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HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS

THE FOURTH CANTO

(BMILIDIS inilIB©lLID«

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HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS

THE FOURTH CANTO

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CONTAINING

DISSERTATIONS ON THE RUINS OF ROME;

AND

AN ESSAY ON ITALIAN LITERATURE,

H JOHN HOBHOUSE, Esq.

^ OP TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, M. A. AND F- R. S

NBW-YORKt

PUBLISHED BY KIRK & MERCEIN,
NO. 22 WALL-STREET.

printed by William A. Mercefr,

1818,

\.-^

ADVERTISEMENT.

The reader of the Illustrations is requested to bear
in mind the object with which they were originally
written, and not expect to find in them a plan or order
which can be discovered only with reference to the
Fourth Canto of Childe Harold. They follow the
progress of the Pilgrim, and were, indeed, as well as
the notes now appended to the Canto, for the most
part written whilst the noble author was yet em-
ployed in the composition of his poem. They were,
with the exception of the three or four last articles,
piit into the hands of Lord Byron, much in the state
in which they now appear; and the partiality of friend-
ship assigned to them the same place which is oc-
cupied by the notes detached from them. But the
writer, on his return to England, considered that the
appendix to the Canto would thus be swelled to a
disproportioned bulk, and that the numerous readers
of the poetry would be better pleased if the choice,
whether or not they were to be furnished with a vo-
lume of prose, were to be left altogether to them-
selves. Under this impression, such only of the no-
tices as were more immediately connected with the
text of the poem, were added to that work, and per-
haps the writer may, even in the present instance,
have to apologize for not being contented with less
copious extracts.

Some of the longer notices of this volume are, it
will be seen, dissertations not at all requisite for the

intelligibility of Childe Harold, although they may
illustrate the positions or the objects therein con-
tained. The writer did not like to touch upon the
topics connected with a view of the ruins of Rome,
without recurring to the best authorities on that sub-
ject. His researches naturally made him diffuse, and
he y/ill be well pleased if they have not made him
desultory and tedious. He must own himself not to
have been idle during the time employed in his in-
vestigation, which occupied several months of hi«
residence at Venice; but he will also confess, that it
is very likely he ought to have protracted that time,
and more carefully revised his compilation. Those
who may discover the errors of these notices, are
entreated to remember, that in questions depending
upon the consultation of authorities, the most as-
siduous attention may overlook a book, a phrase, or
a word, which may change the whole face of the con-
troversy; that industry and fairness may be demanded
from all writers, but that the endless details of eru-
dition forbid the antiquarian inquirer to hope for any
other than qualified applause.

It is trusted, however, that the information here
collected is such as a traveller in Italy would wish
to find prepared for him; and such also as those whose
voyages are confined to their libraries may esteem,
if not a substitute for an actual survey, at least an
addition to their stock of knowledge on subjecte
which will never lose their interest, until the example
of the greatest, the best, and the wisest of mankind,
shall be found too painful and impracticable a lesson
for modern deaeneracv.

CONTENTS.

Page

Attachment of the Italians to their distinguished Fellow-
citizens H

Essay on the Imprisonment of Tasso 13

Anecdotes of Alfieri 29

Account of the Ruin of the Temple on the Clitumnus 31

Ignorance of the Antiquaries in Italy — the Site of the Ban-

dusian Fountain 35

The approach to Rome 37

Character of some Antiquaries who have treated of Ptome .... 40
A Dissertation on the Destroyers of the C% of Rome, and an

Account of the gradual disappearance of the Ruins 44

Tomb of the Scipios Ill

Destruction of the Tombs near Rome il3

Doubts respecting the Circuit of the Walls of old Rome, and

the Ruins in general 117

Remains of Republican Rome, and the comparative want of

Interest attached to the Cesarean City 1 27

Notice of the Tomb of Ceciha Metella 130

Doubts respecting the Destruction of the Palace of the Cae-
sars. Desolation of the Palatine 133

The Column and Forum of Trajan 138,

Memoir on the Destruction of the Capitol 144

The Roman Forum. — Doubts respecting the Remains in that

Quarter 150

Notices on the Romans of the middle Ages. — Of Cola di Ri

enzi. — Of the modern Senate and Government of Rome Ib'J

The Destruction of the Coliseum 168

The Pantheon 182

via

Fag«
Inquiry respecting the Story and the Site of the Temple of

the Roman Piety •.. 187

On the Castle of St. Angelo 190

Roman CathoHc Rehgion, and the Ceremony of the Flagel-
lants.— Probable Effects of Despotism in Italy 200

Account of some sepulchral Vases lately discovered in a Rock

at Albano 20t

ESSAY ON THE PRESENT LITERATURE OF ITALY,
and a general Character of the Lives and Writings of
Cesarotti, Parini, Alfieri, Pindemonte, Monti, and
FoscoLo 221

Letters op Torquato Tasso never before published, with

Translations... 306 et seq.

Letters written by Cola di Rienzi, Tribune of Rome,

never before published, with Translations 326 etseq,

Fac Simile of Tasso's Hand-writing , •••••

Drawings of the Albano Vases....... .......•...«••«.. ..f..*.*i«

HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS

OF THE

FOURTH CANTO

« ■■ « * 1 1 » 1 > ■> 1 •!•

CHILDE HAROLD.

Stanza XXXI.

Jin honest pride — and let it be their praise,
To offer to the passing stranger^ s gaze
His mansion and his sepulchre.

X HERE is no country which can contend with Italy in the
honours heaped upon the great men of past ages : and the pre-
sent race accuse themselves of living upon the labours of
their ancestors, and, as is the usual reproach of heirs, of find-
ing in their transmitted wealth an inducement to inactivity.
The territorial divisions and subdivisions which contributed to
the emulation of these luminaries themselves, has tended to
the preservation of their fame ; and the jealousy of each little
district guards the altar of its individual divinity, not only as the
shrine which is to attract the pilgrims of united Europe, but
as the birthright which is to distinguish it amongst the children
of the same mother, and exalt it to a preference above its im-
mediate neighbours. Italian rivalry, in default of those con-
tests which employed the arts and arms of the middle ages,
now vents itself in the invidious comparison of individual
fasti, and in the innocent ostentatious display not of deeds
but names. Thus it is that there is scarcely a village in which
the traveller is not reminded of the birth, or the residence, or
the death, or the deeds of one or more of the offspring of a

« «

soil, fruitful in every production, but more especially the
land of men. The affection with which even the lower classes
appropriate the fame of their departed countrymen is very
striking to a foreigner; and such expressions as " our Corre-
gio," and " our Ariosto," in the mouth of a peasant, revive,
as it were, not only the memory, but the man himself. When
' ' * JN^pdieoK madje his progress through his Italian dominions, the
* lEfhabi'tants oi Reggio received him with a fete, the principal
det:Qratiqn,of jvlfjch'was a temple of immortality, painted at
th'(i fe'r^'d of '.a.gdUciiy^ adorned with a double range of tablets, to
the honour of those worthies for whose existence the world had
been indebted to the dutchy of Reggio. The pretensions of
Reggio may exemplify those of the other provinces of Italy,
and the reader may not object to survey the pompous list.

Boiardo, Signore di Scandiano, epico, del secolo xv.

Guida da Lazara, giureconsulto, del secolo xiii.

Ludovico Ariosto, nato a Reggio, da Daria Maleguzi, Reg-
giana, lirico, comico, satirico, epico, del secolo xiv.

Domenicho Toschi, Cardinale, Reggiano, giureconulto,
del secolo xvi.

Filippo Caroli, Reggiano, giureconsulto, del secolo xiv.

Antonio Pacchioni, Reggiano, anatomico, del secolo xvii.

Cesare Magati, Scandianese, medico e chirurgo, del secolo
xvii.

Gianntonio Rocca, Reggiano, matematico, del secolo xvii.

Antonio Allegri, detto il Corregio da Corregio, pittore, del
secolo xvi.

Tomaso Cambiatori, Reggiano, giureconsulto, oratore.
poeta, del secolo xvi.

Sebastiano Conradi di Arceto, grammatico e critico, del se-
colo xvi.

Leho Orsi, Reggiano, pittore, del secolo xvi.

Vincenzo Cartari, Reggiano, filologo, del secolo xvi.

Rafaello Motta, Reggiano, pittore, del secolo xvi.

Guido Panciroh, Reggiano, giureconsulto, storico, filologo,
del secolo xvi.

Ludovico Parisetti, Reggiano, poeta Latino, del secolo xvi.

Gasparo Scaroffi, Reggiano, oeconomista, del secolo xvi.

Luca Ferrari, Reggiano, pittore, del secolo xvii.

Domenico Ceccati, da Stiano, scultore ed intagliatore, dei
secolo xvii.

Antonio Vallisnera da Scandiano, medico, naturalista, del
secolo xvii.

Pelegrino Sallandri, Reggiano, poeta, del secolo xviii.

Agostino Parradisi, Reggiano, oeconomista, oratore, poeta,
del secolo xviii.

Francesco Fontanesi, Reggiano, poeta, del secolo xviii,

Jacopo Zannoni da Montecchio, botanico, del secolo xvii.

Lazari Spalanzani da Scandiano, naturalista, del secolo
xviii.

Laura Bassi di Scandiano, fisica, del secolo xviii.

Carlo Antonioli da Corregio, filologo, del secolo xviii.

Francesco Cassoli, Reggiano, poeta, del secolo xviii.

Luigi Lamberti, Reggiano, filologo e poeta, del secolo xviiii

Antonio Gamborini, Reggiano, teologo, del secolo xviii.

Bonaventura Corti, Reggiano, lisico, del secolo xviij.

Stanza XXXVI.

And Tasso is their glory and their shame.
Hark to his strain ! and then survey his cell !

In the hospital of St. Anna, at Ferrara, they show a cell.
over the door of which is the following inscription :

Rispettate, O Posteri, la celebrita di questa stanza, dove Torquato
Tasso infermo pru di tristezza che delirio, ditenuto dimora anni vii mesi
II, scrisse verse e prose, e fu rimesso in liberta ad instanza della citta di
Bergamo, nel giorno vi Luglio 1586.

The dungeon is below the ground floor of the hospital, and
the light penetrates through its grated window from a small
yard, which seems to have been common to other cells. It is
nine paces long, between five and six wide, and about seven
feet high. The bedstead, so they tell, has been carried off
piecemeal, and the door half cut away by the devotion of those
whom " the verse and prose" of the prisoner have brought to
Ferrara.

The above address to posterity was inscribed at the instiga-

tion of General Miollis, who filled Italy with tributes to her
great men, and was not always very solicitous as to the authen-
tic application of his record. Common tradition had assigned
the cell to Tasso long before the inscription : and we may re-
collect, that, some years ago, a great German poet was much
incensed, not at the sufferings of the prisoner, but at the pre-
tensions of the prison. But the author of Werter need not
have felt so insulted by the demand for his faith. The cell
was assuredly one of the prisons of the hospital, and in one of
those prisons we know that Tasso was confined.* The pre-
sent inscription, indeed, does exaggerate the merits of the
chamber, for the poet was a prisoner in the same room only
from the middle of March, 1579, to December, 1580, when
he was removed to a contiguous apartment much larger, in
which, to use his own expressions, he could philosophize and
walk about.t His prison was, in the year 1584, again en-
larged.J It is equally certain, also, that once, in 1581, he was
permitted to leave the hospital for the greater part of a day,§
and that this favour was occasionally granted to him in the
subsequent years of his confinement. II The inscription is incor-
rect, also, as to the immediate cause of his enlargement, which
was promised to the city of Bergamo, but was carried into
effect at the intercession of Don Vincenzo Gonzago, Prince of
Mantua, chiefly owing to the unwearied application of Antonio
Constantino, a gentleman in the suite of the Florentine em-
bassy.**

But the address should not have confined itself to the re-

* The author of the historical memoir on Italian tragedy saw this dun-
geon in 1792, and, in spite of some hints from the English biographer of.
Tasso, was inclined to believe it to have been the original place of the
poet's confinement. See Black's Life of Tasso, cap. xv. vol. ii. p. 97 :
but the site will not correspond with what Tasso says of his being re-
moved to a neighbouring apartment, " assai piu commoda" — there is no
such commodious neighbouring apartment on the same level.

f La Vita di Torquato Tasso, scritta dall' abate Pierantonio Serassi^
seconda edizione. ... in Bergamo, 1790, pp. 34 and 64, torn. ii.

J La Vita, &lc. lib. iii. p. 83, torn. ii.

si La Vita, kc. lib. iii. p. 65, torn. ii.

\\ Vide p. 83, ut sup.

** La Vita, Sic lib. iii. p. 142, torn. ii.

spect due to the prison : one honest hne might have been al-
lotted to the condemnation of the gaoler. There seems in
the Itahan writers something hke a disposition to excuse the
Duke of Ferrara by extenuating the sufferings, or exaggerating
the derangement of the poet. He who contemplates the dun-
geon, or even the hospital, of St. Anna, will be at a loss to re-
concile either the one or the other with that '• ample lodge-
menf' which, according to the antiquities of the houf5e of
Este, the partiality of Alfonso allotted to the man " whom he
loved and esteemed much, and wished to keep near his per-
son."* Muratori confesses himself unable to define the
offence of the patient; and in a short letter devoted expressly
to the subject, comes to no other general conclusion, than that
he could not be called insane,! but was confined partly for
chastisement, partly for cure, having probably spoken some
indiscreet words of Alfonso. He makes no mention of the
disease of the prince ; nor is it easy to discover that free ex-
ercise of his understanding for which Mr. Gibbon has some-
where praised this celebrated antiquary. J Indeed, in his no-

"* " Ma perciocche questo principe I'amava e stimava forte, e non voleva
privarsene elesse di alimentalo in queil' ampio luogo, con desiderio che
ivi fosse curato anche il corpo suo." AnticIiit'A Estensi, parte sec. cap.
xiii. p. 405, ediz. fol. Mutin, 1740,

f Lettera ad Apostolo Zeno, vide Tasso's Works, vol. x. p. 244. " Ne
mentecatto ne pazzo," are Muratori's words. See also p. 242 and p. 243.
He is a little freer spoken in this letter, but still says, " the ivise prince did
not give icay to his anger.'^ Muratori's Annals were attacked on their
first appearance, as " uno de' libri piA fataii al principato Romano ;" to
which the librarian replied, that " truth was neither Guelf nor Ghibelline.''
If he had thought that she was neither catholic nor protestant, he would
not have slurred over the massacre of St. Bartholomew as an event which
gave rise to many exaggerations from the Hugonots. " Lasceri io dispu-
tare ai gran Dottori intorno al giustificare o riprovare quel si strepitoso
fatto ; bastando a me di dire, che per cagion d'esso immense esagerazioni
fece il partito de gli Ugonoti, e loro servi di stimoio e scusa per ripigliar
I'armi contra del Re." Annali ad an. 1572, torn. x. p. 464. In page 469,
ibid, he talks of the great loss of France by the death of the murderer
Charles IX. who, if he had lived, would have " extirpated the seed of
heresy."

X Fora fineandjuat character of Muratori, see, however, "the Anti-
quities of the House of Brunswick," p. 641, vol ii. quarto. Gibbon's Misc,
Works.

tice of this injustice, the hbrarian of the Duke of Modena, so
far from seeming to forget the interests of the princely house
which pensioned his labours, suggests rather the obvious re-
flection, that when a writer has to obtain or repay any other
patronage than that of the public, his first and paramount ob-
ject cannot be the establishment of truth. Even the subject
of an absolute monarchy is an unsafe guide on almost every
topic. The over-rated La Bruyere was base enough to
reckon the dragooning of the protestants amongst the most
commendable actions of Louis XIV.*

Manso, the friend and biographer of Tasso, might have been
expected to throw some light upon so important a portion of
his history, but the five chapters devoted to the subject only
encumbered the question with inconclusive discussion. What
is still more extraordinary, it appears, that of seven or eight
cotemporary Ferrarese annalists, only one has mentioned
that Tasso was confined at all, and that one, Faustini, has as-
signed a cause more laughable than instructive.! The later
librarian of Modena was equally disingenuous with his prede-
cessor, and had the confidence to declare, that by prescribing
a seven years confinement Alfonso consulted only the health,
and honour, and advantage, of Tasso, who evinced his con-
tinued obstinacy by considering himself a prisoner.| But,
with the librarian's leave, the suspicion was justified by the
apprehension of his Italian cotemporaries, who, in their sup-

* The same "writer declares " homage to a kin^" to be the sole sufficing
virtue of every good subject in a monarchy, " where there is no such
thing as love of our country — the interest, the glory, and the service of
the prince, supply its place." De la Republique, chap. x. For which
sentiment our great obsolete poet has made honourable mention of him
amongst his dunces, [The Dunciad, book iv. v. 522.] with whom he
might be safely left, did he not belong rather to the rogues than the fools.

f " II Duca Alfonso II. il fece rinchiudere per curarlo di una fistola die
io travagliava." Vid Tiraboschi Storia della Letter. Ital. lib. iii. part iii.
tom. vii. p. 1210, edit. Venet 1796.

X Credette egli percio che e all' onore e alia salute del Tasso niuna
cosa potesse esser piu utile che il tenerlo non gia prigione, ma custodito

intanto procurava con rimedj di calmarne I'animo e la fantasia.

Ma cib che Alfonso opero al vantaggio del Tasso non servi che a renderne
sempre peggiore la conditionc — Gii parve esser prigione." Tiraboschi,
Storia, k-c. lib. iii. tom. vii. par. iii- p. 121S, edit. Venet. 1796.

plications for his release, seldom gave him any otlier name.
The same writer announced, in the first edition of his History
of Italian Literature, that he had made the long-looked-for
discovery as to the cause of Tasso's confinement, and had in-
trusted the documents found in the archives of the house of
Este, to the Abate Serassi. In his second edition he declared
that his expectations, and those of all the learned world, had
been answered by the life of the poet published by the Abate
in 1785:* but the antiquary, still faithful to his patrons, did
not mention, that it appears from every page of the biography,
that the imprisonment must be attributed rather to the ven-
geance and mean apprehensions of the prince, than to the ex-
travagance of the poet.

The Abate Serassi was acknowledged to be a perfect master
of the " cinque cento," and he has perhaps spoken as freely
as could be expected from a priest, an Italian, and a frequent-
er of the tables of the great. He shows that he is labouring
with a secret, or at least, a persuasion, which he is at a loss in
what manner honestly to conceal ; and which, in spite of an
habitual respect for the best of princes and the most illustrious

* Storia, k,c. p. 1212, ut sup.

The English author of the Life of Tasso seems half inclined to beheve
in the love of his poet for Leonora. [Black, chap. viii. vol i. p. 188, and
chap xiii. vol. ii. p. 2,] and quotes a passage in a letter to Gonzaga, omit-
ted by' Serassi, in which he talks of the princess having but little corres-
ponded to his attachment [lb. chap. xiv. vol. ii. p. 59.] Mr. Walker, in
his historical memoir, was bold enough to follow the old story even in
the face of Serassi, who does, however, appear to have completely set-
tled the question. Poetical gallantry will account for all the phenomena.
Dr. Black himself wisely rejects that passion as the adequate cause of
Torquato's insanity : but we may not perhaps subscribe to his opinion,
that the poet lost his senses on account of the objections made to his
Jerusalem [chap. xv. vol. ii. p. 91.] The biographer presumes him posi-
tively mad, and argues on his case out of Pinel and Haslam, and others
[chap. xii. vol. i. p. 808.] On this ground he supposes the harsh con-
duct of the duke was adopted as necessary for the cure of Tasso [chap.
XV. vol. ii. p. 87, and chap, xvi. vol. ii. p. 1 1 S ;] and, if his meaning has not
been mistaken, he almost apologizes for the prescription of Alfonso. It
is no objection to Dr. Black's work, that the biographical details are trans-
cribed from Serassi : but this circumstance must excuse the writer from
having cited the original rather than the English author.

ol cardinals, is sufficiently apparent to confirm our suspicion
of Alfonso's tyranny. The Duke had not the excuse of Tas-
so's presumption in aspiring to the love of the princely Leo-
nora. The far-famed kiss is certainly an invention, although
not of a modern date. The English were taught by a cotem-
porary writer to believe that the Lydian boy and the goddess
of Antium had precipitated Torquato into his dungeon,* and
Manso hinted the same probability, but with much circum-
spection. The tale was at last openly told in " The Three
Gondolas,'''^ a little work, published in 1662, by Girolamo
Brusoni, at Venice, and immediately suppressed.! Leonora ,
of Este was thirty years old when Tasso came to Ferrara ;
and this perhaps, notwithstanding that serene brow, where
Love all armed was wont to expatiate, reconciled him to the
reverence and wonder which succeeded to the first feelings
of admiration and delight. | It is true that neither her age,
nor the vermilion cloud which obscured the eyes of Lucre-
tia,§ rendered his Muse less sensible to the pleasure of being
patronised by the illustrious sisters. Perhaps his intercourse
with them was not altogether free from that inclination which

* Mutis abditus ac nigris tenebris 11,

In quas preecipitem dedere cseci

Infans Lydius, Antiique Diva; ^

See some Hendecasyllables of Scipio Gentilis. Serassi la Vita del Tasso,
Sec. lib. iii. p. S4. torn. ii.

f Serassi calls it an operaccia. La Vita, &,c. lib. ii. p. 169. torn. i. Mu-
ratori in his letter to Apostolo Zeno, p. 240. loc cit. tells the story from
Carretta, who had heard it from Tassoni ; and though he hesitates about
the kiss, seems to believe Tasso was in love with Leonora, p. 242. Mr.
Gibbon [Antiquities of the House of Brunswick, p. 693.] turns the story
to good account — he believes and makes a period.
f E certo il primo di, che '1 bel sereno

Delia tua fronte agli ochi miei s' offerse,

E vidi armato spaziarvi 1' Amore,

Se non che riverenza allor converse

E meraviglia in fredda selce il seno

Ivi peria con doppia morte il core.

Canzone. La Vita, &i.c. lib. ii.
p. 148. torn i.

^ Questa nebbia si bclla e si vermiglia.

Tass. Oper. vol. vi. p. 27.
La Vita, kc. lib. ii. p. 150. torn. i.

the charms of any female might readily excite in a tempera-
ment too warm to be a respecter of persons. But his heart
was devoted to humbler and younger beauties; and more
particularly to Lucretia Bendedio, who had also to rank the
author of the Pastor Fido amongst her immortal suitors.* Of
this passion the princess Leonora was the confidante, and as-
pired to the cure, by the singular expedient of persuading
him to become the encomiast of one of his rivals. t It appears
then that the biographer is justified in exclaiming against the
scandal, which is incompatible with the rank and piety of a
princess who was a temple of honour and chastity, and a
single prayer of whom rescued Ferrara from the anger of
heaven and the inundation of the Po.| It is, also, but too
certain that Leonora deserted the poet in the first days of his
distress ; and it is equally known that Tasso, who would not
have forgotten an early flame, did not hang a single garland
on the bier of his supposed mistress. §

The biographer has left it without doubt that the first cause
of the punishment of Tasso was his desire to be occasionally,
or altogether, free from his servitude at the court of Alfonso,
and that the immediate pretext of his imprisonment was no
other than disrespectful mention of the Duke and his court.
In 1575 he resolved, notwithstanding the advice of the
Dutchess of Urbino, to visit Rome, and enjoy the indulgence
of the jubilee, and this " error increasing the suspicion already
entertained at court, that he was in search of another ser-
vice," was the origin of his misfortunes. || Alfonso detained

* La Vita, kc. lib. ii. p. 157. torn. i.
+ La Vita, ut sup. Pigna was this riv al.

I Quando del Pd tremar 1' altere sponde
Ferrara dannegiando e dentro, e fuora ;
Un sol prego di te, casta Leonora,
Spense 1' ire del ciel giuste e profonde.

Sonetto di Filippo Binaschi.
See La Vita, &,c. lib. ii. p. 170. torn. I.

^ La Vita, &lc. lib. iii. pp. 12, 48, 50. torn. ii.

II " Perciocchfe da un si fatto errore si pu5 dir che avessero origine le
sue disavventure, essendosi con ci6 accresciuto a dimisura il sospetto, che
gia si aveva alia corte, ch' egli cercasse altro servizio." — La Vita, k^. lib.
il pp. 2S2, 233. torn. i.

» 1

him at Ferrara by the expectation of unreahzed favours,* and
also by withholding his Jerusalem, which he would not allow
the author to carry with him to Venice, nor, although he had
promised the delivery of the manuscript to Cardinal Albani,
would consent to restore after the flight of Tasso to Rome.t
An habitual melancholy, a morbid sensibility, irritated by
the injuries of his rivals and the treachery of his friends, had
driven him into an excess against an individual of the court:
but Alfonso did not punish him for drawing his knife : he was
merely confined to his apartment, and from this confinement
and the medicine, which he equally dreaded, found means to
escape. I But he felt an anxiety to recover his manuscript,
and, although the Cardinal Albano and Scipio Gonzaga dis-
suaded him from trusting himself at the court of Alfonso, re-
turned to Ferrara. He there found that the Jerusalem had
been put into other hands, and that the Duke, after refusing
to hear him mention the subject, denied him, at last, all access
to himself and the princesses. The biographer presumes
that this treatment is to be partly charged upon the poet, who,
instead of putting himself into a course of medicine, ate and
drank to excess ; but he candidly owns that Tasso had a right
to his own property, the fruits of his own genius. § He again
retired, and again returned, in opposition to the entreaties of
the Marquis Phihp of Este, and others, who were better ac-

* " II Duca m' ha fatto molti favori, ma io vorrei frutti e non fiori." —
In a letter from Tasso to Scalabrino, La Vita, k,c. lib. ii. p. 245. torn. i.

f " Forse perche incresceva al duca e alle principesse il perdere dopo
la persona del poeta anche i suoi pregiati componimenti." — An innocent
observation of the Abate's. La Vita, &i-c. lib. iii. p. 7. tom. i.

X " Intanto il Tasso cominci6 a lasciarsi purgare, ma di malissimo
animo." La Vita, Sic lib. ii. p. £83. tom. i. Poor Tasso thought the ex-
cellence of a physician consisted in prescribing medicines not only saluti-
ferous hut agreeable : " Perche come V. S. sa, 1' eccellenza de' medici
consiste in buona parte in dar le medicine non solo salutifere, ma piace-
vole." — Tass. Oper. vol. x. p. 360. Lettera a Biaggio Bernardi. La Vita,
&.C. lib. iii. p. 81. tom. ii.

^ " Per altro sebbene sia da credersi che molte di si fatte cose fossero
soltanto effetto della sua imaginazione, e ch' egli anzi avesse irritato quell'

ottimo priiicipe col non aver voluto prestarsi ad una purga rigorosa

ad ogni modo sembra, che se gli uovesse almeno restituire il suo poema"
La Vita, Sec lib. iii. p. 13. torn- ii.

quainted than himself with the character of Alfonso.* The
Duke now refused to admit him to an audience. He was re-
pulsed from the houses of all the dependants of the court; and
not one of the promises which the Cardinal Albano had ob-
tained for him were carried into effect. Then it was that
Tasso, " after having suffered these hardships with patience
for some time, seeing himself constantly discountenanced by
the Duke and the princesses, abandoned by his friends, and
derided by his enemies, could no longer contain himself
within the bounds of moderation, but giving vent to his choler,
publicly broke forth into the most injurious expressions ima-
ginable, both against the Duke and all the house of Este, as
well as against the principal lords of the court, cursing his past
service, and retracting all the praises he had ever given in his
verses to those princes, or to any individual connected with,
them, declaring that they were all a " gang of poltroons, in-
grates, and scoundrels." These are the words of Serassi;t
and for this offence was Tasso arrested, and instead of being
punished, such is the hint of his biographer, was, by his '' ge-
nerous and magnanimous" sovereign, conducted to the hos- I
pital of St. Anna, and confined in a solitary cell as a madman. I
From repeated passages in his letters, from the intercessions
made in his favour by so many of the Italian potentates,^ from
the condition annexed to his release, by which the Duke ol
Mantua stipulated that he would guarantee against any lite-
rary reprisals from the poet against his persecutor,§ there
can be no doubt but that these injurious expressions, and
these alone, were the cause of the confinement of Tasso : so
that, as the unwillingly convinced biographer is obliged to ex-

* La Vita, kc. lib. iii. p. 31. torn. ii.

t " Che tutti in quel momento space id per una ciurma di poltroni, in-
grati, e ribaldi." La Vita, &.c. lib. iii. p. SS. torn. ii.

\ La Vita, he. lib. iii. p. 128. torn. ii. Bergamo tempted Alfonso by
the present of an antique fragment, p. 1£8. ut sup.

^ " Ma riilettendo, che i poeti sono (3i loro natura genus initahiie, e te-
inendo percid chcTorquato, trovandosi libero, non volesse coll' armi for-
midabili della sua penna vendicarsi della lunga prigionia, e de' mali trat-
tamenti ricevuti a quella corte, non sapea risolversi a lasciarlo uscire da'
suoi stati, senza prima essere assicurato, cli' ei non tenterebbe cosa alcuna
contro 1' onore e la riverenza dovuta a un si gran principe Cora' egU
era.'' — La Vita, kc. lib. iii. p. i£8. torn. ii.

-lij-

claim, it appears extraordinary that so many fables should:
have been dreamt of to account for the motive of his long im~
prisonment."^ Had that which Montaigne called "his fatal
vivacity" directed itself against any others than the Duke
and court of Ferrara, or had it preyed, as the Frenchman
thought, upon himself alone, t a prison would not have heen
the prescription for such harmless extravagance.

It has been before mentioned that he was only nine months
in the first dungeon allotted to his crime, or, as his tyrant
called it, his cure ; but to one whose disease was a dread of
solitude, and whose offence was a love of liberty, the hos-
pital of St. Anna was, of itself, a dungeon. | It is certain that
for nearly the first year he endured all the horrors of a solitar}
sordid cell, and that he was under the care of a gaoler whose
chief virtue, although he was a poet and a man of letters, was
a cruel obedience to the commands of his prince. § Whatever
occasional alleviations were allowed to his distress, he was
a prisoner to the last day of his abode in the hospital, and he
felt that there was perpetually a door barred between him-
and the relief of his body and his soul.|| His misfortune was

"" " Cosicche sembra cosa strana, come altri abbia potuto sognare tante
favole, come si e fatto intorno al motive della sua lunga prigionia." La
Vita, &c. lib. Hi. p. 34. torn. ii.

t " N' a t' il pas de quoi savoir grfe a cette sienne vivacite meurtri^re,''
Stc. fee. Essais, kc. liv. ii. cap. xii, p. £14. torn. ii. edit, stereot. 1811.

X " E '1 timor di continua prigionia molto accresce la mia mestizia ; e
r accresce 1' indegnita, die mi conviene usare ; e lo squallore della barba,
e delle chiome, e degli abiti, e la sordidezza, e '1 succidume fieramente
m' annojano: e sovra tutto m' afflige la solitudine, mia crudele e natural
nemica, della quale anco nel mio buono stato era talvolta cosi molestato-
che in ore intempestive m' andava cercando, o andava ritrovando com-
pagnia." Letter from Tasso to Scipio Gonzaga. Oper. vol. x. p. 386-
La Vita, &c. lib. iii. p. 35. torn. ii.

^ " Sed neque cui parvo est virtus in corpore major
" Mustius, obsequiis intentus principis usque."
His name was Agostino Mosti. See La Vita, &c. lib. iii. p. 38. torn. ii.
Tasso sa3'^s of him, in a letter to his sister, "ed usa meco ogni sorte di
rigore ed inumanita." See Opera, vol. ix. p. 183, and La Vita, &i.c. lib.
iii. p. 40. torn. ii. Baruffaldi tries to defend him, by saying that Tasso was
guilty of high treason, and Mosti was only doing his duty. Vita di M. L.
Ariosto, hb. iii. p. £44. This avowal is every thing for the point wished
to be proved.

II " O Signer Maurizio, quando sara quel giorno oh' io possa respirar

rather aggravated than diminished by the repeated expecta-
tions held out to him of approaching Uberation. His calami-
ties gathered upon him with his confinement, and at no time
was his condition more deplorable than in the last months oi'
his detention.* Amongst the diseases of his body and his
mind, the desire and despair of freedom so constantly preyed
upon him, that when the order for his departure had been ob-
tained, his friends were cautious not to communicate the glad
tidings to him too abruptly, for fear of some fatal revulsion*
We must then deduct something from the harmonious praise
which our eloquent and courtly countryman claims for the
splendid patronage of the house of Este. The liberality, the
taste, the gratitude of Cardinal Hippolyto, may be collected
from the poet whom he degraded into a courier, whose Or-
lando he derided, and whose services he requited with dis-
dainful neglect. t The magnificence of his brother, the duke,
assigned to Ariosto a pension of 21 lire a month, and food for i
three servants and two horses ; a salary with which the poet

sotto il ciclo aperto, echenon mi veda sempre un uscio serrato davanti,
quando mi pare di aver bisoj^no del medico o del confessore.'* This pa-
thetic letter was written to his friend Catanco a few months before his
release. Opera, vol. ix. p. 3G7. La Vita, lib. iii. p. 139. torn. ii.

* " Sappia che per 1' infermita di molti anni sono smeraoratissimo c
per questa cagione dolentissimo, benche non sia qucsta sola cc, c' fe la de-
bolezza di tutti i sensi e di tutte le membra, e quasi la vechiezza venuta
innanzi agU anni, e la prigionia, e V ignoranza delle cose del mondo, e la
solitudine, la quale fe misera e nojosa oltre 1' altre, massimamente s' ella
non e d' uomini, ma d' amici." A solitude to which all the unhappy are
condemned. Letter to Monsig. Papio, dated Sept. 15Cr>. Operji. vol. x.
p. S13. La Vita, lib. iii. p. 133.

\ Non mi lascio fermar molto in un luogo
R^ poeta cavallar mi feo.

Ariost, Sat. vi.
Messer Ludovico dove avete mai ti'ovate tante fanfaluche ? was the famous
speech of the cardinal to Ariosto on first reading the Orlando. Hipolytr?
dismissed him from his service without any recompense: he had before
encouraged the composition of the Orlando, by telling the author, " che
sarebbegli stato assai piu caro che avesse atteso a senirlo." See the be-
fore cited La Vita di M. Ludovica Ariosto scntta dalV Abate Girolamo
Baruffaldi Giuniore. Fetrara mdcccvih. lib. ii.pp. 119, 120. lib. iii.pp.
174, 177. The Abate, under the late government, could afford to give an;
honest,charactcr of this Purple Mcccenas — and has done it.

W6uld have been contented had it been paid.* But our histo-
rian has stepped beyond the bounds of panegyric in ascribing
the Orlando to the favour of the first Alfonso. t The immor-
tal poem struggled into life under the barren shade of the
Cardinal Hippolyto, and the author derived no other benefit
from its second appearance, under the auspices of the court
of Ferrara, than the sale of a hundred copies for eight and
twenty crowns. J The obligations of the Jerusalem Delivered
to the second Alfonso, may have been already appreciated.
They consisted in the seven years imprisonment of the author,
and the surreptitious publication of a mutilated manuscript.
The princes of Italy were not deficient in a fruitless deference
to the claims of literature : this was the taste of the age, and
they divided that merit with the accomplished highwaymen
of the day.§ They regarded a man of letters as a necessary
appendage to their dignity, and a poet was the more che-
rished as he was the oftener employed in recording the
triumphs of his protecting court. The muse was encouraged
and confined to her laureate duties, and so carefully was her
gratitude secured, and her recompense so exactly weighed^
that the day before the Prince of Mantua obtained the libera-
tion of Tasso, he commanded the captive to compose a copy
of verses as an earnest, it should seem, of more elaborate
efforts. II The same prince imitated the example of Alfonso
in retaining the manuscripts of our poet, as a pledge for his
future attachment to the house of Gonzaga ; and having as-
signed him a small sum for his immediate exigencies, would
not allow him to purchase clothes unless he would consent
to wear them out in the duties of the Mantuan court. A

* See Ariosto Satir. ad Annibale Malaguzzo, and La Vita, Sic. iib. iii..
p. 184.

f " Ferrara may boast that in her classic ground Ariosto and Tasso
lived and sung ; that the lines of the Orlando Furioso, and of the Jerusa-
lem Delivered, were inscribed in everlasting characters under the eye of
the first and second Alfonso."

See Gibbon's Antiquities of the House of Brunswick, edit. cit. p. 694.

X La Vita di M. Lodovico Ariosto, &6c. lib. iii. p. 136.

^ See the adventure of Ariosto with Filippo Pachione. La Vita dr.
M. L. Ariosto, kc. lib. iii. p. 187, and that of Tasso withMarco eft Sciarra.
La Vita del Tasso, &.c. lib. iii. p. 229. torn. ii.

II IjR Vita, kc. lib. iii. p. 144. torn, ir.

thousand traits in the life of Tasso serve to show that genius
was considered the property, not of the individual, hut his
patron ; and that the reward allotted for this appropriation
was dealt out with jealous avarice. The author of the Jeru-
salem, when he was at the height of his favour at the court
of Ferrara, could not redeem the covering of his body and
bed, which he was obliged to leave in pledge for 13 crowns
and 45 lire on accompanying the cardinal of Este to France.
This circumstance appears from a testamentary document
preserved in manuscript in the public library of Ferrara,
which is imperfectly copied into the Life of Tasso,* and the
following letter! is extracted from the same collection of auto-
graphs as a singular exemplification of what has been before
said of princely patronage.

My Magnificent Lord,

I send your lordship five shirts, all of which
want mending. Give them to your relation ; and let him knozo
that I do not wish them to be mixed loith the others ; and that
he zoill gratify me by coming one day with you to see me. In
the mean while I wait for that answer which your lordship pro-
mised to solicit for me. Put your friend in mind of it, I kiss
your lordship'' s hand.

Your very faithful servant,

ToRQUATO Tasso.
From S. ATma, the 4th of Jan. 1585.

If you cannot come with your relation, come alone, I want
to speak to you. And get the cloth washed in which the shirts
are wrapped up.

To the very Magnificent Lord,
The Signor Luca Scalahrino.

* Lib. ii. p. 171. torn. 1. Seras^ had not seen the original, but copied
from a copy — the list of goods in pawn is left out.

f At the end of these notices, will be seen the original and the other
Ferrara MSS. which have never been published entirely or correctly.
Dr. Black has followed some incorrect writer in saying that Tasso's hand-
writing " was small and almost illegible." [Chap. xxiv. vol. ii. pp. 344,
S45.] That it was large and very legible will be seen from a fac-simile
of an autograph in possession of the writer, also subjoined.

Such was the condition of him who thought'that, besides
Ood, to the poet alone belonged the name of creator, and
who was also persuaded, that he himself was the first Italian
of that divine race.* Those who indulge in the dreams of
earthly retribution will observe, that the cruelty of Alfonso
was not left without its recompense, even in his own person.
He survived the affection of his subjects and of his dependants,
who deserted him at his death, and suffered his body to be in-
terred without princely or decent honours. His last wishes
were neglected; his testament cancelled. His kinsman Don
Caesar shrank from the excommunication of the Vatican, and
after a short struggle, or rather suspense, Ferrara passed away
for ever from the dominion of the house of Este.t

Stanza XXXV,
Ferrara ! in thy wide and grass-grown streets*

When Tasso arrived in Ferrara, in 1565, he found the city
one brilliant theatre. t The largest streets which he saw
thronged with all the forms of gayety and splendour, are now
almost untrodden, and support a few paupers in the fruitless
attempt to eradicate the grass and weeds. The cutting the
t^anal from the Reno to the Po, and the saltpetre manufacto-
fies, had begun to revive and augment the languid population.

* " II Tasso si lev6 in collera, e disse clie il poeta era cosa di-

vina, e i Greci il chiamano con un' attributo che si da a Dio, quasi volen-
do inferire, che nel mondo non ci 6 chi meriti il nome di creatore, che Dio
e il Poeta." See La Vita, fee. lib. iii. p. 262. Monsignor de Nores asked

hini^ who he thought deserved the first place, " fra i nostri poeti

mi rispose, 'almio giudizio all' Ariosto si deve il secondo,' e soggiun-
gendogli io subito, * e il primo ?' Sorrise, e mi volto le spalle, volendo
credo io che intendessi, che il primo lo riserbava a sfe." See La Vita, &c,
lib. iii. p. 262. torn. ii.

f Antichita Estensi. par. ii. cap. 13 and 14.

} " II Gianluca ovvero delle maschere." Opere del Tasso, Venice,

1738, vol. viii. pp. 4, 5. " Quando prima vidi Ferrara, e mi parve,

che tutta la citta fosse una maravigliosa, e non piu veduta scena dipinta,
c luminosa, e plena di mille forme, e di mille apparense, e le azioni di
quel tempo siraili a quelle, che sono rappresentate ne* teatri con varie
linguo, e con varie intcrlocutori."

, The return of the legate to the castle has coriilrmed the curse
on the streets of Ferrara. The Ferrarese suhjects of Ahonso
II. must share iii the disgrace attached to the imprisonment,
for thej contributed to the persecution of Tasso.* To many
names now scarcely known except as having been joined in
this base design, must be added those of Horatio xiriosto,
great nephew of the poet, and of the more celebrated Gua-
rini. The disordered fmcies of Tasso furnished them with
the excuse and with the means for his ruin. The toleration
of the eccentricities of genius is more frequently found in the
language than the practice of mankind : and the natural in-
clination to repel any assumption or supposition of exemp-
tion from the common rules of life, is not more likely to be
found in the saloons of princes, which are made up of forms
and precedents, than in the lower independent classes of so-
ciety. The Ferrarese appear to have carried their com-
plaisance to their sovereigns to an unusual excess ; for on the
tower of the cathedral we read the following inscription.

DIYO HERCVLE SECVN DVCE IMPERANTE*

An apotheosis, for which, if their god was still alive, there
is some doubt whether the slavery of Imperial Rome can
furnish them with an example.! Now it was one of the ex-
travagancies of Tasso to discover that haughty spirit of a
gentleman and a scholar, which made him averse to fiattery.J
and to that self-annihilation which is the most acceptable qua-

■^" Cid che fe certo ^, die lo Ferrara per la raalvaggia invidia cortigi-
ana venne a formarsi contro 11 povero Tasso una specie di congiura,'' &,c.,
La Vita del Tasso, Jk.c. dell' Abate Pierantonio Serassi, sec. ediz. in
Bergamo, 1790, lib. ii. p. 259, torn. i.

f Julius Csesar, Caligula, and Doraitian, were deified during their life-
time. See the question argued in Donatus, -who gives it against the
Divvs. Roma Vetus, lib, iii. cap. iv. Classical authority excusf^d even ir-
religion. Bembo rejected that unity of the Deity \vhich was repugnant
to his Ciceronian iatinity; and, when writing in the name of the Pope,
ascribed his election to the chair of St, Peter to the favour of the " im-
inm'Uil gods" deorum immortalium beneficiis.

I " Quanto egli fe piuttosto di sua natura altiero ed alieno da ogni ter-
mine di adulazione, che acconcio alle scurrilita corti^iane.'' La Vita, &ic.
lib. iii. p. a6L torn. ii.

litj in a dependant. To this ignorance of the arts of courtly
dissimulation, his biographer does not hesitate to attribute
his misfortunes,* and the inference must be dishonourable to
his Ferrarese competitors. It appears that Tasso was in part
the victim of a household conspiracy, formed by those who
were totally incapable of appreciating either his virtues or
his failings ;-*and who thought themselves interested, if they
did not find, to prove Him insane. For this purpose every
httle extravagance of action was carefully watched and noted
down. Not only his words were submitted to the same cha-
ritable interpretation, but his thoughts were scrutinized, and
in pursuit of the same evidence of his derangement and dis-
aifection to his duties, his books, his papers, and his corres-
pondence were explored in those repositories which are safe
against ail but domestic treachery ;t affection for his person,
and admiration for his talents, were the pretext for every pro-
ceeding against his liberty and his fame ; and so far did this
insulting hypocrisy proceed, that a report was industriously
spread, that it v/as the kind resource of pity to pronounce him
not guilty but mad. This rumour caused and excused the de-
sertion of one whose relief seemed hopeless. Remonstrance
was an aggravation, concession a proof, of his delinquency.
Botli were unavailing, and the voice of friendship could give
no other counsel than to be silent and to submit. His disaster
v>^as considered as his decease ; and his cotemporaries
usurped and abused the rights of posterity. Compositions,
some unfinished, and none of them intended for the light,
were devoted to the greedy gains of literary pirates ; and on
such documents, no less garbled than the representation of
his actions, did his enemies proceed to judgment. These
calamities would have overwhelmed guilt, and might confound
innocence. But the tried affection of an only sister, the un-
shaken though unserviceable regard of former associates, and
more than all, his own unconquerable mind, supplied the mo-
tive and the means of resistance. He had lost the hope of
mercy, he cherished the expectation of justice. This con-

■^ La Vita, &c. p. 277.

t Ibid. lib. ii. p. 258. torn. i. Plutarch tells us that Romulus allowed
only three causes of divorce, drunkenness, adultery, and false keys.

tidence preserved the principle of life ; and the sensibility of
nnisfortune gave an irresistible edge and temper to his facul-
ties whenever his spirit emerged from distress. The rays of
his genius could not dissipate, but they burst, at intervals,
through the gloom of his seclusion, and his countrymen soon
found that their poet, although hidden from their sight, was
still high above the horizon.

Stanza LIV.

Here repose
Angela' Sf AlJierVs hones^ ^c.

The following anecdotes of Alfieri are from an authentic
source, and appear worthy record. The poet was one
evening at the house of the Princess Carignani, and leaning,
in one of his silent moods, against a sideboard decorated with
a rich tea-service of china, by a sudden movement of his
long loose tresses, threw down one of the cups. The lady
of the mansion ventured to tell him that he had spoilt her
set, and had better have broken them all ; but the Avords were
no sooner said, than Alfieri, without replying or changing
countenance, swept off the whole service upon the floor.
His hair was fated to bring another of his eccentricities into
play •, for, being alone at the theatre at Turin, and hanging
carelessly with his head backwards over the corner of his box,
a lady in the next seat on the other side of the partition, who
had, on other occasions, made several attempts to attract his
attention, broke into violent and repeated encomiums on his
auburn locks, which were flowing down close to her hand.
Alfieri spoke not a word, and continued in his posture until
he left the theatre. The lady received the next morning a
parcel, the contents of which she found to be the tresses she
had so much admired, and which the count had cut off close
to his head. There was no billet with the present, but words
could not have more clearly expostulated, " If you like the
hair, here it {5, but for heaven^ s sake leave me a lone, "^"^

Alfieri employed a respectable young man at Florence to
assist him in his Greek translations, and the manner in which
that instruction was received was not a little eccentric. The

tutor slowlj read aloud and translated the tragedian, and Ai-
fieri, with his pencil and tablets in hand, walked about the
room and put down his version. This he did without speak-
ing a word, and when he found his preceptor reciting too
quickly, or when he did not understand the passage, he held
up his pencil, — this was the signal for repetition, and the last
sentence v/as slowly recited, or the reading was stopped, un-
til a tap from the poet's pencil -on the table warned the trans-
lator that he might continue his lecture. The lesson began
and concluded with a slight and silent obeisance, and during
the twelve or thirteen months of instruction, the count
scarcely spoke as many words to the assistant of his studies.
The Countess of Albany, however, on receiving something
like a remonstrance against this reserve, assured the young
man that the count had the highest esteem for him and his
services. But it is not to be supposed that the master felt
much regret at giving his last lesson to so Pythagorean a pu-
pil. The same gentleman describes the poet as one whom he
had seldom heard speak in any company, and as seldom seen
smile. His dail}' temper depended not a little upon his fa-
vourite horse, whom he used to feed out of his hand, and
ordered to be led out before him every morning. If the ani-
mal neighed, or replied to his caresses with any signs of
pleasure, his countenance brightened, but the insensibility of
the horse, was generally followed • by the dejection of the
master.

The tomb of Aliieri in the Santa Croce, is one of the
l,east successful productions of Canova. The whole monu-
ment is heav}^, and projects itself into the aisle of the
church more prominently than becomes the associate of the
more modest but richer sepulchres of Michael Angelo and
Machiavelli. The colossal Cybele of Italy weeping over a
medallion in low relief, shows the difficulty of doingjustice to
the mourner and the monument, and may besides be mis-
taken for the princess of the house of Stolberg, whose name
and title have left little room on the inscription for Alfieri
himself. They show a little step opposite to the monument,
on which the princess herself periodically contemplates her
own work and that of Canova. The grief of an amiable
woman for the loss 0 an accomphshed man, may h& ex-

pected to endure ; and, to say the truth, the other sex has
loo long wanted a " pendant" for the twice retold tale of the
Ephesian matron.

Stanza LXVI.

But thou, Clitumnus, in thy s.vettest wave.

The Clitumnus rises at Le Vene di Campello, or di Piscig-
nano. In the territory of Trevi and that of Foligno, it is
called the "Clitunno," and lower down in its course assumes
the name of La Timmia, Antiquaries have been careful
to measure the exact size of its original fountain, which they
find to be eleven Roman palms and ten inches long, and one
palm seven inches and a half wide. This source pours from
beneath a blind arch in the high road from Foligno to Spoleto,
half a mile from the post-house of Le Vene, and gushing into
a thousand blue eddies, is soon lost in a bed of giant reeds.
The peasants of the neighbourhood say that the stream
hasma:y fountains, and although no where in the immediate
vicinity it is wider than a mill-brook, is in many places un-
fathomable. The Clitumnus has been sung by most of the
poets from Virgil to Claudian. The Umbrian Jupiter bore
the same name ; and either he or the river-god himself inspir-
ed an oracle which gave answers by lots, and which was con-
sulted by Caligula.* There were festivals celebrated by
the people of the neighbouring; Hispelium in honour of this
deity.t When Pliny the younger saw and described the Cli-
tumnus, the fountain spread at once into a considerable river,|
capable of bearing two laden boats abreast ;§ but it is thought
to have been shrunk by the great earthquake in 446, which
^hook Constantinople for six months, and was violently felt in

■^ Sueton.in Vita Calig.

t Gori. Mus. Etrus. torn. ii. p. 66. " Clitumnalia sacra apud Hispel-
lates in ejus honorem celebrata fuisse, constat auctoritate hujus vetustse
arae, eidem dedicata, quse inter Gudianas vulgata est." Edit. Florent.
1737.

\ " Fons adhuc et jara amplissimum flumen." Epist. ad Romanum, lib.
viii. epist. viii.

^"Navei- amen ne heic intelligas majores sed scaphas tantum." P.
Cluverii Italise Antique, lib. ii. cap. 10. torn. 1. p. 702. edit. Elzev,

«ianj parts of Italy. The " glassy Fucine lake, the sea-
green Anio, the sulphureous Nar, the clear Faberis, and the
turbid Tiber," are, with the cold Clitumnus, known to have
been affected by this tremendous convulsion.* Hence, per-
haps, the holes which are said to be unfathomable. It has,
however, been always honourably mentioned amongst the
rivers of Italy ;t and if the little temple on its banks was not
thrown down, the effects of the earthquake could not have been
very important. With respect to this temple, now a church,
dedicated to the Saviour, which is seen a few paces before you
come to the principal source, some doubts have been enter-
tained of its antiquity by a late English traveller, who is very
seldom sceptical out of place. J Fabretti, in his inscriptions,§
had before asserted that it had been built from ancient frag-
ments by the Christians, who baptized it, sculptured the grapes
on the tympanum, and added the steps. Mr. Forsyth's
objection can, however, in this instance, perhaps be removed
by the mention of a fact with which he appears to have been
unacquainted. The inside of the temple described by Pliny
was " bescratched with the nonsense of an album," and of
this record no vestiges were seen by our acute traveller : they
could not, for the whole of the interior of the chapel is allow-
ed to have been modernized when the altar niche was added
at the conversion of the structure, and any ancient remnants
then left v/ithin were carried away when it was reduced to its
present appearance in the middle of the last century. The
sculpture of the columns, singular as it is, can scarcely be
made a valid objection. Falladio calls it most delicate and
beautifully various, j| and if what appears in his drawings vine

* Sidon. ApoUinar. lib. i. epist. 5.

f Boccaccio de Flum. in verb. Clltum. " Clitumnus Unibriae fluvius
apud Mevaniam et Spoletum defluens, ex quo (ut quid am volunt,) sicon-
fertim postquam concepitbos bibat ; album pariet. Quam ob rem Ro-
mani niagnas hostias Jovi imraolaturi ad hunc locum per albis tauris
mittebant. Hunc alii fontem alii lacum dicunt" in fin. Lib. de geneal.
deorum. edit, Princj

I Remarks on Italy, &.c. p. S20. Sec. edit.

^ Inscrip. p. 38. See Osservazioni, Uc. p. 61. ut inf.

li " Lavorate delicatissimamente e con bella varieta d'intagli." Incho-
nog. de'Temp. lb. iv. p. 2. cap. £5. del tempio ch' e sotto Treri. T©m,
vi. p. 10. Ven. 1745. The plates are not at all recognizable.

leaves, be in reality, as Venuti asserts,* and as they seem to
be, fish scales, the workmanship may have some allusion to the
river god. The above great architect saw this temple entire,
and made five designs of it.t What remains, which is only I
the western portico and the exterior of the cell, is certainly a
part of the temple seen by him, and called by Cluverius one
of the Fanes of Jupiter Clitumnus.j It appears the Fane
preserved the form copied by Palladio down to 1730, when
an earthquake broke off a piece of the cornice, and even in !
1739 it had not been reduced to the ruin in which Venuti saw
it, and which seems to differ but little from ils present con- t
dition.§ The chapel belonged formerly to the community of
Trevi, but about the year 1420 they lost it together with the
castle of Piscignano, and it became a simple ecclesiastical be-
nefice of ten or twelve crowns annual rent attached to the
Dateria at Rome. In 1 730 it was intrusted to a brother Hila-
rion, who, under the pretext of repairing it, made a bargain
with Benedetti bishop of Spoleto, to furnish him with a por-
tion of the columns and marbles for three and twenty crowns.^
The community of Piscignano opposed this spoliation for"^
some time, and an order was even procured from Pope Cle-
ment XIL to prevent it. But Monsignore Ancajani, then
bishop of Spoleto, confirmed the sale, laughed at the injunc-
tion, and said the marbles were but old stones ;|| consequently
the hermit, brother Paul, who had been left by Hilarion, fell
to work, demolished great part of the porticoes, and sold
four of the columns for eighteen crowns to the Signore Fon-
tani of Spoleto, who used them in building a family chapel in

* Osservazioni sopra il fiume Clitunno, dail' Abate RLJolpho Venuti,
Cortonese, a Ronie\, 1753.

7 See Ichonog;. lit ?iip.

X P. Cluverii Italic Antiquae, ut sup. Sacraria ista nulla alia fuere,
nisi quse ab initio ad varies Clitumni fontes variis Jovis Clitumni noraini-
bus numinibusque posita, ea baud dubie postea in Cbristianse religionis
U9um conversa. His aniotator Holstenius also believed it most ancient,
Annot. ad Cluv. Geog- pag. 123.

^ " La facciata cbe vedesi verso Ponente e I'unica che sia rimasta illesa
dal furore deg;!' i^noranti." See ut sup. pag. 45.

11 Quale se ne rise, dicendo essere eassaccij e se^uito il frate a demolire
e pertar via. See Osservazioni, ut sup.

the Philippine church of that town.* In 1748 the same
brother Paul, looking for a fancied treasure, broke his way
through the interior of the chapel, and tore up part of the
subterranean cell, of which pious researches there are the
marks at this daj. Whatever remained of marble in the
inside of the structure was then carried away, audit was with
much difficulty that the remaining portico was saved from the
hands of the hermit.t The reader is requested to bear ih'\
mind this transaction of two bishops and two holy brothers,
executed in spite of the most respectable opposition in the
middle of the last century. It may assist his conjectures
when he comes to estimate the probable merits of the Chris-
tian clergy who are said to have been so instrumental during
the dark ages in preserving the relics of Rome. The Abate
of Cortona talks with indignation of the offence, | and con-
cludes with a prayer to Benedict the Fourteenth to recover
the pillage, and replace the columns and marbles on their an-
cient base. Indeed the spoilers were guilty not only of a
crime against the antiquary, but of sacrilege. Clitumnus
could not be expected to deter brother Hilarion and brother
Paul, but the name of our Saviour might. Benedict the
Fourteenth did not listen to the Abate, and we see the
temple as it was left by the honest hermit.

It should seem then that the little portico and the form at
least of the cell belong to an ancient temple, and probably to
that of the Clitumnus, if not to one of the many chapels
which were near the principal fane.§ There were formerly

* " Distruttore di qitesta fabbrica e stato un certo Eremita Chiamato
Fra Paolo, che le ha vendute (4 colonne) per soli diecidotto scudi ai Fon-
tanini di SpoU:to, che se ne sono serviti per fare unaloro cappella in onore
di St. Filippo." Lettera MS. del conte Giacomo Valenti, ap. Venut. os-
servazioni, &.c. page 49.

f " . . . and the statue of the god (the Clitumnus) has yielded its place
to the triumphant cross. This circumstance is rather fortunate, as tojit
the temple owes its preservation." Classical Tour through Italy, chap.
ix. torn. 1. p. 321. Sdedit. Mr. Eustace was innocent of all knowledge
of the above fact : otherwise, though a zealous crusader, he would not
have stuck his triumphant cross on the Clitumnus.

I " E quello non hanno fatto i Goti nelle incursione, I'hanno fatto quelli,
che non s'intendono d'antichita. Osservazloni, &:c. ut sup.

^ " Sparsa sunt circa sacella complura." Plin. epist. fee.

vestiges of two other small ancient structures,* which liad not
entirely disappeared when Venuti w^rote, and had given to
a spot above the church the name ad sacraria. The counts
Valenti di Trevi found also the statue of a river god near the
chapel, and placed it in their collection. Add to this that
the namest still seen on the roof of the subterranean cell
belonged probably to those who had consulted the oracle,
and that there can be no doubt of the antiquity of that adytus^
although it is half blocked up and defaced by the excavations
of brother Paul. The cypress grove which shaded the hill
above the source of the river has disappeared, but the water
still preserves the ancient property of producing some of thp
finest trout to be met with in Italy.

Stanza LXXVII.

Yet fare thee well; upon, Sorade^s ridge we pari.

The pilgrim may take leave of Horace upon Soracte ; not
so the antiquary, who pursues him to the city and country, to
Rome and Tivoli, and hunts him through the windings of the
Sabine valley, till he detects him pouring forth his flowers over
the glassy margin of his Bandusian fount. Before, however,
the discreet traveller girds himself for such a tour, he is re-
quested to lay aside all modern guide books, and previously to
peruse a French work called " Researches after the house of
Horace." This will undeceive him as to the Bandusian foun-
tain, which he is not to look for in the Sabine valley, but on
the Lucano-Appuhan border where Horace w^as born.

Lucanus an Appulus anceps.

The vicissitude which placed a priest on the throne of the
Caesars has ordained that a bull of Pope Paschal the second
should be the decisive document in ascertaining the site of a
fountain which inspired an ode of Horace^:. The traveller

^Holstenius Annot. ad Geog. Cluv. pag. 12S.

t T. SEPTIMIVS BIDIA. L. F,

PLEBEIVS POLLA

The temple of the oracle of Memnon in Upper Egypt was full of such
inscriptions. See Osservazioni, k.c. page 56.
\ Confirmamus siquidem vobis Csenobium ipsum et omnia, qua? ad

must not be alarmecl at the three or four volumes which corw-
pose these researches after a single house : the estabhshment
of identity in these cases is absolutely necessary even as a
basis for the enthusiasm of which classical recollections are
the cause, or at least the excuse. The fixing localities and de-
termining the claims of those antiquities whose chief interest is
derived from the story attached to them, is generally supposed
the peculiar province of dull plodding writers : but as the man
most willing to give scope to his imagination would hardly
choose to have any other foundation for his feeling than truth,
and as he would be incensed at having been entrapped by an
ignorant enthusiastic declaimer into an admiration of objects
whose authenticity may be questioned by the first cool ex-
aminant, it is but fair that he should accept the labours of the
professed topographer and antiquary with their due share of
complacency and praise. The common opinion that blind
belief is the most convenient vialicmn, is contradicted by the
experience of every traveller in Italy. He who begins his
journey with such entire confidence in common fame and
common guide books, must have the conviction of impos-
ture and mistake forced upon him at every turn. He is
hkcly then to slide into the contrary extreme, and, if he is
averse to all previous examination, will subside at last into
complete scepticism and inditference. We may apply a lite-
ral sense to the words of Erasmus in praise of Italy. " Li
that count)' If the very walls are more learned and r)iore eloquent
than our men.'^''^ But the immense variety of antiquarian
objects, the innumerable details of historical topography be-
longing to every province, the national inclination to fable,
and, it may be said, to deception, suggest themselves to every
considerate traveller, and induce him to a caution and reserve
which, with wonders less multiplied and guides more faithful,

illud pertinent, monasteria sive cellas cum suis portinentiis : videlicet
Ecclesiam S. Salvatoris cum aliis ecclesiis de Castelio Bnndiisii. The
buH is addressed to the Ahbot Monasltrii Bantini in Apulia Jlchcruntinj
and enumerating the churches, goes on, Ecclesiam sanctorum martyrum
Gervasii et Prolabii in Bnndusino fontc ajmd Vtnusiam. The date of
the hull is May 22, 110.-5. [See BuUarium Romanum, I'aschalis, P. P^
secundusj num. xvii. tom. ii. pag. 12r3, edit. Roma, 17;39.]

*Lib. 1. epist. 4. to Rob. Fisher,

he might deem superfluous and embarrassing. A very little
experience is sufficient to convince him how small is the pro-
portion of those antiquities whose real character has been
entirely ascertained. From his first view of Soracte he ra-
pidly advances upon Rome, the approach to which soon
brings him upon debatcable ground. At CivitaCastellanahe
will find himself amongst the Velans when in the market-
place of Leo the Tenth, but going on the town bridge he is
told by Pius the Sixth that he is at Falerium. After he has
caught the first view of St. Peter's from the height beyond
Baccano, he hopes that the remaining fifteen miles may fur-
nish him at every other step with some sign of his vicinity to
Rome: he palpitates with expectation, and gazes eagerly on
the open undulating dells and plains, fearful lest a fragment of
an aqueduct, a column, or an arch, should escape his notice.

Gibbets garnished with black withered limbs, and a monk
in a vetturino's chaise, may remind him that he is approach-
ing the modern capital ; but he descends into alternate hol-
lows, and winds up hill after hill with nothing to observe ex-
cept the incorrectness of the last book of travels, which will
have talked to him of the flat, bare, dreary waste he has to
pass over before arriving at the Eternal City. At last, how-
ever, he is stopped at a sarcophagus, and told to look at the
iomh of Nero : a hardy falsehood, which may prepare him for
the misnomers of the city itself, but which, notwithstanding
the name of c. vibivs marianvs is cut upon the stone, was
so exactly suited to the taste and learning of the president
Dupaty, that he pointed a period of his favourite starts and
dashes, with this epigram, on the approach to ruined Rome,
*^ c^est h tombcau de Ncron qui Parmunce,'^'^'^

Stanza LXXVIII.

O Rome ! my country, city of the soui.

The downs which the traveller has passed after leaving
Monterosi, sink into green shrubby dells as Jie arrives within

* The writer having thrown the book in tfie fire, cannot quote chapter
and verse for this nonsense, but it is to be found in Dupaty's travels.

five or six miles of Rome. The Monte Mario stretches for-
ward its high woody platform on the right. The distant
plain of the Tiber and the Campagna, to the left, is closed by
the Tiburtinc and Alban hills. In the midst Rome herself,
wide spreading from the Vatican to the pine-covered Pincian,
is seen at intervals so far apart as to appear more than a sin-
gle city. Arrived at the banks of the Tiber, he does not
find the muddy insignificant stream which the disappointments
of overheated e^ipectations have described it, but one of the
finest rivers in Europe, now rolling through a vale of gardens,
and now sweeping the base of swelling acclivities clothedt
with wood, and crowned with villas and their evergreea
shrubberies. The gate of the city is seen immediately on
crossing the river at the end of a vista two miles in length ;
and the suburb is not composed of mean dwellings, but a fine
road with a wide pavement passes between the walls of vine-
yards and orchards, with here and there neat summer-houses^
or arched gateways rising on either liand, and becoming more
frequent with the nearer approach to the city. The Flami-
nian gate, although it is thought unworthy of Rome and Mi-
chael Angelo, will content those who are not fastidious. As,
entrance, not an arch of triumph, is sufficient for the modern
capital. The stranger, when within that gate, may ascend at
once by the new road winding up the Pincian mount, and en-
joy from that eminence the view of a city, which, whatever
may be the faults of its architectural details, is, when seen in
the mass, incomparably the handsomest in the world.*" The
pure transparent sky above him will seem made, as it were,
to give brilliancy to the magnilicent prospect below. The
new climate will indeed add much to his dehght, for although
amongst those branches of the Apennines which approach
within forty miles of the city, he may have been chilled by
the rigours of a Lombard sky, he is no sooner in the plain of
the Tiber, than his spirits expand in an atmosphere, which,
in many seasons, preserves an unsullied lustre and exhilarating

* Donatiis prefers the site, the streets, and as far as the church of St.
Peter's is considered, the edifices of the modern to those of the ancient
city. Roma Vetus, lib i. cap. 29. The town is much improved siocc
the time of Urban VIII. to whom Donatus dedicated his work.

warmth from the rains of autumn to the tempests of the veiv
nal equinox. What has been said and sung of the tepid
winter of Italy, is not intelhgihle to the north of Rome ; but
in that divine city, for some transport may be allowed to the
recollection of all its attractions, we assent to the praises of
Virgil, and feel his poetry to have spoken the language of
truth.

" Hie ver assiduum atque alienis mensibus sestas."
This must have been written at Rome. The banks of his
frozen Mincio would have inspired no such rapture.* But
not the superb structures of the modern town, nor the happy
chmate, have made Rome the country of every man and
" the city of the soul." The education which has qualified
the traveller of every nation for that citizenship which is
again become, in one point of view, what it once was, the
portion of the whole civihzed world, prepares for him at
Rome enjoyments independent of the city and inhabitants
about him, and of all the allurements of site and climate.
He will have already peopled the banks of the Tiber with
the shades of Pompey, Constantine, and Belisarius, and the
other heroes of the Milvian bridge. The first footstep with-
in the venerable walls will have shown him the name and the
magnificence of Augustus, and the three long narrow streets
branching from this obelisk, like the theatre of Palladio, will
have imposed upon his fancy with an air of antiquity conge-
nial to the soil. Even the mendicants of the country asking
alms in Latin prayers, and the vineyard gates of the suburbs
inscribed with the ancient language, may be allowed to con-
tribute to the agreeable delusion. Of the local sanctity
which belongs to Athens, Rome, and Constantinople, the two
first may be thought to possess, perhaps, an equal share.
The latter is attractive chiefly for that site which was cho-en
for the retreat and became the grave of empire. The Greek
capital may be more precious in the eyes of the artist, and,
it may be^ of the scholar, but yields to the magnitude the^

■* Rome had fallen when Riitilius said of her climate.
Tere tuo nunquam mulceri desinit annus
Deliciasque tua§ vic-Ui tueter hyems.

CI, Rut. Nqm. Iter.

grandeur, and variety of the Roman relics. The rot)e of the
Orientals has spread round Athens an air of antique preserva-
tion, which the European city and the concourse of strangers
have partially dispelled from Rome. But the required soli-
tude may be occasionally found amongst the vaults of the
Palatine, or the columns of the great Forum itself. Ancient
and modern Rome are linked together like the dead and liv-
ing criminals of Mezentius. The present town may be easi-
ly forgotten amidst the wrecks of the ancient metropohs ;
and a spectator on the tower of the capitol may turn from the
carnival throngs of the Corso, to the contiguous fragments
of the old city, and not behold a single human being. The
general effect of such a prospect may be felt by any one ;
and ignorance may be consoled by hearing that a detailed ex-
amination must be made the study rather of a life than of a
casual visit.

Stanza LXXVIII.

Co7iie and see
The cypress, hear the oivl, and plod your ivay
O^er steps of broken thrones and temples.

*The traveller who is neither very young nor very incu-
rious, may inquire what previous instruction or present guides
will enable him to understand the history as well as to feel the
moral effect of " these broken thrones and temples." To
thijB question no satisfactory answer can be given. The
earlier notices of the Roman antiquities abound with errors,
which might be expected from the infancy of a study requi-
ring so much discretion. Petrarch, who was himself an anti-
quary, and presented a collection of gold and silver medals
to the Emperor Charles IV. in 1354, called the pyramid of
Cestius, the tomb of Remus; and Poggio, whois surprised at
such an error,"^ has indulged in exaggerations which very much
ji'cduce the value of his lamentation over the fallen city.

* De tbrtunee varlctate urbi.s Romie et de ruinis ejusdem descriptio
Ap. Sallcngrc Nov. Thcaaiir. Antiq. Rojnan. Venot, 1735. toni. i. p.
f)01

The ill-tempered Florentine has also told us what to expect
from his cotemporary Ciriacus of Ancona, whose forty days
ride in Rome, with his tablets in hand, has procured for him
no better names than an impostor and a dunce. "^ Flavins
Blondus, who dedicated to the patron of this latter writer, to
Eugenius IV., contented himself v/ith a description rather
of the ancient city, and hazarded so few conjectures on its
comparative topography, that he owns he could hardly disco-
ver the seven hills on the most minute inspection.! When
less doubtful, he is not less erroneous, and amongst other
instances, may be selected his assertion that Theodoric per-
mitted the Romans to employ the stones of the Coliseum for
the repair of the city walls. J In the end of the same cen-
tury (XVth), Pomponius Laitus made a collection of antiques
on the Quirinal, and distinguished himself in exploring the
ruins ; but the forgery of the inscription to Claudian§ renders
the authority of the restorer of the drama more than sus-
pected. Sabellico Peutinger, and Andreas Fulvius, both of
the school of Lastus, will throw little light on a survey of
Rome. The character of Marlianus may be given from his

* See an account of him in Tiraboschi. Storia della Lett. torn, vi-
par. i. Ub. i. p. 20 4 et seq. edit. Venet. 1795. He rode on a t^ hite horse,
lent him by Cardinal Condolmieri, afterwards Eugenius IV. Tiraboschi
defends Ciriacus.

f Roma instaurata, edit. Taurin. 1527, in a collection, lib. i. fol. 14.

X Ibid. lib. iii. fol S3. See note on the Coliseum.

^ Ciaudian had a statue in the forum of Trajan, hut the inscription
was composed by Pomponius Lsetus. See Tiraboschi Storia, kc. torn,
ii. lib. iv. It imposed on all the antiquaries, and was believed even by
Nardini. See Roma Antic, lib. v. cap. ix. Considerable caution is re-
quisite even at this time in reading inscriptions either oh the spot or copied
That on the horse of Aurclius was written at a venture, when that monu-
ment was transported from the Lateran to the capitol in l538,byPa'ul
III.

Faunus, Gruter, Pagi, Smetius, Desgodetz, Piranesi, gave an Incorrect
copy of the inscription on the Pantheon. Marlianus, Faunus, and
Nardini, have done the same by the inscription od the Temple of Con-
cord. See the Abate Fea's dissertation on the ruins of Rome at the end
of his translation of Winckelman's Storia delle arti, Sec torn. iii. pp= 294
298.

4'2

annotator Fulvius Ursinua.* He does not treat frequently
of the modern town, and despatches the curiosities of the
Capitol in twenty hnes. The arbitrary rashness which dis-
pleased Ursinus is, however, shown in instances iJiore decisive
than^ the one selected by his annotator. Lucius Faunus is
occasionally quoted by later writers, and generally for the
sake of correcting his errors.! The studious but unlearned
Ligorius, the erudite obscure Panvinius, have received their
estimation from Montfaucon.l Pancirolus does not attempt
to be a modern guide, and Frabricius, where he runs into the
contrary extreme, and gives ancient names to disputed rem-
nant?, is to be admired only for the boldness of his conjec-
ture. § Donatus and Nardini are indeed of a very superior
quality, and the last is to this day the most serviceable
conductor. The exception made in their favour by the
more modern writers, is not however unqualified. || Mont-

*Fulviusis angrywith Marlianus for placing the temple of Jupiter Tonans
near the Clivus Capitolinus, but it is placed there again by the antiquaries
of our own day. " Atque fortasse minus est admirandum quod ita factus
€st homo hie ut arbitratu suo temere omnia tractet." See Marllani
urbisRomee topographia, ap. Graev. Antiq. Roman, torn. iii. lib. ii. cap.
3. p. 141. note S. Marlianus dedicated his treatise to Francis I. whom
he styles liberator RomcB.

f De Antiq. urb. Romse. ap. Sallengre. Nov. Thesaur. &tc. tom. i. p.
217.

I Diarium Italicum, edit. Paris, 1703, cap. 20. p. 279. "Sequitur
Onuphrius Panvinius, qui oranes quotquot antea scripserunt eruditis
suis lucubrationibus obscuravit." He is given in the third vol. of
Grsevius.

c^ They nre both to be found in the third vol. of Grsevius. Descriptio
tnbis Roma?. Descriptio Roma?, p. 462. George Fabricius wrote in
1550. Panvinius dedicated his description of Rome, which he added to
the old regionaries, to the Em}>eror Ferdinand, in 1558- Fabricius him-
self mentions some early writers in his first chapter, and lays down a
useful canon. " In cognoscendis autem urbis antiquitatibus sermo vulgi
•audiendus non est."

(! " E quibus, (that is, all the early topographers) si hos binos posterio-
res exceperis, nemo est, qui in turpes errores non impegerit, quamquam
nee isti quidem immunes sint." Jul. Minutuli, dissertatio iii. de urbis
Romse topographia. Syllabus auctorum, ap. Sallengre Supp., he. p.
40,

t^ucon, in the end of the XVIIth century, found them and
many others who had passed nearly their whole lives in at-
tempting a description of the city, far from satisfactory ;"* and
neither he nor his cotemporaries supplied the deficiency. A
hundred years have not furnished the desired plan of the
city. Detached monuments have heen investigated with
some success ; and whenever Visconti has shone out, we have
had reason " to bless the useful light," But whoever should
attempt a general view of the subject, would have to brush
away the cobwebs of erudition, with which even the modern
discoveries are partially obscured. Venuti hardly deserves
the praise conferred upon him by our most intelligent modern
traveller.! His style and argument are in many places such
as not to allow of his being divined, and he generally leaves
us, even when most positive, to balance doubts and choose
between difficulties. If the Abbe Barthelemy had pursued
his original plan of writing an Italian Anacharsis for the age
of Leo X., he might have been more useful at Rome than he
is in Greece. As it is, the Abbe's cursory but learned obser-
vations are distinguished by the quotation of a very singular
document, the original of which has never been found,! and

^ Montfaucon says of Donatus, " quaravis piura praetermittat quam
scribit." Of Nardini, "laudatum opus a laudatis viris," but " videturque
sane nihil pensi habere, dum duWa et difticultates perpetuo iiijiciat, ubi ne
vel umbra difficultatis fuerit." Diarium Italicum, fcc. cap. 30. p. 231.
edit Paris, 170£.

f Mr. Forsyth, after touching on the inadequacy of former topogra-
phers, as general guides, says, " Venuti has sifted this farmsco,'''' If
he has, the chaft' flies in our eyes. Remarks, kc. on Italy, p. l^O. sec.
edit.

X It refers to the Coliseum, and will be remarked in its proper place.
See Mem. de I'academie des helles lettres, torn xxviii pp. 5lv). 590. A
separate volume has been printed.

Mr. Millin has published four volumes on Upper Italy, (Voyage en
Savoie, en Piemont, a Nice et a Genes, 1816: and Voj'age dans le Mi-
Janais a Plaisance, Parme, &lc. 1817.) and is to continue his work down
to the straits of Mussina, and into Calabria. He should be warned that
he is charged by the Italians with never having been in some of the
spots he describes as a spectator. His compilation does not apply to
present appearances. It is as clear that he never has been at Parma, as
that Buonaparte was at the battle of Lodi, which, by the account-giveu

liis ingenious countrymen had not extended their hterary em-
pire to the illustration of sites and monuments in their rival Ita-
ly, until their political dominion had embraced the soil itself.
Our own writers, with the exception of Mr. Forsyth, whose
sketch makes us regret the loss of the taste and learning he might
have brought to bear on a regular survey, have done nothing
in this laborious line, absolutely nothing*. The last of them
^eems to have thought it of little importance that the capitol
"Was ever inhabited by any others than the monks of Ara coeli,
or that the court of Augustus preceded that of the Popes.
The insufficiency of all latter labours, and the necessity of
some new guide, may be collected from the expedient at last
adopted of republishing Nardini.* What has been said of the
embarrassment of a stranger at Rome, must appear more sin-
gular when it is recollected, that besides the casual efforts of
natives and foreigners, there is an archaeological society con-
stantly at work upon the antiquities of the city and neighbour-
hood, and that not a few persons of liberal education are in
the exercise of a lucrative profession, having for object the
instruction and conduct of travellers amidst the wrecks of
the old town and the museums of the new,

Stanza LXXX.

The Gotk, the Christian, ^c.

A Comment on these verses will naturally embrace some
Remarks on the various causes of the destruction of Rome, a
subject on which, it is said with the utmost deference, the
last chapter of our great historian has furnished a hasty out-
line rather than the requisite details.! The inquiry has par-
taken of-^he fate of all disputed points. The exculpation of

by this conserve!' of the king's medals, it would appear he was not. See
Voyage dans le Milanais, &c. pp. 57, 58 chap. xvi.

* [t has been undertaken by Mr. Nibby, a respectable young man, one
f)f the professional antiquaries of Rome, who is likewise employed on a
translation of Pausanias. The volume on the Basilica of St. Paul, under
the name of Consignor Niccolai, is by this gentleman.

fL^t it not be thought presumptuous to say that this last chapter
<5bouId have been his first composition, written while his memory was

the Goths and Vandals has heen thought prejudicial to the-
Christians, and the praise of the latter regarded as an injus-
tice to the barbarians ; but, forgetting the controversy and
following the order prescribed in the cited verse, perhaps we
shall find both the one and the other to have been more act've
despoilers than has been confessed by their mutual apologists.
A learned Tuscan, a friend of Tasso, wrote a treatise ex-
pressly on this subject, and positively asserted that from
Alaric to Arnulphus no damage was done by the barbarians to

freshly stamped with the imaj;e of the ruins which inspired his immortal
labours. In the present case his researches do not hear the mark of h 'V-
ing been at all corrected by his Italian travels ; and indeed, in more than
one instance, his erudition has completely effaced his experience. It is
not meant to attach undue importance to trifles, but an author, whose
accuracy was his pride, and who is generally allow ed to have descended
|o the minutest details, particularly in topography, might hardly he ex-
pected to have made the follow ing mistake : '• The Roman amhasmdor$
were introduced to the tent of Attila as htlay encamped at the place ivherQ
the slow winding Mincius is lost in the foaming Benacus, and trampled
ivith his Scythian cavalry the farms of Catullus and Virgil ;" and below^
note 63, " The Marquis Maffei ( Verona ilhistrata, part i pp. 95, 129, 221,
partii.pp.^ — 6.) has illustrated tvith taste and learning this interesting
topography. He places the intervieiv of Attila and St Leo near Ariolica
or Ardelica, now Pesehiera, at the confux of the lake and the rivers De^
cline and Fall, cap. xxxv. p. ISt. torn. vi. oct. Extraordinary! The
Mincius flows from the Benacus at Pesehiera, not into it. The country
is on a descent the whole way from the Veronese hills, according to the
quotation from Virgil cited by lyir. Gibbon himself:

qua se subducere colles,

Incipiunt.

More strange still is the reference to Maffei, who, so far from alluding to
a conflux of the river and lake, says at the close of the very sentence re-
specting the interview between Attila and St. Leo, " Chi scrisse il luogo
di cosi memorabil fatto essere stato ove shocca il Mincio net Po, d'autore
antico non ebbe appoggio." Verona illustrata, parte i. p. 424. Verona
1732. The other references, parte ii. p. 3, 10, 11, of the same edition*
say nothing of the course of the river. It is just possible Mr. Gibbon
thought Maffei meant to deny that the Mincio fell into the Po : but at aU
events he might have seen at Pesehiera that it runs through sluices out of
the Benacus. Maffei, however, in another place actually mentions the
outlet of the lake into the Mincio : " Pesehiera .... aW esito del lago sn^
Mincio.^* Veron. ijlust- par. iii. p. 510. ^dit. cit.

any of llie public edilices of Rome.* He owned that such an
opinion would appear paradoxical, and so indeed will it be
found after a cursory survey, and even as he treats the inqui-
ry. It is certain that Alaric did burn a part of Rome. Oro-
sius,1 by HKiking the comparison between the former great
fires and that of the Goths, shows that such a comparison
might be suggested by the magnitude of the latter calamity.
He adds also that after the people were returned the confla-
gration had left its traces, and in relating the partial destruc-
tion of the Forum by lightning, makes it appear that the
brazen beams and the mighty structures which were then con-
sumed would have fallen by the hands and flames of the bar-
barians, had they not been too massive for human force to
overthrow.! It should be remembered that the supposed
piety redeemed the actual violence of the Goths, and that
respect for the vessels of St. Peter's shrine made Orosius al-
most the apologist of Alaric.

The lamentations of St. Jerome are too loud to allow us
to suppose the calamity did iK)t affect the buildings.^ He

■^' Angjelio Pietro da Barga de privaiorum puhlicoiiimqix (Bdifciorurh
urMs Bomcc eversoribu^ epistola ad Petrum Usimhardum, &lc. Ap. Grsev.
Antiq Roman, torn. iv. p. 1870. Edit. Venet. 1732. " sed tamen quod
ad puI)licoiLim a^dificiorum et substructionum ruinas pertinet nihil omnino
incommodi passa est."

t •' Tertia die Barban, quariv ingressi fuerint urbem, sponte disceduntj,
facto quidom aliquantarutn sedium incendio, sed ne tanto quidem, quan-
tum septingesimo conditionis ejus anno casus effecerat." He compare*
the Gallic and Neronic fires, and says the)' were greater than the Gothic-
Hist. Lib. vii. cap. xxxix. " Cujus rei quamvis recens memoria sit, turn
si quis ipsius populi Romani et multitudinem videat et vocem audiat, nihil
factum, sicnt ipsi etiam fatentur, arbitrabitur, nisi aliquantis adhuc existen-
tibus ex incendio minis forte doceatur." Lib. vii. cap. xl.

I" Quippe cum supra humanas vires esset, incendepe seneas trabes, et
subruere magnaram moles structurarum, ictu fulminum Forum cum ima-
ginibus variis, quse supei'stitione miserabili vej deum vel hominemmentiun-
titr, abjectum est : liorum(jue omnium abominamentorum quod immissa
perhostem (lamma non adiit, missus e ccelo ignis evertit." Lib. ii cap. li>'

^ Sre Epist. cxxvii. ad PiinGii)iam ; E|>ist. cxxiii. ad Agruchiam. pp-, »
903—909. torn i. Hieron. Opera. Veron. USi-

calls the city " the sepulchre of the Roman people,'' and
particularizes that " the walls were half destroyed."*

More confidence might he attached to his account of the
Fuin and restoration of Rome, if he had not attributed the j
latter to the profession of virginity by a single noble lady.t ^

In subsequent times we find the strongest expressions ap-
plied to the sack of Rome by Alaric. Pope Gelasius in a
letter to the senator Andromachus (A. D. 496) has the words
*' when Alaric overturned the city."|

Procopius§ confines the fire to the quarter near the Sala-
rian gate ; but adds that the Goths ravaged the whole city*
The despoiling edifices of ornaments, many of which must
have been connected with their structure, could not fail to
hasten their decay.

Marcellinus mentions that a part of Rome was burnt, and
delays the departure of the barbarians to the sixth day.||

Cassiodorus,** a much better and earlier authority in every
respect than the three last writers, assures us that " many of
the wonders of Rome were burnt." Olympiodorus talks

* " Urhs tua quondam orhis caput Romani populi sepulchrum est ~

Semiruta whis Romance mania.^^ Epist exxx. ad Demetriadem, p. 974.
torn. 1.

f He says the victory of Marcellus at Nola did net so raise the spirits
of the Romans, afflicted by the battles of Trebia, Thrasymene.,
and Cannae, as this vow of chastity : " Tunc lugubres vestes Itaha muta-
vit, et semiruta urbis msenia, pristinam ex parte recepere fulgorem,"
Epist, cxxx. ut sup.

X " Cum urbem Alaricus evertit." See Baronii Annales Ecclesiast.
cum critice Pagi, ad an- 496- torn. viii. pag. 605. Lucee 1740.

§ ^Ot 8e -fas t£ oixtaj ivtrt^ijsa.v, at tr^^ Ttv'Krj a;^;j;c(jT'a 7J6av' Iv cuj TiV xai
^ oaXov^tlov^ tov ^o^ocotf to rtoAacov t'ijv Ic'to^tao' y^d^avtoi' vj^ Bt^ -tat, rt%(i.ata>
^fiixcwta ?vdt «5 i/xh eatvixt' tviv t£ Tio'Kiv o'Kr^v 7.i^'iad(ji,£voi, xai 'pw,wa/wv tovj
7t?>,elafovi Sio^^elpapisi, ripooui e;twpoi;j;. Procop. Bell. Vand. Lib. i. pag,
03. Edit. Hceschelii. Aug.

{| " Alaricus trepidam urbem Romam invasit, partemque ejus crema-
vit incendio, sextaque die quam ingressus fuerat depredata urbe egressus
est" Chronic, ap. Sirraond. Opera Varia, torn. ii. pag. 274. Venet.

** " Romam venerunt, quam rastantes, plurima quidem miraculorum
ejus igne concremaverunt." Hist. Ecclesiast. Tripar. Lib. xi. cap. 9. pag.
368. torn. 1. Rothomagi 1670.

only* of the infinite quantity of wealth which Alaric carried
away ; but we may collect from him also how great was the
disaster, when he tells us, that on the repeopling of the city
fourteen thousand returned in one day.

The Gothic historian who says that fire was not put to the
town is no evidence, being directly contradicted by the above
quoted and other authorities.!

The words of the ecclesiastical historians are of strong im-
port : one of them talks of fire and the city lying in ruins ;|
another repeats the expression of Cassiodorus, that many of
the wonders were destroyed ;§ and a third that the Basilica of
St. Peter's was alone spared from the universal rapine. ||

That the city partially recovered itself is of course to be
allowed. Albinus was active in his attempts at restoration,
and the poet Rutilius, who was prefect in 417, not only extols
the uninjured remains of antiquity, but prophesies the repair
of every ruin.*"^" But the whole of his beautiful verses are an
hyperbole. He says that Brennus only delayed the chastise-
ment that awaited him, that Pyrrhus was at last defeated, and
that Hannibal wept his success ; therefore the downfal of
Alaric might be safely foretold. The blazing temples of the
capitol, the aerial aqueducts, the marble sheltered groves,

* 'S:| 7ji %py;ixatd te ajtnpa e^ixo/xi^s. Ap. Phot. Bibliot. edit. RothO'
mag. 1653- pag. 180. Albinus wished to restore the city, but people were
wanting, p. 188. ^

t " Ad postromum Romam ingressi Alarico jubente spoliant tantum,
non autem, ut soltnt gentes, ignenn supponunt, nee locis sanctorum in ali-
quo penitus injuriam irrogari patiuntur." Jornandes de reb. Get. cap.^
XXX. p. 85, 86. Lugd. Bat. 1697.

I Kat to svtsv^sv tr^i toscwtvis Sofi^t to fxaysOo^ xai to tvji Suj'a^tf o$ ftepvuvo-
fxov, d7.?LO(|n.aov rtv^ xai I'-'^oj 7to?i£^cor, xat di;j;^a?iw(5ta xatefinpi^ato j3ap/3apo5 >
iv ip£C7tioLi 8h tTii 7to7i,fw5 xeif^iv/ji Akdpixo^ ... Philostorgii Eccl. Hist. Lib.
xii. A p. Phot. Bibliot. num. 3. pag. 534. torn. ii. edit, ut sup.

§ Ti7t05 t£ fyjv Putfir^v xate7i.aSov xdt, rcop^r^savtts dvti^v td /^.ev 7toM.d tuv
davf-idofuiv ixsivoji' Ofa^uar'wf xatexavoav. Socrat. Hist. Ecclesias. Lib. vii«
tap X. p. 283.

'J Sozomen, Hist. Ecclesias Lib. ix. cap. 9.

^'^ " Astrorum flMmmse renovent occasibus ortus
Lunam finiri cernis ut incipiat."

CI. Rut. Num. Iter...

mi^ht still be praised ; but he confesses that Rome had suffer-
ed that which would have dissolved another empire ;* his pro-
phecies of repair were those of a poet, and the ruins of the
palace of Sallust remained to contradict them in the time of
Procopius.t

The injury done by Genserick (A. D. 455) was not so great
as that of the Goths, and Da Barga despatches his invasion in
a few sentences. Jornandes, however, applies the expression
devastation to his entry.J All the writers§ are of accord that
the Vandals in their fourteen days residence emptied Rome
of her wealth; and as we are informed, of the robbery of half
the tiles of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, and of all
the treasures of the Temple of Peace, and the palace of the
Cassars,|| it is reasonable to suppose that the precious metals
were extracted and torn down from all the structures, public
and private, a violence which, without the use of fire or en-
gines, must have loosened many of the compact masses, and
been totally destructive of smaller edifices. An ecclesiasti-
cal historian twice mentions that Genserick set fire to Rome*

* Illud te reparat quod csetera regna resolvit
Ordo renascendi est crescere posse malis.

Claud. Rutilii. Numant. Iter. ver. 140.
\ Bell. Vandal in loc. cit.

I " Quod audiens Gizericus rex Vandalorura, ab Africa armata classe
in Italian! venit, Romamque ingressus cuncta devastat." Jornand. de
reb. Get. cap. 45. pag. 417. sub fin. Cassiod. oper. fol 1679.

^ Conscenderat arces
Evandri massy la phalanx, montesque Quirini
Marmarici pressere pedes, rursusque revexit
Quae captiva dedit quondam btipendia Barche.

Sidon. Apollin. carmen vii. Paneg. Avit. vers. 441.
♦' Gizericus sollicitatus a relicta Valentiniani, ut malum fama dispergit,
priusquam Avitus Augustus fieret, Romam ingreditur, direptisque opibus
Romanorum Carthaginem redit." Idatii. Episcop. Chronic, ap. Sirmond.
opera varia Venet pag. 239. torn. ii.

" Gensericus rex invitatus ex Afiic^ Romam ingressus est eaque

urbe rebus omnibus spoliata," ^c. Marcellini Chronic ap. Sirmond.
Tom. ii. pag. 274.

II Bell. Vandal, pag. 97. edit, citat. "Ou^f jt^^A^o^ 0^'"^^ ^"^^"^ otoovv Iv

•^0

but the silence of other writers has discredited his autho.
rity.*

The sack of Rome by Ricimer (A. D. 472) is generally
overlooked by the apologists of the early invaders ; but it
should not be forgotten that the " Barbarians, Arians, and In-
fidels" were indulged by the patrician in the plunder of all
but two regions of the city.t

Considerable stress has been laid upon the grandeur of the
structures which still remained, after the above calamities, to
be admired by Theodoric, but the praise of what is left does
not include a proof that little has been lost : were it so, Rome
would appear to have not suffered much even in the middle
ages, when her fragments were the wonder of the pilgrims of
every nation. It must, besides, be remarked, that the larger
monuments, the Forum of Trajan, the Circus Maximus, the
Coliseum, the Capitol, the Theatre of Pompey, the Palace of
ihe Caesars, are those particularly recorded by the minister of
the Gothic monarch, and of those the two latter were in want
of repair. I A palace partly in ruins§ on the Pincian mount,
marbles and square blocks every where lying prostrate, || the
tlesertion and decay of many houses, must, partially at least,
be attributed to the fire of Alaric ; the spoliation of the Van-
dals, and the sack of Ricimer. To Vitiges, who came down
on Rome like a raging lion,** must be ascribed the destruction

^ A7J?^d ti^v 7t6l.iv 7tvprto%.r^iSai Ttdvt&^ts Xvi'Cadi.iBVOi f^v ^PJtfiTjv ifirtt-

Hpija^ai Evagrii Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. cap. vii. p. 298.

f Annali d'ltalia, vol. iii. p. 222. Milan 1744. " Ed ecco I'amaro frutto
dell' aver gl' Imperadori voluto per lor {^uardie, o per ausiliarj,gente Bar-
bara, Ariana, e di niuna fede.

I Cassiodori. Variar. epist. 51. lib. iv. epist. v. lib. vii.

<> " Ut marmora quse de domo Pinciana constat esse deposita ad Ra"
vennatem urbem per catabulenses vestra ordinatione dirigantur." Epist.
10. ad Festum. lib. iii. torn. 1 pag. 43. edit, eit-

[1 " Et ideo illustris magniiicentia tua marmomm quadrates qui passim

diruti negliguntur et ornent aliquid saxa jacentia post ruinas.^i

Epist. vii. lib. i. pag. 2G. torn 1. edit, cit In another place he says, '* Fa-
cilis est ffidificiorum ruina incolarum subtracta custodia," fee.

■^"' " Quo! audiens Vitiges, ut leo furibundus omnem Gotborum exerci-

tMm Raveonaque egressus Romanas arces o!>sidione louga fatigat."

Jornand. de rebus Geticis, cap. 60. pag. 178. edit. 1697.

of the aqueducts, which rendered useless the immense ther-
mse- and as these appear never to have been frequented af-
terwards, their dilapidation must be partially, but only par-
tially, ascribed to the Goths. Vitiges burnt every thing with-
out the walls, and commenced the desolation of the Cam-
pagna.* Totilat is known to have burnt a third part of the
walls, and although he desisted from his meditated destruc-
tion of every monument, the extent of the injury inflicted by
that conqueror may have been greater than is usually sup-
posed. Procopius affirms, that he did burn '' not a small por-
tion of the city," especially beyond the Tiber.J An author
of the Chronicles records a fire, and the§ total abandonment
of the city for more than forty days : and it must be men-
tioned, that there is no certain trace of the palace of the Cae-
sars having survived the irruption of Totila.|| It must have
been at his second entry that this monarch " lived with the
Romans as a father with his children," and not at the first, as
might be thought from the Annals of Italy.** In the five cap-

* St. Anastasii, de vitis. Pontific Rom. edit. Bianchini. Roraae 1731. io
vit. S. Sih^erii. pag- 84.

t Fvov? 8e tauvta 6 TwftT-as' syvco fxlv pdixriv xa^s%nv f 5 tSa^oi

rov (ji£v ovv TtsptfioT^ov Iv ;^copJotj TtoTi^otj 'io'KXm,^ toaovtov xd^£v7\.BV, baov £5
T'pti'i^iM'OptOD tov rtavtbi ixuXccta. iixrtirtpav 6s ff tuiv oLxoSofxc^v ta xuTJKiata ts
xa) a^iO'KoyJjtata, ifA,s%%s 'pWjUT^v 8s ^rpUt^o-tov KO.io.'S-traiO^a.i .... Bellum
Gothic. ^ ' p. 289. edit, cit

X Ibid, lib iv. cap. 22 and cap. 83.

^ " Totila dolo Isaurorum ingreditur Romam die xvi. kal. Januarias,
ac evertit rnuros, domos aliquantas comburens, ac omnesRomanorum res
in praedam accepit. Hos ipsos Romanos in Campaniam captivos ab-
duxit ; post qiiam devastationem xl aut annplius dies Roma fuit ita deso-
lata ut nemo ibi hominum nisi bestise raorarentur. Hinc veniens Belisa-
rius murorum partem restaurat, venienteque Totila ad pugnam resistit."
Marcellini. Chronic, ap. Sirmond. p. 295- edit cit-

]| See a note on the Palatine.

** Muratori seems to confound the two captures. Annali d'ltalia, torn-
iii. p. 410.41 1, ad an. 456, and p. 420. ad an. 549. As the Isaurians wore
the traitors on both occasions, the confusion was the more natural ; but it
certainly was of the second capture that Anastasius spoke in the follow-
ing words : " Die autem tertia decima Totila introivit in civitatem Roma-
nam indict. 14. (13) per portam sancti Pauli, Tota enim nocte fecit buc-
cina clangi usque dum cunctus populus fugcret, aut per ecclesias se cela-

tures of Rome (from 536 to 552) in which she was both at-
tacked and defended by Barbarians, it is impossible but that
many of the architectural ornaments of the city must have
been utterly destroyed or partially injured; and the particular
mention made by Procopius of the care taken by Narses to
restore the capital, is an evidence of the previous injury.*

With Totila, the dilapidation of Rome by the Barbarians is
generally allowed to terminate. The incursion of the Lom-
bards in 578 and 593, completed the desolation of the Cam-
pagna, but did not affect the city itself. Their king Liut-
prand in 741 had been absolved from his supposed violence;!
but Astolphus in 754 did assault the city furiously, and what-
ever structures were near the walls must be supposed to have
suffered from his attack. J Frona that period Rome was not
forcibly entered, that is, not after a siege, until the fall of the
Carlovingian race^ when it was defended by Barbarians in
the name of the emperor Lambert, and assaulted and taken
by Barbarians, commanded by Arnulphus, son of Carloman of
Bavaria (A. D. 896). It has been agreed not to give this in-
vidious name to the Germans under the Othos, the Henries,
and the Frederics, or to the Normans of Guiscard ; but it is
hoped that, without including these spoilers, enough has been
said to show that the absolution of the earlier Barbarians from
all charge of injury done to the public edifices of Rome, is
only one of the many paradoxes which are to be cleared from
the surface of Italian literature. §

ret ne gladio Romani vitam finirent. Ingressus autem rex habitavitcum
Romanis quam pater cum filiis." In vit. Vigilii. edit, citat. pag. 89. Mu-
ratori mentions that the Isaurians opened the Asinarian gate at the first
capture, and the gate of St- Paul at the second, and yet he applies the
clemency of Totila to his entry by the first, not, as Anastasius says, by
the second gate.

* De Bell. Gothic, lib. iv. cap, 34. The bridges of Narses over the
Anio remain to attest his diligence.

f Annali d'ltalia, tom. iv. pag. 2C4.

\ Annali, kc. tom. iv. pag 312,

^ " In cio nondimeno che appartiene a' pubblici edificj di Roma, dob-
biam confessare a gloria de' Barbari stessi, che non troviam prova alcuna
che da essi fossero rovinati o arsi " Tiraboschi. Storia della Lett &.c.
tom. ii. par. i. lib. i. pag. 74. After such an assertion, the learned librarian,
need not have been surprised that the author of the Memoires pour la vie

Stanza LXXX.
— the Christian.

The injuries done by the Christian clergy to the architec-
tural beauty of Rome, may be divided into two kinds : those
which were commanded or connived at by the Popes for use-
ful repairs or constructions, and those which were encouraged
or permitted from motives of fanaticism. It will be easy to
make the distinction without the division, and very different
feelings will be excited by dilapidations for the service of the
city and for that of the church.

The conversion of Constantine cannot be denied to have
changed the destination of many public buildings, and to have
excited a demand for the ornaments of the baptized Basilica,
which, we have ocular proof at this day, was satisfied at the
expense of other edifices. If an arch of Trajan was despoil-
ed to adorn his triumph, other structures were robbed to con-
tribute to the splendour of his conversion."^ The figure and
the decorations of buildings appropriated to the new religion,
necessarily were partially changed, and that such a change
was detrimental to their architecture, the early Basilical
ehurches still exist as an evidence.! The temples of Rome
were not universally shut until the edict of Honorius
(A. D. 399), but an Italian writer| has shown, with some sue-

de Petrarque (p. 514) exclaimed, " II faut avouer qu'il y a dans votre litte-
rature des choses singulieres et tout a fiiit inconcevables." See Storia,
Sic torn. V. par. 1 1 . lib. iii. pag. 460.

* Nardini, Lib. vi. cap. xv. seems to doubt or not to determine this, but
owns the sculpture is of the time of Trojan. A part of this arch was dug
up near the column of Trajan in the time of Vacca.

t Look at the church of St Agnes without the walls. The Christians
took or imitated ornaments of all kinds from the temples. In that church
the pomegranates of Proserpine, the emblem of mortality, are on the ba-
lustrades of the high altar. A thousand years afterwards, Leda and the
Swan were still thought appropriate figures for the bronze doors of St.
Peter's.

I Pietro Lazeri, discorso della consecrazione de^anteone fatta da Bo-
alfa^i© IV. Ronta, 174d. pp. SO, 40. "

cess, that Christianity had been actively employed before that
period in destroying the symbols and haunts of the ancient
superstition-

A law of Theodosius the Great ordered the destruction of
the temples at Alexandria,* and though it has been trium-
phantly quoted in favour of christian forbearance, that St. Am-
broset found the baths, the porticos, and the squares of Rome
full o( idols in 383 ; yet another saint boasts, that in 405 all
the statues in the temples were overthrown.]: The sale of
the idols in Greece had begun with Constantine.§ The law
of Honorius, which forbade the destruction of the edifices
themselves, proves, if any thing, that such an outrage had been
perpetrated, and was to be apprehended. A prohibitory
edict must suppose an offence. It is not easy to interpret, in
more than one way, the follow ing words of St. Jerome : " The
golden Capitoi has lost all its splendour : the temples of Rome
are covered with dust and cobwebs ; the very city is moved
from its foundations, and the overflowing people rush before
the half tor )L'Up shrines to the tombs of the martyrs. "|| The
squalid appearance of the Capitol is mentioned in another pas-
sage of the same writer,** where the temples of Jove and his

* Socrat. Hist. Ecclesias. lib. v. cap. xvi. The bishop Theophilus
marched about the town carrying in triumph the phalli taken from the
Serapeon.

t " Non illis satis suntlavacra, non porticus, non platese occupatae simu-
laeris ?" D. Ambros. epist. cont Symmach. Lugd. Bat. 1653. p. 455.
" Eversis in urbe Roma omnibus simulacris." Serm. de verb, evang. cap.
10. n. 13. in fin. oper. torn. v. par. 1. col. 547.

I Dissertazione sulle rovine di Roma, dall' Abate Carlo Fea, Storia
delleArti, kc. torn- iii p. 267 to 416- edit Rom. 1784. The Abate
strangely quotes St. Ambrose against St. Augustine, who talks of Rome
eighteen years afterwards.

§ "Eft 6e xai TfCjv 'E%,%r^v(^v vcuovi xT^eiuv xa) xa^LpuJv xai, Sfjfioolsvaw ta
ki cAitoli ayd^fxafok, Socrat- Hist. Eccles. lib. i. cap. iii.

jl " Auratum squalet Capitolium. Fuligine et araneorura telis omnia
Romse templa cooperta sunt. Movetur urbs sedibus suis, et inundans po-
pulus ante delubra semiruta currit ad martyrum tumulos " Epist- cvii. ad
Laetam, Hieron- opera, tom. i p. 672. Veron- 1734. Yet this was before
Christianity could be traced back two generations in Rome. "Fiunt non
nascuntur Chrisliani," says the s -me saint in the same place.

** " Squalet Capitolium, templa Joris et cseremoniae conciderunt." Lib.
2. advers. Jovinian, tom. ii. p. S84.

ceremonies are said metaphorically, or actually, to have fallen
down. In the year 426, Theodosius the younger ordered the
destruction of the temples and fanes. A commentator* has
endeavoured to reason this away, and another writer has been
eager to show, that the mandate was addressed to the eastern
Illyricum. To this it may be replied, that it is to be inferred,
that province was thought most attached to paganism, and that
the temples had been preserved there, when in the capitals
they had been overthrown. An ecclesiastical writer, only
twelve years after this law, talks of the order, or of the effect
of it, as being general ; saying, that " the destruction of the
idolatrous fanes was from the foundation^ and so complete, thai
his cotemporaries could not perceive a vestige of the former su-
perstition.'^''] The same author has a much stronger expres-
sion in another passage : " Their temples are so destroyed, that
the appearance of their form, 7io longer remains, nor can those
of our times recognise the shape of their altars: as for their
materials, they are dedicated to the fanes of the martyrs, ''^l The
opinion of the Cardinal Baronius is positive to the zeal and
the destruction. " As soon as this long desired permission of
breaking the idols was obtained from the christian prince, the
just zeal of the christian people broke out at last in the throw-
ing down and breaking of the pagan gods." And he before

^ Godefroy, [Gottofredus] — Dissertazione sulle Rovinc, Uc p. 284.
note(C). The words are, " cunctaque eorum fana, templa, delubra, si-
qua etiam nunc restant Integra, prsecepto magistratuum destrui, conloca-
tioneque venerandse Christianaj religionis signiexpiari praecipimus." Co-
dex Theod. lib. xvi. tit. 10. de Pagan, sacrif. et templis leg- 18.

T Tovtov 8rj evsxa xai avta rdv iiBuTi-ixC^v erjxiZv fd T^eirtoixsva ix j3a^pcof
dvatfTtaff^vat rtpooi'ta^sp C^cft tov? fitO" i^juaj iaof^evov^ (xrihlv ixvoi t^s rtpo-
tipaj alartatjjj ^fd(jacr^ac. Theodoriti Episcop. Cyri. Ecclesias. Hist. lib.
V. cap. 37. p. 243 edit Amstelod. 1695. He published his history about
439. See the preface by Valesius,

t " Horura namque templa sic destructa sunt ut ne figurarum quidem
permansit species, nee ararum formam hujus sseculi homines sciant : ha-
rum autem materia omnis martyrum fanis dicata est-'* From Theodo-
ret's eighth discourse on the martyrs. The translation of Sirmond is
quoted, the original not being before the writer

exclaimSj '• It is incredible Avith what animosity the Faithful at
Rome leapt upon the idols.*

After this law, no mention is made in the codes of temples
or their materials, and if these edifices were legally protected
uj) to the time of Justinian, they must be supposed to be in-
cluded under the head of public buildings. Their protection
is, however, very doubtful. Temples are not found amongs*
the wonders adpaired by Theodoric, except the half stripped
Capitoline fane is to be enumerated : and Procopius confines
his notices to the Temple of Peace, which he alludes to cur-
sorily, as being in the Forum of that name,t and to the Tem-
ple of Janus,! whose doors there was still enough of pleasantry
or paganism left in Rome to attempt to open during the dis-
tress of the Gothic siege. Stilicho§ found no law to prevent
him or his wife from partially stripping off the ornaments of the
Capitoline Temple, and the burning of the Sybilline books by
the same christian hero, evinces the temper of the times. In
the reign of Justinian, a widow was in possession of the ruins
of a temple on the Quirinal, and made a present of eight co-
lumns to the Emperor for his metropolitan St. Sophia.|| The
temples then were partly in private hands, and therefore not
universally protected as public edifices. The pagan struc-

^' " Hsec serael a christiano principe idola frangendi impetrata diu op-
tala licentia, exarsit christiani populi Justus zelus in desturbandis confrin-

gendisque deorum gentiiitium simulacris vix credi potest

<iuanta animositate. Fideles Romce in idola insilierint" Annales Ecclesias.
cum eritice Pagi, torn, vi p. 51. Luc2e 1740- The cardinal talks of a pe-
riod rather prior even to the date of Theodoret. Temples, in certain pre-
cincts, were perhaps saved from violence- " Claudian boasts that Hono-
rlus was guarded in the Palatine by the temples of the gods." " Tot cir-
cum deluhra videt,''^ Sic See note on the Palatine.

I Lib. iv. Bell. Goth. cap. xxi. Maltrito interprete.

I Lib. i. cap. 25. ibid-

^ " Nam Zosimus tradit cum Theodosius Romam venit, hoc scilicet
anno, Stiliconem ducem utriustjue militiae e foribus Capitolii laminas au-
reas abstulisse, ej usque uxorem Serenam nomine, detraxisse e collo Rhese
deorum matri mundum muliebrem suoque ipsius illigasse collo." Baron.
Ann. Eccl- ad an. 389. in loc et edit citat. For the burning the Sybilline
books, see the same place, and the Iter of Rutilius.

II Winkelmann, Osservazioni suU' architettura degli antichi. cap. ii. sec.
4. p. 88. note (B). Dissertazione, kc p. 3(5£. note (D), torn. iii. of Fea's
translation.

tures would naturally suffer more at the first triumph of Chris-
tianity than afterwards, when the rage and the merit of destruc-
tion must have diminished. And after the danger of a relapse
was no longer to he feared, it is not unlikely that some of the
precious vestiges of the ancient worship might he considered
under the guard of the laws. In this way we may account for
the permission asked in one instance to despoil a temple for the
ornament of a church ;^ a circumstance which is quoted to
show the care of those structures, but which is surely as fair a
proof of their neglect, t The consecration of the Pantheon did
not take place until 609 or 610, two hundred years after the
shutting of the temples ; and that event is allowed to be the
first recorded instance of a similar conversion. If many of the
immense number of fanes and temples had been preserved en-
tire until that time, it is probable that the example would have
been followed in more cases than we know to have been adopt-
ed. The Christians found the form of the Basilica much more
suitable to their worship than that of the temple. They did
not consecrate a single sacred edifice for more than two hun-
dred years after the triumph of their religion. They cannot
be proved to have ever taken the entire form of more than four
or five.f Wliat was the fate of the remainder ? We hear of
fifty-six churches built upon the sites, or supposed sites, of
temples. § Is it then too rash to believe that so many struc-
tures which we know to have disappeared at an early period,
which were abandoned, which were regarded as an abomina-
tion, and which tradition declares to have stood upon the sites

^ " Hie cooperuit ecclesiam omnem ex tegulis sereiis quas levavit de
templo, quod appellatur Roma? [Romuli] ex consensu piissimi Heraclei
imperatoris." Anastas. in vit. Honorii I. p. 96. torn. i. edit, citat. The
temple is called the temple of Romulus in Via Sacra, in the life of Paul
I. p. 175. torn. i. kc. The church which gained hy the robbery was St-
Peter's.

f Dissertazione, &,c- p. 286.

I The Pantheon, Cosmas and Damianus, St Theodore, St. Stephano
in Rotundis (perhaps), St. Maria, Egizziaca (doubtful), the supposed tem-
ple of Vesta on the Tiber, St- Hadrian (the faQade torn off). Can any
other be mentioned ?

^ See De templis gentilitium in templa divorum mutatis, cap. ix. Gcorj
Fabriciij De'criptio Roma? ap. Graev. Antiq. Roman, torn, iii.p. 162.

of clmi*c!ies, were despoiled, for the most part, by the zeal of
the early Christians, and their materials employed to the ho-
nour of the triumphant religion ? It is particularly told of
Gregory III. that he finished a chapel to certain martyrs in
ruins, "^ Most of the lives of the early Popes inAnastasius con-
sist of little else than the building of churches. Those of Ha-
drian I., Leo III., and Gregory IV., occupy many pages with
the mere enumeration of their names.! Both piety and eco-
nomy would prompt the spoliation of the nearest ancient struc-
tures connected with the old superstition ; and the only indul-
gence shown to the pagan deities was, when their baptism
might, by a little distortion, intrust their fanes to the protec-
tion of a similar saint. J

The more prominent symbols of the ancient religion would
hardly be suffered to stand after the temples were shut. Da
Barga asserts as a fact, that there were marks on the obelisks
of their having been all overthrown, with the exception of
one, which was not dedicated to any of the false gods of an-
tiquity.§ However, Constantius erected one of these monu-
ments,|| and two were standing in the IXth century, if we are
to credit a barbarous regionary of that period. "^^ Da Barga

* " Caemeterium beatorum martyrum Januarii, Urbani, Tiburtii, Vale-
viani, et Maximi, et eorum tecta in ruinis posita perfecit" Anastas. in
vit. Gregor. Ill- p. 145. torn, l edit citat We find Pope John III. after-
wards living in this cemetery.

f See an account of the rapid building of churches by the Popes after
Gregory III. in Donatus. Roma vetus, lib. iv. cap. viii.

I Thus Romulus and Remus became Cosmas and Daraianus. Romu-
lus, a foundling and a warrior, and a healer of young children, was
changed for St- Theodore, a foundling and warrior, and also healer of
children. Mars had not a violent metamorphosis to reappear as St. Mar-
tina ; but there is some doubt of the latter conversion.

^ That of the Vatican. See de privatorum publicorumque, he. p.
1891, in loco citato. " Neque enim existimare possumus caeteros obe-
liseos vel terrse motu vel fulmine dejectos esse cum vectiura et ferramen-
torum vestigia, quibus eversi sunt adhuc extant in infimae partis laterihus
nu£e basim spectant."

[| That now standing before the Latcran.

** The pyramid of Sallust, and the pyramid near St. Lorenzo in Luci •
avja. The regionary is quoted afterwards.

extends his praise of the pontiffs to the destruction of the
theatres and circuses, the frequenting of which, dedicated as
they were to false gods, Lactantius and Tertulhan thought
equally nefarious with sacrificing to Jove or Serapis. Wc
know that an attempt was made to put the Circensian games
at Rome under new patronage, but that they were entirely
discontinued in the year 496, when the people declared they
would not have Jesus Christ in the place of Mars, and the
provision for the festival was distributed to the poor.* The
same writer, after a diligent study of the fathers, and having
commenced with the contrary opinion, is convinced that
Gregory the Great was the chief instrument of this destruc-
tion, and notably of the Circus Maximus, near which he built
a church.! The Circus, however, is recorded by the region-
ary of the IXth century.| The baths, a greater abomina-
tion, he is also convinced owed their destruction to the same
piety, and those of Diocletian and Caracalla showed in his
time evident marks of human violence. He adds, that there
is no proof of these immense structures having been ruined by
earthquakes, and to this it may be subjoined, that when the
Roman families of the middle ages had occupied the Coliseum
and other ancient monuments, they did not take possession of
the baths, with the exception of those of Constantine on the
Quirinal. The last mention of them in any way that can
make us suppose them entire, is in the regionary of the IXth
century. Their precious materials, statues, and marble coat-'
ings and columns, would naturally be carried away when the
baths had ceased to be frequented ; but some violence must
have been necessary to throw down so large a portion of their
masses : nor could this be done for tlie sake of grinding down
their materials, which arc of brick. So early as the tenth
century, there were three churches built in the Alexandrine

^ Baronius, A.nnal. Ecclesias. ad an. 496. p. 606. torn. viii. edit, citat.

t De privatorum publicorumque, &cc. p. 1889.

X The last vestiges of the Circus Maximus were carried away about the
tame of Paul V. See Vedute degli Antichi Vestigj di Roma di Al^ Gio-
•vannili, in the plate representing those ruins.

"J^aihs,'^ whicli must therefore have been previously in ruins,
tt must be confessed, at the same time, that the evidence
against the Christians is not equally strong when applied to the
theatres and thermae, as it appears to be referring to the'
temples. As the defence of Gregory the Great has been suc-
cessfully undertaken against his principal accuser, it is of lit-
tle mom.ent to mention that a Monsignor Segardi, in a speech
which he recited in the Capitolt in 1703, was bold enough to
state and enforce his belief of all the charges made against
the saint, none of which can be traced higher than nearly six
centuries after his death. J The discouragement of mathesis,
whether it meant magic or profane learning in general, would
be only apesumptive proof of the tasteless ignorance or cre-
dulity of the pontiff; and a more satisfactory argument thasi
the silence of his biographers may be deduced from the be-
lief that Gregory had but little time or means for the build-
ing of churches, and consequently for the spoliation of an-
cient edifices. He is not to be suspected of wanton violence,
for the destruction of buildings is the subject of one of the
complaints with which he bewails the wretchedness of the
times. § A large column was, however, transferred in those
days, (608) from some other structure to the Forum, and de-

* Roma ex ethnica sacra. Martinelli, cap. ix. p. 167, quoted in Dis-
sertazione, he. p. 358.

f Prose degli Arcadi, torn. i. p. 126. Dissertazione, p. 287, note (H.)

+ Jacob. Brucker, Historian criticse philosophise, from page 633 to
page 672, edit. Lips. 1768. sect. iii. de nat. et indole et modo Phil. SchoL
in appendice. Do what he will, Brucker cannot trace any of the stories,
the suppression of mathesis, tlie statue-breaking, or library-burning,
higher than John of Salisbur)% He made a great mistake in calling Gre-
gory the master of Jolin Diaconus, vrho lived two centuries afterwards,
and is reproved by Tiraboschi. Storia, &c. torn. iii. lib. ii. p. 99 to p. 114.
edit. Yenet 1795- The story of his throwing down the statues can only
be traced to Leo of Orvietto, a Dominican writer of the XlVth century.
See Teslimonia quorundam veterum scriptorum de St. Gregorio Papa,
at the end of the Venice edition of St. Gregory's w'orks ; and St. Gre-
gorius Magnus vindicatus, by Gian GiroJamo Gradenigo, in the xvith
volume,

^ " Ipsa quoque de&trui sedificia videmus." Homilia in Ezecliieleiij,
■Ji"h. ii- horn. vi. p. 70. torn, v, Opp. omn. Venet. 1776.

dicated to the murderer Phocas. The successors of Gregory
were less scrupulous, it should seem, than himself. Wa
have seen that Hoaorius I. removed the gilt tiles from the
temples of Romulus. Gregory III. employed nine columns
of some ancient building for the church of St. Peter."^
The rebuilding of the city walls by four Popes in the same
century (Vlllth), Sisinius, Gregory II. and III, and St. Adrian.
I. was an useful but destructive operation. I Their lime-kilns \
must have been supplied from the ancient city. It is to a
presumed necessity, and not to superstition, that the succeed-
ing spoliation of the ancient works of art by the Popes must
chiefly be attributed ; but it will be observed that the embel-
lishment of the christian churches was the chief motive for y
this destruction, and consequently ranks it in the class at pre-
sent under examination. Pope Hadrian I., by the infinite la- ^
hour of the people employed during a whole year, threw
down an immense structure of Tiburtine stone to enlarge the
church of St. Maria in Cosmedin.J Bonus I. (elected iu
676) had before stripped the marble from a large pyramid be-^
tween the Vatican and the castle of St. Angelo, vulgarly
known by the name of the tomb of Scipio.§ The spoil was
laid on the floor of the atrium of St. Peter. The history of
the middle ages cannot be supposed to have preserved many
such precise records ; but the times after the return of tha

•

* Anastas. in vit. St- Greg, II.

I " Qui et calcarias pro restauratione murorum jussit decoquere.''
Anastas. in vit. Sisinii, p. 127. torn. i. edit, citat. He was Pope in 703.
*' Hie exordio Pontificatus sui calcarias decoqiii jussit, ct a porta sancti
"Laurentii inchoans hujus civitatis muros restaurare decreverat, et aliquara
partem faciens emergentibus incongruis, variisquc tumultibus, pra^j)iditu-',
est." Ibid, in vit. St. Gregorii II. who was Pope from 714 to 731.
"Hujus temporibas plurima pars murorum hujus civitatis Romanae re-
stuarata sunt." Ibid, in vit- Gregorii III. p. 145. See also ihe same in
vit. St. Hadriani, p. 210. Gregory was Pope from 731 to 740 — Hadrian
from 772 to 794.

\ " Nam maximum monumentum deTiburtino tufo super eam dcpcn-
dens per anni circulum plurimum iwultitudinem populi congruens multo-
rumque lignorum struem incendens demolitus est." Anastas. in vil. St,
Hadriani, I. p. 214. edit, citat.: he repeats it in the next page.

^ Nardini, Roma Ant. lib. vii. cap. xiii.

Popes from Avignon are sufficiently eloquent. Paul II. "^ em-
ployed the stones of the Coliseum to build a palace. Sixtus
IV. took down a temple, supposed by Pomponius Lsetus that
of Hercules, near St, Maria, in Cosmedin ;t and the same
pontiif destroyed the remains of an ancient bridge to make
400 cannon balls for the castle of St. Angelo.| Alexander
VI. § threw down the pyramid which Donus had stripped to
make a way for his gallery between the Vatican and the cas-
tle of St. Angelo. Paul III. and his nephews laboured in-
cessantly at the quarry of the Coliseum. This pope applied
himself to the Theatre of Marcellus, to the Forum of Tra-
jan, to a ternple usually called of Pallas, opposite the Temple
of Faustina, to that temple itself, to the Arch of Titus, and
to a large mass of ancient work which he levelled to the
ground in the Piazza del Popolo,|| and had not the excuse of
piety for this wide devastation.

Sixtus V. carried away the remains of the Septizonium of
Severus for the service of St. Peter's, and a cotemporary
positively mentions that he threw down certain statues still
remaining in the Capitol.*^' Urban VIII. took off the bronze

* See Donatns, Roma Yetus, lib. iv. cap. ix. for Paul II. who reigned
from 1464 to 1470.

f Donat.us, &c. lib. 2. cap. 25.

I Stephen. Infessura, Diar. Urb. Rom. says this happened in 1484. The
bridge was called that of Horatius Codes, " e le dette palle furono fa-
bricate a niarniorata dove fu finito di distruggere un ponte di travertin©
rotto, il quale si cliiamava il ponte di Orazio Codes." Scriptores Rer.
Italic, torn. iii. part ii. p. 1178.

^ The pyramid was bigger than that of Cestius, was mentioned bjis
Blondus, Fnlvius, and Marlianus, and is seen on the bronze doors of St,^
Peter's. Nardini. lib. vii cap. xiii. Alexander reigned from 1490 to
150S.

II Venuti, Roma Moderna. Rione x. p. 353. torn. ii. Donatus, lib. iv*.
cap. ix. Dissertazione suHe rovine, he. p. 399. Paul III. began to reign
%) 15.S3, and died in 1549.

■^* Da Barga. Commentarlus de Obelisco. ap. Grav. iVntiq. Roman, in
loc. oitat f»ag. 19r>l. lie mentioned this to the honour of Sixtus, to
whom he dedicated his commentary, and he believed it an imitation of
th<^ conduct of Gregory the Great and others. " Quorum pietatem
-Pius V. et Sixtus Y. Pontifices Max. sic imitati sunt, ut eomm alter

from the portico of the Pantheon* to make cannon for the
castle of St. Arigelo, and to construct the confessional of St.
Peter. He took away also some of the base of the sepulchre/
of Ceciha Metella for the fountain of Trevi.t Paul V. re-'
moved the entablature and pediment of a structure in the
Forum of Nerva for his fountain on the Janiculum, and trans-
ported the remaining column of the Temple of Peace to deco-'
rate the place before St. Maria Maggiore. J Lastly, Alexander
VII. took down the arch commonly called " di Portogallo" in
order to widen the Corso.§ A little more taste and ingenui-
ty might surely have preserved the monument and yet im-
proved the modern street. The inferior clergy were, it is
probable, much more guilty than the pontiffs, and a volume
of no inconsiderable bulk has been composed by one of their
own order to enumerate the pagan materials applied to the
use of the church. || As long as the ancient monuments were

ex aedlbus Vaticanis hujusmodi omnes statuas alio amandaro cogitaveriit,
alter e turre capitolina incredibili sua cum laude dejici jusserit." See his
Treatise on the Destroyers of Rome, &,c. p. 1887. in loco citat.

* See note on the Pantheon.

t Echinard. Agro. Romano, p. 295. edit. 1750. Yet Mr. Gibbon says
he has nothing else to allege against this pope than the punning saying»
*' Quod non fecerunt barbari fecerunt Barbarini." Cap. Ixxi. p. 4£4. torn.
xli.

I Venuti Roma Moderna. Rione. I. p. 47. torn. i.
^ The remains of this arch are seen in Donatus, fig. 32. He (Kb. iii.)
thought it of Drususj but without reason. See Nardini, (lib. vi. cap. ix.)
Alexander VII. was so proud of this destruction that he chose to record
it by an inscription which is here given, because it is esteemed the best
.specimen of lapidary writing in Rome.

Alex. VII. Pontiff. Max.
Viam latam feriataj urbis hippodromiim
Qua interjectis ajdificiis impeditam
Qua procurrentibus dcformatam
Liberam rectamque reddidit
Publicss commoditati et ornamonto.
Anno. Sal mdc. lxv.
The has reliefs on the arch are now in the Capitoline palace of the Con-
servatory

U Marangoni, delle cose gentilcsche e profane trasporie ad vso e ornamento
delle chkse : see jdso Fioravante Martinclli, Roma ex ethniea sacra,.

considered the property of that church, it does not appear
that any protection was granted to them, and a writer, who is
in some degree an advocate for the clergy, has been obhged
to confess that when the ruins were in possession of the mo-
dern senate and people, they were less subject to spoliation
than in preceding periods.* The superstition of the clergy
and people at large prevented them from attributing a pro-
portionate value to objects not connected with their eccle-
siastical legends ; and when the relics of the ancient city had
begun to be regarded with somewhat less indifference, they
seem to have been respectable from some pious fablet attach-
ed to their sites rather than by any antiquarian importance.^
Even the great Sixtus Quintus could not restore an obelisk
without affixing an inscription devoted to the purposes of re-/
ligious imposture. j The very study of the ancient relics ip\
perverted, and rendered subservient to church fable. Cardi- \
nal Baronius, for the sake of finding St. Peter's prison at St,
Niccolas in carcere^ distorted the position of the Roman Fo-
rum : and Nardini hiniself, in other respects so incredulous,
affirms that there is a certain tradition of the confinement of
that apostle in the Mamertine dungeon, and of the fountain )
springing up for the baptizement of his jailer. § What were
the merits of the latter pontiiFs in the preservation of the an-
cient fabrics will be seen in another place ; the above remarks

* The Abate Fea in his dissertation.

f See the above cited collection of designs, entitled Vedute degli Anti-
chi Vestigj di Roma, di Alo Giovannili, drawn in the time of Paul
V^ : every picture is enlivened by a massacre of martyrs, or a miracle, or
a dedication of a church. The Vestal with her sieve, and Curtius leap-
ing into the gulf, are the only heathen fictions or facts honoured with any
iiotic<j.

X Christum. Dominum
Quern Augustus
De Virgine
Nasciturum
Vivens adoravit
Seque deincepg
Dominum
Dici vetuit

Adoro. ., .1

^ Nardini, lib. v. cap. xi. See a note on the Roman piity.

may have served to show how far their predecessors and the
religion of which they were the chiefs are to be taken into
account in treating of the ruin and neglect of these ven-
erable monuments.

Stanza LXXX.

Time, ivar, flood, and fire
Have dealt upon the seven-hilled city's pride.

The agency of the Barbarians and of the catholic religion
is far from being an adequate cause for so little being left of
that city which was called the epitome of the universe,* It
is proposed, therefore, to take a cursory view of the general
progress of decay arising from other causes of destruction.

A tremendous fire in the year 700 or 703 of the city had
tnade it necessary to rebuild the greater part of Rome.t
This was undertaken by Augustus, and the famous eulogium
on the grandeur of his restoration! shows what materials were
a prey to the fire of Nero, iiom which only four regions es-
caped untouched, and which was fatal to the most venerable
fanes and trophies of the earlier ages.§ We may conclude
from a passage of Tacitus, that so early as the reign of Vi-
tellius a work belonging to the time of the republic was a
rare object. || The fire and civil war which destroyed the
Capitol during that reign, that which raged for three days
and nights under Titus,**" the conflagration in the thirteenth

^Ertttofiij tij? crycufisvr^i is an expression of Athenseus, quoted in one
of the topographers, Julius Minutulus.

f Orosii, Hist. lib. vi. cap. xiv. and lib. vii. cap. ii. Fourteen vici were
consumed.

X " He found it brick, be left it marble ;" or, as Dion saj's, Tr^v 'Pw/u^jv
yri'Cv/iv rtaptt7.a|3u>»/ T^i^iri^v i/xiv xata'Keircoi. Hist. Rom. lib. Ivi. pag 829.
torn. ii. edit. Hamb. 1750. What is said of Themistocles is a much finer
eulogium. "O? CTtoojors t'i^ ;to?it»' tj/xC'V jxssti^v evpCjv ■cTti^XH?.?^. Aristoph.
Equit. V 811. " He made our city full, having found it cuipty."

^ Sueton.in vit. Neronis. Tacit. Ann il lil). xv. r;ip. S8, S9, 40. 41.

Ij " Lutatii Catuli nomen inter tanta Ccesarum opera usque ad YiielJium
ipansit." Hist. lib. iii. cap. 7^.

** Sweten. in vit. Titi,

fear of Trajaii, which consumed a part of the Forum and of
the golden house of Nero,* must have contributed to the
obliteration of the ancient city ; and if there was scarcely
any relic of republican Rome when Tacitus wrote, it may
be suspected that the capital even of the first Caesars had
begun to disappear at an earlier period than is usually ima-
gined. The temples under the Capitol bear witness to the
falls and fires which had required the constant attention and
repair of the senate,! and became more common after the
transfer of the seat of government to Constantinople. Po-
pular tumults were then more frequent and injurious. In
one which occurred in the year 312 the Temple of Fortune
was burnt down.| The Palace of Symmachus,§ that of the
prefect Lampadius, in 367, and, it is probable, the Baths of
Constantine, each suffered by the same violence ; and an in-
scription which records the repair of the latter informs us
also how small were the means of the senate and people for
restoring the ancient structures. || The destruction must not

* G. Sincellus in Chronog. p. 347. quoted in Dissertazione, Sic. p. 293.

f D. N. Constantino . Maximo . Pio . Felici . ac . Triumphatori . sem-
per . Augusto . ob . amplificatam . toto . orbe . rem . publicam . factis .
consiliisque . S. P. Q. R. Dedicante . Anicio . Paulino . Juniore . C V,
Cos. ord. Prffif urbi. S. P. Q. R.

iEdem . Concordiae • vetustate . collapsam . in . meliorem • faciem .
opere . et • cultu . splendidiore . restituerunt

This inscription was found near the ruins under the Capitol, and trans-
ferred to the Lateran, Avhence it has disappeared.

The words now remaining on the frieze of the same supposed Temple
of Concord are

Senatus Populusque Romanus
Incendio consumptum Restituit
The other temple of tlirec columns, called now Jupiter Tonans, has the
letters estitver.

X Annali d' Italia, ad. an. 31£. torn. ii. p. 312. Muratori quotes Zosimus,
lib. ii. c. 1 3. and would make us put this fire to the charge of religion

^ Amm. Marcellinus, lib. xxvii. cap. iii p. 523. edit. Lugd. Bat 1693,
'•' Hie praifectus [Lampadii] exagitatus est motibus crcbris, uno omnium
'naximo cum collecta plebs infima, domum ejus prope Constantinianum
lavacrum injectis facibus incenderat et malleolis," &c. Ibid.

II Vid- Nardini, lib. iv. cap vi. " Petronius Perpenna magnus Quadra-
tianu3 V. C- et Inl. Prcef Urb. Constantinianas thermas longa incuria et
abolendse civilis vel potius feralis cladis vastatione veheraentur adflictas

be confined to one element. The Tiber, which Augustus*
cleansed, which Trajan deepened, and Aurelian endeavoured
to restrain by a mound,! rose not unfrequently to the walls,
and terrified the pious cruelty of the Romans into persecu-
tion.! The repeated notices of inundation will be seen to
form part of the melancholy annals of the declining capital ;
but the decay of the city was hastened not only by these na-
tural evils and by the violence of hostile conflicts within the
walls, § but by the silent dilapidation of ancient structures,
both private and public, which appears to have been a de-
linquency as early as the beginning of the fourth century, and
to have been prohibited afterwards by successive imperial
laws. The removal of the emperors to Constantinople en-
couraged the spoliation, and if it were possible to ascertain
the list of all the ornaments of Rome which were transferred
to the seat of empire, there might be a better justification for
those who attribute the ruin of the old to the rise of the new
capital. II The departure of many of the principal families
for the banks of the Bosporus had emptied a portion of the
patrician palaces. The public structures we know were not
entirely spared, when it was requisite to record the triumph
of Constantine ;** and the debasement of the arts having left
the Romans no other resource than the application of former
trophies to their present sovereign, the same flattery which
robbed an arch of Trajan may have despoiled many other

ita ut agnitione sui ex omni parte perdita desperationem cunctis repara-
tionis adferrent deputato ab amplissimo ordine parvo sumptu quantum
publicae patiebantur angustise ab extremo vindicavit occa.su et provisione
largissima in pristinam faciem splendoremque restituit"

* Sueton. in vit. Augusti- cap. xxx.

f " Tyberinas extruxi ripas. Vadum alvei lumentis effodi" Vo))isc.
in vit. Aureliani, p. 215. Aid. edit 1519.

X " Tyberis si ascendit ad ma}nia ; si JNilus non ascendit in arva: si
ccfilum stetit, si terra movit, si fames, si lues, statim Christianosad Leones."
TertuU. Apolog. cap. xlii.

^ A battle was fought on the Caelian hill in the reign of Aurelian. De-
cline and Fall, cap. xi. torn. ii. oct. p. 51.

(I " Ut non immerito dixeris, non a barbaris, sed prius a Constantino
eversam fuisse Romam." Isa. Vossii de magnitudine Romje Veteris. ap.
tJraev. Antiq. Roman, torn. jv. p. 1507. p. 1516. cap. vii.

** See page 72, note U

monuments to decorate the chosen city of the conqueror.
The laws of the codes* speak of ruins and edifices in decay^
which, we may collect from prohibiting clauses, it was the
custom not to restore hut to pillage for the service of new
buildings. Such was the disorder in the reign of Valens and
Valentinian, that private individuals had seized upon the
public granaries : columns and marbles were transported from
one city to another, and from one service to another. A law
above referred to for the year 364, when quoted in the Jus-
tinian code, contains a singular expression not before remark-
ed, by which it would appear that at an early period there
was an old distinct from a new Rome.t The regionaries do
not notice the distinction, and the commentators object to the
phrase ; but it seems very probable that the migration from
the mounts to the Campus Martins had commenced after the
repeated sack and sieges of the city, and the causes of decay
before commemorated, had encumbered the ancient site with

* X[. Impp. Valentinianus et Valens A A ad Symmachum P. TJ.
" Intra urbem Romam eternam nullus Judicurn novum opus informet :
quotiens serenitatis nostras arbitria cessabunt : ea tamen instaurandi quae
jam deformibus ruinis intercidisse dicuntur universis licentiam damus "
Dat viii. kalend. Jun. Philippis. Divo Jovian© et Varroniano Coss. [A. D.
364] lib. XV. tit. 1. Codex Theodos- edit. Mant. 1768. p. 261. The law is
reiTeated the next year. The next law mentions the seizure of the gra-
naries. By several other laws of the code under the same title, it appears
that the public buildings in the provinces were also falling to decay. The
following law speaks more strongly of the decay and the spoliation at
Rome-

XIX. Impp. Valens, Gratianus, et Valentinianus A A A ad senatum.
Nemo prcefectorum urbis aliorumve judicum, quos potestas in excelso
locat, opus aliquod novum in urbe Roma incly ta moliatur, sed excolendis
veteribus intendet animum. Novum quoque opus qui volet in urbe moliri,
sua pecunia, suis opibus absolvat, non contractis veteribus emolumentis,
non effossis nobilium operum substructionibus, non redivivis de publico
saxis, non marmorum frustis spoliatarum sedium reformatione convulsis-
Lecta in Senatu. Valente V. et Valentiniano. A A Coss. [A. D. 376.]
Read deformatione, according to three editions, p. £69. The Lawsxxvii.
and xxix. of the same title are to the same purpose.

t Vid Cod Justin, lib. viii. tit- xii. torn- ii. pag. 471. edit. Gotting. 1797.
which repeats the law above, beginning " Intra urbem Romam veterem ei
novam,''^ and inserts "nisi ex suis pecuniis hujusmodi opus construrc
voluerit."

ruins. The Campus Martius had been surrounded by thr;
wall of Aurelian, and from that time it may be supposed tha
the vast fields, the groves of the Augustan mausoleum, thf
innumerable porticos, the magnificent temples, the circus
and the theatre of that district,* were gradually displaced
or choked up by the descending city. As late as the reign Oj.
Valentinian III. we find mention made of the Campus Mar-
tins as if it were still an open placet Yet it is possible that
the quarter preserved the name, as at present, long after it
had lost its original appearance and destination.

It is not to be overlooked, that in the reign of Constantius,
the architectural wonders of the city were still sufficient to
astonish a stranger ;| that when the regionaries wrote under
Valentinian,§ a pompous fist of public monuments might still
be collected for the admiration and confusion of posterity ;||
that when Alaric took the town, the private houses contained
the buildings of a whole city ;** and that even after that cala-
mity the old age of Rome was more attractive than the
youth of any other capital. There was, doubtless, still
enough left to confer the palm upon the ancient metropolis, tt
whose ruins at this day form a striking contrast with the few
relics of the second capital. The stranger could not per-

* See a beautiful description of it in Strabo, lib. v,

f He was killed in the Campus Martius, according to Cassiodorus and
Victor Tutonensis ; but Prosper, in his Chronicle, names another place
called the two Laurels. Annali d'ltalia, ad an 455. tom. iii. p. 163-

X " Deinde intra septem montium culmina, per acclivitates planitiem-
que posita urbis membra collustrans et suburbana, quiquid viderat pri-
mum, id eminere ante alia cuncta sperabat," &c. Sic. Amm. Marcel, lib.
xvi. cap. X. p. 145. Lugd. Bat 1693.

5 He was elected Emperor in 364, and died in 375.

II The two regioaaries, Rufus and Victor, occup3' twelve pages, in
double column, of the folio Thesaurus of Grsevius, tom. iii.

iavt^, ortoaa rtoUi (SvfiixsTfpo^ r^8vvato sx^^v. Olympiod. ap Phot. Biblioth.
edit. 1^53, p. 198.

E/5 Soixo^ ois'tv rte'Ksi, rto'Kii aig'sa ,ufp<a Xfu^ft —
ft Manuel Chrysoloras made a comparison between Rome and Con-
stantinople : he did not believe what he had heard of Rome, but found
that her very ruins were a sufficient proof of her former superiority.
This was in 1464, at least his book has that date. See 3rusenm Italic,
p. 96, tom. 1. 1724.

ceive what was lost : the native still flattered himself that
every injury might be repaired ; and such was the stability of
the larger monuments, that to the poet and consul Ausonius,
at the end of the fourth century, Rome was still the golden,
the eternal city.* In the panegyrics, however, of her last
admirers, we may trace her decay. The private palaces,
which are celebrated by Olympiodorus, have no encomium
from the poet who survived the ravage of Genserick, and
who still extols the baths of Agrippa, of Nero, and of Dio-
cletian.! The care and admiration of Theodoric were di-
rected to those objects whose sohdity or whose position pro-
tected them from sudden dissolution, but which were still
shaken by violence of age.J Cassiodorus confesses that his
master, the lover of architecture,§ the restorer of cities,
could only repair decently the tottering remnants of anti-
quity.|| He owns, also, the partial abandonment, whilst he
laments the rapid decay and fall of the ancient habitations.**
In the interval between the encomiums of Cassiodorus and
the notices which Procopius has left of the miracles of Rome,tt
the aqueducts had been broken ;ij: the thermae, the amphi-

* Epigrammata quatuor, fee. Auson. Op. pp- 78, 80, edit. Burdigal.
" Prima urbcs inter Divum domus, aurea Roma."

Olarae urbes, p. 195.

f " Hinc ad balnea non Neroniana
" Nee qua) Agrippa dedit, vel ille cu jus
" Bustum Dalmaticae vident Salonae," h.c.
Sidon. Apoll. Carmen ad Consentium, 23. written 466. Dissertazione,
fee. p. 271.

i The Palatine had been occupied by the troops of Genserick, the
Theatre of Pompey had been injured by fire, and was in decay— quid
non solves O senectus, qu£e tarn robusta quassati ? Cassiod. var. lib. iv.

epist 51.

§ "Araator fabricarum, restaurator civium." Excerpta de Theod.

auctoris ignoti in fine A mm. Marcell.

11 " Et nostris temporibus videatur antiquitas decentius innovata." Var

epist. 51. lib. iv.

^ " Facilis est eedifjciorum ruina incolarum substracta custodia et cito
vetustatis decoctione resolvitur, quod hominum prtesen tia non tuetur."

•ft De Bello Gothico, lib. i- cap. xix.

it The population must have been much diminished, since the Tiber
was esteemed insalubrious, and the wells of Rome had been found in-
sufficient for the people of Rome s^ince the year 441, A- U- C. See Jul.
Frontin. de acquceduct. lib. i. ap. Grsev. Antiq. Roman, torn. iv.

theatre, the theatres, had all heen abandoned, and the ad-
miration of the historian is confined to the tomb of Hadrian,*
to the infinite number of statues, t the works of Phidias,
Lysippus, and Miron, and to the solicitude with which the
Romans preserved as much as possible the more stable edi-
fices of their city, and, amongst other objects, a venerable
relic of their Trojan parent.j Even these detached orna-
ments must have been much diminished during the Gothic
sieges. The Greek soldiers were not restrained from fling-
ing down the statues of the mole of Hadrian on the heads of
their assailants ;§ and Belisarius must have demohshed noi^
only such smaller materials, but many a contiguous structure,
for his repeated rebuilding of the walls. We have other
decided proofs of the early desertion and decline of the
Caesarean city. An edict of Majorian specifies as a common
offence, that those who built houses had recourse to the an-
cient habitations, which could not have been dilapidated in
the presence of a resident population, and which we know
by the same edict to have been abandoned to the feeble pro-
tection of the laws. II The same fact is deducible from an-
other prohibition, which forbade the extraction of precious
metals from the ancient structures, a crime noticed before

* De Bello Gothico, lib. i. cap. xxii.

t De Bello Gothico, lib. iv. cap. xxiii.

If " ' Ot ys xat 7to%vv tiva jisfiafiapoifievob aiutva^ tdits Tto'Ktui BifaJiCavto
oixoBofiva^y xat, -futv syxaTkKurCiaixutoiv ta ji'hsia'ta iiaa olov tt w' ;tpo^'9 '^^
*oafoi;T'9 t'ojwjjxos, xai tq> ajtrjfji^Xsccl^L^ SI apetviv t'wv rtsTtoirifievai' avtix^^'
£f t IJtAv toi xat o(ja fxvvuxha tov yivov? l%^%£t,7t'to ttt ' Iv totj xat 17 vav^ dti^e tor,
*ov tYii rtoXsQj oixiOT'ot), xal £tj tohi xftVat, ^e'a^a rtav^'f^wj arttofoi .
TotQixuiVTib'. pag. 353. edit. 1607. cap. xxii. of the translation. The
due weight must be given to these words : but the solidity of the structure
•eems, after all, the chief protection of the buildings. — ,

{ De Bello Gothico, lib. i- cap. xxii. The Faun was found when
Urban VIII cleansed the ditch of the castle. 1

II Majorian reigned from 457 to 461. '• Antiquarinn aidium dissipatur
speciosa constructio ; et ut aliquid reparatur, magna diruuntur. Hinc
jam occasio nascitur ut etiam unusquisque privatum sedificium con-

struens, per gratiam judicum praesumere de publicis locis neces-

saria, et transferre non dubitet." This is quoted in the Decline and Fall,
ice. cap. xxxvi. p. 175. vol. yl oct. note 3.

the end of the fourth century,* and one of the evils whick
the regulations of Theodoric were intended to prevent.!
This rapine supposes a solitude. In the subsequent periods
of distress, when every precious object had been removed
from above ground, the plunderers searched for subterranean
treasures, and tore up the lead of the conduits. | The mere
necessities of existence became the only care of a wretched
population, from whom it would be unreasonable to expect
either taste or attachment to the trophies of their former ;
grandeur. That many of the works of sculpture fell where j
they stood, has been proved by the spots where they were
found, after centuries of neglect. The same indifference
which allowed the baths of Titus to be gradually buried
beneath the soil, prevented the Laocoon from being removed
from the niche which it originally adorned. § The Toro, the
Hercules, the Flora, the Callipygian Venus, were all found
in the baths of Caracalla, of which most probably they hadi
been the ornaments.

The condition of the Romans mav account for their ne-
gleet of monuments, which the elements themselves conspire
to destroy. An earthquake shook the Forum of Peace for seven
days, in the year 408 ;|| butsuchwere the convulsions of nature
in the succeeding century, that Gregory the Great** naturally

* In 367 Lampadius, thepraefect, took all the lead, and iron, and brass^
so collected, without any remuneration to the plunderers. Amm. Mar-
cellini, lib. xxvii. cap- iii. pag. 524. edit- 1693.

I Praeterea non minimum pondus, et quod facillimum direptioni est
mollissimum plumbum de ernatu meenium referuntur esse sublata.
Variar. epist lib. iii. cap. xxxi. pag. 50. edit. 1679.

t " Et confestim centenarium illud, quod ex eadem forma in atrio ec-
clesise Beati Petri decurrebat, dum per nimiam neglectus incuriam plum-
bum ipsius eentenarii furtim jam pluriraa ex parte exinde ablatum fuisset-"
Anastas. in vit. S. Hadriani I- He is talking of the repair of the aqueduct
and pipe of the Acqua Sabbatina.

5 Pliny (Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi.) says, the Laocoon was in the house of

the Emperor Titus. " Laocoonte qui est in Titi Imperatorisdomo."

They show the red cellular niche in the baths or palace of Titus, in
which this groupe is said to have been found.

II Romse in foro pacis per dies septem terra mugitum dedit. Merecellini
Comitis, Chronic, ap. Sirmond. tom. ii. p. 274.

^'=^ St. Gregory, in his Dialogues, lib. ii. cap. xv. reports and confirms a

supposed the evils of which he had himself been witness to
be the principal cause of the ruin around him. To these
earthquakes, tempests, and inundations, he attributed not
only the depopulation of the city, but the fall of her dwell-
ings, the crumbling of he?' bones,^ The rise of the Tiber is
specified as having overthrown many of the ancient edifices!
Pestilence and famine within the walls, and the Lombards
without, had reduced her to a wilderness, and it is to be
beheved that the population shrunk at that period from
many spots never afterwards inhabited. An important no-
tice, hitherto never cited for the same purpose, informs us,
that at the second siege of Rome by Totila, there was so
much cultivated land within the walls, that Diogenes, the go-
vernor, thought the corn he had sown would be sufficient to
supply the garrison and citizens in a protracted defence. J:
The district of the Forum, however, had not yet become a
solitude. A column, erected to the emperor Phocas, is an
evidence that the ancient ground plan had not been buried
in 'the year 608. And the same may be said of the Forum of
Trajan, upon evidence not quite so precise. § The accretion

prophecy of St. Benedict. " Cui vir dei respondit: Roma gentibusnoii
extenninabitur, sed teinpesitaibus coruscis,turb{nibus,ac terrce motufaidgafa
marescet in semet ipsa. Cujus prophetiee mysteria nobis jam facta sunt
luce claiiora, qui in hac urbe dissoluta msenia, eversas domos, destructas
ecclesias turbine cernimus ; ejusque sedificia longo senio lassata quia
ruinis crcbrescentibus prosternantur videmus." The reader may recol-
lect how Mr. Gibbon has disposed of the prophecy.

* " Quid autem ista de hominibus dicimus cum ruinis crcbrescentibus

ipsa quoque destrui sedificia videmus quia postquam defecerant

homines, etiam parietes cadunt ossa ergo excocta sunt, vacua ardet

Roma . . . ." 18 Homil in Ezechiel. lib. ii. hom. vi. pag. 70. torn. v. opp.
omn. Venet. 1776. This was in 592.

I " Tanta inundatione Tyberis fluvius alveum suum egressus est tan-
tumque excrevit, ut ejus unda per muros urbis influere atque in ea raaxi-
mam partim regionis occupavit ita ut plurima antiquarura sedium msnia
dejiceret" St. Gregor. Vita, per Paul Diacon- tom. xv. p. 253. opp. S.
Greg. See also Paul Diacon- de gestis Langob. lib- iil- cap. xxiii. for th^
pQstis inguinaria-

X Procop. de Bello Gothico, lib. iii. cap. xxxvi. Nardini, lib. i. cap.
viii. has made the remark, but with another object in treating of the
walls.

^ The biographers of St. Gregory mention the Forum. " Idem vero

•if--

of soil in the valleys, and even the mounts of Rome,
could not have taken place under the foot of a population
which was never entirely lost, and it is only from the total
desertion of these buried sites that we must date the forma-
tion of the present level.* It appears that in 825 there were
within Rome itself cultivated lands of coiisiderable extent.!
The contiguity of the immense ancient fabrics, when once in
decay, must have been dangerous during earthquakes, which
might shake them down, or in inundations, when the water
might be confined, and prevented from retiring by the walls
of buildings as large as provinces, X Such open spots as were
decorated by single monuments were likely to be first over-
whelmed by the deposite left by the water, and collected round
those monuments. On this account the Forums, and even \
the Palatine, although an eminence, being crowded with -
structures, appear to have been buried deeper than the other
quarters, under the deposite of the river, and the materials of

perfectissimus et acceptabilis Deo sacerdos, cum quadam die per forum
Trajani, quod opere magnifico constat esse extractum procederat."
Paul. Diacon. in loc cit. pag. 262. " Quod Gregorius per forum Tra-
jani, quod ipse quondam pulcherrimis aedificiis venustabat,'' kc Joan.
Diacon. in loc. cit. p. 305. Paul Wanefrid was a Lombard of Forli, and
taken prisoner by Charlemagne ; the other deacon wrote in 872. Vid,
detriplici S. Gregorii magni vita in loc cit pag. 246.

* Mr. Gibbon, cap. Ixxi. p. 405. torn. xii. singularly gives Addison the
merit of a discovery, which any one who had seen a picture of the half-
buried ruins under the Capitol, and the hole in which the column of Tra-
jan was sunk, might, and must, have anticipated.

f The monastery of Farfa in 825 obtained from the Emperor Lo~
thaire I. the confirmation of a grant to Pope Eugenius of two farms.
" De duabus massis juris monasterii Sanctae Bibianse, quod est positum
infra nobilissimam urbem Romanam, vel quae ad easdem massas perti-
riere dignoscitur, quarum una Porapejana, et alia Balagai nuncupata"
Chronicon Farfense, ap. Script- Rer. Italic, tom. ii. par. ii. pag. 383. edit.
1727. We know S. Bibiana to have been in Rome. Muratori says,
" Dalla Chronica Farfensa apprendiamo, avere Papa Eugenio donate al
monastero di Farfa due masse, appellate Tuna Pompeiana, e I'altra Bala-
gai, poste infra nobilissimam Urbem Romanam : il che ci fa conoscere,
die entro Roma stessa si trovavano de' Buoni Poderi coltivabili." Annali
ditalia ad an 825. tom. iv. p. 533. Perhaj)s his translation and conclusion
are rather licentious.

I " Lavacra in modum provinciarum structa'' astonished Constantius.
Amm. Marcell, lib. xvi. cap. x.

the crumbling edifices. The latter accumulation must be
taken into the account, when it is recollected, that the bro-
ken pottery of the old city has, at some unknown period,*
been sufficient to form a mount of 150 paces high, and 500
paces in length. The population was too languid to dig away
the obstructions, and employed their remaining strength in
transporting the smaller materials to the more modern and
secure quarter of the town.

/ Jt is impossible to assign a precise date to the total deser-

j tion of the greater portion of the ancient site ; but the Cci-
lamities of the seventh and eighth centuries must have con-

^tributed to, if they did not complete the change. A scarcity!

Un the year 604, a violent earthquake| a few years after-
wards, a pestilence§ in or about the year 678, five tremen-
dous inundations of the Tiber|| from 630 to 797, a second fa-

* Deeo psrpetuum apud antiques silentium. Donati Rom. Vet. lib. iii.
cap. xiii. The most reasonable account of the Testacean mount seems
to be that of Lucius Faunus, lib. iii- cap. iii. de antiquit Urbis Romae, ap.
Sallengre, torn. ip. 248. There was a college of potters established by
Nuraa. The vicinity of the water made them fix themselves in the
meadow on the banks of the Tiber. Is was strictly forbidden to fling
any obstructions into the river. The mound rose by degrees, and there-
fore unnoticed. It is strange, however, that the regionaries should not
mention it-

f " Eoque tempore fuit fames in civitate Romana grandis." Anastas,
invit. Sabiniani. pag. 134.

I " Eodem tempore factus est terres motus magnus mense Augusti in-
dictione undecima." Ibid, invit. S. Deusdedit. He was pope from 614
to 617.

^ " Similiter mortalitas major, atque gravissima subsecuta est mense
suprascripto, Julio, Augusto, et Septemb. inurbe Roma, qualis nectem-
poribus aliorum Pontificum esse memoratur." Ibid in vit S. Agathon.
pag. 142. Paul. Diaconus says, " Tantaque fuit multitudo morientium ut
etiam parentiis cum filiis, atque fratres cum sororibus apud urbem Ro-
mam ad sepulchra deducerentur." De gestis Langob. lib. vi. cap. v.

II In 685—715—717—791—797. Of that in 717, it is mentioned, "Per
dies autem septem aqua Romam tenebat perversam.'' Anastas. in vit. S.
Gregor. ii. p. 15i?. Paul. Diaconus tells, " His diebus Tyberis fluviusita
inundavit, ut alveum suum egressus multa Romanse fecerit exitia civitati ;
ita ut in via Lata ad unam et semi.s staturam excresceret, atque a porta S.
Petri usque ad Pontem Milvium acquse se distendentes conjungerent.*'
De gestis Langob. lib. vi. cap. xxxvi. From the mention made ©f the

mine in the pontificate of Pope Constantine,* Which con-
tinued for six and thirty months, a pestilence in the last year
of the seventh century, and the assault of the Lombards for
three months under Astolphus in %755 ; these are the events
which compose the Roman history of this unhappy period.

The fabrics of the old town could receive no protection but
from their solidity. The lawful sovereigns had degraded the
capital of the world to the head of a dutchy, and the only
visit which an emperor of the east deigned to make to Rome
was not to protect but to despoil her of all her valuable orna-
ments.! The recorded plunder of Constans has affixed to
that recreant name a greater share in the ruin of Rome than
the concurrence of other calamities will allow ; his robbery

Corso beinj^ damaged, the descent of the city into the Campus Martius
seems to be proved. At the same time .the English inundated Rome.
Ibid. cap. xxxvii.

The inundation of 791 tore down the Flaminian gate, and carried it
as far as the arch called Tres facicellaj (the Arcus Portogalli) and rose to
the height of two men. " Per triduum ipsum flumen, quasi per alveum,
per civitatem currebat.'' Anastas. in vit. S. Hadriani, p. 194. The ri-
ver kept the city under water for many days, and S. Hadrian was obliged
to send provisions in boats to those living in the via Lata, " per naviculas
morantibus via Latacibos advexit.''

The inundation in 797 is not in Anastasius, where Fea (Dissertazione,
p. 809) finds it, but is in the " Index Vetustissimus Ducum Spoletonato-
rum et Abbatum Farfensium." Ap. Sciipt. Rer. Ital. torn. ii. par. ii. p.
295. " Dccxcvii. Inundatio aquae fit Romae in via Lata ad duas staturas."
It may be suspected that as both rose to the height of two men, there is
some confusion, and that they w^ere the same.

* Constantine was elected in 708. " Vir valde mitissimus, cujus tem-
poribus in urbe Roma fames facta est magna per annos tres." Anastas. in
vit. Constant, p. 152. There seems a full stop wanting after mitissimus:
his misfortunes follow his virtues too quickly.

t " Omnia quse erant in sere ad ornamentum civitatis deposuit, sed et
ecclesiam beatae Mariae ad matyres, quae de tegulis aereis erat cooperta,
discoperuit." Anastas. in vit. St. Vitaliani. tom. i. p. 106.

" Sed manens Romae dies duodecim omnia quae fuerint antiquitus insti-
tuta ex sere in ornamentum urbis abstulit : in tantum ut etiam basilicam

Beatae Marias quae antea Pantheon vocata fuerat (vocabatur) dis-

cooperiret . . • ." Paul. Diaconi de gestis Langobard. lib. v. cap. xi.
Fabricius says that Constans took away more in seven days than all the
Barbarians had done in 258 years. Descriptio Romae, cap. ii.

was confined to the bronze tiles of the Pantheon, and to what- .
soever quantity of the precious metals could be collected in a |
residence of twelve days. He had the gleanings of Gen-
serick, but he still left the bronze of the portico to be plun- \
dered by Urban VIII. and many other metallic decorations, \
to be melted into bells for the churches in the subsequent rise \
pf the modern town, and for other pious uses of the Popes.* ,,,^^

The period of the exarchate and of the Lombard domina-
tion is that of the lowest distress of Rome.t The most dili-
gent inquiry has been unable to discover who were her ac-
knowledged masters, or what was the form of her domestic
government.^: Subsequently to the extinction of the exarchate
by Astolphus in 752, she had been abandoned, but was never
formally resigned by the Greek Caesars. After Gregory II. in
728 or 9, and Gregory III. in 741, had soUcited the aid of
Charles Martel against the Lombards,§ and against the ico-

*The Abate Fea (Dissertazione, p. 407, et seq.) allows that whatever
was saved was saved hy miracle, and probably because buried under ?ome
heavy ruin, as the gilded Hercules, the Wolf, the Belvedere Pine. The
bronze doors of Cosmas and Damianus were saved because they be-
longed to a church ; those of St. Hadrian were carried away to the Late-
ran. There was a statue of bronze, a bull, in the Forum Boarium in the
time of Blondus. " .... A foro Boario ubi sereum taurum aspicimus."
Roma inst lib. l fo. 10.

f " Ipsa urbium regina Roma, quamdiu Langobardorum Regnum vi-
guit, suramis calamitatibus exagitata, atque in pejus ruens ex antiquo
splendors decidebat." Antiq. Med. -^vi, torn. ii. p. 148. dissertatioSl.
X Annali d'ltalia, torn- iv. pag- 304.
^ Annali d'ltalia, torn. iv. pag. 281, 286.

Mr. Gibbon has observed that '* the Greek writers are apt to confound
the times and actions of Gregory the 2d and 3d," (cap. xlix. p. 132, note
20. vol. ix. octavo.) and by some accident the following extraordinary er-
ror has been left in his text. " In his distress the first Gregory had im-
plored the aid of the hero of the age, of Charles Martel." (cap. xlix.
pag. 147. vol. ix. octavo) The first Gregory had been dead more than a
century. The historian could hardly mean the first of the 2d and 3d,
which would be too equivocal an expression : besides which there was
but a letter written, and there are some doubts as to the embassy of
Gregory H. to Charles Martel ; and the decided, perhaps repeated suppli-
cation to him was from Gregory HI. (See Muratori, tom. iv. pag. 286,
ad an. 741) Nor does the mistake look like an error of the press, to be
read, " Gregory had first implored," ^r.^since the application to Pepia^
was made by Stephen II.

noclast tyrants of Constantinople, it might be thought that the
.supremacy of the Greek empire Imd ceased to be recognised.
Yet a certain respect, at least, for the successors of Constan-
tine, not only from the Romans but from their new patricians,
Pepin and Charles of France, may be shown to have endured
within two years of the coronation of the latter hero* in the
r^ year 800. It is certain, however, that about this period the
\ Romans had recurred to the memory of their former institu-
i tions, and had composed a corporation of uncertain form and
mimber, advised rather than commanded by the Pope, who
had silently usurped the sovereign title of our Lord, By
this senate or this spiritual master had the Byzantine title of
Consul or Patrician been oifered to Charles Martel and con-
ferred on Pepin. A letter is still preserved from the Senate
and People to Pepin, Patrician of the Romans,! and the reply
of the Frank monarch, recommending a deference to their
bishop Paul I. must imply that the domestic sovereignty was
divided between the pastor and the community at large.
This mixed government, which must have sometimes assum-
ed the appearance of anarchy, and at others degenerated into
despotism, was contemplated with horror by those who re-
called the lawful imperial sway of the Ca3sars,J and either to
the people or the popes was applied the opprobrious regret
that Rome was subject to the slaves of slaves, and to a barba-
rous populace drawn together from all the corners of the
earth. The twelfth line of the following verses is the same
^read backwards as forwards, and is quoted from Sidonius Apol-

* " Viene a fortificarsi la conghiettura proposta di sopra, cio^ che dura-
\a. tuttavia in Roma il rispetto all' Imperador Greco; ed era quivi ricono-
sciuta la sua autorita." Annali d'ltalia, ad an. 798. lorn. iv. pag. 492.
Gregory III. is usirally called the first of the independent popes, but he
certainly acknowledged the superiority of Eutichius exarch of Ra\ enna,
to whom, as Anastasius tells us, he applied for permission to use six co-
lumns of some structure for St. Peter's church.

t The 36th letter of the Codex Carolinus. " scritta da tutto il senato e
dalla generality del Popolo Romano a! re Pippino Patrizio de' Romani''
See — Annali d'ltalia ad an. 763. tom iv. p. Sril.

X Saint Gregory himself made the distinction between the republican
subjects of an Emperor and the slaves of a Ki* g- " Hoc nainque ii'ter-
reges gentium et repuhlicae Iraperatores distat, qnod reges gentium, do-
mini servorum sunt, Imperatores vero Reipublica? donjini liberorum."
Lib. xiii. epist. 31.

iinaris to denote the retrograde fortune of Rome ; ^' e do-
vette " says Muratori, " una volta parere qualche meravigUosti

r.osa,'*'' —

Nobilibus fueras quondam construota patronis

Subdita nunc servis. Heu male Roma ruis
Deseruere tui tanto te tempore reges :

Cessit et ad Grsecos nomen honosque tuum
In te nobilium rectorum nemo remansit

Ingenuique tui rura Pelasga colunt.
Vulgus ab extremis distractum paitibus orbls

Servorum servi nunc tibi sunt domini,
Constantinopolis florens nova Roma vocatur

Moenibus et muris Roma vetusta cadis.
Hoc cantans prisco prajdixit carmine vates
_ -,^ _ ^^ Roma tihi subito motibus ibit amor.

Non si te Petri meritum Paulique foveret

Tempore jam longo Roma misella fores
Manciribus subjecta jacens macularis iniquis

Inclyta quae fueras nobilitate nitens.*

A boasted descendant of Camilliis was still left at the begin-
ning of the fifth century ;t but the unknown author of the
above complaint would lead us to believe that the last relics
of the Roman race had in his time disappeared.

When the history of the pontiffs becomes all the history of
Rome, we find each moment of peace and prosperity employ-
ed in rebuilding the walls, in burning lime, in constructing
churches and shrines of martyrs, the materials of which must,
it is evident, have been supplied from the deserted ruins.

* See— Antiq. Med. ^vi. edit. 1739. tom. ii. p. 148, 149. dissertat. 21.
Muratori warns us not to think that the servorum sei-vi alkides to the
popes. The title may not yet have been used, but to whom do the
words allude ? The phrase is singular, and has been applied to only one
character of antiquity, to Sextus Pompey ; " Libertorum suorum liher-
tus, servorumque servus-^^ Veil. Patercul. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 73. The slave
of slaves had become the king of kings, when a dedicator to Sixtus
Quintus told him

" Ingentes si facta decent ingentia reges
Te regum regem Sixte quis esse neget."

Da Barga, Comm de obelisco, ap. Graev. tom. iv. p. 1931.

I St. Jerome had a female correspondent who was a descendant of Ca-
millus ; and St. Gregory was of the patrician fam'ly of the Gordians.
See — Bayle's Dictionary, article Camillus,

Tlie repair of former damages, and the increasing population
after the establishment of the Carlovingian princes, augment-
ed the application to the same common quarry. The recon- •
struction of an aqueduct to convey the acqua Vergint to the
Vatican by Hadrian I. at the end of the eighth century, seems
to prove that the Campus Martins, and the quarter about St.
Peter's, were then chiefly inhabited.* The altar of the apos-
tles had gathered round it a crovi^d of votaries who became
settlers, and for whose protection Leo IV.j surrounded with
a wall the suburb of the Vatican. Respect for the mother of
the churches, and the supposed scene of the baptism of Con-
stantine, had preserved the inhabitants in the other extremity
near the Lateran,j and the greSiter was the population at
these opposite points, the more complete must have been the
desertion of many immediate quarters within the vast circuit
of the walls. It has been already observed that some of
these spots had become cultivated lands in the beginning of
the ninth century.

The edifices of old Rome are lost for more than 200 years,
but reappear in a regionary of the eighth or ninth century,
who might make us suspect that the abandonment had not yet
leached the Forum. His notice includes the following monu-
ments, which he divides amongst the regions after the exam-
ple of former itineraries. § The Thermae of Alexander, of
Commodas, of Trajan, of Sallust, with his pyramid, of Diocle-
tian, of Constantine, and some baths near St. Silvestro in ca-^
plfe, a temple of Minerva, the temple of Jupiter,|| the Roman
Forum, the Forum of Trajan, the three Circuses, Maximus^

* Anastas. in vit. Had. p. 189.

\ He was Pope from 847 to 855.

X Another aqueduct, the Claudian, was repaired for the service of the
Tjateran. The Marcian water was also again brought to Rome by Hadrian
T. It seems that these streams and the acqua Trajanahad been before par-
tially recovered, it is uncertain hy whom, and had again fallen into decay.

^ See — Bianchini's edition of the lives of the popes. Opusculum XV.
prolegomena ad vitas Roman. Pontificum, torn. ii. pag. cxxii. Bianchini
calls him a regionary of the eighth or ninth century. The date 875 has
hcen assigned to him. See — Dissertazionc sulle rovine, SiC. p. 326-

1! Bianchini calls this the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, without giv-
ing any reason.

Flaminius and Agonalis, the arch of Drusus called recordati
nis, the Arch of Severus, that of Titus and Vespasian, and of
Gratian, Theodosius, and Valentinian, the Flavian Amphithe-
atre, that called Castrense, the Capitol, the Septizoniura of Se-
verus, a Palace of Nero, another attributed to Pontius Pilate, j
and a third near Santa Croce in Gerusalemrne, the Theatres of ;
Pompey and of Marcellus, the Pantheon, the Mica Aurea, the '
Antonine and Trajan Columns, a Nymphaeum, an Obelisk near
S. Lorenzo in Lucina, the Horses of the Baths of Constantino, /
the Horse of Constantine, the Elephant called Herbarium, a 1
statue of the Tiber, several aqueducts, and nameless porticos.
It is worth while to observe how many of these monuments
have been partially preserved up to this day, so that one might
suspect that those of a shghter construction had already yield-
ed to violence and time, and those only had remained which
were to be the wonder, perhaps, of many thousand ye^MS, It is
impossible to determine in what state were these monuments,
although they might be supposed entire from the epithet broken
being applied to the aqueducts.* At the same time we know
that the Theatre of Pompey had been in decay three hundred
years before, and that the Thermae had been altogether disused
for the same period, and must therefore have been in ruins. t
The Baths of Sallust were, it may be thought, partially de-
stroyed when the fire of Alaric was fatal to his palace. It is
probable that many of the above objects served merely as land-
marks amongst the many churches which form the chief wemo-
rabilia of this ecclesiastical pilgrim, who adorns the twelfth re-
gion with the head of St. John the Baptist. In the same man-
ner the Forum of Trajan is noted by two authors of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, although it must have been iu
ruins previous to either of those dates. f

* The aqueducts are called FormcB, a name which Cassiodorus gives
them. Variar. lib. vii. Form vi. tom. i. pag. J 13.

t We find mention of baths in the lives of the popes, as in that of St. ;
Hadrian, " In balneis Lateranensibus ;" but the Thermse had never been \
frequented since the siege of Vitiges. The total change of manners in mo- \
dern Rome has left it without a single bath open to the public; nor is this
a usual commodity in private houses.

I Benedicti Beati Petri Canonici, liber Pollicitus, ad Guidonem de Cas-
telle, written, says Mabillon, ante annum mc.xliii quo Guido iste ad pon

Tiie rising importance of the new city accelerated the ruin
of the old. From the time that Rome again became worth a
contest, we find her citizens in arms, sometimes against each
other, sometimes against the pretenders to the imperial crown.
The spirit of feudalism had distracted her inhabitants. Adal-
bert and Lambert, the Dukes of Tuscany and Spoleto, were
invited to inflame the civil furies,* and in the beginning of the
tenth century, Alberic, Marquis of Camerino, had obtained the
dominion of Rome, and the hand of the famous Marozia.t The
expulsion of Hugo, king of Burgundy and Italy, the last of the
three husbands of that " most noble patrician," by Alberic the
son of the first, and the repeated assaults of the city by the ex-
pelled tyrant, are not to be forgotten amongst the causes of di-
r lapidation.J The assumption of the imperial crown by the
\ first Otho, in 962, and the revolts of the Roman captains, or pa-
tricians, with that of Crescentius, against Otho the Second and

tificatus assumptus est, dictus Celestinus IL see — Ordo Romanus XI. ap.
Mabill. Museum Italicum, torn. ii. pag. 118. edit. Paris 1724.

See — Liber de mirabilibus Roniee ap. Montfaucon. Diarium Italicum^
cap. XX. p. 283 to p. SOL edit Paris 1702.

In the year 1162, there was a church with gardens and houses called
St. JVtccolo alia colonna Trajana. (Dissertazione suUe Rovine, pag. 355.)
Flavius Blondus, without mentioning his authority, says that Symmachus
I. built two churches there. Symmachus was pope in 500, *' In ejus fori
excelsis mirabilibusque ruinis Symmachus primus Papa ecclesias S. Ba-
silii et item S. Silvestri et Martini extruxit.

Rom. instaurata, lib. ii. fo. S8. edit. Taurin 1527.

* A. D. 873, according to the Annali d' Italia.

t A. D. 910 to 925.

X Mauratori calls Marozia " Nobilissima Patricia Romana,'* and ap-
pears to disbelieve a part of the " laidezze e maldicenze" charged to her
by Luitprand, the repository of all the pasquinades and defamatory libels
of the times. Annali d' Italia ad an. 911. tom. v. p. 267. Marozia had
one lover a Pope, Sergius III., and her son by him, or more probably by
her first husband, Alberic, was John XL, Pope from 931 to 935. Guido,
her second husband, Duke or Marquis of Tuscany, Avas master of Rome
from 925 to 929 ; and Hugo, her third husband, from 929 to 932- Alberic
her son reigned as patrician and consul from 932 to 954 ; beat away Hugo
from Rome in 932, in 936, and perhaps 941, and although he had married
the king's daughter, contributed to his expulsion from Italy in 946. Hi?
swn Octavian reigned as patrician, or as Pope John XIL, until 962.

Third,* had renewed the wars in the heart of the city, and it
is probable had converted many of the larger structures into
ruins or strong holds.

The next appearance of the monuments is when they had
become the fortresses of the new nobility, settled at Rome
since the restoration of the empire of the west.! Some of
these monuments were perhaps entire, but it is evident that
some of them were in ruins when they first served for dwell-
ings or forts : such must have been the case with the theatres
of Marcellus and of Pompey. How they came into the hands
of their occupiers, whether by grant of the Popes, or by
seizure, or by vacancy, is unknown ; one instance has reached
us in which Stephen, son of Hildebrand, consul of Rome in
975, gave to the monks of St. Gregory on the Caelian mount
an ancient edifice called the Septem solia minor, near the
Septizonium of Severus, not to keep, but to pull dozun,X
The character of those to whom the present was made, and
the purpose for which it was granted, will account for the ruin
of the ancient fabrics in that period. The monks were after-
wards joint owners of the Cohseum,§ and the columns of Tra-

^* Romani capitanei patriciatus sibi tyrannldem vindicav^re — See — Rq-
muald Salern. Chronic. Muratori. annali. torn. v. p. 480. ad an. 987. The
Romans revolted in 974. 987. 995, 996. Crescentius stood a siege uf^ainst
Otho III., and was beheaded in 998 ; and another revolt took place in
1001, at the coronation of Conrad II. In 1027, the Germans and Romang
again fought in the city.

f The Frangipani, the Orsini, the Colonni, were cert-ainly foreign,
and perhaps German families, although they ail pretended a Roman de*-
scent. The first when reduced, in the beginning of the seventh century,
to Mario, a poor knight, Signor of Nemi, published their tree to identify
their family wHh that of Gregory the Great, '* del quale si prova il prin-^
cipio e il fine mu vi e una largura di 200 anni in mezzo." See — Relation
di Roma del Aimaden, p. 139. edit. 1672, which may be consulted for
some short, but singular notices, respecting the Roman families.

t Mittarelli, Annali Camaldolesi, torn. i. Append, num. xli Coll. 96^
~*' Donatio templi de Septem soliis minons facta a Stephano Jilio quondam
Ildebrandi consulis et ducis eidem Johanni ahbati. Id e=t ihud meum
templum, quod septem solia minor dicitur, ut ab hac die vestrae set potis-
tati et voluntati pro tuitione turris vestrae quae septem solia major dicitur
ad destruendum et sumptus deprimendum quantum vj^bis placuerit." J?-
96. edit. 1755.

^. See — a note on the Coliseum.

jan and Marcus Aurelius were put in the possession of reli-
gious communities, who abandoned them to total neglect.*
Whatever were the means by which they obtained possession,
the Orsini, in the Xlth and Xllth centuries, had occupied the
mole of Hadrian, and the theatre of Pompey ; the Colonna,
the Mausoleum of Augustus, and the baths of Constantine.
The Conti were in the Quirinal. The Frangipani had the
Coliseum and the Septizonium of Severus, and the Janus of
the Forum Boarium,t and a corner of the Palatine. The .
Savelli were at the tomb of Metella. The Corsi had fortified
the CapitoL If the churches were not spared, it is certain '
the pagan monuments would be protected by no imagined
sanctity, and we find that the Corsi family had occupied the
Basilica of St. Paul, J without the walls, and that the Pan-^
theon was a fortress defended for the Pope.§

When, in the eleventh century, the quarrels between the
Church and the Empire had embroiled the whole of Italy,
Rome was necessarily the chosen scene of combat. Within
her walls there was space to fight, and there were fortresses t®
defend. We read accordingly, in the annals of those times.

* The Aurelian column was made over to St. Silvestro in capite^ and a
singular inscription is to this day seen under the porch of that church, in
which those who should alienate the column, and the offerings, are ex-
communicated by the authority of the bishops and cardinals, and " mul-
torum clericorum, atque laicorum qui interfuerent-"

The writer of this note saw it on the spot. A copy of it is given in
Dissertazione, &lc. p. 349. The date is 1 119. There was a keeper of
the column in 193, shortly after it was built. The column of Trajan
was in the care of St. Niccolo, and the new senate and people in 116£
ordered that it should not be wantonly injured under pain of death and
confiscation. See — Dissertazione, pp. 305, 3^)G. Yet the Antonine co-
lumn threatened to fall when repaired by Sixtus Quintus. See — de Co-
lumna triumphali commentarius, Josephi Castalionis ad Sixtum V. ap»>
Graev. tom iv. p. 1947. " Erat valde confracta et multis in locis non
rimas modo veium et fenestras amplissimas, vol portas discussis marmo-
ribus duxerat ;" and the base of the column of Trajan was under ground
until the time of Paul III.

t This was called Turris Cencii Frangipani, and the remains of a for-t
are still left upon the summit.

4 Annali d' Italia, id an. 1105. p. Sil. tom. vi.

^ Sec — a note on the Pantheon.

of armies encamped on the Aventine, and moving from the
tomb of Hadrian to the Lateran, or turning aside to the Co-
liseum or the Capitol, as if througli a desert, to the attack of
the strong posts occupied by the respective partisans of the
Pope or the Empire. Gregory VII. may have the merit of :
having founded that power to which modern Rome owes all
her importance, but it is equally certain, that to the same .
pontiff must be ascribed the final extinction of the city of the |
Caesars : a destruction which would have been classed with !
the havoc of religious zeal, did it not belong more properly ■
to ambition.* The Emperor Henry IV., the troops of the \
; Pope's nephew, Rusticus, and the Normans of Robert Guis- j
I card, were more injurious to the remains of Rome, from 1082
j to 1084, than all the preceding Barbarians of every age. \
' The first burnt a great part of the Leonine city, and ruined
the portico of St. Peter : he destroyed also the long portico
from the Ostian gate to the church of St. Paul. In his last
irruption he levelled a part of the Septizonium to dislodge
Rusticus, razed the fortresses of the Corsi on the Capitol,!
and battered the mole of Hadrian. The NormansJ and Sa-

* Annali d'ltalia, ad an. 1082, 1083, 1084. torn. vi. p. £73 to 282.

t " Domos Corsorum subvertit, dehinc septem solia, quibus Rusticu?
nepos prsedicti Pontificis continebatur, ob«iderc cum multis machinis
bellicis attentavit, de quibus quamplurimas columnas subvertit" Baioniis.
Annales Ecclesiast. ad an. 1084. torn. xvii. p. 551. Lucee 1740.

I " Robertus autem dux Romam cunn exercitu noctu ingressus dum
ad ecclesiam Sanctorum Quatuor Coronatorum advenisset ex consilio
Cincii Romanorum Consulis ignem urbi injecit : Romani igitur rei novi-
tate perculsi dum extinguendo igni toti incumberent, Dux ad arcem St.
Angeli continue properans.". • . . Leo Osliensis. (a cotemporary ) ap Baron.
p. 553 inloc cit.

Bertholdus has these strongrer words : " Robertus Guiscardus, Dux
Northmannorum in servitium Sancti Petri post kal Maii Romam armata
raanu invasit, fugatoque Henrico totam urbem Gregorio Papae rebellem
penitus expoliavit, et magnam ejus partem igni consumpsit, eo quod Ro-
mani quendamejus militem vulneraverunt." Ap. Baron loc cital. p. 552,
A poet, Hugo Flaviniacensis, says only, " Quibusdam sedibus incensis." —
Another author, " Immo ipse cum suis totam regionem illara, in qua
Ecclesia Sancti Silvestri, et Sanct: Laurentii in Lucina sita? sunt, penitus

destruxit, et fere ad nihil redeglt Regiones illas circa Lateranum

ftt CoUs8?um positas igne comburere.'" Cardio. de Aragonia et alier.

raeens of Guiscard's army, with the papal faction, burnt the
town from the Fiaminian gate to the Antonine column, and
laid waste the sides of the Esquiline to the Lateran ; thence
he set fire to the region from that church to the Coliseum and
the Capitol, or, according to some authorities, to the Tiber.
He attacked tlie Coliseum for several days, and finished the
ruin of the Capitol. It is reasonable to beheve that the flames
were arrested by the wilderness which had before existed to
the south of these positions, and, indeed, in other quarters.
Besides the former notice of farms in Rome, we find that
there were lands cultivated and uncultivated in the ninth re-
gion of the city, about the Thermae of Alexander, so earljr
as the year 993.*

The conflagration of Guiscard created or confirmed a soli-
tude much more extensive than is embraced by that " spa-

Vitse Pontif. Rom- Ap. Script. Rer. Ital. torn. iii. p. 313. — And other

writers, " Per diversa loca civitatis miscere jubet incendia Ipsis

erg;o superatis, et civitate in magna sui parte collisa." Anonymi Vaticani.
Historia. Sicula. ap, Scriptor. Rer. Ital. torn viii. p. i?73. It is not known
"^vhen he lived.

" Dux itaque Romam ingressus cepit maximam partem urbis, hostiliter
incendens et vastans a Palatio Laterani usque Castellum S. Angeli, ubi
Papa Gregorius oppugnabatur." Romualdi Salernitani Chronicon. ap.
Scriptor. Rer- Ital. torn, vii- p 175 He was archbishop of Salerno from
1153 or 1154 to 1181. "II che forse non merita molta credenza :" s©
Muratori think?, Annali ad an. 1084.

" Urbs maxima ex parte incendio, vento admixto accrescente, consu-
mitur " Gauferdi Malaterrifi, ibid. tom. V. p 588. Hist- Sicula.

Landulfns Senior, the Milanese hi.storian, whom the writers all attack,
Lecause he declared against the mad ambition and celibacy of Gregory
VII.. and for the introduction of whom in his collection, Muratori thought
himself obliged to make an apology, has these strong expressions on
Guiscard's iire. "Quid multa? tribus civitatis partibus, multisquepa-
ktiis Regum Romanorum adustis, Gregorius demum filiis male crisma-
tis filiabusque pejus consecratis, cui jam spes uUa vivendi in civitate non
erat ab urbe exiliens cum Roberto Salernum profectus est. Ubi per
pauca vivens tempora tamquam malorum pa^nam emeritus est" Hist^
M« diol. lib- iv cap iii- Script Rer- Italic- torn. iv. p. 120. Landulphus
was n coteraporary writer.

" There were three churches also in these precincts rising amongst
crijpts and fragments of columns : a sign to whom the destruction should
He referred. See — Dissertazione, he p. 357.

cious quarter between the Lateran and the Coliseum," to
which it is confined by our own historian. From that period
at least must be dated the desolation of a great part of the
Esquiline, and all the Viminal, and much of the Ccelian hill,
including the irretrievable ruin perhaps of the Coliseum, and
certainly of many of the remaining structures of the Fo-
rums and the Sacred Way.^' A cotemporary writer! says,
that all the regions of the city were ruined ; and another
spectator, who was in Romej twelve years afterwards, la-

* There was a proverb, even in this day, which speaks the beauty of
the Roman edifices : " Unde in proverhium dictum est : Mediolanum in
clericis, Papia in deliciis, Roma in cedijiciisy Ravenna in ecclesiis.^^ Lan-
dulfi, Sen. lib. iii. cap. i. p. 96.

Flavins Blondus quotes the epistles of Gregory VII., and his biogra- ^
pher Pandulphus, above cited, for the battles of the Coliseum, but they
are not mentioned in the first, they may be in the second. He attributes
the d'^soiation of Rome, as he saw it, to Guiscard ; this, however, was
not Csesarean Rome, but that restored by the Popes. " Ea nos et alia
Henrici quarti temporibus gesta considerantes, conjicimus urbem Roraa-
nam quae Pontificum Roraanorum beneficio imminutas longe supra vires
non parum instauravcrat, tunc prima ad banc quae nostris inest tempori*
bus rerum exiguitatera esse perductam." Quoted in Dissertazione, &:c=
p. 342. Query instaurata erat.

f Boninzone, bishop of Sutri, in Dissertazione, p. 340.
X Hildebert, archbishop of Tours, was in Rome, 1106. William of
Malmsbury, De gestis Rer. Angl. lib. iii. p. 134, gives the following
elegy—

Par tibi Roma nihil, cum sis prope tota ruina

Quam magna fueris integra fracta doces.
Proh dolor ! urbs cecidit cujus dum specto ruinas

Penso statum, solitus dicere ; Roma fuit.
Non tamen annorum series, non flamma, nee ignis

Ad plenum potuit hoc abolere decus.
Tantum restat adhuc, tantum ruit, ut neque pars stans

^quari possit, diruta nee refici.
Confer opes, ebur, et marmor, superumque favorem

Artificum vigilent in nova facta manus.
^on tamen aut fieri par stanti fabrica muro

Aut restaurari sola ruina potest.
Cura horainem potuit tantam componere Romam

Quantum non potuit solvere cura deum.
Hie superum formas superi mirantur et ipsi*
Et cupiunt fictis TuUibus esse pare?.

ments, that although what remained could not be equalled
what was ruined could never be repaired. What chiefly ex-
cited his astonishment was the beauty of the statues, which
the gods themselves might survey with envy, and which, ia
his opinion at least, were worthy of being worshipped on the
sculptor's account. William of Malmsbury, who reports the
elegy of the latter writer, also informs us, that, comparatively
speaking, Rome was now become a little town. In those
times the rage of the canflicting factions was often vented
against the houses of their enemies, and their destruction
must have involved that of the neighbouring monuments, or
of those in which the towers of the Roman nobles were, in
/^ many instances, built. In 1 1 IG the citizens revolting against
Pope Paschal II., threw down* several of the dwellings of
the Pietro Leone family. The Emperor Lothaire II. in
1 1 33 or 11 34, pitched his camp on the Aventine. Innocent j
II. was in possession of the Lateran, the Coliseum, and the
Capitol ; and the partisans of the anti-pope, Anaclete, had
the Vatican, the castle of St. Angelo, and many other strong
places of the cityt. In the annals of the Xllth century these
strong places of Rome are mentioned as if they stood not in
a city, but in a province. The struggles between the pontiffs /
and the people, the revolution of Arnold of Brescia,| renew^y

Non potuit natura deos hoc ore creare

Quo miranda deum sip;na creavit homo
Vultus adest his numinibus, potiusque coluntur

Artiflcam studio quam deitate sua.
Urbs felix si vel dominis urbs ilia careret
Vel dominis esset turpe carere fide.
George Fabricius gives a part of this elegy in his Epistola Nuncupatoria
prefixed to his Descriptio Romse, ap. Grsev. torn. iii.

* Annali d' Italia, torn. vi. p. 384.
' f Mr. Gi!)bon says, " I cannot recover in Muratori's original lives of
the Popes (Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. p. l.)the passage that at-
tests this hostile partition," namely, " whilst ©ne faction occupied the
Vatican and the Capitol, the other was intrenched in the Latel'an and the
Coliseum," cap. Ixxi. p. 420. vol. xii. The division is mentioned in Vita
Innocentii Papse II. ex Cardinale Aragonio, Script. Rer. Ital. tom. iii. part
i. p. 435, and he might have found frequent other records of it at other
dates.
I It began in 1143, and was matured in 11^5.

§9

efl the contests of Vitellius and Sablnus for the Capitol, from
which were alternately driven the adherents of the new se-
nate and friends of the Pope. The Basilica of St. Peter's^
was fortified for the people, and in those commotions (in
1145) it is recorded that many of the towers and palaces of
the Roman nobles were levelled with the ground.*

Antiquaries have been able to catch a glimpse of the ruins
fifty years subsequently to the fire of Guiscard, in some ac-
count of the ceremonials and processions of the papal court,
written by a canon and chorister of St. Peter's,! who, besides
Hiose monuments whose names are recognisable, mentions
several objects disfigured by the barbarism of the times.

The caution before given must be repeated. There is
good reason to suspect that many of the monuments which he
mentions were not entire, but were noted as landmarks, as
they might be at this day. The same canon gives us to un-
derstand, that the roads in the city were then so bad, that in
the short days the Pope was obliged to conclude his proces-

" Annali d' Italia, torn. vi. p. 481.

t Benedict). Beat). Petri. Canonici, Sec. quoted before. He mentions
the Arch of Gratian, Theodosius, and Valentinian, near the ^lian brid°;e ;
the Obelisk of Nero ; the Circus of Alexander, in the Piazza Navona ;
the Temple of Concord, near the Arch of Severus ; the Arch and
Temple of Nerva (Nerviae) ; a Temple of Janus ; the Forum of Trajan ;
the Forum of Ceesar ; the Arch of Titus and Vespasian, called Septem
.Lucernarum ; the Arch of Constantine ; the Coliseum ; the Theatre of
Pompey; the Pantheon, which he is thought to have called Porticus
Agrippinse, though in fact he calls it Sancta Maria Rotunda, Militise,
Tiberianse, on the Quirinal ; the Arch of Piety ; the Memoria, or Tem-
ple, or Castle of Adrian ; the Teraplum Fatale, near the Temple of
Concord ; the Pine, near the Palatine ; the Arcus Manus Carnese ; the
Mamertine dungeon ; the Asylus, through the flinty road, (Silicem) where
Simon Magus fell, and near the Temple of Romulus ; the Meta Sudans ;
the Sepulchre of Romulus, near the Vatican ; a Portico of the Gallati
before the Temple of the Sybil ; the Temple of Cicero ; the Portico of
the Comori, or Crinori ; the Basilica of Jupiter ; the Arch of Flaminius ;
the Porticus Severinus ; the Temple of Craticula ; the island Milicena
and the Draconorium ; the Via Arenula ; the Theatre of Antoninus ; the
Palace of Cromatius, where was the Holomitreum, or Oloritreum ; the
Macellus Lunanus, or Eumanur. (an Arch, probably that of Gallienus) ;
the Temple of Marius, called Cimber ; the Merulana : the arcus in Lar
thone ; the house of Orpheus. See — Museum. Italicum. toia, ii. p. Ilt5
to 157, edit. Parb, 1724.

sion before he came to the station prescribed by the ritual.*
The language in which these ceremonies are described, is as
barbarous as the ceremonies themselves ; of which a cardinal,
who transcribed another ritual belonging to the same century,
has also preserved an extraordinary specimen. It would be
difficult to find a more deplorable picture of human vicissitude
than that afforded by the contrast of the triumph of Pompey
through republican Rome, and the progress of a Pope of the
twelfth century, on the day of his coronation, preceded by
his sub-deacon with a spitting-towel, followed by the new
senators with their provision of wine, meat, and towels, and
picking his way, amongst fallen fragments, from shrine toj
shrine, and ruin to ruin.t "^

The monuments are occasionally mentioned in the struggles
between the pontiffs and the emperors of the house of Suabia,
and the intestine factions of the nobles, in which the strong
places, the Coliseum, the Septizonium, the Mole of Hadrian,
the Palatine castle of the Frangipani, were repeatedly as-
saulted and taken. In 1150 the people attacked and took
certain towers belonging to the adherents of the Pope and
William of Sicily.

We find, in the Annals for 1167, that the Germans of

^' " Sed propter parvitatem diei et difficultatem vise, facit stationem ad
Sanctam Mariam Majorcm, et vadit in secretarium." Ibid. num. 17, p.
126- The triumph of Aurelian lasted so long that it was dark before he
reached the palace, but from a very different reason. " Denique vix
nona hora in capitolium pervenit. Sero autem ad palatium," Vopisc.
Tn Vita Aurelian.

f •' Ante dominum Papam aliquantulum sequestratus incedit prior
subdiaconus regionarlus cum toalea, ut cum voluit dominus Papa spuere
possit illo gausape os suum mundare.'' Ordo Romanus XII by Oricius
de Sabellis, cardinal and chamberlain to Celestine III He was after-
wards Honorius III The ritual was used before the year mcxcii. See —
Museum Italicum, tom. ii. p 165 to p. 220.

" Senatores, quando comedunt, habere debent lavinam mediam vinj
et mediam clareti in unaquaque die coronationis. Eiisdenti etiam datur
toalea, ubi comedunt, a panetariis, et postmodum redditur ipsis Pro
quadragintacomestionem recipiurit unaquaque die coronationis '' Onufriu*
Panvinius renders lavinam " psalmam, or salmam, quo nomine sagina
s,eu onus ac sarcina equi aliusque animalis oniferi intelligitur." Ibid,
num. xxxvi. p. 202 As the new senators bad food for forty allowed
them, we may guess at their usuul number, >yhich has been so uncertain.

Frederic Barbarossa assaulted the Vatican for a week, and
the Pope saved himself in the Coliseum.* The Colonaa
were driven from the mausoleum of Augustrus. After the
Popes had begun to yield in the unequal contest with the
senators and people, and had ceased to be constantly resident
at their capital, the field was left open for the wars of the
senators, that is, of the nobles themselves. The Colonna
and Ursini then appear amongst the destroyers of the city ;
and when, to arrest their violence, the people elected the
senator Brancalcone (in 1252), the expedient of the Bologf \
nese magistrate was to throw down not only 140 of the
towers of the refractory nobles,! but, if we are to believe the
Augustan historyj of Henry VII., " many palaces of kings and
generals, the remains of ages since the building of the city,
the thermae, the fanes, and the columns," of the old town.
If this were the case, the tumults and the repose of Rome
were alike destructive of her ancient fabrics. This record

* Annali, torn. vi. p. 576, et seq.

t " Brancaleo interim senator Romanus, turres nobilium Romanoruin
diruit et eorundem dominos incarceravit" Mat. Paris. Henric III. p.
972, edit. Lond. 1640.

" Eodem quoque anno senator Romanus Brancaleo videns insolentiam
et superbiam nobilium Romanorura non posse aliter reprimi nisi castra
eorum, qui erant quasi spoliatorum carceres, prosternerentur, dirui fecit
eorundem nobilium turres circiter centum et quadraginta, et solo tenus
complanari." Ibid. p. 975-

" Fuerat enim supcrborum potentum et malefactorum urbis malleus et
extirpator, et populi protector et defensor, veritatis et justitiaj imitator,
et amator." lb. p. 9t;0.

t " Nee hactenus subsistit viri audentis [Jacob- Joanms-jlrloti degli
Stephanesci] acerbitas ut si quidem Brancaleoncm, Bononiensem (qui
regum, ac ducum per tot ab urbe condita sajcula palatia, thermas, fana,
columnas, verterat in ruinas) ipse niemorabiiiter superaret" Alberti
Mussati, historia Aujjusta, de gestis. Henrici VIL lib- xi. rubrica xii- ap.
Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom. X. p. 508, edit Mediol. 1727. Mus-
aatus was a Paduan, born about the year 1260, a laureate poet, and an
historian. See the preface by Muratori, prefixed to the collection, tom.
X. k.c-

Mr. Gibbon (cap. Ixix. p. 286 to 288, vol. xii. oct.), ^vho has copied the
eulogy of Matthew Paris, does not seem at all aware that Brancaleone
applied his hamvier to the ancient fabrics. Mussatus, however, was a
contemporary.

must, however, be believed with some reserve ; and, indeed,
the same history informs us, that there were reUcs which
escaped the vigour of this administration, and which a rival
of the fame of Brancaleone (in 1313) intended to destroy.
But his labours were confined to a single tower, which im-
peded the passage of the people across the Tiber, at the
bridge of Santa Maria.

f There were intervals between the death and choice of the
I Popes, when the city seems to have been unprovided with
/ any recognised authorities, and the senate itself had no re-
V presentative. Such an interregnum occurred after the death
of Nicholas IV. in 1291, and six months of civil war* are de-
scribed by a spectator as having reduced Rome to the condi-
tion of a town besieged, bombarded, and burnt. The petrarice^
or engines for discharging stones, which unfortunately sur-
vived the loss of other ancient arts, had arrived in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries, to the pernicious perfection of dart-
ing enormous masses, perhaps of 1200 pounds weight. They
are noted amongst the instruments of destruction employed
at Rome in this and the subsequent period, and were erected
on the basilicas and towers. t

A year previously to the attempt of the second Brancaleone,t

* " Assumpti popiili capitoUa jussu

Aseendunt : sed morte ducis vis annua menae

Clauditur Ursini, timidoque furentis in arma

Descensu, dum scripta petit, dum fossa sigilla.

Quo gradior ? quid plura sequor, quae texere longmu ?

Hoc dixisse sat est ; Romam caruisse senatu.

Mensibus exactis, heu! sex, belloque vocatum

In scelus, in socios, fraternaque vulnera patres^

Tormentis jecisse viros immania saxa

Peifodisse domos irahihus, fecisse ruinas

Ignibus, incensas turres ''

See — Vita CeJestini Papae V. opus metricum. Jacobi Cardinalis S,
Georgii ad velum-aureum. Coaevi et in Papatu familiaris. Script. Rer.
Itai. torn. iii. p. 621, cap. iif. This classical cardinal chooses to correct
velabro, the actual old word, into velum-aurcum. The trahes were bat-
tering rams, called scatti, cat's-head.

t Antiq. Med. ^vi. Dissert. 3G, p. 432, torn. 1. Italian edition. TIm-
Romans used them in the ninth century.

t His name was Jaraes-John-Arloti-Stephanisci. See the above note

the Emperor, Henry VII. had found that all the towers had
not been thrown down by the Bolognese senators, for he was
obliged to drive the Annibaldi from the Torre de' Militii, from
the tower of St. Mark, and from the Coliseum ; and, so late
as the reign of Martin V. there were forty-four towers in
one borgo of the city.*

The coronation of the Emperor Henry VII. was attended
with battles fought in every quarter of the city from the Vati-
can to the Lateran;t and whilst he received the ensigns of
universal empire in the latter church, his rival John, the bro-
ther of Robert of Naples, was in possession of the fortress
(the church) of St. Peter's, and of several other posts in the
heart of Rome. The fall of houses, the lire, the slaughter,
the ringing of the bells from all the churches, the shouts of the
combatants, and the clanging of arms, the Roman people
rushing together from all quarters towards the Capitol — this
universal uproar was the strange, but not unusual, pre-
lude to the coronation of a Caesar. A spectator of these
disasters records, | that they continued after the emperor had
retired from Rome to Tivoli, and that the cardinals appre-
hended the total destruction of the city.

It is doubtful to what period to assign an account of the ruins
which a pilgrim saw and described before this last calamity.
The book on " the Wondey-s of Rome''^ which has been before
cited, should appear to have been written before Brancaleone

1, p. 135. The Abate Fea, Dissertazione, &c. p. 661, 362, seems to
overlook that this Stephanisci and his adherents did not succeed. " Sed
secus ac prs^meditati sunt, fortuna, successusque vota eorum distraxere,"
says Mussatus, in loc citat- The Abate believes he discovers signs of
modern work on the portico of the temple of Faustina, and above the /
arch of Pantani, which he thinks were thrown down by Brancaleone.

* Dissertazione 26, sopra le Antichita Italiane, p- 446. tom i. edid- Mi-
lan, 1751.

t " Historia Augusta, Albert. Mussati in loc. citat. lib. viii. Rubrica
rV. conversatio Cxsaris cum Romanorum principibus, et cohortatio ad
dandas fortilitias." Henry made a speech to these princes, and called
them '* Quirites.^^ See Rubrica V.

X See — Iter Italicum Henrici VII. Imperat. Nicolai episcopi Botron-
tinensis ap. Scriptores Rerura Italicarum, torn. ix. p. 8S5. " Rebus
quas narrat interfuit." Muratori says, in his preface,

" Deinde Cardinales videntes commotionem popull et urbis continuum
destructionem.'* Ibid. p. 919.

had commenced his operations against the towers of the no-
bles, for there are a great many of such objects noticed by the
pilgrim. The eyes and ears of this " barbarous topogra-
pher"*" are not so valuable to us as Mr. Gibbon appears to
have supposed ; for notwithstanding his use of the present
tense, he speaks certainly of many objects either partially
ruined or totally overthrown. The number of the theatres
and arches seen by him is nearly equal to that in the plan of
old Rome : he talks of an imperial palace in the Palatine, of
a palace of Romulus, and, in other respects, is ambitious of
telling what he had heard, rather than w^hat he had seen.t
Of his antiquarian lore our historian has given a specimen in
his account of the Capitohne bells and statues ;t and to this
may be added, that he calls the Fasti of Ovid the martyrolo-
gy^ because it contains mention of nones and kalends. The
pilgrim was as learned as the people of Rome, some of whom,
in the next century, believed that the sports of the Testacean
mount, and the rolling cart-loads of live hogs down that hillj
were the festal amusements of Cato and Cicero. §
^*""*^'^he absence of the popes from the year 1306 to 1376 has
been esteemed peculiarly calamitous to the ancient fabrics :
but this supposition is founded upon the apparently false con-
' ception, that the bishops of Rome protected the monuments,
' and that the integrity of many, even of the larger structures,
was protracted to the fourteenth century. The only protec-
tion of which the remains of the old town could boast, during
the middle ages, proceeded from the popular government,

* Decline and Fall, &.c. cap. Ixxi. p. 399, vol. xxi. oct.

f "Palatia magna imperatorum ista sunt, palatium majus in Palentio
Hionte positum." See — Montf. Diar. Ital. in loc. citat. p. 284.

" Palatiuni Romuli inter S- Mariam novum et S. Cosmatem ubi sunt
tluce sedes pietatis et concordi{3e, ubi posuit Romulus statuam suara auream
tlicens." " Non cadet nisi virgo paret ; statim ut parturit virgo, statua
ilia corruit.'' Ibid.

t Decline and Fall, cap. Ixxi. p. 395, tom. xii. octav.

Ij " Ludi Hunt agonales, aut in canipo quern Testaci^um appellant, quern
nonnulli hodie ex vulgo putant veturum senatorum gestamen extitisse."
See— Fredcrici III. advent. Horn. ap. Museum Italicum, tom. i. p. 258,
edit. 1724.

which on one occasion prohibited the injury of the column of
Trajan under the pain of death.* The senate and the peo-
ple were invested with the nominal guardianship of the edi-
fices not occupied by the nobles, and in much later times may
be discerned to have shown some respect to the memorials of
their ancestors. A northern German, who came to Rome in
the pontificate of Pius IV. and whom Flaminius Vacca calls a
Goth, applied to the apostolic chamber for permission to ex-
cavate at the base of some of the ancient structures, in search
of treasure, which his barbarous ancestors were supposed to
have left behind them in the precipitancy of three days plun-
der. The German was told that permission must be obtain-
ed from the Roman people, to whom the monuments belong-
ed. It seems that he procured leave to commence his la-
bours ; but having been observed to dig deeply, the populace,
alarmed at his progress, which endangered their arch, and in-
dignant that the Goths should return to complete the spoliation
of Alaric, drove the excavator from his labours, with a vio-
lence which proved nearly fatal to him.t

Had it been possible to establish the popular government
which was the aim of Rienzi, during the absence of the popes,
the Romans, whose love of liberty was to be kept alive by a
constant reference to the institutions of their ancestors, would
have been taught to venerate, though blindly, the trophies of
their former glory. The tribune would not have partaken
with Colonna alone the pride and pleasure to be derived from
the study of those eloquent remains. Notwithstanding their
pastor had deserted them, and they were a prey to the disor-
ders occasioned by the struggles of their ferocious nobles, the
period of the exile at Avignon is distinguished for the decency
and magnificence with which their public functions were per-
formed.! In proportion as they shook otT the papal yoke.

* See note, p. 84.

t Memorie di Flaminio Vacca, p. xvi. num. lOS. The Memoirs were
written in 1594, and are at the end of one of the Italian editions of Nardini.

I " Veniva la persona del Senatore con maestu a cavallo sopra bianca
chinea, he.

"Veniva il Gonfaloniere del Popolo Romano: e questo dignita si in
pace, come in guerra porta lo standardo grande della libertii. Romana, il
quale era di tabi cremesino con le lettere -(- S. P- Q. R."

(

thej appear to have reeovered some portion of their ancient
splendour, and a change has been observed to have taken place
in their manners so early as the middle of the thirteenth centu-
ry. They received the unfortunate Conradin* in 1268 with a
state which surprised his suite. The desolation of the citj
during the papal residence at Avignon has been selected from
ages of more rapid destruction, because it has been trans-
mitted to us in all the colours of eloquence. Petrarch, how-
ever, has been unfairly quoted as a proof of what Rome suf-
fered by the absence of the popes. t It should be remember**
ed, that his first wish was the establishment of the republic of
Rienzi, and the second, the reign and presence of an em-
peror at Rome : whilst the reconciliation of the shepherd
with his flock was only the last resource which remained for a
patriot and a Roman who had lost all hope of liberty or em-
pire.| One of those shepherds. Innocent VI., thought Pe-
trarch a sorcerer. The poet of the Capitol§ was overwhelm-
ed first with delight and then with regret. He complained
that the very ruins were in danger of perishing ; that the
nobles were the rivals of time and the ancient barbarians ;||

See Ordine e magnificenza de i magistrati Romani nel tempo che la
Corte del Papa stava in Avignone. Antiq. Med. M>s\. torn. ii. p. 855,
Dissert. 29. The writer praises not only their scarfs and velvets, but
their justice, and virtue, and republican pride.

* Antiq. Med. ^vi. dissert. 23. torn, ii. pag. 313. Muratori, accord-
ing to the old way of thinking, talks of " quel ladro del lusso."

f By the Abate Fea in his dissertation.

\ Decline and Fall, c Ixx. pag. 363. torn. xii. oct. See also M^moires
pour la vie de Petrarque, liv. iii. torn, ii p. 335. for Rienzi : also liv. iv.
torn. iii. pag. 66. for the emperor Charles. For what he thought of th«
church, see liv. iv. p. 277. torn. iii. edit. Amsterdam, 1747.
" ^ For the surprise of Petrarch, when he first came to Rome, see his
letter to John Colonna, de reb. familiarib. epist. Hb. ii. ep. xiv. pag. 605-
edit. Basil, 1581, "ab urbi Roma quod expectat," &.c. Colonna, how-
ever, had told him not to expect too much. " Solebas enim, memini,
me veniendo dehortari hoc maxime pratextu, nc ruinosae urbis aspectu
famse non respondente atque opinion! meae, ex libris conceptee, ardor
mens ille lentesceret." Colonna's evidence is better than Petrarch's, who
would be astonished now, as we are, at what still remains.
II Nee te parva manet servatis fama ruinis-
Quanta quod integral fuit olim gloria Romifi

and that the columns and precious marbles of Rome were de-
voted to the decoration of the slothful metropolis of their
Neapolitan rivals. Yet it appears that these columns and
marbles were taken from palaces comparatively modern, from
the thresholds of churches, from the shrines of sepulchres,
from structures to which they had been conveyed from their
original site, and finally fro mya//e?i ruins. ^ The solid masses
of antiquity are not said to have suffered from this spoliation,
and the edifices, whose impending ruin affected the laureate,
were the sacred Basilicas then converted into fortresses.!
The great earthquake of 1349 may have been more perni-

Reliquice testantur adhuc ; quas longior aetas

Frangere non valuit ; non vis aut ira cruenti

Hostis, ab egregiis franguntur civibus, heu ! heu !

Quare rabies occurre malis, hoc scilicet unum.
Quod ille [Hannibal) nequivit

Perfecit hie aries — tua fortia pectora mendax

Gloria non moveat, 8ic.
Carmina Latina, 1. ii. epist. Paulo Annibalensi, xii. pag. 98. Petrarch
presumed that the ruins around him had been occasioned by the mischiefs
which he saw, and which were partly the cause of dilapidation.

* The distinction is carefully to be observed. The words of Petrarch
are: " Denique post vi aut senio collapsa pallatia, quae quondam ingentes
tenuerunt viri, postdiruptos arcus triumphales (unde majores horum for-
sitan corruerunt) de ipsius vetustatis ac propriae impietatis fragmioibus
rikm questum turpi mercimonio captare non puduit."

See — Epistolahortatoria ad Nichol.Laurentium. Trib. P. Q. R. de
©apessenda libertate, pag. 536.

" Sed quo animo, da qufeso misericors Pater temerarise derotioni meae
▼cniam, quo inquam, animo, tu ad ripam Rhodani sub auratis tectorum
laquearibus somnium capis, et Lateranum humi jacet et ecclesiarum ma-
ter omnium tecto carens, et ventis patet, ac pluviis, et Petri ac Pauli
sanctissimae domus tremunt, et apostolorum quae nunc ades fuerat jam
ruina est." Petrarch wrote this to Urban V. who began his reign in 1352.
Epist. rer. sen. lib. vii. epist i. opera, pag. 815. torn. ii.

t " Quod templa celeberrima, et sanctissima in Christianitate, augusta
ilia monumenta pietatis Constantini Magni, ubi Summi Pontifices, cum
insignibus supremas suce dignitatas capiunt possessionem Sedis Apostolicas
penitus neglecta maneant, sine honore, sine ornamentis, sine instaura-
tione, et omni ex parte ruinas minentur." This was the complaint of a
deputation from the senate and Roman people to the cardinals in 137R
Disscrtazione sulle rovine, &z.c- p. 3G9.

cibus than human violence, and would appear, from Petrarch*
and from another authority,! to have thrown down some of
the ancient monuments ; and an inundation of the Tiber in
1345 is faithfully recorded amongst the afflictions of the times.
The summits of the hills alone were above the water, which
converted the lower grounds to a lake for eight days.J

The absence of the popes might have been fatal to the mo-
dern city, and have reduced it to a solitude ;§ but such a soli-
tude would have protected many a fragment, which their re-
turn and the subsequent rapid repopulation have for ever an-
nihilated. Their return|| was the signal of renewed violence.
The Colonna and Orsini, the people and the church, fought for
the Capitol and towers, and the fortress of the popes, the re-
fitted mole of Hadrian, repeatedly bombarded the town.**

* " Cecidit aedificiorum veterum neglecta civibus, stupenda peregrinis'
moles," says Petrarch, lib. x. epist. 2. He confines, however, his indi-
vidual mention — to the Tor de' Conti — to the fall of a good part of the
church of St. Paul, and of the roof of the Lateran.

" Turris ilia toto orbe unica, quas Coraitum dicebatur, ingentlbus ruinis
laxata dissiluit, et nunc velut trunca caput superbi verticis honorem solo
effusum despicit," lib. x. epist. ii. oper.

It may be suspected Petrarch did not distinguish exactly between the
old Roman remains and the buildings of the papal town. The Tor de'
Conti was built in 1203.

t "In urbe vero cecidit qua^dam columna de marmore quse sustinebat
ecclesiam Sancti Pauli cum tertia parte vel circa cooperti ipsius ecclesiae,
et multse alia? ecclesise ibi et aedificia mirabiliter ceciderunt"

See — Chronicon Mutinense auctore Johanne da Bazano. Script. Rer.
Italic, torn. xv. pag. 615.

I Historic Romana? fragmenta, cap. xv.de lo grannissimo diluvio e
piena de acqua de lo Fiume Tevere. See — Antiq. Med. .^vi. torn. iii. p.
S92.

5^ " Perche Roma senza la presenza de' Pontefici e piiittosto simile a
una solitudinc che a una citta," says Guicciardini, on the occasion of
Adrian Vlth's entry into Rome. See — Dell' Istoria d' Italia, lib. xv. p.
1015. fol.

jl In 1378, in the reign of Urban VI. the great schism began.

■^^ In lU)k after the death of Boniface IX. — also in 1405 — and again in
the civil war between Innocent VII. and the Romans. " E in quello su-
bito lo castello di Sant' Angelo si ruppe co i Romani e comminciii a bom-
bardare per Roma." See — Stephan. Infessura. Scriba del senato e po-
polo Romano. Diario deila citta di Roma, ap. Script. Rer. Ital. torn, iii,
[). ii. pag. 1115-

During the great schism of the West, the hostile entries of
Ladislaus of Naples,* and the tumultuary government of the
famous Perugian Braccio Montone,! are known to have de-
spoiled the tomb of Hadrian.]: Perhaps they were fatal to
other monuments.

Yet that violence was probably less pernicious than the
peaceful spoliation which succeeded the extinction of the
schism in the person of Martin V. in 1417, and the suppres-
sion, in 1434, of the last revolt of the Romans by his successor
Eugenius IV. From this epoch must be dated the consump-
tion of such marble or travertine as might either be stripped
with facility from the stable monuments, or be found in iso-
lated fragments. A broken statue, a prostrate, or even a stand-
ing column, in the habitable part of the town, and the larger
structures yet remaining in the vineyards, were considered by
the owners of the land, within and without the walls, as their
own property, and to be applied to their own use. The re-

* Ladislaus came peaceably into Rome, on the 15th of September,
1404 ; on the 20th of August, 1405, three thousand of his horse entered
Rome, and a battle was fought in the streets near the castle. In April,
1408, Ladislaus besieged the city by sea and land, and was put in posses-
sion of all the strong places. The Colonnas and other banished nobles
attacked the town in June. The Duke of Anjou and Paul Orsini, with/
23,000 troops, endeavoured, in 1408, to expel Ladislaus, but retired. Or-
sini, however, returned in December, and Ladislaus was driven out. In
1413 Ladislaus returned, broke down the walls at the gate of the Lateran,
and got possession of the city and castle. He died in 1414 : his title was,
" hujus almee Urbis Illuminator illustris." Fieri, in his diary, relating his
death, says, " Cujus anima benedicatur per coatraiium" See — Vendet-
tini serie cronologica de' Senatori di Roma, p. 75. edit. Roma, 1778.

t The exploits of Braccio di Montone are contained in six books, a bi-
ography written by .John Antony Campano, bishop of Terni. He flou-
rished from 1368 to 1424. See— Script Rer. Ital. torn. xix. In 1417, he
entered Ptome with his ti'oops, and attacked the castle of St. Angelo,
which was in possession of the queen of Naples, Joanna, and was obliged
to retreat. (Ibid. pag. 545.) He was captain of the people for seventy^
days, and when forced to retire, out of spite to the Romans, broke the |
banks of the lake Pedelupo, pie' di Lup, in the Reatine territory, which I
caused a tremendous inundation of the Tiber, in 1422. According to /
Step. Infessura, Diar. &.c. p. 1 122. loc citat Braccio was killed in battle on '
the 2d of June, 1424.
X See— a note on the Castle of St. Angelo.

1.3

100

paiis commenced by Martin V., and carried on more vigor-
ously by Eugenius,* required a supply of materials, and of ce-
ment, which was obtained from the ruins.

'"^ The triumph of superstition conspired with the ignorance
and individual necessities of the Romans, to render them more
indifferent to the relics of pagan antiquity. Whatever nationali-
ty and patriotism they had evinced in the times of turbulence,
were degraded into a blind veneration for the shrines of the
] apostles, and for Uie person of their successor. A secretary
of the Popes, an antiquary, and one who may be surely cited
as a favourable specimen of the better class of citizens, mo-
• destly confesses, that there was some difference between the
\^Rome of Eugenius IV. and that of Pompey and the first Cae-
sars. '' Jit the same timc^'''' says he, " our Pontifex is indeed a
2)crpetual dictator, not the successor of Ccesar, but the successor
of the fisherman Peter, and the vicar of the Emperor Jesus
Christ.] Besides, '^'^ he adds, '" there are still at Rome most
high and admirable objects zuhich can be seen no where else.
For this very city has the threshold of the apostles and the earth
purple with the blood of the martyrs. It has the handkerchief
of St, Veronica / it has the place called ' Domine quo vadis,'
where Christ met St, Peter, and left the marks of his feet in the
stone. It has the heads of Peter and Paul, the milk of the
Virgiji, the cradle and foreskin of our Saviour,^ the chains of

* " Sed coUapsa deformataque edificia multis in locis maximo instauras
reficisque impendio" Prajfatio ad Eugenium IV. Pont. Max. Flavij
Blondii. Roma instaurata, edit Taur. 10;i7.

f Flavii Blondi. Roma Instaurata- " Dictatorem nunc perpetuum, non
C^ffisaiis sed Piscatoris Petri successorem et Imperatoris prsedicti Vica-
vium Pontificem, &lc." Lib. ili. fo. 41. edit. Taurin. 1527.

X This relic was shamefully neglected whilst the popes were at Avig-
non. At last the Virgin appeared to St. Brigith, exclaiming, " O Roma,
Roma, si scires, gauderes utique, immo si scires fleres incessanter, quia
Iiabes thesaurum mihi carissiraum, et non honoras ilium." " E forse,"
says Marangoni, writing in the middle of the eighteenth, century ! " che la
madre di Dio stessa indirizz5 questo lumento agU ultirai secoli, e special-
mente alio scorso XVJ. nel quale, essendo quasi che spenta la venerazione,
6 memoria di questa Divina Reliquia in Roma, questa Citta ricevette W
castigo di esserne privata." The relic Avas stolen by one of the heretics
and loose livers of Bourbon's army, forse ilpiu ardito e facinoroso degli
dHrij but was found in aji underground cell at Calcata, 20 miles from

101

St, Peter, the spousal ring sent from heaven to the maiden Ag'^es.
To see, to touch, to venerate all which and^ma.ny mort -things.
more thanffty thousand strangers from' all-part i- of,4J(,tmGild /'>
come to Rome in the time of Lent,''^

These relics certainly may have preserved the existence of
Rome, but were no protection to her ancient structures. The
same writer notices the daily destruction of monuments, which
he avers to be so visible as to make him loathe the abode at
Rome.* The fatal lime burning awakened the indignation of
a poett to whom it appeared a new offence, and the testimo-
ny of Blondus and ^neas Sylvius shows that there was some
ground for the exaggeration of the angry Florentine, who hav-
ing witnessed the destruction of some monuments, wonders
that any remnant of antiquity should have escaped the fury
and cupidity of the Romans. |

Of republican Rome, Pogglo reckoned the double row of
vaults in the Capitol, constructed by Catulus, then converted
into a public magazine for salt ; the Sepulchre of Publicius ;
the Fabrician bridge over the Tiber ; an arch, over the road
beneath the Aventine mount, made and approved by P. Len-
tulus Scipio and Titus Quintius Crispinus ; the monuments

Rome, by a noble lady, Maddelena Strozzi, after Pope Clement VII. had
in vain given every order to recover it. The discovery was attended with
repeated miracle^, of all which an authentic account may be seen in the
Istoria delta Capella di sanda sancioruvi di Roma, cap. xxxix. edit. 1747
by the famous Marangoni, the author of the Memoir on the Coliseum.

* " Cujus rei tanta singulos dies videmus exempla ut ea solum modo
causa nos aliquantum Romae fastidiat habitatio. Multis cnim in locis vi-
neas videmus ubi superbissima aedificia vidimus quorum quadrati lapides
tiburtini in calcem sunt cocti. Lib. iii. fol. S3.

t Oblectat me, Roma, tuas spectare ruinas,
Ex cujus lapsu gloria prisca patet-
Sed tuus hie populus maris defossa vetustis

Calcis in obsequium marmora dura coquit
Irapia tercentum si sic gens egerit annos,
Nullum hinc indicium nobilitatis erit.
Mabillon. Mus. Italic, p. 95. torn. i. written by Picolomini to Bartholo-
mens Roverella.

X " Quas ssepe miror insaniam demolientium effugisse." He is talking
of two arches in the Flanainiam way. De Fortunse varietate, &.c. ap. Sai-
lengre, torn. i. p. 500.

102

, ' ' < c <

called the'TfOphi^^ of Marius, (they belong to the time of
TrhJHR) ;' and 'the (3estia^ Pyramid (which is hardly of the
.t^hie-of'the peptiljlic).' ''

Of Imperial Rome nothing was entire but the Pantheon.
The fragments were, three arches, and one column of the
Temple of Peace ; the Temple of Romulus, dedicated to
Cosmasand Damianus ; a few vestiges of the double Temple
of Castor and Pollux, at Sta. Maria Nuova ; the marble co-
lumns of the Portico of Antoninus and Faustina ; the peripteral
Temple of Vesia on the Tiber ; a portion of the Temple of
Minerva ; a part of the portico of the Temple of Concord ;
the Temple of Saturn, or church of St. Hadrian ; a portico of
the Temple of Mercury at the Pescaria ; a Temple of Apollo
converted into a part of St. Peter's ; a very ancient temple of
a single vault at the roots of the Tarpeian, called the church
of St, Michael, m Statera, falsely supposed of Jupiter Stator ;
the Baths of Diocletian and Severus Antoninus still so called,
most perfect, with many columns and marbles ; the smaller re-
mains of the Constantine Baths in the Quirinal ; the Baths of
Alexander Severus near the Pantheon, (pulchra et praeclara
vestigia ;) the Domitian Thermas, (perpauca rudera) which
were the Baths of Titus ; the Arches of Severus, of Titus, of
Constantine, almost entire ; a part of one of Nerva ; a part
of one of Trajan, near what he calls the Comitium ; two in
the Flaminian way, one called Triopolis (the Arcus Portogalli
or Tres Facicellae), the other Avithout a name ; another Arch
of Gallienus in the Via Numentana ;* one alone of all the
nine aqueducts (fourteen he should have said) entire ; this was
the Acqua Virgo, (and had been repaired) ; the Coliseum, the
greater part of it destroyed for lime ; a portion of a theatre
called of Julius Cassar between the Tarpeian and the Tiber,
together with many marble columns opposite to it ; part of a
portico of a round temple, built upon, with gardens within,
called of Jupiter (this seems the Theatre of Marcellus) ; an
amphitheatre of square brick near Sante Croce in Geriisa-

^ Mr. Gibbon, cap. Ixxi- p. 398. vol. 12, has made a careless blunder
for the sake of a y3eriod, by putting this in the Flaminian way ; the words

are positive, " Duo insuper vii Flamiwia est alter pra)terea Gallieno

Principi dicatus ut suprascriptio indicat Via JVumcntana,'^

103

lemme, mixed with the ci tj wall ;* a large open place vvheiv*
the people met ad venationem ei spectaculum called agonis^] the
Mole DlvcB Adriani tt Dlvcb Faustinis, in great part destroyed •
by the Romans ; the Sepulchre of Augustus, a mound with a
vineyard in the inside ; the column of Trajan with the in-
scription ; the column of Antoninus Pius (Aurelius) without the
inscription ; the Sepulchre of Cecilia Metella, the greater part
destroyed for lime; the Sepulchre of Marcus Antius Lupus, two
miles in the Ostian way, composed of three large stones with
an inscription.!

In the interval between the two visits of Poggio to Rome,
the cell and a part of the Temple of Concord, and of the base
of the Tomb of Metella, had been ground to lime. A portico
near the Minerva was also demolished for the same purpose.
The Romans had discovered that mortar made with white, and
more particularly oriental marble, was more serviceable than

* Mr. Gibbon, equally careless as before, says, " After the wonder of
the Coliseum, Poggio might have overlooked a small amphitheatre of
brick most probably for the use of the Praetorian camp ;" but he did not
overlook it ; here it is.

f Which ^Mr Gibbon unaccountably also reckons amongst the objects
not seen by Poggio, together with the Theatres of Marcellus and Pom-
pey, and the Circus Maximus, whose remains it is true he does not men-
tion, and thereforft prevents us from saving his credit by thinking the
phrase lit might have overlooked capable of a double construction ; our
historian evidently meant he had overlooked them.

X No more is found in the treatise as published in Sallengre, tom. i. p.
501 to 508. Mr. Gibbon consulted the quarto edition published in Paris
1723 ; but the strangest contradiction has crept into his text. In cap. Ixxi.
he opens thus : " In the last days of Pope Eiigenius IV. two of his ser-
vants, the learned Poggius and a friend^ ascended the Capitoline hill ;"
the note to this runs thus: " I have already (note 50, 51 in chap. Ixv.)
mentioned the age, character, and writings of Poggiiis, and particidarly
noticed the date of this elegant moral lecture on the varieties of Fortune.^''
Turn to the cited note 51, cap. Ixv. p. S3, tom. xii. oct. " The dialogue
de varietate FortuncB was composed a short time before the death of Pope
Martin V. and consequently about the end of the year 1430." How are
the two to be reconciled ? In fact Poggio himself says, " Nuper cum
Pontifex Martinus paulo antequam diem, suura obiret, ab urbe in agrum
Tusculanum secessit valetudinis causa," &ic. kc.

104

that of common stone.* The other scattered relics, particu-
larly the columns strewed about the quarter between the Tar-
peian rock and the Tiber, must have quickly disappeared in
the subsequent reform and decorations of the new capital.
Poggio's description of the ruins is, it may have been observ-
ed, not sufficiently minute or correct to supply the deficiency
of his cotemporary Blondus ; but we may distinctly mark that
the site of ancient Rome had arrived at the desolation in
which it is seen at this day. The labours of succeeding topo-
graphers have enabled us to account for the loss of the monu-
ments which he enumerates, and which are no longer to be
seen. The fabrication of churches and other buildings was
continued with so pernicious an activity during the reign of
Nicholas V. (elected in 1447) the modern Augustus, that Pius
II. enforced the complaints which he had uttered as a poet by
issuing a bull in 1462 de Antiquis csdificiis non diruendis,]
This prudence was but a feeble check against the renewed
demand for materials which ensued upon the total reform of
the city by Sixtus IV. in 1480. The Rome of the Republic
had soon been lost, the capital of the early Cagsars had been
afterwards abandoned. But isolated structures of the latter
city were found not only in the ancient site but in the Campus
Martius. The Rome of the lower and middle ages was a masg
of irregular lanes, built upon or amongst ruins, and surmount-
ed by brick towers, many of them propped on ancient base-
ments. The streets were as narrow as those of Pompeii or
old Rome ;f two horsemen could with difficulty ride abreast.
Two hundred houses, three towers, and three churches choked
up the Forum of Trajan. § The reformation of Sixtus IV.

* Some years back some kilns were discovered near Ostia full of
broken marbles. Dissertazione sullc rovine, p. S74. note x. " Essendosi
provato colla esperienza che la calce fatta col marmo bianco e coll' orien-
tale in ispecie era maravigliosa." Ibid.
f Dissertazione, p. 373.

\ Vicinus meus est manuque tanp;i
De nostris Novius potest fenestris.

Mart. lib. i. epig. 77.
Does this mean contiguous or opposite ?

^ They were removed by Paul III. on the occasion of Charles V.'s
entry into Rome in 1536, April 5.

105

and the embellishments of his successors, have completely
obliterated this town,* and that which we now see is a capital^^
which can only date from the end of the fifteenth century. ^* — -

This reformation has been justly fixed upon as the epoch
of the final destruction of whatever portion of the old city
might have been confounded with the Rome of the middle
ages. The enlargement and the straightening of the streets
removed every obstacle, and must have consumed the bases
of many ancient structures which had been buried under mo-
dern fabrics, and had escaped the notice of Blondus and Poggio.
The practice before remarked continued during the succeed-
ing pontificate of Julius II, : statues and marbles were still
burnt for lime, and the antiquarian taste which arose with
the revival of letters despoiled rather than protected the
fabrics of Rome. Paradoxical as such an assertion may ap- ;
pear, it is indubitable that in the golden reign of Leo X. the
barbarism of defacement and destruction was at its height, j
It was during the pontificate of another of the Medici, Cle-,
ment VII, that one of the same family, Lorenzino, carried )

* The origin of this reform is attributed by Infcssura in his dairy (torn.
iii. par. ii. p. 1145. Script. Rer. Italic.) to Ferdinand of Naples. " E par-
lando con Papa Sisto disse, che esso non era Signore di questa terra, per
amore de i Porticali, per le vie strette, e per li mignani, e che bisognando
di inettere in Roma gente d'arme le donne coi mortarida i dctti mignani
li fariano fuggire." The motive was as irresistible as the improvement
was desirable, and Sixtus FV. followed the advice of Ferdinand. The
Abate Fea (dissert. 372) to prove that the plan originated v.ith Sixtus
himself, says that the Pope makes no mention in his bull of having re-
ceived the hint from any one. Nor does the Abate tell us that he bor-
rowed his Greek knowledge from the Latin translations, nor does that
omission make us attach less value to his excellent dissertation on the
ruins of Rome. The writer of this note will be more ingenuous than
either Sixtus or the Abate ; he vvill confess that the dissertation has been
constantly open before him during the progress of his researches, and
that after disencumbering it of its learning, and arriving in many cases at
conclusions entirely different, he has resorted to it freely, though never
without acknowledgment, for such materials as could not be consulted
without a reference to the Roman libraries. A character of the Abate,
which it is clear has been very indiscreetly inserted in the posthumous
edition of the Remarks on Italy, Mr. Forsyth never could have intended
for publication.

106

ofi the heads of the captives on the Arch of Constantine.
The spohation was only impeded hy the plague of 1522, and
by the distresses of the reign of the same Clement.
;;;^ The sack of Rome by the troops of Charles V. has been
loudly proclaimed^ more detrimental than that of the Goths.
The complaint, however, comes from those who thoug^ht no
hyperbole too extravagant to heighten the picture of that ca-
lamity. The churches and palaces were pillaged,! and the
chambers of the Vatican, the frescoes of Raphael, still bear
witness to the barbarity of the Spanish, German, and Italian
invaders. " Statues, columns, precious stones, and many
monuments of antiquity," are noted amongst the wspoii ;| but
no memory is preserved of the attack of the standing fabrics,
except of the Mole of Hadrian, already a modern fortress.
I The nine months ravage of the Imperialis^s§ was preceded by
] the three hours sack of the Colonnas,|| in 152G, and was fol-
lowed by that of the Abate di Farfa and the peasantry of the
Orsini family. In 1530, a tremendous inundation of the Ti-

i-^-

* Da Barga says, " Atque utinam qui nostra setate candem urbem
hostes ab se expugnatam depopulati sunt, hujusmodi exemplum sibi ante
oculos possuissent." De sedificior. urb. Rom. eversor- p. 1816. loc citat

f " Pero sarebbe impossibile non solo narrare, ma quasi imaginarsi le
calamita di quella citta, destinata per ordine de' cieli a somma grandezza,
ma eziandio a spesse distruttioni ; perchfe era I'anno novo cento e ottanta,
ch'era stata saccheggiata da' Gotti ; impossibile a narrare la grandezza
della preda essendovi accumulate tante richezze, e tante cose pretiose e
rare di cortigiani e di mercatanti" Guicciard. dell' Istoria d'ltalia, lib.
xviii. p. 1266. edit Ven. 1738.

" Non avendo rispetto non solo al nome de gli amici, c all' autorita, e
dignita de' prelati, ma eziandio a' templi a' monasterii, alle reliquie, mi-
rate dal concorso di tutto il mondo e delle cose sacre." lb. p, 1265.

I " Rest6 Roma spogliata dell' esercito non solo d'una parte grande de
gli abitatori con tante case desolate, e distrutte, ma eziandio spogliata di
statue, di colonne, di pietre singulari, e di molti ornamenti d' antichita.**
Ibid pp. 1302, 1303.

v^ Rome was assaulted by Bourbon, the 5th of May, 1527, and the
Imperialists left it the 17th of February, 1528. Guicciard. p. 1302.

y " Saccheggiavano il palazzo, e le cose e ornamenti sacri della chiesa
di San Pietro : non avendo maggiore rispetto alia maesta di religione e
all' onore del sacrilegio, che avessino avuto i Turchi nelle chiese del
regno d'Ungheria" Lib. xvii. p. 1218.

107 i

bcr is said to have ruined edifices both pubhc and private, and j
to have been equally calamitous with the sack of Rome.* !
Yet these disasters seem chiefly to have affected the houses \
and a few churches, and were soon repaired in the splendid <
pontificate of the succeeding Popes. So rapidly did ihej ;
proceed with the embellishment of the' new capital, that the
city of Paul III. was hardly to be recognised in the time of !
Urban VIII. t The former destruction was renewed. The \
bull of Paul III. issued in 1534, which made it a capital and j :
unpardonable offence to grind downj statues or pieces of mar- | ^
ble, and appointed an antiquarian commissary to enforce the
law, extended nominally to the architectural remains ; yet we
know that portions of the ruins were employed in m.odern
buildings by that Pope himself, and were afterwards consumed
for the same purpose. The Farnese, the Mattei, the Bor-^
ghese, and the Barberini, searched for and collected the sta-
tues§ and inscribed marbles, to adorn their museums ; but
their palaces either levelled or consumed niany fragments
which could not be preserved as the walls of modern buildings.
The stupendous vau'ts of the Diocletian therma3 were con-
verted into churches, Ii the walls of those of Constantine were
adjusted into the Rospigliosi palace.''^* The Alexandrine
thermae supplied with columns the repairs of the Pantheon. tt

* Annali d' Italia ad an. 1530, torn. x. p. 242 There was another ter-
rible inundation in 1557, and another still more dreadful in 1598.

f It is Donatus who says, that if Charles V. wore to come back to
Rome in Urban VIII 's time, he would not recognise the city which he
had seen from the top of the Pantheon. Roma Vetus, lib. i. cap. xxix.

X Dissertazione sulle rovine, p. 375. The edict is there given, address-
ed to the commissary Lucio Manetti.

^ There w ere a great many portable antiquities dispersed in the time
of Fabricius (1550): has reliefs and other pieces of sculpture, scattered
about in various parts of the city, and exposed to injury. Yet there were
five antiquarian museums then in Rome. Dcscriptio Romse, cap. xx. and
xxi. ap. Grffiv. Antiq. torn. iii.

II S. Maria degli Angioli, by Pius IV. who employed M- Angelo ; and
S. Bernardo alle terme, changed into a church by a private individui.I,
Catherine Sforza, Countess of S. Flora, in 159C.

** Great remains of the Baths of Constantine were seen in the age
before Donatus. Lib. iii. cap. xv.

ft By Alexander VII.

108

A circus was gradually cleared away for the opening of the
piazza Navona. The summer-house of the Farnese rose
from the ruins of the Palatine. The marble threshold and
broken columns from which Poggio* had contemplated the
vicissitudes of fortune, were removed, and probably employ-
ed in the construction of the new capitol of Michael Angelo.
The marble of a temple on the Quirinal was cut into the 124
steps which ascend to the church of Aracseli.t We have
before noticed the destruction of ancient monuments by the
Popes, and it is equally evident that the Pontiffs were, on the
restoration of Rome, powerfully seconded by the luxury and
taste of the prelates and princes. Flaminius VaccaJ leads^
us to believe, that in his time, the latter half of the sixteenth !
century, it was usual for the sculptors to cut their statues from
columns ; and he narrates, that Cardinal Cesi fitted up a
chapel in Santa Maria della Pace, with statues and prophets
worked from the pilasters found behind the conservators' pa- *
lace on the Tarpeian rock, and believed to be a part of the J
Temple of Jupiter Stator. The great palace of the Cancel-
laria of Riario§ had before robbed a part of the Coliseum,
and levelled some remains of baths, or of an arch of the
Emperor Gordian. The infinite quantity of precious mar-
bles which adorns the churches of Rome, must have been
chiefly extracted from the ancient relics ; and, with the ex-
ception of those belonging to edifices converted to sacred
purposes, or to pontifical buildings, the greater part of the
superb columns of these churches must have been removed
from their ancient site. We are obhged to the designs of
Raffael and Palladio for the appearance of some fabrics now
destroyed ; and those who peruse the topographers from
Blondus to Nardini will assign to the latter half of the fif-

* *' Consedimus in ipsis Tarpejse arcis ruinis, pone ingens portse cujus-
dam marmoreum iimen, plurimasque passim confractas columnas.". . .
de Fortunae Variet. Ap. 501. loc. citat.

f By gift of Otto the Milanese, Senator of Rome. Tliis was at an
earlier period, about 1348.

I Memorie, num. 64, p. xi. in fin. Nardini.

^ It was begun by Cardinal Mezzarota, and finished by Cardinal Ra-
phael Riario. The architect .as Bramante Lazzari. Roma moderna,
da Venuti, &ic. torn. i. p. 203. Rione vi.

109

teenth century, and the succeeding 150 years, a greater ac-
tivity of destruction than to those immediately preceding
ages, in which we have no authentic writers to tell us what
was left, or what was lost.

Besides the devastation before noticed, it may be remark-
ed, that Donatus gives an account of remains of Tfiermei
Olympiadis^ Thermce. J^ovatiance, on the Viminal hill ;* that
the same topographer saw something of the Thermas of
Agrippa, and also of those of Nero or Alexander; that the
fragment of a temple, supposed of the Sun, built by Aurelian,
now in the Colonna gardens, was then raised upon a portion
of the wall of that building ; that Marlianus had seen the arch
dedicated to Gratian, Valentinian and Theodosius ; that the
circus called Flaminius had very determinable vestiges when
seen by Laetus, Fulvius, and Marlianus, but is talked of by
Nardini as no longer in existence ; that the same writers had
observed many more relics of the Theatre of Pompey than
could be traced in the next age, although they were so small,
even before their time, as to be overlooked by Poggio ; that
a huge fragment behind the Pantheon, called by some Tem-
plum Boni Eventus, has disappeared since Nardini wrote ; that
the remains of the Minervium, distinctly seen by Fulvius and
Marlianus, and not altogether lost in the middle of the last
century,! are also consumed ; that the vaulted cell of a struc-
ture in the Vatican, called a temple of Apollo, or of Mars, and
seen in the pictures of the Vatican library, has been incorpo-
rated or lost in the baptistry of St. Peter's.

The embellishment of the rising city vigorously pursued till
the middle of the seventeenth century, was the first object of
the Pontiffs : the preservation of the architectural remains
appears to have been a rare and secondary design. When that
embellishment had ceased to be the passion of the Popes, the
dilapidation may be supposed to have been discontinued.
The last recorded destruction was that before mentioned of the
arch in the Corso, by Alexander VII. No other ancient fa-
bric can perhaps be proved to have been purposely thrown

* Lib. iii. cap. xi,
f See — Vennti Roma Moderna, tora. i. p. 272, Rione ix.

down or defaced since that period. A fragment of the Coli-
seum, which was shaken to the ground in the earthquake of
1 703, was laudably employed in constructing the stairs of the
Ripetta.
r^ The frequent repairs of the Pantheon, those of the Anto-
nine and Trajan columns, the erection of the obelisks, the re-
istoration of the Cestian pyramid, and the late protection of
the Flavian amphitheatre, with that of the arch of Constan-
,- tine,* seem to compose the sum of all the merits of all the
I Popes, as far as respects the stable fabrics of antiquity. The
^-Romans of the present day are not the last to allow, that until
the late usurpation, either the will, or the means, or the me-
thod, had been wanting eflfectually to oppose the ravages of
violence and time. The taste and magnificence of the Popes
must be sought, and will be found, in the museums of the Va-
tican and the Capitol. It was reserved for the conquerors
who plundered those noble repositories to recompense Rome
for her losses, by clearing away the offals and dirt, which had
accumulated for ages round buried temples, and under the
windows of the Senate House, by cleansing the base, and prop-
ping the porches of the Coliseum, by removing the soil in
front of the Temple of Peace, by re-opening the Baths of Ti-
tus, and, finally, by excavating the Forum of Trajan, a work
of itself superior to all the meritorious exertions of Sixtus
Quintus and Braschi. The impulse given by the late ephe-
meral government still continues the labours in the Forum,
and the repairs of the Coliseum ; and the attention of the
Pontiffs being at last directed to the preservation of relics,
which have succeeded to the attraction once possessed by
their spiritual treasures, it may be hoped that the ruins of
Rome have no more to dread from outrage or neglect. The
inundations of the Tiber have of late years been either less
k iolent, or are more easily reduced, than in the days of igno-

■^ In 1733, by Clement XII. to whom, in the interior of the wall, sunk
round the arch, is the following inscription. Clement XII Pont. Max.
quod arcum Imp. Constantino Magno erectum, ob relatam salutari cru-
cis sio;no victoriam, jam tcmporum injuriis fatiscentem veteribus redditis
ornamcntis restituerit. Anno D. 173S. Pont- iii. S. P. Q. II. Optimo
Principi ac pristina3 majestatis urbis adsertori. Pos. — The senate and
people took care to record their credulity as well as their gratitude.

Ill

ranee and distress.* With the exception of the cell of the
temple, now called Minerva Medica, which was thrown dowQ
in 1812, no earthquake has, since the beginning of the last
century, materially injured the ancient fabrics. What re-
mains of them so nearly resembles the earliest authentic ac-
count of the ruins, that we may indulge a persuasion that they
will still resist for ages the unassisted assaults of time.

Stanza LXXIX.
The Scipios^ tomb contains no ashes now.

This may be ; but the handsome though plain sarcophagus
of Barbatus may, by those of a certain taste, be thought more
attractive than any of the masterpieces of the Vatican. The
eloquent simple inscription becomes the virtues and the fel-
low countrymen of the defunct, and instructs us more than a
chapter of Livy in the style and language of the republican
Romans.!

The vault itself has been emptied of the slabs and inscrip-
tions, and the copies fixed in the spot where they were found,
may be thought ill to supply the place of the originals. The
local impression would have been stronger ; but the preserva-
tion of the precious relics would have been less sure in the
vault than in the museum. The discovery of the tomb of the
Scipios was not an unmingled triumph for the Roman anti-
quaries. It would not be easy to exemplify more strongly
than by this instance, the error and uncertainty of their re-
searches. A fragment of peperine, evidently detached from
this vault, with an incription to Lucius, son of Barbatus Sci-

* All the latter inundations of the Tiber are noted on the columns,
which serve as hypfrometers at the Ripetta.

f CORNELIUS . LUCIUS. SCIPIO . BARBA.TUS . GNAIVOD . PATRE PROG-

NATUS . FORTIS . VIR . SAPIE>SQUE .QVOIVS .FORMA . VIRTUTEl . PARIS D-

MA . FUIT CONSOL . CE^fSOR . AIDILIS . QUE! . FUIT . APVD . VOS . TAU-

RASIA. CISAUNA SAMNIO . CEPIT . SVBIGIT . OMNE . LOVCANA . 0£SIDES-

QUE . ABDOvciT. This inscription is in four lines.

Nine other inscriptions were discovered in this family tomb: they are
copied into tlie new edition of Venuti, published in Rome, 1803, parte ii.
cap. i- p. 5, et seq. *^

112

pio, had been discovered in the year mdcxv, near the Porta
Capena, and was neglected as bad grammar and an evident
forgery. "^ The objectors quoted Cicero to prove that the
tomb of the Scipios must be rvithout the Porta Capena, and
forgot that the Aurelian walls had brought forward that gate
beyond the Ciceronian sepulchre. The authenticity of the
inscription was not without protectors, but the error balanced
the fact, and the epitaph was occasionally quoted as apocry-
phal,! until the accident which uncovered the actual tomb in
1780. Those who had not supported the mistake, could not |
but be gratified by a discovery so precious both to the philo- [
logist and the antiquary, and the happy accident was consign- |
ed to immortality in the very eloquent, but rather dull, dia- j
logues of the dead, whom the Conte Verri evoked in those
sacred vaults.

The pyramid which once stood in the line from the castle
of St. Angelo to the Vatican was Called the tomb of Scipio
Africanus, on the authority of Acron, a scholiast on Horace, I
and the Pine in the Belvedere was thought to belong to that
monument.^

*HONC OINO PLOIRVME COSENTIONT- R.
DVONORO ■ OPTVMO FVISSE VIRO
LVCIOM . SCIPIONE • FILIOS BARBATI
COiNSOL CENSOR. AIDILIS. HIC FVET . A
HEC CEPIT. CORSICA . ALERIAQVE . VRBE
OEDET TEMPESTATEBVS AIDE MERETO-

Hunc unum plurimi consentiunt Romae

Boiiorum optimum fuisse virum

Lucium Scipionem Filius Barbati

(^onsol, Censor, iEdilis hie fuit

Hie cepit Corsicam, Aleriamque urbem

Dedit Tempestatibus sedem merito.
See Antique inscriptionis explanatio. ap. Graev. Antiq. Rom. torn. iv. p.
1835, Romse, 1616. Winkelmann quotes it as authentic. Storia, fee.
lib. viii. cap. viii. torn. ii. p. 153. edit citat,

j The padre Eschinard and his editor Venuti placed the tomb without
the modern Porta Capena, opposite to the chapel called " Domine quo
Vadis," and gave a long description of it. See Descrizione di Roma e
deli' agro Romano, corretto dall' abate Venuti in Roma, 1750- Echinard
and his editor are full of gratuitous applications.
I Nardini Roma Vetus, lib. viii. cap. xiii-
<> G. Fabricii descriplio Ron^, cap. xx.

• 113

Stanza LXXIX.

The very sepulchres lie tenanthss.

The period at which the sepulchres were emptied of their
ashes must have been, first, that in which the Christians
prowled about in every quarter for relics, and thought a
church could be consecrated without such a recommenda-
tion. "^ Eight and twenty cart-loads of relics could not be
procured for the Pantheon without some diligence and da-
mage to the repositories of the pretended saints ;t and we
know that the eagerness of the search extended to sepulchres
where the symbols of martyrdom were very equivocal, or not
to be discovered at a'il.t Asrolphus the Lombard, when he
besieged Rome in 755, dug into the cemeteries of many
saints, and " carried away their bodies, to the great detriment
of his own soul," aJthough from the most pious of motives ;
and these saints were doubtless supposed to be found in any
of the thousand tombs in the neighbourhood of Romc.§
Either this motive, or the expectation of finding the ornament?
frequently buried with the dead, had encouraged a crime
which it was found necessary to check by laws in early times,

* See the letter of St. Ambrose on the discovery of St. Gonaise and
St. Protaise, in which he says, he sent his audience who begged a church
of him (" respond!, faciani si niartyrum reliquias invenero,") to look for
relics. St. Paul appeared to Ambrose, and told him to build a church in
honour of these martyrs. Epist. segregatse, ep. ii. p. 484. edit. 1690.

t See a note on the Pantheon.

X " Era dunque incredibile in que' secoli di ferro 1' avidita delle pacre
rehquie." See Dissertazione, 58, sopra le antichita Italiane, torn. iii. p.
245, edit. Milan, 1751. Theodoric, bishop of Metz, a relation of Otho
the Great, when he came to Rome, took a liking to the chain of St. Peter.
He happened to be present with the court and Emperor when Pope John
XII. held out the chain to a sick courtier to bite and be cured. " Di
buone griffe avea questo prelato," observes Muratori ; the bishop snatched
at the chain, and declared they might cut his hand off, but he would not
give it up. A struggle ensued, and the Eniperor compounded with the
Pope for a link. Page 246.

^ " Multa corpora sanctorum, effodiens eorum cemeteria ad magnum
animse suae detrimentura abstulit" Anastas. in vit. Stephan- ii. aut. iii.

114

some of which are extant in the codes. The practice was con-
tinued to the reign, and it is doubtful whether it was not con-
nived at by an edict, of Theodoric,* who wished to discourage
the practice of impoverishing the hving for the decoration of
the dead.

At the fall of the empire of Charlemagne, and the rise of
the feudal lords of Italy, the size of some of the tombs must
have made the occupation of them a military object, as in the
case of the two great mausoleums, and of Cecilia Metella ;
and in the subsequent periods of repair, the marbles with
which they were decorated would expose them to easy spolia-
tion. The urns and sarcophagi, when of precious materials,
were, without scruple, transported from their site and emptied
for the reception of purer ashes. Two of the Popes, Inno-
cent II. 1 and Clement XII. ,| repose in the marbles, which, if
they did not before receive the bones of Hadrian and Agrip-
pa, were certainly constructed for heathen tenants ; and the
examples are innumerable of meaner Christians, whose re-
mains are enveloped in the symbols of paganism. It should
be recollected that the mythological sculpture on sarcophagi
was continued long after the introduction of Christianity, and
that when the relations of a defunct went to a repository to
select a tomb, they were not scrupulous about the emblems,
or were ignorant what they represented. A bishop, whose
stone coffin is seen in the Basihca of St, Lorenzo, without the
7oaIls, is enclosed in has reliefs representing a marriage ; this
probably belonged to some Pagan body before it held the
bishop ; but the Christians were sometimes the first tenants
of these heathen-sculptured tombs.

Humbler tombs were applied to other services : many are
now cisterns. The church of St. Paul, without the walls, was

* Casslod. variar. lib. iv. epist. 34.

f Pietri. Manlii. opusculum historic sacrae ad beatiss. pat. vVlexand.
III. pont. Max. ap. Acta Sanctorum, torn. vii. part ii. p. 37 edit. Antw.
1717. This doubtful author (see a note on the Castle of Saint Angelo)
mentions that the porphyry sarcophagus, in which Hadrian was buried,
was transferred to the Lateran for the service of Innocent II.

X Clement XII. is buried in the Lateran in a beautiful porphyry sarco-j
phagus, which was taken from one of the niches under the porch of the/
Pantheon. ,

115

paved with gravestones taken from the Ostian Way. A name
was no protection in the days of ignorance ; and the deposites
of the mausoleum of the Caesars, when they could not be con-
verted to profit, were applied to vulgar uses. Some respect
might have been paid to a stone thus inscribed :

The Bones v

Of Agrippina, the daughter of M. Agrippa, '
j The grand-daughter of the divine Augustus,

The Wife

Of Germanicus Caesar,

The mother of C. Caesar Augustus

Germanicus, our prince.*

But with these letters in large characters, staring them in the
face, the Romans used this stone as a measure for 300 weight
of corn, and the arms of their modern senate are sculptured
upon one of its sides, in a style worthy of the " rude ao;e," to
which a modest inscription ascribes the misapplication. The
sarcophagus, a huge cubic stone, is standing in the court of
the conservators' palace in the capitol, and is at this time per-
haps scarcely preserved with so much care as might be claim-
ed by a memorial of the only virtuous female of the Julian
race. The pilgrim of the Xlllth century tells us that he saw
these words over one of the cells of the mausoleum of Augus-
tus. " These are the bones and ashes of Nerva^ the Em-
peror,'^'']

The bones and ashes of emperors have been dispersed in
the ruins of this great sepulchre, which, from being choked
up as a fortress, was hollowed out for a vineyard, and, having
at last become a circus, serves for the bull-feasts of the sum-
mer festivals. Some less illustrious ashes have been pre-

* Ossa.

Agrippinae . M. Agrippse .
Divi . Aug. Neptis. Uxoris .

Germanici . Csesaris .
Matris . C. Csesaris . Aug.
Germanici . Principis.
f " Haec sunt ossa et cinis Nervae Imperatoris." Liber de mirabilibus
Romse. ap. Montfaucon. Diarium Italicum, p. 292.

116

served, or supplied in the columbaria of the two families,
whose vaults are shown in the garden in which stands the ruin
called Minerva Medica.* But when the tombs were above
ground, the cells were soon rifled and stripped of their orna-
ments. In later ages the pyramid of Cestius was broken and
ransacked for gold.t The tombs of the " happy dead" are
become the huts of the wretched living, and the Appian Way
may now humble the pride, but will hardly contribute to the
consolations of philosophy. J

The museums have stripped these populous cemeteries of
/ their memorials. The six thousand freedmen§ of the Augus-
i tan household have been transferred, at least some of their
obscure names, to the Capitol. A more judicious plan has
lately been adopted at the instance of the Marquis Canova,
who has adjusted some of the fragments, and the inscription
of the sepulchre of the Servilian family, || and raised them
where they were found. It may be observed that the great
approaches to the cities were not marked by tombs alone, but

* The freedmen of Lucius Arruntius, consul in the reign of Tiberius,
and those oi' some nameless or unknown family.

t Ariaj^hi, Roma Subterranea, lib. iii. cap. i. num. 7. torn. i. p. 405,
tells the story as a fact, or a conjecture, from Bosius, who has also made
a thick volume on subterranean Rome. That volume and the two folios
of Aringhi, connecting the history of Rome with that of martj'rdom,
may serve to show what was likely to become of the monuments in the
hands of those who thought all that was worth looking for was under
ground, and spurning the triumphal arches and columns of Pagan heroes,
dived into cemeteries and catacombs in search of the founders of the
city of God.

X " An tu egressus Porta Capena cum Calatini, Scipionum, Servilio-
rum, Metellorum sepulchra vides miseros putas illos ?" Tuscul. Qu.
lib. i.
/^~ ^ The three sepulchral chambers containing the urns of the household
of Augustus were discovered opposite the first milestone on the Appian
Way, and that of the family of Livia was opened in 1726, a little be-
yond. See Ant Franc. Gori. de libertor. calumbario- ap. Poleno. torn,
iii.

II M. SERVILIVS qVARTVS
D£ SVA PECVNIA FECIT.

" Fragmenta ad sepulc. hoc an. d. 1808, a canova. reperta ac donata^
Xpivs. VII. p. M. ita in perpet. servanda consuluit."

117

partly bj suburban villas, and tradesmen's houses, and semi-
circular seats. Thus they were frequented as public walks,
and the beauty of the sepulchres, together with the religion
of the people, and the wisdom of the higher orders, pre-
vented any melancholy reflections from being suggested by the
receptacles of the dead. Those who have seen the street of -.
the tombs at Pompej will feel the truth of this observation. —
The Appian sepulchres extend, at short intervals, for several
miles — let us fill the intermediate spaces with handsome edi-
fices— restore the despoiled marbles to the tombs themselves
— then imagine that the same decorations adorned all the
other thirty great roads"^ which branched off from the capital ;
add to this also the banks of the Tiber, shaded with villas j
from as far as Otricolit on the Sabine side to the port of Ostia, /
— with these additions, which it appears may be fairly sup- /
plied from ancient notices, we shall account for the immense /
space apparently occupied by the city and suburbs of old /
Rome.

Stanza LXXXI.

loe hut feel our ivay to err-

The greater share of satisfaction at Rome will come to the
portion of those travellers who find, like Dante, a pleasure
in doubting. The stranger, when he has entered the modern
city, would, at least, wish to assure himself that he knows the
site of ancient Rome. He has, however, to clear his ground
of some of the conjectures of the learned, even before he
can persuade himself thoroughly of this fact. He soon will
believe that the circuit of the present walls is somewhat bigger

* There were twenty-nine according to one account, and thirty-one
according to another. Fam. Nardini. Roma Vetus, Hb. viii. cap. i.

t Otricoli, the ancient Otriculum, is xxxvi. M. P. from Rome. Some
writers thought the town stretched as far as this, but even Vossius gives
up this absurdity, (De magnit. Romee Vet cap. v. ap. Graev. Antiq Rom.
tom. iv.) the villas however might. See Nardini Roma Vetus, lib- viii.
cap. ii. Donatus de urbe Roma, lib. i. cap. xvi.

118

than the region of the old Esquiliae, and more than a two
hundredth part of the Augustan city.*

But he will not find it quite so easy to reconcile the various
measurements with the actual appearance of the walls, or to
understand how, as Mr. Gibbon tells us, " their circumference^
except in the Vatican^ has been invariably the same, from the
triumph of Aurelian to the peaceful but obscure reign of the
Popes,^'']' If so, it was the same, first, when Alaric took
Rome ; secondly, when the dominion of the Popes was es-
tablished ; thirdly, at this day.

The circuit, diminished from the fifty miles of Vopiscus,
" is reduced, by accurate measurement, to about twenty-one
miles," says Mr. Gibbon, in his eleventh chapter.J This
gives his measurement for the first period. But when Poggio
saw them, " they formed a circumference of ten miles, in-
cluded 379 turrets, and opened into the country by thirteen
gates."§ This serves for the second date. Lastly, "what-
ever fancy may conceive, the severe compass of the geo-
grapher defines the circumference of Rome within a line of
twelve miles and three hundred and forty-five paces. "||
These words of the same historian apply to the third point of
time.

Now it is quite clear that all these measurements differ,
and yet it is equally clear that the historian avers they are all

the same. He says, in another place, speaking of them in the

* " Vol solse Esquiliae majores erant, quam sit totum iFlud quod hodier-
nis includitur muris spatium.' Isa. Vossii de mag:;nit. Rom. Veteris, p.
1507. ap. Grsev. torn. iv. To have a perfect notion of the logic of learn-
ing, it is sufficient to read this insane treatise, which spreads the walls to
72 miles, and the inhabitants to 14 millions. There is scarcely an incori-
trovertible position in ali his seven chapters. Lipsius is not quite so para-
doxical in his conclusions, and he is much more ingenious in his array of
authorities — bis Rome is 23 miles.

f Decline and Fall, cap. xli. vol. vii. oct. p. 228.

I Ihid. vol. ii. oct. p. 28. See also another place. " When the capital
of the empire was besieged by the Goths, the circuit of the walls was
accurately measured by Ammoiius the mathematician, who found it
equal to twenty-one miles.'' Cap. xxxi. torn. xii. oct. p. 287.

cn Decline and Fall, cap. Ixxi. torn. xii. oct. p. d98.

}{ Ibid. cap. xli. p. 227.

119

age of Petrarch, the walls " still described the old circumfer-
ence."* It is true he cites authorities ; but he speaks with-
out reserve, and has not attempted to account for the differ-
ence between the three above-given dimensions. We shall
find no help, therefore, from the Decline and Fall of the Ro-
man Empire, unless we follow only one of these various ac-
counts, and believe in the third computation, which is that as-
signed by D'Anville from NoUi's map, and which coincides
with the experience of two of our countrymen, who made a
loose calculation! of the circuit by walking round the walls in
the winter of last year, (1817).

Poggio's measurement was probably nearly exact, for he
did not reckon the ramparts of Urban, and, perhaps, not the
Vatican 5 but it is singular, that the pilgrim of the thirteenth

* Ibid. cap. Ixxi. p. 411. torn. xii. Mr. Gibbon has failed to observe
that the walls were dilated after Aurelian and Probus, by Constantine,
who took down one of the sides of the Praetorian camp, and made the re-
maining three serve for the fortifications of the city, whose circuit thereby
became necessarily somewhat enlarged.

f The following is a note of their walk. They set out from the banks
of the Tiber, near the Fiaminian gate (Porta del Popolo); their rate of
walking was 592 paces in five minutes, and they noted the time from gate
to gate. To the Porta Pinciana (shut) 18 minutes — Porta Sakira 8 —
PortaF^iaS — a shut gate (Querquetulana) 12 — St- Lorenzo 8 — Maggiore
7 1-2 — Lateran, or Porta St. Giovanni, 12 1-2 — Porta Latina (shut) 17 1-2
— Porta Capena, or St. Sebastiano, 4 1-4 — a shut gate 3 3-4 — Porta di
St. Paolo (Ostian) 14 1-2 — delay 4 1-2 — witliin the wall, the outer circuit
not being accessible, 4 3-4 — delay 7 — within the walls down to the Tiber
6 1-2 — delay 4 — b . of the Tiber within ruined wall 10 3-4 — delay occa-
sioned by going across the Tiber to the opposite corner 88 1-2 — from
bank of the Tiber to Porta Portese 1-2 — Porta Aurelia, or S. Panerasio,
13 1-2 — Porta Cavalli leggieri 14 1-4 — a shut gate (Porta delle Fornaci)
Sl-2 — Porta Fabbrica (shut) 6 — Porta Angelica 14 1-4 — Porta Castello
(a shut gate) b 1-4 — round to the corner of the bastion of St. Angelo, on
bank of the Tiber, 7 3-4 — along the bank of the Tiber where there are no
walls, to the ferry at the Ripetta 7 1-4 — delay 10 1-4 — crossing the Tiber
and walking along the bank to the corner of the walls whence they set
out, 6 1-2. — The time employed in walk was 4 houi-s, 38 minutes ; the
delays amounted to one hour, four minutes, and a quarter. The time ta-
ken walking round the actual circuit of the city was three hours, thirty-
three minutes, and three quarters. Supposing the rate of walking to be
about three miles and a half an hour, the measurement is twelve miki and,
a quarter.

120

century, who undoubtedly saw the same walls, and enumerates
very nearly the same quantity of turrets, should^ give to them
a circumference double that of the Florentine, and nearly co-
inciding with that of the time of Alaric, that is, twenty-one
miles. If, however, they were so accurately measured at that
time, the present walls cannot possibly stand on the site of
those of Aurelian; for, since the Vatican has been included,
and also the ramparts of Urban VIII., which Mr. Gibbon has
overlooked, or falsely confounded with the Vatican, the mo-
dern circuit being larger on one -ide the Tiber, and the same
on the other, it is evident that the whole circumference at pre-
sent must be greater than it was under Aurelian. That is to
say, twelve miles, three hundred and fifty-five paces, are more
than twenty-one miles — " ruhich is absurd,''^

The present walls may touch at points and take in frag-
ments, but they cannot include the same circumference as the
twenty-one miles accurately measured by the mathematician
Ammonius. Some assistance might be expected from the ex-
amination of the walls themselves : but here again it may be
necessary to warn the reader in what manner he is to under-
stand an assertion which he will find in another work, lately
published, of the same author.! " Those who examine zuith
attention the zvalls of Rome, still distinguish the shapeless* stones
of the first Romans, the cut marbles with xohich they were con-
structed under the Emperors, and the ill-burnt bricks with which
they were repaired in the barbarous ages*"^"^ Now the whole of
the modern walls are of brick, with the following exceptions.
There are some traces of the arched work oi^vVhich the walls
of Aurelian, perhaps, were raised, about the Porta Pia and the
Porta Salara. There are buttresses of travertine, and, in one

* " Murus civitatis Romse habet turres 361. Castella id est raeruloa
6900, portas 12, pusterulas (portae minores) 5. In circuitu vero sunt mil-
liaria 22, exceptis Transtiberim et civitate Leonina id est porticu St. Pe-
tri." Lib. de mirabilibus Romse, in loc. citat. p. 283.

f " Ceux qui examinent avec attention les murailles de Rome distin-
guent encore les pierres in formes des premiers Romains, les marbres bien
travailles dont on les constniisit sous les Empereurs, et les briques malcui-
tes dont on les reparoit dans lessiecles barbares." Nomina gentesque aa-
tiquee Italise, p. 209.

121

case (the Porta Capena), of marble, about the gateways, which
are of the same imperial date. There are single shapeless
fra^^ments of marble here and there, mixed up with the more
modern work, and occasionally laid upon the top of the walls.
This is all that can apply to Mr. Gibbon's description ; for as
to the shapeless stones of the first Romans, they cannot be dis-
covered, except in those scarcely distinguishable mounds
which are within the walls, a little beyond the Thermae of Dio-
cletian, and are usually thought part of the Tullian rampart.*
It must be remarked also, that there is no evidence that the
walls of the Emperors were of cut marble. The authority of
Cassiodorus has been followed by Marlianust and others, as af-
fording a proof that they were composed of square blocks. —
But it has been noted by Nardini,| on another occasion, that
the Gothic minister, in making use of the word mcBnia, does not
always allude to the walls of the city, but of other structures ;
and in that sense we have before interpreted, in a preceding
note,§ what he says of the square stones of the ruins. The
same topographer justly remarks the contrary fact, that the
oldest work now apparent is of brick,\\ The three sides of a
square from near the Porta Pia to the Porta Querquetulana, a
shut gate, seem to be the Praetorian ramparts included by Con-
stantine, and not materially defaced by repairs.** The amphi-
theatre for the Praetorians is also in the Aurelian circuit, near
the church of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme ; and some large
stones, laid one on another, without cement, contiguous to that
amphitheatre, are only to be ascribed to the hasty preparations

* The plan in the last edition of Venuti lays down the Agger Tarquinii
in the space between the Lateran and Santa Croce in Gerusalemme : re-
peated search may fail in finding any trace of this Agger. Donatus posi-
tively says there is none. Lib. i. cap. xiii.

I Urbis Romae topographia, lib. i. cap. ix.

X Roma Vetus, lib. i. cap. viii.

^ See note to Stanza LXXX.

)] " Nam vetus ilia substructio e lateribus est." Ibid.

** Donatus has observed, that the words of Zosimus will not justify this
inference, but that the present appearance of this part of the walls will.
Lib. i. cap. XV. Fabricius, (descriptio urbis Roma?, cap. v. and vi.) has
given a plate, in which the castra proetoria are put without the walls, to cor-
respond with the old appearance.

122

of Belisarius before the second siege. The strange reticu-
lated hanging wall, opposite to the gate of the villa Borghese,
was another ancient structure which made part of the defences
of the city before the time of that general. All these three
portions of the circuit are of brick, and the comparative anti-
quity of other parts is easily ascertained by those accustomed
to such investigations. Some of the fragments of the next
date are to be attributed to Honorius,* a considerable restorer,
or rather rebuilder of the walls. In the interval between hii
reign and that of Theodoric, repairs had become requisite, and
were undertaken by that monarch. Belisarius made them ca-
pable of defence, and, in the subsequent occupation of the
city, partly rebuilt that third portion which Totila had thrown
down, and then helped afterwards to repair. Narses was also
a restorer of the walls; and some work resembling that of the
" Amphitheatre of the Camps," has been ascribed to his imita-
tion of that more ancient construction.?

It appears that the circuit followed by each of these restor-
ers must have been very nearly, if not exactly, that of Aure-
lian, or at least Honorius.| No vestiges of foundations which
could have belonged to those older walls, can be discovered be-
yond the present circumference ; and the same fact has been
ably deduced from many concurrent arguments, especially by
Donatus, who tries to prove that the Popes, who subsequently
rebuilt and repaired them, also adopted the ancient line, and
did not at all contract the space occupied by the old imperial
fortifications. §

How, then, are we to reconcile the measurement as it is
stated to have been accurately taken by Ammonius, with the
present circuit, which, except on the Transtiberine side,
where it is larger, is evidently nearly the same as it was un-

* See Claudian in VI. Cons. Honor, and an inscription over a shut gate
at the Porta Maggiore. Nardini, ibid. A similar inscription was over the
Porta Portese, which was thrown down by Urban VIII. See Donatus,
lib. 1. cap. XV.

f Nardini, ibid.

I Nardini thinks they were shrunk backwards a little towards the Am-
phitheatrum Castrense, when Belisarius repaired them the second time.
Ibid.

^ De urbe Roma, lib. i. cap. xviii. xix. xx.

123

der the Emperors ? There seems no expedient but to reject
the authority of that mathematician, or rather his reporter
Olympiodorus, and to beheve that PHny's older measurement
of thirteen miles, two hundred paces,* was not so much
dilated by Aurelian as is generally thought ;t and that it in-
cluded every suburban district which was surrounded with a
wall, such as the Preetorian camp, and the Transtiberine
region, and might therefore possibly extend itself to spots
where no traces of it have been found or sought for. In that
case the discrepancy between the present and the ancient
circuit will be much diminished, if not altogether annihilated.
To this it may be added, that as the works of Narses, and,
indeed, of the Emperors, were of brick, they might, when
once decayed, very easily be gradually lost ; and that when
the Popes commenced their repairs, the diagonal of an
irregular projection might here and there have been taken,
instead of the former line, by which means a partial reduc-
tion, sufficient to account for the above difference, may be
allowed to have taken place.

It should seem, that during the troubles of the exarchate,
the walls had fallen down in many parts, and that the city
was left naked on some points, particularly towards the gate
of St. Lorenzo. The terms in which the rebuilding by the
Popes, in the eighth century, are recorded, would imply
almost a totally new construction. After Sisinnius and Gre-
gory the Second and Third had made some progress in this
useful labour, Hadrian the First convoked the peasants from
Tuscany and Campania, and, with their help and that of the
Romans, rebuilt from their foundations^ in many places, the
walls and towers in all their circuit. Such are the strong ex-

* " Msenia ejus collegere ambitu Imperatoribus Censoribusque Vespa-
sianis, anno conditae dcccxxviii. passuum xiii. m.cc. coraplexa monies
septem" Tliis is the celebrated passage which has puzzled Lipsius and
the commentators and topographers.

t Nardini, ibid, has shown where the additional ground was taken in
by Aurelian ; and Donatus was almost inclined to think, that that Enir
peror had not enlarged the circuit. Cassiodorus and Busebius do not
talk of the walls being increased, but fortified. Vopiscus, by mentioning
fifty miles, has taken away all credit from himself or from hi» text.
Donat- lib. i cap. xix.

124

pressions of the papal biographer.* Leo IV. m 847, in-
cluded the Borgo, that is, the Basilica of St. Peter's, and
the contiguous quarter of the Vatican : and from his reign
until that of Urban VIII. nineteen Pontiffs have been specifi-
ed as contributing to the repairs. It is not at all surprising,
therefore, that an early topographer should have declared,
that the walls were indubitably not ancient. t The antiqua-
ries profess to see a hundred different constructions in their
mixed composition. Urban VIII. completed them as we now
see them, by running his rampart along the acclivity of the
Janiculum, from the Aurelian gate (Saint Pancrazio) to the
angle of the Vatican, commonly called the Porta €?e' cavalli
leggier i,l He entirely rebuilt them from the same Aurelian
gate to the Porta Portese, on the banks of the Tiber. Since
that period other Pontiffs have been active in repairs, but no
change has taken place in the circuit ; concerning which we
may finally conclude, that it is equal, very nearly, if not
quite, to the largest circumference of the ancient city, and,
except on the Transtiberine side, generally follows the line
of Aurelian. It is equally clear, that the exact ancient line
could not always be followed. We see tbis from the bastion

* " Veruni etiam et muros atqiie turres hujus Romanse urbis quae
dirutse erant et usque ad fundamenta destructse renovarit atque utiliter
omnia in circuitu restauravit" Anast. de Vit- Rom. Pontif. Script. Rer.
Italic, torn. iii. p. 188.

" Ipse vero deo, ut dicitur, protectus Praesul conspiciens muros hujus
civitatis Romanse perolitana tempera in ruinis positos, et per loca plures
turres usque ad terram eversas, per suum solertissimum studium totas
civitates tarn Tuscise, quamque Campanise congregans una cum populo
Romano, ej usque suburbanis, nee non et toto ecclesiastico patrimonio
omnibus prsedicans, et dividens ex sumptibus dapibusque Apostolicis
totam urbem in circuitu restaurans universa renovavit, atque decoravit."
Ibid.p 194.

kn2i%idiS\\x^ Jiourished under Hadrian II. and John VIII. He writes
only to Nicholas I. The remainder of the lives were written by William,
another librarian, under the name of Damasus. See — Bianchini's pro-
legomena to the liber pontificalis. Both one and the other were compi-
lers, not composers, of the lives. The edition in Muratori and that of
Bianchini, have been used.

\ " Maenia urbis nunc extantia non esse antiqua sicut nulli est dubium
ita multis argumentis apparet.'' Marlian. Urb. Rom. Topog. lib. i. cap. ix.

\ Donatus, lib. i. cap. xx.

125

of Paul III. at the foot of the Aventine, which, if it had
been finished, would have probably been considered as upon
that ancient line.

If from the walls themselves we retire into the interior of
their vast circuit, we shall be still more confounded, and
" stumble o''er recollections." The names given to the monu-
ments perpetually vary, according to the fancy of some pre-
dominant antiquary. At one period all vaulted ruins belong
to baths, at another they are portions of temples ; Basilicas
are at times the favourite denomination. The consequence
of this varying nomenclature is the embarrassment of those
who put themselves under the guidance of the best ancient
or modern topographers ; and we are often apt to reduce the
monuments of all the regions to the character given by Nar-
dini to those of the Aventine, which he divides into " sites
not altogether uncertain, and sites evidently uncertain."*

The antiquarian disputes began at an early period ; and
where nothing but a name was left, there was still some plea-
sure found in the struggles of conjecture. The mica aurea
has not been seen since the ninth century ; but it afforded an
opportunity of quoting Plutarch, Ammian, and Martial, to
show, that it might have been a Greek girl, or a Bear, or a
Supper-house,] The actual remains were soon found to be no
less uncertain. The two vaults of the church of St. Maria
Nuova were believed, by Pomponius Laetus, the fragments of
a temple of ^sculapius and Health ; by Marlianus, of the Sun
and Moon ; by Blondus, of ^sculapius and Apollo ; by Pog-
gio, of Castor and Pollux. J They are now called the Temple
of Venus and Rome, according to the opinion to which

"^" Situs non omnino incerti et situs plane incerti" Lib. viii. cap. vi.
The choice of Remus is peculiarlj' deserted. Victor alone has left any
account of it In all the twelfth region, between the Circus 3Iaximus and
the Baths of Caracalla, the latter w'as the only monument recognisable
by the eyes of the above topographer.

t Nardini, lib. iii. cap viii.

X Fabricii Descrip. Urb. Rom. cap. ix. ap. Grsev. Ant. torn. iii. At-
tached to it is the church now called S. Francesca Romana ; and if the
stranger goes for information to the modern inscription, he will find these
words : " In questepietre pose le ginochia S- Pietro quando { dcmonj por-
tarono Sinione Mago per ana."

/ 126

/ Nardini seemed to incline.* See also the many names given

/ to the temple of Santa Maria Egizziaca.t Some thought it a

I chapel of Patrician Modesty, some a Basilica of Caius and

Lucius, some a temple of Good Fortune, others of Manly

Fortune. It is now come back to Modesty.J The temple

» I attributed to Vesta, on the banks of the Tiber, was once

thought that of Hercules Victor, and also of the Sun. Pom-

:■ ponius Laetus§ called it that of Juno Matuta, others named

I the goddess Volupia.|| Hercules was recovering his rights

\ during the winter of 1817. The Patrician Modesty is trans-

\ ferred, by an inscription, to the church of Santa Maria 2*H

Cosmedin, commonly called the Schola Graeca ; and the same

^inscription asserts, that Saint Augustine taught rhetoric in

this school.**
/ Other examples of uncertainty will occur in the subsequent

f notices of individual monuments. It would be hazardous to
give a list of those which can suggest no reasonable doubts.
The Coliseum, the three Triumphal Arches, those of Drusus,
of Dolabella and Silanus, of Gallienus ; the Baths of Diocle-
tian, of Caracalla, of Constantine, a part of those of Titus ;
the Theatre of Marcellus, the few remains of that of Pom-
pey ; the two bridges of the Tiberine island ; the mauso-
leums of Augustus and Hadrian ; the two historical columns ;
the tomb of Cestius, the tomb of Bibulus, the tomb of the
Scipios ; the Pantheon ; the column of Phocas ; the Septi-
mian arch in the Velabrum ; the inscribed obelisks ; the cas-
tellum of the Claudian aqueduct ; two or three of the city
gates ; the arcades of the Gloaca ; the iElian bridge ; these
seem the most secure from scepticism ; and it would be diffi-

* Nardini, lib. iii. cap. 2.

f Donatus, lib. ii. cap. 18. Nardini, lib. vii- cap. iv.

\ In the time of Fulvius, this tract about the Patrician Modesty was
solely inhabited by prostitutes. Nardini, lib. vii. cap- iv.

^ Donatus, lib. ii. cap. xxv.

jl " A.lii Herculis, alii Vestae, alii dese Volupiae." Montfaucon, Diariuin
Italicum, p. 18S.

^^ No trust is to be put in modern inscriptions, and sometimes not in
those which have every appearance of antiquity. Doubts have been en-
tertained even about the inscription on the tomb of Bibulus, by Augusti-
nu3, in his dialogue on ancient coins.

127

cult to name another monument within the walli of an equally
certain character.

Stanza LXXXIJ.

for never shall we see

That brightness in her eye she bore when Rome was free.

It was one of the complaints of Poggio* that he saw almost
nothing entire, and but very few remains of the free city ; and
indeed the principal disappointment at Rome arises from find-
ing such insignificant vestiges of the first ages and of the re-
public. Something, perhaps, might be added to the lists of
them given by Mr. Forsyth : but not much. We have seen
how soon those works disappeared ; but we might still have
expected to find something more than a sewer, a prison, a row
of vaults, a foundation wall, a pavement, a sepulchre, a half-
buried fragment of a theatre and circus. The artist may
be comparatively indifferent to the date and history, and re-
gard chiefly the architectural merit of a structure : but the
Rome which the republican Florentine regretted, and which^n
Englishman must wish to find, is not that of Augustus and his
successors, but of those greater and better men, of whose
heroic actions his earliest impressions are composed.

We have heard too much of the turbulence of the Roman
democracy and of the Augustan virtues. No civil tranquillity
can compensate for that perpetual submission, not to laws but
persons, which must be required from the subjects of the most
limited monarchy. The citizens of the worst regulated re-
public must feel a pride and may indulge a hope superior to
all the blessings of domestic peace, and of what is called es-
tablished order, another word for durable servitude. The
struggles for supreme though temporary power amongst those
of an equal condition, give birth to all the nobler energies of
the mind, and find space for their unbounded exertion. Un-
der a monarchy, however well attempered, the chief motive

* " Nam ex publicis aut privatis operibus liberie quondam civitatis in-
terriipta qusedam et ea parva vestigia visuntur. " De Yarietate, k,c. loc.
cit.

128

for action must be altogether wanting, or feebly felt, or cau-
tiously encouraged. Duties purely ministerial, honours de-
rived from an individual, may be meritoriously performed,
may be gracefully worn ; but, as an object of ambition, they
are infinitely below the independent control of our fellow-
citizens, and perhaps scarcely furnish a compensation for en-
tire repose. The natural love of distinction on any terms
may push us into public life ; but it palsies our efforts, it mor-
tifies our success, perpetually to feel that in such a career,
although a failure is disgraceful, a victory is inglorious ;

" Vincere inglorlum — atterl sordidum.'^^
These are the sentiments of Agricola and the words of Taci-
tus, and bespeak the real value of the subordinate dignity,
which is all that can be attained under a Domitian or under a
Trajan, under the worst or under the best of princes.

As those glorious institutions which subdued and civilized
the world have long seemed incompatible with the altered
condition of mankind, we recur with the greater eagerness to
every memorial of their former existence : and hence our re-
gret at finding so little of the early city. The courtly and
melodious muses that graced the first age of the monarchy
have, indeed, affixed an imperishable interest to every site
and object connected with their patrons or their poetry : and
in default of republican relics we are content with looking on
the floorings of the Esquiline palace and at the fabric dedicat-
ed to him who has found a more durable monument in the
verses of Virgil. The house of Maecenas and the theatre of
Marcellus can boast no other attraction.
[ It is not to be denied but that by good fortune the most vir-
tuous of the Roman Sovereigns have left the most conspi-
cuous monuments, and that we are thus perpetually recalled to
an age in which mankind are supposed to have been more
happy and content than during any other period of history.
We may look at the Coliseum, the temples of Vespasian and
Antoninus, the arch of Titus and the historical columns, with-
out cursing the usurpation of Augustus.
. But it is not to worship at the shrine of the Flavian princes
nor to do homage to the forbearance of Trajan, (the word is

129

not used at random,*) or to the philosophy of AureUus, that
we undertake the pilgrimage of Rome. The men whose j
traces we would wish to discover were cast in another mould, )
and belonged to that order of beings whose superior qualities '
were by the wisest of their immediate successorst as well ashy ^
the slaves of the last emperors,| acknowledged to have expir- 1
ed with the republic. It is with the builders, and not the di- I
lapidators of the Roman race that we would hope to meet in
the Capitol. Our youthful pursuits inspire us with no respect
or aiFection for this nation independent of their republican
virtues. It is to refresh our recollection of those virtues that
we explore the ruins of the city which gave them birth ; and
absorbed by an early devotion for the patriots of Rome, we
are indifferent to the records of her princes. We feel no
sympathy with the survivors of Philippi. We would prefer a
single fragment of the Palatine house of Hortensius or of
Cicero to all the lofty ruins which fringe the imperial hill.

As it is, we must visit a sepulchre or a museum ; must
trust to one amongst a range of doubtful busts ; must unravel
an inscription, and extricate ourselves from antiquarian doubts
before we are recalled to the city of the Scipios, whilst every
thing around us attests the might and the magnificence of the
Caesars.

* Nw fii tov te otvot) Staxopwj er<ivE, scat xat vvi^ow i;v, tv te toC^ naiSe-
xoU oi'SfVa i%vrtiij6£v. Dion. Hist. Rom. lib, 68. torn. ii. p. 1125. edit.
Hamb. 1750. It may be recollected why Julian excluded Trajan from
the banquet of the Caesars.

t " Postquam bellatum apud Actium, atque omnem potentiam ad unum
conferri pacis interfuit; magna ilia ingenia cessere." Tacit. Hist. lib. i.
cap. i.

t " Postquam jura ferox in se communia Caesar
Transtulit ; et lapsi mores ; desuetaque priscis
Artibus, in gremium pacis servile recessi."

Claud, de bello. Cildonico.

130

Stanza CIII.

Metella died,

The wealthiest Romanes wife ; Behold his love or pride !

Four words and two initials compose the whole of the in-
scription, which, whatever was its ancient position, is now
placed in front of this towering sepulchre :

CiECILIAE . q. CRETICI. F. METELLAE. CRASSI.

It is more likely to have been the pride than the love of
Crassus which raised so superb a memorial to a wife whose
name is not mentioned in history, unless she be supposed to
be that lady whose intimacy with Dolabella was so offensive
to TuUia the daughter of Cicero, or she who was divorced by
Lentulus Spinther, or she, perhaps the same person, from
whose ear the son of ^Esopus transferred a precious jewel to
enrich his draught.*

When Mr. Bayle wanted to find another Roman matron of
the same name with whom to divide the redundant vices of
two or three other Cecilia Metellas, he seems to have known
nothing of this wife of Crassus and daughter of the Cretic
Metellus, whom, otherwise, he might have suspected of being
the counterpart of his Madame D'Olonne.t

The common people have been more attentive to the orna-
ments of the sculptor than to the memory of the matron, for
the metopes of the frieze, or a single ox's head with the Gae-
tani arms, gave to, this tower during the middle ages the name
of Capo di Bove.| There appears to have been another

* " Filius ^sopi detractam ex aure Metellae
(Scilicet ut decies solidum exsorberet) aceto
Diluit insignem baccam.

Hor. Sat. Lib. ii. Sat- iii. ver. 239.
t Dictionnaire, article " Metella"

|: Nardini, lib. iii. cap. iii. appears to say it is called Capo di Bove from
a single ox's head sculptured over the door with the arms of the Gaetani
which Echinard. (Agro Romano, fee- p. 295,) also notices, but which the
writer does not recollect to have seen.

131

place of the same name near Ostia in the year 953, un-
less this tomb should be supposed to be the place al-
luded to in an old charter of that date.* It was, indeed,
an old Roman name ; for Suetonius mentions that Au-
gustus was born at a spot in the Palatinate called ad capita
bubula,\

At what period the tomb of Metella was converted into the
citadel of a fort can be guessed only by the period at which
the monuments in the city were occupied by the nobles.
Certain it is that the tomb was put at once to this purpose
without any previous spoliation, and that the garrison uncon-
cernedly dwelt over not only the mausoleum but the very ashes
of Metella, for the coffin remained in the interior of the se-
pulchre to the time of Paul III. who removed it to the court
of the Farnese palace, j The Savelli family were in posses-
sion of the fortress in 1312, and the German army of Henry
VII. marched from Rome,§ attacked, took, and burnt it, but
were unable to make themselves by force masters of the cita-
del, that is, of the tomb, which must give us a high notion of
its strength or of their weakness. The soldiers of the tomb
surrendered their post upon terms, and Henry transferred the
whole property to a brother of John Savelli who had married
one of the Colonna, and who was to keep it until a sum of
20,000 marks due to the emperor had been discharged by the
dispossessed baron. The Gaetani family became masters of
the place afterwards : they raised the walls which are still
seen contiguous to the tomb, and were part of their mansion
and adjoining offices. To their labours is ascribed the super-
structure, part of which still remains on the top of the monu-
ment.

* Dissertazione suUa rovine, kc. p. 331. note .b»

f In vita August, cap. v.

\ Echinard. agro Romano, ibid, in loc citat. not-

^ " Unde moti Romani cum Theotonicis ad unum castruni, quod Yoca -
tur caput Bovis prope urbem ad duo railliaria, quod castrum erat Domini
Johannis de Sabello, cucurrerunt, et castrum, excepta arce, violenter «c-
ceperunt, et partem combusserunt," fcc &.c. Iter Itallcum. Kcnrici TH ,
Imper. Script. Her. Ital. torn. ix. p- 9iu.

132

Pooaio* saw the tomb entire when he first came to Rome,
but during his absence the Romans had ground this noble work,
for the most part, to hme. This demolition, however, must
be understood only of the square basement on which, like the
mausoleum of Hadrian, the round tower was raised. Nor
was it complete even of the basement, which was not reduced
to its present condition until the time of Urban VIII., who, we
have seen, cut away some of the travertine blocks for the
construction of the fountain of Trevi.j The destroyer of
the adjoining fortress was Sixtus Quintus, the Hercules of
modern Rome, who dislodged every Cacus and cleared the
Pontifical states of their dens.

The tomb has, indeed, been much disfigured, and the lower
part of it retains only a few jutting blocks of its former
structure ; but it is still amongst the most conspicuous of the
Roman ruins, and Mr. Gibbon must have been strangely for-
getful of what he had seen when he wrote " The Sepulchre of
Metella has sunk under its outrvorks.'^^l On the contrary, it is
the sepulchre which remains and the outworks which have

" '* Jiixta Viam Appiam ad secundum lapidem integrum vidi sepul-
chrum Q. CEeciliae Metellse, opus egregium, et id tot seculis intactum, ad
calcera postea majore ex parte exterminatum." De Fortunse Varietate,
p. 508. ioc. eit

4 See note on Stanza Ixxx.

t Decline and Fall, cap. Ixxi. p. 415. torn. xii. To this he has the fol-
lowing note : " T must copy an important passage of Montfaucon : Tur-
ns ingens rotunda Caciliae MetelJfe sepulchrum erat, cujus

rauri tarn solidi ut spatium perquam minimum intus vacuum supersit ; et
Torre di bove dicitur, a boum capitibus muro inscriptis. Huic, sequiori
levo, tempore intestinorum bellorum, ceu urbecula adjuncta fuit, cujus
mcenia et turres etiamnum visuntur ; ita ut sepulchrum Metellse quasi arx
oppiduli fuerit. Fer\ entibus in ur])e partibus, cum Ursini atque Colum-
nenses mutuis cladibus perniciem inferrent civitati, in utriusve partis diti-
onem cederet magni momcnti erat." This passage, 'vvhich the reader will
find in the Diarium Italieum, p. 158, surely need not have been ushered
in with such solemnity, as if it related a fact to be collected no where else
than in Montfaucon, or as if the occupation of Roman monuments by
the factions was to be seen only at this tomb. Nothing remarkable is
told by Montfaucon except the fact contradicted by the passage to which
this note is appended, namely, that there ivas a grecrt tower w hich had been
the sepulchre of Metella, consequently that the said sepulchre had not
*' sunk under its outworks."

133

sunk. The feeble labours of puny modern nerves are fast
crumbling round the massive fabric which seems to promise an
existence as long as the period of its former duration.

It must seem singular that so little should be known of the
two persons whose tombs were to survive those of so many
illustrious names. Cestius is as little famous as Metella, and
his pyramid is no less conspicuous than her tower. Oblivion,
however, has been kind perhaps to one who has left no other
present to posterity than this ambitious sepulchre ; if, as there
is some reason to suspect, this Cestius, Tribune of the peo-
ple, Praitor, and a Septimvir, is the same Cestius, a Praetor,
and flatterer of the Augustan court, who was pubhcly
scourged by the order of Marcus Cicero, the son, for presum-
ing to defame his father in his presence.*

A learned person who wrote a dissertation on this pyramid
and disproved the mistake of Panvinius in supposing Cestius
to be the consul of that name mentioned in the annals of Ta-
citus,! asserts that there is a total silence with respect to
him in all ancient authors, but that he must have died at least
as early as the middle of the reign of Augustus. J The Ces-
tius above mentioned did not suggest himself to the antiquary,
and perhaps may be the man we want.

Stanza CVII.

For all that Learning reaped
From her research hath been, that these are ivalls —
Behold the Imperial Mount ! 'tis thus the might]] falls.

The troops of Genserick occupied the Palatine and de-
spoiled it of all its riches. § The ruin of the structures them-
selves is involved in the most impenetrable obscurity : nor
have the immense masses which remain, assisted, though they
stimulated, research. Theodoric found their beauty admira-

* M. Seneca. Suasor. 6.
f Lib. vi. cap. 31.

\ " Altissimum enim de illo apud scriptores voteres silentlum est."
Octavii Falconevil, de pyramide C. Cestii Epulonis. dissertatio ap. Grxv-
Antiq. Roman, torn- iv. p. 1475.
[ "> Sidon> ApoUon. Sef) — note to Stanaa Ixxx.

134

big,* but impaired by age. From that moment the palace of
the Caesars disappears, and the labours of the antiquary have
been unable to produce more than a single word to show that
it was not ruined by Totila, which is the general persuasion.

Anastasius, in the life of Pope Constantine, who was elected
in 708, narrating a civil commotion which took place in Rome
against the emperor Philip, has these words : " And it came
to pass that whilst Christopher, who was duke, was con*
tending on this account with Agatho and his followers, a civil
war arose, so that they came to arms in the sacred way before
the palace, ''''] What a fate ! The palace may have been a
fragment, or, as it novf is, a word.

When tiie Palatine again rises, it rises in ruins. A corner
of the structures had served to lodge the Frangipane family.
The Turris Cartularia included a portion of the Palatine
mansions and the arch of Titus. | It was thrown down in
1240 by Gregory IX., was rebuilt, and shortly after destroyed
by the people.

The pilgrim of the thirteenth century who talks of the im-
perial palace must be alluding to sites^ not buildings. In the be-
ginning of the fifteenth century there was not a single edifice
standing on the whole mount except the church of St. Nicho-
las, built by Pope Calixtus,§ which was itself in ruins.

Tlie Farnese family were ambitious of a summer house ill
the imperial precincts. They levelled, they built, and they
planted ; Michael Angelo designed, RafTael painted, and the

*•' Quando pulchritiido ilia mirabilis, si subinde non reficitur, sencctutc
ohrt'pentc vitiatur." Cassiod. Vaiiar. lib- vii. epist v.

f " Kt factum est duni Christophorus, qui crat Dux, obhanc causaiu
cum Agatlioiu; et suis hon^inibus conctrtarent, bellum civile exhortum est,
ita lit ill via sacra ant<!pa1atium sese committerent," 8ic. De Vitis Roman.
Pontir. ap. Script. Rer. Ital. torn. iii. p. 153.

I It uas one of the stronj; houses of the Frangipane to which Pope
Innocent II. retreated in 11. So in liis struggles with the anti-pope Anaclete
il. See — Onuph- Panvinius de g'Mite Fregepnnica- ap. Marangoni. Delle
<.iiLMn(n-ie sncre e profane dell' Anfileatro Flavio. Roma, 1746. p. 31, 5£,
edit- 1710. Alexander ill. also retired thither in 1167.

^ " Mnlto autem pisuciora hahet integra Palatinus mons quam Capito-
linus aut Avcntinuj^, nam pra)ter S. JNicolai ecclesiam a Calixto Papa
aidificatam, qua; et male integii cernitur nullum is celcberrimus mons
iiabet iodiaciuui." Flav. Blond- Roma. Inst. lib. i- fo. 11.

i
i

135 *

masterpieces of ancient culspture, statues, reliefs, and colour-
ed marbles, were drawn from beneath the ruins of Caracalla's
baths and of the Flavian amphitheatre for the embellishment ^-'
of the rising villa. Following antiquaries, from Donatus* to
Venuti,t were pleased to remark that these peopled gardens
had succeeded to the sohtude of the long neglected hill.
The extinction or aggrandizement of the Farnese dukes strip-
ped this retreat as well as the palace of the family of all its
treasures. J Naples was again fated to be enriched by the
plunder of Rome. The Palatine viHa was abandoned, and
in less than half a century§ has fallen to the ground. The j
naked fountain and twisted steps of Michael Angelo, and the 'i
cockle-shell incrusted walls, form a singular contrast with the I
lofty arcades on the Cassarean side. ^

The Palatine was never entirely covered with structures ;
space must be left for gardens, for a manege, and for a hip-
podrome. || Antiquaries, to prove the latter, have been
obliged to have recourse to the acts of the martyrs, but there
are evident signs of the Course in one of the gardens. There
are abundant materials for dispute in the masses of the pa-
lace, which cased the whole hill in brick work, and of the
many temples which lodged the gods that watched over the
Emperor.** A view of the Palatine ruins, in Paul V.'s time,tt
marks a temple of Orcus, a temple of Cybele, a temple of
Hcliogabalus, to all which other names have succeeded with
equal authority. The precise details of Bianchini,|J who

* " Nunc tanta molls vel siiis obruta ruinis est ; vel pariellbus ac porti-
cibus informis vel tiansiit in amaenitatem Farnesiorum hortorum." Do-
nat. lib. iii. cap. ii.

+ Roma modcrna, he. Rione xii torn. ii. p. S96.

X The great Carapo Fiore palace is much neglected ; it requires a
princely court to occupy it, and the Neapolitan ambassador is lost in one
of the suites ofoneof the stories of one of the sides of the vast square.

^ Venuti, (ibid,) seems to have seen it entire.

II St. Sebastian was shot with arrows, as we see in so many fine pic-
tures, in the hippodrome of the palace.

** See quotation from Claud, in vi. Cons. Honor, in note to Stanza
Ixxx- Nardini, lib. vi. cap. xiii. and xiv. reckons nineteen at least.

ft Vedute degli antichi vestigj, kc. See note to Stanza Ixtx.

tt Palazzo dc' Gesari.

* 136

dissected the soil and assigned to all the ruins above and be-
low their distinct character and function, have retained few
believers even amongst the Romans. A subterranean cell,
in the vineyard of the Farnese gardens, still preserves the
name of the Baths of Livia, for some reason not apparent in
the construction or site. The King of Naples has kindly not
stripped off all the arabesques, but left a portion to show how
the whole apartments were once adorned. These paintings
do not sutFer so much from the oozing of the saltpetre as when
exposed to the external air, as they have found in the open
chambers of the Baths of Titus. The gilding preserves its
freshness, and the outlines their edge, and seem liable to no
injury but from the torches of the guides.

Several blocks of sculptured marble above the ruins of the
summer house, are honoured with the name of the Palatine
Apollo. Of this temple, an early topographer thought he saw
some vestiges overlooking the Circus Maximus on the other
side of the hill.

A contiguous portion of the Palatine is occupied by the
kitchen gardens and vineyards of the Casino Spada, or Mag-
nani, which the pretended frescoes of Raphael have not pre-
served from ruin. Half a century ago a tower looking over
the site of the Circus Maximus, and which made part of the
Caesarean palace, was restored. But the curse of Jerusalem
hangs over this hill — it is again in ruins. In this quarter is
shown a suite of subterranean chambers, usually denominated
the Baths of Nero ; for this Emperor being a great builder,
is generally called in to father all unknown remains. An
Englishman excavated these chambers in 1777, and the
ground of the villa is now at the disposal of any one who-
chooses to pay a very moderate sum for so imperial a pur-
chase, and the pleasure of experiments.

The Palatine, it has been remarked, has, no less than the
valleys, been encumbered with accumulated soil. These
chambers were surely above ground. No descent to them
was discovered, but has been since constructed.

The next garden and vineyard, for so the Palatine is now
divided, is in possession of the Irish college, and some rustic
or playful antiquaries had, in 1817, chalked upon the gate-

137

way, '• The Hippodrome^ the Temple of Apollo^ the house of
the Vestals, "^"^ The shape of the vineyard does not resemble
a place for equestrian exercises. Apoilo and the Vestals may
be lodged at will in any of the towering vaults or under-
ground crypts of these enormous masses.

You may explore for hours either above or below, through
the arched corridores, or on the platforms whose stuccoed
floorings have resisted a thousand winters, and serve as a
roof to the ruins beneath. From the corner of this platform
there is one of the most impressive views of the Coliseum
and the remains of the old city, both within and without the
walls. The long lines of aqueducts stretched across the bare
campagna, are the arms of the fallen giant. The look of
these great structures, built for some purpose which the
shrunk condition of the modern city did not render apparent,
made a Roman of the fifteenth century call them insane,^
Your walks in the Palatine ruins, if it be one of the many
days when the labourers do not work, will be undisturbed,
unless you startle a fox in breaking through the brambles in
the corridores, or burst unawares through the hole of some
shivered fragments into one of the half buried chambers
which the peasants have blocked up to serve as stalls for their
jackasses, or as huts for those who watch the gardens. The
smoke of their wood fires has not hidden the stuccoes and
deeply indented mouldings of the imperial roofs. The soil
accumulated in this quarter has formed a slope on the side of
the ruins, and some steps have been adjusted into the bank.
Half way up an open oratory has been niched into a wall.

Religion is still triumphant after the fall of the palace of
the Caesars, the towers of feudal lords, and the villas of pa-
pal princes. The church and contiguous monastery of St.
Bonaventura, preserve a spark of life upon the site of the
town of Romulus. The only lane which crosses the Pala-
tine, leads to this church between dead walls, where the sta-
tions of the via crucis divert the attention from the fall of the
Caesars, to the sublimer and more humiliating sufferings of
God himself. The tall fragments of the imperial ruins rising

* " Celsos fornices et insana acquaeductorum opera perlustrans," F.
Blond. Roma. Inst. lib. iii. fo. S. if he did not mean broken.

138

from a hill, which seems one wide field of crossed and trel-
lised reeds hung round with vines, form the most striking por-
tion of the prospect of the old town, seen from the platform
of St. Pietro in Montorio^ or the other eminences beyond
the Tiber. They are so thickly strewn, and so massive, that
it is not surprising the inhabitants of the rising town chose
rather to seek for other sites, than to attempt to clear them
away. But they are not without their use, for the flagging
vapours of the malaria are supposed to settle round their
summits, as well as those of the Coliseum, and thus to spare
the modern city.

Where all repair has been hopeless, the descendants of
those who reared these mighty fabrics have converted the de-
solation of the ancient city to the purposes of other havoc.
They scrape the old walls of the Palatine, as well as those
of the Baths of Titus, for saltpetre, of which a manufacture
has been established in both those positions ; and thus, if the
phrase may be used, ruin begets ruin, destruction pi*opagates
destruction.

Stanza CX.
and apostolic statues climb

To crush the imperial urn, whose ashes lay sublime, Sfc,

Sixtus Quintus raised the statue of St. Peter on the sum-
mit of the column of Trajan. A liberty has, in the above
verses, been taken with the probable position of the urn of
Trajan, in compliance with a tradition, that the ashes of that
emperor were in the head of a spear, which the colossal statue
raised on the pillar, held in his hand.* But the remains of
Trajan were buried in a golden urn under the column,! and

* A medal of Vespasian has been found with a column surmounted by
an urn. See — Joseph. Castalionis, de colum. triump. comment, ap. Graev.
Antiq. Rom. torn. iv. p. 1947.

t Td 8s T'ov TpaCavov datd iv t"^ xiort dvtov xatctt^. Dion. Hist.
Rom. lib. 69. torn. ii. p. 1 150. edit. Hamb. 1750. " Sunt qui in pila, quam
tenebat Colossus, cineres conditos dicunt : quo fundamento adhuc re-
quiro." See Comment, to lib. Ixviii. torn. ii. p. 1133, of the Xylandro-
Leunclavian version.

" Ossa in urna aurea collocata sub Columna Fori quae ejus nominti

139

continued in that depository in the time of Theodoric. The
value of the urn was sure to be fatal to the deposite ; but we
know nothing of the time when poverty and rapine had lost
all respect for the remains of the best of the Roman princes.
An absurd story, which was current in the English churches
in the ninth century, would make us suppose that the Chris-
tians condescended to except Trajan from the usual con-
demnation of pagans, and that Gregory the Great, in passing
through the Forum, was moved to compassion for the emperor
in purgatory, and prayed for and libsrated his soul.* The
diminished charity of future zeal induced Bellarmine and the
graver writers to reject this narration as a putid fable, and,
for the best of reasons, since St. Gregory himself, in the
fourth book of his Dialogues, (cap. 44.) has declared, " that
we should not pray for the devil and his angels reserved for
eternal punishment, nor for infidels, nor the impious de-
funct."! The report, however, of Gregory's biographers
must make us think that the ashes had not yet been removed
from the column, for if they had, it might have been forgot-
ten, as at present, that this monument was ever a place of
sepulture.

vocitatur, recondita sunt, cujus columnse altitude in 140 pedes erigitur."
Cassiod. in Chronic, p. 388. torn. i. fo. 1679. Cassiodorus must be
reckoned good authority for what he tells of the Rome which he saw,
although his chronicle from the beginning of the world to the year 519,
must be expected to be rather inaccurate. For a character of this writer,
and for the (juestion whether there Avere not two Cassiodoruses, father
and son, to whom the actions of the one should be attributed, see —
Tiraboschi Storia della Lett. Ital. torn. iii. lib. i. cap. i.

* The story is told by Paul the Deacon, and by John the Deacon ; the
latter says he heard it in some English churches. See note to Stanza
Ixxx.

f " Docet orandum non esse pro diabolo, angelisque ejus seterno sup-
plicio deputatis, neque pro infidelibus hominibus impiisque defunctis."
See — Dissertat. v. deRomanis Imperatorib. ap. lo. Laurent. Berti. Histor.
Ecclesi. kc. torn. ii. p. 72. Bassani. 1769.

Tiraboschi laughs at John of Salisbury for telling the story of Trajan's
liberation from hell by Gregory ; but he praises John the Dtacon, who
had not mentioned the burning of the Palatine library by the Pontiff,
forgetting that John had told the story about Trajan. Storia d^lla lett.
Ital. torn. iii. lib. ii. p. 106 and 111.

J 40

The Romans having performecj one great work, chose to
commemorate it by another. The stranger, at the first sight
of the column, naturally expects to find that the inscription
will refer to the virtues, or at least the victories, of the
prince whose exploits are sculptured upon it, but he reads
only that the pillar was raised to show how much of the hill,
and to what height, had, with infinite labour, been cleared
away.* The historian Dion shows he can never have read this
simple inscription, when he says that the column was raised
by Trajan, ^^ partly for a sepulchre, as well as for an evi-
dence of the labour with which the Forum was made.t"
The first object does not appear to have been entertained by
Trajan or the senate. No emperor had been buried within
the city, and it was Hadrian who transferred his predecessor's
bones to this unusual and conspicuous position.

The Forum of Trajan served, amongst other purposes, to
perpetuate the memory of the good and great, or of such as,
in those declining ages, could pretend to that distinction.
But, lest there should be any want of subjects, young men of
great promise, who had died in the flower of their age,
were honoured with a statue. | We know that Marcus
Aurelius erected statues in this Forum to all those who fell in
the German war, and that Alexander Severus transferred
thither those of other celebrated personages from other sites :
amongst them was one of Augustus, ex electro, and another
of Nicomedes, in ivory.§ The same place was devoted to
the labours and the rewards of literary heroes : here the
poets and others recited their compositions, perhaps in the
Ulpian library, whose treasures were transferred by Diocletian
to his own Thermae ; and here their images were allowed a
place amongst conquerors and monarchs. The prefect Aure-

* Senatus, Populusque Romanus

Imp. Caes. Divi. Nervae. F. Trajano. Aug. Germa

nico. Dacico. Pont. Max. Trib. Pot- XII. Cos. XI. P. P.

Ad. Declarandum. Quantae. Altitudinis.

Mons. Et. Locus. Tan. [tis. operi or rudeii] bus. Sit. Egestus.

* "Ajua fxhv f 5 t'o-^^v eawt^ d[A,a 8s f tj srclSev^iv toy jcata ilrjy oyopow/ cpyflic,
X. t. X. Hist. Roi». lib. 68. p. 1133. torn. ii.

X Plin. lib. ii. epist. vii.

^ Euseb. in Chronic. Lamprid. in vit Sever. Nardini, lib* v. cap. ix.

J4I

Hus Symmachus, whom his cotemporaries thought superior t©^
Tully,* Claudian, and Aurehus Victor, were, we may sus-
pect, the most worthy ornaments of the Forum. But the
honours of the statue were conferred on inferior personages :
Sidonius Apollinaris,t Marius Victorinus, the schoolmaster,
Proaeresius, the king of eloquence, we know were there, |
and these may have been associated with the meaner names of
Minervius, Sedatus, and Palladius, with jEHus Donatus, with
Nonius Marcellus of TivoH, Sextus Pompeius Festus, Ser-
vius the commentator, Praetextatus the friend of Macrobius,
and that more vahiable writer himself. There also may have
been seen, Eutropius, the lost historians Flavius Dexter, and
Nicomachus Flavianus,§ the almost unknown Optatian, and
Perphinius. Even in the Gothic reigns, the custom of raising
statufes, at least to princes, appears to have prevailed. Men-
tion is made by Procopius of statues of Theodoric, and
Theodatus, and Justinian, and it is probable these might have
been in the Forum of Trajan. § The sight of this Forum
would furnish a singular supplement to ancient history, and
rescue from oblivion many who were as much the delight and
admiration of their cotemporaries as Cicero or Virgil.

Fragments of statues and pedestals were dug up in the
great excavation, but only five inscriptions, of which four
were copies of each other and in honour of Trajan, || were

* cui cedat et ipse

Tullius. Prudent.

f Carmina, 7 and 8.

X " Regina rerum Roma Reg! Eloquentiae." So the inscription ran.
Eunap. in vit. Sophist. 1. 8.

§ Cecina Decius and Albinus, the regionaries, the authors of the Tables
of Peutinger and the Antonine Itineraries, and other writers, have been
enumerated by the industry of Fabricius, Bib. Lat.

^ DeBelloGothico, lib. i. cap. 24. Here Procopius names Ihe Fonuti
. as the place where the miraculous iyiosaic image of Theodoric was raised,
and fell to pieces gradually with the Gothic kingdom ; the head with
Theodoric, the belly with Theodatus, and the lower parts with Amala,-
aqntha ; but in lib. iii. cap. xx- other sti\tues are mentioned.
11 Scnatus, Populusque Romanus
Imp. Caesari. Divi
N^ryae. F. Nerv^

142

discovered by the labourers. The first of these, however,
confirms the above remark, and has for the first time intro-
duced to the modern world Flavins Merobaudes,^' a person
whose merits were of the most exalted description, and, so
they thought in the days of Theodosius and Valentinian, com-
parable to the most extraordinary characters of antiquity.

It may have been seen from former remarks, that at an
early period, which cannot exactly be fixed, the Forum of
Trajan, the noblest structure of all Rome, had partaken of
the general desolation. From the moment we find a church
there, we may be sure the destruction had begun. This was
as early as the beginning of the twelfth century, and as that
church was probably built not on the ancient flooring, the soil
had already buried the ground plan of the Foi^um. The three

Trajano. Augusto
Germanico. Dacico
Pontif. Max. Tribunicia

Potest. XVI Imp. VI. co3. VI. PP.

Optime de Republica

Merito. Domi Forisque.
* FI. Merobaudi aeque forti et docto viro tarn facere
Laudanda quam aliorum facta laudare praecipuo
Castrensi experientia claro facundia vel otiosorum
Studia supergresso cui a crepundiis par virtutis et elo
Quentiae cura ingenium ita fortitudini ut doctrinse
Natum stilo et gladio pariter exercuit. Nee in umbra
Vel latebris mentis vigorem scholari tantum otio
Torpere passus. Inter arma litteris militabat
Et in Alpibus acuebat eloquium, ideo illi cessit in pra?mium.
Non verbena vilis nee otiosa hedera honor capitis
Heliconius sed imago sere formata quo rari exempli
Viros seu in castris probatos seu optimos vatum
Antiquitas honorabat quod huic quoque cum
Augustissimis Roma Principibus
Theodosio et Placido Valentiniano Rerum Dominis
In Foro Ulpio detulerunt remunerantes in viro
Antiquse nobilitatis novai gloriee vel industriam
Militarem vel carmen cujus prajconio gloria
Triumphali crevit imperio.

Dedicata III. Cal. Aug. Conss. DO . J\N.
Theodosio. XV. et Valentiniano. IIII.

143

churches, and the three towers raised by Boniface VIII., as
well as the two hundred houses which were levelled with the
ground by Paul IIL in 1536, were on the modern level, and
as their date must have gone back to the foundation of the
churches, we may fairly pronounce that long previously to the
twelfth century the base of the Quirinal had begun to assume
its ancient form ere it had been cleared away by the subjects
of Trajan.

Paul III. opened the base of the column,* and in the time
of Flaminius Vacca, an arch was dug from underground, per-
haps in the pontificate of the same pope, and the flooring of
the Forum was discovered, but immediately shut up again. t
The late excavation enables us at last to tread the floor of an-
cient Rome. The replacing the fragments of the columns on
their bases, and the judicious arrangement of the other mar-
bles, has created an effect little inferior to the wonders of
Pompej. The stranger must be much struck with the massive
Greek dimensions of the fragments, when compared with the
space in which so many buildings were raised. J Here we have
a forum with its porticos, and statues, and tribunals ; a basi-
lica, with a double internal portico on every side ; a quadran-
gular court, or atrium, also adorned with enormous columns ;
two libraries ; a triumphal arch ; the great column and the
portion of a temple, crowded into a space not so considera-
ble as one of our smallest London squares. Whatever the
earth covered of these magnificent structures is now exposed
to view, and the remnants are sufficient to show what must be
the subterranean riches of Rome. We may find it diflicult to
account for there being so much or so little left. Buildings

* See note to Stanza Ixxx. pag. 104.

f Memorie, ap. Montfaucon. Diar. Ital. p. 187.

I The giant texture of the Forum, the work of Apollodorus, struck
Constantius dumb with astonishment. " Verum cum ad Trajani forum
venisset singularem sub omni ccelo structuram, ut opinar etiam numinum
assentione mirabilem, heerebat attonitus, per giganteos contextus cir-
cumferens mentem nee relatu inefFabiles, nee rursus mortalibus aj)peten-
dos." Amm. Marcel. lib. xvi. cap. x. p. 145. Cassiodorus calls it a mi-
racle. It was doubtless altogether the most extraordinary object in
Rome. '' Trajani forum vel sub assiduitate videre miraculum est." Lib.
Tii. p. 11.3. edit. 1679.

/■

144

composed of columns were certain to be soon despoiled for
the service of modern edifices : but the flooring and some of
the many fragments are so perfect as to make the sudden bu-
rial of these parts of the city more probable than the gradual
decay. The bronze statues had, however, been previously
removed, if such an accident did overwhelm the Forum, for
none were found. The head of the colossal statue of Tra-
jan was extant in the sixteenth century.*

Stanza CXII.

r )f'here is the rock of Triumph^ the high place

Where Rome embraced her heroes ? tvhere the steep
Tarpeian ?

Ruin and restoration have entirely effaced every vestige of
the domicil of all the gods. The greatest uncertainty hangs
over this hill. On which side stood the citadel, on which the
great temple of the Capitol — and did the temple stand in the
citadel ?t Read every thing that has been written on the to-
pography of a spot four hundred yards in length, and two
hundred in breadth, and you will know nothing. Four tem-
ples, fifteen chapels (aedes,) three altars, the great rock, a
fortress, a library, an athenaeum, an area covered with sta-
tues, the enrolment office, all these are to be arranged in the
above space : and of these the last only can be with precision
assigned to the double row of vaults corroded with salt, where
the inscription of Catulus was discovered. The Athenaeum
perhaps may have been where the prisons and senator's pa-
lace now stand. The Tarpeian rock is divided, by the beg-
gars who inhabit the cottages, between the two angles to-
wards the Tiber ; the highest is that called Monte Caprino,
behind the gallery of the Conservators' palace, and the Pa-
lazzo Caffarelli ; the most abrupt is the corner at the other

"'^' Ciacconius de Colon- Trajan.

+ Nardini, lib. v. cap. xiv. Donatus and he are at issue. The division
of Rycquius into Arx, Capitolium, and Saxum, does not make his book
a bit more clear.

145

end of the same Conservators' palace. Which of these two
is the actual precipice whence the traitors were thrown, has
not been yet resolved. The citadel may he believed to have
extended along the whole side of the hill.

The great capitoline temple was placed by Nardini on the
jVracoeli ; but doubts have again shaken this presumption, and
the Feretrean Jupiter has put in his claim to that elevation.
An earlier topographer mentions a church of Saint Sahator
in Maximis, looking* towards the west, as occupying the site
of the temple, and such a title, if existing now, might aid
us in our conjectures. But no such church now remains.

The revolutions of Rome were first felt on this hill. The
Sabines, the Gauls, the republicans, the imperialists, the ci-
tizens of papal Rome, have all contended for dominion on the
same narrow spot. After the repairs of Domitiant it appears
that the citadel was lost in a mass of golden-roofed fanes, and
the word capital seem? to have been synonymous with the tem-
ple.J From that time the triumphs and studies of peace were
celebrated and pursued amidst the trophies of victory. Poets
were crowned with oaken wreaths, § libraries were collected,
schools opened, and professors taught rhetoric, from the reign
of Hadrian to that of Theodosius the Younger. It is possi-
ble that part of the establishment mentioned in a law pub-
lished by Valentinian III. and Theodosius II. may refer to
Constantinople.il There were, however, public schools in
the Capitol. Three Latin rhetoricians, five Greek sophists,
ten Latin and ten Greek grammarians, formed a respectable
university.

The change of religion bedimmed the glory of the Domi-
lian Capitol, but did not destroy the structures, as Winkel-

* Fabricius — " in ea Capitolii parte quae occasum versus forum Holito-
rium respicit." Descrip. urb. Roma, cap. ix. That is, on the side exactly
contrary to Aracoeli.

t The gilding alone cost 12,000 talents, above two millions and a half
sterling. See note 45 to cap. xvi. Decline and Fall, torn. ii. p. 413. oct.

\ " Auratum squalet Capitolium." Hieron. in loco cit. ap. Note t«
Stanza Ixxx.

^ Decline and Fall, cap.lxx. notes 10, 11. torn, xii- p. 3-27.

Jl Tiraboschi, Storia della Lett. Ital- torn. ii. lib. iv. p. S87.

146

manri heedlessly supposed.* The first despoilment is, how- ■
ever, to be attributed to the piety or rapacity of Stilicho.
Genzeric is the next recorded plunderer ; but Theodoric does
not appear to have missed the gilding of the doors, or the
tiles of the half uncovered roof of the great temple, or the
chain of the goddess Rhea. In his time " the ascent of the
High Capitols furnished a sight surpassing all that the human
imagination could conceive."! How long these wonders
were spared is unknown. It is probable that the robbery of
the emperor Constans extended to the ornaments of the capi-
toline temples ; but an antiquary of great note has thought
himself able to discover the temple of Jupiter as late as the
eighth or ninth century.|

~ The hill does not reappear for ages, but seems to have
been put to its ancient use, if it be true that the anti-pope,
I John, was thrown from the Tarpeian rock at the end of the
\tenth century. § It was again a strong place, and the Corsi
family had fortified it, or occupied its fortifications, in
the course of the next hundred years. Their houses on
the hill were thrown down by the emperor Henry IV. in

* Storia della arti, &.c. lib, xii. cap. ill. torn. ii. p. 419. note a. He
went solely on the words of St. Jerome, (quoted in note to Stanza Ixxx.)
on which Baronius had observed long before. " Verum non sic quidem
concidisse affirmat Capitolini Jovis templuin, quod dirutum hoc anno
fuerit, sed quod ornamentis tantum modo expoliatum." Annal. Eccles.
ad an- 389, tom.vi. p. 51. edit. Lucae. 1740.

■f " Capitolia celsa conscendere hoc est humana ingenia superata vi-
disse." Cassiod. Form, comitiv. formar. urbis, lib. vii. p. 113.

t Bianchini. See note to Stanza Ixxx. p. 80.

^ Dissertazione suUe Rovine, p. 330. note A. There seems some
doubt here. Muratori, ad an. 998, torn. v. p. 509. is much amused at a
story of Peter Damian's, that the anti-pope had his eyes bored out,his ears
cut off, and his tongue also cut off, and being then put on an ass, with his
face to the tail, which he held in his hand, was paraded about Rome, and
obliged to exclaim, " Such is the deserving punishment of him who en-
deavours to expel the pope of Rome from his seat." Damian tells this,
with the exception of the tongue cutout ; a Saxon annalist tells it with
the exception of the exclamation ; so that the Joke is only in Muratori's
confusion.

147

1084, and Guiscard soon afterwards levelled whatever re-
mained of the fortress.*

In n 18, however, it was still the place of assembly. The
friends of pope Gelasius II. and the Heads of the regions are
said to have mounted into the Capitol, to rescue him from
Cencio Frangipane.t In that century the Capitol is crowned
with churches, and in the possession of monks, Araca^Ii and
St. John the Baptist, the monastery of the Benedictines,
(who were settled there by the anti-pope Anaclete II. about
1130 or 1134), some gardens and mean houses and shops had
succeeded to the pagan temples and to the feudal towers, j

At the revolution of Arnold of Brescia (1143, 1144), in
the same century, the Capitol was naturally selected for the
restoration of the Senate and the equestrian order. The
hill became the seat of the revolutionary 2;overnment, and
we find Lucius II. in 1145, repulsed and killed with a stone,
in an attempt to drive the people from their post.§ The re-
building of the capitoline citadel|| was part of the proposed
reform, and appears to have been carried, partially at least,
into effect. From this period the Capitol resumed something
of its importance, and, if those who saw it may be trusted, of
its splendour. The people held a consultation there,** before
they attacked Frederic Barbarossa, in 1155.

It appears in the transactions of the subsequent centuries
as the centre of the city. The duties and ceremonies of the
recovered Senate or Senator, were rendered more respecta-
ble, by being performed on the site of ancient dominion, and
whilst the tomb of Hadrian was regarded with jealousy and
affright, the tenant of the Capitol was looked upon as the law-
ful master of Rome. Here Rienzi planted ihe standard of
the good estate ; here Petrarch was crowned. The popular
assemblies were convoked on this hill. The bell of the great
tower was the signal of alarm, and was thought to watch over

* See note to Stanza Ixxx. p- 85.
f Annali d'ltalia, torn, vi- p. 389.

I Dissei'tazione, he p. 357, 358.
^ Annali d'ltalia, torn. vi. p. 480.

II " Andava costui (Arnold of Brescia) predicando che si dovea rlffab-
bricare il campidoglio " Annali d'ltalia, torn. vi. p. 481.

^^ Annali, &,c. torn. vi. p. 517.

148

the new liberties of the Romans. The toUing is often heard
in the night of those unhappy ages.

The importance of this station was fatal to the new cita-
del, which, after being frequently assaulted and taken in the
quarrels of the barons, and the people, and the popes, seems
to have lost all appearance of a fortress in the beginning of
the fifteenth century. But the people were still summoned
to the hill in the tumults which followed the death of King
Ladislaus,* in 1414 ; and a house for the tribunals of the Se-
nator and his Conservators was built upon the ancient enrol-
ment office of Catulus. Hear what was then the condition of
the hiil from a Roman, who, after describing its ancient glo-
ries, exclaims, " But noro, besides the brick house built for the
use of the senator and his assessors by Boniface IX., and raised
upon ruinsn and such as an old Roman citizen of moderate for- J
tune would have despised ; besides the church of Aracceli^ be-
longing to the brothers of the blessed Francis, consti'ucted on
the foundation of the temple of the Feretrian Jupiter, there is A
nothing to be seen on this Capitoline, or Tarpeian mountain^ /
adorned once with so many noble edifices,^''] In this picture of
desolation may be inserted the fragments of marble recorded
by Poggio, and the cottages which served for the shops of the
artisans who frequented the Wednesday market held there,
until transferred, in 1477, to the Piazza Navona.|

The present state of the Capitol dates from the pontificate
of Paul III. On the establishment of the papal power the
castle of St. Angelo was to be the only fortress, and the ge-
nius of Michael Angelo was employed to make the ancient

■^ Vendettini. Seiie chronologica, kc. p. 1% 76.

f " Nunc vero praeter lateritiam domum a Boiiifacio IX. minis superee-
dificatam qucdera mediocris olim fastidisset Ronianus civis uaibus sena-
toris et causidicorum deputatam : preeter Arsecceli fratrum beafi Franc,
ecclesiam in Feretrii Jovis templi fundamentis extructam, nihil habet is
Capitolinus Tarpeiusve mons tantis olim sedificiis exornatus." Flav.
Blond. Rom. Inst. lib. i. fo. 10. edit. 1527.

X " Eodem anno et mense essendosi piu volte ordinato lo consiglio nel
Palazzo de' Conservatori, che si dovesse fare lo mercato di Mercordi
nella Piazza di Nagoni, tamdem lo mercato fu cominciato alii tredici dio
Setterabre dello detto anno (li77)." Steph- Infess. Diar. Rom. ap. Script
Rer. Ital. tom. iii. par. ii. p. 1146.

149

citadel not only accessible but inviting. The broad and easy
ascent, the facade and steps of the senatorial palace, the late-
ral edifices, have accomplished this object ; but they accord
ill with our preconceptions of the Roman Capitol. It should,
however, be recollected, that although the area may have been
partially levelled, the principal eminence is probably as high
as that of the ancient hill. The tops of the buildings below
were on a level with the base of the Capitoline structures in
the reign of Vitellius, and the ascent was by a hundred steps,*
which could hardly rise higher than the 124 steps of the
church of Aracoeli. Calpurnius, in his seventh eclogue, says,
that the top of the Coliseum towered above the Tarpeian
rock. We can account for that rock appearing less terrific
than might be expected ; since a large piece of it, as big as a
house of ample magnitude,! fell down in the reign of Euge-
nius IV. The Cafarelli palace and other edifices conceal the
form of the summit itself.

Aracoeli, whether on the site of the great temple or not,
preserves the post which it occupied eight centuries ago.
The Benedictines made way for the Franciscans in 1252, and
popes and cardinals have been ambitious to contribute to the
dignity of the substitute. The corporation, calling itself the
Roman People,! affected to emulate, in behalf of this church,
the splendours of Catulus and Domitian, and gilded the whole
interior roof, in gratitude for the victory obtained over the
Turks in 1571. On the return of Marc Anthony Colonna
from the victory of Lepanto, on the 16th of December in
that year, he was received in triumph in the Capitol, and
Aracoeli was the new temple which served, instead of the
Jove, Best and Greatest, to receive the vows of the Chris-
tian conqueror. The religious community amounted to 400,
when the French dispersed them, and reduced their treasures
to the base of the altar, which Augustus Caesar erected to

* " Scandentes per conjuncta aedificia: qux ut in multa pace, in altum
edita, solum Capitolii sequabant." Ticiti. Hist lib. iii. cap. Ixii. " Etqua
Tarpeja rupes centum gradibus aditur." Ibid-

t " Rupis Tarpeise, cujus pars maxima domus amplac magnitudinis
sequiparanda proximis diebus collapsa est." Flav. Blond, ibid. lib. ii. fob 22.

t Venuti descrizione, &;c. di Rom. Mod. torn. ii. p. 341. edit. 1766.

150 ^

the First-born of God, and to the picture of the Virgin
painted by St. Luke.* The restored remnant is only a hun-
dred.

The Monte Caprino, behind the Conservators' palace, is
choked up by dirty cottages, through one of which you are
led to look over one of the Tarpeian precipices. The height
of the hill on the side of the Forum is rendered more im-
posing by the clearing away of the soil, which rose to the
base of the senatorial palace, and formed a platform of dirt
and rubbish, over which carriages are seen driving in the old
views of Rome.t As, however, the stranger cannot have the
satisfaction of climbing the Capitol by the ancient triumphal
road, whose exact position has not been ascertained, he
should pay his first visit on the other side, by the modern ap-
proach, where the colossal figures and the trophies of Trajan
in front, and the Equestrian Aurelius rising before him as he
mounts, have an air of ancient grandeur suitable to the sensa-
tions inspired by the genius of the place.

Stanza CXII.

The Foriun, ivliere the immortal accents gloiv,

And still the eloquent air breathes — burns with Cicero.

The reader may recollect a fine passage in Middleton^s
letter from Rome : " For my own part, as oft as I have been
rambling about in the very rostra of old Rome, or in that tem-
ple of Concord where Tully assembled the senate in Cati-
Jine's conspiracy ; I could not help fancying myself much
more sensible of the force of his eloquence, whilst the im-
pression of the place served to warm my imagination to a
degree almost equal to that of his old audience.^''

The author of the Free Inquiry was no enthusiast, even
in the cause of his Favourite Cicero, and the emotions which

* Venuti, (ibid,) has the grace to say, " un altare che pretendesi eretto
da Augusto, col titolo (Vara Primogtniti Dtiy

t See — Descriptio faciei variorum locorum quam prospectum vocant
urbis Romce. Fifteen engravings by Livinus Crujiius, prefixed to thf
fourth volume of Graevius.

151

he confesses himself to have felt will be assuredly partaken
by any one imbued with a moderate respect for the wisest
and best man of all antiquity. Every site and relic that can
remind us of him must be regarded with that veneration with
which he himself contemplated the porticos and seats of the
Athenian philosophers : and we treasure up the little dies of
the pavement which lie scattered on the Formian shore, and
may possibly have been trodden by the saviour of his coun-
try, with an affectionate regard scarcely inspired by the mas-
terpieces of ancient art.*

* There is certainly no delight comparable with that derived
from the sight of objects connected with the writings and ac-
tions of those, who, according to the panegyric of Dryden,

" Better lived than we, though less they knew — "
and how fully such a delight is enjoyed at Rome may be un-
derstood by the most ignorant, and is experienced by the
most indifferent observer. The fear of ridicule, the vice of
the age, is, in this instance, insufficient to check the honest
indistinct admiration, which, it may be some consolation for
the timid to learn from competent authority, is not the sign of
folly, but of superior sense, and is the sole origin of wisdom. t
The memory of the great orator was preserved at Rome even
in the ages of ignorance. In the twelfth century an ancient
structure was known by the name of the Temple of Cicero.
He had not a temple raised to him, but no man that ever
lived was so deserving of one. J

We must be content with the site, for we cannot trust
much to the objects of the Roman Forum. It will have been
seen that when Middleton was at Rome the eight columns

* Cicero is the hero of Mola di Gaeta : a tomb, a villa, fee. are shown
by the antiquaries of the inn at that town.

t MaTux ydp ^i%oci6^ov fovto to rta^ofj, to Oojtfxd^siif, ov yap aTCkrj apxy
^aooo^t'as ^ dvtTj. Platon. Theoeteti- dialog, oper. torn. i. p. 155. The
reader may remark the use the eloquent Winkelmann has made of this
authority. Storia delle arti, &lc. lib. v. cap. vi. torn. i. p. 393.

I Benedict, in his Ordo Romanus, says, " Mane dicit missara ad sanc-
tam Anastasiam, qua finita descendit cum processione per viam juxta
porticum Gallatorum ante templum Sybillae et inter templum Ciceronis
et porticum Cimorum." Ap. Mabillon. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 125 num

16 See — note to Stanza Ixxx. p. 89.

152

tinder the Capitol with the inscription ^' Senatus Populus-
que Romanus incendio consumptum restituit,''^ were usually
supposed those of the Ciceronian Temple of Concord.
In fact they had gone by that name in the fifteenth century,
when seen by Poggio, who witnessed the destruction of the
cell and part of the portico. "^ The author of the Ordo Roma-
nus, in the twelfth century, places it near the Arch of Seve-
ruSjt a position which seems to accord with that given to the
Temple of Concord by Dion CassiusJ and by Servius,§ the
first of whom says it was near the prisons, and the second near
the Temple of Saturn on the Clivus Capitolinus. Plutarch in
his life of Camillus, mentions that it looked towards the Fo-
rum. An inscription found near the ruins, as MarHanus|| and
Faunus** attest, and transferred afterwards to the Lateran, re-
cords, that the Temple of Concord having fallen from old age,
was restored by the Senate and the Roman people in the time
of Constantine. Donatustt was positive of the authentic
claims of the eight columns. The first to establish a doubt
was Nardini,H and his opinion prevailed with Winkelmann§§

* "Romani postmodum sedem totam et porticus partem disjectis co-
lumnis suntdemoliti" De Variet. Fortunse ap- Sallengre, torn, i p- 501.

f " Descendit ante privatam Maraertini ; intrat sub arcu triumphali in-
ter templum fatale et templum Concordise" Ordo Roman. Auct Bene-
dict, ap. Mab. ib- p. 143. num. 51. The author of the" De mirabilibus
Romai" al?o says, *' Templum Corcordise juxta Capitolium, ante quod
arcus triumphalis." Ap- Montfaucon Diar. Italic, cap. xx.

X Hist. Rom. lib. Iviii. cap. ii. tom. ii. p. 885. Near the prison, he says,
that is the Mamertine, oM,' 0d)^fA.sp6v ti yBpovctct ft7^r^6iov tov oixruxatoi iv
T'9 '"OfiovoiLGi, Sec. vol. ii. p. 885. edit. Hamb.

^ " Templum Saturni, quod est ante Clivum Capitolinum, juxta Con-
cordife templum" Ad ^Encid. lib.ii. ver. 116.

II Marlian Topog. Urb. Rom. cap. x. lib. ii. only says, "Inventus est
autem lapis," writhout saying where.

*^ Faunus, lib. ii. cap. x. de Antiq. Urb. Rom- " In raarmore preeterea
quodam aliquando in minis reperto." Is the Abate Fea justified from
this in saying, " Che vi fu trovata per testimonianza del Marliano e di Lu-
cio Fauno ?" Dissertazione, k,(i. p. s>99. See — note to Stanza Ixxx. p.
66. where this inscription is given.

ft Lib. ii. cap. xiv.

XX Lib. V. cap. vi.

<!^^ Storia delle arti, kc. lib. xii. cap. xfii. tom. ii p. 413.

and with Winkelmann's editor,* who, however, was converted
before he had finished his labours, and to get rid of the diffi-
culty respecting the two inscriptions, (the one in the Lateran
and the other now on the frieze) supposes that they both may
have been affixed to the Porch, and that the restoration was
made, /r5^ under Constantine, and «/lfeny«rc?5 perhaps at the
time that the emperor Eugenius encouraged the Pagan wor-
ship.

The fall and the fire and the modern Romans have left but
little of the temple where Cicero assembled the senate, sup-
posing these to be the ruins of that temple ; but it is something
to hope that we tread the site and may touch a fragment of the
Porch which was guarded by the equestrian patriots who
escorted the consul and menaced Caesar and the friends of the
conspirators with their swords. t If this, however, was the
Temple of Concord, it is not easy to understand why such a
position should have been thought peculiarly secure. It does
not certainly correspond with the usual incorrect notion that
the temple was in the Capitol. The ruins can hardly be said
even to be on the Capitoline ascent, which is supposed by
some to be included in the Capitol itself.J

The doubts respecting the other three columns are of an
earlier date than those concerning the Temple of Concord.
Fulvius Ursinus considered the name of Jupiter Tonans a rash
conjecture when applied to any certain position in the Capitol,
and particularly near the modern prisons ;§ but the regionary
Victor finds that temple in the Capitoline declivity, || which
Seutonius had placed in the Capitol. It is in order to recon-
cile these contending notices that the dilation of the Capitol

* Dissertazione, k^c. torn. iii. p. 299. ibid.

f Philip. X. " Equitey Romani qui frequentissimi in gradibus Concordice
steterant," 8ic.

X Varro places the temple between the Capitol and the Forum. Fes-
tus also, (in voc. Senatula) " inter Capitolium et Forum." See — Marlian.
in loc. citat. and Nardini ; also P. Victor, " Unum (Senaculum) ubi nunc
est aedes Concordiae, ubi magistratus cum Senioribus deliberant,'' de re-
gionibus urbis. Ap Grsev. torn. iii. p. xi.

^ Marlian. Ibid. lib. ii. cap iii note 3.

II " iEdes Jovis Tonantis in Clivo Capitolii, dedicata ab xVugusto." De
region, urb. Regio viii. in loc. cit. p. 100.

154

has been adopted by the antiquaries.* The letters left on the
frieze, estitver,! correspond with the Lateran inscription
thought to belong to the other temple, yet nothing has been
gained by the coincidence.

The late excavations have not cleared the doubts which ob-
scure these superb remains : but the neighbouring column of
Phocas can no longer be part of the temple of Jupiter Gustos,
or the Graecostasis, or the bridge of Galigula. It must appear
strange that the simple expedient of digging to the base to look
for an inscription, was delayed until 1813, on purpose, as it
were, to give scope to further conjecture.]: It seems that
some struggle was made to believe it dedicated to the empe-
ror Maurice, the name of the fallen tyrant being carefully
erased.

The affection of Gregory the Great, who then exercised a
powerful influence over the Romans, towards his Piety the em-
peror Phocas, is well known to have been as great as that of
the exarch Smaragdus, in whose name the column was erect-
ed : and indeed that murderer has found a defender even in

* Donatus, lib. ii. cap. xi.

f Mr. Eustace, who appears never to have seen any thing as it is, tells
us that RESTiTVTVM is read on the ruins, and accounts for it. He "modo
suo" saw no difficuUies. Classical Tour, chap. x. p. 370. third edit

X Optimo CLEMENTIS./eZtmsmOQUE
PRINCIPI DOMINO n focae imperatorl
PERPETUO A DO CORONATO TRIVMPHATORI

SEMPER AVGVSTO
SMARAGDVS EX PRAEPOS SACRI PALATII
AC PATRICIVS ET EXARCHVS ITALIAE

DEVOTVS EIVS CLEMENTIAE
PRO INiWMERABILIBVS PIETATIS EIVS

BENEFICIIS ET PRO QVieTE
PROCVRATA ITAL. AC CONSERyafA LIBERTATE
HANC ^Tatvam. pietaTlS EIVS.

AVRI SPLENDore mkanTEM. HVIC
SVBLIMI COLV?nN«e ad PERENNEM
IPSIVS GLORIAM IMPOSVIT AC DEDICAVIT
DIE_PRIMA MENSIS AVGVSTF INDICT. VND.
PC PIETATIS EIVS ANNO QVINTO.
See — Lettera sopra la colonna dell' Imperatorc Foca. scritta da Filippo
Aurelio Visconti. Roma 1813. p. 10.

155

modern times.* The gilded statue representing a hideous
monster, and such as the decayed arts could then furnish, the
style and even the letters of the inscription, the shattered re-
paired column, transferred from some other structure and de-
faced by rude carving, must have forcibly bespoken the degra-
dation of the Forum and of the Roman race.

The local sanctity of the Roman Forum is somewhat impair-
ed by the doubts which obscure the greater part of the con-
spicuous remains in this quarter. The site of the Forum it-
self, at least the exact position of it, is not quite determinately
known. Some antiquaries, previous to Panvinius, thought it
to be near the temple supposed that of Pallas, in what is now
called the Forum of Nerva.t Fulvius laid it down between
the Capitoline and Palatine hills. | Marlianus extended it as
far as the Arch of Titus, and Baronius lengthened it to St. Ni-
cholas m Carcere,^ Donatus believed in the more restricted
sense, II and he is followed by Nardini. Some idea may be
formed of the size from that of the Forum of Trajan, which
was probably the larger of the two. When Constantius visit-
ed Rome, it was regarded as a venerable remnant of former
power.** The destruction of the monuments and the desola.
tion of the site must date at least as early as the fire of Guis-
card.

The name of the Roman Forum seems to have been oblite-
rated in the earliest times, and when it reappears, the modern
denomination by a singular coincidence shows that time had
accomplished the repented vow of Totila.jt The Forum was

* Two Dutchmen sat down to protect and attack this worthy charac-
ter. Ant. de Stoppelaar, oratio pro Phoca Imperatore, Anistel. 173£. and
Simon Van den Brink. Orat in Phocam Imperatorem. Amstcl. 1732.
Mr. Gibbon, tom. viii. oct- cap. xlvi. p. 212, overlooked or despised these
authors, who were awakened from their repose by the Abate Cancellieri?
the friend of Visconti. Lettera. Ibid. p. 10.

t Nardini, lib. iii. cap. xiii.

\ Ibid. hb. V. cap. ii.

^ Ibid. ibid. ibid.

II Donat. Ub. ii. cap. xvi. cap. xix.

** " Perspectissimum priscse potentise forum obstupuit." Amm. Mat-
cell, lib. xvi. cap. 10. p. 143.

ft Totiia said he would make Rome a sheep-walk^ ^rjXo^otov, The co-
incidence would be more striking, if, as the Latin translation interprets it>

156

the Cow-field in the heginning of the fifteenth century, and the
sacred precincts are usually known by no other name to this
day. The accretion of soil is so great in the Campo Vaccino,
that the excavations to the ancient level have thrown up heaps
of earth, the disposal of which has become a matter of difficul-
ty. The dissection has not yet led to a correct anatomy of the
ancient structure. Despairing of an}^ discoveries at the foot
of the three columns, (the pretended Comitium), the Abate
Fea was directing the labours of the convicts in the summer of
1817, to ascertain the actual direction by which the triumphal
way ascended the Capitoline hill. The difficulty of squeezing
the twenty elephants and the four stags abreast of Aurelian's
car, into the space between the Arch of Severus and the sup-
posed Temple of Concord, was not, however, likely to be sur-
mounted by any discoveries beneath the soil.* It does not
seem that any flooring similar to that of the Forum of Trajan
will be found in this quarter : nor have the labours at the base
of the three columns decided whether they are still to be the
Comitium, or be restored to their former tenants, Castor and
Pollux, or to Jupiter Stator.t They have, however, added
two or three fragments to the Fasti, the original mass of which
was discovered at the opposite church of Santa Maria Libera-
trice.

Her Grace the Dutchess of Devonshire has had as little
siiccess at the foundation of the column of Phocas, but her
enterprising liberality is not the less to be praised and imita-

and as Mr. Gibbon has, apparently, copied from that translation, the Go-
thic king had used the words " in p;regum pascua," a " pasture for cat-
tle." See Decline and Fall, cap. xliii. torn. vii. at p. 360.

* Vopisc. in Vit. Aurel. Hist. Aug. p. 210, edit. 1519 ; or under the arch
would be equally difficult-

f Nardini, lib. v. cap. iii- is positive for the Comitium ; after which we
may be amused with the following opinions- " Quoique il y ait des anti-
quaires qui croient que les trois superbes colonnes isolees que Ton voit
dans le Forum, ^c. et I'opinion la plus commune est qu'elles sont un reste
du Porlique du temple de Jupiter Stator" Vasi. Itineraire de Rome, 1816,
torn. i. p 7o. " Ma che sicuramente sono avanzi del tempio di Castort et
Pollucc." Itinerario di Roma, &c. opera dell' Antiquario Andrea Manaz-
zale, Roma, 1817^ torn. I. p. 44. Mr- Forsyth has hit these two antiqua-
ries, *' lacquey de places in print."

157

ted.* The contiguous sacred-way is a fine field of glory, and
may be called virgin soil. From the church of St. Martina
in tribus Foris to the corner of the Carinas, there is not an
object that has not been disputed, and that may not again be-
come the subject of controversy. Nardinit thought the
church of Saint Hadrian might be the temple dedicated by
Antoninus to Hadrian, a scandalous but probable conjecture ;
just as the neighbouring S. Martinat is more likely to have
been formerly devoted to Mars than to the " Secretarium Se-
nahis,'^ a name given to it on account of an inscription found
near it, and copied by Gruter. The church of St. Hadrian
is the Temple of Saturn in one guide book, and the Basilica
of Paulus Emilius in another.§

Next comes the church of St. Cosmas and Damianus,
which was once set down to Castor and Pollux, then to the
goddess Rome, afterwards to Romulus and Remus, then to
Romulus alone, then to Remus alone. || The round vesti-
bule is ancient, as are the bronze doors, although they did
not originally belong to this structure, but were added by
Pope Hadrian I. to2;ether with the porphyry columns. Even
the modern objects change in Rome : for the famous picture
in this church of the Mother of God,** which said to Saint
Gregory, '' Gregorie quare me non salutasti?'^'' is become God

* The view of the Forum in Paul V's time gives a mass of brick work,
called Rostra Vetera et Nova, near the Palatine ; some arched ruins, call-
ed Templum Libertatis, near the Comitium ; then a single arch and two
steps, like a sentry-box, Templum Deorem Penatum; and, behind these,
the Curtian Lake, with four arches, partly filled up, called curia nova ad
Septentrionem vergens.

t Lib. v. cap. 8.

X It is called in trihus foris, from the contiguity of the Roman, Augus-
tan, and Julian forums, a proof of its high antiquity. These names of
churches are the great help in adjusting topography.

v^ The same Vasi and Manazzale.

II Nardini, lib iii. cap. iii — Fabric. Descrip. Rom. cap. ix — Venuti Ro-
ma Moderna, rione x. torn. ii. p 3j4. — Donatus, lib. iii. cap. iv. He
thinks the round temple might have belonged to one, and the rectangular
one behind to another.

^^" They show us here an image of the Virgin which reprimanded
Gregory the Great for passing by her too carelessly." Letter from Rome.

158

the Father, with a globe in his hand, and two fingers held up
in papal benediction.

The two half-buried Cipolline columns which succeed in
this line, are modestly called Remains of some ancient edifice.
The learned Vasi remarks, that they stand on their ancient
base, and that, therefore, when an excavation was made to the
foot of them, in 1735, the ground plan of the sacred way was
discovered.

The inscription, divo antonino et divae favstinae, on
the portico of S. Laurence in Miranda, would appear deci-
sive : the antiquaries, however, are cautious to remark that
there were two Antonines, and two Faustinas.

The three vaults of the Temple of Peace would certainly
seem part of that structure which astonished Hormisdas,* and
which Herodiant calls the greatest and most beautiful work
in the whole city. Even Nardinit has no doubts here. But
the modern antiquaries are determined to dispute about what
part of the temple these huge vaults may be said to repre-
sent ; a treasury, a Pinacotheca, perhaps a bath, or any other
building of the Forum of Peace. The great excavations in
1812 discovered immense masses of marble, but nothing to
assist conjecture.

This part of Rome must have been abandoned for many
centuries, in order to form the accretion of soil at the back
of these vaults, which slopes into an embankment of hanging
gardens. Procopius talks of the Temple of Peace as being
shattered with lightning and unrepaired. The ruins have
supported modern buildings, of which fragments of towers
still remain. In addition to the above-mentioned vestiges of
the old city, the topographer may amuse himself with adjust-
ing the many other structures which were crowded into the
Sacred way.§

* Amm. Marcell lib. xvi. cap. x- in loc. c\t- forumque pads.

f Herodian, lib. i. rtow to i^^ E/p^f*;^ tiiitvoi xate^^sx^Vf jwfytcf^ov xai
xa.'K'KiGtov yiv6(.i.ivov tutv tv tij 7t6?t£4 tpywy. p. 58. edit. Basil- The fire by
lightning happened in the reign of Commodus.

X Lib. iii. cap. xii.

^ See Nardini, lib. iij. cap. xii-

i59

Stanza CXIV.

Then turn we to her latest tribune^s name,
From her ten thousand tyrants turn to thee-

For a sketch of these tyrants, and for the character and
exploits of Rienzi, the reader is referred to the Dechne and
Fall of the Roman Empire.* Those who have given us a
portrait of the Romans of the dark ages, have represented
them as uniting in their persons all the vices that can degrade
the human character : but, in spite of the invectives of Liut-
prandt and Saint Bernard,^ those vices, with the exception of
such as they shared with their barbarous cotemporaries, seem
reducible to their ancient reproach, that they could not bear
complete servitude, nor perfect freedom. § The barbarian

* Cap. xlix. Ixix. Ixx-

f Liutprand was told, at the court of Nicephorus Phocas, that he was
not a Roman, although he came from the pretended Roman Emperors?
the Othos and Adelheid, but only a Lombard- It was on that occasion
that the bishop of Cremona became violent, and attacked the Romans
with that sentence which is extracted into the Decline and Fall, cap.
xlix. note 44- If, however, the reader will consult the original, lAut-
prandi Icgatio ad JVichephorum Phocam, ap. Sciip. Rer. Ital. torn- ii. p. 479
to 489, he will see that the insolence of the Greek Emperor, who said
the Lombards were too big-bellied to fight, accusing them of ^^ gastn-
margia,'^ was the cause of the ambassadors abuse, which was directed,
perhaps, rather more against the Byzantines, who had exclusively assum-
ed the name of Romans, than against the inhabitants of Rome. Liut-
prand, indeed, shows he did not allude to the Roman citizens of his day
particularly, though he does talk of their subjection to harlots, the Theo-
doras and Marozia, for he begins his attack with Romulus. " Romuluni
fratricidam, ex quo et Romani dicti sunt, porniogenitum, hoc est ex adul-
terio natum chronographiainnotuit" Ibid. p. 481. Nichephorus mount-
ed the throne in 963, and to believe Liutprand and S- Bernard strictly,
we should think that the Romans continued to be the same abandoned
race for two centuries ; if so, the Saxon Emperors had not improved
them. Liutprand, it is true, might fairly sa)', that the descendants of
Romulus had forfeited their title of lords of the world, kosmocraiorcs.

\ Decline and Fall, cap. Ixix- p 270- vol xii. oct See also Muratori
Annali, ad an 1152, torn. vi. p. 499.

^" Sed imperaturui? es homJnibus, qui nee totam servitutem pati pos-
sunt nee totam libertatem." Galba said this to Piso. Tacit Hist, lib- i.
cap. xvi

160

blood which had been transfused into their veins was Hkely
to irritatCj rather than allay this impatience of control ; and
conceptions of original equality, to which the enslaved sub-
jects of the Caesars had long been strangers, might be im-
ported by their union with the savages of the north.^ The
ambassador of a despot, and a saint, might easily be disgust-
ed with the thousand horrid forms which this tormenting feel-
ing would assume, and which would betray itself in violence
or perfidy, in arrogance or meanness, in proportion as they
were able to shake away, or obliged to submit to, the yoke.
Their conduct, from the first assumption of temporal power
by the Popes, must seem absurd and contradictory, if it be
not regarded as the consequence of a resolution to submit to
no resident master whose foreign authority might enable him
to employ a foreign force for their enslavement. The ob-
jection applied both to Popes and Emperors, and their his-
tory, if a few broken notices may so be called, is a perpetual
struggle against both, sometimes united, and sometimes sepa-
rated by a temporary alliance with the people themselves,
formed the same purpose of final enfranchisement.

We must not feel indignant at their ill-directed efforts, be-
cause they did not terminate in the independence obtained
by the states of Tuscany and Lombardy. Their city had
the misfortune of being the metropolis of Christianity, in
which it was for the interest of the sovereigns of Europe
that a priest should reign ; and, secondly, their too glorious
name, and the pride of their Pontiffs, had tempted the ambi-
tion of every conqueror, with a crown which could be con-
ferred no where but on the banks of the Tiber. Thus they
had to contend with pretenders who could never die, and
who failed not to unite their efforts when the Romans thought
themselves strong enough to aspire to an independence of
both. It was the endeavour of the people and nobles to de-
prive Leo III. of all temporal power, that made him apply
to Charlemagne, and merge both the republic and the patri-
cianate in the imperial title of the Frank.*

* See — Annali d' Italia, ad an. 799, torn. U. p- 431, 432.

161

John XII. invited Otho the Great to Rome, in 962, under
pretext of assistance against Berenger and Adalbert, and re-
stored the Western Empire, which had been vacant since the
death of Berenger Augustus,"* in 924.

It was to assist Gregory V. that Otho III. marched to
Rome ;t and the protection of Benedict VIII. brought downj:
Henry II. in 1014.

The league between Adrian IV. and Frederic Barbarossa
cost Arnold of Brescia his life, as the price of the Emperor's
coronation. §

As then the imperial and papal interests combined against
the spirit of revolt, and called, in succession, Charlem.agne,
the Othos, the Henries, and the first of the Frederics, to
Rome, so the annalists of either party have joined in the
censure of every independent leader. The patrician Alberic,
the son of Marozia, is handed down to us as a tyrant,|| yet hct
held the dominion of Rome for two and twenty years, suc-
cessfully resisted the repeated sieges of the capital, and
peaceably transmitted his authority to his son, a youth of
seventeen years of age.** The Consul, or rather the Ccesar^
Crescentius,tt is, in the same manner, declared " a bad man,
a man blinded by ambition," whose just punishment " served

* Annali ad an. 961, torn. v. p. 961. 999.
t Ibid, ad an 996, torn. v. p. 504-

I Annali, torn. vi. p. 46-

^ Annali ad an; 1 155, torn- vi. p. 516.

II " Tei-min6 in quest' anno il corso di sua vita Alberico Patrizio o
Principe o vogliara dire Tiranno di Romana." Annali ad an- 954, torn-
V. p. 384.

^ See note to Stanza LXXX. p. 82.

ft Mr. Gibbon, cap. xlix. calls him the Brutus of the Republic, but, in
fact, he affected the empire. The Marquis Maffei's j^allery contained a
medal with IMP. C^S. AUGUST. P P CRESENTIUS, on one side,
round the head of the prince, and on the reverse a man on horseback ha-
ranguing soldiers, with the legend exercitus S. C, below ; and on the
base, S. p. Q. R. similar to the allocutions on horseback of Hadrian,
Posthumus, and others. The arts appear to have been still preserved
even in those ages, if we may judge from this medal. Verona Illustrata.
par. iii. p. 500. edit. 1732. Crescentiuswas put to death in May 99y, and
hanged, with twelve other.s, round the bastion of St. Angelo.

162

to deter those who knew hot how to obey Pope or Emperor."^'
If Muratori says this, what is to be expected from Baronius ?
Yet the Emperor Otho III., who murdered Crescentius un-
dertook a barefoot pilgrimage to Mount Garganus to expiate
his treachery.! The Guelf and Ghibehne writei*s are ahke
unmerciful to popular leaders. The anti-popes of the people
are Volponi with Muratori ; those of the Emperors sometimes
a little anti-canonical, but often legitimate : there is no depth
deep enough for either in the Ecclesiastical Annals.

Arnold of Brescia| is also delivered over to posterity as an
heresiarch whose rebellious doctrines justly condemned him
to the flames of both worlds. § These doctrines, however,
were not dispersed with his scattered ashes, but were con-
centred in that Capitol, and by that Senate, which he re-
stored ; and however the ignorance of the age may have
misapplied his institutions, they served to retard, for three
centuries, the confirmed establishment of religious despotism.
The Romans were the last of all the people of Christendom
who submitted to the Pope. The feudal wars of the city
belonged to the times, and are not to be charged to the de-
mocratical spirit, but to the impotence of the laws.

Rienzi had the fortune to iall on better days and better
tongues. With Petrarch for a poet,|| and a fellow citizen,

* " Un raal' uomo, un uomo acciecato dall' ambizione, eonvien dire chc
fosse Crescenzio Console dilloraa." Annali, fcc torn. v. p. 504.

" II che servi ad atterrir chiunque non sapeva alloia ubbidire nfe al Papa
ne all' Imperatore" Ibid p. 510.

t Annali ad an. 1001, torn. vi. p. 1, 2,

\ " Porro cireiter annum Christi mcxlii. Romanus Populus ab Arnaldi
Brixiani heresiarchse verbis seductis, rebellionera contra Petri successores
justos urbis dominos primum instituit, rempublicam nempe atque Senatum
prout antiquis temporibus fuerant restituere ausus." Antiq. Med- JEvi.
torn. ii. p. 559,

^ " Messo costui ( A.rnold) nelle forze del Prefetto di Roma fu impicca-
to e bruciato e le sue ceneri sparse nel Tevere, acciochfe la stolida plebe
non venerasse il corpo di questo infame." Muratori. Annal. ad an. 1155.
torn. vi. p. 516.

II Petr epistola hortatoria de capessenda libertate- Opp. p. 535. 540,
and the 5th eclogue. Vir magnanime, vir fortissime, Junior Brute, arc
the titles he gives Rienzi. De Sade was not the first who supposed the
spirio gentil of Pelrarch to be addressed to the younger Stephen Colonna :

163

rude, but a witness of his exploits, for a biographer,* his
merits have been fairly balanced with his defects •, and as
those who suffered by his justice were the rebellious Barons,
rather than the partisans either of the church or the empire,
his half heroic, fantastic figure,! has been delineated with
unusual partiality. The facility with which he succeeded in
his first designs, shows that the allure of liberty had lost none
of its charms at Rome, and that the tyranny of the nobles
was equally odious with that of the Emperor or the Pope.

The fall of this abortion of fortune was the fruit rather of
his own intemperance than of the inconstancy of the Ro-
mans. J As the overthrower of the usurpation of the nobles,
as the assertor of justice, as the punisher of violence, and
the projector of a splendid system which was to restore the
freedom of Rome and of Italy, he did indeed " redeem cen-
turies of shame." When the republican aspired to perpetu-
ate his own power, when the tribune imitated the fopperies
of royalty, § when the reformer declared himself the cham-

and that eulogy has been also claimed for Giordano de' Sabelli ; but the
Italian editors have, for the most part, recognised th'i gentle spiiit in Cola
di Rienzi. [See Castelvetro's edition, Venice, 1756, p. 132, et seq.]
Our London editor has rejected the French hypothesis. Zotti, torn. i.
p. 1 12. Mr, Gibbon [chap. Ixix, ad fin. and chap. Ixx. p. 588, 4to.] follow-
ed his favourite Abbe-

* Historic Romanae fragmenta. Antiq. Med. JEvi. torn. iii. p. 399 to p.
480, and 509 to 546.

i " Costui era Uomo fantastico ; dall' un canto facea la figura d' eroe,
dair altro di pazzo." Annali ad an. 1347, torn. viii. p. 250.

I Giovanni Villani seems inclined to divide the disgrace between the
tribune and the people.

*' Nessuna signoria mondana dura
E la vana speranza t' ha scoperto
II fine della fallace ventura."

Hist. Fiorentinse, lib. xii. cap. civ. Script. Rer. Ital. ton^ xiii. p. 982.

^ The account of the feast given by Rienzi in the Lateran palace, is a
singular picture of the magnificence and luxury of those times, as well as
of the vulgar profusion of the tribune. " Sweetmeats of vnrious kinds ;
a great abundance of sturgeon, a delicate fish ; pheasants, kids. Every
one was allowed to pocket what he liked." "Confietti de divisate ma-
nere. Fonce abbonnantia de storione (lo pescie delicato) ; fasani, capretti.
Chi bolea portare lo rifudio, se lo portava lib* ramente." Hist Rom.
Fragmenta, cap. xxvii. p. 453, ibid. Stephen Colonna told Rienzi that

21 •

164

pion of superstition* and the church, he lost his distinctive
character, and, Hke a more celebrated personage of our own
times, left a convincing proof, that a revolution can be main-
tained only by the maxims, and even the very forms, by
which it was at first ushered into life.

The modern Capitol retains two objects which recal the
memory of Rienzi. The horse of Aurelius,t called, former-
ly, the horse of Constantine, which stood before the Lateran,
and from whose right nostril the tribune poured a stream of
wine on the day of his ridiculous knighthood ;| and the bronze
table, usually called the lex regla, conferring the privileges
of dominion on Vespasian, which Rienzi expounded to the
populace, and, hy a strange distortion of meaning, cited as
a proof of the majesty of their ancestors. § The inscription

the decent gjarments of a plebeian were more becoming the tribune than
those pompous robes which he affected. Ibid. cap. xxviii. Some origi-
nal letters of Rienzi, never before published, are inserted at the end of
these notices.

^ Instead of the Holy Roman Empire, Rienzi called it the Holy Ro-
man Republic in his title. " Nicola Severo e Clemente, de libertate, de
pace, e de justitia Tribuno, anco de la Santa Romana Repiubbica Lib-
beratore Illustre." It was in this spirit that his word of battle was the
Holy Ghost, Cavaliers ! " E ordinao le battaglie, e fece li capitani delle
vattaglie. E deo lo nome Splrito Santo Cavalieri" Hist. Rom. Frag,
cap. xxxii ibid. When he came from Avignon, he came as senator of
the Pope.

t " A stream of wine flowed from the nostril s of Constantine's brazen
horse : no complaint, except of the scarcity of water, could be heard."
Decline and Fall, cap. Ixx. tom. xiii. oct. p. 348. A trifling mistake in
the masterly sketch of Rienzi's life. Wine flowed from the right, %vater
from the left nostril. "In quella die continuamente de la matina neli'
alva fi a nona, pe le nare de lo Cavallo de Constantino, che esse de vronzo
pe canali de piommo ordenati jescio pe froscia ritta vino roscio, e pe
froscia manca jescio acqua e cadea indiiicientemente ne la conca piena.'*
Hist. Rom. Fragm. cap. xxvi. p. 451. loc cit

I " Vitiosa buffonia," is the title given to the ceremony by the anony-
mous author of the Fragments. Rienzi excuses it in a letter to his friend
Rayaald Orsini. See — the MS. at the end.

^ Rienzi was not quite so ignorant as Mr. Gibbon has made him : he
did not use the word liberty^ but majesty. " Signori tanta era la majes-
tate de lo popolo de Roma, che a lo imperatore dare I'autoritate." Ibid,
cap. iii. ]Mr. Gibbon calls the table " still extant in the choir of the church
of St. John Lateran." He evidently forgot, or did not know, that both

165

was once in the Lateran, and is now in the Capitohne Mu-
seum.

The horse was called the horse of Constantine, hy mistake^
in the time of Theodosius 11. In the regionary of the eighth
or ninth century, the Cahallus Constantini is near the Tem-
ple of Concord, and was removed from the Forum to the
Lateran in 1 187, by Clement III. It was so much neglected
when Sixtus IV. put it in a more conspicuous situation before
the Lateran, that Flaminius Vacca, writing of it, says, it was
found in a vineyard near the Scala Santa, which has been
mistaken for a disinterment, but it was never underground.
Paul III. in 1538, transferred it to the Capitol. But what
Winkelmann says* of a nosegay given annually by the senator
to the chapter of the Lateran as an acknowledgment of right,
is not true. Michael Angelo made the pedestal out of a
piece of the frieze and architrave of the Arch of Trajan. t
Winkelmann has also mistaken in saying the man was not on
the horse in Rienzi's time.

The Conservator's palace exhibits vestiges of the reform
of Arnold of Brescia, and of his re-established senate. In
apartments contiguous to that which contains the old Fasti,
the modern series of inglorious magistrates is ranged, in hum-
ble imitation of the venerable list of ancient conquerors and
triumphs. The initials of the modern title are so given, that
what must be read Conservators looks like Consuls. It does
not seem to be known at what precise period the modern se-
nate of Rome diminished from a council, | which at one time
amounted to fifty-six persons, to a single magistrate ; nor does
it appear, that after that reduction the government of the
city was invariably trusted to one alone. § The senate, in the

this table and the horse jvere in the Capitol when he wrote. The author
of the Fragn:ieiits saj^s that Rienzi was the only man in Rome who could
read or interpret the table.

* Storia delle Arti, torn. ii. p. 395.
f See Dissertazione sulle rovine, fee. p. 410, ad fin.
X See— Serie cronolo^ica de' Senator! di Roma dal Conte Antonio
Vendettini in Roma, 1778.

^ " E primieramente vediamo dall' elenco medesirao che i Senator!

166

modern sense, was an office exercised by one or more per-
sons, for a term which was at first annual ; and we read of
this senate long after the duties had been exercised by an in-
dividual.* Notwithstanding the re-establishment dates from
1143, the chronological series does not begin before the year
1 220, with Parenzio Parenzi. The names for the next year
will sound powerfully to our ears —

1221, Haxnibal and Napoleon.

Napoleon of the Orsi is a frequent name in the early fasti.
The chief magistrate was assisted by three Assessors, to ad-
minister criminal and civil justice ; but the next in dignity and
power to those or to him who composed the senate, were the
three Conservators ; and in addition to these the same list
contains the names of the Capo-Rioni, who are often enrolled
with the Conservators. There were marshals also, of whom
one is recorded, and Praefects, or Notaries of the praefecture.
In an interregnum, or during the absence of the senators, the
Conservators exercised the functions, unless they were in-
trusted to those who under various names of Reformers of the
Roman republic — Chamberlains — Good men — Deputies of
the people, supplied the place of the regular government,
and were sometimes dependent on the bene placitum of the
Pope, sometimes derived their authority from the people.

The law by which an alien alone could be chosen for sena-
tor, does not apply to those first on the list, who are specified
as Romans, nor did it constantly obtain, in subsequent periods,
until the reform of the statutes in 1580.

When Brancaleone was elected, in 1252, this was the usage,
but in the next century the office was divided frequently be-
tween the Colonna and Orsini, Muratorit mentions, that
the custom of choosing foreigners for magistrates, was intro-

ora erano piu, ora un solo, e prima di questo tempo or uno or due.*' Ven-
dott. loc. citat.

* His title was lllusiris first, and then Tllustiissimus, with the addition
Dei a;ratia.

I Disscrtazione sopra le antichita Ital. diss. xlvi. p. 67. torn. iii.

167

duced into Italy before the year 1 1 80. The choice of fo-
reign arbitrators in the controversies of states and princes,
seems to have been the fashion of the thirteenth century.
Thus the Enghsh referred to Phihp of France. Thus the
kings of France and Arragon, and other princes — the Scotch
for instance — submitted their claims to the judgment of King
Edward L*

The ancient statutes have been traced back to the year
1364.

Every vestige of the popular government,! which those
statutes were meant to preserve, has been gradually abolish-
ed ; and the Senate and Roman people, after nearly seven
centuries of feeble, dubious existence, are now at their last
gasp. One of the operations of the Cardinal Gonsalvi's mi-
nistry has been to give an unity to the papal government, by
depriving the Conservators of some feudal jurisdictions which
they still held at Viterbo. The senatorial palace of the Ca-
pitol has probably seen the last tribunal of the expiring ma-
gistrates.

The pageant, however, remains. The three Conservators
act certain parts in certain ceremonies : they stand on the se-
cond step of the papal throne, and they have a right to carry
the sacramental vessels between the high altar and his holi-
ness, on Easter Sunday. The Senator of Rome bears a still
more conspicuous part in these scenes of humiliation. When
the Pope pontificates, the Senator stands amidst a seated as-
sembly, but stands at the right hand of the hierarch, on a level
with the throne, and a step above the Conservators. His
cloak of golden brocade, and his depending rolls of borrow-
ed hair, suit well with the meek ministerial attitude of the

* See — Hume, Hist, of England, Edw. I. cap. xiii.

f For a short account of the statutes and government of Rome, see the
Decline and Fall, cap- Ixx. p. 380, tom xii- oct What has heen said
above, was inserted merely in explanation of the modern Fasti Consu-
lares. The civil and criminal justice of Rome, previously to the late re-
volution, was esteemed, and with reason, the most iniquitous in Italy.
The Cardinal Gonsalvi has attempted some reforms, since the restora-
tion of the Pope appeared likely to revive all the defects of the old go-
vernment.

168

gentleman-usher ; but they are dwindled into nothing amidst
the purple of the cardinals, and the seven-fold robes of the
holy father : even his patient resignation is obscured by the
incense and awful bustle of that pious pantomime.

The half-starved porters of the Campidoglio make their
boast to strangers, that their Senator is placed for life, and
cannot be degraded from his office, even by the Pope him-
self. But the Pontiffs have shown their conviction of his
impotence, by dispensing with the statute which enacted that
no one but an alien could be chosen. His present Holiness
did not think it expedient to nominate a relation, as Rezzo-
nico had done, but gave the idle title to the young Patrizzi,
the representative of a noble Siennese family transplanted to
Rome.

The eloquent initials of the S. P. Q. R. are still to be seen
multipHed on all the escutcheons and inscriptions of the mo-
dern city ; and the same ambitious formula has been imitated
by the little tributary towns of the pontifical state. We
read, on the stuccoed gateway at Tivoli, of a modern " Se-
nate, and Tiburtine People."

Stanza CXLV.
. While stands the Coliseum^ Rome shall stand.

" Quandiu stabit Colysaeus, stabit Roma ; quando cadet
Colysceus, cadet et Roma; quando cadet Roma, cadet et
mundus." These words are quoted by Mr. Gibbon* as a
proof that the Coliseum was entire when seen by the Anglo-

*Cap.lxxi. tom.xii. Oct. p.419. One of the most picturesque descriptions
of the effect of the Coliseum is j^iven by Ammian,Mho calls it a solid mass
of stone-work, to whose summit the human eye can scarcely reach.
" Amphitheatri molem solidatam lapidis Tiburtini compage, ad cujus
summitatem acgre visio humana conscendti," lib- xvi. cap. x. p. 145; a
structure where there was sitting room for 87,000 spectators, besides
place for more than 29,000 others, was the first amphitheatre of the
kind ever raised, for that of Statilius Taurus is not to be reckoned.
Pompey's theatre, a hollowed mountain, was also the first theatre made
of stone. The Romans in both these works rose at once to perfection;
the effect was instantly discovered to be insurpassable.

169

Saxon pilgrims at the end of the seventh or the beginnaig oi'
the eighth century. At the same time, as they extended
their admiration to Rome, which was then partially destroy-
ed, it is not inq^ossible that the amphitheatre may have been
in some degree dilapidated even in that early period.

The fire which, about the year 219, destroyed the upper
wooden works, in which, amongst other conveniences, there
were brothels,* occasioned the repairs of Heliogabalus and
Alexander Severus and Gordian •, and the frequency of such
restorations may be concluded from the different forms and
materials lately discovered in the excavations of the substruc-
tures of the area. Mention is made of a fire under Decius.t
It was certainly in all its glory in the reign of Probus, and the
seven hundred wild beasts, and the six hundred gladiators
which he exhibited at once, could not occupy a twelfth part
of the arena. The number of wild beasts which might stand
together in this arena has been calculated to be ten thousand
seven hundred and seventy-nine,J so that it may be no exag-
geration to say that Titus showed the Roman people five
thousand in one day,§ or that Probus, unica missione exhibited
four thousand ostriches, boars, deer, ibexes, wild sheep, and
other graminivorous animals, amidst a forest which had been
transplanted into the amphitheatre. || Perhaps it is not to be
understood that they were slain at once.**

The Coliseum was struck by lightning in the reign of Con-
stantine, but repaired ; for the laws for abolishing gladiato-
rial shows were not observed until the reign of Honorius ;tt
and even after that period, men fought with wild beasts,
ivhich seems to have been the original purpose of the amphi-

* Ijampridias mentions this in his life of Caracalla.
f In the Eusebian Chronicle. See — Maffei. Verona. Illustrata. part i\ ,
pp. 36, 37. edit. 1731.

I By T. B. Nolli. See — delle memorie sacre e profane dell' anfiteatro
Flavio dal Canonico. Giovanni Marangoni. Rom. 1746. pp. 33, 34.

v^ " Atque uno die quinque millia omne genus feraruni." Sueton. in
vit. Tit.

II Vopisc. in vit. Prob. p. 233. Hist. Aug. edit. 1519.
"^ Marangoni, ibid. p. 41.

ft See note to Stanza CXLl, in the notes to Childe Harold

170

theatre, rather than the comhats of gladiators.* The fight*
ing and Imnting continued at least until the end of Theodo-
ric's reign, in 526, and the seats of the principal senators were
jealously preserved.? MafFei had heard of an inscription
mentioning a restoration by that monarch, but was not able to
find such a record. | As there is no notice of his repairs, and
as his admiration of it is particularly specified, the dilapidation
of the structure could not have been begun either by Alaric
or Genseric.

It is just possible that some of the holes which now dis-
figure the whole surface, may have been made by the extrac-
tion of the metals used for clamps, which we have remarked
to have been a practice of the Romans even before the Go-
thic invasion ;§ but Montfaucon|| is strangely mistaken in call-
ing the Barbarians the sole and suflicing cause of all these
holes : no less is another writer deceived in saying they were
all made by artisans. Joseph Maria Suarez, who has written
expressly on this subject, actually proves nothing with all his
seven causes, and has made a gross mistake in supposing Vo-
lus'ian had occupied a part of the amphitheatre as a strong
hold in the reign of Theodoric.*^ It was a box at the shows
he had seized, not a fortress. tt The true account seems to
be given by the editor of Winkelmann, who believes that the
greater number of the holes were made for the extraction of
the metals, and only a few, comparatively, for the insertion of
the beams and staples necessary for forming chambers and di-

^ Verona Tllustrata, part iv. pp. £, 3. Maffei notices that Cassiodorus
calls it theatrum vtnatorium. True : but gladiators had been abolished
some time before, therefore the authority is not conclusive.

f Cassiod Variar. epist. 42. lib. v., the bishop lamented the enormity
of the sport ; " actu detestabilis, certamen infelix," spectaculum tantum
fabricis. Ibid, epist. 42. lib. iv.

I Verona lllust ib p. 87.

J^ See note to Stanza LXXX.

II Montf. diar. Ital. " Unam germanamque causam foraminum," p.
2.3r>. See note 50. Decline and Fall, torn. xii. p. 419.

^** Jos. M. Suaresii de foraminib. iapid rfia/nia. addressed to a Bar-
berini in IG51. ap. Sallengre, torn. i. p. 318.

ft " Haccrudeli surreptione captata turrem circi, atcjue locum amphi-
theatri illustris recordationis patris eorum detestabili ambitu a vcstris
suggerunt fascibus expeditura." Variar. lib. iv, epist. 42.

171

visions, when the ruin was made a place of defence, in the first
instance, and afterwards, perhaps a magazine of manufactu-
rers.* The first plunder may have been begun in war, but
was more the labour of peace, and was actually continued in
the time of Theodoric.t The thieves worked in the night.
The lead is still seen in some of the holes. The larger cavi-
ties are to be attributed to the other cause,

Totila is said to have exhibited the equestrian games of
the Circus : but nothing is told of his reviving those of the
amphitheatre. Justinian abolished the latter in every part of
his dominion : and from that period, so Maffei thinks, the at-
tacks of time and man began to be injurious.l The great
mass of the external structure might, however, have been
entire when it appeared to the pilgrims as durable as the
world itself; but abandoned to neglect and exposed to the
floods and earthquakes of the seventh century, much of the
lower and more fragile part of the work must have been de-
faced, and it seems probable that some of the mass itself had
fallen when it was occupied by the Frangipane family in the
twelfth century or earlier. § Its decay would facilitate the
conversion by the supply of fallen materials.

The author of the memoir on the amphi theatre || ascribes
the ruin of the arcades towards the Caelian mount to Robert
Guiscard : who, if he destroyed the structures between that
mount and the Capitol,** must necessarily have fallen upon the
Coliseum. What is certain is, that for more than two centu-
ries and a half the buildings dedicated to the amusement con-
tributed to the distresses of Rome. Donatus, and after him

* Dissertazione suUe Rovine, pp. 277,278.

t Var. Epist- lib. ii. epist. 7. lib. iii. epist 31.

X Verona Illust. ibid. p. 60. " Allora fu, cheil grand' anfiteatro di Tito
reso inutile comminci5 a soffir gl' insult! e del tempo e degli uomini.'*

^ Onufrius Panvinius in his MS. memoirs de gente Fregepanica quoted
by Marangoni, ibid. 49. thinks this occupation took place after the year
1000.

II Ibid. p. 50.

""* " Et majorem urbis partem Coelium inter et Capitolium sitam
evertit." These words of Leo Ostiensis (Ap. Baron, ad an- 1084) are
quoted by Marangoni, but the Abate Fea, Dissert, p. S95. finding no cer-
tain memorial, hesitates.

J72

Mr. Gibbon, have made a mistake in supposing that a manu-
factory of silk weavers was established there in the twelfth
century. The Bandonarii or Banderarii of the Coliseum in
1192, noticed by a cotemporary writer,* were the officers
who carried the standards of their school^ and preceded the
pope in his coronation. No such employment was exercised
in the Coliseum, which was now become a regular fortress.
Innocent II.. took refuge there in 1130; and the Frangipani
were shortly after expelled, but made themselves masters of
it a second time. Alexander III. retreated thither from the
Ghibeline faction in 1165.

In 1244 Henry and John Frangipane were obliged to cede
the half of their intrenchment to the Annibaldi ; but by the
authority of Innocent IV. recovered entire possession in the
course of the same year. The Annibaldi, however, succeed-
ed in driving out their rivals ; and held the Coliseum up to
the year 1312, when they were compelled to yield it to the
emperor Henry VII. In the year 1332 it was the property of
the Senate and Roman people. This is the date of the bull-
feast of which Ludovico Monaldesco has left an account!

* See — Ordo Romanus xii. anct- Cencio Camerario. ap Mablll Mu-
seum Italic, torn- ii. p. 195. num.52. "Bandonarii Colosaei et Cacabarii,
quando dominus Papa coronatur, in eundo et redeundo ipsum cum vexil-
lis praecedunt, quasi etenim una schola est, et eadem die debent comedere
cum eodeni domino Papa-'' They were certain trained bands of the dif-
ferent quarters, as we see by this expression in Villani, cap. xiv. lib. vii.
Itiner. Greg. X- " Currebant Banderarii Romani velut dementes tubis
clangentibus." See also Ducange verb. Banderarii. — Marangoni p. 49.
The mistake of Donatus is at lib. iii. cap. vi., that of Gibbon at cap. Ixxi.
p. 419. oct. vol. xii.

t " Annali di Ludovico Monaldesco. ap. Script. Rer. Ital. tom xii. p.
529, 542. A modester memorialist was never met with. This is all he
says of himself: " I, Lewis, of Bonconte Monaldesco, was born in Or-
vietto, and was brought up in the city of Rome where I lived, I was
born in the year 1327 in the month of June, at the coming of the empe-
ror Lewis ; and now I will relate all the story of my times, for I lived in
the world a hundred and fifteen years without any sickness except at my
birth and death, and I died of old age, having been bed-ridden a twelve-
month. Sometimes I went to Orvietto to see my relations." The narra-
tion of his own death is found in all the MS?, and judiciously inserted by
Muratori, who bears testimony to the authenticity of this posthumous
writer.

173

transcribed into the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
The contrivance of such an exhibition has given rise to a per-
suasion that the amphitheatre vras then entire ; but the adap-
tation of a range of benches round the area would not be dif-
ficult even novr ; and indeed it will be observed, it was re-
solved to renew the bull-fights even at the end of the seven-
teenth century.

It is generally agreed that the porticos on the south side
were the first to give way : and those who assign the earliest
date to the destruction of the exterior range of arcades in this
quarter and towards the Arch of Constantine, do not descend
lower than the famous earthquake in 1 349. It is certain that
in the year 1381, a third part of the building and a jurisdiction
over the whole was granted by the Senate and Roman people
to the religious society of Sancta Sanctorum, who probably
formed their hospital in the higher arches blocked up by the
Frangipani, of whose walls traces are yd apparent towards
the Lateran. Their privileges continued until the year 1510,
and their property was recognised in the beginning of the se-
venteenth century.* The arms of the S. P. Q. R. and of the
above company, namely, our Saviour on an altar between two
candlesticks, are still seen on the outside of the arcades to-
wards the church of St. Gregory and the Arch of Constantine,
which must, therefore, have been, as they are now, the exter-
nal range ; but which, before the outer circles had fallen down,
were, in fact, the internal arches of the first corridore. This
proof seems decisive, that as early at least as the middle of the
fourteenth century, the exterior circumference had ceased to
be " entire and inviolate," so that Mr. Gibbon, by following^
or rather by divining the mysterious Montfaucon. has made
a mistake of two hundred years in assigning that state of pre-
servation even as low down as the middle of the sixteenth
century,!

* Marangoni, ibid. p. 55. et seq. They seem to have made a claim so
late as 1714, which was not attended to. Ibid. p. 72.

f " The inside was damaged ; but in the middle of the sixteenth century,
an era of taste and learning^, the extenor circumference of 1^12. feet ivas
still entire and inviolate^ a triple elevation of fourscore arches, which rose io
the height of 108/eef. Of the present ruin, the nephews of Paul HI- are ike

174

A letter in the Vatican library from the bishop of Orviettc,
legate to Pope Urban V., about the year 1362, is said to inform
that pontiff that the stones of the Coliseum had been offered
for sale, but had found no other purchaser than the Frangi-
pane family, who wished to buy them for the construction of
a palace. The editor of Winkelmann was, however,* unable
to find this letter : and it is somewhat singular that no search
has as yet been able to discover the document which Barthel-
emy saw in the archives of the Vatican, and which contained
a common privilege granted to the factions of Rome, of " dig-
ging out" stones from the Coliseum.! The author of Ana-
charsis, however, can hardly be suspected of an imposture y
and the exaggeration of Poggio, who says that in his time the
greater part of the amphitheatre had been reduced to lime,I
bespeaks some terrible devastation not at all reconcileable
with that integrity which Mr. Gibbon affirms to have been
preserved up to the time of Paul III. The historian quotes
both the document of Barthelemy and the lamentation of the
Florentine, and there is no way of accounting for his error ex-
cept by supposing that he applied all dilapidation previous to
that period solely to the interior elevation, which, however,
would be also a mistake. Blondus has besides left a memo-
rial of the ruin a hundred years before the pontificate of Paul

guilty agents ;" Decline and Fall, cap. Ixxi. p. 4£4. and note 63. Jifier
measuring the priscus amphitheatri gyrus, Monffaucon, p. 14£, only adds
that it was entire under Paul III. Tacendo clamat, Muratort, Annali
d' Italia, torn- xiv. p. 371, more freely r^tports the guilt of the Farnese pope
and the indignation of the Roman people. Look into Muratori, you find
these words : " Per fabbricare 11 Palazzo Farnese gran guasto diede all
anfiteatro di Tito. Fece gridare il clero e i Popoli suoi per le gravezze
loro accresciute." Annali. ad an. 1549. torn- x. p. 335. The indignation
of the pepple was for the taxes, not the destruction of the Coliseum.

* Dissertazione, fee. p. 399.

I " Et praeterea, si omnes concordarent de faciendo Tiburtino quod es-
set commune id quod foderetur." M^moires de I'academie des inscrip-
tions, torn, xxviii. p. 585. also published separately.

X " Ob stultitiam Romanorum majori ex parte ad calcem redactum."
De Variet. Fortun. in loco cit- Poor Marangoni interprets this folly to be
their rebellion against, not the amphitheatre, but the pope. " Non oscu-
ramente attribuendo queste rovine alia stoltezza de' Roraani ribellati con-
tra il Pontejlcc" Ibid. p. 47.

175

III.* In fact we have seen that Paul II. had before employ-
ed many of the blocks of travertine for his palace of Saint
Mark ; and Cardinal Riario for that of the Chancellery.!
Theodoric thought a capital city might be built with the
wealth expended on the Coliseum,| and indeed some of the
noblest palaces of modern Rome have been constructed out of
a small portion of the ruins. There appears to have been a
sale of some of the stones in 1531, and in the next century
others were employed in one of the buildings on the Capitol. §
But all lesser plunder has been obliterated by the more
splendid rapine of the Farnese princes. The Baths of Con-
stantine, the Forum of Trajan, the Arch of Titus, the Temple
of Antoninus and Faustina, the Theatre of Marcellus, added
their marbles to the spoils of the Coliseum : and the accounts
of the Apostolic chamber record a sum of 7,317,888 crowns
expended between the years 1541 and 1549 upon the gigantic
palace of Campo di Fiore alone. || Whether the progress of
decay was anticipated and aided, or whether such blocks only
as had already fallen were applied to the purposes of con-
struction, is still a disputed point. Martinelli** has dared to
believe in the more unpardonable outrage, whilst Marangoni
has stepped forward to defend the Popes, but candidly owns

* Both he and Lucius Faunus and Martinelli attributed the ruin to the
Goths, mistaking an order of Theodoric to repair the walls of Catania
with the stones of an amphitheatre, as if it applied to the Coliseum. Ma-
rangoni, ibid. p. 44.

f " Paulus II. aedes adhuc Cardinalis ad S. Marci amplissimas extruere
ceperat : quas deinde cum Pontifex a?dificaret ex amphitheatri ruinis uti
postea Raphael Riarius et Alexander Farnesius fecisse dicuntur" Dona-
tus, lib. iv. cap. ix. This is but a delicate phrase, if Paul III. had really
thrown down the outside ranges.

X Cassiod. epist. xlii. lib. iv.

{^ In 1604: these facts are stated from the documents in Marangoni,
p. 56.

II Dissertazione, &tc. p. 399. note c. The mention of the Theatre of
Marcellus has been added from Venuti Roma Moderna, in his account
of the Farnese palace.

** lioma Ricercata nel suo sito- giorn. 6. Marangoni, ibid. p. 47. Mar-
tinelli says, Paul II. cut down the arches toicards St- John and St. Paul :
but Platina, who had been imprisoned by that pontiff and would not have
been silent, {perhaps.) notices no such attack in his life of Paul.

176

that Paul III. and Riario may have thrown down many of the
inner arches.

Amongst the projects of Sixtus Quintus, was that of estab-
lishing a woollen manufactory in the Coliseum, which had he-
fore given shelter to the artisans of periodical fairs, and ac-
cording to what we can collect of the plan from Fontana,* it
appears that if it had been carried into execution, the arcades
of the Coliseum would have been entirely closed up, and the
whole mass have been converted to a circuit of dirty dens
like the Theatre of Marcellus. Mabilion, who says that if
Sixtus had lived a year longer, we should have had the Coli-
seum entirely restored,! talks as if he had never been at
Rome, or opened a single book on the subject.

In 1594, some of the upper arches were occupied by me-
chanics,]: who paid a pound of wax quit-rent to the arch con-
fraternity of the Roman Gonfalonier.

The papal government must be charged with neglect, if not
with spoliation. Of the wall said to be built round the Coli-
seum by Eugenius IV., there is no authentic record. Mr.
Gibbon quoted it from Montfaucon, who took it from Flami-
nius Vacca, who lived more than a hundred years after Euge-
nius, and reported it on hearsay. § This majestic relic, which
had been protected as a barrack, a hospital, and a bazar, and
which more enlightened ag^s considered only as a convenient
quarry, seems never to have been estimated in its true cha-
racter, nor preserved as the noblest monument of Imperial
Rome, until a very late period. Piety had interfered but
feebly, notwithstanding the claims of the amphitheatre to vene-

* Some of the earth was cleared away and excavations made in the
area, and Sixtus had ah'eady advanced 15,000 crowns to merchants to
" establish the manufactory." Fontana — di alcune Fabbriche fatte in
Roma da PP. Sisto V. Marangoni, ibid. p. 60, 01.

.\ " Vixisset Sixtus V. et amphitheatrum, stupendum illud opus, inte-
gratum nunc haberemus." Iter. Ital. num. xxix. Mus. Ital. tom. i. p. 74.

X Marangoni, ibid. p. 71, 72.

5^ Inttsi dire, k,c. Vacca heard it from certain Olivetan monks of San-
ta Maria Nova; but Marangoni looked over their archives, and found no
such record, nor have the Olivetans pretended to the property, ibid. p. 58.

177

ratio*. Fontana, in his work,* had intended to give a list of
the martyrs who suffered there, but employed a person to fur-
nish his catalogue who is o^'nled to have been of no very criti-
cal capacity, and to have inserted names to which this arena
could not pretend. The more judicious Marancjoni, v/ho will
follow no blind guides, nor any less respectable authority than
the Roman martyrology, or the sincere acts of Ruinart, or Su-
rio, or Peter de Natalibus, thinks it a supportable conjecture^
that Gaudentius was the architect who built it, and was put to
death for his Christianity by Vespasian. The excellent Vi-
centine Canon forgot that he had just mentioned that the com-
pletion of the work took place after the death of that empe-
ror. He will, however, positively name no more than eigh-
teen martyrs of the male sex, beginning with Saint Ignacius,
and ending with Teiemachus, together with six females, four
of whom are hardly to be reckoned amongst the triumphs of
the arena, as the lions refused to injure them,! and they were
reserved for less discriminating executioners. The list is
considerably swelled with two hundred and sixty " anonymous
soldiers," who, after digging an arena without the Salarian
gate, were rewarded with death, which the Christian fasti call
martyrdom, on the first of March, in the reign of Claudius II. t
Marangoni avers that no memorial remains of the exact
contrivance by which the sufferers were exposed to the wild
beasts, although there are so many left of the conversion of

* L'Anfiteatro Flavio descritto, e delineate, dal Cav. Carlo Fontana-
Hag. 1725. Marangoni, ib. p. 25.

t S. Martina, S. Tatiana, S. Prisca, were all exposed to lions, who lick-
ed their feet: also, " S. Daria verg. sposa di S. Crisanto, come crede il
Martinelli, fu esposta dal Tiranno all' ignominia, sotto le volte dell' aniitea-
tro, ove da un lione fu difesa la di lei castita," ibid, p 25. Then comes
much learning to prove there were brothels in the amphitheatre, ^vhich
appears certain ; but that there were lions in waiting may want confirma-
tion. The lions being found good Christians, at least where females were
concerned, virgins were condemned to worse than death from the vio-
lence of men, and it became a proverb, " Christiani ad Ico7ies virgines ad
lenones" See — Aringhi Roma Subterranea, lib ii. cap. i. tom. i. p. 197,
num. 23. edit. 1651.

X " Dugento, e LX. MM. anonimi soldati, sotto lo stesso Claudio II."
he, Ib. 2.5.

178

the lions : but he might have seen the small bronze reMfefs at
the Vatican found in the Catacombs, where the lions are seen
chained to a pilaster, and the martyr unarmed and half naked
at their (eet. That some Christians suffered amongst other
criminals is extremely probable. We learn from Marshal,*
that the amphitheatre was a place of execution, and that un-
der Domitian the spectators were glutted with burnings and
crucifixions. Those who had the noble courage to die for
their faith, would be punished and confounded, except by
their own sect, with other rebellious subjects of the empire.
It appears that the condemned were brought in at the close of
the day, and that the gladiatorial shows we re terminated with
these horrors.

The Canon, in order to show how much the Coliseum was
always esteemed by the pious, relates that St. Philip Neri
was tempted by the devil there in the shape of a naked wo-
man,! and that a friend of Saint Ignatius Loyola had a hun-
dred gold crowns given to him b y a messenger from the mar-
tyrs who had suffered there, and who were the peculiar ob-
jects of Loyola's devotions. | Moreover, Pius V. used to say,

^ Epig. 24. lib. X. Epig. 7. ibid- S7.

t The story is told from Father Bacci's life of Saint Philip Neri, lib. i.
cap. V. n. viii. ; but Marangoni, in relating it, does not observe that the
devil must have been as fond of the Coliseum as the saint. Neri was a
very considerable person in his day, and raised several people from the
«lead, particularly a youth of the Massimi family, on the 17th of the ka-
lends of April in 1583. This family, one of the noblest, and descended
(so it is thought) from the Fabii, have attested the fact, by building a
chapel in their own palace, and by performing an annual service there,
when they distribute pictures of the miracle, drawn in 1761 by order of
Camillus Marquis Massimi, with a subjoined account of it just as it hap-
pened, in the presence of the father and many witnesses. Very nearly
the same time that Neri was raising the dead in Rome, Lord Bacon was
spreading his philosophy in London.

I John Cruccius was the man's name — the messenger disappeared,
after giving the crowns. Cruccius came home and told Ignatius, " II S.
Padre tosto rese grazie a Dio, senza dimostrare alcun segno di maravig-
lia, forsB avendone avuto alcun lume superiore : ma quanto alia circos-
tanza del luogo, che fu I'anfiteatro, sembra potersi credere, che seguisse
anche per intercessione de' SS. Martiri, de' quail S. Ignazio fu divotissi-

179

that he who wanted relics should take some earth from the
arena, which was cemented with so much holy blood :* and
Cardinal Uderic Carpegna always stopped his coach opposite
to the Coliseum, and repeated the names of all the martyrs
who had been sacrificed on that spot.t His eminence's pa-
tience and piety were not, as we have seen, put to any very
severe test. Yet, in spite of the sanctity of the earth, the
structure itself was little benefited.

At the end of the sixteenth century a little church, with a
bell and a contiguous hermitage, were consecrated by Juho
Sansedonio, patrician of Sienna, and bishop of Grossetto, and
this structure was repaired, in 1622, in those arches where
the hermitage and chapel are now seen.

It was above the site of this church, on a wide platform
which had been left entire over the arches of the old steps of
the amphitheatre, that, from sometime in the fifteenth century,
the " Passion of our Saviour" had been performed on every
Good Friday, by expert actors, to an audience which Panciro-
lus, in his " Hidden Treasures,"! affirms was equal to that of
the ancient games. We have notice of the '• Resurrection"
written by Julian Dati, the Florentine, also performed at the
Coliseum, although the date in which that sacred farce (they
are Tiraboschi's words§) was composed, cannot be precisely
assigned. It might be contemporary with the Abraham and
Isaac, acted at Florence, in 1449, with the " Balaam and Josa-
phat," " the Conversion of Saint Paul," and other mysteries
brought upon the stage in the latter half of the fifteenth cen-
tury.

These representations continued in the Coliseum until the

mo." Marang. ib. 63. This is the way that books, and very good books
too, are written at Rome.

* lb. 64.

f " Ed a tempi nostri, son io testimonio, che ogni qualunque volto sono
ivipassato col Signor Cardinale Ulderico Carpegna, questo piissimo Sig-
nore ha fatto sempre fermare la carozza con fare la coramemorazione de'
SS. Martiri, che ivi gloriosamente trionfarono." Ib. 64.

X Tesori nascosti, ibid. 59.

^ " Non possiamo accertare quando quella sacra farsa fosse da lui
coraposta." Storia della Lett. Ital. torn. vi. par. iii- lib. Hi. p. 814.

180

reign of Paul III., whose prohibition to continue them be-
speaks him perhaps guilty of devoting the building to his own
purposes of plunder.

With the exception of the above-mentioned chapel-build-
ing,* we lose sight of the destination of the amphitheatre,
until 1671, when permission was obtained from Cardinal Al-
tieri, and the Senate, to represent bull fights in the arena
for the space of six years, and this would have certainly taken
place had not Clement X. listened to the deprecations of
Carlo Tommassi, who wrote a treatise to prove the sanctity
of the spot.t In consequence, the pontiif employed the less
pious zeal of Bernini, and by some arrangements of that ar-
tist set apart the whole monument to the worship of the
martyrs. This was in 1675, the year of the jubilee. J The
measure then taken to prevent the entrance of men, and ani-
mals, and carriages, by means of blocking up the lower
arches, and to put a stop to nightly disorders, were, however,
found insufficient, and Clement XL, in 1714, employed Bi-
anchini in repairing the walls, and finding other methods of
closing the arcades ; and about that time were also erected
the altars of the Passion. A short time afterwards was paint-
ed the picture of Jerusalem and the Crucifixion, still seea
within the western entrance.

The Romans were not pleased with being excluded from
their amphitheatre, and in 1715 made an application for the

* Bramante Barsi got permission to excavate there in 1639-
t The senate granted the permission, reserving a box for themselves,
holding twenty persons, " senza pagamento alcuno." See the document
in Marangonij p. 72.

I One of the inscriptions affixed on that occasion runs thus —

" Amphitheatrum Flavium

Non tam operis mole et artificio ac veterum

Spectaculorum raemoria

Quam Sacro hinumerabilium Martyrum

Cruore illustre

Venerabundus liospes ingredere

Et in Augusto magnitudinis Romanse monument©

Execrata Caisarum saevitia

Heroes Fortitudinis Christianas suspice

Et exora

AnnoJubilai. MDCLXXV.

J8l

keys, which the pope refused. The neglect of the interior
may be collected from a petition presented in 1727, to allow
the hermit to let out the grass which grew on the surface of the
arena,* A solitary saint had been established in the ruins at
the first building of the chapel, and it is to a respect for one
of his successors that we owe an interposition in favour of
the Coliseum, which it would perhaps never have command-
ed on its own account. An attempt was made in the night of
the 11th of February, 1742, to assassinate the hermit, Fran-
cis Beaufort, and it was expressly on that occasion that the
accomplished Lambertini was induced to renew the conse-
cration of the Coliseum. t His enclosures and edicts cleared
it of murderers and prostitutes, and repaired the fourteen
altars, and erected the cross : but in spite of this judicious
interference, and whatever were the cares of the truly anti-
quarian Braschi, half a century seems to have much hastened
the progress of decay, and in 1801 the most intelligent of
our countrymen foresaw the speedy dissolution of the whole
structure. J

The great earthquake in 1703, which threw down several
large masses towards the church of St. Gregory, § most pro-
bably loosened other portions of the ruin. The late govern-
ment has propped the tottering fragment, and the immense
buttress, which is modestly marked with the name and num-
ber of Pius VII., and is said to have cost seventy thousaiid
crowns, will help to secure the yawning rents on the side
towards the Lateran. Sentinels have been found a more
effectual protection than the hermit, or the cross, or the
walls.

* Marangoni, ib. p. 73

f The author of the memoir attributes the profanations suffored by the
Coliseum to the devil himself. " Ma poichfe Tinfernale inimico continua-
mente procura," &ic. p 67 Benedict's edict bears date 1744.

X See — Forsyth's Remarks, fee. p. 146. 2d edit

^ Marangoni calls it a wing of the building, on the authority of Fico-
roni, who was in Rome at the time. Vestigia e rarita di Roma, p- 89.
" Essendo caduta un ala del Colosseo verso San Gregorio," ib p 48.
One of the internal arcades alto fell down on the day on which Innocent
XI. died, 12th of August, 1639.

182

With the leave of Maffei,* there is still something more
than a piece of the bark left to wonder at. The antiquary
may profit by the recent exposure of the substructures of the
arena ; but the clearing away of the soil, and the opening
the arches, increases the satisfaction of the unlearned, though
devout admirers, who are capable of being affected by the
general result, however little they understand the individual
details, and who wander amidst these stupendous ruins for no
other instruction than that which must be suggested by so
awful a memorial of fallen empire.

Stanza CXLVI.

Sanctuary and home
Of art and piety — Pantheon! — pride of Rome.

Whether the Pantheon be the calidarium of a bath or a
temple, or a single or a double building, it is evidently that
structure of which the ancients themselves spoke with rapture,
as one of the wonders of Rome : whose vault was like the
heavens, t and whose compass was that of a whole region. |

Notwithstanding the repairs of Domitian, Hadrian, and Se-
verus and Caracalla, it is probable that the later artists copied
the old model, and that the Portico may still be said to be-
long to the age of Augustus. Knowing that we see what was
one of the most superb edifices of the ancient city, in the
best period of its architecture, we are surprised, when look-
ing down on the Pantheon from one of the summits of Rome,
with the mean appearance of its flat leaden dome, compared
Avith the many towering structures of the modern town ; but
the sight of the Portico from the opposite extremity of the
market-place in front of the Rotonda, vindicates the majesty
of the ancient capital.

* " Che genera ancor maraviglia con quel pezzo della corteccia che ne
sussiste " Veron. Illust. p. iv p. 24.

f "■ 105 5^ ^'y^ t'OjCU^w oto 6o>,Oft6fs 6v ^9 oDpay^ ripo5eo(,X£V. ' Dion. Hlst.
Rom lib liii. torn. i. p. 722.

\ " PantluHim velut regionem terretem speciosa celsitudine fornica-
tam." Amm. Marcell. lib. xvi. cap. x. p. 145-

183

•

The Abate Lazeri* has done his utmost to prove this struc-
ture a bath, or, at least, not a temple; or if it were a temple,
he would show that a temple does not always mean a religious
edifice, but sometimes a tomb, and sometimes the mast of a
ship ; and that Pantheon was a band of soldiers. However,
as our Pantheon is neither one nor the other of these three,
we need not embarrass ourselves with the name, which was a
difficulty even in ancient times. Dion ascribed it to the ex-
panding vault, but tells that others referred it to the resemb-
lance to several deities observed in certain statues of Venus
and Mars.t There is no evidence that it was dedicated to all
the gods, although such a persuasion prevailed with the early
Christian writers :J nor is there any authority for the asser-
tion of the pilgrim of the thirteenth century, that Cybele and
Neptune were the original possessors of this temple.

The words of Pliny should be reckoned decisive, that the
Pantheon was dedicated to Jove the Avenger ;§ and Lazeri
has only one way of getting rid of this witness, which is by
remarking, that all places dedicated to gods were not neces-
sarily temples. In his repl^/ to objections he rather gives way,
and retreats to the ground that the Christians did not think it
a temple, or they would have destroyed it, as they did all
other edifices devoted to the pagan religion ! ! This is the
strength of his argument ; and, up to a certain point, he
makes out his case better against, or, as he thought, for^ the
Christians, than against the pretensions of Jupiter to his
claims over the Pantheon. In both one and the other posi-

* Discorso di Pietro Lazeri della consecrazione del Panteone fatta da
Bonifazio IV. Roma, 1749.

t Hist. Rom in loc citat.

} Paul the deacon — the martyrolog;y. " Idem (Focas) Papa Bonifa-
cio petente, jussit in veteri fano, quod Panteon vocabant, ablatis idola-
triffi sordibus, Ecclesiam Beatse semper Virginis Marise, et omnium Mar-
tyrum fieri, ut ubi omnium non Deorum, sed Deemonum cultus erat, ibi
deinceps fieret omnium meraoria sanctorum." De gest. Lang. lib. iv.
cap. xxxvii p. 464, Script Rer. Ital. tom- i.

^ " Pantheon Jovi Ultori ab Agrippa factum, cum theatrum ante tex-
erit Romje." Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. cap. xv.

184

tion the Abate has fallen into errors for which he has heen
gharplj reproved by the editor of Winkelmann.*

The positive merit of " saving and converting the majestic
structure of the Pantheon"! would have been greater, if the
consecration had taken place earlier than two hundred years
after the triumph of Christianity. From the shutting of the
temples in the reign of Honorius to the year 609, it must have
been abandoned to the ravages of neglect. Vain attempts
have been made to prove that it was dedicated before the
above date,| but all the writers are of accord in this point :
there is only some doubt whether all the Saints should not be
esteemed the hrst possessors of the Christian church, instead
of all the Martyrs, It seems, that as early as the fourth cen-
tury, the Saints were worshipped with the Martyrs ;§ and, in-
deed, as martyrdom grew more rare every day, and was not
to be had, except now and then from an Arian tyrant, it is
probable that simple saintship was regarded as a just title to
an apotheosis. Gregory IV. changed the martyrs, however,
into saints, at the re-consecration in 830, though the ancient
itame was still preserved — Beata Maria ad Marty res, ^

The positive merit of saving the Pantheon would have been
more comolete, if the Dontiffs had not afterwards converted
it to a fortress, which, in the time of Gregory VII. was called
S, Maria in turribus, and was defended by the anti-pope, Cle-
ment III. when the Countess Matilda came to Rome in 1087.**
It appears, from the form of an oath taken by the Senators of
Rome in the time of Celestine III. about the year 1191, that
it could receive a papal garrison, and was, together with the
island of the Tiber, and the castle of Saint Angelo, fortified
against the enemies of the church. tt

* Dissertazione suUe Rovine, Sic. p. 284, note (c.)

f Decline and Fall, cap. Ixxi. torn. xii. p 408.

X By father Martene Discorso, Sic p. 4.

5:^ Mabillon, Cardinal Bona, and Fontanini, are of this opinion. Dis-
corso, p. 4.

|] \nastas in vit. Greg. IV. p. 226. Script- Rer. Ital. torn. iii.

** Baron, annal. ecclesias. ad an. 1087.

ft Mabillon. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. Ordo Romanus, num. 86. p. 215. Ju-
ramentum senatorum urbis — " nominatim autem sanctum Petrura, urbem

185

The pontiffs would have deserved more praise if they had
not added and taken away ornaments at will ; if Urban VIII. *
had not imitated the wretched Constans, and if he had not
added his hideous belfries ; if Alexander VII. had cleared
away all, instead of half, of the buildings which blocked up
the Rotonda ; if Gregory XIII. and Clement XI. had opened
a wider space in front; and, lastly, if Benedict XIV. had not
white-washed the interior of the vault. The leaden roof,
and the three supplied pillars, and other frequent repairs, are
to be registered amongst the merits of the Popes ; but, judging
from the general appearance, we shall no where find a more
striking example of the neglect of the ancient structures of
Rome, than at the Pantheon. Of this the common anti-
quarian artists are so sensible, that they do not represent the
edifice as it is, but as it should be, in an open space, where
all its beauties may be beheld and approached.

The piety, if not the taste, of the pontiffs should be in-
terested in the decent preservation of this monument ; and if
the names of heroes and emperors, if Jove and his gods are
of no avail, respect for the founder, Boniface, and twenty-
eight cartloads of relics,! the worship of the Virgin and all

Rumanam, civatatem Leoninam, transtyberim, insulam, castellum Cres-
centii, sanctara Mariam Rotundam." All these the senator swore to as*
sist the Pope to retain.

* Urban made a boast of his robbery, and affixed this inscription un-
der the portico: " Urbanus VIII. Pont. Max. Vetustas ahenei lacunaris
reliquias in vaticanas columnas et bellica tormenta, conflavit ut decora
inutilia et ipsi prope farase ignota fierent in Vatican© tempio apostolici
sepulchri ornamenta in Hadi-iana arce instrumenta publicae securitatis,
anno Domini mdcxxxii. Pontific. IX."

f The twenty-eight cartloads of relics are founded on the authority of
an old MS. cited by Baronius in his notes to the Martyroiogy. Anastasius
does not particularize the exact quantity of relics, but only says that
Boniface brought many e;ood things into the church. " Eodem tempore
petiit a Phocata Principe templum quod appellatur Pantheon. In quo
fecit ecclesiam Sanctae Marise semper Virginis f^t omnium martyrum. In
qua ecclesia Princeps multa bona intulit" De Vitis Roman. Pontif-
Script. Rer. Ital. torn. iii. p. 135. The Abate Lazcri defends Boniface for
his transport of relics, saying, " and if it is true that which the author of
the wonders of Rome tells of the Pantheon, that, before it was dedicated,
the demons used to attack with blows those who came near it, we may
easily see what motive induced Bonifacft to transfer thither that sr«at

186

the saints, should rescue the temple from the contagion of
common sewers and market-places. The veneration for a
miraculous image, which has lately crowded the Rotonda,
has not bettered the condition of the pavement : nor does it
help the general effect of the interior prospect to he aware
that we see exactly the same idolatry which was practi&ed in
the same spot sixteen centuries ago. A philosopher may
smile, but a less indifferent spectator is shocked at the inex-
plicable credulity which stares in the steadfast faces of a hun-
dred worshippers, seated on chairs, for hours, before the
image, in the wish, the hope, the certainty, of some indica-

y tion of Omnipotence from the dirty cobweb covered block

\ which has been preferred into divinity.
^'^^ The Pantheon has become the shrine not only of the mar-
tyred, but of the illustrious in every art and science : but the
busts of Raphael, Hannibal Caracci, Pierin del Vaga, Zuc-
cari, and others, to which age has lent her venerable hue,
are ill assorted with the many modern cotemporary heads of an-
cient worthies which now glare in all the niches of the Ro-
tonda. The little white Hermaean busts, ranged on ledges,
side by side, give to this temple of immortality the air of a
sculptor's study ; and there is something embarrassing in
reading so many names under almost every image : that of
the portrait, of Canova the dedicator, and of the artist. A
corner awaits Bodoni, now under the chisel of the modern
Cleomenes, who will himself complete the crowded series.
The many friends of the most amiable man in existence, and
the admiration of all Europe, would long defer that mournful
recompense.

The inscription on the Pantheon, whose simplicity, if not
whose date, belongs to the rise of the monarchy,

M. AGRIPPA. L. F. COS. TERTIVM . FECIT.*

multitude of martyrs in solemn pomp." Discorso. p. 26. The Abate
also is scandalized with Baronius for owning, " in dedicatione templorum
multa fuisse gentilibus cum pietatis cultoribus similia ex Suetonio disces :"
and he talks of the " libricciuoW of " un tal Comers Middkton^'''' p. 33.
meaning his letter from Rome.

* The other inscription, given, as has been remarked in note to Stanza
Ixxx. so often incorrectly, is thus written :

187

has ^11 the effect produced by one of the greatest names, and
by the most powerful title, of the ancient world. We may,
perhaps, be inclined to think that the words were known an-
ciently not to have been cotemporary with the original build-
ing : for Aulus Gellius mentions, that a friend of his at Rome
wrote to him, asking why he used the phrase " me jam ter-
Hum scripsisse,^'' It should seem that the question would not
have been asked if the inscription had any authority, or, at
feast, that Gellius would have cited it as a triumphant quota-
tion, to show that the Augustan scholars had declared in favour
of the adverb of Varro,* although Cicero had been unwilling
fo decide.

Stanza CXLVIII.

There is a dungeon, in ivhose dim drear light, S^c.

Alluding to the famous story of the Roman daughter. A
Temple of Piety was built in the Forum Olitorium, by
Acilius Glabrio the Duumvir,! to commemorate the victory
of his father over Antiochus, at Thermopyle, and a gold sta-
tue of Glabrio was placed in this temple. Festus mentions
that it was consecrated on a spot where a woman once lived
who had nourished her father in prison with her own milk,
and was thus the occasion of his being pardoned.]: Solinus
has much the same account. It is a pity that so fine a t^\e
should be liable to such contradictions. The father in Fes-

" Imp. Caes. L. Septimius . Severus . Pius . Pertinax . Arabicus . Adia-
benicus.Parthicus. Maximus . Pontif. Max. Trib. Potest. X. Imp. XL

Cos. III. P. p. Procos. et Imp. Caes. M. Aurelius . Antoninus . Pius.

Felix. Aug. Trib. Potest. V. Cos. Procos. Pantheum . Vetustate . cor-
j'uptum . cum . omni . cultu . restituerunt."

It is in two lines, and the second begins with Imp. Caes. M. Aurelius.

*Noct. attic comment, lib. x. cap. i. edit. Aid- p. 130.
t Liv. Hist. lib. x.

I " Pietati sedem ab Acilio consecratam ajunt eo loco quo qucedam mu-
lier habitaverit, quae patrem suum inclusum carcere mammis suis clam
aluerit ; ob hoc factum impunitas ei concessa sit." Sex. Pomp. Fest. de
Verb. sig. lib. xx. ex Bib. Ant. August, p. 598. vol 7- edit Lucse. 177S.

tus IS a mother in Pliny,* and the plebeian of the latter is a 1
noble matron in Valerius Maximus.t The naturalist lays the I
scene in the prisons of the Decemvirs, and adds, that a Tem-
ple of Piety was erected on the site of these prisons, where
the Theatre of Marccllus afterwards stood. The other wri-
ter (Valerius), makes no mention of the temple. It seems
clear, however, that Festus and Pliny allude to the same
story, and that the change of sex was, perhaps, occasioned
bv some confusion of the father of Glabrio with the mother
of the pious matron. J

The antiquaries have chosen to point out the scene of this
adventure at the church of " St. Nicholas in carcere,^^ which
should therefore stand on the site of the Decemviral prisons
and the Temple of Piety. But here a great difficulty pre-
sents itself. For if the Theatre of Marcellus had displaced
both the prisons and the temple, which the words of Pliny
would lead us to suppose, it seems useless to look for either
one or the other at this day. But at this church there are
evident remains, not of one only, but of tAvo, and perhaps
three temples, whose columns are incrusted in the lateral
walls on each side. The antiquaries have assigned these
triple vestiges to the Temple of Piety, built by Glabrio, to
the Temple of Piety raised to the Roman matron, and to a
Temple of Juno Matuta. This is sufficiently bold, when, if
we follow Pliny, the first did not exist in his time, when, ac-
cording to Festus, there were not two, but only one temple,

* " Humilis in plebe et ideo ignobilis puerpera, supplicii causa carcere
inchisa matre, cum impetrasset aditum a janitore semper excussa, ne quid
iiiferret cibi, deprehensa est uberibus suis alens earn. Quo miraculo salus
matris donata filiae pietati est ; ambaeque perpetuis alimentis ; et locus
ille eidem consecratus est deffi C Quinctio. M. Attilio Coss. templo pieta-
tis extructo in ilHus carceris sede, ubi nunc Marcelli theatrum est." Hist.
Nat. lib. vii. cap. 36.

f " Sanguinis ingenui mulierem praetor apud tribunal suum capitali cri-
mine damnatam, triumviro in carcere necandam tradidit," kc. Valer.
Max. lib V. cap. iv. note 7.

t Or p<'rhops 'ivith the other Grecian story told by Valerius Maximus,
(ihiil. No. 1. Externa) of Perus and Cimon, of which there was a fine
picture.

189

and when Juno Matuta is 'only known to have stood some-
where in the Forum Ohtorium.*

The name of the church is S. Nicholas, " in carcere TuU
liano,^"^ But the Tullian prisons could never have been here
nor any where, except on the Clivus Capitolinus hanging over
the Forum, and it has been proved that the la«t epithet which
deceived the Cardinal Baronius,! and occasioned one of the
famous Roman controversies, is a fanciful addition of latter
times. Notwithstanding the assertion of Pliny, a prison that
went by the name of the Dectmviral existed near the Thea-
tre of Marcellus in the days of the regionaries, and a Tem-
ple of Piety is recorded by Rufus, in the Forum Olitorium ;
but as the temple is not mentioned by Victor,| and as the
other writer puts it even in a dilferent region from the prison,
it seems stretching their authority to conclude S. Nicholas in
carcere to be the site both of the one and the other, as well
as of a second Temple of Piety, which never appears to
have had any distinct existence. The name of the church is
a very admissible evidence for the contiguity at least of the
prison ; and as the columns cannot have belonged to that
structure, they may be assigned to any of the temples or ba-
silicas noted as being in that quarter. Lucius Faunu?§ says
there were in his time some vestiges of the prison ; bat the
hole to which strangers are conducted by torchlight at the
base of the columns can hardly have any reference to the an-
cient dungeon. II

Aringhi has given the most striking example of the perver-
sion of antiquaries, when he supposes that some lines of Ju-

*" Forum Olitorium, Columna Lactaria, ^des Pietatis, ^des IMa-
tutse." Sext. Rufi. de regionib, Urb. " Regio circus Maximus." Ap.
Graev. torn. iii. p. 98.

t In notis ad Martyrol. a. d- xiv. Martii. Apolog. contra Hugonium, de
stationihus urbis Romae. Nardini, lib. v. cap. xii. gives a long account of
the controversy.

t Victor, " Career. C. or CL. X. Virorum." Regio IX. Circus Flami-
nius, ib. p. 106. Rufus says, "Career. C. Virorum." Regio Circus Fla-
minius, ibid. p. 97. The C should be CL.X-

^ De Antiq. Urb. Rom. lib. iii. cap. v. ap. Sallengre, tom. i. p. 217.

II Nardini, lib. vi. cap. ii takes no notice of the columns, but believes in
the site of the prison and the story of Festus.

190

venaPs third satire* were intended to extol the size and mag-
niliceiice of the single prison which could contain all the
criminals of early Rome ; as if the satirist had meant to praise
the architectural grandeur, not the virtue, of the primitive

ages.t

Our own times have furnished us with a new piety, whict^
the French audience of Mr. Bruce thought to be a phrasQ
happily invented by our gallant countryman. The coura^
geous attachment of wives to their husbands under calamity,
superior to what is found in any other relation of life, has
been acknowledged in all periods, from the Augustan proscrip-
tion]: to the plague at Florence :§ and the conjugal piety of
Madame Lavalette|| is distinguished from many similar ex-
ploits, merely because it was seconded so nobly, and occurred
in an age capable of appreciating such heroic devotion.

Stanza CLII»

Turn to the Mole which Hadrian reared on high^
Imperial mimic of old Egypfs piles^
Colossal copyist of deformity.

This imitation of Egyptian deformity must not be supposed
to apply to the mausoleum of Hadrian, but to the monstrous
divinities, and the fabrics of the Tiburtine villa. The Mole
was constructed, it is thought, on the plan, nearly, of the
Mausoleum of Augustus or of Cecilia Metelia.

We must recur to Mr. Gibbon to notice two or three mis-
takes which he has made in his mention of this monument.

* " folicia dicas
Ssecula, quae quondam sub rogibus atquc tribunis
Viderunt uno conteutam carcere Homam."
f Roma subterranea, lib. 11. cap. i. tom. i. p. 200.

X " Id tamen notandum est, fuisse in proscriptos uxorum fidem sum-
mam, libertomm mediam, servorum aliquam, Aliorura, nullam." C Veil.
Paterc Hist. lib. ii- cap. Ixvii.

I^j Boccacio, in the introduction to the Decameron, puts the abandon-
ment of husbands by their wives as the last horror of the plague.

II By some accident the phrase is omitted in the printed speech; or,
perhaps, the invention belonged to the reporters.

191

The first occurs in his account of the defence of Rome by
Behsarius, where he says that the sepulchre of Hadrian was
then converted, " for the first time, to the uses of a citadel."*
This does not seem probable ; for the account given of it by
Procopius tells us that it had become a sort of tower, and had,
by additional works, been ajiciently] joined to the walls of
Rome. DonatusJ and Nardini§ believe it to have been fortified
by Honorius at the first approach of the Goths, when he is
recorded as having repaired the walls.

It preserved until the tenth century the name of the Prison,
or House of Theodoric,|| by which appellation it is designated
once or twice, so late as the fifteenth century ;** and this cir-
cumstance makes it appear that the Gothic monarch had made
it capable of defence previously to the siege of the city by
Vestiges.

The second error occurs in a note in the same place of the
history, in which the breadth of the sides of the ancient square
base is mistaken for the height above the walls. ft

Another inadvertency is to be found in that passage in which
the historian tells us, that if the people " could liave lurested
from the Popes the castle of St. Angelo, they had resolved, by a
public decree, to have annihilated that monument."]:| But
the partisans of Urban VI., in the year 1378, which is the pe-
riod alluded to, did take the Mole, which was surrendered to
them after a year's siege, by a Frenchman who commanded for
the Genevese anti-pope, Clement ; and it was on that occasion
that they stript off the marbles and destroyed the square

* Decline and Fall, fee. cap. xli. torn. vii. oct. p. 230.

t Ila^ato/ avSpwrtotare his words. Totdi^xuv. yj a, p. 199.

X Lib. iv. cap. vii.

^ Lib. ']. cap. X.

II " Quod doraum Theodorici dicunt." Bertholdus, ap. Baron. Ann.
Ecclesias. torn. vi. p 552. ad an. 108 i.

** It had then begun to be called Rocca, or Castello di Crescentio, but
the names were promiscuously used to the XV th century. Dissertazione
sulle Rovine, fee. p. 386.

ft " The height above the walls, (Sx^^ov £5 T^i^ov /3o?.»ji'," says Mr. Gibbon,'
Ibid, note 83. The words of Procopius are trpoj fisv a%f86v to i^ %i^ov
^o'Kyp) ixafftr] txovaa' rtWfv^di ts dvtov fiosa^fi ticf/r t(yai dw^ijXatc,. Ibid,

\l Cap. Ixxi. torn. xii. p. 418.

192

base, and would, conformably to their decree, have torn dowa
the round tower itself, but were unable from the compact
solidity of the fabric.

The authority of Poggio alone, whom Mr. Gibbon cites and
misinterprets, is decisive.* " The other [sepulchre]," says
the Florentine, "which they commonly 'call the castle of
" Saint Angelo, the violence of the Romans, hath, in a great
" measure, although the title of it is still extant over the door,
" defaced : and, indeed, they would have entirely destroyed
" it, if, after having taken away many of the great stones, thej
" had been able to pull to pieces the remainder of the Mole."
The resistance of the naked tower, when actually exposed to
the triumphant rage of a whole people, must augment our
respect for this indissoluble structure.

The efforts of the Romans are still visible in the jutting
blocks which mark where the corresponding portion of the
basement has been torn away. The damage must have been
very great, and have totally changed the appearance of the
monument. In fact a cotemporary writer,! one of Dante's
commentators, talks of the " sumptuous work" being de-
stroyed and laid prostrate ; and another writer of the same

* " Alterum quod castrum sancti Angeli vul^o dicunt, magna ex parte
Romanorum injuria, licet adhuc titulus supra portum extet integer, distur-
bavit ; quod certe funditus evertisst nt, (id enim publice decreverant) si
eorum manihus pervia, absumtis grandibus saxis relinqua moles extitis-
set." De Fortun. Varict Urb Rom.ap Sallengre, torn. i. p. 507.

f " Sed proh dolor ! istud suraptuosum opus, destructum etprostratum
est, de anno praesenti, 131)9, per populum Romanum, quia fuerat aliquan-
do detentum per fautores Roberti CardinaJis gebennensis." Benvenuto
de' Rambaldi da Imola- Comment- in Dant. cant, xviii. ver 28. torn. i.
p. 1070. Oper Dant.

Tiraboschi (Storia, Sic. torn. v. partii. lib. iii. num. xi, p. 463.) has cor-
rected this date to 1379, making, at the same time, the following shame-
ful mistake : " Perciocchfe parlando del Campidoglio dice," (ib. p. 1970.)
" sed proh dolor istud sumptuosum," &oc. %vhich shows that he never
could have read the commentary itself, which says nothing about the
Capitol., and where the castle of St. Angelo is specified in the words im-
mediately preceding the above quotation. " Ideo denominatum est ab
isto evetitu Castrum Sancti Angeli, sed proh dolor, kc. The necessity
of consulting originals is no where so obvious as in turning over the great
Italian works of reference.

193

times,* records that the Romans did so handle it, and so dis-
mantle it, that from that time the goats came to pasture
about it.

The usual uncertainty obscures the original form of this
structure. The Augustan historians have left us only two
short notices, by which we know that the Tomb of Hadrian
was at the foot of the bridge built by that Emperor. The
restored figure given in the Itineraries, the triple range of
columns, the sculptured marbles, the gilded peacocks, the
brazen bull, and the Belvedere pine, date no farther back
than the description of Pietro ManHo, who wrote about the
year 1160, and who did not tell what he saw himself, but
quoted a homily of Saint Leo.t Manlio himself saw it as a
fortress, with a church, perhaps, on the top, as described by
Luitprand, a Httle before the time of Otho III.| Yet the
description of Manlio was followed by the anonymous pil-
grim of the thirteenth century, and also by the sculptor of
the bronze doors of St. Peter's in 1435, which furnish the

* " E si lo ebbero e tanto To disfecero che a tempo dappoi ci givano le
capre a pascare." Steph. Infess- Diario. ap. Script. Rerum Italic, torn,
iii. part 2. p. 1115.

f "Est et Castellum, quod fuit memoria Adrian! imperatoris sicut legi-
tur ia sermone S. Leonis Papse de festivitate S. Petri ubi dicit Adriani Im-
peratoris mira? magnitudinis templura constriictum quod totum lapidibus
coopertum et diversis historiis est perornatum : in circuito vero canceHis
aeneis circumseptum, cum pavonihus aureis et tauro ceneo ; ex quibus
(pavonibus) duo fuerunt de iliis qui sunt in cantharo Paradisi. In quatuor
partes templi fuerunt quatuor caballi anei deaurati, in unaquaque fronte
portae ssnese : in medio giro fuit sepulchrura porphyreticum quod nunc est
Lateranis in quo sepultus est Innocentius Papa IL cujus coopertorium est
in Paradiso B- Petri super sepuk'hrum Prjefecti" See — Historia Basilicas
Antiqnae S. Petri Apost. in Vatic, cap. vii. p. 50. ad beatiss. pat. Alexand.
III. Pont. Max. apud Acta Sanctorum, torn, vii partii- p. 37. edit 1717.
Ant. Alexander was elected in 1159: there are interpolations in this
history from the pen of a Roman canon of the Vatican, Paul, de Ange-
iis. See— Prefat. p. 36.

J " In ingressu Romance urbis qufedam est miri operis mirseque fortitu^

dinis constituta munitio munitio autem ipsa, ut cetera desinam,

tantae altitudinis est, ut Ecclesia quae in ejus vertice videtur in honore
summi et calestis militias principis Archangeli Michaelis fabricata dicatur
Ecclesia sandi Jlngeli usque ad ccelos" De rebus per Europam gestis.
Jib. iii. cap. xii. fo, 51. edit. 1514.

194

original of the {)ictures seen in all th6 guide books. The
oldest description to be relied upon, that of Procopius, is
much more simple. " Without the Aurelian gate," says he,
" a stone's throw from the walls, is the tomb of the Emperor
Hadrian, a striking and memorable work. For it is composed
of Parian marble, and the stones adhere compactly together,
although without cement. Each of the sides is in breadth
a stone's throw, and the four sides are equal one to another :
the height exceeds that of the walls. On the top are seen
many admirable statues of men and horses of the same mar-
ble ; and because this tomb seemed, as it were, a strong-hold
over against the city, the ancients joined it to the walls by
two branches, which connected it with the town wall : it
looks, therefore, like a high tower protecting the neighbour-
ing gateway."*

If then there was any colonnade similar to that of the plans,
it must have disappeared before the time of Procopius : and
the editor of Winkelmann, who avers that there are still
evident traces of the adjustment of a vault, which sprang
from the tower and terminated on the circular portico, asks
whether it is probable, that the pillars of the lower range
may have been employed in forming the great portico which
led to the Vatican, or in building the Vatican Basilica itself.t
By this query, it is presumed, he thinks such a conjecture is
probable, notwithstanding the columnar ornaments of the
sepulchre are merely traditional, and are falsely supposed
to have enriched St. Paul's, without the walls, with her
paonazzetto pillars, and the Lateran with those of verd-
antique.

A more correct judgment could have been formed before
the destruction in 1379, than can be deduced from the
present naked skeleton of peperine, surrounded as it is by the

* Procop. ill loc. sup. cit.

f '• Saiebhe mai probabile il dire, che le colonne piu grandi abbiano
servito al mentovato gran portico, die dalla mole giugneva fine alia basi-
lica Vaticana, restaurato, e ampiiato di molto dal Pontefice S. Adriano.
Q che siano state impiegate nella stessa Basilica Vaticana ?" Dissertazione
sulle I'ovine, &,c. p. So6. If so, the church has another plunder to be
noted of the monuments of Rome.

195

repairs and outworks of successive pontiffs : for it should be
borne in mind by the spectator, that, excepting the circular
mass, he sees nothing which dates earher than the beginning
of the fifteenth century : and that even the round tower itself
has been much changed by the explosion -of the powder maga-
zine in 1497, the final reparation of which reduced the for-
tress to its present form. The fate of the modern cilv, and
even of the papal power, has in some measure depended iipon
the castle of Saint Angclo ; and by a lamenta})le coincidence,
the tomb of one of their despots has helped to pei'petuate ^he
subjection of the Roman people. Of such importance was
this fort to the pontifts, that the taking of it is, by an ecclesi-
astical writer, ranked with a famine, an eclipse, and an earth-
quake.*

At one time it commanded the only entrance into Rome on
the Tuscan side.t The seizure of it by the Patrician Theo-
dora, in the beginning of the tenth century, was one of the
first steps towards the establishment of the power of herself
and the more famous Marozia, her daughter : and the pos-
session of it enabled her lover, Pope John X., after her death
probably, to expel from Rome Alberic, Marquis of Camerino,
the husband of the same Marozia.J The daughter, how-

■^ " Eodem anno pev totam orbem magna fiimes fuit, ita quod exinde
multi homines mortui sunt: et sol eclypsim passus est, castru7n S. ^n-
geli captumest, terra mota est." Vit. Pontif. Card, de Aragon. et alior.
ap. Script. Rer. Italic, torn. iii. p. 313. speaking of tlie year 1084.

f Luitprand, in loc. sup. cit. ~

I There are some doubts and difficulties respecting these two persons
whom Mr. Gibbon calls 5is/e/'5 (cap. xlix. vol. iv. oct. p. 197.) Marozia
had a sister, Theodora, whom Baronius, by a great mistake, calls the wife
of Adalbert II., Duke or Marquis of Tuscany (Annali d'ltalia, ad an 917.
torn. V. p. 28£.) : but the lady to whom the exploits of a Theodora seem
to belong, was the mother of Marozia, and she who plared her Iovtm*. the
Bishop of Ravenna, on the papal throne, under the name of John X. in
the year 914. This is the scortum impiidcns of Luitprand, who sny? of
her, " Romanaj civitatis non inviriliter monarchiam obtinehat." (Annali
ad an. 914. ib. p. 273.) Mr. Gibbon teUs us, that "the bastard son, the
grandson, and the great grandson of Marozia, a rare genealogy, were^
seated in the chair of St Peter,'''' (ibid. p. 198;) but John XT. was the son
of her husband, Alberic, not of her lover. Pope Sergius III , as Muvatori
feas distinctly proved (Annali ad an- 911. torn. v. p. 268) Her grandson

196

ever, was mistress of the castle in 925, and handed it mer^
with the sovereignty of Rome, to her second and third hus-
bands, Giiido and Hugo. Her son Alberic drove away the
latter, wlio was obliged to drop down from the battlements
upon the town wall. The castle stood two sieges against
Hugo, and passed into the hands of the Patrician, Pope John
Xil. That pontiff and Adalbert, son of King Berenger, en-
deavoured to hold it against Otho the Great (A. D. 963,) but
were compelled to retire.* The Saxon emperor came to
Rome and deposed John for " hunting and calling on Jove
and Venus, and other demons, to help him when he played
at dice, besides other irregularities."! Otho addressed him-
self to the assembly in Saxon, not being able to speak Latin.
Benedict VI. was murdered in the castle by Cardinal Boni-
face Franconc (in 973) who was driven from Rome by Be-
nedict VIL, but kept the Mole by means of a band of ruf-
fians, and thus enabled himself to return from Constantinople,
when he put to death another pope, John XIV. This was in
984 or 985. 1

It was in the succeeding pontificate of John XV. that
the Caesar Crescentius seized and re-fortified the castle so
strongly, that it was called afterwards his rock or toiver, and
all the efforts of an imperial army, commanded by Otho III.
in person, were insufficient to dislodge him. His surrender
"U^as, we have seen,§ the effect of treachery, not of force.

The next memorable notice of the castle is the two years
blockade of the anti-pope Cadaloo, in the time of Alexander

Octavian, otherwise called John XIL, was pope ; but a ^reat grandson
cannot be discovered in any of the succeeding popes, nor does our his-
torian himseii, in his subsecjuent narration, (pag. 202.) seem to know of
one.

* The dates of soine of these events will have been seen in note to
St uiza LXXX. Luitprand is the authority for Hugo King of Burgundy's
metliod of escape.

f " In ludo aleai Jovis Veneris caetcrorumque daDmonum auxilium
poposcisbe dixerunt" Luitprand, lib. vi. cap. vii. fol. xc. He was ac-
cused also of turning the Lateran into a brothel; in short, of every t'hing
but rhe r»'al offence, his opposition to Otho.

X iMuratori has the fhst, Raronius the second date.

^ See note to Stanza CXIV.

197

II., in the years 1063 and 1064.* Gregory VII. defended
himself in the fortress against the Roman partisans of Henry
IV., and in this transaction also the Mole appears to have
been impregnable. The people and the Germans could not
force their way into it, and the only effort made was to pre-
vent Gregory from getting out. He was liberated by the
army of Guiscard; but the castle fell into the hands of his
enemies. The troops of the countess Matilda put it in pos-
session of Victor III., whose garrison held it against the par-
tisans of the anti-pope Guibert, in 1087. It was attacked by
the people, and yielded by Urban II., not, however, in con-
sequence of a violent assault! (A. D. 1091). ]t was then
resolved to level this " lasting shame" with the ground ; but
the anti-pope, Guibert, Clement III., retained it for his own
service, and defended it for seven years against his oppo-
nents.

The army of the crusaders, in 1096, assaulted it in vain.
Urban recovered it by composition in 1098. Another anti-
pope Anaclete II. wrested it from the hands of Innocent II.,
who returning with the Emperor Lothaire III., tried, with-
out success, to recover it. This occurred in 1137, and in
the following year, after the death of Anaclete, and the de-
position of Victor IV., Innocent was again master of the
Mole. I The Peter Leone family guarded it for the succes-
sive pontiffs, Celestine II., Lucius II., and Eugenius III., up
to the year 1 133,§ when the new senate occupied this and the
other fortresses. It stood a siege for Alexander III. against
Frederick Barbarossa, in 1167 ; but fell into the hands of the
senate after the retreat of that pontiff.

The subsequent popes, however, seem to have been the
nominal masters of it, even when they had lost nearly the

* Annali d'ltalia, ad an. cit. There is a short history of the castle of
St Angelo in Donatus, lih. iv. cap vii. which being founded chiefly on
Baronius, seems very incorrect, especially as to dates.

Baronius would make it appear so. See — Annali ad an. 1891, torn.
vi. p 303

X Annali, torn. vi. p. 461.

^ Ibid, ad an. cit

198

'Tz-^v of the temporal power at Rome,* and after the re-
.0 Avig Oil. A legate was governor at the elevation of
iiieozi, and after his fall the Tribune remained for a month
securely posted ill the citadel. Innocent VI., hearing of the
deaih of his Trii3une~senator Rienzi, was alarmed lest the
barons should seize the Mole, and accordingly delivered it
into the keeping of Hugo Lusignan, king of Cyprus, then
appointed Senator. On the return from Avignon it received
Gregory XI. (1376) ; but his successor, Urban VI., lost it in
the harry of the election. The opposing cardinals would not
deliver it into his hands, and the captain of their anti-pope,
Clement VII., defended it, as already described, until 1378^
the date of its destruction.

It remained dismantled until 1382, when two Romans said
to Boniface IX. " If you wish to maintain the dominion of
Rome, fortify Castle Saint Angelo.j He followed their ad-
vice, and a great antiquary records the consequence. " Bo-
niface IX., the pontiff, first fortified the Mole of Pladrian,
and established the papal power.'^'^X The people petitioned In-
nocent VII. to restore to them their liberty^ the Capitol ^ the
Milvian Bridge, and the Mole, and seized, for a moment, all
but the latter, which they assaulted, but were repulsed by the
pontifical troops, and totally routed in the gardens of Nero,
in the Vatican.

Ladislaus, of Naples, expelled Pope John XXIII., and
left the castle in the possession of his daughter, Johanna IL
It now stood another siege from Braccio Montoni§, and was
soon afterwards delivered to Pope Martin V.

During the reign of Eugenius IV. a plan was laid for mur-
dering the governor, and when that pope was driven from the
city, the people attacked it furiously, but were unable to pre-
vail. Sixtus IV. renewed the practice of naming cardinals

* Donatus, lib. iv. cap. vii. p. 890. Script. Rer. Ital. torn. iii.

I " Se ta vuoi m intenere lo stato di Rcima acconciii castel Sant* An.-
gdo." Steph. Infess. diariu. ibid, p 1115. loc. cit.

X "Bonifacius IX. Pontif. max. primus, mole Hadriani munita Roma-
norum Ponlificum ditionem stabilivit." Onul'. Panvinii Descrip. Urb.
Roma), ap. Graiv. torn, iii p. S39.

^ The datc'.s \vi!l!tavo. hi'cn seen in note to Stanza LXXX.

199 i

to the pi-aefecture of the castle. Nicholas V. added some- I

thing to the fortifications ; but Alexander VI. constructed the j

brickworks on the summit, and also the bastions in front of ,

the Tiber. These additions enabled it to withstand the Im- j

perialists of Charles V. for seven months : and it was not i

finally taken by assault, but surrendered, by Clement VII.

and his thirteen cardinals, upon terms. Paul III. and Pius j

IV. adorned and strengthened it ; but the great engineer was |

Urban VIII. ; he added a mound, a ditch, a bastion, and a

hundred pieces of cannon of different calibre, thereby mak- ^^^

ing it evident, as Donatus quaintly observes, that " his bees \

(the Barberini arms) not only gave honey, but had stings for \

the fight."* I

.... j

Since the modern improvements in artillery, it is clear that |

the castle, commanded, as it is, by all the neighbouring hills, j

could never resist a cannonade. It was surrendered during j

the late war of 1814, after an idle menace from the French \

captain, that the angel on the top should sheath his sword be- '

fore the garrison would capitulate. *

Yet it has completely answered the intention of Boniface, '

and the Tomb of Hadrian has served for the basis of a modern \

throne. This must magnify our conceptions of the massive |

fabrics of ancient Rome : but the destruction of the memorial !

would have been preferable to the establishment of the mo- j

narchy. !

The interior of the castle is scarcely worth a visit, except '

it be for the sake of mounting to the summit, and enjoying the j

prospect of the windings of the Tiber. The memorials of j
Hadrian are reduced to a bust, and a copy of it shown in the
principal saloon, whose frescoes are very little attractive, af-
ter the sight of the masterpieces in that art. The size, how-
ever, of the room, is so considerable, tliat a tragedy was re-
presented there under the direction of Cardinal Riario in pre-

* " NimirijiTi apes non solum mel conficiunt scd etiam aculeatae arman-
tur ad pugnam." Lib. iv. cap. vii. ibid. Books were written to siiow
liow it should be fortified ; so the writer found somewhere \ he believes in
Guicciardini.

200

sence of the whole papal court.* The living still continue to
be entombed in the repository of the dead, and the exploit of
Cellini, which a view of the fort makes less surprising, has
been repeated by a late prisoner.

Stanza CLIV.

Majesty,
Power, Glory, Stren0h, and Beauty, are all aisled
In this eternal ark of worship undejiled.

The ceremonies of a religion must, except where they are
sanguinary, be considered the most harmless part of it : if,
however, our notions of primitive Christianity be at all cor-
rect, nothing can so little resemble it as the present worship
at Saint Peter's. A noisy school for children in one corner ;
a sermon preached to a moveable audience at another ; a
concert in this chapel ; a ceremony, half interrupted by the
distant sounds of the same music, in another quarter ; a
ceaseless crowd sauntering along the nave, and circulating
through all the aisles ; listeners and gazers walking, sitting,
kneeling ; some rubbing their foreheads against the worn
toes of the bronze of Saint Peter, others smihng at them ; con-
fessors in boxes absolving penitents ; lacquey de places ex-
pounding pictures ; and all these individual objects and ac-
tions lost under an artificial heaven, whose grandeur and
whose beauties delight and distract the eye.

Such is the interior of this glorious edifice — the Mall of
Rome ; but religious sentiments are, perhaps, the last which
itj_nspires. Where man has done such wonders, the ungrate-
ful mind does not recur to the Deity ; and it is not at all un-
charitable to conclude, that the worship of the early Chris-
tians, condensed in the damp crypts and catacombs, was per-

* Tiraboschi, StoriR, Sec. torn. vi. par. iii. lib. iii. p. 816. This was
about the year 149ii. Innocent VIII. was spectator, and the academi-
cians of Pomponius Laetus were the actors. The plays were performed
also in the cardinal's house, and " in media Circi cavea^" probably the Co-
liseum.

201

formed with a fervour which evaporates under the aerial vault
®f Saint Peter's.

His present holiness, talking to an Englishman of the
church of Rome, said to him, "You are good CathoHcs in
your country ; here of is all talk (grido)." Pius had, at the
same time, the discernment to attribute the superior earnest-
ness of the Catholics of the United Kingdom, to their la-
bouring under certain political disadvantages, which made
their piety a point of honour and of pride. It has, in truth,
been long before discovered, that penalties are little less ef- '
fectual than premiums, in keeping alive an absurd supersti-
tion, which can fall into disuse only by entire toleration and
neglect.

The indifference of the Italians, however, must be under-
stood under certain limitations. It may be true of the loun-
gers at Saint Peter's, of the company which throngs the pa-
pal shows, most of whom are foreigners, or of the higher
classes, and perhaps of the clergy themselves. But the very
old of both sexes, the peasantry, the greater part of the fe-
males of all classes, but more in the higher than the middling
orders, may be considered, in the whole, sufficiently obedient
to the easy injunctions of their religion ; and, as fai* as faith
is concerned, cannot have been much surpassed by the most
devout of their ancestors.

In all those conditions of mankind most readily exposed to
danger or distress, and most easily affected by a sense of
weakness, by a hope of the better, by a fear of the worse,
the ancient superstition has recovered whatever influence she,
may have lost by the French invasion. At Rome the days of mi-**!
raclesare returned, and these miracles are solemnly examined,
and, what is not a whit more ridiculous, substantiated ac-
cording to the rules of the council of Trent. If they coin-
cide with this test of the sixteenth century, they are then ra.
tified by the signature of cardinals, and published in the Court-
Gazette. It should be told that this last condition is prudent ;
for a miracle at Rome is resorted to like a fire at Constant!- \
nople : and on the notification of an exorbitant impost, the \
Madonnas open their eyes, in order, if such a phrase mavj

202

be allowed, to open those of the people. This took place m
the spring of 1817 ; but the imprisonment of three or four
priests soon restored both the statues and their worshippers
to their usual insensibility. When the images do not declare
themselves against the government, their animation is rather
encouraged than forbidden, and superstition is allowed its full
play. The new constitution which the enlightened Gonsalvi
has proposed does not apply to the spiritual condition of the
people.

f rius VII. himself underwent, more than once, a partial
translation in 1811, at Savona, as we find by a picture now
circulated in his capital.* When his Hohness returned to
Rome in 1814, the people went out to meet him, with palmg
in their hands, and bearing full length portraits of him ;
which is an honour never permitted except to the Beati, on
their road to an apotheosis. Shortly after the happy event the
city was solemnly lustrated by holy water and missions, that
is, sermons in the streets, to purge away the contagion of

\ the French.

^ — There are still the above-mentioned missions at Rome and |
elsewhere, when the audience are preached into the imme- \
diate conflagration of their Metastasios or other pernicious
volumes ; and, stranger still, pious whippings are still publicly
performed in addition to the discipline enjoined amongst the
penances of the convents. The reader may not object to a
short account of this extraordinary exercise, such as it is now
administered in the oratory of the Padre Caravita and in
another church at Rome.

f "^^he ceremony takes place at the time of vespers. It is
preceded by a short exhortation, during which a bell rings, and
whips, tliat is, strings of knotted whip-cord, are distributed
quietly amongst such of the audience as are on tlieir knees in
the middle of the nave. Those resting on the benches come
to edify by example only. On a second bell, the candles are
extinguished, and the former sermon having ceased, a loud
voice issues from the altar, which pours forth an exhortation

^"^ * With this legend : Pius . Sept . Pont . Max . Savonse. in Ecstasim
iterum raptus die Assumptioni^, B. M. V. 15ta August), 1811. His Ho-
liness is in the air.

203

to think of unconfessed, or unrepented, or iinforgiven crimes.
This continues a sufficient time to allow the kneelers to strip\
off their upper garments : the tone of the preacher is raised
more loudly at every word, and he vehemently exhorts his
hearers to recollect that Christ and the martyrs suffered much
more than whipping — " Show, then, you?' patience — show your
sense of ChrisPs sacrifice — sIlow it zvith the rohip,^"^ The fla-
gellation begins. The darkness, the tumultuous sound of
blows in every direction — " Blessed Virgin Mary, pray for
us !" bursting out at intervals — the persuasion that you are
surrounded by atrocious culprits and maniacs, who know of
an absolution for every crime — the whole situation has the
effect of witchery, and so far from exciting a smile, fixes you
to the spot in a trance of restless horror, prolonged beyond
expectation or bearing.
'''T'he scourging continues ten or fifteen minutes, and when
it sounds as if dying away, a bell rings, which seems to invi-
gorate the penitents, for the lashes beat more quickly than be-
fore. Another bell rings, and the blows subside. At a third
signal the candles are re-lighted, and the minister who has dis-
tributed the disciplines, collects them again with the same
discretion ; for the performers, to do them justice, appear to
be too much ashamed of their transgressions to make a show
of their penance, so that it is very difficult to say whether even /

your next neighbour has given himself the lash or not. -- /

The incredulous or the humourest must not suppose that
the darkness favours evasion. There can be no pleasantry in
doing that which no one sees, and no merit can be assumed
where it is not known who accepts the disciplines. The fla-
gellation does certainly take place on the naked skin ; and
this ferocious superstition, of which antiquity can furnish no
example,* has, after being once dropt, been revived as a salu-
tary corrective of an age of atheism. The t'ormer proces-

* The priests of Cybele consented to that mutilation on which the
monastic institutions have refined. Those of Bellona slashed themselves
with knives, or appeared to do so : and Commodus, who suspected some
deceit, insisted on a performance of the ceremony in his presence, and tooic
care that the wounds should he given in good earnest. But in both these
instances the sufferers were priests. The wounding and cutting were I'or-

204

sions of flagellants have not yet been renewed, but the crowds
which frequent the above ceremony, leave no doubt that they
would be equally well attended.

Such an innovation may be tolerated, and perhaps applaud-
ed, in the days of barbarism, when the beating of themselves
was found the only expedient to prevent the Italians from the
beating of each other ; but the renewal of it at this period
must induce us to fear that the gradual progress of reason is
the dream of philanthropy, and that a considerable portion of
all societies, in times the most civilized as well as the most
ignorant, is always ready to adopt the most unnatural belief,
and the most revolting practices. It is singular, however, that
the humane Pius and the intelligent Cardinal-secretary, do not
perceive the objectionable part of an institution which was
prohibited at its first rise, by some of the wisest Italian
princes, and is now allowed no where but at Rome.

Flagellation began to be accounted amongst the duties of
piety about the year 1260. It originated in Perugia, travel-
led thence to Rome, and in a short time the high-roads of Italy
were crowded with processions of penitents, two by two,
sometimes nearly naked, sometimes in sackcloth, scourging
themselves from city to city, and preaching the correction of
vice, and peace. Twenty thousand Bolognese, with their
Gonfalonier at their head, whipped themselves all the way to
Modena. The Modenese made a similar voyage : and the
Chronicles tell us,* that there was at the same time " a great
flogging for the love of God,^^ in Parma and Reggio, and in
other cities of Lombardy. Manfred, however, king of the two
Sicilies, the signors of Milan, of Brescia, of Ferrara, " the
sons and masters of iniquity,"! objected to receiving the dis-
I cipline : they shut their gates against the flagellants, who, on
N. their march towards Milan, were scared by the sight of six

malities, not a penance ; and the people did not, as in the whipping,
partake in such atrocious fooleries.

* " Fuit scovaraentum magnum pro amore dei in Parma et in Regio et
Mutina, et alibi etiam per Lombardiam, et paces inter homines habentes
guerras factae sunt" Chron. di Parma, ap. Murat. Dissertaz. sopra le
antic. Ital. 75. p. 602.

i " Iniquitatis filii et magistri renuerunt accipere disciplinam." Ibid.

205

hundred gibbets erected by the Torriani, Lords of the coimtrf^
and whipped themselves back to whence they came.* With
such opposition, the practice would have expired upon the
highways, had not the pious foundling of fanaticism been
eaught up and cherished in the warm bosom of mother church.
Flagellation was no longer vagrant on the roads, but still
flourished in the streets of cities, and in churches, and in con-
vents. It became also the bond of union and the consolation
of many lay confraternities, as well as religious foundations, was
enriched by papal indulgencies, and transmitted, with unim-
paired favour, from generation to generation.

The French government had other uses, not so absurd, but-
more pernicious, to which to apply the nervous arms of their
subjects, penitent and impenitent. Self-whipping was abolish-
ed— it might have been thought for ever — but Pius VII. has
returned, and seems to forget that he is not Clement IV.
The scattered funds for idleness have been, as far as possible,
recollected in the Roman states, and some other parts of
Italy ; and religious orders re-established, in many instances,
to the regret of the communities themselves. The education
of youth is, we have seen, again put into the hands of the re-
suscitated Jesuits, t whose suppression is now recognised
amongst the causes of the late convulsions of Europe.

These views are powerfully seconded by the House of Aus-
tria, whose possessions, under various branches of the same

* " Sed volentibus venire Mediolanum per Turrianos sexcentae furcse
parantur, quo viso retrocesserunt." Ibid. p. 600- torn. iii. of the Italian
edition.

f Hume, the friend of all establishments, and who owns the miscon-
duct of the Jesuits to have been much exaggerated, has this passage.
" This reproach, however, they must bear from posterity, that from the
very nature of their institution they were engaged to pervert learning,
the only effectual remedy against superstition, into a nourishment of that
infirmity ; and as their erudition was chiefly of the ecclesiastical and
scholastic kind (though a few members have cultivated polite literature),
they were only the more enabled by that acquisition to refine away the
plainest dictates of morality, and to erect a new system of casuistry, by
which prevarication, perjury, and every crime, when it served their
ghostly purposes, might be justifiod and defended." History of England,
Elizabeth, cap. Ixi.

206

family, now stretch from the Apennines of Cortona to the Po
and the Alps. The Tuscans, since the reign of Cosmo III.,
have received the bent of superstition, and are distinguished,
particularly the Florentines, for a disposition to credulity
which will now return with all its force. Yet Pignotti, only
a few years past, could still disperse his liberal opinions
through his engaging history. The literary journal of Lom-
bardy is revised by the pensioners of the court ; yet, in the
same precincts, the author of the Aristodemus still lives and
writes. A German has been placed at the head of the uni-
versity of Padua, yet the Italian Odyssey has just added
another wreath to the poet of the neighbouring Verona. Yet,
if the present depression shall continue to weigh upon the Ita-
lians, such proofs of the unextinguishable genius of the soil
will become daily more rare. All the elements which, under
the creative encouragement of a free, or even an independent
government, might compose a great and enlightened nation,
will mingle into their primitive confusion, and sedate ignorance
establish, upon the inert mass, her leaden throne. A ray of
light may struggle through the darkness, another Canova may
arise after a dreary interval, and a faint voice remind some
future age, that Italy was once the land of poets.

" In vain, in vain, the all-composing hour

Resistless falls : the Muse obeys the power.

She comes ! she comes ! the sable throne behold,

Of night primeval, and of Chaos old !

Before her, Fancy's gilded clouds decay,

And all its varying rainbows die away ;

Wit shoots in vain its momentary fires,

The meteor drops, and in a flash expires.

Nor public flame nor private dares to shine,
Nor human spark is left, nor glimpse divine.
Lo ! thy dread empire, Chaos! is restored,
Light dies before thy uncreating word :
Thy hand, great Anarch ! lets the curtain fall.
And universal darkness buries all.

207

Stanza CLXXIII.
Lo, JVemi ! navelled in the ivoody hills.

Stanza CLXXIV.
And near Alhano's scarce divided ivaves, ^"c. Sfc.

Nemi, that is, the Arician grove, and the Alban hill, come
within the tour commonly made by travellers • and a descrip-
tion, in the usual style, will be found in all the common guide-
books. No one should omit to visit the two lakes. The
tunnel, or emissary, cut nearly two miles through the moun-
tain, from the Alban lake, is the most extraordinary memorial
of Roman perseverance to be found in the world. An Eng-
lish miner would be at a loss to account for such a perfora-
tion made without shafts. It has served to carry off the re-
dundant water from the time of the Veian war, 398 years be-
fore Christ, to this day, nor has received, nor is in want of re-
pairs.*

When the traveller has wandered amongst the ruins of vil-
las and tombs, to all of which great names are given,! he may
examine the productions of a discovery which has been lately
made, and which, if there be no deception, has brought to
light a society possessed, apparently, of all the arts of ancient
civilization, and existing before the arrival of Mneas in Italy ;
a society which was buried in the convulsion that changed the
volcano of Albano into a lake.

Doctor Alexander Visconti has enabled us to judge of this
prodigious discovery, by publishing a memoir on the subject,

* All that Livy says of this great work, after mentioning that it had
been prescribed by a Tuscan soothsayer and the oracle of Apollo, is, " Jam
ex lacu Albano aqua emissa in agros." Lib. v. cap. liv. It was completed
in a year. It is three feet and a half wide, and six feet in height.

f Here you have Porapey's villa, Porapey's tomb, or, if that will not
serve, the tomb of the Horatii and Curiatii, or, since that may not be
bold enough, the tomb of Ascanius, in another quarter. Some, who are
not content with tombs, call them villas. At the bottom of the hill, the
antiquaries know th« very cavern wliere Milo killed Claudius.

208

and the reader may like to see the fact stated plainly, and di-
vested of the solemn whimsical pedantry of the antiquary, and
of the legal involution of the attached affidavits. It appears,
then, that the Signor Carnevali, a gentleman of Albano, had
found, in January, 1817, a considerable quantity of cinerary
vases, in turning up the ground for a plantation, near the road
from Castel Gandolfo to Marino. On the 28th of the same
month, one Signor Tomasetti, breaking up a continued mass
of peperine which covers the declivity of the hill near the road
to Marino, on the ground called Montecucco, when he came
to the distance of five hundred and seventy-one Roman canes
from the spot where Signor Carnevali had discovered his
vases, suddenly found several cinerary vases, all of them bro-
ken excepting one. These were under the layer of peperine.
The two gentlemen above-mentioned resolved then to make
farther excavations, and, in presence of several respectable
witnesses, on the 4th of the following February, broke up
another mass of the same peperine, which measured one hun-
dred and fifty-nine and a half Roman canes in square surface.
They cut downwards through about a palm and a half of com-
mon soil, and then lower, to the depth of two palms of pepe-
rine, and came to some white cretaceous earth, the layer of
which they found to be a palm and a half deep. In this layer
they found a terra cotta, figured, vase, broken in many pieces.
The vase was seen in its bed by all the witnesses, previously
to being taken up. Other similar fragments were discovered
as the labour continued ; and it was observed that the mass of
peperine became much thicker, and covered the surface to
the depth of four palms. Pieces of a conduit pipe of some
size were also found, and that not in mass, but separated from
one another. The fragments of vases produced from this ex-
cavation, were not of sufficient size to furnish any conjecture
as to the form of the vessels : but from the bottom of one,
more entire than the rest, they were thought to have had the
shape of a pila, or water cistern.

It should be told that, at dilferent periods, four and three
years before, other fragments of vases had been found under
the peperine ; and that under the same mass of peperine cer-
tain stone-cutters had found pieces of iron, appearing to them

209

•to be nails. Of these discoveries affidavits were made a little
after the period of the present excavation, in March. Th^
Signor Carnevali tells his visiters of a metal mirror also found
in the same position, but the affidavits make no mention of it.

The whole of the fragments found on the fourth of February
were carefully collected, and, the next day, in presence of the
former witnesses and a notary pubhc, were examined and
compared with the entire vases found in January by the Sig-
nor Carnevali. The consequence of this comparison was a
solemn judgment that the fragments and the entire vases were
of the same composition and materials.

This identity being established, the same value was, of
course, attached to the vases of the Signor Carnevali, which
had been found not under the peperine, as to that of Signor
Tomasetti, and to the fragments discovered on the fourth of
February, under the rock. As, therefore, the Tomasetti vase
and the fragments were in themselves in nowise curious, the
antiquaries proceeded to the examination of the Carnevali
vases with the same satisfaction as if they had been found un-
der the rock with the others.

The Doctor Visconti addressed the above letter to his
friend^ Signor Carnevali, in April ; and the memoir having
been read in the Archagological Society at Rome, was shortly
after published, together with the affidavits before alluded to.
This memoir discusses the contents found in the Carnevali
vases, which are indeed so curious, that it has been thought
worth while to give a drawing of them, which, after personal
examination, the writer can aver to be very correct.

The whole memoir goes to prove that the vases and the
nails, and all the Alban fragments, belong to a state of society
existing in this mountain before the volcano of Albano was ex-
tinguished, that is, at some unknown period before Ascanius
founded Alba Longa, in the year 1176 before the Christian
era.

It is premised that the peperine under which the Tomasetti
vase, and (by induction) all the vases, were laid, was originally
a volcanic substance thrown up at the great convulsion, and
gradually formed into stone. These burials, then, did not
take place after, but before, the present surface was formed.

210

therefore they belong to a people who lived at Alba before the
lake was formed, and the crater became extinct ; these peo-
ple Visconti calls Aborigines. With this foundation the Ro-
man antiquary endeavours to show, that the burials may have
belonged to a people even of the extreme antiquity requisite
for such a supposition.

For the burnt bones are no objection : burning the dead was
practised by the very ancient Greeks, by the very ancient Tro-
jans, by the very ancient Thebans, by the very ancient Ro-
mans, and the very ancient Gauls, also by the modern Indians.

The vessels of earth are no objection, for the tomb of Be-
lus contained a vase of glass, therefore clay must be much
more ancient ; besides which Numa had a coDege of potters^
and, in the time of Julius Caesar, the colonists at Capua disco-
vered some very old monumental vascula of pottery, with some
inscribed brass tablets, saying they belonged to the tomb of
Capys ; add to this, these very ancient pottery works were of
a dark colour, as are the Carnevali vases, as if tinged with
the oxid of iron, and their composition differs from the com-
mon clay by the addition of a certain quantity of volcanic sand,
and according to a chemical analysis, they are thus combined
in every 100 parts.

Silicious earth 63^

Aluminous do 21|

Carbonate of lime 4-

Water ' 10^

100

The different contents of the deposite are no objection,
for the large outward jar, the cinerary urn, the ointment vase,
and the metal ornaments within the cinerary vase, the cale-
factorhim, the perfume vase, the vase called giittus, the five
other vases, perhaps, for wine, and milk, and honey, the bowl
and the three platters, may be all shown to be of most an-
cient usage. The same may be said of the funereal lamp of
rough workmanship, and more especially of a little rude idol
which seems to be one of the Oscillce, a sacrifice to Dis, in
place of the human victim, and of that sort which Rachel

211

stole from her father. " Erat Lahan ad tondendas oves, et
Rachel furata est idola patris sui,'^^

As for the bronze utensils, they are also of the higliest an-
tiquity, for brass was the first metal employed ; the fibula
may have pinned the amianthus or other cloth in which the
ashes were wrapped, a conjecture more probable from its
being made without soldering : the elegance of the work-
manship does not surpass that of the coin of Servius Tullius.
Tubal Cain was a worker in all works of brass and iron.
The small wheel, the little lance head, the two hooks, the
stylus, were part of the sepulchral munera buried with the
dead ; the spoked wheel was as old as the time of Homer ;
the stylus also having the obliterating part moveable, differs
from the usual form, and, therefore^ is of great antiquity ;
styli were used at Rome in the time of Porsenna. The
Doctor Visconti attempts no explanation of the forked instru-
ment in terra cotta. seen in the first drawing;. The mvsterious
figures and points observable in the second drawing, may be
letters, of which, " according to Pliny ^ the Phenicians were
the inventors^'''' and were appropriately added to a monument,
quia monet nos.

So far the Roman antiquary. It is now our turn to make
a few remarks. In the first place, then, it should be told
that in the month of May, following the discovery, the
ground whence the interments were extracted was covered
up and shown to no one even upon inquiry. An English na-
turalist who visited the spot, was unable to discover the pre-
cise excavation ; and it was* the opinion of the same gentle-
man, that the stone called peperine was, in fact, a tufo gra-
dually formed by the sand and water crumbling down the de-
clivity from the summit of the hill, and not a volcanic forma-
tion, of which he discerned no signs. According to this sup-
position, there is no necessit}^ for having recourse to the ex-
treme antiquity assumed by the Doctor Visconti.

In the second place, although there was only one- entire
vase actually found under the rock, and that vase was of
much more simple workmanship, and contained none of the
curious implements of the others, the Signor Carnevali, in
showing his museum, makes no distinction between the two

212

discoveries, but, on the contrary, endeavours, both by his si-
lence, and, when he is pushed, bj his assertions, to confound
the iwo, assuming that his whole museum is of equal anti-
quity with the said Tomasetti vase.

This remark becomes more important, although more in-
vidious, wiien it is told that the articles of the museum are
for sale^ the price of a complete interment being fifty louis- |

d^ors. This incomprehensible dispersion of such treasures
does not quite agree with the following innocent conclusion
with which Visconti perorates. '

" Dear Friend,

" These monuments are come into your
house,

* Data sunt ipsis quoque fata sepulchris :'

it seems to me that the most venerable antiquities strive to
get into your hands, for a few days since you have acquired
that very ancient ces grave, never yet published, weighing four
pounds and a half, with an anchor on one side, and a tripod
on the reverse : perchance it is the destiny of tripods to fall
into the hands of the best of men. I recommend to you
these innocent utensils'^ that have lasted for so many years,
more precious than gold and than silver, since they were
made in times when, according to PHny, gold and silver were
worked not for men, nor even for the gods themselves.
Take care that they are not broken nor lost, but pass down
from age to age like the stars. What a number of fine things
you have — and you may yet possess ! ! but your heart is re-
fulgent above all, and if your modesty did not snatch the pen
from my hand, how much I should write on that topic : I
wait then for your other agreeable commands, that I may show
you by deeds that I am," Sic,

The owner may think he follows his friend's advice, by re-
taining one or two of the best specimens.

Thirdly, the museum contains a great variety of articles,
all of them Inferred to have been laid under the rock, but

^ ((

Vi raccomando questi innocenti stoviglie." Lettera, &c- p. 29.

213

for which circumstance there is no guarantee, even in the
affidavits attached to the memoir ; the bronze implements in
great number and of every shape, are of as elegant and
elaborate workmanship as is to be found in the specimens
which are seen in the other museums of Europe, and which
confessedly belong to a much later age than that assumed by
Visconti. These bronze implements are frequently discover-
ed in Italy and Greece, and certainly do not agree with the
pottery of the large jar, or of the cinerary vase, which is of
a form much more rude than suits with their shape and make.
They do however agree well enough with the lamps and
lacrymatories, which are entirely of the kind discovered
every day in Greek and Roman burials. It is possible then,
and, all things considered, probable, that the interments have
been completed and adjusted since the discovery, and that
part of the pottery may belong to one period, and the imple-
ments and the other part of the pottery to another. The
styli are in great variety, and belonged to a people whose
alphabet was less rude than the pretended letters on the
vases — one of the fibula? has not altogether lost the spring.
It must not be deemed too uncharitable to hesitate before we
believe that all the articles were found in the Alban vases.

In the fourth place : the larger pottery is neither Roman
nor Tuscan. It is not altogether unlike that found in other
places, and supposed to be the work of the early inhabitants,
whom it is usual to call Indigenes.

The most learned Roman writers, Porcius Cato, Caius
Sempronius, and others, were of opinion that the Aborigines,
or, as others called them, the Aberrigines, were Greeks from
Achaia, who had migrated to Italy many years before the
Trojan war : and Dionysius says, that, in that case, they
were Arcadians who accompanied (Enotrus and Peucetius
seventeen generations before the Trojan war,'*' some of whom
settled in Umbria,t and sent out colonies to the Corniculan
or Tiburtine mountains. | These Aborigines were joined by
the Pelasgi, colonists originally from Argos,§ and the two
nations, about three generations before the Trojan war, were

* Lib. i. cap. xi. f Ibid. cap. xiii. t Ibid, cap, xvi.

^ Ibid. i. cap. xvii- xviii. xx.

214

in possession of all the country from the Tiber to the Liris ;*
but the Pelasgi were extinct at the end of that war,t or were
mingled with the Aborigines.! According to this account we
have Greeks settled for ages in these hills before the coming
of jEneas to Italy ; but that these Greeks were little better
than barbarians, we may collect from the same authority,
which tells us that the Arcadians under Evander, who settled
on the Palatine hill about sixty years before the Trojan war,§
were the first that introduced the Greek letters, Greek
music, and Greek manners into Italy. || Besides these Greek
Aboriojines, Dionysius seems to talk of certain indigenal na-
tives who assisted them and the Trojans in founding Alba
Longa. But who these Indigenes were, except they were
Tuscans, whom he inclines to believe natives of Italy,** does
not appear from his account.

Whoever were the makers of the bronze implements, and
some of the lesser vases, they must be supposed in a state of
civilization superior to that which Evander improved by the
introduction of Greek arts and letters, and which must have
belonged to the people living there before the mountain as-
sumed its present shape. The pottery is sufficiently rude for
that, age, but unless all the articles were found together, and
in the pretended position, nothing can be argued with safety
from any of the phenomena. Viscontihas gained nothing by
showing the remote antiquity of similar manufactures. No
one doubted that fact, but the question evidently reduces it-
self to the assigning these individual interments to a time and
nation to which they may be reasonably referred. The
inquiry undoubtedly is, supposing the whole discovery to be
established, and that nothing has been interpolated, what
people ever lived on the Alban hill at any period who might
have made these vases ?

Since the return of the writer to England he has heard the
suggestion of an English antiquary, which is certainly more
ingenious, and it may be thought more satisfactory than the
researches of Visconti. That which puzzled the Italian most

* lab. cap. ix. f Ibid. cap. xxiv.

I Ibid. cap. XXX. ^ Ibid. cap. xxxi.

IJ Ibid. cap. xxxiii. ^^ Ibid. cap. xxix.

215

bas furnished the Englishman with the clue of his conjecture ;
for those figures which Visconti thinks may be letters, or,
perhaps, whole words, like the Chinese characters, have in-
duced him to come to a very different conclusion.

It will be seen that the root or germ of each of these
figures is a cross,

ppcr in

ruHsmLs

and it is not a little singular that they bear a very close re-
semblance to a certain Runic character, or magical sign,
found upon many northern monuments, and which is con-
sidered as denoting the hammer, or rather the battle-axe, of
the Scandinavian Thor. The weapon of Thor was figured
by a cross in very remote ages. When the horn of mead was
passed to Hako the Good, he made the sign of the cross over
the vessel. " What !" exclaimed a heathen Earl, " will not
the king worship our gods ?" " Nay," answered Earl Sigurd,
*' the king does as we do, he blessed the liquor in the name
of Thor, by making the sign of the hammer over it, before
he quaffed it."

The cruciform hammer takes various shapes, of which the
following are specimens.

12 3 4 B

6 7 8 9

1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. On medals, or amulets, in the Museum ct
the Royal Academy at Copenhagen, on all of which is also sl
figure of Thor riding in his chariot, drawn by his Goats.

7. On a Runic monument lately discovered at Snoldelev,

8. At the end of a line of Runic characters engraved on a
rock in Gothland.

216

9. On a Runic monument in the parish of Skeftuna, in
Upland.

The similarity between these Runic " hammer crosses,"
and the marks on the vases of Alba Longa, is so great, that
one might be tempted to maintain their identity ; and there
is, perhaps, some connexion between both, and the crux ansata
of the Egyptian monuments. It is certain that the mythology
of the Asi, although its doctrines may have been clad in
another guise, was not confined to the Scandinavian race.
And it seems that a character bearing a close affinity to the
Runic alphabet, was once widely diffused throughout ancient
Europe. The national enthusiasm of the northern antiqua-
rians has too often outstripped their judgment ; and many of
the fanciful analogies of such really excellent authors as Pe-
rugakioled and Rudbuck, must unfortunately be reckoned
amongst the dreams of the learned ; yet the truths which
they have discovered may be easily separated from their de-
lusions. Perhaps a Celtic origin may be ascribed to the
tomb. Of the Celtic Taranus we know little ; yet there are
Roman inscriptions which show that he was worshipped as
the Roman Jupiter. And it cannot be denied but that the
deity whom the Romans knew as Jupiter, was the thunderer
of the Northmen. If the superincumbent body of peperino
is to be considered as a proof of the remote antiquity of the
tomb, it must be referred to the Celtic aborigines of Italy ;
but if the bed can be considered as a formation of compara-
tively recent date, then the vase may contain the ashes of
some Gaulish chieftain, or of a heathen Goth or Lombard.

A character resembling the hammer of Thor is seen in
inscriptions discovered in Spain, and which resemble the le-
gends of the medals which the Spaniards call the " medallas
desconocidas." The same character also lurks in many
magical books, though under other combinations. A diagram,
or figure to which it bears some alfinity, is often drawn by

boys in Italy ; I Orffl^^J ^^^ ^^ "^^ however ascribe any

meaning to it. It may be considered as a wild speculation

2J7

to discover the traces of ancient mythology in a school-boy's
scrawl ; but a remarkable instance can be given of the strange
stubborn vitality of these vestiges of the superstitions of the
elder day. We often see Enghsh shepherds cutting the pen-

talpha )Cf> in the turf, although they never heard of Anti-

ochus, or saw his coin, and although they are igno»ant of its
mystic power.

It may finally be observed, that supposing the state of re-
mote society to have existed, which the Italian antiquary as-
signs to the hill, and supposing these relics to have been sud-
denly overwhelmed by the volcano in those unknown ages,
some other vestiges besides sepulchral deposites would have
been found to attest the same industry and skill in the arts
which is manifested in these specimens.

Notwithstanding however these difficulties, and a division
of opinion even amongst the Romans, the discovery of the
Alban vases has been considered of much importance, and
has transported the antiquaries into ages and amongst nations,
where, having no guide to lead, and no witnesses to contra-
dict them, they may form leisurely a world of their own.

ESSAY

ON THE

PRESENT LITERATURE OF ITALY.

ESSAY

ON THE

PRESENT LITERATURE OF ITALY.

It is the boast of the ItaHans, that their Hterature has flourish-
ed with unequal, but uninterrupted brilhancy, from the thir-
teenth century to the present day.

The progress of time alone would naturally have produced
and obliterated many innovations, but the frequent domestic
revolutions, the repeated irruptions, the arms and the arts of
strangers, succeeding each other rapidly and imperceptibly,
and bringing with them new laws, and manners, and opinions,
have occasioned in Italy more vicissitudes than are to be found
in the literature of any other country. Thus it is that their
critics have been able to point out at least ten different epo-
ques when it has assumed certain characteristics, or, to use a
single word, a physiognomy, altogether distinct from that of
any preceding or subsequent period. The average duration
assigned to each of these epoques, has been laid down at
about half a century. This is the utmost length that any in-
dividual taste and mode of writing can be discovered to have
prevailed.

The above remark is purposely premised to a short account
which it is intended to give of the present state of Italian
literature ; that is to say, of the character of the actual
epoque, which embraces not only those writers at present in
existence, but others who have powerfully contributed to form
the taste and the tone which will continue to prevail until

222

succeeded bj another revolution in the republic of letters.
The latter Italian authors may be expected to form a diversi-
ty more distinct than those of any other generation, when it
is recollected, that whilst they wrote, the most extraordinary
change was prepared and consummated, that had ever affect-
ed the moral or political world. That the great convulsions
which shook not only " mightiest monarchies," but also the
mind of man, in all the countries of Europe, should commu-
nicate itself to these authors, was inevitable, and will be dis-
covered in the v/orks, the principles, the character, and the
estimation, of the most celebrated amongst them, whom it is
proposed to examine and portray. These authors will be
their poets ; who are selected, first, because the verse of
every country is the depository of the language, the taste,
and the manners, of the times ; secondly, because this is
found more particularly the case in those nations whose ima.-
gination is their predominant faculty ; and, in the third place,
because the writers chosen on this occasion, are in part dis-
tinguished for their compositions in prose.

This method of illustration might be liable to objections
in any other country than Italy, where the few men of
superior genius are separated from the crowd of writers by
a barrier, wiiich in other nations is rarely visible until poste-
rity has pronounced the final decision. In Italy the judg-
ment is in some sort formed and given by their cotempora-
ries ; and thus, although the struggle to attain the eminence
may be more serious and protracted, there is less danger of
future degradation.

An intimate acquaintance is, however, requisite, to per-
ceive the difierence between the esteemed and the popular
author : for, otherwise, the above-mentioned singularity of
Italian literature would be reduced to a shade only of dis.
tinction from that of other countries. A book may be in the
hands of all readers, and, during some years, be the study
and the talk of all. This was the case with the animali par-
lant'i of Casti : but the author had no pretence or right to
renown. On tlie other hand, a work which few compara-
tively shall peruse, because every one cannot understand,
having obtained the suiFrages of those distinguished above the

223

common class of readers, acquires for the author an estabhsh-
ed name, which the people themselves are soon taught to re-
peat with respect, although entirely ignorant or insensible of
the specitic merit which has obtained their applause. Such
esteem may be compared to the blind honours conferred up-
on a successful general by the peaceful peasantry, who wish
no other signal or reason for their shouts than the gazette,
but it is not less devoted.

If we endeavour to account for this characteristic in the
literature of Italy, a partial, or perhaps a sufficing, reason may
be found, in the difference between countries like England
and France, and one in which, as there is no single capital,
there are, comparatively speaking, none of those court in-
trigues, none of those party passions, none of those fashiona-
ble cabals and tribunals, which are called into play and em-
ployed in Paris and London, in deciding the fate of authors.
It is not that there are no reviews composed by the personal
enemies or friends of the respective writers ; it is not that
fashion has no voice; but the injustice of criticism, or the
folly of a coterie, which may sway the public opinion for
a while in one of the great cities, is inevitably corrected be-
fore it has run through the mass of disinterested readers, and
travelled the wide circle of Venice, Bologna, Parma, Verbna,
Milan, Turin, Florence, Naples, and Rome. The same in-
stances of undeserved neglect and elevation may be found in
each of those towns, as are the constant complaint through-
out the vast extent of our own country. But even in any
single capital the error is more speedily corrected by the
justice of many rival, or, what is better, impartial neigh-
bours : and as for the whole of Italy, there cannot be an in-
stance of that rapid rise, and as sudden precipitation, of
which we have seen so many exam.ples in our times, and
which are to be attributed solelv to what we call the fashion
of the day. You do not even hear the expressions usual
with us, applied to their national writers. The favourite of
the to7on would be an absurd solecism in a country where
there are twenty towns vfith distinct literary interests and
pretensions, and where the attachment of one city secures
the opposition of another : nor, as it has been before men-

224

tioned, can some of the most established authors be said t©
be most in vogue, for they are certaiDly not the most read.

A reviewer may irritate the pubhc curiosity, a Jady of high
rank may give a letter of recommendatiou , but neither the, one
nor the other can raise those phantoms of fashion, who, al-
though they come and depart like shadow?, walk the whole
round of our united kingdoms, with all the honours and at-
tribates of substantial existence.

If, then, we find any living author enjoying very nearly the
same character in all the provinces of Italy, we can safely
prognosticate that he has received his final estimation — that
the just appreciation of his merits alone having raised him,
will prevent him from ever sinking into total neglect ; that he
has become one of the national writers, subject, indeed, to
the fluctuations which, as it has been before remarked, affect
more especially the literature of Italy, but always to be rank-
ed amongst the classics of his country.

The above circumstance furnishes the foreigner with a
criterion not found in other countries : his survey is facili-
tated by being contracted to a narrower space ; and when he
has collected the judgment pronounced upon a very few, he
need not embarrass himself with the multitude of writers,
but be assured that he has seized the traits that are at pre-
sent, and will always be esteemed, characteristic of the lite-
rature of the age. — Of the writers, then, whose influence
may be more or less discerned in the formation of the pre-
sent taste and style, it may be sufiicient to enumerate six :
Melchior Cesarotti, Joseph Parini, Victor Alfieri, Hippolitus
Pindemonte, Vincent Monti, and Hugo Foscolo. The three
first are, it is true, no longer alive, but they clearly belong to
the present day, and are no less to be taken into an actual
survey than their surviving cotemporaries. There is nothing
bold in pronouncing that these are decidedly the authors of
the day ; but it is an endeavour of great difiiculty, and no
little danger, to attempt to show the specific reputation which
each of them enjoys, and to describe their respective per-
formances so as to give, on the whole, the acknowledged re-
sult of their effects upon the opinions of their countrymen.
Such an effort has, however, been made in the following

225

sketches of these distinguished ItaHans, and so much of their
biography has been added as appeared sers^iceable in illustra-
ting the motives that inspired, and the occasions that called
forth, their various compositions.

CESAROTTI.

Melchior Cesarotti was a Paduan, and died, in extreme old
age, in the year 1808. Bold, fruitful, eloquent, and deeply
versed in ancient and modern literature, this vrriter impressed
his readers with the conviction of his genius : and yet, al-
though he resembled no one of his predecessors or cotempo-
raries, there was something more of novelty than originality
in all his compositions.

He was brought up in the ecclesiastical seminary of Padua
which prides itself, and with some justice, on the constancy
and success with which it has preserved the latinity of the
purer ages. Indeed the Latin verses of Cesarotti are a proof
no less of his talents than of the merit of this celebrated insti-
tution, which, had he continued to pursue the same studies,
would have produced a new rival of Vida or Fracastorius.
But he no sooner entered into holy orders and quitted the
seminary, than he declared war against the poets of antiquity,
and, more especially, of Greece. An Englishman passing
through Venice, made him acquainted with Ossian, at that
time the delight, or at least the wonder, of the transalpine
critics : and Cesarotti lost no time in translating into blank
verse, accompanying his version with notes, for the most part,
against Homer. Ossian transported the Italians, who did
not, generally speaking, embarrass themselves with the exa-
mination of the authenticity of the pretended epic. Palmi-
eri of Placentia, and a few others, ventured to contest the
antiquity of the poet, but the mass of readers, seduced by the
authority of Blair, or by their inclination to be pleased with
their Italian Ossian, were resolved to discover the genuine
son of Fingal in the spurious oflfspring of Macpherson. Some
there were who still defended the heroes of the old school,

226

and exclaimed against a precedent fatal to the reputation of
the ancient models, and to the purity of the modern lan-
guage. But they read the work, and they admired the transla-
tor. His verses, in truth, are harmonious, are soft, are imbued
with a colouring, and breathe an ardent spirit, altogether
new ; and, with the same materials, he has created a poetry
that appears written in a metre and a language entirely differ-
ent from all former specimens. His superiority was evinced
by the want of success in those who endeavoured to imitate
him, and whose exaggerations and caricatures were received
with a ridicule that, by httle and little, was attached to their
model, and partially diminished his fame. The translation
of Dssian will, however, be always considered as an incon-
trovertible proof of the genius of Cesarotti, and of the flex-
ibility of the Italian tongue.

The reputation into which he thus leapt, as it were, at
once, encouraged him to still bolder innovations ; and being
raised to the Greek professorship in his own university of
Padua, he translated Demosthenes and others of the Greek
orators, subjoining criticisms full of learning and ingenuity,
the chief aim of which was to convince the world that the
veneration with which they read those orators was derived
more from their antiquity than their intrinsic excellence.

His next work was a translation of the Iliad. But the
magic of his Ossian was not transfused into his Italian
HomeF.

This work is in ten large octavo volumes : each book is
translated literally into Italian prose, and almost every pas-
sage is illustrated by the compared opinions of the critics of
every nation, from Aristarchus to those of our own days. He
invariably cites the adversaries of Homer, and often opposes
them with the partisans of the poet. When he subjoins his
own decision, it very rarely inclines to the favour of his ori-
ginal.

To every book thus translated and commented upon, he
adds his own poetical version, which, as it was intended to
correct the errors discovered in the original, changes, omits,
and transfers from one book to another, whole passages of
the text. These alterations were so many and so material,

f«

227

that, in the end, he resolved to change the title of the poern^
and his Ihad reappeared as the. " Death of Hector,''''

The bold style, and the harmonious numbers of this ver-
sion, procured for it many readers, and the work was ap-
plauded by a public accustomed to admire the author. The
journalists, who in Italy are frequently without learning, and
almost always without genius, exalted the translation as an
extraordinary and successful effort, and the harmony of the
blank verse of the Death of Hector, became in a short time
proverbial. But some few literary men of real merit and
discernment, whose voice it is much more difficult totally to
suppress in Italy than in any other country, prognosticated
that the work, at some future day, would be more frequently
cited than read. Their prophecy is now fully verified.

In his treatise on the Italian language, Cesarotti stepped
forward to defend the privilege assumed by certain authors, of
enriching, by new words and combinations, their native lan-
guage. His positions are undeniable, his observations pro-
found, and his deductions exceedingly just. The didactic
form of his treatise has not deprived it of the elegance ne-
cessary for the attraction of his readers. The style is pre-
cise, yet ornamented : and very few authors have so happily
combined the language of evidence and of metaphysical dis-
quisition ; very few have made a grammatical discussion so
alluring, or have arrayed materials so abstruse in eloquence so
engaging. This is the only work of Cesarotti's that has pre-
served its original reputation up to this day. The author
himself abused, however, the privilege which he claimed
for all writers, and in one of the reviews then most esteemed
in Italy, it was asserted that the preacher of liberty had
awakened a spirit of licentiousness, and yet might easily raise
himself to the dictatorship.* The truth was, that Cesarotti
was, by his partisans, regarded as infallible, and was the ter-
ror of his opponents, whose censure was confined to the
adoption of a practice contrary to his powerful example.
His prose is endowed with all the qualities that constitute a

^ " Predicando la liberta letteraria aveva suscitato la liccnza e por6 gli
fii facile ad erigersi in dittatore." See Annali di scienze e lettere, Aji.
ISll.Numero. iii. article on the Odyssey.

228

superior writer. The depth is no obstacle to the clearness
of his ideas ; his manner is free, his phraseology abundant,
his periods are harmonious. He is lively, yet graceful ; he
is not so copious as to be tedious, nor so brief as to be ob-
scure ; he is full of pleasantry, which never degenerates into
affectation, or is applied to the purposes of malicious con-
troversy. But those who were obliged, had they not been
willing, to discover these excellencies in Cesarotti, were re-
lieved from unqualified admiration, by finding that all of them
were spoilt and rendered inefficient ; in the first place, by
the intemperate and systematic use of gallicisms ; and,
secondly, by their being lost upon discourses either critical
or metaphysical, and such as could not interest the general
reader. It was in his power to have furnished a model of the
oratorical style in his translation of Demosthenes ; but his
deliberate purpose and all his efforts in this work were directed
to fritter down his original, and, with this unaccountable de-
sign, he has affected a style scrupulously Cruscan and pe-
dantic.

His Familiar Letters, published after his death, have dis-
covered to us an excellence and a defect that might not be col-
lected from his other writings : for they show him to have
been an indulgent encourager of the talents of others, as well
as very liberal of his own information ; but at the same time
he appears so over prodigal of his praises as to incur the sus-
picion of premedidated flattery.

His conversation was distinguished by its eloquence and its
amenity ; his ideas were rapid and clear, and he gave a cer-
tain grace and embellishment to the most abstruse arguments.
He took delight in the education of those who attached them-
selves to his opinions, and were loyal to their literary faith,
more especially when he discovered in them any signs of fu-
ture excellence ; and although he was far from rich, it was
not unusual with him to receive his pupils as his domestic
guests. His confidence went so far as to intrust them with
his secrets. Nevertheless, notwithstanding his kind patron-
age, and their devoted attachment, his most constant disciples
attained to no reputation : either because imitation is, in it-
d-clf, incapable of rising above mediocrity, or because there

229

was in the system of this great writer something rather per-
nicious than conducive to success. This circumstance, so
painful for the head of a sect, did not, however, sour his
temper, or diminish his regard. He was the same affection-
ate noble-minded man to the last, and his friends had just rea-
son to praise him and to lament his 'loss.

His political conduct was not distinguished for its constancy.
The revolution found him more than a sexagenary — devoted
to literary pursuits — a priest — and one who had never wan-
dered beyond the narrow confines of his native country, which
for more than a century had enjoyed the most profound
calm.

Buonaparte had read and re-read the Italian Ossian, and at
his first occupation of Padua he eagerly sent for Cesarotti,
and named him one of the chiefs of the new government.
Our author took that opportunity of publishing a small trea-
tise on the rights and freedom of mankind, on the duties of
the magistrate, and the character of the people. Three or
four years afterwards the chances of war brought him into the
hands of the Russians and the Austrians, and he was forced^
if such an expression may be applied to such an exertion, to
compose a short poem in praise of the victorious potentates.

Finally, when Buonaparte had become Emperor, and was
again master of the Venetian states, he created Cesarotti a
knight commander of one of his orders, assigning to him, at
the same time, a pension, which was meant to ensure his
gratitude and his praise. Napoleon was not mistaken ; his
pensioner published his poem, called Pronea. or Providence,
a most extravagant performance, where the style of Lucan,
of Ossian, and of Claudian bewilders the reader, already-
lost amidst the mazes of metaphysics and of theological
allegory. The work, from the first to the last page, was such
as might be expected from a systematic innovator, from a
devotee trembhng on the brink of the grave, and from a poet
who wrote by commission.

He survived this effort too short a time to enjoy his pension,
but not before his poem had been consigned to oblivion.

Had this writer been born in other times ; had he expanded
his ideas, and escaped from the circle of his own metaphysi-

230

eal speculations, by visiting other countries and mixing with
other minds ; had he encountered greater obstacles in his as-
cent to fame ; but, above all, had he devoted himself to
original composition, and made a more judicious use of his
acquaintance with foreign literature, it is probable that
Cesarotti would have taken a prominent place amongst the
classical authors of his country. As it is, the Italians accuse
his system, and accuse his example ; but whilst they pro-
nounce both the one and the other to have been highly pre-
judicial to his native literature, they are all willing to allow
that he was possessed of great natural ability.

Angelo Mazza, the school-fellov/ and the friend of Cesarotti,
may be fairly subjoined to a mention of that poet. He is
still alive, and enjoys a green old age at Parma. His first
essay was made in the year 1764, when he translated the-
Pleasures of the Imagination, and convinced the Italians that
the compressed style of Dante was capable of being applied
to their blank verse, which as yet was little more than a
string of sonorous syllables.

The poetry published by him in a maturcr age consists in
great part of lyrical pieces on Harmony, They are to be
found in two small volumes ; and Saint Cecilia is the inspirer
and patroness of two of his best odes. It was not likely that
he should equal the invention of Dryden ; he wisely, there-
fore, was contented with trying a version of that poet, and
his translation of that lyrical masterpiece has the merit of
having extended the fame of our laureate to every corner of
Italy.

The imitations, and even the translations of Mazza, have
a certain air of originality impressed not only on their style,
which is extremely energetic, but even on the ideas which
appear generally drawn from a metaphysical turn of mind.
He excels much in the poetical array of abstract images, and
what the Theodicea of Leibnitz is in prose, he sometimes
contrives to execute in verse. In spite, however, of the in-
spired tone of some of his verses on the Universe, and the
wisdom of the Creator, displayed, according to Mazza, in
the harmony of all things, and notwithstanding he has re-
presented this same harmony under aspects entirely new and

231

beautiful, the poet has failed no less than all others who have
attempted to embellish these sacred subjects, in keeping alive
the interest of his reader, and has succeeded only in attract-
ing the admiration of those who are dehghted to see objections
encountered and difficulties overcome. His odes are com-
posed of stanzas, the melody of which is often sacrificed to
what the musicians call contrapunto^ which is calculated to
surprise more than please, and he has even adopted those
difficult rhymes which the Italians call sdrucciole, or slippery,
and which not only lengthen the eleven syllabled verse into
twelve syllables, but change the position of the accent, as
appears from the following specimen extracted from the same
Mazza :

A me le voci di concento ^ravide,
A me la forme dello stil Pindarico,
Date a me I'ispirata arpa di Davide.

The only work of Mazza which has been often printed,
and has hit the taste of the Italians, is a poem in thirty pages,
addressed to Cesarotti, in which he gives a masterly sketch
of the great poets of every nation, and has placed the Eng-
lish on a distinguished eminence amongst the immortal
brotherhood. It is only the women, who affect our endemic-
melancholy, and the younger readers, who occasion the im-
mense demand for Young's Night Thoughts, translated as they
are into poor verse, or ampullated prose ; for the more en-
lightened Italians study Milton and Shakspeare.

Mazza is remarkable for the candour with which he has
treated his cotcmporaries, even those attached to a system
totally different from his own. This discretion, however^
has not silenced the voice of criticism, and in spite of his
own reserve, his partisans and his opponents have carried on
a war of words, which is seldom to be equalled by English
polemics, and is outrageous even in a country distinguished
by the pedantry, the fury, and the illiberality of its literary
quarrels. The foreigners who have by turns usurped the
Itahan provinces, have extended their claims to all the pro-
ductions of that fruitful soil : not only the corn, and the wine,
and the oil are put in requisition, but the tythe of the poetry
is claimed by the conquerors. Mazza, in his quality of per-

232

petual secretary of the academy of Parma, has composed the
usual compHmentary somiets for the successive governments
of his country, but he has cautiously avoided all political
topics, and left his opinion still uncomprised and unknown.

It is generally reported that he has long finished, although
he has never ventured to publish, a translation of Pindar.
The Italians are impatient, but they are also fearful, for the
result. The Greek poet has had many happy imitators in
this country, and especially in the days of Chiabrera, of Fili-
caja, of Menzini, and of Guidi ; but his translators have failed
here no less than in all other countries. Mazza, besides his
poetical reputation, has the character of a scholar profoundly
versed in ancient and modern languages, and the acquisition
of the latter is the more singular, as he has never been out of
Italy, and indeed has seldom quitted his native town.

JOSEPH PARINI.

Parini was almost the only Italian poet of the last century
who dared to conceive, and certainly he was the only one
who was capable of completing the project of directing the
efforts of his art towards the improvement of his fellow-citi-
zens. If by moralizing his song, he has failed to correct his
cotemporaries, he has, however, acquired a reputation much
more valuable than can be the share of those whose talents
are devoted solely to the amusement of the public.

His parents were peasants on the borders of the lake Pusi-
ano, the Eupilis of Pliny, about twenty miles to the north of
Milan. It is usual in Italy to choose from the poorest classes
those destined to supply the humblest and most laborious duties
in the church, whilst the valuable benefices are reserved for the
younger sons of noble families. When one of these children
of poverty shows signs of superior talent, the monks endea-
vour to attach him to their community, and the charity of the
bishop provides him a gratuitous education. In this way
Parini was sent to study in the capital of Austrian Lombardy.
He applied to his scholastic pursuits until nearly liis twentieth
year, when his constitution, feeble from the beginning, almost
sunk under an attack Avhich took away the use of his lower

233

limbs, and occasioned his retreat from the seminary in a con-
dition that seemed to deprive him of all hopes of aspiring
even to a country curacy. AH that medical care, all that time
could do for the improvement of his health, from his youth to
the day of his death, barely enabled him to crawl along by
the help of a stick, or by leaning on the arm of a friend.

Some of the verses published in his posthumous works,
are painfully affecting, from the picture which they afford of
the extreme indigence in which he languished even after he
had arrived at years of maturity. His whole livelihood, and
that of an aged mother, were derived from composing arti-
cles for a newspaper. He speaks thus in requesting an inti-
mate friend to send him relief:

La mia povera madre non ha pant
Se non da. me, ed io non ho danaro
Da mantenerla almeno per domane.^

He had already published some poetry which had dropt
after the partial applauses that usually succeed the first essays
of every author, that are not bad enough for ridicule, nor
good enough for envy. Parini would never allow these
specimens to be reprinted. It was not until his thirty-fifth
year that he published the first canto of that poem, which
rendered him formidable to the most powerful families around
him, and established him in the eyes of the literary world ai
the founder of a new school in poetry. This poem is called
the Day {II Giorno), and is divided into four cantos — Morning
{Mattino) ', Noon (Meriggio) ] Evening (Vespro) -, and Night
{J>fotte) — and it contains a satirical description of the manner
in which the Italian nobles contrive to waste away the four
and twenty hours of an existence for the most part truly
despicable. Before we enter into an examination of this
poem, a word or two may be requisite on the author. The
literary history of every nation abounds with instances of the
distresses and ill success of those endowed with the finest
abilities ; and it is a painful truth, that the union of the se-
verest virtue with those abilities is no shield against the ar-
rows of Fortune.

* Parini, Oper- vol, iii.

234

The case of Parini, however, is not to be confounded with
these examples. Infirm, indigent, without the advantage of
a regular education, struggling against the obscurity of his
birth, and the disgrace of poverty, he lived in a city where
the nobles are not only more rich, but are perhaps more
haughty and more ignorant than in any other town in Italy.
At that time they were important from their influence, direct
and indirect, and formidable from the impunity with which
they could give a loose to their revenge.

It is universally known, that before the revolution the Ita-
lian nobles enjoyed a sort of prescriptive right of employing
assassins ; but it is more wonderful still, that at this day, and
in the face of the new noblesse, created by Buonaparte, there
is not a single instance of the daughter or wife of any but
those in possession of ancient titles being admitted to the
ball-room or drawing-room of a Milanese Patrician. The
same absurd distinction prevails at Turin. At Venice, at
Bologna, at Florence, at Rome, the exclusion is not so strictly
observed, and a few young females of the middling ranks are
allowed to stand in the same dance with the daughters of
barons and of counts.

Such was the state of society that Parini undertook to cor-
rect. And this difficult, this dangerous task he adventured
upon, by boldly reproaching the nobles with their vices and
their crimes. He raised his own reputation by the depression
of a whole order, which, in spite of their being essentially
more despicable than in any other country of Europe, were,
owing to the ignorance and extreme poverty of the lower
classes, in fact more respectable. The care taken by Parini
to conceal his personal allusions, could not prevent the dis-
covery that his portraits were all drawn from living charac-
ters ; and if his originals recognised their likeness only now
and then, the public were never mistaken. There was not a
single Milanese who did not see, in the chief personage ol
the poem, the Prince Belgiojoso, of the reigning family oi
Este, the eldest brother of the Field Marshal of the same
name, who was Austrian Ambassador at our court, and Go-
vernor of the Low Countries.

It should be here observed, to the honour of Parini, and

^35

indeed of the Italian authors in general, that, let a work be
ever so much admired, it never brings the writer money
enough to defray the expense of the first edition. There is
but a very limited number of readers in Italy ; and though a
work may receive from their applause a character which se-
cures the esteem of the whole nation, a multitude of pur-
chasers, such as we are accustomed to, is not to be procured
by any merit, or any accident. Twelve hundred names to a
subscription are reckoned an extraordinary instance of public
patronage, and it is hazardous to demand more than three
francs (half a crown) for any new production in a single vo-
lume under the quarto size. The copyright law can hardly
exist in a country divided into so many small governments,
and the booksellers find it no difficult matter to elude the
prosecutions, which must be transferred from one state to
another before they can be brought before any competent
tribunal. After the revolution, an efiTort vma made to correct
this abuse ; but it was found almost impossible to change the
practice of a whole class of tradesmen, long habituated to
consider all literary profits their own, and to esteem every
mercenary art a fair branch of speculation.

Those accustomed to the liberality of English publishers,
which affords a decent subsistence to those whose talents and
whose fame do not rise above mediocrity, will hardly believe
that the best authors in Italy think themselves fortunate if
they find a publisher to take the expense of printing off their
hands. In that country the booksellers are also printers, and
have it in their power to multiply indefinitely the copies of
any edition, without accounting for the accruing profits. The
swearing of the printer, and our other protections of literary
property, are unpractised and unknown.

Alfieri, in a sort of a preface, in verse, prefixed to the se-
cond edition of his tragedies, complains that his eagerness ibr
renown has cost him a portion of his health, of his intellects,
of his peace of mind, and. above all, of his fortune •, the lat-
ter having been sacrificed to the rapacity oi. the bookseller.

Profonder iutto in Uncle stampe il mio,
E per che altri mi compri, accxtitar io :

236

Sojfrire il revisor che Vuomo strazia ,*
Appiccicarmi i masnadier lihraj
Cke a credenza ricevon efan grazia
At' metallo perfoglio rendon mai.

There were, however, certain coincidences favourable to
the bold project of Parini. A sort of colony of French En-
cyclopedists had settled at Milan, and four or five Patricians
having taken to reading, dared also to disseminate in writing
the principles of the approaching revolution. The Marquis
Beccaria had recently published his work on Crimes and Pun-
ishments, which effected an important change in the criminal
jurisprudence of his own country, and extended its beneficial
influence to many other nations, where torture prevailed, and
was consequently abolished. Joseph II. had himself began
those innovations, which ended by diminishing the prepon-
derating influence of the Lombard nobles. Count Firmian,
the governor of those provinces, when questioned as to the
publication of the poem of Parini, exclaimed, " Let him
make haste ; we want it mightily !" — QuHl se hate, nous en
ctvons line necessite extreme.

In addition to such a powerful ally, Parini was backed by
all the middling classes of society, which, generally speaking,
are certainly the most moral and the most enlightened por-
tion of civilized mankind. Some individuals amongst them
having quarrelled with the church-rectors of certain collegiate
establishments, found in Parini a champion who overwhelmed
their adversaries with a few strokes of his pen. Parini publish-
ed a pamphlet on that occasion, which, in the cooler hours of
revision, appeared to him too violent, and he would not suffer
it to proceed to a second edition : but this work introduced
him to notice before the publication of his poem, and those
whose cause he had advocated, continued his friends to the
last moments of his melancholy existence.

The Day is in one continued strain of irony, from the first
line to the last. The author assumes the character of precep-
tor to a nobleman, and teaches him how to devote his morn-
ing to the toilette, his noon to the serious occupations of the
table, his afternoon to the public walks, and his night to the
Convcrsazionu The most frivolous actions, the most contempti-

237

ble vices, the most ridiculous follies, and sometimes the most
atrocious crimes, are detailed with minuteness, and always
with the pretext of recommendation. The " Advice to Ser-
vants" is carried into the highest departments of society, and
a magnificence of diction and of images is tastefully employ-
ed, instead of the familiar tone of Swift, to portray the lux-
ury and the pride which the Italian nobility carefully wrap
round the naked wretchedness of their hearts.

The variety of the objects, and the numerous portraits of
individuals, all in the higher classes of every age and sex,
engage the attention, whilst the faithful and fine-spun descrip-
tion of manners keeps alive the curiosity of the reader.
The poet has shown no little address in contrasting the ef-
feminacy of the actual race of nobles, and the industry and
the courage of their ancestors, who, in the middle ages, re-
stored the civilization of the South, and, with unshaken con-
stancy, defended the liberties of the Italian republics. This
contrast naturally transported r .rini to the days of Romance;
and the wild life of the military patricians, the old castles,
and the glittering arms of the half barbarous ages, were a
happy relief for the silken barons, the palaces, and the em-
broidered suits of his cotemporaries, whom it was necessary
to amuse in order to instruct. The ruins of dungeons and
tawers neglected by the heirs of those who raised them, en-
abled the poet to employ his (dincy in restoring them to their
ancient splendour, and he thus threw in those sombre shades
and colourings which the Germans afterwards appropriated to
themselves, and were believed to have formed a new and na-
tional school of poetic fiction.

With this mixture of romance Parini also recurred to the
characters and allegories of the old mythology, the favourite
resource of the Italians, who still think it the only fabulous
system whose images combine the truth of real nature with
the charms of ideal grace. But even in this department of
his art, which an Englishman would abandon as hopeless, our
author contrived to give an air of reality to his classical fables.
by applying them to the practices and principles of his own
times. Thus it is that his Cupid and Hymen are introduced.
They are engaged in a war to all appearaince interminable^

238

but tliey agree to treat, and peace is made on condition that
Cupid shall reign all day, and Hymen all night. An English
reader would not be much struck with this invention 5 but who-
ever meets a handsome Italian matron, decently pacing be-
tween her husband and her Cavaher Servente, will instantly
remember the Love and Hymen of Parini, and the graceful
solemn air with wiiich his verses march majestically along.

Our own nation can hardly have a just idea of this species
of poetry. The Italians who admire it the most compare it
to the Georgics ; and the Giorno has certainly more than one
property in common with the poem of Virgil. Both the one and
the other are employed in dignifying topics essentially common
and familiar. Both one and the other display their poetical vi-
gour in frequent episodes ; and the Italian perhaps has gone less
Out of his way for those embellishments than the Latin poet.
It was the misfortune, not the fault, of Parini, that he could
not employ the hexametral structure ; and owing, partly to
the same defect of language, and partly, perhaps, to real in-
feriority, he was not able to adorn every picture with those
images, nor lend to every word that harmony, which are the
constituent excellence of Virgil. If Parini's style does not
rival that of Virgil, it is some comfort for the Italians to
think, that their poet has approached that great master nearer
than any other follower.

" longo sed proximus intervalio."

His countrymen are, besides, hardy enough to suppose, that
in the grouping, in the invention, in the connexion of all
the parts with the whole, the pictures of the Giorno are supe-
rior to those of the Georgics. It is not, certainly, too ha-
zardous to assert, that no one can learn farming from the
verses of Virgil, but that much instruction may be gained by
avoiding the follies which characterize the hero of Parini.
If the Sopha of Cowper were a little more varied, and tinc-
tured with satire, it would, in the domestic details, and the
easy flowing versification, be a tolerable counterpart of the
Giorno — at least we cannot furnish a stronger resemblance.

The versification of Parini is not altogether unlike the
l^atixi, and is entirely diflfereut from that of the other authors

239

who in this age particularly distinguished themselves by try-
ing every variety with which they could rival each other,
and improve the structure of Italian verse. This has been
already remarked in the articles on.Cesarotti and Mazza, and
the same truth will be deduced from the subsequent notices
of this essay. The imagery, the expressions, the numbers,
the very words of Parini, have a certain solemnity which
they never altogether lay aside ; and the melody and change
of tone so conspicuous in the soft and varied descriptions of
the Greek and Latin epics, are, in the verses of the Italian
poet, not so much recognised at once, as they are imper-
ceptibly felt by the reader.

It may be sufficient to give a short example of the distinc-
tion here alluded to. The poet conducts his hero to the
public walks : the time chosen is the night-fall : he leaves
his mistress alone in her carriage, and slipping through the
crowd, steals quietly into the carriage of another lady, who
has also been abandoned by her Cavalier. Such a scene re-
quired some delicacy to portray. A loose or a careless poet
would hardly steer clear of indecent images : but Parini is
not less adroit with his carriage and his night, than is Virgil
with the cave and the storm, that were so fatal to the hap-
piness of Dido. He invokes the goddess of Darkness with
his usual irony, and prays her to arrest her progress, that he
may contemplate at leisure the exploits of his chosen hero,

" Ma la Notte segue

Sue leggi inviolabili, e declina
Con tacit' ombra sopra 1' emispero ;
E il rugiadoso pife lenta movendo,
Rimescola i color varj, infiniti,
E via glisgombra con 1' immenso lembo
Di cosa in cosa : e suora de la morte
Un aspetto indistinto, un solo volto,
Al suolo a i vegetanti a gli anlmali
A. i grandi ed a la plebe equa permette ;
E i nudi insieme e li dipinti visi
Delle belle confonde, e i cenci, e i' oro :
Ne veder mi concede all' aer cieco
Qual de coccli j si parta o qual rimanga
Solo air ombre segrete : e a me di mano
Tolto il penello, il mio Signore avvolge
Per entro al tcnebroso umido velo.''

24d

Nevertheless it is evident that this kind of poetrj, beauti-
ful as it is, and recalling to us some of the most delicate pas-
sages of the Rape of the Lock, is addressed rather to the ima-
gination than to the hgart. Yet Parini has occasionally
proved himself a master of the pathetic, and he calls forth
tears of regret when he shows us a servant, after twentj
years of faithful attachment, dismissed, persecuted, and re-
duced to beggary, for no other offence than slightly beating
a favourite dog that had bit him. We may be here reminded
of some of the efforts of Mr. Crabbe, when he is most harmo-
nious and most tender: but the Italian awakes, by the same
picture, feelings more allied to indignation than to pity, and
his sleepless irony somewhat fatigues the attention, and helps
to counteract the general effect. The perpetual aggrandize-
ment and decoration of objects, in themselves little and mean,
display a curious felicity, and succeed in exciting the pro-
posed ridicule ; but the effect diminishes as the effort is con-
tinued, and concludes in being mistaken for affectation. A
single pebble set tastefully in diamonds may amuse the spec-
tator, but a whole cabinet of such curiosities would hardly be
worth attention or examination.

Another deficiency will be apparent to the foreign reader
of Parini. The poet never saw any other city than Milan.
His infirmities and his poverty confined him entirely at home.
It was thus impossible that he should not give too much im-
portance to objects which those accustomed to a wider sphere
of action would consider unworthy of regard. It v/as natural,
also, for the same reason, that his style, formed altogether on
the classical writers, should occasionally degenerate into pe-
dantry. What could be performed by an exquisite and cul-
tivated taste has been done by Parini, but he is not to be
classed with the inspired poets. The great defect of the
Giorno is the little interest excited by the hero of the poem,
who is contemptible from his entrance to his exit. Yet even
this capital objection seldom occurs to those absorbed in ad-
miration at the ciiect produced by the address and execution
of the autlior.

The great merit of Parini lies in the dignity, not only of hig
style, but of his conduct in wielding the weapons of satire. —

241

His poem has nothing of that impotent rage against the pow^
erful, of that invidious detraction of the wealthy, of that plain-
tive accusation against patronage and ingratitude, which have
been the favourite topics of all satirists, from Horace to the
English Imitator of Juvenal. The vices of the great he con-
templates with a pity worthy the noblest of their own order ;
he does not indulge himself with epigrams ; he never degene-
rates into obscenity ; he will not condescend to be the buf-
foon, nor to administer to the bad passions of the multitude.

There is a grandeur in the expression of his censures which
casts, as it were, a shield between those whom he condemns,
and the anger and hatred of the people. He respects human
nature ; he is not misanthropic ; and he takes care to attri-
bute the depravity of the nobles to their total idleness. —
Throughout his whole satire he shows himself bent upon the
generous project of repairing the disgrace of his country, and
never incurs the suspicion that he would only satisfy his pri-
vate animosities.

Soon after the appearance of this poem, all those of easy
circumstances in the middle classes, and the few patricians
who, being addicted to literary pursuits, were the natural op-
ponents of the great body of the nobles, interested themselves
with the Austrian government in providing for Parini. They
persuaded that government to found a professorship of elo-
quence expressly for their favourite, who justified the high ex-
pectations entertained of him ; and, by his efforts in his new
capacity, gave a stability to his rising reputation. He was
indeed by nature qualified more than any one, perhaps, of his
cotemporaries, to give lessons on the belles iettres, and to per-
form that task in a way totally diflferent from that usually em-
ployed in the Italian schools. There was a gravity, and at
the same time an ease, in his eloquence, which enabled him
to cite the examples of former great writers with a powerful
effect, and to illustrate them with new and brilliant observa-
tions. He applied the various theories of the sublime and
beautiful not only to the productions of the pen, but to all
the creations of nature ; and many of his cotemporaries, al-
ready in possession of hterary renown, were not ashamed to
put themselves to the sckool of Parini. Those persons, and

212

readers in general, were perhaps surprised to find, when they
came to peruse his dissertations in print, that the ideas, al-
though just, were seldom very profound : that a clear method,
a chaste style, and an ingenious view of the subject, were
their chief merit ; hut that the flow of words, the soul, the fire
of expression and sentiment, had vanished with the delivery,
and that the genius, and even the polished correctness of the
poet, were not to be recognised in the discourses of the rheto-
rician.

Parini was so painfully scrupulous, and at the same time so
idle a w^riter, that he never published more than the two first
cantos of his poem, the whole of which does not amount to
four thousand lines. The two last cantos were published
after his death, and they contain several half-finished verses, a
great many variations, and two large chasms, which a long life
was, it seems, too short to enable him to fill up to his satisfac-
tion. This severity of taste he applied to others as well as to
himself; and it was his favourite expression, when speaking
even of Virgil and Horace, " We should study them in those
passages zvhere they are not mortal men like ourselves,'^^ From
such a master the youth of Milan imbibed a delicacy of taste
bordering upon affectation, and these scruples were easily
cherished in a people less given to poetry than any other of
the inhabitants of Italy. Indeed Parini himself is the only dis-
tinguished poet that this city has produced from the revival of
letters to the present day.

In addition to this individual propensity, it may be remark-
ed, that a severity of judgment prevails more or less with all
the Italians, who are, as it were, saturated with poetry, and
are besides accustomed to disregard the matter in comparison
with the manner of metrical expression — a feeling deducible
from the surpassing variety and beauty and strength of their
language. Add to this, that they judge all modern composi-
tions with a reference to their most ancient poets, whom they
worship with a veneration almost superstitious.

Parini was not remarkable for his erudition, and knew but
very little Greek. He could not write Latin, but he felt all
the beauties of the Roman writers, and made them percepti-
ble to his audience. His favourite Italian studies were

243

Dante, Ariosto, and the Aminta of Tasso ; yet he imitated
none of these great writers 5 and it may be said of him as of
our own Swift, that it would be difficult to point out a single
idea that he has borrowed from his predecessors. He may be
called an imitator, inasmuch as he sedulously traced back to
their great constituent causes the effects produced by the old
writers, and then made use of his discovery ; but his manner
is altogether his own ; is inspired by his own genius, and at-
tempered by his own inexorable taste. He followed the rule
of Horace, which inculcates the sacrifice of every thought,
however noble, which is found incapable of embellishment ;
and he renounced the adoption of those beauties, which vulgar
readers are apt to call natural, but which in fact are obvious
and common-place.

Treatises upon the fine arts, and more particularly the lives
of celebrated artists, were his favourite and constant study.
Amongst the few books which he possessed at the time of his
death, his executors found two copies of VasarPs Biographij^
both of them worn away by repeated perusal. He never ap-
plied either to drawing or to music, but he was perfectly well
acquainted with the theory, and sensible to the charms, of
both, and the most celebrated professors had frequent re-
course to his advice. His posthumous works furnish us with
the ideas, the composition, and even the details of several
pictures which he had communicated to distinguished artists,
and which are now to be seen, faithfully executed according
to his directions, in many of the palaces at Milan. Parini
employed, indeed, his whole life in carrying into practice the
maxim that poetry should he painting / for, with the exception
of Dante, the other Italian poets have only occasional pic-
tures : all the rest is but description. Parini effected by dint
of meditation that which was the natural production of the
wonderful genius of Dante, and it would be difficult to point
out ten consecutive lines in the poem of the Milanese from
which a painter might not extract a complete picture, with all
the requisite varieties of attitude and expression.

Parini also published in his lifetime about twenty odes, of
which the Italians consider/owr as inimitable, six or seven of
the others tolerable, and the remainder absolutely bad. The

244

whole of them hear a nearer resemblance to those of Horace
than of Pindar, but neither of them has a shadow of likeness
with the lyric poetry of Petrarch, or of Chiabrera, or of Guidi.
Not only the style, but even the language appears quite differ-
ent. It is his constant practice here, as in the Giorno, to
avoid detai ed descriptions, and to throw out his images in
mass and at one stroke of his pencil. He has also the same
object in view; namely, the correction of national manners.

The ode addressed to a young woman af eighteen, who had
adopted the Parisian fashion, then called " robe a la guillo-
tine,''^ is written in a style more than usually intelligible for a
foreign reader. The beauty and the innocence of the maiden
are presented under colours that contrast admirably with the
depravity of mind and manners which the poet foresees must
be the consequence of imitating so vile an example.

*' Da scellerata scure
Tolto e quel nome ; infamia
Del secolo spietato
E die funesti augurii
Al femminile ornato

E con le truci Eumenidi
Le care Grazie avvinse

E di crudele immaginc
La tua bellezza tinse.

He digresses to the history of the ancient Roman females,
from the earliest times to those days of cruelty and corruption
when they thronged the gladiatorial shows, and a Vestal gave
the signal for the slaughter.

Potfe all' alte patrizie
Come alia plebe oscura
Giocoso dar solletico
La soffrente natura.

Che piCi ? Baccanti e cupide
D'abbomminando aspetto
Sol dair uman pericolo
Acuto ebber diletto,

E da i gradi e da i circoli
Co' moti e con le voci
Di gia maschili, applauser*
A i duellanti atroci,:

245

' ' ' Creando a si delizia

.. -^ < E de le membra sparte,

E de gli cstremi aneliti,

E del morir con arte.

The poet has contrived that the progress of his ideas shall
correspond with the gradual corruption with which the impru-
dent imitation of novelty seduces by little and little the incau-
tious female into the worst practices of debauchery.

The biographer of Parini, who has furnished the greater
portion of the preceding account, has been accused of swell-
ing out the works of his author into six volumes, although
those published during his hfetime scarcely occupy two hun-

dred

pages

It may be added, that of all the posthumous works, the two
last cantos of his Giorno is the only one which deserved to be
rescued from that obscurity to which they had been consigned
by their scrupulous author.

Not that they are deficient in affording instruction to those
who delight in the study of human nature, and love to watch
the developement of the mind. The odes which are reckon-
ed Parini's best were composed in his old age ; and such of
the verses as appear in their first form, and as were not in-
tended for publication, are remarkable chiefly for their good
sense, and for their unaffected taste. But their imagery U
not abundant ; their style has little warmth, and the turns ar?
common-place and trite. They enable us then to form some
conception of the time and thought employed in the elevation
and constant support of a style which frequently borders upon
sublimity. His commerce with mankind laid open to him the
most secret recesses of the heart, and furnished him with that
acquaintance with our natural foibles of which he discovers
so intimate a knowledge in his principal poem, and in his
odes. In the same manner hi? continued and minute con-
templation of nature in all her varieties furnished him with
the beauties necessary for his poetical purposes, and enabled
him to recognise their recurrence in the old classical writers,
and to demonstrate their existence to others.

* See — Opere di Giiiseppe Parini, publicate ed illustrate da Francesc©
Reina, vol. vi. in 8vo. Milano, 1801.

216

The result of study and cultivation was never more con-
spicuous than in the example of Parini. It had all the ap-
pearance, and produced all the effects of genius : and yet his
was, doubtless, one of those minds rather capable of culture,
than naturally fruitful. The soil might have brought forth
none but barren plants, had not care, and labour, and pa-
tience, qualified it to receive the seed, and supply the nou-
rishment of the richest productions.

The Milanese nobles did not dare to revenge themselves
openly for the boldness of Parini. There is a story current
of an attempt to assassinate him, but this, perhaps, is an in-
vention suggested by the ancient manners of Italy. His
enemies took another course. The emoluments of his pro-
fessorship amounted only to 3000 francs, a little more than
one hundred pounds a year.

Leopold II., on a visit to Milan, was struck with the phy-
siognomy of an old man, lame, and moving slowly along, but
with an air of dignity. He asked his name, and being told
that it was Parini, ordered the municipal council to increase
his pension sufficiently to enable him to keep a small carriage.
But the verbal command of a foreign monarch is seldom
strictly obeyed in distant provinces, where the nobles have
an interest or a will distinct from their duty. Parini con-
tinued without any other prop than his stick. The poet
whom the Milanese pointed out to strangers as the pride and
glory of their city, was often pushed into the dirt, and was
repeatedly near being run over by the carriages, in streets
where there is no pavement for foot passengers.

In an ode, which he calls the Cadvta, the Fall, he describes
the accidents which happened to him in rainy and foggy
days ; and although this production is not in the first rank of
his poetry, it can never be perused without delight, nor be
quoted without exciting our admiration at the profound pathos,
the honest pride, and the philosophy with which it abounds.

The French, on their arrival in Italy, soon understood the
active part which the literary classes had played in the revo-
lution. They employed many of these individuals, and
amongst others Parini, who found himself all at once amongst
the chiefs of the republican government, with no other

247

qualification or capital for such an elevation, than what was
derived from a love of liberty, a habit of speaking the truth,
an unbending character, and a total disregard of all selfish in-
terests. He hit the embarrassment of his situation, and hav-
ing often spoken harshly to the French generals, it was not
difficult for him to obtain permission to retire, after a few
weeks of thankless employment. His name and his integrity
commanded respect, and the opposition of a whole life
against the nobles, made him regarded by all the lower
classes as the great partisan of the democracy. This influ-
ence was not lost even when he opposed the follies of the
populace. They still show a square at Milan, opposite to the
great theatre, which was one day filled by a large mob of idle
fellows, who ran about crying, " Long life to the Republic —
death to the Aristocrats P"^ Parini issued from a coffee-house
and exclaimed, " Viva la Republlca — e morte a nessuno ; Ca-
naglia stolta P'' The crowd |instantly dispersed. Whatever
may be the honours acquired by poetry in England, we cannot
form an idea of the influence enjoyed by a man who has ob-
tained a great literary reputation in a country where the
largest portion of the people cannot read. He is listened to
w4th a sort of religious obedience.

The circles at Milan were afraid of every word that might
drop from Parini, and he now and then abused his acknow-
ledged ascendancy. But his intolerance never extended to
his friends : with them he was indulgent to the last degree,
and his severity was laid aside for a sort of infantine joviality.
He was pleased with the company of those young people who
were distinguished hy the fire, the frankness, and the etourde-
rie of their age : but he was incensed somewhat extravagant-
ly against those who either affected, or were naturally in-
clined to, gravity. He was complaisant and affable to
strangers who came, even without introduction, to visit him :
but if they unfortunately ventured to praise him, they did not
escape without a reprimand, and found his door shut against
them ever afterwards.

His philosophy, strengthened as it was by the useful alliance
of disease and age, did not, however, defend him against the
attacks of love : and the odes written towards the end of his

248

life, are sufficient proof that he never looked upon female
eharms with impunity. He confesses this truth, and perhaps
has adopted the safest course to avoid ridicule, by declaring
openly, that his good genius, which had preserved him from
the tortures of ambition and avarice, had still left him accessi-
ble to the soft torment of the most tender and most disin-
terested of all the passions."*

Those high-born dames who were often the objects of his
affection and of his poetry, were much flattered by his pre-
ference, and forgave him all that he had said of their hus-
bands and of their Cavalieri Serventi, With these he never
made peace. And although he was an inmate in many great
houses, he staid not a moment after he saw that he was re-
quired to submit to condescensions incompatible with his
principles, and unbecoming his character. After all that has
been said of the liberality of the great, it is clear that the
precedence granted to genius does not commence during the
lifetime even of the most fortunate writer. It was by a noble
perseverance that Parini, indigent, unknown, imperfect, and
perpetually boasting of his paternal plough, succeeded so far
as to make himself respected by those powerful classes whose
vices he decried ; and maintained the dignity of his character
and calling in a country where flattery, common as it is else-
where, is found more base and abject amongst the men of
letters than in the other orders, where the poets are very
often the buffoons of their society, and where the tutors of
boys of rank are confounded with the domestics of the
family. At the time that almost all the Italian rhymesters,
an innumerable class, were dedicating their canzoni and their
sonnets to their respective patrons, Parini refused to recite a
single verse at the table of any great man.t

He is to be exactly recognised in the portrait which he has
given of himself.

" Me, non nato a pcrcotcre
Le dure illustri porte,
Nudo accorra, ma libeio,
II Regno dellamortel"

^ See the two most celebrated odes, // Messag^io, and // Pericolo.
t See the ode entitled La Recifa de^ Vtrsi,
t See his ode La Vita Rustica.

249

He preserved his dignity and his poverty, the strength of hi*
mind and the powers of his genius, to his seventieth year.
He had been employed a few days in projecting some verses,*
and one morning he dedicated them to a friend. Having read
them over, he said that he was satisfied with them, and
begged his friend to get them printed. He then retired into
his bedchamber, and, in half an hour afterwards, expired.

VICTOR ALFIERI.

The life of this author has been written by himself. His
tragedies have been criticised in every European language.
There still remain some notices on his death, and some
opinions on his other works, which may be new to the English
reader.

His connexion with the Countess of Albany is known to all
the world, but no one is acquainted with the secret of that
long intercourse. If they were ever married, Alfieri and the
Countess took as much pains to conceal that fact, as is usually
bestowed upon its publicity. Truth might have been spoken
on the tomb of the poet, but even there we only find that
Louisa, Countess of Albany, was his only love — " quam unice
dilexit" — A church, perhaps, was not the place to boast of
such a passion ; but after every consideration we may con-
clude, that the Abate Caluso, who wrote the epitaph, and
received the last sighs of Alfieri, knew, and did not choose
to tell, that his friend was never married to the widow of
Charles Edward Stewart — " Tacendo clamat'''^ — his silence is
eloquent.

Alfieri, in the languor of a protracted agony, which the
presence of Caluso assisted him to support, received the last
visit of a priest, who came to confess him, with an affability
for which he was not distinguished in the days of his health :
but he said to him, " Have the kindness to look in to-morrow ;
I trust that death will wait for twenty-four hours." The ec-
clesiastic returned the next day. Alfieri was sitting in his
arm-chair, and said, " At present, I fancy, I have but a few

* It is the last copy of verses at page 44 of the second volume of
Parini's works.

250

minutes to spare :" and turning towards the Abbe, entreated
him to bring the Countess to him. No sooner did he see her
than he stretched forth his hand, saying, " clasp my hand, my
dear friend, I die."*

The rchgious opinions of Alfieri cannot be collected from
his writings. His tragedies contain here and there a sarcasm
against the Popes, and in his fugitive pieces may be found
some epigrams against the monastic orders, but more parti-
cularly against the cardinals. Not a word, however, has ever
escaped him against the Christian doctrines. It is only upon
close inspection that we find, in a treatise on tyranny, that
auricular confession, and the indissolubility of marriage, have
contributed to the enslavement of Italy. His latter years
were divided between a haughty irascibility and a deep me-
lancholy, which afflicted him by turns, to a degree which
rendered him scarcely accountable for his actions. Alfieri
was then not unfrequently seen in the churches from vespers
to sunset, sitting motionless, and apparently wrapt up in lis-
tening to the psalms of the monks, as they chanted them from
behind the screen of the choir. The way in which he died
would, however, lead us to conjecture, that his meditations
were not those of religion, and that he chose such a retreat
in search of that solemn tranquillity which alone promised
him a temporary repose from the relentless furies that preyed
upon his heart :

Due fere Donne, anzi due Furie atroci
Tor' non mi posso — ahi misero ! — dal iianco ;
Ira e Malinconia,

The complaint is from one of his own sonnets. He print-
ed, during his own life, but he could never be persuaded to
pubhsh, some prose works, and amongst them the treatise
before mentioned, " Delia Tirannide,'>'> and another entitled,
" II Principe e le Lettere,'''^ They are in two small volumes.
The first is a series of close arguments and severe remarks
against monarchy. The second is written to prove, that
poets, historians, and orators, can flourish only amongst a

■5t

Stringetemi, cara arnica ! la mano, io muojo.

251

tree people, and that tyranny is interested in the advance-
ment oniy of the sciences, and more especially of medicine
and jurisprudence. In both these works he has shown that
his address lay chiefly in the vigour of his attack ; his pre-
parations for defence were less skilfully disposed. Indeed,
he seems to forget that he was liable to a retort. Thus it is
that he may confirm the partisans of freedom, but he cannot
hope to make a convert from the opposite opinion.

The Italians look upon the prose of Aineri as a model of
style, particularly on political subjects. It is simple and en-
ergetic ; his ideas are not abundant, but they are clear and
precise, and connected according: to the exactest rules of
reasoning. It corresponds well with a metaphor employed
for its description bv one of his own countrymen — " I suoi
pensieri in prosa sono non tanto vagamente dipinti quanto
profondamente scolpiti."" His language is pure, and founded
upon that of the oldest writers, but is free from the pedantry
and* the rust of antiquity. No man, therefore, was more
qualified than Alfieri for the translation of Saliust. In fact,
his version of tliat historian is reckoned a masterpiece.

He tells us, in his preface, that this translation cost him
many years of painful application. The whole of his works,
indeed, bear the mark not only of laborious iclfort, but of
retouching, repeated, and indefatigable. In the latter half
of his own memoir, he had not time to be equally scrupulous,
and that part is written in a style occasionally careless, and
in a language not always remarkably correct.

Alfieri, however, was not born to be the translator of Virgil.
Could perseverance have obtained his object, his success was
certain : for he sat down to his task with the same constancy
with which he commenced pupil in the Greek language, after
he had passed his fortieth year. He translated the whole of
the iEneid three times over 5 and yet the version published
after his death, generally speaking, gives us but the contents
of Virgil. The iiarmony, the giowing &tyle, have no repre-
sentative in the Italian epic. Aliieri was a perfect master of
his language 5 his words were admirably adapted to the ex-
pression of seatiments v>'hicli flowed warm from his heart :
but which, being invariably animated, by the same ardent tem-

2S2

perature, absorbed his imagination, and left no room for those
finer and varied graces which constitute the charm of poetry.
Above all, he was extremely deficient in that branch of his
art, in which his original is so consummate a master — the ele-
vation of a mean subject by the happy use of metaphor. He
could not

" Throw about his manure with dignity."

This must appear the more surprising, since the Italian lan-
guage is essentially metaphorical, and is by that very quality
capable of being adapted to such an astonishing variety of
styles, according to the invention, the taste and the imagina-
tion of each succeeding writer.

Alfieri was not quite so unfortunate in his translation of
Terence ; but even there his simplicity is studied, not natu-
ral ; and even in his happiest effort he betrays the secret that
he had no genius for comic writing.

The six comedies found amongst his posthumous works are
compositions extravagant in the extreme. It is possible that
some may admire them for their originality : but the sober
reader is much more astonished at the perseverance with
which the poet pursued such unprofitable labour. One only,
entitled The Divorce, is a satire on Italian marriages. The
others cannot possibly be adapted to the theatre. They are
in the manner of Aristophanes, and all turn on political sub-
jects. The One (L^Uno) is a satire against monarchy. The
Few (IPochi), and The Too Many (/ Troppi), attack the aris-
tocratic and the popular government. A fourth is meant to
teach that the One, the Few, and the Too Many, should be
mixed together, and may then compose a system somewhat
tolerable.

The other comedy, called // Fmestrino, is a satire partly
against religious impostures ; but more against the philoso-
phers who invent no good religion, but yet would destroy all
the old creeds, although (so thinks Alfieri) a bad one is bet-
ter than none at all. One of the principal |^rsons of the
drama is Mahomet.

The verse and the language of these comedies are still more
extravagant than their original conception. In short, they

253

are seldom read, and are regarded, except by a very few, as
unworthy the genius of Alfieri.

His posthumous works contain also some translations from
the ancient dramatic writers ; the Frogs, the Persians, the
Philoctetes, and the Alceste. To the latter he added another
play of his own composition on the same subject, and formed
exactly on the Greek model. He pleased himself with the
innocent assertion that the new Alceste was a translation
from a recovered manuscript, which might fairly be attributed
to Euripides. It is the happiest of his latter efforts, and is
only not fit for the modern stage. In the closet it affects us
by that pathetic tenderness with which Alfieri either could not
or would not embellish his other tragedies, constructed as
they were expressly for the purpose of bracing the relaxed
vigour of his effeminate fellow-countrymen.

With this noble design he composed a sort of drama, alto-
gether new, which he called a melo-tragedy , His object here
was to unite the music which the Italians look upon as a con-
stituent part of the theatre, with the grandeur and pathos of
tragedy. He chose the Death of Abel for his subject, and he
adopted that repeated change of scene which his countrymen
would have regarded as a monstrous innovation, although it
is one of the characteristics of their opera.

Angels and demons are part of the persons of the drama,
and are the singers of the play. The poetry of their songs is
composed in different metres. Adam, Eve, and their two
sons also discourse in verse, but in blank verse, and without
music. This composition has some brilhant passages ; but is,
on the whole, devoid of interest. As an experiment it would
perhaps be unproducible on the Italian stage, where the opera
has formally excluded all display of ideas or sentiments, and
almost of words, and is solely devoted to the musician and the
ballet master.

The satires of Alfieri will cherish the melancholy of every
unwilling member of human society. They are directed
against every condition. Kings and nobles, rich and poor,
priests and philosophers, physicians, lawyers, merchants,
none are exempt ; all of them, in fact, are made the subject,
and furnish th^ title of a separate censure. The satirist i^

- 254

free from personality, and even all individual allusion ; he
strives no farther than to cojnvince his reader, that whatever
may be his place or pursuit, he runs a great risk of being un-
happy, and wicked, and contemptible. Of the women alone
he says nothing good, and nothing bad. His satire on them is
contained in a very few verses, and resolves itself into the
maxim, that the stronger is responsible for the vices of the
weaker sex.

There are, however, certain of his satires which are recom-
mendable from their wit,, and from their acquaintance with
human nature. We may select the Cavaliere Servente Vete-
rano^ I Pedanti, — UEducazione — and // Duello, In the lat-
ter he steps forward, like another Johnson, in defence of a
practice necessary for the protection of the man of honour,
from the intrigues, and calumnies, and assaults of the coward
and the bully. Another of the same class, / Viaggi, is de-
voted to the censure of himself, and of the nobility, and of
those who travel for want of occupation.

This satire is in tei-za rima^ and is the best specimen of that
harshness of versification which the warmest admirers of Al-
fieri allow to be indefensible. He was seduced into this error
l)y a wish to shun the opposite defect which characterized the
poets of the preceding generation. The plant had been so
warped and drawn to the earth on one side by Metastasio, that
Alfieri thought he could never recover its position without
bending backwards as much on the other. The tree is not yet
upright. Yet his strange words, and his capricious innova-
tions in phraseology, profusely as they are spread over his
satires and his comedies, will be forgotten or forgiven, and the
force and purity of his diction will ever recommend the prose
of Alfieri to the study of his countrymen. It is worthy of
remark, that the Paris edition of his tragedies, which he
printed at the press of Didot, is partially exempt from that
harshness of versification observable in all his former editions.

The errors of a man of genius are *not unfrequently of
service to the cause of literature. Mr. Bellotto, in histran-
slation of Sophocles, chose Alfieri for his model, as far as re-
garded his method and general stjle ; but he softened the
diction, he harmonized the numbers of his prototype, and

255

thus succeeded in producing a work which had been long ex-
pected, and often essayed in vam.

Altieri, a nttle after the year 1790, and before his return to
Italy, printed at Kell some specimens of lyrical poetry in
two volumes. The tirst contains an ode on the ta) ing of the
Bastille, and a poem, comprising five odes on the emancipa-
tion of America. The one addressed to Washington is the
best ; but bespeaks, after all, only the originality of the poet.
It no less shows that he Jiad misdirected his genius ; for his
ode is in the same harsh, dry style which spo Js his transiation
of Virgil. The eulogist of America could not be expected
to spare the E.iglish ; but his dislike was confined to the mi-
nister of the day — the nation which he has praised so often in
his memoirs he did not degrade in his poetry. Indeed his ode
on the Bastille contains an appendix with which we cannot but
be content. This is a short apologue, in which the English
are the bees^ the French the files ^ of the fable.

The other volume of his lyrics consists in great part of ama-
tory sonnets, almost all addressed to the same person. The
delicacy of his sentiments, the fire of his passion, and the
novelty of his turns of thought, redeem the want of elegance
and harmony, which must be regretted in the whole perfor-
mance, and may, perhaps, be discovered in the following spe-
cimens.

The first was written in the Album, at Petrarch's house, at
Arqua.

O Cameretta, che gia in te chiudesti
Quel Grande alia cui fama fe angusto il mondo,
Quel gentile d'amor mastro profondo
Per cui Laura ebbe in terra onor celesti.

O di pensier soavemente mesti
Solitario ricovero giocondo !
Di che lagrime araare il petto inondo
In veder che ora innonorato resti !

Prezioso diaspro, agata, ed oro
Foran debito fregio e appena degno
Di rivestir si nobile tesoro-

Ma no ; toraba fregiar d'uom ch' ebbe regno
Vuolsi, e por gemrae ove disdice alloro :
Qui basta il nome di quel Divo Ingegno

256

Tl?e other is on the tomb of Dante.

O gran padre Allighier, se dal ciel miri
Me non indegno tuo discepol starmi,
Dal cor traendo profondi sospiri,
Prostrate innanzi a tuoi funerei marmi ;

Piacciati, deh ! propizio a' bei desiri, *
B'un raggio di tua mente illuminarmi :
Uora che a perenne e prima gloria aspiri
Contro invidia e vilt^ dee stringer I'armi?

Figlio, i' le strinsi, e ben men duol, che difedi
Nome in tal guisa a gente tanto bassa
I Da non pur calpestarsi co'miei piedi —

Se in me fidi, tuo sguardo non abbassa ;
Va, tuona, vinci, e niun di costor vedi,
Non che parlarne ; ma sovr' essi passa.

His work, caiiled the Misogallo, of which he speaks with so
much complacency in his own memoirs, was not printed until
the year 1814, ten years after his death, and just as the
French evacuated Italy. One might have thought the period
well chosen ; and yet the editors were obliged to leave gaps
in certain passages, particularly where he told truth of the
Popes. The Misogallo is a mixture of prose and of epigrams.
These latter would be a wretched effort, even in a middling
author — they betray the rage of impotent sarcasm. As for
the book itself, it is also seasoned more with spite than wit —
a remark that holds good of some other epigrams published
during the life-time of the author. Mr. Forsyth has cited two
that are just in point.* The prose of the Misogallo contains
two pieces worthy of perusal : one is the defence which AI-
fieri would have put into the mouth of Louis XVI. in pre-
sence of the Convention. The other is the apology of the
author himself, for his detestation of the French revolution,
as having ruined the cause of liberty ; that cause to which Al-
fieri had dedicated all his talents, and the better portion of his
fortune and his life.

Amongst the ancient and modern poets of Italy, no one has
furnished so many pictures and busts as Alfieri. Fabre, who
excels in portraits, and was his friend, has taken four likenesses

* Remarks, Sic. on Italy, p. 62, edit. 2d.

257

in oil ; all of them much esteemed, and, it should seem,
justly. There is also a profile, having for inscription the son-
net in which he describes both his person and his character.

" Sublime Specchio di veraci detti
Mostrami in corpo ein anima qual sono.
Capelli or radi in fronte, e rossi pretti ;
Lunga statura e capo a terra prone

Sottil persona su due stinciii schietti ;
Bianca pelle, occhio azzurro, aspetto buono,
Giusto naso, bel labbro, e denti eletti,
Pallido in viso piii che un Re sul trono.

Or duro acerbo, ora pieghevol mite,
Irato sempre e non maligno mai,
La mente e il cor raeco in perpetua lite ;

Per lo piu mesto, e talor lieto assai,
Or stimandomi Achille, ed or Tersite,
Uom, sei tu grande, o vil ? Mori e il saprai.'*

Compare the Orestes, the Virginia, the Myrrha, the Saul,
and some other of his tragic masterpieces, with his comedies
and his Misogallo, and we shall almost think it was the voice
of conscience that told him he was sometimes the Achilles,
sometimes the Thersites of authors.

His example has confirmed the opinion, that genius is the
distinctive merit of poets. Alfieri, whose education was very
much neglected, and whose youth was sunk in the loosest dis-
sipation {dissipatissima^), rose, in a few years, to the highest
literary distinction, and was ranked amongst the great writers
of his country. His perseverance and his ardour were, it is
true, such as are rarely seen. Yet the same perseverance,
the same ardour, were employed in the production of his
latter writings : his learning was greater, his knowledge of
the world more extensive, and his understanding more en-
lightened by the progress of years, and by that revolution of
which he was an eye-witness, and which sharpened even very
inferior intellects. Neither was he, at any period of his life,
too advanced in age for mental exertion, for he was not fifty-
three when he died. It is incontestable, however, that the
suppression of the greater part of his posthumous publica-

* See his letter to Mr. Calsabigi, printed in the preface to his tragedies-

258

tions would have been of infinite service to his fame. Per-
haps he was born to shine in tragedy, and in tragedy alone ;
and perhaps the prodigious exertions of his first efforts ex-
hausted his vigour and depressed his spirit, and condemned
his latter years to languor and to regret. He might exclaim,
with the ancient,

" Non bum qualis eram : periit pars maxima nctri
Hoc quoque, quod superest languor et horror hahent."

It is affirmed by those who kncAV him, that between his fits of
meianchoJy, Alfieri conversed with warmth, but always with
a certain tincture of bitterness ; and it is distressing to be
told that he studiously avoided all those whom he had not
known for several years. He carried this aversion to new
intimacies to such a length, that a letter addressed by any
other than a well-known hand, and under any but the seal of
a friend, was thrown into the fire unopened. It need hardly
be added, that he had but two or three correspondents. The
public journals and periodical papers he never once looked
into for many of his latter years. Thus he had no means of
becoming acquainted with his own share of that glory which
had been the principal object of his life. Nor did he believe
himself arrived at the station which he actually occupied in
the eyes of his countrymen, and of ail Europe. His melan-
choly divested the vanities of life of all their charms, and he
refused to cherish the only illusion that could console his
existence.

Count Alexander Pepoli, who inherited the wealth and the
name of that powerful family, which, during the middle ages,
made themselves masters of Bologna, and alarmed the princes
of Italy, was the cotemporary, and, it may be said, the rival
H)f Alfieri. He wrote tragedies, he wrote comedies : both the
one and the other were applauded on the stage ; both the
one and the other now slumber in the libraries. He aspired
to the invention of a new drama, which he thought Shakspe-
rian, and which he called Fistdia — a compliment to our poet,
and a tacit reproof to all other writers for the stage, from
yEschylus downwards. His Representation of Nature pleased
both the people and the actors, but never came to a second
edition. Like Alfieri, he also was passionately fond of horses, ^

259

and he was bolder than our poet, for he drove a Roman car, a
^ quadriga, at full gallop over the ascents and descents of the
Apennines. He built a theatre for the representation of his
own tragedies ; he founded the magnificent printing press at
Venice, from which, under the name of the Tipografia Pepo-
liana, have issued many works, and particularly several edi-
tions of the Italian historians. His daily occupations were
divided, with a scrupulosity which they hardly merited, be-
tween his studies, his horses, and his table. His guests con-
sisted of men of letters, of buffoons, of people of fashion,
and of parasites. His nights were devoted to the pursuits of
gallantry, in which he was sufficiently successful ; for he was
handsome and he was rich. His amours were occasionally
postponed for his billiards, at which he lost large sums of mo-
ney, in the pursuit of an excellence which he would fain have
attained at all games of skill. His great ambition was to be
the first runner in Italy, and he died in 1796, before he was
forty, of a pulmonary complaint, which he had caught in a
foot-race with a lacquey. He merits a place in this memoir,
not for the brilliancy of his compositions, but for the shade
of relief which they furnish to the similar and successful
efforts of Alfieri.

HIPPOLITUS PINDEMONTE.

The Marquis John Pindemonte, eldest brother of him who
will be here treated of, is a proof of the preliminary observa-
tion, that a man of literature may be very popular in Italy,
and yet be without that settled reputation which owes its
origin to the suffrages of the learned class of readers. This
nobleman, in conjunction with Pepoli, kept for some time
possession of the stage. The tragedies of John Pindemonte,
which are now almost forgotten, brought crowds to the theatre
at the time that Alfieri was listened to with impatience.
Hippolitus Pindemonte has perhaps less imagination than his
brother, but he was naturally endowed with a certain delicacy
of taste, the developement of which, by an education truly
classical, has secured for him the highest distinctions of
literature. It is, however, a fact which any one will verify

260

by a careful inqiiiiy, that the poetry of Hippolitus Pindemonte
is not relished by the generahty of readers, who are neverthe-
less obhged to repeat his praises, having been taught that
lesson by the learned distributors of literary fame, and by
those who are by tacit consent allowed to possess the most
cultivated taste. The same obedient crowd throng the play-
houses, to see the tragedies of his elder brother, but the fear
of ihe same censors prevents them from praising the composi-
tion of their favourite dramas.

Hippolitus has also written a tragedy on the death of Armi-
nius, the German hero, whose conspiracy against the liberties
of his country was punished with death, from the hand of his
own relations. The style of this piece is much applauded ;
the plan of it is on the model of Shakspeare, without, how-
ever, a total abandonment of those ancient rules which the
Italians will allow no writer to violate with impunity. He has
introduced chorusses sung by young warriors and maidens,
and has thus combined, with some success, the English, the
Greek, and the Italian drama — as to the French plan, the
example and the system of Alfieri have created a persuasion
that it is irreconcilable with the Italian theatre. Whether
the Arminius has stood the great test, does not appear in the
published play. Perhaps it has been never acted, and per-
haps it may be as little qualified for any stage as the Caractacus
and the Elfrida would be for our own.

The works of Pindemonte which are most esteemed, are
some lyrical poems, and particularly his epistles in verse.
These last contain a happy assemblage of qualities not easily
combined. The Italians behold in them the amenity of
Horace, the tenderness of Petrarch, and a certain gravity of
ideas and sentiments, for which, perhaps, he is indebted to
his acquaintance with English poetry. A similar transfusion
of our style was before attempted by Mazza. The epistles
are in blank verse, the favourite metre of the present day.

This writer has not only borrowed the English style, but
many individual passages of our poets, more particularly of
Milton and of Gra}^ The plagiaries, if they may so be
called, are inserted with considerable taste and effect. A
great part of his youth was spent in travelhng, and he lived

261

long enough in England to become familiar with our literature.
His Campestri contain some copies of verses addressed to
Englishmen. He speaks with enthusiastic admiration of their
country ; and it may be pleasing to see a fine description
which he gives of a park, one of the characteristic beauties
of England.

Speaking of the practice of raising tombs in gardens, he
continues,

" Cos! eletta dimora e si pietosa

L' Anglo talvolta, clie profundi e forti

Non meno che i pensier, vanta gli' affetti,

Allft \A^ amale c^neri destina

Nelle sue tanto celebrate ville,

Ove per gli occhi in seno, e per gli orecchi

T.inta m' entrava, e si innocente ebbrezza.

Oh chi mi leva in alto, e chi rai porta

Tr;i quegli ameni, dilettosi, immensi

Boscherecci teatri ! Oh chi mi posa

Su que' verdi tappetl, entro que' foschi

Solitarj ricoveri, nel grembo

Di quelle valli, ed a que' colli in vetta !

Non recise cola bellica scure

Le gioconde ombre ; i conseuti asili

La non cercaro invan gli ospiti augelli :

Ne Primavera s' ingannft, veggendo

Sparito dalla terra il noto bosco,

Che a rivestir venia delle sue frondi.

Sol nella man del glardinier solerte

Mand6 lampi cola 1' acuto ferro,

Che rase il prato ed agguagliollo ; e i rami

Che tra lo aguardo, e le lontane scene

Si ardivano frappor, dotto corresse.

Prospetti vaghi, inaspettati incontri,

Bei sentieri, antri freschi, opachi seggi,

Lente acque e mute all' erba e ai fiori in mezzo,

Precipitanti d' alto acque tonanti,

Dirupi di sublime orror dipinti,

Campo e giardin, lusso erudito e agreste

Semplicita— Quinci ondeggiar la messe,

Pender le capre da un' aerea balza,

La valle mugolar, bellare il colle :

Quinci marmoreo sovra 1' onde un ponte

262

Ciu'varsi, e un tempio biancheggiar tra il verde ;

Straniere piante frondeg^iar, che d' ombre

Spargono Americane il suol Brittanno,

E su ramo, che avea per altri augelli

Natura ordito, aiigei cantar d'Europa-

Mentre supprb(3 delle arboiee corna

Va per la sclva il cervo, e sposso 11 capo

Volse, e ti guarda ; e in mezzo all' onda il cigno

Del pie fa remo, il collo inarca, e fende

L' argenteo lago. Cosi bel soggiorno

Sentono i bruti stessi, e delle selve

Scuoton con istupor la cima i venti.

Deh per^ch non poss' io tranquilli passi

Muovere ancor per quelle vie, celarmi

Sotto 1' intreccio ancor di que' frondosi

Rami ospitali, e udir da lunge appena

Mugghiar del Mondo la tempesta, urtarsi

L' un contro 1' altro popolo, corone

Spezzarsi, e scettri ? oh quanta strage ! oh quanto

Scavar di fosse, e traboccar di corpi

E ai condottier trafitti alzar di torn be !"

It was, however, neither our parks nor our learned leisure
that awakened such lively feelings, and called forth such ar-
dent vows for his return to England. Our women must share
the merit of the inspiration ; for Pindemonte has given the
initial of some nymph who had the good fortune to be the ob-
ject of his first real, as well as his first poetic, passion. It may
perhaps be flattering to this person, if she is still in existence,
to know that the poet's verses to Miss H * * * are esteemed
by the Italians as some of his best, and not unworthy of com-
parison with those which have immortalized the charms of
Laura. They are in the form of a canzone, in the manner of
Petrarch, and the two first stanzas are as follows :

" O Giovenetta, che la dubbia via

Di nostra vita, pellegrina allegra.

Con pie non sospettoso iraprimi ed orni ;

Sempre cosi propizio il ciel ti sia !

Nfe adombri mai nube improvvisa e negra

U innocente seren de' tuoi bei giorni.

Non che il Mondo ritorni

A te quanto gli dai tu di dolcezza,

Ch' cgli stesso ben sa non poter tanto.

263

Valle fe questa di pianto

E gran danno qui spesso fe gran bellezz^,

Qui dove perde agevolmente fama

Qual piu vaga si chiama :

Come andra I' alma mia giojosa e paga

Se impunementc esser potrai si vaga !

" II men di che pu6 donna esser cortese

Verchi 1' hadi sfe stesso assai piu cara

Da te, vergine pura, io non vorrei :

Veder in te quella che pria m' accese

Bramo, e sol temo che men grande e cara

Ci6 ti faccia parere agli occhi miei.

Nfe volontier torrei

Di spargerti nel sen foco amoroso,

Chfe qucinto b a me piu note il fiero ardore

Delitto far maggiore

Mi parria se turbassi il tuo riposo.

Maestro io primo ti sard d' affanno ?

O per me impareranno

Nuovi affanni i tuoi giorni, ed interrotti

Sonni per me le tue tranquiile notti ?"

The whole of the remainder of this canzone gives a flat-
tering picture of the beauty, of the modesty, and of the unaf-
fected graces, of the Enghsh young women of that day ; and
the dehcacy of such a passion redounds not less to the credit
of the poet than of the lady, who must either have been na-
turally exempt from the ambition of coquetry, or must have
taken great pains to conceal it.

The same author has published a romance in prose, which,
as far as regards the apparent purpose of the work, reminds
us of Rasselas. But Pindemonte's Aharite has failed to pro-
cure him the reputation of a distinguished prose writer. For
purity, for erudition, for polish, it is not inferior to his verses,
but it wants the charm of those pleasing compositions. His
prefaces, his literary correspondence, and his little biographies,
have never been seriously criticised, and are perhaps not
worth it.

He has been assailed, like all other writers, by repeated
criticisms ; but those criticisms have made little noise, and,
however they may have really affected him, have not disturb-

264

ed his apparent tranquillity. The baseness of flattery, the
bitterness of censure, will not be found in the personal allu-
sions of Pindemonte. His writings, like his conversation, are
those of an accomplished gentleman.

He has always in theory been devoted to the cause of liber-
ty ; but at the coming of the French he laid down for his con-
duct one inviolable maxim — Hide thy life ; notwithstanding
that his eldest brother andmany of his friends have been active-
ly €7igaged with different political parties,^ He has confined
himself to some poetical complaints of- the ravages and de-
gradation which the sword of the stranger has for so many
ages inflicted on his unhappy country.

From the beginning of the Revolution he has passed his
time between Venice a^id Verona, his native town, and chiefly
employed upon a translation of the Odyssey. There are many
Italian translations of Homer, but not one has yet obtained
that complete success which the voice of the nation, and the
sanction of the learned world, alone can bestow. Pinde-
monte has, it is probable, judiciously selected this poem in
preference to the Iliad, which would have required more ima-
gination and more energy than are the characteristici? of his
style. The two first books were published some time ago, and
Italy was as impatient as such a prospect can make her, for
the remainder of the performance. The whole translation
appeared at the close of the last year, but what was the effect
or judgment resulting from it, cannot, of course, yet be
known. The poet's health has of late years been much on
the decline, and obliged him to proceed leisurely with his oc-
cupation. He has passed his sixtieth year, and age and infir-
mity have made him devout. His spiritual exercises occupy
a considerable portion of his time, and plunge him into that
consuming solitude which a more rational religion would teach
him to exchange for the active duties and social amusements of
life.

This author is not ranked amongst the men of surpassing
genius which Italy has produced, and, perhaps, ought not to
be : but the assiduity of his studies ; the consummate skill

* See his own declaration in the preface to his Epistles, published at
Verona, in the year 1805.

265

with which he has known where to employ, and how to deve-
iope his superior abihties ; the sleepless care with which he
has watched over the rise, and preserved the integrity of his
fame ; the decorum both of his life and writings ; have se-
cured for him the undisputed possession of the first place in
the intermediate class, between the great masters of the art,
and those who write to captivate the multitude. The English
reader will understand this place by recurring to the author of
the Pleasures of Memory, and perhaps that gentleman may
accept as much of the comparison as the just ambition of a
poet will allow him to think consistent with the pretension to
unqualified excellence. This intermediate class, although, as
in the present instance, it occasionally produces an author, is
composed for the most part of those who may be called ra-
ther learned readers than learned writers. Such a class has
sprung up partially amongst ourselves, but with this difference,
that our critics, although they do not condescend to advance
in the regular uniform of writers, still appear in print, and that
not unfrequently ; whereas in Italy they seldom take up the
pen, and acquire by that discretion a dignity which gives more
weight to their oral judgment. These persons have received
what we call a regular education, are familiar with, and form-
ed upon, the classical writers, both ancient and modern ; and,
by an habitual application of the prescribed rules to every
popular performance, are the self-instituted, but undisputed,
arbiters of taste. There are five or six of these in every con-
siderable town ; and one set, some of whom are perhaps au-
thors, presides over all the provincial critics : not even the
writers of a respectable class dare to pronounce their opinion
without a previous inquiry at the national oracle. A great
compiler, Tiraboschi for instance, would not have ventured
to speak of a cotemporary until he knew what decision had
been pronounced by Bettinelli or Roberti.

These persons establish, by the union of their suffrages, a
reputation which is sure not to be ephemeral. But there is
yet another class of readers, whom it is prudent to gain be-
fore an author can promise himself

" The life to come in every poet's creed.''

26a

These are the men of cultivated minds, the men of the world;
a vague phrase, but v^^hich v^^ill be understood, although it
cannot be precisely defined. With the combined verdict of
the former as the guardians of the language, and of the latter
as the organ of the feelings of his countrymen, the Italian
author may be secure that the common readers will follow in
a crowd, and, like the Romans to Augustus, raise frequent
a^!ars to his living merit.

VINCENT MONTI.

This poet has always enjoyed, and still enjoys a sort of pre-
eminence, of which, notwithstanding all the world seems
agreed upon his claims, he has often been very nearly de-
prived. His subjects have, for the most part, been popular
and occasional. He has laid hold of the most interesting
events of the moment : he has sustained the preponderating
opinions, and he has invariably advocated the interests of the
succeeding reigning powers. With such advantages, it is not
strange that he should have found many willing and eager
readers ; nor is it more strange that all the various govern-
ments, one after the other, should have continued to rank
him amongst their partisans. It may excite somewhat more
surprise to remark the air not only of enthusiasm, but of sin-
cerity, with which he has delivered his contradictory pane-
gyrics, and to admire the address, with which he appears
rather repentant than changeful, and converts the dictates of
interest into a case of conscience. By turns flattering and
irritating every party, he has not only roused the passions of
his cotemporaries, but has given them a direction towards
himself. His real merit, and the advantage derived from his
powerful pen by the triumphant faction, have protected him
from neglect ; and that prostitution of talents which would
have rendered him either odious or ridiculous in England,
has been less contemptible in a country where there is more
indifference, and less intelligence employed, in the view of
political transactions.

For three centuries not a single Italian poet had raised his
voice ag^ainst the will or the wish of the powerful. Alfieri
and Parini had made the first noble exception to this submis-

267

sion, and it was more easy to admire than imitate so rare an
example. Monti, independent of the difference of natural
disposition, was not born to the wealth of Alfieri, nor was he
thrown into the same juncture of circumstances that had
favoured the Milanese poet : neither had he been formed by
that independent education which both the one and the other
had enjoyed. In a word, Monti was brought up at the court
of Rome.

The charm of Monti's poetry consists in a pleasing union of
the soft and the strong. His ideas are strikingly apparent, his
sentiments are full of fire, his verses are truly melodious, and
his imagery is highly embellished, and has received the last
finishing and decoration of taste. He has, indeed, touched
nothing that he has not adorned. If his polish is confined to
the surface, not only himself but his readers are content with-
out inquiring into the depth of his capacity.

Monti owed the first diffusion of his reputation to his Aristo-
demus, a tragedy which, to use the language of the stage, is a
stock play in constant acting, notwithstanding the passion and
interest are totally confined to the chief character. The dia-
logue was found to have more warmth, and colouring, and
energy, than that of Metastasio, who was then in possession of
the Stage ; and the audience were not terrified even by the
shadow of that harshness, and violence, and obscurity, which
characterized the tragedies of Alfieri, who was just emerging
into notice, and regarded as a wild irregular genius, scarcely
within the pale of literary civilization. Monti then was the
tragic writer of Italy, and was confidently hailed as the suc-
cessful candidate for an eminence as yet never occupied.

He afterwards published two other tragedies : Galeotto Man-
fredi, which is not only far below his Aristodemus, but beneath
the talents of the ?jjthor, and Caius Gracchus. Some fine pas-
sages constitute the sole merit of the last tragedy, into which
he has introduced some scenes that the Italians are pleased to
call hyfar too natural — ^' assaitroppo naturali,'^'' These scenes
were expresslv imitated from ShaksDeai''e, and succeeded at
first — nobody, however, dared to app-aud them in the subse-
quent representations. The critical spectators near the or-
chestra, and the cioset-jadges, having once cond;Lmned that

268

which appears to miUtate against classical authority, their
sentence is irrevocable : — the people have not a voice ; or, if
they dare to speak, are not heard. The defects of Monti's
tragedies are reducible to the insignificance of his characters,
to the irregularity of his plot, and to a style sometimes too ly-
rical, sometimes too tame. These were discovered by the
^udience, and perhaps by the poet, for he laid no further
claim to the throne of Melpomene.

The work of his which has made the most noise, is the
^' Cant lea m morte di Ugo Basville,'^'' published in Rome in
1793, when the author was about thirty-five years of age. —
This poem is even now considered superior to the subsequent
productions of this fruitful writer, who has never laid aside,
and still holds the pen. An edition of it has been published
in London by Mr. Matthias, with the title La Revoluzione
Franceze, and another appeared at Paris with another name,
Le Dante Ingentilito. It would be difficult to guess at the mo-
tive for these changes, with which it is probable the poet was
not made acquainted ; and it would be more diflScult still to
justify the usurpation of rights which appear to belong only to
the author.

Hugh Basville was a man of letters, employed on a mission
at Rome by the National Convention. His object was, pro-
bably, to sow the seeds of democracy, and to watch the con-
duct of the papal government in the approaching revolution.
Others there are, however, who affirm that he was only on his
return from the court of Naples, where he had been secretary
of the French Legation, and that he was charged with no such
commission. This is asserted in one of the numbers of the
Gazette des Maires, published at Paris by Captain de Bas-
ville, who has undertaken to justify his father's memory.
The Roman populace, however, looked upon him as a
Jacobin spy, murdered him, and pillaged his house. The
capital of the world indulged in a savage triumph at this ex-
ploit, and the ministers of the pope, by their inactivity to
punish, were suspected of participating in the crime. But
Pius VL was generous enough to save the wife and child of
Basville from the rage of the multitude. On this occasion
Monti wrote his poem.

269

According to the anecdotes contained in some pamphlets,
and, amongst others, in one called Esame su le accuse contro V,
Monti, pubhshed at Milan in 1798, Monti was the friend of
Basville ; and it is certain, that in the greater part of his sub-
sequent writings he showed himself a friend of the revolution.
His poem justified the court of Rome, perpetuated the name of
his friend, and saved himself from the perils of his late intimacy
with a Jacobin. The plan of this work is very simple. Bas-
ville repents and dies, and is pardoned by the Almighty. An
angel conducts his spirit across those kingdoms of the earth
which had been desolated by the wars and crimes of the
French revolution. They arrive at Paris at the moment that
Louis XVI. is mounting the scaffold. The spirit of the king,
ascending to heaven, meets the shade of Basville, and the an-
gel makes them known to each other. The king questions
him, and Basville narrates the cause and the manner of hie
death.

Lafronte sollevo, rizzossi in piedi
L'^addolorato spirto j e le pupille
Tergendo, a dire i comincio : Tu vedi,

Signor, nel tuo cospetto Ugo Basville
Dalla Francese Libertd mandato
Sul Tehro a suscitar Pempie scintille,

Stolto ! che volli con Pimmohilfato
Cozzar della gran Roma, onde ne porto
Rotta la tempia e iljlanco insanguinato,

Che di Giuda il Leon non anco e morto
Ma vive e rugge ; e il pelo arruffa e gli occhi
Terror d'^Egitto, e d"^ Israel conforto :

E se monta in furor. Paste, e gli stocchi
Sa spezzar c?e' nemici ; e par che gride

" SON LO SDEGNO DI DIG *. NESSUN MI TOCCHI."

Here Basville confesses the crime which brought him to his
end, and lauds the vengeance of Rome and of the Lion of Ju-
dah. But the above quotation suggests another remark, which
will be found more or less true of all Monti's works 5 namely,
t^lat he hag not scrupled to insert the ideas, and the ti^rns of

270

expression of former poets in his best verses. The beginning
of this canto reminds us of that of Dante's Ugohno ;

La bocca sollev6 dal fero pasto
Quel peccator —

Pol comminci6 : Tu vuoi-—
and the last verse is evidently from Petrarch,

" Son del Cesare mio : nessun mi tocchi."

Monti indeed regards it as a portion of his art, and a proof
of his talents, successfully to employ the fine thoughts, and
the phrases of the great writers. No modern author has, per-
haps, so freely imitated others as Monti ; but no modern au-
thor has so frankly confessed his obligations, and his gratitude.
His notes abound with the passages from which he has bor-
rowed, and he has the praise of sometimes improving upon his
originals, and of always introducing them in proper time and
place. So far from accusing him of plagiary, we are rather
agreeably surprised by the new aspect which he gives to beau-
ties already familiar to every reader.

The fourth canto of the poem prepares us for the war of the
coalesced potentates to revenge the death of Louis XVI. The
soul of Basville is condemned by the poet to expiate his
crime, by beholding the horrors of the Revolution, and by
wandering without the precincts of Paradise until France shall
have received the punishment of her regicide :

Finche non sia di Francia ultro il delitto.

According to this plan, Monti had opened an unbounded field
for his exertions, and by merely following the progress of
events, he would have avoided those difficulties, with which
the necessity of inventing and arranging a series of fictions,
has embarrassed the greater part of all poetical writers. He
would only have had to select the most remarkable traits in the
astonishing history of our times, and to divide them, accord-
ing to the rules of his art and the power of his genius, into
pictures which should command the delight and wonder of
posterity. The difiiculty of handling a cotemporary topic,
was not too great for the capacity of Monti, and had he con-

271

tinued his Basville to the victory of Waterloo, he might hav^e
occupied, next to Dante, that place which Virgil possesses in
the vicinity of Homer.

The voyage of the angel with the shade of Basville, is takea
from that of Dante with the spirit of Virgil. The terze rime,
a metre perfected by the father of Italian poetry, was, in the
true sense of the word, ennobled {ingentilito) by Monti. It is
true that he has not the same harmonious variety, nor the same
boldness of expression, nor the same loftiness of thought as
are found in his model. But he is more equal, more clear,
more finished in every part : his images have not only the sta-
ble grandeur, but even the glossy whiteness of Parian sculp-
ture ; and although they succeed each other with astonishing
rapidity, and force, and boldness, preserve an elegance pecu-
liar to themselves, more especially in the terze rime, which no
one has ever employed with the same success. It is probable
that Monti will never be surpassed in this metre : but in the
heroic stanza he could not come into the field against Ariosto,
and Tasso ; and in blank verse, Cesarotti, Parini, and Fos-
colo, have been more adventurous and more successful.

Monti had scarcely published the fourth canto of his poem,
(which, such as he left it, does not amount to 1500 lines,)
when the French conquered Lombardy. Perhaps it was fear,
perhaps it was interest, or more likely still inclination, that
seduced him from Rome, and settled him in the capital of the
new Cisalpine republic. On this occasion he quitted the ser-
vice of the Duke of Braschi, the nephew of Pius VI. Pre-
lates, cardinals, and even Popes, had begun by being secreta-
ries like himself, but Monti was a married man — he was a
poet, and he was not besides in the good graces of his Holi-
ness. He one day presented Pius with a magnificent edition
of his poetry, and the PontifFcondescended to accept it : but
added, at the same time, after quoting some verses of Metas-
tasio, " JVb one, now-a-days, writes like that great poet,''^

Monti was now the poet of the popular assemblies, of the
armies, of the democratic dinners, which rose together at the
institution of the new Republic ; and his patriotic hymns have,
almost alone, survived the innumerable copies of verses, in-
spired by occasions so animating. But he did not confine him-

self to songs ; he wrote with sober severity against the priests :
such are his Superstizione^ and his Fanatismo, and his Visione,
in which the shade of Louis XVL is changed from the martyr
of his Basville into a hideous spectre. Neither his labours
nor his devotion could, however, obtain for Monti the confi-
dence or even the pardon of the friends of the revolution :
We learn this from his own lips ; for he complains of it, and
leaves nothing untried to convince his fellow-citizens of his
sincerity, and begs at least for pity, in the opening of one of
his poems, in which he brings himself upon the stage, and as-
sumes the imploring pathetic attitude of the father of a
family.

Stendi dolce amor mio, sposa di letta,
A quell' arpa la man, che la soave
Dolce fatica di tue dita aspetta !

Svegljami Tarmonia ch' entro le cave
Latfebre alberga del sonoro legno,
E de' forti pensier volgi la chiave.

These were to Monti days of humiliation, and of bitterness^
and of danger. The legislative council passed a severe and
unjust law against those who, before the Italian Revolution,
had written in favour of tyranny ; and it was seen that this

law was directed more particularly against the author of the
Basvilliana, The low retainers of literature, under the pre-
text of patriotism, now gave vent to their jealousy, and as-
sailed Monti with scurrilities equally violent and mean.

His friends had procured him a place in the commissariat of
Romagna : but he was accused of peculation, and carried
before a tribunal. The calumny was proved, and the de-
fendant acquitted, but no steps were taken to punish the
calumniators.

Such were the dangers of his position, or such was the in-
constancy of his soul, that Monti disgraced himself beyond
the wishes of his rivals. Pius VI. was carried off from Rom«
by the French, and the poet chose this forced migration of
his former master for the occasion of an invective imitated
from that ode of Horace, in which the Roman republic is
compared to a ship tossed by the wind and waves, atnd steqr-

273

iiig for the harbour. No protestant pen has ever traced in-
vectives more severe against the Great Harlot than are pour-
ed forth bj the repentant secretary.

Di mala merce e di dolor val carca,
O Navc^ che dal Tosco al Sardo lito
Porti il gran Pescator, che in hifinito
Mar di colpt ha di Pier rotta la barca :

Vedi come Pinsegue e il dor so inarca
L^onda irata ? f?e' ventl odi il ruggito ?
Prendi po?'to, sollecita il pentito
Remo e di tanto peccator ti scarca,

Dante had before called upon the islands of Capraja and Gor-
gona to block up the mouth of the Arno, and drown the in-
habitants of Pisa, for their cruelty to the children of Ugo-
lino : and Monti now invoked Sardinia, and told it to flv
away, that the last of monsters might not find even a tomb to
shelter him.

E drittofora
Jion dar di tomha ne c/' arena un velo
AW xdtimo c?e' mostri,

Monti at least revenged himself of Pius for placing him be-
low Metastasio.

It was but a short time afterwards that Suvaroff and the
Austrians made themselves masters of Italy. Monti fled to
France, and the distresses of his exile gave a new vigour and
a dignity to his exertions.

Mascheroni, a mathematician, much esteemed in Italy, and
a writer of verses admired for their elegance, had distinguish-
ed himself for his enthusiastic love of liberty, and, A^hat
was much more rare, by his noble integrity of character and
purity of manners. He also had escaped, on the same occa-
sion, to Paris, where he died. Monti thought this a good op-
portunity for writing another poem, wliich he called Thr
Death of Mascheroni (In Morte di Mascheroni), on the plan
of hi:j Basville. The spirit of his hero is in like manner made

274

10 traverse the earth, and in his view of the changes of Italy
beholds the advantages of liberty and the pernicious effects of
popular hcentiousness. The political aim of this poem is
more useful, and the subject is better handled, than in the
Death of Basville ; but the author could not refuse himself
the satisfaction of consigning to perpetual infamy the names
©f his demagogue persecutors.

The Italians discover a greater variety and interest in the
scenes presented to the notice of Mascheroni than in those of
Basville. They think the style less pointed, but more rich
and more graceful, and they look upon the terze rime as less
monotonous and more harmonious than any of his former
specimens. The plan was equally vast with that of his first
poem, and it was, like Basville, also stopped at the fourth
canto : for Buonaparte became Emperor of the French and
King of Italy, and Monti hastened to publish six cantos of
another poem : these were to be the first part of a long work
which he called The Bard of the Black Forest (II Bardo della
Selva Nera.)

It must be owned that the conception of this poem is vast-
ly puerile. The author is obliged to imagine that there are
bards who deal in verse and prophecy yet to be found by
those who look for them; and just such a one as Caesar and
Lucan saw in the depths of Germany is discovered by Monti
in 1805, hidden somewhere in the Black Forest. This bard
has a daughter, Malvina, who is surprised into a sentimental
passion for a French officer, who has been wounded in the
battle of Albeck. The victories of Napoleon are chanted
forth by the same officer, who, it seems, succeeds in persua-
ding the bard of the advantages of imperial despotism ; for
he prophesies the absolute monarchy of the triumphant war-
rior.

This poem is in different metres ; in blank verse, in hero-
ical and in lyrical stanzas ; a mixture which has had great
success with us, but is far from agreeable to the Italians, who
have been taught by Dante to run into any embarrassments
rather than facilitate the art of poetry.

Monti left this poem also incomplete ; and Napoleon, to en-
courage the continuation of a prophecy so flattering, created

275

him a knight of two orders, and gave him a thousand louis
d'ors. The emperor also assigned him a pension, and made
him his historiographer.

The foregoing censure of the Bard of the Black Forest
should be accompanied with the confession that it contains
some admirable passages. Such is the description of the
night after a bloody battle.

PaUido intanto^JI P Ahnohte rupi
II Sol cadendo, raccogliea d'^'mtorno
Dalle cose i colori, e alia pietosa
J^otte del mondo concedea la cura j
Ed ella del regal suo velo eterno
Spiegando il Umbo, raccendea negli asfri
La morta luce, e la spcgnea sul xolto
Degli stanchi mortalL Era il tuon qiieto
De' fulmini guerrieri, e ne vagava
Sol per la valle ilfumo atro, confuso
Colle nebbie Je' boschi e rfe' torrenti :
Eran quete le selve, eran delP aure
Queti i sospiri ; ma lugubri e cupi
S'^udian gemiti e grida in lontananza
Dl languenti trajitti, e un calpestio
Di tavalli e difanti, e sotto il grave
Peso de^ bronzi un cigolio di rote
Che mestizia e terror mettea nel core,

Monti, in this poem, has with his usual taste proiited by the
Ossian of Cesarotti and the French prose translation of Gray's
odes, and of Shakspeare. He does not read English, but he
is as ardent an admirer of our great dramatist as he is of Dan-
te. The writer has heard him pronounce his decided judg-
ment, that the world has produced but three poets, properly
80 called ; and Homer, with the two just mentioned, form his
triumvirate. The two following stanzas will be seen to have
been copied from the speech of Ulysses in Troilus and Cressi-
da, where the necessity of a monarchy is deduced fromt^le pre-
eminence of the sun above the stars.

276

Delle stelle tnonarca egli s^asside
Sul trono della luce ; e con eterna
Unica legge il moto, e i rai divide
Ai seguaci pianeti, e li governa.
Per lui JVatura sifeconda e ride ;
Per lui la danza armonica 5' allerna
Delle slagion ; per lui nulla si spia
Grano dipolve che vital non sia.

E cagion sola del mirando ejfetto
JEj la costante eguale uvica legge
Con che il raggiante im^rrador I'ctspettc
Delle create cose alto corregge.
Togli questa unitd, togli il perfetto
Tenor de' varj moti, onde si regge
Ij'armonia de' frenati orhi diversif
E tutli li vedrai confusi e spersi.

Monti undertook a translation of the Iliad ; and he under-
took it, confessing that he knew nothing of Greek, but copied,
after the literal interpretations in Latin, the various commen-
tators, and the poetical versions of all his predecessors. He
depended solely upon his talents for versification, and the
charms of his style. His readers v^ere equally confident with
himself: and their previous persuasion secured him the first
applauses with which his translation was welcomed even by
the Greek scholars, who were happy to accept of so powerful
an ally in their contest with Cesarotti. It was, however, dis-
covered, that a translation made by one who was ignorant of
the original could not be depended upon. The distrust spread
even to those who were themselves equally unacquainted with
the Greek text 5 and the censures of the learned were heard
and multiplied in every quarter. They have by degrees been
pushed to an extreme equally unjustifiable with the first praises
of this translation. Monti had heard of the simplicity of
Homer : he wished to imitate this quality, which is so much
eulogized, and so little capable of definition. To accomplish
this project, he sprinkled his phrases v/ith Italian idiotisms^
and he moreover was prodigal of words from the Latin,
which, although they have a certain classical air, and are well
chosen, expressive, and clear, and enrich the language, give^
however, a prosaic and pedantic air, that renders his manner

277

disagreeable and dry. He has almost always faithfully given
the meaning of Homer, but he has frequently omitted to lay
hold of those minute and accessory beauties which form in
fact the exclusive merit of great writers, and which, as they
are rather felt than seen, are the despair of the most expert
translator.

Monti has given an agreeable colouring to the pictures of
the Ihad ; but he has not always been sufficiently exact in his
representation of him, who is, as it were, the master of de-
sign, and the father of all the great artists. He is simple and
he is easy, but he is not natural : he has more fire than
strength. It must still be allowed, that the verses and style
of Monti renders his Iliad more agreeable than it appears in
the meagre translation of Salvini, or in the rifaccimento of
Cesarotti. He may at least pretend to the double merit of
having done better than others, and of having excited others
to do better than him.

As to the general method, his style is founded upon the ex-
quisite example furnished by Virgil in his imitations of the
Greek poet ; and, as far as respects the versification, he has
studied the translation of the Eneid by Hannibal Caro, which
Monti considers as the purest model of blank verse, and the
true depository of the riches and the elegance of the Italian
language. His version, like that of his prototype, is, in fact,
invariably flowing, and derives its chief excellence from
periods well rounded, and a cadence always agreeable. The
numbers and the accents of each verse arc compa.'atlvely
neglected. This manner of writing flatters the ear, and is
not so varied as to be fatiguing, but it is liable to the monotony
which offends us in Ovid, and is still more striking in a lan-
guage more melodious and less sonorous than the Latin, and
whose heroic verses have not the advantage of the hexametral
length.

Monti has also translated Persius, and has given to him a
clearness of idea and a softness of expression not to be found
in the most obscure and the harshest of all the ancient poets.
Yet he has rendered some satires line for line, and bound
himself by the test before applied by Davanzati to Tacitus,'
This translation has ceased to be spoken of, except to cite

278

those notes which were composed by the author in 1803, m
the height of his enthusiasnn for republics, and of his detestation
of the vice and tyranny of the Roman Emperors.

The talents of Monti were devoted, with a constancy pro-
portioned to the duration of the French power, to the praise
of Napoleon, his unwearied patron. But neither the attach-
ment of the poet, nor the liberality of the Emperor, con-
tributed, in the expected degree, to the reputation of the
author or to the glory of his imperial Mecaenas. When
Napoleon, after the battle of Jena, sent the sword of Fre-
deric II. to Paris, Monti wrote a poem in one canto, and
called it the Sword of Frederic, But La Spada di Federico
had some defects, not only of composition and style, but
even in the versification, which the partisans of Buonaparte
themselves could not pardon, and, accordingly, attacked with
a success dangerous to the superiority of Monti, who ran a
second risk of losing his pre-eminence, by a poem which he
published two or three years afterwards, and called the
Palingenesis, This Regeneration was the system of Pythagoras
demonstrated in the metamorphoses produced in the world by
the genius of Buonaparte ; and the apparent object of Monti
was to rival the Pronea of Cesarotti. Monti had not the
same excuse as the Paduan poet ; he was not very aged, nor
did he write at the express order of the Emperor. But his
Palingenesis was not more fortunate than the Pronea.

The odes published by Monti on the usual occasions of
victories and treaties of peace, on the marriages and the
births of princes, and which he struck off at a heat with in-
conceivable rapidity, are most of them finished to perfection.
Even those which are on the whole but middling perform-
ances, contain stanzas cited by the Itahans as masterpieces
in this way of writing.

" Lassu, dov^ anco
II muto arriva

Gemer del verme che calcato spira ;
Del Nimie al Jianco

27.9

Siede una Diva,
Che chiusa in negro ammanto
Scrive i delitti coronati, e aW ira
Di Dio presenta delle genti il pianto,^^

The series of Monti's poems would not be completely cited
without mentioning three of considerable length ; II Prometeo^
La Musogonia, and La Fero7iiade, of which he has published
only the first cantos and some fragments. The second of
these is an imitation of Ilesiod. The allegory of Prometheus
furnishes a clear and poetical developement of the merit and
the perilous course of that superior order of beings who
dedicate their lives to the enlightening of the human race,
and displays the ingratitude of the people towards the defend-
ers of their liberty, and the despotism which is the closing
scene of every political drama. La Feroniade, a name bor-
rowed from that of the nymph cited by Virgil and Horace,
and who was one of the Roman deities that had a temple in
the Pontine Marshes, was a poem composed for Pius VI.,
who had undertaken to drain and cultivate, and people those
marshes. The enemies of Monti republished some passages
of these three poems, to show that he had substituted the
eulogy of his new protectors by the erasure of those ori-
ginally inserted in praise of the Pope.

The prose of Monti is distinguished for the ease, the clear-
ness, the harmony, and the metaphorical richness which cha-
racterize his verses ; but the style is unequal, and now and
then infected with Gallicisms, The poetical diction of Italy
has, by the efforts of many great writers, retained its purity
through the revolutions of five centuries ; but the prose has
been subject to the changes of time, and to the invasion of
foreign arms and foreign literature. Monti has been lately
occupied with a laborious work, meant to supply the void left
by the Cruscan academicians in their dictionary, and to coun-
teract the prejudices of the too rigorous adherents of the old
school, and the bold dogmas of licentious innovators. It is
thought that in this work, the offspring of his cooler reflection,
and directed to aims more useful, he will avoid those inaccu-
racies of haste and passion which disfigured his previous per-
formances, and degraded them into mere personal controver-

28d

sies. An exception should be made in favour of two or three
discourses, published when he was professor at Pavia. One
of them is much praised, and perhaps not a little owing to
the subject of which it treats, namely. Of the scientific disco-
veries which foreigner's have usurped to themselves^ in prejudice
of the Italian inventors, Monti showed his patriotism in this
treatise, but much could not be said of his knowledge or of
his equity. Even his eloquence was more lively than vigor-
ous. He threw down his glove in defiance of all foreigners,
but more especially of the French, and was backed by his
countrymen, who have fallen into the absurdity of depre-
ciating the present merit of other nations, by comparing it
with the past glories of their ancestors.

Monti has never been wise enough to laugh at silly criti-
cisms, nor was he ever known to spare a powerless adversa-
ry. Having been rudely attacked, he has always defended
himself rudely. He seems to have looked upon a censure of
his writings as an obstacle thrown maliciously in the way of
his fortune. In this temper he told the Abate Bettinelli, " It
is not the poet that these people want to attack^ no, it is the
historiographer of JS^apoleon ; and they conspire to make mc
appear in his eyes a contemptible writer,^'^'^

He tried, therefore, to persuade the court and the ministers
to prosecute his adversaries : but it should be told, that he
employed the same influence in the promotion of his friends.
Towards them Monti is truly the warmest and the most de-
voted of men, and is ready for every generous sacrifice as long
as he feels assured that he has no reason to suspect the loyalty
of their attachment.

His violent literary disputes with his distinguished cotem-
poraries, with Mazza, Cesarotti, and Bettinelli, have all ter-'"
minated by a sohcitation of their friendship : and he has not
refused to restore his confidence to others who, having griev-
ously offended him, have entreated to be reconciled. It has
happened to him to quarrel with, and to pardon, the same in-
dividual several times.

The habit of writing on temporary topics may explain,
perhaps, the care which he takes to acquire renown by efforts

* Lettera all' Abate Bettinelli, Milano, 1809.

281

which, in the end, frequently terminate in the loss of it. He
is afraid of the very newspaper writers, and is ambitious of
their suffrages. He keeps up a regular correspondence Avith
all the men of letters in Italy, and barters with them the
usual commodity of mutual adulation. He is, however, sin-
cere enough with those young writers who ask his advice, and
contrives to encourage them without flattery, and to instruct
them without arrogance. He repeats verses inimitably : he
is eloquent in his conversation, which is generally of the
softer kind ; but the slightest contradiction provokes him to
a vehement defence of positions which he abandons the next
day with perfect indifference.

It is probable that the inconstancy, as well as the momen-
tary eagerness of certain individuals, is to be attributed less
to education than to nature. The life of Dryden can scarce-
ly be compared in a single instance with that of Monti ; nor
is the poetry, nor even the character of the English laureate,
at all similar to that of the Italian. The above disgraceful
quality they have, however, in common with each other.
Both of them have degraded the literature to which they
owe their fame, by making it subservient to their private in-
terests, at the expense of truth and of honour. Both of
them have been systematic flatterers of the powerful and the
great, and both of them have wanted the requisite consola-
tions of old age.

Monti had pursued the Austrians with the war of words,
after each of their repeated defeats. When they re-appeared
as conquerors, they deprived him of almost all his pensions -
but they bargained at the same time for a cantata from his
pen, which was set to music and sung in the theatre, to wel-
come their ruturn to Italy. It is neither a hazardous nor a
severe reflection to assert, that this poet must look back with
feelings of bitter regret upon sixty years of laborious and
brilliant exertions, which are about to end for ever; and
which have left him in the enjoyment neither of an indepen-
dent fortune nor of a spotless reputation ; nor of those fixed
principles, without the possession of which no one can, with-
out trembhng, dare to contemplate the close of his career.

282

A splendid example and a warning for an apostate genera-
lion- —

Petite hinc juvenesque senesque
Finem animo certum, miserisque viatica canis.

HUGO FOSCOLO.

When the revolution of 1795 gave a shock to principles
for ages established in Italy, and set in motion the spirits and
the interests of the inhabitants of every province, the writers
before mentioned had all of them published those works
which gave them a fixed reputation with their countrymen.

Hugo Foscoio was at that time a youth, but not too young
to profit by the friendship and the example of his distinguish-
ed cotemporaries. The total change in the political condi-
tion of his country, his military education, and the part which
he played in public affairs, developed however his talents, and
formed his character, in a maaner quite different from that of
his predecessors : besides, the circumstances under which he
wrote arrived too late to form their style ; and being now
gone by, may perhaps require a course of ages to reproduce.

Foscoio laid it down for a principle, that Italian poetry had
expired with Tasso, and had been re-resuscitated only in the
present day. Hear his own words — " Senza POssian del Ce-
sarotti, II Giorno del Parini, Vittorio Alfieri, e Vincenzo
Monti, la nostra poesia si giacerebbe tuttavia sepolta con le
ceneri di Torquato Tasso. Da indi in qua un secola la inor-
pello, e P altro la immiseri. LP Ossian puo far dare nello
strano •, il Parini nel leccato ; PAltieri nelP aspro ; e il Monti
nelP ornato : ma le umane virtu non fruttano senza Pinnesto
d'un vizio. I grandi ingegni emuleranno : i mezzani scimiot-
terrano : e coloro che esplorano i propri meriti neile altrui
colpe, si getteranno simili a corvi sovra le piaghe de' gene-
rosi cavalli.'' *

This passage, extracted from his Preface to an experiment
for translating the Iliad, printed at Brescia in 1807,* may
serve for a specimen of his style and of his literary opinions.

* Esperimento di traduzionc dell' Iliide.

283

He commenced his career a year before the fall of the Ve-
netian republic, with a tragedy called Thyestes, Being angry
at the little attention paid by the Venetians to the tragedies
of Alfieri, and the corrupted taste which made them prefer
and applaud those of the Marquis Pindemonte and of Count
Pepoli, he resolved that his drama should have only four
personages ; and that the simplicity and severity of his- whole
composition should rival Alfieri and the Greek tragedians.
With this hardy project, he contrived that his play should be
acted on the same night when two nev/ pieces from the pen
of the above Marquis and Count were to be represented at
other theatres of the same town. The courage and the
youth of the author enabled him to triumph over his rivals,
and his Thyestes received more applause than perhaps it de-
served. The actors published it in the tenth volume of the
" Teatro Italiano Applaudito^"''' subjoining to it an account of
its great success, and a criticism written in favour of the
author. Foscolo himself adopted the extraordinary proceed-
ing of publishing a severe censure of his own work, the suc-
cess of which he attributed solely to its conformity with the
great models of antiquity. The pamphlet was ill received by
the public, and the Venetians painted the portrait of the
young poet in the drop curtain of the Fenice Theatre,
amongst those who had a better claim to this distinction. The
Thyestes is still occasionally acted, and is sustained by the
warmth of the dialogue, and the strength of the dramatic
passions, but the style is so harsh as to be insupportable to
the reader.

The learned of Italy speak neither well nor ill of the Let-
ters of Ortls, which, however, has been more frequently re-
printed in his own country than any other of Foscolo's works,
and is certainly much more known on the other side of the
Alps. The Germans have exhausted upon this little book
all tiie metaphysics of criticism : they have translated it
twice ; and a certain professor Luden has accompanied his
version with a whole volume of dissertations. After all, it
is but an imitation of Werter. There is however this strik-
ing difference, that the object of the Italian is solely politi-
cal. There is indeed something for all tastes in the politics,

284

and the poetry, and the love of Ortis. The allusions to the
downfal of the Venetian republic, and the introduction of
living interlocutors, such as Parini at Milan, give a reality to
the fable which must be highly interesting to the Italians, and
is attractive even to strangers. There is a melancholy pa-
triotism in every word in which he mentions Italy, that makes
the author respectable in the eyes of every generous reader.
There are some pictures of small objects that evince a con-
siderable knowledge of the human heart, and are extremely
affecting. The little dog of the lady who falls in love with
Ortis may be mentioned as one. The author is in his proper
element when he breaks forth into his ethical reflections : how
truly he says, '' That we are too proud to give our compas-
sion when we feel we can give nothing else."

The love of Ortis is, perhaps, the least interesting portion
of the work; there is not importance enough attached to his
existence, to make it natural that so much importance should
be attached to his end. It was difficult, perhaps, to give
many attractions to the adventures of an obscure politician ;
but it is still possible that those of an age and sex more ac-
cessible to the tender feelings may be touched by the mis-
fortunes and the heroic despair of the Italian Werter. But
Ortis may boast of having been the first book that induced,
the females and the mass of readers to interest themselves in
public affairs. This was a mighty exploit in a country where
one maxim had been for ages the ground-work of education
for all classes of society, De Deo parum, de Principe nihiL
It is difficult at this day to find in Italy an edition of the Let-
ters of Ortis altogether exempt from those mutilations which
the revisors of one kind or another have inflicted on this ro-
mance. In spite, however, of all their prudent efforts, it
has been found impossible to emasculate every page which
launches forth invectives against the corruption of the old
government, against the foreign usurpation of the new, and
lastly against the treachery with which the French general
bought and sold the republic of Venice.

Chiari and Piazza, and other common writers, had before
published some hundreds of romances, which had been the
delight only of the vulgar reader ; for those of a more re-

285

ined taste had resorted to the foreign novels/ The Letters
of Ortis is the only work of the kind, the boldness of whose
thoughts, and the purity of whose language, combined with
a certain easy style, have suited it to the taste of every
reader. It cannot be too often remarked, that it is princi-
pally the style which in all works attracts the admiration of
the Italians ; and it may here be mentioned, that their critics
have laid it down as a rule, that the elements of their prose
are to be collected only in the period between Dante and
Machiavelh. This is the opinion of Alfieri.*

Foscolo has followed this rule in his Ortis, and more scru-
pulously still in the Sentimental Journey, which he has tran-
slated with the words and phrases of the fourteenth century ;
not, however, to the prejudice of the conversational ease of
our Yorick. This work, so popular in all foreign countries,
had been twice before translated into Italian ; but the tor-
pidity of their style, and their repeated Gallicisms, had con-
signed these preceding versions to contempt. Focolo pub-
lished his translation under the name of Didimo Chierico :
and in one of his many notes he gives us the following re-
marks on his native language. " Le donne gentili insegnarono
al Parroco Yorick, e ame suo Chierico, a sentire, e quindi a par-
tare men rozzamente ; ed io per gratitudine aggiungerd questo
avviso per esse. La Vmgua Italiano e un bel metallo che hisogna
ripulire della ruggine deW antichitd, e depurare della falsci
lega dellamoda ; e poscia batierlo genuino in guisa che ognimo
possa riceverlo e spenderlo con Jiducia, e dargli tal conio che paja
nuovo e nondimeno tatti sappiano ravvisarlo. Ma i letterati
vostri non raccattano dagli antichi se non se il rancidume, e gli
scienziaii vi parlano franciosamente. 1 primi non hanno mente,
gli altri non hanno cuore ; e per qiianti idiomi e' si sappiano,
non avranno mai stile.

The preponderance of French power during the reign of
Louis XIV. and even in that of Louis XV., had infected the
Italian language with an infinity of French phrases and idioms.
The consciousness of the extreme corruption induced by the
revolution has given rise to a zealous spirit of reform, which

* See his answer to Calsabigi, in the edition of his tragedies by Didot,

286

has itself degenerated into a superstitious worship of the
ancients, and has rather augmented than diminished the li-
cense of the opposite writers. We consequently find many
works composed solely of phrases almost or entirely obsolete,
and distinguished neither for the energy of the old writers, nor
for the ease of the new. Others, and they are the majority,
terrified by the study of a language, the abundance of whose
words, and the variety of whose combinations, render it al-
most insuperable, affect the sort of style now so common
throughout Europe, which they are pleased to call philosophi-
cal, and which, in fact, is but a jargon neither Italian nor
French, but a bad ftiixture of both.

If, therefore, good writers are rare in all countries, they
are more especially so in Italy ; for they have to connect the
generic characteristics constantly inherent for five centuries
in the Italian language, with the specific characteristics of
their own times : and this amalgamation, not depending upon
any fixed rules, mast be contrived solely by the individual
talents of each author. This accounts for the surprising di-
versity which foreigners are; apt to observe in the manner of
writing employed by the various authors of the same age ;
and perhaps this same diversity is more remarkable in the
prose of Foscolo than of other writers. The Italian author
also makes it an article of faith to vary his style according to
his subject. Thus there is no less a difference between the
letters, the romances, and the orations, than between the
history and the epic or lyric poetry of these varied composi-
tions. The Ortis and the Sentimental Journey resemble
each other very little : notwithstanding that the author has
followed the same rules of composition, and has always pre-
served the traits peculiar to his style. As for his D/^cowr^e
for the CongresR of Lyons^ it appears evidently written by
the same man, but in a different language.

He wrote this Discourse at the injunction of his government,
when Buonaparte, in the year 1801, convoked at Lyons the
Js^otahles of the Cisalpine Republic. The directions given to
the orator were to pronounce a panegyric ; but Foscolo
adopted a different course. He presented a moving picture
of the wretched state of the laws, oi the armies, of the

287

finances, and of the moral condition of the new repubhc.
The sects, both old and new, that distracted their country —
the priests, the nobles, the democrats, the partisans of foreign
usurpation, the adulatory writers, the libelists, the defrauders
of the public revenue, the monopolists, who profited by the
sale of the national property, are all handled with the same
severity. The following description of the masters of the
republic, if it degrades the nation in one respect, exalts it on
the other hand ; for there must be something great in a peo-
ple which can produce a single man who dares, in the cause
of virtue, to paint his countrymen in such colours.

" Uoinini nuovi ci governavano^ per educazione ne politici, ne
guerrieri {essenziali doti ne' capi delle repuhliche) ; antichi schiavit
novelli tiranni, schiavi pur semprc di se stessi e delle circonstanze
che ne sapeano ne volcano domare ; fra i pericoli e V amor del poiere
ondeggianti, tutto perplessamente operavano ; regia autorita era in
essi, ma per inopia di coraggio e dHngegno , ne violenh ne astuii :
conscj rfe' propri vizj, e quindi diffidenti, discordi addossanii.n
scambievoli vituperj ; datori di cariche, e palpatio non temuti : alia
plebe esosi come potenti ; e come imbecilli, spregiati : convennero
conjatanza di publico bene e libidine di primeggiare ma ne pensiero
pure di onore ; vili con gli audaci, audaci coi vili, spegneano le
accuse coi benejicj e le querele con le minaccie ; e per la sempre im-
minente rovina^ di oro pnntellati con la fortuna, di brighe con i
proconsolL e di tradimenti con i principi stranieri.^^

The chief cause of this general depravity he attributes to
the absence of Buonaparte in Egypt, which allowed the
French Directory to tyrannize over Italy, and to pillage her
provinces, not only by their own missions and generals, but
by the appointment of magistrates, timid, ignorant, and ava-
ricious, some of whom were to be found in that government
which had assigned to Foscolo the pleasing duties of pro-
nouncing their panegyric*

The praises bestowed by the orator upon the hero who was
to remedy their national wrongs, magnihcent as they are in
some respects, are still associated with the boldest maxims,
and with predictions which are seldom hazarded in the hour
of victory. With what satisfaction may Foscolo now look
back upon the following prophetic warning !

* See his Dedication-—" Ai Membri del comitate del Governo."

288

" A ciascuno di tuoi pregi la storia conirappone e Tiberio solenne
politico^ e Marco Aurelio Imperadore JHosofo, e Papa Leone X,
dspite delle lettere. Che se molti di questi sommi, scarchi non vanno
di delitti, uomini e mortali erano come sei tu^ e non le speranze o il
tremore c?e' contemporanei^ ma la imperierrita posteritd le lor sen-
tenze scriveva su la lor sepultura. Injiniti ed illustri esempj hanno
santijicata oramai quella massima rfe' sapienti : niun uomo doversi
virtuoso predicare e beato anzi la morte.''^

After describing the distress of his country, the speaker,
who calls himself Giovine non affatto libera, proposes certain
remedies, and those he would apply not only to Italy, but to
maintain the renown of that hero whose future glory he de-
clares to depend principally on the durable independence of
a nation which he had rescued from the slavery and disgrace
of ages. Foscolo afterwards published this Discourse, with
the following motto from Sophocles : — " my soul groans for

MY COUNTRY, FOR MYSELF, AND ALSO FOR THEE."

This discourse is not more than eighty pages : and notwith-
standing it is an historical composition, maintains a certain
impetuosity and gravity of style which overwhelm and fatigue
the attention. The events are hinted at, not detailed ; the
developement concerns only their causes and their results.
This brevity might be agreeable to those who had been spec-
tators of, or actors in, the short and transitory scene ; but
foreign readers, and even those Italians removed by time or
place from the original action, are left in the dark. It would
be difficult to prove that the style of Tacitus, which Foscolo
has not only copied but exaggerated with the devotion of a
youth enchanted by his model, can be well adapted to thii
sort of composition. The English, who have perhaps run
into the opposite extreme, will be astonished to hear that this
Discourse was particularly esteemed by the critics, on ac-
count of its close resemblance to the Latin. We should call
this pedantry : but it appears a meritorious exploit in the eyes
of a nation, which, having for two hundred years diluted its
language to insipidity, now lays it down for a maxim, that for
the graces of style, the early Tuscan authors are to be con-
sulted ; and for the strength, and, if the word may be used,
the nobility, of the language, the Latins are the only safe

289

model. It must be confessed, that the origin of the language
admits of this union. It is not unnatural that when they
would discourse of liberty, they should have recourse to the
manner of their Roman ancestors.

Buonaparte, at the congress of Lyons, changed the name
of the Cisalpine into that of the Italian Republic. He ap-
pointed himself president of this new state, and promulgated
a constitution which he continued to violate at will up to the
other change which converted the Republic into a Kingdom,
and placed the administration of Upper Italy in the hands of
a French viceroy. The only effect of Foscolo's discourse
was to stop his own military promotion : but the loss of for-
tune was more than compensated by the public gratitude,
which pointed to him as the man who had spoken the sense
of the people, who had told the courageous truth, and had
stood forward as the champion of national independence. It
seems, however, that he continued in the army some time
after this effort. The date of the preface to his Sentimental
Journey shows that he was, in 1805, at Calais with one of the
Italian regiments which Buonaparte had united to his Army of
England. His dedication of the works of MontecucUli, pub-
lished in 1808 and 1809, which is addressed to General Caffa-
relli, minister of war of the Italian kingdom, tells us that he
was aid-de-camp to that officer.

Foscolo published his edition of Montecuculi in two vo-
lumes, in folio, from the manuscripts discovered in the ar-
chives of the last Prince Trivulzio, by Serassi, the biographer
of Tasso ; and more recently, by other inquirers. These manu-
scripts were more complete than those of the old incorrect
edition, made just after the death of the author, which had
never been reprinted, and was so much forgotten that Monte-
cuculi was known only throughout the French and German
translations. The object of Foscolo was more than literary:
he wished, by the example and precepts of an illustrious fel-
low-citizen, to inspire the Italians with a portion of his mar-
tial spirit, as well as to replace the author in his due rank
amongst the best classical writers. He placed Montecuculi
by the side of Machiavelli, and the compressed commanding
style of the great rival of Turenne facihtated the labours of

290

his editor in filling up the many blanks of the manuscriptr
Foscolo was commended for these supplements, and for his
happy imitation of the original style ; but he was accused of
having been too licentious in his emendations of the text.*

Montecuculi wrote his commentaries and his military
aphorisms when the use of artillery was but imperfectly
known, and when a great part both of the infantry and cavalry
fought with pikes and halberds, and the principal object of
every war was the attack and defence of fortified towns. Fos-
colo illustrated his author with notes of two kinds ; some of
them consisting of passages from the classics, serving to show
the Greek and Roman art of war, and the others relating to
the system of Frederic II. and of Napoleon. By this plan
the editor meant to apply each precept of Montecuculi to the
three principal epochs in the history of military art : the an-
cient, the middle, and the modern period. To each volume
he subjoined dissertations written with precisely the same ob-
ject : he calls Napoleon il maggiore guerriero delle etdmoder-
ne, an eulogium which must be allowed far from extravagant,
at the time that the two senates of France and of Italy de-
clared him the Thunderer of the Earth, (" Jupiter foudroyant
vsur la terre,") and all the kings of Europe confessed the title
to be fairly earned and duly bestowed.

The Viceroy Eugene had about this time won a battle of no
great importance, against the Archduke John, in Hungary.
The French chose to exalt this victory to a parallel with that
of Montecuculi, who after two years of perseverance, and
with an army of seven thousand men, had defeated seventy
thousand Turks at a time when they were yet formidable in
the field : this was at the famous battle of San Gothard. The
bulletins observed that the Viceroy had been victorious on the
same spot already illustrated by the exploits of Montecuculi,
and had rivalled the skilful manoeuvres of the Italian marshal.
Foscolo devotes one of his dissertations to refute this enco-
mium, and proves that neither the circumstances, nor the po-
sition, nor the place were the same ; and he concludes by

'* Ha supplito alle lacune con lo stile del MontecucoU : ma Montecucoli
net 'propria testa parla spesso con lo stile di Foscolo. See — Giornale della
Socit!ta d' IncQiTH^giamento, an. 1809.

291

insinuating that such exaggerations might be injurious to the
merit actually acquired by the Viceroy.

Foscolo was now sent as professor of literature to Pavia,
to replace Monti, who had been appointed historiographer. -
The new professor opened his course of lectures by an essay
on the Origin and the duties of Literature,* It was his grand
position, that " as society could neither be formed originally,
nor afterwards kept together, except by the use of words,
every abuse of this distinctive human faculty must tend ne-
cessarily to the corruption of all social ties. Consequently,
that the men of letters, being especially endowed with the
power of words, are traitors to their duty whenever they ne-
glect by their writings to excite the generous passions, to de-
monstrate useful truths, to add charms to virtue, and to di-
rect the public opinions to the promotion of national pros-
perity."

He goes on to place his men of letters as independent me-
diators between the government which applies to force alone,
and has a natural tendency to despotism, and the people, who
have no less a natural inclination towards licentiousness and
slavery. He looks for the proof of these principles in the
history of all nations ; and the more he exults in the utility
of literature, the more he declaims against the vanity and the
baseness both of those who sell their abilities to a tyrant, and
of those who employ them in administering to the odious
passions and the capricious follies of the multitude. It was
an old and constant practice in Italy to insert an eulogy of
the actual government in the opening discourses of every
professor. Foscolo departed from this ceremony, and sub-
joined a note, saying, " that it belongs to history alone to speak
in a becoming manner of great sovereigns,''^ He then cited a
decree of Augustus Caesar, which forbad the small poets and
orators to disgrace his name by their ephemeral praises.

The professorships of literature not only at Pavia, but also

at Bolognat and Padua,^were forthwith suppressed by the

«
* Deir Origine e deirUfficio della Letteratura.— Milano, 1809.
■j- On this occasion the celebrated Mezzophanti, professor of Oriental
languajct^s, and the most extraordinary linguist in existence, was deprived
♦f his chair, and reduced to an income of 750 francs.

292

government. Many other professorships underwent the same
fate ; namely, those for the Greek and for the Oriental lan-
giia2:es, for history, for the knowledge of medals, and, in
short, for all those branches of study not strictly belonging to
medicine, to jurisprudence, and to the mathematics. Foscolo
retained his chair only two months ; and about twenty-four
other professors, who had not involved themselves in the guilt
of preaching his principles, were also deprived of their
emoluments, after many years of literary labour. It would
be hazardous to say whether the discourse of Foscolo pro-
voked this measure, or whether it had been some tirrie in
agitation, but, at all events, the Italians were struck with the
verification of the words of their own Alfieri, who had told
them that absolute moyiarchs hate the historian^ and the poet,
and the orator, and give preference to the sciences.* Perhaps
it may not be uncharitable to add, that the scientific, com-
pared with the literary writers of every nation, repay with
corresponding submission the partiality of royal patronage.

Padua, Pavia, and Bologna, beheld the sudden decline of
the institutions, which had been the ancient ornament of their
towns. Four and twenty lyceums were founded in the re-
spective departments of the Kingdom, with the pretext of
reinstating some of the professors ejected from the three
universities ; but it was impossible to find a sufficient number
of learned individuals, or adequate salaries for all these es-
tablishments, in every branch of science and of literature ;
and the consequence of this dispersion, as well as of the
multiplied foundations, was, that the place of professor was
degraded from those high privileges and that respectability of
character which had made it for centuries an object of Italian
ambition.

The Cavalier Lamberti, a declared adversary of this wri-
ter, and one of those before alluded to, who possess the re-
putation of great scholars, examining the works of Foscolo,
calls them, t nebrose per certo stile lorjjroprio di oscurite miste-
riosa e d'^^idee affollate e appcna accennate, a d^ eloquenza

* See the article on Alfieri.

293 .

compressa sdegnosamente ; quasi che questo aiitore non voglia
per let tori che i suoi pari.^'

Hippolitus Pindemonte reproaches him with the same de-
fect, but in the tone more of a poet than a critic, and less of
a censor than of a friend. " Your style," he says, " resem-
bles the Rhone, which flows rapidly from the limpid lake of
Geneva, and is lost under the Alps, to the regret of the
traveller, who knows not how it has disappeared, and who
finds himself obliged to wander on for some distance before
he again beholds its azure current, and hears the sound of its
rapid stream."! The political topics which have been gene-
rally selected for the subject of his performances, have, per-
haps, induced this writer to leave us to guess that which he
did not like to say openly. It is, however, equally true that
the constant intensity of thought which he requires of his
readers must be traced either to the peculiar mode in which
his ideas are originally conceived, or to his wish to give them
a new turn. Indeed all his writings bear the mark of medita-
tion, although much forethought cannot be discovered in his
familiar conversation, in which he gives a loose to all his
ideas as they first present themselves. A literary lady has
described him as parlatore felicissimo e fecondol, and this co-
pious eloquence is accompanied with an incessant agitation of
limb and body ; which, however, is, when he harangues in
public, converted into an absolute inactivity. It is told of
him that he has spoken for hours at the councils of war with
his hands fixed on the back of a chair, without indulging in
the slightest action.

This fact, incredible as it may be to such as have seen Mr*
Foscolo only in private society, will not be lost upon those
who please themselves with discriminating between the differ-
ent modes of intellectual exertion, and who will be obliged to
account for so singular a discrepancy by recollecting that
Foscolo may have deliberately preferred this motionless elo-
quence. The truth is, as we find in his Discourse upon Lit era-

* See — in the Milanese Review — the Poligrafo, the articles signed Y,
I See — Pjiidenionte's epiatle in verse addressed to Hngo Foscolo.
1 Ritratti gcritta dalla Contessa Isabella Albrizzi-

294

ture^ that he decries the quackery of the latter orators of
Athens by praising the more ancient speakers, who harangued
in the nnanner of Pericles, wrapped up in their clamys, with-
out gesture or melody : Peroravano avvolti, aW uso di Pericle^
nella clamide, senza gesto ne melodia.

The published poetry of this writer is confined to two odes,
and a little work called / Sepolcri, written when it was for-
bidden to bury the dead in family tombs.

Pur nuova legge impone oggi i sepolcri
Fuor de' guardi pietosi, e il nome a' morti
Contende.

According to the provisions of this new law, all bodies, with-
out distinction, were to be interred in public cemeteries
Without the towns, and the size of the sepulchral stone was
prescribed, and the epitaphs were subject to the revision and
approval of the magistrates. The aim of Foscolo in this
poem appears to be the proof of the influence produced by
the memory of the dead on the manners and on the inde-
pendence of nations.

It may be suflicient to quote a specimen which will be more
easily understood by those who have visited the church of
Santa Croce at Florence.

lo quando il monuments
Vidi ove posa il corpo di quel grande
Che temprando-lo scettro a' regnatori
Gli allor ne sfronda, ed alle genti svela
Di che lagrime grandi e di che sangue ;*
E V area di colui che nuovo Olimpo
Mz6 in terra a' celesti ;] e di chi vide
Sotto V etereo padiglion rotarsi
Piii mondi, e il Sole irradiarli immoto^\
Otide air Anglo che tanta ala vi stese^
Sgonibro prirno le vie del Firmamento ; '

Te beata ! gridai, per lefelici
Aure pregne divita, cpe' lavacri
Che da suoi gioghi a te versa Apennino :

* Machiavelli. f Michael Angelo»

X Galileo. k Newton.

295

Lieta delV aer tuo. vesie la Luna

Di luce limpidissima i tuoi colli

Per vendemmia festanti ; e le convalli

Popolate di case e d^ oliveti

Mills dijiori al del mandano incensi :

E tu prima, Firenze, udiviil carme

Che allegro V ire al Gkibellinfuggiasco;*

E tu i cari parenti e V idioma

Desti a quel dolce di Calliope lahhro\

Che Amore in Grecia nudo, e nudo in Roma

D' un velo candidissimo adornando

Rendea nel grembo a Venere Celeste.

Ma piu beata che in un tempio accolte

Serbi le hale glorie (ultime forse /)

Da che le malvietate Alpi e Valterna

Onnipotenza delle iimane sorti

Armiy e sostanze <' invadeano, ed are

E P atria y c, tranne la memoria, tutto.

This poem contains only three hundred Unes, but it called
forth pamphlets and criticisms in every shape, and from all
quarters. The younger writers tried to imitate it : the critics
pronounced it to have brought about a reform in the lyrical
poetry of Italy. The academy of Brescia proposed a prize
for the best Latin translation, and awarded their premium to
the professor Frederic Borgno, who soon after published his
rersion in hexameters, accompanied with a dissertation, a
passage of which may be quoted to show the tone of Italian
criticism.

*' It is the business of lyrical poetry, properly so called, to present
to us interesting facts so as to excite our strongest feelings, and to
promulgate those opinions which tend to the prosperity of nations.
Any ten verses which do not furnish the painter with images sufficient
to compose an historical picture, which do not shake the soul by the
noble recollections they recal, by the generous passions they awaken,
"which do not engrave in luminous characters some useful truth upon
the mind — these verses may, I confess, be admirable in their kind,
hut they do not belong to lyrical poetry. The prophetic portion of
the Bible, some of the hymns attributed to Homer, Pindar, Catullus
in his marriage of Peleus, the sixth eclogue of Virgily the episodes

* Dante. t Petrarch.

296

in the Georgics, a dozen of the odes of Horace, six of the canzoni of
Petrarch, a few of Chiabrera, of Guidi, of Filicaja, those of Dry-
den, and two of Gray, are really lyrical. All the other poetry of
Petrarch, and of those called lyrical, may be justly praised, and
may charm a greater number of readers even than those above cited,
hut it is necessary to adopt the division of Cicero, in his distinction
between poetas lyrici et melici. Pindar belongs to the first ; Sappho,
Anacreon, and Siuionides, to the second.''^

The Italians are fond of these classifications, and. indulge
in them more than we should esteem profitable to the study
of language. But it is also true, that their critics seldom
praise even their favourite authors with the indiscriminate
fury of our eulogists. Mr. Borgno subjoins to his notice of
Chiabrera, Guidi, and Filicaja, a list of exceptions to their
merits which might surprise a foreigner, accustomed to think
of the name, rather than the works of their authors. Ac-
cording to this authority, sonorous words, and a magnificence
of verse and of phrase, are substituted by these writers for
the requisite variety of harmony and of imageij, whilst they
are totally deficient in the chiaroscuro of poetry, and have
chosen subjects which either are not national, or, what is as
bad, are totally incapable of interesting their nation.

Mr. Borgno quotes other poetical works of Foscolo, which
appear to be in the same style, and, amongst others, his Al-
ceus, which describes the political vicissitudes of Italian po-
etry from the fall of the eastern empire to the present day.
He alludes, also, to The Graces, a poem, in three cantos.
Both the one and the other are, however, inedited, and are
known only by some fragments.

The blank verses of Foscolo are totally different from
those of any other author. Each verse has its peculiar
pauses and accents placed according to the subject described.
His melancholy sentiments move in a slow and measured pace,
his lively images bound along with the rapid march of joy.
Some of his lines are composed almost entirely of vowels,
others almost entirelv of consonants ; and whatever an Enjj-
lishman may think of this imitation, of sense by sound, (a
decried effort since the edict of Dr. Johnson), the Italian
poet has at least succeeded in giving a different melody to
each verse, and ia varying the harmony of every period.

297

It is perhaps necessary to be an Italian to feel the full
effect of these combinations ; but the scholar of every coun-
try may perceive that Foscolo has formed himself on the
Greek model, not only in this particular, but in other branches
of his art. In fact he was born in the Ionian islands, as he
himself tells us at the end of one of his odes.

" Fra r Isole
Che col selvoso dorso
Rompono agli Euri, o al grande lonio il corso,

Ebbi in quel marla culla :
Ivi erra ignudo spirito
Di Faon la Fanciulla ;
E se il notturno Zefiro
Blando sui flutti spira
Suonano i liti un lamentar di lira,"

Two tragedies, the Rlcciarda and the Ajax, by the same
author, were stopped by the government after the first repre-
sentation. They excited a great curiosity from motives not
altogether poetical; It was reported that Moreau was his
Ajax, that Napoleon was to figure in his Agamemnon, and that
his holiness the Pope would be easily recognised in Chalcas.
The known principles of Foscolo facilitated the recognition
of these originals, who, after all, perhaps, never sat to the
poet for their likenesses. Whatever were his intentions, he
received immediate orders to quit the kingdom of Italy, and
to reside in some town of the French empire. He accord-
ingly fixed his abode at Florence, at that time a department
of France.

Foscolo has lived and written in a state of open war with
the writers of the day, and the reigning political parties. It
is not surprising, therefore, that he has been severely handled
in publications of every kind, and particularly in the journals,
which will be found to contain imputations against him not
confined to his literary life. He was never personal in his
first attacks ; and he never replied ,to the personalities of
others. He even affected so complete a contempt for them
as to republish and distribute some of the libels written
against himself. Perhaps he is not aware that this apparent

298

moderation is any thing rather than a proof of his indifference
to attack.

In England these demonstrations of contempt would be
suspected, and would be ridiculous : and even in Italy Mr.
Foscolo has been justly charged with pushing them to an un-
just exposure of men who were the most disposed to be hi»
literary friends and admirers. He published nearly 300
passes in large octavo, upon the translated elegy of Catullus,
Di Coma Berenices : the whole lucubration being a grave and
continued irony on the verbal criticisms of the commentators.
Some of the learned fell into the snare ; and Foscolo, who
hdd issued only a few copies, now added a Farewell to his
readers, in which he repays their praises by exposing the
mysteries and the abuses of the philological art. Those
whom he had deceived must have been not a little irritated
to find that his frequent citations were invented for the occa-
sion, and that his commentary had been purposely sprinkled
W'th many of the grossest faults. Neither the merit nor the
success of such a pleasantry can be intelligible to an English
reader : but it should be told that Foscolo, with the same pa-
triotism which seems the devouring passion of his soul, con-
trived this deception partly to warn the commentators that it
was their duty also, as well as that of other writers, to devote
themselves to the excitement of generous sentiments in the
bo?om of their countrymen.*

Foscolo is an excellent scholar: his knowledge of Greek
is far superior to that of many of his most distinguished fel-
low-countrymen : he writes Latin with facility and elegance.
A little book in that language, called Dtdymi Clerici Prophetce
Minimi Hi/percalijpseos, liber singidaris, has been attributed,
and. it is believed, justly, to his pen. It appears to be a sa*
tire aeainst the journalists, the learned pensioners of the
court, the Royal Institute, and the senate of the kingdom of
Italy ; but it is an enigma from beginning to end to any one not
furnished with the key to the individual allusions. This ob-
scurity showed at least, that he did not care to engage the

* See — La Chioma di Berenice, Milano, 1803. La Bihliotheque /to-
lianney a French rev lew, published at Turin, and II Diario ItcUiano for No-
vember and December of the same year.

299

multitude on his side, and that he was indifferent as to the
dispersion of his own feelings of contempt for the men of
letters of the Itahan court.

The lady whose opinions have been before quoted, talks of
the literary intolerance of Foscolo as the offspring of his re-
flection, not of his disposition. " A warm friend, but sincere
as the mirror itself, that neither deceives nor conceals. Kind,
generous, grateful ; his virtues appear those of savage nature,
when seen in the midst of the sophisticated reasoners of our
days. He would tear his heart from his bosom, if he thought
that a single pulsation was not the unconstrained and free
movement of his soul."*

Although Foscolo had studied under Cesarotti, and had
been encouraged by the voice of that generous master, he
loudly disapproved of the translation of Homer, and more
decidedly still of the Pronea. He was a long time nearly
connected with Monti, who frequently mentions him with
applause ; and, in his illustrations of Persius, foretells that his
young friend will, one day or the other, be the first poet of
the age. In the last years of the French government, an
intimacy with Foscolo was not favourable to court promotion,
Monti and the future Corypheus of the poets became cool to
each other, and would not willingly meet in the same society :
but either reciprocal fear, or the memory of their ancient
alliance has not allowed any written attack from either ad-
versary. An Englishman wished, when at the Scala theatre
at Milan in 1816, to give the Death of Ortis as a subject for
an improvisatore ; but a friend said to him, " It zoill not he
■chosen : Monti is behind the scenes, and will hear nothing said in
favour of Ortis or of Foscolo.^^ The same influence, joined
to that of the police, was pronounced fatal also to the Apo-
theosis of Alfieri.t There is a story current respecting the
last interview of these two poets, v/hich n\ay illustrate and

* hitollerante pih per reflessione che per naiura : amico fettido ; ma sin-
cero come lo specchio, che non inganna^ nc illude. Pietoso, generoso, rico-
noscentey pare un sdvaggro in mezzo ajilnscji de' nostri d\ Si strapperebbe
il cuore dot pttto se liberi non gli paressero i risalti tutti del suo cuore. Sfi«
— Riti-atti scritti dalla Contessa isabf;lla Albrizzi-

t See— note to Stanza LIV. of Childe Harold. Canto IV

300

contrast the character of both. They were dining at the
house of Count Veneri, minister of the pubHc treasury :
Monti, as usual, launched out against Alfieri, according to the
court tone of the day: "All his works together," said he,

" are not worth a song of Metastasio's" " Stop there, SiV,"

interrupted Foscolo, " or Izoill twirl round you and your party
as zoell as ever top was zuhipped by a schoolhoy,^^ As far as
respects his other great cotemporaries, he has never spoken
of Pindemonte but with esteem, nor ever names Alfieri with-
out admiration. The instructions he received from Parini
have mingled a tender recollection with the reverence with
which he dwells upon his character, in the letters of Ortis.

In spite of his opposition to the French, and of his repeated
declaration, that the representative rights belong only to the
landed proprietors, it is easy to discern that Foscolo is a
pupil of the Revolution. In truth, he imputes the misfor-
tunes of Italy to the cowardice, the ignorance, and the ego-
tism of the nobles. He owes his popularity rather to his con-
duct than to his maxims, or even to his works ; for the first
are not qualified to obtain the favour of the majority, and the
second are above the common class of readers.

The admirers of Napoleon may behold in this author a re-
bellious subject, but a sincere eulogist wherever he has thought
fit to praise. The truth is, that Napoleon conferred upon
' Italy all the benefit that a country divided and enslaved could
possibly expect from a conqueror. To him she owed her
union ; to him, her laws and her arms : her new activity, and
her recovered martial spirit, were inspired by his system.
But Foscolo was a citizen of the Venetian republic which Na-
poleon destroyed, and there exist in Italy a very numerous
class, who consider the independence of their country as the
first indispensable step towards her regeneration. Foscolo,
as well as some others, who, when the Italian republic was
degraded into a subsidiary kingdom, were named amongst the
electoral colleges, contrived never to attend, because he
would not take the oath of allegiance. But he did not find
it impossible to live under the dominion of the French. The
Austrians in their turn required from him personally an oath
of fidehty to their Emperor. Foscolo refused to them what

301

he would not grant to Napoleon. But he could not breathe
under their depressive system. He became a voluntar)^
exile, and his adieus to his countrymen are couched in the
language of proud resignation. Let not the minister of the
Austrian police continue to persecute me in my Swiss asylum;
tell him that I am far from wishing to excite the hopeless pas-
sions of my fellow citizens. We were in want of arms; they
were given to us by Franee, and Italy had again a name
amongst the nations. In the access of our inflammatory fever.
the loss of blood could not harm us, and the death of a single
man would have inevitably produced changes favourable to all
the nations who should have courage to profit by the happy junc-
ture. But it was ordained otherwise : the affairs of the world
have been turned into another and an unexpected channel. The
actual disease of Italy is a slow lethargic consumption, she will
soon be nothing but a lifeless carcass ; and her generous sons
should only weep in silence, without the impotent complaints and
the mutual re criminati 071 of slaves.'^

CONCLUSION.

It is hoped that the preceding pages may have furnished a
general notion of the state of literature in Italy during the
last fifty years. More extensive limits would have comprised
more copious extracts from the cited authors, would have no-
ticed other writers, and would have included not only a view
of the education of the Italians, but of their style and taste,
and present productions in all the branches of literature ; lit-
tle indeed has been done in comparison of what remains to do,

* Senza querele impotenti, ni. recriminazioni da Servi. This was in-
serted in the Lugano Gazette, for April 14, 1815, in an article written to
answer a book with the title Memoria storica delta Eivoluzione di Milano,
seguito il 20 Aprile 1814, Parizi 1815. Published by some senators of
the kingdom of Italy.

302

but on the reception of what has been already offered will
depend whether any thing more shall be attempted. A great
question at this moment divides the learned world in Italy into
the partisans of clasical poetry, and of the poetry of romance.
The first, of course, range Homer in the front of their battle ;
and the others, who have adopted the division of Madame de
Stael, and talk of a literature of the North, and a literature
of the South, have still the courage to depend upon Ossian
for their principal champion. The first would adhere solely
to the mythology of the ancients ; the other party would ba-
nish it totally from all their compositions. It would not be
very difficult to state the true merits of this idle inquiry, on
the decision of which may, however, depend the turn taken by
the liteiature of the next half century. But this also must be
left for another opportunity. In the mean time it may be al-
lowed to mention, that the Italians themselves are far from
ungrateful to those foreigners, especially the English, who
evince a desire to be acquainted with their literature : but
that they are for the most part surprised at our original mis-
conceptions, and do not a little complain of the false impres-
sions communicated by the ignorance of those, even amongst
their expatriated countrymen, who have presumed to be our
instructors.

APPENDIX.

No. I.
TASSO.

The public library at Ferrara, founded in 1 740, by Joseph
Carli, a rich citizen of that town, contains the following auto-
graphs, jealously preserved in the same compartment which,
holds the chair and inkstand of Ariosto.

1. The Jerusalem.

2. The Orlando, an imperfect copy.

3. One of the satires of Ariosto.

4. His comedy, La Scolastica.

5. The Pastor Fido.

6. A small octavo of fifty-three pages o{ rime, with the de-
dication " Alle Signore Principesse di Ferrara." In this au-
tograph of Tasso's there is " scarcely a word scratched out.
The poems open with

" Duo, Donne Amor m' ofFerse illustri e rare."

There are variations from the Florence and Venice editions
of these rhymes, which perhaps might make it worth while to
publish them from this manuscript.

7. Fifteen Letters, of which thirteen are Ariosto's, written
either in his own name, or in that of Alessandra Strozzi, and
all of which have been published in the duodecimo Venice
edition, in 6 vols. The remaining two are in the handwriting
of the lady, and one of them, with a postscript of Ariosto's,
has been published in Baruffaldi's life of that poet ; the
other letter has never been published, nor contains any
thing curious.

Lastly, Eight Letters, written by Tasso when in the hos-
pital of St. Anna, together with a testamentary memoir,
written when he set out on his journey to France. The let-
ters, with the exception of one which appeared in the Poli-
grafo, a periodical work, edited at Milan during the reign of
Napoleon, have, it is believed, never been published. They

304

do not establish any new facts, but are not altogether devoid
of interest. A translation of one of them has been already-
inserted amongst these Notices. There is also a copy of
Terses, beginning

" Gentilezza di sangue e gloria antica,"
which has been before published. Serassi mentions the will
as having been in the possession of Baruftaldi of Cento, and
as being no longer in the library belonging to the nephew of
that learned person. It thus appears that the biographer had
never seen the original, and it is certain that he followed an
imperfect copy, for he has omitted the postscript or reference,
which is interesting so far as it illustrates the scanty wardrobe
of the poet, and consequently the mean patronage of the
house of Este. On this account the reader may not object
to see an exact copy of the memorial, notwithstanding the
translation of an imperfect one has been already presented
to him by a late English author.

A difficulty has suggested itself to Serassi respecting the
date of the will, which he contends cannot be that of the
copy which he followed, for Tasso had left Ferrara before
1573, the year marked in the printed document : the date
preferred by the biographer is 1570. The fact is, that the
manuscript is written on a double sheet of paper, of which
the will itself occupies the two sides of the first half sheet,
and the epitaph on his father, and the reference to the goods
in pawn, are on the third opposite page. The date is at the
bottom of the second page, and having been worn away
from the doubling of the sheet, the fourth figure cannot be
deciphered.

THE WILL.

Benche la vita e frale, se piacesse al S'" Iddio disporre altro
di me in questo viaggio di francia, sia pregato il Sig^"" Her-
cole Rondinelli a prender cura d' alcune mie cose ; e prima
in quanto alle mie compositioni procuri di raccogliere i miei
sonetti amorosi, e i madrigali, e gli mandi in luce ; gli altri
o amorosi o in altra materia, c' ho fatti per servigio d' alcuno
amico, desidero che restino scpolti con esLO meco, fuor che
quel solo. " Hor che 1' aura mia dolce alterne spira." L'
oratione ch' io feci in Ferrara nel principio dell' academiSi

305

havrei caro che fosse vista, et similmente quattro libri del
poema heroico. Del Gottifredo i sei ultimi canti, e de' due
primi quelle stanze che saranno giudicate men ree, si vera-
mente che tutte queste cose siano reviste et considerate, pri-
ma dal Sig'". Scip. Gonzaga, dal Sig"'. Domenico Veniero, e
dal Sig°^ Batt^^. Guarino, i quali per V amicitia e servitu ch'
io ho con loro, mi persuado che non riciiseranno questo fasti-
dio. Sappiano pero che mia intentione sarebbe che troncas-
sero e risecassero, senza risparmio tutte le cose ch' o men
buone o soperchie giudicassero ; ma nel aggiungere o nel
mutare andassero piu ritenuti, non potendosi questo poema ve-

dere se non imperfetto DclP altre mie compositioni,

s' al suddetto Sig°'. Rondinelli, et a prefati sig". alcuna ne
parebbe non indegna d' essere vista, sia loro libero P arbitrio
di disporne ; le mie robbe che sono in pegno presso Abram

, per XXV lire, et sette pezzi di razzi che sono in pegno

per 13 scudi appresso il Sig^\ Ascanio, e quelle che sono in
questa casa, desidero che si vendino e del sopravanzo de di-
nari se ne faccia uno epitafio a mio padre, il cui corpo e in San
Polo ; et V epitafio sara P infrascritto ; et s' in alcuna cosa
nascesse qualche impedimento, ricorra il Sig""^. Hercole al fa-
vor delP Ecc°°^. Mad^. Leonora, la qnal confido che p' amor-
mio gliene sara liberale.

To torq tasso scris^i. fer^.

157

Bernardo taxo (Principum nego"***) Musarum ocioetPrin-
cipum negotiis sum a ingenii ubertate atque excellentia par?
fortunae varietate ac inconstantia relictis utriusque industrier
monumentis clariss". torquat^ filius posuit, vixit an septua-
ginta et sex. obi an. 1569. die 4° Septemb.

Robbe che son presso Abram in via Cussa.

Duepadiglioni.

Due colore turchesche guarnite di xendallo,

Un tornaletto di Razzo.

Due anteporti.

^ Principum iiego^^^. These words are sti'uck out in tlic MSS. Tas««
thought better of the Muses than the Princes, and changed the prece-
dence.

306

M. R^. mio Oss"*'.

Nel foglio giunto temo, che vi sia
€orso un' error di penna, ma non ne sono ben sicuro : comun-
que sia, avertite che si legga cosi, e che non esca altra-
mente.

Se la fehcita e premio, V infelicita e pena : Ma la felicita
^ premio intrinseco della virtu. Dunque 1' infelicita e pena
interiore del vitio. E mi vi raccomando. Di S. Anna il xxvi.
di Giugno.

Di V. S. Ser^ il Tasso.

Al M^°. R«. mio Col°"».
Don Gio. Bat**, Licinio.

307

Very Reverend my very Respectable.

In the sheet which is arrived I fear that
there is an error of the pen, but I am not quite sure of it :
however it may be, take care that it is read thus, and that
it is not pubhshed otherwise.

" If happiness is a reward, unhappiness is a punishment :
but happiness is the intrinsic reward of virtue ; then unhap-
piness is the internal punishment of vice :" and I recommend
myself to you.

From St. Anna, the 26*** of June.

From jour servt,

Tasso.

To the very reverend my very venerable
Don Qiovanni Batt". Licinio.

30«

M. Mag". Sig^. mio Ossii^

Non posso acquetar 1' animo, s' io
non sono certo del vostro buono stato : pero vi prego che me
ne diate aviso, e se come io credo sete risanato, mi farete
piacere a venire a vedermi : cosi piaccia a la Providenza del
Sig'^^. Iddio, d' averci in protettione.

Di S. Anna il x di Setf^ del 1584.

Di. V. S.
Aff'"°. Ser«. Torq'^ Tasso.

Al M. Magn"^*'. Sig\ mio

Oss"™''. il Sig^ Liica Scalabrino.

309

Very magnif. and my respect : le Signer. j

(

I cannot set my mind at ease, if I am not sure
©f your well-being ; therefore I pray you to give me inioniia-
tion concerning it, and if, as I believe, you are recover* d,
that you will do me the pleasure to come and see me : m\y it
please the Providence of the Lord God, to keep yuu in Lis
protection.

S^. Anna, the 10'^ of September, 1584.

Of your Worship
The most affect, serv*. Torq. Tasso.

For the very Magn. my Lord,
the very respectable Signor
Luca Scalabrino.*

* No inquiry has been able to discover who this Scalabrino was.

•H»

310

M. Mag'\ Sig'"^

Mando a V. S. cinque camice le quali han-
no tutte bisogno d' essere racconcie : Le dia al suo parente :
e V avertisca, che non vorrei che fosser mescolatecon 1' altre :
e mi verra* fare piacere di venire un giorno seco a parlarmi :
frattanto aspetto quella risposta, che V. S. mi promise di sol-
lecitare, ne dia ricordo a 1' amico, e le bacio le mani. Di S,
Anna il 4 di Gen'^^ del 1585.

Di V. S.
S\ certiss™^ Torq^^ Tasso.

Sc non puo venir col parente venga solo,
c' ho bisogno di parlarle : e faccia,
lavare il drappo nel quale sono invi-
luppate le camice.

Al W\ Magn*^". Sig""'.
II Sig®. Luca Scalabrino.

* Thus in the MSS.

311

Very Magnificent Signor,

I send your lordship five shirts, all of which
want mending. Give them to your relation; and let him*
know that I do not wish them to be mixed with the others ; and
that he will gratify me by coming one day with you to see me.
In the mean while I wait for that answer which your lordship
promised to solicit for me. Put your friend in mind of it. I
kiss your lordship's hand.

Of your Worship
The very faithful servant,

Torquato Tasso.

From S. Anna, the 4th of Jan. 1585.

If you cannot come with your relation, come alone. I
want to speak to you. And get the cloth washed in which the
shirts are wrapped up.

To the very Magnificent Signor,
The Signor Luca Scalabrino.

* Or h^r-

312

Molto Mag*^^ Sig". come Fratello.

Scrivo a V Illmo Sig®. nostro padrone : e
gli raccomando il negotio de la mia vita, pero credo che non
abbia alcun bisogno di ricordo: il ricordo nondimeno a voi
medesimo : e mi vi raccomando. Da Ferrara il xi d' Aprile
del 1585.

Di V. S.

come Fratello P. Ser^*. Torq*^ . Tasso.

Al molto Mag*°. Sig*". Giorgio
Alessio mio Oss™°.

tC-

313

Very Mag*. Signor and dear as my Brother.

I write to the Most Illustrious Lord our master:
and I recommend to him the business of my life — however I
believe that he has not any need of a remembrancer : never-
theless I remind you yourself of it : and I recommend myself
to you.

From Ferrara, the 11^^ of April, 1585.

Of your Worship,

The Brother to serve you, Torq*°. Tasso.

To the very Mag. Sig®^ George
Alessio, my most respectable.

314

Illmo. e Rmo. Sig. e Pro", mio Colmo.

Dopo la prigionia, e P infermita di molti anni,
8e le mie pene non hanno purgato gli errori, almeno la cle-
menza di V. S. Illma puo facilimente perdonarii ; laonde io
stimo, che la sua benignita mi faccia piu lecito di supplicare
arditamente, die non suol fare la mia calamita. La suplico
dunque che non consenta a si lunga ostinazione de gli Uomini,
ne voglia, che dia fine a la mia grave miseria la morte, ma la
pieta : e quantunque cio le fosse piu facile ne lo stato de la
Chiesa, che in alcuno altro : nondimeno in questo di Ferrara
non le sara difficile : perche il Ser"'°. Sig^ Duca non mi tiene
in alcuna sua prigione, ma ne' lo Spedale di S. Anna : dove,
i frati e i preti posson visitarmi a voglia loro, ne sono impediti
di farmi giovamento. E'l cenno di V. S. Illma. potrebbe
esser Legge a tutti non che ammonitione : Oltredicio puo
giovarmi in diverse maniere co' suoi Bolognesi medesimi : et
in ciascuna d' esse mostrarmi la sua bonta congiunta a 1'
autorita ; et in ciascuna, obbligarmi alia sua Casa, et a se
stessa perpetuamente. Ma forse io non la supplico ardita-
mente come havea detto, e come dovrei : perche non basta
la sanita, senza la liberta ; e 1' una, scompagnata da 1' altra
sarebbe assai piccol dono di cosi gran Cardinale. Adunque
le chiedo insieme. E benche sia quasi disperato di risanare,
nondimeno i salutiferi medicamenti, e gli efficaci rimedii, e 1'
allegrezza di vedermi libero potrebbono ritornarmi nel primo
stato : ma sopratutto la gratia di N. S"^^. e di V. S. Illma. e la
quale non dico il modo come possa farlo : perche la prudenza
glie le manifesta e P alto grado glie le agevola — ma le scopro
il bisogno, e la necessita, e V infelicita degna di ritrovar com-

315

Most Illustrious and most Rev. and my most respectable

Lord.

After my imprisonment, and the infirmity of
many years, if my pains have not purged away my errors, at
least the clemency of Your Most Illustrious Lordship may
easily pardon them : therefore I think that your benignity
will make it allowable to ask with more courage, than mv
calamity is wont to assume — I supplicate you, then, that you
will interpose against the long and cruel perseverance of some
men, nor suffer that death alone should be the close of my
heavy sufferings — let them rather be terminated by compas-
sion; for although that might be more easy to you in the
territory of the Church, than in any other ; nevertheless, in
this of Ferrara it will not be very difficult : because the Most
Serene Lord Duke does not detain me in any of his prisons,
but in the Hospital of St. Anna, where the brothers and the
priests may visit me at their pleasure, and are not prevented
from administering to my wants. Besides, a hint from Your
Most Illustrious Lordship would be not only an admonition,
but a law to all : in addition to which, vou may assist me in
different ways amongst your Bolognese themselves ; and in
each demonstration of kindnesr? give me a proof both of your
goodness and of your authority; and moreover lay me under
perpetual obligations to yourself and to your house. But
perhaps I do not ask you with courage, as I had said I would,
and as I ought to do ; for health is not enough without liberty,
and the one unaccompanied by the other would be a very smnll
gift from so great a Cardinal. I ask, then, for both at once.
And though I almost despair of being cured, nevertheless,
salutary medicines, efhcacious remedies, and the joy of

finding myself free, might restore me to my former condition ;

316

passione ne P animo suo religiosiss"**. : e le bacio humiliss^.
le mani. Di Ferrara il xii d' Aprile del 1585.

Di V. S. Illma.
Humiliss"°. Ser^ Torquato Tasso.
All' 111'"^ et Rmo. Sig'^^ e
Padron mio Colendiss°.
il Sig\ Cardinal Bon
Compagno

Roma.

317

but I account above all the favour of our Lord (the Pope)
and of your most Illustrious Lordship ; although I do not tell
you the manner in which you may perform it; because it will
be suggested by your prudence, and made easy by your high
rank. All that I venture to disclose is, those wants, and that
misfortune, which are truly worthy of awakening the com-
passion of your most religious soul : and I most humbly
kiss your hands.

Of your most Illust. Lordship,

The most humble servant,

Torquato TassQ.
Ferrara the 12th of April, 1585.

To the most Illust. and most

Rev. and my very venerable

Patron, the Lord Cardinal Bon

Compagno. Rome.

' 1

318

M. Mag^°. Sig"^. mio Ossmo.

Supplicai P altro giorno al Ser*'. Sig^ Duca di
Ferrara : che mi facesse gratia di molte cose, e particolar-
mente di rendermi le mie robe. Le quali fosser consegnate
a Don Giovan B^^. et a voi : ne debbo dubitare, da S. Altezza
la gratia, ch' e molto picciola a la sua clemenza, et a la mia
calamita : pero vi piaccia di parlarne al Sig^. Crispo, et al
Sig"". Cole'"^ : hora vi mando per Don Gio : Batta. Licinio
cinque lettere d' opp"' : e di risposte. Le quali vorrei, che
si stampassero con I'Apologia — non vogliate vi prego man-
carmi della vostra promessa : e questo vi scrivo non per dub-
bio, ch' io n' abbia ; ma per desiderio d' un altro anello.
Serbate per 1' ultimo foglio la ded°®. et amatemi. Di S.
Anna il vii di Maggio del 1585.

DiV.
Ser*®. il Tasso.

Pes. mio nipote vorrebbe una beretta, fate che le sia fat-
ta : che de I'anello parlero poi.

Al Molto Mag*=°. Sig«.
mio OSS'"". II Sig^
Luca Scalabrino.

319

My very magnificent and respectable Signor,

I entreated, the other day, the most Serene
Lord Duke of Ferrara, that he would grant me sundry fa-
vours, and particularly that he would restore to me my goods,
so that they might be consigned to Don Giovanni Battista
and to you : nor ought I to doubt of receiving from his High-
ness this favour, which is but a very small one, both in pro-
portion to his clemency, and to my calamity ; therefore be
pleased to speak of it to Signor Crispo, and to the Signor,
my other respectable friend. I now send you for Don Gio-
vanni Battista Licinio five letters of objections, and of an-
swers, which I should wish to be printed with the apology :
do not, I pray you, fail in your promise to me : I write
this to you, not from any doubt, but from the desire of ano-
ther ring. Keep the dedication for the last sheet, and love
me.

From your Servant,

Tasso.
St. Anna, the 7th of May, 1585.

Postscript. — My nephew wants a cap ; get one made for
him : I will speak to you about the ring afterwards.

For my very magnificent and re-
spectable Signor, the Signor
Luc^ Scalabrino.

320

M. Mag". Sig^ mio Oss

lo diedi i Mesi passati a V. S. un libro del
Sig*. Alessandro Gendaglia : nel quale erano alcuni miei con-
cieti, hora ha mandato un suo a dimandarlomi. Laonde vi
prego, che glie le diate : et havendo qualche risposta de V
Illmo. Patriarca Gonzaga, mi farete piacere di portarlami
genza indugio e vi bacio le mani. Di S. Anna il p""®. di
Dicem^^ del 1585.

Di V. S.
Ser^ Torq*°. Tasso.

Al W\ Mag«». Sig^
mio OSS'"", il Sig^
Luca Scalabrino.

321

Very magnif. and respect. Signor.

I gave, during the last months, to your Wor-
ship a book of the Signor Alessandro Gendagha, in which
were some thoughts of my own : he has now sent a person
to ask me for it. Therefore, I pray you, that you will give
it to him : and when you have any answer from the Most
Illustrious Patriarch Gonzaga, you will do me a favour to
bring it to me without delay, and I kiss your hands.

From your Worship's Servant,

Torq. Tasso.
St. Anna, the 1st of December, 1585.

For the very magnificent my
Sig°. the respectful Sig".
Luca Scalabrino.

322

Illmo. Sig®. e Padron mio Oss"'".

Mandai a V. S. Illma. queste settimane pas-
sate cinquanta scudi d' oro : et moneta perch' io non li posso
tener sicuri : e credo, che P Sig®. Luca Scalabrino ; al quale
io gli diedi li manderaa buonricapito : non dico altro, se non
ch' in questa camera c' e un folletto ch' apre le Casse e toglie i
danari : benche non in gran quantita ma non cosi piccola, che
non possa discomodare un povero come son io. Se V. S.
Illma. vuol* farmi questa gratia di serbarmeli, me ne dia
aviso e frattanto ch' io provedo d' altro sia contenta, di pig-
liarli e le bacio le mani. Di S. Anna li 9 di Dic'^^ del 1585.

Di V. S. R-\
Afr'"°. Ser^ Torq**. Tasgo.

All' Illmo. e Rmo. Sig^
e Pron mio Colmo. II
Sig. Patriarca Gonzaga.
Roma.

* In the original MSS. the u and v are indiflferently used.

323

"Most illustrious Signor, and my very respectable Lord,

I sent your most illustrious Lordship, these few
weeks back, fifty crowns in gold, because I cannot keep them
safely myself : and I presume that the Signor Luca Scala-
brino, to whom I gave them, will see them conveyed safe to
hand : I shall only say, that in this room of mine there is a
demon that opens the boxes, and takes out the money : in nt>
great quantity, indeed ; but not so little as not to incommode
a poor fellow such as I am. If your most illustrious Lordship
will do me this favour to take care of them for me, let me
have advice of it, and whilst I provide otherwise, perhaps
you will have no objection to take them into your keeping.
I kiss your hands.

Of your very Rev. Lordship,

The affectionate servant,

Torquato Tasso.

From St. Anna, the 9th of December, of the year 1585..

To the most Illustrious and most
Rev. Lord, and my very re-
spectable Patron, the Lord Pa-
triarch Gonzaga.

Rome.

324

No. IL
RIENZL

TiRABOSCHi* »has given Rienzi a place amongst the re-
storers of literature ; but he seems never to have seen some
specimens of the tribune's composition existing in the royal
library at Turin. Indeed the Abbe de Sade appears to be
the only compiler, who has consulted these manuscripts, and
he transcribes such only as relate to Petrarch. The con-
tinuer of Baronius cites letters of Rienzi amongst the secret
epistles of the Vatican, but cannot be inferred to have seen
a copy of the Turin papers.! By a strange fatahty the acts
of the Roman tribune have been preserved in the annals of a

■ monastery at Liege. J The Canon Hocsemius has supplied us

with three documents which are to be found also in the Turin

\[ manuscripts, and with two others which are not in that col-

lection. Hocsemius was cited and translated by Du Cerceau,§
and Du Cerceau was consulted by Gibbon, who does not ap-
pear to have referred to the original. Neither the one nor
the other knew any thing of the existence of these letters,
which, although they are not the original acts, and although
the collection whence they were transferred to the library is
unknown, are undoubtedly authentic. As they relate to a
very singular personage, and afford a curious specimen of
the style in which a revolutionary leader addressed the Ro-

* Storia della Lett. torn. v. lib. ii. p, 313- et seq. edit Moden. 1775-

f Raynaldus contin. Baronii ad an. 1S47. num. xlii.xiv. et seq. torn. vi.
p. 442. et seq. edit. Luc», 1750.

t Cresta Pontificum. Leodiens. scripserunt auctores Leodii anno 1613.
torn. ii. Joan. Hocsemii Canon Leod. cap. xxxv. Adniiranda deJVicolao
filio cujusdam molendarii Trihuno Roman(e urbis affedo, p. 494. et seq.

^ Conjuration de Nicolas Gabrini dit de Rienzi Tyran de Rome en
1347, ouvrage posthume tlu R. Pere Du Cerceau de la compagnie de
Jesus a Paris, 1733.

325

mans of the fourteenth century, they are now for the first
time published, together with the three papers of which the
Canon of Liege has also furnished a copy. The original has
been followed literally, and those words which are most
doubtful have been printed in italics. A translation, in which
the sense may not perhaps have been always divined with
equal success, has been confronted with the Latin Papers.
It will be seen from these letters that Rienzi, like Cromwell,
adopted a spiritual tone in his official discourses ; and by no
means openly, or, at least, in the first instance, declared
against the authority of the Pope. The Abbe de Sade has
argued at length against the supposed citation of the Pope by
Rienzi, when the tribune commanded the rival Emperors to
appear before his tribunal ; but the continuer of Baronius
seems to have seen proofs of that temerity in the Vatican,
and has published the excommunication of Rienzi by Clement
VL The Liege annals contain a long letter from Rienzi to
Raynaldo de' Ursi, Papal notary, excusing himself for the
irregularities of his conduct on the day of his knighthood,
and defending the bathing in Constantine's Vase, and the
other arrogant or puerile ceremonies which had alienated the
affection of his former admirers.

326

TRIBUNUS SENATUI POPULOQtJE ROMANO.

Exultent in circuitu vestro montes, induantur colles gaudio^
et universe planities, atque vestra Romana civitas, et valles
pacem germinent^ ubertate fodcundentur, et eterna laetitia re-
pleantur. Resurgat Romana civitas diuturne prostracionis a
lapsu, solium solite majestatis ascendens, vestitus viduitatis de-
ponat et lugubres, sponsalem induat purpuram, liberum diade-
ma caput exornet, colla manilibus muniat, resumat justitie
sceptrum, ac totis circumfulta, et renovata virtutibus, tanquam
sponsa ornata, se placituram sponso suo exhibeat. Exciten-
tur sacerdotes ejus, etproceres, seniores ejus, et juvenes ma-
trone, pupilli simul et virgines, omnisque Romanus exercitus
in voce salutis attonitus, flexis in terram genibus, iixis in coelum
oculis, palmis erectis ad sidera, laetissimis animis devotissimis
mentjbus, gratias Deo referrant, et gloriam resonant in excel-
sis. Ecce namque coeli aperti sunt, et Dei gloria, Dei patris^-
orta lux Christi ; Spiritus Sancti lumen effundens nobis inter
tenebrosas habitantibus umbras mortis prepararit gratiam ino-
pinate et admirabilis claritatis. Ecce quidem clementissimus-
Agnus Dei, peccata confundens, sanctissimus vir Romanus
Pontifex, Pater Urbis, Sponsus et Dominus sue spouse clamo-
ribus, querelisy et luctibus excitatus, compaciensque suis cla-
dibus, calamitatibus, et ruinis, ad renovacionem ipsius urbis,
gloriam plebisque, attonitus, mundi leticiam, et salutem, in-
spiracione sancti Spiritus, sinum clementie sue graciosus ape-
riens, misericordiam nobis propinavit, et gratiam, ac universo
mundo redempcionem promittit, et remissionem gentibus pec-
catorum. Etenim post honorabilem ambiaxate nostre suppli-
cacionem non humano, verum divino consilio conformatam,
[perhabita deliberacione matura Dominorum Cardinalium,
omniumque Romane curie prelatorum, diversis ac variis Un-
guis in divinam consonantibus voluntatem Spiritus, sancti ora-
cionibus, ac missis per universas Christianorum Ecclesias ce-
lebratis,] die vigesima septima mensis hujusmodi in magna fre-
quentia ipopuli preclari Romani exercitus vocem gratie expec-
tantis, solempnissime, immo angelico premisso sermone, in
voce salutis, et leticie, decreto apostolico ad futurum quinqua-

327

The Tribune to the Senate and the Roman people.

Let the mountains around you exult ! Let the hills, and the
plains, and your city of Rome be covered with joy ; and may
the valleys shed peace, and be abundantly fruitful, and filled
with everlasting gladness ! May the Roman city, ascending
the throne of her wonted majesty, rise for ever from the fall
of her long prostration ! Let her cast off the garment of wi-
dowhood and mourning, and put on the bridal purple ! Let her
head be adorned with the diadem of liberty, and her neck
strengthened with collars ! Let her resume the sceptre of jus-
tice, and, strong and regenerate in every virtue, like a fair-
dressed bride, let her show herself to her bridegroom ! May
her priests and elders, her young and old matrons, her orphans
and virgins be raised, and, with the whole Roman army,
roused by the voice of salvation, on bended knees, with eyes
fixed on heaven, and hands lifted to the stars, give thanks and
sing glory to God in the highest with minds most cheerful and
most devout. For behold the heavens are opened, and the
glory of God, the light of God the Father of Christ has
arisen ; which, shedding upon us the rays of the Holy Spirit
amidst the dark shadows of death, has prepared for us the
grace of unexpected and wonderful brightness. Behold, in-
deed, the most merciful Lamb of God, confounding our sins,
the most holy man, the Roman Pontiff, the Father of our city,
the bridegroom and Lord, roused by the clamours and plaints
and wailings of his bride, and compassionating her sufferings,
disasters and destructions, amazed at the regeneration of his
city and exultation of the people, and at the gladness and sal-
vation of the world, being also inspired by the Holy Spirit, and
graciously opening the bosom of his clemency, has acquired
for us grace and mercy, and promised redemption to the
world, and forgiveness to sinners. For, after the honourable
supplication of our Embassy, ordained, not by human but di-
vine counsel, (inasmuch as it was sent after a mature delibera-
tion of the Lords Cardinals, and of all the prelates of the
Roman Senate, many and various tongues according with the*
divine will of the Holy Spirit, in discourses and masses celo-

328

gesimum, et sic deinceps perpetuo, annum, promulgavit et
edidit jubileum ; nee non oblatum sibi urbis dominium grata
voluntate suscipiens, visitacionem sedis apostolice post sedata
Gallorum scandala, cum ineffabili novit affectu, sermone,
vultu, manibus, toto decoro corpore totis signis exterioribus.
ultra quam dici poterit, animosis. Cum itaque, fratres karis-
simi, a domino factum sit istud mirabile quoddam in oculis in-
tuencium non aliter nisi ut civitas vestra, Sponsa Romani
Pontificis, expurgata viciorum vepribus, suasibus renovata vir-
tutibus in odorem unguentorum suorum vernarum suscipiat
sponsum suum. Idcirco letis vos precamur in lacrimis arden-
tibus extorquamur exortam affectlbus, quatenus, depositis fer-
reis armis, guerrarum liammis extinctis, mundificatis cordibus
gratis desideriis, haec grata, haec divina munera, haec dona cae-
lestia capiatis, magnificantes in hymnis, psalmis jubilantes, et
laudibus, nomen Domini nostri Jesu Christi, necnon clemen-
tissimo successori ejus Domino nostro summo Pontifici humiles
gratias referentes, in cujus labiis gratia divina diffusa renovati
estis, et benedicti eciam in eternum, insignem purpura, et auro
ejus sculptam imaginem in Romano amphitheatro, sen capito-
lio statuentes, ut ipsius clementissimi Patris, patrm, auctoris,
et liberatoris urbis eterne, vivat in posteros leta et gloriosa
memoria nullorum diuturnitate temporum peritura. Quis
enim Scipio, quis Csesar, quis Metellus, Marcellus, Fabius li-
beratores patrie veteribus rencensemus annalibus, et inextin-
guabili dignos memoria judicamus, quorum solempnes effigies
in preciosis lapidibus sculptas pro virtutis memoria et splen-
dore miramur, tanta tanquam gloria decorare patriam potuis-
sent ? Illi quidem armati in bellorum austeritatibus mundi ca-
lamitatibus, morte et sanguine civium perituras paruere victo-
rias. Hie non rogatus cum omnium vita, leticia civium, et
salute, immortales, ac eternos subjecit oculis posteritatis et
nostris solo verbo triumphos. Nonne hie est qui spiritualibus
telis armatus exurgens, adversus presentes, futurasque calami-
tates patrie, providum bellum gerens, omnem miseriam ino-
pum, gentium pauperum, Romane reipubliee debilitate, ac
paratam desperate plebis mortem, uno sanctissimo ac trium-
phali verbo delevit ? Venerandam itaque et colendam hujus
Patris mempriam Romanum genus ceterorum raemoriis ante-

329

brated in every Christian Church,) He {the Pope) did on the
27th day of this month, in a great assembly of the noble Ro-
man" people and army, then expecting the voice of grace, most
solemnly, and in an oration truly angelical and full of salva-
tion and gladness, proclaim and ordain a Jubilee by an Apos-
tolic decree on the coming fiftieth year, and so on successive-
ly, assuming at the same time with gratitude the government
of the city which was offered him, and accepting the visita-
tion of the Apostolic Seat when the scandal of the French re-
sidence^ shall have been put an end to : which offers he heard
with an ineffable expression of speech, and countenance, and
hands, and was in his decorous person, and indeed in all exte-
rior appearances, animated beyond description.

Since, therefore, my dearest brethren, that miracle has been
done in the presence of all of you, insomuch that your city,
the bride of the Roman Pontiff, cleansed from the thorns of
her vices, and regenerate in virtue, receives her bridegroom
into the odours of her own vernal perfumes, we beseech you
with ardent tears of joy to cast off your iron armour, to ex-
tinguish the flames of war, and with hearts cleansed of all
your cherished desires, to accept these precious divine gifts,
magnifying and extolling in hymns and psalms the name of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and offering our humble thanks to his suc-
cessor our Lord the supreme Pontiff, by whom ye are regene-
rate and blessed for ever, through the divine grace poured
forth from his lips : and do ye place his image, adorned with
purple and gold, in the Amphitheatre, that the memory of the
most merciful Father of his country, the founder and liberator
of the Eternal City, may live renowned and survive all time.
For what Scipio, what Caesar, what Metellus, Marcellus, Fa-
bius, — names of ancient renown, and whom as liberators of
their country we deem worthy of imperishable memory, and
whose venerable and precious statues are admired as monu-
ments of their virtue, and also for their splendour, — who of
them have adorned their country with so much glory ? — They,
indeed, in arms, and amidst the hardships of war, and the mi-
series of mankind, and the blood and destruction of their fel-

'^ Avignon.

ceiiat, presentes predicent, et levata nacio future posteritatis
^jtpectet, honorificantes denique urbem ac vestram sanctissi-
mam tantis muneribus dignam, tantis honoribus celitus valida-
tam, per quam, fiatres carissimi, nisi solutis viciorum calcia-
mentis, et innocentibus, ac mundatis pedibus ambulare genti-
bus non liceret, quoniam locus in quo statis, et vivitis, terra
verissime sancta est.

Annunciando denique vobis id gaudium, quod si Dominus
noster summus Pontifex per banc celestem gratiam vos vir-
tutes, et vicia expurgare, optata sibi fama dictante, perceperit,
apertis tociens clemencie suae alis ad visitacionem dilecte ur-
bis sue, cum comitiva apostolorum, cicius, quam gentes crede-
rent, trans vol abit.

Nicolaus Laurencii, Romanus Consul, orphanorum, vidua-
rum, et pauperium unicus popularis legatus ad Dominum nos-
trum Romanum Pontificem animo, manuque propriis.*

* This letter is marked, fol. 182. v. 18S. of the Codex Taurinensis, an^
3ias never before been published.

331

low citizens, obtained victories : but he, unsolicited, has pre-
pared for our eyes and those of posterity, triumphs immortal
and eternal by giving life to all, and happiness and safety to
the state, by his word alone ! Is it not he, who, armed with
spiritual weapons, warring against the present and future cala-
mities of his country, has relieved the misery of nations, made
wretched and poor by the weakness of the Roman common-
wealth, and has driven away from the despairing people the
death which was ready for them, and has done all this by one
most holy and triumphant word ?

Let the Roman race, therefore, prefer the venerable memo-
ry of this their Father to the memory of all others : let the
present people foretel, and let our risiiig posterity hope for
another such ! Finally, let us honour your most holy city wor-
thy of such great gifts, and strengthened with so great glory
from above, and through which, my dearest brethren, it is not
permitted for the nations to walk except the sandals of their
vices be loosened, and their feet be clean and innocent, for
verily the soil on which you stand and live is holy !

Lastly, I announce these glad tidings to you, that if our
master the high Pontiff should receive a previous report of
your purification by means of the divine grace, he will open
the wings of his repeated clemency, and fly to visit his belov-
ed city with the conapany of his Apostles quicker than the
nations do expect.

Nicolas the son of Laurentius, the Roman Consul, the only
Legate of the people, for the Orphans, the Widows, and the
Poor, to our master the supreme Pontiff, of his own w^ill, and
with his own hand.

332

Copia Uterarum, que fuerunt misse ad Curiam de us, que fue-
runt gesta in parlamento facto per Tribunum Rome coram
jimbaxtatorlbus Ilalie, seu Imperio, et ejus juris dicionibus.

In honorem et gloriam summi Dei Patris, et spiritus Sancii
filii ; beatorum Apostolorum Petri, et Pauli ; et Sancti Joanni
Baptiste, in cujus sacratissimo templo in Roma, videlicit sa-
cratissimi principis gloriam militarem accepimus, prius ful-
gente titulo Spiritus Sancti, cujus indignus servus miles existi-
mus-: nee non ad honorem et reverentiam sancte Romane
Matris Ecclesie, et Domini nostri summi Pontiticis statum
prosperum et augmentum sancte Romane urbis, sacre Italic,
et tocius tidei Christiane. Nos candidatus spiritus sancti
miles Nicolaus, Severns et Clemens, Liberator urbis, Zelator
Italic, Amator Orbis el Tribunus Augustus, volentes, et disi-
derantes donum spiritus sancti, et libertates antiquorum Ro-
manorum Principum, quantum nobis permittitur, imitari, no-
tum facimus universis, quod pridem a nobis post assumptum
Tribunatus officium Romanus Populus de consilio omnium et
singulorum judicum, sapientum, et advocatorum urbis, recog-
novit, adhuc se habere illam auctoritatem, potestatem, atque
jurisdictionem in toto orbe terrarum, quas habuit a principio
et summo augmento urbis prefate, et omnia privilegia facta
in prejudiciura auctoritatis, potestatis, et jurisdictionis, anti-
quam, et arbitrariam potestatem nobis concessam a Romano
Populo in publico Parlamento, et nuper a Domino nostro
summo Pontilice, ut patet per Apostolicas Bullas ejus, ne vi-
deamurde dono, et gratia spiritus sancti ingrati vel quomodo-
libet avari, tam Romano Populo, quam Populis sacre Italic
supradictis, et ne per negligentiam jura, et jurisdictionem Ro-
mani Populi permittamus amplius deperire, auctoritate, et
gratia Dei, et spiritus sancti, ac sacri Romani Populi, et omni
modo, et jure et forma, quibus melius possumus, et debemus,
decernimus, declaramus, etpronimciamus ipsam sanctam Ro-
manam Urbem Caput orbis, et fondamentum totius fidei chris-
tiane, ac omnes et singulas civitates Itahe liberas esse, et

333

Copy of the Letters which were sent to the court of Rome con-
cerning the Matters which 7vere settled in the Parliament, sum-
moned hy the Roman Tribune, before the Ambassadors of Italy,
or of the Empire and its Jurisdictions,

To the honour and glory of God, the Father, the Most
High, and of the Holy Spirit, and of the Son ; of the hlessed
apostles Peter and Paul, and of the holy John the Baptist, (in
whose most sacred temple of Rome, we received indeed the
military glory of a most hoJy prince, under the splendid title
of the Holy Spirit,* whose unworthy servant and soldier we
are), and to the honour and reverence of our holy mother the
Roman Church, the prosperity of our lord the supreme Pon-
tiff, and to the increase of the holy Roman city, of our sa-
cred Italv, and of the whole Christian Faith.

V/e, a Knight candidate of the Holy Spirit, Nicholas, the.
Severe and Merciful, the Liberator of the city, the Defender
of Italy, Lover of the world, Tribune August, wishing and de-
siring the gift of the Holy Spirit, and to imitate as far as may
be permitted us the powers of the ancient chiefs of Rome,
MAKE KNOWN TO ALL, that, whcrcas, since our assumption of
the tribuneship, the Roman people, by the advice of all and
singular their judges, sages, and advocates, have recognised,
*hat they still retain the same authority, power and jurisdictioa
over the whole world, which they held from the beginning and
in the height of their city ; and still have all privileges granted
to others in prejudice of their authority, power and jurisdic-
tion ; and that the ancient and supreme powers have been
granted to us by them in the public parliament, and lately by
our lord the high Pontiff, as appears from the apostolic bulls ;
and whereas we would not seem in the eyes of the Roman
people, or of the people of our holy Italy, in any way un-
mindful or covetous of this gift and grace of the Holy Spirit,
or to permit the people's rights and jurisdiction any more to
be invaded. * "f *

* Alluding to his Knighthood in the Lateran-

334

easdem ad cautelam integre libertati donamus, et omfles, et
singulos Populos tocius sacre Italie liberos esse censemus, et
ex nunc omnes prefatos Populos, ac cives civitatum Italie faci-
mus, declaramus, et pronunciamus cives esse Romanos, ac Ro-
mana libertate eos volumus gaudere. Item eadem auctoritate^
et gratia spiritus sancti ac Romani Populi supradicti dicimus,
proiitemur, ac eciam declaramus, Romanum Imperium, elec-
tionem, jurisdictionem, et monarchiam tocius sacri imperii ad
ipsam almam urbem, et ejus Populum, nee non ad universam
italiam pertinere, et ad easdem esse legitime devolutas multis
rationalibus causis, quas suo loco, et tempore declarari facie-
mus, dantes, et prefigentes in his scriptis omnibus et singulis
prelatis, Imperatoribus electis, Lectoribus, Regibus, Ducibus,
Principibus, Marchionibus, Populis, Universitatibus, et qui-
buscumque aliis in specie, et eciam cujuscumque preeminen-
cie status, et condicionis existant, et contradicere volentibus,
seu in electione prefata, ac ipso Imperio jurisdictionem, po-
testatem, et auctoritatem pretendentibus, quoquomodo ter-
minum hinc ad festum Pasche, Pentecostes proxime futurum,
quod infra dictum terminum in ipsa alma urbe et sacrosancta
Lateranensi Ecclesia, coram nobis, et aliis oflicialibus Domini
nostri Pape, et Romani Populi debeant cum eorum juribus
comparere, alioquin a dicto termino in antea procedemus se-
cundum quod de jure fuerit, et spiritus sancti gratia monstra-
bit : Et nihilominus ad predicta omnia in specie, et in com-
muni citari fecimus Illustres Principes, qui se asserunt Romanos
Imperatores, vel ad Imperium jam electos Dominum Ludovi-
cum Ducem Bavarie, Dominum Karolum Regem Boemie, Do-
minum DucemBavarie,* Dominum Ducem Saxonie, Dominum
Marchionem Brandiburgensem, Dominum Archiepiscopum
Trevesensem, Dominum Archiepiscopum Coloniensem ;
qui in dictis terminis, et loco, et infra terminum predic-
tum coram nobis, et aliis officialibus Romani Populi debe-
ant personaliter comparere, alioquin, ut predicitur proce-
demus, eorum absencia, et contumacia non obstante. In
predictis autem omnibus, et singulis nostris actibus, pro-
cessibus, et executionibus, quibuscumque, auctoritati, ju-
risdictioni sancte Matris Ecclesie Domini nostri Pape,
ac sacri collegii in nullo volumus derogari. Quinimo volu-
* The MSS. have two Dukes of Bavaria.

335^

We do, by the authority and grace of God, the Holy Spirit^
and the sacred Roman people, and by every means legally
and formally within our power and duty, decree, declare, and
pronounce this holy city of Rome the capital of the world,
and the base of the whole Christian faith, and all and every
state of Italy to be free, and we guarantee their perfect liber-
ty, and we pronounce all the people of our sacred Italy free-
men : and from this time we do make, declare and pronounce
,all the above people and citizens of the Italian states to be
Roman citizens, and we would have them to enjoy Roman
liberty. Moreover, by the same authority and grace of the
Holy Spirit, and of the said Roman people, we do acknow-
ledge and declare, that the Roman empire, its elections, juris-
dictions, and the monarchy of our holy empire, belong to the
cherished city itself, its people, and to the whole of Italy, and
-have devolved to the same by many reasonable causes which
will be made known in proper time and place, by us giving
and prefixing them to these our writings to all and each of the
Prelates, Generals elect, Electors, Kings, Leaders, Princes,
Noblemen, People, Universities, and to all persons of what-
soever state, pre-eminence, and condition they may be, and
to those pretending to any jurisdiction, power, and authority
in the aforsaid election and in the empire itself, from this time
to the approaching festivals of the Passover and Pentecost ; —
within which period they are expected to appear with their
pretensions before us, and the other officers of our lord the
Pope, and before the Roman people in this cherished city it-
self, and in the holy Lateran Church, otherwise we shall pro-
ceed against them from the said period, according to law, and
to the suggestions of the grace of the Holy Spirit.

Moreover, Ave have caused to be summoned severally and
collectively for all the aforesaid purposes, the illustrious
princes, who call themselves Roman Emperors, or who are
now chosen to the empire, Lewis, Duke of Bavaria, Charles,
King of Bohemia, the Duke of Bavaria, Duke of Saxony, the
Marquis of Brandenburgh, the Archbishops of Treves and
Cologn, whom we expect will appear in person before us and
the other officers of the Roman people, in the said hmits and
places, and within the aforesaid period : otherwise we shall

336

mus ad augmentum, et honorem semper actus nostros dirigerej
ut tenemur, per omnia revereri. In dictione quinta, die pri-
ma mensis Augusti publicata fuerunt predicta, coram Romano
Populo, acceptata, et approbata per ipsum Populum existen-
tem in Platea Lateranensi, presente Domino Vicario Domini
nostri Pape, Domino Paulo De Comite, Domino Joffredo
Sooceo, fratre Jacobo Preceptore sancti Spiritus, fratre Hu-
golino ordinis predicatorum, Domino Francisco de Velletris
Judice, Domino Mattheo de Reate Judice, Paulo Angeli de
Fuscis, Domino Nicolao Nicole, Domino Ubaldino Pictoris de
Eugubio, Domino Vugacione Petri de Eugubio, et Serguiccio
Ramacone de Eugubio.*

* This is marked fol. 174, of the Index, and has been published in Hoc-
semius. It is here, however, copied from the Turin MSS. as it contains
the famous and foolish citation of t4ie rival Emperors.

337

proceed against them as above-mentioned, notwithstanding
their absence and contumacy. But in all and each of our
aforesaid acts, processes, and administrations, we would on no
account derogate from the authority and jurisdiction of our
holy mother church, our lord the Pope, and the sacred col-
lege ; on the contrary, we would direct all our acts to their
increase and honour, and, as we are bound, reverence them
in all things.

The aforesaid were published in the 5th Indiction, on the
first day of August, accepted before the Roman people, and
with their approbation, in the street of the Lateran ; present
the vicar of our Lord, the Pope, Paulus de Comus, Jofredus
Sooceus, his brother, James the preceptor of the fraternity of
the Holy Spirit, and his brother Ugolino, of the order of
Preachers, Francis judge of Velletri, Matthew judge of Reate,
Paulus Angelus of Fusci, Nicolaus Nicolaus, Ubaldinus Pictor
of Eugubium, Eugacio the son of Peter, of Eugubium, and
Serguiccius Ramaco, of Eugubium.

338

0opia literarum, quas misit Ttibunus Populo tt Universtlati Vi-
terbii de obedientia, ac subsidio requisitis per cum pro repub-
lica gubernanda,

Auctore clementissimo Domino nostro Jesu Christo. Nico-
laus, Severus et Clemens, Libertatis, pacis, justicieque Tri-
bunus, et sacre Romane rei publice Liberator, nobilibus et
prudentibus viris, Potestati, Capitaneo, Bonis Hominibus,
Sindico, Consilio, et Communi Civitatis Viterbii in Tuscia
constitutis, sacri Romani Populi filiis, et devotis, salutem, et
cum reconciliacione Dei pacem et justiciam venerari,

Denunciamus vobis id gaudium Domini sancti Spiritus,
quod pius Pater, et Dominus noster Jesus Christus in hac
veneranda die festivitatis Pasche Pentecoste per inspiracionem
sanctam hujus sancte urbis, et populo ejus, ac et vobis et
omnibus fidelibus populis viris, qui nostra membra consistunt,
dignatus est miseracorditer elargiri. Sane cum status ipsius
alme urbis, et populi, ac tocius Romane Provincie pravorum,
et crudelium rectorum et destructorum ipsius esset ex omni
parte quassatus, in perdicionem, etmiserabilemdestrucionem
jam deducitur, adeoque intime in eadem alma urbe omnis erat
mortificata justicia, pax expulsa, prostrata libertas, ablata
securitas, dampnata caritas, misericordia et devocio pro-
phanate, quod nondum extranei et peregrini veri Christi cives
Romani carissimi provinciales ad comitatum nostri nullatenus
ibidem venire poterant, vel inibi remenare securi, quinmino
oppressiones undique, sediciones, hostilitates, et guerre, dis-
truciones animalium, incendia intus et extra, marique, con-
tinue efTrenatissime penetrabantur, cum magnis ipsius sancte
urbis, et totius Romane provincie periculis, jacturis et damp-
nis animarum, bonorum et corporum, et detrimento non
modico totius fidei christiane heu ! jam diminute, et quasi
totaliter derelicte erant peregrinaciones, et visitaciones in-
dulgenciarum et itinerum Sanctissimorum Apostolorum Petri,
ct Pauli civium, principumque nostrorum, et aliorum sancto-
rum Apostolorum quorum octo ia eadem urbe corpora requi^

339

Copy of the Letters which the Tribune sent to the People and
University of Viterbo, concerning the Obedience and Assis-
tance required from them in the Government of the Republic,

Under the authority of our most merciful Lord Jesus
Christ, Nicolas, the Severe and Merciful, of liberty, peace,
and justice, the Tribune, and the Liberator of the sacred
Roman republic, to the Noble and Prudent Men, to the Po-
desta, to the Captain, to the Good Men, to the Sindic, to the
Council, and to the constituted authorities of the Tuscan city
of Viterbo, the devoted children of the Roman people,
health, and through the reconciliation of God, the love of
peace and justice.

We announce to you the joy of the Lord the Holy Spirit,
which on the venerable day of the festival of the passover,
our pious father and Lord, Jesus Christ, has vouchsafed in
his mercy to bestow upon his people, and upon you, and all
the faithful who compose our members, through the holy in-
spirations of this sacred city. Verily, when the state of the
cherished city itself, of the people, and the whole Roman
province, was convulsed on every side, and reduced to per-
dition and wretched ruin, by its depraved, and cruel, and
destroying rulers, — and justice was so inwardly death-stricken
in the same city, tranquillity so expelled, liberty so prostrate,
security so taken away, charity so injured, and piety and de-
votion so profaned, that the foreign pilgrims, the true citi-
zens of Christendom, and our very dear Roman provincials,
could not reach our convocations, or remain in them secure-
ly. But owing to the oppressions on every side, the sedi-
tions, hostilities, and wars, the ravage of living beings, the
conflagrations which, within and without, upon the land, and
on the waters were continually raging, with great danger to
the sacred city itself, and of the whole Roman province,
with the loss and destruction of soul, and body, and proper-
ty, and with no small detriment to the whole Christian faith,
now, alas, decayed ! the pilgrimages and the visitation for

340

ewscunt, et sanctorum infiiiitorum Martynira, atque virginuraj
in quorum sanguine ipsa sancta civitas est fundata ; nee mi-
randum erat. quin ipsa sancta civitas, que ad consolacionem
animarum constructa fuit, et que fideiium omnium debet esse
vefugium, facta erat olfensionis silva, et spelunca latronum
pocius quam civitas apparebat ; vos etiam, et alii devoti po-
puli nostri nullum ab ipsa urbe poteratis percipere consilium,
auxilium, vel favorem, qui primo sub specie senatus, sub
nomine capitaneatus, sub colore milicie eratis oppressi, et
injuste sepius lacerati. Igitur prefatus Pater et Dominus nos-
ter Jesus Christus ad preces, ut credimus, Beatorum Petri et
Pauli apostolorum, civium principum et custodum nostrorum,
misericorditer extitatus, ad consolacionem non solum Roma-
noium civium, verum tocius nostre provincie comitatum, pe-
regrinorum, et aliomm omnium fideiium Christianorum, ip-
3um Romanum populum inspiracione spiritus sancti ad verita-
tern, et concordiam revocavit, ad desiderium libertatis, jus-
ticie, inflammavit, et ad salutem, et defensionem suam, et
nostram mirabiliter illustravit, et ad observacionem perpe-
tuam bone voluntatis, sancte, et juste deliberacionis eorum :
idem populus, nobis, licet indigno, plenam, et liberam po-
testatem, et auctoritatem reformandi, et conservandi statum
pacificum dicte urbis, et tocius Romane provincie, ac libe-
rum professus arbitrium commisit, et concessit in suo publico,
ct solempnissimo Parlamento, ac plena concordia tocius po-
puli prelibati. Nos autem, licet ad supportacionem tanti
oneris humeros nostros insufficientes, et debiles cognoscamus ;
taraen, apertissime cognoscentes, quod a Domino factum est
istud, et est mirabilius in oculis nostris, et de gratia Dei, et
beatorum Petri, et Pauli, ejus gratia, et favore confisi, ac de
Romani populi nostris, et tocius Romane provincie sequelis,
et suffragiis spem habentes, auctoritatem, et potestatem pre-
dictas devoio corde, et animo virili suscepimus, et ad refor-
macionem, ct renovacionem justicie, libertatis, et securita-
tis, statusque pacilici prefate Romane urbis, ac totius pro-
vincie, oculos nostre mentis direximus, et prosequi intendi-
vms viriliter, et potenter, secundum ordinem antique justicie,
per virtutem juste, fortisque milicie moderacione : Quaprop-
ku" nobiiitatem, prudeiiciam et devocionem vestram presen-

341

indulgences, and to the shrines of the most holy apostics,
Peter and Paul, our citizens and chiefs, and of other holy
apostles, eight of whose bodies rest in this city, and of innu-
merable holy martyrs and virgins, in whose blood the very
city itself is founded, became as it were totally abandoned :
nor was it to be wondered at that the holy city itself, which
was made for the comfort of our souls, and should be the re-
fuge of all the faithful, became a forest of crimes, and re-
sembled a den of thieves more than a city : ye also and
others of our devoted people were not able to obtain counsel,
or assistance, or favour from the city, but were oppressed,
and oftentimes unjustly injured first by what was called a Se-
nate, then under the name of a Capitanate, and with the pre-
text of military service.

Wherefore our aforesaid Father and Lord Jesus Christ,
moved with compassion, as we believe, by the prayers of the
blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, our chief citizens and guar-
dians, hath (for the comforting not only of our Roman citi-
zens, but of all the provinces and counties and of all pilgrims
and other faithful Christians) recalled this very Roman peo-
ple to truth and concord by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit,
and hath inflamed them with a desire of liberty and justice,
and enlightened them for their security, for their own and our
defence, and for the perpetual observance of good will, of
holy, and upright judgment. And this same people hath, of
their own free will, and unanimous accord in their public and
most solemn parliament, granted and intrusted to us, though
unworthy, full and free power and authority to reform and
preserve the tranquil state of the said city, and of the whole
Roman province — and, notwithstanding we feel our shoul-
ders insufficient, and too weak for so great a load, yet, see-
ing most clearly that it is the work of the Lord, and is a mi-
racle in our eyes, and trusting, through the grace of God,
and the blessed Peter and Paul, to his grace and favour, and
relying on the followers and suffrages of the Roman people,
and of the whole Roman province, we have with a devout
heart and manly resolution taken upon ourselves the afore-
said authority and power, and have directed the eyes of our
mind to the reform and regeneration of justice, liberty. ««-

342

tibus exhortamur, gratias reddatis altissimo salvatori, ac
sanctissimis apostolis suis, quoniamin tempus afflictionis, et
desperacionis propinavemnt Romano populo, ac nobis conso-
lacionis remedium, ac salutis ; suscipientes et participantes
nobiscum hoc donum Dei cum magna leticia, gestis et gau-
diis manifestis ; necnon ad domandum protinus, et proteren-
dum suiperhidim, et tirampnidem quoumcunque rebellium; cre-
dentes hunc statum vobis a Christo concessum impedire quo-
modolibet, vel turbarc statum, propulsata campana commu-
nis, et preconibus destinatis sollicitatis populum, et com-
mune ad preparandum se armis, equis, et ceteris opportunis
ad exercitum, et destrucionem eorum, et exterminium mani-
festum, et sub protecione Dei, et vexillo sancte justicie cum
manibus nostris, superbie et tirampnides confundentur, et
libertas, pax, et justitia pertotam Romanam provinciam re-
formetur. Nihilominus vobis tenore presentium, sub fide,
legalitate, et pena arbitral ia precipimus, et mandamus, qua-
tenus infra tres dies post asignacionem presentium, mictatis
ad nos duos syndicos, et ambaxiatores ydoneos vestra terre
ad consilium, et Parlamentum, que intendimus in eis diebus
in Romanorum conimodo ad sa!utem, et pacem tocitus nostre
provincie celebrare : volumusque, et in signum caritatis et
amoris presentibus postulamus, quatenus unum sapientum
juris peritum, quern vos duxeritis eligendum, ad nos particu-
lariter destinetis, quern ex nunc in n?/mero judicum consistorii
nostri cum salario, gagiis, et muneribus conjunctis pro sex
mensibus deputamus. Datum in Capitolio, vigesimo quarto
mensis Maii decima quinta indicione."^

* This is marked fol. 166 in the Turin MSS. and has never been printed
before. It has not been thought worth while to make any attempt at
emendations : the style and historical notices, not the language, being the
principal object of publishing these letters. The absence of the diph-
thong is observable throughout the whole of the mapuscript.

343

curity, and tranquillity of the aforesaid Roman city, and
whole province, and we will resolutely and strenuously follow
up the order of ancient justice, by virtue of a constitutional
and moderately strong army.

We therefore recommend it to your dignity, and prudence,
and devotion, to return thanks to the most high Saviour, and
to his holy apostles, because that in the season of affliction
and despair they have greeted the Roman people and us with
comfort and salvation, partaking and participating with us
in this gift of God with exceeding gladness and manifest signs
of joy. We exhort you also to subdue and quell the pride,
tyranny, and rebellion of those who think to harass and con-
found this state, granted us by Christ, in whatsoever manner
it may be : do you .by sounding the alarm bell, or by the pub-
lic criers destined for that purpose, summon the people and
Commune to equip themselves with arms, horses, and other
warlike materials for the destruction of any such, and for their
manifest extermination : so that under the protection of God,
and the standard of holy justice in our hands, may their pride
and usurpation be confounded, and liberty, peace, and jus-
tice, be reformed through the whole Roman province. We
no less command and order, by the tenor of these presents
under your faith, loyalty, and for fear of such penalties as
may seem fitting, that you send two proper Sindics and Am-
bassadors of your district to our council and parliament, which
we mean to hold in these days, for the welfare of the Romans,
and the safety and tranquillity of our whole province : and we
will, and by these presents do require, as a token of our af-
fection and love, that you specifically appoint for us at least
one wise man learned in the law, whom you shall deem
eligible, and whom we, from this date, depute among the
number of judges of our constitution, with the salaries,
profits, and emoluments appertaining.

Given in the Capitol, the 24th day of May, 15th indic_
tion.

344

Responsio Domini Trihuni transmissa amice suo in Romana
Curia commoranti, eo quod primo sibi scripserat, quod dice-
hatur per Curiam quod terrore preteriti volebat dimittere
officium Tnhunatus,

Amice Karissime. Inter causas alias, quibus multiplicitur
vobis aflicimur, continue obligamur, et tenemur vobis de fre-
quentia literarum, quas nobis ita sollicite direxistis, et si ad
ea non hucusque rescripsimus, non processit ex alia quam ex
diversitate ardua, et arduitate diversa negociorum, quibus
persona nostra continue occupatur. Scire tamen vos cupi-
mus, et tenere certissimum, quod urbs sic reducta est ad sta-
lum, Spiritu Sancto faciente, pacificum, liberum, et felicem,
quod non videntibus impossibile foret credi : nemo enim credere
posset Romanum ponulum plenum dissidiis, hactenus sordidura
omni genere viciorum, reductum ad tante unitatis effectum,ad
tantumque amorem justicie, et honeste virtutis, etpacis in tanta
temporis brevitate * * * * domitis cessantibus odiis, percus-
sionibus, homicidiis, et 7'apinis, Nee est in urbe qui ludo uti
audeat taxillari ; qui Deum, vel sanctos audeat lacessire blas-
phemia^ nee laicus quispiam, qui teneat concubinam, inimi-
eantes omnes gaudent ; etiam leta pace uxores, diucius a
viris abjecte, ad viros reducte sunt. Magnates, quibus inequa
iierum communitas causam dissensionis prestabat, ad divisio-
nem, et porcionem equalem ; nee non et discordes omnes ad
concordiam tempore isto nostri regiminis per Dei gratiam
mirabiliter sunt reducti ; et totus Rom^nus populus ad devo-
cionem accensi plusquam nunquam fuerunt a nativitate Do-
mini nostri Jesu Christi gloriosissimi. Quilibet suo gaudet,
quilibet de suo vivere est contentus. Securi ad urbem ve-<
niunt qui solebant in urbis januis spoliari peregrini cujuslibet
nationis. Pax viget, et floret securitas. Non sunt modo
Castra Potentum, ut hactenus, spelunce latronum ; nee reti-
nent eos silve. Et novit Deus, cui omnia patent, quod non
ambicio dignitatis, officii, fame, honoris, vel aure mundialis,
quam semper abhorrui, sicut, cenum, sed desiderium com-
munis boni tocius reipublice hujusque sanctissimi status in-
duxit nos colla submittere jugo adeo ponderoso * * * * nos-
tris humeris non ab hominc, sed a Deo, qui novit si officium

345.

Reply of the Lord Tribune sent to his friend in the Romari
court^ to that which he had written, mentioning the report
that prevailed in the court that, alarmed at lohat had happen-
ed, he was desirous of resigning the Tribuneship*

Dearest Friend,

Amongst the other causes on account of which we are
in innumerable ways affected towards you, we are continually
obliged and beholden to you for the frequency of the letters
which you have written to us ; and if we have not hitherto
replied to them, it has only proceeded from the difficult va~
riety and various difficulty of the concerns with which our
person is continually occupied.

We are desirous, however, that you should know and be
assured that, by the influence of the Holy Spirit, the city has
been brought back to a state so tranquil, free, and happy, as
to be incredible to those who do not witness it ; for it is not
to be believed that the Roman people, till now full of dissen-
tion, and corrupted by every description of vice, should be so
soon reduced to a state of such unanimity, and to so great a love
of justice, honourable virtue, and peace, and that hatred,
assaults, murder, and rapine should be subdued and put an
end to. Nor is there any person '.i the city who dares to
play at forbidden games, nor to provoke God or his saints with
blasphemy ; there is no layman who keeps his concubine ;
all enemies are reconciled ; and even wives, who had been
long cast off, return to their husbands. The nobles, who
had grounds of dissention in the unjust community of pro-
perty, have consented to an equal division and proportion ;
all the discontented, through the grace of God, are wonder-
fully brought to contentment in this period of our government,
and the whole Roman people has been animated to a devo-
tion, such as has never been witnessed since the nativity of our
most glorious Lord Jesus Christ. Every man enjoys his^
own : every man is content to live on his own. Pilgrims of
every nation, who used to be plundered at the gates of the^
city, now come to us in safety. Peace blossoms forth, and se-
curity flourishes. The castles of the nobles are npt as hither-

* At Avignon-

346

istud fuit per nos precibus procuratum ; si officia, beneficia.
et honores consanguineis nostris contulimus ; si nobis pecu-
niam cumulamus ; si a veritate recedimus ; si homines tene-
mus in verbis, si nobis, vel heredibus nostris facimus compo-
siciones ; si in ciborum dulcedine, aut voluptate aliqua delec-
tamur ; et si quidquam gerimus simulatum. Testis est nobis
Deus de iis, que fecimus et facimus pauperibus, viduis, orpha-
nis et pupillis. Multo vivebat quietius Cola Laurentius
quam Tribunus. Sed pro huius loci beatus amore labores
reputamus nobis singulos ad quietem, immo in testimonio
Spiritus Sancti, et Beatorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, quo-
rum causam prosequimur, et tuemur. Hora diei <juietem
sumere possumus ; sed noctem addimus operi, et labori.

347

to dens of thieves ; nor do our woods abound with robbers.
And God, by whom all things are seen, knows that no ambi-
tion for dignity, office, fame, honour, or worldly favour, which
I have always abhorred like dirt, but anxiety for the general
good of the Republic, and of this holy state, induced us to
submit our neck to so ponderous a yoke, placed upon our
shoulders not by man but by God, who can testify whether
this office was put upon us at our own entreaties ; whether
we have conferred places, benefits, or honours upon our rela-
tions ; whether we have heaped up money for ourselves ;
whether departed from truth ; whether we have held men
together by words only ; whether we compound for ourselves
or our heirs ; whether we are fond of luxury in our food, or
of any voluptuousness ; and whether we have done any thing
with hypocrisy. God is our witness of what we have done,
and are doing, for the poor — for the widows, and for the
orphans, and all the young. Cola the son of Laurence lived
much more tranquilly than Cola the Tribune : but for the love
which we bear to this place, we consider all our labours are
for its tranquillity, and for this we appeal to the witness of
the Holy Spirit, and the blessed apostles Peter and Paul,
whose cause we follow and defend. At the hour of day we can
take rest, but the night we give to labour and study.

Primum Memhrum presentis Litere,

Ad id autem, quod scribitis audivisse, quod inceptum jam
terreri, scire vos facimus, quod sic Spiritus Sanctus, per quem
dirigimur, et movemiir, facit animum nostrum fortem, quod
ulla discrimina non timemus ; immo si totus mundus, et ho-
mines sancte fidei christiane, et perfidiarum hebraice, et pa-
gane contrariarentur nobis, non propterea terremur. Nobis
enim propositum est cum reverencia Dei, et Sancte Matris
Ecclesie, et pro amore, et cultu justicie velle mori. Talis
autem timoris opinio, qui nunquam cecidit nee cadere poterit
in cor nostrum, potuit fortasse procedere ex eo, quod, dum
pridem, in concilio peterimus, quod istud officium in diversas
personas singulis tribus mensibus mutaretur, illi, qui in con-
cilio erant laceratis pre tristitia vestibus, omnes conclamantes
lacrimabiliter responderunt, dicentes aut quod iste status
sanctissimus decidat, et regimen istud ad aliud deveniret, sin-
gula moriainur, ita quod illud, quod faciebamus causa virtu-
tis, adscripsit nobis aliena ignorancia ad timorem. Nee id
ob aliud petebamus, nisi ne causa nostri ad perpetuitatem officii
aspirare aliquatenus crederemur.

349

First Part of this Letter.

With regard to what you mention as having heard, that we
had begun to be frightened, we give you to know that the
Holy Spirit which governs and cherishes us, so fortifies our
mind that we fear no perils ; nay, if the whole world, both
people of the holy Christian faith, and perfidious Jews and
Pagans should oppose, we would not therefore be dismayed :
for it is our intention and desire with all due reverence to
God, and our Holy Mother Church, to die for the love and
maintenance of justice.

But it is probable that such mention of terror, which never
did, and never can, reach our heart, arose from this circum-
stance, that when we proposed in council that this office
should be changed and given to different persons every three
months, those who were present, tearing their garments in
sadness, and weeping, began to exclaim, that " the Good
Estate itself would perish, that the government would un-
dergo a change, and all would be slain" — so that what we
did out of our love of virtue, the ignorance of others hath
ascribed to fear. And we only desired this measure, that we
might not be thought in any way, on our own account, to as-
pire to hold this office in perpetuity.

350

^Secundum Membrum,

Vos etiam cupimus non latere, quod Joannes de Vico, olim
i^refectusfricida {fatricida) et proditor vocatus, et expectatus
diutius, venire noluit ad mandata ; propter quod contra eum
direximus nostrum victoriosum exercilum, qui jam occupavit
Vetrallam, et Viterbium tenet obsessum, quod continue de-
vastatur. Omnes quoque Tuscie Civitates miserunt jam in
servitio nostro, et Romani Populi in dictum nostrum exerci-
tum auxilia gentis sue. Omnes hoc statu letantur, omnes
Romano populo^ favent contra proditorem prefatum. Soli
rectores Patrimonii, et Campanie assistant, et subfavent pro-
ditori qui aliter fuerant sui hostes ; de quo etsi dolemus.
sine causa nos tractari indebite ab eisdem, altiori tamen in
mente peragimus, quod proinde turbabuntur omnia corda
Romanorum. Videtur enim eis in culpas ipsorum Rectorum
non solum ab eis, sed a Domino nostro Summo Pontifice reci-
pere lesionem ; dicunt quidam : nos Domini nostri summi
Pontiiicis in auxiliis sperabamus, ct ofliciales suos ita nobis
contrarios experimur, quod non sit sine aliquali infamia Domi-
ni prelibati ; fratisque germani dicti Comitis Campanie cum
quatuor banneriis equitum, et cam gente Regis Ungarie inva-
dentis Regnum Sicilie in Aquila contra Reginam Joannam, et
Dominum nostrum summum Pontificem ; Nee obmittemus,
quod tanta est circa hunc statum vicinarum bona dispositio
civitatum, quod viginti sex denarios antique parve monete,
valentes nunc Carlenum unum, et denarios quatuor parvos,
petitos ab eis pro quolibet focolari, libenter exsolvunt, vi-
dentes nos ipsam pecuniam, et aliam pro defensione persona-
rum, et rerum suarum in stipendia militie convertisse, quam-
vis Rectores ipsi hoc visi fuerint impedire ; et ilh, a quibus
pecuniam ipsam non petimus, dolent quodammodo, et spon-
tanee solvunt illam, ne a defensione nostra videantur exclu-
si. Igitur nulla nos cura sollicitat, si, Deo exeunte nobis-
cum, nobis homines adversari contingat ; et spem nostram in
Deo posuimus ; de auxiliis hominum non curamus. Legisse
namque recolimus, et vidisse virum in sua, et hominis poten-

351

Second Member.

We are also desirous, that it should not be concealed from
3'ou, that John de Vico (formerly prefect) fratracide, and trai-
tor, though called and expected a long time, would not come
to our summons : we have, therefore, sent against him our
victorious army, which hath occupied Vetralla, and keeps Vi-
terbo, which is incessantly laid waste, in siege. All the Tus-
can states also in our service, and the Roman people, have
sent auxiliaries from their own people to our said army. All
rejoice in this proceeding, all assist the Roman people against
the aforesaid traitor. But the governors of the patrimony*
and of Campania, who were formerly his enemies, connive
with the traitor, which, although it sorely grieves us that we
should be treated so unworthily, yet are we more deeply af-
fected, because the hearts of all our Romans will be troubled
thereat : for it is their belief, that owing to the offence of
these governors, they are not only injured by those lords
themselves, but also by their lord the Pope himself; for, say
they, we trusted in the assistance of our lord the Pope, and
now we see his officers are against us, and against us to the
discredit, in some degree, of the same lord the Pope, and of
the brother of the Count of Campania, invading with four
banners of horse, and with the people of the king of Hunga-
ry, the kingdom of Sicily, in Aquila, in prejudice of Queen
Joanna and of our sovereign lord the Pope. Nor will we
omit, that such is the good disposition of the cities near this
state, that they willingly pay twenty-six pence of the ancient
small money, (now worth a carline) and four small pence
which are demanded of them for each hearth : for they see
that we convert this and other money into stipends for sol-
diers for the defence of their persons and property, and not-
withstanding the governors themselves would hinder this tri-
bute, those from wiiom we have not demanded contribution,

* A part of the Roman states called the Patrimony of St. Peter

352

tia confidentum sucumbere, et quod humana auxilia in ejus,
ad cujus sunt parata favorem, sepe in confusionem sint solita
torqueri. Quidquid igitur nobis objicitur, quasi mane * * * *
reputamus, existentes c erti, quod quanto plus hie status sanc-
tissimus impugnatur in terris ab homine, in eelis roboratur
plus a Deo, qui quod ipse dignatus est misericorditer stabi-
lire, non patitur per homines infirmari.

353

ire in some measure disappointed, and offer it of their own ac-
cord, that they may not appear excluded from our protection.

We are therefore under no apprehensions, if men should
become our adversaries, whilst God goes out with us : and we
have placed our reliance on God, nor caring for the help of
man. For we recollect to have read of, and have seen such
as trusted to human powers, succumb, and human aid is wont
to be turned to the confusion of him for whoie help it was
prepared.

Let us therefore consider what is objected to us as * * * * *
being certain that the more this Holy State is assailed on
earth by men, the more it is fortified in heaven by God, who
does not permit that what he has pitifully vouchsafed to estab-
lish should be loosened by the hand of man.

:i54

Te7'cium Membrum,

Ad disconsolacionem nostram illud novum accidit, quod,
lenentibus nobis in carcere singulos potents de hujus statuis
impedicione suspectos, et cum eis nuperrime Lucam de Sa-
bello, Vicarius Domini nostri Pape, aut timore ipsius Luce
perterritus, vel aliis tirampnidum dolis flexus, credentium
ad turbacionem hujus santi status preter istas non posse
unam aliam invenire causam, querit de capitolio receden-
di : nee unquam in aliquo volumus, ob Domini nostri
summi Pontificis reverenciam, ejus honoribus, et beneplacitis
deviare ; de quo etiam Romanus Populus est admiracione, et
dolore commotus, dum singulos officiales Domini nostri sum-
mi Pontificis, aliquos malacia, aliquem negligenciaobviare pro-
spiciunt huic sancto statui, et quieti. Sed frustra tumescunt
maria, frustra venti furunt, frustra ignis crepitat, et inanes
resolvuntur in favillas contra hominem in Domine confiden-
tem, qui, sicut Mons Syon, non poterit commoveri : nee ob-
mittimus, quod Comes Campanie cum aliquibus tirampnis
damnabilibus, machinatus procuravit tres Bannerias equitum
a se dolose removere, quasi renunciasset eisdem, et ipsi ve-
iiientes ad nostra stipendia, debebant nos occidere, prout
inter eos fuerat ordinatum. Sed Deus, defensor noster, de
eorum manibus nostram innocentiam liberavit. Sciatis eciam
ad despectum, et dedecus Joannis de Vico, nequissimi prodi-
toris, recepimus a Romano Populo officium Prefecture urbis
ad gaudium, subjungentes, quod in Dei nomine in Kalendis
Augusti proxime futuro die Pontificali, ac Imperiali intendi-
mus per Romanum Populum, Spiritus Sancti gratia, ad mili-
tiam promoveri, et sic existentes Spiritus Sancti Miles, in
festo gloriose Virginis Marie ejusdem mensis, Tribunicia
laurea, quam Tribuni antiquitus assumebant disposuimus co-
ronari, mores eorum imitari eciam non verebamur, qui ab ara-
tris ad officia promoti videbantur.

De iis omnibus informatis reverendum Patrem Dominum F.
de filiis Ursis Domini Papi Notarii, qui nobis quam plurimum
ascripsit, nee habuimus adhuc sibi copiam rescribendi. Et

355

Third Member,

It has lately happened to our discomfort, that, whilst we
held in prison certain princes suspected of opposition to this
state, and amongst them very recently Luca of Sabello, the
Vicar of our lord the Pope, either overcome with terror of
the said Luke, or influenced by the treachery of usurpers
(who could find no other means of disturbing this holy state)
is seeking to quit the Capitol : nor would we ever do any
thing contrary to his dignity and wishes out of the reverence
we bear our lord the Pope, towards whom also the Roman
people are moved with woiider and grief on beholding the
officers of our lord the supreme Pontiff endangering the
tranquillity of this holy state, some from malice, others by
negligence.

But the billows swell in vain — in vain the winds rage, and
in vain the fires crackle, and are dissipated into empty sparks
against the man who puts his trust in God, who is as im-
moveable as Mount Sion. We do not omit, that the Count
of Campania with certain damnable tyrants has contrived that
three banners of horse should leave his party by stealth as if
he had renounced them, and come into our pay for the pur-
pose of slaying us, as had been determined amongst them.
But God, our defender, has saved our innocence out of their
hands.

Know, also, in addition to the disgrace and dishonour of

John de Vico, that most wicked traitor, that we have received

from the Roman people the prefectureship to the joy of the

city, and that, through the Roman people and the grace of

the Holy Spirit, we in the name of God on the pontifical and

impeT-'al day of the approaching kalends of August do intend

to be promoted to the knighthood; and thus having become a

knight of the Holy Ghost we have arranged that we shall be

crowned on the festival of the glorious Virgin Mary in the

same month, with the Tribunician Laurel, which the tribunes

assumed of old, not fearing to imitate their customs, who

were promoted from the plough to high duties.

You will tell all these things to the reverend lord father

356

excusatis nos ei, quod si modo non scribimus, est enim propter
festinanciam hujus occurrentis ; vos quoque kalidissime stu-
deatis et vestrum reditum festinare, quia vobis providimus de
officio honorabili, atque bono ; scientes, quod non de facili,
non simonia, non precibus, et instancia aliena officiales as-
sumimus, sed opinione virtutis viros probos ad officia pro-
movemus.

Datum in Capitolio, in quo, regnante justicia, recto corde
vigemus, die decimaquinta Julii, decimaquinta indicione,
liberate rei publice anno primo.*

* The foregoing letter has never been published : it is marked fol. 175,
176, of the Turin MSS.

357

Orsini, the notary of our lord the Pope, who wrote to us as
soon as possible, and we have not yet had an opportunity of
replying to him ; and you will excuse us to him that if we do
not now write, it is by reason of these events. You also will
eagerly endeavour to hasten your return, because we are
looking out for some honourable and good office for you,
knowing that we do not easily, nor by simony, appoint our
officers, nor at the entreaties and instance of other persons,
but promote honest men approved for their virtuous characters.
Given in the Capitol, where in this reign of justice we
flourish in upright heart, on the 15th day of July, the 15th
Indiction, and 1st year of the freedom of the republic.

358

Copla litterarum missarum per Tribunum urbis ad Dominiim
Papam excusando se ah inimicis occultis, narrans etiam ali"
qua contra Comitem Fondorum.

Sanctissime Pater, et clementissime Domine, ne dolosarum
linguarum astucia, a quibus ******'*-^* liberari, vestra
clemencia quatenus non facilis, imo impossibilis, sicut reor,
verbis inclinari fallacibus, cum sit scriptum omni sermoni non
esse credendum, suspectum teneat tamen de cognicione mee
puritatis auditum, presens litera sanctitati vestre transmittitur
veri nuncia, mendacii inimici et dolo obvia alicujus, qui ex
acuta lingua ut gladio in jaculatum sagittarum nititur in oc-
culto, cujus innata et inveterata nequicia non participio status,
et honoris ecclesie ipsum facit immeritum, verum efficit sus-
cepcione aule vestre sanctitatis indignum. Noverit igitur
sanctitatis vestre benignitas, me humilem servum vestrum in
festo beatissime Marie Virginis de presenti mense August!
fuisse per maaus Preceptoris Hospitalis sancti spiritus, et
Vicariorum ecclesiarum cathedralium urbis antiquitus solita
dari tribunis laurea coronatum : videlicet sex coronis, quarum
quinque fuerunt frondee, secundum Romanorum antiquum
institutun\, dari augeutibiis rem publicam consuete, et sexta
fuit argentea, que valorem quinque florenorum auri non ex-
cedit ; et post ipsarum susceptionem sex hujusmodi coronarum
pomum recepi per manus Syndici Romani Populi malicie
signatum, que devote suscipiens ad memoriam sex donorum
Spiritus Sancti ab ejusdem largitate alui, et sub sancte Ro-
mane Ecclesie, et Sanctitatis vestre reverencia recognovi, in
quibusque suscipiendis nulla perpetuabitur auctoritas in con-
sensu^ sive licentia nulla fuit Pontijicalis oportujia potestas curie,
Non in pleno, at plenissimo publico parlamento, de assensu
tocius Romani Populi, et aliorum quamplurium omnium fere
civitatum Tuscie Syndicorum Ecclesie Zelo fratres, omnes

359

CoprJ of the Letters sent by the Tribune of the City to the Lord
the Pope, defending himself from his secret Enemies, and
mentioning certain things against the Count of Fondi.

Most holy Father, and most merciful Lord, lest through
the craftiness of deceitful tongues, from which even * * * *
would desire to be delivered, your clemency, hitherto not
easy, nay, as I suppose, impossible to be turned from me by
fallacious words, (for it is written we are not to credit every
thing we hear) may not hold me suspected, notwithstanding
the known proofs of my purity, this present letter is sent to
your Holiness to declare the truth, to oppose falsehood, and
to repel the craft of any person who darts arrows from his
sharp tongue, like a secret sword, and whose innate and in-
veterate vice renders him unworthy not only of all dignity
and honour in the state, but even of being received into the
court of your Holiness.

Your Holiness will have known, that on the festival of the
most blessed Virgin Mary, in this present month of August,
your humble servant received from the hands of the preceptor
of the Hospital of the Holy Ghost, and of the Vicars of the
cathedral churches of the city, the Laurel Crown which was
wont of old to be given to the Tribunes, consisting of six
crowns, five of which were of natural leaves, given, accord-
ing to an old Roman custom, to persons who had advanced
the commonwealth, and the sixth of silver, not exceeding the
value of five gold florins ; and that after taking the above six
crowns, I received also from the hand of the Sindic the apple,
the ensign of the army of the Roman people ; all which
devoutly taking in memory of the six gifts of the Holy Ghost,
I cherished as a token of his bounty, and in acknowledgment
of my reverence for the most holy Roman church, and of
your Holiness. And in the reception of these there will be no
perpetual assumption of authority ; or was there any infraction
of the power of the court of Rome,^ In the full, or rather in
the complete public parliament, and with the assent of the

* This appears untranslatable.

360

homines civitatum, in quibus etiam cardinalium tituli, et bona^
eorum ab omni vassalagio libera vi, cives Romanos effect et
reduxi ad vestrum dominium, Dominorum Cardinalium, quo-
rum in eis non modicum jurisdicio lesa erat,adversispotentibus
vestre urbis. Item quod nullus Imperator, Rex, Princeps,
Marcliio, sive quovis alio ceasitus nomine cum gente audeat
in Italiam mittere sine vestre Saactitatis, vei Romani Populi
licencia speciali ; ad que me induxit pura, quam habeo ad
Ecciesiam^ sancta lides, et desiderium pacis, et quietis Italic,
atque Regni. hem quod nemo detes^tabiiia nomina Gueifum,
et Guibellinum tanti jam proh dolor ! Christiani sanguinis
estuarla, audeat per totam Italiam nominare, sed, omni * * *
* * deposita, fidelem sexorem sancte Ecclesie in unitate, et
pace, * * * asserat, et cognoscat. In quibus, et aliis per me
gestis, si aliquid potest reputari Ecclesie sancte contrarium,
que per universum pacem decantant, et predicant, relinquo
vestre judicio sanctitatis, cupiens anxie, et non ficte, quod
digaetur vestra sanctitas mittere aliquem virum Dei, ut de
singulis, que peregi, voluntate vestri Romani Populi dlscuciatj
et inquirat ; et si forte mali quo me inculpat reperiat, ante
pedes vestros venturum me obligo, pena qualibet, juxta
sanctitatis vestre justiciam sine misericordia puniendus. Nee
vestram clemenciam lateat, quod contra hostem Ecclesie,
atque vestrum Nicolaum Gartanum, olim Fondorum comitem,
per exercitum victoriosum procedo viriliter, paratis oppor-
tunis, et jam misi Cancellarium, urbis Angelum Malabreme
in ostensionem terrarum Comitis prelibati cum equitibus
quadringentis positis in campo feliciter, cum Spiritus Sancti
gratia, et favore, ultra duodecim centenaria equitum stre-
nuorum cum balistariis, et hominibus aliis infinitis, et quod
jpsum spero faciiiter conculcare, quod nunquam ***** ut
resurgat. Cujus exercitus Joannem natum Stephani de Co-
lumpna, Principem malicie ordinavi. Et quod in iis partibus
cepit indere aliqua, licet modica carestia, cui adhibui, et
adhibeo proposse remedia, procurans de Sicilie partibus
granum defferri facere, ac eciam aliunde, et terras Romani
districtus, quarum diu inculta pars maxima jacuit, reduci
faciens ad cuituram 5 et per concessionem Jubilei nisi provi-

361

whole Roman people, very many of the Slndics, of all the
cities of Tuscany, brothers in Christian zeal, and all those of
the cities which give titles to cardinals, were not oniy freed
from all vassalage as to their property, but were declared by
me Roman citizens, and were brought back to your authority,
and to that of my lords the cardinals, whose rights had re-
ceived manifest injury, in consequence of the inimical nobles
of this your city. Also, that no Emperor, or King, or Prince,
or Marquis, or any other under whatever title, may dare to
put foot in Italy, without the special license of your Holiness,
or of the Roman people ; to which I was induced by that pure
and holy faith which 1 bear to the church, and by the desire of
peace and of the quiet of Italy, and of the kingdom at large.

Also, that no one may for the future dare to mention the
detested names of Guelf and Ghibeline ; but laying aside all
party distinctions, assert and acknowledge the power of the
* * ^^ * * of the Holy Church, in unity and peace.

In all which, and other things by me done, if there be any
thing that can be esteemed contrary to Holy Church, seeing
that they proclaim and preach universal peace, I leave to the
judgment of your Holiness ; desiring anxiously and unfeign-
edly that your Holiness would deign to send hither some man
of God, to discuss and inquire into all those things which I
have done by the will of your Roman people ; and if the
said shall find any of that evil in me with which 1 am charged,
I do oblige myself, under any penalty, to be punished without
mercy according to the justice of your Holiness. Nor lot it
be unknown to your clemency, that against the enemy of the
church, and of yourself, Nicholas Gartanus. formerly Count
of Fondi, I am now proceeding manfully with a victorious
army, and have already sent before me Angelo Malabreme,
the chancellor of the city, to make an incursion into the lands
of the said Count, with four hundred knights well arrayed for
battle, with the grace and power of the Holy Spirit, besides
twelve hundred other horsemen with slingers, and an infinite
number of other soldiers ; who, as I hope, will easily tread
him under foot, so that he shall never again rise. Of which
army I have appointed John the son of Stephen Colonna,
prince of the soldiery : and because there is in those parts a

362

deatur, aliter posset excrescere, dum multi de diversis mundi
partibus Romam perperam confluent, multique granum pro-
curabant abscondere.*
Cetera desiderantur,

* This letter is not in Hocsemius; it is marked fol. 167 of the Turin

MSS.

363

commencing scarcity, although to great extremity, I have
resorted, and as far as I am able do now resort, to certain
remedies ; enacting that grain shall be imported from Sicily
and from other countries, and ordaining that many lands of
our Roman district, the greater part of which have long lain
uncultivated, shall now be again sown : for I am aware that
otherwise this scarcity may increase owing to the granting of
the Jubilee, which will bring such multitudes from all quar-
ters to Rome, and because many have found means to amass
and conceal the grain.
The rest is wanting.

Modus, et forma coronucionis Tribwii sic fuit.

Prima corona quercus presentetur per Priorem Ecclesie
.Lateranensis, dicentem sic : Suscipe quercum, qua cives a
morte servasti.

Secunda corona de edera, dicentem : Suscipe ederam, qua
religionem amasti ; et fuit presentata per Priorem Sancti
Petri.

Tertia corona de mirto fuit presentata per Decanum Sancti
Pauli dicentem : Suscipe mirtum, quoniam officia, et Scien-
tiam observasti, et avariciam odisti.

Qaarta corona fuit de lauro, presentata per abbatem Sancti
Laurencii extra muros Urbis, dicentem : Suscipe laurum,
quoniam officia, et Scientiam observasti, et avaritiam odisti.
Quinta corona fuit de oliva, presentata per Priorem Sancte
Marie Majoris, dicentem ; Vir humilis, Suscipe olivam, quo-
niam cum humilitate superbiam superasti.

Sexta corona fuit argentea, et sceptrum ; fuit presentata
per Priorem Sancti Spiritus in Saxia, dicentem : Tribune
.4uguste : Suscipe, dona Spiritus Sancti, cum corona, et Scep-
tro, et Spiritualem coronam.

Pomum autem detur per Dominum Gotfridum sic dicentem:
Tribune Auguste, suscipe, et cole justiciam, da libertatem,
et pacem ; et osculetur eum. Vicarius Domini Ostiensis
dirigat coronas.

Dominus archiepiscopus Neapolitanus non permittat auferri
argenteam coronam.

Et dum predictus Tribunus coronabatur, secum quemdam
pauperem habebat vilissime indutum in signum humilitatis ;
asserens predictus Tribunus, quod antiquus mos erat, quo Im-
peratores Romani cum triumphabant, tollerabant, et sustine-
bant omnia verba injuriosa per quoscumque eis dicentes illo
die.

Dicto die dictus dominus Tribunus in consilio primus sur-
rexit, collaudendo ambaxiatores, et civitates, que advenerant
in subsidium Romani populi, otferendo se, et Romanum popu-
lum supradictis ambaxiatoribus, et civitatibus ad omnia, que

365

The mdnner and form of the Coronation of the Tribune roas

thus :

The first crown of oak shall be presented by the Prior of
the Lateran Church, saying: Receive the oak, with whicli
thou hast preserved the citizens from death*

The second crown of ivy was presented by the Prior of
St. Peter's, saying : Receive the ivy, with which thou hast
cherished religion.

The third crown of myrtle was presented by the Dean of
St. Paul's, saying : Receive the myrtle, since thou hast ob-
served thy duties and thy science, and hast abhorred avarice.

The fourth crown of laurel was presented by the Abbe
of St. Laurence, without the walls of the city, saying : Re-
ceive the laurel, for thou hast observed thy duties and thy
science, and hast abhorred avarice.

The fifth crown of olive was presented by the Prior of
Santa Maria Maggiore, saying : Humble man, receive the
olive, for thou hast overcome pride with humility.

The sixth crown was of silver, as was the sceptre, and was
presented by the Prior of Santo Spirito in Saxia, saying :
Tribune August, receive the gifts of the Holy Spirit, with a
crown and sceptre, and a spiritual crown.

But the apple was to be given by the Lord Gotfridus, say-
ing. Tribune August, receive — and reverence justice, grant
liberty and peace — and he kisses him.

The Vicar of the Lord of Ostia was director of the crowns.

The Lord Archbishop of Naples must not allow the silver
crown to be removed.

And whilst the aforesaid tribune was being crowned, he
had with him" a certain poor person most meanly clad, as an
example of humility ; the said tribune declaring that there
existed an ancient custom, that the Roman Emperors, when
they triumphed, tolerated, and bore all injurious words by
whomsoever spoken on that day.

On the said day, the said Lord Tribune rose first in coun-
cil, applauding the ambassadors and states which had come

366

fuerint eis necessaria, et oportuna. Item sciatis, quod Jo-
annes de Columpna signatus, electus, et factus est capitaneus
contra Comitem Fundorum non removendo propterea Capi-
taneum in partibus Tuscie, immo pocius confirmando.*

* This is in Hocsemius, and appears a note of how the ceremony was
to be arranged, and how it was conducted. If these specimens of Rien-
zi's writing should be thought interesting, his letter to the Pope, which is
given in Hocsemius, will be, on another opportunity, published from the
Turin MSS. Those better acquainted with the Latin of the fourteenth
century, may be able to correct the text and the translation.

367

to the assistance of the Roman people, offering himself and
the Roman people to execute every thing which was expe-
dient and seasonable for them.

You are to know also that John Colonna is marked, elect-
ed and made general against the Count of Fondi, not to the
prejudice of the general in Tuscany, who is rather confirmed.

Fac simile of TassoU hayid-^writing,

■ <

360

EXPLANATION OF THE FUNERAL VASE>S.

Plate L

1. Section of a Vase, containing the ashes of a funeral pile, the

urns, and the utensils, above three palms in height.

2. Sepulchral Urn, about one palm three inches high ; containing

the ashes and bones, the little balsamic vase called " Lecy-
tus," an unknown utensil of clay, divided into two branches
towards the extremities, a small metallic wheel, and broach
noticed in No. 5.

3. Vessels called Animatoria, with funnels for the exhalation of the

perfumed smoke, according to Vitruvius.

4. Vase called Calefactorium, having at the lower extremity a

small furnace for smoke, whence the perfume, proceeding
from the fluid contained in the upper part, was extracted.

5. A metallic Buckle, used to fasten the cloth which enclosed the

ashes. The vase in the centre containing the lustral water :
the four Vases about it, for wine, oil, milk, &c. The Vase
with a spout, called Guttas. The three Dishes, and the
Bowl with two handles, in front of the Urn. The Lamp.,
which is placed on the left of the Urn.

Plate IL

1. An Urn on the model of a temple, fastened with a metallif'

pin.

2. Vases called Animatoria.

3. Ditto.

4. View of the four sides of the Vases called .1»rmffforj'(/, a«5 in

No. 2.

Plate III.

1, Urn, like a visor fastened with a metallic pm.
'3. A CnJcfaciorinm.

370

3. The Oscilla, or little clay figure.

4. A lamp.

Plate III. Under Part.

1. A small lance-head.

2. A hook.

3. Do.

4. A writing stylus, with the obliterating instrument attached.

It has not been thought necessary to give the representation of
the coverlid of the vase which contains the marks, of which a
copy has been inserted in page 341 : but whilst we are on the
subject of the same character, it may be observed, that there is a
curious dissertation upon the origin of the Hindu system in the
Asiatic Researches (vol. viii. p. 77) which may be worth tran-
scribing.

" This kam-ghata, or jar, is the principal object in the cele-
bration of Hindu worship. The Vaishnavas use the sacred jar.

which they mark with several crosses in this manner b-

))

Sir William Jones, with his usual taste and research, has drawn
a parallel between the deities of Meru and Olympus : and an en-
thusiast might, perhaps, maintain, that the vases of Alba Longa
were a relic of the times, when one religion prevailed in Latium
and Hindustan. It is more singular, that the Hindu cross is pre-
cisely the hammer of Thor.

371
PLATE L

372

PLATE III.

INDEX.

Agrippina^ sarcophagus of, converted into a corn-measure, IIS.
Inscription to her memory, ihid.

Alban Hill, remarkable tunnel of, 207. Account of very ancient
vases there discovered, ibid. — 211. Remarks thereon, ibid,
—217.

Alberic, tyrant of Rome, notice of, 161.

Alexander VIL, Pope, notice of the devastations committed by,
on ancient Roman edifices, 63. Commemorated them by an
inscription, ibid. note.

Aljieri, Count, anecdotes of, 29, 30. Remarks on the architec-
ture of his tomb, ibid. Account of his last hours, 250.
His religious opinions, ibid. Character of his prose writings,
ibid. — Particularly his version of Sallust, 251 — of Virgil, ibid.
— of Terence, 252, Character of his posthumous comedies,
ibid. — and translations from ancient dramatic writers, 253.
Analysis of his melo-tragedy, the Death of Abel, ibid. Cha-
racter of his satires, ibid. 254. Of his lyrical poems, 254, 255.
Beautiful sonnets of his on Petrarch's house at Arqua, and
on the tomb of Dante, 255, 256. Character of his Misogallo,

ibid. Private character of Alfieri, 257, 258.
Alfonso d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, imprisons Tasso, 14. Causes

assigned for this conduct, 16 — 18. The real cause, 19, 20, 21.
His ill-treatment of Tasso, 21. Liberates him, ibid. His un-
happy end, 26.

Angela. See St. Angelo.

Antiquities of Rome, mistakes in the earlier notices of, consider-
ed, 40 — 44. Notice of disputes concerning, 125. List of
the few of which no doubts can be entertained, 126.

Ariosto, illiberal treatment of, by the Cardinal Hippolyto, 23.
Notice of his autograph poems preserved at Ferrara, 303, 304.

Arnold of Brescia, tyrant of Rome, notice of, 162.

Augustus, mausoleum of. converted into a circus for bull-feasts,
115.

374

Bandusian Fountain, site of, ascertained, 35.

Barthelemy, Abbe, remarks on his mistake respecting the Coli-
seum, 43, 174.

Basville, Hugh, account of, 427. Analysis of Monti's poem Oft
his death, 268—271.

Bembo, Cardinal, profane latinity of, 27, note.

Blondus, Flavius, a Roman antiquary, character of, 41.

Braccio di Montone, ravages of, at Rome, 99, note.

Bull-feasts, celebrated in the mausoleum of Augustus, 115.

Carmvale, Signor, remarkable vases discovered by, on excavating
the vicinity of the Alban Hill, 208. Account of them, 209 —
211. Remarks thereon, 211 — 217.

Canova, Marquis, preserved the remains of the Servilian sepul-
chre, 116, 117.

Capitol, dilapidated state of, in the fourth century, 56. Contra-
dictory opinions of antiquaries respecting the site of the Capi-
toline temple, 145. Literary establishments there, ibid. Suc-
cessive spoliations of its edifices, 146. Revolutions in its his-
tory, 146 — 148. Its present state, ibid. Church of Araceli
and Franciscan Convent erected on it, 149.

Castle of St. Angelo, history of, 196 — 199. Its present state, «6ic?.

Cesarotti, Melchior, memoir of, 225 — 229, 230. Character of his
version of Ossian, 225. Of his translation of Homer, 226,
227. Of his treatise on the Italian language, 227. Remarks
on his prose style, 228. And on his private and political cha-
racter, 228. Opinion of the Italians concerning him, ibid.

Cestius, pyramid of, 133.

Charles V., Emperor, sack of Rome by, 106.

Cicero, eulogiumon, 151.

Circumference of Rome, according to Gibbon, 117 — 119. Ac-
cording to d'Anville, 119. According to Poggio, ibid. Accord-
ing to the measurement of two Englishmen in 1817, ibid, note,
Diiferences in these measurements considered, 120 — 122.

Circuses, Roman, destroyed, 58 — and the Circensian games dis-
continued, 59.

Civil wars, destructive effects of, in Rome, 65, 66, 88 — 9L

375

Clergy, devastations committed by, on the ancient edifices of
Rome, 53 — 63.

Clitumnus, River, sources of, 31. Temple of the Umbrian Ju-
piter, on its banks, ibid. Now converted into a church, 32.
Its dilapidated state, 33, 34, 35.

Qoliseum^ injured by fire, 169. Restored in the reign of Probus,
ibid. Struck by lightning, but repaired, ibid. Shows exhibited
there, 170. Probable causes of the holes that disfigure its
surface, ibid. Metamorphosed into a fortress in the twelfth
century, 171. History of its successive spoliations, 172 — 178.
Christians martyred there, 178, 179. Dramatic mysteries per-
formed there, 179. Efforts made for its preservation, 180, 181.

Column of Trajan, account of, 138 — 140. Of Phocas, 154.

Comedies, posthumous, of Alficri, character of, 252.

Concord, temple of, 152.

Conservators' Palace, 165. Duties of the Roman conservators,
166, 167.

Constans, Emperor, devastations committed by, at Rome, 76.

Coronation of Rienzi, tribune of the Roman people, manner and
form of, 364, 365.

Crescentius, tyrant of Rome, notice of, IGl, 162.

Dante, exquisite sonnet of Count Alfieri on the tomb of, 256.

D'Jlnville, opinion of concerning the circumference of Rome, 119-

Death of Abel, a melo-tragedy of Alfieri's, character of, 253.

Dilapidations of ancient Rome, by the Emperor Constans, 76. By
various popes, 60 — 63,83,99, 104 — 106. Reflections there ■
on by Petrarch, 96, 97, and noi'e^. Dilapidations committed by
the inferior clergy, 53 — 63. Account of various dilapidation?
perpetrated in the sixteenth century, 107, 108.

Donatus, a Roman antiquary, character of, 42.

Donns /.. Pope, devastations committed by, on ancient Romas
edifices, 62.

Earthquakes, at Rome, notice of, 73.

Empire, removal of the seat of, one cau^e of the decay of Rome
67. 68.

376
Eugenius IF., Pope, dilapidations committed by, at Rome, 99.

Faunus, Lucius, a Roman antiquary, character of, 42.

Ferrara^ cell at, where Tasso is said to have been confined, 13.
Remarks on the inscription over it, 14, 15. State of that city
in 1565, 26, 27. Tasso persecuted by the Ferrarese, 27. Their
gross flattery of their sovereigns, ih. Notice of Tasso's MSS.
preserved there, 303 — 323.

Fires, devastations of, in Rome, 65, QQ.

Flagellations of the Church of Rome, account of, 202, 203. Re-
marks on this superstition, 204. Its origin, ih. History of dif-
ferent sets of flagellants, ih. 205.

Fortresses, ancient edifices converted into, 84, 190, 200.

Forum, Roman, site of, all that can be now ascertained, 151. Opi-
nions concerning its site, 155, 156. Supposed situation of the
Temple of Concord, 152. Superb remains of it, 153. Column
of Phocas, and its inscription, 153. Excavations in the Forum,
under the direction of the Abate Fea, 156 — and ofthe Dutchess
of Devonshire, ib. Notice of ancient remains existing there,
157, 158.

Forum of Trajan, account of, 140 — 144.

Foscolo, Hugo, early history of, 282. Character of his tragedy
of Thyestes, 283. Examination of his " Letters of Ortis,"
ib. — 285. Character of his translation of Sterne's Sentimen-
tal Journey, 285, 286. Analysis and character of his Dis-
course for the Congress of Lyons, with specimens, ib. — 289.
Account of his edition of the works of Montecuculi, ib. — 290.
Foscolo appointed professor of literature at Pavia, 291. No-
tice of his inaugural discourse, ibid. Is displaced 292. Re-
marks on his prose style, 292, 293. Extract of his poem /
Sepolcri, with remarks, 294, 295. Remarks on his tragedies of
Ricciarda and Ajax, 297. Anecdotes of his private life and
opinions, 299—301.

Gibbon, Mr., his account of the circumference of Rome consider-
ed, 118. Mistake of, concerning the sepulchre of Metella,
corrected, 132. Remarks on his mistake concerning the Co-
liseum, 173, 174. And on his mistake concerning HadrianV

Mole, 190—192.

377

i^onzago, Vincenzo, Prince of Mantua, solicits the liberation of

Tasso, ]4. His treatment of the poet, 24.
Gregory the Great, Pope, account of his devastations of ancient

edifices at Rome, 60, 61.
Guide-books to Italy, falsehoods of, exposed, 35 — 37.
Guiscard, Robert, ravages committed by the troops of, in anicent

Rome, 85—87.

Hadrian^ Emperor, Mole of, 189. Mistakes of Gibbon, concern-
ing it, corrected, 191, 192. Uncertainty of its original form,
193. Fortified and called the Castle of St. Angelo, 196. His-
tory of its different sieges, *6. — 199. Its present state, 199, 200.

Hadrian I. Pope, devastations committed by, on ancient Roman
edifices, 61.

Hammers^ cruciform, of the Scandinavians, 215. Similarity be-
tween them and the marks on the Alban vases, 216.

i/anc?A;erc^2e/' of St. Veronica, 100, 101. Adventures of it, 100,
note

Horner^ Iliad of, translated by Cesarotti, 226. Remarks on his
version, 227, 228. Translated by Monti, 276. Critical obser-
vations thereon, ib.277. Notice of Pindemonte's version of
the Odyssey of Homer, 263.

Honorius, Emperor, ordered the temples of Rome to be shut, 53.

Horse of Aurelius, or of Constantine, 164, 165.

Hume, Mr., observation of, on the Jesuits, 205, note.

Inscription, to Scipio Barbatus, 111, 112, notes. To Agrippina,
115. To the Emperor Trajan, 140, note. To the Emperor
Nerva, 141, 142, note. To Flavins Merobaudus, ib. To the
Emperor Phocas, 154, note. On the Coliseum, 181, note.

Inundations of the Tiber, 67, 68, 74, 76, and note 107.

Irreligion, excused by classical authority, 27, note.

Italy, present state of literature in, 221.

Jesuits, remark of Hume on, 205, note.

378

Laetus, Fomponius, a Roman antiquary, character of, 43.
Leonora, Princess of Este, not the mistress of Tasso, 18, 19. .
Letter, pathetic, of Tasso, 22, 23, note. Copies, with translations,
of several hitherto inedited letters of that poet, 306 — 323. Co-
pies and translations of inedited letters of the Tribune Rienzi,
326—365.
Literary me??, memoirs of, cherished by the Italians, 11, 12. List
of eminent men, natives of the dutchy of Reggio, 13, 14. How
treated b}^ the Italian princes, 24, 25. Little encouragement
to them from the Italian public, 235.
Literature, on the present state of, in^Italy, 221. Different periods
in it, noticed, ih. — 2'22. Reason why particular works are po-
pular in Italy, 223, 224. Notice of eminent Italian literati, ib,
Cesarotti, ih. 223—239. Mazza, ih. 232, Parini, ih. 249.
Allieri, i6.— 258. HippoHtus Pindemonte, 259, 260. Monti,
266—281. Foscolo, 282— 300.
Lyrics of Alfieri, character of, 254, 255. Design of lyric poetry,
295, 296.

Marlianus, a Roman antiquary, character of, 42, 43.

Marozia. the mother and grandmother of two popes, notice of,
195, 196, and notes.

Martin Y . Pope, dilapidations committed by, in Rome, 99, 100.

Mazza Angelo, an Italian poet, character and anecdotes of, 230,
231.

Merohaudus, Flavius, inscription to, 142, note.

Metella, Cecilia, tomb of, converted into a fortress, 1 14 — 131. In-
scription to her, 130. Its modern name, ib. Successive spolia-
tions of it, 132. Mistake of Gibbon concerning it, corrected, z6.

Middleion, Dr., reflections of, in the Roman Forum, 150, 151.

Millin, M., character of his Travels in Upper Italy, 43, note.

Misogallo, of Count Allieri, notice of, 256, 257.

Monti, Vincent, venal muse of, 266, 267. Character of his po-
etry, particularly of his tragedies, ih. 268. Occasion of his poem
on the death of Hugh Basville, ib. Analysis of the poem,
with specimens and remarks, 269 — 271 . Character of his re-
volutionary poems, 272, 273. Particularly his poem on the
«ilcath of Mascheroni, 274. And the Bard of the Black Fores

379

27'4, 275. Character of his version of the Iliad, 277, 278. And
of the Satires of Persius, 277, 278. His poems in praise
of Buonaparte, 278. Notice of his other poems, 278, 279. Cha-
racter of his prose style, 279, 280. Remarks on his political ter-
giversations, 280 — 282.
Mosti, Agostino, the gaoler of Tasso, 22. Remarks on his treat-
ment of the poet, 23, and note on 22.

JVarcUni^ a Roman antiquary, character of, 42, 43. His works

about to be republished, 44.
Nerva., Emperor, inscription to, 142, note.
Normans, ravages of Rome by, in the eleventh century, 85,

86.

Odes of Parini, character of, 243 — 247.
Oracle of the Umbrian Jove, consulted by Caligula, 31.
Ossian, genuineness of, disputed in Italy, 226. Character of Ce-
sarotti's Italian version, ih. ^

Palatine, Mount, ancient edifices on, successively despoiled by
Goths and Christians, 133, 135. Present state of the ancient
remains on it, 135 — 137. Its old walls scraped for saltpetre,
138.

Pantheon, conflicting opinions of antiquaries concerning it, 1 82.
To whom dedicated, 183. When consecrated as a Christian
church, 57, 183. Converted into a fortress, 184. Defaced
by papal additions, 185. Busts of eminent men deposited
there, 186.

Parini, Joseph, anecdotes of, 232, 233. Publishes his poem-
called The Day, 233. State of society described in it, 234.
Causes of its success, 236. Analysis of the poem, 237. Com-
pared by the Italians to Virgil's Georp^ics, 238. Remarks on
its versification, ib. Its popularity, 241. Parini provided for
bvt.hr -Vustrian irovprnmeBt, ib.- Chgracter of his odps, 243.

380

^44. lateiided kindness of the Emperor Leopold II. 246. His
influence over the populace, 247. His independence, 248»
Peaceful death, 249.

Paul HI. Pope, devastations committed by, on ancient Roman
edifices, 62.

Paul V. Pope, devastations committed by, 63.

PcpoH, Count Alexander, literary character of, 258, 259.

Persius, Satires of, translated by Monti, 277.

Pestilence^ ravages of, at Home, 69, and note.

Peter. See Saint Peter,

Petrarch, reflections of, on the dilapidations of Rome, 96, 97, and
notes. Beautiful sonnet on his house at Arqua, by Count
Alfieri, 255, 256.

Phocasy Emperor, Column of, 154, 155. Inscription to him, 154,
note.

Piety, Temple of, its present state, 187 — 190.

Pindemonte, Marquis John, character of the tragedies of, 259,
260.

Pindemonte, Hippolitus, character of his tragedy of Arminius,
260. And of his epistles in verse. 260, 261. Beautiful descrip-
tion of an English park, 261, 262. Exquisite canzone to an Eng-
lish lady, 263. Character of his prose writings ib. Notice
of his translation of the Odyssey. 264. What rank he holds
among the literati of Italy, 264, 265.

Pius II. Pope, dilapidations committed by, on the remains of an-
cient Rome, 104.

Pius VII. Pope, partial translation of, 202. The old supersti-
tions restored by him, 205.

Popes, destruction of ancient edifices at Rome by, 60 — 62, 83, 99,
104, 105, 108, 107. Their real services, in preservi g the
remains of ancient Rome, considered. 109, 110.

Probus, Emperor, vast shovir of beasts and gladiators exhibited by,
in the Coliseum, 169.

Pyramid of Cestius, 133.

(^nirinfil, columns of the temple on, sent to Constantinople, 5C.

R.
Reggio, dutc.hy of, list of eminent men, natives of, 12, 1&.

381

Relics, pretended, discovered at Rome, 100.

Republic, Roman, few vestiges of remaining, 128 — 130.

Rienzi, 'Nicholas, Tribune of Rome, 163. Account of his admini-
stration, ib. note 164. Copy and translation of his (hitherto
inedited) letter to the senate and Roman people, 326 — 331.
Of the lett-^rs sent to the court of Rome, concerning the mat-
ters which were settled in the parliament summoned b}'^ Rienzi,
before the ambassadors of Italy, or of the empire and its juris-
diction, 332 — 337. Of the letters sent by Rienzi to the people
and university of Viterbo, concerning the assistance required
from them in the government of the republic, 338 — 343. Of
his letters to his friend at the papal court at Avignon, 344 —
357. Of his letters to the pope in vindication of himself, 358
— 363, And of the manner and form of Ricnzi's coronation,
364—367.

Romans, character of, in the dark ages. 159, 160.

Rome, approach to, described, 37. View of from the Pincian
Mount, 38, 39. Remarks on the mistakes in the notices of
Roman antiquities. 40 — 44. Sacked and burnt by Alaric the
Goth, 46. By Genserick the Vandal, 49. By Ricimer, ib,
ByVitiges 51. And Totila 61,52. Injuries done to the an-
cient edifices by the Christian clergy, 53 — 57. Destruction of
the baths. 59. Devastations of Gregory the Great, 60. And
subsequent popes, 61 — 63. Devastations by the inferior cler-r
gy, 63, 64. Account of the damages this city has sustained by
fire, 65, 66. By civil wars, 66. By inundations of the Tiber,
67, 74, 75, and note 107. By the removal of the emperors
to Constantinople, 67. Consequent decay of the city, C8 — 71.
And wretched state of the population. 72. Injiuios of earth-
quakes, 73, 74. Cultivated lands within the Avails, 73. Ra-
vaged by pestilences. 75. and note. Devastations of Rome by

: the emperor Constans, 76. Political state of Rome in the ninth
century. 78 — 81 ; and in the tenth century, 83. Dilapidations of
ancient edifices, permitted by the popes, ib. Ancient edifices,
converted into fortresses, 84, Co. Ravages of the Normans in
the eleventh century 85, 83. Desolated by civil wars in the
twelfth century, 88-90. 91 ; and by the contests between the ri-
val emperors. Henry VII. and John, 93. The remains of ancient
Rome protected during the popular government in the thirteenth
century, 94, 95. Reflections of Petrarch on the dilapidations
of Rome, 96, 97, and notes. Besieged Rnd. ravaged by Larfi=Iaus

38-2

of Naples, 99, note. Dilapidations by Martin V. and Eugemus
IV., 99. Notice of pretended relics at Rome, 100. Account
of the remains of republican and imperial Rome, in the time
of Poggio, 101—103. The city sacked by the emperor Charles
v., 105, 106. Dilapidations committed in the sixteenth cen-
tury, 107, 108. Estimates of the services of the popes, in
preserving the remains of ancient Rome, 109, 110. Tomb of
the Scipios, 111, 112. Opinions of Gibbon concerning the
circumference of Rome, considered, 118, 119. Its circumfer-
ence according to D'Anville, 119. Admeasurement of two Eng-
lishmen in 1817, ib. note. Of Poggio in the fourteenth cen-
tur}^, ih. Differences in these various measurements consi-
dered, 120, 121, 122. Notices of successive reparations of
the walls of Rome, 122 — 125. List of the ^e\\ remains of anti-
quity that are undoubted, 126. But few vestiges remaining of
the Roman republic, 128 — 130. Present state of the Palatine
Hill, 133-138. Of Trajan's Forum, 138—144. Ancient and
present state of the Capitol, 145 — 150. Of the Roman Forum,
150, 151. Brief notice of the tyrants, who at different times
governed Rome, 159 — 165. History and present state of the
Coliseum, 168— 182. Of the Pantheon, 182— 186. Of the Tem-
ple of Piety, 187—190. Of Hadrian's Mole, or the castle of
St. Angelo, 190 — 200.

Saint Angelo^ castle of, its history, 1 96-199 ; and present state, 199.

Saint Peter., church of, at Rome, partly built from the materials
of ancient edifices, 62. His statue raised on Trajan's Column.
198. Its interior, and the rites there performed little calcu-
lated for devotion, 200, 201.

Sallust, translated by Alfieri, character of, 251.

Satires of Alfieri, character of, 253, 254.

Scipio Barbatus, tomb of, 111, 112. Inscriptions to his memory,
111, 112, notes.

Senate of Ptome, 165.

Senators of Rome, not always of foreign birth, 166. Their func-
tions, 167, 168.

Sepulchres^ when emptied of their ashes, 112 — 114. Urns and
sarcophagi of, transported to the churches as receptacles of re-
lics, 114. See Tomb.

383

iiixtus IF., Pope, devastations committed by, on ancient Roman

edifices, C2, 104, 105, and note,
Sixtus v.. Pope, devastations committed by, 62, 6o.
Sonnets, two beautilQl ones of Alfieri, 255, 256.
Stilicho, plundered the Capitoline temple, 56.
Superstition, return of, with the papal power, 205, 206.
Sybilline books, burnt by Stilicho, 5Q..

Tarpeian rock, actual site of, uncertain, 141.
Tasso, Bernardo, epitaph on, 305.

Tasso, Torquato, confined in a cell at Ferrara, 13. Description
of it, lb. Liberated at the request of the Prince of Milan, 15.
Various causes assigned for his imprisonment, 16 — 19. The
real cause, his injurious expressions against the House of Este,
20, 21. Duration of his imprisonment, 22. His treatment
there, ib. His treatment b}^ the Prince of Milan, 25. His po-
verty, ib. Pathetic letter of Tasso's, 22, 23, note. His cruel
treatment at Ferrara, 20. His writings pilfered and pirated, ib.
* Account of his autograph manuscripts preserved in the public
library at Ferrara, 303, 304. Copy of his will, 304. His in-
scription to the memory of his father, 305, Letter of Ta^so to
Licinio, 306, 307. To Luca Scalabrino, 308—311, 318—321,
To George Alessio, 312, 313. To Cardinal Bon Coinpagno»
soliciting his release from imprisonment in the Hospital of St.
Anna, 314—317. To the patriarch Gonzaga, 322, 323.
Temple of the Umbrian Jupiter, 31. Its oracle consulted by Cali-
gula, ib. Converted into a Christian church, 32. Description
r« of it, 33. Account of its dilapidations in the eighteenth cen-
jwitury, 35. Temples of Rome shut by an edict of Honorius, 53.
Account of devastations of the ancient temples, 54 — 57.
Churches built on the sites of many temples at Rome, 58. Cu-
rious instances of this conversion, 58, 7iote. Other temples
despoiled for materials to build churches, 53. Notice of the
Temple of Concord, 152, 153 ; and of the Temple of Piety,
187—190.
Theatres of Rome destroyed, 59.
Thcodosius the younger, ordered the temples to 1)0 destroyed,

54, 55.
Tiber, inundations of, 67, 74, 75 ; and note 107.

384

Tomasetti vase, account of, with remarks. 208 — 217.

Tomb of Scipio Barbatus, 111. 112. Ancient tombs converted into
fortresses, 114. Their marbles converted into receptacles for
the remains of Christians, ib. Others converted into cisterns,
and employed for pavements. 114 115. The sarcophagus of
Agrippina employed as a measure for corn, 115. The tomb of
Augustus now used as a circus for bull-feasts. 115. Tomb of
the Servihan family preserved by Canova, 118. Tomb of Me-
tella described, 130—132.

Trajan's Column, St. Peter's statue raised on 138. His ashes
when disturbed, 139. When and why raised, 140. Inscription
on it, 140, note.

Trajan'' s Forum, design of, 140. List of eminent men. whose sta-
tues were raised there, 140, 141. Its desolation, when com-
menced 142. Its dimensions and present state, as ascertained
by recent excavations, 143, 144.

Urban VIII. , Pope, devastations committed by, on ancient Roman
edifices, 62, 63. -'

Vases, ancient discovered near the Alban Hill, 208, 209. Ac-
count of them by Dr. Visconti, 209-2 1 1 . Observations thereon,^
211—217.

Veronica. Saint, adventures of the handkerchief of, 100, and note.

Virgil, illustrations of, 39. Character of Alfieri's translation of,
this poet, 251, 252.

Walls of Rome, rebuilt from the materials of ancient edifices, 61,

Notice of their successive reparations, 121; 122 — 125.
Will of Tasso, copy of, 304, 305.

THE END.

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Full text of "Historical illustrations of the fourth canto of Childe Harold: containing dissertations on the ruins of Rome; and an essay on Italian literature"

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