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Airl> SOME 





OF lincolnVinn. 

IN FOUR volumes: 







Quure quis tandem me reprehcndat, si quantum csteris ad festos dies 
hidorum celebrandos, quantum ad alias voluptates, et ad ipsam requiem 
animi et corporis conceditur temporis : quantum alii tempestivis conviviis, 
quantum ales, quantum pile, tantum mihi egomet, ad hasc studia reco- 
lenda, sumpseru. 

Cic. PRO. Abchxa. 

Lc changcment d*6tudc est toujours uu delassement pour moL 


Luke Hansard & Sons, near Lincoln's-Inn Fields. 

111 ) 





Charles the Second — Commencement of his Reign — Declaration 
at Breda — Persecution of the Protestant Dissenters page i 



Addresses of the English Catholics on the Accession of Charles 
the Second-^First Proceedings in their regard — Fire of 
Ijondon — Gates's Plot ---------« 22 

1. — Addresses presented by the English Catholics on 
the Restoration of Charles the Second - - S3 

2. — Proceedings in Parliament upon the Catholic Ad- 
dresses .----------34 

3. — ^The Fire of London --------45 


4. — Lord Castlemain's Apology for the Cathohcs 47 

5.— Oates's Plot 61 

6.— The Act disabling Peers from sitting and voting in 
the Honse of Lords -^-----7^ 


7.-«-Siimmary review, by a Protestant Writer, of the 
religious Persecutions in England, from the Re- 
formation till the end of the reign of Charles the 
Second. — General reflections on them - - 76 




James the Second ----------- page 90 

1. — Miscellaneous observations on the Character of 
James -----------91 

3. — ^Principal circumstances which led to the Revolu- 
tion ----- 93 

3. — The Visit of James to the Monastery of La 
Trappe ----------- 100 

. 4« — Death of Jamefr --------- 109 

5. — Historical Poems of Dryden, on the occurrences in 
the reigns of Charles the Second and James the 
Second, in which the English Catholics were 
particularly interested -.-... 112 

William the Third lai 


1 . — Historical Minutes of religious Tolerance and In- 
tolerance ---------- 123 

a. — Act of Toleration --------130 

3. — ^The Nonjurors ---------133 

4.-^Roman Catholics ---.«--• 134 

Quten Anne ---------.--- 139 


I. — The Latitudinarian Divines - ... - 141 
s. — State of the Catholics under Queen Anne - 148 



jiccesium of the House of Bnmrufick - . • . page 149 


1. — ^Their Italian descent .----.-150 

2. German Principalities ----- 151 

3. — - - British Monarchy ------ 155 

4. — Miscellaneous facts relating to the Guelphic fa* 
mily 157 

George the First - 159 


1. — Acts of Settlement --------160 

2. — Probable general Population of England, and rela- 
tive proportion of the established Church, Pro- 
testants, Non-conformists, and Roman Catholics, 
about the beginning of the reign of George the 
First 16a 

3. — Acts passed against the Roman Catholics during 
the reign of George the First - - - - 165 

4. — Negotiation for obtaining a partial repeal of the 
Penal Laws --------- 169 

George the Second ----------- 179 

The condition of the EngUih Roman CathoUcs during his Reign^ ib. 

l« — General state of the English Catholics during this 
Reign ------ ------ib. 

s«— Contest between the High Church and Low Church 
— Progress of religious Toleration - - - 180 

3. — Acts in fieivour of the Protestant Dissenters - 185 

a 3 


4. — Doctor Courayer -----. page 187 

5. — Correspondence between Archbisbop Wake and 

Dr. Dupin, for the re-union of the Church of 

Rome and the Church of England - - - 190 


Bull of Pope Benedict the fourteenth^ regulating the English 
Mission ---- .-.-. igg 


CHAP. Lxxin. 

Jansenism -------------- 201 


The MethodistSy Antinomians and Moravians - - - - 212 
1. — ^The Methodists ---------213 

S. — Antinomians ---- 224 

3.— Moravians ^---------225 

4.— The difference between the-Roman Catholic Church 
and the Lutherans and MethodistSy on the subject 
of Justification -.«------ 229 


Suppression of the Jesuits ----------234 

1. — The progressive Extension of the Order - - 235 

s. — ^Their mode of Instruction and Education - 236 

3. — Their Missions in Paraguay ----- 241 

4. — Their Missions in China ------ 244 

5. — ^Their Antichristian and Anticatholic Adversaries 


6.— Their Catholic Adversaries ------ 249 

7. — ^Their alleged advocation of the Pope's divine right 
to temporal power in ^iritual concerns - 259 


8. — Their alleged exemption from the civil power in 
consequence of Papal Bulls and Briefs, - page 358 

9. — rThe Dissolution of the Society - -. - - 263 

10. — ^The Restoration of the Society . - - - 371 

George the Third - ^75 


General State of the English Catholics in the feign of George 
the Third, before the Act passed in their favour in 1778 - lb. 

1. — General condition of the English Catholics, from 
the Revolution till the Accession of George the 
Third lb. 

2. — ^The gradual amelioration in the situation of Ca- 
tholics- -•--------. a8i 

CHAP. Lxxvn. 

The Act passed in the eighteenth year of his late Majesty, for the 
relief of the English Catholics --286 


1. — ^The Petition presented by the English Catholics in 
1778 ib. 

2. — The Proceedings in Parliament on the Act of the 
eighteenth of his late Majesty - . . • . 289 

3. — ^The legal operation of the Act of the eighteenth 
of his late Majesty -------- 293 

4. — ^The Oath prescribed by the Act • - . - 294 

5.— The Riots --- 298 



The Sodniani — Unitarians — Deists — French Philosophers - 312 
1. — ^The Socinians ---------- 313 

2 — ^The Unitarians 315 


3. — The Deists --------- page 317 

4. — The French Philosophers - - - - - -318 

5. — Reception in England of the French persecuted 
Clergy — 324 


Principal public Men — State of the public mind at the time of 
the Application of the Catholics for the Bill of 1791 — Appli- 
cations to Parliament for a repeal of the Laws requiring the 
^Ascription of the Thirty-nine Articles ----- 333 

1.— Principal public Men at this period - - - ib. 

s. — State of the public mind at this time — Gradual re* 
laxation and final repeal of the Penal Laws in 
France against the Protestants — Progress of civil 
Liberty in England in consequence of the Ban- 
gorian Controversy the Confessional — Favourable 
results to the Claims of the Catholics - - 346 

3. Applications to Parliament for a repeal of the Laws 
requiring subscriptioni of the Thirty- nine Ar- 
ticles -----. 3^ 


Historical Minutes respecting the Irish Catholics till the Revo* 
hUion --- 359 

1.— -Stale of the Irish before the reig^ of Henry the 
Second ----------- 360 

3. — State of the Irish between the reign of Henry the 
Second and the reign of Henry the Eighth - 364 

3. — State of the Irish Catholics in the reigns of Henry the 

Eighth, Edward the Sixth and Queen Maiy 367 

4. — During the reign of Queen Elizabeth - - 370 

5. — James the First --------- 377 

6. — Chirles the First -------- 381 


7.^— The Massacre in 1641 . . - - . page 385 

8. — The Confederacy of the Irish Catholics in 1G43, 393 

9.— The interference of the Pope's Nuncio in the Pro- 
ceedings of the Confederates .... - 395 

10.— The Confiscations made by Cromwell; and the 
settlement of the confiscated Property, at the 
Restoration ---------- 409 

11. — ^The remonstrance of the Irish Catholics presented 
to Charles the Second in 1661 - - - - 415 

12.— Biographical Memoir of Father Walsh - - 444 

13. — Confiscation of Irish Property «t the Revolution 
in 1688 454 

14.— The Irish Brigade - 458 


Historical Memoirs of the Irish Catholics since the Revolution 
in 1688, tiU the Act passed for their relief in 1793 - 460 

1. — William the Third — Articles of Limerick - ih. 

9. — Principal Acts passed in the reign of William the 

Third against the Roman Catholics - - 461 

3. — Molyneux's Work, intituled, " The Case of Ireland's 
being bound by Acts of Parliament in En^* 
land" 464 

4«— The conduct of William the Third in respect to the 
Irish Roman Catholics ---... 467 

5. — - - - - of Queen Anne ----- 469 

6.— - - - - of George the First - - - - 474 

7. — - - - - of George the Second - * - 477 

8. ... of George the Third, in the early part 

of hii Reign ---•--.•-- 484 

( xi ) 


NOTE I. referred to in page 70. 

On thf Tract intituled, ** Roman Catholic Principles in re- 
ference to God and the King" . - - - - page 493 

NOTE II. referred to in page 192. 
The Symbol of Pius the Fourth - 510 










THE events which led to the restoration of 
Charles, or the means, by which it was ac- 
complished, are foreign to the subject of these 
pages : it is sufficient to observe, that the nation 
was divided, at that time, into three religious parties, 
the roQian-catholics, the members of the established 
churchy and the dissenters : the last comprised the 
presbyterians, the independents, and the anabap- 
tists, lu the progress of this history, we shall have 
VOL. III. 9 



occasion to show, that the three last came by de- 
grees to differ from each other, in little more than 
in name ; but, at the time of which we are now 
speaking,, the differences, which we have noticed 
both in their doctrine and discipline, were real and 
substantial*. All parties were reconciled to the 
king, and vied in demonstrations of affection to- 
wards him : but no party was reconciled to any 

His majesty's declaration atBreda,was just, wise, 
and conciliating. The promise, which it contained, 
of oblivion of past offences, would, perhaps, have 
been more judicious, if it had been without any 
qualification. It is obvious, that no qualification? 
however carefully expressed, would hinder the ap- 
plication of it from being arbitrary in many in- 
stances, or prevent the unavoidable generality of 
its terms from occasioning alarm in a multitude of 
persons, whom it was not intended to affect, and 
irom thus keeping alive, for a length of time, those 
Jealousies, which it was so much the interest and 
wish of government to compose. Still the declara- 
tion was free from substantial objection : the reli- 
gious toleration, which it held out, was complete, 
imd the terms, in which it was expressed, wthre 

We 4o declare," said his majesty f? ** a liberty 
to tender consciences ; and that no man shall be 
disquieted, or called in question for differences 

* The Righu of Protestant Di^aentento a complete Tole- 
ratidn^ aiserted, 8vo. 1787, p. 1. 
+ 39 OotOber 1^. 


^'^ of opiiuon in matters of religion, which do Aot 
<< disturb the peace of the kingdom ; and that we 
<< shall be ready to consent to such an act of parKa-^ 
^^ment, as, upon mature deliberation, s&all be 
^'^ offered to us, for the full granting that indulgence.'* 
$ttch was the pnnnise : — ^unfortunately, both for the 
monarch and his subjects, it was completely vi6>-' 
lated, in respect both to the protectant dissenters 
atid the roman-^atholics : — In this chapter we shall 
succinctly state its violation in respect to &e former. 
% : Dunng the fifteoi years, that immediately pre- 
ceded the time, of which we are now speaking, die 
hierarchy of the church of England was broken,- 
its liturgy set aside, a new form of worship esta« 
blished, and the constituted authorities, and almost 
every mdividual of influence, either in church or 
4tate, was p-esbyterian or independent. This wair 
ceversed by the Restoration ; stiU, as several per« 
aons of distinodon, and a large proportion of die 
peoplei yet adhered to the dissenters, their interest 
^^nui considerable, and required management; it 
WW the more difficult to disregard it, as it was 
impossible to deny, that the presbj^rians had been 
Eminently usefiil in bringing about the restoration 
gi the monarch, or that his promises to them of 
tdieration were both ample and explicit. 
. At first, great attention was shown to them: 
some even of the dissenting ministers were retained 
among the royal chaplains, and preached before his 
majesty. A deputation from them was inti'oduced 
lo him by the duke of Manchester*. They sug-^ 

». . ,• - - , • • jFune i66a. 

B 2 


gested, in firm but respectful language, the utility 
of a general religious union ; and that it could only 
be effected, by confining the terms of communion 
to points, which were deemed essential, each party 
conceding the rest. The king desired to see their 
concessions ; these, they consented to deliver in 
writing to his majesty, but requested that the bishops 
might do the same. 

The dissenters accordingly communicated their 
proposal ; they began by four preliminary requests/ 
— that serious godliness might be countenanced ; 
that a learned and pious minister, in each parish, 
should be encouraged ; that a personal public own- 
ing of the baptismal covenant should precede the 
admission to the Lord s table ; and that the Lord's 
day should be strictly sanctified. They then inti- 
mated that archbishop Usher s system of episcopal 
government should be the ground- work of the ac- 
commodation. It provided, that the concerns of the 
church should be transacted by four graduated 
synods, and a national council, i . The rector or 
pastor and churchwarden or sideman, were to form 
^ parochial synods that should meet weekly, and 
take notice of those who lived scandalously, and 
admonish them ; and, if they were not reclainied; 
report them to the monthly synod : 2. Every rural 
deanery of the established church was to have a sur 
perintendent called a suffragan : he and the rectors 
or pastors within the circuit were to form the siif- 
fragan synod; it was to meet monthly, to receive 
the report of the parochial syaod ; to notice, and if 
oiiecessary, censure all new opinions, heresies, and 


schisms within the district: 3. A certain number 
pf the deaneries or suffiraganctes was to constitute a 
diocese, under the government of a bishop or super^* 
intendent Once or twice in every year he was to 
hold an assembly of the suffin^ans, and rectors or 
pastors, within his diocese. This was to constitute 
a diocesan synod ; here, matters of particular mo- 
ment were to be discussed ; and appeals from the 
synod of suffin^ans and rectors were to be received^ 
and all questions in it were to be determined by a 
plurality of the voices of the suffragans : 4. All tiie 
bishops or superintendents within each of the two 
provinces of Canterbury and York, and the rectors 
or suffin^ns of their dioceses, and of a certain 
number of the clergy, to be elected out of the dio* 
cese to which they belonged, were to form a pre^ 
vincial synod, that should be held in every third 
year. The primate of each province was to preside 
over this assembly, as moderator. It was to receive 
Ideals from the diocesan synod : 5. But the as- 
semblies of each province might unite, and form a 
national council. Here, appeals from all inferior 
synods might be received, all their proceedings ex- 
amined, and such ecclesiastical constitutions, as 
concerned the state and church of the whole nation, 
might be established. 

It is evident, that both the form and spirit of 
this scheme of ecclesiastical economy, though some 
episcopalian words were introduced into it, were 
presbyterian : it was rendered still more so by cer- 
tain proposals, with which it was accompanied : 
in these, the dissenting ministers acquiesced in a 

B 3 


litiirgy ; but, without ahadutely rejecting the sur^ 
pUce, the use of the cross in baptism, the bowing 
at the name of Jesus, and other ceremonies, they 
observed, that the church service was perfect with* 
#ut them ; that they were rgected by most of the 
pfrotestant churches abroad, and that they had been 
the cause of much disunion and disturbance in Eng* 
land. They requested that none of their ministers 
might be ejected from sequestered livings, the in*^ 
(^umbents of which were dead ; that no oaths, subr 
scriptioos, or renunciation o{ orders might be re- 
quired of them, until there should be a general 
settlement of the religious concerns of the nation*. 
The king received these propositions with kind* 
n^sSy and communicated them to the bishops; some 
were for concessions lo the dissenters ; odiers, for 
an immediate and absolute rejection of their ad* 
vances. Lord chancellor Clarendon, who had tlie 
sole direction, at this time, of the royal coimcils, 
sided with the latter. '^ It was," he always de^ 
dared, ^^ ai^ unhappy policy, and always unhappily 
^^ applied, to imagine that dissenters could be re*- 
'* covered or reconciled by partial concessions, or 
^^ by granting less than they demanded. Their 
'^ facticm," he said, ^^ was their religion t«" 

The answer of the bishops was expressed in 
guarded terms. They observed, that the law had 
•uiBciently provided for many of the regulations 
solicited ;*~for those particulariy, which were mep** 
in the four preliminary requests ; that ike 

• CoUier** Hist vol ii. p. S71, Sys, S73. 
t Lift} Tol. ii. p* ifS. 


bishops w«re willing to allow liberty of conscieiMie,' 
biit could not allow conyenticlefl, as these were dan-* 
gerous to the state ; that the Commoa Prayer wfuf 
altogether Qnexceptionable, and could not he toa 
strictly enjoined ; yet, that tb^ were willing ta 
revise it, if his majesty should think it proper : they^ 
were willing that extemporary prayer might be uaed 
both before and after the service ; — ^but they were 
unwilling to part with any of the ceremonies. 

The answer of the bishops being communicated, 
to the king, his majesty caused a copy of it to be 
given td the dissenters, with an intimation, that h^ 
would commit to writing the particulars of the in- 
dulgence which he meant to show them ; but that 
they should receive a copy of the instrument, and 
be at liberty to comment upon it before it was pub- 
lished. It was accordingly communicated to them ':. 
ihey returned a minute, which contained the head^ 
of their objections. A meeting took place at &^ 
chanceUor's; theking, accompanied by several of his 
principal nobility, attended ; the established church 
was represented by several prelates and some distin* 
guished private divines ; the dissenters, by Reinoldsi 
Cfinm^j Baxter, and other ministers of eminence^ 
Tht projected declaration of his mqjesty was re%d { 
each party was aUowed to state succinctly their bb* 
jecttons ; and the dissenters availed themselves of 
'tilts liberty. When the perusal and discussion of 
the declarations were finished, the lord chancellor 
read a supplemental clause, in which his majesty 
signified a wish, ^' that others also might be per- 
'^ mitted to meet for religious worship, provided 

3 4 


*' &ey gave no disturbance to the public peace ; 
*' mid that they might not be molested by aHy 
** justice of peace, or other officer.** It was sus- 
pected both by the prelates and the dissenters, that 
this clause was introduced to bring romau-catho- 
lies and socinians within the projected toleration ; 
both parties disapinroved it fos^this reason ; a pro^ 
found silence ensued; but, after a short time, 
Baxter rose, and protested against the toleration of 
papists and socinians : — " The presbyterians," he 
said, '^ desired not favour to themselves alone ; 
*' and rigorous severity, they desired against none. 
^' As they humbly thanked his majesty for his in- 
dulgence to themselves, so they distinguished 
*^ the tolerable parties from the intolerable : for the 
former, they humbly crav ed just lenity and favour ; 
butfor the latter, such as the papists and socinians, 
^^ for their jparts, they could not make their 
^' toleration their request" 

His majesty's declaration was then promulgated * : 
the language of it announced principles of mode- 
ration and comprehension. The king promised to 
provide suffiragan bishops for the larger dioceses ; 
that these should not confer ordination, or exercise 
any other act of jurisdiction, without the advice and 
assistance of presbyters, chosen by the diocese ; — 
that reasonable alterations should be made in the 
liturgy ; that the church form of worship should not 
be forced on those who were unwilling to receive 
it ; and that the surplice, the cross in baptism, or 

^ 25 October 1660. Collier has inserted it at length, 
vol. il. p. 874* 


the bow at the name of Jesus, should not be rigidly 
insisted upon. — His majesty closed the declaration, 
by solemnly recognizing the promise of religious 
indulgence, made by him at Breda. — It is a just ob« 
servation of Hmne *, that this declaration was made 
by the king as head of the church ; and that he 
plainly assumed, in many parts of it, a legislative 
^utibority in ecxdesiastical matters t- ^ 

It generally satisfied the dissenters. Baxter, ag 
he himself declares, was overjoyed : he waited im- 
mediately on the chancellor, gave him many thanks 
for the concessions, and added, that, if the liturgy 
should be altered as the declaration promised, and 
the declaration itself made a law, he should think 
it a duty to encourage a general union;):. 

* Hist c. IxiiL 

t Colfier has a similar remark, toL 11. p. 876. 

t ^ The History of England during the reign of king 
^' William, queen Anne, and king George I, with an Intro- 
" ductorj review of the reigns of the royal brothers Charles 
<' and James ; in which are to be found the seeds of the revo* 
^ lotion ; by a Lover of Truth and Liberty, 2 vols. fol. 1 744." 
^b. James Ralph, a political writer of eminence In his 
tune, was the author of this history. — Mr. Chalmers thus 
speaks of it in his Biographical Dictionary : — '^ This was 

always considered a very useful work. Ralph had read a 

^rreat deal, and was very conversant on the history and 
^ politics of the country. He applied himself^ with great 
'' Industry, to the study of all wrltmgs upon party matters; 
^^ and had collected a prodigious number of pamphlets r^ 
'' specting the contests of whig and tory, die ciaence of which 
'' he incorporated Into his work, so as to make it a lund of 
<' curious infopnation and opinions, of which more regular 
'^ historians might afterwards afvall themselves."— Mr. Fox^ 
in his late historical work, pronounces kim to be V 


The triak of the regicides soon followed thief 
^ent; it appears, £rom what took place oh Uiem^ 
Aat the feelings of the king, in their regard, vf^te 
less vindictive than those of his parliament or his 
people. The trials were attended with one cir- 
cumstance, which gave general disgust, — ^that 
several of th^ popular party sat as the judges of 
the criminals, and sentenced them to die for a 
r^elUon, to which they themselves had excited 

The civil dissensions of the kingdom appeared 
i|OW to be effectually composed : but a further set- 
tlement of its religious agitation was obviously 
necessary: the roman-catholics, the anabaptists, 
and the quokers, would have been satisfied with tole- 
ration ; but prelacy and presb)rtery were striving 
for the ascendancy. An attempt to effect aA ami- 
caUei arrangement of their claims was made by a 
eonftrenee of twelve bishops and twelve dissenting 
ministers^ which took place, under the royal au- 
thoirity, at the Savoy f« It was unsuccesslul ; and 

^ lilBtoriim ef great acuteness, as well as diligence ; but who 
^- Mis sometimes into the common error of judging too much 
^ Urom the event/^-^To be thus spoken of by Mr. Fox, argues 
BO Common merit. It appears to the writer of these pages, 
that an abridgmentof this work, in which this historian's noble 
prim^ipleis of whlggism should be allowed their place, with 
a continuation of it on the same plan, would be a useful and a 
popular work^ 

* Dakymple's Memoirs, p. 31. 

t March 16614 All the papers relating to the conference 
at the Savoy, are collected in the ^ History of Non-confor- 
*< mity.*'-^A dear i^ew is giren of them by Mr. Neale, in his 
History of the Puritans, ffA, ii. e. vi. 


wa$ immediately followed by tiie act, whicli was 
parsed for restoring the bishops to their ^eats in 
parliament, from which an act sanctioned by 
Charles the first, immediately before the comm^icc* 
ment of the civil war, had excluded them. %«^ 

The corporation act*, passed in the same year^ 
was thecommencementof hostilities againstthepro<^ 
teatant dissenters. Powers were given by it to 
commissioners, to be appointed by the king, to ex^ 
pel from corporations any officers they should think 
proper, and to place other persons in their room : 
it was further provided l^ it, that, for the fritnve^ 
no person should be appointed to any office or place 
relating to the government of corporations, bok- 
roughs, or the cinque ports, who bad not, within 
the preceding twelve months, taken the sacrament 
<^ the Lord s supper, according to the rites of the 
chuich of England. 

Hwne gives the following account of the object 
of thisact: ^'Duringtheviol^iceandjealousgovenir 
.^y ment of the parliament and of the protector, all 
.^ magistrates liable to suspicions had been expelled 
^< ths corporations, and none had been admitted, 
^^ who gave not proo& of affection to the ruling 
^^ powers, or who refused to subscribe the covenant. 
^^ To leave all authority in such hands, seemed 

dangerous; and therefore the parliament on- 

powered th^ king to appoint comrnissionem finr. 

regulating the corporations, and expel suchmagis^ 

t 18 Car. II. St. s, c. i. (1661.) — An act for the w^ 
goreniiag fnd regulating ^foarpomtioiia. -^ 


^^ trates as either had obtruded themselves by vio- 
<^ lence^ or professed principles dangerous to the 
^^ constitution, civil or ecclesiastical." These ex- 
pressions of Hume appear to justify an assertion of 
the pii#testant dissenters and the advocates of their 
cause, that, if the real object of the act was to be 
collected from a fair construction of the terms in 
which it is expressed,' it was levelled against the 
Qivil, not against the religious, principles of those, 
in whose regard it was designed to operate;—* 
against the evil spirits, mentioned in the preamble 
of the act to be still at work, and not against the 
presbyterians, whose actual loyalty was then ad- 
mitted, and who were then acknowledged to have 
been particularly instrumental in placing his ma- 
jesty on the throne. 

It is also important to consider, that, at the time 
of the passing of this act, the negotiation for the 
comprehension was still in progress, and that great 
hopes of its success were still entertained. Hence 
the act only required the sacrament to be taken ac- 
cording to the rites, which should be established, 
when the terms of the comprehension, which it was 
expected would be agreeable to both parties, should 
.be settled. It is certain that the corporaticm act 
was viewed by many dissenters in this light, and 
that several were reconciled to it by this circum- 
stance : but events quickly followed, which demon- 
strated, that it really was aimed at the general body 
of dissenters, and that, though it was purposely 
expressed in such terms, as t^ give it an appearance 


of providing only for the ciyil goviemment of the 
country, and, on that account, not to conflict with 
his majesty's declaration at Breda, it was really 
levelled at the presb3rterians and the other dissent- 
ing sectaries, and intended to effect their ruin. 

This was completed by the Act of Uniformity * 
"which was passed in the following year. It pro- 
vided, that all ministers, who had not been epis- 
copally ordained, should be re-ordained by a bishop 
of the established church ; that every minister, 
having an ecclesiastical benefice, should on the then 
next 22d day of August, (the feast of Saint Bar* 
iholomew), — read publicly and solemnly, in the 
church beloi^ing to his benefice, the morning and 
evening service in the book of Common Prayer ; 
and express, in the words prescribed by the act, his 
unfeigned assent and consent to the use of all things 
c<mtained in the book, under pain of instant depri* 
vation of all his spiritual preferments: that he 
should take the oath of canonical obedience : and 
that deans, heads of colleges, professors, lecturers, 
schoolmasters, and generally all persons having 
ecdesiastical dignity or promotion, should, before 
the same day, sign a declaration prescribed by th^ 
act, by which they were to abjure the solemn league 
and covenant/ and testify their belief, that it was 
not lawful to take arms against the king. Bishop 

* Id & 14 Car. II, c. 4. (1669.) — An act for the unifbrmitj 
of public prayer and administration of the sacraments, and 
otiier rites and ceremonies ; and for establi^ing the form of 
making, ordaining, and consecrating bishops, priests, and 
deacons in the churdi of England. 


Bwtiet nsjBi that ** Saint Bartholomew's day wte 
f^ fixed on for the operation of the act, that, if the 
^^ ministers were then deprived, they should lose 
>' the prc^ts of tile whole year, since the tythes ait 
^^ commonly due at Michaelmas. The pre^* 
^^ terians,'' he says, /^ remembered what Saint Bar- 
^^ tiiolomew's day had been at Paris ninety yetoi 
^^ before, and did not stick to compare the one to 
^' the otiier.'' 

This celebrated act received the loyal assent on 
the 19th of May 1662. It has been mentiom^ 
that tiie book of Common Prayer had been com- 
mitted by tiie king to the bishops for their revision^ 
they altered it in some places, and added to it in 
others; but it was not printed until some time after 
the passing of tiie act of uniformity. If we bdieve 
Neale^, not one divine in ten, that lived at any 
oonsideraUe distance from London, had it in his 
power to peruse it before Saint Blurtholomew's 
day : '^ The matter," says Burnet, '^ was driven on 
*^ with such precipitancy, tiiat it seemed to be im^* 
^^ plied, ; that the cletgy should subscribe to tii^ 
^^ book implicitiy, witiiout having seen it ; tiiis,^ 
he says, '^had been done by too many, as tiie 
^< bishops themselves confessedt." 

The dissehteib were divided on some of the 
objections made to a compliance witii the act : all^ 
however, protested that they could not conscien- 
tiously ^' give their assent and consent to all and 
." every thing contained in tiie book of Common 

* Hist voL ii. c vi. . . 

t Hist vol. i. p. 184, 185. . , 


'* Pr9iyer,'^iiiddi«tiiohuinflB power waianthb^^ 
to require such a declaration from them* 

At letigth Saint Bartholomew's day arrived^ imd 
two thousand ministers gave up their livings. This, 
to use the words of Burnet, raised ii grievous cry 
over the nation. The ejected ministers, says Neale, 
were driven frcm their houses, from the society of 
their friends ; and, what was yet more affecting, 
from all their uuiefiilness* 

Under theM severities, by an inconsistency , which 
their suffering excused, they resorted to the dis- 
peflijb^ power of the king for relief against the 
operations of the act Three days after it took 
pluee, Mr. Calamy, and some other of their leading 
divineS) presented to his majesty a petition, to this 
effect. It was debitted in council on the foUow- 
ifij^ ddy ; his majesty was present, and declared 
that '^ he intended an indulgence^ if it were at idl 
"^^ feasible." — But Dr. Sheldon, who was then 
Inshop of Lmdon^ and afterwards archbishop of 
Canterbury, argued against it: he declared that 
the sttspenfiion of the Isw would be illegal, and 
Hal the repeal of it would expose those, who had 
passed it, t6 the sport and scorn of the presbj^erian 
fflMtion. ' 

Thus," sliys the historian Ralph ^ ^^ in this 
onet^vesit, we aite frimished with two sigtlalin- 
istiknceil of the self-inconsistency of parties : tiie 
diisenteis calling upon the king to exercise a 
dispensing power ; and a bishop disputing the 

• Hiat. p. 77. 


*^ will of his sovereign, and contending for the 
" supremacy of the law." 

The intolerants prevailed, and the petition of 
the dissenters was rejected. His majesty, however, 
was pleased to exercise his dispensing power in 
favour of some protestant Walloons setded at 
Thomey, in the isle of Ely, by granting them, by 
his letters patent, leave to use their liturgy in their 
own language, and to regulate their other religious 
concerns, by their own discipline. About the same 
time, by a strong exercise of his spiritual supre^ 
macy, he addressed a letter to the archbishop of 
Canterbury, by which he directed what topics the 
established clergy should discuss, and what they 
should avoid in their sermons; and made other 
regulations respecting their discipline ^. 

The dissentars filled England with their com- 
plaints against the act. Perceiving that they made 
a considerable impression on the public mind, his 
majesty, about four months after his sanctioning it, 
issued a declaration of indulgence f. He mentions 
in it the promises of liberty of conscience contained 
in his declaration at Breda ; he observes that he 
had been zealous to setde the uniformity of the 
church of England ; promises to maintain it, and 
then, ^^ as to what concerned those, who, living 
*^ peaceably, did not conform themselves to it 
^' through scrupulous and misguided conscience,'* 

^ Dated 14 October 1669. Ralph has inserted it at length 

t 36 December 1662^ 


lie declares, thai; in the approaching sessions, he 
*^ would endeavour to induce parliament to concur 
^ with him in an act, which might enable him to 
^^ exercise, with a more universal satisfaction, that 
^^power of dispensing, which he conceived to be 
^ inherent in him/* 

Whatever hopes were raised by this declaration, 
they were of short duration : no alleviation of the 
act of uniformity took place ; and two acts were 
passed for suppressing conventicles, the name 
usually given to the religious meetings of the dis- 
senters^. By the first, persons preaching in them, 
were prohibited from coming within five miles of 
any town corporate or borough, under the penalty 
of 40/. The operation of this act was limited to 
three years : — on its expiration, another was passed, 
which provided, that, whenever five persons, above 
those of the same household, should assemble. in a 
religious congregation, each should be liable, for 
the first ofience, to be imprisoned for three months, 
or to pay 5 /• ; for the second, to be imprisoned six 
months, or to pay io/«; and for the third, to be 
Jbransported seven years, or to pay 100 /• 

In this manner, — to avail ourselves of the candid 
.lu^owledgments of Hume t '^ all the king's kind 
^* promises of toleration and indulgence to tender 
** consciences, were eluded and broken." Lord 

* 16 Car. n, c. 1. (1664.) An act to preyent and sup- 
press seditious conventicles. 33 Car. II, c 1, (1670,) with 
the same title. The first pf these acts expired at the end of 
diree years. 

t Hist. c. xliii. 


Clarandon* defends the monarch against this 
charge on three grounds ; — ^' The presbyterians/' 
says his lordship, ^^ complained that the king had 
*^ violated his promise made to thentin his declara- 
** turn at Breda, which was urged with great unin- 
^^ genuity and without any shadow of right, for his 
^V majesty had thereby referred the whole settlement 
^^ of all things relating to religion, to the wisdom of 
" parliament/' — Hume justly replies, — " It is true 
*^ that Charles, in his declaration from Breda, had 
•" expressed his intention of regulating that indul^ 
V gence, by the advice and authority of parliament : 
^^ but this limitation could never reasonably be ex- 
^ tended to a total infringement and violation of 
«'^ all his engagements." To the noble historian's 
.two other excuses,-^that the indulgence was pro- 
mised to the scrupulous, not to the factious ; and 
that the sovereign was willing, and sought to per- 
form his promise, but that the decided hostility of 
parliament put it beyond his power, — no answer is 
-necessary. Lord Clarendon m^itions 'frequen^ 
• the malignity of the sectaries : Hume jusdy ob- 
serves, that the chief cause of that malignity was 
the restraint, under which they laboured : in this, 
as on all such occasions, the removal of the cause 
would, though perhaps ^owly, have removed the 

It is observable, that the monarch, in his decla- 
ration of indulgence, intimates those pretensions to 
the dispen^gpower, which were afterwards openly 
avowed, both' by him and his successor in the 

^Life, vol. ii. p. 156. 


Uiroae« From this circupostance, Hume an4 othi^r 
rMpectable historians have suggested, that, evep at 
this time, the monarch had formed a settled plan 
of affording to t^e roman-catholics a legal jura- 
tion of their religion; ^d that his severities to 
tb^ protestant dissenters proceeded from refined 
policy. He calculate, — ^ifwe should believe these 
writers, — that, to avoid the grinding operation of 
^e^e severities, the protestant dissenters would 
gladly avail themselves of any exertions of the dis- 
Itensing power, which the crown should make in 
tkeir favour ; and thus, having themselves profited 
of them, could not aflterwairds consistently call in 
question, either the monarch's tide to the prero- 
gative, or the justice of bis exercising it in favour 
oi others. A passage in Burnet's History may be render this probable^ : but noth^ig cer- 
taialy could be more contrary to any views of this 
oature, than the principles and feeliiigs of Claren- 
don, by whose counsels hi^ majesty was, at this 
tiflie, solely guided in al} his measures, and parti- 
ei^arly in those, which were then i»km against the 
protestant dissenters. The minister s stroilg and 
persevering hostility to themy and to the roman- 
catholics^ is the greatart blot in his chanapter, 
cythMwise highly estknable. 

One circumstance, (^partieulapr hardship, atteaded 
the expulsion of the disse^tiag ministers from their 
lirkigs. When the monk» and nuns were wpcflled 
iB0m thak religious abodes by Hem^ iJm eighdi, 
and when the catholic clergy were deprived of their 

• Vol. L p. 179. 
c 2 


benefices by Elizabeth, some allowances were made 
to them ; and when the presbyterians ejected the 
established hierarchy, a fifth of each living had been 
left to the ejected clergymen ; but on the expulsion 
of the non-conformist ministers, no such allowances 
were made : it was recommended by the peers, but 
was absolutely rejected by the commons. 

The several acts of parliament noticed in this 
chapter, had the efiect of changing the name of 
puritans into that of protestant non-canformiats. 
The acts for suppressing conventicles considerably 
increased their sufferings. By virtue of them, says 
Neale*, the gaols in the several counties were 
quickly filled with dissentingprotestants ; the houses 
of the ministers were broken open, their hearers 
taken into custody, the legal penalties of 20/. upon 
the minister, 20/. upon the house, and 5/. on each 
hearer, were exacted : if not paid, they were levied 
by the sale of the cattle and goods of the offendiers ; 
and if these did not suffice to answer them, the 
parties were hurried to prison and kept in close 
confinement for three or even six months. Several 
were fined, several excommunicated, for not coming 
to church, and some were sentenced to abjure the 
realm. To avoid these severities, several occasion- 
ally frequented the churches of the establishment : 
this was termed Occasional Conformity : it was 
defetided by some presbyterian divines ; but the 
independents, anabaptists, and quakers, universally 
disclaimed it The firmness of the quakers, always 

* Hist. vol. ii. c. vii. In the present chapter we frequently 
use his words. 


passive but never yielding, was singularly remark- 

The general sufferings of the non-conformists of 
every denomination were certainly very great : it 
has been asserted that eight thousand of them 
perished in the reign of Charles the second, merely 
for dissenting from the church ^. This persecution 
of them was attended by one singular circumstance : 
In every other instance, where one denomination 
of christians has persecuted another, it has been on 
the ground, that the errors, which they professed 
to punish, were impious, and led the maintainers 
of diem to eternal perdition ; and therefore ren- 
dered these wholesome severities, as the persecutors 
termed them, salutary to the sufferers. But, when 
the protestant of the church of England acted in 
the manner which has been mentioned against the 
protestant non-conformist, he persecuted a chris- 
tian, who agreed with him in all, which he himself 
deemed to be substantial articles of faith, and 
differed from him only in rites and ceremonies, 
which he himself allowed to be indifferent f. 

A temporary relaxation of these severities was 
made by the declaration of indulgence which was ' 
issued by his majesty soon after his alliance with 
France i^ainst Holland :{:. By this, in virtue of 
an authority, which he asserted to be inhejtent in 
him, and to have been often recognized by 'the 


* See the preface to De Laune'a Plea for Non-confonnisu, 
by ihe editor of Uiat work, 
t Thb h Meale's just remaric, vol. ii. c. vi. 
I 13 Mareh 1673. 




nation, he generali j guspended the penal laws, Im 
in respect to the protestant non-conformists and 1 
roman-catholic recusants, and granted to the foin 
a public, and to the latter a private exercise of th 
religion. But, in the followitig year, the commc 
having warmly remonstrated against this declai 
tion, as an open and inexcusable violation of t 
constitution, with an intimation, that its princip 
though concealed, object, was to favour the catl 
lies, his majesty recalled it, and with his own has 
broke the seals. 




The events in this reign, in which the catholj 
were deeply interested, are numerous. 

We shall present the reader, I. With an accov 
of the addresses presented by the English catholi 
on the restoration of Charies the second : II. i 
the proceedings in paiiiament, which, upon A 
event, took place in their regard : III. Then me 
tion the fire of London : IV. Then state some &i 
and offer some observations on Oates's plot: V. Tli 
insert the apology addressed to the peers of Englai 
by lord Castlemain, in consequence of the nc 
severities, with which the cs^tholics were; ,th( 
threatened: VI. Then notice the act prM«atii 



catholic peers and comnioiiers fitom sitting in par-^ 
liament : VII. And conclude the chapter with .il 
summary review given by a protestant writer of the 
religious persecutions in England from the refor- 
mation till the end of the reign of Charles th% 
second ; — and some general reflections upon theml 

LXV. 1. 

Addresses presented by tite English Catholics an the i 
Restoration of Charles the second. 

O^ the restoratioa of Charles the second, the 
expectatiomr of his catholic subjects were ver^ 
great, and were certainly very reasonable. In every 
stage of the civil conflict, his father and himself 
had found the lives and fortunes of the catholics 
at their ccmnnand : there was sca]:cely a catholic 
family, some members of which had not perished ih 
the field ; or from whom a large proportion of theit 
property had not been confiscated, in consequence 
of their loyalty. They presented three addresses 
to his majesty. 

The first was signed by the dean and chapter.-^ 
'' We hold," they say, ^' that the pope hath no 
<< power, directly or indirectly^ to lay commands 
^' cm the king's catholic subjects in any thing be- 
longing to civil and temporal matters ; and ccM- 
Ifarywise, diat the aforesayd supreame dominion 
" and power of majestic extends overall his subjects, 
<< as well ecdesiastidke as layieke, and in all cases, 
^' not ody temporall but also spirituall, as far forth 
^^ as they may have respect to the civil and politick 

c 4 



^y government And that therefore we hold otuv 
'^ selves bound never to suffer or permit, as far as 
" lyes in our power, that any person or persons, 
ecclesiastick or layick, exercise at any time, any 
jurisdiction, power, or authoritie in this kingdom, 
'^ or in any other part of his majesty V dominions^ 
'' over his majesty's subjects, in thinges appertain^ 
" ing to or reflectinge upon his civill government, 
" without the knowledge and leave of his sayd 
^' majestie ; much less, without violence to the 
^' sacred principle aforesaid, can or doe wee hold 
^' that the pope either hath, by himselfe, or by any 
^^ authoritie derived from his see, any rightfuH 
^^ power of deposinge kings, whether catholicke or 
*^ not catholicke, disposinge of their dominions and 
kiiigdoms, or of authorizinge any exteme prince, 
or other person or persons whatsoever, to invade 
^^ or endammage either his majestie's sacred per- 
^' son, or any part of his dominions. 

^' But most of all wee detest from our harts that 
^' impious, damnable, and most unchristian position, 
" that kings or absolute princes, of what belief 
* * soever, who are excommunicated by the pope, may 
" be deposed, killed, or murthered by their sub- 
" jects, as clearly contrary to the word of Grod." 

A second address was presented by the English 
Benedictines and other regular clergy.— They cite 
several sentences of foreign universities, condemu- 
ing the claim of the pope to temporal jpower by 
divine right : — the principal of these are men- 
tioned in the opinions of the foreign universities 
transcribed in the Appendix to these Memoirs. 


The addresser^ donclude tlieir protestation in these 

^' This protestation we make in the presence of 

^ God and his holy angels, without any equiyoea^ 

'^ tion or mental reservation whatsoever. The which 

'^ doctrine of mental reservation wee doe deteste 

^^ and abhorre as most unchristian and execrable : 

** especially in professions of this nature ; as also in 

" all promises and contracts made with any, or 

^ when wee are convened before any legall magis- 

" strate, of what religion soever. 

" And now, — our hope is, that this our profes* 
'^ sion will be esteemed sufficient to satisfy the state 
*^ andkingdome, that the catholick religion does not 
*^ deserve such imputations, as upon occasion of the 
writings or crimes of a few unhappy persons^ have 
been undeservedly cast upon it. As likewise to 
^^ demonstrate, that both for an acknowledgment 
of his majestie's just supremacy in all temporall 
powjer, as a civil govemour, and likewise our rea- 
^' diness to perform all due allegiance to him and 
his successours, according to the lawes of these 
Idngdomes, wee his distressed roman-catholick 
subjects, are by our religion as much obliged, and 
Grod willing, shall never come short of any other 
^ subjects, of what persuasion in matters of religion 
^* soever they be. However, in case that which is 
here written and protested shall not be esteemed 
sufficient for this purpose, our most humble suit 
is, that wee may be permitted further to explain 
^.^ 4>ur8elves, and .against all exceptions to justify 



^^ out mo6t unalterable 'fidelityi loyalty and sin- 
" cerity." 

3* Another addreii^ composed by sir John Arun- 
dell, afterwards created baron Arundellof Wardouf , 
was presented by him in the name of himsdf and 
tiie general body of the English catholics ; — a noble 
appeal to justice and humanity !-^t is expressed 
in the following terms : 

'^ Most mighty Soveraigne^ 
^^ Your roman-catholique subjects, — considering 
^^ in how miraculous a manner God hath preserved 
<< and now sent your majestie to this detolate na- 
^^ tion, to redresse the aggrievances of your people, 
<< and rqpaire the breaches made by the late unhappy 
^^ distempers both in the state and lawes, — ^have 
<< thought this a convenient and seasonable tyme to 
" cast themselves at the feete of your mercy for are- 
peale of those penal statutes, under which they and 
their forefeithers have long groaned ; — in order to 
<< obteyning which signal favour from your most 
<< bounteous hand, wee here present you some 
<< equitable motives, nor are we diffident of your 
<< acc^fytance thereof, especially at a tyme, when 
** you are pleased to afford a gratious Imaring to 
^^ many sects and prcrfeasorsof new opinions under 
^^ a notion of tender omscienees, promising a free 
*^ and foil pardon of aH such, — (some few excepted, 
^^ whose hands were deepest in yiofuat loydi fiddler's 
*^ innbcent blood), — as shodbd sulnnit themselves 
^* lo fom ckuMttde, which we kere d^e in a most 
<< JmBiUe mattBer, anil thetefiKfe want not eanae to 


^' hope that the e£kcte of your meiKde and goodness 
'^ will not be shortened or d^ed to us alcme^ 

" Our Jirst twtivey — is, by proving to your ma- 
^ jestie, diet all the causes of your predecessor's 
^^ peosX lawes are now ceased, and therefore in rea*" 
" aon^ mercie, and juiftice, the lawes themselves 
" ought likewise to cease. — We come to the par^^ 
" ticttlars. 

'^ Henry the eighth's penall statutes were made 
^' to remove the pope's authoritie, which stood in 
^ his way, an insuperable impediment, to the enjoys 
^ iient of his beloved mistris Anne of Bullen, till 
'^ such time as he had removed it, by changing the 
'^ religion of his ancestors, and assuming to himself 
" the head-shipp of the church, that so, he might 
^' dispence with himselfe in the case, — (a thing the 
'^ pope declared he could not doe), — and make all 
^ lawful to himselfe which faee listed. Hence he 
^' enacted a lawe, that, whoever would not acknow- 
'^ ledge him supreame head of the church and 
renounce ike pope's authoritie,---(which was 
acknowledged by all his royal ancestors from 
^ Soglaad'sconvtosionto thattytne) should loose his 
'* estate and be putt to death for an heretick. This 
'^ reason reacheth not at all to your majestie, who 
^^ are no way concerned in any such abominable 
^ ease, nor swayed by siniull passion as he was ; 
^ but of just and equall ^instian temper, and there- 
^ &at% nttde not the, defence or doake of such a 

^ Quten fili^abedi's penall statutes weve smkI^ 
to stMQgthen and secure her title to the oiowiii^ 



« : — (which was knowne to be but weake, MarieV 
^^ mother being alive two yeares after she was 
" borne),— against the true and lawful title of 
" Mary queen of Scots, your great-grandmother, 
'^ of blessed memory, of whom she alwaies had 
^^ much jealousie, as well by reason of her alliance 
^^ with France, and right declared by the sentence 
" of the church against the devorce of her fiaither 
" from his lawfuU wife, as also by reason of her owp 
" illegitimation declared by her father in parlia- 
'^ ment, and the excommunications denounced 
" against her. These were the reasons of her 
" penall statutes, which can be no reasons to your 
f ^ majestic to continue, but rather to annuU and re- 
5^ peal them? seeing the causes of her feares are just 
" confirmation of your confidence in us, as plainly 
" giving testimony to your rightfull succession and 
^^ most legitimate possession of the crowne, which 
" wee have all endeavoured to defend during those 
" late commotions, not onely to a sale and seques- 
" tration of our estates, but deprivation also of our 
" lives. 

'^ The penall statutes of king James your royal! 
" grandfather, of happy memory, were occasioned 
" by that horrid and blackest of plotts, — (wee ex- 
" cept none but this of fresher memory against your 
" royall father and yourselfe), — ^the gunpowder plot, 
" — ^which was construed and carried on by a few 
" wretched men of broken and desperate fortunes, — 
^' the generalitie of roman-catholiques knowing 
^^ nodiing of it, and all protesting against it even 

to tiiis day, as a most damnable designe, con- 


" trary to their fitith and religion^ And here, 
'^ we humbly appeale to your graiiouB majestie, 
'* whether itbe consistent either with reason, inercie, 
'^ or justice, that a multitude of innocent persons 
*' should suffer so long under so many penall lawes 
^' for the fault and wickedness of an inconsiderable 
"number, whom they have ever disclajnned and 
" had nothing to doe with at all ; — ^may we not, 
" now, at least, with much modestie petition your 
'^ royall highness for a repeale thereof? We hope 
" we may, and doe it at your feete ; humbly be- 
" seeching you that, whilst you offer pardon to 
^ desperate rebells, even such as have been stained 
" with your father's blood, — (a demonstration of 
" your matchless clemencie), — it may not be denied 
'' to innocent subjects, whose blood hath often 
^^ beene a sacrifice to his and your defence and 
'' safetie; which may, we hope, preponderate to that 
designe of a few impious plotters, seeing it is not 
the way of your clemencie to punish a multitude 
'^ for the sinns of a few, but rather a few for a mul- 
^^ ttide; witness your overture of a general pardon. 
'' Let not, therefore, the crime of a few catholiques 
'^ be made the fault of all ! 

By what hath hitherto been said, it cannot but 
appear to your majestic, that all those penall lawes 
of your ancestors were merely particular, and 
related onely to the ^mes they were made in ; 
not being applicable to the present, and therefore 
thjB cause or reason of them ceasing, we humbly 
begg that the effects may likewise cease. 






^^ A setand m&Hm for fispc^ling tliein, is, — fifom 
^^ dwt escpresaion of Mary que«[ie of Seots^ — yow 
^^ great-grandmoth^ of blesaed memotyy-^iMuie 
'^ at the tyme of her arraigmneot and execution 
^' before the lords there aafembled, viz. ^ Woe ia mee 
^^ &>r the poore catholiquea^ and the miseries I fore- 
^^ see they are like to su&r for their irremoyeable 
<< a£feoti<m to me and mine ; if I were free as mye 
^^ stile and innocencie requireth, I wonld gladly 
^^ redeeme their Taxations with my dearest blood \ ' 
i< &c. — Let then yonr gratious m^rcie and autho- 
^^ ritie effect what she dying so earnestly designed, 
<< and lett not those be safferers by and from you, 
^' whose chie£est sufferings have beene heretofore 
*^ for you and yours, not to say any thing of those 
<< sequestrations and degradations layd up(xi them 
^' of late tymes, for meare performance of their 
^' dutte and allegiance to your royal father and 
^^ yourself. Wee shall add onely to this motive, 
^ that gratious saying of king James, mad^ i«i par- 
^^ Uament, viz* ^ that he would have no blood for 
^^ religion, nor no soulennoney contrary to the word 
^^ ol God,' &c. humbly beseeching God^ in whose 
^' hands the hearts of kings am, that his so perns' a 
^' resolution tdwaids hia catholique loyal snbjects, 
'^ may make a deep impression on your heaart 

*' A thiyd motiv€ir^is> from our retigjioiiy which 
" strictly teachetfa and commwndeth na^ under 
^' pain of eternal damnation^ to i^endep as t^ God 
^^the things thai are Godfs, so to Cttsar the ^lii^ 
'' that are CaBen% and to obey onr tempdrall 




^' princee and magifltrnteft, BOt for feare ondy, but 
for ednscieiioe sake^ «emiig to resurt tkdf au- 
tboritie is to resiit the Ordinaiice of God, which 
^' we bdieve with a most steadfast &ith ; nor are 
'^ wee longer roman-catholiqnes, than wee so be- 
^^ U^e. We: bdieve also^ and sineerdy protest 
^^ b^re Qod and men, without any eqaifvocation 
<< oar m^tal reservation, that we owe obedience 
and allegiance to our soreraigne lord king 
^' €3uufles, his heires and successoiB, and will per- 
&xm it faithfoUy to him and them, notwithstand- 
ing any absoliitkm or dispensation to the con- 
trary whatsoever. We bdieve likewise, and 
'^ swear from our hearts^ that wee ought and will 
" defend the person, ri^ts, tides, and dignities of 
^' oar said sovcnugne lord king Charles, his heirs 
and successors, with the utmost haaard of our 
lives and fostunes against all fdotti, conspuracies, 
and invasioH of any power, foreine or domes* 
tkpie, whatsaerer, even in ease of pepall depo- 
sition and deprivatkn. 

'^ AMto the imputation of idolaftcie and soper- 
^^ station, so often charged on our religion by some 
^ defiunatone pcnns and toogiws, wee humbly con- 
'^ ceire the judgment to hare beene given abeadie 
<< on our adn by so mmiy genendl cosncUs abroad, 
and so many convocations' and parliumeuls at 
lio»ie,-^(foctie foir one at the least), — comraand- 
<< ing and approving the religion we professe, that 
^ your majestie cannot doubt the authors of that 
** amfmtatkm to be more zeakms^dian knowh^, and 
•<< more mkbcious. Ifaan mereifofiv' I am sure your 




** learned grandfather of happie memories king 
<^ JameSy thought no lesse of them when he baid^ 
<< that ^ such as affirmed roman-catholiques not to 
'^ be in a way to salvation, deserved to be burnt,' &c. 
'^i>y which you may perceive what incendiaries 
they are, who endeavour to excite your royal 
highness and the good people of this nation 
^^ against us, by fedsely aspersing our religion with 
^^ notes of superstition and idolatrie. 

" A fourth motive^ — is from the fidelitie of roman- 
^* catholiques in queen Elizabeth's tjrme, testified by 
^^ the. lords of the privie councdl, who told them 
^^ that the cause of their imprisonment was not for 
" any doubt made of their loyaltie, but onely topre- 
^^ vent the Spaniard's hopes of their assistance in 
^^ his intended invasion ; nay, in that of 1588, they 
^^ besought the lord North, then lieutenant of those 
^^ parts, in the presence of the deane of Ely e, that 
'^ they might be employed in hastening forces to 
'^ Tilbury campes, offering to serve in person, with 
" their sonnes, tenants, and servants, at their owne 
'^ charge, and to be placed in the front of thebat- 
*^ tell, to testifie the loyaltie of their harts, and to 
^^ stopp the mouthes of envious maligners ; all this 
** was freely offered by them, notwithstanding the 
" queene had been twice excommunicated : a de- 
" monstrable argument, that they were not condi- 
*' tionall (as some objected) but absolute loyal and 
" obedient subjects. 

" A Jifth motive^ — is, from their immoveable 
" fidelitie to your majestie's predecessors, and your 
*^ title in them strongly evidenced on all o^ccasions. 


^' witneB.the act of queene Mmpy and her catho^ 
'^ liqme subjects, canceUing the forged will of her 
<< &tiher, extreamly prejudiciall to your' right to 
" this crowne, disproving it in parliament, i(nd 
'* deposing the usurping queene Jane, sett up 
" by i»r6testants to the disinheriting of queene 
^' Mary and his * eldest sister's issite, in whose 
*^ right the crowne descended to your ancestors 
'^ and you, by the law of (jod, nature, and nations. 
" We may add to this motive, that Hales his dis- 
'^ loyal invective against your majestie's title in 
^' the begiiming of queene Elizabeth's reigne was 
" fully answered and confuted by sir Anthony 
^^ Bfowne,.one of the justices of the Common Pleas, 
<< and'Mr. Edmimd Plowden, two famous catholique 
'Vlawyers, and gwtlemen of good qualitie.. 

'^ A sixth and last motivcy—isj from our constant 
<< fidditie, obedience, and affection towards your 
'^ ftither of Uessed all his late troubles, 
" soflBerings, and afflictions, as also to your own royall 
'^ person, by zealously contributing to your mira- 
'^ culous preservations and deliveries out of the 
<< haiids of bloody and rebell enemies. — ^What have 
'' we not beene readie to doe and suffer to the utter- 
" most of our abilities for preserving your majestie's 
" person, rights, and dignities ? — ^Whose life or 
" fortune hath been spared ? — ^What one knowne 
<< catholique of note in your three nations hath ever 
" borne armes against you ?— Which of them hath 
" ever betrayed the trust reposed in them ? Wee 
'^ haye be^e ever constant to your just claim to the 

ft. e/The iHue of the eldest sister of Henry VIII. 


^' succession of this crowne ; not ebbing or flowing 
^^ in our affections, ^e some others), according to 
^^ the TicissitudeA of your good or evil fortune^ but 
^^ alwayesresoluteto liveand dye with yourmajesty: 
^* nor did your father's or your majestie's declared 
<< zeale to the protestant religion, any way diminish 
^^ the loyaltie of our hearts or hinder the perfcmn- 
^^ ance of our duties : than which what greater or 
'^ more convincing testimonies of our fidelitie and 
'' allegiance can be given to you? — 

These things being so,-^most royall soveraigne, 

we cannot doubt but your majestic will, in your 
'^ princely wisdome, clemency, and justice, allow 
'^ us to be now restored to that condition, which 
^^ nature intended us, and is confirmed on us, as 
'^ free borne Englishmen, by the great chartres of 
^* your royall ancestors, of which the violent passion 
^^ of one prince, the apprehended titie of another 
" to the crowne, and the wicked attempt of a few 
^' seduced persons, have so unluckily and salong 
'^ deprived us. Permit us, therefore, most gratious 
" soveraigne, to exercise securely that religion, in 
'' which your pious and most famous ancestors have 
" so long flourished. 

" And your petitioners shall pray, &c." 

LXV. 2. 

Proceedings in Parliament upon the Catholic Addresses. 

Ik consequence of these addresses, a committee 
of the house was appointed, to examine and report 
all the penal statutes, which reached to the taking 


awiijr of the life of any cathcdic for his religion.-^ 
The.oommittee met several times, but findly dis- 
continued their sittings, without making a report. 
The writer has spared no pains to procure a foil 
and accurate account of them, but without effect : 
The best information respecting them, which he 
hm been able to procure, is given by lord Claren- 
don, in his Historical Memoirs of his own Life : — 
we shall transcribe the passage at length :— it is 
both interesting and ill-natured. 

" Because we have mentioned the gracious pur- 
<< poses the king had to his roman-catholic subjects, 
*^ oi winch afterwards much use was made to his 
'• dis-service, to which the vanity and presumption 
*^ of inany of that profession contributed very 
^* much ; it may not be unseasonable in this place 
^* to"^ mention ,the ground of that his majesty's 
" goodnessy and the reasons, why that purpose of 
'* bim. was not prosecuted to the purpose it was 
^^ intended, after so fair a rise towards it by the 
^' H^poiiitment of that committee in the hoiise of 
'1 peiera, which is remembered above. 

^Mt is not to be wondered at, that the king^ at 
'^ the age he was of wh^n the troubles began in 
" Ei^and, and when he came out of England, 
':' loiew very little of th^ laws which had been long 
" since made, and were still in fcnrce, against ro- 
" mafi-catholics, and less of the grounds and mo- 
" tives which had introduced diose lawsw ' And 
<< £roni the time that he was first bisyond the si^as,- 
^^ he coiild not be without hearing very much 
" spoken against die protestant religion, iemd more 

u 2 


'^ for extolling and magnifying the religion of the 
^' church of Rome ; neither of which discourses ' 
'^ made any impression upon him. And after the 
^^ defeat at Worcester, and his escape from thence ' 
" into France, the queen his mother, — (who had . 
^^ very punctually complied with the king her^ 
'^ husband's injunctions, in not su£fering anybody 
^' to endeavour to pervert the prince her son in his 
^^ religion, and when he came afterwards into 
^' France after he was king, continued the same 
^^ reservation), — used much more sharpness in her 
^^ discourse against the protestants, than she had 
^^ been accustomed to. The liberty that his ma-' 
^^ jesty formerly had in the Louvre, to have a place' 
'' set aside for the exercise of his religion, was' 
^^ taken away : and continual discourses were' 
^^ made by the queen in his presence, > that he had 
now no hope ever to be restored to his d(Hnij>' 
nions, but by the help of the catholics; and 
^^ therefore that he must apply himself to them in 
^' such a way, as might induce them to help him.' 
^' About this time there was a short coUection 
^^ and abridgment made of all the penal laws, 
^* which had been made, and which were still in 
^' force in England, against the roman-cathoUcs ; 
^^ ' that all priests for saying mass were to be put to 
^^ death;' the great penalties which they were to 
'^ undergo^ who entertained or harbour^ a priest 
^' in their house, or were present at mass, and 
^^' the like; with all other envious clauses, ^which 
^^ were in any acts of parliament that had been 
^^ enacted upeamevend treasons and conspiracies of 





^' the roman-catholics, in the reigns of queen Eliza- 
** beth and king James. And this collection they 
^' caused to be translated into French and into 
Latin, and scattered it abroad in all places; 
after they had caused copies of it to be presented 
to .Ibe queen mother of France, and to the 
<< cardinal : so that the king came into no place 
^f where those papers were not showed to him, and 
^' where he was not seriously asked, ^ whether it 
'' was a true collection of the laws of England,' and 
* whether it was possible that any christian king- 
^' dom could exercise so much tyranny against the 
catholic religion.' The king, who had never 
heard, of these particulars, did really believe that 
the paper was forged, and answered, ^ he did not 
^^believe that there were such laws:' and when 
^' he came to his lodgings, he gave the chancellor 
^ the paper, and bade him read it, and tell him 
'' wh^er such laws were in force in England. 
^^ He had heard before of the scattering of those 
^' papers, and knew well who had made the coUec- 
\* tioh ; who had been a lawyer, and was a protes- 
^^ tant, but had too good an opinion of the roman- 
^< catholids, and desired too much to be grateful to 

''The chancellor found an opportunity the next 
** d^y to enlarge upon the paper to his majesty, and 
** informed him of ^ the reasons in which, and the 
'' occaaions and provocations uponwhich, those laws 
*! had been made; of the frequent treasons and 
<< conspiracies: which had been entered into by some 
V roman-^ealhoUcs, always with the privity uid ap- 

D 3 


^' probation of their priests and confess^irs, against 
^^ tlie person and life of queen Elizabeth; and 
^^ after her death, of the infamous and detestable 
*^ gunpowder treason to have destroyed king James 
" and his posterity, witli the whole nobility of the 
^^ kingdom : so that in those times, the pope having 
^^ excommunicated the whole kingdom, and ab- 
^^ solved the subjects from all their oaths of fidelity, 
'^ there seemed no expedient to preserve die 
^' crown, but the using those severities against those 
" who were professed enemies to it But that 
** since those times, that the romish»catholics had 
** lived quietly, that rigour had not been used : 
** and that the king his father's clemency towards 
" those of that profession, — (which clemency ex- 
^^ tended no further than the dispensing with the 
" utmost rigour of the laws), — was the ground of 
^^ the scandal of his being popishly affected, that 
^^ contributed as much to his ruin, as any particular 
^^ malice in the worst of his enemies.' 

The king hearkened attentively to all that was 
said, and then answered^ ^ that he could not 
" doubt but there was some very extraordinary rea- 
^^ son for making such strange laws : but what- 
" ever the reason then was, that it was at presait 
" and for many years past very evident, that there 
" was no such malignity in the romah-catholics, 
^' that should continue that heavy yoke upon theii' 
" necks. That he knew well enough, that if be 
'^ were in England, be had not in himself the power 
'* to irepeal any act of parliament. Without the con- 
'^ Bent of jrarfiament : but thM h€ knew no reason 


'' why he might not profess, that he did not like 
those laws, which canted men to be put to death 
fioff their religion ; and that he would do his best, 
<< if ever God restored him to his kingdom, that 
'^ those Uoody laws might be repealed. And that 
*' if there were no other reason of state than he 
<< could yet conqprehend, against the taking away 
'< the other penalties, he should be glad that all 
<< those distinctions between his subjects might be 
^' removed ; and that whilst they were all equally 
'' good subjects, they might equally enjoy his pro- 
^^ tectioQ.' And his majesty did frequently, when 
^ he was in the courts of catholic princes, and when 
" he was sure to hear the sharpness of the laws in 
'* England inveighed against, enlarge upon the 
<< same discourse : and it had been a very un- 
« seasonable presumption in any man, who would 
'' have endeavoured to have dissuaded him fix>m 
'^ entertaining that candour in his heart 

^' Wi& this gracious disposition his majesty re- 
^^ turned into England ; and received his catholic 
^^ subjects with the same grace and firankness, that 
'^ he did his other : and they took all opportuni- 
<< ties to extol their own su£ferings, which they 
'^ would have understood to have been for him. 
<< And some very noble peraons there were, who 
<< had served his father very worthily in the war, and 
<< 8u£fered as largely afterwards for having done so : 
<< but the number of those was not great, but much 
'^ greater than of those who showed any affection to 
^< him or for him, during the time of his absence, 



^' fmd the government of the usurper*. Yet some 
^^ few there were, even of those who had suffered 
^' most for his father, who did send him supply when 
*' he was abroad, though they were hardly able 
" to provide necessaries for themselves : and in his 
''escape from Worcester, he received extraordinary 
'' benefit, by the fidelity of many poor people of 
''that religion; which his majesty was never re- 
" served in the remembrance off* And this gra- 
" cious disposition in him did not then appear 
" ingrateM to any. And then upon an address 
" made to the house of peers in ^e name of the 
" roman-cathoUcs for some relaxation of those laws 
" which were still in force against them, the house 
" of peers appointed that committee, which is men- 
*' tioned before, to examine and report all those 
" penal statutes, which reached to the taking away 
" the life of any roman-catholic, priest or layman, 
'' for his religion: there not appearing one lord 
" in the house, who seemed to be unwilling that 
" those laws should be repealed. And after that 
^' committee was appointed, the roman-catholic 
"lords, and their friends for some days diligently 
" attended it, and made their observations upon 
*' several acts of parliament, in which they desired 
'^ ease. But on a sudden this committee was 

. T What has been mentioned respecting the loyalty of the 
catj^olics, in a preceding page, shows this insmuation to be 
altosetber unfounded. 

' 't "We have seen how little it was noticed by the noble 
hisCorian. ' 


'^ discontinued, and never after revived ; the ro- 
'< man catholicB never afterwards being solicitous 
"for it 

*' The argument was notv to be debated amongst 
" themselves, that they might agree what would 
** please them : and then there quickly appeared 
" that discord uid animosity between them; that 
" never was nor ever will be extinguished ; and of 
^ which the state might make much other use than 
" it hath done. The lords and men of estates were 
" not'satisfied, in that they observed the good-nature 
" of the house did not appear to extend further, 
** than the abolishing those laws which concerned 
" the lives of the priests, which did not much affect 
'* them : for besides that, those spectacles were no 
'* IcfBlgeT grateful to the people : they were confi- 
^ dent that they should not be without men to dis- 
" diarge those ftmctions ; and the number of such 
*^ was more grievous to them than the scarcity. 
'' That, which they desired, was the removal of 
'^ those laws, which being let loose would deprive 
** them of so much of their estates, that the re- 
<< maiinder would not preserve them from poverty. 
*^ This indulgence would indeed be grateful to 
" them ;« for the other they: cared not Nor were 
" the ecclesiastics at all ' pleased with what was 
" proposed for their advantage, but looked upon 
'< themselves as deprived of the honour of martyr- 
" dom by this remission, that they might undergo 
<< restridnts, which will be more grievous than death 
'* itsdf : and they iirere veiy apprehensive^ that 
** thtirewc^di^matiiBonie order of t^ 


as there wa9 even amost univorsBl prejudipe against 
the Jesuits ; or that .there, would be some limi- 
tations of their numbers, which they w^ knew 
the catholics in general would be. very glad of, 
though they could not appear to desire it 
[\ There was a committee chosen amcmgst t}ie)n of 
the superiors of all orders,and of the secular clergy, 
that sat atAnmdel-house, apd consulted togetdittr 
with some of the principal lords and others of 
the prime quality of that religion^ what they 
should say ojr do in such and such .cases which 
probably might fall out. They all concludedy at 
least apprehended, that they should never be dis- 
pensed with in respect of the oaths, which were 
enjoined to be taken by all men, without their 
submitting to take some other oath, that might 
be an equal security of and for their fidelity to 
the king, and the preservation of the peace oi 
the kingdom. .And there had been lately scat- 
tered abroad some printed ps^ers, written by 
some regular and secular clergy, with sober pro- 
positions to that purpose, and even the form of 
an oath and subscription to be taken or made by 
all catholics ; in which there wa^ an absolute re- 
nunciation Qr declaraticm against the temporal 
authority, of the pope, which, in all common 
.disccmrses amongst. the protestants, all rpman*- 
.CiMholicfr.made no scruple to renounce and dis- 
cle^im; but it coining now to. the sul^j^t-^aoMitter 
pf the del>9i:(& in this cQwinittee, the Jesuits de^ 
clar^cU witibi /nuch warmth^. ^ that th^y pught not; 
n^.cQvld jAoy>withngQod comqi^iifie* m c«itho- 


'^ lies, depori ve the ipiope of his temporal autbcmty, 

** which he hath * in alt kingdomsr granted to hiih 
'^ by God himself/ ifith very much to that pofpose • 
*' wiA which most of tte tenqniral lords, and very 
'* many of the seculars and ri^ulars, were so mndh 
<« scandalised, that the committee being broken 
'* tip for that time, diey never attended it again ; 
" the wiser and the more conscientious men dis- 
cerning that Ibere wais a spirit in the rest that 
was raised and governed by a passion, of i^ch 
they could not comprehend the ground. And the 
truth is, the Jesuits, and they who adhered to 
<< them, had entertained great hopes fiY>m the 
king's too much grace to them, and fiom the great 
liberty they enjoyed ; and promised themselves 
and their friends another kind of indulgence, 
than they saw was intended to them by the house 
of peers. And this was the reason that the com- 
mittee wais no more looked after, nor any public 
^^ address was any fturther prosecuted. 

^^ And from this time there every day appeared 
<< so much insolence and indiscretion amongst the 
imprudent catholics, that they brought so many 
scandals upon his majesty, and kindled samuch 
jealousy in the parliament, that there grew a gene- 
** ral aversion towards them. And the kingV party 
''Remembered, wi& what wariness and disregard 
'' thieroman-catholicshadlivedtowasdittiianinthe 
'' i^hole time of the usurpation ; and how) little 
sorrow they made show of upon the horrid murder 
of die kmg^ (whithwas thtt wciedingly taken 
notice of) ^«id they, who had been Abroad with 







" the kltag, remembered, that hii m^eaty had re- 
"ceiTed leas r^atd and respect from his cathcdic 
" subjects, wherever he found them abroad, than 
" frtfOi anyforagn catholics; who always received 
'* him with all imaginable duty, whilst his own 
" looked as if they had no dependence upon hitfi'. 
" And so we return to the parliament after its 
" adjournment" ' 

- With'the paaisage which we have just transcribed 
from lord Clarendons Memoirs, theaccount given 
by bishop Burnet of the consultations of the catho- 
lics at this time *, seems to coincide. From the 
latter, it appear^ that two propositions were made to 
the catholics, — that they should take James's oath 
of allegiance, and that the regular clergy should no 
longer have a place in the English mission. — On 
these propositions, the catholics split, and their 
meetings were discontinued. It also appears that 
ihey were jealous of the earl of Bristol, and a[^re- 
hensive of the violence of his temper. — A minute 
'in the hand-writing of the unfortunate viscount 
Stafford, — (for the perusal of which, and for many 
oUier fiivours the writer is indebted to Mr. Edward 

JeminghanL — -a descendant from his lordship), — 
I. the meetings at lord Bristol's, and their 
p up inthoAt coming to any settled plan 

'jai.pauixuA. ' In the controversial war among the 

fCtldtoUcflioftfaose .times, the causes of the difference 
. ^aUiidad'to by bishop Burnet are frequently men- 

^tioBcd ^ «u^ pBr^> with great asperi^ ; those, 
< ijirlct di«4)praved of the proposals, branding the 

^JiHtMrji of hit own TiuKA, bookii. adaBn.nfies. 


ai^rovers of them with a want of cnrthodoxy . aad a' 
due regurdfor religion and its best ministera ; while 
those, who approved the proposals, imputed to ike 
former, weakness of mind and bigoted attachment 
to the holy see and its stipendiaries. Burnet in-' 
timates that, from the first, it was the wish of lord 
Clarendon to divide the catholics among themselves. 
Some parts of his conduct render this accusation not 
improbable, — yet an advocate for his lordship mig^t 
speciously contend, firom some of his writmga^, 
that his lordship wished for no more, than to. in- 
duce the catholics of his time to make that unequi- 
vocal and unqualified profession of allegiance, which 
the ciatholics of the present day have expressed in 
the oaths taken by the body in the late reign. 

LXV. 3. 
The lire of London. 

This melancholy event took' place in the year 
1666: the fire destroyed St. Patd's cathedral and 
89 other churches; many public buildings ; 13,200 
dwelling-houses, and laid waste 400 streets from 
the Tower to the Temple church, and from the 
north-east gate of the city to Holbbm-bridge or 

* Particularly hb '' Answer to Cressy," and his posthumoui 
publication, ** Church and State/' a verbose and illiberal 
work, but containing some interesting .&ct8 and remarks.— 
Surely his lordship's charge against the catholics, in the 
passage cited in the text, that they disregarded his majesty 
in his exile, and were indifferent to his restoration, are utterly 


Fleet-*dUch : Itaying thus ravaged the city for three 
entire dsjs and nights, it stopped almost on a 

^^ The causes of this calamity/' says Hume, 
^^ were evident The narrow streets of London, the 
<^ houses built entirely of wood, the dry season, and 
^^ a violent east wind which blew ; these were so 
^' many concmrring circumstances, which rendered 
^* it easy to assign the reason of the destruction that 
'5 ensued* But die people were not satisfied with 
<< this obvious account Prompted by blind rage, 
ic 80|]2e ascribed the guilt to the republicans, others. 
^^ to the catholics ; though it is not easy to conceive 
'^ how the burning of London could serve the pur- 
'^ poses of either party. As the papists were the 
" chief objects of public detestation, the rumour, 
" which threw the guilt on them, was more favour- 
" ably received by the people. No proof, however, 
" or even presumption, after the strictest inquiry 
" by a committee of parliament, ever appeared to 
" authorize such a calumny ; yet in order to give 
" coxmtenance to the popular prejudice, the inscrip- 
" tion, engraved by authority on the Monument, 
^^ ascribed this calamity to that hated sect. This 
" clause was erased by order of king James, when 
'^ he came to the throne; but after the revolution it 
^^ was replaced^ So credulous, as well as obstinate, 
" are the people, in believing every thing, which 
^^ flatters their prevailing passion !" 



LXV. 4. 
Lord CasikmainU Apology for the CatkoUa, • 

It appears that the animosity of the public against 
the catholics, in consequence of the calumnious 
charge of their having set fire to the city of London, 
rose, almost suddenly, to a prodigious height of 
fiiry ; so that the catholics were justly terrified lest 
extreme measures against them should be inunedi- 
ately adopted and carried into execution. While 
tl^y were in this state of agitation, lord Casdemain 
published the following manly and eloquent apo- 
logy*, in their behalf. 

'^ To all the Koyalists who suffered for his 
^' Majestic, and the rest of the People of 
" England. 

^' My lords and gentlemen, the arms which 
'^ christians can use against lawfiil powcps in their 
'^ severity, are only prayers, and tears. 

^^ Now since nothing can equal the infinity of 

* It seems to have been published in 1666, almost im- 
mediately after the fire. 

A maauBcript note, in a copy ^ it seen by the writer, 
mentions, that the ^ printer was diligently inquired after by 
« the house of commons, but not found; the printer fled, 
" but hn presses were broken by the command of the house. 

" It was written, not by the earl of Casdemain, but by 
<< one Pugfa, a catholic and physician.^ 

Doctor lioyd, afterwards bishop of St. Asaph, republished 
it, and an answer to it, with this title : '^ The late Apology on 
" behalf of the Papists, reprinted and answered. London, 4to. 
'^ 1667. The doctor divides it into paragraphs, and, at the 
end of each paragraph, inserts his answer to it. 



" those we have shed, but the cause, viz. to see our 
" dearest friends forsake us, we hope it will not 
" offend you, if, (alter we have a little wiped our 
" eyfis), we sigh out our complaints to you. . 

" We had spoke much sooner, had .we not been 
" silent through consternation to see you inflamed, 
" whom with reverence we honour, and also to show 
" oursubmissire patience, which used no slights nor 
" tricks to divert the debates of parliament: forno- 
" body can imagine, where so many of the great 
" nobili^ and gentry are concerned, but something 
" might have been done ; when, as in«ll ages, .we 
" see things of public advant^;e by the manageifr 
" dexterity nipt in the bud, even in the very houses 
*' themselves. Far be it from catholics to perplex 
" parliaments, who* have been the founder^ of their 
" privileges, and all ancient laws : nay, Magna 
" Charta itself had its rise from us, which we do 
" the less boast of, since it was not at first obtained 
" in so submiss and humble a manner. 

" We sung our Nunc Dimittis when we saw our 
" master in his throne, and you in your deserved 
" authori^ and rule. 

" Nor could any thing have ever grieved us 
" more but to have our loy alfy called into question 
" by you, even at the instigation of our greatest 
" adTerearies. 

" If we must suffer, let it be by you alone ; for 
" that's a double death to men of honour to have 
*' fheir enemies not only accusers, but for their 
" insulting ju4ges also. 

* I. e. Whick cMbvlics. 



^^ These are they that, by begiimuig with uS, mur- 
'^ thered their prince, and wounded you : and shall 
'^ the same method continue by your approbation ? 

" We are sure yoii mean well ; ^ough their 
<< design be wicked : but never let it be recorded 
" in story, that you forgot your often vows to us, 

in joining with them that have been the cause of 

so great calamity to the nation. 

'^ Of all calumnies against catholics, we have 

admired at none so much, as that their principles 
" are said to be inconsistent with government, and 

they themselves thought ever prone to rebellion. 
My lords and gentlemen, had this been a 
' new sect, not known before, something perchance 
*^ tnight have been doubted : but to lay this at their 
^* doors that have governed the civilized world, is 
^^ the miracle of miracles to us. 

Did Richard the first, or Edward Longshanks, 

suspect his catholics that served in Palestine, and 

make our country's fame big in the chronicle of 
<< ail ages ? or did they mistrust (in their dangerous 
^'absence) their subjects at home, because they 
** were.of the same profession ? Could Edward the 
'* third imagine those to be traitorous in their doc- 
^' trine^ that bad that care and duty for their prince, 
^Vas to make them (by statute) guilty of death in 
^ the highest degree, that had the least thought of 
*^ SI against the king ? Be pleased that Henry the 
'^-fifthbe remembered also, who did those wonders, 
"of- which the ' whole wofld does yet resound; 
^^ anf^ certainly all history will agree in this, that 





'* *tww OMcastle he feared, and not diose that 
'* believed the bishop of Rome to be head of the 
" church. 

" We will no longer trouble you with putting 
** you in mind of any more of our mighty kings who 
" have been feared abroad, and as safe at home as 
M any since the reformation of religion. We shall 
" only add this, ihat if popery be the enslaving of 
" princes, France still believes itself as absolute as 
" Denmark or Sweden. 

*' Nor will ever the house of Austiia abjure the 
" pope, to secure themselves of the Bdeli^ of their 
*' subjects. 

*' We shall always acknowledge to the whole 
" world, that there have been ■As many brave Eng- 
" lish in this last centuiy, as in any other place 
" whatsoever : yet, since the exclusion of the ca- 
" tholic faith, there hath been that committed by 
" those who would faiii be called protestant^ that 
** the wickedest papist at no time dreamt of. 

" Twas never heard of before, that an abso- 
** lute queen was condemned by subjects, and those 
<* Bt^led her peers ; or that a king was publicly tried 
" and executed by his own people and servants. 

*' My lords and gentlemen, we know who were 
" the auAors of this last abomination, and how 
" gflDCTonsIy you strove against the raging torrent; 
** nor have we any other ends to remember yon of 
" it,-but to show that all Tel^;ions may have a cor- 
' nqited spawn ; and Aat God hath been pleased 
' to permit such a rebellion, which our progenitors 



^^ nerer saw, to convince you perchance (whpinfor 
^ ef¥er may he prosper) that pcqpeiy U apt tbie q^ly 
'^ source of treason. 

^^ Little did we think, (whai your prayers and 
ours were offered up to beg a blessing on the 
king's afiairs) ever to see that day, in which 
^^ Carlos Gifford^ Whitgrave, and the Pendrels, 
*' should be punished by your desi?es for thut re- 
^^ ligion which obligied than to save their forlorn 
^ prince ; and a stigmatizied man (for his offences 
*^ against king and church) a chief promoter of it. 
^ Nay, li^M did we imagine, thfit. by your votes 
^i Huddleston might be hanged, who again sop^red 
*^ our sovereign; and others free in their fieuit^pos- 
^ ausions thi^ sat as judges, and seai^ th<9 exe- 
^ 9«tion of that great prince of hitppy ip^moi)b 

^ We confess we are unfortunate, and youj^st 
^ judges, whom with our lives we will ever yiaintttin 
?4o be so; nor are we ignorant the n<^oesaity of 
? affaifs made both the king and you d^ thii^s, 
^ which formerly you could not so much as foncy. 
-^ Yet give us leave to say, we are stiUloyal ; nay, 
^ to desire you to believe so, imd to ranember how 
^ ^fnonmiims (under the Iste rebellion) was the 
^ 9rMdpa{iiflt and cavalier; for thc»eiWasnev.e«no 
^.jpqpist' thai was jiot deemed a/cavali^) nor ho 
^ ffsamUer rthat wasiuot called a papist, or at least 
^i|»dged to be popishtf ;afiected. 

'^ We know, though we differ something in re- 
^^^hg/iornQh^ truth df which let the lastday judge) 
^ ijielnn^n^can agree with jfour inelinatioasi or are 
^ifitterifor youreonvtiaelten we;; forAs^have 

£ 2 


'* as much birdi among us as England can boast of, 
'* so our breeding leans your way botbfa^court and 
'^ camp : and therefore, had not our late i^ufferingrs 
** united us in that firm tie^ yet our like htunoufs 
^ must needs have joined our hearts. 

^ If we err, pity our condition, and remember 
'^ what your great ancestors were, and make some 
^ difference between us (that have twice converted 
*< England from paganism) and those other sects 
'^that can challenge nothing hM intrusion for 
'' their imposed authority. 

'< But 'tis generally said, that papists cannot live 
*^ without persecuting all other religions widiin 
^ ^ir reach. 

^ We confess, where the name of protestant is 
<< unknown, the catholic magistrates (believing it 
^^ entmeous) do use all care to keep it out : yet in 

those countries where liberty is given, they have 

fieur more privileges than we, under any reformed 
** government whatsoever. To be short, we will 
^^ only instance France for all, where they have 
^^ public churches, where they can make what pro- 
** selytes they please, and where it's not agaiiast 
" law to be in any charge or employment Now 
'^ Holland (which permits every thing) gives us, 
^* 'tis true, our lives and estates, but takes away fjl 
^ truA in rule, and leaves us also in danger of the 
" scout, whensoever he pleasetb to disturb our 
^* meetings. 

Be(9LUse we have named France, the nttssacre 

w31 perchance be urged i^inst us: but the 

woild must know, that was a cabinet plot, eon* 



<< denmed as wicked by catholic writers th^e, and 
<< of other countries also : besides, it qannot be 
<< thought they were murthered for bein^ protite- 
^^ tantSy since 'twas their powerful rebellion (let 
^^ their faith have been what it would) that drew 
<< theitn into that ill machinated destructicm. 

^' May it not be as well said in the next calholic 
f < king's reign, that the duke of Guise and cardinal 
\^ heads of the league, were killed for their reli- 
/^ gion also? Now nobody is ignorant, but 'twas 
<< dieir factious authority which made that jealous 
'^ prince design their deaths, though by unwap- 
^ nintable means. 

" If it were for doctrine that Hugonots suffered 
'^ in France, this haughty monarch would so(m 
*< destroy them now, having neither force nor town 
*' to resist his might and pui£li3ance. They yet 
'^ live free enough, being even members of par- 
*' liament, and may convert the king's brother too, 
'^ if he think fit to be so. Thus you see how well 
<^ protestants may live in a popish country, under 
^^ a popish king : nor was Charlemain more catho- 
'< lie than this ; for though he contends something 
<< with the pope, 'tis not of faith, but about Galilean 
*' privileges, which perchance he may very lawfully 
" do. 

*^ Judge, then, worthy patriots, who are the best 
<< used, and consider our hardship here in England, 
^^ where it is not only a fine for hearing mass, but 
'^ dfsath to the master for having a priest in his 
<< house ; and so far we are from preferment, that by 
'^ law we cannot come within ten miles of London; 

E 3 



^^ all which we know your great mercy will never 
^^ peftntt yod to etact 

"■ ^' It h&th often been urged, &at o«r migde>* 

** meanors in queen Eliaabeth's • days, and king 

^ Jama's tiibe, were the cause of our punishment. 

^' We eaiHesdy wish that die parly had more 

*' patience under that princess* But pray consider 

^ (though we excuse not their faults) whether it 

was not a question harder than that of York and 

^< Lancaster, the cause of a war of such length, and 

death of so miany princes, — ^who had most right> 

queen . Elizabeth or Mary Stuart ; for since the 

whole kingdom had crowned and sworn aHegr- 

Imce to qiieen Mary, they had owned her legi- 

f^ timate daughter to Henry the eighth ; and there- 

*^ fore it was thought necessarily to follow by 

'^ inany, that if Mary was the true child, Elizabedi 

was the natural, which must then needs g^ve 

way to the thrice noble queen of Scots. 

** Twas for the royal house of Scotland Aat 

'*' they sufiered in those days ; and 'tis for the nme 

^ illustrious family we are ready to hazard all on 

f^- toy occasion. 

•* Nor can the consequence of the former pro- 
f 'dedure be but ill, if a Henry the eighth, (whom 
** sir W. Raleigh, and my lord Cherbury, two 
^' ftunousprotestants, have so homely characterized) 
^' jihould, iEifter twenty years cohabitation, turn away 
*'*4iir wife, tod this out of scruple of conscience 
^ (Bi'he said) ; when as history declares, that he 
Vneyef -spared woman in his Itist, nor man in hic^ 


''Now for the fifth of November ; with hands 
'' lifted up jbohieaYen we abominate and detest. 

'^ And from the bcHtom of our hearts say^ that 
^' may they fall into irrecoverable perdition, who 
'^ propagate that faith by the blood of kings, which 
'' is to ibe .planted in truth and meekness only. 

^^ Bit; Jet it not displease you, men, brethren, 
'^ and fathers, if we ask whether Ulysses* be no 
^' bettev known? or who have forgot the plots 
*^ Cromwell framed in his closet ; not only to de*- 
stroy many faithftd cavaliers, but also to put a 
lustre upon his intelligence, as if nothing could 
^ be done without hii$ knowledge. Even so did 
^< ibe then great minister, who drew some few 
<< desperadoes into this conjuration, and then 
*^ discovered it by a miracle. 

'^ This, will easily appear, viz. how little the ca^" 
^' thdic partjT understood the design, seeing there 
*^ was not a score of guilty found, though all ima-^ 
g^able industry was used by the commons, lords, 
and jfctvj couaqil too. 

Bat suf^KMse, my lords and gentlemen, (which 
never can be granted), that all the papists of 
that age wene consulting, will you be so severe, 
^:iiien,ta still- punish the children for the father's 

; f f JDTay such children that so unanimously joined 
witfi you in that glorious quarrel, when you and 
we underwent such suffering^, tbtA needs we 
'* must have idl sunk, had not our mutual love 

^ Cecil, the earl of SaliBbury, ia here alluded to. 

£ 4 




" What have we done that ve should now de- 
" serre your anger ? Has the inducretion of some 
" few incensed you ? TU true, that is the thing 
" objected. 

" Do not you know an enemy may easily mistake 
" a mass-b^l for that which calls to dinner T 

" Orasequesbatorbe gladtobeafirontedjbeing 
" constable? when 'twas the hatred to his person, 
" and not present office, which perchance egged a 
" a rash man to folly*. 

*' We dare with submission say, let a public in- 
" vitati(»i be put up against any party whatsoerer; 
" nay,against the reverend ^ishopsthenueWes, and 
" some malicious informer or other will allege that, 
" which may be for better to conceal. 

" Yet all mankind, by a manifesto on the house 
*' door, are encouraged to accuse us; nor are tlley 
"upon oath, diough your enemies and ours take 
*' all for granted and true. 

" It cannot be imagined, wherethere are so many 
*' men of heat and youth (overjoyed with the htqipy 
" restoration of their prince), and remembering Ihe 
'< insolencies of their grandees, that they should 
" all at all times prudendy carry themselves ; for 
f this would be to be more than men. And truly 
" we esteem it as a particular blessing, that Qrod 
!' 'hath not siiffiered many, through vanity or frailty, 
" to foil into greater faults, than are yet, as we 
*' ttiuierstand, laid to our charge. 
' "Can we choose but be dismayed (when all 
" things foil) that extravagant crimes ar«. ftthered 
upon us ? 


" It is we must be the authors (some say) of firing 
" the city, even we that have lost so vastly by it ; 
^* yet in this, our ingenuity is great, since we think 
^* it no plot, though our enemy, an Hugonot pro- 
^^ testant, acknowledged the fact, and was justly 
*^ executed for his vain confession. Again, if a 
^* merchant of the church of England buy knives 
^^ for the business of his trade, this also is a papist 
" contrivance to destroy the w^U affected. 

" We mustalitde complain, finding it, byexpe- 
^' rience, that by reason you discountenance us, 
<< the people rage : and again, because they rage, 
^' we are the more forsaken by you. 

'' Assured we are, that our conversation is affa- 
'^ ble, ^Eknd pur houses so many hospitable receipts 
" to our neighbours. Our acquaintance, therefore, 
*'vwe fear at no time; but it is the stranger we 
^* dread : that (taking all on hearsay) zealously 
r^^wBundsy and 'then examines the business*when it 
''is too late, or is perchance confirmed by another, 
^' diat knows no more of us than he himself. 

'VTis to you we must make our applicationa ; 
'' beseeching you (as subjects tender of our kmg) 
<'' to intercede for us in the execution, and weigh 

the dilemma, which doubtless he is in, either to 

deny so good a parliament their requests, or else 
'' ran counter to his royal inclinations, when he 
'' punishes the weak and harmless. 

" Why may we not, noble countrjnnen, hope for 
''favour from you, as well as French protestants 
^^ find firom theirs ? A greater duty than ours none 
'>-could express, we are sure; or-why should the 


*^ united provinceis, and other magistrates (tteit are 
<^ harsh both in mindi and manners) refirain.^m 
" viol^ice against our rdigion, and yoor tisiider 
^^ breasts seem not to harbour the least compassion 
^* or pify ? 

^^ These barbarous people sequiester none for 
/^ their faith, but for transgressiiHi against the state. 
'' Nor is the whole party inyolved in ikt dime of 
" a few, but every man suffers for his own and 
^' proper fault Do you then the like» and he that 
"^offends, let him die without mercy. 

^' And think always, I beseech you, ofCromwdrs 
^' injustice ; who, for the actions of some against his 
^' pretended laws, drew thousands into decimation, 
** even ignorant of the thing, after they had vastly 
^^ paid fpr th^ security and quiet -, .-, 

^SWe have no other study, but the glory of our 
^^sov«reigk^v&nd just liberty: of ,tfiejpibjectet)i 

^^iNor mm it a mean argumentiof iM» ^ijdty^ when 
^':^0very i^c^pUciord gave his9VoieQ£)r;therestora- 
*^ tioni (^ bUhops ; by which we could pi^etend no 
'5 other adyantage, but that twentyi-six .i^oteli (sub- 
^fSMtiiig wholly by the erown) were ^ded to the 
^^-d^nc^, of kingship, and consequently a check to 
^^ 9U itnarchy and confiision. 

*^ Tis.i)PK>J^y iitipossible but that we, who ap- 
^^jpfove. of monarchy in the church, must ever be 
^^ fond of it in the state also. 
"r. ^^ Xitf tbis .is a misfortune, we now plainly fieel, 
^'ikhai^th^ iQIlger the late transgresses live, the 
^V more. forgotten are their crimes, whiles distance 
^^ iil>tii|ie calls.the faults of our fath^ remeni^ 




^ branee, «id bmies our own allegiance in eternal 
^' dblivioii and fergetfidness. 

^ .Mr lords and ffeaftUmen^opn^ider, we beseech 
" you, the sad condition of the Irish soldiers now in 
Rngtand ; &e worst of which nation could be 
but ii^^ticmally so wiipked, as ibe acted villainy 
of many English, whom your admired clemency 
pardoned. Remember how they left the Spanish 
service wbea they heard theii' king was in France; 
<f and h<»w they forsook the employment of that 
^< mmatnral piince, after he had committed the 
*^ never-to-be-forgotten act of banishing his dis- 
*' tressed Junsman out of his dominions. These 
*f poor men left all again to bring their monarch to 
^' bis iiome : and shall they then be forgotten by 
^^you? or ah^Uimylord Douglas and his bmve 
^.' Scots be 'left ta their shifts, who scorned to re* 
<< ceive wages of those who have declared war 
^'lagainst Bnglaiul? . 

^' How commonly is it said that the oath of re* 
^ nouncing dieir religion is intended for these, 
*' which; will Jieeds:bring. this loss to the king and 
^ yon, thateitiier you will force all of our fietith to 
lay t down' thiir arms (though by experience of 
great integrity and worth), or else, if some few 
^^ybuer^i^iii, &^ areauch whom necessity hath 
'^ made to swear against conscience, and who 
^f: therefore will certainly betray you, when agreater 
<< advantage shall be offered. By this test then you 
<< cioi -have . none, but whom (with caution) you 
ought to shun. And thus must you drive away 




'^ those who truly would senre you ; for had they 
'^ the least thought of bemg false, they would 
^^ gladly take the advantage of gain and pay to 
" deceive you. 

We Imow your wisdom and generosity, and 
therefore cannot iinagine such a thing ; nor do 
<< we doubt when you show favour unto these, but 
you wiD use mercy to us, who are both your fel- 
^^ low subjects, and your own flesh and blood also; 
^^ if you forsake us, we must say the world decays, 
^^ and its final transmutation must needs follow 
" quiibkly. 

^^ Little do you think the insolencies we shall 
^^ suffer by committee men, &c. whom chance and 
** lot hath put into petty power. Nor will it choose 
" but grieve you to see them abused (whom formerly 
^^ you loved) even by the common enemies of us 

^^ When they punish, how will they triumph and 
^' say, — take this (poor romanists) for your love to 
^^ kingship';— and again this, for your long doat- 
^ ing on the royal party, all which you shall receive 
from us commissioned by your dearest friends, 
^* and under this cloak we will gladly vent our 
private spleen and malice. 
^^ We know, my lords and gentlemen, that fix>m 
your 'hearts you do deplore our condition; yet per- 
mit us to tell you, your bravery must extend dius 
*^ far, as not to sit still, with pity only, but each js 
** to labour for the distressed, as far as in reality his 
^ ability will refu^h : some mustbeseecfa our gracious 





^* jsovereign for us, bikers again must undeceive 
** the good, though deluded multitude : therefore 
'^ all are to remember who are the prime raisers of 
** the storm; and how, through our sides, they would 
'^ wound both the king and you : for though their 
^' hatred to us ourselves is great, yet the enmity out 
'^ of all measure increases, because we have been 
'^ yours, and sa shall continue even in the fiery day 
"of trial, 

" Protect us, we beseech you, then, upon all your 
^* former promises, or if that be not sufficient, for 
'^ thesakes of those that lost their estates with you; 
** many of which are now fallen asleep : but if this 
^Vbe still too weak> we must conjure you, by the 
ttght of this bloody catalogue, which contains the 
names of your murthered friends and. rdations, 
"who in the heat of th^ battle perchance saved 
'Vmany of your lives, even' with the joyful loss of 
^* their own." 

Odtes's Ptat. 

' Wx now reach the event in Ais monarch's 
reign, in which the English catholics are most in- 
terested; — the plot charged on thetti by Titus 
Oates. The &cts relating to it, are so well known, 
as to render any particular mention of them, in 
this place, altogether unnecessary.— The account, 
which Hume gives of it, is one of the most highly 
finished parts of his history ; and probably has 
bemi perused by every reader of these pages. 
A more ample account of it,' and a collection of 



tiie principal documents relating to it, have lately 
appeared, in an historical account of it recently 
published *. 

In his History of James the second, the late Mr. 
Wox presents the following summary view of die 
parties concerned in the fabrication or prosecution 
df tiie plot. ^^ Although, upon a review of tliis 
«<tMy shocking transaction, we may be iairly 
^' justifii^l in adopting the milder alternative, and 
^ in imputiog tiie conduct of the greater part of 
^ those concerned in it, ratiier to an extraordmary 
^^ degree of blind credulity, tiian tiie deliberate 
^ wickedness of planhing and assisting in the pre- 
^' pstration of legal murders ; yet, tiie proceedings 
^ in tiie popish plot must always 4>e considered as 
^^ an indelible disgrace upon tiie English^aationy in 
^ which tile king, parliament, judges, juries, "Wit- 
*^ nesses, prosecutors, have all their respective^ but 
" certainly not tiieir equal, shares. Witnesses of 
" such a character, as not to deserve credit, in the 
" most trifling cause, — upon the most immaterial 
" facts, — gave evidence so incredible, or, to speak 
*' more properly, so impossible, that it ought not to 
<< havebeen believed, if it had come from the moutii 
*^ of Cato ; and, upon such evidence, from such wk- 
'^ nesses, were innocent men condemned and en* 

* " An Historical Account of the horrid Fiot and Con* 
^* spiracy of Titus Oates, called the Popish Plot, in its various 
^ biiinches and progress ; selected from the most authentic 
^' Protestant Historians ; tb which are added, some eoiiMy 
^ Obsenrattons on the Test Act. London, published by iL^ 
** Andrews, 5, Orange-street, Red-lion-square. 


^cateA. * Prosecutors, whetlier attomies-general, 
** and solicitors-general, or managers of impeach- 
^^ ment, acted with the fiiry, whi(ih, in such cir- 
'^ comstances, sught be expected. Juries partook 
^^ natuirally of the national ferment ; and judges *", 
^^ whose dntj' it was to guard them against such 
^ iminressioBS, were scandalously active in con- 
^ firming diem in their prejudices, and inflaming 
" their passions. The king, who is supposed to 
'^ have disbelieved the whole of the plol^ neve^ Once 
^ exercised >kis glorious prerogative of mercy. '^ 

In this dreluifiil scene of wickedness, it ik diffi- 
e«k not to assign the pre^^eminence of guilt to 
Aotbony Ashley Cooper, earl of Shaftesbury. If 
t^did not first coiitrite the fictions of Oat^, he 
certainly availed hiiposetf of Aem, to work up the 
iiflitidtt'to the fiiry, whic^ pMduced the subsequent 
hotMris. The only objedtKm to this suppositioil, 
is, ^ die absurdity of the cirdcffMtaHces, with which 
Ontes's narrative of the plot' wto stuflfed ; and 
wifieb,' it is said, no' mail <rf^ sense could have 
khai^ned. - To this, his lordship's reply, in a con- 
vimRMkm,r7elatedinNorA(^B(£^lda(ient9 is a com- 
fiMe'ttisw^:-^'' A c€^ftaih4a^,'\siiysMr. North, 
^< cmee teked lord Shafte&bui^$' what he intended 

// ^';yl' •' . w •  J'^ "'^♦i'' 'ii^. 

'.^''Xoifi Chief Jupdce Scrc^'toot in with the tide and 
^ Wted fbr the plot, hewing dnU^^^pery ar Sciuiderbeg 
^he^tdi doihi the Tuikt. TM attdtttej-genersl ilfed to say 
** m tlie triab for murder, < If the man be a papiat^then he is 
^ guO^ybecause it ia the intereatof papists to murder ua alL' " 
North, Examen. p. i30.-^Dr. jMilnei^s Serenth Letter to Dr. 
fi^urges, pi'd04, 6tfi edition.' . 
- t ^agegs. 



'' to do with the plot, which was so liill 6f non'^ 
^* sense, as would scarce go down with tdntum 
^^ fum idiot. — ^What, then, could he promise, by 
pressing this belief of it upon men of common 
sense, and especially on parliament? It is no 
^' matter,'' says the earl, — ^^ the more nonsensical, 
*^ the better. If we cannot bring them to swallow 
^^ worse nonsense than that, we shall never do tmy 
" good with them/' 

In extenuation of the delusion of the populace, 
something may be offered. The defamation of a 
century and a half had made the catholics the ob- 
jects- of protestant odium and distrust : and these 
liad been increleuaied by the accusation, artfiilly and 
assiduously fomented, — of their having been the . 
authors of the fire of the city of Lpndon. The pub- 
lication, ' too, of Coleman's letters, substantially 
haimless, but most imprudently expressed, certainly 
announced a considerable activity in them to pro- 
mote l£e catholic religion ; and contained expres* 
sions, easily distorted to the sense, in which ;the 
favourers of the belief of the plot wished them to 
be understood. Danby's correspondence, likewise, 
which had long been generally known^ and was 
about this time made public, had discovered, that 
Charles was in the pay of France. These, with 
several other circumstances, had inflamed the 
imaginations of the public to the very highest 
pitch. A dreadful something, — (and not the less 
dreadful because its precise nature was altogether 
unknown), was generally apprehended. Omnc 
ignotum pro moffufico^ is equally true, when the 


imagmatioii is shaken by terror, as when it is 
elevated by admiration. 

While the minds of men were in this state of sus- 
pense and agitation, another event happened, which 
wound them up to fiuy . Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, 
a magistrate, who had taken Oates's informations, 
was suddenly missed. After a search of several 
days, his body was found in a ditch, at Primrose- 
hill, near Hampstead. Who were the authors of 
his murder, is even yet a secret ; neither has any 
rational conjecture, respecting the manner of his 
death, yet been suggested. Hume, however, un- 
equivocally declares, ^^ that his assassination by the 
'' catholics is utterly improbable." To increase the 
frenzy of the populace, the dead body was carried 
into the city, attended by vast multitudes ;-— pub- 
liely exposed ; and then buried, with great parade. 
A funeral sermon was preached. Two able-bodied 
divines ascended the pulpit ; and stood on each 
side of the preacher, ^Mest," as it was said, ^^ in 
^' paying the last duties to the unhappy magistrate, 
he should, before the whole people, be murdered 
by the papists." — ^The delusion was general : 
the city prepared for its defence, as if the enemy 
were at the gates. -^" Were it not," said sir Thomas 
Player, the chamberlain, ^^ for these precautions, 
«< all the citizens of London would rise with their 
<' heads off." 

In this state of the public mind, the trials of 
several persons, accused by Oates, came on. Cole- 
man was first brought to trial. He was condemned 

VOL. III. ¥ 


tnd executed, — persisting, to the lajst, in asserting 
his absolute ignorance of the plot The trial of 
father Ireland immediately followed. " He proved," 
says Hume, ^' by good evidence, that he was in 
^S Staffordshire, at the time, when Oates's evidence 
^^ made him in London ; and would have proved it 
^^ by undoubted, had he not, most iniquitously, 
^^ been debarred, when in {prison, from all use of 
^^ pen, ink, and paper; and denied the liberty of 
"sending for witnesses." Several others were 
executed, for their pretended share in the conspi* 
racy. > They all died with great resignation ; de^ 
daring, with their latest breath, in terms equaUy 
modest and explicit, their innocence, and their 
absolute ignorance of the plot. . 

The solemn declarations of these unhappy men, 
the . piety and meekness which they showed in 
their last momentsy made, at length, some impves* 
sion upon the public. It was increased by the 
acquittal of sir George Wakeman, the queen s 
physician; and by the outrageous conduct and 
gross prevarications of Oates and his associates, 
on that trial. 

Some, however, still persisted in urging th^ 
reality of the plot. Five catholic peers were im- 
prisoned in the Tower. " The viscount Staffctnly'' 
says Hume, ^^ from his age, infirmities, and ^nar- 
" row capacity, was deemed the least capable of 
" defending himself, and it was dierefore* deter- 
" mined that he should be the first victiqii* The 
" clamour and outrage of the populace, during 


" his trial, were extreme. Great abilities and 
" eloquence, were exerted against him by the ma- 
nagers*, — sir William Jones, sir Francis Win- 


^ Bishop Burnet, in the History of his own Time, (fol. edi- 
tion, vol. i. p. 489,) records the following extraordinary 
drcmnstance, which took place during this trial. " Turber- 
^ ▼Hie," who was the principal evidence against lord Stafford, 
** upon discourse with some in St. Martin's parish, seemed 
«< inclined to change his religion : they brought him to Dr. 
« Lloyd," — (who was bishop of St. Asaph, when the &ct re- 
lated by Burnet took place,) — '< then their minister : and he 
** convinced him so flilly, that he changed upon it : and after 
*^ that, he came often to him, and was chiefly supported by 
** him : for some months he was constantly at his table : 
** Lloyd had pressed him to recollect all he had heard among. 
*' the papists, relating to plots and designs against the king or 
'< the nation. He said diat, which all the converts at that 
time often said, that they had it among them, that, within a 
very little while, their religion would be set up in England, 
** and that some of them said, a great deal of blood would be 
** abed before it could be brought about : but he protested 
** that he knew no particulars. After some months depend- 
^* ance on Lloyd, he withdrew entirely from him ; and he saw 
** him no more till he appeared now, as evidence against lord 
" Stafford : Lloyd was in great difficulties upoti that occasion. 
** It had been often declared, that the most solemn denial^ of 
** witnettes, before they make discoveries, did not at all invali- 
'' date their evidence, and that it imported no more, but that 
** they had been so long firm to their promise of revealing 
** nothing, so that this negative evidence against Turberville 
** could have done lord Stafford no service f. On the other 
** hand, considering the load that already lay on Lloyd, on ac* 
cpviift of Berry's business, and that his being, a little before 
tlii(B time, promoted to be bishop of St. Asaph, was imputed 
to tha^, it was visible that his discovering this against Tur- 

•m  > » j 1 1 

t Sorelj thu condnaion was contrary to common seme, and the t^ifjth 
lithed' rules of evidence of every civilued nation. 

F 2 


^^ aington, and seryeaiit Majimd. Tdr ^SA Ae 
^^ prisoner, under all diese disabibtieiy make a 
*^ better defence than was ezpededy ciAer hf his 
^^ friends or his enemies. The vmtqul coatest, 
*' in which he was engaged, was apkntifid source 
*^ of compassion to every mind, seasoned widi hn- 
^^ manitf . He remarked die inhxaj of &e wit- 
^* nesses, and die contradictions and absmdities of 
^' their testimony ; — and with a simplicity and 
^' tenderness, more persuasive than die greatest 
^^ oratof^, he made protestations of his imiooaice, 
** and could not forbear every m<mient expressing 
*^ the most lively surprise and indignation at die 
" audacious impudence of the witnesses. 

** It will appear," continues Hume, ** astonish- 
^' ing to us, as it did to Stafford himself that dia 
*^ peers, after a solemn trial of six days, should, by 
** a majority of twenty-six voices, gfive sentence 
" aguinst him. He received, however, with resig- 
•* nation, the fatal verdict 

'* benrille would have aggravated thoae censures, and veiy 
** much blasted him.— In opposition to all this, here was jus- 
** tics to be done, and a service to troth, towards the saving a 
'* man's life ; and the question was very hard to be determined. 
** He advised with all his friends, and myself in particular. The 
'* much greater number was of opinion that he ought to be 
'* silent. I said, my own behaviour in Staly's affiur showed 
** what I would do in that case ; but his circumstances were 
*" very dilbrent : so I concurred, with the rest, as to him." 
In perusing this passage, the reader will probably be at a 
whom most to admire, bishop Lloyd, who withheld fipom 
Btabrd the benefit of a testimony, which, at least, might 
' ifiad his life, or the cool indifierence with which bishop 
reltles the strange event, and his share in it 


'^ He furepared himself for death, with the intre-^ 
'^ pidity which became his birth and station ; and 
'^ which was the natural result of the innocence 
<< and integrity which, during the course of a long 
*' life, he had ever maintained. His mind seemed 
^ even to collect new force, from the violence 
and oppression under which he laboured. 
When going to execution, he called for a cloak 
** to defend him against the rigour of the season. 
' Perhaps,' said he, ^ I may shake with cold ; but 
I trust in Grod, not for fear.' On the scaffold, he 
*^ continued, with reiterated and earnest assevera- 
^' tions, to make protestations of his innocence. All 
'' his fervour was exercised on this point When 
^^ he mentioned the witnesses, whose perjuries 
'' had bereaved him of life,. his expressions were 
full of mildness and of charity. He solemnly 
disavowed all those immoral principles, which 
over-zealous protectants had ascribed, without 
distinction, to the church of Rome. And he 
hoped, he said, that the time was now approach- 
ing, when the present delusion would be dis- 
sipated ; and when the force of truth, though 
late, would engine the whole world to make 
reparation to his injured honour. 
'^ The populace, who had exulted at Stafford's 
** trial and condemnation, were now incited into 
^^ tears, at the sight of that tender fortitude, which 
^^ shone forth in each feature, and motion, and 
accent of this . aged . noble. Their profound 
silence was only interrupted by sighs and groans. 

F 3 



*^ Witk diflkmlty they found speech to assent to 


those protestations of innocoice, wbicli he fire- 
•** qoendy repeated : * We bdieve you, my lord ! 
•^ €iod bless you, my lord ! ' These expressions, 
^ with a feultering accent, flowed from them. The 
>< executioner himself was touched with S3rmpath^. 
^ Twice, he lifted up the axe, with an intent to 
^ strike the fatal blow ; and, as often, felt hia re- 
^ solution to £bu1 him. A de^ sigh was heard 
to accompany his last effort, which laid Stafford, 
for ever, at rest. All the spectators seemed to 
*' feel the blow : and when the head was held up 
^ to them, with the usual cry, ^ this is the head of 
^^ a traitor,' no clamour of assent was uttered. Pity, 
'^ remorse, and astonishmient, had taken possession 
" of every heart, and displayed itself in every 
f* countenance.!' 

It should be mentioned, that, to vindicate the 
principles of his faith from the heavy and ii^uri- 
ous aspersions, thrown out against them, l<»rd 
Stafford referred to a short treatise, written by 
a priest of the church of Rome, intituled, *^ Ro- 
'^ man Catholic Principles, in reference to Grod and 
"the King*." 

It is to be observed, that, in the following reign, 
a bill was brought into the house of lords to reverse 
the attainder of lord Stafford, and passed the 
house of lords ; but failed in the house of conunons. 

*' It has been often reprinted, and recently, by the reverend 
John Kirk, with an elaborate inquiry respecting the previous 
aditioiit, and the author ;-«8vo. 1815. — See Appendix, Note I. 



Surety^ tiie reversal of it, b an act of justite' duo. 
from Ae public to his posterity. ' 

'^^ The bloodi of lord Stafford was/' says Huinei 
^^ "die last which was shed od account of the popbh 
plotc-^an inddent, which) for the credit of the 
natioii, it were better to bury in eternal oblivion ; 
^^ but which it is necessary to perpetuate^ as well 
to maintain the truth of history , as to warn, if 
possible, their posterity and all mankind, never 
a^in to fall into so shameful and so barbarous a 
" delusion/ 

* With these reflections, Hiune concludes his 
account of this wonderfol event 
■• ' For many persons, otherwise truly respectable, 
who* tfuifered themselves to be carried awi^ by ttie 
general delusion, some excuse, perhaps, may be 
found. But, for the judges, who presided at the 
trials^; or,' for tiie law officers, who conducted the 
prdsecutions, none, certainly, can be o£fered. All 
tbe^ filust have known^ that in the trials of men^ 
adiSMed bf ' treason, the only circumstances to be 
ix>niideted, arer^whether the act, on which they 
cMKindioted, be treasonable ;-^and whether there 
hiB legal 'eviden<^e to convict them of it. Now, it 
WM ttb^utely imipossible^ that either the judges, 
of^be officers of the crown, should not have beeii 
completely sensible of the total want of legal evi- 
dence of guilt, in every case that was brought 
before the court ^ 

In his assertion, jhat ^^ the blood of lord Sta£ford 
'^ was the last thatwas shed on accountofthepopish 
'^ plot," Hume was mistaken; as the execution of 

F 4 


Dr. Oliva Plunkett, the catholic archbishop 61 
Armagh, took place in the following year. Several 
protestant writers, as Burnet*, Echardtt&nd 
Baker j:, speak of this prelate in terms oi great 
req>ect.— -'' In the mean time," says the last of these 
writers, ^* came on the trial of Dr. Oliver Plunkett, a 
^' popish titular bishop of Armagh, ndio called him- 
'' self primate of all Ireland. He was a worthy and 
<< a good man ; in low circumstances, living quiedy 
^' and contentedly, meddling with nothing but the 
^^ concerns of his function; and dissuadiiigall about 
^^ him from entering into any turbulent or factious 
^^ multitude. But, while the popish plot was 
'' warm, some lewd Irish priests, and othera of 
^^ that nation, hearing that England was disposed 
^' to hearken to good swearers, thought thems^ea 
^^ qualified for the employment. So they came 
^^ over, with an account of a plot in Ireland ^ and 
^^ were well received by lord Shaftesbury." — ^The 
archbishop was sent over, and brought to trials 
*' The evidence swore, that, upon his being made 
^^ primate of Ireland, he engaged sixty thoqsand or 
^^ seventy thousand Irish to be ready to join with 
^* the French, to destroy the protestant religion ; 
*^ and to get Dublin, Londonderry, and all the sea- 
** ports into their hands." He was first arraigned^ 
and brought to trial in Dublin ; and then, contrary 
every formality of law, sent over to England ; 
and, after six months close confinement, brought to 

 History of his own Times, vpl. i. p. 501. 
t History of England, yoL ui, p. 63K 
t Chronicle^ p. 76GU 


iStte bar, ccmdemned, and executed. — Standing on 
the cart, which brought him to the place of execu* 
tion, he addressed die spectators at length ; — in 
the most moving terms, unequivocally asserting his 
innocence ; forgiving the judges and witnesses ; 
and imploring the blessing of God on the king^ 
and on every branch of the royal family. — Echard 
relates that ^Vhe had been assured, by an un-^ 
^' questionable authority, that the earl of Essex, 
^^ (who had been lord lieutenant of Ireland), was 
so sensible of the poor man's hardship, that he 
generously applied to the king for a pardon ; and 
'^ told his majesty, the witnesses must needs be 
^^ perjured ; for, that the things sworn against him, 
'< could not possibly be true. Upon which, th^ 
king, in a passion, said, why did you not attest 
this at his trial ? it would have done him good 
then* I dare not pardon any one. And so con- 
^' duded with the same kind of answer, he had 
** given another person formerly : his blood be 
^< upon your head, and not upon mine." 

hi 1680, while the memory of these transactions 
was still recent, — and while all the agitators of the 
impositions were living, a most eloquent and ar- 
gumentative vindication of the sufferers was pub- 
lished, under the tide of '' The Papists Plea." It 
wasafterwards printed among lord Somen's Tracts; 
and several extracts from it may be found in Mr. 
Andrews's Historical Account, just cited.— But the 
most eloquent vindication of the catholics froin 
the charge of being concerned in Oates's plot, is 
the ^'Apologie pour les Gatholiques, contre les 


^ fauset6s, et les calomnies d'un livre, intitule, Lai 
"Politique du Clerg6 de France: fait premi^re^ 
" ment en Francois, et puis traduit en Flamand. 
"A Liege, 1681." 2 vols. 8vo. The celebrated 
Amaud was the author of this work. In powerful 
reasoning, and splendid eloquence, it has seldom 
been equalled. In these terms, cardinal Maury 
mentions it, in his " Essai sur I'Eloquence de la 
" Chaire." If any doubt remain upon any mind^ 
respecting the fabrication, or the imposture, of the 
plot, the perusal of Amaud's Apologie must re- 
move it. 

In the foUowing reign, Oates was tried, and con- 
aemned for perjuiy . " And never was a criminal,^ 
says, Hume, ^^ convicted on fuller, or more un- 
" doubted evidence." 

For their supposed part in the plot, ten laymen 
and seven priests, one of whom was seventy, 
another eighty years of age, were executed. Seven- 
teen others were condemned, but not executed. 
Some died in prison, and some were pardoned. On 
the .whole body of catholics j the laws were executed 
with horrible severity. Individuals are still living, 
whose fathers have told them what their fathers 
Ufied to relate of the wretchedness and misery of 
the general body, whilst the delusion lasted. Even 
at that distance of years, few of these could speak 
of it, without evident agitation and horror. : ? 

On: this occasion, Hume has certainly done jui^ 
tice to the ' catholics : — but the writer can assure 
his readers, that they can form no conception of the 
wicked arts that were practised to instil the be- 


lief of the plot into the public mind, and to indnce 
juries to find the catholic prisoners guilty of the 
plot, and of the death of sir Edmondbury Godfrey, 
without perusing the trials themselves. All the 
in£Dnnation which the reader can desire, is col* 
lected in Mr. Andrews's publication, — yet, it prin- 
cipally was firom these scenes, that the ancient 
prejudice i^ainst the catholics originated. 

LXV. 6. 

The Act disabling Peert/ram sitting and voting in the 

House of Lords, 

The calamities of the catholics, in the reign of 
Charles . the second, were aggravated by the long 
odium, which the infamous charges brought against 
them, had created ; and which it required nearly 
a century to subdue. They were aggravated also 
by a legislative act, which even yet subjects them 
to several depressing and painful disabilities. 

The Test and Corpor^tipn Acts have been men- 
tioned ; to these, the roman-catholics are subject 
in common with all protestant dissenters : — the act 
t<> wl^i^Vwe noW;allude, was passed in the thirtieth 
year of Charles. It contained a declaration, com- 
monly called the declaration against popery, — 
denying transubstantiation ; and asserting the in- 
vocation of the Virgin Mary and other saints, and 
the sacrifice of 4;he mass, to be superstitious and 
idola&ous. It prescribed that no peer should vote, 
or make his proxy in the house, or sit there, during 
the debate^ ; and that no member of the house of 
commons should vote in the house, or sit there, 


during any debate, until he should first take the 
oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and make and 
subscribe the declaration, contained in the act 

The act passed the commons without much op- 
position ; ^^ but, in the upper house,'' says Home, 
^^ the duke of York moved, that an exception might 
^ be admitted in his favour. With great earnest- 
^* ness, and even with tears in his eyes, he told 
^' them, that he was now to cast himself on their 
^^ kindness, in the greatest concern which he could 
^^ have in the world ; and he protested, that what- 
^* ever his religion might be, it should only be 
'^ between God and his own soul. Notwithstand- 
^* ing this strong effort, in so important a pointy he 
" prevailed only by two voices." 

With the reign of Charles the' second, the saii- 
guinary part of the penal code against the roman- 
catholics finally closes. 

LXV. 7. 

Summary Review, by a Protestant Writer, of the Religious 
Persecution in England, from the Reformation tiU the 
end of the reign of Charles the second. — General R^leo* 
tions on them. 

^^ It is," said Mosheim, '^ an observation often 
'^ made, that all religious sects, when they are k(^t 
'^ under and oppressed, are remarkable for incul- 
^^ eating the duties of moderation, forbearance, 
^' and charity, towards those who dissent fixMn 
<^ them; but that, as soon as the scenes of peraecu- 
<< tion are removed, and they, in their turn, arrive 



'^ at power and pre-eminence^ they forget their 

own precepts and maxims ; and leave both the 
recommendation and practice of charity to those 
that groan imder their yoke." The events, which 
fi>rm the subject of the present pages, too well 
ex^nplify the truth of this observation. 

Of the persecution alternately inflicted upon, 
and inflicted by the protestant non-conformists, 
Robinson, in his History of the Persecutions of 
Christians, gives the following extraordinary ac- 
comut : 

'^ On the death of queen Mary, Elizabeth suc- 
<< ceeded to the throne. Elizabeth being a pro- 
*^ testant, and being likewise taught by suffering, 
^^ under the reign of her sister, — ^the protestants 
^' blessed themselves, that now their cause was 
^' established ; and every friend of mankind hoped 
persecution would now cease. A church, caUing 
itself protestant, was indeed established; but, 
this queen imitated her father, in persecuting 
both protestants and papists. Elizabeth was a 
princess of most arbitrary principles and charac- 
'Vter; ambition was her ruling passion; and he, 
" who contradicted her,— ^ied. The protestant 
bishops were continually employed in preaching 
in favour of arbitrary power, and persecuting all 
^^ who dissented either from their political or 
<< theological, creed. If any one wrote any thing 
^^ against arbitral^ power, either in church or 
^^ atate^ he was immediately condemned and put 
^* to death, as an author of seditious publications ; 
f < agpinst. which^conyenient laws were eoacted, to 





^^ please the queen and the priests. If any one 
refused to conform to the least ceremony in 
worship, he was cast into prison, where, for this 
offence, many of the most excellent men in the 
^^ land perished^ 

^' Two protestants, of the anabaptist faith, this 
^^accomplished queen burnt for heresy; and nistny 
^^ more of the same denomination she banished 
^^ for the same crime. She also put two heretics to 
'^ death, who had adopted the faith of Brown, the 
^' father of the independents ; and, a little before 
^^ this, she butchered some papists for their ancient 
*^ heresy. The archbishops Parker and AVTiilgifl 
'^ are * damned to eternal fame,' for the brutal part 
^^ they took in this cruel carnage. Indeed, tii(^ 
*' whole reign of Elizabeth, though distinguisl^ 
" t>y the political prosperity of England, as tar as 
*^ great fame and good fortune abroad caii be called 
*' prosperity, is nothing but a series of arbitrary 
^' and flagitious conduct, pointing to the destruc- 
" tion of all liberty, civil and religious j and full ^ 
^' murder for religious opinions. Elizabeth herself 
^^ had no religion ; but was openly profane^ - iemd 
«' addicted to common cursing and ' swearittg: 
" Without the weakness of Mary, she had Mary *s 
^^ heart, thirsting for human blood. 

''James the first succeeded Elizabeth on Ihe 
'' throne of England ; and uhited the two kingdoins 
'' of England and Scotland: Educaited a^r^by- 
'' terian^ the firiends of .reformation exp^ot^/ at 
'' onoe, a cessation of persecution^ and t^ f)¥otec- 
'^ tiou' and countenance of the young kiiig'. : In 


both, they were grievously disappointed. The 
protestant churches of England and Scotland 
had laid down persecution as a mark and evi- 
dence of a false church ; but, if their mark were 
a just one, neither of them merited the honour- 
able appellation of a true church. When James 
ascended the throne, his first concern appears to 
hav« been the maintenance of his prerogative, 
and the extension of his power. He eagerly 
looked around him for those who were best in- 
clined to secure him these advantages. — Expe- 
rience had taught him, that die rough manners 
of the presbyterian clergy showed them to be 
ill adapted to this purpose. They had too often 
been to him the instruments of restraint ; and 
had' akown too litde disposition to flatter his 
vanity, or assert the omnipotence of his power. 
— In the English clergy, and especially the 
bishops, he found men «very way fitt^ for his 
purpose. Every tyrant is, in his turn, a syco- 
phant ; and every sycophant is, in his turn, a 
tyrant,— is » maxim founded on experience ; and 
James perceived that those, whose pleasure was 
the' burning of oAers, would conform to any 
thing to please him, from whom they derived 
their power. His standing maxim soon was, 
* noibishop, no king ; ' for, he found no other 
meq^ whose endeavours were equdly to' be de- 
pended upon, lAj securing unlimited obedience 
in the peopl% and asserting unlimited authority 
in the prince^ To Inribe their exertions in fevour 


^^ of despotism, he published edicts, fiill of the old 
*^ spirit of persecution. — Bancroft, the pious bishop, 
^^ was at once his adviser and agent. The king 
published a proclamation, commanding all pro^ 
testants to conform strictly, and without any 
" exception, to all and singular the rites and cere- 
'^ monies of the church of England ; and granted 
'^ indulgence to tender consciences to none, but 
*^ roman-catholics, of all his numerous subjects in 
" England. 

^^ The spirit of this proclamation was directed 
^^ by Bancroft to the heads of thousands of pro- 
*^ testant non-conformists. Above five hundred 
'^ clergy were immediately silenced or deprived, 
'^ for not complying with some slight ceremonies. 
^^ Some were excommunicated, and some banished 
** the country. Every means was used to distress 
" dissenters. They were deprived, censured, fined' 
'^ in the star-chamber, and used in the most violent 
^^ and arbitrary manner. Worn out with endless 
^^ vexations, and unceasing persecutions, many 
• ' retired to Holland, and fron^ thence to America, 
^^ seeking, amongst untutored savages and roaring 
" wild beasts, that mercy they were denied by pro- 
testant bishops and priests in their native land. 
Amongst the most illustrious of these ftigitives 
was Mr. Robinson, the father of the independents 
^' in America. — ^James, dreading the consequence 
^^ of such numerous emigrations, prohibited them ; 
• ^ but without effect. It is wi^essed, by a most 
^^ judicious historian, that in this, and some follow- 





^ ing reigns, twenty-two thousand persons were 
'< banished firom England, -by persecution, to 
** America. 

'^ To stifle the spirit of inquiry, hostile; at all 
'^ times, to arbitrary power, in church and state, 
^ and to promote universal thoughtlessness and 
ignorance, James published the Book of Sports, 
to be read in churches, which, on their refusing 
toncon^ly with the requisition to read it, was the 
Means of depriving and silencing all the clergy 
^ of honour and conscience in the nation. 

^* When Charles the first ascended the throne, 
he early discovered very arbitrary principles of 
government ; and, agreeably to the schemes of 
^ such as have ever attempted to enslave mankind, 
*' he flattered the priesthood, in their most daring 
^^ wmrpations. It is an observation of the authors 
*^ 0f the Independent Whig, that where there are 
'' no dissenters from the established worship, there 
^'' easts not a free man in the nation. This is an 
observation, founded on the experience of ages, 
that the power of the clergy is the death-warrant 
6£ liberfy.—- Charles soon discovered his whole 
^' heeai, by marrying a roman-catholic, and placing 
'^ tiie mfamous Laud at the head of both state and 
<< cbnrclL. ^ Laud was another Thomas-^-Becket ; 
amd had powers equaUy formidable, being arch- 
biahop of Canterbury, and the first man in the 
^'fltate. He, indeed, lived in times not quite so 
<< benighted ; yet ignorance, bigotry, and super- 
stition, were e^ven yet almost univenal. A proof 
oi this may be found in the conduct of the better 







^' sort of priests in Ireland, in this reign4* A number 
^ of pious bishops, wtthi the famous archbishop 
" Usher at their head, published a protest agninst 
f^ the toleration of Toman*catholies, not an adcount 
.^^ of their political principles being supposed dan- 
^^ gerous, but because they did not dare to ddocur 
in the toleration of catholics,^ lest they :(the pro'-* 
testast bishops), 'Should be: involved in die %TmL of 
^ iddktry.; Here are meh^ prepared to ettermintte 
^ the human xace/ because they "do not adopt 
*^ their creed; and: piously admoWledge theirin- 
.^^ faHibiHty Ir^Laud pushed the great bunness of 
^^- persecution to its utmost bounds and gave the 
nation more exercise in this iway^ than 4t was 
inclined to suffer* Numbers^ torn to piecw by 
^^ this protestant bishop, in their families and pto^ 
^^ perty, fled to America, andfbundedtbe setfleiaertt 
^^ of Massachusetts Bay. They were 4hfifatliettr of 
^^ the first asserters of liberty^ in the last war;r or ' ' 
' ^VA.D. 1630, the learned Dr. Xeightoa^iieiote 
^^ a book against the hierarchy ; and felt^-^to his 
f^ cost, that his good, mother was inclined to eha^-^ 
^^ iise as much as to cherish her offspring.; :^dteti 
^^ diey called in question her high atothori^.^f^^e 
r was sentenced in the high commission^, in a fine 
'^ of io,eoo/. pe(rpetual imprisonment, andiwik^-' 
-^ ping.'iist. He was whipped, and thenipiacedKin 
^ Ae pillory. 2dly, One of hia ears iCOtFti^. 
H 3dly, One side of hi^ nose slit 4th%f. Bnteded 
'^ on thi cheek with, a red hot iro% with 4helettifers 
" &6.: wihipped, a second time, ^and/plafiiddf^ili 
^ the piliofy ; about a fidrtnight Aftecwardli>i< 


^^ Mres being yet uncured, he had the other ear 
'^ cot off; the other dde of his nose slit, and the 
** other cheek branded. • He continued in prisoa, 
^^ tiU thci long parliament set him at liberty. vArch- 
<< bishop Laud had the honour of conducting this 

The singular feature of the persecutionsi thus 
inflicted by the protestants of the establishment on 
the: puritans, :is,- (to use the expression of Neale *) 
.ikijkf ^^ in point of faith, there was no substantial 
'^ difference in doctrine, between the churd^ of 
^riEaglaBd send the puritans ; so that these were 
" turned out of the church, for things, which their 
>< adveiaajrieis admowledged to be of mere indiffev- 
*' fpee;; whereas i&e puritans took it in &mr oon- 
^' SfjenceSi end were ready to* aver, in the most 
.'^ lelenm 'manner, ithat they deemed dieni unlaw^ 
-'^ Uk. 1 Incredible as it may appear, the point 
" whkdi principally occasioned this animpsify was, 
^* ftie habits, — ^^Ihat is, the dreBS,-^particularly the 
'* 8Qiplftee,'**rof the dergy. r 
. But/n4 sooner were the presbyterians possessed 
of thdij[lf>wer of the state, than in their turn they 
beeaimvyepiecutors ^ v- . -: • 
/ n^ lnj:i64Sf the long parliament," continues 
Mr. Robinson,. fMnt^dicted the freedom of the 

t Pr. Gaoden, in his petitionary remonttrance to the pro- 
tector, states the number of sequestered clergy to hare been 
betwe^ 6,000 and 7,000. 




^^ press ; ftnd appointed licensers, of the press,^— 
a singular introduction this^ — to the establish- 
ment of the liberty they promised. 
" In 1 645^ an ordinance was published, subject* 
^* ing all, who preached, or wrote against the pres- 
" byterian directory for public worship, to a fine, 
^^ not exceeding fiffy pounds ; and imprisonment, 
^^ for a year, fpr the third offence, in, using die 
^' episcopal book of common prayer, even in a 
^* private family. — Such was the spirit of presby- 
<^ terian toleration ! 

" The following year, when the king had sur- 
'^ rendered to the Scots, the Presbyterians applied 
^ to parliament, pressing them to enforce unifor- 
^* mity in religion, and to extirpate popery, pre- 
'^^lacy, heresy, schism, agreeably to the solemn 
^* league and covenant ; and to establish presby- 
'^ terianism, by abolishing all s^arate congrega- 
*^ tions, and preventing any, but presbyterians, 
** from all offices under government A resolutioii 
'^ of greater folly, madness, and persecution, was 
^^ never formed by any fanatics, which have dis- 
graced the world. The parliament did not 
approve of this madness ; and the independents, 
'^ (a sect, which first asserted general toleration), 
'^ opposed it, with becoming spirit. 

'' Those infallible teachers, the London presby- 
^^ terian ministers, and the ministers in Glouces- 
^' tershire, published their protest, and testimony 
^' against all errors ; and especiaUy ^at greatest 
^' of all errors, toleration. They seem to be at a 



^' load for wordd to express their deep abhorrence 
<< of the damnable heresy, called toleration, or an 
'^ indulgence to tender consciencl^ ." They call 
ity ^' the error of toleration, patronizing and pro- 
^' nioting all other errors, heresies, and blasphemies 
<< whatsoever, under the grossly-abused notion of 
^' liberty of conscience. These wise gentlemen 
" needed no liberty of conscience : — they were' 
^^ right; — others were blasphemous heretics; to 
*< be damned for their pleasure hereafter ; and 
who ought to have been burnt, for their satis- 
tifl&ction and delight here. . 
^ On the 2d of May 1648, the English parlia- 
meat, being ruled by the presbyterians, published 
an . ordinance against heresy, as follows; viz. 
<^ * that all persons, who shall maintain, publish, 
^* olr defend, by preaching or writing, the foUow- 
^ iBgberesies, with obstinacy, shall upon complaint, 
or proof by the oath of two witnesses, before two 
jdstices of the peace, or confession of the party, 
be committed to prison, without bail or main- 
prize, till the next gaol delivery ; and in case the 
indictment shall be found, and the party on his 
** trial shall not abjure his said errors, and his de- 
*^ fence and maintenance of the same, he shall 
^ suffer the painsof death, as incase of felony, widi- 
^ out benefit of clei^ ; and if he recant or dbjuie, 
-** he shall remain in prison till he find securities, 
<< that he will not maintain the said heresies or 
*^ errors any more ; but if he relapse, and be con- 
^' victed a second time, he shall suffer deadly' ' / 
%ich were the offences of each party against 





^^iiaered duty ^f religious toler&tionv ' Much has 
he^h fiaid, aild is still daily said, of the persecuting 
Sp4iKt of the catholics. — That they have been fre- 
quetdy guilty <x>t perdecution, -must be acknOw^ 
h^ged ;— ^but^ ^ is ' the spirit of persecution les^ 
discernible, in the instances which Robinson has 
eniHnerated, and which we have just cited from 
hittk ? 

^- It is not a little remarkable, that, while the puri* 
tans were suffering under these laws, and filling the 
yteAd with their just complaints against them^ they 
were, by an unaccountable inconsistency, uniformly 
damorous for the* cKeeution of the laws ^against 
th^ catholics, and even for fresh enactments ^against 
tkem^ They also repeatedly forced, both the first 
James adid the first Charles against their own vleW^ 
of policy, and their own natural dispositions) intb 
the most sanguinary measures. The fact is, l&at 
the^ doctrine of toleration was neither und^rqt^d, 
nor ^fell, ' by any party : all were equally guilty : 
m^n^' ^otherwise most bamane and cha^itabkv-^ 
maiFf of them learned, and, in other respects, en- 
lightened in 'the highest degree, were the wtona 
adVObaste^^ periBecution. — ^^ 

i>>Ar^fairei^'Oi' a more InmourabW name thiail Aat 
o^uctablshop Usher, or a more learned me%&e 
dtmia^ 6f EnglaiM caimot prddtiie :— yet, <Ii# this 
vittl^lAbl^'maii, with a file of musketeers, enter 4h6 
catholk; dbJapel, in Goi4c-street Dbblin^ di:(ring &b 
c«lebl*tio«i« of HK^ne' sen««^, seize th€» pri«* in 
his vestmwts, and hew down the crucifix : yet, 
did this venerable man» willi elevai oth^r 



pndatefi, jign^wliat is te^ned|'/^the judgiocjiit of 
''.ilivmi ;0f tke aichbiahops . and bishop^iof Ine- 
'^Aindi on.itlierJtoleratioQ. of rdigion/'-r^and d«^. 
dwe by it, ;f)itl|at the religion of the pupists^joui 
'' Auperstitioos a^d .idolatrous ; their faith: juid 
^' doctrine erroneous and heretical; their i:hnii$di,. 
'' nrespeci to |x>tb, apostatical : that, to give them^ 
'^ tbereforci a toleration, or to ccxisent that l^b^ 
'> jnay freely exercise their religion, is a grievOiis 
^- fliB." It 10 obsen^ahle/too*, that the circinnfitawe,. 
wfiL have just mentioned, took place, at a, time 
when Charles the first was in his greatest distrefp i 
tndttke catholics of Ireland were straining evwy 
WUFTB to assist him.-^Surely, the archlnshq;): nyst 
hmw fbffgotten the just rebuke, which, not lopg 
before this time, himself had given ta aclergymaia, 
£3r ja want of charity.— Being wrecked on a ieaor 
kte part of the Irish coast, hp. applied to.ia cleigyr 
forselief; and stated^ without mentioning }m 
or rank, his - own sacred ^ profession. The 
elevgymim, rudely, questioned, it, and told, him 
peetishlyy thati ^^ he doubted, ^whether he knew 
^< ihe>]iiimber of the commandments." ^Mndeedil 
^^ 4di^?iire{died the archbishop jnildly," there, are 
** elei^en." " Eleven!" said the clerg3rman:; j"leU 
<< iBe iike eleventh, and^I will assut yQU."-rt-^f OA>ey. 
*^ the eleventh," said the archbishop, ^^ and you 
<< certainly will. — A new commandment I give 
l^.imto ybu,-^thai ye love one another." 

• See Mr. Plowden's Hb^rical Review of the State cf 
Irdaad, vd. i. c it. 




It is pteasii^, however, to add, that whit* 
Uiher declared against toleration in Irdand, Dr. 
Jeremy Taylor advocated it in England, in his 
'' Discourae on the Liber^ of Prophesying,"— an 
immortal work; abounding in passages of the 
closest reasoning and strains of eloquence seldran 
equalled. It was published in 1647 ; and, there- 
fore, long preceded the liberal treatise of Grrotius 
*' De Jore summoruni principum circa sacra," pnb- 
lished in 1661 ; Bayle's " Commentaire Philoso- 
** phiqae, but ces paroles de J^us Chrbt, con- 
*f traignez les d'entrer," first published in i686, — 
and Locke's Six Letters upon Toleration, the first of 
which appeared in 1689. — By preceding the trea-i 
tises of Grotius and Bayle, Dr. Taylor has conferred 
on his country the htmonr of having produced the 
first r^;ular treatise on toleration. Long, how- 
ever, before this time, its existence in Utopia had 
been supposed by sir Thomas More :— and long 
before Utopia was imagined, St. Martin of Toufs 
had refused to communicate with the persecutors 
of the Priscillianists, on account of dieir religions 
fatolerance ; and long before Tours was edified by 
Aie virtues of St Martin, the Son of Man had te- 
buked the sons of Zebedee for wishing t^at a 
■hower of fire might descend on the incredulous 

A new edition of Dr. Taylor's Liberty of Pro- 
phesying has been recently published. The work 
concludes with tlie following apologue ; it would 
be well that every child should learq it by heart : 






— '^ When Abraham sat at his tent-door, according 
^^ to his custom, waiting to entertain strangers, he 
espied an old man, istooping, and leaning on his 
staffe, weary with age and travel, coming towards 
'^ him, — who was an hundred years of age; he 
received him kindly, washed his feet, provided 
sapper^ caused him to sit down ; but, observing^ 
<< that the old man eat and prayed not, nor begged 
for a blessing on his meal, asked him, why he did 
not worship the God of heaven? The old man 
told him, that he worshipped the fire <mly, and 
acknowledged no other god : at which answer^ 
*^ Abraham grew so zealously angry, that he thrust 
*^ Ihe old man out of his tent, and exposed him to 
<< all the evils of the night, and an unguarded con- 
'^ ditien« \When the old man was gone, God called 
'^ to Abraham, and asked him where the stranger 
^Vwast^he replied, ^l thrust him out, because 
^^ be did not worship thee :' God answered him, 
«<<! have suffered him, these hundred years, 
*^ although he dishonoured me ; and couldst not 
*' tibtou endure him one night, when he gave thee 
^^ ua trouble?* Upon this, saith the story, Abraham 
*' fetched him back again, and gave him hospita* 
**yAe entertainment and wise instruction. — Go 
^' thou and do likewise ; and thy charity will be 
^^ rewarded by the Grod of Abraham ! " 



JAMES TH£ second. 

■'' ''"•'■ ' ■'• '■■16^5: •'■" ■' ''  "•'■'"' 

ISIIoTWiTHSTANpxNO. hift impradence and wi^ak^ 
ncBSi-^^Hiotwithstanding Bven his oflfences against 
the constitution, a generous mind will always lead 
ihe. history of James the second *, with^oompas^ 
sion ; tad this compassion will rise to a higher 
feelingy when> he considers^ that the misfortimeff of 
tiuB^'mooaich ifi^e owing^Jin a great measwey to 
hiB sincere and imdissembling nund; and. to *ihe 
twaeherous counsels of his principal iHuniBt^y'— 
the t earl of Sunderland^ — ^who even formally * em- 
hf^ced'and most/ openly professed the ronum- 
catholic religion, in iOrder. to^tdeoeive his rcgral 
master die more efiectoally. « ^We shall present dodr 
^peaders, L With some miscellaneous observations 
cm* his <^haraeter : II. With, some aoeount*x>£ the 
principal events, which 'Jed to the revi^tion^in 
ft688 : III. Of the visit of James U> the mmiasteiy 
of Ia Trappe: IV. Of hi&.death : ^V. And with 
transcripts of those parts^of the historicalLpoemaof 
Dryden, which relate to the occurrences in the 
reigns of Charles the second and James the second^, 
in which the English roman-catholics were parti- 
cularly concerned. 

* The fragment of the history of this reign, by the late 
Mr. Fox, though open to objection, is a noble luroductioa, 
and does honour to his memory. 


LXVI. 1. 
Miscellaneous Observations on the Character of James » 

The sincerity, which^ire ha^e ascribed to Jamcs^ 
has generally bem admitted. His- industry, per* 
severance, and skill in the official details of busy^ 
tieM, have been universally allowed. (Never, simce 
\m reign, has die natiem been without obIigatioii9 
to faun : '' It does not aippgar,'' says Mr.Olarkeif^^ 
^ that the difficulties^ which James had to struggle 
*^ with, have always been sufficiently ^ooiisidered^ 
^ historians; nor ^does'it appear, that the essential 
^ wbA laaling service, which James rendered, to his 
^ counliy, in compacting, and^ as it were^* bnilding 
^ «pitsnavalpowc!r5havebeens>affici«iilyweigl^d» 
^ It is not generally knowii, that the naval tfegul^^ 
'^tiens, now i^fbree^ are taken^ almost vferbatim^ 
^^firom tiiose whicb he established ; or that,^ wfaeH 
*^4ately 'tile board of naval^tevision wished to add 
'^ 10, ^ibd^uniprove the Baval regulations, they Sent 
^' for lke^]Mip(Kr8 of Pepys^t}^ ittarine secretary of 
^ itttiea^'as being fth^ best itt(kterial& wbence 'tiiey 
" could obtain^thd 'ObjMt* they -had in vic^." < i^ « ^i 
i'^39ie ' steeerity^ '■- of ' Jam^s^^- has, * it i is tm^^ been 
cpeiAion^ jn ^iosi^'veiterfitfed protnises^ -which^he 
made 6f preserving the liberties of the nation ; and 
whi^,' in^every pa]et <>f his short reign^ he 

^ In the pre&oe to his edition of the ^' Life of James the 
^ feecond, collected oat of Memoirs written with his own hand,** 
p. zxxi. 


peatedly violated. This objection is, however, 
satisfactorily answered, by observing, that these in- 
vasions of the national rights were perfectly recon- 
cileable with the monarch's own notions, however 
erroneous, of the constitution ; so that, ialthough 
they were certaiiily gross infractions of it^ still they 
were not such in his opinion. 

His disturbing the legal settlement of the religion 
of his country, bias been a subject of still more 
severe reprehension. Had he maturely examined 
what was the greatest degree of toleraticm, which 
the actual temper of the times, and the wel&re of 
his country, would allow him to procure for his 
tatholic subjects ; had he prepared the public miaA 
to receive this favourably ; and had he established 
it by a legislative act, — ^then, it would have been a 
salutary measure, and have placed him among die 
benefactors of humanity. But, — (even if he c<m- 
lemplated nothing beyond complete toleration), — 
he yet aimed at more than the times would bear ; 
and he attempted to accomplish his aim by means, 
which were wholly repugnant to the constitntion. 
His aim may, perhaps, admit of some excuse ; the 
means, to which he resorted, admit of none. 

Still, one circumstance should be related, which 
seems to show, that he possessed the true spirit of 
ioleration. On the revocation of the edict of Nantes^ 
a large proportion of the Hugonots took refuge in 
this country. The hospitality, with which they were 
received, was most exemplary ; and James himself 
animated the spirit of the nation, both by his ex^' 


iKMrtetioiif and his example. — ^A silent reproof of 
his great dly, Lewis the fourteenth, and his 
wretched advisers*. 

LXVI. 2. 
Prmeipal Circumtimice$ wkick led to the Rttohuion. 

Few circumstances, however, had a greater effect 
than this measure of Lewis, in increasing the 
alarm, wnich already subsisted in a high degree^ 
of the designs which James was then more than^ 
suspected to have conceived, for introducing the 
free exercise of the roman-catholic religion into 
his kipgdoms. If the nation had reasoned justly, it 
woald have occurred to them, that the oppressions, 
which had driven the French sufferers from their 
MtiTe country, were considerably less than those, 
to which the English catholics had been subject 
daring more than a century, and which had re- 
cendy been inflicted on them with extreme rigour. 
This reflection should have suggested the justice 
iipd propriety of an immediate repeal of the most 

* In ills lifii of James the second, written by himielf, (Mao- 
phenooTs State Fibers, toL L p. 51,) we find this passage: 
«< Ike dnke of Tori^ at Tunbridge, assured Dr. Owen, thirt he 
«* had ao bitterness against the non-conFormists. He was 
M ggiiBgi aD peraecntion, merel J for conscience sake,, looking 
« ejii, il as an ondiristian thing and absolatel j against his 
^ eesMckace.^-— The same writer obserres, (ib. 576.) from 
Ikk Maime Fi^eii, '* that notwithstanding the enthusiasm of 
^ tlie ptinet and his submissire obedience m spirituals, it 
^ appeaia diet be never intended to acknowledge the pope'ii. 
^ aiyreiMifCf hi temporal oqnoenis." 


obnoxious of those laws : but the puUic feeding 
look a different direction; and- dwelt altogether on 
the alleged persecuting spirit of tbe religi0mffflikwk 
Lewis professed, and a dread of its horrors, if the 
schemes imputed to James should be realized, and 
cathplics obtain the ascendancy. This natocally 
increased the jealousies of the monarch's views, and 
the af^rehensions entertained of their consequences. 
' The first step taken by James to carry than, into 
effect, was an attempt to intimidate the parliament 
In his speech from the^ throne to the two houses 
at the opening of the sessions, he openly avowed 
his claim to the dispensing power. . The house of 
dommons voted an address to him againatfit :- in hiy 
aMwer, he instated on his right; after it waf jr^ml 
by the speaker^ a silence of son^e moments enswd* 
r'tfat length Coke, the mQm]i>er for Derby^roseiin 
his place and boldly s^id^ /^ I hope we are allEng* 
^^ Ushmen, and not to be^^ghtened by a few.hu4 
f* #<wds." He was reproved, «and ordered' tojtb^e 
Tower ; but th^ sullenness of the house coatinu^' 
The lords, a^r voting thanks generally, to ihfi 
king for his speech, appointed a day for taking it 
info consideration, with an avowed in^ntion of 
discussing the. obnoxious passage. 
: Thus foiled in his hopes of the subserviency of 
pttriiament, the next effort- of James was made 
through the medium of the courts of justice.- ^Hti 
gave to sir EdWard Hal^s a commission of tblbtt^: 
sir Edjward accepted it, and enteredfOh the.dutiea 
•f the rank without qualifying himsdf for j^^Im:- 
cording to the provisions^ of 4he"test Mtrr^^withr 


liiese James dispensed : it was contrived, that the 
coachman of sir Edward should prosecute him for 
&e penalty of 500/. which the test act gave to die 
nfarmer* Sir Edward pleaded the dispensiation'; 
and iisuB^ by a feigned action, the general question 
was bnmght to a direct issue. The decision of the 
judges was unanimous in its favour : but James 
liad previously displaced four of themy and 'sub- 
stituted in their stead, four on whose pliancy he 
moid rely. * 

'>v BnoDuraged by this saccess, and either unaware 
tbot pfttblic opinion was against him, or ignorant of 
its niportance, James proceeded to bolder mea- 
ttfes; he brought five catholic lords, Powis, :Arun- 
dUl^vBellasjrse and Dover, and father Petre a Jesuit, 
mtb/tbe privy <iouncil. He conferred tbe office of 
pnvy seal on lord Arundell^ and putting his trea- 
SMjr into commissidn, placed lord Bellasyse a,t its 
bead : he also advancedsome catholics in the army 
(Hid''nftvy. :. r v- - t 

He then sent the earl of Casdemain ambassador 
4KtiaDndinary to Rome : the pope received him very 
..codBkytf bat sent a nuncio to England^ the kinggttv^ 
4iMMxndioapublie and soUmn teeeption at WindacH^. 
J^lonrca&olJKx bishops werepublidy ccmsecri^t^by 
|l».Bimcto ; 4t pastcural. letter^ £r^atned by theiafk^rand 
idUbessi^.'to the lay cathoUes of England,. was 
ptd>lis]bed^ by tbu6 king's allowance, and several of 
lim r«gii^ clergy were permitted to af^ean .pubr 
liolyi'i^.the hd^ts; o£ theijit order. ^^The pastoral 
faMsr rift intituled, ^^^:A Pastoral Letter ilirom the 
fhCSellKibc BislK>ps^ipdb4J^y^^ 


^ land/' 4to, Holyrood-house, by P- B. engraver: 
it is comprised in eight pages. They begin it by 
observing to them, that ^^ Episcopal authority, to 
^' which they and their catholic ancestors had long 
« been deprived, had been lately, by a merciful 
^^ providence of God, and the piety of his majesty, 
^ restored to them." 

They exhort the faithful ^^ to charity, to unity 
'^' of spirit, to love their protestant ndghbours, to 
*^ inoffensiveness, to assiduousness at the divine 
^ service, in imitation of his majesty, to passive 
<< obedience. — After observing that his majesty 
^ had favoured many among them with a share 
^ in the government, they recommended loyalty, 
** and an active discharge of duty : — and conclude 
^ with a blessing. Signed, John, bish<^ of Adru- 
*^ mete, v. a. Bonaventure, bishop of Madooia; 

V. A. Philip, bishop of Aureliopolis, v. a. James, 

bishop of Callipoli, v. a." 
James then ventured on the step which made an 
irreparable breach between him and the established 
church. Having required the bishop of Londoii to 
tuspend Dr. Sharpe from his clerical functions, 
for a sermon, in which he had mentioned conver- 
uons to the roman^catholic religion in terms of con- * 
timely, and the bishop having refused to comply; 
Jsmes issued an ecclesiastical commission, by which 
•even commissioners were appointed, with mdi*- 
mited authority over the church of England,' and 
with the same inquisitorial and arbitrary pbwers, as 
Ind been vested in the court of high commission 
eilablished by queen ER^beth, vnd abolished in 



the reign of Charles the first. The commissioners 
instantly proceeded against the bishop and the- 
doctor, and, by a majority of votes, suspended both 
firdkn their fonctions. 

His majesty then attempted to impose a catholic 
president on Magdalen college in Oxford, and tO' 
procure seven bishops, who had presented a petition 
to him against some of his measures, to be con-. 
demned fo>r the libel supposed to be expressed by 
the petition. This completed the alienation of the 
public mind. 

Finally, he issued a proclamation, by which he 
suspended all the penal laws in ecclesiastical affairs, 
and granted a general liberty of conscience to all 
his subjects*. Hume, — but for this he cites no 

? It it idle to contend, that these acts were justifiable in 
cioseqiiance of a ditpensing power inherent in the monarch, 
aa«pMt of his legal and constitutional prerogatiTe. 

No. leiqpectable advocates for the existence of this power 
ever oont^ded, that the exercise of it was lawful except on 
eztmordijDnry occasions^ when the public welfare rendering 
audi aiQ exercise of it necessary, it was justified by this very 
nrrswrity, and limited to the occasion : they also admitted, 
that it coiild only be exercised in favour of particular persons, 
in particular instances, and for a particular time. Such a 
gnieral exercise of it, as amounted to a total repeal of an 
exiating law, they considered inadmissible : it evidently was a 
vidatioii of the.£rst principle of our constitution, by which 
fKuwera of legislation cannot be exercised by the king, without 
the two houses of parliament. Most of its advocates allowed 
Apt the king could not dispense with the common law ; and 
BBMt of them also contanded that he could dispense with those 
rt ta t o ty provisions only, which concerned his own profit and 
iiitinst. Tliose who w^fi to have an accurate notion of this 
important question, may usefully peruse the case of Thomas 



aothorityi — asserts that the catholics, at this time,' 
itere scarcely the hun^h^ed^ paH of the people, 


against Sorrell, in Vangfaan's Reports, 330; sir Edward Hale*! 
case^ the case of the Seven Bishops, in the State Trials : — 
and the treatises written on the subject by lord chief baron 
Atkins and Mr. Atwood. 

In 1767, an important question on the dispenttng power 
became a subject of parliamentary discussion. A scardtjr 
of wheat in the preceding summer induced the late king, by 
the advice of the privy council, to issue a proclamation against 
the importation of com till the advice of the ensuing parlia- 
ment could be taken. The conduct of the minbters in advis- 
ing this proclamation was severely arraigned in parliament. 
Thei necessity of the measure was allowed, and the minister 
justified its legality by the statute of the 15 Charles Il^wfaidi 
permits a prohibition of the exportation of com and grain» 
when they are under a certain specified price. But doubts being 
entertained on the construction of this act, it became necessary 
to justifythe measure on the broad ground that, >' whenever jdie 
'' public is in imminent danger, and the concurrence of parlia*' 
*' ment cannot be obtained, the king has an inherent discre- 
'^ ticmary legal prerogative of suspending or dispensing wMi 
** the law/' This doctrine, or something certainly which sound- 
ed very like it, was avowed by lord Chatham, and, wbleh was 
thought more surprismg, by lord Camden. It was qppoaad by 
lord Mansfield : he show^, with equal power of eloqueoce and 
argument, that according to the true principles 4yf the con- 
stitution, the king has no power, absolutdy discretioiiaiy, irf" 
suspending or dispensing with the laws of the country; that, 
in the supposed case of imminent danger, he oii^t to exert 
such a power, and the constitution authorizes him t» exert 
it ; but that he then exerts the power at the peril et the 
ministers, who advise the measure; and ihat it is for pailiA- 
ment afterwards to determine whether the danger 
and the public safety, rendered the exercise^ whidi 
of the prerogative, a ineasuro - oCnecessity^- on thev btiog 
satisfied of the necessity they should indemnify bodi those 


and tluit the protestant non-conformists were little 
jDoie than the twentieth. If this calculation be 
even tolerably exact, it is evident, that, even though 
James had possessed every talent, which he wanted, 
hi3 ineana for the accomplishment of his object 
would still have been very inadequate. 

Itshould also be observed, that none disapproved 
of the arbitrary measures of the monarch, more 
than the catholics themselves. '' All judicious per- 
" sons of the catholic communion," says Hume, 
^^ were disgusted with those measures ; and foresaw 
" their consequences* Lord Arundell, lord Powis, 
'^ and lord Bellasyse, remonstrated against them, 
". and suggested more moderate councils." — The 
Spanish ambassador, and even the pope himself, 
poiiited out to James the indiscretion of his pro- 
ceedings. When lord Tyrconnel disclosed his 
plWB for catholicising Ireland, lord Bellasyse de- 
djared) ^' he was fool and madman enough to ruin 
^^ tea kingdoms." . 

. . <  • 

bj whom it was advised, and those by whom it wIm executed ; 
hot still, that, until this indemnitj • is obtained, all concerned 
in the proceeding are legally punishable. 

It was universally admitted, that lord Mansfield, who had 
often showed an unwillingness to combat with his noble adver- 
svies singly, obtained on this occasion a complete triumph 
over their united powers. His lordship's speech was printed 
lepttrately, and is inserted in Almon's Parliamentary Debates 
of the year 1767. The result was an act of indemnity : the 
pieimUe expressly recited, ** that the embargo could not be 
^ j«ili6ea in law.^ This was one of the most important con- 
stiUttknud adjudications that have occurred in oar history. 

, H 2 


Yet, — with all his misconduct, James had an 
English heart :• — his exclamation, at the sea-^ht 
of La Hogue, will ever be remembered. — Seeing 
the seamen in swarms scrambling up the lofty sides 
of the French ships from the boats, he cried, — 
^^ Ah ! none but my brave English could do so 
" brave an action ! " 

Who, therefore, that reflects on these, and on 
some other passages, in the monarch's life, does 
not sympathize in his agonizing woe, when he was 
told, that Churchill, whom he had raised from a 
page to a liigh rank in the army, and on whom he 
had conferred a peerage, had fled, — taking with 
him to the prince of Orange, the princess Anne, 
whom the monarch tenderly loved ? — " Oh my 
" God ! ** exclaimed the afflicted father, " what will 
" become of me ! even my own children have for- 
" saken me !" — On one occasion, sir Charles' Lit- 
tleton observed before him, that ^^ he was ashaimed 
^^ to say, his son was with the prince of Orange/' 
— James gently interrupted him with these words : 
— " Alas! sir Charles, why ashamed! are not my 
" daughters with him too ? " 

LXVI. 3. 
The Visit of James to the Monastery of La Trappe. 

The subsequent history of the exiled Sfeoarts, sir 
John Dalrymple has comprised in a few words. 
^^ Retiring from the view of the battle of La Hogue, 
^' the monarch said,-— Heaven fought against him \ 
^^ AU his attempts, and those of his family after- 



^* wards, to recover the throne of their ancestors, 
*[ were either disappointed by the insincerity of 
^^ French friendship, or were the mere efforts of 
" de^air/' 

The attempt,'' says Voltaire *, " to make, or 
to establish a state religion, is sometimes very 
easy. By different methods, and without en- 
countering any dangers, Constantine, Clovis, 
Chistaviis Vasa, and queen Elizabeth, established 
anew religion, in their several kingdoms: but, 
for such changes two things are absolutely neces- 
sary, great political talents, and favourable cir- 
;'' stances :. James the second had neither." 

The complete triumph of the British fleet at 

: the sea-fight of La Hogue, was a death woimd to 

the hopes of James : '^ Slowly and sadly," says sir 

JohnDalrymplef, " he returned to bury the remem- 

' '^ farance of his former greatness in the monastery 

« of La Trappe." 

The following account of his visit to that cele- 
. brated monastery, is given by a contemporary 
. French writer of eminence J!- 

James had heard of La Trappe, in the days of 

his prosperity. After his misfortune, he resolved 

'< to visit a solitude, he had so long felt a curiosi^ 

" to see. 

<< As soon as M. de Ranc^ heard of his arrival, 
^* he advanced to meet him, at the door of the 

• Si^cle de Louis XIY. c. 15. 

t Memoin of Great Britain, toI. i. p. 509. 

I MaraolUer, « Vie de Jean Btfjpliite Amaand de RaDC&. 





" monastery. The king was on horsebaek. Assoon 
^^ as he alighted, the abbot prostrated himself b^- 
*^ fore him. This is the custom with respect to 
^^ all strangers. Nevertheless, it was in this in- 
'^ stance, performed in a manner expressive of 
" peculiar respect. 

^^ The king £dt pain at seeing the abbot in this 
^^humiliating posture before him. He raised hini 
^^ up, and then entreated his benediction. Tliis 
^^ the abbot gave, accompanying it with a speech 
^^ of some length. He assured his majesty, that he 
^^ thought it a great honour to see a monarchy who 
^^ was suffering for the sake of Christ ; who had 
^^ renounced three kingdoms, frotn conscientious 
^- motives. He added, that the prayers of the 
^ ' whole community had been constantly offered up 
^^ in his behalf.— They had continually implored 
*^ Heaven, to afford him renewed strength, that he 
" might press on, in the power of God, till heshoutd 
" receive an eternal and immortal crown. 

^^ The king was then conducted to the chapel. 
" They afterwards conversed together for an hour. 
" James joined in the evening service, by which he 
^' appeared much edified and consoled. 

" The king's supper was served up by the monks, 
" and consisted of roots, eggs, and vegetables. He 
" seemed much pleased with all he saw.' After 
^* supper, he went and looked at a collection of 
** maxims of christian conduct, which were framed 
^^ and hung up against the wall. — He perused them 
^^ several times ; and, expressing how much he ad- 
" mired them, requested a copy. 


" Next day, the lUog attended the chapel. He 
'^ communicated with the. monks. This he did). 
*^ with great devotion. He afterwards went to see 
<< the community, occupied at their manual labour^ 
*' for an hour and a hsdfl ; Their occupations 
" chiefly consist of ploughing, turning, basket mak- 
" ing, brewing, carpentei^, washing, transcribing 
^' manuscripts, and book-binding. 

'^ The king was much struck, with their silence 
'^ and recollection* He,, however, asked the abbo^ 
> ' if he did not think they laboured too hard? M. de 
'^ Rancii replied^. ^ $ire, that, which would be hard 
'^ to those, who seek pleasure, is easy to those, who 
" practise penance.'— In the afternoon, the king 
''walked f<^ some time on a fine terrace, formed 
•/ between the lakes, surrounding the monastery <. 
f' The view from this spot is peculiarly striking. 

•' His Britannic majesty then went to visit a 
^'Jiermit, who lived by himself in a small hut^ 
^* which he had constructed in the woods surround- 
ing La Trappe. In this retreat, he spent his time 
in prayer and praise ; remote from all intercourse 
with any,<^e^ excepting the abbot de la Trappe. 
This gentleman was a person of rank : he had 
'^ formerly been distinguished, as one of the bravest 
M officers in king James's army. On entering his 
^^cell, the monarch appeared much struck, and 
<< affected with the epti^e chfmge in his demeanor 
and expression of countenanpe. * 

" In a short time, he recovered hip(iself.--^After 
a great variety of questions, the king asked him, 
' at what hour in &e morning, he attended the 

H 4 





" service of the convent, in winter?' He answered, 

" ' at about half past three.' 

* " ' But,* said lord Dumbarton, who was in the 

*' king's suite, ' surely that is impossible. How 

" can you traTerse this intricate forest in the dark? 

" Especially at a season of the year, when, even 

*.' in the day-time, the road must be undiscemible, 

'* from the frost and snow.' 

" ' My lord,' replied the hermit, ' 1 should 
" blush to esteem these trifles as any inconvenience, 
" in serving a heavenly monarch, when I have so 
" often braved dangers, far more imminent, for&e 
" chance of serving an earthly prince.' 

" ' You are right,' the king said. * Howwwi- 
" derBil, that so much should be sacrificed to 
'* temporal potentates ; whilst so little should be 
" endured in serving Him, the only King, immortal 
" and invisible, to whom alone true honour and 
" power belong — that God, who has done so much 
" for us ! ' 

" ' Surely, howcTer,' continued lord Dumbarton 
" to the hermit, ' you must be thoroughly tired 
'" with passing all your time alone in this gloomy 
" forest?' 

" ' No,' interposed the king, himself replying to 
"the question; 'he has, indeed, chosen a path 
" widely different to that of the wcH-ld. Death, 
" which discovers all things, will show that he has 
" chosen the right one.' 

The king paused for a reply ; none being 

made, he continued : ' There is a difference/ said 
" hej taming to- the hennit, 'between you, and 


^' the rest of mankind : you will die the . death 
^* of the righteous ; and you will rise at the resur- 
" rection of the just. But they,' — here he paused ; 
" his eyes seemed full of tears, and his mind absent, 
'^ as if intent on painful recollection. 

^* After a few moments, he hastily rose, and 
'^ takii^ a polite and kind leave of the gentleman, 
'* returned with his retinue to the monastery. 

*' During his whole stay, the king assisted at all 
'' the offices. In all of them he manifested a deep 
'* and ferrent devotion. His misfortunes seemed 
^ to have been the means of awakening his hearts 
^' to worship God in spirit and in truth. 
' ** Next day, the king prepared to depart at an 
" early hour. 

<< On taking leave, he threw himself at M. de 
** Ranch's feet ; and, with tears, requested his part- 
<< ing benediction. 

** The abbot bestowed it in a most solemn and 
** affecting manner. 

'* The king, on rising, recognized the monk on 
** whose arm he leant, to get up. He was a noble- 
** man who had long served in his army, (the 
'^ honourable Robert Graham). ' Sir,' said the 
** king, addressing himself to him, ^ I have never 
" ceased to regret the generosity, with which you 
^' made a sacrifice of a splendid fortune in behalf 

of your king. I can, however, now grieve at it 

no longer ; since I perceive that your misfortunes 
*' in the service of an earthly monarch, have ptoved 
** the blessed means of your having, devoted your 
^^ heart to a heavenly one.' 



^* The king then mounted his hors^ and de- 
" parted. 

** James the second, from that period, repeated 
^^his visits to La Trappe annually. 

^^ On these occasions, he always bore his part in 
^^ the exercises of the community. He oftetn assisted 
'^ at the conferences of the monks, and spol^e with 
^^ much unction. It is said, that the king's character 
<< appeared to undergo a strikingly perceptible, 
^* though a progressive change. ^ ^ 

" He, every year, appeared to grow in piety and 
^ grace ; and he evidently increased in patience ^uid 
" submission to the Divine will. 

'^ In i6g6, the queen accompanied the king to 
" La Trappe. She was accommodated for .three 
*^ days, with all her retinue, in a house adjoining 
" the monastery, built for the reception of the con^ 
" mendatory abbots. She was much pleased with 
" her visit, and expressed herself to be not less 
" edified than the king. 

" Both of them entertained sentiments of the 
" highest veneration for M. de Ranc6. Their ao- 
** quaintance, thus begun, was soon matured into a 
" solid friendship. 

•* They commenced a correspondence, which was 
*^ regularly maintained on both sides, till M. de 
" Ranch's death. 

** The following are the terms, in which jthe 
'V king expressed bimself, respecting M, de lUgt^e: 

^* * I really think nothing has afforded ineso.inuch 
** consolation, since my misfortune, as the conver- 
" sation of that venerable 'Saint, the abbot de la 


" Tnqppe. When I first arrived in France, I had 
" but a very superficial view of religion ; if I might 
^^ be said to have any thing deserving that name. 
" The abbot de la Trappe was the first person, wh6 
" gave me ahy solid instruction with respect to 
" genuine Christianity. 

" * I formerly looked upon God as an omnipotent 
*^ creator, and as an arbitrary governor. I knew 
" his power to be irresistible : I therefore thought 
'^ his decrees must be submitted to, because they 
" could not be withstood. Now, my whole view iis 
<< changed. The abbot de la Trappe has taught 
^' me to consider this great God als my father ; and 
'* to view myself as adopted into his family. I now 
'^ can look upon myself as become his son, through 
" the merits of my Saviour, applied to my heart by 
" his Holy Spirit. I am now convinced, not only 
*^ that we ought to receive misfortunes with patience, 
'^ because' they are inevitable ; but I also feel as- 
^^sured, that death, which rends the veil firbm all 
** things, will probably discover to us as many new 
" secrets of love and mercy in the economy of Gtod's 
" providence, as in that of his grace. God, who 
^' gave up his oi^ Son to death for us, must Purely 
'^ have ordered all inferior things by the sam^iipirit 
"of love.' 

^* Such were king James's sentiments teiipectiiig 
« M. de Ranc6. The abbot, on the other hand, 
" entertained as high an dpitiion of him! Th^ fol- 
'^ lowing passage^ concerning the ^Unfortunate kihg 
".of England, occurs in one of M. de Ranch's letters 
" to a friend. . - . * 


^^ * I will jQOw speak to yon, concerning the king 
** of England. I never saw any thing more striking, 
." than the whole of his conduct. Nor have I ever 
seen any perisicHi, more elevated above the tran- 
sitory objects, of time and sense. His tranquillity 
and submission to the Divine will, are truly mar- 
vellous. He really equals some of the most holy 
<< men of. old, if indeed he may not be rather said 
'^ to surp^ them. 

^^ y He has suffered the loss of three kingdoms ; 
'^ yet his equanimity and peace of mind are imdis- 
** turbed. He speaks of his bitterest enemies, 
** without warmth. Nor does he ever indulge in 
** those insinuations, which even good men are apt 
^' to fall into, when speaking of their enemies. 
" He knows the meaning of two texts of scripture, 
" which are too much neglected : — * It is given you 
"to suffer;' and, * Despise not the giftofGrod!' 
" He, therefore, praises God for every persecution 
" and humiliation which he endures. He could 
" not be in a more equable state of mind, even if 
" he were in the meridian of temporal pros- 
" perity. 

" ' His time is always judiciously and regularly 
" appropriated. His day is filled up in so exact a 
" manner, that nothing can well be either added 
" to or retrenched from his occupations. 

^ All his pursuits tend to the love of God and 

man. He appears uniformly to feel the Dfvine 

'^ presence. This is perhaps the first and most 

"important step in the divine life. It is \ the 

" foundation of all which follow. 


** ' The queen is in every respect influenced by 
^' the same holy desires. 

" * The union of these two excellent persons, 
^' is founded on the love of God. 

" * It may be truly termed, a holy and a sacred 

" one.' '• 

LXVI. 4. 
Death of James, 

The last moments and death of the unfortunate 
monarch are thus described by sir James Macpher- 
son from the papers in the Scottish college at 
Paris*: — 

^^ The steps taken by William and the States, 
^^ against the house of Bourbon, were no secret at 
'^ the court of France. But intelligence of the 
^^ conclusion of the treaty could not have arrived 
^^ at Versailles, when an incident happened, which 
" induced Lewis, perhaps too precipitately, to de- 
'^ clare himself in opposition to England. The 
*^ unfortunate king James, having ever since the 
" peace of Ryswick, lost every hope of being re- 
^' stored to the throne, had resigned himself to all 
the austerities of religious enthusiasm. His con- 
stitution, though vigorous and athletic, had, for 
some time, begun to yield to the infirmities of 
age, and to that melancholy, with which super- 
'^ stition, as well as his uncommon misfortunes, 
had impressed his mind. In the beginning of 
September, when he was, according to his daily 
custom, at public prayers, he fell suddenly into 
* History of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. iv p- 214. - 






^ a lethargy ; And Aougli he recovered soon after 
^^ his senses, he languished for some days, and ex- 
** pired on the 6th of September. The French 
** king, with great humanity, paid him several visits 
** during his sickness; and exhibited every sjrmptom 
" of compassion, aflFection, and even respect. 

" Lewis being under a difficulty how to proceed 
^^ upon the expected death of James, called a coun- 
" cil to take their advice, whether he should own 
" the prince of Wales as king of Great Britain and 
** Ireland. The king himself had hesitated long 
'* on this delicate point. But the dauphin, the 
^^ duke of Burgundy, and all the princes of the 
" blood declared, that it was unbecoming the dig- 
nity of the crown of France, not to own that the 
titles of the father devolved immediately upon 
" the son. Lewis approving of a resolution to 
" which he had been of himself inclined, resolved 
*^ to inform the dying king, in person, of the de- 
" termination of the council. When he arrived at 
" St. Germain's, he acquainted first the queen, and 
" then her son of his design. He then approached 
^^ the bed in which James lay, almost insensible 
'^ with his disorder. When James, rousing him- 
" self, began to thank his most christian majesty 
" for all his favours, the latter interrupted him, 
^^ and said : ' Sir, what I have done is but a small 
*' matter. But what I have to say is of the utmost 
** importance.' The people present began to re- 
" tire. * Let no person withdraw,' he said, * I 
^' come to acquaint you, sir, that when God shall 
<< please to call your majesty from this world, I 
'^ shall take your fiunily into my piot^tioli, and 


^^ acknowledge your son, as then he will certainly 
'^ be, king of Great Britain and Ireland.' 

" The voice of a Divinity could not have made 
^^a^eater impression on the unfortunate servants 
'^ of James, who were all present, than this imex- 
" pected declaration from the French king. They 
"burst at once into a fiiurmur of applause, which 
" seemed to be tinctured with a mixture of grief 
^' and joy. Some, threw themselves, in silence, at 
** his feet. Others wept aloud. All seemed to be 
^^ so much affected, that Lewis himself was melted 
" into tears. James, in a kind of ecstacy, half- 
" raised himself on the bed, and endeavoured to 
ilpeak. But the confused noise was so great, and 
he so weak, that his voice could not be heard. 
The' king himself, as if unable longer to bear this 
'^ melancholy scene, retired. But, as he passed 
** through the court of the palace, he called the 
^' officer of the guard, and ordered him to treat the 
young prince as king, whenever his father should 
expire. Though James survived this declaration 
but one day, he sent the earl of Middleton to 
" Marli to thank his most christian majesty for his 
'^ kindness to himself and his promised protection 
to his family. Upon his death, his son was ac- 
knowledged by the court and the nation. Lewis 
'^ himself visited him in form, and treated him with 
** the name of majesty. But the adherents of the 
** nomind king, chose not to proclaim him with the 
" usual solemnity, not knowing how the title 6f 
*' France would be taken by that prince, who was 
'* the only support of his cause." 



LXVI. 5. 

Historical Poems of Dtydenj on the Occurrences in the 
reigns of Charles the second and James the second, in 
which the English Catholics were particularly interested. 

Dryden's historical poems,— Absalom and 
Ahithophel, the Medal, Religio Laici, and the Hind 
and Panther, contain several passages,Vhich throw 
light both on the religious and political feuds, by 
which the reigns of Charles the second and his 
successor were agitated. These splendid monu- 
ments of genius, — in their Idnd, without a rival or 
a second,-— are inserted in the ninth and tenth 
volumes of the edition of the poet s works by sir 
Walter Scott, and frequently illustrated by his 
learned and ingenious annotations. 

The condition of the roman-catholics at the time 
when Dryden wrote, is thus described by him : 

'* The inhabitants of Old Jerusalem 

'' Were Jebusites*, — the town so call'd from them; 

'* And theirs the native right. — 

^* But, when the chosen people f grew more strong, 

'^ The rightful cause at length became the wrong ; 

*' And every loss the men of Jebus bore, 

'' They still were thought God*s enemies the more. 

'' Thus worn and weaken*d, well or ill content, 

<' Submit they must to David's government ; 

** Iffipov'rish'd and depriv'd of all command, 

'< Their taxes doubled, as they lost their land ; 

'* And what was harder yet to flesh and blood, 

" Then: gods disgrac'd, and burnt like common wood. 

* The CathoUci. t The Pirotettants. 


Dryden seems to have thought, when he wrote 
his Absalom and Ahithopbel, thatOates's plot was 
not wholly a fabrication : he describes it, 


" The nation's curae, 
** Bad in itself, but represented worse : 
** Prais'd in extreme, and in extreme decried ; 
<' With oalhs aflhm'd, by dying tows denied. 
'< Some truth there was, but dash*d and brew'd with lies. 

And ihat^ 

Succeedmg times did equal folly call, 
nothing, and believing aU/' 

It now seems clear, that the plot, as it was de* 
scribed by Oates, was a mere fabrication ; and that 
die greatest faults which could, with any degree of 
justice^be chsurged upon any catholics, were, — ^their 
Entertaining too sanguine an expectation of the 
immediate conversion of the kingdom to their faith ; 
lui occasional injudicious activity in promoting it; 
and the unguarded language, by which some, — as 
bxhef Coleman in his well known letters, — de- 
aeribied their prospects and expressed their hopes. 
' Sir Walter Scott observes, that, from the " time 
^' of the execution of lord Stafford, the popish plot, 
''like a serpent which has wasted its poison, 
^. though its wreathes entangled many, and its 
"- terrors held their sway over more, did litde ef- 
'' fectual mischief : but that even, when long life- 
'' less and extinguished, the chimera, far in the 
'' succecsding reigns, continued, like the dragon 
" slain hy the red-cross knight, to be the object 


114 HISTORICAL M£lf(Uft» 0¥ 

^' of populir teeLTy and the theme df oredulous ter 
^^ reristg ; 

** Some ^ear'd ani fled; some fear'd and weQ it&in'd.— 

*^ One, thatiroold wieer seem than aU the rest* 
'' Wam'd him not touch ; for yet, perhapsi remain'd 

*' Some liog^ring lift within Ihs hollow breast, 
'^ Or in his womb mighl lurit some hidden nest 

** Of many dragonettes, his fratful seed; 
'* Anpther said, that, in his eyes did rest 

'' Yet sparkling fire, and bade thereof take head ; 

Another said, he saw him move his eyes indeed/' 


It is known that several of the witnesses for the 
plot afterwards became witnesses against kird 
Shaftesbury and the whigs. ^' This/' sir Walter 
Scott observes*, ** was triumphantly urged by the 
'* tones. Are not these men good witnesses, i||ioii 
^* whose teiatimony, Stafford and so many catholics 
^^ have been executed, and whom you yomnselves 
^' have so long celebrated, as men of virtue and 
^' veracity ? You have admitted tKem into yow 
^^ bosom ; they are beat acquainted with your tre^r 
" sons."—" To this," sir Walter observes, «^ tbdra 
" was but one answer : ^ We have been diipe^ by 
^' our own prejudices, and the perjury cl. tfacNBe 
" men.' — But this, though the whigs true de^MCie, 
'^ required a candid disavowal of the popish plot, 
" and approbation of the witnesses.; and Uiiit» no 
" true protestant would submit to»" 

The Religio Laid of Dryden is allowed, to* be- 
one of the most admirable poems in the language; - 

* Medali note 9. 

Hie BMdLiSH CATHbiicd. lid 

It is observed by the editor, that, " at the time, 
^^ in which it appeared, the nation was divided 
*^ into the three great sects, of churchmen^ papists, 
*< and dissenters. To the catholics, the dissenters 
" objected their cmel intolerance and Jesuitical 
'* practices; to the church of England, their servile 
'< dependence on the crown, and slavish doctrine 
'* of non-resistance. The catholics, on the other 
'' hand, charged the reformed church of Eingland 
** with desertidn from the original doctrines of 
" Christianity, with denying the infallibility of gene- 
'^ ral coimcils, and destroying the unity of the 
^' church ; and against the fanatics, they objected 
^* their antimonarchical tenets, the wild visions of 
^' their independent preachers, and their seditious 
'^ cabals against the church and state. While the 
" church of England was thus assailed by two foes, 
^^ who did not at the same time spare each other, 
^^ it probably occurred to Dryden that he, w1k> 
" cotdd explain her tenets, by a plain and philoso- 
'^ phical commentary, had a chance, not only to fix 
" and regulate the faith of her professors, but of 
" reconciling to her, as a middle course, the catho- 
" licfi and the fanatics. — A rational and philoso- 
" pHical view of the tenets of the national church 
" liberally expressed, and decorated with the oma- 
" ments of poetry, seemed calculated to produce 
" this effect" 

Every christian reader who peruses the following 
Imes, in the poem, of which we are now speaking, 
will respect both the talents of the poet, and the 
purpose, to which, on this occasion, he devoted 

I 2 


" If on the book itself* we cast our view, 

** Concurrent heathens prove the story true : 

*^ The doctrine^ miracles ; — which must convince ; 

** For heaven in them appeals to human sense ; 

<* And though they prove not, they confirm the cause, 

'* When what is taught agrees with nature's laws. 

<* Then, — for the style, — majestic and divine, 
^* It speaks no less than God, in every line ; 
'* Commanding words, whose force is still the same 
'* As the first fiat that produc*d our frame. 
<* All fiuths beside, or did by arms ascend, 
^* Or sense indulged, has made mankind their friend ; 
'' This only doctrine does our lusts oppose, 
'' Unfisd by nature's soil, in which it grows ; 
*' Cross to our interests, curbing sense and sin; 
** Oppress'd without, and undermin'd within^ 
'^ It thrives through pain ; its own tormentors tires, 
" And, with a stubborn patience, still aspires; 
'^ To what can reason such effects assign, 
"Transcending nature, but to laws divine ?" 

As yet, Dryden was within the protestant pale : 
but several parts of the poem show that he was 
piking to the catholic side. He intimates that the 
Bible should be received with the interpretation of 
the early fathers : still, he asserts the right of private 
judgment, but expresses a strong wish for an in- 
fallible guide. 

This, by becoming a convert to the roman-catho- 
lie religion, he afterwards found ; and to this cir- 
cumstance we owe " The Hind and the Pan&er/' 
probably the best controversial poem in any lan- 
guage. The object is to recommend ah union be- 
tween the milk-white hind, — (the catholic religion,) 
— who must be loved as soon as seen and known, 


Ihe Bible. 


—add the pUifher,-^(the established church), — 
the noblest next the lion, and too good to be a 
beast of prey, — against their common enemies, the 
bear, the hare, the ape, the boar, and the fox, or 
the independents, the quakers, the free-thinkers, 
the anaibaptists, and the unitarians. It is justly ob- 
served by sir Walter Scott, that the object of the 
poem shows that Dryden was not in the secret of 
James the second, as the purpose of the monarch 
was to introduce a free exercise of the catholic re- 
ligion, not by an union between its adherents and 
the members of the established church, but by 
uniting the dissenting congregations in a common 
interest, with the hind, against the exclusive power 
and privileges of the panther and her subjects. 

The poet thus describes, with exquisite beauty, 
his own wanderings, and final settlement : — 

* ^^ What weight of ancient witness can prevail, 
" If private reason holds the public scale ? * 

** But, gracious God ! how well dost thou provide, 
*< For erring judgments an unerring guide! 
^ Thy throne is darkened in th' abyss of light ; 
** A blaze of glory that forbids the sight. 
** O ! teach me to believe thee, thus conceal*d, 
*' And search no further than thyself reveal'd : 
^ But her alone for my direct'ress take, 
*^ Whom thou hast promis'd never to forsake ! 
** My thoughtless youth was wing'd with vain desires ; 
** My manhood, long misled by wand'ring fires, 
** Fdlow'd false lights; and when their glimpse was gonA 
** My pride struck out new sparkles of my own, 
** Sttdi wu I, — such by nature still lam; 
** Be thine the glory and be mine the shame, 
*' Good life be now my task^— my doubts are done l-r- 

I 3 

118 H^fSXpK^CAL M^pi^tS OF 

. Two &ble9 of fszquisit^ }>eauty, ^lose this noble 
poem* The first, is founded (m ai) hist^ricsl nnef^r 
dote ; the fi^ct it relates, if true, now s^^iKis ter^ 
^rgotten. — The hind) Warmed with the proapeiBt 
of th^ near a^connpliphmentof h^ hppes, ind^lgPi 
herself in SQP^ lilies of deceit exultaiion. To 
check i^ the panther recounts to h<^9 with a snet^t 
the disastrous title of the swallows, who long had 

^ Their lummer seat, and feather'd well their nest ;-*- 

when yellow leaves and bitter blasts admonished 

'^ To remove betimes, 
** And seek a better heaven and warmer cfimes." 

A coimcil was held ; and a speedy removal to a 
more genial clime appeared to be the wish of the 
majority of the tribe; but the marten, their house- 
hold chaplain, moved for a delay and carried his 
motion. On the very following night a bitter firost 
came on, 

** And Boreas got the skies, and pour'd amain 

'< His rattling hail-stones, ipix'd with snow and rain. 

** The joyless morning late aro8e,~and found 
'' A dreadful desolatiop reign around : 
" Some buried in the snow, some frozen to the ground 
** The rest were strugglipg still with death, and lay 
'^ The crows and ravens right, — an undefended prey : 
** Except the marten's race, for they and he 
*' Had gained the shelter of an hollow tree.'' 


These linep, we aie informed by sir Walter Scott, 
refer to a seoret consultation, held in 1686, by the 
principal roman'^catholics at tiie Savoy. Perceiving 

TOB £NGU8H CAiaiOUCS. lit 

tiie gmfnH lei^per nf the nation, the catholibs hfeid 
taken alann; and thd neeting was called ^' to eon- 
'< g^% bow Uie &¥Ourable orisis might be most im- 
^ fm^^ to the adyairtage of their cause. Fatiunr 
*^ PetriB had the chair; and at the yery openingr of 
'^ tile debate» it appeared that the majority wisk^ 
** IDore inclinisd to provide for their own security, 
'^ than to come to extremities with protestanls. 
** Notwithstanding the king's real power and sue- 
'' cess, they were afiraid to push the experiment any 
** further. The pe<^e were already alarmed, the 
" soldiers could not be depended upon, and the 
" very courtiers melted out of their grasp.— Upon 
<< these considerations, some were for 9, petition to 
'< the kingy that he would only so far mterpose in 
'' their favour, that their estates might be secured to 
'^ them by the parliament, with exemption from all 
^' employments, and liberty to womship God in their 
'^ Mm way in their o^^rik houses. Others were ibr 
** x>btaming the king's leave to sell their estates, ahd ' 
**- traaasportthemselveis and their effects into France : 
'^ — all, but father Petre, were for a compromise of 
'^sonie sort or oth^; but hef disclaimed i^t- 
'^ ever -had a tendtocy to mdderation, and was for 
*< making the most of the voyage, while the sea 
'< was smooth and 4ie wind prosperous. AD these 
" several opinions, we are further told, wer^ laid 
'' befidve the king, who was pleased to amrwer/ That 
*' before 'Aeir desires were made known to hmi, he 
*' had procur^ a sure retreat and sanctuaijrfor 
them in Ir^And^ i» cas^ ett thMa caaAeavowni, 
which be waa wakiBg fei tkenr secmity in 

I 4 



'^ England, should be blasted, and which as yet 


** gave him no reason to despair.' 

To the monitory tale of the panther respecting 
the swallows, the hind opposes the tale of the poultiy ^ 
or the catholic priests, whom, for his own imme- 
diate service, the king kept in a private farm, but 
whom the pampered pigeons,— or the clergy of 
the established church, beheld with malignant eyes, 
and, . 

«< Though hard their fiu« at erening and at mom, 

*^ A cruse of water or an ear of com, 

" Yet still they grudg'd that modicum, and thought 

" A sheaf in every single grain was brought; 

** And much they griev'd to see so nigh their hall, 

** The bird * that wam'd St. Peter of his fiill ; 

** That he should raise his mitred crest §6 high, 

'' And clap his wings, and call his family 

'' To sacred rites, and vex th' ethereal powers 

<* With midnight matins at uncivil hours/' 

Dryden proceeds to mention the achievements 
of the buzzard, or bishop Burnet, who put himself 
at the head of the pigeons, and made a furious attack 
on the poultry. — Still, however, were they protected 
by the sovereign. — But the buzzard anticipated his 
future triumph, — (an anticipation too well and too 
often realized), over the miserable pigeons, 

*^ When, rent in schism,-^for so their fate decrees,) 
'/ Like the tumultuous college of the bees, 
*' They fight their quarrel — ^by themselves, oppreal ;— -. . 
^* The tyrant smiles below, and waits the falling feast t-'^ 

* The cock, — emblem of the regular clergy of Rome, oo 
accmitit of their noctiinud attendance at matins.^ 
t We feel tfwt the extracts, whicli wehaivo siade.frm tbeae 




XHE reign of William the third, so far as it par* 
ticularly affected his roman-catholic subjects, is 

admirable poemSy are too l<nig;— -ona more, however, we 
camiot refuie to ourselveB the pleasure of transcribiiig ; we are, 
confident that our readers will peruse it with delight—- Allud- 
ing to the slanders of his character, by bishop Stillingfleet, 
the bard thus expresses himself in strains, — 

" Far, 

** Above the flight of Pegasean wing." 


'* Be vengeance wholly left to powers divine, 
** And let heaven judge between your sons and mine ! 
** If joys hereafter must be purchas'd here, 
** With loss of all that mortals hold most dear, 
** Then, welcome infamy and public shame ! 
** And last, — a long fareweU to worldly fame ! — 
** Tis said with ease ; — but O ! how hardly tried 
** By haughty souls, to human honour tied ! 
'' O! sharp convulsive pangs of agonizing pride! 
** Down then thou rebel ! never more to rise ! 
*' And what thou didst and dost so warmly prize. 
That fame, — that dariing fame, — ^make that thy sacrifice. J 
'Tis nothing thou hast given : — then add thy tears 
** For a long race of unrepenting years : — 
^* Tis nothing yet : — ^yet, all thou hast to give : 
** Then add, those may-be years thou hast to live :•— 
Yet- nothing still !— then, poor and naked come. 
Thy Father will receive his. unthrift home, 
And Iby hkit Saviours blood discharge the mi^ty sum. 




122 jhi8tori<;al memoirs o? 

remarkable on this account, that, while the attach- 
ment, which they were supposed to entertain for 
the exiled family, raiddered thf ir allegiance to hitf 
majesty suspected, and thus furnished anew pretence 
for the persecution of them, the spirit of religious 
liberty, which had for some time been gaining 
ground in jiev ^ral par^ of ^urppf^ b^gc^i to opetrale 
in their favour, and thus re^4^re4 ^ i^gi^ of this 
monarch, though some new laws were enacted in 
it against them, the sera from which liie commence- 
ment of their enjoyment of religious toleration 
miiy be dated.— A^ le^din^ to this au^ect, we 
shall now endeavour to pre$eilt qw I'eaders, with 

Happy 18 the vmn who recdves oalomny vHth these senti- 
ments ! *^ Did a person," the celebrated abbot de Ranc4 uaed 
4o observe, '< but know the vi|lue of an enemy, he would 
*' purchase him with gold, that he might pardon him, and 
^* thus entitle himself to the pardon, which the eternal truth 
*< has promised to those, who pardon their enemies." — life of 
the abbot de Ranee, c. xiiL 

We have made every exetion in our power to procure for our 
readers further information, on the interesting, if real, oo|isn]« 
tations mentioned in the preceding annot^ition* The authori- 
ties which sir Walter Scott adduces to support his account of 
them, are, ** Ralpti*s Hi^iy,'^ and f| work cited in it, under 
the title of ** CatkoUc Consulto." For |he last, the writer has 
made th^ most djiUge^t inquiries» without success. 

The passage cited in the text frpm Dryde^^s ^^ Tale i|f the 
*^ Poultry,'* contfumBsuch an e^c^ account of the eonaeqiienees 
of the resolution iu, r^^pec.t to the. catholics, tbatt t^iVriler 
suspects it waji writlgpi aft^ ^)Hlt ^x^»^ If |his copj^oUirre be 
just, the tale wiUJtie fouod 9f9^J ifi tboie editions ^$hc»foem, 
wbicb weire pi^ioM ^Stex ihfi revqtutipn. 


a very «^cciI^:t autliiiei L Of the higtory of reli- 
gious. tolerance and intoleraiy^e : IL Of the act of 
toleration passed in ih^ reign of William in favour 
of the protestaiQt diss^iiters : III. Qf the schism of 
tbf non-jurors: IV. And of the l^wii enacted 
against the rwp&i^'^catholics. 

LXVII. 1. 

HStiorieal Mimdt afrehgUnts Tolerance and 


1 . This advocates of religious intolerance justify 
it by several passages in the history of the Old 
Testament^ in which the Mosaic code punishes the 
inobservance of religious precepts by severe penal 
inflictions, and sometimes by death. 

But they forget the theocracy of the Israelites. — 
By their own firee consent, God wai? their king. — 
" God was king in Israel •:'*-r-and when, in the 
time of Samuel, the Jews asked for a mortal sove* 
reign, God announced to them, that ^' they rejected 
" him, — that he should not reign over them f.*' 
The whole territory of the Jews was his property ; 
they were his vassals ; they were only usufhietuaries 
of their lands, they could not dispose of them in 
perpetuity :|: : the escheat or ultimate reversion, as 
an English lawyer would term it, of all the land in 
Judeea, belonged to God, as their l^gs^ liqvereig^. 

Thus the injimction of some practices, and the 
prohibition of others, were, by the law of Moses, 

* Dent, zxxiii. 5. f 1 Sam. viii. 7; x. 18, 19. 

t Gen. zhfii. 19, 20; Lev. xxr. 23. 


not merely precepts of the Divine law : — snch they 
certainly were, — but they were also laws of Ae 
state; and disobedience to them was both a sin 
against God, the supreme Lord of all, and a crime 
against God, their accepted king. — ^Thus the 
idolater was not merely a spiritual delinquent ; 
he was also a national traitor *. Qod is temporal 
king in no other state : — no argument, therefore, 
in favour of religious persecution in any other king- 
dom, is offered by the penal inflictions on idolatry 
by the Mosaic law. 

2. Religious liberty was not allowed by the 
pagan legislation of antiquity, in so extensive a 
degree as has been often represented f. By the law 
of Athens, the act of introducing foreign deities was 
punished with death : the law of Rome was not so 
severe ; Mosheim and Bynkershoek seem to prove, 
that, though the Romans would not allow any 
change to be made in the religious worship, pub- 
licly professed in the empire, nor any new form 
to be openly introduced, yet that, except when it 
threatened danger to the state, they granted^ a free 
toleration of foreign worship, not only to indi viduals^^ 
but to bodies of men. 

* See *' Commentaries on the Laws of Moses, by the late 
" sir John David Machaelis, k. p. s. f. r. s. professor of philo- 
** sopby in the university of Gottingen; translated from the 
** German, by Alexander Smith, d. d. minister of the chapel 
'* of Garcock, Aberdeenshire, 1814," vol. i. art. xxxiii. xxxiv. 


t See the late sir George Colebrook's excellent Letters on 


The christians, whose mild, unassuming, and be- 
nevolent morality entitled them to imiversal good^ 
wil), were alone denied the benefit ojf this general 
toleratiim. From jthe reign of Nero, till the triumph 
cf Constantine the great over his rival Licinius, 
they were always treated with harshness, and 
repeatedly suffered the severest persecutions. 

3* The favour of Constantine to the christians, 
was shown immediately after his first successes, by 
his repeal of the laws enacted against them. He 
restwed them, by the edict of Milan, to all their 
civil and religious rights ; and he allowed them, 
in ccHunon with the rest of his subjects, the free 
choice and exercise of their religion. In the gene- 
ral diq>ensation of his favours, he held, with an 
impartial hand, the balance between his christian 
and heathen subjects. His successors, except 
duoring the short interval of the reign of Julian, 
strongly encouraged Christianity, and discounte- 
nanced heathenism. Finally, by the edicts of 
Theodosius, the ancient worship of Rome was pro- 
scribed, and Christianity became the established 
religion of the empire. Till those edicts, the spirit 
of polytheism had lingered among the principal 
nobility of Rome ; after them, it lingered among 
the Grecian philosophers : but by his edict in 529, 
Justinian silenced the schools of Athens; and to 
that sera, the final extinction of paganism is always 

4. It is distressing to reflect how large a portion 
of the annals of the christian (Bra must be dedicated 
to the history of persecution : particularly as nothing 


kmore cohfraiy to tbe language or die spirit of the 
Qoi^pel. These prescribed, first, that the offender 
should be privately adnwnished; if this shduld 
prove ineffectual, one or two of the brethren were 
to grre their sanction to the justice of the admoni- 
tion ; if this failed, the matter was to Be brought 
under the cognizance of the church ; if the offender 
then ptoved refiractory, he was to be excommuni- 
cated ;•— that is, — expelled from the communion of 
the faithful. It was thought, that the sentence was 
generally ratified in heaven. The primitive churches 
might judge erroneously, but while they reltained 
their original sanctity and purity, the probability 
was in favour of the justice of their proceedings. — 
In proportion as they degenerated, error became 
more probable ; still, a sentence of exconimunica- 
tion was always, among serious christians, a just 
cause of alarm. No rank exempted a person 
from it : even the emperor Theodosius was excom- 
municated by St. Ambrose, the bishop of Milan^ 
and Submitted to a penance of eight mon&s, before 
the pi^elate restored him to the conmiunion of the 

Generally speaking, a person excommunicated in 
a particular church #as not admitted into commu- 
nion in any other: where a subordination was 
adopted, the excommunicated person sometimes 
appended to the next higher tribunal : it was always 
lawful for him to appeal to the see of Rome^ as the 

Still, all was regulated by the power of the keys, 
— or the spiritual power. The first interference 


of the temporal power in spiritaal concerns seems to 
have been i^ainst Paul, bbhop df Samosata, when 
the emperor Aurellan, on the application of a chris- 
tian sytaod, expelled him firom the episcopal man- 
sion*. — ^The emperor Constantius proceeded against 
die'-Ariatis by imprisonment, and ordered their 
hoAs to be burned: his son Constantius pro- 
ceeded tti the same manner against the orthodox. 
Hdndrius, Ae emperor of the east, was the first 
sovereign who made heresy a capital crime ; but it 
d omn c ^ appear that this law was ever carried into 
Uncotion. In 376, all the heathen temples in 
cities were ordered to be shut up ; in 382, sacri- 
fices were prohibited to be offered in temples or 
villa^eii.'^At firs^ St. Augustine declared against 
compulsion in matters of religion: ^^When the 
'* emperor Honorius," says Mr. Alban Buder, in his 
Lifeof St Augustine t, '^ published new serere de- 
crete i^ainst the Donatists, condemning them to 
heavy fines and other penalties, St. Augustine 
at first disapproved such a persecution ; though 
he afterwards changed his opinion, when he saw 
" the sincere conversion of many, who, being moved 
by the terror of these laws, had, by examining, 
opened their eyes to discover the truth, and 
heartUy embraced it" 
By degrees, it became a frequent practice to 
annex civil penalties to the censures of the church. 

• Fleury'g Seventh Discourse. 

t Lives of Saints, Augustine, p. 482 ; Murphy's edition. 






This was done by many imperial constitutions ^ ; 
fixe penalties of heresy were aggravated in the juris- 
prudence of the nations, who invaded the Roman 
empire ; burning alive, and finally the inquisition fy 
— diat greatest triumph of fanaticism over huma- 
mty,— were introduced by them %. — It should not, 
however, be forgotten, that in some cases, as those of 
the Donatists and the Albigenses, the persons thus 
punished for heresy, had deserved severe punish- 
ments, for their seditious practices. 

5. The first penal statute enacted by an EngUsh 
parliamefit against heresy, was passed in the fifth 
year of Richard the second §; it enacted, that 
^^ heretics should be kept in prison, till they justified 
V^ themselves, according to law, and the reason of 
** holy church.'* By an act passed in the second 
year of the reign of Henry the fourth ||, convicted 

* See aniCy c. x. 8. 4. 

t The writer is sensible that, dunng the last century, the 
horrors of the inquisition were greatly softened in Italy and 
Spain, and in other places : he speaks of it as it was originally 
formed, and, with little Tariation, continued till the dose of 
the 17th century. 

I Nee lex justior ulla est 
Quam necis artifices arte perire suft. 
The emperor Frederick ordained that, if any temporal lord, 
when admonished by the church, should neglect to clear the 
territories of heretics within a year, it should be lawful to 
seize and occupy the lands, and exterminate the heretical 
possessor. Upon the authority of this very constitution, the 
pope afterwards expelled this very emperor Frederick from 
his kingdom of Sicily, and gave it to Charles of Anjou. 

§ A. D. 1382. II A. D. 1400. 


heretics might be imprisoned and confined at the 
discretion of the diocesan, or his commissary ; and 
those, who reftised to abjure, or who relapsed', 
were ordered to be burned to death, in some con- 
spicuous place. — In the beginning of the reign of 
Henry the fifth*, an act was passed against the 
Lollards or Wicklifiites, by which it was' decreed, 
that they should forfeit all their goods and chattels. 
In this reign the writ ^^ de haretico comburenikl*^ 
was frequently issued firom,the court of chancery ; 
but it should be observed, that this was not a 'writ 
of course, — or, to use the legal phrase, ex debito 
Justitue ; it was only issuable by the special direc- 
tion of the kingin council t ; so that if it was some- 
timesobtained from the king to persecute an heretic, 
it was often issued to save him. 

6. The reformation arrived : — looking to this 
circumstance with an eye towards the tolerating 
fadings !and habits of the present times, we should 
easily suppose that the primitive reformers were 
tolerant : but history shows, that, wherever the re- 
forming banner triumphed, a long reign of intoler- 
ance was certain to ensue. " The reformers," says 
Mr. Gibbon;};, " were ambitious of succeeding the 
" tyrants, whom they had dethroned. They imposed, 

with equal rigour, their creeds and confessions ; 

they asserted the right of the magistrate to punish 


t A.^D. 1414. — See ante^ c. x. s. 6. 
t 1 Hale, P. C. 395. On the subject of these laws, see 
Neale's Hist. vol. i. c. 1. 
X Hist, ch; liv, 



^< widi death." Anollier able writer*, lias observed^ 
<< diat the free exercise of private judgment was 
f^ most heartfly abhorred by the first reforBun, 
•^^ except only, when the persona, who assumed it» 
*f had the good fortune to be exactly of their 
^^ opinion."— 'From the former pages of this pub* 
lication it appears, that they persecuted both the 
catholics, and all those piotestants, whose religicras 
creeds differed from their own, with mercilesa 
severity. — In the curious conference betweenMut^ 

land ofLithington, the secretary of state, and Knoxtf 
both the secretary and the reformer agreed that 
idolatry ought to be supfsessed, and that ^* iim 
^^ idolater ought to die the death :" — the only poist 
in difference between tliem was, whether mass wbs 
idolatry, and the hearer of it an idolater. 

Thus, intolerance may be charged on every party. 
i[jf ca&olics be justly chargeable w^ agieaterahflcre 
of it than any denomination of protestants, it should 
not be forgotten ho w much longer time, l^>wmiicii 
greater means,&e catholicshavepossessed fioorperae- 
Gutioa, than have yet been enjoyed by protestants. 

jict of Toleration. 

The claims of the protestant d&sent^RS, at the 
time of the revolution, to complete toleration^ were 

* The author of the critiqae on Cook's Hisbtrf of the 
Church of Scotland, in the Edinhur^ Bevievr, iKbl. 
P- 162. t Knox, p. igf. 


wtH fe«]|d«4 ; And WiUiem's own diiq>oakuHi in- 
dllped him ta wosde to thfem in &eir £ull extent.: 
Iwt Im wisbes were opposed by a powerfiil party 
lUiDech house of pailiament, tad the tneasuiie«f 
teleiatioiif which wes gruited to Am disseMer^ 
wts ei^tremely limited. The corporatioii act and 
the test act, were left to operate oq them ; but, en 
tairingthe oaths of allegiance and supremacy, Midi 
•qbisnbing the declaration against popery, tkejp 
«iie exempted fiom all the laws passed, in any ai 
the peeoeding reigns, against persona refiisingp or 
neglecting to attend the service of the established 
4^hiarch» and the cxegcisft of their own religious 
tprorabip was allowed diem under certain easy ngtir 
IntioBs; those who denied the Trinify, were, how>- 
erer, eioepted from the benefits of &b act*. 

A fortfaer indtt^nce was shown to, the leeliagi 
of the pgetootnnt dissentens, by the alteration which 
fms made in the oath of supremacy. The oalh 
{Veaertbed by the act passed in the first year of die 
nsigft of Elizabeth^ remaiped in force till the renW 
luAioBL: That oad^ contained, as we ha^^ seen, a 
dause, by which the person taking it was made tf 
f^ testify and declare, on his conscience, that die 
^^ queen's highness was the only supreme gOFemor 
^^ olthis realm, and all other her highness'sdomi- 
^' Bions, as well in all spiritual things or causes, as 
^^ temporal." The clause, thus explicidy affirming 
tke mptemzcj of die queen in spiritual causes and 
jdunga, was fc^wed by die negative clause, by 

* See' tiie hittory of Ibe passing of diis act, in ^ Hie 
€i ii:»ht. Qf the Pratdt^a pissenten,? o iiL s. 3. 

K 2 


which the authority of any foreign power in them, 
was denied. To this, the presbyterians had no ob^ 
jection ; but the affirmative clause was offensive to 
them in the highest degree, as it expressed a 
doctrine diametrically opposite to their high notions 
of the independence of the church of Christ on the 
civil power, in every thing that regards religious 
doctrine or discipline : on this account, a humiane 
and politic attention to their tenets and feelings 
dictated to the government of William the justice 
and propriety of the omission of the affirmative 
clause from the oath. In the same spirit of in- 
dulgence, a clause was introduced, by which pro- 
testant dissenters in holy orders, and preachers and 
dissenters in dissenting congregations, who shoiild 
subscribe the declaration against transubstantiation 
and popery, and testify their approbation of the 
thirty-nine articles, except the thirty-fourth^ thirty- 
fifth, and thirty-sixth, and these words of the 
twentieth articles, — {the church hath power to de^ 
cree rites or ceremonies j and authority in contra^ 
versies of faith\ — were exempted from certain 
penalties in the act for restraining non-conformists 
from inhabiting corporations*, and from some in 
the act of uniformity f. 

If we reflect on all the circumstances, under 
which this act was passed, we must admit, that the 
general cause of civil liberty gained by it consider- 
jably : if we view it without reference to these, we 
shall be more scandalized by the niggardliness^ 
than edified by the liberality of the boon, which 
• 17 Car. 11; c* a. f I8 & H Car. 11, c* 4. 


the protestant . dissenters then received from the 
new goyemment 

LXVII. 3. 
The Nonjurors. 

It has been the practice of most goyenimeQ|s to 
bind their subjects to allegiance, by requiring ihem 
to profess it, in a solemn manner, by a certain form 
of words, accompanied by an oath. The English 
oath of allegiance, administered for upwards of six 
himdred years, contained a promise, ^' to be true 
^^ and faithful to the king and his heirs, and truth 
^' and &ith tobear, of life, limb, and terrene honour, 
'' and not to ; know or hear of any ill or damage 
5* intended, without defending him therefrom."^ — 
At the revolution, the oath was thought to savour 
too much of the notion of passive obedience ; the 
convention-parliament, therefore, prescribed a new 
form, by which the subject promised no more than 
that "he would be faithful and bear true allegiance 
** to the king ;" without mentioning " his heirs," 
or specifying in what that allegiance consisted. 

Some, however, both among the members of the 
established church, and the dissenting congrega* 
tioins/ held it unlawful to take the oath of allegiance 
to the new king, from a persuasion that James the 
second, though banished from his dominions, re* 
mained their lawful sovereign, and consequently 
retained his right to their allegiance. This gave 
them the appeUation of Nonjurors. SancrofV the 
archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Uoyd, bishop of 


^6rwicii, Dr. Turner of Efy, Dr. Ketm of BtA 
and Wells, Dr. Frampton of 61ouc«;dter, Df* 
Thomas of Worcester, Dr. Lake of Chicester, and 
Dr. White of Ely, — all distinguished by learning 
and virtue, — entertained this opinion : and per- 
sisting in it, were deprived of their ecclesiastical 
dignities, and their seei^ were filled by tnefi of 
aeknowledged merit.— The nonjurors cOMid^^ 
Ae deposed prelate as the lawful bishop^ of €tk€it 
r^pectiVe sees, and the new prelates ai^ intfud^i^ 
Tli^y pift)ceeded to form a new episcopal clnltdl^ 
differing, in some religious tenets and rites, fiiMd 
thftt established by law. Several, as Hicks, Collter, 
attd Dodwell, were Eminent for profound and fcx- 
tetislve erudition. For a time, the body attfa^ted 
notice and esteem, both by the number and re- 
ilpedfability of its members ; but it gi^dnally 
declined : in the middle of the last century, thei)^ 
congregations were extremely few, and not cm^, 
perhaps, is, lat this time, to be found. 



It wasimposiftible that the roman-catholics skooU 
not grieve at the revolution : it was the triumph of 
Ui9 protestant over the cadiolic estabUshment Tfaoi 
Stttart family had no claim on their gratitude 
peMonal regard, yet their attachment to it 
great : a similar and an equal attachmeat to it^ 
felt by the general body Of the nOnjturora, aikdliy Ik 
considerable proportion^ both of the estditii&cd 


c^mch and the diflsenting congregations. It arose 

equally from principle and affection*. — The right, 

eren in theory, of cariiiering kings, was, at this time, 

mdrocated by few, and most of those, who disap- 

prored oi die proceedings of James, thought that 

die innovations meditated by him, and all the con-* 

sequences of his eadiolicity in respect to the pub* 

Ucy might have been effectually prevented, widiout 

distmbing the legal succession of the crown. 

F^rom circumstances, which cannot be divined, 
de Stuarts enjoyed the personal attachment, bor« 
dering on enthusiasm, of a large proportion of the 
nation, in a degree, and it shoidd be added for a 
length of time, perhaps unknown in the annals of 
tbe worid. For almost half a century after the re«- 
▼ohition, diis attachment continued ; their eiroTB, 
and even their ingratitude, were foigotten; but 
their names were mentioned and their healths 
diBnk, with a fervour, which however erroneous, 
evidently flowed from an amiable feeling. 

It was easy, on the accession of William, to fore- 
see that the new reign would be marked by addi- 
tiQoal severities against the catholics. — Immedi* 
atdy after the commencement of it, an act^ was 
paaied fer removing all catholics ten miles frt>m 
tiie cities of London and Westminster : another i]:^ 
prohibited them from keeping arms; a third §, 

* See Johnaon'B Memoirs of the Rebellion in 1745, recently 
published; and the excellent preface of the editor, 
t 1 W. i M. c. 9. t 1 W, & M. c. 15. 

$ 1 W« & M. c a6. 



vested, the presentations of benefices, belonging to 
them, in the two universities. 

The act " declaring the rights and liberties of the 
" subject*," enacted, that every person, who should 
be reconciled to, or hold communion with the see or 
church of Rome, or profess the popish religion, or 
marry a papist, should be excluded from the crown. 
By an act of the seventh and eighth year of the 
reign of William f, persons refusing to take the 
oaths of allegiance and supremacy, tendered 'by 
persons lawfiiUy authorized to administer them, j 
were made liable to suffer as popish recusants. / 

It is observable, that both during James's actualp 
invasion of Ireland, and his meditated invasion o| 
England, in which he was to have been assisted By 
the French, with a formidable fleet, the catholics 
remained quiet. Two plots were formed against 
William, one of which was for his assassination : it 
does not appear that any catholic, or at least, that 
any catholic of note, was engaged in either. 

Still, in the eleventh year of his reign, the parlia- 
ment passed an act of extreme severity against the 
catholic body. A reward of i oo /. was offered fbrap- 
prehending priests or Jesuits; — any priest or Jesuit 
convicted of exercising his functions, or keeping a 
school, was made liable to perpetual imprisonment; 
and persons not taking the oaths of allegiance and 
supremacy, within six months after their attaining 
the age of eighteen years, were disabled from taking 
any estate or interest in any species of l^ded 
* 1 W. & M. 8688. a, c. a. t 7 & 8 W. c. 117. 


property : persons convicted of sending a child be- 
yond seas, to be educated in the romish religion, 
were to forfeit i oo / ; and the chancellor was autho- 
rized to compel the catholic parent of a prbtestant 
child to allow him a competent maintenance. 

The last clause was defensible : — the other en- 
actments were of unexampled severity. The causes 
of it iaure fully explained, in the account given by 
bishop Burnet, of the circumstances which attended 
the passing of this act, 

" Upon the peace of Ryswick," says he, (two 
years before,) " a great swarm of priests came over 
** to England ; not only those, whom the revolu- 
" tioii had frightened away, but many more new 
" men, who appeared in many places, with great 
^^ insolence ; and it was said, that they boasted of 
" the favour and protection, of which they were 
*^ assured. Some enemies of the government began 
to give it out, that the favouring of that religion 
was a secret article of the peace ; and so absurd 
is tnalice and calumny, that the Jacobites began to 
say, that the king was either of that religion, or at 
lelist a favourer of it. Complaints of the avowed 
{practices iand insolence ofthe priests were brought 
from several places during the last session of par- 
licltti6ht ; and those were maliciously aggravated 
by some, who cast the blame of all on the king. 
Upon this, some proposed a bill, that obliged 
" all persons, educated in that religion, or suspected 
to be of it, who should succeed to any estate, be- 
fore they were of the age of eighteen, to take the 
oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and the test, 






i€ ^ 




*^ 98 soon as they came to that age; and, until they 
^^ did it, the estate was to devolve to the next of 
'^ kin, that was a protestant ; but was to return 
^ back to them, upon their taking the oaths. AU 
^^ popish priests were also banished by the bill, and 
^' were adjudged to perpetual imprisonment, if tliey 
^' should again return to England ; and the reward 
" of 1 00 /. was offered to every one, who c^ould 
'^ discover a popish priest, so as to convict him* 
^^ Those, who brought this into the house c^ cooi* 
'^ mons, hoped, that the court would have opposed 
^^ it ; but the court promoted the bill ; so, when (Im 
^^ party saw their mistake, they seemed willing to 
^^ let the bill fall ; and when that could not be 
^^ done, they clogged it with many severe, and some 
'^ unreasonable clauses, hoping that the lords would 
^^ not pass the act ; and it was said, that if thelcords 
^^ should make the least alteration in it, they, in the 
'' house of commons, who had set it on, were re* 
'^ solved to let it lie on the table, whai it should be 
^^ sent back to them. Many lords, who secredy 
*^ fiavoured the papists on the jacobite account, did, 
'^ for this reason, move for several alterations; some 
*^ of these importing a greater severity ; but, the 
^* zeal against popery was such in that house, that 
^^ the bill passed, without any amendment ; and it 
'' had the royal assent."— Such is biakop Burnet's 
account of this extrawdinary bill. 


CHAP. Lxvni. 


TlO a reader of tlieae pages^ who hat noticed the 
-mudber and severity of the laws which were passed 
agaiBSt tihe catholics in the reign of William^ it may 
haire sppeared extraordinary, that the writer should 
airign this teim for die commencement of the reli*- 
^0ttt tidetation of die catholics : but he should 
'Wny back his reflections to the commencement of 
ike RfiDfmation under Elizabeth ; and then, if he 
contrast the sufferings of the catholics during the 
reigns of that princess and of the three succeeding 
ttUKiafchi, i¥lfh their condition during the reign of 
William, he must be sensible that, throughout the 
whole of it, their situation was considerably amelio- 
laledi 1£ wa eicoept the reign of James the second, 
it was Ih^ firsts td%eir Ae reformation, in which no 
ttsw aangtxinary law was enacted against them, or 

in which no catholic suffered capitally for his reli- 
gion; the government showed nothing like a wil^^ 
IfBgness to carry into execution, either the former 
pttMd laws, or ereii Aeir own milder, yet still 
severe enactments. The press teemed with pub- 
lications against the catholics, but no fictitious 
plot was imputed to them, and no informer against 
them was encouraged. Some exceptions from this 
representation, (as the restoring of Oates to credit, 


and rewarding him with a pension), may be cited : 
but these are so few as not to detract, in any respect, 
from its general accuracy ; and, speaking also gene- 
rally, the laws against positive recusancy were al- 
lowed to fall insensibly into disuse. This system of 
toleration did the greater honour both to William 
and the nation, as the glaring pretension of the ex- 
iled family would have furnished a government less 
wise or less liberal with a plausible excuse for per- 
secution. The tolerating spirit of the times, was 
greatly owing to the eminent latitudinarian divines, 
who formed, at this time, a considerable proportion 
of the English church : I. Of these we shall attempt 
to give some account* : II. Then, show the gene- 
ral state of the catholics under the princess, to 
whose reign we have now brought our history. 


*.What is said on this subject we have principally taken 
from ** A brief Account of the new sect of Latitude Men. 
^' together with some reflections upon the new philosophy, 
** by S. P. of Cambridge, in answer to a letter from his friend 
^' at Oxford; London, 1662 ;" Burnet's History of . his own 
Times, vol. i. p. 188; Mosheim's History, cent. xviL c t» 
sect, 27 ; . and *[ The Principles and Practices of certain 
<' moderate Divines of the Church of England, (greatly mi8« 
'^ understood)/ truly represented and defended, in a free 
** discourse between two intimate friends, in three parts, Sto. 
" i670,''byDr.Fowler, afterwards bishop of Gloucester; andT 
" The Design of Christianity^ 8vo. 1671," by. the same author : 
both are written with learning, ability, and method. 


• • - •  - i. ■• . - 


The Latitudinarian Divines. 

The intolerance of the first reformers has been 
mentioned ; but it ' must be acknowledged, that' 
though religious liberty was not their object, it 
was yet a consequence of the reformation. Always 
discountenanced, and generally persecuted by au- 
thority, the reformers appealed to the people, and 
submitted dieir • arguments and their feelings 'td 
the understanding ' and symplathy ^ of the public. 
At'first, each party asserted truth to be exelusivel]^ 
smd' unquestionably on their side, and claimed the 
whole church establishment f6r>their own partisans. 
In the course of time, this lofty claim was aban* 
doned,'and the weaker party, professing to leave 
the^established clergy in possession of the dign^tied 
and the wealth conferred on them by. the stated 
sought no more than a reasonable- toleration. They 
contended, that Christ sent his disciples tocpr^a- 
gafe? his religion by instruction, not by the aid of 
the''8«ular power :— and, as a subsidiary argu^ 
in^ty' observed, that, among the points in difference 
between thein iand their adversaries,, those, which 
eitherparty>considered to be essential^ were^feW-; 
and' that, wherever truth resided, the error was not 
ofa nature to disturb the state or injure individuals. 
This strain of argument seems to have been used, 
if not for the first time, vat least with the greaitiest 
ability and success, by the 'Anhinians of Holland. 
The'synod of Dort, as we have mentioned, decided 

tit BUTORiciUL loifoims or 

against them, but public opinion decided in their 
faTOur, — and, by degreeSi obtained the victory. 

In the mean time, the latitudinarians of Cam- 
bridge arose : llie description which Burnet gives 
of them is very interesting. Pereeiviag that thft 
mnA^ of mm required to be more liberally fadig^ 
ened» and their affections to be more powiEoiUl^ 
iMgaged on diemde of seligioA, tbaii w a» fi«aflii|r 
tliought necessary, thfise set themselves, w lib 
doetcHT expresses it, ^^ to raise those^ who qonvcMtd 
^^ with them^ to aiM^ther sort g( thoughts^ audi Id 
^^ owsidar the dirisliaii religicn^ m a d^dbriae SMt 
^ from Godi both to elevate and to sweetei^lnimii 
^< ^ateeu-^Witli this viev^ th^y labouwi ohiiJy 
^ tp tftke men from being m parties, from.- oaoMr 
^^ BOtions, and from drrc^mfm abfint opsaicHML 
^^ They also eonlamued lo keqp up a^ good osgrn^- 
^^ Bpondeuce with those who djffered from thani:^ 
*^ ^Sfinkmy and allowed a great freodom hoik » 
^^ philosophy and in divjsaty." 

The founders of this school wewiWcrarsK^ 
monble John Hales i)f Etoa^nd the iimnoclBl CSfai^ 
liAgrworth : we des(»be them by the apfBotioM^ 
wlJobtibbey now ii»i¥eraa% leceive from inotMlMt 
miiters. Of the £»iier, sir David Dabyaipli^ im 
tba fine edition of the w«ka o£ that divifie^. mufn, 
Ibatall, ^^ who ne aflqiaaintBd with ^ ktoraqr smI 
'^ poliitical history of England, wiU peroevna tbti 
^ tibe leading men of all parties, liowevisp diffwnt 
** asud discordant, have, widi a wonderM 
^ aily, eraeuired in foaise of the viiinifii 
^^ ftbiliilies of liMscflrtr ttemomUe 9Ir. John lEUlia 


^ d EtOD."— We neednotadd, that ChillingwDrtk 
is lunr Ae muTemal theme of protestant praise. 
. b-dieirdieologicid controversies with the eatho- 
htm, ikft teibrmen had been much perplexed by the 
aulhtwitj^ of the aacient coencils and ancient fa- 
IkifMi .wbkh tile cadiolics brou^t against them ; 
jad hf ihe disevepancies and contradictions, which 
a e cuiwd ai their mm Tarioos creeds, confessions, 
jMieiesy and fermolaries of fetitL' — From these, they 
weseentirely ndiefed by ChiltingwortL—*^^ By the 
^ ptotestant fidth," says this celebrated man, ^^ I 
^ db not mdersfeand the doetriae of Luther, or 
^Calna, cor Mclaaarthoa; nor iikt confession of 
^ Augusta, p» Geneva^ or the catechism of Hei- 
f^ Mikeifp, ttor die articles of die chtivch of Eag- 
^ imd; no, ne? tiii€ hamumy of protestant confes- 
^- SKms ; bat diat, wherein they all agree, and 
^^ which they all subscribe wilk a greater harmony, 
^ as a perfect rule of dieir £uth and theijr actions, 
.^tkatH, — Tie BMey-'^mA pintMy avpthbbs- 


^' Whatsoever else they believe besides it, tmd ihe 
^* plMDjirpefin^ble,indnbiteblecoiiBeqa^ 
^ wdlttaythBylwMiftaaa mattered opinion; bot^ 
^ satBaMer of fnith and Kligioa, neidier ean theftj 
^ iii4tb46oherane todieir own groMsds, beiseve^lt 
^ limmmife^ nor veqvure the belief of it of others^ 
^ widMnitttomoikadhanDaatical presumption. I,fiir 
^ mf paort^ aftera locig, (mi I verily believe aad 
^ liope), isopartial search of Am w«iy to eternal hap* 
^ Mas, do profess pkii&ly thsit 1 camiot find aay 
^^lest for the sole of my ioot, but apon this rock 


*^ only. — ^This, therefore, arid this only,! have rea- 
^^ son to beliete; this^ I will profess ; according to 
'^ this, I will live ; and for this, if there be occasion, 
" I will not only willingly , but gladly lose my life, 
^^ though I should be sorry that any christian should 
" take it from me. . Propose me. any thing put .of 
" this book, and require whether I believe it or not, 
<<* and seem it never so. incomprehensible to bumaa 
'^reason, I will subscribe it with hand and heart, 
^^ as knowing no demonstration . can be stronger 
<< than this, — * God hath said so, is 
*^true.' — In other .things I. will take no-man's 
^^ liberty of judgment from him ; neither shall any 
'< man.take mine from me. I am fully assuredrthftt 
'^'Grod does not, and therefore that men ought not^ 
^^ to. require any more of man than this, to;believe 
" the scripture.tobe;God's. word, to endeavour. to 
*^ find the true sense of it*." 

Thus, this one article, — " The Bible, and tbe 
Bibleonly, isthereligion of protestants,"— contains^ 
according to these eminent men,— the protestant 

. Still, they subscribed the thirty-nine articles; — 
but with a great latitude in the interpretation, of 
£hem, and with an allowance of equal latitude, to 
the other subscribers.— They, considered ^thiem 
merely as an instrument of peace ; but the precise, 
nature or extent of this latitude, seems . never to. 
have been defined with precision ; they certainly 
did not require absolute mental assent ; and pro- 
bably allowed discussion, if it were not of a nature 
. * ReUgionof FtotestanU, ch. yi. 1.56. . . .\ * 


to distatb pr weaken the . «xteraal fabrick of the 

establishment With archbishop Usher*, they main* 

ttined, that '^ the church of England, did not define 

^^•waj of the questions, as necessary to be believed, 

^ either cff necessitate tnediiy or ej' necessitate pra- 

^^ cepti, which is much less ; but only bindeth 

^^ her sons, for peace sake, not to oppose them. — 

^* We do not," continues the learned prelate, 

^^ raffer any man to reject the thirty *nine articles 

^^of the churoh of England at his pleasure ; yet 

"^ aeither do we look upon them as essentials of 

^' aaving ^i&, or legacies of Christ and his apostles ; 

! a mean, as pious opinions, fitted for the 

preservation of unity ; neither do we oblige any 

^ ni%ii to believe them, but only not to contradict 


. : llie . latitudinarians were friendly to liturgies, 
and preferred that of the churcb of England to all 
oiherSy for its solemnity, gravity, and simplicity; its 
freedom firom. affected phrases and expressing vain 
or doubtful opinions; they also approved of what 
Aey termed the virtuous mediocrity of that church, 
in Its rites and ceremonies of divine worship ; they 
pirofessed a . deep veneration for the hierarchical 
caccmomy of the established church, and considered 
i|;; itself the very best fonn of ecclesiastical 
government, and the . same that was practised 
im the time of the apostles "]. They reprobated no 

' "^ Sduiin Guarded, p. 396.-^See the Principles and Practice 
of moderate DiTines, p. 191. 
t AccowAof the new Sect of latitude Men, p. 6, 7s 8. 



doctrine more than the predestinating decrees- 0f 

We have mentioned the founders of the latitudi- 
narian school : Taylor, Cud worth, Wmdns, Tillot- 
son, Stillingfieet, and Patrick, were among its 
brightest ornaments.— -A writer in the Edinburgh 
Review *y says, that by their liberal and enlarged 
views of religion, their great powers oi reaisoning, 
and above all, ^^ by the gentleness and reasonaiUe- 
" ness of their way of explaining things f, they re- 
*^ claimed the great ' body of the people both from 
^^ the dregs of fanaticism, and the folly of impiety ; 
^^ and may be said to have rescued the nation from 
^^ a long night of spiritual and moral darkness." 

But, — even these liberal men were imjust to die 
catholics : they both received and transmitted seve- 
ral of the charges unjustly brought against them ^ 
often misrepresented their doctrines ; almost always 
expressed themselves of them with harshness; 
sometimes admitted into their controversial attacks 
of them the language of abuse and contumely ; and 
too frequently, when they were criminated for the 
laxity of their own opinions, ingloriously made ^ 
show of orthodoxy, by abusing catholicity and 

Still, — the services which they rendered to tfie 
catholicsj'were great: they softened the general 
fierceness of polemic warfare ; their exhortations to 
the different sects of protestants, tp abstain from 

 Vol. xiv. p. 82. 

t Tbe words of Burnet, in the passage referiml to beferci 


mutual crimination, and to respect each other, and 
their frequent and eloquent advocation of liberty 
in matters of religion, had some effect in disposing 
die public mind to abstain from a wanton execu- 
tfonof the penal laws against any sect of christians, 
and to extend to all, the benefits of religious toler- 
a)tion.-^-Of these salutary effects of their writings, 
Ae catholics, — though for a long time, indirectly 
tnd by slow degrees, — still in some measure, and 
to some extent, participated . 

Some friends, however, of the established church 
were alarmed at the liberal and free notions of these 
moderate divines, as they were generally called. 
They prognosticated that their systems and writings 
led to indifference, the greatest enemy of religion, 
and would insensibly undermine the national creed : 
they termed it, a philosophical presby terianism *. 


* In these sentiments, Dryden makes the hind thus address 
tbe panther :— (part iiL) 

** Tour SOBS of latitude, that court your grace, 
** Though much resembling you in form and face, 
^ Are fiax the worst of your pretended race. 
^ And^— -(but I blush your honesty to blot,)— 
** Pny God you prore them lawfully begot : 
*' For in some popish libels I have read, 
** The wolf," — (thepresbi/terian,)—** has been too busy 
" ill your bed." 

In an interesting note to this passage, sir Walter Scott men- 
tions some curious particulars of the men of latitude : he 
infimns us, that it was with a view of promoting their views of 
pacification and comprehension, that Stillingfleet published his 
celdinited Irenicum ; at which, he says, the house of commons 
took such a fright, that they passed a vote, prohibiting even 
the introduction of any measure, for such a purpose, into 

L 2 


• • • *  " . 

State of the Catholics under queen. Anne, 

The depression of the catholics continued through 
the whole of this reign. If the sovereign had con- 
sulted her own inclination, she probably would have 
repealed several of the laws, under which her ca- 
tholic subjects laboured ; for she must sometimes 
have reflected on their tried attachment to her 
family, and their sufferings in its cause : but her 
particular situation placed this beyond her power, 
as the slightest step, which she should take towards 
it must have had a tendency to reveal the desigi^ 
which, in a less or greater degree, she always en- 
tertained in favour of the descendants of her 
dethroned father. 

One law* was passed against the catholics, in 
her reign : it disabled them from presenting to 
ecclesiastical benefices, and vested the right of pre- 
senting to them in the universities. This, perhaps, 
is the penal law, of which the catholics have least 
reason to complain, as it may be alleged that there 
is, an evident incongruity in allowing any denomi- 
nation of christians to appoint the religious func- 

parliament. He also mentions the antipathy and oppondon of 
these divines to the church of Rome : it was owing, Jie says, 
to their indifference to the rites, feasts, and ascetic observances 
of that church, which the church of England, though ths 
members of it set no real value upon them, partially adopts, 
so that they serve for a wall of separation between her and the 
other protestant churches. 
• 12 Anne. 


tionaries of another : yet it should not be forgotten, 
tfiat, as the law of England now stands, the un- 
baptised quaker, and even the jew, may present to 
benefices in her church. 

This reign was as little favourable to the protes- 
tant dissenters as to the roman-catholics. Some of 
the former did not object so seriously to receiving 
the sacrament of our Lord's-supper according to the 
church of England, as to neglect it, when it was 
absolutely necessary for qualifying them to hold 
offices : this was termed Occasional Conformity ; 
and an act* was passed to prevent it. — In the last 
year of the reign of her majesty, a bill was intro- 
dacedy to prevent, as it was termed, the growth 
of schism, and to impose, for that purpose, some 
fiorther restraints on nonconformists; it passed 
through both houses of parliament, but, in conse- 
quence of the decease of the queen before the day 
on which it was to have received the royal assent, 
never became a lawf. 




XHE English catholics, and all the other subjects 
of the united empire, are so greatly interested in the 
foMimes and fates of this illustrious house, that the 

* 11 Anne. t Rights of FrotesUnt Dissenters, p. 45. 



writer believes the following historical digreasioo, 
which gives a very succinct account of it, will bef 
generally acceptable to his readers. 

It has been said, that not fewer than one thou- 
sand works have been written on the genealogy and 
history of the Guelphs : the points to be particu- 
larly attended to, are their Italian origin, German 
principality, and English monarchy*, 

LXIX. 1- 

Their Italian Descent, 


Tu£ Italian descent of this illustrious family 
from Azo, who married Cunegunda, the heiress of 
the Guelphs of Altorf, is unquestionable. With 
great learning and clearness, Scheidius, in ^ 
Origines Guelpfiiccdy has attempted to show thiQ 
Gu^lphic extinction of Azo. 

According to him, two brothers, Ethico aipkd 
Guelph, were princes of the Skyrri, a nation in 
Holsace, not far from the southern bank of the 
Eider. The former was a general of Attila's 
army, and had two sons, Odoacer, who, by his con- 
quest of Italy, put an end to the Roman empire of 
the west, and Guelph, who settled in the Tyrol. 

* This article is chiefly taken from the *' Origines Guelphicse 
" of Scheidius ; Hanoverae, 1759, et seq. 7 vol. fol." After a 
fruitless search for it in the London and French markets, the 
writer was indebted for the loan of an imperfect copj of it to 
the late earl of Leicester. That a work d such importance to 
the family history of its sovereign, and by no means rare m 
Germany, should not be on sale in London, may be thought 


Odoaoer^ with Thilanes his only son, were kiUed 
in 493. A count of Bavaria, whose name is not 
known, and who died in 687, was seventh in suc- 
cession to Guelph. He had issue two sons, Adal- 
bert, count of Bavaria and patriarch of the mar- 
quisses of Tuscany, and Ruthard, an Alemannian 
count. Azo was ninth in succession to Adalbert ; 
Cunegunda was heir and ninth in succession to 
Ruthard. Azo and Cunegunda intermarried about 
1050; and thus, if the scheme proposed by Schei- 
^us be relied on, the two branches of the Guelphic 
stem were re-united after a lapse of three centuries. 
A son, called Guelph, was the issue of Azo and 
Cunegunda. After the decease of Cunegunda, 
Azo married Gersenda, a daughter of Hugh count 
of Maine, and had issue by her, a son called Fulk, 
from whom the dukes of Modena are lineally de* 
scended. Guelph, the son of Azo by Cunegunda, 
had two sons, Guelph, and Henry the black : the 
former married the princess Mechtildis, the heiress 
of the elder branch of the house of £st^, renowned 
for her celebrated donation to the see of Rome. 
She died without issue, but her husband retained 
some part of her hereditary possessions, and died 
¥riihout issue. 

LXIX. 2. 
Their German Principalities. 

Hekrt the black was the founder of the German 
principalities possessed by his family. He married 
Wolphildis, the sole heiress of Herman of Bilhmg, 
the duke of Saxony, and of his possessions on the 



Elbe. His son, Henry the proud, married G(er^ 
tnide, the heiress of the dutchies of Saxony, Bnuis^ 
wick, and Hanover. Thus Henry the proud, 

ist. As representing Azo, his great-grandfather^ 
— inherited some part of the Italian possessions oT 
the yoimger branch of the Estesine &mily : they 
chiefly lay on the southern side of the fall of iht 
Po into the Adriatic : 

2d. As representing count Boniface, the father 
of the princess Mechtildis, — he inherited the Ita- 
lian possessions of the elder branch of the Estesiae 
family : they chiefly lay in Tuscany : — some pait 
of the possessions of the princess Mechtildis also 
devolved to him : 

3d. As representing Cunegunda, his grandmo- 
ther^ he inherited the possessions of the Gue^hs 
At Altorf : 

4th. As representing his mother, the soU heiress 
ofHermanof Billung, — he inherited the possessions 
of the Saxon family on the Elbe : 

5th. And through his wife, — he transmitted to 
his descendants the dutchies of Saxony, Bruns- 
wick, and Hanover. 

All these possessions descended to Henry the 
lion, the son of Henry the proud. He added to 
them Bavaria, on the cession of Henry Jossemargott, 
— and Lunenburgh and Mecklenburgh by conquest 
Thus he became possessed of an extensive territory ; 
— ^^he himself used to describe it in four German 
Verses, which have been thus translated : 

Henry the Liok is my name : 
Through all the earth I spread my fame, 
For, from the Elbe, unto the Rhine, 
From Hartz, unto the sea,^— all's mime. 


- Inother words, his possessions filled a consider^ 
Me portion of the territory between the Rhine, 
ftke Baltic, the Elbe, and the Tyber. 

Unfortunately for him, in the quarrels between 
the pope and the emperor Frederick Barbarossa, he 
mied with the former. The emperor confiscated 
his possessions; but returned him his allodial 
estates in Brunswick, Hanover, and Lunenburgh : 
he died in 1 1 95. By his first wife, he had no issue 
male: his second, was Maud, the daughter of 
Henry the second of England. By her, he had 
iereral sons ; all of whom died, except William, 
called of Winchester, from his being bom in that 
city. William of Winchester had issue Otho, called 
paer, or the boy. 

: At the decease of Otho the boy, the partition of 
fliis illustrious house commences. An outlinie of 
it appears in a table, in the writer's History of the 
Revolutions of the German Empire : it shows the 
(juelphic genealogy, from the marriage of Azo with 
Cim^unda to the present time. 
• ' The subject of these sheets leads only to the 
Lunenburgh branches of the Guelphic shoot of the 
Estesine line. 

. On the death of Otho the boy, Brunswick and 
Lunenburgh, the only remains of the splendid pos- 
sessions of William the proud, were divided between 
lus two sons, John and Albert : Lunenburgh was 
assigned to the former, Brunswick to the latter : 
thus the former became the patriarch of what is 
cidled the oldliouse of Limenburgh. Otho his son, 
Feceived Hanover, as a fief from William Sigefred 
tbe hishop of Hildesheim. Otho had four sons ; 


*\ treaty of Wes^halia he obtained, that one <yf 

his. family should be elected bishc^ of Osnar 
burgh alternately with one of the roman-cathoiic 
religion ; and accordingly, upon the death of 
cardinal Wirtemberg in 1668, he became bishop 
of that see : in 1 692, he was raised to the dignity 
of elector, which was to descend to his family ; 
the office of great standard-bearer was to have 
" been added to it by the emperor* Leopold, but 
he was prevented doing it by the ducal house of 
Wirtemberg's protesting against it ; the house of 
^' Hanover now is the only electoral family without 
^^ an hereditary office ; but they have assumed that 
" of arch-treasurer of the empire. He died at 
" Herenhausen, February 3, 1698. 

" George-Lewis succeeded his father in the elec- 
" torate of Hanover and dutchy of Brunswiek* 
^^ Lunenburgh ; and upon the death of his uncle 
" and father-in-law, George-William, to that of 
'^ Zell, and upon that of queen Anne, to the king- 
" dom of Great Britain : he died suddenly at 
" Osnaburg, June 11th, 1727. He was one of the 
'^ most fortunate princes that has lived in Europe, 
/' which his prudence and valour entitled him to : 
" his predilection for Hanover, though natural, was 
" much disliked by his other subjects. 

" George- Augustus the second, created prince 
" of Wales 1714, succeeded to Great Britain .and 
" Hanover, and died suddenly, October 25, 1760, 
/' in the height of glory : he was a just and merci- 
' ' ful prince, but resembled his father in his too 
'^ great attachment to his electoral domioiona* 


'^ Frederick-Lewis, prince of Wales, came into 
^ England 1729, died March 20th 1750, univer* 
'' sally regretted. 

"George the third, created prince of Wales 
"1751, succeeded October 25, 1760, crowned 
^ September 22, 1 761, gave peace to Europe 1 762, 
''to liie blessings of which he devoted his reign 
''tilt it was fatally disturbed by the rebellion in 
" America. France and Spain having espoused 
*' tiieir cause, a war was declared against them, 
^ and lately his majes^ found it expedient to com- 
mence hostilities with Holland, for her perfidious 
conduct to her old ally. His majesty is, in an 
eminent degree, religious, just, and merciful ; his 
conjugal and paternal tenderness, his taste for 
and patronise of the fine arts, are universally, 
known and acknowledged." 

LXIX. 4. 
MUcellaneom Facts relating to the Guelphic Famify, 

• Th£ contests between the popes and the empe- 
lOfS, to which we have referred, in a preceding 
p^rt of this article, divided both Italy and Germany 
into parties. The Guelphs took part with the 
former, and were among their greatest supports. 
Onte of the most important battles in this conflict, 
was fought between Guelph, the eighth of that 
name, and Frederick of Weiflingen duke of Suabia, 
a partisan of the emperor ; — the opposite shouts 
«f Ifye Gudph ! Hye Ghibellin ! — (so the Italians 
pfcmoonced Weiflingen),-^gave those names to the 



oontending parties, through the remainder of the 
wmr. Soon afterwards, the town of Urmsberg was 
besieged by Conrad the third. There, the cir- 
cumstance so agreeably related by the Spectator, 
ttally took place : the town being reduced to- the 
last extremities, the emperor announced hisdesign- 
of patting the garrison to the sword, but permitted 
the women ta depart from it, with such of their 
precious effects as they themselves could caxtyi 
The gates were thrown open ; and a loi^. process 
mm of matrons, each bearing a husband on her 
diQulders, appeared^ and was permitted to pass in' 
safety ftrough the camp. 

To Guelph the eighth, Henry the lion, the for- 
feiture of whose extensive principalities we have 
msntioned, was grandson. Even afterihis disaster' 
he was powerful ; fought batdes and made con- 
quests. In 1172, he undertook a pilgrimage to 
the Holy Land ; — several eminent persons of the 
clergy and nobility attended him, and his camp 
was composed of 1,200 knights, or soldiers inured 
to arms. They passed from Brunswick through 
Rutisbon to Vienna ; there, the duke committed 
himself, with a select portion of his attendants, to' 
the Danube ; but a detachment from his suite, 
marched on the banks of the river. At Belgrade, 
he quitted the Danube ; — advanced through the 
morasses of Servia and Bulgaria, to Nissa: not 
fep from it, an ambassador from the Byzantine 
emperor met him, and accompanied him to Con- 
stantinople; From Constantinople, the duke and 
his followers sailed in ships, furnished them by Ae 


emperor, to St John of Acre. Thence, he pra« 
eeeded to Jerasalem ; was respectfully received by 
tiie patriarch and the military orders, visited the* 
hciy sepulchre, and made large presents to the 
churches and the knights templars. Then, follow- 
ing the sea coast of Syria, in a northern direction, 
he reached Tarsus in Cilicia, and crossing Asia 
Mmor, in a central line, again reached Constan- 
tiaople, and again was hospitably entertained by 
the emperor. The duke loftily refused some pre- 
sents of gold and silver, which the emperor offered 
him, but graceftiUy accepted from him some costly 
articles, more valuable for their workmanship than 
dieir materials. He brought many relics of the 
saints fipom the east ; they were destroyed at the 
refbfmation, but the cases, in which they existed, 
aie yet shown. — After an absence ofabout a twelve- 
month, he returned in safety to Brunswick, his ca- 
pital ; and after a ftirther reign of twenty-three 
years, died in 1195. 



Several circumstances render this reign of par- 
ticular importance in the history of the English 
catholics : I. We shall briefly state the acts of 
settlement, under which the illustrious house of 
Hanover acceded to the throne of Great Britain : 


IL Then insert an official document which mi^ be 
thought to show the general population of England^ 
and the relative proportions, at a time, not long 
antecedent, of the protestants of the established 
church, of the protestant non-conformists, and of 
the catholics of England : III. Then state the se- 
vere penal law against the cathcdics passed in this 
reign : IV. And then mention an attempt made 
in it, to obtain- a relaxation of the laws in force 
against them. 

LXX. 1. 

Acts of Settlement. 


The revolution proceeded on the supposed abdi- 
cation of James the second, and the consequential 
vacancy of the throne. In a full assembly of the 
lords and commons, who then met in a conventiw, 
both houses came to a resolution, that JameSf 
^' having violated the fundamental laws, and witb- 
^^ drawn himself out of the kingdom, had abdicated 
^* the government, and that the throne was thereby 
" vacant." 

On the 12th of February 1688-9, ^^7 filled up 
the throne by their declaration*, that, " William 
" and Mary, prince and princess of Orange, were 
^' and should be declared king and queen, to hold 
" the crown and royal dignity during their lives, 
" and the life of the survivor of them; and that 
^^ the sole and full exercise of the regal power was 
" only in, and should be executed by, the prince of 
'^ Orange, in the names of him and the princess 
* CpmmoDS Journals, 12 feb. 1688-9. 


during their lives ; and that, after their deceases, 
the crown and royal dignity should belong to the 
heirs of the body of the princess ; and for default 
of such issue, to the princess Anne of Denmark 
and the heirs of her body ; and for default of such 
isisue, to the heirs of the body of the prince of 

Towards the end of the reign of king William, 
hopes of issue of any of these princes, expired 
"V^th the duke of Gloucester.— The parliament, 
"^ereftwe, thought it advisable to make a new set- 
"^ement of the crown. We have noticed the act* 
excluding catholics, and persons marrying catho- 
lics, fipom the throne : — ^The protestant posterity of 
Charles the first being extinct, the old law of regal 
descent directed the attention of parliament to the 
descendants of James, his father. The princess 
Sophia, the youngest daughter of Elizabeth queen 
of Bohemia, who was the daughter of James, being 
the nearest of the ancient blood royal, not incapa- 
citated from the throne by professing the catholic 
religion, the parliamentf, in conformity to their 
general principle, limited the crown, on failure of 
issue inheritable to it under the former act, to that 
princess and to the heirs of her body, being pro- 
testants : — it also enacted that, ^^ whoever should 
liiereafter come to the possession of the crown, 
. should join in the communion of the church of 
England by law established." 
Thus the settlement of the crown of the united 
empire iiow stands. 

• 1 Wr.ic M, ft. a. €• a. t *« & 13 W. Ill, c. S. 





LXX. 2. 

Probable general Population of England, and relative 
proportion of the Established Church, Protestants, Non^ 
conformists, and Roman-catholics, about the beginning of 
the reign of George the first. 

It appears that king William* once conceived 
the arduous but salutary project of reconciling the 
teligious differences in England, and, with that 
view, endeavoured to ascertain the proportions of 
the three principal denominations of christians in 

The foUowingreport of them was made to him : — 
we apprehend that the same relative proportions 
continued till the accession of George the first. 

" The number of Freeholders in England. 

Conformists. Non-conform*. Fa|>istt. 

Province of Canterbury • - 2,123,363 93,151 11,878 

of York- - - - 353*892 15*535 1,978 

In both - - 2,477,254 108,676 13,856 

Conformists - - - 2,477,254 
Non-conformists - 108,676 

Papists - - - - 13,856 

In all England • 2,599,786 

According to which account, the proportion of 
conformists to non-conformists, is - - 22 f to one. 

Conformists to papists, is - - - - 1784! - 
Conformists and non- conformists together to 
papists, is ----- - 186 \ — 

^ - 

* Dalrymple's Mem, sded. vol. ii. app. to part ii. p. 


** Papists in the several provinces above the age 

of sixteen. 

Canterbury - - . . . 143 

London -•--.- 2,069 

Winchester 968 

Rochester ..... 64 

Norwich - - - . . 671 

Lincda ..-.-. 1,344 

Ely 14 

Chichester ..... 385 

Salisbury -*.-.. 548 

Exeter 998 

Bath and Wells - - - - 176 

Worcester . - - - . jig 

Corentry and Litchfield - « . i>949 

Hereford - . - - . 714 

Gloucester - - • - . 124 

Bristol ...... 199 

Peterborough - ... - 163 

Oxford 358 

St. David's 217 

Landaff 551 

Bangor 19 

St. Asaph - - - . . ^75 

< "  ** 



Total of these - 1 1 ,867 

** There are in the provincfe of Canterbury, 
33,740 papists ; half of these is under the age of 
sixteen years, viz. 1 1 ,870 ; a seventh part of diese 
are aged and above sixty, — S^l . Taking out of 
the said number of papists the two last sums, which 
^' make in all 15,261, there remains then 8,479, 
^-x)f which the one half is women : — there remains 
** therefore in the province of Canterbury, fit to 
^ bear arms, 4,239 papists. 

^ The province of York bears a sixA part of the 

U 2 


^^ taxes, and hath in it a sixth part of the peoptjs, 
** as that of Canterbury hath, viz. 3,956, whereof 
" half are under the age of sixteen, viz. 1,978; 
" and a seventh part above sixty, viz. 565; and of 
" the aforesaid sixth part one half is women. 

** The total, therefore, of the papists of the pro- 
'* vince of York fit to bear arms, is 701 ; joining 
" which to the total of the papists in the province 
" of Canterbury fit to bear arms, makes the total 
" of the papists throughout all England fit to bear 
" arms to be 4,940. 

" There being every where as many under the 
" age of sixteen as above it, the total of the whole 
" papists, in the whole province, is 23,740.*' 

" An account of the province of Canterbury. 

^^ In the taking of these accounts, we find these 
' things observable : 

"1. That many left the church upon the late 
' indulgence, who before did frequent it 

** 2. The sending for these inquiries, hath caused 

* many to frequent the church. 
" 3. That they are Walloons chiefly that make 

^ up the number of dissenters in Canterbury, Sand^ 

* wich, and Dover. 
" 4. That the presbyterians are divided, some of 

' them come sometime to church, therefore suck 

* are not wholly dissenters upon the third inquiry^ 
" 5. A considerable part of dissenters are not of 

' any sect whatsoever. v . * 

" 6. Of those that come to church, very fl^aDy: 
^ do not receive the sacrament 

— » • 


' ^^ 7. At Ashford, and at other places, we find^ a 
" new sort of heretics, after the name of Muggleton, 
" a London taylor, in number thirty. 

" 8. The rest of the dissenters are presbyteriand, 
'^ anabaptists, independents, quakers, about equal 
^^ numbers, only two or three called self-willers 
" professedly. 

'* 9. The heads and preachers of the several fac- " 
^^ tions, are such as had a great share in the late 
« rebellion.'' 

LXX, 3. 

Acts passed against the Romari'^atholics during the reign 

of George the first. 

III. 1. The first of these acts*, was most dread- 
fill : it prescribed an oath of allegiance, an oath of 
supremacy, and an oath for abjuring the Stuart 
&mily. These oaths were required to be taken by all 
persons holding civil or military offices ; or any fee 
or wages by patent or grant from his majesty ; or in 
his navy, or of his household ; by all ecclesiastical 
persons, members of colleges, teachers, preachers, 
Serjeants at law, counsellors, barristers, advocates, 
Itttomies and notaries, and by various other per- 
sons : — the neglect or refusal to take these oaths 
incapacitated the parties from holding any office or 
employment, or receiving fee or wages, from his 

Thus far the enactment was sufficiently severe : — 
but it proceeded to authorize any two justices to 
Hinder the oaths to any person disaffected to govern 

^ 1 Gto. I^ St. f, c 13. 


ment ; and, on his refusal of them^ difected, that 
he should be considered as legally convicted .of 
popish recusancy, and subject to all its penalties and 

This was termed Constructive Recusancy : it was 
not the offence itself of recusancy, which, as we 
have already observed, consisted merely in the 
party's absenting himself from church ; it was the 
offence of not taking the oath of supremacy, and 
the other oaths, prescribed by the act of which 
we are speaking ; the refusal of which was, by 
that statute, placed on the same footing, as a legal 
conviction on the statutes of recusancy ; and sub- 
jected the party refusing, to the penalties of those 

Of all the laws passed against the catholics, aftier 
the revolution, this was the most severely felt by 
them. The punishment of recusancy was penal 
in the extreme ; and the persons, objecting to th^ 
oath in question, might be subjected to all the pe- 
nalties of it, merely by refusing the oaths when they 
were tendered to them. It added to the grievous 
operation of these laws, that the oaths might be 
tendered, at the mere will of two justices of peace^ 
without any previous information, or complaint, be- 
fore a magistrate, or any other person. Thus it 
had a silent, but a dreadful operation : it left catho* 
lies at the mercy of every one who wished to in* 
jure or insult them. Frequently, they were with- 
held by it from asserting the rights, which the ktw 
had left them : and even froni urging pretensions^ 
which were not subjects of legal cognizance. It 


depressed them so much below their legitimate 
rank in society, that they hardly entered, with the 
look or attitude of freemen, into the meetings of 
their protestant neighbours. 
- III. 2. By statutes passed annually throughout 
tilts reign, the catholics were subjected to the pay- 
ment of double the amount of the land-tax which 
they would have otherwise paid^ 

III. 3. Two statutes passed in this reign imposed 
on the catholics the unpleasant and humiliating 
necessity of making public all the circumstances 
of their landed property, and their dealings with 
it : — ^the first* obliged them to register their names 
and estates, — the second*)* obliged them to enrol 
their deeds and wills, — under heavy penalties. 

III. 4. The discontented of every party, civil or 
religious, engaged in the rebellion, rashly concerted 
in the year 1715, to restore the pretender. It was 
visited;}; on the catholics at first exclusively, but 
afterwards on the general body of the nonjurors, by 
apetcuniary mulct of 100,000 /. — Mr. Coxe gives, 
in his able Life of sir Robert Walpole^, the follow- 
ing interesting account of this circumstance. 

" In November 1722, Walpole introduced a bill 
^^ for raising 100,000/. by laying a tax on the 
.^^ estates of papists, which was afterwards exteoded 
f^ to all nonjurors. The liberal spirit of the present 
/^ age, condemns a measure, which tended to in- 
•^^^ crease the disaffection of a large body of subjects ; 


• 1 Geo. I, c 53. t 3 Geo. I, c. 18. 

I g Geo. I, c. 18 ; 13 Geo. I, c. 28. § Vol. 1. p. 305. 

H 4 



" and which the arguments, ad vanced by the mimij- 
" ter in its favour, were calculated only topalliate> 
" but could not justify. For, on being urged by 
" several members, and particularly by Onslow^ 
who declared his abhorrence of persecuting any 
set of men, because of their religious opinions^ 
Walpole represented *^ the great dangers incurred 
by this nation, since the reformation, from the 
constant endeavours of papists to subvert oar 
*^ happy constitution, and the protestant religion^ 
" by the most cruel, violent, and unjustifiable me* 
*' thods ; that he would not take upon him to charge 
*^ any particular persons among them with beings 
" concerned in the horrid conspiracy : that it was 
" notorious, that many of them had been engaged 
^^ in the Preston rebellion ; and some were executed 
" for it; and that the present plot was contrived 
^' at Rome, and countenanced in popish countries; 
" that many of the papists were, not only well- 
*' wishers to it, but had contributed large sums for 
" so nefarious a purpose ; and, therefore, he thought 
" it but reasonable they should bear an extraordi- 
" nary share of the expenses, to which they had 
subjected the nation.' Whatever opinions may 
be formed of this measure, according to the strict 
rules of theoretical justice, the policy was unques- 
*' tionable. This instance of rigour effectually dis- 
" couraged the catholics from continuing their at- 
^^ tempts against the government, and operated as 
'' a constant check on the turbulent spirit of the 



LXX. 4. 

Tfegpiiation for obtaining a partial Repeal of the Penal 


The imputed attachment of his majesty's roman- 
catholic subjects to the exiled family, raised a nevr 
obstacle to their hopes of relief : all, it is probable, 
would have sigaed an explicit declaration, that they 
would do no act that should offend or disturb, in 
any manner, his majesty's person or government ; 
but the profession of allegiance, which was required 
frcHn them, seemed to recognize the theoretical jus* 
tice of his majesty's possession of tiie throne; — an^jl 
to this, not catholics alone, but a considerable por- 
tion of the protestant part of the kingdom, at this 
time conscientiously objected. 

At the time, of which we are now speaking, 
these scruples, however honourable to those who 
entertained them, on account of the conscientious 
feelings which gave rise to them, were evidently ill- 
founded. The rights and duties of protection and 
allegiance are correlative : no one is entitled to the 
allegiance of a person, whom he wants either power 
or will to protect. Most frequently it is difficult 
to determine the precise moment at which a mo- 
narch, once legally possessed of this power and this 
will, is so completely dispossessed of either, as to 
forfeit his right to the allegiance of his subjects : 
but, after some lapse of time, a period usually ar- 
rives, when, in consequence of the general submit 


sionof the people, the acquiescence of foreign stateSf 
and the annihilation of the power and resources of 
the discarded monarch, it becomes evident that he 
no longer possesses any probable means of restoring 
himself to his former sway. — ^The power of protec- 
tion then ceasing, the duty of allegiance ceases with 
it, and the new order of tilings is, for every prac^ 
ticai purpose, legitimated. — On this ground pope 
Zachary crowned Charlemagne, — a successor of 
Zachary acknowledged Hugh Capet,^ and the pre- 
sent pope submitted to Buonaparte, assisted at his 
coronation, and blessed him and his empress. This 
was at no remoter period than eleven years after 
ibe expulsion of the Bourbons* : but, almost three 
times the same number of years had, at the time of 
'^^ch we are now. speaking, elapsed subsequently 
to 'the revolution of 1688. — On this ground, all 
catholics of information and judgment perceived, 
that the djmasty of the Stuarts had no longer any 
claim to their allegiance or political attachment ; 
and that the adopted monarch had a perfect title 
to the allegiance of every Englishman, and might 
justly claim a profession of it, and a rejection of all 
political connection with foreigners. 

It happened that, at this time, Dr. Strickland 
the bishop of Namurf was in London, he was per- 

* The reader is invited to read what is said on this subject 
by the writer in his RevoltUions of the German Empiref notes 
i. and ii. 

t This gentleman was an adherent of the pretender, and 
had been promoted, by his interest, to the abbey of St« Pitrre 
de Prou, in Normandy. During the quarrel between the 


Mudly known to Greorge the first, and greatly 
esteemed both by him and his favourites. After 
CQnfeiring with them, he drew up certain requisi- 
tions, intending to submit them to the principal 
catholics, and to procure their acquiescence. We 
shall transcribe them, and two letters of Mr. secre- 
tary Craggs, giving an account of the result of the 
negotiation : — after much inquiry, we can procure 
no farther information respecting it. 

" Requisition. 

** In order to put the roman-catholics in a T^ay 
" of deserving some share in the mercy and protec- 
** tion of the government, 'tis required that some of 
" the most considerable among 'em depute a proper 
^ person with a letter to the pope, to inform him, 
" that whereas they must otherwise be utterly 
*^ ruined, they may yet obtain some liberty and se- 
" curity for their religion, upon four conditions, all 

emperor and George the first, in 1726, he maintained a cor* 
retpoDdence with the leading members of the opposition to 
nr Robert Walpole. These, in conformity with the emperor's 
wishes, unwisely strove to engage Great Britain in a war with 
France. By their ipterest, Strickland w^ made bishop of 
Namur, and the emperor sent him op a private nussion to 
the English monarch, with credential letters, and various 
documents justifying his own measures and views, and crimi- 
Dating those of sir Robert Walpole. The bishop arrived in 
London under a feigned name, was graciously received by 
the king and the queen, and had many conferences with 
lord Harrington, a leading member in the opposition cabinet. 
But the minister was soon informed of the negotiation, and 
fiuttrated the attempt Strickland was soon after civilly dis- 
missed, '^ Coite's History of the House of Austirtt^'' toI. ii. 

P- 145- 


*^ in his own power, and all evidendy consistent witl% 
" roman-catbolic principles. 

1. " Tis required he order his former decree* 
^^ about the oath of allegiance, now dormant in th^ 
^^ hands of his internuncio at Brussels, to be pub-: 
^Mished and executed by proper delegates, andiiii 
V the most effectual manner, for the information of 
" the people. 

2. ^' That he take away the name and office of 
^^ protector of England from cardinal Gualterio, 
'^ the pretender's public and declared agent, and 
** confer the same upon some other, no ways engaged 
" in any factions, or obnoxious to this govemmeiit*' 

3. ^' That he revoke the indult granted to the 
'^ pretender for the nomination of the Irish bishc^- 
'' rics, and solemnly promise the emperor to govern 
'^ these missions without any communication direct 
" or indirect with the pretender, or regard to his 
'* interests. 

4. " That any person employed in these missions 
" shall be revoked or called away bon&Jide by his 
" respective superiors, upon intimation of any of- 
" fence by him given to the government. — As the 
" emperor has engaged to bring the pope to these 
" terms, it will be necessary to send also to him with 
" a letter to desire his mediation in this affair." 

" It will be sufficient these letters be subscribed 
*' by the duke of Norfolk, lord Stafford, lord Mon- 
*^ tagu, lord Walgrave for the nobility, and by siif 
" John Webbe, Mr. Charles Howard, Mr. Stonor, 
" and Mr. Arundell Sealing for the gentry. 

^^ As any delays or tergiversations in coming into 
* Of this decree, the writer can learn nothing. 


'^ these measures, can never be coloured with any 
" pretence of religion or conscience, so if any should 
'^ be made by persons obstinately disaffected, the 
" government would then have no means left to 
" secure the peace of the kingdom, but in the real 
" and full execution of the penal laws, and more 
" particularly of the act for transferring the right 
" of succession to the next protestant heir, upon the 
" immediate heir not conforming at the age of 
" eighteen ; and of the late register act, for taking 
" away the two thirds. But 'tis hoped that the 
" roman-catholics, by a ready concurrence in what 
" is equally their duty and their interest, will make 
" it practicable for a mild government to treat 'em 
" with moderation and lenity, if they endeavour to 
" deserve it as well as other dissenters." 

" My lord, " Whitehall, 30 June 1719. 

" This private letter is to inform your lordship 
^^ that doctor Strickland arrived here some days 
" ago, during which time he bent all his thoughts 
" upon the matter which your lordship knows he 
'' had in hand. He came to me with a paper, 
" whereof the inclosed is a copy, which he thought 
" was digested into the properest manner, to be 
" shown to the roman-catholics therein mentioned. 
^* At his request and persuasion I carried a copy of 
'^ that paper, not signed, to a meeting, where the 
" ivke of Norfolk, lord Walgrave, and Mr. Charles 
'^ Howard, assisted. 

^^ After having discoursed with those gentlemen 
^< upon th6 contents of it, I found the two noblemen 



^^ inclinable to come into the proposal therein made ; 
" and though Mr. Howard showed an unwillingness, 
yet I came away with hopes that the affair would 
be done in the manner proposed : and the doctor 
" believed no less ; for it went so far, that they even 
** desired him to prepare the two letters to the 
** emperor and the pope. This happened three 
" days ago. 

'^ But since that time, I understand those gentle- 
^' men have had several consultations, and by their 
** behaviour begin to show a coolness, as if they 
" would depart from what they had appeared ready 
*' to subscribe to ; that they have behaved themselves 
*^ with reservedness to the doctor, and have notsent, 
" as they said they would, for Mr. Stonor, the best 
** intentioned of them all, to consult him. The 
" doctor expects to be told this night the result of 
" their deliberations, which he believes, after all the 
" hopes he had conceived, will end in an absolute 
" reftisal of what has been proposed, or at least of 
" some part of it. This alteration, if it prove to be 
*^ so, he imputes to the insurmountable resistance 
" of Mr. Charles Howard, and perhaps to the en- 
" couragement of some tories, who were possibly 
" consulted on this occasion. However the success 
" of that affair is like to be, I thought proper to ac- 
" quaint your lordship wholly with it and whatever 
" comes of it hereafter. I shall then also l^t joiit 
'^ lordship know it I should have added, that the 
^' doctor seems so piqued at this usage, and so 
^< heartily in the business, that in case the gentle- 
'^men come to the resolution he apprehebdsi he 


'^ would be for taking up immediately bishop 
" Giflbrd, Mr. Grey (the true earl of Shrewsbury who 
'^ enjoys the estate, though another possesses the 
*' tide), and some other heads of that set of people, 
" and by that glaring instance exert a power which 
" may effectually and quickly terrify them into a 
" compliance. — I am with great respect, my lord, 
" your lordship's most obedient humble servant, 
" R. H. Earl Stanhope." " J. Craggsr 

'* It is now past ten o'clock at night when I re- 
" ceived this news so different from what I write 
'* you in my private letter of this date. J. C." 

"Sir, July i, 1719. 

" In pursuance of the directions you left with 

'^ me when I had the honour of seeing you at 

" Mr. Strickland's, I showed the paper you gave me 

'^ to those of the gentlemen named in it that were 

'-' in town. The shortness of the time in which we 

" were to give our answer, and the secrecy you en- 

" joined in the affair, has put us under very great 

** difficulties. We were all very unwilling to let 

any opportunity slip, in which we might show our 

readiness in coming into any thing, that would 

show our good intentions ; but being but four of 

•* those named in the paper, could not venture to 

'* answer for the other four, whose signing was re- 

** <iuired ; much less to engage for so many others 

** that are not in town, and if they were, could not 

** be consulted. This being the chief difficulty, at 

^^ present it wittbe needless to trouble you with the 


^^ obje(:^tions made to some of the articles, particu* 
^' larly that of application to foreign powers, and 
" we would much rather owe, whatever favours we 
" receive, to your generous disposition, than to any 
^' other solicitation whatsoever ; and we cannot bat 
*' flatter ourselves, that when more of the parties 
'^ concerned are in town, you will retain the same 
" favourable intentions towards us you were so good 
^\ as to own ; and I am bold to say for my own 
" part, and I believe may answer not only for those 
" I have spoken to, but even for numbers, that when- 
"ever time gives us an opportunity to meet, and 
" you leave to acquaint them, you will find so suit- 
*^ able and unanimous a disposition in them to re- 
" ceive the favourable and generous indulgence you 
" are pleased to offer : for my own part, I cannot 
^ but conceive great hopes of success in this affair, 
" since it is undertaken by so generous a person as 
" yourself, for the relief of so many distressed 
" people, and which shall always be remembered 
" as the greatest obligation done to, sir, 

" Your most obedient humble servant, 
** Mr. Secretary Craggs." " Norfolk.'' 

^* The paper you gave mel left with Mr. Strickland.", 

" My lord, Whitehall, 7th July 1715- 

" I promised your lordship, in one of my private 
" letters of the 3Pth past, that whatever became of 
" the affair relating toroman-catholics, I would give 
" you an account of it. It happened as I did then 
'' imagine it would, that the duke pf Norfolk and 


"lord Walgrave were overswayed by Charles 
'* Howard, who contiDued obstinate to the last, and 
". that from a mere spirit of opposition, for Strick- 
. " land says his intentions at bottom are otherwise 
" good, but he is a wrong-headed fellow and spoiled 
" all; However, I afterwards met with lord Wal- 
" grave, who began to excuse himself upon what had 
 * passed, and would have proposed some other ex- 
^^ pedients to me upon the affair ; but I showed an 
^^ indifference, and told him that if he had anything 
" to say, he must consult Dr. Strickland, for I 
" would meddle no more in it. They had affected 
" to be reserved towards the doctor in all their 
" deliberations, but this answer made them alter 
" their course; they went to his house ; where they 
" gave their reasons of fear, conscience, honour, &c. 
'^ all which the doctor combated strenuously, and 
" at last convinced them of the necessity of signing 
" the two letters, which they agreed to, and desired 
'' him to draw them up immediately and they would 
" come in the afternoon to sign them. The letters 
^^ being prepared, they came according to appoint- 
** ment, but their resolutions changed. Charles 
^ Howard and the duke withdrew several times 
^< into the back room to consult, where no doubt Ae 
" former got the better again of the latter, for they 
^^ determined at last not to sign, and so left the 
^ doctor. The duke went immediately afterwards 
^ out of town, but first sent me a letter of which I 
^* inclose a copy : that will best show your lordship 
^* what he had to s^y £3r himself and the copy of 
<< mine^jBliip inclosed, what answer I made him upon 
' VOL. III. J V 


lis HisTomcAL MEMOms dp 

itr The matter being flius broke off, 1 bave deter- 
Aimed to put the thing in execution which I said 
" in my former letter I intended in that case, by 
^ tendering the oaths to Howard and seizing bishop 
" Gifford and Grey (the earl of Shrewsbury). But 
" because this proceeding is chiefly with a view to 
•^ make them squeak, I would contrive to do it in 
" such a manner as not to put them out of my pow», 
by over acting it, into that of the law. For which 
end I have desired Delafaye to pick out a couple 
" of discreet justices of peace of his acquaintance, 
" that will, as of themselves, take up Howard and 
** Gifford, and afterwards do just what Delafaye 
" shall bid them, without carrying their zeal too far. 
" And as for Grey, I think some trusty and under- 
^ standing messenger must be sent to tnanage him, 
" for he is seventeen miles off. Strickland persuades 
^^ this method will have its effect, and make them 
** ready to sign even stronger letters than those 
" already proposed to them ; and as they know the 
" doctor intends very shortly for France, and that 
*^ they are allowed no other conferant but him^ it 
" may be expected we shall quickly know what 
"they will do. 

" I take this occasion to s6nd your lordship a 
" private letter from the duke of Bolton to riie, which 
" was omitted in my last, and likewise another I 
" received last night, which will show your lordship 
" what temper Ireland is in upon the opening of 
"that parliament. — I am, my lord, your lohlsHip's 
" most obedient and most humblef sc^rvaiit,' - 
« R. H. Earl Stanhope/' « / Oy^#/' 






VW- subject now leads us, I. To mention in a 
Ifew words the state of the catholics at this period : 
H. We shall then notice the contests between the 
liigh church and the low church, and the conse-^ 
qneiices favourable to the catholics, with which 
they were attended : III. Some acts in favour of the 
protestant dissenters : IV. The dispute occasioned 
by the work of Dr. Courayer on the validity of 
ULe ordinations of the English protestant clergy : 
▼. And the correspondence between archbishop 
Wtfke and Dr. Dupin, for the re-union of the 
roman-catholic and the English churches. 

LXXL 1. 

General State of the English Catholics during this 


The reign of George the second is remarkable 
for its being the first, after the reformation, in 
which Ho new law was enacted against the roman- 

This circumstance does the monarch and his 
government the greater honour, as the rebellion 
^ 474S>' ;W w¥^ M^vQial roinan-cathQlics wf^re 

K 2 


engaged, furnished the enemies of their rel^oo 
vriih a pretence for calling down upon them a 
severe execution of the ex:isting code, and even an 
extension of its severities. Better councils pre- 
vailed: the whole penal code was continued in 
force ; but the instances, in which it was put into 
activity, were not very nionerous. When they oc- 
curred, they were produced either by the mis- 
duevoiis activity or the selfish feeling of iadiTi-* 
duals ; — ^but were very seldom, if ever, countenanced 
by the government — Some freedom was allowed 
to the catholics in the exercise of their religion ; 
still, through the whole of this reign, the cathoUci; 
were molested by informers, their lands wars 
doubly taxed, their enjoyment of them was inse- 
cure, sometimes they were wrested from them by i^ 
protestant next of kin ; and, (which was a dread^ 
iul calamity),^ they continued subject to the con^ 
structive recusancy mentioned in the preceding 
chapter, and to all its terrors. 

In 1729, the second year of this reign, Matthew 
Atkinson, a missionary priest, died in Hurst castle, 
after an imprisonment in it during thirty years, for 
the exercise of his religious functions. 

LXXI. 2. ' 

. -Qmtest between the High Church and Lmo Chunky- 

Progress of religious Toleration. 

Th E latitudinarian divines have been mentioned : 
the spirit of religious liberty, by which they were 
ttnimated, was spread by their writiiig8cc^tk& 



; itreacbed the continent, and often returned 
it, anriched and invigorated. 
We must however observe, with Mr. Gibbon*, 
tiicut three writers, by whom the rights of toleration 
nobly defended, Locke, Boyle, and Leibniz, 
laymen and philosophers ; — they had been 
j^TQceded by Ghrotius ; but, by a strange inconsist- 
eney, while that great man condemned the tribunal 
oC the inquisition, he approved the imperial law of 
persecution f . Locke's " Letters on Toleratiotty^ 
odiaiisted the subject : they are unanswered and 
naanswerable, and seem to have set the question 
at rest for ever. The principles of the revolution 
embodied both the friends of civil and the friends 
of religious liberty, and united them in the general 
cause. We have mentioned the opposition between 
tbe. political principles of the latitudinarian and 
those of the nonjuring divines : each soon received 
aiiew religious appellation. Before this time, the 
advocates for the lawfulness of resistance to govem- 
MBfEDt had been called whigs, the opposers of this 
doctrine had been called tories ; the latitudinarians 
joiaed the former, the nonjurors the latter ; and, 
ko far as politics were concerned, received their 
respective denominations. But their different opi- 
bions in religious matters, particularly on the 
authority of the church and her dependance on 
the civil magistrates, — which dependance was 
asserted by the whigs, and denied by the tories, 
—introduced a new distinction; the advocates 

• Ch. liv. note 39. 

t De rdnis Belgicis Annal. 1. i. p. 13, 14. ismo. 

VOL. III. +- N 3 


for its dependance, were called tlie low churcli; 
the advocates for its independance, were called 
the high church. For a time^ the distinction was 
strongly marked ; — hy degrees, the nonjurors dis- 
appearefd, but the whig divines, — whigs both in 
politics and divinity, — filled their camp, and 
perpetuated in the church, both their own ciTil 
and their own religious principles. Liberty was 
their constant theme ; they proved by arguments, 
which could neither be answered nor evaded, that 
liberty of belief in religious concerns was, in re- 
spect to the civil magistrate, a common benefit, an 
unquestionable and undeniable right. They ex- 
cluded the catholics alone from it: — But they 
candidly and unequivocally admitted that one rea- 
son only, — " the supposed enmity of the catholics 
" to civil govemmenty as then settled in the land\* 
— justified the exclusion. 

The advantages, which the catholics derived from 
this concession, were incalculable.— So far as re- 
spected their title to a participation in the blessings 
of the constitution, all questions respecting their 
religious tenets became unnecessary; as, to prove 
their title to be delivered from the penal laws, and 
to be placed on an equality of civil right with their 
fellow subjects, nothing could now be required 
of them, but to show, that they equalled them in 
loyalty to their king, affection to their fellow sub- 
jects, and attachment to the constitution. 

Dr. Hoadley, bishop, first of Bangor and after- 
wards of Winchester, was at the head of the whif 

* Hoadley 's Common Rights of Subjects. 

TH$: £NGMSH CAXHoyca. laa 

fjUYiii0B ; mdf under his auspices, alter a contro- 
yersy of more than twenty years, to which the 
{prelate's first see gave the name of the Bangoricoi 
eantroversy, the doctrines of the whig divines botbt 
on civil and religious liberty obtained a complete 
triumph :— rthe principle of the revolution was r^ 
ceived by the protestant church, and its religious 
«ceed was reduced to two articles, — one, that a 
chriitiaa acknowledges no law but the scripture* 
no intei^reter of it but his own conscience ; — the 
other, that the magistrate should regulate the i^est, 
Wild that confessions and formularies oi&Liih shouUi 
be .considered as edicts of the state, not as articles 
of doctrine ; and may be subscribed without assent 
txt belief, as mere terms of civil concord*. Hence# 
tbough th^ signed the thirty-nine articles, they 
treated them very cavalierly. They ^^are not," 
says Dr. Balguy f, ^^ exactly what we wish them : 
** aome oi them are expressed in doubtful terms ; 
*^ others are inaccurate, perhaps upphilosophical ; 
V others again may chance to mislead an igno* 
"•* rant reader into some erroneous opinions." Dr. 
JSturges Xf the friend of Balguy, expresses as little 
^udmir^tion of th^em. 

^The triumph of iQoa^ley and his disciples ,pver 
^e imtient principles of the established church may 
.S)e assigned to the year 1 720. In thatyear Hoadley 

* See Discourses on various subjects, by Thomas Balguy, 
^urchdeacon, prebendary of Winchester, &c. dedicated t9 
^^9 17^5 » particularly Discourse VI. 
t ^* Discourses," p. 293. 
I ^ Considerations on the Church Establishment," p. 37, 28. 



preached his fiBunous sermon ^' On the Niuiore' 
" of the Kingdom or the Church of Christ :** h6' 
maintained that the clergy have no pretensions to 
any temporal jurisdiction, and that temporal princes 
have a right to govern in ecclesiastical politics. So 
great offence was taken by the clergy, at thesci 
doctrines, that it was resolved to proceed against 
him in convocation as soon as it should sit The* 
lower, house of convocation accordingly drew up 
iheir representation ; but, before it could be brought 
mto the upper house, the king prorogued the as-^ 
sembly by a special . order, and the convocatkm 
never met afterwards. - Hoadley always declared 
that this was done not only without his seeking, but 
without his knowledge or suspicion. He rejoiced 
however in it ; as the debate was, by this meaBB,^ 
taken from the bar of human authority, and brought 
to that of reason and the scripture. Removed frott 
a trial by a majority of voices, (which, could not^ 
he said, be a trial to be contended for ei&er by 
truth or by the church of England), and brought to 
that of argument. 

Some serious protestants, however, were alarmed 
at this scanty creed : they observed its discrepancy 
from the creeds of the first reformers, and trembled 
for the consequences. — The catholic smiled at thi^ 
controversy, and claimed, for his church, that right 
of interpreting the scriptures, whicheach individual 
protestant claims for himself. 


LXXI. 3. 
Acts in favour, of the Protestant Dissenters. 

: The general rejection of the doctrine of passive 
<)bediencey was one of the greatest achievements of 
bishop Hoadley. 

" Passive obedience," says Mr. Hume*, " is ex- 
'' pressly and zealously inculcated in the homilies f? 
'^ composed and published by authority in the reign 
" of queen Elizabeth." The corporation act J pre- 
scribed, that all magistrates should testify both their 
belief that it was not lawful, upon any pretence 
.whatever^ to resist the king, and their abhorrence 
of the traiteroiis position of taking arms, by the 
kiijig's.auithority, against his person, or against those 
'who were commissioned by him. — The decree of 
t)ie umversity of Oxford, passed in convocation^ 
in. 1 683 §,. mentions the positions, that ^^ all civil 
.'^ authority is derived originally from the people;" 
-7-^d that, ^' there is no obligation upon christians 
^\ to passive obedience, when the prince commands 
^\ any thing against the laws of our country," 
sopong — ^^ damnable doctrines, destructive to the 
'^ saored.persons of princes, their state and govern- 
. <' meat, and all human society." In a similar strain, 
.|he address of the university of Cambridge ||, pre- 
sented, about the same time, to Charles the second, 
declares, that ^^ no earthly power, no means or 
" misery, should ever be able to make them re- 

 Hist. vol. viii. note (R.) p. 161. t Homil. x. a8. 
I 13 Car. IL S Coll. Hist. vol. ii. 909. fl lb. 903. 


" nounce or forget their duty ; that they would still 
^' believe and maintain, that our princes deriye not 
" their title from the people, but from God; that 
^^ to him only, they are accountable ; that it belongs 
" not to subjects either to create or censure, but .to 
" honour and obey their sovereign, who comes to 
^^ be so, by a fundamental hereditary right of suo^ 
'^ cession, which no religion, no law, no £Biult or 
^^ forfeiture can alter or diminish." 

Gounterpositiohs were maintained by Hoadley, 
*«*wd we have mentioned his triumph. In ponse- 
quenee of it, by an act of the 5th of George the 
firftt, the clause, in the corporation act, wluc& 
asserts the doctrine of non-resistance, was repealed. 

In 1 736, an act of indemnify mitigated the effect 
of 4he test act, by giving time to persons to quai% 
themselves to hold offices under the proviskmB of 
Ihat act, till the 1st of August in that year.'--^Ali 
ndemifity act, passed in 1 743, was more compief- 
Iiensive, as it mitigated the effect bot^ of the cor- 
poration and the test acts. From that period, to 
the present time, similar acts of indemnity have 
been passed annually as a matter of course, and they 
extend to both the restrictive acts. — By this an- 
nual act, after mentioning the corporation and test 
•acts, it is provided, that persons, who, before the 
passing of it, have omitted to qualify themselv^ m 
the manner prescribed by those acts, shall, if th^ 
properly qualify themselves for them, before- the 
25th of the ensuing December, be indemnified 
against all penalties, forfeitures, incapacities and 
disabilities ; and their elections and the acts done *^ 


]Qr ibem we dedareii to be Tc^d.' — The act ex- 
^[^68008 nothing, which excludes roman-catholics 
iSrom the benefit of its provisions. — Considering the 
^mmual indenmity act as a matter of course, which 
Mt evidently is, the protestant dissenters are thus 
T^irtually exempted firom the corporation and test 
^EK^ ; and as they have no objection to the oath of 
supremacy, they are not a£fected by the act of the 
I8t of George the first, which requires, as we have 
apentioned,. all persons, bearing offices civil or 
siilitary, or holding command or place of itruat, 
or receiving pay or wages under any patent or 
-^;nBt firom his majesty, to take the oath of supre- 
^mafly under, a penalty of 500 /. and under other 
.jpenalties. But the conscientious scruples of catho- 
des to take this oa^, continued to subject theoi, 
-4iKm^ they are relieved by the annual act of 
-4iidemiuty firom the corporation and test acts, to 
-the act of Greorge the first, and its disqmalifi- 

LXXI. 4. 
Doctor Courayer* 

Soon .after the reformation was estabUslied in 
-JSygjAnflhy queen Elizabeth, a controversy arose 
qn the validity of the ordinations of the dergy of 
.thechvch of Eugland. Dodd gives, in his CbuK^ 
History*, a fall view of the principal facts and 
axguvients produced by the writters on each side. 
The o^trpversy was renewed by Mr. Thomas 

^ V<4. iL p. sCiSt et Jfl«. 

18B aiSTOIilCAL M£MOms OP 

Ward in 1719: awdrk*, written by him on this 
sabject, was much read, and produced several an- 
swers. Some publications on the same subject, — 
as the /' Minmres sur la validiU des Ordinations 
^^des Anglais " of the abb6 Renaudot,— appeared 
on> the continent They attracted the attention of 
Peter Francis Courayer, a canon regular of St: 
G6n6vi6ve at Paris. In*the disputes on Jansenism 
he had taken an active part, and was among those, 
who appealed firom the bull Unigenitus. In 1723; 
he .published his ^^ Dissertation sur la vaUditS des 
^^'Ordinations des Anglais^ et sur la Succession des 
'^Eviques de VEglise AnglicanCy — ^which was im- 
mediately translated into English. — Replies to it 
were published by the abb6 Gervaise, Mr. Fennel, 
and. the. fathers Hardouin and le Quien of the 
society of Jesus : that, of father le Quien, was xxm- 
sidered to be the most ably writtfen^ Father Cou- 
rayer published a defence of his work* in 1726. 
The university of Oxford presented him widi 
a diploma, conferring upon him the degree of 
doctor of laws. 

Understanding that his liberty was in danger, he 
took refuge in England, and was kindly received by 
Dr. Wake, then archbishop of Canterbury, and 
by Dr. Sherlock, bishop of London : a pension 
was settled upon him. His work was censured in 
France, first, by the cardinal de Noailles ; then, by 
two diflferent assemblies of bishops, one at Paris, 
another at Embrun ; and finally, by a bull of pope 
Benedict the fourteenth. As a reply to these, he 

* ** The Cont^?ehrjr of Ordination truly stated." 8vo. 


poblished his ^^ Relation histarique €t apologitique 
^ des Sentmens et de la ConduUe du pkre le Cou* 
<* raycTj chanoine reguUer de Ste. Gtneviive'* — ^He 
mfterwards published French translations, 4¥ith 
notes^ of " Father PauVs History of the Council o 
•' Trent;' and Sleidan's " History of the Refor- 
** mationy He died in 1776, at the advanced age 
of ninety *five, retaining to the last his menta. 
:faculties. He was well received at the court of 
George the second, and particidarly noticed by 
<][ueen Caroline and the princess Amelia. Having 
lived in intimacy with many persons of distinction, 
both in France and England, and being possessed 
of extensive literary information, his conversation 
Was singularly pleasing and instructive. He always 
professed himself to be a sincere member of the 
roman-catholic religion, and attended mass regu- 
larly on Sundays and holydays when his health 
{>ennitted, and an opportunity of doing it offered ; 
bdt, when this was not the case, he attended the 
service of the parish church*. 
 After the decease of le Courayer, Dr. Bell, pre- 
'bendary of Westminster, published his last senti- 
«ments, under the title of " Declaration de mes 
^ dernier s Sentimens sur les differ ens Dogmes de la 
^ Religion^ par feu Pierre Francois le Courayer.'^ 
The manuscript of it had been given by him to the 

* On the controveray occasioned by doctor Courayer, a 

work published on the continent, '' Commentatio Histo];ico« 

'^ Theologica de Consecratione Anglorum Episcoporum, ab 

** Olao Kiomingio, Helmstadii, 1739, 4to./' may be usefliTIy 



princess Amelia about nine years before his deiiflk 
He professes in it to die a member of the roman- 
catholic church ; but the contents of it make it evi- 
dent that he could not be accounted a member of 
that, or any other established church. In 1814, a 
more full exposition of his religious sentiments, 
intituled, " TraiU^ ou Von compose ce que VEcriture 
nous apprend de la Dmnite de Jesus Christ ^^ was 
published by Dr. Bell. From these workis, th^ 
general laxity of the opinions of p^re le Courayef 
on religious subjects clearly appears. 

LXXI. 5. 

Correspondence between archbishop Wake and Dr. Ihqrin^ 
for the Re-union of the Church of Rome and the Church 
of England. 

A VIEW of the fatal effects which this animosity 
has produced in the christian world, has often 
m&de wise and peaceful men endeavour to re-uBJAe 
all denominations of christians in one religioa. 
With this view, at an early period of the reforma- 
tion, Melancthon formed his celebrated distinction 
of the points in dispute between roman-cathoUcs 
and protestants, into the essential, the important^ 
ai|d the indifferent : — in a later period of the re- 
formation, Grotius, the most learned man of his 
age, employed the last years of his life in projects 
of religious pacification : towards the end of the 
seventeenth century, a correspondence for the re- 
union of the roman-catholic and lutheran churche3 
was carried on between Bossuet on one side^ aad 



Leibmz and Mdanus on the other ; it may be seen 
ia the Benedictine edition of the works of Bossuet, 
and Mr. Duten's edition of the works of Leibniz* 

That such men as Melancthon, Grotius, Bossuet, 
Leibftiz, and Molanus, should engage in the pro- 
ject of re-union, is a strong argument in favour of 
its practicability ; that it failed in their hands, may 
show that it is more than an Herculean labour ; but 
does not prove it utterly impracticable. It is evi- 
dent, that, at one time more than another, the pub- 
lic mind may be disposed to peaceful councils, and 
to feel the advantage of carrying mutual conces- 
sion, as far as the wise and good of each party 
wish them carried. Perhaps the time is now come : 

*' The soul's dark cottage, batter'd and decay'd, 
** Lets in new lights dirough chinks which time has made.'' 


Through the flaws and breaches, the yawning 
chasms, (as they are termed by Mr. Burke), which 
the events of the times have made in the civil and 
ecclesiastical institutions of almost every country, 
a flood of light seems to break in, and to point out 
to all who invoke the name of Christ, the expe- 
diency of mutual forbearance, mutual good humour, 
tad a general coalition in diefence of their common 
Christianity *. 

AU christians believe, ist That there is one 

* A short account of the epistolary correspondence between 
Bossuet and Leibniz, for the re-union of the roman-cath<^c 
and lutheran churches, is given in the author's life of Bossuet. — 
A very interesting account of the attempts which have been 
VMide to efect an union of the protestant churches among 
themselves, is given by Mosheim, cent. xvii. sec. iL part ii. ch« i. 


God ; 2d. That he is a Being of infinite perftetioil ; 
5d. That he directs all things by his providence ; 
4th. That it is our duty to love him with all our 
hearts, and our neighbour as ourselves ; 5th. That 
-it is our duty to repent of the sins we commit ; 6th. 
That God pardons the truly penitent ; 7th. That 
there is a future state of rewards and punishments, 
when all mankind shall be judged according to 
their works ; 8th. That God sent his Son into the 
world to be its Saviour, — the author of eternal salr 
vation to all who obey him ; 9th. That he is the 
true Messiah ; 1 oth. That he taught, worked mir 
racles, suffered, died, and rose again, as is related 
in the four gospels ; 1 1 th. That he will hereafter 
make a second appearance on the earth, raise all 
mankind from the dead, judge the world in right- 
eousness, bestow eternal life on the virtuous, and 
punish the workers of iniquity. 

In the belief of these articles, all christians^ 
roman-catholics, lutherans, calvinists, socinians^ 
and unitarians, are agreed. In addition to these, 
each division and subdivision of christians has its 
own tenets *. Now, let each settle among its own 
members, what are the articles of belief peculiar 
to them, which, in their cool deliberate judgment^ 
they consider as absolutely necessary that a person 

* '^ The Creed of pope Pius the fourth,^ expresses the whole 
oi the roman-catholic creed ; we have therefore insertedi it in 
the Appendix, Note II. 

A more full statement of the points in controversy be twe e n 
catholics and protestants, is found in Bossuet's '' ExpaMm 
^^ de la Doctrine de CE^UecaihoUque iur les matHres de Cbff^* 
^* iraoerse.*' itmo. 


boald believe, to be a member of the churcli of 
Shffist: — let these articles be divested of all foreign 
imtter, and expressed in perspicuous, exact, and 
nequivocal terms ; — and, above all, let each dis- 
nction of christians earnestly wish to find an 
[rreement between themselves and their fellow 
iristians : — the result of a discussion, conducted 
I this plan, would most assuredly be, to convince 
1 christians that the essential articles of religious 
edence, in which there is a real difference among 
iiistians, are not so numerous as the verbal dis- 
ites and extraneous matter, in which contro- 
siBy is too often involved, make them generally 

Of all protestant churches, the national church 
P England most nearly resembles the church of 
Lome. It has retained much of the dogma, and 
lucli of the discipline of roman-catholics ; it pre- 
Bnres down to the subdeacon, the whole of dieir 
ienrchy; and, like them, has its deans, rural 
jeans, chapters, prebends, archdeacons, rectors and 
icars; a liturgy, taken in a great measure from the 
jnan-catholic liturgy ; and composed, like that, of 
MdmSy canticles, the three creeds, litanies, epistles, 
oqpelsyprayers and responses. Both churches have 
l|9.Mcraments of baptism and the eucharist, the ab- 
tsbtion of the sick, the burial service, the sign of 
le cross in baptism, the reservation of confirma- 
on and order to bishops, the difference of epis^ 
opal and sacerdotal dress, feasts and fasts. With- 
Bt adopting all the general councils of the church 
f BUxme, the church of England has adopted the 

VOL^ III. o 


first four of them ; and, without acknowled^iiig 
the authority of the other councils, or the authority 
of the early fathers, the English divines of the 
established church allow them to be entitled to a 
high degree of respect. On the important article 
of the eucharist, the language of the thirty*>nijie 
articles sounds very like the doctrine of the church 
of Rome. — Add to this, that of all proteetant 
churches, the church of England alone is, in the 
true sense of the word, episcopal. 

At the time of which we are speaking, the doc-' 
trines of the high church, which are generally cob^ 
sidered to incline to those of the roman-K^atholics 
more than the doctrines of the low churchy were in 
favour with several great dignitaries of the esta- 
blished church of England ; and in France, where 
the ultramontane principles on the power of the 
pope had always been discountenanced, the dis* 
putes of Jansenism were supposed to reduce it very 
low. On each side, therefore, the time was thovig^ 
favourable to the project of the re-union. 

It was also favourable to it, that, a few years be^ 
fore this period, an event had taken place> which 
naturally tended to put both sides into -goo^ 

On the occasion of the marriage of the prinotas - 
Christina of Wolfenbottlej a lutheran,'-T-wilh^dlt 
archduke of Austria, her court consulted the tacxAtf 
of theology of the university of Helmstadtcontthv 
question, ^^ whether a protestant princesSf<^-»-dM^ 
^^ tined to marry a catholic prince,, couid, widiMI 
^^ wounding her conscience, embrace the tomu^ 


*^ catholic religion?" The faculty replied, " that, 
*' iteoald not answer the proposed question in a 
^^ solid manner, without having prey iously decided, 

* * whether the catholics were or were not engaged 
^ * in errors that were fundamental, and opposed to 

* * salvation ; or, (which was the same thing), whe- 

** ther the state of the catholic church was such, 

^ ^ that persons might practise in it the true worship 

**ofGod, and arrive at salvation." The divines 

of Helmstadt discussed this question at length; 

^jnd concluded in these terms : '^ After having 

^' shown, that the foundation of religion subsists 

^^ in the roman-catholic religion, so that a person 

** may be orthodox in it, live well in it, die well in 

*^ it, and obtain salvation in it, the discussion of 

•* tihe proposed question is easy. We are, there- 

^\ fore, of opinion, that the most serene princess of 

" Wolfenbotde, may, in favour of her marriage, 

'' embrace the catholic religion." This opinion is 

dated the 28th of April 1707, and was printed in 

die same . year at Cologne. The journalists of 

Trevoux inserted both the original and a French 

translation of it in their journal of May 1 708. 

Under these circumstances, the correspondence 
in question took place. It began in 1 7 1 8, through 
Dr. Beauvoir, chaplain to lord Stair, his Bri- 
tannic majesty's ambassador at Paris. Some con- 
T^ationon the re-union of the two churches having 
taken place between Dr. Dupin and him, he ac- 
qiudnted the archbishop of Canterbury with the 
subject of them* This communication produced 
some compliments from the archbishop to Dr. 

o 2 

iM msrroRicAL memoirs of 

Dnpiiiy and these led the latter to address to hii 
grace a letter, in which he mentioned generally, 
that, on some points in dispute, the supposed differ 
ence between the two communions was recon- 
cileable. The correspondence getting wind, Dr. 
Piers pronounced a discourse in the Sorbonne, in 
which he earnestly exhorted his colleagues to pro- 
mote the re-union, by revising those articles of doc- 
trine and discipline, which protestants branded witb 
the name -of papal tyranny ; and contended, that hy 
proscribing the ultramontane doctrines, the finl 
step to the re-union would be made. The discooiM 
was communicated to Dr. Wake: in his answer, 
he pressed Dr. Dupin for a more explicit declara- 
tion on the leading points in controversy. 

In compliance with this requisition, Dr. Dupiil 
drew up his ^^ Commonitoriumy' and communicated 
it to several persons of distinction, both in the state 
and church of France. He discussed in it tkc 
thirty-nine articles, as they regarded doctrine, mo^ 
rality and discipline. He insisted on the necessitji 
of tradition, to interpret the scriptures, and to esta- 
blish the canonicity of the books of the Old and Nen 
Testament. He insisted on the infallibility of the 
church in faith and morals ; he contended that tkc 
sacrifice of the mass was not a simple saorameat, 
but a continuation of the sacrifice of the cross. 

The word ^^ transubstantiation,'' he seemed will- 
ing to give up, if ^e roman-catholic doctrine, in^ 
tended to be expressed by it,- were retained. He 
pressed, that communion under both kinds, oi 
under bread alone, should be left to the discretiM 


^^f the different churclies ; he consented that persons 
holy orders should retain their state, with such 
^visions as would place the validity of their ordi- 
aoation beyond exception. The marriage of priests 
2n the countries, in which such marriages were 
'sdlowed, and the recitation of the divine service in 
*Sihe vulgar tongue, he allowed ; and intimated that 
'mao difficulty would be found in the ultimate settle- 
^Bent of the doctrine respecting purgatory, indul-: 
^^ces, the veneration of saints, relics or images. 
Se seems to have thought that the pope can exer- 
cise no immediate jurisdiction within the dioceses 
of bishops, and that his primacy invested him 
with no more than a general conservation of the 
deposit of the faith, a right to enforce the observ- 
ance of the sacred canons, and the general main- 
tenance of discipline. He allowed, in general 
terms, that there was little substantially wrong ia 
the discipline of the church of England ; he de- 
precated all discussion on the original merit of the 
rdkrmation, and professed to see no use in the pope's 
intervention, till the basis of the negotiation should 
be settled. 

The answer of the archbishop was not very ex- 
plicit : it is evident from it, that he thought the 
quarrels on Jansenism had alienated the jansenists 
and their adherents from the pope, much more 
than they had done in reali^. He was willing to 
concede to the pope a primacy of rank and honour^ 
but would by no means allow him a primacy of 
jurisdiction, or any primacy by divine right. On 
die other points, he seemed to have thought that 

o 3 


they might come to an agreement on what they 
should declare to be the fundamental doctrine of 
the churches, and adopt, on every other point of 
doctrine, a general system of christian toleration. 

The correspondence, which is very interestiligy 
may be seen in the last volume of the English 
translation of Dr. Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History. 
To facilitate the accomplishment of its object. 
Dr. Courayer published a treatise, which we have 
mentioned, on the validity of English ordinations. 

Both Dr. Wake and Dr. Dupin were censured 
by the members of their respective communion8» 
for the parts which they had taken in this business. 
Several rigid members of the English church, and 
even some foreign protestants, blamed Dr. Wake 
for what they termed his too great concessions. 
In France, the worst of motives were imputed to 
Dr. Dupin and his associates ; they were accused 
of making unjustifiable sacrifices in order to form 
an union between the jansenists and the members 
of the English church. Even the regent took the 
alarm : he ordered Dr. Dupin to discontinue the 
correspondence, and to leave all the papers respect- 
ing it with the minister. This was done ; but the 
most important of them have been printed in the 
interesting and extensively circulated publication^ 
which has been mentioned. 





mME period, wliich tliis compilation has reached, 
jiow calls our attention to this internal history of 
the catholics. 

In a former page of these Memoirs we mentioned 
the differences, which, at the time of which we were 
then speaking, subsisted between the secular and 
regular clergy in England, on the expediency of 
the appointment of bishops, and the extent of the 
powers with which the prelates appointed had been 
inyested: these differences were composed by a 
bull of pope Benedict the fourteenth*. No per-^ 
son was better qualified by learning, good sense, 
and pacific views, for effecting such a measure, 
than this amiable and respectable pontiff. 

Has holiness derogates by this from the bulls 
" Brittania'' and " Plantaiay' which we noticed in 
^ former page ; those having, as he observes, been 
issued before the establishment of the four vica- 
rmts, and not being calculated for that arrange- 
ment He decrees, that no missionaries, secular 
or regular, should, whatever might be their privi- 
leges, .administer the sacraments, or exercise any 

* 5 May 1753. 
o 4 


other parochial duty, without the licence of the 
vicars apostolic within whose districts they resided. 
He considerably enlarges the spiritual powers of 
the vicars apostolic and their rights to communi- 
cate or delegate them. On the other hand, he de- 
clares that the regular clergy are to be considered 
as residing within their monasteries, so far as 
respects their internal economy : if therefore they 
fail in duty or give scandal, their superior is to 
punish them. The vicar apostolic, if the scandal 
l)e of a public nature, may require the superior to 
proceed against the offender, and, if the superior 
neglect it, he is to be deprived of his office, and 
the bishop himself may act. This, he says, is con- 
formable to the canon law, and to the council of 
Trent. The vicars are to see that the secular 
clergy do not frequent taverns, or other haunts of 
idleness, and to proceed by suspension against 
those who frequent them. If a difference arise 
between a vicar apostolic and the superior of a 
religious order respecting the conduct of any of its 
members in the discharge of parochial duty, or in 
the administration of the sacraments, the sentence 
of the former is to be preferred to the opinion of 
the latter. When a superior wishes to remove a 
member of his order from the cure of souls, or the 
administration of the sacraments, he may do it, 
giving previous notice to the prelate; — and the 
prelate in ordinary may do the same. In such 
cases, it is not necessary that either should assign 
his reasons for the removal. " The vicars aposto- 
^^ lie are particularly directed to punish in any 


<< aianner, but always with seyerity, those of the 

^ dergy, who talk, without due honour, of the 
national government. For the clergy should 
know that they reside in England, not to spread 
'^ reports, or to excite tumults, but for the good of 
** religion." His holiness imposes the same obli- 
gation on the superiors of the regulars, in respect 
to the members of their orders. 

CHAP. Lxxni. 


XHE writer has attempted to give, in his 
** Historical Memoirs of the Church of France,^ a 
succinct view of the principal events in the history 
of Jansenism. After it had disturbed that church 
for more than a century, the catholics of England 
Irad the mortification to hear, that his holiness had 
been informed that Jansenism had found its way to 
them and to their principal foreign college. Never 
was a charge less grounded or more triumphantly 
refuted ; but, for a time, it occasioned considerable 
agitation in the catholic body. — We shall present 
an account of it to our readers : but to give them 
even a slight sketch of the nature of Jansenism, it 
is necessary to take them back to a very distant 


. We feel that we are: fixe : if yft w«re .not^ 
scsience would not exist ; for, if a man had not free- 
dom of action, conscience could not intimate to 
him, either its approbation or its disapprobation of 
his actions. 

But how are we free ? How is free-will recon- 
cileable either with the influence of motive on wiU ; 
or with the order of the universe prescribed by the 
Deity ; or with his prescience ? For that, which his 
infinite mind has prescribed, or foresees, must be 
fixed. These questions soon engaged the attention 
of the Greek philosophers : some advocated the 
free-will of man ; others denied it, and ascribed all 
his actions to fate or destiny, a being or an energy, 
which they were never able to describe or define. 
Among the jews, the sadducees embraced the for- 
mer opinion, the pharisees, the latter. Amobg the 
mahometans a like division |Mrevailed ib^weetv the 
followers of Omar, and the followers of All. Itris 
not a little remarkable, that, in all these ii^tancea, 
superior sanctity and severity were uniformly 
affected by the maintainers of fate ; — we should 
naturally look for them among the maintainers of 

Unfortunately, the christians engaged in these 
pesplexing speculations : — their disputes chiefly 
turned on the effect, which motive, suggested by 
grace or the divine favour, has on human will. 
Does it necessitate? then, there is no free-will. 
Does it not necessitate ? then there is a good, of 
which God is not author. This dispute was 


brought to an issue by Pelagius and his disciples, 

in (he beginning of the fifth century. They, held, 

tbtt man acts independently of divine grace, both 

iathe choice and execution of good. St. Augus- 

tine was the advocate of grace against the Pela- 

giins : he successfully contended, that divine grace 

begins, advances, and brings to perfection every 

thing in man, which can be justly called good, 

but does not force him to act against his inclination,^ 

and may therefore be resisted by his perverse 


This is the doctrine of the catholic church. Cal- 
vin professed to adopt the doctrine of St. Augus- 
tine ; but pushed it beyond its legitimate bearings, 
by maintaining that God, from all eternity, has 
determined, in respect to each individual, that he 
shonld be lost or saved : and that Christ died for 
those only, whom he thus designs to save : — that 
on them Crod bestows graces, which necessitate 
diem to perform such actions, as are crowned by 
eternal salvation, and withholds them from all others ;. 
80 that, as all are bom in sin, all, from whom these 
graces are withheld, continue objects of divine 
reprobation both in time and eternity. — Thus Cal- 
vin, pushed the system of St. Augustine, into the 
dreary doctrine of absolute predestination. 

The system of Jansenius lies between the con- 
flicting doctrines of St. Augustine and Calvin, but 
veers considerably to the latter. It is fully detailed 
in a work composed by Jansenius, which, from the 
alleged conformity of its doctrine with that of the 


learned father, he intituled, ^^ Augustinus.'* 
propositions, containing the essence of that workyc^ 
were extracted from it, and condemned at different 
times by pope Innocent the tenth, and some suc- 
ceeding popes. The doctrines of Jansenius were 
afterwards adopted by Qu&snel, a priest of the 
congregation of the oratory. — A work written by 
him, intituled ^^ Moral Reflections," was greatly 
a4nured on its first appearance : but, when it was 
attentively examined, was found to contain the 
doctrines of Jansenius, blended, in an elegant and 
artful manner, with much, that was really good. 

It was condemned in 1 71 3 by pope Clement die 
thirteenth, by a bull intituled, from the first word 
of it, " Unigenitus.'' Four French bishops and 
several of the French clergy appealed from this 
bull, and acquired by it the name of appellants* 
A controversy ensued, which has subsisted, in a 
less or greater degree, to the present time. 

Other opinions were charged on the disciples of 
Jansenius ; and these were the more dangerous, 
because bad practical consequences were deducible 
from them, and because, to use an expression of 
Bossuet, their mischief chiefly lay in pushing sound 
doctrine to extreme consequences ; so that it be- 
came difficult to fix on the point at which the di- 
vergence from the line of truth began, and the first 
step into error was made. ^^ Jansenism," said a 
gentleman, whose words Fleury * cites with respect^ 

* Opuscules de Fleury, p. 227. 


*< is the most subtle heresy that the devil ever wote. 
*^ The jansenists saw, that the protestants, in sepa- 
^^ rating from the church, subscribed to their own 
^' condemnation, as this separation was always a 
^^ matter of reproach. The jansenists therefore laid 
^^ it down, for a fundamental rule of their conduct, 
" never to separate themselves externally from the 
'^ church, and always to make a profession of sub- 
^' mitting to her decisions, taking care, however, 
^' to be frimished with subtleties that would ez- 
<< {dain them away ; and thus, without real change 
'' of their opinion, they had the appearance of 
^' submission." 

But the accusation of Jansenism was often made 
without sufficient ground : — all, who adopted the 
five propositions, or any of them, — or asserted that 
diey, or any of them, were not contained in the 
Augustinus ; and all, who adopted the propositions 
condemned in the work of Qu^snel, or any of them, 
4n the sense in which they were condemned,— -or 
who appealed from the bull Unigenitus, were pro- 
perly termed jansenists ; and the same appellation 
might be given with propriety to those, who main- 
tained doctrines substantially the same, or fairly 
deducible, as consequences, from the propositions, 
which we have mentioned. — But, whether a doc- 
trine was thus the same, or thus deducible, was not 
always clear. Hence, the imputation of Jansenism 
was sometimes unguardedly, sometimes unjustly, 
and sometimes wickedly applied. This happened 
the more frequently on account of the proscription 
of Jansenism by Lewis the fourteenth, and his 


court* ; " From his youth," says a well informed 
writer t> ** ^^^ jansenists had been described to 
^* him, and he uniformly considered them, as a 
^^ dangerous cabal ; a sect that was inimical to 
*^ every kind of authority. Madame de Maintenon, 
" if we are to judge of her real sentiments, by a 
" kind of profession of faith, which she sent to a 
" young lady of St. Cyr, entertained the same 
" opinion of them." " You will find in the New 
" Testament," says the discerning lady, with her 
usual good sense, " that a good tree produces good 
" fruit; you will also find that the jansenists pro- 
" duce bad fruit that they shake off the yoke of 
^^ the church ; th^ openly enough, they despise 
" thie pope ; that they avoid indirect blame of the 
" king, but that they say he is mistaken:};. That 
" they priiicipally affect moderation, to gain over 
"** the ladies to them. They announce to the dex 
" that they are capable of passing judgment on 
** doctrinal matters. In this, you see nothing of 
" christian humility and obedience ; particularly in 
" regard to us women, who, whatever wit we may 
^ have, are ignorant. We are too happy to be 
" obliged by our sex and inexperience, to sim- 
'^ plicity and submission ; for this is the safest and 

^ ^* La definition que le Marechal d'Harcourt donnoit ia 
^ jansenisme, ctoit, ' qu'un janseniste n'etoit souvent autre 
'' chose, qu'un homme qu'on vouloit perdre cour,'-^Garfl 
« suffisoit alors d'en repandre lesoupfon pour perdre lc» nieil* 
'' leurs Bujets dans Tesprit du roi." — (Euvres du Chanoellier 
d^Aguesseau, torn. xiii. p. 123. 

f L0UI8 Quatorze, et sa Cour et la Regent, vol, iiL p« 87. 

^ Surely this was not heresy. 


^ surest road : butwe are not wise enough to avail 
** ourselves of our happiness." — It is impossible 
not to admire the general good sense of these 

The consequence of the dislike of Lewis tbie 
fourteenthy to the jansenists was, that the words 
** Jansenism" and "jansenist" were often whoUy 
xnisiqpplied-; and that even, when they were used 
to designate real heresy or real error, the heresy 
or the error had nothing in common with the doc-^ 
^riaes pei!uliar to Jansenism. Sometimes excessive 
seal, sometimes sinister views barbed the dart^ 
'^vrluch carried the imputation. This, all moderate 
xnen lamented : — it grew at length to such a heighl^ 
^hat in 1694, p<^ Innocent the twelfth addressed 
«, bull to the bishops of Flanders, in wUch be 
<yrdered, in the most explicit* terms, ^^ that they 
^' should pot permit any pei^n to be traduced, of 
^' nittrked out, by the vague accusation and iavidi^as 
^ name of jans^iism, unless it had been previoo^ 
*^ ascertained, that he had taught or hield one of tte 
^' fivepropositions ; and that th^«hould na&pen&if 
^^ aiqr one, except in a due course of law> to be 
^excluded, under this pretext^ from offices/ gta-^ 
*" taities^ benefices, degrees, or the pulpit" By a 
subsequent brief, in the year 1 696, the same pope 
Mverely censured those, who spread the charge of 
Jansenism from private views. In the same spirit, 
the clergy of France declared, at their general as- 
sembly in 17^)0, "their reprobation of those busy 
*' and malevolent persons, who fixed on good men, 
^* or on men zealous, in ecclesiastical duty, a vague 


** and undefined charge of Jansenism, because ihey" 
<< harshly declaimed against the actual corruption.^ 
" of manners." 

Jansenism, even in the loosest sense, which can, 
with any kind of propriety, be given to that word, 
seems never to have made any serious progress, 
either among the clergy or the laity of the English 
catholics : yet, it was charged on the former, parti- 
cularly on the clergy of Douay college ; and the 
charge was conveyed td^ the congregation depropO' 
ganddjide at Rome^. Grimaldi, their secretary, 
transmitted it to the internuncio at Brussels, with 
an order to conununicate it to the English catholic 
{^relates, — that the accused might have an opportu- 
nity of defending themselves. In consequence of 
ity Dr. James Smith, the vicar apostolic of the 
northern district, addressed a letter to cardinal 
Caprara, dated the 23d of September 1 707. He 
first gives an absolute denial to the general charge; 
then, descending into particulars, gives a denial, 
equally absolute, to each. The clergy, in the mean 
time, collected testimonials of their innocence, 
firom all the vicars apostolic, and the superiors of 
the regular clergy. — " The vicar apostolic of the 
" London district," according to a letter which 
Mr. Dodd has inserted in his History, — " accom- 
** panied by one of his vicars-general, made the 
" good father-provincial of the Jesuits a visit, and 
" desired him fireely to declare, if he knew of any 
^' priest in his district, who might be justly accused 
'^ or suspected of Jansenism. The reverend father, 

* Dodd, vol. iii. p. 519. 


'•' to a person of worth and integrity, answered, 
" ' that he knew not, nor heard of any such person, 
"in his lordships whole district:' — and fiirther 
" added, * that he was newly returned from his 
"visit in the northern parts, and that he neither 
" had heard, nor did know any person in that dis- 
" trict, who could be accused of the said opinion 
" of Jansenism.' " 

Still, the charges continued to be made, and the 
college at Douay continued to be involved in them. 
A- letter of Dr. Witham*, the vicar apostolic of 
the midland district, to Dr. Fasten, the presi- 
dent of that college, acquaints him that ^^ cardinal 
" Paiducci had lately written to the two senior 
" vicars apostolic and to him, to acquaint them, that 
" his holiness had been informed, or, as the letter 
" has it, that notice had come to him, that many 
" and divers teachers and scholars in his college 
" publicly taught and learned the false doctrine of 
^' Jansenius ; and had commanded the said Pau- 
"•lucci to signify to him, that he should, with all 
" diligence possible, procure them to be removed, 
'! fliat others might be substituted in their room, of 
" ^singular piety, and particularly professors of the 
" catholic doctrine, — (for so he expresses himself^) 
" —to the end that the see apostolic might not 
" otherwise be necessitated to suspend the pension 
" or rents usually allowed to the college, and 
" convert them to other uses." — The same circum- 
stance is noticed, in the letter from Dr. James 
Smith to cardinal Caprara. 

* Dodd, vol. ill. p. 52a 



To defend themselves against these charges, iix^ 
gentlemen of Douay college first made a firm an< 
modest protestation of their innocence^ and an «l— 
plicit profession of their* adherence to the hdy see^ 
and their absolute and unequiTOCal s^blntssioii to 
flie pontifical decrees on the subject of jansenLmi. — 
They then transmitted to Rome a testimonial from 
the heads of the university and town of Douay^ ill 
fitvour of their piety and learning, the purity of 
tiieir doctrine, and their equal freedom from loose 
morality and affected severity.^— A testimonial Was 
afterwards subscribed by the duke of Berwick, tiie 
duke of Perth, and other distinguished persons at 
flie court of St. Grermain, by which they declaared,^^- 
(as they said they were bound to do ifi^jUdtiM'aiid 
charity), — their perfect conviction that the chttges 
brought against the college Were false, infidiood, 
and of a tendency to subvert peace and r^igiott in 
the catholic church of England ^. — At lengA; a 
visitation of Douay college todc place, by A« orfler 
of his holiness. Aistrictdnquiiyf was made^ iuto 
its doctrine and discipline; and two formal sub^ 
scriptions to all the decrees of tiie holy see^ oa ttie 
subject of Jansenism, were made,— One ill 171 oj^by 
ftife four vicars apostolic, and the other in 1714, 
by the superiors of the college. With theae, h& 
tibliness, in two letters written at his direotion by 
cardinal Paulucci, declared himself to be abmfdandy 

Here the matter ended. — ^A serious and certainly 
an impartial examination of the proceedings of Ihe 
* Dodd, vol. ill. p. jai. f lb. 480* 


-^^ttiieiiirti. has led the writer to think that they 
"^ere uniformly wrong : — wrong, in averring that 
^e five propositions were not contained in the Au- 
^ustinus ; wrong, in maintaining that the church 
did not condemn them in the sense which the lan- 
guage of that work imported ; wrong, in denying 
the right of the church to pronounce on the true 
sense of an author's writings on religious subjects ; 
wrong, in all their distinctions and evasions ; and 
wrong, in the excessive severity of their morality. 
This was the decided and avowed opinion of Bos- 
Bttet, F^^lon, P16chier, and Fleury ; and the opi- 
oions of these eminent lights of the church are of 
the greater weight upon this point, as, with the 
exception of F^(6!on, all of them abstained from 
the.' controversy . 

^.^ThatrLewis the fourteenth entered into it as he 
'did^ IB greatly to be lamented : if he had left jaii4 
temsm itb the church, Jansenism would, in all pi^ 
bsbility^ have' soon died away : it is difficult to find 
iaJbiBTttoy^ a single instance, in which, if perse^u-^ 
tiflBlhas 'i^lUfpi^d short of elLtemiinadon, it has not 
\kA iaeveaK^d sind perpetuated the opinions which 
itJitaA iHeemit to proscribe. 

J>;iit i» also to be lamented, that the charge df jto* 
Mtdtai was often inconsiderately made. It was a 
aerkms charge; and, in proportion as it was serious, 
alu>tdd h^ve been slowly and cautiously ur^ed. 
Vague and indistinct imputations of it should haVe 
been avoided. We have seen the terms in which 
these were condemned by popes and prelates; 
those who made them should have reflected, that, 

p 2 


if bulls and briefs of the holy see condemned Jan- 
senism, bulls and briefs equally condemned diese 
Tag;ue and indistinct imputations. 




Jansenism was more successful in intruding 
itself into the protestant than into the catholic 
church of England. 

About the time, which these Memoirs have now 
reached, Methodism began to attract the notice 
of the public. The celebrated John Wesley, its 
patriarch, was hostile to the leading doctrinesof 
Jansenism ; the celebrated George Whitfield, a rival 
chief of the same denomination, was their adro- 
cate ; and the difference has been perpetuated be- 
tween their disciples. Some account, in this place, 
of the Methodists, and of the Antinomians, and 
Moravians, with whom their history is intimately 
connected, will not, it is apprehended, be deemed 
foreign to the subject. We shall adda succinct state- 
ment of the difference between the roman-cathc^ 
church and the lutherans and methodists, on the 
gabject of justification. 


LXXIV. 1. 

The Methodists. 

Talents of no ordinary kind, and a devotional 
temper, were hereditary in the family of Wesley. 
He was bom in 1 703, at Epworth, in the Lindsay 
division of Leices(tershire. Two books, " The 
" Following of Christ," usually ascribed to Thomas 
i Kempis*, and Dr. Jeremy Taylor's " Rules of 
" Holy Living and Dying," made an early and 
a lasting impression upon him. The taking up of 
the cross, as it is inculcated by these writers, at first 
revolted him : — mentioning this to his mother, a 
woman of uncommon intellectual powers, she gave 
him this excellent lesson : *' Would you judge of 
" the lawfulness or unlawfulness of pleasure, — take 
" this rule ; — whatever weakens your reason, im- 
" pairs the tenderness of your conscience, obscures 
" your sense of God, or takes off the relish of spiri- 
" tual things; — in short, — whatever, increases the 
"strength and authority of your body over your 
" mind, — that thing is sin in yoUj however innocent 

* A Life of Thomas h Eempis has been published by the 
writer of these pages, 1 vol. 8vo. Numerous are the treatises 
written to ascertain who is the author of The Imitation: 
ddsy even now, is the subject of a literary controversy at Paris, 
-*See ** Dissertation sur soixante Traductions Fran9aise8 de 
** rimitation de Jesus Christ, dediee h. sa Majesty Tlmperatrice 
'^ et Heine. Par Ant. Alex. Barbier, biblioth^caire de sa ma- 
** jeste Tempereur et roi, et de son conseil d'etat. Suivie des 
" considerations sur la question relative k I'auteur de rimita- 
^' lion. Parisi 181s, 8vo." 



" it may be in itself." Wesley afterwards became 
acquainted with the celebrated William Law, and 
was much affected by his conversation and writings. 
One expression of that gentleman sunk deep into 
Wesley's heart, — " You would have,'' Law said to 
him, " a philosophical religion : — but there can be 
^^ no such thing. Religion is the most plain, simple 
" thing in the world : — it is only,— We love Hix 
** because ^^Jirst loved us*'' 

Charles Wesley, the younger brother of Johtti 
and some of his associates, acquired at Oxford, by 
their piety and mortified habits, the appellation of 
Met^ipdists. John soon became their leader. Ha 
addicted himself with great earnestness ta tbeolo^ 
gical study, obtained a fellowship in Lincoln coUegCy 
and was appointed a Greek lecturer and moderatoir 
of the classes. He then travelled to New Georgia, 
to convert the Indians, and, at the end of two 
years, returned to England. 

Mr. Southey, from whose valuable Life of Wes- 
ley we have extracted the foregoing passages, has 
given in it a curious account of the church of Eng- 
la^d, firpm the reformation till the time of Wesley'a 
predication. He closes it with the following re- 
markable passage, which, though we do not acqui- 
esce in every part of it, we transcribe with pleasure. 

' • ' «< Law is a powerful writer : it is said that few books bsft 
^ ever made so many religious enthusiasts as his Christum 
^^ Perfection and his Serious Call: indeed the youth who should 
** read them without being perilously affected, must have either 
^ a light mind, or an unusually strong one." — The Life of 
Wesley, and the Rise and Progress of Methodism, by Robert 
Southey, esq. — 1820, 2 vols. 8vo. 


Speaking of that period of. thereformation, wbii^k 
lomiediately fc^wed jits establ^lunent by the first 
patitament of Elisabeth, he says, — ^' The evil waa^ 
^^ thaty a^iong the ediucated dasi^S) too litde care 
^ ifM taken to imbue them early with this better 
*^ fidith ; and too. little exertion usied for awakening- 
<< tlbem from the pursuits and vanities of this worlds 
^^ ta a salutaiy and hopeful conten^lation of that^ 
" which is to come. And there was the heavier. 
^^ evil, HjfiSif, the greater part of ihe nation were 
^^' totally uneducated ; — christians no farther thatt 
^ t]ie mere ceremony of baptism could make themy 
^' -*rb^tng for thd most part in a state of. heathen 
*^ 01 worse than heathen ignorance. In tnith, 
^.' lliey had never been converted ; for, at first, one 
^^ idolatry had been substituted for another :-ia 
^^tkiS) they had followed the fashion, of their 
V Unrds; ^md.when the Romish idolatry was ex^ 
*^ p^ed^ the change on their part was still a matter 
*^ Qf iie$;essary submission ; — they were left as ig- 
^ moiOJA of real christi^ly as they were found. 
^^ The world has never yet seen a nation of 
u ijmstians. 

. J^ Three measures th^i were required for com-- 
^' plating the reformation in England: that the 
^ opndition of the inferior clergy should be im- 
** proved.; that the number of religious instructors 
^' sbjO^ be greatly increased ; and that a system 
*^ of p^ocbiaj education shcmld be established and 
*^ vigilantly upheld. These measures could only 
*^ be effected by the legislature. A fourth thing 
^ wasneedful> — ^thattheidergy should beawakeo^ 

P 4 


" toTdi active discharge of their duty ; and this 

" was not within the power of legislation. The 

" former objects never for a moment occupied 

" Wesley's consideration. He began life with 

*^ ascetic habits and opinions ; with a restless 

" spirit, and a fiery heart. Ease and comfort were 

" neither congenial to his disposition nor his prin- 

" ciples : wealth was not necessary for his calling/ 

" and it was beneath his thoughts : he could com- 

" mand not merely respectability without it, but 

** importance. Nor was he long before he dis- 

" covered what St. Francis and his followers and 

^* imitators had demonstrated long before, that 

" they, who profess poverty for conscience-sake, 

" and trust for daily bread to the religious sympa- 

" thy which they excite, will find it as surely as 

" Elijah in the wilderness, and without a mitacle. 

" As little did the subject of national education 

" engage his mind : his aim was direct, immediate, 

*' palpable utility. Nor could he have effected 

" any thing upon either of these great legislative 

*^ points : the most urgent representations, the 

** most convincing arguments, would have been 

" disregarded in that age, for the time was not 

" come. The great struggle between the destnic- 

" tive and conservative principles, — between good 

" and evil, — had not yet commenced ; and it was 

" not then foreseen that the very foundations of 

" civil society would be shaken, because govem- 

" ments had neglected their most awful and most 

" important duty. But the present consequences 

" of this neglect were obvious and glaring ; the 


* rudeness of the peasantry, the brutality of the 
town populace, the prevalence of drunkenness^, 
the growth of impiety, the general deadness ' to 
religion. These might be combated by indivi- 
dual exertions, and Wesley felt in himself the 
power and the will both in such plenitude, that 
they appeared to him a manifestation, not to be 
doubted, of the will of Heaven. Every trial 
tended to confirm him in this persuasion ; and 
the effects which he produced, both upon body 
and mind, appeared equally to himself and to his 
followers miraculous. Diseases were arrested or 
subdued by the faith which he inspired,— mad-^ 
ness was appeased, and, in the sound and sane^ 
paroxysms were excited, which were new to pa- 
thology, and which he believed io be supernatural 
interpositions, vouchsafed in furtherance of his 
efforts by the spirit of God, orivorked in opposi^ 
tion to them by the exasperated principle of evil. 
Drunkards were reclaimed, sinners were con- 
verted ; the penitent who came in despair was 
sent away with the full assurance of joy ; the 
dead sleep of indifference was broken ; and often- 
times his eloquence reached the hard brute heart,' 
and opening it, like the rock of Horeb, made 
way for the living spring of piety which had been 
pent within. ^ These effects he saw,— ^ they wefe 
public and undeniable ; and looking forward in 
exultant faith, he hoped that the leaven would 
not cease to work till it had leavened the whole 
mass ; that the impulse which he had given would 
surely, though slowly, operate a national refor- 

•nd bring about, in fulnew of tine* At 
t of Atom pn^becies wbich promise w, 
*- A>l Ae kingdon of our Fa&er ahaU come, and 
^ ffiiwfllba dane in eardi a« it is in heaven. 

" Wilk afi duB, diere waa intennia^ed alatga 
"^ fBtnam <tf tnAvawaOt and no small one d mt- 
"■ ifiMiiiumi Modk, diat was erroneous,. aucb, that 
** WBftwac&ieToas, much, diat was dangennu. But^ 
*' kad Whecs lesi enduisiastic, of an Aumbla spirit 
*^ ar a i|aieter heart, or a maturer judgmeni^he 
^ voold never haTe commcaiced his undertaldiig: 
*^ SranUe only <^ Ae good which he was pro* 
** dnrng, and whi^ be saw produced,, he wenttni 
** eaangcowlf and inde&tigably in his oaraer. 
■* ^'hiAer it was to kad he knew not, nor yrhat 
*^ film tmA consislence the societies which he was 
"- colleebii^ wguU assume; nori where he was to 
«« Cad laboiuwrs, as he enlarged die field of lit 
** apwations ; nor how the scheme was to derive 
** its tnaporal support But these considerations 
^ w*idMr troubled him, nor made him fM* a moment 
* luKvltck his course. God, he believed, had ap- 
w pointed it, and God would always provide means 
** lor accomplishing his own ends." 

Such was John Wesley. — such were his endcnr- 
nmti uad bis views : — the conversion of George 
WbitfirKl was of a pnor date : he also had joined 
itw Oxixtrd methotlists, and had prayed much : — still 
i.-tl tatth: — he thus speaks of himself » — 
■Am^I ttu- Ikitli, which I wanted, was a sure trust 
I coittidence in God, that, throu^ the merits 

iCkritl, ny na» were forgiven, and that I was 


^ feconciled to God.—- At the end of a sickness of 
'^ sevenweeks, after having undergone innumerable 
" buffetings of Satan, and many months inexpres*^ 
^^ Bible trials, night and day, under the spirit of 
^' bondage, God was pleased at length to remoye 
^ dit heayy load, — ^the weight of sin went ofi^ w^ 
^ an.. abiding «eni^e of the pardoning love. of God, 
'^ and -a full assurance of £euth,. broke in upon n^ 
<f disconsolate soul.— At first, my joys were lik^ n 
*'< apring-tide, and, as it were, overflowed the bank^. 
" Ga where I woidd, I could not avoid aipgiiig 
** psalms almost aloud ; afterwards, they became 
^' ibore settled, and, blessed be God ! saving a ^w 
'^ casuid intervals, have abode and increased in my 
^' jsdul ever since. 

, ^^ At length, on the 24th of May 1738, about 
*f ajquart^ before nine, — I felt my heart strangely 
^* wanned. I felt that I did trust in Christ,— ^in 
^^Chnstalon^,— for salvation; and an assurance 
^' wa8:iriven me, that Christ had taken away mv 
** iinand death." 

- • The leading article, the key of the religious sys^- 

t/ettk of both is the same. Mr. Southey ^, using their 

tMrii.laiEiguage, announces it in the following terxns, 

•^-^^^ Whosoever thou art, O man ! who hast the 

^sentence of death on thyself, unto thee saith the 

** Lord, — not, — * Do this,— perfectly obey:all. my 

^'commandments, and live,' — but,— * Believe in 

*^ the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be 

" saved.' "-^Mr. Southey premises, that according 

• VtA. ii. p. lao. . 



to the system of each, — " this belief is the free 
gift of Grod ; no merit, no goodness in man, 
precedes the forgiving love of God." 
Most persons who have read these and other 
passages of a like nature in the writings of these 
fathers of the methodist church, standing as they 
often do, single and unexplained, will inunediateiy 
conclude that they lead to a frightful conclusion ; as 
they appear to import, that a wicked man, if he be- 
lieve what should be believed, becomes, though he 
continue in his sin, justified in the sight of Grod, 
and assured of his salvation. 

But this, say the followers of Wesley, is a mistake, 
arising from a misapprehension of the true import 
of the word " faith." — In the sense in which it is 
used by Wesley, it does not signify an opinion, or a 
collection of opinions: " it is a feeling of the soul, 
" whereby, tlirough the power of the Highest, — 
*^ who overshadows him, — the person, who has this 
'* feeling, perceives the presence of Him, whcnn he 
•* lovoth, in whom he lives, moves, and has his be- 
** ing; and feels the love of God shed in his heart 
** — 1 feel by it," he says*, " an inward impres- 
•• iion on my soul, whereby the Spirit of God, im- 
•• mediately and directly witnesseth to my spirit. 
'* that I am a child of God ; — that Jesus Christ 
** hiiM loved me ; has given himself tome; that all 
** my MiUM are blotted out, and that I am reconciled 
•• to GiDd." — This feeling, or cvperience as it is 
trnntul by the metliodists, is not, by their accoimt, 
Uit) roMult of reasoning ; it is the voice of the Spirit, 
• Sermon on '* The Witness of the Spirit.'' 


announcing its presence antecedently to any reason- 
ing. They add, that none should presume to rest 
on this testimony of the Spirit, unless it is accom- 
panied by charity, and its inseparable fruits, the 
love of God, and the love of our neighbour. 

Now, — if we divest these doctrines of the me- 
thodists of the language of exaltation, in which 
they are generally expressed, is there not some 
ground to contend, that it is substantially the same, 
or nearly the same, as the doctrine received by all 
christians, that he who loves God, keeps his 
commandments ; and that such a person has a good 
conscience, and therefore a consciousness of divine 
favour ? — The misfortune seems to be, that the ge- 
nerality of the preachers of this school dwell com- 
paratively so much on the feeling of divine favour, 
and so little on the works, which, as they acknow- 
ledge, must, if it be true, accompany it, as to make 
it thought, that this saving faith may subsist with- 
out them. — In justice, however, to the methodists, 
it is necessary to add, that this consequence exists 
among them in theory more than in practice ; as, 
wherever methodism prevails, a general improve- 
ment of morals, a general increase and extension 
of industry, frugality, and other useful virtues and. 
habits, ordinarily follow. 

On the great points of grace and the atonement, 
the doctrines of Wesley and Whitfield were diame- 
trically opposite. — Wesley held with Arminius, — • 
1st, that God has not fixed the future fate of mankind 
by an absolute unconditional decree; but that he 
determined) from all eternity, to bestow salvation 


on those, whom he foresaw would persevere to ftie 
end in their fkith in Jesus Christ : and to inflict 
punishment on those, who should continue in th^ 
Uiibelief, aiid resist to the end his divine aissistance 2 
— 2dly, that Jesus Christ by his death and suffer- 
incrs ihade an atonement for the sins of all mankmd 
iA general, and of every individual in particular; 
but that those only^ who believe in hinl, can 
partakers of this divine benefit 
- Whitfield held with Calvin,— 1st, that God 
chosen a certain number in Christ to everlastmg 
^loiry, before the foundation of the world, according 
to his immutable purpose, and of his fifee grace and 
love, without any regiird to the faith, good- woiis^ 
or any other conditions, to be performed by the 
Cloture ; and that he was pleased to pass by the 
rest of mankind, and to ordain them to dishonour 
tod wtath for their «ins, to the praise of vindic* 
tive justice : — 2dly, that Jesus Christ suffered and 
died for the ele<A cmly, and atoned only for ihteiir 

But however Wesley and Whitfield disagreed 
c«i the two important points which have been men- 
tioned, — there was a perfect agfreement between 
tiidn on the two distinguishing principles of ine- 
thodism : 1st, the salvation by faith in Jesus Christ; 
~2dly, ^Lperceptibky and in some cases^ an instan- 
taneous conversion, with a feeling assurance of 
reconciliation to God.-^This, they tertn the new 

A war of words took place between Wesley and 
M^tfield; on the points in difference bettween 


tliem. Tliey were afterwards recdnciled^ ** I loVe 
<^ you ttid honour you/' Whitfield says in a letter 
to Wesley ; '^andy when I come to judgment, will 
*^ thank you before men and angels for what you 
" have, under God^ done for my soul. There, 
'^ I am persuaded, I shall see dear Mr. Wesley 
" convinced of election and everlasting love. And 
^^it ^ften fill» me with pleasure to think, how I 
^ shall behold you, casting your crown down atthe 
^^ "ket of the Lamb, and, as it were, filled with a 
^ lioly Uiii^hiiig, for opposingthe divinesovereignty 
*^im the manner you have done;'' -^ 

' ^The eloquence of these extraordinary men was 
woiid^rfiil,^ — ^but rather equdl than alike ; — ^Whit- 
field "wasr Gommanding,-^Wesley was insinuating : 
Wiiitfield had litde reading, — ^Wesley was both a 
gentleman and a scholar. 

'^ J^^ahnody was employed by each with great ef* 
feft; but it was of the simplest kind:^ — ^it is one of 
WtsAigf's injutictionis, that different words should 
never be sung at the same time by differentpersons, 
Mid tiiaibno syllable shoifid have more than one ndte. 
-(Oil different occasions, Wesley wrote against 
thui catholics^ and ^ one of his writings,^' stcyi 
Iff^ Squtiiey, his biographer, ^^ gave the c^hoiicik 
'^ an advantage, because it ^iefended the protestlUDCt 
dissociation Of 178O; ind the .events,: which 
*^ spe^ily followed, were turned agifiunsthimr Bu^ 
'' upon the great points in dispute, he Was clear 
.'* and cogent, and the temper of this, as of his 
V other controversial tracts, was such, that, some 
'* years afterwards, when a common friend invited 


^^ him to meet his antagonist, father O'Leaiy, it 
^^ was gratifying to both parties to meet upon 
" terms of courtesy and mutual good will," 

LXXIV. 2. 

The doctrines of Wesley are said to have a re- 
mote, those of Whitfield a much nearer tendency to 
antinomianism*. The English antinomians are de- 
scendants of a certain sect of presbyterians, who 
arose in the civil war. They maintain, as principles, 
certain consequences which they draw from the 
doctrines of Calvin, but which he himself rejected^ 
and which the rational part of his followers equally 
reject. — According to the antinomians, — as those, 
whom God has elected to salvation, will, by the 
irresistible impulse of divine grace, be led to piety 
and virtue, it necessarily follows that instructicm, 
admonition, and exhortation, are, in their regard, 
absolutely unnecessary. 

Some carry this doctrine to a more frightfrd 
length, — they maintain that, as the elect cannot for^ 
feit the divine favour, their violations of the divine 
law will not be charged upon them, and they need 
not, therefore, repent of them. 

Some even maintain, that the violations, however 
enormous, by the elect, of the divine law, are not 
sins, in the sight of God ; because it is one of the 

* See Toland's Letter to Le Clerc, in the Biblioth(^qiie' Uni- 
▼er^elle et Critique, tome xxxiii. p. 505. Mosheim. Ecc. Hist, 
cent. xvii. sec. a. p. 2. 


essential and distinctive characters of the dect, that 
they cannot do any thing, which is either displeasing 
tx> God, or prohibited by his law. Against the an- 
^inomians, Wesley uniformly preached and acted : 
liis successor, Mr. Retcher of Madeley *, was their 
ciblest opponent. — Itmustbe added, that the calvin 
msts themselves deny, that any of these antinomian 
tenets are justly inferrible from their doctrines. 

The tendency, however remote, of his avowed 
<ioctrines, to antinomianism, did not escape Wesley's 
own observation. Mr. Southeyf cites from his 
"works, this remarkable passage : " The true gospel 
** touches on the very edge both of Calvinism and 
^^ antinomianism, so that nothing but the mighty 
^* power of God can prevent our sliding into one or 
•^' the other." 

LXXIV. 3. 

TTie Moravians, 

To this denomination of christians, Wesley once 
Ihad nearly aggregated himself; he afterwards de- 
^ared against them, and finally separated himself 
^aid his disciples formally from them : at that time 
m degree of fanaticism, which does not now belong 
to them, was justly imputed to them. 

The following is a succinct outline of their his- 
tory and tenets. 

In 1570, a congress of Bohemian, Polish, and 
Switzer protestants, some of whom were lutherans, 
some calvinists, and some socinians, was held at 

* In his Four Checks to Antinomianism. 
+ Life of Wesley, vol. ii. p. 189. 




Sendomir*. They agreed on a formulary called 
" The Consent of Sendomir." But the agreement 
was of short duratioii ; for almost immediately 
after it was signed, the majority of the Bohemians 
entered into communion with the Helvetic churchei. 
In 1620, a general union of all the Bohemian 
churches was effected at Astrog, under the name of 
The Church of the United Brethreti. 

The original settlement of these churches was in 
Bohemia and Moravia. Persecution scattered die 
members of them : a considerable number of Ac 
ftigitives settled at Hermhut, a village in Lusatia. 
There, under the protection and guidance of count 
Zinzendorf, they formed themselves into a new com- 
munity, which was designed to comprehend their 
actual and future congregations, under the title of 
" The Protesta?it Church of the Unitas FratrufHy 
" or United Brethreti of the Confession of Augs- 
" burgh.'' That Confession is their only symbolic 
book; but they profess great esteem for the eighteen 
first chapters of the synodical document of the 
church of Berne in 1532, as a declaration of true 
christian doctrine. They also respect the writings 
of count Zinzendorf, but do not consider themselves 
bound by any opinion, sentiment, or expression, 
which these contain. It is acknowledged, that, 
towards the middle of the last century, they used 
in their devotional exercises, particularly in their 

* This document, aiui a curioug account of the congrc^ at 
which it was framed, was published by Jablonski, at Berlin, in 
1 731. >n one vol. 4to. with the title Histaria Consensis Sendo- 
mir ensis* 


hymns, many expressions justly censurable : but 
these have been corrected. They consider luther- 
ans and calvinists to be their brethren in faith, as 
^U!c6rding with them in the essential articles of 
religion ; and therefore, when any of their mem- 
bei^ reside at a distance from a congregation 
of the imited brethren, they not only attend a 
hitheran or calvinist church, but receive the sacra- 
Huent from its ministers, without scruple, tn this, 
th^ profess to act in conformity to the convention 
at Sendomir. 

The union, which prevails both among the con- 
gregations, and the individuals which compose 
them, their modest and humble carris^e, their 
mdderation in lucrative pursuits, the simplicity of 
tli^ir manners, their laborious industry, their frugal 
habits, their ardent but mild piety, and their regular 
discharge of all their spiritual observances, ai^ 
Imiversally acknowledged and admired. Their 
eluirilies are boimdless, their kindness to their poor 
brethren is most edifying : there is not among them 
Gt beggar. The care which they bestow on ^ 
sdacation of their children, in forming their minds, 
chastening their hearts, and curbing their imagiiia- 
tions, — ^particularly in those years, 

« When youth, elate and gay, 

*^ Steps into life, and follows, unrestrained^ 

** Where passion leads, or reason points the way ;"— - 


ure universally acknowledged, universally admired, 
ind deserve universal imitation. 

But, it is principally by the extent and success of 
heir missionary labours that they now engage the 

Q 2 


attention of the public. These began in 1 732, f^ 
1812, they had thirty-three settlements in heath^^ 
nations — one hundred and thirty-seven missio^^" 
aiies were employed in them: they had baptiz^^=^ 
twenty-seven thousand four hundred converts : anc-- ^ 
such had been their care in admitting them to th^^^ 
sacred rite, and such their assiduity in cultiyatini^;;^ 
a spirit of religion among them, that scarcely 
individual had been known to relapse into 
ganism. All travellers who have visited th^ 
tlements, speak with wonder and praise of tlii 
humility, the patient endurance of privation ah( 
hardship, the affectionate zeal, the mild and 
vering exertions of the missionaries ; and the 
cence, industry, and piety of the converts : — th^ 
European, the American, the African, and ih^ 
Asiatic traveller, speak of them in the same tenns * 
and, that they speak without exaggeration, the con-' 
duct both of the pastor and the flock, in the different^ 
settlements of the united brethren in England, in- 
contestibly proves. Whatever he may think of 
their religious tenets, Talis cum siSj utinam noster 
esses, must be the exclamation of every christiaDy 
who considers their lives *. 

* Those who dedire further knowledge of this amiable and. 
worthy denominationr of christians, will find it in David 
Crantzs Ancient and Modem History of the Brethren^ printed 
at Barby, 1771, and the two Continuations qfit^ Barby^ "^19^9 
and 1 804. The History has been translated into English, and is 
become exceedingly scarce : the Continuations have not been 
translated. Mr. La Trobe, the pastor of the united brethreD 
in London, has published a Concise Historical Account of the 
Protestant Church of the United Brethren adhering to the Omr 
fusion ofAugshurgh. 


LXXIV. 4- 

Tie Difference between the Roman-catholic Church and 
the Lutherans and Methodists^ on the subject qfJusti- 

With a short statement of this difference, we 
ball close this chapter. 

" The justification of the sinner," to use LiUther s 
mn language, '^ was the principle and source 
^ from which all his doctrine flowed." So great, in 
lis opinion, was the importance of this article of 
iliristian faith, that he thought himself warranted 
n asserting, that, ^^ while the doctrine upon it was 

* pure, there would be no reason to fear either 

* schism or division ; but that, if the' true doctrine 
^ of justification were altered, it would be impossi- 

* ble to oppose error, or to stop the progress of 

* fsmaticism *." It is far from the object of these 
pages to enter into any thing like controversial 
iiscussion ; but the writer thinks his readers wiU 
not be displeased to find in this place, an accurate 
datement of the doctrines of the roman-catholie 
uod lutheran churches upon this important tenet of 
Qieir respective creeds. It is expressed with ex- 
M r^nnp accuracy, in the Letters of father Scheffmacker, 
a work highly celebrated on the continent f- The 

''^ Luth.Ofi* ed.Jenae, J56i,tom. vi. p. 13. IbidL torn. iii. 

p. 189. 

t Lettres d'un Docteur Cathdlique h, un Protestant, sur les 
principaux Points de Controverse. Rouen, ijOg* Deuxi^me 
lettre,^ surla justification. 




writer of these letters begins that, which relates to 
the point in question, by observing to his lutheran 
correspondent, " if there be a point, on which 
persons have disputed with warmth, and without 
sufficiently understanding one another, on either 
side, it must be acknowledged, that the questioA 
on the justification of a sinner, is a point of that 

" You teach," he proceeds to observe, " that Ae 
" sinner is solely justified by faith ; that, after hav- 
" ing offended Grod, and lost his grace, we obtain 
" the remission of our sins, and are restored to the 
" friendship of Grod, by means only of an act of 
^* fidth : — every other act of virtue, as acts of cottr 
^* trition, good resolution, hope, charity, &c. having, 
" as you pretend, no part in the sinner's justifica- 
<* lion. 

" Now, to form a just idea of the faith, which 
*^ you maintain to be the only means of reconciling 
" us with God, it is to be remarked, that it is not 
^* Ae faith, which is understood by that word, in 
** its common acceptation ; that is to say, a gene- 
" ral faith, by which we believe all that God has 
** revealed to us. You require, that it should be a 
**• special faith, on the merits of Christ ; and tikis 
*^ faith, as your doctors explain it, contains first, ail 
" act of the understanding, by which we acknow- 
'* ledge that Jesus Christ has died for us ; that 
'* he has fiiUy satisfied for our sins ; and that he 
" presents to us his merits, his satisfaction, and htk 
" remission of our sins : and secondly, an act of the 
will, by which we accept all this, in applyix^ s^id 



** api^ropriating tx) ourselves what is offered to us, 

*^ by Jesus Christ,— I mean his merits and the re^ 

^^ fission of our sins. 

*^ It is, however, necessary, that we do you the 

** j:ustic^ to acknowledge, that you require justify- 
^* ing faith to be fruitful in good works ; for you de» 
^^ dare explicitly, tiiat if faith be not accompained 
^^ by good works, it is not a true &ith ; that we 
^' must be careful to avoid imagining, that justify- 
'^^ mg faith can subsist with a wish to persist in sin i 
^* that those, who have not contrition, and are re- 
** solved to continue to Kve in their disorders, have 
^^ hot the faith which justifies and saves them* 
** Lather's expression is, * faith and good works are 
^' ins^arably connected ; it is faith only which 
^^ justifies, but justifying faith is never single, ^d 
^ vrithout good works.' 

" We believe, — -First, that faith, taken in the. 
** ocdinaiy siense of that word, that is, for the vir- 
^' tee whieh makes us believe revealed truths, ia 
"^^ Absolutely necessary for the justification of the 
*> limi^r. We are fully persuaded that no worka 
•* dnHne before faith, or without faith, by the mere 
** ^treugth of firee-will, or human reason, can have 
^' ^Ay p^rt in the justification of the sinner. 

" Secondly, — We believe, that faith alone doiea 
^^ ^lOt suffice tQ justify the sinner; that, in addition 
*' te it,, there must be a sincere sorrow for sin, a 
^y firoX rQsoluticMa not to relapse into it, a salutary. 
** fear of the judgments of God^ with a true confer 
^ dtsQce in the merits of Jesus Christ, and in the 
** Divine mercy. 



" Thirdly, — ^We believe, that though the sinner 
^^ may obtain the grace of justification, in bringing 
*^ the dispositions which I have mentioned, still he 
^^ cannot merit them ; so that he is justified, gra- 
" tuitously, by the pure mercy of God, and soldyi 
" in the view of the merits of Jesus Christ I ex- 
^' plain myself: — ^the sinner, after he has lost the 
^^ grace of God, can do nothing, which is sufficiently 
" agreeable to God, to entitle him to be restored to 
*^ his friendship. All the good works which he 
^^ does, in such a state, are dead ; and of too litde 
^^ value to exact firom the Divine Justice that the 
" grace of reconciliation should be restored to. him 
" as the fruit of his works. When God justifies 
^^ us by restoring his friendship to us, it is not in 
" consequence of the goodness of our works ; it is 
" solely in consequence of the infinite price of the 
" passion and death of Jesus Christ ; it is gratuit- 
" ously ; it is from the pure effect of his mercy, 
" that he applies to us the fruit of the merits and 
^' the infinite satisfaction of his Son. It is true, that 
" God requires certain works, without which he 
" does not justify the sinner ; and in consequence 
" of which, he does justify him : but he does not 
" require them as meritorious works ; he requires 
^' them as conditions, or as necessary dispositions, 
'* without which, he does not receive the sinner 
" into favour, or admit him to participate in the 
" merits of Jesus Christ, as to their effects in the 
" remission of sins. According to the doctrine of 
^* the council of Trent *, nothing that precedes 

• S^sSf vi. c 8, 


" justification, either of faith or works, can merit 
" the grace of justification. 

" Fourthly, — We believe, that though the sinner 
" can only owe his justification to the merits of 
" Jesus Christ, yet the merits of Jesus Christ are 
" not the formal justice of the person justified : — 
" he is not just of the justice of Jesus Christ ; that 
" is extrinsic to him. He is just, by an inherent 
"justice, — -a justice which, at the same time, is the 
" justice of God, and the justice of man ; — the 
" justice of man, because, having obtained it of 
^' the Divine liberality, it is within him, and not out 
" of him; — the justice of God, because it comes 
** from God alone ; he alone gives it to the sinner, 
** by a pure effect of his mercy, gratuitously, and 
only in view of the merits of Jesus Christ, the 
sinner being altogether unable, on his part, to 
** merit the justice by any imaginable work, what- 
** ever it may be." 

We leave the reader to his own reflections : if 
lie be a roman-catholic, he must concede to the 
pfTOtestant, that he believes no sinner to be justified 
"without good works ; if he be a protestant, he must 
concede to the catholic, that he believes no good 
works of the sinner entitle him to justification ; 
and whether he be a roman-catholic or a protestant, 
he must concede, that both equally believe, that, 
where either faith or good works are wanting, the 
sinner will not be justified, — and that when he is 
justified, his justification is not owing either to his 
&iih or his good works, or to both : for though both 


abcmnd, still would not the simier be jjUiitifi^i if it 
were not for the infinite mercy o| Crod, an4 the 
infinite merits and satis&ction of his Sotx*. 



In the history of the society of Jesus, all English 
catholics have an interest : invaluable and nume- 
rous are the services which the English memb^ 
of it have rendered them, by their colleges, th^ir 
missionary labours, their excellent writings, and 
their exemplary lives. 

The rise and first progress of the society have 
been noticed : — we shall now briefly mention, 
I. Its progressive extension : II. The mode of in- 
struction and education used by the members of 
the society: III. Their missions in I^araguay: 
IV. Their mission in China : V. Their antichristian 
and anticatholic adversaries : VI. Their cathoKc 
adversaries : VII. Their alleged advocation of tfie 
pope's divine right to temporal power in spiritual 
concerns : VIII. Their alleged exemption from 
the civil power, in consequence of papal bulls and 
briefs : IX. The dissolution of the society : X. And 
fheir restoration. 

* The author of the Letters, to wliich the writer has referred 
ID this article, was father Scheffmacker, a Jesuit, at Strasburgh, 
Tbe reader of thexn, whatever be his creeds will be delighted 
widi their trtdy christian politeness, their ele^ce, and iMd 



I^e progressive Extension of the Order. 

St. Ignatius survived the approbatioa of his 
institute no longer than sixteen years : but, during 
this short period, St. Frapcis Xavier, and his com- 
panions, had converted thirty nations to the faith of 
Christ, and baptised, with their own hands, a mil- 
Uoi^ of idolaters : above one hundred schools, un- 
der the direction of the Jesuits, had been founded 
ifiL Ita}y, in Germany, in Portugal, and Spain ; au^ 
^cessant applications were received for otheni. 
Tfhe whole catholic world was delighted with the 
^rood that wajs done, and the good that was pro- 
WS^d : ^' Let usf not despair," said cardinal Coin.* 
ipciendony one of the brightest ornaments of the 
sixteenth century, on his return from his German 
li^gation, — " all difficulties, that impede the pro- 
" giess of religion and virtue, may be overcome bj 
^ the ipeans of the fathers of the society of Jesu«^ 
^' This is the opinion of his imperial majesty, o( 
^' the princes, and even of the people of Germany. 
" What these fathers have already done, sho^iFS 
^' "v^hat may be expected from their zeal. Theif 
" qxemplary lives, their sermons, their coUegea^ 
^* have supported and will ever su^^ort religio^. 
" Multiply then the j/esuits, multiply their colleges 
^^ and their academies ; you will find that the 
** fh^its^ which religion will gather from them, will 
^ exceed your expectations." The advice was unir 
vecsaUj accepted k th^ ^l^boi^ and, 9tat|9 of ev^ 


catholic nation called for the jesoits. In 1537^ 
when St Ignatius presented himself and his com- 
panions to the pope, their number did not exceed 
six ; at the expiration of the first century of the 
order, it reached nineteen thousand. 

LXXV. 2. 
Thtir Mode of Itistruciion and Educaihti, 

Of Socrates, it was said, that he brought down 
philosophy from the heavens to common life : of 
the Jesuits, it may be truly said, that, in imitation 
of their diTine model, they made the knowledge of 
religion and the practice of it familiar to every rank 
and order of society. They spread themselves over 
towns and over villages, to teach the catechism to 
children, in their very earliest days ; to afford them 
more solid instruction, as their years increased; 
and to prepare them, at a more advanced age, for 
the sacrament of the holy table. To excite them 
to devotion, and to confirm them in their good 
resolutions, they established certain devotional 
practices, which impressed them with religious feel- 
ings ; and formed religious associations, which, by 
uniting several in the observance of the same pious 
exercises, excited emulation, restrained the wander- 
ing, animated the tepid, and inflamed the fervent 

Their schools were equally open to the noble 
and the ignoble, to the wealthy and the poor. All 
were subject to the same discipline ; rose at the 
same early hour, were fed by the same plain diet, — 
received the same instruction^ might attain the same 


rewards, and were subject to the same punishments. 
Surveying the school, the refectory, or the play- 
garden of a Loyolan college, no person could dis- 
tinguish a boy of sixteen quarters from a peasant's 
son. At the college de Clermont, the grand Conde 
said his lesson and did every other exercise, in the 
ranks, as a common boy. — His impetuous mind, 
which, at a future time, disdained and burst through 
every restraint, showed all its fire, but burned with 
regulated heat, while he remained within the walls 
of Clermont. It may be added, that, through life 
lie preserved his affection for the society, and that, 
in his last very edifying hours, he was attended 
by one of its fathers. 

It is admitted, that the Jesuits were singularly 
pleasing to their scholars. " Their polite manners," 
says M. de Chateaubriand, " banished from their 
" lessons the tone of pedantry, so displeasing to 
" youth. As most of the professors were men of 
" letters, whose company was sought by the world 
" at large, their disciples thought themselves in a 
" polite academy ; friendships were formed between 
" them and their masters, which ever afterwards 
" subsisted for their mutual good." 

No attachment could exceed thatof a boy brought 
up under them, to his master. " I myself," says 
** one of the authors of the Riponse atuv AssertionSy 
speaking of their final banishment from France, 
" was present at the moment of the separation of 
" the scholars from their masters in the college de 
" Louis le Grand. Stupified with grief, they tore 
/* themselves; either in silent sorrow, or with tears 



*^ and sobs, from the embraces of their masters. 
Our enemies know that I exaggerate nothing. 
They themselves beheld it, and it increased their 
irritations : they comforted themselves by hoping 
that, in time, the impression would die away." 
But the zeal of the Jesuits was not confined to the 
catechism or the college. The pulpits resounded 
with their predication ; confessionals abounded with 
their penitents ; the sacred tables with their disci- 
ples, and repentance and resignaticm flocked with 
them, at all hours, into hospitals and prisons. 
They had their ascetics and their contemplatives ; 
but the devotion of common life, — that devotion, in 
describing and inculcating which, in his " Intro^ 
" diiction to a Devout Life," St. Francis of Sales 
was so eminently successful, — the Jesuits had a 
particular talent in disseminating. Thie most useful 
of all pious practices, but, till then, too much con- 
fined to the cloister, pious meditations on the life 
of Christ, on the four last things, and Ae motives 
of loving or fearing God, they adapted to the mo^t 
ordinary capacities. The exercises of St. Ignatius, 
a course of meditations composed by him for the 
general use of the faithful, are equally suited to thfe 
highest and the meanest capacities ; no one has 
yet read them without fruit. 

" Simple and easy exercises of piety," says the 
cardinal de Bauss^t, " familiar instructions, pro- 
" portioned to every condition, and nowise inter"- 
" feriitg with the labours or duties of society, served 
" to uphold, in every state of life, that regularly of 
^^ manners^ that spirit of order and sabordinadotfy 


'^ jukd that wise economy, which preserve peace 
*^ and harmony in families, and assure the pros- 
" perity of empires. The principal towns of France 
** still remember, that there never was more order 
" and tranquillity, more probity in dealings, fewer 
*^ ftuHures, or less depravity, than while these con- 
^^ gregations lasted. The Jesuits had the merit of 
'' attracting honour to their religious and moral 
" character, by a severity, a temperance, a nobleness 
^ of manners, and an individual disinterestedness, 
" which even their enemies could not deny.*' These 
expressions of the cardinal are particularly remark- 
able, as they were written more than thirty years 
aftet* the destruction of the order ; and many years 
before the slightest expectation of its renovation 
was entertained. 

Learning has not been more ably cultivated or 
W>re actively diffused than by the Jesuits. They 
possessed, in the supreme degree, the art of un- 
folding talent, and directing it to the object, in 
wliich nature designed its owner to exceL Did a 
ycfatxg Jesuit possess a talent for the pulpit — his 
VMulters wefe sure to discover it, and he became a 
Sourdaloue, a la Rue, a Segaud, a Neuviile, or a 
S^auri^gard. Did he discover a turn for serious 
Audies, for literary discussion, for philosophy, for 
mathematics, for theology, for profound research-^ 
K) tihese he was directed, and became a Petati^ a 
SirQiond, a Cossart, a Bougeant, a Toumemine, a 
Rossweide, or a Papebroch. Was he enamoured 
with classical lore, or with poetry — he was con- 
signed to the muses, and became a Brumoi, a 


Ceripeau, a Bouhoiii^^ a Rapin, a Commire^ a 
Casimir, a Vanier, a Jttven^i, or a Berihier ; and 
the fruits of his pen, always elegant, but always 
chaste and always moral, found their way into the 
hands of every man of taste and letters. 

But they had no philosophers ! So said d'Alem- 
bert, and so said la ChMotais. ^' When I read this 
^' assertion/' says la Lande, the celebrated astrcK 
nomer, ^' I was employed in framing the index to 
" my History of Astronomy. I immediately drew 
^^ up a list of Jesuits eminent in that science ; I was 
" astonished at their number. Afterwards, in 1 773, 
^^ I met la Ch&lotais at Saintes ; I reproached him 
^^ with his injustice, and he admitted it. But the 
" Jesuits were then no more ! Two men, Cavalho 
" and Choiseul, had destroyed the most beautiful 
" edifice constructed by man ! An edifice, to which 
" no establishment under heaven will ever ap- 
" proach ! The eternal object of my admiration, 
" my gratitude, and my regrets." Such is the 
candid language of laLande. — " Men of learning!'* 
a true and impartial friend of the Jesuits*, once 
exclaimed, " whatever be your pursuits, your 
" country, or your creed, ask your own hearts if yoa 
" have not some obligation to the Jesuits ? Have 
" they not opened to you some door to knowledge? 
" Some to science? Some to taste ? Have they not 
" abridged to you some literary labour ? Soothed 
" to you some scientific toil? — Men of leamii^ !— 

* The writer of a Letter signed S. in the Catholic Geatlc- 
nian*s Magazine of August 1818. 


*♦ wheirever you are, — love the Jesuits ; — to all of 
** you they have been friends." 

It should be remarked, that the system of edu- 
cating children, in graduated bands, taught audi 
inspected by one of themselves, for which Lan- 
caster and Bell enjoy so much rival fame, was in 
universal use among the Jesuits before the seven- 
teenth century. Nor should it be forgotten, that 
they had preceded this country, in nobk elBTorts for 
the abolition of the slave trade. No friend to that 
measure can read the twenty-third chapter of Mr. 
Southey^s History of Brazilj without venerating 
die exertions of father Lorenzana in this glorious 

LXXV. 3. 
Their Missions in Paraguay. 

But, to appreciate justly the merits of the Jesuits, 
we must traverse the ocean, and contemplate the 
Jesuit missioner with his breviary under his arm, 
his beads fastened to his girdle, and his crucifix in 
his band, presenting himself to the barbarous, sus- 
picious, and cruel inhabitants of the Indian woods 
inr morasses. Sometimes, he is immediately massa-^ 
cred* ; sometimes, the savages fly from him : — he 

^ From two works of character, — Societas Jesu, iwque ad 
■mguinem et vitas profusionem militans, pro Deo, fide, ecele- 
dA, pietate :-— aive vita et mors eorum, qui ex societate Jesu, 
in cansA fidei et virtutis propugnatas, violent^ morte sublati 
font : auctore, r. p. Matthid Tanner, e soc Jesu, s. s. theolo- 
gfae doctore, Pftigas, 1675: and Fasti Societatis Jesu; opera 
et studio, R. r. Joan. Drewe, s. s. Pragse, anno 1750 ; — it ap- 



runs after them, and, by words or signs, points at 
the heavens, and announces to them his wish to 
render them worthy of being the inhabitants of that 
better world. He shows them his crucifix ; he in- 
forms them that the Son of God, whose image they 
behold on it, died on the cross for them, to free 
them from darkness, and to obtain for them ever- 
lasting life. He makes them litde presents, or singa 
to them a pious canticle : by degrees, he obtains 
their affection and confidence. Then, he pro- 
pounds to them the saving truths of the gospel ; 
these penetrate their hearts. — Finally, like the 
eunuch, in the Acts of the Apostles, they pray for 
the sacred water of regeneration : one after another 
they flock to the sacred fount ; by degrees, the 
whole community becomes christian. Their rude- 
ness, savageness, barbarism, and immorality dis- 
appear ; they become mild, benevolent, humane, 
and holy. Other communities join them. 

Thus were 300,000 Indian savages, collected in 
Paraguay, reclaimed from barbarism and vice, and 
exhibited, in the simplicity of their manners, and 
the purity of their minds, the mild and unpretend- 
ing virtues of the primitive christians. To the 
happiness and piety of this fortunate portion of 
humanity, several writers of the first eminence, a 

pears that, — in Africa 68,-rin Asia 131,— and in America 55 
Jesuits, had,before that time, suffered death, often after grievous 
torments, — for propagating the faith of Christ — ^The Dumber 
of those who have since suffered death in the same cauie9 
cannot be inconsiderable. — See also Montesquieu, Enirit dai 
Loiz, livre iv. c. 6. 


Muratori, Montesquieu, Raynal, and Leibniz, bear 
ample testimony. — Mr. Southey, the poet laureat, 
though generally hostile, in his writings, to the 
catholic religion and to catholic institutions of every 
kind, observes, that " the Indians could not con- 
^' template without astonishment the conduct of 
^Mihe Jesuits ; their disinterested enthusiasm, their 
^' indefatigable perseverance, and the privation and 
<< danger ifhich they endured for no earthly reward. 
*^ They, who had only heard of these wonderful men, 
" became curious of seeing them ; but they, who 
<< once came within the influence of such superior 
*' minds, and felt the contagion of example, were 
^ not long before they submitted to the gainful 
<< sacrifice of their old superstitions*." In a sub- 
sequent part of the same work, Mr. Southey notices 
the pomp, with which the secular year of the 
foundation of the society of Jesus was solemnized 
in South America. ^^ At one place," we are told 
bf him, ^'six hundred triumphal arches were erected 
^ by the Indians, and decorated with all the oma- 
^* ments and good things which they possessed : a 
** display of the benefits which they, above all 
** men, derived firom the society : the centenary of 
^ tbeir institution could not be celebrated by these 
^ tribes with more gratitude and joy than were 
« jnrtly duef." 

* History of Brazil, vol. ii. p* 299, 300. 

 Ibii p. 331, 33«- 

R 2 


LXXV. 4. 
Their Missions in China. 

In China their religious labours were equally 
successful. In 1552, St. Francis Xovier readied 
Macao. In 17151 the number of the christians in 
China amounted to 30O9OOO9 and they posseasiBd 
300 churches. In their propagation of jthe gospel 
in China, the Jesuits showed great good sense. 
They did every thing to conciliate public and indi- 
vidual favour ; they carefully abstained from every 
thing that had a tendency to draw on them public 
or individual dislike ; and, so far as it could be done 
without trenching on the essentials of religion, they 
accommodated their instructions to the opinions 
and feelings of the country. In some instanoei^ 
they were supposed to carry this spirit of accommo- 
dation too far, and by a papal bull, &ey were obliged 
to retrace some steps of their conciliating advances. 
Their readiness to comply with the bull did theiri 

Between the years 1581 and 1681, — one hmi- 
dred and twenty-six European Jesuits were em- 
ployed in the missions in China. ^^ It must," saytf 
sir George Staunton*, ^^ appear a singular spectacle 
'' to every class of beholders, to see men, actuated 
'' by motives, different from those of most human 
'^ actions, quitting for ever their coimtry and their 
^^ connections, to devote themselves for life, for die 
^^ purpose of changing the tenets of a people they 

* Embassy to China, vol. iL p. 159, 


" had never seen ; and, in pursuing that object, to 
" ran every risk, suffer every persecution, and sa- 
"crifice every comfort; insinuating themselves, — 
" by address, by talent, by perseverance, by humi- 
'^ lily, by application to studies, foreign from their 
^ original education, or by the cultivation of arts, 
" to which they had not been bred, — into notice 
"And protection ;-— overcoming the prejudice of 
" being strangers in a country, where most strangers 
" were prohibited, and where it was a crime to have 
''abandoned the tombs of their ancestors; and 
^ gaining, at length, establishments necessary for 
'' the propagation of the faith, without turning 
'' their influence to any personal advantage. Every 
" European," sir George adds from his own expe- 
rience, " was greeted by them as countrymen, 
" entitled to regard and service." 

All the information, which the missionaries could 
acquire of the learning, the arts, and the sciences of 
China, they transmitted to Europe. It is princi- 
pally to be found in their '' Lettres Edifiantes et 
" Curieuses," of which Fontenelle said, that " he 
" bad never read a work which answered better to 
" its title." To the general accuracy of these let- 
ten, and of the works of father du Halde and 
&ther Craubil, the interesting account published by 
sir George Staunton of his embassy to China bears 
testimony ; and the writer of these pages has often 
heard him speak of them, in terms of high com- 
mendation. La Croze* mentions with praise the 

^ Hittoire da Cbrittianisine de TEthiope et de VAjmime 
p. 169, 409. 


account given of Armenia, in the third voltune of 
tiieir " Nouveaux M^moires des Missions du L6- 
vant:" and, as Mr. Gibbon justly observes*, the 
work of a Jesuit must have sterling merit when it id 
praised by la Croze. — Such Was the conduct of the 
Jesuits in China. — May it not be confidently asked» 
whether history records an instance, in whieh 
science ha^ been made more subservient to the&ith 
of Christ ? 

LXXV. 5^ 

Their Antkhristian and AnticathoHc Adversarites. 

Such have been the services rendered by the 
Jesuits to religion, to letters, to civilized and unci^ 
vilized society. With such titles to gratitude, is it 
not surprising that they should have had so many 
enemies? But, — such has been the general fate of 
benefactors to humanity ! — how few of these have 
closed their labours, witliout 


a sigh, to find 

" Tir unwilling gratitude of low mankind! *^ 

Among the enemies of the Jesuits, several are 
found, whose hostility must be thought, by all chris- 
tiatvs, to reflect honour on the society. When we 
open the correspondence of Voltaire and his inti- 
mates, and observe their furious and determined 
hatred of Christianity, and their schemes and efibrts 
for its destruction, and find at the same time their 
aivowed enmity to the Jesuits, as their most formi- 
dable opponents^ sui^y ail, who invoke 1^ naihe 

* Chap, xlvii. note 148. 


of Christ, must think with respect and gratitude of 
the Jesuits, as the ablest defenders, in the opinion 
of its bitterest enemies, of their common christi^ 
anity? By the same principle, when a catholic 
finds the polemic hatred, which the early disciples 
of Luther and Calvin discovered, in all their writ- 
ings, against the Jesuits, it should elevate them in 
his opinion, as the hatred evidently proceeded from 
its being felt by the lutherans and calvinists, that 
the Jesuits were, in their time, the most powerftil 
champions of the catholic faith. 

Great, however, is the force of truth ! When 
antichristian and anticatholic feelings have not 
guided their judgments, the atheist, the deist, and 
theprotestant, has equally done justice to the Jesuits. 
Ardent for their expulsion from every other king- 
dom, Frederic of Prussia prudently preserved them 
in his own, and heartily laughed at the vagaries of 
the philosophers, who solicited their banishment 
" I cannot," says lord Bacon, " contemplate the 
" application and the talent of these preceptors, in 
^ cultivatingthe intellects, and forming the manners 
'* of youth, without bringing to my mind the ex- 
pression of Agesilaus to Phamabazus ; — ^ Being 
such as you are, is it possible that you should not 
bdLongto ui^ " — " I am persuaded, "said Leibnitz, 
'Aemost universal scholar, and one of the most 
|Mrofound mathematicians and metaphysicians of his 
fige, ^^ that die Jesuits are often calumniated, and 
ihat opinions, which have never come into their 
minds, have often been imputed to them." The 
asnX de Merode, having informed Leibnitz that he 




had purchased the Acta Sanctorum of the FknAsh 
JesuiiSy now filling eighty volumes folio, and still 
uhfinished, Leibnitz pronounced a panegyric on the 
work, and declared that, ^^ if the Jesuits had pub- 
^^ lished no other, that work alone entitled them to 
" existence, and to be sought for and esteemed by 
** the whole world."— We have already cited one 
passage from la Lande, the celebrated but infidd 
astronomer. In another, after mentioning several 
ridiculous charges which had been made against 
himself, he speaks of the Jesuits as follows : ^' Among 
" other crimes imputed to me, it is asserted, that in 
" my travels, I served the mass of a Jesuit. AH this 
" is too idle to answer ; but I must freely own to 
you, that the name of Jesuit interests my heart, 
my mind, and my gratitude; and revives my 
regret for the blindness of the persons in power, 
" in 1762. — No! the human species has lost for 
** ever, and it never will regain, that precious and 
" wonderful re-union of twenty thousand men, un- 
" ceasingly and disinterestedly occupied in in- 
" structing, preaching, missions, reconciliations, 
" attending the dying, and other exertions of the 
" tenderest and dearest functions of humanity. 
" Retirement, frugality, renunciation of pleasure, 
^^ made this society a surprising assemblage of sci- 
" ence and virtue. I have been a near observer 
" of them ; they were a people of heroes in the 
^^ cause of religion and humanity ; religion furnished 
•" them with means which philosophy does :'not 
" supply. In my fourteenth year, I admired them : 
^^ I asked to be admitted among them:! i^egret 


" that I did not jpersist in my vocation ; innocence 
" and the love of study inspired me with it." 

LXXV. 6. 

Their Catholic Adversaries. 

Such were the antichristian and anticatholic ad^ 
Tersaries of the Jesuits: some adversaries, however, 
and these as terrible as any, they had, within the 
catholic pale. But this leads to a variety of subjects. 
All the accusations which these urged against them, 
Bday be found in the '^ Histoire g6n6rale des J6suites 
" of la Coudrette,"— the " Provincial Letters,"— 
the " Rapports of Montclar, and la ChMotais,'^ — ' 
the ^^ Morale Pratique des J6suites," and the 
**' Extraits des Assertions dang6reuses et perni-^ 
^* cieuses en tout genre, que les soi-disant j6suites 
*^ ont, dans tons les tems, et persev^rament, soute- 
.** nues, enseign6s, et publi6es dans leur livres, avec 
^ approbation des superieurs et g6n6raux." On 
each of these works, we shall trouble our readers 
with a single observation. Those who wish to see 
^fbller answers to the charges brought against the 
Jesuits, should peruse the " Apologie de Tlnstitat 
"ides Jfesuites." 

1 . With respect to la Coudrette ;— that he was 
a party man cannot be denied. Like those of all 
'party writers, his works should, therefore, be read 
-with some distrust; and nothing resting on his 
-single assertion, should b^ admitted, without some 


2. With respect to the Provincial Letters ;~-feir 
have read or meditated upon them^ with more. at- 
tention than the writer of these lines ; but he has 
also read and meditated upon the answer to them 
of father Daniel, in his " Dialogues de Cl^andre 
" et d'Eudoxe ; " and, previously to his perusing- 
either, he placed himself in that perfect state of 
doubt and impartiality, which Descartes requires 
from a disciple, who enters on his meditations* 
The result was, that father Daniel appeared to him 
so often victorious in the combat, as to leave litde 
that could be justly charged on the individual 
members, and nothing that could be chairged on 
the body of the society. If any of his readers have 
proceeded in the same manner, and arrived at a 
different conclusion, far be it from the writer ci 
these lines to question his sincerity : but he clainis 
an equal allowance of sincerity for himself and 
for all,— (they are both respectable and numerous), 
'—who agree with him in opinion, that the authcNr 
of the Provincial Letters is as often inaccurate and 
unfair, as he is witty or eloquent. 

" The whole of these letters" says M. de Vol- 
taire, ^' is built upon a false foundation^ as the ex- 
travagant notions of a few Spanish and Flemish 
Jesuits, are artfully ascribed in them to the ^hole 
body." This, to every one who peruses &ther 
Daniel's answers, must appear evident. A better 
answer to them, however, is supplied by the sermras 
of £itlher Bourdaloue. To the whole of his doo- 
trine every Jesuit subscribes ; from the whole of llit 


doctrine imputed to them by Pascal, every Jesuit 
dissenb : — which should be tliought the doctrine 
of the order ? 

We must add the -testimony of F6n61on. — " As 
" to the Provincial Letters of Pascal," — thus the 
archbishop writes to the duke de Beauvilliers, '^ I 
^* think the duke of Bur^ndy should read them : 
" in fact, sooner or later, he will read them. His 
^* curiosity, his taste for entertaining books, and the 
^' great reputation of the Letters, will not suffer 
^ him to remain long in ignorance of them. But 
^* I wish all possible precautions should be taken, 
^' that he should know what measure of truth they 
^ contain, and not be seduced by the appearance of 
** truth which they wear. Part of the memorial, 
^ which I send you, furnishes an antidote against 
<« tlft two first letters of Pascal. It is more than 
^ siifficient to show the hidden poison of the Letters, 
^ and to prove that, in her censures of Jansenism, 
'^ the church does not combat a phantom." 

3. With respect to the Morale Pratique j the 
Rapports^ and the Ert raits des Assertions : — May 
the writer be permitted to observe, that no one 
should form any conclusion from these, if he has not 
read the RSpmise aux Assertions*. In this work, 
the Jesuits charge the author of the Assertions, with 
seven hundred and fifty-eight falsifications and alte- 
rations of the text cited by him. They produce from 
Afe text, every passage pronounced by them to be 
Minified or altered, and confront it with the corres- 
ponding passage in the work of their adversary. 

• PttbliBhed in 1 763, in 3 large 4to. volumes. 


Now, both in courts of law and out of tikem, it is a 
received axiom, that a person who denies a charge, 
is to be reputed innocent of it, until it is proved on 
him by proper evidence. Surely, therefore, none, 
who have not examined a large proportion, at least, 
of these passages, and found them misrepresented 
by the Jesuits, should pronounce them guilty of 
the doctrines imputed to them, by the author of 
the Assertions. It cannot be expected of many, 
that they should read the three ponderous volumes, 
to which the writer has referred ; if, however, any 
person should be disposed to give a serious consi- 
deration to the subject, he should, at least, read 
the pages, not very numerous, that , compose the 
JEsamen du Proch Verbal^ which concludes the 
work* Greatly surprised indeed will the writer of 
these lines be, if a single person, who reads them, 
should not concur with him in thinking that the 
persons, who drew up the Proc^ Verbal, possessed 
no ordinary share of intrepidity. 

LXXV. 7. 

Their alleged Advocation of the Papers Divine Hight to 
Temporal Power in Spiritual Concerns. 

One further charge against the Jesuits, requires 
notice. — It is objected to them, that the president 
de Thou discovers, in many parts of his History, a 
spirit of hostility towards them. — But this does 
not prejudice them in the opinion of any person 
acquainted with the history of France during that 
period. While the president was employed on 


immortal work, France was jtist delivered froni th^ 
horrors of the league, and a numerous and powerful 
party, fomented within the kingdom, by Philip 
the second, still abetted its views. In the prosecu- 
tion of them, the leaguers had availed themselves; 
and their remaining partisans still continued td 
avail themselves, of the ultramontane doctrines on 
ike pope's deposing power. To these, the regular 
clergy were supposed to be particularly favourable J 
now, among the regulars, the talents, activity, and 
popularity of the Jesuits, had elevated them, both 
in merit and in public opinion, to a considerable! 
eminence. This exposed them to the president's 
severities, from which the obscurer destinies of the 
others protected them. But it has been proved to 
^lemonstration, that their conduct was more mode- 
fate than that of any other religious body engaged 
in the league. — It is evident that they were soon 
taken into favour by Henry the fourth, and that he 
warmly protected them : but it is not so generally 
known, that the chancellor I'Hdpital *, whose mind 
Was as loyal, whose principles were as friendly to 
civil and religious liberty as those of de Thou, and 
whose talents for business were greatly superior, 
was favourable to the Jesuits, and a decided 
tticourager of their schools. 

This leads us to consider the general charge of 
ultramontane doctrine respecting the temporal 
power of the pope in spiritual concerns, which has 
been often brought against the sons of Loyola. 

• See the Life of the ChaDcellor rH6pital, by the writer 
of these pages. 


Upon this charge, we beg leave to present our 
readers with the following short exculpatory obsei^ 

1 . It is certain that the belief of the pope's right 
to direct supreme temporal power was once pre- 
valent in every state, and among every description 
of men in Christendom. This opinion the jesuita 
did not introduce ; they found it fully established: 
it would therefore be monstrous to attribute the 
origination of it to them. 

2. Especially as, so far from introducing, they 
|vere the first who opposed it. Bellarmine, one of 
their most eminent lights, absolutely denied, that 
the pope, by divine right, possessed directly, out of 
his own state, any temp>oral power : he taught that 
the temporal power of the pope was merely indirect^ 
being confined to a right of exercising a temporal 
power, or of causing it to be exercised, when this 
was absolutely necessary to effect a great spiriteal 
good, or to prevent a great spiritual evil . This was 
a considerable reduction of the power ascribed, till 
that time, to the pope ; and it gave great offence 
to the Roman see*. 

3. Even this mitigated doctrine was never taught 
by the Jesuits in any state by the government of 
which it was not avowedly tolerated. It was tole- 
rated, and the Jesuits therefore taught it, in Rome, 
^pain, Germany, Hungary. Poland^ and sevenJ 
states of It^y : but it was not tolerated, and the 

^ ** Ayant pris un sentiment mitoyen touchant le pretendu 
" pouYoir du pape aur le tempore! des rpis, U n^ plut ni k Kome 
" ni en France." — L'Advocat, art. Ballarmine. 


jBsaito therefore did not teach it, in France, or the 
Venetian states. 

4. Where it was formally proscribed by the state, 
it was formally disclaimed by the Jesuits. Several 
instances of this will be produced in the following 

5. To this, — Ei^land unhappily forms an excep- 
tion. There, the deposing doctrine was proscribed 
by the state ; and, for a period, — much too long, — 
was not disavowed, either by the Jesuits or the 
general body of the clergy : but the cause of this 
protracted delay of the disavowal, is its excuse. 
The heap of sanguinary, penal, and disabling laws, 
enacted by Elizabeth, and the three first princes of 
the house of Stuart, against the catholics, drove all 
persons intended for the priesthood, to the terri* 
tones of the pope or the Spanish monarch. This 
rendered them, in a gpreat measure, dependent, for 
their subsistence and education, on those powers ; 
fhey were therefore taught the doctrines of their 
schools. This circiunstance we may lament^ but 
no person of candour who does lament it, will ever 
be inattentive to its exculpating cause. 

6. He will also acknowledge, that no sooner did 
England cease to be cruel, than every idea of the 
pq[>e'6temporal power began to vanish. Thecatho^ 
lies crowded to take the oaths prescribed by the 
acts of 1778, 1791, and 1793; and the Jesuits 

* See the excellent defenoe of die society against this 
cimge, in ftdier Grifl^s Mpoose «ux Assertions, vol. m. 
chJi. art. 2. 


took them as readily and unreservedly as the 

7. It shoiild be added, that the constitutions of 
the order most explicitly prohibited to its membeqi 
every kind of interference in state concerns, or 
temporal matters ; and that this was specially pro? 
hibited by Aquaviva, general of the order, to the 
English Jesuits : therefore, if Persons or any other 

* After all, — the indirect power of the pope, though a doc- 
trine abflolutelj insupportable in argument, was not found to 
be in practice quite so mischievous as it is generally described, 
bhad even this advantage, that, on several occasions, doriag 
the bobterous goyemments of the feudal princes, it often prof(9(jt 
an useful restraint, in the absence of every other, both on 4ci 
king and the great nobility, and protected the lower ranki of 
society from their violence and oppression. Add to ihis^«* 
that, when the pope proceeded to extremities against any 
sovereign, the clergy generally rallied round the xnenardi, 
and the people adhered to the clergy^-^This produced a sus- 
pence of aggression : — the pontiff had time to think of hit 
rashnesis, the monarch of his violence ; and some expedient 
was devised which led to good. 

Contraries often meet in extremes. — Many a bitter word 
has been applied to the deposing doctrine of Persons and 
Mariana; but it bears a nearer affinity to the whiggish dpp-* 
trine of resistance, than is generally supposed. The w))ig| 
mmntain that the people, where there is an extreme .abu^ 
of power, — of which abuse, the people themselves are to be the 
judges,— may dethrone the offending monarch. The gpod 
fathers assigned the same power to the people, in the same 
extreme case, but contended tliat, if there were any doubts 
of the existence of the extremity, the pope should be the 
judge. — Of the two systems, when all Christendom was catho- 
lic, was not the last, speaking comparatively, the least objec- 
tionable ? 


individual (tended in this respect, the offence was 
Ilia own, the order was blameless. 

8. It is idle to pursue the subject further. To 
quarrel with the Jesuits of the nineteenth century 
l>ecause some of the order advocated the pope's 
temporal power in the reign of queen Elizabeth, or 
lier immediate successor, is as preposterous, as to 
charge the present presbyterians with maintaining 
the lawfulness of religious persecution, because 
Calvin consigned Servetus to the flames, and Beza 
lauded him ; or to impute the belief of sorcery to 
liii majesty's present judges, because lord Hale 
convicted some witches capitally in the seventeenth 
century ; or to impute the doctrine of passive obe- 
dience to the present bishops, because the divine 
right of kings was maintained by some of their 
pr^ecessors in the eighteenth*. 

* ^ I mention thig ovenight," says the late learned Richard 
Porson,— in one of his letters to Travis, in which he speaks 
of a mistake of an eminent writer, — *^ merely to strengthen an 
** opinion which I have long entertained and will always reso- 
^* Itttdy defend, that all men are liable to error." — If the 
wnter of these pages might be permitted to add his aphorism 
to that of Mr. Porson, he would, to use the language of that 
geotleman, say, that, '' it is an opinion, which he has long 
^entertained, and will always resolutely defend, — ^that no 
^ man is so bad as his polemic adrersary describes him." 



LXXV. 8. 

Ttteir alleged Exemption from the Civil, Power m eome^. 
quence of Papal Bulb and Briefs. 

We have now to notice the charge brougkt 
against the Jesuits from the bulls and brie&, bj 
which popes have affected to exempt the jesuilB 
from the civil power. 

But these bidls and briefs, so far as they have 
this tendency, make no part of the institute of die 
society. In the Apologie de I'lnstitiit des J^suitBS^ 
ohe of their standard works of defence*, thos is 
.explicitly asserted. The author of it proves^ by 
numerous examples, that, while the Jesuits woold 
rather die, than give up their institute, they renign; 
without reserve, all claims to these exemptions^ 
when they are repugnant to the laws of any country 
in which they settle. 

Thus, — in 1611, 1626 and 1713, they recog- 
nized the absolute civil independence of the sove- 
reign on the pope, in solemn instruments, signed 
by them, with every legal formality, and entered on 
the records of the parliament of Paris. 

In a former part of this work, the writer has 
mentioned the declaration of the Gallican clergy in 
1682. The first article of it proclaims the absolute 
civil independence of the sovereign on the pope. 
Now, these articles were taught in all the schools 
of the French Jesuits, and in 1757 and 1761 they 
formally and explicitly avowed their adherence to 

• Tom. ii« c. 27. 


tliem. It has been related, that this was certifiecl 
to die court, by the bishops of France ; — it ought 
to have been added, that, at this time, the gale of 
promotion veered in the opposite direction, so that 
a certificate of the contrary was then much more 
tikely to obtain the favours of court. 

Finally, — " In the year 1761," say the authors 
of die R^ponse aux Assertions*, ^' at which time, 
** the Jesuits were most bitterly attacked for their 
** institute and doctrine, — a model of a declaration 
^ was sent to the five provincials of the Jesuits in 
. France, by the chancellor Lamoignon ; and a 
** GO^ of it was desired to be returned to him, 
signed by the priests and young Jesuits of all the 
cdleges and houses in the kingdom. All their 
Bignatnres were accordingly given and trans- 
« aoiitted to the chancellor." — ^The declaration is 
AsaM expressed : 

** First, that they hold and profess, and will 
^ ever hdd and profess, that, in no circumstance, 
^ in no place, under no pretence of tyranny, or 
** Textlion from persecution, on • no account of re- 
^' li^OD, under no other possible pretence, it is 
^ lawful, or can be made lawful, for any person, 
^^ whatever be his state or condition, to make any 
*' attempt, directly or indirectly, on the persons of 
** tovereigns ; or to speak, write, insinuate, favour, 
f* or do any other act, which can tend to endanger 
^^ their safety : — that they condemn and detest, as 
♦* pernicious and deserving the execration of all 
^ ages, any doctrine to the contrary, which may be 

 Vol. iii. p. 597. 
s 2 


** found in any works, that m^ have been comr 


posed, either by any member of their society, or . 
by any other person, whosoerer he may be. 
Secondly, — That they hold and prc^sss, and 
'^ will ever hold and profess, the doctrine of die 
'^ clergy of France, declared in &eir assembly of 
^ 1682: — consequently , they teach, and always w31 
'^ teach, that the power, given by Jesus Christ to 
^* St Peter, to his successors, and to the chordi 
** itself, is purely spiritual, and extends to tfiat onty, 
which belongs to eternal salvation; that fhej 
have no power over any thing that concerns ton- 
porals ; and that thus the power of sover^gns in 
temporals is so totally independent of eY&ry q[»* - 
*^ ritual power, that in no case, for no cause, and > 
*^ on no pretence whatever, can they, either direolly 
*' or indirectly, be deposed by the power dTtibe 
*' keys, or their subjects absolved, from their oaA 
" of allegiance. 

" Thirdly,— That they are, and always vrill be, 
^^ subject to the laws, ordinances, regulations, and 
** usages of the kingdom, in the same manner as all 
" other subjects of the king, either spiritual or lay : 
^' as also, to the rules of the discipline and the cpm^^ 
'^ mon law of the church, in the same manner as 
'^ these are binding on the other religious persons 
" in the kingdom, and that they cannot attempt 
" any thing contrary to the rights of the bish<^ 
" curates, universities, or others : — or make any use 
" of any privilege, whatever it may be, except so 
'^ far as it is conformable to the import of the laws 
^* and maxims of the kingdom. 


'« Fourthly,— That, if it should happen,— (which 
•* may God forbid),— that they should be ordered by 
" their general, orby any otherperson, invested wi A 
** any authority, whatever it maybe, to do, (contrary 
" to the declarations above expressed), any thing 
 *• against the laws of the church or the state, to their 
" duty to their sovereigns, or to the public welfare 
^ or tranquillity, they declare, that they hold, and 
" ever will hold, such decrees or instruments to be 
' ** null, — on every ground of tight, (depleln droit) ; 
^ and that they would be, and would consider 
•* themselves obliged to disobey them*." 

. * Hie Monita Secreta, or Private Instructiong, — a publi- 
fometimes brought forward against the Jesuits, — is a 
iDfamous work, and wholly beneath notice. — It supposes, 
tiiat the society has a deliberate plan of subjugating the uni- 
'^erse to its sway, with a settled determination that, where an j 
^^^Ilainy would avail towards the accomplishment of this object, 
ila members should adopt any villainy : that this horrid pro- 
ject was reduced to system ; that this system is expressed in 
the Monita Secreta ; and that these were put into the hands 
of the elect, to be used by them, whenever occasion should 
make it expedient. 

V Ts thb possible? Has it entered into the mind of man to 
such an infernal plan ? — When the queen of France 
charged with corrupting the morals of her son, she nobly 
sppcaled for the impossibility of the charge, to the feelings of 
every mother; — and the feelings of every mooter absolved her. 
•^For the impossibility of the genuineness of the Monita 
Secreta, the Jesuits may appeal, with equal confidence, to the 
fedings of every gentleman in the universe. — There does not 
live the Jesuit, or the scholar of a Jesuit, who, if any one of the 
doctrines which it inculcates, or any onepractice which it 
recommends, were proposed to him, would not spurn it with 




Even in those exemptions from episcopal Jims' 
diction, whicli the religious of all orders have 
sought to enjoy, the Jesuits have been moderate. 
This is evident from the tenor of the foundatioB 
of their house at Liege. On that occasion, Ak 
count de Velbronck, the prince bishop of lAege^ 
presented a petition to the pope, in which he 
noticed the establishment of that institution, its 
dotation ; and the suppression of the society of 
Jesus by pope Clement the fourteenth ; that, to 
prevent the English catholics from being deprived 
of the benefits of this college, he formed by. his 
letter's patent a new kind of institute to preserve the 
salutary effects of the former ; that he had diiected 
that the members of the college should remani' 
subject to this ordinary authority of himself and 
his successors while they should be at Liege, and 
that when they should be on the English missioD, > 
they should be subject to the jurisdiction of the 
vicars apostolic ; that the superior of the house 
should be chosen by the principal members of the 
house, the English vicars apostolic, and the English 
catholic nobility, and presented to the bishop of 
Liege for the time being for confirmation. Attd 
that he had annexed some houses and other pro- 
perty to the college, and finally sanctioned the 
whol^ by his letters patent. The pope granted the 
petition of the prince bishop, and confirmed the 

• " -  . 

Neither the original, nor any certified copy, of this ide 
book was ever produced ; no circumstance respecting its 
covery, ever proved ; no collateral fiict to estaUifiJi itis 
ticity, ever published. 


iMtaMijAmfiit by a formal brief» Jbeginniiig wiA 
V»| iIhb worda, '' CathoUci Fratsuks^' dated the 1 7th 
dajr before the calends of October 1778. 

It was confirmed to the cdilege at Stonyhurst 
by brie& of the 14th of February 1796^ and J4th 
]>ecember 1818. 

LXXV. 9. 
Tht Dissolution of the Society, 

: It does honour to Christianity^ that the first per- 
aecation of her was set on foot by Nero : it does 
amilar honour to the Jesuits, that the first perse* 
cutiMi of them was set on foot by the marquis de 
Ponbaly the most sanguinary and remorseless mi- 
niiteir of state, that appeared in the last century. 
The charge, which he brought against the Jesuits, 
was, that they were parties to a plot, for the assas- 
•iluilion of the Portuguese monarch. Now, that 
rack a plot existed, is very doubtful : — that the 
jeraits were concerned in it, has not been shownby 
Ae slightest evidence. For their supposed parti- 
diMioa in it, they were banished from Portugal 


' .iln the following year, the attack was made upon 

tfaeiD in France. Father de la Valette, the pro* 

curator of their house of St Peter in Martinique, 

and the superior-general of their missions in the 

Lemrard Islandsi^ had the direction of some plan* 

tatitas which belonged to the society ; and, firom 

tlieprodiiceof which, their missions in thoseislands 

were altogether supported* He made a large con* 




signment of colonial produce to the house oflioiifjv 
and Oouffire, at Marseilles, and drew on diem he 
the amount of two-thirds of it, by bills payable at a 
distant day. The Lioni^ys and Gouffire accepted 
the bills ; the ship, charged with the consigninent, 
was captured by the English ; the bills became due, 
were dishonoured and protested : the Lion^ys and 
Gouffre became bankrupts ; and their effects were 
assigned, in the usual manner, to the syndic of 
Marseilles, for the benefit of the creditors. It was 
contended, on the part of the creditors, that, under 
the circumstances of the case, the general body of 
the society was answerable for the debt This, the 
Jesuits denied, and the cause was brought before the 
parliament of Paris. In support of their defence, 
the Jesuits alleged their constitutions. Here, their 
enemies awaited them; andtheparliamentinstaady 
ordered them to produce their constitutions in court 
and deposit them in the Gr^ffe. On the 8th of 
May 1761, the cause was decided in favour of the 

The parliament did not rest there ; it proceeded 
to an examination of the constitutions, and by an 
arr6t of the 6th of August 1 762, declared the bulls, 
briefs, constitutions, and other regulations of the 
society, to be abusive ; and dissolved the society 
within the limits of their jurisdiction. Some other 
parliaments of France proceeded in the same man- 
ner. Finally, by an edict of 1 763, Lewis the fifth- 
teenth suppressed the society within his dominions. 
They were banished by the king of Spain, in 1 767 ; 
by the king of Naples, the duke of Parma, and the 


grand master of Malta, in 1 768 ; and where wholly 
tsappfteased by pope Clement the fourteenth, in 

. ** In general," says the author of the " Vie 
•* priv^ de Louis XV.*" — and he certainly cannot 
be accused of partiality to the order, — " the more 
*^ numerous and respectable portion of the nation 
^ regretted the Jesuits. If this great cause had 
"been heard, with the solemnity and gravity due 
" to its importance, the Jesuits might have thus 
" addressed the magistrates ; — * You ! all you, 
" whose hearts and understandings we haveformed, 
."- answer, before you condemn us, these questions ! 
^* We appeal to the judgment, which you formed 
" of us, in that age, when candour and innocence 
" reigned in your hearts. Now, therefore, come 
" forward ! Declare !— Did we in our schools, in 
" our discourses, or in the tribunal of penance, 
" ever inculcate to you, any of those abominable 
.^.'maxims, with which we are now reproached? 
" Did you ever hear them fall from our lips ? Did 
"you ever read them in the books, which we put 
,^ into your hands? Did you ever observe in our 
*^public or private conduct, any thing approaching 
" to them ? Is it upon a few passages, torn and 
twisted from books, long buried in the dust of 
lihraries, that we should be judged ? Should it 
not rather be. on the doctrine, which you heard 
from us, — when you filled our colleges, when 
you frequented our schools, our pulpits and our 
" confessionals ? Is there . among you, one^ who 

 Tom. iv. p. 6i. 



'Vhaa kewd frdni ii8y mpem a single maxim/ widi 
M whidi we ive now charged t Why,' — the jewitl 

*' might have continued, ' did you send j^ot^. aont 
^' to tH^r schools, if you had been taught, or did 
^^ seriously suspect ii^ of teachipg, in iheip, bad 
" morality/ 

^^ Alas!" continues the same writer, ^^;theima- 
^ :gistrates said aU this to one.another:-*tki private 
^ they held no other language; but they were 
^ no sooner seated on the bench of justice, than 
'^ they weire overpowered by their fanatical and 
" louder brethren." 

At the time of its dissolution, father Ricci, of an 
illustrious house in Florence, was the superior- 
general of the society. He, and several others of its 
most distinguished members, were, on a sudden, 
imprisoned, by the order of pope Clement the four- 
teenth, and^ after some changes of prison, con^ 
veyed to the castle of St Angelo, and closely 
cc^ned. They underwent separate interroga- 
tories. Two questionsonly, in the^e interrogatories, 
se^m to deserve notice. — The general was asked 
*^ If there were abuses in the order ? " He replied, 
*^ that, "through the mercy of God, there were no 
^' abuses, that could, in anywise, be called gene- 
*^ral; — on the contrary, there were great regu- 
larity, piety, zeal, and particularly great union 
and charity ; this was demonstrated by the cir- 
cumstance, that, during fifteen years of extreme 
^^ tribulatioii, there was no internal trouUe or 
*^ tumult; and that aU remained attached to Iheir 
^^ state, though excessively persecuted. This did 




'^ ilo^prevent particular abuses firom rising, tkroagh 
'• hulban frailly,— to which proper remedies were 
" applied." 

The other question, which we shall notice, re-* 
speeted tiie wealth of the society. — Its enemies had 
foretold that its dissolution would lead to the dis-* 
covery of immense treasures. — In no country, from 
which they were expelled, was this wealth, or the 
slightest Testige of it, discovered. This, the ene- 
mies of the society accounted for, by supposing, 
that, foreseeing the storm which was to burst upon 
them, the persons entrusted with the management 
of its funds, had transmitted them to Rome. 
" Their avidity for the good things of this world,** 
says the author of the celebrated treatise, Du 
Pape et des JAsuites*, " is one of the greatest re* 
'^ proaches made to the society, in the brief of 
'* Clement the fourteenth ; and yet, at the moment 
^^ of their dissolution, they were encumbered by a 
''heavy debt. This is an enigma, which can only 
"be explained by a fact sufficiently known,— ^that 
" they were obliged to send, every year, to Ronef 
'' Ae fruit of their, economy and savings; that 
'^ these sums' were ptit under tiie disposition of Ae 
''general; who, by dieir constitutions, was the 
'* sole' proprietary of the company. By &ese 
iMaois; apotiion, not inconsiderable, of tiie reve- 
nues of &e state flowed, furtively, through seerv^ 
x^anals to ^ell a foreign treasure, atkd of^ 
served suspkiwispvtpoBes." 

• 4idedlt p.' 17. 




; The rapposed treasures were, howeter, quifis as 
inyisible at Rome, as in any other piace^ — At the 
interrogatory which has been mentioned, the gene- 
ral was strictly questioned respecting the amount 
of the wealth of the society, and his sending it from 
Rome to prevent its seizure ; — " Neither I myself,'' 
answered the general, ^^ nor any person, within my 
^^ knowledge, has sent a single penny of our pro- 
^^ perty out of Rome, or placed it in any bank. 
^^, The persuasion of our treasures, either hidden or 
" invested, is extremely false,— a popular rumour 
V without a foundation ; probably invented by our 
^f enemies, or arising from the splendour of our 
^' churches. The belief of it is a mere dream, a 
^^ . delirium, — a real mania. I am surprised to find, 
^^ even honourable persons give credit to this fable; 
^* they should be convinced of its falsehood by the 
^^ multiplied and strange searches so fruitlessly 
".made, both in Rome and other countries, todis- 
" cover this imaginary wealth. The amount of the 
" money, subject to my free disposition, was very 
". inconsiderable." 

; On the 19th of November 1775, feeling himself 
near his end, the general desired to receive the sa- 
crament of the holy eucharist The chaplain of the 
castle brought it to him; and just before he re- 
ceived the salutary host, the general, in the pre- 
sence of the vice-governor of the castle, of don 
John, his secretary, of the brother Orlandi, an ez- 
jesuit, the serjeant Vennini, the corporal Piannarra, 
nine soldiers, and some other persons, who assisted 


X the cerembny, — solemnly pronounced^ f5pom a 
written paper, which he held in his hands, a de- 
laration, of which the following is an extract : 
. ** Considering myself on the point of being pre- 
^ sented before the tribunal of infallible tru^ and 
' justice, which is no other than the divine tri- 
' bunal,— >afterlong and mature consideration, after 
' having humbly prayed my most merciAil Re- 
' deemer and terrible Judge, not to petmit that I 
' should allow myself to be led away by any passion, 
^ particularly in one of the last actions of my life, 

* — without any bitterness of heart, or any vicious 
^ motive or end, and only because I hold myself 
^ to be obliged to do justice to truth and inno- 
' cence, — I make the two following declarations 
^ and protestations : 

" First, — I declare and protest, that the sup- 
^ pressed society of Jesus, has given no ground for 
'* its suppression : I declare this, with all the cer- 
'^ titude, that a superior, well informed of his order, 

* can morally have. 

" Secondly, — I declare and protest, that I have 

* not given any ground, not even the slightest, for 
'^ my imprisonment I declare and protest this, 
•' with that rectitude and evidence which every one 
'^ hath of his own actions. I make this second 
'^ protestation, only because it is necessary to the 
'^ reputation of the society of Jesus, of which I was 
" «uperior-general," 


That the society fell with dignity, is admitted 
eyen by their enemies. " Let not,"— (wrote father 
Neuville, in a letter to one of his brethren), — " a 
*^ word, a look, a single sigh of complaint or mur* 
'^ mur escape you. A respect, which should not 
fail you during an instant, for the holy see, and 
for the poutifif, who fills it ; perfect respect for 
*^ the rigorous, but always adorable decrees, of 
^* Providence, and for the powers whcwn she em- 
" ploys in the execution of her designs, — the depth 
" of which it is not for us to fathom ; — these are our 
^^ duties. Let our sorrows, our groans, our tears 
'^ never escape us, except in the presence of Gk>d, 
and in his sanctuary ; let our grief be esqpresied 
I^fore men, no otherwise, than by the silence of 
'^ modesty, peace and obedience ! Let us forget, 
<< neither the instructions, nor the examples, for 
" which we are indebted to our society ! Let us 
" show, by our conduct, that she deserved a better 
'^ fate ! And let the words and actions of the sons 
" vindicate the mother ! This will be her most 
" powerful and able defence : it is the only defence 
" which is permitted to us. We wished to serve 
^^ religion, by our zeal and talents ; let us endea*- 
'' vour to serve her, by our fall and sufferii^s ! 
" You cannot doubt the painful feelings of my 
'' heart, in beholding the humiliating destruction of 
** the society, to whom I owe, whatever I possess, 
" of virtue, talent or reputation. I may truly say, 
*' that every moment I drink the cup of bitterness : 
" — but when we look on Jesus crucified, is it 
" lawful for us to complain?" 


Tbe epkaph of the order might have been WiH^ 
in the few following lines :^— 

In humble hope of the Dhine favour. 

The Sodety of Jesus now reposes : 

Education languishes ; 

IrreUgion and Insubordination increase : 

A Revolution^ 
^tfte horrors of which it enters not irUo the heart of Man 

to conceive^ 
Advances rapidly. 

LXXV. 10. 

Ihe Restoration of the Society » 

The writer has now to write, what he trusts all 
^ts readers will deem some pleasing lines. In 
"^Qgost 1814, the pope re-established the society of 
^esc^ by his bull, solicitudo omnium ecclemtrum. 
ISff this, he derogated from the brief of Clement 
Ae fourteenth. He mentions the numerous re- 
€{aests, for the re-establishment of the Jesuits, which 
\i% had received from persons of every class ; praises 
their zeal and conduct in the countries, in which 
they had been re-established ; and authorizes 
Thaddeus Borrozowski, their superior-general, to 
re-unite them in community, in order to employ 
themselves on education, in colleges, and semi- 
naries, and in the functions of the m£tiistry, con- 
formably to the rule of St. Ignatius. 

On the sixth of August, he communicated this 
bull to a QDQsistory of cardinals : on die seventh. 


he repaired, in great state, to the chun^h of Jesus, 
in the ancient convent of the Jesuits ; atid^ after 
celebrating the sacrifice of the mass, on the altar 
dedicated to St. Ignatius, and assisting at another 
mass, he went into a large chamber. There, seated 
on a throne, and surrounded by the sacred college, 
and many prelates, he ordered the bull to be read 
by the master of the ceremonies, and then delivered 
it with his own hands into those of father Pannizoni, 
a provincial of the order. 

Let us now suppose that we hear Bossuet ad- 
dressing to the Jesuits, assembled on this occasion, 
the very words which he addressed to their fathers, 
in a sermon preached by him, in 1607, in their 
church at Paris * : " You ! — O celebrated society, 
" — you, who bear, with so good a tid^, the name 
" of Jesus,— whom the grace of God has inspired 
'< with the important design of leading chUdren to 
^^ him, from their infancy, to the maturity of man, 
" in Jesus Christ, — to whom God, in these last 
^^ ages, has given doctors, apostles, and evangelists^ 
" in order to make known, throughout the universe^ 
** and even to the extremity of the earth, the glory 
" of the gospel, — cease not in its service, (Con- 
** formably to your holy institute), to exert all the 
'^ talents of your minds, all your eloquence, all 
** your politeness, and all your learning : — and the 
" better to accomplish so great a work, receive 
'' with all this assembly, in testimony of etemal 
'* charity, the holy benediction of the Father, the 
" Son, and the Holy Ghost!" 

* (£uvreB de Bossuet, e<L Ben. vol. iv, p. 459. 


His holiness, since the publication of this bull 
fiwr the r^toration of the society, has twice formally 
A^nified that ^^ it was not his intention that it 
'' should have the effect of restoring it to any state 
^^ which should not recal it, or express a wish for 

We shall conclude this article with the verges 
which Cresset addressed to the Jesuits when he 
quitted their order. 

" Je dots ious mes rSgreU aus saget queje qvkU : 
^ J^enperds avec douleur renireiien vertueus ; 

** Etf ii dans leurjoyers desormaisje n'habke, 
** Mou cceur me survii avpr^ deux, 

** Car ne leurs crois point teh, que la main de Venxie 

*^ Les peini d des yeux prSrenus : 
** Si tu ne les connois que sur ce quen public 
** La tinibreuse calomnie, 

** Us tc sont encore inconnus: 

*^ Us, — et vois de leurs mceurs des traits plus ingenus : 
*• Qjuil est doHx de leur rendre un timoignage 

" Dont rintirStf la crainte, et Pespoir sont exclus ! 

^* A leur sort le mien ne tient plus : — 
** L'impartialitS va tracer leur image. 

•* Oui^fai xm des mortds, — Cf^^ ^w id I'aveu),^^ 

« Trop combattuSf connus trop peu ; 

J*ai vu des esprits vrais, des mceurs incorruptiUes, 
Vouis d la patrie, d leur roi, ^ leur Dieu ; 
** A leurs propres maux insensibles ; 

Prodigues de leurs jours, tendres, par/hits amis'; 

^* Et souvent bienfaiteurs paisibles 

De leurs pbisjbugeux ennemis ; 

" Trop estimSs enfin pour Stre moins hats : 

*^ Qjue d^autres s'exhalant, dans leur haine insensfe, 

" En reproches injurieux, 

*^ Chercheni, en les quittant, h les rendre odieux:-^ 
** Pourmoiy^'^idde au 'orai,—Jidde ^ ma pensie, 

** C'est amsi qu'en pariant,je leurfais — Mes adieus!* 




It may be naturally asked in lliis place — if tbe 
Jesuits were such friends to humanityy rendered 
such services to religion and literature, arid were 
individually so honoured and loved, as they are 
represented in these pages, — ^vrhy had they so 
many and such violent enemies ? 
The answer is plain v — 

Talents and merit produce power and influence; 
-—power and influence produce envy and ill-will. 
The power and influence of an individual operate 
generally within a limited circle, and therefore ex- 
cite the envy and ill-will of few ; — and these expire 
with their objects. — The power and influence of a 
body, numerously and strongly constituted, and 
spread over the whole world, as was the society of 
Jesus, are not thus limited ; they are not only 
permanent, but almost always on the increase ^. 
The consequence is obvious. 

A young gentleman complained to the late sir 
Alexander Strachan, a distinguished member of the 
society, of the undeserved malevolence which be 
had received from some, whom he had served : 
" My dear friend," said the worthy father, " you 
" know the Jesuits : think of us, and be satisfied.'' 

He might have involved the observation higher: 
he might have said, — " Think of the fate of. him, 
" qui pertransiit benefackndoy 

The writer hopes these historical minutes of 
this very interesting society will displease no en- 
lightened or candid reader. No one can be more 

* See the Apologie de I'lnstitilit des Jcsuites, ch. iuL tep- 
ti^me objection^ — from which this remark is taken. 


mdependeiit of its members, less comiected with 
dtem, or have fewer calls on him to advocate their 
cause. — But, 

'' Fleas'd to spread friendships, and to cover heats," 


he could not refuse himself the satisfaction of 
offering, in this place, a few words in their eulogy. 

c rwrp. LxxvL 




IN the preceding part of this work, we have 
Btoiight 1^e history of the English catholics to the 
reign of George the third : we shall now briefly 
meiktion, I. Their general* condition, from the re- 
▼dlution till that period: II. And its gpradual im- 

LXXVI. 1- 

Qencral Condition of the English Catholics, from the Re- 
volution till the Accession of George the third. 

^«•DuftIKa the first part of his reign, the catholics 
•offered a ocmsiderable degree of persecution.—^ 

T 2 


Attempts were sometimes made to carry into execa« 
tion the sanguinary laws against their clergy. In' 
1 769, the honourable James Talbot, the brother of 
the late, and uncle of the present earl of Shrews- 
bury^ was tried for his life, at the Old Bailey, for 
saying mass ; and only escaped conviction firom 
the want of evidence. Other priests were pro8e-> 
cuted ; and some imprisoned for life. On an in- 
quiry made by the writer of these pages, in 1 78a, 
respecting the execution of the penal laws against 
the catholics, he found, that the single house of 
Dynely and Ashmall, attomies in Gray*s Inn, had 
defended more than twenty priests, under such pro- 
secutions ; and that, gready to their honour, >&ey 
had generally defended them gratuitously. To 
avoid these prosecutions, several priests fled be- 
yond the sea, or removed to remote parts of Eng- 
land. In many instances, the laws which deprived 
the catholics of their landed property, were en- 
forced : cases of this nature are mentioned in the 
law reports. 

So lately as in the year 1 782, two very poor catho- 
lic labourers and their wives were summoned before 
one of his majesty's justices of peace in the county 
of York, and fined one shilling each, for not re- 
pairing to church ; and the constable raised it by 
distraining, in the house of one them, an oak table, 
and a plate shelf, — in the house of the other, a 
shelf and two dozen of delf plates, one pewter dish, 
with some pewter plates, one oak table, aiid .an 
arm chair. The sale was publicly called, at the 


market day, and the goods were sold by auction 
at their respective houses *. 

In other respects, the catholics were subject to 
^reat vexation and contumely. No person, who 
was not alive in those times, can imagine the de- 
pression and humiliation under which the general 
body of roman-catholics then laboured. Often, in 
his early life, has the writer heard the ancestors of 
die catholic youth of that period tell them, that 
-• they could form no idea of the sufferings of the 
catholics in the beginning of the last century. He, 
in his turn, can now aver, that the present catholic 
youth can form no idea of the lamentable state of 
die catholics, so lately as in the reign of George 
the second, and the first years of George thie third. 
Thiey cannot picture to themselves the harsh, the 
contemptuous, and the distressing expressions, 
^which, at that time, a catholic daily heard, even 
Srom persons of humanity and good breeding. ' At 
^ court ball, a roman-catholic young lady of very 
liigh rank, distinguished by character, by beauty, 
-;and even by the misfortunes of her family, was 
T^reated with marked slight by the lord chamber- 

* The coDstable'8 bill was in these words : — 

* To not attending church - - - £. - a - 

: To a warrant -------- i- 

To constable's expenses ----- a - 

£. - 5 - 

** A Letter to the author of the Review of the Cases of 
** die Protestant Dissenters, with a short Address to the most 
«< rer erend the Lord Bishop of St. David% by Sir Hejory 
*^ Bnglefield, bart«^i7go, p. 6i> .69.*^ 

T 3 


lain. ^^ It is very hard,'' she exclaiioed, '^ to bejo 
" treated ; — after all, I was invited : "— and biMt 
into tears. They were noticed by queen Giiro- 
line ; and, when her majesty learnt the cause, there 
was not a kind, a generous, or a soothing ezcHSC^ 
which* she did not make to her. While this com* 
passionate gentleness showed the amiable mind of 
the queen, the unfeeling rudeness of the chamber* 
lain as strongly showed the temper of the times.* A 
Norfolk gentleman took a young catholic friend to 
his seat in that county, and told him he shoaM 
make it a point to introduce him to all his frieodf; 
" but," said he, "you must permit me to inform 
" them that you are a catholic, for I do not think it 
" fair to introduce a catholic to any one, withoat 
" first mentioning his religion." — Yet this gende- 
man possessed a cultivated understanding, and had 
travelled. — The writer doubts, whether, during die 
first years of the late reign, any catholic permitted 
his son to travel in a stage-coach, without pre- 
viously cautioning him against saying any thii^ 
that might discover his religion. — Such was the 
general fear of abuse and contumely, in which the 
catholics then lived. 

Two circumstances particularly contributed both to 
preserve and increase the national prejudice against 
the roman-catholics. From the time of the revo- 
lution, the state had been divided into a whig and 
-a tory,— the church, into a high and a low church, 
party ; and each had its subdivisions. Agreeing 
in nothing else, all united in professing an abhor- 
rence of popery; and each strove to outdo the 


Other in ite crimination. The passage, which ^e 

have cited from bishop Burnet, shows the. effect of 

this rivalry, while the penal enactment of the 

lOth and nth of William the third, was in its 

passage through the parliament. — Mr. Burke's de-^ 

scription of it is as accurate as it is eloquent. — 

^ A party," said this eloquent senator, in his 

speech to the electors of Bristol, — '' in this nation, 

" enemies to the system of revolution, were in op- 

^^ position to the government of king William. 

" They knew, that our glorious deliverer was an 

" enemy to all persecution. They knew, that he 

" came to free us from slavery and popery, out of 

*' a country, where a third of the people are con- 

^^ tented catholics, under a protestant government. 

** He came, with a part of his army, composed of 

*^ those very catholics, to overset the power of a 

** popish prince. Such is the effect of a tolerating 

** spirit: and so much is liberty served, in everyway, 

*^ and by all persons, by a manly adherence to its 

•* own principles. Whilst freedom is true to itself, 

:«* every thing becomes subject to it; and its very 

-^< adversaries are an instrunlent in its hands. 

^^ The pferty I speak of," continues Mr. Burke, 

^** {like some among us, who would disparage the 

** best friends of their country), resolved to make 

^' the king either violate his principles of tolera- 

'V, tion, or incur the odium of protecting papists. 

^[ They, therefore, brought in this bill ; and made 

^^ i1^ purposely, wicked and absurd, that it might 

**, b^ rejected. The then court party, discovering 

^^ their game, turned the tables on them ; and re- 



^ turned their bill to them, stuffed with still greater 
'^ absurdities, that its loss might lie upon its on* 
" ginal authors. They, finding their own ball 
*^ thrown back to them, kicked it back again to 
'^ their adversaries. And thus this act, loaded 
" with the double injustice of two parties, neither 
" of whom intended to pass, what they hoped iJic 
" other would be persuaded to reject, went throngli 
" the legislature, contrary to the real wish of all 
** parts of it, and of all the parties that compoeed 
it. In this manner, these insolent and profligate 
factions, as if they were playing with balls and 
counters, made a sport of the fortunes and ike 
" liberties of their fellow creatures. Other acts of 
" persecution have been acts of malice ; this was 
" a subversion of justice, from wantonness and pe- 
^^ tulance. Look into the history of bishop Burnet 
" He is a witness without exception. 

" The eifects of the act have been as mischievous, 
as its origin was ludicrous and shameful. From 
that time, every person of that communion, lay 
** and ecclesiastic, has been obliged to fly firom 
" the face of day. The clergy, concealed in gar- 
" rets of private houses, or obliged to take a shelter, 
" — (hardly safe to themselves, but infinitely dan- 
gerous to their country), — under the privileges 
of foreign ministers, officiated as their servants, 
" and under their protection. The whole body of 
" the catholics, condemned to beggary, and to 
" ignorance, in their native land, have been obliged 
" to learn the principles of letters, at the hazard of 
" all their other principles, f5pom the charity of 


^* your enemies. They have been taxed, to their 
^^ ruin, at the pleasure of necessitous and profli- 
** gate relations ; and according to the measure of 
** their necessity and profligacy." 

The other circumstance, particularly serving to 
preserve and increase the popular odium against 
ihe catholics, was their estranging themselves from 
general society : but this was their misfortune, 
not their fault We have noticed the constructive 
recusancy, to which the catholics were liable by 
die statute of George the first, and the dreadful 
{nroscription to which it exposed them. We shall 
not repeat what we have said on this subject,— we 
shall only transcribe Mr. Burke's description of its 
effects : ^^ Such," says that great man, ^^ was the 
^* situation of the catholics at this time, that they 
'^ not only shrunk from the frowns of a stem ma- 
" gistrate, but were obliged to fly from their very 
" species ; — a kind of universal subserviency, that 
*^ made the very servant behind their chairs the 
** arbiter of their lives and fortunes." 

LXXVI. 2. 
TTie gradual Amelioration in the situation of Caiholica* 

The first approximation of catholics to the notice 
of their sovereign, took place in consequence of 
some attentions, which Edward duke of Norfolk, 
(to whom the present duke is third in succession), 
and Mary, the wife of duke Edward, had an 
opportunity of showing to Frederick prince of 
Wales^ during the variance between his royal 


highness and George the second, his father.. The 
kte king was bom at Norfolk House* It is knowm 
that, at this timei George the second and th^ 
prince were at variance. The duke and duchess 
conducted themselves, on this occasion, in a plan- 
ner highly pleasing both to the parent and the 
son, and to the consorts of each. It was signified 
to them, that their frequent attendance at court 
was expected ; and queen Caroline often invited 
the duchess to her private parties. The duchess 
WSA gifted with great talents : wa3 easy, djgnifiedi 
send, whien . she pleased, singularly insinuating. 
Her grace, lady Cliiford, and the lady of Mr. 
Philip Howard, were daughters and co-heiresses 
of Mr. Edward Blount, the early patron and cor- 
respondent of Pope. Through Pope, she became 
acquainted with Mr. Murray, afterwards lord 
Mansfield — in his early life, — while he yet lived at 
JNo. 5, in King's Bench Walks, — where he is so 
well described by the bard — 

" To number Jive direct your doves : 

'^ There, spread round Murray all your blooming loves ; 

'' Noble and young, who strikes the heart, 

" With every sprightly, every decent part : 

^ Equal, the injured to defend, 

^' To charm the mistress, or to fix the friend." 

She loved business. Her talents for it, and hc^r 
high rank, made her the refuge of the catholics in 
all their vexations ; and she availed herself of her 
intimacy with lord Mansfield to render them every 
service in her power. — Her house was the centre 
of whatever was great and elegant, in either coth- 


nHmioii; : and^. bj familiarising them with cne 
aoofther^. dieir prejudices were softened, and their 
mutual good will increased. 
' Lord Mansfield had the ^reat merit of being 
the first public character; who openly advocated 
the catholic cause, and expressed a decided opi- 
nion in favour of a relaxation of the penal code. 
On every occasion, he discountenanced the prose- 
cutions of catholic priests, and took care, that the 
accused should have every advantage that the 
forms of proceeding, or the letter or spirit of the 
ittw could affonL He omitted no opportunity of 
inculcating the salutary doctrine of toleration ; or 
of impressing on the minds of his hearers the im- 
portant fiatct^j^Btill, perhaps, too little regarded,^ — 
that the circumstances, which provoked the enact* 
ment of the penal code, had long ceased to exist ; 
and that the time was come, when mutual forbear- 
ance, and mutual benevolence, should anticipate 
its legislative repeal. - His speech in favour of the 
dissenters, in the case of Mr. Allen Evans> — finally 
heard inthe house of lords, on the 4th of February 
1767,— is an eternal monument, both of his en- 
larged and comprehensive notions on the subject 
of religious -toleration, and of his peculiar style of 
oratory^ ^' What bloodshed and confusion," says 
his lordship, '^ have been occasioned from the 
" reign of 'Henry the fourth, when the first penal 
•^ statutes were enacted,^ down to the revolution, in 
':^^thb kingdom, by. laws made to force conscience ! 
«*'/l^re is nothing certainly more unreasonable, 
^ ttiiore ioconsibtent  with the rights of human 




** nature, more contrary to the spirit and precepti 
of the christian religion, more iniquitous and 
unjust, more impolitic, than persecution. It is 
against nature, revealed religion, and sound 
" policy. — Sad experience, and a large mind, taught 
'^ thatgreatman, the president deThou,this doctrine. 
" Let any man read the admirable things, which^ 
" though a papist, he has dared to advance upon 
^^ the subject, in his dedication of his history to 
" Henry the fourth of France, (which I never 
'^ could read without rapture), and he will be fully 
^^ convinced, not only how cruel, but how impolitic 
" it is to persecute for religious opinions." 

It may be added, that those who wish to form 
true notions of the charges brought against James 
the second, for his abuse of the dispensing power, 
should read his lordship's speech on the embargo 
in 1766; — a luminous and complete treatise <m 
that very delicate, and very little understood 
branch of constitutional law. 

The honour of first calling the attention of the 
legislature to the situation of the catholics, was 
reserved to lord Camden. The owner of an estate 
in the north of England, subject to a jointure rent- 
charge of a catholic lady, who had treated him 
with great kindness,— disputed her title to it, on 
the ground, that, being a roman-catholic, she was 
disabled) by the act of the loth and 11th of king 
William, from taking any estate or interest in land. 
On advising with her lawyers, the lady found her 
case remediless, in any court of law or equi^. 
By HJae advice of a respectable and powerful neigh- 


hour, she procured a bill to be brought into the 
house of lords, for her relief. Lord Camden, on 
reading her petition, declared himself, without 
hesitation, the advocate of her cause. Generally, 
his lordship's stjrle of public speaking was that of 
coUpquial and pleasing, though dignified oratory. 
Occasionally, however, he rose to the true sublime; 
and it was then the more impressive, as it appeared 
to come from the heart. On the occasion which 
we have mentioned, his lordship was eminendy 
great. When he spoke of the harshness of the 
case, and the harshness of the laws which pro- 
duced it, and the claims of the catholics on the 
humanity and the wisdom of the house for their 
repeal, he was heard with an unanimous burst of 
applause ; and his speech produced a correspond- 
ing sensation on the public. — To this circiunstance, 
Mr. Burke, in his speech which we have cited, 
alludes, when he says, " so ineffectual is the power 
^ of legal evasion against legal iniquity, that it 

* was but the other day that a lady of condition, 

* beyond the middle of life, was on the point of 

* being stripped of her whole fortune by a near 
^ relation, to whom she had been a friend and 
^ benefactor ; and she must have been totally 

* ruined, without a power of redress or mitigation 
' from a court of law, had not the legislature itself 
^ rushed in, and by a special act of parliament 
' rescued her from the injustice of its own sta- 




It is now the pleasiog duty of the writer of 
these pages, to mentioa the acts, passed during the 
late reign, for the relief of the EogUsh cathc^cs. 
Xhe first was passed in the eighteenth year- of hia 
late majesty. The writer will state in this chapter* 
h The petition presented, io thaty^r, by UieEng- 
lisli catholics : II. The proceedings in pai:liaanait« 
upon th^ act : HI. Its legal operation : - IV. The 
oath, which it prescribed : And,. V.  The riots -in 

The Petition preaettied by the English Catholics in 1778.- 

" To the king's most excellent majesty. 

" The humble address of the roman-catholic peers 

" and commoners, of Great Britain. 

*' Most gracious sovereign, 

" We, your majesty's dutifiil and loyal subjects; 

" the roman-catholic peers and commoners of yout 

" kii^om of Great Britain, most humbly hop^ 

that it cannot be offensive to the clemency of 

tur majesty's nature, or to the maxims of your 

it and wise government, that any patt of your 



** subjects should approach your royal presence, to 
*^ assure your majesty of the respectful affection 
" which they bear to your person, and their true 
" attachment to the civil constitution of their coun-" 
^^ try ; which, having been perpetuated through 
^^all changes of religious opinions and establish- 
^^ments, has been, at length, perfected by that 
?^ revolution which has placed your majesly^B^il- 
^ iustrioul; house on the throne of &ese kingdoms; 
^•^ aikl inseparably united your title to llie or<r*m', 
•^f with the laws and liberties of your people, • 
~ ^^ Our exclusion from many of the benefits of 
*^ that constitution, has not diminished our rever- 
'^^enee to it We behold, witb satisfaction, the 
^^ felicity of our fellow subjects ; and we {^artajc^ of 
^ the general prosperity, which Tesultg froih an 
" institution so full of wisdom. We have patieiitly 
^^ submitted to such restricticms and discourage- 
ments, as the legislature thought expedient. We 
^^ have thankfully received such relaxations of the 
^ rigour of the laws, as the mildness pf an en- 
lightened age, and the benignity of your ma- 
jesty's government, have gradually produced : 
** and we submissively wait, without presuming to 
** suggest either time or measure, for such other 
** indulgence, as those happy -causes cannot fail, in 
^theiir own season, to effect. 

**: Wef beg leave to assure your majesty, that our 
^ dissent from the legal establishment in matters 
^ of religion, is purely conscientious ; that we hold 
" no opinions adverse to your, majesty's govem- 
*^ ment, or repugnant to the duties of good citizens. 







^^ And we trust, that this has been shown more 
** decisively, by our irreproachable conduct for 
^^ many years past, under circumstances of public 
^^ discoimtenance and displeasure, than it can be 
manifested by any declaration whatever. 
^^ In a time of public danger, when your ma* 
jestjr's subjects can have but one interest, and 
ought to have but one wish and one sentiment, 
we humbly hope it will not be deemed improper 
*' to assure your majesty of pur unreserved aflfec- 
'^ tion to your government, of our unalterable at- 
*' tachment to the cause and welfare of this our 
common country, and oiu* utter detestation of 
the designs and views of any foreign power 
against the dignity of your majesty's crown, die 
'^ safety and tranquillity of your majesty's subjects. 
" .The delicacy of our situation is such, that we 
'' do not presume to point out the particular means, 
*'.by which we may be allowed to testify our zeal 
" to your majesty, and our wishes to serve our 
" country ; but we entreat leave, faithfully to assui^ 
" your majesty, that we shall be perfectly ready, 
" on every occasion, to give such proofe of our 
" fidelity, and the purity of our intentions, as your 
" majesty's wisdom, and the sense of the nation, 
" shall at any time deem expedient." 

This address was signed by the duke of Norfolk, 
the lords Surrey and Shrewsbury ; — By lord Linton, 
(for the Scotch) ; and by lords Stourton, Petre, 
Arundel, Dormer, Teynham, Clifford, and one 
hundred and sixty-three commoners. 



The Proceedings in Parliament on the Act of the Eighteenth 

rfhis late Myesty* 


" Thb lateness of the season, — (say the writers 
" of the Annual Register of the year 1778), — did 
** not prevent sir George Saville from endeavouring 
" to profit of the lenient temper, and liberal spirit 
^^ of the times, in favour of a long oppressed body 
^^ of men, almost forgotten, in the patience and 
" silence with which, for many years, they endured 
^^ their grievances. However necessary the penal 
^.laws against roman-catholics originally were, 
^^ whilst the constitution was yet struggling into 
^' reformation, and afterwards confirming itself in 
" that happy settlement, — as the causes of perse- 
^' cution had long ceased to operate, men of hu* 
^' manitfr could not avoid lamenting, (as all true 
^* policy forbad), the keeping up of such standing 
^' memorials of civil rancour and discord ; and per-^ 
^* p^tuating a line of division, by which one part 
'* of the people, being cut off from the rights of 
^< citizens, could scarcely be said to possess any 
^ share in the common interest ; and were rendered 
^ incapable of forming any part of the common 
^ union of defence. Indeed, the laws seem caj- 
'' culated to compel a considerable body of people 
'* to hold an hereditary eiunity to government ; 
^ and even to wean them firom all affection to their 
' country. On the 14th of May, 1 778, sir George 
* Saville moved accordingly, for leave to bring in. 

VOL. III. u 



'^ a bill, for the repeal of certain penalties and 1 ' ^ 
^^ disabilities, provided in an act of the i oth and | " ^ 
^Mith of William the third, intituled, an act to 
^^ prevent the further growth of popery. He stated, 
^^ that one of his principal views, in proposing this 
'* repeal, was, to vindicate the honour, and to assert 
^' the principles, of the protestant religion, to which 
" all persecution was, or ought to be, wholly ad^ 
*^ verse : that this pure religion ought not to have 
'^ had an existence, if persecution had beenlaWfol ; 
'* and it ill became us to practise thM Which w& 
'^ reproached in others : that he did not meddler 
*' with the vast body of that penal code ; 
^* selected that act, on which he found most of the^^ 
^* prosecutions had been formed ; and which gavi 
** the greatest scope to the base views of ihi 
** relations, and of informers for reward. The actr*"^ 
*' had not, indeed, been regularly put in exteution ; ^ - ' 
'^ but sometimes it had ; and he understood, that ^9r-^^ 
** several lived under great terror, and some'toider 
** actual contribution, in consequence of the ]powers 
^' given by it. As an inducement to the repeal o 
" those penalties, which were directed with suth 
" a violence of severity against papists, he stated ^ 
*' the peaceable and loyal behaviour of that part -^ 
" of the people, under a government, which',* though ^ 
" not rigorous in enforcing, yet suffered" such' m- 
^ tolerable penalties and disqualificatiotis tb stand 
" against them on the statutes. . '-^ < 

^* A late loyal and excellent address, Wfai6h they 
'*• had presented to the throne, stood high among 
" the instances which sir George pointed out, of 



the safety and good consequences which were 
likely to attend this liberal procedure of parlia-* 
ment. — He observed, that, in the address, they 
not only expressed their obedience to the go- 
vernment under which they lived, but their 
attachmeiit to the constitution, upon which the 
civil rights of this country have, been established 
by the revolution, and which placed the present 
family upon the throne of these kingdoms. As 
a further guard and security, however, against 
any possible consequence of the measure, he 
proposed, that a sufficient test might be formed, 
by which they should bind themselves to the sup- 
port of the i^ivil government, by law established. 
*' The motion was seconded by Mr. Dunning, 
^ho, with his well known ability and knowledge 
Hi such subjects, went into a legal discussion of 
the principal objects, and past operation of the 
biU, which was intended to be repealed. The 
following he stated as the great and grievous 
p^ialtiesr ; — the pimishment of popish priests or 
Jesuits, who should be found to teach or officiate 
ia the services of that church ; which acts were 
' fidony in foreigners, and high treason in the 
' mtives of this kingdom ; — the forfeitures of po- 
pish heits, who had received their education 
Abroad, and whose estates went to the next pro- 
testant heir :-^the power given to the son, or 
other nearest relation, being a protectant, toi»ke 
' poasession of the fiither's or other relation's es- 
tate, during the life of the real proprietor : — and 
^e depriving of papists of the power of ac- 

u 2 


** quiring any legal property by purchaae;— ^a 
<^ word, which, in its legal meaning, carried a 
** much greater latitude than was understood, (and 
** that perhaps happily), in its ordinary accepta- 
*^ tion ; for it applied to all legal property, acquired 
*' by any other means than that of descent 

^ These, he said, were the objects of tfie pro- 
'* posed repeal. Some of the laws, he remariied, 
<vbad now ceased to be necessary; and others 
^ were, at all times, a disgrace to humanity. The 
«< imprisonment of a popish priest, for life, for offi- 
<^ ciating in the service of his religion, was horrible 
^^ in its nature ; and must, to an Englishman, be 
^* worse than death. Such a law, in times of so 
'* great liberality as the present, and when so litde 
" was to be apprehended from these people, called 
'^ loudly for appeal ; and he begged to remind the 
** house, that even then, ihey would not be left at 
** liberty to exercise their ^functions ; but would 
** still, under the restriction of former laws, be 
'* liable to a year s imprisonment, and to the pun- 
'* ishment of a heavy fine. And although, he ob- 
'* served, the mildness of government had hitherto 
*' softened the rigour of the law in the practice^ it 
'' was to be remembered, that the roman-catholiii 
*' priests constantly lay at the mercy of the basest 
** and most abandoned of mankind, common in- 
^ formers ; for, on the evidence of any of tfieat 
** wretches, the magisterial and judicial powers,' 
** were, of necessity, bound to enforce all tiie 
^^ idiameful penalties of the act Others of dMse 
<< penalties held out the most powerftd temptatiims 




^ Sot the commission of acts of depravify, at the 
^^ very thought of ivhich our nature recoils with 
^* horror. They seem calculated to loosen all the 
** bands of society ; to dissolve all civil, moral, and 
^* religious obligations and duties ; to poison the 
sources of domestic felicity ; and to annihilate 
every principle of honour. The encouragement 
given to children to lay their hands upon the es- 
tates of their parents ; and the restriction, which 
^ debars any man from the honest acquisition of 
^' property, need, said he, only to be mentioned to 
'' excite the utmost indignation of this house. 

^* The motion was received with universal ap- 
^* probation ; and a bill was accordingly brouj^t 
** in. It passed both houses without a single ne- 
>* gative." 


The kgal Operation of the Act of the eighteenth of his late 


: The legal operation of the act of the 18th year 
of his late majestjr was very limited. It repealed 
die clause of the 10th and 12th of William the 
third, which disabled the English-catholics from 
.taking lands by descent ; and some clauses in the 
fMne act, which related to the apprehending of 
inshops and priests, and which subjected them and 
catholics, who kept schools, to perpetual impri- 
jK>nment The other clauses of the act of king 
William, and every pain, penalty, and disability^ 
inflicted by other acts, remained in all their force 

u 3 


mgainst them. But, though Ae legal btnefitSi 
which the catholics derived from the act, wett 
limited, the advantages which they derived from it 
in other respects were both substantial and extati^ 
sive. It shook the general prejudice against them 
to its c^tre : it disposed their neighbours to think 
of them with kindness ; it led the public to view 
the pretensions to further relief with a favouraUe 
eye ; and it restored to them a thousand indescrib- 
able charities in the ordinary intercourse of socid 
life, which they had seldom experienced. No ca- 
tholic, who recollects the passing of the bill, will 
ever forget the general anxietj^ of the body, while 
it was in its progress through the parliament ; or 
the smile and friendly greeting, with which his 
protestant neighbour met him, the day after it had 
passed into a law. 

The Oath prescribed by the Act. 

The boon, however, was burthened with an 
oath. — Every such oath, so far as it requires firom 
catholics a solemn profession of moral or civil 
principle, not required from any other subject, is 
felt by them as an humiliation. Still, as the oadi, 
of which we are now speaking, contained nothing 
offensive to their religious principles, and their 
firiends advised them to submit to it, as a necessary 
sacrifice to popular prejudice, they acquiesced in it, 
;-*and.the oath was taken universally. 
. As soon as the.terms of it were anranged, to the 

• i 


stftb&ctioii of hit majesty'^ mixii8ter% it was com* 
pnmicatod to the four, vicars^apostoli/c,. and ,ad- 
initted hy them all. LordP/etre^ and sovie other 
gtntl^en, waited upon the. late bishop Challoiierj 
amd f»it it ii^o his. bauds. He perused it with 
great. deliberatioii, and explicitly sanctioned it. 
He observed, however, that it contained wme ex- 
I^ressionsy contrary to the Roman style ; that these 
inight create difficulties at Rome, if Rome ifere con- 
auked upon it beforehand : but that Rome; would 
not object to the oath, after the bill was passed. 
He therefore recommended to the gentlemen, who 
waited upon him, to avoid all unnecessary delay 
in procuring, the act. This fact is known to every 
person who ha3 lived in habits of intimacy with 
lord Petie, or, .with any gentleman who accom* 
panied his lordship to the venerable prelate. For 
die tmth of it» the writer has leave to cite sir John 
Xhrcdunotton, who cepeatedly :heard it from lord 
Retre, and Mr. Joseph Berington, who repeatedly 
)mid it from Mr. Stapleton^ The writer himself 
has repeatedly heard lord Petre mention it. 
^ The , oath is> expressed in the following words : 
\- V I> Ak B^,do sincerely promise and swear, that 
-M wilLbe faithful, and bear true allegiance to his 
^i majestyr kmg George the third; and him will 
^t vdefend, to the utmost of my power^ against all 
'f; caospicacies and attempts whatsoever that shaU 
'' J^ jnad|s againsLhis.persoi^ crown^ or digni^; 
'\ audi null do my ntmostuieai4ei|KQij« to disclose 
',^aiid make known to his miyesty, his hairs 
'^ and successors, all treasons and traitorous con- 



^' spiraciesy which may be formed againat him of 
them; and I do faithfully promise to maintain, 
support, and defend, to the utmost of my power, 
the succession of the crown in his majesty's fa- 
^' mily, against any person or persons whatsoever ; 
^' hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring any 
^^ obedience or allegiance unto the person taking 
*^ upon himself the style and title of prince ci 
'^ Wales, in the life- time of his father ; and who, 
^^ since his death, is said to have assumed liie 
^' style and tide of king of Great Britain, by the 
** name of Charles the third ; and to any other 
*^ person, claiming or pretending a right to the 
*^ crown of these realms ; and I do swear, that I do 
^* reject and detest, as an unchristian and impious 
^^ position, that it is lawful to murder or destroy 
" any person or persons whatsoever, for or under 
^^ pretence of their being heretics ; and also that 
^' unchristian and impious principle, that no faith is 
" to be kept with heretics : I further declare, that it 
" is no article of my faith, and that I do renounce, 
" reject, and abjure the opinion, that princes ex- 
" communicated by the pope and council, or by 
" any authority of the see of Rome, or by any 
" authority whatsoever, may be deposed or mur- 
" dered by their subjects, or any person whatso- 
** ever ; and I do declare, that I do not believe 
" that the pope of Rome, or any other foreign 
** prince, prelate, state, or potentate, hath, or ought 
•* to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, 
** superiorly, or pre-eminence, durectly or indirectly, 
*^ within dib realm. And I do solemnly, in the 


" presence of God, profess, testify, and declare, that 

^' I do make this declaration, and every part there- 
'^ of, in the plain and ordinary sense of the words 
'* of this oath, without any evasion, equivocation, 
" or mental reservation whatever ; and without 
any dispensation already granted by the pope, 
or any authority of the see of Rome, or any 
** person whatever ; and without thinking that I 
^* am, or can be, acquitted before God or man, or 
'^ absolved of this declaration, or any part thereof, 
" although the pope, or any other persons or 
** authority whatsoever, shall dispense with or 
*^ annul the same, or declare that it was null or 
« void/' 

A more complete and unreserved disclaimer of 
the deposing doctrine, than is contained in this 
oath, language cannot express. Worthy of im- 
mortal memory, are the prelates who took it, and 
exhorted their flocks to take it. To these venera- 
ble men, we owe the free exercise of our religion, 
and the security of our property, which we now 
enjoy : should we succeed in our hopes of further 
relief, to them, primarily, we shall owe our suc- 
cess* For want of their better spirit, how often 
did our ancestors experience, that ultra-catholicism 
is onie of the worst enemies of catholicity * ? 

^ The reader.; will be pWaaed to read the foUowing letter, 
.written on the subject of thia oath, by the late bishop Challoner, 
to the late bishop Homyold, and which has been copied from 
the original. ** Honoured dear sir, — In compliance with yours 
'* to Mr. Browne, I here send you my thoughts with r^ard to 
'' the oatli proposed by the hite act of poriianieBt, which I 


.. tf^ t t ttt'JI 

LxxVli, 5. 


Thc . following account of this singular event we 
transcribj^ fToin,tlie Annual Register of that year: 
** While these matters," say the writers of that 
valuable historical work, ^\ were agitated with so 
^^ much warmth, in and out of parliament, and 
" with so many extraordinary turns of fortune, an 
^V affair totally separate, was, at the same tune, 
^^ carried on, for a long time, with little notice ; 
^^ but which, in due season, broke out with so much 
'^ fury and violence, as entirely to bear down all 
'^ designs, either for reforming or for strengthening 
^^ government; and at once overwhelmed, and 
" bore away before it, both majority and minoritjr, 
" with an irresistible torrent of popular fanaticism 
*' and phrenzy. 

" Every body knows the circumstances, as well 

^ h&ye examined and seriously considered on, coram Deo, 
** 'iiuplaring also his light and assistaiice ; and I am fully con* 
*' vinced, that it contains nothing, but what may be taken with 
'< a safe conscience, both by priests and people. The same 
** are the sentiments of my m^ > " (bishop Jame^y 

« Talbot, and our brother," (bishop) <' Walton, and of the 
** generality of our clergy, both secular and regular; a great 
** many of whom have taken the oat6 in bur courts of West- 
** minster. I reinain, honoured dear sir, ever yours in our 
*'' tbrd;. ' ' * a iui:kard CkaUomer. 

* Mention of the riots in Scotland will be made in the 
second supplementary chapter to this work. 


f^ M the eveut, of this shameful and unhappy affair ; 
<< aad that lord George (jordon, who had been 
** eariy placed at the liead. of the Scotch associa- 
^^ tion for the suppOTt of the protestant religion, 
'' was likewise appointed president to an associa^ 
** tion in London, formed in imitation or emula- 
" tion of the former. The public summons in the 
*< newspapers, by which he assembled SAy or sixty 
" thousand men, in St George's-fields, under an 
*' idea of defending the religion of the country 
'' against imaginary danger, by accompanying the 
*^ presentment, and enforcing the matter of a peti-* 
<< tion to parliament, demanding the repeal of the 
f ' late law which affgrded some relaxation of the 
<f penal statutes against popery, — are likewise fresh 
" in every body's memory. 

** The extraordinary conduct of that noble per- 
i^ son in the house of commons, during the present 
u geasion, and the frequent interruptions which he 
^* gave to the business of parliament, as well by 
*' the unaccountable manner in which he continue 
^ ally . brought in and treated matters relative to 
'^religion,, and the danger of popery, as the ca* 
V price with which he divided the house, upon 
^!. questions, wherein he stood nearly, or entirely 
<< ^one, were passed over, aloi^ witk other singu- 
5' larities in his dress and manner, rather .as sub- 
'^jects of pleasantry, than of serious notice or 
*f reprehension. . Even when, he involved matters 
,> o£ state with those of religion, in a strange kind 
^' of language, boasting that he was at the head of 
** u hundred and twenty thousand able men in 


*f Scodandi who would qoickly remedy their own 
'^ grieyances, if they werenot otherwise redressed ; 
^^ and little less than holding out destruction to 
^^ the crown and govemmenty unless full security 
^^ was given to the associations in both countries, 
^^ against those imminent dangers, with which they 
'* were immediately threatened by popery. Such 
^ things, and others, if possible, still more extra- 
" ordinary, were only treated merely as objects of 
^* laughter. It is, however, possible that this care- 
*^ lessness, or complacence, of the house, was at 
^* length carried too far* 

'^ Besides the advertisements and resolutions, 
'^ the inflammatory harangue of the president, at 
'' the preceding meeting of the protestant associa- 
^^ tion, was published in the newspapers, and was 

full of matter, which might well have excited the 
^^ most instant attention and alarm. In that pieces 

the president informs his enthusiastic adherents, 

among other extraordinary matter, that, for his 
^^ part, he would run all hazards with the people ; 
^^ and, if the people were too lukewarm to run all 
** hazards with him, when their conscience and 
^* their country called them forth, they might get 
^/ another president ; for he would tell them can- 
^^ didly, that he was not a lukewarm man himself; 
^ and if they meant to spend their time in mock 
'^ debate and idle opposition, they might get an- 
*• other leader. He afterwards declared, that if 
^^ he was attended by less than twenty thousand, 
*^ on the appointed day, he would not present their 

petition ; and he gave orders, under the appear- 






f* ance of a motion, for the maimer in which they 
^* should be marshalled in St. George's-fields ; 
^* appointing that they should be formed in fou^ 
" bodies ; three of them regulated by the respec- 
tive boundaries of the great divisions of the me- 
tropolis ; and the fourth composed entirely of hii 
** own particular countrymen. To prevent mis'* 
*^ takes, the whole were to be distinguished by blu^ 
"^^ cockades. If this were not sufficient to arouse 
*' the attention of government, lord George Gordovi 
*^ gave notice to the house of commons, on th^ 
'^ Tuesday, that the petition would be presented 
'^ on the following Friday, and that the whole body 
** of protestant associators were to assemble ih 
*^ St George's-fields, in order to accompany theit' 
** petition to the house. 

** These notices ought to have given a mor6 
*^ serious alarm, than they seem to have done, to 
^' government. The opposition afterwards charged 
^*tfiem with litde less than a meditated encou- 
'*^ ragement to this fanatic tumult, in order to dis- 
^' countenance the associations which had more 
*^ serious objects in view, and to render odious and 
*^ contemptible all popular interposition in affair^ 
** of state. They reminded them of their activity 
^* in giving orders to hold the military in readiness, 
^* on a peaceable meeting in Westminster-hall, and 
'^ their utter neglect of the declared and denounced 
^* violence of this sort of people. 

** The alarming cry against popery, with the 
i<< continual invective and abuse which they disse- 
^^minated through newspapersi pamphlets, and 


^^ «cMrmoD8, by degrees drew over to a meetmg', 
^^ originally small and obscure, a numbier of well* 
<< meahihg people, from (he yanous classes of prC' 
*^ testants, who seriously apprehended their reli<* 
" gion to be in danger. These, however de&cient 
<« ihey were in point of consideration, being, for 
^^ the far greater part, poor and ignorant people, 
'^ many of whom could not write their names, they 
^^ became formidable with respect to numbers. It 
" is, however, to be at all times remembered; that 
<< the conduct of these associators was not more 
*^ ttecrated, than the intolerant principle, to which 
^^ Aiey owed their union and action, was con- 
^^ demnedby the sound and eminent divines, both 
^^ of the established church and of the dissenters. - 
^^ On the 2d of June, the grand division of asso- 
^^ ciators being drawn off, by different routes, from 
<< the rendezvous of St George's-fields, filled the 
^^ ways, through which they marched in ranks, 
^^ with a multitude which excited wonder and 
" alarm. Having arrived at the place of their 
^^ destination, and fiHied up all the streets andave- 
" nues to both houses, they began the exercise of 
" the new authority, derived from their numbers^ 
** only by compelling the members, as they came 
" down, "to cry out, * no popery ;' to wear blue 
" xx)ckades ; and some, as it is said, to take an 
" oath to contribute all in their power to the re*- 
^ peal of the new law,t)r, as they caUed it, the 
** popery act But, upon the -appearance ' of the 
^' archbishop of York, and other of the prelates and 
" court lords, their rage and' violence wer e in- 





^* creased to the highest pitch. During this dread- 
" fill tumult, which continued, with more or less 
*' interruption, for some hours, the archbishop, (tie 
duke of Northumberland, the lord president of 
thie council, with' several others of the nobility', 
^* induding most or all of the lords in office, were 
" treated Nvith the greatest indignities. The bishop 
" of Lincoln, nn particular, most narrowly escaped 
" with his life ; first, by being suddenly carried 
^' into a house, upon the demolition of his carriage, 
and then being as expeditiously led through, and 
over its top, into another. Lord Stormont^s life 
** was also in the most imminent danger ; and lie 
*^ was only rescued, after being half an hour in 
" their hands, by the presence of mind and address 
" of a gentleman who happened to be in the 
" crowd. 

^' It would be impossible to deisciibe thig asto- 
^^ nishmetit, sense of degradation, horror, and dis- 
" may, which prevailed in both houses. Atteinpts 
** were twice made to force their doors ; and were 
" repelled by the firmness and resolutioii of their 
^' door-keep6rs and other officei's. In this scene 
" of terror and danger, the resolution and spirit 
" with which a yoiiiig clergyman,- — who acted as 
**^ assistant, or substitute, to the chaplain of the 
•* hduse of commons, rebuked the outrage of the 
" mob, and told their leadei*, in their pireseiice^ 
" tiiat he was answerable for all the blood that 
" would be shed ; and all the other fatal conSe- 
" sequences that might enstie,-^*nerited some other 
*^ reward, besides mere applause. 


^^ In the mean time, the author, movert and 

" leader of the sedition, having obtained leave, ia 

^^ the house of commons, to bring up the petitiiHi, 

'^ afterwards moved for its being taken into imme* 

*^ diate consideration. This brought on some de* 

*^ bate ; and the rioters being in possession of die 

** lobby, the house were kept confined, for several 

*^ hours, before they could divide upon the 

^' question. The impediment being at length re** 

*^ moved, by the arrival of the magistrates and 

*^ guards, the question was rejected, upon a divi* 

^^ sion, by a majority of one hundred and ninety* 

" two to six only, by whom it was supported. — 

^' During this time, lord George Gordon frequently 

" went out to the top of the gallery-stairs, from 

*^ whence he harangued the rioters, telling them 

'^ what passed in the house ; that their petition 

*^ would be postponed; that he did not like delays; 

^* and repeating aloud the names of gentlemen, 

'^ who had opposed the taking it into consideration 

*^ under their present circumstances ; thus, in fact, 

*' holding them out as obnoxious persons, and 

^^ enemies, to a lawless and desperate bandittL 

^^ The house of commons have been much cen- 
^^ sured, for the want of resolution and spirit, in 
^^ not immediately committing, upon the arrival oi 
^^ the guards at night, their own member U> the 
^^ Tower, who had, by so shameful a violation of 
*^ their privileges, involved them in a scene of such 
^^ unequalled danger and disgrace. It has even 
^' been said, that a measure of such vigour, might 
** have prevented all the horrid scenes of confla- 


^* gration, {Sunder, militaiy slaughter, and civil 




execution, that afterwards took place : and it has 

been argued, from the passive conduct of the 

Hiob, some years ago, upon the committal of the 

lord mayor, Crosby, and of alderman Oliver, to 

*' the Tower, that it would not have been attended 

with any ill consequence. 

" It is, however, to be remembered, that danger 

is considered in a very different manner by 

" those who are entirely out of its reach, and even 

** by the same persons, under its immediate 

*' impression. The circumstances were likewise 

" widely and essentially different. Religious mobs 

^' are, at all times, infinitely more dangerous and 

^ cruel than those which arise on civil or political 

'^^ occasions. What country has not groaned under 

'* the outrages and horrors of fanaticism ? or where 

^* have they ever been quelled but in blood ? This 

*^ inob was much more powerful and numerous, as 

** well as dangerous, than any other in remem- 

?^ brance. The force of the associates was, on 

•* that day, whole and entire, which it never was 

^* iafter. The intense heat of the weather, which 

^^ necessarily increased their inebriation, added 

*^ fire to their religious fury ; and rendering them 

*^ equally fearless and cruel, no bound could have 

** been prescribed to their enormities. 

. ** The situation of the lords was still worse than 
*^ that bf the commons. Besides that the malice 
*' of the rioters was pointed more that way, they 
*' were not under the restraint of any application 
" to them for redress. The appearance of the 




" lords, who had passed ' through theic hands, 
" every thing about them in disorder, and their 
" clothes covered with dirt, threw a grotesque air 
" of ridicule upon the whole, which seemed to 
" heighten the calamity. A proposal was made io 
" cany out the mace; but it was apprehended, 
*' that peradventure it might never return. In a 
*' word, so disgraceful a day was never beheld 
" before, by a British parliament. 

" In the midst of the confusion, some angij 
" debate arose, the lords in opposition cha^ii^ 
" the ministers with being themselves the originil 
" cause of all the mischiefs, that had already, or 
" might happen, by their scandalous and cow- 
" ardly concessions to the rioters in Scodand ; 
" and, at the same time, calling them loudly to 
" account, for not having provided for die presoit 
" evil, of which they had so much previous notice, 
" by having the civil power in readiness for Its 
" prevention. To this it was answered, by a noble 
" earl in high office, that orders had been given, 
" on the preceding day, for the attendance of th^ 
" magistrates ; but two of those gentlemen, who 
" happened to be in the way, being sent for and 
'* examined, declared they had neither heard of, 
" nor received, any such order. 

" Before the rising of the house of commons, 
" several parties of the rioters had filed off, and pro- 
" ceeded to the demolition of the chapels, belong- 
** ing to the Sardinian and Bavarian ministers. 
•• The commons adjourned to the sixth ; but the 
" lords met on the following day ; and i^^ed to 


^ a motion for an address/ made by the Icnrd pre- 
sident, ^ requesting his majesty to give imme* 
diate orders for prosecuting, in the most effectual 
** manner, the authors, abettors, and instruments of 
'^ the outrages committed the preceding day, both 
** in the vicinity of the houses of parliament, and 
** upon the houses and chapels of several of the 
^^ foreign ministers/ On the sixth, above two 
^^ himdredmembersofthehouseofcommonshadthe 
^•^ coun^e, notwithstanding the dreadful conflagra* 
^' tions and mischiefs of the two pireceding nights, 
^^ the destruction threatened to several of them- 
*^ selves, in their persons and houses, and which 
** had already fallen upon the house of sir George 
** SavUle, in Leicester-fields, to make their way 
** through the vast crowds which filled the streets^ 
** and which were interlaced and surrounded by 
^' large detachments of the military on foot and on 
** horseback. They found Westminster-hall, and 
^^ the avenues to the house, lined with soldiers ; 
^* upon which, a celebrated member observed in 
** his speech, bewailing the deplorable situation to 
'* which parliament was reduced, that they had a 
^* bludgeoned mob waiting for them in the street, 
^' and a military force, with fixed bayonets, at 
** their doors, in order to support and preserve 
*^ the fireedom of debate. 

" They, however, passed some resolutions ; one, 
^ being an assertion of their own privileges ; the 
** second, for a committee to inquire into the late 
'' and present outrages ; and for the discovery of 
^* their authors, promoters, and abettors ; the third, 

X 2 


^^ for a prosectitibn by the attbmey-generai ; and 
" the fourth, an address to his majesty, for die re- 
^' imbursement of the foreign ministers, to the 
** amount of the damages they had sustained by 
*^ the rioters. Another resolution was moved by 
'^ the minister, for proceeding immediately, whien 
** the-present tumults were subsided, to take into 
^' due' consideration the petitions from many of his 
" majesty's protestant subjects. Intelligence 1)e- 
<< ing received of the conflagrations, which were 
^^ commenced in the city, it threw every thing into 
^' new confusion ; and a hasty adjournment took 
<* place. 

" Some of the lords likewise met, but the impro^ 
" priety of their proceeding upon any public busi- 
ness, in the present tumult, and surrounded by a 
mUitary force, being taken into consideration, 
** and an account arriving, at the same time, that 
^^ the first lord of the admiralty, in his way to the 
^^ house, had been set upon, wounded, and his life 
** only critically saved, by the military, they ad- 
" joumed to the 1 9th. 

Never did the metropolis, in any known age,* 
exhibit such a dreadfril spectacle of calamity 
" and horror ; or experience such real danger, 
terror, and distress, as on the following day and 
^' night. It is said, that, it was beheld blazing, in 
" thirty-six different parts, from one spot. Soiae 
'^ of these conflagrations were of such a magnitude, 
" as to be truly tremendous. Of these, the gaol of 
" Newgate, the King s Bench prison, the new Bride- 
" well in St George's-fields, the Fleet prison, and 



^' the houses and great distilleries of Mr. Langdale 
^^ in Holbom, where the vast quantity of spirituotis 
^^ liquors increased the violence of the flames to a 
" degree, of which no adequate conception can be 
^^ formed, presented spectacles of the most dreadful 
^\ nature. The houses of most of the roman-catho- 
" lies were marked ; andmany destroyed or burned; 
^' as well as those of the few magistrates, who 
'' showed any activity in repressing those tumults. 
" The outrages grew more violent, and general, 
'/ after the breaking open of the prisons. 

'^ The attacks, made that day, upon the Bank, 
V roused the whole activity of the government. 
'^ Great bodies of forces had, for some time, been 
" collecting from all parts. They were at length 
** employed, and brought on the catastrophe of tibat 
*f melancholy night which followed. Strong de- 
^ tachments of troops being sent into the city,, and 
** the attempts on the Bank, and other places> re- 
'' newed, a carnage then inevitably ensued, in which 
^.* a great number of lives were lost Nothing could 
^f be more dismal than that night Those who 
'.' were on the spot, or in the vicinity^ say, that the 
'/. present darkness, the gleam of the distant fires, 
'' the dread^l shouts in diflferent quarters, the 
'^ groans of the dying, and the heavy, regular, 
*^ platoon firing of the soldiers, formed altogether a 
f^ scene so terrific and ti^emendous, as iio descrip- 
^y tiou, or even imagination, cQ\:dd possibly readi. 
. ^^ The metropolis presented oq the following 
*^ day, in many places, the image of a city recently 
:^5jtonned and sacked; all business at an end, 



'^ houses and shops shut up; the Royal Exchange, 
*^ public buildings, and streets possessed and oocu- 
" pied by the troops; smoking and bumii^ rains; 
•^^ with a dreadM void and silence, in scenes of the 
'^ g^reatest hurry, noise, and business. 

'^ The house of commons met on the following 
" day ; but, although the rioters were entirely 
" quelled, it was immediately noticed, that the city 
" of Westminster was under martial law ; and they 
*^ accordingly adjourned to the 19th. On die 
^' afternoon of the same day, lord George Gordon 
.** was taken into custody, at his house in Welbeck- 
'^ street, and conveyed to the Horse-guards ; and, 
*^ after a long examination before several lords of 
*^ the privy council, he was, between nine and ten 
*< in the evening, conducted, (imder the strongest 
^^ guard that ever was known to attend any state 
" prisoner), to the Tower, where he was committed 
" to close confinement." 

It is needless to pursue the consequences of this 
afflicting event: — It should, however, be mentioned, 
that lord George Gordon was tried for his life and 
acquitted ; that several others were tried and con- 
demned, but that the most guilty only were exe- 
cuted. Under the provisions of the act of George 
the first, several roman-catholics recovered the 
amount of their losses firom the county. 

Those who wish to see all that philosophy and 
eloquence can say on this singular and melancholy 
event, — or on the general subject of the penal laws 
against the roman-catholics, or on the repeal of 
those laws, will find it in the ** speech of Mr. 


'^ Burke, at the Guildhall, in Bristol, to the electors 
'^ of that city, upon certain points relative to his 
'^ pariiamentaiy conduct, — published by him in 
** 1782.** A more able or more sincere advocate, 
ihe roman-catholics never had. No orator could 
ever pronounce on himself a more eloquent or a 
more dignified, and, at the same time, a more 
merited panegjnric than that, with which Mr. Burke 
doses this address ; perhaps, the most beautiful 
specimen, that is extant, of modem eloquence. 

" And now, gentlemen, on this serious day, 

** when I come, as it were, to make up my account 

" with you, let me take to myself some degree of 

*' honest pride, on the nature of the charges that 

'* are against me. I do not here stand before you, 

** accused of venality, or of neglect of duty. It is 

** not said, that in the long period of my service, 

^* I have, in a single instance, sacrificed the slightest 

** of your interests to my ambition, or to my for- 

** tune. It is not alleged, that, to gratify any anger 

^ or revenge of my own, or of my party, I have 

** had a share in wronging or oppressing any de- 

•* scription of men, or any one man in any descrip- 

** tion. No ! the charges against me are all of one 

** kind, that I pushed the principles of general 

" justice and benevolence too far ; — farther, than 

" a cautious policy would warrant ; and farther, 

ff than the opinion^ of many would go along with 

** me. — In every accident which may happen 

" through life ; in pain, in sorrow, in depression, 

^ and distress, I will call to mind this accusation, 

^* and be comforted." 

X 4 


While the riots were at the highest, some per- 
sons recommended to his late majesty a repeal of 
the act which had passed for the relief of the catho- 
lics in 1778 ; it is said that the queen supported 
this recommendation by her entreaties; but his 
majesty rejected it, and desired it not to be re- 
pealed. A petition for the repeal had been circu- 
lated, but obtained very few signatures : die late 
Dr. Priestley, in a sensible and animated publica-' 
tion*, showed its unreasonableness and inezpe^ 



We have given some account of the successive 
reformations of the established creed by the lati- 
tudinarians, by the low-church men, and by Hoad- 
ley and his disciples : the subject now leads us to 
notice, I. The Socinians : II. The Unitarians: 
III. The Deists : IV. And the French PhUosophers. 
V. We shall then mark the reception of the French 
emigrants in this country. 

* '^ A free Address to those who have petitioned for the 
** Repeal of the late Act of Parliament in favour of the RomaO' 
« catholics." 


The Socinians, 

The reformation had scarcely dawned, before 
some persons secretly promulgated antitrinitariaa 

The first of these was Martin Cellarius, a native 
of Stutgard, in 1499 ; John Campanus, who main** 
tained the same doctrine, was his contemporary, 
and is better known. Soon afterwards, the cele- 
brated Michael Servetus, an Arragonese, published 
his first work on the Trinity*: it produced a 
powerful sensation among the leaders of the re- 
formation : they all openly professed their abhor- 
rence of its doctrines. Undismayed by their cla- 
mours, he published a second workf, of the same 
tendency, and afterwards his last and most cele- 
brated work, intituled " Christianity Restored:};.'' 
By the treachery of a person employed in printing 
it, several sheets of this work fell into the possession 
of Calvin. He forwarded them to the inquisition 
at Lyons, with an intimation that Servetus was the 
author of them, and that he was in the neighbour- 
hood of the inquisitor. Upon this information, 
Servetus was arrested, and thrown into prison, but 
soon efiiected his escape and wandered to Geneva. 

^ << De Trinitatis Erroiibus, libri septem, per Michaelem 
" Senretuin, alias Reves, ab Aragonia, Hispanum, 1531,** 8to. 

t '^ Dialogorum de Trinitate, libri duo :" '' De juHitia Regm 
'^ Christi) capitula quatuor, 1533," 8vo. 

X ** Christianismi Restitutio, 1553/' 8vo. 



There, he was recognized, and, at Calvin's instiga- 
tion, committed to prison : he was afterwards seiir 
tenced by the council to be burned alive ; and Ae 
sentence was executed with circumstances that 
aggravated his sufferings. Calvin never denied oi 
disguised the part which he took in this transaction: 
it was defended by Beza*. 

Still, the. antitrinitarians increased : particularly 
in the Itali,an territories bordering on Germany. 
Meetings of them are said to have been held at 
•Vicenza, a small town Jn the Venetian state; the 
inquisition seized several who attended these meet- 
ings, and put some of them to death : others escaped 
into Switzerland, Moravia, Poland, and Transylva* 
.nia; they found catholics and protestants equally 
hostile to them : the most eminent of the wanderers 
;Were John Valentine Gentilis, who was tried tot 
his heresy and beheaded at Berne, and Laelius 
Socinus. The latter concealed his opinions and 
lived peaceably at Zurich : there he died, and left 
many controversial writings. Faustus Socinus, his 
nephew,possessed himself ofthem,andimbibed their 
principles : this became generally known, and he 
•was obliged to quit Zurich. He settled in Transyl- 
vania : there, and in Poland, his disciples obtained 
A legal settlement — In 1658, they were banished 
for ever from the state by a solemn act of the diet : 

* In his celebrated treatise *' De Hereticis a civili Magis- 
** tratu puniendis, 1554, 8vo/'-.-Beza also advocated the 
severe measures of the magistrates of Zurich against the 
cddbrated Ochm : Bajle exposes the futility of Beza's argu- 
ments, in a happy mixture of ridicule and reasoning. Art. 
Ochin, note l. 



but tliey have always preserved their Transylvanian 

- They hold Christ, though the son of Mary, to 
have been bom of her without a father, by the ex- 
traordinary power of God: and, as such, to be, 
though in a qualified sense, truly God, and entided 
to worship. 

The Unitarians, 

From the sociniahs, the unitarians differ prin^ 
tsipally in this, — that while, they consider Christ 
*BS a teacher, sent of God, and afterwards raised by 
liim from the dead^ they hold him to have been a 
mere man. 

The founder of them appears to have been Fran- 
David, a divine of great learning and eloquence 
Coloswiur. Ailer having been successively a 
^^voman-catholic, a lutheran, and a calvinist, he settled 
T^udly in unitariaaism. He was persecuted by the 
^L«. di™.e, of Hungry. At . ■»eet4 of 
the state, they denounced him to the prince, and 
. CQncluded a long address to him in these words : 
^— " We, this day, by virtue of our office, cite 
- '< the6, thou illustrious prince, thekeeper of both 
^ tables, with thy consort, thy children, and all thy 
" posterity, before the tribunal of the awful judge, 
'^ Jesus Christ, whom this man has blasphemed, — 
'** if thou suffer him to live."— The prince, proba- 
bly with a view to evade the scsmdalous requisition^ 


condemned David to dose confinement: afier a 
short time, he died in prison^. 

The socinian exiles firom Poland dispersed &em- 
selves into the adjacent provinces, and penetrated 
into Denmark, Holstein, Holland, France, and Eng- 
land. The celebrated Jurieu discovered, that, before 
the close of the seventeenth century, socinianism 
abomided in the United Provinces, and that the dis- 
persion of the French hugonots, in consequence of 
the edict of Nantes, had revealed to the terrified re- 
formers of the primitive schools, the alarming secret 
of the preponderance of socinianism in the reformed 
churches of France f- In our times, d'AIembeit 
proclaimed the socinianism of Geneva; die defence 
of the Genevan pastors rather confirmed than 
weakened the charge. 

'^ The socinians inEngland,"says Dr. Maclaine;}; 
*^ have never made any figure as a community : but 
^^ have rather been dispersed among the great variety 
" of sects that have arisenin a country, where liberty 
'^ displays its most glorious firuits, and at the same 
^^ time exhibits its most striking inconveniences." 

* What has been said on socinianism, has been from the 
historical sketch prefixed by Mr. Rees to his '' Racovian 
** Catechism, with notes and illustrations, translated from the 
" Latin, 8vo. 1818." 

t See the fourteenth book of Bossuet's '' History of the 
<* Variations.'* He avails himself with great skill of the con- 
fessions and lamentations of his antagonist. 

t In his translation of Mosheim's '^ History of the Church,** 
v(d. V* p. 55, note rr. 


Umtarianism has been more successful: in the 
reign of Charles the first, and during the protecto- 
rate, the famous John Biddle maintained, both in 
public and in private, the unitarian system, and at 
length established an unitarian congregation in 
London : there, since this time, it has been always 
on the increase. The imitarians have now several 
congregations; a society for promoting christian 
knowledge and the practice of virtue by the distri- 
bution of books, and a fund for sending mission- 
aries to preach their doctrines over England*. 
Probably also, we may say of them, what Mr. 
Gibbon t says of the arminians, that ^^ they must 
** not be computed from their separate congrega- 
" lions." 

I%e Deists. 

The first disciples of modem infidelity appeared 
Binong the classical enthusiasts of Italy. Thence, 
they passed into France, and made asetdement, firom 
which they have never been dislodged. Bayle's 
Dictionary operated as a signal to call them into 
action : the writings of Voltaire enlisted thousands ; 
theEncyclop&die embodied them ; after this, it was 
too evident, that in France the new opinions had, 
in every order, too many friends. 

In England, sir Walter Raleigh was suspected of 
infidelity.; and, about the same time, lord Herbert 

* See Mr. Lindsay's ** View of Unitarianism," 
t '* History of the DecliDe and Fall of the Roman Empire," 
ch. 54. 


of Gherbury published two works, in which, if he 
did not absolutely deny the divine origin of the 
gospel, he maintained that it was not absolutely 
necessary to the salvation of mankind ;-^unhappily9 . 
he had a multitude of followers, and few imitated 
his reserve. 

The deists profess to believe a God, but show no 
regard to Jesus Christ, and consider the doctrine of 
the apostles and evangelists as fables and dreams. 
They profess a regard for natural religion ; some 
acknowledge, some deny a future state*. 

In France, Julius Gaesar Vanini, in HoUand, 
Benedict Spinosa, professed atheism. In England, 
it was professed by Toland, who would have dis- 
graced any creed; and we are sorry to add, by one 
at least, whom science loves to name — an historian 
often cited in the preceding pages. 

The French Philosophers, 

If we are to judge of the public mind in France 
by its appearances at the time of the revolution, 
atheism was much more common there than in 
England ; and the attacks on revealed religion had 
been conducted in it with a degree of concert and 
co-operation, unknown in this country. The leadcDrs 
acquired the appellation of the French Philosophers. 

* The reader will be pleased with the ** Histoire critique 
'* du Philosophiflme Anglois, by the Abbe Tabaraud,'* 8to. 



Their objects and their labours are thus described 
by one of themselves *. 

** There was a class of men, which soon formed 
" itself in Europe, with a view not so much to dis- 
" cover and make deep research after truth, as to 
diffuse it ; whose chief object was to attack pre- 
judices, in the very asylums where the clergy, 
'^ the schools, the governments, and the ancient 
" corporations had received and protected them ; 
'^ and who made their glory to consist rather in 
V destroying popular error, than extending the 
'' limits of science : this, though an indirect 
** method of forwarding its progress, was not, on 
^* that account, either less dangerous or less useful. 
" Assuming every tone and every shape, from 
^' the ludicrous to the pathetic, from the most 
'^ learned and extensive compilation to the novel, 
* * or the petty pamphlet of the day, covering tnith 
** with a veil, which sparing the eye, that was too 
** weak, incited the reader's curiosity by the plea- 
** sure of letting him surmise what was meant, in- 
^^ sidiously caressing prejudice in order to strike 
^* it with more certainty and effect; seldom me- 
*• nacing more than one at a time, and then only 
*• in part, sometimes flattering the enemies of rea- 
^ ^ son, by seeming to ask but for a half toleration 
^* in religion, or a half liberty in polity ; respecting 
** despotism, when they impugned religious absur- 
** dities, and religion when they attacked tyranny ; 
^ combating these two pests in their principles, 

* Condorcet. 


'^ though apparently inyeighing s^inat 



and disgusting abuses ; — striking at the root of 
those pestiferous trees, whilst they appeared ody 
*^ to wish to lop the straggling branches ; at ooe 
time marking out superstition, which covers des* 
potism with its impenetrable shield, to the fiiends 
of liberty, as the first victim which they were to 
" immolate, the first link to be cleft asunder; st 
another, denouncing religion to despots as tiie 
real enemy of their power, and frightening them 
^^ with its hypocritical plots and sanguinary rage; 
^' but indefatigable when they claimed the inde* 
'' pendence of reason and the liberty of the press, 
^^ as the right and safeguard of mankind — inveigh* 
^' ing with enthusiastic energy against the crimes 
^^ of fanaticism and tyranny, reprobating every 
^/ thing which bore the character of oppression, 
" harshness, or barbarity, whether in religion, ad- 
^' ministration, morals, or laws ; commanding kings, 
" warriors, priests, and magistrates, in the name of 
" nature, to spare the blood of men ; reproaching 
" them in the most energetic strain with that, which 
" their policy or indifference prodigally lavished 
" on the scaffold or in the field of battle ; in fine, 
** adopting reason, toleration, and humanity, as 
" their signal and watchword. 

" Such was the modem philosophy, so much de- 
" tested by those numerous classes, whose very 
" existence was drawn from prejudices ; — its chiefr 
^^ had the art of escaping vengeance, though exposed 
^^ to hatred ; of hiding themselves from persecu* 


^* ^n, thoogh sufficiently conspicuous to lose 
^ nothing of their glory." 

It, would, however, be a great injustice to con- 
fiMUid together, all the writers, whose works have 
contributed to the French revolution. They may 
be divided into three classes : — under the first, may 
be ranked those, who were satisfied with pointing 
out to sovereigns, the duties, which they owe to 
tbeir subjects, and the motives which religion and 
reason suggest to excite sovereigns to a faithful dis- 
charge of them. These writers, though by making 
subjects feel their rights, they co-operated remotely 
in .producing the general ferment which led to the 
revolution, are not only firee from blame, but are 
eoditled to the thanks of mankind. Such were 
F^n^on and Massillon : the general duties of a 
iovereign, the wickedness and infamy of an oppres- 
itV^f extravagant, and voluptuous reign, are no- 
Bfhere more eloquently, more pathetically, or more 
forcibly exposed than in the Telemachus of the 
Ibrmer, or the Petit Car£me of the latter. So much 
laiHi this the case, that, during the contests of 
Lewjs the fifteenth with the parliaments, large 
^ditic^is of the Petit Car£me of Massillon were 
repeatedly printed and circulated throughout the 

The 9ame, (if allowance be made for some Ihdis- 
sreet. expressions), may be said of Montesquieu ; 
mxkd he had the additional. merit of pointing out the 
general revolution of opinion which the difiusicmpf 
Imowledge had produced, and was every d|y pro- 

voL. xij. y 


duciog in France, and the necessity of appeaang 
it by tibe sacrifice of some abuses. . Those, who are 
acquainted with that gr^eat man's writitigs, must be 
surprised to see him ranked among the oonspintOB 
against monarchy. 

The general body of writers, called die French 
Philosopher^, then come for consideration; tbi^ 
may be divided into two classes, — at the head of 
one we may place Voltaire, at the head of the other) 

From a settled plan, and even a serious wish of 
overturning the monarchy, . justice requires us to 
acquit the former : a slight limitation of the arbi- 
trary power of the crown, and the privileges of ibe 
nobility, would have satisfied him : but the utmost 
he would have left to the dhurch, was a decent 
maintenaiice for^ her ministers., -rr On the other hand, 
Rou8sea,u tliought mankind could {not be happy tiU 
every distinction, of rank was: abolished, and pro- 
perty was held in common. 

In the different assemblies each of these dasses 
of writers had their disciples. The veneraUe bishop 
of Aries, the bishops of Clermont and Nancy, and 
a few more of the royalists, may be reckonedl 
among the disciples of F^n^lon and MassiUon: 
M. Malouet, M. Mounier, M. Lally, and the g^i^ral 
body of monarchists and constitutionalists, m^y be 
reckoned among the disciples of Voltan-e : A^ abb^ 
Sieyes, Danton, Marat, Robespierre^andtfae geneMl 
body of jacobins, may be reckoned ' amon^ tke-dis^ 
ciples of Rousseau. . 


When the hour of action came, the spirit of the 
Qtt^irs appe^ored in their disciples. Like F6i^lon 
Old Masaillon, the bishop of Aries, and the royal- 
«l»:of his character, thought it a sacrilege to touch 
udier the altar or the throne. Like Voltaire, the 
MMouets, Mouniers, and Lallys, wished much al- 
:eration in the church, and some in the state ; but 
ike him, they wished these alterations effected 
irithout violence ; and were ready to fly at the first 
)eat of a democratic drum : — to use an expression 
ittributed to Mirabeau, they wished une revolution 
tlaGrandison. — The jacobins despised half reforms 
Hid half measures ; they thought nothing would be 
piite right till the church and state were destroyed, 
lad the golden year should arrive, when, according 
tt the expression attributed to Diderot, the last 
di^ should be strangled with the bowels of the 
iBiM^priest — In the schemes of the jacobins, the 
ttdnarchists and constitutionalists unfortunately 
tOK>perated ; but it was unintentionally ; they were 
ht^ first to appeal to the people ; but their appeal 
lta# certainly accepted beyond their wishes. 
'Of all the charges, which have been brought 
[^gainst the catholic religion, that, which riequired 
ht grtotest intrepidity, was, its being the cause of 
If* French revolution. — So far was this from the 
sitet, that Mirabeau, than whom > no one most as- 
natAlywBs better acquainted either with the means 
A^tdm of the revolutionists, expressly declared, that 
before the revolution could be effected, France 
nuBt be uncatholicised, ilfaut premibrement d&ca- 
'holiser la France. In conformity with this opinion, 

Y 2 


the religious persecution which ensued, was bcMj 
directed against the catholic clergy and laity. TIn 
writer does not recollect the name of a single perwn^ - 
professing a conscientious adherence to that refr 
gion, who was actively engaged in the revolntioB^ 
ary measures : Necker, Chenier, Bamave, Emei^ 
Rabaudy were not catholics *. 


Reception in England of the French persecuted 


The writer has attempted to give, in his HistO: 
rical Memoirs of the Church of France f, sovie 
account of the massacres and banishment of the 
French uonjuring clergy. To this we beg leave to 
refer our readers. 

Towards the end of the month of August 1 79a, 
the national assembly of France passed a decree, 
which ordered that all ecclesiastics, who had not: 
taken the civil oath,— an oath, which no consci- 
entious and well-informed ecclesiastic could law- 
fully take, — or who, having taken it, had retracted^ 
it, should within the term of eight days quit their^ 
dioceses, and, within the term of fifteen, leave the - 
kingdom, underpain of imprisonment for ten years. 

This decree, the massacres of the second and - 
third of the following September, the subsequent^ 
massacres, a subsequent decree of deportation, aad 

* See " Les veritables Auteun de la B^voltttion de Firanoe, 
*♦ de 1J89, ^NeufchatQl, Svo. 1797." 
f Ch. xviu 


finally, the French invasion of HoUand, where large 
nondbera of the lay emigrants and deported priests 
had taken refuge, occasioned the arrivals of them, 
ittlarge numbers, in England; so that, in the end, 
the number of deported priests exceeded eight 
thousand ; and that of lay emigrants, exceeded two 
thousand ; we may add to them, the foreign and 
English nuns who took refuge in this country. 
: At the respectable and afflicting spectacle, which 
so many suflferers for conscientious adherence to 
iseligious principle, presented, the English heart 
showed all its worth. A general appeal to the 
public was resolved upon. The late Mr. John 
Wilmot, then member of parliament for the city of 
Coventry, took the lead in this work of beneficence. 
The plan of it was concerted by him, Mr. Edmund 
Burke, and sir Philip Metcalfe. An address : to 
die public was accordingly framed by Mr. Burke, 
and inserted in all the newspapers. It produced a 
sobscription of 33,775/. 15s. g{d. This ample 
mm, for. a time, supplied the wants of the sufferers. 
Al length, however, it was exhausted; and in the 
fiDllovnng year, another subscription was set on foot. 
The venerable name of king George the third, ap- 
l^eared first on this list. This subscription amounted 
to the sum of 41,304/. 12s. 6id. But this, too, 
was exhausted. 

' The measure of private charily being thus ex- 
ceeded, parliament interposed ; and from December 
1793, voted annually a sum for the relief of the 
eoclesia^tic and lay. emigrants. This appears, by 
an account which the writer received from Mr. 



WUmot, to iiave reached, on the 7th day of Smut 
1806, tbe sum of 1^864,825/. llie 
management of these sums was left to a committeey 
of which Mr. Wilmot was ..the* president; and the 
committee confided the disirihution of the suocouit 
of the clergy, td the bishop of St Pol de hkm. 
A general scale for the distribution of thesuccomt 
was fixed : the bishops and the magistrtK^y received 
an allowance somewhat larger than others ; but ihe 
largest aHowance was small ; and none was made to 
those who had other means of .subsistence. Hie 
munificence of parliament did not, however, sus- 
pend the continuance of private charity. Indii4- 
dual kindness and aid accompanied the emigrants 
to the last. Here, the writer begs leave to mentioii 
an instance of the splendid munificence of the hte 
earl Rosslyn, then chancellor of England. It was 
mentioned at his lordship s table, that die dum-^ 
cellor of France was distressed, by not being able 
to procure the discount of a bill, which he haid 
brought from France. ** The chancellor of Ekig'- 
" land," said lord Rosslyn, " is the only person 
" to whom the chancellor of France should apply 
" to discount his bills." The money was immedi*^ 
ately sent ; and, while the seals remained in lus 
hands, he annually sent a sum of equal amoimt to 
the chancellor of France. 

At Winchester, at Guildford, and in other 
places, public buildings were appropriated for the 
accommodation of the clergy. In the hurry in 
which they had been forced to fly, many of diem 
had been obliged to leave behind them their hwAs 

of-^^pmyer,. Tosxtpplj, inparl;, this wan^ ilie nQi- 
Tcmily of .'Oxford printed for them two thousand 
copies of the Vu^ate version of ihe New Testa- 
ment, from the edition of Barbon ; and the late 
marquis oif Buckingham printed an equal number 
of copies^ of the same sacred work^ at his own 

Every rank sold description of persons exerted 
ilielf for tketr relief. There is reason to snj^ose^ 
that the money contributed for this honourable 
purpose, by individuals, whose doiiations never 
CMne before the public eye, was equal to the largest 
of ike two subscriptions which have been men- 
tkmed. To the very last, 'Mr. John Wilmot con- 
tfmied his kind and minute attention to the noble 
woak of humanity. — It adds incalculably to its me- 
rit^ tdkat it was not a sudden burst of ben^cence : 
it was a cool^ deliberate^ and systematic exertion^ 
wUch charity dictated, organized, and continued 
toit a long succession of years ; and which, in its 
ktist year, was as kind, as active, and as energetic, 
at in its first. 

'oAcmong the individuals who made themselves 
moat leefal, one imquestionably holds the first place. 
*^At Ae name," says the abb6 Bairuel, " of Mrs. 
" Dorothy Silbum, every French priest raises hit 
^ hand to heaven, to implore its blessings on her.'' 
The bishop of St. Pol took his abode in her house ; 
iiki it SQ^n became the central point, to which every 
Fjpcflacfamair in distress found his way. It may 
ewBy be conceived, that; great as were die stttmi 
mfifnoffoalb&A for the reli^ of ^ French ctergy, 


fbod. man 

afibrded, were wMrtwij it was gcBcnqr 
|no e ui e d bj ber, or ber exotiaBk Woik aad lir 
boar she ibmid for those who soQglit tkcm. Tbe 
toodiing word, the kind actioo, never &iled ber.^ 
An the nnplfittnrneiat which distress onaToidiUf 
creates, she bore with patience- Her incessurt ci- 
ertions she neTer abated. — The scenes thus de- 
scribed bjr die writer, he himylf witnessed : and 
all who beheld them, feh and remaifced, that mocA 
of the success, and die excdlent management 
which attended the good work, was owing to htf . 
— ^To use the expression of a French prelate, ^ die 
'^ glory of the nation, on this occasion, was in* 
^^ creased by the part which Mrs. Silbum acted in 
" it** — On the final closing of the account, his ma- 
jesty was graciously pleased to show his sentiments 
of her conduct, by granting to her an annual pen- 
sion of 1 00 L for her life : never was a pension 
better merited. 

On the other hand, the conduct of the objects of 
this boimty was most edifying. Thrown, on a sod- 
den, into a foreign country, differing firom theirs 
in language, manners, habits, and religion, the uni- 
form tenor of their decorous and pious lives obtained 
for them universal regard. Their attachment td 


religious creed, they neither concealed nor 
obtruded. It was evidently their first object to find 
of^rtunities of celebrating the sacred mysteries, 
iiid of reciting the ofiices of their liturgy. Most 
happy was he, who obtained the cure of a congre- 
gation ; or who, like the abb^ Caron, could estab- 
lish some institution, useful to his countrymen. 
Who does not respect feelings, at once so respect- 
able and so religious ? Hence flowed their cheer- 
ftdness and serenity of mind, above suffering and 
want " I saw them," a gentleman said to the 
writer of these ps^s, " hurrying, in the bitterest 
** weather, over the ice of Holland, when the 
*• French invaded that territory. They had scarcely 
** the means of subsistence ; the wind blew, the 
•* snow fell ; the army was fast approaching ; and 
" they knew not where to hide their heads, yet 
" these men were cheerful." They did honour to 
rdigion ;— and the nation, that so justly appreciated 
their merit, did honour to itself. 

The lay emigrants were chiefly composed of the 
provincial nobility. Their willing exertions to in- 
arease their small subsistence were truly honourable. 
With this view, magistrates became preceptors ; 
painting, drawing, and music were taught by ladies, 
who, in happier hours, had learned them for oma- 
iment ; the son refused no occupation, which gave 
him the means of assisting his parent ; the daughter 
was the maid of all work to her family. It is sur- 
prising how soon they qualified themselves, in one 
form or other, for usefiil employments : none 


thought that a dii^grace^ wi^ich ^f^ttaefca^ent te hki 
kingi or love of his religions imad^Aeqessfuy. 

Having meationed the edi^ng coodo^ )9€<^ 
French deported clergy, aadf r^ich en^igmvtjaiilljjf^ 
during thisdread&l sera of tbe revolutioiiyitDeiMHUi 
to make a similar short mention pf the -ofiHidHOt ^ 
the emigrant nuns. The. pious %m(x of their con« 
ventual lives has been faithfully^ 
rev. Mr. Jdbn Fletcher, the roman-catholic j>a«l0r 
of Weston-Underwood, in Buckii^hamshire, ia 
the third of his learned, eleganti and instructive 
Sermons on various religious and moral sulgeets^ 
a work expressing the doctrine and.moralily of 
the gospel, in the mild attractive language of 
St Frances of Sales. 

When the hour of trial came, the conduct of these 
pious recluses was uniformly edifying. On every 
occasion, they exhibited the greatest patience and 
fortitude, and an unconquerable adherence to prin- 
ciples. The French philosophers had unceasingly 
predicted, that the doors of the convents would be 
no sooner opened, and their inmates legally emanci- 
pated from their vows, than they would rush to free- 
dom, marriage, and dissipation. Of this, there was 
hardly an instance ; while the conduct of an im- 
mense majority invariably showed how sincerely 
they despised both the blandishments and the terrors 
of the world which they had quitted. Some of them 
braved persecution, and even death itself, in its 
most hideous form. On one occasion, the fatal cart 
conveyed the superior of a convent, and all her 


diutdtral family, to the guillotine. In the rcmd i/b 
1% ihey 6ung, in unison, theli^oiies of the Vii'ghi 
Mary. At first, they were received with curses, 
ribiddry, and the other usual abomintftions of a 
French mob. But itwas not long bdbre theirsercBe 
demeanour and pious chaunt sptfbdued thesurround'- 
ii^ brutality ; and the multitude attended them in 
rwpeetful silence to the f>ikc6 of execution. The 
catt moved slowly, — all the while, the nuns con- 
tnrned the pious strain : when the cart reached the 
guillotine, each, till the instrument of death touched 
her, sustained it. As each died, the sound became 
proportionally weaker : at last, the superior s single 
note was heard, and soon was heard no more. For 
once, the French mob was afiected ; in silence, and 
apparently with some compunctious visitations, 
ihty returned to their homes. 

Throughout their dispersion, the nuns retained, 
undiminished, their attachment to their religioos 
rtfle. Whenever opportunity offered, they formed 
Aeraselves into bands for its observance ; and the 
oifiulated individual seldom failed to practise it, to 
the utmost of her power. Sometimes, by succession 
or heirship, or from some other circumstance, 
-health came in their way, but their spare diet, 
seclusion from the world, and regular prayer, con- 
ttiaued ; and, what was not necessary to supply 
tiieir wants of the first necessity, was charitably 

That this picture of their conduct is not exag- 
gfferated, all must acknowledge, who have seen the 
i^giouE conmiunitks, to whom the incomparttble 


mmuficence of this country afforded an asylunu 
No one has seen them, without being edified by 
their virtues, at once amiable and heroic ;— rfew, 
without acknowledging their happiness. — ^Their re- 
signation to the persecution, which they so unde- 
servedly suffered, their patience, their cheerfulness, 
their regular discharge of their religious observ- . 
ances, and, above all, their noble confidence in 
Divine Providence, have gained them the esteem 
of all who have known them. At a village near 
London, a small community of carmelites lived, 
for several months, almost without the elements of 
fire, water, or air. The two first (for water, unfor- 
tunately, was there a vendible commodity), they 
could little afford to buy ; and, from the last, (their 
dress confining them to their shed), they were ex- 
cluded. In the midst of this severe distress, which 
no spectator could behold unmoved, they were 
happy. Submission to the will of God, fortitude 
and cheerfulness, never deserted them. A few hu- 
man tears would fall from them, when they thought 
of their convent; and with gratitude,— the finest of 
human feelings, — they abounded. In other respects, 
they seemed of another world : — " Whatever with- 
" draws us," says Dr. Johnson, " from the power 
" of our senses ; whatever makes the past, the 
" distant, or the future, predominate over the pre- 
" sent, advances us in the dignity of rational be- 
" ings." It would be difficult to point out any, 
to whom this observation can be better applied, 
than these venerable ladies, — any, who are more 
withdrawn firon^ the power of the senses; over 


who6e lires, the past, the distant, and the futare, 
mdre predominate, or over whom the present has 
less influence. 





Before we proceed to relate the applications 
of the catholics to parliament for further relief, 
the subject seems to require, or at least to allow, 
that the writer should present his readers with a 
succinct view, I. Of the principal public men r 
II. And of the general state of the public mind, 
at ^his period, in respect to religious liberty, in 
consequence of the Bangorian controTersy and 
the disputes on the confessional : III. And of the 
attempts which had been made by the protestant 
dissenters to obtain a repeal of the corporation 
and test acts. 

LXXIX. 1. 
Principal public Men at this period. 

Lord North was, at this time, the prime mi- 
nister: his eloquence was so far an sera in the 
British senate, that what, in respect to the orators 


q£ Rome, is observed by Velleius Paterculus ctf 
Cicero, may be said of Lord North, — that no 
^' English senator will be entitled to be ranked 
^^ among orators, whom Lord North did not see, or 
" who did not see Lord North." 

Of those by whom he was preceded, none pro- 
bably, except lord Chatham, will be remembered 
by posterity. It was frequetitly given to the writfet 
of these pages to hear the speeches, both in the 
house of commons and the house of lords, of ^is 
Mtraordinary man. No person in his external i^ 
pearance was ever more bountifully gifted by nature 
for an orator. In his look and his gesture, grace 
and dignity were combined, but dignity presided ; 
the "terrors of his beak, the lightning of his eye," 
were insufferable. His voice was both ftdl and 
clear ; his lowest whisper was distinctly heard, his 
middle tones were sweet, rich, and beautifully va- 
ried ; when he elevated his voice to its highest pitch, 
the house was completely filled with the volume of 
the sound. The effect was awful, except when he 
wished to cheer or to animate ; and then, he had 
spirit-stirring notes, which were perfectly irresis- 
tible : he frequently rose, on a sudden, from a very 
low to a very high key, but it seemed to be without 
effort. His diction was remarkably simple, but 
words were never chosen with greater care; he 
mentioned to a friend of the writer that he had retid 
twice, from beginning to end, Baileifs Dictionary ; 
and that he had perused some of Dr. Barrow'^ 
sermons so often as to know them by heart His 
sentiments were apparently simple ; but sentiments 

idoplod or uttcFed ifitk greater fildlL ; 
he was often 'fiEimiliar and; piajriiil^ but it waa:the 
&miHari^ aad playfiilness of cond^ficensioii,-^— the 
lion dandling with the kid. ^ The- temble, llowever, 
was his peculiaF . poweEP.r^Then. die whole house 
sank before hiUL — Still, he was dignified; and 
wonderful as was. his eloquence, it was attended 
with this most important effect^ that it impressed 
every hearer with a conviction, that there was 
something in. htm finer even than l^is words i; &at 
ihe man was infinitely greater than the oratory no 
impression.of this kind was made by the eloquence 
<^. his. son, or- his son's antagonist 

Biit^--i-with diis great man, — for great' he cer- 
tainly was, — ^manner was every thing. --One of the 
fitirest' specimens, which we possess of his lord- 
ahipV oratory, is his i^e^ch, in 1766^ for ihe 
fopeaLoCthe stamp ^act*. 

*^ Annuity et nutu totum tremefecit Olympum." 


JMiost perhaps, who read the r^[K)rt of thisispeeeh, 
ii|. Ahzum's Iiegisteir> will wonder afUhe e^ect which 
it is known to have produced on the hearers ; yet 
the report is exact. But they should have seen the 
look: of ineffable contempt with which hd surveyed 
the late Mr. Grenville, who sat within one of him, 
^Mld .should. have heard him say, with that look, — 
^ asto ihe late ministry, — every capital measure 
** they have taken, has been entirely wrong." — They 
should also have beheld him when^ addressing him- 

* Almon'g Debates, voL vii. 


self to Mr. Grenrille's successors, he said,-— ^^ as to 
*^ the present gentlemen, to those, at least, whom I 
^^ have in my eye, — (looking on the bench on which 
^' Mr. Conway sat), I have no objection:. I have 
'^ never been made a sacrifice by any of them.*— - 
^me of them have done me the honour to ask my 
poor opinion, before they would engage to repeal 
^^ the act: — they will do me the justice to own, I 
^^ did advise them to engage to do it, — butnotwitk- 
" standing, — (for I love to be explicit),— -I cannot 
^^ givethemmyconfidence. — Pardon me,gentlemen, 
" — (bowing to them), — confidence is a plant of slow 
" growth." Those who remember the air of con- 
descending protection, with which the bow w«8 
made, and the look given, when he spoke these 
words, will recollect how much they themselves at 
the moment were both delighted and awed, and 
what they themselves then conceived of the im- 
measurable superiority of the orator over every 
human being that surrounded him. — In the pas- 
sages, which we have cited, there is nothing which 
an ordinary speaker might not have said ; it was 
the manner, and the manner only, which produced 
the effect*. 

The catholic question came into the house of 
lords in the time of lord Chatham, and he gave it 


* The ''Memoirsof Lard Waldegrave/' with which the public 
have been lately favouted, contain two letters of Lord HoUand, 
the contemporary and opponent of lord Chatham, which de- 
scribesy in a manner equally lively and accurate, the nature and 
effect of his oratory, and seem to confirm the account given 
of it by the writer. 


liis support. — In the speech, which we have men- 
tioned, he had said — '^ I have no local attachments : 
" it is indifferent to me, whether a man was rocked 
'^ in his cradle on this side or that side of the 
" Tweed," When the catholic bill of 1 778 was in 
the house of lords, he might have been asked, 
** if it were not indifferent to his lordship or the 
** state, whether a man was rocked in a catholic or 
'^protestant cradle, provided he be a good sub- 
" ject :*' we may conjecture what would have been 
his lordship's reply*. 

* The whole speech, from which these citations are made, 
ii ^very fine : '* I sought for merit," said lord Chatham, 
^ whererer it was to be found* It is my boast, that I was the 
'^ first minister who looked for it ; and I found it in the moun- 
^ tains of the north. I called it forth and drew it into your ser* 
*^ Vioe^«— a hardy and intrepid race of men. Men, who, when 
** left by your jealousy, became a prey to the artifices of your 
^ enemies, and had gone nigh to have overturned the state, 
^ in tlie war before the last. These men, in the last war, 
^ were brought to combat on your side; they served with 
'* fidelity, as they fought with valour, and conquered for you 
^ m every part of the world. Detested be the national pre- 
** jwdices against them ! they are unjust, groundless, illiberal, 
** unmanly.— -When I ceased to eerve his majesty as minister, 
^ jt was not the country of the man by which I was moved : — 
'* but Me man of that country wanted wUdom, and held princi- 
** pies incompatible with freedom." 

- His celebrated reply to Horace Walpole has been ira« 
mortalised by the report given of it by Dr. Johnsoii. — Oxi 
one occasion, Mr. Moreton, the chief justice of Chester, a 
gentleman of some eminence at the bar, happened to say, 
^ long, lords, and conunons," or, — (directing his eye to- 
wards lord Chatham,) — as that right honourable member 
spoold call them, *< commons, lords, and king/* — The only 



Avery expressive word in cnir language — ^wiiioli 
describes an assemblage of many real virtu^ of 

fault of this sentence is its nonsense* — Lord Chatham aroie,-<- 
as he ever did, — with great deliberation, aad called to 4iid^ : 
'' I have," he said, ** frequently heard in this house, doc* 
*^ trines which have surprised me ; but now, my blood runs 
" cold! I desire the words of the honourable member may 
^ be taken down.^ The clerks of the house wrote the words. 
'* Bring them to me/' said Mr. Pitt, in a voice of thunder. 
By this time, Mr. Moreton was frightened from his senses.— 
*' Sir," he said, addressing himself to the Speaker, *' I am sorry 
** to have given any offence, to the right honourable member 
'' or the house : I meant nothing. King, lords, and commmis, 
*^ ^ords, king, and commons,— commons^ lords, and king; 
** tria juncta in uno.— I meant nothing l^—Indeei I meani 
^ nothing.**.**'' I dont wish to push the matter further,'^ said 
lord Chatham, in a voice a little above airfiisper:— -Ihci^ur 
a higher tone,— ''the moment a m^n acknowledges Us 
** error, he ceases to be guilty.-^ have a great regard for the 
" honourable member, and as an instance ot^M rcgtiri»' I' 
" give him this advice :" — a pause of some moments ensuedr-* 
then, assuming a look of unspeakable derision, — he said in 
a kind of colloquial tone, — " Whenever that member measf 
" nothing, I recommend him to say nothing." 

On one occasion, while he was speaking, sir WiUiani 
Young called out " question, question!" — Lord Chatham 
paused, — ^then, fixing on sir William a look of inexpressible 
disgust, — he exclaimed, — '* pardon me, Mr. Speaker, my agi- 
'* tation : — when that member calls for the question, I fear I 
" hear the knell of my country's ruin." 

On another occasion, immediately afler he had finished a 
speech in the house of commons, he walked out of it ; and^ 
as usual, with a very slow step. A silence ensued, till the 
door was opened to let him into the lobby. A member then 
started up, saying, '' I rise to reply to the right honounJ^le 
'< member."— Lord Chatham turned back, and fixed hia eye 
ou the orator,— who instandy sat dowp: then his loMship 


mukj qualities approaching nearly to virtue, and 
an luiion of manners at once pleasing and coni'^ 

returned to his seat, repeating as he hobbled along, the verses 

** Aft Danaum progenes, AgamemoDiaeque phalanges, 
*^ Ut vid^re virum, fulgentiaque arma per umbras^ 
" Ingenti trepidare metu, — pars vertere retro, 
** Seu quondam petit^re rates, — pars toUere vocem 
*' Exiguam, — ^inceptus clamor frustratur hiantes/' 
Ihefi placing himself in his seatj-^he exclaimed, '* Now let 
**vae hear what the honourable member has to say to rae." 
On the writer's asking the gentleman, from whom he heard this 
anecdote,— 'if the house did not laugh at the ridiculous figure 
of the poor member ? — " No, sir," he replied, " we were all 
** too much awed to laugh.'* 

When the Prussian subsidy, an unpopiUar measure, was in 
agitation in the house of commons, lord Chatham justified it 
with infinite address : insensibly he subdued all his audience ; 
and a murmur of approbation was heard from every part of 
the house. Availing himself of the moment, his lordship 
ptatbed himself itt an attitude of stern defiance, but perfect 
dignity, and exclaimed in his loudest tone,—'' Is there an 
''' Austrian among you ? — let him reveal himself.*' 

But the most extraordinary instance of his command of the 
house, is, the mannet in which he fixed indelibly on Mr. 
Orenville, the appellation of '' the gentle shepherd.^ At thif 
tioie, ft song of Dr. Howard, which began with the word! 
** Gentle shepherd tell me where,'' — and in which each stansa 
ended with that line, — was in every mouth. — On some occa- 
rioDy Mr. Grenville exclaimed, '' Where is our money f 
^ Where are our means i I say again. Where are our means ? 
** Where is our money?"— He then sat down, — and lord 
Chatham paced slowly out of the house, humming the line, 
** Gentle shepherd tell me where/' — The effect was irresistible; 
and settled on Mr. Grenville the oppellation of '' the gentle 
«« shepherd." 

A gentleman mentioned some of these circumstances to the 
la|e Mr. Pitt : the minister observed that they were proofs of 

Z 2 


mimding respect, — ^the word " gentleman,*' — in0 
never applied to any person in a higher degree^ 
or more generally, than it was to lord North, and 
to all he said and did in the house of commons* 
His lordship did not aspire to the higher eloqu^ice, 
but the house never possessed a more powerful 
debater: nor could any one avail himself of the 
strong part of his cause with greater ability, or 
defend its weaker with greater skill ; no speaker 
was ever so conciliating, or enjoyed in a higher 
degree the esteem and love of the house. Among 
his political adversaries, he had not a single enemy. 
With an unwieldy figure and a dull eye, the quick- 
ness of his mind seemed intuition. '^ I," — liMrd 
Sandwich once said to the writer, — " must have 
^' pen and ink, and write down, and ruminate : give 

his fktlier's ascendancy in the house ; but that no speconeos 
remained of the eloquence by which that ascendancy was pro- 
cured.— The gentleman recommended to him to read slowly 
his father's speeches for the repeal of the stamp act ; and, 
while he repeated them, to bring to his mind, as well as he 
could, the figure, the look, and the voice, with which his 
father might be supposed to have pronounced them. Mr. Pitt 
did so, and admitted the probable effect of the -speech thus 

In private intercourse, lord Chatham, though always lofty, 
was very insinuating. He cultivated the muses through life. 
Mr. Seward's Anecdotes contain an imitation by him of the 
ode of Horace, ** Tyrrhena regum progenies,** which shows a 
very classical mind. He also translated the speech of Peridai, 
as It stands in Smitli's version of Thucydides : this, through one 
person only, came to the writer of these pages, from Mr. Pitt 

We have two characters of lord Chatham ; one is attri- 
buted to Mr. Grattan ; the other was certainly written by 
lilr. Wilkes. 


*• lord North a bundle of papers, and hell turn 
^ them over and over, — perhaps while his hair is 
dressing, — and he instantly knows their contents 
and all their bearings." His wit was never sur- 
passed, and it was attended with this singular 
quality, that it never gave offence, and the object 
of it was sure to join with pleasure in the laugh. — 
The assault of Mr. Adam on Mr. Fox, and of 
colonel FuUarton on lord Shelbume, had once put 
the house into the worst possible humour, and there 
was more or less of savageness in every thing that 
wais said : — lord North deprecated the too great 
readiness to take offence, which then seemed to 
possess the house. -^" One member," he said, "who 
'^ spoke of me, called me that thing called a mi- 
" nister: — to be sure,"— he said, patting his large 
Ibrm, — " I am a thing ; — the member, therefore, 
^' when he called me a thing, said what was true ; 
^ and I could not be angry with him : but, when 
'^ he added, that thing called a minister, he called 
** me, that thing, which of all things, he himself 
** wished most to be^ and therefore," said lord 
North, " I took it as a compliment." — These good- 
natured sallies dropped from him incessantly.— 
On his resignation, he should have retired : many 
things, which may be defended, cannot be applaud- 
ed: the coalition between his lordship and Mr. 
Fox was of this description. 

From some papers which have been received by 
the writer from Mr. William Sheldon, through 
whose hands the application of the catholics to par- 
liament in 1778 entirely passed, it appears that lord 



North received it in the most fieivourable maa&ef, 
and promised it the utmost support in his power. 
He said, — '^at first be satisfied with any dung- 
^' The great object is to make a breach in the wall 
•* of intolerance. — Do this, and if you act with pm- 
^^ dence, and are not too much in a hurry, youli 
" certainly get on/' In 1 791 , he was equally favour- 
able to the catholics: — " Mind, however," he 
frequently said, " up to the test act, I go— and 
" -no further." — " But, my lord," we used to answer, 
" if an opening in it is made in favour of others, 
^^ youll let us in too."— To this, he seemed willing 

The catholics never had a better friend than 
Mr. Fox. On his first separation from the mi- 
nistry he assumed the character of a whig, and 
from that time, uniformly advocated the cause 01 
civil and religious liberty, on their broadest prin- 

Almost the whole of his political life was spent in 
opposition to his majesty's ministers. It may be 
said of him, as of lord North, that he had political 
adversaries, but no enemy. Good-nafure, too easily 
carried to excess, was one of the distinctive marks of 
his character. In vehemence and power of argu- 
ment he resembled Demosthenes ; but there the 
resemblance ended. He possessed a strain of ridi- 
cule and wit, which nature denied to the Athenian, 
and it was the more powerful as it always appeared 
to be blended with argument and to result from it 
The moment of his grandeur was when, alter he 
had st&ted the argument of his adversary, with 


mach greater strength than his adv^Bary had done, 
and with mach greater strength dianany of his 
Hiearers thought possible, he seized it with the 
strength of a giant, and tore and trampled <m it to 
destruction. If, at this moment, he had possessed 
Ihe pbwer of tiie Athenian over the passions o^ the 
ikiiaginBtions of his hearers, he might have disposed 
of the iiouse at his pleasure, — but this was denied 
to him ; and on this account, his speeches fell very 
ahoH of the effect, which, otherwise, they must have 

. It is difficult to decide on the comparative m^it 
of him and Mr. Pitt ; the latter had not the vehe- 
mJent reasoning, nor the argumentative ridicule of 
Mr. Fox : but he had more fire, more imagery, and 
much more method and discretion. In addition, 
he had the command of bitter contemptuous sar- 
caan, which stung to madness^ It was prettily said 
by Mr. Gibbon to the writer, — " Billy's painted 
^ galley will soon sink before Charles s black 
** collier :" — but never did horoscope prove more 
idse.— Mr. Fox said more truly, — " Pitt will do 
^ for us, if he does not do for himself." 

Both orators were verbose ; Mr. Fox by his re- 
petitions, Mr. Pitt by his amplifications. This, and 
dsnext session, were remarkable for being the com* 
mencementof the debates on the French re volutijm* 
Th^e revealed to the world the want of political 
wisdom of e£u^h orator : — one discovering it by his 
totd misconception of the nature of the tevolutioa, 
wldlch he thought an ordinary war ; the other^ by 
vadidgfai^ in an incoQsideiate language, l^ which 



he scared many wise and good moi firom his 
party. — Mr* Ghrattan observed to the writer,-r-aiid 
he believes the observation just, — that no onehetfd 
Mr. Fox to advantage, who did not hear him be- 
fore the coalition ; or Mr. Pitt, who did not. hear 
him before he quitted office. Each defended him- 
self on these occasions with astonishing ability^ : bat 
each felt he had done something that required de* 
fence : the talent remained, the mouth still spdie 
aloud, but the swell of the soul was no more. The 
situation pf these eminent men, at this time, put the 
writer in mind of a remark of Bossuet on F^^on. 
— " Fenelon," he said, " has great talents ; greater 
^^ than mine, butit is his misfortune to have brou^^t 
^' himself into a situation, in which all his talents 
" are necessary for his defence." 

The most astonishing display of talent by Mr. 
Pitt, was, when the catholic bill was first agitated 
after his return to office. Narrow, and short, was 
the only plank, on which he could stand : but there 
he placed himself; and he defended himself upon 
it with such ease and adroitness, that he was seldom 
touched by his antagonists; and had often the 
posture of a successful assailant. 

Greatly inferior to either of these extraordinary 
men, if we are to judge of him by his speeches, as^- 
they were spoken, — but gready superior to each, i£ 
we are to judge of him by his speeches, as - they 
were published, Edmund Burke, was through lifi^ 
the advocate, the warm, the powerful advocate oC 
the catholic cause. Estimating him by his written 
speeches, we shall find nothing comparable to him. 


ttU we reach the Roman orator. Equal to that great 
man in dialectic, in imagery, in occasional splen^- 
dour, and in general information ; exceeding him 
in political wisdom, and the application of history' 
and philosophy to it, he yields to him in grace and 
taste. He never lost an opportunity of recommend- 
ing the catholics to the favour of the public. It 
may be doubted, whether, without the aid of his 
dioquence, either of the bills for our relief would 
have passed*. 

* In familiar conversation, the three great men, whom we 
have mentioned,* equally excelled : but even the most intimate 
fiiends of Mr. Fox complained of his too frequent ruminating 
tSence. Mr. Pitt talked; — and his talk was fascinating; a 
good judge said of him, that he was the only person he had 
known who possessed the talent of condescension. Yet his 
loftiness never forsook him ; still one might be sooner seduced 
to take liberties with him, than with Mr. Fox. Mr. Burke's 
conversadon was rambling, but splendid, rich, and instructive 
beyond comparison. 

IPublic opinion at home and abroad, seems to have pro- 
nounced against Mr. Pitt's politics and war ; and, on the suppo- 
mtion that a war with France was necessary, in favour of the 
tyvtem recommended by Mr. Burke. But, — in advocating his 
own system, Mr. But'ke seems not to have attended sufficiently 
to his own representations of the selfish temporising views of 
die continental powers, on whose energetic and public spirited 
co-operation, the success of his plans depended altogether. 
It must therefore be lamented, that the system of peace 
recommended by Mr. Fox was not adopted. It may be 
thought probable, that, if France had been left to herself, the 
occupations of agriculture and commerce, and the pursuits 
of literature and science, would have been continued, would 
insensibly have resumed their sway, cooled the public efier- 
vaieence, and introduced moderation into the nationid coun- 
dls.— An unintem ipte d series of writers of this couittry, of 


fiodi were tke lading men, and enckAisir 
dnpoBitions towwds tke cadiolics, «l die tune of 
wUdi wemre 

• -- 1 1 1 

LXXIX. 2. 

SMe ^fie jmbKc Mimiai tU$ thme :—Gradma!Bdaxaiim 
mrndfa^ Rtpml^f tke Pemal Lmmim¥\mmce mg&mdAt 
Pr9i€dmmi9:—Pwgrm cf Cidi LUmty im Smg^Mim 
rome^imcr of tke Bamgorimfk Omtnnenjf^'^''mmi ik 
Comfesuomal: — fatomrable Result to tke Clmm <^ tkt 
Cdit holies. 

I . Th e Frodch revolution was now rapidly ad- 
Tancing- It was considered at first, even by some 
paeons of sense and discernment, as an harbinger 
of good. They did not mifficiendy reflect on the 
greatdegree of happiness, which the woHd actoally 
ei^c^ed, on the great probabili^ of its regular in- 
crease, or on die chance of its being altogether lost 
by the proposed innovations. 

It was particularly imagined that diese wonld be 
propitious to religious liberty^. — ^This had made a 
considerable progress in most parts of the conti- 
nent : even in Spain^ it began to dawn, and the 
rigours of the inquisition were greatiy softened. 

In France^ the condition of tiie protestants was 
materially ameliorated. Some unjustifiable attempts 
had been made by them at the commencement of 
the regency which followed the death of Lewis die 
fourteenth : they were repressed ; a few of the 

tndMcendent powersy commenced with Spencer, and ended 
in Bfr. Burke : by its duration and q^lendour, it fiur 
any lilerarj era in ancient or modem Eurppe. 


most guilty agitaton were punished ; but ike court 
was so little disposed to proceed with severity 
against die general body, that, soon afterwards, it 
wms seriously debated in council, whether the edict 
of Nantes should not be re-enacted. The council 
declared for the negative ; but, from this tkne, the 
penal provsions against the protestants were seldom 
earned into execution ; and, towards the middle of 
tibe last century, the practical toleration of them in 
France was — with a single exception, — complete ; 
but this exception was of the greatest moment, as 
it regarded their marriages. The law rendered 
inyalid all marriages, that were not solemnized 
according to the rites of the church of Rome. To 
diese, the protestants, in consequence of their reli- 
gious jMsinciples, could not conscientiously conform. 
The consequence was, that, in the eye of the law, 
pnteatant parents lived in a state of concubinage, 
and protestant children were illegitimate. Lewis 
the sixteenth, to his immortal honour, communi- 
cated, by lus edict of the 17th of November 1787, 
Id aB his non-catholic subjects, the full enjoyment 
of iaU the rights of his subjects of the cathdiic 

2. In Englandy the progress of religious liberty 
had been great, but silent : we have noticed tiie 
advocation of it by the latitudinariah divines ; and, 
on aetill broader ground, by Hoadley and his dis^ 
Copies. These systematized the principles of tiieb 
anater. With their latitudinarianpredeceB8orB,they 
avowed, that the Bible, and the Bible only, was 
llie rdigicm of the protestants ; but if we inquire 
what article of faith, what religious ordinance, was. 


in their opinion, so clearly deducible firom the 
Bible, as to render the belief or observance of it 
necessary to salvation, we shall soon discover die 
scantiness of their creed, and be inclined to apply 
to them, what Badius said of Erasmus, that, ^' he 
*' rather knew what he should fly from, than what 
" he should follow." Their expreissions were 
guarded ; but the ultimate tendency of their doe- 
trine seems to lead to these conclusions : I. The 
church and the state are equally derived from Grod, 
the author of every good and perfect gift : II. Any 
number of persons, who are persuaded that Jesus 
was sent of God, who are sincerely desirous of 
obeying his laws, who hope for salvatidn by obe- 
dience to them, and who agree to unite in puMic 
assemblies for the performance of religious duty, 
is a christian church ; and every christian church 
thus formed, has a right to delegate to any persons, 
under any names, and with any powers, (revelation 
being silent on these points, and tradition wholly 
out of the question), an authority to superintend 
and regulate its economy and observances. Such 
a church may also expel from it those, who dis- 
obey either its original constitutions, or the ordi- 
nances made under its authority : — still, every such 
christian church is subject to the controul of the 
state.^— All this is in direct opposition to the articles 
of the church of England. These assign to the 
chureh, the power to decree rites and ceremonies *, 
an authority in controversies of faith ; they also 
teach that the orders of her ministers have dev 
scended from the apostles, and are appointed by 



Gtxl ; that the powers given them, in ordination, 
are communicated to them by the Holy Ghost;*-* 
and that episcopacy is of Divine in96itution*; 
III. The sacraments are defined by the church of 
England t to be effectual signs of the grace which 
God of his free will dispenses to us, and by which 
he works invisibly in us. In opposition to this 
definition, the disciples of Hoadley maintained 
that the sacraments were mere signs or declarations 
of future salvation, and had no efficient powert 
hence they considered baptism, not as a rite essen- 
tial to salvation, but as a profession of Christianity 
by. the person who is baptized, or by others on his 
Mudf ; 'and the eucharist, not as a rite in which 
;die body and blood of Christ '^ are verily and in* 
V deed received :{;," but as a pious memorial of the 
passicHi and death of Christ, and an indication of 
the party's acceptance of christian redemption by 
duB symbolic ceremony . IV. The doctrines of the 
. jtrinity and the incarnation, so solemnly propounded 
by the church of England, were ranked by the 
disciples of Hoadley among speculative questions. 
y. They considered that, when the clergy declare 
their unfeigned assent to the thirty-nine articles, 
diey express no more than an assent to tiie use of 
diem, according to any interpretation which, in 
dieir candid and deliberate judgment, diey should 
put on them, — and with full liberty to impugn 
them, except officially, as from the pulpit : VL And 
finally, — they explicitly maintained that the sint- 

^ Form of ordination. t Art. xxy. 

X Ca^chitin in the book of Common Prayer. 


cerity of a chmtian believer is of muA greder 
consequence than the soundness of his opinimis. 

We hcipe noticed the success of Hoadlejr in tfe 
Bangorian controversy : his disciples pursaod At 
trininph, and drew over to them so la^e a pi6pQP> 
tioa of the established church, that a reform of due 
reformation took place in it, and removed liiose^ whs 
adopted the new belief, fiirtiher firom the prinntiffe 
reformers, than these had removed themselvefl fiaki 
tkeir catholic ancestors. 

3. The disciples of Hoadley then expected to fontr 
joy the fruits of their victory widiout molestation : 
but a formidable anti^nist arose, who dedaitd 
war equally against them and the estdblnbed 
church. Seizing from each its strongest hoUi^ 
and abandoning its less tenable passes, the auAer 
of the CmfessUmaly equally in unison with the-higk 
church, and in opposition to the school of Hoadl^, 
declared for the independence of the ecdesiastual 
on the temporal powers. In conformity witi 
Hoadley, he rejected the serious belief of the thirty^ 
nine articles, and announced, that the BiUe, and 
the Bible only, in the strictest sense of these words, 
was the religion of the protestants ; but he cour 
demned the mental reservation of the Hoadleyans 
in the subscription of confessions and formularies 
of faith; and maintained that tiiey could not be 
conscientiously subscribed, without a sincere belief 
of the truth of the doctrines, which they were in*- 
tended by the framers of them to express. 

This gave rise to a new controversy ;-^public 
opinion seems to have decided it in favour of the 


GonfasakcDal : yet the thir^^nine articles are stilt 
universaUy signed, hut ra&er as a formulary of 
peace, than a confession of faitii* Thus a further 
refevm of the reformatian, tuid of course a still fur** 
therremoval of the mendsers of the church of Eng- 
lawl from its first founders, have been elSected. 

Ultra reforais of a similar nature have taken place 
inmostptotestBOitchurdkes on the continent. ^)eak> 
i&g» generally, ihey have carried those wha have 
adopted them, ast far from the founders of their 
diuxch as firom &e church of Rome. As further 
renovals: firom the true faith, they are lamented by 
eatholicsj but it is difficult for them to observe, 
without some complacency, the completion of the 
prophecies of their ancestors on the ultimate ten^* 
dency of the reformation. 

. 4. Both civil and religious liberty, and, with 
these, the claim of the catholics to each, gained con- 
siderably, both by the Bangorian contrcyversy, and 
by the disputes produced by the ConfessionaL 
The former led, as we have already mentioned, to 
discussions, which brought Hoadley and his dis* 
eiples, and even their antagonists, to admit, that^ 
whatever might be the errors justly chargeable on 
any creed, the professors of it were entitled to. an 
equal participation of the civil blessings of the con- 
stitution, unless mischievousness of moral or poli- 
tical principle were justly imputable to them. This 
«aa equally admitted in the controversy on the 
Ckmfessional. Availing themselves of this im- 
^QKtant admission, the q^tholics called on their 
adversaries to show, what principle, morally or 


politically rq^rehensible, or i)i such a tendeocj M 
skoiild prerent dieir puticipaiicm, equally with Im 
majesty's other subjects, in the blessings i)i die 
British constituti<xi, was justly impotaUe to them. 

It soon appeared that no such principle was josti^ 
chargeable on them, unless the supremacy whidi 
they attribute to the pope affected their civil aDe- 
giance. When this was urged against the catholiei^ 
they observed that the supremacy was merely of a 
spiritual nature, and that it authorized the pope 
neither to leg^late in temporal concerns, nor to 
enforce his spiritual legislation by temporal power. 
To this statement, the adversaries of the cathcdics 
opposed many instances, in which the popes hid 
claimed, under their divine commission, a right to 
exercise temporal power in spiritual concerns;-^ 
and they cited a multitude of catholic anthim, 
some of whom were truly respectable, by whom the 
papal pretension bad been acknowledged and ad* 

The instances thus adduced of papal pretensi<Mi 
to temporal power, the catholics generally admitted; 
but, when they made this admission, they explicitly 
declared, that the popes acted on these occasions 
against divine and human right; and tiiat their 
title to the temporal power thus claimed by them, 
was not an article of their faith. They afterwards 
jeeded further :— and, in 1778, as. we shall 

mtion in a future page of this work, they took 
oath, by which they not only disclaimed this 
papal pretension as an article of faith, — but rejected 



In respect to tiie writers who asserted it, — ^d 
generally in respect to every writer of their com- 
munion, in whom any objectionable tenet of any 
description could be found, the catholics adjured 
their adversaries to observe, in all their contro- 
.yersies with them, these rules, — " ist, That no 
^* doctrines should be ascribed to them as a body, 
" except such as were articles of faith ; — 2d That 
<< the catholics deem nothing to be an art <' e of 
<< their faith, unless it has been delivered by Divine 
^^ revelation, and propounded as such by the 
** church." They proclaimed, that, whatever other 
opinions could be adduced against them, though 
they were the opinions of the fathers of the church 
—still they were but matters of opinion, and that a 
catholic might disbelieve them, and yet continue 
catholic. They pointed out the works in which 
the articles of faith were to be found, — the Creed 
of pope Pius the fourth, the council of Trent, its 
Catechism, and Bossuet's Exposition. 

These declarations made a considerable sensation 
in favour of the catholics. It was also afterwards 
fieivourable to them, that, in consequence of the act, 
which passed for their relief, in 1778, they mixed 
more with their protestant brethren, and, becoming 
better known to them, dissipated their anticatholic 

Still, to a certain extent, 

Manserunt YeteriB yestigia ruris. 

The effects of a defamation of two centuries could 
. not be undone in a moment. 



LXXIX. 3. 

AppUcatiom to Parliament for a Repeal of tke.Laum 
requiring Subscriptions of the Thirty-nine Articles. , 

In July 1762, a point of extreme importance io 
the protestant dissenters, came on for trial iX Grnild- 
hall. It has been shown, that the corporation act 
incapacitates dissenters refusing to qualify, in the 
manner which it prescribed, from holding offices m 
corporations : but the act did not prevent their 
eligibility to such offices. In some instances, dis- 
senters were elected to them, and refused to serVe 
in them, and therefore became liable to the penalty 
of a fine. The payment of it was sometimes 
dispensed with, but it was sometimes exacted. 

At tiie time, of which we are now speaking,' Mr. 
Allen Evans, having been chosen sheriff of the city 
of London, and having refused to serve, was fined ; 
and, upon his neglecting to pay the fine, the city 
brought an action against him to recover it. ' The 
case was elaborately argued before lord chief baron 
Parker, Mr. justice Foster, Mr. justice Wilmot, 
and Mr. justice Bathurst. All of them were of 
opinion that, under the circumstances, in which the 
act had placed them, the dissenters were not eligible 
to the office. The case was heard on appeal. In 
February 1767, in the house of lords; aiid,'6iithe 
motion of lord Mansfield, the cause was adjudged 
unanimously in favour of the dissenters. 

This determination raised- the hopes of the dis- 
senters ; but objections to the subscription of the 


thirty-^nine articles were not confined to them. 
In 1772, several clergymen, and some gentlemen 
belonging to the professions of the civil law and 
physic, — all members of the established church, — 
assembled at the Feathers tavern in Cheapside, and 
invited by public advertisement in the papers, all, 
who thought themselves aggrieved in the matter of 
.sobscription, to join them in an application to par- 
liament for relief. The petition was respectably 
•^[ned : two hundred and fifty of the petitioners 
were clergymen of the established church. 

They represented in the petition, that it was one 
ef the great principles of the protestant religion, 
that everything necessary to salvation was fully and 
sufficiently contained in the holy scriptures ; that 
christians have an inherent right, which they hold 
firom Grod only, to make a full and free use of their 

- ]Nrivate judgment in the interpretation of the scrip- 
tures ; that, though these were the liberal and ori- 

: ginal doctrines of the church of England, and the 
grand principle upon which the reformation was 

. giounded, still, there had been a deviation firom 

. liiem, in the matter of subscription, which deprived 
them of this invaluable right, — by obliging them 
to acknowledge, that certain articles and confes- 

. 810118 of faith and doctrine, drawn up by fallible 

.men, were, all and every of them, agreeable to the 


> The petitioners particularly complained, that, at 

trAe first admission or matriculation, as it is termed, 
of scholars in the universities, they were obliged, 

1 «t SB. age too immature for disquisitions and deci- 

A A 2 


sions of such moment, to subscribe their unfeigned 
assent to a variety of theological propositionfl, 
which they had not judgment to comprehend; and 
upon which it was impossible for them to f<Nrm a 
just opinion. 

The petition being presented, a motion was made 
for taking it into consideration : the house of com- 
mons divided seventy-one for it, two hundred anid 
seventeen against it. - *\ 

However unfavourable to the cause of the dis- 
senters, this result appeared, they conceived the 
weight of argument to have been evidently so much 
on their side, that they procured a bill for their re- 
lief to be brought into the house of commons in the 
same sessions. A high church party opposed it 
with great earnestness ; but the general sense of the 
house was so strong in favour of the dissenters, and 
an inclination to extend the blessings of toleration 
was so great on each side of the house, that the 
motion was carried without a division. But the 
house of lords was actuated by a different feeling, — 
there, the bill was thrown out by a great majority, 
twenty-nine lords supporting it, one hundred and 
two lords opposing it. 

In 1789, the matter was again brought into the 
house of commons, by a motion of Mr. Beanfoy, 
^^ for a committee to take into consideration, so 
'^ much of the test and corporation acts as related 
" to protestant dissenters." On a division, one 
hundred and two votes were for the motion, ona 
hundred and twenty-two against it. 
The sioall majority on this division against the 



diBsenters could not but raise their hopes ; but it 
equally increased the alarm and the activity of their 
opponents ; and unfortunately the violence of some 
leading men among the petitioners furnished their 
adversaries with powerful arms against them. 

On the 2d of March 1790, Mr. Fox brought 
the subject before the house of commons, at the 
fiiUest meeting of that house, which had, for some 
tiine, been assembled. The petition of the dissenters 
had been placed in his hands, and it is an important 
erent in the history of the English catholics, that 
it was framed in terms, which embraced persons of 
their communion. This brought their grievances 
under the eye of the legislature. Mr. Fox displayed 
on this occasion, more than his usual powers of 
oratory ; his motion was the same as that of Mr. 
Beaufoy ; but he distinctly avowed that his object 
.was to effect a total repeal both of the corporation 
and the test act, and he rested the merits of his 
cause on the broadest principles of religious liberty. 
He was seconded by sir Henry Houghton : Mr. 
Pitt opposed the motion by a long and able speech. 
It was reducible to a syllogism, — that it was equally 
the right and duty of the supreme power of the 
.ftate to exclude any description of men, who were 
hostile to an essential part of the constitution, from 
those situations, which would enable them to give 
^Sfect to that hostility; that the established church 
was an essential part of the British constitution, 
and. that the dissenters were hostile to it: — there- 
fore it was the right and duty of the state to exclude 
die dissenters firom those situations^ which would 

AA 3 


enable them to injure the church, and consequenA^ 
proper to continue the corporation and test acti in 
force against them, as these effected &is ezclnnOL 
Mr. Pitt then noticed the intemperate proceedii^ 
of some of the dissenting leaders. Here, Mr.BmlM 
came powerfully to his aid : he produced serenl 
documents, irom which he professed to show, that 
many of the persons who sfyled themselves dis- 
senters, in the petitions before the house, were i^ 
different to religion, that they held &ctioiu [oitt* 
ciples and entertained dangerous prefects, and tliu 
had the name without the substance of religion, dw 
liberty without the temper of philosophy, and pro* 
fessed doctrines and were eng^ed in schemes li 
which the priest and the magistrate might equally 
tremble *. 

Mr. Fox replied to Mr. Pitt and Mr. Boricc 
with great animation : — conceding to Mr. Pitt thit 
it was the right and duty of the state to exclude 
men really dangerous, from situations conferring 
power, he contended that the dissenters entertained 
no design.s, and had no object that was hostile either 
to the church or the state ; and that, if they enter- 
tained such designs, or had any such objects, the 
oaths and rites prescribed by the corporation aad 
test acts were not calculated to bring the integrt^ 
of their principles to a proper test ; the designs and 
the objects imputed to them, being of a policical, 
•nd the oaths and rites required from them, being 
of a religious nature. —This absurdity, as he termed 
it, of meilung a formula of religious &ith a test oi 
* Gibbon, Hirt. di. 5f. 

1;;QE. E)?6USH CATHOLICS. 3ft9 

political integrity, Mr. fox exposed with an asto- 
niiBning power hoth of argument and ridicule : it was 
uioknown, he said, in ancient history, and was a 
discovery in modem times, which did them no 
honour. — ^He concluded by a strong appeal to the 
good^ sense and candour of the house, — on the folly 
and injustice of deciding a great question of right 
and expediency, in which the general welfare of 
tfaie kingdom and the individual interests of a large 
proportion of the community were equally con- 
cerned, by the conduct of a few unauthorized and 
UQavowed individuals. 

The house divided, one hundred and five for the 
^lotion, two hundred and four against it. 



It was the wish of the writer of these pages, to 
insert in them, a full account of the principal events 
in the history of the catholics in Ireland, since the 
reformation; but, he was prevented by want of 
{eisiire and want of materials. While it was in his 
contemplation, he collected, from the best sources, 
wluch were within his reach, the following minutes. 
Tney may be found to contain ; — Some miscellane- 
ous inifbrmiation, I. On the state of the Irish, pre- 
viously to the reign of Henry the second : IL On 

A A 4 


dieir stale between the reigns of Hemy tlie second 
and Henry the eighth : III. On the condition of 
die Irish catholics in the reigns of Henry die eighdi, 
Edward the sixth, and queen Mary : FV. On didr 
condition inthereign of queen Elizabeth : V. Ondidr 
condition under James the first : VI. On dieir con- 
dition during the first part of the reign of Cknlei 
the first: VII. On the massacre in 1641 : VIII.OB 
tiie confederacy of the Irish catholics in 1642: 
IX. On the interference of the pope s nuncio in 
the proceedings of the supreme council of the con- 
federates : X. On the confiscations made by Crom- 
well ; and the arrangements of Charles the second 
respecting them : XI. On the Irish Remoostranoe^ 
or the Declaration of Allegiance, presented by 
several Irish catholics of distinction, to Chalks 
the second, in 1661 : XII. On father Peter Walsh, 
he promoter and historian of the remonstrance : 
XIII. On the confiscation of Irish catholic pr(^)erty, 
in 1688 : XIV. And on the Irish brigade. 

LXXX. 1. 
State of the Irish before the reign of Henry the seamd. 

A CONSIDERABLE difference of opinion now 
prevails among the learned, respecting the early 
civilization and refinement of the Irish nation. At 
present, the tide of public opinion is unfavourable 
to them; but the subject is far from being exr 
hausted ; and the author conjectures, that fiirther 
and more impartial discussion will lead to a different 


The learning, the piety, and the manners of our 
SaxQn ancestors, before the invasion of the Danes, 
bave, fortunately for their memory, and for otir 
edification, been preserved by the venerable Bede : 
— such an historian of its early annals, appears 
to have been wanting to Ireland. It should also 
be noticed, that the confusion, which followed 
the Danish invasion of England, was terminated 
by the Norman conquest; the arts and sciences 
were always, from this time, in a progressive 
state of improvement ; and those were never want- 
ing, who investigated and transmitted to poste- 
rity, memorials of their own and of former times. 
During the same period, Ireland was divided 
into many states ; and the chieftains lived in a 
continued state of predatory warfare. It may 
even be asserted, that, till the accession of James 
the first, the condition of Ireland, with the ex- 
ception . of the small part of it within the Eng- 
Ui^ pale, was nearly in the same state as that of 
England^ from the invasion of the Danes, till the 
Norman conquest. The consequence was, that,— - 
** to use the expression of an able writer, — " Few 
** histories are so charged with fables, as the annals 
of Ireland*." — To separate the fabulous from the 
probable, and the probable from the certain, will 
i£herefore require no ordinary share of penetration 
and persevering industry ; but there is great rea- 
son to conjecture that, whenever it shall be done, 
die result will be favourable to what has been 
suggested respecting the ancient civilization and 
* Mr. Plowden's Hist. Mem. toL i. p. 2i« 


^arly literature of this very ii^xe$l^^ bif t. much 
abused country. 

At all eventSy thre^ cirjcumstai^cjes, are cl^^jr; 
1st The schools, of Irelaad were ^equei^ted; 1^ 
crowds of students from Britain, France, l^anders, 
and Germany. — Bede% informs his readers^ thc^ 
^ many, both of their nobles and the lo^atatf^ 
*f left their country, and, either in search of i^^cr^ 
^* learning, or a stricter life, removed to Ireland :^ 
and that '^ the Irish most willingly received them, 
*' took care to provide, them with sustenance, sup- 
" port, and masters." A most honourable testimony^ 
ajs lord Littleton justly remarks, to the learning, hos- 
pitality, and bounty of thu nation. Bede's account 
IS confirmed by the lines so well known, which 
Camden has quoted from the life of St. Sugenius^ 
who iSourished in the eigh^th century : 

Exeinplo, patrum^ commotus amore legendi, 
Ivit ad Hiberaos Sophid mirabile claros. 

2d. In the eighth and nipth centuries, the Irish 
clergy spread themselves over the greatest paift of 
Europe, to convert the pag^s, and instruct Ae un- 
lettered cljiristians. The instances produced by 
Mr. Plpwde^t, and by Dr. Milnerf, place this 
beyond controversy §. 

* Lib. iii. s, 17. 

t History of Ireland, vol. L p. so, 21. 

X " An Inquiry into the vulgar opinions concerning the 
'' Cathohc Inhabitants and the Antiquities of Ireland,*^ 
letter ii. 

§ See also Mr. Alban Butler's Lives of the Saints, Murph/s 
edition, iii* 176, note yii. 54« n. 165. 19. 58. xj. 247. ii. 931 
vii. 54, note x. 5. ix. 37. 


3d. " There happenec^" says Mr. Plowden \ 
^^ about the year of our Lord 1418, a very notable 
^' transaction, which proved the high estimation 
^' in which the kingdom of Inland then was, and 
'^ ever had been holden by the learned of Europe. 
** At the council of Constance, the ambassadors 
from England were refiised the rank and pre- 
cedency, which they claimed over some others ; 
they were not even allowed to rank or take 
any place as the ambassadors of a natimi : the 
advocates for France insisted, that the EngKsb 
having been conquered by the Romans, and again 
subdued by the Saxons, who were tributaries to 
^* the German empire, and never governed by native 
sovereigns, they should take place as a branch 
only of the German empire, and not aa a free 
nation ; ^ for, added they, ' it is evident from 
** Albertus Magnus and Bartholomew Glanville, 
^^ that the world is divided into three parts, Europe, 
'* Asia, and Africa,'— (America had not then been 
discovered) : — * Europe was divided into four em- 
** pires, the Roman, the Constantinopolitan, the 
'* Irish, and the Spanish.' The English advocates, 
^^ admitting the force of these allegations, claimed 
^ their precedency and rank from Henry's being 
" monarch of Ireland only, and it was accor< 
" granted t." 

* Hist. vol. i. p. 23, n. 

t aHallofan's Hitt vol. i. p. 68. 








Slate of the Imh between the reign of Heniy the leamif 
and the reign of Henry the eighth. 

The period, which next calls for attention, ii 
that, which fills the space between the re^ <A 
Henry the second, and that of Henry the eighth. 
Here, the division of Ireland into the territory 
within the pale, and the territory bofond it, claims 
particidar notice. 

From the reign of Henry the second, until the 
reign of James the first, the real power and au&o- 
rity of the English monarch were confined to the 
counties of Dublin, Kildare, Meatfa, Lowth, Mon- 
^;han, and Armagh, and the cities of Waterfoid, 
Cork, and Limerick : these made the whole of the 
territory called the pate. Over the remaining part 
of Ireland, Henry the second, and his successors, 
until James the first, had little more than a nomi- 
nal sovereignty. " England," says sir John Davies, 
** never sent over, either numbers of men, or quan- 
" titles of treasure, sufficient to defend the small 
" territory of the pale ; much less, to reduce fliat, 
'* which was lost, or to finish the conquest of 
'* the whole island." — In tlie reign of Henry the 
eighth, Alan, the master of the rolls, in the repre- 
sentation, which, by the desire of the ser^'ants of 
the crown iu Ireland, he made to Henry of the 
state of Ireland, reported, that " the English man- 
" ntTs, language, and habits did not extend, and 

titnt his laws were not obeyed twenty milea 


" beyond the capital*/' The common observation 
of the country was, that they, who dwelt, by west 
of the river Barrow, dwelt, by west of the law. 
The English government always refused to com- 
municate the constitution and laws of England to 
the inhabitants of this territory ; treated them, both 
«8 aliens and foes, and wished them so to remain. 
" It was,'* says lord Clare, in his printed speech an 
the 1 oth of February 1 800, " the early policy of the 
'^ English government to discourage all connexion 
^' ^f the colony with the native Irish ; the statute 
" of Kilkenny, enacted in the reign of Edward the 
** third, having prohibited marriage or gossipred f 
•* with the Irishry, or persons claiming the benefit 
of the Brehonlaw, by any person ofEnglishblood, 
under the penalties of treason. This statute was 
a declaration of perpetual war, not only against 
*' the native Irish, but against every person of Eng- 
. *^ lish blood, who had settled beyond the limits of 
'^ the pale, and from motives of personal interest 
*^ or convenience, had formed connexions with the 
^ natives, or adopted their laws or customs.'' 
Hume observes *, that " most of the English 
institutions, by which Ireland was governed, 
were to the last degree absurd, and such as no 
state before had ever thought of, for preserving 
. " dominion over conquered provinces. — The small 
, " ariny, which they retained in Ireland, they never 
^ supplied regulariy with pay ; and, as no money 
- << could be levied on the island, which possessed 

• Plow. Hist. vol. i. p. 51. t i. e. God&thenhip. 





*^ tioiie, they gave their soldiers the privilege cS 
*^ free quarter on the natives. Rapine and ituo- 
^' lence inflamed the hatred which prevailed be- 
^' tween the conquerors and the conquered ; vrant 
V of security among the Irish, introducii^ despair, 
<^ nourished still more^the sloth natural to that. un- 
cultivated people*. But the English carried 
farther their ill-judged tyranny. Instead of 
^\ inviting the Irish to adopt the more civilised 
'^ customs of their conquerors, they even refused, 
'' though earnestly solicited, to communicate to 
" them the privilege of their laws, and every where 
*^ marked them out as aliens and as enemies. 
" Thrown out of the protection of justice, the natives 
''could find no security but in force; and flying 
the neighbourhood of cities, which they could 
not approach with safety, they sheltered them- 
" selves in their marshes and forests, from the in- 
'' science of their inhuman masters. Being treated. 
'' like wild beasts, they became such ; and, joining 
" the ardour of revenge to their yet untamed bar- 
" barity, they grew every day more untractable and 
\ " more dangerous. 

" As the English princes deemed the conquest 
* " of the dispersed Irish to be more the object of 
'^ time and patiencq, than the source of military 
<< glory, they willingly delegated that office to 
''private adventurers, who, enlisting .soldiers at 
"their own charge, reduced provinees:' of ihat 
" islimd, which they converted to their own profit 

* Who jperform the greatest portion by far of the hardeit 
and least remunerated labour of this country ! 



S^grate jumdictions and principalities were 
*' established by these lordly conquerors : the 
^ power of peace and war was assumed : military 
*' law was exercised over the Irish, whom they sub- 
duedy and, by degrees, over the English, by whose 
assistance they conquered : and after their autbo- 
rily had once taken root, deeming the English 
^' institutionslessfavourable to barbarous dominion, 
<< they degenerated into mere Irish, and abandoned 
^ Hie garb, language, manners, and laws of their 
*5 ihother country*." 

LXXX. 3. 

State 0/ the Irish Catholics in the reigns of Henry the 
eighihf Edward the sixth, and queen Mary, 

No innovation was ever introduced into any 
country, which was more contrary to its constitu- 
tion and laws, more repugnant to its principles or 
manners, or more distressing to the feelings of its 
inhabitants, than the parliamentary proceedings in 

* This assumption by the conquering leaders, of the terri- 
lifrial independence of the conquered chieftains, and the 
adoption, by the general body of the conquerors, of the Ian- 
giuige, the manners, the habits, and tlie feelmgs of the con- 
quered, are very remarkable : the latter took place nearly in 
ah equal degree, after the confiscations of James and Cromwell ; 
liot the difierence of religion then strongly marked mdedn- 
tiaiied to distinguish the ancient inhabitants from the new 

The Tartars adopted, on their conquest of China, the tews, 
customs, dnd manners of the natives^ but there; the conquerors 
were barbarians, the conquered in g high state of ciriHzation: 


Ireland, for the establishment of the spiritual supn- 
macy of Henry the eighth. 

By the statutes *, which effected this measure 
the king was declared supreme head on earth of 
the church of Ireland, in nearly the same wordi, 
and with nearly the same ulterior provisionsi as 
those by which the English laws had confened 
upon him the spiritual supremacy of the church 
of England. 

Similar acts were also passed for the dissolution 
of religious houses in Ireland f; but these acts 
were confined to the religious houses in Tyrone, 
Tyrconnell, and Fermanagh ; and the feelings of 
the nation prevented their being carried into exe- 
cution : so that, until the reign of James the first, 
few of the religious houses were reduced into 
charge or surveyed, and the rest were continually 
possessed by the members of their respective 
orders :];. 

It may be truly said, that, with the single excep- 
tion of the officers of the .crown, and their immediate 
retainers, all these measures were in direct oppo- 
sition to the universal sense of the kingdom. 

An extraordinary measure was resorted to for 
securing in parliament the majority, by which 
these laws were carried. According to the esta- 
blished constitution of the Irish parliament, it was 
attended by two clergjrmen of each diocese. By 

• 38 Hen. VIII. c. 5, 6, 8, 26. 
t 33 Hen. VIIL 

X Leland* Hift^ of Ireland, lib. iii. ch. 7. Hib. Dom. 
cb. xvii. f. 1. 


«Q act passed in the session, by which the refor- 
mation was established, and which was declared 
to have a retrospective operation from the first day 
of the sessions, the clergymen so appointed were 
disqualified firom voting. 

These laws divided the nation into two parties; 
that, which acknowledged, and that which denied 
the spiritual supremacy of the monarch. " This," 
says lord Clare, in the speech which we have al- 
ready quoted, ^* was the grand schism, which has 
^^ been the bane and pestilence of Ireland, and 
^^ rendered her a blank among the nations of 

2. " In the reign of Edward the Sixth," says 
Mr. William Pamell *, " the government gave no 
<^ general cause of discontent to the catholics ; 
*^ Ikiete were many particular severities and insults, 
^' which laid the grounds of religious animosity. 
^^ Archbishop Brown made war against images and 
>* relics with more zeal than prudence. The gar^ 
^ riaoQ at Athlone, no very conciliating reformers, 
." .were allowed to pillage the very celebrated 
^* church of Clonmacanaise, and to violate the 
** sjbtine of a great favourite of the people, St. 
*• Kieran. 

- * fMt was in the reign of Edward the sixth, that 
.^ fbe soUd foundation of the succeeding rebellion 
^^^ #as first laid, by the confiscation of the lands of 
/' Leix and Offalia, now the King and Queen's 
^* county. 

^ In hif eKcallent *^ HisUirical Apology for the Iriih 

VOL. Ili« S B 



3. '' Ib the re^ of Queen Mart, — though 
die religioos feelings of the Iriih cadiolics, and 
" their feeUngs as men, had been treated with Teff 
litde ceremon J during tfie two preceding reigniy 
they made a wise and moderate use of their wth 
^' cendancy. They entertained no resentment for 
the past ; they laid no plans for future daa^ 
" nation.— The Irish roman-catholics bigots !1— 
'< *— The Irish roman-cathcdics are Ae only sect, 
<< that ever resumed power, widiout exercisiiig 
<< vengeance." 

LXXX. 4. 

State of the Irish Caiholics during the reig^ ^jneeii 


The reformation was completed by Ae statottt 
of supremacy and uniformity *, passed in the seccmd 
year of the reign of queen £lizabeth : — ^The fol- 
lowing succinct account of them is given by Mr. 
Plowden f • '^ It was enacted, that the spiritual 
'^ jurisdiction should be restored to the crown : 
^^ that all the acts of queen Mary, by which the 
^' civil establishment of the roman-catholic religion 
^^ had been restored, should be repealed ; diat the 
'^ queen should be enabled to appoint cbmmis- 
'^ sioners to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction : 
" that all officers or ministers, iecclesiastical or lay, 
'^ should, on pain of forfeiture and total incapacity, 
" take the oath of supremacy : that every per^tl, 
"as well as his aider,abettor, or counsellor, who 
 a Eliz. c. I, a. f Hist* Rev. yoL\ pi 73^ 

•> »< 


in any way maintain the ipiritoal siipre* 
<^ mac7 of the bishop of Rome, should forfeit, for 
^ the first offence, all his estates, real and perscmal, 
^' (or be imprisoned for one year, iS not worth 20/.), 
** incur a prcemunire for the second offbnce, and 
^' become guilty of high treason for the third of- 
*^ fence : that the use of the common prayer shonld 
^' be enforced as in England : that every person 
<< should resort to the established church, and at- 
^' tend the new service, under pain of eoclesiattical 
^ erasures ; and of the forfeiture of 1 2 tf. for every 
*' offence, to be levied by the churchwardens, by 
^'distress of the lands or chattels of the defaulter ; 
^^ that the first firuits and twentieths of all church 
** revenues should be restored to the crown ; and 
^* the old iiirrit and form of cbng^ d'^lire should 
** he superseded by the king's le^rs patent, by 
^ which, in future, all collations to vacant sees 
^^ should be made. These ordinances were fol* 
^ lowed by an act of recognition of the queen's 
^* title to the crown ; and it was made a case of 
^' pirsemunire to speak, and treason to write against 

' The effect of these laws is thus described by 
tatd Clare* : ^^ In the reign of Elizabeth," says his 
lotddup, '^ ja new reverse took place : the reformed 
^' liturgy was again enforced ; the English act of 
^^ uniformity was enacted, by the colonial parlia- 
^ ment ; audi — what seems to be a solecism in le- 
^'gislatioii, — ^in the body of the act, by which the 
^ ine of the English liturgy, and a strict confor- 

^ In the speech jast quoteil. 



'^ mi^ to it was enjoined, under serere penalties, 
**' a clause is introduced, reciting that English rsir 
^* nisters could not be found to senre i^ Irish 
churches ; that the Irish people did not linderr 
stand the English language; that the church 
^^ service could not be celebrated in Irish, as wdl 
'^ from the difficulty of getting it printed, as, that 
^^ few in the whole realm could read : And what 
^' is the remedy ? — If the minister of the gospel 
*^ cannot speak English, he may celebrate the 
*^ church service in the Latin tongue ; — a language 
^^ certainly as unintelligible to his congr^fatioa, 
^^ as the English tongue, and probably not veiy 
^' fieoniliar to the minister thus authorized to use 
** it." 

Under the sun, there is nothing new ! — rWhen we 
read in Dr. Robertson *, that the friar Valverde, 
tidvanced to the inca of Peru, — required him to for- 
sake the creed of his fathers, and worship the God 
of the christians ; — that reaching out his breviary, 
Ik* tohi the inca, that all which he announced was 
certainly in that book, — and that, when the inca 
rejected it, a signal was given, — the inca was seized, 
— and his subjects massacred, — we are justly filled 
witli astonishment and horror. But, when we read 
of u handful, comparatively speaking, of English 
adventurers, advancing to the Irish natives, — 
reaching out to them the act of uniformity, not a 
wonl of which they could read,— requiring them 
to adopt a liturgy, not a word of which they could 
understand ; — and attempting to force their obe- 

* History of America, book ti. 



dience hy such severities, ^^ that the least of them/' 
to use the words of lord deputy Mouritjoy, had 
many times been sufficient to drive the best 
and most quiet states into confusion;" — may not 
floine horror and astonishment be justly expected? 
Several bishops, abbots, priests, and religious, 
were put to death ; some of these were inhumanly 
-tortured, others suffered to perish from want in 
•prisons*. Frequent acts of perfidy and cruelty 
were perpetrated on the natives. In the war of the 
Geralds, the garrison of Smerwick, in Kerry, sur- 
rendered on capitulation, and was afterwards mur- 
dered in cold blood, under tne eye of sir Walter 
. Raleigh f. For this, and other services, that dis- 
tinguished personage had forty thousand acres of 
land bestowed on him : these, he aflerwardssold 
to the first earl of Corke;}:. Morryson mentions a 
massacre which was committed by the English at 
Mulloghmaston, on some hundreds of the most 
.peaceable of the Irish gentry, invited thither on 
,1^6 public faith, and under the protection of go- 
vernment § : He says, that no spectacle was more 
.firequent than multitudes of these victims of hu- 
< man cruelty lying unburied in the fields, exhibiting 
.In their ghastly visages the colour of the weeds on 
- which they fed, and children feeding on the dead 
bodies of their mothers ||. The account which 
.' Bpencer gives of the massacres committed on the 


• Hib. Dom. c. xxvii. s. 5, 6. n. x ; Curry's Hi«t. Revi c! U'l 
t Ibid. X Carte*6 Life of Ormond, vok i. p. 1^. 

• § Cuiry's Hist. Rev. c. iii. ' 

IConytoH, p» 974 ; Leland's Hist. vol. ii. p* 41 3, 

BB 3 


peoj^e of Mun&ter, presents the same pictuier-i- 
'^ Out of every cdraer of the woodes aad gknne^ 
** they came creeping forth upon their hands, for 
^^ legs could not bear them : they looked like ana* 
** tomies of death : they spake like ghostes crying 
^^ out of their graves ; they eat the dead carrionsi 
^* happy when they could find them; yea, and one 
^^ another soon after, insomuch that the veiy caiH 
'^ cases they spared not to scrape out of their 
" graves." 

Lord Clare, in the speech we have quoted, is 
silent on these cruelties, but expresses, ia a few 
Hues, his just opinion of the general injustice and 
impolicy of the system of government carried on 
by the mibiisters of queen Elizabeth in Ireland. 
*^ It seems difficult," says his lordship, *^ to ccm- 
*^ ceive any more unjust or impolitic act of govern- 
** ment, than an attempt to force new modes of 
reli^on, faith, and worship, by severe penalties, 
upon a rude, superstitious, and embittered people. 
•* Persecutions, or attempts to force conscience, 
** will never produce conversion : they are calcu- 
" lated only to make hjrpocrites or martyrs ; and 
" accordingly, the violence commenced by Eliza- 
** beth, to force the reformed religion into Ireland, 
** had no other effect than to foment a general dii- 
V satisfaction to the English government." 

Relying oti this general dissatisfaction, the 
Spanish army, under the command of general don 
Juan d'Aquila, landed at Kinsale, and expected to 
be joined by the whole mass of the catholic popu* 
lation beyond the pale : ^* but no Irish of any 



*^ account," says Mony son, ^^ joined him ;" and thus 
the Spaniards, ^^ w^p/^ as Leland writes*, '^ came 
V with a vain hope of meeting a whole kingdom 
^' at their devotion, found themselves confined 
^ within an inconsiderable town, unassisted by the 
*- natives, and besieged by the queen's forces t»" 
*i Relying, in like manner, on this general dis- 
wtisfaction, three popes, successively, issued buUsy 
fimiehting the insurrections of the catholics against 
Qizabeth. The bull of St. Pius the fifth, deposing 
queen Elizabeth, and absolving her subjects from 
allegiance to her, has been inserted in a former 
part of these Memoirs. It was communicated 
to .the, Irish by Dr. Saunders, who, in 1579, ^^ 
•ent by the pope, as his nuncio, into Ireland. The 
earl of Desmond was encouraged by a bull of pope 
Gregory the thirteenth, dated the 13th of May 
1580 ; — and the insurrection of Hugh O'Neil was 
encouraged by pope Clement the eighth, by a bull 
dated the 16th of April 1600:};. The bulls of 
Oaegory and Clement were addressed to the arch- 
bidit^, bishops, prelates, ' counts, barotas, tmd 
pedple. of Ireland ; and exhorted them to recpver 
tlieir liberties, to defend, and maintain them against 
the heretics, and second the efforts of their generals^ 
They bestow on the insurgents the same indul- 

 History of Ireland, vol. ii. p. 396. 

t Philip the second justified this invasion, as a retaliation, 
which Elizabeth had given to his rebellious subjects in the 
lovr countries. Hume, c. xli. 

I Both are inserted by the abb6 Mac Geoghegan, in his 
Histoire de Flrlande, vol. i. p. 437. 508. 

B B 4 


CMiTf!!^ m5i ibr bohr 9ee usaally bestows on tbotf 
vbc" m&kr w^r unmiiKa the Turks. 

— " Rh: mofxtorrrain itis," says Dr. Curry*, "dut, 
" tbr principal nobilitT and grentry of the kingdoDi 
** aa)3 all ihr cities and corporate towns, persisted 
va tbo>r alle^aDCc to bcr majesty, notwithstand- 
11^ the Ynatiy lomptiiur offers made them by Ac 
%ianiard^. in t>rdoT to withdraw them from it 
h 1$ a)7ai^ «;y>rtain, that more than one half of die 
faliani army under lv>rd Mountjoy, which so wo* 
cfssnUly attftcked, and at last entirely defeated 
TVrone, was Irish^ — and consequently catholic 
Loi^ Mounih>\\ as ^f orrvson mentions in his Wur 
^VT t, ac4no« ledpL"Ni, in several letters to Ae 
counoiK " the ^[ivai assistance, which the cath(dic§ 
*' bad civen bim f * and in one of them, expressif 
says, thau ** if they had not furnished hid army 
•• with beeTes, it would have been in great distress.** 
The earl of Desmond expiated his rebellion by 
bis life, and the forfeiture of his A'ast possessions 
in Munster. The pardon of the earl of Tyrone wa« 
extorted from queen Elizabeth, greatly against her 
will, by her ministers : and has been assigned as 
one cause, that brought on the profound melanchdy 
which embittered the last days of her life. 

• Historical Review of the Ciril Wart in Ireland, b. i. cxii. 
^ Page 115. 


LXXX. 5. 
State of the Irish Catholics under James ihejirsi. 

Immediately after the death of the earl of Des- 
lOnd, his property was surveyed and distributed, 
rincipally among the English adventurers; but a 
^nsiderable proportion of it was bestowed on the 
irl* of Onnond. — " The multitude," says sir John 
Navies*, — " admiring the power of the crown of 
England, being brayed, as it were, in a mortar, 
with sword, famine, and pestilence, altogether, 

submitted themselves to the king's government, 
^received the laws and magistrates, and most 
gladly embraced the king's pardon and peace, 
in all parts of the realm, with demonstration of 
joy and comfort." 

But, in this state of joy and comfort, the catholics 
rere not long permitted to remain. James the first, 
yon after his accession, " conceived," says Mr, 
ledie Forsterf, " the project of changing the p(h 
pulation of a great part of the island, and of in- 
troducing a new set of men, who, from religion 
and their race, and the continual necessity of self 
preservation, should be for ever attached to the 
' interests of England. The rebellion of Tyrone 
furnished an excuse for considering the province 

* ^ A Discourse of the true Causes why Ireland was never 
entirely subdued, nor brought under obedience to the crown 
of England, until the beginning of his Majesty's happy reign, 
ed. 1747." — An excellent work, 
t Speech on the gth of May 1817. 

IT Uijas^ fii nr-haesL it zm cnen; and J] 

ix m* j^ifT li «;* .HnoMfii Ldmtcngk *. Mr. Bake 

I cc Hk-tii — Ii" TjT^mt aad Tjvctmmd^ 
a "ajfc saypoaod rrariltf \, — vereaot 
gutftr. viij did Umcj st ! — i« bck 5c orervUaflf 

^at JBsxice vooid dc« laxe been dooe tlicHi ; or 
iIbx it woold be dooe tbem in die muioer, in wUck 
it TO dcoe to tike BjTDe&, in die case wludi wt 
dull afienruds b&Te ocxatsioB to mention. 

The confiscation c^ TTTOoe s ftopatj^ — (and 
die same mar be said of everr confiscation in the 
rei(ni of queen Elizabedi\ — was attended with this 
reoJUiriuLble circuiDstance. that the crown seized^ 
aic4 only the demesnes and scignorial right of the 
rMend*:Ty but dispossessed all his tenants and sob- 
UauuiU of their lands, and parcelled them out 
aiXion{^ fetrangers. Id the rebellion of Desmond, 
hi* fihiatea were found, on a loose survey, to con- 
tain ffiif^ffi Irish acres. Elizabeth seized the 
wholci and granted tliem to her favourites ; — and 
" special directions were given,'' says sir Richard 
Cox, '' tliat t)ie grantees should not suffer any la- 
*^ bourer, that would not take the oath of supre- 
^ macy;" — in others words, "any roman-cadiolic, 
to dwell upon their land.*" It has been happy 

• P^e 13. 


H ibr mankind, that instanceit of similar directions 
^- do iiot occur, firequendy, in history*" , 

.Through the remainder of the reign of James, 
this transference of property was systematicaUy 
CQllt^l^edi On.the pretence of its being necessary 
tor Ate improTement of the country, or the security 
((^government, he seized large territories in the 
piovince of Leinster, which lay on the sea coast 
between Dublin and Waterford, and some, which 
lay between the river Arklow and the river Slane^ 
in Weicford. On the same pretence^ he directed 
#ir Arthur Chichester, the lord deputy^ to survey 
the counties of Leitrim and Longford, and large 
|K)rti<His of land in the King and Queen's counties 
and Westmeath ; all possessed, at that time, by 
the anci^it Irish ; — and to inquire, by what titles 
j&#y. were held. — It was discovered, that they had 
been seized by different English adv^iturers, in 
the reign of Henry the second} had been regained - 
by the families of the ancient owners, in the wars 
btlw^en the houses of York and Lancaster; and 
h^t from that time, been quietly and unintenrupt- 
odfy.ienjbyed by ihem and their descendants. On 
ibis statement, the juries found that all the titles 
•Ichtliem Were defective^ and that the whole pro' 
petty belonged to the king. 
'\'A genen^ inquiry into<all defective tilleii wafr then 
instituted. It is a received maxim of all' nations 
governed by ktWj that possession constitutes right 
against all, who cannot establish a worthier claim. 
To this rule, the commissioners of the crown paid 
no attention. Wherever the. grant could not be 



[ffoduced, or, when it was proved, if no descent 
or conveyance recognizing it could be proved, the 
land was immediately adjudged to the crown. — 
As all grants between the first of Edward die 
second, and the tenth of Henry the seventh, had 
been resumed, every title under them, notwith- 
standing the subsequent uninterrupted possession, 
was declared defective. Industry and ingenuity 
were exerted, to the utmost, to discover defects in 
the title of the possessor. 

*^ Kvery person," says Mr. Carte*, " was at woik 

^^ on tiuding: out flaws in people's titles to their 

^ estites : " ** Nor were there wanting,** says Le- 

land t. ^' proofs of the most iniquitous practices of 

^^ KarvU'Uod cruelty* of vile perjury, and scandalous 

^^ suK>raation« to despoil the fair and unoffending 

** ^v^>^^riotv^r of the inheritance." — ^In the case rf 

tho Uvrnos, montioned by Mr. Carte :|;, " a brother, 

*• unwiUuxiT to srive evidence against his two bro- 

** tUors, wus miserably tortured, put naked on a 

** buruinjx gridiron ; then on a brandiron, and 

*• burnt with gunpowder under his buttocks and 

^* tluuks, luul at last suffered the strappado till he 

** wi\s forced to accuse them.'' 

At longth, Jumes threatened the whole province 
of Counuuvrlit. That province with the whole 
county of CK\re, had surrendered to queen Eliza- 
beth, ttud been newly granted out by her. The 
grantees having neglected to enrol the grants in the 

• Life of Ormond, toI. i. p. 37. 
t History of Ireland, b. iv. c. 8. 
t Life of Ormond, yoI. i. p. 27. 


nanner prescribed, James accepted surrenders of 
hem and issued new grants ; the grantees imme* 
liately lodged them in the court of chancery for 
swolment, and paid the fees. The officers received 
he money, but did not enrol the grants; the titles 
it the grantees were again found to be defective, 
odkI the king was proceeding to avail himself of 
he defect, when he was prevented by death. 

What intelligent reader, who peruses the ac* 
flints of these extensive and cruel confiscations, 
M not astonished at the inaccurate view of them, 
^faich Hume has inserted in his History, and at 
lie reflection with which he concludes it* : " Such 
* were the arts, by which James introduced hu- 
^ manity and justice among the Irish, who had 
^ ever been buried in the most profound barbarism. 
^ Noble cares ! much superior to the vain and cri* 
^ minal glory of conquest ; but requiring ages of 
^ perseverance and attention to perfect what had 
^ been so happily begun." Subsequent pages of 
diese Memoirs will show, that, fatally for Ireland, 
the English government did persevere during cen- 
tttries, in the system thus eulogized by Hume« '. '. 

LXXX. 6. 

* < - • - 

. 'State of the Irish Catholics in the reign of Charles ; 

the first. 

It must be observed, that the extensive spolia- 
tions of property, which have been mentioned, wete 
not the only grievance of which the Irish com-' 

• Chapter xlvi. 


plained. The statutes of supremacy and uniform 
waity had deprived almost all the ecclesiastics in 
the kmgdom of their benefices, and thus reduced 
diem to poverty : the statute of uniformity soh* 
jected>eyer7 Irishman to a fine of twelve pence fyt 
every Sunday on which he absented himself fifOD 
the protestant church. Ftur refiising the oath of so- 
premacy, numbers were fined and imprisoned; aai 
die penalty imposed for absencefromchurch, which 
even in these days of national wealth and prospe* 
rity, would be severely felt by the lower class of 
English, was often exacted with rigoiur. 

From the beginning of the reign of Charles Ae 
first, till 1626, the suflferings of the' Irish cadiolics 
seem to have been on the increase.: then, the 
urgency of his majesty's afiSodrs, on account of his 
double war with France and %)ain, and the onefiisal 
of the commons to grant him the necessary sap- 
plies for carrying them on, made him look to Ire- 
land. The catholics gave him the most unequivocal 
assurances of their loyalty and instant readiness 
to delvote their lives and fortunes to his service. 
All they claimed in return was a toleration of [their 
religion, an exemption from some unwarrantable 
exactions of the temporal and ecclesiastical courts, 
and to have their titles to their possessions quieted. 
These the monarch was willing to concede, but 
the protestant prelates of Ireland denounced the 
vengeance of God against the concession* The 
primate Usher, and eleven of the bishops, signed 
what they termed '' the judgment of divers of the 
^^ archbishops and bishops of Ireland, on the toler- 


** ation of religion :** they declared by it, that '' th$ 
^' religicNti of the papists was superstitious and 
'* idolatrous; their faith and doctrine erroneous 
<< and heretical ; their church, in respect to both, 
<^ apostatical ; that, to give them therefore a toler- 
ation, or to consent that they mightfreely exercise 
their religion, was a grievous sin." — ^With these 
sentiments, the prknate, at the head of a body of 
musketeers, entered the catholic chapel in Cork- 
ttreet, Dubliu, during the celebration of divine 
service, seized the prsest in his vestments, and 
hewed dowii the' crucifix^. 

After much discussion, a firee gift or contribu- 
tkm of 1 20,000 /. payable in three years, proposed 
by the government of Charles to the Irish, was 
assented to. — At this time, the proportion of catho- 
lics to protestants in Ireland, was, by the account 
of sir William Petty, as eleven to two ; the greatest 
part of the sum was therefore paid by the catholics. 
Jwt consideration of it, tiie king gave the Irish his 
tdleinn pronuse, that, in the next session of parUa- 
ment, tiie grievances complained of should be re* 
diessed; and particularly, tiiat tiie inquiry into 
d^feetive tides should be extinguished. An explicit 
inMrneticm, to this eiSect, was sent by him to lord 
d^qwty Falkland, to be communicated by him to the 
Ir&dL-^The boon, thus promised by his majesty, 
wak styled, **^The Graces/* The money was paid ; 
but iSott GMoes nevelr *came. Lord deputy Went- 
trorth^ afterwards earl of Strafford, advised his 
'majesty not to grant them, and undertookto chaig^e 
• ^ flow. Hilt. -'Rev. YoLL 0.4. 


himself With the obloquy which, he foresaw, this 
flag^rant breach of promise would occasion. Va 
this, his majesty, by a letter, printed in the Str^'^ 
ford Papers^y affectionately thanked the eaiL 
The members of the Irish house of commons re- 
monstrated : their remonstrance was unnoticed; 
it was renewed ; lord Strafford then explicitly told 
them, it should not be attended to : — and, at hit 
powerful suggestion, the council board represented 
to his majesty, that ^^ he was not bound, either ia 
' conscience, justice, or honour, to perform die 
^ solemn promise he had made to the people.* 
' This point," says Strafford, ^' I gained from the 
' council with some art and difficulty, and flatter 
' myself thereon to have done his majesty good 
' service.*" — He continued the contribution. 

Immediately after this, he established a court di 
inquisition into the titles of all the lands in Con- 
naught. — At first, he despaired of success : in cme 
of his letters t) he mentions that ^' he had often 
^^ laboured to find a title in the crown to these 
'^ counties, but that he was always foiled in the 
^' attempt.'' The court was accompanied, to use his 
lordship's own words, by a troop of five hundred 
horse, '^ as good lookers on." Great care was used 
in selecting the jurors ; every artifice of promise and 
intimidation was put into practice. A Galway juiy 
having refused to bring in a verdict for the king, 
his lordship fined the sheriff, that returned them, ia 
a thousand pounds, and bound over the jury to answer 
for the offence in the castle chamber, " where," he 

• Vol. i. p. 331. f State Paperi, vol, i. p. 339. 



said, '^ he conceived it fit, that their pertinacious 
carriage should be followed with all just seve- 
rity." The consequence was, that the titles to all 
the lands in Connaught, and to large territories in 
Munster and Clare, were found defective, and 
seized by the crown. How they were disposed of, 
a {utare extract from the earl of Clare's speech, 
already cited, will show. 

LXXX. 7. 
The Massacre iniS^i. 

Dr. Warner's "History of the Irish Rebel- 
** lion,"and Dr. Curry's " Historical Review,"should 
be attentively perused and meditated by every per- 
son, who seeks to obtain accurate information on 
this lamentable event. Dr. Warner shows that 
little credit is due to his predecessors, lord Claren- 
dicm, sir John Temple, Dr. Borlase, sir Richard 
CoK, Carte, and Hume. Speaking of the infide- 
lity, shown by the last of these writers, in his re- 
presentation of the conduct of Charles the first, to 
his Irish subjects, he says*, — " To such miserable 
5** shifts are able men reduced, when they wish to 
^* please a party, or to support a character, with- 
f^ out regard to truth ! It is but very little, that 
f' Hume has said on this critical part of Charles 
^ the first's reign; but, unless he said much more 
^ toi the purpose, than he hath said, he had better 
•* have taken the way, which lord Clarendon took, 
^ and have said nothing at all." 

* Hbt. of Irish Rebellion, p. 359. 


After eveiy aUowance, which the cudoor of 
Dr. Warner induces him to make, in txvom of 
die catholics^ the charges brought by him against 
tfaem^ are hea^y. From some of these. Dr. Cnny, 
in the work we have mentioned, has both ably 
and successfully yindicated them. To enter into 
any detail on the subject, is foreign to the ofcyed 
of these pages : but the writer begs leave to reqaest 
the attention of his readers to the following obstf- 

1. The first, — to use the words of Mr. William 
Pamell, in his excellent Apology, "which we have 
already cited, — is — that, " if it is certain that the 
^^ catholics became bigots and rebels^ it is no less 
^^ certain that their bigotry and rebellions arose en- 
^' tirely from the injuries and insults inflicted on 
" them." 

2. The second observation, is, — that, during se- 
veral months, immediately preceding the insurrec- 
tion, the general body of the Irish catholics, and 
in particular the Irish of Ulster, were filled with 
dismay and horror, by their apprehension, that.the 
puritan faction in England, and the Scottish cove- 
nanters had resolved on their extermination. That 
there were some grounds for this apprehension, all 
must believe, who have read the first volume of 
Carte's Life of Ormond, from its. 233d to its 339th 
page ; —or the fourth and fifth books of Dr. Cuny's 
Historical Review. — Hume, himself, in his letter to 
Dr. Curry, inserted by that gentleman in; the wcwrk, 
which we have just mentioned*, adihits, that " the 

* b. V. p. 181. . 


V violence of the puritanical parliament^ had struck 
** B,just terror into all the catholics." Admitting, 
therefore, every thing with which, in the next lin^s 
of this letter, Hume charges the Irish insurgents, 
something of it may surely be palliated, by the 
state of just terror, to which he admits their alarms 
had raised them* It is acknowledged by Carte, that 
the lord deputy, sir William Parsons, hiad asserted^ 
at a public entertainment in Dublin^ that, *^ within a 
^^ twelvemonth, no catholic should be seen in Ire- 
** land/' He had sense enough,'' says Carte, " to 
^ know the consequences, which wo^Id naturally 
** foUow from such a declaration ; which, however 

it might contribute to his own selfish views, he 
would hardly have ventured to make so openly, 
and without disguise, if it had not been for the 
politics and measures of the English faction, 
whose party he espoused, and whose directions 

V were the general rule of his conduct" 

3. The third observation, with which we shall 
frouble our readers, respects the number of the 
masBacred. In their calculations of them, the histo- 
sians of the massacre surprisingly differ. Sir John 
Temple fixes the number of protestants, who were 
massacred in cold blood, in the two first months of 
this rebellion, at 15^0,000 : — lord Clarendon asserts, 
that, in the first two or three days of it, 40,000 or 
50,000 were destroyed : sir William Petty says, that 
upwards of 40,000, were killed out of war. 

Although it be impossible," says Dr. Warner, 

1 ^venfrom the authentic evidence of the murders, 

tOvCOine to any certainty, or exactness as to th^ir 

c c 2 



^^ numbers, ^m the uncertainty itself of some of 
" the accotont^ that were given in, — it is easy enough, 
" from them, to demonstrate the falsehood of every 
'^ protestant historian. 

'* Upon the whole," he assures us, — that, "set- 
^' ting aside all opinions and calculations in this 
'^ affair, the evidence in his possession stands thus: 

" The number of people killed, upon positive 
** evidence collected in two years after the insur- 
" rection broke out, amounts only to 2,109;— on 
" the report of other protestants, to 1,619 more; — 
" and, on the report of some of the rebels them- 
" selves, a further number of 300 ; the whole, 
*' both by positive evidence, and by report^ making 
" 4,028. 

" Besides these numbers," continues Dr. Warner, 
*' there is evidence in the same collection, on the 
" report of others, of 8,000 killed by ill usage ; and 
" if we should allow the cruelties of the Irish out of 
" war, extended to these numbers, — (which, con- 
" sidering the nature of the several depositions, I 
" think, on my conscience, we cannot), — ^we must 
f* allow, there is no pretence for laying a greater 
" number to their charge * ." 

* This estimate is confirmed, by the following judiciotu 
and unanswerable observations of lord Castlemain in his 
*' Replj to the Answer of the Catholic Apology," p. 54. — 
Afber showing that the whole Irish population could not, at 
the time of which we are speaking, exceed two miilionB of 
persons, he proceeds as follows : '* If we take away tvx> or 
*' three thousand men, in whose hands the government is, Ql 
** mean the chief offices of trust and profit,) and four or five 
'< thousand clergymen, with a fit allowanoe for tiirif whres, 




" This account," adds the doctor, ** is corroborated 
by a letter, which I copied out of the council book 

there will hardly be found one in ten a protestant; which 
** then makes the number of protestants not to be yet above 
** txoo hundre^thousand in all ; and out of these, at least a quarter 
'^ being deducted for the Scotch colonies, the English of the 
'' reformed faith will scarce now amount to a hundred and 
** fifty thousand; whereas formerly, before the banishments^ 
** transplantation, and infinite slaughters of the Insh, the 
** popish party was exceedingly more numerous than this 
** proportion, and the other religious less ; for, during the 
** last thirty years, (by reason of the wonderful prey,) there 
<< came more planters out of England hither, than God 
** knows in how many ages before : so that upon the whole I 
" dare . affirm, that there could not be in Ireland one hundred 
** and twenty thousand English protestants, when the rebellion 
** broke out. 

** In the last place, let us consider, (as the aforesaid author 
** also has it,) that the most bloody executions were made m. 
** Ulster \.h quarter (as erery body knows,) where the Old 

. ^ Irish had not only their chiefest power and strength, but 
*< where the Scotch also were, for the most part, all seated ; 
"so that our countrymen had there comparatively few 
** plantations : but had they been as thick here as in other 
** f^ces (and herein there was no proportion) their number 
^ .could not then have exceeded twenty four thousand inhabitants, 
<< there being five provinces in this kingdom. Yet in all the 
^ printed narrations, we find that many were protected from the 
** present fury of the rebels in LondonyDerry, Coleraine,and Ennis^ 

. ^ kUHngfifoT these were in the hands of the English, as Sanderson 
^ tells, us) that droves came daily toDubUn partly by flighty and 
*^ partly by permission, and that many more got safe to other places 

« ** ^ttfuge. In short then, after well reflecting on the premises, 

. M who can imagine that three thousand English protestants were 
*' here destroyed, which is a pretty difference, firom three 

..M huadredthoutandfihe usual computation^ as I said; for as to 

c c 3 






«t DdUm, written on ^ 51k of Mbj 1652, tea 
years after the begimung of Ihe irbdlioB, Crm 
the parliament commissiooers in Irdandy to die 
English parliament. AftiO' exciting the pmfii- 
ment to fnrdier n e t^itv aeainst the fai^ — as 
being afraid that their beharioar, towards Aat 

^ people, might never sufficiendr armge dieir 
nrarders and massanes ; and, lest the pailiaBenI 
might shordy be in parsnance of a speedy setde- 

'' ment of die kingdom, and thereby some tender 
conclusions be adopted, — the commissioners tdl 
them, that, besides S49families, dioe were killed, 

*^ hanged, and burned, 6.062." 

4. We should also mention, — that die wlu^ body 
of the catholic nobility and gentry did, by dieir 
agents at Oxford, in 1 643, petition the kii^, that ^ aU 
'' murders committed on both sides, in that way, 
^^ might be examined in a future parliament, and the 

actors of them exempted out of all the acts of 
indemnity and oblivion : but that the protestant 

^' agents, then also attending the king at Oxford, 

" refused to assent to the proposal*." 

5. Finally, — we beg leave to state, ina few words, 
what is said by the apologists of the Irish catholics, 
to palliate this lamentable event. — They first ob- 
serve, that, during the successive reigns of Elizabeth^ 
James the first, and Cbaries the first, the spiritual and 

'< the slaughter done elsewhere, it was not companUe to what 
" happened in this proyince, as all writers unanimooily 
*' agree." 
* Walsh's History of the Irigli Hemonstrance, App, p. 54; 



temporal grievances of the Irish catholics were very 
gr^at, were always on the increase, and were of a 
nature to agitate the human feelings in the highest 
degree, and to stimulate them to the greatest exr 
cesses. — They next assert, from unquestionable evi- 
dence, that th6 insurrection on the 23d of October 
1641 j was confined to the province of Ulster ; that, 
though this day is assigned for the commencement 
of the general massacre, the insurrection was con- 
fined, during the two following months, to that 
province ; that, during the whole of those months, 
few murders, if any, were committed; that sir 
William Parsons and sir John Borlase, the lords 
justices, to whom the government of the kingdom 
was, at this time, committed, instead of endeavour 
ing to repress, artfully strove to gpad the whole 
catholic body into rebellion ; that, after the insur- 
rection had spread, i fanatic: and enthusiastic sol- 
diery, on one hand, and a savage and exasperated 
rabble on the other, promiscuously plundered and 
Boiirdered English' 'protestants and Irish catholics ; 
diat the number of the^ catholic victims of the^ 
baibarities far exceeded that of th^ protestaxit; that 
tke massacre began with a murder committed by 
Scottish puritans, of a multitude of unofiending 
irkh catholics in the island of Maggee ; and that, 
flusDughout the whole of the massacre, there were 
fiound in every part of Ireland, both catholic priests 
and catholic laymen, who exerted themselves, fre- 
quendy at the risk of their lives, to save the prb- 
testants from die destruction with which they were 

c c 4 


Such is the catholic representation : — Those, who 
wish for full information on the subject, should at- 
tentively peruse the protestant historians, Leland 
and Warner ; and the catholic apologist Dr. Cuny, 
whose Historical and Critical Review we have fre- 
quently cited, and the Trial of the Roman-catholics, 
by Henry Brooke, esq. 1767, 8vo. — a work, which 
we have frequently consulted. A serious and inw 
partial comparison of these works, will, we thinks 
convince every candid mind, that, in the charges, 
to which the conduct of the catholics on this la^ 
mentable event may be thought to have justly ex- 
posed them, there has been some invention, and 
great exaggeration. — At all events, the sins even 
of the vilest actors in them, should not be visited 
on their tenth generation. 

LXXX. 8. 

The Confederacy of the Irish Catholics in 1642. 

We must now reverse the medal, — and consider 
the conduct of the lords justices, towards the ca- 
tholics, at this dreadful time. " The arbitrary 

* power," says Dr. Warner, " exercised by them; 
^ — their illegal exertion of it, by bringing people 
^ to the rack, to draw confessions from them ; — their 

* sending out so many parties from Dublin and 

* other garrisons, to kill and destroy the rebels, in 
' which, care was seldom taken to distinguish, — 
' and men, women and children were promiscu- 
' ously slain ;— but above all, the martial law exe- 

* cuted by sir Charles Coote ; — and the burning 


'* of the pale for seventeen miles in length, and 




twenty-five in breadth, by the earl of Ormond;— • 
** these measures not only exasperated the rebels 
and induced them to commit the like or greater 
cruelties; but they terrified the nobility and 
gentry firom all thoughts of submission, and con- 
vinced them, that there was no room to hope for 
pardon, nor any means of safety left them, but the 
** sword." Leland *, observes, that ^* the favourite 
** object, both of the Irish government and English 
** parliament, was the utter extermination of all the 
** catholic inhabitants of Ireland. Their estates were 
" already marked out, and allotted to the conquerors, 
" so that they and their posterity were consigned to 
^* inevitable ruin." It is not to be wondered that a 
great body of nobility, gentry, and proprietors, thus 
circumstanced, should unite, for self-preservation, 
in a regular system of defence. 

They accordingly confederated : — In the month 
of May 1642, the leaders of them assembled at 
Kilkenny, and formed a general council, for the 
conduct of their measures, on a plan of a parlia^ 
ment of two houses : — the upper, composed of the 
prelates and temporal peers ; the lower, of two 
delegates sent by the counties and cities. They 
accepted, for the rule of government, the common 
law of England, and the statutes of Ireland, so far 
as they were not repugnant to catholic faith, and 
to the liberties of the Irish nation. The oath of 
association was, — " I swear, before Almighty God, 
^' his angels and saints, that I will defend the 
-' liberty of the catholic^ apostolic and Roman faith, 

• Vol.iii. p. 166. 




^ asd die penoB^ heiiSy and rigkls of our. most 
flerene king* Charles, — as also the legal lights 
and priTQeges of this natioiu — ^agamst all Qsaqn 
ecs and inTaders, at the hazard of mr fcttnae 
^ and of my life. So help me God V 

The first measure of the supreme oooocil was to 
eoDSolt the dergy on the lawfulness of die oonfe- 
deracy and of the war. The answer of die cdefgji 
— given on the 12th of May, — ^was exfMessed in 
die following terms : '^ As the war> which the Irish 
^ cadiolics begin against the sectaries, particularly 
** the puritans, is midertaken for the defimee of the 
'^ catholic religion ; — for the conservaticNi of onf 
*^ sovereign lord king Charles, and his just pren>- 
gatives ; — for the defience of our serene ^teen,* 
and the security of dieir rojral progmy, mostiBH 
w(Nrthily treated by the puritans ; and also for 
the defence of our lives and fcurtunes, and the 
just and legitimate immunities and liberties of 
'' this our nation, against unjust invaders and op- 
" pressors, particularly the puritans : — We are of 
^' opinion, and do declare, that it is, on the side of 
^^ the catholics, just and legitimate. — But if, in 
'^ carrying it on, any proceed, with an unjust, 
'^ avaricious, hating, revengeful, or other such si- 
" nister intention, or any wicked design or end, we 
^^ think such persons sin mortally, and should be 
" chastised, coerced, and punished by ecclesias- 
" tical censures*." 

' * Translated from an authentic and elegant work, — 
^^Vindiciae Catholiconim Hibemiie, authore PhOopatre 
V Ikmo, ad Atitophflmn, libri duo ; Parisiis, 1650 ;** at- 
trOmled to Mr. Richard Bellings. 





The supreme council proceeded to appoint sir 

elim O'Neil to the command of the catholic 

ces in Ulster, colonel Preston, a brother of lord 

•nnanstown, to the command of the catholic 

ces in Leinster ; colonel Garret Barry, of the 

rrymore family, to the command of the catholic 

ces in Munster; and colonel de Burgh, of the 

mrickard family, to the command of the catholic 

ces in Connaught. The next measure of the 

>reme council, was to obtain, from his majesty, 

[cessation of arms.«~Charles was anxious for it, 

d signed a. commission, on the 14th January 

4^1 directed to the earl, afterwards marquis of 

mond, and:afbBrwards lord lieutenant of Ireland, 

and to <ither persons of distinction, — autho- 

mg them to treat with ttie confederates : — This 

mond declined. His majesty repeatedly and 

ssingly urged it, by letters and messages ;— 

lond still delayed. At length, on the 15th of 

tember 1643, a cessation of arms was agreed 

I by him and the confederates ; and, notwidi- 

ling their distress, the catholics advanced 

>o/. sterling to Ormond, to be applied for 

ajesty's service ; and sent two diousand men 

ht under Montrose in Scotland. 

LXXX. 9. 

etference of the Pope^s Nuncio in the Proceedingi' 
of the CofifedereUes, 

L£ the council of Kilkenny held their first 
an event happened, which from die first. 


counteracted, and in the end, defeated all their 

In 1644, pope Urban sent father Scarampa, an 
oratorian, to communicate with the supreme coon- 
cil. He remained in Ireland till November 1645, 
when John Baptist Rinuccini, archbishop of Fenno, 
arrived at Kilkenny, in the character of apostoUc 
nuncio extraordinary, from the pope to the councQ. 
On the 12th of that month, he presented himself, 
with his credentials, to the supreme council, and 
shortly exposed to them the object of his mission. — 
He then said : " There will not, in all probability, 
^^ be wanting those, who will assert, that I have been 
*^ sent, by the most holy father, and universal pastor 
" of the church, Innocent the tenth, to excite the 
'^ catholic inhabitants of this kingdom against the 
^^ most serene king of Great Britain and Ireland. 
*' How far this is from the truth, God, the searcher 
" of hearts, is not ignorant ! I therefore protest 
" and most solemnly swear, that I will plan nothing 
" against the interests of the most serene king 
" Charles. Moreover, — to all catholics, as well 
" present as absent, I signify, that nothing more 
" agreeable to the supreme pontiff, can take place, 
" than that the confederates in Ireland, having 
" recovered the free exercise of their religion, 
" should observe due subjection, service, and re- 
" verence to his serene majesty, though not a 
" catholic." 

The cessation of arms concluded between Or- 
mond and the supreme council, was received with 
general joy by the confederate nobility, and the 


greatest and best part of the clergy : but the nuncioi 
and general Owen 0'Neil,~^who afterwards drew 
over general Preston to his views, — rejected it : 
the former, because there was no provision made 
for the free exercise of the catholic religion, with- 
out which, the confederates, in the nuncio's view 
of the case, were engaged, by their oath of asso- 
ciation, never to conclude a peace ; and the latter^ 
on the same account, and also because no stipu- 
lation was made for restoring him and his nume- 
rous followers to their forfeited lands in Ulster. 
The nuncio further alleged, that the commissioners 
who had concluded the peace, had not, as they 
were bound by their instructions, insisted on the 
repeal of the penal statutes against the roman- 
catholic religion. 

The confederates, however, adhered to the ces- 
sation : and, with the leave of Ormond, sent over 
seven persons of rank to his majesty, to treat with 
him for a permanent peace. They reached his 
BMijesty, on the 23d of March 1645; the king 
agreed to all the terms proposed by them, except 
those, by which they claimed the free exercise of 
their religion, and the quiet enjoyment of the ec- 
clesiastical property then actually possessed by 
them. The concession of these, would, his ma- 
jesty observed, irritate all the protestants in the 
three kingdoms against him. — He therefore or- 
dered the commissioners to return to the council, 
and treat with Ormond, on this point. 

. Soon afterwards, the earl of Glamorgan, a 
roman-catholic, and connected, by his marriage, 


with the house of O'Brien, attended at Kilkenny; 
accredited, as he said, by his majesty, to treat wMi 
the supreme council. On the 25th of Augnsl 

1645, articles of peace were signed by the earivid 
the supreme council, containing an express stipn* 
lation, that the catholics should enjoy the free ex* 
ercise of their religion, and retain all the churches, 
then in their possession, and the property bekmg* 
ing to them. 

It was intended that this treaty shoidd be kept a 
secret, till a more favourable combination of cir- 
cumstances should remove the objection to its pub- 
lication ; but accident brought it to light; and the 
monarch then shamefully disavowed the powers, 
under which Glamorgan had professed to acL — 
A new treaty was therefore entered into wiA 
Ormond; it was signed on the 28th of March 

1 646, but appears not to have been delivered till 
the 29th of the following July*. It contained no 
stipulation for the free exercise of the catliolic re- 
ligion, or the enjoyment of ecclesiastical property: 
these were to be the subject of a future arrange- 
ment, and to be allowed in the mean time by con- 
nivance. The pope himself felt the necessity, 
which induced the supreme council to submit to 
such terms. Discoursing with Mr. Richard Bel'- 
lings, on what had passed between his majes^, and 
the deputies to him from the council, his holiness 
observed, that it was not to be wondered, that his 
majesty should think it unsafe to consent to the 
insertion of the contested article, as this wotdd 

• Cartels Life of Ormond, vol. i. pi 574. 


alienate from him so many of his adherents, — ^' and 
" therefore," said his holiness, " a connivance, in 
^\ this respect, should, in the actual state of things, 
" satisfy you," 

But the treaty now concluded was too late to 
be of use to &e unfortunate monarch. ^^ The news 
** of the conclusion of the peace," says Carte *y 
^^ did not reach England soon enough to deter the 
^^ execrable authors of the murder of the king from 
"- perpetrating a villainy, which, how long soever 
^^. th^ had intended it, they durst not attempt to 
'^. execute, till they thought themselves secure of 
^^ impunity, by being absolute masters of Great 
^^ Britain without any considerable force in any 
^^ part of diese kingdoms to oppose their measures, 
" or take vengeance of their crimes." 
. '^ It is no small, or unequivocal proof," says 
Mr. Plowdenf, " of the eminent loyalty and fidelity 
^^. of the Irish catholics, that, at Charles's unfortu-^ 
♦* natg execution, they formed the only compact 
^' body throughout the extent of die British empire,. 
'^iWbo had preserved, untainted and unshaken, 
^* liieir fedth and attachment to the royal cause." . 

On this occasion, sir Richard Cox, one of the 
historians of the rebellion, expresses a wish indi**' 
cadng no common hatred to the Irish cadiolics^: — 
" How gladly would I draw," says, this writer, " ai 
M enrtain over the dismal and unhappy 30th of 
" January, wherein &e royal fiiAer of our country 
'^ suffisrod martyrdom. Oh ! that I could say they 

'  Ciute's Life of Ormoiid, vol. ii. p. 52. 
f Id his very valuable Historical Memoirs, vol. i. p. -^19^1 


^^ were Irishmen, that did that abominable hct\ 
^* Or that I could justly lay it at the doors of the 
" papists ! But, how much soever they might 
" obliquely or designedly contribute to it, 'tis 
" certain it was actually done by others.^ 
' We have seen what the impressions of the nuncio 
and his adherents were, on any peace that should be 
concluded with Ormond, on the terms we have men- 
tioned. — With those feelings, and giving full sc(^ 
to them, he proceeded to measures equally un« 
justifiable and inexpedient. Having called together, 
at Waterford, such of the Irish bishops and other 
ecclesiastics, as were most under his influence, on 
pretence of forming a synod to settle ecclesiastical 
matters, they took the peace into their considera- 
tion ; and, by a public instrument, signed by them, 
on the 12th of August 1646, declared their dissent 
from the peace. The nuncio then proceeded to 
Kilkenny, accompanied by general Preston and 
general O'Neil. There, on the 26th of the follow- 
ing September, the nuncio assumed the entire go- 
vernment of the kingdom ; imprisoned the greater 
number of the members of the supreme council; 
appointed, in its stead, a council, consisting of four 
bishops and eight laymen, and commanded all 
generals to obey their orders. The presidency of 
the council he assumed to himself. 

On the 5th of the following October, he issued 

a sentence of excommunication, to take eflfect, ipso 

factOy against all who had been instrumental in 

making the peace, and all who should afterwards 

adhere to it, or promote it. 



" At this time, there were twenty-seven Irish ca- 
tholic bishops ; nineteen obeyed the nuncio ; eight 
adhered to the nobility and gentry. 

By this step, (as Dr. Curry justly observes), the 
nuncio and his party contributed more, in one week, 
towards the defeat of the confederates, than the 
marquis of Ormond, with all his forces, had been 
able to effect, during the whole preceding period 
of the war. " I loved the nuncio," says Ljnach, 
(archdeacon of Tuam, the learned author of the 
* Cambrensis Eversus,*) " and revere his memory; 
•^' but it is most certain, that the first cause of our 
woe, and the beginning of our ruin, were produced 
by his censures. — The day on which they were 
" fulminated, should not be in benediction. To 
*^ the Irish, it was most disastrous, and should 
*^ therefore be noted with black, ranked among the 
" inauspicious days, and devoted to the furies*.'* 

This wayward incident divided the confederates 
into two parties : and these soon became more ex- 
asperated against each other, than they were 
against the common enemy. But, notwithstanding 
this defection, '^ all the confederate nobility and 
*^ gentry," says Carte t> " except a very few of the 
*^ latter, and all the old bishops and regulars, 
" whose missionary powers were not subordinate 
'^ to the nuncio's authority, still adhered to the 
^^: peace, in defiance of the censures denouncec) 
>< against them. 

* Alithinologia, torn, i. 
t.Lifeof Ormond, toI. i. p. 170. 



In the latter end of October 1646, the nuncio and 
the two generals, Preston and O'Neil, advanced to 
Dublin ; and, on the 2d of the following monthv 
sent proposals of accommodation to the marquis of 
Ormond. " These,** says Dr. Curry*, " were, in 
** effect, the same demands, as they had all along 
"made, and the king was willing to grant theih| 
" but which his excellency had still obstinatdy 
" refused.** His excellency and the council, con- 
tinues the same writer, being doubtful, how die 
catholics of Dublin would behave, in case the ci^ 
was assaulted by so great an army, fighting undei^ 
a tide of so specious a cause, and under the autho- 
rity of so extraordinary a minister of the holy s^, 
put two questions to such of the catholic dei^ as 
resided in that city ; — the 1 st. Whether, if the 
huncio should proceed to excommunicate tli06e, 
who adhered to the peace, then lately made, the 
excommunication would be void ? The 2d. Whe- 
ther, if the city should be besieged, by the direc- 
tion of the nuncio, the catholics might lawfully 
resist the siege or assault? The clergy answered 
unanimously, — that the excommunication woaU 
be void ; and the resistance lawful. His excellency 
afterwards entered into a treaty with general Preaf- 
ton, and the terms of it appear to have been setded ; 
but mutual distrust seems to have prevented* its 
execution on either side. On this, the marquis 
treated with the covenanters. The terms wcrfe 
easily settled ; and the marquis soon afterwards 

* Historical Review, book viu c. »• xli* 


gave up, to their commissioners, all the forces under 
his command, the sword of state, and all the other 
insignia of government For this, he received 
from them, a large sum of money, and permission 
to h(dd his estates discharged from the debts upon 
them. Soon after this event, general Preston was 
totally defeated at Dungan^s hill near Trim, by 
Jones the parliamentary governor of Dublin ; and 
the confederate army in Ulster wa£[ destroyed in 

. About the end of July 1647, the marquis of 
Qnnond, by order of the parliament, quitted Ire- 
land. In January 1648, the earl of Inchiquin, 
who, till this time, had been an active partizan of 
the parliament, being dissatisfied with its proceed* 
'mgBy began to treat with the confederates. The 
nuncio exposed the treaty ; but it proceeded, and 
Oft the ^tih of May 1 648, an agreement for a ces- 
sation of arms, and mutual assistance, was signed. 
Thenuncio then issued an excommunication against 
afi| who adhered to or favoured this cessation ; andi 
interdicting all cities, towns, and places which had 
i^apeived it, forbade all divine offices to be per*: 
formed in them. On the 31st of the same mouthy 
tbe supreme council appealed, in form, against his 
o<»isures, and were joined by two catholic arch- 
Imhops, twelve bishops, and all the secular clergy 
i^ tibeir dioceses, by all the Jesuits and GarmeUt^, 
and five hundred of the Franciscans ^. ) , 

"Ffom ihe time of his quitting Ireland, till Sep- 
teiid>er' 1648, the marquis of Ormond remained in 

*:'- ■' ^ OartsV Life of Omumd, vol. ii. p. 34. •< ' 

D D 2 


France. On the 21st of that month, he sailed ton 
Ireland, from Havre; and on the 29th, reached 
Cork. He was received with great demonstrations 
of joy. Soon after his landing, he signified to the 
supreme council of the confederates, then sitting 
at Kilkenny, that he was arrived, with full powers 
to treat and conclude a peace with the confederate 
catholics, pursuant to the paper, delivered to their 
agent at St. Germain's, and which granted them 
their own terms. On the receipt of the message, 
the supreme council invited the marquis to Itil- 
kenny : he made his entry into it, with great sploi- 
dour. On the 1 6th of January 1 649, a peace be- 
tween his majesty and the confederates was pro- 
claimed with great solemnity, and the English and 
Irish forces were placed under the command of the 
marquis. By the terms of the peace, it was stipu- 
lated, that all the laws, which prevented the free 
exercise of the catholic religion in Ireland, should 
be repealed ; and that the catholics should not be 
disturbed in the possession of their churches and 
church livings, till his majesty, upon a full consi. 
deration of the decree respecting them in parlia- 
ment, should declare his further pleasure. 

On the following day, the assembly drew up 
several articles to be transmitted to the pope, con- 
taining heavy accusations against the nuncio. 
They intimated to his excellency, at the same time, 
the necessity of his immediately repairing to Rome, 
to answer the articles. On the 23d of February 
following, the nuncio left Ireland, ^^ to the great 
" joy/' says Dr. Curry, " of the principal nobility 


<< and gentry, and the most respectable ecclesiastics 
" in Ireland." 

It should be observed, that his proceedings were 
contrary to the instructions which he had received 
from the court of Rome. By these, he had been 
directed, in case a peace were made, to do nothing 
indicating that he either approved or disliked it. 
Dr. Curry produces reasons, which render it highly 
probable, that the peace, made by the confederates 
with the marquis of Ormond, was not displeasing to 
tbe pope. Carte mentions *, that, soon after his in* 
fraction of the peace, the nuncio received a repri- 
mand from Rome, for having acted, in this respect, 
contrary to his instructions. On his return to that 
city, he was received coldly by the pope. His 
holiness told him, that he had '^ carried himself 
^ rashly in Ireland," and exiled him to his diocese. 
The disastrous result of his nunciature, and the 
reception which he met with at Rome, affected him 
so much, that in a short time afterwards he died of 
grief. In 1655, pope Alexander the seventh, em- 
powered four of the prelates of Ireland to grant 
a general absolution from the censures of the 

At first, the greatest harmony and zeal for the 
service prevailed among the officers and soldiers of 
the confederate army, now placed under Ormond, 
and they became masters of Sligo, Drogheda, 
Waterford, Trim, and Newry, and most of the 
strong holds and towns in Ireland, except London- 
derry and Dublin. Ormond was advancing to 

• Vol. i. p. 570. 
D D 3 


Dablin ; but, at RathmioeSy a place about tiiree 
miles distant from it, bis whole anny was sniprised 
and routed, on the 2d of August 1 649, by Micbael 
Jones, the goyemor of Dublin for the parliament 
 A new scene now opened : — On the invitation of 
the Scottish covenanters, Charles the second left 
Breda; and, on the 25d of June 1650, arrived in 
Scotland. Before he landed, he was compelled (0 
sign both the national and thesolemn eovenant Twy> 
months after his landing, he issued a dedaratioi^ 
that ^' he would have no enemies, but the enemies 
^^ of the covenant ; --that he did detest and Miot 
** aU popery, superstition, and idolatry, together 
*^ with prelacy ; resolving not to tolerate, much 
*^ less to allow those,, in any part of his dominions, 
*^ and to endeavour the extirpation diereof to the 
** utmost of his power." He pronounced the peace 
with the confederates " to be null and void ;" and 
added, that, " he was convinced in his conscience 
" of the sinfulness and unlawfulness of it." 

The afflicting intelligence of this conduct of his 
majesty soon reached the confederates. They sus- 
pected, not without ground, that the marquis of 
Ormond had advised it. Under these impressions, 
several catholic bishops, in the following August, 
assembled at Jamestown. They published a de- 
claration against the lord lieutenant, charging him 
with improvidence and Hi-conduct, with gross par- 
tiality to the protestants, hostility to the catholics, 
cruelty to the clergy, and wicked councils ta the 
king. — They proceeded to excommunicate all suck 
catholics, ^' as should enlist under, help, or adhere 



^Mo his j^cellency ; or assist him with men, 
"money, or any other supplies whatsoever/* 
But they delayed the promulgation of the sentence 
iSm the meeting of a general assembly then con- 
vened to sit at Loughrea. They also appointed 
SIX of their body, as a board, to reside in that city, 
in order, as they declared, to provide for the safety 
of the nation, the preservation of the catholic reli- 
gion, and the maintenance of the royal authority. 
To this, in all their vicissitudes of fortune, every 
Icish catholic professed the warmest attachment 
On the fifteenth of the following September, they 
published their excommunication, in the usual form. 
But all the sober professors of the catholic reli- 
gion," says lord Clarendon, in his History of the 
^' Rebellion, abhorred their proceedings, and most 
'^ of the commissioners of trust, or the principal 
*^ nobility, and most considerable gentry, remained 
^' firm in their particular affection and duty to the 
^* king ; and in their submission to the authority of 
'* his lieutenant, notwithstanding this excommimi- 
*^ cation." 

- Soon after this event, the northern army gene- 
rally went over to the parliament, and in December 
1650, the marquis of Ormond quitted Ireland, 
hivmg appointed the earl of Clanrickard his deputy. 

,.,Then, — the Irish catholics, — fijiding themselves 
reduced to irremediable distress, with the dismal 
pHBOspect of its daily increase, and its ending in their 
totil destruction, shpwed, for the first and only time, 
aome willingness to treat with the parliamentarians. 
*-«-Biit, before any progress was made in a treaty 

D P 4 


with them, an ambassador from the duke of Lor- 
raine arrived in Ireland, with offers of powerful 
assistance for the preservation of the catholic re- 
ligion, and his majesty's Irish subjects. The eari 
of Clanrickard took his proposals into conside- 
ration ; the Jamestown bishops, and their adhe- 
rents in general, were desirous that they should 
be received ; and this had the approbation of the 
queen, the duke of York, and the marquis of 
Ormond himself. The treaty, however, was 
broken off. — The rebels advancing on the marquis 
of Clanrickard, he retired to the town of Carrick ; 
being encompassed on every side, he submitted to 
the parliament; and, in 1652, left Ireland, cany- 
ing with him the royal authority. 

" The Irish," says Mr. Matthew O'Conor, " now 
" received the chastisements due to their dissen- 
" tions. All the male adults capable of bearing 
" arms, with the exception of a sufficient number 
" of slaves to cultivate the lands of the English, 
*' were transported to France, Spain, and the 
" West Indies. A great number of females were 
" transported to Virginia, Jamaica, and New Eng- 
" land. The rest of the inhabitants of all sexes,. 
" ages, the young, the aged, and the infirm, were 
" ordered, on pain of death, to repair, by a certain 
" day, into the province of Connaught, where, 
" being cooped up in a district, ravaged by a war 
" of ten years continuance, desolated by famine 
" and pestilence, and destitute of food or habita- 
" tions, they suffered calamities, such as the wrath 
" of the Almighty has never inflicted on any other 


'' people. Thousands of these miserable victims 
perished of cold and hunger ; many flung them* 
selves headlong from precipices, into lakes and 
rivers, death being their last refuge from such 
** direful calamities *.*' 

So litfle were their rights, or even their ex- 
istence, taken into the account, that Harrington 
thought the best thing the commonwealth could 
do with Ireland, was to farm it to the jews for ever, 
for the pay of an army to protect them during the 
first seven years, and two millions a year from that 
time forward f- Moryson, a protestant historian, 
and an eye witness, observes, that " neither the 
** Israelites were more persecuted by Pharaoh, nor 
** the innocent infants by Herod, nor the christians 
** by Nero, or any other pagan tyrants, than were 
'^ the roman-catholics of Ireland at this fatal jimc- 
** 4ion, by the commissioners." 


LXXX. 10. 

The Omfiseaiions made by Cromwell ; — and the Settlement 
of the Confiscated Property y at the Restoration. 

" The first act of Cromwell," — says lord Clare, 
in the speech which has been so oflen quoted,^ — 
" was to collect all the native Irish, who had sur- 
" vived the general desolation, and remained in 

* ^* The History of the Irish Catholics, from the settlement 
" in 1691 ; with a short view of the state of Ireland from the 
** invasion of Henry the second to the Revolution* By 
" Matthew O'Conor, esquire, 1813." 

t Cited m the Quarterly Review, for Oct. 1891, p* S41. 


the country, and to transplant them into the pro^ 
Tince of Connaught, which had been ecnnpletely 
depopulated and laid waste in the progress of 
the rebellion. They were ordered to retire thither, 
by a certain day, and forbidden to repass, the 
river Shannon, on pain of death ; and this sen- 
tence of deportation was rigidly enforced until 
the Restoration. Their ancient possessions were 
seized and given up to the conquerors ; as. weve 
the possessions of every man, who had taken a 
part in the rebellion, or foUowtd the fortunes qf 
the kingj after the murder of Charles the first. 
This whole fund was distributed among the offi- 
cers and soldiers of Cromwell s somy, in satis*- 
&ci\oii of the arrears of their pay ; and among 
the adventurers, who had advanced money to 
defray the expenses of the war. And thus, a 
new colony of new settlers, composed of all the 
various sects, which then infested England, — 
independents, anabaptists, seceders, brovmists, 
socinians, millenarians, and dissenters of every 
description, many of them infected with the 
leaven of democracy, — poured into Ireland, and 
were put into possession of the ancient inherit- 
ance of its inhabitants. 
" It seems evident, from the whole tenour of 
the declaration, made by Charles the second at 
his restoration, that a private stipulation * had 

* This assertion appears to be utterly inconsistent with his 
majesty's own declarations. In a letter from Breda, (Dr. 
Curry's Historical Review, b. ix. c. 15), he desired the marquis 
of Ormood to assure the catholics, that ** he would perform all 


" been made by Monk, in favour of Cromwell's 
^^ soldiers and adventurers, who had been put int6 
" possession of the confiscated lands in Ireland ; 
'^ and it would have been an act of gross injustice, 
on the part of the king, to have overlooked theilr 
interests. The civil war of 1641, was a rebellioni 
*^ against the crown of England; and the complete 
" reduction of the Irish rebels by Cromwell, re- 
^^ dounded essentially to the advantage of th^ 

^ grants and concessions which he had either made or promised 
** them by the peace ; and which, as he had new instances of 
** their loyalty and affection to him, he should study rather to 
** enlarge, than diminish in the least degree.'' 

In his speech to both houses of parliament, July 1660, when 
a general act of oblivion was intended to be (lassed, his majesty^ 
knowing that means had been used to exdude the Irish ficmA 
the benefit of that act, told them, that '< he hoped the Irish 
** alone would not be left without the benefit of his mercy ; tha( 
** they had shown much affection to him abroad ; and that he 
* expected the parliament would have a care of his honour, and 
^ of what he had promised them.** And, in his declaration of 
the 90th of November following, which was intended to be the 
ground-work of the act of settlement, he again acknowledged 
the obligation, and said, ** he must always remember the great 
** a£fection a considerable part of the Irish nation expressed to 
'* hhn, during: the time of his being beyond the seas : i^in^ 
*^ with all cheerfulness and obedience, they received and sab- 
^< nutted to h«B orders, though attended with ineoavemence 
** enough to themselves ; which demeanor of theirs,** lie add^ 
^* cannot but be thought very worthy of our protection, justice^ 
" and ftvour." 

It is observable that the Irish were excluded from the bene- 
fit of the act of oblivion -^ and that» in their exclusion, the 
duke of Ormond actively co-operated. 


^^ British empire *. But, admitting the principle 
*^ of this declaration in its fullest extent, it is im- 
^' possible to defend the acts of settlement and 
*^ explanation, by which it was carried into effect; 
^' and I could wish that modem assertors of Irish 
^^ dignity and independence would take the trouble 
'^ to read and understand them. 

" The Act of Settlement professes to have for 
" its object the execution of his majesty's gracious 
" declaration for the settlement of his kingdom of 
^' Ireland, and the satisfaction of the several inte- 
^^ rests of adventurers, soldiers, and other his sub- 
" jects there ; and, after reciting the rebellion, the 
^^ enormities committed in the progress of it, and 
'^ the final reduction of the rebels by the king's 
^^ English and protestant subjects, by a general 
*^ sweeping clause* vests in the king, his heirs and 
" successors, all estates real and personal, of every 
" kind whatsoever in the kingdom of Ireland, 
" which at any time from the 2 1st of October 1641, 
were seized or sequestered into the hands, or to 
the use of Charles the first, or the then king, or 
" otherwise disposed of, set out or set apart, by 
" reason or on account of the rebellion ; or which 
" were allotted, assigned, or distributed to any 
" person or persons for adventures, arrears, repri- 

* This is artfully expressed : — but, if the fact be true,^-aDd 
it appears unquestionable, — that, at the time of the murder of 
Charles the first, the Irish catholic army was the only body of 
men, throughout the dominions of his majesty, that adhered 
to him, Cromwell's victories over them were not a reduction 
of rebellion, but a triumph over the last remains of loyalty. 


^* sals, or otherwise ; or whereof any soldier, ad- 
^' venturer, or other person was in possession, for 
'^ or on account of the rebellion. And having 
'' thus, in the first instance, vested three fourths of 
^^ the lands and personal property of the inhabit- 
'* ants of this island, in the king, commissioners 
are appointed with full and exclusive authori^, 
to hear and determine all claims upon the ge- 
" neral fund, whether of officers and soldiers for 
^* arrears of pay, of adventurers who had advanced 
money for carrying on the war, or of innocent 
papists, as they are called ; in other voordsj of the 
*^ old inhabitants of the island^ who had been dis- 
" possessed by Cromwell j not for having taken apart 
" in the rebellion against the English craum^ but for 
" their attachment to the fortunes of Charels the 
^^ second. But, with respect to this class of suf- 
" ferers, who might naturally have expected a' 
^.^ preference of claim, a clause is introduced, by 
which they are postponed after a decree of in- 
nocence by the commissioners, until previous 
r^risal shall be made to Cromwell's soldiers' 
'•' and adventurers, who had obtained possession 
*' of their inheritance. I will not detain the house 
^ with a minute detail of the provisions of this act, 
^^ thus passed for the settlement of Ireland ; but I 
^' wish gentlemen, who call themselves the digni^ 
^^ fied and independent Irish nation, to know, that 
^ seven millions eight hundred thousand acres of 
"land were set out, under the authority of this act, 
" to a motley crew of English adventurers, • civil 
^ .and military, nearly to the total exclusion of the 
'^ c^ inhabitants of the island. Many of the latter 


414 msTOucAL memohs op 

'* dajt, who wesre innocent of die rebdUoo, lost 



^ dieir inheritance, as weO frcHn die difficokies 
^ po0ed upon them bjr the court of daims, in the 
^ proo& required of their innocence, as from a dcfi- 
^ea^ in the fond for reprisal to Kngliali adyen* 
tnrers, arising principally from a profiiae giant 
made bj the crown to the duke of York. The 
parliament of Ireland, haring made this setde- 
^ ment of the island,— in effect on themselvesy — 
^' granted an hereditary reyenue to the crown^ as 
<* an indemnity for the forfeitures thus relinquished 
^' by Charles the second." 

" By this act,"* says Mr. O'Conor*, " which 
^ closed the setdement of Ireland, the catholics 
were robbed of 2,700,000 acres of arable and 
pasture, besides immense wastes, which had been 
guaranteed to them by the peace of 1649, ^^ ^^ 
^ as by their long faithful services to his majesty ; 
^^ and by every title, which immemorial possession, 
" and the laws of every society, in which trans- 
^* missible possession is recognized, could bestow. 
" The chief, — indeed it may be said, the only suf- 
" ferers, were those of Irish name and descent 
" Whatever remnant had been left of former con- 
'^ fiscations was now absorbed in the vortex and 
" abyss of the Restoration-settlement. The 
" M'Guires, M'Mahons, M'Gwinnesses, M*Cap- 
" thys, O'Rourkes, O'Sullivans, O'Moors, O'Co- 
" nors Roe, O 'Conors Sligo, O'Creans, were in- 
^' yolved in one promiscuous ruin; Hence£wfth 
^ they disappear from the page of histoiy." 

* History of Ireland, p. 98. 


' ' • 


LXXX. 11. 

Thi Remomtrance of the Irish Catholics, presented to 

Charles the second in 1 66 1 . 

Almost immediately aflef the Restoration of 
Charles the second, his majesty advanced the mar- 
quis of Ormond, — ^so often mentioned in the pre- 
ceding section, — to the dignity of duke, and 
appointed him to the lieutenancy of Ireland. The 
g^iiefal body of the catholics hoped to find a friend 
in his grace ; but he was distrusted by sev^ral,*^ 
and opinions on his conduct towards the catholics 
are still divided. In Mr. Plowden's Historical 
Review of the State of Ireland, strong facts and 
arguments are produced to fix on his adminis- 
tration, the charge of cruelty and duplici^ : In 

©r. O'Gonor's Letters of Columbanus ♦, his' grace 


* The title of this singular work is, ** Columbanua ad Hiber^ 
^* noe ; or, A Letter from Columban to his friend in Ireland, on 
*' the present mode of appointing Catholic Bishops in hisAatiTe 
^^ Gountfy, 8to.'' It appeared in seven numbers, in 1 8 io->i8i 6. 
Hk^'^ Hietofiad Addresses,** which are inserted in it, *' on. the 
'^ etd&mdieM occasioned by foreign influence in the nominatiett of 
^^i^ishops to the Irish sees,** abound with important information. 
It is greatly to be wished, that the reverend author wooldjfa- 
Towrthe public with- a fbll, temperate, and methodicalMstory 
of the Irish catholics, since the Reformation. It is the greoteat 
dDMderatum in the rdigious history of the catholics ;— -and no 
0O%-*-jMirca^ modo viribuSy is so well qualified for die execution 
^ife, aa Golumbanua : — particularly oa account of his ^coevp 
^ the literary treasures at Stow, — ^without which,.and the pt- 
wmA of ihe Memoiss of the Nuncio Rmnceini, in the Holkbaia 
Uirary, a complete history of the Irish catiuriics, duriogrthe 


has found a powerful advocate : the testimonies 
too of archdeacon Lynch and father Walsh are 
highly favourable to him ; and even Dr. Talbot, 
afterwards the catholic archbishop of Dublin, in 
his '* Friar Disciplined," extols him. Still, in the 
opinion of the present writer, Mr. Plowden, to use 
professional language, has made a strong case 
against the lord lieutenant ; but, before the duke is 
absolutely acquitted or condemned, much further 
investigation of his conduct seems to be necessary. 
The part which he took respecting the document, 
to which the attention of the reader is now called, 

period in question, cannot be written. The writer suspects 
t hfl t the Ormond manuscripts contain much important matter, 
which Carte has not brought forward ; — but that still more 
interesting information might be found in the printed and 
manuscript collections in the Vatican. 

" The Memoirs of the Nuncio/* says Carte, in his pre&ce 
to his Life of Ormond, '* take up above 7,000 pages in folio, 
'* consisting of several volumes, and are written in Latin ; the 
" title of it being, * De Hctrcsis Anglicana intntsione et jir^ 
" grtssUy et dc hello catholico ad annum 1641, in Hihcmid cqfto, 
" exindrque per aliquot annos gesto, commentarius* It was wrote 
*^ after the nuncio's death, by an Irish roman-catholic priest, 
<* whom Thomas Baptista Rinuccini, great chamberlain to the 
*' grand duke of Tuscany, employed to digest his brother's 
** papers, and reduce them into the form of a narration.*' 

The whig bishops of Columbanus are very interesting : many 
of them retired to St. Malo, an episcopal town on the coast i/[ 
Brittany, and printed, in that city, several works of importance 
oH the events of the times : these are now become extremely 
scarce. The writer employed a gentleman to search for them 
at St. Malo : he could not discover any; but found that-tht 
venerable exiles, their virtues and sufferingSi were still reinem- 
bend with respect. 

tSB fiNGUSH C AtHOLlCS. 417 

Ma ftlso been iL subject of discussion. — It bad be^ 
suggested to the general body of the Irish' cal&o^ 
lies, by all their friends, that it was highly ad-- 
Visable for thein to come forward, in a prominent 
manner, in the congratulations addressed to his 
majesty, at his restoration ; and that, on account 
of the prejiidice raised against them, by the pro^ 
ceedings of the nuncio and the clergy who ad-' 
heired to him, they should avail themselves of that 

*  • • • • 

Opportunity to declare unreserved all^iance to 
the sovereign, and unqualified rejection of the ul- 
tramontane principle of the divine right of the pope 
to temporal power. 

The measure was set on foot by Peter Walsh, 
a Franciscan fnar, professor of divinity in his 
order, and then residing in London. He has left 
a full iaccount of all that passed respecting it, iii 
his '' History and Vindication of the Loyal Formu-* 
lary, or Irish Remonstrance^ so graciously re- 
ceived by his majesty in 1661," a folio volume'of 
763 pi^es, closely printed, tediously written; and 
fon of digressions ; but abounding with curioiis 
and' interesting matter. — We shall extract from* it 
tfce following hiistorical minutes^ » 

•1. At the time, of which we are noW speaking, 
Edmund O'Reilly, archbishop of Armagh, Anthony 
Mac Geohegan, bishop of Meath, and Owen 
O'Swinney, bishop of Kilmore,— (who was then 
bed-ridden), — ^were the only three catholic pre- 
lates remaining in Ireland. The two first, — and 
James Dempsey, vicar-apostolic of Dublin and 
capitulary of Kildare, — Oliver Dease, vicar-gene- 

VOL. III. £ £ 

^04. fUSTOUC AL M^MOimS: ^^ 

i^of Mtel]i9 Cornelius Gafiief, Ticw^-geiieral ^' 
Ardftghi Baraaby Bamewdl, superior geaend oC 
the C^Aichins, father Browne, saperior-geDenJ of 
the Carmelites, and fa&er Scuriog, prior at tba 
Pominieans^ signed on the ast of January 1660^ 
^\d 4ityWy a p^wer o/attamqff autharisa^g fathar 
W^Uh to iUiend his majesty in their names^^^to 
cMigratiilate him on his restoratkm^ — ^to solicit tha. 
iffit exercise of their religion^ and the Graces 
piomised atld confirmed to them, in 1648, by the 
ntarquis of Onnond *. The procuration was afr 
t^riFards signed by other ecclesiastics^ and parti- 
cularly the bishops subsequently appointed tOutho^ 
^del 6t I>roiAbre^ Ardagh, and Ferns. 
./ The year 166O9 and the greaterpart c^the ytar 
16$ I ^ pasi»ed without any further proceeding ip 
this business ; but, towards the close of the la^tter 
yeari it was determined to present an address to 
his majesty, to the effect which has been men*- 
tioned* The framing of it was entrusted to Mn 
Ricfaard Bellings. He adopted the Declaratkmr 
inserted by father Cressy, in his '^ Exomologesis/' 
Of this work there are two editions ; the first was 
printed at Paris in 1 647, and contains the Decla^ 
ration ;— in the second edition^ it is omitted. — It 
is expressed in the following words : 

* It has been explained, what the Graces were, which at 
thii time the Irish catholics solicited. 


, : 2. << To tht Kirk's Mo9t EjeceUent Mqfeshf ; - 

" TTie hnmhte Remomtrance, Acknanpledgmeni^ 
'- ' '* Protestation J and Petittoh of the Roman 

*^ Catholic Clergy of Ireland. 

*^ Youa majesty's faithftd subjects, the romyui^ 
l^ catholic clergy of your miyesty'sr kingdom of 
** Ireland, do most humbly represent this. Aeir pre'* 
i* sent state and deplorable condition^ -'■' 

^^ That being entrusted by the mdispensabU 
" commission of the King of kings wi^ the.<^pe 
<< of souls, and the care d[ their flocks, in order to 
<< the administration of sacraments, and teaching 
*^ the people that perfect obedience, which for 
^^ conscience sake they aret bound to pay to your 
^* nujesty 's commands, they are loaded with ^ ea^ 
^* lumnies and persecuted with severity. 

^f That being obliged by the allegiance u^ey 
5^ owe, and ought to swear unto youp majert;, to 
'^ reveal all conspiracies, and practices ag^^nst 
!f jTQiur person and royal authority, ^at come to 
l^ |beir knowledge, they are themselves elamoux^ed 
f^ )9|;ainst as conspirators, plotting the destructi(Hi 
f ^ of the Ei^lish among them, without any ground 
f^ that may give the least colour to so foul a crime 
f^ to<pass for probable in the judgment of anyim 
1* different person. 

. ^VThat their crimes are as numerous as are the 
'^ inventions of their adversaries : and because 
^' they cannot with freedom appear to justify their 
<^ innocency, all thefictiops and aUega.tions agaiasi 
*^ them are received as undoubted verities ;^d^ 

£ £ 2 


^^ which is y^t more mischievous, the laity, upon 
V whose consciences the characters of priesthood 
^^ gives them an ii^uence^ su£fer under all the 
^' crimes thus falsely imputed to them: it being 
^' their adversaries' principal design, that the Irish, 
whose estates they enjoy, should be reputed 
persons imfit and no way worthy of any title to 
" your majesty's mercy. 

*^ That no wood comes amiss to make arrows for 
^^ their destruction : for, as if the roman-cotholic 
clergy, whom they esteem most criminal, were, or 
ought to be a society so perfect, as no evil, no 
^^ indiscreet person should be found amongst them, 
•* they are all of them generally cricid down for any 
" crime, whether true or feigned, which is imputed 
*^ to one of them ; and as if no words could be 
^' spoken, no letter written, but with the common 
"consent of all of them, the whole clergy must 
" suffer for that which is laid to the charge of any 
" particular person among them, 

** We know what odium all the catholic clergy 
** lies under, by reason of the calumnies with which 
" OUT tenets in religion, and our dependence upon 
"* the pope's authority , are aspersed ; and we humbly 
** beg your majesty's pardon to vindicate both, by 
" the ensuing protestation which we make in the 
*' sight of Heaven, and in the presence of your ma- 
" jesty, sincerely and truly, without equivocation or 
" mental reservation. 

" We do acknowledge and confess your nngesty 
" to be our true and lawful king, supreme lord i!id 
rightful sovereign of this realm of Ireland, and 



m I 


^^ all other your majesty's dominioiis. And 
^' llierefore we acknowledge and confess ourselves 
•* to be obliged, under pain of sin, to obey your 
majesty in all civil and corporal affairs, as much 
as any other of your majesty's subjects, and as 
^ the laws and rules of government in this king* 
^' dom do require at our hands. And that not- 
withstanding any power or pretension of the 
pope or see of' Rome, or any sentence or deda- 
^^ration of what kind or quality soever, given or 
to ^be given by the pope, his predecessors or 
successors, or by any authority spiritual or tem- 
poral, proceeding or derived from him or his see^ 
against your majesty or royal authority, we will 
*^ acbiowledge and perform, to the utmost of our 
^^ abilities, our fai^ful loyalty and true allegiance 
^^ to your majesty. And we openly disclaim and 
V renounce all foreign power, be it either papal or 
princely, spiritual or temporal, inasmuch as it 
may seem able, or shall pretend to free, dis- 
'V charge, or absolve us from this obligation, or 
" shall any way give us leave or license to raise 
." tumults, bear arms, or offer any violence to your 
majesty's person, royal authority, or to the state 
or government. Being all of us ready not only 

> ** to discover and make known to your majesty and 

> 'fto your ministers all the treasons made against 
" your majesty or them, which -shall come to our 
-"hearing ; but also lose our lives in the defence of 

" your majesty's person and royal authority, and 

• *^ to resist with our best endeavours all coniq)ira- 

>^^ cies and attempts against your majesty, be they 


f £fame^;M $ent under what pretepo^ ot ptftooM 
t- nized by what foreign pow^ or autboritf aoever: 
</.^d fiirtl^eri. we Qpnfeas tbat all absolute pri^i^ 
\f ^od supreme goveruOTS, of what religion Me^et 
^! :t|^y be, are God's lieuteoants on earth, and ik^A 
V^ Q)>edjieiice ta due to them according to the laiw 
i< isS each <>QmmonweaJlth respectively in aU eb3 
i/ iind temporal affiadra. And therefor^ we da hene 
f ^ pffcAest against all doctrine and airthonfy to tfie 
(^^C(9ntrary. And we dp. hold it impious, and 
^^ against the word of God^ fo maintain that ^f 
*^ piiyate subject may kill or murder the anointied 
!^ f^i KJrod, his prince»^ though of a diff^cent betief 
!' and ^ligion from him ; and we abhor and detest 
-^ die practice thereof as damnable and wicked. -^ 
c .,*^' These, being the tetiets of our religioi^ m 
V point of loyalty and submission to your ms^sty's 
^^ commands, and our dependience on the see of 
^' Ilome no way intrenching upon thai perfect 
i^ iQrbedience, which by our birth, by all laws dirine 
^^ and human^ we are bound to pay to your ma- 
^^jesty, our natural and lawful soverei^; we 
** humbly beg, prostrate at your majesty's feet, that 
^^ j50u would be pleased to protect us from the 
^ severe persecution we suffer, merely for our pro- 
^^ {ession in religion ; leaving those that are^ or 
^^h^^a&ei? ahall be,, guiky of othe^ crhn^ (and 
*' there have been such in all times,^ as weUl by 
^^ their pens as by their actions,) to the punishinent 
" fMT^c'Iribed by the law." 

, 3,« Father Walsh delivered a copy of this address 
ii^ tiki hands of ike duke of Ormmd: his gr^ce 


wpfeaapd hknMlf to be gen^tdl^ stttislled widi It ; 
faiitoWenred, that, ^^ till k wad togised, it wMbire 
^f)i5>«r-** Upon this, Mhet Walgb prdcuriBd a 
meeting cf the bishop of Dromore, aiid about tktf^' 
Ililh priestSi th«^ in London. It was sigix^by 
t]i6 tohop aaod twen^-fotir of the pHeSts; ih^' 
olliiew Mcnsed themselves from stgnmg^ it, on Ae 
gfbimd of inconvenience or meipediency ; bc^ Ht 
a^loMwiedg^d, th^ they saw no objection ia ii^ 
ftom any want of catholicity v— In abemt eigh^ 
WMks lifter ikis time» a dedaration, difiering' a 
little in* the preamble^ and in the petition at the 
close of the declaration, was signed by nine^- 
g^en of the Irish nobilily and gently, who were 
tfaen in London. It was presented to his maj€^y 
^ad gvaciOBsly received by him.  '^ 

, -Some additional signatures of the clergy Wefis 
afterwards obtained ; particularly that of LytteK; 
bidiop-of F^msy then resident at St Mak>< ' 
'. .4. A formal opposition to the Remonstrance dooa 
took place >— it was headed by Ma4 Geohegai^ 
bishop of Meath.-^At this tifne> Hieronimt^ d(6 
VeechiiSy the pope's internuncio at Brussels> wi^ 
^trusted, by the papal see, with the superintend- 
^ppei^ the spiritual concerns of ^ Irish catjiiplicS; 
rr-In a letter, dated the 21st of Svly 1662^ Im 
algnified to the Irish clergy, that ^^ after most dili^ 
f^^^gent discussions, at several meetings of most 
^' emifient cardin^s and divines, the protestaiic^ 
Y Kad beea fpund, like the returning J^ydiBy ;49 
ff wntain propositions, agreeing with otiiersuietia^ 
^* tofore condemned by the see apostolici partictih 

£ £ 4 

, » 


• - * . • 

^/ larly by Paul the fiftii, of happy memory, by a 
'^ constitution in the foirm of a brief, and then lalfii|r 
^^ ill 9, congregation, purposely held to thatend, by 
^^•Innocent the tenth: — ^that the pope thoi^ht 
^^ nothing further necessary, than that this veiy 
*^; thing should be declared; and that the. remcsi** 
^* .atrance was not to be permitted or tolerated.;-^* 
*' that he eren grievously resented, that, by d^ 
^' jexample of the ecclesiastics, the spcular nobili^ 
'^ of th^ kingdom of Ireland had been drawn injoo 
'Ithe same errors; — ^their protestation and suh^ 
*f scription he did in like manner condemn." 
. . 5* By a letter of the 8di of the same month of 
July, cardinal Barberini, in the name of the whole 
congregation de propaganda Jide^ addressed a letter 
to the nobility and gentry of Ireland, condemning 
the remonstrGmces, ^^ as containipg pit^positions, 
" theretofore cpndenmed by the holy see*.** 

Thes^ letters of the cardinal and internuncio in-* 
preased the opposition : — " But," says father 
W^lsh, {p. 42), *' all the while, not even to the 
^V writing hereof, for so many years, since 1661, to 
^* the present, — about the year 1666,— -there was 

* It is observable, that these declarations of the cardinal and 
the internuncio, demonstrate, that the real objection, the car</o 
€aus(B, as it was justly termed by Widdriugton,— (See ▼oK ii. 
p. 200 of this work), to the oath of allegiance, propounded by 
James the first, was its denial of thp deposiog doctrine. The 
Irish remonstrance does not describe that doctriqe by any of 
the epithets used in the oath of James the Hrst, — or by any 
other epithet. Most clearly, therefore, the doctrine itself was 
said, by the cardinal and the internuncio, to have be^n c<M« 
llemned, by the former bujl^. 


^ no^ 9maog jucH m multitude of pretences, a&y 
'' OK, alledged by any /of unlawfulness, uncbnsei- 
^* entiousness, or uncatholicness, in point of fiaith, 
IVrdigion, or morality, in the subscription of that 
^^remonstrance, or of that declaration of aUe- 
^^ giance, or of the petition annexed thereunto." 
He ascribes the opposition, which it received,' i6 
the ; prevalence . of the ultramontane docttine 
respecting the divine right of the pope to temporal 

6. Still,-— <Ae Remonstrancej-^iot by lliis minie 
the instnunent was generally known, — gained 'iome 
gmmd ; forfy^two additional signatures of Ifjsh 
priests were obtained. A new form, of a dadin- 
tion of allegiance, was proposed by die'Xridi'Do^ 
minicans ; three other forms, each stronger tium 
Ikie preceding, were proposed by the Iri^ Jesuits. 
*-^All expressed a strong profession of allegiance ; 
nime;disclaimed, in express terms, the right of die 
pope to the deposing power. 
\ . The dean and chapter of the English clergy,* by a 
tetter dated the i8th of October 1682, signed by 
Humphry EUice, the dean, and addressed to the 
bishop of Dromore, informed his lordship, that, ^'the 
. *^ ralnonstrance of the catholic clergy of Ireland, 
^^ who subscribed it, had redeemed themselves from 
^^ jjjiJumTiies ; had relieved the laity in their charge, 
^ IftHki heavy pressures ; and opened a door to li*- 
W^fy of religion ; by which," says the dean, " you 
l^iiVe performed the office of good pastors, both 
kl ^iriining and subscribing your allegiance to 
^^ythtf prince; to hold forth to the whole world 





ohUMle fci Ae o hnhiMg cC finAtr M giM i liBM Awn 
Ihe ckqgy ; but d^ addkkmil agBahms of cig^ 

tnied, ky wlwh, Ife nondier iif Ifce Iii«k imilttij 
and gentry, who signed die instnunenl of vBuam 
ainnce, tmoonled to 121 ; <tf tha a tj t«i0ity«4iiie 

7ii Tliote wko liad signed dia 
dfl MT o m of ptacming other si g a nluiM y and 
a ktter to Iw cirodated ibr this pnapoaa^ Wi iff 
mtulatifn^ was prevetUed by tie duktof€hmumt 
Wkfaifhisy hia^raoe was always repvoachcd: tha 
jreaaon assigned in his defence, by £sther Walsh, is 
plausible. His grace, by his aocount, foteaaw, thai 
the generality of the Irish catholics wonld not sign 
it, iloless it was previously signed by the ciergy ; 
and he wi^ed, therefore^ that it should be piet 
viously signed by these, before it was generaDy 
tendered to the laity. 

8» In this stage of the business, the Faculty of 
^Theology of the University of Louvaine^ pronounced 
jBi formal condemnation of the Remonstrance.— 
Against this condemnation, father Caron,^a Francis- 
can, published his '^ Defensio Remonstrantise Hi- 
'^ bemorum adversus Lovanienses ultramontanas- 
<< que censuras," a wwk, generally ealeemed, ^and 
abounding in instructive and interestinginfonnatipn. 


j^ a, ittf^ i>fiaiti«r Henry di RedAeH, a c<nniiii«- 

fftry-gieaieral of the 0rder,~f9llKr Cafon, and ieSl 

the other friars, who had signed the .Ramonstraiici^ 

Meif^<>rdei)ed td RoQie/ to ^adeount liar their c6n- 

Idnet Father Carbn and &tber Walsh refined' td 

obey this order, .o&. the ground^ that the ktii|^ te^ 

liwed. them hk penmaBion to leaye die kingdom ; 

^Mtfll'thaty to kave it without his pernuigiet^ mm 

Imsonjby the ajncientlawsibf Ekigland and Iceland. 

• ^ ThxLQ ike RenxHwtcance 8liU cbntiiiEiied a (M^ 

'jMiofcofifarotierfij. Ym&eifqtherfonmiUitiefiir^ 

proposed : but none contamed an explicit dedara^ 

4bo«i^ that^hepqpe had, in no possible case, a divine 

tiglKk to the deposing power. The duke of Omumd 

juilonnly 4eclared, that nodiing, sbort of this^ 

voiddiiatisfyhhn. Under thia impiession, he peiv 

sisted in requiring a general and uniform subscript 

tioB. of the Irish ckigy to the Remonstrance, deli- 

fvoed to him by father Walsh : — ^by this, he thod^ht 

it awSciendy expressed. 

\ ; lo. With the license of Ormond, a cwigregaHch 
j^ike cathaHc clergy^ for its discussicm, was con- 
vened at Dublin. Fifty-three ecclesiastics attended 
•ii. Among these, were the archbtshqp of Armagh, 
fvimate of all Ireland, the bishopof Ardagh, and the 
ilishop of Kilfinuragh. The last had die ptoxy of 
]^ archbishop of Tuam. The other membera^rfthfe 
tflsembly were vicar»-apostolic, vicars-general, su- 
.{lefioiB of regular orders, and divines, brought by 
^ bishops, or the superiors of the regulars. 

' ) 1 . On Ijilonday^ the 1 1 th of June 1666, the con- 
igtegation held their ^rit sittings and elected th^ 


biishop t>£ Kilfinuragh for their president, ^ ani 
Nicholas Redmond, vicar-general of FenuB, for 
their secretary. 

On the following day, the 1 2th of June, they held 
their second sitting, examined the qualifications ^ 
the members present ; and verified the proxies. 

In the evening, Keilly, the archbishopof Armagh, 
and catholic primate of Ireland, arrived in Dublin, 
and produced a letter from Rospigliosi, the pope's 
internuncio at Brussels, * deprecating the signature 
of the Remonstrance, i^xtd calling it the work* of 
some nefarious brethren. 

On Wednesday, the 1 3th of June, the congregar 
tion held their third sitting : sir Nicholas Plunket, 
sir Robert Talbot, and John Walsh, esq. delivered 
to them the following message from the lord lieu- 

** That it is too Well known to divers persons, in 
^* the present meeting of the Romish clergy in this 
" city of Dublin, whatatterapts have been made upon 
" the royal authority in this kingdom, under colour 
** of the pretended authority, power, and juris- 
*^ diction of the pope ; and how far those attempts 
" prevailed in keeping many of the people from re- 
*^ turning to their due obedience to the crown, and 
" in withdrawing divers of those from it, who were 
** returned to it, hath sufficiently appeared, not 
'^ only by the violation of the peace granted them 
" by his majesty's gracious indulgence and cle- 
" meucy, but also of the faith of the then confede- 
'^ rate roman-catholics, by the instigation, pro- 
** curement, and pretended authority of Rinuccini 


the pope's nuncio in the year 1 646, and by die! 
proceedings of the titular bishops at Jamestown 
in the year 1 650. 

" Secondly, That divers of the nobilitfr, and 
gentry of Ireland, and of the said clergy, in 
January and February 1661, calling to mind 
those attempts, and the deplorable eonsequence 
^ thereof to the crown, and to themselves, pte- 
^^ sented his majesty with a remonstrance amd pro- 
**• testation of their loyalty to his majesty, and of 
''^ their renunciation and detestation of any doctrine 
" or power, from whence such practices might be 
". deduced ; to which remonstrance and proteiita- 
^ tion, divers others of the nobility and gentry, and 
'^ most of the said clergy resident in this kingdom, 
'^ have not yet subscribed ; although more than 
** four years are effluxed, since the same was first 
•* presented to his majesty* 

" Thirdly, That the said clei^ (whose example 
^ and encouragement the laity of their profession 
" may possibly expect) have delayed their sub- 
" scriptions, on pretence that they wanted the li- 
^^ berty of advising and consulting, which they 
" conceived necessary in a matter of so great im- 
" portance, which being now admitted to them 
" with freedom and security : it is expected that 
" they should make use thereof, for asserting and 
*• owning his majesty's royal authority, to the satis- 
" faction of all his majesty's good subjects, and to 
"the particular ad vantage of the said clergy theia- 
"- sdves, and those of their religion, and employ 
" dit time that for that purpose will be allowed 


" them, which neither can, nor Deed be long, hotll 
" in respect of the present conjuncture of a&in; 
" and for that it may reasoDably be presumed^ ditf 
" m four years time the said remonstrance auid pn>- 
'.* testation is sufficiently understood, and may be 
" gpeedily resolved upon." 

The bearers of the message were received and 
diioaissed with great reject Father Wal^ then 
made an harangue, — learned, sensible, bbfveiypio' 
lix, and lull of digressioas. Its object was to show 
thew^iodoxyof the Remonstrance; theexpediency 
of its signature by the members of the eongr^ft' 
tion, and the fatal consequence of withh^ing 
them. The father's harangue was heard with atten* 
ticHi and respect : but no debate upon it ensued; 
neither was the message from his excellency takes 
mtO consideration. 

The congregation held their fourth titling, on 
Thursday, the 14th of June. The members resolved 
not to sign the Remonsbance, — nor even discnseit; 
but to sign another profession of allegiance ; aad 
not to petition for any pardon of former miscDiulaal 
imputed to the body. Against these resolutions/ ■' 
&tber Walsli strenuously rerooQstrated : In -J 
evening, the primate Reilly, accompanied by ^ 
Walsh, waited on the lord lieutena^.y, 
lency received them with grt^U 
mated to the primate, his ( 
misconduct ; and etroDgj 
that the clergy sh(M 
sent opportuni^ ( 
tQthe state. 


. ' On Friday, the i5tfa of June, the cDngr«gatiofl 
hald duir^A tUtingt aod Mr. Richard Bellingv 
att^ded them, with the following message from 
the loid lieutenant. 

" That I understand it is reported, I intend in a 
'* &w days to leave this city^, and that it is thegce 
*' ^prehended by those of the Romish clergy now 
*' met here, that they may not have time to consider 
" of and conclude upon the business, for which their 
** meeting is permitted, namely, for subscribing to 
" die Remonstrance and Protestation subscribed 
" and presented to his majesty, in January and 
" February 1661, by divers of the nobiii^, gentry, 
" and Romish cle^y : — whereupon I think it fit 
" to let them know, I have no purpose of leaving 
" this ci^ so soon, but that they may have time 
" enough to resolve upon subscribing the said De* 
" claiation and Protestation, which c(Hitain8nothmg 
" but a necessary and dutiful acknowledgment of 
" the loyal^ they owe his majes^, and a condem* 
** nation of all doctrine and practice contrary there- 
(1 oBto. And I think fit further to put them in mind, 
« ^ai mch aa opportnnitjr as this, hath not been 
1 to them, or to their predecessors ; and if 
r lost, may not pcthaps be easily or quickly 


This, jthey declined.-^FinaUy, the father proposed^ 
that they should appoint a committee of their best 
divines, to examine the Remonstrance, article by 
article, and report their opinion upon it:-^Tkis 
also they declined. 

Another instrument now became a subject of dis- 
cussion. On the 4th of May 1 663, the faculties of 
theology at Paris, came to six resolutions respecting 
the civil and temporal power of the pope, — his su- 
periority over a general council, — and his personal 
infallibility. The three first of these resolutions the 
committee adopted at their sixth sitting, — it took 
place on the 16th of June. — They presented a pe- 
tition to his excellency, acknowledging ^^ the favour 
\^ which he had done them, in allowing them to 
^^ meet and hold a free conference, and to ccmcur 
'' in a remonstrance and protestation of their true 
" loyalty to his majesty, wherein they resolved in- 
" violably to continue ; — which they beseeched his 
" grace to accept from them ; — and to present to 
" his majesty, the protestation of allegiance, pre- 
" pared by themselves, and so unanimously agreed 
" upon, that there was no dissenting voice." — Their 
protestation was expressed in the following words : 

"7b the King^s most Excelkfit Majesty ^ 
" Charles the secofid. King of Great 
" Britain, France, and Ireland. 

« We your majesty's subjects, the roman-catho- 
" lie clergy of the kingdom of Ireland together 
" assembled, do hereby declare, and solemnly pro- 
" test before God and his holy angels, that we 


** own and acknowledge your majesty to be our 
^^ trae and lawful king, supreme lord and undoubted 
** sovereign, as well of this realm of Ireland, as of 
** all other your majesty's dominions ; consequently 
*^ we confess ourselves bound in conscience to be 
^^ obedient to your majesty in all civil and tempo- 
** ral affairs, as any subject ought to be to his 
*^ prince, and as the laws of God and nature require 
at our hands. Therefore, we promise that we 
will inviolably bear true allegiance to your ma- 
J€rty> your lawful heirs and successors, and that 
no power on earth shall be able to withdraw us 
fipom our duty herein. And that we will even 
to the loss of our blood, if occasion requires, 
assert your majesty's rights against any that shall 
** invade the same, or attempt to deprive yourself or 
** your lawful heirs or successors of any part 
*• thereof. And to the end this our sincere protes- 
" tatipn may more clearly appear, We further de- 
^ dare that it is not our doctrine that subjects may 
** be discharged, absolved, or freed from the obli- 
** gation of performing their duty of true obedience 
^ and allegiance to their prince ; much less may 
we allow of or pass as tolerable, any doctrine 
that perniciously and against the word of God 
*^ maintains. That any private subject may lawfully 
V. kill or murther the anointed of God, his prince. 
*V Wherefore, pursuant to the deep apprehension 
''iwe have of the abomination and sad conse-' 
M quences of its practice, we do engs^e ourselves 
^ to discover unto your majesty, or some of your 
^^ foimabwif any attempt of liiat kind, rebellion, or 





" conspiracy against your majesty's person^ crown, 
^^ or royal authority, that comes to our knowledge, 
" whereby such horrid evils may be prevented. 
" Finally, — as we hold the premises to be agree- 
** able to good conscience, so we religiously swear 
'^ the due observance thereof to our utmost, and 
" will preach and teach the same to our respective 
" flocks. In witness whereof, we do hereunto 
" subscribe, the 15th day of June 1666,'' 

The congregation accompanied this protestation 
with the three following propositions, the terms of 
which are exactly conforinable to those of the three 
first resolutions in the Parisian declaration. 


*' We do hereby declare, That it is not our 
" doctrine, that the pope hath any authority in 
" temporal affairs over our sovereign lord king 
" Charles the second ; yea, we promise that we 
" shall still oppose them, that will assert any power, 
'* either direct or indirect, over him in civil and 
'' temporal affairs. 


" That it is our doctrine, That our gracious 
" king Charles the second is so absolute and in- 
" dependent, that he acknowledgeth not, nor hath 
" in civil and temporal affairs, any power above 
^^ him under God : and that to be our constMt 
'^ doctrine, from which we shall never decline. 



^ That it is our doctrine, That we subjects owe 
" SHch natural, and just obedience unto our king,' 
" Aat no power, under any pretext soever, can' 
^ either dispense with us, or free us thereof. 

" Edmundy archbishop of Ardmagh, and* 
" primate of all Ireland. 

" Andrew^ bishop of Kilfinuragh, 

" chairman." 
** Nicholas Redmond, secretary." 

At the seventh fneeting, nothing important seems 
to have taken place ; but, at the eighth^ — which 
was held on Monday the 1 8th of June, — the as- 
sembly received a third message from his excel- 
le^ncy, in which he observed to them, that, " to-» 
get^ier with the propositions, sent and sig^^d 
by them, there were three material propositions 
omitted, which might as well be appropriated to 
^' his majesty, and the kingdom of Ireland, as the 
** others were." 

This message, the congregation discussed at 
their ninth sitting,— On the tenth, which was held 
ouvthe 20th of June, they presented to his excel- 
lency the following petition : 

" To his Grace the Lord Duke of Ormond, 
" Lord "Lieutenant of Ireland. 

** The humble petition of the roman-catholic 

clergy of Ireland, 

^^.Sl^eweth, That your petitioners haro^of l^tte 
^^ sabsoribed and presented to your grace a ren^on^ 

F F 2 



<« strance, manifesting the obligations of duty and 
loyalty which your petitioners do, and ever shall 
owe unto their sovereign lord the king, and 
withal subscribed three propositions, which they 
*^ humbly conceived did^ conduce unto a further 
^ setting forth of the principles of their loyaltie, 
" thereby endeavouring to give your grace all pos- 
*^ sible satisfaction ; and as touching the three pro- 
^^ positions sent unto them for to be subscribed, 
*^ they now return the annexed of the motives, why 
" they did not sign them, for your grace's further 
^' satisfaction, hoping it may meet the success they 
" wish for. 

" It is therefore the most humble request of your 

petitioners, that your grace will be favourably 

pleased to dismiss them ; and the rather, because 

most of them have not wherewithal to defray so 

" long and chargeable attendance in this city. 

" And your petitioners shall pray." 

To this petition they added a paper, containing 
their reasons for not signing the three other pro- 

They first give the following translation of the 


" That the same faculty doth not approve, nor 
" ever did, any propositions contrary imto the 
" French king s authority, or true liberties of the 
" Grallican church or canons received in the same 
" kingdom; for example, That the pope can depose 
*^ bishops against the same canons. .: . ' 







" That it is not the doctrine of the faculty, That 
the pope is above the general council. 


" That it is not the doctrine or dogme of the 
'* faculty, That the pope without the consent of 
** the church is infallible." 


They then give the following reasons for not 
signing them. 

" Because we conceive them not any way ap- 
pertaining to the points controverted ; and though 
we did, we thought we had already sufficiently 
" cleared all scruples, either by our former remon- 
strance, separately or jointly with the first three 
propositions we had already subscribed. 
^^ And as to the fourth, we looked upon it as 
^^ not material in our debate : for either we should 
** sign it, as it was conceived in the French original 
^ copy, and we thought it impertinent to talk of the 
French king's authority, the Gallican privileges 
and canons, from whence they derive their immu- 
^/ nities, &c. or that we should have inserted them 
*' mutatis nominibus^ the names being only changed, 
" and then we conceived not, what more we might 
" have said, than had been touched already posi- 
tively in the remonstrance ; neither do we admit 
any power derogatory unto his majestic s antho-' 

r F 3 




" rity, rights, &c. yea, more positively than doth 
'^ the French proposition as may appear. 

'^ As to the 5th, we thought it likewise not 
" material to our affair to talke of a school qnes* 
" tion of divinity controverted in all cathplick uni- 
" versities of the world, — whether the pope he 
" above general councel or no ? whether he can 
** annul the acts of a general councel or no ? dis- 
" solve the general councel, or whether conlrari- 
" wise, the councel can depose the . pope, &C. ? 
" Secondly, we conceive it not only impertinent 
" but dangerous in its consequence, and unseason- 
f' able to talk of a question which without any 
'^ profit, either to the king or his subjects^ may 
^' breed jealousie between the king and his suIh 
" jects, or may give the least Overture to such 
" odious and horrid disputes, concerning the power 
^^ of kings and commonwealths, as our late sad 
*^ experience hath taught us. 

" The 6th regards the pope's infallibility in 
" matters of faith, Whether the pope, not as a 
" private doctor, but with an especial congregation 
^^ of doctors, prelats, and divines deputed, can 
** censure and condemn certain propositions of 
^* heresie ? or whether it be necessary to have a 
" general counciel from all parts of the world to 
" decide, define, censure, and condemn certain 
*' propositions of heresie? The Jansenists already 
" condemned of heresie by three popes, and all the 
" bii^hops of France, to vindicate themselves from 
"the censure, contest the first way ; they write in 
" their own defence, and many moJre against &ein. 



^^ Onwhichsubjectis debated the qtuestiofacHj-whe' 
^^ ther the propositions condemned as heresie by the 
^^ pope, be in the true sense and meaning of the Jan- 
" senists or no ? whether in his book orno? as may 
" appear by such as we can produce, if necessary. 

" The universities of France say, That it is not 
" their doctrine, that the pope, &c. Whether this 
" touched our scope or no, we leave it to all pnl- 
" dent men to judge. If they think it doth, let 
*^ them know, that we should not hould the pope's 
** in£eiUibility if he did define any thing against the 
" obedience we owe our prince. If they speak 
" of any other infallibility as matter of religion and 
" hiih ; as it regardeth us not, nor our obedience 
" unto our sovereign, so we are loath, forraign 
^^ catholic nations should think we treat of so odious 
'^ and unprofitable a question, in a country where 
'* we have neither universitie nor Jansenist amongst 
" us, if not, perhaps some few particulars, whom 
" we conceive under our hand to further this dis- 
" pute to the disturbance of both king and country." 

On the following day, the primate reported to 
the congregation then assembled, in their eleventh 
mitingj that the petition and paper of reasons had 
been unfavourably received by his excellency. At 
the request of the congregation, father Walsh 
waited on his excellency, and requested his leave 
fior their continuing to hold their sittings for three 
days more. To this application his excellency 
readily consented. In consequence of it, a com- 
mittee was formed, and took into its consideration 
tiie lliree contested articles. 

F F 4 


' At their twelfth sitting, which was held on dte 
following day, the committee reported against diem : 
the three first were then solemnly signed : and, on 
the thirteenth of June they were presented to his 
excellency, by two deputies from the congregation. 
His excellency received them coolly, and told them, 
that, ^' he should represent to his majesty both them 
" and their instruments, as they deserved.** 

In the mean time, two secular priests, two Domi- 
nicans, and fourteen Franciscans, of the town of 
Wexford, addressed an expostulatory letter to the 
congregatioo, urging .heTin very ,«oog ten.,, 
and by very pressing arguments, to siglx tb|iPhigf- 
nal remonstrance. The letter was read at 49i6}!iii;^- 
teenth sitting of the congr^^tion : but produoed 
no eflFect. 

Thejifteenth and last sitting of tlie ccMigregation 
was held on the 25th of June. The deputm made 
their report of the manner in which his excellfMcgr 
had received their tender of the three articles. — 
An offer was made to father Walsh, by the whole 
congregation, — to raise, from the clergy, a large 
sum of money to defray the expenses which he 
had incurred, and was likely to incur, in his exer- 
tions to serve them ; — " And to give him the best 
" testimonials, and even the most special commen- 
" datory letters too, signed by the whole congre- 
" gation in his behalf, and superscribed to the court 
" of Rome, papal ministers, cardinals, and even to 
" his holiness." — Both these honourable offers, 
father Walsh respectfully refused. 

12. Then addressing himself for the last time to 



the congregation J he requested their attention to three 
'points : — The first was a recommendation, that, in 
their public service, they should always pray for the 
spiritual and temporal prosperity of the king, and 
observe the public days of fasting and prayer, en- 
joined by govemmept. — The congregation agreed, 
that the clergy and laity should be directed to pray 
for the happy success of king Charles the second, 
the queen, and all the royal family, and of the duke 

The second point, to which father Walsh called 
the attention of the congregation, respected certain 
supposed to have been wrought by father 
O'Fiiiactui, a Franciscan friar. — In a speech, 
prolix as usual, but not unentertaining, he related 
and exposed the Franciscan's practices. The whole 
congregation treated them as absolute impositions ; 
and declared, that the exhibitions and feats should 
be everywhere discredited and prohibited. 

The third point was of more consequence ; — the 
father produced two works ; the first was intituled, 
Disputatio Apologetica de Jure regni HibernuB, pro 
€ttkoUcis Hibernis adversus fuereticof Anglos ; with 
an app»[idix, intituled, Eshoriatio ad Caiholicos 
Anglos. It was said, in the title, to be printed at 
Fnmkfort, superiorum permissu ; but was supposed 
to have been printed in Portugal : its author was 
an old Irish Jesuit, residing in that kingdom, by 
name Constantine, or Cornelius, (in Irish, Con, or 
Cnochoor), and by surname O'Mahony, a native 
of Munster. The object of it was to show, that no 
king of England had any right to the kingdom of 


Ireland^ and that the old natives themselves might 
and ought to choose a king, and throw off the yoke 
of heretics and foreigners. In the nuncio's time, 
many copies of this treatise had been privately dis- 
persed ; but, in 1 648, the work came to the know- 
ledge of the supreme council, and by their orders 
was publickly burned, in that year, by the hangman 

tt Kilkenny. 

The other book was composed by Richard Fenral, 

a capuchin friar, and is the same, in effect, as the 

former. It was published about 1658, with the 

title, " Ad sacrum congregationem de propagmidu 

jide: Hie, authores et modus eversionis religionis 

catholiccs in Hibemia recensentur; et aiiquat 

remedia pro conservandis reliquiis catholicce reti- 

gionis et gentis proponuntur. Against this work 

archdeacon Lynch published his Alithinologia, sive 

veridica Responsio ad Inveetivam mendaciisyfallaciis 

calumniis Sg impost urisftetamj in pluriynos a?iti^tites, 

pfoceres, et omnis or dims Hibernos, a R. P. R. 

F C , congregationi de pi^opagandd Jide : 

Anno Domini 1658 ejchibitam; — Against the same 

work, Lynch subsequently published his Supple^ 

mentum AUthiiiologuE. 

Father Walsh exposed the wickedness and folly 
of both the works ; and the assembly, without a dis- 
senting voice, decreed them both to be burned. 
The capuchins present declared, that the general 
chapter of the capuchins had condemned both father 
Ferral and his work. 

13. Here the assembly closed : the president pro- 
nounced the formal words of dismissal; Ite in pacCy 
and the members separated. 


On thfe resuh of this celebrated assembly, the 
mader will make his own observations. He will 
naturally read the two forms of remonstrance, com- 
pare them with each other ; compare both with the 
oath of allegiance proposed by James the first, and 
the oaths of allegiance now taken by the English 
and Irish catholics ; and examine in what they 
differ. When he has formed his opinion on this 
p6int, it will not be difficult for hiifi to form a just 
and important conclusion. 

1 4. It has been frequently asiserted, that, in allow- 
ing the assembly to meet, and insisting on the exact 
terms of the formulary, the real object of the duke 
pf Ormond, was to effect a division in the catholic 
body ; and particularly in its clergy. The proo&y 
by which this assertion is supported, are very 
strong. Dr. Curry * cites a letter, written by the 
earl of Cork to the duke of Ormond, in 1 666^ the 
year of the meeting, in which, his lordship suggests 
to the duke's consideration, whether it were not a 
fit season to make that schism, which ^' you," says 
his lordship, addressing himself to the duke, ^^ have 
been sowing among the popish clergy ; so as to 
set them at open difference, as we may reap some 
" practicable advantage thereby."— The duke him- 
self seems to have explicitly avowed that this was 
his object in permitting the meeting. Carte f in- 
forms us, that when some of the political adversa- 
ries of his grace reproached him with favouring 
the catholics, during his administration, and in- 

* Hist. Review, b. ix. c. 14. 

t Life of Ormond, vol. il. Appendix. 



stanced, in proof of it, his pennission of the Sjrnodi- 
cal meeting of the catholic clergy, the duke frankly 
declared, that ^' his aim, in permitting that meeting, 
*' was to work a division of the Romish clergy." 
-—How very different, in 1791, was the conduct of 
Mr« Pitt ; — who, in that year when a division had 
broken out in the catholic body, then petitioners 
to parliament for relief, nobly composed the diffinr- 
ence, and annihilated the subject of contention ! 

LXXX. 12. 

Biographical Memoir of Father Walsh. 

The writer feels it incumbent on him to apprise 
his readers, that his account of the Remonstrance 
is taken, almost entirely, from the history published 
of it by father Walsh. The title of his work is, 
" The history and vindication of the Loyal Formu- 
" lary, or Irish Remonstrance^ so graciously re* 
" ceived by his Majesty, anno 1661, — against all 
" Calumnies and Censures. In several Treatises, 
" with a true account and full discussion of the 
" Delusory Irish Remonstrance, and other papers 
^^ framed and insisted on, by the National Congrega- 
^^ tion at Dublin, armo 1666 ; and presented to his 
" Majesty's then Lord Lieutenant of that kingdom, 
** the duke of Ormorui; but rejected by his Grace. 
" To which are added Three Appendixes: Whereof 
" the last contains, the Marquis of Ormond Lord 
" Lieutenant of Ireland, his long and excellent Let- 
" ter of the 2d of December 1650. In answer to 


** both the Declaration and Excommunication of the 
•• Bishops^ Sgc at James Town. The author^ Fatfi& 
« Peter Walsh of the Order of St. Frandsy Pro 
^^fessor of Divinity. Melior est Cantentio Pietatis 
^* causd susceptdy quam vitia$a Concordia. Greg. 
" Nazian. Oratio I. pro pace. Printed Anno 


Two other works of father Walsh are in the pos- 
session of the writer : — " Causa Valesiana, epistolis 
temis pralibata : in antecessum fusioris Apologia. 
Quibus accesserunt appendices duce; una instrument 
torum: altera de Gregorio VII^ additamentum. 
Authore J. Petro Valesio. Ord. S. Francisci Stricti 
Obser.S. T. Professore^ 1684. Svo. — It is followed 
by an Additamentum de Carono — containing a short 
account of the life and last hours of father Caron, 
the collaborator of Walsh, in his efforts to obtsda 
signatures to the Remonstrance. The other work 
of father Walsh possessed by the writer, is hiisi 
" Four Letters on several Subjects, to Persons of 
" Quality. The fourth being an Answer to the Lord 
** Bishop of Lincoln's Book, intituled, Popery ^ Sgc 
** By Peter Walsh of St. Francis's Order, Professor 
** of Divinity,'' 1686. %vo. Each of these works is 
extremely curious, and extremely rare. Father 
Walsh also published, " A more ample Account" of 
the proceedings respecting the Irish Remonstrance, 
and " A Prospect of the State of Ireland from the 
^ Year of the World 1 156, to the Year of our Lord 
^ Christ 1682 ;" but he brought it down no further 
than the year of the world 1652. — It was prints 
in 16S2. Aa account of his life is^ given by sir 


James Ware, and, from him, by Mr. Chalmers^ in 
\^a General Biographical Dictionary. Freqaent 
mention of him is also made by Dr. O'Conor, 
in his letters of Columbanus ad Hibemos. 

Walsh was bom at Moortown in the comity of 
Kildare, in the early part of the 1 7th century. He 
entered into the Franciscan order, and was profes- 
sor of divinity at Louvaine. The principal event 
in his life, was the part which he took in the proh-' 
ceedings respecting the Irish Remonstrance. For 
this, he £^nd 9II who signed it were persecuted ; 
and he, father Caron, and other signing fi^iars, werp 
cited to Rome; but father Walsh and fs^ther Caron 
^ere ordered by his majesty not to quit the kingdom. 
£ipeaking of those who signed the Remonstrance, 
Garte* mentions " that they were denounced, ex- 
" communicated, and persecuted with so muct 

violence and fury, that they were on the point of 

jstarving in their own country f." 


* Life of Orraond, vol. ii. p. 414. 

t Five excommunications are mentioned in this chapter i-^ 
The first by the nuncio, against those who adhered td the 
treaty made with the marquis of Ormond, for a cessation of 
arms ; — the second, also by the nuncio, against those who ad- 
hered to the peace made with the earl of Inchiquin ; — the 
third, by the bishops assembled at Jamestown, against those 
who adhered to the peace finally concluded with the marquis ; 
— the fourth, against those who signed the Irish Remoa- 
strance ;-~the fifth, against father Walsh, father Caron, and 
others, who signed that instrument, and did not obey the decree 
which cited them to Rome. Other excommunications were 
Issued : '^ The nuncio," says Carte, (Life of Ormond, ydl« fi. 
p. ^3), made his spiritual censures cheap, by thundering than 
** out on. trifling occasions, in civil matlenSy «Qd ^rm igk hji 


When this happened, the duke of Onnond, idio 
had then quitted the lieutenancy of Ireland, '^ in- 

** own private concerns; — particularly for bringing the cu>- 
** tain of his own vessel to account, for the prizes he had taken 
^' in a piratical way of cruising at sea." Of all the excommttr 
nications which we have mentioned, the first was the most 
solemn. Aq application to Innocent the tenth, for its removal, 
was unsuccessfully made in 1648. Pope Alexander the se- 
venth, by a brief, dated the 27th of August 1655, authorized 
die bishops of Raphoe, Laughlin, Clonfert, and Corke, or any 
of them, to absolve, from Rinuccini's apostolical censures, idl 
who were subject to them. It has been asserted, that the 
absolution was to be granted on the humiliating condition, 
thai the parties should submit to prostrate themselves on the 
ground, and receive a flagellation on their bare shoulders ; 
but for this, there seems to be no ground. The brief is printed 
at length in the supi^ement to Burke's Hibcmia D^mtmcanot 
p. 919. It imposes no such condition, and only requires that 
itxe absolution should be solicited with humility ; aQd that 
■ome kind of penance, at the discretion of the delegates, should 
be imposed : impositd singulis, aiiqnd, arbOrio vestro, p(emiaUid 
sghitari, 1% has also been said, that an. unconditional abso- 
lution was not granted till 1698 j. 

These abuses of church autliority, it is painful to relate: 
but, when the integrity of history requires the mention of 
them, or even the mention of the failures of the supreme pas- 
tor of the church, it becomes an historic duty : ** An histo- 
lian," says Cicero, *' should be equally fearful of suppressing 
*f what is true, and of writing what is false." — The examplet 
of the sacred penmen show, that this is as mudi a rule of 
christiaii morality, as a precept of sound criticism. If the 
enbigelists did not throw a veil over the crime and frailties' 
qt Peter, nothing makes it our duty to throw a veil over the 
or fiuiings of Peter^s successors. It must be ^dded, 
where the nde, laid down by Cicero, is not observed, the 

t If eTea tlwa. See JiscphenoaT* Stale Papen, vol. 1. p. 67O. 


^* vited Walsh," says Dr. O'Conor*, " to his house 
^^ and settled upon him a pension, during life, of 

writer may be a useful partisan, or indite edifying tales, but 
cannot claim for his writings the praise of authentic history. 

In the course of this work the writer has frequently cited the 
Hibemia Dominicana of father Burke, a former catholic bishop 
of Ossory. It is a quarto of 797 pages, and is followed by a 
supplement, which begins at page 801, and extends to page 949, 
inclusivley. In most copies, the pages from 136 to 147 have 
been taken out. The only copy seen by the present writer, 
which contains these pages, is in the possession of lord Arundell 
of Wardour, and it could not be in more liberal hands. The 
Hibemia Dominicana is a curious and important work, — the 
fruit of great research, and written with elegance and method. 
— But ultramontanism, often in its extreme bearings, too fre« 
quently appears. It gave g^eat offence; and the catholic 
bishops of Munster, assembled at Thurles, in July 1 775, — 
together with the bishop of Tuam, then casually in that city,— 
signed a declaration, expressing '* their entire disapprobation 
** of the work and the supplement, because they tended to 
** weaken and subvert that allegiance, which catholics acknow- 
«< ledge themselves to owe, from duty and from gratitude, to 
^ king George the third." Before this time, father Burke 
had incurred much blame by his violent reprobation of an 
oath of allegiance, required of the roman-catholic clergy, by 
an act of the year 1 756-7, and sanctioned by all the other 
catholic prelates in Ireland. 

In 1775, the doctors of the faculty of divinity at Paris, vrere 
consulted by the catholic prelates of Ireland, on the form of an 
oath, then proposed to be taken by the general body of Irish 
catholics. It consisted of four articles ; the persons taking it, 
were made, — by the first, to profess that the pope neither had, 
nor ought to have, directly or indirectly, any temporal or ciril 
power in Ireland ;— by the second, to disclaim the doctrine, 
that it is lawful to kill, destroy, or break f^th with heretics ;«-< 
by the third, to reject the opinion, that princes exoommuni^ 
cated by the pope, or any other authority, may be depofed or 

* Columbanus, No. ii. p. 960. 


" ioo/./)^a/?;ii^m,equalto20o/. now; and allowed 

« him free access to his person, on terms of easy 
friendship and familiarity, throughout a course of 
forty years. Overpowered by kindness, and pos- 



put to death by their subjects, or any other person ; — and by 
the fourth, to declare, that no power on earth could dispense 
with die obligations contracted by that oath. Sixty doctors 
of the sacred faculty, signed, on the 6th of November 1775, an 
opinioR, that the oath might be lawfully taken. On the third 
artideof it, they aver, that *' the doctrine on the murder and 
** deposing of kings, is evidently bad in two ways ; — it is mate' 
^ rialbf heretical, that is, contrary to the word of God, so far 
^' as it expresses that princes may be deposed ; and formally 
^ heretical, inasmuch as it superadds the lawfulness of putting 
'^ them to death, agreeably to what was observed in the year 
** 1680, by fifty-nine doctors of the faculty of Paris, who gave 
the same opinion concerning the oath formerly prescribed 
in England by James the first." Doctrina de ccsde et depoH* 
tione principum, in duplex vitium incurrit ; ut nempe sit haretica 
matenaliter^ id est^ verba Dei contraria, quatenus deponi posse 
frincipes effert : formaliter vera etiam, quatenus et occidi posse 
mtperaddit: Prout Anno Domini 1680, obseroatum fuit a 59 
doctoribus Parisiensibus^ qui memoratum supra sententiam, dixerey 
circa sacramentum AngUcanumyO Jacobo primo, quondam prcescrip- 
hm, — ^These facts respecting the Hibemia Dominicana of Dr. 
Burke, and the opinion of the doctors of the university of Paris, 
are taken from, *' A Justification of the Tenets of the Roman* 
^ ditholic Religion, and a Refutation of the Charges brought 
«< against its Clergy by the right reverend Lord Bishop of 
** Cloyne : — By Dr. James Butler, the catholic archbishop of 
" Cashell,'^ 8vo. 1 787. On the epithets material and formal, used 
by the Parisian doctors, the right reverend prelate observes, that 
tbey are school terms : that '' a doctrine is called materially 
** heretical, when contrary to the word of God, though not yet 
** condemned as such ; — and that, when condemned by the 
** authority of the church, it is called by the schoolmen /or* 
** maUy heretical." 

veil. III. O G 


" sessed of a grateful and warm heart, Walsh knew 
" not how to make any return : he was grieved tosee 
^^ in the duke's disposition a sternness of attachment 
** to his own opinions, which was carried to the 
" unjustifiable length of shutting his eyes and ears 
" to all arguments, whether good or bad, which 
" might be urged against them. — Under these im- 
^^ pressions of affectionate attachment on one side, 
^^ respect for the duke's opinions on another, and 
" the fear of giving him offence, Walsh never^ 
" ventured, however he might wish, to speak to 
" him on the subject of a true church. 

" At length, however, when he saw Ormond de- 
" dining in health, advanced in age, and standing, 
" as he thought, on the verge of the grave, he took 
^' courage ; and going into his. closet, asked, as & 
" last favour, that, after an intimacy of near forty 
" years, the duke would allow him to state his own 
" reasons for adhering to the ancient church, in 
" spight of all the scandals which prevailed amongst 
" its professors ; he showed how unreasonable it 
" was to confound abuses with the genuine doc- 
" trines of true catholicity ; and then, throwing 
" himself on his knees, he entreated him, in the 
" name of the Redeemer, not to die without the 
" sacraments of reconciliation. — * Walsh,' said the 
" duke, ' I see you are in good earnest j but, if 
" you thought my situation dangerous, so good a 
" friend as you ought to have admonished me 
^ sooner ; I cannot now embrace, what I see so muqh. 
" cause to condemn.' Walsh would have replied; 
" — but the duke showing reluctance, he rose, apd 

. « 



** left the room, much agitated by such a separa- 
'* tion, from such a friend. — It was the agitation of 
** an affectionate and an honest mind ; of a man 
" whose hairs were grey from age, and whose fea- 
^* tures were wrinkled by persecution. — What effect 
" it had on Ormond's mind, God only knows. — '• 
** There are precious moments, when the voice of an 
*^ inscrutable God penetrates to the heart. — The re- 
" mainder is a secret, which rests deposited in the 
" minds of two men, who, notwithstanding the dif- 
ference of sphere in which they moved, were tied 
to each other by a long experienced fidelity, and 
" an attachment, which the severest trials could 
*' never dissolve." 

Father Walsh is mentioned with esteem by bishop 
Burnet and Dodwell ; both, however, insinuate, that 
the father's catholicity hung very loosely upon him ; 
but their insinuations should be received with some 
distrust, as the experience of every day shows, that, 
when a Catholic disclaims tenets, erroneously im- 
puted by protestants to the members of his com- 
* inunion, as doctrines of their church, the catholic is 
too eJBisily suspected of not believing all that real 
dithoHcs believe. 

Several pamphlets, one, in particular, intitule^ 
^'The Friar disciplined," by Talbot, afterwards 
catholic archbishop of Dublin, were published 
ligainsf father Walsh. None of these have come 
. il^to the hands of the present writer ; so that hii? 
owh opinion of the character of father Walsh, restj 
aJtogetiber on his History of the Remonstrance, and 
ik(b facts mentioned of him by Dr. O'Conor. From 

GO 2 



these, he suspects, that the father's real crimes were 
his rejection of the pope's temporal power, and the 
works, in which he opposed that mifoimded and 
calamitous doctrine. 

Father Walsh died in London, in September 1688, 
and was buried in St. Dunstan's in the West 

A few months before he died, he signed a deda^ 
ration, of which we shall give a translation, and 
subjoin to it a copy of the original. — " I, brother 
" Peter Walsh, a priest of the order of St Francis, 
" of the stricter observance ;— ascribed to the Irish 
" province ; — submit, before God, and the wit- 
'^ nesses called for this purpose, and subject, from 
" my soul, all and every the books, which I have 
" ever written or printed, in any language, to the 
^^ examination and judgment of the holy roman- 
" catholic church, and the vicar of Christ on earth, 
" the Roman pontiff; and from my soul, I retract, 
" condemn, repent of and reject, whatever shall be 
^^ found in them, erroneous, scandalous, or in any 
^^ wise noxious to the catholic faith, sound dootrine, 
*^ good morals, or to any men : Promising, if life 
" and strength remain, that all things which, in 
^^ my said works, shall appear such as ought to be 
*' condemned or suppressed, I will expressly and 
** from my soul, even in print, so far as the case 
*' requires, retract : and that I will always submit 
*^ my own judgment to the church and my supe- 
*' riors; as I now truly submit, as an humble and 
*' obedient son of the church and the seraphic order. 
*' In testimony of which, I have subscribed this de- 
" claration with my own hand. Dated the 13th 


" of the month of March 1687, ^Id style, and the 
" 23d day of the same month of March 1688, 

" ^*^ '^^^- " Peter Walsh." 

" Brother Jo. Everard, Franciscan, present 

" Brother Benedict Macarthy, Cistercian, present. 

" Brother Francis Forster, Franciscan, present*.** 

It should be added, that the authentici^ of this 

retractation rests altogether on the circumstance, that 

a copy of it, in the hand- writing of a respectable 

contemporary, but without any attestation, has been 


* ** Ego, frater Petriis Valesius, sacerdos ordinis S. Fran- 

** ctsci, strictiorifl observantifle, provinciae Hibernis adscriptiu ; 

** Bubmitto, coram Deo et testibus ad hoc vociitis, et subjido, 

** ex animo, omnes et quoscumque libros, quos unquam scrips!, 

^ leu typis dedi, quocumque idiomate, examini et judicio sanc- 

** tfi cafcholic« Romanae ecdesiae, et Christi, in terns, vicarir, 

^ Romani pontificis ; et ex nunc retracto, damno, deleo, et 

** rejicio quidquid in eis repertum fuerit erroneuro, sca]nda- 

^ loaom, aut quocumque modo noxium catholics fidei, sapse 

^ doctrine, bonis moribus, aut etiam quibuscumquehominibus: 

^ Promittens si vita, et vires suppetant, ia omnia, quae in meis 

** dictis operibus damnanda aut supprimenda visa fuerint, me 

** expresse et ex animo, etiam libris editis, quatenus opus fuerit, 

.'* xet^ractaturum, et judicium proprium semper ecclesiae, et 

** sapeciorum judicio omnino submissurum prout nunc rever& 

** submitto, tanquam humilis et obediens ecclesiae et ordinis 

" aeraphicae filius ; in quorum fidem, presenti declarationi, pro- 

*' prid manu subscripsi Londini, die 13 mensis Martii, anno 

** 1687, s^lo veteri, seu die 23 ejusdem mensis, anno 1688, 

.** alylo novo. 

*< Petrus Valesius." 

** Fr. Jo. Everardus, Franciscanus, praesens. 
** Fr. Benedictus Macarthi, Cisterciensis, pnesenlt. 
' ^ Fr. Franciscus Forster, Franciscanus, pneeens.*^ 

GO 3 


LXXX. 13. 

Cor^Ucation of Irish Property at the Revolution 

in 1688. 

We now reach the term of this part of our his- 
torical inquiries. 

The predisposing cause of all the religious trou- 
ble9 in Ireland, was, the natural irritation of the 
ancient Irish families, at the confiscations, made in 
the reigns of Henry the jsecond, Henry the eighth, 
Edward the sixth, queen Elizabeth, and James the 
first By these, a great proportion of their here- 
ditary possessions was wrested from them, and 
transferred to adventurers from England. This 
divided the kingdom into the Old Irish and the 
New Settlers^ — two parties, strongly distinguished 
from each other, by language, habits, and manners. 
The reformation introduced the further division of 
the kingdom into a catholic and protestant party. 

The former included almost all the families of 
the ancient Irish blood, and the far greater part 
of the new families. As the latter hs^d participated 
in the general plunder, they were sometimes in- 
volved in the general jealousy, with which all the 
sharers of it were viewed by the ancient proprietors 
and their descendants : and being of English de» 
scent, — mpst of them allied to English families, and 
all of them holding their titles under the same con- 
fiscations as the* protestants, they were thought to 
be more favourably received by the protestant party. 
So far as respected the free exercise of the catholic 


ireligion, they agreed with the descendants of the 
old Irish ; but, when any thing like a restoration of 
property came in question, they were suspected 
of showing something of a protestant feeling, and 
of being too ready to come into terms pf accommo- 
dation, in which neither the civil nor the religious 
rights of the general body of the Irish catholics 
were, in the opinion of its great majority, suffix 
ciendy consulted. This contributed mainly to the 
dissentions, which uniformly distracted the councils 
6f the Irish catholics, and finally brought on the 
ruin of the confederacy. 

The consequences of it, and the injustice shown 
to the innocent catholics, by the government of 
Charles the second, are shortly stated in the pas- 
sage which we last extracted from lord Clare's 
celebrated speech. Never, surely, did any race of 
men pay more dearly, than the Irish catholics, for 
their dissentions^ 

But, even at the time, of which we are now 
ispeaking, their calamities were not at their close. 
— An extract from the same speech will succinctly 
exhibit the last scene of the tragedy. 
» ** Aftef the expulsion of James the second," (says 
the eari of Clare), " from the throne of England, 
,♦* the old inhabitants made a final effort for the 
" recovery of their ancient power, in which they 
't^ were cince more defeated by an . English army, 
^^ aoid the idetidef reUcs of Iriab possessions became 
."; ihe subject of ireah confiscation' From the report 
^.\ maderby the comqus^ioners appointed by the par- 
y,.liameB( qf Eo^laild in 1698, it appears, that the 

G G 4 


" Irish subjects outlawed for the rebellion. cMTidSS 



amounted to 3,978 ; and that their Iriih posses- 
sions, as far as could be computed, were of the 
*^ annual value of 211,623/., comprising one mil- 
*^ lion sixty thousand seven hundred and ninety-two 
" acres. This fund was sold under lie authority of 
*^ an English act of parliament, to defray the ex- 
^' penses incurred by England in reducii^ die 
"rebels of 1688; and the sale mtroduced into 
" Ireland a new set of adventurers. 

" It is a very curious and important speculation 
" to look back to the forfeitures of Ireland incurred 
" in the last century. The superficial contents of 
" the island are calculated at eleven millions forty- 
" two thousand six hundred and eighty-two acres. 
" Let us now examine the state of forfeitures : 

" In the reign of James the first, the 
" whole of the province of Ulster was Acres. 
** conficated, containing - - - 2,836,837 

" Set out by the court of claims at 
" the restoration - - . . 7,800,000 

" Forfeitures of 1688 ... 1,060,792 

Total - - - 11,697,629 

" So that the whole of your island has been 
" confiscated, with the exception of the estates of 
" five or six old families of English blood, some of 
" whom had been attainted in the reign of Henry 
" the eighth, but recovered their possessions before 
" Tyrone's rebellion, and had the good fortune to 
^ escape the pillage of the English republic in- 


" flicted by Cromwell ; and no inconsiderable por- 
** tion of the island has been confiscated twice, or 
" perhaps thrice, in the course of a century. The 
*** situation, therefore, of the Irish nation at the revo- 
" lution stands unparalleled in the history of the 
" inhabited world." 

Here the history of the sanguinary executions of 
the Irish catholics, and of the confiscation of their 
property, in some manner closes. In defence of 
these atrocious inflictions, it has been sometimes 
contended, that they were justified by the rebellions 
of the Irish catholics. To arrive at a just conclu- 
sion on this head, a full examination of the causes, 
nature, and extent of these rebellions, is absolutely 
necessary. The writer begs leave to express his 
conviction, that such an examination would de- 
monstratively show, that however reprehensible the 
conduct of the individuals engaged in them might 
have been, neither their number, nor their guilt, 
was so great as to justify the horrid severities 
which were exercised on the catholic body at 

Far be it from the writer to justify a resistance to 
the government of a country, on the ground of reli- 
gion ; it must be admitted, that no religion incul- 
.cates passive submission, even to the most unju§t 
government, more than the catholic. The alleged 
rebellions he therefore neither defends, nor, for the 
present, attempts to extenuate. But he submits, 
that the accusers of the Irish catholics should be 
consistent with their own principles : — ^they should 
consider the various passages in the writings of die 


patriarchs of the reformation^ in which they justify 
resistance to government on account of religion, 
and the many crowns that were broken, and go- 
vernments that were overturned, to introduce the 
reformation into those states. If they coodcpm 
these revolutionary proceedings, they may, consist- 
ently with their own principles, condemn the insur- 
rections p( the Irish catholics : — but, if they justify 
the former, they may be justly required to avow 
some principle, which made it lawful for the re- 
formers to use these means for establishing their 
new religion, and which, at the same time, ren- 
dered it unlawful for the Irish catholics to use them 
for maintaining their old *. 

LXXX. 14- 

Tke Irish Brigade. 

^ A XAao^ proportion of the sufferers under the 
confiscation in 1688, emigrated to France and 
Spain, and composed, what is termed, the Irish 
Brigade,— a military corps, renowned in every 
part of Europe for their sufferings, their valour, and 
their honour. To them, the roughest and most 
perilous services of the armies to which they be- 
Iwgedj were too often appropriated. They con- 
Si^ntly acquitted themselves of them without a 
.fHurmur and without a fault; and verified, by their 
ppnduct, the truth of the expression, Un gentilhomme 
efp^ taiffours gentilhomme. Many gentlemen of the 

* On Mm subject ^' Loi'd Castlemain^s Apology,^ and 
Pallenon's '< Image of both.Chdrches," miiy be us^cdfy 


most ancient families in Ireland, — and sometimes, 
even Iristi noblemen, — served in the ranks. Sur- 
veying their prodigies of valour at the battle of 
Dettingen, George the first is said to have uttered 
a generous curse on the laws of England, which 
prevented his availing himself of it. A full history 
of the brigade would be a valuable acquisition to 
literature. A succinct account of it is given by the 
abb^ Mac Geoghegan*; and by major James, in 
the Appendix to his excellent Military Dictionary, 
tit " Irish Brigade:' 

In the opinion, too, of all who justly appreciate 
mental worth and dignity, the uniform attachment 
of the Irish catholics to their religion, oflfers a sub- 
lime spectacle. Notwithstanding the severity of 
the laws of Henry the eighth, Edward the sixth, 
Elizabeth, and James the first, not sixty Irish 
catholics had, in the reign of the last of these sove- 
reigns, embraced the protestant religion. — Not- 
withstaxiding the subsequent severities,, the Irish 
ca^olics now form four-fifths of the whole popula- 
tion of Ireland. " Whatever,!' says Dr. Johnson, 
^^ withdraws us from the power of our senses ; 
f* whatever makes the past, the distant, or the 
^^ future, pre4pminate pver d^ present, advances us 
y in the scale of rational beings." In whom has the 
past, the distant, or the future,— or, in other words, 
-T-the etemalj — predominated more over the pre- 
sent, than in these men, who; in the midst of all 
that wounds, and all that terrifies human nature, 
hiave thus uniformly adhered to jreliigiQus principle? 

* Histoire 4e I'lrlande, vol. il. p. 748. 





We shall now attempt to present our readers with 
a succinct account of the principal events in the 
history of the Irish catholicS) from the revolution 
till the act which was passed for their relief in the 
year 1793. 



Articles of Limerick. 

By the first article of this treaty, — all the roman* 
catholics of the kingdom of Ireland were to enjoy 
such privileges, in the exercise of their religion, 
as they enjoyed in the reign of Charles the second; 
and their majesties were to use their endeavours 
to procure, (as soon as their affairs would permit 
them to summon a parliament), such further secu- 
rity in that particular, as might preserve them from 
any disturbances upon the account of their religion. 

By the second article, — all the inhabitants or 
residents in Limerick, or any other garrison, then 
in the possession of the Irish, and all cheers and 
soldiers then in arms under any commission of 
king James, in the counties of Limerick, Clare, 



Kerry, Cork, and Mayo, and all commissioned 
officers, submitting to his majesty's obedience, and 
their heirs, were to hold and enjoy their estates, 
and all rights, titles, privileges, and immunities, to 
which they were entitled in the reign of Charles 
the second, and to profess, exercise, and follow all 
professions, trades, and ca,llings then open to them, 
on taking the oath of allegiance prescribed by, the 
act of the first year of the reign of their majesties, 
and expressed in the following words : — " 1,-4.-8. 
do solemnly swear, that I will be faithful and 
bear true allegiance to their majesties king 
*' William and queen Mary." 

By the ninth article, — the oath to be submitted 
to such roman-catholics as should submit to their 
majesties government, should be this oath of alle- 
giance, and no other. 


Principal Ads passed in the reign of William the third, 

against the Roman-Catholics. 

In opposition to this solemn engagement, the 
parliament of king William passed several acts, 
which are thus stated in a report of a committee 
of the Irish house of commons: — 

1st ^^ An act against the authority of the see of 
*^ Rome. It enacts, that no person shall attribute 
«< any jurisdiction to the see of Rome ; that the 
^ person offending shall be subject to a praemunire ; 
** and that all who have any office from the king, — 
'^ every person entering into orders, or taking a 


" degree in the university, shall take the oath <rf 
" supremacy. 

2d. " An act restoring to the crown the ancient 
'^ jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical and erpi- 
" ritual: it like wise enacts, that every ecclesiastical 
" person, every person accepting office, shall take 
" the oath of supremacy. 

3d. " An act for the uniformity of common 
" prayer. It enacts, that every person having iio 
'* lawfiil excuse to be absent, shall every Sunday 
" resort to some place of worship of the established 
" church, or forfeit twelve pence. 

4th. " An act by which the chancellor may 
" appoint a guardian to the child of a catholic. 

5th. " An act by which no catholic school- 
" master can teach in a private house, without a 
" license from the ordinary of his diocese, ' and 
*^ taking the oath of supremacy. 

6th. " The new rules by which no person can 
" be admitted into any corporation without taking 
" any oath of supremacy *." 

They also passed an act to disarm the roman- 
catholics ; another to banish the priests ; another 
to prevent protestants from marrying with cathor 
lies ; another to prevent catholics from being soli- 
citors, and from being employed as game-keepers: 
The act for disarming the roman-catholics contains 
a 'clause',' that any horse in the hands or power of 
Ptty catholic, may be seized by a warrant from Ae 

* See the report of the committee of the house of com- 
mons, appointed in 1697, to consider the several laws in force 
ag$iiMt the catholics. 




magistrate^ and delivered to the protestant dis- 
coverer upon payment of five pounds to its owner. 
The act for the banishment of the priests was 
enforced rigorously. " It appears,^ says Mr. 
Matthew O'Conor*, " from captain South's ac- 
count, that, in 1698, the number of secular 
priests atnounted to four hundred and ninety- 
" five, the number of seculars to eight hundred and 
ninety-two, and that the number of regulars 
shipped off in that year to foreign parti was four 
" hundred and twenty-four. — Some few, disabled 
" by age and infirmkies firom emigration, sought 
" shelter in caves, or implored and received the 
*^ concealment and protection ofprotestants, whose 
humane feelings were superior to their preju- 
dices." " There was not," says Dr. Burke t> in 
his History of the Irish Dominicans, ^ a single 
" house of that order in Ireland, which was not 
" suppressed." 

Each of these enactments was a direct and gi^oss 
violation of the articles of Limerick. To complete 
&e measure of the injustice, an act, ifttituled, " an 
" act to confirm the articles of Limerick," was passed ; 
but with such omissions and variations, as nearly 
evaded them altogether ; it was such an evident 
br^fuph of public faith, that seven spiritual and five 
temporled) peers signed a strong protest against it 
No one who compares the articles with the act, 
will think this opinion too severe : a more gross 

• • 

• Hist. p. 145. — We must repeat our hopes that Mr. 
O'Conor will complete this interesting work. 
t Hib. Dom. p. 155. 



violation of public faith does^ot occur in histoiy. 
It has never been defended, except on the ground 
of state necessity. But can state necessity, under 
any circumstances, justify a system of policy, by 
which three fourths of a large population of a 
large nation is to be eradicated? 

". It is true," exclaimed Mr. Pitt upon Mr. Fox's 
India bill, that the measure is said to be founded 
on necessity. But what is this ? Is it not neces- 
sity that has been the plea of every illegal exercise 
" of power 1 and every exercise of oppression! has 
" not necessity been the plea of every usurpation! of 
" every infringement of human rights *!'' 

" How it is possible," says sir Henry Pamell f, 
" to defend William and his ministers from the 
" charge of acting with perfidy to the catholics, it 
" is not easy to discover : that they were guilty 
" of violating the treaty, no one can deny. The 
" many glaring violations of the treaty of Limerick, 
" are a scandal to the boasted good faith of the 
" English nation, and a mockery of that equitable 
" religion, whose precepts are founded upon the 
" purest principles of justice and humanity." 

LXXXI. 3. 

Molynetix*s Work, intituled^ " The Case of Ireland's being 
" bound by Acts of Parliament in England." 

It is difficult to conceive a condition of greater 
degradation and misery, than that, to which the 

* Bishop Tomline*B Life of Pitt, vol. i. p. 142. 
t History of the Penal Laws, p. a6, 27. 


catholic inhabitants of Ireland were, at this time, 
reduced. An event now took place, from which 
the gradual but slow amelioration of the general 
state of Ireland may be dated : and in this, though 
very indirectly and very scantily, still, in a certain 
measure, the catholics participated. 

For some time, the manufacture of wool in Ire- 
land had been on the increase : it was supposed 
to employ twelve thousand families in the metro-: 
polls, and thirty thousand dispersed over the rest 
of the kingdom; and the exportation of it to fo- 
reign markets was considerable. The English began 
tq feel a jealousy at the prosperity of this branch 
of. Irish commerce, and several acts* were passed 
to restrain it, and to confine the exportation to 
England. But the trade was almost wholly in the 
hands of the protestants ; and as soon as the Eng- 
lish government began to check it, these began 
to feel the oppressive system of English policy. 
This led some inquisitive spirits to question the 
right of England to legislate for Ireland : among 
these, Mr. William Molyneux, member for the uni- 
versity of Dublin, a man deeply versed in the con- 
stitution of his country, honoured by the friendship 
of Locke, and esteemed by the good and wise men 
of his time, as a patriot and a philanthropist, parti- 
cularly distinguished himself by his celebrated ^ 
pamphlet, intituled, " The Case of Ireland's being 
" hound by Acts of Parliament in England'' He 
observed, that the claim of the English parliament 

• 1 W. & M. c. 32 ; 4W. & M. c. 24; 7 & 8 W. & M. 
ch.aS ; 9 W. & M. c. 40. 



Bduat be founded on purchase, conquest, or piece* 
dents. As to the first, he showed that there vas 
no pretence for it ; as to the second, he contended 
t}iat Ireland was not so conquered by Henry the 
second, as to give the parliament of England any 
jurisdiction over Ireland : and as to the precedents, 
by which this jurisdicion was attempted to be 
established, he professed to show, that no such 
precedent of an earlier date than thirty-seven 
years could be produced ; and that the latter pre- 
cedents had never been acquiesced in, but always 
C0i9plained of. 

His work was generally read, and gave such 
offence to the English government, that it viras com- 
plained of in the house of commons, and referred 
to a committee : they reported it to contain many 
dangerous positions ; and to counteract its im[H:es- 
slons, the parliament of Ireland passed the act ^^ for 
" the further security of his majesty's person and 
" government," by which they re-enacted the Eng- 
lish statute of the third of William and Mary. — 
From this time, till the legislative recognition of the 
independence of Ireland in 1 782, the question never 
was at rest. There was always a party, who pro- 
fessed to maintain the rights of Ireland against the 
tjrranny of England, and to promote, in opposition 
to her narrow politics, such measures as were of a 
nature to increase the importance and happiness of 
Ireland. For a considerable time they joined the 
government of England in its systematic oppression 
of the catholics ; still, by disseminating some gene- 
ral principles and truths, favourable to civil and 


reli^us liberty, they prepared, tliougli at a^^eat 
distance, the public mind to receive the stropg 
appeals made to their understandings and feelings, 
which in a subsequent but distant time, were made 
to them by the catholics. 

LXXXI. 4. 

The conduct of William the tliird in respect to the Irish 


" The peculiar state of Ireland," says Mr. 
Macpherson*, " seems to have been overlooked in 
" the contest. The ground upon which the d^ri- 
** vation of James had been founded in England 
** had not existed in Ireland, The lord lieutenant 
*' had retained his allegiance. The government 
" was uniformly continued under the name of the 
** prince ; from him the servants of the crown had 
** derived their commissions. James himself had 
"for more than seventeen months exercised the 
" royal functions in Ireland. He was certainly 
" defactOy if not de jure, king. The rebellion of 
" the Irish must therefore be founded on the sup- 
" position, that their allegiance is transferrible by 
" the parliament of England. A speculative opi- 
" nion can scarcely justify the punishngient of a 
" great majority of a people. The Irish ought to 
** have been considered as enemies rather than as 
" rebels f." 

• HiBtoiy of Great BritaiBu 

+ " BoswELL. Pray, Mr. Dilly, how does Leland^^ * History 
*' of Ireland* sell ?— Johitsoji (bursting forth with n generous 

H H 2 


It appears that the views of William himself in. 
respect to the Irish catholics were those of wise and. 
humane policy ; that he sought to conciliate the body, 
of the nation by promoting its general prosperity 
and of the catholics in particular by a liberal toler- 
ation of their particular creed, and a complete pro- 
tection of their persons and properties. But these 
enlarged and just notions did not accord with the 
designs of those, to whom he was obliged to con- 
fide the government of this country, and on whom 
the precariousness of his own title rendered him 
dependent: these forced him into measures to. 
which he was averse from his nature, and which 
were incongruous with his notions of policy. If 
we are to believe a respectable and intelligent 
writer*, the catholics made due allowances to Wil- 
liam for the circumstances in which he was in- 
volved ; *^ his kindness and partiality deserved their 
^'esteem, conciliated their affections, and fixed 
" their allegiance: they took the oath prescribed 
" by the articles of Limerick, and neither the secret 
", practices of the exiles, nor the examples of plots 

indignation,) " The Irish are in a most unnatural state ; for 
<< we see there the minority prevailing over the majority. 
'* There is no instance, even in the ten persecutions, of such 
« severity as that which the protestants of Ireland have 
'< cised against the catholics. Did we tell them, it would be 
<< above board : to punish them by confiscation and other 
'^ penalties, as rebels, was monstrous injustice. King William 
** was not their lawful sovereign ; he had not been acknow* 
'< ledged by any parliament of Ireland, when they I4;>peared 
*' in arms against him." 

* O'Conor's History, p. 157, 158, 


*^ and conspiracies in England and Scotland, could 

** induce them to swerve from their allegiance. 
"The knowledge of the monarch's necessities, 
** which controled the exercise of the king's just ieuid 
*^ generous disposition, excused, in the minds of the 
^* catholics of his days, the harsh measures of his 
^* government" 



We now come to what Mr. Burke justly terms 
" ihe/erocious acts of the reign of queen Anne^^ 

By an English act of parliament, catholics were 
prevented from purchasing any of the forfeited 
lands ; and leases of them, containing more than 
two acres, were annulled*. 

The cruelty of this law is without precedent : the 
lands forfeited at the revolution were supposed to 
amount to a million of acres ; those who had for- 
feited them, were disabled from repurchasing them ; 
and not only they, but all other catholics, were dis- 
abled from taking leases of them, even at rack- 
rent, or any lease that should comprise more than 
two acres, a quantity insufficient for the subsist- 
ence of a family. Thus, throughout the whole of 
these ample territories, catholics were debarred 
from all durable or profitable tenure ; were doomed 
to be tillers and labourers to the new protestant set- 
tlers ; and the hope of the slightest amelioration of 
their miserable lot, even at a distant period, was 

• 1 Anne, c. 3«. 
H H 3 


versal feeling of all mankind, which pronotuices 
informers to be an odious race, the house of com- 
mons resolved, that " prosecuting and informing 
" against papists was an honourable service.''' The 
catholics were heard against this bill as against the 
former, by their counsel sir Stephen Rice ; and it 
jcnay be thought that his eloquence made some im- 
pression, as two archbishops and five bishops signed 
a protest against it. 

" The catholics," says Mr. O'Conor*, " were 
'* generally compassionated. Neither the menaees 
" of power, nor the contagion of example, nor the 
." influence of religious hatred, nor the prejudices 
"of party, could eradicate the seeds of humanity ; 
" they connived at, encouraged, and aided evasions 
•" of the penalties and provisions of these iniquitous 
" statutes : many of them concealed proscribed 
" priests in their houses, and became trustees in 
'' purchases of properties and settlements of estates 
" for catholics, in order to favour their industry 
'' and protect them from the ruin of the gavel act. 
" Committees had been repeatedly appointed by 
" the house to inquire into and devise means to 
" prevent the evasions of the popery code : the 
*' ingenuity of benevolence still thwarted the ma- 
" lignity of party, still provided resources for rais- 
" fortune." Several unfortunate noblemen and 
gentlemen, whom the penal code had reduced from 
affluence and comfort to misery, were harboured 
by protestants, who took on themselves successively 
the charge of this hospitality. By an act, passed in 

* O'Conor's History, p. 179. 


the fifth year of her majesty, parliament deprived 
diese wretched sufferers of this last resource, by 
enacting, that ^' all vagrants, pretending to be Irish 
" gentlemen, who cohered about from house to 
" house, should be sent on board the fleet, or trans- 
" ported to the plantations *." 

Spieaking generally, — all the rigorous laws which 
we have mentioned, were actively executed, so far 
as their execution depended on government or its 
retainers : the commons came to a resolution, that 
' all magistrates and other persons whosoever, who 
neglected or omitted to put the penal laws into 
execution, were betrayers of the liberties of the 
constitution f. 

The consequence is thus described by a writer, 
whom I have often cited and shall often cite :j; ; — 
The loss of rights and property extinguished every 
sort of patriotism, and infused the spiritless in- 
" difference of submissive poverty into the great 
" mass of the people, who barely existed in their 
^^ native soil, strangers to its natural blessings, the 
" patient victims of its wrongs, the insensible spec- 
" tators of its ruin. Here they vegetated on the 
potato root, decayed in the prime of life, desti- 
tute of solid nourishment, and sinking to un- 
timely graves, their vigour prematurely exhausted 
by hard labour, and the spark of life at length 
exhausted by famine." — Much of what is now 
visible in Ireland, too clearly shows that this repre- 
sentation is not exaggerated. 

 O'Conor's Hist p. 177. 

t Com. Journals, vol. iii. p. 289. 

J O'Conor's Hist. p. 1 83. 



' I>XXXI. 6. 

Gi:oRO£ rnt fir^t. 

SiE Hemy Paraell** mentiong die tides oi iiz 
acts of parliament, which were passed ia tkkl feign 
iq^ainst the roman-cadiolics, $31 Teiatiouft and 
humiliating, some highly oppreBsiveL 

He concludes the account of ih&sk by die Ibttow^ 
ing observations f- 

^^ The loyalty of die catholics was in this reign 
" put to a complete trial, by the Scotch rebellion 
^^ t)f 1 7 1 5. If, after having fought three campaigns 
^' in support of James's pretensions to die tfarone 
^^ of Ireland, aiter having experienced the infirac- 
^^ tion of every part of the treaty of Limerick^ and 
^^ been exposed to a code of statirtes by which diey 
^^ were totally excluded from the privSeges of the 

constitution ; and if, after they had become sub** 

ject to the worst of all oppressions, the persecu^ 
^^ tion of private society and private manners, they 
^^ had embarked in die cause of the invader, dieir 
^^ conduct would have been that of a high q[>irited 
*^ nation, goaded into a state of desperation by their 
*^ relendess tormentors ; and, if their resistance 
^< had been successful, their leaders would have 
*^ ranked among the Tells and Washingtons of 
<^ modem history.-^ -Dut so far from yieldii^ to the 
^^ natural dictates of rev^ige, or attempting iti t$k» 

* Hist. p. 43 ; 1 Geo. I, c. 9, id. 19 ; J^Gto. 1, e. 15, 16; 
6 Geo. I, c. 10. 
t History of the Ptoal Law% p« 44. 







adTsntige of what wis pacs^in^ in Scodand, to 
regmin dieir ns:lifs. dier did doc toDow die ex- 
aiD[rfe of dieir nders. in Tiobdng. opoo die first 
£aivouraUe opportMnitr. m sacred and solemn 
compact ; and tints tiier gaire the strongest testi- 
BKmy, thmt tfaev liad whoDy giren up their former 
hopes of establishing m catholic prince upon &e 
*^ dirone. Their loyaltr was not. however, a pio^ 
tecticm to diem against the oppressions of their 
protestant coantrymen. The penalties for the 
" exercise of dieir religion were generally and 
rigidlj inflicted, their chapels were shut up, their 
fHiests dragged from their hiding-places, hurried 
into prisons, and from thence sent into banish- 

** In 1 732," says a respectable writer *, " a pro- 
'' ciamation was issued against the roman-catholic 
" clergy, and the degree of violence, with which it 
*^ was enforced, made many of die old natives look 
^^ seriously, as a last resource, to emigration. Bishop 
** O'Rorke retired from Belanagare, and the gen- 
^^ demen of that neighbourhood had no clergyman 
** for a considerable time to give them mass, but a 
** poor old man, one Pendergast, who, before day- 
" dawn on Sunday, crept into a cave in the parish 
" of Baslick, and waited diere for his congregation^ 
" in cold and wet weather, hunger and thirst, to 
" jyreach to them patieflce under thfeir afflictions, 
** and perseverance in their principles ; to offer Up 
** prayers for dieir persecutors, aind to arm dkem 

* Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the late Charles 
O'Gonor, Vol. i. p. 17$. 


" with resignation to the will of heaven in their 
" misfortunes. The cave is called, PoU-an-Aifiriny 
'* or mass-cave, to this day ; and is a melancholy 
" monument of the piety of our ancestors." 

It is a subject of just reproach to the memory of 
the celebrated dean of St. Patrick's, that his works 
do not contain a single passage in which he has 
either advocated the cause of the catholics, or so 
much as expressed any compassion for their suf- 
ferings : in the following lines he even describes 
their fallen and hopeless state with visible exulta- 
tion. " We look upon the catholics to be altogether 
" as inconsiderable as the women and the chilr 
" dren. Their lands are almost entirely taken froin 
" them, and they are rendered incapable of pur- 
*' chasing any more; and, for the little that remains^ 
" provision is made by the late act against popery, 
^' that it will daily crumble away : to prevent which, 
" some of the most considerable among them, are 
*' already turned protestants, and so in all proba- 
" bility will many more. Then, the popish priests 
" are all registered, and without permission, (which 
^* I hope will not be granted), they can have no 
" successors ; so that the protestant clergy will find 
" it, perhaps, no difficult matter to bring great 
" numbers over to the church ; and in the mean 
" time the common people, without leaders, without 
" discipline, or natural courage, being little better 
" than hewers of wood and drawers of water, are 
" out of all capacity of doing any mischief, if they 
" were ever so well inclined *." 

* Letter concerning the Sacramental Test. 


Still Swift, though unintentionally, was a great 
benefactor to the cause of the Irish catholics. Speak- 
ing of his Draper's Letters, a performance which, 
in its kind, is yet without a rival or a second, 
Dr. Johnson observes, that " it was from .the time 
" of this publication, that the Irish may date their 
** riches and prosperity. He taught them first to, 
" know their own interest, their weight and their 
** strength, and gave them spirit to assert that 
" equality with their fellow-subjects, to which they 
" have ever since been making vigorous advances, 
" and to claim those rights which they have at last 
" established." This circumstance created among 
the Irish protestants, a party who advocated the red 
interests of their country against the oppressions of 
its governors. For some time, however, they co-, 
operated with the party in power in their persecu- 
tion of the catholics ; but, by degrees, they became 
sensible that this was incompatible with the real 
interests of the nation ; and began to feel some dis- 
position to relieve their catholic brethren. Add 
to this, that the catholics, though depressed and 
degraded, had a numerical strength, which each 
party felt it their interest to conciliate. 

LXXXI. 7. 


The same system of penal legislation was pur- 
sued throughout the reign at which we are now 


arrived. It was opened by an act*, which disabled 
papists from voting at elections, without taking die 
oath of supremacy : this act completed their entire 
exclusion from the constitution. 

The charter schools, a new engine of oppressicm, 
were erected during this reign ; their funds consist 
of lands, funded property, and an annual grant from 
parliament, yielding an annual income of about 
34,000/. The children admitted into the sefaock, 
were those of the indigent poor, and five*«ixifas of 
these being catholics, the schools were almost enr 
tirely filled with the children of catholic par^rts : 
but this circumstance was entirely disregarded ; the 
religion of the established church being exclusivdy 
taught in th^n. The charter for the incorporation 
of the society, mentions expressly that the schaofe 
were formed " for the conversion of these children.'' 

The act of the nineteenth year of the reign of 
which we are now speaking, annulled all marriages 
between protestants and catholics. 

The conduct of the catholics during the Scottish 
rebellion, in 1745, is admitted to have been most 
^yal and exemplary. Dr. Stone, the primate, pub- 
lished a letter, in which, after mentioning the ample 
means of information which he possessed, he de- 
clared, that " he could not discover the least trace, 
" hint, or intimation of any disloyal intercourse or 
" correspondence among the catholics, or their 

• 1 Geo. II, c. 9,& c. 30; 7 Geo. II, c. 5, & c.6;9Geo.II, 
c. 3, & c. 6 ; 13 Geo. II, c. 6 ; 1^ Geo. II, c. 5 ; 33 Geo. II, 

c. 10. 


^Vhaxiog faypur^ or $^tted, or haiinlug begn so 

^^ much as acquainted with the designs or prof^ed* 
** ing of th^ rebels *."* 

Lord Chesterfield f meAtiqp^, tluatt, ^ the c^tJipUc 
" clergy qo-oper^ted with their prot^tant brethren 
'^ to maintain order 9nd tranquillity. Their pastoral 
'^ letters, public di^ppurses firoqi the pi:|lp4^ and 
'^ priyate adia^oitiops^ w^r^ i^qually dM'ect^ for 
" the service of government." 

It ^ pajiuiiMl tp 9t|tjt9, that in ri^turn for these 
la^toripus services, the prot^.ta^t clergy ei^qitjsd 
public animpsijy agaiost tibte pathoUqs by their ser- 
mpi]^ X ; and that the earl of Ch^siterfield^, t)ie Iprd 
lieiitenant, recommended? M his speech to parlia^ 
m^nt, th(^ir takjing iJ^ aQX]|^i4erat],<M9L^ whether 
^^ ^mething further mig}»t. not yet be done for re- 
" pressing popery, ei^er by new law9, or by .the 
^' more effectual execution of those in being." 

" The Irish admiiustratioB imder George lie 
" second is stained," says Mr. O'Conor ||, " by 
'^desolating famines, by the encouragement of in* 
^^ formers, the transportation of priests ^, the d^f^y 
*^ of every branch of industry, and a great decrease 
^' of population, new penal statutes were enacjted, 

* Curry's Review, vol. ii. p. 261 • 

t X^hesterfield's Works, vol.i. p. 150. Irish edition. 

f Curry's Review, vol. ii. p. 1159. 

i Maty's Life of Lord Chesterfield* 

U History, p. 3 00. 

IT The average annual amount of premiums for transporting 
priests, for sixteen years preceding 1745» was 127 /. 17 <• 4 (f. 
The premiums ceased after 1 745. Newnham's View of Ire- 
land, p. 195. 


" and the last spark of catholic freedom was extiii- 
" guished." 

The famine mentioned by Mr. O'Conor is de- 
scribed by him in terms, which it would shock the 
humanity of our readers to peruse, and which, on 
this account, we omit. He declares *, that " the 
"sufferings of the Irish under it surpass all that 
" history has recorded or imagination can repre- 

" This was the fifth or sixth famine, that in the 
"course of twenty years, desolated a country gifted 
" with the most luxuriant soil, indented with in- 
" numerable bays and harbours, presenting unri- 
" vailed advantages for trade and manufactures, 
" and capable of maintaining treble the number of 
" its people, under any tolerable system of govem- 
" ment. All orders were struck with horror at 
" this fatal calamity, but neither the Irish govem- 
" ment, nor rich individuals, were able to relieve the 
" public distress. Immense drains to absentees, and 
" annual remittances to Poland for com, restric- 
" tions on the woollen trade, and an embargo on 
" beef, the staple commodity of the kingdom, left 
" the country destitute of specie, disabled the better 
" orders from relieving the lower classes, whose 
" miseries were aggravated by the immense stores 
" of beef then in the country, but heaped up for 
" the foreign markets, and denied to them by the 
" inhuman avarice of mercantile speculation. The 
" English people remained insensible to the mise- 
" ries of their fellow christians, and fellow subjects, 

* Page 823. 


** who adored the same omnipotence, and recog- 
" nized the same sovereignty. Their philanthropy 
"would not embrace men, whom they considered 
" as rivals and idolaters. 

" The visitation of famine and pestilence dis- 
" armed the rancour of religious intolerance, and 
" humanity shuddered at the wide prospect of de- 
" solation. After the reductimi of onejifth of the 
^^ population^ a productive harvest put an end to 
" these distresses. The system of persecution^ 


" catholics were everywhere disarmed, domiciliary 
visits were made in quest of priests and friars, 
the chapels were shut up, and a cruel persecution 
" commenced in every quarter of the kingdom. 
" From the interior, many fled to the metropolis, 
" as affording, by its extent and population, great 
" facility of concealment; others fled to caverns 
" and mountains, to elude the pursuit of priest* 
" catchers. The Irish catholics were thus, by a 
wicked administration, under the mild sway of 
" the house of Hanover, deprived of the enjoyment 
of the private exercise of their religion, a privilege 
not denied to them by the worst of the Stuarts. 

In the country parts, the catholics frequented, 
on Simdays and festivals, the retreats of their 
clergy, and in the metropolis the citizens attended 
the celebration of divine service in stable-yards, 
or warehouses, garrets, and such obscure places 
as sheltered them from the pursuit of the magis* 
trates. On one of these occasions, when the 








^' congregation was rising to receive the 
^^ tion, the floor gave way, and all were buried in 
^* the ruins ; the priest and several others were 
^^ killed, and most of the rest were so bruised and 
^^ maimed as to remain for years living montiinentB 
f^ of the cruelty of that administration. The dead^ 
'^ the dying, and the wounded were conveyed on 
^^ cars through the streets amidst the deep anguish 
'^ and solemn silence of an hcMTor-struck multitude. 
^^ The sad spectacle excited the sympathy of the 
^^ protestants, and relaxed the obduracy of the 
" government; leave was given to open the chapels, 
^' and the private exercise of the catholic worship 
" was again restored *." 

The acts of parliament which we have mentioned 
to have been passed in the reign of George the 
second, consummated the misery of the Irish catho- 
lics : it may be truly said, that at this time, there did 
not exist in Europe a population which exhibited 
such a scene of wretchedness and oppression. 

But, according to Hume's just observation f, 
there is an ultimate point of depression, as well 
as of exaltation, from which human affairs natu- 
rally return in a contrary progress, and beyond 

* Here the writer must take his final leave of Mr. Charles 
O'Conor, from whom he has transcribed this passage,, and to 
whom he has before acknowledged his obligations. His His* 
tory is the work of a gentleman, a scholar, a man of liberal 
principles, and a true catholic. It is much to be wished that 
he should bring it down to the present time : he will cotufet, 
by domg it, a great favour on his brethren in rdigioD. 

t Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 441. 


wliich they seldom pass, either in their advance- 
ment or decline. 

The year 1757 may be considered as the era, 
from which the amelioration of the condition of 
the Irish catholics and their successful exertions to 
obtain a repeal of the penal code may be dated. 
The duke of Bedford was sworn in that year into 
the office of lord lieutenant Ten days after his 
arrival, the catholic clergy in Dublin read a loyal 
exhortation to their respective congregations. It 
obtained no regard from persons in power ; but it 
was received by the public so favourably, that, on 
the recommendation of Dr. O'Keefe, the titular 
catholic bishop of Kil dare, the chiefs of the catholic 
body signed a declaration of the principles of their 
church in respect to allegiance and civil duty, and 
transmitted it to Rome as the act and deed of the 
roman-catholics *. 

In 1759, when the French force under the com- 
mand of Conflans was collected to invade Ireland, 
the catholics presented to the lord lieutenant an 
address, expressing their attachment to his ma- 
jesty's person and government Some catholic 
individuals offered to assist the state with money, 
and the catholics of Cork, in a body, presented an 
address, professing their indignation at the invasion, 
by an enemy flattering himself with an imaginary 
co-operation on their part ; they assured his grace 
that they would, to the utmost exertion of their 
abilities, defend his majesty's person and govem- 

^ Both docum^nU are inserted in sir Henry Pttmeil's His- 
tory, pp. 5a and 55. 



ment with their lives and fortunes against all snch 
invaders and all his enemies*. 

No particular notice was taken of these loyal 
proceedings : butsome expressions of geneiral good- 
will towards the catholics were known to have 
fallen from the lord lieutenant, and both the lan- 
guage and demeanour of persons in power, in their 
regard, were courteous and conciliatory ; — -perse- 
cution was still severely felt, but it was sensibly 

LXXXI. 8. 


It is not a little remarkable, that though such 
signal acts of legislative beneficence were passed 
in -the reign of his late majesty, in favour of all his 
catholic subjects, and so great a progress made 
towards their emancipation, several penal acts of 
great severity were successively passed against the 
Irish catholics during the first half of his reign f : 
the act of its twenty-first and twenty-second year, 
deserves particular attention, from a circumstance 
attending it, which is of extreme importance, but 
which appears to have unaccountably escaped the 
observation both of protestants, and, what is more 
astonishing, of catholics, until their attention was 
called to it by sir Henry Pamell. We shall notice 
it in that gentleman's own words : 

* Smollet*8 History of England. 

t 15 & 16 Geo. HI, c. 2i» 8. 15; 21 & 22 Geo. Ill, 0.32, 
8. 2 ; 21 & 22 Geo. Ill, c. 48, s. 3 ; 25 Geo. Ill, c. 48, s. 1 1 
& 12. 


" Though this clause of the 21 & 22 of Geo. 3, 
" c. 48, has attracted very little public attentioUyit 
" was of no less import that that, of being the first 
" legal exclusion of catholics from sitting in the 
" Irish parliament. They had been excluded de 
^^ facto by their voluntary submission to the Eng- 
" lish act of 3 William and Mary, but not de 
^^jure till this act of 21 & 22 Geo. 3, which made 
" the act of 3 William and Mary, just mentioned, 
^' binding in Ireland. 

" This circumstance, which has always been 
" overlooked, even by the catholics themselves, 
" proves how readily they have been inclined at 
" all times to submit to the authority of govern- 
" ment : and it also proves how unfounded those 
^^ arguments are, which maintain that the exclusion 
^' of the catholics of Ireland from parliament, is a 
" principle on which the family of his majesty waiJ 
" placed upon the throne. It completely overturns 
" the system of erroneous reasoning concerning 
^^ the coronation oath, which of late has been so 
^^ common ; and, so far as the meaning of this 
^^ oath is at issue, it reduces the question to this 
" simple point, whether the king can conscien-^ 
" tiausly place the catholics of Ireland in the same 
** condition^ with respect to sitting in parliament^ in 
" which they had continued till the twenty-second 
" year of his own reign V 

By an act passed in the twelfUi year of the reign 
of his late majesty, catholics were to be at liberty 
to take a lease for sixty-one years of any quantity 
of bog, not exceeding fifty acres plantation mea- 



sure, and half an acre of arable land; as a site for 
a house, or for delving for gravel or limestone. 
This was certainly an extraordinary boon ; the pro- 
visions which accompanied it, are not less extraor- 
dinary : 1 st, the bog was to be four feet deep from 
the surface ; 2d, the lease was not to contain less 
than ten plantation acres; 3d, it was not to be within 
one mile of a city or market town ; 4th, and if one 
half at least of the bog should not be reclaimed 
within twenty-one years from the commencement 
of the lease, the lessor might re-enter and avoid 
the lease. 

But English wisdom and liberality now begin 
to dawn ! 

It was in the year 1 774, that the first act was 
passed which had any real conicliatory or friendly 
tendency towards the Irish catholics. It was inti- 
tuled, " An act to enable his majesty's subjects, 
" of whatever persuasion, to testify their allegiance 
" to him *." It prescribed the form of an oath of 
allegiance, and made it lawful for the catholics to 
take it before his majesty's judges and justices of 
the peace ; but it did not enjoin them to take the 
oath under any penalties, or accompany the taking 
of it with any advantages. It contained the usual 
expression of pure and undivided allegiance, and 
was therefore generally taken. 

Before this time, Mr. Charles O'Conor, the ce- 
lebrated Irish scholar and antiquarian. Dr. Curry, 
the author of the invaluable " Review of the Civil 
*' Wars of Ireland," and Mr. Wise of Waterford, 

* 13 & 14 Geo. Ill, c. 35. 


bad succeeded in establishing a general committee 
of the catholic body, formed of the principal ca- 
tholic nobility and gentry, and of delegates from 
the principal parishes. To these three gentlemen, 
and principally to Mr. O'Conor, the emancipation 
of the catholics is primarily owing. The formation 
of the board gave consistency and stability to their 
councils and measures, and produced a general 
co-operation of the body. 

The effect was soon discernible: a petition, 
firam^d by Mr. Edmund Burke, was presented to 
his majesty, and in 1778 an act* passed, which 
enabled roman-catholics, who should take the oath 
of allegiance prescribed by the former act, to hold 
leases for nine hundred and ninety-nine years, or 
determinable upon any lives, not exceeding five. 
The lands of catholics were made devisable and 
transferrible, and catholics were rendered capable 
of holding and enjoying those which might de- 
scend or be devised or transferred to them. In 
1782, an actf passed for the further relief of the 
catholics: it contained many provisions in their 
fietvour, particularly one, which discharged from all 
penalties, such catholic ecclesiastics as should re- 
gister their names and abodes in th^ manner it 
prescribed. Another act of the same year allowed 
persons professing the popish religion to teach' 
schools J. 

" Of the numerous individuals," says sir Henry 

* 17 & 18 Geo. Ill, c. 49. 
t SI & 23 Geo. Ill, c. 24* 
t 21 & as Geo. ill, c. 62. * 





Pamell *, '' who at this time distinguished them* 
^.^ selves for their exertions in favour of the catholicsi 
** there was no one to whom they were under 
^* greater obligations than to the late Mr. Burke. 
'^ He wrote for them the petition which wMpBB- 
^^ sented to the king in 1774. In the English 
'^ house of commons, in 1778, he was the first to 
^^ declare the necessity of concessions being made 
" to them ; he said that * Ireland was now the 
" chief dependence of the British crown, and that 
"it particularly behoved that country to admit the 
Irish nation to the privileges of British citizen^;' 
and in the year 1782, he wrote his celebrated 
" letter to lord Kenmare, in which he so ably ex- 
" poses the folly, injustice, and tyranny of the 
^ penal laws." 

From this period to the year 1 790, the catholic 
question was not agitated in parliament; but in the 
mean time two events happened, which materially 
assisted the catholic cause ; — the fear of an invasion 
from France, — and the establishment of the national 
independence of Ireland. The first produced the 
embodying of volunteer corps throughout all the 
kingdom, and these were composed indiscrimi- 
nately of catholics and protestants. 

Insensibly they became an armed association for 
compelling Great Britain to grant to Ireland the 
independence of her legislature. In this important 
attempt the protestants took the lead ; and it was 
evident that the victory would belong to the party, 
to which the catholics should attach themselves. 

* History of the Penal Laws, p« 84. 



Their protectant brethren, on the other hand, en- 
deaToured to conciliate them by public resolutions 
in favour of their complete emancipation. Among 
these, the Dungannon convention, which met in 
February 1782, and was composed of the repre- 
sentatives of one hundred and forty-three pro- 
testant corps of volunteers, deserves particular 
mention. They resolved, with two dissenting 
voices only, " that they held the ri^ht of private 
" judgment, in matters of religion, to be equally 
" sacred in others as themselves ; therefore, that 
as christians and protestants, they rejoiced in 
the relaxation of the penal laws, against their 
roman-catholic fellow subjects, and that they 
" conceived the measure to be fraught with the 
^^ happiest consequences to the union and pros- 
" perity of Ireland." 

In 1791, the committee of catholics agreed upon 
a petition to parliament ; but, incredible as it may 
appear, the catholics, though they constituted, as 
we have frequently mentioned, the great majority of 
the nation, had not, even in this state of ameliora- 
tion, sufficient influence to induce any one member 
of parliament to present it. 

It is painful to relate that, during this time, the. 
administration had been endeavouring to counter- 
act the views of the catholics, by a negotiation with 
some of their principal nobility and gentry ; and, 
that this was so far successful, that, at a meeting 
of the general committee, held in December 1 791 , 
for the purpose of considering of the policy of pe- 
titioning parliament, a division took place : but 


fortunately the party of the nobility were left in it 
minority of seventeen to ninety. 

The committee delegated Mr. Deyerenx, Mr; 
Edward Byrne, Mr. John Keogh, and two 6ther 
genttemen to negotiate with Mr. Pitt : they were- 
directed chiefly to insist upon five objects, — iSbe 
elective firanchise, their admission to grand jmries, 
to county magistracies, to high shrievalties, and 
to the bar. Mr. Keogh was the soul of the delega- 
tion : he possessed a complete knowledge of tiie 
subject, uncommon strength of understanding, 
firmness of mind, and a solemn imposing manner, 
under an appearance of great humility, which ob- 
tained for him an ascendancy over almost every 
person with whom he conversed. , On cme occa- 
sion, he. was introduced to the late Mr. Dundas,' 
afterwards Liord Melville. That eminent states- 
man was surrounded by several persons of distinc- 
tion, and received the delegates with great good 
humour, but some state ; a long conference ensued, 
and the result was not favourable to the mission of 
Mr. Keogh. After a short silence, Mr. Keogh ad- 
vanced towards Mr. Dundas, with great respect, 
and, with a very obsequious, but very solemn look, 
mentioned to him, that '^ there was one Jhing, 
^i which it was essential for him to know, but of 
'^ which he had not the slightest conception." He 
remarked, ^' that it was very extraordinary that a 
^^ person of Mr. Dundas's high situation, and one 
^' of his own humble lot, (he was a tradesman in 
'^ Dublin), should be in the same room : yet, since 
'< it had so iiappened, and probably would not 



^^ happen again, he wished to avail himself of the 
opportunity of making the important disclosure : 
but could not think of doing it, without Mr. 
^' Dundas's express permission, and his promise 
" not to be offended." Mr. Dundas gave him this 
permission and promise : still Mr. Keogh was all 
humility and apology, and Mr. Dundas all con- 
descension. After these had continued for some 
time, and the expectation of every person present 
was wound up to its highest pitch, Mr. Keogh ap- 
proached Mr. Dundas, in a very humble attitude, and 
said, — " Since you give me this permission, and 
" your deliberate promise not to be offended, I beg- 
" leave to repeat, — that there is one thing, which 
*^ you ought to know, but which you don't suspect, 
" — you, Mr. Dundas, know nothing of Ireland." 
Mr. Dundas, as may be supposed, was greatly 
surprised ; but with perfect good humour told Mr. 
Keogh, that he believed this was not the case : it 
was true that he never had been in Ireland, but 
he had conversed with many Irishmen. " I have 
" drunk," he said, " many a good bottle of wine 
"with lord Hillsborough, lord Clare, and the 
" Beresfords."— " Yes sir," said Mr. Keogh, " I 
" believe you have ; and that you drank many a 
" good bottle of wine with them before you went 
" to war with America." 

( ttB ) 


NOTE I ; referred to in page 70. 

On the Tract intituled " Raman Catholic Principles in 
reference to God and the King J* 

X^lSCOUNT Stafford, at his memorable trial in 
December 1680, mentioned this tract in the fol- 
lowing terms : 

'' There is lately come out a book written by a priest 
'^ of the church of Rome, tried for his life, for being in 
'' the plot, but acquitted of that, in which he says that 
'' that opinion of killing kings is damnable and heretica)^ 
" and declared so by the council of Trent." {Tryal of 
William Viscount Stafford, London, 1680. fol. 53.) 

It first appeared in a smidl pamphlet in 1680, and two 
other editions of it, at least, were published in that 
year. Mr. Kirk, the roman-catholic pastor at Litch- 
field, has the first and third; the second is in the 
Bodleian library. 

In the following year, Mr. Weldon, a benedictine 
monk, published ** Stafford's Memoirs ; or, a brief and 
'< impartial account of the trial, principles, and a final 
*' end of William, late Lord Viscount Stafford." In a 
folio edition of this work, seen by the present writer. 
The Principles are found in the 47th page. 

Six editions of The Principles were published before 
the year 1684: and six were published by Mr. Oother 
in the years 1684-1686, at the end of his excellent 
work, intituled, " A Papist misrepresented and re- 
f' presented, or a two-fold character of Popeiy, — to 


<* which is added,"— (we copy the wordg of the title- 
page)« — ** Roman-catholic Principles in reference to 
** Ood and the King." — All these editions, except that 
of i686y have been seen or ascertained to exist, and can 
be referred to by Mr. Kirk : that of 1686 is in the pos- 
session of the writer. 

Doctor Claggett quotes The Principles in his letter 
to Mr. Gother, (p. 17 8c 33); they are also noticed in 
♦* The Loyalty of Popish Principles." 

They are not noticed by Mr. Dodd, as he was satis- 
fied with mentioning the work of Mr. Gk)ther, to which 
they were appended. It is observable that he nfakes 
particular mention of one half at the most of Mr. 
Gother's controversial writings : after quoting a few of 
them, he says generally, ** with many other polenucal 
** discourses." 

Bishop Coppinger gave at least twelvie editions of 
*» The Principles," first in his " Exposition," and after- 
wards in his '^ True Piety ;" to both of these he affixed 
his name and ecclesiastical titles. The late bishop 
Walmesley declared, that " this exposition of the ca- 
" tholic doctrine was composed with great judgment and 
" precision." The letter in which the prelate expresses 
this opinion, is at Buckland in Berkshire, the seat of 
the Throckmorton family. 

Eleven or twelve more editions of " Tlie Principles" 
were published between the y^ars 1748 and 1813; 
making in the whole not fewer than thirty-five editions. 
There also have been several abridgments of them ; as 
those inserted in various editions of " Ward's Errata," 
a work highly commended by bishop Milner, and in 
" The Real Principles of the Catholics," by bishop 
Milner's predecessor, bishop Homy hold. 

Finally, — a copy of it, accompanied by a letter dated 
the 9th of May 1788, was presented to Mr. Pitt by the 
committee of English catholics. To give this copy the 




greater auihenticity, the hon. James Talbot, then vicar 
apostolic of the London district of the English roman- 
catholicsy signed the first page of it with his name. * 

We have observed, that the tract of which we ai« 
speaking, was first published in 1680. It bore this 
title : ** Roman-catholic Principles, in reference to God 
and the King, explained in a letter to a friend, and 
now made public, to shew the connection between the 
said Principles and the late Popish Plot By a Well 
Wisher of his Country. Matt. xxii. v. «i. Render to 
Ceesar the things which are Caesar's ; and unto God 
the things which are God's. London, printed in Hbe 
year 1680/' The author professed ** to give a true and 
candid explanation of his belief in the main points of 
^ faith and loyalty, controverted between catholics and 
** protestants, as they severally relate to God and the 
'' king." The sacred articles of the Trinity, and the 
divinity of the Son of God, not being points controverted 
between catholics and protestants of the established 
church of England, thes^ doctrines are not noticed in 
*^ The Principles,'' as these notice only the points ih 
controversy between the churches. 

An appeal to this tract, as containing an exposition 
of catholic doctrine on all the points in question, has 
been firequently made by the parliamentary advocates 
of the catholic cause, and there was a general wish to 
see it. In 1815, the last and best edition of it was 
published by Mr. Eark. He has prefixed to it a kr 
boured and curious inquiry respecting the author of it, 
and its various editions. By a variety of arguments 
and inferences, he makes it appear highly probable, 
that the author of it was the reverend father James 
Corker, abbot of the benedictine abbey of Lambspring 
in Germany, — a priest, tried for Gates's plot, and ac« 
quitted ; thus answering the description given of the 
author by viscount S[taffo»ddkitiis trial 


From Mr. Kirk's edition, '' The Piinciplet'' were 
printed verbatim by the writer of these p^iges in his 
** Confessions of Faith," and in the first and second 
editions of these Historical Memoirs. 

This impression has since been the subject of many 
pages of cavili by bishop Milner, in Appendix A. to his 
^ Supplementary Memoirs of English Catholics." Re- 
spect for episcopal authority would, if this had been 
the only episcopal opinion which had been on it, have 
induced the writer to withhold from re-printing it in the 
present edition of his Memoirs : but, when he consi- 
dered that it was edited six times by Mr, Gother, twelve 
times by bishop Coppinger, and once partially by bishop 
Homyhold; and that it was explicitly approved by 
bishop Walmesley, and solemnly signed by bishop James 
Talbot, he thought that these venerable persons were 
much more likely to speak the voice of the church 
than the one discordant voice, however respectable, of 
Dr. Milner. 

It also occurred to him that the writer's omission of 
them in the present edition, after he had inserted them 
in the former, might, with those who were not ac- 
quainted with the real cause, give rise to inferences un- 
favourable to the catholic cause. 

It should be added, that a work, which professes to 
give an historical account of any religious denomination 
of persons, must be imperfect, unless it gives an account 
of their religious tenets ; and these, so far as the loyalty 
of the English roman-catholics is concerned, are no- 
where expressed better than in " The Principles." 

It should also be observed, that Dr. Milner's objec- 
tions do not apply to any of those positions in " The 
Principles," in which the loyalty of the catholics, or, in 
other words, their duty to their king, is concerned. 

For these reasons, but without the slightest disregard 
of Dr. Milner's authority, or disrespect for his opinions^ 


y/^ ghall now insert <* The Principles," from Mr! Kirk's 
edition of them. 

We shall subjoin the creed of pope Pius the fourth, 
as it contains the creed, the whole creed, and nothing 
but the creed, of the roman catholic-church. 


^Printed (rom Mr. Kirk's edition of them : from which all the 
notes and citations in the notes underneath the tej^t, are 

Oftlie Catholic Faith and Church in general, 

1. THE fruition of God, and the remission of Redemi>* 
sin, are not attainable by man, otherwise than in ?.^".*" 
and by the merits of Jems Christ , who gratuitously 
purchased them for us*. 

2. These merits of Christ, though infinite in applicable 

. u u •• Q by faith, 

* Eph. u. 8, •^ 

' * This is the original title of the work. Dr. Coppinget 
S^les them simply, Pruicqtles of Roman^atholkt: and Mr, 
3eriogton had before substituted country for king; and leo 
tions for paragraphs. 

The reader will recollect, that the object of the author of 
this tract was, to give ** a true and candid explanation of his 
** belief, and judgement, m the main points ofjmJth and loyalty ^ 
^* eontraoerted betixen catholics and protestants, as they seve* 
** filly relate to God aud the king.** — ^The other essential 
doctrines of Christianity, being admitted on both sides, are 
supposed throug^ot, and not unfrequently alludc-d to in the 
body of the work. 

.. 2. Are applied to us, chiefly, by the sacnunents, which prfi" 
suppose, and indispensably require in us a ri^t &ith.— *Dr. €• 
Drue Pii^, ninth edit. Cork, iBi^, 



themselyesy are not applied to us, othawke Aaa 

by a right faith in him^. 
which IS 3* 'Hiis faidi is but ome entire % and conformaUe 
liutoDe; to its object, which is dimne revdatum; audio 

whichyoiVA gives an undoubting assent* 
sapeniatu- 4* This revelation contains many mysterieif 
'^'' transcending the natural reach of human under- 

staoding'. Wherefore, 
Bj the di- 5- It became the divine Mfisdom and goodness to 
vine provi- provide some way or meam^, whereby man might 
be learnt; &nive to the knowledge of these mysteries; meant 

visible and apparent to all ^ ; me^Lns proportioned to 

the capacities of alU; means mre and certain to all^ 
not from 6. This way or means is not the reading of scrips 
l^vate ID- fj^^^^ interpreted according to the private Judgutent^ 

don of of each disjunctive person, or nation in particular; 
•cripture; but, 

but from 7« It is an attention and submission ^ to the voioi 
the univer- ^f ^fae cathoUc or Universal church, established by 

sal church, ^. • r -i ' • <•« ,-.. 

dilated, Chnst for the instruction of all ; spread for that 
continued, end through all nations^, and visibly^ continued in 
bytheHoly ^^ succession of pastors and people through all 
Ghost for ages. From this church, guided in truth ** and se- 
cured from error in matters of faith, by the|>ro- 
mised^ assistance of the Holy Ghost, every one may 
learn tlie right sense of the scriptures, and such 

•» Mark, xvi. l6. — ^Heb. xi. 6. 

« Eph. iv. 5, &c. ^ 1 Cor. i. 20. — Matt. xvi. 17. 

« Isa. XXXV. 8. ^ John, ix. 41. f Matt. xi. 25. 

•> John, XV. 22. * 2 Pet. iii. 16.— 1 John, iv. i, 6. 

*' Matt, xviii. 17. — Luke, x. 16. > Matt, xxviii. l^ 

" Psal. ii. 2. — Isa. ii. 2. and xUx. 6. — Matt, v, 14, 
« John, xvi. 13. — Matt. xvi. 18. — J Tim. iii. 15. 
° Matt, xxviii. 20.— John, xiv. 16. 

' i  I I H I II I — ^1— —— 1^1— ^—  i —I*— I II I II 

6. t'rivate reason or judgment of each particolar person or 
nation*— Dr. C. 


^iristian my$terie$ and duties as are nece^dary iff 

8. This church, thus established, thus spread. This 
thus continued, thus guided, in one uniform fa^h p,. j^^J^e 
9ifkd subordination of goyemmept, is that which is with the 
termed the romofi-catholic church: the qualities [^^J?^*|^^ 
just mentioned, unity^ indeficiency^ visibility^ sue- 
cession, and universality, being evidently applicable 

to her. 

9. From the testimony and authority of this from the 
church, it is, that we receive the scriptures, and of^^ych^ 
believe them to be the word of God: and as she werecei?e 
can assuredly *» tell us what particular book is the J^® J^tJJ^ 
ward of God, so can she with the like assuraiu:e God*s 
tell us also, the true sense and meaning of it, in ^<>^' 
controverted points of faith ; the same ^rit that 

wrote the scriptures, directing her ' to understand 
both them, and all matters necessary to salvation. 
From these grounds it follows ; 

10. Only truths revealed by Almighty God, and Divine re- 
proposed by the church, to be believed as ^i'^** only mat- 
are, and ought to be esteemed, articles of catholic ters of 
fpth. ^^'*'- 

. 11. As an obstinate .separation from the unity of What 
tli^ church, in hioum matters of faith, is heresy \ so heresy, ana 
a wilful separation from the visible unity of the schism. 
same church, in matters of subordination and go- 
vernment, is schism. 

12. The church proposes unto us matters of 

P John, X. 16. and xvii. 20, 21, 22. 

* Matt. xyi. 18. and xviii. 17. — 1 Tim. iiL 15. 

' Isa. lix. 21.— 'John, xiv. 26. 

12. Strictly spealung, nothiag ia an article of catholic fiuth, 
tiuut ia not rtvetikd by Almighty Go<], and propoted by tho 
ohwch to be believed,, at fuch. This. No. then appears to. 
be obscurely worded; and, for this reason, is. omitted by' 

K X 2 

How mat- ftith, fint and chiefly I17 the bo^'wriptaitt,' 6f 

rj!?* VoinU plain and intelligible in it; «>c«idly, 1^ 

pm^ bj - definitions of general councils, m poutts not stf- 

tliechorch. ficiently plain in scriptnre ; thirdly , by apoefeolied 

traditions derived from Christ and his apostles to' 

all succeeding ages ; fonrthlyi by her practice, 

worship, and ceremonies c cnfirmb^ kerdoetrim. '. 

of the 

Of BfirUual and temporal Authority. , 

Wistif X. The pastors of the church, who are the body 

the aatno- -_j ... j. •■ j * *. 

lity of ge- rqnt$eniatwe, either dispersed or convened m 
iMnl^oon- council f have received no coiomission from CShrist* 
Ow peston ^ frame new articles offaitk^ — these being solely 
divine revelations — but only to explain and to cfe** 
Jine^ to the fiedthful what anciently was and is' 
received and retained, as of faith in the chuidi^ 
when debates and conirovernes arise about them. 
These definitions in matters of faith only, and* pro- 
posed as such, oblige all the faithful to a submssion^ 
of judgment. But, 

2. It is no article of faith, that the church- 
cannot err, either in matters of fad or diseipKne, 
alterable by circumstances of time and place, or 
in matters of qteculation or civil policy, depending 

• Gal. i. 7, 8. 

i> Deac xviL 8w— Matt, xviii. 17. — ^Acts, xfj^^lxike, x, 16.' 
•^Heb. xiii. 7. 17* 

the tame 

Mr.BeringtoQ and Mr. Gilbert. Dr.C. inserts the time fiitt 
ways, but omits the last. 

• 1. Only to eaplain and to ascertain to as— arise apott these- 
saljects— all the fidthfnl to an interior asseotiP^Dr. C. 

8. In matters of fact, or in matters «fspecidatioii—<m mens 
hiiflMn reasoo : these not being difine leTsbtioni de p dsiled is- 
tks catholic churchw^Dr.C 


.on mere human judgment or testimony. These 
things are no revelations deposited in the catholic 
churchy in regard of which alone, she has the 
promised assistance^ of the Holy Spirit. ^-Hence it 
is deduced, 

3. If a general council, much less a papal consis- A deduc- 
tory, should presume to depose a king, and to ah- ^"J^^^ 
9olve his subjects from their allegiance, no catholic allegiance. 
could be bound to submit to such a decree, — Hence 

also it folio wsy that, 

4. The subjects of the king of England lawfully A second 
may, without the least breach of any catholic deduction 

• • I 1 .1 , f . concern- % 

pnnaple, renounce, upon oath, the teachmg or ing the 
practising the doctrine of deposing kings excom- *""®* 
municated for heresy, by any authority whatso- 
ever, as repugnant to the fundamental laws of the 
nation, as injurious to sovereign power, as destruc^ 
tive to peace and government, and consequently in 
his majesty's subjects, as impious and damnable. 

5. Catholics believe that the bishop of Rome, The bishop 

successor of St. Peter, is the head of the whole o^^^ome, 

/ "^ successor 

catholic church^; in which sense^ this church m&y ofStPetar, 
therefore fitly be styled roman-catholic, being an ^^T^^^ 
universal body, united under one visible head*. — ' 


6. It is no matter of faith to believe that the ^f."°^ ^ 
pope is in himself infallible, separated from the ' * 

• John, xiv. 16. 26. 

' Matt. xvi. 17, &c.— Iiuke, xxii. 3a.— John, xxL 15, &c. 

• Eph. iv. 1 1, &c. 

4. Dr. C. ends with peace and -good government; and Mr. B. 
observes in a note, that he dislikes the word dmnnable, as it 
conveys no idea, or if any, says too much ; hot lets it stand to 
show how desiroofour ancestors were, by the mostemphatioal 
langnagoy to express thfljr detestatioa of the foptd d^pomg 

KK 3 

*0« APPBN&Ilfc 

chuircby even in expoukdimg the faith: by odOBtf- 

qaence, papal definiiums or demes, in wllate^ 

Ibrm pronouaced, taken etcIasiTely from tL'gttkif^ 

4»uncil, or umvfrsal acceptance qf-Ae Aurdh^ obSgl^ 

none, under pain ofhtraif^ to bn interior assent. 

Ko^bath 7. Nor do catholics, as t^hoUcs, believe thattfae 

■^j*"*! P^V^ has any diiiBCt or indirect awthoriiy over thb 

Sority temporal power and jurisdiction otprtkces. Henc^^ 

^T?^ if the po)>f should pretend td oftsofotf Or dupene 

^^^ with his majesty's subjects from their aU^iam^, 

on account of heresy or sehismf such dupemaiion 

would be t^aran and null; and all catholic subjedi, 

notwithstanding such dispensation or aheolHiioHf 

would be still bound in conscience to defend their 

-king and country^, at the hazard of their lives anfl 

fortunes, (as for as protestanis would be bound,) 

even agaitist the pope himself, in case he should 

invade the nation. 

Thechurch 8- As for the problematical dieputes, or errors of 

^atk/BBspan' particular divines, in this or any other matter what- 

tiwenore soever, we are nd wise responsible for them ; nor 

.trf'particu- are catholics, as ca/Ao/tc5, justly punishable on th^ 

Jsr divines. ^^^^^^ But, 

King-kill- 9. As for the hing^cilling doctrine^ or murder of 

^eWoi- P^'^c^s excommunicated for heresy, it is univer- 

"ous and sally admitted in the catholic church, and expressly 

execrable, g^ declared by the council of Constance^, that sudi 

doctrine is impious and execrable f being contrary to 

the known laws^ot God and nature. 

1 o. Personal misdemeanors^ of what nature soever, 

' 1 Pcficr, if. 13, &c. vsess. 15. 

10. To be impHted to tbe body of 4»tbolics — tenets <»f 
catholic iaith and dootxine. Dr, €<— Tbese Tories are mdie 
than mis-related : ifK m^tmik in either, ■• Hicabsd to 
the Insh or English catholics at laige. Mr. B. . . 


ought not to be imputed to the catholic churchy Persooal 
when not justifiable by the tenets of her faith and ^^™^^ 
doctrine. For which reason, though the stories of beimputed 
the Irish cruelties or powder plot, had been exactly ^ *^® 
true, (which yet, for the most part, are notoriously 
mis-related,) nevertheless catholics, as such, ought 
not to suffer for such offences, any more than the 
eleven apostles ought to have suffered for the 
treachery of Judas. 

11. It is ^fundamental truth in our religion, tliat No powa 
no power on earth can license men to lie, to for- ®" ^*^^ 

"* , . can autho- 

swear, or perjure themselves, to massacre their nze men to 
;^eighbours, or destroy their native country, on**^*^^'"" 
pretence of promoting the catholic cause or religion; murder 
furthermore, all pardons or dispensations granted, or ^* 
pretended to be granted, i^ order to any such ends 
or designs, could have no other validity or effect, 
than to add sacrilege and blasphemy to the above- 
motioned crimes, 

12. The doctrine of equivocation or mental re- Equivoca- 
servation, however wrongfuUy imputed to the tionnot 
churph, was Aever taught, or approved by her, as ti,e,^u,chi 
any part of her belief : on the cont|*ary, Hmplidiy 

ond godly sincerity are constantly inculcated by her 
g9 truly christian virtues, necessary to the conser- 
vation of^'ii^^tce, truth, $md common security. 


12. Imputed to the catholic reli^on, was never tau^t, or 
9pproved of by the church: 

K K 4 


Of other Points of CathoHe Fakk. 

Ofthes^- ^* ^^ believe, that there are seven sacraments, 

craments. or sacred ceremonies, instituted by our Saviour 

Christ, whereby the merits of his passion are op* 

plied to the soul of the worthy receiver. ' 

Of sacra- 2. We believe, that when a sinner » repents of 

■^Dtalab- his sins from the bottom of his heart, and acknouy- 

ledges his transgressions to God and his ministers^ 

the dispensers of the mysteries of Christ, resolving* 

to turn from his evil ways, and bring forth fhdtt 

worthy of penance ^ ; there is then, and no otAertme, 

an authority left by Christ to absolve such a pem-^ 

tent sinner fVom his sins : which authority, we 

believe, Christ gave to his apostles and their success 

sors, the bishops 2ind priests of his church, in those 

words, when he said. Receive ye the Holy Ghost^ 

whose sins you shall forgave, they are forgiven unto 

them, Sfc. * 

Of satis- 3» Though no creature whatsoever can make 

faction by condign satisfaction*, either for the guilt of sin, or 

works. ^he pain eteinal due to it ; this satisfaction being 

J)roper to Christ our Saviour only ^ ; yet penitent 

sinners, redeemed by Christ, may, as members of 

Christ, in some measure ^ sa/ij^ by prayer, fast- 

» a Cor. vii. lo. *» Acts, xii. 18.— l Cor. iv. 1. 

« Luke, iii. 8. «* John, xic, 22, 23.— Matt. rnii. 18. 

« Tit. iii. 5. '2 Cor. iii. 5. 

^ Acts, xxvi. 20. — Luke, xi. 41. — Acts,x. 4. 

1 . This controverted point is not mentioned in the oiigixud 
edition. It is noticed by Dr. C. in No. 2. Sect. 1. 

2. Every catholic believes — fruits worthy of repentance; 
there is then and not otlierwise. 

3. Than as joined to and applied with. Dr C. 


ingy alms-deedsy and other works' of piety, for die 
im^woifam, which in the order of divine justice 
sometimes remttkiB due, after the guili of sin and 
pains eternal have been remitted. Such penitential . 
works are, notwithstanding, no otherwise satisfac' 
tiny dian disjoined and applied to that satisfaction, ; 

which Jesus made upon the cross, in virtue of 
which alone all our good works find a grateful 
acceptance in the sight of Ood ^, 

4. The guilt of sin, or pain eternal due to it, is Indulg^ii- 
fi£ver remitted by what catholics call indulgences: ^^^.^^^ 

^ ^ T3 » remission 

but only such temporal punishments^ as remain due ofsins;bot 

after the 2:uilt is remitted : — these indulgences be- ®°*? oj car 

°  ... ° nomcal 

mg nothing else than a mitigation ^ or relaxation, penances, 

upon juSt causes, of canonical penances, enjoined ^^ J®°*" 
by the pastors of the church on penitent sinners, nbhmenti. 
according to their several degrees of demerit. — 
And if abuses or mistakes have been sometimes Abuses 
committed, in point either of gaining indulgences, ^^^^^ 
through the remissness or ignorance of particular chamd on 
{lersons, contrary to the ancient custom and dis- ^^® church, 
eipline of the church ; such abuses or mistakes 
cannot rationally be charged on the church, or 
rendered matters of derision, in prejudice to her 
faith and discipline. 

5* Catholics hold there is a purgatory^ that is There is a 
to say, a place, or state, where souls departing this P"'K*^<"y> 
life, with remission of their sins, as to the eternal where 
guilt or pain, but yet obnoxious to some temporal ^^"1? ^^, 
punishment, of which we have spoken, still remain- h^b^h^ 

ing due, or not perfectly freed from the blemish of «>pe We- 

. mish, are 

^ 1 Peter, ii. 5. * 1 Cor. v. 3, &c. ^ 2 Cor. ii. 10. purified. 

4. Those indulgences — or relaxation of the canonical pen- 
ances — abuses and mistakes«-cannot reasonably be charged. — 
Dr. C. 

some iirfttit^ or ideprdimtiQiiBy'flm pVft/tjL "* lM»&i)9r 

their admiUance into heaven, where nothing that 

is defikd^ can enter. Fnrthetmorfb 

PAyerf for 6. Catholiosabo hold, that audi aeide 90 detaiMd 

^^^^^ in purgatory, being the 'nw^ fficyiiiiifrv of Christ 

to tbem. Jwm, are relieved by the fnajf$r^^ and mfffragn of 

their /e/lott^-l?lCflli€r< here on earth ^ bat whfOffe Um 

SoperatH place is ; of what nature or qoalily the paim art^ 

oiu ques- }|q^ ^qq^ sQ|||g j|^y |^ i^m^ drained ; in what 

pot^iiory; maptier the ^rfifyB% xoade in thie^ir behalf are vsji- 

plied ; whether by way of iotirfaeHw or interce&^ 

mm, 8cc. are questions aoperfluous and impertinent 

as to faith. 

Qfths me- 7^ ^o Vim, though Just^, oan merit either an 

nt^good increase of sanctity in this life, or eternal glory 

Agw«g^ in the ne^t, independently on the merits and pas?> 

the merits gion of Christ Jesus : but ihegoodworks^ of a just 

r ^ man proceeding from grace and ckariiy, are so far 

acceptable to Gh>d, through his goodness and sacred 

promuei, as to be truly meritari^ui of (Sterpal life. 

Glnist 8. It is an article of catholic belief, that in the 

s^ uTthe ''^^^ ^^'y sacwnent of the Eucharist, there is truly 

sacrament and really contained the body ' €3i Christ, tMch was 

°w^t^"" dctfrefTcd/or m; and hi$ blood, which was shed for 

the remission of sins; the substance of bread and 

vine beings by tbepowerful words of Christ^cAanged 

into the substance of his blessed body and blood } 

» Matt. rii. 36.  1 Cor. Hi. 15. • Rev. xxi. 27.  • 

* a Maocab. xii. 42, &c. — 1 John, v. 16. p JohO; xw. 5. 
1 Matt zvi. 37.-9 Cor. r. ip.— S Tim. It. 8. 
' M|Ut. z^i. a6, &c.«— Maity liv. 2%, kc^ — Luke, xzii. 19^ 
&cw-*l Cor. xi. 33, &c. 

6. Areqaestions, which do not appertain to fiutfa. Dr.iJr'* 
. 8. It is an article of the catholic fiuth — by the power of 
Chipt, change d op p e anmces of hnad and wine «till re* 
mainiifig. Dr. C 


the sptcia or appearances of brtad and mne, by the 
will of God, remaining as they were. But, 

9- Christ is not present in this sacrament, ac- Butaftcra 
cording to his ttatural way of existence, or rather '"P*™*'"*- 
ae bodiet naturally exist, but in a manner proper to 
the character of his exalted and gtoriJUd body: 
his presence then is real and lubslantiai, but lacra- 
mental; not exposed to the external senses, or 
obnoxious to corporal contingencies. 

10. Neither is the body of Christ, in this holy Whols 
sacrament, leparated from his blood, or his blood thrisi in 
from his body, or either of Uiem disjoined from his cjes?'^ 
soul and divinity; but all and whole' living Jetiit Hence 

is entirely contained under either species : so that ^^JIJ^""*" 
whosoever ruceives under one kind is truly |Hir- under one 
taker of the whole sacrament ; he is not deprived „!■ '^''' 
either of the body or the blood of Christ. True it prifcd 
jg eiilieroflhebodjr or Uood of Chrift' 

11. Onr Saviour left unto us his body and blood. Of the as- 
under two distinct ipeciet, or kinds; in doing of ^l^"** 
which he instituted not only a tacrament, but also 
Asacnfice'; a commemorative sarrijice, distinctly 
showing" his death and bloody passion, antU ke 

come. For as the sacrifice of the cron waa pei^ 
fonned by a distinct eff'ution of blood ; so is ihat 
sacrifice commemorated in that of the aitar, hr « 

• John, vi. 4Bt &G. ' Luke, xui. \g,lLC.  i Car. b. sS. 


-distinction of the syndfob. Jesus therefore is herd 
gtveity not only to uSf hut for us; and the church 
thereby is enriched with a true, proper, and pro- 
pitiatory sacrifice, usually termed the 111055. 
Worshipof 12. Catholics renounce all divine worship and 
*™*®l adoration of images and pictures; God alone we 
impo^on u)orship andadore^ ; nevertheless we place pictures 
tttholics. in our churches ^, to reduce our wandering thoughts, 
is some ^^^ ^ enliven our memories towards heavenly 
veneration things. Further, we show a certain respect to the 
piotires ^° images of Christ and his saints, beyond what is 
due to every profane figure ; not that we can be- 
lieve any divinity or orirtue to reside in them» for 
which they ought to be honoured, but because the 
honour given to pictures is referred to the proto* 
type, or thing represented. In like manner, 
and other 13. There is a kind of honour and respect due 
?^^ to the bible, to the crew, to the name of Jesus, to 
churches, to the sacraments, &c. as things pecu- 
liarly appertaining to God* ; and to kings^ magis' 
trates, and superiors'^ on earth : to whom honour is 
due, honour may be given, without any deroga- 
tion to the majesty of God, or that divine worship 
which is appropriate to him. Moreover, 

* Luke, iv. 8. 

y Exod.xxv. 18. — ^Numb. xxi. 8.— Luke, iii. aa. — Acts, v. 15. 

* Exod. XXV. 18. — Josue, \ii. 6.— Phil. ii. 10.— Acts,xix. 13* 

* 1 Pet. ii. 17. — Rom. xiii. 7. 

la. And excite our memory— we allow a certain honour to 
be shown to the images — ^beyond what is due to profane 
figures. Not that we believe. Dr. C. 

13. Also to the glorious saints in heaven*, as the friends of 
God; and to kings— without derogating from the majesty. 
Dr. C. 

* John, xii. ao. 


14. Catholics believe, that the blessed saints in Prayer to 
heaven, replenished with chanty, pray ** for us ^^ ^^* 
ihm fellow-members here on earth; that they re- 
joice at our conversion^; that seeing God "^^ they 
see and know in him all things suitable to their 
happy state : but Ood may be inclinable to heitf 
their requests made in our behalf, and for their 
sakes may grant us many favours*; therefore we 
believe that it is good and profitable to desire th^ 
intercession. Can this manner of iiwocation be 
more injurious to Christ our mediator ^ than it is 
for one christian to beg the prayers ^ of another 
here on earth ? However, catholics are not taught Yetso aa 
so to rely on the prayers of others, as to neglect nottoneg- 
their own* duty to Ood ; in imploring his divine duties. 
mercy and goodness ; in mortifying the deeds of the 
Jlesh ^ ; in despising the world' ; in hmng and serv- 
ing God ^ and their neighbour ; in following the 
footsteps of Christ our Lord, who is the way^ the 
truths and the life^\ to whom be honour and ' 
glory for ever and ever. Amen. 

*» Rev. V. 8. ^ Luke, xv. 7. <* i Cor. xiii. la. 

' Exod. xxxii. 13.— aChron. vi. 4a. ' Rom. xv. 30. 
' Jam. u. \*jf &c. ^ Roin. xiii. 14. ' Rom. xii. a. 
^ Gal. V. 6. * John, xiv. 6. 

14. That God may be inclined— and that this manner of 
invocation is no more injurious — the prayers of another in this 
world. Notwithstanding which, catholics are not taught— In 
mortifying the flesh and its deeds. Dr. C 



NOTE 11; referred to ih. page iga. 
The Symbol bf Piiu ike Ibufik. 

A BVGCiNCT and explicit minunary of tke doctiiiio 
contained in the canons of the council of Trant, ia 
expressed in the creed which was pabliahed by Pioa the 
fourth in 1564, in the form of a bull, and usually beavs 
his name. It is receired throughout the whole roman« 
catholic church : every roman-catholic who is admitted 
into the catholic church, publidy reads and professes 
his assent to it. 

The tenor is as follows : '' I, H. believe and pro- 
'' fess> with a firm faith, all and every one of the things 
** which are contained in the symbol of faith, which is 
** used in the holy roman ohurdi, viz. 

'' I believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker 
** of h^ven and earth, and of aU iUngs visible and 
** invisible ; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the only 
*' begotten Son of God, light of light, true God of true 
*^ God, begotten, not made, consubstantial to the Father, 
'^ by whom all things were made ; who, for us men, and 
^' for our salvation, came down from heaven, and was 
" incarnate by the Holy Ghost, of the Virgin Mai^i^and 
<' was made man ; was crucified also for us under 
'' Pontius Pilate, suffered, and was buried, and rose 
*' again the third day^ according to the scriptures, and 
<' ascended into heaven, sits at the right hand of the 
" Father, and will come again with glory to judge the 
" living and the dead, of whose kingdom tfiere will be no 
^ end : and in the Holy Ghost, the Lord and Life-giver, 
'* who proceeds from the Father and the Son ; who, 
" together with the Father and the Son is adored and 


^' glorified; who spoke by the prophets. And one holy 
'' cathoUc and apostolic church. I confess one bap* 
'' tism for the remission of sins, and I expect the resu^- 
'* rection of the body, and the life of the worid to 
" come. Amen. -^ 

'' I most firmly admit and embrace apostolical and 
** ecclesiastical traditions, and all other constitutions 
*' and observances of the same church. 

^' I also admit the sacked scriptures according to the 
*' sense which the holy mother church has held, and 
^^ does bold, to whom it belongs to judge of the true 
** sense and interpretation of the holy scriptures ; nor 
'^ will I ever take and interpret them otherwise than 
^* according to the unanimous consent of the fathers. 

'^ I profess also, that there are truly and properly 

seven sacraments of the new law, instituted by Jeius 

Christ our Lord, and for the salvation of mankind, 
^' though all are not necessary for every one; viz. bap* 
*^ tism, confirmation^ eucharist, penance, extreme ime- 
" tion, order, and matrimony ; and that they confer 
'* grace ; and of these, baptism, confirmation, and order, 
'* cannot be reiterated without sacrilege. 

^^ I also receive and admit the ceremonies of the 
^^ catholic church, received and approved in the solemn 
'' administration of all the above said sacraments. 

'* I receive and embrace all and every one of the 
'^ things which have been defined and declared in the 
^' holy council of Trent, concerning original sin and 
," justification. 

** I profess, likewise, that in the mass is offered to God 
'* a true, proper, and propitiatory sacrifice for the Uving 
^' and the dead ; and that in the most holy sacrailient of 
f* the eucharist, there is truly, really, and substantially 
^' the body and blood, together vrith the soul and divinity 
^' of our Lord Jesus Christ ; and that there is made a 
*^ conversion of the whole substance of the bread into 



^ t&e body, and of the whole substance of tb6 Wine into 
^^ the Uood ; which conreraion the cathcdic church calhi 
^ tnmsnbstantiation. 

^ I confess also, that nnder either kind alone, whole 
^ and entire, Christ and a true sacrament is received. 

** I constantly hold that there is a purgatory, and that 
^ the souls detained therein, are helped by the sufiages 
^ of the faithful. 

* ^* Likewise, that the saints reigning together ¥fith 
'' Christy are to be honoured and invocated, that they 
*^ offer prayers to God for us, and that their relics are 
^ to be venerated. 

' ^ I most firmly assent, that the images of Christ, and 
'' of the Mother of God ever virgin, and also of the 
^ other saints, are to be had and retained ; and that due 
^* honour and veneration are to be given to them. 

*^ I also affirm, that the power of indulgences was 
^' left by Christ in the church ; and that the use of them 
•** is most wholesome to christian people. 
' ^' I acknowledge the holy catholic and apostolio 
" roman church, the mother and mistress of all churches; 
" and I promise and swear true obedience to the 
*' roman bishop, the successor of St. Peter, prince of 
'* the apostles, and vicar of Jesus Christ. 

" I also profess and undoubtingly receive all other 
*' things delivered, defined, and declared by the sacred 
** canons and general councils, and particularly by the 
** holy council of Trent ; and likewise I also condemn, 
" reject, and anathematize all things contrary thereto, 
*' and all heresies whatsoever, condemned and anathe- 
" matized by the church. 

" This true catholic faith, out of which none can be 

'* saved, which I now freely profess, and truly hold, 

** I, N. promise, vow, and swear most constantly to 

>^ hold and profess the same whole and entire, with God's 

*' assistance, to the end of my life. Amen^" 


Since the preceding sheets were printed, the writer 
of them has seen the " Travels of Cosmo the third, 
'^ grand duke of Tuscany, through England, during the 
" reign of king Charles the second, (1669) translated 
" from the Italian manuscript in the Laurentian library at 
*' Florence, 4to. London, 1821."— A manuscript relation 
of the travels of the grand duke through different parts 
of Europe, is contained in two large volimies deposited 
in the Laurentian library. That part of them, which 
relates to his travels in England, is contained in the 
present publication. A memoir of his life is prefixed, and 
the work is illustrated by a portrait of bis highness, and 
by thirty-nine plates of different places in which he was 
received. La Lande, (Voyage en Italie, torn. ii. p. 286) 
mentions the original, and says, " Je ne vois aucun 
" exemple, si qe n'est celui du czar Pierre le grand) d'un 
'* prince, qui a voyage avec tant de curiosite, de 
'* gout, et d'utilit^." We shall here insert the account 
given in this work, of the condition of the English 
catholics, at the time of the visit of his highness to this 
country. It accords with the citations in this volume 
from father Leander and signer Panzani : 

" The catholic religion still exists in England^ though 
" without the power of showing itself openly. The 
'^ semi-public exercise of it is tolerated in the queen's 
" chapel at St. James's, and in that of the queen mother 
" at Somerset^house, and in the oratories of the catho- 
*' lie princes. To these places there is free access, 
" except when, at the instigation of parliament, the 
** decrees of queen Elizabeth against catholics are re- 
" newed. On those occasions people go to them with 
" greater caution, that they may not render themselves 
^' liable to the severity of the above laws, and secretly 
** avail themselves in their own houses of the services 

VOL. 111. L L 


« of missionary priests, who are maintained by the c»- 
** tholic families to adminkter to their spiritual wants. 
*^ The king moreover, whose business it is to enforce 
** these harsh measures, suspends the execution of it, 
<' either from poUtical reasons, or to gratify the good 
'' disposition of the catholic queen his wife, from whose 
** exemplary conduct, those catholics who live in Eng- 
'^ land, either openly or secretly, derive no small advan- 
** tage in evading the rigour of the punishment attached 
'< to all who do not conform to the heresy of the 
'* kingdom. 

*^ A considerable number of priests of either order, 
'' both secular and regular, watch over the spiritual con- 
^' cems of the catholics. They are divided into several 
'' companies ; and are very attentive to the fulfilment 
'^ of their duties. The first are English or Irishmen, 
^* eminent for their zeal and learning, who have been 
** educated and instructed in the seminaries founded 
" for the youths of those nations in Rome, in Spain, 
*' and in Flanders, where they attend equally to the 
'* study of religion and literature. These receive in- 
" struction for the proper management of their respec- 
" tive charges from an ecclesiastic, whom they call the 
" head of the clergy, who is established in England, 
*' almost with the authority of an ordinary. He com- 
** municates to other coadjutors, his deputies, in various 
" parts of the kingdom, a power resembling his own, 
" or more limited, as it may happen ; all of them, how- 
" ever, are, in the first instance, subordinate to the 
" nuncio in France, and, at present, to the internuncio 
" in Flanders, to whom, as being nearer to these parts, 
** the superintendence of the missions of England and 
*' Ireland has been entrusted ; and this he retains in 
" conjunction with that which he before had over that 
** of the United Provinces. The regulars are subject 
*' to the government of their own prelates, who appoint 


'^ them to such particular missions as belong to their 
*' respective orders. 

" There are many religious of the orders of St. Bene- 
" diet, of St. Augustin, of St. Dominic, of St. Francis, 
" and of the society of Jesus, who perform their spiri- 
" tual duties towards the catholics with much fervor, 
" encouraging them to preserve in their manners the 
" purity of the ancient faith, which, as far as the lower 
** orders are concerned, is at present kept up princi- 
*' pally by those who live in the country, and have re- 
'* tired thither to avoid the persecutions which herety 
** is perpetually stirring up in the city, where almost 
" the whole of the populace is infected by its contagion. 
*' Various disputes arise among the missionaries; the 
^* seculars thinking that the regulars extend their privi- 
*' leges further than they ought; and these, on the 
*^ other hand, complaining that the seculars impede 
'^ them in the exercise of their missions. The greatest 
'^ complaints ate against certain Jesuits, because, under 
" the pretence of their peculiar privileges, they are de- 
'^ sirous to administer the missions, without recognizing 
'^ any other superiority in this kingdom than that which 
'* is set over them by their own society. This is the 
'' cause of the dissentions which, in no small degree, 
" disturb this pious ministry, both in England and 
'^ Holland : on which account, appeals are constantly 
** coming from both parties, not only to the apostolic 
'^ minister in Flanders, but to the congregation at 
" Rome, being carried thither by the queen's grand 
" almoner, and the heads of the English clergy, of both 
** descriptions, and by the bishop of Chartres, apostolic 
" vicar of the United Provinces. 

" To avoid the further exasperation of these discor- 
*^ dant spirits, to the great detriment of the holy faith, 
'^ gentle and moderate measures are adopted, such as 
^* serious admonitions and exhortations to unanimity; 



M and to settle . the differeaces at onfie, it has been 
^< wished at Rome to consecrate, as titular bishop in 
<i Eoglandy some ecclesiastic of int^rity and talent, a 
^ native of the kingdom, who may watch orer the mia- 
'^ sions in the same manner aci is done in Holland. For 
^^ this purpose, they cast their eye upon Philip Howard, 
f' grand almoner to the queen, having ascertained that 
'' the king was no way averse from each a step ; but 
'' the afiairs of the kingdom being in a condition not 
*^ very favourable to the catholics, owing to the invele- 
<< racy of the parliament, it was thought unseasonable, 
'' and was judged more prudent, the same having been 
'' hinted by the king, to put off the execution of such a 
^< proceeding to some other more favourable opportu- 
*< nity. in the mean time, the bishops of Ireland per- 
" form the episcopal functions for Uie benefit of the 
** catholics, and come over occasionally ip exercise their 
'' charge in the best manner in their power." 


Lake Hansard and Sons, 
near Lincoln's-Iim-Fields^ London. ^ 

.r . 

I - #