abbreviations in English by the English equivalents. 



xl 



44 IxDo-EiRorEAx Languages. [80-81 

In its grainiiiatical forms and its phonology, I'ahlavl 
is much nearer to the Modern Persian than to the 
Ancient Persian. The inflectional forms are much 
fewer in number than those of the older languaofe; 
distinctive forms for gender are no longer used; the 
Jcase endings are practically lost, the commonly re- 
;curring -an (possibly derived from the Anc. Pers. 
-anam of the gen. pi. of a-stems) being used as a 
I plural suffix, while the genitive or adjectival relation 
is expressed by the short vowel -i- (probably from the 
Anc. Pers. pronoun hya); case relations are expressed 
~by prepositions; and compound verb forms are com- 
mon. Some of the phonological characteristics of 
Pahlavl are mentioned below in comparison with the 
New Persian. 

81. New Persian. The relation of the New to the 
Ancient Persian presents something of a parallel to 
the relation of Modern English to Anglo-Saxon, in 
that an analytic language has developed from one 
highly inflectional. Modern Persian has also been 
influenced by the introduction of Aralnc words, es- 
pecially in the w^'itten language. With the loss of 
inflections has come a corresponding development of 
syntax. Some interesting points of difference be- 
tween the phonology of the ancient language and 
that of the New Persian are the following: 

(1) Original initial a has been lost; e. g.^ Anc. Pers. 
a^a"gaina, of st(>tu\ A v. asanga, New Pers. sang. 

(2) Ancient Persian ai (Phi. e) became in New 
Persian e, i, while Ancient Persian au (Phi. 6) became 
6, u; <?. ^., Anc. Pers. naiba, l>e<(>if!fiiJ^ Phi. nev(ak), 
New Pers. nev; Anc. Pers. raucah, day^ Av. raocah, 
Phi. roc, New Pers. roz. 



81-82] 1 .\i)()-Imk<)I'i:a.\ LAX(;rA<ii:s. 45 

(.')) k, t, p, c of AiK-iciit Persian may appear as g, 

d, b, z, respectively (especially between vowels); e. (j.^ \i 
Av. sukuruna, 2^'>i'c^']>'»''i Plil- sukur, New Pcrs. su- 
gur(nah); Anc. Pcrs. bratar, Irotlur^ A v. bratar, New 

Pers. biradar; Anc. Pers. ap, vmtcr^ Phi. ap, New 
Pers. ab; Anc. Pers. raucah, day^ Av. raocah. Phi. 
roc, New Pers. rbz. 

(4) Ancient Persian f and 6 sometimes appear as h; 

e. f/., Anc. Pcrs. kaufa, 'inoHntain^ A v. kaofa, Phi. 
kof(ak), New Pcrs. koh; Anc. Pers. ga^u, ^dace^ Av. 
gatu, New Pers. gah. ^"^ 

(5) Ori2:inal d and dh may appear as y, the y being 
interposed on account of the loss of either letter be- 
tween vowels; e. </., Skt. khadati, New Pers. xayad; 
Skt. vadhu, New Pers. bayo. 

(()) y often appears as j; as, Av, yava, Ixirlcy^ New 
Pers. jav. 

(7) The succession of two consonants at the begin- 
ning of a word is avoided by inserting or prefixing a 
vowel; as, New Pers. biradar, Anc. Pers. and A v. 
bratar, IrofJ^ r (cf. 215). 

82. Some Other Dialects, (a) lutrdi.^h, though in 
general very much like the New Persian, is distin- 
guished by a shortening of words, as bara for New 
Pers. biradar. (b) (hseti^h^ which, along with the 
\Yagnohi and the more ancient Sogdian^ is a repre-J \ 
sentative of the Scythian dialects, in its phonology 
resembles the Arnu«ian, in its structure is analytic. 
Its ten cases are formed by postpositions, (c) Afghan 
has suffered many corruptions in its vowel system 
and has many loan words, chiefly from the Persian, 
bat also from Arabic and Indian, (d) Balucl presents 
a consonantal system older than that of any other 



46 The Vowels. [82-85 

modern Persian dialect, showing in this respect much 
the same stage of development as the Pahlavl. 
(e) The ChaJdeo- Pahlavl inscriptions and the texts 
of the Turf an MSS. represent a northwest dialect, 
probably that of the Arsacids. 



CHAPTER V. 

The Vowels. 

1. the indo-european vowfx system. 

83. The Indo-European language had the follow- 
ing vowel-sounds: 

Simple Vowels: a, a, e, e, i, i, 0, 0, u, u, 9. 
Diphthongs: ai, ai, ei, ei, oi, oi, oi, au, au, 

eu, eu, ou, ou, 9u. 
'Vocalic Nasals: n, n, m, m. 

Vocalic Liquids: r, f , 1, 1. 

^ o o o' o 

84. jNIost of the simple vowels are regarded as hav- 
ing the same value as in European languages. 9, 
schvMj is an indeterminate vowel, the value of which 
is someW' hat the same as that of a in the English sofa 
or e in the German Gahe. It resulted from the weak- 
ening of the original a, e, or (cf. 120, 129). 

85. Nasals and liquids may be either vowels or con- 
sonants, their value being determined by their posi- 
tion. Following a vowel, tligy are consonantal; 
elsewhere, vocalic. As vowels they are represented 
graphically by n, m, r, 1, and their sounds occur in 
such English w^ords as gotten, fatliom, lucre, apple, 
i. t'., gottn, fatlim , hi or, ajyjyl. The^-sound, whether 
vocalic or consonantal, becomes palatal or velar (133, 



85-87] Thk Vowels. 47 

139) before the corresponding explosives; and in this 
work n, n represent these sounds in such conil)inations. 

86. As to whether long vocalic nasals and liquids 
existed in the parent language, scholars are not agreed. 

\ Theoretically, n, m, r,l w^ould arise from the loss of e 
L_ in the combinations ana, ems, era, el9; but no Indo- 
European language has preserved a long vocalic nasal 
or liquid, and even among those who contend for the 
existence of these sounds in the parent speech the 
. question of their development in the derived languages 
is by no means satisfactorily solved. 

Even if Latin and Greek forms apparently devel- 
oped from Indo-European long vocalic nasals and liq- 
uids be explained as merely heavy dissyllabic bases 
with loss of the fii'st vowel (129) and the preservation 
of the long vowel of the second syllable, still there re- 
main forms in other languages which are not so to be 
explained; e. </., Skt. jatah (cf. Lat. gnatus) points to 
an I. E. *gntos, and Skt. damyati to a root dm. The 
long vocalic nasals and liquids are, therefore, taken up 
in the following discussion of Indo-European vowels 
as they come into Ancient Persian. 

2. INDO-EUROPEAN VOWELS IN ANCIENT PERSIAN. 

a. 

87. I. E. a remained in Auc. Pers. , as in the oldest 
periods of practically all the other languages of the 
family (but the Bal to-Slav, shows 0); e. g.^ I. E. *apo, 
from^ Anc. Pers. apa-, YAv. apa, Skt. apa, Grk. ctTro, 
Lat. ab, Goth, af; Grk. ax/Awv, aiwll^ Anc. Pers. as- 
man, anvil-stone^ heaven^ YAv. asman, Skt. a9man; 
I. E. *bhago, gcxl^ Anc. Pers. baga, YAv. baya^Mid. 



48 The \'o\vels. [87-89 

Pers. bay, Turfan MSS. bagiystom), Skt. bhaga, Slav, 
bogu (cf. Phrygian ZeCs Bayatos); Grk, a^o/xai, h(/noi\ 
Aiic. Pers. yad, Av. yaz CSlu\. Pers. yastan, New 
Pers. yazdan), Skt. yaj; I. E. *awe, doivn^ A.nc. Pers. 
ava, Av. ava, Skt, ava. 



a. 

88. I. E. a (Germanic, Lith. 6, O. Slav, a) remained 
in Anc. Pers. along with the other Indo-Iranian lan- 
guages, as also in Greek (except Ionic- Attic dialects) 
and in Latin; e. ^., I. E. *mater, mother^ Anc. Pers. 
-matar, A v. matar, Skt. matar, Grk. (Dor.) fi-aT-qp, Lat. 
mater, A. S. moder; I. E. *bhrator, brother^ Anc. Pers. 
bratar (New Pers. biradar, Kurd, bara, Oss. arvada), 
Skt. bhratr, Grk. <^paT-qp, Lat. frater; Grk. (Dor.) 
lo-Ta/Ai, xtand^ Anc. Pers. sta, Av. sta, Skt. stha. 

e. 

89. I. E. e, which was either kept or modified to i 
in most other groups, became a in the Indo-Iranian 
languages; e. (7., I. E. *qe, and^ Anc. Pers. -ca (writ-1 
ten -ca), Av. -ca, Skt. -ca, Grk. n, Lat. -que; I. E. *eti, ^ 
Ixyond^ Anc. Pers. atiy, YAv. aiti(79. 2), Skt. ati,Grk. 
ETt, Lat. et; I. E. *eg(h)o(m), /, Anc. Pers. adam, Av. 
az8m, Skt. aham, Grk. cyw, Lat. ego; L E. *elrwo, 
lioi'sc^ Anc. Pers. aspa-(asa), YAv. aspa (New Pers. 
asp, Afy. aspa), Skt. agva, Lat. equus; I. E. *esti, ^.v, 
Anc. Pers. astiy, Av. asti, Skt. asti, Grk. cart, Lat. 
est; I. E. *pet,y_y, Anc. Pers. pat, YAv. pat, Skt. pat, 
Grk. TTCTo/iat; 1. E. *peri, ahout^ Anc. Pers. parly, Av. 
pairi (79. 2) (New Pers. par-), Skt. pari, Grk. -n-lpc, 

I. E. "sed, .s/V, Anc. Pers. had, YAv. had, Skt. sad, 



89-91] The Vowels. 49 

Grk. cSos; I. E. *bher, hear^ Anc. Pers. bar, A v. bar, 
Skt. bhr, Grk. <i>ip(a, Lat. fero; I. K. *nepb(t), descmrl- 
ant, Anc. Pcrs. napat, Av. napat (New Pers. nava), 
Skt. napat, Lat. nepos. 
r The change of In(k)-European e to a seems to be- 
long to the primitive Aryan period and did not occur 
^. until after the e had changed the preceding velar to 
a palatal (145), as is shown in the example above, 
*qe *ce ca. Bartholomae holds that this change 
took place in the Indo-European period, but the gen- 
eral view is that it belongs to the Aryan. 



e. 

90. I. E. e, retained as e in Grk. (generally), in 
Lat., and in Goth., as e in Lith., ae in A. S., e in O. 
Slav., and i in O. Irish, became a in the Indo-Iranian 
group; e. g., I. E. *dhe, put, Anc. Pers. da, Av. da, 
Skt. dha, Grk. rCd-qixi, Lat. feci; I. E. *esm, I was, Anc. 
Pers. aham, Grk. (Hom.) ^a; nom. sg. of ter-stems, 
I. E. *te(r), Anc. Pers. pita, father, -mata, mother, 

Grk. iraTrjp^ (Dor.) fmrrjp. 

i. 

91. I. E. i remained in the Indo-Iranian group as 1^ 
well as in the older periods of almost all the other 
derived languages. In Latin before r ,s and when 
tinal it appears as e. Examples are: 1. E. *qid, in- 
detinite particle, Anc. Pers. -ciy, YAv. -cit, Skt. -cid 
(cf. Grk. Ti); I. E. *esti, /le is, Anc. Pers. astiy, A v. 
asti, Skt. asti, Grk, lo-n; I. E. *idhi, go t/iou, Anc. 
Pers. -idly, Skt. ihi, Grk. Wi; Grk. vipi, around, Anc. 
Pers. pariy, Av. pairi, Skt. pari. 

4 



50 The Vowels. [92-94 



1. 



92. 1. E. i, like i, remained in Anc. Pers., as in the 
oldest periods of the other I. E. languages; e. g.^ 
I. E. *giwos, Jiving^ Anc. Pers. jivahya, Skt. jiva. 

0. 

93. I. E. occurring as in Grk. and O. Slav., as 
(u) in Lat. and O. Irish, was changed to a in the 
Indo-Iranian group, as also in Goth, and Lith.; e. .9., 
I. E. *bheronti, they leai^ Anc. Pers. bara°tiy, Av. 
barainti (79. 2), Skt. bharanti, Grk. (Dor.) <t>^povTi, 
Lat. ferunt, Goth, bairand; I. E. *owo, that, Anc. 
Pers. ava, Av. ava; I. E. *pro, hefort\ Anc. Pers. 
fra-, Av. fra (79. 1), Skt. pra, Grk. Trpo, Lat. pro (later 
pro); I. E. *syo, demonstr. pron., Anc. Pers. hya, 
Skt. sya; ace. sg. o-stems, I. E. *-oin, Anc. Pers. -am, 
Skt. -am, Grk. -ov, Lat. -om (-um). 

The Aryan a<L E. is, of com-se, distinguished 
from Aryan a<L E. e by the fact that the velar is 
not palatalized before it (145). Some philologists 
have held that, while I. E. in closed syllables and 
final became a, in open syllables probably became 
a in the primitive Aryan period. Brugmann (KVG 
104, Anm. ) still regards this theory as tenable. How- 
ever, the apparent devolopment of a from I. E. 0, as 
in Anc. Pers. asmanam, Skt. agmanam, Grk. aK/tAova, is 
probably to be otherwise explained, perhaps as an 
extended grade of the vowel by analogy. 

0. 

94. I. E. became a in the Indo-Iranian languages, 
as also in O. li-ish, appearing as a in O. Slav., u in 



94-97] The Vowels. 51 

Litli., l)nt remaining o in the Germanic group and in 
Grk. and Lat. ; e. //., I. E. *d6, glve^ ^J^*-'- Pers. da, 
Av. da, Skt. da, Grk. St'Sw/xt; I. E. *gno, lnoic, Anc. 
Pers. xsna, A v. xsna (Turf an MSS. 'isnased, New 
Pers. sinasad), Skt. jna, Grk. ytyvwo-Kw, Lat. gnosco. 

u. 

95. I. E. u remains in the oldest period of all the 
languages of the family; e. fj., I. E. *su, well, Anc. 
Pers. u-frastam, A v. hu-, Skt. su-, Grk. v-yi7?s; I. E. 
*upo, Anc. Pers. upa (written upa), Av. upa, Skt. 
upa, Grk. uVo, Lat. sub; Anc. Pers. pu^^ Av. pu^a, 
Skt. putra, Lat. putus; loc. pi. sufHx -su, Anc. Pers. 
madai-suv-a, Av. aspae-su, Skt. a^ve-su, O. Lith. 
knygo-su, O. Bulg. raka-chu; I. E. *ud, vjj, Anc. 
Pers. ud, us (=ud+s), Av. us, (Mid. Pers. uz), Skt. 
ud, Grk. (Cypr.) v (=€7rt in meaning), as iTo-repos, late?' 
(= Skt. uttara), Eng. utter (Goth, ut); L E. particle 
u in demonstr. pron. *so-u, Anc. Pers. hauv, YAv. 
hau, Skt. a-sau, Grk. ouro?. 

u. 

96. I. E. u remains in the older forms of the de- 
rived languages in general; e. </., I. E. *du or *deu, 
he apart, Anc. Pers. du-raiy, A v. *dura (New Pers. 
dur, Kurd, dur), Skt. dura, Grk. (Hom.) Sei;Va': Grk. 
vvv (vv), Anc. Pers. nuram, Av. nursm, nu, Skt. nu 
(Ved. nu), Germ, nun, nu, A. S. nu, nu. 

a. 

97. I. E. 9 became i in the Indo Iranian group, but 
in the other languages a; e. (/., I. E. *p9ter, father, 



52 The Vowels. [97-101 

Anc. Pers. pitar, A v. pitar, Skt, pitar, Gik. T-arr/o, 
Lat. pater, Q. Irish athir, Goth, fadar, O. H. G. fater, 
Eng. father. The I. E. suffix *-9s occurs in Anc. 
Pers. hadis. 

Even in the Indo-Iranian languages 9 was changed 
to i only before consonants, while the diphthongs ai 
and 9u became ai and au, as in the other languages. 

ai. 

98. I. E. ai remained ai in Anc. Pers., as also in 
Grk. (generally), Lith. (e), and Goth, (ai), becom- 
ing e in Skt., ae in Lat. and O. Irish, a in A. S., and 
e in O. Slav.; e. g., I. E. *bheretai, he 7jearft, Anc. 
Pers. vainataiy, Av. vaenaite, Skt. bharate. 

ei. 

99. I. E. ei, which remained in Grk. and O. Lat. 
(later i) and Lith. (e), appearing as e in Skt. and O. 
Irish, as i in A. S. and Goth., as i in O. Slav., be- 
came ae, oi in Av. and ai in Anc. Pers.; e. g., 1. E. 
*eiti, /le goes, Anc. Pers. aitiy, Av. aeiti, Skt. eti, 
Grk. eto-t, Lat. it (it). 

ei. 

100. I. E. ei became ai in Anc. Pers., as is seen in 
the heavy augmented stem ei of the root i, go; e. //., 
I. E. *eym, Anc. Pers. -ayam, Skt. ayam, Grk. ?/a 

(for y]o. r]j/ti). 

oi. 

loi. I. E. oi, found us oi in Grk., O. Lat., and O. 
Irish, occurring in Skt. as e, Goth, ai, A. S. a, Lith. 
ai, O. Shiv. e, became in Anc. Pers. ai (A v. ae, oi); 



loi-iosl TiiK Vowels. 53 

e. (/., I. E. *oiwo, o/h'^ Aiu-. IVrs. aiva, Av. aeva, 
Grk. (Cypr. ) oi/ros. 80 the pronomiaul ending nom, 
pi. masc, as in I. E. *toi, t/iey, Skt. te, Av. te, oc- 
curs in Anc. Pers. tyaiy, 7/'//^, from oriirinal stem 
*tyo. The I. E. opt. sio:n oi (<o-i-) appears in Anc. 
Pers. vina^ayais (Tolman Cu?i. Sup. 119), Av. barois, 
Skt. bhares, (irk. <^€pots, Goth, bairais. 

au. 

102. I. E. au remained in Anc. Pers. as au; e. (/., 
I. E. *naus, Anc. Pers. nau- in naviya (New Pers. 
nav), Skt. naus, Grk. vav<i ( *vavs). 

eu. 

103. I. E. eu, retained in Grk., and appearing as 
in Skt. andX). Irish, as ou in O. Lat. (later u), iu in 
Goth., eo in A. S., and u in O. Slav., became au in 
Anc. Pers., as also in Lith., Av. ao (au); e. r/., I. E. 
*geus-, taste, Anc. Pers. daustar (New Pers. dost), 
friend, Skt. jostar, Grk. yeva-rijfiLov, Goth, kiusan, A. 
S. ceosan, choose; I. E, high-grade root (120) *bheu 
in *bheweti, lie hecomes, Anc. Pers. bavatiy (subj.), 
Skt. bhavati. 

eu. 

104. I. E. eu occurs in the Indo-Irauian group as 
au; e. g., I. E. *-eu, ending of loc. sg. of u-stems 
(286), Anc. Pers. -au, Skt. -au, as in Anc. Pers. babi- 
rauv (272). ga^ava. 

ou. 

105. I. v.. ou became au in Anc. Pers. and had the 
same treatment in the various languages as eu above, 



54 The Vowels. [105-107 

except that it appears as au in (loth, and ea in A. S. ; 
e. 9., ending of gen. sg. of u-stenis, I. E. *-ous, Anc. 
Pers. kur-aus, Av. vay-aos, Skt. sun-os. 

n, m. 

106. I. E. n and m became in Lat, en, em, Germanic 
un, um, Lith. in, im, O. Slav, e (in, im), but in the 
Aryan languages as in Grk,, when final or before 
consonants except semivowels, they became a, and 
before vowels and semivowels an, am, properl}^ rep- 
resenting nn, mm. Sometimes they are written nn, 
mm before vowels and n, m before semivowels. Some 
scholars maintain that in a certain number of cases a 
residuum of the reduced vowel remained, and accord- 
ingly write ^n, ^m, holding that the ® is represented 
in Indo-Iranian by a, and the consonants n and m re- 
mained. Examples are: I. E. *bhndhto, hound^ Anc. 
Pers. basta, Av. basta, Skt. baddha; neg. prefix, I. E. 
*n-, *nn-, Anc. Pers. a-, an-, Av. a-, an-, Skt. a-, an-, 
Grk. d-, ctv-, Germanic un-, Lat. in- (for en-); I. E. 
*kmtom, hundred^ Anc. Pers. ^ata-, Av. satam, Skt. 
gatam, Grk. c-Kardv, Lat. centum, Goth, hund, Lith. 
szimtas; I. E. ^gipmyet, luay he go^ Anc. Pers. a-jam- 
iya, Skt. gamyat. 

107. I. E. final m after consonants in the ace. sg. 
and in the secondary ending of the 1st pers. sg. be- 
comes am in Lido-Iranian, as if we should write the 
antesonantal mm; e. r/., Anc. Pers. asmanam ( , I. E. 
-n-m), framataram, ( I. E. -r-m), vi^am (< L E. -m), 
aham( : I.E. *es-m), Skt. asam. These forms may 
have been influenced by those ending in consonantal 
m, as kara-m, abara-m. The Grk., on the other hand, 
shows only a, as 7ro8-a, (Ilom.) ^-a. 



loS-IIl] TlIK VCWKLS. •'>5 

r, 1. 
io8. I. E. r in the derived languages was treated 
differently, according to its position. Before conso- 
nants and when final it remains as r m Skt., appear- 
ino- in Av. as at generally, Grk. ap or pa (only ap hnal), 
La^t. or (ur), Germanic ur (ru), Balto-Slav. ir. Before 
vowels it becomes in Skt. ur or ir, Av. ar, Grk. ap, 
Lat. ar, Germanic ur. Bait, ir, Slav. ir. In Anc. Pers. 
it appears as ar except before n; e. r/. , I. E. *prksk(h)o, 
Anc. Pers. aparsam, Av. pgrasami, Skt. prchami. 

I. E. rr appears in Anc. Pers. tara-, hci/otid, YAv. 
taro, Skt. tiras. 

109. I. E. r becomes u in Anc. Pers. before n; ^^ j/., 
Anc. Pers. akunavam, Skt. akrnavam, and this weak 
stem ku was carried over to the aor. 3d sg. akuta, 
Skt. akrta, and aor. 1st pi. akuma. 

For tins approximation of I. E. r to the sound of 
u in Anc. Pers., cf. Tolman, T/ie Middle Iranian 
Representation of 1. E. r, PAPA 45, xviii. ff. 

no. The treatment of 1 in the various languages is, 
for the most part, analogous to that of r; 11 appears 
in Anc. Pers. as ar; e. g., I. E. *pllu, many, Anc. 
Pers. paru, YAv. pouru, Skt. puru. 



n, in« 



III. I. E. n appears as a in Anc. Pers., Av. an or a, 

Skt. an or a,°Grk. va (vr,), Lat. na; e. g., I. E. *gn-na-, 
Inc. Pers. a-da-na (New Pers. danaS), Av. zananti; cf . 
Tolman Can. Sup. §11, Keller KZ 39, 195. To sup- 
pose, as Ilirt does, that Skt. janati received the a of 
the root from the participle *jata, I. E. *gn-to {Ah- 
laut 321; Brugm. KVG 196. Anm. 1) is very difficult. 



56 The Vowels. [111-114 

We could hardly imagine a participle *zata which 
became obsolete in the Aryan period and yet had in- 
fluence enough to extend its long vowel to the present 
system. The I. E. n doubtless belongs to the stem of 
the present system. Cf. Reichelt Aw. Elem. 205; 
Keller KZ 39, p. 157. 

112. I. E. m has the same treatment as n, occurring 

o o ' ^ 

as a in Anc. Pers., Av. am or a, Skt. am or a, Grk. 
/xa (fiiy), Lat. ma. An Anc. Pers. example of a < I. E. 
m is probably preserved in ga^u, A v. gatu (New Pers. 
gah), Skt. gatu, from 1. E. *gm-tu-. See Tolman 
Gun. Suj). §11, Reichelt KZ 31), p. 26. In Skt. ga- 
misyati (I. E. *gem9-) bears the same relation to gatu 
(1. E. *gm-tu-) as bhavitum (I, E. *bhew9-) bears to 
bhuta (I. E. *bhu-). Some philologists propose an I. 
E. root *ga parallel to *gem, but this is only pushing 
the difficulty back to an earlier stage, as Ilirt, AUaut 
752, has shown. Such a hypothetical root is not nec- 
essary even to explain Skt. agas, agat. Cf. Reichelt 
KZ 39, p. 40; Tolman, PAPA 46. The Skt. sutu, 
hlrth^ shows the -tu suffix with a correspondingly re- 
duced form of "base. 

f,T. 

O 

113. I, E. r appears in Av. as ar, Skt. ir or ur, Grk. 
ptii (op)^ Lat. ra (ar), but no certain example of Anc. 
Pers. ar < L E. f is quotable. 

114. I. E. 1 became in Anc. Pers. ar, as also in Av., 
Skt. ir or ur, Grk. Xa> (oX), Lat. la (al); e. g., L E. 
*(ijgho, loiig^ Anc. Pers. dargam, Av. darsya, Skt. 
dirghas. 

No examples appear in Anc. Pers. of I. E. ai, bi, 
au, ou, ai, qvl. 



us] Tin: \'()\vi:i.s. 57 

3. INDO-EUKOrKAX ACCKNT. 

115. By accent is meant the gradation of sound 
combinations according to either the pitch or the 
stress with -which they are uttered. Pitch accent, 
i. (?., musical or chromatic accent, depends on the 
musical tone of the syllable vowel; stress accent, 
called also expiratory or emphatic accent, depends on 
the force or energy with which the sylla])le is spoken. 
Where pitch accent is predominant, we may expect 
the vowel sounds to be preserved, each with its proper 
nnisical value; where stress accent prevails, the tend- 
ency is for syllables of weaker stress to be slurred 
and their vowels accordingly weakened or even lost. 
As in pitch accent every syllable has its musical tone, 
so in stress accent, strictly, no part of the S3dlable 
group is wholly without stress, but the syllables 
merely vary in the degree of stress placed upon them. 
Thus, in addition to the principal accent, we may often 
distinguish a secondary accent; while, more for con- 
venience than for accuracy, the remaining syllables 
are called unaccented. Regularly, the principal and 
secondary accents do not fall on successive syllables. 

That both systems of accentuation operated in 
Indo-European is evident. And from the phenomena 
discussed below under Vowel Gradation (iigff), it 
would seem that in the earlier period of the parent 
speech stress accent was predominant and in the 
later period pitch accent. In fact, both systems in 
some degree tind their way into the derived lan- 
guages, now one, now the other prevailing. In San- 
skrit and Ancient Greek, for example, pitch accent 
prevailed, and the accent signs of these languages in- 
dicate the rise and fall of nuisical tone. But in the 



oS The Vowels. [115-118 

oldest stage of the Italic dialects, and in the lano;uao;'e 
of the Keltic and Germanic groups, stress accent is 
predominant. 

116. Syllable accent was of two kinds. A syllable 
might be uttered with a single accent point from 
which the sound declined or was broken off by a con- 
sonant; or there might be a fluctuation of sound with- 
in the syllable, a rise and fall with more than one ac- 
cent point. In the former case the syllable bore the 
acute accent; in the latter, the circumflex. 

117. "Word accent in the Indo-European was free, 
/. <?., unrestricted by the number or the quantity of 
the syllables of the word. So it appears in Sanskrit, 
in primitive Germanic, and even in Greek where cer- 
tain forms have escaped the influence of the later 
three-syllable law. 

118. Sentence accent also existed in the parent lan- 
guage, such as the distinctive intonation of declara- 
tive and interrogative sentences or the emphasizing 
of certain members of the sentence to the neglect of 
others. Any word falling into an unemphatic posi- 
tion might lose its accent, and a number of words 
whose very meaning forced them to such a position 
became commonly proclitics or enclitics. Thus pro- 
nominal forms were accented or not according to 
their place in the sentence; the vocative at the begin- 
ning of the sentence was orthotone, elsewhere enclitic; 
finite verb forms were accented at the beginning of 
the sentence, but elsewhere were sometimes ortho- 
tone, sometimes enclitic; and nominal and adverbial 
elements of compounds illustrate the same principle. 



ii9-i2o| Tiiio N'owEr.s. r><) 

4. VOWKfi CKADATION. 

119. A'owcl Gradation, or Ablaut, is tho variation 
of vowel sounds in word forms ctyinoloofically or mor- 
phologically related — a variation resulting from laws 
operative in tho Indo-European period. 

Under the intiuence of Pitch Accent (115) there 
came a])out changes as e:o or e:o, tho two vowels of 
dill'ercnt musical tones, and preserved most faithfully 
in the Greek, e. r/., ^e'pw, <l>op6<;. Such a change, in- 
volving tho quality of the vowel, is called qualitative. 

Under the influence of Stress Accent (115), as has 
been said, the vowels not receiving the principal 
stress were modified or even dropped; e. (/., Grk. (jxop, 
^op6<i, 8i-<f>p-o?' Anc. Pers. aitiy, (I. E. *ei-ti), -idly 
(I, E. *i-dhi). This kind of change, involving the 
quantity of the vowel, is called quantitative. 

120. Vowels which received the principal accent, 
and therefore kept their proper value, belong to 
what we may call the High Grade in the system of 
Vowel Gradation. Those receiving the secondary 
accent and those remaining unaccented belong to the 
Low Grade. The former of these were modified, the 
latter were weakened and in some instances eventually 
lost. Thus there appear Low Grades 1 and 2, the 
second being also called the Nil Grade. For short 
vowels with secondary accent the modification con- 
sisted in a reduction of quality commonly indicated 
by e, o, nj later, how^evcr, in the parent speech these 
vowels seem to have returned to their original quality 
and then to have followed the same treatment as the 
High Grade e, 0, a. But for long vowels with sec- 



60 The ^"o^vELs. [120-124 

ondary accent there was a reduction of both qualit}" 
and quantity, and e, 0, a became 8. 

121. The Indo-European lengthening of vowels 
gives, further, what may be called the Extended 
Grade. This lengthening occurred by way of com- 
pensation for the loss of a following syllable; it ap- 
pears also in the change of e to e in the singular of 
the s-aorist (488). 

122. Qualitative differences are to be observed in 
both the High Grade and the Extended Grade, and 
we have accordingly High Grade 1 and 2 and Ex- 
tended Grade 1 and 2. 

123. For the six series, called the e-, 0-, a-, e-, 0-, 
a-series, these changes may be presented in tabular 
form as follows: 

Low Grade. 

1. 2. 





High. Grade. 

1. 2. 


e-series 


e 





o-series 





(0) 


a-series 


a 





e-series 


e 





o-series 





(^ 


a-series 


a 






Extended Grade. 


1. 


2. 


e 








(0) 


a 






9 - 

9 
9 

The first three are sometimes called light series, the 
last three heavy (cf. 127). The e-series is of special 
importance on account of the frequency of its occur- 
rence. It appears in the first syllable of dissyllabic 
heavy bases, in the last and usually the first syllable 
of dissyllabic light bases; also in many monosjdlabic 
bases (i27ff ). 

124. The following roots and forms will illustrate 
these ofrades: 



124 I 



Till': Vowels. 



01 



O 





-3 


CO 


N 


-t-> 




lO 


J_, 


Pi 


O 


* 


A 



I V 

^ ft 

Ck Is 



ft 2 






t3 ft 
ft -t^ 
* <rf 






<^ 



<3i 



to 



a do 







^!> 






1 


I 1 


' ^ i 


1 


1 


1 


1 1 


1 


1 






* -g- 










l» 










4> 










bO 










icS 










^ 










B 






1 




<bfl ^ 


I 


1 


1 


lO »3 


i"^ ^ 


1 


1 




* 


* C5 




a 







1 1 


a 


Xi 


1 


S» 




Vh 


* 


T3 


,o 




ft 

rill 






I 






Xi 


1 

!3 


1 


*' ^ 


*" 1 


T3 


-M 




"O 






4i! 



^ I- 

o -d 
ft b 



O -< O 






S- S <=! 
•o ^ 



<= ?^ X) 3 



fcJD 






xi 



* 



* 



■< 



w w w w 



w 



5 « 

^ *. jd - 

1-; O »-i' 



10) S^ 



w w 



O) 



4) 
14) 



62 



The \'owels. 



[124-126 



u 

o 

a 



c-i -^ 



•^3 



CO 

09 



45 Ts ^ =^ 



03 



(S « 




QJ > 




Q.-H 

tiC 


6 


s ^ 


o3 


1 C3 
■»^ 




TJ 


^ © 


0^ 


l5 -a 


n 


1— 1 qS 


0) 




-w 


«f-i © 


« 


c be 


H 



^ ^ 



-4^ C3 

© bH 

a 3 

03 ^ 

© ^, 

;h © 

® ^ 

oc ;-( 

o5 o 

-r3 



1> 

00 






g 


>^ 




'^ 


<sj 




ej 


CC 


-o 




^ 



>. 

wi 






t5 




k> 




d 

0) 




7D 




>. 










<>r 




W 




rh 





w 



CO 

a 


d 






I-hO 







I 


TJ 


-*-J 


<m 




rt 


1 


'^ 


b£ 


5 


50Q 


*> 


/i 




> 


'> 


* 


~^ 


">■ 







tid 


bJ 


1? 



J 




1— 1 


-(J 








1—3 


oi 


'0 











C3 

be 



10 
* 



3 '<a 

4 5 '^ 

CO * 



W K 



'C« 








© 














© 












o3 


1— ( 


• • 












-fj 










"p- 




*> 


bfl 












1 






{/* 


-)-» 


^ 




!> 














-4-3 









a> 


3 
■0- 


c3 


-J-3 


'^ 
^ 


















<X5 






fl 


w 




<» 










^Th 


OJ 




^ 


^ 




© 


a 


'o 


73 












f-^ 






a> 




© 


.5 


S-l 


03 










© 


rt 


)l/3 




* 




r/3 
C3 


1 








he 


ctf 




irt 




bfi 


5 


^ 
rt 
^ 




'^ 


^1 
-0- 


c3 




© 

© 
■r. 


K 




0" 




10 


03 

© 
© 


w 




1—3 








X 






© 


oT 


© 


laT 


, 




7: 

© 








iri 


© 








• 1— t 




vO 












<N 




'ut 


/ 


fH 


\ / 


<S 




!m 








M 




M 

.3 




© 


■^ 


00 


"^ 


M 




© 
cii 







126] 



The Vowels. 



— 


^ 


1- 


a 


■o 


"3 




(. 


1 


1 


rt 


i<U 


"C! 


ifl" 




;5 




^ 


* 


^ 




* 
















0) 




■/ 


' *^ 


^ — ' 




--^ 


t— < 


n 


S 




^-'' 




cd 




hH 






!»i 






icd 


d 


w 


ic3 


103 




1153 




'CL, 


\-> 


TS 


M 



pi 



ijS 03 



C5 ^ 



do 



CO 



■M M 








IV 






ID 

1-2 


rjj 






i-dhi) 
bhw-i-y 


a 


03 


.b 


o3 


io3 


r-; * 


io3 


_>. 


fri '=^ 


1 


fi 


h^ 


d 


•1—5 


W bjo 


;h 


>-< 


E3 


r^^ 


Id 


d 


io3 g 


1 




M 
03 




03 

'd 


d 

03 


d §> 
d 'rt 

ci3 J-" 




















>. 






•Si, <a 








'!i 






'153 &I 








.o 







V 



H 



'd 

03 



73 

o 

-d 
bD 

S 



44 



w 



<o 








^ 








<a 








^ '^ 








r;:^ Xi 








a <u 






,,— ^ 


q^ ^ 




_,^ 


'^ ^ 


*.-^ 




i<i> 

43 


^ -s 




03 


T3 






hit) 

d 


H 


d^ 


ti d 




1—5 


d oj 


3 ^ 

03 




103 


5'§ 

03 w 


> 






-d 


ci3 




32 




^ 




0) 




03 












64 The Vowels. [127-129 

5. BASES. 

127. It will be observed that the changes noted 
above belong both to root syllables and to suffixes, as 
aitiy: -idiy, and pita (I. E. -ter) : brata (I. E. -tor). 
These are sometimes called root bases and suffix bases. 
Root bases usually have no more than two syllables. 
;A monosyllabic root base is called heavy if its vowel 
is long, light if its vowel is short; e. g.^ the root da 
(I. E. *dhe) is heavy; astiy (I. E. *es-) shows a light 
base. The first syllable of a dissyllabic base always 
has a short vowel; the base is heavy or light, then, 
according as the vowel of its second syllable is long 
or short; e. g.^ aparsam, I. E. root *perek, has a light 
base, w^hile the I. E. base geme, appearing in Low 
Grade in Anc. Pers. ga^u, is heavy (cf. 112). 

128. The dissyllabic base did not admit of a High 
Grade vowel in both syllables; one syllable or both 
must be of Low Grade; e. ^., from the 1. E. root 
*geme, go, the Skt. gami-syati from the base *gem9 
shows the High Grade of the first vowel and Low 
Grade of the second; w^hile the monosyllabic *gm, ap- 
pearing in Anc. Pers. a-jam-iya, results from Low 
Grade of both vowels. 

In the Ancient Persian bara-, Greek <ii^p^-, the the- 
matic vowel was borrowed from forms with the Low 
Grade in the first syllable. Indo-European *liqe 
would be regularly Low Grade 2 -\- High Grade 1. 
It was on this analogy that the Indo-European leiqe 
was formed. Otherwise the Indo-European conjuga- 
tion would show *bher-ti (of. Skt. bharti, Lat. fert), 
*bhr-nies. But the transfer to thematic formations 
was made in the Indo-European period. 

129. If the accent fell on the first syllable of a 



129-131J Thk Vowels. 65 

heavy dissyllabic base, the long vowel of the second 
sy]lal)le was weakened to 9; but if the accent fell on 
the second syllable, this long vowel was preserved, 
and the short vowel of the first syllable was lost; e. g.^ 
I. E, *bhewa, he^ became *bhew9, from which comes 
the Sanskrit bhavi-tum; but *bhewa became *bhwa, 
appearing in the Latin -bam <*-bhwam. 

130. There often occur different forms of the base 
for the same root; e. (/., I. E. *bhere- and *bhere, seen 
in Grk. ^^pt€, Lat. fert, alongside Grk. efftprjaa and 
Skt. bhari-tram — which serve to show that even in 
the Indo-European period the final element of the 
base had come to be regarded as a suffix. 

131. The following bases illustrate the differences 
of vowel grade: 

*q^e(i), ride. 
H. G. 1: I. E. *q<9e(y), Anc. Pers. xsaya^iya, 

Grk. KTrjfJia. 

L. G. 1: I. E. *q^9(y), Anc. Pers. patiyaxsayaiy 
(Dar. NRa. 19, Stolze's Phot. , Weissb. Phot.), 
upariyaxsayaiy (Bh. 4. 6.5, Tolman Lex. 85), 
Av. xsayeiti, Grk. Kxao/xai. 

L. G. 2: I. E.*q^i,Skt. adhiksit. 

*tQ'wt, family. 
H. G. + L. G. 2: I. E. *tew, Anc. Pers. tauma. 

*genie, go. 
L. G. 2 : 1. E. *gm reduced from *geni9, Anc. Pers. 

ga^u (cf. 112). 
L. G. 2 + L. G. 2: I. E. *gm, Anc. Pers, -jam-iya 

(I. E. gmm-ye-t). 
H. G. + L.'g. 2: 1. E. *gem, A v. jantu, Skt. gantu. 
H. G. + L. G. 1 : I. E. *gem9, Skt. gami-syati. 
5 



(;() The Vowels. [131 

*geya, conquer. 
L. G. : I. E. *gi, Skt. jita, Anc. Pers. dita. 
H. G. + L. G. 1: I. E. *gey9, Skt. jeman 

(<*jayi-man). 
L. G. 1 + H. G.: I. E. *geya, Grk. ^IR. 
L. G. 2 + H. G.: I. E. *gya, Skt. jya-syati, 

Grk. tati. 

*geye(w), Jive. 
L. G. 1 + L. G. 2: I. E. *gi(w), Skt. jivati, Anc. 
Pers. jiva, Lat. vivus. 

*ghene, *ghene, slay. 
H. G. + L. G. 2: I. E. *ghen, Anc. Pers. ajanam, 

Av. jana-, Skt. hanti, Grk. <i>6vo<i. 
L. G. 2 + L. G. 2: I. E. *ghn, Anc. Pers. -jata, 

Av. jata-, Skt. hata, Grk. <^aros. 
H. G. + L. G. 1: I. E. *ghen9, Skt. hanisyati. 

*gene, know. 
L. G. 2 + H. G. : I. E. *gne, Anc. Pers. xsnasatiy, 

Grk. ytyvoJO-KO). 
L. G. : I. E. *gn, reduced from *gen9, Anc. Pers. 

adana, Av. zan9nti, Skt. janati ( ;*janati). 
L. G. 2 + L. G. 1: I. E. *gn9, Mid. Pers. snutam, 

New Pers. sunudan, hear. 

*perek, ask. 
L. G. 1 + L. G. 2: I. E. *prk (Petk), Anc. Pers. 

aparsam, Skt. prcchati, O. H. G. forsca. 
H. G. 1 + L. G. 2°: I. E. *perk, Umbrian persclo, 

O. H. G. fergon. 

*bhewa, *bhewe, he. 
L. G. 2 + L. G. 2: I. E. *bhw-yet, Anc. Pers. 
b-iya, Grk. </>i;cns. 



131-134] The (.'oxsoxants. 67 

L. G. 2: I. E. ■■'bhu, reduced from *bhcW8, Skt. 

bhuta, Grk. «</>«. 
L. G. 2 + II. G. : I. E. *bhwam, Lat. -bam. 
H. G. + L. G. 1: I. E. *bheva, Skt. bhavitum. 

*mene, t/ii/il: 
H. G. + L. G. 2: I. E. *men, Anc. Pers. mani- 

yahay, Skt. manyate. 
L. G. : I. E. *mn, reduced from *men9 (see Reichelt 

KZ 39. 26), Skt. abhi-ma-tis. 



CHAPTER VI. 

The Consonants. 

1. the indo-european consonant system. 

132. The Indo-European Consonants may be di- 
vided into Explosives, Nasals, Liquids, Semivowels, 
and Spirants. 

133. The Explosives are formed by a complete ob- 
struction of the breath passages and are called Velar, 
Palatal, Dental, or Labial, according as the obstruc- 
tion is produced by the soft palate, the hard palate, 
the teeth, or the lips. 

134. If the vocal chords cease to vibrate at the time 
of this breath obstruction, the explosive is voiceless 
or tenuis; if the vibration of the vocal chords con- 
tinues, the explosive is voiced or media. When ex- 
plosives are aspirated, they become merely the equiv- 
alent of the tenues or medite followed by aspiration: 
kh, th, ph, for instance, are not spirant sounds, but 
rather like the M, t/i, ph of the English words /)a<?^- 
horse^ Jiothouse^ vphold. 



68 The Consonants. [135-138 

135. The Velars, less accurately designated Gut- 
turals, are so called from the fact that the breath ob- 
struction is made by the base of the tongue with the 
lower or soft palate {velum). They are thus distin- 
guished from the Palatals, in which the obstruction 
is made by the middle part of the tongue with the 
upper or hard palate. The velar sounds, again, may 
be changed in pronunciation by a rounding of the 
lips, in which case they are called Labio- Velars; in 
distinction from these the velars without such lip 
modification are called Pure Velars. 

136. The Dental sounds are produced by bringing 
the end of the tongue to the upper part of the teeth. 
The so-called dentals of English, except when they 
become spirantal, are strictly not teeth sounds, but 
alveolars; i. e.^ they are made by bringing the end of 
the tongue just above and near the roots of the teeth. 

137. The Nasals are formed by keeping the nasal 
passages open while the breath is obstructed either by 
the tip of the tongue slightly back of its position for 
dental explosives (n), or by the lips (m). The dental 
nasal n, like n (85), became velar or palatal before the 
corresponding explosives. As the end of the tongue 
moves back from the position required for the dental 
nasal, the Liquid 1, then r, is produced. The fact that 
the nasal passages are open while the breath obstruc- 
tion is produced only by the tongue or the lips, makes 
it possible for the nasals and liquids to occur as either 
consonants or vowels. 

138. Just as consonantal nasals and liquids may, by 
a partial opening of the breath passages, become vo- 
calic, so vowels, by a partial closing of the passages, 
may become consonantal in value; they are then called 



138-140] The Consonants. 01) 

semivowels. The semivowel occurs always in con- 
junction with a vowel, thus forming a diphtliong of 
which the full vowel ahva3^s bears the accent. The 
diphthong is said to be rising or falling according as 
the full vowel is its second or first element. 

139. The Indo-Eiu'opean Consonant sounds are 
presented in the following table: 






P\ire 


Lablo- 








Velar. 


Velar. 


Palatal. 


Dental. 


Labial. 


Tenues q 


q- 


k 


t 


P 


Tenues Aspiratse qh 


q"h 


kh 


th 


ph 


^Mediae g 


g^^ 


k 


d 


b 


^ledise Aspirat.e gh 


g"h 


gh 


dh 


bh 


Nasals n(i37) 




n(i37) 


n 


m 


Liquids 






1, r 




Semivowels 




y 




w 


cj . . ( Surd 
Spirants -, ^ 

( Sonant 






s 
z 





Note. — We omit from the table certain Indo-European 
sounds occurring only in unusual combinations, as 6 with 
q or k, and d with g or g; sh and zh resulting from combina- 
tion of aspirated explosives with s by transfer of aspiration; 
e. g., tsh < ths, psh ^ ' phs, dzh dhs, bzh bhs; and 6h 
with q or k, f'h Avith g or g, l)y transfer of aspiration from the 
older qhfl, kh^, ghc5, ghr. While these Indo-European spi- 
rants d, rS, Oh., (5h became t-sounds in Greek, they are i-epre- 
sented in Indo-Iranian, as well as in the Latin, Germanic, 
and Balto-Slavouic groups by s-sounds. This sound in Ary- 
an, as in the case of original s, became s after q (190); c. g., 
I. E. *q'^e(i), rule, Grk. Krijua , Anc. Pers. xsaya^ya, Av. 
xsayeiti, Skt. ksayati. 

140. Sat9m and Centum Groups. The Aryan lan- 
guages show no distinction between Pure Velars and 
Labio- Velars. This subject raises the question of 



70 The Coxhoxants. [140-141 

Indo-European dialects or "plural taugencies." Since 
the Aryan, the Armenian, and the Balto-Slavonic show 
no difference of the velars, it can reasonably be sup- 
posed that such distinction would not appear in that 
portion of Indo-European territory whence these 
languages arose. The Labio -Velar, on the other 
hand, existed in that territory from which proceeded 
the Greek, Italic, Keltic, and Teutonic, since this 
phenomenon is reflected in these tongues. Further- 
more, the Aryan, Armenian, and Balto-Slavonic 
show the tendency of palatals to become sibilants, 
while the Greek, Italic, Keltic, and Teutonic show 
the velar. Hence two great divisions of the Indo- 
Em'opean languages are commonly recognized; the 
sat9m group where k became s, as in I. E. kmtom 
which appears as Av. satam, Skt. gatam; and the cen- 
tum group where k became q (c, k) as in the Lat. 
centum, Grk. i-Karov. 

2. a. Treatment of Indo-European Velars in Aryan. 

141. I. E. q, which became Grk. k (initially and 
in general medially), Lat. and O. Ir. c, appears as 
k in Aryan, as in other languages of the satam 
group; e. g., I. E. *qer, vtah', Skt. kr, Anc. Pers. 
kar, Av. kar (New Pers. kardan), Grk. Kpaivui, Lat. 
creo. 

I. E. q", as has ])een said (140), in Aryan fell to- 
gether with the pure velar q. In Lat. it became 
qu before other vowels than u, c before u and con- 
sonants. In Grk. it appears as t before i and e, k be- 
fore and after v, with y it forms atr (tt), and else- 



141-144I The Consonants. 71 

where occurs as tt. Tims, I. E. *q"o, *q"e, n'lio^ Skt. 
ka, Anc. Pers. ka, -kaiy (loc. s<r in adakaiy 351, 574), 
Av. ka, (Now Tors, ki, O.s.s. ka), Grk. Trdrepo?, Horn. 
rio, Lat. quod. 

qh, q"h. 

142. These two sounds, which occui-red but rarely 
in I. E., appear in Aryan as kh. In Grk. qh became 
X> in Lat.g, h, while q"h had the same treatment as 
g"h (144) in these lan2'uao;es; e. g., I. E. *konqho, 
conch-shelly Skt. gankha, (irk. ^oyxos, Lat. congius; 
I. E. sq'^hal, y^//, Skt. skhalati, Grk. cr<i>6.\XofmL. 

g» g"- 

143. I. E. g, which appears as g in Lat., O. Ir., 
Lith., Old Slav., in Grk. y (initially and generally 
medially), Germanic k, remained g in Aryan; e. g., 
I. E. *jugo, (/oh', Skt. yuga, Grk. ^vy6v, Lat. iugum, 
Goth. juk. 

I. E. g", which fell together with 1. E. g in Aryan, 
became in Lat. v, but when the labial was lost, g, 
and gu after n, O. Ir. b, Germanic kw, k. In Grk. it 
became 8 before e, y before and after v, wdth y it 
formed ^, and elsewhere appears as yS; e. g., I. E. 
g'^ous, Skt. gau, Anc. Pers. gau-, Av. gau, Grk. ^ovs, 
Umbr. bue (whence is borrowed Lat. bos, which 
otherwise should be *vos), O. II. G. chuo,0. Ir. bo. 

gh, g"li. 

144. I. E, gh, which appears as x iu Grk., Lat. 
g l)efore and after consonants, elsewhere h, O. Ir. 
g, in Lith. and O. Slav, with the same treatment 
as g, occurs as gh in Aryan; <-. g., Skt. dirgha, long, 



72 The Consonants. [144-145 

Anc. Pers. dargam, GAv. daraga, YAv. dara-ya, Grk. 

BoXi\6<;. 

I. E. g"h, which fell together with 1. ¥j. gh iu Ary- 
an, appeared in Lat. as f initially, v medially (but gu 
after n), in Lith. and O. Slav, with the same treat- 
ment as g. In Grk. it became })efore e, x before 
and after v, with y it formed aa- (tt), and elsewhere 
occurs as ^; e. ^., I. E. g"h^ 'otmo, nvwu/, Skt. gharma, 
Anc. Pers. garma-, Av. garama, Grk. Oepfxos, Lat. 
formus. 

Note. — Since in the Aryan gx'oup the original Labio- Velar 
sounds were no longer distinguished from the Pure Velars 
(140), from this point in the present work the two classes will 
regularly be designated by the neutral signs q, qh, g, gh. 

b. The Aryan Palatal Law. 

145. It must be observed that for the Ai-yan lan- 
guages, in addition to the changes noted above, there 
occurred a palatalization of the velars before palatal 
vowels, i. (?., before 1 (y) and the a which represents 
I. E. e (89, 90). In such positions (i) q became fii'st 
k and through this c (Ii'an. c), (2) g through g became 
j (Iran, j), and (3) gh through gh became jh (Iran, j, 
Skt. h). The following examples will illustrate this 
law: 

(1) I. E. *qjeu, inove, Anc. Pers. asiyavaiii(<*acy- 
avam), Skt. cyavate, Grk. ia-o-vro-, I. E. *qid, afiy, 
Anc. Pers. -ciy (Mid. Pers. ci. New Pers. cih), Av. 
-cit, Skt. -cid, Grk. n; I. E. *-qe, and, Anc. Pers. -ca, 
Av. -ca, Skt. -ca, Grk. re, Lat. -que. 

(2) I. E. *gei, I/ve, Anc. Pers. jiva, Av. jivaiti, Skt. 
jivati, Lith. gyvas, O. Ir. beo, Grk. ySt'os, Lat. vivus. 



I45"i49l TiiK Consonants. 7'] 

('.]) J. E. *ghen, niii!f(\ Am-. ]*ers. ajanam, Av. 
jainti, Skt. hanti (but pi. ghnanti), (iik. Qdvw. 

c. Aryiin Velars in Ancient Persian. 

k. 

146. In Anc. Pers., as in Av., Aryan k remained k 
before sonants but became x >)efore consonants; e. </., 
Anc. Pers. ka, vho (New Pers, ki), Av. ka, Skt. ka; 
Anc. Pers. kar, inal'e^ A v. kar, Skt. kr; Anc. Pers. 
xsap, nighty YAv. xsap, Skt. ksap; Anc. Pers. xsa^'a, 
kingdom^ Av. xsa^a, Skt. ksatra. 

kh. 

147. Aryan kh appears in Anc. Pers. and Av. as x, 
but when preceded by a sibilant and followed by a 
sonant it became k; e. </., Anc. Pers. h.a.x.a.-, friend^ 
YAv. haxi, Skt. sakhi; Anc. Pers. kan, dig (New 
Pers. kandan), YAv. kan, Skt. khan. (Perhaps 
Aiyan *skhan.) 

g- 

148. Aryan g remains g in Anc. Pers. (GAv. g, 
whieh became YAv. y unless initial or preceded by a 
nasal or a sibilant); e. g.^ Anc. Pers, ga^u, jiJace^ 
(New Pers. gah), Av. gatu, Skt. gatu; Anc. Pers. 
baga, god^ YAv. baya, Skt. bhaga. 

gh. 

149. Aryan gh became Anc. Pprs. g (GAv. g, which 
became YAv. y unless initial or preceded by a nasal 
or a sibilant); e. g.^ Anc. Pers. dargam, long^ GAv. 
daraga, YAv. daraya, Skt. dirgha; Anc. Pers. gausa, 



74 The Consonants. [149-153 

em\ YAv. gaosa, Skt. ghosa; Anc. Pers. garma-, lieat^ 
Av. garama, Skt. gharma. 

d. Aryan Palatalized Velars in Ancient Persian, 
c. 

150. Aryan c remained c in Anc. Pers. except be- 
fore y, where it was changed to s as in Av.; e. g., I. 
E., *-qe, and^ Anc. Pers. -ca, Av. -ca, Skt. -ca; I. E. 
*qyeu, move^ Anc. Pers. asiyavam, GAv. syu, Skt. cyu. 

J- 

151. Aryan j remained j in Anc. Pers. as in GAv. 
(but on its pronunciation see 68); in YAv. it became 
z (instead of z) except when initial or after sibilants 
and nasals; e. g.^ I. E. *gei, Uve^ Anc. Pers. jiva, 
Av. jivaiti, Skt. jivati; Skt. bhajati, he sha?\'s, YAv. 
bazat. 

jh. 

152. Aryan jh became j in Anc. Pers., as in GAv.; 
in YAv. it became z (instead of z) except when initial 
or after sibilants and nasals; e. g., I. E. *ghen, smite^ 
Anc. Pers. ajanam, Av. jainti, Skt. hanti; Anc. Pers. 
duruj, //V% GAv. druj (Mid. I\'rs. druzitan), Skt. druh; 
Skt. dahati, he Ihdis^ YAv. dazaiti. 

3. a. Indo-European Palatals in Aryan. 

A 

k. 

153. The tendency of the Indo-European palatals 
to become si])ilant in Aryan has been mentioned 
above (140). Thus I. E. k which ap]ieared in Grk. 
as K, Lat. and O. Ir. c, became in Aryan s (the Skt. 9); 



153-156] TlIIO CONSOXAXTS. T.'i 

e. </,, T. E. *weik, dioell^ Ski. vi^, A\ . vis, Grk. /ro:»<os, 
Lat. vicus; I, K. *kmtom, hundred,, Skt. Qatam, Av. 
satsm, (irk. e-KaroV, Lai. centum. 

kh: 

154. This was a very rare sound in Indo-European. 
It appears in Greek as X' and is not distinoriushed in 
the Germanic, Keltic, and Balto-Slavonic groups 
from original k. Since in Sanskrit it is found only 
in original skh, which became ch, we cannot be sure 
what its Aryan form would have been outside this 
combination; e. </., I. E. *skhid, split ^ Skt. chid, Av. 
sid, (irk. o-xt?«, Lat. scindo. 

g- 

155. I. E. g, which remained in Lat. and O. Ir., 
also in Grk. (initially and in general medially), ap- 
pearing in Germanic as k, Lith. z, and O. Slav, z, be- 
came in Aryan z (Skt. j); e. //., I. E. *gen, 'beget^ 
Aryan *zana, man (<*zan, give hirtli)^ Anc. Pers. 
paruv-zana, Av. zan, Skt. jan, Grk. yeVos, Lat. .genus; 
I. E. *geus, tai<te^ Skt. jostar, Av. zaosa, Grk. yerw; 
I. E. *gno, Icnow^ Skt. jiia, Grk. ycyvwo-Kw, Lat. gnosco. 

gh. 

156. I. E. gh, which appears as g in O. Ir., in Lat. 
g l)efore and after consonants, f initially before u, 
and elsewhere h, Lith. z, O. Slav, z, (irk. x, became 
zh in Aryan, which in Skt. became h (through jh), 
and in Iranian fell together with z, becoming z (159): 
e, (/., I. E. *bhaghu, arm., Skt. bahu, A v. bazu, Grk. 
7r^X^55 I- E. *dheigh, heap up., Skt. dehi, rampart., 
YAv. diz (New Pers. diz), Grk. Ttixo<ii I^at. fingo, 
Goth, deigan. 



70 The Consonants. [157-158 

b. Treatment in Ancient Persijui of Aryan Spirants 
Representing Indo-European Palatals. 



157. The Primitive Aryan s, from I. E. k, became 
in Anc. Pers. B or s ])efore vowels and most conso- 
nants, s instead of 9 seems to have been borrowed 
from other dialects, as in the case of z for d, 158 (a). 
In Av. the sound becomes s before vowels and most 
consonants, but occasionally in YAv. also it is written 
as B before vowels. Examples are: Anc. Pers. vi^am 
(v'^am), ixilace^ Av. vis9m, Skt. viQam; Anc. Pers. 
^atiy, he say s^ Av. sah, Skt. Qans; Anc. Pers. a^a"gaina, 
of stone ^ YAv. as9nga (New Pers. sang), Skt. agani; 
Anc. Pers. ^ata-, Jiundred^ YAv. sata (New^ Pers., 
Kurd., sad, Oss. sada), Skt. gata; Anc. Pers. asman, 
stone^ YAv. asman (New Pers. asman), Skt. agman; 
Anc. Pers. vasiy, at will,, Av. vaso, Skt. vagas. 

(a) Aryan s became Anc. Pers. s before n; e. r/., 
vasna, will; cf . vasiy above. 

(b) Aryan s became Anc. Pers. s before t, as in Av. ; 
e. (/., ufrasti, severe punishment (Tolman Lex. 76), 
ufrasta (variant ufrasta (192, a), Tolman Lex. 76), 
well punished. 

(c) Aryan sr appears as B'' in niya^'arayam, root ^""i, 
lean^ YAv. sri, Skt. gri. 

(d) Both I. E. sk(h) and ksk(h) became in Anc. 
Pers. s; e. g. , Anc. Pers. arasam, / came., Skt. rchati, 
I. E. suffix *-skh-e-ti; I. E. *prk-sk(h)o, / asi^ Skt. 
prchami, Anc. Pers. aparsam, A^ . parQsami. 

z<g. 

158. Aryan z, rc})resenting 1. E. g, became .\nc. 



158-159] TlIK C'ONSOXANTS. 77 

IVis. d or z. ]t is liktly that this d was pronounced 
as a spirant, /. (., 8. In Av. z became z, and in Skt. 
j. Examples are: Anc. Pers. paruvzana, jHjpnlom 
(<*zan), Av. zan, Skt. jan; Anc. Pers. daustar, 
friend^ Av. zaosa, Skt. jostar; Anc. Pers. adana, le 
hiew, YAv. zananti, Skt. janati; Anc. Pers. drayah, 
sm, Av. zrayah, Skt. jrayas; Anc. Pers. ayadaiy, 1 
icors/u'jM (/ {Tohnan Z<;r. 12U), A v. yaz, Skt. yaj. 

(a) Anc. Pers. z from Aryan z seems to belong par- 
ticularly to words occurring in formulaic expressions, 
probably borrowed from other dialects, but it is to be 
observed that it survives in ^lodern Persian; so 
vazarka in the formula xsaya^iya vazarka, Mod. 
Pers. buzurg. 

(b) The pronunciation of d as a spirant is indicated 
in the writing of mudraya, Egypt^ for the Bab. mi-sir, 
Elam. muzzariya; cf. Grk. Mvo-pa (Steph. Byz. ). 

(c) Aiyan zn, Ii'. sn, at the beginning of a word is 
represented in Anc. Pers. by xsn-, as in the root xsna, 
liimc; cf. Av. xsna (-sna-), Skt. jna, Grk. (Epir. ) 
yvcio-Kw, Lat. (g)nosco. 

zh < gh. 

159. Aiyan zh representing I. E. gh, as mentioned 
above (156), fell together with Aryan z and became 
L-anian z, appearing in Anc. Pers. d or z, Av. z (158); 
e. g.^ Anc. Pers. adam, /, Av. azam, Skt. aham (I. E. 
*eg(h)o(m) ; Anc. Pers. dida, rampart^ Av. diz, Skt. 
dehi; Anc. Pers. -gaudaya, hide^ YAv. guz, Skt. guh; 
Anc. Pers. u-zm-ay-a ( < *zam, eartli)^ Grk. xitlixa.. 



/ 



78 The Consonants. [160-163 

4. a. Indo-European Dentals in Aryan. 

t. 

160. I. E, t remained t in Aryan, as in most of the 
other derived languages, as Lat., Lith., O. Slav., O. 
Ji'. (t or th), Grk. (generally); e. g., I. E. *eti, be- 
yond, Skt. ati, Anc. Pers. atiy, YAv. aiti, Grk. en, 
Lat. at, etiam; I. E. *esti, he is, Skt. asti, Anc. Pers. 
astiy, Av. asti, Grk. tcrrL, Lat. est; I. E. ^-pdler, fat /u'/\ 
Skt. pitar, Anc. Pers. pilar, Grk. TraTrjp, Lat. pater; 
I. E. pronom. stem *to-, f/us, Skt. tarn, Anc. Pers. 
ai-ta, Av. t9m, Grk. to, Lat. tarn. 

th. 

161. The rare I. E. sound th was preserved un- 
changed in Aryan, as also in Grk. (6), while in the 
primitive period of other languages it fell together 
with other dentals, with dh in Lat. and with t in 
Germanic, Keltic, and Balto-Slav. ; e. g., I. E. *woit- 
tha, yon l'7ww, Skt. vettha, Grk. {f)ol(T0a. 

d. 

162. I. E. d remained d in Aryan, as in practically 
all the other derived languages (Lat., O. Ir., Lith., 
O. Slav., Grk. generally, but Germanic t); e. g., I. 
E. *do, give, Skt. da, Anc. Pers. da, Av. da, Grk. St- 
Sw/Ai, Lat. do; I. E. *sed, Hit, Skt. sad, Anc. Pers. had, 
YAv. had, Grk. eSos, Lat. sedeo, O. Ir. suide, Goth, 
sitan. 

dh. 

163. I. E. dh remained as dh in Aryan, while in 
the Keltic and Balto-Slav. groups it became d, in (Jrk. 
6, and in Lat. initially f, medially b before 1 and r, 



163-165] TiiK Consonants. 71) 

and after r and u, elsewhere d; e. g.^ I. E. *dhe,/>w^, 
Skt. dha, Gik. ^?/o-w, Lut. feci, con-do; I. E. *rudhros, 
red^ Skt. rudhira, Grk. ipv6p6s, Lat. ruber; I. E. 
"kludhi, /u(fr t/tou^ Skt. grudhi, Grk. kAv^c. 

b. Ai'yau Dentals in Ancient Persian. 



164. Aryan t remained in Anc. Pers., as also in 
Av., regularly before vowels and after sibilants, but 
before consonants it became 0; e. g.^ Anc. Pers. atiy, 
heyond, Av. aiti, Skt. ati; Anc. Pers. astiy, Jie iv, Av. 
asti, Skt. asti; Anc. Pers. -^itax , father^ Av. pitar, Skt. 
pitar; Anc. Pers. ai-ta, thi><^ Av. tarn, Skt. tarn; Av. 
ustra, Anc. Pers. usa- (cf. Tolman Le.r. 78), Skt. ustra; 
I. E. *twe, thee., Anc. Pers. ^uvam (for *^vam), GAv. 
^am, Skt. tvam. 

(a) Aryan ty became in Anc. Pers. sy (written sly) 
in hasiya (for *hasya), Av. hai^ya, Skt. satya. 

(b) The Anc. Pers. pronoun tya, which regularly 
would have been in Iranian *^ya (>*siya), probably 
takes its form after the analogy of the demonstrative 
ta (cf. Tolman Ltj-. 94). In the Anc. Pers. martiya 
(Av. masya, Skt. martiya) iy must have been pro- 
nounced as a separate syllable, as in the Veda. 

(c) Aryan to became so in Anc. Pers.; e. f/., aniy- 
asciy, any other (for *aniyat-ciy), Skt. anyaccid. 

165. Aryan tr was written in Anc. Pers. as ^'■; e. g.^ 
Anc. Pers. xsa^''a, Jiingdom^ A v. xsa^ra, Skt. ksatra; 
Anc. Pers. ci^^ lineage., Av. ci^a, Skt. citra; Anc. 
Pers. ^"itiya, third, YAv. ^itya, Skt. trtiya (for 
*tritiya); Anc, Pers. pu^'"a, son., Av. pu^a, Skt. putra; 
Anc. Pers. pi^"'a, of a fat her ., Grk. Trarpo's. 



80 The Consonants. [165-169 

Note. — m'^ra, Skt. mitra, is thus Avritten in the insci'iption 
Artaxerxes Persepolis a (aa. ac, ad) 25, b 23, and in Artaxerxes 
Susa a 4 and 5. Cf. 69, and 514, (d). 

th. 

166. In Anc. Pers., as in Av., Aryan th became 6, 
but when preceded by a sibilant and followed by a 
sonant it was changed to t; e. (/., Anc. Pers. ya^a, 
tvhen, Av. ya^a, Skt. yatha; Anc. Pers. sta, stand, 
Av. sta, Skt. stha. 

d. 

167. Aryan d remained d in Anc. Pers. (GAv. d, 
which })ecame YAv. S unless initial or preceded by a 
nasal or a sibilant); e. g., Anc. Pers. da, (///v>, Av. da, 
Skt. da; Anc. Pers. hsid,sit, YAv. had, Skt. sad; Anc. 
Pers. -spada(in taxmaspada), GAv. spada, YAv. spaSa. 

dh. 

168. Aryan dh, like other medije aspiratte in Ira- 
nian, fell together with its corresponding media, and 
appears in Anc. Pers. as d; e. g., Anc. Pers. da, j9i^^, 
Av. da, Skt. dha; Anc. Pers. ba"d, hhid, YAv. band, 
Skt. bandh; Anc. Pers. dars, dare, Skt. dhrs; Anc. 
Pers. di, see, A v. di, Skt. dhi; Anc. Pers. hi"du, I?idia, 
YAv. hindu, Skt. sindhu. 

5. a. Indo-European Labials in Aryan. 

p. 

169. I. E. p, which was lost in O. Ir. initially and 
before vowels and became Germanic f , b, remained p in 
Aryan, as well as in Lith., O. Slav., Lat., and Grk. 
(initially and in general medially); e. </., I. E. pater, 
f other, Skt. pitar, Anc. Pers. pitar, A v. pitar, Cirk. 



169-173] The Consonants. 81 

7raT>7/D, Lat. pater, O. Ir. athir, Goth, fadar; I. E. 
prk-sk(h)6, a-^Ji-, Skt. prchami, Anc. Per.s. a-parsam, 
Av. p9r9sami, Lai. posco ( *por (c) -sco), O. 11. G. 
forsca; I. E. *apo, froin^ Skt. apa, Anc. Pers. apa-, 
YAv. apa, (Jrk. a-rro. 

ph. 

170. The very rare I. E. sound ph was preserved 
uncliauged in Aryan, as also in Grk. (<^), while in the 
primiti\e period of other lano^iiages it fell together 
with other labials, with bh in Lat., with p in Ger- 
manic, Keltic, and Balto- Slavonic; e. g.^ Grk. (T<f>apa- 
yc'o), cracl\ Skt. sphurjati. 

b. 

171. I. E. b, the rarest of the explosives in the par- 
ent speech, remained b in Aryan, as also in O. Ir., 
Lith., O. Slav., Lat., Grk. (initially and in general 
medially), becoming p in the Germanic group; e. g.^ 
I. E. *pibeti, he drinJis^ Skt. pibati; Skt. bala, mighty 
Lat. de-bilis. 

bh. 

172. I. E. bh, which became Germanic b, lb, Keltic 
and Balto-Slavonic b, Grk. 0, Lat. f initially and b 
medially, remained bh in Aryan; e. </., I. E. *bhero, 
leai\ Skt. bharami, Grk. ^e'pw, Lat. fero, O. Ir. berim, 
Goth, baira; I. E. *bhrator, hrother^ Skt. bhratar, Grk. 
4>pdTwp, Lat. frater, O. Ir. brathir; Skt. nabhas, mist, 
Grk. v£<^os, Lat. nebula, O. H. G. nebul. 

b. Aryan Lalnals in Ancient Persian. 

p. 

173. Aryan p remained in Anc. Pers. and Av. be- 
6 



82 The Consonants. [173-176 

fore sonants and after sibilants, but before consonants 
it was changed to f; e. g.^ Anc. Pers. apa-, yrc>///, 
YAv. apa, Skt. apa; Anc. Pers. pitar, father^ Av. 
pitar, Skt. pitar; Anc. Pers. *spada, army (in taxmas- 
pada), GAv. spada, YAv. spaSa; Anc. Pers. ix3i-,forth^ 
Av. fra, Skt. pra; Anc. Pers. ufrasta, well-jmnished 
(cf. a-parsam, I examined)^ Av. fras, Skt. prchati. 

ph. 

174. Aryan ph appears in Iranian as f, but when 
preceded by a sibilant and followed by a sonant it be- 
came p; e. (/., YAv. "kaidm, yoa?n^ Skt. kapha, YAv. 
frasparat, he started forth ^ Skt. aphurat. No exam- 
ple is found in Anc. Pers. 

(a) In the Anc. Pers. *farnah, glory ^ occurring only 
in the compound proper name vi"dafarnah {finding 
glory) ^ the f represents an Iranian x''; cf. YAv. 
x^'aranah. 

(b) bh. 

175. Aryan (b) bh became Anc. Pers. b (GAv. b, 
which became YAv. w unless initial or preceded by 
a nasal or a sibilant); e. g.^ Anc. Pers. abara, he hore^ 
Skt. abharat (I. E. *ebheret); Anc. Pers. baga, god^ 
YAv. baya, Skt. bhaga; Anc. Pers. baji, tribute^ YAv. 
baj, Skt. bhaj; Anc. Pers. bratar, brother^ Av. bratar, 
Skt. bhratar; Anc. Pers. ably, to^ GAv. aibi, YAv. 
aiwi, Skt. abhi. 

6. a. Indo-European Consonantal Nasals in Aryan. 

n. 

176. The I. E. dental nasal remained as n in Aryan, 
as generally in the other derived languages; e. </., I. 
E. *nomn, name, Skt. nama, Av. nama, Anc. Pers. 



176-179] The Consonants. 83 

nama (New Pers. nam), Grk. o-vo/xa, Lat. nomen, Goth, 
namo; I. E. *genos, race^ Skt. janas, Grk. yeVos, Lat. 
genus, Goth, kuni; I. E. *bheronti, they har^ Skt. 
bharanti, A v. barainti, Grk, (Dor.) ipipovn, Lat. ferunt, 
Goth, bairand. 

177. But the nasal n, as mentioned above (137), even 
in I. E. became vehir or palatal before the corre- 
sponding explosives. So also, with the palatalization 
of I. E. velars in Aryan (145), a preceding velar nasal 
became palatal; e. f/., I. F.. *onqos, /loo/,'^ Skt. anka, 
Grk. oyKos, Lat. uncus; I. E. *kongho, 'mussel^ Skt. 
gankha, Grk. Koyxo?, Lat. congius; I. E. *penqe, fve^ 
Skt. panca, Lat. quinque, Lith. penki. (For Grk. 
TrevTc, see 141.) 

m. 

178. I. E. m remained m in Aryan, as generally in 
the other derived languages; e. g., I. E. *mater, 
7/iother, Skt. matar, Av. matar, Anc. Pers. -matar, 
Grk. MTrjp^ Lat. mater; I. E. *esmi, Ia//(, Skt. asmi, 
Av. ahmi, Anc. Pers. amiy, Grk. eiVA Lat. sum, Goth. 
im, Lith. esmi; I. E. *kiTitom, hundred^ Skt. 9atam, 
Av. sat9m, Grk. e-KaroV, Lat. centum. 

b. Aryan Nasals in Ancient Persian. 

n. 

179. Aryan n remained n in Anc. Pers. before 
vowels, but was not written before explosives nor 
when tinal; e. (j.^ Anc. Pers. nama, name, Av. nama, 
Skt. nama; Anc. Pers. ana, tJus^ A v. ana, Skt. ana; 
Anc. Pers. ba"daka, sxhject^ YAv. banda, Skt. bhanda; 
Anc. Pers. abara", they hore^ Skt. abharan. 

Cf. also: Anc. Pers. zra"ka, Dra)iglana^ Elam. 



84 The Consonants. [179-182 

[zirrajnkas, Bab. za-ra-an-ga-', Grk, Apayytai'r/; Anc. 
Pers. vi"dafarnah, rntaphernes, Elam. maintaparna, 
Grk. 'lvTa<f)€pvr}';; Aiic. Pei's. ka"bujiya, (^(inili/sis^ 
Elam. kanpuziya, Bab. kam-bu-zi-ia, Grk. Ka/x/Svar]';. 

m. 

180. Aryan m remained m in Ano. Pers.; e. g., 
Anc. Pers. nama, vame, A v. nama, Skt. nama; Anc. 
Pers. -matar, mother (New Pers. madar). Av. matar, 
Skt. matar. 

(a) Iranian dm appears in Anc. Pers. as m; e. </., 
Anc. Pers. maniyam, estate ( ^j, GAv. daman9m. 

(b) Aryan sm appears in Anc. Pers. as m; e. f/., 
Anc. Pers. amahy, we an\ Skt. smas, Ved. smasi (I. 
E. *s-mes[i]). (See 192.) 

(c) For the use of m in one place before an explo- 
sive, see 66. 3, note. 

7. a. Indo-European Liquids in Aryan. 
1. 

181. I. E. 1, ■wJiich remained unchanged in the other 
derived languages generally, appeared in Aryan usu- 
ally as r; e. g., I. E. *leiq, leave^ Skt. rinakti, Grk. 
XcLTTw, Lat. linquo; I. E. *leuq, *leuk, li(j/it, Skt. rokas, 
a light, lokas, a Ughting, Av. raoco, Anc. Pers. rauca, 
Arm. lois, Grk. Xcvkos, Lat. lux, O. Ir. loche. 

r. 

182. I. E. r appears in Aryan usually as r, remain- 
ing unchanged also in the other derived languages 
generally; e. </., I. E. *peri, a/'otaid, Skt. pari, Av. 
pairi, Anc. Pers. parly, Grk. Tre'pt; I, E. *pro, before ., 
Skt. pra, Av. fra, Anc. Pers. fra-, Grk. tt/do, Lat. pro. 



183-185I TiiK Consonants. 85 

b. Ai yun Liquids in Ancient Persian. 

l,r. 

183. Consonantal 1 oocnrs in Auc. Pers. only in two 
borrowed proi)er names: haldita (a personal name), 
Elam. altita, and dubala (a district in Baljylonia). C'f. 
the following, in accordance with 181: Anc. Pars. 
arbaira, Arhla^ Bab. ar-ba-'il, Grk. "Ap/StjXa; Anc. 
Pers. nadi"tabaira, Xldiuiii-Brl^ Elam. nititpel, l)ab. 
ni-din-tu-(ilu)bel; Anc. Pers. babiru, Elam. papili, 
Bab. babilu, Cirk. BafSvXwv. 

184. Aryan r remained r in Anc. Pers.; e. g., Anc. 
Pers. pariy, aroimd, Av. pairi, Skt. pari; Anc. Pers. 
hei-ffort/i, Av. fra, Skt. pra; Anc. Pers. raucah, c/r/y, 
YAv. rue, Skt. rue. 

(a) Aryan sr became in Anc. Pers» r; e. r/., Anc. 
Pers. rautah, rirer (New Pers. rod), Skt. srotas (rt. 
ST\i,_fou'). (See 192.) 

8. a. Indo-European Semivowels in Aryan. 

y. 

185. I. Yj. y remained unchanged in Aryan, as is 
true, to a great extent, of the other derived languages, 
though initial y was lost in O. Ir. and became spirifiis 
asj>er in Grk., intervocalic y disappeared in Grk., 
Lat., and the Keltic group, and postconsonantal y 
was often disguised in euphonic combinations pecul- 
iar to the various languages. Examples of I. E. y 
are the following: I. E. *yos, whlch^ Skt. ya, Grk. 
os; I. E. *yus, i/c, Skt. yuyam (328), Grk. v/u-ets, Goth, 
jus, Lith. jus; I. E. *eym, I 'tctnt^ Skt. ayam, Anc. 
Pers. -ayam, Grk. 3a (for ^a < ^ya); I. E. *(s)pekyo, 
I see^ Skt. pagyami, A v. spasyemi, Lat. specie. 



8() TiiJO Consonants. [186-189 

w. 

186. I. E. w remained in Aryan, as generally in 
the other derived languages, though in Arm. it ap- 
peared sometimes as g, in Lat. sometimes as u after 
a consonant, and in Grk. it disappeared early in most 
dialects, tirst medially, then initially; e. g.^ I. E. *wei, 
we^ Skt. vayam, Av. vaem; I. E. *weq, sj?eal'^ Skt. 
vacas, Grk. /rcVos, Lat. vox; I. E. *ekwos, Jwrsc, Skt. 
agva, YAv. aspa, Anc. Pers. aspa- (219. 2, a), Grk. 
TTTTros, Lat, equus; Skt. sarva, inhale^ Av. haurva, Grk. 
oAos for oX/:os; I. E. "^ebhewet, he became^ Skt. abhavat, 
Anc. Pers. abava. 

187. After consonants in I. E. y was interchanged 
with iy and w with uw, iy and uw occurring regularly 
after long syllables, y and w after short; e. </., L E. 
*p9triyo, of a father^ Skt. pitriyas, Grk. Trar/atos, Lat. 
patrius; but L E. *medhyo, middle^ Skt. madhyas, 
Grk. ii.k(To<i^ Lat. medius, Goth, midjis; Skt. a§nuvanti, 
they attain., but sunvanti, ihcy jri'ess out the soi/ta. 

b. Aryan Semivowels in Ancient Persian. 

y- 

188. Aryan y remained in Anc. Pers., but after 
consonants is written iy (cf. 66. 1). The pronuncia- 
tion in many such cases may have been iy, as it must 
have been when a preceding t was not changed to s 
(164. a); e. g., Anc. Pers. -ayam, I vent, Skt. ayam; 
Anc. Pers. a-jamiya (opt.), may it come; Skt. gam- 
yat (T. E. *gmmyet). For tya see 164 (b). 

w. 

189. Aryan w remained as v in Anc. Pers. , but after 



iSq-iqi] The Consonants. 87 

consonants is wiitttMi uv (tf. 66. 1); r. (/., Anc. Pers. 
-va, (>/\ Av. va, Skt. va; Anc. Pers. abava, lirlxrcniw^ 
Skt. abhavat; Anc-. Pors. haruva, icJiole^ YAv. haurva, 
Skt. sarva. 



9. a. Indo-European Spirants in Aryan. 

s. 

190. I. Yj. s remained s in Aryan unless preceded 
by an i- or u-vowel, r or r, or an original palatal or 
velar, in which cases it became s; e. f/., I. E. *septm, 
seven, Skt. sapta, Grk. Itttoi, Lat. septem, Goth.sibun; 
I. E. *esti, he is, Skt. asti, Av. asti, Anc. Pers. astiy, 
Grk. eo-Ti, Lat. est; Skt. tisthati, he stands, Av. his- 
taiti, Anc. Pers. aistata, Grk. lo-ttjixi, Lat. sisto; I. E. 
*geus, taste, Skt. jostar, Anc. Pers. daustar, Grk. yeva- 
TT^piov; 1. E. *dhers, dare, Skt. dharsati, Av. darsis, 
Anc. Pers. adarsnaus, Grk. ^apo-os; Skt. vaksi (I. E. 
-ks-), thou vnllest, but va^mi, Ivnll; I. E. *'weq, say, 
Skt. vaksyami, Av. vaxsya. 

(a) L E. ks was in L-anian reduced to s and so ap- 
pears in Anc. Pers.; e. (j., niyapisam, I cut (an in- 
scrij}fio/i), of the s-class of verbs (471), I. E. rt. *peik. 

(b) The occurrence of the s< I. E. s at the beginning 
of certain enclitic pronouns is to be explained from 
the influence of a final i or u of the word to which 
the enclitic was joined, as in tyai-saiy; then the forms 
with s were generalized, and we find ava^asaiy, adam- 
sam, etc. Cf . Av. se after i or u, but he after a. 

z. 

191. I. E. z became Aryan z under the same con- 
ditions under Avhich I. E. s became Aryan s (190), 



88 The Consonants. [191-193 

otherwise it appeared as z; e. g., I. E. *mizdhos, re- 
ward, Av. mizdsm, Grk. /xto-^os; Skt. dudhi, UJ-thlnl'- 
mg, Av. duzda; I. E. *sezd, redupl. from *sed, sit, Av. 
hazd-. 

b. Aryan Original Spirants in Ancient Persian. 



192. Aryan s remained in Anc. Pers. before a ten- 
uis, but elsewhere became h, which disappeared be- 
fore m and r (180, b; 184, a), before u., often medially 
before other vowels, and also when final; e. g., Anc. 
Pers. astiy, he is, A v. asti, Skt. asti; Anc. Pers, haina, 
army, Y An. haena, Skt. sena; Anc. Pers. naham(acc.), 
nose, YAv. nah, Skt. nas; Anc. Pers. amiy, lam, Av. 
ahmi, Skt. asmi; Anc. Pers. rauta(h), river (New Pers. 
rod), Skt. srotas (rt. srvi,f<nr); Anc. Pers. prefix u- 
(uv-), well, Av. hu-, Skt. su-; Anc. Pers. aura, god, 
Av. ahura, Skt. asura; Anc. Pers. aistata, Jie stood, 
Av. histaiti; Anc. Pers. ^atiy (for *^ahatiy), he says, 
but a^aha, he said, Av. sah, Skt. Qaiis; Anc. Pers. 
aniya (nom. sg. m.), other, Av. anyo, Skt. anyas. 

(a) The Anc. Pers. shows a variation between 
ufrastam and ufrastam, a variation that belonged 
probably to the spoken language as well as to the 
written. 

s. 

193. The Aryan s, developed from original s under 
conditions mentioned in 190, Remained s in Anc, Pers. ; 
e. g., Anc. Pers, aistata, Jie stood, Av. histaiti, Skt. 
tisthati; Anc. Pers, daustar,yn"(?;?^, Skt. jostar; Anc. 
Pers. adarsnaus, Jie dared., Av. darsis, Skt. dharsati. 

(a) In niy-astayam, I commanded, from root sta, 



193-194I Sandiii. so 

sfK/)(?, and niyasadayam, / e)^/(/bIishef7, from root had, 
.siV, the s rcsultino; from the vowel of the prefix has 
been taken over into the au<rmented form. 



CHAPJER VII. 
Sandhi. 



194. In the various Indo-European lano;uages both 
vowel and consonant sounds have imdergoue changes 
throuirh the influence of other vowels or consonants 
in the same sound group. This sound group may 
ccmsist of the parts of a single word, as when to a 
root there is added a derivative suffix or an inflec- 
tional ending. Or, since language is spoken not in 
individual words, but always in phrases and sentences, 
the sound group may consist of parts of several con- 
nected words, these parts being phonetically no less 
closely related than those of the single WT)rd. Ac- 
cording as such changes occur within words or be- 
tween words, they are called changes of internal 
combination or of external combination. The prin- 
ciples controlling both these classes of phonetic 
change are included under the general name of 
Sandhi — a term adopted from the Hindu gramma- 
rians and meaning literally a jnitting together. How- 
ever, Sandhi is often used to designate the principles 
of external combination only. 

]\Iany of these sound changes are inherited from 
the Indo-European period. Thus we should have I. 
E. loc. pi. *gou-su from *gou, coit^ Skt. gosu, Grk. 
^ova-L^ but I. E. gen. pi. *gow-om, Skt. gavam, Grk. 
PoSiv\ I. E. loc. pi. *bhrghnt-su from *bhrghnt, gi'eat, 



90 Sandhi. [194-196 

Skt. brhat-su, but instr. pi. *bhrghnd-bhi(s), Skt. 
brhad-bhis; I. E. *tot peku, this com^ Skt. tat pagu, 
but I. PI *tod donom, this; gift^ Skt. tad danam. 

195. Because the mind of the speaker usually an- 
ticipates his spoken word, it is often the case that the 
vocal organs while pronouncing one sound are pre- 
paring for another to follow, with the result that the 
former is modified through anticipation of the latter, 
or there occurs regressive assimilation, as in I. E. 
*juqtos, yoked^ beside *jugom, yoke. Occasionally the 
vocal organs lingering on a sound just uttered, under 
its influence modify a following sound, or there oc- 
curs progressive assimilation, as when I. E. *bhndh-to, 
hound., became Skt. baddha. 

196. In many cases it happened that, when a word 
had assumed different forms according to the combi- 
nation of its final sound with the initial sound of a 
following word, these doublet forms continued for a 
time, each in its proper place; then as the influences 
producing or requiring the change ceased to operate, 
the two forms were used indiscriminately until one 
gained the ascendancy and eventually came to be used 
to the exclusion of the other, regardless of its phonetic 
position. 

This is illustrated in the use of the Greek Trpo's and 
irpoTi representing Indo-European *proty and *proti 
(Skt. praty and prati), the one form being used when 
the initial sound of the following word was a vowel, 
the other when the following initial was a consonant. 
But TT/aos came to be the preferred form in Attic and 
was used without reference to the character of the 
following sound, while in other dialects irpoTL was 
generalized and Trpos disappeared. 



197-199] Sandiii. !)1 

1. Indo-European Contraction of \'()wels. 

197. The i- and u-diphlhon<rs discussed in previous 
sections (9811") were strictly the result of the contrac- 
tion of two vowel sounds. Combinations of a, e, and 
0, with a, e, and 0, produced long vowels. Thus: 

a + a " a, < . ,'/•, I- E. *ekwa-a (pro!), ending of instr. 

sg., cf. 254) ,"> *ekwa, 8kt. (Ved.) aQva, Grk. Aa^pa, 

Dor. Kpvffid. 
a + e > a, f'. ^., I. E. nom. pi. *ekwa-es *ekwas, 

Skt. (\''ed.) agvas. Cf. Goth, gibos, Osc. serif tas. 
e -{- a. > e, e. g., J. "E. *qe-a (prolj. ending of instr. 

sg., cf. 254) > qe, Grk. n^. 
e + e > e, i\ g. , I. E. *e-es-m > *es-m, Skt. asam, Grk. 

(Horn.) ^a. 
+ e > 0, t. (/., I. E. nom. pi. *ekwo-es > *ekwos, 

Skt. a9vas. Cf. Goth, wulfos. 
+ > 0, <?. ^., I. E. gen. pi. *ekwo-oin > *ekw6m, 

Grk. ItnTiav. (Skt. agvanam is a reformation. ) 

■ Contraction, of Yoii^el and DipJdhong. 

198. The contraction of a, e, with a diphthong 
resulted in a long diphthong; <. (/., I. E. dat. sg. 
*ekwa-ai "^ *ekwai, and *ekwo-ai "■ *ekwoi; I. E. 
*e-ey-m " *ey-m, Skt. ayam, Grk. rja (for *^a *%a). 

2. Internal Combination in Indo-European. 
a. Explosives and Spirxmts. 

199. The voiced consonants (/. e.^ medife and z) be- 
fore voiceless sounds (/. ^., tenues and s) became 
voiceless; e. g., I. E., *jugom, yoJ^'e, *juqtos, yoh'd, 
Skt. yugam, yukta, Grk. ^^'yov, ^evKT6<;^ I^at. iugum, 
iunctus; 1. E. loc. pi. *petsu, from *ped, foot, Skt. 
patsu. 



92 Saxdiii. [200-204 

200. Tennes before mediffi became medi^, and the 
voiceless spirant before niediiB became voiced; e. (/., 
I. E, *ped, foot^ but bd for pd in Skt. upa-bda, Grk. 
eVt758ai; I. E. *nizdos, nest^ zd for sd from root *sed, sit. 

201.' The immediate succession of two aspiratje twis 
avoided by deaspiration of the first; e. (j., I. E. *bhe- 
bhidh-dhi, from root *bheidh, 2)ersuade.^ became *bhe- 
bhid^dhi (203), whence the Grk. TrcVto-^i. 

202. An aspirata before an iinaspirated sound, 
whether explosive, sibilant, or combination of explo- 
sive and sibilant, transferred its aspiration to the 
second sound, and if the iirst was voiced the second 
also became voiced; e. g., I. E. *bhndh-to, from root 
bhndh, J/y/cZ, became *bhndMho (203), whence the Skt. 
baddha; I. E. *ghsen Ijecauie *gzhen, whence the Grk. 
leVos, stranger; I. E. qnthsko, Isiijfer^ became " qntskho, 
whence the Grk. *patskho > Trao-xw. 

Transfer of aspiration in the combinations ths, phs, 
dhs, bhs, qh^, kh^, ghS, ghS, has been mentioned in 
139, note. 

203. The succession of two dental explosives de- 
veloped a spirantal glide between the two sounds, t-t, 
t-th, d-d, d-dh becoming t't, t'^th, d'd, dMh; e. g. , I. E. 
*bhebhid-dhi, from root *bheidh, ixrf^uade.^ became 
"■^bhebhid'dhi, Grk. TreVio-^t; I. E. *set-to for *sed-to, 
from root'^sed,.v/Y, became *set''to, Skt. satta, Av, hasta. 

Note. — ssk(h) became sk(h); e. g., I. E. *is-sk(h)o, f rom root 
*ais, seek, became *isk(h)o. 

b. JVasals. 

204. The nasal was assimilated to a following ex- 
plosive. See 137. 



205-iiog] Sandhi. 93 

c. Semivmvels. 

205. y and w, as well as r, n, and m, often repre- 
sented the corresponding vowel in consonantal func- 
tion before other vowels; e. (j., I. E. *bhw-i-yet, opt. 
3 sg. from root *bhu, he; I. E. *treyes, t/wee, Skt. 
trayas; so I. E. *matr-su, loc, pi. of *mater, rnothei\ 
beside gen. sg. " mattes, and *k(u)wn-su, loc. pi. of 
*k(u)wo(n), dog^ beside gen. sg. *kun-es. 

206. w Mas lost from enclitic pronominal forms, 
probal)ly first after certain consonants; f. ^., 2 pers. 
pron., loc. sg. *toi for *twoi. It also disappeared be- 
tween a long vowel and consonantal m; e. (j.^ I. E, ace. 
dyam, beside nom. dyaus, .sZv/, Skt. dyam, Grk. Zi^V. 



3. External Combination in Indo-Enropean. 

207. For explosives and spirants the same rule holds 
in external as in internal combination, the regressive 
assimilation of voiced and voiceless sounds; e. </., I. 
E. *edot, lie g<ii'e^ + *bhratrai, to the Irofher^ became 
*edod-bhratrai, Skt. adad bhratre; I. E. Hod, t/mt, + 
*siyet, liiat/ be, became "'tot-siyet, Skt. tat siyat. 

208. Before consonants final ei became e and final 
ou became 0; e. g., I. E. loc. sg. of i-stems, *-ei > e 
as in Vedic agna; I. E. *dwo sunu, two sons, but dwow 
ekwou, t'tco horses. So in Sanskrit the Veda has in 
nom. ace. dual -a (original o-stems), seldom -au, 
while the classical Sanskrit has only au, the Greek 
only w. 

209. Final i and u remained vowels before initial 
consonants, but became consonantal, i. e., y and w, 
before initial vowel sounds; e. </., I. E. *proti tod, to- 
ward this, ])ut *proty ekwons, toward the horse-s,' I. E. 



94 Saxbhi. [209-214 

*medhu bheveti, tlie honey becomes^ but *medhw esti, 
the honey is. Cf. 205. 

(a) m before vowels was probaljly prouoimced mm. 
This may explain the distinction between Grk. -noho. 
and Skt. padam, but cf. 107. 

(b) On the interchange of y and w with iy and uw 
according to the quantity of the preceding syllable, 
see 187. This change belongs also to external combi- 
nation. 

210. Under certain conditions of accent and sen- 
tence combination the final nasal and r disappeared; 
e. g., I. E. *uksen, o,/-, beside *ukse, Skt. uksa; I. E. 
^-pdter, father, Grk. -Traryp, beside I. E. *p9te, S'kt. pita. 

211. As in internal combination ssk(h) became 
sk(h) (203, note), so the dropping of initial s l)efore 
a consonant, giving rise to doublet forms like the 
Greek o-reyos, reyos, may have occurred fii-st where 
the preceding w^ord ended in s. 

4. Combination of Vowels in Ancient Persian. 

213. Since Indo-European a, e, are all repre- 
sented by the Ancient Persian a (75, 87!!'), the prin- 
ciples of their combination in Indo-European, if ap- 
plied in Ancient Persian, mean always the union of 
a with a into a, and the union of a wdth i or u gives 
a diphthong, i. e., ai or au; e. ()., Anc. Pers. fra-ajanam 
became frajanam, I cut off; para-idiy became paraidiy, 
{/o thoiifortJi; demonstr. pron, ha-u became hauv, I. 
E. *so-u, Grk, ouTos. 

214. If the h between vowels, which was lost from 
the written form of certain Ancient Persian words 
(192), was entirely unpronounccd, then these vowels 
also must ha\ o united into a long vowel or diphthong; 



214-2x6] Sandiii. 95 

aiul ^aatiy from *^ahatiy, /lesaf/s, is to be pronounced 
^atiy; a-istata from "ahistata, Zip lulfrd^ is to l)e pro- 
nounced aistata; anil a-ura from ""ahura, r/o^Z, becomes 
aura. 

5. AntiplN-xis. 

215. Anaptyxis, or the development of a vowel 
sound between a lic^uid or a nasal and another con- 
sonant, either preceding or followinof, occurs fre- 
quently in the Indo-European languages. This sound 
is merely a glide vowel originating from the semi- 
vocalic nature of the liquid or nasal. Thus are 
formed Grk. €/38o/aos from *i/38fjL-^ Lat. poculum from 
*poclum, stabilis from *stablis. 

In the Aryan languages anaptyxis occurs in the 
Pnlkrit dialect of the Sanski-it, as Prakt. harisa, Skt. 
harsa, j/oy, and it is very common in Avestan; e. g., 
GAv. dadamahi, ice gh'e, Skt. dadmasi; GAv. fara, 
fort/i, YAv. fra, Skt. pra. But in Ancient Persian u 
between d and r, and between g and d, when the fol- 
lowing syllable or the preceding syllable has an u- 
sound, furnishes the only sure examples of anaptyxis; 
e. g., Anc. Pers. adurujiya, he lied, GAv. druj, Skt. 
druh; -Anc. Pers. duruva, secure, YAv. drva, Skt. 
dhruva; Anc. Pers. suguda, Sogdiana, YAv. suySa, 
Elam. suktas, Bab. su-ug-du, Grk. SoySmn;. 

In the pronunciation of words like drauga, bratar, 
framana, there may have been between d, b or f, and 
r something of the sound of a, which the Ancient 
Persian writing would allow, and which is suggested 
by the ]Modern Persian duroy, biradar, farman. 

6. Coml)ination of Consonants in Ancient Persian. 

216. The Indo-European law of assinulation of 



96 Sandhi. • [216-219 

voiced and voiceless consonants continued to operate 
in Ancient Persian; c r/., vahyazdata, for *vahyasdata; 
bagabuxsa, from baga -f- root *buj,//'tt7 nijayam, / 
went forth; cf. Av. nis, niz, and 68. 

(a) But s before a sonant is preserved in the com- 
pound dusiyara (dus + *yar; cf. Skt. dus-, dur-, Av. 
dus-, duz-) probably with a feeling of the independ- 
ence of the two elements. 

217. While the primitive Aiyan followed the Indo- 
European in the transfer of aspiration with progres- 
sive assimilation in the combination of an aspirate 
with an unaspirated sound (202), yet through the in- 
fluence of analogy with forms properly retaining the 
ta-sufiix, as karta, made^ "patB., 2yrotected^ certain par- 
ticiples in Ancient Persian, as in Avestan, kept the 
-tawith regressive assimilation; e. </., I. E. *bhndh-to, 
hound^ Prim. Ar. *badMha, Skt. baddha, but Anc. 
Pers. basta instead of *bazda; Skt. drugdha, deceived^ 
but Anc. Pers. duruxta instead of *durugda. 

218. The influence of Aryan palatal vowels in the 
palatalization of preceding velars (89 end, 145) con- 
tinues in Ancient Persian. 

219. The Aryan tenues had different treatment gen- 
erally in Ancient Persian, as in Avestan, according as 
they were followed by a vowel or a consonant. Thus: 

(1) Ar. k (I. E. q) in Anc. Pers. remained k before 
vowels, but was changed to x before consonants (146). 

(2) Ar. s (I. E. k) became in Anc. Pers. or s be- 
fore vowels and most consonants, but was changed to 
s before n and generally before t (153, 157. a, b). 

(a) But Ar. sw from I. E. kw became in Anc. Pers. 
s or sp; e. g.^ T. E. *ekwos, lorse^ Anc. Pers. asa and 
aspa-, Skt. agva, YAv. aspa, New Pers. asp, (Irk, 'ttttos. 



219-224I Sandiii. 07 

(.")) Ar. t (I. E. t) remained in Anc. Pers. t Ix'fore 
vowels and after sibilants, but elsewhere became 
(164); tr became 6" (165). 

(a) But Ar. ty ])ec-anie sy in Anc. Pers. in hasiya, 
while t is retained in tya and martiya (164. a, b). 

(b) The development of a spirant between succes- 
sive dental explosives (203) may be seen in Anc. Pers. 
basta, hound, Skt. baddha, from I. E. *bhndMho (cf. 
202). 

(4) Ar. p (I. E. p) remained in Anc. Pers. p before 
vowels and after sibilants, but elsewhere became f 

(173). 

220. Aryan tenues aspiratas, when preceded by a 
sibilant and followed by a sonant, lost their aspiration 
in Ancient Persian, as in Avestan, and appear as sim- 
ple tenues. Thus, as has been mentioned above, in 
such position kh became k (147), th became t (166), 
and ph became (Ii'anian) p (174). 

221. Aryan mediae regularly remained unchanged, 
but d before m disappeared ( 180. a). 

222. Aryan medife aspiratse, upon coming into An- 
cient Persian, lost their aspiration and appear always 
as simple media. Thus, as has been mentioned above, 
gh fell together w ith g (149), jh wdth j (152), zh (I. E. 
gh) with z (I. E. g) becoming d or z (159), dh with d 
(168) and bh with b (175). 

223. According to the law stated in 177, the nasal 
was palatalized with the Aryan palatalization of a 
following velar, but the nasal was regularly not writ- 
ten before explosives in Ancient Persian (179). 

224. After consonants in Ancient Persian, iy and 
uv occur instead of y and v (188, 189). 

7 



98 Sandhi. [224-229 

(u) Aryan bhw, from I. E. bhw, became b in Anc. 
Pers. ; e. ^., biya, inaij lie l>e^ I. E. *bb,w-i-yet. 

225. I. E. s or z in Aryan became s, z when pre- 
ceded by an i- or u-vowel, by r or r, or by an orig'inal 
palatal or velar explosive (190, 191), and this s (z) re- 
mained in such positions in Ancient Persian (193). 

226. Aryan s became h in Ancient Persian in all 
places except before a tenuis. This h disappeared 
before m and r, before u, often medially before other 
vowels, and also when final (192). 

In like manner Ar. sw l)ecame Anc. Pers. uv; 
e. fj., I. E. *swe, *swo, oties own^ Skt. sva, Anc. Pers. 
uva-. 

7. Permitted Finals. 

227. Final i or u is supplemented by the addition 
of the corresponding semivowel (66. 1); e. 9., Anc. 
Pers. parly, ahout.^ Av. pairi, Skt. pari; Anc. Pers. 
naiy, t^ot^ but nai with the enclitics -sim and -maiy 
(yet naiy occurs with -dis); Anc. Pers. paruv (nom. 
sg. ), mcmy, but parunam (gen. pi.; also paruv'^nam), 
YAv. pouru, Skt. puru; Anc. Pers. hauv, that^ but 
written hau with enclitics -saiy and -ciy. 

228. When the Ancient Persian fails to conform 
to the historical quantity of final vowels, the change 
is merely gi*aphic; e. g.^ Anc. Pers. abara"ta, they 
ho7'e tliemselves^ Skt. abharanta, Grk. It^ipovro. (See 61.) 

229. Final t and d of the Aryan disappeared from 
Ancient Persian; e. r/., Anc. Pers. abara, he hore^ Skt. 
abharat. Bartholomae contends that in pronunciation 
there was still some trace of the omitted letter and 
indicates this by ^, abara^'. 

(a) The same disappearance occui's in the first mem- 
ber of a compound; as in the participial stem appear- 



229-233] Word Formation. 99 

ing in daraya-vau-, yw.v.sv.v.s///^/ 7/V7///'//, Iran. *dara- 
yat-vahu; vi"da-farnah,,/7'//^////f/ (jl<>r[/^ , Tnin. *vindat- 
x'ar9nah. 

(b) The original final dental, either explosive or 
si])ilant, appears as s l)cf()re the enclitic -ciy; e. r/., 
aniyasciy, Skt. anyaccid (anyat + cit); kasciy for 
*kas-ciy. It may be true, as some have held, that the 
d in such forms as avadim, avadis is properly the orig- 
inal linal dental of ava and not the initial sound of 
the enclitic pronoun. From its appearance in such 
places it might easily have become in speech and in 
writing a part of the following pronoun. 

230. Final n is never written in Ancient Persian 

(179). 

231. Final h representing Aryan s was lost (192, 
226). Here, again, Bartholomae believes that in pro- 
nunciation there was a trace of the omitted letter and 
writes ^. (See 229.) 

232. It will thus be seen that, in addition to the 
vowel a and the semivowels y and v, mentioned 
above, only m, r, and s may end Ancient Persian words. 



CHAPTER Vm. 

Word Formation. 



233. A STUDY of the formation of words in the Indo- 
European languages leads to the belief that in the 
earliest period the parent tongue was composed 
largely of simple and distinct words which we may 
call roots, and that in the process of language devel- 
opment many of these words were joined to others, 
modifying the original meaning and introducing new 



100 WoKL) Formation. [233-235 

forms. However, it is not to be understood that the 
quoted roots of the grammars were, in fact, among the 
original words, but are rather the nearest approach 
to these warranted by known forms; and, again, 
many of the elements of derived words may never 
have been independent. The process of word forma- 
tion here mentioned, moreover, not only belonged to 
the Indo-European period, but has continued to a 
great extent all through the history of the derived 
languages. 

1. Compounds. 

234. The combination of grammatically related 
words into a single word forms a compound. 

Classified according to their meaning, compounds 
of nouns and adjectives are Coordinating or Subor- 
dinating; i. (?., there is mere addition of elements in 
the same construction, or else one element is in some 
way defined by the other. The former class are also 
called Copulative, and outside of Sanskrit occur but 
rarely in the derived languages. Such are I. E. 
*dwo-dekm, *duwo-dekm, tmo and ten; Skt. dva-daga, 
Grk. Soj-8eKa, Suoj-ScKa, Lat. duo-decim; Skt. candradit- 
yau, onoon cDid sun; ahoratram, day and night. 

235. Subordinating compounds consist largely of 
what the grammarians call Determinatives, in which 
(1) one element stands in case relation to the other 
(Dependent Compounds), or (2) the first element 
stands to the second in the relation of adjective or 
adverb modifier (Descriptive Compounds); again, 
Determinative Compounds may have an adjective 
force through the addition of a secondary notion of 
possession, and arc then called (3) Possessive Com- 
pounds. 



235-236] Word Formation*. 101 

Examples of these classes are the following: 

(1) Anc. PtTs. xsa0^a.-psiYa.n, li/i;//f(i/ii-j>ff/ff < for, sa- 
fr((j)/ arsti-bara (act.), ,y>r('r-hra/yr', asa-bari (pass.), 
horse-home^ horseman; uva-marsiyu, dyhifj hy one\s 
oirnJidnd; Skt. Tn.3itr-sYa.sa.r,m(>fhrr''s sistvr; veda-vid, 

T^eda-JiUowhuj ,' Grk. vav/Aa;(ia, hit tie of ships; TTUTpo- 

<^oVos, shnjer of afatlt r; Lat. s.<Si-st\\.vxB!i, standing of 
the sun; agri-cola, ad tiratnr (f the field. 

(2) Anc. Pers. ariya c[i]^'a, of Aryan lineage (the 
two parts' of the compound here possibly preserving 
enough of their independence to T)e written sepa- 
rately); u-barta, 'U'ell-extetnud; ^ura-vahara, vigorous 
springtime; Skt. eka-vira, only hero; maha-dhana, 
great wealth; Grk. eu-yevr/s, well-horn ; iKarofji-fSri, hun- 
dred cattle; Lat. meri-dies, in id-day; per-magnus, very 
large. 

(;>) Anc. Pers. u-martiya, possessing good men; ti- 
gra-xauda, having a pointed caji; hama-pitar, having 
a cinnmon father; Skt. brhad-ratha, having great 
chariot-^; agni-tejas, having the hrigJitness of fire; 
Grk. dpyvpo-Toio^^ having a silver hoic; Terpa-Trous, 
having four feet; Lat. flavi-comus, having yellow hair; 
bi-dens, h<iring two teeth. 

236. Classilied according to their form, compounds 
may have for the first member (1) the stem of an in- 
flected noun, adjective, or pronoun; (2) a particle 
uninflected from Indo-European times; (8) an original 
adverbial form used also independently; (tt) a case 
form or an adverb developed after Indo-European 
times. 

Examples of these classes are the following: 

(1) Anc. Pers. xsayarsan, for xsaya-arsan, king- 
inan., Xerxes; paru-zana, having ma)! y people; uva- 



102 Word Formation. [236-237 

marsiyu^ dyivg hy 07ie's o^rn hand,' Skt. deva-sena, 
amy of gods: brhad-ratha, having great chariotxj 
Grk. ySou-\,;-<^&pos, counxcl-hearing ,' KaKo-Satfxwv^ ill- 
fated; avTo-vo/Aos, with its ov^n laws,' Lat. signi-fer, 
standard-hearer ; magn-animus, great-soided. 

(2) Anc. Pers. a-xsata, unhurt; an-ahita, spotless 
{goddesK); dusi-yara, had harvest; Skt. a-ksata, iin- 
hnrt; dur-manas, iU-tJtinling; Grk. a-yvwros, vn- 
l'no7vn; a-TrXous, one-fold; 8vcr-fji€VT/]s, ill-tJtinl'lng; Lat. 
in-eptus, nnsuited; sim-plex, one-fold. 

(o) Anc. Pers. fra-tarta, departed from; Skt. pra- 
f^dith.a.j forward 2xdJi; Grk. irpo-rjy^jxdiv^ guide {going) 
before; Lat. T^TO-cuTsus,forwa7'd running. (Adverbial 
elements of compounds are mentioned below, 546.) 

(4) Skt. T^ustim-bhaia., 2»'osj)erity-ljringi ng ; visu-vrt, 
turnij^g to hofh sides; Grk. Aioo-Kovpot, so7iS of Zeus; 
7raXat-<^aTos, said long ago; Lat. postri-die, on the nesct 
day; bene-volens, loell-ioishing. 

2. Suffixes. 

237. When either element of a compound has 
ceased to be regarded as ever having been distinct, 
then the word is to be considered simple. But if one 
element, while losing its independence, is still recog- 
nized as having a definite value in a series of simi- 
larly formed words, it then becomes a prefix or a 
suffix to the other element; e. </., Eng. -ly, for like, 
originally lie, hody^ in friend-ly, man-ly, kind-ly, etc. 
But the original signification of most suffixes, even 
the question whether they ever existed as independ- 
ent words, it is now impossible to determine. They 
are used either to form new words or to indicate dif- 
ferent relations of words in sentences; i. e., we have 



237-239] Word Formation-. 103 

word-forming suffixes and inflectional suffixes; e. r/,, 
I. E. *p9ter,,/)/r//^/', *mater, 7//r9Mtf/', Anc. Pers. pitar, 
-matar, Skt. pitar, matar, Cirk. TraTrjp^ M'^Wi L'^t. pater, 
mater, show the word forming suffix -ter, while in the 
accusative case, I. E. *p9-ter-5i, *ma-ter-m, Skt. pita- 
ram, mataram, Grk. Trarcpa, (x-qripa^ Lat. patrem, ma- 
trem, appears the inflectional suffix -m in addition to 
the -ter suffix. 

238. A formative suffix may be added to what is 
already a combination of root and suffix, in which 
case the first suffix is called primary and the other 
secondary. The name secondary is thus commonly 
applied to the suffix of a word derived from a noun 
stem as distinguished from that of a word derived 
directly from a root or verbal stem, since the noun 
stem itself is so often a derivative from a verb. 

Nouns which add their case suffixes directl}'^ to a 
root are called root nouns. 

239. In all kinds of elements appear changes of 
vowel gradation, which, as has before been stated 
(119ft'), were due to the influence of accent, but, 
while certain grades of vowels were regularly con- 
nected with certain forms, and, as will be seen later, 
thus came to have an important relation to inflec- 
tional changes, yet their use was originally the result 
of accent, and they were not a part of the inflection. 
Thus, root nouns had originally a distinction of vowel 
gradation for dift'erent cases, but even in the Indo- 
pAiropean period a leveling process had already be- 
gun which often led to the generalization of one 
ablaut form. Some nouns have preserved the dis- 
tinction in the derived languages, while others appear 
without vowel gradation; e. f/., I. E. *ped, *p6d,/6'6'^, 



104 Word Formation, [239-240 

shows in nom. so^., Skt. pat, Grk. irou's, Dor. ttws, Lat. 
pes, but o^en, sof., Skt. padas, Grk. -n-oSo's, Lat. pedis. 
But from I. E. *naus, sJdjj^ the extended grade of the 
diphthong appears in all places, as nom. sg., Skt. 
naus, Grk. mvs, Lat. navis; gen. sg. 1. E. *nawos. 
Skt. navas, Grk. Dor. vao's, Ion. vt^o's, Lat. navis. 
The following suffixes occur in Ancient Persian: 

(a) Primary Suffixes. 

240. -a- < I. E. -e-:-o-. I. E. -0- originally oc- 
curred in the second syllable of a dissyllabic light 
base, as *wlqo, vxdf. Then as a suffix it was extended 
to bases that had not the accent on the second sylla- 
ble. In ablaut relation with -0- was -e-, both, of 
course, becoming -a- in Ancient Persian (89, 93) ; e. g. , 
gausa, ear,, YAv. gaosa, Skt. ghosa. 

-an- < I. E. -en-. This had, by vowel gradation, 
the I. E. forms -en-, -on-, -en-, -on-, -n-, and (before 
consonants) -n-. It was added usually to the low 
grade of the root and had various meanings; it 
formed primary noinina agentis^ substantives from 
adjectives, names of animate objects, of parts of the 
body, etc. It occurs in the Anc. Pers. *arsan, ntan,, 
of the compound xsayarsan (236. 1), YAv. arsan, 

Grk. apd-qv. 

-ana- < I. E. -eno- : -ono-. This suffix is used mostly 
in the formation of participles and abstract nouns; 
e, g., Anc. Pers. draujana, hjuig; hamarana, hattle. 

-ah- < I. E. -es-:-os-. Even in the earliest period, 
for the substantive the form of this suffix in -os- 
seems to have been used in the nom. sg., elsewhere 
-es-; and for the adjective -es- was added for the mas- 
culine, -es- for the neuter. The root syllable has the 



240 1 W(>I{I) FoR.MATIOX. 105 

hiofh ^nulc of \ owel jiiid cairios the accent in nouns, 
but the accent is on the endin*): in adjectives. It was 
commonly used in neuter ahstnict nouns or in com- 
pound adjectives made from such nouns; e. ^., Anc. 
Pers. raucah, day^ Av. raocah. 

- -i- < I. E. -i-. This suffix in Indo-European 
formed masculine and feminine nouns and adjectives. 
In Aryan it formed vouumi, aqoitix masculine, and 
abstract ver])al nouns, usually feminine. The grade 
of the root varied. The suffix is seen in Anc. Pers. 
baji, trihiif('. 

-is- < I. E. -9S-. This 9 seems to have originated 
in the second syllable of a dissylla]:)ic heavy base, 
having the accent on the tirst syllal)le (129), being 
the low grade of the suffix -es-:-os-, -es-:-os-, and 
having been generalized. The suffix was used in the 
formation of neuter nouns; e. g.^ Anc. Pers. hadfs, 
dwelling ■place. 

-u- < I. E. -U-. This suffix was generally used to 
form adjectives and was added to the low grade of 
the root, though the high grade may once have been 
used in certain eases; e. g.^ Anc. Pers. paru, many., 
YAv. pouru, Skt. puru; Anc. Pers. a-u-ra, god., Av. 
ah-u-ra, Skt. as-u-ra. 

-ka- ; I. PI -qo-. The original signification of this 
suffix is not plain. It occurs in Anc. Pers. uska, dry 
land., YAv. huska. 

-ta- < I. E. -to-. As a primary suffix this was used 
to form participial adjectives and related sul)stantives. 
It was, therefore, added to the low grade of a root, 
and commonly the form was perfect passive in mean- 
ing, as Anc. Pers. basta, hound., karta, done. 

-tar- < I. E. -ter-. This suffix occurred almost en- 



lOG Word Formation. [240 

tirely in nomlna cujentis and nouns of relationship, 
the former masculine, the latter masculine or femi- 
nine according to sex. In its ablaut grades the suf- 
fix appeared also as -tor-, -ter-, -tor-, -tr-, and (before 
consonants) -tr-. It was added usually to the high 
grade of the root. Examples are: Anc. Pers. jatar 
or ja"tar, smiter, YAv. jantar, Skt. hantar; Anc. 
Pers. ^itaXy father^ Av. pitar, Skt. pitar. 

-tah- < I. E. -t-es-. This suffix appears in Anc. 
Pers. rautah, river^ Skt. srotas. 

-ti- < I. E. -ti-. This suffix was used in Indo- 
European chiefly to form feminine nomina actionls. 
In Aryan, infinitives were developed from these 
nouns. The root is regularly of the low grade, al- 
though before the leveling process had its efl'ect the 
root vowel probably varied in its grade according to 
the accent of the cases; e. g.^ Anc. Pers. siyati, well- 
heing^ YAv. sati. 

-tu- (or -^u- through the influence of -6^-) < I. E. 
-tu-. This was used in the formation of abstract sub- 
stantives or verbal nouns, which originally were mas- 
culine, but by analogy became feminine in Greek 
and sometimes in Aryan and Germanic. In Aryan, 
as in Latin and Balto-Slavonic, this ending makes in- 
finitives (gerunds and supines). The grade of the 
root vowel varied (cf. Grk. KXetrv's, kXltvs). The suf- 
fix is seen in Anc. Pers. ga^u, j^lace^ Av. gatu, Skt. 
gatu. 

-^'a- < I. E. -tro-. This suffix is added to the high 
grade of the root and indicates the instrument or the 
place of an action; e. f/., Anc. Pers. xsa^'a, l-ingdom^ 
root xsi, rule^ A v. xsa^ra, Skt. ksatra. 

-na- < I. E. -no-. This suHix formed verbal adjec- 



240] Word Formatiox. 107 

lives and substantives, the adjectives having usually 
tlie low orrjide of the root and the substantives usu- 
ally the hi<j:h; e. </., Anc. IVrs, haina, arunj^ YAv. 
haena, Skt. sena. 

-nah- ■ :; I. E. -n-es-. This results from the addi- 
tion of -es- to -n- (i-f. tah < I. E. -t-es- above); e. </.^ 
Anc. Pers. *farnah, (jlory^ in vi"dafarnah; cf. Av. 
x'aranah. 

-nt- -^ I. E, -nt-, -nt-. This suffix, with also the 
giadcs -ent-, -ont-, formed all active participles except 
the })erfect, the orrade of the root varying in the dif- 
ferent case forms. An Ancient Persian example is 
*vi"da-, ^/?n6?/V?(/, in vi"dafarnah. 

-man- < I. E. -men-. This was used to form usu- 
ally nomina actionis^ sometimes nomina agentis. The 
former became in Aryan, as in Greek, infinitives. 
The root must have varied originally in the different 
case forms, but through the leveling process the high 
gi-ade became general. The suffix is seen in Anc. 
Pers. asman, ^fj/'i/t a //I en f, YAv. asman, Skt. agman. 

-yu- ; I. E. -yn-. This suffix, added to the low 
grade of the root, formed both nouns and adjectives; 
e. (J. , Anc. Pers. dahyii, province, YAv. dahyu, Skt. 
dasyn. 

-ra- < I. E. -ro-. This was used in the formation 
of both substantives and adjectives, being added 
originally to the low grade of the root, although 
sometimes the root varies in the derived languages; 
as Anc. Pers, *^uxra, hrujht (cf. ^uxra, proper name), 
YAv. suxra, Skt. gukra. 

-uva-, -pa- < I. PI -UWO-, -wo-. This suffix formed 
both substantives and adjectives, but no special mean- 
ing is apparent; e. (J., Anc. Pers. haruva, YAv. haorva, 



108 Word For.matiox. [240-241 

Skt. sarva; Anc. Pers. aspa-, horne^ YAv. aspa, Skt. 
agva. 

-siya- < Ar. -t-ya-. This appears in Ano. Pers. 
anusiya, devoted to^ from anuv, along^ after; haxa- 
manisiya, AcJuemenidan^ if not treated as an is-stem. 

-siyu- < I. E. -t-yn-. This was added to the low 
grade of the root and appears in Anc. Pers. *niarsiyu, 
dying^ in uvamarsiyu, Av. mara^yu, Skt. mrtyu. 

(b) Secondary Suffixes. 

241. Of the suffixes mentioned above, the following 
occur also as secondary suffixes in Ancient Persian: 

-a- < I. E. -e- : -0-; t". g.^ u-zm-a, what is iij) from 
the earthy stake; margava, Marg'ian,, from margus, 
Margiana. 

-aria- < I. E. -eno- : -ono-; e. g. , varkana, Ilyrcania^ 
cf . YAv. vshrka, v^olf 

-ka- < I. E. -qo-; e, -y., ba"daka, mhjed., from *ba°da, 
hond^ YAv. banda, Skt. bandha. 

-ra- < I. E. -ro-; e. g.^ aura, god^ Av. ahura, Skt. 
asura. 

In addition to these, the following secondary suf- 
fixes occur in Ancient Persian: 

-ara-, -tara- < I. E. -ero-, -tero-. This was used in 
forming comparatives (296, 298); e. g., apara, after, 
a.ipa.ta.T a., further, both comparatives from apa-, away, 
Av. apara, Skt. apara, apataram. 

-i- < I. E. -i-. This suffix was from the earliest 
times used to form feminines; as, harauvati, A/-</(ho- 
sia, from *harah, nrafer (cf. Skt. sr, foir) -f- vant + i- 

-in- < I. E. -yen- : -in-. Of the various Indo-Euro- 
pean forms of this suilix, -in- became generalized in 
Aryan and was used to form denominative adjectives; 



241] Woitl) I'oUMATIOX. 101) 

<-. '/., yiOin {'{), ro//(f/. (Sec Tolman Zex.y p. 125, s. v. 
vi^^'ib"is".) 

-ista- I. K. -is-to-. This suffix in the Indo- 
P^uropeun period formed the supcrhitive wlien the 
coiuinirutive hud -yes- (300). So Auc. Pcrs. ma^ista 
(without formative suffix), greatest, from *ma.O. 

-tama- < I. E. -tmmo-. This Avas a superlative suf- 
tix, occuring in Anc. Pers. fratama, foremost, from 
ixBi-, forth (302). 

-ma- < I. E. -mo-, -mmo-. This, also a superlative 
suffix, was used in words denoting order, rank, or 
number; e. g., navama, ninth, YAv. nauma, Skt. 
navama. 

-ya-, -iya- < I. E. -yo-, -iyo-. This suffix in Indo- 
p]uropean formed denominative and verbal adjectives, 
the feminine and neuter of which often became ab- 
stract substantives, also in some instances adjectives 
with comparative meaning; e. r/., hasiya, true, from 
*hat, I. E. *snt, low grade stem to the present parti- 
ciple of *es, he, YAv. hai^ya, Skt. satya; duvitiya, 
second, GAv. daibitya, YAv. bitya, Skt. dvitiya. 

-yah- < I. E. -yes-. This was a comparative suffix 
appearing as -is- in the superlative in -is-to- (296, 300) 
<?. g., *vahyah, letter, without formative suffix (cf. 
Skt. vasu, good) in proper name vahyazdata. 

-vant- < I. E. -went- : -wnt-. This suffix in Aryan, 
as in Greek, formed denominative adjectives and 
usually denoted possession; e. g., harauvati, Aracho- 
shi, from *harah, icater -j- vat, Skt. sarasvati. 



110 The Declension of Nouns. [242-244 

CHAPTER IX. 
The Declension of Nouns. 

242. Nouns and adjectives, which were declined 
alike in the parent tongue, fall into two general classes 
according as the stem ended in a vowel or a conso- 
nant. That is, from Indo-European times there ex- 
isted a Vocalic and a Consonantal Declension. 

243. There w^ere originally three numbers, Singu- 
lar, Dual, and Plural. The dual seems to have been 
used first of pairs of ol)jects and was often marked 
by a modifying word meaning two^ or hotk. Such a 
word would in time come to be regarded as sufficient 
sign of a dual meaning, then the noun easily went 
over to the plural, and dual forms began to fall into 
disuse. The dual more nearly held its own in the 
Aryan languages, in Greek, Old Irish, and Balto- 
Slavonic. 

244. In the very early Indo-European period it is 
probable that no distinction of form indicated differ- 
ence of gender. The meaning of the word deter- 
mined its gender, and, further, there might be a mod- 
ifying demonstrative, which seems, from the earliest 
period, to have had distinctive gender forms. That 
nouns of the a-declension came to be considered as 
feminine, or those of the o-declension as masculine, 
was probably due to the fact that a large number of 
nouns of each of these classes were feminine or mas- 
culine in meaning, and the characteristic of a group 
within the class was later applied to the entire class. 
Then -a- could be used to form fomi nines, or -0- to 
form masculines, of derivative nouns; and while, in 
accordance with the original rule, natural gender 



244-247] TiiK Declension of Nouns. Ill 

sometimes had the preference in the derived lan- 
o^uages, yet in many instances grammatical gender is 
observed regardless of the word meaning. 

The neuter as a distinct form was developed later 
than the masculine and feminine. But all three gen- 
ders must have been fully established by the time of 
the separation of the languages. 

245. The Indo-European had eight cases: Nomina- 
tive, Vocative, Accusative, Genitive, Ablative, Dative, 
Locative, and Instrumental. 

1. Indo-European Case Endings. 

246. What the endings of the various cases origi- 
nally meant cannot now be determined, although it 
is not improbable that most of them were once dis- 
tinct words, which foil later to the rank of suffixes. 
Whatever their origin may have been, it seems that 
long before the separation of the languages these 
suffixes had lost their primitive signification and had 
become mere stereotyped endings. 

(a) Masculines and Fcminines. 
Singula7\ 

247. The Nominative of masculine and feminine 
nouns was (1) sometimes the bare stem, as in a-stems 
(cf. -9 and -i in nominative of ya-stems), or (2) the 
vowel of the stem ending might l)e lengthened, as in 
n-, r-, and s-stems; again (3) the termination -s was 
added without lengthening the vowel of the stem 
ending, as in 0-, i-, u-, i-, u-stems and those ending in 
an explosive (except monosyllal)ic or root nouns), or 
(4) the -s was added with lengthening of the vowel of 
the stem ending, as in monosyllabic consonant stems 



112 The Declexsion of Nouns, [247-250 

and those ending in a diphthong. The following ex- 
amples will illustrate: (1) I. E. *ekwa, riiare^ Skt. 
agva, Anc, Pers. tauma, Grk. x<^P«5 Lat. equa; (2) I. 
E. k(u)wo(n), dog^ Grk. kvW; I. E. *mater, ytothei\ 
Skt. mata, Anc. Pers. -mata, Grk. /at/ti^p; I, E. dus- 
menes, ill-disposed^ Skt. dusmanas, Grk. Si^o-/j.ev7;s; (3) 
I. E. *wlqo-s, wolf^ Skt. vrkas; I. E. *owi-s, sheej), 
Skt. avis; I. E. *sunu-s, sow, Skt, sunus; I. E. *nepti-s, 
female descendant., Skt. naptis; I. E. *swekru-s, 
mother-in-laiL\ Skt. gvagrus; 1. E. -tat-s, Skt. sarvatat, 
Av. ha"rvatas, Grk. oXdry??, Lat. novitas; (4) I. E. 
*woq-s, voice^ Skt. vak, Av. vaxs, Lat. vox (Grk. o\p 
with short vowel from oblique cases); 1. E. *naus, 
ship^ Skt. naus, Grk. vavs. 

248. The Vocative had no ending. The change of 
-a of the stem to -a, and of -0 to -e, was an ablaut re- 
lation; -i and -u, under the influence of accent became 
-ei, -oi, and -eu, -ou; the bare stem was a vocative for 
stems in a diphthong, in -n, -nt, -r, -s; while some- 
times, as in stems ending in a simple explosive, the 
nominative served as a vocative. 

249. The Accusative ending was -m for vowel-stems 
and -m for consonant stems; e. g.^ I. E. *wlqo-m, Skt. 
vjkam, Grk. Xvkov^ Lat. lupum; 1. E. k(u)w6n-iti, Skt. 
^vanam, Grk. Kvva (for '^kvovo). 

250. The Genitive ending through ablaut changes 
appeared as -as, -os, and -s; -es and -os following a 
consonant, and -s following a vowel. Where the ac- 
cent fell on the ending, -es occurred; if the preceding 
syllable had the accent, the ending was -os. Exam- 
ples of the genitive are I, E. *snt-es, -os, heing^ Skt. 
satas, Grk. oWos; I, E, *ekwa-s, Grk, x*^P«5- 

The o-stems, however, had a genitive ending, -syo or 



250-254] The Dkclension op Nouns. 113 

-so, taken fwm the pronominal declension (334), o-syo 
becoming Skt. a-sya, Anc. Pers. a-hya, Grk. -oto, and 
o-so appearing in the Grk. -ov; e. r/., I. E. *wlqo-syo, 
Skt. vrkasya, Anc. Pers. karahya (-a for -a), Grk. 

XvKOlO^ \vKOV. 

251. In the earliest period the Ablative had the 
same ending as the genitive, but as o-stems borrowed 
the -syo genitive ending from the pronouns, they also 
formed an ablative in -ed, -od after the analogy of the 
pronominal declension; e. r/., I. E. *wlq-od, -ed, Skt. 
vrkad, Lat. lupo(d), recte(d) (cf. 311). 

252. The original ending of the Dative was -ai, 
which in the a- and o-declensions united with the 
vowel of the stem, and the result of the contraction 
was -ai, -oi; e. g.^ I. E. *snt'ai, Skt. sate; I. E. *ekwai, 
Skt. agvayai, Grk. X'^P?? L*it- equae; I. E. *wlqoi, 
Skt. vrkaya, Av. vohrkai, Grk. A-ukw, Lat. Iup5. 

253. For a Locative, a-, 0-, i-, u-, and consonant- 
stems added -i, though stems in -n, -r, and -s had also 
a locative with no ending; i- and u-stems had the lo- 
cative ending in -e(i) and -eu, probably also in -ei, -eu. 
In the a- and o-declensions the ending -i united with 
the stem vowel and formed -ai, -oi, -ei. Hence in the 
a-declension the ending became the same as that of 
the dative. The following are examples of the loca- 
tive: I. E. *ekwai, Skt. aQvayam, Grk. 6r](3ai-yevrj^^ 
Lat. Romae; I. E. wlqoi, -ei, Skt. vrke, Grk. ot/cot, Lat. 
domi; I. E. *snt-i, Skt. sati, Grk. wn; I. E. *mater-i, 
-tri, Skt. matari, Grk. /Ar^rept, -rpi, 

254. The Instrumental ending cannot with certainty 
be determined. The a-, 0-, i-, and u-declensions show 
the lengthened stem vowel, -a, -0 (-e), -i, -u, as the in- 
strumental ending; e. g., I. E. *ekwa, Skt. agva, 

8 



114 The Declension of Nouns. [254-257 

Grk. Dor. Kpv^a; I. E. *wlqe, Skt. vyka. Other 
nouns seem to have had their instrumental in -a, or 
in -bhi or -mi. 

Dual. 

255. The Nominative, Vocative, and Accusative of 
the dual had the same ending. This varied in the forms 
from different stems: a-stems had for these cases the 
ending -ai, o-stems had -ou, -0 (208); i-stems had -i 
and u-stems -u; e. g.^ I. E. *ekw-ai, 7nares, Skt. aQve; 
I. E. *wlq-ou, *wlq-o, wolves, Skt. Ved. vrkau, vrka, 
Grk. Xv'ko), Lat. ambo; I. E. *ow-i, sheep, Skt. avi; I. 
E. *sun-u, sons, Skt. sunu. For the other stems the 
Indo-European ending cannot be determined; the 
Aryan languages have -au, -a by analogy with o-stems, 
the Greek has -e, possibly also a re-formation. 

256. From the variety of endings presented for the 
Genitive and Locative in the languages that have pre- 
served the dual, it is impossible to decide what end- 
ing these cases had in the parent tongue. So, of the 
Dative, Ablative, and Instrumental, we know only 
that there was a -bh- and an -m-element, as in Skt. 
-bhyam, Av. -bya, Lith. -m, just as the instrumental 
singular had -bhi and -mi, and the instrumental plural 
-bhis and -mis, but further than this the ending is not 
known. 

Plural. 

257. The Nominative plural (used also as Vocative) 
had for all stems the ending -es. By contraction of 
this termination with the vowel of the stem ending 
the a-declension had -as and the o-declension -6s; 
e. (J., I. E. *ekwas, mares, for *ekwa-es, Skt. a^vas; I. 



257-261] Tiiii Dkclknsion of Xorxs. 11,") 

E. ■'•"wlqos, wolvi'fi^ for *wlqo-es, Skt. vrkas; I. K. *trey- 
es, t/i ?•>.'(', Skt. trayas, (Jrk. rpcts, Cret. rpc'es; ]. K. 
*sunew-es, so?iii, Skt. sunavas, (irk. ^Sels *T/8£/rcs; I. 
E. -'mater-es, motho's^ Skt. mataras, Grk. /aT/repes. 

258. In the Accusative -ns was the ending for vowel- 
stems, -ns for consonant stems; e. j/., I. E. *ekwa-ns, 
Grk. Ti^s, Cret. n/xavs, Lat. equas; I. E. *wlqo-ns, 
Skt. vrkan (277), Grk. Avkovs, Cret. AuVov?, Goth, 
wulfans, Lat. lupos; I. E. *mnti-ns, thoughts, Skt. 
avin, Av. azis, Grk. Cret. tto'Xivs, ion. tto'Ais, Lat. ovis, 
Goth, anstins; L E. *sunu-ns, Skt. sunun (277), Grk. 
Cret. mvVs, Lat. manus, Goth, sununs; I. E. *snt-ns, 
Skt. satas, Grk. oi/ras. 

259. The Genitive plural ending in Indo-European 
was -om, which in the a-declension may have con- 
tracted with the -a of the stem to form -am, but re- 
mained -om for all other stems; e. g.^ Skt. a^vanam 
(278); I. E. *wlq-om, Skt. vrkan-am (278), Vcd. cara- 
tham, Grk. Avkwv, Lat. deum (O. Lat. Romanom); I. E. 
*triy-6m, ofthree^ Av. ^yam, Grk. t/:,iwv, Lat. trium; I. 
E. sun(u)w-om, Grk. yovVwv for *yoV/:o)v, Lat. manuum; 
I. E. snt-om, Skt. satam, Grk. ovtwv. 

260. The Dative- Ablative was formed with -bh- 
or -m-, but with what vowel we have no means of 
knowing. (Cf. these cases in the singular and the 
dual.) The Sanski-it has -bhyas, Latin, -bos, -bus; 
Lithuanian, -m(u)s; r. _//., Skt. a^vabhyas, vrkebhyas, 
sunubhyas, Lat. manubus (-ibus), Lith. suniims, Skt. 
matrbhyas. 

261. The original ending of the Locative plural is 
not clear, though the Aryan and the Balto-Slavonic 
point to an Indo-European -su, while the Greek has 
-CTi; c. g., I. E. *ekwa-su, Skt. aQvasu, Grk. 'AOrjvrjm; 



no The Declension op Nouns. I261-265 

I. E. *wlqoi-su, Skt. vrkesu, Grk. Xi;'Koio-t;.Skt. trisu, 
Grk. T/Dto-t; I. E, *sunu-su, Skt. sunusu, (}rk. Tryxf-^i-:, 
I. E. *snt-su, Skt. satsu, Grk. ovai. 



262. The Instrumental ended in -bhis and -mis, ex- 
cept in the o-declension, which had -5is; e. g., I. E. 
*wlqois, Skt. vrkais (Ved. vrkebhis), Grk. AvVots, Lat. 
lupis; Skt. agvabhis; I. E, *owi-bhis, Skt. avibhis; I. 
E. *sunu-bhis, Slvt. sunubhis; I. E. *matr-bhis, Skt. 
matrbhis. 

b. Neuters. 

263. For neuter nouns the endings were the same 
as for masculines and feminines, except in the Nomi- 
native-Vocative and the Accusative. There were no 
neuters in the a-declension. In the singular of 0- 
stems the accusative neuter (like the masculine) ended 
in -m, and the nominative was the same; e. g.,1 E. 
*jugo-m, yoA'e, Skt. yugam, Grk. ^vydv, Lat. iugum. 
In other declensions the bare stem occurred as nomi- 
native-accusative, as Skt. suci, rein, Grk. iS/ai; Skt. 
madhu, honey, Grk. [ikQv; Skt. udhar, 'adder, Grk. 
ovOap, Lat. uber; I. E. *menos, Skt. manas, Grk. /AtVos. 

264. In the dual the Nominative-Vocative- Accusa- 
tive of o-stems ended in -oi; other stems seem to have 
had -i; e. g., I. E. *jugoi, Skt. yuge; I. E. *snt-i, Skt. 
sati. So also Av. visaiti, Grk. Boeot. /rt'/cart, Lat. 
viginti. 

265. In the plural these three cases of o-stems had 
the ending -a, i-stems had -i, u-stems had -u, and con- 
sonant stems had 9 (from which Skt. -i); e. g., I. E. 
*jug-a, Ved. yuga, Grk. C^ya, Eat. iuga, Goth, juka; 
Ved. tri, Lat. tri-ginta; Ved. madhu; I. E. *sent-9, 
*sont-9, Skt. santi (Ved.), (Jrk. ovra. 



265-267 1 Tin: Dhci.kxsiox of Nurxs. 117 

The -a of the iiouler phiral is the same as the end- 
ing of the nominative sinijular of the a-<leclension, 
for this phiral was originally only a collective noun 
in the sino^ular. If the -9 of consonant stems is to be 
reofarded as the low orrade of a, and the -i and -u of the 
i- and u-stems as resnltinof from the contraction of 
the stem vowel with -9, then all these plural forms 
.would be traceable to the same collective singular. 

2. Case Endings of the Ancient Persian. 

266. Of the eight cases belonging to the Indo- 
European, the Ancient Persian preserved seven regu- 
larly, the dative having been lost, except in certain 
pronouns, and its functions taken over by the geni- 
tive. With the loss of the final explosive (229) of 
the ablative singular ending of a-stems (I. E. -6d : -ed), 
this case and the instrumental singular came to be 
written alike, while in a-stems and consonant stems 
the ablative and the genitive were the same. Very 
few dual forms occur, and these only in the nomina- 
tive-accusative and ablative-instrumental cases. 

a. Masculines and Feminines. 
Singular. 

267. As in Indo-European, the Nominative of nouns 
in -a was the bare stem; e. </., Anc. Pers. haina, (fr/ni/, 
tsiuma., fa jiuhj. Cf. I. E. *ekwa. So also in n-, r-, 
S-, and s-stems, as xsa^'apava (stem xsa^''apavan), brata 
(stem bratar), vi'dafarna (stem -nah), haxamanis. a- 
stems representing Indo-European o-stems, with 
Aryan nominative -as (93), losing the -s (192) present 
also the bare stem as nominative; as kara (for *karah 
< *karas). i- and u-stems have their nominative in 



]18 The Declkxsion of Nouns. [267-271 

s, the Aryan alteration of Indo-European s following 
these vowels (190); as siyatis, welfare^ kurus, Cyruii. 
The Ancient Persian has also extended the s-suffix, 
by analogy, to the i-stems (< I. E. ye-steius), as 
baxtris, stem baxtri, Bactria. 

268. The Vocative had no ending. An example 
from an a-stem (I. E. o-stem) occurs in martiya, man 
(-a for -a < I. E. -e, 61). 

269. In the Accusative the Indo-European -m and 
-m appear as -m and -am, respectively; thus, hainam 
(< I. E. -a-m), karam ( c I. E. -o-m), siyatim ( < I. E, 
-i-m), magum (< I. E. -u-m), harauvatim (i-stem), 
asmanam (< I. E. -n-m), framataram (< I. E. -r-m), 
naham (< I. E. -s-m), vi^am (< I. E. -m). 

270. The Indo-European -es, -os, -s of the Genitive 
singular, represented in Aryan by -as, -s (93, 190), 
lost the final -s in Ancient Persian (192), but in i-and 
u-stems Aryan s from Indo-European s (190) re- 
mained as the ending (193); e. g.^ pi^'"a (for -ah < 
Iran, -as), ^arda (for -ah < Iran, -as), fravartais 
(< Ar. -ai-s), kuraus (< Ar. -au-s). 

Nouns of the a-declension had a genitive in -aya, 
an Aryan extension from the locative (283. a); e. (/., 
taumaya (< Ar. -ayas). The Indo-European ending 
-syo, borrow^ed from the pronominal declension by 
o-stems (250), appears in Ancient Persian in the gen- 
itive of a-stems, which have -hy^'a, -hya; e. g., mar- 
tiyahya, garmapadahya. i stems had -ya (< I. E. 
-yes, -yas), as bumiya. 

271. The Ablative pronominal ending borrowed by 
o-stems, I. E. -od :-ed, became in Aryan -ad (90, 94), 
and this appears in the Ancient Persian ending -a 
from a-stems (229), as parsa. The ablative of other 



271-277 1 'J'm*^ Declension of Nouns. 119 

than a-stems ended like the genitive, as in Indo- 
European. 

272. The Locative of a-, a-, and consonant-stems, 
like the Indo-European, added -i, but this ending was 
often increased by the post-positive particle -a (588); 
e. (7., parsaiy (66. 1), taumaya, dastaya, v'^iya, mahya. 
The i- and u-stcnis which in Indo-European had in the 
locative -e(i) and -eu (probably also -ei and -eu) show 
these endings in the Ancient Persian -a, -au; e. g.^ 
ufrasta, witJi severe pnnUhment ; babirauv (66. 1), in 
Babylon. The locative of i-stems had -ya ^ I. E. 
-ye(i) or < Ar. -yai + a (287. b). 

273. In the Instrumental the long vowel that char- 
acterized the Indo-European instrumental of a-, 0-, 
i-, and u-stems appears also in Ancient Persian a- 
stems, and the same ending is extended to consonant 
stems; e. g., kara, vi^a. 

Dual. 

274. The Nominative- Accusative dual of a-stems 
ended in -a (< I. E. -0), as gausa. 

275. The Ablative-Instrumental showed the ending 
-biya, the same b- (bh-) element as belonged to the 
Indo-European; e. g., dastaibiya u(ta) padaibiya, NRb. 
41, tvith both hands and feet. 

Plural. 

276. The Nominative plural of a- and a- (I. E. 0-) 
stems ended in -a (for -as, 192, < I. E. -as, -os); e. g., 
aniya (dahyava), martiya. a-stems have also -aha < 
Ar. -asas, as in bagaha (515); u-stems have -a (for 
-as, 192, < I. E. -es); as dahyava. 

277. The Accusative plural of a-stems ends in -a. 
The Indo-European accusative ending in this class of 



]2() The Declexsion of Nouns. [277-278 

nouns, as we have seen (258), was piol)ably -ans, 
and the Aryan -as, Ancient Persian -a, is probably an 
extension of the nominative to the accusative (Tol- 
man Cu7i. Sup., §106). Brugmann KVG. 480, 2, 
argues for -as as the original accusative ending, but 
this can hardly explain the Greek (Cret.) -av?, (Lesb.) 
-ais. And the Attic Ti/xds shows -avs changed to -as 
after the conversion of primitive Greek a to Ionic- 
Attic rj. 

The Indo-European o-stems, as has been said (258), 
ended in -ons, which would give the Aryan -ans. The 
Ancient Persian has -a, the long vowel here, as in 
Sanskrit -an, being used after the analogy of the 
nominative, i. e., the relation of nominative to accu- 
sative in the singular -a : -am was thus preserved in 
the plural -a(s) : -a(n). 

u-stems had originally -uns, as Skt. gatrun, Grk. 
(Cret.) mvvs. dahyava is a re-formation (286. 1), end). 

No examples of the accusative plural of other 
stems occur. 

278. The Genitive plural in Aryan, instead of hav- 
ing simply -am after the -om of the Indo-European, 
adopted as an ending for other nouns the -nam which 
appeared in n- stems; e. r/., paruvzananam (stem in -a), 
baganam (stem in -a), dahyunam (stem in -u). The 
use of the ending -nam seems to have begun in the 
a-declension where the genitive plural in -am was 
likely to be confused with the accusative singular, and 
where not only the nominative singular had the same 
ending as that of n-stems, -a, but in Aryan several 
other cases were similar in formation to those of n- 
stems. And from the a-stems the new ending was 
taken over by other nouns. 



279-283 1 Tin: Declension of Norxs. 121 

279. The Locative followed the Indo-European -s-u, 
to which was added the postpositive particle -a, forni- 
insT -uva after -a- (192) and -suva after -ai- and -u- 
(193); f. r/., aniyauva (fcni.), madaisuva (< I. E. -oi-su, 
261), dahyusuva (I. E. -u-su). 

280. The Instrumental of the Ancient Persian ends 
in -bis (< Ar. -bhis), as raucabis. This ending was 
taken over also by a-stems, as in martiyaibis, instead 
of the Aryan -ais which followed the Indo-European 
-ois. 

Neuters. 

281. The Nominative- Accusative singular of neuter 
a-stems ended in -m, as in Indo-European; e. (/., 
xsa6'"am (< I. E. -o-m). Other declensions follow 
the Indo-European in having the bare stem for the 
nominative-accusative; as, nama (< I. E. -mn), rauta 
(< I. E. -s), hadis (s-stem). 

282. The Nominative- Accusative plural follows the 
Indo-European and ends in -a, as hamarana. 

3. Paradigms of Declension. 

a. Vowel-Stems. 

283. Class I. a-stems (I. E. a-stems), fem. 
tdMm.di,famiIy; a^ura, Assyria; aniya (adj.), other,' 

paru(v)zana (adj.), having many hinds of people. 



Sg. 


I. E. 


Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


N. 


-a 


tauma 


a^va 


daena 


A. 


-am 


taumam 


a^vam 


daenam 


G. 


-as 


taumaya 


agvayas 


daenaya 


Ab, 


. -as 


taumaya 


a^vayas 


daenayat 


L. 


-ai 


a^uraya 


a§vayam 


grivaya 



122 



The Declension of Nouns. [283-284 



PL 


I. E. 


Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


N. 


-as 


aniya 


agvas 


A. 


-ans 


aniya 


agvas 


G. 


-am 


paruvzananam 


agvanam 


L. 


-asu 


aniyauva 


agvasu 



Av. 

_ o 

daena 
daenas-ca 
gae^anam 
gae^ahu 
gae^ahva 
(a) The genitive and ablative singular ending -aya 
is a primitive Aryan extension from the loc. on the 
analogy of i- (I. E. ye-) stems. In the latter the loc. 
with postpositive -a ended in -ya, the gen. in -yas, 
and the dat. in -yai; in the a-declension the loc. with 
postpositive -a ended in -aya, and the gen. and dat. 
were accordingly made to end in -ayas, -ayai, respect- 
ively. (Butcf. 287. b). 

284. Class II. a-stenis (I. E. o-stems), masc. and neut. 

martiya, m., man; parsa, m., Persian^ Persia; dasta, 

m., hand; karsa, m., larsa-weight; gausa, m., ear; 

baga, m., god; mada, m. (adj.), Median; hamarana, 

n., hattle. 



Sg. I. E. 


Anc. Pers. 


Skt. Av. 


N. -OS 


martiya 


vrkas ahuro 


V. -e 


martiya 


vrka ahura (-a) 


A. -om 


martiyam 


vrkam ahuram 


G. -osyo 


martiyahya 


vrkasya ahurahya 


Ab. -6d (-ed) 


parsa 


vrkad akat 


L. -oi, -ei 


parsaiy 


vrke aspae-ca 




dastaya 


zastaya 


I. -b (-m-, bh- 


•) parsa 


vTka.{Ved.) ahura 


Ih(. 






N. A. -ou -0 


(N.) karsa 


vrkau, zasta (-0) 




(A.) gausa 


vrksiiVcd.) 


Ab.-I. -bh- 


dastaibiya 


vj-kabhyam aspae'bya 
(dat. ) 



TiiK Dkci.knsiox of Xorxs. 123 

Anc. Pcrs. Skt. Av. 

martiya vrkas aspa 

bagaha a^vasas ( V<(7.) aspanho 

martiya vrkan masyas-ca 

martiyanam vrkanam aspanam 

caratham ( Vcd. ) 
madaisuva vrkesu aspaesu 

martiyaibis vrkais zastais 

m-) vrkebhis(T't?(Z.) 



hamaranam yugam syao^'''n9m 

hamarana yuga ( Yed.) syao^^na 
yugani 

(a) The -a of thevoc. sg. martiya is scriptio lylena 
for -a (6i). So, also, the -hya of the gen. sg. where 
the I. E. -syo is more accurately represented in a 
form like garmapadahya. 

(b) In the Aryan gen. pi. not only did the a-stems 
follow the a-stems in taking over the ending -nam 
(278), but, further, on the analogy of the a-declension, 
the vowel of the penult of this gen. form was made 
long. 

285. Class m. i-stems (I. E. i-stems), mase. and 
fern. 

fravarti, m., Phraortes; ufrasti, f., severe pu7iish- 
ment. 



284 


-285] 1 


I'l. 




I. E. 


N. 




-OS 


A. 
G. 




-ons 
-om 


L. 
I. 




-oi-su 
(-si) 

-ois 
(-bh- 


Neut. 




N. 


A. 


-om 


PI. 






N. 


A. 


-a 



\^y- 


I. E. 


Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


N. 


-is 


fravartis 


agnis 


paitis 



124 



TiiK Declension ov Notins. 



[285-286 



'^1/ 



/. 


I. E, Anc. Pers. 


Skt. Av. 


A. 


-im fravartim 


agnim paitim 


G. 


-eis, -ois fravartais 


agnes patois 


L. 


-e(i) ufrasta 


agna(nv7.) vidata 



(a) -ais in gen. sg. occurs in cispais, of Teuj>eH^ 
scrlptio 2)lena for -ais (cf. 61), thus dift'erentiatincf the 
form from the nom. 

(b) dip!, f., inscription, forms its loc. dipiya after 
the analogy of i-stems (287). 

(c) In the compound haxamanis the first element 
haxa-, friend., is the nom. sg. of an i-stem varj'ing 
from the regular formation in -s, just as forms in -a 
are made from i-stems in other Aryan languages; e. g. , 
Skt. sakhi, friend., nom. sg. sakha; YAv. haxi, nom. 
sg. haxa. This ending may be derived from I. E. 
-o(i) or -e(i), as are the Greek nominatives in -w, as 

Tret^w, gen. irei^ovs <^*-oy-o<i. 

286. Class IV. u-stems (I. E. u-stems), mase. and 
fern. 

babiru, m., Bahylon; kuru, m., Cyrus; ga^u, m.. 
place; dahyu, f., p7'ovince. 



Sg. 


I. E. 


Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


N. 


-us 


babirus 
dahyaus 


gatrus 


vanhus 
bazaus 


A. 


-um 


babirum 
dahyaum 


gatrum 


vohum 
p9r'saum 


G. 


-eus, -ous 


kuraus 


gatros 


vanhQus 


Ab. 


-eus, -ous 


babiraus 


gatros 




L. 


-eu (-eu) 


babirauv 

dahyauva 
ga^ava 


gatrau 


vanhau 



286-287J 'I'm: l^KCLKxsioN OF XouNS'. 125 

Anc. Pcrs. Skt. Av. 

dahyava ^atravas vanhavo 



V. 


I. E. 


N. 


-ewes 


A. 


-uns 


G. 


-(u)wom 


L. 


-usu 



dahyava gatrun varihus-ca 
dahyunam gatrunam vohunam 
dahyTisuva ^atrusu varihusu 

(ii) In the loc. sg. babirauv the -v is added by way 
of pix)tection to the final -au (66. 1), while in ga^ava 
Avitli postpositive -a, the second element of the diph- 
thong has been changed to the semivowel. 

(b) dahyu, jtrovinee, has certain of its forms from 
a diphthongal stem in -au; i. e., the extended grade 
of the u-vowel (121). The long diphthong of the 
original stem-ending in the nom. sg. has been men- 
tioned above (247). After the analogy of the nom. 
is the re-formation in -aum as an ace. But alongside 
this ace. in -aum occm's the form DAHyum in Dar. 
Pers. a. 23, b. 24. With the same long diphthong is 
formed the nom. pi. dahyava, which then is taken 
over to serve also as ace. pi. 

(c) From the Aryan period, as has been mentioned 
above (278), the gen. pi. of vowel stems had the end- 
ing -nam, borrowed from the declension of n-stems, 
first for a-stems, then for a-stems, where, by analogy, 
the final stem vowel was made long (284. b). This 
same influence, then, seems to have determined the 
quantity of the corresponding vowel in other gen. pi. 
forms; hence dahyunam. 

287. Class V. i-stems (I. E. ye-stems), fem. 
baxtri, f., Bactna; bumi, f., earth. 

Sg. I. E. Anc. Pers. Skt. Av. 

N. -i(-iy8, -ys) baxtris brhati vanuhi 

A. -(i)yem bumim brhatim vanuhim(-im) 



llM) The Declension of Xouns. [287-288 

Sff. I. E. Anc. Ters. Skt. Av. 

G. -yes bumiya brhatyas vanhuya 

L. -ye(i) baxtriya brhatyam p9r'^we 

(a) The nom. in -is, instead of -i, is a re-formation 
after the i-stems, Class III. On the same analogy 
the ace. appears in -im instead of the Ai'yan -im. 

(h) For the form of the loc, as baxtriya, two ex- 
phmationshave been oii'ered: Tohuan Cim. Sujk^^IOI^ 
takes it directly from the I. E. -(i)ye, while Brug- 
mann KVG 467. 1, A?uii. 1, thinks it represents a 
primitive Aryan shortening of -yay-a(m) to -ya(ffl). 

]). Consonant Stems. 
288. Class VI. Dental stems. 

A. t-stems (1. E. t-stems). 

napat, m., grandson. ' ; ; , S 

S(j. I. E. Anc. Pers. Skt. Av. 

N. -ts napa napat ( Ted. ) napa 

(a) This nom. napa is an Iranian re-formation on 
the analogy of Class IX. A. (291). 

(b) If rauta in the phrase haca pirava nama rauta, 
Dar. Sz. c. 0, is to be taken in the usual construction 
with haca, we have in it a gen.-abl. form of a t-stem. 
See Tolman Zc.r. Ill, .«. v. pirava. 

B. ^-sterns (spirant, I. E. k-stems). 
vi^, f . , court. 

S(j. I. E. Anc. Pers. 
A. -m vi^am 

L. -i vi^iya 

I. -a(?) v'^a 

(a) In v'^"b'1s"ca of Bh. 1. (55 avc prol)ably have an 



Skt. 


Av. 


vigam 


vis9m 


vi^i 


visi, visya 


viga 


visa 



Sff. 


I. E. 


A. 


-m 


G. 


-OS, -es 


L. 


-i 



288-290] Tiiio DiX'i.ENsioN OK Nouns. Ili7 

instanco of the instr. [)I. of vi^, vi^bis; cf. Av, viz'bis. 
Gray sutj^osls vi^abis as instr. pi. n. See discussion 
of these forms, Tohiuin Zci: 125. 

C. d-stems (I. E. d-stenis). 

patipadam, ni-padiy, -^^Sid-, foot : Oaid, f., y.^c/r. 

Alio. Pers. Skt. Av. 

patipadam padam paSam 

^arda padas pa^o 

nipadiy padi pai^i 

(a) The ace. form patipadam may be classed here, 
accordins: to Bthl. 392, or it may be the neuter of a 
thematic adjective, as Tohuan Zex. 108. 

289. Class VII. Labial stems, 
p-stems (I. E. p-stems). 
xsap, f., night. 

Srj. I. E. Anc. Pers. Skt. Av. 

G. -OS, -es xsapa ksapas apas-ca 

(a) The form xsapa, occurring only in Bh. 1, 20, is 
classed by Tolman as gen., ])y others as ace. on the 
analogy of the neuter rauca in the same phrase. (See 
Tolman Zex. 83. ) ^ 

(b) The root ap-, f., water, originally belonging to 
this class, has been transferred to the i-declension 
(Class v., 287). The form apisim, Bh. 1. 95-96, once 
taken as api (loc. sg. ) -f- sim (Bthl. 389), is to be re- 
garded as shortened from apis-sim, apis being nora. 
sg. (Tolman Lev. 64). The loc. apiya may belong to 
Class V. (287) e(iually as well as to p-stems (as -i -f 
postpositive -a). 

290. Class Vni. Liquid stems, 
A. n-stems (I. 11 n-stems). 



128 The Declension of Nottns. [290 

xsa^''apavan, m., satrap; asman, in., stone; naman, 
n., name. 

Sg. I, E. Anc. Pers. Skt. Av. 

N. -en, -on xsa^^'apava raja urva 

-e, -0 
A. -en-m, -on-m asmanam rajanam asman9m-ca 

JVeuf. Sg. 

A. -mn nama, nama nama nama 

(a) The lengthening of the stem vowel in the nom. 
has been mentioned above (247, 267). 

(b) The ace. asmanam shows the extended grade of 
the formative suffix (121), probably on the analogy 
of the long vowel of the suffix in the nom. But since 
-en alternated with -on in the Indo-European declen- 
sion, some would hold that this -a- was the Aryan de- 
velopment of I. E. -0- in an open syllable (93, end). 

(c) The form nama occurs with feminine nouns, 
and, as Tolman suggests, may be scrijytio plena influ- 
enced by the feminine. Other explanations — that it 
is part of a possessive compound with feminine for- 
mation, that it comes from original *nomn, that it is 
a loc. sg., etc. — are mentioned in Tolman Ledi\ 105. 

(d) [u]c''s"m'' in Bh. 2. 89 (and 75) appears to be an 
ace. of this class, used in the sense of the tioo eyes 
(Tolman Lex. 75). 

(e) uzmaya cited by Bthl. (402) as loc. sg. of an 
m-stem, is the loc. of a thematic adjective u-zm-a, 
from *zam, earth, 

B. r-stems (I. E. r-stems) -tar. 

bratar, m,, hrother; framatar, m., master; pilar, m., 
father. 



290-291 



The J)ix:li:.n,si(».\ of Noixs. 



129 



% 



/. 


I. E. 


Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


N. 


-ter, -tor 
-te, -to 


brata 


pita 


data 


A. 


-ter-m,-tor-m 


framataram 


pitaram 


dataram 


G. 


-tr-os, -tr-es 


pi^'a 


pitur 


da^o 



(a) The nom. ending -ter, -tor, was adopted by the 
Greek, Latin, and Germanic languages, while -te, -to 
survived in the -ta of the Aryan branch. 

(b) The -a- of the penult in framataram is to be ex- 
plained in the same way as the extended gi-ade of the 
suffix in the ace. of n-stems; see 290. A. b. 

(c) 0'' of pi^'^a represents Aryan -tr-, the low grade 
of the stem; see 165. 

(d) *duvar, doo?', was transferred to the a-declension; 
e. g. , duvaraya, loc. + postpos. -a, Tolman Lex. 102. 

291. Class IX. Spirant stems. 
A. Radical stems in I. E. s, Anc. Pers. h, masc. 
aura-mazdah, m.. Ahum Mazda; nah, m., nose; 
mah, m., month. 



Sg. 


I. E. 


N. 


-s 


A. 


- -s-m 


G. 


-s-os, -s-es 


L. 


-s-i 



Anc. Pers. 



Skt. 



Av. 



aura-mazda sudas mazda 

naham sudasam mazdam 

aura-mazdam 

aura-mazdaha sudasas mazda 

mahya sudasi yahi 

(ti) The ace. auramazdam is shortened from aura- 
mazdaham (< Ar. -sam, 192). 

(b) The gen. ending -aha appears as -aha in many 
places, but not in the Behistan inscriptions (61). 

B, Derivative stems in I. E. -es, -os, Anc. Pers. -ah, 
neut. 

9 



130 



The Declension of Nouns. 



291-292 



raucah, n., day; drayah, n. 



Sg. 



N. A. 
L. 



I. E. 

-OS 

-es-i 



Anc. Pers. 
rauca 
drayahya 



W(7. 

Skt. 
manas 
manasi 



Av. 
mano 
manahi-ca 



PI. 



manobhis mangbis 



I. -ez-bhis raucabis 

(a) vi"dafarnah, m., Intaphernes (= *vi"da(t) -f 
HaxnBh, fi)idi7\(j glory) has in the nom. vi"dafarna the 
extended grade of its formative suffix. 

C. -is-stems (I. E. -9s-stems). 

hadis, n., dwelling-place. 
Sg. I. E. Anc. Pers. Skt. Av. 

A. -9s hadis havis nar^pis 

c. Mixed Declension. 

292. Class X. i- with n-stems. 
xsayarsan, m., Xerxes. 

Skt. Av. 

panthas panta, panta 

pantham ( Ved. ) pantam 
panthanam 
pathas 

(a) The second member of this compound (236. 1), 
-arsan, is an n-stem (cf . Grk. apa-rjv) and the nom. sg. in 
-a (for Ar. *-arsas), ace. -am, may be explained as re- 
sulting from the early interchange of i- and n-stems. 
Cf. Skt. nom. sg. panthas (with sigmatic nom. ending) 
and instr. pi. pathibhis. Corresponding to the Skt. 
sakha, we should expect an Aryan *pantha, which is 
seen in Av. panta beside panta ( ' -as). So it hap- 
pened that in Aryan times the ace. sg. became a re- 
formation; e. g., Skt. pantham (Ved.), Av. pantam. 



Sg. 


Anc. Pers. 


N. 


xsayarsa 


A. 


xsayarsam 


G. 


xsayarsahya 



293-295] Adjectives. 131 

CHAPTER X. 

Adjectives. 
1. Declension. 

293. The declensioD of adjectives is essentially the 
same as that of nouns. Early in the Indo-European 
period the stem of the adjective without ending may 
have been used as a nioditier of any and all forms of 
the noun, just as adjective stems without inflection 
enter into compounds. But after nouns of the a-class 
had come to be regarded as feminine, those of the 
o-class as masculine, and nouns were being formed 
with the suthxes of these classes for different genders 
(244), it was natural that the modifying adjectives 
should assume difl'erent forms in agreement with 
their nouns. Hence arose the declension of adjec- 
tives with masc. -os, fern, -a, neut. -om (263). That 
adjectives of these endings should modify nouns of 
other classes than those in -0 and -a, was a later de- 
velopment. Other adjectives followed the inflectional 
forms of nouns of other classes, and then, becoming 
tixed in their declension, modified all kinds of nouns, 
though the feminine of these other classes went reg- 
ularly back to the -ye declension of nouns (287). 

294. jSIost adjectives of the Ancient Persian are of 
the first class mentioned above, having masc. -a, fem. 
-a, neut. -am ( " I- E. -os, -a, -om), though some ex- 
amples occur of the i-, u-, and consonant-declensions; 
e. (J., usabari, horiie hy cameh; paru, riuinij: hamatar, 
having the same 'mother. 

295. From the Indo-European period certain ad- 
jectives were inflected wholly or in part according to 



132 Adjectives. [295-299 

the pronominal declension. Of this class were the 
words meaning otie^ all^ other, and same. But of 
such words in Ancient Persian only aniya, oilier^ 
shows a distinctively pronominal form, in the nom.- 
acc. neut. sg. aniyasciy (for *aniyat-ciy; cf. Skt. 
anyat), while visa, all, follows the nominal declen- 
sion and has visam in the neuter. 

(a) For the nom. pi. aniyaha, see 515. 

2. Comparison. 

296. The Indo-European comparative was formed 
by the addition of either the primary suffix -yes-, 
appearing with vowel gradation as -yos-, -yos-, and 
-is-, or the secondary suffixes -ero-, -tero-. 

297. The -yes- suffix appeared also as -iyes, -iyos, 
as is seen in Skt. svadiyas, sweet€i\ Grk. ^8t<i> 
(< ^a-paSii/oaa), Lat. suavioi. Beside Skt. mahiyas, 
greater, is Av. mazyah, Lat. maior ( / *inagyos). 
The I. E. -is- appears in the Lat. magis, Osc. mais, 
Goth. mais. 

298. The -ero-, -tero- suffixes originated from local 
adverbs; e. g., I. E. *uperos, over, *?idheros, under. 
Skt. upara, adhara, Lat. superus, inferus; so also 
Grk. Se^tVepos, dptaT(.po<i, Lat. dexter, sinister, etc. 
From thus denoting contrast of location, the suffix 
came to be used for other contrasted ideas, then par- 
ticularly for the greater degree of a quality l)elong- 
ing to an object in contrast with other objects. 

299. Superlative forms developed later than com- 
paratives and were made by adding suffixes belong- 
ing properly to ordinal numerals; e. </., -to-, which 
appears in I. E. dekm-to-s, tenths Grk. ScKaros, and 
-mmo-, -tmmo-, as is seen in Skt. da^ama, Lat. decimus; 



299-304 J 



Adjectives. 



ir?:? 



I. K. *septmmos, SUt. saptama,(Trk. €^8oyu,os( :*€/38/i09), 
Lat. Septimus. 

300. The siittix -to- was added to the low orrade -is- 
of the -yes- : -yos comparative suffix ; hence adjec- 
tives with this comparative had rciruhirly their su- 
perlative in -isto-, e. </., Skt. svadistha, sireetest^ Grk. 
iJSin-Tos. With the -mmo-, -tmmo- suffixes, are I. E. 
*upmmos, ujiper/iiosf^ Skt. upama, Lat. summus 
(< *sup-mos); I. E. *ent^mos, i/uien/iosf, Skt. an- 
tama, Lat. intimus. 

301. Of the comparative suffixes given above, the 
Ancient Persian shows -yas-, < I. E. -yes-, in vahyah 
(cf. vahyaz-data), better, from *va(h)u, (/ood; and 
-ara-, -tara-, < I. E. -ero-, -tero-, in the neut. sg. ad- 
verbial forms aparam, afterwafds, apataram, else- 
where — both comparative forms from apa-, away. 

302. Of superlative suffixes, the Ancient Persian 
has examples of both -ista-, < I. E. -isto-, and -tama- 
< I. E. -tmmo-; as, ma^ista, greatest^ from *ma^ 
(YAv. mas); duvaistam (adv.), very long (ace. neut. 
sg. of *duvaista; cf. du vita-par anam, long hefore^ Tol- 
man Lex. 102); ixaXsima., foremoxf., from ftA-^fortJi. 

303. The comparative and superlative forms then 
appear as follows: 

I. E. Anc. Pers. Skt. Av. 

Compar. -yes- vahyah vasyas vahyah 

-ero- aparam prataram fratara 
Superl. -is-to- ma^ista mahistha vahista 

-tmmo- fratama purutama pourutama 

?>. Numerals. 

304. Cardinals. The Indo-European had several 
stems signifying one., varying somewhat in the shade 



l^)4: Adjectives. [304-305 

of meaning; as, I. E. *oinos, one^ Grk. oiv?;, ace; I. E, 
*oiwos, 8kt. eva, only^ Grk. oios, alone^ Cypr. ot/ros; 
I. E. *sem-:*som-:*sm-,*sip-, one^ the same. Grk. ets, 
Cret. evs < *o-€/i,s, Lat. semper; Skt. samas, same^ 
Grk. o/xos; Skt. sa-krt, <9??ce, Grk. a/i,a; Grk. /At'a < 
*o-/i.ta. Of these stems, *oiwo- appears in Anc. Pers. 
aiva, one^ and *sem- in Anc. Pers. hama, saiiie.^ as 
probably also with vowel gradation (see Tolman 
Lex. 133) in ha-matar, having the same mother. No 
other cardinal forms appear in the inscriptions, since 
everywhere for cardinal numerals above one the sign 
and not the word is used, as is also done even for one 
in the Behistan Inscriptions. 

305. Ordinals. The Indo-Em*opean ordinal nu- 
merals were regularly formed from the cardinal stem 
by the addition of the suffixes -to- and -mmo-, men- 
tioned above in the discussion of the superlative (299); 
e.g.., I. E. *s(w)ektos, sixtJi, Skt. sastha, Grk. Ikto-;, 
Lat. sextus, Goth, saihsta; I. E. *dekmmos, tenth., 
Skt. dagama, Lat. decimus (beside I. E. *dekmtos, 
Grk. SeKaros). The Ancient Persian keeps the suffix 
-mmo- in navama, ninth. Skt. navama. 

o ' " 

The I. Yj. *d(u)wo(u), ttco^ is represented in com- 
position by *dwi-, which appears in the Anc. Pers. 
duvitiya, second., from Aryan *dwitiya; so Skt. 
dvitiya, \x. daibitya. 

In like manner from I. E. *trei, *tri, thi'ee., the 
Ancient Persian has ^''itiya (165), third., Skt. trtiya, 
Av. ^itya, Grk. TpiVo?, Lat. tertius. 

No other certain examples of ordinals are found in 
the inscriptions. 



306-307 J '''■'■: I >i;<i.Kxsi(>.\' OF I'uoxouxs. 135 

CHAPTER XI. 
The Declension of Pronouns. 

306. Ix 110 other class of words do the Indo-Euro- 
pean lanofuaofes present such a variety of forms as in 
the Pronouns. From what these lano^uages have 
preserved, it is impossible to say either how many 
pronouns the parent tongue had or how many forms 
existed of the pronouns which we know. As com- 
pared with nouns, they show diti'erences of both stem 
and ending, and the interchange of nominal and pro- 
nominal formations adds to the confusion. Further- 
more, different stems appear in what should be a 
single declension, as Skt. aham, /, mam, me; Anc. 
Pers. adam, /, vayam, we; Grk. cy<^» Ty^iets, Lat. ego, 
nos, etc. Sometimes the form was extended by the 
insertion of an element between stem and ending, as 
-sm- in Skt. tasmad, or a form was changed by the 
addition of an enclitic particle, which in some in- 
stances became a part of the word, as Skt. aha-m, 
id-am; Grk. eyw-v, ovtoct-l; Lat. hi-c, id-em. Again, it 
seems that in Indo-European times there existed side 
by side accented and unaccented forms, of which 
from the prehistoric period in certain of the derived 
languages the accented form was generalized, in 
others the unaccented, and beside these, again, there 
developed new unaccented and accented forms. The 
Sanskrit preserves both accented and unaccented 
forms, e. </., ace. asman, ?^s-, yusman, you, beside the 
enclitic -nas and -vas; whereas the Latin has general- 
ized the unaccented forms and has only nos and vos. 

307. The following classification of pronouns is 



136 The Declension of Pronouns. [307-311 

usually made: the Personal, of the same group with 
which are the Possessive and the Reflexive, and, of 
another group, the Demonstrative, the Interrogative, 
the Relative, and the Indefinite. What is sometimes 
called the personal pronoun of the third person may- 
be classed with the demonstratives. In all classes 
except the personal occur distinctive gender forms. 

1. Personal Pronouns, 
a. First Person. 

308. Singula?'. The Nominative of this pronoun in 
Indo-European seems to have had two stems, *egh and 
*eg, and to have been used with and without the suffix 
-m; thus I. E. *egh6m gives Skt. aham, Av. azam, Anc. 
Pers. adam (159); I. E. *egd gives Grk. eyci, eywi/, O. 
Lat. ego; I. E. *ego gives Lat. ego, Goth. ik. 

309. The I. E. Accusative was *iiie(m) beside *eme 
and *me, and these forms appear in Skt. mam, ma 
(end.), GAv. m§m, YAv. mam, Anc. Pers. mam 
(occurring as enclitic in Bh. 1. 52), Grk. €/>te', fxl, Lat. 
me. 

310. Of the I. E. Genitive forms, *mene, *eme, the 
former is preserved in YAv. mana, Anc. Pers. mana, 
and the latter perhaps in Skt. mama, which may be 
a re-formation for *ama on the analogy of Aryan 
*mana < I. E. *mene. *eme appears also in Grk. 

(Hom.) c/Acio, Ion. e/xe'o, Att. e/Liou, etc., from *€/xeo-?/o 

and *€/i,eo-o, taking over the ending from the genitive 
of the demonstrative (334). The Ancient Persian 
has -a by script io pl<')^'^ (61). 

311. The I. E. Ablative was *med, as appears from 
the Skt. mad, GAv. mat, Anc. Pers. -ma (for *mad, 
229), Lat. me(d). 



312-317] 'J'"'- 'ni-«'f'i'^'«i'>>^' OF rnoNOT-xs. i;*»7 

312. The Skt. Diitivc mahyam for mahi-am points 
to I. E. *meghi, as the L:it. mihi 8ho^\•s I. E. *meghei, 
*meghoi. 

313. The I. E. Locative *mei, *inoi, served in the 
derived languages not only as locative, but also as 
lenitive and dative. Thus Skt. may-i (with loc. end- 
ing added), me (gen. and dat.), Av. moi, me (gen. 
and dat.), Anc. Peis. -maiy (dat. -gen.), (nk. dat. 
€/u,ot, Mot, Lat. dat. mi. 

314. The Instrumental would seem originally to 
have been *ma (cf. 2d pers. Skt. tva of the Veda, 
and Av. ^a, 326), for which the classical Sanskrit 
maya may have been formed from the ace. mam on 
the analogy of nouns of the a-declension, or it may 
have been made from an extension of the stem 
(*meyo-), as Lat. mei from meus. 

Dual. 

315. The origin of such dual forms as the Sanskrit 
Nominative-Ac'cusative avam, GAv. §9ava, is not 
clear. The same stem occurs with dual endings in 
Skt. avabhyam, avayos. The Indo-European unac- 
cented *no(u), appearing in Skt. ace. -dat. -gen. nau 
and the Grk. nom.-acc. vw, is from the plural stem 
*no(3i7). But no dual forms remain in Ancient 
Persian. 

Plural. 

316. The I. E. Nominative was *wei, from which 
are Skt. vay-am, Av. vaem (for *vay9m), Anc. Pers. 
vay-am, Goth, wei-s. 

317. The Accusative of the Indo-European was 
nos, as appears in Skt. nas (end.), GAv. na (encl.), 



188 



The Declension op Pronouns. [317-321 



Lat. nos. From the low orrade *ns are Goth, uns, 
Skt. as-man, GAv. ahma, YAv. ahma, Grk. *dcr/xes 
> a.[Xfx.t^ (Horn. Lesb.) transferred to the nominative. 

318. This low grade of the stem with the -sme- 
element (as in asman, ol/a/acs above), I. E. *ns-sme, 
was used in the formation of the Aryan genitive 
plural with the addition of the Aryan suffix -aka. 
Hence Skt. asmakam, YAv. ahmak9m, Anc. Pers. 
amaxam (< Ir. *ahmaxam). 

319. The same stem is seen in the Sanskrit Abla- 
tive asmad, GAv. ahmat, Skt. dat. asmabhyam, GAv. 
ahmaibya, Skt. loc. asmasu, instr. asmabhis, — Avhich 
cases do not occur in Ancient Persian. 

320. The Declension, then, of the Personal Pronoun 
of the first person, as far as it occurs in Ancient 
Persian, is as follows: 

Sg 



g. I. E. Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


N. *eghoin 


adam 


aham 


az9m 


A. *mem 


mam 


mam 


mam 


G. *mene, *eme 


mana 


[mama] 


mana 


L. *mei, *moi 

Ab.*med 

17 


maiy mayi 

(gen. -dat.) 
-ma mad 


moi (gen 

dat. ) 
ma£ 


I. 

N. *wei 
G. *9s-sme 
(-f Ar. -aka) 


vayam 
amaxam 


vayam 
asmakam 


vaem 
ahmakam 



Fl 



1). Second Person. 
Singular. 

321. The Nominative of the second person in I. E. 
was *tu or *tu, Skt. tvam (*tii-am), Av. tu, GAv. 



321-327] Tin: Dkclhxsiox of Puoxot'xs. 1;>!) 

tvim, Anc. Pcr.s. tuvam, (»ik. Dor. tv, Alt. o-v, Lat. 
tu. The -am in Skt. tvam, Anc. Pers. tuvam, may 
be the I. E. particle -em, -om, or these forms may be 
made after the analoofy of Skt. aham, Anc. Pers. 
adam. 

322. The original Accusative had *twe(in), *te 
beside *twe, *te. So Skt. tvam, tva (eiu-l.), Av. 
^wam, ^a (cncl.), Anc. l*ers. ^uvam (for ^vam; see 
164), Grk. Dor. re, Att. o-e (< *T/re), Lat. te. 

323. The I. E. Genitive *tewe appears in Skt. tava, 
YAv. tava, GAv. tava. As in the tirst person, the 
Ancient Persian uses as a genitive the locative -taiy 
(written also -tay), ■ [ I. E. *t(w)ei, *t(w)oi, which, 
like *mei, "^moi (313), occur in the derived languages 
as locative, genitive, or dative; e. g., Skt. tvay-i 
(with loc. ending added), te (gen. dat. ), Av. toi, te 
(gen. dat.), and the Grk. 'dat. Hom. rot, Att. o-ot 

(< *TfoO- 

324. The I. E. A])lative seems to have been *t(w)ed, 
from which are Skt. tvad, Av. ^at, Lat. te(d). 

325. The original Dative was a formation in -bhi, 
as Skt. tubhyam, GAv. taibya, Lat. tibi (from high- 
grade I. Yj. *tebhei, or '^tebhoi). 

326. The I. E. Instrumental was probably *twa, 
whence Skt.^Ved. tva, A v. ^a. The classical San- 
skrit tvaya then would be explained in the same way 
as maya above (314). 

Dual. 

327. The Sanskrit Nominative-Accusative Dual 
yu-vam is probably made from the L E. *yu-, 
which appears in the plural; and from this are also 
yuvabhyam and yuvayos. So the enclitic ace. -gen.- 



140 The Declension of Pronouns. [327-331 

dat. vam is from the I. E. plural stem *wo (of. 1st 
pers. nau, 315) after yuvam. No dual cases occui' in 
Ancient Persian. 

Pluml. 

328. The I. E. Nominative was *yus, GAv. yus, 
Goth, jus; Skt. yuyam after the analogy of the 1st 
pers. vayam. 

329. The I. E. Accusative was *wos, as appears in 
Skt. vas (end.), GAv. va (end.), Lat. vos, and (like 
the corresponding stem of the first person, 317) in 
its low grade it occurs in Skt. yusman, Grk. *uo--/i,e, 
Lesb. vfji/xe. 

This stem appears further in the Skt. abl. yus- 
mad, Av. yusmat, Skt. dat. yusmabhyam, GAv. 
yiismaibya, Skt. loc. yusmasu, instr. yusmabhis — 
which cases do not occur in the Ancient Persian. 

330. The Declension, then, of the Personal Pronoun 
of the second person, as far as it occui's in Ancient 
Persian, is as follows: 



Sg. 


I. E. Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


N. 


*tu, *tu tuvam 


tvam 


tu, tvim 


A. 


*twem ^uvam 


tvam 


^am 


L. 


*t(w)ei, '^t(w)oi -taiy 

(gen. -dat.) 


tvayi 
(loc.> 


toi, te 
(gen. -dat.) 






te (gen. 


-dat) 



2. Demonstrative, Interrogative, and Relative 
Pronouns. 

331. Of the Indo-European case endings for other 
pronouns than the personal, it will be necessary to 
give here only those which survive in the Demon- 



331-336] Tin: Dkclension of PRoxorNs. 141 

stiutive, the Interrogative, and the Relative of the 
Ancient Persian. 

(a) Masculine and Feminine. 
Singular. 

332. The Nominative, masc. and fem. occurred 
sometimes without ending; c. cj.^ I. E. masc. *so, 
fem. *sa, z'/^/.v, that^ Skt. sa, sa, Grk. 6, 17, Dor. d. 
Again this case had for the masc. the ending -s, as 
I. E. *yos, v'Jio^ Skt. yas, Grk. os; or sometimes the 
ending -oi (fem. -ai or -9i), as in Skt. ay-am, Lat. qui, 
O. Lat. qoi. 

333. The Accusative of both masc. and fem. forms, 
like that of nouns, ends in -m (249); e. g.^ I. E. *toni, 
*tam, that, Skt. tam, tarn, Grk. rdi/, tt/v, Lat. istum, 
istam. As in nouns of the a- and the a-declension, 
the Ancient Persian has masc. -am, fem. -am. 

334. The Genitive ended in (masc.) -syo, -so, (fem.) 
-syas, -sas; e. r/., I. E. masc. *tosyo, *toso or *teso, 
fem. *tesyas, *tesas; Skt. tasya, tasyas, Grk. Horn. 
TOLo < *Too-yo, Att. Tov < '^Toao. The -syo ending ap- 
pears in Ancient Persian as -hya (generally written 
-hya, 61). 

335. The Listrumental appears in Ancient Persian 
with the long vowel (-a) which belonged to the same 
case of nouns (273); as ana from ana. Others regard 
ana as a -f- instr. ending -na (cf. Skt. tena, Grk. Tm). 
L'nless tyana, Bh. 1, 23, be dittography (352. a; see 
Tolman Lex. 94) we should have in this form also an 
example of -na as instr. ending. 

FJura/. 

336. The Nominative plural for the o-stems ended 
in -oi; as I. E. *toi, these^ Skt. te, Grk. ot, rot, Lat. 



142 The Declension of Pronouns. [33B-340 

isti. As in nouns of the a-class the nom. pi. feni. 
ended in -as, as I. E. *tas, Skt. tas. Hence the An- 
cient Persian endings, reo:ularly masc. -aiy, fern. -a. 

337. The original Accusative masc. and feni. had 
the same ending as nouns, -ns for vowel stems (258); 
e. (J. , I. E. *tons, *tans, Skt. tan, tas, Grk. Cret. tws, 
Tavs, Att, Tor's, Tas (277). The Ancient Persian varies 
from this in using the same form, that in -aiy, for 
both accusative and nominative masc, just as the 
fem. has the same ending -a for these two cases 
(276, 277. But see 342. N. ). So in Avestan, al- 
though the GAv. has ace. pi. anyang, the YAv. uses 
anye as both nom. and ace. 

338. The Genitive plural of the I. E. had as masc. 
ending -oi-som, fem. -a-som or -a-sam; e. </., I. E. 
*toisom, *tasom or *tasam, Skt. tesam, tasam; Grk. 
Hom. Tawv, Att. Toiv, Dor. tSi/, Lat. istarum. The 
Ancient Persian has not only the gen. pi. masc. in 
-aisam ( I. E. -oisom), but the fem. occurs with the 
same form in ty aisam. 

(b) Neuters. 

339. The Nominative-Accusative neuter singular 
of I. E. ended in -d or -m; e. (/., I. E. *tod, *yod, 
*qod, *qid; Skt. tad, yad, id-am; Grk. (with loss of 
linal dental) t6.^ 6', Tt, Lat. istud, quod, quid. With 
-m (cf. neut. nouns of the o-declension, 263) are Skt. 
kirn, Av. cim, Grk. to<tovtov. With the loss of the 
final dental (229) the Ancient Persian neuter singu- 
lar appears in -a. But in avas-ciy the dental is as- 
similated to the following c (229. b). 

340. The Nominative- Accusative neuter plin-al of 
I. E. had as ending for o-stems of pronouns the -a. 



340-344] TiiK Declexsion of Phonoi:n.s. 14:) 

which helonirod to the same class of noun stems (265); 
e. </., t. E. *ta, Skt. ta-ni, Ved. ta, Lat. ista. This 
ending in Ancient Persian remains -a as in nouns. 

3. Ancient Persian Demonstratives. 

341. a, th'ix. The Indo-P^uropean demonstrative 
stem *o-, *e-, fern. *a-, appears in the Anc. Pers. a, 
Skt. a, Av. a, Grk. c in 1-k€.^ 1-k€.vo%^ etc., €t (loc), 
Lat. e-quidem. Only two cases occur in Ancient 
Persian, the gen. and the loc. sg. fern. The loc. sg. 
in Aryan shows an -sy- in the fem., which may have 
been taken over from the gen. Furthermore, these 
two cases in Ancient Persian must have been influ- 
enced by feminine noun endings of the a-declension, 
since they show the same extension of ending in 
ahyaya, occurring as both gen. and loc. (written also 
ahiyaya in the gen.). See Tolman Lev. .59. 

342. aita, tlih. I. E. *ei-to, formed of *ei4-*to, 
YAy. aeta, Skt. eta, appears in Ancient Persian only 
in nom.-acc. sg. neut. aita (Av. aetat, Skt. etad). 

Note. — The secoud element of this word possibly occurs 
as ace. pi. masc. ta in Bh. 4. 73, according to Tolman Cun. 
Sup. p. V. 

343. ana, t/ii)^. The Anc. Pers. ana represents 
I. E. *eno : *ono. So Skt. ana, Lith. anas, Grk. Ivj; 
(lit. that da I/), exeivos < *c-Ke-evos. The pronoun oc- 
curs in Ancient Persian in but one case, the instr. 
sg. masc. ana (see also 335). 

344. ava, t/iat. I. E. *owo, Av. ava, Skt. (gen. 
dual) avos, appears in Ancient Persian in the follow- 
ing forms, the endings of which have been discussed 
in the sections above. 



144 The Declension of Pronouns. [344-349 

Fern. Neut. 

N. A. ava 



Sg. 


Masc. 


A. 
G. 
PL 


avam 
avahya 


N. 
A. 
G. 


avaiy 
avaiy 
avaisam 



ava 



345. ima, thin. It seems that from the Aryan ace. 
sg. masc. *im-am, /. e.^ the ace. of the stem i -f- the 
particle -am, new formations were made on ima as a 
stem, and from this the Ancient Persian shows these 
forms: 



Sg. 


Masc. 


Fem. 


Neut, 


A. 


imam 


imam 


ima 


PL 








N. 


imaiy 


ima 




A. 






ima 


G. 


imaisam 







346. iyam, tins.. From I. E. fem. i of the stem i, 
with the particle -am, comes the Anc. Pers. iyam, 
which serves as masc. and fem. nom. sg. 

347. di, it^ them. From the Iranian stem *di the 
Ancient Persian has, generally as enclitic, the ace. 
sg. fem. dim (Av. dim) and the ace. pi. masc. and 
fem. dis (229 b.). 

348. si, Idm., it. I. E. *si appears as an enclitic in 
the Anc. Pers. ace. sg. masc. and neut. -sim (as neut. 
pi. in Bh. 4. 6, Tolmam L«i'. 129) and ace. pi. masc. 
-sis (Skt, sim, Av, him, his. 

349. Of enclitic pronominal forms of the third 
person, the Ancient Persian has also a gen.-dat. sg. 



349-352] The Declension of I'ronouns. 145 

luasc. -saiy (GAv. hoi, YAv. he; cf. -maiy < I. E. 
loc. *moi, 313); an abl. sg. neut. -sa in haca avadasa, 
tlierefro)ii (Y^Vv. ho); and as a rc-forniation to those 
two forms after the analogy of noun stems, the gen. 
pi. masc. -sam. 

350. hauv, this. This nom. sg. masc., used also 
as fem. (written hau- before the enclitic -saiy), is the 
Ancient Persian representation of I. E. *so + *u, 
which survives in the Ork. ovTo<i. The Skt. asau, 
Av. hau (cf. Grk. avry]) are original feminine forms 
used also as masculine, hauvam in Bh. 1. 29 is prob- 
ably to be explained as hauv -\- particle am by anal- 
ogy with such forms as adam, tuvam, iyam. (Tol- 
man Lex. 131.) 

4. Ancient Persian Interrogatives. 

351. ka, who? The I. E. interrogative pronoun 
*qo became Anc. Pers. ka, Skt. ka, Av. ka, Grk. rov.^ 
Hom. T€o, Lat. quod (141); the I. E. *qi appears in 
Anc. Pers. cis-ciy (indefinite), Skt. cid (adv.), Av. 
cis, Grk. Tts, Lat. quis. From ka with -ciy (neut.) 
was formed the indefinite pronoun, nom. sg. masc. 
kas-ciy (164. c). The stem ci with -ciy is seen in 
cis-ciy (for *cid-cid), ace. sg. neut. (164. c). 

5. Ancient Persian Relatives. 

352. tya, that, the. The I. E. *tyo, *tya after the 
analogy of the demonstrative, preserved the t, with 
no change to 6 in Iranian, nor to s in Ancient Persian 
(164. b). This pronoun, originally demonstrative, 
is used generally as a relative, often as a definite 
article (571. 2). It has the following forms: 

10 



146 


The \"eri5. 


[352 


Sg. 


Masc. Fein. 


Neut. 


A. 


tyam tyam 


(N. A.) tya 


N. 


tyaiy tya 


tya 


A. 


tya 


tya 


G. 


tyaisam tyaisam 





(a) tyana, Bh. 1. 23, may be instr. sg. (335), or 
more probably it is written for ace. pi. neiit. See 
Tolman Lex. 94. 

353. hya, v'ht. The I. E. *syo, *sya (Skt. sya) oc- 
curs in Ancient Persian in the nom. sg. masc. hya, 
fern. hya. 

Note. — The I. E. relative *yo appears in Ancient Persian 
only in adverbial forms (575). 



CHAPTER XII. 

The Verb. 

1. The Indo-European Verb System. 

354. In the development of the verb the Indo- 
European languages show less regularity than in 
noun formations. With the exception of the San- 
skrit, the Greek, and the Slavonic, the derived lan- 
guages have not preserved the verb system with any- 
thing like completeness. 

355. Two groups of forms are to be observed: the 
one includes the Indicative, Subjunctive, Injunctive, 
Optative, and Imperative, commonly called the tinite 
verb, having as a chief characteristic the so-called 
personal endings, and marked also by the use of re- 
duplication and augment, and by distinctions of 



355-357] TiiK Vi:ui!. U7 

voice, mood, and tense; the other group embraces 
those noun and adjective forms which have attached 
themselves to the verb, ?'. e., the Infinitives and Par- 
ticiples, known as the infinite verb. Among the lat- 
ter are nomina ageiitis and nomma actionis^ which 
have assumed certain characteristics of the verb. 
The participle had already in the Indo-European pe- 
riod become a part of the verb system, and remained 
so in the various languages. The infinitive was orig- 
inally but a case form of a noiueii actlonlx^ which 
was connected with the verb in the derived languages 
from their prehistoric period. 

356. The parent language had two voices, the 
Active and the Middle, the meaning of which is il- 
lustrated in the terms applied by the Hindu gram- 
marians to the two voices in Sanskrit, "parasmai- 
padam" and "atmane-padam," a word f 07^ another, 
and a word for one's self. The difi'erence is not al- 
ways so clearly marked as would be indicated by the 
terms "transitive" and "reflexive." The Sanskrit, 
again, illustrates the distinction in yajati, he ofcrs, 
active, when the priest oilers sacrifice for another, 
and yajate, he ojf'ers, middle, when the worshiper 
ofl'ers sacrifice for himself. There was originally no 
distinct form for the passive voice, but even in Indo- 
European times the middle had begun to be used to 
express the passive idea— a tendency which continued 
in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin. 

357. The Moods of the Indo-European were the 
Indicative, Subjunctive, Optative, and Imperative. 
In addition to these are certain forms resembling 
the unaugmented indicative, with secondary personal 
endings, constituting what is called the Injunctive, 



148 The Verb. [357-358 

used mostly in commands and prohibitions, and 
therefore easily associated with the imperative. The 
distinction between the su})junctive and the optative 
was not maintained in the derived languages, ex- 
cept in the Vedic dialect of the Sanskrit and in 
the Greek. The optative absorbed the functions of 
the subjunctive in classical Sanskrit, as also in the 
Germanic and Balto-Slavonic groups. The Latin 
confused the forms of the two moods. The corre- 
spondence of certain Greek subjunctive forms with 
Latin futures has even raised the question among 
some scholars whether the Indo-European had a dis- 
tinct subjunctive mood in any proper sense. 

358. The Tense forms were mostly a late develop- 
ment in the Indo-European languages. There must 
have been originally two groups of forms in their 
relation to time : the present-aorist system and the 
perfect, the former including the present, imper- 
fect, and an aorist from the same stem (486), 
and adding later the future (when not originally 
subjunctive) and the s-aorist (488); the perfect, dis- 
tinguished by an ablaut change in the active indic- 
ative singular, by its personal endings, and by the 
form of its active participle. In the present-aorist 
group the distinction of present, past, and future 
was originally dependent on the context, the verb- 
form denoting manner of action (359) rather than 
time. That a temporal particle indicating past time 
was joined as an augment to certain forms (362) in- 
dicates that these forms did not carry in themselves 
the past idea. And even the particle was not neces- 
sary if the past was implied in the context; hence 



358-360] The Verb. 14!) 

the uiuiugmented forms occurred l)Csido the uiig- 
niented. 

359. But while distinctions of time were, for the 
most part, not original in the verb forms, the dis- 
tinction of the character or manner of the action 
(Aktionsart) comes down from the Indo-European 
period. The following kinds of action are recog- 
nized by philologists: 

1. Momentary action, where the verb denotes a 
single or sudden act, wdth no notion of continuance 
or repetition. This idea inhered in the meaning of 
some verbs; sometimes it was the result of com- 
pounding the verb with a preposition. Such verbs 
were used for futures more often than for presents. 

2. Cursive or durative action, where continued 
action is expressed, with no reference to its begin- 
ning or completion. 

3. Perfect action, where the perfect form of the 
verb expresses a condition resulting from a com- 
pleted act or a finished process. 

4. Iterative action, where the verb expresses the 
repetition of an act. Such is the meaning especially 
of reduplicated presents, the repeated syllable de- 
noting repetition of the act. Since repetition also 
indicates intensity of action, verbs of this kind read- 
ily become intensives. 

5. Terminative action, where stress is laid on the 
beginning or the end of the action. Originally of 
this group were the nasal presents and those in -sk(h)o. 

360. The finite verb forms of the Indo-European 
had distinctive endings for first, second, and third 
persons, and, like nouns and pronouns, had three 
numbers, Singular, Dual, and Plural. But the dual 



150 The Verb. [360-362 

failed to survive in the historical period of the de- 
rived languages except in the Aryan group, the 
Balto-Slavonic, and the Greek. And even in the 
Greek the tirst-person dual was lost in the primitive 
period, while the second and third persons were used 
only occasionally. 

2. (a) Reduplication and Augment in Indo- 
European. 

361. Reduplication occurs in many classes of words 
in the Indo-European languages and with varying 
signification. Sometimes it helped the onomatopoetic 
effect, as in Skt. ululis, hmrl^ Grk. oAoXvXw, Lat. ululo; 
sometimes it indicated repetition, as in Skt. dame- 
dame, in every Jtouse^ or Lat. quisquis; and, again, it 
was intensive, as in Skt. priyas-priyas, very dear. 
As is indicated by these examples, it sometimes con- 
sisted of the repetition of the entire word, but more 
often a syllable was repeated. Syllabic reduplica- 
tion, even in Indo-European times, had become a 
means of indicating certain verb forms, especially 
formations for distinguishing the manner of action 
(359. 4), and later for denoting a tense relation. It 
was preserved in the Aryan languages, as also in 
Greek, Latin, Gothic, and Old Irish. 

There were three tenses in which reduplication 
might occur: the present, the aorist, and the perfect. 
In some instances an entire syllable was repeated 
(occasionally even two syllables), more often the 
initial consonant, with i or e, formed a reduplicating 
syllable. Both i and e occurred in this syllable of re- 
duplicated presents, e in the aorists and perfects. 

362. The Augment, as has been mentioned above, 



362-364J The VvAiu. 151 

^v^l.s originally a temporal adverb, which gave a past 
nieaniug to certain verb forms having no tense sig- 
nification in themselves. This adverbial particle in 
Indo-European was e, which before forms beginning 
with a consonant made a separate syllable, and before 
an initial vowel contracted with that vowel; e. </., 
I. E. *e-bheroin, /lore, Skt. abharam, Cirk. l4>(.pov, I. E. 
*esm < *e-esm, I was^ Skt. asam, Grk. Horn. ^a. If 
the past signification was evident from the context, 
the augment could be omitted. Hence the parent 
language must have had *bherom beside *ebherom, 
and the unaugmented forms came in the course of 
time to be regarded as past as well as the augmented. 
Thus in the Vedic dialect of the Sanskrit and in 
Greek poetry, especially Homer, augmentless forms 
are very frequent. 

(b) Reduplication and Augment in Ancient 
Persian. 

363. In the reduplicating syllable of the pres- 
ent system the Ancient Persian either preserves the 
i of the Indo-European or has a representing Indo- 
European e; e. r/., Anc. Pers. aistata < *a-sistata, 
Jie stood, Skt. tisthati, Av. histaiti, Grk. To-tt/zai < 
*o-i-o-Ta/u,i, Lat. sisto; Anc. Pers. dadatuv, let Jiim give, 
Skt. dadatu, GAv. dadaiti, but Grk. StSw/xi. The e 
which was used in the reduplication of the Indo- 
European aorist and perfect became a in the Ancient 
Persian perfect, as caxriya, 3d sg. perf. opt. of 
kar, do. A palatal is substituted in the reduplicating 
syllable for an initial guttural of the root in accord- 
ance with 145, as in this form caxriya. 

364, The Indo-European augment e appears in 



152 The Verb. [364-367 

Ancient Persian as a; e. r/., I. E. *e-bherom, I lore, 
Anc. Pers. abaram, Skt. abharam, Grk. l^tpov. In 
verbs beginning with a vowel there appears the long 
vowel or heavy diphthong resulting from contraction 
of the augment with the initial vowel ; e. g., I. E. 
*esm < *e-esm, Ivms, Anc. Pers. aham, Skt. asam, 
Grk. Hom. ^a; 1. E. *eym < *e-eym, I went^ Anc. 
Pers. nij-ayam, Skt. ay am, Grk. ^a for *^a < *^ya. 
Augmentless forms with secondary endings occur as 
injunctives (357). 

3. Indo-European Personal Endings. 

365. For indicating the differences of person of 
the verb, the Indo-European had two groups of end- 
ings, the primary and the secondary. The primary 
endings belonged to the present indicative, the future 
in -syo (481), and the perfect indicative middle; the 
secondary to the augmented indicative tenses, the 
optative, and the injunctive forms. The perfect in- 
dicative active had endings peculiar to itself in the 
singular (385-387). Some subjunctive endings were 
primary, others secondary. The origin of the per- 
sonal endings is not known. 

366. The endings were added to verb roots some- 
times with, sometimes without, the intervention of a 
thematic vowel, thus forming two great classes of 
verbs, thematic and unthematic (445). 

a. Primary Endings of the Active. 
Singula)'. 

367. 1st pers. The Indo-European had in the first 
person the ending -mi for unthematic verbs, and -0 
for thematic; e. g., I. E. *es-ini, /"«/;?, Skt. asmi, Av. 



367-372] The Verb. l")-^* 

ahmi, Anc. Pers. amiy, Grk. Lesb. c'/x/xt, Att. tlfxi, 
Lith. esmi; I. E. *bher-o, Ihear^ Grk. <^€/3w, Lat. fero, 
Goth, baira. The Aryan hiuoruages took over for 
thematic verbs the endino: -mi of the unthematic; 
hence Skt. bharami, Av. barami, Anc. Pers, jadi- 
yamiy, I pray. 

368. 2d pers. The Indo-European ending was -si; 
e. g. , I. E. *es-si, *esi, thou art.^ Skt. asi, Av. ahi, Anc. 
Pers. (subj.) ahy (66. 1, d), Grk. IIoiii. €o-cn', Att. Ci\ 
I. E. *bhere-si, tliou Ixctrest^ Skt. bharasi, Av. barahi, 
Anc. Pers. (subj.) pari-barahy (66. 1, d). The Grk. 2d 
sg. of verbs in -w is a re-formation on the analogy 
of secondary endings. 

369. 3d pers. The Indo-European 3d person ended 
in -ti; e. </., I. E. *es-ti, Jw /.s-, Skt. asti, Av. asti, Anc. 
Pers. astiy, Grk. cart; I. E. *bhere-ti, he hears., Skt. 
bharati, Av. baraiti, Anc. Pers. ^atiy (< *^ahatiy, 214), 
he says. 

Dual. 

370. 1st pers. The ending of the first person dual 
was probably -wes or -wos. It appears in Sanskrit, 
in Avestan, in the Balto-Slavonic group, and in 
Gothic; c. f/., I. E. *s-wes, v:e {two) are., Skt. svas; 
I. E. *bhero-wes(i), Skt. bharavas, A v. usvahi, %i;e 
{two) tciJI. 

371. 2d pers. The original ending was -t(h)es or 
-t(h)os; €. g.., I. E. *s-t(h)es, you {tivo) are., Skt. sthas; 
I. E. *bhere-t(h)es, you {two) hear., Skt. bharathas. 

372. 3d pers. This form in Indo-European ended 
in -tes, as appears in Skt. stas, they {tioo) are, Av. 
sto; Skt. bharatas, t/iey {tiro) hear, Av. barato. 

Rem. The Greek 2(1 and 3d pei-sons dual took over the 
ending of the 2d person dual of secondary tenses. 



154 The Verb. [373-377 

Plural. 

373. Ist pers. The first person plural of Indo- 
European ended in -mes(i) : -inos(i); e. g.^ I. E. , 
*s-mes(i), we are., Skt. smas, Av. mahi, Anc. Pers. 
amahy; I. E. *bhero-mes(i), we hecn^ Skt. bharamas, 
Av. baramahi, Anc. Pers. ^ahyamahy (66. 1, d; pass, 
with act. ending), Grk. Dor. cfiipofj.e'i^ Lat. ferimus. 

374. 2d pers. The I. E. ending was probably -the, 
but this was not distinguished from the correspond- 
ing secondary ending (I. E. -te) in the derived lan- 
guages, with the exception of the Aryan group. So 
I. E. *s-t(h)e, ye are., Skt. stha, Av. sta, Grk. ifjTi\ 
1. E. *bhere-t(h)e, ye hear., Skt. bharatha, Av. isa^a. 

375. 3d pers. For this ending the Indo-European 
had after consonants the accented ending -enti, the 
unaccented -nti, and after vowels -nti; e. g.^ I. E. 
*s-enti, they are., Skt. santi, Av. h9nti, Anc. Pers. 
ha"tiy (179), Grk. Dor. eVrt; I. E. didh-nti, they 
place., Skt. dadhati, Grk. Horn. perf. 7re</)vKuo-t; I, E. 
*bhero-nti, Skt. bharanti, Av. baranti, Anc. Pers. 
bara"tiy (179), Grk. Dor. ^e'/aovn, Lat. ferunt, Goth, 
bairand. 

b. Secondary Endings of the Active, 
Singular. 

376. 1st pers. The I. E. ending was -m after a 
consonant, -m after a vowel; e. j/., I. E. *es-m, I was, 
Skt. asam, Anc. Pers. aham, Grk. Horn, ^a; I. E. 
■'^ ebhero-m, / bore, Skt. abharam, A v. bar9m, Anc. 
Pers. abaram, Grk. €(f>epov, Lat. feram (inj.). 

377. 2d pers. The second person ended in -s; e. g., 
I. E. *es-s, thou weist, Skt. asthas, A v. as, Grk. 
£o-Ti7s; I. E. *ebhere-s, thou didst Icttr, Skt. abharas, 



377-384] ''''"' ^ ''"''• ^'^^ 

Ay. jaso (for -a -ah = -a-s), thoa earnest^ Anc. 
Ters. (inj.) ava-rada (192), leave thou, Grk. €<^ep£s. 

378. 3cl pers. The hulo-Enropean ended in -t; 
e. g., I. E. es-t, he was, Skt. asthat, A v. as, as, Anc. 
Pers. aha (440. a), Grk. Dor. h < *W^', I- K. 
*ebhere-t, he hore, Skt. abharat, Av. barat, Anc. 
Pers. abara (229), Grk. €<^ep£. 

Dual. 

379. 1st pers. The original ending was -we or -wo, 
as in Skt. asva, we {tvx>) were, Av. ahva, Lith. esva; 
Skt. abharava, we {two) hore, Av. jvava, O. Skiv. 
vezove; but in most Indo-Eui'opean languages the 
fii-st person dual was lost at an early period. 

380. 2d pers. The I. E. second person ended in 
-torn; e. g., I. E. *es-toin, yoit {tico) were, Skt. astam, 
Grk. ^o-Tov; I. E. *ebhere-tom, yo\i {fu-o) hore, Skt. 
abharatam, Grk. ec^epcrov, O. Slav, vezata. 

381. ;'.d pers. The I. E. ending was -tarn; e. g., 
I. E. es-tam, they {two) were, Skt. astam, Grk. y)(nr^v; 
I. E. *ebhere-tam, th>'i/ {two) lore, Skt. abharatam, 
Av. jasatam, Grk. icfiep^T-qv. 

Plural. 

382. 1st pers. This ending of the Indo-European, 
like the corresponding primary ending, is not cer- 
tainly known; it was probably -me : -mo. Hence the 
Skt. asma, we v:ere, A v. ahma, Lith. buvome; Skt. 
abharama, ive hore, Av. bavama, Anc. Pers. akuma. 

383. 2d pers. The I. E. ending was -te; e. <j., I. E. 
*es-te, you were, Skt. asta, Av. usta, Grk. ^o-re, Lith. 
buvote; I. E. *ebhere-te, y»a hoi-r, Skt. abharata, Av. 
jasata, Anc. Pers. (inj.) jata (or ja'^ta), Grk. e</)£>€Te. 

384. 3d pers. Three forms of the ending occurred 



156 The Vrrp.. [384-388 

here, as in the primary tenses: -ent was the accented 
ending following a consonant, -nt unaccented after a 
consonant, and -nt the ending after a vowel; e. g.^ 
1. E. *es-ent, they were^ Skt. asan, Av. h9n, Anc. 
Pers. aha", Grk. Dor. r\v (=^£v, became 3d sg. after 
the introduction of the new formation ^o-ai/); I. E. 
*ebhero-nt, they Tjore^ Skt. abharan, Av. barsn, Anc. 
Pers. abara", Grk. l<^tpov. -at of the GAv. dadat rep- 
resents the I. E. -nt and, Ixit for the influence of 
analogy, the Greek aorist iKvaav^ cSeifav, etc., would 
have ended simply in -a (/. t'., -ar <; I. E. -nt). 

c. Perfect Endings of the Active. 
Singular. 

385. 1st. pers. The ending was -a, w^hich survived 
in the Aryan languages and in Greek; e. g., I. E. 
*dedork-a, I have seen., Skt. dadaiQa, YAv. didvaesa, 
Grk. SeSopKa; I. E. *woid-a, I hnoii\ Skt. veda, GAv. 
vaeda, Grk. otSa. 

386. 2d pers. The second person ended in -tha; 
e. g., I. E. *woit-tha, t//ou I'nowesf., Skt. vettha, GAv. 
voista, Grk. olo-^a (-as was a re-formation), YAv. 
dada^a. 

387. 3d pers. The ending in Indo-European was 
-e; so Skt. -a, Av. -a, Grk. -e; e. g., I. E. *dedork-e, 
he has seen, Skt. dadarga, YAv. yayata, Grk. Se'Sopxe; 
I. E. *woid-e, //e l-nows, Skt. veda, YAv. vaeSa, (irk, 
oiSe. 

Dual 

388. 1st pers. The Indo-European seems to have 
had hei-e the -we or -wo of the corresponding form 
of secondary tenses. This ending appears in San- 
skrit as -va, e. </., cakrva. 



389-393] 'I'l"' Verb. 157 

389. 2(1 pers. No correspondence is found here be- 
tween the Aryan and the Greek; e. </., Skt. cakrathur, 
Grk. lo-Tov. 

390. od pers. In the third person, as in the sec- 
ond, the derived langnuofes do not agree, the Sanskrit 
ending being -atur, the Avestan -atar**, while the 
Greek has again the same ending as the present. 
The Aryan ending may have been influenced l)y that 
of the third person plural. The Sanskrit -athur and 
-atur of the second and third person stand in the same 
relation as the primary endings -thas and -tas. Ex- 
amples are Skt. yetatur, tJiey (tico) have endeavored^ 
Av. yaetatar% but Grk. io-tov. 

Plural. 

391. 1st pers. The first person plural probably 
had as its ending the -me or -mo that belonged to 
secondary tenses; e. ^., I. E. *wid-me (-mo), vel'nov^ 
Skt. vidma, GAv. yoi^^ma, YAv. didvisma, Grk. 

icr/xev. 

392. 2d pers. The ending -a is found only in the 
Aryan group; the Greek has -tc; e. g., Skt. cakra, 
Av. vaoraza^a, Skt. vida, Grk. ta-re. 

393. 3d pers. An ending in -r occurs in various 
forms of the Aryan and of the Italic and Keltic lan- 
guages. It was sometimes itself a personal ending, 
as in Skt. vidur, it sometimes united with the reg- 
ular personal ending, as in Lat. -ntur < -nto-r. It 
occurs again in the third person plural of the perfect 
in Sanskrit and Avestan; e. g., Skt. asur, the// Juive 
heen^ Av. anhar^, but Grk. lo-ao-i ( ; -avn). Thus 
nothing definite is known of the Indo-European 
endinsr. 



158 The Verb. [394-397 

d. Imperative Endings of the Active. 
Singular. 

394. 1st pers. Only in Sanskrit and Avestan do 
we find the ending -ani of the first person. The 
Veda has also a shorter form in -a, a subjmictive 
from which the longer form may have been made in 
primitive Aryan by the addition of the particle -na, 
which then became -ni by analogy with other forms 
in -i. Thus Skt. bharani, YAv. barani; Ved. also 
brava, Av. mrava. 

395. 2d pers. In thematic verbs the bare stem was 
used as second person; e. g., I. E. *bhere, hear tliou^ 
Skt. bhara, Av. bara, Grk. <^epe. In unthematic 
verbs the Indo-European had sometimes the bare 
stem, sometimes the ending -dhi, which was prob- 
ably' originally adverbial, and occurs only in Aryan, 
Greek, and Balto-Slavonic; e. </., I. E. *ei, go thou^ 
Grk. £^et, lo-Ti^, Lat. exi, vide; 1. E. *i-dhi, go thou^ 
Skt. ihi, GAv. idi, YAv. iSi, Anc. Pers. -idiy, Grk. Wi. 

396. 2d and 3d pers. The I. E. ending -tod, orig- 
inally the abl. sg. neut. of the demonstrative pro- 
noun used as an adverb of time, became an impera- 
tive ending of both second and third persons. In the 
Veda it is used almost always for the 2d pers. sg., in 
Greek it belongs only to the 3d pers. sg., and in 
Latin it occurs in both 2d and 3d pers. sg. ; e. g., 
I. E. *ei-tod, let Mm go^ Grk. i'tw, Lat. ito, memento; 
Skt. vittad, Jet him hiow, Grk. io-tw; I. E. '^bhere-tod, 
let him hear, Skt. bharatad, Grk. ^tpirta. 

397. The Aryan ending of the third person -tu was 
probably derived from the injunctive ending -t with 
the particle -u; e. f/., I. E. *bhere-t-u, let him hear^ 
Skt. bharatu, Av. baratu, Anc. Pers. baratuv. 



398-403] Tin: Verb. 150 

Dual. 

398. The Sanskrit uses in the first person tlie sub- 
junctive form Avilh secondary ending:. So also the 
second and thiid persons dual of the Sanskrit have 
secondary endinfjs (injunctive). No distinctive dual 
imperative ending is found. 

Plural. 

399. 1st pers. The Sanski'it has, again, the sec- 
ondary ending of the subjunctive, and a special im- 
perative ending does not occur. 

400. 2d pers. The secondary ending -te (injunc- 
tive) is seen in Skt. bharata, hear ye^ Grk. (^epere; Skt. 
sta, 1)6 yt\ Grk. eo-re, Lat. este. 

401. 3d pers. Corresponding to the singular -tu, 
which survived in the Aryan languages, is the plural 
ending -ntu, -ntu,-entu; e. ^., I. PI *bhero-nt-u, let them 
hear., Skt. bharantu, Av. barantu; I. E. *dhedh-nt-u, 
let them put., Skt. dadhatu; I. E. *s-ent-u, let them he^ 
Skt. santu, GAv. bantu. 

e. Primary Endings of the ]\Iiddle. 

Singular. 

402. 1st pers. From the forms in the derived lan- 
guages the Indo-Em'opean ending of the first person 
cannot be determined. The perfect ending was prob- 
a])ly -ai, as Skt. tutude < I. E. *t(e)tud-ai, Lat. tutudi, 
and this ending was generalized in the Aryan gi'oup, 
while the Greek has -/wat, which appears in no other 
language. Thus, Skt. ase, / 6/7, Av. gar-ze, Grk. 
^/luw; Skt. bhare, / le(U\ Av. yaze, Grk. <f>epofjiaL. 

403. 2d pers. The original eiKling was -sai; e. </., 
I. E. *es-sai, thtni s!tte-'<t^ Skt. asse, A v. daiihe (subj.). 



IGO Thk Verb. [403-407 

Grk. 7;o-at; I, E. *bhere-sai, tJma heaved^ Skt. bharase, 
Av. par'sahe, Anc. Pers. maniyahay (sul>j.), Grk. 

(Repeat, yeypai/zat, Goth. bairaza. 

404. 3d pci's. In the third person the Indo-Euro- 
pean had the ending -tai or (in the perfect) -ai; e. (/., 
I. E. *es-tai, lie siis, Skt. aste, A v. vaste, Grk. lyo-rai; 
I. E. *bhere-tai, he hears, Skt. bharate, Av. yazaite, 
Anc. Pers. yadataiy (subj.), Grk. ^cperat, Goth, bai- 
rada; Skt. (perf.) dadhe, Av. daiSe. (The Greek per- 
fect in -rat is a re-formation.) 

Dual. 

405. 1st pers. The original ending is not known. 
The Skt. ending -vahe is made on the analogy of the 
the first person plural; so also the Grk. -neOov from 
the endings -fieOa and -aOov. Examples are: Skt. as- 
vahe, we (two) sit, bharavahe, we (tvjo) hear, Grk. 

406. 2d pers. The Sanskrit has -athe, the Greek 
-(t6ov, from which the original ending is not evident; 
e. g., Skt. asathe, you {two) sit, Grk. 170-^0^; Skt. 
bharethe, yoii {two) hear, Grk. ^ip^aOov^ Skt. (perf.) 
dadhathe, ye {two) have j^^^t- 

407. 3d pers. The Sanskrit has -ate, and the Greek, 
as in the second person, has -(tOov; e. g., Skt. asate, 
Av. jamaete (subj.), Grk. rjcrOov, Skt. bharete, they 
{tivo) hear, Av. visaete, Grk. <f>€peaOov, Skt. (perf.) 
dadhate, they {ttco) have iJut. 

Skt. bharethe, bharete, point to original Ar^'-an 
endings -ithe and -ite, and this -i- appears again in 
the Vodic aorist adhitam (cf . corresponding seconda- 
ry endings, 415, 416). 



408-412 J TiiK \'i:ki!. 1()1 

408. 1st peis. The Iiulo-European ending was 
probal)ly -medhai, rriui, Ar. -madhai, represented 
by Skt. -mahe, Av. -maide, while the Grk. -fxtOa is 
taken over from secondary tenses; thus, Skt. asmahe, 
ice sit, Av. mrumaide, Grk. 17/xe^a; Skt. bharamahe, 
we l)em\ Av. baramaide, Grk. <j>ep6fjL€6a. 

409. 2d pers. The Indo-European ending is not 
known; the Aryan was -dhvai, as appears in Skt. 
-dhve, YAv. -^e, GAv. -duye (for duve), but the 
Greek has -a^e; thus Skt. adhve, ymi sif, Grk. ^a-Oc, 
Skt. bharadhve, YAv. cara^we, GAv. daduye. 

410. 3d pers. The Indo-European ending was 
-ntai after consonants and -ntai after vowels; e. (j., 
I. E. *es-ntai, they sit, Skt. asate, Av. raezaite, Grk. 
Horn. T-Jarai (r/vrai is a re-formation), T£Tpa<^aTai (perf.); 
I. E. *bhero-ntai, tJunj hear^ Skt. bharante, Av. baran- 
te, Grk. (^ipovrai^ /3efi\r]vTai (perf.), Goth, bairanda. 

f. Secondary Endings of the Middle. 
Si?igular. 

411. 1st pers. The original ending cannot be de- 
cided from the forms in the derived languages. The 
Aryan group had -i, which in thematic verbs united 
with -a- to make -ai, Skt. and Av. -e, while the Grk. 
-/j-rjv is eutii'ely distinct ; e. g. , Skt. asi, / sat, Av. 
aoji, Grk. rj^-qv- Skt. abhare, / hore, Anc. Pers. 
ayadaiy, Av. baire, Grk. I<i>cp6p.rjv. 

412. 2d pers. The Indo-European had two end- 
ings of the second person, -thes and -so, probably 
using the former for unthematic ver])s and the latter 
for thematic; then -thes was generalized in Sanskrit, 
-so in Iranian, while both survive in Greek; e. g., 

11 



IG2 ' The Verb. [412-417 

I. E. *es-thes, thou didst sit, Skt. asthas, Av. mingha 
(< Ar. *man-sa), Gik. ^o-o, i860r]'; (= Skt, adithas); 
I. E. *ebhere-so, t/iou didst lea); Skt. abharathas, 
Av. baranha, baraesa (opt.), Grk. i<f>ipeo, ^e'poto, Lat. 
seque-re. 

413. 3d pers. The original third person ended in 
-to; e. g., I. E. *es-to, he sat^ Skt. asta, adita (< I. E. 
*ed9-to), Av. manta, Anc. Pers. patiy-ajata, Grk. 
7/o-To, (.hoTo, Lat. datur ( ' *da-to-r. 393); I. E. *ebhere- 
-to, he lore, *bheroi-to (opt.), Skt. abharata, bhareta, 
Av. yazata, baraeta, Anc. Pers. agaubata, Grk. 

i<ji€p€TO, (jiepOLTO. 

Dual. 

414. 1st pers. The Indo-European dual endings 
are not known. The Aryan first person in -vadhi 
is a re-formation after the first person phiral (cf. 
the corresponding primary ending, 405); e. g., Skt. 
asvahi, v:e {two) sat, Av. dvaidi, Skt. abharavahi, we 
{two) hore. 

415. 2d pers. The Sanskrit has here -atham or 
itham (the union of the thematic vowel with -itham 
making -etham), while the Greek has -ctOov, e. _f/., 
Skt. asatham, you {tioo) sat, Grk. t;o-^ov; Skt. abha- 
retham, you {two) hore, Grk. l<i>ip(.(TBov. 

416. 3d pers. The Aryan endings were -atam, 
-itam, while the Greek had -(rO-qv, e. //., Skt. asatam, 
they {two) sat, Av. daiSitam, Grk. -^aOrjv; Skt. abha- 
retam, t/iey {two) lore, Av. aparasaetam, Grk. l<^(.- 

piO-Orjv. 

Plural. 

417. 1st pers. The original ending was probably 
-medhs, from which the Aryan had -madhi and the 



417-422] The Vkrh. lf)3 

Greek -fj.t6a (used also as piiiuary, 408); e. //., I. E. 
*es-medh9, ^ve sat, Skt.-asmahi, A v. var'maidi, Grk. 
yJ/Ac^a; I. E. *ebhero-medh9, v/v ?M>rt', *bheroi-medh9 
(opt.), Skt. abharamahi, bharemahi, GAv. baroimaidi, 

Grk. icf>tp6fit6a^ (f)£pOLfi.eOa. 

418. 2d pers. What relation, if any, existed be- 
tween the Aryan ending -dhwam (< 1. E. -dhwom) 
and the Greek -aOe or dual -aOov is not clear. Exam- 
ples are, !Skt. adhvam, y(>a sat, GAv. aidum, Grk. 
■^aOe; Skt. abharadhvam, //on hare, YAv. darayaSwam, 
Grk. i(fi€p(.(T$€. 

419. 3d pers. The endings here correspond to 
those of this person in primary tenses (410), -nto 
being used after consonants, -nto after vowels; e. g., 
I. E. *es-nto, t/tey sat, Skt. asata, Av. varata, Grk. 
Horn. i7aTo (rjvTo is a re-formation). Prim. Grk. 
*€Tt^aTo;* I, E. ^ebhero-nto, thei/ hore, Skt. abharanta, 
Av, yazanta, Anc. Pers. abara°ta, Grk. l^kpovTo, Lat. 
feruntur ( feronto-r, 393). 

g. Imperative Endings of the Middle. 

Singular. 

420. 1st pers. In Skt. the primary (subjunctive) 
ending -e is used. No special imperative form oc- 
curs. 

421. 2d pers. The Aryan ending -sva represents 
the I. E. reflexive pronoun *swe, which was joined 
to the imperative; e. g., I. E. *bhere-swe, hear thou, 
Skt. bharasva; Skt. datsva, Av. dasva. 

422. 8d pers. The ending -tarn is only Aryan; 
€. g., Skt. bharatam, let him, hear, Av. v9r®zyatain, 
Anc. Pers, varnavatam. 



164 The Verb. [423-428 

Dual. 

423. Here, as in the active, the Sanskrit has its first 
person after the anah)Ofy of the tirst person plural 
(with the -V- element instead of -m-), and the second 
and third persons with secondary endings (injunc- 
tive). No special dual imperative endings occur. 

Plural. 

424. 1st pers. The Sanskrit uses the subjunctive. 

425. 2d pers. The secondary ending (injunctive) 
is seen in the Skt. -dhvam. 

426. 3d pers. AVhether any connection existed 
between the Skt. mid. -ntam, -atam and the Grk. act. 
-vTwv, with change of voice, is not evident. 

4. Personal Endings of Ancient Persian. 

427. The personal endings that occur in Ancient 
Persian represent regularly the Indo-European, ac- 
cording to the treatment of Indo-European sounds 
in Ancient Persian as discussed in previous chapters. 
No dual num])er of the verb is found. The use of 
the plural verl) instead of the dual is shown in Xerx, 
Pers. a. 17, akuma, where two persons (Xerxes and 
Darius) have just been mentioned. 

a. Primary Endings of the Active. 
Shi()ular. 

428. 1st pers. I. E. -mi remained in Anc. Pers. 
(written -miy, 66. 1) and was used not only for un- 
thematic but for thematic verbs, as in Skt. and YAv. 
2d pers. I. E, -si appears in Anc. Pers. as -hy (/. f., 
-h'y, 66. 1, d). 3d pers. The I. E. ending -ti was 
kept (written -tiy, 66. 1). 



429-433] 'Tin; Vkri5. ICm 

Phiral. 

429. 1st pcrs, I. E. -mes(i) : -mos(i) appears in 
Auc. Pcrs. -mahy {i. 6"., -mah'y, 66. 1, cl). The 2(1 peis. 
is wantinof, 3d peis. I. E. -enti, -nti, appear in 
Anc. Pers. -a"tiy, -"tiy (179, 66. 1). 

b. Secondary Endings of the Active. 
Singular. 

430. 1st pers. I. E. -m, -m are kept in Anc. Pers. 
-am, -m ( 106, 178, 180). 2d pers. I. E. -s after be- 
coming -h Avas h)st (190, 192), 3d pers. I. E. -t was 
dropped (160, 229). 

Plural. 

431. 1st pers. I. E. -me: -mo occurs as -ma in Anc. 
Pers. (89, 93, 61). 2d pers. 1. E. -te, Ar. -ta is 
written -ta (89, 61). 3d pers. I. E. -ent, -nt lose 
the final consonant and appear as -a", -" (176, 160, 
179. 229). 

432. It is also to be observed that the sigmatic 
aorist endings -s (< Ir. -st) and -sa (-sa") are some- 
times extended to other tenses; e. (/., imperf. aduruji- 
yasa". The same ending is probably seen also in 
abaraha", NRa. lt» (-s- becoming -h- according to 192), 
instead of the regularly recurring abara". See Tol- 
man j\[adras><a Juhilee VoliDiie^ 172. 

c. Imperative Endings of the Active. 

Singular. 

433. The first person does not occur in Ancient 
Persian. In the second person no example of the 
bare stem is found, unless we take such forms as 
jiva (2d sg. subj., Tolman Ze,r. 90) and ^adaya 
(inj., Tolman Zex. 95) as imperative. The I. E. 



166 The Verb. 1433-438 

ending -dhi appears as -diy (163, 168, 66. 1). The 
third person -tu is preserved as -tuv (66. 1). 

Plural. 

434. Only the second person of the phiral occurs, 
with secondary ending (injunctive) -ta, representing 
I. K. -te (89, 61). 

d. Primary Endings of the Middle. 

Singular, 

435. 1st pers. -aiy is possibly found in ayadaiy 
Bh. 5. 16 (Weissbach), but Tolman reads ayadaiy 
(imperf.). 2d pers. I. E. -sal is kept in Anc. Pers. 
-hay (66. 2. a). 3d pers. I. E. -tai remains as -tay 
(66. 2. a). 

No plural forms of primary tenses occur. 

e. Secondary Endings of the Middle, 
Singular. 

436. 1st pers. The Ar. -i remains in Anc. Pers. 
-iy (66. 1). The 2d pers. is wanting. 3d pers. I. E. 
-to is kept in Anc. Pers. -ta (93, 61). 

Plural. 

437. Only the 3d person of the plural is found in 
Anc. Pers., where -"ta represents I. E. -nto (i79> 
93, 61). 

f. Imperative Endings of the INIiddlo. 

Singular. 

438. The 1st pers. does not occur. In the 2d pers. 
the I. E. ending -swe appears as -uva (226, 89, 61). 
The 3d pers. ends in -tam. 

Plural forms do not occur. 



438-440] 



TlIK VV.RV. 



167 



The endings given in the above sections are illus- 
tnitcd in the following forms: 
439. Primary Active. 





1. E. 


Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


Sy.l. 


-mi (unthen 


1.) amiy 


asmi 


ahmi 




-0 (them. ) 


jadiyamiy 


bharami 


barami 


2. 


-si 


ahy (subj.) 


asi 


ahi 






-barahy 


bharasi 


barahi 






(subj.) 






3. 


-ti 


astiy 


asti 


asti 






^atiy 


bharati 


baraiti 


/Y. i. 


-mes(i), -mos 


;(i) amahy 


smas 


mahi 






^ahyamahy 


bharamas baramahi 


8. 


-enti (unthem. ) ha^tiy 


santi 


h9nti 




-nti (them.) 


bara"tiy 


bharanti 


baranti 


440. 


Secondary 


Active. 








I. E. 


Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


Sfj.l. 


-m (nnthem. 


.) aham 


asam 


aram 

(rt. ar) 




-m (them.) 


abaram 


abharam 


baram 


2. 


-s 


-rada (inj.) 


abharas 


jaso 


3. 


-t 


aha 


asit 


as 






abara 


abharat 


barat 


P/.l. 


-me, -mo 


akuma 


abharama bavama 


2. 


-te 


jata (inj.) 


abharata 


jasata - 


3. 


-nt 


aha° 


asan 


h9ii 






abara" 


abharan 


barsn 



(a) The 3d pers. sg. aha (instead of original *ast) 
suggests the perfect forms, Skt. asa, Av. anha, but 
the fiK't that the final a is not written in ah'* points 
to the loss of the linal t, showing that the perfect 



168 



The Verb. 



[440-444 



form *aha must have taken on an imperfect ending 
and become *ahat, then aha. 

(b) The fact that the 3d pers. ag. and the 3d pers. 
pi., aha, aha", abara, abara", were written alike may 
account for the introduction of a middle form with 
no middle meaning, as aha"ta, abara"ta, as well as 
the use, in this tense, of the sigmatic aorist endings 
mentioned in 432. 



441 


. Imperative Active. 








I. E. Anc. Pers. . Skt. 




Av. 


Sg.2. 

3. 

PL 2. 


-dhi -idiy ihi GAv. idi, YAv. iSi. 
-t-u baratuv bharatu baratu 
-te jata sta 


442. 


. Primary Middle. 








I. E. Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


Sg.2. 
3. 


-sai maniyahay (su])j.) 
-tai gaubataiy 


bharase 
bharate 


p9r'sahe 
yazaite 


443- 


Secondary Middle. 








I. E. Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


Sg. 1. 
3. 


(Ar. -i) adarsiy 

(-aiy, 490) 
ayadaiy 
-to agaubata 


abhare baire 
abharata yazata 


PL 8. 


-ento (unthem.) aha"ta 
-nto (them.) abara"ta 


abharanta yazanta 


444. 


Imperative Middle. 
I. E. Anc. Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


Sg.2. 
3. 


-swe patipayauva 
(Ar. -tarn) varnavatam 


datsva 
dattam 


dasva 
vsr'zyatam 



445"446J T'he Verb. l(i!> 

6. The Indo-European Present System. 

445. As has ])een stated above (366), the parent 
hinguage had two great classes of verljs: the Unthe- 
niatic, in which the personal endings were added di- 
rectly to the verb root, and the Thematic, in which 
a thematic vowel e : appeared before the personal 
endings. The unthematic formations are preserved 
best in the Aryan languages, where the th'st personal 
ending -mi w^as even extended to thematic verbs, but 
in Greek many verbs originally unthematic became 
thematic, and in Latin and the Germanic group very 
little remains of the unthematic conjugation. 

446. Further classification of verbs is to be made 
according to their method of forming the present 
stem, i. 6'., the stem of their present system, which 
includes present, imperfect, and aorist (358). Unthe- 
matic verljs may have (I) Light or Monosyllabic 
Heavy Base (A) without Reduplication, or (B) with 
Reduplication; (II) Dissyllabic Heavy Base (A) 
without Reduplication, or (B) with Reduplication; 
(III) Thematic verl)s may have their stem (A) with- 
out Reduplication, the thematic vowel being either 
(1) unaccented or (2) accented, or (B) with Redupli- 
cation. To these must be added (IV) verbs with 
Nasal Stems, including (A) the na-Class, (B) stems 
with "nasal infix," and (C) the nu-Class; (V) Sibi- 
lant and Explosive Stems, those (A) in -s or -so, (1) 
without Reduplication, or (2) with Reduplication; (P)) 
in -sk(h)o (1) without Reduplication, or (2) with Redu- 
plication; (C) in -to-, and -dho-, -do-; and (VI) Stems 
in (A) -yo-, (B) -eyo-, and (C) -wo-. 



170 The Verb. [447-449 

a. Unthematic Verbs. 

447. lu the acti\'e of unthematic verbs of mono- 
syllabic base the accent fell on the base in the singu- 
lar, which accordingly had the high ablaut grade, 
while in the dual and plural the accent fell on the 
endings, and these forms accordingly had the low 
grade of the base (119, 120). 

448. Class I. A. Light or Monosyllabic Heavy 
Base without Reduplication. (Root Class.) The 
change of ablaut grade with change of accent be- 
tween the singular and the dual and plural is il- 
lustrated in the following examples: 1. E. *es-mi, 
*s-enti, Skt. asmi, santi, Av. ahmi, hanti, Anc. Pers. 
amiy, ha"tiy; I. E. ^-ei-mi, *i-mes, Skt. emi, imas, 
Grk. etfiL, i/Acv; I. E. *ghen-ti, *ghn-enti, Skt. hanti, 
ghnanti (cf. Anc. Pers. imperf. ajanam, pple. -jata); 
Skt. adham, adhama (f-or *adhima, a carried over 
from the singular), Grk. e^r/v, tOsfiev. 

(a) In the imperfect of *es a leveling of ablaut had 
occurred already in Indo-European times, so that 
the dual and plural adopted the strong or accented 
base that belonged to the singular; e. (/., I. E. *es-iii, 
*es-ent, Skt. asam, asan, Anc. Pers. aham, aha". 

449. Class I. B. Light or Monosyllabic Heavy 
Base with Reduplication. These presents were Indo- 
European new formations from aorists, the original 
presents of which, on monosyllabic bases, had been 
lost. Examples arc: T. E. *dhidhe-mi, *dhidha-mes, 
Skt. dadhami, dadhma, (irk. TiOrjfJn^ TtOefxev; I. E. 
*did6-ini, ""dida-mes, Skt. dadami, dadmas, TAv. da- 
Saiti, Anc. Pers. dadatuv, Grk. St'Sw/xt, 8t8o/x£v. 

(a) Of this class with heavy reduplication are the 



449-453] "^^^^ Verm. 171 

presents known us Iiitcnsives or Frequentatives (361). 
Such are Skt. vevedmi, vevidmas; varvarti, varvrtati; 
Anc. Pers. niy-a-^'arayam (465. a), YAv. ni-sraraya 
(thematic). 

450. Dissylhibic Heavy Bases. The accent of 
presents with dissyllabic heavy bases fell in the siu- 
o^ular on the lirst syllable of the base, and in the 
dual and plural on the personal ending. The singu- 
lar accordingly has High Grade + Loav Grade and 
the dual and plural Low Grade + Low Grade in 
the two syllables of the base (119, 120). 

451. Class IL A. Dissyllabic Heavy Bases with- 
out lleduplication. In the first of the two syllables 
of the base the vowel or diphthong was short, in the 
second it was long; as, I. E. *gene:*gen6; *menei. 
The original accent on the first syllable changed the 
ablaut grade of the second so that *gene became 
*gen9 and *menei became *meni; but if the second 
syllable bore the accent these bases became *gne, 
*gno, mne(i) (129). Hence I. E. pres. sg. *gena-mi, 
but pi. *gn9-mes, Aor. *gn5-m, *gno-s, etc. So L E. 
*reud9-mi, "ruds-mes from base *ruda, Skt. rodimi, 
rudimas; I. E. *ghrebhi, Skt. agrabhit, I. E. *ghrbhi, 
Skt. grbhitas, Anc. Pers. agarbita; I. E. *bhwi, Anc. 
Pers. biya. 

452. Class II. B. Dissyllabic Heavy Base with Re- 
duplication. Examples are: Skt. nonaviti, vavaditi, 
jigati, Grk. fSifSrjai (reduced root), Skt. daridrati (in- 
tensive; root reduced), I>,at. murmura-t, tintinna-t. 

b Thematic Verbs. 

453. Class III. A. Thematic Verbs without Re- 
duplication. The accent of these verbs was on the 



172 The Verb. [453-454 

root in all forms of tlic present and on the thematic 
vowel in all forms of the aorist. In the case of pri- 
mary verbs the present was originally of the unthe- 
matic conjugation, going over, however, to the the- 
matic conjugation before the separation of the lan- 
guages. It kept the -e- : -o- from the aorist, where 
this vowel was in the earliest period part of the base. 
Thus from the I. E. *leiq, leav>\ the original forms 
must have been *leiq-mi, *liq-mes, which later in the 
Indo-European period became *leiq-5, *leiqo-mes on 
the analogy of *liq6-m, *liq6-me from the base 
*liqe-. 

In this class the root is of High (seldom Extended) 
Grade, and is constant throughout the present; e. c/., 
I. E. *bhere-ti, *bheron-ti, Skt. bharati, bharanti, 
Av. baraiti, baiQnti, Anc. Pers. bara'tiy, Grk. </>£/)«, 
^epoDcri, Dor. ^e/DovTt, Lat. feit, ferunt. 

(a) Some presents of this class, however, use the 
aorist form of the stem and are called aorist-pres- 
ents, as distinguished from the so-called imperfect- 
presents like *bhero above. Such are I. E. *sphrr-e-ti, 
Skt. sphurati; I. E. *wik-e-ti, Skt. viQati. Such 
forms often remain special aorists. So the two 
forms of the I. E. bheudh and bhudhe appear in Skt. 
bodhati, budhanta, Grk. Trcv^crat, kirvQi.To. 

454. Class III. B. Thematic Verbs with Redupli- 
cation. These have mostly the Low Grade of the 
root; e. </,, I. E. *se-sq-e-ti (root *seq-), Skt. Ved. 
sagcati, cf. Grk. c-o-Tr-ero. So from the root *ghen, 
*ghn, Grk. €-7re-cf>v-ov. Examples of forms with fuller 
reduplication are the aorists, Skt. agigat, root ag-; 
(irk. -^yayov^ root ay-. 



455-457] Tin; \'i;ki:. 173 

c. Nasal Stems. 

455. Class IV. A. Stems in na-. Here the nasal 
was inserted before the second syllable of a dissyl- 
labic base, and the various ablant grades of this 
syllable appear as -na-, -n9-, -n-; e. ^., from the base 
dm-a, I. E. *dmna-mi, *dmn9-mes, Grk. Sdfivrjfu (for 
-vd-), Bafj-vu/xcv; Skt. agnami, a^nimas, a^nanti; Av. 
afrinami, afrinanti, Anc. Pcrs. adina (imporf.); I. E. 
root *gn-na-, Skt. janami, Anc. Pers. adana (Tolman 
Cun. Suj). 124, 4; Keller KZ 39, 158; Keichelt Aw, 
Elein. 205). 

(a) As to whether the Skt. -ni- is a new formation 
for -ni- < I. E. -na-, or the I. E. -na- was itself a 
new formation to -na(i)- from which conies Skt. -ni-, 
scholars are not agreed. 

456. Class IV. B. Stems with Nasal Intix. The 
nasal -n-, appearing in Skt. in the strong form as 
-na-, was infixed before the final consonant of the 
root in its Low Grade; e. <j.^ I. E. *juneg-mi, *jung- 
mes, Skt. yunajmi, yunjmas; I. E. root *werg-, Skt. 
vrnakti, vrnkte (mid,). In other cases -n- was in- 
serted before the last consonant of the root, and the 
verb was then inflected in the thematic conjugation; 
e. </., I. E. root *qert-, Skt. krntati; Skt. yunjati, 
Lat. iungo; Skt. vindati, Anc. Pers. pres. act. pple. 
in vi"da-farnah. 

457. Class IV. C. Stems in -nu-. Here, as in -na- 
stems, -n- was inserted before the second syllable of 
a dissyllabic root, the ablaut grades showing -neu-, 
-nu-, -nu-, -nw-; e. r/., I. E. *str-eu-, *strneu-mi, 
*strnu-mes, *strnw-enti, Skt. strnomi, strnumas, strn- 
vanti, Grk. o-Topvu/xt, o-ro/ain^/xev; Skt. akrnavam (im- 



174 The Verb. [457-4^0 

perf.), Anc. Pers. akunavam. Going over to the 
thematic conjugation are Skt. rnvati beside rnoti, 
cinvati beside cinoti; A v. -tanava < I. H stem 
*tnneu-, root *ten- (cf. Skt. tanoti). 

It is thus evident that A and C of this class may 
be regarded as special cases of B. 

d. Stems in Sibilants and Explosives. 

458. Class V. A. Stems in -s- or -so-, (1) Without 
Reduplication. Originally both thematic and un- 
thematic verbs belonged to this group, but the Greek 
kept the unthematic forms only in the aorist. The 
Aryan extended the -s- to other forms than the pres- 
ent. The same -s- appeared in the Indo-European 
s-aorist and syo-future. Examples are: (unthcm.) 
Anc. Pers. niy-apisam (aor.), nipistam (pple.) from 
pis < I. E. *peiks; Skt. dvesti, dvisanti, Av. daibisanti; 
(them.) Skt. uksati, uksanti, Grk. av^w (cf. Lat. 
augeo). (2) With Reduplication are Skt. didrksate 
from root darg, vivitsati from root vid. 

459. Class V. B. Stems in -sk(h)o. The suiEx 
-sk{h)o-: -sk(h)e- was added to the Low Grade of the 
root. (1) Without Reduplication, as I. E. *prk- 
sk(h)e-ti, root *prek, Skt. prcchati, Av. p9r9saiti, Anc. 
Pers. aparsam (imperf.), Lat. posco < *por(c)-sco; 
1. E. *gm-sk(h)6, Skt. gacchami, Av. jasaiti, Grk. 
/3daKw; I. E. *is-sk(h)e-ti, Skt. icchati, YAv. isaiti; 
Skt. rcchati, Anc. Pers. ni-rasatiy (subj.); Anc. Pers. 
xsnasatiy (subj.), Grk. (Epir.) yvojo-Kw, Lat. gnosco. 
(2) With Reduplication, as Grk. StSao-Kw < *8t-SaK-(rKw, 
Lat. disco < *di-dc-sco. 

460. Class V. C. Dental Stems. The following 
are examples: (1) With stem in -to-, I. E. *sp(h)l-to-, 



460-461] The Veiu!. 175 

Skt. sphutati (for *sphrtati); Grk. ttcktw, Lat. picto. 
(2) With stem in -do-, -dho-, I. E. root *(s)qer-, Skt. 
kurdati; Grk. aXBofxai (cf. Lat. alo); Grk. lASo/iai <; 
*/r£A8o/Aat, Lut. velle; Lat. gaudeo < *gavideo (cf. 
Grk. yatw < *ya/:i.w); I. E. root *yu-, Skt. yodhati. 

(a) It is often difficult to determine whether the 
orio^inal form had -d- or -dh-, since in a number of 
the derived languages these sounds fell together 
(163, 168). 

e. Stems in Semivowels. 

The semivowel was followed by the thematic vowel 
: e. 

461. Class VI. A. Stems in -yo-. (1) One group 
of these verbs had the High Grade of root, bearing 
the accent; e. g., I. E. *peq-ye-tai, Skt. pacyate, Grk. 
TreWoj; I. E. *ghedh-yo, Anc. Pers. jadiyami (cf. Skt. 
haryati, Grk. 4>d€Lpw^ Acol. <f>^eppoy < *^Otpyw)'^ Anc. 
Pers. -astayam,YAv. stayamaide. (2) Another gi-oup 
had the Low Grade of root and the accent on the 
thematic vowel. Except in Aryan passive forma- 
tions, the verbs of this group shifted the accent to 
the root. So, Skt. druhyati, Anc. Pers. adurujiya; 
Skt. kupyami, Lat. cupio. 

(a) Forms also occur with reduplication; e. </., 
I. E. *ti-tn-yo, Grk. TiTaiVw; Skt. dedigyate. 

(b) Where the stem shows -eyo- it may have been 
formed of -e + yo-, or of -ey + 0-, /. e.^ ei of the 
second sylla])]e of a dissyllal)ic heavy base. The re- 
duction of this ei gave a gi-ade in -i. -ey-o- appears 
in the Anc. Pers. agarb-aya-m, Skt. grbhayati; cf. 
mid. grhita. 



176 The Verb. [461-464 

(c) To this cluss belong the Denominative verbs 
(477), and formations in -ya- were also made from 
verbs of other classes; (. _</., Skt. varivrtyate, cf. 
varvartti (I. B.); snayate, cf. snati (II.). 

462. Class VI. B. Stems in -eyo-. These verbs 
were thematic and had the High or Extended Grade 
of the root (0, 0; cf. 93). They were partly itera- 
tive, e. (j.^ I. E. *pot-ey5, Skt. patayami, Grk. Troreo/xar^ 
^o/oe'oj beside ^e'pw; partly causative, e. </., I. E. *tors- 
eyo (root *ters-), Skt. tarsayami, Lat. torreo; 1. E. 
*s6d-eyo (root *sed-), Skt. sadayami, Goth, satja. 

(a) On the analogy of such forms as *pet-e-ti, 
*pot-eye-ti, this formation was extended to all kinds 
of presents; e. g., Skt. jivayami from jivami. 

463. Class VI. C. Stems in -wo-. An example of 
a stem made with this suffix is seen in forms from 
the I. E. root *gei, live, as Skt. jivati, Av. jivaiti, 
Anc. Pers. jiva (sul)].), Lat. vivo. To this class be- 
long also those presents with u-stem which were 
transferred to the thematic conjugation; e. g., I. E. 
*tr-we-ti, Skt. turvati, Av. taurvayeiti (cf. Skt. 
tarute). 

7. The Ancient Persian Present System. 

The following verb forms show the formation of 
the present in Ancient Persian according to the Indo- 
European classes mentioned above. 

464. Class I. A. Light or INIonosyllabic Heavy 
Base Avithout lleduplication. 

Strong root with High Grade; Aveak root with Low 
Grade. 

ah, Jjc; jan, S7nite\ kan, dig. 



464-465] 'A'liK Verb. 177 

Act. Iiul. Sul)j. Imv. 

IW's. S<j. 1. amiy 

2. ahy (= a''ahiy) 2. jadiy 

3. astiy ?>. ahatiy '6. ka"tuv 

PI. 1, amahy 

3. ha"tiy 

Iinperf. S(j. 1. aham 

3. aha 

PL 2. jata (iiij.) 

3. aha" 
Mid. 

Iinjperf. Sg. 3. -ajata 
PL 3. aha"ta 

(a) The strong stem of the singular is carried over 
to the 1st person plural amahy; cf. Skt. smas. 

(b) The 3d pers. sg. aha is formed after the the- 
matic conjugation; cf. YAv, anhat. (See 440. a.) 

(c) Other forms of jan are imperf. sg. 1 ajanam, 
3. aja", and (with thematic vowel) pi. 3. -ajana". 

(d) Of this class also are imv. sg. 2 padiy, 3 patnv, 
Yooi T^di, jyrotcct ; ind. pres. sg. 3 aitiy, imperf. sg. 1 
-ayam, root i, (jo. 

465. Class I. B. Light or Monosyllabic Heavy 
Base with Reduplication. 

Strong root with High Grade; weak root with Low 
Grade. 

^•■i, lean,' da., jnit/ da, give/ di, see. 

Act. Ind. Imv. 

Imperf. Sg. 1. -a^''arayain J^res. Sg. 

2. didiy (for *dididiy) 
3. adada 3. dadatuv 

(a) -a^''ar ayam for *-6'a^''ay- shows the simpler form 
12 



178 TiiK Verb. [465-467 

of reduplicatiou Avith dissimilation through the sup- 
pression of the initial consonant after the redupli- 
cating syllable; cf. A v. ni-sraraya in 2 sg. sub], act. 
instead of *-srasray-. 

(b) The mid. imperf. 3 sg. aistata (for *asistata) 
from sta, stand ^ has been transferred to the thematic 
conjugation (Class III. 454), while the act. imperf. 
forms -astayam, -astaya are made according to Class 
YI. A. 1. 

466. Class n. A. Dissyllabic Heavy Base without 
Reduplication. 

Low Grade of root + ay -f thematic a (I. E. -ei-o, 
ei-e). 

grab, seize. 

Act. Ind. Mid. Ind. 

Imperf. Sg. 1. agarbayam 

3. agarbaya 3. agarbayata 

PI. 3. agarbaya" 

Class in. A. Thematic, without Reduplication. 

467. (1) High Grade of root + a (1. E. root + : e). 
^ah, say; bar, hear; gub, speah; bu, he; xsi, rule; 

rad, leave. 

Act. Ind. Subj. 

Sg. 2. ^ahy (for *^ahahy) 
-bara 
Pres. Sg. 3, ^atiy (for 3. bavatiy 

*^ahatiy) 
PL 3. bara"tiy 
Imperf. Sg. 1. abaram 

2. -rada (inj. ) 

3. abara 
PL 3. abara" - 



467-469] TiiK Verh. 17!) 

Mid. Ind. Subj. 

Pre!<. Sg. 8. gaubataiy Sg. 3. gaubataiy 

Imperf. Sg. 1. -axsayaiy 

3, agaubata 

PL 3, agauba"ta 

(a) Other forms of these verl)s are: act. imperf. 
a^aham, a^aha; abavam, abava, abava"; subj. pres. 
barahy, -barah(i)-; mid. imperf. abara^ta. 

(1)) Of this chiss also are: mid. pret. -ataxsaiy, 
-ataxsata, -ataxsa"ta, root taxs, he active; act. imperf. 
-anayam, -anaya, mid. imperf. anayata, root ni, lead; 
mid. imperf. -apatata, root pat, jly; mid. imperf. 
ayadaiy, sul)]. yadataiy, root yad, worship; act. im- 
perf. asiyavam, asiyava, asiyava", root siyu, go; act. 
imperf. -aha"jam, root ha"j. 

(c) See forms from stem vaina under Class IV. A. 

(d) Transferred to this class from Class I. A. are 
act. imperf. ajana", root jan, smite^ and mid. imperf. 
aya"ta, root i, go. 

468* (2) Low Grade of root + a (1. E. root + 6 : e). 
hard, forsake; mu^, flee. 

Act. 
Imperf. Sg. 3. -harda (aharda? See Tolnmn Zex. 70). 
amuda 
469. Class IV. A. Stems in -na- (I. E. -na-). 
Low Grade of root + 11a. 
di, injure. 

Act. Ind. 

Impeif. Sg. 1. adinam (thematic) 
3. adina 
(a) Of this class, but formed after the thematic 



180 The Veri;. [469-472 

conjugation, from the present stem vaina, sec, are 
act. ind. pres. vainamiy, subj. vainahy; ind. imperf. 
avaina; mid. ind. pres. vainataiy. 

(b) Class IV. B. is represented in Ancient Persian 
by the pres. act. pple. appearing only in the tirst 
element of the compound proper name vi"da-farnah. 

470. Class IV. C. Stems in -nu-. 

Low Grade of root + ^^^- • ^u- (I. E. root + 
neu- : nu-). 



kar, do. 






Act. 


Ind. 


Mid. Ind. 


Fres. S(j. 3. 

Imperf. Sg. 1. 

3. 

Fl. 3. 


kunautiy 
akunavam 
akunaus (432) 
akunava'' 


3. akunava"ta 



(a) akunava" and akunava"ta show the strong form 
of the stem carried over to the plural. 

(b) With -aya- of Class VI. B. is the mid. ind. 
imperf. akunavaya"ta. 

(c) Here also belongs adarsnaus (432) act. imperf. 
of dars, da7'e. Of this class, but with thematic in- 
flection, are mid. subj. varnavataiy, imv. varnavatam, 
from root var, choose. 

471. Class V. A. Stems in -s-. 
Eoot -f s- (I. E. -S-). 

pis, write. 

Act. Ind. 

Irri'perf. Sg. 1. -apisam. 

472. Class V. B. Stems in -sa- (Inchoative). 
Hoot -f sa- (I. E. -sk(h)o-). 

$rai]i, fear ; ir&s, e.''(ii/iinc; jsim, reach. 



472-474] TiiK ^'I:u^.. ISI 

Act. Incl. Sul)j. 

Sg. 2. -parsahy 
Pres. Sg. 3. tarsatiy o. -parsatiy 

Iinpcrf. ^g. 1. tarsam (iiij.)> aparsam 
3. atarsa 
PI. 3. atarsa" 
Mid. 
Imj^erf. Sg. 3. -ayasata 

(On consonant changes see 164, 173, 157. d). 
(a) Of this class are act. subj. xsnasahy, xsnasatiy, 
from root xsna, hnota; imperf . arasam from root at, go. 

473. Class VI. A. Stems in -ya-. 

(1) High Grade of root + 7^- (I- E. -yo-:-ye-). 
jad, p/Y/g: ^a., j)}'ot'ct / man, th?'?il\ Denominative 

stems avahya, ask aid: draujiya, inal'e a, lie. 

Act. Ind. :\Iid. Ind. 

Pres. Sg. 1. jadiyamiy Pres. Sg. 1. -avahyaiy 

Subj. Subj. 

Pres. Sg. 2. draujiyahy Pres. Sg. 2. maniyahay 

Imv. 3. maniyataiy 
Sg. 2. -payauva 

(2) Low Grade of root + ya- (I. E. -yo- : -ye-), 
duruj, lir/ mar, die. 

Act. Ind. Mid. Ind. 

Imperf. Sg. 3. adurujiya Imperf. Sg. 3. amariyata 

(a) "With -s- of the sigmatic aorist is the act. ind. 
imperf. adurujiyasa" (432). 

474. Class VI. B. Stems in -aya-. 

(1) Low Grade of root -f aya- (I. E. -eyo- : -eye-). 
tar, cross; ^a"d, seem. 



182 TuK YhAiu. [474-476 

Act. Ind. Subj. 

Imperf. Sy. 1. -atarayam Pres. Sg. 3. 0adaya (?) 
3. ^adaya (inj.) 
PI. 1. -atarayama 

(a) From Class IV. C. is the mid. imperf. akuna- 
vaya"ta, from root kar, do. 

(2) Extended Grade of root + aya- (I. E. -eyo- : 
-eye-). 

Causative and Iterative. 

dar, hold; gud, conceal; had, sit. 

Act. Ind. Act. Subj. 

Pres. Sg. 1. darayamiy Pres. Sg. 2. -gaudayahy 

Imj>erf. Sg. 1. -asadayam 

2. -gaudaya (inj.) 

3. adaraya 
Mid. 

Imperf. Sg. 1. -adarayaiy 

(a) Here belong also act. imperf. amanaya (beside 
amaniya, cf. Class VI. A. 1), from root man, await; 
act. imperf. anasaya, from root nas, injure; act. im- 
perf. -aisayam, -aisaya, from root is, send. 

475. Class VI. C. Stems in -v-. 

Root + V + thematic a- (I. E. -w + 0- • e-)- 
ji, live. 

Act. Sul)j. Pres. Sg. 2 jiva (=jiva-(h), secondary 
ending). 

Subj. Fut. Sg. 3. jivahya (?) (Jackson; see 484.) 

8. Derivative Verbs. 

476. Certain of the class signs mentioned above 
came to be used either to make secondary formations 



476-478] TiiK Verb. 18:J 

or to iudicate some peculiarity of meaning. Such 
were the use of I. E. -yo-, -ye- of Class VI. A. in 
forming verljs from nouns, and the use of I. E. -eyo-, 
-eye- of Class VI. B. to give a verb an iterative or 
causative force. 

477. Denominative Verbs. The I. E, -yo- : -ye-, 
Ar. -ya-, of Class VI. A. 2, appears in such verbs as 
Skt. bhisajyati, he heals^ from bhisaj, ^^A^/«^*(?^(7;?/ 
adhvaryati, he offers^ from adhvaras, offeiing; Grk. 
Kopv(T(T<i> ^^ '^Kopv6i/w^ furnish with a helmet^ from Kopvs^ 

helmet,' dyytXXo) < *dyyeA.^w, atmOUnce, from ayyeXos, 

me^tsengrr; Lat, custodio, (juard, from custos, a guard; 
finio, end^ from finis, an end. 

Such also are Anc. Pers. avahya in patiy-avahyaiy, 
I allied for htJp^ from *avah, /u//>, Skt. avas (cf. 
Skt. avasya); and [draujjiyahy, {lest) he thinh it 
false ^ from *drauja, lie. T\"ackernagel reads patiy- 
ava"hyaiy in Bh. 1. 55, following the Elam. pat-ti- 
ya-man-ya-a, and would make the form a future — a 
sense not suited to the passage. 

478. Iterative and Causative Verbs. As has been 
stated a])ove (361), one of the pm-poses served by re- 
duplication was to suggest the repetition of an act. 
Hence reduplicated forms are often found as iter- 
atives in the Indo-European languages, but usually 
distinguished from the verbs of the reduplicating 
class by a heavy reduplication; e. </., Skt. veviditi, 
fi'om root vid, I: now. But verbs with stem in -eyo- : 
-eye- (Class VI. B.) were sometimes iterative, as I. E. 
*wogb-eye-ti, he goes to and fro .^ from root *wegh, go^ 
Grk. olx^ofiai-^ Grk. cf>op£0) beside <^£/3w; often causative, 
as I. E. *pot-eye-ti, he makes to fly., beside *peteti, he 
flies, also *pot-eye-ti, Jie flutters (iter.), Skt. patayati, 



184 The Verb. [478-479 

patati, patayati; Grk. Tpo-n-ioi beside rpiiroi-^ Lat. moneo 
beside memini. 

So the Ancient Persian has darayamiy, / hold^ 
from root dar, Skt. dharayati, A v. darayeiti; iniperf. 
act. adaraya; also from stQ.,stand^ imperf. act. avas- 
tayam, niyastayam, niyastaya. 

(a) From the root man, mrait^ in Bh. 2. 28 occurs 
amaniya, perhaps through a mistake of the stone- 
cutter in writing i before y; elsewhere regularly 
amanaya. 

(b) In NRb. 6 we seem to have in niyasaya, he 
caused [tJie symhol of sovereignty^ to extend (?), a 
causative made as a secondary formation on the 
present stem yasa. 

9. Passive Formations. 

479. In the Indo-European period the middle voice 
had already developed passive meanings, probably 
from such a use of the perfect middle, which indi- 
cated the result produced by an action completed 
(359' 3). In the Aryan languages special passive 
forms w^ere made by the use of -ya- of Class VI. 
A. 2. This was added to the Low Grade of the root, 
and the middle endings were used. (For 3d sg. aor. 
pass, with ending -i, see 489.) Since other forma- 
tions (as Denominatives mentioned above, 477) were 
made by the use of this element, it is evident that 
the addition of -ya- in forming a stem did not in 
itself make a passive, ])at probably the fact that 
some verb or verbs having the stem in -ya- had also 
a passive signification led to the formation of other 
passives in this way, as, for example, the Greek 
aorist in -17V was originally active with intransitive 



479-482] Tin; \'i;ki!. 1,S5 

meaiiiu<j:, then was reofiirded as passive and Ijecame 
a model for the formation of aorists passive in gen- 
eral. Examples of the passive arc: Skt. dr^yate, In 
Is scen^ root dar^; badhyate, he is loiind^ root bandh; 
Anc. Pers. akariya"ta, they were tnade, root kar; 
^ahyamahy (act. endinir), u^e are called^ root ^ah. 

(a) In Bh. 1. 20 we may read ava akunavaya"ta 
(mid.), this they did; or, perhaps, ava akunavayata 
(pass.), this was doue. In the same line a^ahya 
imperf. maj be read a^ahy, aor. (489). 

10. a. The Future. 

480. It seems that the Indo-Em-opean had no form 
that was used exclusively as a future. Hence various 
methods of expressing the future idea appear in the 
derived languages. Very common is the formation 
with a sibilant corresponding to the s-class of verbs 
(Class V. A.). This was properly the subjunctive 
of the s-aorist. It is illustrated in Skt. bhusati, 
sakse, Grk. Set'^w, Xet'i/^w, oAc'w for *oAccra), Eat. dixo, 
faxo. 

481. An extension of this formation was made by 
the addition of -yo- : -ye-, as in verbs of Class VI. A. 
This syo-future survives in Aryan and Eithuanian. 
It was made usually on the High or Extended Grade 
of the root and was inflected like a present of the 
thematic conjugation; c. //., I. E. *do-sye-ti, *do-syo- 
nti from *d6, (jive^ Skt. dasyati, dasyanti, Eith. busiu, 
Av. busyant (pple.). 

482. The use of a present for a future is seen in 
Grk. ctyMi, v€o/i,at; and the sul)junctive on the Root 
Aorist stem (486) with like meaning in Tn'o/xat, x^'w. 
So also Eat. ero < I. E. *eso, Grk. Ilom. cw, Att. w. 



18C The VKiin. [483-487 

483. To these there was added the Periphrastic 
Future, formed of a nome7i agentis and the verb 
meaning he; as, Skt. root da, give^ datr, giver ^ future 
datasmi, datasmas. 

484. Ancient Persian Future. Of the future for- 
mations mentioned above, the Ancient Persian shows 
the periphrastic future in jata biya, may he he {thy) 
slayer^ and an example of the syo-future may be 
preserved in jivahya, 3d sg. subj. (Jackson); cf. 
Ved. karisyas. 

b. The Aorist. 

485. The Indo-European had two kinds of aorist: 
the Koot Aorist, which in its inflection added sec- 
ondary endings to the root with or without augment, 
and the s-Aorist, which formed a stem by adding 
-s to the root. Whatever differences of signification 
originally existed between these two aorists must 
have been lost in the Indo-European period, since 
the derived languages show :po distinction of use or 
meaning. 

486. Root Aorist. The Root Aorist with Light or 
Monosyllabic Heavy Base is related to the present 
system (cf. 358); e. g.^ I. E. *liqe-, Grk. tXnrov, I. E. 
*e-we-wqom, Skt. avocam < *a-va-ucam; Grk. Hom. 
etTTov; I. E. *dhet, *edhet, *dh9te, root *dhe, jxd^ Skt. 
dhat, adhat, adhati (mid.), GAv. dat, Anc. Pers. ada, 
Grk. *€^77, e^e/i.€v; I. E. *stat, *estat, *st9te, root sta, 
stand, Skt. asthat, asthita (mid. ), Grk. ^a-rr}, lo-rj^/xev, 

for iaTa/xev. 

487. With Dissyllabic Hea^y Base this aorist corre- 
sponds to the presents of Class IT. A. ; e. (7., I. E. base 
*bhewa, *ebhfxt, Skt. abhut, Grk. €<^w; I. E. base 
*geno, *gn6m, ''^gnome, Grk. eyvwv^ lyvw/xev. 



488-490 1 Thk \'i:iu:. 1S7 

488. Tlic s-Aorist. The Signiatic Aoiist coire- 
spouded to the unthematic presents of Class V. A., 
havino^ the same rehitiou to them as the Root Aorist 
to the presents of Class I. A. The s-Aorist is found 
in the Aryan group, the Greek, and the Slavonic; 
also in certain forms of the I^atin, as in the perfect 
indicative and in futures (= subj. of s-aorist). This 
aorist, when made from light bases, had Extended 
Grade of the root in the singular of the indica- 
tive active, elsewhere Low Grade, but in Sanskrit 
a leveling of forms carried the Extended Grade over 
to the dual and plural also; e. </., I. E. root *wegh, 
cY( /'/•//, Skt, avaksam, avaksva, avaksma; so also Lat. 
vexi, veximus. But in Greek a diphthong of the 
root was made short in the singular as in the dual 
and the plural; e. (/., I. E. root *leiq, Icove, Skt. 
araiksam, Grk. cA.cii/'a; and even Monosyllabic Heavy 
Bases shortened a long diphthong in all numbers, as 
I. E. root *deik, *dik, s/unv, Grk. eSu^a^ Ihu^a^icv. In 
its use of Dissyllabic Heavy Bases this aorist re- 
sembles the presents of Class H. A.; as, I. E. base 
*geno, *gene, k^unr, Skt. ajnasam, Grk. dviyvcjo-a. 

489. Aorist Passive. Peculiar to the Aryan lan- 
guages is an aorist passive, 3d pers, sg., formed by 
adding -i to the root in High (sometimes Extended) 
Grade, with or without augment; e. g., Skt. avaci, 
he ^cas adled^ Av. avaci; Skt. adhari, Jie ivas held, 
Anc. Pers. adariy. 

490. Aorists of Ancient Persian. The Ancient 
Persian preserves examples of the Root Aorist in 
ada (< I. E. *edhet), akuma, and akuta. The s- 
Aorist occurs in ais'',-aisa", from root i, (j<>^ adarsiy 
(or adarsaiy, with thematic vowel) from root dar, 



188 The Verb. [490-493 

hold^ and -apisam from root pis, 'H'r'de. From dar, 
hold^ is also tlie Aorist Passive, 3(1 pers. sg. adariy, 
and from kan, dig^ is akaniy. 

c. The Perfect. 

491. The Indo-European Perfect was distinguished 
from other tense formations by the endings of the 
singular of the indicative active, by its very common 
use of reduplication, by its difference of ablaut grade 
between the active singular and other forms, and by 
its special participle formation. 

The personal endings have been given al)ove 

(385ff.). 

492. The perfect appeared sometimes without re- 
duplication, as in I. E. *woide, *widme, Skt. veda, 
vidma; or commonly with reduplication, as from 
I. E. root *gen, produce, Skt. jajana, jajnur, Grk. 
ye'yove, ye'ya/tev. Where forms without reduplication 
occur it is not likely that reduplication has been 
dropped, but the numerous examples of such forms 
in Latin and the Germanic languages, as well as the 
occasional instances in Sansla-it and Greek, indicate 
a somewhat extended use of the perfect without re- 
duplication in Indo-European. 

493. The vowel of the reduplicating syllable was 
e or e (361 end), the latter of which is preserved 
only in Aryan, a beside a. That e was regularly the 
vowel of the reduplicating sjdlable is shown by the 
Grk. SeSopKtt, Skt. dadarga, Lat. cecidi, dedi, Old Lat. 
memordi, pepugi. Variations from this rule were 
new formations, as in the case of the Aryan assim- 
ilation of the vowel of the reduplicating syllal^le to 
the vowel of the root where the Indo-pjuropean had 



493-499] Thk Vkui!. 181) 

oi : i or ou:u; c. </., Skt. rireca, riricima, juhava, 
juhuvus; uiul in Classical Latin occurred a like as- 
similation when the present and perfect had the same 
vowel, c. r/., momordi, pupugi. 

494. The perfect following the unthematic conju- 
gation had in the active singular the acceat on the 
root, and therefore High Grade of the root, in all 
other forms the accent on the ending and Low Grade 
of the root. When the root vowel was of the e- 
series it appeared in the active singular as 0; c. y.^ 
L E. *woida, *widme, I'lunr^ Skt. veda, vidma, Grk. 
oiSa, tcr/xev (= tS/icv), Goth. walt, witum; I. E. *weworta, 
*wewrtme, fur))^ Skt. vavarta, vavrtima. 

495. The Indo-European Perfect Participle Active 
was formed by the use of two suffixes, for some cases 
-wes- with ablaut gi-ades, -wes-, -wos-, -us-, and for 
other cases -wet-, -wot-. 

496. The Ancient Persian Perfect. The Perfect 
Active occurs in Ancient Persian in the 3d pers. sg. 
opt. caxriya, from root kar, do. (For reduplication 
see 363; for -x-, 146; for the ablaut grade, 502.) 

11. a. The Subjunctive. 

497. The Indo-European Subjunctive survived in 
the Vedic dialect of Sanskrit, in Greek, and in a 
numljer of forms of Latin. The usurpation of sub- 
junctive functions by the optative in Classical San- 
skrit, in the Germanic and Balto-Slavonic gi'oups, 
and the confusion of subjunctive and optative forms 
in Latin, have been mentioned above (357). 

498. The endings of the sul)junctive were partly 
primary, partly secondary (365). 

499. The subjunctive of unthematic ver))s was 



190 The \'eri!. [499-501 

made on a stem formed ])y the addition of e : o to 
the High Grade of the root, and thus became iden- 
tical in form with the indicative of thematic verbs. 
And, like these verbs, it had the 1st pers. sg. in -6 ; 
e. g., 1. E. *es6, Skt. asa(ni), Grk. Hom. cw, I^at. ero; 
I. E. *eset(i), Skt. asat(i), Av. anhaiti, Anc. Pers. 
ahatiy, Lat. erit; I. E. *eyomo(s), Skt. ayama, Grk. 
Horn, lofxev. (Cf. ind. I. E. *esmi, *esti, *imos, Skt. 
asmi, asti, imas, etc. ) 

500. Thematic verbs had in the subjunctive a long 
vowel where the indicative used the thematic vowel 
e : 0. Whether both -e- and -0- belonged to the Indo- 
European sulijunctive formation is not certain, for 
the Greek ^, w may be on the analogy of e, o of the 
indicative, and the Aryan a. may represent either 
vowel (as well as a) of the parent language. The 
Latin has for all persons sometimes -a-, sometimes 
-e- (but fut. ind. 1st pers. sg. -a-), and the Keltic and 
Slavonic languages have -a-. The long vowel may 
have come into general use on the analogy of forms 
made on dissyllabic heavy bases ending in -e or -a. 
Examples with -e- (-6- ?) are Skt. bharati, bharama, 
Anc. Pers. -barahy, A v. barat, Grk. (jiepw/xei', (f>ipr]Te^ 
Lat. feres, feremus; and with -a- are Latin forms 
like feras, feramus. In some instances the long 
vowel appearing in the su))junctive belonged also to 
the indicative, either remaining constant through 
the indicative forms or occurring in the singular 
active only. So in Sanskrit, from aprat, sulij. pras, 
and from adhat, subj. dhati. 

501. The Ancient Persian Subjunctive. In the 
formation of the subjunctive the Ancient Persian 
follows the Indo-European, adding -a- (I. E. -e- ; -o-) 



501-502] Tiiio Vkum. 191 

to the High Gnidc root of an uiitheiimtic verl), using 
-a- (I. E. long vowel) for theinjitic verbs; e. </., 
(unthcmatic) ahy for *ahahiy, 2 .sg. act.; ahatiy, 
3 sg. act.; (tkcniatic) -barahy, 6ahy for *^ahaliy, 2 
sg. act. , bavatiy 3 sg. act. ; maniyahay, 2 sg. mid. ; 
maniyataiy 3 sg. mid. Willi sccondai-y endings are 
-bara, jiva, 2 sg. act., and perhaps ^adaya 3 sg. act. 
(430, 440). 

b. The Optative. 

502. The Indo-European Optative was marked by 
an clement that appeared iv its ablaut grades as 
-ye-, -iye-, -i-. For unthematic verbs -(i)ye- was used 
in the active singular, elsewhere -(i)y- before an end- 
ing beginning with a vowel, -i- before an ending be- 
ginning with a consonant. For thematic verbs -i- 
was added after the thematic vowel (0), giving the 
diphthong -oi- before a consonant of the ending and 
-oy- before a vowel. The endings were secondary. 
Since in the active singular of unthematic verbs the 
accent rested on the -ye-, and in all other forms on 
the ending, the Low Grade of the root was used 
always. But from the earliest period the Sanskrit 
shows a leveling of -ya- to other forms than the 
active singular, and in like manner from the time 
of Homer the Greek -1V7- appears in the dual and 
plural as well as in the singular, while classical Latin 
took over the -i- of the plural into the singular 
forms. 

(a) Examples of the optative of unthematic verbs 
are: I. PI *s(i)yem, *s(i)yet, *site, Skt. syam, syat, 
syate, Av. hyam, hyat, Grk. ct;?i', et?;, cTre, eiT^re, Old 
Lat. siem, siet, sitis, Class. I^at. sim, sis, sit, sitis. 



192 The Verb. [502-504 

(b) Examples of the optative of thematic indica- 
tive stems are: I. E. *bheroym, *bheroit, *bheroite, 
Skt. bhareyam, bharet, bhareta, A v. baroit, Gik. 

^eyDOt/xi (instead of *^ep(J> < *<^e/30ya), ^e'poi, cj>epoLT€. 

So the middle, I. E. *bheroito, Skt. bhareta, Av. 
yazaeta, Grk. cjiipono. 

503. The Ancient Persian Optative. Made after 
the un thematic conjugation are Ancient Persian op- 
tative forms in -ya- (I. E. -ye-), as -jamiya (66. 2), 
3d sg. act. (< I. E. *gminyet, cf. Skt. gamyat), 
caxriya, 3d sg. act. perf. The 2d sg., biya, and 3d 
sg., biya, from bu, Ic, represent I. E. *bhwiyes, 
*bhwiyet (126). If vina^ayais is to he read in Dar. 
NRb. 20 (so Tolman), we have in it an example of 
the 2d sg. optative of the thematic conjugation. 

c. The Injunctive. 

504. In a previous section (357) reference has been 
made to the Indo-European Injunctive, which in its 
formation resembles an augmentless indicative with 
secondary personal endings. It was used sometimes 
as indicative imperfect or present, particularly as 
present unaccented following an adverb. Sometimes 
it had a future or voluntative force. It was with 
this meaning that the second and third persons (ex- 
cept the 2d sg. act.) came to be an integral part of 
the imperative either in positive commands or, with 
I. E. *me, in prohibitions; e. </., Skt. bharata, Grk. 
<ji€p€T€ ; Skt. sta, Grk. ecrre^ Lat. este ; Grk. cttco, Lat. 
sequere. And in Sanskrit and Primitive Greek the 
second person singular active also, from the aorist 
stem, was used as imperative; e. g., Skt. dhas, das, 
Grk. o-xe's. The prohibition expressed by *me and 



504 5o8J Tin; N'kuii. ll):j 

the injunctive is paralleled in tlie Greek use of /xr; 
with the aorist subjunctive, as m Sei'^jjs, or the Latin 
ne Avith the aorist optative, as ne faxis, ne feceris. 

505. The Ancient Persian Injunctive. Injunctive 
forms occur in Ancient Persian in the three persons 
of the singular and the second person plural; as ma 
tarsam, i/k/}/ I not fear; ma avarada, leave thou not; 
ma apagaudaya, conceal tJiou not; ma ^adaya, let it 
not i<eem; paraita, go ye; ja"ta, smite ye. 

d. The Intinitive. 

506. What we call the Intinitives of the Indo-Euro- 
pean languages were originally case forms of nondna 
actionis., used like any other nouns in case relation 
with other parts of the sentence. Later this case 
relation was less strongly felt, and at length, having 
become stereotA^ped forms, in some of the derived 
languages, as Greek and Latin, they came to be as- 
sociated with the verbal system. In the Aryan 
group, the Old Germanic, and the Balto-Slavonic, 
the infinitives preserve best their force as nonmia 
action /s. 

507. Two causes contributed to the large number 
of intinitive forms in the derived languages: the 
variety of cases used, and the variety of classes of 
nomina actionis. As nouns these forms w^ere neither 
active nor middle, the distinction of voice being a 
late development. 

508. The Vedic dialect of the Sanskrit had infin- 
itives ending in -am, -e, -tum, -tave, -mane, -vane, 
-sani, but of these the Classical Sanskrit preserved 
only that in -tum, which is the same as the Latin 
supine; so, Skt. datum, Lat. datum; Skt. etum, Lat. 

13 



194 The Verb. [508-512 

itum — an accusative case of the nomen actlonis. The 
dative of an n-stem is represented in Vedic vidmane, 

Grk. iS/utVai; yvoivat, or^vat (perhaps for -/Avai : -fxtvai)^ 

and Lat. imperative legimini. Datives also are s- 
aorist infinitives, as Skt. stuse, Grk. SeT^at, and pos- 
sibly the Latin passive infinitive in -i. Such forms 
as the Grk. iS/acv, hoix^v^ O^fxev^ show the locative with- 
out ending of an n-stem (253). In the Lat. regere 
(< *regese) is the locative singular of an s-stem (cf. 
genera from genus). 

509. The Ancient Persian Infinitive. In Ancient 
Persian the infinitives are datives of n-stems; e. ^., 
ka"tanaiy, root kan; cartanaiy, root kar; ^astanaiy 
(6'a"stanaiy), root ^ah. This suffix -tanaiy survives 
in Modern Persian -tan (-dan). 

e. The Participle. 

510. The Middle Participle. The Middle-Passive 
Participle in Indo-European was made with the suffix 
-meno-, other ablaut grades of which were -mono-, 
-mno-; so, Grk. (I^epofxtvo^ (probal)ly Lat. ferimini), 
Skt. bodhamanas (1. E. -mono-), Grk. ardfjivos, Lat. 
alumnus (I. E. -mno-). 

511. This participial form is probably to be rec- 
ognized in the Anc. Pers. jiyamna (or jiyamana), 
waning, gronrlng old, used as a substantive, comple- 
tion, in Bh. 2. 62. (See Tolman Le,r. 90.) 

512. The Participle in -to-. All the Indo-European 
languages have preserved the Participle or Verbal 
Adjective which was originally formed by the addi- 
tion of the -to- suffix to the Low Grade of the root. 
It was regularly passive when made from transitive 
verl)s, yet the passive meaning did not always ac- 



512-514 1 Tin: Latk Insckii'tions. 19o 

conipjiiiN' this suffix, and sncli forms ■were made as 
well from intransitive verbs; e. g.^ I, E. *gm-to-s, root 
*gem, (ji>, Ski. gatas, Grk. -jiaros^ Lat. ventus. 

513. The -to- Participle in Ancient Persian. The 
I. E. -to- suffix appears in forms in -ta- of the Ancient 
Persian; e. r/. , Anc. Pers, basta, root ba"d, bind^ 
I. E. *bh9dhto-, Skt. baddha, YAv. basta. The 
suffix is added to a dissyllabic base in agarbita (Skt. 
grbhita, grhita). From the root gam we have the 
participle in -ata, as paragmata, ha"gmata. 

(a) Other examples of this participle in Ancient 
Persian are: paraita, root i, (jo; karta, root kar, 
iiiahc; avajata, root jan, smite; fratarta, root tar, 
cross; dita, root di, deprive; duruxta, root duruj, 
deceive; pata, root pa, ])rotecf; parabarta, root bar, 
hear; amata, root ma, measure. (For avaharta see 
Tolman Lex. TO.) 



CHAPTER XIII. 
The Late Inscriptions. 

514. The inscriptions from which comes our 
knowledge of the Ancient Persian belong almost en- 
tirely to the period of Darius 1. and his son Xerxes 
(521—155 B.C.). No specimen of the language is 
found from an earlier time, unless indeed the jNIur- 
ghab inscription is to be assigned to Cyrus the Great 
(52), and much of what we have from a period later 
than Xerxes, particularly from the reigns of Arta- 
xerxes 11. and Artaxerxes III., shows a corruption 
of forms and an irregularity of construction which 



196 The Latk LxscuirTiONS. [514 

not merely mark the decline of the lanofuage, but 
indicate that those who did the work of writing had 
but a meager acquaintance with the language which 
they wrote. 

(a) The following irregularities in the use of cases 
are observed: 

Norn, as gen.: 

artaxsa^''a, Art. Pers. a. 12, 11-15; }>. 1(5, ll»-20. 

arsama, Art. Pers. a. 20; b. 26. 

xsaya%a, Art. Pers. a. 12-13, 14, 15, 1(3, 17-18; 
b. 16-17, 18, 20, 21-22, 23. 

xsayarsa, Art. Pers. a. 16; b. 21. 

darayavaus, Art. Pers. a. 13-14, 17; b. 18, 22-23. 
Nom. as ace. : 

artaxsa^''a, Art. Pers. a. 5; b. 7. 

xsaya^iya, Art. Pers. a. 5-6; b. 7-8. 
Gen. as nom.: 

artaxsa^'ahya, Art. Sus. a. 2. 

artaxsa^rahya, Art. Ham. 3. 

xsayarsahya, Art. Ham. 3-4. 

darayavausahya, Art. Sus. a. 1-2, 3. 

v'staspahya, Art. Pers. a. 19; b. 25-26. 
The genitive darayavausahya in Art. Sus. a. 1 2, 3, 
is a peculiar reformation from the nominative, made 
like a genitive from an a-stem. 

(b) Confusion of gender forms appears in the fol- 
lowing: 

Masc. as fem. : 

imam, Art. Pers. u. 22; b. 2J). 
Masc. as neut. : 

imam, Art. Sus. a. 3; Art. Ham. 5, 7. 
Fem. as neut.: 

imam. Art. Sus. c. 4-5. 



514-515I TriR T.Aii: Txsruii'Tioxs. 307 

(c-) Confusion of noun stems occurs occasionally; 
as. bumam for bumim, Art. Pers. a. 2, ]>. 1^: sayatam 
for siyatim, .Vrt. Pcrs. a. 4, b. 5. 

(d) The spelling of certain words varies; as, saya- 
tam for siyatim, just cited; also akunas for akunaus, 
Art. Sus. a. 3-4; a^a"ganan for a6'a"gainam, Art. 
Pers. a. 22, b. 20-30; artaxsa^rahya for artaxsa^'a- 
hya, Art. Hani. 3; ardaxcasca for artaxsa^'a on the 
Venice Vase, assigned to the time of Artaxerxes I. 
(See Tolman Lex. 66-67); darayavasahya for daray- 
avausahya, Art. Ilani. 2, 4 ; martihya for martiyahya, 
Art. Pers. a. 4-5, b. 6; m'^ra, Art. Pers. a. 2."'), b. 
33, Art. Sus. a. 5; m't^*, Art. Ham. 6, instead of 
*mi^'a (69). 

(e) The construction of mam in Art. Pers. a. 22-23, 
26; b. 30, 35, is not evident. (See 526. S.) 

515. Very different from these are the formulaic 
words or expressions occurring in the earlier inscrip- 
tions. The language of these inscriptions was not a 
dialect distinct from that current among the people; 
it came from a truly Persian court under Darius and 
Xerxes; yet in the nature of the case it was official 
and, in a measure, religious. Certain peculiarities 
of form or usage may well have belonged, as ]\Ieillet 
believes {Gram. 8ff), to legal and religious formulas, 
affected by an influence foreign to the Persian; c. r/., 
the nom. plu. of baga, cjod^ appears everywhere as 
bagaha, whereas all other a-stems have the nom. plu. 
in -a. We may compare the GAv. -anho and Skt. 
(Ved.) -asas. The pronominal adjective aniya oc- 
curring with bagaha takes the corresponding form 
aniyaha. 



198 Syntax. [516-519 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Ancient Persian Syntax — The Noun. 

516. The Syntax of the Ancient Persian language 
is for the most part exceedingly simple, the prin- 
ciples involved being practically the same as those 
governing all other ludo-Em-opean languages. These 
general principles may therefore be assumed or but 
briefly mentioned while the attention is directed 
especially to such peculiarities of syntax as the lan- 
guage presents. 

1. Gender. 

517. Grammatical gender and natural gender of 
nouns appear as in other languages. About two- 
thirds of all the nouns in the inscriptions are mas- 
culine, chiefly of Class II. (284). Among these are 
many proper names and other words referring to 
males. But further than this the meaning does not 
usually determine the gender, as is evident from the 
following: 

518. Of the names of countries, armina and hi"du 
are masculine, uvarazm'i and saka are feminine; of 
names of towns, uvadaicaya and zazana are masculine, 
tarava and raxa are feminine; the name of a fortress 
tigra is masculine, while sikayauvati is feminine; of 
the names of months, garmapada and ^aigarci are 
masculine, adukanisa and bagayadi are feminine, 
a^'iyadiya and ^uravahara are neuter; while of words 
denoting periods of time, mah, montli^ is masculine, 
^ard, yeai\ and xsap, vlght^ are feminine, and raucah, 
d(iy^ is neuter. 

519. However, it may be noted that words denoting 



519-522] The Norx. 10!) 

places of abode or worship are neuter; such are 
apadana, j)alact'^ ayadana, aanctuanj^ maniya, estate^ 
vardana, tonni^ and hadis, direlUng. 

Names of parts of the l)ody are mostly masculine, 
as gausa, <<//•, dasta, /nnid, nah, iiose^ harabana, 
toiufue,' [ujcasma, tyr, is prol)al)]y neuter. 

2. Number. 

520. The use of the Singular, Dual, and Plural is, 
in general, the same as in the other languages. The 
dual survives only in the names of pairs of parts of 
the body, gausa, Bh. 2. T-i, tJte {tvjo) ears; dastaibiya, 
NRb. 41, with the {tioo) lmndi<^ and in the name of a 
weight used with the numeral, II karsa, Dar. Wt. 
Inscr. 1. Even gausa and karsa, while corresponding 
to the Yedic dual form in -a and Avestan in -a, still 
suggest the possibility of a confusion with the nom- 
inative-accusative plural forms. 

[ujcasma, Bh. 2. 75, 89, seems to 1)e an accusative 
singular used for the dual. 

521. A collective noun may be treated either as 
singular or as plural; e. g.^ kara hya hami^''iya mana 
naiy gaubataiy avam jadiy, Bh. 2. 50-51, The re- 
hellious oi'inij 'trJiicJi (7o/\<t tiot call itsflf inin(\ smite 
it; hauv karam fraisaya . . . utasam I martiyam 
ma^istam akunaus ava^asam a^aha, Bh. 3. 55-58, 
He aent foi'tli an arimj^ . . . and one man he made 
chief of them^ thus he said to them. 

522. The collective use of martiya for manVind is 
parallel to the use of the English man ; e. r/., baga va- 
zarka auramazda . . . hya martiyam ada, Xerx. Bers. 
ii.l-'i^^ Afjreat (jod{is) AJiHra 2[azda . . . ud 10 created 
ina7i. However, martiya is everywhere treated as 



200 Syntax. [522-526 

singular unless in martiya [hya] draujana ahatiy hya- 
va [zu]rakara ahatiy avaiy ma dausta [biy]a, Bh. 4. 
68-69, The man iclio sJudl Jje a deceiver^ or wJio sJiafl 
he a %crongdoei\ he not a friend to these. And even 
here the plural pronoun is probably due to the fact 
that two classes of men are defined in the two hya- 
clauses, for similar expressions with but one relative 
clause have the singular. 

523. asa, /iorse, occurs as collective in aniyam 
usabarim akunavam aniyahya asam franayam, P)h. 
1. 86-87, One part \<:)f the army] I set on camels^ for 
the other Ihr'ought horses. 

3. Case. 

524. NoTninative. In the use of this case as sub- 
ject or predicate the Ancient Persian does not differ 
from the other languages. 

525. Yocatire. Only one example of the case is 
found: martiya hya auramazdaha framana hauvtaiy 
gasta ma ^adaya, NRa. 56-58, O man., %rhat [is) the 
prevt])t of Ahura 2fazda^ may it not seein to thee re- 
pugnant. 

526. Accusative. In addition to the use of the ac- 
cusative as the direct object of a transitive verl), the 
following constructions are observed: 

(1) The proleptic accusative. The subject of a 
dependent clause may be introduced by anticipation 
as object in a preceding clause; e. </., matyamam 
xsnasatiy tya adam naiy bardiya amiy, Bh, 1. 52-53, 
llLut thtij may not hnoa: me., that I am not Bard/ya. 

(2) The proleptic accusative modilier; e. g., mar- 
tiya hya agar[ta] aha avam ubartam abaram hya 
araika aha avam ufrastam aparsam, Bh. 1. 21-22, 



526] Thk Xoix. 201 

Wliat mail was ufatcJifid^ hitti well esteeined I es- 
teemed j who was an eneniy^ Jiim well 2^unished I 
piinixJu'd. 

(3) Two accusatives of the same person or thing 
occur with a verb signifying to choose or make; e. (/., 
hauv darayavaum xsaya(9iyam adada, Dar. Pors. d. 
2-3, Jfe iiKtde iJiirhtK liiKj; utasam I martiyam ma- 
^istam akunaus, Bh. 8. 57, And one man Ite made 
chief of them. 

(4) The complementary accusative modifier; as, 
hauv parsam hami^'^iyam akunau[s], Bh. 4. 9-10, lie 
made J\rs/ii, rthrUious. So also with a participle, 
dipim naiy nipistam akunaus, Xerx. Yun. 22-23, He 
did not have [lit. malie^ an inscription written. Cf. 
the locative in similar construction with kar, mal-e: 
pasava di[s auramazjda mana dastaya akunaus, Bh. 
4. 35, Afterwards Ahura Mazda made thiem in tny 
hand. 

(5) Two accusatives with a verb of asking, the one 
of the person, the other of the thing; e. g., aita 
adam auramazdam jadiyamiy, Dar. NRa. 53-54, This 
[pray tf Ahura JLizdo. 

The same construction is found with a verb mean- 
ing to deprive: pasava gaumata hya magus adina 
ka"bujiyani uta parsam uta madam uta aniya dahya- 
va, Bh. 1. 46-47, Aftenoards Gaumata the Magla^i 
took from Camhyses hoth Persia and Media and the 
other provinces. 

With a passive of such verbs one of the accusa- 
tives is retained; e. f/., naiy aha martiya . . . hya 
avam gaumatam tyam magum xsa(9''ara ditam caxriya, 
Bh. 1. 49-50, There was not a man icho coidd make 
Gaumata the Magian deprived of the kingdom. 



202 Syntax. [526 

(0) The terminal accusative, either alone or with a 
preposition; e. g.^ avam adam fraisayam arminam, 
Bh. 2. 30, III ill I sent forth to Armenia: kara babi- 
ruviya . . . abiy avam arxam asiyava, Bh. 3. 81-82, 
TJte BahyJojiian 2)eopJe went over to that ArltJia. 

It may be noted that of the many places in the in- 
scriptions where the name of a country expresses 
the limit, only one has a preposition, a^iy babiru[in 
ya^a naiy up]ayam, Bh. 1. 91-92, Wlieii I had not 
come to JjaJjyJon. 

abiy occurs always in an expression of motion to a 
person (as in the example above, abiy avam arxam) 
and only once with a noun denoting place, abiy 
imam dahyaum ma ajamiya . . . ha[i]na, Dar. Pers. 
d. 18-19, 3fay not a hostile army come upon this 
001171 try. 

(7) The accusative of specification; e. g., ka°bujiya 
nama kuraus pu^''a, Bh. 1. 28, i'amhyses hy 7iai)ie, son 
of Cyrils. With a feminine noun nama is always 
written in this construction; e. g., sika[ya]uvatis 
nama dida, Bh. 1. 58, A stronghold, Silxiyauvatis hy 
name. See 290. A.(c), and Tolman Lex. 105. 

(8) The accusative with a substantive; e. g., aura- 
mazda ^uvam dausta biya, Bh. 4. 55-56, May AJiura 
Mazda he a friend to tliee {= love thee). Such an 
accusative may be explained from the verbal force 
of the vomen agentis, or the transitive force of the 
combination of the noun with biya (cf. ra /Aercwpa 
<^/oovTio-Ti?s, Plato, Apol. 18. b). But the orenitive- 
dative occurs in a similar phrase, auramazdatay jata 
biya, Bh. 4. 58, Ifay Ahmra Mazda he a smiter to 
thee. 

Not easily explained is the accusative mam in such 



526] TiiK XoFN. 203 

a place as Dar. Nlla. 87-38, ava akunava" ya|^a| 
mam kama aha, This they did as was tny will. 

(l>) The adverbial accusative (ncnt. ace. s*r. of an 
adjective used as an adxerb); e. r/., im[a| dahyava tya 
adam agarbayafm] apataram haca parsa, Dar. NRa. 
1()-1>S, TJuse {((!•<) the j>?'ovf/ic<:s wliich I seized far 
from Persia. 

(10) The accusative with prepositions. Besides 
abiy and a^iy (see 6 above), the f()lk)win2f preposi- 
tions occur "svith the accusative: a"tar, upa, upariy, 
patis, patiy (postpos.), para (postpos.), pariy, and pasa 
(combined with its accusative in the adverl) pasava); 
e. g., 

a"tar ima dahyava martiya hya agar[ta] aha, Bh. 
1. 21, Wlt/iiii these jirovinees w/iat naui was watch- 
ful^ etc. 

adam karam parsam uta madam fraisayam hya upa 
mam aha, l^h. 8. 2^t-o0, I sent forth the IWsian and 
Median, army whlcli was hy t)ie. 

upariy arstam upariyfaxsayaiy], Bh. 4. 61-65, With 
7'eetltHde I ruled. 

hauv vahyazdata . . . ais . . . patis artavardiyam 
hamaranam cartanaiy, Bh. 3. 35-36, This Vahyazdata 
Wriit a(jalnst Arfarardiya to eiKjarje in hattle. 

^uravaharahya mahya jiyamnam patiy, Bh. 2. 61-62, 
At the end of the month Thuravdhara. (On the ad- 
verb patiy sec Tolnian Te,r. 107-108.) 

xsapava raucapativa, Bh. 1. 20, FAther l>y nhjht or 
hy day. 

avapara asiyava, Bh. 2. 72, Along there he went. 

kasciy naiy adarsnaus cisciy (9astanaiy pariy gau- 
matam, Bh. 1. 53-54, A7iy one did not dare to say 
anything against Gaunidta. 



204 Syntax. [526-527 

pasava kara araika abava, Bli, 1. 33, After that the 
people hecaine refjellious. 

The adverb nipadiy seems to be used with an ac- 
cusative in Bh. 3. 73-74, vivana hada kara nipadi[y] 
t[yajiy asiyava, Yivana vnth mi army went in pur- 
xtiit of them. 

527. Genitive. The Genitive case, as in otlier 
Indo-European langfuages, may be the modifier of a 
noun or adjective, or the complement of a verb. 

(1) The very common use of the genitive modify- 
ino- a noun is seen in vasna auramazdaha [ajdamsam 
xsaya^iya aham, Bh. 1. 13-14:, By the grace (fAhura 
2[az<la 1 was hing of them. 

(a) This genitive also occurs often in the predicate; 
<!\r/., jata . . . avam karam hya darayavahaus xsaya- 
^iyahya gaubataiy, Bh. 3. 58-59, Smite that army 
which calls itself of Darius the king; aita xsa^'am 
haca paruviyata amaxam taumaya aha, Bh. 1. 45-4:6, 
This Txiiigdoni from long ago vas of our family. 

(b) The partitive genitive occurs with a pronoun, 
a numeral, or a superlative; e. g., aha. . . naiy 
amaxam taumaya kasciy, Bh. 1. 48-49, Tho'e was not 
any one of our family; VIII mana taumay[a tyaijy 
[pajruvam xsaya^iya aha", Bh. 1. 9-10, J^ight of hiy 
fantily {there were) who wei'e formerly I' ings; aura- 
mazda vazarka hya maWsta baganam, Dar. Pers. d. 
1-2, 21ie great Almra Masda^ who {Ix) the greatest 
of the gods. 

(c) The appositional genitive is found where the 
name of a month occurs with mah; e. (/., garmapa- 
dahya mahya IX raucabis, Bh. 1. 42, Nine dayx in 
the month (of) Garz/iajnida. 

2. (a) The genitive is complementary to the verb 



527-528J The Norx. L'O.') 

Id adamsa[m| patiyaxsayaiy, Dar. NKa. ls-l',», / ruled 
t/ieiti. 

(b) The genitive may be used adverbially denoting 
time -within wliicli an action occurs; e. f/., ima tya 
adam akunavam hamahyaya ^arda, lih. 4. 59-GO, Tlii)^ 
{Is) loJuit I did %c it hill the sai/te year. 

(c) The genitive occurs with pasa in an acherbial 
phiase in hya aniya kara parsa pasa mana asiyava 
madam, Bh. 3. 32-33, T/ie red of the Persian army 
went with me to Media. 

528. The loss of the Dative case and the taking 
over of its functions by the genitive have been men- 
tioned above (266). The following examples illus- 
trate uses of this dative-genitive: 

(1) The Indirect 01)ject; e. (/., iyam dahyaus parsa 
tyam mana auramazda frabara, Dar. Pers. d. 6-7, TJiis 
(is) the edHiitry 1\ rsla xcJiich Ahura Mazda gave 
me; aitamaiy auramazda dadatuv, Dar. KRa. 54-55, 
This let Ahura Mazda give me. -maiy is used in the 
oft-repeated phrase auramazdamaiy upastam abara, 
Ahura Mazda lore me aid, mana occurring only in 
Dar. Pers. d. 13. 

With forms of duruj, lie, deceive, we tind either 
the dative-genitive or the accusative; e. g., hauv 
karahya ava^a [ajdurujiya, Bh. 1. 38-39, lie thus 
lied to thepeojjle; karam ava^a adurujiya, Bh. 1. 78, 
die thus deceived the people. 

The indirect object may occur also with an in- 
transitive verb; e. g., mat[ya] . . . avahya paruv 
^a[daya], Bh. 4. 48-49, Zest to him it seem too much. 

(2) The dative-genitive may have the meaning of 
a dative of Reference or Interest; e. g., avataiy 



20() Syntax. [528-529 

auramazda nika"tuv, Bh. 4. 79-80, This let Ahura 
Mazda destroy for thee. 

(3) The Personal Ao^ent may be expressed by the 
genitive; e. g., ava^asam hamaranam kartam, Bh. 3. 
19, Thus the battle (was) fvxKjht hy them; tya mana 
kartam uta tyamaiy pi^'a kartam, Xerx. Pers. a. 
19-20, WJiat {ica.s) done hij me and what (vxis) done 
by my father. Since, however, this use of the case 
occurs only with kartam, the participle may have 
been treated as a noun, and the construction would 
then be classed with 527 (1). 

(4) The dative-s:enitive with adjectives or adverl)s; 
e. g. , brat[a bardijya nama aha hamata hamapita ka"- 
bujiyahya, Bh. 1. 29-30, There was a brother^ Bar- 
diya by name., having the same mother and the same 
father with Camhyses; karahy[a naiy] azda abava, 
Bh. 1. 31-33, It was not known to the people; adataiy 
azda bavatiy, Dar. NRa. 45-46, Then it will be knoum 
to thee. 

(5) Similar to (4) is the dative-genitive with de- 
rivative nouns; martiya tyaisaiy fratama anusiya 
aha"ta agarbaya", Bh. 3. 48-49, V^'liat men icere his 
foremost allies (= devoted to him) they seized; aura- 
mazdatay jata biya, Bh. 4. 58, 2fay Ahura Mazda be 
a sniltev to thee. 

529. Ablative. The identity of form of the abla- 
tive singular with the instrumental of a-stems, with 
the genitive of a-stems and consonant stems, has been 
mentioned above (271, 273). The ablative, however, 
is distinguished in this, that the preposition haca 
always occurs with it. It has the following uses: 

(1) Ablative of Separation; (a) with a verb, e. (7., 
pasava adam nijayam haca babiraus, Bh. 2. 64(55, 



529] The Noun. 207 

Aftenoards I went from BalnjJon; (b) with an ad- 
jective, c. 7., pasava kara haruva hami^'iya abava 
haca ka"bujiya, Bh. 1. 40, Aftenrardu all the j^eojde 
hecatiie tsti'aitg< d from CavJjijses; (c) with an adverb, 
e. g., im[aj dahyava tya adam agarbayajm] apataram 
haca parsa, Dar. NKa. 10-18, These (are) the provinces 
lohich. I seized afar from Persia. 

Metaphorical separation is expressed in kara parsa 
hya v'^apatiy haca yadaya fratarta, Bh. 3. 26, llie 
IWsiaih army in the palace departed from their loy- 
alty; haca drauga darsam patipayauva, Bh. 4, 37-38, 
Protect thyself strongly from deceit. 

(a) haca comes to be used with adverbs both of 
place and of time; e. ().., haca avadasa karam aya- 
sata, Bh, 3. 42-43, From thence he tooh an, army. 
This use of haca is easily explained from the abla- 
tive singular of the pronoun in avadasa, and possibly 
the use with other adverl)s was an extension of this; 
e. g., aita xsa^'"ain haca paruviyata amaxam taumaya 
aha, Bh. 1. 45-46, This kingdom from long ago was 
of oar family. 

(2) Abhitive of Personal Agent; e. g., ya^asam 
hacama a^ahya [ajva^a akunavaya"ta, Bh. 1. 23-24, 
As it was commanded to thein hy me, .■^o thf y did. 

(3) Ablative of Cause. If we read darsma", abl. 
sg. of an n-stem, we have an expression of cause in 
Bh. 1. 50-51, karasim haca darsma" atarsa, The peojyle 
feared him frr his tyranny. 

(4) haca with the ablative occurs regularly with 
d^'ahy fear; ■ e. g., haca aniyana naiy tarsatiy, Dar. 
Pers. d. 11-12, [The j>/'ovinee} does not fear an. enemy ; 
hacama atarsa", Dur. Pers. e. 9, {The provinces\ 
feared me. Only in the example from Bh. 1. 50-51, 



208 Syntax. [529-530 

quoted under (8), do we apparently find the accusa- 
tive (-sim) with this verb. Some Avould even hold 
that -sim, while ori<^inally accusative, was used for 
other case forms, and here as ablative, comparing 
the Vedic use of im as both singular and plural in all 
genders. (So Meillet, Gram. 345.) In one place 
(Bh. 5. 15) supplied by King-Thompson, the verb 
^'ah is used absolutely. 

530. Instrumental, This case has the following 
uses : 

(1) Without a preposition it expresses means or 
instrument; e. g.^ vasna auramazdaha ima xsa^'^am 
darayamiy, Bh. 1. 26, By the grace of Ahura Mazda 
I hold th is I'ingdom. 

(2) Very frequently the instrumental occurs with 
the preposition hada to express accompaniment; e. g.^ 
hauv vidarna hada kara asiyava, Bh. 2. 21-22, This 
Jlijdarncs untJt the armij vent aivay; hauv fravartis 
hada kamnaibis asabaribis amu^a, Bh. 2. 71, This 
Phraortes with a few horsemen fled. 

(3) The instrumental is used also with the prepo- 
sition ana, throughout .^ and the postpositive -patiy, 
a^, in; e. g. , vasiy aniyasciy naibam kartam ana parsa, 
Xerx. Pers. a. 13-11, Much else (that is) heautfnl 
(was) done tJrroiigJiotit Persia; kara parsa hya v'^a- 
patiy haca yadaya fratarta, Bh. 3. 26, 27ie Persian 
army which {was) in the palace departed from their 
loyalty. 

Note. — On a possible instance of anuv witii tlie instru- 
mental in Bh. 1. 92, see Tolman Lex. 76-77, s. v. ufratu. 

(1) Difficult of explanation is the use of the instru- 
mental as subject. This occurs in the oft-repeated 



530-531] The Noun. 209 

phrase raucabis ^akata aha" in orivin;^ a date; e. </., 
anamakahya mahya XV raucabis ^akata aha", Bh. 2. 
50, J^ifteen days in the m<>ntli Anumala were com- 
pleting their course. Here raucabis has so completely 
lost its value as instrumental that ^akata in the pred- 
icate is nominative. That such is the construction 
seems j)r()l)al)le from comparison with the only ex- 
ample of the singular rauca in a similar phrase, gar- 
mapadahya mahya I rauca ^akatam aha, Bh. 3. 7-8, 
One da// in the )n<>nth Gamut pada u-as completing its 
course. Again it is to be noted that the Avestan 
shows the same use of the instrumental as nomina- 
tive (also as vocative and accusative), which Reichelt 
explains as arising from the connection of subjects 
thus: A with B, with C, instead of A and B and C; 
then the "with-B," "with C" passed into use as 
subjects even when not connected with the nomina- 
tive A (Reichelt, Av\ Elem. 4:27; see also Tolman 
Lex. 95, s. V. ^"k^fa). 

531. Locative. (1) The locative of names of coun- 
tries, provinces, or towns is used without a preposi- 
tion; e. g.^ m[aru]s nama vardanam madaiy, Bh. 2. 
22-23, i^There is) a town Jlaru ly name in Media; 
hauv duvitiyama udapatata parsaiy, Bh. 3. 23-24, He 
was the Second to ri^e (ojain-st me in IWsia. 

(2) In all other places the locative occurs with a 
preposition, usually the postpositive -a; c. g., drauga 
dahyauva vasiy abava uta parsaiy uta madaiy u[ta an-j 
iyauva dahyusuva, I)li. 1. 34-35, There was deceit 
to a gnat extent in the land^ hotli in Persia and in 
Media and in the other provinces; di[s auramazjda 
mana dastaya akunaus, Bh. 4. 35, Aliura Mazda put 
them in my hand. So also in an expression of time; 
14 



210 Syntax. [531-532 

e. ^., ^aigarcais mahya IX raucabis, Bli. 2. 4:()-4T, 
Nine days in the month Thaigarci. 

(a) If, as Bartholomffi has held, asnaiy, Bh. 2. 
11-12, is locative singular of asna, viarcJc^ without 
postpositive -a, we have in it an exception to the rule 
here stated. (See Tolman Lex. 71-72.) The adverb 
nipadiy appears to be a locative singular form of 
niy + pad, also made without postpositive -a. (See 
Tolman Lex. 106.) Another example of the locative 
as an adverb is seen in avahyaradiy, /br this 7'eason. 
(See Tolman Lex. 70.) 

(3) Other prepositions (postpositive) used with the 
locative are -adiy and -patiy (following -a); e. g.^ 
ufrastadiy (= ufrasta-adiy) parsa, Bh. 4. 69, Punish 
{them) 2vifh severe jmntshment: pasavasim hagma- 
tanaiy uzmayapatiy akunavam, Bh. 2. 76, Afterwards 
I put him on a cross in Fchatana. The survival of 
the postpositive -patiy in Middle Persian is illus- 
trated in the corresponding phrase of the Tm'fan 
MSS. ; see Tolman Lex. 79, s. v. uzma. 



CHAPTEK XV. 

Syntax of the Verb. 
1. Voice. 

532. The distinction of meaning between the ac- 
tive and the middle of the Indo-European has been 
pointed out (356) — a distinction that may be ob- 
served in Ancient Persian; e. (7., IX xs[aya^iy]a 
agarbayam, Bh. 4. 7, / seized nine lings; xsa^'am 



532 535j TiiK N'kki!. I'll 

hauv agarbayata, r>h. 1. 41-12, He seized the lingdoin 
{for himself). 

533. The use of the Indo-European middle forms 
as passive has ])cen mentioned above (479). This is 
common also in Ancient Persian, as fravartis agar- 
bl[ta] anayata ably mam, Bh. 2. 73, Phraortes seized 
ints Ird to inr, beside the passive in duvarayamaiy 
basta adariy, Bh. 2. 75, lie was held hound at my 
court. (See also 539. 2). 

2. :\lood. 

534. Indicative. As in the other languages, the 
indicative is used in clauses, whether independent 
or dependent, which make the statement of a fact. 
Such a dependent clause may be relative, temporal, 
causal, or substanti^e; e. r/., avam martiyam agar- 
baya" hyasam ma^ista aha, Bh. 2. 12-13, They seized 
that Martlya who was chief of them; imaiy martiya 
tyaiy adakaiy avada [a]ha"ta yata adam gaumatam 
. . . avajanam, Bh. 4. 80-81, These {a?-e) the men who 
were there at that time when I sleio Gaumatam ima 
tya mana kartam pasava ya^a xsaya^iya abavam, 
Bh. 1. 27-28, This {Is) what Ocas) done hy me after 
I hecame Icing; auramazdamaiy upastam abara yata 
ima xsa^'am ha[ma]darayai[y], Bh. 1. 25-26, Ahura 
JCd.zda here one aid 'Until I obtained this I'lngdom/ 
avah[ya]ra[diy] auramazda upastam abara . . . [ya^]a 
naiy arai[ka] aham, Bh. 4. 62-63, Tor this reason 
Ahwa Mazda hore {tne) aid^ hccaiise I was not an 
enemy; matyamam xsnasatiy tya adam naiy bardiya 
amiy, Bh. 1. 52-53, Tliat \thie 2»^02)hi\ may not l-noio 
me., that T am not Tiardiya, 

535. Suhjunctive. The subjunctive is used to indi- 



212 Syntax. [535 

cate that the act or condition expressed by the verb 
is anticipated. 

(1) Such anticipation may be expressed as mere 
futurity, especially in indelinite relative or temporal 
clauses; e. </., tuvam [ka] xsaya^iya hya aparam ahy 
martiya [hya] draujana ahatiy hyava [zu]rakara++ 
ahatiy avaiy ma dausta [biy]a, Bh. 4. 67-69, O thou 
wJio t<]i<(lt he lii/Kj ill the futare^ uiJcatever man shall 
he a decewer or whoever shall he a wrongdoer^ he not 
a friend to these; utataiy yava tau[m]a ahatify], Bh. 
4. 77-78, And as long as tlnj fmniUj f<haV he. 

(a) In two passages the subjunctive gaubataiy oc- 
curs in clauses apparently the same in meaning as 
many others that have the indicative gaubataiy: 
karam hami^^'iyam hya mana naiy gaubataiy avam 
jata, Bh. 2. 83-84, IJie veheUious a/rmy which dots 
{iciJl?) not call iti<elf mine, smite it; [avajm karam 
babiruvi[ya]m jata hya mana naiy [gajubataiy, Bh. 3. 
85-86, Smite that Bahyloniaii army which doe.'' (irillf) 
not call itself mine. (Cf. indicative in Bh. 2, 21.) 

(2) Closely related to this is the use of the sub- 
junctive in future conditions introduced by yadiy; 
e. g., yadiy imam ha"dugam apagaudayahy naiy ^ahy 
[k]ara[hya] auramazdatay jata biya, Bh. 4. 57-58, If 
thou shall conceal this record {and) shall not tell (it) 
to the people, may Ahiira Mazda he a sviifer unto 
thee; yadiy kara parsa pata ahatiy hya duvais[ta]m 
siyatis axsata hauvciy aura nirasatiy abiy imam 
vi^am, Dar. Pers. e. 22-24, If tJie l^er,sian. pcojile 
nJiall he protected, welfare for a long time undis- 
turhed will thremgh Ahura Mazda descend upon, this 
royal house. 

(3) The expression of an anticipated action nuiy l>e 



535 5361 TiiK Vkru. 2i:J 

joined with a desire for its accomplishment. Hence 
the subjunctive expresses a Avish; e. g., dahyausmaiy 
duruva ahatiy, Bh. 4. 8t>-4U, Jf/y my country he 
secure. 

(4) In the same way the subjunctive expresses a 
command; e. r/., matya vikanahy . . . ava^asta 
pari[ba]ra, Bh. 4. 71-72, lliou shalt not destroy {tJi em) .^ 
t/ius tJtou sJndt guard them. 

(5) When an action is anticipated with a view to 
its prevention or with a fear of its fultilhnent, the 
expression becomes one of negative purpose. Here 
the subjunctive is introduced by matya (cf. the ex- 
ample of negative command under 4); e. (/., avahya- 
radiy karam avajaniya matyamam xsnasatiy, Bh. 1. 
51-52, For this 7'eason he would slay thei^eopU., '"''that 
tJiey may nrot I'aom 'ine'\' avahyaradiy naiy nipistam 
mat[ya] . . . avahya paruv ^a[daya tyaj mana kar- 
tam nais[im] ima varnavataiy duruxtam maniya[taiy], 
Bh. 4. 47-50, For this reason it (is) not irritten, lest 
to him what has been, done l>y me should seem, too miieh^ 
{and) it shoidd not convince him, (hut) he should think, 
{it) false. 

536. Optative. The optative occurs but rarely. 
The following uses are found: 

(1) In its proper function the optative expresses a 
wish. Its negative is ma. Thus, auramazdatay jata 
biya utataiy tauma ma biya, Bh. 4. 58-59, May Ahura 
Mazda he a smiter to thee., and may there not he to 
thee a family. (Cf. the similar expression in Bh. 4. 
75-76, where the optative is parallel to the subjunc- 
tive and the imperative.) ably imam dahyaum ma 
ajamiya . . . ha[i]na, Dar. Pcrs. d. ls-i'.», Jlay not 
an evil Jio.st come ujxni thiis country. 



214 Syntax. [536-538 

(2) The optative may })e potential; v. f/., naiy aha 
martiya . . . hya avam gaumatam tyam magum 
xsa^"'am ditam caxriya, Bh. 1. 48-50, There was not 
a man who could mal'e this Gaumdta the Magian 
dep7'ived of the Jcmgdom. So also with a verb of 
fearing preceding: karasim haca darsma" atarsa ka- 
ram vasiy avajaniya . . . avahyaradiy karam avaja- 
niya, Bh. 1. 50-52, The jjevple feared hii/i for his 
tyranny y he would slay the many:, for this reason he 
woidd slay the ])eo2)le. 

537. Imjyerative and Tnjunctive. These two moods 
are used alike in expressing a command, a prayer, 
or a wish. The negative with the injunctive, as with 
the optative of like meaning, is ma. Examples are: 
paraidiy kara hya hami^'iya mana naiy gaubataiy 
avam jadiy, Bh. 2. 50-51, Gc^ the rebellious army that 
does not call itself mine., smite it; avataiy auramazda 
nika"tuv, Bh. 4. 79-80, This let Ahura Mazda destroy 
for thee; tya mana kartam varnavatam, Bh. 4. 42, 
Let it conmnce {thee as to) what (^/v/.s) done hy me; 
paraita avam karam tyam madam jata, Bh. 2. 20-21, 
Go, sj/iite t/iat Jledian army; haca aniyana ma [ta]r- 
sam, Dar. Pers. e. 20-21, 3fay I not fear an en- 
emy, 

538. Infinitive. The infinitive occurs either as 
complementary to a verb or to express purpose. 

(1) Complementary Infinitive: kasciy naiy adars- 
naus cisciy ^astanaiy, Bh. 1. 53-54, Any one did not 
dare to say anything; pasava adam niyastayam imam 
dipim nipistanaiy, Xerx. Van. 23-25, Afterwards I 
commanded to write this inscription. 

(2) Infinitive of Purpose: ha[m]i^'[iya] ha"gmata 
paraita patis dadarsim hamaranam cartanaiy, \\\\. 2. 



538-540] TiiK Veri!. 215 

43-44, The rebels came together {and) went against 
Dadarshi to engage in hattle. 

539. Participle. (1) The passive participle (513) 
is used sometimes merely as a modifying adjective; 
e. J/., duvarayamaiy basta adariy, Bh. 2. 75, He was 
held hound at my court. Similarly as com])lementary 
accusative modifier in such a circuudocution as dipim 
naiy nipistam akunaus, Xerx. Van. 22-23, He did not 
have an insci'iption written. 

(2) The participle in -ta occurs also with forms of 
the verb ah, he., making a passive construction; e. c/., 
xsa^'am tya haca amaxam taumaya parabartam aha 
ava adam patipadam akunavam, Bh. 1. 61-62, The 
Mngdom which was talien a^cay from our family., this 
T put in (its) 2)1 ace; yadiy kara parsa pata ahatiy, 
Dar. Pers. e. 22, If the Persian j>eople shall he pro- 
tected. 

(a) Often, however, the form of ah is not expressed; 
e. g.., ava^asam hamaranam kartam, Bh. 3. 8-'J, TJien 
the hattle {was) fought hy them. So also in the case 
of intransitive verbs, the participle alone may be 
used as equivalent to an active indicative; e. g.., 
hami^'^iya ha"gmata paraita patis vivanam, Bh. 3. 65, 
The rebels came together and went against Vivana. 

3. Tense. 

540. Present. This tense is used not only of an 
action or state properly present, but of what belongs 
to the past and continues into the present; e. r/., VIII 
mana taumaya tyaiy paruvam xsaya^iya aha" adam 
navama IX duvitaparanam vayam xsaya^iya amahy, 
Bh. a. 14-18, Eight of my family {there were) who 



216 Syntax. [540-543 

were formerly hinys; I am the nhitii (0); long afore- 
time we have heen (lit. are) kings. 

541. Future. The future relation is expressed usu- 
ally by the subjunctive (535. 1). A periphrastic 
future, composed of the optative of bu, he., with a 
verbal noun, has been mentioned above (484); e, g., 
auramazda ^uvam dausta biya, Bh. 4. 55-56, May 
Ahura Mazda he a friend to thee. On jivahya as a 
possible original syo-future in Bh. 5. 19-20, 35, see 
484. 

542. Imperfect and Aorist. There seems to have 
been usually no clear distinction in meaning between 
these two tenses; e. </., hauv ayasata uvaipasiyam 
akuta hauv xsaya^iya abava, Bh. 1. 47-1:8, He seized 
{the power a7id) made {it) his own possession,' he he- 
cams king; avada hamaranam akunaus, Bh. 2. 23, 
Here he engaged in battle; pasava hamaranam akuma, 
Bh. 2. 67-68, Afterwards v^e engaged in hattle. 

543. In a few places, and perhaps, as Meillet sug- 
gests {Gram. 237), in formulaic expressions repre- 
senting a usage earlier than the time of the inscrip- 
tions, there seems to be a difference of signification 
between the two tenses, as in the following example 
the aorist is used of the creation, an event long since 
accomplished, and the imperfect of the advancement 
of Darius to the throne, an event the effect of which 
is of uncertain duration and is closely connected 
with the time of the record: baga vazarka auramazda 
hya imam bumim ada hya avam asmanam ada hya 
martiyam ada hya siyatim ada martiyahya hya dara- 
yavaum xsayaWyam akunaus, Dar. NRa. 1-6, A great 
god is Ahura Mazda., who created this earth, who cre- 
ated yonder heaven, who created man, who created 



543-546] Tin: Verb. 217 

'ireJfare for ma?}, irho wade Darius l-iiKj; auramazda 
vazarka hya ma^ista baganam hauv darayavaum xsa- 
ya^iyam adada, Dar. Pers. d. l-^^, The great A/nira 
2Li-::<Ia, urho (/.s) tlie greatest of the gods, he made 
Darius ling. 

544. Perfect. The only example of a perfect form 
in the inscriptions happens to be a potential optative 
(caxriya, Bb. 1. 50), which does not show the tense 
signification. A construction similar to that of the 
perfect passive of other languages, expressing the 
result of a completed act or a finished process (cf. 
359. 3), is made by com])ining the passive participle 
with a form of the verb ah, he; e. g., aniyasciy vasiy 
astiy kartam, Bh. 4. 46-47, 2[ueh else vas done; 
avaisam ava naiy astiy kartam, Bh. 4. 51-52, Bg fJirse 
notJiing vas thus doru. Frequently the form of ah 
is omitted. (See 539. 2. a. ) 

4. Auxiliary Verbs. 

545. The examples given in the preceding para- 
graph illustrate the use of ah, he, as virtually an 
auxiliary verb, kar, mal-e, also sometimes has an aux- 
iliary function; t. g., dipim naiy nipistam akunaus, 
Xerx. Van. 22-23, Ue did i><>t hare (lit. mal:) an 
inscription vritten ; hya avam gaumatam tyani magum 
xsa^'"am ditam caxriya, Bh 1. 49-50, y^lio could make 
iJidt Gaunidtu the Jfagiati deprived of the Jcingdom. 

5. Verbal Prefixes. 

546. Certain adverbial forms originally independ- 
ent came, in the development of the derived lan- 
guages, to be so closely connected with the verb as 
to lose their independence and serve only as prefixes. 



218 Syntax. [546-556 

Such ill Ancient Persian are: a, toj atiy, heyondj 
apa, away; ava, doicn; ud (us)> ?«^/ niy, down; nij, 
aicay; p&tiy, af; para., forth; i^aiiy, alout; fta.^ forth; 
viy, away; ham, togdJur. Of these patiy, para, and 
parly occur also as prepositions, and patiy (if indeed 
this is the same word; see Tolman Lex. 108) was 
sometimes used as an independent adverb. The prep- 
ositions ably, to; upa, to; and upariy, above., seem to 
be verbal prefixes in certain mutilated passao^es. 

547. The meaning of the compound may be merely 
a literal combination of the meanings of the verb 
and the prefix; e. (/., niy, down, with ar, co/ne, in 
siyatis . . . nirasatiy abiy imam vi^am, Dar. Pers. 
e. 23-24:, Wefa}'e will come down %ij)on this house; 
para^ forth, with i, go, in ava^asaiy a^aham paraidiy, 
Bh. 2. 50, Thus I said to him, '''' Go foiih^\: ham, 
together., with gam, covie, in hami^''iya ha"gmata, Bh. 
2. 57-58, TJie rebels came to(/ethcr. 

548. In some instances the prefix seems to make 
little, if any, difl'erence of meaning; e. g. , yata adam 
arasam madam, Bh. 2. 63, C)itil I came to Jfedia, 
beside ya^a madam pararasam, Bh. 2. 65, When I 
came to Media. 

549. Sometimes the compound is used in a sec- 
ondary or metaphorical sense; e. g., ya[diy] . . . 
paribarah[i]dis, Bh. 4. 72-74, // thou shtaU guard 
them, beside tyai[y] ga^um bara"tiy, NRa. 41-42, ^Vll0 
bear the throne; ima stanam hauv niyastaya ka"ta- 
naiy, Xerx. Van. 20-21, He commanded to dig out 
thus jplace, beside avada aistata, Bh. 1. 85, There he 
Jialted {stood). 

550. The verbal prefix may be used to strengthen 
or emphasize a meaning belonging to the simple 



550-554 



The Veiu!. 2VA 



verb; < . </., from gud, hide, with apa-, ma apagaudaya, 
Bh. 4. 54, i>c '^^'^^ A/<?e {if) atcaij; from had, 6/V 
(causative, put doic/i), with niy-, adamsim ga^ava 
niyasadayam, NRa. 35-36, / cdaUished it on {'dt<) 
foundation. 

551. Tn some places the prefix seem§ to be used to 
murk the tcrmimilive as opposed to the cursive or 
durativo action of the verb (359. 5); e. </., vasna 
auramazdaha ima xsa^'am darayamiy, Bh. 1. 26, By 
the grace of Ahum ^fazda I h<>hl (= am holding) 
this Jiingdom, beside auramazdamaiy upastam abara 
yata ima xsa^'"am ha[ma]darayai[yj, Bh. 1. 25-26, 
Ah lira Jfasda ho re me aid until T ohtained this king- 
dom. 

552. Two verbs show a combination of two pre- 
fixes, jan with ava -f a, and bar with patiy + a; 
e. g., karam avajaniya, Bh. 1. 52, Jle ^could slay 
[swite down) the -people; adam tya paraba[rta]m pa- 
tiyabaram, Bh. 1. 67-68, / Ironght hack what {had 
been) taken av:ay. 

6. Direct and Lidirect Quotations. 

553. A very large majority of the object clauses 
following verbs of saying or perceiving are in the 
form of direct quotations. This is everywhere the 
case after the very common verb ^ah. Examples 
after other verbs are: hauv karahya ava^a [a]duru- 
jiya adam bardiya amiy, Bh. 1. 3S-o9, He thus lud to 
the people, '■'lam Bardiya''^' yadiy ava^a maniyahay 
haca aniyana ma [ta]rsam imam parsam karam padiy, 
Dar. Pers. e. li>-22. If thus thou, sJadt thinh, ''Jlay 
I not f tar an enemy,'''' protect this Persian people. 

554. The verb of saying or perceiving may be 



220 Syntax. [554-555 

merely implied; e. g.^ avahyaradiy karam avajaniya 
matyamam xsnasatiy tya adam naiy bardiya amiy, 
Bh. 1. 51-53, For this reaxon he icould slay tJce peo- 
j)le^ ^''that they may not liiow ine that I am not 
Bardiya. " 

The use of tya to introduce such a clause is par- 
allel with the original use of iliat introducing a sub- 
stantive clause in English, i. <:,, the clause is in ap- 
position with the pronoun. It may be so regarded 
in karahy[a naiy] azda abava tya bardiya avajata, 
Bh. 1. 31-32, It was not known to the people that 
Bardiya (was) slain. But the conjunctive use of tya 
becomes more evident in the sentence cited above, 
matyamam xsnasatiy tya adam naiy bardiya amiy, 
Bh. 1. 52-53, That tluy may not Inovj me., that I am. 
not Bardiya. 

555. What seems to be an indirect quotation in- 
troduced by ya^a occurs in Bh. 4. -t-l, auramazd[am 
upavaJrtaiyHy"^ ya^a ima hasiyam naiy duruxtam 
adam akuna[vam], I ajypeal to Ahura Mazda {to wit- 
ness) that this {is) true and not false {wJiich) I did. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Uses of the Pronoun. 
1. Personal. 



556. The pronoun of the tirst person is almost al- 
ways expressed Avith a verb of the lirst person, per- 
haps to emphasize the authority of the king or chief 
who makes the statement; e. ^., ava adam patipadam 



556-559] l^sios OF Tin: ritoxorN. 221 

akunavam, l)li. 1. <')!', Thix T put in {iti>) pkiee; ava^a 
a^aha adam bardiya amiy, Bh. b. 4-5, Thus liemld^ "/ 
ion ItOi'ifhja." Vn\{ the pronouii luuy be oiuiltod, as 
pasavasim arbairaya uzinayapati[yj akunavam, Bli. 2. 
90-J>l, Aftencards 1 jjut him on a cross in Arhela. 
The omission of the pronoun with a verb of the first 
person, however, occurs usually where the pronoun 
has been expressed with the verl) of a preceding 
clause, as pasava adam karam maskauva avakanam 
aniyam usabarim akunavam aniyahya asam franayam, 
Bh. 1. 80-87, Afterwards I placed unj amnj on foats 
of sli!ns,' one jyart I sri on eamdx^ for ilw ofhrr ] 
l>rou(jht horxi'^: [avajhyaradiy vayam haxamanisiya 
^ahyamahy haca paruv[iyata ajmata amahy, Bh. 1, 
6-8, Tlwrtfore we are called the Achcemenides ; from 
long ago y:e have been of ancient lineage. 

557. In each of the places where vayam is used it 
refers to the royal house, as in the sentence just 
quoted. But, without the pronoun, pasava hamara- 
nam akuma, Bh. 2. 67-68, Afterrwards we engaged in 
hattJe; tigram viyatarayama, Bh. 1. 88, ^Ye crossed 
the Tigrix. 

558. The pronoun of the second person, as subject, 
is expressed only in the oft-repeated formula tuvam 
ka + a relative clause -f- an imperative or subjunc- 
tive; e. r/., tuvam ka x[saya^iya h]ya aparam ahy 
haca drauga darsam patipayauva, Bh. 4. 37-38, TIioii 
(i-lio ^ha/t he I'mg In t/ie future^ jn-otect tlnjseJfstrongJy 
from deceit. ])ut yafdiy] imam di[pim] vaina[hy] 
imaiva patikara naiydis vikanahy, Bh. 4. 72-73, Jf 
thoK sh((It .sv V //i/'.s' iiixrription> or tlwse sculptures {and) 
shalt not d'sfroij thnn. 

559. In the third person the verb occurs either with 



222 Syntax. [559-562 

or without a proDonuDul suljjcct, the pronoun, when 
used, preserving its demonstrative force; e. g.^ hauv 
xsaya^iya abava, Bh. 1. 4-7-48, IL- (= this man) he- 
came king; ava^a xsa^'am agarbayata, Bh. 1. 42-43, 
Then he seized the hlngdom. 

2. Demonstrative. 

560. To Ije classed with the demonstratives, and yet 
serving merely as unemphatic pronouns of the third 
person, are certain enclitic forms occurring only in 
oblique cases, as -dim, -dis (229. b), -sa, -saiy, -sam, 
-sim, -sis. The distinction between these and pro- 
nouns of demonstrative force is evident in such ex- 
amples as the following: auramazda [ya](9a avaina 
imam bumim . . . pasavadim mana frabara, Dar. 
KRa. 31-33, Ahura Mazda^ wlun he saic this earthy 
afterwards gave it to me; hauv a^''[i]na basta anayata 
a[biy m]am adamsim avajanam, Bh. 1. 82-83, This 
AQ''in(i iras led to ine hound; I ,dew him; avam adam 
fraisayam arminam ava^asaiy a^aham, Bh. 2. 50, Jlhn 
I Sent fortli. to Armenia; thus I said to him. 

561. The pronoun a is used of what is near the 
speaker, occurring alwa3\s with bumi, eartJi., except 
in Bh. 4. 47, where it belongs to dipi, inscrij^tlon : 
thus, adam xsayarsa . . . xsaya^iya ahyaya bumiya 
vazarkaya, Xerx. Pers. a. 6-0, / {am) Xerxes., l-ing 
of this great earth; aniyasciy vasiy astiy kartam ava 
ahyaya d[i]p[iy]a naiy nipistam, Bh. 4. 4(3-47, Jfuch 
else iras done; that (is) not written on this inscription. 

562. aita is used to refer to what has just preceded; 
as, aita xsa^'am tya gaumata hya magus adina ka'bu- 
jiyam, Bh. 1. 44-4."), TJtis l'!ngd<on which Gauindta 
tlie Magian took from Cand))/'«x (/. ^>. , the kingdom 



562-564J I'SKS OF TllK PkoXOIX. '2'2'.\ 

just mentioned in 1, 41); aita adam yanarn jadiyamiy, 
Dar. Pcrs. d. 20-21, TJ,'ix furor (/. r., the preceding 
prayer) / ask. 

(a) No distinction seems to be made between aita 
and ava in Dar. NRu. 4S-.jO, aita t|yaj kartam ava 
visam vasna auramazdaha akunavam, 77/ /y (/.y) irjiat 
{^ra») done; all t/ii.s Ijij thr grace of Ahiira Mazda 
I did. 

563. ana is found only in Dar. Pers. e. 8-9, hada 
ana parsa kara, With tJie heJj) of this l*ersian amnj. 

564. ava and ima. Tlie ancient distinction between 
ava, referring to what is remote, and ima, to what is 
near, is most faithfully preserved in the oft-repeated 
religious phrase used of the creation; as, baga va- 
zarka auramazda hya imam bumim ada hya avam 
asmanam ada, Xerx. Pers. a. 1-2, A great god (/.s) 
Ahura Mazda .^ who created this earth.^ irho created 
yonder heaven. But in many other phrases also this 
difference of the two pronouns is observable; e. </., 
avam karam jadiy . . . kara hya mana avam karam 
tyam hami^'iyam aja", Bh. 3. 14-15, 17-18, iSnute 
that army; 'imj ar)inj smote that rebeUious army; so 
repeatedly of the rebel armies; but imam parsam 
karam padiy, Dar. Pers. e. 21-22, Protect this Persian 
army {jxopie). [a]vam bardiyam, Bh. 1. 31, avam 
gaumatam, Bh. 1. 49-50, avam vahyazdatam, Bh. 3. 
47-4S, are common references to the king's enemies; 
avaiy ma dausta [bly]a, Bh. 4. 69, Be not a friend to 
those {i. e., the deceiver and the wrongdoer),* tyaiy 
paruva xsaya^[iya] . . . avaisam ava naiy astiy 
kartam, Bh. 4. 50-52, Who (were) the form<'r hings^ 
l>y those nothing was thus done. But hya imam taca- 
ram akunaus, Dar. Pers. a. 5-(), TT7'6» hnilt this j/ai- 



224 Syntax. [564-566 

ace; imam duvar^im, Xerx. Pers. a. 12, Tlds col- 
onnade^ hya aparam imam dipi[m] patiparsahy, Bh. 4. 
41-42, ^Vlio f<JiaH hereafter read thlii Inscription ; imam 
ha"dugam, Bh. 4. 54-55, This record; imam dahyaum, 
Dar. Pers. d. 15, Tlih countrij (l. e., Persia); imam 
vi^am, Dar. Pers. e. 24, This royal house. 

565. ava, again, is used frequently in resuming 
what has already been mentioned, as xsa^'^am tya 
haca amaxam taumaya parabartam aha ava adam 
patipadam akunavam, Bh. 1. 61-02, The llngdom 
which was tahien away from our family^ this I jyut in 
(its) jylace; tya mana kartam uta tyamaiy pi^'^a kar- 
tam avasciy auramazda patuv, Xerx. Pers. a. 19-20, 

What (was) done hy me and what {was) done hy my 
father, (all) this let Ahura Mazda jyi'otect. But with 
ima we never find this resumptive force. It points 
either forward or backw^ard; e. r/., Bh. 1. 13, intro- 
ducing the list of countries, ima dahyava tya mana 
[patjiyaisa", These (are) the countries which came to 
me; and, ib. L 18, after the completion of the list, 
we find again ima dahyava tya mana pati[yaisa"]. 

566. iyam occurs in each of the inscriptions Bh. 
b — k, to direct attention to the accompanying figure, 
iyam gaumata, iyam a^'^ina, etc., adurujiya, 77^/,;? 
Gaumdta, this AO'^lna, etc., lied. The singular is 
used also in connection with a plural; e. </., iyam 
saka, Dar. NRxv., This the Scythians; iyam maciya, 
Dar. NRxxix., TJiis the Mavyes. Elsewhere also 
iyam applies to what is near; e. </., iyam dahyaus 
parsa tyam mana auramazda frabara, Dar. Pers. d. 
6-8, Tills (Is) the counf/'y, l\'rxl<i^ 'udilch Ahur<f J/(/.~d(f 

'(/are me. It is ecpuvalcnt to ima in Dar. Sz. c. 8-10, 
adam nifyasjtayam imam [yauviyajm ka"tanaiy . . . 



566-57OJ TsiCS OF TIIK ruoNOIN. 225 

pa[sava] iyam yauviya [akaniy], / cnmuianded' tu dig 
t/iis (■(!//((/ ; (ifterii^ard^ this aitiul 'tra.s dag. 

567. hauv. This pronoun alwjiys points to some- 
thing preceding, either by ^vay of pronominal repe- 
tition of the preceding noun, or as a modifier of the 
noun itself repeated, or merely as a demonstrative 
referring to what has already been mentioned; e. </., 
I martiya arxa nama . . . hauv udapatata babirauv, 
Bli. 3. T8-7i*, O/ie iiia/)^ Arllia hy uani<\, he ro.se uj> in 
Ucd)yJon; pasava hauv vidarna hada kara asiyava, 
Bh. 2. 21-22, Aftenrards this Ilydarntx (mentioned 
in 1. I'J) trhh thie'ariny went away; hauv karahya 
ava^a [a]durujiya, Bh. 1. 38-39, He (Gamuata, 1. 36) 
tJms deceived tJie jjeople. 

3. Indetinite. 

568. The indetinite, made by the addition of the 
enclitic -ciy to the interrogative ka, occurs only in 
the nominative singular masculine and the accusative 
singular neuter, each time in a negative clause; e. ^., 
kasciy naiy adarsnaus cisciy ^astanaiy, Bh. 1. 53-54, 
Any one did not dare to say anything. 

569. The enclitic particle -ciy with a generalizing 
force is added also to Siniya, othe/\ ava, th/s, paru- 
v&m., for/nr/'/y, and hauv, this; e. ^., [ap]imaiy ani- 
yasciy vasiy astiy kartam, Bh. 4. 4(5-47, StUl mueh 
:'Jse was done ly )iic; avasciy auramazda patuv, Xerx. 
Pers. a. 2(>, (.l//) th/'s let Ahura Mazda protect; ya^a 
paruvamciy ava^a adam akunavam, Bh. 1. 63, As {it 
irax) farnierly^ so I made {it); hauvciy aura nirasatiy 
ably imam vi^am, Dar. Pers. e. 23-24, This [welfare] 
will tJirougJi Ahura descend upon this royal house. 

570. The particle ka is used to give to a preceding 
15 



226 Syntax. [570-571 

tuvam a general or indefinite meaning; e. </., tuvam 
ka hya aparam imam dipi[iii] patiparsahy, Bh. 4. 

41-42, Thou v:]wever shaU ed-uinbie this i/tsc/'ijjtio?i hi 
the future. 

4. Relative. 

571. The two relatives tya and hya (352, 353) are 
used (1) to introduce a true relative clause; (2) to 
join to a noun a modifying adjective, case-form, 
phrase, or appositive. In the latter use the pronoun 
became virtually a definite article. 

(1) Examples of the true relative are: xsa^'am tya 
haca amaxam taumaya parabartam aha ava adam pati- 
padam akunavam, Bh. 1. 61-62, Tlte Jihujdoni which 
was taJieu a 1 cay from our fun Hy^ this I put in {its) 
place,' baga vazarka auramazda hya imam bumim 
ada, Xerx. Pers. a. 1-2, A great gad (is) Ahura 
Mazda., who created this earth. 

(2) The use of the pronoun as a definite article is 
illustrated in the following: 

(a) With adjective modifier: pa^im tyam rastam ma 
avarada, Dar. NRa. 58-60, Do not leave the true path; 
pasava kara hya babiruviya haruva abiy avam nadi"- 
tabairam asiyava, Bh. 1. T'J-SO, Afterwards tlie whole 
Babylonian ai^my went over to that Nadintu-Bel. 

(b) With modifying case-form: karam tyam fra- 
vartais adam ajanam, Bh. 2. 68-69, Tlte army of 
Phraortes I smote; xsa^'am tya babirauv hauv agar- 
bayata, Bh. 1. 80-81, The lingdom in Balylon he 
seized; kara hya mana ava[m k]aram tyam hami^""!- 
yam aja", Bh. 2. 35-36, My army smote that rehellious 
army. 

(c) With modifying phrase: kara parsa hya v'^a- 



571-574] T'SKS OF THK Proxoi'N. 227 

patiy haca yadaya fratarta, Bh. 3. 2G, TJie Pcralan 
aiiin/ ill the palace departed frovn their loyalty. 

(d) With an ai)[)()siti\c: adam . . . avam gauma- 
tam tyam magum avajanam, l)h. 1. 50-^)7, I sh m that 
GawnMa the Ma(jian; adam bardiya amiy hya kuraus 
pu^'a ka"bujiyahya br[a|ta, lib. 1. 30-40, I am Bar- 
diya the son of Cyrus^ the brother of Cambyses (hya 
not repeated with the second appositive). 

572. Since the vei'b ah, Jc, may be omitted in the 
rehitive chiuse(cf. 539.2,a)',we cannot always be sm*e 
which of the two uses of the relative we have. In 
Bh. 2. 30-31 the pronoun seen)s to serve in both 
functions at once: kara hya hami^'iya mana naiy 
gaubataiy, Hie rehellioas army which does iiot call 
it><ilf mine. 

573. The relative with a modifying word may oc- 
cur with the substantive understood; e. g.^ adam tya 
paraba[rta]m patiyabaram, Bh. 1. 67-68, / hroucjld 
hack that taken away. Even with the true relative 
clause, the antecedent may be omitted; as, patikara 
didiy tyai[y] ga^um bara"tiy, Dar. NRa. 41-4-2, Look 
at the 2>'ctiirv-'< {of those) vho are hearincj the throne. 

5. Adverbs from Pronominal Stems.. 

574. The demonstrative or relative notion may oc- 
cur in adverbial expressions. Hence certain adverbs 
are made on the same stems as the pronouns of these 
classes; thus, from demonstratives ada, tJien.^ and 
with suffix -kaiy (cf . Grk. ttoi from I. E. *ko) adakaiy, 
then^ ava, thns^ ava^a, thus^ then., avada, there., ida, 
here. Sometimes an adverb is made by a combina- 
tion of a pronominal case form with another word; 
as, avapara, there hefore (ava, ace. sg. + P^^a), ava- 



228 Syntax. [574-578 

hyaradiy, therefore (avahya for loc. sg. + *radiy, loc. 
sg.), pasava, afterward>< (pasa -\- ace. so^. ava), hya- 
param, thereafter (hya, aT)l. sg. n. + *para). So also 
the conjunctive adverb matya (580). 

575. The original Indo-European relative *yo sur- 
vived in Ancient Persian only in the relative ad- 
verbial forms; e. g.^ yata, vhUe, yaOa., vJicn^ yadiy, 
if; also the locative yanaiy, ivliereon. 

576. Connected with the interrogative-indetinite 
pronoun is the adverb cita, so long. 

577. Certain of these adverbs occur as correlatives; 
e. (/., ya^a paruvamciy ava^a adam akunavam, Bh. 1. 
63, As {!t was) formerly^ .so I made {it); pasava 
vaumisa cita mam amanaya arminiya[iy] yata adam 
arasam madam, Bh. 2. Q'l-'o'd., Afterwards Yaiu/iisa 
so Jong aioaited me in Armenia until I came to 
Media. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Negatives, Connectives, Enclitics. 

1. Negatives. 

578. Of the two Ancient Persian negatives, ma is 
used with either the optative or the injunctive to ex- 
press a prohibition, naiy in all other negative expres- 
sions; e. (/., utataiy tauma ma biya, Bh. 4. 58-59, A/id 
may there tiot he unto thee a family; ma apagaudaya, 
Bh. 4. 5-i, Do not conceal (if); avam karam tyam 
madam jata hya mana naiy gaubatajy, Bh. 2. 20-21, 
Smite that j\Itdl<(n army ivhivh does not call it-self 
mine; yaOa. gaumata hya magus v*^am tyam amaxam 
naiy parabara, lih. 1. 70-71, 7'hal Gaun/ata the Ma- 



578-582] Nbgativrs. 22!) 

(j'tuti might not tal'c <iir<ii/ oiw r(>ii<d liounej ya|diy| 
. . . naiydis vikanahy, lili. 4. 72-7-}, If thou nhalt 

ttot dvxtl'oy tin in. 

579. lioth ma aud naiy may ])e repeated in the sense 
of not . . . no)'^ or neitJur . . . vor,' e. ^., abiy imam 
dahyaum ma ajamiya ma ha[ijna ma dusiyaram [m]a 
drauga, Dar. Pors. d. lS-20, JI((i/'not an evil Jiost, voi' 
famine., -nor deceit come xipon this coimtrij,' naiy aha 
martiya naiy parsa naiy mada naiy amaxam taumaya 
kasciy, V>\\. 1. 48-40, There vyrs not a man^ ncitJor a 
Persian nor a Median., twr any one of our family. 

580. matya, a combination of ma and tya (in its 
coujuuc'tive use), is used with a subjunctive in ex- 
pressions of negative purpose, and in negative com- 
mands; e. (f/., matyamam xsnasatiy, Bh, 1. 52, Tliat 
\fJie2)(-'<U>^<^ tn<iy not Txiuno me; matya vikanahy, Bh. 
4. 71, Thou shalt not destroy {them). 

581. After matya, naiy may occur where the mean- 
ing is /r.s-^ . . . not; ( . J/. , mat[ya] . . . avahya paruv 
^a[daya tya] mana kartam nais[im] ima varnavataiy, 
Bh. 4. 48-49, Lest to hint vlait has heen done l>y me 
should seem too nuich {arid) it should not convince 
him. 

2. Coordination. 

582. The Ancient Persian has three conjunctions 
used to connect coordinate elements of a sentence, 
two copulative, uta and -ca, and one alternative, -va. 
-ca is a weaker connective than uta and is not found 
between claui^es. Each of these may be repeated 
with correlative force: uta . . . uta, -ca . . . -ca, 
hoth . . . a)Hl; -va . . . -va, either . . . or. 

Examples of these uses are the following: adam 
karam parsam uta madam fraisayam, Bh. 2. 81-82, 



230 Syntax. [582-584 

I sent forth the Permin and Median ai'iiny; avada 
aistata uta abis naviya aha, Bli. 1. 85-S6, TIk re he 
liidttd and tJirrrly vas a flotilla,' abicaris gai^amca 
maniyamca v'^'^b^'isVa, Bh. 1, 64-65, The revenue {'() 
and tlie personal 2^'''>J)erty and the e><tat<s and the 
royal residences {I restored) ; ya[diy] imam di[pim] 
vama[hy] imaiva patikara, Bh. 4. 72-73, If thou shall 
see thh inscription or these scuJptvres; martiya [hya] 
draujana ahatiy hyava [zu]rakara++ ahatiy, Bh. 4. 
68-69, WJiatever man shall he a deceiver or whoever 
shall he a wrongdoer; pasava gaumata hya magus 
adina ka"bujiyam uta parsam uta madam uta aniya 
dahyava, Bh. 1. 46-47, Afterwards Gaumata the 
Mayian took from Camhyses hoth Persia and M(^dia 
and the other provinces; adam karam ga^ava ava- 
stayam parsam[c]a madam[c]a uta aniya dahyava, 
Bh. 1. 66-67, I estahlished the state on, {its) founda- 
tions, hotJi Pe?'sia and JLdia, and the otlier jrrovinces; 
[tyajsam hacama a^ahya xsapava raucapativa ava 
akunavaya"ta, Bh. 1. 19-20, ^Yhat was commanded to 
them hy me either hy night or hy day, this they did. 

583. Similarly the negative has connective force in 
naiy . . . naiy, neither . . . nor; e. g., naiy parsa 
naiy mada naiy amaxam taumaya kasciy, Bh. 1. 49, 
Neither a Persian nor a Median nor any one of our 
family. 

584. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs serve 
often to link clauses without conjunctions; c. g., 
avada adaraya hauv duvitiyama udapatata, Bh. 3. 
23-24, Here he dnuAt ; he was the )<ec(>nd t<> ri'<e against 
me; kara hya nadi"tabairahya tigram adaraya avada 
aistata, Bh. 1. 8."), TJie army of Nidintu-Bel held the 
Tigris; there he halted. 



585-587I Enclitics. 231 

585. But usyiuleton is common; e. </., adam karam 
maskauva avakanam aniyam usabarim akunavam 
aniyahya asam franayam aura[inazjdainaiy upas[t]am 
abara, r>h. 1. 86-88, 1 2>^actd my aruaj on f'xtix of 
sVvni^; one part I set on camels; f»r the other I 
brought horses; Ahura Mazda lore me aid. 

3. Enclitics. 

586. Under the discussion of the su>)ject of accent 
(118) it was pointed out that from Indo-European 
times, in the empliasizing of certain parts of a sen- 
tence to the neglect of others, the words that fell in 
the unemphatic positions might lose their accent and 
become proclitics or enclitics. The survival of such 
unaccented words in Ancient Persian is evident from 
the omission of the word-divider in many places be- 
tween certain prepositions, adverbs, conjunctions, 
particles, or pronouns, and the words with which 
they are closely connected in sense. Often also final 
-a is written -a before an enclitic, as manaca for mana 
-f ca, avadasim for avada -f sim (but probably orig- 
inally *mana, *avada; cf. 61, 310). Yet we find ha- 
cama, ava^asam, etc. Furthermore, the enclitic value 
of these unaccented words is sometimes indicated by 
the treatment of finals before them; see 66. 1. a.; 

227, 229, b. 

587. We have but few examples of the union of 
prepositions with following words, and these are 
usually classed as adverbial compounds rather than 
examples of the proclitic preposition. Such are 
fraharavam, hi all (fra + *harava = haruva); pati- 
padam, in its oim place (patiy + *pada); and, with 
vowel contraction, pasava, afterwards (pasa -f ava). 



232 Syntax. [588-592 

588. Of prepositions the postpositive -a, in^ -patiy, 
at^ and -para, along^ are joined as enclitics to the 
preceding word ; e. g., drauga dahyauva vasiy abava, 

Bh. 1. 34, Tliere was deceit to a yreat extent hi the 
land; avapara asiyava, Bh. 2, 72, Along there he 
went; avadasis uzmayapatiy akunavam, Bh. 3. 52, 
Here I put them on the cross. But patiy is also writ- 
ten separately, as, mahya jiyamnam patiy, Bh. 2. 
61-62, At the end of the month. 

589. The adverb patiy occurs sometimes as an in- 
dependent word, sometimes as enclitic; e. ^., patiy 
^'itiyam ha[m]i^''[iya] ha"ginata, Bh. 2. 43, Again for 
the third time tlie rebels came together; tyapatiy kar- 
tam vainataiy naibam, Xerx. Pers. a. 15-16, 'What 
tcorl\ again, seems beautiful. 

590. The conjunctions -ca and -va are enclitic; e. g., 
vasna auramazdaha manaca, Dar. Pers. d. !>-10, By 
the grace of Ahura 2[azda and of me; yadiy iin[a]m 
dipim imaiva patikara vainahy, Bh. 4. 77, If thou 
sJialt see this inscription or these sculptures. 

591. The particle -ciy is always enclitic; e. </., kas- 
ciy naiy adarsnaus cisciy ^astanaiy, Bh. 1. 53-54, Any 
one did not dare to say anything. 

592. Of the forms of the first personal pronoun, 
mam, ma, and maiy occur as enclitics, mam, however, 
only once, Bh. 1. 52, matyamam xsnasatiy, That 
[tlie peopU'^ may not lnoir nir. ma is regularly joined 
to haca, as ya^asam hacama a^ahya, Bh. 1. 23-24, As 
it. was commanded to them by me. -maiy is very fre- 
quent; e. g., auramazdamaiy upastam abara, Bh. 2. 24- 
25, Ahura Mazda bore me aid. So also in the second 
person, -taiy(-tay); e. </., hauvtaiy gasta ma ^adaya, 
NRa. 57-58, 2Iay this not seem to thee repug/ia/it. 



593-5951 Woui) OurtKR. 2:\:\ 

593. The forms of the uncmphatic pronoun of tlio 
third person are ahnost always enclitic; e. fj., ava6'a- 
saiy a^aham, lili. 2. 50, T/niti I mid to him; pasava- 
dim mana frabara, Dur, Nliii. 33, Aftemmrds he gace 
it to me; naiydis vikanahy, Bh. 4. 73, [Tf\ thon sh/dt 
not destroy them; [ajdamsam xsaya^iya aham, Bh. 
1. 14, I icas king of tJum ; avadasim avajanam, Bh. 
1. 59, Here I smote him; avadasis uzmayapatiy aku- 
navam, Bh. 3. 52, Here I jmt them on tJie cross. So 
also -sa, abl. sg., in haca avadasa, as haca avadasa 
karam ayasata, Bh. 3. 42-43, J^rom thence he took an 
army. 

(a) Only dis occurs as an independent word, and 
that in but three places, Bh. 4. 34, 35, 36. 



CHAPTER XVm. 

Word Order. 



594. The statement of certain and definite rules 
for A\ ord order in Ancient Persian is rendered diffi- 
cult by the meagerness of the data upon which our 
conclusions are based. Many word groups were 
doubtless made according to the formulas of official 
phraseology, while in other groups, as we shall see, 
there was allowed a considerable latitude of arrange- 
ment, according to the relation of the parts and the 
degree of emphasis l)elonging to each. 

1. Nouns in Apposition. 

595. A proper name commonly precedes its apposi- 
tive with or without a connecting tya or hya (571); 



234 Syntax. [595598 

e. y., darayavaus xsaya^iya, Bh. 1. 1 (et passim), 
Darius the king; gaumata hya magus, Bh. 1. 44, 
Gaumata the Mag'mn. With martiya, the proper 
name follows with nama, as I martiya magus aha 
gaumata nama, Bh. 1. 36, There v:as one man, a 3Ia- 
(jiaji, GaumCita hy name. Appositives are often sep- 
arated by the verb, as in the sentence just quoted. 

596. With nama (nama) in other places we find 
usually the name first and the explanatory word last 
in the phrase, thus: sika[ya]iivatis nama dida nisaya 
nama dahyaus, Bh. 1. 58-59, {There u) a strongliold, 
Sihayauvatl hy name, {there is) a province, Nimija hy 
name; [vijdarna nama parsa mana ba"daka, Bh. 2. 
19-20, Ilydarnes hy name, a Persian, my suhject. 

2. The Noun and Its Modifier. 

597. The Adjective Modifier. Demonstrative pro- 
nouns, adjectives following the pronominal declen- 
sion, and numerals regularly precede their substan- 
tives; e. g., avam karam tyam hami^''iyam aja", Bh. 
2. 25-26, [J/(/ arrny^ smote that rehellious army; hya 
aniya kara parsa, Bh. 3. 32, The rest of the Persian 
army; bagayadais mahya X raucabis, Bh. 1. 55-56, 
Ten days in, the month Bagayddi; aivam parunam 
xsaya^iyam, Xerx. Pers. a. 4-5, One king of many; 
I martiya magus, Bh. 1. 36, One man, a Magian. In 
one place, where a total is given at the end of a list, 
the numeral folfows, fraharavam dahyava XXIII, Bh. 
1. 17, Provinces in all tveiity-three. 

598. All other adjectives follow the substantives 
M'ith or without tya or hya (571); e. g., xsayaWya 
vazarka, Bh. 1. 1 (et passim), The great king; karam 
parsam uta madam fraisayam, Bh. 2. 81-82, / sent 



598-601] Word Order. 235 

fitrtli tie Pirfiian and Median army; kara hya babi- 
ruviya haruva, Bh. 1. 7i>-80, Hie whole Babylonian 
p'ople. 

599. Dependent Case Forms. A modifying geni- 
tive commonly precedes, ])ut occasionally follows, 
the noun to which it helongs; f. r/., hya kuraus pu^'a, 
Bh, 1. 30, The i>(>n of Cyrxi^; hauv mart[iya] hya 
avahya karahya ma^[ista a]ha, Bh. 3. 70, Tliis man 
iclo teas chief of tliat army; xsaya^iya xsaya^iya- 
nam, Bh. a. 1-2, King ofllmja; VIII mana taumaya, 
Bh. a. l-t-15, Ehjht of my family. The genitive 
usually follows when it is connected with its sub- 
stantive by tya; so also souietimes with hya; e. g.^ 
kara hya mana avam karam tyam vahyazdatahya aja", 
Bh. 3. 38-30, 2fy army smote that army of Yahyaz- 
dCita. In one place an adverb intervenes between a 
genitive modifier and its noun, par[sa]h[ya] martiya- 
hya duraiy arst[i]s paragmata, Dar. KRa. 43-45, TJce 
spear of a Persian 'man has gone forth afar. 

600. A modifying locative usually follows the noun 
to which it belongs; e. g.^ xsaya^iya parsaiy, Bh. 1. 
2, King in Persia; dahyaus madaiy, Bh. 2. 28, A 
provhiee in JLedla. But we find also adam imanis 
amiy uvajaiy xsaya^iya, Bh. f. 3-7, 1 am Imanlsh^ 
I'lng in Susltrna. 

601. The Relative Clause. The relative clause fol- 
lows the noun to which it be''ongs; e. g., avam karam 
hya darayavahaus xsaya^iyahya gaubataiy, Bh. 3. 
58-59, 27iat army which calls itself of Darius the 
I'lng. But the antecedent may be taken over into 
the relative clause; e. f/., tyaisaiy fratama martiya 
anusiya aha"ta, Bh. 1. 57-58, Wluit fu re most men were 
his allies. Cf. ma[r]tiya tyaisaiy fratama anusiya 



236 Syntax. [6oi 605 

aha"ta, Bh. 2. 77, The men who %oere his foremost 
allies. 

3. Subject, Complement, and Verb. 

602. The usual order of the Ancient Persian sen- 
tence is- (1) Subject, (2) Object or Predicate Nomina- 
tive, (3) Verb. The indirect ol^ject may precede or 
follow the direct. The following are examples of the 
normal order: auramazda xsa^'"am mana frabara, Bh. 
1. 60-61, Ahum ^[azdii gare 'in>' the I'nujdom; aura- 
mazdamaiy upastam abara, Bh. 1. 5.5, Ahura Mazda 
lore me aid. (On the position of -maiy see 611).- 

603. Very rarely, except in the oft-repeated intro- 
ductory formula with ^atiy, says, do we find the verb 
preceding its subject; so, ^atiy darayavaus, Bh. 1. 6, 
(et passim), Says Darius; naiy aha martiya, Bh. 1. 
48, There was not a man (where aha denotes exist- 
ence); ably imam dahyaum ma ajamiya ma ha[i]na 
ma dusiyaram [m]a drauga, Dar. Pers. d. 18-19, Jfay 
there come ttpon this land iieitlier an evil host nor 
famine nor deceit. 

604. The direct object, especially when the empha- 
sis falls on it, may precede the subject; e. (/., avam 
nadi°tabairam adam babirauv avaja[nam], Bh. 2. 4-5, 
That Xadinta-Bii I shw in Balyhm. So often with 
an imperative in a prayer, as imam dahyaum aura- 
mazda patuv, Dar. Pers. d. l.")-!!). This c<nnifri/ J,f 
Ahiira Jfarsda jn'otect; aitamaiy auramazda dadatuv,, 
Dar, NRa. 64-55, Thi.s 1(4 Ah nra Mazda give me: 

605. The object is foimd more rarely after the 
vcrl); e. </., v'staspa ayasata avam karam, Bli. 3. 4, 
Tlystaspes tooh that army. Of two ol)jccts, one may 
precede and the other follow the vcrl); c. (/., vivanam 



605-608] Woun Ordek. 237 

jata uta avam karam, Bh. 3. 58, Smite Vhfi/ia <iinJ 
that aninj. But the two accusatives (one of the 
tliins:, the other of the person) both precede in aita 
adam auramazdam jadiyamiy, Dar. NRn. 53-54, This 
I 'pro [I of Ah ura Mazda. 

606. The predicate nominative, \vhether substan- 
tive or adjective, always precedes the verb; e. (/., 
hauv xsaya^iya abava, Bh. 1. 47-48, lie hecatne king; 
[ajdamsam xsaya^iya aham, Bli. 1. 14, / vas himj 
of them; babirus hami^'iya abava, Bh. 1. 80, Bahylmi 
became rehelUous. 

4. The Verb and Its ^Modifiers. 

607. The modifiers of the verb show great freedom 
of position, occurring first in the sentence, or between 
the subject or o1)ject and the verb, or after the verb, 
with little difference of meaning or emphasis; e. 9., 
patiy duvitiyam hami^'iya ha"gniata, Bh. 2. 57-5'^, 
Again a second time the r<d)'ls came together; adam 
karam maskauva avakanam, Bh. 1. 86, I placed my 
army on floats of shins; hauv udapatata babirauv, 
Bh. 1. 78, ITe i'<»<e vp in BohyJo,,; adam nijayam 
haca babiraus asiyavam madam ya^a madam parara- 
sam, Bh. 2. 64-G5, 1 icent from lj(djylon^ I vnt an'ny 
to Media; v'Jirn I vent to Media .^ etc.; adam karam 
parsam fraisayam ably v'staspam haca ragaya, Bh. 3. 
1-3, I seid forth the Per^^ian aritiy to Jfystasjyes front 
lif-rgft. 

608. Adverbs that connect with a preceding sen- 
tence naturally stand first in the clause; so pasava, 
ava^a, avada; but ava^a is placed after the verb 
when its correlative ya^a follows, if we read cor- 
rectly iyam yauviya [akaniy] ava[^a yaj^a adam 



238 SiiXTAx. [608-611 

niyastayam, Dar. Sz. c. lu-11, Thin canal im>< dug 
thus, as 1' commanded. 

609. The infinitive alwa3^s follows the verb on 
which it depends; e. g., hauv fravartis . . . ais had[aj 
kara patis mam hamaranam cartanaiy, 13h. 2. 6G-6T, 
T/tis Phraortes . . . went with (his) army afjainst 
one to engage in hattle,' ima stanam hauv niyastaya 
ka^tanaiy, Xerx. Van. 20-21, TJiis 2)lace lie coiJt- 
manded to dig out. 

610. The negatives naiy and ma precede the word 
or phrase to which they belong; e. g., naiy aha mar- 
tiya, Bh. 1. 4S, There was not a iiain; ya^a ima 
hasiyam naiy duruxtam adam akuna[vam], Bh. 4. 
44-45, Tliat this {Is) true {and) oa^t false {which) I 
did: hauvtaiy gasta ma ^adaya, Dar. NRa. 57-58, 
Jda// this not seem to thee repugnant. 

5. The Position of Enclitics. 

611. Enclitics, aside from those W'hich belong par- 
ticularly to certain words or phrases, tend to occupy 
the second place in the clause. This is almost inva- 
riably the position of the enclitic pronoun; e. g., 
auramazdamaiy upastam abara, Bh. 2. 3!»-40, Ahura 
Mazda ho re me aid; aitamaiy auramazda dadatuv, 
Dar. NEa. 54-55, This let AJuira Ifitzda gire nw; 
auramazdatay jata biya utataiy tauma ma biya, Bh. 4. 
58-59, Hay Ahura Maxda he a sm/ter to thee, and 
may there not he unto thee a family; avamsam ma- 
^istam akunavam, Bh. 3. 31-32, Him I made chief 
of them; pasavasaiy adam uta naham uta gausa fra- 
janam utasaiy [ujcasma avajam, Bh. 2. 8S-S!», After- 
wards I cut off his ouhse and ears and put out Ms eyes. 

This rule is followed even when it seems to dis- 



611-613] Word Ordkk, 239 

arrange the natural order of words; e. </., haruvasim 
kara avaina, Bh. 2. 75-76, All the 2>eople saw him; 
utamaiy tya pita akunaus, Xerx. Pers. a. 15, And 

what mij faihcr did. 

6. The Interrupted Sentence. 

612. A noticea])le feature of the word order in 
many phicos of the insi-riptions is the interruption 
of a sentence by the mention of a man, a time, or a 
phicc, after which the sentence is resumed, usually 
with a demonstrative pronoun or adverb; e. ^., ya^a 
adam gaumatam tyam magum avajanam pasava I mar- 
tiya a^'^ina nama upadara"mahya pu^'a hauv udapa- 
ta[ta], Bh. 1. 73-71, Wlmi I sleio Gaumata the Ma- 
(jiiiit^ afteru'cirds^ one man^ A6''ina l)y iiame^ the son 
of Ujxidan({n)iiia^ he rose up; xsa^'"am hauv agar- 
bayata garmapadahya mahya IX raucabis ^akata aha** 
ava^a xsa^''am agarbayata, Bh. 1. 41-i3, lie sclztd the 
l^lnijdoni — nine days in the month Gaiinajxida were 
completing their course — then he seized the li)ujdom; 
I martiya vahyazdata nama tarava nama vardanam 
yautiya nama dahyaus parsaiy avada adaraya, Bh. 3. 
22-23, One man, Yahyazdata hy name — a town, TU- 
ravti by name, — a province, Yautiya hy name, in Per- 
sia^ — here he dtoelt. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

The Anciekt Persian Months. 

613. Fkom the Babylonian version of the Behistan 
Inscription it is possible to identify live of the An- 
cient Persian months, as follows: 



240 Ancient Persian Months. [613-615 

^uravahara (*^ura, rujorous^ + *vahara, sprmgtime) 
= lyyar (Bab, aiyaru), April-May. 

^aigarci = Sivjin (Bab. simannu), May-June. 

a^^'iyadiya (*atar, fre, + *yadiya, worship) = Kis- 
lev (Bab. kislimu), November-December. 

anamaka (a + *namaka, month of the liameless^ 
i. 6., the highest, god) = Tebet (Bab. tebetu), De- 
cember-January. 

viyaxna = Adar (Bal). addaru), February-March. 

614. From the recently discovered Aramaic Papy- 
rus fragments of the Behistan Inscription Professor 
Tolman (AJP XXXII, 444ff, 1911) was al)le to iden- 
tify the Ancient Persian month garmapada with Tam- 
muz (Bab. duzu), thus making it certain that garma- 
pada (*garma, heat^ -f- *pada, station) corresponds to 
the season of June-July. His identification has now 
been accepted l)y philologists and historians. 

615. This leaves three Ancient Persian months 
still unidentified. The Elamite markazanas (Ancient 
Persian mutilated) may, according to the view of 
Weissbach (ZDMG 62, 637), correspond to the eighth 
Babylonian month arahsamna, October-November, 
while bagayadi (baga, god^ -\- *yada, worshij^), as 
Oppert and Marquart have held, may be the same as 
the seventh Babylonian month tisritu, September- 
October. The season of the month adukanisa (kan, 
dig) is even more uncertain. 



GENERAL INDEX. 



(Numbers refer t«» sections.) 



Ablative, 245; Nouns, 251, 256, 260, 
271, 275: Pronouns, 1st pers., 311; 
2d pers, 324; 529. 

Ablaut, 1 19fif. 

Accent, llSflf., 239; Syllable, 116; 
Word, 117; Sentence, 118. 

Accompaniment, Instr., 530. 2. 

Accusative, 245: Nouns, 249, 255, 
258, 263, 264, 2ta, 269, 274, 277, 281, 
282; Pronouns, 1st pers., 309, 315, 
317: 2d pers., 322, 327, 329: 3d 
pers.,333, 337, 339, 340: Uses, 526. 

Achjemenides, 1, 15, 43, 58, 78. 

Active Voice, 35ti, 532. 

Adjectives. Decl., 242£f., 293ff. : 
Comparison, 29l)ff. : Numerals, 
304fiF. ; Position, 597. 598. 

Adverbs, Pronom., 574fE. : Posi- 
tion, 608. 

Adverbial Accusative, 526. 9: Gen- 
itive, 527. 2b. 

Afghan. 73, 82. 

Agent, Dat.-Gen.. 528. 3; Abl., 
529. 2. 

Aktionsart. 359. 

Albanian, 73. 

Anaptyxis, 215. 

Ancient Persian. 73, 76, 79. 

AnquetilDu perron, 13. 

Aorist, s-Aor., 358, 458, 485, 488; 
Root, 358, 485, 486, 487; Passive, 
489; Anc. Pers., 490; Uses, 542, 
543. 

ApiK)sition, 595, 596. 

Appositional Genitive, 527. Ic. 

Aramaic Papyrus, 36. 

Armenian. 73, 74. 

Artaxerxes (I., II., III.) Inscrip- 
tions, Pers., 29, 42; Sus. 29, 46; 
Ham., 51; Va.ses. 57; 514. 

Article, Use of pronoun, 571. 

Asking, Verbs of, 526. 5. 

Aspiration, 66. 7, 8; 72, 231; Trans- 
fer, 202, 217. 

16 



Assimilation, 194fif, 199ff., 207, 216ff. 

Asyndeton, 585. 

Augment, 79. 3, 358, 362; Anc. Pers., 

364. 
Auxiliary Verbs, 545. 
Avesta, 73, 76, 77, 79. 

Babin, 43. 

Babylonian Text, 39. 

Balto-Slavonic, 73. 

Baluci, 73, 82. 

Bang, 32. 

Barbaro, J., 2. 

Bartbolomse, 32. 

Bases, 127flf. ; cf . 446fE. 

Beer, 21,30. 

Behistan, 17, 26, 33, 34, 39. 

Benfey, Theodor, 28. 

Bruin, Cornells de (Brun, Cor- 

neille le), 10, 40, 41. 
Budge, .55. 
Burnouf , Eugfene, 20, 49. 

Cardinals, 304. 

Cases, 24.5ff.; Nouns, I. E., 24.5ff.; 
Anc. Pers. 266£f. : Pronouns 
308flf., 321 ff.. 332fiE.: Irregular 
uses, 5l4a: Syntax, 524flf. 

Causal Ablative, 529. 3. 

Causative Verbs, 474. 2, 476, 478. 

Caylus. 56. 

Centum Group. 140. 

Cbaldeo-Pahlavi, 82. 

ChampoUion, 18. 

Chardin, 8, 40. 

Classification, I. E. Languages, 73; 
Verbs, 445, 446. 

Clay, A. T., 56. 

Collective Nouns, 521fif. 

Combination of Consonants, I. E. 
Internal, 194ff, 199fE,; External, 
194, 207ff.; Anc Pers., 216flf. 

Comparison, I. E., 296fif.; Anc. 
Pers., 301 ff. 

Complement, Position, 602, 604flf. 
(341) 



242 



General Txdex. 



Complementary Accusative, 5'^6. 4 : 
Genitive, 527. 2. a. : Infinitive, 
538. 1. 

Compounds, 234fE. 

Conditions, 535. 2. 

Conjunctions, Connectives, 582ff. 

Consonant System, I. E., I32ff., 139. 

Coordinating Compounds, 234. 

Coordination, 582ff. 

Correlative, Adv., 577; Conj., 582; 
Neg.,579. 

Coste, see Flandin. 

Cuneiform, 58ff.; see also p. 7. 

Cursive Action, 359. 2. 

Curzon, 62. 

Cyrus, 52, 514. 

Daressy, G., 47. 

Darius, 15, 25, 514, 515; Inscriptions, 
Bh., 2li, 39; Elv., 49; Grave, 23, 
78; Kerman, 48; Pers., 10, 15, 24, 
40; Seal, 53; Siis.,44; Weight, 55. 
Deaspiration, 76. 1, 201, 220, 222. 
Decipherment, Iff. 
Declension, Nouns, 242fE., para- 
digms, 283ff.; Adj., 242, 293flf.; 
Pronouns. 306-353. 
Den<jminative Verbs, 473. 1, 476, 477. 
Dentals, 133, 136; I. E. in Ar., 
160ff.; Ar. in Anc. Pers., 164fE., 
229, and a, b; Dental Verb Stems, 
460. 
Dependent Compounds, 235. 
Derivative Nouns, 528. 5; Verbs, 

476ff. 
Descriptive Compoimds, 235. 
Determinative Compounds, 235. 
Dieulafoy, 44, 46, 52, 56. 
Diphthongs, I. E.. 83, 138, 197: Anc. 
Pers., t!3, 67, 213; I. E. in Anc. 
Pers.,98ff. 
Dissyllabic Bases, 127fE., 44ti, 450ff. 
Double Consonants, ti6. 5. 

Ecbatana, see Hamadan. 

Elamite Text, 39. 

Elvend Inscriptions, 20, 24, 25, 49. 

Enclitics, 586ff . ; Position, 61 1 . 

Epenthesis, 79. 2. 

Evetts, B. T., 30, 51. 



Explosives, (K. 3, 132flf., 139; Verb 

Stems, 459, 4f.O. 
Extended Grade, 12l£E. 

Finals, Permitted, 227fiE.; cf. 66. 1, 

3. 
Flandin and Coste, 29, 40fE , 49, 52. 
Flower, S., 7. 
Frequentatives, 449a. 
Future, 358, 480ff.; syo-Fiiture, 458, 

481; Periphrastic, 483; Anc. Pers., 

484, 541; cf. 535. 

Gatha, see Avesta. 

Gender, 244, 517fE.; Confiision of 

Forms, 514b. 
Genitive, 245; Nouns, 2.50, 256, 259, 

270, 278; pi., -nam, 278, 284b, 286c; 

Pronouns, 1st pers., 310,315,318; 

2d pers., 323, 327; 3d pers., 334, 

338; Position, 599. 
Germanic, 73. 

GUde, Spirantal, 203, 219. 3b. 
Gobineau, J. A., 48, 54. 
Gouvea, Antonio de, 3. 
Gradation of Vowels, 119ff. 
Graphical Peculiarities, ^. 
Greek, 73. 
Grotefend, G. F., 15, 30, 41, 53, 54. 

56, 58. 

Hamadan, 25, 26, 49, 51. 
Heavy Bases, 127ff.; cf. 446flf. 
Herbert, Thomas, 6. 
High Grade, 120ff. 
Hincks, Kev. E., 27, 30. 
Hindi, 73. 

HofEmann-Kutschke, A., 34, 39. 
Holtzmann, 23. 
Houssay, 43. 
Hyde, Thomas, 7. 
Hystaspes, 15, 25. 

Ideograms, 30, 59. 

Imperative, 3.57, 441, 444; Endings, 

I. E., 394fE., 420fE.; Anc. Pers., 

433,434,438; 537. 
Imperfect, 358, 512, 543. 
Indefinite, 5l)8ff. 
Indian, 73. 
Indicative, 357, 534, 



(iKNKRAI, IXDKX. 



2i'S 



Indirect Object, ">28. l: Quotation, 

554, 555. 
Indo-EuroiH'jiii LaiiLniaKes, 7.'5rt".: 

Name, 74: Vowel System, Kiff. ; 

(.'oiisouant System, 132ff. 
Indo-Iranian, 73, 75. 
Inflnitivo. I. E., a55, SOtiff.: Anc 

Pers., jOi). :ii8; Position, iHlil. 
Injunctive, 3.5", 504; Anc. Pers., 

oOo; 537. 
lustnmiental, 245; Nouns, 254, 25ti, 

2li2, 273, 275, 2>0; Pronouns, 1st 

pers., 314; 2d pers., 32ti: Sdjiers., 

3o5: Uses, 530. 
Inten.sives, 449a. 
Interrupted Sentence, 012. 
Iranian. 73; Old, 70. 
Italic, 73. 
Itt'rative Action, 359. 4; Verbs, 474. 

2, 470, 478. 

Jackson, A. V. W., 33, 48, 49, 52. 
.Tacquet, 21,30. 
Justi, 54. 

Kapmpfcr. Engelrecht. 9, 40. 
Kernian Inscription, 48. 
King, L. W., 34,39,54. 
Kos.sowicz, C, 31, 39flf., Mi, 47, 49, .50, 

53, .54, 56, 57. 
Kurdish, 73, 82. 

Labials, 13:3, 139; I. E. in Ar., 109ff.: 

Ar. in Anc. Pers., 173flf. 
Langruage of Inscriptions. 515. 
La.s.sen, Christian, 21, 30, 40, 41, 43. 
Late Inscriptions, 514. 
Layard, 54. 
Lehman, 50. 
Lenormant, 54. 
LeveUng, 75, 239, 448a. 
Light Ba.ses, 127ff. ; of. 440flf. 
Liquids. 71, 132, 137fiE.; I. E. in Ar., 

181, 182; Ar. in Anc. Pers., 183, 

184; Vocalic, 83, 85, 80, 108flE., 113, 

114. 
Location of Inscriptions, 39flf. 
Locative, 245; Nouns, 2.53, 2i5»!, 201, 

272, 279; Pronouns, 1st pers., 313; 

2d pers., 323; Uses, 531; Position, 

600. 



Loftus, W. K., 29. 4«;, .50. 
L()ng])(5rier, De, .57. 
Low Grade, 120, 123flf. 

Maghan, 48. 

Manner of Action, .3:58, 3o9. 

Mazdeism, 78. 

MediiP, 68, 130, 199, 207; Aspiratas. 

70. 1; Anc. Per.s., 210, 221, 222. 
Meillet, A., 38. 
Mt'nant, 47, 54. 
Middle Voice, 356, 532. 
Momentary Action, 359. 1. 
Monosyllabic Ba.ses, 127, 446fif. 
Months, Anc. Pers., 013ff. 
Moods. 357, 534ff. 
Morgan, J. de, 45, 49, 50. 
Morier, J. H., 10, 52. 
Munter, Friedrich, 12. 
Murghab, 10, 24, 52. 

Naks -i-Eustam, 20, 21, 23, 37, 43. 
Nasals, &i. 3, 70, 132, 1.37, 1.39, 204, 

223; Vocalic. 83, 85, 80, 100, 107, 

111, 112; I. E. in Ar., 170flf.; Ar. 

in Anc. Pers., 179, 180, 223, 230; 

Nasal Infix, 45ti; Nasal Verb 

Stems, 455ff. 
Na.saUzed Vowel, 00. 4. 
Negatives, 578ff., 583, 610. 
Neuters, I. E., 203flf., 339, 340; Anc. 

Pers., 281, 282. 
Newton, 56. 
Niebuhr, C, 11,40, 41. 
Nil Grade, 120. 
Nomina Actioms, 240 (-ti-, -man-), 

506fE. 
Nomina Agentis, 240 (-tar-, -man-). 
Nominative, 245; Nouns, 247, 255, 

2,57, 20.3flf., 207, 274, 270, 281, 282; 

Pronouns, 1st pers., 308,315,316; 

2d pers., 321. .327. 328; 3d pers., 

332, ;330, 339. 340: U.se. 524. 
Nouns, Declension. 242fif.; Syntax, 

516flf. 
Nimiber, Nouns, 243. 520flF.; Verbs, 

360. 
Nxmierals, 304ff . : Position, .597. 

Object, Position, 602, 604, 605. 
Odoric, 2. 



244 



Geneiial Index. 



Oppert, F., 30, 31. 47. 

Optative, I. E., 357,5():i; Ano. Pers., 

503, 53(5. 
Ordinals, 305. 
Ossetish, 73, 82. 
Ouseley, 40, 52. 

Pahlavi, 14, 73, 80. 

Palatals, 68, 133, 135, 139, 140; I. E, 

in Ar., 153fE.; Anc. Pers., 150ff.. 

157fif. 
Palatalization, Nasals, 85, 137, 177; 

Velars, 89 end, 145, 218. 
Palatal Law, 145. 
Pali, 73. 
Participle, Perf., 495; Mid., 510; 

-to-, 512; Anc. Pers., 511, 513; 

Use, 539. 
Partitive Genitive, 527. lb. 
Passive Voice, 350, 479, 489, 490, 533 

539. 1, 2, and a. 
Perfect, I. E., 358, 491ff.; Endings 

385flf.; Pple.,495; Anc. Pers., 490 

544. 
Periphrastic Future, 483, 541. 
PersepoUs, Iff.; Inscr., Dar., 40 

Xerx., 41 ; Artaxerx., 42. 
Persian, 73; Anc. 79; Mid., 80 

New, 81. 
Personal Endings, I. E., 300, 305ff. 

Anc. Pers., 427ff. 
Pettigrew, 50. 
Pinches, 51. 

Plural Tangencies, 140. 
Porter, Sir R. Ker, 17, 40, 41, 52. 
Possessive Compovinds, 235. 
Potential Optative, 536. 2. 
Prakrit, 73. 
Predicate Genitive, 527. la; Nom 

inative (.po.sition), 006. 
Prefixes, 546ff. 
Prepositions (with Ace), 520. 10 

587, 588. 
Present, 358; Pres. System, I. E. 

445ff.; Anc. Pers., 464ff.; Use 

540. 
Primary Endings, I. E., 307ff. 

402fiE.; Anc. Pers., 428, 429, 435^ 

439, 442. 
Prohibition, 504, 578, 580. 



Proleptic Accusative, 526. 1, 2. 
Pronouns, Decl., 306ff. ; Uses, 55i)ff. ; 

Pers., ;i07ff., 556-559; Dem., Int., 

Rel., 33lff.; 500-573. 
Pronunciation, Anc. Pers., 07ff. 
Publication of Inscriptions, 39ff. 
Purpose, Negative Clau.se, 535. 5, 

580; Infinitive, 538. 2. 

Qualitative Vowel Change, 119fE. 
Quantitative Vowel Change, 119ff. 
Quotations, 553ff. 

Raife, A., 54. 

Rask, R., 19. 

Rawlin.son, H. C, 25flf., 30, 39, 41, 43. 

Reduplication, I. E., 301, 492, 493; 
Anc. Pers. 303. 

Relatives, 331, 352, 353, 571fif., cf. 
574, 575; Relative Clause, Posi- 
tion, 001. 

Rich, C. J., 22, 41, 42, 52. 

Root Aorist, 485, 480, 490. 

Root Bases, 127ff.; Root Class, 
Verbs, 448. 

Sachau, 36. 

Sacy, Silvestre de, 14. 

Saint-Martin, 18, 30, 40, 41, 52, 50. 

Sandhi, 194ff. 

Sanskrit, 73. 

Sat8m Group, 140. 

Schulz, F. E.,49, 50. 

Schwa, 84. 

Scriptio Plena, 61 (cf. 228); Defec- 

tiva, 61, 62. 
Seal Inscriptions, 53, 54. 
Secondary Endings, I. E., 376ff., 

411, 440, 443; Anc. Pers. 430ff., 436, 

437, 440, 443. 
Semivowels, 06. 1, 71, 132, 138, 139, 

205, 20i!, 209, 227; I. E. in Ar., 

185ff.; Ar. in Anc. Pers., 188, 189;- 

Verb Stems, 401 ff. 
Separation, Ablative, .529. 1. 
Series, Vowels, I. E., 123, 124; Anc. 

Pers., 125ft'. 
Sibilants, 69, 76. 4; Verb Stems, 

458, 459. 
Sigmatic Aorist, 488, 490; Ending 

in Iinperf., 432. 



Gbnp:ral rxDp^x. 



24: 



Soprdian, 82. 

Spiegel, Fr., ;5I, :fiM3, 47, 49, 52-54, 
5t;. 57. 

Spirantal Glido, 203. 210. 31). 

Spirauts, t59, 70. 1. i:!2, i:«), 200: Ar. 
( I. E., Palatals) in Auc. Pers.. 
lo7fif.: I. E. in Ar., I'M. 191, 225: 
Ar. I original) in Anc. Pers., 192, 
193. 225. 

Stolze. 40, 41, 43. 

Subject, Position, ()02ff 

Subjunctive, 357, 497ff. : An(r. Pers. , 
501 : Uses, 535. 

Subordinating Compounds, 234, 
235. 

Suez Inscriptions, 47. 

Suffix Bases, 127. 

Suffixes, 237fif. ; Primary. 240; Sec- 
ondary, 241. 

Susa Inscriptions, 44, 45. 4*5. 

Syllabic Writing, 21, .iHfif., 65. 

Syntax, 516ff. 

Ta-sker. 43. 

Tense, 3.-i8. 540flf. 

Tenues, C8, 70. 2, 139, 200; Anc. 

Pers., 219, 220. 
Terminal Accusative, 520. 0. 
Terminative Action. 3.59. 5, 551. 
Texier, Charles, 24. 40, 41, 49. .50, .52. 
Thematic Verbs, 3il6, 445, 44i), 45:^, 

454. 
Thompson. R. C, 34, 39. 
Tocharian, 73. 

Tohnan, H. C. 32, 34, 35, 3*i, 39-57. 
Transfer of Aspiration, 202, 217. 
Tychsen, O. G., 12. 

Uuthematic Verbs, 3()0, 445, 440, 
447ff. 



Vallo, Pietro della. 5. 

Van Inscrijition, .50. 

Vase Inscriptions, 50, 57. 

Velars, 85. 133, 135, 139, 140: I. E. in 
Ar., ]41flf. : Ar. in An<-. Pei-s., 
146Sf. 

Verbs. 354ff.: Classes, 44.5. 44*!: Syn- 
tax, 532fif.; Position, 002, 003, 0O5, 
606. 

Vocative, 245, 248, 255, 257, 263-265, 
268. 

Voice, 356, 532, 533. 

Vowels, I. E., 83ff.; Vowel Signs, 
60fE.; I. E. in Anc. Pers., 87fif.: 
Contraction. 197, 198, 213, 214; 
Gradation, 119ff. 

Weight Inscription, 55. 

Weissbach. 32, 37, 39-44, 46-57. 

Westergaard, X. L., 23 

Wish, Subjunctive, 535. 3: Opta- 
tive, 536. 1: Imperative and In- 
junctive, 537. 

Word Divider, 12, 58. 59. 

Word FoiTaation, %3SS. 

Word Order, 594ff. 

Writing,' Anc. Pers.,58ff. ; see also 
p. 7. 

Xerxes, 15, 25, 514, 515; Inscrip- 
tions, Pers., 10, 15, 24, 41; Van, 
50; Elvend, 24, 49: Va.se, 5<i; Susa, 
45. 

Yagnobi, 82. 

Zend, see Avesta. 
Zoroastrians, 74, 77. 



ANCIENT PERSIAN INDEX. 



(Numl.< 

a, 67, 81. 1, 87, 89, 93, 106, 125, 213. 

a (pron.) Cases, 3i1; U)<e, ikM. 

-a-, 240,241. 

a- (.an-), lOti. 

fi, 88, 90, 93, 94. HI, 112, 125. 213. 

a-, 546. 

-a, 531.2, 588. 

ai, 67, 81. 2, 98, 99, 101. 

ai, 67, 100. 

aita, 160, 164, 342, .562. 

aiva, 101, 304. 

au, 67, 81.2, 103, 105. 

au, 67, 102, 104. 

aura, 66. 7, 192, 214, 240 (.-ii-i, 241 

l-ra-). 
auramazda, 66.7, 76.4; Citsc!<, 291, 

A and a. 
agarblta, 451, 513. 
a,iamiya, 106, 126, 128, 188. 
a"tar, 526. 10. 
atiy, 66. 1, 89, 160, 164, 546. 
ate"gaina, 81. 1, 157; aea"ganam, 

514d. 
aetiraya, 283. 
ae'iyfidiya, 518, 613. 
ada, 76. 1, 574. 
adakaiy 141 , 574. 
adam, 65, 89, 159, 306, 321, 3.50, 556; 

Decl., 308#., 320; mam, 514e, 526. 8, 

592; -maiy, 61, 66. la, 227, 592; 

mana, 61; -ma, 592; vayam, 306, 

557. 
-adiy, 531. 3. 
adukanisa, 518, 615. 
an, 106. 
-an-, 240. 
-ana-, 240, 241. 

ana ipron.), 179; ana, 3.35, 343, 563. 
ana {prep.), 530. 3. 
anamaka, 613. 
anahita, 236. 2. 
aniya, 192, 295, 515; Cat'cs, 61, 276. 

279, 283, 515; aniyaSciy, 164c, 229b, 

295, .569. 
(246) 



efer to sections.) 

anuv, 240 (-siya-), 530. 31?. 

anusiya, 240 (-siya-). 

ap, 81. 3; Cases, 289b. 

apa-, 75, 87, 169, 173, 241 (-ara-), 301, 

546. 
apagaudaya, 505. 
apatara, -m, 241 (-ara-), 301. 
apadana, 519. 

apara, -m, 87, 241 c-ara-), 301, 303. 
aparsam, see fras. 
abiy, 76. 1, 175, .526. 6, 546. 
am, 106. 
-am, 93. 
amata, 5l3a. 
ayadana, 519. 
ar, 108, 110, 114. 
ar, arasam, 157d. 
-ara-, 241, 301. 
ariya cW^a, 235. 2. 
artaxsa^'a, -hya, 514a; artaxsaflra- 

hya, 514d. 
ardaxcasca. 514d. 
arbaira, 183. 
armina, 518. 
arsama, 514a. 
arstibara, 235. 1. 
ava (adv.), 87, 546. 
ava I pron.), 93, 574, 587; Cases, 61, 

344; ava!5ciy, 229b, 569 (cf. 339); 

Uses, 562a, 564, 565. 
ava, 574. 
avajata, 513a. 
avaea, 574, 608. 
avada, 61, 574,608. 
avada^a, 349. 
avapara, 574. 

avarada, 377, 505 (cf. 440). 
avastayam, 478. 
avaharta, 513a. 
avaliya, -avahyaiy, 473. 1 . 477. 
avahyaradiy, 61, 531. 2a, .574. 
asa, a-spa-, 79. 5, 89, 1S6, 219. 2a, 240 

(-liva-). 523. 
asabari, 126, 2;i5. 1. 



Anciknt Pkksiax Tndrx. 



247 



asman, 87, 157, 240 (-man-); asnia- 
nam, 93, 107, 120, 2i!i), 2'.tO A ami h. 

asnaiy, Ml. 2a. 

ah, 539. 2, WS; Pick, forms. 3i)7ff., 
439, 4(54; amiy, iX. Id, 178, 192, 448; 
ahy, (■)(■>. Id, tW. (J; a.stiy, 7.'>, 89, 91, 
127, 100, ItU, 190. 192; amahy, 180b. 
373, 404a: ha"tiy, 37.5, 448; :"iby, 
501; ahatiy, 499, .501; Imperfect 
forms. 370tf., 44(1. 404; fiham. 90, 
107, 3(vl, 448a; fiha, 440a, b, 4ti4b; 
Aba", 440b, 448a; aha"tri, 440b, 443. 

-ah-, 240. 

i. 21,67,91,97, 12,5, 227. 

-i-, 240. 

i {verb), .513a; aitiy, 99, 119, 126, 127, 

464d; -ayam, 100, 18.5, 188, 464d; 

fiis", -aisa", 490; -aya"ta, 407d; 

-idiy, 91, 119, 126, 127, 395, 441. 
i, 92. 
-5-, 241. 
idfi, 574. 
-in-, 241. 
ima. Cases, 345; imai-, 60. la; imam, 

-am, 514b; r7.se, 504. 
-iya-, see -ya-. 
iyam. 340, 350, 500. 
-is-, 240. 
-i§, 120. 

-IS, -im, i-sfpm,s, 287a. 
i§ (verh), formic, 474. 2a. 
-ista-, 241, 302. 

u, 21, 60. 1, 67, 95, 109. 227. 

-U-, 240. 

-u (pron. particle). 95. 

u- (UV-), 95, 192. 

II, 90. 

ucaSma, 290.A,d, 519, 520. 

utfi, 01, .582. 

ud-, us-, 95, 540. 

upfi, 95, 526. 10, 546. 

iipariy. .520. 10, .54t). 

upariyaxsayaiy, 131. 

ufra'^ta, ufrasta, -m, 95, 157b, 173, 

192a. 
ufrasti, 157b; -a, 272, 285. 
ubarta, 120, 235. 2. 
umartiya, 235. 3. 



uv < Ar. 8W, 226. 

uva-, 220. 

-uva-, -pa-, 240. 

uvadaicaya, 518. 

uvamarsiyu, 235. 1, 236. 1, 240 

(-siyu-). 
uvarazmi, -S, 0(). 7, 518. 
usa-, 104. 
usabfiri, 294. 
iLska, 240 (-ka-). 
uzina. 241 (-a-); uzmaya, 1.59, 290e. 

k, 08, 81.3, 14t5. 147, 219. 1, 220. 

ka. 141, 146, 351; kaSciy, 229b, 351, 
508. 

-ka-, 240,241. 

kil, 558, .570. 

-kaiy, 141, 574. 

kaufa, 63, 81. 4. 

kan, 147, 615; akaniy, 490; ka"tuv, 
464; ka"tanaiy, 509. 

ka"bujiya, 68, 179. 

kar, 141, 146, 363, 545; Forms, 470 
and a, b; akunavam. 109, 4,57; 
akunau.s, -as, 514d; akuta, 109, 
490; akuma, 109, 120, 382, 440, 
490; akunavaya"ta, 474. la; aka- 
riya"ta, 479; caxriyfi, 120, 303, 
496,503; cartanaiy, 126,509: karta, 
71, 120, 240 (-ta-), 513a. 

kiira, 207; Cases, 01, 107, 250, 209, 
273. 

karsa, 284, 520. 

kfiru, -s, 02, 207; -aus, 105, 270, 280. 

X, 09. 140, 147, 219. 1; cf. 1.58c. 
xsae'a, 07, 70.2, 140, 105, 240 (-8'"a-). 
xsaS^apavan, -a, 2&5. 1, 207, 290.A. 
xisap, -a, 146, 289 and a, 518. 
xSiiyaWya, 131, 139N, 5,14a. 
x§i, 240 (-e'a-); -axsayaiy, 467. 
xsna, 94, 158c; xsnasahy, 66.6, 472a; 
xsnasatiy, 131, 459, 472a. 

g, 68, 148, 149, 222. 

gau-, 143. 

gausa, -a, 149, 240 (-a-), 274, 284, 519, 

620. 
gaSn. 67, 81.4, 112, 126, 127, 131, 148, 

240 (,-tu-); gaeava, 104, 286 and a. 



248 



Ancient Persian Index. 



gam, -jamiya, 66.2, 131, 503. 

garma-, 144, 149. 

garmapada, -hya, 61, 270, 284a, 518, 

614. 
gud, forms, 474.2; -gaudaya, 159, 

505. 
gub, forms, 467; gaubataiy, 442, 

535. la; gaubataiy, 535. la; agau- 

bata, 413, 443. 
grab, forms, 466; agarbayam, 461b. 

c, 21, 68, 81.3, 150. 

-ca (-ca), 89, 145. 1, 150, 582, 590. 

caxriya, cartanaiy, see kar. 

cita, 576. 

cie''a, 67, 165. 

-ciy, 66.1a, 91. 14.5.1, 229b, 568, 569, 

591. 
cisciy, 351, 568. 
cispi, 64.- -ais, 285a. 

j, 23, 68, 151, 152, 222. 

jatar, -a, 240 (-tar-), 484. 

jad, jadiyfimiy, SCI, 439, 461, 473. 1. 

jan, 552; Forms, 464 and c, 467d; 

ajanam, 131, 14.5.3, 152, 448; jata, 

ja"ta, 383, 440, 441, 5ft5; -jata, 131, 

448, 513a. 
-jamiya, see gam. 
ji, forms, 475; jiva, 67, 131, 145.2, 

151,433,463,501. 
jiyamna, 511. 
jivahya, 92, 475, 484. 

t, 68, 81.3, 164, im, 219.3, 220, 229 

and a, b. 
-ta-, 240. 
tauma, 131, 247, 267; Cases, 270, 272, 

283. 
taxmaspada, 167, 173. 
taxs, forms, 467b. 
-tama-, 241,302. 
ta.r, forms, 471.1; -tarta, 513a. 
-tar-, 240. 

-tara-, 241 (-ara-),301. 
tara-, 108. 
taravii, 518. 
tarsa-, see e'ah. 
-tab-, 240. 
-ti-, 240. 



tigra, 518. 

tigraxauda, 235.3. 

-tu-, 240. 

tuvam, 350, 558; Decl, 321ff., 330: 

euvam, 71, 164; -taiy (-tay)66. la, 

6t). 2a, 592. 
tya, 164b, 219.3a, 571; Decl., 352; 

tyana' a35, 352a; tyaly, 101; ty- 

aisam, a38. 

e, 21, 69, 81.4; < Ar. s, I. E. k, 157, 

219.2; < Ar. t, I. E. t, 164, 219.3; 

<ZAr. th, im. 
Saigarci, 518, 613. 
teta-, 106, 157. 
SataguS, 66. 5. 
ea"d, forms, 474. 1 ; Sadaya, 433, 505; 

eadayfi, 501. 
Sard, -a, 270, 288C, 518. 
Bah, 66.4; forms, 467 and a; ^atiy, 

66.8, 157, 192, 214, 309, 439; Sahy- 

amahy, 373, 439, 479; Sahy, 501; 

aeaha, 192; Sastanaiy, 509. 
6»uxra, 240 (-ra-). 
eriravahara, 235.2, 518, 613. 
Suvam, see tuvam. 
^rah, 529.4; forms, 472; tarsam, 

505. 



e', 69; < Ar.^r, 157c; <;^r. tr, 165, 

219. 3, 290 B c. 
-e'a.-, 240. 
d'^i, forms, 465; -afl''arayam, 46i)a, 

(see niy). 
ei'itiya, 165, 305. 

d, 68, 79.5, 167, 168, 180a, 221, 222, 

229 and b; • ^ Ar. z, zh, J. E., g, 

gh, 158 and b, 159, 222. 
da (give), 75, 94, 162; dadatuv, 126, 

863, 449, 465. 
da (pt(f). 65, 75. 90, 127, 168; adada, 

4t)5; ada, 126, 486, 490. 
daugtar, 103, 158, 190, 193. 
dan, adana. 111, 126, 131, 158, 455. 
dsLT, forms, 474.2; darayamiy, 478: 

adaraya, 478; adarSiy (-aiy), 44;^, 

490; adariy, 489, 4i)0. 



Ancient Persian Index. 



249 



darayavau, -§, 66. 7, 22fla, 5l4a; dfi- 
rayavabau5, ft>. 7; dfirayavans- 
aliyii, 5Ua; darayavasuhyil, 5Ud. 

dargam, 70. 1, 114, 144, 14<». 

dar§, U-.8; adarSnauf?, UK). 193. 470c. 

da-sta, 79. 5, olit; Cit.'<cs, 272, 275, 284, 
520. 

dahyu, 240 (-yuO: Cases, 27C.flf., 28<i 
aud b; dahyaus, 126; dahyrinam, 
126. 

di {injure), adinam, -fi, 455, 460; 
dita, 131, 5i:ia. 

di (sec), 108; didiy, 62, 4<)5. 

-di, cases, 347; -dis, 227; diS, 593a. 

didfi, 159. 

dipi, -iy:'i, 285b. 

dubiila, 71, 183. 

duraiy, 9t); ivith apiy, 66. Ic, 2a. 

duruj, 152, 528.1; Formic, 473.2: 
adurujiya, 68, 126, 215, 461; adii- 
rujiyaSa", 432, 473.2a; dumxta, 
217, 513a. 

diiruva, 215. 

duvaistam, 302. 

dwTarayfi,290B, d. * 

duvitaparanam, 302. 

duvitiya, 241 (-ya-),305. 

diLsiyara, 210a, 236. 2. 

draugra, 126, 215. 

draujana, 240 (-ana-). 

draujiya, drau.iiyahy, 473. 1, 477. 

drayah, 79. 5, 158; drayaliya, 291 B. 

n, 19, 70, 179, 230. 

-na-, 240. 

nai^-), 227, 578, 579, .581, 583, 610. 

iiaiba, 81. 2. 

nadi'Habaira, 183. 

napat, -fi, 89. 288 A and a. 

nabuk"dracara, 62. 

-nam (gen. pi. ), 278, 284b, 28»;c. 

nama. -a, 176, 179, 180, 281, '2'M Aand 

c, 596, 
navama, 241 (-ma-), 305. 
naviya, 102, 
nas, anasaya, 474. 2a. 
nah, 519; naham, 192, 269, 291 A. 
-nah-, 240. 
ni. forms, 467b. 
nij-, 546. 



nijayam, G8, 216, .3(U. 
uipadiy, 288 C, 526. 10, 5.11. 2a. 
nipi-itam, 458. 
niy-, .546. 

uiyafl^irayam, 157i', 449a. 
niyapisam, l!K)a, 4.58. 
niyasaya, 478V). 
niyaSadayam, 126, 193. 
niyfi&tayam, -a, 193, 478. 
nira-satiy, 459. 
nuram, 96. 
-nt-, 240. 

p, 68, 81.3, 173, 219.4. 

-pa-, see -uva-. 

pa, padiy, 464d: patuv, 66.1, 464d; 

-payauva, 473; pata, 217, 513a. 
pat, 89; apatata, 467b. 
patipadam, 288 C and a, 587, 
patipayauva, 444. 
patiy (prep.), 64, 546; -patiy. 526. 10, 

531. 3, 587, 588; {adv.), 54t), 589. 
patiyaxsayaiy, 131. 
patiyajata, 413. 
patiyabaram, 66. la. 
patiyavahyaiy, 477. 
padaibiya, 275. 
para, 61, 526.10, 546, 588. 
paraita, 61, 505; paraita, 513a. 
paraidiy, 61, 213. 
paragmata, -a, 01, 126, 513. 
par.ibarta, 513a. 
paribarahy, 66. la, d, .368; pariba- 

rah-, 06. Id. 
pariy, 89, 91, 182, 184, 227, 546. 
paru(v), 110, 227. 240 (-n-), 294; pa- 

runam, paruv^nam, 66. lb, 227. 
paruvam, 509. 
paru(v)zana, 155, 158, 230.1; -anam, 

66. la, 278, 283. 
par^ava, 80. 
parsa-, see fras. 
par.sa, -aiy, 272, 284; -a, 271, 284. 
pasa, 527. 2c, 574, 587. 
pasava, .574, 587, 008. 
pitar, -a, 64, 79.1, 90, 97, 126, 127, 

160, 104, 109, 173, 2.37, 240 (-tar-); 

pie''a, 126, 165, 270, 290 B and c. 
pi§, 4.58; -apisam, 471,490. 
pufl'a, 64, 67, 79. 4, 95, U^. 



250 



Ancient T*i:rsiax Tndkx. 



f,' 69, 81.4; : Ar., p, 173, 219.4; 

-;, Iran, x^, lT4a. 
fra-, 76.2, 79. 1, 9:5, 173. I.s2, 184, 241 

(-tama-), 302, 54*5. 
frajanam, 213. 

fratama, 241 (-tama-), 302, 303. 
fratarta, 236. 3. 513a. 
framataram, 107, 269, 290 B and h. 
framana, 215. 

fravarti. cases, 285; -ais. 270. 
fras, foi-ms, 472; aparsam, 76.5, 

79.1, 108, 127, 131, 157d, 169, 173, 

459. 
fraharavam, 587. 

b. 68, 175: < Ar. bhw, 224a. 

biixtri, -is, 267; -iya, 287 an(.l h. 

baga, 87, 148, 175, 615; -aha, 276, 284, 
515. 

bagabtixsa, 216. 

bagayadi. 518, 615. 

bfiji, 175, 240 (-i-). 

ba"d, 168; basta, 106, 126, 217, 219. 3b, 
513. 

ba"daka, 66. 3, 126, 179, 241 (-ka-). 

babiru, 18:i; DecL, 286 and a; babi- 
rauv, 104. 272. 

bar, 89, 552; Fornix, 467 and a; 
bara-, 128; bara"tiy, 93, 375, 439, 
453; Impcrf. fvrms, 440; abararn, 
79.3, 107, 364, 376; abara, 126, 175, 
229, 378, 440b; abara", 66.3, 179. 
384, 440b; abaralia", 432; aba- 
ra"ta, 228, 419, 440b, 443; -barahy, 
439, 500, 501; -bara, 501; baratuv, 
397,441; -barta, 513a. 

bu, forms, 467 and a; bavatiy, 79. 2, 
103, 501; abava, 126, 186, 189; biya, 
126, 131,224.451,484,503. 

biimi, 67; -im, 287; -am, 514c; -iya, 
270, 287. 

bratar, -a, 81.3,7, 88, 126, 127, 175, 
215, 267, 290 B. 

m, 19, 70, 180. 

-ma-, 241. 

mfi (neg.), 536. 1, 537, 578flf., 610. 

ma (rerh). -mata, 513a. 

magum, 269. 

-ma tar, -a, 75, 88, 178, 180, 237, 247. 



matya, 574, 580, 581. 

maWita, 241 (.-ista-), 302, 303. 

madaiSuva, 95, 279, 284. 

man, think, mamyahay, 66. 2a, 131, 

403, 442, 473.1, 501; maniyataij', 

473. 1, 501. 
man, await, amanaya (-iya), 474.2a, 

478a. 
-man-, 240. 
maniya, -m, 180, 519. 
mar, amariyata, 473. 2. 
marliya, 79. 5, 164b, 219. 3a, 522; 

Coses, 270, 276, 280, 284 and a; -u, 

61, 268; martihya, 514d. 
mail, 518: mahya, 272, 291A. 
m'era (m'f^a, -misa), 09, 1&5N., 

514d. 
mue, amufia, 468. 
mudraya, 158b. 

y, 66.1,2, 71, 188, 2a5, 224. 

-ya-, -iya-, 241. 

yata, 575. 

yaffa, 166, 575 

yad, 87; yadataiy, 404, 467b; aya- 

daiy, 158. 411, 435, 443, 467b. 
yadiy, 575. 
yanaiy, 575. 
yam, -ayasata, 472. 
-yah-, 241, 301. 
-yu-, 240. 

r, 71, 184 and a; ar. 79; ar. <■ 

I. E. 11, 110. 
-ra-, 240° 241. 
rauca(h), 66.1a, 81.2,3, 181, 184, 

240 (-ah-), 289a, 291B, 518; rauca- 

bis, 280, 291 B, 530.4. 
rauta(h), 184a, 192, 240 (-tab-), 281; 

rauta, 388b. 
raxa, 518. 
rad, rada, 440, 5Cu. 

1, 71, 183. 

V, 66.1, 2, 71, 189, 224. 

-va, m. la, 189, 582, 590. 

vaiua, /o/v/is, 4t>9a; vaiuataiy, 98; 

avaina, (hi. 
vamuisa, Oti. 7, 69, 



.\ N c 1 1: N '1' r I : u s 1 A x I x i > r; x . 



2.-, I 



-vant-, 241. 

var, varnavfitaiy, 47(K'; varnava- 

tam, 422, 444, 4;0c. 
varkfiua, 241 (-ana-), 
vardana, 519. 
va.siy, 157. 
va.sna, 15"a. 
vazarka, 158a. 
-va(h)u, TO. 3; c/. 301. 
vahyazdata, 216, 241 (-yali-), 301; 

-hya, 01. 
vikanfih-, 66. Id. 
via, cases, 288 B; -am, 62, 107, 1.57, 

269; -a, 273. 
■viein (?), 241 (-in-): v'S^b^is-ca, 288 

Ba. 
vi"dafarnah, -a, 174a, 179, 229a, 240 

( nah-. -ut->, 267, 291 B a, 4.56. 
vinaeayais, 101,503. 
viy, 546. 

viyaxna, -hya, 61, 613. 
vista-, v'stiispahya, 62, 514a. 

s, 69, 79. 5, 192; <^r. s, T. E. k, 157, 
219.2; < 7. B. skli, kskh, 76.5, 
157d; s (sp) < Ar. sw, I. E. tw, 
79. 5, 219. 2a. 

sakfi, 518. 

sikayauvati, 518. 

suguda, 215. 

sta. 88, 166: alstata, 66.8, 126, 190, 

192. 193, 214, 363, 465b; -astayam, 
-a, 461, 465b; see 478. 

stana, 126. 

sp, 79.5, 219.2a. 

-spada, 167, 173. 

g, 69, 216a; < Ar. s, 7. E. s, 190b, 

193, 225; < Ar. S, 7. E. k, 157a, b, 
219. 2; < Ar. c, 150 (c/. 68); sc < 
Ar. tc, 164c; sy <f.4r. ty, 164a, 
219. 3a; < dental, 229b. 

-Sa. 349; -Mm, 190b, 349: -Saiy, 66. la, 

190b, 227. 349: 593. 
-si. -Sim, 227, 348, 529.4; §Ls, 348; 593. 
-§iya-, 240. 



siyati, -8, 71, 240 (-ti-), 267; SiyAtim, 

269; SfiyatAm, 514 c, d. 
-siyu, 240. 
siyu, /o7Tn.s, 467b; a.siyavam, 145.1, 

150. 

z, 69, 79. 5, 158, 159, 222, 225. 
zazfina, 518. 
zra"ka, 179. 

h, 66.7,8, 72;<4r. s, 76.3, 192,214, 

226, 231. 
liaina, 192, 240 (-na-), 267; -am, 269; 

-aya, 79. 4. 
hau(,v), m. la, 95, 213, 227, 350, .567, 

569; bauvam, 350. 
havima, 76. 3. 
haxa-, 147, 285c. 
liaxamanig, 267, 28.5c. 
haxamanisiya, 240 (-siya-). 
ha"gmata, 513. 
haca, 529. 

ha"j, -aha"jam. 467b. 
had, 89, 162, 167; -asadayam, 474.2. 
hadii, 530. 2. 
hadis, 97, 126, 24<J (-is-), 281, 291C, 

519. 
ham, 54ti. 
hama, 304. 
hamatar, 294, 304. 
hamapitar, 235. 3. 
hamarana, -am, -a, 240 (-ana-), 282, 

284. 
-hay, 66. 2a. 
harauvati, -i§, 66. 7, 241 (-i-, -vanfc-); 

-im, 269. 
harabana, 519. 

haruva, 66.2, 79.2, 189, 240 (-iiva-). 
hard, -harda, 468. 
haldita, 71, 183. 
hasiya, 164a, 219. 3a, 241 (-ya-). 
hi"du, 168, 518. 
hya, -a, 80, 93, 35:^, 571. 
-hy* — h'y, m. 6. 
hyaparam, 574. 



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